Reconstructing the Reality of Images: Byzantine Material Culture and Religious Iconography (11th-15th Centuries)

THE MEDIEVAL MEDITERRANEAN PEOPLES, ECONOMIES AND CULTURES, 400-1453 RECONSTRUCTING THE REALITY OF IMAGES Byzantine Ma...

Author: Maria G. Parani

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THE

MEDIEVAL MEDITERRANEAN PEOPLES, ECONOMIES AND CULTURES, 400-1453

RECONSTRUCTING THE REALITY OF IMAGES Byzantine Material Culture and Religious Iconography (11 th-15th Centuries)

EDITORS

HUGH KENNEDY (St. Andrews) MAGDALINO (St. Andrews) DAVID ABULAFIA (Cambridge) BENJAMIN ARBEL (Tel Aviv) MARK MEYERSON (Toronto) i.ARRy J. SIMON (Western Michigan University) PAUL

BY

MARIA G. PARANI

VOLUME 41

BRILL LEIDEN' BOSTON 2003

This book is printed on acid-free paper.

Library of Congress Catalogmg-in-Publication Data Parani, Maria G. Reconstructing the reality of images : Byzantine material culture and religious iconography, 11th-15th centuries / by .l\.faria G. Parani. p. em. -(fhe Medieval Mediterranean, ISSN 0928-5520; v. 41) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 9004124624 I. Material culture-Byzantine Empire. 2. Material culture in art. 3. Art, Byzantine. 4. Christianity and art-Orthodox Eastern Church. 5. Semiotics Byzantine Empire. 1. Title. n. Series. DF60 I .P37 2003 391 '.009495'902 l---<:Ic2 I

2002066553

To 11!Y parents Die Deutsche Bibliothek - CIP-Einheitsaufnahm.e Parani, Maria G.: Reconstructing the reality of images: byzantine material culture and religious iconography 11th - 15th centuries / by Maria G. Parani. - Leiden ; Boston: Brill, 2003 ('The medieval Mediterranean; Vcl. 41) ISBN 90-04-12462-4

ISSN ISBN

0928-5520 90 04 12462 4

© Copyright 2003 by Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands

All rights reserved. No part if this publicatwn mt;)' be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrumal9'stem, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permissicn.from the publisher. Authorizatwn to photocopy items for internal or personal use is granted by Brill provided that the appropriateftes are paid directly to The Copyright Clearance Center, 222 Rosewood Drive, Suite 910 DanuersMA 01923, USA. Fees are su/ijecl to change. PRINI'ED IN THE NETHERLANDS

CONTENTS Preface ............................................ .......................................... List of Illustrations List of Abbreviations····:::::::::::::::::::::·················· ...................... . ......................................... INTRODUCTION

xi xv

xxxv

................................................................

Chapter One IMPERIAL COSTUME ............................ .. THE COSTUME .................................................................... .. The Chlamys-Costume ...................................................... .. The Loros-Costume ............................................................ The Crown .................................................................... .. The Shoes ...................................................................... .. The Sceptre and the Lobarum ...................................... .. The Akakia .................................................................... .. The Orb ........................................................................ .. USE IN RELIGIOUS ICONOGRAPHY ...................................... .. Rulers, Biblical and Non-Biblical ................................ .. Emperors and Empresses ............................................ .. Personifications ............................................................... . Angelic Orders .............................................................. .. Chapter Two OFFICIAL AND ARISTOCRATIC COSTUME ...................................................................... .. THE COSTUME ..................................................................... . Male Dress .................................................................... .. Female Dress ................................................................ .. USE IN RELIGIOUS ICONOGRAPHY ...................................... .. Officials in Narrative Scenes ........................................ .. Aristocrats in Narrative Scenes .................................... .. Martyrs .......................................................................... .. Angels ............................................................................ .. Chapter Three MILITARY COSTUME ........................ .. THE COSTUME .................................................................... .. Body-Armour ................................................................. . - Scale and Lamellar Armour .................................... ..

11 12 12 18

27 30 31 33 33 34 34 38

41 42 51

52 52 72

80 80 93

94 99

101 104 104 104

CONTENTS

viii

CONTENTS

112 - l\1ail Armour ............................................................ .. - Plate Armour ., ............................................................... . 115 - Protection for the Neck ................................................ .. 116 - Garments Worn Beneath the Armour ........................ .. - Garn1ents Worn Over the Armour ............................ .. Leg-Protection ................................................................... . Helmets ............................................................................... . Shields ................................................................................. . Swords ................................................................................ .. Axes and Maces ................................................................ .. Lances and Javelins ........................................................... . Bows .................................................................................. .. USE IN RELIGIOUS ICONOGRAPHY

.......................................... ..

Soldiers and Bodyguards in Narrative Scenes .............. .. Rulers, Biblical and Non-Biblical, in Narrative Scenes .... .. Military Saints ................................................................... . The Archangels Michael and Gabriel ............................ .. Chapter Four

THE

FURNITURE AND FURNISHINGS

FURNITURE AND FURNISHINGS

..........................................

Thrones .. ................ ....... ................. ........ ....... ....................... Other Furniture for Seating .............................................. Footstools ............................................................................ Tables .................................................................................. Beds and Bedding ............................................................. . Textile Furnishings ............................................................. . - Wall-Hangings and Curtains ........................................ .. - Carpets ........................................................................... . - For Bathing ..................................................................... . Chests and Cupboards ..................................................... . Lighting Devices ................................................................ .. USE IN RELIGIOUS ICONOGRAPHY

.......................................... ..

In Narrative Scenes ............................................................. Thrones in Non-Narrative Compositions Chapter Five

THE

159 160 160 167 170 173 176 179 179 184 185 185 188 191 191 194

IMPLEMENTS ................................................ .. 198

IMPLEMENTS

..................................................................... .

Writing Implements .......................................................... .. .......................................... In Narrative Scenes .......... ................................................ In the Portrayal of Saints .............................................. ..

USE IN RELIGIOUS ICONOGRAPHY

117

118 121 123 125 130 136 139 141 143 143 148 149 154

199

Agricultural Implements ................................................... . 199 Handicraft Implements .................................................... .. 202 Surgical Instruments ......................................................... . 204

ix

205 210 210 214

Chapter Six COMMENTARY 218 A. MOTIVES AND SOURCES OF ,~~~~~; ..;;; ..~·D~~;~~;~~ ~~·

..

ARTEFACTS IN BYZANTINE RELIGIOUS ART

221

Motivation .................................................. :::::::::::::::::::::::::::: 221 Sources of Inspiration ......................................................... . 227 The Question of Foreign Influences ................................... . 230 B.

CHRONOLOGICAL AND REGIONAL DIVERSITY

The Eleventh and the Twelfth Centuries

...................... ..

238 240 240 244 252 254 254 256

Types of Contemporary Artefacts Repre~~~~~d .. ·:::::::::::: Regional Diversification ................................................. . The Cultural Context .................................................... .. The Late Byzantine Period ................................................ .. Types of Contemporary Artefacts Represented ........... . Regional Diversification ................................................. . The Cultural Context .................................................... .. 272 Conclusions .......................................................................... .. 274 C.

CREATORS AND RECIPIENTS OF RELIGIOUS ART AS FACTORS INFLUENCING THE OCCURRENCE OF REAL/A

..........................

SYNOPSIS ......... ............................. ............. ..... ........... ........... ..........

276 290

Appendix 1: Monasteries and Churches Mentioned in the Text and the Captions of the Plates ................ .. 293 Appendix 2: Portraits of Byzantine Emperors and Their Families (Ninth to Fifteenth Centuries) ............ .. 313 Appendix 3: Portraits of Byzantine Officials, Aristocrats, and Commoners (Tenth to Fifteenth Centuries) ...... 325 Tables Glossary ....................................................................................... . Bibliography ............................................................................... . Index ........................................................................................... .

342 344

350 375

PREFACE The present work constitutes the first comprehensive study of contemporary secular artefacts (realia) represented in Byzantine art that considers such representations from both an archaeological and an art-historical point of view. However, it is not exhaustive, nor was it ever meant to be. Rather, it aspires to demonstrate the potential of using Byzantine religious art as a supplementary source on Byzantine material culture through the discussion of characteristic examples and to put forward a sound methodology for extracting the visual evidence. Furthermore, it proposes an alternative way of looking at Byzantine art which can help us recapture the multi-layered content of Byzantine images and enhance our understanding of the generative processes of religious iconography. It was while an undergraduate at the University of Athens that I became interested in the question of what is contemporary and what is conventional in the representation of costume and. paraphernalia in Byzantine figurative art. I am thankful to my teachers at Athens, Dr. Helene Delegianne-Dore and Dr. Maria Panagiotide for cultivating my interest in Byzantine painting and pointing me towards this direction. The present book is a slighdy revised version of my doctoral dissertation (University of Oxford 1999). I am particularly grateful to the supervisor of the thesis, Dr. Marlia Mundell Mango, for her unreserved guidance and support throughout the years. I am also grateful to the examiners of the thesis, Prof. Henry Maguire and Dr. Julian Raby, as well as to Prof. Cyri! Mango, Dr. James Howard-:Johnston, Dr. Jonathan Bardill, Dr. Ioanna Christophoraki, Dr. Eva Bamboula and Dr. Marcus Milwright for their careful reading of parts of the thesis and for their very helpful remarks. My special thanks go to Prof. Sharon EJ. Gerstel for reading and commenting on the final draft of the book and for many thought-provoking discussions on matters Byzantine. I am also grateful to Mrs. Mary loannides for helping me improve my English prose. I would like to extend my thanks to the various institutions which, through their financial support, made it possible for me to carry out the extensive research and travel necessary for this study. I gratefully acknowledge the Overseas Students Research Award and a

xii

PREFACE

Bursary from the Royal Historical Society towards university fees. I am indebted to Exeter College, Oxford, the An~old, Bryce an~ Re~d Fun ds, an d the Committee for Graduate StudIes of theh UmversIty F 11 h' of Oxford for grants towards research expenses. A Researc <e ows Ip at Dumbarton Oaks, Washington, D.C., for 200l-2?02.enabled me to revise the thesis and give it its final form for pubhcatlOn. I would also like to acknowledge the invaluable assistance of the staff.members of the Bodleian Library, Oxford, the Ashmolean Museum Library, and the Byzantine Library at Dumbarton Oaks. I am greatly indebted to the following per~ons,. departments, and institutions for providing me with photographlC pnnts and for gr.anting me permission to publish photographs of monuments and objects under tlleir jurisdiction: tlle Cyprus Museum and the Department of Antiquities of Cyprus; the metropolitan of Morphou Mr. Neophytos; the metropolitan of Paphos Mr. Chrys~s~omo~; Mr. .Char. Chatzecharalambous, director of the office of rehglOus mstruchon of the metropolis of Paphos; the archimandrite Mr. Leontio~, abbot of the Monastery of S1. Neophytos, Paphos; the Congregahon ~f the Representatives and the Abbots of the Twenty Holy Monastenes of Mount Athos at the Protaton and the abbots of the Monasteries of the Great Lavra, Vatopedi, Koutloumousiou, and Dionysiou; the abbot of the Monastery of St. John the Theologian, Patmos; the Byzantine and Christian Museum, Athens; the 3rd, 4th, 5th, 7th, 8th, 9th, 10th, and II th Ephorates of Byzantine Antiquities, Greece; Mrs. Aikaterine Kordoule, curator of Manuscripts and Facsimiles, National Library of Greece, and Mr. Manoles Manole, photographer; the American School of Classical Studies, Corinth Excavations, and Mrs. Nancy Bookides; Dumbarton Oaks, Washington, D.C., especially, Dr. Natalia Teteriatnikov, curator of the Byzantine Photograph and Fieldwork Archives, Miss Katherine Hill, assistant to the curator of the Byzantine Photograph and Fieldwork Archives, Mrs. Smiljka Soretic, assistant for technical services, Byzantine Photograph and Fieldwork Archives, Miss Marta Zlotnick, curatorial assistant, Byzantine Collection, and Mr.Joe Mills, photographer; the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford; the Middle East Centre, St. Antony's College, University of Oxford; the Bodleian Library, Oxford; Mrs. Fiona Piddock, Librarian of Lincoln College, Oxford; the British Library; the British Museum; the Bibliotheque nationale de France; the Louvre; the Musees de SellS; the City of Bayeux; Mrs. Tauana Fiedler, Photographic Archive, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Preussischer Kulturbesitz,

PREFACE

xiii

Skulpturensammlung und Museum fur Byzantinische Kunst; the Will'ttembergische Landesbibliothek, Stuttgart; the Kunsthistorisches Museum, Vienna; the Biblioteca Apostolica Vatican a; the Direzione Generale, Musei Vaticani; the Istituto Centrale per il Catalogo e la Documentazione, Rome; the Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana Venice' the Procuratoria di San Marco, Venice; the Museo Diocesan~ di Art~ Sacra, Rossano; the Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid; Mrs. N.N. Vasina, assistant director of the Photographic Archive, State T retyakov Gallery; the State Hermitage Museum and Dr. Yuri Piatnitsky; the Archaeological Institute of Belgrade and Drs. V. Ivanisevic, M. Popovic and Branislav Cvetkovic; the Hungarian National Museum and Mr. Etele Kiss; Dr. Rachel Hasson, artistic director, L.A. Mayer Museum for Islamic Art, Jerusalem; the Topkapl Sara)'1 Museum, Istanbul; Prof. Sharon EJ. Gerstel; Dr. Catherine Jolivet-Uvy; NIr. Miodrag Markovic and Prof. Ivan Djordjevic; Prof. Cyril Mango and Dr. Marlia Mundell Mango; Profs. Elka Bakalova and Kazimir Popkonstantinov, and Dr. Rossina Kostova; Mr. Ivan Bentchev; Mr. Alfred Rocklage. I would also like to thank Miss Marcella Mulder, assistant editor at Brill Academic Publishers, for her help with a number of photographic orders and for her willing assistance throughout the long process of producing the book. I would like to extend my thanks to Dr. Irene van Rossum, production editor at Brill. Finally, my deepest gratitude and thanks go to my family and, especially, my parents for their unwavering support, encouragement, and patience. vVashington, D.C., Dumbarton Oaks April 2002

Note on transliteration: Well-known and standardized English equivalents of Greek names of people and places, such as Constantine or Cappadocia, have been retained. Otherwise, I have tried to follow the transliteration system of the O'gord DiCtiollllry if By<:alllium.

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS Plates 11, 24, 64, 74, 79, 82, 85 and 241 are reproduced in the colnur section beween pages 10 and 11. 1. The Middle Byzantine imperial chlamys-costume (based on the portrait of Michael VII Doukas in Coislin 79, (2r, 1071-1081) 2. The Middle Byzantine male crossed toros-costume (based on the portrait of Michael VII Doukas in Coislin 79, f. 1(2bis)v, 1071-1081). 3. The Late Byzantine male simplified loros-costume (based on the portrait of Manuel 11 Palaiologos in Par. suppl. gr. 39, f. VI, 1407). 4. The Middle Byzantine female Ioros-costUTrU! (based on the portrait of Maria of Antioch in Vat. gr. 1176, f. Ilr, 1166) 5. The Late Byzantine female loros-costume (based on the portrait of Anna of Savoy in Stuttgart, cod. hist. 2° 601, f. 4, 1328-1341). 6. Coislin 79, f. 2v (1071-1081). Michael VII Doukas (1071-1078) flanked by St. John Chrysostom and the archangel Michael. (photo Bibliotheque nationale de France) 7. Trebizond, St. Sophia. Nineteenth-century drawing of a nowdestroyed portrait of Manuel I Komnenos of Trebizond (12381263). [after Gagarin G.G., Recueil d'omaTrUints et d'architecture byzantines, georgiens et russes (St. Petersburg, 1897), pI. XXV] 8. London, The Bristish Museum. Medallion ofJohn VIII Palaiologos (1425-1448) by Pisanello, obverse: Bust of the emperor (© Copyright The British Museum) 9. Ravenna, San Vitale (c. 547). Justinian, bishop Maximian, clergy, officials, and imperial bodyguards. (photo courtesy of the Ministero per i Beni e le Attivita Culturali e Ambientali, Istituto Centrale per il Catalogo e la Documentazione, Rome) 10. Ravenna, San Vitale (c. 547). Theodora, ladies of the court, and officials, detail. (photo courtesy of the Ministero per i Bern e le Attivita Culturali e Ambientali, Istituto Centrale per il Catalogo e la Documentazione, Rome) 11. Coislin 79, f. 2r (1071-1081). Michael VII Doukas (1071-1078) enthroned, flanked by four officials. (photo Bibliotheque nationale de France) 12. Vat. gr. 666, ( 2r (after 1109-1111). Alexios I Komnenos (10811118), turning to face the chorus of Church Fathers represented on f. Iv. (© Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana)

xvi

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

(!

13. Vat. gr. 666, ( 2v (after 11 09-1111). Alexios I K?mneno~ 0811118) presenting a codex to the enthroned Chnst. (© Blbhoteca Apostolica Vaticana) . . . 14. Paris, Bibliotheque nationale, Cabmet des medailles. The Romanos ivory (945-949). (photo Bibliotheque ~ationale de Fra~ce) 15. Harvard University Art Museums, vVhittemore Collection. Gold solidus of Constantine VII Porphyrogennetos (945). (photo courtesy of Dumbarton Oaks, Washington, D.C.) . 16. The draping of the trabea triumphalis. [after Ho.uston M.G., AnCIent Greek, Roman and Byzantzize Costume and Decoratzon (London, 1947), fig. 138b-c] . I 7. Gavu§in, Pigeon House Church (963-969), apse of the protheSIS. Family portrait of Nikephoros II Phokas (963-969). (ph~to by Ann VVharton Epstein, courtesy of Dumbarton Oaks, Washington, D.C.) . 18. Constantinople, Hagia Sophia, south gallery. Constantme IX Monomachos (1042-1055) and Zoe (tI050). (photo courtesy of Dumbarton Oaks, Washington, D.C.) 19. Coislin 79, ( 1(2bis)v (1071-1081). Michael VII Doukas (1071-1078) and Maria of Alania crowned by Christ. (photo Bibliotheque nationale de France) 20. Constantinople, Hagia Sophia, south gallery. John II Komnenos (1118-1143) and Eirene (tI 134). (photo courtesy of Dumbarton Oaks, Washington, D.C.) 21. Vat. urb. gr. 2, ( 19v (I 122-ll42).John II Komnenos (1118-1143) and his eldest son Alexios (t 1142) crowned by the enthroned Christ. (© Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana) 22. Vat. gr. 1176, ( I1r (1166). Manuel I Komnenos (1143-1180) and Maria of Antioch. (© Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana) 23. Athens, Byzantine and Christian Museum, Ms 80, XAE 3570. Miniature from a chrysobull of Andronikos H Palaiologos (1301). (courtesy of the Byzantine and Christian Museum, Athens. Photographic Archive, photograph by S. Panagiotopoulos) 24. Par. gr. 1242, £ 5v (completed in 1375). John VI Kantakouzenos (1347-1354) presiding over the Church Council of 1351. (photo Bibliotheque nationale de France) 25. Istanbul, Archaeological Museum. Marble inlay icon of St. Eudokia from the Monastery of Lips, 907 (h.: 0.575 m; w.: 0.27 m). (© Erich Lessing/Art Resource, NY) 26. Kastoria, Sts. Anargyroi (second half of tenth or first half of

xvii

eleventh century). Sts. Constantine and Helena and the funerary portrait of one Constantine. [after Pelekanides S. and Chatzidakes M., Kastoria (Athens, 1985), fig. 6 on p. 29] 27. Harvard University Art Museums, Whittemore Collection. Gold histamenon of Romanos IV Diogenes (1068-1071). (photo courtesy of Dumbarton Oaks, Washington, D.C.) 28. Stuttgart, cod. hist. 2° 60 I, ( 4. Anna of Savoy, wife of Andronikos III (1328-1341). (photo Wiirttembergische Landesbibliothek, Stuttgart) 29. Budapest, Magyar Nemzeti Museum. The Crown of Constantine IX Monomachos (1042-1055). (photo Magyar Nemzeti Museum) 30. Budapest, Hungarian Parliament, The Holy Crown of Hungary, back (1074-1077). [after Cuder A. and Spieser ].-M., Byzance Midiivaie 700-1204 (Paris, 1996), fig. 267] 31. Middle and Late Byzantine male imperial crowns (not to scale): a. Marc. gr. Z. 17, ( IIIr. Basil II (976-1025) b. Constantinople, Hagia Sophia. Constantine IX Monomachos (1042-1055) c. Coislin 79, f. I (2bis)v. Michael VII Doukas (1071-1078) d. Constantinople, Hagia Sophia. John II Komnenos (1118-1143) e. Vat. gr. 1176, f. Hr. Manuel I Komnenos (1143-1180) ( Athens, Byzantine Museum. Chrysobull of 130 I, Andronikos II Palaiologos (1282-1328) g. Stuttgart, cod. hist. 2° 601, £ 2. Andronikos III Palaiologos (1328-1341) h. Par. gr. 1242, f. 5v. John VI Kantakouzenos (1347-1354) i. Par. supp/. gr. 309, f. VI. Manuel 11 Palaiologos (13911425) 32. Middle and .Late Byzantine female imperial crowns (not to scale): a. Constantinople, Hagia Sophia. Zoe, wife of Constantine IX Monomachos (1042-1055) b. Coislin 79, f. I (2bis)v. Maria of Alania, wife of Michael VII Doukas (1071-1078) c. Constantinople, Hagia Sophia. Eirene, wife of John 11 Komnenos (1118-1143) d. Vat. gr. 1176, f. IIr. Maria of Antioch, wife of Manuel I Komnenos (1143-1180) e. Stuttgart, cod. hist. 2° 601, f. 4. Anna of Savoy wife of Andronik , os III Palaiologos (1328-1341) 33. Tournai Cathedral , Treasury . Gold re I'lquary cross set with

xviii

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

precious stones and pearls (tenth centUlY)· [after Splendeur de Byzance (Brussels, 1982), no. ?17] . . 34. Berlin, Museum fUr Spatanuke und Byzanumsche Kunst. The so-called 'sceptre' of Leo VI (886-912) (h.: 0.103 m; w.: O.I? m), back. (photo courtesy of the Staathche Museen zu Berlm .Preussischer Kulturbesitz, Skulpturensammlung und Museum fur Byzantinische Kunst) 35. Kurbinovo, St. George (1191). Descent into Hell, detail. (photo Bildarchiv Foto Marburg) 36. Verroia, church of the Anastasis (1315). Descent into Hell. (photo Dusan Tasic) 37. Daphni Monastery, katlwlikon Qate eleventh century), dome. David Qeft), Isaiah (centre), and Solomon (right). (photo courtesy of Dumbarton Oaks, Washington, D.C.) 38. Constantinople, Chora Monastery (1315-1321). Infancy cycle, the Journey of the Magi and the Magi before Herod. (photo courtesy of Dumbarton Oaks, Washington, D.C.) 39. Thessalonike, Holy Apostles (1329-1334). Cycle of St. John the Baptist, Herod's banquet. [after Nikonanos N., The Church qf the Holy Apostles in Thessalonik (Thessalonike, 1986), pI. 29] 40. Chios, Nea Mone (1049-1055). Descent into Hell, detail: David Qeft) and Solomon (right). (photo 3rd Ephorate of Byzantine Antiquities) 41. Qavu§in, Pigeon House Church (963-969), central apse. Sts. Constantine and Helena. (photo Catherine Jolivet-Levy) 42. Paphos, Enkleistra of St. Neophytos (after 1197). Sts. Constantine and Helena. (photo Cyprus Museum, with the kind permission of the Abbot of the Holy Monastery of St. Neophytos) 43. Kurbinovo, St. George (1191). Sts. Constantine and Helena, detail. (photo Alfred Rocklage) 44. Thessalonike, St. Nicholas Orphanos (1310-1320). Sts. Catherine and Eirene. (photo Sharon EJ. Gerstel) 45. Platsa, St. Nicholas (1343-1349). Cycle of St. Nicholas, The three generals before Constantine. [after Mouriki D., The Frescoes of St. Nicholas at Platsa in the Mani (Athens, 1975), pI. 39] 46. Par. gr. 74, f. 51v (mid-eleventh century). The Last Judgment. (photo Bibliotheque nationale de France) 47. Gtireme, New TokaiI kilise (mid-tenth century). Pentecost, detail: Joel and the Nations. (photo courtesy of Dumbarton Oaks, Washington, D.C.)

I

j

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48. Mistra, Peribleptos (third quarter of the fourteenth century). Pentecost. [after Avllpw71oUAou-KOlA.a.KQ'I) X., Mvrn~ (Athens, 1985), fig. 24] 49. Constantinople, Hagia Sophia, bema (c. 867). Archangel. (photo courtesy of Dumbarton Oaks, Washington, D.C.) 50. Gtireme, New TokaiI kilise (mid-tenth century), north apse. Theophany. (photo courtesy of Dumbarton Oaks, Washington, D.C.) 51. Thessalonike, Panagia ton Chalkeon (1028). The Last Judgment, detail: Deesis. [after Tsitouridou A., The Church qf the Panagia Chalkeon (Thessalonike, 1985), pI. 29] 52. Mistra, Metropolis (1291-1315). The LastJudgment, detail: The Hetoimasia. [after Xa't~TJIl6.K1l<; M., MVtnpCt,{;. H Jlsaaui>vII
LIST OF ILLUSTRATJONS

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

63. Kastoria, St. Nicholas Kasnitzes (1160-.1180). Ann~ wi~e of Nikephoros. [after Pelekanides S. and Chatzldakes M., Ltast071a (Athens, 1985), fig. 21 on p. 65] . .. 64. Madrid, Biblioteca Nacional, cod. VItr. 26-: (}"fafdridThSfD!lzlt~els), f. 42v (mid-twelfth century). The Pr?c~amatJOn ~ eop 11 .os (photo Laboratorio Fotografico de la Blbhoteca NaclOn~, Madnd) 65. DilJl!ysWu 6 I, f. 28v (second half of eleventh century). Julian the taxcollector. (photo Holy Monastery of St. Dionysios, ~ount Athos) 66. Kastoria, Sts. Anargyroi (c. 1180). Donor panel, detaIl: The?dore Lernniotes and his son John. [after Pelekanides S. and Chatzldakes M., Kastoria (Athens, 1985), fig. 23 on. p. 43] . 67. Oxford, Lincoln College, ms. gr. 35 (Lmcoln 1jJpzkon), £ 6r (13271342). The protosebastos Constantine Raoul Palaiologos and Euphrosyne. (© Lincoln College, Oxford) 68. Par. gr. 2144, £ IIr (after 1334). The megas doux Alexios Apokaukos. (photo Bibliotheque nationale de France) 69. Constantinople, Chora Monastery (1315-1321). Donor panel, detail: The wgotJzews Iou genikou Theodore Metochites. (photo courtesy of Dumbarton Oaks, Washington, D.C.) 70. Kastoria, Sts. Anargyroi (thirteenth-fourteenth century). Unidentified donor or supplicant. [after Pelekanides S. and Chatzidakes M., Kastoria (Athens, 1985), fig. 20 on p. 40] 71. Constantinople, Chora Monastery, Tomb C (fourteenth century). Funerary portraits on the back wall of the arcosolium. (photo courtesy of Dumbarton Oaks, Washington, D.C.) 72. Constantinople, Chora Monastery, Tomb F (fourteenth century). With vestiges of funerary portraits on the back wall of the arcosoliurn. (photo courtesy of Dumbarton Oaks, Washington, D.C.) 73. Mistra, Pantanassa. Funerary portrait of Manuel Laskares Chatzikes (tl445). [after lEE 8', on p. 285] 74. Oxford, Lincoln College, ms. gr. 35 (Lincoln Typikon) , f. I v (1327-1342). The sebastokrator Constantine Palaiologos and Eirene. (© Lincoln College, Oxford) 75. Jerusalem, L.A. Mayer Museum for Islamic Art. Gold belt-fittings from Syria ~ate thirteenth-early fourteenth century). (photo courtesy of the L.A. Mayer Museum for Islamic Art) 76. Moscow, Tretyakov Gallery. Silver gilt revetment of an icon of the Hodegetria (end of the thirteenth-beginning of the fourteenth century), donor portraits: Constantine Akropolites and Maria Akropolitissa. (photo The State Tretyakov Gallery)

77. Middl.e and Late Byzan.~ne m~le head-dresses (not to scale)' a. Goreme, Karanhk kihse (mId-eleventh centu ) J hE' matikos (side view) ry. 0 n ntal-

xx

78.

79. 80. 81.

82.

xxi

b. Vat. gr. 752, f. 163r (c. 1059). Uriah the Hittit (. d . ) c. SSo~anlh, KKarabba§ ki~li!se (1060/1). The protospa:a:a~ ~k;;~es d. ogan 1, ara a§ se (1060161). Anonymou d . f 79 f s onor e. COlS 1Il , . 2r (I 071-1081). The proedros and epi Iou kanikleiou (reconstructed) f. Coislin 79, f. 2r (107/-1081). The proedros and megas primikenos and th~ proedros and dekanos (front view) g. Madnd SfD!lztz;es, f. 51 (mid-twelfth century). Courtier h. Madrid SfD!litz;es, f. 42v (mid-twelfth century). Courtier (side view) 1. Vat. gr. 1851, f. 2v (I 179). Courtier (side view) j. Const~ntinople, Chora Monastery (1315-1321). The wgothetes tou genikou Theodore Metochites k. Par. gr. 2144, f. Ilr (after 1334). The megas doux Alexios Apokaukos 1. Lincoln 1jJpikon, If. 2r, 3r, 5r, 6r, 8r (1327-1342). Officials of the family of Theodora Synadene m. Par. gr. 1242, f. 5v (completed in 1375). Courtier n. Constantinople, Chora Monastery, Tomb D (fourteenth century). Michael Tornikes o. Mistra, Sts. Theodores. Unidentified supplicant (c. 1400) p. Mistra, Aphendiko. The despotes Theodore Palaiologos (tI407) q. Mistra, Pantanassa. Manuel Laskares Chatzikes (tI445) (side view) r. Mistra, Sts. Theodores. Unidentified supplicant (fifteenth century) Goreme, Qankh kilise (mid-eleventh century). Donor panel: Theognostos (left) and Leo and Michael (right), flanking a saint who carries the Holy Cross. (photo by Ann Wharton Epstein, courtesy of Dumbarton Oaks, Washington, D.C.) Vat. gr. 1851, f. 2v (illustrated epithalamion of 1179). Arrival of a messenger to Constantinople. (© Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana) Vat. gr. 1613, no. 98 (Menologium of Basil 11, beginning of eleventh century). St. Pelagia the Harlot. (© BibIioteca Apostolica Va?cana) Petrop. gr. 291, f. IIIr (1067). Eirene Gabras. (photo Archives of The State Hermitage Museum) Vat. gr. 752, f. 449v (c. 1059). The Dance of Myriam. (© Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana)

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

83. Vat. g/". 1851, f. 3v (illustrated epit~al~mwn of 1179~. The ~rrival of Agnes to Constantinople. (© Blbhoteca Apostol~ca VatJc~n~) 84 Kastoria Sts. Anargyroi (c. 1180). Donor panel, detail: The Vlrgm . and Child and Anna Radene [after Pelekanides S. and Chatzidakes M., Kastoria (Athens, 1985), fig. 22 ?n. p. 42] 85 Arta Panagia Bellas (1295/6).john TZlmlskes, brother of the donor, . and 'his wife Anna. (photo 8th Ephorate of Byzantine Antiquities) 86. Middle and Late Byzantine female head-dresses (not to scale): a. Menologium of Basil IT. 1613, no. 98 (beginning of eleventh century). St. Pelagia b. Vat. gr. 752, f. 449v (c. 1059). A Hebrew woman dancing c. Soganh, Canavar kilise. Female donor (c. 1060) d. Petrop. gr. 291, f. IIlr (1067). Eirene Gabras e. Koutloumousiou 60, f. Iv (before 1169). Female donor or supplicant f. Vat. gr. 1851, f. 3v (1179). A lady of the court g. Kastoria, St. Nicholas Kasnitzes (1160-1180). Anna, wife of the donor h. Kastoria, Sts. Anargyroi (c. 1180). Anna Radene I. Arta, Panagia Bellas (1295/6). Anna, sister-in-law of donor (after Orlandos) j. Lincoln 1jpilwn, ff. Iv, 2r, 3r, 4r, 5r, 6r, 8r, 9v (1327-1342). Female members of the family of Theodora Synadene k. Constantinople, Chora Monastery, Tomb D (fourteenth century). The wife of Michael Tornikes 87. Washington, D.C., Dumbarton Oaks Collection. Gold, crescentshaped earring (twelfth century). (photo courtesy of Dumbarton Oaks, Washington, D.C.) 88. Taranto, Museo Nazionale. Pair of gold earrings with three pellets (ninth-eleventh century). [after D'Angela C., Ori Bi;:.antini del Musei Na;:.ionale di Taranw (Taranto, 1989), no. 10] 89. Rossano Gospels, f. 16 (sixth century). Second of the Trial miniatures: Christ or Barabbas. (with the kind permission of the Museo Diocesano di Arte Sacra, Rossano) 90. Athens 93, f. 85r Oast quarter of twelfth century). Joseph of Arimathaia demanding the body of Christ for burial. (with the permission of the National Library of Greece/photo Manoles Manole) 91. Madrid, Biblioteca Nacional, cod. Vitro 26-2 (J.1adrid Slfylit;:.es), f. 43r(a) (mid-twelfth century). Theophilos orders the prefect to punish those responsible for the assassination of Leo V. (photo Laboratorio Fotografico de la Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid)

92. Thessalonike, St. Nicholas Orphanos (1310-1320) Ch' Pilate. (photo Ivan Djordjevit) . nst before 93. Constantinople, Chora Monastery (1315-1321) I f: Enrolment for Taxation. (photo courtesy of D' ~ ancy cycle, Washington, D.C.) urn arton Oaks,

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94. Kastoria, St. Nicholas Kasnitzes (1160-1180). C i f S N' · h I yc e 0 I. 1cholas, St. NIC 0 as appears to Ablabius [after no' - 'J;.. , r' , . o""'lCavlv'I~Lt., Kaa'Wpla I. Bv.,avnvaI ,olxorparplal. n{va/(~ (Thessalonik 1953) pI. 606] e, , 95. Thessalonike, St. ~icholas Orphanos (1310-1320). Scenes from the cycle St. Nlcholas: The three generals in prison (bottom left); St. Nlcholas appears to Ablabius (top left); SI. Nicholas appears to Constantine (right). (photo to Ivan Djordjevit) 96. G6reme, New Tokah kiJise (mid-tenth century). The Calling of SI. Matthew. (photo courtesy of Dumbarton Oaks, Washington, D.C.) 97. Par. gr. 543, f. 288v (fourteenth century). Theodosios I and St. Gregory of Nazianzos. (photo Bibliotheque nationale de France) 98. Paris, The Louvre. The Harbaville ivory triptych (tenth century). (photo Cnac-Mnam/Dist RMN, D. Arnaudet) 99. Bachkovo Monastery, ossuary chapel, narthex of the crypt (midtwelfth century). The Last judgment, detail: chorus of martyrs. (photo Elka Bakalova) 100. Paris, The Louvre. Steatite icon of the Hetoimasia and saints Oate tenth-early eleventh century). (photo Cnac-Mnam/Dist RMN, D. Arnaudet) 101. Saint Petersburg, The Hermitage. Ivory triptych with the Forty Martyrs and saints (tenth century). (photo The State Hermitage Museum) 102. Constantinople, Chora Monastery (1315-1321). Unidentified saint. (photo courtesy of Dumbarton Oaks, Washington, D.C.) 103. G6reme, Elmah kilise (mid-eleventh century). SI. Eustratios. (photo Catherine jolivet-U:vy) 104. Daphni Monastery, katholilwn Oate eleventh century). SI. Bakchos. (photo courtesy of Dumbarton Oaks, Washington, D.C.) 105. Thessalonike, basilica of St. Demetrios. SI. Demetrios and donors (seventh century). (photo courtesy of Dumbarton Oaks, Washington, D.C.) 106. Hosios Loukas, katholikon, north-western chapel (fourth deca~e of the eleventh century). Three of the Five Martyrs of Sebas~eJa (from left to right): St. Eugenios, SI. Eustratios, and SI. AuxentJos.

0:

I,

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

[after Chatzidakis-Bacharas T., Les Peintures murales de !-losios Loukos. Les chapel/es oceidentales (Athens, 1982), fig. 13] 107. Hosios Loukas MonastelY, katllOlikon, north-western chapel (fourth decade of eleventh centUlY)· St. Orestes. [after Chatzidakis_ Bacharas T., Les Peintures ml/rales de !-losios Loukas. Les ehapelles oecidentales (Athens, 1982), fig. 11] 108. Hosios Loukas l"fonastery, ka/holikon, north-western chapel (fourth decade of eleventh century). St. Mardarios. [after ChatzidakisBacharas T., Les Peintures mura/es de !-losios Loukas. Les ehapelles oecidentales (Athens, 1982), fig. 12] 109. Kastoria, St. Nicholas Kasnitzes (1160-1180). St. Barbara. (photo Sharon EJ. Gerstel) 110. Marc. gr. Z. 17 (Psalter of Basil Il), f. !Ilr (beginning of eleventh century). Triumph of Basil Il. (photo Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana di Venezia) Ill. Qavu~in, Pigeon House Church (963-969). The magistras Melias. (photo by Ann Wharton Epstein, courtesy of Dumbarton Oaks, Washington, D.C.) /12. Constantinople, Great Palace excavation. Finds of small plates employed in the construction of body-armour, arrowheads, a spearhead and other iron fragments (twelfth-century context). [after TIu Great Palace if the Byzantine Emperors, being a First Report on the ExeavatiollS carried out in Istanbul on behalf if tile Walker Trust (!he Unwersity if St. Andrews 1935-1938), eds. G. Brett, WJ. Macaulay, R.B.K. Stevenson (London, 1947), pI. 58.7] 113. Qavu~in, Pigeon House Church (963-969), north wall. John Tzimiskes and the magistros Melias on horseback, and four of the Forty Martyrs. (photo Catherine Jolivet-Levy) 114. AvcIlar, Yusuf ko~ kilisesi (towards the middle of the eleventh century or thirteenth century). St. Prokopios and St. Demetrios. (photo by Ann Wharton Epstein, courtesy of Dumbarton Oaks, Washington, D.C.) 115. Goreme, Karanhk kilise (mid-eleventh century). St. Orestes. (photo Catherine Jolivet-Levy) 116. Giireme, Klli~lar ku~luk (first half or towards the middle of the eleventh century). St. Mardarios and St. Orestes. (photo by Ann Wharton Epstein, courtesy of Dumbarton Oaks, Washington, D.C.) 117. Hasan Da~, Stimbiillti kilise (tenth or beginning of eleventh century). St. George. (photo Catherine Jolivet-Levy)

118. Hosios Loukas Monastery, church of the Virai J h ( " ",.n. os ua end r b eLegmnp,m~ of tenth °T of eleventh century). [after Chatzidakis_ Bacharas ., s ezntures murales de !-losios Loukas. Les ella elles oeeidentales (Athens, 1982), fig. 107] !jJ 119. Hosios Loukas Monast~ry, katlwlilron (fourth decade of the eleventh ce~tury). St. Demetn?s. [after Chatzidakis-Bacharas T., us Pezntures murales de !-lOSlOS Loukas. Les ehapelles oecidentales (Athens 1982), fig. 85] , 120. Corfu, church of St. Merkourios (1074), east wall, south apse. St. Basil and SI. Merkourios. (photo 8th Ephorate of Byzantine Antiquities) 121. Vatican, Museo Sacro. Steatite icon of St. Theodore Stratelates (eleventh century). (photo courtesy of the Direzione GeneraIe Musei Vaticani) , 122. Mount Athos, Vatopedi Monastery. Steatite icon of St. George (eleventh century). [after Treasures if Mount Athos, ed. A. Karakatsanis (Thessalonike, 1997), no. 9.1] 123. Kastoria, Sts. Anargyroi (c. 1180). St. George Oeft) and St. Demetrios (right). (photo Ivan Djordjevic) 124. Mount Athos, Protaton (c. 1290 or e. 1300). St. Merkourios. (photo Ivan Djordjevic) 125. Ohrid, Peribleptos (1294/5). SI. George. (photo Sharon EJ. Gerstel) 126. Paris, The Louvre. Steatite icon of SI. Demetrios (eleventh century). (photo Cnac-Mnam/Dist RMN, D. Arnaudet) 127. Goreme, Elmall kilise (mid-eleventh century). Crucifixion. (photo by Judith O'Neill, courtesy of Dumbarton Oaks, Washington, D.C.) 128. Kastoria, St. Nicholas Kasnitzes (1160-1180). SI. George. (photo Ivan Djordjevic) 129. Nerezi St. Panteleimon (1164). St. Theodore Stratelates(?) Oeft) and S:. Theodore Tiro(?) (right). (photo Ivan Djordjevic) 130. Thessalonike, SI. Nicholas Orphanos (1310-1320). Scenes from the Passion cycle: Mocking of Christ; Way to CaIvary. (photo Ivan Djordjevic) 131. Thessalonike, Prophetes Elias (c. 1370-1380). Massacre of the Innocents. (photo Ivan Djordjevic) 132. Thessalonike, chapel of St. Euthymios (1303). SI. George. (photo

xxiv

xxv

f. !02a Ivan Djordjevic) . 133. Istanbul Topkapl Sara)'l Museum, ms. Hazme 2153, "h f (Tabriz: second half of fourteenth century). King .Minuchl r 0

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

Iran kills the fleeing Turanians. (photo Topkapl Sarayr Museum, Istanbul) 134. Elasson, Panagia 01ympiotissa (second quarter of fourteenth century). St. Theodore Stratelates. (photo Thanases Euthymio_ poulos) . . 135. Ohrid, Peribleptos (1294/5). St. Merkounos. (photo Blldarchiv Foto Marburg) 136. Kastoria, Panagia Mavriotissa, exterior of south wall of narthex (1259-1264). St. Demetrios Oeft) and St. George (right). (photo Ivan Djordjevic) 137. Constantinople, Chora Monastery, funerary chapel (1315-1321). St. Theodore Tiro. (photo courtesy of Dumbarton Oaks, Washington, D.C.) 138. Taq-i-B6stan, rock-cut carving (c. 620). Khusru 11. (photo The Middle East Centre, St. Antony's College, Oxford) 139. Istanbul, Topkapl Sarayr Museum. Pair of Turkish helmets (thirteenth-fourteenth century). [after Stocklein H., 'Die Waffenschatze im Topkapu Sarayr Mtizesi zu Istanbul- Ein vorlaufiger Bericht,' Ars Islamica I (1934), pp. 200-218, fig. 3] 140. Mistra, Peribleptos (third quarter of the fourteenth century). Way to Calvary and Ascent to the Cross. [after Xa'CSf\8cX1CT]\; M., Mvcnpar;. H /lE
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

xxvii St. Prokopios. (photo courtesy of Dumbart Oaks . D.C.) on , Washington, 148. Thessalonike, St. Nicholas Orphanos (1310-1320) S . (photo Ivan Djordjevic) . t. Arterruos. 149. Thessalonike, St. Nicholas Orphanos (1310-1320) S D . (photo Ivan Djorcljevic) . t. emetnos. 150. Verroia, church of the Anastasis (1315) St D . (h Dusan Tasic) . . emetnos. p oto 151. Corinth. Iron tip of blade and grip(?) of a sword (found together' prob~bly ele~enth century). (photo American School of Classic~ StudIes, Connth Excavations) 152. Mount Athos, Protaton (c. 1290 or c. 1300). St. George. ( h t · d'~eV1c . ') P 00 Ivan D~or 153. Vienna, Kunsthistorisches Museum. The ceremonial sword of Frederick II Hohenstaufen (before 1220); disk-pommel of the fOurteenth. century. (photo Kunsthistorisches Museum, Vienna) 154. Thessalonike, Holy Apostles (1329-1334), naos. St. Demetrios, detail. (photo Ivan Djordjevic) 155. Constantinople, Chora Monastery (1315-1321). St. Demetrios. (photo courtesy of Dumbarton Oaks, Washington, D.C.) 156. Naumburg. The sword of Count Ekkehard (1260). [after Oakeshott E., The Archaeology if Weapons. Anns and Annour from Prehistory to the Age if Chivalry (London, 1960), fig. 121] 157. Goreme, Elmah kilise (mid-eleventh century). Betrayal. (photo Catherine Jolivet-Uvy) 158. Corinth. Spearhead types from Byzantine contexts (not to scale). (photo American School of Classical Studies, Corinth Excavations) 159. Reconstruction of an Avar reflex bow. [after Ricz P., 'The Weapons of Steppe Nomads,' Balcanoslavica 10 (1983), pp. 1-15, fig. 1] 160. Corinth. Leaf-shaped iron arrowheads from Byzantine contexts. (photo by I. Ioannidou and L. Bartziotou, American School of Classical Studies, Corinth Excavations) 16\. Thessalonike, Holy Apostles (1329-1334). l'vIilitary saint. (photo Miodrag Markovic) 162. Constantinople, Chora Monastery (1315-1321). Herod ordering the Massacre of the Innocents. (photo courtesy of Dumbarton Oaks, Washington, D.C.) 163. Constantinople, Chora Monastery (1315-1321). Massacre of the

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

Innocents. (photo courtesy of Dumbarton Oaks, Washington, D.C.) 164. Paphos, The Holy Metropolis of Paphos, doubl.e-sided icon Oate twelfth centUlY), reverse. SI. James the Persian. (photo The Holy Metropolis of Paphos, with the kind permission of the Metropolitan of Paphos) 165. Paris, Bibliotheque nationale, Cabinet des medailles. Cameo of red jasper with the archangel l'vIichael surnamed 'the guardian' (h.: 0.048 m) (tenth-eleventh century). (photo Bibliotheque nationale de France) 166. Corinth. Bronze stand for a small vessel or glass lamp, consisting of two detachable sections (Byzantine). (photo by I. Ioannidou and L. Bartziotou, American School of Classical Studies, Corinth Excavations) 167. Melegob, church of St. Theodore. Marble slabs believed to have belonged to an episcopal throne (tenth century). [after Rott H., KleinasiaJisehe Denkmiiler aus Pisidien, Pamphylien, Kappadokien und Lykien (Leipzig, 1908), fig. 105] 168. Bulgaria, Rila Monastery. Episcopal throne (fourteenth century). (photo Rossen Kolev) 169. Kastoria, church of St. Stephanos. Fragment of a wooden templrm screen (fourteenth century). [after Han V., 'Profani namjestaj na naSoj srednjO\jekovnoj fresci,' ZbMPrimUmet I (1955), pp. 7-52, fig. 40] 170. Kastoria, church of St. Stephanos. Ecclesiastical furniture (second half of fourteenth century). [after Soteriou G.A., 'La sculpture sur bois dans I'art byzantin,' Melanges Charles Diehl (Paris, 1930), II, pp. 171-180, pI. XIV.2] 171. Qavu§in, HaylI kilise (beginning of tenth century), apse of the bema. Theophany, detail: the enthroned Christ and the symbols of the four evangelists. (photo Catherine Jolivet-Levy) 172. Berlin, Staatsbibliothek Preussischer Kulturbesitz, ms. theol. lat. quart. 3, cover. Central panel of a now-dismantled tenth-century ivory triptych with a Deesis, in secondary use. (photo Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin - Preussischer Kulturbesitz) 173. Mount Athos, Protaton (c. 1290 or e. 1300). Fresco icon of Christ. (photo Ivan Djordjevic) 174. Platsa, St. Nicholas (1337/8), apse of the bema. Deesis. [after Mouriki D., The Frescoes qf St. Nuholos at Platsa in the Mani (Athens, 1975), pI. I]

175. Patmos, Monastery of St. John chapel of St L . ..' . eontlos east wall (c. 1200). E nth roned Vlrgm and Child flanked b ' h de tal'1 . [c. alter M" 01lptK1] N't., Ot 'tOtXoypwnter 't01l Y arc angels , A. ' 'Y ~ ltapeICICJl.1)
xxviii

xxix

1:

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1

176. Kurbinovo, St. George (1191), apse of the bema. E h d Virgin an.d Chil~ flanked by the archangels Michael andn~:~~:l. (photo Blldarchlv Foto Marburg) 177. Athens 93~ f.. 52v (last qua:ter of twelfth century). St. Mark. (with the permiSSIOn of the National Library of Greece/photo Manoles Manole) 178. Buml!Y 19, f. Iv (twelfth century). St. Matthew. (by permission of the British Library) 179. Mount Athos, Protaton. Wooden bema doors inlaid with ivory and bone(?) (h.: 1.35 m; w.: 0.75 m) (second half of tenth century). [after Treasures qf Mount Athos, ed. A. Karakatsanis [Thessalonike, 1997), no. 9.15] 180. Chios, Nea Mone, refectory. Stationary table, detail of the marble inlay decoration of the top (probably eleventh century). (photo 3rd Ephorate of Byzantine Antiquities) 181. Patmos, Monastery of St. John, refectory. Stationary table, detail of the niches at the sides (twelfth-thirteenth century) (photo Cyril Mango) 182. Mount Athos. Stationary tables of monastic refectories (Byzantine). [after 'OpAa.VOO~ 'A., MovaaTI/pzax:i) il.pXI1:eK"rOvlK"l) (Athens, 1958), fig. 65] 183. G6reme, Qankh kilise (mid-eleventh century). Hospitality of Abraham. (photo Catherine Jolivet-Levy) 184. Mount Athos, Protaton (c. 1290 or c. 1300). Last Supper. [after Movaxou KaAA.tVtIC01l I'ta1lpO~01lVIWTI/, H 1:exv1K"l) TI/r; arzorparp{ar;. Me napapTI/p.a 1:WV 'tOlxoyparplwv 1:0V ITavdA.1/vov ano1:o ITpmaro 'tOV A y{ov 'Opovr; (Nicosia, 1996), fig. 17]

. 185. Mount Athos, Vatopedi Monastery, exonarthex of the kalhotiJcon (1312). Last Supper. (photo Ivan Djordjevic) 186. Thessalonike, St. Nicholas Orphanos (1310-1320). Last Supper. (photo Ivan Djordjevic) S 187. G6reme, Karanhk kilise (mid-eleventh century). Last upper. (photo Catherine Jolivet-Levy) . 188. Thessalonike, St. Nicholas Orphanos (1310-1320). Chnst before the High Priests. (photo Ivan Djordjevic)

xxx

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

189. Thessalonike, St. Nicholas Orphanos (1310-1320). Wedding at Cana. (photo 9th Ephorate of Byzantine A~t~quities) . 190. Asinou, Panagia Phorbiotissa (1105/6). DormItIon, detaIl. (photo Cyprus Museum, with the kind permission of the Metropolitan of Morphou) 191. Mistra, Metropolis (1272-1288). The healing of the paralytic of Bethesda. [after XCt'tS1]1Xbc1]<; M., MvcnpO:<;. H /1EC1a1IlJVIK7) 7rOAI,eia K:al fO ICO:cnpO. 08T/y6<; (Athens, 1989), fig. 24] 192. Verroia, church of the Anastasis (1315). Dormition. (photo Dusan Tasic) 193. Sens. Musees, Treasury of the Cathedral. Silk fragment with a griffin from the reliquary of St. Siviard, TC B8 (diam. of med~ lion: 0.66 m) (eleventh-twelfth century). (photo by J.P. Ehe, Musees de Sens.) 194. Par. gr. 134, f. 184v (thirteenth century). Women spinning and weaving. (photo Bibliotheque nationale de France) 195. Kastoria, Panagia Mavriotissa, naos (early twelfth or early thirteenth century). Washing of the Feet. (photo Ivan Djordjevic) 196. Kastoria, Sts Anargyroi (c. 1180). St. Panteleimon. [after 11EI"EKCtvlO1]<; L't., KaC1TOpIO: l. Bvsavflvai T01xoypaq>ial. nivaICE<; (Thessalonike, 1953), pI. 26b] 197. Constantinople, Great Palace excavation. Clay lamp (h.: 0.065 m) (twelfth or early thirteenth century). [after The Great Palace qfth£ Byzantine Emperors. Second Report, ed. D. Talbot-Rice (Edinburgh, 1958), fig. 27A] 198. Venice, Treasury of San Marco. Glass hanging lamp with a silver mount (h.: 0.08 m; diam.: 0.27 m) (eleventh-twelfth century) (photo Procuratoria di San Marco, Venice) 199. Lagoudera, Panagia Arakiotissa (1192). Presentation of the Virgin to the Temple. (photo Cyprus Museum, with the kind permission of the Metropolitan of Morphou) 200. Oxford, Ashmolean Museum. Tinned copper 'po!Jcandelon' (diam.: 0.21 m) (tenth-eleventh century). (photo courtesy of the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford) 201. Corinth. Bronze po!Jcandelon (diam.: O. I 93 m) (Byzantine). (photo American School of Classical Studies, Corinth Excavations) 202. Oxford, Bodleian Library, ms. Canon gr. 103, f. 2v (c. 1100). St. Gregory of Nazianzos. (photo The Bodleian Library, University of Oxford) 203. Vat. urb.gr. 2, f. 167v (1122-1142). Birth of St. John the Baptist. (© Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana)

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

xxxi 204. Mount Athos, Protaton (c. 1290 or c. 1300) B· h . o~ the VI~~n. [after Constantinides E., The Wall-paintings at Elasson in Northern Thessa!J, 2 vols. (Ath 11l/Ulg1a9 O!YmPWhssa ·k S N· ens, 92) pi 251a] 205. Th essaIom:, t .. Icholas Orphanos (1310-1320' . . of the MagI, detaIl. (photo Ivan Djordjevie) ). AdoratIOn 206. Goreme, Klhs;lar kilisesi (tenth century) P . O'N·I . entecost. (photo b Judith el I, courtesy of Dumbarton Oaks W h· Y , as Ington DC) 207. Greece, Panakton Excavations (JIOBI Hou ) PI h h ' .. se . oug s are (four teenth century). (photo Sharon EJ. Gerstel) 208. Greece, Akraiphnio. Two-pronged spade-fork (B .) [ O' X 'N" yzantme. after K Olll.CtKOV ., 0ll0'; BOlCll'ttCI.<; , AKpa.l,.VIO va.o'r~ A' r ' '1', "(tOv ecop,,(tOu' ALl 43 (1988), B/l, p. 102, pI. 740] , 209. Thessalonike, St. Nicholas Orphanos (1310-1320) . Descent firom the Cross. (photo Ivan Djordjevie) 2 I o. Branicevo, settlement outside the fort (twelfth-early thirteenth century). Iron shoe for a wooden spade. (photo courtesy of the Archaeological Institute, Belgrade) 2 I I. A V-shaped iron spade-shoe from Meden Kladenets and a tworronged drag-?oe fr~m Pernik (mediaeval). [after 1. Changova, Srednovekovm orudim na truda v Biilgariia,' IzvAIXXV (1962), pp. 19-55, fig. 6.2] 212. Branicevo, settlement outside the fort (twelftlr-early thirteentlr century). Iron axe-head. (photo courtesy of tire Archaeological Institute, Belgrade) 213. Corinth. Iron flint-striker (I.: 0.082 m) (seventlr century). (photo American School of Classical Studies, Corintlr Excavations) 214. Kurbinovo, St. George (1191). Nativity, detail: Annunciation to the shepherds. (photo Bildarchiv Foto Marburg) 215. Corinth. Iron pincers (probably not later than tire eleventh century). (photo American School of Classical Studies, Corinth Excavations) 216. Sog-anl!, St. Barbara (1006 or 1021). Annunciation. (photo Catherine Jolivet-Levy) 2 I 7. Pee, Patriarchate, church of the Virgin (c. 1330). Birth of tire Virgin, detail. (photo Alfred Rocklage) 218. Corinth. Bronze surgical instruments(?) (lVIiddle Byzantine contexts): bifurcated probes (ranging in length from 0.073 to 0.1 ~5 m), a single probe ~.: 0.071 m), a spatula ~.: O. I 41 m), a knife with a triangular blade (I.: 0.102 m) and otlrer instruments of unknown use (ranging in length from 0.09 to 0.107 m). (photo American School of Classical Studies, Corinth Excavanons)

ifdze;

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

XXX11

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

xxxiii

· St. George (1l91). St. Panteleimon. (photo Bildarchiv 219. Kurbmovo, Foto Marburg) in length from 0.086 to 0.152 m) . th . Bon e styli (ranoing 220 Conn o' . . (Middle and Late Byzan~ne contexts): (photo Amencan School f Classical Studies Cormth ExcavatIOns) o dral Treasury · The silver-gilt inkwell. of the calli221. Pad ua, C a the gI"llpher Leo Oate ninth-early tenth century). (copynght Scala/Art Resource, NY) 222. Goreme, Qankh kilise (mid-eleventh century). St. Mark. (photo by Ann Wharton Epstein, courtesy of Dumbarton Oaks, Wash223 .

ington, D.C.) t Athos , Protaton (c. 1290 or c. 1300). " St. Luke. [after lV~oun

1\ K

Movaxou KaU{vUcou L~aupo~ouvtl;l'rll, H 'T~~VIK7) 1"1)<; ~rlOrpacpI~'. ME 7rapapTT/pa nov 'TOIXarpacpuov 'Tau IIavaE/\,T/VaV a7ra 1"0 IIpwTaTO

'TaU Ayiau 'Opau, (Nicosia, 19:6), fig. 49] . 224. Koutloumousiou 61, f. 112v (thIrteenth century). St. Mark. (':"'th the permission of the Holy Monastery of KoutloumouslOu, Mount Athos) .. . 225. Verroia, church of the Anastasis (1315). DormIDon, detail: St. John of Damascus. (photo Dusan Tasic) . . 226. Verroia, church of the Anastasis (1315). Chnst before the HIgh Priests and Pilate. (photo Dusan Tasic) 227. Mount Athos, Protaton (c. 1290 or c. 1300). St. Matthew. [a:ter

Movaxou KaU{VtKOU L~aupo~ouvtc:01"1l' H 'TEXVIK1] 1"1)<; arlOrpacpza,. ME 7rapap1"1)pa 'TWV 1"OIXarpacpu!JV 1"OU IIava£AT/vav a7ra 1"OU

1"0

IIpwTa'To

Ar{av 'Opou, (Nicosia, 1996), fig. 47]

228. Nerezi, St. Panteleimon (1164). Lamentation. (photo Ivan Djordjevic) 229. Kastoria, Panagia Mavriotissa, narthex (early twelfth or edar~y thirteenth century). Last Judgment, detail: Sinners torture. 111 Hell (from left to right: the slanderer, the usurer, and the falSIfier of weights). (photo Ivan Djordjevic) 230. Thessalonike, St. Nicholas Orphanos (1310-1320). Cycle of St. Gerasimos: The two Arab camel-drivers leading the donkey . away. (photo Sharon EJ. Gerstel) 231. Kurbinovo, St. George (1191). Entry into Jerusalem, detarI: Children. (photo Bildarchiv Foto Marburg) 232. Lagoudera Panagia Arakiotissa (1192). Nativity, detail: The bath of th: Child. (photo Cyprus Museum, with the kind permission of the Metropolitan of Morphou)

233. Nerezi, St. Panteleimon (1164). Birth of the Virgin, . detaIl: Visiting women. (photo Alfred Rocklage) 234. Corinth. Fine-style sgraffito plate with spiral d . eleventh-early twelfth century). (photo by I 10 eC?dratlOn (late . . . . anm ou and L C· . BartzlOtou, Amencan School of Classical St d· . u les, or1l1th ExcavatIons) 235. Paphos. Glass bottle with gilt decoration (late twelfth centu ry). (photo Cyprus Museum) 236. Thessalonike, St. Nicholas Orphanos (1310-1320). C i f S Th . yce 0 t. . G eraSImos: e saint, the tame lion leading the donkey, and a young monk. (photo Ivan Djordjevic) 237. Platsa, St. Nicholas (1343-1349). Cycle of St. Nichol as B· th of St. Nich.ol.as, detail: Peddlar (237) and female att:nd~~t. [after Mounki D., The Frescoes qJ St. Nicholas at Platsa in the Mani (Athens, 1975), pI. 41] 238. Thessalonike, St. Nicholas Orphan os (1310-1320). Cycle of the Akathistos Hymn, Strophe IX (Adoration of the Magi, detail) and Strophe X (Arrival of the Magi to Babylon). (photo Ivan Djordjevic) 239. Ohrid, Peribleptos (1294/5). Christ and the Samaritan woman. (photo Sharon EJ. Gerstel) 240. Mistra, Pantanassa (c. 1430). Entry into Jerusalem, detail. [after Xa'tl;;lloaK7)~ M., Mva'Tpa,. H pEaaIWVIK7/ 7rOAI'Tela OOT/ra, (Athens, 1989) fig. 67]

/("(XI 1:0

K:ampo.

241. Cucer, church of St. Nikita (1308-1320). Wedding at Cana. (photo Ivan Bentchev) 242. Mistra, Metropolis (1272-1288). Cycle of St. Demetrios: St. Demetrios in prison. [after X(X'tl;;lloaK7)~ M., Mvmpa,. H p£CJaIWVIK7/ 7rOAlTE{a ml 1"0 K:aa'Tpa. OOT/ra, (Athens, 1989) fig. 17J 243. Lagoudera, Panagia Arakiotissa (1192). Fresco icon of the Virgin Arakiotissa. (photo Cyprus Museum, with the kind permission of the Metropolitan of Morphou) 244. Studenica, church of Sts. Joachim and Anna (1314). Birth of the Virgin. (photo Alfred Rocklage)

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

AA AAA AB ABME All

AE 'Ae-r6c;

Alexios I Komnenos Apamee de fiyrie

ArtB Art et societe

Acta Archaeologica 'APXawAoY!1ca 'AvaA.eICTa e; 'AOryvwv Analecta Bollandiana 'APX8fov 1"WV BvS'avnvwv MV1)pelwV TIjc; 'Elli&c; 'APxawAoY!1COV L18A-r!OV 'ApxawAorzx;] 'ErpT/pepic; 'A81"6C;. Studies in Honour qf Cyril Mango, eds. 1. Sevcenko and 1. Hutter (Stuttgart and Leipzig, 1998). Alexios I Komnenos. 1. Papers, eds. M. Mullet and D. Smythe (Belfast, 1996). Apamee de fiyrie. Bilan des recherches archeologiques, 1973-1979. Aspects de l'architecture domestique d'Apamee, ed. J. Balty (Brussels, 1984). The Art Bulletin Art et societe a Byzance sous les Pal1ologues. Actes du coUoque organise par l'Association internationale des etudes byzantines a Venise en septembre 1968 (Venice, 1971).

Arte prqfana e arte sacra Arte prqfana e arte sacra a Bisanzio, eds. A. Iacobini and E. Zanini (Rome, 1995). Byzantinische Forschungen BF Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies BMGS Byzantinoslavica BS The Annual qf the British School at Athens BSA Byzance et les images, eds. A. Guillou and Byzance et les images J. Durand (Paris, 1994). The Byzantine Aristocraqy, IX to XIII Centuries, Byzantine Aristocraqy ed. M. Angold (Oxford, 1984). Byzantine Court Culture Byzantine Court Culture .from 829 to 1204, ed. H. Maguire (Washington, D.G., 1997). Byzantinische Zeitschrifl BZ Cahiers Archeologiques CA Congres International des Etudes Byzalltines CIEB The Crusades .from the Perspective qf Byzantium and Crusades

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

xxxvi

t' T.1!orld eds. A. Laiou and R.P. the NlUS t m , 01) Mottahedeh (Washing~Ol~, D.C., 20 ~ " alOAo .1eAflOV rile; XplO'navllC1)e; flpX YIIC1)e; Eral11

.1XAE Doe I

Doe 11

Doe III

pdae; . G' . A Bellinger, Catawgue rf the Byzantine .mns In the Dumbarton Oaks Collection and the Wlntlemore Collection, I (Washington, D.G., 1966). . . P Grierson, Catalogue rf the Byzantzne ~Olns In the Dumbarton Oaks Collection and. the Wlntlemore Col!£ction, 11, in 2 pts. (Washmgton, D.G., 1968). . G' . P. Grierson, Catawgue rf the Byzantine ~zns In the Dumbarton Oaks Col!£ction and the Whzttemore Col!£ction, Ill, in 2 pts. (Washington, D.G.,

1973). M.F. Hendy, Catawgue rf the Byzantine Coins in DoeIV thii Dumbarton Oaks Col!£ction and the Whittemore Col!£ction, IV, in 2 pts. (Washington, D.G., 1999). P. Grierson, Catawgue rf the Byzantine Coins in Doe V thii Dumbarton Oaks Col!£ction and the Whittemore Collection, V, in 2 pts. (Washington, D.e., 1999). Dumbarton Oaks Papers DOP Du Cange, Gwssarium Ch. Du Fresne, segneur du Gange, Glossarium ad scriptores medid! et irifimte GrtEcitatis (Graz, 1958). 'ETreTT/pie; 'Eralpelae; Bv~avnvmv ETrovomv EEBE EurppoO'vvov. ArpreproJ.la mov Mavo/.,T/ Xar~T/ Eurppocrovov oalC1), 2 vols., Elt. EK8. Eu. Kultpatou (Athens, 1991,1992). EuV/vx{a. Melanges qfferts iz Relene Ahrweii£r, 2 Euvrox{a vols. (Paris, 1998). 'Hmi'lpro!l1dx Xpovl1ca 'HTr€lp. Xpov. Iconoclasm, eds. A. Bryer and J. Herrin (BirIcoTWclasm mingham, 1977). lEE 'IO'Top£a rou 'E/.,AT/Vl1COU "E(Jvove; I<J!A/ hvestija na Archeowgiceskija Institut JGS Journal rf Glass Studies JOB Jahrbuch der Osterreichischen Byzantinistik Journal rf Roman Archaeology JS(J1) Journal des S(J1)ants

JRA

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

JWalt JWarb MM

Lampe, Lexicon

xxxvii

Journal rf the Waiters Art Gallery Journal qf the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes F. Miklosich and J. Muller, Acta et dipwmata graeca medii aevi sacra et prqfona, 6 vols. (Vienna, 186.0-1890). G. Lampe, A Patristic Greek Lexicon (Oxford 1961).

'

,

L'art de Thessalonique

L'art de Thessalonique et des pays balkaniques et les courants spirituels au XIV' siecle (Belgrade, 1987). L'arle di Bisanzio e l'Italia L'arle di Bisanzio e l'ltalia al tempo dei Paleowgi, 1261-1453, eds. A. lacobini and M. della Valle (Rome, 1999). Law and Socie!)! Law and Socie!)! in Byzantium' Ninth- Twelfth Centuries, eds. A. Laiou and D. Simon (Washington, D.C., 1994). Originali!)! Originali!)! in Byzantine Literature, Art and Music, ed. A.R. Littlewood (Oxford, 1995). ODB The Oiford Dictionary qf Byzantium, 3 vols. (Oxford, 1991). flAE JIpal<TI1a'x rile; EV f\(Jljvale; 'ApXalOAoYl1cijc; 'EWlpe£ae; PG Patrologiae cursus campletus, Series graeca, ed. J.-P. Migne, 161 vols. in 166 pts. (Paris, 1857-1866).

RBK REB Sacred Image

Real!£xikon zur lryzantinischen Kunst Revue des Etudes Byzantines The Sacred Image East and West, eds. R. Ousterhout and L. Brubaker (Ghicago,

SemKond Studies

Seminarium Kondakovianum Studies in the Art rf the Kariye pjami and Its Intellectual Background, ed. P. Underwood (London, 1975). L'art lryzantin au debout du XIV' siecle. Symposium de Gracanica 1973 (Belgrade, 1978). L'ecole de la kforava et SOil temps. Symposium de Resava 1968 (Belgrade, 1972). L'art lryzantin du XIII' siecle. Symposium de Sopocani (Belgrade, 1967).

1995).

Symp. Gracanica Symp. Resaua Symp. Sopocani

xxxviii

TM Twilight

:(bMPlimUmet ZbRmlNarM :(RV!

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

Travaux et Inbnoires if C I I d 771t Twiligllt if Byzantium. Aspects. 0 u t~ra an . . U' . die Late Bvzantme Empzre, eds. Rellf,lous £IlStOry III ", .:,r. v.. nd D Mouriki (Pnnceton, 1991). S. C urClc a . . . Muzlj Plimenjene Untemosh, :(bomik :(bomik radova na1'Odnog mus~a . :(b01nik radova vizantolos1cog Inshtuta

INTRODUCTION 'In order to reconstruct the reality the image expresses, we must first know what reality it refers to. For the image conveys as much reality as the viewer was able to recognize in it.>! This statement, from which the title of the present work was inspired, encapsulates the theoretical foundation of the investigation the results of which are presented here. The reality, however, which will concern us here is not the reality of the public ecclesiastical cult that Belting had in mind when he set down this principle. 2 The reality I will be exploring is reality conceived at its very basic level: the sensible reality of Byzantine material culture. The present study concerns itself with an investigation of contemporary secular artefacts (realia) represented in Byzantine religious iconography mainly from the eleventh to the fifteenth centuries. Its objective is threefold: to explore the potential of Byzantine religious art as a supplementary source of infonnation on mediaeval Byzantine material culture; to inquire into the semiotic function of representations of realia in religious iconographic contexts; and to trace the creative processes and the cultural conditions which led to the introduction of such representations into the vocabulary of Byzantine art. The whole project stemmed out of a personal desire to understand the workings of a particular element of the pictorial language of Byzantine art, namely the costume and paraphernalia which enabled Byzantine artists to dress the spiritual in visible form and thus make it accessible to the beholder. It is commonly acknowledged that Byzantine religious art was indifferent towards the faithful depiction of the sensible world and that it favoured the reproduction of established iconographic types, artefacts included, which can often be traced back to the Late Antique period. Such views are perhaps the reason why so far no comprehensive, systematic study of what was conventional and what was contemporary (or 'realistic') in the representation of costume and paraphernalia in Byzantine religious iconography has been carried out. The present

I H. Belting, the Image and lis Public in the Middle Ages. Fonn and FlInchon Pain/iags 'If the Passion (New York, \990), p. 65. 2 Ibid., pp. 65-90.

'If Early

INTRODUCTION

2 · .' . t demonstrate the expediency of such an exermvesugatIon aIms 0 . . I' . d alil')' traditionally held opmlOns on tIe atUcise and the nee to qu . d . . . tude of Byzantine art towards the sensible. W?rl . . I Sl','e stud)' of realta m Byzant111e rehglous .... Though a comple len · I 10. archaeologI'cal and an art-historical perspective Iconograp ly Ilom an I I' . k 0 "ledge been undertaken before, tIe mes of has not, to my n', , .. . · . I' I 'n ,estigation takes up are famlhar to students of mqUlry w uc I my I , . . . . . '. . . .t d nlaterial culture whether hlstOIlans, art-Iustonans, ByzantIne al an '., . · ts. Specific issues whIch wIll concern us . 111 the folor arcIlaeoIogIs . . chap ters Ilave been discussed in the secondary. hterature 10\lQng . .m 111 the blbhod tile relevant works are acknowledged ., . fi Id th eseesan · al references which accompany my own dIscussIOn. At thiS grap hIC . . I . h' h . t ho e,'er I would'like pom, W . to present m outlme t 1e ways. m w IC tud of realia in Byzantine art has been approached 111 modern the s y fhll" scholarship in order to provide the context 0 sc 0 ar y mqUlry to which my own contribution belongs. I need not repeat the dangers inherent in regarding Byzantine religious art as illustrating daily life in. me~iaeval B~zantium, in .the SaI11e manner that archaeologists and hlstonans studymg the ClaSSical Greek, the Roman, and the Late Antique civilizations do when it comes to the figurative art of those periods. 3 Nevertheless, the investigations of historians, architects, and archaeologists examining particular aspects of Byzantine material culture have shown that sometimes certain artefacts occurring in artistic contexts may be assumed with confidence to reflect contemporary objects. I have in mind first of all studies on Byzantine imperial dress and insignia, which are largely based on evidence derived from imperial portraiture and the representation of imperial saints.{ To these one may add studies like those of Kolias on arms and annour, of Bouras on lighting devices, of Bryer on agricultural implements, of Guillou and Orlandos on tools and implements used in agriculture or the handicrafts, of Vikan and Nesbitt on locking, sealing, and weighing devices, and of de' Maffei on musical instruments.; In these studies, comparisons-wherever 3 CC ~. Mango, 'Discontinuity with the Classical Past in Byzantium,' in Byzalltium and .tile ClasSIcal Trad,lwll, eds. M. Mullet and R. SCOll, (Birmingham, 1981), pp.

50-J 1. See, also, E. Pallagean, 'Byzantium in the Tenth and Eleventh Centuries,' in A Iiirwry if Dai!;> Life. I. From Pagall Rome w Byzalltium, ed. P. Vcyne (Cambridge, Mas,., 1987), pp. 560-561. • See Chapter I. 5 T. Kolias, l~yzallti1/irclle Wqfft/l (Vienna, 1988); L. Bouras, 'Byzantine Lighting

INTRODUCTION

3

availa~le-wit~ surviving archaeological and post-Byzantine ethnographiC "matenal" from Turkey' the Balkans, and Cyprus were ll1stru. mental m Identlfymg 'realistic' representations in art 0 . th t' ti 'd . n occasIOn e ~r IS c eVI ~nc: was itself found useful in clarifYing the often ambiguous descnptlOns of the written sources. should be made to the work of Baki r tzes on ki B Special . reference yzan~me coo ng, transport, and storage vessels, since it is the only exten~lve archaeologic~ study that I know in which artistic representations are systematically and judiciously used as a source of inform.ation on a speci.fic facet of Byzantine everyday life. 6 Bakirtzes deals WIt~ artefacts which are more or less well-attested in the archaeolOgIcal record. He employs artistic representations not in construct!ng a. typology of these vessels, but as an aid in visualizing their use m daily cont~xts .. Fr?m my own point of view his work is important because It hlghhghts both the potential and the limitations in using Byzantine pictorial evidence in archaeological investigations. It demonstrates that Byzantine artists did indeed introduce reflections o~ familiar contemporary vessel-types in their work. On occasion they did so at the expense of remaining faithful to the letter of the biblical or other written accounts which they were illustrating.' On the other hand, his study also makes evident that not all vessel-types in use at any given period were reflected in contemporary art and that sometimes artists would not hesitate to sacrifice precision in the rendering of a vessel for the purpose of highlighting a critical moment in the narrative of the illustrated episode. 8 One should keep these observations in mind when using artistic evidence to reconstruct facets of Byzantine material culture concerning which archaeological evidence has not been forthcoming. Devices,' J(jB 32/3 (1981), pp. 479-491; A. Blyer, 'Byzantine Agricultural Implements: The Evidence of Medieval Illustrations of Hesi?d's Works and Days,' BSA 81 (1986), pp. 45-80; Les outils dalls les BalkallS du lvlayen Age a nos jours, ed. A. Guillou, 2 vols. (Paris, 1986); 'A. 'OpAav8"" 'Dapacrt<XClEl<; EpyaA£irov "viilv ~uAoupyou, ~ap~aPOYA{J1t10U Kai K,[lO''[ot) E1t1.1tUAaLOXP10"ttCXV1KOOV Kat ~US(lVttvrov j.lvruu::lrov,' in fl£KpaYJ.1Eva rou e' .1!el/vov, Bv'aVTlVOAoYIlCOV EVVEOpiov (Athens, 1955), I, pp. 329-339; G. Vikan and J. Ne,bitt, SecuriIY in Byzalltium: ucking, Sealing, and Weighing (Washington D.e .• 1980); F. de' Nlaffei, 'Oli strumcnti musicali a Bisanzio,' in Da Bisallzio a Sail Jlarco. Musica e Liturgia, ed. G. Cattin (Venice, 1997), pp. 61-110. See, also, V. Han, 'ProiiUli namjestaj na nasoj srednjovjekovnoj fresci,' ZbMPrimUmet I (1955), pp. 7-52, for an investigation of household furniture represented in byzantinizing monumental painting in Serbia. 6 X. M71aKlp,t;~<;, Bv'avTlva 'ClOVI
4-

INTRODUCTION

Id paraphernalia in religious iconog' tance 0 f costume al " , TIle Impor , t 'I'al culture but as a slgmficatIve e1et eVIdence on ma el h rap y no as, 'I I gc of B)'zantine art has always been f th plctona angua ment 0 e , ' h vcr do not usually make the effort , d Art-Iustonans, owe , , recogI.uze ' d t 111'cll depictions of such Items reflected bl' I the egI'ee 0 w , , to esta IS 1 TI nl)' notable exceptions are Impenal and t porary types, le 0 , ' , con em h h 'n these cases tlle Identifications offered official dress t oug even I , , en correct There IS, however, one study are not always prease or ev ' , ' , must be ac laIOWIedged separately because, It exemphfies my ' which ·h its obiect dates to the sixth century and IS own approac I1, th o u g " " d f h T 'al , 'te d 'n l scope much more IIml , In his iIIummaong stu Y 0 t e,n 'tlle Rossano Goshels (PI. 89), Loerke "employs a mmute , , 'l' nuruatures m , f th resented costume and paraphernalia-which reflected anaiYSIS 0 e rep , , ' f 'mpel-ial administration and Justice at the tIme of , the trappmgs 0 I ' of the manuscript and not of, the actual event-to ' the execu 0 on , reconstruct the subtl er nuances of meaning WIth which the unknown , t h d endowed his images, These would have been obVIOUS to aros a , h' h h ' a sixth-century beholder familiar with the reality to w I~ t e Image was refen-ing, though invariably lost to a mod~rn one" , My own approach differs from that of earher studies m, that I treat the occurrence of realia in different monuments not as Isolated instances but as manifestations of a single, complex artistic phenomeno~, Moreover, in my attempt to define this phenomenon, I employ the study of realia as a probe to examine questions relevant to the creative sources of religious iconography, patterns of chronological and regional variation, artist-patron relationships and viewerresponse. As I hope to demonstrate, the examination of the circumstances that resulted in the depiction of realia can complement other iconographic and stylistic methods of inquiry aimed at enhancing our understanding of the workings of Byzantine religious art. Religious iconography spans the range of media employed for artistic expression in Byzantium, from monumental, miniature, and panel painting, to the products of the minor arts, to coins and seals, This study focuses on monumental painting, though representations on other media are also considered. The implicit assumption behind • For example, some of the large earthenware pithoi in representations of the

We~ding at Cana were often depicted as being red, an allusion, according to Bakirtzes, to the miraculously transformed wine they contained, see ibid.

, W.C. Loerke, 'The Miniatures of the Trial in the Rossano Gospels,' ArtB 43 (1961), pp. 171-195.

INTRODUCTION

5

th~s choice was that monumental painting would be more appropnate for the study of general trends in the attitude of Byzantine art towards the portrayal of the sensible world independent of th temperament .. I ' of individual donors. When I embarked on th"Ismves~ tIgatlOn belIeved that monumental painting would lend itself bet~er to. the kind ~f combined archaeological and art-historical inquiry m· wh~ch I was mter~sted, firstly, because of its greater potential for na~ratIve representatIOn compared to panel painting and the deco:atIve. arts and, secondly, because of its more public character and Its bemg addressed to a more varied audience compared to illuminated manuscripts. However, as it will become evident, the vocabulary of the represented realia is more or less common to all media. The occurrence of representations of contemporary artefacts was rather influenced by the availability of suitable iconographic contexts than by Byzantine pictorial language being less conventional in one medium than in another. Moreover, it will become apparent that, as far as the depiction of realia is concerned, the personality of the patron could on occasion be equally influential in monumental painted ensembles as in other more 'personal' commissions. The geographical limits of the present study coincide with the political frontiers of the Byzantine empire, because I wished to study Byzantine art in the context of the society and state that created it. Because of practical limitations, it was not possible to include a detailed discussion of religious art created in Byzantium's neighbouring Orthodox states, especially in Bulgaria, Serbia, and the part of Byzantine Macedonia that came under Serbian rule in the late thirteenth and fourteenth centuries; nor was it possible to carry out a detailed comparison between Byzantine art and, on the one hand, the religious art of the Catholic West and, on the other, the courtly art of the Islamic East. I shall limit myself only to certain general observations which will hopefully suffice to contextualize Byzantine practices within the broader framework of artistic creativity in the Middle Ages. The chronological delimitation of the work was dictated by arthistorical considerations, Originally I intended to limit the investigation to the Late Byzantine period. It is commonly acknowledged that the pictorial art of this period reveals a preference for the depiction of 'realistic' details and genre themes incorporated in expanded narrative cycles. This tendency, I assumed, would have created favourable conditions for the representation of elements of

INTRODUCTION

INTRODUCTION

:al Iture The decision to expand the limits t mporary matell cu . ., con e . I I th and the twelfth centunes was Imposed backwards mto tIe e even " laiolocran development had Its roots 111 I b the fact oat t Ile Pa " . . y. d nsequently could not be understood 111 ISOKomneman art an , co , . . . Cl . Th I ventll and twelfth centunes are consIdered by latlon rom It. e ee . . .' 'od of significant stylIstic developments towards art-Illstonans as a p e n . . · . B zantine art especIally as far as the expressIOn greater re alIsm 111 y '.. . . . d tl e rendering of convUlc111g spatial relatIOnshIps are · I of fieemgan I .' .' . IIed to discover whetller the change 111 mentahty d I WIS concerne. an d sensl'bil'" I,! e\/j'denced b)' these developments . had also affected 'tI' lall)' indifferent attitude of Byzantine art towards the d thetralOl . d' depiction of contemporary daily life. As it turned out, 111?ee I~ ~ad. An understanding of the traditional attitude of Byzantine relIgIOUS art towards tlle representation of the sensible world is a prer:quisit.e of a reciating any deviations observed. In order to acqUIre thIs pp . h th e Iconograp . h'IC understanding one needs to become Claml'1'Jar \\/jt schemes, the creative processes, and the theoretical/theological premises of Orthodox Christian art in its formative stages during the Early Byzantine period and in its period of consolidation which fo~owed the end of Iconoclasm, that is in the ninth and tenth centunes. In the following chapters references to monuments dating to these two periods are constant for the purpose of highlighting new developments or of underlining continuity as the occasion arises. The categories of secular artefacts that could benefit from a systematic examination of artistic representations include imperial, official, aristocratic, and commoners' costume, arms and armour, furniture, furnishings, musical instruments, domestic utensils, and implements. However, because of constraints of space, it is not possible to include a detailed discussion of all of these in the present work. In agreement with the objectives outlined above, I chose for discussion as case-studies the following categories: imperial, official, aristocratic, and military costume, furniture, furnishings, and implements. These categories, I believe, illustrate best both the potential and the limitations of using the visual evidence in reconstructing aspects of mediaeval Byzantine material culture concerning which we are otherwise poorly infonned. At the same time, these same categories present themselves for semiotic analysis. Musical instruments were not selected for discussion because, with the exception of the flute in the hand of the young shepherd in the Nativity and of the instruments in certain Late Byzantine representations of the Mocking of Christ, they

are rarely represented. in monumental relio;ous . tona . I contexts A . o' plC . h' detailed survey of MIddle and Late Byzantine " . manuscnpts were most IllustratIOns of mUSIcal instruments may be loun r d'IS beyon d the of the present work. 10 Though the visual eVI'd ence can prove scope . ' . the commoners' costum e III . ByzantlUm, . Illvaluable III reconstructlllg , the commoners costume was not selected for discussI' . . . on slllce there ~s not much that can b: saId abo~t its s.ymbolic function in religious Iconography. I was oblIged to omIt a dIscussion of domestic utensils ~or the same reason. Ne~ertheless, examples of realistic representa~ons ~f bO.th commoners costume and utensils are taken into consIderatIOn III the final chapter of the book which investigates the artistic and cultural circumstances that led to the occurrence of realia in religious pictorial contexts. Because generalized renderings of commoners' costume and utensils were iconographically adequate for personal characterization or as signposts of domestic activities, any elaboration is possibly indicative either of a change in the attitude of Byzantine religious art towards the representation of material culture or of the personal interests of the patron and/or the artist, and thus deserves attention. The consideration of representations of utensils, especially of ceramics, is particularly informative as in their case one can use the actual artefacts as a control on artistic creativity, as Bakirtzes did in his study. A brief discussion of representations of domestic utensils at this point becomes pertinent as it contributes to validating the methodological approach adopted for the investigation of other artefact-categories concerning which extant materials are lacking. The inventory of domestic utensils represented in mediaeval Byzantine artistic contexts does not reflect the variety of such items actually employed in Byzantium during the iVliddle and Late Byzantine periods. ll Christian iconography, especially in a monumental context, offered limited scope for the depiction of domestic utensils other

6

7

10 The subject of Byzantine musical instnlments and their depiction in art has been explored recently by de' Maffei, 'Gli strumenti musicali a Bisanzio' and by G. Galavaris, 'Musical Images in Byzantine Art,' in Al9oCJTplMov. Sh,d,tll Z/lT ~vzan tinischen Kilns! /lnd Gescldcll/e. Fes/schriflJiir Marcell Restle (Stuttgart, 2000), pp. 79-91. 11 See, selectively, <1>. KOUKOUA£<;, BuS-avrlvrov Blo; K~i nOA':'C1/10<;: 6 vols. (Athens •. 1948-1957), II/2, pp. 61-116; V, pp. 136-205; ~. Oikonomldes, ,The Conte~t~ of the Byzantine House from the Eleventh to the Fifteenth cenntry, DOP -!~ \ 1990), pp. 211-212; G.R. Davidson, Corinth XII. 77re MllIor Olyects (Pnnceton, 1952) \heleafter Davidson, Minor 0ldects), pp. 68-122; The Great Palace <1 the l!!ZaIlhn; Emp,,"rs. heing a First Reporl on Ihe Ereavalions carried 0/11 in Istanhul 0/1 hehalf '!1 tire Halker TntSI

8

INTRODUCTION

ets and pithoi tile latter in the Wedding · than tablewares, wasIling s , '. f il ,n tI d occur representatIons 0 utcns s are as a at Cana ""Ien ley 0 , d h d . . d d arts of the vessels, such as bases an an les, . ]) Y b ' r rule generalIze ,an P . d (PI 185 187 237 [small jug. et, asIC lorms s. , , ., . are often exaggerate · the j'ar and the goblet, remaIlled eaSIly Idenlike the bow,I th e jug" . Th ir iconographic functIon adequately. ere are, tillable an d serve d the here the artists have represented uncommon however, exampIes w . . . . ·tI tlleir proportIons correct and wIth a convlllcIllg vesse I-types Wl I . ' d . . f tI material out of whIch the object was ma e, that lffipresslon 0 le . . . f . clay, gass, I Compansons IS ometal r , and of Its decoratIon. . . 0 such unconven tI·on al , 'I'llnovative' representatlons of vessels wIth extant . onstrate that often the former reflected the latter III artef:acts dem 12" • 'fi h shape or in decoration or in both. ThIs observatlon just.1 es t e 'on that unconventional, carefully executed, and detailed repassump tI b' . resentations of artefacts could reflect contemporary 0 Uects even III the cases when there are no extant materials to be used as controls. In devising a methodology for extracting infonnation on Byzantine material culture from religious pictorial contexts, even when there are no comparative extant materials to help identification, I was aided by the work of Carver, who studied representations of contemporary artefacts illustrated in Late Saxon manuscripts. 13 Though my own investigation could not be as refined as his because of the diverse nature of the material I had to survey, the principle is the same: the search for innovations, in other words, the search and isolation of forms not encountered in artistic contexts earlier than the monuments investigated. Such innovations could have been due to a mistake or a misunderstanding of an artistic model, to the imagination of the artist, or to the fact that the artist had reproduced a contemporary type. If the same 'innovation' appears in a number of contemporary or later artistic contexts created independently from (The University if SI. Andrews 1935-1938), eds. G. Brett, W J. Macaulay, R.B.K. Stevenson (London, 1947) (hereafter Great Palace, 1st Report), pp. 31-63; C.H. Morgan, Connth Xl., The Byzantine Pottery (Cambridge, Mass., 1942); M1t<XKlp~t;;,,~, But;. ~O'OV"aAoM)'1lVa; D. Papanikola-Bakirtzi, Byzantine Glazed Ceramics. The Art if SgrqfJito (Athens, 1999). 12 Cp. PI.. 233 with .PIs. 234, 235. Cp. also PI. 244 [Bath of the child: contemporary cooking pot] With M"aKlptt;;,,~, But;. mOUKaAoMJ'1)Va, p. 42, pis. 2(4-6), 3, and ?>n~t to PI. 232 [Bath of the child: conventional jug]. More examples are menlloned ID Chapter 6. " M.O.H. Carver, 'Contemporary Artefacts lllustrated in Late Saxon Manuscripts,' Arehotolagtll 108 (1986), pp. 117-145.

INTRODUCTION

9 one another this would suggest that the r . '. epresentatIon concerned . was not d ue to a mIstake or the Ima
INTRODUCTION

!O . d d' d to the task of collectinO' and examining systematically IS e Icate "extant ." . . 'dellce which compJ'lses arte,acts, references the sun~vJl1g eVI' . . . . . t f'vn'uen sources and arUsUC representaUons. The secIn a vane Y 0 investiO'ation " . . . involved the survey of rehglOus pictorial t e of d on sag " 'r . f l' ensembles for tile purpose of idenU ymg o?currences 0 rea l~. This 'gel)' based on published matenals and the holdmgs of survey was laI . the Dumbarton Oaks Photographic Archiv:. In SItu observation by tile author included monuments in Constantmople, northern Greece, Cyprus. The final stage was taken up by the interpretation of md ti' . the findings of tile survey. It involved, firs y, an exa~'l1~atlOn of the semiotic function of realia and an attempt .to tra~e. assoCJaUons between tile occurrence of specific artefact-types m artistic contexts and contemporary historical conditions ~nd, se~onclly, an inquiry. into the processes, purposive or unreflecuve, which had led to the mtroduction of realia into religious art in the first place. The presentation of tile results of tilis endeavour is divided in two tilematic parts. The first part comprises tile case-studies, namely five chapters, each dedicated to a specific artefact-category. These are imperial costume; official and aristocratic costume; military costume; furniture and furnishings; and implements. All five have the same basic structure. Metilodological considerations and problems particular to each artefact-category are discussed briefly in the introduction of each chapter. This is followed by a discussion of the actual artefacts and their development in form and function. Artistic representations are here considered mainly from an archaeological point of view. The discussion of tile semiotic function of realia comes next, followed by a conclusion. The second part of the book is dedicated to tile commentary. This final chapter constitutes an attempt at a syntilesis and interpretation of the results yielded by the individual case-srudies. It includes (a) a discussion of the motivation and the sources of 'realism' in the representation of artefacts in Byzantine religious art, (b) an attempt to delineate chronological and geographical patterns in the occurrence of this 'realism', and (c) an inquiry into tile influence of creators and recipients of Byzantine art on tile process of the introduction of realia into religious iconography. I!. Co~s~in 79: f. 2r (~071-I081). Michael VII Doukas (1071-1078) enthroned. t1anked by four offICIals (tram left to right): the proedros and epi tau killlikleiou; the protoproedros and protovestillrios; the proedros and dekll1l0S; and. the proedros and meg
.:eseIDtalion of artefacts in Byzantine it .u) dlelineate chronological and geoof this 'realism' , and (c) an and recipients of ByzanLine art rralia into religious iconography. 11. Coislin 79, f. 21' ( 107 1- 108 1). Mi chae l VII Doukas ( 1071-1078) enthroned. tlanked by four orricials (from le ft to right): the proedros and epi lOll kanik/eioll; the proloproeciros and prolovesli;lrios; the proedros and dekallos; and, the proeciros and megas primikerios. (photo Bibliotheque nationale de France)

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79.

Vi/ t. g r. 185 1, f. 2v ( illustrated epitiJalllll1iOIl of 11 79). An'iva l of a messenoer to Consta ntinople. (© Biblioteca Apos tolica Vaticana) "

CHArTER ONE

IMPERIAL COSTUME The chlamys-costume and the loros-cos/ume (Pis. 1- 5) were the ceremonial vestments par excellence worn by the Byzantine imperial couple during the most solemn moments of court ritual, as described in ceremonial handbooks. Furthermore, they were the two types of apparel employed by official art to propagate the image of imperial power within and beyond the frontiers of the empire, as attested by surviving portraits in diffe rent media, from effigies on coins and seals to portraits on the walls of chu rches (see Appendix 2). Olher garments from the imperial wardrobe referred to in Middle and Late Byzantine written sources, like the skaramangion, the sagion, the kabbadioll, the skiadion, the epilourikon, and th e phakeoLis, though worn by the emperor during processions and olher public appearances, were, as a rule, not adopted in imperi al portra iture, most probably because, in contrast to the clzlamys and the Loros, they were devoid of any specific imperial symbolism which would have made their use semantically significant. ' In the first part of what follows I will concentrate on tracing th e development of the chlamys- and the loros-cos/ume, and that of the accompanying insigni a, namely the crown, footwear, the sceptre, the labOlwn, the akakia, and the orb , employed by the Byzantine emperors. The discussion is, by necessity, based on the study of sUlviving imperial portraits and literaty sources, since actual Byzantine regalia surviving to the present day are almost non-existent. In the second

CHAPTER ONE

IMPERIAL COSTUME The clllamys-costume and the loros-costume (Pis. 1-5) were the ceremonial vestments par excellence worn by the Byzantine imperial couple during the most solemn moments of court ritual, as described in ceremonial handbooks. Furthermore, they were the two types of apparel employed by official art to propagate the image of imperial power within and beyond the frontiers of the empire, as attested by surviving portraits in different media, from effigies on coins and seals to portraits on the walls of churches (see Appendix 2). Other garments from the imperial wardrobe referred to in Middle and Late Byzantine written sources, like the skaramangion, the sagion, the kabbadion, the skiadion, the epilourikon, and the phak£olis, though worn by the emperor during processions and other public appearances, were, as a rule, not adopted in imperial portraiture, most probably because, in contrast to the chlamys and the loros, they were devoid of any specific imperial symbolism which would have made their use semantically significant.! In the first part of what follows I will concentrate on tracing the development of the chlamys- and the loros-costume, and that of the accompanying insignia, namely the crown, footwear, the sceptre, the labarum, the akakia, and the orb, employed by the Byzantine emperors. The discussion is, by necessity, based on the study of surviving imperial portraits and literary sources, since actual Byzantine regalia surviving to the present day are almost non-existent. In the second I E~cepLions are rare. See, for example, Constantine VIII as co~emperor on coins ofB~SlI 11 [DOC IIII2, p. 602, pI. XLV, nos. 15a-15b.4], Michael VII Doukas in

CO/san 79, f. 2v (Appendix 2, no. 22; PI. 6), Manuel I Komnenos of Trebizond (App~ndix 2, no. ~O; PI. 7), and Theodora, wife of Alexios III Komnenos of Treblzond (AppendIX 2, no. 51). Late B~antine emperors were portrayed in costume other than the ciJlanrys and the wros m works by western artists like Pisanello and B. Goz,zoli (PI. 8), or in portraits executed under western 'influence see I. Spatharakis, :The Porh-ail in By~anlint Il/uminakd Manuscripts (Leiden, 1976) (hereafter Spatharakis, Porh-Ql~, pp. 51-53; M. Vickers, 'Some Preparatory Drawings for Pi.,anello's Medallion of John VIII Palaeologus,' ArtB 60 (1978), pp. 417-424' TIu CIty if '!'fJsh-as, acad. supervision P. Kalamara and A. Mexia (Athens 2001) (hereafter City if Afyslras), fig. 154. '

12

CHAPTER ONE

th e use of imperial costume as a pictogram in · part, I wil I d ISCUSS religious iconography.

IMPERIAL COSTUME

13

The chlamys was an ankle-length mande of semicircular cut, usually fastened at the right shoulder with a fibula. Attached to the edges of the garment, beginning at the armpit ~nd reaching down to the waist, was a pair of tablia, rectangular texule panels of a colour and decoration different to that of the actual man de. In representations it is only the front tablion that is usually visible (PI. . I). Ever sin~e the Early Byzantine period the chlamys-costume consututed the distinctive attire of Byzantine dignitaries. It was worn by the emperor as his state civilian costume. 2 As a prerogative, his was the purple chlamys with a pair of golden tablia, while that of the dignitaries was often white with purple tablia. 3 The Early Byzantine imperial chlamyscostume can be seen worn by Justinian (527-565) on the mosaic panel at San Vitale, Ravenna (PI. 9). Among women only the empress had the right to wear a chlamys! The Midclle Byzantine imperial chlamys (Appendix 2, nos. 6, 21, 23, 24) (PIs. 11, 12), compared to its Early Byzantine predecessor, was an extremely ornate garment, with embroidered or woven decorative borders trimmed with pearls and jewels, which were introduced in this period. 5 The fabric itself was patterned with decorative

motifs, such as. medal~ions, ivy leaves, and single or double fleursde-lis. The tab lIOn had Its own distinctive decoration so it could t d out amidst this elaborate background. s an T~e. sha~e ~f the fibula t~at held the garment in place is difficult to dlstmgUlsh m representatIOns. However, it seems that the Earl Byzantine circular fibula with the three pendants, seen illustrated o~ the missorium of Theodosios I in Madrid6 and in Justinian's panel at Ravenna (PI. 9), went out of use and was replaced by a plain round type or an arch-topped rectangular one, most probably set with gems or enamelled (Appendix 2, no. 21; PI. 11). None is extant. The chlamys was worn over a full-length tunic with long sleeves, identified by scholars with the divetesion mentioned in the tenth-century De cerimoniis aulae byzantinae. This tunic, made out of patterned silk, was worn girt and was lavishly decorated with ornamental attachments around the hem and collar, the upper arms, and the cuffs (Appendix 2, no. 21; PI. 11). In the Midclle Byzantine period, the chlamys along with the crown, comprised the insignia with which the emperor was invested during his coronation. 7 The latest mention of the chlamys as part of the coronation insignia, as far as I know, refers to the ascension of Manuel I Komnenos to power (1143).8 The latest mention, to my knowledge, of the chlamys as a part of imperial costume in general also refers to the reign of Manuel I.' Perhaps, the latest representation of the reigning emperor in the chlamys-costume, on a medium other than coins and seals, is that of Alexios I Komnenos (1081-1118) in Vat. gr. 666, f. 2r, a manuscript commissioned sometime after

, G.P. Galavaris, 'The Symbolism of the Imperial Costume as Displayed on Byzantine Coins,' American Nwnismalic Society Museum Notes 8 (1958), pp. 102-103. , Cf. Mawwe Ioallnis Chronographia, ed. r. Thurn (Berlin and New York, 2000) (hereafter Malal.), pp. 24-25. • See, for example, two ivory panels with portraits of Ariadne(?) (t515) [R. Delbrueck, DU Consuwrdiptyc!len und verwand/e Denkmiiler (Berlin and Leipzig, 1929), nos. 51, 52], and the mosaic panel at San Vitale, Ravenna, with a portrait of Tbeodora, wife of Justinian (PI. 10). , The adornment of all imperial vesunents and insignia, not just the chwn!)s, with a profusion of pearls and jewels was obviously an expression of the opulence of th.e emperors and a manifestation of Byzantine taste for the precious and the lUXUrious. It may be argued that it also selVed a symbolic function. Pearls and precious stones had a specific mystical symbolism. Throughout the Byzantine period, they were considered as symbols of faith, piety, wisdom, and the knowledge of God, see AcJunetis Oneirocri!icon, ed. F. Drexl (Leipzig, 1925), pp. 200, 201, 202; Anecdota Gra£ea, V, ed. IF. Boissonade (Paris, 1833), p. 163, no. 4, vs. 8-9. The pearl was even

considered to be a symbol of Christ Himself, see La?,p~, Lexicon, p. 827; F. Graffin, SJ., 'Les hymnes sur la perie de Saint Ephrem, L Ontlll synen 12 (1967), pp. 129-149. The precious stones adorning imperial .vestments wer~ consequen~y perceived as alluding to the faith, V\risdol1~, and pIety metal?honc~y adonung the emperor, see Michel Italikos, Lellres ,I dueours, ed. ~. Ga~1Oer (Pa~, ~9?2), P; 7_6, lines 1-7; I:1t. Aailn:po~, '''EKcppa(n~ t&v ~UAOKovtapHOv tOU KpatalOU Kat aylou 1)1·U:OV a,,8EVtou Kat ~acrtAE"'" NiDI; 'E,uryvo.uvq.uwv 5 (1908), p. 17. See, also, A. Amulf, 'Eine Perle fUr das H~upt Leons VI,' Jahrbueh der ber/inn: Muse.. 32 (1990), pp. 83-84. I thank Dr. B. Flood for alerting me to the mysucal symbo~m o~. pearls and jewels and for providing me with bibliographical references on t e su ~ect. 6 Delbrueck, COIIsuwrdiptychtll, no. 62. , 9 1830) (hereafter 7 De cerimoniis aulae byzmlt£nae, ed. 1. Relske, 2 vols. (Bonn, 182 , De eer.), pp. 192-193, 440. le C . l
THE COSTUME

17le Chlamys-Costume

CHAPTER ONE

IMPERIAL COSTUME

1109-1111 (PI. 12). The chlamys, sometimes shown worn over the , ros 10 continues to appear on imperial effigies on coins and seals In , "I tI

any other corroborative evidence either written '. . or plctonal I am reluctant to accept the eVidence of coin- and seal ffi' . -e g'les as conclusive proof of the use of the chlamys in the Late B . . yzantme penod since they reproduce types that were first established' th I' h' 12 d h' h ' . In e!we It century an tell' c aracter IS obVIously conventional. It is certain t~at by the middle of the fourteenth century the chla"!)ls no longer constItuted one of the coronation insignia: it is not mentioned as such by Kantakouzenos or pseudo-Kodinos. Yet the b h . h d' h I" , Y ot mentIon tat, urmg t e re IglOus service following his coronation, the newly crowned emperor led the Great Entrance procession w _ . 'Id tI ' ,_ ear mg a ?~ en man e (I.laVOVav xpvaovv) over the tunic and the ioros. In addItIon, he held the cross-topped sceptre in his right hand and a staff called the narthex in his left.'3 The narthex was one of the insignia of tI1e depotatos, a minor office in the ecclesiastical hierarchy held by the emperor at the time.'f Hendy has suggested that the man4Yas was probably the equivalent of the chlamys, IS but I do not think that this was the case. In my opinion the manqyas worn by Late Byzantine emperors while leading the Little and Great Entrances following their coronation should be identified with the vestment worn by the church depotatoi when performing their duties during mass.'6 Such an identification finds support in the writings of Symeon of Thessalonike (t 1429), where it is stated that the manqyas was worn by the emperor following his coronation in his role of depotatos; it was a symbol of the order, reverence, and peace that tI1e emperor should bring to the Church and strive to maintain." A more detailed description of tI1e mantle worn by the emperor while he led both

14

down to dIe first half of the fourteenth century.

n le absence of

10 A combination of the cldolll)'s and the ~oros in a sin&ic. outfit secm~ to me highly unlikely, since they were two vestments \vlth clearly d1stmct symbolIsm and cere~ monial function. There is no evidence to suggest that thc~ were, ever W0111 together, or. indeed, that any kind of mantle was worn o:'cr the ,llnpena1 /oros) but a senes o{ effigies on coins and a relief marble tondo wl,th t~c Image o~ an crnpcr?r now in tlle Dumbarton Oaks Collection, A mantle, lde~uficd by edItors of COlll-catalogues as a chlmT!Ys or a Sag1lm, appears for the ~rst tnne worn ?ver the lor?s on the coinage of 1\lanucl I KomncTlos [NI. Hendy, COl1lage and J\1011ry Ul tile Byzmzlme Em/Jire

(Washington D.e., 1969), p. 117, pI. 15./-4; DOC .IV, pp. 307-308, pI. XIV. Blla.I-llb.3J. I belicve [hat tillS combma?on IS pOSSibly [~e result of a fUSIOn of hm independent effigy-types, onc represenung the emperor 111 the clllamys- (Hendy, CoulI/ge, pI. 12) and one in [he wros-coslw1Ie (He,;dy, Cowage, pI. 14.5-6), perhaps due to a misunderstanding on the part of the die-smker, and should not be assumed to reflect contemporary practice, On the possibility of confusion bet\-veen the two vestments on coinage, see DOC IV, pp. 153-154, note 41, pI. XVI1.2 (coinage of Andronikos I). As for [he marble tondo at Dumbarton Oaks, dated to the twelfth or the early thirteenth century [G. Vikan, Calalogtle if Ihe Sculpture i1l I}le Dumbarwn Oaks CQlkciWnfiom Ihe Plolroll/it Period 10 Ihe Rl!llaissance (Washington, D.C., 1995), pp. 104-108; The Glory if Byzanlinm. Art alld Culture if the Middle Byzantine Era, A.D. 843-1261, eds. H.C. Evans and W.D. Wixom (New York, 1997) (hereafter Gwry'lf Byzantium), no. 137J, the rendering of the imperial costume is conventional (the crown is an open circlet, not closed as it should be according to twelfth-century practice; the emperor wears the crossed loros and not the current simplified version of it), even misunderstood (the train of the WTOS has been fused into the lining of the mantle). It has been pointed out that ti,e effigy on tl,e tondo bears a great similarity with twelfth-century coinage-types. It is tempting to think of these as its prototypes and, consequently, as partly responsible for the conventional and confused rendering of imperial costume on the tondo, which, as has also been suggested, may not be Byzantine in origin. One should be careful in admitting it as a reliable source for the study of imperial costume. Cf. E. Piltz, 'Middle Byzantine Court Costume,' in B.yzantine Court Culture, p. 41. It is true that Robert de Clari in his description of the coronation of the Latin emperor Baldwin I in 1204 mentions a rich mantle (manlel) worn over the 'paile', which, judging by its description, should be identified with the Ioros, see Robert of Clari. La conquite de C07lStantinople, ed. P. Lauer (Paris, 1924), pp. 93-95. However, given the peculiar circumstances of the ceremony described, it is more likely that in tl,is case we are dealing with a hybrid rite, combining elements of western ritual (cf. DOC V, p. 73) with what the crusaders thought a Byzantine imperial coronation might have comprised, rather than with a faithful imitation of Middle Byzantine ceremonial. In my opinion, it would ~e u~"rise to employ this description as evidence for Byzantine ceremonial practlces ill the late twelfth and early thirteenth centuries. Images of the Byzantine emperor-and of the Norman kings Roger nand WilIiam n at Martorana and at Monreale -wearing the WTos-coslume and being crowned by Christ might very well have gIVen rise ~o the misconception that the Byzantine emperor actually wore his Ioros as one of hIS coronation insignia and could have led to Baldwin's donning the palle/ WTOS beneath the mantle on the occasion of his own coronation even Ihough ~, was inappropriate, cf. DOC N, p. 15l. ' S. Bendall and P J. Donald, The Laler Palaeowgan Coinage (Bristol, 1979) (here-

15

after Bendall and Donald, Coinage). pp. 36, 38, 48, 52, 56, 58, 60, 208, 218, 222, 232; DOC V, pis. 7.113-116, 8.123-124, 11.169-172,41.722-728,46.816-819; G. Zacos, Byzantine Lead Seals, 2 vols. in 6 pts [vol. I co-authored ,,,th A. Veglery, vol. n ed. ].W. NesbittJ (Basel and Berne, 1972-1984) (hereafter Zacos. Seals), Ill, no. 124a (tlle latest catalogued example of an emperor in th~ '~lamJs). 12 Cp. with Hendy, Coillage, pis. 12, 14, 15; DOe IV, pI. XIV. • 13 Pseudo~Kodinos: Traile des qffices, Introduction, texte et traducuon .par J. ,verpeaux (Paris, 1966) (hereafter pseudo-Kod.), pp. 26+, 266-267; CanlacIV:em]oa7ullS ~,unpera wris, Histon'arum libri IV, ed. L. Schopen, 3 vols. (Bonn, 1828, IB31, 1832) (hereafter Kantak.), I, pp. 200-20 l. •. ,. Ibid. See also Symeon ofThessalonike, PG 155, col. 352 (read 'depollllou I~tead of 'despotalotl;' corr~ct reading in Du Cange, Glossan'um, col. 280); J. Darrou~es) Recherches sur Its Q!J1lPiK:1Ct de l'iglise byzanlille (Paris, 1970), pp. 270 n. 6, 284 n. 'I, 569. l!i Hendy, Coinage, p. 65. 16 Du Cange, Glossarium, col. 280, S.lJ, '8EJto!&r~', IT PG 155, col. 356 (read 'depotalou' instead of 'despo la Iou').

CHAPTER ONE

IMPERIAL COSTUME

the Little and the Great Entrance processions following his coronation is given by Ignatius of Smolensk, who attended the coronation of Manuel 11 in 1392. He speaks of 'a short little purple "phelonion" reaching to the waist."8 This obviously cannot be mistaken for a chloll!)'s. Because of the similarity of context in the Byzantine and Russian descriptions of coronations, it is reasonable to assume that the man4Jas and the phelonion refer to the same garment." Given tlle absence of any positive evidence, it would seem that the chloll!)ls no longer constituted part of the imperial wardrobe, though a descendant of it did survive as one of the insignia of the highest-ranking officials of the imperial court, like the despotes and the sebastokrator (see below). It is tempting to think of the disruption caused in the Byzantine political system by the catastrophe of 1204 as the event which actually caused the discontinuation of the use of the chlamys as one of the imperial insignia. Why so? The answer may be sought in an investigation of the symbolism of the imperial chlamys during the Middle Byzantine period. The chlamys along with the crown was one of the coronation insignia. Moreover, it was the garment worn by the emperor when he received his court on important feast-days;O when he sat on the so-called throne of Solomon in the Magnaura;' and when he presided over the investiture of state officials and dignitaries." In the famous miniature of Coislin 79, £ 2r (Appendix 2, no. 21; PI. 11), Michael VII Doukas is portrayed enthroned, in his chlamys-costume, flanked by four court officials, three of whom also wear the chlamys. Behind the throne of the emperor stand the personifications of Truth and Justice. In Vat. gr. 666, f. 2r (Appendix 2, no. 24; PI. 12), Alexios I Komnenos, wearing his chlamys, receives from a group of Church Fathers a copy of the Panoplia Dogrnatik, a treatise directed against all heresies. The miniature is a visual expression of the emperor's commitment as a ruler to be guided in his policies and support of Orthodoxy by the counsels of

the Church Fathers contained in the work. Both th I' " picton'aI'd eVl ence, th ere fiore, ll1dicate that the chla e Iterary and the . d b II h . mys-costume was perceive , a ove a , as t e attIre of the emperor in h' I h f. . IS ro east e head · b of state, the ar Iter 0 JustIce, lawo-iver the protec tor 0 f peace and 23 0', order. . It was' the costume of the emperor as th e source 0 f all authonty from which all offices and dignities were o=,~u bt' d . ~he p.ll1nacie of the b.ureaucratic machinery responsible for t11e adminIstratIon of the empire. In more practical terms, it was the costume worn by the emperor as the head of the chlam.s-clad B . .aid '11 d . "yzantll1e officI om, as I ustrate m Coislin 79, f. 2r (PI. I I). The administrative machinery of the empire had collapsed under the catastrophic blows of the Fourth Crusade. The system of government adopted by the Laskarid emperors of Nicaea depended largely on members of the imperial household rather than on professional bureaucrats organized in departments.'· This development must have also had serious repercussions on ceremonial, especially wit11in the confines of t11e imperial palace, since it was these same bureaucrats who had largely constituted the participants and t11e audience of the imperial ceremonies in the Middle Byzantine period. Partly because of this relaxation in protocol and partly because of external influences, the character of the attire of officials underwent a change during t11e course of the thirteenth century, with the general abandonment of the chlamys-costume for more fashionable caftan-like garments (see below). One could argue that, as their head, the emperor need not wear the chlamys if they did not. Under t11ese circumstances, and given that the priorities of the Nicaean emperors concentrated on the military and political effort for the reconquest of Constantinople rather than on cultivating the image of immutable imperial grandeur and opulence for internal consumption,25 it is easy to imagine how the use of the imperial chlamys could have become obsolete. The empress was invested with the chlamys on her coronation.'· I have not found any references to other occasions on which the

16

18 G.P. Majeska, RussUm Travelers /() Consumtinopk in the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries (Washington, D.C., 1984), pp. 108, 110. 19 In the practice of the Orthodox Church the two terms denoted two distinct types of ecclesiastical vestments, see P. Bemardakis, 'Les ornaments liturgiques chez 1es Grecsi Eclws d'Omnt .5 (1901-1902), pp. 131-132, 136. Perhaps, the Russian traveler d,d not know the proper Greek name of the vestment he saw. 20 De eer., pp. 137-139, 171-172. 21 Ibid., p. 567. 22 Ibid., p. 202.

17

23 For a slightly different interpretation of the symbolism of the chw'g' see Ga1avaris, 'Symbolism,' pp. 109-110. . Laslwrids " M. Ango1d, A Byzantine Govenunmt in Erik. GO"emmm/ and SOClt!!' Imdtr the 'If Nieaea (1204-1261) (Oxford, 1975), pp. 148-150. h " Cr. Georges Paehymeres RelatWns hisloriqnes, ed. A. FaiUer, 5 vols. [vols. I-Il): ~renc translation by V. Laure~tl (Paris, 1984, 1999, 2000) (hereal\er Pachym., > pp. 61-63. 26 De eer., pp. 202-203.

18

CHAPTER ONE

empress wore the clllall!}s. Byzantine empresses appear in official ?ortrailUre wearing the clllaJn)ls velY rarely .. The ol~ly representatIOns known to me from the Middle Byzantlllc pen~d, are those of Theophano, first wife of Leo VI (c. 875-895/6), m the Menologiurn of Basil I1, no. 249 (sometime after 979, probably early eleventh ceneUly),27 of empress Eudokia on the .famous Romanos ivory in the Cabinet des medailles, Paris (AppendIx 2, no. 9; PI. 14),28 and of Euphrosyne Doukaina, wife of Alexios III Angelos (1195-1203), on a seal.29 7he Loros-Costume The toros-costume is named after its most distinctive element, a very long scarf embroidered with gold and encrusted with pearls and jewels, so draped round the torso. The Byzantine imperial Ioros had developed out of the trabea tnumplzalis, the purple toga embroi~e:ed with gold, which was worn by the Roman consuls when presldmg over the games or participating in triumphal processions. 31 The transition from the trabea (a broad garment first folded and then draped) to the Ioros (a much narrower scarf) must have taken place during the course of the sixth century, when the term 'loros' is first attested in the written sources. '2 The earliest pictorial representations of the loros are found on coin-effigies of Justinian II (coins of 687-692)."

" II MrnowgW di Basilio Jl (cod. vaticano greco 1613), 2 vols. (TOlino, 1907) (hereafter 11 MenowgW), no. 249. 28 There is an open discussion \o\rith regard to the date of the ivory. Its re-attribution to the reign of Romanos IV (1068-1071) by Kalavrezou-Maxeiner has been recendy questioned by Cuder, who identifies the imperial figures with Romanos 1I and his wife Eudokia (t949), see I. Kalavrezou-Maxeiner, 'Eudokia Makrembolitissa and the Romanos Ivory,' DOP 31 (1977), pp. 305-325; A. Cuder, 'The Date and Significance of the Romanos Ivory,' in B)'zantiTle East, LAtin West· Art Historical Studies in Honm qf Kurt WeiJzmann, ed. D. MOUliki et al. (Princeton, 1995), pp. 605-610. Elsewhere I too argue in favour of the tenth-centmy date, see M. Parani, 'The Romanos Ivory and tJle New Tokah Kilise: Imperial Costume as a Tool for Dating Byzantine Art,' C4 49 (200 I), forthcoming. 29 Zacos, Seals, Ill, no. Ill, pI. 28. 30 See above, note 5. " Delbrueck, Consulardiptyclum, pp. 53-54. For illustrations see, for example, ibid., nos. 9, 11, 12, 20, 21. " A.C. Bandy, Ioannis Lydus. On Powers or 771e Magistracies qf the Roman Stole. Inh'oducl..n, Cntual Text, Commentary and Indices (Philadelphia, 1983), p. 84. "Galavaris, 'Symbolism,' pp. 105-107;]. Breckenridge 77leNumismatic Iconography qfJuslinian II (685-695, 705-71J A.D.) (New York, 1959); DOC II/2, pp. 569-570; P. Grierson, lb'~ntine Coins (London, 1982), p. 31. On the transition from the lrabea

IMPERIAL COSTUME

19

The earliest fashion of wearing the Ioros cros d h . . f h . se over t e breast was remmlscent 0 t e manner III which the Rom I . an consu s donned their trabea. Judgmg by representations" the scarf fi I . ' was rst paced over the right shoulder. One end hung down th e lront C wh'lI e the other was brought to the front under the right armpit and then crossed over the breast and taken to the back over the left shoulder. It was then brought to the front again under the right arm round t~e abdomen ~nally to be draped over the left forearm.'; AlternatIvely, after belllg placed over the right shoulder, the back end could have been brought to the front over the left shoulder, forming a loop at the back, then crossed over the breast and tak back under the right armpit, taken through the loop and, fin~; brought to the front under the right arm (PI. 16). During the Middle Byzantine period a modification of the loros took place, which made the garment easier to wear. Instead of being crossed over the breast, the bejewelled scarf was provided with an opening and was pulled on over the head. It retained the long train, which was draped in the same manner as before. The earliest evidence suggesting a change in the character of the loros is provided by effigies on coins of Basil I (867-886),36 though the same emperor appears in the crossed loros in Par. gr. 510, f. Cv (Appendix 2, no. I). It is on imperial effigies on solidi of Constantine VII (913-959) and Romanos I (920-944) that we have the earliest secure representation of the modified loros (PI. 15)." The modified loros worn by the emperor on the Romanos ivory is comparable to the tenthcentUly representations on coins (PI. 14). In other media, the earliest representation is the portrait of Nikephoros II Phokas (963-969) in the Pigeon House Church, Qavu§in, Cappadocia (Appendix 2, no. 10; PI. 17). The shoulders and upper part of the breast of the

to the loros sce, also, E. Condurachi, 'Sur ('origine ct l'evolution du loms imperial,' Aria ,q' archeologia 11-12 (1935-6), pp. 37-45. . • H The correct manner of draping the crossed loros IS seen, for c."ample, o~ tI;e IVOry panel with an unidentified male imperial figure at Dumbart~n O~ In 'Yashington, D.e.) see Gl.oT)' cif i?p:.alltillm, no. 139, with ,a summa!)' o~ the disc~ Slon on the possible identification of the figure (81. Constanune, Leo VI, 01 Consmnone VI~ Porphyrogennetos) and bibliography. ~~ Grierson, By.;:. Coins, p. 31. . DOC Ill/I, p. 121. ' . . ' VII 37 Ibid" pp. 120-121. On thc ivory panel, now III ~[?SCO\\, Cons~.ultm~. ') appears wearing the crossed loTUS, which is shown draped mcorrectly (.r ppen LX. -, no. 8).

CHAPTER ONE

20

emperor are covered by a broad collar. The front portion of the loros appears as a narrow rectangular piece suspende~ from the lower edge of the collar. The painter appears to have misunderstood his model in the treatment of the train, since it is draped over both forearms. One should note, that roughly at the same time with its introduction in imperial portraiture, the simplified Loros was also adopted by religious art. 38 Compared to tile representations on the coins of Constantine VII, tile eleventh-century simplified loms was narrower, allowing the broad, bejewelled collar which covered the shoulders and upper part of the breast to become visible underneath it (Appendix 2, nos. 12-14, 16, 19) (PIs. 18, 29). The crossed Loros did not disappear from e1eventhcentury portraiture. Two emperors, Constantine X Doukas and his son Michael VII appear wearing it in contexts which cannot be dismissed as conventional or unreliable (Appendix 2, nos. 15, 17, 18, 20) (PIs. 19, 30). Especially in the case of the portrait of Michael VII and Maria of A1ania in CoisLin 79, f. 1(2bis)v (Appendix 2, no. 20; PI. 19), the garments of the emperor and empress are rendered with great attention to realistic detail: the crossed loros is correctly draped and the attire of the empress obviously reflects eleventhcentury practices (see below). Therefore, one can assume that, in the eleventh century, the crossed version of the loros was still employed. The same cannot be claimed for the twelfth century. In surviving portraits of Komnenian emperors it is the simplified Loros which is invariably represented (Appendix 2, nos. 25, 27-29; PIs. 13, 20-22).39 " It can be seen, for example, worn by the archangel in the north niche of the l'!geon House Church, Qavujin, or by some of tl,e archangels (in enamel) on the Limburg rehqu",,: of the True Cross (968-985), see L. Rodley, 'The Pigcon House Church, Qavujm, JOB 33 (1983), p. 321, fig. 7a-b; J. Lowden, Earl:y Christian and By",nhne Art (London, 1997), figs. 128-129. 39 The Nonna~ kings of Sicily Roger n, portrayed in tlle Martorana (founded by George of Anlloch, 1143-1151), and William n in his foundation at Monreale (c. 1175-1190), appear in Byzantine imperial costu;"e, see O. Demus, 77Le Mosaics if Norman S",1:y (London, 1949), pIs. 58A, 76A-B. Yet, tlley wear the crossed loros and an open cro.wn, as o~posed to the simplified /oros and the hemispherical crown o~ the KomnenOl. As. Kitzmger ~':" pointed out, it is unlikely that this differentiation "as a result of a delJberate

deCISIOn

on the part of the Nonnan kings to revert to

th~ use of older and, by then, obsolete types of imperial insignia. It more likely

re etts the use of an .older Byzantine pictorial model for the Sicilian portraits, which

;o~ d, have been sl.milar to the ivory panel now in the Pushkin Museum in Moscow

.f1: "l:t,ng Constanllne VII Porphyrogennetos (Appendix 2, no. 8), see E. Kitzinger, 1

19l-I;;at~hif St. Mary~ if the Ad,!,ira~ inPalenno (Washington, D.e., 1990), p~. .

ese observallons have Imphcatlons on the question of the place of on-

IMPERIAL COSTUME

21 Unlike the chlamys, the Loros continued to be . . 111 use as an unper . h . ial vestment 111 t e Late Byzantine period as att t d b ' . . . (A' ' es e Y SUrvIV1I1g impenal portraits ppendlx 2, nos. 30-31, 33-34, 36-41 43-49 51-52, 54) (PIs. 3, 23, 24). Its development in the th' ' h ' meent cen. h tury, pnor to t e reconquest of Constantinople in 1261, is difficult to follow because of the almost total absence of any . . . eV!'dence oilier ilian that of Impenal effigles on coins and seals which b h' . I' " " Y t IS bme, are us.ua Iy qU1t~ conventlon~1 111 their rendering of Costume. In an impenal portrait pr:served 111 the narthex of Mileseva in Serbia (c. 1220-1228), which could portray John III Doukas Vatatzes (1222-1254), the emperor wears the simplified loros (Appendix 2 30). On the e~broidered '.Pallio of San Lorenzo', which was ~r:~ ably executed 111 a Byzantine workshop during the months preceding the reconquest of Constantinople in July 1261 and which was created for the purpose of being sent as a diplomatic gift to Genoa Michael VIII Palaiologos is portrayed wearing the simplified loro~ adorned with a row of crosses (Appendix 2, no. 33). From ilie period after the reconquest of Constantinople there has survived an imperial family portrait, unfortunately badly effaced, in the exonarthex of the church of the Virgin at Apollonia, (1272-1282), representing Michael VIII Palaiologos, this time wiili his son Andronikos II and the fonner's wife (Appendix 2, no. 34). Michael wears a loros similar to that worn by his Komnenian predecessors. Apparently, IVIichael VIII was also portrayed in the simplified loros in a now-lost mosaic in the refectory of the Monastery of the Peribleptos in Constantinople, known to us only by means of a number of seventeenili-century reproductions (Appendix 2, no. 37).'0 gin of the mosaicists responsible for the I;\vo Sicilian ensem?les. It is gene~y accepted that they were in all probability Byzantine and well-mformed on stylis~c

and iconogtaphic developments in twelfth-century painting (Demus, Nomll11l SlciiY, pp. 73-177). Yet, both at the Mmtorana and Monreale the crossed wros.app~ars to have been preferred in the portrayal of the archangels as well. The SImplified WTOS

appears only occasionally at i\Jonreale and there inappropriately \. .·om under if Monreale (Palermo, 1960, pis: 89, 95). It acquamte~ With develop-

a mantle, see E. Kitzinger, 77ze Mosaics

would seem then that the mosaicists were not directly

ments in twelfth-century Byzantine imperial portraiture in Constanun.opl~, and t~t they had to rely on older models or on coin-effigies, as the combmau0':u~ f e persimplified loros and the mantle suggests. If this is indeed the case one sho haPos seek their place of origin outside Constantinople. . th rossed wrvs in a ~ote) however, ~hat the same emperor appears wea~n1- pe c ·a ~,lavriotissa, portran on the extenor of the south wall of the narthex 0 anagt Oh 'd Kastoria (1259-1264), and in the rock-cllt chapel or St. Erasmos, near n

22

IMPERIAL COSTUME

CHAPTER ONE

The simplified loms is represented ~n fourteent~l- and fifteenthcentury portraits almost without excepuon (AppendiX 2, nos. 38-41, 43-49, 51-52, 54) (Pis. 3, 23, 24). By the fourteenth century it had reached the final stage of its development. It lost the typical squarepanel decoration which charactelized it from its earliest representations in the .Middle Byzantine period. It also appears as if the scarf itself was actually sewn onto the tunic. The only part which was clearly detached was the train coming from the back, round the waist, finally to hang over the left forearm. Despite its ubiquity in Late Byzantine portraiture, the term 'Loms' does not appear in fourteenth-centUlY descriptions of imperial insignia. Pseudo-Kodinos mentions, however, the term 'diadema', which was not a head-dress but a kind of belt. According to him, 'what is now called diadema, was called a military belt in the past signifying honour.'41 Elsewhere, he includes the diadema in a list of imperial insignia: 'the belt, which now ... is called diadema, [signifying] his (the emperor's) being a soldier.''' When the emperor wore the imperial crown, he wore no

(Appendix 2, nos. 32, 35). I doubt that the actual garment was still in use at this late a date. Perhaps its appearance at Panagia "Nfavriotissa and at St. Erasmos resulted from the repetition of a, by now, conventional type, in the absence of a

more up-to-date contemporary model. The latest portrait of a living Byzantine emperor in the crossed toros, as far as I know, is that of the emperor of Trebizond

portrayed in the Alexallder Romance of the Greek Institute in Venice. He has been tentatively identified with Alexios III Komnenos of Trebizond (1349-1390) (Appendix 2, no. 53). The costume of the emperor in this manuscript has a conventional outlook. The rendering of the crossed roras is very schematic. The white sash wound around the torso of the emperor over the loJ"os-a feature that was never a part of the actual costume, but which is sometimes encountered in religious iconography

(PI. 52)---also alerts us to the conventional character of this representation. It has been suggested that the artists responsible for this manuscript Oliginated from Georgia, see N.r. TpaXouAui, Kw{h~ 5 E'u1jv.x:ov [vanrovrov Beveriw;. To MvlJ.aroP1Jl1cx rov AM~avopo1J (Athens, 1997), p. 17. Their foreign origins may account for their lack of familiarity ,vith the current way of representing imperial costume, which may be seen in the two securely identified portraits of Alexios III Komnenos where the emperor is portrayed in the Late Byzantine simplified loros (Appendix 2, nos. 51, 52)..The conventional and misunderstood rendering of the imperial costume in the Vemce manuscnpt seems to me to cast doubt on the suggestion that it was the portrayed emper?r who ~ad commissioned the manuscript, see TpCX;;:OUAUi, Kwo.~ 5, I?P: 12,27. It IS. more likely that the emperor was portrayed in it as the intended

23

other tunic but the sakkos (a black tunic) and the diad .., ema.d . All other insignia descn'b ed by pseu d 0- K 0 d'mos are easily idenU'fi .. '1' emeachof the Late Byzantme Impena portraits. No other 't f 'd" I em 0 Costume which could be I entlfied With the diademalbelt ' I S . . represente d but what we know as the Simplified Loros. If, as the portral'ts suggest, th'IS was no longer a real scarf, but a band attached to th e tume, ' Wlt. h a detached part brought from the back to the front round th . . dfi" d eWaJst, then Its e mtlOn as a bl e toes not appear unlikely. The emperor wore. the . Loros over a full-length tunic with Ion g, narrow sleeves. The tumc, either purple or dark blue, sometimes shown in representations as being richly patterned, was additionally adorned with gold-trimmed bands around the hem, cuffs, and upper anns. In the Late Byzantine period the tunic, called the 'sakkos', is described as being black."" The costume was complemented by the crown, the red shoes, the labarum or the cross-topped sceptre, and the akokia. According to the De cenmoniis, the Byzantine emperor wore his loros-costume on Easter Sunday, on the feast of the Pentecost, and, exceptionally, on other feast-days when important guests or ambassadors happened to be in attendanceY Despite being so rarely worn, the loros came to dominate the imperial portraiture of the Middle Byzantine period in all media. Official art obviously wished to propagate the image of the emperor dressed thus, rather than in any other costume. It is in the investigation of the symbolism of the LOTOS, as set down in the texts and as deduced from imperial portraits, that the explanation for this discrepancy lies. From its very origins, the Loros, descendant of the consular trabea triumphalis, was imbued with the idea of imperial triumph and perpetual victory." In the Early Byzantine period it was in fact worn by the emperor during uiumphal processions:' By the tenth century, the uiumphal imperial symbolism of the loms had acquired a mystical dimension." Worn on Easter Sunday by the emperor and twelve dignitaries, the scarf's

reCipient. Alternatively, the emperor's portrayal may have been simply an honorific ~sture on the part .of the. unknown donor. The crossed Inros was employed in reli-

~3 Ibid., p. 200. The term 'diadema,' signifying a belt rather than a head-dress, is also employed by Kantakouzenos, see Kantak., I, pp. 200-202. 8 51 52 H Pseudo-Kod., p. 201. Sec, also, Appendi.x 2, nos. -1:3,44 , 47,4 I I . ., De cer., pp. 25, 26, 187; 62, 65, 68, 69; 591. B k nrid 7k '" A. Grabar, L'empereur dans I'art byzauhi. (Paris, 1936), p. 12; ree e ge, Numismatic Iconograpl!y 'If Justinian Il, pp. 37-38.

glO~s Iconography w,thout mterruplion throughout the Middle and t1Je Late Byzantine penods and can be considered as a standard component of the repertoire of painters. .. Pseudo-Kod., p. 199. ., Ibid., p. 201.

On the stages of this transition from the SLXth to. the ~enth hry if JustinifJR Il, Symbolism,' pp. 104- 109; Breckenridge, The Nuunswatlc lco/lograp!y pp. 39-45. ,

;; See note 32.

.

centu

see Galavaris,

22

CHAPTER ONE

The simplified 10l"Os is represented ~n fourteent~l- and fifteenth_ centUlY pOl.tI'm'ts almost v.~thout exceptIOn (AppendIx 2, nos, 38-41 , ' 43-49 51-52, 54) (PIs, 3, 23, 24), By the fourteenth cel:tury It had 'd I1 final stage of its development. It lost the typIcal squarec. ' I' reacIle le panel decoration which characterized it .rom Its ear lest ~epresenta, ' t l ' K,'ddle B)'Zantine period, It also appears as If the nons III le ,\'1 , scarf itself was actually sewn onto the tunic, The only part whIch was round the I I detached was the train coming fromDthe ' back, ceary , b' , , . t finall)' to hang over the left forearm, espIte Its u IqUlty m W"alS, , . Late Byzantine portraiture, the ten:' '!or~s ?oes not appea: III fourteendl-century descriptions of impenal Illslgma, Pseudo-Kodinos mentions, however, the term 'diadema', which, was not a hea?-dress but a kind of belt. According to him, 'what IS now called dzadema, was called a military belt in d,e past signifying honour,''' Elsewhere, he includes the diadema in a list of imperial insignia: 'the belt, which now, , , is called diadema, [signifYing] his (the emperor's) being a soldier,''' '<\Then the emperor wore the imperial crown, he wore no

(Appendix 2, nos. 32, 35). I doubt that the ac~ual gar':lent was still in use at this late a date. Perhaps its appearance at Panag1a !v!avnotIssa ~nd at St. Erasmos resulted from the repetition of 3, by now, convenuonal t)ye, In tl:c. absence o! a more up-to-date contempol
IMPERIAL COSTUME

23

other tunic but the sakkos (a black tunic) and the dz'ad 43 All h , . 'd 'b d b d' ema,d . ot er Illslgma escn e . , Y pseu ,o-Kodmos are easily ident'fi h of lemeac the Late Byzantme Impenal portraits No other 't f , 1 . , . . I em 0 Costume whIch cou d be IdentIfied WIth the diadema/belt ',S represente d but . . what we know as the slmphfied /mos . If, as the portra'lts suggest, th.IS was no longer a real scarf, but a band attached to the tunic, with a detached part brought from the back to the front round th ' , d fi . . l e Waist, then Its e mtlOn as a be t does not appear unlikely, The emperor wore the loras over a full-length tunic with long, narrow sleeves. The tunic, either purple or dark blue, sometimes shown in representations as being richly patterned, was additionally adorned with gold-trimmed bands around the hem, cuffs, and upper anns. In the Late Byzantine period the tunic, called the 'sakkos', is described as being black:"' The costume was complemented by the crown, the red shoes, the labarum or the cross-topped sceptre, and the akalria, According to the De cenmoniis, the Byzantine emperor wore his loros-costume on Easter Sunday, on the feast of the Pentecost and exceptionally, on other feast-days when important guests or ~bas~ sadors happened to be in attendance:' Despite being so rarely worn, the loras came to dominate the imperial portraiture of the tvIiddle Byzantine period in all media. Official art obviously wished to propagate the image of the emperor dressed thus, rather than in any other costume, It is in the investigation of the symbolism of the loras, as set down in the texts and as deduced from imperial portraits, that the explanation for this discrepancy lies. From its very origins, the loras, descendant of the consular trabea tn'umphalis, was inlbued with the idea of imperial triumph and perpetual victory,'" In the Early Byzantine period it was in fact worn by the emperor during triumphal processions." By the tenth century, the triumphal imperial symbolism of the loras had acquired a mystical dimension:' Worn on Easter Sunday by the emperor and twelve dignitaries, the scarf's 43 Ibid., p. 200. The term 'diadema,' signifying a belt rather than a head--dress, is also employed by Kantakouzenos, sec Kantak., I, pp. 200-202. __ +I Pseudo-Kod., p. 201. See, also, Appendix 2, nos. 43, #, 47, 48, '1, ,2. 45 De cer., pp. 25, 26, 187; 62, 65, 68, 69; 591. ? . 1M " A. Grabar, L'empereur dalls l'art byzalltill (Paris, 1936), p. L; Breckenndge, Numismatic Icollograpl!J 'If ]Ilstillum II, pp. 37-38. 47 Scc note 32. . .. . nth ccntu see Galavafls, ·18 On the stages or tlus tranSItIon rrom the sexth to. the te . I)' "J .' Il 'Symbolism,' pp. 104-109; Breckemidge, The Ni.musmallc jwnograp1!Y IJ.J ustvlUUZ , pp. 39-45.

24

CHAPTER ONE

. " ent of a winding sheet, signified']]"Christ's burconvolutIons, I.emUllsc . Wll 1'1' Iden trimming was. a . symbol of ilieh bn lance laI e Its go . I 'of HIS , . ,VIII'le the twelve dIgmtanes were t oug. It to ImperResurrectIon. ' . sonate tlle Apos tles , tlle emperor in hiS loros19 was the Image, as far of God: as tllat was POSSI'bl e (/Car(ho erpl1<"rov)' . The emperor appears . Ius . 10ros-cos,
IMPERIAL COSTUME

25

Though, as far as I know, there is no mentI'on of th . ' . e empress weann? .th~ loro!-costume III the wntten sources, fue artistic evidence is explICIt III thiS respect. To begin with, the empress donned fue loros crossed over the breast like the emperor, as seen in the _ trait of Eudoki~, wife of Basi~ I, in Par. gr. 510, f. B (c. 880) (Appe~:x 2, no. 2) and III the. portrait ?f the late ninth- or early tenfu-century empress on the lId of the IVOry casket in the Palazzo di Venezia (Appendix 2, no. 3). A change in the manner of wearing the loros seems to have taken place around the beginning of fue tenth century, roughly at the same time when the change in fue loras of the emperor took p!ace. The simplified version of the loros adopted by fue empresses differed from that worn by fue emperors in fue treatment of the train. This was longer, noticeably broader, and was brought to the front from the level of the right ankle. The free end hung loosely over the left forearm or, most commonly, was tucked in the belt (Appendix 2, nos. 13, 20, 27) (PIs. 19, 20). The part of the train brought at the front acquired a shield-like appearance in representations and was often decorated wifu a cross (Appendix 2, nos. 14, IS, 17, 19, 26, 29) (PIs. 22, 27, 29).55 The earliest evidence of this development is derived from portraits of female imperial saints. 56 The shield-like element, characteristic of the female loroscostume in the eleventh and twelfth centuries, disappeared in fue Late Byzantine period (PI. 5). This development must have taken place already in the thirteenth century, as suggested by a seventeenth-

Constantinople (Appendix 2, no. 6). He, nevertheless, wears the chlamys not the "'TOS, appropriately so for its period, since the mosaic panel obviously was not mtended to glorify the ruler, but to bring out his Christian humility and his. piety. 55 For a detailed history of the development of tile Middle-Byzantme female lo~s in the eleventh and twelfth centuries and for a list of monuments on whIch It appears, see M. L0rt1W10\), 'To AeyOJlEVOV 9wpa1ClOv 'tfl~ ."(Uv(u1Cd~~ a')'to.1Cp~,"tOPU(ij~ "'OA~<;', EEBE 23 (1953), pp. 524-530; G. de Jerphamon, 'Le thoraklon c'!f'lcteristique iconographique du onzicme siecle,' in his, lA voix des monuments. Etudes d'archiologie. NOllve!le serie (Rome and Paris, 1938), pp. 263-278; W.J:!. Rudt de Collcnberg, 'Le :'thorakion". Recherches iconographiques,' ANlallges de ['Ecole FTa:!.f~JSe de Rome. Moyen Age-Temps Modemes 83 (1971), pp. 263-361; DOC IlIIl, pp. ~23 175. 56 Marble inlay icon of St. Eudokia from the Momster)'. of Constantme Lips (907) (PI. 25), see S.EJ. Gel~tel, 'Saint Eudokia and the ImperIal Household of Leo VI,' ArlB 79 (1997), pp. 699-707; St. Helena, New Tokab kihse (mld~tenth century), see A. Wharton-Epstein, Toka" Kilise. Tenlh-century MelTopolllan Ar' 11l By~anll1le Cappadocia (Washington D.C. 1986) fig. 116; SI. Theodora, the restorer ofOrthodo.,<)" in the 1\1enolorTiU1ll of Basil Il' no. 392 (sometime after 979, probably ~arly eleventh century), see o·11 i\1etlologio, p. , 392; St. Helena, Sts. f \n argyro~,. K as tona , (firstPI layer '?6 of painted decoration: second hall' of tenth or first half of eleventh century) ( . - ).

26

CHAPTER ONE

centurv engraving of the portrait of Theodora, wife Michael VIII Palaiologo s (1259-1282), in the refec~Oly of the Monastery of the Petibleptos in Constantinople (Appendix 2, no. 37). In the fourteenth and fifteenth centuties the 101'OS of the empress became similar to that worn by the emperor, with a narrow train brought to the front round the abdomen and then draped over the left forearm (Appendix 2, nos. 42, 46, 47, 49, 54) (Pl. 28). The Byzantine empress wore the /01'OS over a purple or red gown ,,~th a tall neck and long sleeves. According to the evidence of impetial portraits on seals, enamel works, and in miniature painting, the loose sleeves of the early eleventh century (Appendix 2, nos. 12-14) (Pis. 18, 29) were replaced by the third qnarter of the same century with sleeves exceedingly wide at the wrist (Appendix 2, nos. 17,19, 20) (Pl. 19). Such immense sleeves were apparendy very fashionable at the time, both inside and outside the court (see below). Their adoption for dle costume of the empress is noteworthy, since Byzantine ceremonial attire was by definition conservative and traditional. It is tempting to think that this concession to contemporary fashion was due to an initiative of the beautiful and formidable Eudokia Makrembolitissa (1059-1071), in whose effigies on coins and seals such sleeves appear for the first time (Pl. 27).57 The sleeves of the dress of the empress retained their impressive size down to the fifteenth century (Appendix 2, nos. 26, 27, 29, 37, 42, 46, 47, 49, 54) (Pis. 20, 22, 28). The loros-costume of the empress was complemented by a magnificent crown and jewellery, by the red shoes, and a sceptre. The sources are silent with regard to the symbolism of the female impetial loros. It was created in imitation of the male loros and was

57 Zacos, Seals, Ill, nos. 92 (1068), 93a-d (1067-1071) [pp. 82-83, pI. 24]. In the. fi;st layer of the painted decoration of Sts. Anargyroi at Kastoria, dated on stylistic grounds either ill the second half of the tenth century or in the first half of the eleven.th, .S!. Helena is portrayed wearing a dress with trumpet-shaped sleeves (PI. 26). Their SIZe, which appears rather modest when compared to the magnificent examples of the second half of the eleventll century, suggests that St Helena's sleeves could reflect ~n early stage in the development of this feature. However, because of the unce,:amty surrounding the date of the execution of this image, it is difficult to .estabbsh Its exact .chronological relation to the surviving imperial portraits on wl?ch the reconstrucuon of the development of these sleeves is based. It has been pomted out, nevertheless, that the sleeves of Sl. Helena's dress appear to be morc compatible with an eleventh-century date for the frescoes rather than a tenth-century onc, sce P. KaJamara, u syslime veslimentaire a Byzallce du IVl jusqu'lt la fill du Xl'sUck, 2 vols. (LiUe, 1997), note 724.

IMPERIAL COSTUME

27 one of the insignia of imperial power but th' . h" ' IS IS no reason t 0 suppose t at It too. carned the mystical connotations of th emperor. Only m the cases of empresses who e loros of the like Zoe and Theodora in 1042, and again T~ov~med .as sole rulers, Eudokia Makrembolitissa in 1067, and wh eo ora I~ 1055/6, or h'" 0 appear m the loroscostume on tell' coms, can It be Supposed th h . . at t e particular cos· d' tume symb 0 IIze speCifically their attribute d" I . sovereigns. as IVlne y appomted The Crown The "crown was the symbol of the power of th e emperor and It. remamed the most Important of the coronation I'nsl'gn' b th· h la 0 mte · h ' Middl . . .e an d m t eLate Byzantme .petiods '" The numerous portraits m which . . the emperor, sometimes accompanied by hl's spouse an d/ or the Jumor emperor(s), receives the crown from Chtist th V' . ]' d' , e Irgm, or. a.n ange lC me lator are an unambiguous statement of the divine ongm of the authority that it stood for (Appendix 2 nos I 3 8,9, ll, 15-:~, 19,20,28) (Pis. 14, 19,21,27,34: 110)'.59' , J, A few sUrV!vmg examples of Byzantine crowns have come down to us from outside the confines of the Byzantine empire. 60 The best known are the so-called Holy Crown of Hungary, now housed in the Hungarian Parliament, and the crown of Constantine IX Monomachos (1042-1055), in the National Museum, Budapest (Pis. 29, ~O). Yet, it is improbable that these ever formed part of Byzantine Imperial insignia. The first one, judging by the iconography of the enamel plaques which decorate it, was especially made to be sent as a gift by Michael VII Doukas (1071-1078) to the Hungatian kinO' ' 61 T he second was made out of enamel plaques, three of which" Geza. bear the portraits of the emperor Constantine IX and the empresses Zoe and Theodora. 62 In Byzantium impetial portraits were perceived

'" De m., pp. 192-193; pseudo-Kod., pp. 259, 261.

C:. \Valter, IThe Iconographical Sources for the Coronation of i\1ilutin and Snnomda at Gracanica,' in ~mp. Cratanica, pp. 183-200. ., P.E. Schramm, HeITSchqJIszeidlt1l ulld Slaals-f)'lIlbolik, 3 vols. (Stuttgart, 1954-1956), II, pp. 379-384, 418-422, 426-4+9, 638-642; Ill, pp. 731-754. . 61 K. WesseJ, IIp.alllille Ellamels (Shannon, 1969), pp. Ill-liS; E. K~l\'7,7;,-81. " Glory if Byzalllium, no. 145 [pp. 210-212]. See, also, E. Kiss, :~he State. of Research on the !vlonomachos Crown and Some Further Thoughts, m PerttPh011S if By.:alllillm alld lis Neiohbors (843-1261) ed. O.Z. Pel'ny (New York, 2000). pp. 60-83. ' ' • S!I

2S

CHAPTER ONE IMPERIAL COSTUME

the empress-in his or I . tI1e emperor-and by extension, asrepacmg . . I I . 63 I ' her absence and as being the vehicles of .Impc~·ta aut lOrIty. t IS, " l'lkcly tllat tile crown under dlscnsSlOn would have been therelore, un . . worn by at1)' of the three imperial personages portrayed on Its plaques." In elevenm-century portraits the crown of the emperor appears as a solid circlet of gold decorated with rows of pe~rls and a great gemstone set in the centre (PI. 3Ia-c).65 It was sometImes surmonnted by a cross (Appendix 2, nos. 12, (6) (PI. IS) or a spray mree _ haped pearls (Appendix 2, nos. IS, 19, 23). Two stnngs of p~s . ' dd . . eplctIons pearIs, tel'minating in trefOIl ornaments m well-preserve . (PI. 31 b), were attached to the lower rim of me crown. frammg the face. They are commonly called prependoulia. In th,e AleXlad, a te~t of me mid-twelfm centnry, they are called me 'onnatlzol and are descrIbed 66 as being specific to imperial usage. A change in the shape of me emperor's crown seems to have taken place towards me end of the eleventh century, during the reign of Alexios I Komnenos (I OS 1-11 IS): it became a closed crown, with a low, hemispherical bow1. 6; This change is first witn~ssed in art in portraits of John 11 Komnenos (1IIS-ll43) (AppendIx 2, nos. 27, 2S; PIs. 20, 21). The Komnenian closed crown was surmounted by a cross or a spray of pearls, but the prependoulia terminated in crosses ramer man trefoil ornaments (PI. 3 Id-e). Since the time of John 11 Komnenos the new closed crown replaced completely the earlier open one in imperial portraiture, with the exception of imperial effigies on coins, probably due to the conventionalism as a rule characterizing representations in this medium. Only in the Palaiologan period was me closed crown introduced into imperial coinage. 6B The

29

open crown was employed in religious iconography throughout the Byzantine period. The Late Byzantine closed crown, compared to its Komnenian predeces~or, was taller and commonly surmounted by a single jewel (PI. 31 f-t) or, more rarely, a cross (Appendix 2, nos. 51, 52). Judging by surviving portraits, its decoration also changed, incorporating a greater number of set gems surrounded by pearls bom on the headband and the bowl. The prependoulia became strings of pearls alternating with jewels and terminating in trefoil ornaments. On occasion, Late Byzantine crowns appear wim a pair of prependoulia suspended from the lower rim on eimer side of the face (Appendix 2, nos. 37, 3S, 51, 52) (PIs. 23, 3If). Palaiologan crowns look indeed impressive in artistic representations, but in reality they may not have been as richly adorned as they appear. A fourteenth-century historian, Nikephoros Gregoras laments the fact that at the coronation ofJohn VI Kantakouzenos (l347-1354)-in the aftermam of a devastating civil war-the imperial crowns were made of gilded lea mer while me jewels adorning mem were noming more than coloured glass. 69 The crown of the empress was taller and more elaborate man mat of the emperor. The upper rim of her crown was adorned wim arched or pointed projections. When in the late elevenm century me crown of the emperor acquired a closed dome, that of me empress retained its open shape. Effigies of eleventh-century empresses on coins and seals show the prependoulia suspended from me lower rim of meir crowns. 70 Prependoulia are not always distinguishable in imperial portraits in other media. While in some examples they may simply have been effaced wim time, in others they were clearly not there from the beginning. Zoe, for example, in a mosaic panel at Hagia Sophia in Constantinople, seems to have some kind of bejewelled flap(s) coming down the back of her head (PI. 32a). Spouses of Komnenian emperors do not have prependoulia, bnt impressive earrings instead. They also seem to have a veil or flap suspended from the crown at the back (PI. 32c-d). In all surviving portraits of Middle Byzantine empresses, the crown rests directly on the hair (Appendix 2, nos. 9, 12-14, 19, 20, 26, 27, 29) (PIs. 14, IS-20, 22, 29).

0:

63 Grabar, L'empereur dans l'art, pp. 5-8. .. Cormack suggested that it was sent as a gift to king Andrew of Hungary, thus dating it between 1046 and lO50, see R. eormack, 'But is it Art?,'. in Byz01~tine Diplomacy. Papers ftom the TWe1/tyfourtlz Spring ~mposillm 'If By~antine StudIeS, Camb"dge, Marcll 1990, eds. J Shepard and S. Franklin, (Cambridge, 1992), p. 23165 Cf. AioXptcrtO
6'J Gregoras Nicephorus, His/Dna By"annlla, vols. 1-11, ecl. L. Schopen (Bonn, 1829, 1830); vo!. Ill, ed. L Bekker (Bonn, 1855) (hereafter Greg.), pp. 788-789. 70 DOC IIIIl, p. 130.

j

, 30

CHAPTER ONE

. d the female crown acquired a tall, cylinIn tlle Palaiologan peno fI t (PI 32e). It retained the pin. . I .tll sides that are ou .'m The use of tlle prepcl/doulia does not appear dncal s lape ."~ nades along Its up?el n Theodora the wife of Alexios In Komnenos to have been consistent. I 'large crescent-shaped earrings · d r. r examp e wears of Tre b1Z0n, 0 ' · t h strings of pearls (Appendix 2, . d i d to tlle crown WI • mstea , attac le . tl Pia' ologan period rested on a veil or 51) The crown III le a 1 di no..' d th h .r and upper part of the shoulders (Appen x e at net winch covere 2, nos. 37, 42, 47) (PI. 28).

17le Shoes The use of red footwear by the emperor, adorned with pearls ~nd . (Pili) an be traced back to the Early Byzantme precIOus stones . , c . V' I R (PI period, as attested by justinian's po~tratt at ~an Ita e, avenna. . 9). According to the written sources, III the Midcll~ and Late Byzantllle . ds the red shoes were considered, along Mth the crown, to be peno . I' f: h' h the most distinctive amongst the Byzantme rega la, a ac~ w I~ . h they were always among the first symbols of Impenal expIruns w y 71 power to be appropriated by pretenders to the throne .. Apparently, they were worn by the emperor and the empress not Just on ceremonial but on all occasions. The emperor even wore red boots on crunpaign.72 A pair of such boots, worn by. the emperor in .military costume, can be seen in the portrait of Basil II (976-1025), m Marc. gr. Z. 17, ( IIlr (Appendix 2, no. 11; PI. 110). Though references to empresses or imperial princesses-the latter in the absence of male heirs-wearing red shoes are rare,73 the testimony of imperial portraits is explicit in this respect (Appendix 2, nos. 13, 14, 19, 26, 29, 42).

71 Mic!,,1 PseiWs, ChroTlf)grapilie Oil Hislllire d'lIn sUck de Byzonce (976-1077). Edition et traduction par E. Renauld, 2 vols. (Paris, 1926, 1928) (hereafter Psellos, Chron.), I, p. 17, 11, p. 144; Aualio/ae Michaelis: His/mia, eds. I. Bekker and W. BruneI de Presle (Bonn, 1853) (hereafter Attal.), pp. 59, 247; Srylitzae Ioonnis Synopsis hislllriamm, ed. I. Thurn (Berlin and New York, 1973) (hereafter Sky!.), p. 500; Bryennii }{zaphon' HiswriaTUm libri qualluor. Introduction, texte, traduction et notes par P. Gautier (Brussels, 1975) (hereafler Bryen.), pp. 57, 231, 301; An. Komn., I, pp. 86, 87, 99, 115-116,11,172; <:,onaraeJoannis Epilllmae Hislllriarum, eds. M. Pinder and T. BiiltnerWobS!, 3 vols. (Bonn, 1841-1897) (hereafter Zon.), III, pp. 540, 541, 556-557, 730, 733; Eustathios of Thessalonike, PG 136, co!. 49; Pachyrn., I, p. 137; 11, pp. 653-655, 657, 667; Greg., p. 803; Kantak., I, p. 392, 11, p. 166, III, p. 269. 72 Psellos, Chron., I, p. 39. 7J An. Komn., III, pp. 239, 240; Greg., p. 69.

IMPERIAL OOSTuME

31

In the Middle Byzantine period imperial footwear was decorated with .pearls " and precious stones.'" In the twelfth -century a nonymous descnptlOn of t~e Jou.sts of a Byzantine emperor, in all probability Manuel I, the I~penal shoes are described as red, adorned with ea~les executed m pearls. According to the anonymous author, the wh~te colour of the ~earl~ allu?ed to the emperor being spotless, whIle the eagles to hIS bemg hIgh-flying like them." The boots of the emperor, called the 't<.angia', continued to be ornamented with eagles on the instep and the sides in the Late Byzantine period as 76 well. Yet, ~n portraits of. Palaiologan emperors, the shoes appear decorated wllh pearls and Jewels (Appendix 2, nos. 43, 44) (PI. 24), as they did in the Middle Byzantine period (Appendix 2, nos. I, 2, 7, 13, 21, 24, 25, 28). It is in a Bulgarian manuscript executed in 1356, Brit. mus. add. 39627 (Cur<.on 153), ( 3r, where we actually encounter a representation of a pair of red boots with golden double-headed eagles on the instep; they are worn by the Bulgarian tsar 1van Alexander (1331-1371).77 A similarly adorned boot can be seen on the fragment of the lower part of a funerary effigy on the marble lid of a sarcophagus said to have belonged to the same Ivan Alexander, now in the Archaeological Museum at Turnovo. 7•

The Sceptre and the Labarum The sceptre, surmounted by an eagle, was originally an attribute of the Roman consuls adopted by Early Byzantine emperors and transformed into one of the imperial insignia. 79 Already in the Early Byzantine period, the cross had replaced the eagle.'o A tenth-century gold cross garnished with crystals, semi-precious stones, and pearls, now in the treasury of the cathedral at Tournai, probably belonged to a Byzantine imperial sceptre (PI. 33).·1 The cross-topped

H

Bryen., p. 281.

by H ..Maguire, 'The Heavenly Court~' in By<:.atltitlc Court Culture, p. 253. 76 Pseudo-Kod., p. 171. 17 L. Zhivkova, Chetveroevallgelie/o na /sar Iuall AkksalldiJr (Sofia, 1980), p!. 2. See. , . .,., _ also, :rvlaguire, 'Heavenly Court,' p. 254. 78 T. Velmans, 'Le portrait dans t'art des Paleologues In Art et Jocr!le, fig . .:>8. 79 Delbmeck, Consu[ardiptychm, pp. 61-62. so DOe 1111, pp. 87-88. . 61 tv1. Rass, 'A Byzantine Imperial Sccpter for Easter and a Pc:toral Cross. Jahrbucil der o's/erreicilisciletl i!Jzantillischen Gesellsciuyl IX (1960), pp. 91-93. 75

A6:~1tpo<;, '''EKffJPaCJ'I~,' p. 17; discussed

, cHAPTER ONE

IMPERIAL COSTUME

33

32 . I d sim Iy as the 'cross', is often mentioned in P'tt n sources 82 It had no constitutional sceptre, sometImes sty e . 'ddl d Late ByzantIne . . 'In ChrIst . and ~b e an . bwnI ef the emperor's faith significance; It was the s~m Of LOate Byzantine emperors the cross· . IV 83 In portraIts 0 • • of hIS pie.,. d' tl right hand," is invariably associated Wlth topped sceptre, hel In .1.e 31 35-37 40,41,43,44,46-48, the Ioms-cos/WI1C (AppendIx 2, nos. , .' d . Is 3 24). It is only exceptIonally represente In the 51, 52, 54) (P. , (Appendix 2 nos. 19, 54). I have not come . hands of the empress sources. The . f her holdinO"' it in the wntten across any mentIon 0 s described0 by pseudo-KodnoS i 'In th e fiour. sceptre 0 f th e empress, a , h d a top set with pearls and precIOus stones and teenth centuI), a B ' . was called the 'bafon,.85 In both !vliddle and Late yzantIne po~tralstaff with a top adorned thus (Appendix 2, ture, empresseS hold a nos. 13, 14, 20, 26, 29, 42, 46, 47) (PIs. 19, 22, 28, 29). The ivory fragment (0.103 x 0.10 x 0.?2m) at the ~useum fur Spatantike und Byzantinische Kunst, BerlIn, adorned ':It~ busts of Christ flanked by Sts. Peter and Paul (front), of the VIrgin crowning emperor Leo VI (886-912), while the archangel Gabriel attends (back), and of Sts. Kosmas and Damianos (sides) ~P~. 34), is ~ome times identified as the tip of a sceptre. 86 However, If mdeed thiS was the case, the presence of Leo's portrait" on the ivory would argue against the sceptre's being held by tlte emperor himself. A different kind of sceptre, if indeed tltis is what it is, appears in a number of portraits of emperors of the Nliddle Byzantine period (Appendix 2, nos. I, 14, 16-20, 28, 29) (Pis. 2, 19, 21, 22, 29, 30). It has the appearance of a standard: a long staff surmounted by a square panel, usually decorated with precious stones. The term commonly used by scholars to describe it is the 'labarum'. The labarum was a Constantinian standard, which, following a long period of disuse commencing in the late fourth century, reappeared in imperial portraiture in the nintlt century and remained popular throughout

" De m., p. 25; W. Horandner, ThuJdoros Prodromos. HisWrische Gedichte (Vienna, 1974), no;,VI, lines 165-167 (p. 225); pseudo-Kod., pp. 200-202, 224, 264; Kantak., p. 200. SI Pseudo-Kod., p. 201; Symeon of Thessalomke, PG 155, col. 356. For the ~ustom of holding the sceptre in the left hand during the Middle Byzanune penod see De eer., p. 25; Horandner Theodoros Prodromos no. VI lines " , 165-167 (p. 225). 8; Pseudo-Kod., pp. 260-261. " ~. Corrigan, 'The Ivory Scepter of Leo VI: A Statement of Post-iconoclastic Impena1 Ideology,' ArlB 60 (1978), pp. 407-416.

8

the Middle " Iconography are '1" Byzantine period. ' Its connot a t'Ions In both ' . war a d . ml Itary and trIumphal ' since it stands f ori VIctOry In tnumph. over, the enemy.sa The labarum does no t appear, as far asn I know, . m portraIts . . of Late Byzantine em perors, WIt. h the exception of effigles on coms down . . to the reign of Joh n VI Kantakouzenos fl9 Its late appearance m thiS medium should b tt'b d . '. . f M'ddl' e a n ute to the ImitatIon 0 I e ByzantIne models.

The Akakia In portrait~ the .red, cy~indrical, scroll-like object shown held by the emperor, either In the nght or, commonly, in the left hand (Appendix 2, nos. 2, 7,13, 17, ~O~ 21,.28, 29, 31, 32, 37, 39, 41, 43-49) (PIs. 2, 3, fi d . 19, B 21, .22, 24), IS IdentIfied by scholars with the aknlcia,reerre to m yzantme texts as one of the emperor's insignia.'" It is considered a descendant of the mappa, the ceremonial kerchief with which the consuls signalled the beoinning of the game SIne . th 91 0. Roman d hIPpO rome. Its association with the mappa, however, does not go be~ond a su~erficial similarity in shape. In the tenth century, because of ItS. scroll-hke appearance, it was considered a symbol of Christ's teachIngs ~nd com~and~ents.92 By the fourteenth century it had developed mto a cylIndncal pouch of silk tied with a kerchief and containing a handful of dust. The dust and the kerchief served as reminders to the emperor of his own mortality and of the transitional character of temporal power respectively, thus inducing him to humility.93

The Orb Early Byzantine emperors, in the footsteps of their Roman predecessors, had adopted the orb in their official portraiture as a symbol

87 DOe I1I1l, pp. 134-138. .. WaIter, 'Iconographical Sources,' pp. 192-193. 89 See, for example, Bendal1 and Dona1d, eoi/Ulge, pp. 34-140; DOe v, pIs. 10. 11, 13, 31, 32, 36, 38, 40. 90 De m., pp. 25, 62, 187; pseudo-Kod., pp. 201-202, 224-225; Symeon or Thessa10nike, PG 155, col. 356. 91 Delbrueck, eOl/slllardip!ychen, pp. 62-63; Doe I1I/1, pp. 133-134. 92 De eer., p. 638. 93 Pseudo-Kod., pp. 201-202; Symeon of Thessa10nike, PG 155, col. 356. The kerchief with which the akakia was tied is clearly visible in the nineteenth-century drawing of the mosaic portrait ofJohn V Palaiologos in Hagia Sophia, Constantinople, see Appendix 2, no. 45.

,

IMPERIAL COSTUME

CHAPTER ONE

34-

., P n in origin, this symbol was soon chriscross In the new order of things of world donll1110 n. aga d b . . d b b 'ng surmounte y a . . uamse Y el f I . al authority of the cmperor which . bol 0 tIe Ulllvers ~ It became a sym . f Christ the one true ](osmokrator.9.' . d tl e representauve 0 , he exerCise as I . .. d tlle orb most often surmounted by l\f'ddl B)'Zanune p e n o , . In tlle 'I e of the imperial insignia on coms95 but cross . 'm ot Iler me d'la a , was common . das onc d into imperial portraits , onl)' rarely Illtro uce . "as .. 2 5 7 16) (PI. 34-). Indeed It has been suggested (Appendix 2, nos .. ' .'t d' as a real object?6 The fact that it is not mat the orb nevel eXlS e . ount of B),zantine cercmolllal and that a man . d' menUone III any acc . '. . 'ntimately involved m court pohtlcs as Mlchael as educate d and as I . . PseUos did not recognize its meaning when he saw It m t.he hands of archangels in me eleventh century, lends s.upport to. tlllS suggestion." This furmer implies mat its representatlon on coms .was conventional alld did not have a specific symbolic connot~tlOn. The popularity of the orb, even on coin effigies, gradually died ~ut in the Palaiologan period. 98 The orb made one last appear~nce m the halld of Theodora, wife of Alexios III Komnenos of Treblzond, portrayed on a chrysobull of 1374- granted to the Dionysiou Monastery on Mount Athos (Appendix 2, no. 51 )."9 Apparently the Great Komnenoi of Trebizond were the only Late Byzantine ruling house who continued to employ ilie orb on coinage. 100 It remained one of the standard attributes of the archangels in religious iconography mroughout the Late Byzantine period.

35

throne, the footstool, and. bodyguards,ine ordr t0 make eVIdent . to the beholder the one attnbute that was of impo t d ' all . . . r ance an which the figures. m thiS category had in common'. th a t 0f sovereignty. . . ThiS. was done IrrespectIVe of the moral character of th e personages concerned. and bad rulers shared the same Byzantme . Impenal . . . , Good . i~SI?llla. ~Ir~t an~ foremost among the rulers represented anachrolllstlcally m Impenal costume w~re the two prophet-kings, David and Solomo~. The most comn:o~ Ic~nographic context in which they appear m monumental pamtmg IS Christ's Descent into H 11 (PI 35, 36, 4-0).101 Their portraits were also included among the p~ophe~~ represented on the drum of Middle and Late Byzan"ne domes, sur~ . u roundmg. the bust of the Pantokrator (PI. 37) or' more rare Iy, t hat . 102 of the V. ~rgm, or amon~ the chorus of prophets in Last Judgment c~mposltlons (PI. 46). DaVld and Solomon, in their role as prophetic ~~nesses to Ne:-v Testame~~ events, were also portrayed in the proxImity of narratlve cOmpOSltlOns, holding open scroUs inscribed with ~e. relev~nt Old Testament text. '03 Other biblical rulers who appear m Impenal costume are ilie following: king Herod, in scenes from ilie Infancy cycle of Christ (PI. 38),10' Herod, the tetrarch of Galilee, in scenes from the life of St. John ilie Baptist (PI. 39), and me royal ancestors of Christ in dome programmes. 105 Among non-biblical rulers represented in imperial costume one may include the royal couple whose daughter was saved from the dragon by St. George,'06 and king Abgar of Edessa in the cycle illustrating the apocryphal story of the Mandylion. lo7

USE IN RELIGIOUS ICONOGRAPHY

Rulers, Biblical and Non-Biblical Middle and Late Byzantine art employed Byzantine imperial costume, as well as oilier accoutrements of imperial power, such as the " P.E. Schramm, Sphaira. Gbibus. ReicllSapfil (Stuttgart, I 958), pp. 12-19; DOC 11/1, p. 85. ., DOC III/I, pp. 131-133. ~ Ibid.; Schramm, Splwira, pp. 24-27. : C. Mango, 'St. Michael and Attis,' LlXAE 12 (1984), pp. 39, 44. " ~endall and Donald, Coimtge, passim; DOC V, passim. he orb aJs? app~" In the left hand of the emperor in the Alexander Romallee of the Gre~k lnsbtute In Vemce (Appendix 2, no. 53). On the conventional charac~~ of tillS portrait see above, note 40. Schramm, Splwira, pp. 27-28.

On their role in this particular iconographic context sce A.D. Kartsonis, 'If an Image (Princeton, 1986), pp. 186-203. See, for example, P.A. Underwood, 'The Kariye I!Jami, 3 vols. (New York and Princeton, 1966-1975), pis. 71, 72. 103 See, for example, 'A. 'OpA.a.voo~, 'H apxrrex:rovl!d] K'ai ai f3u{a"nvai rOLXorpC«p{at rij<; Movij<; mu eEoMrov rii<; narJlOV (Athens, 1970), p. 233, pI. 93. This was an old practice already encountered in illuminated gospel-books of the sixth century, like the Rossano and the SillOpe Gospels, see Lowden, EarlY Christian ll1ld ~)'~. Art, pp. 84-87 . 10·1 See, also, G. Millet, Monuments byzantillS de Mislra (Paris, 1910). pI. 66A (Metropolis). IQ!) W. Grape, 'Zum 8tH cler Ivlosaiken in cler Kilise Camii in Istanbul,' Pantheon XXXII/I (1974), figs. 1-2; Underwood, Kariye .Qjami, pis. 73-78. . . 1116 See, for example, LT. IIiliKctv(o~<;, KctlJfopla l. Bvsavnvcti wlXoypaqnal. nl"et"" (Thessalonike, 1953), pI. 32b (church of Sts. Anargyroi).. . 107 Sce K. Weitzmann, 'The i\Iandylion and Constantme Porphyrogeunctos, C:I II (1960), pp. 163-184. 101

Anas/asis. 771e ,vlaking \02

•

CHAPTER ONE

36

. . . b'blical rulers in Byzantmc I1nperial . f rcpresenung l B ' . bl' I ed in the Early yzantme penod The pracuce 0 dy been esta IS 1 . ' costume had al rea . I I golden tablion and the open crown le cllia,,!),s WIt 1 t le , . 'b 108 M'd when the purp . ved as their distinguislung attn utes. I dle witll tlle prfpendolli1a se.1 d tl' practice though the character of the .ne . t conunue us Byzann arUs s d' aO"l'eement with contemporary devel. . . tl ' sed change 1Il b' • lIlSlgIlla le) u . The ch/amys contmued to be employed . b' . impenal costume. opments 1Il elaborate with decoratIve eJewelled I it became more " thoug 1 now all d oration of floral or geometrical motifs, as borders and an lover D e~1l1i (PI. 37) and Kurbinovo (PI. 35). The I h n for examp e, at ap see , f b'bl' al kings in me loros-costume, as ear Y as t e tenth . . ' 109 Th Poru'ayal 0 I. IC lYIiddle Byzannne 1l1nOvatlOn. e h emI-. century consntutes a . d . . ' f me Komnenian emperors was mtro uced m sphJjienihcal crown li~cnous iconography as attested by the representatwe -century re b' , . f DaVl'd and Solomon at Kurbinovo nons 0 . (PI. . 35) and at Panagia . ki' La oudera. llo Even the combmanon of the loros With the Ara onssa, g fM II K 111 . mantle, which first appeared on coins ~ anue om~enos,. IS encountered roughly at the same time m the representat~on of bIblical kings. Jl2 Old and new style.s <:ontinued to b: used SIde by si~e in me Late Byzantine period. Blbhcal rulers contmued to appear m me chlamys-costume-as emperors did on coins-long after the actual garment had become obsolete (Pis. 36, 38). One wonders whether the use of me loros-costume in the portrayal of biblical rulers in the Middle Byzantine period was merely a reflection of the growing importance of mis costume in official art or whemer its symbolism, especially its triumphal connotations, had been a determining factor in its being selected for representation instead of me more traditional chlamys-costume. There is evidence to

,.. G. C.vallo eI aI., Ccdex Purpureus Rossanensis, Commenlanum (Rome, 1987), pI. XXIV.32; C. Ceeehelli, the Rabbuln Gospels. Foes. Edilwn 'If tJle Millialures 'If the iiYnae MalWSmpl Plul. 1, 56 in the MeJicaean-LaurClllulIl library (Olten and Lausanne, 1959), facs. 21 (f. 4b); A. Grab.r, I.es prinlures de l'evangeliaire de Sinope (Geneva, 1953), pis. I-N; O. Mazal, Kommenlar zur Wlffltr Genesis. Faksimile-Ausgabe des Codex Illeol. gr. 31 del oslmeichisekCll XalwnalhiblWthek in Wien (Frankfurt, 1980), figs. 34, 35, 36. , '~ C. Jolivet-Uvy, 'glises itYzonlines de Cappadoce. Le progratllllU ieollographuJlIe. de ~:;~~J. Mords (Pans, 1991), pp. 28 (Qavu§in, Gtillti dere no. 1), 53 (Qavu§lll,

L;s

• 110 A. Nikolaldes, 'L'eglise de la Panagia Arakiotissa a Lagoudera, Chypre: etude le~?~graphique des fresques de 1192,' DOP 50 (1996), figs. 42, 45. See above, note 10. 112 See note 110; see, also, Kitzinger, Monreale, pI. 95.

IMPERIAL COS"nJME

37

suggest that, at least . . on certain occasions. , the chol'ce had been purposive. In the mmIatures of the 7heodore Psalter (1066) C I f h . . , lor examp e a product 0 . t e scnptonum of the Stoudios Monastery at Constan: tinople, Davld .and . other Old Testament rulers partic'Ipa u' ng .111 narrative co,mposltlons ,,:ear the chlamys-costume. However, in scenes repr~sentmg a coronatl.on, a. royal ~nction, the raising of a ruler on a shIeld, a ruler trampmg hIS enemIes, or a ruler in the presence of Christ or being blessed by the Hand of God, it is the loros-costume which. is employed as the most ~ppropriate garment for the repres~ntatlo~ of ~he concepts o~ majesty, triumph, and divinely sanctioned kingshIp. The thematIC content of these compositions leaves ~o doubt, to ~y ~ind, ~s ~o the ultimate source of their inspiration, I.e. Byzantme Impenal Ideology and ceremonial.113 If one wis~es to seek ideological justification for the use of imperial costume m the portrayal of figures of biblical rulers, beyond the need for characterization, one could do so in me case of the two prophet-kings. David was one of the favourite prototypes for the Byzantine emperor in Byzantine political thought, because of his attribute as one selected to rule by divine will and because of his piety. Solomon was another favourite prototype, firstly, as the embodiment of wisdom and justice and, secondly, though to a much lesser degree, because of his patronage of the arts, especially of ambitious building programmes. 114 By endowing these two prophet-kings wim Byzantine imperial costume, the comparisons made by imperial panegyrists were given a concrete, visual dimension. However, I do not think that, at least in the majority of me examples, such a comparison was intended consciously on me part of the painter, mough one can not exclude the possibility that it might have passed through me mind of the reflective beholder, especially in me case of monuments where a portrait of the Byzantine emperor was also incorporated in the iconographic programme. In one case, nevertheless, the intention of the artist, or, most probably, of me founder(s), to draw a parallel between a prophet-king and me reigning emperor seems evident. One has in mind the portrayal of Solomon in me Descent 113 S. Der Nersessian, L'i/lus/ration des psallliers grees du MrtJ'en Age, 11. l.ondres, Jdd. 19.352 (Paris, 1970), pp. 82-83, figs. 32, 33, 37, 77,91,112, Ilj, 122, 148, 149. 173, 325. . '" F. Dvornik, earlY Christiall alld Byzantine Political Pkilosoply<, 2 vols. (Wa~hll1!iton, D.C., 1966), Il, pp. 644, 645, 736, 781-782, 799, 823. See, also, H. MagUlre, The Art of Comparing in Byzantium,' JlrtB 70 (1988), pp. 89-94.

IMPERIAL

CHAPTER ONE

38

Cl '

where the painter appears to have into Hell in Nea Mone, 1I0S, nly with the costume but also with ruler no, t 0IX Monomachos, w h 0 was a patron portrayed tJle b'blical I tlle facial featnres of Const~~lune of tlle monastery (PI. 40),

Empemrs

alld

Empresses

. I ded saintly figures who had been, or were ' ateQ'OIY are mef'mperial u ' rank like Sts, Constantme, Helena In tl nS c b bli " e e\,edtohavebeen,o . d E' . (PIsI 41-44), ConstanUne appears al" so m scenes Cathenne '. an Iuene, . tlle lile r f S t. N'IC h 0 Ias (PI s, 45, ' 'cle illusu'ating 0 of me haglOgrap nC C) d' B ' , 95 116 Omer Late Roman emperors repI:esente, m y~antme Impe'se tllOse poru'ayed m haglOgraphlc cycles and nal costume compn , ' ' I' , . rke for example, MaXlmlan and DlOc etIan m the m£TIowgtum scenes, I , ' 117 0 cycles of St, Demetrios and St. George respectIvely, ne may also . cl d I e tlle anonymous figures of emperors who appear among m u e ler .. PI 46) 118 the damned in Last Judgment compoSItIOnS ( , . , As a rule, me costume employed in the portrayal of samtly emperors and empresses in iconic images is me Loros-costume, complemented by me crown,119 Emperors in narrative scenes are, more often, represented in the chlam),s-costume, though examples where they appear in me imvs-costume are also encountered, especially in me Late Byzantine period (PI. 45). During me Middle and the L~te By~antine periods changes in the character of the roros and the Impenal crown were reflected roughly at the same time in the portrayal of saintly impe-

J

JI5 D. Mouriki, The Mosaics if Nea Moni on Chios, 2 vols, (Athens, 1985), pp. 137-138. Cr. R. Corm.ck, 'The Emperor at St. Sophia: Viewer and Viewed,' in Byzance et ks images, p. 227. Cp, with the attribution of the facial features of Conslantine VII POIphyrogennetos to king Abgar on a tenth-century icon, now at Sinai, see '''eitzmann, 'The Mandylion'. "' N.P, 5evcenko, The Life if Saint Nickolas in Byzantine Art (Turin, 1983), pp, 115-119, 123-126, 111 S. Pelekanides, P. Christou, Ch, Tsioumis, S, Kadas, 77ze Treasures if Mount Allws, IlIuminaled Manuscripts, 2 vols. (Athens, 1973, 1975) (hereafter Pelekanides cl aL, Treasures), II, figs. 330-332 (Esphigmemou 14, If. 52v, 90r, 90v: menologiwn scenes); Millel! Monumenls byz. de A:fistra, 1'1. 69,1 (Metropolis, cycle of SI. Demetrios); H. Magulre, The Icons if Their Bodies, Sainls and 77zeir Images in Byzantium (Princeton, 1996), fig. 163 (Sinai, thirteenth-century biographic icon of St, George), ::: See, also, MilIel, Monummls byz, de Mislra, pI. 81.2 (Metropolis), Very rarely Sts, Constantine and Helena appear holding the orb. See, for example, M; Resdc, Byzanlme Wall·painting in Asia Minor, 3 vols. (Recklinghausen, 1?67), pI. I~ (Goreme, El Nazar); N, and M, Thiefry, NOU1Jellts iglises rupestres de CofPodoce; RigWn du Hasan Dog. (Paris, 1963), p, 107, pI. 53 (Hasan Dag., Yuanh kilise); \\ harton-Epstein, Takah Ailise, fig, 116,

COSTUME

39

rial figures, as they had done in the port If' me previous section, We have already r~yado rulers dIscussed in pomte out th t th ' evidence for the change in the charact f h ,a e earhest ' , er 0 t e Mlddl B , e yzantme female Loros IS provided by representations f' 0 Impenal femal ' , I'f' The slmp lIed male loros was employed ' , e samts, , , m representatlO f S ConstantIne soon after Its introduction I'n 'Imp en'a! port 'tsns A0 ,t. Pigeon House Church, Qavu§in where as ' d ral, t the , , , ' ,pomte out befo ' I" re, "e have the earhest survlvmg portrait in mon Byzantine emperor in the simplified Wros Stumcenta pamtmg of a ' . 'I ' ' onstantme was rep resente " d m a Slml ar garment ' without the tr' am though (PI. 41), Thehemlsphencal crown of the Komnenian emperors IS ' worn by St " ConstantIne at Kurbmovo and at the Enkle'IS tra 0 f St. Neophytos ' Paphos (Pis, 42, 43). The crown of St , Helen a a t K urb'movo (PI 43)' resembles mat worn by the wives of Komnenl' an emperors "m offiCIal , , portraiture 20, 22), In me Late Byzantine peno 'd Clemale Impe• "(Pis, , nal samts appear m gowns with exceedingly W1'd e sIeeves, weanng ' " , the loros WIth me narrow train and an open crown rest, slmphfied '" mg on a veil or haJrnet m the manner of Late Byzanti (PI. 44),120 ne empresses As in the case of biblical rulers, the attribution of imperial costume to, the figur~s incl,uded in this category was, above anything else, an Iconographic deVIce of characterization employed for Christian and non-Christian emperors, good or bad, Only in the context of ~e Last Judgment may the portrayal of anonymous figures in impenal co~tume be said to constitute a comment on the morality of rulers I?, general, The inclusion of these figures in Last Judgment compOSItions would bom offer consolation to the humble and serve as a reminder to me powerful that all are equal in front of the tribunal of Christ. 121 Irrespective of meir exalted status in this life, emperors too will be subject to the final judgment and to the consequent reward or condemnation according to their deeds, as any other human being.

Cp. with PI. 28, D. Mouriki, 'An Unusual Representation of the Last Judgment in a Thilteemh CentUlY Fresco at SI. George near Kouvaras in Attica,' LlXAE 8 (1975-1976), pp, 157-158. Sce, also, p, Magdalino and R. Nelson, 'The Emperor in Byzantine Art of the 12th Century,' BF 8 (1982), p, 125, for a Byzantine description of a Last Judgm~nt compositiOl: in the palace, incorporating a portrait of Alexios [ ~omnenos. Accordmg to the editors, Alexios was probably portrayed on the lell Slde or the throne of Christ, the side of the damned, but not necessalily among them. 120 12]

mW1"ER ONE

40

, :al costume was employed in the por. hether ImpeIl One wonders w , d Helena in order to promote a favourable C nstano neIan' ' ning emperor and these saInts, ' tra)'al 0 f Sts, 0 SI. b tween t le Ielg , Cl" emperor and founder of Constantinople companso n e , the first lllsuan " Constan one, , 't al forefather and a model of pIety to be was considered tlBle SPIll? u emperors 122 His mother, St, Helena, was e , emuIatedb}' the yzan d bn cause of ' the role she was beheved to have venerate e the True Cross, The attempt at an aSSlm, particularl)' , d' of la 'ed III the Iscovery ?IlalIOn ~ f I' , perors to these saintly ancestors through the use 0 Ivmg em ' , ' 'a ,,'ould have aimed at suggestIng that they also " of the same IIlSIgru especIally pIety, and the same roles as attn'butes shared the s a m e, , guardians of OrthodoX)' and as propagators of the true faIth, There is evidence to suggest that in certain monuments s~ch an attempt had been consciously made, though, it should be Said, that imperial costume was employed in association with other ~conographic means in order to achieve it. In the tenth-century PIgeon House Church, Qavu~in, Sts, Constantine and Helena were exceptionally represented in the bema, on the semi cylinder of the central apse (PI. 41), According to jolivet-Uvy, they were visible only to one standing at the north side of the aisle of the naos, The gaze of a viewer positioned thus would encompass simultaneously both the portraits of the inlperial saints and those of the emperor Nikephoros II Phokas and his family, portrayed in the conch of the north apse of the bema (Appendix 2, no, 10; PI. 17), J23 Thus, the imperial family would appear to the beholder to share not only the same costume, but also the same space with Sts, Constantine and Helena, something which would underline the proximity between the emperor and his saintly prototypes even further, It has been said that by his visual association to the imperial saints, the donors of the monument, who probably belonged to the provincial Cappadocian gentry, sought to promote the legitimacy of the claim of the usurper Nikephoros to imperial digoityl" and, one might add, to express their own allegiance to this emperor, who was a native of Cappadocia, In two other monuments, datmg to the late twelfth century, Kurbinovo (1191) and the Enkleistra of St. Neophytos, Paphos (after 1197, at a time when Cyprus was no longer part of the Byzantine empire), Sts, Constantine and Helena :: DV,ornik,. Politic"l PhilosopJry, pp, 757, 781. ".1~~et-Uvy, Eglises byz, de Cappadoce, pp, 18-19,

IMPERIAL COSTUME

41 acquire n~t only the costume but also facial ch ' , , can be Said to resemble those of the me b aractenstlCS which , m ers of the r d of the KomnenOI and the Angeloi (Pis, 22, 42 43 125 ru ,mg ynasty been done intentionally and on the de 'd)' ThIS may have um'denll'fi ed ml'I'Itary man or an ecclesiast' man , h of the tlon org-an IC m t e case of K b' and St. Neophytos in ,the case of the Enklelstra-m ' , the' ur movo, ,h flatter or to express theIr allegiance to the B ' ,Ir WIS to , h" yzantme ruhng ha 116 TemptIng as t IS suggestIOn is, it is equally probable th use: responsible simply reproduced the facial typ al at the artists es, ong with I of costume, as they found them in the cont e ements types at their disposal. emporary secular proto-

Personifications In the ' , scene 'al of the Pentecost one or more mal e fi gures dressed m the Impen" loros-costume appear at the head of th e persom'fi' canons of th e N anons, the Tnbes, , and the Languages ' 127 They can be taken to represent the ByzantIne state, They can also be taken to em body the commo~wealth o,f the orthodox nations at the head of which was ByzantIUm, In eIther case it is the concept of t e~~o h' f ' the Byz~ntInes among the peoples who accepted the Christian faith and th~Ir self-awareness as the new elect people which is highlighted, These Ideas were nurtured in the tenth and eleventh centuries b t~e ,representati~es of the Church and by imperial theorists,"· It fs slgruficant that It is d~ring the course of the tenth century, when these concepts were bemg developed, that the imperial figures were

. [25 L. Hadermann-Misguich, Kurbillovo. Les ftesques de Sa-int-Georges ella peinture b.r'Qllhn~ du,Xl/' siecle (Brussels, 1975), pp, 250-251; C, Grozdanovand L. Haderma';,n-

MlSg~lch, Kurbinovo (Skopje, 1992), p, 63; C, Mango and EJ. Hawkins, 'The Hermitage of St. Neophytos and Its Wail-paintings,' DOP 20 (1966), p, 159, cr the largely destroyed portrait of St, Constantine (much of the head and the right shoulder presetved) in the room above the southwest vestibule of Hagia Sophia in Constantmople (870's), whose facial features are strongly reminiscent of the reatures ?f member: of the Macedonian ruling house, see R, Cormack and EJ.W, Hawkins, The MosalcS of St. Sophia at Istanbul. The Rooms above the Southwest Vestibule and Ramp,' DOP 31 (1977), pp, 230, 240-241, figs, C, 46-47; Cormack, 'The E~,~eror at St. Sophia,' pp, 229-231. Cp, with the case of Solomon at Nea Mone, Chios, "', n£A£Kavilln<;, Kacnopux, pIs, 36, 37b (Sts, Anargyroi); Hadennann-Misguich, Ku~bmovo, pp, 175-176, 179, fig, 88, '28 H, AhIWeiler, L'idiologie politiqlle de I'empire byzantill (Paris, 1975), pp, 50-51, 54-55,

,

IMPERIAL COSTUME

CHAPTER ONE

43 4-2 I f the Pentecost (PI. 47).129 Jolivet. onograp ly 0 f' . u'oduced into t.Ile l e . . phy as a means 0 stressmg the I lew lconogla . . m Lev" considers lIe I of the apostles III propagatmg the I I tlle successor . emperor's ro e as. this also justified, to a certam extent, Gospel.'''' As she pomts. o~t~. fc pretensions of the l\1acedonian the imperialist and UlllvelS IS I

emperors.'" . . d tlle multiple personifications of the Lat Byzantme peno db' I In the . e Lan ages were often replace y a smg e male Nations, Tnbes .and gu the personification of the Kosmos (PI. . . penal costume, b figure m 1 0 1 . 'iod when Byzantium was ut a minor ' at thIS late a pel d 4-8.) E,en Cl .. . ised oikoumene was best expresse by the the idea of a 11lsuan f II Ch state,. B tine emperor, who alone 0 a ristian . I Image of a yzan d ume ess "'1 d autocrator of the Romans', ha a true claim lers as 'basl eus an . r d ru.' th " This concept of the emperor IS !oun expounded to umversal au ont). . I · a of the fourteentll century III a etter of tile as late as the cIosm" R' . '32 . f C t nW' ople AntllOny IV, to a usslan pnnce. paU1arch 0 ons a ,

Angelic Orders The conventional costume of angelic bei.ngs co~prised th.e Late . conAn uque •-h,""n w, hirnatWn, and sandals. Yet, III .the . IconographIC 'al texts listed below archangels notably appear III Impen costume: _ flanking the Virgin, as a rule, with tile Child, commonly in tile central or one of the side apses of tile bema (PI. 49)'33 - flanking tlle Christ enthroned in the prophetic visions in the altar apses of ninth-, tenth- and eleventll-century Cappadocian churches (PI. 50)'34 129 A different way of mually expressing this set of ideas is encountered in illuminated psalters of the tenth and eleventh centuries, where the personification of Sion or its guardian appear as an empress or a youthful emperor dressed in the /oros-coslume, see Der Nersessian, L'illuslralion des psauliers grecs, pp. 68, 85-86. 130 In the tenth century the emperor actually wore his loros-costume on the feast of the Pentecost, see De cer., pp. 62, 65, 68, 69. '" C. jolivet-U\,)', 'L'image du pouvoir dans l'art byzantin a I'epoque de la dynastie macedonienne (867-1056),' Byzanlion 57 (1987), pp. 458-460. '" D. Obolensky, The BYZIJntine Commonwealth. Eastem Europe, 500-/453 (London, 1971), pp. 342-343. III See, for example,jolivet-Uvy, Eg/ises by;:. de Cappadoce, pp. 21 (Qavu~in, Pigeon House Church), 84 (Giireme, El Nazar), III (G5reme, chapel no. lOa), 181-:182 (Smass05, H~ly Apostles), 200 (Ortahisar, Halla, Manastir kilisesi), 20 I (Orta~I.5ar, Balkan deres! no. 2), 256 (Soganh, Balhk kilise), 306 (Hasan Dagz, Stimbtillti kills~); S. Pelekamdes and M. Chatzidakes, Kaswrio (Athens, 1985), fig. 7 on p. 71 (Panagm M~~TIoussa); Mango and Hawkins, 'The Hermitage of SI. Neophytos,' fig. 1.11. See, for example, jolivet-Uvy, Eglises by;:. de Cappadoce, pp. 9 (Qavu§!D, St.

- in Deesis compositions in the altar apse f . s 0 tenth_ d I century Cappadoczan churches'" an e eve nth- flanking the enthroned Christ or all three fi ' .In .. gures of the DeeslS Last Ju d gment cOmposItIons (PI. 51 )136 - flanking the throne of Hetoimasia in dome .. programmes or'In Last Judgment composItIOns (PI. 52)'37 - in the dome, as members of the heavenly h . Pantokrator'3B ost surroundIng the - flanking the Virgin in the scene of the Ascension'39 - forming part of the escort of Christ in the scene of h D .. (PI. 53) t e ormltIon - in the composition commemorating the feast of the S naxis

Asomaton 140

ry

ten

- independently, either in the area of tile sanctuary o· th rmo erparts of the church (PIs. 54, 55, 58)'4' - the archangel Gabriel in the Annunciation (PI. 56). The iconography of the archangels in imperial costume had b established by the beginning of tile sixth century. There is no sa~~~ factory explanation concerning its origins. Representatives of the Church at the time regarded it with suspicion, because, probabl they saw it as an expression of an inordinate devotion to the archangJ~ Symeon), 28 (Qavu~in, Giillii dere no. I), 34 (Qavu§in, GiiilU dere no. 3), 113 (G6reme, chape~ no ..11), 183 .(Si?ass~s, Tav§anh killse), 268 (Soganh, Karab., kilise), 290 (Hasan DagI, Koy ensesl kihsesl), 327 (Hasan Dagz, A,ikel aga kilisesi). 135 See, for example,jolivet-Levy, Eglises byz. de Cappadoce, pp. 81 (Avc~ar, Church of the Cistern), 130 (G5reme, Qankh killse), 133 (G5reme, K.aranhk kilise), 1+9 (Drgiip, Ak kilise), 152 (Ayvah kiiy), 191-192 (Sinassos, HaC! Ismail dere 110. I), 196 (Ortahisar, Cambazh kilise), 324 (Hasan Dagz, Direkli kilise). 13' See, also, Underwood, Kariye !!jami, pI. 373. 131 See, aiso, A. and J Stylianou, The Painted Churches 'if Cypms. Treasures 'if By;:antllle Art (London, 1985), figs. 86 (Panagia Arakiotissa), 294 (Panagia of Trikomo); E. Constantinides, 771e Wall-painlings 'if 11Ie Panagia O{ympiotissa al EI.,son in o~orthern ]hessaiY, 2 vols. (Athens, 1992), pp. 95-96. • ~l8 See, for example, G. de Jerphanion, Une nouvelle province de ['art ~yzallfiIL' !-'s tgbses fUrestres fie Cappadoce, 2 vols. in 4 pts., 3 albums (Paris, 1925-19+2) (herealter Jerph~mon, Eglises mpeslres), pI. 126.2 (Qankh kilise); A.H.S. l\legaw and EJ\\; Hawkins, 'The Church of the Holy Apostles at Perachorio, CYPl1lS, and Its Frescoes, DOP 16 (1962) pp. 287, 292-295; P. Miljkovic-Pepek, Ve!iusa. Ml11lashr Sv. BogoTOlilca Mlloslwa vo se/olo Vegusa krqj Slrumica (Skopje, 1981), plan 11, pI. X. '39 jerphanion, Eglises mpeslres, pI. 125.2 (Qankh kilise). :~ Pelekanides el al., Treasures, I, fig. 242 (Dio'!ysioll 587m, f. 123v)~ ... . See, also, jolivct-Levy, Eglises byz. de Cappadoct, pp. 80 (AvCllar, Karablllllt killseSt), 91.!Giireme, chapel no. {c), 116 (G5reme, chapel no .. 11.),124 (Goreme, EI~ah kihse); T. Chatzidakis-Bacharas, Lts peiJlhlres lIIurales de HOSIos 1.0"""'. Us dWp
IMPERIAL COSTUME

CHAPTER ONE

l a i d protectors against the supernatural as miraclrw~;-k~,. l~o~~:~;I~f the archangels originated in apocpowers 0 ~'". . ~IS d . variance witll tlle orthodox Christian hal JudaIC tradiuon an was m IJ'P . I . h ti 'changels were simply the attendants beliefs according to W lIC le 3l . h d . . . f G d H2 TI Judaic belief that every natlon a Its and mllllsterS 0 o. le h' f ' , rl43-I'vlichael is styled as 'one of tile c le pnnces own angelic protecto . ' . IO'13-might be at tile root of theIr representatlon m pur. D III an. . th f th e . ces and ki'ngs' and the attn'b' utlOn pe l'e pnn . to em 0 I ro bes 'l'k orb, tlle symbol of universal authority.'''' Yet, the .'conograp~): of the ongm. alto. arc hangeIs I10ldi ng the globe may have had a .different gether. It has been suggested that it was in imltatlon of ~e Iconographic type of the personifica?on~ of Ro~e and Constantmople .or of VictOlies, who appear holding It on coms and on consular diptychs in attendance to the emperor or a consul, that ~e globe w~s attributed to archaIlgels.'f5 In the sixth-century apse mOS3lC of PanagJa Angeloktiste, C)'Prus, tile archangels Michael and Gabri~l, dressed in 3l1tique costume, turn towards the centre and appropnately offer the globes they hold to the Christ Child, who was the one personage truly entitled to this attribute. 146 The reaction of Severus of Antioch, however, ,+1 indicates that he feared that the orb had been appropriated in iconography as an attribute of the archangels in their own right. This further suggests that, even if the globe was originally an iconographic loan from imperial iconography, popular devotion could have led to a reading of this symbol in the hands of archangels that was suspect in the eyes of the official Church. 148 Despite initial objections, the veneration of the archangels, even in the highest strata of society, thrived H9 and their imperial iconography remained part of fue repertoire of Byzantine religious art. Michael aIld Gabriel, for example, appear in the chla7l!)'s-costume--comparable

to that worn by Justinian Ravenna-on th e t'nump ha I ' . inC San Vitale, . arch at San Apo 11 mare m lasse m the same city (c. 549).'5[, In their " right ,hand they .hold a labarum on which is inscn'bed ,,, ayw" ayw" ayw" the opemng words of the praise of the seraphim to God (Is. 6:3).151 The earliest Middle Byzantine representations of archangels d ' · an , more rare1y, f ot her ange1IC orders, hke Dominations and Powers in imperial ~ostume .date to the period immediately after the end of Iconoclasm m th~ mnth .ce~tury. The archangel represented in the altar area of HagJa SophJa m Constantinople (c. 867) appears in the chlamys-costume (PI. 49). In his right hand he holds a staff or a labamm (top destroyed) and in his left the orb. The angelic orders represented in the bema of the Dormition church at Nicaea (after 843), now destroyed, were dressed in the crossed loros-costume (PI. 57). They held the labamm with the 'ayw" ayw" aywt; in one hand aIld the orb in the other. ls2 The innovation of the Middle Byzantine period would appear to be the widespread use of the image of the angelic orders, especially the archangels, in the loros-costume; the accompanying attributes remained the same.'S3 The imperial chla7l!)'s-costume was rarely employed in Middle and Late Byzantine contexts (Pis.

°

'"' Lowden, Early Chrisl;OI/ and BY':. Arl, fig. 83. The angels atlending the Virgin in a sixth-century mosaic in the chapel of the amphitheatre at Dyrrachium also appear in the imperial chlturgs-costume, see R. earmack, vVriting in Gold. Byzantine

Socie!y and lis Icons (London, 1985), fig. 24. See, also, C. Jolivet-U,y, 'Note sur la representation des archanges en costume imperial clans l'iconographie byzantine;

CA 46 (1998), p. 127, note 6, for more pre-iconoclastic examples from Bawit, Saqqara, and Nubia. '51 'Holy, holy, holy, is the Lord of hosts: the whole earth is full of his glory'. By the fourth century, this verse was sung as part of the prayer of the anaphora during the liturgy, see R. Taft, 'The Interpolation of the Sanctus into the Anaphora: When and Where? A Review of the Dossier,' Grim/alia Christiana Periodica 1991, pp. 281-308. I thank Juliette Day for this reference. . 152

'" J.P. Rohland, Der Er;:engel Michael. Ark ulld Feldherr (Leiden, 1977), pp. 105, 145-147; Mango, '51. Michael and Attis,' passim; G. Peers, Subtle Bodies. Represmting Angels in By;:anJium (Berkeley, Los Angeles, and London, 200 I), pp. 1-11. '" Ent}'clopadill Jwfoica 2, cols. 958, 961, 963. ,.. Mango, 'St. Michael and Attis,' p. 43, quoting Severu, of Antioch. See also Peers, Subtk Bodies, pp. 76-78. '" A. Grabar, 'Un medallIon en or provenant de Mersine en Cilicie' DOP 6 (1951), p.39, n. 28. See, also, DOC 11/1, p. 85. ' '" Stylianou, TIlt Painted ChuTc,"" of Cyprus, fig. 17. 147 See above, note 144. "8 cr. Peers, Subtk Bodies, p. 60. '" Mango, 'St. Michael and Attis,' pp. 61-62.

45

One should note that the ninth-century mosaic programme of the bema

IS

believed to reproduce the pre-iconoclastic decoration, dated by most scholars towards !he end of the seventh century or !he beginning of t~e eighth, see C. Barber, 'Th~ Koimesis Church, Nicaca. The Limits of Representauol1 on the Eve of Ico~oclasrn, JOB 41 (1991), pp. 43-46; C. Mango, 'Notes d'epigraphie el .d'archeo1ogle. ~on 'tantinople, Nicee,' llVl 12 (1994), pp. 350-353. Though, t~e mcorporallOl~ 01 the imperial angelic orders in the programme would have been m agreement wtth preiconoclastic iconographic developments, it is doubtful that they ,\,,?uld have been represented in the loras-costume, since, as I have tried to show, thl.S costume ~ad become popular in both secular and religious art only in the later ~hddle Byzan~ne period. Cr. Jolivet-Levy, 'Note sur la representation des .aJ'Changes, p. 128,. note 3I. m For two pre-iconoclastic portrayals of archangels 111 the loros ,at B~\\'lt and l~ Nubia, see Jolivet-Levy, 'Note sur la representation des al-changes, p. 127, note 6.

IMPERIAL COSTUME

CHAPTER ONE

4:6

I Late B)'zantine periods, the ]Yfddle and ne . I'fi Thronghout tlle I . . I . the crossed or the snnp I ed 58) 4:9, . lel I f I mOl11)' melt s appear eom . d ed in the iconograp ly gel I arCla11 s mtro ue . B 0 t. le simplified IQ/VS wa. 'ts actual adopnon by yzannne loros. TIle tl enmeas l '1 ls rougl!ly at le sam TI ir feet were shod WIt 1 the archange I centmy. le . . emperors, i.e. in the .lent 1 rls When in frontal pose: esp.eclally. m if or tl,e labarum mscnbed WIth d boots trimmed ,,"th pea. re . thev held a sta I b ' .111 th' . 11t hand , and the go e, sur. nic representano ns, IllS ICO ell' ng tlle beginning of the !QIIC • their left hand. They never wore c1os1l1g a crosS, 111 • mounted by or en . b d adorned their hair. . d the non-orthodox origins of the a crown; only a texnle .an Byzannne peno , . d bl' By the 1\fiddl e h Is had been conslgne to 0 IV.' h ' of the arc ange impena!lconograp ) f h I be was misunderstood. One won. ' al . 'ficance 0 t ego ion and the Slgnl a!" n'a! costume m medlaev contexts · ortray m Impe . ders whether tllell' p Ii d whether it merely consntnted a . 'd f n)' symbo sm an was devOl 0 a . a! El, Byzantine type, which was shghtly .. fa convennon aq . . I. repenuon 0 . th e 15+ The use of the Impena lconob' pdanng e costum . . d) odifie m n I I'n the specific contexts mentlOned at . d h f the archange s on y I grapb Y .0 ning of th'IS sec n' on I'ndicates that it was mdeed en owed th e egm . ns 155 The underlying triumphal theme of ,,~th specific connotano .

1>.

15'

Man~,

'St. Michael r':;d Attis,'

P~s~~' to

Mango, accept that the mediaeval

Ma~"" and ~ohvet-h vy,:: ~p not devoid of symbolic significance. Their

~mperial l~age. of n;~~t:~~~ o~~

proposed here, is centred upon the

ideol~gi

UlteIpret:~~~ ~~ ~~ em ror with the archangels \. . ithin the. framewo:k of Byz~tme

cal.~ hiloso h' anfimperial panegyric. However, while MagUlre sees ~~!nari~n of ~e) emperor to the archangels (and vice versa) .a means to

the glonfy th fi J livet-Uvy understands It as a means of expressmg the subsen'lcnt :iti~:~F'th; em CroT to Christ, scc H. l\1aguirc, 'A ~1urderer among the Angels: h.e Frontispiece r.~iniatures of Paris. Gr. 510 and the Iconography of the Archani;els in B tine Art' in Sncred Image, pp. 63-71; idem, 'Style a?d Ideology 111 ~yzantme Im~ Art,' GeJUi XXVIIII2 (1989), pp. 217-231; idem, Heavenly. Court ,JohvetLevy 'Note sur la representation des archanges'. Peers also argues In favour of ~e opini~n that the assimilation of the emperor to the archangels and othe~ ange le powers by means of the WTOS-cDslume signified the. earthly ruler's subscIVlen,ce ~o Christ, sce G. Peers, 'Patriarchal Politics in the Pans Gregory (B.N. ~. 510), JOB 47 (1997), pp. 53-57. Peers, however, claims that the concept of SU?SelVlenCe fonne~ part of the s)wbolism of the wros-roslume and It lS because of thlS symbohsm th~ the garment was deemed appropriate for the portrayal of 'archangelic mimsters' In Byzantine art. He bases his claim on the assumption that the Roman consuls, who wore the Irabea lriumplutlis, from which the wros was derived, h.ad themselves the rol~ of 'ministers' and that, as a result, 'the idea of consular serVIce was always part 0 the ioonographic significance of the wros in imperial art'. A:, far as I know, e.'e is no evidence to suggest that the Roman consuls were ever considered as 'mlms~ 111

0

47

these contexts would sug~cst that the change in the costume was more than a mere conceSSlOn to fashion. It seems to me that th h ~ed~aeval Byzantines ignored the original significance of the i~~gc nal Image of the archangels and had preserved it 'in their conservatism',156 they had endowed it with new content. During the ninth and the tenth ~enturies, 'imperial' angelic orders were incorporated in the decoratlOn of the bema. They either formed the honorific guard of the Virgin, mth or without the Child, or they participated in the theophanic prophetic visions which decorate the apses of Cappadocian monuments. Their role in these contexts is more than that of simple ministers. Their attitude is not one of adoration. As indicated by the inscription on their labara, they participate in the timeless and never-ending glorification of God by the angelic orders. Their labarum, itself a symbol of victory, and their loros, mystically signifYing Christ's Entombment and Resurrection, must have been considered as appropriate attributes underscoring the triumphal theme of these iconographic programmes, at the same time celebrating the victory of the incarnate Christ over sin and death and glorif~ng the majesty of Christ the Logos.IS) The eleventh- and twelfth-century iconographic contexts in which the imperial image of the archangels was introduced equally shared the underl~ng theme of Christ's triumph, and may be interpreted as visions of Christ in His divine glory (theophanies). One has in mind Byzantine dome programmes, the Deesis (either as an independent composition or incorporated in the LastJudgment), the Hetoimasia, the Dormition, and the Ascension (understood not as a historical scene, but as a dogmatic composition alluding to Christ's Second Coming).lSs The function of the imperial images of the archangels in these contexts must have been comparable to the one they had served in the earlier representations of theophanic visions, namely that of emphasizing the triumphal theme.

ters', see, for example, R. Guilland, Recherches Sllr Its illstituti"ollS byzalltines, 11 {Berlin and Amsterdam, 1967), pp. 44-46. 156 See above, note 149. . . ~. , 157 On the triumphal connotations of the presence of the Impenai angel~c. pm\ers in the iconographic scheme of the bema in the church of th~ DormIUon at Nicaea see Jalivet-Levy, 'Note sur la representation des archanges, p. 123. . '58 Thieny, 'A propos des pei~ltures d'Ayvah k6y (Cappa.doc~). ,Les pror~~';~~ tif (S' .',. absidaux a trois registres avcc DeIsls, en Cappadoce et en Georgxe, pp. 5-22; Hadermann-NIisguich, KurbillDvo, pp. 185-186; Demus, onnall Ill), p. 312.

N.

Zr

, CHAPTER ONE

48

. . d ed in imperial costume in a numG brlel IS ress .. . The archangeI . a represen taO'OIIS of the Annunclaoon, 1I1COlPO_ ber of Late Byzanune f I Great Feasts or in that of the Akathisws ·tl . tlle c),de 0 tie . I' rated Cl ler m .' 't Ilprising since 111 ear ler representa_ 56) ,,9 Tins IS qUI e St , f/;'1Iln (Pl. . 'O'ayed in antique dress, as became his tions Gabriel was always polId ha,~e thought that the imperial image r One wou . role as messenge.' d d '11 this particular iconographIc context as . I vas Ultro nee I . b G f o a ne , f di . 'nation on tlle part of the pa1l1ters who It of lack 0 scnml . a resu d . g ,,,hat had become a conventIOnal type. Yet, 'mpl)' repro ucm ' were SI aril the case In a twelfth-century sermon on the mis was not necess y ' h' If. b ., Gb' I .s said to be of royaI aspect Imse, ecause AnnuncIatIOn, a ne I , 160 di f h f the 'ro)'al advent. The wor ng 0 t e relhe was tlle heraid O kki b h ests mat the aumor, James Ko no ap os, may evant passage sugg . . 161 Y . et, 111 be descn'b'fig an actual illustration of the AnnunCIatIOn. . . twelfm-century representations o~ the Ann~nClatlOn the archang:1 traditional hunatzon and chzton. At • .L Sts. AnargyrOl, appears m Ul e • • Kastoria, and at Kurbinovo, though, he wears ImpenaI ~ed. boots, dded wim pearls an attribute that would have been 1I1dication Stu , • 162 enough of royaIty in me eyes of a Byzanone beholder. The surviving evidence is not sufficient to prove that the sermon of Kokkinobaphos was me source of inspiration for the Late Byzantine loros-dad image of Gabriel in the Annunciation. Still, this sermon demonstrates that this iconographic type was not devoid of symbolism and that its introduction in that particular context was probably not accidental, at least not in the early stages of the iconographic development. Maguire has suggested that the popularity of the imperiaI image of the archangels after Iconoclasm may be partly attributed to its JS9 Most sun~ving examples are encountered in monuments in northern Greece, Yugosl"" Macedonia, Serbia, and Bulgaria, see Pelekanides and Chatzidakes, Kas/min, fig. 7 on p. 97 (Taxiarehes of the Metropolis);]. Popovic and V. Petkovic, Monommt. serbita arlis mM.Uuvalis i: Staro Nagoriiino, Psaia, Ka!mii (Belgrade, 1933), p. 44, pI. XIV (Staro Nagonc!"o); C: Grozdanov, OhrUfslro ;;idno s!iMrslvo XIV veM (Belgrade, 1980), pis. 101 (Ohnd, Penbleplos), 121 (Ohrid Virgin Bolnica)' V. PetkoviC and D. Bo,kovic, Manastir DWm~ 3 vol!. (Belgrad~, 1941), pI. CLXxI; G. Millet and T. VeImans, lA pem';'re du MO)'en A{<e en rugoslavie, Fasc. IV, (Paris, 1969), pI. 83.156 (Markov Manasu:); L. Mavrodinova, ZemmsMta tsUrkv. (Sofia, 1975), fig. 33; E. B"!,;,ova, Sten0F.U IU! lsilrkvata sd" Berende (Sofia, 1976), fig. 13. . Cooslanbmdes, Till Wall-pamtlOgs 'If Panagia Olympiotissa p. 141. '" PG 127, cols. 644-645. ' 16' Pelekani~es and Chatzidakes, Kastoria, fig. 14 on p. 34; Grozdanov and Hadennann-Mlsguich, Kurbinovo, pI. 32.

pr;

IMPERIAL COSTUME

49

being exploited . '" It .IS . for the purposes of imperial visual . panegync. beyond questIOn that the emperors or those wh .h d . I' h' " 0 WIS e to flatter them .dId exp OIt t e Impenal Image of the arch ange Is to exalt the impenal status. The best known examples of thl' typ f . . . ' s e 0 Impenal Visual ~anegy.nc and. pro~aganda are the miniature in Par. gr. 510 f. C:" 111 whIch BasIl I IS crowned by the archangel Gabriel and receives •the labarum 1&1 from the prophet Eliiah the 'angcI'II1camate, • ", (Appendix 2, no. I); and the IVOry fragment in Berlin, on which Leo VI a.ppcars crow~ed by the Virgin, who ranked higher than all the angelic orders, whIle the archangel Gabriel attends (Appendix 2, no. 5; PI. 34). In both, the emperor and the archangel appear in the same loros-costume. The representation of the emperor in the same plane with angelic and other beings who held the highest ranks in celestiaI hierarchy aimed at conveying the idea that he too shared with them the greatest proximity to God. 165 The evolution in both fonn and symbolism of the imperial chlamysand loros-costumes and of their accompanying insignia was examined in the first section of this chapter. These vestments stood out for examination not simply because they were worn by the imperial couple during the most solemn moments of court ritual, but mostly because they were the two types of costume employed in official art for the dissemination of the image of imperial authority and majesty. They were the vestments worn by the emperors as represented on the coins and seals which were circulated in all parts of the empire. Even though coin-effigies were, as a rule, conventional in character, the distinctive elements of imperial costume were always identifiable. One can assume, on the basis of what has survived, that it was in either the loros or the chlamys that the ruling emperors appeared in

16' Maguire, 'A Murderer among U" Angels,' pp. 68-69; idem, 'Style and Ideology.' esp. p. 223. 1&1 It is fascinating to think that the donor of Par. gr. 510 and, consequendy, the onc responsible for devising the image was neither ~e emperor, nor ,a mC,mber of the imperial milieu, bUI, in all probability, the patnareh Pho~os hmlSeli, see.

L:

Brubaker, 'Politics, Patronage and Art in Ninth-century Byzanuum: The HOl1uhc:s

of Gregory of Nazianzus in Paris (B. N. Gr. 510),' DOP 39 (198~), pp. 1-13. .) '65 On this subject see E.H. Kanlorowicz, 'Ivories and Litames, JWarb 5 \ 194.). pp. 56-81. For an alternative inteiprelation of these Iwo imperial portralls as e~ress ing the subordination of the emperor to God see Jolivet.~':'Y! :Note sur ~a represel~ lation des archanges,' pp. 123-124; Peers, 'Palriarchal Poliucs ID the Pans GregOl) .

CHAPTER ONE

50

166

. . I d in the cities of the empire. These observations portraIts ?IS~ aye fc' understanding of the formation processes become slgIuficant I" 01 our . o"'l"aph)' once we re al'Ize t hat t he Iatter . • • of B}'Zanune re IgIOUS I th Icon twO0- types , of nnpenal costume. It was to on . . .. had adopted . . Y tleset the authors of rehgiOus compOSitiOns turned impenal . aud'lence, ' TI ey lamust have felt confident that th elr . .portraIture for II1Splrauon. 1 d' f ffi'al familiar with Byzantine regalia through the ,:,e mm 0 0 Cl art, ble to recognize these attributes and understand would have been a . . ., .. their function in narrative and Icomc rehgIous compOSitIOns. The practice of turning to secular prototypes for the means to 'deas of power and sovereignty was known from the I I express tie .' . . Early Byzantine period. I.) The Impenal Iconography ?f certam of the categories exatnined here had already been established at that rime. Yet in the later periods tlus iconography was constantly updated, closely r:flecting changes in the character of. imperial costum~. This suggests that Byzantine artists turned to theIr contempora~ Imperial portraiture in search of models as well as reproducmg Early B}'Zantine ones. Perhaps they did so because they considered that the content of a religious image would be more readily understood by the beholder if it incorporated contemporary-looking regalia or simply because contemporary secular models were more readily accessible. One possibility does not necessarily exclude the other; in fact, both could have influenced this process of updating. Whatever the cause, borrowing from official portraiture--without an ulterior political motive necessarily in nlind-was apparently a standard practice of Byzantine religious art at all periods and in all areas of its domain. Yet, the borrowing from secular prototyp'es was not always an unreflective process of mechanical reproduction of external features. The pictorial evidence suggests that, at least on some occasions, those responsible for the creation of the images appear to have been aware of tlte symbolism of imperial insigIlia and employed them appropriately and intelligently.

. I'" Grabar, L'tmpereur dans {'art, pp.

4-8; Magdalino and Nelson 'The Emperor m Byz. Art of the 12th c.,' .pp. 133-134; P. Magdalino, The En;pire 'If Mannel I MmnetwS, 1143-11~0 (Cambndge, 1993) (hereafter Magdalino, Manuel I Komnenos), pp.. 312-313. An mteresllng reflection of the practice of displaying imperial por: : : ; f~und m the 1kodore Psalter, f. 102r, where the image of a painted panel Id' penal figure III the wros-costume was employed to render the 'image of ga . set up by Nebuehadnezzar (Dan. 3:1), see Der Nersessian L'illustration des ' PSO::iurs grecs, pp. 104-105, fig. 318. , Grabar, L'tmpereur dans I'art, pp. 189-261.

CHAPTER TWO

OFFICIAL AND ARISTOCRATIC COSTUME Byzantine comprised tlte prescn'bed dress and' . . . . official . .costume . of digmtanes and CIvil servants characteristi f h . mSlgnla co t elr rank and ffi . d fi" T hIS e mtlon encompasses ceremonial ga rments as well as th0 ce. tume worn by such persons when perform' h . . e cos. I" mg t elr duties outsid ''''ntten evidence in the f, f . ea ceremoma setting. .. . orm 0 ceremOnial hand ' and , more rare! b00ks an d. artistic eVIdence . . in the form of po r tralts oc f narrative pamtlngs are more inf<' . the y, th secular h ormatlve concernmg lormer ra . er t an the latter. In the case of th e ClemaIe members of hthe Byzantlne . d court the evidence is less forthco' mmg. I Yet, there must ave eXlste some sort of dre~s code for the ladies in the entouraO'e of the 0 .. empress d . and for the WIves and widows of 0 ffi' ClaIS W hen they partiCIpate m court rites. Byzantine aristocratic costum e compnse . d f h d e l e, .t eI diress 0ffi the . members of the upper classes ' male an dlema mc u ng 0 cJals when n~t in official costume! Certain designs, like the Ion?, long-sleeved tUlllC m the Middle Byzantine period and the caftan m the Late, were common to botlt official and aristocratic costume. ~thers, li~e the lor~s ~f the prefect (eparch) and the chlm'!}'s adorned WIth a paJr of lablza m the Middle Byzantine period and tlte head-dress adorned with the portrait of the emperor and footwear adorned with emblematic motifs in the Late, were specific to official costume. In what follows the evolution of mediaeval Byzantine official and aristocratic costume is presented in outline. For the purposes of description generic English terms are used. The Byzantine names are recorded only in those cases when tlte equivalence of a I The ~nly relevant information found in the De ctTimoniis reflecling tenth-centU7 practice concerns the kouhikoularaia, see De cer., p. 623. On the composition of the aristocracy, encompassing the nobility of rank as

~elI as those whose claims were based on land-ownership and lineage, sec G. strogorsky,. 'Observations on the A,;stocracy in Byzantium,' DOP 25 (1971), pp. 1-32; A. LalOu, 'The Byzantine Aristocracy in the Pa1aeologan Period: A StD!)' of Arrested Development,' Viator 4 (1973), pp. 131-151; The Byzalltille ArisloCTa9', /X 10 XIII Centuries, cd. M. Angold (Oxford, 198+); J-C. Cheynet, Pouroir et (olllesl
OFFICIAL AND ARISTOORA'I10 OOSTUME

cHAPTER TWO

52

'fi 'tem of costume is proven or can be daspecl CI . Byzantine term an TI d' ussion is limited to the most distinc_ . . 1 ed le ISC . co""nclIlg y argu· t ne and their development over I:!me of the cos tn . . ti,'e components I basis for a comparison between actual TIus should suffice as t let U· on of official and aristocratic costume . d the represen a . . praco ces ~n ., .t This comparison and a dIscussIOn of the . B anune relIgIOus al . . I" III )'Zl ffi 'a1 d aristocratic costume m re IglOus contexts significance of 0 Cl an . · the second part of thIS chapter. is presented III TIlE COSTUME

Male Costume The main source of information on official costume in the latt~r part of the Middle Byzantine peliod is the tenth-centu:r De cenrrz.0nzzs aulae By<.antinae, that is those chapters of it that de.scnbe !ate mnth- and tenth-century practices. 3 Unfortunately, there IS notl1mg comparable from the eleventh and twelfth centuries, only scant references to costume found in historiographical and poetical works. The textual evidence is complemented by the artistic evidence of surviving portraits of officials (Appendix 3, nos. 1-3, 7, 11-12, 15, 17, 19, 23-26, 28, 31, 33) and representations of the Byzantine court in the illuminated mid-twelfth-century manuscript of the chronicle of John Skylitzes now in Madrid (Madrid Sk),lit<.es)' and in the illustrated epithalamion Vat. gr, 1851 of 1179.; Surviving primary material is almost nonexistent, , See the tabulated chronological synopsis of the sources of the De cerimoniis in the ODE I, pp. 596-597. Sce, a1so,j.B. Bury, 'The Ceremonial Book of Constantine Porphyrogennetos,' The English Hiswrical Rtview 22 (1907), pp. 209-227, 417-439. , Prob~bly, pr~uced in Palenno, Norman Sicily. For our purposes the most useful of ~ts lUuSlrauons are those which obviously reproduce slightly earlier lvIiddleByzannne models (up to f. 87), see A. Grabar and M. Manoussacas L'illuslralion du manuscrit de Sk)'litzis de la Bihliodliql1£ nationale de I'vladrid (Venice, 1979) (hereafter G';"'ar and Manoussacas, Skylitzis), pp. 148-155, 174-183. Created on the occasIon of the wedding of Alexios, son of Manucl I Komnenos, to Agnes of ~rance, see Spatharakis, Portrait, pp. 210-230, pis. 161, 164. In a recent artIcle,. Iacobm~ argued In favour of a Palaiologan date for the manuscript, which, according to hun, w~ created on the occasion of the marriage of Andronikos II to Anna of Hungary m 1272, see his 'L'epitaJamio di Andronico n. Una cronaca dl~ozze dalla Constantinopoli Paleolaga,' in ATte pT'Ifona e aTle sacra, pp. 361-4/0, :~l c~n~:: of ~1~ earlier stages ,of the discussion. His argu~~nts, however, arc e an e debate contmues. In the present work It IS the twelfth-century dale that IS adopted.

.">3

The basic components of Middle Byzantine ffi' I . d.h I 0 cIa dress were th tul1lC an t e mant e, as had been the case in th E l ' e . d A . b e ary Byzantme perIO. comparISon etween the gannents . n b accompanying Justinian and Theodora on the wor y the offiCIals . pane ls at San Vi tale 9 10) an d MIddle Byzantine portr I (A Ravenna, (PIs., " 3 aya s ppendlx nos. 1,2, 17, 19, 26,31) (PIs. 11,59,61) highlights d I ., in the design and decoration of the outfit The t e:k~ op~ents . B' ,. . mos stn 109 IS the MIddle yzantme costume s variety of colour and . h . h' h . ' . nc ness of decaral:!on, w IC contrasts wIth the sImplicity of Earl B . . . . Y yzanl:!ne offiCial ature. The Early Byzantme clllamys had been a he kI I .h . avy, an e- ength mantle wIt a paIr of large square purple panels (tabl'la) attac hed at . ' 6 ItS verl:!cal edges, 7and was• worn fastened at the right sh ouIder WIt. h a c:ossbow fibula .. Its. Middle Byzantine descendant was made out of sIlks patterned WIth IVy leaves, spades, hearts, or fleurs-de-lis on a Idwhite, red, or purple field, and with decorative (most probabl embroidered) bor~ers which enhanced its colourful aspect. T:e 7:blia were often embrOIdered in gold (Appendix 3, nos. 17, 26) (PI. I I).' They do not, however, appear consistently in representations of mantles worn by Middle Byzantine officials (Appendix 3, nos. I, 2, 19, 31) (PIs, 59, 61). The omission appears to be intentional.' The Middle Byzantine chlamys was not always full-length, but sometimes reached only to mid-calves and its cut did not fonn a perfect semi-circle (Appendix 3, nos. 17, (9) (PI. 11), as the Early Byzantine one had done. It was fastened at the right shoulder as had been the earlier practice or, what seems to be a mediaeval development, at the front with one or two clasps (Appendix 3, nos. I, 2, (7) (Pis. 11, 59).'0 , According to Malalas, the purple tablia signified that the bearer was a dignitary of the Roman state. They were also symbols of obedience, apparently to the author-

ity which had conferred that dignity, hence their purple colour, sce MalaI., p. H. , Actual examples of such Early Byzantine fibulae have been recovered from archaeological contexts, sec, for instance, j.P.C. Kent and K.S. Painter, JVeallh of Ihe Roman World, A.D. 300-700 (London, 1977), nos. 19-25; j. Garbsch and B.

Overbeck, Spiitalllike <wisehen Heidentum /lnd Ci,nstmll/m (Munich, 1989), nos. 11, 13-15; Ai. Yeroulanou, Diatrila. Gold Pierced·u~Tk Jeu.llery .from tilt 3rd w lhe 7d, C,,!hlry (Athens, 1999), pp. 52-54, nos. 170-179. This type of fibula was dlSconnnued m the medIaeval period. ~ De eer., pp. 24, 72,101, 110, 142, 162, 180-181,440.. . . 9 One wonders whether the mantle without the tablza \\'as sull considered a c1lianrys or whether it had a different name. Pillz has suggested that perhaps Ihe lack of a lablioll was indicative of Qower?) rank position, see Piltz, "Middle Byz. Court Costume,' p. 49. . ., . .. .,._ KleloTowgion of Phi/otheos, cd. N. Oikonoffildes ~n hIS lis hJits de pTtJ,anu ~I':'" tints du IX' et du X' siecie (Paris, 1972) (hereafter Philotheos, KtewT.), pp. 167, 189.

. 10

OFFICIAL AND ARISTOCRATIC COSTUME

CHAPTER TWO

55

54-

. el' which the mantle was worn had f the tumc ov . The character 0 . I I,'od In addition to becommg more medlaeva pe . · I also evolve d III tIe . 'ance it was now ankle-Iengtlt, whereas colourful and ornate IIldappeaI. Ilad reached only to the knees. II The tine pre ecesSO I its Early Byzal~ . I I g sleeves was the most common type t IC ,,,th t le on full- Iength un . .' d Its collar cuffs, and hem were often 1iddl Byzantllle pello . , in the l\ e to be a l\'iiddle Byzantine development . 'd d \\~Iat appears f m-bands for the square or CIrcular attachemb rO! ere ' . . was tlle subsotuoOn 0 al ., M'd . h sition on Early Byzanone tumcs. I die ments seen III t e same po . ., (A . . b d ften bear pseudo-kufic mscnpoons ppendlx BYZaIlOne alm- an s 0 12 11 22' Madrid SIg'/il;;:es, If. I Dv, 14va). The use of arm3 nos. 8 , , ,bl I'nspired by t1e I tzra;;:, . - worn b Y M us I'Im no bl es ' . ba y . bands was plO _ . ·1' Islamic times. The l1ra;;: was a fabnc band of a a1read y b yea!)' . . I ur from tllat of the sleeve, which was attached to Its diffierent co 0 • li'" . 13 bore an hononfic or re . gtous . mscnptlOn. . upper part an d ,"Ilich , The tunic was worn under the mantle or on Its own, gtrt or Wltltout a belt (PIs. II [second figure from the left], 6~). The fashion of wearing a shorter tunic over a longer under-tumc seems to have been introduced in official attire by tlte eleventlt century (Appendix 3, nos. 11, 12, 15, 17, 28) (PIs. 11, 62). The outer tunic, reaching dO\m to the calves, was provided witlt an opening at the front of the skirt. The under-tunic was visible tltrough tltis opening and from

" Cp. Appendix 3, nos. I, 17, 19, 26, 31 (Pis. 11, 59, 61) with the portrait of Stilicho on an i,'OIY panel of 395 in Delbrueck, Consuiardip!yclzen, no, 63, and those of the officials on the panel of Theodora at San Vitale, Ravenna (PI. 10). " Grabar and Manoussacas, Sk;,lil?.is, pI. I, fig. 7, " L.A. Mayer, Mamluk Costume. A SUI7JC)' (Geneva, 1952), p. 33; S.S. Blair, 'Inscriptions on Medieval Islamic Textiles,' in lsiamisclze Textiikullst des Mitleialters: Aktuelk ?rob/erne. Riggisberger Benclzle 5 (1997), pp. 97-100. See, also, T. Talbot-Rice,

'Some Reflections 011 the Subject of Ann-bands,' in ForscllUllgen zur Kunslasiens in Memorimn Kurt ETdmann, eds. O. Aslanapa and R. Naumann (Istanbul, 1969), pp. 262-277. That the practice of granting textile bands bearing honorific inscriptions to state. officials was known in Byzantium is suggested by the find of a red silk b.and Wlth a wQv.en Greek inscription in honour of a protospatharios Ivanes in an e.ghth-centUlY bunal context in d,e region of northern Caucasus see A. Ierusalimskaja, 'Un chef militaire byzantin au Caucase du Nord? Le ruban de soie de Moscevaja

Balka,' in AL96urpwTOv. Sludien ZUT byzantinisclzen Kill/st IInd GesciLiclLIe, Fest.sclzrijl flir Maral !U.stJt (Stuttgart, 2000), pp. 125-130. The band is too long (two fragments

measu~g 41.4 and 4.5 cm) to have been attached to the sleeve of a garment. Rather, It could have served as a border- or hem-band for a mantle-if, that is, it ":as meant to be attached to a garment in the first place. Its original function is ~cult t~ ascertain, given that the band was discovered in a context where it had en cut ID at least two pieces and put to secondary usage.

under the hem of the outer tunic. 11 This comb' . . lIlatlon could b under a mantle or on Its own.15 e worn A variation on the traditional tunic had exce d' I I g and was worn without a mantle. If I am not ~ lIl Y ong sleeves . mlsta ken the e r ' occurrences of such tumcs are to be found in a to '. ar lest . I' . . menD >glum of possi bly Constantmopo Itan ongtn, EsPhigmenou 14 If. 90 90 ,., . r, v whIch IS dated usually to the eleventh century." They are b' . . , worn Y attendants to Impenal figures m two scenes from the cycle f S E ' . d Ar . Th' 0 ts. ugemos Ma~anos, an temlOS. I.S typ~ i~ also illustrated in the Madrid Skyltt;;:es (PI. 64). The Byzantme. dlgmtaries who wear I't have thelr . hands crossed at the breast, WIth the empty portions f th I . . 0 e seeves hangtng fi'eely at .the front. Tumcs and coats WJ'th extreme Iy Iong narrow sleeves whIch were gathered in folds around .L h' , .t . . Ule vns s, w en not han1png freely; were known m the Middle East by the ninth century ~~ no~ earher ~nd continued to be employed long after the fifteentlt. It IS to an mfluence from tltat region that the Byzantine development should be attributed. A second variation of the traditional tunic was one provided with a V-shaped collar and lapels. As far as I know, this type of tunic or coat is encountered for the first time in Chapel II (St. Eustathios) at G6reme (beginning of tenth century) and at the church of St. Theodore, near Drgiip (ninth or tenth century; largely repainted at

H

The earliest representation of such a combination in Byzantine art known to

me is found in Par. gr. 510, f. 149 (c. 880), see H. Omont, Facsimilis des millialures des plus anciens maTlUscrits grecs de la Bihliotileque Nationale du VIt au X/t siide (Pans, 1902), pI. XXXIV, It is worn by the rich man in the parable of poor Lazarus (Luk. 16: 19-25), Having an opening at the front of the skirt of the tunic is a feature, as far as I can tell, unknown to Late Roman costume. Its introduction is an innovation of the Middle Byzantine period, in all probability under the influence of oriental (Arab) fashions. On the oriental origin of this costume in general, see Thieny, Nouvel/es eglises, pp. 138, 139 n. 2. Its earliest appearance in Byzantine portraiture is the portrait of Constantine at Sts. Anargyroi, Kastona (second half of tenth or first half of eleventh century) (Appendix 3, no. 6; PI. 26). " Sce examples already cited. 16 Pelekanides e/ al., Treasures, n, figs. 331, 332. .., 17 Two caftans made of wool with decorative attachments of Silk, pOSSIbly 01 Sassanian origin (sixth or seventh centUly), found at Antinoe in Egyp~, h~ve ~leeves exceeding one meter in length, see 1\'1. .Martiniani-Reber, .L)'OllS, A1l1se! HlSto~qlle de~ TlSSUS. Soien"es sassanides, coptes et i?;'zalllilles, P-X/t sz!cles (Pal1s, .1986), nos. ~2, ,2~. ~o~ exceedingly long sleeves as a feature of costume ID the medl3eval Isl~ml~ Ea:;t :;~t: A. Mazaheri La vie quotidienne des IJIllsubllQIlS all iHoym Age, XI all XIlI st.(c/t (Pal1s, 1951), p. 72: Mayer, Mamlllk Costllllle, p. 22. For illustrations see R. Ettll1ghausen. Arab Pailllillg (Geneva, 1962), pass/ill.

OFFICIAL AND ARISTOCRATIC COSTUME

CHAPTER TWO

56

tical as to whether the.se repreI. H wever I am scep .h 0 '. d "dence that the garment Wit the a later date.) te as el . h . ns I Id be adnllt d' B Itium already III the tent century. sentatlo s IOU adopte III yzal f Ch lapels had been th decorative programme 0 apel 11, It has been claimed that . e . f\uences 19 There is, therefore, the 'd s Anneman III . at least, eV! ence . I . garment might have been reproduced .. , mo d e.I 20 pOSSI'bil'tv I. that the partIcu . . . aln of a non-Byzantme artistic It of the lllutatlO I as a resu I t ' c or coal ,,"th the V-shaped co lar and Vi t . the case ne um . , 1 ' been adopted in Byzantium by the eleventh la evel cl' Japels appears to la\ e . B . . . s relatively common III yzantme artISTIC le . b entuly when It ecome . . 21' f1. C , 'a1I' miniature palllTIng. It IS most 0 ten I eprecontexts especl y III . '11 . d . sented \~om by Julian the tax-collector. III I ummate manuscrIp.ts 'J' f St Grego rv of Nazlanzos, as, for example, III of the H omlles o · .I (PI 6 )"2 . . 61 £ 28 (second half of eleventh century) . 5.- One Dio1!J'SUJu ,. v th' ulian's costume reflects eleven -century pracTIces, may be sure tha t J f th of the unconventional character 0 e garment, se b .... . not 0 nly ecau but also because it is wom III aSSOCiaTIOn .Wlth th~ white head-~ress often wom by Byzantine officials at that TIme. ThiS type of tUIllC or coat can also be seen worn by the unidentified male figure of a donor or deceased portrayed in the narthex of the church of St. George Diasorites at Naxos, probably dated to the r:"elfth. century (Appendix 3, no. 32). The male figure represented m rehef on a

Surviving written and artistic e\
23

Jetphanion, Eglises rupestres, pis. 37.4 (worn by Herod in the Massacre of the InnocenlS), 147.1 (worn by two scribes in tl,e Massacre of the Innocents). 19 Jetphanion, £Olises ropestres, I, pp. 162-163; II, pp. 94-97, 229-234, 398. 20 That garments, especiaJIy coats, with V -shaped collars and/or lapels were kno\'m in the Caucasus, even before the tenth century, is attested by surviving portraits from that region, see, for example, J.G. Davies, ivfedieval Anneniatl Art and ArchiJ
57

marble pillar, of unknown provenance now' h A III t e rchaeolooi· 1 ' Museum, I stan b u,I a Iso wears a garment Mth V h o·ca ·I 3 . a -s aped collar and . C • lapels (AppenClx , no. 33). HIS gannent howe . 1 I ' ver, IS lurmshed Mth exceedmgly ong s eeves. On the other hand h' h d d '. . h fJ I' F ' IS ea - ress IS simIlar to t at 0 u Jan. Irath dates the relief to th Ifi h e twe I -fourteenth centuries. 23

In a recent article the pillar has been dated to the eleventh or twelfth ccn-

tUly on ~he basis, of the cost~me) see n. KaAa~apa.) "Evou~(X: H tautot11ta t11~ Bu~avtlvll<; KOtvrovlac;. To 1tcxpaO€l'YIlCl tOU IAU1ttOU 279 tOl) APXCXlOAoYU;:OU Mouoetou

'% KrovcrmvnvOUnOAT\C;,' LlXAE 18 (1995), pp. 33-37. N The problem is illustrated by the portrait of the unidentified donor of DiOl!ysioll 61, f. I v, dated to the second half of the eleventh century (Appendix 3, no. 20; PI. 60). HIS costume, which comprises a full-length dark blue tunic trimmed with gold and a purple mantle patterned with double fleurs-de-lis and spades, could equally belong to an official and to a nobleman. Neither the absence of tab/ia from the mantle nor that of a head-dress are sufficient to demonstrate that he held no office. On the tablin, see above. For the portrayal of a twelfth-century dignitary who does no!. wear a head-dress, see Appendix 3, no. 26 . ., Odo of Deuil, De prqftctione Ludovici VII in Orimtem, ed. V. Gingerick-Berry (New York, 1948) (hereafJer Odo of Deuil), p. 27; Nik. Chon., p. 252. 26 References to trousers, though not associated with the short garment just described, are found in Nik. Chon., p. 298; Eustathios of Thessalonike, PG 136, col. 76. See, also, A.P. Kazhclan and A. Wharton-Epstcin, Change in Byzantin( Cullnre III Ihe 11th and the 12th Cmtllries (Berkeley, 1985), pp. 76-77. • 27 It has been convincingly argued that the tenn 'skaramallgifm' so often mentioned III the tenth-century De cerimoniis refers to such a short 'rider's, caftan,' scc N. Kondakov, 'Les costumes orientaux a la cour byzantine,' Byzanltoll 1 (1924), PP; 7-49; F. Cumont, 'L'uniformc de la cavalerie orientale et le costume bflanun. BRantion 2 (1924), pp. 181-191.

CHAPTER 1WO

OFFICIAL AND ARISTOCRATIC COSTUME

. the charactel. 0 f aristocratic costume . by. the end indeed a change m , This is securely attested in the artistic re~ord. of tlle t",elftll centm). . fJolm son of Theodore Lemmotes, . . d the portrait 0 , f I d I One has m nun "al t ' and donor 0 tIe secon ayer l e prO\~nCI gen I) . K t f a member 0 1 . : tl church of Sts. AnargyrOl at astoria atlon m le . te d decOl' of tlle pam . 2-' PI. 66 [right]). Over a Iong re d un der3, no. I, . . d t d cc h Appendix (c. 1180) ( I es terminatmg m ecora e CUllS, t e ·tl long narrow s eev d k garment with an overall ecoration garment WI 1 rs a dar' green young man wea d I' This garment, which reaches down to and fleurs- e- IS. fi of spadcs . al Iling all the way down the ront and has a vcrtlc ope 'd al nu -c ves, . . t l I t appears to be a brown leather belt, h' h h . h Id at tlle WaIst WI 1 W la IS e . al ttaehments. It has sleeves w IC reac the omamented ",tll met a b d f th . leeves as well as the or ers 0 e veruelbows The ends 0 f th e s . b Id . . tl fi ont are decorated Wlth what appear to e go cal openmg at le r al b b'd d . d ban ds. The arm-baIldS seem so to e em rOl ere embrOldere

attached to the collar, upper arms, cuffs and vert' I . ' the garment. As a ru Ie they were worn with a belt.lea openmgs of Surviving portrai ts also attest to the many variat' . c' IOns to the ba~lc design of the cal tan worn m the Palaiologan period B C h ' . . y lar t e most common was th e an Id e- Iength, tIght-fittmg caftan w'th th I · I e ong narroW sleeves (AppencIIX 3, nos. 39, 43-48 51 54 55 58 60' IP " .) , ) , ) ) Is. 67 , 68, 71, 74, 76). Other variatIOns Included loose-fitt'~~~ ~ with long ample sleeves (Appendix 3, no . 41',PI 69) an dcat O ' . tans with elbow-length sleeves worn over a long-sleeved u d . n ergarment (Appendix 3, nos. 40, 49, 69) (PI. 70). The sleeves of the u d '. n ergar. ment were sometJ~es prOVided with small spherical buttons from wrist to elbow, whIch could have been functional or simply decorative. Actual buttons have been discovered in late mediaeval archaeological contexts in different parts of the Balkan peninsula. One assumes that those that formed part of the aristocratic costume wer made of silver, gilt silver and, rarely, pure gold. The most elaborat: examples were decorated with granulation or engraving; some were even of openwork construction. 29 Etzeoglou has been able to identity yet another variation of the caftan, worn by the unidentified male figure portrayed on the north wall of the southeast chapel of Sts. Theodores at Nlistra (c. 1400) (Appendix 3, no. 65). This was a caftan the long sleeves of whieh were provided with a slit at the height of the armpit for tile anllS to come through. The empty portion of the sleeves was tucked in tile belt at the back. 30 As Etzeoglou has pointed out, this type of caftan and the manner of wearing it corresponds very well to the description by pseudo-Kodinos of the 'lapatzas', a garment worn by

58

Witll gold. b . al f The caftan-like garment worn by John was to eeome typlc 0 . . an d 0 fficl'al costume after the twelfth "century. By the end anstocratlc of the twelftll century Byzantine costume outSIde the conservauve ceremonial context of the court had certainly mov.ed away from RomaIl traditions. The Romans did not wear coats Wlth a buttoned. at tile front and the combination of a short-sIeeved. garup openmg ment over a Iong-sleeved one.'· John's costume is one more. tesumony to tile fact tIlat the Byzantines were prone to adopt or be Illfluen~ed by oriental fashions, even before tile enforced transfer. of the Byzanune court to Asia !vlinor after 1204 had brought them III closer contact witll tile peoples of the Muslim East. From tile tIlirteentll century onward males, whether officials or mstocrats, are shown wearing the caftan-like garment either on its own or under a mantle (Appendix 3, nos. 39-41, 43-55, 58, 60, 69, 76, 77) (PIs. 67-71, 74, 76, 85). Judging by the representations, tile caftans were made of heavy, costly materials with an overall decoration of animal, floral, or geometrical motifs enclosed in medallions, geometric grids, or complicated interlacing patterns of a vegetal or geomeuic nature. They were also adorned with embroidered bands

28

On Late Antique costume see M.L. Rinaldi, '/I costume Romano e i mosaid

di Piazza Annerin.,' RWirta dell'lnsliiuw Nadonale d'Arciliologia e SwrW del arie XIII-XN (1964-1965), pp. 200-268.

59

29 See, for example, Lt. nE/"'EKavioll~, 'Ta. xpucrn ~u~av'tlva J(ocrJ.l~J.1ata t~<; ElEcrcruAoV(1<1]<;,' LlXAE I (1959), p. 59; N. Mo"r"""o").o,, )lva""aq>~ rii, (3aCJI).lIcij, roil 'Ay{o" )lx,Ue{ov (Thessalonike, 1972), pp. 206-207, pIs. 30-33; Ci!)' qf.II)"I,as, nos. 8, 9, 11; S. Georgieva, 'Nakiti i chasti ot tiikani ot dvoretsa na Ts..1.revets.' Tsarcvgmti Turnou 2 (1974), p. 415; M. Corovic.Ljubinkovic, 'Prokup.cld nalaz srpskog srednjevekovnog naldta,' ZbRadNarM I (1956/7), p. 159; G. Tn\'llnac-'!'onllc, 'Srebrna ostava iz Dobrog Dola kod Pirota,' ZbRodNarM 3 (1960/ I), .p. 200, figs. 13-16; D. Milosevic, Nakit od XII do XV urka ,~ zbirke Narodllog ","sga (Belgra~e. 1990), nos. 309-317. Buttons arc sometimes mentioned in legal documents, as, lor example, in the will of Theodore Sarantenos, a member of the provincial gentry from Verroia (I325), where forty-two buttons belonging to two differen! types .are mentioned) scc Acles de ValopMi, I, eds. J. Bompaire, J. Lefort, V. Kra\'an~ C. GiroS (Pads, 200 I) (hearafter Valopedi, I), p. 355. 30 For a colollr reproduction sce City qf ,Ipstra" fig. 165.

CHAPTER TWO

OFFICIAL AND ARISTOCRATIC COSTUME

61

60 court. 31

The !lnal variation of the . I gan . ffi'al in the PaIalO 0 . . certam 0 lCI S U· 1 ,"as a short one which, mstcad of a I ' Id like to men 0 1 " caftan \I Oil. I fi' nt had lapels over the breast which were . al pemng at t le to , verOc o. I ft or \~ce versa (Appendix 3, nos. 74, 75). The fastened ng~lt over. e. aoain to be sought in the East, ultimately in origin of tIus featUl e IS " ,., tIle costume of nomad horsemen. ' . . 33'd 'r. tIle caftan worn by Late Byzantme offiCials and Scholars' I enOIY . . .th tI <1. bbadion' which accordmg to pseudo-Kodmos, connobles . d"" h leI Aacostume of all' members of the court, from the sotute t e ga a 'est-ranking offiCial. . 34 None 0 f t Ile otIler garments . . ' emperor to the I0\\ . db' seudo-Kodinos (Iflpalzas, eptlourikon, tampanon) can be menUone ) P . tI . 35 T . h,s arguidentified \\~th we caftan represented m le portraits. wever is not sufficient to prove that me two should be ho m e n t , ' s first to examme . 'IS known 0 f t h e kabbadwn . what equate. . . d One need itsel( The name was probably derived from the PerSIan word 'qaba", denoting a tight-fitting coat wi~ narro,.1' sl~eve3~ op~n down the. front and worn girt, of ultimate Persian denvatIon. Th,S need. not Imply that the Byzantine habbadion was of exactly the same deSIgn as the qaba', but it does suggest Wat we Byzantine garment was of oriental derivation and must have shared at least certain features with the Islamic one. Pseudo-Kodinos himself informs us mat me kabbadion was an Assyrian garment taken over by the Persians, in other words that it was a garment of eastern extraction. 37 The earliest reference to we 'kabbadion', as far as I know, is found in me KIetorologion of Philotheos (c. 900) where it is mentioned as being worn by members of tile palace forces (Turks, Khazars, and others) on special

31 Pseudo-Kod., p. 219. The Byzantine emperor wore a similar gannent, though ungirt and with the sleeves hanging freely at the sides. Ibid., pp. 218-219. Cr. B. Cvetko\~c, IPrilog proucavanju vizantijskog dvorskog kostima-----ypa.v6:.t~a, /..a1t&.t{u,,' ZRVI 34 (1995), pp. 143-156. 32 Mayer, Mamluk Costwm, pp. 21-22; D. Nicolle, Ear!>' Medieval Islamic Anns and Am:ur. Clodius. Tomo especial (Madrid, 1976), pp. 84, 86-87, 88-89. See, mdlcallvely, the relevant article in the ODB 2 P 1088

: Pseudo-Kod., pp. 14£-166, 200, 219-220, 274. ,. . On the lapat<:..as, sec note 31; on the other two garments see below. B. Hemmer~nger, '158 noms communs grecs d'origine iranienne, d'Eschyle au grec modem, BS 30 (1969), p. 28; M. Mavroudi, 771e So-called Oneirocnlicoll 'If Achn"t A B)·zantme Book 'If Dream Interpretation and Its Arabic Sources (doctoral disserta~;';' H~ard University, 1998), p. 467, note 33; Mazaheri, Vu quotidien"" p. 71; y~r, 0mJu); Cos/umt, p. 21; R. Le\'}r, INotes on the Costume from Arabic Sources,' " Joul11llf 'If l'le RO)'al Asiatic Socie{y 1935/ I P 324 " Pseudo-Kod., p. 206. ,. . l(;

n

feast-days,38 yet another testimony to its 'exot"IC ongms. .. It 'IS, therefore, not unreasonable to suggest that the habbad' h Id . . fi' lOll S ou be Idenufted . h With t e ca tan seen m Late Byzantinc p t ' . h . ., f b h' or ralts gIven t e onental ongIn 0 ot, proV1ded that we accept ab' . '1 anty " 111 deSign . . aSle slml between the kabbadwn and the qabii'. . Mantles appear rarely in portraits of dignl'tan' es an d no bl cs 0 f the . . Late Byzanune penod (Appendix 3, nos. 60, 63, 70) (PIs. 71-73). • 36

Philo~hheos, b1etor., pp. 177-179, 209. Later in the tenth eentu

the kahadion

(SIC), tlll~ tl~C desc~bcd as a short, short-slecved garment, padded cotton and c.oarsc Silk, IS m~ntlOned as an .alternative to mail or lamellar armour in dcscri _ tIon~ of the equ~p~ent. of the. mfant;y in Byzantine military manuals, sce S 'll~e Tacfzcomm, que obm Inedlta LeOlllS Tac(z.ca' dicebatur, cd. A. Dain (Paris, I938) (~er~ after Syll. Tact.), §3~; E. MeGeer, S0u:!ng the Dragon's Teeth: Byzantine Waifare in the T~nth CmtllIY (Washmgton, D.C., 1990), pp. 12 (Praeapta Militaria), 88 (Takfilfll of

wiih

Nikephoros. Ouranos); er. J.F. Haldon, 'Some Aspects of Byzantine Milita Technolo . ~r?m the SIXt!.' to .tile Tenth Centuries,' BMCS I (1975), p. 36, note T. Dawso~. /(remasn.wta, /(~badlOn, b1ihanlOlI: Some Aspects of Middle Byzantine Military Equipment Reco:'Sldered, BMGS 22 (1998),.1'1" 38-42. It is possibly through the foreign mercenanes? With wh?rn the kab(b)adlOll was associated initially, that the garment became

12Z

known In Byzanu~m and came to be employed in the Byzantine army. That the ~se of the kab(b)adlOll was not ~onfined to the military, but could extend to a civilIan, non-court-related context IS suggested by. the Oneirokn'tikoll of Achmet (ninth or tenth century), where the terI? occurs three tlmes, see Aehmetis Olleirocn'ticol1, pp. 88,

114-115, 218; cf. Mavroudl, 77le So·called OneiromticolI

'!! Achmet,

pp. 466-470. skaraO{KTJ\!

Inter~stmgly ~no~gh, m all t1!ree mstan,ccs :he ka.h(b)adioll is equated with the mangloll (Ka~a811]'rol crKapapa:~l.v, Ka{3aol ro lleyO,uEVOV (fKapa,uarrI.OV, Ka/36.0!

crICapapayylOv), For the pOSSibility of t1l.e skaramangioll being a caftan-like garment see above, note 27. As far as I know, the term 'skaramangion' occurs for the first time i~ the ~ight-century chronicle .~f Theophanes the Confessor, where the garment IS m~ntlOned as part of the l:nll~tal)' outfit of a Persian general, see 7heoplzanis

ChronograjJllla, cd. C. De Boor (LeipZig, 1883), p. 319. Apparendy, by the time of Michael III (842-867) the skaramangion had become a component of Byzantine ceremonial costume, sce Leonis Grammatiei Chrollographia, cd. I. Bekker (Bonn, 18...2), pp. 241, 245-246. The skaramaTlgioli is often mentioned in descriptions of impetiaJ ceremonies in the tenth-century De cenmolliis, wom both by the emperor and by the male members of the court, see De cer., passim. On the other hand, there is no ref.· erence to a kab(b)adioll in this text. The existing evidence does not provide a sufficient basis for the identification of the kah(b)adioti \\~th the skaramallgioll. It does suggest, nevertheless, that these two garments, both of oriental (Persian?) origin and ha\'ing milital), associations, must have shared a number of common feanlres, which are difficult to identify at present. References to kab(b)adia in the eleventh and twdHh centuries are sporadic. Apparently, the garment continued to be used in a non~mil itary, non-official context, see Poemes prodromiques en gree vulgaire, eds. D.-C. Hessding

and H. Pel110t (Amsterdam, 1910) (hereafter Poemes prodromiques), poem IV, lines 12a, 12g; its usage in a militaIY context is less certain, er. Tz.eL?ae iOatl1lls Hislonarnm variarum chiliades, cd. Th. Kiessling (Hildesheim, 1963), p. 471. To my knowledge. the earliest reference of a kahad;1J (sic) as part of the wardrobe of a Byzantine official-though not necessmily as part of his official costume-is encountere(~ in the win of the koUrfJpa/llles Symbatios Pakourianos, dated to I~90, sec Aclf's ~'!rlroll. n, cds. J. Lcfort, N. Oikonomides, D. Papachlyssanthou (Pans, 1990), p. loo.

CHAPTER TWO

62 .

are uite different from the sleeveless cloaks The examples dep'~te.d f Iq Early and Middle Byzantine periods. that were charactel'lsuc.~ ~~ on the back wall of tomb C in the The deceased man PO~lt)~ MonastelY (Kal~ye Camii) (fourteenth funen"y chapel of tlle d 101 a le green coat lined with fur which lies I heavy an amp centUly) las.a d (PI 71). The coat has an out-turned collar loosely on Ius shO~111 ers .' f exceedingly long sleeves which reach [, . hed ",tI a palr 0 . · and IS Ul'lUS tl kl The sleeves are prO\~ded WIth an openes. d0"'n almost .toI lef an tl elbows [or the forearms to come through. · t tlle helgll 0 le mg a d the wall of tomb F in the outer narthex of The man poru'lIye on tl . wer part is preserved) wears a man e which lo I I tIe the Chol'll (on)' . ·IS also prO\~'d ed \,1·tl1 a pair . of exceedmgly long sleeves (PI. 72). . . · t lined Mth fur. TI11S mantle. IS remarkable [or However, hIS was no . · . d ble headed eagles and . medalhons enclosmg the Its decoraUon: ou Palaiologoi executed m .gold on a blue field. monogram 0 f the Furnishing mantles with a pair of sleeves. which ha~g empty at the 'd t be an ancient probably onental fashIOn, traced• back, SI es appears 0 . . to the fourth century.39 In favour of an orIental orIgm of t I at eas, . ' G' . tlle feature one may cite the e~dence of certam eorgIan portraits of donors or rulers who wore comparable mantles long before these were adopted in Byzantium.'o . Another type of mantle, probably reflectmg western rather than oriental influences, is worn by Manuel Laskares Chatzikes (t 1445), who is pOrl1'l\yed on the south wall of the narthex at the Pantanassa, Misl1'll (PI. 73). It is heavy alld ample, of a reddish brown colour and apparently lined ,,~th fur. The ample sleeves of the garment appear to have been left unsoWll from the wrist to the elbow, looking more like fur-lined panels of cloth than sleeves. The mantle is fastened do,,"" the front \~tll what appear to be spherical buttons. This type of mantle fastened down the front reminds one of the mantles worn in Italy in the fourteenth and the fifteenth centuries

~ \VOITI, for example, by the right group of 'barbarians' represented on the nonh-west side of the pedestal of the obelisk of Theodosios I in the Hippodrome of Constantinople (c. 390), see Grabar, L'empereur dam l'art, pI. XII.2. '" For example, the portraits of Demetrius on the cast fa~adc of the church at J\'ari (58617-605/6), see R. Mepisahvili and V. Tsintsadzc, 7lle Arts 'If Allcietlt Georgia (London, 1979), p. 86; of Ashot' Il at Tbeti (891-918), sce ibid., p. 245, and ~f ~ male figure at Kumurdo (964), sec G. Chubinashvili, Voprosy istO/ii iskusstva (Tbl"Sl, 1970), fig. 98.2.

OFFICIAL AND ARISTOCRX11C COSTUME

63

though I ~~ve not been able to locate an exact western parallel which exhibits the same peculiar sleeves/flaps:" The cfzlamy,s, the ',!lost dist~nctive garment of dignitaries since the Early Byza~tme perIod, conUnues to appear in Palaiologan portraiture. Yet, given the number of portraits of dignitaries that have sur~ved, the chlamys is attributed only to a limited few (Appendix 3, nos. 38,. 43, 66) (PI. 74). Of these, two bear the title of despotes (Appendix 3, nos. 38, 6~) and one the title of sebastokratrJr (Appendix 3, no. 43) .. The chlamys ~s ~lso encountered in portrayals of sons or close relauves. of the relgnmg emperor, even though they did not hold any parucular office (Appendix 3, nos. 37, 52, 66, 68). The chlamys worn by the despotes Constantine Palaiologos (1277-c. 1329) on his seal-effigy is patterned with lozenges and has no tablia (Appendix 3, no. 38). The mantles of the other two officials (Appendix 3, nos. 43, 66), represented in the more amenable medium of miniature painting, share the same decoration: double-headed eagles enclosed in medallions executed in gold on a red or purple field:" One can hardly distinguish the golden tab lion among the golden glow of the mantle, which is fastened at the right shoulder. The best-preserved representation is encountered in the portrait o[ the sebastokrator Constantine Komnenos Palaiologos in the Lincoln College Typikon, f. Iv (1327-1342) (PI. 74), where the chl(lJ'!Ys is clearly shown worn over a caftan. The pictorial e~dence suggests that the Palaiologan descendant of the chlamys was confined to the use o[ only the highest-ranking dignitaries of the state or very close relatives of the emperor. Its presence in the Late Byzantine period may be attI~b uted to the surnval of a ceremonial garment, which would not be altogether surprising considering the conservatism of official insignia;

41 Cp. with the outer garments of the spectators in the painti~g by :Masaccio a1~d Filippino Lippi representing the Raising of the son of Theophilus by St. Peter m. the Brancacci chapel (1426-1428), in U. Baldini and O. Casacca, La capel/" Bral/cam (Milan, 1990), p. 195. A more obviously westem influence on the cosnlme of ~Ianud

Chatzikes is discernible in the design of the narrow slec\'cs ~f the gamlent \\'~rn under the mantle, which have been extended to cover part ot the .hand. CP', \\11h examples of such sleeves dating from the late fourteenth century Illustrated 1Il R.

Levi-Pisetzky, Storia del costllllle ill ltalia, 5 vols. (Milan, 1964-), 11, 'pIs. ~, 17. . -12 On the double-headed eagle in Byzantium see A.V. SoIO\~e\') Les cmb!emes hcraldiques de Byzancc et les Slaves,' SemKolld VII (193~), pp. 119-164: D. CCluovodeanu, 'Contributions a ('etude de rheraldique byzanl1ne et postbyzantine,' JOB 32/2 (1982), pp. 412-415.

CHAPTER TWO

64

b r the long histolY of the imperial loros ~ . a con-. onc ha s onl}' .to Iremem eof the c!llamys we may b e lacmg Al tcwa . tively . d'lsuse following .. . _', U1j' t le case tnlent which had fallen mto SC10US. l'C\~VaJ . brougIlt a bou t by tlle d'IS IocatlOn . . '0 a ga't ceremomal n. U1 the dlsrupUo r. 1204 . Suc I1 a revival . I cout etnment to Nicaea alter of the lmpcna govlace possibly as part of a broad er attempt to could I.lave l\"ddle taken PB)'Zantine cel'Cmo lllal . ' the return of the followmg '11 . ' . wou Id explain reconsutute " al nent to Constanunople m I 261 .'" TIliS lmpen govetnl .: its limited use in the Late B)'Za~ttne pellod. . The tenu 'cldom)'S' is not menttoned by pseudo-~odinos. He does, however, mention the word 'Iamp.anon'. The lampanon was worn only b the highest officials in court, I.e. the de.sPotes, the sebasto!..7ator, the 44 p~ypersebaslos, the prowvestianos, and, possibly, the kaz:ar. That the '/ parion' refers to a kind of outergarment or cloak IS suggested by : : et)mological kinship of the word to the Italian 'tabarro', which denotes such a garment, but admittedly of a design different from the clllam)'S,+5 One may, nevertheless, construct a case of equivalence between the lamparion and the garment we have encountered in portraiture on the assumption that 'tampanon' was employed as a generic tenu denoting a cloak rather than the specific Italian garment adopted as part of B)'Zantine court costume. That this is not unlikely is suggested by the fact that in the fourteenth-century paraphrase of the cI1ronicle of Niketas Choniates the word 'clzlamys' was replaced by the word 'lampanon,.+6 As far as I know there are no surviving portraits of a panhypersebasws or a prowvestiarios, and the only type of mantle represented in portraits of despotes and sebaswk!atares is the Palaiologan descendant of tile clzlam)'s. "''hat is more, the tamparion is the only mantle mentioned by pseudo-Kodinos as part of the insignia of these officials. Tutning now to the accessories that complemented the costume of B)'Zantine officials and aristocrats, with regard to the brooches and fibulae which were used to fasten their mantles, nothing as distinctive as the Late Antique crossbow fibula is attested for the Middle .

.. That such an.ttempt did take place is suggested by the copying, in the later part of the thirteenth century, of texts which dealt with Komnenian ceremonial. E. anOxfid M.Jeffreys, Mangantios Prodromos: Text Seminar, Michaelmas Term 1996 (University of ord). : Pseud~Kod., pp .. 143, 147-148, 149, 153. .. LeVl-PlSCtz~y, Swrw del coslume in Italw, T, pI. 177; n, p. 54. awnUltae.~uelat, HiswrW, cd. I. Bekker (Bonn, 1835), p. 171, note 20.

OFFICIAL AND ARISTOCRATIC COSTUME

65

and Late Byzantine periods . In portraIts . of ele h d . vent - an twelfthcentury offiCials and noblemen th d . e eVlces by h' h h' were secured are not clearly dl'st' . h b w IC t clr clllamydes . mgUls a le Ne h I sometimes guess, rather than see th . vert e ess, onc can 61). Another type which could h' e presence of a brooch (PIs. 60, . ave b een employed t h . the pm-type fibula, seen on the mantle of St at. at ttme was church of the monastery of St J h Ch . George m the north Cyprus (c. 11 00):17 Neithe . '1 0 n . rysostom at Koutsovendes r clrcu ar nor pm-sha d M'd . ' fibulae are extant. pe I dle Byzantme f . Belts were always a very important 't since tunics and caftans were worn airt I em ~ Byzantme costume, . ' 0' more olten than not ,\8 B d theIr. functIOnal eyon f . . f and aesthetic purpose ' beI ts al so served .as one . penod . 0 th e mSlgma 0 office, at least in the M'iddl e Byzantme In the tenth century, for example, the president f th . . his promotion a u I b I . o. e senate received upon . . p rp e e t set Wlth precIOus stones:" In Middl e Byzantme portraits belts are hardly ever illustrated (PI 66)' . I ' . , m most c se a s we can on y guess their presence under the folds f th of the ' tunic. It is only during the Late Byzanttne . 0 penod .e upper I that bpart e ts. are prom.'nently and ubiquitously represented in portraits of offiCIals and anstocrats. The most common typ e was one probably d ma e ofleather or durable fabrics adorned with metal attachments. so ~hese attachments, according to the artistic evidence, were either mcular or propeller-shaped. The belt was fastened at the front bv means of a buckle, while its free end (terminating in a rectangItla'r or V-shaped sheath) hung down the left side (Appendix 3, nos. 40, 44-51, 54, 55, 65, 74, 75, 77) (PIs. 67, 68, 70, 85).51

47 C. Ma?g?, 'The MonastelY of St. Chlysostomos at Koutsovendis (Cypnts) and Tts"W~~ Pamtmgs,' D?P 44 (1990), 1'.89, 1'1. 8b,. fig. 144A J ~ng by SUrVIVing portraIts, tumcs worn without a mantle were often ungirt

( ppendlx 3, nos .. 11-12, 17,34) (PI. 11 [second figure from the left]). Examples of caftans WOlU wIthout a belt are rare (Appendix 3, no. 73). 49 De cer., p. 440. 50 Theo~ore Sarantcnos owned six belts decorated with silver-gilt fittings (1325) see VatopM!, T, p. 355. • r .Jl Even though complete examples of such belts have not survived, parts of them . I~e bucklcs~ sheaths, and attachments made of gold, gilt silver, and sih'cr, dating fIo?1 the tlllrteenth to the fifteenth ccntudes, do occasionally come up in archaeolo~cal contexts. It is possible that the group of nine sih'cr gilt, circular attachmenls (dlam. 0.015 m) now in the Benaki !\:Iuseum, Athens, had once adomed a bdt. see T~ BV,&VtlO ~ OIX:OVPEV1], E1tta't. E1tlllfA.. M. Euayyel.a'tou, E. na1tac:ttaupou, T.n. EK
OFFICIAL Al'ID ARISTOCRATIC COSTUME CHAPTER TWO

66

.c nd around tlle waist or tied in a knot at i r kercalIuelS wou . of the e as belts as attested by the portrait Sas ICS 0 tlle fi'lont could soI scrv back wall ,of tomb C at the Chora (Pl. 71) deceased man . f tl on t'dle ntified male donor at the Penbleptos, Mistra and tllat. 0 3 le um 58) e The practice was probabIy, as so many oth,no. . . [ . al ., 52 (Appendix . I' La B 'Zantine peJiod of ultimate y onent ongtn. ersmtle te) ? fL' Otller accessories complementmg me c~stume 0 ate Byzantine 'al d a ',·stoCTats were the handkerchIef and, to a lesser extent OlClsan I . . ' ffi udo-ing b)' the artistic eVIdence, the. handkerchIef, tucked " . Ilmg . .tlle purse. tl .Jht 11and side of the belt, served as t h e fi ms touch to mto le fig . the attire of fashionable gentlemen in the L~te Byz.antln~ pe~od.53 Such handkerchiefs are usually shown as bemg whIte WIth fi'mged edges (Appendix 3, nos. 39, 44-49, 55, 62, 65, 69, 77) (PIs. 67, 71, 72, 76, 85). Purses, on the other hand, are .more rarely represented. When they do appear, they are shown hangmg from a cord attached to the belt on the left side of tlle bearer (Appendix 3, nos. 39, 55) (PI. 76)." Reference should also be made to staffs of office. While in me late ninth and tenth centuries such staffs served as the insig:t1ia of officials responsible for keeping order during imperial ceremorties or of those who served as messengers or spokesmen,55 during the

G. Aleksandrov, 'Sreruloyekovno bUlgarsko sukrovishte ot Mikhallovgrad,' Arkheologiia 26 (1984), pp. 29-38, figs. 5, 6; M. Ross, Calawgue if Ihe Byzanlille and Earry Medieval Anliquities in the Dumbarlon Oaks CoUeelum, vol. 2 (Washington, D.e., 1965), no. 107. A group of silver belt-fittings from Euboea in Greece, dating to the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries (when Euboea was under Latin rule), are undeniably western in appearance and quite different from the types depicted in Late Byzantine portraiture, see O. Dalton, Mediaeval Personal Ornaments from Chalcis in the B,i/ish and Ihe Ashm.1ean Museums (Oxford, 19 jJ). " Mazaheri, Vie qu.tidierme, p. 71. 53 C!- C1!>' of ldyslras, no. 7, for a possible discovery of such a kerchief, associated WIth a garment buttoned at the front in a late fourteenth-early fifteenth-century burial at !vfistra. ' .5-1 I have n~t come across representations of either handkerchiefs or purses in l'
67

Palaiologan period they were held by the gre t '. . nitaries in the court. 56 Nevertheless, in portra·at of the onl chgI urem~offinty sta s appear in the hands 0 f the despotes (Appendix 3, nos. 38 66) 57 Y As to apparently these did no't become . . head-dresses, ffi . I part of costume Byzantine 0 Cia c d ' prior to the eleventh century. R eferences to them are not. 10un m the'ceremonial handb 00ks 0 f the mnth . M and tent I1 centunes. oreover, m the tenth cent ~OO=_~ mltted to wear . . I a . hat'" m the presence of the empe ror, even outSide a ceremoma setting. As .far as I know, they anI d'Igmtary . to wear a head-dress, namely a diadem (stehhanos) . . of . r , as one 0 f h'IS .Inslgma office pnor to the eleventh century was the kaisar.59 The situation obviously changed in the eleventh century as atteste d .. ' by sUrv1V1ng portraits of Byzantine officials, who appear with their heads covered even when represented side-by-side with the emperor (PI.. 11) ..Tw~ types of hats made their appearance at the time: a white cy[mdr~cal hat with a rounded top (PI. ne) and another with a t~ssel hangt~g to one side (PI. n a, f). A third type of head-dress whIch made ItS appearance in eleventh-century portraiture, though

.

.

as the. fact, that he is distinguished f~om t?~ la~ter by means of the two stripes adornmg lus head-dress, suggest that hIS pOSItIon In court was an elevated onc. The r~d colour of the staff, which ~n t,he past had b~en dis~inctive of the. staffs of impenal messengers, could be an mcilcatlOl1 that tlus official sen.'cd a Similar function

in the Komneniari court. It is enticing to think that he was the head of the Byzantine e~bassy sent to request the hand of Agnes from Louis VII of France.

" Pseudo-Kod., pp. 15.1-166 (dikallikia). According to Pachymeres, granting a gold-and-sllver staff as an msignia to those promoted to the highest positions in the

senate was an innovation of Andronikos Il, see Pachym., IV, p. 545 (in reference to t~e pro~otion of a megas doux). If my hypothesis concerning the status of the ?fficlal .holdmg the staff in the Epilhalamioll of 1179 is correct, then Andronikos~s l~nOVatIon should be understood as an extension of the right to a staff to a broader CIrcle of officials than was the case before his reign. ;7 See, also, S. Gabelic, Mmwslir resnovo. /slorija i slilwrslvo (Belgrade, 1998), fig. XLIV (the Serbian despoles jovan-OUver); Zhivkova, ChelveroevangelielQ, pI. I (the Bulgarian despoles Constantine). Their staffs are red in colour as is that of the despoles Theodore (Appendix 3, no. 66). Note, however, that Pselldo-Kodinos makes no reference to a staff being held by the despo/eS. He is equally silent about staffs being held by the sehas/okralor and the Iwisar. Nevertheless, the evidence providcd by the portraits just listed indicates that the silence of PsclIdo-Kodinos should not be taken to imply that the three highest officials of the Palaiologan court held no stails. 511 Liudprand of Cremona, Re/alia de Legatiolle COllstOlltillOpolitalla, cd. B. Scott (Btistol, 1993) (hereafter Liudprand, Relauo), p. 42. . , ~' Philotheos, Kielor., pp. 97-99. In the only sUlviving tenth-cent~I)' ponratt .of a Iw/Sar, that of Bardas Phokas in the Pigeon House Church, <;:aVUjln (AppendL' 3, no. 3; PI. 17), he appears with his head bare.

cfiAPTER TWO

OFFICIAL AND ARISTOCRATIC COSTUME

68

ier was the turban (Pis. nc-d, 78).60 l . use muc I1 earl , di 3 it was actual Y 111 tile suh/Wws (Appen x , nos. 23, 24) . . ued to wear ,The kOlsar conun fi m the end of the eleventh century . th e sebasloA"alor d roby Alexios I Komnenos (lOSI-IlIS).61' and so did when tIliS· d'Ignit)' wasI create d d sses became a standard component of deed lea - re . . Once 1I1tro.u , The white cylindrical hat Wltll tile rounded . ffiClal costume. Byzanune 0 b . ellted in twelfth-century contexts (PI. 61). . d to e reples ., top conunue lar type of head-dress 111 the mld-twelfth_ 'tntes the most popu It consU . S'k t' (PI 64) I have not come across any twelfili.' . f th e red hat Wlili . een tnT)' Madrid 9'fi zlzes . h t matter--representaUons 0 a " celltnn,-or • ] ~, Tlater 01 t types of hats may be I'denl1'fi ed'111 the m1l1lathe tassel 6. wo new . . . M d'd anuscripl. The first one IS a hat or a cap with tnres of the a n m ., . '. ~-" (fi It or fur) (PI. ng). The second IS more lmpresslve a halry sunaee e . . r d ' triangular with a strong proJeCl1on lorwar (Pis. and pecuIiar. It IS . . -7h) 63 E 1 more impressive and volum1l10us examples of thiS 64 I . vel be seen worn by Byzantine 0ffi'al' , fh Cl S 111 t h e illustrated

:~~io:t :'1179, Vat.

gr. 1851 (Pis. ni, 79). Niketas Choniates, . . at the end of the twelfth century, speaks of a 'barbarian' wnung . d ., h dlik black or grey head-dress with a p01l1te proJeCl1on, s ape e a pyramid. Yet one cannot be certain that he is :eferri.ng to the ~e of head-dress that we are discussing here, especially s1l1ce Chomates

60 For a reference to Constantine, son of Basil I, wearing a turban or head~scarf (plwkiolion) with his c.cremonial a~our on the occasion ?f a triumphal procession in celebration of a "ctolY of Basil I on the eastern fronner (878), see J.F. Haldon, Dmstantine Porp/!)70geniJ.us. Thru Treatises on Imperial Military Expeditions (Vienna, 1990), pp. 142, 279. For a reference to three lurbans sent by Romanos I as presents to the Caliph in 938, see M. HamiduUah, 'Nouve.aux, documents sur les rapports de I'Europe avec l'Orient musulman au Moyen Age, Arab.ea 7 (1960), p. 286. Cf. Liudprand)s comment on the Byzantines' wearing 'head~scarves' instead of hats, in his !l£liItin, p. 42. 61 PseUos, Chron., p. 103; Bryen., pp. 263, 265; An. Komn., I, p. 114. 62 Pseudo-Kodinos in the fourteenth century mentions a red head~dress with a tassel on the top as one of the insignia of certain officials in the Palaiologan court, which might have been a descendant of the eleventh·century hat, see pseudo-Kod., WI~I~I~I~ ., 63 A comparable head-dress is worn by the rich man in the miniature deplctmg the vice of avarice in a twelfth-century manuscript of the Heavenly Ladder ?f St. John Climacus, see J.R. Martin, The IllustTatulIls 'If 1//£ HeavenlY Ladder 'If Jo/m Cluna(US (Prineelon, 1954), p. 93, fig. 196. The earliest representations of this type of head· dress that I have come across are encountered in the Vat. gr. 752, If. 90v,.1 ~3r (c. 1059) (PI. 77b); in both instances Ule head-dress is attributed to Uriah the Hltute, see E. De Wald! The Illuslrations in Ihe MaJ.uscripts 'If Ihe Sepluaginl. Vol. Ill. Psalms and Odts. Part 2: Vatzeanus Graecus 752, (Princeton, London, The Hague, 1942) (hereafter De Wald, Vat CT. 752), pis. XXIV, XXX.

69

mentions the 'pyrami~al .hat only in association with Andronikos I Komnenos pnor to hiS n~~ to .the throne and after his overthrow."' Nikephoros Gregoras, wntmg 111 the fourteenth cent . til . f And . ury, mentIoned that ~n . the relgnh 0 d d ronikos III Palaiologos (132S-1341) Byzantine dignltanes wore ea - resses shaped like a pyramid with '!k . h' ffi 65 • a SI cover accor.d mg to t elr 0 ce. HIS testimony may be relevant to the pecuhar hat that. con~erns us here. The triangular head-dresses of at least two offiCials m Vat. gr. IS51 are adorned with decorative bands, while those of the rest are plain (PI. 79).'" Eustathios of Thessalonike, writing after IIS5, also refers to the black or grey head-dress of Andronikos I Komnenos, which we now learn, he had acquired in Georgia." Eustathios also infom:s us iliat the red hat of the incompetent general of Thessalonike David Komnenos, a cousin of Andronikos, imitated Georgian fa~hions.68 While the hat worn by Andronikos is peculiarly associated with him in the sources, that of David is more likely to reflect a type of headdress that a fashionable aristocrat of the second half of the twelfth century would wear despite the disapproval of conservative Church prelates like Eustathios. Judging by the detailed descriptions of official head-dresses given by pseudo-Kodinos and by the fact that he identifies various groupings of dignitaries by the colour of their hats, one can claim that in the Palaiologan period the head-dress had become the most distinctive item of official costume. 69 The suphanos, a circlet of gold set with pearls and gems and having 'One or more arched projections was worn by the despous and the sebastokrator (Appendix 3, nos. 38, 66) (PI. 74).70 The other two types of head-dresses mentioned by pseudo-Kodinos, the skaranikon and the skiadion, were worn by all office-holders including the despotes (the sebastokraloT did not wear a skaTanikon). ., Nik. Chon., pp. 252, 271, 346. " Greg., p. 567. 66 67

68

Sec, also, Iacobini, 'L'epitalamio di Andronico 11,' fig. 7.

PG 136, col. 49. . Ibid., col. 76. PG 136, col. 49. See, also, our com,?ents above. on pOSSIble

Caucasian influences on Byzantine costume during the Nhddle Byzanu?e peno~. • 6'J Pseudo~Kod., passim. Onc derives the sa~e imt:ress!on fro~ the detatled descnp~. nons of official head~dresses in Late Byzantme hlstonograplucal sources. See, f01

example, Pachym., II, p. 433, Ill, p. 71; Greg., p. 170. . "Pachym. III p. 221' pseudo.Kod. pp. 275, 276. The last Muar to be granted the right to a' slephanos wa~ apparently Nexios Strategopoulos, the general who recaptured Constantinople in 1261, see Greg., p. 89.

OFFICIAL AND ARISTOCRATIC COSTUME

CHAPTER TWO

71

70

. of the official insignia and was worn by onc . , . 1'1le £Ira~ollikO/l . was I h'. I. bbadia 11 The skamnika of most dlgmtaries . d' 't 'cs ,,~t I t ell M I ' tIle IglU an '1. d I'll to the proloiemkanos were adorned with domeshKOS 0\ firam tIle I neaas " . d' g entllroned or on horseback.72 It 'ts of the emperm stan 111 , • '.. . portraJ. f" rating an impenal portrait that thc Jkarallikon is b ' wiUe 0 liS mcorpo . ) . 'fi d 'tl the cvlindrical head-dress wIth the rounded has been Idenu e \VI I 1 . . 'tll a figure of an enthroned emperor whIch IS or flat top adornecl 110 . , . d' ~'ts of Late Byzantine offiCials (AppendIx 3, nos. 73 deplcte 111 pm .raJ 39, 44-48, 51, 54, 55) (Pis. 67, 68, 76, 77k-I). . The skiadioll was also worn by all the. me~bers .of the ~ourt, mclud. tIle emperor lu'mself.H It is someumes Identified wIth the pecu109 liar llat of the emperor John VIII Palaiologos on the famous medallion by Pisanello (PI. 8). Manue! Laskares Chatzikes at Panta~lassa, Mi~tra, (t l445 ) wears a similar hat (Pis. 73,.77cjJ. The hat WIth the tn~n gular top and the broad bri?l' someu~es s.hDl"? wor~ by Byza?tlne digIlitaries, is another ca.J1didate for Idenuficatlon With the skiadlOll (Pis. 24, 77m, 770). On the other hand, the magIlificent and exotic head-dress of Theodore Metochites, portrayed as donor at the Chora Monastery, defies all identifications (PIs. 69, 77j). It reminds one of a turban" and we know from pseudo-Kodinos iliat the emperor and certain of his digllitaries did wear turbans (plzakeolis).'6 The logothetes t{)U genikou however, the office of Metochites at the time of the execution of the portrait, was not one of them. It is possible that Metochites's head-dress was in fact a hat, consisting of a fabric cover and a light, wire frame or some kind of padding. 17 As for Palaiologan aristocratic head-dresses, we have the interesting testimony of Nikephoros Gregoras that the Byzantines during

the reign of Andronikos III Palaiologos enioyed we . ." armg strange and . . '. r Western vanegated head-dresses, ImItatIng fashIOns comin g Irom . Europe, the MIddle East, as well as Serbia and Bulgana. . 7. 'rh ere .IS one other t?'P e of hat that may be called aristocratic as distinct from official. ThIS was a dark-coloured hat, cylindrical with sides that flare out and. a flat t?P (Appendix 3, nos. 60, 61) (Pis. 71, 77n). Our Information on male footwear is scant • No act uaI exampIcs • 79'" have survIved and the artistIc eVIdence is not extremely helpful, since only the fro.nt edge of the. shoes appear under the full-length gannents. What little we know IS derived from the written source T~ese inform us that du~ing the twelfth century members of thS~ anstocracy wore shoes pOInted at the toe. so This bizarre fashion is prob~bly. attributable to in~uences coming from the West."1 Special me?tIOn IS ma~e of the f~shIonable shoes of David Komnenos (1185), whIch were tnmmed WIth gold and reached to his ankles."' That footwear pointed at the toe continued to be worn in the Late Byza.Jltine period as well is suggested by the portraits of the megas doux Alexios Apokaukos (PI. 68) and of the unidentified male figure in tomb F at the Chora (PI. 72). All other information we have on footwear concerns that of the highest dignitaries of the state, since it constituted one of their insigIlia of office. The colour and decoration of their shoes distinguished them from other members of the court. The practice was already established in the Middle Byzantine period, when the prefect (eparch) wore a pair of yellow shoes (PI. 91), the kaisar and the sebasloA7alor a pair of blue shoes, and the protovestiarios green."' In the Palaiologan

78

;, Pseudo-Kod., pp. 219-220, 274. The skoronmml is attributed an oriental origin, ihid., p. 206. " Ibid., pp. 1+5-146, 152-162. . i3 The skaranif.on of the despotes was adorned with pearls and precious stones, but did not bear the image of the emperor, see ibid., pp. 145-146. See, also, Appendix 3, no. 67; PI. 77p. If one is to judge by the head-dress, the unidentified figure portrayed in the south-east chapel of the church of Sts. Theodores at Mistra could aJro, be identified as a dtsPOles, see Appendix 3, no. 65; PI. 77r. , Pseudo-Kod., pp. 132, 141, 145, 147-149, 151, 153-166, 180, 195,207-208, 22;; See, also,. S~e.on of Thessalonike, PG 155, col. 396. Cr. the hlgh-nsmg turbans of Mamluk officials, see Mayer, Mom/uk Costume, p.31. :: Pseudo-Kod., pp. 159, 160, 161, 162, 163, 200, 227. <:~. the later tall, domed hat, padded with paper worn by the members of the military aristocracy in the Mam1uk sultanate, see M~yer, Mamluk Costume, p. 31.

;9

Greg., pp. 567-568. Excavations of fourteenth- and fifteenth-century burials at iMistra have yielded

a number of iron shoe-protectors, which were probably attached .to the sole of the shoe, see Ci!y of J\tfystras, no. 6. No information is given concemlOg the gender of the deceased in whose tombs these shoe-protectors were found . 8Q Poemes prodromiques, poem IV, line 6. 81 Levi-Pisetzky, Storia del coslwlle ill Ita/ia, I, p. 157, pis. 67, 68. 62 Eustathios of Thessalonike, PG 136, col. 76; Nik. ChOll.,. p'. 298. . . " Die Gedic/i1e des Clirisloplloros MiIJ,ienaios, cd. E. Kmtz (LeIpZIg, 1903), 30, hne 16; Kinn., p. 23; Horandner, 77teodoros Prodromos, no. XLV, hnes 187 188, 240-2~2; Nik. Choo., pp. 395, 507. A propos the shoes of the prefect, note tl~::~

00.

accordmg to the tenth-century Arab geographer Ibn Hauqal, \\'nun~ .~mos~:: cibn tury before rvIitylcnaios, the prefect worc one red and onc black ,s oe, '. Hauqa1, COlfiguration de la lerre tr. G. Wiet, revised J.H. Kramers (Belmt and Pans. 1964) (hereafter rbn Hauqa1), p. 191. On the other hand, post-eleventh;_~~~:"~~ SOurces refer to the shoes of the prefect as being yenow, down to the ~

OFFICIAL AND ARISTOCRATIC COSTUME

CHAPTER TWO

72

d-white shoes, with eagles of pearls ~ ,.M/CS wore red-an I 'h . tl b s/okralor wore blue Sloes Wit eagles Peliod .the "e"1'" d sides' le se a . h'l I . on the mstep an , Id tlle instep and Sides, w let le kazsar . d a red fie on embrOldere on. tl e eagles; lastly, the panhypersebaslos wore 8< h d blue shoes WltllOut 1 . . a d th pro/OlItS/UlIWS green. yellow shoes an e

Female Dress . . e have on Byzantine female aristocratic · 't d mfonnauo n w . T he IIml e d ' d firom sUf\~vinO" portraits of Byzantme ladies stly enve '" . costume IS mo. . f r ale characters in monumental and miniad resentaUons 0 tern an rep.. TI 'd nce of the portraits largely concerns gala amunO". le e'1 e .' d' f' ture P . " . . ' this that aristocratIc ladies an ",ves 0 digtime smee It \las 111 • th c~ '. ' ,d as donors or supphcants, on e walls of rutanes were portIa) e , . "'d' . th ges of manuscnpts. The artIstIc eVl ence IS churehes or m e pa r al . • the few descriptions and references to tern e attIre complemented b) . h' I d .' 'hich include histonograp lca texts, poems, an m wntten sources, \I . ror extant materials speCIal reference should be le!'al documents. As .. ' . "de to the recentl)·. published fragments of garments and ma . shoes. disr ale burial in the church of St. Sophla at wIistra. cO\'Cred .111 a tern 'des invaluable information on the character of female 85 This fi nd pro\1 dress at I\Iistra during the first half of the fifteenth century. Unfortunately, there have been no comparable finds dating to the period between the eleventh and the fifteenth century from other. parts of the empire. The archaeological evidence informs us suffiCIently on only one component of female costume.. and :his is jewellery. The basic garments of1vIiddle ByzantIne ladies were the dress and the mantle, as they had been in the Early Byzantine period. Ye~, the mediaeval gannents were quite distinct in appearance from their Late Antique predecessors. According to the artistic evidence, Early Byzantine dresses, as a rule, had long ample sleeves and were sometinles girt below the breast. They are often shown worn over an undergannent with long tight sleeves. 86 Mantles were loosely draped

Andronikos ll, when this privilege was remO\'cd from this official and granted to the p.nAypmdJaslos, see Pachym., IV, p. 565; Pseudo-Kod., p. 134. .. Pseudo-Kod., pp. 143-144, 148, 149, 152, 153. " PIUUI? d'U!le prWtsSt by~01IJiJM: TlSSUS archiowgiques de s"inte-Sophie de Mistra (Geneva, 20(0) .

.. Rinaldi, 'll ro;twnc Romano,' p. 244, figs. 2+, -i3; Delbrueck, ConsulardipfYchm, no. 63; J. Balty, MasaiiJues antiques de ~m. (Brussels, 1977), pp. 94-99.

73

around. th~ upper part of the body, as illustrated in the portrayal of the ladles 1\1 the entourage of Theodora at San Vitale, Ravenna (PI 10). By contrast, latc tenth~century dresses had long narrow sleeve~ and were usually worn ungIrt, whde mantles were no longer draped around the body, but secured at the front by means of a brooch (PI. 80).87 Mantles were a~ impressive and expensive item of the wardrobe of a Mi~dle Byzan~ne lady. Kale Pakouriane, the ~fe of the knuropalntes SymbatlOs Pakounanos, and an extremely wealthy individual of the late eleventh century, owned at least six mantles, which varied in design (as suggested by the two different tenns employed to desclibe them: manriyas, sagion), decoration, colour, and materials.'" The most precious of them all were a red mantle trimmed with pearls and another of red velvet embroidered with gold thread." The artistic evidence helps us visualize eleventh-century female mantles. Both ankle-length examples (Appendix 3, no. 5) and shorter capes reaching down to the knees or thighs (PI. 81) are attested. Sometimes shown made of fabrics patterned ~th medallions (Appendix 3, nos. 5, 14, 30), they were fastened at the front above the breast with a brooch or clasp. Turning to gowns, in the eleventh century we note a striking development in the design of the sleeves, which now became exceedingly wide at the wrists (PI. 81). The new fashion seems to have been well established by the middle of the century, as suggested by its attlibution to female characters in miniature painting at that time. 90 These same representations indicate that the gowns, made of plain or patterned fabrics, were adorned with broad, occasionally V-shaped, collar-bands, arm-bands, and a border around the hem. They usually had tall necks and were worn with or without a belt (PI. 82). The dress with the immensely broad sleeves remained in use as part of Byzantine female aristocratic costume during the following century as well. It can be seen worn by ladies of the Constantinopolitan

87

See, also, Il Mmawgia, no. 167.

Actes d'Iuiron, n, pp. 179, 180, 181 (will of 1098). " Ibid., p. 179. , . . d Yl' "./ 90 See for example H Omont Evatlrn/es avec pemlures l?Y~aIlIW!s . u.: sw t. ) )"~. B1Jf th' "f\iQhonalt 2 vols Reproduction des 361 miniatures du manuscnl er" 74 de la t /0 equ~J Wald 'V le' (Paris, 1909) (hereafter Omont, Ms erec 7f), I, pI. 69 (f. 75v); e , , a. r. 88

752, pIs. XXX, LIl!, LIV (If. 162v, 449r).

OFFICIAL AND ARISTOCRATIC COSTUME CHAPTER TWO

74 . . trated e il/ia/omioll of 1179, Vat. gr. 1851, IT. 3vand court" III the lllus bP 'd red panels adorned the upper arms " S 3) quare em d rol t ed the ends of the sleeves. Two female' 6r(P]. 8. . ,borders ecora e . wlnlc narrD" f I .~ncial gently from Kastona, Anna in bers 0 t le prO\. donors, mem . (1160-1 180) (Appendix 3, no. 28; Pi. 63) and St. Nicholas Kasmtzes .. ( 1180) (Appendix 3 no. 27, PI . Sts Anarg)'IOl c. " . Anna Raden.e III . f dres: beneath a heavy, ankle-length mantle 84):wear dns type 0 h R d ' b . d d front with a brooc. a ene s rown manwinch IS secure " atld- lembroidered border aroun d th e neck an d down de has a broad, ,,0 e d 11' . 'ca! d A linin" decorated with large me a IOns adds to Its vern e g e s . "garment. Shorter an d l'19h ter mantles were f the the sumptuousness 0 . . th twelfth centu!)' as suggested by the portraIt of the also \4/orn In e . female figure, probably a donor, in Koutloumouswu 60, £ Iv (before 1169) (Appendix 3, no. 26). .' . Evidence for the appearance of female anstocratlc costume In the thirteenth century is almost non-existent. I. have ~ocated only two portraits of female donors dated to this penod which could furnish some infonnation, both in the san:e mon~ment. -:r:hese . are the portraits of Maria and Anna, respecttvely WIfe and slster-m-Iaw of the donor, at Panagia Bellas, near Arta, in Greece (1295/6) (Appendix 3 nos. 76, 77) (PI. 85). Anna's portrait is better preserved. Her gown is' light green in colour and decorated with a diaper pattern in yellow. Over it, she dons a heavy, reddish brown mantle, with a dark brown collar which covers her shoulders. More infonnation is forthcoming from the following century. Judging by the artistic evidence, by the fourteenth century new designs had been introduced. A costume that may be considered as ceremonial since it is worn by aristocratic ladies and by wives of Byzantine dignitaries portrayed with their husbands, who appear in their insignia, is the onc attributed to Maria Tournikina Akropolitissa, portrayed on a silver icon-revetrnent, now in the Tretyakov Gallery (end of thirteenth-beginning of fourteenth century) (PI. 76), and to the eight ladies portrayed in the LillColn College 7jpikon (1328-1344) (Pis. 67, 74). The costume has the appearance of a long dress or skirt, on top of which was worn a blouse reaching almost down to the knees. 91 According to the unknown poet of the epillzaJamwn, these ladies were relativ~s of th~ emperor, daughters of kaisares, sebaswkrawres, even emperors, see Spatharakis, Portrl11l, p. 223. " lacobini, 'L'epitalamio di Andronico II,' fig. 13.

75

a tall, narrow neck, as the dresses did 'In th 1" T1Il's 'blouse' has . fi . h d . h h c twe .th century, and IS ur111s.e . Wit t e familiar extremely wide sleeves. . pane ISon These are decorated WIth large, square, gold-embroidered .1 e upper anns. It seems t h at beneath thiS heavy 'blouse' th I d' ul . . fr' , e ales wore a white chemise, 0 Ighter matenal: ~Iso furnished with broad sleeves. The ends of ~hese sleeves are vlSlble within the sleeves of the outer garment. ThiS costume was worn without a mantle. A similar costume. i.s shown worn by church singers portrayed in Late Byzantine mmlature and monumental painting." The garment of the singers has a:nple sleev~s: though never trumpet-shaped, the latter being distinctive of femmme costume. Moreover, the sleeves of the singers' ga~ment are adorne.d with orthogonal rather than square gold-embrOidered panels, which may have been indicative of rank.'·' Closer observation of the portrayals of singers reveals that their costume was in fact a single loose and very long garment, secured with a belt or cord--not visible in representations-sometimes at the waist sometimes just below the waist, and sometimes above the knees, i~ an arrangement that gave tile impression of a blouse worn over a skirt. 95 I am of the opinion that the 'two-piece' costume of Maria Akropolitissa and the ladies in the Lincoln 7jpikon actually consisted of a single gown comparable to that worn by the church singers at the time. 96 In addition to this ceremonial outfit, Byzantine ladies could wear gowns with exceedingly wide sleeves (Appendix 3, nos. 53, 59) or narrow ones (Appendix 3, nos. 55, 60) (PI. 71 [third from the left]), girt or without a belt. Anotiler type of gown, fitted at the waist \\~th a tight bodice and an ample skirt, appears to be an innovation of the Palaiologan period. The sleeves were long and tight-fitting,

93 N.K. Moran, Singers in Late Byzantine and Slavonic Paillti,'C (Leiden, 1986), figs. 34,41-42, 53, 55, 58, 65-67. ,. Ibid., p. 36. 95 Moran has suggested that this peculiar garment should be identified "ith the 'atpU(1'01JplOV' of Byzantine sources, see ibid.. That the sphiktouriOIi, despIte Us name, was a long and loose garment worn girt is attested by the bish?p of Naupakto; John Apokaukos, writing in the early thirteenth century, B. Kt""apoc;, '~ Ka9r)~£plVn ~oory alO ".1eO'1totchO" 't1lC; Hm:(pou. H J.I.(XP'tupi.cx. tOU J.llltP01tOAltll ,NaU1tCllCtOU 1000v vll A.oKauKou,' in H 1(a6qpeplV1} Scm} cno BvsavflO, cd. X. Ayr£A.tOll (Athens, 1989),

p.651.

ue : don96 Cf. P. Kalamara 'Le costume it lvlistra it la fin de la periode Paleolog nees provenam de la' douille des tombes de Sainte Sophie in Parole d'Ulle pnllCtSs( f!yzantine, p. 106.

OFFICIAL AND ARISTOCRATIC COSTUME

cHAPTER TWO

76

77

. I ,III'te pointed, projecting cuffs (Appendix . on e case ,,~t1 fi" , f tIle unknown funlishe d III left]) 97 The gannents 0 . Mi 60 6 1) (PI . 71 [firstf tIrom· 3, nos., church of St. Sop Ilia at stra some. d in tombf 5 f0 I lefifteenth centUlY proVl'd e eVI'd ence conlady bune time in tile first hal of ne tern fashions on Byzantine female dress .. . I . lfiuence 0 wes ceJ'IlIllg tIe 11 f tile lad)' comprised a sIlk chemIse with . tI 'ty The costume 0 " III lat Cl . I tI of which was not possIble to determme, ample sleeves, tIle eng It . ganuent also made of silk. This outer l el ' . II tIle chemise and a long, sleeve d essVou _ haped neckline, tllrough wlnc s . b di . h was pro bgannent had a eep, . 'bl and a tight-fitung 0 ce, wInc uld have been \~Sl e, 98 k!" WO tI c. nt b)' means of cords. Low nec mes, like bl)' fastened at le 11'0 h a d ' t described or the square one seen on t e dress the V-shape one JUs istra tllis time portraye d'III th e sou th stoa of . of anotller 1adY 0 f M· 3 ,no 56) did not form part 0 f traditIOna! '0 (Appen dix , . , . Aphen dik . d d SI'gnS which favoured tall collars coverlllg the neck Byzantme ress- ~ , (Appendix 3, paswn). . The dresses were worn on theIr own or under a m~ntl.e. The mantles of Constantinopolitan ladies must ha~e been ~Ulte Impres. . d' by me O'limpses we get of them III portraIts. The one slve JU gmg " of me lady represented third from me left on the back wall of tomb C at me Chora Monastery (PI. 71) was made of a dark red fabric adorned wim medallions enclosing monograms of the Palaiologan and me Asan families and had a fur lining. It lay loosely on bom shoulders, not fastened at me front as had been. tile earlier practice. The mantle of me lady portrayed on tomb F III the same church (PI. 72) must have been even more impressive, as it was adorned wim a golden border trimmed wim pearls and gems. It too was decorated wim medallions in gold enclosing the family monograms of me bearer.

As to me accessories which complemented femal e costume, the . . evidence provIded by the. portraIts seems to suggest that Byzantme . h ladies generally wore tell' dress?s ungirt. Yet, belts did fonn part of me female . . wardrobe. PseUos mfonns us that the yo ung mIstress of Con~tantllle IX (1.042-1055) wore a belt trimmed with gold and pearls? Kale Pakounane o,,:ned a green one, listed along with items of costume whIch were obVIously. very valuable. One is tempted to mink tllat the belt was also consIdered as such a one. 100 In artistic representations the presence of a belt is more often hinted at rather man clearly shown (PI. 81). The prominently displayed golden belts or sashes of the dancing women in the well-known miniature of the Dance of Myriam in Vat. gr. 752, f. 449v, are exceptional (PI. 82). Of me brooches that served to secure the ladies' mantles in the Middle Byzantine period, none is extant and it is not always easy to discern their shape clearly in surviving portraits (PI. 84). Bolli circular (Appendix 3, no. 14) and elliptical lOl types were probably in use. As attested by the artistic sources, the head-dress constituted an indispensable complement of Byzantine female aristocratic costume. IO' The head-dresses represented may be divided into mree broad groups: fabric head-dresses, hats, and crowns. Fabric head-dresses, consisting of a kerchief wound around the head, appear to have been the most common in the Middle and the Late Byzantine periods. As a kerchief could be wound around me head and neck in a number of different ways, the potential for variation in me appearance of fabric head-dresses was enormous. During me Middle Byzantine period kerchiefs were wound around the head and neck, sometimes leaving me hair uncovered at the sides, wim one fringed edge hanging freely to one side.103 A variation of mis type of head-dress is worn by Anna, the wife of the donor at St. Nicholas Kasnitzes, Kastoria (Pis. 63, 86g). Her kerchief, which is shown wound around the head

This type of cuffs should probably be attlibuted to western influences, cf. Levi-

PseUos, Chron., p. 46. Actes d'lviroll, Il, p. 179. 101 IllvIellologio, no. 98. . 102 111. Emmanuel, 'Hairstyles and Headdresses of Empresses, Pnncesses, and Ladies of the Aristocracy in Byzantium,' LlXAE 17 (1993-1994),. esp. pp. 117-~20f 103 Representations of this type of headMdress arc numerous In the por~ray , Od , I ....... S ' l' example the olten-cHe lema e characters m rehgtous muuature pamtmg. ec, 10. , l . 167 portrayals of St. Pelagia and St. Thessalonike, Pis. 80, 86a; It Mmo °lgid Oh' no. bee' . ., th hi f head-dress con .ve n These same representauons mdlcate at. t s type 0 h' h \,"'ould have also complemented by a diadem or an embrOIdered head-band, w lC helped to keep the kerchief in place.

97

Pisetzky, Stmin del costume in Ilnlin, Il, pIs. 12, 17. 98 On the probable western origin of the silks used for the manufacture of the gannents and the \\'cstem influences evident in the design of the outer garment, namely the deep, open V-shaped neckline and the tight-fitting bodice secured at the front by means of cords see the contributions of A. Fiette, M. Martiniani-Reber, and P. Ka1amara in Panne d'une princes" byi(Jl1ltuze, pp. 35-44, 87-93, 105-112. See, Tht Ci9' of Myslras, nos. I, 2. Cf. Xp. Mul..t£~ou, 'BevE1:'Kl] ~6ou (l'tT\V Kp~'t11,' ID Bv~avflOV. Atplepro/Ja O'I'OV Avopea N. Erparo (Athens, 1986), pp. 139-147, for the case of an aristocratic lady from Crete who in 1444 ordered costly dresses from Venice. I thank Prof. S.EJ. Gerstel for bringing this article to my attention.

:mo,

99

100

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78

fl' d end coming down her left shoulder like a turban, has. on.e rInge or embroidered decoration. 10+ d ~th m-woven . and is adorne \\ . d le'V vmietics of fabnc head-dresses made . I gan peno I ' . al In the P alO 0 , I dies portrayed at Panagia Bcllas (Appendix '. amnee. The (\\0 a . .. b I . (hen appe 85 86i) seem to be weallng a cap .eneat I thelf 3, nos. 76, 77) (PIs. 'I the face visible. Another vanety was the . I ,I 'ch leaves on Y Wlmp e, \\ 11 . I "'hich sometimes formed a loop over the · . of a Wlmp e, com bmanon d k 111'ef with Hinged edges, placed over it and d a sccon 'erc breast, an d ' tl e shoulders (Appendix 3, nos. 42, 58-61, 72) flo\\~ng freely 0\1' n I PI 79 [first from the left], 86k).. . ( s. h been particularly m vogue dunng the eleventh Hats appear to ave . r.1 . s In artistic contexts one encounters volummous and (webt I centunc . . .' . 'ell as more discreet deSIgns. One may cite the exonc types as \\ f I :. I t of Eirene Gabras in Pe/rap. gr. 291, . I1r (1067), . Impressl\,e la (P' .h. I'dal in shape with an almost flat top Is. 81, 86d).IO' whlc IS trapezo . are the peculiar fan-shaped hats, whIch appear nlporary t oug ycone . R hl < th first time in artistic contexts around the mIddle of the eleventh lor e I' . .. 106 Th century, worn by females in narrative re IglOUS compOSItIOns. ey are tall mth strongly flaring sides and a curved top and are decorated \\~th narrow, apparently gold-embroidered bands, arranged vertically, horizontally, diagonally, or in the form of an X, at the front (PIs. 82, 86b). A descendant of this hat remained in use among the ladies of the court of Constantinople during the twelfth century, as suggested by its representations in Vat. gr. 1~51, ff. 3:, 6r (1179) (~Is. 83, 86f).107 Anna Radene at Sts. AnargyrOl, Kastona, wears a similar hat, though hers is not as tall as those of the Constantinopolitan ladies (Pis. 84, 86h). Middle Byzantine ladies did not always prefer such large, cumbersome hats. The woman who may be the mfe of the donor of Koutloumousiou 60 wears a low hat with vertical sides aIld an only slightly curved top (PI. 86e).

", One is reminded of the head-kerchief or turban (phaholion) mentioned in the \I,ll of Kale Pakouriane (1098), which was decorated with 'golden letters,' see Act" d'Iviron, 11, p. 179. Cr. the turban of Eudakia at Canavar killse (c. 1060) (PI. 86c), adorned \I'U' pseuda-kufic characters. H" The head-dress of Eudakia at Karab~ kilise could belong to this type (Appendix 3, no. 13). That of Herodias in Laur. VI. 23, r. 29r.b (c. 1100), certainly does, see T. Velmans, Le telraivangik de la Laurelltiellne. Floret/ce, Laur. VI. 23 (Patis, 1971) (hereafter Vehnans, LaUT. VI. 23), fig. 58. 11. De Wald, Vat. Cr. 752, pis. XXX, XXXlI, XXXIII, LIII, LIV; Omont, Ms Cr« 74, pi. 69. 101 See, also, [acabini, 'Vepitalamia di Andronica II,' fig. 13. Fan-shaped hats

OFFICIAL AND ARISTOCRATIC COSTUME

79

The portraits we have of Byzantine ladies we anng . crowns date from the fourteenth century (PIs. 67, 71 [third from th I ';j .) 'rh . e elt, 74 76 86J. ese crowns are open, wIth slightly flari 'd 'r.' '. f: I ' " ng SI es. heir upper nm was as Iloned mto a senes of triangular proJectlons '. . In a manner comparable to co.ntemp~rary .female imperial crown~ (PI. 32e). The crowns of the anstocratIc ladles, however, were not as ;all or as richly adorned nor were they placed over a veil or a hairnet as the crowns of. empresses, but rested directly on the hair. Jewellery constitutes the only component of female aristocratic costume for which we are ~ufficiently informed by the archaeological record. lOB Made of precIOus materials like gold, gilt silver silver pea~ls, and precious and semi-precious stones, Byzantine j~welle~ destmed for the use of the wealthy was manufactured using fine decorative techniques such as filigree, granulation, and enamelwork. Earring~ are, ~s a rule,. t~e only piece of jewellery which is represented m medIaeval artistIc contexts. The crescent-shaped earring, which already existed in the Early Byzantine period, remained-in its many variations-the favourite type in Byzantium, at least down to the fourteenth century (PI. 87).109 Anna Radene at Sts. Anargyroi, Kastoria (PI. 84), is portrayed wearing a pair of such earrings. Another fashionable type was the so-called basket-earring, popular down to the twelfth century. 110 Yet a third type was the earring mth its ring adorned mth three metal beads of equal size (PI. 88).111 Some of

worn by two richly attired ladies also appear in a miniature of a twelfth-century manusctipt of the Heavenly Ladder of SI. John Climacus, see Martin, The 1llllsITations qfthe HeaveIl!J Ladder, pp. 101-102, fig. 214. 108 The bibliography on the subject is extensive, including both specialized studies and shorter articles in exhibition- and museum-catalogues. The brief summary presented here is based on infonnation found in the following works: O. Dalton , Calnloglle qf Ear!J CII/istian Antiquities and Objectsfiom th, Christian East (London, (9011, nos. 267-270, 278; M. Rass, 'An Emperor's Gift-And Notes on Byzanune S,ilver Jewelry of the Middle Petiad,' JWalt 19-20 (1956-1957), pp. 22:-33; nU.£K"V16~" 'Tix Xpu"a ~uS. Ka"~iU.l(lt,, tij<; 0ecrcr"AoviKT1<;,' pp. 55-71; Byzanhne Art, all Europian Art (Aulens, 1964), nos. 432-449; Rass, Catalogue 2, nos. 132, 134-148; B)'za:,tmt and Post-By;:;antineArt (Aulens, 1985), nos. 192, 199-201,207,212,213, 218! C. DAngela. Ori hizantini del Musei }ia;;iollale di Taronto (Taranta, 1989); A. Ganosava and C. Ka~ doleon, Art of Late Rome a1ld B)'zatltiu11l in the Virginia Aluseum of Fille .Ar~ (Rtchmon .' 1994), nos. 18,28,29,48; Glol)' 'If Byzalltium, nos. 165-171, (74; Cl!> qf.\~l'JtraJ, nos. 22-26. . 109 For Late Byzantine examples of crescent-shaped earrings adorned \"'-Ith the m~~ogram of the Palaiolagai, sec CiIY 'If ,\ljs~as, no. 23:. h. III Sec Glory 'If Byzantium, nos. 168, 169, WIth more blbhagrap ). See, also, CiIY 'If '\'ljstras, no. 24.

r OFFICIAL AND ARISTOCRATIC COSTUME

cf/Al'TER TWO

80

. larae to have been painlessly suspended 0 . , earnngs are toObably the sUI,",ong they were attache d to the head1 b Most pro . from the ear 0 e. f th . or were suspended from chams or ornadress at the level 0 eheal'ides of the diadem. The earrings (or e s .ladies ' are shown menta1 bands from . t 'ulteenth-centUlY Byzantme Its)lofl certalll ear-penda ' . .to m of their crowns by strands of pearls alter112 attached to the owel n nating with jewels (PIs. 67, 74, 76). USE IN RELiGiOUS ICONOGRAPHY

Officials ill Narratwe Scenes . f a number of episodes depicted on church walls and The narraUve 0 . . 'pts and the established iconographIc scheme of others In manuscn , ." . ) . d tl e representation of variOUS parucIpaung office-holders and reqUIre I . di 'taries whether as protagonists or as supportmg figures. One m;;mention, for example, Pontius Pilate in the cycle o~ the Passi.on; Kyrenius governor of Syria, in the Infancy cycle of Chnst; AblablUS, the prefe~t (eparch) of Constantinople in the cycle of St. Nicholas; the apostle Matthew represented as a tax-collector in scenes illustrating the Calling of the Apostles; and Julian the tax-collector in illustrations of sermon XIX of St. Gregory of Nazianzos.!13 Anonymous officials represented as ancillary figures to the action included courtiers, attendant on a ruler or a high-ranking dignitary, and scribes. The anachronistic use of Byzantine official costume to characterize these persons in religious contexts was not as consistent as the use of imperial costume had been for the characterization of rulers. A possible explanation for this may be that other iconographic means, like posture, the relationship with other figures and the presence of tell-tale paraphernalia, were considered as adequate for the identification of a personage as an office-holder, a courtier, or a scribe. Examining the instances when contemporary official costume was indeed represented, one notices that there is no particular type of official attire that is predominantly and consistently employed for the characterization of all the figures mentioned above. On the contrary, a variety of garments were used, even in contemporaneous pictorial contexts. '" Cf. actual e~mples of suspension chains found in Ukraine, dating from the eleventh to the thirteenth centuries, in Glnry 'If By~antium, no. 214. In PG 35, cols. 1043-1064.

81

This is certainly a departure from Early Byz' . .antme practIc h the c1zlamys-costume had been the standard attire of di . . e,. w en moUS narrative scenes (PI. 89).114 The variety b gndl~anes ID reli- ' o· . d . I 0 serve ID the m d' aeval peno certam . offie . I-1 . y reflects the greater divers'tI Y 0 f ByzantIne costume at the tIme. A closer look at certal'n exampIes ho cIa will demonstrate that the diversification in the ,wever, . d " costume of officials and courtIers portraye m medIaeval Byzantine reI"IglOus contexts h was not a1ways . t e Idresult h of a random process. Diffierent costumes and accessones cou ave been employed to se rve diffierent Icono. . .. graphIC necessItIes. Pontius Pilate, . the tl governor of Judaea . ' was one of th e fi gures who were not conslsten represented m the chlamvs-costu . th .y , " me m e 'Iv.'I'd I dIe and Late ByzantIne penods. On the contrary' he was por trayed .I!1 . . a vanety of dIfferent costumes. In Dionvsiou 587m , 11'0r examp1e, a • ;/ lecuonary of 1059, on f. 113r (The Priests and the Pharisees demanding an armed guard for the Tomb), 115 Pilate wears a white tunic with black cuffs and a black hem-band. A thin, black line runs parallel to the h.em-band. Over ~s tunic, Pilate wears a dark purple simplified loros.. HIS :oros, however, ~s not decorated with pearls and gems like the Impenal loros, but WIth a scroll pattern executed in light blue, perhaps meant to evoke embroidery executed in silver thread. He has a red kerchief or hood on his head and red boots on his feet. Pilate appears again in a similarly decorated loros, this time crossed, in a tetraevangelion of the last quarter of the twelfth century, Athens 93, if. 51 r, 83v, 85r (PI. 90). Only in the first of the three miniatures does he wear a 'skull-cap'. Moreover, in this later manuscript his tunic has lost its peculiar decoration of black cuffs and hemband.ll6 The attribution of the loros to Pilate requires interpretation. IH See, also, Cecchelli, Rabbula Gospels, facs. 5 (f. 12b); Mazal, Kommenlar
l:ibrary,' dXAE 9 (1977-1979), pp. 189, 190, pIs. 63,66. The only Middle ByzanOne monumental representation I know of Pilate in this costume is encountered m th~ church of the Transfiguralion, Mirozhsky Monastery, Pskov, dated around t~e mIddle of the twelfth century, see E. Kitzinger, 'Reflections on the Feast Cycle to Byzantine Art,' C4 36 (1988), fig. 3 (on p. 56). On cl,e decoration of the church of the Transfiguration, executed by Byzantine artists, sec V. Lazarev, Old RUSSlaJJ Mura~ and Mosaics (London, 1966), pp. 99-105. As far as I know Ihe latest representauon of Pilate in this costume is encountered at the Protaton on Mount Athos (c. 1290 or c. 1300), see G. MiUet, MOll/lIl/etl/S de 1~lIhos. I. Us p,U./urts (Paris, 1927), pIs. 21.1, 22.3.

CHAPTER TWO

82 that at least, during the tenth century ' . . , The Df cm. . ' d :'lroi wore gold_embrOIdered [mm on Easte . !.. hn/JiJ.101 an II/lIglo . • • . • r t\\e\e /'" .tl tl emperor who WOIC Ius own [OIOS. In thIs rit d . a1on
IS liS

;I/OIIIIS JIlIOl n

III De ur., pp. 24, 637-638. '" Ibid., pp. 264, 265, 268. '" Die GdiehJe des Chris/ophoros Milyienoios, no. 30, line 12. Mitylenaios speaks of a 'tpaxftlou CJ11.1l1dv81OV' as part of the prefect's costume. The identification of the simikinlhion "ith the eparchic loros has been suggested by N. OIKovOfltO~t;, 'H "toM tOV rn"pxov Kill 0 k",,1..h~% tllt; Mllopttllt;,' in Evrppoc;vvov, IJ, p. 423. '" Die Gtdichl£ des Chris/opllOros Milyiellaios, no. 30, line 6. cr. OtKovofltO~t;, 'H ",oM tOV rn"pxov,' p. 423. '" ,On the, shoes of the prefect see above, note 83. See also OI"ovofltO~t;, 'H "'OAn tOV rnapxov,' p. 423. 122 !?e k~rchief that covers his head in Dionysiou 587m is difficult to interpret. In. religt?US Iconography similar head-kerchiefs were attributed to Jews, including High Pnests [see, for example, Pelekanides et al., Treasures, I, fig. 225 (Dio'!)'siou 587m, ~ 54r)], and to certain figures of oriental origin like the CentUlion in the Crucifixion (PI. 127). Cr. E. Revel-Neher, 17" Image if the Jew in By~alltine Art (Oxford, 1992),. pp. 72-73, 76. 11 is possible that its attribution to Pilate was meant to serve as a. Sign that he had been a dignitaty in Judaea. Alternatively, it may simply be a rrusunderstanding of an artistic model. The red colour of Pilate's shoes in the sam~ manuscript is equally unusual, though perhaps less out-of-place, given that a tm -centuty source does associate this colour with the footwear of the prefect, sce abo ve, note 83.

OFFICIAL AND ARISTOCRATIC COSTUME

83

most important function was that of a J'udge,. h'IS trIbunal . ond only to that 0 f the emperor. Moreover, like the . . was secnor of Judaea (John 18:28, in the Greek " I biblIcal gover'd d' h .., ongma) the Byz . . o/liClal resl. c . m t e jmlllonon. 123 It is possibl e th at p'!late • wa antme . r s gIven what I beheve IS the costume of the Byzantine . '1 .. . h prelect on the grou d of these Slml antIes, I.e. t at they both had judici I .n s in a public building with the same name Ho: powers a.nd reSIded 'I . ever, one IS tempt d to think that PI ate was represented in this part' I e . h' hi' h h" ICU ar Costume more III order to Ig Ig t IS quahty as a judge PI' h h' . acmg t e accent on . , . d' . I Pllate s JU ICJa aut onty would not have been a . n 'mnovatlon as this approach had . th -century ' TrIal . . . . already been adopted in the famous SIX mmJatures m the Rossano Gospels. According to Lo k h . f P'I er e, t e representaaon J'udge served t0 un derI'me the . f0 ' I ate as a" competent . legahty 0 hIS condemmng declslOn. By this means it b .c .1. Ch" P . ecame manhest u,at . nst s, aSSlOn and Resurrection had not b een t he resuIt of an aCCIdent or a ~lstake but were the culmination of the di~ne scheme for of mankind. IN Be this as it may, th e attn. . f hthe salvaaon . bul10n 0 t e eparchlc costume to Pilate in Middle Byzantine contexts .may ~e understood also as a manifestation of the Byzantine pracl1ce. to mtrodl:ce sym?ols o.f lawfully exercised authority in rep:esentatlOns of eP.lsodes mvolvmg legal action and the passing of Judgment, a practIce observed from the Early through to the Late Byzantine period. '25 This iconographic treatment is indicative of the constant preoccupation of the Byzantine bureaucratic state and society with the legality of judicial procedures and the passing of valid, ~inding decisions,'26 a preoccupation which conditioned the way Iconographers and beholders visualized certain episodes in biblical and other religious narratives. . I have not encountered any Late Byzantine portrayal of Pilate m a costume mirroring the attire of Palaiologan dignitaries. Still, ~he. beholder .would have been able to identifY Pilate as an authorItatIve figure because of the presence, separately or in combination,

123 See N. Oikonomidcs, Les lisles de pTtseallce hJ~alllilles du IX' et du .,\'t siide (Paris, 19;,~) (hereafter Oikonomides, listes), pp. 319-320. 12 Loerke, 'The rvIiniatures of the Trial', . , C. Walter, L'icollographie des cOllciles dOllS la traditioll I?Yzall/ille (Pans, 1970), pp. 228-229. B 126 ~ce, ro~ example, R. Nlacddes, 'The Competent C~urt,' in ~U'. alld Sm-ie!), ill !)'.:allllUm: NUI/h- Twelflh Cell/lines, ed,. A. Laiou and D. Slmon (\I ashmgton, D.e., 1994), pp. 117-129.

OFFICIAL AND ARISTOCRATIC COSTUME CHAPTER '!WO

. t Id a footstool, armed soldiers, attendants . add'luon . to dIstinctive . ' of eIeme nts hke a. Iseatl ealhand-washing set, III the servant ",t 1 1 ~ .~ I . and lik the head-dress, however 1anCllU III appear_ . s of costume, ' an dthIS " IS the Item . I eever one noteWOrtI ly excepuon 127 There IS, lOW ) . ance. f Pi! t St Nicholas Orphanos, Thessalomke (1310-1320) a his. costume does not correspon d exactly to any portl
2

85

sentation of the Census in the lectionary DUm . 1059) 129 he is portrayed enthroned at the rySUJU 587m, f. 129r =~~~ ( tion , in a long, long-sleeved red tunic and a bluechlam composl_ 'h golden tab lion, fastened at the right shoulder 0 h' h rys WIt a . I 'h' . n IS eadhehas diadem, a clrc et WIt a slllgle central arched '. a with pearls. Dionysiou 587m is the same manu ~roJ~cuon. adorned . ' scnpt III whIch Pila appears III. what " s portrayal te . I I conSIder as eparchic costume . K yremus lends addltlOna . f h support B .to the suggestion that Pil ate was portrayed in the gUIse 0 t . e yzanune prefect of ConstantinoPIe on .L Ule grounds that-as state d III the gospel account-he resided . '. . .. I lik III a praUorwn and had JudICIa . powers, e the Byzantine official had done. I·L n Ule case of on the other hand, me gospel account· gIVes . .L . Kyremus, . no OUler L u' me 0f the mfonnanon but. that he was governor of Syria at·U1e censuS .. C:ne ~Ight say that Kyrenius was portrayed in tile Census composluon SImply as . the representative of imperial aumority and that me more convennonal clllamys-costume was considered d r h"d 'fi . a equate 10r IS I enu catIOn as such in mis example. The best-known representation of the Census is tiJe early fourteenm-century mosaic at the Chora Monastery, part of the Infancy cycle ador~ing the walls of the outer narthex of the katlzolilron (PI. 93). Kyremus, the onIy seated figure in the composition wears a conventional tunic and mantle and holds a white cylindri~al object in his right hand. This object could have been the edict, a rod of office, or a scroll of appointment. The most spectacular item of his costume is his triangular head-dress wim the pointed projection at tiJe front. This peculiar hat seems to me closer in appearance to the hats of Byzantine courtiers seen in me late twelfm-century Vat. gr. 1851 (PI. 79), than to the head-dress of Theodore Metochites in the same church (PI. 69) or the skaranika of omer fourteentll-century officials (Pis. 67, 68, 76). The attribution of this type of pointed head-dress to a dignitary in a Late Byzantine religious pictorial context was, probably, not as exceptional as one might initially think. A comparable head-dress, for instance, was given to Pilate in 'the Church' at Ivanovo, a monument the painted decoration of which

,

.

129 Pelckanides et al., Treasures, I, fig. 249 (there is no inscIiption identifying the central figm:e). The editors (p. 442) have identific.d him as AuguSlUS, bul-unless ~ere. IS an Inscription not visible in the reproductIon I have .seen~l would rathe~ IdentIfy him as Kyrenius, since his diadem is obviously not Impenal and he does not wear red shoes.

CHAPTER TWO

OFFICIAL AND ARISTOCRATIC COSTUMe

86

.' reflect current developments in mid-~ourteenth cenIS considered ~o I' p'linting. 1so One could consider the intro_ Itan ' , tury Constantltl°PO , f 1ead-dress into (he por(l'ayaI 0 f d'Ignttaries in . ' dUC tinoftllls~'Peo 0 • t Is a spontaneous reflectlon of contemporary I;aious contexts no a , d re "'1 . tCI'ization device, at a peno when the heac!al"" but as a C lame' " . re I." tl c most distincllve attnbute of the officmL On dress had become I f . I d the choice for this plnvos e of a type 0 head-dress I the otlel lan'1 , become old-fasllloned ' bY tIe I lourteent r I1 centUlY tllat ha d pel laps . . rompted b)' a \\~sh to aVOId the more specific temcouId Ilave been P . ffi' I 'u' al associations that contemporary 0 1Clal lead-dresses poral and poII c cartied. , d 1f ddl Byzantme . j' I . e represenEarlier on in tllis section I dlscusse

tations of Pilale in what I consider as epa!'c111~ costu,:,,?, Actual prefects (eparchs) were also ~or~'ayed m ~yzanune rehgl~us contexts. ma)' mention Ablabms 111 the episode of the thlee generals, O ne , h'IC cyeIe f0 S t. N'ICI10Ias. 131 I t IS' which formed part of the haglOgrap the miraculous appearance of tlle saint to ~he sleeping prefect which is actually illustrated. In tlle church of St. N Icholas Kasmtzes, Kastoria ~ast mird of twelftll century), Ablabius wears a white tunic that has a dark, rectangular panel at tlle breast and dark. cu~s, but not a loros or a head-dress (PI. 94). He also has a kerchief tied in a knot around his neck. Sevcenko identifies this as a badge of office. 132 Consideting me artistic e~dence discussed earlier, I think it unlikely mat it could be identified \\~th the loros mentioned in the De moniis as one of the insignia of the prefect, In my opinion the item of costume mat is distinctive of his office in this representation is his white tunic Mth me dark-coloured cuffs. J33 One has only to compare me portrayal of me prefect in the Madrid Skylitzes with that of omer officials in the same manusctipt and elsewhere to realize that, at least in artistic contexts, the white tunic with the dark cuffs and hem-band, was indeed particular to the costume of the prefect (Pis. 64, 91). Therefore, the use of a white tunic in Middle Byzantine

cen-

114 A Grabar, 'Les fresques d'Ivanovo et l'art des Paleologucs/ i1)'zalllioll 25-27/2 (1955-1957), pp. 581-590. III Sevcenko, The 4ft 'If Saill/ NicilOias, pp. 120-122. '" Ibid., pp. 121, 122 (with a catalogue of examples). In On the tunic of the prefect, see above, note 120. The rectangular panel on the breast of Ablabill"s tunic, looks as if it could be a misunderstoOd rendering of the bmls or a summal)' rendition of it. Cr. Sevcenko, The Life 'If Saillt NicllOiOJ, p. 121, note I.

87

representations of Ablabius. (and of Pilate in the contexts mentioned above) should not . . In Lat e B. yzantlne " be considered as accidental"·' b lUS continues Abl contexts . a. I . . . to be represented I'n the sa me seeping atlItude, weanng a conventIOnal tunic which has lost its h't I ) 13' Th' , ., W 1 e co our (PI. 95,··' IS. IS .not surprISing considering that the office of the prefe?t .had. lost ItS Importance in the Late Byzantine period and that no dlstmctlve garments or insignia were associated with it excl _ . Iy. 136 L ' " depnved of a point of reference uin Slve ate B yzantme artlsts, real life for the portrayal of a prefect, confined themselves to the reproduction of conventional garments, The last of the eponymous figures represented in official costume to be discussed here are two tax-collectors, the apostle Matthew and Julian, the addressee of a sermon by St. Gregory of Nazianzos. Matmew is seldom represented in anything other than the conventional costume of the apostles, i.e, the chiton, the himation, and the sandals. However, at the New Tokall kiIise, Cappadocia (mid-tenth century), in a rare monumental representation of the Calling of Matthew (Mark 2: 14), he appears in the Byzantine chlamys-costume (PI. 96). He is seated behind a table on which are represented two sealed scrolls, which could be the taxation registers, and another object, which might be an inkwell and pen-case or a coin-scale. Behind Matthew stands a group of men also dressed in chlamydes, possibly his assistants, whose presence is not prescribed by me gospel account. In this context, me chlamys can be understood as the generic costume of a civil servant employed to distinguish Matthew from his fellow apostles who, as fishermen, appear in the scene of their calling tu Ablabius appears again in a tunic with a black collar and scattered black decorative motives on a white background on a twelfth-early thirteenth century biographic icon of St. Nicholas from l'vfount Sinai, scc Slilm: Treasures if the l\lOlloste1)' 'If Sail1t Catheril1e, cd. K. Manafis (Athens, 1990), fig. 5 L Cr. the prefect portrayed in a twelfth-century manuscript of the Homilies of St. GregOl)' of Nazianzos, Panteleimotl 6, f. 140v, see Pclekanides et al.} Treasures., II, fig. 308. In this scene, illustrating an episode from the life of St, Basil, the prefect appears in a ,,,,hite tunic with a dark collar and hem-band) parts of which have flaked off, a white hat with a rounded top, and a pair of orange shoes, thou~h no ~OTQ~. Cr. also the pre~ecl portrayed on a twelfth-early thilteenth centuzy blOgrapluc Icon of St: Cathcn~1t~' from l'vfount Sinai, see Sinai, fig. 46. The prefect is r~presented weanng a white. tunic and the simplified, eparchic loros, but his head IS bare. For the ;'Keo.uut ot the encounter of St. Cathcline with the prefect Chrysasadem, sec PG 11 (j~ cols. 296-297, 135 See, also, D. }\vloUliki, TI,e Frescoes if St, JViclwlas at Platsa ill the 1.\10111' (Athens, 1975), pI. 75, 136 Pseudo-Kod., p. 158,

cHAPTER TWO

OFFICIAL AND ARISTOCRATIC COSTUME

88

.

ent in the short tunic of labourers. 137 The chlamys 111 the same monumf I as a tax-collector. The features which 'd 'f l\o att lCW does not I enU y tl e table with the assortment of objects on identify him as one al: :nscIiption calling him a 'le/ones'. it and tlle ac~ompan)~~:tthew at Tokah kilise, Julian appears as if By cOJ11P~nslo~ t~ rking dotlles. In Nliddle Byzantine illustrations • • • • rePresented 111 d us \\ 0n of St. Gregory in J11l1uature pamtmg, he is f tlle relatc senno I ' o d b I 'nd or at the head of a tab e, sometImes hold·' . byb scn es an d/ or assistants PortI'ayed seate I e uld is accompanied ing an open scroI , al . ' .h . ca! (PI 65))38 His costume compnses a tUI11C WIt a Vhold1l1O' s es . . . <> 11' long ample sleeves. It IS someaIand lapels , and with . shapedco h h . Ion O'er inner tUniC " VISIble beneatI1 teem and nmes worn over a b . . ning of tlle skirt of the outer tUI11C. J uhan does not through the 0 Pe n his head he has tlle 1aml "'1'lar wIlite . h at With . the wear a maIl tle. O . . d dt Wim me exception of the mantle, hiS costume IS com~:~bl: toO~at of the officials in Coislin 79, f. 2r (Pl. 11). His assistants are similarly dressed, though their garments ~re less ornate. Though Julian was active in the Early Byzantine penod, he and his assistants are represented in what is surely contemporalY costume. The non-ceremonial costume, the scrolls, and the scales endow me composition, which sometimes includes ~e tax~payers as well, with a dranlatic accent and tempt one to thmk of It as a comment on contemporaJY conditions. In the sermon that inspired this image, SI. Gregory calls upon the tax-collector-any tax-collector'39-to be just in his evaluations, always remembering that he in his turn will be evaluated at me time of the Last Judgment.'40 The immediacy aI1d urgency of mis advice would have been deeply appreciated especially by me rural populations who suffered cruel exploitation as a result of me policy of leasing tax-collection in certain districts, introduced by me impeIial government during the second quarter of me elevenm century.'" With this in mind, one might claim that Julian '37 Wharton-Epstein, Tolwh Ktlise, fig. 72. '38 See, also, Pelekanides el aI., Treasures, IT, fig. 304 (Panteleimon 6, f. 77v; twelfth century); L Spatharakis, Corpus qf Dated Illuminated Greek Manuscripts t. the rea~ 1453, 2 vols. (Leiden, 1981), fig. 278 (Suwil. gr. 339, 73v; c. 1150); H. Omont, Mmwlu~es dtJ plus anrims manuscriJs grecs de la BihlWlheque Nalionale du Vi' all XIV' sUcle (Pans, 1929), pI. CX [Par. gr. 550, f. 72; twelfth century]. See also above, note 22. '" The name of Julian appears only in the title. ,.. PG 35, esp. cols. 1057, 1061. . 1<, G. Ostrogorsky, Hislmy qf the Byzanline State, 3rd revised cd. (New BrunSWIck, NJ., 1969), p. 331.

89

was portrayed not as the ~istoIical fourth-century official, but as an archetypal tax-collector, hiS mediaeval costume underlining the contemporary relev.ance of the sermon. His image was, possibly, meant to se~e as ~eml~der those in possession of au thoIity of the dangers m abusmg It. .It IS, after all, from their ranks that the commissioners of me luxun~us manuscIipts in which this scene was introduced would have come."" Turn~ng. now to a~onymous ~ourtiers and scribes, they usually appear I.n Icon~graphlc contexts mvolving audiences and receptions, me passmg of Judgment, or the conduct of official business. In the case of scribes, it is not the costume which identifies them as such but the ,:riting materials which they hold (Pis. 65, 93) and, in Cappadocla~ monuments, the accompanying inscIiption ('ho notaris').'" As for courtIers attendant on a ruler, sometimes bom their costume and posture reflect the contemporary practices of the Byzantine court. The man, for example, standing behind the emperor in me illustration of an episode from the life of Sts. Artemios, Eugenios, and Makarios in me eleventh-century menologium Esphigmenou 14, f. 90v, wearing a tunic with the exceedingly long sleeves and with his hands crossed over his breast in an attitude of reverence, mirrors the portrayals of Byzantine dignitaIies in me Madrid Slrylilzes.'H Much later, the courtiers attendant on Theodosios I, while he is receiving the resignation of St. Gregory of Nazianzos, in the fourteenm-century Par. gr. 543, f. 288v (Pl. 97), are anachronistically dressed in caftans and have purses attached to their belts, in accordance with Late Byzantine fashions. Moreover, one of mem wears a voluminous headdress similar to that of Theodore Metochites at the Chora Monastery (Pl. 69). The presence of such ancillary figures was not prescribed by the narrative of the episodes which the images were meant to illustrate. Yet, their introduction was considered necessary: that of me courtiers to highlight the fact that the figure attended by them was one of authority, and that of the scribes to make evident that an official

:0

142 The donor of Diolrysiou 61 was the young official or nobleman whose portrait was discussed earlier in this chapter, see above, note 24. .. 143 See, for example, Jerphanion, Eglises mPes.1TtS, Ill, p. 2?3., pI., 6.... (Goreml", Old Takah kilise: I'vlassacre of the Innocents); TIllerry, Nouvdlts tgllStS, figs. \\ (H~san DaW, Eg,.; ta!j kilisesi: the same), 39 (Belisirama, Bahattin kilisesi: the same); Pelekamdl's et al., Treasures, I, fig. 249 (Diol!ysioll 587m, f. 129r: the Census). 'H Pelekanides et aI., Treasures, Il, fig. 332. Cp. with PI. 64.

CHAPTER TWO

90

. " carried out, even if this was ~he massa~re of the infants dO' needs only to bnng to mmd portrayals of act was bcmg .~ 'Cd b)' Hero. ne . court (P Is. 11 24 oluel. . flanked by members 0 f IliS , . .' I I ' , tI1c Byzantlll C emperOl 'd . the workings of the Impena c mnccry and the Go} 79) and conSI el , . tI rder be written d own to bc va I'd I , I·". to realize . ulrement lat an 0 l'Cq . urces of these iconographic schemes had been . ' that the ultunate SO . . ' aI and administratIve practIce. B)'Zantmc COUl t ntu . I' d' ' . t 'conol!raphic contexts mvo V111g au Icnces and triIn a ddIlion 0 I " . ' . t another context mto whIch representatIOns of a1s, tIlerc was ye , . h 'als were introduced. 1 Ills was t e scene of the Last ano ny1ll0US 0 ffieI . .. . 'l!Ures identified as officials by their dlstmcUve dress and F Ju dgment. I" Id' -dresses were sometimes depicted among t le amned III HelL"6 Ilead f. . I fi . th . As in the case of tile poru'ayal 0 Impena gures I.n .e same Iconographic context, tile depiction of an~nymous ~fficIals III He~ would have served as a warning to those 111 authonty of the PUlllshment tllat awaited them if tlley abused their power. Abuses ?y state functionaries desiring to further their own ends and to 111crease their material wealth was a common enough phenomenon in mediaeval Byzantium.H7 Consequently, the presence of anonymous officials among the damned on certain occasions might have been intended or, at least, perceived as a comment on current conditions, rather as a simple \~sualisation of the popular theme of the reversal of fortunes between tllis world and the next. 148 The image of an official among the damned depicted in the funerary chapel of the Chora Monastery, for example,''' would certainly have had topical resonances for its beholders. What is more, in the case of one of its viewers the associations would have been painfully personal and perhaps intentionally so, since Theodore Ivletochites was also the donor. Metochites, one of the highest-ranking and most influential officials of the reign of Andronikos II, was castigated by his contemporaries

145- Oikonomides, lis(u, pp. 310-311; idem, ~La chanccHelie imperiale de Byzance du 13' au 15' siecle,' REB 43 (1985), pp. 167-195. '''' Mouriki, 'An Unusual Representation of the Last Judgment,' p. 159. In addition.lo the examples cited by Mouriki see, also, Underwood, Kariye [)jami, pI. 390. ", Cr. the criticism levelled against corrupt officials by the patriarch of ConsIaJltinople Athanasios I (1289-1293, 1303-1309), A.-M. Talbot, 17ze Correspond",,, 9/ AtlulJIasius I Palriareil 9/ Conslanlinopk (Washington, D.C., 1975), pp. 12-14, 42-44, 4{H8,160. ". Cr. Mouriki, 'An Unusual Representation of the Last Judgment,' pp. 157158, 159.

J4!l

See above, note 14-6.

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for his ra~~cio~sness and was himself conscious of his abusive use of his pOSitIOn III order to become rich. ISO An interesting . . ' reflection of the attachment of La t e Byzantme offiCIals to matenal wealth and worldly pleasures I believe may be found i~ an un~sual representation of the Heavenly Ladder of SI. John Chmacus ( of the Ladder') in the outer narthex of the Vatopedi Monastery, on M.ount Athos, dated to 1312.151 To the right, there is. the representatIOn of the Ladder itself. Monks are struggling to chmb up the Ladder to Heaven, where Christ awaits to receive those who succeed. Each of the Ladder's thirty rungs symbolises a vice that needs to be conquered or a virtue that needs to be achieved by th mo?ks in their e~ort to reach Heaven. Angels encourage them i~ their str.uggle while, .on the other side, demons are trying to stop tl1em, either by pulhng at them or by tempting them; the monks who succumb are shown toppling down the Ladder. What makes this depiction of the Heavenly Ladder so unusual is the representation of a banquet to the left of the actual Ladder. That the feast forms part of the composition is indicated by the fact that a demon is leading a monk towards it. The participants, eight men in total, are seated around an awkwardly shaped table, in front of an elaborate architectural backdrop. What is particularly interesting about this scene is that these men, differentiated by their dress and facial characteristics, belong to four distinct social and ethnic groups. The first two to the right are easily identifiable as Orientals, probably of Mongol origin. The next two figures, dressed in magnificent contemporary-looking caftans, are identified as officials by their headdresses. The identity of the remaining four figures is difficult to establish. The two men in comparatively sombre dress seated next

150 1. Sevcenko, 'Thcodorc :Metochites, the Chora, and the Intellectual Trends of His Time,' in Studies, pp. 31-33. According to a recent study, the prominent representation of the Enrolment for Taxation (Census) in the outer narthex of the same monument was meant in fact to cast a positive light on the act of taxation as a requisite of good govel1l1nent and, by extension, to justify ~Jetochites's acts, s.ee R. Nelson, 'Taxation with Representation. Visual Narrative and the Political Field of the Kariye Camii,' Arl His/Dry 22/1 (1999), pp. 56-82. .. 1:>1 Tsigaddas, Vatopaidi, pp. 262-263, fig. 231. A number of Illummated manuscripts of the Heavenly Ladder have comc down to us from the eleventh to the fourteenth centuries; none to my knowledge contains an illustration comparable to the one discussed here, see .Martin, Tile IlluslraliollS of JIlt Htol'm!>' lAddrr.. The bes[ known representation of the Heavenly L:'\dder is the twelfth~century Icon from Mount Sinai, scc Sinai, p. 107, fig. 24.

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CHAPTER TWO

te officials should perhaps be identified as ecclcsiasti_ sa t to th etwo 'dge by tIlelr ' pecu· I 152 FI'nally the last two, . If one'IS to JU cao , '. . . I ffi c1as. liar hehnets, appear to be foreigners though belongmg to a different . tllall the Orientals seated across the table from them 153 etIuuc group . The table of the feast is richly set an.d servants at~end to ~he guests' needs. In the background a musician IS shown playmg a stnng instru_ ment. The banquet may be understood to represent the w~rldly pleasures that the monks had to renounce upon a.ssumptlOn of the monastic habit: this renunciation was the fi~"St ste~ m the Ladder that leads to Heaven.lS< The fact that a demon IS leadmg a monk towards the feast, while another one is trying to lure a second monk with a glass of wine suggests that the banquet sc.ene may be unde:-stood as a symbolic representation of the temptauons of dIe matenal world that dIe monks need to face evelY step of the way.155 "Vhat is of particular interest in this scene, however, is the effort to identifY the participants as belonging to particular social and ethnic groups. In the opening paragraph of dIe discourse on the renunciation of life (Rung I), St. John Climacus speaks of those unworthy servants of God who despite having received the Baptism do not follow His word. He also speaks of the enemies of God which include those who have rejected His teaching as well as dIose who persecute the faithful.l56 The four groups represented in the Vatopedi fresco might then represent the unworthy servants and the enemies of the Lord. The selection of these particular groups in this specific Late Byzantine monastic context on Mount Athos may reflect topical considerations which require further investigation. That officials should be 'targeted'

'" Cr. A. Tcrnoupioou, 0 i;wypaqJ1K6; 01l"KOCI/10; mv Ayiov NIKO?.aOV Oprpavov cm] eECICIaAoVil
According to St. John Climacus> gluttony was onc of the vices that the monks

needed to overcome (Rung XIV of the Ladder). However I do not believe that the Vatopedi image should be inteIpreted as an illustratio~ of this particular sin. If thiS were SOl one would have expected to see monks seated at the table as in the case of a miniature in a twelfth-century manusClipt of Ladder (Sinai!. g... 418, ~ 135r, see Martin,. 77" Illustrations qf the Heavenly Ladder, fig. 194), not laymen. everthele:s, ,the Ch?lCe of the creator of the image to represent material pleasures as ~. feast IS .mtercsung and requires explanation, which at present I am not in a poslUon to gtve. IS' PG 88, col. 632B.

OFFICIAL AND ARISTOCRATIC COSTUME

93

in this manner is not surprising mven the cn't'IClsm . • • ' to· t hey provoked love of luxury h' h' Id among contemporanes for their • • ' W IC mc u ed feastmg, often pursued m the most non-Christian ma h nner at t e expense of the poor. 157

Aristocrats in Narrative Scenes Representatio~s of ~ponym.ous and anonymous figures in contem-

porary. Byza.nune arIStocraUc costume (as distinct from official costume) m rehgtous contexts are rare. This is true espec'laIIy 0 f ma Ie 158 Th' . IS ranty was not altogether due to a lack of suitable characters. . iconogt'aphlc contexts, certainly not in the case of ml'nl'ature pamt. . . " mg. P~rhaps. I.t IS bett.er attnbuted to the general disinterest of ~yzanune rehgt?us .a:-t m th~ representation of contemporary matenal culture. ThiS dlsmterest m the case of aristocratic costume was not tem~e~ed by any iconographic necessity which required its anachron~su~ representatio~ in religious contexts for the purpose of characterIzaUon. A convenuonal long, long-sleeved garment, trimmed with gold borders, was adequate to distinguish members of the upper class from the poor, who were commonly represented in short garments and, often, had their arms bare."" There does not appear to be any basic rule governing the anachronistic representation of contemporaty aristocratic costume in religious contexts apart from the dictates of fashion, which artists might or might not choose to follow depending on their interests and the demands of their patrons. Thus, for example, in Middle Byzantine miniature painting we sometimes encounter portrayals of the wives of David, Salome, and Herodias in gowns with sleeves exceedingly ,vide at the wrists and fan-shaped or trapezoidal head-dresses. l60 A

I:U

See above, notes 147, ISO. See also, Nelson, 'Taxation with Representation,'

p. 65.

~58 See Par. gr. 510, f. 149 (Omont, Fae-similes des miniatures des plus anciftJs mallUscnls grecs, pI. XXXIV), for a representation of the rich man in the parable of poor Lazarus (Luk. 16:19-25), dressed in the familiar Middle Byzantine cosn.me of the

two superimposed tunics.

'" Sce, for example, the illustration of the parable of the Ro)'al Wedding (Matth. 12:1-14) in Laur. VI. 23, r. 45r (Velmans, Laur. VI. 23, fig. 99). 160 Dc Wald, Vat. Cr. 752, pI. XX)'II (f. 176r: the wives of D",d); Omont, Ms Crec 7~, pI. 69 (f. 75v: Salome); Vclmans, Laur. 1'/.23, fig. 58 (f. 29r.b: ~alo~eand Herod..s). Cr. Martin, He Illustrations qf tile HeaveIIly Ladder, p. 102, fig. 11 + ,Small. gr. 418, f. 279r: two ladies, part of a group, which, according to ~.Jartin, represcnt& 'the p,;nces of the people of the Lord' mentioned b)' St. John Climacus).

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. I ' tnonumental painting is the portrayal of the princess rare examp e m. . 161 '1'1le 1ady wears '!rC at Sts. AnaroyrOl, Kastona. saved by S t. GCOl 0 0 . . . I tl e distinctive sleeves excecdlllgly wide at the wrists a gown Wit 1 1 I' . f . One cannot do much but speculate as to tIe llltentlOns 0 the artist. The costume of the princess was perhap~ employed as a means to who · tII e contemporaneity of the . mll'acle of SI. George, un derIme . would thus have appeared as the effecttve protector of those III need at any time. Mar!:yl~

'\~Iile discussing tlle portrayal of dignitaries and civil servants in religious iconography we noted that th.ere was no par?cular type of costume employed consistently for tllelr c~taractenzalton. In the .case of male martyrs the opposite may be said. As even a superfiCial survey of Middle and Late Byzantine artistic contexts demonstrates, it was the clzlanl)'s-coshmze that was employed consistently in the portrayal of tlte martyrs in civilian dress, botlt in narrative and in iconic compositions. The list of examples is endless. I will mention here only a few, indicative of the diversity of tile iconographic contexts and tlle artistic media in which tile image of the chla1TjYs-clad martyr appears:

in narrative scenes in hagiographic or menologium cycles'62 participating in tlte Deesis composition (PI. 98)163 among tlte just in tlte Last Judgment composition or accompan)~ng tlte tltrone of tlte Hetoimasia (PIs. 99, 100)'64 represented individuall)', eitlter standing or in a bust, on portable icons or on the lower zones of the walls of churches among other saints. 165

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95

The cldmTjYs-costume ~f male martyrs comprised the tunic and the mantle. The conventt?nal tunic, worn girt, was long-sleeved, either of full length or reachlllg only to the calves, and adorned with ornamental bands at the collar,. shoulders, upper arms, cuffs, and hem. In certain examples the deSIgn and decoration of the martyrs' tunic reflected contemporary ?ourt fashions more closely, a. in the case of twO martyrs at Nerezl (1164), who wear an outer tunic with the opening in the lower part of the skirt and with arm-bands decorated with pseudo-kufic characters. The hem of their inner tunic is visibl 166 e from under the outer one. Though one comes across portrayals of martyrs in just the tunic (PI. 104),'67 more often than not they wore it under the chlamys. In agreement with Middle Byzantine fashions, the mantles of the martyrs had a pair of golden tablia and were often brightly colon red and richly patterned. They were fastened either at the side or at the front, or (in Late Byzantine contexts) simply lay on the shoulders.'68 A variation which appears to have been specific to iconic representations of SI. Eustratios from the tenth century onwards was a mantle, as a rule without tlte tab/ia, fastened at the front with two or three clasps (fig. 101, 103, 106).'69 It reminds one of the mantles of the sakellanos Leo and tlte protospathanos Constantine in tlte tenth-century Vat. reg. gr. I, ff. 2v, 31' (Appendix 3, nos. I, 2) (PI. 59). The mantles of otlter martyrs were endowed with similar clasps at the front only in the Late Byzantine period. 170 One last and rare variation of the martyr's mantle is encountered at the Chora Monastery. In one instance the artist transformed the traditional chlamys lying loosely on botlt shoulders into a

and Demetrios, second half of twelfth ccntmy); Thierry, Noltvelles ig/ises, figs. 84a-c, 85b (Hasan Dag., Dh·eldi kilise, 976-1025: standing martyrs on the pillars of the

naos); 'A. 2uyy6J(oUAO~, 'Ai 'tOlXOYPCXCPtat 'trov 'Ayirov TeC"mxpciKOVta Ei~n1v 'AXEl porrol'1WV

'" nWKaviS%, Kacnop";, pJ. 32b. '''' Pelekanides el al., Treasures, 11, figs. 331, 332, 340 (Espiligm"/Ou 14, If. 90r-v, 343r. scenes from the life of SlS. Artemios, Eugenios, and Makarios; the apology

of Sl. Eustra"os); Sinai, figs. 20-22 (twelfth-century icolloslasis beam with posthumous miracles of SI. Eustratios). 1~3 See, also, I. Kalavrezou-~fuxeiner, Byzantine Icons in Steatite (Vienna, 1985), no. 4 (Saint Petersburg, The Hennitage, eleventh-century steatite icon); M. Xat~~MIC1\<;, M1J(f'Cpa,. H~£"a,,,,v'lC1j """!reia K1X! 10 ~a(Jtpo. Oi5ryy6<; (Athens, 1989), fig. 38 (Mistra, Aphendiko, north-western funerary chapel; 1312/3-1322). :: See, also, Unden\'ood, Kar!)'t pjami, pI. 384. . . See, for. example, Glory 'If By;:anlium, no. 107 (gold-and-cloisonne-enamel Icon of SI. ~emetnos, first half of eleventh century); Treasures 'If Mount Alhos, ed. A. Karakatsa",s (Thessalonike, 1997), nos. 2.1, 2.2 (portable mosaic icons of Sts. Gcorge

TIi<;0."",,)..ovi!Cl'\<;,' AB 1957, pp. 6-30 (Thessalonike, Acheiropoietos, c. 122+-1230: busts of the Forty Martyl~); Underwood, Kariye Iijami, pis. 282-313 (outer narthex: busts and standing portraits in mosaic); C. Stephan, Em b),zallhlllsches B!ld(1/sf11lb~: Die MosaikCll uud Freskeu der Aposldkirche;:u 7hessalouiki (Badcn-Baden,. 1986), pp. 9,. 98-99 (on the lower zone of the walls of the naos: standmg portraits 111 frescol. 166 I. Sinkevic, Tlte Church qf St. Palllclfimo1l a/ Nerezi. Architecture, Programme, Patrollag( (\viesbaden, 2000), figs. LIV, 59. . 167 See, also, NloUliki, The JUosaics if.Nea Alolli, pp. 66, 67, pis. 58, 60 (Sts. SCrgIos and Bakchos). . 168 See, for example, Underwood, Kar!>'f Djami, pt 294 (St. Andron~kosJ. . 169 Sec, also, wlouriki, 'The Alosaics of Ne a .I.\-Iolli, pp .. 145, 146, pI. 6.".1; G. ~hllet, Le mOl/aslere de Daplmi. His/oire, arehilre/ul".• mosaigues (Pans, 1899), pI. X.3. 170 See, for example, Underwood, J(ariYe Djami, pI. 295 (St. Tarachos).

CHAPTER TWO

OFFICIAL AND ARISTOCRATIC COSTUME

96 . d' 1 long sleeves that hang empty at the sides 1I1g Ylot provided With . ' I 11 man tie ",tll .excee tI' taMa. n a oilier respects PI 102) TillS man e IS I . ( . . f tI . nidentified saint is unexceptlOnal. tile costume 0 .liS tlue chlam,'s-costume genera1 1 y weal' no hea d-dress Male martyrs 111 1 " . ' . n f St Eustratios who occasIOnally appears wear·tll tile excepUo o · , Wl • (PI 103) ,71 OtlICr attributes of male martyrs included ~a~~~ . . . • • eck-band (mollialdoll) and, sometlmes, a sceptre specific tile mjJItal) n . f d · d Bakchos (PI. 104); a kercllle arolln the neck in to Sts. SergiOs an . .. ratios ,12 and a sword m the case of military saints tllecaseof St. Eust , in ci,~lian attire (PI. 154)Ys . . . The iconographic type of the ChrI~Uan m.artyr m the chlanps-cos, created in ilie Early Byzanune period (PI. 105). It IS as a iuJlle \Ias ., li" Iconography folconsequence of tile impact of Impenal on re glOus . lo\\~ng tile conversion of the Roman state . m the person of the emperor iliat ilie use of Late Antique. ~ffiClal costume had been adopted for ilie characterization of Chnsuan ,:,artyrs, wheilier ili~y had actually held an office or not. Under tile mfiuence of court ritual, imperial art, and ilie perception of ilie Chr~stian. empire as ilie mirror image of the Kingdom of God, ilie relauonshlp of the martyrs to God was ~sualized in terms of iliat of Roman officials to ilie emperor.'" One might say that tile chlamys-costume was adopted not so much as ilie costume of the dignitary who had become a martyr, but of ilie martyr who, because of his martyrdom, became a dignitary in ilie Court of God.175 That it was the ch!a"!ys-costume which was employed for this purpose was only natural, considering its \\~despread use in Late Antique official portraiture 176 and the fact iliat in ilie minds of ilie contemporaries iliis was considered as the typical costume of tl1e dignitary. m I7l See, also, jeIphanion, Eglises ropeslres, pI. 161.2 (Erdemli valley, church of the Forty Martyrs); idem, 'Les caracteristiques et les attributs des saints dans la peinture cappadocienne,' in his, lA {!(Jix des motll1nItflls. E~udes d'archeologie. Nouvelle sent (Rome and Paris, 1938), pp. 314-315. ]i2 See previous note. See, also, ne:AtKUVtOllC;, KCX(]'fOpla, pI. 54h. m Underwood, Kari;'e [)jami, pis. 304 (SI. George?), 305 (SI. Demetrios?). IH A. Grabaf, Les voies tk In
":I'?

I1l On the development of the beliefs concerning the admittance of martyrs other saints to the presence of God before the Second Coming and their parUcI· pa~on in His ":ver-ending glorification by the angelic orders in the n~ediaevaI pe,:od see G. Millet, La dalmolique du Valican. Les etus. Images et CTqyances (Pans, 1945). I" See, for example, Delbrueck, QllIsulnrdiplYchetl, nos. 2, 64, 65. . 17, See, for example, V.S. e'lSafulli and ].W. Nosbitt, 77" Miracks 'If SI. ArttlnJos:

97

Thus, t~e. chla','!Ys-costume became the distinctive attire of the martyr in Chn.stIan Iconography and, once established, it was constantly employed mdependently of developments in Byzantine official costume. Sometimes, as w. e have seen, it did reflect certain of these changes, in agreement Wlili contemporary tastes, but such modifications did not in any way affect the significance of the martyr's costume. The independence of the portrait-type of tl1e martyr from contemporalY practices beco.mes. more ob~?us in the Late Byzantine period, when ilie chlamys, wIth ItS conventional decoration and worn over an equally conventional tunic, was continuously and ubiquitously employed regardless of the fact that the Late Byzantine descendant of tl1e actual mantle, often patterned Mth medallions enclosing double-headed eagles and worn over a caftan, no longer constituted the typical attire of the majority of Byzantine officials. There was, however, one martyr whose portrait-type was de~sed to highlight the fact that indeed he had been a dignitary during his lifetime. This was SI. Eustratios, who was one of the Five Martyrs of Sebasteia. According to hagiographical tradition, the members of this group held offices in the civil, military, and ecclesiastic establishments or belonged to the category of commoners. By ilie eleventl1 century, at least three, St. Orestes (a soldier), St. Mardarios (a commoner), and SI. Eustratios (a skriniarios), were distinguished from their companions within the group by means of ilieir costume and personal attributes: Orestes by his military garb and a pectoral cross (PIs. 107, 115, 116), Mardarios by his short tunic and felt cap (PIs. 108, 116), and Eustratios by his mantle and, sometimes, a white cap (Pis. 103, 106)."8 Since the mantle with the distinctive clasps and the white hat that distinguish SI. Eustratios from his companions find parallels in lvIidclle Byzantine official costume, I am of the opinion that they should be understood as attributes indicative of his official status, rather than of his Armenian origins, as scholars tend to believe.179 In the Late Byzantine period, when the mantle secured

A Collection qf lvliracle Stories by all A11O'!YI1IOUS Author of Sel,'mtll-cenlury ih'ZOJltillm (Leiden, 1997), p. 96. 'd ki 1]8 Mouriki, 77le Alosaics of Nea 1.\1oni, pp. 144-147, pis. 61-6J; Chatzl a sBacharas, us peililures murales de Hosios Loukas, PP: 24-25, 74.-81; -. "k' 179 Jetphanion, 'Les caractcristiques et les attl1buts des samts, p. 31:.>, ;\lOlll1 1, The l\Josaics of JVea Aloll; p. 146. As to the significance of the kerchief tha~ ~he somelimes has around the n~ck, this too might have been indica.tiv~ of offi~e. I he sleeping Ablabius at S1. Nicholas Kasnitzcs, KaslOria had a slImlar altnbute (PI. 94).

OFFICIAL AND ARISTOCRA1'IC COSTUME

CHAPTER TWO

98

, tl 'ng more than an iconographic convention no 11 • •• • at tl1c lront • was no ctual official garment and Its ongmal significance more reflccung, .an a, . vas expanded to ot Iler martyrs as we II. was forgotten, use , . tile case 0 f S ' in that, as m t.·E ustratlos . tl Itspossibilit)' ' . I I T here IS le. 011 texts the mantle With tIe ong empty sleeves Middle Byzantme c , , 'b d t the unidentified martyr at the ChOla (PI. 102) was attn ute 0 . as a distinctive attl'l'b ute 0 f' tI d le portraye ' samt. On meant to selVe 't Ina" have simply been mtroduced . to break the the 0 tIler Ilan d, I } monotony of the long series of chlm/9's-clad martyrs represented on the arches of the outer narthex of the katlwlzkon. . Certain female martyrs, namely Sts. Bm'bara, K y.nak~, and Photeine were ascribed a costume which must have been msplred by Middle Byzantine female aris~ocr~tic dress prior to the mid-eleventh century. It consisted of a tumc wlth long narrow sleeves and a mantle fastened at the front, both la\~shly decorated, a fabric head-dress, and a pair of earrings. It sometimes comprised also a scarf hanging down the front in the manner of the simplified loras (PI. 109).180 This last item, however, did not form part of female aristocratic costume. Grabar has identified it with the 'ormion' of a deaconess. As he has observed, the attire of these saints should not be understood as the costume characteristic of aristocratic ladies who had been martyred, but as the sumptuous costume appropriate to saintly virgins consecrated to Christ. 181 As such it was employed in the portrayal of this category of saints, heedless of developments in contemporary fash-

Yet I have found no reference in written texts to a scarf other than the wros serv1 ing as a badge of office in the Byzantine court. However, there might be a different explanation for its presence in pictorial contexts. \Ve learn from Niketas Choniates that the head-dresses of members of the senate were funlished with some form of veil or flowing bands at the back, see Nik. Chon., p. 271. This type of head-dress is) in all probability, reflected in a late twclfth-centuI)' fresco in the chapel of the Monastery of St. John at Patmos: a layman in the composition 'St. Leontios(?) as a "source ofwisdom~" ".,'cars the familiar white head-dress) furnished \\1.th (\'10 bands at the back. These bands are brought to the front and tied in a knot over the breast, see NT. MoupllC1], '01 TOlXoYP(l
99

ions, in the same way that the chlamys-costume martyrs. ,"2 was employed for male

Angels Both inhIthe Middle and the Late Byzantine peno . ds angels appear . m the . c amys-costumef of the Byzantine dignitary mam . Iy m . the Icono. graphiC . . contexts d 0 the central scene of ·the L ast J ud g..nent the .' Dormltlon, an , more rarely, the Ascension , wh ere they are mtroduced as part of the escort of Christ (PI . 51) . 183 AsearIy as the elevent.h century. the enduement of angels with th e chlamys-costume of Byz~ntllle courtlers was ,:"ea~t to stress their role as attendants to Christ as the id . . Heavenly. King . III compositions whl'ch had evo ve mto representatIOns of Christ III His divine glory (theophanies).I84 As was the case of male martyrs and consecrated ~roins o' , the .Iconograp h'lC type 0 f t h e. chlamys-clad angels, once established continued to be employed Wlthout any attempt at updating the costume. T~ere

was obv~ously a difference in the treatment of the costume of samtly perso~ages as opposed to that of ordinary men and women represented III official or aristocratic attire in religious iconograph . !n tiJe case .of n.'ale virgins consecrated to Christ, and angJs III ~he speCific Iconographic context of theophanies, the costume in which tiJey were r~presented reflected contemporary practices closely only ~t the formative stages of the creation of their respective iconographIC types. It appears as if Christian iconographers when called upon to create a hagiographic portrait or to convey the new concept of tiJe angel-courtier turned to tiJe imperial court for inspiration. Once the new iconographic type was accepted by common consent as a true likeness of its saintly archetype in Heaven and was sanctified by usage, it had to be preserved unaltered in its basic, diagnostic components. It acquired an existence of its own, independent of its secular prototypes, whetiJer artistic or directly inspired

martyl~,

182 To appreciate this one needs only to compare the portrayal of St. Kyriake al Sts. Anargyroi (neAeK(J(vlll~<;, Kacrropux, pI. 40) and SI. Photeine at St. Nicholas Kasmtzes with the portraits of the female donors preserved in the same manu· menls, respectively Anna Radene and Anna (PIs. 63, 84). 183 See, also, Underwood, Kariye pjami, pI. 374 (Last Judgment); Mouriki, The Frescoes 'If St. JoIiclwlas at Plalsa, p. 41 and note 47 (on p. 81) (Ascension).

'81 Cr. ibid.

CHAPTER TWO

100 ., d 'as reproduced ad ilifillitum. The contemporane from real Ine, an "f the saintly figures dlscusse . d !lere was not real! it" o . tile costume, w!IIC . !I at a certaIn . stageY ./ of the 'd costume tI' 1" maintaitllng a conSI. era 01, . of their por'aphic development had become di' stmctIve of the IconogI . tIy vlrgms, .' ' Thus male martyrs, sam an d courtly angels trayal , "as. istentl)' , in the same dress tlroug I h '! . under out tie penod d cons appeare I I consideration here, despite the fact that tie actua garments had at

some point become obsolete. . There is a lack of comparable consistency m th.e dress of ordiJlluy officials or aristocratic indi\~duals represented ~n religious contexts. This may be partly due to t?e fact tll~t. then' portrayal was t equally affected by tile theolOgIcal constnctlOns that applied in ::e case of saintly figures, something which allowed a greater mar'n for variation. In practical terms this meant that the artists, if ~ey so chose, were able to dra,: their inspiration :rom a relatively wider range of models and be mfluenced by fashIOn to a greater extent. l65 In tile case of aristocratic costume, the reproduction of contemporary types appears to have been largely an unreflective process in tile sense tIlat no specific iconographic necessity was being served. As for tile representation of official costume, tile process does not always appear to have been equally unreflective. In the portrayal of anonymous attendants on a ruler one derives the impression tIlat tile artists were simply reproducing such figures as they were found in comparable contexts in contemporary secular art. Yet, in the case of eponymous officials, it looks as if the artists would sometimes seek out specific models in order to underline either the official status of tile figure or a particular quality of his which was considered essential for the beholder's appreciation of the illustrated episode.

CHAPTER THREE

MILITARY COSTUME The categories of military equipment to be discusse d here are confined to tIlose commonly figu rat'Ive art. T he study . '1' represented in relioious o· of Byzantme ml Itary equipment is hampered bY tea h Imost com· pI. ete' Iack 0bf re Ievant . aI sttes . . eVidence from archae 0 IOgIC formerly Wlthm . C . theh oundanes of tile empire. We are better mlOrmed con. cermng. t e arms and armour employed by the peop Ies surrounding ByzantIum from the East, .. ."Vest ' and North and whose mt'1'Itary tra~ltIons h~ve had an Impact on Byzantine practices. This informauon ?roVldes valu.able comparative material for the elucidation of questIons concernmg the character of Byzantine military costume and I shall often have recourse to it. With regard . . . to written sources one should mention th e Byzanune mili tary treatlses of the tenth century, such as the Ta/cti/m of Leo VI (c. 905), tile fiylloge Tacticorum (950s), the Praecepta lvfilitaria (c. 965) and the t~ea~se of Nikephoros Ouranos (c. 1000), which contain de:ailed descnp~lOns of t~e equipment of tile different units in the Middle Byz.antme ar~y. 2 We do not have anything comparable for tile follOWing centunes. One can extract information on military equipment from other types of texts, such as historical works of Byzantine and .western a~t~ors, poetical works, and accounts of travellers, though detailed descnpuons of weapons are admittedly rare.

•

. 's;

This is. not to say that the costume of saintly figures was unaffected by fash·

~on, because It actually was affected, especially as far as decorative motifs and colour-

~g w~re concerned. As long as the actual chlamys-coslume remained in use in the unperial court as the typical attire of tlle large majority of Byzantine officials and was reproduced as such in official portraiture, the chlnmys-cos/U11/£ of the martyrS was ofle~ updated to resemble it. It seems as if the artists felt equally at ease repro· ducmg conv;ntional types and types borrowed from contemporary secular ~rt wh~e th~ lalter did not greatly differ from the former (cf. the loros-cos/ume of Impenal ~ts). Apparently, this practice was not considered harmful to the veracity of the ~amtl)' portrait, since the costume remained basically the same and was easily Identifiable.

I

See ~ibliogr~phy. Kolias's recent and comprehensive account on Byzantine mil-

Itary eqUIpment IS largely based on an analysis of the written sources, among which the tenth-~entury military treatises have primacy of place, see T. Kolias, Byz.alltillisdlt Wqf!m (Vienna, 1988). :/ A short tr~atise first composed in Greek in 1326 by the second son of Andronikos 11 an~ marqUis of Montferrat, Theodore Palaiologos (1291-1338) has come down

t? us m a French translation of the first half of the fourteenth century. It bears the title 'Enseigllements DU ordtllallces pour Ull seigneur qui a guerres el gralls gout'ememt1lS it faire'. The author lists the equipment that defenders of fortresses and mounted soldiers s~10uld have. The names of individual items are preserved in their French translalion only, see Les enseignemenls de 171'odore Pate%gue, ed. Ch. Knowles (London, 1983) (he~cafter EllScigllemeJlfs). See, also, NI. Bartusis, 'The lAte By~alltillt Am!>'_ ..Inns alld SoCle!Y, 1204-1453 (Pennsylvania, 1992), pp. 323-329.

CHAPTER THREE

MILITARY COSTUME

103

102

.' f relevant extant artefacts and detailed descrip 0 . ' .Given ' the rallty tl _centUly written sources, by necesstty the follo w_ · · ·eVl dence. Th'IS consISts . maInly . .nons .m post-ten . 'n IcenU'e on the at.nsl1C IIlg discussIOn "" milital)' saints and 0 f fi19ures 111 . ml'1'Itaty costume in f of. portraya opictonal . cyc1cs. Tlle number of surviv ' d1s 1 'oQ"raphical bIblIcal an lagI" . militaryf B)'zantine emperors and commanders 111 . . .' Illg pOIualts 0 . f B' . hiS . Psalter . 'small limited to the portratt 0 aSll II 111 . appare1 IS v e l ) ' of tlle earlv eleventll cen!UI)' (AppendIx 2, no. 11; PI. 110), to cer. ffi" of Constantine IX lvlonomachos and Isaak I Komnenos tam e Igles . ' on coins and seals,' and to the equ~stnan portraIts ofJohn Tzimiskes and we magislros Melias in the PIgeon HO~ls~ Churd: .at Qavu§in (Appendix 3, no. 4; PIs. Ill, ll~). The deplcuon of military equipment in the lavishly illustrated mId-twelfth-century ll1adnd Slfy1itzes is often generalized and conventional!. One is .thus obliged to turn to religious figurative art in s~a:ch ~f 1I1formatlOn: T~e. rep:-esentation of military costume in rehgIous Iconography IS dlsungUlshed to a great extent by commitment to artistic models which hark back to the Late Antique period. However, a number of representations of contemporary militaty equipment can be observed. Though some of we observations made here will appear tentative, I considered it worwwhile making wem since tlley highlight the potential of employing pictorial evidence in the study of Byzantine weapons. In what follows I argue that, below the layers of convention and artistic invention, links with contemporary mediaeval practices have sometimes been preserved. In the attempt to qualifY these links one has to tackle we question whether the represented military equipment reflects ceremonial or field armour. This question pertains to an inquiry into the models that Byzantine artists employed in weir rendering of military costume. In the following survey an attempt will be made when possible to distinguish between field and ceremonial military apparel. However, it would be best to state from we beginning in which respects ceremonial armour probably differed from wat worn in the field. By ceremonial I mean the armour worn 3 DOC I1I/2, pp. 736, 759-760, pis. LIX.7, LXlILl-3; Grierson, Byz. Coins, p. 126; Zacos, Seals, Ill, nos. 85bis, 86a-c. ~ Hoffmeyer's monograph on the military equipment in the Madrid Sf!ylitqs is q,-?~e us~full though occasIOnally one derives the impression that she is not suffiClen~y ntml cnucal ill her us~ of the artistic evidence, see her, Military Equipment in Ihe Byza Manuscnpt of Sryli1zes in Biblwltca Nacional in Madrid (Granada, 1966).

on triumphs vmg the arra f '1 . and other solemn occasions I'nvol' itary offiCIals and the members of the palace' y 0reee ml. f . umts, such as the !Ion 0 Important guests and ambassadors at th' . pAvailable information on ceremonial armou r IS . Imlted ~mpenal palace.I as f: know, to a few ..m ' theartenthas . .rare . descriptions . .of such ceremomes century D e clmmonns and 111 the hIStorical work f K' . . . 1 S Th . 0 mnamos wntmg two ater. e Impression which one d' h' h enves from' these . centunes texts IS t at It was t e. elaborate adornment 0 f th e weapons and the . 01 1ish d nch garments worn with them which distin 0. dress 6 C . e ceremomal Ulrasses, . firom fi eId d ress. · , helmets ' arm-gua rds, greaves, shIelds an d spears are d escnbed as golden' .' . ' but were probably gI'ld ed, whIle gannents wo~n over armour are SaId to have been woven with olden wread and ncWy adorned.' Apparently ' o-ilded cUI'rasses, presuma g bly . o' put. on over patterned garments, were worn bY certam . di gm-. 1 dnchly ' . t~nes o~.y unng ~numphs.B It seems that on other ceremonial occas~ons military offiCIals and members of the palace units were clad in nch court robes, not in armour. They would , ho\vever, carry .t. . ulelf weapons and military insignia b . 1 . .9 These would normal!yeslmpya s,:"o.rd, .a sword a~d a shIeld, or a sword in association with weapons dlsUncl1ve of parucular units. 1O

I:

. ' De cer., pp. 574, 576-579;. Haldon, COlls/antine Porpl;yrogenitus, pp. 142, 148; Kinn., p. 187. Poeu,cal descnptIons of Komnenian imperial triumphs by nlr'elfth~entury court poets hke Theodore Prodromos and '~Ianganeios' Prodromos are not mformative in this respect. 6 However, emperors, like :Manucl I, are known to have worn gilded annour in

the battlefield, see Kinn., p. I 10. 7 Sce note 5 . .' See, for example, Haldon, Cons/all/ille PaTpl!yrogeni/lls, p. 148 (triumph of Theophdos m 831). 9 See, for example, De cer., pp. 72, 82, 99, IOO, 142-143, 286, 301-302 (costume of t!" pTO/aspathariai). Sec also, ibid., pp. 574-579 (costume of 'he different palace umts and militalY dignitaries worn during the reception ceremony of Arab ambassadors in 946). • 10 See, for example, De cer., pp. 576 (the lHaktdolltS of the illegale Httaireia car!,)'mg ,axes), 5 7~ (the TOll/matzoi CarIl!ing bows and quivers). In the twelfth century, dunng the tnumphal entrance of 1Vlanuel I in Antioch his bodyguards carried their axes, sec Kinn., p. 187.

cHAPTER THREE

104THE

COSTUME

Bo4>,-Almour Scale and Lamellar AmlOur . . 'Oll involved the attachment of scales-small, flat pIeces Sca1 e construe!I . ' . I or bronze) or other sUItable matenal (bone, wood of lnet al (n'"Ol ). ., . . ' boiled leather), bealing perforanons and wI.th then' lower, vlSlble edge rounded-to a backing of cloth or, possIbly, I:ather. by means of metal clasps or rivets, The scales were arran~ed 111 an I~~ricate pattern and overlapped downwards. There eXIsted a vanatlOn of this basic construction in which the scales of each row overlapped sideways as well, and each row of scales w~s als.o attached to the one below it." This variation had great affimty wIth armour of lamellar constrUction. The basic difference between the two is that in the case of lamellar armour no backing was required: the perforated plates, the lamellae, were attached direcdy one to another by means of leather thongs. The), were arranged in horizontal rows, which were dlen attached one to another, again by means of leather thongs. The rows of lamellae overlapped upwards, and this is the reason why dIe), often had their top edge rounded. 12 Because of the absence of a backing, lamellar armour is considered to be much more flexible than scale armour," It is unanimously accepted by students of Byzantine military equipment that the terms 'klibanion', mentioned in the De cerimoniis and

11 See, selecu"e!y, B. Thordeman, Annour from Ihe Battk if Wislry (Uppsala, 1939), ". 281; H.R. Robinson, The Annour if Imperial Rome (London, 1975), pp. 153-161; id"", OmnJai AmlOu, (London, 1967), pp, 3, 6-7; M.C. Bishop and J.C.N. Coulston, R~mall M,hkJ1)' EquljJmml from lhe Amic Wars 10 Ihe Fall if Rome (London, 1993), pp. 8~, 117, 141; D. Nlcolle, 'Arms of the Umayyad Era: Military Technology in a Tune of Change,' in War and Society ill Ihe Eastern Medilerranean, 711t-]5Ih Cmturies, ed. Y. Lev (Leiden, New York, Koln, 1997), nos. 193-195. 12 On the Asiatic origins and development of scale and lamellar armour see B. Thordeman, 'The Asiatic. Splint Armour in Europe,' AA N (1933), pp. 117-150. Arn:'?ur of scale construc~oIl was employed in the Roman armies, especially among auxiliary troops, see RobInson, Annour if Imperial Rome, p. 153. Lamellar armour, on the .other hand, appears to have been little used if at all, see ibid., p. 162; K.R. DlXon and P. Southern, TIle Roman Cavalry. From Ihe Firsl to lite TI,ird Cetttury ~ (London, 1992), p. 43, pI. 5; Bishop and COlllston, Roman MilikJry Equipmflll, p. 14J. Cf.J. Haldon, IVayare, SliJlt and &ciety in Ihe Byzantine World 565-1204 (London, 1999), p. 130. ' " See; also, A.D.H. Bivar, 'Cavalry Equipment and Tactics on the Euphrates Fronuer, DOP 26 (1972), p. 273.

MILITARY COSTUME

105

tenth-century mi~itary treatises, and 'pllOlidotos thorax' m ' . r' en~lOned III historical works lIke the Alexiad (twelfth centu) ry , reler to sphnt bod armour 0 f scaIe or lamellar construction , ].I A n um ber 0 f small I ywhich could have been used for the constructio f I' pates ' . d' n 0 sp Illt armour have been d Iscovere m a twelfth-century cont t d . . f h G P I ex unng the excavanon 0 t e reat a ace at Constantinople (PI 112) T . . ,here IS no . d' . . h m IcatlOn t e textshas to the exact manner of th e construcoon . of . . m Th the klzbamon. at , bot scale and lamellar techniques may have been . . . used IS qUIte . . pOSSIble; the arnstic evidence supports th'IS assernon the eque st nan . portraits . .of In the. P1geon House Church ' Qavu.in , y, Melias are prese rve d on the north John TZlmlskes and the magistros . wall of the naos (Appendix 3, no. 4'" Pis , III 113) . . B0 th wear th e sameh type .of must be 0' • d . , armour whIch . , of scale constrU con, JU gmg by.t e arnsnc convennon used for Its rendering, namely scales with theIr !O\:er edge rounded, ,arranged ~n an imbricated pattern and ~ver!appmg downwards. ThIS armour IS furnished with sleeves reachI~g Just above the elbows. The skirt is of the same scale constructlOn a~d w?uld have afforded protection for the thighs; in the case of Mehas, It also covers the knee. Comparable armour is worn b one ~f the Forty Martyrs depicted in the same church standing t~ the ,nght o.f the two equestrian portraits (PI. 113 [first from left]). An mterestmg feature of the armour of the martyr is that over the abdomen it has an oval area empty of scales. This area is rendered with the same reddish brown colour as the rest of the armour and not with the white used for the undergarment. One wonders whether the painter wished to represent the backing of the armour without scales. This feature of leaving the abdomen exposed is also observed in the more conventionally rendered armour of the other Forty Martyrs portrayed standing in the same church, Yet, such a feature would have made no sense in effective field armour, even if it were meant to be worn by a mounted warrior.!' In my opinion, it is better interpreted as an artistic invention, perhaps due to a misunderstanding . H Kolias, Byzantinische ~Vqffell, pp. 44-46. The term 'kliha"ian' is not encountered !n the Slrategiiwn, a late sixth-early seventh-century military treatise. Haldon. in his Some Aspects of Byzantine Military Technology,' p. 27, has suggested that the use of splint almour must have become widespread in the Byzantine arm)' during the course of the seventh and eighth. centuries, even though armour of both. ~cale al~d !amcllar construction had been employed in the Near East (and by aLL'Oliary umts 111 the Roman army) since a much earlier period, see above, notes 11, 12. . " Sce D. Nicollc, Anlls and AmlO"r rift/le Cmsndillg Em, 1050-1350,2 \'ols. (WhIte

MILITARY COSTUME

CHAPTER THREE

\06 . ter of an artistic model representing a plate -. I I part 0 f apaU1 on n e . .I skirt of ptel)~es, 1" hke t le one seen worn by I CUlrass \"t 1 a . muSc ~ , N ,Tokah kilise. 17 That the pamter responsible for St. Hleron at e\\ Cl I " tl e Pigeon House lUrc 1 was prone to mis. 1I1e decoration . ' I' d I . 0, . tic1 models is also e\~dent m liS representation of d . understan us aI tlS Nikephoros n Phokas poru'aye III the same f the loros-costullle 0 church. . . Bas'll II is portrayed in Marc. g/'. Z.17, f. 1nl' (early , . The empelOl . ,) wearing a CUlrass made of lOWS of small, gIlded t eleven th cen u1) . · . 2 110 11' PI. 110). The plates are not shown Overplates (Append IX, • , • . , t the fact that their upper edge IS rounded, seems to sug. . d . f I Iappmg, )e Q'Cst that the painter probably had m mm . a cmrass 0 amellar ~onstl1lction,ls It is possible that in his ~'endern~g of the arra.ngement of the lamellae he was more interested l~ creatmg a decoratIVe effect ther than !1'i\~nO' a realistic representatlOn of the way the lamellae ~ere actuall; lac~d together. The cuirass is not furnished with any protection for the lower part of the body. Th~ ~pper arms, on the other hand, are protected by arm-guards conslstmg of two rows of

Plains, N.Y., 1988), nos. 79A-C. As far as I can judge from the. reproductions I have seen the martyr in scale alIDour, John TZlmlskes, and l\1ehas do not wear mail sh~ beneath their scale cuirasses as Nicolle claims. , 16 The PlerJ-ges arc the leather straps shown attached around the arm-openings and the lower edge of plate muscle cuirasses in Roman and Late Antique art (see,

for examplc, E. Kitzinger, 1!),ZQ11tine Art in the Making. Main lines

if S!ylistic Devdopment

in the Meditnranean Art, 3rd-7th Century (London, 1977), figs. 70, 176). In reality they probably fonned part of a leather garment worn beneath the cuirass, see Robinson,

107

splints. These guards do not seem to be direct! h -h . Y attac ed to the . I CUlrass. Rat ler, t ey appear to be worn hke arm-b d Th '1 11 . I'k an s. e armour worn by Basl. . IS more I ely to reflect ceremon'laI rather than field armour. ThiS IS suggested by the content of the mInIature '. . which constitutes a treatment of the theme of perpetual . t ' . h' ~c ory and Impe. rial trIumph over t e enemIes of the state. 19 For more 'realistic' representations of lamellar construCtIon . .. one of mlhtary saints in tenth- a nd eIeventh-cenmust turn to portrayals . fS tury Cappadoclan churches. One may mention the c . •• . 20 Ulrasses 0 I. Theodore at New Tokah kihse, of SI. Prokopios and St D . ' . (PI . emetnos . 114), of SI. Orestes and St A . at Yusu f koc;: kil Isesl ' (PI 115) 21 f S . gaplOs at ,0 I. Merkourios at Sakh kilise,22 and of Karanh k kil lse . Sts. Georg,: and .Theodore at Yllanh kilise, Goreme,23 where the lamellae, WIth th~lr top edge rounded, are clearly shown to overlap upwards. The artIsts accentuated the impression of the lamellae overlapping upwards by shading the lower part of each row. On numerous other occasions, encountered also in some of the same monuments as the 'realistic' examples just listed, the rows of lamellae are not shown to overlap but appear di~ded horizontally by a single or double straight line, though sometimes the shading has been maintained (PI. 116).24 I think that this manner of rendering lamellar was an artistic invention-simply a more schematic and more decorative way of representing armour of this construction, perhaps originally inspired by a misinterpretation of the purpose of the line of shading between the lines of overlapping lamellae in the more 'realistic' representations of this type of armour. 25

Annour if Imperial Rome, p. 149; Bishop and Coulston, Roman Military Equipment, pp. 23, 59. The artistic convention of shO\.mg pteryges attached to the cuirass was adopted by mediaeval Byzantine art, which used it indiscriminately-and inappropdatelyin association with eve!), type of armour.

Restle, Byz. Wall-painting, pI. 82. Note that the decoration of the New Tokalz kilise did, in fact, serve as a model for the slightly later decoration of the Pigeon House Church, see Wharton-Epstein, TOMb Ktlis" pp. 29-32. Considering this and the fact that the martyrs at the Pigeon House Church have a sash around theIr abdomen (not around the breast, as was common), in the same manner that St. Hieron does, makes the choice of the portrayal of the latter as a potential model for the oudits at <;avu§in appear plausible. 11

III

Two other emperors of the eleventh centUlY appear in cuirasses of lamellar

construction on effigies on coins and seals. They are Constantine IX IvIonomachos and Isaak I Komnenos, sce above, note 3. In these examples the lamellae are clearly shown overlapping upwards. Cuirasses with an arrangement of lamellae comparabl~ to tha~ see.n on the cuirass worn by Basil 11, can be found in e1eventh-~entu~

religlOus.p.ctonal. contexts, see, for cxample 11 MelwbJgio, p. 3: the archang~1 ~chael), JcrphanlOn, Eglues rupestres, pI. 100.1 (Goreme, KaranlIk Idlise, Crucifixion: lhe Centurion).

19 Grabar, L'empereur dalls I'art, pp. 86-87; Spatharalds, Portrait, pp. 20-26. Golden klihania are mentioned wonl by the co-emperor, the kaisar, and members of the court, though not by the emperor, during the imperial triumphs of Theophilos (831) and of Basil I (878), see Haldon, COllstalltill' Porphyrogetlitlls, pp. 142, 148. W Wharton-Epstein, Tokalz Ktlise, fig. 117. 21 Restle, Byz. Wall·paintillg, pI. 230. " Ibid., pI. 28. " Ibid., pis. 246-247. " See, also, ibid., pI. 230; Jolivet-Levy, Eglises byz: de Cappadoce, pi. 136.3. For more examples, see below. 25 Dawson, on the other hand in his 'Kremasmafa, KabadiDn,. Kliholliotl,' pp. 42-50, considers that the 'narrow band~ spacing the rows' of lamellae in these represen-

tations indicate that these rows were first attached on a band of leather and then assem?led. However, Dawson appears to be unaware of the representations 0," l?mellar CUlrasses in which these bands are absent. Haldon has adopted Dawson s mter-

pretation, see Haldon, Wa1fizre, State and SocieIY, p. 134.

CHAPTER THREE

!OB .. .Iit' aflorded by lamellar construction, irrespcctive of the The fieXlbl ) I. I tl e lamellae were made, whcther metal, horn ut . f ' . I matena 0 of wduel I I Ilowed the constructIon 0 coats of armour I 26 woul lave a or leat ler, . r . the greater part of the body. Though the a." protectIon 101 ouellng I liar cuirasses represented cover only the torso . it" of the ame . . I ou tI·me of Roman maJol .] tI. 'hich is rel11llllSCent 0f tiC d have an ou mc \\ . .. .. an ... there are some rale leplcsentatIons of Coats late muscle CUll asses, . 27 L II . P . b' militaIY samts (PI. 117). amc ar construction f lamellar WOIll ) ... o al b I used for making Jackets With short sleeves or 'ould have so e e l . . \\ . ts Additional protection would have been prOVIded sleeveless wrustcoa . f · s and for the lower part 0 tile body, espeCIally for le upper arm . tI f mounted warriors. Such dcfences could have been m the case 0 . lal"er lamellae or splmts of metal, wood, or other constructed ou t of " . bl telials. 28 Alternatively, they could have been made out of swta e ma . . r d· h . padded cloth of sufficient thickn~SS, som~tIrr:es r?ml0rCe WIt mall.29 Tb artistic e\~dence is not very mforJ1latIve m tillS respect, as defences for ethe lower body and tile upper arm.s ~ttached to lamell~r cuirasses are usually rendered in a manner remlJ11scent o~ ~ate ~tlque JJ!eryges (PI. 118).30 However, the arm-guards of some mliltary samts at Yusuf ko~ kilisesi (PI. 114) and at Yllanh kilise and Chapels nos. 18 and 21 G6reme,31 are of the same lamellar construction as the cuirass, bu; the lamellae are represented upside down. It is uncertain whether tills is a realistic detail or a misunderstanding on the part of the painter.32 In two otller Cappadocian monuments, K.th~lar ku§luk (PI. 116) and the church of bren, Nar," the arm-guards of military saints appear detached from the cuirass, just as in the portrait of Basil II

"Lrorns imperawns Tactica, ed. R. Vari, 2 vols. (Budapest, 1917, 1922) (hereafter LT), pp. 91-92; SylL Tact., § 38; McGeer, Sowing tlIe Dragon'S Teeth, p. 36 (Praecepla MiliJiJTia: horse-armour made of leather). " See, also, Jolivet-Uvy, £glises bp;. de Cappadoce, pI. 130.3 (Tagar, SI. Theodore: military saints). CC Haldon, Warfare, SUIte and SocieIY, p. 131. "LT, I, pp. 92, IOH02, 117. " McGeer, Sowing tlU! Dragoll's Teeth, pp. 34 (PraecepUI Militana), 214-216. Cf. Dawson) 'Kremasmala, Kahadion, KlibanuJIl,' pp. 39-42. 30 On the pteryges see above, note 16. " Resde, By<. Wall-painting, pis. 246-247; A. Wharton-Epstein, 'Rock-cut Chapels in Goreme Valley, Cappadocia: The Yllanlt Group and the Column Churches,' C4 24 (1975), fig. 2. 32 Dawson believes that this detail is a realistic onc, since, according to him, ~e 'inverted lamellar' conSlruction has the ability to 'shed' offensive blows traveting downwards aimed at the limbs, see his 'Kremasmata, Kabaditm, Klibanioll,' pp. 46-47. " Jolivet-Uvy, £glises I!Jz. tk Cappadoce, pI. 136.3.

MILITARY COSTUME

109

discussed above. Such a feature would not have been ex tremey I useId Th e dctached 'arm-gttards' co Id h ful in the bat·tl efie. . I.d .. u aYe been employe.d m t le Sa! representatlOn~ Simply as decorative elements. Alternauvely, they could have been mtroduced as badg f ·1· '4 C ·d· es 0 ml Itary k. rowess or. ran. onSI enng the fact that in some portrayaIS of P military samts bejewelled bands at the upper arm are substit d f, ti I d'·h uteor the more con~en ona . arm-gnar s,' t e latter interpretation does not appear entIrely arbitrary. The arm-band was an ancient s bol ·1· ess 36 That I.t was Stl· 1perceived 1· ym of mlltary prow. so in mediaeval Byzantiu~ IS. suggested by the .fact that the emperor Theophilos, during hiS tnumph of 831, receIved golden bracelets or arm-bands (brachioloi) from the people of Constantinople (the politellma) which he wore on his arms." ' Representations of types of arm-guards other than those discussed so far are admi~tedly rar~. One may mention the unique representation of potentlally functional shoulder arJ1lour, which can be seen in the portrayal of St. Demetrios represented in mosaic at the katholikon of Hosios Loukas in Greece (PI. 119).38 Made possibly of plate or leather, this guard for the shoulder and the upper affil is depicted as if worn under the lamellar cuirass, not as being part of it. A striking characteristic of ilie representation of lrunellar affilour during the tenth and elevenili centuries is that the same fOffilal de~ce is employed for its rendering from one end of the empire to the other, not only in monumental painting, but in miniature painting and the minor arts, especially on steatite icons (Pis. 116, 118, 120, 121, 122).39 I believe iliat this manner of representation must have been ultimately inspired by an actual type of armour, the ceremonial lamellar armour of the tenth and eleventh centuries. Its widespread use must be attributed to the repetition of an artistic model

3~ CC Nicolle, AmlS alld AmlDur 'If the Crusading Era, p. 550. 3, Mouriki, The Mosaics 'If Nea MOlli, pis. 59, 61 (St. ~heodore. Stratelates, SI. Orestes). Sce also PI. 123 (SI. Demetrios at Sts. AnargyrOJ, Kastona). _ 36 J. Deer, 'Byzanz llnd die Herrschafiszeichen des Abendlandes,' BZ 50 (19'7), p.419. 37 Haldon, Constalllille Porp'!)'Togenilus, p. 150. .. . 38 St. Demctrios is portrayed a second time in the same monume~t, thIS ~me ID fresco. However in this second portrayal his lamellar armour is fumlshc~ With the conventional pt/ryges, see Chatzidakis-Bacharas, us ptintltres murales de Hosros Lmthls, fig. 58. " See, also, Omont, Ms Grec 74, pI. 173 (f. 204: soldier in Christ before Calaph",).

CHAPTER 11~REE

110

. . d from Constantinople, rather than to · adndlssenunate . created Ul . ed'la and in different parts 0 f tIle empire . . . dlfferen t m artists working Ul.. h ame "'Pe of armour usmg the same forI ' deplctUlg t e s '1 . I . d spontaneous) . t'g of the capita City ensure the firm · ,"''11I 'Ie the pres I e .. . mal deVIce. .. graphic type the pohtleal UnIty of the .I t of tins Icono , '.... estabhs lmen . d its broad geograplllcal dlssemmatlon. nst have enstn e . . empire m . f lamellar and of scale constructIOn pro ba0 TIle use of .armOUI I .Ir.th century. More than t\vo hundred small · ed III tIe twe" . bly conO nu d d o the twelfth centlllY, were dIscovered during plates, secu~'e1y fateh tG 'eat Palace in Constantinople (PI. 112)'<° It 'cavatlon 0 t e d 'a\.';nO' I . tIle POSItion . . 0 f the perof these WIth .IStheunexr.ortunate Ithat no I ...,,' . 'k d has been published, as only thIS would allow tions clear y mal e , . ' .. Ccora . h "'Pe of armour to whIch they InItIally belonged. one to ascertam t e ' 1 mentioned by Anna K omnene couId slgmfy . . :J . ,L . L The phollt,oM /,,0/01>.·es • • b tl +J uirasses whIch were worn m at e. C ale C ·ther lame11ar or s ' . el . Cc • on the actual appearance of the pholidotos thorax For m ormatIon li . .. T . th 1"1. centlll)' one has to turn to re glOus pamtIng. he dunng e t\ve !Ut "'d ggests tllat a change had occurred by the second artlstlc eVl ence su t Demetrios in the church of Sts. Anargyroi . . half 0 f that cen tury . S . . K . n t h,'e1fth century) wears a long red tume Wlth long III astona \,a e " PI. 123). Below the hem of this tunic the lower part of an sIeeves ( . 'bl 0 th d . th even Ionger, \-1'"hl'te , striped tunic is VlSI e. ver • e re • tumc e . laVl'shly patterned short-sleeved tUnIC, which reaches samt wears a ' . , . almost to the knees. He wears his CUlrass, ,:hlc~ IS clearl~ of scale constrUction, over this last tunic. The scales, Judgmg by theIr co.lour, are gilded and are attached to the backing by means of two nvets. They are arranged in an imbrica~e pattern, th~ugh they are not shown to overlap downwards. TheIr lower edge IS. curved a~d provided with a small, granular projection, the functIon of whIch ~as probably simply decorative. The cuirass reaches down to the hips. In the place of arm guards, two broad, bejewelled golden ba~ds adorn me short sleeves of me outer tunic. That this representatlon is a realistic rendering of twelfth-century armour, probably of ceremonial character, is suggested by the great care with which all the details of me costume are depicted, by the lavishness of its decoration, and by its unquestionably unconventional appearance. One may

MILITARY OOSTUME

111

ugg on the basis of this representation that by th IC,L s est . f i e twe IUI centU l1 a new vanety 0 sca c armour appeared in Byzant' .h IUm, d"IstmI f gu ished by th e use 0 . sca cs WIt a small central pro tuberance at their lower edge. Admittedly, I was unable to find parallels for this type of scale among extant examples recovered in archaeological sites . repI'n Central . and Eastern Europe and vVestern Asia . As to art'IStlC resentatIOnS, the~e are very r~re. As far as I know, this projection is not encountered ill representatlons of scale annour in earlier B . ·'2 0 h h h . yzantlne works of art. . n t e ot, e.r and, It ca~ be seen in three eleventhcentury G.eorglan repousse ICO~S portra)nng St. George:13 It is tempting to thmk that a new vanety of scale armour, attested in the Byzantine artistic record by the late twelfth century, was introduced in Byzantium from .Georgia, so~etime during the eleventh or early twelfth century. ThIS was a penod when the political and cultural ties between me two regions were strong: one has only to remember of me brilliant military career of Gregory Pakourianos under A1exios I Komnenos.-H However, in the absence of concrete evidence the issue of the origin of this new feature in the representation of Byzantine scale armour must remain open. There is no secure evidence as regards me fortune of lamellar and scale armour in the Late Byzantine period. I have not come across the terms 'klibanion' or 'pholidotos thorax' in me historical works of Pachymeres, Gregoras, and Kantakouzenos; they are not mentioned in pseudo-Kodinos either. The artistic evidence is of no real use, as

42 Sec, for example, the tenth-century portraits of John Tzimiskes and Mclias discussed earlier. This formal device for the representation of scale does not occur in the Madrid Slrylit<.es, which, though produced around Ihe mid-Iwelfth century, appears la follow in part late eleventh-early twelfth-century Byzantine models. The only pos-

sible earlier Byzantine representation I was able to locate is encountered at Nea Mane, Chios (mid-elevenlh century), in the portrayal of SI. Oresle, (~e lower edge of the scales is pointed rather than rounded and there are 1;\\'0 dots mstead of one~ perhaps denoting a central protuberance), see :Nlouriki, The ).Hosa;cs rif}lea ).\1011;, pI. ~l. 43 G. Chubinashvili, Gm<.illskoe clzekanlloe iskllsStvo, 2 vols. (Tbilisi, 1959), ?os. 1.:>3, 156, 162. In two of these Georgian examples the scales are rectangular In shape. Similar rectangular scales with the characteristic protuberance can be seen o~ the cuirass of St, Theodore Stratelates at Sts. Anargyroi, Kastoria, see OEAtICQvl811<;, KaaroplI1, pI. 21 a. T H, On the importance of Georgians (and Annenians) in the politic~ and mll~1.~ affairs of the Byzantine empire, as early as the first yea~'S o~ the reign, of Bas 8?? (976-1025), see]. Howard-Johnston, 'Pouvoir et conteslauon a Byzanee,. E/lrop< (OCl. 1997), pp. 66 72. I thank Dr. Howard:Johnston for kindly proVldmg me wll f a copy of his arti~le. See also, above, note 21 of Chap.ter 2. O.n the ~~~e~~ 7~ Gregory Pakourianos, sec Lemcrlc, Cillq etudes sur It Xjt sltele i?Y.t. aJ1hll , pp. .

'-h

In the wall-debris covenng the paved street outside the norlh-easl colonnade of the Great Penslyle, see Great Palace, 1st Report, pp. 21, 99. " An. Komn., 11, pp. 218 (kom£S Mananos), 222 (Alexios I). to

, CHAPTER THREE

MILITARY COSTUME

. . I d 'ees created in the IVIiddlc Byzantine period for lamel the pletona e\O constantly repeate d'111 tIle Iate I' peno . d , sometim lae and seaIcs a re . (PI es • 'r. I d Ilighl)' decorative arrangements s. 124-, 125 155) '5 111 fancuu an . . , h ' . tions definitely Q'lve the ImpressIOn t at the painte Such reprcsen ta "'... rs 'd }. all actual t)'Pe of armour 111 mll1d while they worked . . d1 not l a \ , e ' . However, absence of information ~annot be considered as conclu_ sive proof that lamellar or scale CUlrasses were not employed in the Late Byzantine period. It could, howev~r, be taken ~o suggest that splint aITIlOUr was not as popular as It had been 111 the MiddJe Byzantine period. Such a devel.opment could have been brought about by the increasing populanty of other t)'P es of body-armour, especially mail.

army. The only reference to mail annour discovered in B . archaeological contexts I was able to find comes ' h yzantme lrom t e excava . l' h tion of a maIe buna III t e south· aisle of the basilica 0 f St. AchlUelOs ..h 1 ke 0 f M Ikre Prespa in Ma d ' on the sIlores 0 [ tea .' '1 di d ce oma. Vestiges of fine mal were scovere at the left elbow of th k I . r d '. e s e eton. No weapons were loun associated . . With the burial. Th e onIy other find was a fragment 0 f a Silk textile, woven with gold th d . d 11' '. rea and patterned With me a" Ions encloslllg Pall'S . 1 0 f thiS . . .. of birds . The buna unknown but obVIOusly Important IlldiVldual is dated t th Iflh thirteenth century.'" 0 e twe t -

112

Mail Annour Mail construction comprised metal, commonly iron, rings linked togetller in such a way as to form a densely woven, yet flexible mesh. The indh~dual rings could have been welded or riveted. Riveting was common for Saracenic armour.'" Mail armour was employed in the Roman army, especially by the cavalry:" The use of mail in the Byzantine alTllY during the tenth century is attested by the military manuals. Mail body-alTllour is referred to either as 'krikion' or as 'a!ysidotos thorax'.'8 It must have continued in use in the eleventh and twelfth centuries as well, though there is no explicit reference to it in the historical sources of this period. It is impossible to say how widespread the use of mail was in the Middle Byzantine f) In some representations the lamellae are arranged in concentric circles, sec, for ,?"""ple, Movaxo",Ka)J.lvlKou,l:,aupOp01JVlOn'l, H reXVIICl) arlOrpmpia•. Me "apaPrTIl'aTOlxorpaqilwv mu Ila~C1i).~vou a"o TO Ilpwtam mv Ariov 'Opov. (Nicosia, 1996)~ 88 (SI. Theodore TIro); Constantinides, the Wall-paintings if PanogitJ O!JmJnollssa, pIs. 64, 106.. One wonders whether this peculiar alTangement of the lamellae, obsen'~d on c~lra~es of SOme military saints from the thirteenth century

TIJ.

"I.

om\'-ards, \\:~ ultJmat~lr InspIred from the round breastplates characteristic of TurkoMongol military traditIOns. Admittedly, the illustrations of such breastplates I know of da.,e to a much la'er penod than the earliest appearance of the peculiar COIlcentnc a~ra~ge~ent of the lamellae in Byzantine contexts, sec, for example, M. Gorelik, Onenlal Armour of the Near and Middle East from the Eighth to :e Ftfteenth Centunes as Shown m Works of Art,' in Islamic Anns and AmlOur, ed. ...Elgood (London, 1979), fig. 189 (early fifteenth century). H Ma~er, MamM Coslul7/!, p. 37. Cava Robmson, A~ur 'jI Imperial Rome, pp. 170-171; Dixon and Southern, 17111 Romall 141,~4t.P' 36-38, BIShop and Coulston, RomaJl Mililary Equipment, pp. 85, 117,

(Pr:::'1~ 9!;) ~ll. Taet., §§ •

3?, 38, 39; McGeer, Sowing Ihe Dragoll's Teeth, p. 38 Byzanlinisehe WqfJen, pp. 38-41.

talUl. See, also, Kolias,

113

Compared to lameUa~ alTllour, mail is rarely represented in eleventhcentury art .. The foll.oWlng two examples may be cited. St. Demetrios wears a .tumc. of matl on a .steatite icon, now in the Louvre (PI. 126). The mail tumc reaches to Just above his knees and has sleeves coming down to. the elbows. Its skirt has a small opening at the front. It is worn gtrt. over a kn:e-Ie.ngth t~nic wi~h long sleeves. A probable representation of a mail shirt furrushed With long sleeves is encountered at Elmah kilise, Goreme, in the scene of the Crucifixion worn by the figure of the soldier to the left of the cross (PI. 127). The rarity of representations of mail alTllour in eleventh-century artistic contexts could be an indication that mail was not as popular as lamellar armour at the time. Though this is a possibility, there might be a different explanation. As we have seen, the armour of military saints in the eleventh century most probably reflected the ceremonial armour of the tenth and eleventh centuries which accordinO' to the evidence of both texts and portraits, was' of spli~t construc~ tion. Made of gilded scales or lamellae, it must have had a brilliant appearance, which would create a desirable awe-inspiring effect. so Thus, the rare occurrence of mail in the eleventh-century pictorial contexts may simply be a result of the artists following models ultimately derived from imperial ceremonial, rather than an indication that mail was not being widely used in the Byzantine army. The situation obviously changed in the twelfth century. Mail shirts appear more often in pictorial contexts, worn by simple soldiers in narrative scenesSl and by militalY saints either standing or : N. Moutcro1tou1..oc;, "AvaoKaq>ij paC1lA.l1ciic; 'AYlOU 'AXI~iou,' rrAE 19~7, p. 65. . Cr. LT, I, p. 102. Mail, on the other hand, is rather lmpract/cal to gtld. I o"e 'hl~, o~serva~on to Dr. M. Mango, whom I here thank. SmkeVlc, 171t Chllreh '!! St. PG1lteleimoll at }ltrez" figs. LXII-LXIV.

MILITARY COSTUME

CHAPTER TI1REE

114

. Pis. 123, 128).52 The represented shirts reac~l to just on horseba<:k ( d . 'furnished with short sleeves. In ccrtal11 exam_ I . be 0",tlle ll1ps an ale h),brid form of armour com b'111111g a cuirass I however, we see a . d d pes, . tl 'u' lic device for mail, an arm-guar s and skirt . dered usmg le al s ren I II (PI 129).53 This composIte type was obviously . . . of pterrges or ame ae -. . ' u'on which continued to appear 111 monumental , . d (PI 130) 5·, an arustIC mven ., d the Late Byzantine perlO . . r . 1 PamtIng 'blown to I wh)' mail armour came to t Ile lore 111 t le twelfth Apossl ereasOl . f hill d N . nce in B)'ZantIne lands 0 t e ma -c a ormans . tl century IS le plese . H I L . ' armies on theIr way to tl1e 0 y and dunng the an d tlle crusade I . } nvelfth centuries. The ByzantInes acknowledgment late eIeven tlI and " .. of the efficacy of western mail b~dtarmour"" c~uld have resulted in tl1e more widespread use of m311 111 the Byzanun~ ar~y, a develthen reflected in contemporary plctonal contexts t hich was opmenw ' fr..' Alternatively, tl1e presence of great nu~bers 0 10r~ldable warnors clad in mail on tl1e 1311ds of tl1e empIre and the Im~act they had on tl1e imagination and the . lives of tl1e contemporanes may have simply caused Byzantine mm! arr~lOur to become more. fas~lOnable to depict. It is worth noting m thl.s resp~ct. that the mail s~lr~s represented in twelfth-century ByzantIne artIstIc contexts are Similar to tl10se encountered in eleventl1-century ones, but clearly distinct from contemporary western hauberks, which were longer and furnished witl1 long sleeves. 56 Mail body-armour, apparently, continued to be employed in Bvz311tium during tl1e Palaiologan period. In 1325, we learn, the sknuterWs Theodore Sar311tenos, a wealthy member of the provincial gentry from Verroia, bequeathed his lorikion, along with other items of military equipment, to his son. 57 I have not come across a realistic representation of mail body-armour in Late Byzantine monumental pictorial contexts.

" See, also, Pelekanides aod ChalZidakes, Kaswria, fig. 21 on p. 41 (Sts. Anargyroi: SI. George on horseback); Kalavrezou-Maxeiner, Byzantine Icons in Steatite, no. 21 (Sebastopol, Historical-Archaeological Museum of Cherson: icon with St. Theodore Stralelates, SI. George, aod SI. Demetrios). :'3 See l also, Grozdanov and Hadermann-!vIisguich, Kurbillovo, pt 31. " See, also, Movuxou Ku)JdvlKOU, H re;rVllC1} f11, aYlOypa
Plate Annour.

.

115

.

m" MIddle and Late Byzantine art"ISttc contexts PI ate muscle CUlrasscs .. mlhtary samts and SImple soldiers alike (PI s. 101 131) 51! . e worn by a r . Such cuirasses, however, had apparently become obsolete al ' d b' rea y y . . d" the end of the E• arIy Byzantme pe no .' Their introduction' d' . "1' m~~ val Byzantme plctona contexts IS best attributed to th ae .. ' . . e preservation and repetition of an antIque artIstIC type. Nevertheless 'cl . l ' , ami st the convent~ona .representatIOns of plate armour there exists one piece of eqUIp. example whIch mIght . actually. reflect a .contemporary . ment, probably assocJated WIth the mlhtary tradition of one of the peoples who served Byzantium as mercenaries. In the chapel of SI. Euthymios, Thessalomke (1303), St. George wears a half-breastplate over a non-plate cuirass of conventional appearance (PI. 132). The breastplate, the greenish grey of which suggests that it is made of metal, is fastened with brown leather straps over the shoulders. Halfbreastplates worn over mail or lamellar armour would have afforded additional protection for the chest. I have found evidence for the use of this type of armour both in western military traditions60 311d Iranian ones, the latter under strong Mongol influence (PI. 133).61 This evidence, however, dates from the latter part of the fourteenth century, too late to be of great use in identifYing a model for the Byzantine representation. Notwithstanding, the weapons attributed to the saint (bow, quiver, small round shield, spear) bring him closer to the concept of a lightly armoured, mobile warrior encountered in the nomadic, Turko-Mongol tradition, rather than to that of a heavily armoured, sword-carrying western knight."' There might be a possible connection beween the portrayal of St. George in his halfbreastplate with his realistically depicted bow and quiver with the tastes and personality of the donor of the chapel, the protostrator Michael Glabas Tarchaneiotes, a distinguished general of Andronikos ,58 Sec, also, S. 'Vestphalen, Die Odalar Camii ill Istanbul. AT(lliJ~ktur Imd ~Ha!trti ,tilltr mlllelbp.alltillischen Kirche (TUbingen, 1998), pp. 88-89, pI. 17 (St. ~Ierkounos); ~Iille" Le mOllastere de Daplmi, fig. 58 (SI. Orestes); Underwood, Ka,!!' pjaml, pis. 498 .[St.

Merkourios), 519 (unidentified saint).

..

". Kolias, Byzalltillische Wqlfon, pp. 49-50. Cr. Bishop and Coulston, Romall AMtOl) Eqmpment, p. 167. : Blair, Ellropean AmlOllr,'p' 72, fig. 28. ' . ' fi 171-17362 See, also, Gorchk, 'Onental Annolll' of Ne~r an~ ~'bddl~ Ea~t, g~ the rcsI thank Dr. J. Howard:Johnston for suggesting dus mterptctatton.. lA P8)r~ cnce of ~Iongol mercenaries in the Late Byzantine army see Barn.lsls, It . .... Amry, p. 196.

MILITARY COSTUME CHAPTER THREE

116

. tes had actually led a contingent of Mongol . I s TarcIlanelO " Il Pal alOo~. . '{'I tin of Serbia in 1297."' Unfortunately no s a""1l1st king n I U • d fi . ' troop 0'-: f 'lit rv saints have SUIVlve rom tlle other maior a}commissioned, the mOSaICS . an d frescoes" of represelltanons .0 mlI ad tcS . C onstantinople WO rk TarchanctO . f h IPammakaristos Monastery 111 I kat!lOlikoll 0 t e . ' ne. d I I elped US either venfy or reject such a hypo-' whIch woul lave I • 6f thetical connecnon.

Protection for tile Neck ders of tile soldiers . would have been protected The nec'k an d shoul .tI. b)' the curtain suspended from the lower brim of' at least pal y, . r . I I t (see below). Independent protection 10r the neck and theIr le me s . d' I e Byzantine e shoulders is not mentlOne 111 M'ddl the upper part of th . . manuals with the excepnon of the Taktika of Leo VI, where . milItary '1 covere d on m d e with e " 1I1S1 . a reference to collars of mal, . 65 Th' . .. there IS wool and on the outside with linen. IS IS a re~eutlOn, more or less, of what the late sixth-century Strate~k~n preSCrIbes on the subject, with a difference which cou!d be slgn~cant: the tenth-cenrury ce specifies mail collars, while me earher text speaks only of sour '66 A . . . rusuc eVIdence for 'round collars, in the manner of me Avars. the use of independent protective collars in the elevenm and twelftlt centuries is almost non-existent. On a steatite icon of the eleventlt century at Vatopedi Monastery on Mount Athos, St. George could be wearing a mail collar over his lamellar cuirass (PI. 122).67 By the end of the thirteenth century, rigid collars of splint construction make their appearance in Byzantine artistic contexts (Pis. 134, 135).68 The introduction of this new element in the depiction

" Bartusis, Late Byz. Amry, p. 64. 64 On the life and the career of the proloslralor see H. Belting, e. Mango, D. Mouriki, The Mosaics and Frescoes qf SI. Mary Pammaknris"'s (Fellliye Camii) al Istanbul (Washington, D.e., 1978), pp. 11-15. Tarchaneiotes had also commissioned ~ cycle depicting his military exploits. This pictorial cycle, housed in one of the buildings of the Pammakaristos Monastery, is known to us only by its description in a lengthy poem by Manuel Philes, ibid., pp. 12-13. os LT, I, p. 92. . . " Das Sltategikon des MauMos, EinfUhrung, Edition und Indices von G.T. Denms, Obernetzung von E. Gamillscheg (Vienna, 1981) (hereafter Strategiiwn), p. 78. 61 Independent protection for the neck and shoulders, made of scale or mail, was employed in northern Iran and in the Caucasus area already in the tenth century, see Goretik, 'Oriental Armour of Near and lvlidd1e East,' pp. 32, 34 and fig. 84 (Aght'amar, Armenia, 915-929: relief representing Goliath, who appears to be wearing a collar of scale construction). 68 See, also, Bartusis, Late Byz. Army, p. 324.

117

art would seem to suggest that of militarVI costume in Byzantine • rable collars were actually m use at the time if not li com. ' ,~cr~hl at the same time, that IS towards the end of the th'Irteenth' centg Y rioid plate guard for the neck and chin, the g()"(p I b ury, a o· . h W 69 be or roor began to be employed 111 t e est. - Whether the Byzantine d I' 'b d . fl eve opment should be attn. ute to an 111 uence of western pracu'ces or whether it should be VIewed . as a '1' result of an independent ev0Iut'IOn III . the character of Byzantme ml Itary equipment , is an issue that cannot be determined at .present. It. should be noted, however ' that .L Ule colB d 111 yzantmc art are. quite distinct I'n appearance lars represente . from tltelr western counterpart~. It IS, therefore, possible that the Byzantines had ta~en o~er me I~ea of a rigid neck-guard from the West, but had adjusted It to their own needs and practices.

~

Garments Worn Beneath the Annour Garments worn bene am the armour would have been manufactured in such a way as to offer additional protection to me soldier. They could have been padded or quilted, or made of strong, durable materials like felt and silk.70 In artistic representations armour is as a rule shown worn over an ordinary knee-length tunic furnished witlt long sleeves. At Hosios Loukas, Joshua, St. Theodore Stratelates, and St. Demetrios, portrayed in fresco, apparently wear a gannent with ample short sleeves, beneath me cuirass and over the tunic witlt the long sleeves (PI. 118).71 The long sleeves of their inner tunic appear as if quilted, at least over the forearms. 72 Representations of military 69 Blair, European AmlOur, p. 42. 70 C( the relevant information in an anonymous sixth-century treatise on strategy, see G.T. Dennis, TIree By;?:alllille Military Treatises (Washington, D.G., 1985) (hereafter Dennis, Military trealises), pp. 54, 56. In the twelfth century, Alexios I Kornnenos provided his light soldiery with garments and helmets made of silk, because he did not have enough armours made of metal for the whole anny, see An. Komn., 1I) p..141. Silk could offer protection especially against archers, since it did not tear easily and would entcr the wound with the arrowhead. This facilitated the extraction of the arrow from thc wound. These observations were made by A. Muthesius, 'Byzantine Silks in the Latin West: Economic and Artistic Exchange or Political Ploy?,' lecture given dming a study~day on 'The Textile Trade between Byzantium and the ''''est' organized by the Education Selvice of the British :Muscum on the 11th of April 1995. . " Ghat~idakis- Bacharas, Les peiulllres mllrales de Hosios Lallka;, fig. 58 (St. Deme.tnos); N. Ghatzldakis, Hosios Lallkas (Athens, 1997), fig. 57 (St. 1heod?rt; Stratelate~). "12 The use of arm-guards made of iron, wood, or strong fabnc is attested Ul the m.htary manuals of the tenth century sce LT. I, pp. 92, 101-102. 117; Syll. Tact., §§ 38,.39; McGeer, Sowing the Dragon'; Teeth, ~. 34 (Praecepta Afilita.-M). I ha,'e found no eVIdence, artistic or other, for their use in the following centuncs.

MILITARY COSTUME cHAPTER THREE

liS . r. II length tunics beneath their armour arc rare and saints weanng IU - ts dating to the eleventI1, twe 1r.1 . It 1, and thirteentll ear III monumcn . apP . (PI 107 123 129)." Long tumcs could have fo. rmed part centul1CS s. " . ollellng £r. .' • • . llounted warnor, plOtecttOn to the exposed f oftheoU . to be worn com_ I -atThey would have had to be split f I'tfilto

part 0 us elgs'-seback Alternatively, their edges could have been .. . f . fortab 1Y on 101 · tl belt as seen in the portrayal 0 a samt, probably St tuCk-ed 111 le , . . . .. . . t Nerezi." The long tumcs attnbutcd to mlhtary saints a . '1' . th ' GeOlgc, , , ' ma)' reflect cercmomal nUIlary costume ra er than the . "TI . h I10\\e\el, of Byzantine mounted warnors. . lIS, as we ave seen, is outfit most probably the case in the port:ayal of St. Demetrios in the church of tlle Sts. Anargyroi, Kastona.

Gann£llts Wom Over the A17IlOur

Garnlents worn over tlle armour included mantles and coats or jackets called epilorika, meaning 'over the mail shirt', and epanoklibana, meaning 'over fue lamellar/scale armour'.76 These would have shielded fue arnlour from fue rain and fue blazing sun, as the need arose. When 77 required, fuey were also used as camouflagc outfits. Moreover, fuey would have served as additional protection. They were designed and

is For more examples sec Chatzidakis-Bacharas, Us peilltures murales de Hosws Leukas pp. 78-79, note 259. I believe that this lype of long tunic, shown worn by stand~

ing military saints! should be distinguished from the long 'surcoat' that can be seen in certain equestrian portraits of military saints encountered in a small number of

late thirteenth- and fourteenth-century churches in the Byzantine Morea, sce S.EJ. Gerstel, 'Art and Identity in the Medieval Morea,' in Cntsades, pp. 276-277, figs. 13, 14. As Gerstel has demonstrated, these images were inspired by and show great affmit)' to crusader military imagery. The presence of the long 'surcoal' is probably yet another \,,'esternizing element that the painters borrowed from crusader images of mounted knights, saintly or othen,rise. It is interesting to note, however, that the Byzantine artists depicted the 'surcoal' worn under the cuirass, in the same manner that the short tunic is worn in Byzantine~proper representations of mounted military saints, sec, for example, above, note 23; western knights wore their surcoat over their annour, not under it. I thank Prof. Gerstel for providing me with an offprint of her article. " Sinke"", The Church 'If St. Panleleimoll at Nere
119

'orn in such a. way ' as notI to hinder the soldiers in theIr . movements '" Beyond theIr prac!lca uses, the garments worn h . '['k d over t e armour . I tIed ep!. on a an the efJanoklibana were an Important . and especJally . . a warrior. Exampl es worn by the lement III the a . Ol nment dof" e emperor were laVIshly ecorated. [wo emperors of th . h .[ 'ka d ' .h·· e mnt centU 11 wore ep! on unng t elr respectIve triumphs'. that 0 f Th eophIios . h .· 'l . was gold-woven, w h let at BaSIl I was trimmed WIt. h pearls." . . .of. Two eptlorika, one red, pOSSIbly w~th lapels crossing over at the front (slauroton), and another from AntlOch, are mentioned in th viii f Kale Pakouriane (1098).80 Niketas Choniates refers to a green e \ outer 0 garment and another purple: one, adorned with gold, both wom by Manuel I Komn~nos ov~r hIS body ~rmour on campaign. BI In Digenes Akrites the ~ero IS deSCribed as weanng an epilourikon decorated with griffins, .whll~; on another occasion, a green one decorated with golden lions. - I ha:ve no: con:e across a representation of an epilorikon or an epanoklzbanon m MIddle Byzantine artistic contexts. In the fourteenth century, the term 'epilourikon' referred to an item of court costume worn by the emperor and certain dignitaries like the megas domestikos, the protovestiarios, the megas doux, fue protostra/oT and the megas logothews. s3 The Late Byzantine gannent was ascribed an oriental origin and was worn in association with a turban." Unfortunately, pseudo-Kodinos does not describe fue design and decoration of the Palaiologan epilourikon, nor does he mention explicitly that it was worn over armour. There is no way of knowing whether and in what way the later epilourika resembled fueir Middle-Byzantine antecedents. The name, nevertheless, would suggest fuat fuey must

\I

18 Syll. Tacl., § 39; i\>IcGeer, Sowing Ihe Dragoll's Teelh, pp. 34, 36 (Praeapla Alili"'ria): the. sleeves were provided with openings at the annpits for the anns to come through, wl:t!e they (the sleeves) were secured behind the shoulders. 19 Haldon, COllsta71tine Porpl!yrogmitus, pp. 142, 148, 288. 00 Acles d'Iviroll, II, pp. 179-180. Kale probably inherited these garments from her husband. The first she bequeathed to a son of her brother.in-Ia,,:. the se~o~d ~o one of her freedmen. Neither of these two bequests included other Items 01 ITIllItalY equipment. " Nik. Chon., p. 189. 81 E. Trapp, Digenes AJ..1iles. Sj!Jloplisdle Allsgabe der dltesleti Versiolletl (Vienna, 1971), G 1Il, lines 866-867; E, lines 1422-1425. On the circumstances and the dat~ of th~ composition of DigetleJ Akriles, which has been awibuted to the late y~ars ot the ~.Ign ~f Afexios I Komn;nos, see R. Beaton, 'Cappadocians at Court: Dlgenes and l~anon, m Alexws I A01tlIle1l0S, I, pp. 330~333, 337-338. " Pseudo-Kod., pp. 158-159, 200, 227, 273. IbId., pp. 206, 200, 227.

120

MILITARY COSTUME

cf!APTER THREE

have shared a similar function. Pseudo-Kodinos also ~lentions 'epanoklibana' worn by the Tzakones, one of ~he palace umts. These Were blue, decorated with white rampa.nt hons, at the front and at the back. s; It is not possible to say 111 what manner the epanoklibana differed from the epiloulika. Garments worn over the armour begin to be represented as part of the equipment of military saint~ from the seco?d half of the thirteenth century onward. The ~at'liest r:p~'esentatlOn ?f such a garment is encountered at Panagm l"favnoussa, Kastona (1259-1264) (PI. 136). St. Demetrios, who is. portrayed OI~ the south fa9ade of dIe nardlex, wears what looks hke an embrOIdered waistcoat over his armour. Other types represented included jackets buttoned at the front86 and short sleeveless tunics secured with button(s) at the shoulder (PI. 137). A reference to what may be a different type of protective garment is encountered in ilie will of Theodore Sarantenos from Verroia (1325). Among oilier items of military eqnipment one finds mentioned a 'kazakan'." The word 'kazakan' suggests an association wiili ilie Arabic 'kaziiglland' ('qaziikand' in Persian). In Islamic military traditions the kaziigluznd was a mail shirt covered on the inside and the outside widl fabric. It was worn either nnder the body-armour or on its own. The use of this light body-armour is attested among the Turks and peoples of ilie Middle East already in the thirteenili century. Though functional as body-armour, the kazaglland would also contribute to the adornment of the warrior, since cosdy materials could be employed for ilie outside cover. 88 As far as I know ilie earliest occurrence of the term 'kazakan' in a Byzantine document is encountered in the acts of the archbishop of Ohrid and famous jurist Demetrios Chomatianos (first half of the thirteenth century).89 The kazakan mentioned in this context was made of silk and was presented to Basil Drougoubilos by the mother of his former fiancee. Basil, it would seem, served in ilie army.90 The military associations

Leg-Protection Protection for the shins is prescribed in the :Middle Byzantine military. matlualsdfor heavy-armoured infantry and cavalry soldiers. Greaves I 93 of Iron, woo , or eather, could have been made in one tubular or semi-:ubular piece. Alte~natively, they could have been of splint construcUon. The use of mail for ilie protection of the legs is not attested to my knowledge, in the Middle Byzantine period, though mail chausses were known in the West at least from the second half of the eleventh century.g, A rare representation of a pair of semi-tubular greaves is found in the Pigeon House Church, Qavu§in (963-969). They are seen worn by one of ilie Forty Martyrs, the second from Melias (PI. 113). Their light brown colour could be taken to suggest ~at they were made of leather. The commonest type of leg-protectIon represented in Middle Byzantine art is a tubular one (Pis. 122, 126). In both monumental and miniature painting such greaves are white in colour and decorated with rows of beads, bands and, in

Theodore also owned a mail shirt, sec Va/oped;, I, p. 358. N~coll.e was the first to suggest that the outer gannent with the mail lining appeanng m Late Byzantine painting might be a variation of the Islamic ka!:.iighand, even though he was unaware of the relevant references in the tWO Byzanune docdiscussed herc, scc Nicolle, Anus and Annour gf llle Crusading Era, no. 127 A. " LT, I, p. 117; Syll. Tacl., § 39 . They can be seen worn by some of the warriors on the Bayeux Tapestry, an embroidery (69 X 0.53 m) executed shortly after 1066 and illustrating the sequence ~ events which led to the conquest of England by William the Conqueror, see 8;colle, Anns alld AmiDur if lite Crusading Era, nos. 870AC, 870AH, 870AI, 870AO, OAP. Sec, also, Blair, European AnJlour, p. 28. 91

92

: lbw., p', 180. On the Tzakones see Bartusis, Late Byz. Am!!" p. 279. T'ntOUPlOoU, 0 ~wrpaq>~".6, OUiKOCJJlO, taV Ay{ov NIKOMov Oprpavov, pI. 88 (St. Theodore Stratelates); Mouriki, 17It Frescoes if SI. Kit/wills al Plntsa fig 91 (unidentified samt, 1337/8). ' . •; VawpMi, I, p. 358. 19;7)Mayer, 4Mamluk Coslume, pp. 39-40; H.R. Robinson, Oriental Annollr (London, ,pp. 6 ,77. &~ Pitra, 'Responsiones Demetrii Chomatiani,' Anakcta sacra et classica Spicilegio parala VI (Pans-Rome 1891) p 78 '" Ibid., p. 79. ". .

121

f the kazakan of the skauterios . . Theodore Sarantenos are mo b' O ous , since the garment IS his 'weapons ' (armaw)re91 0Th VI" hsted among . appearance of the term kazakan m these Byzant' d . e .' f I . me ocuments co Id be indicative of . u . .0 t le . Impact Th '"Islamic military practIces on Late Byzant111e eqUIpment. e artistIc eVIdence might h i ' . the appearance of the Byzantine kazakan. In po t e PI uSfVls~~hze . hi' r rayas 0 mlhtary saints datmg to t e ate thIrteenth and fourte en th centunes . one . encounters representatIOns of protective gannents WI'th a I"mmg of mail worn over the body Such gannents'mcIuded Jackets . . armour. . as well as sleeveless tumcs, which nonnal1y would haye been secured . at the shoulder but are depicted unfastened in order t di I h' lining (Pis. 134, 135)."2 0 sp ay t elr

U"!;lllS

MILITARY COSTUME

123

c}{APTER THREE

122 witll a single pseudo-kufic character (PI. 127) Th ' . . . e 'cs illustrated in the l\1cIlO/OgwlII of Basil II are Occa_ tu buar grea\ b k . d' . I . all d . ted \\~tll a knot at the ac, m Icatmg the manner . slon y epIc' . 1U which tile), were s e c u r e d . " . . There is little information oJl Ieg-protectlOJl m the Late Byzantine . d 'lll'stic representations, having become conventional are f peno .•" . . ' 0 r 'ted use in this respect.'" Rare depictions of mail chausses in ~;'Iantine contexts are enc~unt.ered at rVatopedi Nlonastery, Worn by some of the sleeping soldiers 111 the \~ omen at tl.le Tomb (1312),97 and in tlle early fourteenth-century church of St. Nlcholas Orphanos Thessalonike, worn by some of the soldiers in Christ before Pilat~ (PI. 92). Though these representations cannot in any way be COllsidered as compelling proof tllat such leg-protection was employed by the Byzantines tllemselves, they may be taken as an indicatioll mat in me Palaiologan period mail clzausses, even if they were worn only by me Westerners settled on the lands of the empire or serving it as mercenaries, had become a familiar enough item of milital)' equipment to be reflected in art. A different type of leg-protection can be seen in me portrayal of St. Merkourios at the Peribleptos in Ohrid (1294/5) (PI. 135). It appears to be of plate construction and meant to protect me front of the shins, knees, and thighs. Though decorative in its rendering, tllis unusual depiction could reflect a functional piece of equipment. A close parallel for it can be seen in me representation of a mounted warrior in an Italian relief dated to c. 1290.98 As in me case of the mail chausses.this type of leg-protection could have been used in me Late Byzantine army, either by me Byzantines memse1ves or by western mercenaries in the service of me emperor. 99 some exan1pIcs,

Helmets Jla on the inform~tion of tenth-century military manuals, one may sed distinguish three maJ~ types of helmets employed by different units in the Middle Byzantme army: I. helmets which afforded complete protect~on for the head, including me face; only the eyes of the warnor were visible (J(6pv8E, ffAElat). Such helmets were prescribed for heavy cavalry and

infantry soldiers 100 2. helmets which left the face uncovered (J(6pv8e, aaJ(e!rf:, exovaat TO np6(J!iJ!rov, J(6pv8e, Wq TeAElm). Such helmets were worn by light lOl infantry soldiers and mounted archers 3. helmets which afforded no additional protection for the nape of the neck or face (J(6pv8ec; aaK:etrE1C; TiP K15J(AQ1). Such were me helmets prescribed for mounted soldiers armed with javelins. 102 In addition to these types made almost certainly of iron, head-guards made of omer materials, like thick felt or leather, were also prescribed for infantry soldiers who were probably standing in the middle ranks of me military array. 103 The manuals appear to be more concerned with the decoration of the helmets, especially those of the mounted and infantry heavyarmoured soldiers, rather than witiJ their shape or manufacturing technique. The commonest type of adornment prescribed is a socket with plumes (touphia) at the top. Sockets for plumes-as distinct from the crests of ancient Greek and Roman helmets-are a common feature of helmets employed by the nomadic peoples of the Eurasian steppe (PI. 133).10+ The Byzantines had adopted mis feature from them, apparently, as early as the late sixth century.105 Helmets could l06 also be adorned with some sort of applied decoration. 100

It Menowgin, p. 15. : See Und~rwood, Kariye Iijami, p. 253. E. Tallaplli"" 'Ot TOlXoypa'l'i" TaU Ku8oAlKOU 'tTjC; llovt\C; BaTonEiiiou ' in Bv'aVflO
Syll. Tact., §§ 38, 39; McGeer, Sowing lite Dragon's Teelh, pp. 36 (Praecepla .\Iililaria),

11; (Taktilra

of Nikephoros Ouranos).

Syll. Tact., §§ 38, 39. :: Ibid., § 39. fVo McGcer, Sowillg Ihe Dragon's Teeth pp. 12 14 (Prampia Mililaria); Haldon, ~zare, State and Society, p. 131. See als~ above, 'note 70. A For examples of such helmets dating to the ninth-eleventh centUlies scc Nicolle, ~d A';Tlollr of the Cntsading Era) nos. 29, 30. 100 I:al~kon, pp .. 78, 420: 'iivro8£v rovq>{a ,.lllrpa'. . . DtgC1le5 Akri/es the amazon I'vla.ximoll wears a helmet WIth enamel decora~ ~on, sec, Trapp, Digmes Akriles E line 1483. In the State ~.,,{l1seum at ~'loscow then.' IS a comeai, polygonal helme~ w'ith a broad horizontal brim, decorated with inlaid 01

r:

cHAPTER THREE

124

MILITARY COSTUME

125

'ke Alexios I Komncnos and l\'Ianuel I Kom I emperors II . .' . In batt e, .tI a mail curtam wluch covered theIr face corn , -e helmets ,," 1 nenos \\01 \~n only the eyes visible.'"' Such helmets were common pletdy, l~~ ~ traditions of the peoples of the Middle East and the in th~ m,htal,') fC ntral Asia. 'os As attested by a number of sU~v_ Turkic peop es 0 e e thirteenth to fifteentl ' h 1 centllnes, t ey remained til . examples firom ~ng tl e end of the Middle Ages. The helmets worn by mllsedo\,"lto 1 . .d . mpero C so l' d,ers would rs and .their heavy-armolll tile Byzanune . he1mets, complete with . k d .e 'Iar· to tlle pair of Turkish have loo e smu ..' . ·t·n suspended from thell' bnm, daung to the thirteenth_ the mail CUI aJ "V now in the Topkapl Saray" Museum (Pl. 139) 109 I celltU." . . f,onrteenl! Helmets witl1 a mail curtain covenng the face completely were never represented in Byzantine .art. The c~mmone~t type encountered in Middle Byzantine artisuc contexts IS a. comcal. or rounded t \\~tl1 or ,,~tl1011t a band around the bnm, furmshed with a . f th 110 heIme, protective curtain for tl1e nape and SIdes 0 e neck. .The prot tive curtain could have been made of metal lamellae, mail, leatl1er, o:c some fonn of tl1ick or quilted fabric. 11 I The helmet of Joshua at Hosios Loukas has a rounded skull with a tear-shaped projection at tlle top and a band around tl1e brim (Pl. 118). The protective curtain for tlle nape appears to be made of fabric. Both the helmet and tl1e curtain are decorated Mth a band of pseudo-kufic characters. There is no written e~dence comparable to the Middle Byzantine material regarding tl1e types of helmets employed in Byzantium during tl1e Late BYZalltine period. In his will of 1325 Theodore Sarantenos speaks of a helmet which he bought in Constantinople and for which

he paid eighteen h.yjJerjJyra."' He gives no informati on concerning ' .ItS . appearance. Representauons of helmets in Palaiolo " " ." I . 1 d'I' gan painting are as a rule, ,ancuu , WIt 1 a pre I ectJon for impressive crests, hke . the ' . one on the helmet 0 f St. Merkounos at the Protato · " n, M ount Atl10s t here IS one slgmficant develo . (PI. 124).. H owever, fh d .. pment In the representatIOn 0 ea -protectIOn m Late Byzantine artl'su' .. . c contexts and this is the appearance . of d,stmctlvely western design s. "3 Th us one comes across illustratIOns of bascinets (Pl. 140) I H kettle h ts h' 135 141) 115 I '1' ' a or cape!de-fer (PIs. , , anc mal cOIfs worn eitl1er on their own or beneath th<: helmet (Pis. 92, 130, 142). It may be argued that the relatively wl?espread occurrence of ~esternizing head-gear in Palaiologan p,ctonal cont<:xts may ?e an mdication tl1at such helmets and coifs were common m Byzantine lands and tl1at tl1e Byzantines themselves. had also adopted them. However, tl1ere is also the possibility that, m tl1e case of at I:ast some of these representations, the artists might have been followmg a western artistic model ratl1er tl1an bein g directly inspired by their surroundings." 6

figures of Christ, saints, and angelic powers in silver and gold. It is dated to the

", Vatopidi, I, p. 358. [13 For an outline of the development of head-protection in \Vestem Europe from the eleventh century down to the fifteenth scc Blair, European AmlOllr, pp. 25-32, 46-52, 67-70. '" Sce, also, XcnCll M IC1l" Mvcyrpa<;, fig. 19 (Metropolis, the martyrdom of St. Nestor: executioner); Millet, iJllolllllllents O/Z. de Misfra, pI. 117.2 (Peribleptos, Crucifixion: soldiers). 115 See, also, Constantinidcs, 17le J'Vall-pailltings of PaIJagia O!ympi0tLr:a, pis. 107, L09, (SI. MerkOlllios); Millet, MOllulllents byz. de Mistra, pIs. 93.3 (Aphendlko, Massacre 01 the Innocents: soldiers), 105.1 (chapel of SI. John, Crucifixion: the Centunon)., ;16 er. D. lvlouriki, 'Palaeoiogan ivIistra and the \'Vest,' in BV{&VfW ICal EVjX01t1]: A 41e8v~<; Bv(aV!lVOAo),l1<1J EvvavT1}01/, 20-24 [ovAlov 1985 (Athens, 1987), p..239, \VI:? postulates westCl11 artistic influences behind the representation of westemlZmg

thirteenth century, see A. Bank, Iskusslvo Vl<,alltii v sobraniiakh SSSR, 3 vols. (Moscow, 1977),3, no. 911. '" An. Komn., I, p. 23; Bryen., p. 273; Nik. Chon., p. 92. The reference to the face-guard being made of mail is found in Kinn., p. 112. The earliest known representation of such a helmet is that worn by Khusru the rock-caning at Taq-i-Bostan (c. 620) (PI. 138). . 109 H. Stocklein, 'Die Waffenschatze im Topkapu Sara)'l Mtizesi zu Istanbul-Em vorlaufiger Bericht,' Ars Islamica I (1934), pp. 203-204. .1<1 Sce Hoffmel'er, Mw",,)' Equipment ill tile Byz. Malluscript qf Scylitzes, figs. 12.11-20, 13.8-15 (t)'J'es of helmets represented in the Madrid SI,)'litzes); De Wald, Va~ Cr. 752, pIs. XXI, XXIII (If. 54r, 79\'); Jerphanion, E:glises rupestres, pI. 199.2 (Soganb, Karab~ kilise, Women at the Tomb: guard). . 11. Cr. D. Nicolle, MedilllJal Waifare Source Book. 2. U/ristiall Europe alld Its Nt1f,hbours (London, 1998), p. 77 (top right). 108

n on

Shields According to the written e~dence, the most common type of shield before tl1e middle of the eleventh century was tl1e round shield. One can distinguish three different sizes: I. a great round shield (oxovraplOv O'rporrU,1,ov tEA8IOV; diam. 0.819 m), employed by the heavy-armoured infantry, tl1e sknutaliJi'"

military equipment in the painted ensembles of Palaiologan ~listra. .11 LT, I, p. 116; .'!lIt. Tact., § 38.

MILffARY COSTUME

CHA.PTER THREE

126 . " -d shield (Gl(()vrapla J.lll<pa mporrVAa, aGn:{oe, n:epl_ 2. a me_ I I'IgIIt m,anlly . cdmm-sIze . 0 -02 m) carJied by tIe and light c _ ",EPEI,; dmm.· 1 .'. . liB av . ldiers armed ,,,th Javehns , 'aG1rlulGl
/18 LT, I, p. 119; Sylt. Tact., §§ 38, 39. '" LT, I, p. 90; Sylt. Tact., § 38; McGeer, Sowing the Dragon's Teeth, p. 14 (PratetPIO Milillllia). The only explicit reference to the very small shields being round is found in the S;'tlnge Tacticomm. 120 LT, I, p. 115; Sylt. Tact., §§ 38, 39. . 121 !i>.[[. Tact., § 38. For a rare representation of a rectangular shield on a ceramIC bowl (end of twelfth-first half of thitteenth century) sce By~ance. L'art byzaaltn dans Its COf1tctiOTlS puhtUjIltS fiar/faises, eeis. J. Durand el af. (Paris, 1992) (hereafter Byz.an(t), no. 306. 122 SyU. Tacl., § 38. I2l See, also, Wharton-Epstein, Tokalt IGlise, fig. 117.

127

Another type of shield represented in eleventh-centu " . a very small, apparently flat, oval one. It can b ryh pamtmg IS . d' I .. e seen eld by '1 itarv samts an slmp e soldIers m the Menolo',;u ml h•J o· m 0 f B'I as! II 121 Su shields are also encountered in monumental pamtmg '. at. H .c Loukas and at Nea Mone, Chios (Pis. 119 143) Th' OSIOS · Id . ' " e oval was the . . common type 0 f sh le m Early Byzantine repr .' (PI 125 esentatlOns of Imperial bodyguards . 9). . However . examples ' the Middle Byzantme are much smaller than theIr'"Early Byzantine antecedents. Th" . h' elr sIze does not permIt t ell' assoCIatIOn WIth the oblong typ e mentIOned . . m tile tenth-century sources. They could, on the other h d b I . d h' I d ' an , e re aced to • the smaII-sIze s le s menl10ned in the militarv t ' . ' J realises, whIch mIght have been oval as well as round in shape. An important development in the design of Byzantine shields is attested by the ap~earance of a new type in Byzantine artistic contexts arou?d the mIddle of the eleventll century. This is me almondshap~d shield, rounded at the top, with curving sides terminating to a pomt at tile lower end. It appears in two sizes, a small one ~tIl an estimated height of 0.80 m and a large one \~tIl an e ti t d . f 126 S ma e They can be seen in Vat. gr. 752, If. 54r, 104r heIght 0 . I m. ~c. 1059), m Par. gr. 74, f. 92v (mid-eleventh century or slightly later), m the Theodore Psalter, ff. 12r, 87v, 190v, 199r (1066), in the octateuch Vat. gr. 747, ff. 221v, 225r, 2431', 247v (third quarter ofeleventll century), and on two steatite icons, one of St. Theodore Stratelates in the Museo Sacro of the Vatican and one of St. George in the Vatopedi Monastery (Pis. 121, 122, 144).127 The almond-shaped shield appeared almost simultaneously in 'West-European artistic contexts, best known among which is the Bayeux Tapestry (PI. 145).128 There has been a long discussion concerning the place of origin of tile type, tbat is whether it was Byzantium or Western Europe. The question has not been settled yet as there is not much e~dence otller than tIlat offered by the artistic representations. However, as Kolias has ::~ 11 Jl!",ologio, pp. 62, 215, 383.

, Kohas, Byzanlinische Wqffoll, p. 104. 126 The dimensions are estimated proportionally to the height of the figures hold· mg the shields. 121 De Wald, Vat. Cr. 752, pis. X)G, x,'(V; Omont, Ms Crcc 74, pI. 80; Del' NerseSSlall, L'illuslratioll des psall.titTs grecs, figs. 22, 142, 298, 313; J. Lowden, 7llt Octaleuchs. A Slutfy ill Byzalltine Manuscript Illustration (Pennsylvania, 1992), figs. {9, 68,

•

163, 170.

.128 A~na Komnene, Ill, p. 114, describes the western almond-shaped shield as clOg shghtly cUlved. On the Tapestry it appears to be flat.

b

128

. . . It IS POlllted out, . of the mallguJ' al

CHAPTER THREE

lOt unlikel)' that this new type had developed out I . I S It Tt· I}'eld S I , prescribed m t le ~ oge actlcorum for the

hea\ infanu·v. 129 • • 'Y next :Impo rrallt step in the evolutIOn of the Byzantme shield The

. 'b d a reform undertaken by IVfanuel I Komnenos durIS attn ute to . A d' . tIle fi rst yeal~, of his reign , .m tile 1I40s. ccor mg to ilie. tesmg . f KinllalllOs Manuel mtroduced tile use of great sluelds wnonyo , ,.. ' . comp Iete coverage ("O(jT/pel~), to leplace. the common type o/fcenng ' of round[ed] shields (K1JdorEpef~) employed by the Byzantme . .army until tI}at time. 130 Kolias has suggest ~at the new gTcat shleld~ m.tro' ]'l'fanue1 I were triangular m shape, most probably III Imid uced b). . h \ V 131 J d' b u gmg y the tation of a parallel development m t e 'est. description of Kinnamos, th~y. mus.t have been larger tha? th:ir antecedents in size. The artIstIc eVIdence could help u.s vlsuahze !I,fanue!'s newly introduced shield-type. ~t Sts. Anari!?'rOl, K.astoria (c. I 180), St. Christophoros appears hold~ng a great shIeld (estImated height 1.20-1.30 m) (PI. 146). Its top projects s.trongly upwards, while its sides are straight and moving towards a pomt ~t th: bottom. The bottom of the shield has been destroyed. The shIeld IS convex and appears as if embracing the body of the saint. It is quite distinct in appearance from the almond-shaped shields represented in eleventhcenturv pictorial contcxts or cv'cn III other late twelfth-century churches at K~toria and elsewhere (Pis. 128, 129).1" E\~dence on shield-types employed in Byzantium during the Late Byzantine period has to be extracted from artistic representations, since the historical sources of the time are not very informative in this respect. Well-known types of shields, like the round, convex shield (Pis. 131, 147, 155) and the almond-shaped shield l33 continue to be represented, though at this late date their appearance in pictorial contexts was, in all probability, due to the repetition of conventional artistic types and cannot be taken as proof that such shields '" Kotias, Byzanlinisc,", WqJfen, pp. 105-108, 113. Cf. Haldon, Wa!fizre, Slate and s.ael)', p. 324, note 96. "" Kinn., p. 125. "' Kolias, B;'<;antinisc/ie WqJfen, pp. 114-117. See, also, Blair, European Annour, p. 18/. '" This new great triangular shield may be seen also in an icon with St. Theodore Tiro from the Monastery of St. John U,e Theologian at Patmos, dated to c. 1200, see GIm;' if B;zanlium, no. 76 (pp. 129-130). . '" For example, at Panagia Blachema, Arta, in the Mocking of Chnst (observation Ul mu).

MILITARY COS11JME

129

:r

had actually continued in use. he great, stro~gly curved triangular shield with the curved to~, whIch. had made lts first appearance on th walls of S(s. AnargyrOl, Kastona, apparently underwent a change. loe monuments dati!,g to th: late t~irteenth and early fourteenth centuries, like the Penbleptos III Ohnd, the Chor~ Monastery in Constantinople, and the Holy Apos~es and St. Nlcholas Orphanos in Thessalonike, it is represented wlth a flat top and is smaller in size than its Middle Byzantine antecedent; it has preserved its other features, such as the straight sides tapering to a point and its strong vertical curvature (Pis. 125, 137, 148, 149). It can be considered as a distinctive Late Byzantine type, as it is different from the triangular shields encountered in the West at that time. These had gradually become smaller as a consequence of the increasing use of plate annour, observed in the vVest from the mid-iliirteenth century onwards. They were flat, with a straight or slightly concave top, and curved sides. I:>! The absence of westem small, triangular shields from Byzantine pictorial contexts may, perhaps, be taken as an indication that the Byzantines had not adopted westem plate body-armour either, since such armour would have made the use of larger shields superfluous. Another type of shield which appears frequently in Palaiologan artistic contexts is the small, flat, round shield which we have already encountered in the eleventh-century church of Kih~lar ku§luk in Cappadocia. Some of the most elaborately decorated examples of shields in Late Byzantine art belong to this category: the shield of St. Theodore Tiro at St. Nicholas Orphanos, Thessalonike,135 and that of St. Demetrios in the church of the Anastasis, Verroia (PI. 150). This type of shield is distinctly oriental, already known in Iran from the Sassanian period and employed in the Islamic world throughout the Middle Ages by infantry and cavalry soldiers (PI. 133)Y' In Persian miniatures of the fourteenth century it is seen in the hands 134 Blair, European AmlOur, p. t8l. A rare representation of such a shield ~n. a Byzantine context is found at the PeIiblcptos, IvIistra, held by one o~ the guar s m joseph of Arimathaia demanding the body of Christ for burial, sec Millet, Monu~",1s i?YZ. de Mistra, pI. 122.2. They were also depicted in Greek monumen~ I?cate f ~~

Latin-occupied areas, as, for example, in the fourteenth-ce~tury w~-p~nll~t~raki~ Theodore and St. George on horseback at .~derenta, Attica, see 1.' O~_. _

Panselinou, Saint-Pierre de Ka!yvia-Kouvara ella clwpelle de In Vierge de J.Herellla. LJI;IU mallu mtllls du XIII' siecle tIl Altique (Thessalonike, 1976) p. 78. , I 89 :: TGltoupi50u, 0 ~ooYPa.CPl1c6~. O((XI(O(]~O~ .rov Ar{~v NIKOA(~O~ ~~la;~~;tit~ltio~),' L. Kalus 'Bollchers Clfculatrcs de I Ol1cnt musulman evo uU Gladius 12 (1974), pp. 69-70.

130

CHAPTER THREE

. d' sword combat, both mounted and on foot.137 of wamors engage III I I·d . · Id called bucklers, wcre a so emp oye m \·Vestern Small roun d sIne s, I I . I . tI Late Middle Ages, t lOUg 1 not m t le battlefield Europe dunng le "6 . d ' . '1'. nd bodyguards. I see no reason to oubt that but by CM lans a . B' TI . Id 'ere also employed in yzantlUm. ley could have such sIne s " . Id I lave been f tile·equipment of hght. troops ATor cou fonned palt o rds as bucklers were m the \, est. The bodyguard d held by boygua ". . r'T.' III the Enrolment 101 · beI'ndnKvremus . . d h' axatlOn at the stan dIllg Chora I-..fonastery holds such a mmuscule roun s leld (PI. 93).

Swords As no actual examples have survived either from the .IVIiddle or the and artisLate Byzantine period, one has to fall back. on the dwntten 139 Th tic evidence for the study of ~e Byzantmc: swo: . . e written sources which could be of use m such an II1vestlgatlOn are mostly limited to the Middle Byzantine period. l\vlo~t i~portant among these are the follO\dng: the military manuals, wh~ch ~nfor~ us of the type of swords employed by various units, of their dlmenslOns, and of the manner in which tlley were canied; the De clJlimoniis, which gives information on tile decoration of ceremonial swords; and epigrams detlicated to swords belonging to members of the aristocracy. Portraits of emperors or members of the military aristocracy holding swords are rare. One may mention the portrait of Basil II in his Psalter (PI. 110), the effigies on coins and seals of emperors like Constantine IX Monomachos and Isaak I Komnenos,140 the portrait of the protospatharios Constantine in Vat. reg. gr. I (Appendix 3, no. 2), and the portraits of two members of the Skepides family at Karaba~ kilise (Appendix 3, nos. 11, 12). The historical miniatures of the Madrid Slglitzes contain numerous representations of swords, which are, as a rule, small in scale and too generalized to be of great help. On the other hand, a wealth of information can be extracted from

13; Sec, for example, N.:M. Tit1ey, Persiml l\1iniature Painting and Its bifluellce on the Art 'If TUT~ and India (London, 1983), fig. 9; Rogers, 171e TO/Jkop' SaT'!Y Museum, pi. 39. 138 Btair, EU10peaJl Armour, p. 182. . '" The excavations at Corinth yielded lamentably few fragments: the hp of a ~word.blade (ele,'enth. century), a possible handle (eleventh c;ntury) and a pla~, lIun pommel (Byzantme), sec DaVIdson, Milia' Objects, nos. "'62, 1563, 1566 ( . 151.1. HO Sce above, note 3.

MILITARY COSTUME

131

a careful survey of rep:esentations Of. swo~ds in religious iconograhy. These representations help us Vlsuahze distinctive features of iIJe Byzantine sword like it~ h.ilt ~nd the. adornment of its scabbard. In adtlition, they olTer conVlncmg IllustratlOns of the manner in which the sword was carried. Furthermore, comparisons between Middle Byzantine and Late Byzantine depictions clearly demonstrate a significant change in the types of swords employed in Byzantine lands over time. The Middle Byzantine army employed both two-edged and single-edged swords. According to the Sylloge Taclicorum, the heavily armoured cavalry, the kataphraktoi, carried two swords of equal length, one two-edged, suspended from the shoulder, and one single-edged, girt at the waist. The two-edged sword ranged in length from 0.936 m, including the hilt, to c. 1.10 m.'4l According to the same text, me heavily armoured infantry soldiers carried two-edged swords girt at the waist, 0.936 m in length, inclutling the hilt.'" Dimensions of swords carried by the lightly armoured infantry and cavalry units are not given. One would assume that they were shorter than those of the heavily armoured units. When referring to single-edged swords the tenth-century military manuals do not indicate whether their blades were straight or curved. In another text of the tenth century, the History of Leo the Deacon, there is a description of a weapon called 'akouphioll' which had a smoothly curving blade."3 One wonders whether this was a type of sabre. At such an early date swords with curved blades were employed by nomadic peoples of the Eurasian steppe.''''' Contact with these tribes could have led the Byzantines to adopt the curved blade, though there exists no conclusive evidence of the use of sabres in the Middle Byzantine army. The akouphion of Leo the Deacon may well have been a rather uncommon type of percussion weapon, but not necessarily a sword. That it was unusual is suggested b~ the fa~t that Leo considered it worthwhile to describe the weapon 111 detaIl. I have not been able to identify any representation of a sword \dth

H' Syll. Tact., § 39. Sec, also, Kolias, B)'zalltinische Wqffell, p. 137. ::: Syll. Tact., § 38. . . . . 89. LeonlS Dwcom Ca/oellSls HlSlonae, cd. C.B. Hase .(Bonn, ~~:~f Irov (Moscow. 1+1 Scc M. DenisoYa, ~1. POJ1nOv, E. Denisov, RlLulge DfUZlft.. . ~ t't. /atlica 10 1953), pp. 28-30; P. Ricz, 'The Weapons of Steppe Nomads, Ba/canos (1983), p. 11. 1

•

CHAPTER THREE

MILITARY COSTUME

132

. l\fiddle B)'Zanline artistic contexts. Even repr~ . ' I1t blade are rare. -a cu~'ed blade. UlI _ 'dged swords ,,~th a straJg t nons of SUlg e e . I' '. sen a Id h vc been adorned Wit 1 mscnptlOns, which rna S 'ord-blades cou a ., f' y " . d d tl ame of the owner, mvocaUons 0 VIctOry and have melu e le n lications to God an d J10Iy personages for pro . d fortnne, and su pp goo. .- A .m-am of Theodore Prodromos mfonns us lliey tecnon.1 b s an epI". . . 'd fi .. ' ' been embellished wIlli mlaJ gures of mlhtalY saints could al so Ila\e . . b tl 14; , __ I pl-otectors of a soldier m at e. the natun" 'ddl B . The most distinctive feature of the ~I e yzant111e sword was its hilt, comprising the pommel, the gnp, and the hand-gu.ard (quileat varie tv of pommel-types are encountered m artistic 1ons.) A g r ' , all h .. contexts.H8 If one were to choose a type to. c c aractensucally Middle B)'ZaJ1tine, that would have to be llie omon-shaped pommel. 149 EXaJ!1ples of such pommels CaJ1 b~ seen on the sword of Michael Skepides at Karaba~ kilise (Appendix 3,. no. 11) and on .the Swords of figures in religious pictorial contexts, hkeJoshua at Roslos Loukas, SI. Orestes at Nea Mone, Chios, St. Merkourios in his church at Corfu SI. Demetrios(?) at Nerezi, and Sts. Lauros, PIlloros, Chris. topho~os, Prokopios, and Demetrios at Sts. Anargyroi, Kastoria (Pis. 118, 120, 123)Yo Another type of pommel wor.th special mention as it too seems to have enjoyed some preference 111 Byzantium is the three-lobed pommel, examples of which can be seen illustrated at Yusuf ko~ kilisesi (PI. 114), at Daphni, and in the Theodore Psalter,

I"

Hoflineyer, Milital)' Equipment ill tlte Byz. Malluscript qf Scylill.es, fig. 16.17-23. '" For a rare Middle Byzantine representation of an inscribed blade (indecipher· able characters) see Il M
onion-shaped'.

.

'''' Mouriki, The Mosaus qf Nea Moni, pl. 61; Sinkevic, 1lle Church qf St. Pal/leltimon at N"tZI; fig. 57; llw"av(o~<;, Kaaropux, pls. 23, 25. The onion-shaped pommel does not occur among contemporary ''''estclTI European pommel-types, see E, Oakeshott, The Arc/uJeowf!)' qf Weapons. Anns and Armour from Preltislmy to. tJlt Age if' C/tivaby (London, 1960), figs. 57, 106. Illustrations in Persian manuscnpts that I know of are later.

133

[ 141r,151 According to Hoffmeyer, this type of pomm I " d ' 152 D' h i e ongmate in the Near East. . Byzan,unng tee ' .eventh and twelfth cen tunes tine pommels show httle affimty to Western European t B' d ypes, The grip 0 f yzantme, swor S was long enough to accommodate one hand; there IS no, eVIdence to suggest that swords I'n Byzanuum . were ever handled WIth both hands. The grip could have been made of wood, ho.rn, o~ bone. Ela?orate examples may have had some kind of seml-~reclOus stone mcorporated, This appears to be the case of the gnp on the sword of St. Demetrios at Sts. Anargyroi Kastoria (PI. /23).153. The grip terminated at the hand-guard, Thi~ could have been straIght, as on the swords of military saints at th church of St. Nicholas Kasnitzes, Kastoria (PI. 128), or cUlVed towar~ the blade, plain or adorned with decorative finials, as on the swords of military saints at the church of Sts. Anargyroi, also at Kastoria (PI. 123).15< In addition to these, other less kno~ types are attested in the artistic record, like I. the hand-guard with the side towards the grip cUlVed and the side towards the blade straight (Pis. 117, 120) 2, the spindle-shaped hand-guard, with rounded finials (PIs. 118, 121, 122, 126, 129) 3. the hand-guard curved towards the grip. 155 The scabbards of the swords would have been made of wood willi some kind of fabric or leather covering. Judging by representations, they had metal mouth-pieces and chapes, which not only strenglhened the structure of the scabbard, but also contributed to its embellishment. The commonest types of chapes represented in Middle Byzantine painting are U-shaped, sometimes with cuneiform projections,156 and non-symmetrical varieties (PI. 119).157 Metal bands, placed JjI

:Millet, Le monastere de Daphlli, fig. 58; Der Nersessian, L'illustraaotl dts psautiers

~~~

.

AB. Hoffmeyer, 'Introduction to the HistOl)' of the European Sword,' GladlUJ I (1961), pp. 47, 64. '" Kolias, Byzal//inisclte WtifJeII, pp. 142-143. 15-1 Sec, also, fIeA£1CClvIOTlC;, Kacnopui, pI. 25. . . 155 See, for example, Sinai, Byzallh"um, Russia.' O,t/lOdox AT/flom /he ~iYth. to lhe ~w(1ltltth Century, eds. Y. Piatnitsky el al. (London, 2000), no. B77 (schISt Icon with Sts. Demetrios and George' end of elevcnth·beginning of twelfth century). 15. See, for exampl;, 11 Metlowgio, pp. 4, 45, 75, 215 (executioners and bodygu;'{,ds); Westphalen, Die Odafar Ca/mi; pl. 17 (St. Mer~oun.os).. fi 47 See, also, It Menologio, p. 18 (executioner); Chatzldakis, Hoslos Lollkns, g. (SI. Merkourios). 152

MILITARY COSTUME

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134

. aI tI bod)' of the scabbard, helped to hold it together . d b d . t mtelyals ong le a b d or the mouth-plecc an one an, were probald . Two of these an s, . . r . attaching the belt or the nc to the sword vided ",tll rmgs 101 ' . . t of the rings on the samc sIde of the scabbard indiThe arrangemen . 'I'ddl B . In IV I e yzantme cates that tIlIS. was attached to a baldnc. . .paint . ml'1'!lary Saints and simple soldlel"S commonly bear theIr swords mg • '. e I Cln'de suspended from a baldnc that goes over the right ht on etsl,. " . of carrymg the shou Idel. (PI . 1I8)·I5' , tillS was the Roman way . sword. '59 In addition to the bands, the n:'0uth-plece, and the chape, a scabbard could have been adorned WIth other attachments. The materials employed in the adornment of the scabb~rd were determined by the rank of its owner. The scabbards of the Imp~rial swords were embellished \\~th gold or gold enamel ~Iaque.s, se.t Jewels, and pearls."o The scabbard of th? sword of BasIl II III h~s often-cited ortrait 16' those of the swords III the hands of emperors III the Madrid ~k)'li/<:es: If. 42v, 43r.a, 75v (PI. 64), and tIlat of the imperial sword h~ld by the official to the right of the throne in the epithalamion of 1179, Vat. gr. 1851, f. Ir,'62 are red in colour, suggesting a covering of red leather or silk. The cover of the scabbard of the imperial sword continued to be red in colour through to the Palaiologan period (PI. 24). With regard to the types of swords employed in Byzantium during the Late Byzantine period we have only artistic representations to guide us. '63 A comparison between Middle and Late Byzantine illustrations of swords leads to the following observations:

'58 See, also, 11 Mmologio, pp. 45, 75. '" LT, I, p. 10!. De. UT., pp. 80, 167, 188. Cp. with the representations of imperial swords in Par. gr. 510, If. 239r, 440 (c. 880), see L. Brubaker, Visioll and Meaning in Ninlhcentury By·zantium. Image as Exegesis in Homilies 'If Gregol)' 'If Naziall;;us (Cambridge, 1999), figs. 27, 45. An idea of what the imperial swords might have looked like in tenns of wealth of materials and decoration may be derived from a comparison \\ith the ceremonial sword of Fredcrick II of Hohenstaufen believed to have come out of a Sicilian workshop (before 1220) (PI. 153), see B. Thomas, O. Gamber, H. Sehedelmann, Arms alld Armour. Maslerpieces 'If European Crqftsmen from the 17I1Ttee/llh to .h7net«nd, Cenlury (London, 1964), no. I. 161 For a colour reproduction see A, Cutler and ].-1\.11. Spieser, Byzance midiiva/e, 700-1204 (Paris, 1996), fig. 254. . 162 To my knowledge, there is no colour reproduction of this image. I w?t1:1d hke to thank Cecily Hihdale for allowing me to see her colour slide of the muuature. '63 In the often-cited will of Theodore Sarantenos (1325) there is a referen~e t~ an adorned sword, but no detailed description of it: '<J1Ca(){ov (J(xwnav l<el
135

_ sabres. mak.e their ~ppcarance in pict?rial co~texts (Pis. 124, (35)1&1 _ the hJit WIth a dIsk pommel assocIated WIth straight Or curved quillo ns becomes very c~mmon (Pis. 125, 148, 152). The disk pommel was a type especIally popular in Western Europe d . the Late Middle Ages (PI. 153). '65 The onion-shaped pom~~ni~ rarely represen~ed (Pis. ~ 49, 154). The spindle-shaped hand-guard and the one WIth the ~Ide towards the grip curved and the side towards the blade straIght, apparently, disappear from the artistic record. - the sword-belt is commonly attached to two rings on either side of the mouth-piece of the scabbard. This indicates that the sword was now carried girt at the waist. The scabbards of the swords of SI. Demetrios, St. George, and St. Merkourios portrayed in the funerary chapel at the Chora Monastery are adorned with an Xmotif close to the top (PI. 155). Comparisons with surviving western examples and effigies of swords suggest that this motif was inspired from the western technique of attaching the belt to the scabbard (PI. 156).'66 - daggers, as distinct from knives, which were often represented during the Middle Byzantine period especially in the Betrayal, make their appearance in Late Byzantine religious pictorial contexts.'61 The daggers represented in the Betrayal at the Peribleptos in Ohrid and in the Massacre of the Innocents at Aphendiko, Mistra,''' clearly reflect a type which was extremely popular in the West, especially in Italy, during the fourteenth century.16' Furthermore, the attribution of both a sword and a dagger to St. Prokopios portrayed in the funerary chapel of the Chora Monastery (PI. 147) was, in all probability, ultimately inspired by contemporary western practices.' 10

I'"

I'"

'" See, also, TsigaIidas, Valopaidi, fig. 220; rcntoUp(1iou, 0 t;Dr(paq""o, i)IlllCOG/1D<; Ayiov N'l
136

CHAPTER THREE

obvious fi'om tile above observations: the absence Two facts become . f d . pictorIal contexts 0 a swor -type whIch can antine from La te Byz . d tI . 'd 'fi d distinctivell' Byzanune an le prommence of be I enU e as .. . styles . tile military tradiuons. of the East and, especIally ) the borrowed [)lom W Both might be taken as reflecung the all (00 probable absence of e:\elf_sufficient sword-prod~ction industry in, the diminished and impoverished Palaiologan empIre and tile latter s consequent depen_ dence on its eastern and western neighbours for tlIe supply of swords. III Axes and 1\1aces Battle-axes, which could be used as percussion and as throwing weapons, were prescribed in tlIe military ~anuals of ~e tentII century for the heavy-armoured cavalry and mfantry umts, as well as for foot-archers. I" They were kept in leatlIer sheatlIs, which in tlIe case of tlIe cavalry soldiers were suspended from the saddle. The Taklika of Leo VI attest to the use of botII single and double axes. Single-bladed axes could have had either a straight or a curved blade. As far as double axes are concerned, Leo's Taktika distinguish between tlIree categories: I. blade-and-spike axes 2. axes witII one blade curved and tlIe other straight 3. axes witII apparently botII sides shaped in the same manner, whetlIer curved or straight, it is not clear in the text. 173

MILITARY COSTUME

137

'dence to indicate whether the battle-axe continued to b eVl . .h . e employed period though '( d fi . by the field army m '1't .e Late .Byzantme . ' I e mtely Cl nned part of the mIlIary eqUipment m North, Central dE o . h I I . E 177 ' an astern Europe and m t e s amlc ast. Axes ' compared to other items of military equipment I . .. . , are rarey represented m l:ehglOus lcon??raphy .. They are never represented as part of tile eq~lpment of military samts. Axes, as a rule, appear in the iconographiC context of tlIe Betrayal, in the hands of the crowd (Pis. 143, 157). The co.mmon~st.typ~ of single axe in eleventh- and twelfth-century Byzantme pamtmg IS that with a crescent-shaped blade. 178 One al~o enc~unters representations of single axes with a curved blade which projects downwards (PI. 157). Illustrations of single axes with a straight blade, sometimes projecting downwards are . h a curved and with a straight ' more rare..179 S'mgIe axes, b oth w:t blade, conunue to be represented m tlIe Iconographic context of the Betrayal in the Late Byzantine period. 180 Possible representations of Type I of Leo VI's classification of double axes are encountered at Kill,lar kilisesi, G6reme, at Nea Mone, Chios (PI. 143), and in Par. gr. 74, £ 202v. '81 I have not come across any example that could be regarded as a depiction of Type 2. As far as Type 3 is concerned, one encounters representations of axes with both sides curved l8'

of the Varangians (according to Kolias [By"alllillisc"e WqjJell, p. 171] of the mid-thirteenth century) one can see the effigy of an axe, the shaft of which terminates in

The battle-axe was the distinctive weapon of the imperial bodyguard. It is mentioned as such in a number of historical texts of the Middle Byzantine period. I" Most probably it is the Varangian guard which is referred to in tlIese contexts. 175 The axe was still employed by the Varangians down to the fourteentII century."6 There is no written

'" It has been argued that the Byzantine empire had remained self-sufficient in the production of weapons dO\'VIl to the late twelfth century, scc Magdalino, Manuel I K~os, p. 146. As to the Late Byzantine period, we are generally poorly infonned concenung both the production and the importation of weapons in Byzantium, see Banusis, Late By". Anny, p. 333. m LT, I, pp. 106, 116, 119; McGeer, Sowilw Ihe Draaon's Teelh, p. 14 (Praa,pla Miliklria). ' , ::; See Kolias, ByZtlntinise"e Wqffen, p. 169. ,;, Psellos, Chron., 11, p. 165; An. Komn., 11, p. 181; Kinn., p. 8. '76 On the Varangians see Bartusis, Late By". AmD', pp. 272-276. . Pseudo-Kod., pp. 197, 243, 264. On the sea! of Michael, the megas dlermmmies

a lance-point at the top, see G. Schlumberger, Sigillographie d, I'empire by"all!in (Paris, 1884), pp. 349-351. 177 For different types of axes found in Serbia sce S. Vetnic, ~~dedieva1 \Veapons and Implements Deriving From the Middle Morava Basin,' Baleanoslaviea ID (1983), pp. 141-142, pIs. Ill-IV. For types of axes employed in Central and North Europe sce Oakeshott, 771e Archaeology 'If Weapolls, p. 257; Nicolle, AmlS and Annollr 'If lil, Crusading Era, nos. 1068, 1098, 1110, 1506, 1507. For types of axes used in the Islamic East see Nicolle, &ir[y Medieval Islamic Anns and Annour, pp. 131-132. 176 Der Nersessian, L'illustration des psautiers grecs, fig. 102 (Theodore Psalter, f. 63\'); Pele~anides ,I ai., Treasures, 11, figs. 334, 405 (Esphigmellou 14, If. I 36r, 417r); Omont, MIIIUllures des plus allrims malluscripls grees, pI. XCVIII (Par. supp!. gr. 27, f. 118\'); G",bar and Manoussacas, Skylil"es, fig. 10 (A-Iadrid Skylilzes, f. 26v.•). ,,' Jerphanion, figlises rupeslres, 1'1. 177.3 (Soganh, Ba!hk kilise: Betrayal); Omont, Ms Gr" 74, pI. 84 (f. 96v: Betrayal). , '''' ~sigaridas, Valopaid;, fig. 220; TCHToupi80u, 0 srorpaq>IK", olCi"",,~cx; fO~ A)"l?". NIIavov, pI. 35; P. MiUkovic-Pepek, Deloto 110 "ogrqfi" Mihmlo I Eutiily (SkoPJe, 1967), 1'1. XVI (Ohrid, Peribleptos). ::Je'l'hanion, figlises mpeslres, pI. 49.1; Omont, Ms Gr~e 74, ~': I~:. . . . Th/erf}', NOII"elles eglises, pI. 69a (Hasan Da~, Purenh seki "!hsesl)erphamo;l, EgllSes ropestres, pI. 65.2 (G6reme, Old Toka!l kiUse); Der NersessJan, L ,lIustrallOll es psollhers grecs, fig. 72 (771eodo" Psaller, f. 4Iv).

MILITARY COSTUME

CHAPTER THREE

139

138

or both sides straight.'" The first variety appears to be the mOst common in the artistic recOl~ (PI. I~3). During the !I·fiddle Byzant1l1e pel:lOd the mace. was part of the equipment of the heavy-cavalry soldIers, who carned it in a sheath attached to their saddle. I", The maces would have been used in battle as a last resort, 'when the spe~rs had ~een broken and the edges of the swords blunted'.'8' There IS no eVIdence that the mace w 'B . 1861 as ever a symbol of status and ran k 111 yza~uum. have not come across any reference to finds .o.f maces I~ excavation reports of Byzantine sites. The Praecepta Mdltar~a prescnbe that the heads of the maces should be sharply angular, tnangular, square, or hexagonal. 187 Representations of maces ,,~tll h~ads furnis~ed with angular projections or spikes are encountered 111 manuscnpts of the eleventh and the twelfth centUl~es. 188 A very rare representation of a mace with a square head can be seen in the Theodore Psalter, f. 41 V. 189 The mace with a round head, occasionally furnished ,,~th rounded projections was more common in Middle Byzantine painting (PI. 143).'90 Th~ use of the mace in tlle Late Byzantine army is not attested in the written sources, though it was certainly employed in the neighbouring states of Bulgaria and Serbia, as e~denced by the finds of maces in Bulgarian and Serbian archaeological contexts. 191 Though maces appear often as part of the equipment of militalY saints in Serbian monuments as, for example, at St. Nikita, Cuter, at the church of the Holy Apostles at Pee, at Lesnovo, Ravanica, Resava, and Kalenie, they are very rarely encountered in portrayals of military saints in

II M/!/UJlogio, p. 209. Tact., § 39; McGeer, Sowing the Dragon's Teeth, p. 36 (Praecepta lvIilitana). Nik. Chon., pp. 156-157. '86 cr. NicoUe, £Orb' Medieval lslmnic Anns and Amlour pp 132-133. 183

:: /iYa.

187

See abm'e t note 184.

'

.

'88 Der Nersessian, L'illustratui1I des psautiers grecs, fig. 281 (Theodore Psalter, r. I 78v); ~~\~~t, Mmmtures des plus ancieJIs manuscnpls gr'es, pI. XCVIII (par. suppl. gr. 27, r. . ), Pelekamdes ,t al., Treasures, n, fig. 308 (Panteleimon 6 f. 140v). For represen· tattons of maces with spikes in the Madrid Sk;'lit~es see Ko'lias, By~antiJ7isc"e Wtiffm, pI. ~yI.2.~3. For a late thirteenth-century representation of a mace with spikes se~,;~ko\1c-Pepek, D'~w na ~ogrqfi/e Mihailo i Eutiflij, pI. XVI (Ohrid, Peribleptos). er Nersess.an, L illustration des psautUrs orecs fig 72 190 S al D N . '" . b'" • • f 45 so, er ersess.an, L illustratwn des psautiers grecs, fig. 78 (Theadare Psalter, . '" v ~ m_ont, M~ Grec, 74,. pis. 84, 172 (If. 96v, 202v). . W Kaqm/Qk, Must< Arc/ziologuJu,. Guide (Sofia, 1967), nos. 112-113; Vetnic, 'Medieval capons and Implements,' p. 142, pI. V.8-1O.

)."6

the only .example I kn owof'IS the Byzantine lands. In fact, ' of SI. GeOl'ge at t he P enbleptos m Ohrid (PI. 125).'92 portrayal

Lances and Javelins

In the Middle Byzantine army lances were wield d b . 'f: . fC e ytheheavil armoured m antly, a umt 0 .oot-soldiers called th e pel ' the he Y !as/m

ily armoured cavaIry, an d the mounted J' avelin th .' av. . Th I - rowers m addit" to their Javehns. e ongest and strongest lanc . IOn . c. 193 Th es were prescnbed for the heavy m.antry. ose of the heavy cav aIry were adorned " I with bandero Is. Jave were by the mounted'Jave I'm-throw . ms d bWIelded ' el'S by the peIlaslm, an y the hght infantry 81 . . I . . Their prescn'b ed Iength, was c. 2. m maXImum, mc udmg the spearhead . The mounted soldiers were to carry two or three each. I.>' A triangular spearhead WIth . . a socket was unearthed durmg the excavations of th G P I . ' . e reat a ace m Constanunople (PI. 112). Connth has vielded more exampIcs ,. f Some made o. bronze, but, mosdy, of iron, they have conical o~ leaf-shaped pomts, or points of quadrilateral section. The " k maJonly 'd d . h are prOVl e WIt soc ets for attachment to the shaft; examples with tangs are rare (PI. 158).'95 Repres~ntations ~f spears in Middle Byzantine art demonstrate a great vanety of pomt-shapes: leaf-shaped, lozenge-shaped, triangular, long and slender, broad and short, sometimes with a knob or a pair of wings between the blade and the socket (Pis. 115, 117, 123, 128, 134). They are normally> attached to shafts of wood with a smooth surface. In a number of Cappadocian monuments the shafts of the spears appear as if made of cane (Pis. Ill, 116).'96 The use 192 Maces similar in appearance to that of St. George are depicted in the \Vomen ~hthe Tomb at Vatopedi Monastery. and in the Betrayal ~t St. Nicholas O"ha?os,

essalomks, see Ts.gandas, Vatopaid., fig. 225; rcrItOup.oou, 0 Sll»'paqJII'", ola,,"' mu Arwu Nllco),&ou Opcpavov, pI. 35. K li Syll. Tact., §§ 38, 39; McGee,., Sowing the Dragon's Teeth, p. 14 (Pra,cepta Alilitana). S ~ as calculates ~e length of the lances of the heavy infantry prescribed in the t~a age Tactlcornm usm~ t!,te value a small 'trijxv~,' which equa1s 0,.468 rn, ~ther that of a great "qXU<;,' wInch equals 0.6246 m. Thus, accordmg to his cal~atton the lance in question ranged from 3.75 to 4.70 m (eight to ten mix",)· e conSIders the dimensions given in the Praec,pta Militaria (twenty-five to thiny ns ; one span equals 0.234 m) too exaggerated to be true, see Kolias, Byzalltinisch, '!/fen, p. 192. The prescribed length of the spearheads of heavy infantry'S lances w~,0.351 m . ll.. Tact., §§ 38, 39. 19' 1% S a\1dson, lI~illor Olyects, pp. 201-202, pIs. 91-93. . ... ee, also, Th.eny, NO/w,l/es eglises, pI. 8ge (Hasan Dag., Dlfekli kilise: St. George). ap~

r

w..

t

ror

cHAPTER THREE

140

tl COl1Su'Uction of the shafts has been attributed to th of cane le ." e im act of Arab practices on Byzantme. eqUipment m the frontier re;on of Cappadocia. I '; Howev?l", sucl~ mfluences need not be limited to tllat area only. Spears Wltll s~mIlar shafts are r.epresented in tlle hands of militaly saints on the ~Ide-p~nels o~ ~le IVOry triptych "ith the Forty Marl:)~"S of Constantmopohtan ongm, now in Saint r 101'

Petersburg (PI. ID I). . . In Middle Byzantine miniature pamtmg one encounters represen_ tations of spears \I~tll banderols attached to the shaft just below the 'nt These are either plain or decorated with a simple cross 198 and pm . have three or more streamers (PI. 64). Such banderols would have conuibuted to making an advancing cavalry unit look formidable in the eyes of the enemy. They would have been removed from the spears shortly before engagement into combat so as not to impede the handling of the weapon. 199 The spear, apparently, remained the basic weapon of the Byzantine heavy-armoured cavalry down to the Late Byzantine period. 2°O The practice of adorning the spears with banderols also continued. A white banderol displaying a minuscule red winged creature, possibly a dragon, adorns tile spear of one of the sleeping guards in the Women at the Tomb at Vatopedi Monastery.201 Banderols, this time adorning the spears of military saints, can be seen at St. Nicholas Orphanos in Thessalonike (Pis. 148, 149). That on the spear of SI. Demeuios displays a cross framed with the Greek letters lC XC N K ( I1/CTov; XPIIJTO; Nudi). I know of no representation of a military saint with a spear adorned thus dating to the Middle Byzantine period. Other Late Byzantine examples are encountered in monuments located in Latin-occupied areas as, for example, in Merenta in Attica.20'

191

Nicolle, Arms and Annour qf the Crusading Era, no. 79A-C.

I" De Wald, Val. Cr. 752, pis. XXI, LII (If. 54r, 448v); Omont, Ms Cr,c 74, pI. 132 (e I 54v). For spears with banderoles illustrated in the Madrid Sfrylitzes see H~~eyer, Military Equipment in the Byz. Mannscript qf Sl)'litzes, fig. 19.1-3.

StrakgiJron, p. 130; LT, n, pp. 44-45. .. Kantak., p. 532. 201 Tsigaridas, VaIopaidi, fig. 225. '" Coumbaraki-Panselinou, Saint-Pierr, Ik Kofyvia--Kouvara, p. 78. See, also, Gerstel, 'Art and Identity,' p. 268.

MILITARY COSTUME

141

Bows le type of bow employed in Byzantium was the co . Ti .' 'b f h . mposlte bow e distlllcuve attn ute 0 t e composite bow was th . . . at the con-. Th f SU'tuent layers 0 .Its staveE were Jomed . together by som e ki nd 0 f adheperiod . SI've.20' Already m the. arly Byzantme . ' the Byzantmes had adopted the use of thiS weapon, known III Europe since a much eard . need to confront . successfully th enomasof lier date.,04 It was the . th e steppe, masters m horse-archery,'O, which had led th e ByzanUnes to cultivate the same art. The Byzantine army of the tenth . . f' h . century compnsed umts 0 hg tly armoured, highly mobile infant d mounted archers. Acco~ding to the 0Ylloge Tacticorum, the bo~ ~~o fonned part of the eqUipment of the heavy-armoured cavalry th hJ~phrakt~i. The length of their bows ranged from 1.17 to 1.25 m~ while their arrows were at least 0.70 m long. 206 The bows were carried in bow-cases, usually suitable to receive them strung as well as unstrung. This suggests that the bows employed in the Byzantine anny were reflex b~,:"s: the st~ve of a reflex bow, when unstrung, would assume a posluon Opposlte to the one it had when strung (PI. 159). The capacity of a normal quiver ranged from thirty to forty arrows. Larger quivers containing sixty arrows were prescribed for infanuy archers.207 Twelfth-century sources attest to the importance of archery in Byzantine military tactics. According to Kinnamos, prior to the military reforms of young Manuel I, who promoted the use of the cavalry spear, the bow and quiver were very common in the ranks of the Byzantine arrny.'08 A vVestern observer, Odo of Deuil, who came to Byzantium with the crusaders of the Second Crusade, explicitly states that the bow was the weapon 'of the Greeks'.'09 Finds of more than fifty arrowheads, four of them from a securely-dated twelfthcentury context, have been made during the excavations of the Great

2IIJ G. Rallsing, 77le Bow. SOllle Noles 011 lIs Origins and Dev,lopmellt (Bonn A.R., Lund, 1967), p. 19. : Ibid., pp. 140-142. See, also, Haldon, Wa!fore, Slate and S.ci,!y, pp. 129, 130. Die ,,~icz, 'The Weapons of Steppe Nomads,' pp. 2-8. See, also, AA Ientsalimskaja, "'.dber der Mosfevqja Balka. Friililllitlelallerlicl" FUlld, all der nordMuknslSchtll SeidtllStrass, (~~mch, 1996), pp. 107-112, figs. 133-136, 138, 141. 20, Sylt. Tact., § 39; Cf. Haldon, Wa!fore, Slale and S.cie!)l, p. 132. 200 M.cGeer, Sowing Ih, Dragon's Teelli, p. 14 (?race,pia Alililaria). '" Kmn., p. 125. Odo of Deuil, p. 43.

MILITARY COSTUME CHAPTER THREE

142 . C t rlU'nople (PI. 112).2\0 Few arrowheads dating fro Palace!ll . onspen'od a . have been unearthed at Connth (PI. 160) 21\m the Byzanune . .. . At the time of the Nlcaean. cm~l~e bows and arrows were privately manufactured in its major ClUes and then collected in state warehouses.'" Units of lightly armo~red foot ~nd mounted archers continued to form part of tlle Byzanune army III the Late Byzantine . d The)' comprised native and mercenary troops, the latter 213 peno. ki 'Ib' . recruited largely from among Tur c nelg 1 ~unng tnbes. The Byzantines themselves, especially the members "f the upper classes, cultivated archery as a sport and employed the bow and quiver in 214 their hunting expeditions. Representations of bows as part of the equipment of military saints are encountered for the first time in late thirteenth- and fourteenth_ century Byzantine pictorial contexts (PIs. 125, 132, 152, 161). In the detailed representation of me bow of SI. Merkourios at Protaton (PI. 124) one can clearly see the ear of the bow made of bone, with a groove for me string, as well as the slightly sunken grip. Most of me quivers represented belong to the box-variety and are usually furnished \\~m a closing flap (PI. 161). The arrows are placed in them wim me point upwards. This type of quiver is associated with the military traditions of tile steppe nomads, from which me Byzantines must have adopted it. 215 SI. George at me Peribleptos in Ohrid, however, carries a different type of quiver. This is smaller and open with me arrows placed in it feathered-side upwards (PI. 125). This type was distinctive of tile military traditions of me Middle East;216 it is commonly represented in Persian miniature painting (PI. 133).217

21' Great Pawe, First &port, p. 99, nos. 292, 580. '" Davidson, Minor objects, pp. 199, 200-20 I; pis. 91, 93. :" A. Kazhdan, 'The Italian and Late Byzantine City,' DOP 49, pp. 3-4. .13 BartuslS, lA1e Byz. A"'9', pp. 93, 256, 258, 330. , .. Ibid., p. 330. Manucl Philes, in fact, wrote a poem about the quiver of the emperor, made of bone and adorned with the images of every kind of living ere.tu,:", see ManueJis Plnku; Cal7llma, cd. E. Miller, 2 vols. (Paris, 1855, 1857) (hereafter P¥es, Gannma, cd. Miller), II, no. XLVII (pp. 87-88) . • 15 Nlcolie, AI7IIS and Annour 'If the Crusading Era no. 9' Ierusalimskaja Die Griibtr dtr,!;!oscl!IJqja Balka; pp. 111-112, fig. 141. " ' . _ BartuslS, Lal£ Byz- A"'9', p. 331. 21, See, for example, Titley, Persian Miniature Painting, figs. 2, 9; Rogers, The Topkap, SoT", MuseuJII, pis. 39, 52.

143

USE IN RELIGIOUS ICONOCRAPHY

Soldiers and Bodyguards in Narrative Scenes In contrast to . contemporary the d . of h I d book-illumination ,ecoratlon ""fiddle Byzantme c urc les own . to the eleventh century offered limited scope for of simple soldiers . Th e on Iy SUIt. c the h representatIOn ' d . able contexts ,or t e mtro c . uctIOn of such figures were scenes ,rom the Infancy and the 'fi' PaSSIOn W cycles (Massacre of the In nocents, 'Nay to Calvary, .C ruCl XIOn, .. were . . omen at the Tomb) . Oppo rtumtJes increased WJm the mclusJOn of saints' lives in the icon ograp h'IC programmes of. some h elevenmd . and ftwelfth-century monuments . H owever, it is onIy m t e ecoratJOn 0 Late Byzantine churches, with the expanded Infancy and. Passion cy<:les, lives of saints, and menologium scenes, tIlat representatIOns of soldiers, executioners, and bodyguards become numerous. Representations of such characters in an outfit which could be called realistic in all its components are rare (PI. 127).218 The least realistic element of their outfit is their body-armour (PIs. 131 162 163). As a rule, this is of a hybrid form, combining element~ bor: rowed from different periods. One comes across cuirasses with a convincing rendering of mail construction, but shaped as Roman plate muscle cuirasses and furnished with a skirt of pteryges and conventional arm-guards (PI. 130). As we have seen in me first part of this chapter, other elements, like me helmet, me shield and, especially, the sword, could on occasion be more realistic in meir rendering, so that side-by-side with the traditional and the fanciful, one can recognize forms which were actually in use at the time of the execution of the paintings. While conducting the survey of the outfit of soldiers, executioners, and bodyguards in Byzantine monumental painting, care was taken to note instances in which equipment omer than Byzantine was represented. I was interested to discover whetller such 'foreign' equipment was employed as a means to associate visually those responsible for the suffering of Christ and the Christian martyrs ,vith the enemies of the Byzantine state wimin the framework of political and religious polemic propaganda. The results of tIlis query were

---di 21. ers

~ee, also, In

Sinkevic, The Church 'If St. Palll£leimoll at Nerezi, figs. LXII-LXIV: scenes from the life of St. Panteleimon at Nerezi.

501-

MILITARY COSTUME

cHAPTER THREE

145

144

. TI esence of elements associated with military tradi negatIve. le pr 1 ' . f tIle '",est, quite numerous, as we lave oons 0 . fI seen, m representa .. f soldi rs in Late Byzanone contexts, re ected the actual Impact e ..' f oonso 0 the Byzantine t n Practices on the military eqUipment f oweser 01 . ther than the resentment of the rt ,odox East toward empire, ra '1" s the Catholic West. Besides, ti,e fact tl:at ml Ita~ samts were outfitted with comparable equipment contra~cts the Idea that the military costume of simple soldiers and executlOn,:rs reflect.ed that of the ene_ mies of ti,e empire. 219 Furtllermore, ti,e mtroductIon of western elements of military equipment in certain monument.s ,:,ay be attributed to artists having been influenced by western artIstIc models, rather tI,an anything else. 220 Figures of soldiers and executioners were introduced in scenic cOmpositions in conformity to the narrative of the episodes illustrated. Bodyguards and armed attendants, on the other hand, formed a constituent element of the imagery of power. Though not strictly required by tile narrative, their presence was imposed by the necessity to highlight tile rank and authority of a ruler or an official. 221 The image of a ruler attended by armed guards was employed in Christian iconography already in the Early Byzantine period, for example on ti,e seventh-century silver plate from the Lampousa treasure, representing Da,~d before SauJ.222 Undoubtedly borrowed from imperial iconography at tile time,223 it became a standard theme of power-imagery in Byzantine religious art. However, it did not remain

. but was at periods 'modernized' with the addif f. sla Uc , . fI Ion 0 ICono hic types whIch re ected recent developments in im 'al' graP . h fi f pen fltes One such type IS t e gure 0 an attendant, sometimes in annour' etimes not, who holds a sheathed sword with the hl'lt ' som . . fi . . upWards . scenes mvolvmg ormal audiences, councils ) and trials" h 10 , trom t e late thirteenth cen~ury onward. He usually holds the sword high up with botll hands, like a stand.ard. In some examples he also holds a shield and/or a spear, but stIl.1 the s,:ord is held peculiarly high, as in the case of the guard st~ndll1g behll1d Kyrenius in the Enrolment for Taxation at the kat/~olzkon of the Chora Monastery (PI. 93). To my knowledge, the e~rhest appearance of this figure in a religious iconographic context IS encountered at the Peribleptos in Ohrid . . 2NAIl h ,m Christ before Pilate. ot er examples I know are encountered in monuments of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries in Serbia Serbian-occupied Macedonia, and Bulgaria.'" ' The representation of the audience scene in the epilhalamum of 1179, Vat. gr. 1851, f. I r,226 depicting the reception by the Byzantine emperor of a messenger bearing a second message from tile king of France, leaves no doubt as to the source of the iconographic type of the attendant with the sword. In this miniature, to the left of the enthroned emperor stands an official who holds tile imperial sword, sheathed in its red scabbard, with the hilt upwards. An official holding the imperial sword in the same manner can be seen also in tile representation of the council of 1351 presided by John VI Kantakouzenos nI

However, the situation may have been somewhat different in former provinces of the empire that had come under Latin rule or in Byzantine lands with a strong lalin presence, sec) for example, A. and J. Stylianou, ~The NIilitarization of the 219

Betrayal and Its Examples in the Painted Churches of Cyprus,' in Evtppocrovov, 11, pp. 574-575, 576-577; Gerstel, 'Art and Identity,' pp. 278-279. 220 See above, note 116. \'\'estem artistic influences may also be responsible for the depiction of mail chausses in the church of SI. Nicholas Orphanos at Thessalonike. !he attribution of spears with banderols to three of the military saints portrayed In the church (sec above) certainly suggests lhat, as regards the representation of military costume, the painters of St. Nicholas were familiar with western (crusader?J artistic practices and willing to experiment with them. 22' Having attendants and bodyguards was a sign of wealth and elevated social status, whi.c~ was app~rently not confined only to members of the administrative and the mil,.tary establishments of the empire. Ptochoprodromos in the twelfth century complains that he was unable to eam the respect of his wife because he could n0!.nafford suc~. a '~oisy' esc0r.t, see Poemes prodromiques, poem I, lines 130-137. A?, if Sprnluaf!!y: LaJ, Anlujue alld Early Chrislian Arl, 17,ird la Sevenlh Cenlury, ed. K.,,!'I'euzmann (P.... nceton ~d New York, 1979), no. 427 (Ill). . Cp. the Da"d plate WIth the mlSsorium of emperor TheodoslOs I, see above, Chapter I, note 6.

Dumbarton Oaks Photographic Archive, Ohrid, SI. Clement, no. G23 (the

figure is not in annour). 22l As, for example, at the Holy Apostles, Pec (Christ before Pilate), see V. Djuric, 1!Yzanlinisch, Fresken ill Jugoslavim (Munich, 1976), pI. )00(; at Staro NagoriCino

(Christ before Pilate, Joseph of Arimathaia before Pilate, SI. George and the empress before Diocletian), see Miljkovic-Pepek, D,Wlo lla zogrqfi/e Muwiw i Eutihij, pI. CLVI, and Popovic and Petkovic, llIolllllUlmla serbica, pis. XXI.2, XXVII; al St.. Sophia .in Ohnd (Repentance of David), sce Dumbarton Oaks Photograpluc Archi.ve! Ohnd, St; Sophia, no. R3; at St. Demetrios at Pec (SI. Demetrios before Maxmuan), :ee DJunc, Byzalllillisch, Freske" in Jugoslavi,n ill Jugoslavien, fig. 54; at St; John the ~apus~ Serres (SI. John the Baptist before Herod), 'A. Suyya.ouAo<;, AI rOIXoypaqt,al rou Ka~o.l.~""il Movij, flpoopol'ov "apa Uppa, (Thessalonike, 1.973), ~1. 34; at Decam (Chnst before Annas, Christ before Pilate, .loseph of Anmathala be.fore Pilate, Pilate placing a guard at the Tomb, The three generals before Co~stanune), 'cc Petkovic and Boskovic, Ma/laslir Decalli, pis. CXCVIII, CCII.2, CCX, CCXl, CCXX.I, CCLXXXVIII.2, CCXCIII.I; at Berende (Christ before Nate), se~ Bakalova , Slenopisil, IIa Isa'A-vala pri se/a Beret/de figs. 48 49' and at Resava (The Magi before Herod, Joseph of Arimathaia befOl:e Pilate)', se~ V. Djuric,.'~ peinturc ~rale de Resava, ses OI-igines et sa place dans la peinture byzantmc, In Symp. ,':a, drawings 4, 5.

ri!,

ra,

Jacobini, 'L'epitalarnio di Andronico Il,' fig. 7.

CHAPTER THREE

146

f. 5v (PI. 24).'27 Lastly, an attendant standing behind in Par. gr. I 242'd '1 Id'lg the imperial sword like a standard can also eroran 10 11 ..' n tlle em. P r .teenth-centUlY numature Jl1 ,ar. gr. 543, f. 288v be seen. Jl1 TI a 10Ul • • ." f S G. ' d ios I recclvmg the IeSlgnatlon 0 t. I egolY of illustrating 1eo os Nazianzos (PI. 97). . -I I '1 d . . lord was held with t le 11 t upwar s as early as The nnpena sw . . . D . , as attested by tWO mJl1Jatures Jl1 Ulr. gr. 510 illustlle nmtl1 centu1) . . f S G . TI d 'os I receiving the resignation 0 t. regory of ~Mg reoOO . f . d St Helena and the Dlscovery 0 the True Cross.228 Nazlanzos an . d I. . . tl ese examples one sees two swor s w 1\ch he on the However, III 1 .' " ' of the di2"mtanes who cany them, they ale not held fi sI10U Idel ". . Iet . tl same manner as Jl1 tlle later representatIOns. It is as .I hlgl np m le . '11at brought about tllis change Jl1 the manner of holdyet uneIear" . vord 229 That this change took place dunng the reign of . th mg e S\ . . .. h' Manue! I Komnenos, an emperor often Jl1nov~tlve ~n IS masterful f eremonial for the purpose of propagatJl1g hiS perception of use 0 c . 'k I 230 \An. h' . . I autl10ri'v seems to me qmte It e y. 'v llatever t e clr1JTIpena '''. . . '. cumstances of its introduction, the practice of holdJl1g the Impenal ~g to pseudo-Kod., pp. 191,234, the megas domestikos carrying the i,:,~e ria1 sword was supposed to stand to the left of t.he en:'peror, as seen m ~le mInIature. In the absence of the megas domestikos, the Iffipenal s\\:ord was carned by the prot()stralor, the parakoimomenos Its spltelldones, or a young relatIve of the emperor, see ibid., pp. 168, 176, 202. 228 See above, note 160. . m Interestingly enough, attendants to rulers and potentates can be seen hol~ng a sword in a similar fashion in a number of IslamIc works of art, m?st of whIch

were created in the Jaz!ra and are dated from the late twelfth-early thIrteenth cen· tury onwards, see D.S. Rice, 'Studies in Islamic Metalwork-II,' Bullellll if the School if Oriel/tal ond A.ftican Slud;" 15 (1953), pp. 69-79, fig. 11; G.D .. Guest and R. Ettinghausen, 'The Iconography of a Kasan Luster Plate,' Ars Drumtalis 4 (1961), figs. 13, 17, 21; Ettinghausen, Arah Painling, p. 91; D.G. Shepherd, 'Banquet ~nd Hunt in Medieval Islamic Iconography' in Galhen'ngs in HOllOr if Dorothy E. Mwr,
MILITARY COSTUME

147

like a standard, with the hilt upwards, appears to have h sworcl hL B '. een ablished by t e ate yzantme penod. At that time th' \VeI-I es t f holdmg . h 'Impena . I d ' IS. t e swor seems to have been ass manner O . " OCIIso with the ceremony of the prolrypru. ThiS lllvolved the appearated a f the emperor an d mem bers 0 f h'IS f:am!ly . on a raised and ~o . 'h , htly i!lummatcd platform, one mlg t say,'III the manner of a bng vivallt. Durmg . t he ceremony t h" tableau c ImpenaI sword would appear h vering to the side of the emperor, since the official who held as 0 . , , ' 231 I . it was carefully hIdden Irom Vlew. t IS reasonable to assume that . would have been necessary to hold the sword high up like a stanIt . B' . 232 • dard, as seen m Late yzantm~ rep~ese~t~tlO?S. Pseudo-Kodlnos . eludes the sword among the Impenal mSlgma. According to him, JD , ,~ • ,. th· '33 Th th it symbolized the e.,,~vO"~acHlI("QV ,.l.e. au .onty.- . at. e sword ~ould be accorded such slgmficance m PalalOlogan Impenal symbohsm is an indication not only of the military basis of imperial power, but also of the military responsibilities which it entailed for its holder.'" However, pseudo-Kodinos does not qualify the nature of the authority that the sword stood for. "Vas it an authority based on the emperor's own military prowess or was it divinely invested upon him?235 I believe there is no doubt that the figure of the attendant with the sword was ultimately derived from Byzantine imperial ceremonial. Yet, while the presence of the attendant with the sword, as an iconographic unit signifying authority, is easily justifiable in those dearly with the person of the emperor, thus brin&ing t~ the fore the emperor's mil: itary attributes. The increasing militarization of the Impenal tdeal under th.e Ko~enol in general and the stress placed on the knightly prowess of N~anuel I. In partIcular certainly provide a suitable ideological context for a change m ~e ntual mann~r of holding the imperial sword that enhanced its visibility and gave 11 ~eater ~mmI nencc, cr. A. Kazhdan, 'The Aristocracy and the Imperial Ideal, III B)zantult Arislocrory, pp. 43-57. 2" Pseudo-Kod., p. 203. f m Manuel I Komncnos has been credited with the creation of the c~relnony 0 ~le Pro9Psis sec above note 230. To my knowledge, there are no alluslOns t,o .~e imperial sw'ord in the' texts referring to the Komnenian prolypsis. The posslbl~lty that the new manner of holding the imperial sword evolved out of th~ . reqmrements of staging the imperial pro9psis in the twelfth century though enuClng cannot be proven. ~' Pseudo-Kod., p. 202. .H Sec Kolias, By;:alltliliscite Wq/foll, pp. 15i-155. . .( . u . kno,,') • 735 The ~word as the. symbol of d~vinely invested authont), w~~~:~c~I'J\lallass(s In the medIaeval Buigal1an and Serbmll states. In the Bulganan d . inCT a (Vol. slav. 2, r. 91v) the tsar Ivan Alexander (1331-1371) is p0l1rayc . recel~ ~ ~ Sword from an angel. The divine origin of his power is thus dearly ~plesse 1 se l. Dujcev, 77te Milliatures if Ihe Chronicle if Mmlllsse (Sofia, (963), fig. 3 .

MILITARY COSTUME CHAPTER THREE

14-8

el

~ he accompanies an emperor or a king, it is difficult t cases wII I ·d f · 0 understand why he should appear at t le SI e 0 .0fficIals, like Pilate . s "ho were simply governors of proVInces and certa· I or KyrenItl,\ .. my not sovereign in their domaUl. TIns was, perhap~, a means to make e,~dent to the beholder that the re~resente~ officIals. were in the ser,rice of the emperor, that they denved theIr authonty directly from him and, consequently, that their power was lawfully exercised. An alternative interpretation may be offered for the presence of the sword in tile Trial of Christ by Pilate, on the basis of the acCOunt of tile historic event fou~d in the Gospel. of St. John (19: I O-I!). According to tllis, when Pilate had told Chnst that he had the pOwer to crucify Him or to release Him, He answered: 'Thou couldest have no power (igovcriav) at all against me, except it were given thee from above'. The sword was perhaps introduced in the Trial as a symbol of tllat authority given to Pilate 'from above'.236 C

Rulers, Biblical and Non-Biblical, in Nanative Scenes Suitable contexts in which the representation of a ruler in military costume would be justified, as for example preparation for war and battle-scenes, are extremely rare in monumental religious painting, though not so in miniature. The illustration of books of the Old Testament, especially of the Octateuch and the Psalter, comprised numerous battle-scenes which allowed for the representation of biblical rulers. Joshua may be included in this category. In illuminated octateuchs he appears in conventional body-armour, either a plate muscle cuirass or a simplified version of the Roman lorica segmenlata.'" The encounter of Joshua with the Captain of the Lord's Host before the capture of Jericho (Josh. 5:13-15) is an episode which is also represented in monumental painting, either as an independent scene or as part of a cycle dedicated to the archangel Michael, with whom, by the tenth century, the Captain of the Host of the biblical text had come to be identified. 238 A representation of Joshua in ~36 For other possible interpretations of the presence of imperial insignia in the Tnal scene see Loerke, 'The Miniatures of the Trial,' p. 180; Grabar, lA panlUre re¥,~e Bulgarie, pp. 265-6. a . See, for example, colour reproductions of scenes from the tenth-century Joslw RnU In Glory 'if Byzantium, p. 239. See also Lowden Ille Oc/ateuchs figs. 163-164, l70-l71. "" 23. See, for example, Brubaker, Vuio" and Meolling, fig. 26 (Par. gr. 510, [ 226v); Rodley, 'The Pigeon House Church,' fig. 5; II Mmologio, p. 3.

m

149

.IS context is• preserved on the exterior wall of thecurc h h ofth k

th. ·gt·n at HoSIOS Lou as (end of tenth-begt· nning of th I • e e eventh c e V11 PI. 118).239 HIS• lamellar CUlrass and his sword . . entury) ( . . h·. are SImIlar to

se of mihtary samts at t e time, whIle his helmet ' adomed With . eudo-kufic characters on the bowl and the nape-guard· . . . I I h ' IS umque Another bIbhca ru er w 0 was represented in military COstume. ugh rarely, was ki ng H ero d when ordering the massacre 0 fall ' tho male children of up to two years of age (Matth. 2:16-18). At the kalllo1iJwn of the Chora Monastery he appears in a gold plate~_ . . . I. . PI. 162).2-10 In thIS partlcu. ar. IconographIC context Herod·IS repre( sented as a commander . . gtVlng an order to his troops . He ·IS portrayed as a king ma:a ng .rea~y to face a dangerous threat to his authority, namely a nv~1 king m the face of Christ. Considering that the enemy were me:e mfants, one could read a cruel irony in this man?er of re~re~entlng Herod., This ~s paralleled by the mockingly detailed descnptlons of Herod s warhke preparations for the massacre encountered in the sermons which were read on the day of the liturgical commemoration of the event.2+!

.1

ulO

ps

Military Saints This category of saints comprises martyrs who had been, or were believed to have been, soldiers during their lifetime and who are represented in military costume in religious iconography. The most venerated among them were SI. Theodore Stratelates, SI. Theodore Tiro,''' St. George, St. Demetrios, St. Nestor, St. Merkourios, and St. Prokopios.2+3 Some, like St. Theodore, were portrayed in military costume, instead of the traditional chlamys-costume of the martyr, already in the pre-iconoclastic period. 2H However, it is only in

139 :~. SUYY01tOUAoe;, "H 'Colxoypa
CHAPTER THREE

150 . d ft·· Iconoclasm that the cult of militalY saints acquir d the peno. ~fi Cl 'c To this attest the prolifcl'ation of their ima e 'eater slgnl Icane ' . . .. ,'. . ges gI bl b' ts hke Ivory tllptychs, steatlte Icons, cameos ena ." . .' m, on pOlta e 0 Jec , oins as well as the plOmment pOSItlon attnbuted t eis,se aI s,an d C. , .' . '1' . 0 • 11S of numbcrs and 10caDon, m t le IconographIc pr them, 111 ten 245 0 .. grammes of churches. From the tenth throngh to the twelfth centUlY the equipment of military saints was limite? to body-armour (of ~~:te, mail, scale, or sword.' There existed no Iam ellar constJ"tlction), sllleld, spear, and1 '1 ' specific combination of thes~ weapons W llC 1 was assoc~ated with the portrayal of a particular samt. ~p~a.rently, ~v.hat wa~ ImpOrtant for ilie precise identification o~ an mdlvldual mlhtary samt ,:as not his outfit but his prosopograplllca.! features and the name whIch aCCom_ panied his image. This becomes clearly apparent in the case of SI. James the Persian, portrayed on a twelfth-century panel icon from Cyprus (PI. 164). \%a~ distinguishes hin: as an .'Easterner' is not his military costume, but hIS dark features, hIS pecuhar head-dress, which is comparable to ilie one usually attributed to Daniel and ilie iliree Hebrew Youilis, and his single earring. 217 The pseudo-kufic characters on his shield, although a feature of ultimate orienta.! inspiration, are not peculiarly associated with him. They are encountered in many a representation of shields in Middle Byzantine contexts (PI. 10 I). Hagiographic texts offered only genera.! information wiili regard to ilie annour and weapons of military saints. They appear to have had no influence on ilie kind of equipment witll which the martyrs were shown outfitted. Even St. Merkourios, who according to an old tradition had killedJulian ilie Apostate with bow and arrow,''''' appears in Middle Byzantine representations armed ,,~th sword, spear, and

From die Sixd, 10 the Tenlh Cmlul)' (Princeton, 1976), pIs. XV, XVI, LIX, LX; Age of SpUiIUllii!>', no. 494. us One of the earliest surviving post-iconoclastic examples is the panel triptych at Sinai ",;th Sts. Theodore and George, both on horseback, portrayed on its \~ngsj dated to the ninth-tenth centuries, see Weitzmann, The Monaslery if St. Calhenne al Mounl SinaL The leo"" pis. XXIX, XCVII-XCVIII. 201?

These are

me

types of weapons commonly featuring in court ceremonial (see

abo\'e). Other weapons employed by the Middle Byzantine army, like the ~ow, the macc} and the axe, are never attributed to military saints in :Nliddle Byzantine con~ texts. 241 On dlC attribution of earrings to Orientals in Byzantine painting, scc chapter 6, note 3. '" Delehaye, Les /egmdes grecques des saints miliJaires, p. 98.

MILITARY COSTUME

151

· Id It would be futile to try and identify the equip f' . plC' . .' . . ment 0 mlhI aints III artIstIC contexts wuh that of any partic I . tary s . . u ar umt of the ntine army as prescnbcd In the tcnth-centurv milita . . lb' . .1 ry treatIses Byz a Although, as has pr~vlOus y een mdlcated, individua.! items of th~ weaPonry of these samts reflected or could reflect contemporary types look for a portrayal of a kataphraktos, for example in th' ' to . Idb ' elmage of a mounted samt wou e, at best, unrealistic. Significant ch~nges in the dress of military saints become apparent from the thIrteenth century onward. Their annour was a rule, fanciful, combining Late Antique features, like the arm-~a~d: and skirt of pteryges and a metal sash, often adorned with a human or an animal mask,249 together with a highly decorative treatment of the surface (PI. 124). Items like the jacket or waistcoat worn over the cuirass, ilie helmet, tile sabre, the bow, wiili bow-case and quiver, and, very rarely, the mace, though employed in the Byzantine army since a much earlier period, now become realistic features introduced in the representations of military saints for the first time. 250 There is definitely a departure here from earlier tradition, most probably brought about by the predilection of Late Byzantine art for secondary details, whether in narrative scenes or in the portrayal of individual figIlres. 251 In classicising monuments, like ilie Chora Monastery, such realistic features as contemporary bows and quivers, sabres, and helmets, are absent. Not all ilie martyrs who, according to hagiographic tradition, had served in the Roman army were attributed military costume. Sts. Sergios and Bakchos, for example, appear consistently in the civilian chlamys-costume. 252 Their military status is snggested by ilie sword '" D. Mouriki, 'The Mask Motif in the Wall-paintings of Mistra. Cultural Implications of a Classical Feature in Late Byzantine Painting,' LlXAE 10 (1980-8I), pp. 307-338. ,., Only SI. Merkourios actually wears his helmet. Other saints ~arry .it suspended, pr.~bably from a strap around the neck, as in the case of an umdentified youthf~1 military saint pOitmyed in the Peribieptos at !'v!istra, see Dumbarton Oaks Photographic fuchive, Mistr., Peribleptos, no. G22 Oeft). Why SI. Merkourios was chosen for th.IS peculiar iconographic treatment is not clear. Cr. F. CUl1a, 'How to .Do T~II1~ With Saints: On the Iconography of St. Nlercurius's Legend,' Revue ROlUllame dllrslolf( 34 (1995), p. 120. . . .' 2~1 For the possibility that that the bow and quiver wefe consIdered w?rthy (Q be mcluded among the equipment of a military saint as a result of the Ulflu~lC~ ofTurko-Mongol tradilions according to which the bow and the arrow were .re~ . e , ~ k~bols of sovereignty see E. Zachadadou, 'Les nouvclles rumes de saint Demeulus., m",Ul/Iu;r/cc, II, pp. 689-693. . ' 41-Ho The On theu' iconography see Mouriki, The Mosmcs ifNea Mom, pp. I '"

CHAPTER THREE

MILITARY COSTUME

152

153

. 'alJpear holding (PI. 104). Their distinguish' . I I 'somctnnes . '1' 109 ",llIc I t le) I ' the malliakioll, tllelr ml Itary torque, specificaU attri~ute, tl~ou~:~il~s Passio: the martyrs had been stripped of thes~ III . .mentiOned . ma . f tllelr ran k sllortl)' before they were put to death.253 It IS. Illslg 0 I' \\,11)' these two saints would be refused military run . . d I'ffiCU It to Iexp '1 tller,; with admittedly less clalln to It, judging by tume w 11 e o ' , . I ' tI . cos. . ' . I' I details appear consistent y m le gUIse of a soldier their biOgJ ap lIca , . I' d' . . 'ble explanatiOn for t liS Iscrepancy wluch appears . ' .. There IS a POSSI . I tIle case of the most. Important mlhtary saints . valid at Ieast II .. ' c o s t u apparentl)' for the charMlhtary m e , ' was not Simply a means . . ' n f martyrs who had been Roman soldiers. It was indica_ actenzatto 0 . ffi . . 0 f tllelr . ml'litary prowess and. melr e ectlVeness as guardians ove . h 'cal and spiritual enemies, proven by tile many feats they agrunst p )'SI of tile earth and posthubotll when they walked tile face execute d . If b kill' h I ' 25' SI. Theodore had proved lumse y mg t e dragon.'" mous). . . h' r£i . I SI. Merkourios, a formidable soldier m IS I eu~e, was a so believed Julian. responsl'ble "ror the death of the emperor ., . St. George was known for liberating captives. In Georgtan tradiuon, SI. George had killed the emperor Diocletian. 256 The most spectacular case of a martyr transfonned into a military saint, St. Demetrios, had warded off rime and again me hordes of Slavs striving to capture his city of Thessalonike. 257 The military costume was a guarantee mat these martyrs would prove memselves again as suc~essful protectors upon request from the faimful, from me emperor himself to me humblest

chlan!Js-costwne was ,"'?m by. mi~talY officials, ~'hen not in annour, as w~ll as by civil senrants. Thus, ItS attnbutIOI1 to Sts. ScrglOs and Bakchos was not mappropriate'. . . .. . , AB 14 (1895) :m I. van den Gheyn, 'Passio anl1qulOf Ss. Scrgu et Baccht, '

~.. f' fi.4 This perception of military saints can be found expressed In a. senes 0 .epIgrams by the fourteenth-century poet Manuel Philes, see Philes, Cannma, cd. Miller, I, nos. LIX, CLXXI, CCXXV, CCXXVI, CC LXI-CC LXIII, CCLXX!ll, CCLXXXVIII; 1I, no. XliV. . . '1 255 In his case there was another compelling reason for his representatlon ID mlitary costume. There was a tradition that he himself appeared posthumously dre~ed as a soldier to a painter, who painted him thus on an icon, see Delehaye, Les legendts gr«quts des saulis mililaires, p. 194. d '" See K. Weitzmann, 7Ize Icon. HolY Images, Sixlh w FOI/TleenUI. Century (Lan on, 197~), p. 57. I (hank, Dr. M. Mango for brin~n(l this to my no~ce. rle ifl 25, Ddehaye, Les ligerllks grecques des sa!n~ mrlllmles, pp. IO~- 108, P~ Le~)e plus Il1!C!t1IS Tuueiis de m/Tacies de Sallll DemelTlus, 2 vols. (Pans, 1979 198 199B) lIwta~aatopa"'1<;, 'lcnopiE<; Kat lOtOp~OEl<; ~u~uvtlvmv ItUAA1]KUplmv: /lXAE 20 ( , pp. 222-227.

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his subjects. In contrast to them, Sts. Sercnos and B k h of ill' h' rr.· b' a c os though Roman o· lcers m t elr I elime, are known to have per~ formed only healing miracles posthumously. that It was the saints' attributes as d' T hus , one may suggest . guar lans and as comrades-I.n-ar~s for those who needed them which were highlighted by their. military cos~ume. This concept of comradeshi between mil~tary s.amts and their protege. is illustrated in the po;" trayal of BasIl II tn~mphant over. ?IS ene~ues (PI. 110). The emperor is surrounded by. SIX busts of mlhtary samts, who wear exactly the same type of cUlrass as he does. The relationship between them expressed visually in this way is made explicit in the epigram which accompanies the miniature: the martyrs, the emperor's friends and allies, have prostrated his enemies at his feet.''' The other important qualities of mese saints, mose of members of the Heavenly Court and intercessors, were better expressed visually in the symbolism of me court chlamys-coslume. 26o This interpretation, of course, does not preclude other reasons for me attribution of military costume to martyrs who had been Roman soldiers before they were martyred. SI. Orestes was the only one among me Five Martyrs who had been in the army. As we have seen in the previous chapter, already in the earliest surviving portraits of this group, care was taken to distinguish its members with dress appropriate to their status, for example SI. Eustratios as a dignitary and SI. Mardarios as a commoner. It was only natural that SI. Orestes would be represented as the youthful soldier he had been. In the cases of other martyred soldiers, it was, probably, the particular veneration in which they were held in their native lands, of which they were considered to be the natural protectors, which led to their representation in militalY costume. Such must be the interpretation for the unusual portrayal of the Forty Martyrs in military costume encountered in me Pigeon House Church at yavu~n. There, they were represented as an honorific guard, with their swords unsheathed and resting on their right shoulder, to the emperor

258 In the Late Byzantine period busts the two Sts. Theodores, St. Demetridos, SI. Prokopios, and SI. George ado;ned the illlperial flags (phlamol/la), sce pseu 0Kod., pp. 195-196. ~59 Spatharakis, Portrail, pp. 23-24. . . R., ntle IcollS ill 60 The same idea has been expressed by Kalavl'ezou-Maxemel, ""'-,zatl Sltalile, pp. 63-64.

cHAPTER THREE

15+

. If a native of Cappadocia, who Nikephoros Phokas, Iumse 13) 261 was portrayed in the apse (Pis. 17, I .

771e Archangels Michael alld Gab,,'el f the tenth-eleventh century from Constantinople th On a cameo O . e Kichael is represented frontally, dressed III military c arc hange I l\'1 . ostume. With his left hand he holds an em~t)' scabbard and with his 'uht his naked sword supported on the rIght shoulder. An inscrip_ ~~n identifies him as 'the guardian' (PI. .165).262 The archangel con_ tinued to be represented in this manner Ill. monu~ental painting and th minor arts down to the Late Byzantine perIod: always frontal in eannour, and with his sword resting on his right shoulder.'6' Thi; manner of holding the naked sword is also encountered in portray_ als of military saints, like the Forty Martyrs at Qavu§in. The gesture !lives the figure an air of solemnity; it also bespeaks of a readiness for action required from an efficient guardian. One cannot help but wonder whether references in Byzantine sources of imperial bodyguards carrying their weapons--swords or axes-'ibd TOV /ie';wv t6pou' (on the right shoulder), refer to this same gesture.'64 Closely associated with his attribute as guardian was the archangel Michael's quality as a warrior and a fighter against the powers of evil, which had earned him the tide of the 'archistrategos' (general) already in the Early Byzantine period.'65 By the tenth century Michael had been identified with the commander of the heavenly host mentioned in Josh. 5:13-15 and was represented in military costume in his quality as such, in illustrations of the Encounter with Joshua

261

Cf. the comments of Jolivet.Uvy concerning the representation of St. Hieron

in military dress in a number of churches in his native Cappadoda dated to the tenth and eleventh centuries, C. Jolivet-Levy, 'Hagiographie cappadodenne: a propos de queJques images nouvelles de saint Hieron et de saint Eustathe/ in Evcpp6crvvov, I, pp. 205-209, 218. According to tradition, in his life-time Saint Hieron had been a vine-dresser not a soldier.

.'" Bp.ana, no. 189. The attribute of the archangel Michael as a guardian agamst evd forces can be traced back to the beginning of the Christian era and has I~ ori~ns in Jewish apocryphal tradition, scc I\1ango, 'St. Michael and Attis'. See, for cxamplc, 'Vessel, Enamels, no. 30 (enamel icon now in the tre~ury of San Marco, Venice, eleventh-twelfth century); Millet, Monumetlls by'z,. de Mu/m, pl.~3.2 (Metropolis); Constantinides, The Wall-paintings if Panagia OlympwtlSsa, pI. 59. PseUDS, ChTon., pp. 7, 118; An. Komn., I, p. 130. "" See Rohland, Der ETzmge! Mic/we!, esp. pp. 146-148.

PLATES 1-133

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and SI. Auxe ntios. [after Chat zidakis-Bacharas J. Les peinwres mum /es de Hosios Laukas. Les chapel/es accidenta/es (Alhens. 1982) . fi g. 13]

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Monastery) church of the Vi rgi n. Joshua (end of tenth or beginning of [after Chatz idaki s- Bacharas J. , Les peinwres mumles de Hosios LouK"s. Les clJapelles occidentales (At hens. 1982), fig. 107]

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chapel of SI. EUlhymios ( 1303). SI. George. epholo Ivan Djordjevic)

MILITARY COSTUME

155

As o ne wou ld expect, M ichacl's assistance was by the Byza ntine emperor when On campaign.'" In the a rchangel's image adorned one of the military quality of the archangel Gabriel, . to have been far less pronounced, though a ttnbuted the title of 'archistralegos" " He very costume. Hc is portrayed in the traditional of the guardian on an iron cross with silver Cyprus (twelfth century).270

266

1

I would like to put down some thoughts on the governed the representation of militalY costume in , as I had the opportunity to observe them while survey the resu lts of which were presented here. The characteristics of ti,e representation of miLitary costume art were conventionali ty and conservatism. These were, due to the traditionalism of Byzantine art, which repeated established types, some of which, as we had observe, can be traced without serious difficulty back Amiquity. There is no escaping this fact. However, wonder whether this process of reproduction was a mechanical one or whether it was seen beyond the important one of remaining The o nly additional objective I could see it serve the historicity of the image in which the was introduced . Such an interpretation

associated lhe original promotion o[thcarchangcl:s mil· adopted as a guardian oflhc Roman emperor 111 the Der Erzengel ,Hic/mel. p. 136.

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miniature o,r Par. gr. 510, r. Cv, where the emperor Basil I (AppendiX 2, no. I). I ote, however.

Drn~i~~i:~~~~fI~~ft;~iS~,:~~~:;~~~~:II~~~:;~; Ihal ofS. Dellclrios al (1338 Pec 1346),.'ce ( Pee, Patliarchatc,ChufChofSt. DemclIllls,

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MILITARY COSTUME

155

26

before Jericho. " As one would expect, Michael's assistance w devoutly sought by ~hc Byzantine emperor when on campaign.'" ;:: the Palaiologan penod the archangel's image adorned one of th 26B imperial phlamoula. The military quality of the archangel Gabrie~ on the other han~, appear~ to have been far less pronounced, though he too was So":,ctll~e.s attnbuted the ti~e of 'archistrategos' ."9 He very rarely appears m mlhtary costume. He IS portrayed in the traditional costume and attitude of the guardian on an iron cross with silver revetment from Cyprus (twelfth century).270 As a conclusion I would like to put down some thoughts on the principles which governed the representation of military costume in religious iconography, as I had the opportunity to observe them while conducting the survey the results of which were presented here. The predominant characteristics of the representation of military costume in Byzantine art were conventionality and conservatism. These were, to a great degree, due to the traditionalism of Byzantine art, which preserved and repeated established types, some of which, as we had opportunity to observe, can be traced without serious difficulty back to the art of Late Antiquity. There is no escaping this fact. However, one may legitimately wonder whether this process of reproduction of established models was a mechanical one or whether it was seen to serve another purpose, beyond the important one of remaining faithful to tradition. The only additional objective I could see it serve was that of underlining the historicity of the image in which the conventional representation was introduced. Such an interpretation is not entirely arbitrary: the validity of religious representations as a

I I

1I 2b6 Scc K. \Vcitzmann. 771e Joshua Roll. A H''Ork of /he iHaced011iwl Renaissance (Princcton, 1948), fig. 13 (sheet IV). .

Rohland, in fact, has associated the original promotion of the archangel:s l1ulitalY qualities to his being adopted as a guardian of the Roman emperor m the fourth century, see Rohland, DeT Er;:engel JIiclmel, p. 136. "8 Pseudo-Kod., pp. 195-196. 21i9 As, for example, on the frontispiece miniature of Par. gr. 510, f. Cv, where he is portrayed crowning the emperor Basil I (Appendis 2, no. I). Note, however, that Gabricl appears in imperial, not military dress. 270 lA France allX portes de ,'On·ent. CI9pre XIlm~-..rvimt siecle, ed. J. Charles~Gaffiot (Paris, 1991), no. 49. I thank Dr. Tassos Papacostas for this reference. The. O!uy representation of Gabri.el in armour I was able to locate in monumental pamung is encountered in a Serbian church, that of St. Demetrios at Pec (1338-1346) •.sce Dumbarton Oaks Photographic Archive, Pec, Patriarchate, Church of St. Demetnus, 267

133. Istanbul, Topkapl SaraYl Museum, ms. Hazine 2153, f. 102a (Tabriz, second half of fourteenth century). King Minuchihr of Iran kills the fleeing Turanians. (photo Topkapl Sarayi Museum, Istanbul)

no. CIO.

\':

156

CHAPTER THREE

MILITARY COSTUME

means of Chl~stian instruction depended on their illustrating faithfully the histOl~cal truth as expressed in the Bible, in hagiographic texts, and in the writings of the Fathers. Thus, it would be reason_ able that simple soldiers and military saints who had served in the Roman army should be represented in an outfit which preserved a semblance to Roman military costume. However, one will rightly point out that not all the figures represented in this type of military costume were Romans (consider, for example, Joshua and his Israelites). NOh\~thstanding, the argument of historicity and the wish to represent episodes as they had actually happened, may be shown to stand even in these cases. Following a reasoning similar to that which resulted in the enduement of biblical kings with Byzantine imperial costume, these 'non-Romans' were endued 'Roman' militalY equipment so as to be characterized as soldiers: this was the type of milita!), costume that tile beholder would recognize and, what is perhaps more important, this was the type of military costume that the artists knew best how to represent. ''''hether intentionally or mechanically, an antique-looking core was preserved in Byzantine artistic representations of military costume. At different periods both realistic and fanciful elements were added to this core, resulting in the creation of a military outfit of a composite character. Its individual constituent elements can be identified, and, as we have seen, sometimes dated, but as a whole it was never actually in use at any given period. Fanciful elements may be attributed to artistic licence-to tile limited extent that this was exercised in Byzantium-or to misunderstandings of an artistic model. '\That is of greater interest is trying to detect the processes iliat led to the incorporation of realistic elements in the conventional core. In what follows I would like to look at instances of introduction of realistic elements in the representation of body-armour as case-studies that will, hopefully, highlight tile different processes at work. I chose body-armour because it is the least 'realistic' item in representations and the one which, one might say, defined the cha~ acter of the whole outfit. Consequently, any deviation from tradition in its appearance is bound to be significant. I shall begin with the lamellar cuirasses attributed to military saints in ilie tenth and eleventh centuries, i.e. dnring the crucial, formative centuries when ilie iconography of this group of martyrs was becoming firmly established. What strikes one to begin ,,~th is that, t?~~gh antique models were available and actually employed in classlclSlng

157

works, like the ]osh.ua Roll and, later, at Daphni, artists preferred to use a new conventiOn a?d a 'non-Roman' one at that: they chose to represent la~ellar cmrasses. In my search for a Source for the artistic conventiOn. employed to depict such cuirasses I reached the conclusion that tillS must have been Byzantine ceremonial armour, comparable to that seen worn by Basil II (PI. 110). Apparently, this recourse to a contemporary prototype was not considered as damaging to the historicity of the image: what we call now 'Byzantine' was then considered 'Roman'. What is intriguing, however, is wh; the artists made such a turn in the first place. The fact that the iconographic typ:, o?ce in~rod~ced, knew a widespread popularity would argue agamst Its attnbutlOn to the initiative of a single artist. On the contrary, its wide dissemination and its probable ceremonial origins seem to suggest that the convention had originated from Constantinople and was, perhaps, promoted 'from above'. One cannot help thinking of the members of the military aristocracy, including soldier-emperors like Nikephoros II Phokas,John Tzimiskes, and Basil II, who were perhaps related with the promotion of the veneration of military saints271 and who must have certainly considered tIlese as their natural guardians-and this, at a time when tile empire had undertaken the military offensive against its enemies botll in the East and the North.m It would have been only natural that these military men would wish to have their link to their saintly patrons expressed visually by having them represented in armour similar to their own. The next case-study takes us to the Late Byzantine period, when one observes again the relatively widespread appearance of a new component in the depiction of body-armour. This is the garment, with or without a lining of mail, worn over the cuirass. However, the uniformity that we had observed in the representation of lamellar armour in the Middle Byzantine period is absent from the Late Byzantine representations of this outer garment. Nor was tile latter as widely and as consistently employed in the portrayal of military saints as the former had been. In the case of this outer garment, perhaps, one is faced with an item of military equipment which had m Sec Oikonomides, 'Le dccioublcmcnt de saint Theodorc', Note, however, that military saints were venerated by all sections of Byzantine society. not only by the

mi~~~azy.

Cf. na1tcx~a(Jtop6.KT\<;, 'IO"'tople<; p.219.

!

.l

, . , , K'allO''t'opllGE1C;

p\)~avtlv(l)v

1taAA1)KapIOlv.

I

I'

I

, CHAPTER THREE

158

become fashionable-possibly under the influence of Turkish military practices--and as such was refl?cted i~ La~e B~zantine pictorial contexts, without any subtler ultenor mouves m mmd on the part of eitller the patrons or the painters. In between these two 'extreme' cases, one comes across other isolated instances of realistic representations of body-armour. One may cite tlle scale cuirass of St. Demetrios at tlle church of Sts. Anargyroi, Kastoria, and the half-breastplate of St. GeOl'ge at the chapel of St. Eutllymios, Thessalonike. The depiction ~f the !atter may be in some way related, as we have suggested earher, wIth the personality of tlle militluy patron of ilie monument, the protostrator Michael Glabas Tarchaneiotes. The depiction of the former in the painted decoration of a monument sponsored by donors who were members of ilie pro\~ncial gentry and had, apparently, no connection wiili the military establishment of ilie empire, is much more difficult to understand and interpret. 273 One wonders whether it should be attributed to a predilection on ilieir part or, perhaps, on the part of the painter iliey had employed for realistic detail. '~Thatever ilie processes at work, in mediaeval Byzantine representations of military costume contemporary elements would have been seen depicted side-by-side wiili traditional and fanciful ones, in ilie same monument or even in the same scene. It would seem iliat such discrepancies did not offend either those who commissioned a work of art or iliose who beheld it. One cannot help but try to imagine how figures dressed in this 'timeless' military costume would appear in ilie eyes of the Byzantine beholder. Perhaps, they would seem both distant and near, strange and familiar at the same time, mo~ng, as it were, in an ageless age of ilieir own.

CHAPTER FOUR

FURNITURE AND FURNISHINGS . Mediaeval furniture and furnishings constitute an aspect of B h' h '11 yzanUne . I I mate~la cu t~re :" IC Stl remains largely unexplored. Groundbreaki~g stu?les hke those of Oikonomides on the contents of ilie Byzantme mIddle-class house from the eleventh to the fifteenth centuries, and of Bouras .on Byzantine lighting devices, have highli hted ilie need for further m-depth investigation in this field.' The t~k is a difficult on? since available information on this subject is fragmentary and mcomplete. Relevant extant materials are limited to - fittings of metal, usually bronze, and, rarely, bone retrieved from Byzantine arc.haeological contexts. These could have belonged to pIeces of furmture, yet one cannot be certain of ilieir precise function (PI. 166)2 - a group of marble and wooden ecclesiastical furniture and furnishings, like thrones, lecterns, pieces of wooden templa, and door panels, from Asia Minor and the Balkans, dating mostly to ilie Late Byzantine period (Pis. 167-170) - the corpus of Middle Byzantine ivory caskets - the group of Middle Byzantine silks preserved in western ecclesiastic treasuries, some of which might have served as wall-hangings or curtains prior to their migration to the West (PI. 193) - mediaeval lighting de~ces (Pis. 197, 198, 200). Relatively more information may be derived from written sources, such as - descriptions of palace settings in the De cmmolliis and, to a lesser degree, in the treatise of pseudo-Kodinos - monastic foundation documents and inventories of ilie property of monastic establishments

213

On the donors, Theodore Lemniotcs, Anna Radene, and their son, see below,

Chapter 6.

I ~. Oikonomides, 'The Contents of the Byzantine House from the .Elev~nth. to the FIfteenth Century,' DOP44 (1990), pp. 205-214; L. Bouras, 'Byzannne Lightmg D~Vlces,' JOB 32/3 (1981), pp. 479-491. Sec, also, Davidson, ,Hillo, Objects, pp. 126-129, pIs. 62-64.

, CHAPTER FOUR

160

legal documents, such as wills, marriage contracts, and court decisions concerning properly disputes' _ poetical works, like the epic of Digenes Akrites, the poems of Ptochoprodromos, and the epigJ'ams of IVlanuel Philes hagiographic texts historiographical works, though, admittedly, the references there to furniture and furnishings are rare accounts of ambassadors and travellers to Constantinople references to Byzantine brocade used for furnishings and to furniture of Byzantine origin in the Cairo Geniza documents:' Artistic representations have not been investigated systematically for relevant information because establishing whether furniture and furnishings represented in art reflected contemporary artefacts is far from straightforward. A similar investigation to the one I propose to undertake here was carried out by Han, who studied household furniture represented in Serbian painting of the twelfth to the fifteenth centuries. Comparisons with descriptions in written sources and with a number of surviving pieces, some of them post-fifteenth century, led to the conclusion that the furniture depicted in Serbian monuments reflected actual types in use in contemporary Serbian palaces and monasteries. 5 THE FURNITURE AND FU&'lISHINGS

Thrones The term 'throne' refers to the stately official seats of the emperor and empress, of the patriarch, and of the bishops and abbots of monasteries. It is also employed to describe the official seats of highranking dignitaries of the state and judges. No vestige remains of the thrones of the Byzantine emperors or of those of Byzantine

'3

These documents, as well as monastic foundation documents and inventories,

?ave beet; exa:nined by Oikonomides in his study mentioned above. He also took mto conslderanon the evidence of hagiographic texts. 4 S.D. ~oitein, A Meditma/icall Sociery. TIle Jewish Conunwlities of the Arab f1'orld as

Portrayed In the Documents .of. the Cai:o Ge7!iza, 5 vols. (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1967-1988) Qlercafte~ GOItcm, M,d.t. SOCiety), IV, pp. 1l0, 114, 116, 130. 5 Han, 'Profam namjdtaj na nasoj srednjovjekovnoj fresci,' ZbMPrimUmet 1 (1950), pp. 7-52.

'I.

FURNITURE AND FURNISHINGS

161

officials. On the other hand, fragJnents of B . . have survived from the Middle Byza~tine ::~:~I(~le~l~copal thrones thrones of bishops and abbots dated to th C • 7). Complete e 10urteenth a d I h . near y fifteenth century have also come down to us th . . ' oug admIttedly all k Ies nown to me oncnnate the examp from Serb'la and Bulga' ' (PI . o' 16B).6 GIven the scant documentation , it is d'ffi . na h . I cu It to say m respect the thrones employed by members of t h ' w .at d'ff< e vanous categones . d b mentJOne a ove I ered one from another . throne-types . ' C ertam . like the lyre-backed'fi throne m the Middle Byzan t'me peno . d appear' to .have .been .speC! c to imperial use. Yet' wh at must h . ave' · distmI gUlshed . . . Impena thrones from . those of ecclesiast'IC and secuIar digmtanes. was above all the laVIshness of the decorat'Ion 0f th e rIOrmer. . " Impenal thrones are descnbed m wntten sources as bemg . goIden . probably wood encased In sheets of gold and en t d .h ' cious stones.7 ' crus e WIt prePortraits o~ Byzantine emperors enthroned or standing in front of a throne, whIch would have helped us visualize these saeyseats, t tI . are rare. Nikephoros II ~hokas ~963-969) is portrayed in the Pigeon House Church at <;avu§In standing in front of a backless throne with w~at appear to be turned legs (PI. 17). Two triangular projections WIth a rounded top are shown placed at the far side of the th ·the pIace of a backrest. The throne is encrusted with pearls~ m and gems. Emperors seated on backless thrones can be seen in the twelfthcentu:r i\;I~drid Slrylitzes. as. well, 8 though in these representations the peculIar tnangular projections seen at <;avu§in are absent. The throne of Michael VII Doukas in Coislin 79, f. 2r, is a variatIOn of the lyre-backed throne (PI. 11). It is rendered with a lavish use of gold and has ornate turned leO's and a backrest with curved uprights. 9 The backrest is adorned with five superimposed diminu-

; See, also, Petkovic and Boskovic, i.l1allastir Decani, pp. 211, 230, figs. 96, 97. CSee, for example, De cer., pp. 22, 115, 519-520, 521, 632; 771e If'orks of Liudprand of remOlla, tr. F.A. Wright (London, 1930) (hereafter Liudprand Antapodasis) p. 207' Li . udprm~d, Re/alio, p. 28; Kinn., pp. 83, 205; 'flle Tral'eis of lbn B~It1ta, tr. S. Lee (ne,:' ~~rz:slOn London, 1984; I st edition London, 1829) (hereafter rbn Batola), p. 83; (h nerary 'If B"yamm 'If Tude/a, cd. A. Asher, 2 vols. (London and Berlin, 18~0) thereaft~r Benjamin of TlIdela), I, p. 53. Cf. the representation of the imperial ~O~~lI1 Par. gr. 510, f. 239r, se~ ~rllbakcr, Vi.fi~ll and Jleam'llg, fig. ~7. .' Ti < bar and ~\!lanollssacas, Slfylltzes, fig. 35; S. Cllc.lc-Estopafian, S1fyliJ.:(S .\lalnJmsJS. o:n~.t (Barcelona and Marhid, 1965), pI. I. tI 1 '~phoros III Botanciates is portrayed sealed on a similar, though less ornate, lrone III ( 1(2bis)r of the same manuscdpt (Appendix 2, no. 23).

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tive arcades supported on pairs of minuscule balusters. As attested by extant examples of mainly ecclesiastical furniture dated to the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, minuscule arcades, balusters, and knobs were a popular feature of wood-Calving in the Balkans during the Middle Ages (PIs. 168-170).\0 This carly representation could indicate that this wood-carving style was practiccd already in the Middle Byzantine period, even though both the preserved examples and the artistic evidence suggest that it was during the Late Byzantine and Post-Byzantine periods that it achieved its greatest popularity." Later representations of imperial thrones are less detailed. In the illustrated epithalamioll Vat. gr. 1851, f. I I' (1179), the emperor Manuel I is shown seated on the throne with a backrest, the uprights of which al'e only slightly cUlved. 12 Almost two centuries later, John VI Kantakouzenos in Par. gr. 1242, f. 5v (1375), is portrayed seated on a golden throne, the backrest of which is probably curved, with straight uprights and the top decorated with a row of knobs (PI. 24). Information concerning the thrones of state officials in mediaeval Byzantium is scant. References to them in the sources are rare. Ibn Baruta in the account of his visit to Constantinople (1333) describes how he met a judge in the 'market of the clerks'. This judge was seated on a 'great seat covered with cloth', placed under a wooden canopy.13 The only portrait of a Byzantine official on a throne, as far as I know, is that of the megas doux Alexios Apokaukos in Par. gr. 2144, f. Ill' (after 1331) (PI. 68). Apokaukos is seated on a throne which, judging by its light brown colour, is wooden. Wooden panels decorated with some kind of relief or openwork ornament cover the spaces between the rectangular legs of the throne, giving the

10 See" also, E. nal!a8~vou~-TO'oup~, '':::UAOyAU1tTIl1tOptCX tOU Kcx8ot..lICOU U\; Movn; ~,K~~~GEt»C; TI\, ElEOtOKOU CITl'\ MOA"~&)(1Kl'n"GTI\ ["'''WlV'''V,' AE 1993, pp. 83-105, gs. 1 2 (door panels of the kntholilwn of the Monastery of tl,e DOlmition at loannina, ~ted to ~e caT:Y fo~rteenth. century); V. Han, 'Srcdnjovekovni pIimerak namdtaja darnanastua Decana, :(pMPrimUmel 14 (1970), pp. 31-41 (hexagonal stand at Decani, ~~d to the late fourteenth or early fifteenth ccmlll)').

The a?sence of finds of furniture with turned elements from Middle Byzantine archaeolOgIcal contexts m~)' be due to accidents of survival. Cr. finds of balusters ~mployed for th~ decoration of wooden furniture from Early Byzantine sites in gypl, where envlronmental conditions are favourable for the preservation of wood, r~8~) .-H. ~5u~chowscaya, Calabigue des hois de I'Egypte copte. Musee du limvre (Paris, 12 ,PP' .. -, ~ (nos. 318-335). 13 Iacoblfil, L epltal.ar~110 di Andronico I1,' fig. 7. J. Eben;oh, ConSlanllllople /ryzanline el les v"lageurs du Levant (Paris, 1918), p. 44.

FURNITURE AND FURNISHINGS

163

whole a box-like appcarance. The throne has. a recta nguIar flat back rest but no arm-supports. The scat has an elon ga ted bl ue' cushion .'. . . contrast to t h e rare occurrence of thro In. ' . nes In Impenal and officml portraiture, representatIOns of thrones. in re\19tOUS .. art are '. numerous. T hey are commonly attributed to Chri t d h 'bl' I d ' s an t e Vlrgtn ruIers b oth b1 Ica an non-blblical, dignitaries and b' h ' "d d . . , lS ops. They b d can . e lVIk e m two major. groups: backless thro nes an d thrones WIth a ba~ rest.. ~ypes belongtng to both groups were employed concurrently m arbstlc contexts. h The represented backless thrones may be distingui h d . sub-groups: s e Into tree 1. thrones with turned legs. This is a type that was in use in the Early Byzantine period,l{ but apparently rarely represent d . Middle Byzantine artistic contexts (PIs. 100, 101). I do not ~~,~ of .a~y represent~tions date~ to the Late Byzantine period. The arbsbc eVIdence IS not suffiCient to prove that the throne with the turned legs was actually employed during the Middle Byzantine period. 2. thrones with rectangular legs. The backless thrones illustrated in the Madrid Sk;ylitzes belong to this category.i' This is the commonest of all types represented in religious art and it appears in pictoria~ contexts throughout the Byzantine era (PIs. 18, 162).16 It IS very likely that such thrones were actually employed in Byzantium. 3. thrones of box-like appearance, with wooden panels inserted between the four legs, as in the case of the throne of the megas daux Apokaukos. As far as I know, this type appears for the first time in Late Byzantine artistic contexts (PI. 93).1' It probably reflected an actual type of throne in use during the Late Byzantine period.

. H Theodosios J, for example, is portrayed seated on such a throne on his missonurn ,now in :Madrid, see Chapter 1, note 6. For the use of thrones with tunlcd lc~ In Roman times scc G. Richter, Andent Ftlmilure (Oxford, 1926), pp. 122-124-. See above, note 8. 16 Se~, also, thrones of emperors and kings in the .Htnologium of Basil 11 \11 fj£l1001i10, pp. 100, 234, 281); the throne of the Virgin in the "pse mosaic of Hag>a ophla, Constantinople (Lowden EarlY Christiall alld Byz. Art, fig. 99). 11 See, also, TOltOUptOOU 0 (~rpwpl~ 81&1CoaJ.l~ rov Ayiov Nuroltlov Opq1aVOl>, pIs. 57-59. '

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Turning now to thrones with a backrcst rep:esented in religious contexts, these may be di\~ded into the followmg sub-groups: I. thrones with a lyre-shaped back, named thus after the peculiarly curved uprights of the backrest. The development and significance of representations of this type of throne have been discussed in detail by Cutler and Breckelll~dge. 18 This type of throne first made its appearance in artistic contexts in the fifth century, on imperial coinage and, roughly at the same time, in portrayals of Christ and of the Virgin and Child." It is not possible to ascertain in which of the two contexts, imperial or religious, it was employed first. Representations of tlle lyre-backed throne knew a period of renewed popularity following the end of Iconoclasm, from the ninth century down to the eleventh. This throne was attributed to Byzantine emperors of the Macedonian dynasty portrayed on coinage. ,0 In religious iconography it was mostly associated with the figure of the enthroned Christ, both on coinage-in His attribute as 'King of Kings,21-and in monumental painting, for example in the famous mosaic in the narthex of Hagia Sophia, Constantinople (Appendix 2, no. 6), and in the theophanic Bsions adorning the apses of tenth- and eleventh-century Cappadocian churches (PI. 171). Lyre-backed thrones apparently disappear from both secular and religious artistic contexts in the Late Byzantine period. 2 ' Cutler considers the lyre-backed throne as a fictitious type, ultimately inspired by the lyre of Orpheus, who was said to have tamed wild beasts with his music. According to Cutler, the lyre-backed throne was attributed to Christ in His role as the bringer of harmony to the world and, by extension, to the Byzantine emperor as Christ's Bcar on Earth and His instrument of maintaining world harmony." Breckenridge, on the other hand, considers that the representations of the lyre-backed throne were in

18 A. Cutler, Tran#guralwns. Studres in the f!ynamics if Byzantine Iconography (University Park, 1975), pp. 5-52;J.D. Breckenridge, 'Christ on the Lyre-backed Throne,' nop 34-35 (1980/81), pp. 247-260. : Breckenridge, 'Christ on the Lyre-backed Throne,' pp. 248-249, 250. lbid., p. 259. 21 lbw., pp. 257, 258-259; Cutler, Transjiguralums, p. 52. ~ Cutler, Tran#guratians, p. 30. lbw., pp. 45-52.

FURNITURE AND FURNISHINGS

165 all probability inspired by an actual impe . 1.1. na Ulrone typ ,-\ C tl theory as to the lyre of Orpheus bein th 1 . - e. u er's . , 0 f th e pecu l'tar lyre-shaped dg ' e uf tJmate SOurce 0 f .IIlSplratJon eSlgn 0 the back . . . encountere d m plctonal contexts prior to th fifl h rest, not e t century, appears q uite plausible. Moreover, the use of fict'tJ' . I ous symbol" in imperial and religious imagery was not kn . IC attnbutes un ownmBy . the orb, the symbol of universal dominatio' zantJum; . d Y h d . n, IS one example that c~mes to mm. .et, t? etatled representations of im . 1 ili WIth curved upnghts m Coislin 79 though drn' pena rones . h 1 h ' a tttedly relatively Iate, m tee event century, suggest that th I b . '. e yre- acked throne was not an Im~gtnary Ico~ographic type after all. It is ossibl that the rhetoncal compansons between 0 h P . . e '. rp eus and Chnst III h E 1 B t e . ar y yzantme penod were given concrete expression in the creatIon of a new throne-type to be employed b h Y t e emperor as ' , . Ch nst s representatIve on Earth. Alternatively .1. 1 b · , we yre- acked h h t rone may ave acqUIred an existence as a re 1 b' nl' a 0 ~ect 0 y m . d fI I the peno a ter conoclasm. Breckenricige has co . . 1 . h f: nvmcmg y argued of the enthroned Ch nst . as Ki ng of that m. t e amous mosaic . . Ki ngs .m .the Chrysotnkhnos of the imperial palace--reflected on .1. Ule com Issues of ~asil ~--:H? ,,:as represented seated On a lyrebacked throne, ~osslbly, m ImItatIon of the pre-iconoclastic mosaic iliat had stood m that. same ~lace.~' The throne of ilie emperor ~as placed beneath thIS mosatc. It IS not unlikely iliat iliis impenal thron? was made to resemble that of Chl~st above it." 2. throne~ Wlt~ a fl.at, rectangular back. This type appears in Early ByzantIne plctonal contexts (PI. 89), but is rare in Middle atld Late Byzantine religious images (PI. 172). However, the fact that ilie throne of the megas doux Apokaukos has a back of iliis sort sugges~ that such thrones were indeed employed in mediaeval ByzantIum. 3. thrones with a flat backrest and curved top. This type was in use already. during the Early Byzantine period" and continues to appear m artistic contexts during the following centuries (Pl. 98).'8 2i 2.j

Bre kc 'd Ih / nn gc, 'Christ on the Lyre-backed Throne,' p. 260.

I., p. 257. " ~f. ~ormack and Hawkins, 'The Mosaics of St. Sophia,' pp. 242-244. anilS ~eR or e~ample) ~e~blueck, COllslllardip!ychtll, no. 65 (diplych of Probianus, vicGeor; ~m~ 400); Sm.., fig. 4 (icon with ti,e Virgin and Child enthrolled, SIS. 28 Se a~ heodorc, and angels; seventh century). cc, so, Glory of Byzantium, no. 246 (Sinai, icon of the Annunciation, I:\velfth "

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The abbot's wooden throne and the royal marble throne from Deeani"" belong to this categOlY· 4 thrones ,,~th a curved back. The famous ivory throne of Maximian, . t Ravenna (c. 547) belongs to this category. so Though rarely repa , 31 I ·th resented in Middle Byzantine contexts, t lrones WI. a curved back become common in artistic contexts from the thirteenth century onward (Pis. 173, 174)." Some illustrated backrests were but frames Mth a curtain suspended from their horizontal cross-bar. Such 'backrests' are fi'equently encountered in Middle Byzantine artistic contexts, but only rarely in Late Byzantine ones (Pis. 50, 175).33 The purpose of this .feature was perhaps to 'frame' the personage seated on the throne, 1Il order to make him or her stand out from his/her surroundings. During the Middle Byzantine period thrones Mth a back were as a rule represented ,,~thout arm-rests. These became common only in Late Byzantine contexts. They are shown either attached at right angles to the back or, in the case of thrones M~h curved backs, as a continuation of the backrest (Pis. 45, 173). With regard to decoration, minuscule balusters, diminutive arches, and knobs became increasingly common in representations of thrones from the thirteenth century onwards." Surviving pieces of wooden ecclesiastical furniture bearing this kind of decoration prove that, at least in their

century: throne of the Virgin); lVIiIlet, MomulI£Ills f?yz. de Mislra, pI. 90.4 (SlS. !h~odores, the patron-sailllS presenting a supplicant to the Virgin: throne of the Vlrgm). 29 Petkovic and Bo~kovic, jl1anastir Delani, pp. 211, 230, figs. 96, 97. 30 G. Bovini La caltetira ebumea del vescovo Massimiano di Ravenna (Ravenna, 1990). 31 For exam~le, the seat of the youthful Virgin in the Presentation of the Virgin at Daphni, sce Millet, U TlWTU1Sler, d, Daplmi, pI. XIX.2. " See, also, LT. nW.avianc;, KaJJ..lifYfTIq, OA~q eerraJ..{aq aplarDq t;wyparpDq (Athens, 1973), pI. 15 (Verroia, church of the Anastasis, Annunciation: throne of the Virgin). 33 See, also, E. Bakalova et al., Tresors d'arl medieval bulgare, Vlf-XVP sieele (Ben~e, 1988), no_ 146 (ninth-tenth-century tile "ith glazed decoration from Preslav: Chnst on a lyre-backed throne); I1 Menologio, p. 108 (Seventh Ecumenical Council: throne of the presiding emperor); C. Stomajolo, lvlinia/ure delle omi/it di Giacomo l\1onaco (cod. vatie.gr. 1162) , dell'(lJangelwrio greco urhinale (cod. valie_ gr. urbill. 2) (Rome, 1910), pI. 50 (Val. gr. 1162, r. 117v); 17" Church 'If Haghia Sophia at Trehi<;olld, ed. D. TalbotRice (Edinbwllh, 1968), p. 106, fig. 71 (apse: Virgin and Child); Movaxou Ka1J,.(v~.Ou, H <£XVIK'Ij mq arlOrpa
FURNITURE AND FURNISHINGS

167 decoration, the depicted thrones did reflect conte . In representatiOns a II thrones had one or two elo mporary d examples . . . ngate cushIOns In some examples the cushiOns were covered with a f: b . h' . a nc w Ich continued down the firont an d the back of the seat (PI. 176) T ' '" , (h . he references to '{3L. I'.UHoa~p{J)ra aEI\,I\,!a t rones covered Mth 'Ik . . .. . h b SI fabnc) in the Dl cenmonus mlg t e referring to this kind f . ' . 0 arrangement that IS, to a loose silk covenng, rather than to thrones mth an u hol: stered seat." p

Other Furniture.fOr Seating It may be assumed that furniture for seating was employed in the impenal palace, the palaces of the aristocracy, and in the r 'd . . al ffi' I 36 0 eSI ences ~f eccIeSlas.nc 0 CI~ s. n the other hand, it is difficult to establish how ~Idesprea~ Its use was among the middle and poor classes. Oikono~l~es has ~Ighlighted the rarity of references to furniture for seating 1Il mventones and mlls of the eleventh to the fifteenth century. Ch~rs (tlzro~ia), stools (skamnia, se/lia), and benches (makry'S/mmnia) are mennoned 1Il only three documents, the resignation of abbot ~abas from ~atJnos (c. 1119);:' the !ypikon of the Pantokrator Monastery In ConstantIOnople (1136), and the will of Theodosios Skaranos a member of the provincial nobility from Hermeleia in the Cha1kidik~ (1:70-12?4).39 Though Oikonomides himself acknowledges that the eVidence IS too scarce to admit generalizations, he proposed that permanent benches of wood or masonry constructed along the walls of a room could have served the household's needs for seating. Such architectural features would not be mentioned in lists and inventories of movable property. Permanent benches, as well as pennanent tables, were a feature of monastic refectories. They can be seen, for example, at the Great Laura on Mount Athos, at Nea Mane on Chios,

J5 D, cer., pp. 520, 52 L P ~ Cr. Manuelis Phii1Ie camll;w illidila, cd. A.E. Martini (Naples, 1900) (hereafter hiles, Cannma, cd. !vlartini) no 66 • 37 MM, VI, p. 243. Not; th~t eight of the twelve stools (skamllia lom,ula) men-

boned .m tlus document were meant to be employed in an ecclesiastical, n?t a domestIc context. The remaining four were to be placed wherever the abbot ot the

m~nasteIY sa:v

fit.

fi P. G~utler) 'Le typikon du Christ Sauver Pantocrator/ REB 32 (1974) (here~ a ter GautIer, 'Typikon du Pantocrator'), p. 99. The stools ('illose"w) are listed as pa~ of the equipment of the hospital of the monastery. Acles de Xbopolamou, ed. J. Bompaire (Paris, 1964), p. 80.

168

CHAPTER FOUR

· La kas and at Patmos.'o At present it is not possible to at H OSIOS u , f d' I . . to w Ilat extent 0 me laeva domestIc detel1111ne . they . fonned part . .. . . · . ce (al'cllaeolo01cal research III this field IS sllll at Its arch Itecturc, Slll . ~ "It'IS, ho"'ever a fact that in some of the houses of the lIl.aney. n , eleventh to the fourteenth centUlY excavate? at Pergamon, such built " discovered. According 10 Rheldt, these could have42been benches "Cle . employed for seating, sleeping, or even for slorlllg purposes. On the other hand, no built benches have been. reported from the ~ouses of the thirteenth to fifteenth century at l'vllstra,. nor fr~m mediaeval houses excavated at Corinth, Thebes, Atta, and Dldymotelcho (Thrace). Byzantine artistic representations do not ~llow one to .speak ~f a . -"'Pe which was distinctive of the mediaeval Byzantme penod, h call' ') .' +3 Ch '. .I . like the kiiSlnos had been III claSSical Greece. ans are ~a!e y lepresented. What seems to distinguish them from thrones IS the fact that chairs appear to be of lighter construction a~ld do not bear an encrustation of jewels. They are sometimes attnbuted to the four evangelists portrayed in illuminated gospel-books 01: on the pendentives of domed churches. Some have an unconventIOnal appearance and may reflect existing examples. One may mention the chair of the evangelist Mark in Athens 93, [ 52v, dated to the last q~arter of twelfth century (PI. 177), with its high, rectangular back which consists of a frallled lattice and its arm-rests set at right angles against the back. Another example worth mentioning is the chair of SI. Matthew in Bum£)' 19, [ Iv, also dated to the twelfth century (PI. 178). Both the back and its al11l-rests are adorned with minuscule arcades and knobs-another early example of the use of these decorative elements which will become more widespread in the monumental painting of the following period. The stool appears in a variety of fOl11ls in Byzantine artistic contexts, the most popular being the folding stool (PI. 80).44 The sella culUlis, the distinctive !)'Pe of folding stool, which served as the stately seat of the consuls in the Early Byzantine period and which was also employed by Early Byzantine emperors when they assumed the ;:0,"

., Oikonomides, 'The Contents of the Byz. House,' pp. 212-213. See, also, below. " Cf. Ch. Bouras, 'Houses in Byzantium,' L1XAE 11 (1983), pp. 1-:26. , ., K. Rheidt, 'Byzantinische Wohnhauser des 11. bis 14. Jahrhunderts ID Pergamon, DOP 44 (1990), pp. 199, 201. . A' I U On the klimws, both in the Classical and Roman periods see Richter, nctt7l Fu";",,,, pp. 45-46, 127-129. .. See, also, It Menokigio, p. 209.

FURNITURE

AND

FURNISHINGS

169 title of consul, does not, to my knowledge ap . . . artistic . 'contexts.' " It is reasonable to ' a pear mh medlaeva I Byzantme II dell ' . ssume t at the sella . curults was a owe to la mto dIsuse after the scv th ' ma .stracy.6 en Ncentury . ceasecl the consulate to b e an effective h ' when. ln ·. 0'. evert eless It would seem th al lIle trad Itlon of a folding stool se . ., rVlllg as a 'seat of . . , . d.' dlgtllly was transmItte to mediaeval Byzantium'" 'rh' . . '. . IS IS suggested by the fact that, III certalll medIaeval artistic co t fi . I'k . n exts, gures of authOrIty, I e emperors or offiCIals, are represented std c . I 48 I h d . . . ea e on loldmg stoo s. n t e eplcllon of ChrIst before Pilat . h h . e m t e c urch of SI. Nlcholas Orphanos at Thessalonike, Pilate is seated on such a folding stool (PI. 92). The seat is apparently a recta I . ngu ar piece , , of fabric, the narrow sides of which are sewn around two cylindrical elements. he supports are two trestles, adorned with a row of minuscule white balusters at their base. The vertical and the horizontal elements ~f the trestles are decorated with coils of black and white .colour. T~ls unusual ornament might suggest that the Supports were IIldee~ palllted thus or, perhaps, that they actually had silver leaf or whIte bands of leather or fabric wound around them. Alternatively, the painter may have used this pictorial device to indicate that the wooden trestles bore some kind of inlaid decoration of bone or ivory.'9

:r

., On tlle sella curulis see Delbrueck, Consulardip!yc!wn, pp. 63-64; O. Wanscher, Sella Cumlls. 17Ie Foldmg Stool. An Ancient Symbol 0/ Digni!y (Copenllagen, 1980), pp. 121-190; T.F. Mathews, 17Ie Oast. 0/ Gods. A Reinlerpretalion 0/ Early Christian Art (Pnnceton, 1993), pp .. 104-106, figs. 76-81. Note, however, that Mathe",'s claim that tlIe ~arly ByzantIne emperors employed the sella cumlis as their official seat at the exclUSIon of a throne-proper should be treated with caution. True, Constantios II \~as P?rtrayed seated on a sella cumlis in the Calendar of 354, and appropriately so Since In tillS case the emperor is represented in his consular insignia. Mathews, ho~vever, did not take into consideration the portrayal of Theodosios I on his m;ssonum of 388, where the emperor was portrayed as the head of state dressed in his cklttlll)'s, not a~ consul in his trahea, and, consequently, is shown seated on a backless throne WIth turned legs, not on a sella cumlis. ~ GuiIland, Recherches sur les institutions hyzauliues, Il, pp. 44-46. . 11 T~e use of the folding stool as a seat of both secular and ecclesiastical dignity IS certamly well-attested in mediaeval \Vestern Europe, see 'Vanscher, Stlla Curu/is, pp. 191-262.

~8. Sec, for example, Grabar and Ivlanoussacas, SIgI;I<.e.s, figs. ~1IIU1ture delle omilie di Giacomo Monaco, pI. 76 (Vat. 11'. 1162, f.

61, 85; Stornajolo, 178v); SI. Nicholas N?snnzes, Kastoria: The three generals before Constantine from the cycle of St I~holas (Consta.ntine seats on a folding stool) (observation ill silu). . whit Represe~tatIons of similar folding stools but without tl.l~ pec.uhar b.lack-andCal e deco.ra~lOn of the trestles can be seen at Staro NagonclIlo,. III Ch.nst be~ore f aphas (It IS the high ptiest who sits upon it) and at Resava, 111 the IllustratIon o the parable of poor LazaIus (it is the rich man who sits upon it), see Han,

CHAPTER FOUR

FURNITURE AND FURNISHINGS

looks like a tall cushion with a rounded top. It is golden in colour and has a bejewelled band around its base. A si~llilar cushion is represented in one of the miniatures of the 1I1CIIO!OglUl/l of Basil H.6:! The cover of the latter has an overall scale pattern. IVlore ornate and impressive examples of the upholstered footstool can. be seen illustrated in eaulill 79, If. 2r, 2v (Pis. 6, 11). They are quite voluminous and their covers are richly patterned with lozenges in one case and scales in the other. Hadennann-Misguich in a study of the decOl'ative motifs on imperial footstools during tlle Middle Byzantine period has proposed tl1at these motifs were in themselves a symbol of pOWer and prestige, since tl1ey appear not only on the upholstered footstools but also on imperial garments and textile furnishings associated witll tlle emperor, high officials, and holy personages. 6' The upholstered footstools depicted in portraits of Komnenian emperors are not as high as tl10se of tlleir predecessors, tll0ugh tl1ey too have tl1e bejewelled band around their base. Their covers are sometimes adorned witl1lattices enclosing floral motifs, like tl1e footstool of Alexios I in Vat. gr. 666, f. 2r (PI. 12). In Vat. urb. gr. 2, f. 19v, John II Komnenos and his eldest son, Alexios, appear standing on upholstered footstools decorated witl1 great medallions which in tl1e case of tl1e footstool of John H enclose some kind of animal (PI. 21). The upholstered footstools of Nicaean and Palaiologan emperors differ from tl10se of their Middle Byzantine predecessors in that, as a rule, tl1ey do not have a bejewelled band around tl1eir base. They look almost tubular. They are always bright red in colour, not purple as some earlier examples were. From the reign of Theodore II Laskares onward (1254-1258), tl1ey have a standard decoration of golden eagles, sometimes enclosed in medallions (Appendix, 2, no. 31). The earliest representations of double-headed eagles on imperial footstools, are dated to tl1e reign of Andronikos II Palaiologos (PI. 23).65 The Middle Byzantine upholstered footstools were also introduced in contemporary religious pictorial contexts (Pis. 54, 90), though they never completely supplanted tl1e traditional box-like footstools. By

contrast, the Palaiologan imperial footstools I' " were not reflect d . . Late Byzantme re IgJOUS pictorial contexts.66 O ' ed m ccaslOnally . encounter representatlOns of upholstered footsto I . h one Des '. 0 s Wit out th b' elled band around theIr base m the Palaiologan e eJew. . manner (PI 92) b never the bnght red cushlOn adorned with the Id " ut .. I ' go en eagles Pe h the pohtlca connotations and the association f.1-"' ' . raps . li d 0 uUS Item Wltl1 th Byzantme ru ng ynasty were too specific to pe rm1llts ' . us' I'e gious contexts. e m re 1-

172

" It MtrUJiJJgio, p. 108 (Seventh Ecumenical Council: enthroned emperor). 64 L. Hade.rma~-Misguich, 'Tissus de pouvoir ct de prestige sous les IVlacedoniens et les Comnenes. A propos des coussins-de-picds et de leurs representations,' L1XAE 17 JI993-1994), pp. 121-128. Ibid., p. 127.

173

Tables One assumes iliat Byzantine tables were rectangul . 67 Wh h' . ar or square m shape. en ot efWlse, thIS was specifically stated'm the sources 68 . Ordinary tables would have been made of wood Th bl . . d 'b d " . e la e of the emperor IS eSCrI e as . golden ' h gold ' possibly wooden covere dWIt leaf. Members of_IT the darIStocracy and wealthy ecclesiasfICS were aIso • • • m a posltlOn to illl?r tables made of precious materials.'9 Marble t~bles are ~so mentIoned in the sources. 70 The tables of some monasIlC refectOrIes were built, with masonry benches around tl1em. The examples . .at Nea Mone, Chios ' and . at Patmos have a marbl etop Wltl1 a raIsed border and small mches for utensils along th' 'd (Pis. 180, 181).71 err SI es Not all the households investigated by Oikonomides owned a table. He has suggested that another piece of furniture, like a chest, might hav.e served as a table. Alternatively, if a room was provided witl1 st~llonary benches along ilie walls, people could have sat on tl1em With. tl1eir plate~ placed on the bench next to them.72 There is yet a third alternatIve, and iliis is that maybe in some households the

l~ .The ~nly ,representation of an upholstered footstool adorned with eagles in a re IglOUS plctonal context I have come across is encountered in a Serbian monu~e~t, N~arkov :Manastir. It is attdbutcd to Constantine in a scene from the cycle o 67 t. .Nlcholas, sec 8evcenko, 'DIe Lzji if Saint Nichelas, fig. 36.11. " Liudprand, Rekzlie, p. 40. 66 ( S~f' for example De cer., p. 594 (round table); Philes, ennni/IO, ed. Martini, no. 69 t~ e wl~h octagonal rotating top, owned by the bishop of Strurnitza}. (\V I ?astantllle Perphyrogerritus. De ndminislrnnde imperio, ed. Gy. Moravcsik, tr. R. Jenkins ~~~on D.e., 1967) 01ereafter De adm. imp.), p. 244. See, also, previous note.

,:S

am ' IV, p. 57: a marble table is listed, along with a great, wooden one, nea~n§ the mo~able. property of an abandoned monastic establishment at Mantaia, 71 • myma" m ASIa Minor, 1233. ~ik OpAt\voo<;, MovaCITT/p,w
"

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meal was actually laid out on a large tray or ~n a ca~vet plac~d on lal1l1er which is commonly associated wIth an onental . a n· . . • tIle fl OOf, 111 'r "The practice was not unknown III medIaeval ByzantIum , way 0 fl ue. tllOugh, it should be noted, the descriptions of people eating seated on tIle fl oor refer to occasions when the74emperor was on campaign or when tile meal was served in a tent. . With regard to types of tables represented 111 art one may distinguish the following categories: I. sigma-tables, tllat is, .tables with one c~r~ed and on~ ~traigh: side,

named after tile anCIent Greek letter C. The pa:!Jclpants ltl ilie meal would recline on couches along the curved SIde of the table. This type was introduced in the Late Roman pel~od and was often represented in contemporaneous artistic contexts. 75 During tile mediaeval period, comparable tables were used in monastic refectories on Mount Amos (PI. 182).76 One wonders whether the tenn 'alCOK'07tn) rpalCEt;a' mentioned in the De cerimoniis also refers to a table wim a top of mis shape. 77 I consider it unlikely that such tables were employed outside the monastic and, perhaps, me imperial milieu during me Middle and Late Byzantine periods. In art mey are usually introduced into dining scenes, especially me Last Supper, most probably in imitation of Early Byzantine artistic prototypes (Pis. 183, 184).78

" ]. Sadan, Le mobilin au Proche Orient medibal (Leiden, 1976), p. 81. " Haldon, Constantine Porpi!yrogenitus, pp. 104, 106; Kantak., Ill, p. 28 (carpets, though no trays, are mentioned). . j} A number of marble, sigma table-tops with raised borders, which wou~d have been supported by wooden Of, perhaps, metal stands, have been discovered In,Late Roman archaeological contexts) see G. Roux, 'Tables chretiennes en marbre decau\'ertes it Salamine,' in Salamine de Ci!J'Pre IV: AntllOlogie Salaminimne (Paris, 1973), pp. 133-196 (\\;th further bibliography) and]. Balty, 'Notes sur I'habitat romain, byzan· tin et arabe d'Apamee. Rapport de synth"se,' in !lpamee de Syrie, p. 478, pI. xcm. On the origins and development of the sigma-table see G. Akerstrom-Hougen, Tht Colmdar and Hunting Mosaics Wtlle Vifla Wthe Fakoner ill !lrgos (Stockholm, 1974),. p~; 101-107,116-117; N. DuvaJ, 'Les maisons d'Apamee et l'architecture "palattale de l'antiquite tardive,' in !lpawe de Syri£, pp. 457-464. " 'OpMvSo;, MovaC1TI/pla.a, IIpXlreKTOvIK'I), pp. 52-53. The author does not specify whether the sigma table-tops were Early Byzantine pieces in second use or whether they were contemporal)' to the construction of the refectories. " De. <er., p. 95. . ~8 _ See, also, Chatzidakis, Hosios 1nukns, fig. 79 (crypt: Last Supper); St~n~aJolo, Mu/lOt!'". d,/k omifit di GiacolllO Monaco, pI. I 7 (Vat. gr. 1162, f. H\': Benedicuon of the Vll~n by the pri!"ts); The Chu,," Hag"w Sop"w at Trebizorui, fig. 56 (Last Supper), XQt~qoo."'I<;, Mvatpa;, fig. 15 (Metropolis: Wedding at Canal; 7711! CI!y Wlvlystras, fig. 109 (Peribleptos: Last Supper).

FURNITURE AND FURNISHINGS

175 . 2 oval tables. This lype, encountered in Middle and La B te yzantme . h b . . . art, appears to ave een an artIstIC mvention which resulted from an a.ttempt to r~present a round table in perspective" or from a mIsunderstandmg of the correct way of . 80 I LB' represen tmg a sigma-t~ble. n at~ yzantme contexts oval tables appear commonly m representatIOns of the Last Supper. Often, they look as if they are made of mason~ rather than wood and have what appear to be marble tops WIth raised borders (PI. 185). The visible side of the table at St. Nicholas Orphanos has a f . ) 81' row 0 mches (PI. 186, a decoratIve feature probably inspired b th niches [or utensils on the sides of the great built tables in m~nas~ tic refectories (PI. 181). 3. rectangular tables. Their appearance in Middle Byzantine contexts, especially in dining scenes, may be called exceptional (PI. 187).82 The~ become mo~e common in Late Byzantine painting, iliough not m representatIOns of tile Last Supper. In most examples the tables are represented as if made of wood and, in some cases, are covered wim a tablecloth."' In tenns of decoration some tables had a row of turned balusters, pseudo-balusters, or knobs at the sides (Pis. 39, 188, 189),84 while others had their sides closed off with panels bearing some kind of relief decoration."' Apart from serving at meals, tables were also employed as working benches and as writing desks.86 It is worm noting that in portrayals

79 Velmans, Laur. VI. 23, fig. 174. '" Ibid., fig. 176.

81 Such niches can be seen on the front side of sigma-tables as well in thirteenthc,entury contexts or later (PI. 184). In ~'Iiddle Byzantine representations the straight Side of the sigma-table was commonly covered with a valance, see Consraminides, 'The Tetraevangelion,' pis. 75, 81; Velmans, 1nllr. VI. 23, fig. 110. " See, also, Restie, Byz. Wall-paintill", fig. 179 (G6reme, Elmah kilise: Last Supper). 83 S.ee! for example, NIillet, j\1on%ments try;:;. de Alistra, pI. 125.4 (Per~bleptos, BenediCtion of the Virgin by the priests); A. Delivonias, Guide to the Bmaki ,Musewll (Athens, 1980), fig. 29 (icon with the Hospitality of Abraham, fourteent~ centUlY). /l.i See, also, T. Gouma-Peterson 'Christ as .Ministrant and the PrIest as the Ivlinistrant of Christ in a Palaeolo~n Program of 1303,' DOP 32 (1978), fig. I+ (O~nd, Peribleptos: the tables in the Expulsion of the merchants from the Temple). See above, note 83 (icon with the Hospitality of Abraham, Benaki Museum). Cf" Late Byzantine box-like thrones (PI. 68). . The use of writing desks was not common in the Clas.'Hcal and Roman w~rlds. It bec?me gradually more widespread from the fifth centUlT onward. By t?e Middle A7~s. It \Vas firmly established, sce B..Metzgcr, "Vhen Did Scnhes. Begm to Use nhng Desks?' ilktm des Xl intemationafell Byzanlillistntkongresses (Mumch, 1960), pp. 3'155-362. .

176

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cHAPTER FOUR

of d,e evangelists, hymnographers, and scribes, these figures are seldom shown actually wliting at a desk. The small tables that usually accompany their portraits serve as stands for their writing imple8 ments rather than as functional writing desks. ' Some examples also have a lower open shelf for ink-bottles and for codices or scrolls.ss Others look more like cupboards, provided wid1 compartments and doors, for the safe-keeping of writing implements (PI. 178).89

Beds and Bedding The use of beds by members of all social strata is attested in medi9D aeval written sources. Beds were used in d1e Great Palace and, one 91 supposes, in the palaces of the aristocracy as well. The use of beds by the members of the lower classes is attested in saints' lives written in the ninth and tend1 centuries."' One assumes that beds continued to be used in palaces after the tenth century; they certainly formed part of the equipment of monastic hospitals, like those of the Pantokrator in Constantinople (1136) and the Kosmosoteira at Ainos (1152).93 Sleeping on a bed was apparendy considered a sign of elevated social and financial status. 94 Yet, beds are rarely mentioned in Byzantine legal documents containing lists of household furniture and fnrnishings."; Oikonomides has suggested that the use

87 See, selectively, H. Buchthal and H. Belting, Patronage in 77zirtemlli century Consf, in Byzantium, fig. 14 (portrait of St. John 1Il an eleventh-century manuscript); Constantinides, 'The Tetraevangelion,' plo 69 (Athens 93, [ 86v, twelfth century: SI. Luke); Buchthal and Belting, Patronage in Thirteenth-antury Consf
: See ,?iko,nom~des, 'The Contents of the Byz. House,' note 36. . Gauoer, Typikon du Pantocrator' pp. 83, 85; L. Petit, 'Typikon du monastere de la Kosmosotira pres d'£nos (1152),' Il:JIestiia Russkogo Archeowgicheskago Instituta v IGmSf
AND

FURNISHINGS

177 of beds in the average mediaeval Byzant'me househ Id tional and that people placed their beddin eith o. was excep_ floor or on permanent benches built alon gth . er directly on the g e Sides of th tile common room. T hese benches would h e walls of d r ave served r. . . th d ' dunng . e ay time an lor sleeping during t h ' or seatmg e mght 96 AI . one might have placed the bedding equip . tematlvely, . . . ment on a long h 97 In artIstiC. representatIOns of beds,the b dstead IS . rar Ic est. , e "b covere d as It IS under the bedding One . e Y VlSI le .th . may cite repre . of beds Wl turned legs in the Menolomu ". m 0 f B' asil II 98 SentatlOns S these bedsteads .were provided with railin gs at the head. d/ ome of . the feet.. The raIlIngs, perhaps made of metal orof wood anc or .at two vertIcal elements. and two or more horiz on tal parailel bars ,ompnse b them. Bedsteads \'11th . such railings continu e t0 appear .m a tetween d to the Late ByzantIne period (PI 190) 99 It . r own 'th '1' h '. IS true that bedstead Wl raI mgs t e head are encountered m . much ' pict . sI .at. earlier contexts like the SIXth-century Vienna Genesis 100 I . th ona sible that at least some of the mediaeval rep' t ~s, erefore, pos.. resentatIons were inspired . appearance byearlier artIstIc '1' models. Yet, given the diff<erence m between th e raI mgs .: and mediaeval . . represented in Early Byzanune art an d the· fiunctIonal character of this feature ' I see no reason to . douI btt that It contInued in use into the medi aevaI peno . d as well h ' n ~ l'vfenologzum of Basil II one encounters a representation of a much Simpler b.ed on which a deceased saintly nun lies. IDI This apparently, :onslsted of a plain wooden frame provided with a of rope to lIe on ..The paralytic of Bethesda in the representation of the relevant miracle of Christ (John 5:2-9) in the chapel of St. LeontIos at Patmos, carries a similar bedstead, though his is

grid

lapsible.afe Allrelated other refe'tcnees. to b e.s d m . Byzan~ne . legal documents known to the author P. Gauner 'Le ~o monasUc h~spItals o,r hospices. See above, note 93. See, also, typikon du'sebas~~'k~n ~e la The~tokos, Evergetis,' REB 40 (1982), p. 87; idem, 'Le du Pakollrianos') G~go~re Pakounanos, REB 42 (1984) (hereafte: Gautier, 'T\'Pikon (Brussels 1921) ,p. 13, H. Delehaye, DelL' !>,plCa i?Y;;antllls de I'ipoque des Paliologuts avec la 'COil ,P: 134; Actes de Mura, eds. P. Lemerle, A. Guillou, N. Svoronos, Kut/umus cd a~Ortl1On de D. Papachryssallthou, III (Paris, 1979), p. 25; Acles de 0; Oikon~ : e~erle (Paris, 1988), p. 99. " cr G .m~des, The Contents of the Byz. House,' p. 210. .. 11 "w Oltem, MedII. Sorie!>', IV, p. 114. ,. S i enrlogw , pp. 15, 22, 136. 100 M~z ~ so, Millet, MOl/uments i?Y;;. de Mistra, pl. 10 1.1 (Aphendiko: Dorrnition). to[ It 1/' K~mmentar <;ur Hlicller Gmesls, fig. 27. "''''OWglO, p. 330.

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provided with railings at least at Ol~e ~larrow. side.'o, The paralytic • 1 ' can"~ng similar bedsteads m ,llustratlOns of the same mirISS10\\n. } )1031'1 ade in other monuments as well (p.1. ~ 91 . lese bedsteads, comd to those cited earlier, are plam III appearance and are clearly pare as if made of wood. Cons,'d' . context in shown enng.tI le 'ICOllOgrapIHC which thcy occur-a healing miracle-, It appears to me quite plau'bl that these simply constructed bedsteads could reflect actual types SI e . ' h OSplt . aI s. '0·' of beds in use in Byzanune monastIc Turning now to bedding equipment, this included rugs, mattresses, pillows with their pillowcases, sheets, and covers. Sleeping on a straw mat was considered a sign of great poverty. In the case of monks and ascetics, sleeping on a straw mat was an act of modesty and of voluntal), deprivation. In representations of funerals of such personages, sometimes even of other ecclesiastics, the deceased are represented lying on such straw mats.'05 Most people, however, preferred sleeping on a mattress. The mattresses would have either been laid direcdy on llie sleeping smface or placed over a rug or carpet.'1l6 In artistic representations of beds, llie mattress is commonly shown placed over a valance, which falls down bolli long sides of llie bedstead. In Middle Byzantine artistic contexts the valance is richly patterned willi small and large medallions or with other fashionable motifs like spades and diaper patterns (PIs. 53, 190).101 In Late Byzantine contexts llie valance is comparatively plain in appearance, pnrple in colour willi golden border-bands and other attachments (PI. 192).'08 Pillows, like mattresses, were stuffed willi wool or

FURNITURE AND FURNISHINGS

179 cotton.109 The more elaborate examples were m d f ' . lIa A a e 0 sIlk and b ore embroidere d decorallOn. . s to Covers such as bl k . sibly, qUIlts, tIlese too wou Id have been made f an ets I and ' pos. 0 woo or cOllo while for the more expensIve ones silk was empl oye d. '" n,

Textile Furnishings Textile furnishings other than those used for seati b dd' . I d Ih . ng, e mg and at the table, mc u ec ang1ngs, carpets and towels udr b'. , se IOr athmg. Wall-Hangings and Curtains" 2 A large number of Byzantine silks, ranoing . o· in date r Iromh t e' IlInth to the twelfth centunes, have been preserved in West E . ern uropean treasunes (PI. .193): In m~ny ~~ses their fragmentary state does not allow ~ne to IdentIfy ~h~Ir ong1nal function. That at least some of ~ese silk fi'agm~nts ~ng1nally formed part of wall-hangings-as disnnct from curtams-Is suggested by their great dimensions and by dIe lar?,e sc~le of the motifs ,,:h~ch adorn them." 3 It was not possible to Identlry any of the survlvmg Byzantine silks as a fragment of a curtain, though no doubt there must be some. The .f~nctional purpose of curtains was to serve as parUtlOns. In addltIon, they played an important part in the decoration of interior spaces. Curtains (be/a, kortinai) are commonly mentioned in

!,

109 Se~ .~atopMi, p. 158 (w~1l of m?uk ~Ila.ximos, the founder of the monastcl)' ofrhe VUgJ.n Boremc, near ~hIlade1phIa, 1~47/1258). See, also, the representation of e HealIng of the paralytiC at Bethesda III the l\'Ietropolis, .Mistra , in which the arust has portrayed a small boy carrying a red pillow on his shoulders standing next to the cured man (PI. 191). 110 Vatapidi, I, p. 355 (will of Theodore Sarantenos from Verroia 1325). Sce also MM II ,p'..406 ,10r r · " :. 1 a reference to pillows (number not specified) worth twelve 1!Yper-, py ~ll and, Ibid., p. 4~4, for a reference to a pillowcase worth five J:>perpyra. In the resignatIOn of abbot Sabas from Patmos (c. I J 19), there is reference ~~I two covers of pure silk to be placed at the disposal of honoured guests, sec ~rfiI, , p. 245. 112 The following discussion concerns the use of wall-hangings and curtains in s~cular contexts. For the use of such textile furnishings often embroidered, in eccleslas~cal COntexts sec the general introduction by M. 0EoXaPll, EKKitl1(TlacncKa xpuaa~;v~qra (Athens, 1~86), pP- 2 7 - 3 0 . . . 11 he. ~amberg silk WIth the Image of a tnumphant emperor, probably Basil X 'I \;~s ongmally 2;60 X 2.20 m. The medallions on the Aachen elephant silk (1.62 'Ik' m) have a diameter of 0.78-0.80 Ill, while the medallions on the Sens gnffin :~ 0 ~r~ c. 0.65 m in diameter (PI. 193). The lions on the Siegbllrg lion silk are 2.0.755 m ID length and 0.405 m in height, while the eagles on the AlIxerre M~~ sIlk are c. 0.75 m in height, see n,Iuthesius, B)'~alltille Silk H'eavillg, nos. M52, , M61, M85, M90.

0

LW

·A.

'OpMvOo" 'H apXlrElCTov,id)

lrai ai f3v,avnvai rOlxoyparpiw Tijq Movijq rail

eeoMrov Tijq flar/lov (Athens, 1970), pI. 33. See, also, GoumapPeterson, 'Christ as filIinistrant/ fig. 18 (Thessalonikc, church of Se Catherine). 10-1 See above, note 95. 105 See, for example, the Dormition of St. Euthymios, in his chapel at Thessalonike 103

(observation in situ); the Dormition of St. Nicholas at St. Nicholas Orphanos.! Thessalonike, see ·A. ?:uyyonoUA.o" ai T01xoyparpiE<; roil 'Ayiov NI~oMov 'ap~avav eEl1uaAovilcr/q (Athens, 1964), pI. 116. I.. In the will of George Melissenos from Lembos(?) in 1284, there is a refere~ce to two mattresses (stromata), one stuffed with cotton and one with wool, both WIth their carpets (epeuchia), see MM, IV, p. 266. . 107 See, also, E. Diez and O. Demus, By~alltine Afosaics in Greece: Daphni and HoSlos Uicas \Cambridge, Mass., 1931), fig. 105 (Daphni: Birth of the Virgin); Meg.a~v and Hawkins, 'The Church of the Holy Apostles at Perachorio,' fig. 42 (DormlUon). 108 See, also, C, Mavropoulou-Tsioumi The Church if SI. Nichalas arphanos (Thessalonike, 1986), pI. 11. '

i

CHAPTER FOUR

180

descriptions of imperial ceremonial settings. They served in place of "' they screened tlle emperor when protocol demanded that do o rs,. 11.1 he change costume m the cours~ of a .ceremony, and ~hey adorned the rooms and corridors of the Impenal palace on special occasions, like tlle birtll of a male child to .the emperor"6 or t~e reception of an important ambassador." l Dunng th~ Late Byzantme period Curtains (helo/ID'ra) formed part of the settmg for the ceremony of the prolfJpsis: they remained closed \.vhile the emperor was taking his place on the dais, and, once everythmg was ready, they were drawn back revealing him to the spectators. ~'8 ~ i~t~resti?g reflection of the 'revelatOlY function' of the curtam m rehgt.ous Ic.onogt·aphy can be seen in the luxuriously illustrated Constantmopohtan manuscript of the homilies on tlle Virgin by James the Monk, Vat. gr. 1162, f. 119v dated to the second quarter of the twelfth century. In a miniature illustrating the ,~sion of Isaiah (6: 1-7), tlle painter has depicted a curtain, adorned with tlle sun, the moon, and the stars, raised to reveal God in His Glory, surrounded by the angelic host. 119 Another instance of dle reflection of the revelatory function of dle curtain in

il4 De c.n., pp. 23, 72. '" Ibid., p. 25. '16 Ibid., p. 618. '" Ibid., pp. 5i3, 587.

"8 1]9

Pseudo-Kod., pp. 198, 269. Stomajolo, l\1iniaJure delle omiNe di Giacomo A1ollaco, pI. 52. The presence of the

sun, the moon, and the stars suggest that this was not an ordinary 'curtain', hut possibly a symbolic representation of the firmament. Be this as it may, the presence of a revelatory curtain in this context finds no textual justification in the bib-

lical narrative of Isaiah's vision or in the passage of the homily on the Annunciation that the miniature is illus.trating, s.cc PG 127, cols. 641, 644. Nor is its presence justified by the iconographic tradition of this vision in Byzantine art. Its sourc~ of inspiration needs to be sought elsewhere. Imperial ceremonial is onc such pOSSIble source. However, one cannot exclude the possibility that the introduction of the 'revelatory curtain' in this iconographic context, specifically associated with the Virgin and her instrumental role in the Incarnation, \vas in someway connecte~ with the 'habitual miracle' that took place eveIY Friday evening at the BlachcrnaI church in Constantinople and which involved a revelatOlY veil. According to elcven~ and twe1fth~century sources, the veil that covered an icon of the Virgin and Cluld housed at Blachernai would lift miraculously to reveal the icon beneath it,. see ~; Grumel, 'Le "miracle habituel" de Notre~Dame des Blachernes cl ConstantInople, Eclw, d'Orien/30 (1931), pp. 129-146. Michael Psellos had associated the revelator), veil in lhis miracle with the veil in the temple in Jerusalem which was torn when C?rist, the Virgin's Son, died on the Cross, thus revealing the hidden Truth ~o d,e frut!llul and al!o~ing the~ t? become intimate with God, see ibid., p'. 1.37. It .IS ~~~ unli~e1y that Slmt.lar assoclallons were known to the creator o~ t~e ~mature ~n of Vaucan manuscnpt and prompted him to introduce the curtam 111 Ius rendenng

FURNITURE AND

FURNISHINGS

ISI

religious iconography has been identified by Consta . .d . illustration of Strophe N of the Akathisws Hymn at Panagi:~1 es ~n .the Elasson. Strophe IV refers to the miraculous imm I ymPIOUssa, . . acu ate concept' of Christ. In thiS particular representation the V ' . IOn Irg.n IS portrayed · frontally, seate d on a th rone, wh lie a female attend d ant raws back a veil attache d to a po Ie placed behind the throne A di "des, b y means 0 f t h'IS gesture the Virgt' n th. Ccor I ng to Constanum .' I d ' e vesse of the IncarnaUon, IS rev~a e to the beholder in majestic magnificence 120 The use of curtams was of course not limited to the . 'al . . Impen court One would expect to find them m the houses of the a . t . . . ns ocracy and of the. proVlnclal ge~try. In the will of Theodore Sarantenos from VerrOl a (1325) there IS reference to five new curtains (kortinai).'2' One curtain also formed part of the inheritance of Andronikos T . h from Constantinople (1400).122 Such curtains would have serv~~ ~ the place of screens and/or interior doors.l23 Alternatively, in houses where there wa~ only one large li~ng-room they might have served in the place of mtenor partitions. 124 Artistic representations of curtains pro~de useful information as to their manner of suspension. They were pro~ded with a row of rings through which they were attached to a wooden or metal bar. In a number of miniatures in the Menologium of Basil II this horizontal bar is shown supported by two brackets attached to dle wall."5 When the curtain was drawn, it would have been secured on a hook attached to one of the door-jambs'!6 or tied in a knot'" as seen in illustrations.

the vision of Isaiah as an allusion to the Virgin's intennediary role-as the vehicle of ~e. .Incarnation-in granting mankind-represented here by the prophet-the pOSSIbIlity to behold divine mystelies. '~Cons~anrinides, 771e Wall-pailllillgs of Pallag;" OiYmpiolis,a, pp. 142-144, fig. 84b. I.' Vawped" I, p. 355. "2 MM, n, p. 407. • 123 E. Dautennan !vlaguirc, H. lVlaguire, NIJ. Duncan~Flowers, Art and Hofy Powers In ~e earlY ~hTistiall HOllse (Urbana-Champaign, 1989), p. 45. 125 er GOltem, iHedtl. Society, rv, p. 119. bl It Meaologio, nos. 30, 142, 146, 212. C( 1'0\\' of finger-shaped hooks, probay used for the suspension of curtains above the doors leading from the narthex t~ the n~ve at Hagia Sophia, Constantinople, sce H. Kahler, Die Hagia Sophw. AliI B~/rag vo". Cyn'L Maago Ilber die Mo,aikell (Berlin, 1967), figs. 20-23. 223 II MenowglO, nos. 30, 98, 159, 223; Pclekanidcs et aL, Treasures, I, figs. 1.13, M. actual Early Byzantine examples of curtain~h.ooks, see Dautennan MagUlre, ~f';e, DU~lcan~Flowcrs, Art and Ho!)' POlt'Crs, no. 3. clckamdes el al., Treasures, I, fig. 63.

"'r:

9f.

182

FURNITURE AND FURNISHINGS

CHAPTER FOUR

TI,e cUltains employed in imperial ceremonial contexts a.re descdbed in the sources as 'golden', probably woven or embrOIdered with golden thread, '28 or as red or purple.'''' Some .are described as hav. mbroidered decoration 130 and others as bemg adorned \\~th decmg e . 131 C . . I fi al orative attachments (semen/a dwkop/a). urtams WIt 1 .,gur decoration are also mentioned. '" One observes that the curtams were of dark colours such as red and pUlVle. Furthermore, the use of gold thread must have made them relatively heavy. This constitutes a departure from Early Byzantine practices: at San Apol.linare Nuovo, Ravenna, the curtains screening the entrance and the mter-columnar spaces of the colonnade of Theodoric's palace represented on the west end of the south wall are white, decorated with discreet colourful repeated patterns. l33 The reasons for this development are obscure. Heavy, dark-coloured curtains might have been preferred as more effective screens against the cold ~nter of Constantinople. m Alternatively, the change may be associated with developments in the character of court rituals in the mediaeval period. Red and purple curtains trimmed ,,~th gold thread must have had a desirable stately and luxurious appearance. They were yet another manifestation of the opulence of the emperors in their own right. Moreover, dark-coloured curtains used as backdrops for the display of silver objects during the reception of important ambassadors must have created a stliking ,~ual effect. 135 Finally, the screening of doon,'ays and other openings ,,~th dark-coloured curtains was perhaps considered conducive to the creation of the mystical atmosphere much sought after in the staging of mediaeval Byzantine imperial ceremonies. Because of their opacity such curtains prevented the outsider from obseMng what was hidden behind them, whether this was the emperor, standing or enthroned, or the reception hall in which others had already been

'" De UT., pp. 587, 618; pseudo-Kod., p. 269. '" De m., p. 573. 13" Ihid. '" Ihid., p. 589. '" Ibid., p. 589: gryponogroi (griffins and/attacking wild asses?). . III L. van Matt, Rlwenna (Cologne, 1971), pI. 62. Cf. fragments of Early Byz.n~e linen cumins with colourful patterns executed in wool, see Dauterman Ma&,-u~e, Maguire, Duncan-Flowers, Art and Holy Powers, nos. 1-2; Textiks qf lAle AllllqUlty, ~;. A. Staulfer et al. (New York, 1995), nos. I, 45-48. . sed Note, however, that some of the ceremonies in which such curtatnS were u took place in May, see De UT., p. 570. I!S Ihid., pp. 570-574.

183

itted. Thus, the mystery surrounding the imperial ma' t adm . . Ues y was 'ntensified and so was the beholder's sense of privilege and h' I k' IS emotion when the dar curtaInS we~e. finally drawn to permit him a glimpse of the secret that had OrIgInally been hidden from him Curtains were commonly represented in art: on the lowest z~ne of the walls of some churches for decorative effect,136 fancifull d d 'Id' f h " . y rape over the bUI Ings 0 t e settIng In narratlve scenes,137 and, of course hanging at doorways and windows. Even the most superficial su ' . h' .. rvey demonstrates that In t elr maJonty the curtains represented in narrative contexts were red, purple, blue and, more rarely, green, often adorned with broad border-bands of a contrasting colour of gold blue, red, or white at the top and/or bottom. l38 The main field of the curtain in most cases is depicted plain. Decorative motifs when they do occur include two or three parallel stripes at the top bot. 11' ' tom, and occaslOna y In t he mI'ddl . e, 139 or small-scale repeated motifs like spades, circles, arrows, and stars (PI. 68). HO Overall unified pat: terning of medallions l41 or lattices I,,, is rare. In terms of decoration the curtains are relatively plain when compared to other textile furnishings, like valances, depicted in the same and other contemporary monuments. This differentiation appears to be a realistic touch. Given that, unlike wall-hangings, curtains were meant to be drawn back, knotted, or draped over a curtain-hook, they needed to be supple enough for handling and not overburdened ~th embroidery or densely-woven patterns. Furthermore, small-scale repeated decorative motifs were preferable to large-scale patterns, as the latter

136 See, for example, Restle, Byz. wall-painting, pI. 328 (Qavu§in, Pigeon House Church); E. Bakalova, Bacilkovskala koslllilsa (Sofia, 1977), fig. 8; rattoup18ou, 0 'rorpa~IK6, /iuxKOCJIlO, rov Ayiov N,KoAaov Oprpavou, pis. 114-115. ,137. Grozdanov and Hadcrmann-NIisguich, Kurbi,lOvo, fig. 36; Underwood, Kari>'e l?J~~I, figs. 98, 104, 159, 363. II Mellowgw, nos. 30, 98, 134, 142, 143, 146, 210, 212, 223, 320, l14, 392, 406; Pelekanides et al., Treasures, I, figs. 63, 113, 125, 223; H, fig. 59; Conslantinides, : Wal/'paillhilgs qf Pallagia Olympiotissa, figs. 34, 35; UndeIwood, Kari},' I!jami, figs. 13999 , 141; M,ouriki, the Frescoes of St. JVidlOlas at Platsa, fig. 21. HO 1/ Jl1enologlO, nos, 159, IBB, 216, 2B6; Pelekanides et al., Treasures, I, fig. 2~8. ,I a Wharton-Epstcin, Tokal! Kilise, fig. 87; Il Mtllowgio, nos.. 35, 303, 423; Pelekarudes I" Treasures, Il, fig. 298' Constantinides 17le H'all-palllhIJuS Of Panag:a O!),mp,ohssa, , ' , ,," fi g.84b.

::: Resue, By,. Wall-painling, fig. 437 (Soganh, St. Barb.ra); II Jlmologio, no .. 397. II Mmologio, nos. 332, 344, 40B (all three examples arc due to thc same pallllcr, estor); MOUliki, 77Ie Frescoes qf SI. JYzc/w/as 01 Platsa, fig. 4.

N

184

CHAPTER FOUR

would loose their visual impact on the .beholder when the Curtain was drawn back.'" The preference for bnghtly coloured curtains and draperies in narrative conte~ts could have been dictated by purely artistic reasons, imposed as It were by the colour-scheme favoured bv mediaeval Byzantine artists. Alternatively, the depiction of such c~rtains might be indicative of the source of insp.iration of Byzantine artists, which was probably tile setting of impenal ceremonies.

CarpelS . . 'Epeucllioll', 'peu/doll', 'tapes' are all terms employed m Byzantme written sources to designate calpets.'H Calvets were put to various uses. One prayed on tltem, slept on them, sat on them, even ate on them. One assumes mat it is from the use of carpets as prayer-rugs that tile name 'epeuclli()Il' was derived (euche = prayer).'·' Carpeting fue floor of a whole room on a permanent basis, even in me imperial palace and me palaces of the wealthy, appears to have been uncommon in me Middle Byzantine period. 146 Possibly the influence of Turkish practices led to the situation changing in the Late Byzantine period. Ruy Gonzalez de Clavijo, the Spanish ambassador visiting Constantinople in 1403, described the reception hall at the B1achernai palace as being covered with calpets and cushions. 147 Normally, carpets would have been spread on the floor to serve a specific purpose, for example sleeping, eating, seating, and folded and put away when no longer needed. In Middle and Late Byzantine written sources carpets are commonly mentioned as part of the sleeping equipment of Byzantine households. The use of carpets for seating on me floor and eating, albeit on campaign or outdoors, has

1.3 See Dautennan IVIaguire, 11aguire, Duncan-Flowers, Art and HolY Powers, pp. 4S, 46. The only examples of 'curtains' adorned with large-scale medallions in the Alen%gium of Basil IT are, exceptionally and significantly enough, not shown gathered, see 11 Mtllokigia, no. 397. . 1+4 On the use of carpets in the Early Byzantine period see Dauterman MagUlre, Maguire, Duncan-F1owers, Art and HaIY Pawers, p. 47. . . '" V. Lal).hev, Mifodiia patriarklw Kansla/lli/lapal'skaga <Jl~fe prep. Feqfa/la ispoVlednilia (SL Petersburg, 1918), p. 12; 1heap/wlIeS Cal/tinualus, Chralwgraphia, cd. I. Bekker (Bonn, 1838), p. 319. I thank Pro( C. Mango for the second reference.

It!> The floor of certain rooms and passages of the Great Palace would be C?v· ered \\ith carpets on special ceremonial occasions, as was the case of the recep~on of the Arab ambassadors in 946, sce De (er., p. 574 (reference to 'precious Persian spreads').

,<7 NarraJive if lir.e EmbosS), if RII)' Ganzaiez de Clavijo la Ihe Caurt if Ttllwur at Samarcand AD 1403-6, tT. C.R. Markham (London, 1859), p. 29.

FURNITURE AND FURNISHINGS

185 also been referrecl to earlier. The references t lki 0 someone actuaU . stand1l1g or wa ng on carpets are very rare a d y . I . 1411 R . n are confined to ceremOl1la occasl~ns. epresentatlons of carpets in Byzantine art are almost non-exIstent. One such rare example' r d' . IS loun 111 an Iilus · trated Boo k 0 fJ 0 b..0 f the thirteenth century, Rar. gr. 134 r 184vI mll1lature illustrating Job 38'36 (PI. 194). In tIe '. . . ,a woman IS shown seated cross-legged on a small, rectangular carpet h' h h . • r. • d Sh" , w IC as Its narrow Sides ll'lnge. e IS weavll1g on a loom.

For Bathing Such furnishings included towels, probably of diffiere n t SIzes, ' r tor the hands, the head, and for the rest of the body. Towels are . d . . m' . I I 149 Th mentlone 111 use 111 • e Impena pa ace. ey are also mentioned in monastic foundatIOn documents, like that of the Pantokrator !y '1onastery 111 . • • . Constantinople (1136), and 111 WIlls of individuals endoWl'n . bli h 150 T g monastIc esta s ments. owels for bathing were also used in d . IS'TI omestIc ~ontexts. ley we~e probably made out of linen or cotton. Byzantine Iconography offers hmlted scope for the representation of such items. Towels c~n be seen represe~ted in illustrations of me Washing of me. Feet, 111 the hand.s of Chnst.or tied around His waist (PI. 195),J;2 or 111 me representation of Chnst before Pilate, in fue hands of me se.rvant. with the hand-washing set (PI. 92). The towels are depicted WIth fnnged borders and, sometimes, with a decoration of parallel bands, usually along their narrow sides. Chests and Cupboards Foodstuffs, garments and textile furnishings, books and papers, jewellery and cash, and, sometimes, icons would have been kept safely 148 A carpet (epeucltion) covered the steps on which the emperor stood in order to address a ceremonial gathering of dignitalies (silen/ion) in the Magnaura, see De (er., p. 546. In the History qf Be1issarios, a romance of the late fourteenth century, the ~ath of th: glorious general to the palace was covered with carpets and other textiles for him to walk over on horseback as a sign of honour, see '[GTop{a TOU BE).'CICIapiov, eds. W.F. Bakker and A.F. van Gemert (Athens, 1988), X, lines 284-286. See, also, the portrait of Alexios III Komnenos ofTrebizond and Theodora on the chrysobull of 1374, in which the imperial couple appear standing on a red su~~cc possibly intended to represent a carpet (Appendix 2, no. 51). '50 De pp. 215 (saballa), 586 (,"droll/akla). I Gautter, 'Typikon du Pantocrator', p. 93 (komoelimageia, saballo, Im/ia); Valopidi, , Ps; 158 (prosapsill); MM, IV, p. 75 (sabarlOkiulrika). '52 See, ror example, MM 11, p. 504. See, also, Mouriki, Yhe Afosaics if JVea Af01Zi, pI. 94.

'e;.,

186

OHAPTER FOUR

FURNITURE AND

. I d upboards The most valuable would have been kept U1 c lests an c · . locked. I" Chests are often mentioned U1 legal documents, such as inventories and wills, dating from the twelfth down to the fourteenth , 151 One assumes that the chests would have been made of centu!) . . d f r f . 1 d . wood, and may have borne some kin 0 re le or m .ay e.cora~lOn.l55 The more sturdy trunks could have ~ecn. used fOl seatmg, m the absence of chairs or benches, for catmg ~n the absence of tables, 'f their 1enQ1h was adequate, for sleepmg. Such gTeat trunks Or an d, 1 " . fi I d' 1 . . even smaller chests have not survlve.d rom t le ~le Iaeva penod. I " What has sun~ved is a number of l'vflddle By~antme caskets, adorned \\~th relief panels of ivory and bone. The subject-matter of the reliefs included both secular and religious the~es. Two ~es of such rectangular caskets have survived: thos~ WIth a flat lId and those with a lid shaped like a truncated pyramId. ~ound. caskets, on the other hand are rare in the mediaeval Byzantme pen od. Some of the rectan~lar examples have preserved their original locking mechanism. Such caskets could have been used for keeping cosmetics, jewellery, cash, and personal documents. . In artistic contexts representatIons of chests are extremely rare. In fact I know of only one example, found in the illustrated Alexander ROTf111llce of the Greek Institute in Venice, [ 143v. According to a recent study this manuscript, dated to the second half of the fourteenth century, was created in the region of Trebizond by artists \\~th Georgian connections. l58 'What one does see in artistic representations are small, round caskets, commonly identified as incenseboxes, in the hands of saintly deacons and Old Testament patriarchs. IS9 Caskets, both circular and rectangular, this time containing medicaments, appear in the hands of medical saints. Through the

I"

FURNISHINGS

187

half-opened lid of the casket held by SI. Pantelei . h . mon m t e church A . l K of Sts. . ?argyrOl ~ astona one can sec small, medicinal b t1 The key IS shown m the lock (PI. 196). ot cs. Cupboards also formed part of the equipment f th B . Id Th . 1r , ' 0 e yzantme househo . . ey .:-veI e US~( or stonng food, utensils, or even books In the De cenmonns there IS reference to cupboards e 1 d e ' f . b ' · · 1 d' mp oye IOr the display 0 precIOus 0 ~ects, mc u mg crowns. l60 Cupboards would have had shelves and doors secured with a lock 161 p O l l . . UrposelU y COnstructed recesses m the walls of a room or bricked up wind . h 162 S h o W S mlg t d b d a1so have serv~ a~ cup oar s. uc recesses form a distinctive feature. of the mtenor .of the main room, the triklinos, of the Late Byzantine houses at l'vIlstra. Rectangular in shape (c. 0.60 x 1.20 x 0.30-0.40 m), t~ey had an arched top and were provided with shelves of wood or Scl1lSt slabs. They could either have been open or closed \\~th wooden doors or a curtain. l63 . I do n?t recall havi~g come acr~ss representations of storage niches art, WIth the exceptIOn of t.he mches in the sides of masonry tables used for ~e storage of utensI~s. As for free-standing cupboards, one may mentIOn the cupboard-like writing tables which often accompany the portrayal of the evangelists and other authors in monumental and miniature painting. In mediaeval pictorial contexts I have not encountered tall free-standing cupboards comparable to those represented in Roman and Early Byzantine art. I'" III

160 KOUI(OUA£~, BvsavTlviOv B{o~ Kai f1oAl1IaJ16~, II/2, p. 85: they \I,'ere called 'sma~ towers' V!J rgioll or pyrgiskos). Judging by their name, they must have been freest,and!ng. The grandest and most impressive of them all was the pt1lJap)'lgion (a combmahon of five such 'small towers'?), the construction of which was attributed to 1

153 Vikan and Nesbitt, &curi!)' in B)'ZQllliuUl, p. 7, fig. 14. ". Oikonornides, 'The Contents of the Byz. House,' pp. 208-209. . m Cr. references in the Cairo Geniza documents to tJunks inlaid with tortOIseshell and ivory, sec Goitein, MediL Socie!y, IV, p. 130. .. r. 156 \\'ooden storage boxes and chests, some provided with internal parUuons . or

organizing the stored objects, ha\'e been discovered in Early Byzantine. Egy~uan

archaeological contexts, see Karanis. An EfJ'jJlil1ll Town ill Roman Times. DlScovenes of Ik UniL'elsi!y 'If Michigan ExpedilUJ/l 10 Egypl (1924-1935), cd. E.K. Gazda (Ann Arbor, 1983), p. 26; Dautennan ~laguire, rvIaguire, Duncan~Flowers, Ar' a1ld HolY powers, p. 85, nos. 30-31. '" A. Cuder, 'On Byzantine Boxes,' ]WalJ 42/43 (1984-5), pp. 32-47. 1S8 TpaxouAui:, KW/il~ 5 EU~VIK061v()"1"lTo6rou BEveria<;. h k" ). IS' See, for example, Jolivet.Uvy, Eglises hyz. de Cappadoce, pI. 95 (Ayva oy, Wile" Le nwnasJere de Dap/mi, figs. 53, 55.

the emperor Theophilos (829-842), sce C. Mango, The Art 'If the Byzalltille Empire: 312-1453, SOllrces aad Doclllllenls (Toronto, 1986), p. 160. 161 POblles prodromiques, I, lines, 203, 216; IV, lines 26-30. 162 Wall-niches, some provided with wooden shelves, and bricked-up \\~ndows used for storage purposes were a feature of domestic architecture in Late Roman Karanis. Some of these recesses were discovered complete with the items stored in ~hem, sce Karams, pp. 25-26; F.D. Friedman, Bt)'ond the Pharaohs. Egypt alld Ihe ~opts In lhe 2nd to 7th Centun'es A.D. (i\tIuseum of Art, Rhode Island School of DeSign, 1989), pp. 90-93; Dauterman iVlaguire, ~[aguire, Duncan~Flowers, Art and Hob' Powers, p. 85. 1(,3 'A. 'OpAlivao~, 'Ta. no:A.O:'t'lO: Ko:t ta. O'1tltlo: tau Mucrtpii,' .tWAIE 3 (Athens, 1937),

pp. 71-72.

iVlamlire DunC'lH-Flowers Art alld HolY PouV!rs, p. 85, fig.16-133.Dautcrman IVla011il'c b' , b', , ,

188

CHAPTER FOUR

lighting Devices The distinctive Late Antique oil-lamp type, which was closed-shaped, with a spout for the wick at one end and a handle oPPOsite the though extremely common down to the seventh CentlUY was spou t, . ' It""]\' 1 ' discontinued in the follomng centUrIes. ,., ,.ango las suggested that this de\·e!opment may be indicativ~ of .caIl~lcs havin~ supplanted oillamps as the fa\·ourite source of hghtmg m domestic contexts durIG6 ing the course of seventh and eighth centuries. Oikonomides in his study of the contents of the average mediae_ val Byzantine household makes no reference to domestic lighting. In the documents he has surveyed all lighting devices mentioned were destined for use in ecclesiastical contexts. Even when one investigates the documents which Oikonomides had deliberately excluded because they refer to aristocratic households and great monastic foundationsl" one observes the same preoccupation with the lighting of clmrches. No references are made to lighting devices destined for use in domestic contexts. Bouras's study of Byzantine lighting devices is largely based on the information contained in monastic foundation documents and inventories, as well as wills of individuals, dating from the eleventh to the fifteenth centuries. 1GB Because of the nature of the evidence at her disposal, her discussion is concerned principally with lighting in ecclesiastical contexts. She distinguishes five main groups of devices: single-light lamps, either hanging or standing candelabra imntuli ('metal strips supplied with candlesticks')IG9 pog'cantkla O,anging, perforated, round or cruciform plates for carrying glass lamps; occasionally, also provided with spikes for candles) 5. clwroi (polygonal, composite structures of lamps and po!ycallllela). I. 2. 3. 4.

Apart from the great cllOroi, probably designed especially for the domed churches which they were meant to illuminate,170 and the ,., C. Mango, 'Addendum to the Report on Everyday Life,' JOB 3211 (1982), pp. 254-255. '" Ibid., p. 256. 167 Namely, the will of Eustathios Boilas and the foundation documents of the monasteries of Petritzos (Bachkovo), the Pantokrator in Constantinople, and the Kosmosoteira at Ainos. :: Bour.s, 'B)'z. Lighting De\;ces,' pp. 479-481. '" Ibid., p. +80. . . '. . " ManasliT

For SUJ"\'lVIllg examples of medIaeval chorm sec Petkovlc and BoskoVlC,

FURNITURE AND FURNISHINGS

189

iamnai, particularly suitable for tern/lion epist I 11 of lighting devices could have been used' yes, la other categories III secu ar cont t .In the tenth century, on important cere 'a1 . ex s as well. .. d' mOlll occaSIOns .. the brIlliant ecoratlOn of many rooms' th' . requmng III e ImperIal 1 '1 ver po!ycandela were borrowed from rich! 'd pa ace, SI. y-provI ed sanct . l'k the Nea Ekklesla and the church at Blach . 171 I ' uanes, I e ernal. t IS not l'k I un ICy that some of the lighting devices donated t h h . .. 0 c urc es by pot like EustathlOs BOIl as (1059) and Gregory P k ' entates . . a OUrIanos (1084)172 ongmally. have been used in their respective resl'd ences and ne dmay necessanly have been ordered especially fo th . e not . . r e partJcular church which were to receive the endowment Fu th es I d ' r ermore, cheap material s, like c ay an glass, may have been emplo d C h ' h' d" ye IOr t e manufacture 0 fl Ig tlng eVlces destined for domestic use h' h . h . 'l f'll '. ,w IC mlg t explam the SI ence 0 WI sand Illventones in thl's re . spect. Clay oIl-lamps are. often fi d 0 f excavatJons . . included among th ens of me di . num. aeval Byzantlne Sites, though they do not compare m bers Wlth the many thousands of surviving Roman and Earl ' . yB yzantme Iamps. Th e mediaeval lamps belong to a diffcerent type than c1ay . . thel.r Late Antique antecede.nts. They have an open bowl with a rudimentary spout .for the Wlck and are sometimes provided with a ta~ stand a?d a ~np cup (PI. 197). They are usually glazed. A variation of B . thiS. baSIC type, which continued to be employe d'III Postyza~tme tImes as well, was the two-level clay lamp, with two s~perImp~sed bowls for the oil. l73 Clay candlesticks are also occasIOnally discovered in mediaeval archaeological contexts.' ;.,

?

Deiani, pp. 211, 230, pI. L'CXII; Todorovic, 'Polijelej u l\brkovom manastiru,' g~,!!9 (1978), pp. 28-36; ByzantIUm. Treasllres '!! Byzantine Art and ellllureft'lIl British 017~ctlOns) cd. D. Buckton (London, 1994), no. 216. Il' De m., pp. 571, 572, 573, 581, 591. si' /; P. L~merlc,. 'Le testament d'Eustathios BOllas,' in his Cinq etudes sur It xr anI1ll (Pans, ,1977) (hereafter Lemcrle, 'Eustathios Bollas'), p. 24; Gautier, 1?s1 Son du Pa~ounanos', I?P' 43, 123. n e e , . scleclIveiy, T. StIilwell-rvIackay, 'NIore Byzantine and Frankish Pottelv /o?, Connth,' Hesperia 36 (1967), pp. 303, 305, pIs. 68, 69 (eleventh-twelfth ce,{unes); Frantz, 'NIiddle Byzantine Pottel), in Athens,' pp. 454, 463, figs. 14,27, 29 {tw~~l CC!ltUl),); 'A. KepCXJlO1tOUAA.ot;} 'nCXACXlai Xpl(fnavucallCal BusavncxlCai ta<pat ~ ,'",;, A~ 10 (1926), p. 127, figs. 4.a-e, 5 (Byzantine); X. KotAaxou, 'Avc",,:a~uc£, ~ya"lE~, v0!lo, SOtOl"ae;, 0~pa, 006e; Ka",,
tye .r.:c

Lyza;tm.c); A; BCX~UA01tOUAOU-Xapltrovioou, 'KepaJluca eup~J.l.ata Bul;avnv~t; KCU Alt~7 usavnvn, .nox~e; ana TIlv ava"xa~~ "No""" TIle; Axpono)..""," 1955-1956,' 9~2), A, p. 134, 1'1. 40d (twelfth century); ,adem, 'Susav"va X'pa!lU,
Tl]

J;,

1985), B, p. 286, pI. 123b.

L""""

.!

I I

190

CHAPTER FOUR

Glass continued to be employed for the manufacture of lamps in mediaeval Byzantium. Fragtnents of two lamps for po[ycandela have been unearthed at CorinthY' Glass was also employ.ed for the construction of standing or hanging single lamps. Han.gtng !amps were 'd d eitller with little glass handles for suspenSIOn, hke mediaepro" e 176 ·tI I val and present-day mosque lamps, or WI 1 a me:a mount on which rings for suspension were attached (PI. 198). Smgle hanging lamps, apparently made of glass, a.re often represented in the and of ChrIst to the Temple, where they Presellt ation of the ViI'mn '"~ 177 G are suspended from the ciborium (PI. .199). . la~s bo,;l-shaped lamps would have also been ~mpl?yed m combmatlOn with ?penwork metal casings. One has m mmd a gt·oup of openwork tmned copper hanging single lamps and. 'po6'calldel~', found in med~aeval archaeological contexts in Asia Nlinor and m Greece. The tmned copper 'po!rcalldela' (PI. 200), tIlough simil~r to coppe~-a1loy po[ycandela in fonn (PI. 20 I), are not as sturdy m constructIon and were probably destined to hold a single ~lass.lampY~ As to artistic representations of hghtmg deVlces, I have already mentioned tile depiction of single, hanging lamps, suspended from tile canopies of ciboria, in scenes like the Presentation of tile Virgin and of Christ to tile Temple. Single hanging lamps are also occasionally introduced in portI-ayals of the evangelists and other autllors, botll in monumental and in miniature painting (PI. 202).179 The types of lamps represented in portrayals of tile evangelists, sometimes clearly shaped like shallow bowls, are quite distinct from the lamps shown

Davidson, l\/inor Objects, nos. 801, 802 (eleventh-~welfth centuries). , G.M. CrO\\"foot and D.B. Harden, 'Early Byzantme and Later Glass Lamps, Journal 'If Egyptian Archaeology 17. (1931), p. 205. • ., . '" See, also, Jerphanion, Eglises rupestres, 1'1. 198.2 (Sol?anh, Karabaj klhsc), Grozdanov and Hadermann~~1isguich, Kurhinovo, fig. 40; Nhllet, Monwntl~/s hyz.. de Mistra, 1'1. 134.3 (St. Sophia: the example illustrated here is clearly prO\oded WIth three minuscule handJes for suspension). For an interesting representauon o~ hang~ ing lamps in a sanctuary, this time in an unusual composition represenung. the Virgin triumphing over demons with the assistance of the angelic host, sec StomaJolo, Minio.lure delle omilit di Giacomo A1onaco, pI. 37. . . 178 M. Mundell Mango, 'The Significance of Byzantine Tinned Copper Objects, in 9vpiapa. 1:TIl pv~p~ TIle; Aaul
176

4-10.

. . . . ., ., Trends in 119 For an example In monumental pamung see D. Mounki, Styhsuc . 'DOP Monumental Painting of Greece During the Eleventh and Twelfth Cc~turtesi3 fi . 34-35 (1980-1981) (hereafter Mouriki, 'Stylistic Trends-11th-12th c.), p. 1 , g 71 (Geraki, Evangelistria, c. 1200: St. John).

FURNITURE AND FURNISHINGS

191

suspended from the ciboria of sanctuaries. The latt ' . er are, as a rule . b d tall, With a 0 y sometimes bulgtn~ towards the base, and often dis: play.a non-f~nctIona~ foo:. T~at thiS distinction should be made with relatIve consistency m pictOrIal. contexts may be taken to indicate tllat. the type of lamp usu~lly .mtroduced in the depiction of sanctuanes reflected . d . , a type which m real life was specI'ficaUy associate . WIth t.he hghtmg ?f churches. Other lighting devices represented in pictOrIal contexts mcluded candelabra (PI. 45)180 and lanterns.lB! USE IN RELIGIOUS ICONOGRAPHY

In Narrative Scenes That tile paralytic of Bethesda would carry a bed and that tables and seats would be represented in dining scenes was self-evident. That two or three candelabra should be introduced in the scenes of tile three generals before Constantine and the three generals before ~t. Nich.olas was req~red by ~he narrative of tIlis particular episode In tile hfe of St. Nlcholas, smce they were specifically mentioned among the gifts which tile emperor had sent to the saint. IS' That tIlrones and footstools would be attributed to rulers and officials is equally self-explanatory, as such items constituted components of the imagery of power and were meant to highlight tile position of authority held by the persons seated. However, there are other instances where tile occurrence of furniture or furnishings in particular iconogt'aphic contexts requires some comment. Certain items were represented as part of tile setting in order to define the space and! or the time of the action. The representation of a curtain in a doorway would intimate an interior space, while that of a lighting device, when not associated with the depiction of a sanctuary or church rituals, would suggest tllat tile

180 See, also, St. Nicholas Kasnitzes, Kastoria: the three generals before Constantine (observation ill situ); Movaxou KaAAlVl1COU, H rexvual t"1}q arlOypatp{a;, fig. 27 (Mount Athos, Protaton: the DOl'mition of the Virgin); St. Nicholas Orphanos, Thessalonike: the Dormition of St. Nicholas (observation lil situ). On the association of (representations of) candelabra with funeral and memorial sen~ces see ChatzidakisBachal'as, Les peilltures murales de Hosios limkas, pp. 111-112. 181 Sec, for example, E. Kolias, Patmos (Athens, 1990), fig. 28 CMonastery of St. JO~8~' ref~ctOly; secon~1 layer: .Betrayal; thirteenth century). Sevcenko, Tlte lift 'If Sawt Nicholas, pp. 124-126, 128-129.

192

CHAPTER FOUR

FURNITURE AND FURNISHINGS

. de was taking place at night or in .a dark interior.,"3 '11 ted eplso I ustra. . resented because they consmuted a standard Other Items \I·ere rep . I I . . • 11)' of a parllcular theme, t lOug 1 then' source ·t of the Iconogt ap . , ther than the narrallve account of the episode pal. . ' of msplrauon \I as 0 bl .I .. . . d 0 ne l,as in mind IIlusu·ate. ,. , for example, taI kcs Wlt 1I wnung. Imple_ . d d' trial scenes. As far as 'now, t le earhest rep_ ments mtro uce m d . . f t bles in trial scenes are encountere m the Trial resentaUons 0 a . ) (PI 89) A . . . f the Rossano Gospels (sIxth century . . ccordmg numatures 0 . d' . Ilat t hI' . p'ilate e served as an m Icallon t e llstonc to Loerke, tIle ta bl . '. had powers SI'ml'lar to those of a sIxth-century cOllsu/ans, that IS, a rovincial governor, and was, consequent~y, competent to. act as ~ .udge in Christ's trial. l84 The tab.le conllnued to appear III trial J . '!'ddle and Late Byzantme contexts, though any assoscenes III J\' 1 . ciation it might have had ,,~th the COllSlI~ns would have long been < In a number of Late Byzantme contexts a table also lorgotten. . h H' hP' a ears in representations of Chnst before t e .Ig nests, as for pp I at the Peribleptos, Ohrid,l85 and at St. Nlcholas Orphanos, 'al examp e . Thessalonike (PI. 188). Its continue~ presence. m tro' scenes would t that the table had retained ItS symbohsm, If not as an emsugges th' I 'al . blem of judicial power and authority, en as a Slgll t lat a tn IS taking place. . . . A second example of introducing a pIece of furnIture whIch was not required by the narrative account is the depiction of a cradle in representations of the birth of a s~intly fi~re (PIs. 203-204).186 The cradle is a picturesque detrul whIch was mtroduced to convey the aunosphere of the activity that accompanies the birth of a child. According to Mouriki, the representation of the cradle, encountered in mediaeval pictorial contexts from the eleventh century onward, had been borrowed from Late Antique pictorial biographic cycles,

183 This is probably the explanation for the peculiar standing .l~ghting device introduced in the representation of the Last Supper at Karanhk kihse (PI. 187) ~nd at Elmah kilise, see Restle, By". Wall-pailltillg, pI. 179. CC N. Duval, represen!a. cion du palais dans l'aJ1 du Bas-Empire et du Haut :Moycn Age d'apres le psauuer d'Utrecht,' CA 15 (1965), p. 219. ,.. Loerke, 'The Miniatures of the Trial,' pp. 177-179. '" Dumbarton Oaks Photographic Archive, Ohrid, SI. Cle,!,ent, ~o. G 18. 18f.i Sec, also. G. :Millet and A. Frolow, liI peinlure du AfO)'eTI Age ell 1 ugoslavze, Fas~. 1II, (Paris, 1962), pI. 1.2 (Ohrid, Peribleptos: Birth of the Virgin); Undenvood, pjami, pI. 98 (the same); Xat1;~M"'1<;, MUC1fpaq, figs. 14 (Metropohs: the same I (Peribleptos: the same). Constantinides, 17" Wall-paintings if Panagw O[ympJOllSsa, p. 79 (the same).

'r.:

Ki)ar;

193

like the onc illustrating the ?irth and childhood of Dionysos.'R7 It is tempting, ho~ever, ~o consld~r the Middle-Byzantine festive ccre~ monies associated wtth the bIrth of a male child to the . , . emperor, during whIch the new-bor~ was dIsplayed' to the members of the court in its cradle, a~ havmg prompted this borrowing from Late Antique iconography III the first place. l88 The d~sign ~nd decoration of the furniture and furnishings which were depIcted III art appear to have been determined by the sources of inspiration to whi~h the ~rtists had recourse. The example of the sigma-tabl~ offers an I?terestlllg ~as.e-study in this respect. The sigmatable was Illtrod~ced I~ the deplctl~n of biblical meal scenes during the Early Byzanllne pen od. At that tIme, representations of the sigmatable indeed reflected contemporary practices. However, by the Middle Byzantine period, as we have seen, sigma-tables had gone out of use in everyday contexts, though they might have still been in use in the imperial palace and were certainly employed in some of the monastic refectories on Mount Athos (PI. 182). That they continued to appear in religious iconography, even down to the Late Byzantine period, is better attributed to the repetition of a, by now, traditional iconographic type. Nevertheless, certain 'realistic' features made their appearance in Late Byzantine representations of sigma-tables. In contrast to earlier representations, sigma-tables were now depicted as being of masonry, with marble tops having raised borders and with small niches along their straight side (PI. 184). One cannot help but think that there was a probable influence of the tables of monastic refectories on these representations. In Late Byzantine pictorial contexts masonry sigma- and their related oval tables commonly appeared in Last Supper scenes. In representations of other meal scenes, even in the same monument, some artists preferred or, perhaps, felt more at liberty to introduce other table-types which, in all probability, reflected contemporary secular examples more closely (Pis. 186, 189). 18, Nt. MOuptJCl1, 'nepl. Bui;a.v'twQU KUKA.oU 'tou ~lou t~~ navayia~ El; IflOPl1tTtV eh::ova

tiis Mov~<; tou lllll

"Opous LIV",' AE 1970, p. 131. De cer.) pp. 618-619; Cr. i\lagdalino, JHmlUel I Komne71os, p. 243, for a twe1fth-

~entury descdption of the cradle being prepared in the chamber of th,e Porphyra In anticipation of the birth of a child to .1\.fanuel I Komnenos. For the mfluence of these same ceremonies on the introduction of the theme of the visiting women bearing gifts in the iconographic context of the birth of a saint sec G .. Babic, 'Sur l:ico: nographic de la composition "Nalivite de la Vierge" dans la p~lllture, byzanunc, <-RV! 7 (1961), pp. 17+-175; J. Lafontaine-Dosogne, icollographJe ~e ltlyallce de la Vierge dalls ['empire iryzalllill et ell occidellt, 2 vols. (Brussels, I 96-t, 196.)), I, p. 97.

CHAPTER FOUR

FURNITURE AND FllRNISHINGS

T bl of course, wel ~c not the only itcms . of furniture the appear_ a es,. . b' ng updated in pictonal contexts. As we had of winch ",as el d anee. b earlier the throne also un erwent the same ortumty to 0 sel"C' . opp I Late Byzantine period saw the 111troduction of rocess Thus, (le I b I'k P I" ous iconography, such as t le ox- I e backless . . new types 111 re IgI k S'1l . . throne with the cUlved bac. tl, It was 111 the dectl d throne an le ., th I . h' d . . 0 f tIle IUI C '111't1Ire and furmsh111g~, ra er t lan 111 tell' eSlgn , oraOon often ' reflected. One has. only to that con temporal), styles were most . . . 'esentations of textIle furmshmgs for beddmg pat. k 0 f tI le lepl t1un . terned witll medallions in Middle By~al:tm~ monuments, and those . 'ture decorated with of \vooden c tUl m . dim111utlve balusters, knobs, and minuscule ru'cades in Late ByzantIne ones.

graphiC sch~me of the altar apse of churches and in (he Adoration of ilie Magi (Pis. 176,. 205). The throne attributed to the Virgin when portrayed alone 111 the aforementioned iconographic contexts should be understood as a mark of distinction and honour to the Mother of God. However, when she is represented enthroned holding the Child, the throne is ~etter interpreted as an attribute first of Christ and, only by extenSIOn, of the Virgin, the vehicle f H' • 190 I h '. 0 IS salutary IncarnatIOn. n .t e canomcal Iconographic programmes of Middle and Late Byzan?ne churches the Virgin, portrayed in the conch of the altar apse precisely because of her role in the Incarnation is never, as far as I know, represented enthroned witllOut the Child Christ. When alone in this particular iconographic context, she is portrayed standing with the hands raised in a gesture of supplication addressed to her Son portrayed in the dome. An 'empty' throne on which are displayed, in different combinations, a gospel-book, the cross, sometimes surmounted by ilie crown of thorns, the spear, the sponge, a crown, and the dove, was introduced in the iconographic schemes of the bema and ilie dome of certain Middle and Late Byzantine churches. It may also be seen incorporated in the compositions of the Pentecost (PI. 206) and the Last JudgI11ent (Pis. 46, 52) or in iconic representations with eschatological connotations (PI. 100).191 Any of the throne-types described in the first part of the present chapter could be represented in iliis particular iconographic context, with ilie exception of ilie lyre-backed throne. Scholars have given the name 'Hetoimasia' to ilie theme of ilie 'empty' throne, encountered in Christian iconography as early as the fifth century, even though it is only from the eleventh century onward that it was actually inscribed thus. The name 'Hetoimasia' was inspired by Ps. 9: 7 and refers to the prepared ilirone awaiting to receive the Judge of the Second Coming. However, ilie fact that

194

Thrones in }{on-}{a17'atWe Compositions Thrones and footstools were introduced in iconic portrayals of Christ and the Virgin in the iconogI'aphic schemes of the bema and the cupola, and in the composition of the Last ~udgI11ent. The throne an attribute of the deity was well established long before the a~vent of Christianity in both pagan and Jewish traditions. That the ~Irone should be attributed to Christ as a symbol of his di\~nity was only natural. l89 However, this syrnbolisn: was endo:,"ed with subtler nuances of meaning differing from one Iconographic context to the next: ilie throne of Christ portrayed as the King of Kings in the Chrysotriklinos of the Great Palace and on coins of Basil I, for example was the mark of His sovereignty; His throne in the theophanic visions iliat adorned the apses of a number of Cappadocian churches (tenth and eleventh centuries) was the throne of God's Glory in Heaven (Is. 6: 1-3; Ez. I :26-28) (Pis. 50, 171); His throne in the Deesis and in Last JudgI11ent compositions in both Middle and Late Byzantine pictorial contexts, was the throne of the Judge of the Second Coming before which all nations will assemble to receive justice (Matth. 25:31-32) (Pis. 46, 51, 172, 174). The Virgin was also portrayed enthroned, either on her own, for example in ilie Annunciation and in the Last JudgI11ent among ilie Just in Paradise (PI. 46), or with the Child Christ as in the icono-

195

[00 Cr. Cutler, Transjzgllraliolls, p. 16. Cutler's comments refer specifically to the lyre-backed throne, but I believe they may be applied to all representations of the

Virgin and Child enthroned. 191 See, also, O. ''''ulff, Die Koimesiskirclu ill }lictia ,md ihTC Alosaiken (Strassburg, 1903), pp. 202-203 (Nicaea, church of the Dormition: va~lt of the s~nctu~ryJ; ~. Ljubinkovic, 'La peinture murale en Serbie et en Macedome aux XI et XlI SIC: des,' in his Studfje iz sredlyovekovlle umetnosti i kultw71e istonj'e (Belgrade, 19,82), p. 7'J (Veljusa: between the two files of bishops represented in the ap~e); Stylianou" Painted Churches 'If Cyp/Us, fig. 294 (Trikomo, church of the Panagm: dome schc.me),

7h:

On the probable influence of imperial imagery and ceremonial in the cre~ ation of the image of the enthroned Christ in the fourth century see Grabar, L'emptTf;UT dons I'art, pp. 196-200. 189

Nikola'ides, 'L'eglisc de la Panagia Arakiotissa,' fig. 37 (the same); Constantlmdes,

7ne Wall-paintings 'If Panagia OIYmpiatissa, pi. 11 (the same).

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CHAPTER FOUR

. f the empty throne in pre-eIeventl,-century pie·tl f H • • I representanon 0 ne'a1 contexts was no t accompanied by ti,e n .e 0 netolmaS1a is an ton. . I d not }'et come to be consIdered as. the sign of . di anon that It la l!1 c C ' and the Last Judgment, but had different con_ tI Second ommg le. aItogetI ' 1.2 These would vaIY "from one monument to nolanons lel. . .~. both to the iconographIc context mto whIch this tile next, accOlumg b" f 'b . deed and to the corn matIOn 0 attn utes that image ,vas mtro u onr the vault of the throne · The tllrone. represented . appeared on the . th ecIlurch of the Dorminon at Nlcaea, lOrkexample, disbemal!1 eI the cross, and the dove. It was flan ed by angelic ,," ,. 'b d playe d tIle gosp , owers holding labara with 'ay ay ay.tO, mscn e on them. PTIlUS, th e tIIfonc in this context. has been mterpreted as a symbol . . of the Holy Trinity, the throne I1self re~resennng the Father, .while the gospel and the cross represent ChrISt; finally, the dove IS the '93 as a symbol of the Trinity b I f the Holy Spirit. The throneB symoo " was occasionally introduced in Middle yzantme representa~ons of the Pentecost. "" The throne with the instruments of the PaSSIOn and the dove which was sometimes depicted be~veen the ~is?ops in the alluded to Christ's sacrifice and acqUIred euchanslIc connota"thh' apse I tions. '; However, from the eleventh century, It IS e t rone s symbolism as the sign of the Second Coming of Christ which became predominant. This is evidenced, first of all, by the appearance of the title 'Hetoimasia', which made the throne's eschatological connotations explicit. In the course of the eleventh century the throne was introduced in representations of the Last Judgment (PI. 46). The Hetoimasia was also represented on Middle and Late Byzantine cupolas, where its presence was in agreement with the eschatological overtones of the overall scheme, at the centre of which was the Pantokrator, at the same time Almighty Creator and Judge. '9G

to" to"

FURNITURE AND FURNISHINGS

197

Furniture an~ furnishin~s. were introduced in narrative scenes and in non-narranve composItions as part of the setting and, in the case of thrones and .f0.atst?ols, as attfl?utes of the deity or as marks of autllOrity and dIst1l1ctIOn. ConventIOnal types, some of which can be traced back to the Early Byzantine period, were constantly repeated in mediaeval contexts. However, the present investigation has demonstrated that often. the re.p~esentation of furniture and furnishings in mediaev~ Byzan.nne .religlO~s art reflecte? contemporary examples. On certa1l1 occaSIOns. It w~s m the decoratIOn of an item, rather than in its design, that a lInk WIth contemporary practices was maintained as, for example, in the Late Byzantine representations of masonry tables. On .others., the. represented art~facts reflected contemporary styles both 111 theIr deSIgn and decoratIOn. One might mention representations of certain types of thrones, chairs, stools footstools tables beds, items of bedding, curtains, and hanging lam;s. Finally, 'on cer~ tain other occasions it was in the act of introducing a particular piece of furniture into a specific iconographic context that the probable influence of contemporary practices was detected. One has in mind representations whose ultimate source of inspiration appears to have been court ceremonial and imperial portraiture as, for example, the elevation of saintly figures on footstools and, perhaps, tile introduction of the cradle in birth-of-a-saint scenes. Isolating and studying such instances is an effort well worth making, not simply because they can prove to be quite informative concerning an aspect of Byzantine material culture which still remains practically unexplored, but also because they could offer 'objective' pointers to the potential sources of inspiration and the working methods of mediaeval Byzantine artists.

J92 \VuUf, Die Koimesiskirdre in .NicOO, pp. 202-244; Grabar, L'empereur dal/S l'ar!, pp. 199-200; 111. von Bogyay, 'Zur Geschichte der Hetoimasie,' Akien des XI. illtema/wna/£!I By<J11l/inuttn·/rongresses (Munich, 1960), pp. 58-61. J91 \Vulff, Die Koimesiskirdze ill .Niciia, esp. p. 237. , 191 M. Lootnpiou, "EtOlj.uXO'la tOU 8povou,' ep1]C1l(wnKi, Kai 'HBIK1] 'EfKVKAonal~Ela} col. 954; T. Malmquist, Byzantine 1211, Cetltury Frescoes in Kastoria. Agioi AllargyrOl and Agios Jrlknlaos tou Kasuitzi (Uppsala, 1979), p. 40. .

195

G. Babic, 'Les discussions christologiques et le decor des cglises byz~nunes .au

XIIe siecle. Les eveques officiant devant l'Hetimasie et dcvant l'Amnos,' !,n1mltlelalterlic~ Studim 2 (1968), pp. 368-386; S.EJ. Gerstel, Beholding 11.. Sacred MystCIUS (Seatde an London, 1999), pp. 38-39. 1!16

L. Hadermann-Misguich, 'Fresqucs de Chypre et de Macedoine dans la sec-

-

on~e moitie du XlIe sieclc,' l1etrpawiva TOU A' drefJvoiiq KvnpOAorzKOU rVVE~p{O~ (Nlcosia, 1972), 11, pp. 47-49; T. Velmans, 'Quelques programmes lconographlqucs de coupoles chypriotes du XII" au XV" siecle,' CA 32 (1984), pp. 137-162.

:i, 1

IMPLEMENTS

199 THE IMPLEMENTS

CHAPTER FIVE

Agricultural Implements

nvfPLEMENTS

Byzantine agricultural impleme.nts were made out of wood and iron It is commonly those made of Iron or simply iron parts 11 I . ' I e pExtant oughshares, wh'IC h are. m~n tione d'm W1'11' s and property inventories.' exan;tples comprIse Iron parts from archaeological sites in Bulgaria, Serbia, and,. to. a lesser deg~ee, Greece. The continued use of tradC ditional cultivatIOn methods III the Balkans Asia Minor . . ' , an yprns ensured the sUlvlval of ce.rtalll types of implements, such as the threshing s~edge an.d the Sickle, and permits the )udicious use' of ethnographic materIal as a complementary source of information on Byzantine agricultural implements." Middle and Late Byzantine illustrated manuscripts of Hesiod's Works and Days provide another rich source of information on the appearance and nomenclature of Byzantine agricultural implements. It was observed that the Byzantine illumina:ors introduc~d r~presentati~n~ of tools which were not actually mentIOned by HesIOd 1I1to the mllllatures accompanying the text. As Bryer has demonstrated, these additions can be safely considered to reflect actual types of tools in use in Byzantium at the time of the creation of the miniatures. 7 For tilling the fields in preparation for sowing the plough with an iron ploughshare drawn by oxen was used. s Examples of mediaeval ploughshares, coulters, as well as scrapers used to remove the earth stuck to the share, have been unearthed in Greece, Bulgaria, and Serbia (PI. 207)" As alternatives to the plough, the mattock (mak£le,

In recent years the study of Byz.antil.le technology and imple~lents has become the focus of a gro\\ong I~terest ~n t~le part of hIstorians and archaeologists. Onc has in mm~ st.udies lIke thos,: of Vikan and Nesbitt on locking, sealing, and welglung, of MutheslUs on silk . of Bliquez on suro-ical instruments, and of Bryer weavulg, b£ . . on agn'cultural implements. To these one sh?uld add the publIcatIOn, under the direction of Guillou, of a collectIOn of extant examples of agriltural and handicraft implements employed in the Balkans from cu I I the I\liddle Ages down to the present day. In the atter two works representations of implements in Byzantine art have been extensively used to supplement the dearth of other archaeological evidence dating from the mediaeval period. However, the ~rtistic. evidence. is scarce. As Bryer has noted, tools are rarely depicted m Byzantme pictorial contexts, with the notable exception of agricultural implements appearing in illustrated manuscripts of Hesiod's Works and Days and, I may add, of writing implements in the portrayal of the evangelists and other authors.' Furthermore, when represented, tools are sometimes shown employed in a manner or in a context that did not correspond to actual practices. 3 Byzantine figurative art does not offer a complete inventory of the types of implements employed in the empire at any particular period. The instruments represented are limited to agricultural tools, to implements employed in a blacksmith's workshop, in building, carpentry, spinning and weaving, surgical instruments, writing implements, and scales used in commercial and monetary transactions.

I See Vikan and Nesbitt, Securi!y ill B)'zantium; A. l\1uthesius, 'A Practical Approach the History or Byzantine Silk We,,"ng,' JOB 34 (1984), pp. 235-254; LJ. Bliqu.ez, 'Two Lists of Greek Surgical Instruments and the State or Surgery in Byzanunc Times,' DOP 38 (1984), pp. 187-204; A. Bryer, 'Byzantine Agricultural Implements: The Evidence or Medieval Illustrations or Hesiod's Workr and D,!),s,' BSA 81 (1986), pp. 45-80 (hereal'ter Bryer, 'Byz. Agricultural Implements'); l.es oll/ils dalls lesBalkans rm M'!)'
10

4 See, for example, Vatopedi, I, p. 357 (will of Theodore Sarantenos from Verroia, 1325). .5 In the inventory of the monastery of Xylourgou on lvlount Athos (1142) such tools are dcsign.ated as 'siderika', see Acles de Saint PanttMbnoll, eds. P. Lernerle, G. Dagron, S. Cirkovic (Paris, 1982) (herearter Xylourgou), p. 74. 6 Bryer, 'Byz. Agricultural Implements,' note lOon p. 48 and p. 49. 1 Ibid., p. 52f. See, also, A. Paribeni, 'Raffigurazioni di strumenti agricoli in un manoscritto di Esiodo nella Biblioteca Ariostea di Ferrara' in Arfe profana e art! sacra, PP" ~11-445. For references to representations of agricultural to~ls in, Byzantin~

artlsuc contexts other than the hesiodic manuscripts see A. AlpepT), Bu~avtlVa y,ropylKa 'pyaM,a Km J.lnXavE<;,' LlXAE 21 (2000), pp. 275-285.

S .Bt;'er) 'Byz. Agricultural Implements,' p. 68. In Byzantine lists ,only the shan: (/9111s) IS menlloned, see Xylourgou, p. 74 (rour); Va/opidi, I, p. 158 (mU or the monk M":,,,mos, 1247/1258: eleven); MM lV, p. 267 (\vill or the /zaOIISI" George Melissenos, relJ'on or Smyma, 128+: IWO). The ploughshare illustrated in PI. 207 was discovered in a domestic context

, CHAPTER FIVE

IMPLEMENTS

two-pronged spade-fork (/isgarioll) were used. I I The t;;.aproll) le 12 I I r k pparentl)' veIY common, tloug I actual finds of spade-Ior' was a . . . I ' pies are rare (PI. 208). Spade-forks can be seen IlIus_ medlaeva exanl . . . . ber of Byzantine manuscrIpts, though sometImes they trated III a H u m . . . 13 . of Iron mplo)'ed III the wrong context. Spades .made I ~sw~e . or with iron shoeing could also have been used for dlggIllg. Actual V-sha ed and V-shaped shoes for spades ha~'e been recovered fi'om tlle se~ement outside the walls of the Byzanune fortress o~ Branicevo (twelftll-early tlJirteentll century) (PI. 210)., from Presla.v m Bulgaria (PI. 211), and from mediaeval archaeolo~cal contexts III Serbia and Romania." Spades are rarely represented III art; when tlley do appear, it is not clear /i'om tlle representations whether they had an iron shoe or not. 'S

The implement employed for the harvesting of cer aI . B . e sm yzantlUm . hi' Was the sickle Wit t le Iron blade and a wooden han dl e. Its curv ing blade could have been serrated, as seen on exam I . h . .16 P es m eSlodIC illustrations, or smooth. A number of mediaeval sl'ckle h b fI I I ' al' . save cen recovered rom ~rc laeo ogtc SItes m Bulgaria and Serbia." Once harveste~, the graI~ was ~eparated from .the chaff through ilie processes of threshmg and. .wmnowmg. For threshmg the threshing si egel!fne, d (h'lra do1u)kane), conslsung of a wooden board or boards prOVl'd d . h I' . 'h"d e Wit stone or Iro~ teet on one S.I e, v:as employed. 18 For winnowing two wooden Implements, the wmnowmg fork (hkme/mOll) and th ._ 19 ewm ) were used. Representations of such i Inowing shove I ( p!yon r . . 'al mp e . ments in Byzantl~e re IgtOUS PlctOrI contexts are almost non-existent.'" The principal Implements employed for the care of vineyards were ilie two-pronged drag-hoe (dikella, dikellion) and the pruning knife or vine-dresser's hook (kladeuterion)." Iron parts of such tools have been unearthed during the archaeological excavation of sites in Greece Bulgaria, and Serbia (PI. 211)." Their use in mediaeval Byzantiun: is attested also in the written sources,23 though artistic representations are rare. 2+ For clearing activities the pick-axe (axine) and the axe (pelekys) were used.'; Axes are a common find in archaeological excavations (PI. 212)26 and the axe is the one tool most commonly

200 •

10

• 01

tl

OIOBI House) during fue excavation of the mediaeval rural settlen~ent of Panakton in Boiotia Greece; It IS dated to the fourteenth century (publicatIon of the exca''arion rep~n by S.EJ. Gerstel in Hesperia, forthcoming). I owe this information, as weU as the photograph of the object and permission to reproduce it, to Prof. S.EJ. Gerstel whom I here thank. For ploughshares found in Bulgaria and Serbia see !. Chru:gova, 'Srednovekovni oriidiia na truda v Biilgariia,' /zvAI XXV (1962) (hereafter Chango,'3, 'Oriidiia na truda'), figs. 1-5, pI. V ~ower half); OUlils, I, pp. 286-288; Il, pp. 931-934. 10 For written references to mattocks see Xylourgou, p. 74 (ten); M1vI IV, p. 202 (five); Valopedi, I, p. 357 (fourteen). For examples found in archaeological excava· tions see X. Mn(mp.~~<;, 'No~6<; P066n~<;. na.. p~a', ALl 35 (1980), B/2, p. 451; Changova, 'Oriidiia na Imda,' fig. 7, pis. I Oower half), IlI.2, IV (bottom row); M. JankO\,c, 'Implements and Weapons from 9th-11th Centuries found at KJjuc Dunav.,' BawlWS/f11Jica 10 (1983), pI. V1.I2. For artistic representations sec 11 Menokigio, pp. 68, 420 (employed in the recovery of the relics of saints), and note 13 below. See, also, T.moupioou, 0 ~roypa'PlK6<; 6laKoo~0<; .ou Ayiou N'KOAaOU OP'Pavou, p. 127 (SI. Nicholas Olphanos, Lamentation: in the background a figure is ShO\\,11 digging the grave-in fact, a marble sarcophagus-with a mattock). " Bryer, 'Byz. Agricultural Implements,' pp. 68, 70, 72-73. 12 Xylourgou, p. 74 (one); Valopidi, I, p. 158 (will of monk Maximos, 1247/1258: seventeen); MM IV, pp. 57 (list of the movable propert), of the monastelY of SI. Panteleirnon, :Mantaia: near Smyrna, 1233: two}, 202 (will of monk Gerontios, Smyrna, 1192: furee), 267 (will of George Melissenos, 1284: two). 13 See, for example, Pelekanides cl al., Treasures, I, fig. 261 (Dio'!)'sioll 587m, f. l48r: spade-fork appropriately used, along wifu a mattock, for breaking fue soil in Ibe Discovery of fue head of SI. John the Baptist); Der Nersessian, Psautiers grees, figs. 61, 177 (Throdore Psalltr, If. 36r, 108r: though the captions of the miniatures r:fe~ to Vineyards, the labourers are shown engaged in activities related to the culbvanon of cereals, namely reaping, sowing, and digging with the two-pronged spadefo~); Omon!, Ms Cri< 74, 1'1. 33 (f. 39v: spade-fork employed in a vineyard, an unlikely contex~ for its use, see Bryer, 'Byz. Agricultural Implements,' p. 50). Sce, als~, e~ples Illustrated in Paribeni, 'Raffigurazioni di strumellti,' figs. 10-11. Outils, I, pp. 228-229, 283; Il, pp. 783-788 923-924. " 11 M<1Wkigio, pp. 68, 420. '

201

Bryer, 'Byz. Agricultural Implements,' p. 76. Changova, 'Orlidiia na truda,' figs. 9.3, 10, pis. 1I1.3, IV;Jankovic, 'Implements,' pI. Il.2, IlI.3, IV.10; Oll/ils, 1, pp. 293-295; Il, pp. 954-957. For representations of sickles see Der Nersessian, Psautiers grees, fig. 271; Omont, iUS Gre, 74, pI. 33 (f. 70: the parable of the sower [Mark 4:3-8)). For more examples sce Paribeni, 'Rafligurazioni di strumenti,' figs. 15-16, 25; AlP'P~, 'Bu~aVtlVuYElJlPYl
202

CHAPTER fIVE

. ·t In Middle and Late Byzantine artistic contexts it l'CpI'Csentcd m al . . . " . tIle hands of children chmbmg up trees m the Entry ~~~m .tJ. . . J rusalem 27 at the root of a tree III le Preachlllg of of Chnsl mlO e , . St olm the Baptist (Matth. 3: I 0),2. and III ~he han~s of SI. Nicholas ) tJle cypl~ss of Plakoma." The axe IS occasIonally attributed fellmg c . to travellers and runaways:lO For people on the road an axe would have been extremely useful for self-~efenc~ and for the provision of firewood. For lighting a fire metal fhnt-~tnkers (pyrekbola) .were used. T wo types of stlcll devices are attested III the archaeolOgIcal record . One had a distinctive B-shaped appe~ranc~ and the other was a simple ellipsoidal ring (PI. 213).31 A flint-striker Of. tJ~e second ~e is ShOMI suspended from the belt of the o~d shepheld III the NauVlty at Kurbinovo, along ,vith a sheatJled kmfe,. and a comb (PI. 214). TIllS representation is, as far as I know, umque. Handicrrifi Implements

Of the handicrafts practised in Byzantium only metal-working, carpenny, and spinning and weaving were actually reflected in religious artistic contexts. Beginning with metal-workmg, the metal to be processed was heated at a hearth, the fire of which was kept burning by means of bellows handled manually.32 The metal was manipulated with pincers, like those discovered in archaeological contexts ~ Greece and elsewhere in the Balkans (PI. 215).33 While still hot figs. 8, 19, pis. IV, VI; Jankovic, 'Implements,' pI. n.s; la. Niko!ova, :~omash~iia! bit i viiOnlzhenieto v dvoretsa na Tsarevets spared arkheologIcheskila matenal, Tsareugrad Timuw 2 (Sofia, 1974), fig. ~. 2, See, for example, Jerphanion, Eglises ropes/res, pI. 104.4 (G6reme, Karanhk kilise); Grozdanov and Hadermann-lvlisguich, Kurbinovo, pI. 43. " See, for example, Wharton-Epstein, Tokah IGlise, figs. 24-25 (Old Tokah kilise); 11 MenowgiP, p. 300; Pelekanides et aI., Treasures, I, fig. 254 (DiO/!)'siou 587m, f. I 38r);

11),

Movaxou KaUivlKoU, H <'XVII") a'YIO'Ypacpia" fig. I 0 (Mount Athos, Protaton). '" For examples see Sevcenko, The Lift qf Saint }(lCllOlns, pp. 91-94, pIs. 3.6, 28.6. '" Resde, B)z- Wall-painJing, pI. 49 (Gbreme, chapel 4a, journey to Bethlehem: james); Thierry, Nowelles iglises, pI. 69a (Hasan Dag" Purenli seki kilisesi, Flight into EIDpt: James); Wharton-Epstein, Tokab IGlis" pI. I, fig. 22 (Old Tokah kilise: the same); Der Nersessian, Psautiers grecs, fig. 62 (Theodore Psalter, f. 36v: the Seven Sleepers of Ephesos). 31 See, also,Jankovic, 'Implements,' pI. V1.3-5 (Serbia); Nikolova, 'Domashniiat,' fig. 60; Omits, I, p. 183, Il, p. 655 (Romania). 32 Such bellows can be seen handled by Eve on a tenth- or eleventh-century ivory panel on which Adam and Eve are represented working at the forge, sec Glory qf ByzantVun, no. 158C. II See, also, Changova, 'Oriidiia na truda,' figs. 12.4, 13, pis. I (upper half), H.

IMPLEMENTS

203 into shape on an anvil with h th e metal was beaten . fh a ammer or mallet. 3'1 RepresentatIOns 0 ammers or mallets and pin fI · f cers 0 ten OCcur in the iconograp h IC contexts 0 the Ascent to and th D the Cross (PI. 209).35 e escent from AB attested both in the written and the archaeolomcal 1 • 0recore, tools for caIpentry Illcluded axes, hand- and frame-saws, adzes, a variet of chisels, . as well as augers or gimlets. 36 Representations of tool~ employed III carpentry are almost non-existent in Byzant'me rel'IgIOUS . . . . monumental p.allltlllg. A ~are exa~ple lS the depiction of a framesaw at the Penbleptos, Mlstra, which is introduced into th D 37 0 d e escent from the Cross.. . ne .nee s to turn to monuments decorated with mosaics and pa.l~tmgs III :he Byzantine manner which are situated _ beyond the pOhtlCal frontiers of the empire to find detailed sentations of such tools.3s repre Spinning is an activity traditionally associated with and carried out by women wi.thin the confines of their houses. For spinning the distaff and the spmdle were used. The distaff was a stick at the top of which the wool or flax to be spun was mounted, while the spindle was employed for twisting and winding the thread. Artistic representations of female characters spinning suggest that in the lVliddle Ages there existed three types of distaff. The first type was held in one hand while the woman spun the spindle with the other (PI. 194). This is the type of distaff commonly attributed to the Virgin in the

34 S. Vitlianov, 'Kovashki instrumenti i suoruzheniia prez srednovekovieto v Bwgariia,' ArkiIeologiia 1981/3, pp. 54-63. 35 See, also, Sinkevic, TIle Church qf St. Pallteleimon at Nert?,;, fig. XLV; 'OpAa.V~, 'H apXlrEKTOVlK7/ I(al ai f3vsavnval 'co1xoypacp{ca rij~ Movij~ Ilarpov, pI. 92 (Paunos, Monastery of St. john, refectOlY); nEAeKUvio%, Ka,uu,PJ'11" pI. 27 (Verroia, church of the Anastasis). 36 For references to carpentry tools see .M.M IV, p. 202 (will of monk Gerontios, 1192); Acles de Xeropotamou, p. 80 (,,011 of Theodosios Skaranos, 1270-1274). See, also, Bryer, 'Byz. Agricultural implements,' p. 79; For mediaeval carpentry tools ~ound in Bulgmia see Changova, 'Orudiia na truda,' figs. 18, 20, 2l" 23, 2~.. For illustrations of such tools in Byzantine miniature painting see StomaJolo, Afmlalurt delle amiNe di Giacomo k/ollaco, pIs. 43, 70; 'A. 'OpMiv5cx;, 'napa01'a(Sel~ EpycxAelrov t\V~V ~UAOUPYOU, j.lapl.tapoyt..{mtou Kat lC'tiO"Cou E1tt1t(:(AatOXp\01'~avu.:&v ,Kat pur;avtlV(I)V j.lVtU1e1cov,· in llmpaypeva rou $' L11e8vou~ BuSavflvoAoytKOV!'VVEOPIOV (Athens, 1955), I, p. 333, pis. 57., 58a-b. . 31 Millet, Afomlnumts byZ. de iHislra, pI. 122.3 (shm. .ll in a basket. along WIth other tools). 38 These, as well as representations of building tools, have been dis~ussed br O~landos in his 'napaO'nlO'El<; Epyat..eirov tlvrov ~UAOUPYOU, ~apj.lapoyAurttOU Kal KtIOtoU,' pp. 333-334, 338, pis. 57b, 62, 63a-b.

I

.j

CHAPTER FIVE

IMPLEMENTS

. ' (PI 216}." The second type had a longer stem and AnnunClatIon . . . 40 TI tI· . d t tile waist of the woman spmmng. le llrd type was sUppOl te a . '" f all I · _I>' 'Ih a stand (PI. 204). Dlsta"s 0 I Iree types were d was the 1st"" \VI • .n S . dl . ., . B 19aria down to modern times. pm cs, pIeces of stIli III use III U . . • . . ·tI 'ng ends were prO\~ded at then bottom end Wltll wood \VI 1 tapen , a metal hook and a spindle-whorl, commonly made. of clay. Bronze sp indle hooks have been recovered from Byzantme contexts at . tI ., B'conical clay spindle-whorls have been unearthed from Conn I. I . I ' (. I I' 'cllaeolouical contexts III Bu gana.' mnt l-lOurteenth cenmediaevaI al b· 43 turies) and Serbia (fourteentll-fif~eentl." centull?s) .. Survi\~ng fragJllents of Byzantllle sdk~ with mtncate r.epeated patterns suggest tllat tllere existed in ByzantIUm lar~e, complicated looms, operated by two persons, suitable for tile creatIOn of such textiles ..... One assumes that for wea\~ng within the confines of the household comparatively simpler constructions would have been .used, which would have been operated by one person only. None IS extant. In Byzantine manuscripts only one typ? of loom .is represente~ and tIlis is a simple vertical loom (PI. 194), which according to Mutll~s1Us, would not have been suitable for tile manufacture of cloth WIth complicated patterns." Representations of even this simple type of loom in Byzantine monumental painting are non-existent.

historiographical and hagiographic works:'" A group f' I 0 Imp ements . I 'd . which have been tentatIve y I enlIfied as suruical inst '" ruments on the . I d h '. asis of theIr s lapes an t elr precIse execution have b b . . , e e n unearthed from the medIaeval Byzantme layers at Corinth dat' 0 . mg Jrom the ninth to twelfth centunes (PI. 218). They are made of bronze and have e1~borately turned handles. ~hey .comprise bifurcated probes and a sImple pr~be, a spatula, a kmfe WIth a short triangular blade and a group of Implements. of unknown use:" The knife/lancet with the short triangul~r bl~de IS th~ implement most commonly attributed to do.ct~r samts m. Byzantme Iconography. In detailed representations It IS shown WIth a bead-and-reel handle, reminiscent of tile decoration of the handles of tile implements found at Corinth and e1sewhere:,a Surgical instruments would have been protected b being kept in speci~ly-made cases. This is suggested by represent1cions of such cases m the hands of doctor saints. The case in the left hand of St. Panteleimon at Kurbinovo (PI. 219}<9 appears to be made of wood and is rectangular in shape. It is di~ded vertically in two equal compartments, each containing a lancet held in place by means of what appears to be a metal tongue attached to the central vertical axis of the case. In other examples tile cases have a more conventional box-like appearance. so

204

205

I; "

Surgi£al Instruments That a variety of surgical instruments was available to Byzantine doctors is attested by two survi\~ng lists of such objects dating to tile Middle Byzantine period, by tile relevant prescriptions in the rules of tile hospital of tile Pantokrator Monastery in Constantinople (1136), and by references found in other texts, like medical handbooks and

" See, also, Pelekanides and Chatzidakes, Kasloria, figs. 8 on p. 55 (St. Nicholas Kasnitzes), 5 on p. 70 (Panagia Mavriotissa). . 40 This type of distaff is very rarely represented. In fact the only ~epresentau~n I know is encountered in a Serbian monument, the church of the VirgIn Hodegetna at the Palriarchate of Peo (c. 1330). It is held by a young woman in the Birth of the Virgin (PI. 21 7). ., Oulils, I, pp. 174-177; 11, pp. 633-642. " Davidson, Minor Oijtcls, nos. 1223-1228. ., Oulils, I, pp. 129, 285-286; 11, pp. 439-440, 928. . +f The type of loom required for the manufacture of these silks has b~en desc~be~ by Muthesius in her 'A Practical Approach to the History of Byz. Silk Weavmg, pp. 238-239; uuftm, By;:. Silk Weaving, pp. 19-26. 4!i See previous note.

J

Writing Implements Extant examples of mediaeval writing implements comprise a group of metal and bone instruments tentatively identified as styli ~6 These have been collected and studied by Bliquez in his 'Two Lists of Greek Surgical Instruments'. He has also collected all available information on extant examples of surgical instIumems from the mediaeval Byzantine period. The summary account presented here is based on his work. 47 Davidson, klinor Olljecfs, nos. 1377-1391; Bliquez, 'Two Lists of Greek Surgical InsIruments,' pp. 187-188. For other finds of surgical implements that could be Byzantine see ibid., pp. 188-189. C( group of Early Byzantine surgical instrumen:s In Dautennan :Nlaguire, rvlaguire, Duncan-Flowers, Art (llld HolY Powers, nos. 1,2.0-12J. " See, for example, Restle, By,. Wall-pai"IJilg, pI. 41 (G6reme, Sal
206

OHAPTER FIVE

· (I Bvzantine layers at Corinth (PI. 220)." To these reeoverecl filom le . 068 . d' 0065 ) d silver-oilt inkwell (h.: O. m,... m a orned I cld 0'. . H d . I d ' I' one may a t le . I I . aI figures mcludIllg a me usa- lea on Its Id, now ",tll myt 10 ogle , d (PI 221) I . . , f the cathedral at Pa ua .f . . t 'IS" dated to III tile treaSUI) 0 . th tl centuries by the letter-forms 0 ItS two IIlSCnptlOns tllenm ~tenl . 5"M" . I'd 'r. a certain calligrapher Leo as ItS owner. WhlCl I enn.y .' h .ore mfor,b derived from a senes of Slxt -century epIgrams in . mauon lna) e ., ,.. '. 53 Book VI of the PalllltilC Allthology descnbIllg "nnng mstruments and, .m d'tree tI·)', firom stud)oing the finished products themselves, that is the . . n'tten monuments in pap)~'us, parchment, and paper. ReSUrVI\·1ng w . 'ons of ,,~iting implements III numerous portrayals of the aI d " . presen ta n , Ii ts and otller authors in monument an mIlllature pamting 'b 54 H e\ange s db di aI help us visualize tile equipment employe y m~ . aev sc~ es. owever, these portraits were nevel: me~nt as realIstIc reflectIons of me?iaeval scribes at work in a scnptonum. The source of the portralttypes of the evangelists and of other autho~ has been traced back to antique prototypes, namely statues of philosoph~~'s, rhetors, and poets. 55 That the evangelists are oft~n portrayed \-:ntIn? on an o~en codex-which was never the case III actual practIce slllce the blfoIios of a codex were bound only when the cop)oing had been completed--also alerts us to the non-realis~c cha~acter of ~leir port~ayals. Writing implements were introduced III theIr portraIts as attnbutes identil)oing them as authors, in a similar manner that a l~ncet. was employed to identifY a saint as a doctor or a sword to IdennfY a martyr as a soldier. The type of instruments employed for writing depended on the material on which the words were written. For writing on a wax

51 To BVSaV!lO co.; Oll(ovpivTJ, nos. 102-113. 52 H. Maguire, 'Epigrams, Art and the HMacedonian Renaissance",' DOP 4~ (1994), pp. 112-114; G. Grassi, 'Il calamaio argenteo ne! tesoro del duomo d. PadO\",' in Am pro/a1ll1 e aTIe sacra, pp. 653-671, with earlier bibliography. . " P. Waltz, Antlwlogie Grecque, premiere parlie: Alllhalogie Palatille, Tome III (ParIS, 1931), nos. 63-68; H. Hunger, Schrwen Ulld Lesen ill ByzallZ (Munich, 1989), pp. 85-86. s.t For a survey of representations of writing implements in mediaeval Serbian painting see I. -.Dordcvit, 'Predstave pribora za pisanje i opremu knjig~, u srpskom srednjoveko\1lom slikarstvu; in Zbomik vtadimira Mofinn, cd. D. BogdanoVlc (Belgrade, 1977), pp. 87-112. I thank Dr. B. Cvetkovic for this reference. . ss A.M. Friend, Jr., 'The Portraits of the Evangelists in Greek an~ Lat~n Manuscripts; Art Studies 5 (1927), pp. 142-143; H. Hunger, 'EvangelistenbIlder m den Handschriften,' RBKII (1971), cols. 457, 458, 459.

IMPLEMENTS

207 tablet the stylus, a small stick with one end pointed ft . '. e cl the other end bl or InCISIng the l c . Characters on t le wax sUf.ace an . h unt IOr erasIng them by smoothmg t em out, was used (PI. 220) Styl' . d . I were made of metals, such as Iron an bronze, or ivory bone 0 d 56 T . "rwoo. he use of wax tablets, espeCIally for sending short messa . ges, IS attested . . in ByzantIUm as late as the tenth century," and the find f h r' h d' I S O w at appear to be sty. I m t ~ me la:va contexts at Corinth seem to Corroborate the wntten eVIdence m this respect The only secure rep. resentations of wax tablets I ~ow dat~ to the Early Byzantine period and are encountered on the IVOry dlptych of Probianus . . f (00) " . , lllCanus 0 . the CIty of Rome c. 4 ,. and m the second of the Trial miniatures in the Rossano Gospels (PI. 89). Writing on parchment or paper Mth ink involved a greater variety of implements, for cutting the sheets to the required size, for setting ~p the layout of the pages, and for .the actual process of writing. A kmfe would have been the preferred Implement for cutting parchment. Sharp scissors could also have been used. Representations of scissors among writing implements while fare in the Middle Byzantine period (PI. 222), become relatively more common in Late Byzantine art (PI. 223).59 Mr. N. Wilson of Lincoln College, Oxford, has informed me tIlat scissors would have cut paper better than parchment. Perhaps the inclusion of scissors among the writing implements of tile evangelists in late Middle Byzantine and Palaiologan art reflected the increasing use of paper, which was much cheaper than parchment, in the manufacture of codices in Byzantium, observed from the eleventh century onwards. 6o

56 E. 11ioni, Introduzione alia Paleogrqfia Greea (Padua, 1973), p. 28; Dauterman Maguire, Maguire, Duncan-Flowers, Art and HolY Powers, no. 124; Rutschowscaya, Catalogue des bois de l'Egypte copte, nos. 216-246. 5i Mioni, 11ltroduzione alia Paleogrqfia Creea, p. 15. 58 Delbmcck, Consulardip!J'ehell, no. 65. . 59 Sce, also, Buchthal and Belting, Patrollage in 7hirlie1llh-cenlury COI/Stnnhll.QpU, pI. 78b (Sillait. gr. 2123, f. 34v, 1242). For examples of scissors from ~vo Slavomc man· uscripts of the late fourteenth and the fifteenth centuries see Outiis, IT, p. 909 (nos. l.e, l.f). . 60 For general infOlmation on the use of paper in Byzantium see Mioni, 1111rod~lOnt ~lla pauogrqfia greca, pp. 23-28; J. Itigoin, 'Les conditions materieUes de la produ~~ Uon du livre a Byzance de 1071 a 1261' XV ClEE (Athens, 1976), n,.pp. 5-1~, N. Oikonomides 'Caratteri esterni dcgli ~tti ' in La civilla bi.?,anliuQ, oggtlh. e messllglo. Font; diplomatiche 'e sodeill delle ProVillce, cd. A. 'GUillOll (Rome, 1991), pp. 26-28.

.;

CHAPTER FIVE

IMPLEMENTS

r th sCI'ibe actually began to write he had to sel the marBe.OI"e e .I 'd I' 6. TI . . 0 f tIle page and have it ruled. WIt I gm e mes. le mstruments gms . employed for measuril~g .and. selung the margtns were th: dividers (Pis. 178, 223).·' A pncking mstrument was. ~sed to mark the four corners of the border defining the. actual. wr:ltIng .surfa~~ of a page, 11 as other intermediary pomts, wlthm thIS wntmg surface as we h fl 63 ) according to the requirements of the c osen p~g~- onnat. In the case of parchment, the guidelines were ~sually mCIsed by means of a ruler and a pointed instrument, a kmfe, or, perhaps, a stylus." Alternatively the gtliding lines could have been drawn with a ruler of the Palatille and the 'dis'k of lead' mentioned in the epigrams . AlllhologJ,.65 I have not come across a repres~ntatlOn o~ a ruler in portrayals of the evangelists or other authors m Byzanune art. On the other hand, knives are commonly represented smce they could have been put to a variety of uses, from trimming and ruling the pages to sharpening the reed pens and erasing mistakes. As to the 'disk of lead', Hunger believes that this should be identified with the peculiar instrument terminating in a disk, seen on the writing desk of the evangelist Mark in Koutloumousiou 61, f. 112v (thirteenth century) (PI. 224).66 The implement used for writing \\~th ink was the kalamos, a pen of reed which had one end pointed with a small incision in its middle." Kalamoi made of other materials are occasionally mentioned in the sources but they are exceptional. 68 The point of the reed pen had always to be kept sharp. For sharpening blunt points the scribe

ed a pumice stone or a knife."" The evangelist M k' . . . ar m Panlo!oc t 4-7 f. 114v (130 I) IS portrayed III the process of sha . . a or , • 10 F . . rpemng hiS pen with a kmfe. 'or eraslllg mIstakes a knife or possibl . . ' y , some other < •h ki·nd of blade d scraplllg . Instrument was used . A kn'he WIt a blade curved at the top, often IIlcluded among the implements h . . on t e wnt· ing desks of the evangeIIstS, was posSIbly intended foor th' . IS purpose! I Sponges were also used by the scnbes for erasing 12 b t h . . , u teyare rarely depIcted I.n art. One such representation can be seen in Cvis/in 21, f. 276v, datlllg from the eleventh century." According to the evidence ?f artistic representations, the ink was stored in glass fla.sks from whIch the scribe poured the quantity he needed into the lIl~well. Inkwells co~ld have been made of glass, metal, gl.ass cased III ~etal, or poss~bly clay!>' A great variety of inkwells IS rep.resente~ Ill. art.. The sImplest fonn is the cylindrical inkwell. Somel1mes cyhndncal IIlkwells are shown as having two compartments, one for black. and one for red ink!' Another type of inkwell was orthogonal wIth one rectangular comparunent and one or two circular ones (PI. 224)!6 The circular compartments contained ink. In some representations the rectangular compartment appears also to contain ink, but in others it is clearly used for keeping the kalamoi (PI. 223).71 Another variant of the combined inkwell and pen-case was a portable one (kalamarion). The pen-case was a rectangular box with the lid at the narrow top side. The kalamoi were kept in it standing, point upwards. A cylindrical inkwell was attached at the side of the case with straps going round the body of both containers. Though portable types appear in artistic representations

208

61 !vfioni, Inlroduzwne alia paleograjia greca, p. 36; Hunger, Schreiben und wen in By;:an;:, pp. 86-87. 62 For more examples sec, selectively, Buchthal and Belting, Patronage in 771ir/cm/h· cmtury Constantinople, pI. 66a (Stauroniketa 43, r. 1Ov, tenth century); Omont, Miniatures iks plus anciens manuscripts grees, pIs. LXXXlII (Cois/in 21, If. 22v, 116v, 175v, 276v, eleventh century), LXXXIV (Par. gr. 64, If. 63v, 101v, 157v, twelfth century). 63 For probable representations of this instrument see Omont, Miniatures des plus ancims manuscripts grees, pI. LXXXVIll (Par. gr. 189, If. I, 93v, twelfth century). See, also, PI. 223. : R~tschowscaya,. Camloll"' Iks bois de I'Egypl£ cople, p. 67. . Miolll, Inlrodu;;wne aikJ Paleogrqfia Greca, p. 29; Hunger, Schreiben uad wen rn Bp.an;:, p. 86. " Hunger, 'Evangelistenbilder in den Handschriften,' col. 478. " Hunger, Schrcibm und Wen ill Byzan;:, p. 86; Rutschowscaya, Catalogue iks bois ik I'JWpI£ COPI£, nos. 207-215.

~ P. Odorico, '11 caJamo d'argento. Un carme inedito in onore di Romane II/

JOB 37 (1987), esp. pp. 72, 88-89.

209 uS

H

See above, note 67. Buchthal and Belting, Patronage ill 7hirleClltll-cenlury Conslanti"nopk, pI. 80c. For examples sec above, notes 62, 63. Cr. Mioni, Inlrodll;:ialle a/ill Pa/eogrqfia Greca, p. 37. See above, note 62. Mioni, introduziolle alla Paleogrqfia Greea, p. 29. .

75

See, selectively, Buchthal and Belting, PatTOllage in TIzirfemJ!J-ulIhI1Y ConsJmlhllople,

69 iO 71

" 73

pIs .. 66e, 66f (Coislill 195, If. 171 v, 240v, tenth century); Omont, Minialur" des flus anerells manuscripts grees, pIs. LXXXI (Cois/ill 195, r. 9v, tenth century), LXXXII (OIlS/m 22~ r. ,333v, eleventh century). " .. IbId., pIs. LXXX (Coislill 20, f. 151v, tenth century), L'{,XX1I (COls/m 2U, f. 27v), LXXXIII (Cois/in 21, f. 276v), UCXXIV (Par. gr. 64, 0: 63v, IOlv, twelfth ce~;ury); I1 Mmo/agio, p. 213. Sec., also, Glory '!f Byza1ltium, no. 58B (Cleveland wIuseum of Art, ~leventh-c.en tmy lecn~naJy leaf with the portrait of St. Luke). At the Prot'ton? the IIlkwell·wtth· pen-case IS provided with a lid, not shown in earlier representatIons (PI. 223).

, CHAPTER FNE

IMPLEMENTS

tll centUlY (PI. 65),'8 and were probably. in Use I 1,astheeeven as· ea' ) llluch earj'ler pel',·od ,19 the)' became common . only m Late smce ~ .' t xts (Pis. 93 225).80 The kalamana represented B 'Zannne arnsnc con e. '. . r ) I f tI Anastasis in VerrOla (Chnst belore the High t the chure I 0 le Th al . ess omke (Christ a Priests and P'II ate) and at St. Nicholas Orphanos, · I 1>. 'ests) have ti,e same overall ornament of white before the H Ig I nl . bl' . small lozenges on a dark background, proba y meant to mdicate r of inla)' decoration (Pis. 188, 226). some HOml • f d· was th e b'm di ng. At ' . The j ast stage I'n the preparanon 0 a co ex unt Athos St. Mattllew IS portrayed tnmming the Protaton on Mo , the pages 0 f a book- block with .the wooden boards of the Cover · hed on, WIll L:ch is held tightly m a . screw press (PI. 227). For the stttc , · . h's mmmmg e I using a broad-bladed Implement ' WIth wooden.han. dies on either end. Other implements employed m. the bookbmding the awl, and the SCIssors, are shown process, nameIy ti,e hammer .' 81 lying on the desk next to him.

of the Virgin in Late Byza t' . . dant spinning in the Birth n me plctonaJ . hi' h ' ontexts. The axe WIt w lIC St. Nlcholas is portra d r 11' e "fi l l ' ye le 109 the cypress of Plakoma IS specl ca y mentIOned in written aCCOunts of his miracles; the ~e represe~ted at ~e r?ot of a tree in the scene SI. John the BaptIst preachmg was msplred by the meta h . I . d b h h ' h' P onca image deVIse y t e prop et m IS sermon regarding the imminent punishment of those who do not bear .'good fruit' (Matth. 3:10). On the other ha~d, the presence of .axes I~ the hands of travellers and runaways or !Il the hands of chtldren m the Entry into Jerusalem, the presence of hammers, mallets, pincers, and, rarely, of a mattock or a frame-saw in scenes of the Passion cycle, and, finally, the presence of writing implements in trial scenes cannot be explained in terms of the textual accounts of the illustrated events. One needs to seek justification for it elsewhere. It is more or less self-explanatory why axes were attributed to travellers and to the children cutting branches from tlte trees in the Entry into Jerusalem, and why hammers, pincers, and other tools were shown used in scenes of the Passion. The images of these implements may be understood as realistic details introduced in order to underline the factual dimension of the events represented. This seems to hold true especially in the case of the representation of the implements in the Passion scenes. The reality of Christ's Suffering and Death could not have been more vividly expressed but by showing Him being nailed on the Cross or His lifeless body being detached from it with a pair of pincers. In the famous scene of tlte Lamentation at Nerezi (1164), the mallet, the nails, and the pincers, all in a basket, are depicted in the foreground next to a crater, the wreath of thorns, the lance, and the sponge (PI. 228). In this particular context the tools tltemselves have been raised to symbols of the Passion. s3 Turning now to writing implements, these had been introduced into the pictorial context of Christ before Pilate as early as the sixth century, in the often-cited Trial miniatures of the Rossano Gospels (PI. 89). Loerke has pointed out that the presence of pens and ink in this context indicated that the legal procedure taking place was in agreement with Roman law, stipulating that all decisions of Roman

210

21 J

USE IN

RELIGIOUS

IcONOGRAPHY

In NaITalwe Scenes Biblical, apocryphal, and hagiographic texts offer justification for some of the occurrences of tools in narrative contexts, tltough not all. The account of the Annunciation in tlte Protoevangelion ofJames, according to which tlte Virgin was in tlte process o~ spi.n~ing the purple silk for the te~ple when tlte. ar.changel Gabne~ VIsIted. her, would explain why qUite often the Vlrgm appears holdmg a sp~ndle and a distaff in the Annunciation." On the other hand tltere IS no textual justification for the introduction of tlte figure of tlte atten-

78 See, also, Pelekanides el ai., Treasures, ~, fig. 249 (Dionysiou 587m, f. I 29r). " RUlSchowscaya, Catalogue des hois rk l'Egypte copte, p. 65, no. 206. . $) See, also, Buchthal and Belting, Patronage in 711irleenflz-cenfury COllslantmople, pIs. 38 (VOl. gr. 1208, f. 3v, thirteenth century), 67a (Vol. gr. 361, f. 14bv, fourteenth cenlury); Movaxou KaU(vlKOl), H TEXV1IO) TI1, arlOrpa
r

----------83

Byzantine rhetorical works dedicated to Christ's Passion might have served as

a s.ource ~f inspiration for the representations of the implements discussed here.

ThiS remams a possibility to be explored.

.

;

, CHAPTER FIVE

IMPLEMENTS

. I Id appear in written form in order to be valid.·" Writin Judges s IOU . ' I g . I t continue to appear 111 the Tna scene down to the Lat mlpemen s . e . eriod. Furthermore, they were also mtroduced in repre_ . P' I' Byzanune p . f Christ before the Hlgh nests. t IS noteworth), that . . '' . 1Il sentauons 0 some Late Byzantine representatIons the. traditIonal mbvell and the kalamos were replaced by the more f.'lslllo~able .kalamanon (Pis. 188, 226).8.1 In my opinion, the prese~lce of wntmg Implements in these iconographic contexts even at th.1S late date was mo~e th~n a repe_ tition of a traditional iconographic theme. The old stlpulatlon of the Roman law that a court decision is not valid unless presented in written form was still in force during the Late Byzantine period." The Byzantine beholder, familiar with the workings of contempo_ rary Byzantine courts, would have had no difficulty in understand_ ing the symbolism of these implements in this particular iconographic context as signs that a trial is taking place. As to the female attendant portrayed spinning next to the cradle of the child in Late Byzantine representations of the Birth of the Virgin (Pis. 204, 217), I think that her presence should be associated with the predilection of the art of that period for secondary genre themes. The introduction of such narrative details in traditional iconographic schemes served no other iconographic necessity, than that of establishing a link between the represented event and daily life with the purpose of underlining the actuality of that event and its pertinence to the experience of the beholder. Whether the theme of the spinning woman was inspired from antique images of

Clotho-one of the .three , Fates of ancient Gree k mythology . -spmning or whether It .constltuted a direct borro'" wmg trom co t rary daily life rema1l1S obscure." n empo_ Strictly speaking, the Last Judgment is not a n ' . . h h'l . arratlVe scene S '11 I conSIder It wort w I e to mclude here a brief r " . tt =~~~~ tice of deplctmg Implements as attributes of individ I fi . prac. f h d d Ob' ua gures m representatIons 0 t e am ne . ~ects shown hanoi " . . d' d b cl I . ,,_ng trom the necks of smners m !Cate 0 1 t le nature of their sin a d th . .h M'ki h n e mstrument of its pums. ment. oun as demonstrated that th· . . of e msplfauon of the damned tormented by mean f he mstru. representatIons . . . SOt ment of their sm must be sought m popular belie"s c . " " oncernmg the nature of the pUlllshment which awaits transgressors in Hell." The earliest example ~ kno~ of th~ representation of figures of condemned men tormented m thiS way IS encountered at Panaoia . . . . o£ '.r lVlavnoussa, Kastona, where one sees a ~sure~ \\'l.th a purse around his neck and, more relevant to our ow~ mveshgauon, the falsifier of weights with a balance scale around .h's (PI. 229).89 More examples are found in monuments located outSide the Byzantine empire. One may mention the church of St. George at Kalyvia in Attica, that of Bogorodica LjeviSka near Prizren, and Gracanica and Decani in Serbia. 90 Apart from the falsifier of weights, another popular figure that appears in these monuments is the man punished for ploughing another man's field, portrayed with a plough suspended from his neck, hands, or feet." Finally, I would like to refer to the portrayal of the old shepherd in the Nativity at Kurbinovo (PI. 214). His sheepskin ga1l1lents and his shepherd's staff are not exceptional as they recur constantly in representations of this particular figure in both miniature and monumental painting. What is exceptional is his belt from which are suspended a sheathed knife, a comb, and a flint-striker of the ellipsoidal kind?2 The second staff which he holds, ,vith a globular appendage

ZIZ

'" Loerke, 'The Miniatures of the Trial', p. 179. The importance of this stipulation in judicial procedures in the Early Byzantine period is manifested in the fact that the theca kalamaria (a combination of a case for the kalamoi and an inkwell) was included among the insignia of the praetorian prefect and other officials with judicial powers, see P.C. Berger, The Insignia 'If lhe Nolilia Digllilalllm (New York and London, 1981), pp. 32-33. It is interesting to note that a kalamarion is mentioned as one of the insignia of the prefect (eparch) of Constantinople in the tenth-century De (mmoniis, see De CCf., p. 268. As noted earlier, the prefect had juridical powers second only to those of the emperor. It is unclear from the text whether the tenth-century kalllJTUlfUJn ' ..'as similar to its Early Byzantine antecedent, which appears to have bec:n a. free-standing casc, or to the latcr kalamaria, which wefe portable pen-cases wltl, mkwells. 8:' See, :uso, ~umbarton Oaks Photographic Archive, Olllid, St. Clement, no. GI8 (Ohnd, Penbleptos: Ch.lst before the High Priests); Millet, At/lOS, pis. 2l.i, 22.3 (Mount Athos, Protaton: Christ before the High Priests and Christ before Pdate). .. Krovaravrivov 'AP/lEV01rOVAoV, np6X£lpov NO/lrov if 'Ee&{3,{3Ao" cd. K.r. OlfCI"ICIlI (Amen>, 1971), p. 43.

213

., .

87 Lafontaine-Dosogne, Ico1lographie de [Jenjance de la Vierge, I, pp. L05-106. " Mouriki, 'An Unusual Representation of d,e Last Judgment,' pp. 157, 158-IH . 89 Balance scales where employed both in commercial and in rnonet.'uy transac~ lIons, including the collection of taxes, see Vilqm and Nesbitt, Secllrig ill Byzantium, pp. 29-30 and fig. 70 (Par. gr. 543, f. 102v, fourteenth century: balance held by one of the assistants of Julian the tax-collector). 90 F~r ,references see above, note 88. See, also, Alpep'l, 'Bu~avt\Va y£ropyU(U 'pyaM"', p. 275, note 4. 91 Sec, f~r example, Ivlouriki, 'An Unusual Representation of the Last Judgment,' PI.,,89; Oull/" n, p. 930.a (Bogorodica Ljeviska), 930.b (Decani). . The old shepherd also wears a belt with implements suspended from It on the

.

)

j

214

CHAPTER FNE

. . also unusual I was not able to identify its function A. at lIS top, IS ' . . if. . .' small bucket is suspended from tlus second sta.. Looking at tlus por_. derives the impression that the pa1l1ter drew his inspira_ trayiU one . H' d ' . tion directly from contemp?rary reality .. IS ehght. 111 depicting scenes inspired by the bucoltc way of ltfe IS also ~1amfested in the fact iliat at tlle feet of tlle old shepherd the al'ust represented a minuscule circular sheepfold guarded by a sheep-dog seated on a rock. The representation of the sheepfold is unique." III the Portrayal qf Saints

Representations of implements were introduced in the portrayal of saintly figures as attributes distinctive either of certain categories of saints or, more rarely, of indi,~duals. In their majority the implements represented are indicative of the profession practised by ilie saints during ilieir lives. Occasionally, one also comes across representations of tools which allude to a specific and well-known episode of a particular saint's life. There are two categories of saints for whose characterization Byzantine artists employed representations of implements consistently: saintly auiliors and saintly doctors. Among the saintly authors are included ilie four evangelists, as well as hymnographers;" and the Church Failiers (PI. 202).9; The portrayal of ecclesiastical poets and some of ilie Church Failiers in writing postures imitated fue wellestablished iconographic scheme of the evangelist-portrait, itself, as we have seen, based on earlier author-portraits. This scheme comprised ilie seated figure of the evangelist next to a writing desk, on which iliere was an assortment of writing implements. An inkwell and a kalamos would have been adequate to convey the impression

~\relfthMcentury Sinai icon with the extended Nativity cycle, sce Sinai, fig. 18. The Items represented on the icon arc, as far as I can make out, a knife and a pOllch. 93 Grozdanov and Haderrnann-l\1isguich, Kurbinovo, p. 64. " See, for example, Underwood, KariJe Iijami, pis. 427, 429, 431, 433 (funerary

chapel, pendentives of the dome: Sts. John of Damascus, Kosmas the poet, Joseph the poet, and Theophanes).

'J~ Church Fathers, especially St. John Chrysostom, appear in writing postures in the~r port~yaJ as 'Sources of \Visdom', They are portrayed seated at a desk from which a nv~r flows, Groups of laymen and clergymcn are shown drinking from the waters of ~ 'ri\'er of wisdom', On the origins of this allegorical composition, probably creat~d In the eleventh century, scc 'A. 3uyyo1tOUMx;, '''A'Yto~ 'IcOOvvTl~ b XpuaOOto~o. "fiq)'ll tij. Loq>la(,' AE 1942-44, pp. 1-36; MOUPlKfl, '01 t01Xoypa",'E' ,OU mpEK
IMPLEMENTS

215 that ilie portrayed figure was involved in w 'u' y . . d h I n ng. et the . rarely bmlte t emse ves to the representat'Ion 0f these ' twpamters . alone. In some portrayals, especially in mini t '. 0 Items . . . a ure pa111tmg th I of implements em I d ' ' e artists gave a veritab e 111ventory . paye 111 the p tion of the sheets and m the actual writing reparaI . . , as seen for ex in tl1e eleventh-century COlSlm 21, f. 276v and th' amp e, 89 if. I 93 d Po , e twelfth-centu Par. gr. I , . , v, an a~. gr. 64, ff. 63v, 101v, 157v.96 1vIi' . ry must have been well-acquamted with impleme t I ll1atunsts . . I f: f n s emp oyed in a scnptonum. n act, some 0 them might have kd . "Vh' ". WOr e as scnbes themselves., at IS surpns111g IS that evangelists d,L . r. . . an OUler samtly autl10rs were olten represented wfltmg on the f . . pages 0 a bound codex wInch was never the case 111 real life S h . " . uc representatIOns cannot be attnbuted to Ignorance on the part of th . . .all .. . e pamters smce tl1ey,. espe~1 y m~l11~tunst~,. were very well acquainted with actual pracuce:. .am 0 t e. opmlOn that they chose to represent these figures m this non-reahsuc manner as a means of identifying them not. as writers at work, bu: as t~e auiliors of ilie books they held i~ thetr hands. Perhaps fue mtentlOn behind ilie unique portrayal of St. Mat.t~ew at the Protaton was to establish the authorship and the au:he~uc,ty of ~he gospel-book beyond doubt by showing ilie evangehst mvolved m all stages of the production of the volume from tl1e writing to ilie binding. 97 Alternatively, ilie portrayal of St. M~ttl1ew in this occupation may in some way reflect a peculiar interest of the unknown donor in the manufacture of codices or might be an allusion to the activity of bookbinding workshops on Mount Ailios." The second category of saintly figures characterized by ilie implements of their profession was tl1at of the doctor saints. The most popular among them were St. Panteleimon, ilie iliree different pairs of saints called Kosmas and Damianos, and Sts. Kyros and John. Already in fue eleventh century these saints were portrayed holding

% Sce above, notes 62, 63, 97 cr. K. Corrigan, VlSltal Polemics in the JVinlh-cellt(1)' Byzantine Psalters (Cambridge, 1992),. pp. 116-118, on thc preoccupation with the authenticity of biblical and patrtstlc texts quoted in the jlorilegia employed by the opposing parties dllling Iconoclasm and on the impression prevalent at the time that bound codices \\'ere less ~lI~ceptible to falsification than loose scrolls. Note that the portrairs of the remammg three evangelists at the Protaton follow traditional iconographic models (PI. 223). 98 0.11 bookbinding workshops on .Mount Athos and northern Greece in the L1te Byzanu?c peIiod see J. higoin, 'Un gl'Oupe de reliurcs byzantines all monogramml~ dcs Paleologues,' Rivllefiullfaise d'hisloire dll livre 36 (1982), p. 2H.

216

CHAPTER FIVE

. one hand and a case for a lancet m . their implements . . in the other. Occasionally they were shown holdmg a casket \:Ith .httle bottles con_ . . me d'ICI'nes. One could . say that tlle . attnbutlon of the paratalOlOg . phe11lalia of tlle medical profeSSion to tllem did not Simply c~aracterize tllem as saints who had been doctors, but also suggested tIlelr efficacy to perfOlm miraculous cures posthumously, when entreated by those in need of tlleir assistance. The use of representations of implements ~or tl~e characterization of individual, as opposed to a category of, samts m Byzantine art is exceptional. One may mention by w~y of example the rare iconog_ raphy of SI. Marina with a hamme.r m .one hand, ready .to strike a demon whom she holds by the haIr With the other. ThiS peculiar image was inspired by all incident described in the vita of the saint. It is encountered in a limited number of Middle Byzantine monuments, for instance at St. Merkourios in Corfu, at Sts. Anargyroi, Kastoria, and at Kurbinovo. It became relatively more popular in tile Late and Post-Byzantine periods. This image does not form part of a narrative cycle dedicated to the life of the saint. It is included among other standing figures of individual saints on the lower decorative zone of tile walls of churches and is often found near a door or passage. The apotropaic content of tIlis iconographic type certainly influenced the choice of position accorded to it: SI. Marina, as a victor over the power of evil, was ideal for the role of guardian which was allocated to her. 99 In contrast to tile otller categories of artefacts investigated, tile study of representations of implements in Byzantine religious iconography--witll tile exception of writing implements-has proved tile least informative from an archaeological point of view. The iconographic contexts suitable for the depiction of implements were limited. Besides, there was neither room nor need for elaboration in their representation. Furthermore, one cannot distinguish between representations directly inspired from contemporary reality and those which reproduced earlier artistic models. Exceptions are rare. Yet, even if the painters were copying earlier models, the implements represented remained, in a way, 'contemporary': the slow development of technology in tile Balkans and Asia Minor, prior to the advent of the

" Hadennann-Misguich, Kurbinovo, pp. 235-239.

IMPLEMENTS

217

machine, ensured in a way the survival of . . . certam baSIC typ f . I d' _ es 0 implements-me u 109 those reflected in pictorial co period to the next. ntexts from one It is in the semiotic analysis of represen!,,,!, f . ..' h h . '. Ions 0 Implements' relIgIOUS Iconograp y t at their mam mterest li Th '. m '1" b" es. e depiction of such uti Itanan 0 ~ects as agncultural and handi 0 . .. hId crart tools m narra tive compOSitIOnS e pe endow the images with . d . d' a matter-of-fact dimenSIOn an an Imme lateness, which could ha b . ve een charmmg . d' or touchlOg accor mg to context. Furthermore . . . . .. '. ' representatIOns of arucles like wnung Implements m mal scenes tool . . . ' s m portrayals of the damned, and Implements servlOg as attributes f . b 0 certam cate. . di'd I . gones or m VI ua samts ear witness to the popular beliefs and ~e mundane concerns of Byzantine society which conditioned these Images.

,. COMMENTARY

219

of 'realis~' in the rep:esentation of artefacts presented h . on the eVidence prOVided by the monuments h ere IS based into consideration the following factors' the t emselves and takes . category to h' h h artefacts represented belong; the attention to d '1 . w .IC t e . d h fi etal With which th are deplcte ; t e requency of their OCcurrenc . th . ey . wh'IC h itheir e , e Iconograph' contexts III t 1ey appear; semiotic f,' . IC . . 'f k unctIOn therem and the Circumstances, I nown, of the creation of th ks ' . which they were introduced. e Wor of art mto The first part of the present chapter is dedicat d li . .. d h '. e to a ( SCUSSlon of the motivatIOn an t e sources of inspiration f' l' ,. . f f: . ". 0 rea Ism III the representatIOn 0 arte acts In rehglOus Iconography Th . . . ese ISSues have already been partly discussed previously. In this se t' . CIon my earher . findm!5s ar~ brought to~ether. For the sake of comprehensiveness the ?iscus:lOn here, as .In the rest of this chapter, also takes int~ consideration repre~e.ntatlOns of commoners' dress and domestic utensils. After summanzmg the principal motives behind the introduction of contemporary artefacts into religious contexts, the discussion concentr~tes o.n the crea~ve sources of this 'realism'. The importance of Irnpenal ceremonta! and administration as a source of inspiration fo~ th~ ~ajority of. contemporary artefact-types in religious contexts. IS highlighted. It IS further suggested that it was through the medium of contemporaty secular, especially official, art that a number of such types infiltrated into religious contexts. However, because of the scarcity of surviving works of Byzantine secular, especially narrative, art it is not possible to determine the extent to which such borrowings took place. It becomes evident from the discussion of the sources that a direct and purposive recourse to contemporary reality and daily life beyond the imperial court for inspiration was a comparatively rare occurrence. This was due, firstly, to the traditionally indifferent attitude of religious art towards the faithful depiction of the sensible world l and, secondly, to the working methods of Byzantine artists who were given to the imitation of established artistic models, secular or religious, and to the use of standard pictorial formulae. The last section of the discussion of motives and

CHAPTER SIX

COIvIMENTARY The previous chapters conce~trated on. ~nvestigating the occurrence of imperial, official, aristocralJc, al~d ml~ltalY dress, as well as furni_ ture, fumishings, and tools especIally 111 the mural decoration of ecclesiastical buildi~gs local.ed in present-~ay Turkey: Greece, Cyprus, Yugoslav Macedoma, Serbia, and Bulgal:ta, and dalJng mainly to the eleventh through to the fifteenth centunes. They demonstrated that secular contemporary artefacts were reflected in religious iconogra_ phy to a degree greater than usually assumed, and highlighted the usefulness of emplo)~ng artistic representations as an aid in the study of mediaeval Byzantine material culture. An important part of these same chapters was dedicated to the examination of the semiotic function of representations of contemporary secular artefacts as a component of the pictorial language of Byzantine religious art. The findings of the preceding discussion suggest that 'realism' in the representation of artefacts in religious iconography was a complex phenomenon, distinguished by diversity in its motivation, in its creative sources, and in the identity of its instigators. 'Realism' in the representation of artefacts is understood here as referring to the anachronistic occurrence of mediaeval Byzantine artefact-types in mediaeval Byzantine depictions of the Heavenly Kingdom and illustrations of events which took place in biblical times or during the first Christian centuries. An understanding of the generative processes of this 'realism' is a prerequisite of evaluating critically the artistic evidence and using it successfully in the study of various facets of Byzantine material culture. Moreover, achieving this understanding can pro\~de useful insights into the formative processes of mediaeval Byzantine religious art in general. In what follows I propose to take a closer look at the artistic, cultural, and historical circumstances whid.l led .t~ the occurrence of representations of contemporary artefacts In religtous art of the eleventh through to the fifteenth centuries. . The Byzantines themselves have left us poorly informed concernmg the 'mechanics' involved in the commission and execution of anistic works. Consequently, the analysis of the generative process

I The faithful representation of material reality had to be avoided since it would have ;csulted in images too specific in tcnllS of Lime and space and would ha\'c COlU~romlscd the aspiration of religious art to express ctemal tmths, sce O. Demus, By~all lll/e 1\1osaic Decoration (London, 1948), pp. 6-7; ~Jaguirc. /cOilS 0/ Their BoJits, p. 47.

J....

220

CHAPTER SIX

. d' d to the question of foreign influences on 'real_ -ccs IS de Icate . B' . ·SOUl, in. the represen tation of artefacts III yzantme art, gIVen the Ism f bel' of non-Byzantine artefact-types in Byzantine rrence 0 anum . . occu I argue that the influence of the artistic traditions lB' Pictorial contexts. . Eas t and the Catholic West on t le yzantme devel_ of the I.slamlc

COMMENTARY

221

necessity to conform to dogma and tradition]' 't d h ' , f . Iml e t e field m which the personaIIty 0 artists and patrons could . . d' .d I assert Itself It see~s that m IVI ua patrons and ar?sts had little say in the in;roductlon of contemporary artefacts which were empl d . f h '" li' oye as standard deVlC(:" 0 c aracten~al1on m re gIous art. It is mainly in the case of umque representations of dress and paraphernalia th h . fI . at t ey must have been more m uentlal. However it is not alwa 'bl . . ' ys POSSI e to det~rm1l1,e where t?e Will of the patron ends and that of ilie artist begins, s1l1ce the Circumstances of the commission and execution of works of art are often unknown. The last section of th' fi al ' IS n part of the present chapter IS .conce~ned with the public of Byzantine religious art, also encompas~1I1g a.r~sts and patrons, as a factor influencing the occurrence of realza 111 rehgIous contexts, and it speculates on th manner in which representations of contemporary artefacts were per~ ceived by the Byzantine beholder,

opment was limited. . In the earlier chapters, representations of dres,' and parapherna_ di d diachronically as encountered · ha were scusse . ' III monnments cre. all ts of the B)'Zantine empire. This approach, however par ' . ' ated 111 ~ . bl e to the detection of .tS not lavoma . .chronological , . .and regional variation in the manifestation of 'realistic tendencies III the representa_ f t'a1 culture. The purpose of the second part of the present · =o~m b' " . to make up for tlns deficiency y IIlvestlgatlng whether chapter IS 'realism' in the representation of artefacts was .a phenomenon which may be defined chronologically a~d g~ographlcally. In ot?er words it seeks to anchor 'realism' in its hlstonc~ context. The e,:"dence for regional diversification is !es: forthcommg tha? the eV1den~e for chronological variation. ThiS IS par~y due to aCCld~nts of SUl'Vlval of tlle monuments in the different regions of the e~pI~e and partly, to the varying degrees of accessibility through pub~cal1on and detailed photographic documen.tati~n ~f what has sUI'Vl~ed to researchers, given that in situ exammal10n IS not always P?sslble. Howev~r, the most serious impediment to the study of regional patterns m the manifestation of 'realism' is the small number and tlle fragmentary state of the pictorial ensembles that have survived in Constantinople, the most important artistic centre in the mediaeval empire. Thus, the researcher is reduced to speculation as far as the dynamics of the relationship between the centre and the periphery are concerned. Mter examining the general artistic, historical, and cultural contexts of 'realism' in the representation of artefacts in the first two parts of this chapter, its final part investigates the more perso~al generative processes related to the creators and recipients of Byzanllne religious art. The Byzantine perception that a religious image should constitute an objective reflection of its sacred archetype in Heaven, that is Christ, the Virgin, and the saints, promoted the standardization of artistic expression and the repetition of conventional types 2 established by common consent and consecrated by long usage. The

J..

2 On By-antine icon theory sec, selectively, Mango, The Art of Ihe Byzanh'11~ E:pir~ pp. 149-177; K. Pany, Depicting the Word. Byzalltille Icollophile 7l!ollght qfd/£ Erg/'! an

glqlle (Paris, 1984); L. Brubaker, 'Byzantine Art in the Ninth Century: Theory, P;acticc and Culture,' BUGS 13 (1989), pp. 23-82; G. Dagron, 'Holy Images and L~eness,' DOP 45 (1991), pp. 23-33. ,... The practice of men in the :Middle East to wear eamngs 1S attested 10 Persian

A.

MOTIVES Al'ID SOURCES OF 'REALISM' IN THE DEPICTION OF ARTEFACTS IN BYZANTINE RELIGIOUS ART

Motivation Tbe motives which led to the substitution of modern artefact-types for conventional ones were diverse. A genuine interest in the observation and depiction of the sensible world independent of the dictates of iconogI'aphy appears to have been the least influential in the process, For the most part 'realism' was motivated by iconographic necessity, especially the need for characterization. This was true, for example, in the case of the portrayal of rulers and saintly emperors and empresses in imperial dress and of male martyrs, the digIlitaries of the Heavenly Court, in the chlamys-costume. It was also true of representations of Orientals, who were portrayed with earrings and distinctive head-dresses, like turbans or hats with a fur brim (Pis. 164, 230).3 On occasion, a deliberate borrowing from contemporalY practices could have also taken place with the purpose of enriching a Nintlt C~tunes (Leiden, New York, Cologne, 1996); iCOIlOc/a.mI,. eds. A. ~I)'er ~nd Hernn (Binningham, 1977); A. Grabar, L'iconoclas7Ue hy<;allhn: Lt dosSItT archroio-

CHAPTER

222

SIX

I· potential. This, . for example, Pcould. be the syn1b DIe compOSI 0 'b ti n of the eparchlc costume to onuus Pilate for tile atln u 0 h 'd 'f . reason. 'ddl B antine contexts: rather t an I enU y lum sim_ . rtam MI e yz . d m ce 'al . I' hlighted his role as a JU ge. . I" . . I as an officI , It ug PY f certain other artef.'lcts m re IglOUS plctonal con_ The occurrence 0 , f h . 0 a recourse to t e Impe_ een a 'by-product b . appears to Ilave texts . . sealc . h of means suitable both for the expression of 'al ambience m n concepts 0 f s o 'ereign'v , · " authority, .and rank, and 'd for endowing the .. ·tll a stateliness wluch was • consl ered appropri_ tI e composlUons \\0 I th ositions' sacred content. To tlus category belong, as ateto ecomp d f I we have seen, the court dress worn by alten ants . 0 aHru er, thrones and footstoo Is, an d, possibl)', dark-coloured . . . curtams. . ere one .may also add tile vessels in the hands of ,"sltmg wo~en m scenes IlIus. th e b'Irth of the Viroin or of another samt (PIs. 203, ' 204 traUng "'-. . e were probably mU'oduced under the mfluence of Th 244) 233 . es . h ' th . . a ssocI'ated with the celebration of t e blr of a child tile 'ceremomes • The garments with exceedingly long sleeves worn to the emperor. .' .... . figures in vanous Iconographic contexts, mcluding the by dancmg I f h' 5 '1 cking 0 f Christ constitute yet another examp e 0 t IS process. 1\ 0 , " . Th rtrayal of male and female dancmg figures m garments \10th of'" the eleventh censueeh PlO s eeve s appears to have been an innovation . tury. Once introduced, these garments remamed distmcuve of da?cing figures in religious artistic contexts dow,: to tl1e Late Byzantme period. As Steppan notes, it is more ~an likely ~hat the portray~ of tile dancers in religious contexts, their costume mcluded, was ultimately inspired by life in the Byzantine court. 6 'ti

n~s

and Arab miniature painting, see B. Gray, Per:si~n Painti~lg (G~neva) 1961), pp. 28, 42; Ettinghausen, Arah Painting, p. 178. Cr. GOItem, Med!/. SocteiY, ~V, pp. 214-2~5, note 469 on p. 426. As to the hat with the fur bnm, It occurs m IslamiC mffilature painting, sec, for example, with J.Iv!. Rogers, 77lt TOjJkaPl Saray Museum. s~~ 4lhwns ami Illustraled Manuscripts (London, (986), figs. 38, 49. For more example. ~epresentations of Orientals with carrings and/or distinctive hcad~gear In Byzan:~ artistic contexts see 11 Mel/ologio, pp. 251, 252, 27~; ~'lillet, Le mOl/astere de Dap 4~' pI. VIIL3; Nikolaides, 'L'eglise de la Panagia Arakioussa,' pp. 49-50, 75, fi~~mi' 63; Movaxou KaJJ...i:vu;:ou, H rexvlK1] t11; arwrpmp{a;, fig. 86; I\1avropoulou~Tslo , The Church if St. Nicholas Orphano" pp. 35-36. .. " .. , ." , . + See Babit, 'Sur I'iconographIc de la composlllOll Nauvtte de la Vlerge J pp 174-175; Lafontaine-Dosogne, Iconographie de l'erijilllcc, I, p. 97.

COMMENTARY

223 The introduction of certain other semantically sign'lfi /. . . . cant rea la Into relioious pictorIal contexts appears to have been a . c. . . consequence of the influence which certam topical concerns had on th B . . . . . . e yzantmes' vlsuahz.atlO~ of sacred .hlstory: The conSistency in the introduction of wriun~ Implements mto tn.al scenes, for example, can be taken as indicative of the preocc~patlOn of Byzantine society with the competency of courts and the Issue of legally binding decisions. To mention a second example,. the po~trayals of the condemned in Hell in distinctive dress. and With the I?struments of their sins tied around their neck ~onstltuted ~n expre.sslO~ of popular beliefs as to the nature of the pumshment which awaits smners after the Last Judgment. At the sa~e time these repre~enta?ons provide a graphic inventory of the e"ls of mediaeval society m general and of agricultural communities in particular. Speaking of the influence of topical concerns much rarer was the introduction of realia into specific iconographi~ contexts for the purposes of propaganda against the religious or political enemies of the empire. One possible example has been identified by Wharton-Epstein at Panagia Mavriotissa, Kastoria. One of the damned shown burning in the flames of Hell in the Last Judgment composition wears a black skull-cap. According to Wharton-Epstein, the cap was meant to identifY this figure as a Jew. She considers this portrayal as a manifestation of the anti-Semitic fervour which, according to her interpretation, permeates the late twelfth-century iconographic programme of that monument.' As may be seen from the discussion of the semiotic function of realia in. previous chapters, one also encounters representations in religious contexts which did not serve any obvious iconographic necessity. The occurrence of some of these may be understood as a concession to fashion. Possibly the artists reproduced 'modem' types either because the objects were simply familiar or because the artists wished to introduce some variety into their work. One has in mind, for example, the depiction of male tunics with a slit at the front of

by impcrial triumphs incorporating ritual acclamations, sec his LJemjJereur dons tart, p. 66, notc 2. : A. '¥harton-Epstein, 'Frescoes of thc rvlaVliotissa Monastcl), n~ar Kastoria; EVIdcnce of MiIlenarianism and Anti-semitism in the \Vake of the FIrs~ Cr~sade, ~es/a XXIII (1982), esp. pp. 26-28. Note, hO\\i'ever, that in cer~ain other IdentIfi~ble lIlstances of anti·Semitic propaganda in Byzantine art the arusts emplo~'ed. cancature ~'ather than contcmpOl'alY ethnic costume for purposes of charactensatIon, sce Comgan, Visual Polemics, esp. figs. 41, 42, 56.

, 224

CHAPTER SIX COMMENTARY

. "f'ddI B >zantine contexts and female gowns with trurn tI skirtlll lvl e ) d]" I le I To these one may ad t le lema e mantles that . k h et-shaped s eeves. P h i d sometimes formmg a 'not at t e top, and then covered t e lea , .] b' d d . I d I'll the shoulders Wit lout emg rape around the flowed stnug 1t 0\ B'. B T contexts. hese fash_ J • h are ellcountered in Late. yzantll1e torso wuc d d' I' . . '. pear to have been mtro uce mto re IgIOUS contex.ts lOnable Items ap . ' . . al I'" 9 I rougl.1uy at tIle same time as their adoptIOn m I e he. . t has been t uch modern elements served to underlme 'ilie con_ suggested tIla s ..' \0 I ' 'bl IS POSSI e . iliat a distemporalY reIe\>ance' of a rehgIous Image. . t. . b I older might have appreciated them 111 this manner . . ' cermng el However, one cannot claim t1lat th~ art:J.s~s by repro~ucmg fashion_ able artefacts were aiming at provoking ilils response m the public." In addition to these actual fashionable artefacts, one also enc.ounters items t1lat became fasizionable to represen.t only at ~ later ~tage m ilieir development, regardless of their ha\~ng been 111 use m Byzantine lands since a much earlier date. This, for example, was ilie case of ilie depiction of mail armo.ur in. the. twelfth century and of bows and quivers in Late Byzant:Jne plctonal contexts. As suggested earlier, such representations should be un~erstoo~ ~s a response to Cur· rent historical conditions and the changIng artIstIc tastes and cultural interests of Byzantine society. Up to this point we have looked at the motivation behind representations of realia iliat came to be part of the current vocabulary of Byzantine religious iconography. Turning now to unique representations of contemporary artefacts encountered in religious contexts, some examples may be specifically associated with the p~rsonality and interests of individual patrons. The half-breastplate of SI. George at SI. Euthymios, Thessalonike, as we have seen, is one such example. To this one could add the representations of Arab and Bulgar costume in ilie Menologium of Basil n. In the miniature commemorating St. Symeon the Stylite the elder (c. 389-459), ilie saint is 8 See, for example, Underwood, Karfye Djami, pI. 257 (Samaritan wo~an); Mavropoulou.Tsioumi, The Omrdl if SI. Nzelwlas Orplzo!/1ls, pI. IV (the same); X":~~oo",!~ Mvcnpa" figs. 33 (Aphendiko: the same), 45 (Peribleptos, Birth of the VU'gm: VIS' iting women). fI This is suggested by the fact that they are encountered in portraiture roughly at the same time as their earliest appearance in religious iconographic contexts, see above, Chapter 2. 10 L. Brubaker, 'Originality in Byzantine illumination,' in Origilzoliry, ". 156 11 CC M. Baxandall, Pallems if llltenlwlI. 011 IIIe Hiswrical Exp!1lnatwn if Pictures ( eW Haven and London, 1985), pp. 131-132.

N

225 shown on his column, receiving four lay visitors d d' . . . resse m rIchly consequent! 'd 'fi Patterned ungIrt tumcs and turbans and . ' y, I entI ed as Arabs; a mon k stan d s on th e other SIde of the column." Th II d h . . . . k t posItIon IS ta en 0 a u e to t e samt's veneration b he com. . . populations of th Y ChrIstIan, as we II as by th e Ch' rIstIan E t e non.. h h . e as!. t IS ramer surprIsmg t at t e artist chose this particular th ' . Th fi erne lOr repe. gu~es of the Arabs do not Occur in later eleventhresentatJon. century manuscrIpts illustratmg scenes from the life of St S ].I · f h . h . ymeon. Perhaps th e ch Olce 0 t eme m t e miniature of the JvUIIO " logzum ' f • 0 Ba~il should .be .assoclated. with. the efforts of that emperor to mamtam ByzantJne mfluence m SYrIa, threatened at the ti b h . f h F . 'd ]' h me y t e aggressIOn 0 t. e atl.m.1 ca I~ of Egypt Hakim. J; In the same manuscript. ~ere .IS a mmIature illustrating the martyrdom of a group of ChrIstIans m the hands of the Bulgars during the reign of Leo V (813-820).16 One of the Bulgar executioners wears what could be identified as ethnic costume, comprising a hat with a fur brim and a knee-length, long-sleeved caftan with galloons at ilie front and a fur collar and fur lining or hem. A knife and a pouch are suspended from the executioner's belt. The exceptional character of this portrayal becomes evident when compared to other marryrdom scenes in the same manuscript: oilier non-Byzantine executioners are invariably represented in conventional short tunics." To my mind, me association of the portrayal of the Bulgar executioner wim the personality and policies of Basil II cannot be doubted." Only on rare occasions does the representation of certain items in religious contexts appear to have been ilie result of a direct imitation of daily life motivated by an interest in ilie depiction of material reality for its own sake. The attribution of a single earring to young men and boys and ilie representation of the dress, head-dress, and professional paraphernalia of commoners in certain twelfthcentury contexts appear to have been motivated by such an interest

13,.

'!

12 It ~[enotogio) no. 2. 13 See Glory '!! ByzallliulI/, no. 55 (pp. 100-101). Ii See, for example, Pelckanides et al., Treasures, I, fig. 237 (Dion}siolt 587m, C 116r); n, figs. 327-328 (Pall/eleill/Oll 14, ff. 21~2v). 15 Sce W. Felix, Byzanz l/IId die islamisclle Welt im ftiiheml 11. JallThUlldtrt (Vienna, 1962). 16 It JiJen%gio, no. 345. 17 See, for example, ibid., no. 209 (!vlartyrdom of St. Jrunes the Pcrsi~n). 18 On Byzantino-Bulgar relations during his reign see Osu'ogorsky, Hu(ory of tlte Byzall/ille SW/e, pp. 307-310.

226

CHAPTER SIX

COMMENTARY

227

4 231 232).'9 An interest in the representation of conPI 35 , 21 " (s. . beI'un.d lIe I portra~aI 0 f the bride temporary reality seems also to he and ti,e representation of the fea~t. table 111 the vVcddlllg at Cana at St. Nicholas Orphanos.'" In addition .t? these, onc :nay also mention the vessels in the hands of the \~sltlng w.o,?"en III ilie Birth of ilie Virgin at Nerezi (PI. 233), which ~re re~mmscent of contempo_ rary sgraffito-warc ceramic vessels, both III tl~Cll' .colour scheme (brown on buff) and in tI,eir decoratIon (bands of 1I1tncate scrolls) (PI. 234). What is more, ilie cylindrical shape of the bottle ~t, Nerezi find~ parallels in contemporary glass bottle-shapes (PI. 235). Flllally, an mterest in ilie representation of contemporary reality and its trappings mav be detected behind the depiction of domestic utensils in the Ho~pitality of Abraham at the Blacherna in Arta (end of thirteenth century)," tile portrayal of the young monk and the donkey carryinO' water-jars in a scene from the cycle of St. Gerasimos at St. Nkholas Orphanos (PI. 236),23 and the portrayal of the peddlar carrying a two-handled jar on his back in the Birth of St. Nicholas in the homonymous church at Platsa (PI. 237).'"

19 See, also, Megaw and Hawkins, 'The Church of the Holy Apostles at Perachorio,' pp. 316-317, figs. 32 (the h~t with the tassel and the buckled belt with a pouch of the shepherds in the NatIVIty), 33 (the head-dress of the mIdWIfe In the same scene); Nikolardes, 'L'eglise de la Panagia Arakiotissa,' p. 78, fig. 63 (the cap with the ear-flaps of the old shepherd in the Nativity); E. T(Jtyapioa<;, 0,
"'eVV"

Sources

if insjJiration

The present section focuses on the sources of insp' t' C r. ' . Ira Ion lor the con temporary arteIacl-lypes m Byzantmc reliaious artisti . . Id' . eC contexts, namely impenal ceremoma an admmlstrative practice B ' ' '1 I' c I d ' yzantme secular art, and dal y he )eyon the court. According to th fi d' . I . h e n lOgs presented m t le pre~ous c apters, the detachment of B . . · ' . yzantme rehgious art firom Its surroundmg matenal reality did n t I . fr.. . 0 app y to the representatIon 0 arteIacts ultImately denved from the I' .I " .' d . . mpena mIlieu. ThiS attitude towar s the deptctlon of the trappings of' . I gov. Impena ern,?,,~nt and ce~·em.olllal a~pe.ars ~o have been entirely unrelated to reahstlc .tendenctes m s.tyle mtlmatmg a. more general interest in the observatlOn of. the s~nstble world. The mtroduction of splendid artefacts. from an Impe~tal context mto religious images may have been constdered as befittIng the sacred .. character of the latter and may have been employed as an additional means of honouring the saintly archetypes of the images. The belief that not only the subject-matter but also the form of ilie religious image had to be appropriate to the divine or saintly nature of the archetype, and that the material out of which the image was made conferred additional honour to tI,is archetype, was well-established in Byzantium." Furthermore the conviction that the imperial government and its ceremonial w;re a reflection of the order of the universe" resulted in the endowinO' of Christ and His l\;fother with imperial attributes, like purple-colo~red garments and the red shoes for the Virgin, and ilie endowing of martyrs and angels with the chlamys-costume of Byzantine officials.';

th~ peddlar was not required by the established iconography of the Birth of SI. Nlcholas, see :Moutiki, 17ze Frescoes of St. NicllOlas at Plalsa, p. 45. " Emperor Leo VI (886-912), in his sermon dedicated to the church of the monastery of Kauleas in Constantinople, specifically associated the use of gold in the church's mosaic decoration \vith the intention of the craftsman 'to endow the pictures with such. beauty as appears in the apparel of the emperor's entourage. FllIthermore, he (the craftsman) realized that the pallor of gold was an appropri~te calor to express the virtue of [Christ's] members'. Quoted fi-om the translation 1il Mango, the Art
. i

228

CHAPTER SIX

.' I1 t imperial rites and protocol mirrored the uniThe com,ctlOn la ., I'.' 'd . , nough III Itself to detach t le llnpCllal court from versa! 01 el "as'ansitional e . . remoteness was everyday eXIstence. '" TIliS the sp Ilere 0 f l I . bl d of llnmuta e gran eur and unin_ the semblance by further en Ilance d . . . . '1)' with the Roman past wlllch the Impenal court ten"Upte d contmUl ' . ' . tain even when everythmg else around It was colstrove to malll . ., . . "' I perial and official inslgl1la 111 theIr splendour and lapsll1g.·· m , . conservatism were considered as llnpersonal al~d agel~ss as. t~e establishment they epitomized. 3D Consequently, .tI~elr use m rehgIous pic'a! t·ts \,'as not considered compromISIng to the transcendental ton con ex ..' r 31 character of Chnstlan Iconograph). . As far as one can judge from tile repres~ntatl~~s themselves, the reflection of contemporaIY material culture m relIgIous contexts was rarely tlle result of direct observation from nature. lVror: ?ften than not it resulted from ti,e imitation of contemporary artIstic models, Bvzantine as well as non-Byzantine." I would ar~e tI,at Byzantine ~cular especially official, art served as a perenl1lal source of con~empo;ary artefact-types reproduced. ~n ~yzantine religious cont:xts mroughout tile period. In all probabIlIty, It was through the medium of official aIi that artefacts related to me imperial milieu found meir way into religious contexts. This is indicated by the fact that only me items of imperial dress traditionally depicted in portraiture are encountered in religious iconography. Furthermore, the compositiona! structure and mematic treatment of scenes involving audiences, acclamations, and receptions encountered in religious contexts demonstrate a dependence on similar scenes in official works of art reflected 28 For a glimpse as to how the common Byzantine perceived i,?perial ceremonial see the episode quoted in Connack, The Emperor at St. Sophla,' PP: 248, 250. :?9 A. Grabar) 'Pseudo-Codinas et les ceremonies de la cour byzannnc au XIVc sii:cle: in Art (/ sociiU, pp. 193-221. '3IJ This is illustrated by an eleventh-century Byzantine miniature representing the emperor enthroned flanked by four officials, which was .d~dica~ed i.n ~urn to ~\'o successive emperors (Coislin 79, f. 2r) (PI. 11). The ongmal mscnptlOl1 nammg Michael VII Doukas as the portrayed emperor was replaced by another one gIV' ing Ibe name of his successor, Nikephoros Ill. While the facial features of the emperor were slightly modified, the imperial insignia remained the same. !he ~our officials flanking the emperor, dressed in their magnificent gala costumes, are Iden~cd by inscriptions giving their office and dignity but not their name, see AppendIX 2, no. 21; Appendix 3, 110. 17. . . 31 On the acceptability of images inspired by the ambiance of the Impenal court in religious iconography see, also, Belting, Likeness alld Presence, p. 256. . t1 32 The question of foreign artistic influences ""ill be discussed separately ID le follO\\oIDg section.

COMMENTARY

229 in tile Madrid S9litzes, the illustrated epithalamion V. t a. gr. 1851 and in Par. gr. 1242, .( 5v. Such loans must have been f: '1' ' " aCI ltated by th character of Byzantllle offiCIal art, which was as ~ I. : . om 'al h d d . ormu alc as 010US art. ICI art a eve10ped an Imagery f ' reh. o· .' I' . b '. 0 power nch m symbohc Imp Icatlons ut poor III hIstorical specific'ty h' h " . taken over by an daSSImIlated be eaSIly into reIl' aio IWlccould . . • . • to· us Iconograph The mtelhgent use of secular artistIc types in reliaio y. ., . h' to· us COntexts and the rapIdIty WIth w Ich developments in the represe nta t'Ion 0 f the ioros-costume, the crown, and the footstool were reflected m . I" re IgJOUS contexts-even though such an updating did not serv . . ' " . e any IconographIC necessIty-attest to the famlhartty of at least some artists with the vocabulary of contemporary secular art. More th . l' . h over, ey carry ti,e Imp IcatlOn. t at the same artists could have be en responsible for t~e exe~utlon of both secular and religious artistic works. By associatIOn, mIsunderstood renderings of imperial insigIlia in religious contexts encountered in certain monuments might be taken to imply lack of first-hand knowledge of contemporary secular pictoria! models on the part of the artists responsible. In meory, me practice of the artists to compensate for the lack of artistic models by the intelligent combination of traditional pictorial formulae 33 would have made redundant a recourse to daily life for inspiration. The occurrence in religious contexts of artefacts like fashionable aristocratic garments, elements of the commoners' dress emnic costume, certain types of furniture and furnishings, domesti~ utensils, and professional paraphernalia, demonstrates that mis was not me case. A recourse to daily life, beyond the world of the imperial court, did take place during the period under consideration. However, it was largely dependent on me specific requirements of indi\~dual tasks at hand as determined by iconographic necessity or me personal interests of the donor. It was also influenced by general artistic trends current at the time of the creation of me works of art. The interest, for example, of Palaiologan painting in secondary narrative detail and genre themes was favourable to the representation of utensils for the preparation and serving of food and drink in dining and birth-of-a-saint scenes. . To conclude, the Byzantine belief that the structure of the earthly empire mirrored that of the Heavenly Kingdom must have justified,

33

See Brubaker, 'Originality in Byzantine lllumination,' esp. p. l62.

cHAPTER SIX

COMMENTARY

imagelY I'f not prompted , bOl1"Owings from imperial . . ' for the visual ization of the Kingdom of God a.nd fOl the tl anslatlO.n of accOunts of sacred events into images. Behmd the recourse to Imperial cere_ monial and official art in search of a means to e~pr~ss the concepts of rank and authority one can detect the Byzantmes pervasive preation ,,~th ceremony, precedence, and the lawful exercise of ., .,. . I . occup power. The artists' ease m tappmg Impen~ cerem~mal and secular official art for inspirati.on and the co~slstency WIth which they did so throughout the penod under consideratIOn suggest that this recourse far from being objectionable, constituted an accepted artistic practice in mediaeval Byzantium ..In comparison, the recourse to daily life appears to have been erratic and mfrequent.

vehicles through which Islamic influences co Id h Byzantine religious art still remains unexplored~ Of ~~: pe?e,trated ditions of the East the one that had the least . artistiC tra, Impact on By' . religious Iconography appears to be the art of th I I . zantmc . fI f I" e s amlc courts Though t he m uence 0 t liS art IS strongly felt i . , .. d' n many other areas Ii' , of Byzantine artistic pro uctlOn, it is hardly evident' . . I' , d C h m re glOus pamt ing, where It IS. 1~lte lor t e most part to the renderin .g of certam decorative motlfs. 3' One wonders whether the occurrence of artefact f b . . ., . II ' s 0 0 vlOusly onental del1vatlon, espeCla y Items of costume and mlt . I' . '. 11 ary eqUipment . in Late Byzantlne re IglOUS plC tonal contexts mi ht b .' , dil' f . g e associated WIth. a pre ectlon I d T mili ki " 0 PalalOlogan society for Mong om fashions. ,That ~nental fa~hlOns were predominant in the Palaiolo an Constantlnopohtan court IS suggested by the work of psW~o~ d K dig " He. ascl1bes. an onental origi~. to a number of ceremonial garment~ which con~tltuted recent additions to Byzantine court costume. 36 His testimony IS corroborated by the visual evidence of su~~ . por•.,\ong traits of L~te Byzantine officials (Pis. 67-69, 74, 76)37 and by the repr~sentatl~n of the costume and the hunting-gear of John VIII PalalOlogos 111 the preparatory drawings and the medallion of that emperor by Pisanello (PI. 8)." The occurrence of representations of oriental artefacts in Late Byzantine religious art certainly reflects the impact of oriental practices on Byzantine material culture. 39 However, I do not believe that it bespeaks a predilection for the representation of 'exotic' orientalizing details. A taste for oriental fashions

230

231

The Qyestion

if Foreign

lrifluences

The occurrence of a number of non-Byzantine artefacts in Byzantine religious contexts requires interpretation. Should their presence be understood as reflecting the impact of foreign cultures on Byzantine material culture or should it be attributed to the imitation by Byzantine artists of foreign artistic models? Did contact with the artistic traditions of the Islamic East and the Catholic West, neither of which was adverse to the representation of contemporary material culture, have a modifYing influence on the traditional attitude of Byzantine religious art in this respect? At present our knowledge as to how well and by what means Byzantine artists became acquainted with foreign artistic traditions is minimal. The diplomatic and commercial ties between Byzantium and its neighbours, marital alliances, and the exchange of embassies and gifts must have provided opportunities for the Byzantines to come into contact with the artistic achievements of both East and W'es!. However, as we shall see, the impact of these traditions on Byzantine religious art was very limited. The contribution of the artistic traditions of the Christian peoples of the East, namely Georgians, Armenians, Syrians, and Copts, to the religious art of mediaeval Byzantium awaits systematic investigation." The possible function of the traditions of these peoples as

~ .Successful attempts at tracing oriental, namely Caucasian, influences on Byzantine religIOUS art have been undertaken in the field of ecclesiastic architecture. See, for e~l?le, C. I\fango, 'Les monuments de I'architecture du XI' siecle et leur signification hlStonque et sociale,' TM 6 (1976), pp, 358-365.

35 ,On the subj~ct of Islamic artistic influences in Byzantium see A. Grabar, 'Le succes des arts onentaux a la cour Byzantine SOllS les rvIacedoniens > in his L'arl de /0 fill de 1'Allliquili el du ""/OYtll Age, 3 vols. (Paris, 1968), I, pp. 265~290. See, also, the relevant arlicle by O. Grabar in the ODE, 2, pp. 1018-1019. 36 Pseudo.Kod., pp. 206 (skarallihm, kabbadioll, epi/ounkoll), 218-219 (granalza). Note that he does not ascribe a western (Italian or Frankish) origin to any of the garments and head-dresses which he describes. Cr. Greg., pp. 43, 567-568. • 37 Galme~ts and accessories of oriental delivation had been adopted and wom 10 court durmg the :Middle Byzantine period as well. 'Yhat constitutes a Palaiologan devc~opment is not the adoption of items of oriental costume per se, but their predominance at the expense of more traditional 'Roman' outfits, like the fhlafl!Vs-

costume. 18 :M. Vickers, 'Some Preparatory Drawings for Pisanello's Medallion of John VI!,! Palacologus,' I1rtB 60 (1978), esp, pp. 419-421. The accurate representations, down to fine structural details, of the bow a~d sabre of St. ~\'Ierkourios at the Protaton (PI. 124), of the sabre of the S<'lrne Saint at the Peribleptos in Ohrid (PI. 135), and of the half-breastplate of St. GeOl-gt at St. EuthymlOS (PI. 132) do not appear to be derivative in character and argue 111 favour of the artists having a first-hand knowledge of the actual artefacts.

CHAPTER

232

SIX

taste for the depiction . evel)rday li le need not result in a concomitant . 111 • aI ~ lS'n relioious painting as Illustrated by the juxtapo_ of onent artelac I ". . . h' _r. . ·. f th tral' t of Theodore lvfetochltes m IS Caltan and unpressmon 0 e por . 'al d · d ~. (PI 69) and tile rest of the plcton ecoration of sIVe hea -uI"Css . . I d" .. ' oriental artefacts, mc u mg Items of mlhtary tile Chora Monas telY. . . h epresentation of which had become common at that eqUIpment t e r . . f' . · t Besides ome, are abs e n . } the introductIOn of'Items " 0 mlhtary equip_ 'k sabre and.the ment, Il'e tIl e , the bow) .qUIver m PalalOlogan ' . contexIS coincides with the introductIO~ of Items reflect:m?" the I,:,pact of western military traditions, somenmes e~c?untered slde-by-slde in . I tr°;t (PI . 135) asmgepor= . . I. am . of the opmlOn that the occurrence . of the bow and quiver 111 rehgtous contexts should be associated not with a taste for 'exotic' details, but with the tendency of Late Byzantine art to expand the inventory of weapon-types attributed to ~ilitary sainlS in art. The quiver and the bow were absent from earher portrayals of military saints simply because such items were not customarily represented in this context, not because they were not in actual use. It is only in the representation of Easterners at SI. Nicholas Orphanos in Thessalonike (1310-1320) where ?ne de~v~s ~e impression that the artist responsible took pleasure 111 conJunng Images of the East for their own sake.4{) The reference is to the portrayals of the young groom of the horses in the Adoration of the Magi (PI. 205)" and of the leading male figure of the welcoming group in the illustration of Strophe X (Return of the Magi to Babylon) of the Akatllistos Hymn (PI. 238).+' The figure of the groom was required neither by the written accounlS of the episode of the Adoration nor by the established iconography of the scene. As to the costume of the figure in the Return of the Magi to Babylon, this serves to localize the action of the episode in the East. 43 This is at variance with ~

.w In the scenes from the life of St. Gerasimos even the colour-scheme of the landscape evokes the desert, see T. Ve1mans, 'Les frcsques de Saint Nich~las Orphanos it Salonique et les rapports entre la peinture d'icones et la decorauon monumentale au XN' siecle,' C4 16 (1966), p. 148. ofl He \. .'ears a turban and a short garment with an oblique opening at the front. ..2 He is dressed in a red outer garment with an oblique opening at the front. The long sleeves of the gannent are provided with openings at the shoulders for the anns to come through and hang empty at the sides. . ~3 Similar use of contemporary ethnic costume to localize the action of eplsod~~ from the Infancy of Christ and the Acts of the apostles is encountered at Matelc in Serbia (1356-1360), see Djuric, Byzantinisclle Fresken UI Jugoslavietl, p. 103.

COMMENTARY

233 the traditional attitude of avoidance of this sort f . . ' . 0 spatIal spec' fi . which was characterIstic of mediaeval Byzantin ... T I City cart. om 'd both portrayals bespeak an unprecedented interest' h y mm . . d ' I ' m t e represen tation of exotic narratIve eta! s whIch is unparall Id' · B . ee mothermon uments create d m yzannne lands at the time. . The introduction of the figure of the groom into th Ad of the Magi at St. Nicholas Orphanos deserves cl e .oratIon . oser exammat:ton Representanons of the horses of the Ma oi though WJ'th h . "., out t e groom . . can be found ~~corporate~ 111 the Nativity scene at Karanhk kilis~ and at yankh kiltse both danng to the mid-eleventh centu ., H ry. owever, .. S N' h I 0 the addinon at t. IC .0 as rphanos of the groom dressed m . apparently contemporary OrIental costume, which contrasts with th al 'P . , f h N e convention erSlan costume 0 t. e Iagi in the same scene, transfonns the older theme of the horses mto an. illustration of courtly life. The theme of the groom and the horses IS encountered in the contemporary courtly art of Persia:16 Considering the diplomatic contacts between the Palaiologan empire and its Turkish and Mongol neighbours:' the introduction of the figure of the groom could have been inspired by direct knowledge of Islamic artistic models. I am of the opinion, however, that the oriental influence was felt only indirectly at St. Nicholas through the medium of western art. The theme of grooms and horses already incorporated in the Adoration of the Magi was common in the religious art of Italy and France at the time:' It is encountered, for example, in a panel by Duccio which forms part of his famous Siena Macs/a (1308-1311 )." Such western religious images provide a more plausible source than secular Islamic +I As a rule, the representation of contemporary ethnic costume in religious pictorial contexts was limited to cases were ethnicity was deemed significant in the definition of a portrait or of a situation and needed to be made manifest. " Restie, Byz. Watt-painting, figs. 201-202, 208. According to Millet, the theme of the horses in this context was of Eastern Christian derivation, scc his Rechercoo sur ['iconographie de l'evallgile, p. 151 . .~6 See, for example, A. Soudava, Art qf Jlle Persiall Courts. Se/echo/IS from the Art a~d HIStory Tnlst Colkction (New York, 1992), no. 11 (c. 1300); O. Grab.r and S. Blalf, EplC hlUlf,es and Contemporary History. 771£ [lIustratiO/IS of the Great Mongol S/""'"- (Clueago and London, 1980), nos. 18,35 (1317-1354). _ " AA Vasiliev, History of the Byzantille Empire, II (London, 1984), pp. 099-602; D. Morgau, 'The Nlongols and the Eastcm J\.·fediterranean,' in Latms and Greeks In "" Eastern MedilelTaneall tifler J204, eds. B. Arbel, B. Hamilton, D. Jacoby (London, 1989), pp. 204-205. : Millet and Velmans, La peinturedu Mtp'en Age, IV, p. XXII. I I G. Catt.neo, L'opera compkta d. DucelO (Mdan, 1972), no. 71, pi. XXVII. thank Anna Christidou for bringing this representation to my attenUon.

CHAPTER

234-

SIX

r . I Thessalonikan image.'o That the members of th models 101 t le f _ " e St Nicholas were aware 0 western artIstIc develop_ workshop 0 f . . f . - t s far as the representatIon 0 space IS concerned ments, at Icas a. . ..' d . , '11' g to expenment with •them IS atteste III two scene and were \Vl I l l ' . S fi"Ol1l the life of the homonymous samt 111 the narth.ex, namely SI. ppealing to Constantine (PI. 95) and SI. Nlcholas and the . I I NICloas a -, I . 'Il' man with the three daughters.' Vc mans IS 11'1 mg to .read western influences also behind the cross-legged 'posture o~ PontI~s Pilate (PI. 92) as well as the effective representatIOn of Onentals III the same

Jn~~ument.52

In general, however, the influence of western art on Byzantine ·, s l'cono!Yraph)' was limited and this not because of lack of " . • reIIglOU awareness in Byzantium of recent accomphshments m the 'Vest but because of what appears to have been a conscious. choice to ignore them.'3 This negative attitude was apparently restncted to religious painting. In other fields of ar~stic production, like sculpt~ral architectural decoration, the ByzantInes showed themselves relatIvely more

50 The groom of the horses of the l\Iagi ~vas quite prominently portrayed in the Nativity scene in the ko/lwliko1l of the Serbian monastery of Clulandar on Mount Athos (1320-1321). He can be seen seated in the foreground of the composition t~ the left, holding the reigns of the horses and the tl1fe~ swords of the :Nlagi; on the ground to his left lie a bow in its bow-case and a qUIver, sce CD-ROM III the Heart '!! Hi/mular, © 1998, 1999 Willi~m T~ylor Hosteller, Jr. The dono~ of. the

painted decoration of the kn~/Olikall was king. tv!iluun of SerbIa. Acc~rding to ~sIgandas,

the athonite ensemble eVIdences close IconographIc and stylIstic affinItIes wlth Thessalonikan monuments, especially St. Nicholas Orphanos and St. Catherine, see Tln)'lXpiSa" TOIxoypa'l'IE, rT/prepl6oov rrov IIaAaIOA6yrov, esp. pp. 26-29. The theme of the groom with the horses is also encountered in the Adoration of the M~gi, which fonns part of the Akalhis/Os Hplln cycle, at Mateic (1356-1360), see MIllet and Vehnans, lA peilllure du M'!J'
Byzantine Mani, see Gerstel, 'Art and Identity'. For an illustrated Book of Job exe· cuted at Mistra in 1362 (Par. gr. 135) dIe miniatures of which obviously reprod~ce Gothic models, see T. Veimans, 'Le Parisinus Grecus 135 et quelque~ autres ~e~ tures de style gothique dans les manuscrits grecs it. I'epoque des PaleologuesJ 17 (1967), pp. 209-235.

COMMENTARY

235 willing to adopt western forms."; Western influen . B . gious iconography was limited for the most par~et In y~anttne rclielements as decorative motifs--so me of ultimate ~ sue s~co~dary f' . antIque denvatlOnand the posture 0 certaIn figures lllcOrporated' h . tn ot efWIse traditional Byzantine iconographic schemes. 51 In contrast to representations of articles of ori t I I d en a ay ress contemporary western costu,,:e. was not employed, as far as I kno:, for the purpose of charactenzlllg vVesterners in reliai' ' e ".ous Iconography though no d ou b t western Iashions were well-kno . B .' . d' wn In yzanttne lands espeCIally . unn~ the Late Byzantine period. The rare reflections of western fashIOns m Late Byzantine monument . f d s concern only minor deta.Iis 0 ress: the system of crossed strings which secures h the otherWlse conventIOnal mantle of the Samaritan \ . . Oh' cl "6 voman at t e Penblepto~ m n (~I. 239)," perhaps, the pleated skirt of the drummer m the Mocking of Chnst at St. Nicholas Orphan (PI 57 d th d . os . 130), ~n e ec~ratIon of the mantle of the leacling figure of the welcommg group m the Entry into Jerusalem at the Peribleptos (l35~-13;;) ~n~, later, at ~~e Pantanassa (c. 1430) (PI. 240), both at Mistra. It IS mdeed surpnsmg that the infiltration of such western elements in Late Byzantine pictorial contexts did not take place to

54 ~Iloudk.i, 'P~laeolog~n NIistra and .the \Vest,' pp. 210-213; Ch. Bourns, 'The Impact of Frankish ArchItecture on ThIrteenth-Century Byzantine Architecture,' in Cmsades, pp. 247-262. • 55 Ve~mans, '~es fresques de Saint Nicholas 011>hanos,' pp. 159, 171; eadem, Infiltrations occldentalcs dans la peinture murale byzantine au XIVc et au debut du XV~ siede,' in S;'mp. Resava, pp. 37-48; wIouriki, 'The Mask Motif in the \Vallpaintings of wlistra'; eadem, 'Palaeologan Mistra and the \Vest,' pp. 213-245. 56 On the western odgin of this feature see A. Grabar, 'Un reRet du monde latin da~s u~le peinture balqanique du 13c siecle: Byzanlioll I (1924), pp. 231-236. • ;,7 H~s knee-length outer garment has a skirt which looks pleated. The garment IS furmshed with a pair of long sleeves which hang empty at the sides, the forearms having passed through slits provided for this purpose. 'Ve have already encountered the latter feature while discussing Palaiologan aristocratic male costume (see ahov.e). As to the pleated skirt, this was perhaps a feature of western derivation. Judgmg by artistic representations, male pleated garments were apparently quite popular.in.the 'Vest, though the western examples I have seen are admit~edly lat~r, see LevI-Plsetzky, Stona del costlLTne ill Ita/ia, 11, fig. H; A. Cole, Art 0/ the lttllwl/ Renaissallce Courts (London, 1997), figs. 9, 88, Ill; E. Welch, Ar' alld Socie!y ill 1Ia!,", 1350-1500 (Oxford, 1997), fig. 43. . " Xlltl;~M"'lS, MVCJrpaq, fig. 51 (PeIibleptos). The decoration of the mande .con. SISts of red horizontal zigzag lines and, in all probability, reflecte? western fashions, se~ D. Mouriki, 'The 'Vall Paintings of the Pantanassa at :Mlstrn: Models of a Palllters' 'Vorkshop in the Fifteenth Century,' in Twilight, p. 227. It was perhaps reproduced in this context for its decorative effect.

236

a much greater degree, given. the increasing physica~ p~'escnce of Franks and Italians in Byzantme lands from the begmnmg of the thirteenth century onwards and the impact of western fashions espe_ cially on Late Byzantine female dress (see abo~e). The more wide_ spread presence of articles of western dress 111 contemporaneous Serbian and Bulgarian monuments, some executed by Byzantine artists (PI. NI), 59 seems to suggest that the absence of Comparable 3lticles from the Byzantine contexts was perhaps the result of a deliberate choice. By contrast, representations of western military equipment were much more common in Late Byzantine pictorial contexts. It has been suggested earlier that the occurrence of certain types, like western-looking swords, probably reflected the actual use of such items in the Late Byzantine army. On the other hand, a different inteIpretation has been proposed as regards the concentration of representations of western items of military dress, like helmets and daggers, in the pictorial ensembles of Palaiologan Mistra, namely at the Metropolis (PI. 242), d,e Aphendiko, d,e Peribleptos, and fue chapel of St. John. 60 This concentration is unparalleled in other areas under Byz311tine control at the time. Mouriki has, therefore, suggested that d,e presence of such elements should be attributed to the imitation of western artistic models by the Byzantine artists working at :Mistra. 61 Historical conditions in Palaiologan Mistra, with its direct political 3lld cultural links widl fue Franks setded in fue Peloponnese since 1204 and the Italian merchants active in fue region, provide the background of such artistic borrowings. 62

" See, for example, Grabar, 'Un rellet du monde latin; pp. 236-241 (Boyana, Miracle of SI. Nicholas at sea: .one of the sailors wearing a white cap); Millet and Frolow, La peintu" du Moy'" Age en Yugosiavie, Ill, pI. 88.2-3 (Staro Nagorii'ino, Mocking of Christ: one of th~ musicians, also wearing a white cap); rvfillet and Velmans, La peinlure du Moyen Age, IV, p. XXII, note 2, pI. 40.81 (Mateic, Trial of Sts. Peter and Paul in Rome: dress and head-gear of the audience and attendants). '" On painting at Mistra in general see lvlillet, MQI/llml!1lts Iryz. de Mistra; Xa'~nSlilCT", MVOTpa>; S. Dufrenne, Us progrrmvnes u:ol/ographiques des eglises byzantines de Mistro (Pans, 197?); D. Mouriki, 'Stylistic Trends in Monumental Painting of Greece. at e ~~gmnmg of the Fourteenth Century,' in Symp. Gralanica (hereafter Mouriki, St)'lisoc Trends-14th c.'), pp. 70-74, 83. 6J Mouriki. 'Stylistic Trends-14th c.; p. 227; eadem, 'Palaeologan Mistra and the West; p. 239. 62 The question of western influences in the art of Mistra has been explored by Mouriki in her 'Palaeologan Mistra and the West.'

?t

COMMENTARY

cHAPTER SIX

237

Nlusion has already been made to potential western artistic influences traceable in the painted decoration of St. Nicholas OIphanos . Thessalonike, it propos the unusual theme of the groom in the ~doration of the Magi. With this in mind, it could also follow that the depiction of spears with the banderols in the hands of military saints, of mail coifs and e/zausses, and, perhaps, of the pleated garment of the musician in the Mocking of Christ in this Thessalonikan monument was also indebted to western artistic models. Yet, the painters responsible for the pictorial decoration of St. Nicholas apparendy went beyond the superficial and eclectic imitation of western artistic forms. The portrayal of the bride and the feast table in the Wedding at Cana (PI. 189) and that of the young monk with the donkey carrying the water-jars in the cycle of St. Gerasimos (PI. 236) evoke contemporary Byzantine wedding feasts and aspects of the daily life of Orthodox monastic communities respectively. This suggests that the unknown painters had achieved a creative assimilation of Byzantine visual practices with the principles of western art, an art which strove towards naturalism and revelled in the representation of details inspired from courdy and urban daily life. In this the artists of St. Nicholas appear exceptional among their contemporaries. Even in the much later murals of fue Pantanassa at wIistra (c. 1430), a monument which, more than any other in Byzantine lands, attests to the creative assimilation of western influences both in the composition of the scenes and in the taste for anecdotal detail, no comparable attitude towards the representation of contemporary reality is evident. 63 To conclude, Islamic figural art was predominandy secular in character, inspired from heroic feats in hunting and war and from the life of the court, with its formal audiences, feasting, and courtship. The possibility of its ever exerting any influence on Byzantine religious painting was excluded because of its premises, and the 1Iuslim religion of its creators. The artefacts of oriental oudook encountered in Byzantine pictorial contexts either reflected the impact of Islamic material culture on Byzantine practices, which were intensified in t!'e Late Byzantine period, or were selectively used as characterizanon devices in specific iconographic contexts. In contrast to vVestern

----------

63 ~Iouriki, 'The Wall Paintings of the Pantanassa at Mistra,' esp. pp. 222-223, 227-230.

j

,•

238

CHAPTER

SIX

. Ul second half of Ule ulirteenth centUlY,"' there is no Europe m e. . evidence in the Palaiologan pe.nod for a. taste ~or .th~ depIction of what we would call 'exotic' onental. details. ~t IS slg~lIficant in this t POI'llt out that the only .IIlstance. III PalalOlogan monu~~o mental painting of an attempt to c~l~ure up the w~rld of the Islamic East, namely ule poru'ayal of Onentals at St. Nlcholas Orphanos, was in all probability influenced by the knowledge of western artis_ tic models. 'Realism' in Palaiologan painting, however, remained largely unaffected by developments in the West. The aloofness of Byzantine religious painting \~s-a-vis its weste~n. counterpart may ~e attributed partly to the different and. ,:,ore. ngld premIses on. whIch ~e creation and veneration of rehglous Images was based III ByzantIUm as compared to the West,"' partly to the venerability of tradition and the concomitant apprehension of innovation, and partly to the suspicion in influential ecclesiastic and secular circles of the West and its accomplishments."" Behind all this, however, lies a more funda_ mental difference in mentality between the two cultures, a difference of which, at least, some Byzantines were very much aware. According to the archbishop of Thessalonike Symeon (t 1429), the 'Latins' loved the created world almost as much as the 'foolish' ancient Greeks had done and believed that nothing is above the understanding of the human senses and reason. To this 'materialistic' world-view Byzantium opposed its own conviction in the power of faith and tradition." B. CHRONOLOGICAL

AND

REGIONAL DIVERSITY

Having discussed the motivation and creative sources of 'realism' in the representation of artefacts in Byzantine religious art, in what "See]. Raby, Venice, DUrer, and the Orimllll Mode (London, 1982), esp. pp. 17-18. On the premises of religious art and the veneration of icons in the West sec,

li5

selectively, Dagron, 'Holy Images and Likeness,' p. 24; Belting, likeness and Preset/ee, pp. 297-298; G. Duby, FoundatUms qfa New Humanism (1280-1440) (Geneva, 1966), 104-11 9; M. Baxandall, Painting and Experience ill FiJleml" Century ItalY. A Pnmer III lhe Social His/J)/}' qf Pielmud S!!,k (Oxford, 1988), p. 41; and specialized essays collected in Sacred Imnge. 66 On Byzantine attitudes towards the West, both positive and negative, ,see DJ. Geanakoplos, Inlnactinn qf the 'Sibling' B)'?~antine and W<s/em Cultures in Ihe Middle Ages aJUi Italian Renaissance (330- J600) (New Haven and London, 1976). 67 A. n~, 'Ai aiaSntlKal illeUl toov Bu~avtlvoov 1tpO tii.; a1uOOero.; (1453),' EEB}; 34 (1965), p. 328.

"p.

COMMENTARY

239

fc llows I review the evidence with the purpose of establishing whether .0 may be defined in terms of chronological evolution and geo~aphical diversifica~on .. I h~p~ thereby t? enh~nc~ Our understanding of 'realism' by cOllSldenng It III aSSocIatIOn With ItS cultural and historical context. Considering the evidence in the following two sections I have observed the conventional division between the Middle Byzantine period, limited here to the eleventh and twelfth centuries, and the Late Byzantine period, from the thirteenth to fifteenth centuries. In each of these two sections I discuss first briefly the types of contemporary artefacts which occur in artistic contexts during each period with the purpose of highlighting continuity with or departure from traditional practices. In part this is a summary of discussions presented in the first five chapters, but also takes into consideration realistic representations of commoners' costume and domestic utensils. In the second part of each section I review the evidence for regional diversity. Current scholarly opinion recognizes that artistic expression in the provinces demonstrated varying degrees of dependence on the art of Constantinople. 68 Yet regional artistic idioms remain ill-defined. This holds true for both the Middle and the Late Byzantine periods. The limited number of monuments from the Middle Byzantine period which have surnved in Constantinople itself and the rarity of information concerning the background of the artists working in the provinces do not allow clear-cut distinctions between what constituted a transplantation of Constantinopolitan art in the pro~nces and what was regional adaptation or interpretation of Constantinopolitan trends. Often art-historians are forced to reconstruct such metropolitan trends mainly on the basis of the evidence provided by provincial monuments. Given these constraints, the observations presented here on the subject of regional diversification are

• 611 See, selectively, C. ~'Iango, 'Lo stile cosiddetto "monastico" delJa pittura bi~~n tma,' Habilal~Stmtttlre~ Terrilon'o: Alli del Inzo COllveg1l0 illtemaziona/e di studio sulla Czvlila rupeslre mediowaie lie! Meuogiomo d'Ilalia, cd. C.D. Fonseca (Galatina, 1978), pp. 4563; Mouriki, 'Stylistic Trends-11th-12th c.'; O. Demus, 'Die Entstehung des Palaologenstils in del' Ivlalcrei' BerichJe zum Xl. IlItematiollalen Byzalltillistm-Kollgrifl (Munich, 1958), pp. 1-63; id";,, 'The Style of the Kariye Djami and Its Place in ~he ~e~elopment of Palaeologan Art,' in Studies, pp. 107-159; ~,I. C~~tzlda~ls,

Classlclsmc et tendances populaires all XIV" siecie. Les recherches sur I evolution du style,' .XlV CIEB (Bucarest, 1974), I, pp. 153-188; Grape, 'Zum Stil der Mosaiken ~ der ~hse Camii'; Belting, Nlango, tvlouriki, 'lhe AJosaics and Frescoes of SI. JJary ammakans/J)s, pp. 96-111; Mouriki, 'Stylistic Trends-14th c.'.

240

CHAPTER

SIX

COMMENTARY

for the most part tentative. Finally, in the t.hird part of each section an attempt is made to interpret th.e find[[~gs. of tl~e inquiry into chronological and region~ patterns m assocIalIon With current historical and cultural condllIons. T7lt Eltvttltfl and the Twe!!lh Cttlturies

1jpes 'If Colltempomry Artffocts Represttlted In the case of imperial dress represented in religious contexts, the design and decoration of the ch/an!)'s- and the loras-costume and their accompanying insignia were updated to reflect the current styles attested in official portraiture. As to tl,e depiction of official costume one observes the modernization of traditionally represented outfi~ and tl,e e,,:pansion of me inventory of garments and accessories represented. One may mention the introduction of official head-dresses into religious iconographic contexts. The chlamys-costume mirrored contemporary styles in decoration and design. Representations of omer lay costume were as a rule conventional. Updating, when it did take place, usually affected female costume. One has in mind especially me gowns with trumpet-shaped sleeves and voluminous head-dresses me latter only in miniature painting. One could also mention m; dress, head-dress, and earrings of secondary female characters in certain provincial monuments which differ from one ensemble to the next and may be taken to mirror regional dress (PI. 232)."9 The only noteworthy innovation in the representation of lay male costume was me attribution of single earrings to young male figures at Sts. Anargymi, Kastoria, and at Kurbinovo, bom monuments situated in Byzantine Macedonia (PIs. 35, 214, 231).70 This detail may be a reflection of local male dress in that part of the empire. The use of ~stinctive COSl!1me for the characterization of members of professIOnal groups was limited to dancers and shepherds. Reference has already been made to the introduction in the eleventh century of me garment wim me exceedingly long sleeves into the portrayal of dancers. As to shepherds, such figures, especially of a mature age, were commonly represented in sheepskin garments (PI. 214). Though p

6!1 For more examples, see above, note 19. To these one may also add the cas tume ?f young Salome in the Nativity scene at Kdls;Iar ku§luk (first half or towards the nud-eleventh century), see Restle, Byz. Wall-painting, pI. 284 and the comments of ~erphanion, Eg/ises rupestres, Ill, p. 248. See above, note 19.

241

the use of such garments in art was conventional, comparable artiles were in fact worn among rural populations in mediaeval ~yzantium.71 During .the eleventh ~nd twelf~ centuries, portrayals of shepherds were enllven~d ~y the lllcorporalIon of interesting hats, capes, and belts from which Implements were suspended." As to the representation of ethnic costume, Jews-other man the saindy biblical figures-were attributed a head-kerchief wound around the head and neck as their only distinctive item of costume (Figs. 188,240).73 This element was introduced into Christian iconography during me sixth century and was probably initially inspired by contemporary Jewish religious practices at the time.74 However, by the Middle Byzantine period the head-kerchief was no more than an artistic convention employed for me purpose of characterization' it did not reflect practices among mediaeval Jewish communities' in Byzantium or elsewhere. 75 The only probable exception to me stereotypical portrayal of me Jew in Middle Byzantine religious art is mat of the figure with me skull-cap at Panagia Mavriotissa Kastoria mentioned earlier. ' , Realistic representations of contemporary oriental costume are rare in Middle Byzantine artistic contexts. The portrayal of me Arabs in me Mttlologium of Basil II is one such instance that comes to mind. As a rule, Orientals commonly portrayed in religious art were represented in conventional costume. The Magi, the prophet Daniel, and me Three Hebrew Youms, for example, appear in traditional 'Persian' costume, comprising a short tunic worn over a pair of trousers or leggings, a mantle, and a peculiar small hat. 76 The only realistic touch in meir outfit was the earring often worn by mem.;)

" <1>. KOUKOU1.i>;, BWeJaMVil; EVeJrafJiov

p. Ill.

Ta Aaoypaq" ..",

vol. 1 (Athens, 1950),

~~ See a?ove, note 19. Sec, also, Chatzidakis, Hosios liJukas, figs. 13, 15. M' The hst of examples is endless as this feature is encountered invariably in both b Iddle and Uite Byzantine representations of ti,e Entry into Jerusalem and of Christ

efon: the High Pnests, to mention simply the most common iconographic COI1ID which the head-kerchief was introduced. 1S Revel-N<;her, 77le Image 'If Ihe Jw, pp. 72-73. 16 ~~ mediaeval Jewish head-dresses see Goitcin, Medii. Socie!>', IV, pp. 158-160. IS type of costume can be traced back to Late Antique prototypes (see, for ~amp~, Kilzinger, Byzalltille Art ill llle Makillg, figs. 85, 127) and remained in use Arakiro~g .out the Byzantine period. See, also, Nikola'ides, IL'eglise de la Panagia " Ollssa,' pp. 49-50. Sce above, note 3. te~~

242

COMMENTARY

CHAPTER SIX

'hat are considered to bc, because of their swarthy The costume 0 f " . . . • . 'fi u' ons of oriental natIOns the ' Pentecost skin persolU lea '111. . IS equally con~ntional, comprising either a tulUC or a tumc whlc~ left one shoulder bare." Only rarely were such fig.ures .endo~"ed With a tUt_ . the case of one of the persomficatlOns 111 the eleventh_ ban, as m . . G' 79 , I.-tho/ikoll of HoslOs Loukas 111 I eece. centu!,) "" . f I' I The one category of artefacts the represen~atlon 0 w llC 1 was continuously being updated in lvliddle Byzantine at:t. on the heels of developments in actual practices was that of mlhtary costume. A striking feature of body-armour in th~ eleventh .century was the con_ sistent representation of lamellar cun:asses, ~sll1g the same formal device for their rendering, in all media and 111 monuments created in all parts of the empire (PIs. 114-122). In th~ twelfth ce~tury this uniformity apparendy disappeared: representations of. mall armour became more popular and, moreover, the formal deV1ces employed for the rendering of both latnellar and scale armour differed from one monument to the next, even within the same geographic region (Pis. 123, 128, 129). The categories of furniture and furnishings represented in Middle Byzantine painting were, more or less, those encountered in Early Byzantine artistic contexts. It is the decoration which mainly distinguishes :Middle Byzantine representations of furniture and furnishings from Early Byzantine ones. Frames are often shown heavily encrusted with pearls and jewels, and textile furnishings, with the exception of curtains, were patterned with medallions of different sizes, overall diaper atld scale designs, or individual motifs like spades and fleurs-de-lis. The inventory of domestic utensils represented in mediaeval Byzantine artistic contexts appears extremely poor when compared \\~th Early Byzantine representations. BO In the eleventh century a great bowl placed in the centre of the table, sometimes accompanied by two goblets on either side, a small number of knives, and, occasionally, forks were considered adequate to invoke the impression that a meal was taking place. Trays, botdes, and pitchers were

,I

la See, fore example, Haderrnann-Misguich, Kurbinovo, p. 179, fig. 88; Pelekanides al., Tr«lSUrts, fig. 30 I (Pan/ekinwn 6, f. 39\').

: Chatzidakis, Hows Laukos, fig. 11. Cr. K.M.D. Dunbabin, 'Wine and Water at the Roman (1993), pp. 129-140.

.. COllvlVlUm,

,

JRA 6

243

183 187).01 By the cnd of the eleventh ccntury howabsen t (Pis . '. .. ' ever, the repertOIre of ~omestlc utensIls began to expand with the and. glass bottles, glass beakers and gob. entation of ceramiC . reples J bowls with lids, and, 111 onc lI1stance, of a portable bra7.ier with ets~oking tripod (Pis. 203, 233).·2 ac . . h Diversification and elaboratIOn 111 t e representation of tools was not necessmy from the point of view of iconography. Some Middle B zantine artists, however, took the trouble to elaborate. One has i: mind especially the master of Kurbinovo (1191) and his rendering of the belt with a knife, a comb, and a flint-striker attributed to the old shepherd in the Nativity (PI. 214), and the case with surgical instruments of St. Panteleimon (PI. 219). To summarize, the inventory of contemporalY artefact-types reflected in eleventh- and twelfth-century religious artistic contexts is varied. The anachronistic use of familiar costume and paraphernalia for the purposes of personal characterization and of expressing abstract concepts is not surprising given the importance placed by Byzantine religious art upon clarity of pictorial content. In its depiction of artefacts associated with imperial administration and ceremonial, the religious art of the eleventh and twelfth centuries was following a long-established tradition which went back to the Late Antique period. The occurrence of fashionable artefact-types was also to be expected. B3 All of these phenomena may be observed throughout the history of Byzantine art. On the other hand, the great attention paid to decorative detail in the rendering of commoruy represented artefacts, where a generalized depiction would have been adequate 81 Sec) also, Chatzidakis, Hosios Loukas, fig. 79 (crypt: Last Supper); Pelekanides et al., Treasures, I, fig. 224 (DiOl!)'.fioll 587m, f. 53r: Last Supper). 82 For representations of glass vessels sec, for example, Velmans, lnur. l7. 23, figs. l74, 240 (ff. 91 r, 141 r). The shapes of goblets, beakers, and bottles represented III tius manuscript find parallels in :Lvliddle Byzantine glass production, er. DaVidson, Millor Objects, nos. 711-720, 722-723, 782. As for the brazier and the tripod, though

the representation of such items was common in Early Byzantine representations of ~ining scenes (sec above, note 80) and lVIiddle Byzantine representations rcproducll1g. Early Byzantine models (e.g. in Par. gr. 74, f[ I+3v, I 56r, I95r), they do "?t occur In mediaeval birth-of-a-saint scenes. To my knowledge, the representatIon m .Vat. urb. gr. 2, f. 167v, is unique. References to braziers of various siz~s a~e fo.und m a number of ele\'enth- and twelfth-centwy texts, sce for example, Gauu("r~ 'T)'plkon ~u Pa.kourianos/ p. 113; idem,
VI, p. 243.

83 er. K. vVcitzmann, Illustrations ill Roll and Code.x. A Situ!)' qf the On'gill alld ~\letllOd oj'T«tll/uslratioll (Princeton, 19-17), pp. 157-158.

COMMENTARY

C!lAPTER SIX

245

244 for semiotic pUlposes, appears to be a development c1~aracteristic of artistic creativity in the eleventh and the twelfth centUrIes. The intro. duction into religious scenes of.artefact-~~s the presence of which was not imposed by iconographic necessity. IS observable to a greater degree in twelfth-century contexts than m eleventh-century ones. Similarly, the depiction of the costume ~f. secondary characters, mil. itary costume, and serving utensils exhIbits greater diversity in the twelfth cenrury than in the eleventh.

RPgional Diversjjication The lack of surviving monumental ensembles of the eleventh and twelfth centuries from Constantinople hinders attempts to ascertain whether developments in the representation of contemporary arte. facts observed in certain provincial monuments were attributable to influences from the capital or whether they constituted localized phe· nomena. Still, the large number of monuments which has come down to us from different parts of the empire warrants an enquiry into the existence of regional diversification. Three areas have preserved a number of roughly contemporaneous monuments sharing certain iconographic and stylistic particularities: Cappadocia in the eleventh century, Cyprus in the late eleventh and twelfth centuries, and Byzantine Macedonia in the second half of the twelfth century. The discussion in the case of Cyprus and Macedonia centres on certain representative ensembles. Each one of these is first discussed briefly in tenns of its dating, patrons, and artistic workshop. The gaps in our knowledge concerning the circumstances of the foundation of individual monuments and the persons involved are reflected in the unevenness of the amount of information given here. Bibliographical references may be found under the relevant entries in Appendix I. In order to avoid repetition, the inventory of contemporary artefact· types encountered in each of the monuments considered is presented in tabulated fonn in Table A on page 342. . Beginning with Cappadocia, the contemporary artefacts represented ID eleventh·century monuments in that region mostly mirrored the material culture of the imperial court in Constantinople and not that of the province. B' One has in mind representations of imperial and 84 On Ca~p~dociaJ~ painting sec, selectively, Jerphanion, Eg{ises rnpestres; Rescle, ~~. Wall-p"';'lrng; Th,e",\', Nowelles eglises; ,adem, Haul Mo/m-Ag, '" Cappadoce. Us eglises dt '" regwn d, ~avu"n, 2 vols. (Paris, 1983, 1994); L. Rodley, Cwe Monasttnts of Bp:an/w CaPPadOCUl (Cambridge, 1985); AJ. Whanon, Art of Empire. PaintU'g and

official costume (PI. 103), ceremonial lamellar cuirasses (Pis. liS, 116), lyre-backed th~ones (PI. ,171), and upholstered footstools (P1. 183). Such 'Co~stantl~o?ohtan el~ments do not occur only in mono uments for which artistic hnks With the capital can be post I t d for example, at kilise and Karaba§ kilise; they were orated into. the artistic ,vocabulary of the, whole reoion " o£· Furthermore, P representations of such Cons:antmopohtan artefacts, as well as rep. resentations of elaborate textile furnishings, the head·dresses of the midwife and Salome at Karanhk kilise, Elmall kilise and Qankl kilise,85 and forks 86 were not unique to the artistic idiom ;f Cappadoci I but are encountered in roughly contemporaneous monuments el a~ . h' re where in the empire. T elr occurrence in Cappadocian ensembles is best interpreted as indicative both of the existence of an interregional artistic vocabulary of artefact-types, and of the realignment of local workshops with general trends, as for example the attention to decorative detail, which, apparently, was characteristic of the art of the period as a whole. Similarly; th: uniformity in the rendering of lamellar armour and the restramt m reproducing contemporary artefacts beyond the demands of established iconography which is observed in Cappadocian painting should not be attributed to conservatism on the part of 'provincial' art: both these features were characteristic of general artistic creativity in the eleventh century. Let us now turn to Cypriot painted ensembles dating to the twelfth century.B7 The monuments that will be considered here include the north church of the monastery of St. John Chrysostom Koutsovendes, the c~urch of Panagia Phorbiotissa at Asinou, that of the Panagia at Trikomo, that of the Holy Apostles at Perachorio, the Hermitage

Ka~a~hk

;rthi"c/JJre

of lile

~:c:r~

By;;alllule PeripkeT)'. A Camparaliv, SIII4i' of' FallT i'rOllmces (Unive"ity

a~k ~~d London, 1988); Joli~et-~evy, Eglis,s byz. d, Cappadoce. e head-dress of the mld''flfe and Salorne at the three Column Churches is

to thal of St. Pelagia and St. Thessalonike in the Menalogium of Basil '"nos. 98, 167 (PI. 80). f th For~ were represented in a number of manuscripts dated around the middle ~52 ~ e e"enlh century, like, for example, Dianysioll 587m, f. 118v (1059), Val. gr. ph' 'd'I~~6v (1059), the Barb",m Psalter (c. 1060) [see Millet, Re,her,hes SIIr l'lca/wgra, / ' flJangile, fig. 278], and Par. gr. 74, f. 132 (1050-1075). The last two manuF np~ were ex.e~uted in the scriptorium of the lvIonastery of Stoudios in Constantinople. o~ Fe remammg artefact-categories scc discussion in the previous chapters. tury or a general survey of Byzantine painting in Cyprus during the twelfth cell1961)se~nA.H.S. Megaw, 'Twelfth CentUlY Frescoes in Cyprus,' XII ClEB (Ohrid, Met' r' pp. 257-266; idem, 'Byzantine Architecture and Decoration in Cyprus: ropo'tan or ProvinCial?,' DOP 28 (1974), pp. 81-88. CO, mparable ,

J

COMMENTARY

247

cHAPTER SIX

246 . ) f St Neophytos near Paphos, and the church of Panama (Enklelstra 0 • '" Arakiotissa at Lagoudera. 'on and decoration of the north church at Koutso_ The construcU .' " to the hberality of Eumatlllos Pllllokales a sucvendes, vias d U e . ' r. I . I of Alexios I Komnenos and IWlce governor (doux) of ceSSlU genela Cyprus during ti,e periods after 1092 to c. 1103 .and c. 1110. to some_ • befc IllS It has not as yet been estabhshed to which of his ume ore . . twO tenancies of ti,e governorship the foundauon ofyle church should be attributed. The rank of the ~atron .and ~e. high qua.lity of the .' arustlc, productIOn on the pamungs, \\,1,I'ch was unheralded m earher . island, led scholars to believe tI,at the p~n~er was called m from Constantinople. It has been sugges~ed on styhsuc grounds tI,at the painters of Panagia Phorbiotissa at Asmou and of the church of the Panagia at Trikomo were pupils of the Koutsove~des master. The Asinou church was founded in 1105/6 by the magtstros Nlkephoros who was probably a member of tile local Cypriot nobility. Paintings of the early twelfth century sUf\~ve in ti,e bema and tI:e wes: bay of the naos. The painted decoratlon of ti,e church at Tnkomo IS also dated to the early twelfth century. Its donor or donors remain unknown. The remaining three Cypriot monuments to be considered date to the second half of the twelfth century. The donor of the painted decoration of the church of the Holy Apostles at Perachorio, which is dated on iconographic and stylistic grounds between 1160 and IISO, remains unknown. The paintings are the work of a talented master who, according to Megaw, came from outside the island. More information is available as regards the decoration of the Enkleistra of St. Neophytos. In IIS3 the cell of the saint, his tombchamber, and the bema of the adjoining chapel of the Holy Cross were covered completely with frescoes. The paintings in the nave of the chapel, which were executed by a different artist, are dated after 1197, at a time when Cyprus was no longer part of the Byzantine empire. Both phases were executed during the life-time of St. Neophytos, the peasant, self-educated ascetic who was the founder of this rock-cut hermitage. Certain iconographic peculiarities indicate that the saint was actively involved in the formulation of the iconographic programme of his establishment. The paintings of 118.3 were executed by Theodore Apseudes who left his signature on hiS work. Apseudes appears to have been well-informed of recent stylistic developments. This suggests that in all probability he was called in for this task from an artistic centre outside Cyprus, possibly from

Constantinople or Pal.estine. The s~ggestion that Apseudes was also responsible for the pamted decoratIOn of t.he nav? of the Arakiotissa church at Lagoudera dated to 1192 remams conjectural. The decoration of the nave of the Arakiotissa was carried out at the behest of Leo Authentes, probably a member of the local gentry. Cyprus had come under Latin rule only a year earlier. The high quality of the paintings, which belong to the same stylistic phase as Kurbinovo, and the familiarity with recent stylistic and iconographic developments they evidence have been taken as an indication that the programme of 1192 was executed by a painter who had received his training in an important artistic centre outside Cyprus. The painted decoration of the apse of the Arakiotissa belongs to an earlier phase, dated to the second half of the twelfth century. As in the case of eleventh-century Cappadocian monuments, the contemporalY artefact-types represented in twelfth-century Cypriot monuments are largely those of the standard pictorial vocabulary of Byzantine religious iconography at the time: imperial and official costume, trousers,88 the earrings of Orientals, thrones and upholstered footstools, richly patterned valances, and forks. The prompt introduction of recently developed artefact-types, like the imperial hemispherical crown, into the Cypriot ensembles is explained by the presence on the island of masters well-informed of the latest artistic developments, called in from artistic centres outside Cyprus. The introduction of uncommon artefact-types in Cypriot monuments occurs rarely. One such instance is the attribution of a pearl earring to the Christ Child at Panagia Arakiotissa in Cyprus (PI. 243).89 It has been suggested on the basis of ethnographic material that this attribution constitutes an early instance of the documented Post-Byzantine local practice of first-born sons to wear an earring as a symbol of their birthright. 90 It seems unlikely, however, that a painter would have taken such a liberty .with the portrayal of Christ simply for the sake of introducing some couleur locale in his work. A different semiotic interpretation must be sought for the presence of 88

At Asinou, in the depiction of the :Martyrdom of the ForlY NIartyrs of Sebasteia,

some of the martyrs were portrayed in trousers, see Stylianou, 771£ Pai1J/ld Churches of ypms,. fig. 60 .. Some of the Forty rVIartyrs appear in trousers also o~ hila e1eventhcc~tUI)' IVOry lflptychs, one in the Hennitage and the other at Berlm (PI. lOl).

'" ~ee, also, Stylianou, 771e Pail/Id Churches

of 0prns,

fig. 91.

,

, A. LtUA.HXVOU, 'Ai.1'Olxoypaqltal tOU vaou til~ navaYlac; tOU 'ApaICou, AayouSepa, U7tpo<;,' .in ,!e1CPC:YI!tv~ ;?V f:J' ..11£evou~ Bv~avrlvo~Or~KOU, !vveop{ou (Athens, 1955).

f

, p. 461, Nlkolaldes, L eghse de la Panagm Arakiotlssa, p. 83.

248

COMMENTARY

CHAPTER SIX

.,.

widespread in the twelfth ~entury and that the artists working at Perachorio and Lagoudera III Cyprus, up-to-date as they were ~th current artistic developments, appear to have been aware of this. Comparable realistic elements are absent from the painted decoration of Cypriot monuments executed later towards the end of the twelfth or in the first quarter of the thirteenth century, a time when revitalizing contacts between Cyprus and the major Byzantine artistic centres had been severed. By way of illustration one may mention the stereotypical portrayal of Salome and the midwife in the Nativity scene at Panagia Amasgou, Monagri, dated to the first quarter of thirteenth century?· The presence of 'popular' artefact-types such as items of the costume of commoners in twelfth-century paintings in Cyprus was then the result of the painters' realignment with general iconographic trends at the time, rather than a lapse into 'provincialism' . The last area to be investigated for e~dence of regional diversification is Byzantine Macedonia in the second half of the twelfth century?' The monuments on which the following discussion will be based include the church of SI. Panteleimon at Nerezi, the church of St. Nicholas Kasnitzes and that of Sts. Anargyroi, both at Kastoria, the church of St. George at Kurbinovo, and the Latomou Monastery (Hosios Da~d) at Thessalonike. The painted decoration of Nerezi is dated by inscription to 1164. The donor was Alexios Komnenos, a cousin of the emperor Manuel I Komnenos and a member of the Angelos family. Art-historians are in agreement that the unprecedented intensity in the expression of sorrow observed in scenes from the Passion cycle may be taken to reflect recent stylistic developments in Constantinopolitan art. Given the Constantinopolitan connections of the donor and the high quality of the Nerezi paintings, it is often assumed that the workshop responsible for their execution was called in from the capital. However, the possibility that the artists of Nerezi came from Thessalonike, the most important artistic centre of Middle Byzantine

• 91 One cannot exclude the possibility that the Cypriot C ., s executed in imitation of a preStigIOus non- ypriot pie paUlung wa . " torial n;odel, since the portrayal of the Chnst Child with an earring is not unique to Cyprus." .. . In contrast to the earring of the Chnst Child, the umque repre_ sentations of the head-dress of the mi.dwife and the hat and acces_ sories of the shepherds in the Nati\~~' scenes at Perachorio and Lagoudera may be taken to reflect regIOnal costume (PI. 232). The lecdotal character of the episodes of the bath of the Child and of :e annunciation to the shepherds made these iconographic Contexts suitable for the depiction of enlivening details inspired from daily life. The painter of KIhc;lar ku*luk in Cappadocia, dated to the first half or towards the mid-eleventh century, also took advantage of this oppOrtunity.93 However, while the representation of the costume of Salome in the Cappadocian monument appears to be an isolated instance of an artist reproducing an item of dress with which he was familiar, the twelfth-century Cypriot representations seem to me to be manifestations of a general trend in the art of the period. Comparable realistic elements are encountered in late twelfth-century monuments in Macedonia as well?' A shepherd wearing a belt with a pouch and a knife, as well as the unusual portrayal of Salome and the midv..ife carrying the washing utensils, were incorporated into the detailed Nati\~ty cycle on a twelfth-century icon probably of Constantinopolitan origin at Sinai. 95 It would seem then that a taste for such anecdotal details introduced into the Nati~ty scene became

~.=~

249

91 Baltoyianni, based on the comments of St. Grego!)' of Nyssa on Ex. 32:1-4 referring to the manufacture by Aaron of the golden calf out of the melted earrings of the Hebrews, has suggested that the earring of Christ at Panagia Arakiotissa was a symbol of His obedience to the Law? see her, 'Christ the Lamb and the ivwnovofthe Law in a Wall Painting of Araka on Cyprus,' LlXAE 17 (1993-1994), esp. p. 58. Her interpretation though interesting is not entirely satisfactory. At present I have no alternative to offer, though I believe that the fact that the Child's eaning is adorned ..vith pearls may be significant, given that the pearl was under· stood as a s)1nbol of the Incarnation and of Christ Himself, see Chapter I, note 5. 9'J See P. Miljkovic~Pepek, 'Edna neproucena crkva vo s. Velmej vo Ohridskiot kraj,' ArIw!los"ki Mu;:q na Mak,donya, Zbomik VIII-IX (1975-1978), pp. 105-130 (Velrne~ fresco icon of the Virgin and Child); Millet and Velmans, lA pellllllre du M'!J'm Age, N, pIs. 80./53, 81./ 54 (Markov Manastir, illustration of Strophes J01!1 and XXIV of dle Akaihis/JJs Hymn, showing the veneration of two icons of the Vu·gm and Child by laymen and clergymen). 93 See above, note 69. 9i See above, note 19. " SiJuzi, pp. 100-101, fig. 18.

96

~. Boyd, 'The Church of the Panagia Amasgou, MonagIi, Cyprus and Its Wall-

n, figs. 19-20. O? monumental painting in Byzantine ~r[acedonia in the twelfth century sct'

p,,!~bngs,' DOP 28 (1974), pI.

~~~~ap\~as, 01 rolxo.ypa~{E' T% IIO VI), AaTo!,ov, pp. 119-173; id",~ Valopaidi, j>p.

F 234, ~L Panayoodi, The Wall-paintings III the Church of dIe Vlrgn\ KosmosOlcu-a ~5t l'eral (Vn-.) and Stylistic Trends in 12th CentUlY Painting,' SF 14 (1989), pp.

,

1

-484.

COMMENTARY CHAPTER SIX

250

luded without further investigation. The . nay not be exc JlIac.edoma, I I I of St Nicholas Kasnitzes at Kastoria evi.' of tile c lUrc I . . . pamungs,r 'c similarities witll NereZI, though. they are con~ldcred to dence sI} IS.U al' The donors of the pamted decoratIOn of St f 'nfenor qu It)'. . . . . bCOl I nuistros Nikcphoros Kasmtzes and hiS wife Anna N' holas were t le /11,.". • • f K . IC bl b I Igcd to ti,e provII1C1al gentry 0 astona. Their who proba y e 01 62 63) TI C . ' . ' ti,e narthex (Pis. , . le !rescoes, probably ortraIts surVl\·e III p k f I aI workshop are datcd to 1160-1180. Twelfth-cen_ ' thewor"oaoc 'e been preserved in the SOUtll barrel vault of the tur\, frescoes Ila' .' • 1'1. f tI e Latomou MonastclY (HoslOs Davld) at Thessalonike. katho IAOII 0 I . T " das, WIt . h whom I tend . sellSllS as to their date: slgan There IS no con es them to the period between 1160 to 1170, while to agree, dat . " 'ki I es them at the end of the twelfth or even at the begmlVIoun p ac . n l a general agree. f tIle thil·teentll centu 'J • There IS, however, nmg 0 . • • ment concerning ti,e high quality of the paIntIn~. Arusts capa.ble of · such ,york could have come from either Constantmople producmg . or Thessalonike. The last two monuments to be considered, the church of Sts. Anargyroi at Kastoria, and that of St. George at Kurbino\'o, belong to the same stylistic trend of the late twelfth century. In fact, it has been suggested that the master pai~ter of Sts. Anargyroi should be identified ',":h the master of Kurbmovo. The second layer of tlte painted decoratIOn of ti,e church of Sts. AnargyrOl is commonly dated to c. 1180. The donors were Theodore Lemniotes, his 'wife Anna Radene, and their son John. Their portraits were painted in the north aisle of the church (PI.s .. 66, 84) ..N? title accompanies tlte name of Theodore in the survIVing mscnptlons, He and his family probably belonged to the provincial gentry of Kastoria. On tlte other hand, the identity of the donor of Kurbinovo remains unknown. The presence of imperial portraits and the portrait of a figure in what could be ecclesiastical costume-vestiges of which are preserved on ti,e western fa~ade of the church side-by-side witlt portrayals of Sts. George, Theodore, and Demetrios on horsebackhave led Hadermann-Misguich to suggest that the unknown donor of Kurbinovo could have been a member of the Byzantine military or ecclesiastical establishment with Constantinopolitan connections or aspirations. The frescoes of Kurbinovo are dated by inscription to 1191. The master of Kurbinovo shows himself well-informed of current iconographic and stylistic developments presumably emanating from tlte capital.

251

Representations of the cur.rently depicted artefact-types mentioned above arc also encountered m these ~ace~!onian monument~ of the ond half of the twelfth century: Impenal costume and items of sec official and fema I e" anstocratlc d ress; ml'I'Itary costume; elaborate textile furnishings; a b~ltle an~ a .bowl \'"th a lid at Nerezi; medicinal caskets and cases WIth surgIcal Implements, One should also include among these current t,ypes the gr~at triangular shield of military saints and the basket wIth the tools III scenes from the Passion cycle. Though these are encountered for the first time at Sts. Anargyroi and at Nerezi respectively, their occurrence in later monuments with a widespread geographical distribution argues against their introduction in tlte Macedonian monuments being a regional phenomenon. It should be noted, however, that in tlteir rendering of commonly represented artefact-types the artists exhibit a certain degree of individuality. This is particularly evident in the military equipment which is different from one monument to the next. The relevant homogeneity in form and decoration of body-armour observed in eleventhcentury art was abandoned for the sake of diversity. As was the case with contemporaneous Cypriot monuments, the introduction of unusual artefact-types into Macedonian monuments largely concerns the costume and professional paraphernalia of secondary male and female figures: the caps of certain female characters at Nerezi; the costume of Salome at St. Nicholas Kasnitzes; the head-dress of the midwife at the Latomou MonastelY; tlte single earrings of young men and boys at Sts. Anargyroi and at Kurbinovo; the belt of the old shepherd also at Kurbinovo. While discussing tlte Cypriot ensembles I argued that the attention paid to the costume of secondary characters in the Nativity scene was charactelistic of twelfth-century art in general. The Macedonian ensembles suggest that tltis interest in realistic detail may have extended to ancillary figures in other narrative contexts as well. Consideration of the monuments of Cappadocia, Cyprus, and Macedonia presented here has highlighted the existence of an interregional vocabulary of artefact-types common to the pictorial language of Byzantine art throughout the empire. The geogI'aphical diffusion of the representations of these common artefact-types, seen together with those artefacts deriving from the imperial milieu, point towards Constantinople as the cenU'e from which these were disseminated, Diversity and elaboration of these common artefact-types

CHAPTER

COMMENTARY

SIX

252 ed not so much on where the individual artists we apparenclY depend re working but on when. . Representations of details o~ costume. and professIOnal parapher_ nalia of secondary characters m na~atlve ~cenes. r~flect the diversification of material culture in the various regIOns wlthm the Byzantine empire. Their appearance in twelfth-century monuments becomes consistent enough to suggest cllat there d~veloped a general interest in the depiction of such elements at the time. That this tendency is observed in roughly contemporaneous monuments located in areas so far apart as Cyprus and l"'lacedonia, suggests that it originated in neither of them, but that it emanated from the centre.

The Cultural Context

Where the representation of contemporary artefacts in religious contexts is concerned, the twelfdl century emerges as a period of 'realistic' tendencies. It is important to underline yet again that the attention paid to realistic detail in the rendition of artefacts did not serve any iconographic necessity. These 'realistic' tendencies coincide with an increasing interest in the expression of feelings like agitation, pain, and sorrow in art and widl attempts to establish a more convincing spatial relationship between human figures and pictorial setting." During the course of the t\velfm century there seems to have been a more general trend towards realism in religious painting and the attention paid to the representation of realia was but one marrifestation of a broader interest in me observation and representation of the sensible world. It is not surprising to find that in representative t\Velfth-century monuments like Nerezi, the Latomou Monastery, or Kurbinovo, interest in the representation of realia is combined \\~th power of psychological characterization and an almost naturalistic rendering of the landscape. This development can be understood in the light of the cultural climate of the era and can be explained to some extent in terms of ilie parallel features observed in contemporary literature. The literature of ilie eleventh and especially the t\velfth centuries indicates that the educated classes of bom ecclesiastical and lay background were showing an increasing interest in the observation of the nat,. Mouriki, 'Stylistic Trends-llUl-12th c.,' pp. 100-124. On Ule

poteJ1ti~ impact

of rhetonc on the turn towards a greater sensibility in Byzantine rehgIOuS art observed especially in the twelfth century scc Nlaguirc, Ar' and Eloque1lce, esp.

p.lll.

253

ural world, in its scientifiC. investigatio.n, and, not least, in its delights and joys. Furiliermore, thIs was a penod when Byzantine literati valued ilie impor~ance of P?rsonal ~xperience and thought it worthwhile to commit to postenty. TheIr personality left its d'st' . h'mg I mgulS mark on ilieir works. Though expressing themselves in a pretentious . . . language lade~ With archaI~ms and adhering to the stylistic and thematic .conventlons. appropnate. to specific literary genres, they still could mtroduce ghm?~es of theIr own times and give a personal outgg look on current condItions and events. Byzantine rell'mo . o' us a rt apparently did not remam unaffected by this mentality. In the case of certain . c~tegories of artefacts encountered in eleventhand .nve\fili-centu;r reh~ous c~n~exts it is possible to become more specIfic and asso.Clate t~elr depICtion with the particular interests and tastes of Byzantme sOCIety. Let us consider, for example th . hI '1 fi . h' . ' e nc y p~tterne d textl. e urms mgs and the furmture luxuriously adorned With encru~t~tlon s~ co~mon in eleventh- and especially t\Ve\fthcent~z reli~ous plC tonal contexts (Pis. 53, 175, 176, 183, 187, 190): On~ I.S tempted ~o parallel the attention given to such decdetaIl ' m Komneman painting ~m the 'recondite voc ab uIary, .orative . mtnca.te construction, [and] laboured syntax'IOI of twelfth-century rhetonc, and read both as expressions of what has been described as '~e contemporary obsession with artistry' .102 The expansion of the mventory of serving utensils in dining scenes, to consider a sec?nd exam~le, might be in some way related to the notable increase m expressl~g an interest in the quality and variety of foodstuffs observable !\l twelfth-century literary works as diverse in character as the letters of the archbishop of Thessalonike Eustathios and the poems of Ptochoprodromos.10 3 . DU:ing this period, which accentuated individuality and took pride 111 art~stry, Byzantine artists stepped out of their anonymity for the first time and began to sign their works. It is tempting to assume

Ka

",,;1. Angold,

Ille Byzantine Empire, 1025-1204 (New York 1984) pp. 76-91' 1.38-141,148-158'; Magdalino:

Ma~lle/~n;,:~ Epstein, Change ,i, Byzalltille Culture, pp.

'';IOS, pp. 363-365, 393-406; ,dem, 'The LIterary Percepuon or Everyday (I~~~n)llum. Some General Considerations and the Case orJohn Apokaukos,'

Lire' B

BS:; 100 101 102

103

H

' pp. 28-38.

Mad~'7-ann-1vr.sgUlch, Kurbillava, pp. 312-318, 507-512, 515. Ib;g a mo, AJanuel 1 KOlmzcnos, p. 397.

K ., pp. 396-397. azhdan and Epstein, Chauge in ByzaJltine Culture, pp. 81-88.

, 254

CHAPTER SIX

that the artists' new-found sense of indi~~duality was. partly respon_ sible for the diversity we have observed 111 the rendenng of artefact_ types like the dress of comm~ners, arms and ~rmour, and serving utensils. All in all, onc may claIm that th~ attentIon t? realistic detail in the depiction of arte~acts ob~erve~ 111. Komneman art can be e}""plained in tenns of an I~terest 111 daIly h~e and the sensible world whicll stemmed /i'om the mtellectual pursUIts and the confidence in the value of personal experience characteristic of the period.

The Late Byzantine Period 1jpes if Contemporal)' Artefacts Represented In the Late Byzantine period the ch/amy and both vanetIes of the loros continued to be the only types of imperial dress employed in religious painting, though the crossed lo~os and the imperial chlamys had in fact become obsolete. As to offiCial dress, the chlal1!Js-costume continued to be represented as the distinctive attire of martyrs, though in reality it was no longer in widespread use. As in the previous period, updating of the dress of non-saintly officials in Late Byzantine contexts was exceptional (Pis. 92, 97). In the case of representations of other lay costume tl,e situation continued more or less the same as in the earlier period: the garments represented were to a large extent conventional and what instances of modernization may be observed mainly concern female costume (Pis. 189, 239). Cases of updating male lay costume in Palaiologan religious pictorial contexts are very rare. Instances include the attribution of a red pair of trousers to the paralytic of Bethesda in the representation of the related miracle in the Metropolis at Mistra (PI. 191) and the costume of the man playing the drum in the Mocking of Christ at St. Nicholas Orphanos in Thessalonike (PI. 130). As in the Middle Byzantine, so in the Late Byzantine period, the use of distinctive dress for the characterization of members of professional groups was limited to shepherds and dancers: shepherds continued to be portrayed in sheepskin garments lOf and dancers continued to appear in gowns with long flowing sleeves. lo5 It is noteworthy that the stereoIUl Sce, for example, M. AxetjlacrtOURnOtcx,.1lavou 'H epJlllVe1CX J.llCt.<; tOl'XO"fPa.tp\«~ <ml,llOVl] 't1]C;PAaXtpvru; KOVt<xa't1]v 'Apta,' 4X4E 13 (1'985-1986), p. 301; N.NIKOv"v~, 0. Ar/ol A1fOOtoAOl 8waa., fig. 46 (Peribleptos). '0; Sce, for example, Steppan, 'TanzdarsteUungen,' figs. 21, 26, 27, 29; Millet,

COMMENTARY

255

typical portrayal ~f sheph~rds in Lat~ .Byzantine contexts was not enlivened by the mtroducl1on of realIstIc details of dress as it had been in a number of eleventh- and twelfth-century representations. In the depiction of arms and armour in Late Byzantine contexts fanciful, conventional, and con.temporary elements were represented side-by-side as they had been m the eleventh and twelfth centuries Contemporary elements included commonly represented items th~ appearance of which had been mo~ernized, such as helmets, shields, and swords, as well as types which were newly introduced into Byzantine religious contexts, such as protective garments worn over the body-armour, semi-rigid neck-guards, coifs, chausses, sabres, daggers, bows, and quivers. The typology of the represented weapons attests to the influence of western and oriental military traditions on Byzantine practices. Ai; far as me representation of furniture and furnishings is concerned, Late Byzantine art turned away from the highly decorative types distinctive of Komnenian art towards more plain, monumental, and, on occasion, literally solid forms which probably mirrored contemporary objects. Palaiologan art demonstrated a preference for the representation of box-like furniture, thrones with a curved back masonry tables with lateral recesses for utensils, wooden furnitur~ with turned ornaments, and textile furnishings of a relatively sober appearance. The tendency to expand the inventory of types of the depicted domestic utensils-especially tableware-observed in the twelfth century was intensified during the Late Byzantine period. In dining scenes one encounters an assortment of vessels (Pis. 39, 184-186, 189),106 while in birth-of-a-saint scenes a female attendant is sometimes portrayed carrying a tray with serving and drinking utensils (PL 204). Special reference should be made to the unique representatlo~s of the donkey with the pack-saddle with water-jars and funnel 1Jl a scene from the cycle of SI. Gerasimos at SI. Nicholas Orphanos (PL 236) and of the peddlar with the jar in the Birth of SI. Nicholas at Platsa (PI. 237).

ho:

Monuments i!Y<:. de Mistra, pi. 128.4 (Pelibleptos: scene from the cycle of the childof the Virgin). 71ie CSee , also, Tsigaridas, Vatopaidi, fig. 231 (The Ladder of SI. John Climacus); Nicho/t '!/ Mystras, fig. 109 (Peribleptos, Last Supper); MOUliki, 17" Frescoes '!/ St. at Platsa, pi. 14 (bst Supper).

256

CHAPTER SIX

were the only category being I writing implements As to tooS, . tI d" alkla' . tI Palaiologan pen od: le tra ItIon a mOl and ink_ updated III ,e . hil . tly replaced by the kalamanon, w wells were firequen . e SCISSOrs appeared r. ti,e writing desks of ti,e evangehsts. On the other more mten on . . th hand, the bookbinding paraphernalia III . e port:ayal of the evan_ gelist Matthew at the Protaton (PI. 227) remam an exceptional OCCUlTence. . . tI To conclude, during ti,e Late ByzantIne per,lOd len: was an expan_ sion of traditional iconographic schemes With the mtrodu~tion of ancillary figures, secondary episodes,. and genre them~s .whlch provided more iconographic contexts sUl~able for the ?epICll?n of artefacts borrowed from daily life. SUlprismgly, B~zanllne arllsts did not exploit this opportunity often and. representatIons ?specially of contemporary dress were introduced mto Late Byzanllne contexts to a degree lesser than before. Impe~al and ?fficial cost~rr:e was for the most part conventional. The mterest m the depictIOn of details reflecting the contemporary commoners' costume found especially in twelfth-century monuments apparently did not continue into the later period. On the other hand, the interest in the representation of domestic utensils, especially serving vessels, detected from the late eleventll-early twelftll century onward, increased in Late Byzantine monuments. However, tile most significant Late Byzantine development was tile expansion of tile inventory of the weapons attributed to military saints.

Regional Dwersification While carrying out tile survey of representations of artefacts in Late Byzantine pictorial cycles I noticed a concentration of interesting examples in monuments located in Thessalonike and the area under its cultural influence. These monuments are dated to the late thirteentll and early fourteentll centuries. The concentration of such representations may be understood either as a manifestation of realistic tendencies unique to tile artistic idiom of Late Byzantine Macedonia or as a regional interpretation of a general trend in religious art of tIlat period. To decide which was the case one needs to examine the Macedonian monuments more closely in terms of style, patro~s, and artistic workshops, and within the broader framework of arUstic creativity in Byzantium at the time. Comparisons with the few and fragmentary contemporary ensembles which have come down to us from Constantinople become important in this respect. Con-

COMMENTARY

257

stantinopolitan and Macedonian ~~numcnts are briefly examined in s of chronology, patron, artistIc workshop, and style. For the term . d' . f La sake of comprehenSiveness a summa~ ISCUSSlon 0 te Byzantine . torial ensembles in the other major urban centre of the Late plC . M' " ldd Byzantine empire: that IS Istra, IS mc u e at the end of this section. Bibliographical references may be found under the relevant ntries in Appendix I. The inventory of contemporary artefacts :ncountered in each of the monuments considered may be found in Table B on page 343. We will begin our investigation with a consideration of tile surviving Constantinopolitan monuments of the second half of the thirteenth and early fourteenth centuries, starting with the Kyriotissa Monastery (Kalenderhane Camii). Towards the midclle of the thirteenth century, that is while Constantinople was still under Latin rule, tile chapel of the diakonikon of the K yriotissa was decorated with a fresco cycle of St. Francis of Assisi. It is assumed that the work was commissioned by tile members of a Franciscan community which was probably installed at the Kyriotissa following the occupation of the city by the crusaders. It has been convincingly argued that the painter of the St. Francis cycle was French, called in from tile crusader kingdom of Jerusalem, and that the portraits of two Orthodox prelates, which constitute an integral part of the decoration of tile diohmikon chapel, were executed by a Byzantine artist. The SI. Francis chapel was walled up soon after the liberation of Constantinople in 1261. Thus, its painted decoration had no direct impact on the development of Palaiologan painting in the capital. Sometime after the SI. Francis chapel had been sealed off, the diakonilron of tile Kyriotissa was decorated with frescoes, of which only fragments-mainly of hagiographic portraits-survive. Among these are included portraits of male martyrs in the by now conventional chlall!)'s-costume. Another monument that was restored and adorned ,vitll frescoes sometime after 1261, possibly having suffered damage during tile Latin occupation of Constantinople, was the mar!Jlrion of St. Euphemia at the Hippodrome. Its painted decoration comprises first of all a cycle of the patron saint, dated on stylistic grounds to 1280-12.90. To this same phase belongs a funerary portrait of a high eccleSiaStical official, possibly a patriarch or a metropolitan, judging by ~is vestments, who is being presented to the Virgin by St. Euphemm. Given that the church of SI. Euphemia was under the jUl-isdiction

258

COMMENTARY

cHAPTER SIX

it has been suggested that the figure of th f Cllal cedon' ofeseeo . e th d be identified as a late tlurteenth-century metropolita I I . d n preIate SIOU of tllat city who commissione~ the restoratIOn an the decoration of the church but whose name IS as yet unknown. The portrayals of the Forty Martyrs and of militaty salllts also preser~'e~ in the church may be slightly later. The. dress and pa~·aphernaha. 1I~ the painted decoration of St. Euphemm are con'.'entlOnal. Reahstlc tendencies, sometimes leading to innovative solutions, may be observed, never_ theless, in the architectural setting, especially in. the unusual depiction of the hippodrome as an enclosed space III the scene of the martyrdom of the saint. 107 Late-tllirteenth-century mosaics have been preserved in the narthex of Kilise Camii, tile original dedication of which remains unknown. This narthex was added to a pre-existing Komnenian church at some point after 1261. Of its mosaic decoration only parts are preserved in the central and south cupolas. They are dated to the last decade of the thirteenth century on stylistic grounds. Figures of prophets in atltique garb are portrayed in the centl·al dome, while Old Testament kings in conventional tunics, mantles, and crowns appear in the south cupola. The style of the mosaics of the south cupola has been identified as a manifestation of the so-called 'cubist manner'. This is distinguished by the exaggerated corporeality of the human figure atld the massiveness of the architectural elements. Prior to the publication of the Kilise Camii mosaics this manner had been considered as distinctive of Macedonian painting in fue late thirteenth and early fourteenth centuries. Another Komnenian monument fuat was restored in the late thirteenth century was the katholikon of fue Pammakaristos Monastery (Fetlllye Camii). The sponsors of this work were IvIichael Glabas Tarchaneiotes and his wife Maria. Tarchaneiotes is well-known both as a successful general under Andronikos 11 and as a liberal patron of artists and poets. Of the pictorial decoration of fue katllOlikon only fragments of the frescoes which adorned what originally was the south fa~ade of the church survive. These fragments have been identified as belonging to a cycle of the Dormition and a typological cycle of the Virgin. The costume of fue surviving figures (the

Virgin, St. Peter,. Aaron and his sons) is conventional. The frescoes of the Pammakanstos, dated to the last decade of the thirteenth century, constitute a second occ~rrence ~f the 'cubist manner' in the capital. A few years after theIr executIOn, these paintings were obliterated by the construction of the adjacent funerary chapel. This was built in the first decade of the fourteenth century by Maria Tarchaneiotes, in order to house her husband's tomb. Of its lavish mosaic decoration only part is preserved: the enthroned Christ the Virgin and John the Baptist in the bema, the Pantokrator surrou~ded by prophets in fue dome, the scene of the Baptism, and portraits of saintly bishops and monks. According to Belting, the style of the mosaics is classicising, more akin to earlier thirteenth-century paintings than to the 'cubist manner' of the late thirteenth century. The fact that no narrative scenes other than the Baptism and no portraits of military saints and martyrs have survived makes it impossible to comment on representations of reaM in this ensemble. It is unfortunate that the original pictorial decoration of a third important Constantinopolitan monument dated to the late thirteenth and early fourteenth century, namely the south church of the Lips Monastery (Fenari Isa Camii), has not been preserved. This church was erected by the empress Theodora (t 1303), widow of Michael VIII, sometime after his death in 1282 to serve as a mausoleum for the Palaiologan family. The fresco representing St. Demetrios, which formed part of the decoration of one of the arcosolia in the south arm of the perambulatory, is dated on stylistic grounds to a later period, c. 1320.108 The saint is portrayed in militaly dress, drawing his sword from its scabbard. His body-armour appears to me to be conventional and so does his shield. On other hand, his doubleedged sword with its straight quillons reflects a type that was in actual use at the time. Stylistically, St. Demetrios is akin to the military saints portrayed in the funerary chapel of the Chora Monastery, to which we now turn. Between 1315 and 132011 the Komnenian kalholikoll of the Chora Monastery (Kariye Camii) was restored and decorated with mosaics, and the funerary chapel was constructed and adorned with frescoes. Of the mosaics of the naos only the mosaic icons of Christ and the Virgin, and the Dormition survive. By contrast, most of the mosaic

--R. Naumann and H. Belting, Die Euphemia-Kirche am Hi/Jliodrom zu Istallbul und ill" Fmken (Berlin, 1966), pp. 136-138, pI. 33a. •

10;

259

'''c2' ~1ango and EJ. Hawkins, 'Additional Finds at Fenari Isa Camii, Istanbul,' DOP 2 (1968), p. 177, figs. 1-2.

r

260

CHAPTER SIX

. f tI . t· and outer narthexcs has been preserved. The decoranon 0 le ImneI are also very well preserved. The donor of frescoes of tlte c lape Ch I' r tl _centurv work at the ora was tIe tntellectua! tile early lourteen I J , • d 'k I :1_ and close associate of ful rom os I, Theodore logotht/er Iou getluwll d 1"1 . . (PI 69) It is commonly accepte t lat t le mosaIcs and Metocllltes . . . I' he work the fi-escoes wte t - of ethe . same Constantmopo Han workshop . TIle Chora Iv[onastery is a prnne ~xample. of the so-called Second . Iogan St),le which became .fasluonable m the second decade of Pal alO r tl1 centurv The artIsts of the Chora, who must have the lourteen •J • • • • been counted among the best of thetr nmes, faced with the archi_ (ectu rail}. complex surfaces of the katllOlilam and chapel to be covered \';1t11 mosaics and frescoes s.howed themselves re~dy to exp~riment with novel compositional solunons. lVloH:over, theIr work eVIdences eoccupation with the depiction of plctonal space, though their fi 1109 B a pr often original renderings were not always. success u : y compari_ son, tlleir attitude towards the representanon of realu: appears to me t have been more conservative. Though the extensIve MariolOgical ;d ChristologicaI cycles in the narthexes of the katholikon, with their great number of ancillary characters and genre themes, offered ample scope for the introduction of representations of contem~orary artefacts, the artists did not take advantage of the opportnmty to do so. The narrative compositions were enlivened by the portrayal of children playing and of servants and attendants involved in various commonplace activities, as well as by the depiction of landscape components. Whilst the presence of these picturesque elements certainly conu1bnted to the engaging quality of the images, their introdnction in the Chora compositions was not the result of direct observation of the surrounding material world. Rather their presence should be attributed to the repetition of antique pictorial themes which had been injected into the artistic vocabulary of Palaiologan artists through the imitation of the classicising artistic products, especially manuscripts, of tile tenth-century 'Macedonian renaissance' .110 One, of course, does come across depictions of contemporary artefact-types which it had become common or fashionable to represent in Late Byzantine contexts, as well as types which were required .for the purposes of characterization as, for example, the hat of K yremus. '''' Demus, 'The Style of the Kariye Djami,' esp. pp. 118-127.. . Art Ibid., pp. 157-158; E. Kitzinger, 'The Hellenistic Hentage In Byzantme Reconsidered,' JOB 31/2 (1981), pp. 664, 670. 110

COMMENTARY

261

Though the rendering of th.ese contemporary artefact-types is for the most part competent and,. I? the cas~ of the swords of the military saints in the chapel, surpnsmgly detaIled, the treatment of costume and paraphernalia at the Chora does ~ot seem to me to bespeak an ceptional interest in the representation of contemporary material ~:Iture on the part of the painters. In the case of the representation of arms and armour, in particular, the artists of the Chora appear to have been relatively conservative: items like helmets, bows, quivers, and sabres are absent from the portrayal of military saints in the funerary chapel and the armour of Herod and his soldiers in the Massacre of the Innocents in the exonarthex has an entirely fanciful outlook. It is tempting to think that the reserved attitude of the artists of the Chora towards the representation of contemporary military equipment was influenced by the personality of Theodore Metochites, a leading exponent of the humanistic movement of his times. III It is commonly acknowledged that Metochites had been actively involved in the thematic articulation-both in its layout and in particular details-of the iconographic programme of his foundation. 1l2 Perhaps his antiquarian tastes ll3 stood in the way of the artists depicting fashionably represented items like the bow and quiver, since these were not encountered in earlier, classicising works. Unfortunately, however, this hypothesis cannot be proven because of the lack of surviving contemporary Constantinopolitan monuments preserving numerous representations of military dress that could have been used for comparison. The second area to be investigated for evidence of regional variation is that of Byzantine Macedonia in the late thirteenth and early fourteenth centuries. I I' The monuments to be considered are located

113

See Sevcenko, 'Theodore IVletochites,' pp. 17-9\. Undenvood, Karfye I!jami, pp. 188-191. Demus, 'The Style of cl,e Kaliye Djami,' pp. 158-159.

lH

For a general survey of painting in Late Byzantine wlacedonia see selecth:ely

III 112

Mouriki, 'Stylistic Trends-14th c.'; H i1aAalOAOyellx i:wypaqllla) <m/ 8.<1<1aAoVl"'l, eKo. LlijpoC; BeaaaAov{K1]C; (Thcssalonikc, 1986); A. Tsitouridou, 'La peinture mo~1U mentale aSalonique pendant la premiere moitie clu XIV" sicclc,' in L"aTt ~e 7hessalomqrl1, pp. ?-19; :M. Panayotidi, 'Les tendances de la peinture de Thessa~oruque en ~~rn ~aralso~ avec ceIles de Constantinople, comme expression de la sltuatJ~n pOh;lCoeC~nOl~llque de ces villes pendant le XIV': siec1e,' in Bv{&vtlD Kal Eepfj,u: ~t'a r~v M al(lJva (Athens, 1996), pp. 351-362; R. Nelson, 'Tales of !wo CllIes: The Patro,nagc of Early Palaeologan Art and Architecture in Constantmople and The:-

salomke,' in 0 MavovrJA i1aV<1eA~vo<; l
,.. 262

CHAPTER

COMMENTARY

SIX

.

a1'k Ven'oia Ohrid, and on Mount Athos. IVlonuments Thess om e, '. d S b' that came un er . er lan rule by · I part of l"Iacedollla 111 t le .' the late thirteenth centlllY a.nd III Serbia pro~er, espeCially tho~e attributed to the Byzantine artists Mlchael AS~I apas a~d EutychlOS, are also taken into consideration, th~ugh not discussed III a~ great detail. The chnrch of the Virgin Pcnbleptos (S.t. Clement) 111 Ohlid was r. cl d in 1294/5 by a ByzantlIlc official, the megas hetaireiarches :r~';;o~os Sgouros, and his wif~, Eudokia. ?n. the dedicatory inscrip_ tion Sgow'os claims to be a relatIVe of d1e re~gmng emperor Anclronikos IT. The frescoes of dIe PeJibleptos are a prIme example of the 'cubist manner', to which belong also the frescoes of the south fa9ade of the Pammakaristos and the mosaics on the south cupola of the exonarthex of Kilise Camii in Constantinople. Despite the donor's Constantinopolitan connections the artists employed by Sgouros apparently did not come from d1c capital. AI·tists' signatures identify the painters of the PeJibleptos as !vIichael Astrapas and Eutychios (PI. 135). The two masters were probably of Thessalonikan Oligin. Michael in particular appears to have been a member of a family of artists whim also included one John Astrapas, a scribe and miniatuJist, and yet another Astrapas, perhaps a master builder rather than a painter, who is mentioned in me dedicatory inscription of the church of Bogorodica LjeviSka, near PJizren (1308/9).115 In me first two decades of the fourteenili century IvIichael and Eutychios were employed by the Serbian king l\1ilutin for ilie decoration of his ecclesiastical foundations at Cueer (church of St. Nikita, 1308-1320) and at Staro NagoJiCino (church of St. George, 1317/8). Art-historians have also tJied to attribute to this workshop the decoration or part iliereof of the chapel of St. Euthymios at Thessalonike (1303), the Protaton on Mount Athos (c. 1290 or c. 1300), ilie church of Bogorodica Ljeviska, the church of Sts. Joachim and Anna at Studenica (1314), and that at Graeanica (1321). The last three monuments were also founded by king Milutin of Serbia. The painted decoration of the Protaton, the main church of Karyes, which is the administrative centre of Mount Athos, constitutes yet another example of the 'cubist manner' fashionable in the peJiod III

created

between c. 1290 to c. 1310. We have no infonnation concerning the t date, the donor, or the painter of the Palaiologan frescoes of exac ' At h ' .ensem bl' the Protaton. ThiS oUlte e IS commonly dated to c. 1300. Recently, however, KalomOlr~kes and ot~ers have argued in favour of a date c. 1290 and would lIke t~ associate the undertaking of the ork with an initiative of the patrIarch Athanasios I (1289-1293).116 ;ost_Byzantine oral tradition has attributed the paintings of the Protaton to the legendary master Manuel Panselenos, although no reference to an artist by this name has been encountered in Late Byzantine written sources. Gouma-Peterson has suggested that one of the artists working in the Protaton should be identified with one of the masters of the chapel of St. Euthymios in Thessalonike. 1I7 This small chapel is attached to ilie south-east side of the great basilica of St. DemetJios. According to the dedicatory inscJiption, it was renovated and decorated with frescoes in 1303 at the behest of the protostrator Michael Glabas Tarchaneiotes and his wife MaJia. In the late thirteenili and early fourteenth century Thessalonike served as the centre of operations in the impelial government's dealings, both diplomatic and military, with the neighbouring Serbian state, hence the connection of the general Tarchaneiotes with that city. liS A few years earlier he and his wife had undertaken the restoration of the PammakaJistos Monastery in Constantinople. The surviving frescoes on the soufu fa9ade of his foundation in the capital belong to fue same stylistic trend as ilie frescoes of the Thessalonikan monument, namely the 'cubist manner'. The identity and oJigin of the masters responsible for the decoration of St. Euthymios remain unknown. Tarchaneiotes could have commissioned painters from Constantinople for this task. However, considering that Palaeologan Thessalonike was a thJiving artistic centre in its own Jight, ilie artists of St. Euthymios may very well have been local. 119

116 For a review of the different opinions concerning the date of the Protaton ~rescoes see T. Gouma-Petcrson, 'The Frescoes of the Parekklesion of St. Euthymios In I~hc~aloniki: Patrons, 'Vorkshop and Style,' in Twilight, p. 113, note 4.

Ibid., pp. 122, 124. D.M. Nicol, 'Thcssalonica as a Cultural Centre in the Fourteenth Century,' H ee(1(1aA,ovi/(~ !1€ra~v AVaTOA,1), /(a/ Llvt1ew, (Thessalonike, 1?8,2), p. 122; M. Rautman, 'Aspects of rvIonastic Patronage in Palaeologan 1-Iakedoma, Ul Tzt'lllghl,

•

It> S: Ki;>sas, 'Solunska umetnicka porodica Astrapa,' :(pgrqf 5 (1974), pp ..35-31; P. Mi~ko\'u:-Pepek, 'L'atelier artistique proeminenl de la famille thessalo~lclenne d'Astrapas de la fin du XlII< et des premieres decennies du XIV< siecle,' JOB 32/~ (1982), pp. 491-494; R. Nelson, 1)"odore HagWpetrites. A !Ate Byzanillle Scnbe an Itlumimzwr (Vienna, 1991), pp. 125-126.

263

116

In

p. 64; A. Laiou, ConsiantiJlOple and the !Atins. (C~,~bridge, Mass., 1972), p. 94.

1)" Foreign

Cr. Nelson, 'Tales of Two Cities,' p. 134.

Policy 0/AndroniclIs If, 1282-1328

264

COMMENTARY

CHAPTER SIX

nt the painted decoration of which evidence Anoner monu Ine ' . s I . 'd the paintings of the Protaton IS the kat/lOlikon of th connections WI I A' e '1 stet'" also on Mount AdlOS. ccordmg to a nine Vatopedi l\ o n a " . . . 'nscIiption teenth-centUlY l - beheved . to reproduce the ongmal. dedica. . tI'on , the Late Byzantme . frescoes tory mscnp , of the katholikon were executed duIing dIe reign of Androlll~os II, m 1312, at the behest of the hierot7lOlwhos (priest-monk) Al'Selllo~. ~he names ~f the painters responsible remain unkno"~l .. ~et, ce~tall1 Iconogr~phlc peculiarities seem to suggest that dley ongmated 111 Thessalolllke. According to TsigaIidas, the style of one of th.e painters who worked in. the outer narthex demonstrates great affilllty to dle style of the Penbleptos in OhIid and the protaton. On the other hand, the style of the second painter of the outer narthex is aligned with the stylistic developments of the second decade o~ the fourteen~h cen~U1Y, also attested in other monuments of Byzantine Macedollla, whIch are going to be considered next. The church of the Anastasis (Hagios Christos) in Verroia was founded by Xenos Psalidas and his wife Euphrosyne, who were probably members of the provincial gentry of that city. Euphrosyne saw that the work in the church was completed following her husband's death. According to the painted dedicatory inscription the frescoes were executed in 1315 by the painter Kallierges and his brothers. In dris inscription KalIierges styled himself as 'the best painter of all Thessaly' [i.e. Macedonia].'20 He is sometimes identified with the painter George KalIierges who in 1322 witnessed the sale of three houses in Thessalonike. Even if the two are not to be identified they could belong to a single family of painters with Thessalonikan connections. 12 ' Pelekanides has tried to identifY Kalliergcs as one of the masters who worked in the church of SI. Nicholas Orphanos in Thcssalonike (1310-1320).'22 However, this identification has not been widely accepted. The paintings of the church of the Anastasis belong to the same stylistic trend as the mosaics and the frescoes of the Chora Monastery in Constantinople. The painted decoration of the church of SI. Nicholas Orphanos in Thessalonike is usually dated to the years between 1310 and 1320 :~ ntAt":ClY(~l1~, ~~lePr11~, p. 7. Mounki, Stylisuc Trends-14th c.,' p. 67; Nelson, 7heodore Hagiopetriles, pp. 125-127. '22 TIUeKflVi&j" KaA;t,ePJ'17" pp. 114-121.

265

the basis of stylistic and iconographic similarities with the work

~~ Kallierges at Verroia and wi~~. the work of Michael and Eutychios t Cuter and at Staro Nagonc1l10. Velman's attempt to date the a semble towards the middle of the fourteenth century has not been en h' . '23 T accepted by other art- Istonans. he donor of the SI. Nicholas fi-escoes remains unknown. The suggestion that he should be identified with king Milutin of Serbia deserves serious consideration. We know from Serbian written sources that Milutin was responsible for the foundation of a number of monuments in Thessalonike, including a church of St. Nicholas. What is more, he himself often visited that city where his mother-in-law, the Byzantine empress Eirene (Yolande of Montferrat), held court from 1303 to 1317.'24 Certain peculiaIities of the iconographic programme of St. Nicholas, such as the portrayal of SI. Clement of Ohrid and the attribution of the uncommon epimet 'Gorgos' to SI. George, also encountered in other foundations of Milutin, seem to support the Serbian connection.'25 The identity of the masters responsible remains unknown, though the similarities between SI. Nicholas and the church of the Anastasis in Verroia seem to justify the assumption that members of the same workshop were active in both monuments. 126 However, neither of the two principal painters who worked at SI. Nicholas may be identified with Kallierges. In the representation of realia the church of St. Nicholas seems to stand in a category of its own. Its frescoes possess the highest concentration not only of carefully rendered fashionable artefact-types, but also of objects not encountered in other contemporary monuments. The last Macedonian monument to be considered is the church of the Holy Aposdes in Thessalonike. Originally, it was a monastic katholikon dedicated in all probability to the Theotokos. An inscription on the lintel of the main entrance and monograms in stone and

123 'A. ::\)yy61tO\)AO~, 'Ai 'tOlxoypa~lcxl tOU 'AKcx9lmot> El~ rlJv navcxyiav tmv Xal..Kirov e£ tOV Ay{ov N'KOMOV Op<pavo6, pp. 259-266. '" LaIOU! COllslanlillopte alld IIle Lalills, pp. 299-231. S. Kissas, 'Srpski srednjovekovni spomenici u Soluou,' Zogro/ .11 (1980), pp. 29-43; T,ntoupioou, 0 t;royparp'1C6, OuxlCOa{.lO, TOV Ay{ov N'lCOMlOV O~a~ov: pp. 38-45; Gouma-Pcterson 'The Frescoes of the ParekkleslOn of St. Euthymlos, p. 126. ' ,126 These similarities include representations of rta/,a (e.g. female IOTOs-cosJlIme, mail cOlfs, ornate katamarion) common to both churches (PIs. 130, 142; 188, 226).

?,;;

, CHAPTER SIX

266 I. patriarch of Constantinople Niphon I (1310. k 'ork IdenU.y t le . .. bne ." r d 127 A second painted mscnptlon above the mal' 14) s the .0Ull er. 11 I3 a I . identifies Paul, abbot of the monastery and d of the nart lex . U . a oor f N' I 1 as the second founder. nlll recently it Was disciple 0 Ip 10' , I d I nstIuction of the churc 1 an t le adornment of I tIle co tI ught nat . ' 10 • d ' Its of tlle naos With mOSaICS should be dated to the dome an \au . . 1310-1314. It was also thought that, followmg the patrithe }ears ., I'll 1314 the fi'escoes 0 f' tlle Iower zone of the naos arch's depoSltlOn, . . ' ) of the am buIa tory , and of the exonarthex were executed under the 1334. . . 0f tlle abbot Paul between the years 1328 and supel',1slOn . However, a recent study has demonstrated on the ~as~s of delldrochronological data t11at tlle church was ~onstructed m Its entirety after 1329. As a result, the role of the patnarch NIP.hon as founder needs to be reconsidered and tlle date of the mOSaICS needs to be d forward by at least fifteen years. It would follow that the pus Ile . ' I 'fi mosaics and tile frescoes were de\~sed as a s1l1g e um ed programme of pictorial decoration and were perhaps executed by members of tile satne workshop. In tenns of style, the mosaics and frescoes of tile Holy Apostles are commonly ascribed to tlle same trend as the pictorial decoration of the Chora in Constantinople. As to tile origin of the workshop respon~ible: .whether Constantinopolitan or Thessalonikatl, opinions remaIn diVlded. In tenns of tile existence of regional variation in the representation of realia in monumental painting, the picture iliat emerges from tile survey of Constatltinopolitan and Macedonian monuments in the late thirteentll and early fourteenth centuries is far from clear. However, what does become apparent is the existence of a complicated network of patrons and artists which linked Constantinople witll Thessalonike, atld Thessalonike witll Mount Athos and tile other impOrtatlt centres of Byzantine Macedonia,128 as well as witll Serbia. Given tile widespread diffusion of styles and the mobility of patrons atld artistic workshops, it seems to me iliat an attempt to mak~ a clear-cut distinction between Constantinopolitan and Macedoman .

'r.

121 Niphon \YaS a native of Vcrroia, On his interest in Thessalonike see ~tephanf £in f!y{ll1llinisdltI Biltknsemhlt, pp. 15-20. On the active interest of the patnarehs 0 an Constantinople in the ecclesiastical affairs of Thessalonike in general sec Rautm , 'Aspects of Monastic Patronage,' pp. 71-72. . . Lale 128 On networks of patrons and artisans (painters, iUumina~ors, scnbes)I~~_128, Byzantine Macedonia in particular see Nelson, 17/£Odore HagWpetnles, esp. pp.

COMMENTARY

267

ttitudes towards the depiction of the material world might be unre:listic. One thing, however, may be said: in the face of the relative lack of comparative material from the capital, dichotomies of the kind Thessalonikan realism versus Constantinopolitan antiquarianism appear to ?e biase? I believ? i.t is better t~ interpret the varying degrees of Illterest III t.he deplctl?n of matenal culture observed in Palaiologan ensembles 111 terms e.ther of general stylistic and iconographic developments of the period or of the circumstances particular to the creation of individual monuments. First let us consider the monuments which belong to the so-called 'cubist manner': ilie frescoes of tl1e south fa9ade of tl1e Pammakaristos, tile mosaics of the south cupola of the Kilise Camii, the frescoes of tile Peribleptos in Ohrid, those of the Protaton, and those of the chapel of SI. Euthymios, all dated between 1290 and 1310. What little has survived from the decoration of the two Constantinopolitan monuments does not lend itself to an investigation into attitudes towards tl1e representation of contemporary material culture. Consequently, I will concentrate on the three lVlacedonian monuments. The inventory of artefact-types encountered in these tl1ree monuments includes first of all items which were currently represented at the time, such as permanent tables with niches at the sides, wooden furniture wiili turned ornaments, a variety of serving utensils, distaffs on stands, kalamana. 129 Next to these are items which were introduced for purposes of characterization, such as the Mongol hat of SI. James the Persian at the Protaton,'30 and otl1ers tl1e presence of which was an isolated instance of spontaneous borrowing from daily life (PI. 239).131 The occurrence of other artefacts may be specifically associated wiili the interests of individual patrons such as the half-breastplate attributed to St. George at St. Eutl1ymios (PI. 132). That it does not appear in the portrayal of ilie same saint, or

129 C,omparable items are encountered in the slightly earlier first phase of the decoratIOn of the Metropolis at Mislra (1272-1288), see below. '30 K"U(VtKOU r,,,upopouv.ron,, H rexvII") rry, a"(lOrparpia" fig. 86. The hat "oth a fur bnm was meant to identify St. James as IPersian', Iran had come under Mongol rule at the beginning of the thirteenth century, sce above.. note ~7. Consequently, whoever decided to attribute this head-dress to the parucular salOt made .~. well-informed choice, St. James the Persian wears a similar hat at Stam Nagoncmo (1317/8), sec Djuric, Byzatztinische Freskell, pI. x,'{,'(lV. 131 Note that the system of strings securing the mantle of the Samaritan woman ~oes ,not recur in any of the other pictOlial ensembles executed by the workshop f Iv[,chael Aslrapas and Eutychios.

COMMENTARY

CHAPTER SIX

268

'

il'tal" saint at Ohrid and the Protaton (Pis, 125 152) ' _ . S ' of associating its occurrence at t. Euthymios witll argues ' . ' tile pau'On tile plVloslm/or Michael Glabas 1 archaneiotes f O on' tile p ea1ity rs . ' It is in these three monuments tha~ representa~~ns of helmets, and maces attnbuted to mlhtmy. saints are q uivers sabres, bO W 5,' . encountered for tile first time. Once llltroduc~~, these. lte~s recur, I ot consistently, in the portrayal of ImhtalY samts III montIIOUg 1 n ) d ]\1' 132 T . hell' occur_ uments in Thessalonike itself (PI. 161 an at.' lstra. rence at Mistra suggests that the representatIOn of such items was not limited to Macedonian monuments alm.le, but was a more widespread phenomenon. The militalY connecuons of the ~onors of the Peribleptos in Oluid and of the chapel of St. Eut~lymIOs, the megas Izetaireiarclzes Sgouros and the pr%strator TarchaneIOtes respectively, could suggest that military men might have been. responsible for setting this trend. Similar weapons, ~lOwever, occur III portrayals of military saints in the Protaton whIch could antedate the other two monuments and whose unknown donor was probably an ecclesiastic rather tIlan a militmy man. It seems more likely that the expansion of the inventory of the weapons of military saints in Late Byzantine pictorial contexts resulted from the further development of tile tendency towards diversity and elaboration in the representation of military costume already observed in the twelfth century. What is suiking about the representations of contemporary artefacts in tile Peribleptos, in the chapel of St. Euthymios, and at tile Protaton, is not the fact of their occurrence per se, but their conspicuousness and the attention with which structural details have been depicted, especially in the case of the equipment of the military saints. These two features, I believe, have their source in tile style of the tIlree monuments discussed here. The cubist manner is distinguished by what has been termed as an 'outspoken realism' manifested in tile anti-classical facial types, in the imposing corporeality of tile figures, in violent movements, in tile expression of powerful emotions, and in the massiveness of the background buildings."3 I am of tile opinion that the particular attention given to realistic any otIlet III 1 . ' • r. OUI' III ,av

'" XlXt~n6cilCl]C;, Mvcnpa" fig. 56 (Peribleplos). Demus, 'Die Entstehung des Palaologenstils,' p. 30; idem, 'The Style of

Il3

th:

Kariye Djami,' pp. 145-148; Mouriki, 'Stylistic Trends~14th c.,' pp. ~8-:0; 78-83, Gouma-Peterson, 'The Frescoes of the ParekkIesion of St. EuthymlOs, esp. pp. 115-123.

269

detail in the rendering of artc:acts :-ra.s a~other manifestation of the general tendency towards r:ahsm C.hstlllctlve of this particular stylistic trend. Unfortllnat:ly, thIS assertl.on cannot be verified because of the lack of comparatIve representatIOns from the Constantinopolitan monuments. The frescoes of the church of the Anastasis (Hagios Christos) and of SI. Nicholas Orphanos, the mosaics and frescoes of the Chora Monastery (Kariye Camii) and of the Holy Apostles, and the later work of Michael Astrapas and Eutychios at Cueer and at Staro NagoriCino in Serbian Macedonia, created in the second decade of tile fourteenth century or later, belong to a different stylistic trend which lacks the intensity of expression of tile earlier monuments. This style is distinguished by tall figures with small heads, by more restrained attitudes and gestures, by the narrative treatment of the subject-matter, and by an interest in secondary genre themes. This last interest was for the most part satisfied by a recourse to earlier artistic models, rather than to contemporary daily life, for inspiration. I '" The artefact-types which were currently represented and which were encountered in the monuments of the 'cubist manner' occur also at the church of the Holy Apostles, at the Anastasis, and at tile Chora. The rendering of such artefacts is on occasion detailed and ornate (PI. 226). Next to these current types, one also encounters representations of artefacts introduced for the purposes of characterization (PI. 93) and others the presence of which was a concession to fashion (PI. 102). The frescoes of SI. Nicholas Orphanos belong to tile same stylistic trend as those of the Holy Apostles, tile Anastasis, and the Chora. The similarities between SI. Nicholas and the Anastasis seem to justifY tile view that members of the same workshop worked on both monuments. However, the exceptional interest in representations of realia as well as the naturalistic rendering of the landscape in SI. Nicholas l35 is not observable to the same degree in tile Anastasis or in other contemporaneous monuments, including tile work of Michael Astrapas and Eutychios at Cueer and at Staro Nagorieino.

134 Demus, 'The Style of the Kariye Djami,' pp. 109-127, H8-152, 156-159; Gouma-Peterson, 'The Frescoes of the Parckklesion of St. Euthymios,' pp. 125-129. m Velrnans, 'Les fresques de Saint Nicholas Orphanos/ p. 148; Tououpioou, 0 ,,,,ypatpIKo, ola/(O<1IIO, rov Ar{ov NI/(oAaoV Op'PIXVOV, p. 224. Cr. Demus, 'The Style of the Kariye Djami,' pp. 120-121.

270

CHAPTER

SIX

. . conception and execution that separate the fir 111e differences III • esIllonuments IS perhaps better attn'broes of St. NI'e110las fi'Olll its related . ' to adopt a different decision of the palllters responsIble d utetoa fl k . "di arnstJc I Olll, Perhaps at the behest 0 tie un nown donor.'36 As to the painted decoration of the outer n~rthex. of tI~e Vatopedi Monastery (13 I 2), it was executed by tw~ arusts with different stylistic idioms.'" The style of the fil~t on.e IS very close t~ that of the master of the Protaton,'38 and, h~e hIm, the V~topedi artist paid attention to the realistic and detailed repres~ntauon of weapons.'" H also introduced fashionable artefact-types III 1118 work, like a boxIik: throne"o and a variety of serving utensils (PI. 185), though noth_ ing extraordinalY. The same cannot be s~id of the second artist who worked in the outer narthex of Vatopedi: one has only to think of the representation of the banquet that forms part of the composition of the Heavenly Ladder.'" Whatever instructions his brief might have contained as to who or what was represented in this scene, it is to this artist's talent and powers of characterization that we owe the realistic portrayal of the participants at the feast and the successful evocation of a world of courtly pleasures. These same powers are also e\~dent in the scenes of the Passion cycle that he executed, though in this latter context they are manifested in the representation of faces distorted by age, pain, and grief. '42 This type of psychological characterization is absent from other Macedonian monuments dating to the second decade of the fourteenth century. "3 Let us now turn briefly to the pictorial ensembles of Mistra, the other major cultural centre of the Late Byzantine empire.'44 Items

1St> cr. Gouma-Peterson's comments on the significant change in the style of Michael Astrapas and Eutychios evidenced by a comparison between their work at the Peribleptos, Ohrid (1294/5) and at St. Nikita, Cucel' (1308-1320), see her 'The Frescoes of the Parekklesion of St. Euthymios,' p. 126. I3i The frescoes of the naos of the kat/w/ikon have been painted over in PostByzantine times. Only a small number of them has been cleaned and made avail· able through publication. In their present state, it would be unwise to introduce them into a discussion of the depiction of realia. '38 Tsigaridas, Vatopaidi, pp. 273 275, believes that the two should be identified. '" Ibid., fig. 220. ' ,., Ibid., fig. 218. 14' Ibid., fig. 231. ::: Ibid., figs. 223-224, 233-235. Ibid., pp. 271, 278. . . IoU I'.lformation on the artists responsible for the painted ense~bles of ~tra IS non-eXlStent. The quality of the paintings and the familiarity WIth recent Icon~

COMMENTARY

271

f estern military equipment apart, the contemporary artefact-types ensembles of Mistra, like the Metropolis the church of . . ' the Hodegetria (Aphend~ko), .and. the Penbleptos, are for the most t those of Late Byzantme plctonal contexts elsewhere. They include par . l'k ' items of military eqUIpment I. e bows an d q.Ulvers, wooden furniture with turned ornaments, ~ vanety of .domesuc utensils, even a distaff on a stand. The generahzed..rendermg makes clear that the artists were simply reproducing ar~stlc models and were not drawing inspiration from their surroundmgs. On occasion, they even misunderstood these models."" When, however, one contrasts at the Peribleptos of Mistra the conventional representations of lay dress and paraphernalia with th,: realistic and. detailed c~epiction of sacred vessels and vestments, "6 It becomes eVIdent that It was not lack of artistic skill that led to such representations of secular artefacts. Rather, this indifference is indicative of a lack of interest on the part of both the artists and their patrons in the faithful depiction of such elements. The only ensemble where one finds evidence of an interest in the observation and depiction of daily life is the Metropolis, the first phase of which is slightly earlier than the monuments of the 'cubist manner' in Byzantine Macedonia and Constantinople. One has in mind especially the depiction of the Healing of the paralytic at Bethesda (1272-1288), where next to the healed man stands a small boy carrying a red pillow on his shoulders (PI. 19 I). The presence of this figure was required neither by the gospel account of this miracle nor by the established iconography of this episode. To conclude tI1is investigation into regional variation in the depiction of realia in Late Byzantine monumental painting, the following observations can be made. The case-studies of Constantinople, Byzantine Macedonia, and, to a lesser extent, Mistra have highlighted the fact that, as in the eleventh and twelfth centuries so in the Late Byzantine period, there existed a standard vocabulary of commonly represented contemporary artefact-types which was shared by artists working in different parts of the empire. Moreover, Late Byzantine artists, irrespective of region and stylistic idiom, allowed

? w'ctorial pI

Jl1

graphic and stylistic developments they evidence have often been taken as .a~ indi-

ca~lOn ~hat the artists (or their models) came from Consta?tinople. O~ pam~ng at

Mistra III general see Millet, MonummM O/Z. de Mistra; Xat~~aalCl]<;, Mvcnpa" Dulrenne, Pr~f,ammes; lV~ouriki, 'Styli~tic Trends-14th c.,' pp. 70-74,83. 14'

X~t~~aalCl]<;, MVGtpa<;, fig. 56. . Mdlet, Mallummts byz. de Mistra, pis. 1I0.1, 113.1, 114 (Heavenly Liturgy).

COMMENTARY

cHAPTER SIX

272 . I . f fashionable artefacts in their work for the sake of tlle mfi u."uon 0 . ' . . d rative effect. As to certam rare Items at the chapel diverSity or eco I . h . th nios and at tl1e Protaton, associate t elr Occurrence of St. Eu )'l d I Id" to tl1e personal interests of the onors w. 1~ 1a co~mlsslOned the . numents rather than to reallsuc tendenCIes peculiar to respecuve mo . Md' the local artistic idiom of Late Byzantme ace ~m.a. . The findings of tl1e survey of mo~umen.tal palIlu~g m Constan_ . I Byzantine Macedonia, and NIistra )'1elded eqUIvocal evidence unop e, . I ., . . d concerning the existence of reglOna van~uon m atutu es .towards The pIcture is ation of contemporary matenal culture. ent · . . . . tl1e repres one of chronological ratller than geographIcal dlvefSlficatlOn. An interest in the representation of co~temp~rary artefacts-manifested either in the particular attention W1th wlllch common artefact-types were rendered or in the introduc~on ~f uncommon. types beyond the dictates of iconographic necessIty-Is observable m monuments created in the late thirteenth century and the early fourteenth century at Mistra (Metropolis) and in Byzantine Macedonia (Peribleptos in Ohrid and the Protaton). Apparently, the interest in the fonns of contemporary material culture began to recede in monuments created in Byzantine lands from the second decade of the fourteenth century onwards. The pictorial decoration of St. Nicholas Orphanos in Thessalonike is exceptional in this respect.

The Cultural Context The tendencies towards realism observed in twelfth-century painting, with the emotive participation of the characters in the events represented together with attempts at a convincing rendering of depth and the spatial relationship between the figures and their setting, l47 were further developed in the Late Byzantine period. An interest in the representation of the forms of contemporary material culture, beyond the dictates of traditional iconography, also continued especially in monuments dating to the late thirteenth and early fourteenth century. The 'realism' of Palaiologan art was motivated, however, by different forces than that of Komnenian art. The representation of contemporary artefacts in Palaiologan contexts appears

U1 Mouriki, 'Stylistic Trends-14th c.'; T. Vel mans, 'Les valeurs affectives ~a~ la peinture murale Byzantine au XIIle siecle et la maniere de les represcn~er, m $ymp. Sopciani, pp. 47-57; uukm, 'Le role du decor architectural et la rep~s~nta. lion de I'espace dans la pcinture des Paleologues,' CA 14 (1964), pp. 183-2 .

273

to have been a consequence of a gen~ral interest in incidental detail. This interest can be, at least partly, mterpreted in terms of the role Byzantine religious art was called upon to play in a period of politl1B ical decline and turmoil. The f~ithful needed spiritual support and comfort; ~ey needed ~o be remmded and convinced of the reality of God's mvolve~ent m all aspects ~f everyday existence, through Christ and the samts, and through HIS Church and His ministers. I.. Byzantine art was obliged to develop new iconographic solutions to face this challenge. 150 The stress laid on narrative detail appears to be one of the means adopted to underline the connection of the images to everyday experience. Yet, the creators of Byzantine religious art often preferred to turn to older artistic prototypes rather than to contemporary daily life for inspiration for such details. This recourse to older artistic models was a conscious process which is best understood within the broader framework of the literary and artistic movement which modern scholars have described as the 'Palaiologan renaissance'. 151 This revival movement was distinguished by an intensified emulation of antique pictorial fonns and themes, though for the most part indirectly, through the medium of the classicising works of the tenth century. This imitation of antique models did not lead to a concomitant revival of the fundamental principles, including the love of the sensible world, which had animated Hellenistic and Roman culture. Demus has drawn attention to the fact that this renaissance went through successive stages during which the stress was laid on the

us ~or a general historical survey of the period see Ostrogorsky, History of the BY
J.

Meyendorff, 'Spiritual Trends in Byzantium in the Late Thirteenth and

Early Fourteenth Centuries,' in Studies, pp. 95-lO6; idem, 'Society and Culture in the Fourteenth Century. Religious Problems,' XIV ClEE (Buc.rest, 1975), I, pp. 11,1;;124; Gouma-Peterson, 'Christ as Ministrant,' pp. 197-216. I See T. Velmans, La peilllure flj!zantille a la fill du Moym ffge (Paris, 1978). See, ~ so, S: Dufrenne, 'L'enrichissement du programme iconographique clans les eglises ~tInes du XIII~ sh!cle,' in Symp. Sopocalli, esp. pp. 41-43. I S On the. character and sources of the Palaiologan renaissance see, s.elective1y, \\7 ~'cenko) The Palaeologa~ Renaissance,' in Reuaissances bifore tire Renarssance,. e~l. Clim:ea?gold (St~nford,
CHAPTER

274

SIX

COMMENrARY

. f d' ffc . nt aspects of antique arc'52 Its earlier stage, the emulanon 0 I ele I I C dlirteendl ccntUlY to t le ear y lourteenth cen_ last decades 0 f dle . .I I . . ·, . hed by a preoccupation Wit 1 t le plastiCity and tu'" was dIstl11gUlS . I . . al'Ity 0 f the human form, the quasI t lree-dl1nensional dle. " corpOle . raI I ments of the background, and the concern for the arc!lltectu ee . I. b I fi . d.' g of spatial relations ups etween t le gures and correct Ien e n n . , " . . . The 'cubist manner was an offshoot of tlus claSSical' dlelr setung. . ' 153 Th' . d I hase of Early Palaiologan pal11t1ng.· . e ~urn towar s ess ~rnate p more so I'd of and I fonns observed at the time III the . representation . furniture and furnishings should perhaps be seen 111 the hght of these . d velopments which favoured volume and monumentality at styIisnc e ddi . .L.: aI e of decorative effect. In a TIon, llllS gener turn towards the expens . . I" dC . 'physical' kind of realism 111 re IglOUS art create lavourable . . . a ,~gorous, conditions for the manifestation of an I11terest 111 m~ten~ cul~ure which is evidenced in some of the monuments create~ 111 tillS penod. In its subsequent phase, exemplified by ~he mosaics and frescoes of the Chora, the revival movemen~ acqUIred ~ ~ronounce~ antiquarian character with tile reprodUCTIon of certam. IconographiC and stylistic de,~ces, such as od~ pos~res and unusual vle~ of the human body, figures dressed in flymg hzmatza, elaborate .h~nglngs as parts of the setting, peculiar architectural structures, gnsallle elements, and masks. These features were quarried for the most part from works of the tenth century. Such an eclectic approach towards Hellenistic and Roman art was not likely to awaken or sustain an interest in the observation and representation of tl1e sensible world.

Conclusions The evidence on chronological diversification is much clearer than the evidence on regional diversity. Typological changes in the appe~r ance of actual artefacts, especially of imperial costume, of offiCial costume in the Middle Byzantine period, of military equipment, and of writing implements, were duly reflected in religious art irrespecwith Elements of Daily Life in Two Palaeologan Frescoes Depicting thc Bhtism~ in OkMTWS. Essqys Presented w flwr Sevi'enlw, cds. C. Mango and 0 .. Pntsak,. an\ UkranUui Studus VII (1983), pp. 458-488; Kitzinger, 'The Rcllclllsnc Rentage I Byzantine Art'. 15' Demus, 'The Style of the Kariye Djami,' esp. pp. 156-159. , S le of IS' Demus, 'Die Entstehung des Paliiologenstils,' pp. ~2-31; Idem, The d the Kariye Djauti,' pp. 131-148; Belting, Mango, Mouriki, 171t.MosOles;n t:~l'. if SI. Mary Pammalwrisws, pp. 102-103; Vclmans, 'Le role du decor arc Itec

A",otf

275

tive of realistic stylistic t~ndencies or lac~ of th~~ at any given period. What is more, the altitude of Byzantme rehglous art towards the depiction of certain artefact-types was. found to va~ from one period the next in response to the changing cultural mterests and artis~c tastes of Byzantine society. One has in mind, for example, the articular interest in the realistic representation of the costume of ~ommoners in twelfth-century contexts; the tendency towards diversification in the rendition of military costume from the twelfth century onward; the taste for richly adorned furniture and elaborately patterned textile furnishings in eleventh- and twelfth-century contexts and the preference for more 'solid' and sober forms in the following period; and the tendency to expand the inventory of domestic utensils, especially tableware, from the twelfth century onward. The twelfth centUly, especially the second half, and the late thirteenth and early fourteenth century emerge as periods of 'realism' in the depiction of costume and paraphernalia. The attention given to realistic representations of artefacts during these two periods could be understood as a manifestation of a general turn towards greater realism in art at the time. This turn is observable in the attempts at psychological characterization of the figures, in the search, in the Palaiologan period, for volume, in the naturalistic depiction of the landscape, and in the preoccupation \vith the correct spatial relationship between the human figures and their pictorial setting. The fact that the pictorial ensembles which have come down to us from Constantinople are few and fragJllentary constitutes a serious impediment to the enquiry into regional diversification. In the eleventh and twelfth centuries, as well as in the Late Byzantine period there existed an interregional vocabulary of commonly represented artefact-types. The occurrence of standard types in roughly contemporaneous monuments in all parts of the empire argues in favour of the initial dissemination of these types from an influential artistic centre which appears to have been Constantinople. Differences in the typology of certain artefact-types as encountered in contemporaneous monuments created in different parts of the empire can be considered to reflect either regional diversification in material culture, as for example in the case of items of the costume of commoners, or the availability of non-Byzantine artistic models in a particular area, as for example in the case of certain items of western militaty equipment in the churches of Mistra. As for the manifestation of 'realistic' tendencies in the depiction of artefacts in certain provincial

COMMENTARY cHAPTER SIX

276 mOIluments, this is better understood as a loc~ adaptation of a general trend probably emanati.ng fr~m Constantlllopl? That the decoration of the monuments 111 winch such tendencies are observed evidences in many other respects. an awaren~ss of recent iconographic and stylistic developments 111 metropolitan art corroborates this assertion. C.

CREATORS AND RECIPIENTS OF RELIGIOUS ART AS FACTORS

INFLUENCING THE OccURRENCE OF REAUA

Within the framework provided by dogmatic restrictions, tradition general cultural trends, and standard artistic. pI:ac~c.es, the treatmen; of representations of contemporary artefacts III IIldlVldual monuments depended on the skills of the artists and on the tastes of the patrons. Given the limitations placed on artistic creativity by the Orthodox icon theory,'" it is unlikely that the initiative for the initial introduction of artefacts which served an important semiotic function lay \\~th tlIe artists. Their role in the adoption of artefact-types which served as distinctive attributes of individual figures or those which reflected the Byzantine conceptualisation of the spiritual world in terms of the imperial government must have been marginal. As to the initial introduction of fashionable or fashionably represented artefact-types which had no significative function, famous artists, like Pantoleon in the early eleventh century and Eulalios in the second half of the twelfth, lSS might have been influential in triggering a trend. The presence of fashionable or fashionably represented artefact-types in a religious composition left the essence of its message unaffected and as such it would not provoke opposition from the theologians. Given that we are dealing with secondary

l~ See above, note 2. See, also, Grabar, L'icOllOclasme lryzantill, pp. 299-302; R. Connack, 'Painting afler Iconoclasm,' in Iconoclasm, pp. 147-163; Dagron, 'Holy Images and Likeness,' pp. 23, 25, 33; A. Guillou, 'Le monde des images a Byzance: in Byzanct et Its iml1gp, p. 35; T. Velmans, 'Aspects du conditionnement de l'artiste byzantin: Ics commanditaires, Ies modeles, les doctrines,' in ATlisles, artisans et production artistique 0/1 1I10)'ffl Age, vol. lI: commande et travail, ed. X. Barral i Allet (Paris, 1987), pp. 79-97. '" Sce Mango, 17" Art if the Byzantine Empire, pp. 213-214 (PanlOleon), 229-233 (Eulalios); I. sevcenko, 'On Pantoleon the Painter,' JOB 21 (1972), pp. 241-249, N. B~es, 'KunSlegischichtliche untersuchungen uber die Eulalios-frage ~nd de:. Mosaik-schmuck der Apostelkirche zu Konstantinopel,' Reperwriumfor !GmsfwlJJ""cha.r XXXIX (1916), pp. 97-117, 231-251; XL (1917), pp. 59-77.

277

details it may be assumed tl~at so~e artists felt relatively more liberty to reproduce types With which they were ·~~Mffi~ Ca '1' 0 at . . respo~se to the mcen~ves of t~e cul.tural climate of their times. Whilst the of dlssemmation of corn mon representa. mechamsms . b tions of realta, remam 0 scure, one may hypothesize aboutelnuence t h . fl . of travellmg workshops or of . patrons . on the process ' about the role f art, of portable works 0 d . "especially Illuminated manus' cnpts and panel icons, of157IconographiC types, 156 o and u ab t the use of • m the sprea roughly contemporane ous occurrence mouf or model books. The . of common artefact-types m monuments with a wide h' 'b . . f: f d' geograp ICal di. stn uuon argues m avour 0 Issemination from influential artistiC centres. The vocabulary of commonly-represented contemporary artelactr types was app~rently shared by all artists of lay or monastic background and .~thout any inhibitions on the part of the latter as to the.thacceptability of these forms. The representation of rlem ale gowns W1 trumpet-shaped sleeves and of fan-shaped head-dresses in two eleventh-cen.tury manusc~pts created in the scriptorium of the Stoudios m~nastery m Constantmople, namely the gospel-book Par. gr. 74 (mld-ele:ent~ century) and the 7heodore Psalter (1066),158 serves to illustrate thiS pomt. The quality of the reproductions of common artefac~-~es fluctuated from one monument to the next. The skills, trammg, and understanding of prototypes by the artist determined how successful his own reproductions would be. Some artists were content with mechanically reproducing such stock types, as illustrated by the treatment of female costume in a miniature from an eleventhcentury menologium, Esphigmenou 14, f. 415r. The miniature depicts the ab~se ~f a Levite's. concubine by the Benjamites of Gibeah (Judges 19.25) m two supenmposed registers. 15' In the top register the woman

K I~Vc::r. E. Kitzinger, 'The Role of :Miniature Painting in Mural Decoration,' in p~. 9~~~~~n~ et ~I., 17" Place if Book Illumillation ill Byzalltine Art (Princeton, 1975),

157 Th ' 1 ~n, Reftecuons on the Feast Cycle'. books w:r~U:~l~n whe.ther and ~n what w~y pictorial guides and motif O!' ~odel Mrmreal oyed In Byzantium remams open, see, for example, Kitzmger, carnet ~r!tli -~3;" S. ~er ,~ersessian, 'Copies de peintures byzanrines dans un 'l\1usterbu /" en e modeles, CA 18 (1968), esp. pp. 111-112; H. Buchlhal, Th, 1979) C l13'!! Wo!fellbl/tlel alld lis Positiol/ ill lile Art if Ih, 17,ir/eenih eel/tury (Vienna, 15. 'd'p. -18; O. Demus, Byzanlille Art alld Ihe West (London, 1970), pp. 31-38. gues, fi~.n~~i A15 Grec 74, pIs. 67, 71, 164; Der Nersessian, L'illustrah"o/i de PSQutitTS

6l

I~ Pelekanides et al., Treasures, Il,

fig. 401.

CHAPTER SIX

278 . ollventional pink gown. In the register below, the sam appears In a c d e ink gown with trumpet-shape sleeves. Other artists woman wears a P I . . I d piction of current artefact-types t le potential to displa saw In tIe e . . r' . Y . kiI' I d took advantage of It. Room 101' mnovatlOn in term their s s an .. . s . graph)' was limited. Hence, It was largely 111 the treatment I'11)' 0 f t Ile artist . could mak of lcono tails that the persona of secon dary de . e itself felt. Looking, for example, at the representatlOn of the military . t of Joshua at Hosios Loukas or of St. Merkurios at the eqUlpmen .. Protaton (PIs. 118, 124), at the depictIon of woo~en furniture at SI. Nicholas Orphanos (PIs. 92, 189), at the casket 111 the hands of SI. Pante\eimon at Sts. Anargyroi in Kastoria (PI. 196), and at the vessels in the hands of the visiting women at Nerezi (PI. 233), one derives the impression that the respective artists delighted in creating these images in which their artistry. was rev.ealed. ''\Thether their motivation in doing so was a personal mterest m the observation of their surrounding world or their ,,~sh to earn the acknowledgment of their patron and the public for their skills is unknown. '60 As to unique representations of artefacts, it is not always easy to discern where the will of the patron stops and that of the artist begins, even more so when the identity of the donor and the circumstances of his/her foundation remain obscure. The e\~dence as to whether different artistic workshops had their own distinctive artefact-vocabulary or a preference for the representation of certain artefact-types is ambivalent. The occurrence of identical ornate kalamaria and female imperial costume at the Anastasis in Verroia and at St. Nicholas Orphanos in Thessalonike seem to suggest that this was not unlikely. On the other hand, the lack of consistency between the inventory of realia encountered at the Peribleptos in Ohrid, at Cucer, and at Staro NagoriCino, all three painted by the workshop of Michael Astrapas and Eutychios and the latter two at the behest of king !vIilutin,'61 suggests that a workshop'S vocabulary of realia was far from being rigid. Rather, it seems, the treatment of realia in individual commissions could be affected by changes in the stylistic idiom of the workshop and influenced by the

'00 er. Buchthal and Belting, Patronage in TIlirteentil-Cl!1ltury Constantinople, .p. .54~ '~ is only in costly and exceptional books that they [the painters] aimed at mdlVl U _ achievements'; in other words, in contexlS where such achievements would be appre cialed. 16' See Millet and Frolow, La peinture du MayC/l Age, Ill, pis. 1-18 (Petibleptos), 31-53 (SI. Nikita, Cueer), 7H 19 (Staro NagoriCino).

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279

nature of the creative sources and artistic models at the disposal of the artists in each case. The twelfth century, which saw an increasing diversity in the rendition o.f co~te,?,po~ary art~facts an~ the earli?st. occurrence of representations mtlmatlng an mterest m the deplctlOn of the material world independent of iconographic necessities, was the time when artists began to step out ?f their anonymity. Not only did they begin to sign their works but It was accepted as a legitimate practice for a famous master to include his self-portrait in the guise of one of the participants in a religious narrative scene, as Eulalios was supposed to have done in no less a monument than the Holy Apostles of Constantinople. '62 This development is a sign of the professional confidence and of the more general developments in Byzantine soeiery which allowed for the accentuation of individuality. That an increased, though always discreet, attention to the representation of material reality should be observed in religious painting for the first time in that period is not surprising considering that, as Grabar put it, 'l'observation directe de la nature est le fait de l'individu'.'63 It is in the work of gifted masters trained in the best Byzantine traditions that we encounter the most beautiful representations of contemporary artefacts. Trusting in their own talent and encouraged by the artistic climate of their times, the artists of Nerezi, of Kurbinovo, of Panagia Arakiotissa, of the Protaton, the Peribleptos in Ohrid, and of Vatopedi took advantage of the potential offered them by their medium and explored new possibilities without ever making a complete break with tradition. Special mention should be made of the artists responsible for the decoration of St. Nicholas Orphanos at Thessalonike. Their work shows stylistic similarities with the work of Kallierges at Verroia and with that of lvIichael Astrapas and Eutychios at SI. Nikita, Cucer, and at Staro NagoriCino. All these artists had their roots in the same artistic tradition and may have even been trained in the same workshop.'64 Still, the painted decoration of the '02 O. Dcmus, "'The Sleepless Watcher". Ein Erklarungsversuch,' JOB 28 (1979), pp. 241-245. This development does not denote a change in the social status of the, pain~ers in Byzantine society. Down to the Late Byzantine period, painters in their ma.Jority were counted among the ranks of artisans and specialized craftsmen, see S: ~alopissi-Vcrti) 'Painters in Late Byzantine Society: The Evidence of Church [~~npl1ons,' CA 42 (1994), pp. 139-158. 16-1 Grabar, L'icolloclasme byzatllin, p. 302. . '. .. ' Vehnans, 'Les frcsques de Saint Nicholas Orphanos/ pa5~lm; lvIounki, 'Styhsuc l rends-14th c.,' p. 61.

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'k onument stands out from the other three for it ThessaloJ1l an m . . . . s 'I .on Cc I' realistic detalI 111 the deplCl10n of artefacts and its d re ,eco 0 . ' d'I I' . . P . . th mes directly 111splred from al y Ife. Such a slgmficant 111terest 111 e . . difference in the treatment of subJect-matte~ as eVIdenced at SI. Nicholas could have only been caused b: a ,~s~ to comply with the patron. Seen 111 thIS hght the artists of St f the unknown deman ds o . . . Nicholas appear as remarkably capa~I~ of adaptmg theIr idiom to the new requirements of their c~m~l.sslOn. . Evaluating the influence that 111diVldu~ p~trons mIght have had the introduction of realia into the ptctonal decoration of their ~:mmissions is not always possible given that often their identity and personal circumstances are .not known. ~he represent~tion of contemporary artefact-types whi.ch h~d been mcorporate~ mto the artistic vocabulary of a given penod eIther as pers?nal attnbutes or under the influence of the collective tastes of Byzantme socIety were impersonal in character as they can be found in monuments varying in their social range of patronage. It would seem that the rank or gender of the patron did not have any direct bearing on the occurrence of such artefacts in his/her foundation. As to the identity of those responsible for their initial adoption by Byzantine art one can do no more than speculate. In the case of distinctive attributes endowed to individual saints it has been suggested that it was tlle clergy of the most venerated sanctuary of a saint, located where hel she had been martyred or where his/her relics were kept, who had been instrumental in the creation and promotion of the standard iconographic type of that particular saint.'6' In the case of the attribution of the imperial loros-costume to the archangels and of the eparchic costume to Pilate in Middle Byzantine contexts, one expects that those responsible must have had, in addition to their theological education, a knowledge of the symbolism of imperial insignia and inlperial ceremonial. Persons with such qualifications could have been found within the patriarchal and the imperial circles of the capital, but their identity remains elusive. The adoption of imperial and official costume, and of impe~al imagery in general, might have been cultivated by the state whIch was keen to propagate its image as the reflection of the Heave.nIy Kingdom on Earth and to perpetuate the concept of its own hler-

'65

Mouriki, 1I1t Mosaics

of Nea

Moni, pp. 147, 211-212.

COMMENTARY

281

archical structure as mirroring that of the Universe. The Byzantine world-view must have instigated and, at the same time justified, the use of imperial and official insignia in religious iconography. That this use met the approval of the imperial government, which was otherwise fiercely defensive .of its own prerogatives, is equally plausible. However, I do not thmk that one should seek temporal political motives behind every representation of imperial and official insignia in religious contexts. The initial introduction of fashionable or fashionably represented artefact-types into religious contexts might have been determined by tlle preferences of a class of influential patrons. In the case of contemporary military equipment used in the portrayal of military saints the initiative may have originated with the members of the military aristocracy who regarded the military saints as their comrades-inarms. One, however, should be cautious in advancing this hypothesis. The ubiquitous presence of military saints in works of art commissioned by donors spanning the social spectrum in the Middle and in the Late Byzantine periods indicates that these saints' popularity as effective guardians against spiritual and natural enemies was widespread. Consequently the promotion of their cult cannot be preferentially associated with any particular social groUp.l66 Nor does the introduction of anecdotal details of a 'popular' character into religious contexts always imply low social status of the donors of the work of art in which these elements appear.167 The presence of the peddlar carrying an amphora or a jar on his back in the Birth of SI. Nicholas at his church at Platsa in the Mani (PI. 237) might indeed be a reflection of the life of the local community whose members-priests and simple laymen-had collectively sponsored that part of the decoration of the church.'68 On the other hand, the portrayal of the shepherds and the sheepfold at Kurbinovo (PI. 214) appears to be unrelated to the rank of the unknown patron

.I~ O~ the problem of considering the social rank of patrons as a f.1.ctor determml~g Iconographic developments see R. Connack, 'Alistocratic Patronage of the

Arts In llth- and 12th-CentUlY Byzantium,' in Byzantine Aristocracy, pp. 158-172. 16~ The following thoughts on the potential contribution of indh~dual patrons to the lIltroduction of 'popular' elements in religious iconography have been triggered by observations of modem historians and philologists investigating the infiltration of popular elements (subject-matter, language) into Byzantine literature obsclV'ed from the twelfth century onward. '''' See Mouriki, 1IIe Frescoes 'If SI. Nic//Olas al PllIlsa, pp. 17-18, 45.

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generally thought to have belonged to the upper le~e\s of Byzantine society. Thus, the occurrence of popular. elements m religious contexts could be taken to denote a change m the. m~ntality and tastes of the educated upper classes, lay and eccleslaslic patrons of art included. Alternatively, it may reflect a more general cultural trend towards popularisation. '69 There i~ also the poss~bility that on certain occasions popular elements might have been mtroduced to cater for the needs of a foreign Hellen~sed p~tl:on, who ei~her did not understand the subtleties of Byzanline arustlc language I ,0 or did not feel as bound by the constraints of tradition as his Byzantine counterparts did. Seen in tllis light, popular elements in the decoration of St. Nicholas Orphanos (1310-1320) (Pis. 189,236) make the identification of ilie donor wiili king Milutin of Serbia appear plausible. The personality of indi\~dual donors, their education, interests tastes, and their motives in commissioning a work of art must hav~ been a determining factor in the occurrence of realia-whether widely represented or unique-in their foundations. This point may be illustrated by a brief discussion of the cases of Eumathios Philokales, of ilie Lemniotes family, of Theodore Metochites, and of king Milutin of Serbia. Philokaies, Metochites, and Milutin are well-known figures, while ilie dedicatory inscriptions and the donors' portraits at Sts. Anargyroi, Kastoria, prO\~de interesting insights in the personality and aspirations of the members of ilie Lemniotes family. The doux of Cyprus Eumathios Philokales was the founder of the norm church of ilie Koutsovendes Monastery in Cyprus. Despite his being a successful general, military saints do not figure prominently in ilie decoration of his foundation; those who do appear were represented in the chlamys-costume of the martyrs, not in armour. Given iliat Philokaies' foundation was a monastic church constructed, according to ilie dedicatory inscription, for the expiation of past sins it is not surprising to find iliat portraits of saintly monks and ascetics predominate. Military saints were portrayed as members of ilie Heavenly Court-and consequently as mediators-not as warriors.

'69 Kazhdan and Epstein, Change in Byzantine Culture, pp. 83-99; Magdalino, Maauet I K~tnne1Ws, pp. 395-396; Velmans, La pein/ure Iryzall/ille, p. 50 . . 1,0

The. suggestion that non-Byzantine literary patrons in twelfth-century Consta?-

tmople mlght have in some way influenced the introduction of popular elements

iJ1

the literature of the period was put forward by Prof. M. Jelfreys in a paper presented at the Byzantine Studies Seminar, University of Oxford, in Michaelmas 1991.

PLATES 134-244

SI. Nicholas Orphanos ( 13 10- 1320). St. Artemios. (photo Ivan Djordjev ic)

150. Verroia, church of the Anastasis ( 13 15). SI. Demerrios. (photo Dusan Tasic)

a sword (found together; probably eleventh Studies. Corinth Excavations)

156. Naumburg. The slVord of count Ekkehard (1260) . [after Oakeshott E., The Archaeology of Weapons. Arms and Armour from PrehislOlY 10 the Age of Chivalry (London, 1960), fig. 12 I]

( I. 0.1 82 m)

( I. 0.1 62 m)

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Spearhead types from Byzantine contexts (not to scale). (pholO American School of Classica l Studies. Corinth Excavations)

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Leaf-shaped iron arrowheads from Byzantine contexts. (photo by l. L. Bartziotou. American School of Classical Studies. Corinth Excavations)

The Holy Metropolis of Paphos, double-sided icon (late twelfth celllu ry), James the Persian. (photo The Holy Metropolis of Paphos. with the kind permission of the Metropo litan of Paphos)

Bronze stand for a small vessel or glass lamp, consisting of two detachable (photo by I. loannidou and L. Bartziotou, American School of Classical Studies. Corinth Excavations)

168. Bulgaria . Rila MonastelY. Episcopal throne (fourteenth centlllY) . (photo Rossen Kolev)

Staatsbibliothek Prellssischer KlIlrurbesitz, ms. (heal. IM. quare. 3. cover. of a now-dismantled tenth-ce ntury ivory tri ptych with a Deesis, in secondary use, (photo Staatsbibliothek ZlI Berlin - Prellss ischer Kuitllrbesitz)

John, chapel of SI. Leontios, east wa ll flanked by archangels, detail. lafter MoUptKq N,., _ _Ltto~,", tIJ~ Mov~~ tOU ElEOYOYOU (Jt~V nat~o : llXAE 14

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COMM ENT A RY

283

By contrast, Th codo re Lemn iotes, whose family comm issioned the second layer of the painted decoration of the church of the Sts. Anargyroi a t K astoria in the late twelfth century, had no apparent connections to the imperial mili taty establ ishment.'" Yet, the decoration of the nave of Sts. Anargyroi is domin ated by figures of military saints in armour, among whom SI. Demetrios, in contemporary ceremonial military costume, holds primacy of place (PI. 123). Kastoria was a n importa nt strategic and economic centre in the region at the time of the Ko mnenoi. T his circumstance provides the historical context against which the overtly Constantinopolitan echoes in this provincial foundation may be understood. '" The contemporary ceremon ial armour of SI. Demetlios may be the result of the keenness of the do nors to align themselves with Constanti nopolitan practices. That tl,e wife of the donor, Anna R adene, was earnest in emulating th e fashion of the capital becomes obvious in her portrrut in the church: her costume and hairstyle are comparable to those of the ladies in the court of Constantinople at the time (Pis. 83, 84). She must have bee n thc more influ ential of the pair since she was portrayed slightly la rger in scale than her husband and son and was given the place of ho nour, alone on tlle right of the Virgin. '" At the time of the renovation of the Chora Monaster), (1315- 132 1), Theodore M etochites was prime-minister and head of the treasury of the state. H e was considered tl, e richest man in the empire after the emperor. Appa rently, he augmented his wealth by dispensing dignities for a fee a nd, perhaps, by profitecring from the collection of taxes. He undertook the restoration of the Chora at a time of relative political stability and prosperity fo r the t1iminished empire. government's fi scal policies had been rewarded by an increase the state revenue. H owever, the benefits of tl,cse policies proved be sho rt-lived, while the discontent they provoked proved t1isasfor both the emperor and his prime-minister. l7'

,

COMMENTARY

283

By contrast, Theodore Lemniotes, whose family commissioned the second layer of the painted decoration of the church of the Sts. Anargyroi at Kastoria in the late twelfth century, had no apparent connections to the imperial military establishment. I " Yet, the decoration of the nave of Sts. Anargyroi is dominated by figures of military saints in mm our, among whom St. Demetrios, in Contemporary ceremonial military costume, holds primacy of place (PI. 123). Kastoria was an important strategic and economic centre in the region at the time of the Komnenoi. This circumstance provides the historical context against which the overtly Constantinopolitan echoes in this provincial foundation may be understood." 2 The contemporary ceremonial armour of St. Demetrios may be the result of the keenness of the donors to align themselves with Constantinopolitan practices. That the wife of the donor, Anna Radene, was earnest in emulating the fashion of the capital becomes obvious in her portrait in the church: her costume and hairstyle are comparable to those of the ladies in the court of Constantinople at the time (Pis. 83, 8+). She must have been the more influential of the pair since she was portrayed slightly larger in scale than her husband and Son and was given the place of honour, alone on the right of the Virgin. m At the time of the renovation of the Chora Monastery (1315-1321), Theodore Metochites was prime-minister and head of the treasury of the state. He was considered the richest man in the empire after the emperor. Apparently, he augmented his wealth by dispensing dignities for a fee and, perhaps, by profiteering from the collection of taxes. He undertook the restoration of the Chora at a time of relative political stability and prosperity for the diminished empire. The government's fiscal policies had been rewarded by an increase in the state revenue. However, the benefits of these policies proved to be short-lived, while the discontent they provoked proved disastrous for both the emperor and his plime-minister.17' 171

Pelekanides and Chat'li.dakes) KastQria, pp. 39, +3.

I" E. IIpaKonouAou, H "6,1.,, Try<; Kcxcnopux<; try f3u'cxvnv~ Kall'£tcxf3u'avn~ "'om

(J 2"-11)>; al'). lcnop{a- Tixvry-Elrlypaq>i<; (Adlen,! 1997),. pp. 27-56., 173 On the aristocl1l.tic family of the Ro'lcienOl see Ibid., pp. 33-34. For a!lo.th~r twelve-century portrait in which the wife was given the place of honour. ns-a-\;s her husband because of her influential ft"unily see Ch. Pennas, 'Some Ans{oc~uc

Founders; The Fmmdallon of Panaghia Krena on Chios)' ill bp.alllill, cd.

11~

J.

Perreault (Athens, 1991), pp. 61-66.

us jenullfs (t

k mOIlQChlSlTlt

'.

Sevcenko, 'Theodorc n.'Ietochites,' pp. 2.... -37; Nelson, 'Taxauon 'nth scmauon,' pp. 63~67.

Repre~

284

CHAPTER

SIX

Metochites undertook the work of the restoration following a suggestion of the emperor himself. .Metochites' motivatio~ !~ resp?~d ing to this suggestion was mamfold: the h?pe of SOhCItI~g dIvm.e rotection from evil in this world and secunng the salvatIon. of hIS Poul in the next· the desire to create a secure refuge for himself, s , I. '1 nee he retired from public life; the wish to appease l1S gl1l ty con°cience and those accusing him of rapacity by showing himself a ~nerous patron of the Church ~nd. monks, who were ~rdent c~tics of heavy taxation and its explOItatIon by t~le responsible offiCials; and, not least, his desire to achieve everlastIng fame as the patron of an outstanding work of art. 175 No expense was spared and the best masters in the capital were employed for the decoration of the church. Metochites' intellectual interests lay in the study of philosophy and rhetoric and in the contemplation of human nature and history. He had also developed a deep interest in astronomy. However, his approach to this discipline was a theoretical one. ~e did not p.roceed to experimental exploration in the field. The direct observatIon of the sensible world and its scientific investigation did not form part of his intellectual pursuits. Metochites' humanism was antiquarian in nature. His written style, intentionally precious and convoluted, was laden with excerpts from ancient authors.!'· In comparable manner the mosaics and frescoes of his foundation were sprinkled with 'quotations' borrowed from antique art. Metochites was also much involved in the public life of his times. This involvement left him tainted to the degree that he felt the need to justifY his actions, not only in his writings but also in the mosaics of his own church. Nelson has argued that the programme of the exonarthex, with the Nativity cycle in the north part and the cycle of the Massacre of the Innocents in the south part, could be read as having a subtle political message which alludes to the salutatory effects of good government and the disastrous effects of bad go~ ernment. 177 The scene of the Enrolment for Taxation is placed prominently next to and preceding the Nativity. It is given an unprecedented elaborate treatment (PI. 93). According to Nelson, by highlighting the Holy Family'S willing submission to the census, the act of taxation is 'sacralised' and ideologically validated as a requisite of good '" Sevcenko, 'Theodore Metochites,' pp. 32-33, pp. 50-51. pp. 37-51. In Nelson, 'Taxation with Representation'.

"6 Ibid.,

COMMENTARY

285

government and stability.'''' It is in this scene that wc encounter an iconographically signifi:ative r~presentation of a contemporary-looking artefact: the promment tnangular head-dress of Kyrenius. This in association with other accoutrements of power, such as tile rod or scroll, the throne, the footstool, and the raised sword, identifY Kyrenius as an official of the state and a figure of legitimate authority. In the light of Nelson's interpretation, tile head-dress may have been introduced to highlight the connection of the biblical official to his Byzantine counterparts, if not to Metochites himself, who was portrayed wearing an equally impressive though different head-dress in tile donor's panel above the main entrance to the nave (PI. 69). To conclude, Theodore Metochites' intellectual pursuits did not favour the general introduction into his foundation of representations of contemporary artefacts inspired by the direct observation of the sensible world. His antiquarian interests may have impeded tile introduction of some types which had become fashionable, for example bows and quivers, though they did not stop tile infiltration of such elements completely (PI. 102). In the one case of a deliberate turn to imperial ceremonial and administration for inspiration, tIlis was done for the purpose of characterization and, possibly, of subtle political or even personal propaganda. A discussion of king Milutin of Serbia as a patron of religious art becomes relevant because of his possible association with tile church of St. Nicholas Orphanos in Thessalonike (1310-1320). The peculiar interest in daily life and the courtly atmosphere of some of tile paintings in this monument can be related, in my opinion, to western artistic influences. That such influences should occur in Thessalonike at that time is not surprising when one considers the presence of Italian merchants in the city and the fact tIlat between 1303 and 1317 the Byzantine empress Eirene, who was a western princess, also resided there. '7• The presence of the Italian merchants or of the empress and her court in Thessalonike, of course, is not enough to explain the occurrence of western influences in the church of .St. Nicholas. It may, however, point to alternative patlls tIlrough which such influences could have arrived in tile city. Eirene herself was

"8 Ibid., pp. 56-63. . ... d XIV' 179 F. Thiriet, 'Les Venitiens a Thessalonique clans la p~nuere mOlUe ~l siecle,' Byzalllioll 22 (1952), pp. 323-332; LaiOll, Cons/all/moplt al/d Iht Lahns, pp. 299-230.

CHAPTER SIX

COMMENTARY

not the founder of the church of St. Nicholas; there is no evidence that she was ill\'olved in the foundation of churches during her welldocumented stay in Thessalonike. 18o On the other hand, it is known that Eirene's son-in-law, king NIilutin, definitely was. Milutin was responsible for the foundation of a number of churches in Thessalonike, including one dedicated to St. Nicholas. 181 What is more, d,e masters ~vfichael Astrapas and Eutychios whom he employed for d,e decoration of some of his foundations in Serbian Macedonia came fium Thessalonike. Milutin was in close contact wiili d,e empress Eirene d1roughout her stay in that city. She lavished gifts upon him and he negotiated ,,,id, her the possibility iliat one of her sons would succeed him on ilie throne of Serbia. 18' Although Milutin was an extremely powerful, able, and ambitious man, his authority was not uncontested and ilie legitimacy of Ius rule was put into question. His close relations ,,~ili Eirene, his abandonment of his initial expansionist policy against Byzantium, and the intensification of ilie Byzantinization of the Serbian court and culture provoked ilie discontent and often violent reaction of the powerful Serbian aristocracy. In ilie face of opposition, Milutin strove to strengthen his position by winning over ilie support of d,e Serbian Church and by exploiting his association wiili d,e Byzantine emperor. His use of art for validating his rule, for moIIif)'ing his opponents, and for flattering supporters was masterly.183 He was not a man inhibited by tradition in his choice of ilie architectural or pictorial idiom in each of his foundations: he would follow tradition if it served his own ends, but he would also encourage d,e creation of new forms or the imitation of non-Serbian ones if tlUs was deemed desirable. 184 :Milutin was certainly not adverse to the representation of realia in ilie mural decoration of his religious foundations. The Birth of the Virgin in the church of Sts. Joachim and Anna at Studenica (1314) (PI. 244) and, especially, the Wedding at Cana at St. Nikita, Oucer (1308-1320) (PI. 241) serve to illustrate this point. The wedding feast has received an elaborately detailed treatment and is imbued with

an entirely secular, courtly atmosphere not unlike that who h .' IC appears in some of t.he .scenes at St. Nlcholas Orphanos in Thessalonike. A man like M'lut~n could have been the donor of the painted decoration of SI. ~Icholas Orphanos. Certainly, Milutin, whose mother was a Cathohc,. would not have felt inhibited in the use of western artistic :"oclels If he thou?h~ that this would flatter his influential mother-m-Iaw. ~hether thiS IS what actually happened remains subject to speculatIOn. 18, Having discussed artists and patrons, let us now turn to the re ClP . _ • . . ients of Byzantme rehglOus art to consider their potential role in the 18G occurrence o~ realia. The insistence on the 'true-to-life' quality of images constitutes a wpos of the rhetorical genre of the ekphrasis to which all Byza~tine descriptions of pictorial works of art belong. Whatever meanmg scholars have been keen to read into this literary cliche of life-likeness,187 one thing is certain: these rhetorical descriptions do not denote any expectation on ilie part of ilie Byzantines for a greater degree of naturalism in religious art. In fact, when some of them came into contact with ilie illusionistic religious art of the West, iliey rejected it being unable to recognize the saints whose images they saw. IS8 What the Byzantines apparently expected from their religious images, wheilier of saintly personages or events, was that iliey con-

286

Hill

Rautman, 'Aspects of :Monastic Patronage,' p. 64.

Kissas, 'Slpski srednjovekovni spomenici u Solunu'. See above, note 179. , \Valter, 'Iconographical Sources'; S. CurCic, Gracallica. Killg Afiluh'lI's Church aud lis Pkue in Lot. Byt.aJl1ult Arcliileclure (University Park and London, 1979), esp. pp. 5-11, 138-143; S.C:irkovic, V. Korac, G. Babic, SluMnica Monastery (Belgrade, 1986), pp. 90-91, 113. 181

182

183

UH

Cr. Cureic,

Gralmuca, passim.

287

lS;' Regardless of whether the identification of king lvlilutin as the founder of St. Nicholas Orphanos is accepted, the potential role of Serbia as an intermediary through which western artistic influences could have arrived in Late Byzantine Thessalonike deserves closer investigation. 186 In the case of private commissions, like devotional and funeral), chapels, manuscripts, and icons, patrons and recipients were identified. (81 See, selectively, H. Lvlaguire, 'Truth and Convention in Byzantine Descriptions of Works of Art,' DOP 28 (1974), pp. 111-140; idem, Image and Imagination: Th, Byzantine Epigram as Evidence for Viewer Response (Toronto, 1996); L. James an? R. vVebb, '1.11'0 Understand Ultimate Things and Enter Secret Places": EkphraslS and Art in Byzantium,' Arl Hislol)' 14 (1991), pp. 1-17. . 1811 See the comments of Gregory ~'Ielissenos, a member of the Byzantme dcI:galion at the Council of Ferrara (1438), translated by l\Iango, 77le Art 0/ Ill: -!!>'.tanhTI( Empire, p. 254. Note that despite his negative attitude towards "lcstem rehgIOus ~rt: .Melisscnos was in f.:1.vour of the Union, see n&.:u.a.:;, 'Aia9JlttKal. iU!Xl to')\' Bu~avt\Vrov> pp. 326-327. It should be mentioned that other Byzantine thinkers of the fifteenth century, like the emperor t\'Janucl II Palaiologos, John. Eugenikos, a~ld Manut'i Chrysoioras) who had travelled in the 'Vest and came mW contart WIth western art, expressed their admiration of its accomplishments in the field ot: th.t' observ~ li.on and the representation of nature. Yet, they do. not se~m to ~e~ ref~r~~lg t,o rchglOUS works of art, sce :Mango, 77le Art qf the By<.allfme Emplre, pp. 2.:>4-_5.:>, naUa~, 'Aicr6rttlKCd {oeo:t tOOV Buso:vtlvrov,' pp. 320-326.

CHAPTER SIX

COMMENTARY

tained a number of 'significant features' which helped the vi~wer to identify the subject of the images and, consequently, enable him/her to interact with them. 189 Thus onc may claim that the introduction into religious contexts of realia which served as distinctive attributes employed for characterization were i~ltroduced .with the needs .of the beholders in mind. Popular piety mIght have lllfluenced the Iconographic type of a particular saint i~ so far as. it condition.ed the ~e holders' expectations to see particular attnbutes associated With particular saints or categ~ri:s of. sain:s, though ~is was not strictly speaking required for their Identification as, for lllstance, the surgical instruments of the doctor saints, the assortment of weapons of tlle military saints, and the mallet of St. IVlarina.I'o Public belief may have also given rise to particular iconographic types of widely venerated saintly figures. In the Early Byzantine period, for example, popular and not truly Orthodox beliefs led to me representation of archangels in imperial costume. The widespread popularity of military saints as active protectors of the faithful against the power of evil, both physical and spiritual, may have been partly responsible for the promotion of their portrayal as warriors in the Middle and Late Byzantine periods. The fact that the same categories of stock contemporary artefacttypes are encountered in ecclesiastical buildings wim different functions, from monastic katholika to parish churches to private chapels, implies that the creators of the images expected that such items would have been intelligible to beholders belonging to different stations in life. Beholders would have had, however, different levels of understanding deteflllined by their own powers of observation, personal experience, education, and social status.I'1 In the eyes of one beholder, for example, the toros-costume of me archangels would have seemed in its brilliance as the appropriate attire for beings enjoying the proximity of God. Another, aware of the symbolism of the toros in the context of imperial ceremonial, might have appreciated the triumphal overtones of the imperial archangelic image, while a mird could have drawn a parallel between me archangels and the emperor on the basis of their sharing the same costume. In general, me faith-

ful would perhaps have felt reassured to see saintl fi d . . Y gures ressed m co~tempor.ary costume or holdlllg contemporary objects as attributes Slllce thiS manner of representation guarant d' ., '" ee m a way the samts proximity and their efficacy as competent t . . pro ectors agamst evil. Whether the ordlllary beholder would have been a bl e to read .. . hidden polIucal or topical messages behind the representau' I . d' ons, un ess they :-vere pOl~te out. to him/her, is questionable. Such hidden mea~lllgs .especI~lly behllld representations of artefacts derived from the Imper~~ ~nV1ronment were for the most part directed to a small group of ImtIates. l92 Some representations of realia were less conspicuous than others. In the case of monumental painting what we mostly looked at in this study were secondary details incorporated into the compositions that adorn the dome, the vaults, and the upper parts of the walls of the churches. As a rule, the Byzantine beholder had to contemplate such compositions from ground level, during the liturgy and under conditions which were not the most favourable for enhanced ~sibility, such as ~hysical obstacles like hanging lamps, poor lightmg, and clouds of Incense. From personal experience, I can say that if one stretched one's neck and looked hard enough one might have seen such representations, but I doubt that Byzantine beholders went into the trouble of doing so. In the words of Mathews, the faithful did not enter the church 'to work out puzzles in iconography' but to participate in me worship offered to God. I" The Byzantine beholders were, apparently, not disturbed by the presence of conventional, fanciful, and contemporary items side-by-side in the same context. I doubt whether the ordinary Byzantine beholder while contemplating a sacred image would have been interested in making distinctions between what was contemporary and what was conventional in the representation of artefacts. Rather, I would imagine, he or she was sensible of their presence only to the degree that their familiar aspect contributed to the collective impression created by the compositions, an impression of actuality and vitality which engaged mind and soul. l94

288

Cr. Nelson,
Brubaker, 'Byzantine Art in the Ninth Century,' p. 80; Maguire, leollS Bodies, p. 16. 190 Jezphanion, 'Les caracteristiques et les attributes des saints'. 191 cr. Baxandall, Painling and Experience, pp. 31-35, 40. 18'

of 77idr

289

193

290

CHAPTER SIX SYNOPSIS

At the conclusion of the inquilY into the nature of 'realism' in the depiction of dress and paraphern~ia in By~antine religious art of the eleventh to the fifteenth centunes two malO features emerge: the complexity of the phen01l1enon in terms of chronological and geographical definition, motivation, creative sources, and the identity of its instigators, and its independence for the most part from realistic stylistic tendencies in religious art. The motives behind the introduction of representations of contempoI
COMMENTARY

291

religious art , at the time and probably should be und crstoo d a~ one aspect of tbls broader development Examined geographically tbe representations of realia point to the existence of a com~on voc~bulary of currently represented artefacttypes shared by artl,sts wor~ng roughly at tbe same time in different parts of the Byz~ntme empire,. !he .artists in reproducing such Current types wer~ m all probablhty e.Ither following common artistic models or reahgmng themselves WIth tendencies which emanated from a common ~ource, which was probably Constantinople. This does not necessanly mean that the capital was the place where all iconographic . ~es an.d artistic tn:n?s were generated. Certain types may have. ongmated I~ oth.er artIstIc centres or, in the case of personal attnbutes of samts, m venerated sanctuaries located in the provinces. It is true that I was not able to identity any such Occurrence. Yet, whatever the origin of the common iconographic types it seems that their adoption by metropolitan art was a prerequisite for widespread dissemination in all corners of the empire. Diversity in the typology of certain artefact-types observed in roughly contemporaneous monuments created in different regions was found to be a reflection of regional diversification in the material culture or a by-product of the availability of non-Byzantine artistic models in a particular area. Upon closer examination the evidence for 'Macedonian realism', both in the Middle and in the Late Byzantine periods, was inconclusive. 'Macedonian realism' was rather an adaptation or an elaboration of a more widespread tendency in this direction observed in art at the time. It was not possible to define precisely the role played by artists in the process of the introduction of realia into religious iconography. In general, the artists' attitude towards the representation of material reality was conditioned by the intellectual climate and artistic tastes of their times. Their treatment of artefacts in individual commissions was detennined by the stylistic idiom which they had adopted, by the sources of inspiration to which they had recourse, and by the requirements of the patron who had employed them. The artists' talent and ambition, their understanding of their artistic models, their familiarity with the objects themselves, and a personal interest (or lack of it) in the observation of the sensible world determined how successful and detailed their renderings of artefacts would be. The degree of the involvement of patrons in the process of the introduction of realia into religious iconography was equally difficult

292

CHAPTER SIX

to determine. The role of individual patrons in the depiction of artefacts employed as standard devices of characterization must have been minimal. As to fashionable or fashionably represented artefacts patrons appear to have reserved the right to disapprove the introduction of such types. It is in the occurrence of certain unique representations of realia in specific monuments where the will of the patron appears to have been the determining factor for their depiction. The introduction of contemporary artefacts, whether unique or commonly represented, was ultimately aimed at the public of Byzantine religious art, comprising also patrons and artists. The presence of realia was intended to facilitate the beholders' understanding of the content of religious images. Realia, along with other stylistic and iconographic means, served to ensure the beholders' spiritual and emotive response to the images. Only through this response could the didactic purpose of Byzantine religious art be accomplished and its function as a channel of communication between the faithful and the spiritual world be fulfilled.

APPENDIX ONE

MONASTERIES AND CHURCHES MENTIONED TEXT AND THE CAPTIONS OF THE PLATi~* THE Apollonia, church

if Virgin

- .Monastic church; the monastery was already in e .

t

.

of the twelfth centUlY XIS coee In the second half - Renovated in the time of Michael VIII Palaiolo os b bl .ln - Portraits of Michael VIII Palaiologos his wife T;eod pro a dYh • 1281/2 nikos II in the exonarthex ' , ora, an t elr son Andro- Bibl.: Buschhausen, Die j\t/arienkirche von Apollonia Aria, Blachema i\;fonaslery, katholikon - P~nted decorati?n of naos: mid-thirteenth century - Pamted decoratIOn of narthex, which is a later addition: end of thirteenth century - Bib!.: Achimastou-Potamianou, 'The Byzantine Wall Paintin f VI h ' eadem, 'H ep~T1vda Jlta<; -C01Xoypac:PlW;' gs 0 ac ema;

Aria, Boulgarelli, Pallagia Bellas (Kokkine Ekklesin) - 1295/6, in the time of the despoles Nikephoros I of Epiros (1271-1296) - D,oDor:, the pro/as/rawr T~eo.dore Tzimiskes, portrayed in the narthex with his WIfe, hIS brother, and hIS sister-in-law - Bib!.: 'OpMivOD<;, 'Mv~ll.i" tOU """"Ot'"tOU til<; 'H"dpou'; Kalopissi-Verti Dedica/ory illScnPhollS, pp. 32, 54-55 ' AsilzOIl, Pmzagia Phorbiotissa - 1105/6 - Donor: the magist70s Nikephoros - Twelfth-centUl), frescoes survive in the apsc, sanctuary, and west bay of the naos - Bib!.: Sacopoulo, Asillou;, Stylianou, ne Paillud Churches if Cyprus, pp. 114-140; Wmfield, Asmou; ldem, HaglOs Chrysostomos'; \Vinfield and Hawkins, 'The Church of Our Lady at Asinou'

AVCllar, Church

if the Cistem

- Beginning or first half of eleventh century - Note: great similarities with Karabulut kilisesi at Avctlar, and with KU.I(;lar ku§luk at G6reme. One could attribute these three monuments to the same workshop. Its activity is dated to the beginning or first half of the eleventh century on stylistic grounds (style comparable with that of St. Barbara, Soganh, 1006 or 1021) - Bib!.: Jolivet-Levy, Eglises byz. de Cappadoce, pp. 80-82

AVCllar, Karabulut kilisesi - First quarter of eleventh century

* The information given here is limited to the very basics: date of the pictorial decor~tion, the names of the donor{s) and the painter(s), surviving portraits if any, and bIbliographical references. The latter are far from being e.xhaustive and concern mainly the painted decoration of the monuments. The entries are arranged alphabetically according to location (region or city) and name of the monument. There are no cross-references to Appendix 1 in the text.

_ Note: atUibuted

APPENDIX ONE

APPENDIX ONE

294

the same workshop responsible for the Church of the Cistern at A"Cllar and KIh\'tar ku~luk at Gorcmc _ Bib!.: jolivet-Uv)" Eglises i»'z. de Cappadoce, pp. 77-80 At,.,la, Yusrif kOf kilisesi - Palt of a monastic complex . . _ Thieny: first half towards the mid~clevcnth centtl1y; Restlc, Johvct~Lcvy: thir~ to

tcenth century . . , . _ Pm1raits of a kneeling male figure WIth turban m the Annun~tatlOn panel; of

a kneeling female figure (a nun?) in .the panel of St. ProkOplOs; and of one . Theodore in the pa~lel of St. Demetnos _ Bib!.: joli"et-U,y, Eglises 0z. de Cappado(~, pp. 72-75; Rodle)" Cave Monas/enes, pp. 151-157; Thicrry, 'Yusur ko, kihseSl

AwaiJ kiiJ

"' _ Thicny: third quarter of eleventh century (Restle: fourteenth century) _ Portraits of two beardless youths, EUslrates and John

_ Bib!.:jolivet-U,y, Eglises byz. de Coppadoce, pp. 151-154; Thierry, 'AyvaJr ko)" Bachkovo l\[onostel)', ossua1)' chapel _ 1083: monastery founded by the megas domesh"kos of the' Vest Gregory Pakourianos, an Armenian or Georgian in odgin _ Of the original buildings of the monastelY only the two-stoded ossuary chapel is still standing - Painted decoration of the chapd: mid-twelfth century - 1344-1363: portraits or the Bulgarian tsar Ivan Alexander, of Gregory Pakourianos and his brother Apasios, and of the monks George and Gabriel, as well as the figures of St. John the Evangelist, and Sts, Constantine and Helena, were added in the narthex of the crypt - Bib!.: Bakalova, Bachkouskaw kos!nitsa; Grabar, Peinlure, pp. 55-85, 281-284 BelisrrrTll1, BaJ/allin Samanllg. Idlisesi - Second half of tenth century - Bib!.: Thierry, NOUlltiks eglises, pp. 155-173;jolivet-U,y, Eglises 0z. de Cappadoce, pp. 320-323 Bl:rerllie, SI. Peter - Shord)' after the middle or the rourteenth century - Bib!.: Bakalova, Berende; Grabar, Peill/ure, pp. 248-266 BO)'ana, clmrch of Sts, Niclw/as and Panteleirnon - eleventh-twelfth century: construction and painted decoration of the first church; vestiges of ).{jddle Byzantine frescoes (Greek inscriptions) survive in the bema and the naos ~ 1259: a two-stoned church was attached to the older structure; both levels were adorned with paintings, including an extensive cycle of St, Nicholas in the narthex (Bulgarian inscriptions) • Donor: the Bulgarian sebastokralflT Kaloyan, portrayed in the church with his ,vife, Dessislava, and his sovereigns, the Bulgarian tsar Konstantin Assen Tich and the tsarine Eirene - Bib!.: Grabar, L'iglise de BOilIna; Bakalova, 'Medieval Painting,' pp. 87-91 (:avu§U" Giillii dere no. 1 - Beginning or first h~lf of tenth century - Bib!.: jolivet-U,y, Eglises bp:. de Cappadoce, pp. 27-29 (:avUfUl, Gulli; dere no. 3 - Theophany in the apse: Thierry: second half of ninth century; Jolivet-Uvy: eLld of ninth-beginning of ten_th century - BIb!.: Thlerry, Haul M'!)Ien Age, I, pp. 117-133; Jolivet-Levy, Eglises 0z. de Cappadoce, pp. 31-36

295

(:0",,';11, I1afil kilise _ Bcginnin~ of t~nth S.c~tury _ Bib!.:)ohvct-Lcvy, Egilses.0z. de C~ppadoce, pp. 50-53 (:avll';lI, P'geoll House Church (Uwrch if Mkt/limo, Phokas) - 963-969. Probably fOl!nclcd to commemorate the victoriou . s campaigns of Nikcphoros Phokas agamst the Arabs - Portraits of unidentified donors, most probably members of the I ' racy, kneeling at the feet of an archangel in the niche f th ocal anstoc _ ChllfCh famous for thc portraits of Nikephoros Phokas ~ cl ~.nOrth .wa~l apse of the prothesis) and of John Tzimiskcs and the m ": I ISMa~lly In the north wall agu 70S .L e JaS on the w

- Bib!': ~od.lc~, '!,i,gcon. Hou~e CI',);'r~h'; Thierry, Hau/ M'!)Ien Age, I, pp 43-5i; eodem, TZlmlSkcs; Johvet-Lcvy, I!-ghses 0;:. de Coppodoce, pp. 15-22 . (:avtlFIl SI. Symeon _ Beginning of tenth century - Bib\.: jolivet-Uvy-, Eglises fry;:. de CappadQce, pp. 7-12 Cllios, Nea iVIone, katlwltkon - Monastery founded shortl), berore 1042 by the local hermits Niketas d] hn - Mosaic decoration or the m/ho/ikon executed after 1049' probably an 1° d b)' 1055 ' , comp ete J

- Constantine IX NIonomachos was the most important patron of the mon t - Bib1.: MouM, TIze Alosaics if Nea At/oui; Maguire, INea Moni' as ery ChiosJ Pmwgia Krena - Church founded in the late twelfth century by the sebastos Eustathios Kodratos He is portrayed on the east wall of the inner narthex offering the model of the church to the enthroned Virgin and Child - Apparently, the inner narthex is a slightly later addition, meant to serve as the resting place for the founder and members of his family - Twelfth-century frescoes have been preserved in the bema, naos, and inner narthex (unpublished) - Funerary portraits of members of the family of the donor have been preserved on the back wall and the reveals of the south arcosolium in the inner nanhex; they are dated by inscription to 1197 - Bib!.: Penna, 'Early Christian and Byzantine Chios,' pp. 73-75; Pennas, 'Some Aristocratic Founders' Conswlllinople, CllOra ,VIollaslery (Kar!),e Camii), ka/llOlihm and fimtTary chapel - 1315-1320/1: the Komnenian ka/hoMoll was restored and decorated with mosaics, and the funerary chapel was constructed and decorated with frescoes - Of the mosaics of the naos only the mosaic icons of Christ and the Virgin, and the Dormition survive; the inner narthex was adorned ''rith a Mariologieal cycle, and the outer narthex with scenes from the Infancy and the Miracles of Christ. The painted decoration of the funerary chapel, dominated by the magnificent representation of the Allasla.ru (Descent into Hell) in the apsc, comprises also an extended Last Judgment composition and a tYl?ologIeal eye,le dedicated to the Virgin (episodes from the Old Testament mterpreted in Christian exegesis as prefigurations of the Mother or God) . - Donor: the logollules Iou genikou and famous humanist Theodore Metochltes, portrayed offering the model of his foundation to Christ in the narthex, abo\'e the entrance to the naos . . - A number of later funerary portraits survive on the walls of arcosoha m the c~apel and outer nartl~ex , . , ' K a n 'f - BIb!.: Undenvood, Kanye Plam,; S/udles; Ousterhout, tht Arrh~/tclure if tk . !I, Camii; \Veiss, Die kJosaiken des Chora-Kloslers; Nelson, 'Ta.'Gltton \\'1th Representabon

APPENDIX ONE

APPENDIX ONE

296 .

h rch

'If St

Ellph,,"ia at the Hippodrome

Omsla1lhlloplt; 'l~'u s ~tiginall)' a reception hall of the fifth-century palace of - Th~ hlUl ,~'a ,'as transformed into a church in the sixth cel1lUry. The Antl°f l~S ,~' ue luffcl~d during the Lntin occupation of the city, was restored ~~~:~or::;~n~'i:h fi-cscoes ancr 1261 . _ The church la)' under the jurisdiction the mct:op?htan SC~ of Chalcedon. It has been suggested that the high-rankmg cccJcsl~stlcal officIal p,ortrayed on the back wall of the arcosolium in. the south-cast, llIchc should be IdentIfied as a late thirteenth-century metropohtan of that cuy and that he was perhaps responsible for the restor~tion of the churc~l. , . . _ Painted decoration compnses a cycle of St. EuphcIlua dated on styh.s~c grounds to 1280-1290; the representation of the Forty lvlartyrs and of lmhtary saints may be slighcly later

lily,

O!

- Bibl.: Naumann and Belting! Euphemia-Kirche Constalltinople, chureh 'If H4,uia Sophia .

.

.

_ Apparently, the Justimamc bUlldmg ,vas adOlTIcd ,vIth figural mOSaICS only after the end or" Iconoclasm, in the ninth ~entury . . _ The mosaics of the enthroned Virgw. and ~lllld m the apse and the two archangels in the bema arch were dedlcate.d m. 867 _ A series of imperial portraits '. .·ere set up 111 dIfferent parts of the church at different times from the late ninth down to the fourteenth centuries - Bibl.: Mango, 'Materinls for the Sall!Y 'If St.. Sophia; Connack an,d Hawkins, 'The :Mosaics of St. Sophia'; Kahler, Dze Hagm Sop/ua; Cormack, The Emperor at St. Sophia'; ODB 2, PI" 892-895 .(with more bibliography)

Constautinopk, KUise Cam" (ongzllal dedlcatlOlI Ill/known)

.

..

- 'Mosaics representing prophets and Old Testament kings survive m the central and south cupolas of the exonarthex. The exonarthex had been added to the Komnenian church sometime after 1261 - The mosaics are dated to the last decade of the thirteenth century on stylistic grounds - Bibl.: Grape, '!(jlise Camii'

Constllldi1lOPk, l(;";otissa Monasfel)' (Kalmderlul/Ie Camiij, katlwlikon - Sometime around the middle of the thirteenth centUlY, while Constantinople was under Latin occupation, the diakonikon chapel was decorated '\\ith a fresco cycle of St. Frands of Assisi. According to the editors of the cycle, the painter responsible was called in from the Latin kingdom of Jerusalem. The portraits of two Orthodox prelates which were incorporated in the iconographic programme of the chapel were executed by a Byzantine artist - Soon after the recapture of Constantinople in 1261, the chapel of St. Frands was walled off. The diakonikan was decorated with frescoes during the Palaiologan period. Of these only fragments survive. Vestiges of frescoes recovered d~Iing excavations suggest that the naos also received a new programme of pamted decoration during the Palaiologan period - Bibl.: Striker and Kuban, Kalmderhane ill Istanbul

Constantinnpk, Lips Monastery (Ft/wn Isa Camii) - Founded in 907 by Constantine Lips (t917), a high Byzantine official at the time of Leo VI. The north church of the monastic complex, dedicated to clle Theotokos, dates to this period - 1282-1303: the tenth-century monastic complex was restored by the empress Theodora, widow of Michael VIII; the south church, dedicated to SI. John the Baptist) was constructed at that time to serve as a mausoleum for the members of the Palaiologan family - c. 1320: fresco of SI. Demetrios on the western face of the arch of the westemmost arcosolium of the south arm of the perambulatory

297

_ Bibl.: Macridy! 'The NI??astcry of Lips'; Mango and Hawkins, 'Additional Finds at Fcnafl Isa Camll . .. ( .pIe klyrelaion MO/ULS/ery, church (Bodrum Gaml;) CO~{~~~~922: the two~storicd church was added to a prc-existing palatial structure b Romanos I Lckapenos . . YP laiologan times the substructure of the church was used for bunals; the ;ort~it of a female donor/deceased survives on the north wan of the apse of the substructure . _ Bibl.: Striker, 171t MyrelalOn Constantinople, Oda~aT C!amii _ Original dedlcallon unkn?wn.. . _ Complicated structural hIstory, Involvmg tWO major phases: the first church with its crypt was probably built in the ninth or tenth century. Later, during the course of the twelfth century, the second church was built over the first church which was at that time transfonncd into a substructure of twenty-four chamb~rs; at least some of these chambers were used f?r burial purposes _ Painted decoration of the first church: two phases, daung to c. 1000 and to the middle of the cleventh century respectively (only fragments survive). The portrayal of SI. Merkourios in military dress belongs to the second phase _ Painted decoration of crypt of first church (poorly preselVed): tenth or eleventh

-

~:~~~~ decoration of second church (only fragments survive, including standing figures of saims and scenes from a Mariological cycle): 1150-1175 - Painted decoration of the substructure of the second church (vestiges of funerary portraits): twelfth century or later - Bibl.: Westphalen, Die Odaiar Camii in Istanbul -

COILStantinopk, Pammakarisws MOllastery (FethiYe Cam;;), katholikon aad jullerQ/Y ciuJpel - Last decade of the thirteenth century: the Komnenian monastery was renovated by Michacl Glabas Tarchaneiotes, the well-known general of Andronikos II; the south fa,ade of the katholikoll was adorned with frescoes (cycle of the Dormition and typological cycle of the Virgin), which were in part obliterated by the construction of the funeral), chapel a few years later - First decade of the fourteenth century: the funerary chapel was constructed by the wife of Tarchaneiotes Nlaria, to house the tomb of her husband; it was decorated with mosaics of which only pan is presexved (Christ, the Virgin, and SI. John the Baptist in the bema; Christ and prophets in the dome; the Baptism; saintly bishops and monks) - Bibl.: Belting, Mango, Mouriki, nte Mosaics and Frescoes 'If St. Mary Pamma-

karislos Constantinople, Pen'bkptos Monastery (Suiu Manastir) - founded by the emperor Romanos III (1028-1034) - restored by Michael VIII Palaiologos after 1261. Portraits of the emperor and his family once adorned the now-destroyed refectory of the monastery; they are known to us through descriptions of travelers and a series of seventeenthcentury drawings - Note: only part of the substructure of the Byzantine buildings sUl"ves today - Blbl.: Mango, 'The Monastery of St. MalY Peribleptos'

Cotju, churclt

'If St.

Merkourios alld tlte Proplltt Elyait

- 1074 (inscription) - Donors: Nicholas Droullganos, his brother Eugenios) his remaining brothers, and their wives - According to Vocotopoulos, 'droulJgarios' was a family name rather than an official title - Bibl.: Vocotopoulos, 'Fresques du XI" siecle a Corfu', pp. 151-172

,. APPENDIX ONE

APPENDIX ONE

298 Cue", SI_ }iiAila _ Monastic church;

d b ki

f S

M'I'

.

the monastery was restore y ng I ubn 0 crbta _ The consuuction of the church began before 1308 _ Frescoes preselved in the lower zones of the walls may date before 1308 or

be as late as 1320

. ..

..

_ Painters: lv!ichael and Eutychios; accordmg to ~11~koV1c-Pcpek, the two sim-

ply supen1.scd the work

.

_ Note: the damaged frescoes on the vaults wefe restored 111 1483/4 _ Bibl.: Djuric, lb'zan#mscne Fres~ell, p. 70; Hallen~l~ben, J:lalersc!mle; H~~an.n1t.-laclcan and Hallcnsleben, Die ,\1ollummlalmalem lJl SerblCll, p. 31; Ml~koVlC_ Pepek, De/f)/(J 110 zogrq/ite l\fi/lflilo i ElItillii; 1\1i11et and Frolow, La peillture du Alqyen

.

_ The circumstances of the foundauon of the monastery are unknown (an Imperial foundation?) . _ Mosaic decoration of the katlzo/ikon: late eleventh century _ Bibl.: l\'iillet, monaslere de Daphni; Diez and Demus, .Bj'zantille Mosaics lil Greece; Bouras, 'The Daphni :Monasti.c Complex Reconsidered' Mani Alonaslt1)" church of lIre Asce1lsw~ .

u

v

v '

•

_ Monastery founded by the SerbIan king Stefan Uros III Decanski In 1327-1335 _ Painted decoration of kalholikon executed under the tsar Dusan, c. 1350 - Bibl.: Petkovic and Boskovic, Decmli

if PallagW Ofympiotisso, kalllOlikoll

- A tenninus anle quem for the church is pro,,~ded by the date caIVed on its portals. However, the reading of this date remains problematic (1304/5 or 1344/5). Depending on the reading adopted by different scholars, the construction or renovation of the church has been dated to 1295/6-1304/5 or (0 the second quarter of the fourteenth century respectively - Painted decoration: towards the end of the thirteenth century or during the second quarter of the fourteenth century - Bibl.: Constantinides, The Wall-painti1lgs of Pmzagia Olympiotissa, reviewed by Ger.ltd in Speculum 69 (1994), pp. 447-449; velenis, 'L'eglise Panagia Olympiotissa'

ETdemli,

411

kilise

- funerary church; eleventh century - portraits of deceased survive in the arcosolium of the north wall - Bib!. Thierry, 'Le portrait funeraire byzantin,' p. 591, fig. 4

Erdemli 0010, church

if the Forty

1148/9 ({enninus ante quem): decoration of niche Calved later in left wall of the apse (inscription) . .. _ Note: decoration attn~>Ute.d to the ~ame workshop as B~Il!k ~1~lse, Soga~h; J hanion secS Armeman mfluenccs m both monuments; sJrndantlcs, also, \\IIth ~Xjanh kilise, Sinassos (913-920) _ B'bl' Jerphanion, Eglzses rupestres, Il/2, pp. 390-391, 416; Restle, Byz. Wallp~iniillg, pp. 119-120; Jolivet-Levy, Eglises fryz. de Cappadoce, pp. 112-) 16 Giireme, chapel IlO. 11a _ Second half of eleventh century _ Note: belongs to the. YIIanh group of churches _ Bib!.: Jolivet-UVY, Eghses byz. de Cappadoce, pp. 116-117

Goreme, ,hapel no. 18

Ag', IIl, pp. X-XI, pis. 31-53 Daphni MOllasICl)', killholiktm.

EillssOIl, MonaslCl)'

299

Mar9~s

- Second half of eleventh century - Bibl.: Jolivet-Uvy, Eglises by;::. de Cappadoce, p. 274

Giireme, ,hope! no. 4a - First half of tenth century - Bib!.: Restle, Byz. Wall-pai1lting, pp. 106-107;Jolivet-Uvy, Eglises byZ. de Dlppodoce, pp. 87-89

Giireme, chopel no. 4c - Eleventh century - Portraits of a male(?) donor standing at the feet of a colossal archangel Michael (north cross-arm); of two praying male(?) figures on either side of a saintly deacon (south cross-arm, above the arcosoliurn) - Bib!.: Jolivet-Uvy, Eglises byz. 1ft Cappadoce, pp. 91-92

Giireme, ,hapel no. lOa - Eleventh century - Bib!.: Jolivet-Uvy, Eglises byz. de Cappadoce, pp. 111-112 Giireme, chapel no. 11 (/!ypothelical dedicaiWn to St. &slathios) - Beginning or first half of tenth century

_ Second half of the eleventh century _ Portrait of a small, male figure (monk?) in the panel with the Virgin and Child on the east wall _ Note: belongs to the YIIanh group of churches _ Bib!.: Rodley, Cave Monasleries, pp. 177-179; Wharton-Epstein, 'YIIanh Group'; Jolivet-Uvy, Eglises byz. de Cappadoce, pp. 121-122 Giireme, chopel 110. 21 - Second half of eleventh century - Portrait of Anna in the panel of St. Catherine - Note: belongs to the. YIIanh group of churches - Bib!.: Jerphanion, EglisCf rupestres, 112, p. 475; Rodley, Cave Monasteries, pp. 181-182; Jolivet-Uvy, Eglises byz. de Cappadoce, pp. 126-127 Goreme, (:anklI kilise (chapel 110. 22) - Part of a monastic complex - Mid-eleventh century (slightly later than Karanhk kilise) - Portraits of Theognostos, Leo, and Michael flanking an unidentified saint who carries the Holy Cross - Note: the third of the so-called Column churches - Bib!.: Rodley, Cave lvlonllSleries, pp. 1.62-167; Thierry, 'Cene'; Wharton-Epstein, 'Column Churches'; Jolivet-Levy, Eglises byz. de Cappadoce, pp. 128-131; eadnn, 'Qankb kilise'

Goreme, Elmalz Wise (chapel no. 19) -

Part of a monastic complex Mid-eleventh centUlY (slightly later than Karanhk kilise) Note: the second of the so-called Column churches Bib!.: Wharton-Epstein, 'Column Churches'; Jolivet-Uvy, Eglises by,. de Dlppadnce, pp. 122-125 Giireme, El Nazar (chapel 110. I) - Tenth century - Bib!.: Resde, Byz. Wall-paintillg, pp. IOI-I03;Jolivet-Uvy, Eglises by;:;. de Cappadoce, pp. 83-85

Go,eme, Karallilk Wis, (chapel

110.

23)

- Pa.rt of a monastic complex - MId-eleventh century - Seven portraits of donors or patrons of the church; the names of four sUMve: John E1ltabnatikos (or, 'ev rarpaTlKOv'), Genethleos, the priest Nikephoros, and Baseanos (or Basil) - Note: the first of the so-called Column churches - Bi~!.: Ro;"ey, ~ave Monasteries, pp. 48-56; Wharton-Epstein, 'Column Churches'; G" Johvet-Levy, EgllSes by;:;. de Cappadoce, pp. 132-135 oreme, Kiilflar kilisesi (chapel 110. 29) - Cormack, Restle, Thierry, Wharton-Epstein: c. 900; Jolivet-Le\·y: second quarter of tenth century; Jerphanion: end of tenth centmy

301

APPENDIX ONE

300

APPENDIX ONE

_ Note: the south side-chapel was decorated in the eleventh century

il:

. .

_ Bib!.: Jerphanion, EgliSfs mpeslreS, Ill, pp. 199-242; estie , .Byz. Wall-pmnhng, pp. 131-134; Rodley, Cave MOl/asteries, pp. 39-44; Jolivet-Uvy, Egbses fryZ. de OJppadoce, pp. 137-141

Go"''''' Kihfbn "'"hik (chapel no. 33) _ _ _

Pa11 of a monastic complex First half or tov.'3.rds the middle of the ~Ieventh century Portraits of two donors, Eronkea and Nikandros .. Note: attributed to the same workshop as Karabulut kihse and the Church of the Cistern, both at Avcllar ., '. _ Bibl.: Restie, /!yz. WaU-pailltiJ'!J, pp. 134-135;Jolivet-Uvy, Eglises fryz. de Cappadoce, pp. 143-146

Gorml£ Nw Tokah Mlise (chapel no. 7) _ Katholikon of a monastery dedicated to the Holy Archangels . _ Painted decoration executed in the mid-tenth centuI)' _ Inscriptions mention Constantine a~d Leo, ~e son of Constantme, as d0t;0rs, and one Nikephoros who could be ~lthe~ a tlllrd donor or, perhap,s, the pamter _ Note: closest stylistic parallels foufo1~ m m!d-ten~-centu~ Constantmopolitan art

_ Bib!.: Wharton-Epstein, Tokalt "'lise; Johvet-Uvy, Eglises fryz. de Cappadoce, pp. 94-95, 96-108 Gorf:Jll£, Old Tokalt kilise (chapel no. 7) - First quarter of tenth century .. - Its eastern part v.ras destroyed when the New Tokah kilise was excavated a fe\..' years later _ Note: decoration attributed to the same workshop as St. John at Giillii dere (913-920), and part of the Holy Apos~es at Sinas:os . . .

- Bib!.: Thierry, 'Atelier'; Wharton-Epstem, Tokah killS<; Jolivet-Uvy, Eglms fryz. de Cappadoce, pp. 94-96 Gorf:Jll£, Sakh kilise (chapel no. 2a) - Mld- or third quarter of the e1eventh century; the painted decoration of the north and central apses is somewhat later - Note: great similarities with Ydanlt kilise, G6reme

- Bib!.: Restie, By:.. Wall-pain'i']8, pp. 103-105; Wharton-Epstein, 'y,lanh Group', pp. 117-119; Jolivet-Uvy, Eglises fryz. de Cappadoce, pp. 85-87 Gorf:Jll£, r!Innit kilise (chapel no. 28) - Second half of eleventh century - Portrait of one Theodore in a panel with Christ - Note: the monument after which the Ytlanh group of churches was named

- Bib!.: Rpdley, Cave Monasteries, p. 173; Wharton-Epstein, 'Ytlanb Group'; JolivetUvy, Eglises fry,. de Cappadoce, pp. 136-137 Graianica, church 'If tire Dormi,ion - painted decoration completed by 1321 - church restored by king Milutin of Serbia, portrayed in the church with his wife, queen Simonida - Note: the iconography and the style present similarities to the later work of Michael Astrapas and Eutychios, to whom the frescoes are sometimes attributed - Bibl.: CurCie, Gralanica; Todie, Graianica slikarstvo

Hasan Daf.z, Apkel ata kilisesi - Ninth century? - Bib!.: Jolivet-Uvy, Eglises fryz. de Cappadace, pp. 327-329 Hasan Daj,z, Ditekli kilise - Monastic church, possibly, dedicated to St. George - 975-1025 (inSCription mentioning Basil 11 and Constantine VIII)

_ Bib!.: Thicrry, NOllvelles eglises, pp. 183-192; Rodley, Cave Monaslerits, pp. 85-95; Jolivet-Uvy, Eglise: I?!z. de Cappadoce, pp. 323-327

Hasan Dag" Ej,ri faJ kihsesJ

.

.

_ The surviving frescoes belong to many d.lffercnt phases dated to the nmth or . . . early tenth(?),. t~nth~ and eleventh centunes _ Donor'S inscnpuon m the area of the sanctuary, ~entJ.Onmg one Chnstophoros, spallzaTOkatldida~os and lounnarclles, dated to the reign of Romanos I Lekapenos

and Constanune VII Pocphyrogennetos (921-944) _ portraits: main church, female figure, eleventh century (later than the inscrip.

cion of Christophoros); north funerary chapel, female figure, eleventh century(?) _ Bib!.: Thierry, Nouvelles eglises, pp. 39-67, 217; Jolivet-Uvy, Eglises fryZ. de Cappadoce, pp. 300~302

Hasall Dag. Kdy CI/SeSl kiilsCSl _ Paint~d decoration of apse: beginning of tenth century? _ Bib!.: Jolivet-Uvy, Eglises fryZ. de Cappadace, pp. 289-291 Hasan Dag" Piirenli seki kilisesi _ Tenth century or earlier; Restle: mid- or second half of eleventh century

_ Bib!.: Restie, Byz. Wall-painting, pp. 71-72, 171; Thierry, NOUlJelks iglises, pp. 137-153; Jolivet-Uvy, Eglises fryz. de Cappadoce, pp. 303-305

Hasan Dag" Sfimhilllii kilise _ More likely a chapel than a monastic church _ Painted decoration: tenth or beginning of eleventh century

- Bib!.: Restie, Byz. Wall-painting, pp. 172-173; Thierry, Nouvelks iglises, pp. 175-181; Rodley, Cave Monasteries, p. 120; Jolivet-Uvy, Eglises fryZ. de Cappadoce, pp. 305-307

Hasan Daf.z, Tiumlz lrilise - Tenth century or earlier

- Bib!.: Restie, B1z. Wall-painting, pp. 173-174; Thierry, Nauvelks iglises, pp. 89-114; Jolivet-Levy, Eglises fryz. de Cappadoce, pp. 307-310

Hosios LaukM Monastery, clzurch

'If 'Ize Virgin

- Stikas identifies it with the church dedicated to St. Barbara mentioned in the vila of hosios Loukas and dates it to 945-955; he considers Krinites Arotras, slrategos of the theme of Hellas, as the donor - Bouras identifies it with the 'crucifonn oratory' that originally housed the saint's tomb and dates it to shortly after 960; she considers the emperor Romanos II

(959-963) as a possible patron - End of tenth or beginning of eleventh century: representation ofJoshua on the western fa,ade of the church. When the katholikon was built, this part of the fa~ade was incorporated in the north cross-vault as its eastern wall; the fresco was covered by marble revetment

- Bib!.: :::uyy6nouAo<;, "lllaou<; tOU NcxuW; Chatzidakis, Hosios Laulws, pp. 11, 13-17 . (with more bibliographical references)

HoS/Os LaukM Monastery, katlwlikan - Fourth decade of eleventh century: mosaic decoration of naos, painted deco-

ration of the side-chapels and the crypt - The mosaic and the painted decoration of the katholikon are considered to be the work of a single workshop - The unknown donor(s) probably belonged to the ranks of the local aristocracy - Bib!.: Dlez and Demus, By<:;alltille Jvlosaics ill Greece; Soteriou, 'Peintures murales b~antines du XI's.'; Chatzidakis, 'A propos de la date et du fondateur de Samt-Luc.'; Chatzidakis-Bacharas, Les peintures mUTates de HosWs Loukas; Nlouriki, MosGlcs 'If Nea AIolli, pp. 256-259; Oikonomides, 'The First Century of the onastery of HOSlOS Loukas'; Chatzidakis, Hosios !.oulws

iJ'

303

APPENDIX ONE

302

APPENDIX ONE

lmn()l)(l, '771, Chl/reh' - Rock-cut monastic church _ Donor: the Bulgarian tsar Iva,n A1exat"der (1331-1,371) . , , _ Bib!.: Grabar, 'Les fresqucs cl lvanovo; Vchnans, Les ficsqucs cl Ivanovo Kalmic ,\[onastny, !.:atholmm 1417/8 the prolo~'(Stian'os Bogdan, portraycd'In tIle cure hi ' h h'IS wlIe ' C , '1' _- Donor: 1 WIt .h11 lea and his brother Peter . _ The despot,s Stefan Lazarevic is also p:?rt~yed III the church _ Bibl.: RadojCic, Ka/mil; SimiC-Lazar, lialemc

hail";., Georgt composition: ,fourth decadcol f h' th li I tI I =- LastSI.Judgment lrteen century or s g 1 Y ater, when Attica was under Latm rule . _ Bibl.: ~Iouriki, '.A.n Unusual Representauon of the Last Judgment Kastonn, PflTW"oio J[arnotissa - ~Ionastic church . _ Painted decoration of the 1l3OS and narthe.x: early n\'clfth or early thirteenth century - E.xterior of south wall of narthex: 1259-1264 _ Bib!.: ~Iouriki, 'Stylistic Trends-llth-12th.c.;. pp. 100-102, 110; Wha~ton Epstein, '~!iddle Byzantine Churche.' at Kastona, pp. 202-206; IlrutO:llo:mopa"'l<;, "Evu ..,rocmKO £YKrolllO'; Pelekamdes and Chatzldakes, Kastona, pp. 66-83 Kastorio.. SI- .,~i£holas Kasnil"es - 1160-1180' Mouriki dates the church later, to the 1180s _ Donors: th~ Tn4,uistros Nikephoros Kasnitzes and his wife Anna, portrayed in the narthex - BibL: Mahnquist, lb'<:. 12th c. Frescoes in l!'astoria; Mouriki, 'Stylis~c Trends--:11 th--12th c.', p. 110; Pelekanides and Chatzldakes, KiIstona, pp. 50-6~; Panayottdi, The Wall-paintings in the Church of the Virgin Kosmosoteira,' pp. 467-468 Kastoria, Sts. Anmgrroi ... . - First layer of painted decoration (mcIudmg the funerary portrait of one Constantine): second half of the tenth or first half of eleventh century - Second laver: c. 1180. Mouriki is in favour of dating the second layer after Kurbino\'~ (1191). The donors were Theadore Lemniotes, his wife, Anna Radene, and their son, John, portrayed in the north aisle - Third layer comprising the fragmentary portrait of a deceased man or donor and two saints, in the north aisle: thirteenth or fourteenth century - Note: scholars identmr the chief artist responsible for the twelfth-century decoration with the master of Kurbinovo - Bib!.: l\lahnquist, ~)'<:. 12th c. FrescotS in Kasloria; Mouriki, 'Stylistic Tren~ 11 th--12th c.', p. 109; Pelekanides and Chatzidakes, KiIstoria, pp. 22-49; Panayottdi, 'The Wall-paintings in the Church of the Virgin Kosmosoteira,' p. 468 KiIsWria, Taxiarclus 'If tlu Metropolis - FIrSt layer of painted decoration: tenth century . - Second layer. 1359/60, when Kastoria was under Serbian rule - Donor of the founeenth century decoration: the hieromonachos (priest-monk) DanIel - Kote: a series of funerary and donor portraits have survived on the west fac;ade and the exterior of the south \\'all; they range in date from the fourteenth cen· tury down to the period of the Ottoman occupation - Bib!.: 'OpMv~, 'MVI]~Eio: 'tii<; Ko:mop,a<;,' pp. 61-106; Pe1ekanides and Chatzidakes, KiIstoria, pp. 92-105 Kouts01l£1lJ!es, Monastny 'If SI. Johll Chrysostom, Nmh chuTch - c. 1100 - Donor: Ewnathios Philokales, doux of Cyprus - Bib!.: Mango, 'The l\lonastery of St. Chrysostomos'; Mango and Hawkins, 'Report'; Winfield, 'Hagios Chrysostomos' 1

Kllrbin ODO, SI. George -_ According 1191 "I' . I h k d to Ha~~rmann-Jv H;gU~C 1,. t ~ un nown. o~or mus.t hav~ been a member or the military or eccleSiastic hlcrarchy with Constantmopohtan con. nections '" _ Bibl.: Grozdanov and Hadcrmann-NIIsgUlch, KUTbm{Jl)o; Hadcrmann-Misguich,

Kurbillovo .. Log deTO Pallagia ATaklOl/SSa ~/lFirs; phase of paint~d decoration. (apse): s~cond hair or twelrth century _ Second phase of palllted decoratIon (nave): 1192 _ donor of 1192: Leo Authcntcs, probably a member of the local gentry _ Note: the paintings or the second phase are sometimes attributed to the painter Theodore Apseudes, responsible ror the decoration of the Enkleistra or St. Neophytos at Paphos; this identification has not been adopted by Nikolaides _ Bibl.: NikolaYdcs, 'L'eglisc de la Panagia Arakiotissa'; ncutCtIlCtG1:oPO:1CTJC;, 'H CSTJllaO'ICt 'tcov 1tPOlPl1'tWV'; L'tUA.~CtVOU, 'Ai. 'tOtxoYPwPICtt 'tou VCto~ Tiic; nCtVCt~a.c; 'taU 'Ap.xKOU'; Stylianou, 77" Pmnled ChuTches 'If Cyprus, pp. 1~7-185; Wmfield, 'Panagia tou Arakos' Usnovo MOllastery, chuTch 'If ATchallgel Michael _ Naos built in 1341; painted by 1346 or 1347 _ Narthex added probably in 1347; painted in 1349 - Donor of both phases of construction and decoration: the sebaswkralor Qater, despotes) Jovan Oliver, a powerful lord in the service of the Serbian ruler Stefan Dusan; he was also associated with John VI Kantakouzenos - Bib!.: Okunev, 'Lesnovo'; Millet and Velmans, La peinluTt du Moyen Age, IV, pp. XIII-XIX, XXXIII; Gabelic, 'Diversity in Fresco Painting'; eadem, Manastir l.esrwvo ManastiT, church 'If St. .Nickolas - Monastic church - Painted decoration: 1271 (inscription) - Donor: the hieromonachos (priest-monk) and abbot Akakios, who was called Ioannikios before he took his vows - Note: the donor's inscription mentions that the church was originally founded in 1095 by the PToloslraloT A1exios, an uncle of A1exios I Komnenos (1081-1118) - Bibl.: Koco and lvIiljkovic-Pepek, lV/allastiT kfarkov Nfallastir, church qf St. Demelnos - 134617: church built by the Serbian tsar Stefan Du,an - 1365-1371: the decoration of the church was continued under king Vuka,in - 1376-1381: decoration completed under king lvIarko Kraljevic, son ofVukaiiin - Bib!.: Grozdanov, 'Iz ikonografije Markovog Manastira'; Millet and Velmans, Uz peillture du Moyen Age, IV, pp. XXV-X,X,'UI, xx.,'UV iWateicJ cllUrch of the Virgin - Monastic church; monastery already attested c. l300 - 1356-1360: painted decoration of the church - Donors: the tsarine Helena, widow of the Serbian tsar Steran Dusan, and her son Uras - Bibl.: Djurjc, Byzalltillische FTtskell, pp. 101-103; i\IilIet and Vehnans, La ptu.ture duMoyenAge, IV, pp. XIX-XXIII, XX,'CIII-)OL'CIV; Waiter, 'The Abgar Cycle' MerC1lta, dlUrd, 'If the Vitgill - Mid-thirteenth century: painted decoration of the vault and the upper registers of the long walls - Fourteenth century?: military saints on horseback, on the tympanum of the south-western arch - ~ote: Attica was under Latin occupation at the time - B,bl: Coumbaraki-Panselinou, Saint-Pierre, pp. 121-162 A

APPENDIX ONE

305

APPENDIX ONE

304-

MileS",. MOllasln)', ""ilia/ikon f th k ~ lik b _ IIionaste", founded in c. 1220; painted decoration o. e allO all pro ably S b' ki S f: h F' executed hefore 1228 _ Founder: prince Vladislav, second son of the

crowned (1196--.:. 1228)

side~chapels

er

lall

ng

te an

'd d . I

.

t

dd

e

lrst-

.

with added and e pamte =~ibl.:1236'. Dj~~~~ BJ,zantilliscile Fres/;m, p. 47; Nagomi, 'Bemcrkungen zum Stil'; rthex

proVl

\VIt 1

eCOfatlon

RadojCic, MileSev. . ,I Mirtr., Bronwcilion Monasln)\ Apll£IUiiko (church qf the Hodegetna, _ Construction of the church: c. 1310

- Painted decoration: 1312/3-1322 . . _ Donor: the abbot of the monastery of BrontochlOn PachomlOs ~tI322), also responsible for the foundation of the church of Sts. Theodores, whIch belonged to cl,e same monastery . . 'S li . T d I h ' _ Bib!.: Xat~nMICfJ" MV(1tpa" pp. 53-67; Mouriki, ty snc ren s- 4t c., pp. 72-73 Mirtra, Brollmdmm MOllastery, church qf SU. 77leodores - 1290-1295 . ' _ Donor: the abbot of the monastery of Bron~ochlOn. PachomlOs (t I 322), also responsible for the foundation of the Aphendiko, winch belonged to the same _ ;;:~~~~~1;nMICfJ', MV(1tpa" pp. 47, 48-51; Mouriki, 'Stylistic Trends-14th c.', p. 72 Mirtra, chapel qf SI. John - Fifteenth century . - Donor: cl,e Igra ~ady) Kale Kabalasea,. portrayed twice .in lay and monasuc costume 'with her 1:\'0'0 children, Laskanna and Hodegetnanos

~ Bibl.: X~t~T15aX'I1<;) MVO'fpa~) p. 109; Semoglou, 'Contribution trait funeraire/ pp.

a l'etude du por-

7~8

Mirtra, Melropolir (church qf SI. DemelrWs) . - First phase of painted decoration (cycles of S~. J?emetnos and .Sts. Kosmas and Damianos live scenes from the life of cl,e V lCgm, and the M,racles of Chnst): 1272-1288. The painted decoration of this phase was e~ecuted in succ~ssive stages sponsored, according to Chatzedakes, by a succesSIOn of metropolitans, not all of whom may be securely identified

- Second phase (cycle of the life of Christ in the nave and the composition. ~f the Last Judgment in the narthex): 1291/2-1315. AsSOCiated Wlth tbe aCI1V1ties of the metropolitan Nikephoros Moschopoulos - Bib!.: Xat1;nOOK'%, 'NWtEpa yta -d]v icrtop(a Kat -d]v 'wn 'tij, MntpOltOAn,'; idem, MV<1Tpa., pp. 25-45; Mouriki, 'Stylistic Trends-14th c.', pp. 70-72 Mirtra, PQ1I/(JUassa MOllastery, kat/wlikon - Construction completed by 1428; c. 1430: painted decoration - Donor: the prolllstralllr John Frangopoulos . . - Note: original painting sUMves only on the upper floor (the pamtmgs of the lower floor are Post-Byzantine) - Bib!.: Xat1;nMICfJ" Mv<1tpa" pp. 95-107; Mouriki, 'The Wall Paintings of the Pantanassa' MirlTa, Perihlepms Monastery, kathQlikon - Tbird quarter of fourteenth century: painted decoration - Bibl.: Xat1;noo:ICfJc;, MV(1tpa" pp. 73-89; Moup(lCfJ, 'Ai ~t~AtKat ltPOEtKOV(O"" Monogri, chnrd, qf t/" Panagia Amasgou - Painted decoration belonging to four distinct phases: . . • FIrSt phase: early twelfth century ~unette of tbe apse window and dialwnikon) • Second phase: first quarter of the cltirteenth century (cycle of the Great ~easts and hagiographic portraits in tbe naos; fragmentary state of preservanon)

• Third phase: lir.st half of the fourtcenth century • Fourth phase: sixteenth century, , _ Bib!.: Boyd, 'The Church of the PanagIa Amasgou fount At/lOS, Chiltmda: Monastery, katholikon A _ Painted decorauon.: 1 3 2 0 - 1 3 2 1 . . . D or' king Miluun of Serbia. He IS portrayed m the narthex, along with St. - S on o~ (Stefan Nemanja), SI. Sava of Serbia, Andronikos 11, Andronikos Ill, sy~en Decanski and another figure whose identity is contested (John VI ~en~akouzenos or Stefan Dusan) _ T~ frescoes evidence great stylistic and iconographic similarities with the '~ted decoration of SI. Nicholas Orphanos and St. Catherine, both at 'T~essalonike. In fact, it has been. suggested tha~ the master of Chilandar should be identified with onc of the pamt~rs responSIble fo~ St: Nlcholas Orphanos _ Note: The paintmgs were over-pamted at the begmmng of the nmeteenth " .trov , '"", _ century Bib!.: rotyapiSa" TOlxoypaqlle, Try, rreplOUOV [lr,,,alO'~lrov, pp. 11-54; CDROM In ilIe Heart qf Hi/andar, © 1998, 1999 William Taylor Hostetter, Jr. Afowzt Athos, Protaton . . , _ Painted decoration commonly attrIbuted to the begInrung of the fourteenth century' recently, Kalomoirakes, followed by others, has argued in favour of a dating ;. 1290 and has a~sociated the undertaking of the work with an initiative of patliarch AthanaslOs I (1289-1293) _ Tradition has attributed the work to the legendary painter Manuel Panselenos - Note: the church was fully restored in 1955-8 - Bibl.: Xyngopoulos, IHarzuel Ponselinos; Todie, 'Protaton et la peinture serbe'; KIXAOIlOtpalCfJ,. 'llprotiXto'; Movaxou KaAA.(VtKOU, H rexvunJ TI), aYlOyparplw;, pp. 133-134, figs. 1-112; H naAalOA6yeta sortparplKl) (1TI) 0e(1(1aAoV11CfJ, pp. 13-]4 Mount Alhos, Vampedi Monastery, kat/wlikon - Byzantine mosaics and frescoes of different periods survive in the nave and the two narthexes of the kallwlikon: • Early eleventh-early twelfth centmy: mosaic of the Annunciation in the nave • Early twelfth centm)': mosaic of the Deesis in the outer narthex • Second half of the twelfth eentUlY: frescoes in the eastern part of the nave, representing four standing prophets and two martyrs in bust, enclosed in medallions • 1310-1320: mosaic of the Annunciation in the outer narthex • 1312: frescoes in the nave, the outer narthex, and, possibly, the inner narthex; the iconogI'aphic progI'amme includes the cycles of the Great Feasts, the life of the Virgin, and the Passion of Christ, as well as portraits of saints and an unusual depiction of tbe Ladder of SI. John Climacus ('of the Ladder') which incorporates the representation of a feast . . - The date of the Palaiologan paintings is given by an inscnpnon of 1819, assumed to reproduce the original dedicatory inscription; their style supports such a dating. According to this same inscription, the donor of the pamted decoration was the hieromollaclws (priest-monk) Arsenios - The inclusion of the portraits of four prelates of Thessalonike in the icol1<>gr~phic programme of the sanctuary, has led Tsigaridas to sUl!!5est that the artIsts responsible for the Palaiologan frescoes came from that .CIty . - Note: The frescoes of the nave were over~painted in Post.Byzanune tlmes; PostByzantine paintings, dating to different periods, exist also in the two narthe.xes - BIb!.: Tsigaridas Vampaidi Nar, church of Oretl ' - E~eventh century? - BIb!.: Jolivet-Uvy, £glires by~. de Cappadoce, pp. 231-2

APPENDIX ONE

307

APPENDIX ONE

306

:\'oms SI Gem'gr Dinsonli(s .' ~ Firs~ laye!' of painted decoration in the naos and sanctuary: after the middle of the eleventh century

.

.

_ Palts of the decoration of the naos and sanctuary were rcpamted 111 the twelfth and thirteenth centuries _ The narthex was added to the Oliginal building, perhaps soon after the church's

COllSU1.lction (eleventh century?) _ Painted decoration of the narthex: two or three phases of the twelfth century or later . _ Note: According to Acheimastou-Potammllou the costume of the male figure portrayed in the east blind arch of the sOUth:111 bay of the narthex reflects eleventh-ccntUl), fashions. However, as there IS no refcmc~ to a~ elevcnth_ century layer of paintings in the n~rthe~, the dat~ of th,e po~ra,lt remams unclear _ Bibl.: Acheimastou-Potamianou, HaglOs GeorglOs DlasOl1tes ~""ertZl:

SL Panleleimon - 1164 _ Donor: Alexios Komnenos, son of Theodora porph),rogennete, daughter of Alexios I Komnenos and Constantine Angelos _ Bib!.: Sinke\~c, The Church if St, Pal/le/eimon at JVerezi (with earlier bibliography) },uatll, dzurch if 11" Donnilion (des/r'!)'ed) . _ Founded and adorned with mosaics towards the end of the seventh century or the beginning of the eigh~l by a certain Hyakinthos _ The pre-iconoclastic mosaics III the bem~, partly d:stroyed by the Iconoclasts, were restored soon after 843 by a certalll Naukrauos - The mosaics in the narthex belonged to a later phase and were probably executed sometime between 1065 and 1067 at the behest of the megas hetaireiarches Nikephoros - Bibl.: \Vul.ff, Du Koimesisldrche; Schmit, Die Koimesis-Kirche; Underwood, 'The Evidence of Restorations'; :Mango, 'The Date of the Narthex Mosaics'; idem, 'Notes d'epigraphie et d'archeologie,' pp. 350-353; Barber, 'The Koimesis Church' Ohrid, church if Ihe Virgin Bohlifa - First layer of painted decoration: c. 1368 - Note: Ohrid came under Serbian rule in 1334 - Bib!.: Djuric, By;:anlinische Fresk£n, p. 108; Grozdanov, Ohridsko zidno siikarslvo, p. 204 OluUJ, Peribleplas (St. Clement) - 1294/5: founded by the megas hetaireiarclzes Progonos Sgouros, a relative of Andronikos n, and his wife • Painters: Michael Astrapas and Eutychios - 1364/5: chapel of SI. Gregory the Theologian (when Ohrid was under Serbian control) • Donor: Gregory, bishop of Devol - 1379: arcosolium with funerary portrait of Ostoja Rajakovic UgarCic, son. in-law of the governor of Ohrid Gropa, in the narthex - Bib!.: Djuric, ByzanlinisC/" Fresk£n, pp. 23, 106-107, 135; Grozdanov, Ohndsko zidna siikarslvo, pp. 201-206; Hallensleben, Malerschule; Miljkovic-Pepek, Deloto na zograjite Mihaila i Eutihij; Millet and Frolow, La pdnture du M'!)'en Age, Ill, p. X, pIs. 1-18 Ohrid, SI. Sophia - Eleventh century: restored and decorated by Leo, archbishop of Ohrid (1037-1056) - Part of the eleventh~centUIy decoration survives in the bema, prothesis, diakollwm, naos (Nativity, Donnition, Presentation of the Virgin), and narthex (saints) - Mid-twelfth century: chapel above the diakonikon decorated with a cycle of the martyrdom of the apostles

_ 1346-1350: chapel of St. )oh~ the Baptist on the upper floor of the narthex I Ohrid was under Serbian control) ~w~c:nol': the despotes Javan O!iver, portrayed with members o~ his far:nily • Painters: Constantinc and hIS son, John, who was a mastcr·smger (signature in G r e e k ) . . . _ 1346-1350: painted dccoratlOn of the upper floor of the narthex (mcludmg the Repentance of David) • Donor: archbishop Nicholas • Painter: John Thcorianos (signed, his name on the blade of the sword of the angel in the Repentance of Davld) _ 1350-1355: painted decoration of the gallery of the outer narthex • Donor: archbishop Gregory I _ Second half of the fourteenth century: portrait of the sehastos John Prosenik on the west wall of the narthex _ Bib!.: Djuric, B'yzaulillische Freskm, pp. 10, H, 97-98, 108; idem, St. Sophia; Grozdanov, Olmdsko zlduo slilmrs/lJo, pp. 191-195 Ortahisar, Balkan deresi 1l0, 2 _ Mid-tenth to eleventh century - Bib!.: Jolivet-Uvy, Eglises byz. de Cappadoce, p. 201 Orlahisar, Cambaz/z kilise - Thierry: end of eleventh century; Rcstlc and others: beginning of thirteenth century - Bib!.: Restle, Byz. Wall-painting, pp. 65-66, 1~1-152; Thierry, 'Cambazh kilise'; Jolivet-LCvy, Egbses by;:. de Cappadoce, pp. 19~-198 Ortalzisar, Hallaf iv!anastir kilisesi - Mid-eleventh century - Note: painted decoration consists of only one polychrome panel in the apse - Bib!.: Rodley, Cave Monasleries, pp. 11-26; Jolivet-Uvy, Egiises byz. de Cappadoce, p. 200 Pap!lOs, Enkleistra if St. Neap!!)'los - First phase of painted decoration: 1183 - Second phase: after 1197 - The paintings of 1183 were executed by Theodore Apseudes, His work suggests that he might have been called in from an artistic centre outside Cyprus, perhaps by the bishop of Paphos Basil Kinnamos, who was a patron of SI. Neophytos and had Constantinopolitan connections - As evidenced by certain iconographic peculiarities, St. Neophytos was actively involved in devising the iconographic programme of both the first and the second phases of decoration - Bib!.: Cormack, Wriling in Gold, pp. 215-251; Mango and Hawkins, 'The Hermitage of St. Neophytos' Palmos, Monaslery if St. John, chapel if SI. Leonlios (chapel if the Virgin) - Oliginal decoration: after 1185, probably c. 1200 - Donor: Arsenios, abbot of the monastelY, in honour of his spiritual father Leontios, who had been himself abbot of the monastery and, later, patriarch of Jerusalem (tI 185) - Note: chapel repainted in 1745; it was probably then that it \\-'as re-dedicated t~ the Theotokos, under which dedication it is known today - BI?!.: 'Oplcuv80" 'H apXlwcrovl>:i) Kai ai fivsavnvai rOlxoypatpial rij<; Movii<; Ilar/lOV, pp. 123-174, 258-268; MouplJcrJ, '0, <01xoypa
APPENDIX ONE APPENDIX ONE

308 disci les b

ra

tlle sea of Tiberias, The miraculous draught of fish): contcmpo_ .

~o th: chapel of St. Leontios (after 1185, pro?ably c. 1200)

_ S:70nd hase (northem part of western wall: mcludmg s~enes from the Passl~n cycle): 6rlandOS dates it to the early decades of the thirteenth century, while Kolias to end of the thirteenth century ... . . _ Third) hase (southern part of western wall: Crucifixion, Dl~tnbutlOn of the P La cotatioD Descent into Hell): Orlandos, dates It to the second rrr:F~~e th~centll c~ntUlY) wh~lc ~oli~s, to its th~rd quarter ; ~ _ _ Rbl' '0 Mivllo, 'H apx,ux:rov,"'1 {3v!;avnv", ro'xorpmp,a, T1J, Mov~,

K'" '"

dar~ov, ~p.

Pee ~ _ _ -

175'--255, 268-270; Kolias, Patmos, pp. 24-26 PatriarciuJle, Chltrch if St. DemefnDS 1320-1324: construction .' Donor: archbishop of Serbia N,kodim (1317-1324) c. 1345: painted decoration . . " Donor: most probably, archbIshop JoanikiJe II (1338-1346) Painter: John (signature in Greek) ..

_ Note: paintings partly restored at the begmmng of ~~ seventee~th century .

_ Bibl.: Djuric, Byzantiniscke Fresken, pp. 82-83; PetkoVlc, The Patnarchale if Pee, pp. 17-22 Pee Patriarchale, chard, if the Apostles " . ~ Construction possibly initiated by St. Sava of SerbIa; It was reahzcd by Arsenije I - Phases of painted decoration: • Mid-thirteenth century: sanctuary and the area beneath the dome • c. 1300: west part and the Passion cycle • 1350-1354: pilasters, and the arch connecting them, between the western

and central bays . , • third quarter of fourteenth century:. restoratIo? .?f the chOIrs of the church • soon after 1354: Dormition of Patnarch JoamkiJe - Bibl.: Ljubinkovic, 77te Church if the Apostles; Petkovic, The Patriarchale if Pet, pp. 9-16 Pee, PatriarciuJle, church if the Virgin - c. 1330 - Founded by archbishop DaniJo II . - According to Petkovic, the painted decoration was completed under Dando's successor, Joanikije 11 - Bib!.: Petkovic, The Patriarehale if Pet, pp. 23-27; Djuric, Byzantinische Fresken, pp. 84, 85 Peradooria, church if the HolY Apostles - 1160-1180 - Bib!.: Megaw and Hawkins, 'The Church of the Holy Apostles at Perachorio' Plotsa (m the Mani), St. Nuhoi.as - Middle Byzantine church renovated in 1337/8 . - Donor of renovation of 1337/8: Constantine Spanes, pOJlSebastos and IzaouslOS, a member of the Slav tribe of the Melings dwelling on Mount Taygetos - Two phases of painted decoration:

• First phase (nave): 1337/8 . • Second phase (south aisle with its apse): 1343/4-1348/9, paid by vanOUS local donors, including priests, with their families, and monks - Note: some of the scenes of the cycle of St. Nicholas in the south aisle have

been repainted - Bib!.: Mouriki, The Frescoes Priqen, Bogt»'odiea Ijeds"ka - Painted decoration:

if St.

Nu/wi.as at Plotsa

309

1220-1230: attributed to the same works~op as the thirteenth-century fresat Maraca and St. Nlcholas, Studemca

•

~~~8/9:

donor, king Milutin of Serbia, with contributions of bishops Darnjan

and Sava

. k d" S bOO', H 11 r IJI; a ensleben, Malersckule; Panic nd Babic Bogorod,ea 4,",],ka R Q1~ca lWonastery, katholikon "". Founded in 137617 by prince Lazar, perhaps to seIVe as his mausoleum, He was indeed buried there m 1389 _ Painted decoration: 137617-1389 _ Bibl.: Belovic, Ravamca Resava Monastery ~Vfanasija), katho/ikm - 1407-1418 _ Donor: the despoles Stefan Lazarevic _ Bib1.: Djuric, Jedn~ shk~r: a ra IOmca u

_ According to Djuric, the painters were formed in the workshops of Thessalonike _ Bibl.: Djuric, Resava; idem, 'Peinture murale de Resava'; Todic, Manastir Resava

Se/inlt, Kak kilisesi _ Late tenth or early eleventh century

_ Donor~portrait of an aristocratic family, unfortunately unidentified - Bib!.: Rodley, Cave k/onasleries, pp. 63-85; Jolivet-Levy, Eg/ises hyz. de Cappadoce, pp. 331-332 Serres, Monastery if St. John the Baptist, kat/w/ikon .. . - 1275: foundation of the monastery by Ioannikios, a naUve of Serres - 1330-1332: foundation of the katholikon that still stands today • Donor: the metropolitan of Zichna(?) Joachim, a nephew of the founder - 1345: Serres come under Serbian control; Stefan DUSan becomes a patron of the monastery

- Byzantine paintings survive in the exonarthex of the katho/ikon: • 1300-1333 (donor with Christ, Martyrdom of the Forty Martyrs) • 1333-1345 (figure of Christ Antiphonetes; figures of ascetics and hymnographers; isolated narrative scenes)

1345-1355 (cycles of the Miracles of Christ and of St. John the Baptist) - Bib!.: 3uyyonouAoS, Ai m,xorpa'P{at mu Ka9oll.!lcoU ril, Movij, npolipol'ov Sinassos, Haa Ismail dere no. 1 - Mid-tenth century - Bib!.: Jolivet-Levy, Eglises hyz. de Cappadoet, pp. 191-192 Sinassos, HolY Apostles (church if the Pentecost) - First quarter of tenth century

- Note: decoration of dome attIibuted to the same workshop as SI. John, GiilIii dere (913-920), and Old Tokah kilise" G6reme - Bib!.: Thierry, 'Atelier'; Jolivet-Levy, Eglises bp;. de Cappadoee, pp. 180-182 Sinassos, Tavjalllz kilise - 913-920 (or, less probably, 945) - According to an inscription, the decoration was executed under bishop Leo) during the reign of Constantine Porphyrogennetos (Constantine VII, sole ruler between 913 and 920, and again in 945). The bishop's name is mentioned before that of the emperor in the inscription - ~ote: stylistic affinities with Balhk kilise, Soganh, and Goreme, chapd no. II - BIb!.: Jerphanion, Eg/ises mpestres, II/2, p. 389; Restle, By~. WaJJ-palllhllg, pp. _ 152-153; Jolivet-Levy, Eg/ises hyz. de Cappadoce, pp. 182-184 Soganlt, ~alh~ kiJise (paintings destrqyea in /958) - Begmnmg or first half of tenth century - Note: painted decoration attributed to the same \\o'orkshop as Goreme, chapel no. 11; Jerphanion recognizes Armenian influences in both monuments

APPENDIX ONE

310

APPENDIX ONE

_ Bibl.:Jerphanion, £glisrs mpestltS, IlII, pp. 249-270; Il/2, pp. 390, 416;Jolivet_ U'T, £glises bp:. de Cappado~e, pp. 255-256 &ganil Ca/,avar (pjm,avar) h'rse (1 rimril ,,/ise) ' . _ Paintings ranging from the eleventh century down, to the penod of Turkish mle _ c. 1060: portrait of a female donor called Eudokia. . '. _ Bib!.: Jerphanion, Eglises mpestres, IlII, p. 363; Johvet-Levy, EgIlSes iryz. de Cappodoce, pp. 271-272 &ganlt, Karaba, kiJise - Monastic church - 106011 (inscription) . . _ Donors: the protospalltanos Michael Skepldes, the ~un Cathenne, and the monk Niphon, probably all members of the same faml!Y . _ Eight survi\~ng portraits. of the donors ~nd theIr fm;llly(?): ,the .protospatlza'!os Skepides, the nun C~thcI1:ne) th~ ~onk Nlphon, the pnest Basil, Elrene, wIana,

Eudokia and an umdenufied digmtary _ Note: th'e activity of the Skepides family is related to the top layer of decoration; beneath this, an earlier layer is visible, probably datable to the beginning of the tenth centul1'

_ Bib!.: Jerphanion, Eglises rupestres, IIII, pp. 333-360; R",:tle, B.;;z. Wall-paill!illg, pp. 162-164; Rodley, Cove MOlUlStmes, pp. 193-202; Thlerry, Karaba, kihse'; Jolivet-Uvy, £glises iryz. de Coppodoce, pp. 266-270 Soifonh, SI. Barbara - 1006 or 1021, during the reign of Basil Il and Constantine VIII (inscription) _ Donor: Basil, d()tneslikos and either epi /hyTOll (an ecclesiastical official of Hagia Sophia, Constantinople), or epi /hematoll (a military official); according to Rodley, the predominance of military saints in the iconographic programme argues in favour of the second reading

- Bibl.:Jerphanion, Eglises rupestres, IlII, pp. 307-322; II/2, p. 390; Restle, Byz. Wall-pointing, pp. 160-161; Rodley, Cwe MOllasteries, pp. 203-207; Jolivet-Uvy, Eg/ises iryz. de Cappadoce, pp. 258-262 Slaro .Nogoriiina, MOllaster), gf St. George - Renovated in 1313; painted decoration completed by 1317/8 - Donor: king :Milutin, in commemoration of a victory against the Turks

- Painters: Michael Astrapas and Eutychios - Bib!.: Hallensleben, Malerscltu/c; Miljkovic-p'epek, Dewla IIa zograjite Millaiw i Eutil,y; Millet and Frolow, La pd"ture du M'!)'tn Age, Ill, p. XI, pis. 71-119 Studeniea Monastery, church gf Sts. ]oacl,in, and Anna - 1314 - founded by king Milutin of Serbia, portrayed in the church with his \\1fe, queen Simonida - Note: paintings attributed by some

art~historians

to the workshop of Michacl

Astrapas and Eutychios - Bib!.: Cirkovic, Korac, Babic, Studeniea Monastery, pp. 89-142; Cvetkovic, 'K6nig Milutin' Tagar, St. Theadore - eleventh century - Note: according to Jolivet~Levy, parts may have been repainted at a later date

- Bib!.: Jolivet-Uvy, Eglises byz. de CappadJJce, pp. 211-215 Thessolonik, Acheiropoietas - Built in the fifth century and adorned with mosaics of which fragments remain

- 1224-1230: portraits of the Forty Martyrs ofSebasteia (south face of the south colonnade of the nave) - Bib!.: EuyyonouM<;, 'Ai tOlXDYpacplm tOOV 'AYloov T",cro:paKOVta'

311

w/like cltapel gf St. Eutlrymios

77~s~he ~hapel was attached to the south-east side of the basilica of St. Demetrios _ 1303 (inscription). ' . _ Donors: the protostrator Mlchael Glabas Tarchanelotcs and hiS wife Maria _ Bib1.: Gouma-Peterson, 'The Parecc/esioll of St. Euthymios'; eadem, 'Christ as Ministrant'; eadem, 'The Frescoes of the Parekkleslon of St. Euthymios' 7/t£ssOWllike, HolY Apostles . " _ Originally, the katllOlikon of a monasuc establIshment probably dedicated to the Theotokos _ Mosaics survive in the dome and the vaults of the naos, while frescoes adorn the lower z~ne of the ;taos, the .am~ulatory, a~d the exonarthex. Apparently, the bema did not receIVe any plctonal decoration. _ According to an inscription on the lintel of the main entrance and monograms

in stone and bdckwork, the church was founded by the patriarch of Constantinople Niphon I (1310-1314) _ A second inscription identifies Paul, abbot of the monastery and a disciple of Niphon, as the second founder _ Dendrochronological data reveal that the entire church was constructed after 1329. Consequently, the mosaics and the frescoes must have been conceived as a single unified programme and were probably executed in the years between

1329 and c. 1334 (Niphon's death) - Bibl.: S\)yy61tOUAO~, 'H 1jI1]qnowrry OlaI(OC1J11}m~ tou vaou roov 'Ay{cov 'A7rOC1rOA.mv; idem, 'Les fresques de l'eglise des Saints-Apotres'; Kissas, '0 vremenu nastanka fresaka u crkvi Svetih Apostola'; Stephan, E&, iryzalllinisches Bi/JJensemh/c; Kunmolm and Striker, 'Dendrochronologi; Nelson, 'Tales of Two Cities'

TI,essalollik, Latomou Monastery (Hosios David) - Early Byzantine mosaic in the apse - Frescoes preserved in the south barrel vault (Nativity, Baptism, Presentation to

the Temple, Transfiguration): 1160-1170 (Tsigaridas) or turn of the twelfth century (Mouriki) - Frescoes preserved on the east wall of the north barrel-vault (the Virgin of the Passion, Christ praying on tlle Mount of Olives, Entry into Jerusalem): late thirteenth or early fourteenth century

- Bib!.: Mouriki, 'Stylistic Trends-11th-12th c.', pp. 119-123; Tcrtyapioa<;, O! !OlloypmplE, TI), .uov,i; Aaro.uov TIiessalonike, Pallagia tOll Chalkeoll - 1028 (inscription) - Donors: Christophoros, imperial protospatharios and katepano of the theme of Longobardia, and his family - BibL: Tsitouridou, Tire Church gf tire Panagia Chalkeon 7hessalollike, '!r0pheles Elias (origi11al dedicatioll un/mown) - Monastlc church - Frescoes preserved in the narthex (Christ's Infancy, :Ministry, and Nliracles): c. 1370-1380

- Bib!,:. H l!aAaIOAoYE!<X Smypaq1lK"l)

UTI)

eEcrcraAOVllG/, p. 24; Papazotos, 'The

Identdkatton of the Church of "Profitis Elias'"

Tlressolo/likt, St. Catltedll' (original dedication UI,hlOwn) - r:resc~es survive in the bema, dome, nave (NIiracle cycle) and narthex (monasttc samts) - D.ated on stylistic grounds to c. 1315 - BlbL: Mouriki, 'Stylistic Trends-14th c.', pp. 60-61 Tlressaw'~ike, St. Nic/lOlas OrpltmlOs - pO~gInally, a monastic church; date of foundation of monastery unknown - amted decoration: 1310-1320 or 1340-1350

,. APPENDIX ONE

312

_ B'bl' K.i as 'Srpski srednjovekovni spomcnici'; Mavropoulou Tsiourni, 77u C~u'~h ;St~' .MclzolllS Orplla1los; l\1ouriki, 'Stylistic Tr~nds-14th, c.', p. 61; Tcrtooupioou, 0 '(l)rpaqmro~ O!&~'YX1Jl~ 1'OU 1r~v N,l1(oA.&ou ~q>avov; Ve!mans, 'Les fresques de Saint Nicholas Orphanos; .:.\)n01tO\}Ao~, Ol TOlxorpaq)le~ rov 'A riov Nu",;'&ov 'Qwavoi) Trehizond. churel, 0/ 8( SophUl _ Church founded soon after 1250 . _ Donor: Manue! I Komnenos of Treblzond (1238-1263) w

APPENDIX TWO

PORTRAITS OF BYZANTINE EMPERORS AND THEIR FAMILIES (NINTH TO FIFTEENTH CENTURIES)*

_ Phases of painted decoration: • c. 1260: naos and narthex

• c. 1270:

Vt'estem

porch

BYZANTINE EMPIRE

.

• late fourteenth or early fifteenth century: tomb-mche

• 1443: bell-tower

_ Bib!.: The Church 0/ Hog"ia Sophia at Trehizond Trikomo, church 0/ tlIe Panagia 17l£owkos - Early tWeIfcll century . . . _ Note: Winfie!d has attributed the paInted decoratIOn of this church and of Panagia Phorbiotissa at Asinou to a pupil of the master of St. John Chrysostom at Koutsovcndes

_ Bib!': Stylianou, The Painted ChurcMs 0/ Cyprus, pp. 486-491; Winfield, 'Hagios Chrysostomos' Orgiip AI; IdJ.ise (church no. 3) - Second haIf of tenth century-beginning of e!eventh - Bib!.: Jolivet-Uvy, Eg/ises hyZ. de Cappadoce, pp. 149-150

Orgiip, SI. Theodore - ninth-tenth century . - Bib!.: Jolivet-Uvy, £glues hyz. de Cappadoce, pp. 219-222 Ve!jllSa Mo/U1Stery, kotJzolikon - 1080: founded by Manue!, bishop of Strumitza - Phases of painted decoration: • 1085/93: the bema, cl,e naos, the narthex and the south chapel • 1164-1170: the south portico and parts of the exonarthex • thirteenth-fourteenth century: parts of the cxonarthex reconstructed and repainted - Bib).: Djuric, 'Fresques du monastere de Veljusa'; Miljkovic-Pepek, Ve!iusa

Velmei, St. Kuholas - Probably, originally dedicated to the Theotokos - The only surviving part of the original decoration is the representation of the

Virgin and Child on the lunette of the south fa,ade, dated to the second haIf of the thirteenth century - Bibl.: Miljkovic-Pepek, 'Edna neprollcena crkva vo s. Velmej' Verrow, church 0/ the A/U1Stasis (HagWs Chrisws) - 1315 Cmscription) - Donors: Xenos Psalidas and his wife, Euphrosyne, who saw the work completed following his death - Painter: Kallicrges, who in the dedicatory inscription identified himself as 'the

best painter of all ThessaIy' - Funeral)' portraits, dating to a later period, are preserved on the exterior walls

I Basil I (867-886) . _ Par. gr. 510, f. Cv (879-883) (poorly preserved)

.

_ Standing on dais between the prophet EIlJah, who offers hIm a labarum, and the archangel Gabriel, who crowns him _ Purple tunic; crossed loros; crown, circlet surmounted by cross, prependoulia; red shoes trimmed with pearls

_ Bib!.: Spacllarakis, Portrait, pp. 96-97, fig. 62 (h/w); Maguire, 'A Murderer'; Brubaker, VISioll and Meaning, pp. 158-162, fig. 5

2. Eudokia Ingerina (t88213), wife 0/ Basil I, and her sons, Leo and Alexander - Par. gr. 510, f Br (879-883) (poorly preserved)

- Standing on dais - Empress: purple tunic; crossed loros; crown, poorly preserved; red shoes trimmed with pearls; right hand, sceptre with trilobate top; left hand, orb - Leo, Alexander: purple tunic; crossed loros; crown, circlet surmounted by cross, prepmdoulia; red shoes ttimmed with pearls; right hand, akaJC£a; left hand, orb

- Bib!.: Spatharakis, Portrait, pp. 97-98, fig. 63 (hI",); Lowden, earlY Chrislitm alld Byz. Art, fig. 110 (colour); Bmbaker, VISion and ivIeaning, pp. 162-163, fig. 2 3. ?Basil I (867-886) alld El/dokia Ingerina (t882 I 3) - Panel on the lid of the ivory casket with scenes from the life of David in the Palazzo di Venezia, Rome - Standing, with hands raised and heads bowing towards Christ, who crowns them - Emperor: long, long-sleeved tunic; crossed loros; crQ\\OTI, a circlet, no prependoulia visible - Empress: long, long-sleeved tunic, bejewelled band around hem; crossed loros; crown, circlet, prependoulia(?) - Note: identification of imperial couple disputed; alternative proposed: Leo VI

(886-912) and his third wife, Eudokia Baiane - Bibl.: Goldschmidt and Weitzmann, ElfeJIheillskuiptl/re1l, 11, no. 123; Maguire, 'The Art of Comparing,' pp. 89-93; Cutler and Oikonomides, 'An Imperial Byzantine Casket,' pp. 77-87; Kalavrezou, 'A New Type ofIcon,' pp. 392-396 4. Leo VI (886-912) - Enamel medallion on a votive crown, Treasury of San ~1arco, Venice (dated

early in the reign) - Bust

of the church - Bib!.: Mouriki, 'Stylistic Trends-14th c.', pp. 66-68; I1.A.£Kav(8~c;, KaMtEP)'T/,

Zemm Mo/U1Stery, katlwlilwn - Dedicated to St. John the Theologian - Main layer of painted decoration not prior to the first quarter of the fourteenth century - Bib!.: Grabar, Peinture, pp. 186-223; Mavrodinova, Zeme1lskata tsiirhJa

*

Effigies of rulers on coins and seals have not been listed as they are far too

nu~erous and have been treated in detail in specialized publications that can be

eaSily consulted. Basic works of reference for 1vIiddle and Late Byzantine monetary material are DOC II-V. For imperial effigies on seaIs the basic work of reference is Zacos, Seals, Ill, nos. 1-128 bis (pp. 3-127).

APPENDIX '!WO

314

APPENDIX TWO

_ Dark-coloured tunic; crossed loros; croWll, circlet surmounted by cross, prepen-

~~~~~ 'Vessel, Ellamc/s, pp. 57-58, fig. 12a O?I:,,); Cutler and Spicscr, Byzance mMiivale, fig. 14+ (coloUlJ; Lowden, EAr9' ClmstwlI alld By". Art, fig. 127 (colour) .. Uo VI (886-912) (PI. 34) . .. 'k dB" o. II d 'sceptre of Leo VI' .Museum fur Spatantt °C un yzanulllsche - IV0I1'. so-ca c ' Kunst Berlin . 1'1 tl I 1Gb' I _ Em ;ur in bust. crowned by the Virgtn,.w 11 e 1e arc lange ~ ne attends _

_ Lo:-slc~\'ed tunic; crossed loms; crown, Circlet surmounted by tnlobate ornamen~, prepmdou/ia; right hand, sceptre (top broken); left hand, orb surmounted

~~~~~-o~orrigan, 'The Ivory Scepter of Leo VI'; Arnulf, 'Ei?c Perle'; Cutler and Spieser, Bp.IIIICe mediaale, fig. 97 (colour); Gwry 'If ByzalltlUm, no. 138 (pp. 201-202) 6 UnidentfJied lalt ninth- or ear!y tenth-century emperor . . _ ~{osaic panel, narthex, Hagia Sophia, C~nstanunople ~ Emperor in pros/y'llesis, at the feet of
315

Nikephoros 1l PllOkas (963-969) alld 17t,opharlO (PI. 17) 10. _' Apse of jllOthesis, Pigeon House Church, Cavu§in (963-969) (poorly preserved) _ Emperor standing in front of throne, flanked by empress and other members of the imperial family _ Nikephoros: orange-brown tunic; simplified [01OS, train shown draped over both forearms (misunderstood); crown surmounted by three crosses; left hand, small cross _ Theophano: orange-brown dress; simplified loros, no indication of train; crown, prependoulia(?) _ Bib!.: Rodley, 'Pigeon House Church,' esp. pp. 309-310; Thierry, 'Tzimiskes,' drawing on p. 478; Cutler and Spieser, Byzance medieval" fig. 77 (colour) I!. Basil II (976-1025) (Pis. 31a, 110) _ Marc. gr. Z.17 ('Psalter of Basil H'), ( IIlr (early eleventh century) _ Standing on upholstered footstool; at his feet, prostrated enemies; above, Chlist, in bust, holds crown; the ~rchangel Nlichael offers the emperor a spear; the archangel Gabricl crowns him; right and left, busts of military saints - Knee-length purple tunic; golde~ lamellar cuirass, detached arm-guards; blue mantle, fastened at the front With round fibula; crown, circlet, prependoulia; blue stockings or trousers; high red boots, trimmed with pearls; right hand, spear; left hand, sheathed sword - Bib!.: Spatharakis, Portrait, pp. 20-26, fig. 6 (b/w); Cutler and Spieser, Bp;a"" medievale, fig. 254 (colour); Oikonomidcs, 'The Significance of Some Imperial iMonumental Portraits/ p. 24 12. COllstantill' IX klollomacllOs (1042-1055) and
bejewelled £lap(?) at the back; holds scroll with both hands - Note: originally the panel portrayed the first husband of Zoe, Romanos III (1028-1034). At a later date the faces of all three figures were redone and the inscription accompan)~ng the portrait of the emperor was modified accordingly. It is not clear why the faces of Zoe and Christ were replaced - Bib!.: Mango, Materials, pp. 27-28, fig. 14 (b/w); Kalavrezou 'Irregular M~rriages'; Cormack, 'The Emperor at St. Sophia,' pp. 240~242;' Cutler and Spleser, Byzance mMievale, figs. 260-261 (colour); Lowden, EArly Christian and Byz. Art, pp. 249-251, fig. 145 (COIOUlt Oikonomides, 'Constantine IX'; idem, 'The .Significance of Some Impelial :Monumental Portraits,' pp. 24-25 13. COllstalltm, IX MonomacllOs (1042-1055), Zoe (t1050), and 7)reodora (tJ056) - Smart. gr. 364, ( 3r (10+2) - Standil~g; above, Christ in a mandorla with a crown at His feet, flanked by two Aymg angels holding crowns - Const~ntine (centre): purple tunic, pattenled; simplified loTOs; crown, circlet, prtpendoulza(?); red shoes trimmed with pearls; light hand, sceptre; left hand, akakia - Zoe Oeft): red drcss, patterned; simplified wros, broad train brought to the front from the level of light ankle, secured \\~th a belt and then draped over I~f~ forearm; crown, triangular projections along upper rim, no prepmdolllia vlSlble; red shoes; left hand, sceptre with trilobate top - Theodora (right): same as Zoe though drcss blue - Bib!.: Spatharakis, Porlrail, pp. '99-102: fig. 66 (b/w); Sillai, fig. 8 on p. 331 (colour); C~lller and Spieser, By;:allc, mMievale, fig. 263 (colour); To Rv!:civtlo "" O,X:OVJ1EVry, no. 16 (pp. 86-87) (colour)

i

Ii i

I

APPENDIX TWO

APPENDIX TWO

316

14. Conswnlint IX MOlloma,hos (1042-1055),
_ Standing on upholstered footstools.

.

.'

.

Co ' . blue tunic patteOlcd \\1th Inverted hearts, simplIfied loros; crown, - clre . nlstanurepoe . .I t/ia' red'shoes', right hand, /abamm; left hand, white, scron-like et, p t1lwol I

obje:~1

-

cl

attemed with inverted

(what looks like a wide sleeve

J:t~rmination of the ,draped over the forearm); simplified loros, bro;d train, shield-like, adom~d ,~th t\\'o-anned cro~s, end drape~. over i~O:~tua~~'

hCaJiS

/Qros

left foreann; crown, ttiangular projections along upper nm, prependoulra, red shoes; right hand, .sceptre _ Theodora: mirror Image of Zoc .

_ Bib!.: \Vessel, Enamels, pp. 96- J04, ,figs. 32. a-c (h/w); Glory, if By>:all!lIIm, no. 145 (pp. 210-212) (colour); Kiss, The Monomachos Crown; To Bvsavr/O OIKovlu!V~, no. 14 (pp. 78-83) (colour) .. . . 15. Co'::tanline X Doukas (1059-1067), Eudokia MakrembolillSSa, and 11",r SOIlS MlChael OJld Omslantias(?) - Par. gr. 922, f. 6r (poorly preserved) . _ Standing on footstool (Eudokia) and uphobtered footstools (the rest), on .CltI;er side of the Virgin, who crowns the Impenal couple; angels crown the Juruor

emperors - Constantine: crossed toros - Eudokia: simplified loros, broad train, shield-like . .

.

- Details of the dress of the junior emperors not distmgUIshable

- Bib!.: Spatharakis, Portrai4 pp. 102-106, fig. 68 (b/w) . 16. COIISUmIint X Doukas (1059-1067) alld Eudokia MaA7embohhssa - Silver gilt reliquary of St. Demetrios, State Historical and Cultural Museum, Nloscow - Standing, crowned by Christ in bust . - Constantine: long tunic; simplified loros; crown, Circlet surmounted by cross, prependouli.; right hand, lobarum; left hand, orb . - Eudokia: same vestments as the emperor; no labarum, only orb In left hand - Bibl.: Glory if Byzanlium, no. 36 (pp. 77-78) . 17. lComwntine X Doukas (1059-1067), Eudokia Makrembolitissa, and Michaei or COlISwntw, - Barb. gr. 372, f. 5r (alterations, probably, during the Palaiologan period) . - Standing on upholstered footstools; three angels crown them; above, Chnst enthroned holds an open crown . - Constantine Oeft): blue tunic; crossed loras; hemispherical crown, prependo~/lQ (originally, the crown was an open circlet, similar to that held by Chnst);

red shoes; right hand, lobarum; left hand, afrakia - Junior emperor (centre): same as Constantine (crown altered in the same

way); left hand, codex . . - Eudokia (right): red dress, sleeves exceedingly wide at the wrists; sln:'~lified loros, broad train, shield-like, adorned with hvo-anned cross; crown, ongmally with projections along upper rim (repainted) . - Note: identification of imperial family disputed; alternatives proposed: A1exlOs I Komnenos (1081-1118), Eirene Doukaina, and John . . - Bibl.: Spatharakis, Porlrail, pp. 26-36, figs. 7-8 (b/w); Anderson, 'Barbenm Psalter'; Cutler and Spieser, Byzanee midiivai£, fig. 278 (colour) 18. MicJw£i VII Doukas (1071-1078) and Conswllline, his son (PI. 30) - Gold enamel plaques, Holy Crown of Hungary, Hungarian Parliament, Budapest (1074-1077) - Busts

317

_ Michacl: blue tunic, patterned with inverted hearts; crossed loros; crown, circlet surmounted by trilobate ornament, prependbulw; right hand, /aharum; left . . . hand, sheathed swor~ _ Constantine: blue tumc, patterned WIth mvcrted hearts, collar WIth three vertical elements projecting down the chest and shoulders; no Unos; crown, circlet surmounted by trilobate ornament, prependoulia; right hand, labarum; left hand, white scroll-like object . _ Bib!.: Wessel, Ellamels, pp. 111-115, figs. 37. d-e (h/w); Kovacs and Lovag, TIre Hungarian Crown, pp. 18-57, 75-81; Cutler and Spieser, Byzance mMiilJaie,

fig. 267 (colour); Giory if Byzalllium, on p. 187 (colour) 19. Mi'haei VII Doukns (1071-1078) and ,'daria if Alonia

- Enamel plaque on the Khakhuli triptych, Georgian State Art Museum,

,

Tbilisi - Standing on upholstered footstools, crowned by Christ in bust - Michael: blue{?) tunic patterned with inverted hearts; simplified was; crown, circlet sunnounted by trilobate ornament, prependoulw; red shoes; right hand, labarum; left hand, white scroll-like object - Maria: blue(?) dress pattelned with inverted hearts,· sleeves exceedingly wide at the \"";sts; simplified loros, broad train, shield-like; crown, projections along upper

rim no prepet/douiia, red flap(?) at the back; left hand, cross-topped sceptre - Bib!': Wessel, Enamels, pp. 115-116, 119, fig. 38 (h/w); Zias el ai., BY>:llIl(e, on p. 56 (colour) 20. lvIi,haei VII Doukas (1071-1078) alld Maria if Alollia (PIs. 2, 19, 31c, 32b) - Coislill 79, f. 1(2bis)v - Standing, crowned by Christ in bust - NIichael: dark blue tunic, richly patterned; crossed /(Jros; crown, circlet, prependOlllia; right hand, labarum; left hand, akakia - Maria: dark blue dress, richly patterned, sleeves exceedingly \'vide at the wrists;

simplified ioros, broad train brought to tl,e front from the level of right ankle, tucked in belt; elabOl'ate crown (projections along upper rim and prependoulia not visible); right hand, sceptre - Note: originally made for Michael VII, Coulill 79 was offered to his successor Nikephoros III Botaneiates (1078-1081) following Michael's abdication. The dedication miniatures were maintained with minor alterations to the facial features of the emperor and the necessary renaming of the imperial

pOltraits on If. I (2bis)v, 2r, 2v. The portrait of Maria of A1ania, who became the wife of Nikephoros III, remained unaltered - Bibl.: Spatharakis, Portrait, pp. I OB-ll 0, figs. 70, 73, 74 (b/w); Dumitrescu, 'Coislin 79'; Glory if Byzalltium, on p. 182 (colour) 21. Micha" VII Doukas (1071-1078) (PIs. I, 11) - Coulill 79, f. 2r - Entllroned, feet resting on upholstered footstool, flanked by four officials of the court; behind the throne, personifications of Truth and Justice - Blue tunic, richly patterned, girt; dark blue chlamys patterned with inverted hearts, borders trimmed with pearls, golden tab/wll, fastened tm....ards the right; crown, circlet, prependoulia (effaced); red shoes trimmed with pearls; left hand,

akakia - Note: see note to no. 20

- Bib!.: Spatharakis, Portrait, pp. 110-111, figs. 71, 75 (h/w); Cutler and Spieser, By>:all" mtdiivale, fig. 268 (colour); Glory if ByzallJiIIOI, no. 143 (pp. 207-209) (colour) 22. Midwei VII DOllkas (1071-1078) (PI. 6) • - Coislin 79, f. 2v - Standing on upholstered footstool, flanked by St. Jobn Chrysostom and the archangel Michael; to the light of upholstered footstool, minuscule kneeling figure of donor

I'I

I I

I

APPENDIX TWO APPENDIX TWO

318

_ GoldMcmbroidcrcd hem of undergannent ,?siblc; purple tunic, ,richly patM cl vCl1ical slit at the lower front of ~kHt) collar ~domcd Wl~l a cross, ~~~~e 11'0 mantle; crown, circlet, prependoulra; hands ralsed to receIVe codex offe~'Cd bv St. John Chrysostom - Note: sec' note to no. 20 ). B

_ Bib!.: SpatlJarakis, POIlr0l1, pp. 111-112, figs. 72, 76 (h/w, !)'zal/ce, no. 271 (pp. 360-361) (colour) 23 .•Nikphoros IJ/ BOUlI/,,?tes (1078-1081) - CoisliJl 79 f. 1(2bls)r . .

_ To the I~ghtl enthroned, feet resting on footstool, lIstenmg to monk Sabas

~tding. -

patterned with inverted hearts; purple chlanl)'s, patterned with u~ tU~lc~ers uimmed \\~th pearls and gems, golden lablion, fastened at the d;lte-~ilO~ldcr; crown, circlet sunnounted by trilobate ornament, prependoulia;

red shoes

_ Note: this portrait was added to the OUler

th

fee

d d'

. .

h

e lcatory mInIatures w en

Coislin 79 was offered to Nikephoros III (see note to no. 20) . _ Bib!.: Spatllarakis, Portrai~ pp. 107-108, fig. 69 (h/w); Glory of ByzantIUm, no. 143 (pp. 207-209) and on p. 82 (colour) 24. Alexios I Komnetlos (1081-1118) (PI. 12) _ 1'0/ gr. 666 [ 2r (teT7IIilWS post quem 1109-1111) _ S~lcfutg on~ upholstered footstool, r.u~ed towards left, ~acing chorus of Church Fathers represented on f. 1V; Chnst m bust bles~es hIm _ Dark blue tunic, patterned with double fleurs-de-lis an~ spades; purple chlal'l!)ls similarly patterned, tablioll not visible; crown, open CIrclet, traces of prependoulur red shoes trimmed \,...ith pearls _ Bibl.:' Spatharakis, Portrait, pp. 123-125, figs. 79, 81, 84 (h/w); Cutler and Spieser, IJ)'za/lCe mMiivale, fig. 280 (colour) 25. Alexios I KlJIIIJ/eTU!s (1081-1118) (PI. 13) - Vat. gr. 666, [ 2v (terminus post quem 1109-1111) .

- Standing, turned towards right, offering codex to e?th~one~ Chnst - Purple tunic patterned v.~th crude double fleurs-de-lis; Simplified toros; crown, , circlet, prependoulia; red shoes trimmed with pearls

- Bibl.: Spatharakis, Portrait, pp. 125-126, figs. 80, 82, 85 (h/w); lEE p. 23 (colour) 26. Eirene Doukoina, wifi of Alexins I Komnenos (/081-1118) - Gold enamel plaque, Pala d'Oro, Venice (c. IIOS?) - Standing on upholstered footstool

e,

on

- Hem of undergannent visible; blue dress patterned with spades, sleeves exceedingly wide at the wrists; simplified loros, broad train, shield-like, adorned with two-anned cross; cro\'/n, three triangular projections along upper rim, no preptlldoulia, flap down the back; red shoes; right hand, sceptre . . - Bib!.: Wessel, Enamels, pp. 131-153, fig. 46b (h/w); Lowden, EarlY Chnshan

and !J;'z, Art, pp. 340-1, 343, fig. 206 (colour) . 27. John II Komnenos (1118-1143), Eirene (t1l34), and Alexws (crowned co-emperor l/l 1122) (Pis. 20, 31d, 32c) - Mosaic panel, south gallery, Hagia Sophia, Constantinople (11~2-1134). - Imperial couple flanking the Virgin and Child, standing; AlexlOs, standmg, portrayed on a pilaster at an angle to the panel of his parents (lower part of all three destroyed) - John: purple tunic richly patterned; simplified loros; hemispherical crown sur-

mounted by cross, preprodoulia; holds sealed purse with both hands

.

- Eirene: red dress richly patterned, sleeves exceedingly wide at the WrIsts; simplified loros, broad train tucked in belt; crown, projections along upper

319

rim, no prepentloulia, flap(?) at the back; earrings; holds sealed document with

both hands

_ Alexios: vestments similar to that of John 11; right hand, staff set with jewels and peads

_ Bibl.: Mango, Materials, pp. 28-29, figs. 17, 18 (b/w); Cutler and Spicscr, Byzance mediivale, figs. 287-288 (colour); Lowden, EarlY Christian and Byz. Art, pp. 351-353, fig. 212 (colo~r); Oikonomides, 'The Significance of Some Imperial Monumental Portrmts, pp. 24-25 28. Johll /I Komlle/los (1118-1143) and his eldest son Alexins (t1l42) (PI. 21) _ Vat. IIrh. gr. 2, f. 19v (1122-1142) _ Standing on upholstered footstools, crowned by Christ enthroned; throne of Christ flanked by personifications of Charity and Justice _ John, Alexios: purple tunic, patterned with double fleurs-de-lis; simplified loros; hemispherical crown, prependoulia; red shoes trimmed with pearls; right hand, labarum; left hand, akakia - Bibl.: Spatharakis, Portrait, pp. 79-83, figs. 46, 48, 50 (h/w); Glory of Byzantium, no. 144 (pp. 209-210) (colour); Lowden, EarlY Christian and Byz. Art, pp. 361-363, fig. 221 (colour); To Bv(avno "'> Ol1
- Bib!.: Spatharakis, Portrait, pp. 208-210, figs. 155-157 (b/w); lEE e', on p. 31 (colour) 30. -'John III DOl/kos Vatatzes (1222-1254) - Wall-painting, narthex, Ivlildeva (c. 1220-1228) - Simplified lows-costume - Note: identification disputed; alternative proposed: Ivan Assen 11 of Bulgaria (1218-1241) - Bib!.: Millet and Frolow, La peinture du MqyeJI Age, I, p!. 83.1 (h/w) 31. Theodore II Laskares (1254-1258) - lv1ollacel/sis gr. 442, [ 7v (1310-1354) - Standing on upholstered footstool - Dark purple tunic; simplified loros; hemisphetical crown surmounted by a jewel, pair of prependoulia on either side; red shoes; right hand, cross·topped sceptre; left hand, akakia - Bibl.: Spatilarakis, Portrait, pp. 167-168, fig. 108 (h/w); lEE e', on p. 91 (colour) 32. -'Michael VIII Palaiologos alld Alexios I Komnellos - \'Vall-painting, exterior south wall of narthex, Panagia Nlavriotissa, Kastoria

- Standing on upholstered footstools (left figure, more than half-destroyed; right figure, upper part of head destroyed) . - Left figure (Alexios I?): pmple tunic; loros (train preserved, draped over left forearm); left hand, white scroll-like object (a chrysobull?) - Right figure (Michael VIm): mirror image of left figure; purple tunic; crossed loros, train draped over tight forearm; crO\\'ll destroyed; right halld~ akakia; le:t hand, sceptre (top destroyed) - Blbl.: Pelekanides and Chatzidakes, Kastoria, fig. 20 on p. 83 (colour); na.alla,,",opa1<1]<;, "Eva EIKa,mKo £"yI
APPENDIX TWO APPENDIX TWO

320

_ Empress: dress, slceves exceedingly wide at the wrist,; simplified toms, narrow train, brought to the front round the abdomen, termination hidden under left sleeve; tall crown, rcstin~ on veil coming down the shoulders, pair of curving rows of pearls(?) frammg the facc; shoes, studded with pearls(?); right hand, sceptre _ Constantine: long-sleeved undergarment, rig~t sleeve visible; sleeveless, long , outcr garment (caftan?); ma?tie, pat,terned WIt.h medallions enclosing doublcheade? eagles alternatmg WIth. cruclform ffi?ufs, fastened at the right shoulder; diadem; shoes studded w1th pearls(?); nght hand, sceptre - Note: .There. exis~ other scventeenth-ce~tury. reprodu~tions of these imperial portr~lts, wInch dIffcr from onc another.m. mIllor details. Constantine appears standmg on an upholstered footstool Similar to that of his parents only in

33 Hickael VIII Paliliologos (1259-1282)

. . :.. Embroidered on the 'Pallio or San Lorcnzo', Pallazo Bmnce,. G~noa.(c. 1261)1 _ Standing, being led into the church of Genoa by ~t. LaurentlUs, be~und them, an angel (the archangel lvIichael?), who places Ius hand on the nght shoul-

der of the empcl'Or . , _ Long long-slecvcd tunic; simplified loras, adorned \vll~l c:~sscs, tram, draped over ieft foreann; hemispherical C!1)WI~, ,!1~ prepmdouha V1s1~le '. . _ Bibl.: johnstollc, 'TIle Byzantine . Palha III the. ~alazzo Bmlleo, ~cl~relncr, 'Zwci Denkmalcr aus der ffuhen ~aHi.ol?gellzelt; Parr,na Armam., Nuov~ . cl . ", Falcone '11 "pallio" bizanuno cll San Lorenzo ; Calderom Masetu, !~o~~~~~ioni tfuali'; Paribeni, 'Il pallia di San Lorenzo'; Cutler and Nesbitt, L'arll bizlWIiIUl, 2, pp. 318-319 (colour) 34. Mickatl HI! Palilialogos (1259-1282), Theodora, alld Alldrollikos 1I _ WaIl-painting, exonarthex, church of cl,e .Vn·gm, Apoll~ma. (1272-1282) _ Standing, slightly turned towards the '(ugm to the nght, m fro~t of ~le Virgin, a kneeling figure, and to the nght, a figure of an archlmandnte (poorly preserved; lower part destroyed).. . , . . _ Theodora Oeft): brown dress, sleeves exceedingly wIde at the wnsts(.); sImplified loror. taIl crown, prependoulia(?) _ Andronikos (centre): dark brown tunic; simplified roros; closed crown, prepmdoulia _ Michael (right): dark brown tunic; simplified 10TOS; closed crown, prependoulia; right hand, sceptre .. _ Bib!.: Buschhausen, ManenJ.1TCht, pp. 164-167, fig. 19 (drawing), p!. XXII (b/w)

35. Micluul HI! Paliliowgos (1259-1282) . _ WaIl-painting, altar area, rock-cut chapel of SI. Erasmos, near Ohnd (1275-1280) - Standing _ Crossed loros; hemispherical crm'V11, three prependoulia on either side; right hand, cross; left hand, empty - Bib!.: Miljkovic-Pepek, 'Michel VIII' 36. Miduul Hll Paliliowgos (1259-1282) - Monacensis gr. 442, f. 174r (1310-1354) - Standing on upholstered footstool - Dark purple tunic; simplified loros; hemispherical crown surmounted by a jewel, prependou/in; red shoes; right hand, cross-topped sceptre; left hand, white, scroll-like object - Bib!.: Spaulal-aJill, Portrait, pp. 167-169, fig. 109 (b/w); lEE e', on p. 119 (colour) 37. Miduul VIII Paliliowgos (1259-1282), TheodoTa, and Constantine - Seventeenth-century engravings (160 I) of now-lost mosaic portraits, refectory of the Peribleptos Monastery, Constantinople. The original portraits were probably executed c. 1270

the engraving reproduced by Du Cange (1680) - Bib!.: Grabar, 'Portraits oublics,' pp., 191-192, pIs; 22a-b, 23a; Mango, 'The Monastery of SI. Mary Penbleptos; Osborne, New Evidence for a Lost Portrait'; Iacobini, 'L'cpitalamio di Andronico Il,' p. 366, note 49 figs, 21 22; Stichel, "'Vcrgessenc Portraits" spatbyzantinischer Kaiser,' pp.' 75-84

I I would like to thank Cecily Hilsdale for providing me with the relevant bibliographical references.

1

38. Alldronikos II Pawiologos (1282-1328) (PIs. 23, 31f) - Chrysobull of 130 I, Byzantine Museum, Athens - Standing on upholstered footstool, presenting the rolled chrysobull to Christ standing - Dark blue tunic; simplified laras; hemispherical crown surmounted by a jewel pair of prependoulia on either side; right hand, cross-topped sceptre; left hand:

39.

40.

41.

- hnperial couple standing on upholstered footstools; Constantinc standing, no footstool. The position of the three portraits in relation to each other is not clear - Emperor: undergannent, right cuff visible; tunic, slit in the middle of the

hem at the front(?); simplified WTOS; hemispherical crown, pair of prependou/ia on either side; plain shoes; right hand, cross-topped sceptre; left hand, akakia

321

42.

the chrysobull - Bib!.: Spatharakis, POTtrait, pp. 184-185, fig. 134 (b/w)' To Bv'av<1O "" Oll(oVJ1eV~, no. 53 (pp. 144-146) (colour) , Androllikos II Pawiologos (1282-1328) - Chrysobull of 1307, Pierpont Morgan Library, New York - Standing on upholstered footstool, presenting the rolled chrysobull to the Virgin and Child standing (poorly preselVed) - Dark-coloured tunic; simplified loros; hemispherical crown; right hand, alcakia; left hand, the chrysobull - Bib!.: Spatharakis, POTtrait, p. 185, fig. 135 (h/w) AndTollikas II Paliliowgos (1282-1328) - Monaccllsis gr. 442, f. 175v (1310-1354) - Standing on upholstered footstool - ?ark purple tunic; simplified loros; hemispherical crown surmounted by a jewel, prepclldoulia; red shoes; right hand, cross-topped sceptre; left hand, white, scroll-like object - Bib!.: Spatharakis, Portrait, pp. 167-169, fig. I IQ (b/w); lEE e', on p. 139 (colour) Andronikos III Paliliologos (1328-1341) (P!. 31g) - Stuttgart, cod. Illst. 2°60 I, f. 2 - Standing on upholstered footstool - Dark blu~ tunic; simplified loras; hemispherical crown sunnounted by a jewel, prependoulw of unusual design; red shoes; right hand, cross-topped sceptre; left hand, akakia - Bib!.: Spatharakis, Portrait, pp. 237-240, fig. 180 (b/w); lEE fY, on p. 155 (colour) Allna if Sav'!Y, wifo if Alldronilws III Pawiologos (1328-1341) (PIs. 5, 28, 32e) - Stuttgart, cod. hist. 2°60 I, f. 4 - Standing on upholstered footstool - Patterned I;>Ulple dress, sleeves exceedingly wide at the v.Tists; simplified wros, narrow tram, brought to the front round the abdomen and draped over left

APPENDIX TWO

322

APPENDIX TWO

foreann; tall crown, triangular projections aI~ng upper tiln, r~sting on purple \"eil coming down the shoulders, preptlldoulia of unusual desIgn; red shoes; right hand, sceptre . . lEE ' _ Bib!.: Spatharakis, PortrQlI, pp. 237-240, fig. 181 (b/w), e, on p. 151 (colour) 43. Jolm VI Katlla/(Ou<;Cllos (1347-1354). _ _ Par. gr. 1242, ( 123v (completed In 1370) _ Portrayed twice, as emperor, sta~dUlg on a upholst~r~d footstool, and as monk; above, S)1nbolic rep~sen!atIon of the H.oly T~mty ~ Dark, almost black tunic; sllnpbfie~ loros; hemlsphencal cro,,'l1 .sunnou~ted by a jC'''''el, prepmdoulia; red shoes wIth ~ea.rls and gems on the Instep; nght hand, cross-topped sceptre; left hand, akakia _ Bib!.: Spatharakis, Porlrail, pp. 135-136, figs. 87-89 (h/w); Byzance, no. 355 (p. 461) (colour) 44. Jolm VI Kanlaiwu<;enos (1347-1354) (Pis. 24,3Ih) - Par. gr. 1242, ( 5v (completed in 1375) _ _ Presiding over the Church Council of 13,,1; at the centre of the assembly, enthroned, with feet resting on. uph~lstere? footstool _ Vestments and accompanying mSlgrua as III no. 43 _ Bib!.: Spatharakis, Portrait, p. 132, fig. 86 (h/w); Byzance, on p. 419 (colour)

45. John V Pa/Oiologos (1341-1354; 1355-1376; 1379-1391)

.

- Nineteenth-cemury drawing of a mOSaiC portratt, north sIde of eastern arch, Hagia Sophia, Constantinople. At the time of the execu~on of the drawing the top of the emperor's croW? and halo, the top of Ius sceptre, and the lower part of his body, from Just above the knees downwards, had been destroyed

- Mosaic executed shortly after 1355 - Standing - Tunic; simplified loroS; hemispherical(?) crown, prependoulia; right hand, crossIOpped(?) sceptre; lert hand, aiwkia (red) with kerchief (white) - Bib!.: Mango, Malcriais, pp. 66-71, 74-76, p!. 97 46. Manuel!! Palaiologos (/391-1425), Helma, his wife, John VIII, his SOil, and Johll VII Palaio/ogos, Eirene, his wife, and Androllikos r~ his SOIl - Ivory pyxis, Dumbarton Oaks Collection, Washington, D.C. (1403/4) - Emperors and junior emperors wear the same vestments: simplified loros; dosed crown; right hand, cross-topped sceptre; left hand, akalda - HeJena: dress, sleeves exceedingly wide at the wrists(?); simplified loros, narrow train, draped over left foreann; crown; right hand, sceptre - Eirene: vestments similar to that of Helena; not clear whether she holds sceptre

- Bibl.: Oikonomides, John VII Palaeologus' 47. MIl1UI£I II Pa/oiolagos (1391-1425), Helena, alld lIIeir SOilS, Johll VIII, Theodore, alld Andronilws - Louvre, rns Ivoires 100, r. 2r (1403-1405) - Standing on upholstered footstools; above, Virgin and Child, in bust, blessing the imperial ramily (parts have flaked off) - Manuel II and John VIII: black tunic; simplified laros; hemispherical crown, prependoulia(?); right hand, cross-topped sceptre; lert hand, akakia - I:Ielcl~a: recl dress, richly patterned, sleeves exceedingly wide at the wrists; Simplified loros, narrow train draped over left forearm; tall crown, projections along the upper rim, resting on a veil(?); light hand, sceptre - ~heodore: ~ed long tunic, richly patterned; recl mantle, patterned with medalli~ms endosmg double-headed eagles, lablion barciy distinguishable, rastened slightly towards the right; diadem with a central jewel; right hand, staff

323

_ Andronikos: dress same as Thcodorc, except for the mantle, which is patterned with medallions enclosing fleurs-de-lis _ Bib!.: Spatharakis, Porlrait, pp. 139-144, figs. 93,94 (h/w); Byzance, no. 356 (pp. 463-4) colour; Lowden, /ar!y Christi~n and Byz. Art, fig. 266 (colour)

48 Malluel Jl PalalOlagos (1391-142j) (Pis. 3, 31t) . _ Par. sllppl. gr. 309, r. VI (1407) '. _ Standing on uph~lster~d rootstool

_ Dark purple tUl1l.c; SimplIfied l~ros; hemIspherical crown surmounted by a jewel, prependouha; red shoes; nght hand, cross-topped sceptre; left hand,

okakia _ Bib!.: Spatharakis, Portrail, pp. 233-234, figs. 175-176 (h/w); lEE e', on p. 203 (colour); Byzance, no. 357. (p: 465) (h/w) 49 John VIII Palaiolngos (whm he was sl,lI Juntor emperor) and Anna . _ Embroidered on the 'Great Sakkos' of Photios, Krcmlin :Museum, lvloscow

(1416-1418) _ Standing on upholstered footstools - John: red tunic; simplified lams; hemispherical crown; right hand, sceptre; left hand, akakia _ Anna: golden dress, sleeves excecdingly wide at the wrists(?); simplified loms, narrow train draped over left forearm; crown, projections along the upper

rim, big earrings instead of prependoulia(?); right hand, sceptre - Bib!.: Bank, Byzantme Art, pis. 300, 30 I (note on p. 327); Piltz, Trois sa/d(oi, pp. 31-32, figs. 46, 52 (h/w); eadem, 'A Portrait of a Palaeologan Emperor' EMPIRE OF TREBIZOND

50. Manue! I Komlle!los (1238-1263) (PI. 7) - Nineteenth-century drawing of a now destroyed portrait, church of St. Sophia,

Trebizond - Standing - Hem of long undergarment visible; outer garment, large medallion over the breast enclosing image of a mounted saint piercing dragon; mantle patterned with medallions enclosing eagles, fur(?) borders, exceedingly long sleeves pro-

vided with opening at the elbows ror arms to come through (granalZa?); diadem, two strings of pearls and a central jewel; dark shoes, cross on the instep

(schematised rendering of shoe-laces?); right hand, ran-shaped object (horn or unction?); left hand, sceptre with a Reur-de-lis top

- Bib!.: Rice, Haghia Sophia at Trebizolld, pp. 1-2, fig. 79 (h/w); Walter, 'The Significance or Unction,' pp. 69-71 51. Alexios III Komllenos (1349-1390) aud Theodora - Cluysobull or 1374, Dionysiou MonastelY, Mount Athos - Standing on a red surrace (calpet?), holding the chrysobull between them, while St. John the Baptist in bust blesses them - Alexios: black tunic; simplified roros; hemispherical crown surmounted by a cross, pair of prependoulia on either side (pearls arranged veltically in cruciform groups of rour); red shoes; right hand, cross-topped sceptre; left hand, one end of the ch,ysobull - Theodora: bejewelled tall neck of an undergarment visible; red dress, pat-

terned ,vith rows or double-headed eagles, sleeves exceedingly wide at the wrists, oblique opening at the front terminating under left annpit, girt; cro\\rTl, pointed projections along upper rim; large crescent-shaped earrings, attached t? the crown by strands of pearls ( arranged in cruciform groups of four);

nght hand, one end or the chrysobull; lert hand, orb

324

APPENDIX TWO

_ Bibl . S tharakis, Portrait, pp. 185-187, figs. 136-.138 (b/w); Treasures 'If Mount A~: n~ 13.19 (pp. 446-447) (colour reproducuons on pp. 445, 446) 52 AlexWs JlI Konmellos (1349-1390) . _ Double-sided icon, DiOll)~iou Monastery, Mount Athos (c. 1375) . . _ Standin resenting the model of a church to St. John .the ~apust; Chnst, above, :{e~es the offer (Ale~os In was the founder of DlonyslOu Monastery and the Baptist its patron samt) . . _ Black tunic patterned in light blue; sin:plified. loros, ?emlsphencal crown surmounted. by a cross, pair of prepmdoulia on el~~r sId~ (pearls arranged vertically in cruciform groups of four); shoes not vlSlble; nght hand, cross-topped sceptre; left hand, model of the church _ Bibl.: TTttlSUTfS 'If MOl/nt AllIOS, no. 2.29 (pp. 91-94) and on the front cover (colour) 53. ?AkxWs JlI Komll£llos (1349-1390) _ Venice, Greek Institute, cod. gr. 5 (The Alexander Romance), fol. 1r (second half of fourteenth century) - Standing on upholstered footstool . . . . _ Pu le tunic· crossed IoroS'. stnped whIte sash around the torso, hemlsphencal ~rown su~ounted by 'a single jewel, prependoulia{?}; red shoes; right hand, empty; left hand, orb, with inscribed cross , _ Bibl.: TpaxouA)(l, KtOOI~ 5, pp. 18-19, fig. on page 51 (colour); To Bv(avno "" OIKOV)liv~, no. 8 (pp. 48-51) (colour) PRINClPALIlY OF EPIROS

54. St. 1heodora (fe. 1270), wifl 'If Miclwel 11 Komnenos Do",",:, aad Nwphoros, her son _ Relief portraits on the sarcophagus of St. Theodora, III the church dedicated to her, Arta - Standing, blessed by the Hand .of Go~ ... - Theodora: dress, sleeves exceedingly WIde at the wnsts; SImplified loros, narrow train brought to the front round the abdomen, not draped over either forearm; crown, projections along upper rim, no prependoulw, fiap(?) at the back; right hand, sceptre topped by a cross with two anns - Nikephoros: long tunic; simplified loros, hemispherical crown, no prependoulia; right hand, sceptre topped by a cross with two arms - Bib!.: Grabar, Scu1pwres II, no. 152 (pp. 144-145), p!. CXXI, a-b

APPENDIX THREE

PORTRAITS OF BYZANTINE OFFICIALS, ARISTOCRATS,

AND COMMONERS (TENTH TO FIFTEENTH CENTURIES) BVZA.'ITINE EMPIRE

I.

The patrildos, praiposilos, and sakellaTios Leo (PI. 59) _ Vat. reg. gr. 1 (Leo Bible), f. 2v (940s) _ Offering the codex to the Virgin; above right, bust of Christ in a segment of Heaven - Long white tunic, long tight sleeves, golden bands around hem and cuffs; red chlamys, golden border, no tablia, fastened at the front 'with two clasps; no head-dress; black boots - Bibl.: Spatharakis, Portrait, pp. 9-10, fig. 1 (b/w); Cutler and Spieser, B)<:ance midiivale, fig. 155 (colour); Glory if Byzantium, no. 42 [pp. 88-90, fig. on p. 89 (colour)]; Lowden, EarlY Christian and Byz. Art, fig. 111 (colour)

2. The protospalllOrios COIIS/antille - Vat. reg. gr. 1 (Leo Bible), f. 3r (940s) - With abbot Makar, in proslryllesis at the feet of St. Nicholas - Red ch/allD'S, golden border, no lablia, fastened at the front with tv.'o clasps; no head-dress; black boots; sheathed sword partly visible under the chlamys - Bibl.: Spatharakis, Portrait, pp. 10-12, figs. 2, 4 (b/w); Lowden, EarlY Christian and Byz. Art, fig. 112 (colour); Glory if Byzantium, no. 42 (pp. 88-90) 3. The kaisar Bardas PllOkas alld the kouropalates Leo Phokas (PI. 17) - Apse of prothesis, Pigeon House Church, <;:avu~in (963-969) - Part of a dynastic portrait, also including the emperor Nikephoros II Phokas, the empress Theophano, and one unidentified figure (see Appendix 2, no. 10) - Both wear similar costume: long reddish-brown tunic, long tight sleeves; simplified loros, comparable to that of the emperor, though without a train; no head-dress - Leo: left hand, small cross - Bibl.: Rodley, 'Pigeon House Church,' esp. pp. 309-310; Thierry, 'Tzimiskes,' drawing on p. 478 4. Melias alld John Tzimiskes (bifore his rise to the throne) (Pis. Ill, 113) - North wall, towards the prothesis, Pigeon House Church, <;:avu~in (963-969) - On horseback, at the head of a file of standing saints in military dress - Both wear similar costume: tunic reaching below the knees, long tight sleeves; scale annour with elbow-lemrth sleeves and skirt of the same scale construction; mantle; scarf round th~ neck; boots; right hand, spear - Note: follOwing the rise to the throne of John Tzimiskes in 969, ~is ~o~t was altered with the addition of a circlet with prepmdoulia; the mscnptJOns accompanying both his and Melias's portraits were modified (that was when the title 'magistros' was attributed to .~\'felias) - Bi?l.: Thierry, 'Tzimiskes'; Cutler and Spieser, Byzance midin'l1le, fig. 77 (~olollr); Oikonomides, 'The Significance of Some Imperial Monumental Portraits,' pp. 25-26

APPENDIX THREE APPENDIX THREE

326

5. Famib' portroit I K le kilisesi Selimc (late tenth or early eleventh century) - Helo\\: the w~~t U1}e~le! V~ -gin(?)' probably a couple with their three daugh_ - On either SI e 0 le :.;, p~~erved' 110' inscriptions survive ters and tlft,)rec sons; ~oop;tlclned widl large medallions; hands folded at the _ Father Oe 1: long tume

~ront ft). red tunics patterned with medallions ons Qc (ng) : It).. IU c II- length green mantle, fastened at the front _- Afother - Daughters (right): mantles . I 62 (hI ) _ Bibl.: Rodley, Caue MOIlO$lmes, pp. 71-73, fig. 14, p. w 6 Canslanlillt (PI. 26) f . d d . . - rtl . Sts Anargyroi Kastoria (first layer 0 pamte CcoratlOn: second - ~~f ~~~~nth' or first half of eleventh century) . . _ Dark greyish green tunic rea~hing down t~ mld-ca,h:es, openmg at the front

of skirt, long tight sleeves, gtrt; rope belt, long ",lute ;tnder~rmen~, hem, ends of sleeves, and tall neck showing under outer tumc; whIte leggIngs or trousers; black shoes; no hea?-dress; ~and.s empty _ Bibl.: Pelekanides and Chatzid,:~es, /(O$lona, fig. 6 on p. 29 (colour) 7. John EnlalmaliJ;os (or 'iv raypaflKovj alld Cenelhleos (PI. ~7a)

_ N rthex Karanhk k;lise (G6reme, chapel no. 23) (mid-eleventh centu!)')

_ Inaproslf;:11esis, at the feet of Christ in the Benedictio~ of the Apostles _ John ~eft): long tunic richly patterned, long sleeves, gIrt; scarf round the neck; voluminous hat ,\~th tassel; black shoes .. _ Genethleos (right) (partly destroyed): long turnc nchly patterned; long sleeves; head-dress?

_ Bibl.: Resde, l!yz- Wall-paiIlJillg, pI. 242 (h/w); Rodley, Cave Mallostem.r, pp. 53-55, fig. lOa (drawing) 8. Basetlllos or Basil . _ Central apse, Karanhk Wise (Goreme,. chapel no. 23) (mid-eleventh cent~ry) _ In pTOs/;}'/Iesis, to the right of Chnst m the DeeSis; to the left, the pnest Nikephoros . - Long tunic, long sleeves, arm-band

WIth

pseudo-kufic characters; head destroyed;

black shoes - Bibl.: Jolivet-Uvy, Eglises byz. de Cappadoce, p. 133, pI. 83.1 (h/w); Rodley, Cwe MOIIOStem.r, p. 54, fig. lOb (dra""ng) 9. Two IIIIUJentfjied figures (children?) - Central bay, south wall, Karanhk kilise (G6reme, chapel no. 23) (mid-eleventh centu!)') - Standing, on either side of the archangel Michael who wears military dress - Both wear similar costume: brownish purple tunic richly patterned, brown hem band (or, perhaps, hem of an undergarment), long sleeves; black shoes;

hand closer to the archangel, candle(?) - BibJ.: Rodley, Monaslcries, p. 55, fig. J Dc (drawing) 10. TheogrwslqS, Leo, aad Mic/wel (PI. 78) - West bay, <;:ankh Wise (Goreme, chapel no. 22) (mid-eleventh century) - Banking a saint who carries d,e Holy Cross . - Theognostos Ocft): long reddish brown tunic, opening at the front of skm, long tight sleeves, girt; long white undergarment, hem showing under outer tunic; white band around neck could be a scarf or the collar of the under~ garment; turban

- Leo (right): long blue tunic, V-shaped golden collar, long tight sleeves, girt; no head-dress - Michael (right) (only the head and shoulders survive): dark brown tunic; white(?) scarf at the neck; no head-dress

327

_ Bibl.: Restle, Byz. ,Wal~-paillling, pI. ~ 17 (h/w); Rodley, G'lWe Mrmasteries, pp. 166-167; Jolivet-Levy, <;:ankh kihse 771 prolospallwrios Mlchael Skepules (PI. 77c) 11. _ ~ast arch, south wall, Karaba!.kilise, Sog.anh (1060/1)

_ Long outer tumc pattcr~cd With medalltons e~c1osing birds and animals, opening at the front of skirt, V-sh~ped n~ck~openmg, long sleeves, arm-bands with pscudo~k~fic characters, ungJ~; stnped undergarment, lower part and tall neck shoW1ng under outer tumc; turban; sheathed sword in folded left

~~.: Thierry,

'Art monumental,' p. 93, fig. 28 (h/w); Rodley, Cwe Monasteries, p. 198, fig. 38f (drawing) 12. UnidClltfjied male figure (PI. 77d) _ East face of west mche, .north wall, K?rab,,! kilise, Soganh (106011) _

- Long grey-blue outer tumc. patterned \V1th vegetal motifs, opening at the front of skirt, long sleeves, ungtrt; red u~dergarmcnt, lower part showing under outer tunic; turban, top adorned WIth pseudo-kufic characters; right hand, spear; left hand, sheathed s:vord

- Bibl.: Rodley, Cave ,vIonaslerzes, p. 200, fig. 38c (drawing) 13. Eudokia - Central niche, north wall, Karaba! kilise, Soganh (106011) - In proslgmesis, to the left of the archangel Michael; to the right, Niphon the monk - Mantle(?) with a border band; voluminous, fabric head-dress - Bibl.: Rodley, Cave lvIonaslenes, p. 200, fig. 38d (drawing) 14. Eudokia (PI. 86c) - Naos, Canavar kilise (Y,lanh kilise), Soganh (date of portrait: c. 1060) - Standing next to St. Catherine - :Mantle patterned with medallions, fastened at the front with a circular brooch; voluminous, turban-!ike head~dress, adorned with pseudo-kufic characters - BibI.: Jerphanion, Eglises rupeslres, 11/1, p. 363, pI. 207 (h/w); Jolivet-Uvy, Eglises byz. de Cappadoce, p. 271 15. 771e palrikios and lopoteretes 17leodore Cabras - PelTOp. gr. 291, f. IIv (1067) - Standing, being blessed by Christ - Greenish blue tunic, opening down the front of skirt, long ample sleeves, square panels at the upper arms, gi11; brown{?} undergarment "isible under hem of outer tunic; no head-dress; brmVll shoes - Bibl.: Spatharakis, Porlrail, pp. 59-60, fig. 27 (h/w); Cuder and Spieser, Byzall" medievale, fig. 258 (colour) 16. Eirelle, wife '!f 17leodore Cabras (see no. 15) (PIs. 81, 86d) - PelTOp. gr. 291, f. IIIr (1067) - Led by the Virgin towards Clu;st on the f.~cing folio (f. !Iv) - Brown(?) dress, taJI neck, sleeves ,vide at the wrists, girt; green mantle, golden border, reaching to just below the knees, fastened at the front; voluminous hat, slightly flaring sides, almost flat top, diagonal decorative band - Bibl.: Spatharakis, Porlrail, pp. 59-60, fig. 28 (b/w); Cutler and Spieser, Byzallce mMiiuaie, fig. 259 (colour) 17. Four allOlrynIOUS qJficials (PIs. 11, 77e-f) - G'oislill 79, r. 2r (c. 1071-1081) - Flanking the enthroned emperor (see Appendix 2, no. 21) . . - The praedras and epi lOll kallikleiou (fi,~t from left): long blue tumc, oper:'ng down the front of skirt; grey undergarment showing through the opcmng; red chinmys reaching to just below the knees, patterned with spades, golden border, pair of golden lablia, fastened at the front with two Circular clasps;

329

APPENDIX THREE APPENDIX THREE

328

white hat ,,;lh rounded top (upper half has flaked off); black boots; hands

covered by mantle " I 1\) I I .t . _ The prol(JproedroJ and protOlltsliarios (second rom e : O~lg W 11 C tume paltCllled with four large medallions cnclosi,ng quad~upcds 111 red and gold, tall neck, long sleC'ves, ungirt; nO mantle; wlllte hat with rounded top (upper half has flakcd off); black boots; ':ands cl,?sscd ,at the breast " _ The prordros and mtga.f pnim"kmos (first from I'lght): 100~g blu: tUnIC, diaper pattern, opening down the front of skirt; blue an~ white striped ~l~d.ergarmcnt showing through the opening and under the I~cm of outer tumc, l~d cJllamys

reachin to just below the knees, pattemcd wIth dou?lc flcurs~dc-hs, golden border,gpair of golden lab/ia, fastened at the front \vnh t\\'o circular clasps; red hat \dth tassel at the side; black b?ots; hands covere~ by .mantle _ Th proedros and dtkanos (second from rIght): long blue tume, dIa~er pattern, ope~ling down the front of skil1; greyish blue ~ndergarmenl showl~g thro~lgh. the opening and under the hem of outer tumC; red ch/mTD:s reachmg to Ju.st below the knees, pattemed \\ith hearts, golden border, pall' of golden ta?lta, fastened at the front with tWO circular clasps; red hat with tassel at the Side; black boots; hands covered by mantle . c. . _ Bibl.: Spatharakis, Portrait, pp. 1I~-:\II, fig. 71 (b/w); Dmmtrescll, COI~lm 79'; Cutler and Spieser, ByzOllce medtelJale, fig. 268 (colour); Glory of Byzalltlllm,

no. 143 [pp. 207-209, fig. on p. 208 (colour)] 18. Eustrates QJld Jolm - Bema, AI',.]1 koy (third quarter of eleventh century) _ Standing, with hands crossed at the breast, next to St. Stephen and 81. Romanos respectively .' - Both wear similar costume: long yellow tumc, openmg all the way down the front of skirt; red jacket reaching to just !=>elow the waist, buttoned at the front, long tight sleeves, three ro\VS of white dots at the upper arms (armbands?); single earring; no head-dress - Bibl.: Thieny, 'A)'vah ko)',' p. 8; Jolivet-Uv)" Eglises /Jy;;. de Cappadace, pp. 153-154, pI. 95 (b/w) 19. The proedros JO"" . - Princeton, Speer Ubrary, cad. ace. IW. 11.21.1900, f. I*r (date of portrait: second half of eleventh century) - Standing, slightly turning towards a large cross, at the top of which the halflength figure of Christ. . . . - Long blue tunic, hem-band "/Itll three upward proJectIOns, long tight sleeves, girt; purple cMamys reaching to just below the knees, patterned with spades and circles, no tablia visible, fastened at the front; white(?) hat with rounded top; left hand, open inscribed scroll . - Bib!.: Spatharakis, Portrail, pp. 74-76, fig. 42 (b/w) 20. Unidentfjied }~ung male jigure (PI. 60) - DWII)'sWU 61, f. Iv (second half of eleventh century) - Standing, receiving codex from St. Gregory of Nazianzos - Long, dark blue tunic, tall neck, hem-band with three upward projections, ample sleeves tightened at the cuffs, gold-embroidered cuffs, ann-bands, and collar, girt; full-length red cflkImys patterned with double fleurs-de-lis and spades, golden border, no lablia, fastened at the right shoulder; no head-dress; black boolS - Bib!.: Spatharakis, Partrait, pp. 118-121, fig. 77 (b/w); Treasures 'If MOllnt AtJws, no. 5.3 [pp. 200-201; fig. on p. 200 (colour)]

21. UnidmJffwf female flf,llre - Naos, Egri Ia§ kilisesi (date of portrait: end of eleventh century) - Standing next to a female saint

_ Long tunic, opening all the way down ~he front of skirt secured with cords or clasps, I.pels of V-shaped collar commg. through th~ neck-,?pening of the blouse or jacket; dark-coloured blouse or Jacket reachmg to Just below the waist, long tight sleeves, ,r~ctangu}ar panels at th~ upper. arms;, no hea?-drcss

_ Bibl.: Thierry, NOllvelks ~~ll.fe.f, p. 44, fig. 9 (drawmg); Johvet-Uvy, EglL<es /Jy" de Cappadoce, p!. 165 (b/w) 22 UllidCIIlified couple . _ Tympanum of arcosolium, north wall of naos, AYI kilisesi, Erdemli (eleventh century)

.,

'

..

_ Standing, on either Side of a central Deesls composlUon; the head and the

right part of the male figure and the head of the female figure are destroyed _ Male figure (left): long outer tunic patterned with medallions, long sleeve, arm-band with pseudo-kufic characters

_ Female figure (right): long dress, long ample sleeves, ungirt; mantle fastened at the front _ Bibl.: Thierry, 'Le portrait funeraire byzantin,' p. 591, fig. 4

23. The !roisar Nzkep"oros Me/isSei/OS - Effigy on seal (1081-1104) - In bust

_ Tunic, high collar; chlanrYs richly p~tterned; crown (not clear whether open or closed) surmounted by a cross; nght hand, cross

- Bib!.: Zacos, Seals, 1/3, no. 2698 (p. 1482, pI. 180)

24. The despotes Nzkep/lOros Melisse/lOs - Effigy on seal (1081-1I04) - In bust - Tunic; chlamys richly patterned; crown, open circlet; right hand, cross - Note: according to the editors, the title cdespotes' is, most probably, employed

here as the equivalent of '!roisat' (sce no. 23) - Bibl.: Zacos, Seals, 1/3, no. 2699.a-e (pp. 1482-1485, pI. 180) 25. The sebaslakratar Isaak Ko,met/os (c. 1091/ 2-qfier 1152), son 'If the emperor Ale:ws I

Komlle1los - Inner narthex, Chora Monastery, Constantinople (date of portrait: 1315-1320/1) - Standing at the feet of the Virgin in the monumental Deesis mosaic panel, which also indudes a portrait of the nun Melane; largel)' destroyed - Dark purple ehiamys patterned with lozenges endosing fleurs-de-lis in go!d, golden border, one lablion visible, lining of fur(?), fastened at the front ,,'th two rectangular clasps; closed crown, dark purple bowl, gem-studded gold head-band and central arched projection, surmounted by a cross

- Bibl.: Underwood, Kariye pjami, pp. 11-13,46, pIs. 36 (b/w). 37a (colour) 26. The protaspal"arios Basil alld a ftmale flf,llre, perhaps his wift (pI. 86e) - Koutlaumousiou 60, f. Iv (Iermillus allle quem \169) - Basil standing, offering codex to Clllist; female figure in proslgn<Sis - Basil: purple tunic; red ehian!ys, golden borders, pair of golden "'bba, fastened at the right shoulder - Female figure: long pink dress patterned with medallions in red, long narrow sleeves; purple mantle, golden border, t:"lstened at the front; white hat

with straight sides and flat top . - Bibl.: Spatharakis, Porlrait, pp. 83-84, fig. 52 (b/w); Pelekanldes el al., Treasures, 11, fig. 295 (colour) 27. Theodare Let/miales, his wife, All/m Radene, alld his sa/4 JO/III (PIs. ?6, 84, 86h) . - North aisle, Sts. Anargyroi, Kastoria (second layer of pamted decorauon: c. 1180)

- Standing on either side of the Virgin and Child, their hands raised ill supplication

, APPENDIX THREE

APPENDIX THREE

330

_ Thcodore (right; details of his costume not clear): mantle, a latcr addition;

hea.d.-~ress f Theodore): green caftan, reaching down to mid~calvcs, J~::~ll1~~g ~\~t~ spades and \'egetal motifs in gol~, gold~cmbroid.ercd bo~cr

-

no

~round V~shapcd neck-opening and .dO\~'n ~oth sides of ~hc verllcal OpCllmg at the fiunt, e1bow-lcngtll sleeves tenmnatl~lg ~n gold-cmbrol~crcd ba.nds, square ands at the upper arms; IO.ng, red undclgal,mcnt, tall neck, long ught sleeves ~ilh gold_embroidered cuRs; brown belt with metal attachments; no head-

dress neft): long red dress, tall neck, 5Ieeves execcd 'I d e at dle Wl1sts, . _ Alma mg y 'WI tcmlinating in what looks like white cuffs, but could be the ends of th,c equally wide sleeves of an undergarment; ,heavy brown I.nantic, gold-em?rOl_ dercd border, lined with light brown fabnc patteITIcd. wIth ,great medalhons, fastened at the front with brooch; crescent:shap~d earnngs; nogs on all fingers of both hands; hat \~i.th strol!gly out-flanng sIdes and curved top, adorned with two bands fonmng an X . , _ Note: the hat of Theodore and th.e ?ffigy of the church that appears m hiS hands are the results of later repamtmg _ Bib!.: Pelekanides and Chatzidakes, Kas/OI;a, figs. 22 on p. 42, 23 on p. 43 (colour) . ' . 28 The magis/TOs Nikphoros KaslIltzes and IllS wift Anna (Pis. 62, 63, 86g) . _ East wall, narthex, above the entrance to the naos, St, Nicholas Kasnitzes, Kastoria (1160-1180) . . _ Standing on either side of the lunette \Vlth the bust of St. Nlcholas _ Nikephoros Oeft): long blue tunic, opening down the front of Skil~, long tight sleeves, gold-embroidered panels at the upper anns, ,gIrt; brmV1l under~r ment showing under the hem and through the openmg <:,f the outer tumc; brown cap(?); light brown boots;. holds effigy of church ,,,th both hands - Anna (right): long red dress, white band around hem, whIte sleeves exceedingly wide at the wrists, square panels ~t upper arms (whether the, sleeves

belong to dIe dress or an und~rgalment

IS

not. cl~ar); full-I~ngth gre)'lsh blue

mande patterned with schematIzed vegetal moufs 10 red, lymg on both shoulders not clear whether fastened at the front or not; fabric head-dress, embroidere'd kerchief wound around the head, one fringed end coming down the

left shoulder - Bib!.: Pelekanides and Chatzidakes, Kaslana, figs. 19 (colour), 21 (b/w) on p. 65 29. The sehastos Eus/athios Kodralas ~ South side, east wall, inner narthex, church of Panagia Krena, Chios Oate

twelfth century) - Offering a model of the church to the enthroned Virgin and Child - Long-sleeved, long inner gannentj short-sleeved outer garment, opening down

the front(?), decorative panel at the upper ann - Note: I have seen neither the fresco nor a colour reproduction of it. Pennas,

who has published a study of dlC portraits preserved in this church, does not describe the costume

- Bib!.: Pennas, 'Some Aristocratic Founders', p. 61, fig. 16

30. FamilY .fUnerary portrait . - Back wall and reveals of south arcosolium, inner narthex, church of Panagm Krena, Chios (1I97) . - Back wall of arcosolium, standing on either side of the Virgin and Child, hands raised in supplication: • Pagomene Oeft): long, brown-ochre dress, tall ncck(?); purple man de, patterned with ro,,~ of large medallions, fastened at the front; kerchief headdress

331

• Child (left of Pagomcnc): ochre tunic, tall neck(?); purple mantle, patterned with medallions, fastened at the front • Male figure (right; only head and shoulders preserved): brown-ochre tunic with lapels(?); mantle, fastened at the front; turban _ Reveals of the arcosolium: • Female figure (cast; poorly preserved): brown-ochre tunic; purple mantle patterned with med~\lions . • Kodratos (west): whIte collar or an undergarment; hght blue, long-slceved inner tunic; light brown-red outer garment, reaches to just below the waist, three-quarter sleeves(?); no head-dress _ Note: The description of the costumes is based on the description by Pennas. I have seen neither the frescoes nor colour reproductions of them

- Bib!.: Pennas, 'Some Aristocratic Founders', pp. 62-63, figs. 18-20 31. UnidC/ltijied male jigure (PI. 61) - Laura A 103, f. 3v (twelfth century) - In prosl;ynesis at the feet of the Virgin; Christ appears in bust above - Long mauve tunic, long sleeves, gold-embroidered bands around the hem and cuffs; purple chlamys patterned with small squares, golden border, no tahlia, fastened at the front; white hat with rounded top - Bib!.: Spatharakis, Portrait, pp. 78-79, fig. 45 (b/w)

32. UuidC/l/ijied male douor or deceased - Eastern blind arch, south bay, narthex, church of St. George Diasorites,

Naxos (twelfth century?) - To the lert, turned in supplication towards an unidentified saint in the centre of the composition - Inner gmment, high striped collar visible; outer garment, V-shaped collar

with lapels - Note: The description of the costume is based on the description by Acheimastou-Potamianou. I have seen neither the fresco nor a photograph

of it - Bibl.: Acheimastou-Potamianou, 'Hagios Georgios Diasorites/ p. 74

33. Uuideutijied male jigure - In relief, on a marble pillar of unknown provenance, now in the Archaeological

Museum, Istanbul (twelfth to fourteenth century) - Outer garment, V-shaped collar with broad lapels that cover the shoulders, opening down the front of skirt, exceedingly long sleeves, the right hanging down the side, while the left, is folded across the waist; long undergarment showing though the opening and from under the hem of the outer gannent;

tall hat with rounded top - Bib!.: FIrath, Sculpture, no. 295 (p. 148, p!. 92); KaAal-uxp
shoulder down to the hem (opening?), two square golden panels at the thighs. ~o rectangular golden panels at the breast enclosing a standing figure anned With spear and a sword(?), ungirt; diadem, single central arched projection - Note: Spatharakis doubts that this was indeed a portrait of Alexios ~'Jourtzou

phlos. Before his lise to the throne, A1exios bore the title of prolo<,,,tiarios.

APPENDIX TI-IREE APPENDIX THREE

332

Yet the costume of the flgure in tl~e m!ruature i~ not that of the prolDvesliar/os as we know of it from dcscripuons m ~hc .wntl~n sources. In al~ probability this is the portrait of an UI~known digmt3ly In second use \VIth the

ori 'n~ identifying inscription modIfied , _ Bi~.: Spatharakis, Porfrai~ pp. 155-158, fig. 99 (h/w); lEE 13, on p. 40 (colour) 35 />ftke/as CiwninILs (c. Il55-c. 121516) . . :... Find. hisl. gr. 53, f. I" (date of portralt: first half of fourteenth century?) - Seated, writing b d 1 . _ Long light purple tunic, ample sleeves, red arm- ~n s, go den c~f!'s, gIft;

black pointed shoes; peculiar white head-dress (posslbly a, later addu:lOn) _ Bib!.: Spatharakis, PortraiJ, pp. 153-155, fig. 98 (h/w); lEE 13, on p. 387 (colour) 36. John

. th ?) - luiron 5, f. 457r (mid-thIrteen century. . _ Holding codex, led by the Virgin towards Chnst enthroned and St. John Chrysostom represented on the facing f. 456v _ Long tunic, long tight sleeves, arm-bands, gtrt _ Bib!.: Belting, /UuminierIL Buch, p. 35, figs. 23, 24; Spatharakis, Portrail, pp. 84-87, fig. 54 37. Cons/antint, son qf Michoe! FIll Palowwgos .. _ Seventeenth-century engraving (1601) .of now-lost n:o~aJ.c pOltra~t, refectory of the Peribleptos Monastery, ConstantInople. The ongmal portrait was probably e.xecuted c. 1270 . .. _ Long-sIeeved undergarment, nght sleeve vIsible; sleeveless, long outer garment (caftan?); mantle, patterned with medallions enclosing double-headed eagles alternating \\ith cruciform motifs, fastened at the right shoulder; diadem; shoes, studded Witll pearls(?); right hand, sceptre - Note: see note to Appendix 2, no. 37 - Bib!.: Grabar, 'Portraits oublies; pp. 191-192, pIs. 22a-b, 23a; Mango, 'The Monastery of St. ?vlary Peribleptos'; Osborne, 'New Evidence for a Lost Portrait'; lacobini, 'L'epitalamio di Andronico n; p. 366, note 49, figs. 21, 22; Stichel, WVergessene Portraits" spatbyzantinischer Kaiser,' pp. 75-8438. The despoILs Cons/ontine Doulws Komnenos Palowwgos (1277-c. 1329), SOil qf Alldronilros // Palowlogos - Effigy on seal - Standing, facing - Tunic patterned with lozenges; chlany's patterned \\ith lozenges, decorative border, no tahlill, fastened at the front with circular brooch; diadem with central projection; right hand, staff with jeweled top - Bibl.: Zacos, SMI.s, 1/3, no. 2758.a-b (pp. 1584-1586, p!. 190) 39. Constantint A1aopo!iJes and his wife Mafia (P!. 76) - Silver-gilt revetment of an icon of the Virgin Hodegetria, Tretyakov Gallery, Moscow (date of revetment: end of tllirteenth - beginning of fourteenth century) - Standing, slightly turning towards tl,e centre, hands raised in supplication - Constantine Qeft): caftan richly patterned, buttoned down the front, long tight sleeves, girt; handkerchief tucked in belt to his right; triangular purse suspended from the belt to his left; hat with rounded top, adorned with figure of an emperor - Maria (right): long dress gathered at the thighs, richly patterned, tall neck, sleeves exceedingly wide at the wrists; head-dress, crown, triangular projections along upper rim; earrings - Bib!.: Bank, /skussllio V",QJ./ii, 3, no. 1010 (p. 159); Velmans, 'Portrait; pp. 133-134, p!. LXI, figs. 55-56

40. UIlide/l1ijied mole jigllre (P!. 70).

333

..

_ North aisle, Sts. Anar?yrOl, Ka.stona (thlrtee~th-fourteenth century) _ Turning towards the nght, bowmg, accompamed by two saintly figures partly

destroyed _ Red caft,,;n, buttoned down the f:ont, gold-embroidered borders, elbow-length sleeves, gtrt; broad, black belt with propel1cr-s~aped attachments, end hang. ing down the left; black undcrgannent, long tIght sleeves with buttons from wrist to elbow; no head-dress _ Bib!': Pclekanides and Chatzidakes, Knswria, fig. 20 on p. 40 (colour) 41. the logo/lIeles 10/1 gellikou Theodore Mewchi/es (Pis. 69, nj) _ Inner narthex, above the entrance to the naos, Chora .Monastery, Constantinople (1315-13201l) . _ Kneeling at the feet of Chnst enthroned - Green caftan patterned with spades and trilobate leaves in gold, opening all the way down the front, golden borders at the collar, down the edges of the front opening, cuffs, and hem, long ample sleeves, girt; voluminous tall headdress, rigid(?) frame covered with white fabric patterned with th:ee vertical golden stripes, flaring curved sides, top much broader in diameter than the base; holds effigy of church with both hands - Bib!': Underwood, Karfye £>jami, p. 42, pIs. 26 (colour), 28 (h/w) 42. ?Anna Synadene (t I 326) - South blind arch, west fa.;ade, church of the Anastasis, Verroia - Standing, facing, hands crossed at the breast, presented to Christ by the Virgin; poorly preserved - Long gannent, long sleeves exceedingly wide at the wrists(?), ungirt; fabric head-dress, kerchief that covers the head and flows down the shoulders (over a wimple?) - Bib!': observation in situ 43. the sehaslokra/or Cons/alltille Paloio!ogos and his wifi Eirene (Pis. 74, 86j) - Bodleian Library, ,HS Lillcoln College gr. 35 (Lillcolll 7jpilron), f. Iv (1327-1342) - Standing, slightly turning towards the centre, hands raised in supplication; above, bust of Virgin and Child - Constantine Oeft): red caftan richly patterned in gold, long tight sleeves, girt; purple mantle reaching down to mid-calves, patterned with medallions enclosing double-headed eagles in gold, traces of a golden lahlion, fastened at the right shoulder; golden diadem, single central projection(?) - Eirene (right): long, red dress gathered at the thighs, tall neck, sleeves exceedingly wide at the wrists, square panels at the upper arms; ends of equally wide sleeves of a white undergarment visible under the sleeves of the dress; head-dress, gold crown set with gems and pearls, triangular projections along upper rim, earrings attached to lower rim of crown by strands of pearls and jewels; crown rests directly on the hair - Bib!.: Spatharakis, Porlrail, pp. 192-193, fig. 143 (h/w); lEE 13', to the right on p. 219 (colour) 44. The megas slra/opedarclles Jolln !iYlladCllos alld lIis wifi Theodora (PIs. 771, 86j) - Bodleian Library, MS Lillcoln College gr. 35 (hi.cob. 7jPilroll), f. 2r (1327-1342) - Standing, slightly turning towards the centre, hands raised in supplication; above, bust of Virgin and Child - J.ohn (left): red caftan richly pattemed in gold, buttoned down the front, long tIght sleeves, girt; belt with metal attachments, free end hanging down the left; handkerchief tucked in the belt to his right; cylindrical, fiat-topped hat, gold and dark brown, adorned with image of an enthroned emperor - T.heodora (right): as Eirene in no. 43 - B.b!.: Spatharakis, Portrail, pp. 193-195, fig. 144 (h/w)

APPENDIX THREE

APpENDIX THREE

334

Throdolt S)'lIadt1los alld his wift Eudokia (Pis. 771, 86j) 45. The prol~lmlrb ifS linealll College gr. 35 (lineolll TyPikOIl), f. 8r (1327-1342)

7d':

- Bodl~!an ;. ~~l11ing towards the centre, hands raised in supplication' - Stal~.e II~~S~ l~f \}irgin and C h i l d . ' l~~e~dore Qeft): red caftan richly patterned In gold, buttoned down ,the front, I n cl ht sleeves, gift; belt with metal attach~nel.1tS, free. end, hanging down J.e gle~ handkerchief tucked i.n the belt to hlS nght; cylmdncal, flat-topped hat. gold and red, adol11cd \\1th unage of an enthroned emperor _ Eudokia (right): as Eire~e in no. 43 ,. " _ Bib!.: Spatharakis, Porlrall, p. 195, fig. 146 (bh\), Of)! if J\fystras, figs. 159-160

_

Th~c~;7 kOlloslab/os John ~Ilad",os and flis wift Eimle (PIs; 771, 86j) . _ Bodleian Library, MS lineoln Coli£ge gr. 35 (lilleobl Typiko?), f. SI' (1327-1~42) _ Standing, slightly turning towards the centre, hands raIsed In supplicatlOn; above, bust of Christ . _ John ~eft): green caftan I;chly patterned 111 gold, buttoned down the front, long tight sleeves, girt; belt with metal attach~e~ts, free. end. hangmg down the left· handkerchief tucked in the belt to hIS nght; cylmdncal, flat-topped hat, gold and red, ~dom~d with image of an enthroned emperor _ Eirene (right): as Elrene m nO. 43 _ Bib!.: Spaularakis, Portrail, pp. 195-196, fig. 147 (b/w) . 47. The megas prinlik£rWs Manlle! Asanes and hIS wife A.nlla (PIs ..771, 86J) _ Bodleian Library, MS Lincoln Coikge gr. 35 (Lineobl Typikoll), f. 5r (1327-1342) _ Standing, slightly turning towards the centre, hands raised in supplication; above, bust of Christ Emmanuel - Manue! ~eft): as Theodore in no. 45 - Anna (right): as Eirene in no. 43 - Bibl.: Spatharalcis, Portrait, pp. 196:-197, fig. 148 (b/w) 48. The prolosthaslos Conslantine Raoul PalnlOlogos and hIS wift Eupflrosyne (Pis. 67, 771, 46

~~eian

Library, MS lincolll Colifge gr. 35 (LiIlCOIn Typikon), f. 6r (1327-1342) - Standing, slightly turning towards the centre, hands raised in supplication; above, bust of Christ Emmanuel - Constanrine Oeft): as John in no. 46 - Euphrosyne (right): as Eirene in no. 43 - Bibl.: Spatharakis, Portrait, p. 197, fig. 149 (b/w); lEE e', to the left on p. 219 (colour) 49. Michnel PlUJanihropenos and his wife Anna (PI. 86j) - Bodleian Library, MS lineoln Coli£ge gr. 35 (lineoln Typikon), f. 4r (1327-1342) - Standing, slightly turning towards the centre, hands raised in supplicationj above, bust of Christ Emmanuel - Michael ~eft): orange caftan richly patterned in gold, buttoned down the front, elbow.length sleeves, girt; belt with metal attachments, free end hang~ ing down the left; handkerchief tucked in the belt to his right; white undergstnIIent with diaper pattern in gold, long tight sleeves, row of four buttons at the cuffs; no head~dress - Anna (right): as Eirene in no. 43 - Bib!.: Spatharakis, Portrait, pp. 197-198, fig. 150 (b/w); Cif)! if Mystras, fig. 169 (colour) 50. Michnel Palaiologos and his wift Eirene (PI. 86j) - Bodleian Library, MS lirIColn Colifge gr. 35 (lineoln Typikon), f. 9v (1327-1342) - Standing, slightly turning towards the centre, hands raised in supplication; above bust of Chrisl Emmanud - Michael ~eft): red caftan richly patterned in gold, buttoned down the front,

335

'rt· belt with metal attachments, free cnd hanging down the left, handkertucked in the bel~ to his right; no head-dress ' _ Eirene (right): as Elrcne In no, 43 _ Bibl.: Spatharakis, Portrait, p. 198, fig. 151 (b/w) 51 The megas dOllx Alexios Apokallkos (Pis. 68, 77k) . _ Par. gr. 2144, f. Hr (after 1331) .. _ Seated on a t1u:one, n~xt to a lectern on which hes an open book; youthful attendant standmg behmd the throne _ Blue caftan patterned with medallions enclosing pairs of winged quadrupeds rampant, back-to.ba,ck, in white, butt?ned down the front, golden borders: long tight sleeves, gIrt; narrow belt With metal a~tac~ments, free end hang~ ing down the left; hat, red and gold, adonlcd With Image of an enthroned emperor; black boots _ Bib!.: Velmans, 'Portrait,' pI. LV, ~gs. 43-44 (b/w); Spatharakis, Portrait, pp. 148-151, figs. 96, 97 (b/w); fEE on p. 157 (colour); Muniti. 'Dedicating a Volume'; Av'trov61touf..o~, Tpu1toov fpi
fhi~q?)

e,

52. Johll Asall, lIephew

if Ihe

empress Eirme, Wfll

if John

VI Kanlakou<:enos

- Funerary icon, monastery of the Mega Spelaion (1351-1354); restored in 1833-1838; destroyed in a fire in 1934 - To the left, standing, hands raised in supplication towards the enthroned Virgin and Child - Caftan buttoned down the front, overall floral decoration; purple mantle pat~ temed with vegetal motifs and alternating medallions enclosing double-headed eagles and pairs of griffins, pair of tah/ia, fastened at the front; no head~dress - Note: Judging by a detailed, pre-restoration description of the icon (1765), the decoration of the mantle with tlle medallions endosing double-headed eagles and pairs of griffins formed part of the original composition; so did the floral decoration of the caftan, which, according to the description, was of purple colour, though of a different shade than the mantle - Bibl.: 'EOO'tT\p{o'U, "H £.tKroV 'tou TIa.A.(I.\OA.Oyou'; Belting, l{{uminierte Buch, p. 79, figs. 46, 47 (b/w); Papamastorakis, 'Ioannes "Redolent of Perfume'" 53. Ullidetllijied eOllple (t1355) - 'Vest blind arch, south fac;ade, church of the Anastasis, Verroia - WiUl Christ and two other male figures (saints?); poorly preserved - Male figure: caftan, girt; belt, propeller-shaped attachments - Female figure: dress, sleeves exceedingly wide at the wrists - Bibl.: observation ill situ

54. The megas primikerios Johll - On the fi'ame of an icon of Christ Pantokrator, The Hermitage, Saint Petersburg (1360-1370) - Kneeling, turning towards Christ, hands raised in supplication - Dark green caftan patterned with foliate grid of oblong frames endosing doubleheaded eagles in gold, long tight sleeves, girt; narrow belt with metal attach~ ments; handkerchief tucked in the belt 10 his tight; hat, red and gold, adorned with image of an enthroned emperor - Bib!.: Velmans, 'Portrait,' p. 133, p!. LX, fig. 54 (b/w); Bank, By:(.alllirle Art, pI. 284 (note on pp. 323-324) (colour)

55. The skouterios Kanioles alld his wift - West arcosolium, south stoa, Aphendiko, Mistra (after 1366) - Flanking the Virgin and Child - Kaniotes (left): red caftan richly patterned in yellow, buttoned do~vn the fro~t, long tIght sleeves, girt; belt with metal attachments; handkerchIef tucked ,m the belt to his right; purse suspended from the belt to his left; hat WIth rounded top, yellow and red, adorned with the image of an emperor; nng on the little finger of each hand

APPENDIX TI-IREE

APPENDIX THREE

336

( . ht). red outer garment, buttoned down the front, long tight

- Female

~~:, ~!o~tive

border-bands down

~le

opening at the front, at the

s!ce\'es~~J ~"Ound the cuffs, ungirt; white fahnc he,ad-dress; bracelets(?) ~d~S: M'llet l10mmlents !?yr.. de Mistm, p!. 102.2 (dra\\~ng); Etzeoglou, 'Quelques - I.. I ", 516' XlltYnM ICl1<;, Mvurpa" p. 67; CIty qfAfyslras, figs. 162-163 I'cmarques, p. , '=' (colour) 6 U id tified couple 5. n enrth '3lI th 5toa Aphendiko, :Mistra (second half of fourteenth ccn- NO) \\ , so~ of figu' re to the right and head of female figure to the left tury; upper pa

destrovcd . _ Standing, holding hands _ Female figure Oeft): red dress, tight-fitung at the bust, low square neckline, long tight sleeves . _ Male(?) figure (right): green garment, long, t1~ht s~eeves ~ Note: The figure to the right 15 commonly Idenufied as ,a man., However, tl fi II and flowing lines of the preserved lower part of thIS figure s garment s;:mU to me to suggest that the half-destroyed figure on the right could be

_

~i~;~mE~eoglou,

'Quelques remarques,' pp. 516-517; City qflvfystras, fig. 161

(colour) 57. Anonymous officials (Pls. 24, 77m) . _ Par. gr. 1242, f. 5v (completed m 1375) _ Standing behind the enthroned John VI Kantakouzenos (see Appendix 2, no. 44); only head and shoulders visible .. . _ Blue gannents; white hats

WIth pomted top and Wlde bnm, adorned WIth

golden bands - The one to the left of the emperor holds the imperial sword, hilt upwards - Note: the figure holding the sword could be the megas domestilros, the protostraw, the parakoinwmenos fM sphendones, or the parakotmomenos tau kOltonos (pseudQoo Kod., pp. 168, 175, 191) - Bib!.: Spatharakis, Portrait, fig. 86 (h/w); Byzance, on p. 419 (colour) 58. Ullidentffied couple - West wall, naos, Peribleptos, Mistra (second half of tl,e fourteenth century) - Standing, offering effigy of the church to the Virgin; poorly p.reserved . - Male figure Oeft): blue caftan, opening down the front of skirt, long ught sleeves, girt; instead of a belt, a kerchief (triangular or square folded diagonally) tied in a knot at the front; no head-dress. . - Female figure (right): ample, purple garment; whIte fabnc head-dress, embrOIdered kerchief, fringed edges, covers the head and flows down the shoulders (over a wimple?) - Bib!.: Millet, Monuments !?Yz. de Mislra, p!. 111.4 (drawing); Etzeoglou, 'Quelques remarques,' p. 517; City qf Mystras, fig. 164 (colour) 59. Unidentified i_le figure .. - North apse-wall, substructure of church, Myrelaion Monastery (Boclrum Camu), Constantinople (fourteenth century) . - Kneeling at the feet of standing Virgin and Child, hands raised in suppli· cation - Ample crimson robe, sleeves exceedingly wide at the wrists, ends of the ~vhite sleeves of a chemise visible, ungirt; two-piece fabric head-dress, a WImple

under a kerchief that covers the head and flows down the shoulders, both made of white, transparent fabric . - Bib!.: Striker, 'Bodrum Camii,' p. 213, p!. XLIX (h/w); idem, The My;eiawn: pp. 30-31, figs. 60-63 (h/w); TIanallacttOpaK1]" 'En1't\lIl~lE, nllpacttIlOEI<;, p.288

337

60 Fami/)" portrait (PI. 71) . _ Tomb C, funerary chapel, Chora Monastery, Constantinople (date of portrait: fourteenth century) " _ One male, three female figures, standmg facmg, hands raised in supplication; first female figure from the right dressed ~s a nun

_ Female figure (first .from lef9: long dark VIOlet .dress fitted at the waist, long tight sleeves; two-piece fabnc head-dress, a Wimple under a white kerchief that covers the head and flows down the shoulders _ Male figure (second from left): greyish green caftan patterned with a grid of large lozenges enclo~ing fleurs-de-lis in gre~ish blue, opening down the front,

long tight sleeves, gIrt; belt of yellow fabnc;. heavy green coat lying loosely on both shoulders, collar turned over, exceedmgly long sleeves provided with openings at the elbows for the forearms to come through, fur lining; tall dark violet hat, concave sides, top much broader in diameter than the base

_ Female figure (third from left): green dress patterned with flowers in yellow, long tight sleeves, ungirt; dark red mantle patterned \vith medallions enclos-

ing monograms of the Palaiologan and Asan families, fur lining, lying loosely on both shoulders; crown, repainted, originally circlet, set with gems, sur-

mounted by a fleur-de-lis - Bib!.: Underwood, Kari)e Djami, pp. 272-276, pis. 534, 535 (h/w) 61. Mic"ael Tomikes alld his wife (PIs. 77n, 86k) - Tomb D, funermy chapel, Chora Monastery, Constantinople (date of portrait: fourteenth century)

- Standing, flanking the Virgin and Child, hands raised in supplication - Michael (largely destroyed): dark green outer garment (mantle?), turned over fur(?) collar; tall dark purple hat, concave sides, top much broader in diameter than the base

- Female figure Oower part destroyed): dark purple dress fitted at the waist, long tight sleeves, white pointed cuffs (detachable or the ends of the sleeves of a chemise?); two-piece fabric head-dress, a wimple, fonning a loop over

the chest, under a white kerchief with fringed edges that covers the head and flows down the shoulders

- Bib!.: Underwood, Kmi)"e Djami, pp. 276-280, pls. 537, 538 (h/w) 62. Fami/)" portrait - Tomb E, outer narthex, Chora :Monastery, Constantinople (date of portrait: fourteenth century) - Female figure(?), flanked by two children; at least three more figures standing behind them; upper part destroyed - Child Oeft): long caftan patterned with vegetal motifs and flowers in red and yellow, opening down the front, girt; fabric belt; handkerchief with fringed edges tucked in the belt to his right - Female figure(?) (centre): bright red caftan patterned with medallions (enclosing monograms of the Palaiologan, the Raoul, and the Asan families) and birds in gold, opening down the front - Child (right): skirt (of dress?) patterned with a vine motif, hearts, open crowns and small quadrupeds - Figure in the back row, left corner: traces of brown and yellow drapery and a brown shoe

- Figure in the back row, left of central figure: green garment, yellow hem; reddish brown outer garment (mantle?) patterned with circles in yellow, fUr(?) lining - Figure in the back row, right of cenum figure: ganment, yellow hem; greenish grey o~ter garment (mantle?) patterned with yellow stripes, yellow vertical border - BIb!.: Underwood, Kariye pjami, pp. 280-288, p!. 541 (h/w)

APPENDIX THREE

FamiiJ· pmMil (PI. 72) . I d " ~ Tomb F, outer narthrx, Chora ?vlonastery, Constantmop c ( ate of portrait: fourteenth century)

6'j

_ A man, a child and a womanj upper part destroyc? . _ 1\1ale fIgure Qeft): blight red garment patterned with ~ar&e Icav~s III gold, opening(?) down the fiunt; dark blue mantle pa~tcrne? wIth lI1tcrlacl~g medal~ lions Oargc medallions: monogram of the P~lalOlogOl; smal~ mcdalholls: qua~ trefoil omament) and double·headcd eagles 111 gold, cxceedmgly long sleeves, . hanging empty at the sides; brown boots . _ Child (centre): pUlpIc caftan; diaper pattcl:n m ~old, opcllmg down the ~ront; '(1' belt of red fabric' whIte handkcrclllcf with golden edges and frmgcs ~cked in the belt la Iell; while shoes \\~th red lines _ Female figure (right): dark ~luc dress. patterned with vegetal motifs, bro~d golden band at the hem tnnuned With gems; re~ man~e patterned \~lth medallions in gold (enclosing monograms of the Palat?logOl, the ~ermokaItes, and the Asan families) and groups of four fleurs-de-lIs arranged III the form of a cross in blue, golden vertical border and hem trimmed with gems and pearls; golden shoes,... .' _ Bibl.: Underwood, /ian)" DJanll, pp. 288-292, pis. 546 (h/w), 547 (colour)

his

64.

339

APPENDIX THREE

338

UllidDlti/ied male figure (PI. 770) . _ South wall south-east chapel, Sts. Theodores, lvhstra (c. 1400) _ Presented the two Sts. Theodorcs to the Virgin enthroned; only his hat

by

sUf\~ves

- Conical, gold and red hat with broad b r i m . , - Bibl.: Mille~ Monuments i!Y;:. de M,st,., pI. 90.4 (draWIng); Etzeoglou, Quelques remarques,' p. 515; Xat~~M"'l', Mvarpa" p. 51; l1anal1aO'top0"'l" 'E1tl""I1~IE<; napa
_ Bibl.: Millet, MOllumen(, byz. de "'fistra, pI. 96.5 (drawing), reproduced in Ebersolt, Arts, fig. 58; Etzcoglo,u, '~lIclqu,cs remarques/ p. 516; Xat~TJaaK11~, Mva<pa" p. 64; l1a nal1(X(nop a "'l" Em'W~IE<; nap"",,,,,,,,,' p. 298, fig. 10

68. Manlle! nolfws (bifore 1411?).

.

_ Embroidered on the purple silk podea(?) now m the i\lfuseo di Palazzo Ducale, Urbino l _ To the left, in jJros/fynesis at .the feet of the archangel Michacl, who appears in military dress and holds IllS sw?~d unsheathe.d in the attitude of a guardian _ \'Vhite undergarment, {all neck Vlslblc; long, VIolet outer garment, long narrow sleeves; purple mantle, diapcr pattcrn enclosing Hcurs-de.lis, onc tab/inn visible, border-band decorated with vegetal scroll, fastened towards the right shoulder; no head-dress - Note: Epigraphic considerations indicate a date in the fourteenth or the

fifteenth century for the textile. Scholars identify thc portrayed figure ,dth Manucl, illegitimate son of John V Palaiologos (1341-1354; 1355-1376; 1379-1391). In 1411, after being granted the title of'drounganos' by his halfbrother, wfanuel 11, this wIanuel led the Byzantine navy on an important victol)' against Ottoman forces. That the iVfanucl portrayed on the textile was illegitimate is suggested by the fact that, while he dwells on his mother's descent, he makes no reference to his father in the dedicatory inscription framing the composition. It has also been noted that the portrayed figure bears no title. This has been taken as an indication, provided that onc accepts the proposed identification, that the embroidery was executed before 141 I - Bibl.: Carile, '~Ianuele Nothos Paleologo'; GuiUou, 'Inscriptions by"Zantines d'Italie sur tissue,' pp. 174-176 69. Ma/w,l Palaiologos (t1423 or 1453) - South wall, north-east chapel, Sts. Theodores, iVIistra - Kneeling in front of the Virgin and Child, hands raised in supplication - Blue caftan with short sleeves \\~th fur(?) borders, buttoned dO\\'Tl the front, girt; undergarment, striped white long tight sleeves, buttons from the , ..Tist to mid-forearm; yellow belt; handkerchief tucked in the belt to his right; no head-dress - Bibl.: Millet, MOllumellts i!Y.:. de Mislra, pI. 91.3 (h/w); Etzeoglou, 'Quelques remarques,' pp. 514-515; Xa,I:;~MKTl" Mva'pa<;, p. 51; l1ana~a"topaKTl', 'Enl""l1~l€, nap''''''''''l,,' p. 288, fig. I; City 'If M),slras, fig. 166 (colour) 70. ManllellAskares Clwtzikes (t1445) (Pis. 73, 77q) - South wall, narthex, Pantanassa, wlistra - Standing, turning towards the right, hands raised in supplication - Ends of long tight sleeves of undergannent \~sible under the mantle; heavy, ample reddish brown mantle, fur(?) lining, flaps lined \11th fur(?) instead of sleeves; tall white conical hat, reddish brown upturned brim \";th a strong projection forward - Bibl.: Etzeoglou, 'Quelques remarques,' pp. 517-518; Xatl:;~MKTl', Mvarpa<;, p. 101; City 'If Mystras, fig. 80 (colour) 71. Unidtllti/ied jigure - Tomb G, outer narthex, Chora :Monastery, Constantinople (date of portrait: mid-fifteenth century) - Standing, tunling towards enthroned Virgin and Child to the left; upper part destroyed - Dark grey dress patterned with vegetal motifs in black; dark grey mantle, sleeves exceedingly long hanging empty at the sides; grey shoes I. I thank Cecily Hilsdale for allowing me la see her colour photogt<\phs of the Urbino texule and for providing me \\~th the relevant bibliographical references.

APPENDIX THREE APPENDIX THREE

340

_ Note: style bespeaks '"st~ng .Re.naissance influence _ Bibl.: Unden"ood, lianye [)jam:, pp. 292-295, pIs. 548 (b/w), 549 (colour) 72 Kale Kahaksea and her /lJ.~ children, Anlla £askanlla a~d 77zeodore Hodegelru1Jl0s . _ West conch, south wall, chapel of St. John, M'Slra (fifteenth century) _ Kale is portrayed twice, i~ lay and ~onastIc dress

_ Kale: blue dress; white \'.1mple covenng he~d and ~houlders _ Laskarina: red dress, long tight sleeves, ungut; fabnc head-dress, a kerchief

lying loosely over the head _ Hodegetrianos: red gannent . _ Bibl' lvfillet Monumenis 0/<. de Mistra, pI. 107.8 (draw1l1g); Etzeoglou, 'Quelques rem~rques,"p. 518; XcX't~~a&1C1l;, MV(J'rpat;, p. 109;, Sem?gIo,:, 'Contribution a I'erude du portrait funeraJre,' pp. 7---8; nCX1[Cl).lcxmopa lOlC;, E1tl't1,)J..I.~l~ 1tCXpcxma._ <JEl,,' p. 298 73. Fami!1'(?) porlmiJ . _ Tympanum of northern blind arch, narthex, church of St. Paraskeue, Geraki (fifteenth century)' _ Three couples portrayed standing in two groups of three, turning towards the centre with their hands raised in supplication, looking upwards to a model of ~ church and, above that, to Christ in a segment of Heaven

- Old couple (centre): • Man ~eft): long garment, details indistinguishable; head-dress(?) • Woman (right): light-coloured long dress; reddish brown mantle; head-dress, white kerchief wound around her head and neck

'.

_ West side of somt, tomb-mchc, St. Sophla, Treblzond (date of portrait: fifteenth

century)

. d'

I"

_ Standing, hands r~lse In supp IcatlO.n; upp~r part of head destroyed _ ,"'hite caftan commg down to the hips, ?blique opening at the front, deco-

rativc band along the edge. of the openmg, short sleeves, girt; long yellow striped undergarment, long tIght sleeves, decorated cuffs; black belt with propeller-shaped attachments, free end coming down to the left _ Bibl.: 171£ Church qf Haghia Sophia at Trebizond, pp. 157-159, fig. 122 (drawing), pI. 69B (b/w) PRINCIPALITY OF EpIROS

76. 171£ prolostrawr 77zeodore and his wifi Maria - Narthex, Panagia Bellas (Kokkine Ekklesia), Boulgarelli, near ArIa (1295/6) - Donors standing, slightly turned towards the right. Poorly preserved' of the portrait of Maria only part of the head-dress and the upper torso s~rvives - Theodore (right): cuffs of undergarment visible; red caftan, diaper pattern in gold, buttoned down the front, long ample sleeves, ann-bands, girtj not pos-

sible to say whether he had a head-dress or not; holds effigy of church with left hand - Maria ~eft): mantle, broad collar turned over the shoulders(?), fastened at the frontj two-piece head-dress, an embroidered scarf or cap, visible at the fore-

- Younger couple (right)

the right - Bibl.: Parore d'une princesse o/zanhne, pI. XIII.33

head, under a wimple, flat at the top (cf. costume of Anna in no. 77) - Bibl.: 'OpMivoo" 'Mv~~ci(X tOU llE,mOtatou tij, 'HltElpou', pp. 162-163, figs. 12, 14, 16, 19 (b/w) 77. John Tzimiskes, brother qf the prowslrator 17u:odore (see no. 76), and his wifi Anna (PIs. 85, 86i) - Narthex, Panagia Bellas (Kokkine Ekklesia), Boulgarelli, near Arta (1295/6) - Standing, slightly turned towards the left - John ~eft): cuffs of dark-coloured undergarment decorated with rosettes vis-

EMPIRE" OF TREBIZOND

ible; green caftan patterned with medallions enclosing rosettes in gold, buttoned down the front, long ample sleeves, girt; dark green belt with

• Man Oeft): reddish bro\,fll caftan or coat reaching down to mid-calves, buttoned dO\vn the front, long tight sleeves, ungirt; boots; no head-dress • "Voman (right): long white dress, long sleeves, ungirtj head-dress, white ker-

chief wound around her head and neck - Younger couple ~eft) • Their gannents seem to be the same as those of the younger couple to

74. Nrktas Masgourites and one other unidentified male figure - Tympanum of tomb-niche, St. Sophia, Trebizond (date of portrait: fifteenth century) - On horseback - Niketas (right): reddish brown caftan patterned with fleurs-de-lis in white, oblique opening at the front, decorative band along the edge of the opening, elbow-length sleeves; white hat(?) with flaring sides; yellow boots; right hand, spear

- Male figure ~eft): red caftan coming down to the hips, oblique opening at ~e front, decorative band along the edge of the opening, elbow-length sleeves, gIrt; knee-length undergannent, long tight sleeves; belt with propeller-shaped a~chmentsj white hat; yellow boots; right hand, battle·axe or mace

- BIb!.: The Church qf Haghia Sophia at Trebizond, pp. 156-157, fig. 121 (drawing), pI. 69A (b/w)

2

75. Unidmlified male jigure.

341

I ~ank Dr. Sarah Brooks for allowing me to see her colour slides of the St. Paraskeue

POrtraIt.

propeller-shaped attachments; handkerchief tucked in the belt to his right; no head·dress

- Anna (right): green dress, diaper pattern; reddish brown mantle, broad brown collar turned over the shoulders, lining with material of lighter colour, fastened at the front; two-piece head-dress, as Maria in no. 76

- Bibl.: 'OpMivoo" 'Mv~~El(X tOU llE<JltOtatou tij, 'HltElpou', pp. 162-163, figs. 13, 15, 17, 18 (b/w)

Cappadocia

Cyprus

Macedonia

c

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:a

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"'~"

0

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[;;

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Furniture Lighting devices Textile furnishings Domestic utensils

*

Writing implements Surgical implements Tools

*

*

*

Table A: Occurence of realia in monuments considered in the regional case-studies, I I th-12th centuries

CPL

Macedonia

Mistra.

is

C:-

~

::E" 0

r:0

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B

r °C

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Anns and annour Furniture Ughting devices Textile furnishings

~

[;;

* (*)

(*)

*

*

to

(*)

*

*

*

*

(*)

*

*

Domestic utensils Writing implements

Surgical implements Tools CPL = Constantinople

(*)

= western

elements in the dress of

non~'Vcsternt"rs

~

Table B: Occurence of realia in monuments considered in the regional case-studies, 13th-15th (.'cnturies

Kg

A

1IhLiIIbIkJiIIOI&liiI&&l!AWl!iifI!Btfiij Hi E\""*""'''"§'\!2

""

==J;,...{:::I~

Cappadocia

Cyprus

i-" Imperial dress Official dress Aristocratic dress Martyrs' chlamys-costume Female martyrs' costume Commoners' dress Oriental costume ''''estern costume Arms and armour Furniture Lighting devices Textile furnishings Domestic utensils Writing implements Surgical implements Tools

i

:::

"

..c:

c..J

c

§ "0 c..J

~

c..

"~ ~

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0

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.;:.

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0

0-

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~

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t

"0

0

~

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..c: c.. ~

~

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:i

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..,a Oil

..c:

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.

l:

~

."":;!

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Macedonia

C

j

.~

~

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b

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l'i 0

" ·c~"

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:.::"

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* *

*

Table A: Occurence of realia in monuments considered in the regional case-studies, 11 tb-12th centuries

CPL

c

c 2 JS 2

~

.D

c..

~

0

~

B

~

-0 'c ..c: 0

0

6

CPL = Constantinople

.9

§

'"

Imperial dress Official dress Aristocratic dress Martyrs' chlamys-costume Female martyrs' costume Commoners' dress Oriental costume Western costume Arms and armour Furniture Lighting devices Textile furnishings Domestic utensils Writing implements Surgical implements Tools

Macedonia

·c

~ ~

j "

Oil

u5 Ji ..... 1)

..c: b

'1

~ '§~

>

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'i3 "c..

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i'l

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~

0 J{ ..... 1l

> B

~

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b

c

.g .....,

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Ji ..... 1l

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,:,;

g

ti ..:

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.9

&

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'" JS

c..J

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c

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to

(*)

(*)

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*

("') = western

(*)

(*)

*

elements in the dress of nOllw\Vestemers

Table B: Occurcncc of realia in monuments considered in the regional Glscwstudies, 13th-15th ft"llturies

""...<»

GLOSSARY

345

diakonikon: chamber south of the central altarwarca of the sanctuary of a Byzantine church dikanikWn: staff of offic~. In the Late Byzantine. period the majority of Byzantine

GLOSSARY aknkia: a cylindrical pouch of silk, commonly rcpresentc? as bei.ng re?, which c?n_ tained a handful of earth. In the fourteenth century It was tIed With a kerchief. One of the insignia held by the empe~r when he wore the Io:os. It. ~elVed to remind him of his mortality. The kerchIef was a symbol of the InStabIhty of the imperial office which passed from ~n~ en~pc.ror to another. . ahJuphWn: a percussion weapon, the dlstmgwshmg feat';lre of which was Its curved blade. It is mentioned only by the tenth-century Wl1ter Leo the Deacon a!ysido/Qs thorax: mail cuirass anaphora: offering tlIUU)ritks: trousers. All item of 'b~rbarian' ~ostum~ in the Early Byzantine period, they had become part of fasluonable anstocratIc dress by the twelfth century. They are rarely represented in art, shown worn under the tunic or on their own

(for example, by dIe Fony Martyrs of Sebasteia in illustrations of their manyrdom) arcosolium: arched niche sen7ffig as a tomb axine: pick·axe baum: the name of the sceptre of the empress in the Palaiologan period. Its top was set ,vith jewels and pearls

basci.ntt helmet-type which made its appearance in the West in the early thirteenth century and remained popular down to the fifteenth. Originally, a metal skullcap, it was extended down the sides to cover the ears or, in another variant, down the sides and the nape of the neck. Its bowl, initially rounded, gradually became taller and conical in shape (Blair, European Annour, pp. 29-30, 51, 67-68) belon: curtain bevor. rigid, plate defense for the neck and crun bralrat, see ana:grides chape: metal cap of a scabbard-point (Oiford English Dictionary) dwpd-de-jer. helmet-type that made its appearance in Western Europe towards the end of the twelfth century. Made of iron, it had the shape of a hat with a brim (Blair, European Almour, pp. 31-32, 52, 70) chausses: mail hose. Their use is attested in "Vestern Europe from the mid-eleventh century onwards

dwomakt(r)on: hand-towel chilon: tunic "'lamys: an .ankle-length mantle worn by the emperor and by both ch~l and military offiCials (by the latter, when in civilian ceremonial dress). Its distinctive element was the pair of tab/;". It was worn fastened at the right shoulder with a fibnla or brooch. In the Middle Byzantine period it was sometimes worn fastened at the front. In the Late Byzantine period a descendant of the chlamys was worn only by the highest officials of the state and close relatives of the emperor (see lamparum) choros: a comp~site) polygonal lighting device, comprising single lamps, polycandela, and candlesucks. The choros was well-suited for illuminating the area under the dome of a church. It is first attested in d,e twelfth century. Choroi are still employed today for the illumination of churches on Mount Athos roil mail hood coulter: a venical cutting blade fixed in front of a ploughshare (Oiford English Dictionary) dUuJ:ma: one of the tenns used in Byzantine written sources to designate the imperial crown. In the fourteenth century, pseudo-Kodinos and Kantakouzenos employ the term to designate the Palaiologan /oros

dignitaries had the nght to onc. The decoratIon of the staff varied according to

the rank of each official. The emperor held a diktmikWn of wood covered with gold (to be distinguished from the imperial cross-topped sceptre) diktlli(o)n: two-pronged drag-hoc . . divetesion: a long, long-sleevcd tumc worn gtrt. Part of Byzantine ceremonial costume in the rvIiddle Byzantine period. The emperor wore a purple diveleswn with the collar, arm-bands, cuffs, and hem embroidered with gold dO(Il)kalle. threshing .'ledge . . ,kphrasis: the rhetoncal genre of formal descnpuon (ODB, 1, p. 683) epanoklibanon: a garment worn over «epa7lo) a CU1fass of lamellar or scale construction «klihanion). The sources do not specify the manner in which it differed from the epilo(u}rilwn, which was worn over a mail cuirass epeuchio~, peukion: prayer rug; rug; carp~t .. .. ,pi/o(u)rikon: a galment worn over «'PI) a mall shIrt «Iorikum). In the Palaiologan period it beca~e an .item of cerem~mial court co~tume, worn by the emperor and some of hiS offiCials, usually, With the plzakeolts. Pseudo·Kodinos ascribes it an oriental origin ,pithalamion: bridal song exegesis: intelpretation of the Bible (ODB, 2, p. 769) jlon·legium: a collection of excerpts from earlier authors, gathered with a specific pur. pose in mind (ODB, 2, p. 793) gorg,t: see bevor grallalza: an item of the imperial wardrobe in Palaiologan times. A garment with sleeves which reached down to the ankles, worn without a belt. Pseudo·Kodinos ascribes it an 'Assyrian' origin himab"oll: type of mande, distinctive of antique costume. It was draped over the tunic in such a way as to leave the right arm free Iwsios: saint /p>1lis: ploughshare i!»ptrpyrOIl: gold coin, 20.5 carats fine, introduced by Alexios I Komnenos. During the reign of Andronikos II Palaiologos (1282-1328) it was reduced to 12 carats iconostasis: altar·screen with icons kahhadion: a garment of oriental origin which became part of Byzantine court costume during the Palaiologan period. Identified with the caftan worn by officials in surviving portraits from that time. A long garment fastened down the front with buttons, worn girt. It could be sleeveless or furnished with long or elbowlength sleeves (see qabii') kalamos: reed pen. The term could also denote a pen for writing with ink made of other materials kalholi}am: the main church of a monastic complex kaZiighalld: mail shirt or corslet with a lining on the inside and a fabric cover on the outside, in use in the Islamic East possibly as early as the tenth or eleventh century. It became quite popular in the following centuries kettle-hat: see chapel-de-jer kladeulerioll: vine-dresser's knife kletoro/ngioll: ceremonial handbook compIising an official list of the titles and offices of the Byzantine court k/~banioll: body·armour of scale or lamellar construction kbsmos: type of chair in Classical Gteece komoekmogeion: towe! for the head(?) karltna: curtain

346

GLOSSARY

GLOSSARY

helmet t' . n standard which reappeared in imperial portraiture in the Inhannn: the Cons l30llua are p(ol'tra)'cd holding it in miniature painting and other ninth CClltUl)' Efllpcrors '- I cl II d' cl . I c twelfth ccntUl)'. It is common y represente as a 5ma square of~~t~~?}t ~~ the top of a long shaft pa~ ( . lStlUcted of small perforated plates (lamellae) of metal or other la::it:~I:I~~~~~~~~~o:accd together by' mean~ of le~thcr lhon~ . . lamna: a snip of metal (or metal beam) I?l'Ovlded wltl~ c~n.dleslI~ks, particularly SUlt~ abl~ for the illumination of temp/oil cplstyles or of mdlvldual Icon-stands. AJready attested in the twelfth century .' . . . . . lopal~as:. a galIDcnt wom by certain Byzan~nc dlgnIt~nCs In the PalalOlogal.l pcnod. It "'was \\"0111 girt and was furnished 'nth excee~ll1gly long sl~eves whIch were tucked in the belt at the back. The megas domeslikos had the nght to leave onc sleeve hanging down freely, as a Si~l o~ hO!10Ur (er. grallaJz~) ". lectionary: a book containing readings ( lecDons) to be read dunng the diVIne bturgy (ODE, 2, p. 1201) /en/ion: cloth; napkin; towel 1ikmtJerio1l: winnowing fork ,("O!1'S:

mc\:r

lisgan{o)TI: spade-fork

Iorica Jrgmm/ala: laminated cuirass, made ~f segments of metal held toget?er by laces or straps. No lining was required, ThIS type of. annour was the typICal Roman legionary ann our of the first and second centunes A.D. /orikiOll: mail cuirass foros: an extremely long scarf, embroidered with gold and tr!mmed with gems and pearls with a red or green lining. In the first stages of Its development it was worn 'crossed over the upper part of the body with one end hanging down the front and the other draped over the left foreann. From the tenth century onward it was provided \vith an opening and was pulled on over the head. Because of its great weight, the train was provided with small chains at the back-visible in illustrations-which made it easier to lift and drape over the left forearm. The toms was worn over a long, long-sleeved tunic. It formed part of the ceremonial attire of the imperial couple down to the end of the Palaiologan period. In the Middle Byzantine period clle holders of the highest offices in the Byzantine court had a right to ',,"'ear a /'()TOS on special occasions, The wros was one of the insignia of the prefect (eparch) of Constantinople. According to the artistic evidence, the loros of the officials was not adomed with precious stones or pearls, though it could have been embroidered. (ef. trabea triumphalis) makk: mattock mail armour: constructed of metal rings linked together in such a way as to form a densely woven, flexible mesh mand)!as: mantle. Tenn employed to designate (a) an item of lay female costume; (b) the mancle wom by both monks and nuns; and (c) an ecclesiastical vestment wom by bishops and other church officials, including the depotaWi. In the Palaiologan period the emperor (who held the office of a depotatas in the ecclesiastical hierarchy) wore a golden manqyas while he led the Great Entrance procession during his coronation ceremony maniakion: torque. Down to clle Middle Byzantine period one of the insignia denoting militalY rank. No longer employed in the Late Byzantine period (pseudoKod., pp. 199-200) maPJ:a: the ceremonial kerchief with which the Roman consuls signaled the beginrung of the games in the Hippodrome. It is thought that the akakia evolved out of the mappa mtJ.r!yrilJTl: shrine marking the site of an important event in sacred history or the place of the martyrdom and/or burial of a martyr

347

menologium: a collecti
hand while he led the Great Entra?c~ p.rocesslOn dunng his coronation ceremony. The nor/lux was on~ ~f the, insignia of the depolatos, the office that the peror held in the eccleSlasucal hlerarchy (cf. mantfyas) oik::'lle1le: the inhabited world . . Olleirokritikoll: handbook on the Interpretation of dreams orano1l: a long, narrm~ scarf, one of the vestments of the deacons omwtllOi: sec /Jrependou/w pallio (of San Lorenzo): altar-cloth

pelef9!s: axe ' . . p!rakeo/is. a turban. The. use of turb~ns In Byzantlu,m IS attes~ed as early as the ninth century. In the PalalOlogan penod, the plzakeohs was an Item of ceremonial cog.. tume worn by the emperor and a number of court officials in combination with the epilourikoTl . pllllollioTl: a descendant of the Roman paerzula, a cloak which was pulled on over the head. In mediaeval Byzantium it became an item of ecclesiastical costume, comparable to the Latin chasuble

plllamoula: banners. Each unit in the Byzantine anny had its own distinctive banner. Personal banners of high officials are attested already in the t,...'elfth century. It is not clear, though, whether these were assigned to the officials by the emperor or whether the officials had the right to adorn their banners as they pleased, for example with the image of their patron saint. Pseudo-Kodinos informs us that in the fourteenth ceotm), there were seven different imperial banners: one bearing the image of the archangel NIichae1; one with eight streamers adorned with images of Church Fathers; a cross-shaped one with images of Sts. Demetrios, Prokopios, and the two Theodores; another with the image of St. George on horseback; one with the portrait of the emperor on horseback; and, one adorned with a cross and four 'B's (pyrekbola). The cross with the 'B's stood for 'Cross of the King of Kings help the emperor' (};ravpi: {3a(JJMW; {3a(JJMrov {3acrlMi {3o~9E1) or 'Cross of the King of Kings help the imperial city' (};ravpi: {3acrIMW; {3acrwrol' {3acrIAeVOV"ll {30~8E1) plzolidotos thorax:" scale or lamellar cuirass podea: ecclesiastical cloth which was suspended below an icon Oike an apron). It could be embroidered and adorned with precious stones. On occasion, the subject of all icon was repeated on its podea po!ycandelon: a hanging lighting device. A perforated rOlUld or cmcifonn plate for caIT)"ng glass lamps. It was occasionally provided with spikes for candles. Pob'candela were in use already in the Early Byzantine period pommel: a knob at the top of a sword-hilt (o.ifOrd EI/glish Dictionary') porplryrogelmetos, -e: 'purple-born'; epithet of imperial children born after their father's ascent to clle throne (ODE, 3, p. 170 I) praiton'oll: official residence of a governor prependoulia: a pair of strings of pearls tenninating in a trifid ornament or a cross, suspended from the lower rim of the crown of both the emperor a~d empress. In the Palaiologan period the pearls alternated with blue and red ~ewels. The use of the prependoulia, which goes back to the Early Byzantine penod, was an imperial prerogative . ' Pros9llesis: adoration, obeisance; prostration before the object of adoraDon or obel~ sance Prosopsion: towel for the face prothesis: chamber north of the central altar-area of the sanctuary of a Byzantine church

348

GLOSSARY

GLOSSARY

Protocvangelion of James: apocryphal te.xt th~t relates the life of the Virgin n'om her conception to the early Infancy of Chnst . m leather straps, shown in Roman art attached around the arm·openmgs and pi tl~Ower rim of the plate muscle cuir3:ss, though. tl~ey actuaU?, formed p~rt of a flexible leather garment WOnl beneath It. The artIstIc. conventlOl? of shO\~m~ t~le It1l s attached to the cuirass was adopted by Byzantme art whIch used It mdls· ~ri~~ately in association with CVCIY t)1)~ of body:al1l1our. P!yon: spade or shovel; wil~nO\~~ng shovel (~derop!>:on:. Iron. or lron-sh.od spa?c) . p)rekholfm: fiint.striker for hghung a fire. Two ~al:eues al e attested m use m medi· ~ aevaJ Byzantium. one B~shaped and onc elllpucal

pyrgiskos: cupboard p),xis: small box . . abii): a tight.sleeved coat with a straight op~nIng down the front, common m. the q Muslim East. A variant, preferred by Turkic and i'\'longol peoples, had an obhque

/!)rgiDn or

opening across the breast quiJ1ons: the hand-guard of.a sw?~d . . r~.aJia: real things (O:iford Engbslz DICho~za.ry); In .the J,Jresent context, contemporary arte· facts represented in Bvzantine rehgtous plctonal contexts sahanon: linen cloth or t~wel (saballo1ou/rika: towels for the bath?) sabre: single-edged sword with. ~ curved blade and a hilt. without a P?mmel. . sogion: a cloak, originally of mIlItary character. In the lVfiddle Byzantme. peno~ It formed part of Byzantine court costu.me, ' ....orn by th~ e~peror and hiS officials over their skaramangia. It is not clear In what respect It dIffered from the clzla"!)!s

(perhaps, the sagion was shorter and did not have the tablia). In Middle Byzantine texts the term 'sagion' is also employed to deSignate a female mantle sakJcos: term used in the Late Byzantine period to designate the tunic over which the emperor wore the lams. The black colour of this tunic served as a symbol of

the unfathomability of the imperial dignity. The term also designated one of the veslments of the patriarch, metropolitans, and bishops. This was a short tunic with short sleeves, often decorated \\~th crosses sanctus: the praise of the seraphim to God (Is. 6:3), which is sung during the preparation of the Eucharist

scale armour: constructed of perforated plates (scales) of metal or other suitable material attached to a lining of leather or fabric with rivets or metal clasps. The scales are so arranged as to overlap downwards

sella cum/is: a folding stool that constituted one of the insignia of the Roman consuls, often represented on Late Roman consular diptychs

stili/m: diminutive of 'sella', a seat, probably without a backrest. The term is often employed in the De cerimolliis to designate the imperial throne siJerika: iron tools sko.mnwn: scat (makryskamnion: 'long seal', bench) skaramangion: a distinctive item of court costume during the Middle Byzantine period worn by the emperor and his officials. Scholars have identified it with a rider's caftan of oriental (Persian) origin. This would make the skaramangion a preferably shon tunic \\.th a tight bodice and an ample skin provided with slits to facilitate movement

siaIraniiw.n: type of head-dress; pan of official costume during the Palaiologan period

me~1Uoned by.pseudo-Kodinos, who ascribes an 'Assyrian' origin to it. Its colour

vaned according to the position held by the bearer in the court hierarchy: it could ?e gold-and-red, apricot, gold-and-white, gold-and-yellow, red with a tassle, or pirun red. All skaralJika other than the red were decorated witll a portrait of th~ emperor standing, enthroned, or on horseback. Commonly identified with the cylindrical head-d~ess with the rounded or /lat top seen in fourteenth-century

portraIts of Byzanune dignitaries. (the identification of the skamnikon with a rider's caftan proposed by Kondakov is not tenable)

349

or

skiodion: a type head:dress ~orn by the. emperor, ~ well as hy court and Church officials (espeCIally s11lg~rs) 11l the PalalOlogan. penod. Commonly identified with the hat with the pyra~11Idal ,top and ~road bnrn scen in monumental and minia~ ture painting at th~ tIme: 1 he tcrm IS also employe~ by scholars to identify the hat with the beak-lIke brIm worn by John VIII PalalOlogos on the medallion hy pisanello stoll/arion: shield . . splint arm~u~·: constructed of pIeces or stnps of metal, wood, horn, or boiled leather

(splints) Jomed together by. means ?f leather thongs or metal clasps. Scale and lamellar armour are vanetles of splint armour

slephallOS: in Middle-Byzantine written sources thc term designated the imperial crown.

In the fourteenth centu~ th,e term no longer d~noted the imperial crown, but a headdress worn by the Jumor emperor and Ius wife prior to their coronation

and by members of the imperial family who held the offices of despoUs and seba.rtakra,", stroma: mattress tabaTTo: full-length, heavy cloak, provided with openings for the arms to come through or with short ample sleeves. It was fastened either at the front or at the right shoulder. It is attested in Italy already in the thirteenth century, where it was usually worn by doctors, merchants, magistrates, as well as ecclesiastics (Levi-

Pisetzky, Castume, I, pI. 177; 11, p. 54) tablia: the distinguishing feature of a eh!amys. Rectangular panels of a colour and decoration different from that of the fabric of the cloak, attached to its edges, beginning at the height of the armpit and reaching down to the level of the waist tampariall: a mantle, probably. the descendant of the Middle-Byzantine ch!amys. It is mentioned by pseudo-Kodmos as part of the costume of the highest officials of the empire i.e. the despates, the sebaswkrator, the ponhypersebasros, and the prolDvesliarios. (cf. taborra) tapes: carpet; rug temp«m: altar-screen tetraeuangelion: a book which contains the complete text of the four Gospels (ODE, 2, p. 861) lirii,e: a band embroidered with an honorific or a religious inscription worn by Muslim nobles at the upper part of their sleeves as early as the ninth century topos: rhetorical commonplace; a traditional motif or theme in a literary composition (Oiford English Dietianary) touphin: tassels or plumes, employed for the personal adornment of a warrior (placed either on his helmet or on his shoulders) as well as for that of his mount

tmbea triumphalis, also called taga pie/a: The most ornate variety of the Roman toga, worn by tile consuls when they opened the games at the hippodrome. It was embroidered with gold and encrusted with jewels. On ivory consular diptychs this garment is represented v.lith a distinctive overall pattern of rosettes. By the

sixth century the Roman trabea had evolved into the IYiaIne: see do(u)iaIne !ypikon: monastic foundation document

"'TOS

~angia: the red buskins of the emperor, which, in the Late Byzantine p~riod, ,,,'ere

omamented with eagles on the instep and the sides. In Middle Byzanune sources the tenn denotes both footwear in general, and boots in particular

tzapion: mattock vi~: biography of a saint (ODE, 3, p. 2180) Wimple: female headdress covering the neck and sides of the face, and secured at

the top of the head, worn under a veil. It became popular in Westem Europe f:om the thirteenth centmy onwards (Houston, Medieval Cashunt,. p. 15).. The arUs~lC evidence suggests that the wimple was adopted by Byzanune ladies already In

the thirteenth century

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RiB

1963). . d 1 .. . " d XIV .. TIliriet F., 'Les Venitiens a Thessalomque ans a premiere mOlUe u slccle,' ByzanJWn 22 (1952), pp. 323-332. Thomas B., Gamber 0., Schedelmann H., Arms and AmlOur. Masterpieces if European Cr
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235-243.

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P.A. and Hawkins E., 'The Mosaics of Hagia Sophia at Istanbul. The portrait of the Emperor AI~xande,.. A Report on Work Done by the Byzantine I 't te in 1959 and 1960, DOP 15 (1961), pp. 187-217. VaR~~vu A.A., History if Ihe. Byzalltille .E"}pire, 2 vols. (London, 1984). VClenis G., 'L'eglise Panagta OlymplOtlSsa et la chapellc de Pammacanstos,' Zogrif

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:C'

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371

,.

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Ve1mans T., 'Aspects duo con~l.tlOnn~mcnt cl; I artlste byz~ntm: ~e~ commanditair~s, 1 modeles les cloctnncs, m ArtlSles, artzsans el productlOn arllstzque au lHf!YtTl Age,

v:~. 1!- c,m';wllde

et tT?vail, ecl. X. Barral i Altet (Pans, 1987), pp. 79-97.

__ 'Infiltrations oCCldentales clans la pcmture murale byzantme au XIV<" et au

debut du XV, sircle,' in Sylllp. Resnva, pp, 37-48. __ lA peillture qyzalltine a la fin du M'!)'eI! Age (Paris, 1978). __ ' 'Le Parisinus Grecus 135 et quelqucs autres peintures de style gothique clans le; manuscrits grecs it l'cpoque des Palcologues,' G1 17 (1967), pp. 209-235. __ 'Le portrait dans I'art des Paleologues,' in Art et s,ciili, pp. 91-148. __ ' 'Le role clu decor architectural ct la representation de I'espace dans la pein-

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- - Le letraeanngile de la Laurentiemre. Flormce, LaUT. VI. 23 (Pans, 1971). - - : 'L'heritage antique dans la peinture murale byzantine

a l'epoque

clu roi

Milutin (1282-1321),' in Symp. Gracallica, pp. 39-51. - - , 'Quelques programmes iconographiques de coupoles chypriotes du XII' au XV'siede,' G1 32 (1984), pp. 137-162. Vetnic S., 'Medieval Weapons and Implements Deriving from the Middle Morava Basin,' Balcanoslavica IQ (1983), pp. 137-157. Vieker.; M., 'Some PreparatOlY Drawings for Pisanello's Medallion of John VIII Palaeologus,' ArtB 60 (1978), pp. 417-424. . . Vikan G., Cnlalogue if Ih, Sculpture ill Ihe Dumbartoll Oaks Col/echoll ftom the PtO/WOlC Period to the Renaissance (\Vashingtoll, D.C., I 995). . " . Vikan G. and Nesbitt j., Security ill Byzanlium: lAckillg, Sealillg, alld Wt'(ghlng (Washmgton D.e., 1980). Vitlianov S., 'Kovashki instrumenti i suoriizheniia prez srednovekovieto \' BUlgariia,' ATk/leowgiia 1981/3, pp. 54-63. _ Vocotopoulos P.L., 'Fresques du XI' siecle it Corfu,' 01 21 (1971), pp. 1:>1-180. Waiter C., L'icollographie des cOllciles dallS la lraditioll qyzall#lIe (PaJls, 1970). . - - , 'The Abgar Cycle at Mateic,' in Studien zur qyzalltiniscilen KWlSlgeschIChte. Fes/sckrijl for Horst Hal/errslebell ZUIll 65. Geburslslng, eds. B. BOI'kopp, B. Schellewald, L. ThelS (Amsterdam, 1995), pp. 221-231. ..' .

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___ 0; rOlxorpa
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Zi:

L:

t

t

""

"

'

'T INDEX*

Aaron, Old Testament patriarch, 248 n. 91, 259 abbots, thrones of, 160, 161, 166 Abgar, king of Edessa, 35, 38 n. 115 Ablabius, 80, 86, 86 n. 133, 87, 87 n. 134, 97 n. 179 accessories, 64, 66, 77, 81, 231 n. 37, 240, 248 Acheimastou-Potamianou, Nlyrtale, 306, 331 Achmet, author of the OneirokritiJron, 61 n.38 Acts of the Apostles, cycle of, 232 n. 43; see also apostles, the Trial of Sts. Peter and Paul in Rome, 236 n. 59 Adorn and Eve, 202 n. 32 Adoration of the Magi, scene, 195, 232, 234 n. 50; 205, 238 groom of the horses, 232, 233, 234 n. 50, 237 theme of the horses, EastclTI Christian derivation of, 233 n. 45 theme of the horses, 'Italian variation' of, 234 n. 50 Agapios, saint, 107 Agoes of France, 52 n. 5, 67 n. 55; 83 agricultural implements/tools, 2, 9, 198, 199-202, 217 axe (*peI£i9!s), 201-202, 201 n. 25; 212 *coulter, 199 drag-hoe ('dikellion), 20 I, 20 I n. 23; 211 mattock (*makele, */zapion), 199, 200 n. 10, 200 n. 13, 211 pick-axe (*axine), 20 I, 20 I n. 25 plough, 199, 213 ploughshare/share (*!!ynis), 199, 199 n. 8, 199 n. 9, 200 n. 9; 207 pruning kuife (*kladeu/emm), 20 I, 20 I n. 23, 201 n. 24 scraper, 199 sickle, 199, 201, 201 n. 17 spade, 200; 210, 21J

spade-fork (*lisgarion), 200, 200 n. 13; 208 threshing sledge (*IYkane, *do(u)kane) 199, 201 ' w~nnowing fork (*likmeterion), 20 I . wmnowmg shovel (*PIYon), 20 I Ainos, Kosmosoteira Monastery foundation document, 188 n. 167 hospital, 176 *akakio, 11, 23, 33, 313, 314, 315, 316, 317,319,320,321,322 323' 2 3 Akakios, hieromonachos, 303 ' " Aka/his/os Hymn, cycle of, 48, 234 n. 50; 56, 238 Strophe IV, 181 Strophe X (Return of the Magi to Babylon), 232; 238 Strophe XXII!, 248 n. 91 Strophe XXIV, 248 n. 91

*akauphion, 131 Akropolites, Constantine, 332; 76 Alexander, emperor, 313, 314

Alexiad, 28, 105 Alexios, proroslra/or, 303

Alexios, son of John I! Komnenos, 172,318,319; 21 Alexios, son of Nlanuel I Komnenos, 52 n. 5 Alexios I Kornnenos, 13, 16, 24 n. 51, 28, 39 n. 121, 68, 110 n. 41, Ill, 117 n. 70, 119 n. 82, 124, 172,246,303,306,316,318,319, 329; 12, 13 Alexios III Angelos, 18 Alexios III Komnenos of T rebizond, 11 n. I, 22 n. 40, 30, 34, 185 n. 148, 323, 324 Alexios V Doukas Mourtzouphlos, 331 'anap!lOra, 45 n. 151

*anaxynaes, 57 Andrew, king of Hungary, 28 n. 64 Andronikos, saint, 95 n. 168 Andronikos, son of Manuel I! Palaiologos, 322, 323, 338

• Terms included in the Glossary are marked with an '*'. Numbers in italics refer to the Plates.

376 Andronikos I Komncnos, 69 coinage of, 14 11: 10 Andronikos II PalalOlogos, 21, 52 n. 5, 67 n. 56, 72 n. 83, 90, 101 n. 2, 115-116, 172, 258, 260, 262, 264, 293, 297, 305, 306, 320, 321, 332; 23 coins of, 24 Andronikos III Palaiologos, 69, 71, 305, 321 Andronikos V Palaiologos, 322 angelic/hea,·enly host, 43, 180, 190 n. 177 angelic messenger/mediator, 24, 27 angelic powers, 46 n. 155, 47 n. 157, 124 n. 106, 196 angelic orders, 42, 45, 45 n. 152, 47, 49,96 n. 175 Dominations and Powers, 45; 57 see also angels; archangels; seraphim AngeloilAngelos family, 41, 249 angels, 45 n. 150, 91, 99, 100, 147 n. 235, 165 n. 27, 227, 307, 315, 316, 320 Anna (at chapel no. 21, Goreme), 299 Anna (at Panagia Bellas), 74, 78, 341; 85 Anna (I) (in the lincoln 7jpikm), 334 Anna (2) (in the lincoln 1jpikgn), 334 Anna, wife of John VIII Palaiologos, 323 Anna, wife of Nikephoros Kasnitzes, 74, 77, 99 n. 182, 250, 302, 330; 63 Anna Komnene, 110, 127 n. 128 Anna of Hungary, first wife of Andronikos II Palaiologos, 52 n. 5 Anna of Savoy, 321; 28 Anna Synadene (at the Anastasis, Verroia), 333 Annunciation, scene, 43, 48, 165 n. 28, 166 n. 32, 194, 204, 210, 294, 305; 56, 216 sermon/homily on, 48, 180 n. 119 Anthony IV, patriarch of Constantinople, 42 Antioch, 103 n. 10, 119 Apokaukos, Alexios, 71, 162, 163, 165, 335; 68 Apokaukos, John, 75 n. 95 Apollonia, church of the Virgin 21, 293, 320 ' apostles, the, 24, 42, 87 Benediction of, scene, 326

INDEX

Calling of, scene, 80, 87-88 martyrdom, cycle of, 306 Appearance of Christ to tl,e disciples by the sea of Tiberias, scene, 307-308 Apseudes, Theodore, painter, 246-247, 303, 307 Arab ambassadors, !O3 n. 9, 184 n. 146 Arab miniature painting, 222 11. 3 Arabic, 120 Arabs, 295 representations of, 225, 241 archangels, 20, n. 38, 21 n. 39, 34, 42, 43, 44, 45, 45 n. 153, 46, 47, 48, 49, 171, 280, 294, 295, 296, 338; 49 Gabrie!, 32, 43, 44, 48, 49, 154, 155, 155 n. 269, 155 n. 270, 210, 288, 313, 314, 315 imperial iconography of, symbolism, 46-47, 48, 288 Michael, 44, 106 n. 18, 148, 154, 154 n. 262, 155, 155 n. 267, 298, 315, 317, 320, 326, 327, 339; 54, 55, 58, 165 cycle of, 148 archers, 117 n. 70 infantry/foot-, 126, 136, 141 mounted, 123, 141 archery, 141 horse-, 141 Ariadne, empress, 12 n. 4, 170 n. 53 aristocracy/gentry/nobility, 51 n. 2, 130, 173, 181 Cappadodan, 40, 295 Cypriot, 246, 247, 303 military, 130, 157, 281 provincial, 58, 59 n. 29, 74, 114, 158, 167, 181, 250, 264, 301 Serbian, 286 aristocratic ladies, 72, 74, 76 n. 98, 79, 98; see also Constantinopolitan ladies adstocrats, 58, 64, 65, 66, 69, 93, 100, 308; see also nobles/ noblemen arm-bands, 54, 58, 95, 107, 109, 110, 326,327,328,329,331, 332, 338, 341 Armenia, Aght'amar, 116 n. 67 Armenian influences, 56, 299, 309 Armenians, 56 n. 21, II1 n. 44, 230 arm-guards, 103, 106, 107, 108, 109, 110,114,117 n. 72,143,151,315 gilded, 103 armour, 2, 6, 101, 103, 105, 106 n. 16, 107, 110, 112, 113, 115, 117,

INDEX

117 n. 70,118,118 n. 73,119, 120 145 145 n. 224, 150, 151, 152' n. 252, 154, 155 n. 270, 157, 254 255 261, 282, 283 b dy- 104-121, 129, 143, 148, 0 150, 156, 157, 158, 242, 251, 259 ceremonial, 68 n. 60, 102, 103, 107, 110, 113, 157, 180 n. 119, 283 coats of, 108 field, 102, 105, 107 gilded, 103 n. 6 hybrid, 114, 143 horse-, 108 n. 26 'lamellar, 61 n. 38, 104, 104 n. 12, 105 n. 14, 109, J09 n. 38, Ill, 113, 115, 118, 157, 242, 245 Asiatic origins of, 104 n. 12 ceremonial, J09 'mail, 61 n. 38, 112, 113, 114, 115, 224, 242 western, 114; see also hauberk plate, 115, 129 western, 129 Saracenic, 112 *scale, 104, 104 n. 12, 105, 105 n. 14, 106 n. 15, Ill, lI8, 242, 325 Asiatic odgins of, 104 n. 12 shoulder, 109 *splint, 105, 105 n. 14, 112 see also breastplate, cuirass arms (and armour), 2, 6, 10 I, 254, 255, 261 army, 61 n. 38, 101, 105 n. 14, lI2, 113,114,115 n. 62, 117 n. 70, 120, 122, 123, 128, 141, 150 n.246, 151, 153, 236 field, 137 Roman, 104 n. 12, 105 n. 14, 112, 151, 156 auxiliary troops/units, 104 n. 12, 105 n. 14 units, 101, 123, 130, 139, 151 cavalry, 131, 136, 140; see also cavalry infantry, 131, 136; see also infantry of archers, 141, 142; see also archers peUastai (unit of foot-soldiers), 139 see also palace units Arotras, Kdnites, 301

377

arrows, 117 n. 70, 141, 150, 151 n. 251 arrowheads, 141; 112, 160 Arsenije I, archbishop of Serbia 308 Arsenios, abbot of Palmos 307' Arsenios, hieromonachos, 264, 305 Arta, 168 Blachema Monastery, 128 n. 133 226, 293 ' church of SI. Theodora, sarcophagus of the saint, 324 Panagia Bellas, 74, 78, 293, 341; 85 artefacts/artefact-types, 1, 2, 3, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 102, 197, 218, 219, 220, 221, 222, 227, 228, 231 n. 39, 238, 239, 242, 243, 244, 247, 249, 250, 251,252, 253,254,256, 260, 261, 267, 268, 269, 270, 271, 272, 274, 275, 276, 277, 278, 279, 280, 285, 288, 289, 290, 291, 292 'Constantinopolitan' / of the imperial milieu, 245, 251 'contemporaneity' in representations of, 9, 100, 216-217 fashionable, 224, 243, 265, 272, 276, 281, 292 fashionable to represent, 224, 260, 261, 276, 281, 285, 292 interregional artistic vocabulary of, 245, 251, 271, 275 non-Byzantine, 220, 230 oriental/of oriental derivation or outlook, 231, 232, 237 unconventional representations of, 8 unique representations of, 224, 265, 278, 292 Artemios, saint, 55, 89, 94 n. 162, 114 n. 54; 148 artisans, 279 n. 162 networks of, 266 n. 128 artist(s), I, 3, 4, 7, 8, 9, 36, 37, 50, 87, 93, 100, 100 n. 185, 102, 110, 113, 125, 144, 156, 157, 184, 193, 197,214, 215, 219, 221, 223, 223 n. 7, 224, 229, 230, 236, 239, 243, 248, 252, 253-254, 256, 258, 260, 271,276-280,287,290,291,292 network of, 266 of Joshua, Hosios Laukas, 278 of Kurbinovo, 41, 214, 279 of Lagoudera, 249, 279 of Nerezi, 249, 278, 279 of Perachorio, 249

INDEX

378

of St. Euthymios, Thessalonike, 263 of St. Nicholas Oq)hal1os, 232, 237, 278, 279-280 of Sts. Anargyroi, KastOlia, 94, 278, 302 of the Alexander Romance, Venice, 22 11. 40, 186 of the Chora Monastet)', 95, 260, 261 of the Latomou Monastct)', 250 of dte MmologilUlI of Basil n, 225 of the Metropolis, Mistra, 179 n. 109 of the l-.'lirozhsl·y :Monastery, Pskov, 81 n. 116 of the nave, Enkleistra of St. Neoph)"os, + I, 246

of the Orthodox prelates, K)1iotissa ?\·fonastery, Constantinople, 257, 296 of the Protaton, 263, 270, 278, 279 of the Rossano Gospels, 4 of the Vatopedi Monastery, 270,

279, 305 western, 11 n. 1; see also Gozzoli,

Benozzo; Pisanello; painter of the St. Frands cycle, Kyriotiossa Monastery, Constantinople working in Byzantine Macedonia, 231 n. 39, 251 working in Byzantine ?vforea, 118 n. 73 working in Cappadoeia, 107 working in l\fistra, 236, 270 n. 144, 271, 271 n. 144 see also illuminators; master(s); miniaturists; mosaicists; painter(s); workshop(s) artistic centre(s), 220, 246, 247, 249, 263, 277, 291, 307 artistic idioms, regional, 239

artistic models/prototypes, 20, 20 n. 39, 21 n. 39, 22 n. 40, 33, 50, 52 n. 4, 82 n. 122, 98 n. 179, 100, 102, 106, 106 n. 17, 109, III n. 42, 113, 156, 177, 216, 219, 228, 229, 248, 269, 271, 271 n. 144, 273, 279, 291 antique, 156, 206, 273 Early Byzantine, 174, 243 n. 82 Gothic, 234 n. 53 Islamic, 233, 233-234 Late Antique, 241 n. 76 non-Byzantine/foreign, 56, 228, 230, 275, 290, 291

379

INDEX

religious, 219 secular, 41, 50, 99, 219, 229 western, 125, 144, 236, 237, 238, 287 Asan family, monogram of, 76, 337

Asan, John, 335 Asancs, lvfanucf, 334 Ascension, scene, 43, 47, 99, 99 n. 182 Ascent to the Cross, scene, 203; 140 ascetics, 178 representations of, 282, 309 Asia, Central, 124

Asia, \Vcstern, III Asia Minor, 58, 159, 190, 199, 216 Chalcedon, 258, 296 Lembos, 178 n. 106 :rvlantaia (near Smyrna), monastery of SI. Panteleimon, 173 n. 70, 200 n. 12 Pergamon, 168 Philadelpheia, Monastery of the Virgin Boreine, 179 n. 109 Smyrna, 199 n. 8, 200 n. 12 see also Cappadocia; Nicaea; Trebizond Astrapas family, 262 Astrapas (master builder?), 262 Astrapas, John (snibe and miniaturist), 262 Astrapas, Wchael (painter), 132 n. 146, 262, 269, 270 n. 136, 279, 286, 298, 300, 306, 310; see also s.v. workshop(s) Athanasios I, patriarch of

Constantinople, 90 n. 147, 263, 305 Athens Benaki Museum silver gilt circular attachments, 65 n.51 icon with the Hospitality of Abraham, 175 n. 83, 175 n. 85 Byzantine Museum, chrysobull of 1301, 321; 23 National Library, ms. 93, 81, 82, 168, 176 n. 89; 90, 177 attendant(s), 44, 55, 84, 89, 99, 100, 144, 144 n. 221, 181, 222, 236 n. 59, 260, 335 holding a sword, hilt upwards, 145-148 holding a sword, hilt upwards in Islamic art, 146 n. 229 spinning, 210-211, 212; 217 Attica, 129 n. 134, 140, 213, 301, 303

Kalyvia, church of St. Gcorgc, 213,

302 .. Merenta, church of the Vtrgm, 129 n. 134, 140, 303 attire aristocratic, 99 ceremonial, 26

civilian, 96 female, 72 official/of officials, 17, 53, 54, 80, 97,99, 100 n. 185 of dignitaries, 81, 83 of female martyrs, 98

see also clothes; costume; dress; garb; robes; vestments; wardrobe

attribute(s), 24 n. 51, 27, 31, 34, 35, 36, 40, 44, 45, 47, 48, 50, 86, 96, 97, 97 n. 179, 98, 152, 153, 154, 154 n. 262, 194, 195, 196, 197, 206,213,214,217,227,276,280, 288, 289, 291 audience, 5, 50; see also beholders; recipients of Byzantine art; viewers Augustus, Roman emperor, 84, 85 n. 129 Authentes, Leo, 247, 303 authors of religious compositions, 50; see also creators of Byzantine art; creators of images, iconographers

Avars, 116 Avctlar

church of the Cistern, 43 n. 135, 293, 294, 300 Karabulut kilisesi, 43 n. HI, 293-294, 300 Vusuf ko, kilisesi, 107, 108, 132, 294; 114 axe (batde-), 103 n. 10, 136, 137, 137 n. 176, 137 n. 177, 150 n. 246, 154, 340 Ayvah k6y, 43 n. 135, 186 n. 159, 294, 328 Bachkovo Monastery (Petritzos), 188 n. 167, 294; 99 badge of office, 86, 98 n. 179 *haioli, 32; 5 Bakchos, saint, 95 n. 167, 96, 151, 152 n. 252, 153' 104 Bakirtzes,

Charala~pos,

3, 4 n. 8, 7

Baldwin I, 14 n. 10 Balkans, the, 3, 59, 159, 162, 198, 199, 202, 216 Baltoyianni, Chrysanthe, 248 n. 91

banderols (of spears), 139, 140, 140 n. 198, 144 n. 220, 237 Baptism, sacrament, 92

scene, 259, 297, 311 Barbara, saint, 98, 98 n. 180; 109 Base~nos (or Basil) and Nikephoros, p.nest (at Karanhk kilise), 299, 326 Ba,,1 I, 19, 25, 49, 68 n. 60, 155 n. 269, 313 coins of, 19, 165, 194 triumph of, 107 n. 19, 119 Basil 11, II n. I, 30, 102, 106, 106 n. 18, 107, 108, III n. 44, 118 n. 75, 130, 134, 153, 157, 170, 171, 179 n. 113, 225, 225 n. 18, 300, 310, 315; 110 MCllologium of, 18, 25 n. 56, 106 n. 18, 122, 127, 163 n. 16, 166 n. 33, 172, 177, 181,224,225, 241, 245 n. 85; 80 Psalter of, 102, 130, 171, 315; 110; see also Venice, Biblioteca Marciana, Marc. gr. Z. 17 Basil (donor of Koutloumousiou 60), 329 Basil (donor, SI. Barbara, Soganb), 310 Basil, priest (at Karaba~ kilise), 310 Basil, saint, 87 n. 134; 120 Bayeux, Bayeux Tapestry, 121 n. 94, 127, 127 n. 128; 145 bedding, 176-179, 179, 194, 197 blankets, 179 covers, 178, 179, 179 n. III mattresses, 178, 178 n. 106 pillows, 178, 179 n. 109, 179 n. 110, 271 pillowcases, 178, 179 n. 110 quilts, 179 rugs, 178; see also carpet(s); valance(s) prayer-, 184 sheets, 178 straw mat, 178

beds, 176-179, 191, 197 bedstead, 177, 178 beholders, I, 4, 35, 37, 40, 48, 50, 83, 90, 100, 148, 156, 158, 181, 183, 184, 212, 221, 224, 288, 289, 292; see also audience; recipients of Byzantine art; viewers

Belisllma, Bahattin killsesi, 89 n. 143, 29+ belt(s), 22, 23, 23 n. 43, 25, 54, 58, 59, 65, 65 n. 48, 65 n. 50, 65 n. 51, 66, 73, 75, 77,84,89, 118, 118 n. 74, 134, 135,315,317,318,

3Bl

INDEX

3BO

INDEX

319, 326, 330, 332, 333, 334, 335, 336, 337, 338, 339, 340, 341 with implements, 213, 213 n. 92,

225. 226 n. 19, 241, 243, 248, 25( belt-filtin&" 66 n. 51; 75 Belting, Hans, 1, 259 bema, decoration of, 40, 42, 45, 45 n. 152,47,47 n. 157, 194, 195, 195 n. 191 Benediction of the Virgin by the priests, scene, 174 n. 78, 175 n. 83

Berendc, church of St. Peter, 14-5

n. 225, 294 Berlin :Museum fur Spatantike uncl Byzantinischc Kunst so-called sceptre of Leo VI, 32, 49, 314; 34 ivory of the Forty Martyrs, 247 n.88 Staatsbibliodlek, diptych of Probianus, 165 n. 27, 207 Betrayal, scene, 135, 137, 137 n. 179, 139 n. 192, 191 n. 181; 143, 157 biblical kin&" 36, 156 Birth of the Virgin, scene, 178 n. 107, 192 n. 186, 204 n. 40, 211, 212, 224 n. 8, 226, 286; 204, 217, 233, 244 bishops, representations of, 163, 195

n. 191, 196, 259, 297; see also Church/Orthodox prelates bishops, thones of, 160, 161; 167, 168 Bliquez, Lawrence, 198 blouse, 74, 75, 329 bodyguard(s), 35, 130, 133 n. 156, 143, 144, 144 n. 221 imperial, 103 n. 10, 127, 136, 154; see also Varangian guard Bogdan (at Kalenic Monastery), 302 Boilas, Eustathios, 188 n. 167, 189 bone, 104, 133, 159, 169, 170 n. 49, 186, 205, 207 bookbinding, 210, 215 bookbinding implements/parphemalia, 210, 256 awl, 210 hammer, 210 scissors, 210 screw-press, 210 bookbinding workshops, 215 n. 98 books, 185, 187, 335

boots, 30, 31, 46, 48, 81, 315, 325, 328, 330, 335, 338, 340; see also footwear; shoes; tzmlglD Bouras, Laskarina, 2, 159, 188, 301

bow, 103 n. 10, 115, 141, 150, 150 n. 246, 151, 151 n. 251, 224,231 n. 39, 232, 234 n. 50, 255, 261, 268, 271, 285; 159 bow-case, 141, 151, 234 n. 50 Boyana, church of St. Nicholas and

St. Panteleimon, 236 n. 59, 294 bracelets, 109, 336 *brakai, 57 Branicevo, 200

breastplate, 112 n. 45, 115, 158, 224, 231 n. 39, 267; see also armour; cuirass Breckenridge, James, 164, 165 bride (in the Wedding at Canal, 226, 237 brocade, 160 bronze, 104, 139, 159, 204, 205, 207 brooch, 64, 65, 73, 74, 77, 327, 330, 332 BI),er, Anthony, 2, 198, 199 bucket, 214 Budapest, National Museum, crown of Constantine IX Monomachos,

27-28, 316; 29 building implements, see handicraft implements

Bulgaria, 5, 48 n. 159, 71, 138, 145, 161, 199, 200, 200 n. 9, 201, 201 n. 18, 203 n. 36, 204, 218 Preslav, 166 n. 33, 200 Bulgarian monuments, 236

Bulgarian state, 147 n. 235 Bulgarian tsars and officials, see

individual entries Bulgars, 225 buttons, 59, 59 n. 29, 62, 120, 333, 334, 339 caftan, 17, 51, 55 n. 17, 57 n. 27, 58, 59, 60, 61, 63, 65, 65 n. 48, 84, 89, 91, 97, 225, 232, 321, 330, 332, 333, 334, 335, 336, 337, 338, 339, 340, 341 Cairo Geniza, 160, 186 n. 155 Calendar if 354, 169 n. 45 caliph, 68 n. 60, 225 cameo, 154

camouflage outfit, 118

candles, 188, 326; .see also lighting devices, candlesticks

cane, 139, 140 cap, 68, 78, 81, 96, 97, 98 n. 179, 226 n. 19, 251, 330, 341 skull-, 223, 241 western, 236 n. 59 cape, 73, 241 Cappadoda, 19, 40, 140, 154, 154 n. 261, 244-245, 251 sce also Avctlar, Ayvah key, Belislrma, Qavu§in, Erdcmli valley, Gereme, Hasan Dagt, Nar, Ortahisar, Sinassos, Soganh,

Tagar, Orgtip Cappadocian churches/monuments,

42, 43, 47, 89, 107, 108, 139, 164, 194, 245, 247 Cappadodan painting, 244 n. 84, 245 caricature, 223 n. 7 carpentry implements see handicraft implements

carpet(s), 174, 174 n. 74, 178, 178 n. 106, 179, 184-185, 323 Carver, Martin, 8 caskets, 159, 186, 187, 216, 251, 278, 313 Catherine, nun (at Karaba§ kilise), 310 Catherine, saint, 38, 87 n. 134, 299, 327; 44 Caucasus, 54 n. 13, 56 n. 20, 116 n. 67 influences from the, 56 n. 21, 69 n. 68, 230 see also Armenia, Georgia cavalry, 112, 121, 140 heavy-armoured/heavy, 121, 123, 126, 131, 136, 139, 140, 141, 151 light, 131 light, armed with javelins, 126 Qavu§in Gullu dere no. 1, 36 n. 109, 43 n. 134, 294 Gullu dere no. 3, 36 n. 109, 43 n. 134, 294 G(illu dere, St. John, 300, 309 Ha~h ki1ise, 36 n. 109, 295; 171 Pigeon House Church, 19, 20 n. 38, 39, 40, 42 n. 133, 67 n. 59, 102, 105, 106, 106 n. 17, 121, 153, 154, 161, 183 n. 136, 295, 315, 325; 17, 41, 111, 113 St. Symeon, 42 n. 134, 295

Census, scene, 85, 89 n. 143; Jee alsQ Enrolment for Taxation, scene Ccnturion in the Crucifixion 82

n. 122, 106 n. 18, 125 n.' 115 ceramic, 126 n. 121, 226, 243 ceramiCS, 7 ceremonial (imperial), 14 n. 10, 17, 34, 37, 64, 64 n. 43, 113, 146, 147, 150 n. 246, 180 n. 119, 194 n. 189, 197, 219, 227, 228 n. 28, 230, 243, 280, 285, 288; see also ceremony; rites/ritual ceremonial handbooks, 11, 51, 67 De cerimoniis aulae /ryzanlinae, 13, 23,

51 n. 1, 52, 52 n. 3, 57 n. 27, 61 n. 38, 82, 86, 103, 104, 130, 159, 167, 174, 187,212 n. 84, 227 n.26 KletorowgWn of Philotheos, 60 pseudo-Kodinos, 15, 22, 23, 32, 59, 60, 64, 67 n. 57, 68 n. 62, 69, 70, Ill, 119, 120, 147, 159, 231 ceremonial occasions, 184 n. 146, 185, 189; see also ceremonial; ceremony ceremonial setting/context, 51, 57, 58,

67, 180, 182 ceremony, -ies, 17, 61 n. 38, 66, 103, 171, 180, 182, 182 n. 134, 184,230 associated with the birth of an

imperial child, 193, 193 n. 188,222 coronation, imperial, 14 n. 10, 15,

16, 17, 24, 29, 37 coronation of Baldwin I, 14 n. 10 prol;ypsis, 147, 147 n. 232, 180 reception of ambassadors, 23, 103 n. 9, 180, 182, 184 n. 146 silention, 185 n. 148 triumph/triumphal procession, 18,

23, 68 n. 60, 103, 103 n. 5, 103 n. 8, 103 n. 10, 107, 107 n. 19, 109, 119, 223 n. 6 see also ceremonial; rites/ritual chancery, 90 characterization, 37, 39, 80, 86, 93,

94, 96, 214,215, 216, 221, 237, 240, 241, 243, 252, 254, 260, 267, 269, 270, 275, 285, 288, 292 Chatzedakes, Manoles, 304 Chatzikes, Manue! Laskares, 62, 63 n. 41, 70, 339; 73 'chausses, 121, 122, 122 n. 98, IH n. 220, 237, 255 chemise, 75, 76, 336, 337 chest(s), 173, 177, 185-187

"

.<:

INDEX

382

INDEX

Clj!;':a Mone, 38, 41 n. 126, III n. 42, 127, 132, 137, 167, 173, 295; 40, 58., 1/3, 180 Panagia Krcn3, 295, 330 *chiton 42, 48, 87 *rhlam)'s) 11, It ]1. I, 12, 17, 53 n. 9, 64 231 n. 37 ~r1y Byzantine, 12, 53 in religious iconography, 36, 37-, 38, 44 45 45 n. 150, 81, 85, 8/, 88: 94: 95, 96, 97, 98, 99, 100 n. 185, 149, 149 n. 240, 151, 153, 221, 227, 240, 254, 257, 282 Middle Byzantine, 12, 53 of officials/dignitaries, 12, 16, 17, 51, 53, 63, 64, 65, 99, 100_ n. 185, 152 n. 252, 227, 2~4, 325, 327, 328, 329, 331, 332 of the emperor, 11, 12, 12 n. 5, 13, 14, 14 n. 10, 15, 15 n. 11, 16, 17,21, 24, 24 n. 51, 25 n. 54, 49, 169 n. 45, 254, 314, 317, 318; 1 of the empress, 11, 12, 17-18,314 symbolism of, 16-17, 17 n. 23, 49 ch/a,,!)'s-costume, see clliarrg's Chomatianos, Demetrios, archbishop of Ohrid, 120 Choruates, Niketas, 64, 68, 98 n. 179, 119, 332 Christ, 13 n. 5, 24, 24 n. 51, 24 n. 54, 32, 33, 34, 35, 37, 39, 39 n. 121, 42, 43, 46 n. 155, 47, 82, 83, 91, 98, 99, 124 n. 106, 143, 148, 149, 163, 164, 165, 166 n. 33, 170, 171, 171 n. 58, 177, 180 n. 119, 181, 185, 192, 194, 194 n. 189, 196, 211, 211 n. 83, 220, 227, 227 n. 25, 248 n. 91, 259, 273, 295, 297, 300, 309, 314, 315, 316, 318, 321, 324, 325, 326, 327, 328, 329, 331, 332, 333, 334, 335, 340; 173 Antiphonetes, 309 Child, 44, 194, 195, 247-248, 248 n. 91; Set also Virgin and Child crowning the emperor, 14 n. 10, 24, 27, 313, 314, 316, 317, 319 Emmanuel, 334 Infancy, cyde of, 35, 80, 85, 143, 149 n. 240, 232 n. 43, 295, 311 Life, cyde of, 304 Ministry, cyde of, 311

Mirades, cycle of, 295, 304, 309, 311 Pantokrator, 35, 43, 196, 259, 335 Passion, cycle of, 80, 143, 211, 249, 251, 270, 305, 308 Second Coming, 47, 96 n. 175, 194, 195, 196 Christ and the Samaritan woman, scene, 224 n. 8, 235, 267 n. 131; 239 Christ before Annas, scene, 145 n. 225; see also Christ before the High Priests Christ before Ca.Iaphas, scene, 109 n. 39, 169 n. 49; see also Christ before the High Priests Christ before Pilatc, scene, 122, 145, 145 n. 225, 169, 185, 211, 212 n. 85; 92; see also Trial of Christ Christ before the High Priests, scene 192, 210, 212, 212 n. 85, 241 n. 73; 188 Christ before the High Priests and Pilate, scene, 210; 226 Christ praying on the Mount of Olives, scene, 311; 143 Christological cycle, 260; see also S.D. Christ Christophoros (donor, Egri ta§ kilisesi), 301 Cluistophoros (founder of Panagia ton Chalkeon), 311 Christophoros, saint, 128, 132; 146 Chrysasadem, 87 n. 134 chrysobull, 34, 319, 321, 323 Chrysoloras, Manuel, 287 n. 188 Chrysotriklinos, hall in the imperial palace, 165, 194 Church, 15, 41, 43, 44 Orthodox, 16 n. 19 council of 1351, 145, 322; 24 Church Fathers, 16, 17, 156,214,318 as 'source of \'\~sdom', 214 n. 95 Church/Orthodox prelates, 69 representations of, 257, 258, 296, 305; see also bishops church singers, 75 ciborium, 190, 191 civil servant(s), 51, 87, 94, 152 n. 252; see also officials; functionaries Clavijo, Ruy Gonzalez de, 184 day, 8, 189, 204, 209 Clement of Ohrid, saint, 265 Cleveland Museum of Art, lectionary leaf, 209 n. 77

doak, 62, 64 cloth, 62, 104, 162, 204 padded, 108 dothes, 84 working, 88 Clotho, Fate (Greek mythology), 213 coats, 55, 56, 56 n. 20, 56 n. 21, 57, 58, 60, 62, 118, 337 of armour, 108 of lamellar, 108 codex, codices, 24 n. 51, 176, 206, 207,215,215 n. 97, 316, 318, 325, 328, 329 'coif, 125, 237, 255, 265 n. 126 coinage, I4 n. 10, 28, 34, 164 coins, effigies on, 11, 11 n. 1, 13, 14, 14 n. 10, 15, 18, 19, 20, 21, 26, 28, 29, 33, 34, 36, 44, 49, 102, 106 n. 18, 130, 150, 164 coin-scale, 87 collar (neck-guard), 116, 116 n. 67, 117 comb, 202, 213, 243 commissioners (of manuscripts), 89; set also donors commoners, 97, 153, 225 Constantine (in the Leo Bible), 95, 130, 325 Constantine, Bulgarian despates, 67 n. 57 Constantinc, deceased, portrait of, 55 n. 14, 302, 326; 26 Constantine, saint and emperor, 19 n. 34,38, 38 n. 119, 39, 40, 41 n. 125, 173 n. 66, 294; 26, 41-43 Constantine, son of Basil I, 68 n. 60 Constantine, son of Michael VII, 316, 317 Constantine, son of Michael VIII, 320, 321, 332 Constancine VII Porphyrogelllletos, 19, 19 n. 34, 19 n. 37, 20 n. 39, 38 n. lIS, 301, 309, 314 coins/solidi of, 19, 20; 15 Constantine VIII, I1 n. I, 300, 310 Constantine IX lvlonomachos, 27, 38, 77, 102, 106 n. 18, 130, 295, 315, 316; 18 Constantine X Doukas, 20, 316 Constantine and John, painters, 307 Constantine and Leo (donors, New Toka~ kilise), 300

383

Constant~nidcs, Euthalia, 181

Constantmople, 10, 17, 21, 21 n. 39, 40, 64, 69 n. 70, 78, 82, 84, 85, 109, 1l0, 124,154, 157, 160, 162, 181, 182, 184, 220, 239, 244 246 247, 250, 251, 256, 257, 263: 266: 266 n. 127, 271, 271 n. 144,272, 275,276,.282 n. 170,283,291,296 Blachernal, church of the Virgin, 180 n. 119, 189 Blachernai Palace, 184 Chora Monastery (Kariye Camii), 62, 66, 70, 71, 76, 84, 85, 89, 90, 91 n. 150,95, 98, 129, 130, 135, 145, 149, 151,232, 259-261, 264, 266, 269, 274, 283, 295, 329, 333, 337, 338, 339; 38, 69, 71, 72, 93, 102, 137, 147, 155, 162, 163 Great Palace, 105, 110, 139, 141-142, 176, 184 n. 146, 194 Hagia Sophia, 24 n. 54, 29, 33 n. 93, 41 n. 125, 45, 163 n. 16, 164, 181 n. 125, 296, 310,314, 315, 318, 322; 18, 20, 49 Hippodrome, 62 n. 39 Holy Apostles, 279 Kauleas Monastery, 227 n. 25 Kilise Camii, 258, 262, 267, 296 Kyriotissa Monastery (Kalenderhane Camii), 257, 296-297 Lips Monastery (Fenari Isa Camii), 25 n. 56, 259, 296-297 M yrelaion Monastery (Bodrum Camii), 297, 336 Nea Ekklesia, 189 Odalar Camii, 296-297 Pammakaristos Monastery (Fethiye Camii), 116, 1I6 n. 64, 258-259, 262, 263, 267, 297 Pantokrator Monastery foundation document, 167, 185, 188 n. 167 . hospital, 176, 204 Peribleptos Monastery, refectory, 21, 26, 297, 320, 332 St. Euphemia at the Hippodrome, 257-258, 296 Stoudios Monastery, 37, 245 n. 86, 277 Constantinopolitan antiquarianism, 267 art!trends (artistic), 239, 2-19, 300 echoes (at Sts. AnargYToi, Kastoria), 283

INDEX

384 monuments, 256-257, 257-261, 266, 267, 269

origin (of e.xtant works of art), 55, 140, 180, 248 painting, 86 . Conslantinopolitan connccno ns (individuals \\1th), 249, 250, 262, 303, 307 ConstantinopoJitan ladies, 73, 76, 78, 283' set also aristocratic ladies Const~ntinopolitan practices, 283 Conslantios, son of Conslantine X Doukas, 316 Constantios IT, 169 n. 45 consular diptychs, 44 consuls, Roman, 18, 19, 31, 33, 44, 46 n. 155, 168, 169, 169 n. 45 copper-alloy, 190 Copts, 230 Corfu, church of St. Merkourios and the Prophet Elijah, 132, 216, 297; 120 Cormack, Robin, 28 n. 64, 299 cosmetics, 186 costume, I, 4, 41, 52, 57, 58, 65, 69 n. 68, 77, 89, 180, 231, 240, 243, 248, 254, 258, 261, 275, 289 antique, 44 Arab, 224 aristocratic, 6, 10,51,52,57,58, 59, 93, 100, 235 n. 57 Bulgar, 224 ceremonial, 61 n. 38, 74 civilian, 12 commoners', 6, 7, 239, 249, 256, 275 court, 64, 119, 231 ecclesiastical, 250 eparchiC/of the prefect, 82, 82 n. 119, 83, 85, 86, 222, 280 ethnic, 223 n. 7, 225, 229, 232 n. 43, 233 n. 44, 241 female/feminine, 72, 75, 77, 240, 254, 277, 283, 304 female, aristocratic, 72, 73, 74, 77, 79,98 gala, 60, 72, 228 n. 30 imperial, 6, 10, 12, 13, 14 n. 10, 20 n. 39, 21, 22 n. 40, 26, 34, 35, 36, 37, 38, 39, 40, 42, 43, 45, 46, 48, 49, 50, 80, 156, 244, 247, 251, 256, 274, 278, 280, 288 Islantic, 55 n. 17

385

INDEX

Late Roman/Late Antique, 55 n. 14, 58 n. 28, 96 male, 240, 254, 306 militalY, 6, 10, 30, 101, 102, 103 n. 9,117,144,144 n. 220,148, 1+9, 150, 151, 152, 152 n. 255, 153, 154, 155, 156, 158, 242, 244,251, 268, 275 military, ceremonial, 118, 283 military, Roman, 156 monastic, 304 official, 6, 10, 51, 52, 53, 57, 58, 61 n. 38, 64, 66, 67, 68, 69, 80, 81, 87, 88, 93, 96, 97, 100, 240, 245, 247, 256, 274, 280 of angels, 42 of angeJ.courtiers, 99, 99-100, 100 n. 185 of church singers, 75 of civil servants, 87 of dancers, 222, 240 of Jews, 241 of John VIII Palaiologos, 231 of Julian the tax-collector, 56, 88-89 of K yrenius, 84-86 of martyrs, female/saintly virgins, 98-99, 99-100, 100 n. 185 of martyrs, male, 94-98, 99-100, 100 n. 185 of nomad horsemen, 60

of personifications of oriental nations, 242 of Pontius Pilate, 81-84 of secondary characters in

religious iconography, 244, 248-249, 251, 252 of shepherds, 240-241 of the Apostles, 87 of the Five Martyrs, 97-98 of the ladies in the lincoln 1jpikon, 74-75 of the princess saved by St. Gem'ge, 94 of two superimposed tunics, 54-55, 55 n. 14, 88, 93 n. 158 oriental, 231 n. 37, 232, 233, 241 'Persian', 233, 241, 241 n. 76 regional, 248

western, 235 see also attire; clothes; dress; robes; vestments; wardrobe cotton, 61 n. 38, 178 n. 106, court, 16, 26, 34, 51, 52, 58, n. 38, 64, 67, 67 n. 55, 67

garb; 179, 185 60, 61 n. 57,

68 n. 62, 70, 71, 74, 78, 89, 90, 98 n. 179,99, 100 n. 185, 107 n. 19, 171 181 193, 219, 222, 227, 228, 228' n. 31, 229, 231, 231 n. 37, 244 265 283, 285, 317 He~venly/of God, 96, 153,221, 282 Islamic, 231, 237 Serbian, 286

cDurtiers, 85, 99 in religious iconography, 80, 81, 89 angel-, 99 cradle, 192, 193, 193 n. 188, 197, 212 creators of Byzantine art, 10, 50, 220, 273' see also authors of religious co~positions; creators of images; iconographers creaton; of images, 92 n. 155, 180 n. 119, 288; see also authors of religious compositions; creators of

Byzantine art; iconographers cross, iron with silver revetment, 155 crown, 14 n. 10, 20 n. 39, 187, 315 extant, 27-28, 316 hemispherical/closed, 20 n. 39, 28, 29, 36, 39, 247, 316, 318, 319, 320, 321, 322, 323, 324; 3 in religious iconography, 29, 36, 38, 39, 46, 84, 258 of officials, 329 of tl,e emperor, 11, 13, 16, 22, 23, 27, 28, 29, 30, 38, 229, 313, 314, 315, 316, 317, 318, 319, 320, 321, 322, 323, 324; /-3, 31 of the empress, 26, 29, 30, 38, 39, 79,229,313,314,315,316,317, 318, 319, 320, 321, 322, 323, 324; 1, 5, 32 of women (other than the empress), 77, 79, 80, 332, 333, 337 votive, 313 Crucifixion, scene, 82 n. 122, 106 n. 18, 113, 125 n. 115, 143, 308; 127 crusader art, 234 n. 53 crusader artistic practices, 144 n. 220 crusader military imagery, 118 n. 73 crusaders/crusader armies, 14 n. 10, 114, 141, 257 crusades fourth, 17 second, 141 c')'Stals, 31

Cueer, St. Nikita, 138, 262, 265, 269, 270 n. 136, 278, 278 n. 161 279 " 286, 298; 241 cuirass(es), 103, 106, 106 n. 16, 107, 108, 112 n. 45, 114, 115, 117, 118 n. 73, 143, 151, 153 gilded, 103 lamcllar, 106, 106 n. 18, 107, 107 n. 25, 108, 109, 110, 112, 116, 149, 156, 157, 242, 245, 315 muscle, 106, 106 n. 16, 108 115 143, 148 ' , plate, 149 scale, 106 n. 15, 110, 112, 158

see also annour; breastplate cupboards, 176, 185-187 curtains, 159, 166, 179-184, 187, 191, 197, 222, 242 cushion(s), 163, 167, 172, 184 Cutler, Anthony, 18 n. 28, 164, 165, 195 n. 190 Cypriot monuments, 245, 247, 249, 251 Cyprus, 3, 10, 40, 150, 155, 199, 218, 244, 245-249, 251, 252, 307 Asinou, Panagia Phorbiotissa, 245, 246, 247 n. 88, 293, 312; 190 church of the Panagia Angeloktiste, 44 Koutsovendes, Monastery of St. John Chrysostom, 65, 245, 246, 282, 302

Lagoudera, Panagia Arakiotissa, 36, 43 n. 137, 246, 247, 248, 248 n. 91, 249, 279, 303; 199, 232, 243

rvronagri, Panagia Amasgou, 249, 304-305 Paphos, Enkleistra (Hermitage) of St. Neophytos, 39, 40, 41, 245-246, 246, 303, 307; 42 Perachorio, church of the Holy Apostles, 2+5, 246, 248, 249, 308 Trikomo, church of the Panagm, 43 n. 137, 195 n. 191, 245, 246, 312 daggers, 135, 255 western, 236 daily life, 2, 6, 219, 225, 227, 229, 230, 237, 248, 254, 256, 267, 269, 271, 273, 280, 285, 290; Set also everyday life Damianos, saint, 32, 205 n. 50, Z15 cycle of, 304 Damjan, Serbian bishop, 309

Dance of l\·lyriam, scene, 77; 82

dancers/dancing figures, 222, 222 n. 5, 222 n. 6, 240, ;54Daniel, hieromonachos, 30 ... Daniel, Old Testament prophet, 150,

24-1 . 308 Danilo 11, archbishop of SerbIa, Daphni MonastelY, 36, 132, 157, 166 n. 31, 178 n. 107,298; 37, 54, 104 D.-id, prophet-king, 35, 36, 37, 170; 37,40 before Saul, scene, 144 life of, scenes, 313 plate, from the Lampousa Treasure,

144, 144 n. 223 Repentance of, scene, 145

INDEX

INDEX

386

11.

225,

307 ,,;ves of, 93, 93 n. 160 Dawson, Timothy, 107 n. 25, 108 n.32 DeCani Monastery, 145 n. 225, 162 n. 10, 166,213, 213 n. 91, 298 De cerimoniis aulae b;'zantinae, see ceremonial handbooks decorative motifs, 100 11. 185 animals, 58, 172, 327 antique derivation, 235 arrows, 183 birds, 113, 327, 337 circles, 183, 328, 337 cross, 25, 140, 316, 318, 319 cross v.>ith letters, 140 crosses, fO\\' ot: 21, 320 crowns, 337 cruciform, 321, 332 diaper pattern, 74, 178, 24-2, 314, 328, 334, 338, 339, 341 dragon(?), 140 eagles, 31, 72, 172, 173, 173 n. 66, 179 n. 113,323 eagles, double-headed, 31, 62, 63, 63 n. 42, 97, 172, 321, 322, 323, 332, 333, 335, 338 elephants, 179 n. 1I3 emblematic, 51 figural, 182 fleur-de-lis, 13, 53, 58, 242, 323, 329, 337, 338, 339, 340 fleur-de-lis, double, 57 n. 24, 318, 319, 328 floral, 36, 58, 172, 335 flowers, 337 geometrical, 36, 58

grids, 58, 335, 337 griffins, 119,179 n. 113,331,335 grisaille elements, 274

gI)'fionagroi, 182 n. 132 healis, 53, 316, 317, 318, 328, 337 interlacing, 58 Islamic influence, 231

ivy leaves, 13, 53 lattices, 172, 183 leaves, 333, 338 lions, 119, 179 n. 113 lions, rampant, 120 lozenges, 63, 172, 210, 329, 332, 337 mask(s), 151, 274 medallions, 13, 58, 62, 63, 73, 74, 76, 97, 113, 172, 178, 179 n. 113, 183, 184 n. 143, 194, 242, 314, 321, 322, 323, 326, 327, 328, 329, 330, 331, 332, 333, 335, 337, 338, 341 Medusa-head, 206 monograms, 62, 76, 79 n. 109, 265-266, 311, 337, 338 mythological figures, 206 quadrupeds, 328, 331, 335, 337 quatrefoil, 338 repeated patterns, 182 rosettes, 341

scale pattern/scales, 172, 242 scroll pattern, 81, 226 spades, 53, 57 n. 24, 58, 178, 183, 242, 318, 327, 328, 330, 333 squares, 331 stars, 183 stripes/bands, 110, 183, 185, 324, 327, 328, 331, 333, 337, 339, 341 sun, moon, and stars, 180, 180

n. 119 vegetal, 327, 330, 337, 338, 339 vine, 337 western influence, 235

see also pseudo-kufic inscriptions/characters Deesis, composition, 43, 47, 94, 171

n. 58, 194, 305, 326, 329; 51, 172, 174 de' Maffei, Fernanda, 2

Demetrios, saint, 94 n. 165, 95 n. 165, 96 n. 173, 107, 109, 109 n. 35, 109 n. 38, I 10, 113, 114 n. 52,117,117 n. 71, 118, 120, 129, 132, 132 n. 147, 133, 133 n. 155, 135, 140, 149, 152, 153

I

258 158, 250, 259, 283, 294,

~96; 105, 114, 119, 123, 126, 136, 141 /49, 150, 154, 155, 242 bef~re Nlaximian, scene, 145 n. 225 cycle of, 38, 38 n. 117, 304 reliquary of, 316 demons, 91, 92, 216 Demus, Otto, 27: Dermokaltes famIly, monogram of,

338 Descent from the Cross, 203; 209 Descent into Hell, scene, 35, 37-38,

295, 308; 35, 36, 40 Dessislava (at Boyana), 294 diadem, 67, 77 n. 103, 80, 85, 85 n. 129, 321, 322, 323, 331, 332, 333, 338 *di11dema, 22, 23, 23 n. 43, 24; 3 Digenes Amles (epic poem) 119, 119 n. 82, 123 n. 106, 160, 176 n.91 dignitaries, 12, 16, 23, 24, 51, 53 n. 6, 55, 57 n. 24, 61, 63, 67, 69, 70, 71, 82, 84, 89, 96, 97, 99, 103, 119, 160, 161, 185 n. 148, 309, 332 ecclesiastic, 161

in religious iconography, 80, 81, 82 n. 122, 84, 85, 86, 94, 96, 97, 146, 153, 163, 221 military, 103 n. 9 Palaiologan, 83 wives of, 72, 74 see also officials Diocletian, Roman emperor, 38, 152

Dionysos, Greek god, 193 Distribution of the garments of Christ, scene, 308 *divetesioll, 13; 1 Djuric, Vojislav, 309 dome/cupola programmes, 35, 43, 47,

194, 195, 195 n. 191, 196 donors, 5, 72, 74, 229, 278, 281, 282 Georgian portraits of, 62 of DiOlrysiou 61, 57 n. 24, 89 n. 142; 60 of Koutloumousiou 60, 74, 78 of Kurbinovo, 41, 250, 303 of Panagia Bellas, Arta, 74; see also Anna, (at Panagia Bellas) Malia, (at Panagia Bellas) Theodore of PerachoIio, 246 of SI. Euthymios, Thessalonike, 272;

387 see also Tarchaneiotes, NIichael Glabas of St. George Dia.orites Naxos 56 ' of SI. Nicholas, Platsa 308 of St. Nicholas Kasnit~es, 77; see also Anna, wife of Nikephoros Kasnitzes; Kasnitzes, Nikephoros

of SI. Nichola. Orphanos, Thessalonike, 265, 270, 282, 287 of Sts. Anargyroi, Kastoria, 158, 283; see also Lemniotes family of the Alexander Romance, Venice, 22 n.40 of the Peribleptos, Mistra, 66 of the Pigeon House Church, <;:avnjin,40 of the Protaton, 215, 263, 268, 272 of T rikomo, 246 see also commissioners (of manuscripts); founder(s); patron(s) door panels, 159, 162 n. 10, 170 n. 49 Dormition, scene, 43, 47, 49 n. 164,

99, 177 n. 99, 178 n. 107, 191 n. 180, 259, 295, 306; 53, 190, 192, 225 cycle of, 258, 297 dress (clothing), 51,91, 100, 151, 153, 220, 221, 223, 236 n. 59, 254, 256, 258, 271, 290 antique, 4-8 aristocratic, 218 civilian, 94

commoners', 219, 225, 229, 254 court, 222 female, 72, 76, 236, 240, 251 female, aristocratic, 98

impeIial, 2, 4, 155 n. 269, 218, 221, 228, 240, 254 male, 240 military, 154 n. 261, 155 n. 269, 218, 236, 259, 261, 297, 325, 326, 339 military, ceremonial, 103

military, field, 103 monastic, 340

official, 4, 53, 90, 218, 251, 254 of dancers, 254 of shepherds, 254-255 oriental, 235 regional, 240 western, 235, 236 see also costume dress (female garment), 26, 72, 73, 74, 75, 76 n. 98, 77, 315, 316, 317,

INDEX

388

INDEX

318,319, 320, 321, 322, 323, 324, 327, 329, 330, 332, 333, 335, 336, 337, 338, 339, 340, 341 dress code, 51 dress designs, 76, 76 n. 98 Drougoubilos, Basil, 120

Droungarios, Nicl101as, 295 Duccio, 233

Dvrrachium, chapel of the 'Amphitheatre, 45 n. 150

ear-pendants, 80 suspension chains of, 80 n. 112 earrings, 29, 30, 79, 79 n. 109, 80, 98, 150, 150 n. 247, 240, 319, 323, 330, 332, 333; 87, 88 of the Hebrell~, 248 n. 91 worn by men, 225, 226 n. 19, 240, 251, 328 worn by Orientals, 221, 221 n. 3, 222 n. 3, 241, 247 worn by the Christ Child, 247-248, 248 n. 91 East, the, 60, 225, 230, 232 artistic tradition of, 220, 230, 231 Christian peoples of, 230; see also Annenians; Copts; Georgians; Syrians Islamic/Muslim, 5, 55 n. 17, 58, 137, 137 n. 177, 220, 238 Orthodox, 144 Easter Sunday, 23, 82 Eastern (artistic) traditions, influence of, 290 Eastern frontier, 68 n. 60 Eastern neighbours (supplying swords), 136 Easterners, in religious iconography, 150, 232; see also Orientals ecdesiastic(s), 41, 173, 178, 268 Ecumenical councils, representation of, 166 n. 33, 172 n. 63 Egypt, 162 n. ll, 225 Antinoe, 55 n. 17 Bawit, 45 n. 150, 45 n. 153 Karanis, 187 n. 162 Saqqara, 45 n. 150 Egyptian archaeologkal contextJ;, 186 n. 156 Eirene (at Kasab~, kilise), 310 Eirene (I) (in the linealn 7jpilwn), 333, 334, 335; 74 Eirene (2) (in the lineoln 7jpilwn), 334

Eil"ene (3) (in the lilleoln 7jpikoll), 334, 335 Eircnc, saint, 38; 44 Eirene (Yolande of Montfel"rat), wife of Andronikos 11 Palaiologos, 265, 285, 286 Eircnc, wife of John II Komnenos, 318; 20 Eirene, wife of John VI Kantakouzcnos, 335 Eirene, wife of John VII Palaiologos, 322 Eircnc, wife of Konstantin Assen Tich, 294 Eirene Doukaina, wife of Alexios I Komnenos, 316, 318

*ekphrasis, 287 EIasson, Panagia Olympiotissa, 181, 298; 56, 134 Elijah, prophet, 49, 313 embroidered, 12, 18, 21, 54, 58, 72, 74, 77 n. 103, 78, 120, 179, 179 n. 112, 182, 320, 323, 330, 336, 338, 339, 341 gold-, 53, 58, 73, 74, 75, 78, 82, 318, 328, 330, 331, 333 embroidery, 81, 121 n. 94, 183, 339 emperor, 11, 12, 12 n. 5, 13, 13 n. 5, 14 n. 10, 15, 15 n. 11, 16, 17, 22, 22 n. 40, 23, 24 n. 54, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33, 34, 34 n. 99, 36, 37, 39, 40, 42, 42 n. 130, 44, 46, 46 n. 155, 49, 49 n. 164, 49 n. 165, 51, 60, 60 n. 31, 61 n. 38, 63, 66 n. 55, 67, 70, 70 n. 73, 74 n. 91, 82, 83, 89, 90, 96, 102, 103 n. 6, 107 n. 19, 118 n. 75, 119, 122, 124, 130, 134, 142 n. 214, 145, 146 n. 227, 147, 147 n. 230, 152, 155, 160, 161, 164, 165, 170, 171,172,173,174, 179 n. 113, 180, 182, 185 n. 148, 193, 212 n. 84, 222, 227 n. 25, 228 n. 30, 286, 288, 327, 332, 333, 334, 335 Early Byzantine, 31, 33, 168, 169 n.45 in religious iconography, 38, 39, 42 n. 129, 89, 146, 148, 163 n. 16, 166 n. 33, 169, 172 n. 63, 221 Komnenian, 20, 21, 29, 36, 39, 172 Laskarids/Nicaean, 17, 172 Late Byzantine, II n. I, 15, 32, 33 Late Roman, 38 Macedortian, 41 n. 125, 42, 164

of Trcbizond, 22 n. 40 Palaiologan, 31, 172 Roman, 33, 155 n. 267 soldier-, 157 empress, 12, 17, 18, 20, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 32, 51, 79, 160, 170 Early Byzantine, 170 n. 53 in religious iconography, 38, 39, 42 n. 129, 145 n. 225, 221 Late Byzantine, 39 spouses of/wives of Komncnian emperors, 29, 39 enamel/enamelwork, 20 n. 38, 26, 27, 79,94 n. 165, 123 n. 106, 134, 150,154 n. 263,171 n. 58,171 n. 58, 313, 316, 317, 318 enamelled, 13 England, 121 n. 94 engraving, 59 Enrolment for Taxation, scene, 91 n. 150, 130, 145, 284; 93; see also

Census, scene Entalmatikos, John and Genethleos (at Karanhk kilise), 299, 326 Entry into Jerusalem, scene, 202, 211, 235,241 n. 73, 311; 231, 240 *epanoklibanon, 118, 119, 120 *epiw(u)rikon, 11,60, 118, 119, 120 Epiros, 293 principality of, 324, 341 Epithalamion of 1179, see Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Vat. gr. 1851 Erdemli valley AY' kilisesi, 298, 329 church of the Forty Martyrs, 96 n. 171, 298 ethnographic material, 3, 9, 199, 247 Etzeoglou, Rodonike, 59 Eudokia (at Canavar kilise), 78 n. 104, 310, 327 Eudokia (at Karab~ kilise), 78 n. 105, 310, 327 Eudokia (in the lincoln 7jpikon), 334 Eudokia, saint, 25 n. 56; 25 Eudokia, wife of Progonos Sgouros, 262 Eudokia, wife of Romanos n, 18, 18 n. 28, 314 Eudokia Baiane, 313 Eudokia Ingerina, 25, 313 Eudokia Makrembolitissa, 26, 27, 314, 316 coins of, 27

389

Eugenikos, John, 287 n. 188 Eugenios, saint, 55, 89, 94 n. 162 Eulalios, painter, 276, 276 n. 155 279 ' Euphemia, saint, 257 cycle of, 257, 296 martyrdom of, 258 Euphrosyne (in the lincoln 7jpilwn) 334; 67 ' Euphrosyne, wife of Xenos Psalidas 264, 312 ' Euphrosyne Doukaina, wife of Alcxios III Angelos, 18 Europe, 141 Central, Ill, 137, 137 n. 177 Eastern, Ill, 137 North, 137, 137 n. 177 Western, 71, 125 n. 113, 127, 130, 135, 169 n. 47, 237-238 Eustathios, archbishop of Thessalonike, 69, 253 Eustathios, saint, 122 n. 99 EllStrates and John (at Ayvah k6y), 294, 328 Eustratios, saint, 94 n. 162, 95, 96, 97, 98, 98 n. 179, 153; 103, 106 Euthymios, saint, Dormition of, scene, 178 n. 105 Eutychios, painter, 262, 269, 270 n. 136, 279, 286, 298, 300, 306, 310; see also s.u. workshop(s) evangelistJ;, 168, 176, 187, 190, 198, 206, 207, 208, 209, 214, 215, 215 n. 97, 256; see also John, Luke, Mark, Matthew everyday life, 3, 57, 232; see also daily life executioner(s), 125 n. 114, 133 n. 156, 133 n. 157, 143, 144 Bulgar, 225 non-Byzantine, 225 Expulsion of the merchantJ; from the Temple, scene, 175 n. 84 fabric, 12, 65, 73, 76, 8+, 117 n. 72, 120, 124, 133, 167, 169, 330, 333, 337, 338 quilted, 124 transparent, 336

fabric head-dress, set head-dress, of women face-guard, mail, 124 n. 107 curtain, 124

...

INDEX

390

INDEX

fashion, 26, 47, 93, 98-99, 100, 100 n. 185, 223, 269, 290 Arab, 55 n. 14 coul1/of the capital, 95, 283

cleventh-ccntul')"\ 306 from Buigalia, 71 from Serbia, 71 Georgian, 69 Late Byzantine, 89

Mongol, 231 orientallfrom the Middle East, 55 n. 14, 58, 62, 71, 231 Turkish, 231 western/Hum 'Vestem Europe, 71, 76, 235, 235 n. 58, 236 feeling, rendering of, 6, 252, 268, 270, 272 felt, 68, 97,117,123 FClTara, council of, 287 n. 188 fibula, 12, 13, 53 n. 7, 64, 65, 315; 1 crossbow, 53, 64

filigree, 79 Filippino Lippi, 63 n. 41 Frratlt, Nezih, 57 Five Martyrs of Sebasteia, 97, 153; 106-108; see also Eustratios; .Mardarios; Orestes flagellation, scene, 84 n. 127 flax, 203 flight into Egypt, scene, 202 n. 30 flint-striker, 202, 213, 243; 213 Florence Biblioteca Laurenziana, lAur. VI. 23, 78 n. 105, 93 n. 159 Brancacci chapel, 63 n. 41 National Museum of Bargello, ivory

panel ",th standing empress, 170 n.53 *jIon"kgia, 215 n. 97 footstool(s), 35, 84, 170-173, 191, 194, 197, 222, 229, 245, 247, 285, 315, 316,317,318,319,320,321,322, 323, 324, 338 footwear, 11, 71 adorned ",th emblematic motifs 51 imperial, 31 ' of the prefect, 82 n. 122 red, adorned with pearls and gems 30 ' see also boots; sandals; shoes; tzangia forks, 242, 245, 245 n. 86, 247 Forty Martyrs of Sebasteia, 95 n. 165, 105, 121, 140, 153, 154 258 296 310; 113 '"

ceremonial, 51, 63, 231

tvIartyrdom of, scene, 247 n. 88, 309; 101

founder(s), 37 of St. Nicholas Olphanos, 286, 287 n. 185 set also donor(s); patron(s) France, art of, 233 Francis of Assisi, saint, cycle of, 257,

296 Frangopoulos, John, 304 Frankish, 231 n. 36 Franks, 92 n. 153, 236 Frederick II of Hohenstaufen, 134 n. 160 functionaries, 90; see also civil servants' officials

'

funerary effigy, 31 fur, 62, 68, 76, 221, 222 n. 3, 225, 267 n. 130, 323, 329, 337, 339 furnishings, 6, 10, 159, 160, 191, 193, 194, 197, 218, 229, 242, 255, 274 ecclesiastical, 159 household, 176 textile, 172, 179-185, 185, 194, 242, 245, 251, 253, 255, 275; see also bedding; carpet(s); curtains; cushion(s); tablecloth; towels;

valance(s); wall-hanging(s) furniture, 6, 10, 159, 160, 162 n. 11, 173, 191, 192, 193, 194, 197,218, 229, 242, 253, 255, 267, 271, 274, 275, 278 ecclesiastical, 159, 162, 166; 169, 170 fittings, 159 household, 3 n. 5, 160, 176 furniture for seating, 84, 167-169, 170, 191 benches, 167, 168, 173, 177, 186 chairs, 167, 168, 186, 197 couches, 174 *klismos, 168, 168 n. 43 stools, 167, 167 n. 37, 167 n. 38, 168, 197 stools, folding, 168-169 see also sella curulis; throne{s) Gabras, Eirene, 78, 327; 81 Gabras, Theodore, 327 garb, antique, 258; see also costume, antique; dress, antique

garment(s), 54 n. 13, 66 n. 53, 71, 80, 84, 87,93, 98, 100, 103, 117 n. 70, 185, 231 n. 36, 240, 254, 333, 336, 337, 338, 340 aristocratic, 229

caftan-likc, 17, 58, 61 ~. 38 . rrom female burial at SI. Sophta, Mistra, 72, 76, 76 n. 98 imperial, 172 Italian, 64 leather, 106 n. 16 outer, 63 n. 41, 64, 321, 323, 330, 331, 332, 336, 337, 338, 339 of dancers, 222, 240 of officials, 53, 60, 87, 98, 331, 336 of oriental derivation, 231 n. 37 of singers, 75, 75 n. 95 of the Virgin, 227 pleated, 235 n. 57, 237 sheepskin, 213, 240-241, 254 short, with slit skirt, 57, 57 n. 26 under-, 58, 59, 72, 105, 314, 318, 320, 321, 323, 326, 327, 328, 330, 331, 332, 333, 334, 338, 339, 340, 341 see also anaxyrides; blouse; brakaij caftan; cape; chemise; cldton; chlan9's; cloak; coat; diadema; divelesion; dress; gowns; granalza; himatio1Z; jacket; kabbadioll; kazakan; kaZiiglziind; lapatzas; leggings; loros; mam!yas; mantle; palle; qaba'; robe; sagion; sakkos; scarf; skaramangion; splziktourioll; skirt; tabano; tamparioll; toga; trabea lriumplzalis; trousers; tunic; waistcoat garment with an oblique opening at the front Oapels crossing over the

breast), 60, 232 n. 41, 232 n. 42, 340, 341 garment with mail lining, 121, 121 n. 92, 157 garment with V-shaped collar and lapels, 55-56, 56 n. 20, 56 n. 21, 57, 88, 331 garments worn beneath the

armour/cuirass, 103, 106 n. 16, 117-118 garments worn over the

armour/cuirass, 103, 118-121, 151, 157, 255 gems, 13, 29, 69, 76, 81, 161, 318, 322, 329, 333, 337, 338; see also jewels; precious stones; semi-precious stones gemstone, 28 Genoa, Palazzo Bianco, 'Pallia of San

Lorenzo', 21, 320

391

genre themc(s), 5, 212, 229 256 260 269 ' , , George, saint, 38 n. 117, 65, 94, 94 n. 165,96 n. 173, 107, Ill, 114 n.52, 115, 116, 118, 127, 129 n. 134, 133 n. 155, 135, 139, 139 n. 192, 139 n. 196, 149, 150 n. 245, 152, 153 n. 258, 158, 165 n. 27, 224, 231 n. 39, 250, 267; 117, 122, 123, 125, 128, 132, 136, 152 before Diocletian, scene, 145 n. 225

cycle of, 38 'Gorgos', 265 miracle of the dragon, 35, 94 George of Antioch, 20 n. 39 George and Gabricl, monks (Bachkovo Monastery), 294 Georgia, 69, III artists from/with Georgian connections, 22 n. 40, 186 Jvari, portrait of Demetrius, 62 n. 40

Kumurdo, 62 n. 40 Georgian (Christian) tradition, 152 Georgians, 56 n. 21, III n. #, 230 Geraki church of St. Paraskeue, 340 church of the Evangelistria, 190 n. 179 Gerasimos, saint, 226 n. 23 cycle of, 226, 232 n. 40, 237, 255; 230, 236 Gerontios, monk, 200 n. 12, 20 I n. 23, 203 n. 36 Gerstel, Sharon, 118 n. 73 Gba, king of Hungary, 27 gift, 24 n. 51,27, 28 n. 64, 191, 193 n. 188, 230, 286 diplomatic, 21 glass, 8, 188, 189, 190, 209, 226, 243, 243 n. 82 coloured, 29 glass production, 243 n. 82 glazed lamps, 189 tile, 166 n. 33 globe #, 46; see also orb gold,' 18, 28, 31, 53, 58, 59, 65 n. 51, 66 n. 55, 67 n. 56, 69, 71, 77, 79, 84, 94 n. 165, 119, 124 n. 106, 134, 161, 171 n. 58, 173,227 n. 25, 316, 318, 333 thread, 73, 103, 113, 182 gold-woven, I 19

INDEX

392 Goliath, 116 n. 67 Goreme

Qankh kitise, 43 n. 135, 43 n. 138, 43 n. 139, 233, 245, 299, 326; 78, 183, 222 ehapel no. 4a, 202 n. 30, 298 ehapel no. 4<, 43 n. 141, 298 chapel no. lOa, 42 n. 133, 298 chapel no. 11 (St. Eustathios), 43 n. 134, 55, 56, 298-299, 309 chapel no. lla, 43 n. 141, 299 ehapel no. 18, 108, 299 chapel no. 21, 108, 299 Column churches, 245 n. 85, 299; see also Qankh kilise; Elmalt kilise; Karanhk kilise Elmalt killse, 43 n. 141, 98 n. 179, 113, 175 n. 82, 192 n. 183, 245, 299; 103, 127, 157 El Nazar, 38 n. 119, 42 n. 133, 299 Karanllk kitise, 43 n. 135, 106 n. 18, 107, 192 n. 183, 202 n. 27, 233, 234 n. 50, 245, 299, 326; 1I5, 187 Kills:lar kitisesi, 137, 299-300; 206 Kill~lar ku§luk, 108, 126, 129, 240 n. 69, 248, 293, 294, 300; II 6 New Tokah kilise, 25 n. 56, 87, 88, 106, 106 n. 17, 107,300; 47, 50,

96 Old Tokah killse, 89 n. 143, 137 n. 182, 202 n. 28, 202 n. 30, 300, 309 Sakh kitise, 107, 205 n. 48, 300 YIlanh group, 299, 300 YIlanh killse, 107, 108, 300 Gouma-Peterson, Thatia, 263, 270 n. 136 government, 91 n. 150, 284, 285; see also imperial government gowns, 26, 39, 73, 74, 75, 93, 94, 224, 240, 254, 277, 278 Gozzoli, Benozzo, 11 n. 1

Grabar, Andre, 98, 222 n. 6, 279 GraCanica Monastery, 213, 262, 300 *granal<.a, 60 n. 31, 231 n. 36, 323 granulation, 59, 79 Great Feasts, cycle of, 48, 304, 305 Great Komnenoi, 34greaves, 121, 122 gilded, 103 see also leg-protection

393

INDEX

Greece, 10, 48 n. 159, 109, 190, 199, 201, 201 n. 18,202, 215 n. 98, 218 COIinth, 130 n. 139, 139, 168, 190, 204, 205, 206, 207 Crete, 76 n. 98 Didymotcicho (Thrace), 168 Euboea, 66 n. 51 Hermeleia (Chalkidike), 167 Morea, 118 n. 73 Panakton (Boiotia), 200 n. 9 Peloponnese, 236 Thebes, 168 see also Aines; Arta; Attica; Corfu; Daphni ~vlonastel)'; Elasson; Epiros; Geraki; Hosios Loukas

:tvIonastery; Ioannina; Kastoria; Mani; Mega Spelaion Monastery; Mount Athos; Naxos; Serres; Thessalonikc; Verroia

Gregoras, Nikephoros, 29, 69, 70, III Gregory, bishop of Devol, 306 Gregory I, archbishop of Ohrid, 307 Gregory of NazianzQs, saint, 56, 80, 87, 87 n. 134, 88, 89, 328; 202 Gregory of Nyssa, saint, 248 n. 91 Gropa, governor of Ohrid, 306 guard(s), 124 n. 110, 129 n. 134, 140, 144, 145 Guillou, Andre, 2, 198 Hadermann-lVIisguich, Lydie, 172, 250, 303 hair, 29, 30, 46, 77, 79, 333 hairnet, 30, 39, 79; 5 hairstyle, 283 Hakim, caliph of Egypt, 225 Haldon, John, 105 n. 14, 107 n. 25 Han, Verena, 160 handicraft implements, 2, 198, 202-204, 217 blacksmith's/metalworking, 198, 202 anvil, 203 bellows, 202 hammer, 203, 211, 216 mallet, 203, 211, 288 pincers, 202, 203, 211; 215 building, 198, 203 n. 38 carpentry, 198, 202, 203, 203 n.36 adzes, 203 augers, 203 axes, 203, 211 chisels, 203 frame-saws, 203, 211

gimlets, 203 hand-saws, 203 spinning, 198, 202 distaff, 203, 204, 210, 267, 271 spindle, 203, 204, 210 spindle-whorl, 204 weaving, 198, 202 loom, 185, 204, 204 n. 44 handkerchief, 66, 66 n. 54, 78 n. 104, 332, 333, 334, 335, 337, 338, 339, 341 Hasan Dag, A~ikel aga kilisesi, 43 n. 134, 300 Direkli kitise, 43 n. 135, 95 n. 165, 139 n. 196, 205 n. 48, 300-30 I Eg,; tal kilisesi, 89 n. 143, 301, 328 Kay ensesi kilisesi, 43 n. 134, 30 I PUrenli seki kitisesi, 137 n. 182, 202 n. 30, 301 SUmbUnu kilise, 42 n. 133, 301; 1I7 Ydan!! kilise, 38 n. 119, 301 hat(s), 67, 70 n. 77, 222 n. 3 Mongol, 267, 267 n. 130 of figures in religious iconography, 78 n. 107, 85, 87 n. 134, 88, 97, 221, 225, 226 n. 19, 241, 248, 260, 267, 267 n. 130 of men, 68 n. 60, 69, 70, 71, 326, 331, 337, 338, 339, 340 of officials, 67, 68, 68 n. 62, 69, 70, 82, 85, 328, 331, 332, 333, 334, 335, 336, 338 of the emperor, 70 of women, 77, 78, 327, 329, 330 hauberk, 114 head-band, 77 n. 103 head-dress, 22, 23 n. 43, 325, 326, 327, 328, 329, 330, 331, 333, 334, 335, 336, 339, 340, 341 Jewish, 241 n. 75 Mongol, 267 n. 130 of figures in religious iconography, 68 n. 63, 77 n. 103, 84, 85, 86, 89, 90, 91, 93, 96, 98, 98 n. 179, 150, 221, 225, 226 n. 19, 240, 245, 245 n. 85, 248, 251, 267 n. 130, 277, 285 of men, 57, 57 n. 24, 68, 69, 70, 71, 332; 77 of officials, 51, 56, 67, 67 n. 55, 68, 68 n. 62, 69, 69 n. 69, 70,

70 n. 73, 84, 85, 86, 98 n. 179, 231 n. 36, 232, 240, 285, 333; 77 of women, 77, 77 n. 103, 78, 78 n. 105, 80, 327, 330, 332 333 336, 337, 340, 341; 86' , see also cap; crown; diadem; hairnet; hat(s); head-kerchief; head-scarf, hood; phakiolion; phokeolis; skaranYron; skiadzon; stephanos; turban' veil'

wimple

'

,

head-gear, 125, 222 n. 3, 236 n. 59 head-guard/protection, 123 in Western Europe, 125 n. 113 western designs, 125

head-kerchief, 78 n. 104,82 n. 122, 241, 241 n. 73 head-scarf, 68 n. 60, 98 n. 179 Healing of the paralytic of Bethesda, scene, 177-178, 179 n. 109, 191, 254, 271; 191 Heavenly Ladder of St. John Climacus, 68 n. 63, 79 n. 107,91 n. 151,92 n. 155 representation of, 91, 91 n. 151,255 n. 106, 270, 305 Heavenly Liturgy, scene, 271 n. 146 Hebrew Youths, Old Testament figures, 150, 241 Helena, saint, 25 n. 56, 26 n. 57, 38, 38 n. 119, 39, 40, 294; 26, 41- 43 Discovery of the True Cross, scene, 146 Helena, tsarine, widow of Stefan

Du,an, 303 Helena, wife of Manuel II Palaiologos, 322 Hellas, theme of, 300 helmet(s), 92, 116, 117 n. 70, 123, 123 n. 106, 124, 124 n. 108, 124 n. 110, 125, 143, 149, 151, 151 n. 250, 255, 261, 268 *bascinet, 125

"chapel-de-fer, 125 crest of, 123, 125 gilded, 103 Greek, 123 kettle hat, see chapel-dc-fer of nomadic peoples, 123, 123 n. 104Roman, 123 "Iouphia, 123 Turkish, 124; 139 westenl, 236

western designs, 125

.. .:.

Hendy, Michael, 15 Herod, king, 35, 56 n. 18, 90, 149,

He~~.

tetrarch of Galilee, 35; 39 Herodias, 78 n. 105, 93, 93 n. 160 Hesiod (Greek poet), 198, 199 hesiodic, 199 n. 7, 20 I H<Joimosia, 43, 47, 94, 195-196;.52,. 100; set also throne(s), of He/()lmasla hierarchy celestial, 49 ecclesiastical, 15 Hieron, saint, 106, 154 n. 261 High Priests, head-kerchief of, 82 n. 122 'himalioll, 42, 48, 87, 274 hippodrome, games at the, 33

Histmy

INDEX

INDEX

394

'!! BelissanM (romance),

185

n. 148 Hofl'meyer, Ada, 102 n. 4, 132 n. 149, 133 Holy Land, 114 hood. 81 horn; 108, 133 Hosios Loukas Monastery, 168 church of the Virgin, 149, 278, 301; 118 crypt, 174 n. 78, 243 n. 81, 301 katlwliia!ll, 109, 109 n. 38, 117, 124, 127, 132, 205 n. 48, 205 n. 49, 242, 301; 106-108, 119 hospital equipment, 167 n. 38, 176 Hospitality of Abraham, scene, I 75 n. 83, 175 n. 85, 226; 183 Hungarian Parliament, Holy Crown of Hungary, 27, 3/6-317; 30 Hunger, Herbert, 208

hunting gear, 231 Hyakinthos (Dormition church, Nicaea), 306 hymnographers, 176, 214, 309 *hyperp'yra, 125, 179 n. 110 Iacobini, Antonio, 52 n. 5

Ibn BatUta, 162 Ibn Hauqal, 71 n. 83 icon(s), 94, 152 n. 255, 180 n. 119, 185, 248 n. 92, 287 n. 186 enamel, 94 n. 165, 154 n. 263, 171 n. 58 fresco, 166 n. 33, 248 n. 92 funerary, 335 Georgian repouss{" 11 1, 11 1 n. 43 in the West, 238 n. 65

ivory, 171 n. 58 marble inlay, 25 n. 56 mosaic, 94 n. 165, 259, 295 panel, 38 n. 115, 38 n. 117, 87 n. 134, 91 n. 151, 128 n. 132, 150, 150 n. 245, 165 n. 27, 165 n. 28, 175 n. 83, 175 n. 85, 214 n. 92, 248, 277, 324, 332, 335 schist, 133 n. 155 steatite, 94 n. 163, 109, 113, 114 n. 52, 116, 127, 150 icon revetment, 74, 332 icon theory, 220 n. 2, 276 Iconoclasm, 6, 45, 48, 150, 164, 165, 215 n. 97, 296 iconographers, 83, 99, 290; see also authors of religious compositions; creators of Byzantine art; creators of

images iconostasis beam, 94 n. 162 Ignatius of Smolensk, 16 illuminators, 199; see also artisans, nenvorks of; artist(s); miniaturists; painter(s) imperial art, 96; see also official art imperial government, 17, 64, 88, 227, 263, 276, 281, 283 imperial iconography/imagery, 44,

96, 144, 165, 194 n. 189, 230, 280 imperial ideal, militarization of, 147

n. 230 imperial ideology, 37 imperial messengers, 66, 67 n. 55 imperial milieu/ambience/environment,

49 n. 164, 222, 227, 228, 290 imperial panegyric/panegyrists, 37, 46 n. 155, 49 implements, 6, 10, 198, 205, 211, 211 n. 83, 213, 214, 216, 217; see also agricultural implementsltools; bookbinding implements/paraphernalia; handicraft implements; surgical implements/instruments; tools; writing implements incense-boxes, 186

infantry, 123 archers, 126 equipment of, 61 n. 38 heavy/heavy-armoured, 121, 123, 125, 126, 128, 131, 136, 139, 139 n. 193 light, 123, 126, 131, 139

. lay 123 n. 106, 132, 169, 170 111 n.'49, 186, 186 n. 155, 210 insignia, 2, 51, 65, 67 n. 56, 67 consular, 169 n. 45 coronation, 13, 16, 27

imperial, 11, 12 n. 5, 16, 20 n. 39, 22, 23, 27, 31, 33, 34, 35, 36, 40,49,50, 147, 148 n. 236, 170, 228 228 n. 30, 229, 240, 280, 281; see also regalia military, 103, 152 official, 16, 63, 64, 66, 66 n. 55, 68 n. 62, 70, 71, 74, 82, 228, 281 of clle depotatos, 15 of the praelodan prefect, 212 n. 84of the prefect, 86, 87, 212 n. 84 instruments of sin, 213, 223 investiture of officials, 16

Ioannikios (Monastery of St. John the Baptist, Serres), 309 Ioannina, Monastery of the Dormition,

162 n. 10 Iran, 116 n. 67, 129 under Mongol rule, 267 n. 130 iron, 71 n. 79, 104, 112, 117 n. 72, 121, 123, 130 n. 139, 139, 155, 199, 200, 201, 207 Isaak I Komnenos, 102, 106 n. 18, 130 Isaiah, prophet, 180, 180 n. 119, 181 n. 119; 37 Islamic, 60, 121 n. 92 Islamic ligural art, 237 Islamic influences (artistic), 231, 231 n. 35, 234 n. 50 Islamic influences (on ceremonial), 146

n.229 Islamic miniature painting, 222 n. 3

Islamic works of art, 146 n. 229 Islamic world, 129 Israelites, 156 Istanbul Archaeological rvIuseum

marble inlay icon of St. Eudokia, 25 n. 56; 25 marble pillar with male figure, 56-57, 57 n. 23, 331 Topkap. SaraYl Museum, helmets, 124; 139 Italian, 231 n. 36 Italian merchants 236 285 Italian relief, 122' , Italians, 92 n. 153, 236 Italy, 62, 135

395

Italy, art of, 233 Ivan Alexander, Bulgarian tsar, 31,

147 n. 235, 294, 302 Ivan Assen 11, Bulgarian tsar, 319 Ivanes, prowspatharios, 54 n. 13 !vanovo, 'the Church', 85, 302 IVOry, 140, 150, 159, 169, 170 n. 49, 170 n. 53, 171 n. 58, 186, 186 n. 155, 202 n. 32, 207, 247 n. 88 313, 314, 322 ' jacket, 118, 120, 121, 151,328, 329 jacket of lamellar, 108 J ames, half-brother of Christ, 202 n.30 James the Monk, see KokkinobaphosJ

James James the Persian, saint, 150, 267, 267 n. 130; 164 Martyrdom of, scene, 225 n. 17 javelins, 123, 126, 139 javelin-throwers, mounted, 139

Jazlra, 146 n. 229 Jerphanion, Guillaume de, 299, 309 Jerusalem, crusader/Latin kingdom of, 257, 296 Jerusalem, temple, 180 n. 119 jewellery, 26, 72, 79, 185, 186; see also bracelets; ear-pendants; earrings;

rings jewels, 12, 18, 29, 31, 80, 134, 168, 171, 242, 319, 320, 321, 322, 323, 324, 333, 338 symbolism of, 12 n. 5 see also gems; precious stones; semi-precious stones Jewish communities, 241

Jewish religious practices, 241 Jewish tradition, 154 n. 262, 194 Jews, 82 n. 122, 223, 241 Joachim, metropolitan, 309 Joanikije 11, archbishop, then patriarch of Serbia, 308 Dormition of, scene, 308

John (donor of lveroll 5), 332 John, megas primikerios, 335 John, painter, 308 John, proedros, 328 _ John, saint and doctor, 21:> John, saint and evangelist, 148, 176

n. 89, 190 n. 179, 294 John I Tzimiskes, 102, 105, _106 n. 15, 111 n. 42, 157, 29~, 325; 113

:, I.

396

INDEX

John I1 Komnenos, 28, 172,316,318, 319; 20, 21 John III Doukas Vatatzes, 21, 319 John V Palaiologos, 33 n. 93, 322, 339 John VI Kantakouzenos, 15, 23 n. 43, 29, 33, Ill, 145-\46, 162, 303, 305, 322, 335, 336; 24 John VII Palaiologos, 322 John VIII Palaiologos, 70, 231, 322, 323; 8 John Chrysostom, saint, 317, 318, 332 as 'source of wisdom', 214 n. 95 John Climacus, saint. 68 n. 63, 79 n. 107, 91, 92, 92 n. 155, 93 n. 160 John of Damascus, saint and h}mnographer, 214 n. 94; 225 John the Baptist, saint, 35, 259, 297, 323, 324, 338; 39, 203 before Herod, scene, 145 n. 225 cycle of, 309 Discovery of the head of, scene, 200 n. 13 Preaching of, scene, 202, 211 Jolivet-Uvy, Catherine, 40, 42, 46 n. 155, 154 n. 261, 294, 299, 310 Joseph of Arimathaia before Pilate, see Joseph of Arimathaia demanding the body of Christ for burial Joseph of Arimathaia demanding the body of Christ for burial, scene, 84 n. 127, 129 n. 134, 145 n. 225; 90 Joseph the poet, saint, 214 n. 94 Joshua, 117, 124, 132, 148, 156,278, 301; 118 encounter with the Captain of the Lord's Host, 148-149, 154-155 Journey to Bethlehem, scene, 202 n. 30 jousts, 31 Jovan Oliver, Serbian despoles, 67 n. 57, 303, 307 Judaea, 81, 82 n. 122, 83 Judaic belief, 44 Judaic tradition, 44 Julian the Apostate, emperor, 150, 152 Jotian the tax-collector, 56, 57, 80, 87, 88, 88 n. 139, 89, 213 n. 89; 65 Justinian, 12, 12 n. 4, 13,30,45,53; 9 Justinian II, coins of, 18

*frnhbtulion, 11, 60, 61, 61 n. 38, 70, 231 n. 36 eastern extraction of, 60 Persian origin of, 61 n. 38

INDEX

knbndi(o}lI, see knbbadioll Kalavrezou-rvlaxeiner, Iolc, 18 n. 28 Kale Kabalasea, 304, 340 KaJenic !v!onastery, 138, 302 Kalliergcs, painter, 264, 265, 279, 312 KalIierges, GeOl'ge, painter, 264 Kalomoirakes, Dcmetrios, 263, 305 Kaloyan, Bulgarian sebasliJATator, 294 Kaniotcs, skouterios, 335 Kasnitzes, Nikephoros, 250, 302, 330;

62 Kastoria, 74, 128, 250, 283, 302 Panagia rVIavriotissa, 21 n. 40, 22 n. 40, 42 n. 133, 120, 204 n. 39, 213, 223, 241, 302, 319; 136, 195, 229 St. Nicholas Kasnitzes, 74, 77, 86, 97 n. 179, 99 n. 182, 133, 169 n. 48, 191 n. 180, 204 n. 39, 226 n. 19,249,250,251,302,330; 62, 63, 94, 109, 128 Sts. Anargyroi, 25 n. 56, 26 n. 57, 41 n. 127,48, 55 n. 14,58, 74, 78, 79, 94, 99 n. 182, 109 n. 35, 110, III n. 43, 114 n. 52, 118, 128, 129, 132, 133, 158, 187, 216, 226 n. 19, 240, 249, 250, 251, 278, 282, 283, 302, 326, 329, 333; 26, 55, 66, 70, 84, 123, 146, 196 Taxiarches of the Metropolis, 48 n. 159, 302 kafllphraktoi see cavalry, heavy-armoured/heavy *kazaghand, 120, 121 n. 92 kazakan, 120, 121 kerchief, 33, 33 n. 93, 66, 66 n. 53, 77, 77 n. 103, 78, 81, 82 n. 122, 86, 96, 97 n. 179, 98 n. 179, 322, 330, 336, 337, 340; see also handkerchief; head-kerchief Khazars, 60 Khusru II, 124 n. 108; 138 Kinnamos, Basil, bishop of Paphos, 307 Kinnamos, John, 103, 128, 141 Kitzinger, Ernst, 20 n. 39 KlefllroingUin of Philotheos, see ceremonial handbooks *klibanion, 104, 105, 105 n. 14, I11 golden, 107 n. 19 knife, knives, 135, 202, 213, 214 n. 92, 225, 242, 243, 248 knight, 115, 118 n. 73 Kodratos, Eustathios, 295, 330, 331

Kokkinobaphos, Jam~s,. 48 homilies on the Virgin, 180 Kolias, Elias, 308 Kolias, Taxiarches, 2, 101 n. I, 127, 128 137 n. 176, 139 n. 193 Komn'enoi, 20 n. 39, 41, 147 n. 230, 283 Komnenos, Alexios, 249, 306 Komnenos, David, 69, 71 Komncnos, Isaak, 84, 329 Konstantin Assen Tich, Bulgarian tsar, 294 Kontostephanos, Alexias, 132 n. 147 Kosmas, saint, 32, 205 n. 48, 205 n. 49, 205 n. 50, 215 cycle of, 304 Kosmas the poet, saint, 214 n. 94 Kurbinovo, church of St. Ceorge, 36, 39, 40, 41, 48, 202, 205, 213, 216, 240, 243, 247, 249, 250, 251, 252, 279, 281, 302, 303; 35, 43, 53, 176, 214, 219, 231 Kyrenius, biblical governor of Syria, 80, 84, 85, 85 n. 129, 130, 145, 148, 260, 285; 93 Kyriake, saint, 98, 98 n. 180, 99 n. 182 Kyros, saint, 215

*lnbarum, 11, 23, 31, 32-33, 45, 46, 47, 49, 196, 313, 316, 317, 319; 2 lamellae, 104, 106, 106 n. 18, 107, 107 n. 25, 108, 112, 112 n. 45, 114, 124 gilded, 113 lamellar, 107 coats of, 108 construction, 104, 105, 105 n. 14, 106, 106 n. 18, 107, 108, 108 n. 32, 110, 150 jackets of, 108 technique, 105 waistcoats of, 108 Lamentation, scene, 200 n. 10, 211, 308; 228 Lampousa Treasure, 144 lances, 137 n. 176, 139, 139 n. 193 *lnpatzas, 59, 60, 60 n. 35, 338 Last Judgment, 88, 196, 223 composition, 35, 38, 39, 39 n. 121, 43, 47, 90, 94, 99, 99 n. 182, 194, 195, 213, 223, 295, 302, 304; 46, 51, 52, 99, 229 Last Supper, scene, 174, 174 n. 78,

397

175, 175 n. 82, 192 n. 183, 193, 243 n. 81, 255 n. 106; 184-187 Latin occupation, 257, 296, 303 Latin presence, 144 n. 219 Latin rule/Latin-occupied, 66 n. 51, 129 n. 134, 140, 144 n. 219, 247, 257, 302 Laurentius, saint, 320 Lauros, saint, 132 Lazar, Serbian prince, 309 Lazarevic, Stefan, Serbian despotts, 302, 309 leather, 104, 106 n. 16, 107 n. 25. 108, 108 n. 26, 109, 115, 121, 123, 124, 133, 134, 136, 169 boiled, 104 gilded, 29 lectern, 159, 170 n. 49, 335 leggings, 241, 326; see also trousers leg-protection, 121, 122, 122 n. 98, 122 n. 99; see also greaves Lemniotes family, 282 Anna Radene, 74, 78, 79, 99 n. 182, 158 n. 273, 250, 283, 302, 329-330; 84 Lemniotes, John, 58, 158 n. 273, 250, 302, 329-330; 66 Lemniotes, Theodore, 58, 158 n. 273, 250, 283, 302, 329-330; 66 Leo, archbishop of Ohrid, 306 Leo, bishop, 309 Leo, calligrapher, 206 Leo, sakellnrios, 95, 325; 59 Leo V, 225 Leo VI, 18, 19 n. 34, 32, 49, 137, 227 n. 25, 296, 313, 314 Taktika of, see military manuals/treatises Leo the Deacon, 131 Leontios, saint, 307 as a 'source of wisdom', 98 n. 179 Lesnovo Monastery, 303 lectern, 170 n. 49 lighting, domestic, 188 lighting, ecclesiastical, 188, 191 lighting devices, 2, 159, 188-191, 191, 192 n. 183; 166 candelabrum, 188, 191, 191 11. 180 candlestick, 188, 189 'choros, 188, 188 n. 170 "amlln, 188, 189 lamp, 188, 189, 190, 197, 289; 197, 198

t

398 lantern, 191 mosque lamp, 190

'pobwl1ldelon, 188, 189, 190; 200, 201 Limburg reliquary, 20 n. 38

linen, 116, 182 n. 133, 185

Lips, Constantinc, 296 liturgy, 45 n. 151, 289 Liudprand of Cremona, 68 n. 60 locking de\;ces, 2, 186, 187, 198 Loerke, \villiam, 4, 83, 192, 211 London, The British Libral), Add. 28815, 176 n. 88 Add. 39627 (Curzon 153), 31 Bill7/{)' 19, 168; 178 Thtotiore Psalia, 37, 50 n. 166, 127, 132. 137 n. 178, 137 n. 182, 138; 138 n. 188, 138 n. 190, 200 n. 13, 202 n. 30, 277 Longobardia, theme of, 311 ''''rim segmentaJa, 148 ''''rikion, il2, 114 ''''ras, 11, 11 n. I, 18, 19 n. 33, 22, 38,98 n. 179 crossed, H n. 10, 19, 19 n. 34, 19 n. 37, 20, 20 n. 39, 21 n. 39, 21 n. 40, 22 n. 40, 25, 45, 46, 81, 254, 313, 314, 316, 317, 319, 320, 324; 2 eparclric/of the prefect, 51, 82, 82 n. 119, 86, 87 n. 134; 91 in religious iconography, 36, 37, 38, 39, 41, 42 n. 129, 45, 45 n. 152, 45 n. 153, 46, 46 n. 155, 47, 48, 49, 50 n. 166, 81, 82, 86, 86 n. 133, 87 n. 134, 100 n. 185, 240, 254, 265 n. 126, 280, 288 modified/simplified, 19, 20, 20 n. 39, 21, 21 n. 39, 22, 22 n.40, 23, 25, 39, 46, 81, 87 n. 134, 98,314,315,316,317,318,319, 320, 321, 322, 323, 324, 325; 3 symbolism of, 23-24, 26-27, 36-37, 46 n. 155, 47, 49, 82, 288 of officials/dignitaries, 82, 325 of the emperor, I I, 14, 14 n. 10, 15, 18, 19, 20, 21, 23, 24, 24 n. 51, 25, 25 n. 54-, 26, 27, 32, 38, 39, 42 n. 130, 49, 64, 81, 82, 106, 229, 313, 314, 315, 316, 317, 318, 319, 320, 321, 322, 323, 324; 2, 3 of the empress, I 1, 25, 25 n. 55, 26,27, 38, 39, 229, 313, 315,

399

INDEX

INDEX

316,317,318,319,320,321, 322, 323, 324; 4, 5 of the empress, shield~like train, 25,

316,317,318,319; 4 loras-costume, see loros Louis VII, king of France, 67 n. 55 Loukas, IIOSios, 30 I Luke, saint and evangelist, 176 n. 87) 176 n. 88, 176 n. 89, 209 n. 77; 223 mace(s), 136, 138, 138 n. 188, 139 n. 192, 150 n. 246, 151, 268, 340 l\'lacedonia, Byzantine, 5, 240, 244,

248, 249-251, 251, 252, 256, 261, 264, 266, 266 n. 128, 271, 272 lvlikre Prespa, basilica of St. AchiIleios, 113 under Serbian rule/Serbian-occupied,

5, 145, 262, 269, 286, 302, 305, 306, 308 i\tlacedonian monuments, 251, 256,

257, 266, 267, 268, 270 Macedonian painting, 249 n. 97, 258, 261 n. 114 'Macedonian realism', 291 'l\,facedonian renaissance', 260

Madrid Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid Slfylitzes, 51, 54, 55, 68, 82, 86, 89, 102, 102 n. 4, III n. 42, 124 n. 110, 130, 134, 137 n. 178, 138 n. 188, 140 n. 198, 161, 163, 229; 64, 91 Real Academia de la Historia, misson·um of Theodosios I, 13, 144 n. 223, 163 n. 14, 169 n. 45 Magi, 233, 234 n. 50, 241; 38; see also Adoration of the Magi; Magi before Herod; Akathisws Hymn, cycle of, Strophe X Magi before Herod, scene, 145 n. 225; 38 Magnaura, hall in the imperial palace,

16, 185 n. 148 Maguire, Henry, 46 n. 155, 48 mail, 108, 112, 113, 113 n. 50, 114, 121, 122, 122 n. 98, 124, 124 n. 107 'coif, 125, 237, 265 n. 126 collar of, 116 construction, 112, 143, 150 curtain, 124

lining of, 121, 121 n. 92, 157 protection for the neck, 116 11, 67

shirt, 106 n. 15, 113, 114-, 118, 120, 121 n. 91 tunic, 113 Makar, abbot, 325 NIakarios, saint, 55, 89, 94 n. 162 Malalas, John, 53 n, 6 Mamluk officials, 70 n. 75 Mamluk sultanate, 70 n. 77 Manasses, Constantine, 118 n. 74 Chronicle 'If (Vat. slav. 2), 147 n. 235 Manastir, chuTch of St. Nicholas,

303 *mamryas, 15, 16, 73 Mandylion, the, 35 Mango, Cyri1, 188 Mani, 234 n. 53 Platsa, church of SI. Nicholas, 226, 255, 281, 308; 45, 174, 237 *maniakioll, 96, 152 mantel, 14 n. 10 mantIe(s), 12, 14 n. 10, 21 n. 39, 36, 54 n. 13, 318, 328 of figures in religious iconography,

65, 85, 88, 95, 96, 97, 98, 224, 235, 235 n. 5B, 241, 25B, 267 n. 131 of men, 55, 57, 57 n. 24, 61, 62, 63 n. 41, 64, 65 n. 48, 321, 322, 323, 330, 331, 332, 335, 337, 338, 339 of officials, 53, 53 n. 9, 54, 55, 58, 61, 63, 64, 95, 97, 322, 328, 333, 338 of the emperor, 14 n. 10, 15, 315, 323 of women, 72, 73, 74, 75, 76, 77, 326, 327, 329, 330, 331, 337, 338, 339, 340, 341 worn over annour, 118, 315, 325

Manuel, bishop of Strumitza, 312 1rlanuel I Komnenos, 13, 31, 52 n. 5,

103 n. 6, 103 n. 10, 119, 124, 128, 141, 146, 147 n. 230, 147 n. 232, 162, 193 n. 188, 249, 319; 22 coinage of, 14 n. 10, 36 Manue1 I Komnenos of Trebizond, 11 n. I, 312, 323; 7 Manue! If Palaiologos, 16, 287 n. 188, 322, 323, 338, 339 Manuel not/lOS, 339 manuscripts, Late Saxon, 8

'mappa, 33 marble, 159, 166, 173, 173 n. 70, 174n. 75, 175, 193

marble inlay, 25 n. 56 marble rcvetment, 300 Mardarios, saint, 97, 153; lOB, 116

Maria (at Karabru; kilisc), 310 Maria (at Panagia BeIla,), 74, 78, 341 rvlaria, wife of Constantine Akropolitcs,

74, 75, 332; 76 Maria, wife of Michael Glabas Tarchaneiotcs, 258, 259, 263, 297,

311 Maria of Alania, 20, 317; 19 Maria of Antioch, 319; 22 Marianos, kimres, liOn. 41 Marina, saint, 216, 288

Mario1ogical cycle, 260, 295, 297; see also s.u. Virgin, the ~Iark, saint and evangelist, 168, 176

n. 88, 208, 209; 177, 222, 224 Marko Kralje~c, Serbian king, 303 Markov Manastir, 48 n. 159, 173 n. 66, 248 n. 91, 303 Martin, John, 93 n. 160 martyr(s), 94-99, 100 n. 185, 105, 106 n. 15, 106 n. 17, 143, 149, 150, 151, 152, 153, 156, 206, 227, 254, 259, 282, 305 female, 98-99 male, 94-98, 99, 100, 221, 257; 99 Masaccio, 63 n. 41 Masgourites, Niketas, 340 .Massacre of the Innocents, scene, 56 n. 18, 89 n. 143, 125 n. 115, 135,

143, 261; 131, 162, 163 cycle of, 284 master(s), 247, 279, 284 Chilandar, 305 Koutsovendes, 246, 312 Kurbinovo, 243, 250, 302 Perachorio, 246 Protaton, 270 St. Euthymios, Thessalonike, 263 St. Nicholas Orphanos, 264, 265 Sts. Anargyroi, Kastoria, 250

see also artist(s); painter(s); workshop(s) Mateic, church of the Virgin, 232 n. 43, 234 n. 50, 236 n. 59, 303 material culture, I, 2, 3, 4, 6, 7, 8) 9,

93, 159, 197, 218, 220, 228, 230, 231, 244, 252, 261, 267, 272, 274, 275, 290, 291 Islamic, 237 Mathews, Thomas, 169 n. +5, 289 lvIatthew, saint and evangelist, 88, 176

n. 87, 210, 215, 256; 178, 227

4{)0

as tax-collcctor, 80, 87, 88 Calling of, scene, 87; 96 1-.faximian, Roman emperor, 38 Maximos, monk, 179 n. 109, 199 n. 8, 200 n. 12, 201 n. 23 ?-"{a:\;mou the amazon, 123 11. 106 medical handbooks, 204 medicaments, 186 medicinal botdes, 187, 216 Mega Spelaion Monastery (Greece), runerar), icon or John Asan, 335 Megaw, Arthur, 246 ?\felane, nun, 329 Melias, magis/ms, !O2, !O5, 106 n. 15, III n. 42, 121, 295, 325; Ill, Il3 Melissenos, George, 178 n. 106, 199 n. 8, 200 n. 12 Melissenos, Gregory, 287 n. 188 .Mdissenos, Nikephoros, 329 mercenaries, 61 n. 38, 115 l\o1ongol, 115 n. 62 \Vesterners, 122

Merkourios, saint, 107) 115 11. 58, 122, 125, 125 n. 115, 132, 132 n. 146, 133 n. 156, 133 n. 157, 135, 149, 150, 151 n. 250, 152, 231 n. 39, 278, 297; 120, 124, 135 metal, 8, 58, 65, 79, 84, 104, 108, 112, 115, 117 n. 70, 124, 133, 151, 159, 174 n. 75, 177, 181, 188, 190, 202, 203, 204, 205, 207, 209, 226 n. 23, 330, 333, 334, 335, 338 metalworking implements, see handicraft implements Metochites, Theodore, 70, 85, 89, 90, 91 n. 150, 232, 260, 261, 282, 283, 284, 285, 295, 333; 69 l\1ichael, ""Cas dimneneu/es, 136 n. 176 l\1ichael III, 61 n. 38 l\1ichael VII Doukas, 11 n. I, 16, 20, 27, 161, 228 n. 30, 316, 317; 6, ll, 19 l\1ichael VIII Pa1aiologos, 21, 21 n. 40, 26, 259, 293, 296, 297, 319, 320 l\1iddJe East, 55, 71, 120, 221 n. 3 midwne (in the Nativity), 226 n. 19, 245, 245 n. 85, 248, 249, 251 Mileieva Monastery, 21, 304 319 military apparel/garb/outfit, 61 n. 38, 97, 102, 156

ceremonial, 102 field, 102 military array, 123

INDEX

military equipment, 101, 101 n. I, 101 n. 2, 102, 102 n. 4, 104, 114, 117, 119 n. 80, 120, 121, 122, 137, 140, 143, 144, 150, 151, 157, 232, 251, 261, 268, 271, 274, 278, 281 'roreign', 143 of Olicntal derivation/oriental, 231, 232 'Roman', 156 western, 236, 271, 275 western elements, 144 westernizing, 125 n. 116 military manuals/treatises, 61 11. 38, 101, 101 n. 1, 105, 105 n. 14, 112, 116,117 n. 70,117 n. 72, 121, 123, 127, 130, 131, 136, 151 Ouranos, Nikephoros, treatise of, 61 n. 38, 101, 123 n. 100 PaJaiologos, Theodore, marquh of Montferrat, treatise or, 101 n. 2 Praeceplfl Miiilaria, 61 n. 38, 10 1, 108 n.26, 108 n. 29,112 n. 48,117 n. 72, 119 n. 78, 123 n. 100, 123 n. 103, 126, 126 n. 119, 136 n. 172, 138, 138 n. 184, 139 n. 193, 141 n. 207 Slrategikan, 105 n. 14, 116 ~lWge Tacticorum, 10 I, 126, 126 n. 119, 128, 131, 139 n. 193, 141 TaktikJ of Leo VI, 10 1, 116, 126, 136 military practices Arab, 140 Islamic, 121 Turkish, 158 western, 135, 144 military tactics, 141 military traditions, liS Iranian, 115 Islamic, 120 or the Middle East, 124 or Turkic peoples, 124 oriental/or the East, 136, 255 Turko-Mongol, 112 n. 45, 115 western/or the West, 115, 136, 144, 232, 255 Miljkovic-Pepek, Petar, 298 Millet, Gabriel, 233 n. 45, 234 n. 50 l\1i1utin, king or Serbia, 116, 234 n. 50, 262, 265, 278, 282, 285, 286, 287, 287 n. 185, 298, 300, 305, 309, 310 miniaturists, 215j see also artist(s); Astrapas, John; illuminators; Nestor, painter; painter(s)

INDEX

Miraculous draught of fish, scene, 308 Mistra, 66 n. 53, 71 n. 79, 72, 76, 125 n. 116, 168, 187, 234 n. 53, 236, 236 n. 60, 236 n. 62, 257, 268, 270, 270 n. 144, 271, 271 n. 144, 272, 275 Brontochion Monastery, church of Sts. Theodores, 59, 70 n. 73, 166 n. 28, 304, 338, 339 Brontochion Monastery, church of the Hodegetria (Aphendiko), 76, 94 n. 163, 125 n. 115, 135, 177 n. 99, 224 n. 8, 236, 271, 304, 335, 336, 338 chapel or SI. John, 125 n. 115, 236, 304, 340 church or St. Sophia, 72, 76, 190 n. 177 Metropolis (church of St. Demetrios), 38 n. 117, 125 n. 114, 154 n. 263, 174 n. 78, 179 n. 109, 192 n. 186, 236, 254, 267 n. 129, 271, 272, 304; 52, 191, 242 Pantanassa !vIonastery, 62, 70, 235, 237, 304, 339; 73, 240 Peribleptos MonastelY, 66, 84 n. 127, 125 n. 114, 129 n. 134, 151 n. 250, 174 n. 78, 175 n. 83, 192 n. 186, 203, 224 n. 8, 235, 235 n. 58, 236, 254, 255 n. 105, 255 n. 106, 268 n. 132, 271, 304, 336; 48, 140 l\1itylenaios, Christophoros, poet, 7 I n. 83, 82, 82 n. 119 Mocking or Christ, scene, 6, 128 n. 133, 222, 222 n. 6, 235, 236 n. 59, 237, 254; 130 model/motir books, 277, 277 n. 157 monastic foundation documents, J59, 160 n. 3, 185, 188 monastic habit, 92 monastic hospices, 177 n. 95 monastic hospitals, 176, 177 n. 95, 178 monastic inventories, 159, 160 n. 3 monastic refectories, 167) 173, 174, 174 n. 76, 175, 193; 180-182 Mongol influence, 115 Mongol neighbours (or the empire), 233 Mongol troops, I 16 Mongols, in religious iconography, 91 monk(s), 92, 92 n. 155, 178, 284, 308

401

representations of, 91-92, 92 n. 155, 225, 226, 226 n. 23, 237 Moraea Monastery, 309 Moran, Neil, 75 n. 95 mosaicists, 21 n. 39 Moschopoulos, Nikephoros, metropolitan of Mistra, 304 Nloscow Kremlin wIuscums 'Great Sakkos' of Photios, 323 helmet with inlaid figurative decoration, 123 n. 106 reliquary or SI. Demetrios, 316 State Pushkin wluseum of Fine Arts, ivory panel with imperial coronation, 19 n. 19,20 n. 39, 314 Tretyakov Gallery, icon revetmcnt, 74, 332; 76 mother-or-pearl, 170 n. 49 Mount Athos, 92, 174, 193, 215, 215 n. 98, 262, 266; 182 Chilandar Monastery, 122 n. 99, 234 n. 50, 305 Dionysiou Monastery, 34 chrysobull or 1374, 185 n. 148, 323 cod. 61, 56, 57 n. 24, 89 n. 142, 328; 60, 65 cod. 587m, 43 n. 140, 81, 82, 82 n. 122, 85, 89 n. 143, 200 n. 13, 202 n. 28, 210 n. 78, 225 n. 14, 243 n. 81, 245 n. 86 icon with foundcr and the patron saint of the monastery, 324 Esphigmenou Monastery, cod. 14, 38 n. 117, 55, 89, 94 n. 162, 137 n. 178, 277 Great Laura Monastery, 167 cod. A 103, 331; 61 Iveron Monastery, cod. 5, 332 Koutloumousiou :Monastery cod. 60, 74, 78, 329 cod. 61, 208; 224 Pantelcimon .Monastery cod. 6, 87 n. 134, 88 n. 138, 138 n. 188, 242 n. 78 cod. 14, 225 n.l4 Pantokrator Monastery, cod. 47, 209 Protaton (Karyes), 81 n. 116, 114 n. 54, 125, 166 n. 33, 191 n. 180, 202 n. 28, 209 n. 77, 210, 210 n. 80, 212 n. 85, 215, 215 n. 97, 231 n. 39, 256, 262,

4-02

262-263, 263 n. 116, 264, 267, 268. 270, 272, 278, 279, 305; 124; 152, /73, 184, 204, 223, 227 bema door panels, 170 n. 49; 179 Stauroniketa r"lonastcl)', cod. 43, 176 n. 87, 208 n. 62 Vatopedi :t-.{onastcIY, 91, 92, 92 n. 155, 122, 139 n. 192, 140, 264, 270, 270 n. 137, 279, 305; 185 steatite icon of St. George, 1] 6, 127; 122

Xylourgou ~"onastery, iuvcntOlY, 199 n. 5 Mount Sinai, Monastery of St. Catherine

INDEX

INDEX

*Ilorlhex, 15 Nativity, scene, 6, 202, 213, 214 n. 92, 226 n. 19, 233, 243, 248, 249, 25 I, 284, 306, 311 anecdotal details in the, 24B-249 annunciation to the shepherds, 248;

214 bath of the Child, 248; 232 cvcle of, 248, 284 gi-oom of the horses of the Magi, 234 n. 50; see also Adoration of the Magi SaJome and the midwife canying the washing utensils, 248 Naukratios (Dormition church, Nicaea), 306

Naxos, church of St. George Diasorites, 56, 306, 331 Near East, 105 n. 14, 133 Heavenlv Ladder, 91 n. 151 Nebuchadnezzar, 50 n. 166 iconos'as;; beam with miracles of neck-guard, 117, 255 St. Eustratios, 94 n. 162 *beuor, 117 Mandylion, story of, 38 n. liS curtain, 116 Nativity, 214 n. 92, 248 'garget, II 7 St Catherine, biographic, 87 n. 134 western, 117 St. George, biographic, 3B ll. 117 St. Nicholas, biographic, 87 n. 134 Nelson, Robert, 284, 285 triptych with Sts. George and Neophytos, saint, 4 I, 246, 307 Theodore on horseback, 150 Nerezi, church of St. Pante1eimon, 95, n.245 118, 132, 143 n. 218, 211, 226, Virgin and Child, angels, Sts. 249, 250, 251, 252, 27B, 279, 306; George and Theodore, 165 n. 27 129, 228, 233 manuscripts Nesbitt, John, 2, 198 SimliL gr. 339, B8 n. 138 Nestor, painter, 183 n. 142 Sinnil. gr. 364, 315 Nestor, saint, 149 Sinnil. gr. 418, 92 n. 155, 93 martyrdom of, scene, 125 n. 114 n. 160 New Testament, 35 Simlit. gr. 2123, 207 n. 59 New York Mount Taygetos, 308 Pierpont Morgan Library, chrysobull Mouriki, Doula, 192, 213, 236, 250, of 1307, 321 302, 311 The Metropolitan Museum of Art Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, ivory icon with Deesis, 171 n. 58 Monacensir gr. 442, 319, 320, 321 ivory icon of Virgin and Child, musical instruments, 2, 6, 7, 7 n. 10 171 n. 58 drum, 254 ivory panel with Adam and Eve flute, 6 at the forge, 202 n. 32 string instrument, 92 Nicaea, 17, 64 musician(s), 92, 236 n. 59, 237 church of the Dormition, 45, 47 drummer, 235, 254 n. 157, 195 n. 191, 196, 306; 57 Muslim nobles, 54 Nicholas, archbishop of Ohrid, 307 Muslim religion, 237 Nicholas, saint, 87 n. 134, 191, 325, 330 Muthesius, Anna, 198, 204 Birth of, 226, 227 n. 24, 255, 281; 237 nape-guard, 149 cyde of, 38, 80, 86, 169 n. 48, 173 Nar, churcb ofOren, 98 n. 180, 108, 305 n. 66, 308 icons Annunciation. 165 n. 28

Dormition of, 178 n. 105, 191 n. 180 episode of the man with the three daughters, 234 episode of the three generals, 86; 95 appearance to the sleeping Constantine, 234; 95 appearance to the sleeping Ablabius, scene, B6-87; 94, 95 The three generals before Constantine, scene, 145 n. 225, 169 n. 48, 191, 191 n. 180; 45 The three generals before SI. Nicholas, 191 felling the cypress of Plakoma, scene, 202, 211 miracle at sea, 236 n. 59 Nicolle, David, 106 n. 15, 121 n. 92 Nikandros and Eronkea (at Klh,lar ku§luk), 300 Nikephoros (Dormition church, Nicaea), 306 Nikephoros (New Tokah kilise), 300 Nikephoros, magistros, 246, 293 Nikephoros I, despoUs of Epiros, 293, 324 Nikephoros II Phoka8, 19, 40, 106, 154, 157, 161, 295, 315, 325; 17 Nikephoros In Botaneiates, 161 n. 9, 22B n. 30, 317, 318 Niketas and John, hermits, 295 Nikodim, archbishop of Serbia, 308 Nikolaides, Andreas, 303 Niphon, monk (at Karaba§ kilise), 310, 327 Niphon I, patriarch of Constantinople, 266, 266 n. 127, 311 nobles/noblemen, 57 n. 24, 60, 61, 65, 89 n. 142, 118 n. 74; see also aristocrats nomadic, I 15 nomads/nomadic peoples, 60, 123, 131, 141 Norman kings, 14 n. 10, 20 n. 39 Normans, 114 Nubia, 45 n. 150, 45 n. 153 Octateuch, book of the Old Testament, 148 Odo of Deuil, 141 offices and dignities dekallos, 328 depotatos, 15 despotes, 16, 63, 64, 67, 67 n. 57,

4-03 69, 70 n. 73, 72, 293, 302 303 307, 309, 329, 332 338 ' . , domestikos, 310 ' doux (of Cyprus), 246, 282 drounganoJ, 297, 339 cparch, see prefect

epi thematon, 310 epi thyron, 310 epi tou kanikJeiou, 327 kaisar, 64, 67 n. 57, 67 n. 59, 67, 68, 69 n. 70, 71, 74 n. 91, 107 n. 19, 325, 329 katepallo of Longobardia, 311 komes, 1I0 n. 41 Icoubilcoularaia, 51 n. I Icouropalates, 6 I n. 38, 73, 325 wgothetes tou genikou, 70, 260, 295, 333 magistros, B2, 102, 105, 246, 250, 295, 30 I, 325, 330 mandator, 66 n. 55 megas diermeneutes, 136 n. 176 megas domestikos, 70, 119, 146 n. 227, 336 megas domestilcos of the 'Nest, 294 megas doux, 67 n. 56, 71, 119, 162, 163, 165, 335 megas hetaireiarches, 262, 268, 306 megas Iconostab/os, 334 megas logothetes, 119 megas primikerios, 32B, 334, 335 megas stratopedarcher, 333 oslian·os, 66 ll. 55 panhypersebastos, 64, 72, 72 n. 83 pl111Sebastos, 30B parakoimomenos Its sphtndones, 146 n. 227, 336 parakoimomenos Iou koiwnos, 336 palrikios, 82, 325, 327 praipositos, 325 proedros, 327, 328 protoierakanoJ, 70 protoproedros, 32B protosebastos, 33+ protospatharios, 54 n. 13, 95, 103 n. 9, 310, 311, 325, 327, 329 protostrator, 115, 116 n. 64,119,146 n. 227, 15B, 263, 268, 293, 303, 304,311,334,336,341 protovestianOs, 6+, 71, 72, 119, 302, 328, 331, 332 sake/lanos, 95, 325 sehastokratar, 16, 63, 6+, 67 n. 57, 6B, 69, 71, 72, 74 n. 91, 8+, 294, 303, 329, 333

404 stbasws, 295, 307, 330

si!enJiarWs, 66 n. 55

sA~"leri(JS, 114, 121, 335

,h;h()JI, 66 n. 55 skriniarios) 97 spaIharokmldiMIOS, 301 slmlt:goJ' of Hellos, 301 lofwterdts, 327 lounnarc/us, 301 f<;aousios, 199 n. 8, 308 viauius of Rome, 165 n. 27, 207 Set also imperial messengers; prefect; senate, president of

INDEX

INDEX

O",;romtikoll of Achmet, 61 n. 38 openwork, 59 *orarioll, 98

orb, 11, 33-34, 38 n. 119, 44, 45, 165, 313, 314, 316, 323, 324; see also globe Orestes, saint, 97, 107, 109 n. 35, III

n. 42, 115 n. 58, 132, 153; 107, 115, 116 oriental derivation/origin of various

garments, 55, 55 n. 14, 56 n. 21, 61,61 n. 38,62, 66, 70 n. 71, 119, 23J, 231 n. 37

official(s), 16, 17,51,52,53,54 n. 11, oriental/orientalizing details, depiction, 231, 238 54 n. 13, 56, 57 n. 24, 58, 60, 61 oriental influences, artistic, 230, 233 n. 38, 63, 64, 65, 66, 66 n. 55, 67, oriental practices (material culture), 231 67 n. 55, 67 n. 56, 67 n. 57, 68, oriental. way of life, 174 68 n. 62, 69, 83, 84, 85, 86, 88, Orientals, in religious iconography, 82 90, 90 n. 147, 92, 97, 100 n. 185, n. 122,91, 92, 150 n. 247, 221, 134, 145, 146 n. 229, 147, 161, 222 n. 3, 234, 238, 241, 247; see also 162, 170, 172,212 n. 84, 227, 228 Easterners n. 30, 284, 317, 327, 336 Orlandos, Anastasios, 2, 308 ecclesiastical, 167, 257, 296, 310 'onnallw~ 28 in religious iconography, 80, 8 J, 84, Orpheus (mythical musician), 164, 165 89, 90, 91, 92, 100, 144, 148, Ortahisar 169, 191, 222, 254, 285 Balkan deresi no. 2, 42 n. 133, 307 Late Byzantine, 60, 66, 70, 91, 23J Cambazb kilise, 43 n. 135, 307 MamJuk, 70 n. 75 Halla, Manastir kilisesi, 42 n. 133, Middle Byzantine, 53 307 military, 103, 152 n. 252, 309 Orthodox Christian art, premises of, 6 Roman, 96 wives and ,'l'idows of, 51 Orthodoxy, 16, 24 n. 51, 25 n. 56, 40 Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS lineoln see alsv dignitaries official art, 11, 23, 36, 49, 50, 219, College gr. 35 (lineolll Tjpikon), 63, 74, 75, 333, 334; 67, 74 228, 229, 230, 290; sa also imperial art Ohrid, 120, 262, 305, 307 Pachomios, abbot, 304 chapel of SI. Erasmos, 21 n. 40, 22 Pachymeres, George, 67 n. 56, III n.40,320 Padua, cathedral treasury, inkwell of Peribleptos (St. Clement), 48 n. 159, the calligrapher Leo, 206; 221 122, 129, 132 n. 146, 135, 135 Pagomene (at Panagia Krena, Chios), n. 168, 137 n. 180, 138 n. 188, 330, 331 139, 145, 145 n. 224, 175 n. 84, painter(s), 22 n. 40, 37, 48, 112, J52 192, 192 n. 186, 212 n. 85, 231 n. 255, 158, 215, 216, 247, 266 n. 39, 235, 262, 264, 267, 268, n. 128, 278, 279 n. 162 270 n. 136, 272, 278, 278 n. of Asinou, 246, 312 161, 279, 306; 125, 135, 239 of Kill,lar ku§luk, 248 SI. Sophia, 145 n. 225, 306-307 of Koutsovendes, 246 Virgin Bolniea, 48 n. 159, 306 of Kurbinovo, 214 Oikonomides, Nicholas, 159, 160 n. 3, of Lagoudera, 247 167, 173, 176, 188 of Nea Mone, Chios, 38 OJd Testament, 35, 148, 295 of Res.va, 308 Old Testament kings, 258, 296 of St. Euthymios, Thessalonike, 263 Old Testament patriarchs, J86 of SI. Nicholas Orphan os,

Thessalonike, 144 n. 220, 169, 237 264, 265, 270, 305 of 8ts.' Anargyroi, Kastoria, 158,

250 of the Chor. Monastery, 261 of the Pigeon House Church, Qavujin, 20, 105, 106 of the Protaton, 263 of the Psalter of Basil II, I 06 of the St. Francis cycle, Kyriotiossa Monastery, Constantinople, 257,

296 of the Vatopedi Monastery, 264 of Trikomo, 246, 312 of Vat. gr. 1162, 180 working in Cappadocia, J08 working in Cyprus, 249 working in the Byzantine :Nlorea,

118 n. 73 see also Apseudes, Theodore; artist(s); Astrapas, Michael; Constantine

and John; Eu1alios; Eutychios; Kallierges; Kallierges, George; John, painter; master(s)j Nestor, painter; Panselenos, Nlanuel; Pantoleon; Theorianos, John;

workshop(s) Pakouriane, Kale, 73, 77, 78 n. 104, 119, 119 n. 80 Pakourianos, Apasios, 294

Pakourianos, Gregory, Ill, III n. 44, 189, 294 Pakourianos, Symbatios, 61 n. 38, 73 palace, 185 n. 148 imperial, 17,39 n. 121, 103, 159, 165, 167, 180, 184, 185, 189, 193; see also Constantiriople, Blachernai Palace; Constantinople,

Great Palace of Antiochos, 296 of Digenes Akrites, 176 n. 91 of the aristocracy!the wealthy, 167, 176, 184 Serbian, 160 Theodoric's, 182 palace units/forces, 60, 103, 103 n. 9 Makdolles of the Megale Hemireia, 103 n. 10 Toulmat.toi, 103 n. 10 Tzairolles, 120, 120 n. 85 Palaiologan renaissance, 273-274 PalaiologoilPalaiologan family, 62, 79 n. 109, 259, 296 monogram of, 76, 337, 338

405

"2

"

,

334; 67

'

,

Palaiologos, Constantine despol« 63

Palaioiogos, Constantine prorosebasws

Palaiologos, Constantine, sehasto/craJfJr,

63, 333; 74 Palaiologos, Manuel 339 Palaiologos, Michael 334 Palatine AII/hology, 206, 208 Palestme, 247 palle, 14 n. 10 Palloplia Dogmatike, 16, 24 n. 51 Panselenos, Manuel Qegendary painter) 263, 305 ' Panteleimon, saint, 187, 205, 205 n. 48, 205 n. 50, 215, 243, 278; 196, 219 cycle of, 143 n. 218 Pantoleon, painter, 276, 276 n. 155 parables of Poor Lazarus, 55 n. 14, 93 n. 158, 169 n. 49 of the Royal Wedding, 93 n. 159 of the sower, 201 n. 17 paraphernalia, 1,4,80,216,220, 221, 225, 229, 243, 251, 252, 258, 261, 271, 275, 290 Paris

Bibliotheque nationale Coislin 20, 209 n. 76 Coislill 21, 208 n. 62, 209, 209 n. 76, 215 Coislin 79, 16, 17, 20, 88, 161, 161 n. 9, 165, 172, 228 n. 30, 317,318,327; 6, 11, 19 Coislill 195, 209 n. 75 Coislin 224, 209 n. 75, 209 n. 76 Par. gr. 64, 208 n. 62, 209 n. 76, 215 Par. gr. 74, 73 n. 90, 127, 137, 243 n. 82, 245 n. 86, 277; 46 Par. gr. 134, 185; 194 Par. gr. 135, 234 n. 53 Par. gr. 189, 208 n. 62, 215 Par. gr. 922, 316 Par. gr. 510, 19,25,49,49 n. 164, 55 n. 14, 134 n. 160, 146, 149 n. 238, 155 n. 269, 161 n. 7,313 Par. gr. 543, 89, 146, 213 n. 89; 97 Par. gr. 550, 88 n. 138 Par. gr. 1242, 146, 162, 229, 322, 336; 24

INDEX

INDEX

406

Par. gr. 2144, 162, 335; 68 Par. JuppLgr. 27, IS7n. 178, 138 n. 188

Par. ",(ppL gr. 79, 176 n. 87 Par. suppL gr. 309, 323 S;J/ope Gospels, .35 n. 103 . Bibliotheque natIonale, Cabmct des medailles Romanos ivory, 18, 18 n. 28, 19,

314; 14 The

LoU\'re

Harbaville ivOI)' triptych, 98 ms. lvoires 100, 322, 338 stcatite icon of St. Demetrios, 113; 126 steatite icon of the Hdoimasm, 100 Passion, instruments of the, 195, 196,

211 Pattnos, Monastery of St. John the Theolog;an, 98 n. 179, 168, 173; 181 chapel of St. Leontios (chapel of the Virgin), 177,307,308; 175 icon of St. Theodore Tiro, 128 n. 132

refectory, painted decoration of,. 191 n. 181, 203 n. 35, 307-308 palIOn(s), 4, 5, 7, 93, 158, 221, 224, 244, 256, 257, 266, 267, 276, 277, 278, 280-287, 290, 291, 292 foreign Hellenised, 282 network of, 266, 266 n. 128 of Kurbinovo, 281-282 of monuments in Mistra, 271 of St Nicholas Otphanos, 280 see also donor(s); founder(s) patrons, literary, 282 n. 170 Paul, abbot, 266, 31l Paul, saint, 32 pearls, 12, 18, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32, 46, 48, 69, 70 n. 73, 72, 73, 76, 77, 79, 80, 81, 85, 119, 134, 161, 171, 242, 247, 313, 314, 315, 317, 318, 319, 321, 322, 323, 324, 332, 333, 338 symbolism of, 12 n. 5, 248 n. 91 peddlar, 226, 226 n. 24, 227 n. 24, 255, 281

Pee church of SI:. Demetrios, 145 n. 225, 155 n. 270, 308 church of the Holy Aposdes, 138, 145 n. 225, 308 church of the Virg;n, 204 n. 40,

308; 217

pm[apyrgioll (cupboard), 187 n. 160

pithoi, 3 n. 8, 8 plate (thin sheet of metal), 106, 106 n. 16, 108, 109, 115, 117, 143, 148 constructlon, 122, 150 plates, 104, 105, 110 . g;lded, 106 see alsQ lamellae; scales; splInts

Pentecost,

'podea, 339

pectoral cross, ~) 7 Peers, Glenn, 46 n. 155 Pclagia the Harlot, saint, 77 n. lO3, 245 n. 85; 80 Pdekauides, StyJianos, 264Pcnnas, Charalambos, 330, 331

feast, 23, 42 n. 130 scene, 41, 42, 195, 196, 242; 47, 48,

206 Persia, art of, 233 Persian, 60, 120 Persian manuscripts,

J32

n. 150

Persian miniatures/miniature painting,

129, 221 n. 3 Persians, 60

personifications, 41, 42 Byzantine state, 41 Chadty, 319 Constantinople, 44 Justice, 16,317,319

Kosmos,42 Languages, 41, 42 Nations, 41, 42; 47 Nations, oriental, 242

Rome, 44 Sion, 42 n. 129 Tdbes, 41, 42 Truth, 16, 317 Victories, 44 Peter, saint, 32, 259 Raising of the son of Theophilus by, scene, 63 n. 41 Petkovic, Sreten, 308 'phakeolis, 11, 70 phakWfion, 68 n. 60, 78 n. 104

'phewnion, 16 Philanthropenos, Michaei, 334 Philes, Manuei, poet, 116 n. 64, 152 n. 254, 160 Philokales, Eumathios, 246, 282, 302 Phi/otheos, author of the KktoTologion, 60 'phlamouiJJ, 153 n. 258, 155 Phloros, saint, 132 Phokas, Bardas, 67 n. 59, 325 Phokas, Leo, 325 Photeine, saint, 98, 99 n. 182 Photios, patriarch of Constantinople, 49 n. 164 pictogram, 12 Piltz, Elisabeth, 53 n. 9 Pisanello, 11 n. 1, 70, 23 I

Pontius Pilate, 80, 81, 81 n. 116, 82, 82 n. 122, 83, 84, 85, 86, 87, 148, 169, 222, 234, 280 judicial authodty/powers of, 83, 85, 192, 222 Pontiu, Pilate placing a guard at the Tomb, scene, 145 n. 225 popular devotion/belie('/piety, 44, 213,217,223,288 Potphyra, chamber in the impedal palace, 193 n. 188 portrait(s), 51, 59, 60, 61, 65, 65 n. 48, 66 n. 54, 250, 301, 307 artist, self-, 279 author-, 214 Caucasus, in the, 56 n. 20 equestdan, 102, 105, 340 Georg;an, 62, 62 n. 40 imperial/of emperors and empresses, 11, /1 n. I, 12 n. 4, 19,20,21, 21 n. 40, 22, 22 n. 40, 23, 24, 24 n. 51, 25, 26, 26 n. 57, 27, 27-28, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33, 33 n. 93, 34, 34 n. 99, 37, 39, 39 n. 21, 40, 49 n. 165, 161, 170, 171, 172, 185 n. 148,250,293, 295, 296, 297, 325, 338; see also Appendix 2 impedal, displaying of, 49-50, 50 n. 166 imperial/ of emperors, in armour, 102, 108, 130, 134; see also Appendix 2 imperial, on official head-dresses, 51, 70, 70 n. 73, 332, 333, 334, 335 of deceased/funerary, 55 n. 14, 66, 71, 76, 295, 297, 298, 30 I, 302, 306, 312; see also Appendix 3 of female donors, 72, 74, 99 n. 182, 250, 257, 282, 283, 294, 295, 297, 299, 300, 30 I, 302, 306, 310; see also Appendix 3 of male donors, 57 n. 24, 58, 89 n. 142, 250, 282, 294, 295, 298,

407 299, 300, 302, 306, 309, 317,

320; see aLw Appendix 3 of monks and nuns, 294, 299, 310; see also Appendix 3 of nobles/aristocrats 61 65 309' see also Appendix'3 ' , , of officials/dignitadcs, 52, 54 n. 11, 61, 63, 64, 65, 67, 67 n. 57, 67 n. 59, 70, 71, 84, 102, 105, 162, 231,232, 310; see also Appendix 3 of offiCIals and commanders, in armour, 102, III n.42, 113, 130, 295; see also Appendix 3 of pde,ts, 299, 310; see also Appendix 3 of women, 72, 74, 76, 77, 79, 283 n. 173; see also Appendix 3 on garments, 331 Sicilian, 20 n. 39 portrait(s), hag;ographic/saindy, 99, 100 n. 185, 232, 233 n. 44, 257,

304, 305 ascetics, 282 bishops/Orthodox prelates, 257, 259, 296, 305 David and Solomon, 35 evangelists, 176, 176 n. 89, 206, 209 n. 77, 214, 215 n. 97 female imperial saints, 25 martyrs, 95 n. 165, 97, 257, 310 military saints on horseback, 118 n. 73, 234 n. 53 monks, 259, 282 St. Constantine, 40, 41 n. 125 St. Eustratios, 97 St. Helena, 40 portraiture, 63, 66 n. 51, 67, 84, 224 n. 9, 228 impedal, 2, 11, 20, 21 n. 39, 22, 23, 28, 32, 50, 163, 197 official, 18, 24, 33, 39, 50, 100 n. 185, 163, 170, 240 official, Late Antique, 96 pouch, 33, 214 n. 92, 225, 226 n. 19,

248;

Sf!

also purse

power-imagery, /44-145, 191, 229 praetodan prefect, 212 n. 84 "prailonon, 83, 85 ~ precious stones, 12 n. 5, 13 n. ,), 30, 31, 32, 65, 66 n. 55, 70 n. 73, 79, 161, 176 n. 91 symbolism of, 12 n. 5 . .

see also gems; jewels; semI-precIOus stones

408

prefoct, 51, 71, 71 tl. 83, 82, 82 tl. 119, 82 n. 121, 82 ll. 122, 83, 84 ll. 128,85, 86, 87, 87 tl. 134; 91 judicial auth01ity/powers of, 83, 85, 212 Il. 84'prtPmdolllia, 28, 29, 30, 36, 313, 314, 315, 316, 317, 318, 319, 320, 321, 322, 323, 324, 325; 1-3, 5 Presentation of Christ to the Temple, scene, 190, 311 Presentation of the Virgin to the Temple, scene, 166 n. 31, 190, 306; 199 Priests and Pharisees demanding an amlcd escort for the Tomb, scene, 81 Princeton Princeton University Libraries, GarrtJ! 2, 176 n. 88, 176 n. 89 Speer Library, cod. acc. no. 11.21.1900, 328 Prizren, Bogorodica Ljeviska, 213, 213 n. 91, 262, 308-309 Probianus, uiranlls of Rome, 165 n. 27, 207 Prochoros, disciple of St. John the Evangelist, 210 ll. 80 Prodromos, 'Manganeios', poet, 103

n.5 Prodromos, Theodore, poet, 103 n. 5, 132 Prokopios, saint, 107, 132, 135, 149, 153 n. 258. 294; II4, 147 profypsis, sa c~remony propaganda, anti-Semitic, 223, 223

n.7 propaganda, polemic, 143-144, 223 propaganda, political, 285 prophetic visions, 42, 47, 180, 180 n. 119, 181 n. 119; see also theophanic visions prophet-kings, see David; Solomon prophets, 35, 258, 259, 296, 297, 305 Prosenik, John, 307 *proskynesis, 24, 24 n. 54, 314, 325, 326, 327, 329, 331, 339 *Protoevangelion of James, 210 'provincial' art, 245 Psalidas, Xenos, 264, 312 Ps1:' book of the Old Testament, Pselios, Michael, 34, 77, 180 n. 119

pseudo-Kodinos, see ceremonial handbooks pseudo-kufic inscriptions/characters,

INDEX

INDEX

54, 78 n. 104, 95, 122, 124, 1'19, 150, 326, 327, 329 oriental inspiration of, 150 Pskov) r"Iirozhsky :Monastcry, church of the Transfiguration, 81 n. 116 *pterygcs, 106, 106 11. 16, 108, 108 n. 30, 109 11. 38, 114, 143 Ptochoprodromos, poet, 144 n. 221, 160, 253 put~e, 66, 66 n. 54, 89, 213, 315, 318, 332, 335; see also pouch *pyxis, 322

*qabii', 60, 61 quiver(sJ, 103 n. 10, 115, 141, 151, 151 n. 251, 224, 232, 234 n. 50, 255, 261, 268, 271, 285 Radenoi, family of the, 283 n. 173; see also Lemniotes family, Anna Radene Raising of Lazarus, scene, 226 n. 19 Raoul family, monogram of, 337 Ravanica Ivfonastery, 138, 309 Ravenna San Apollinare in Classe, 45 San Apollinare Nuovo, 182 San Vitale, 12, 12 n. 4, 13, 30, 45, 53, 54 n. 11, 73; 9, 10 throne of Maximian, 166

*realia, I, 2, 4, 5, 7, 9, 10, 221, 223, 224, 252, 259, 260, 265, 265

n. 126, 266, 269, 270 n. 137, 271, 277, 278, 280, 282, 286, 287, 288, 289, 291, 292 semiotic function of, 10, 223 realism, 6, 10, 218, 219, 220, 221, 238, 239, 252, 269, 272, 274, 275, 290 recipients of Byzantine art, 10, 22 n. 40, 220, 287, 287 n. 186 regalia, 11, 30, 50, 171, 331; see also

insignia, imperial Renaissance influence, 340 repouss", III Resava Monastery, 138, 145 n. 225, 169 n. 49, 309 Restle, Mareeti, 294, 299, 301, 307 Rheidt, KIaus, 168 rings, 330, 335 rites/ritual church, 191 court/imperial, 11,49, 51, 90, 96, 145, 182, 228; see also ceremonial;

ceremony

western (coronation), 14 n. 10 robe(s), 118 11. 75, 336 court, 103 purple, 44 Robert de Clari, H n. 10 rod of office, 85, 285 Rodley, Lyn, 310 Roger n of Sicily, 14 n. 10, 20 n. 39 Rohland, Johannes, 155 n. 267 Roman state, 53 n. 6, 96 Romania, 200, 20 I n. 18, 202 n. 31 Romanos, saint, 328 Romanos I Lekapenos, 19, 68 n. 60, 297, 301 Romanos n, 18 n. 28, 301, 314 Romanos Ill, 297, 315 Romanos IV, 18 n. 28, 314; 27 Romans, 58, 156 Rome, Palazzo di Venezia, ivory casket, 25, 313 Rossano, lVluseo Diocesano di Arte Sacra, Gospels, 4, 35 n. 103, 83, 192,207, 211; 89 rulers, 35, 39, 80, 89, 100, 144, 146 n. 229, 191, 221, 222 biblical, 34, 35, 36, 37, 39, 148, 149, 163 blessed by the Hand of God, 37 Christian, 42 earthly, 46 n. 155 in the presence of Christ, 37 non-biblical, 34, 35, 148, 163 Old Testament, 37 raising on a shield, 37 Russian description of imperial coronation, 16

Russian prince, 42 Sabas, abbot, 167, 176 n. 95, 179 n. II I Sabas, monk, 318 sabre(s), 131, 132 n. 146, 135, 151, 231 n. 39, 232, 255, 261, 268 *sagion, 11, 14 n. 10, 73 saint(s)/saintly figures, 94, 96, 96 n. 175, 99, 100, 100 n. 185, 124 n. 106, 171, 197,200 n. 10,214, 216,217,220,273, 280,287,288, 289, 291, 297, 302, 305, 306, 325, 331, 333, 335 ' ascetics, 282 authors, 214-215

409 birth of, scene, 192, 193 n. 188, .197,222,229,243 n. 82, 255 bIShops, 259, 297 carrying the Holy Cross 299 326' 78 ' , ,

consecrated virgins, 98-99, 100 deacons, 186, 298 female, 328 imperial, 2, 38-41, 100 n. 185 221 ' imperial, female, 25, 39 medical/doctor, 186, 205, 206 214 215-216,288 " military, 96, 102, 107, 108, 108 n. 27, 109, 112 n. 45, 113, 115, 115 n. 58,116,117-118,118, 118 n. 73, 120, 120 n. 86, 121, 127, 132, 133, 134, 137, 138, 140, 142, 144, 144 n. 220, 149-154, 156, 157, 157 n. 271, 232, 234 n. 53, 237, 251, 256, 258, 259, 261, 268, 281, 282, 283, 288, 296, 303, 310, 315 monastic, 311 monks, 259, 282, 297 mounted, piercing a dragon (on a garment), 323 nuns, 177 saints' lives, 176 cycles of, 143 Saint Petersburg State Public Library, Petrop. gr. 291, 78, 327; 81 The Hermitage icon of Christ Pantokrator, 335 ivory triptych of the Forty Martyrs, 140, 247 n. 88; !OI schist icon with Sts. Dernetrios and George, 133 n. 155 steatite icon, 94 n. 163 'sakkos, 23, 24; 3 Salome (daughter of Herodias), 93, 93 n. 160 Salome (in the Nativity), 226 n. 19, 240 n. 69, 245, 245 n. 85, 248, 249, 251 *saJJCtus,

46

sandals, 42, 87; see also footwear Sarantenos, Theodore, 59 n. 29, 65 n. 50, 11+, 120, 121, 121 n. 91, 124, 134 n. 163, 179 n. 110, 181, 199 11. 4, 201 n. 23 sash, 22 n. 40, 66, 77, 106 n. 17, 151, 324

.. t

410 Sassanian, 55 n. 17, 129 Sava of Serbia, saint, 305, 308 Sava, Serbian bishop, 309 scale construction, 104-, 104- n. 12, 105, 105 n. 14, 110, 116 n. 67, 150, 325 protcction for the neck, 116 n. 67 technique, 105 . scales (used in anllour COl1stlUctlOn), 104, 105, 110, 111, III n. 42, III n. 43, 112; /12 gilded, 110, 113 searf, 18, 19, 22, 23, 98, 98 n. 179, 325, 326, 341 sceptre, 11,26,31-32,96,313, 314, 315, 316, 317, 318, 319, 320, 321, 322, 323, 324, 332 cross, 32 cross.topped, 15,23,31-32,32,317, 319, 320, 321, 322, 323, 324; 3 surmounted by a fleur·de·lis, 323 surmounted by an eagle, 31 schist, 133 n. 155, 187 scribes, 56 n. 18, 80, 88, 89, 176, 206, 208, 209, 215; see also artisans, networks of; Astrapas, John scroll, 33, 35, 85, 87, 88, 176, 215 n. 97, 285, 315, 316, 317, 319, 320, 321, 328 sculptural architectural decoration, 234 sealing devices, 2, 198 seals, effigies ou, 11, 13, 14, 15, 18, 21, 26, 29, 49, 63, 102, 106 n. 18, 130, 136 n. 176, 150, 329, 332 Sebastopol, Historical.Archaeological Museum of Cherson, steatite icon

"ith ntilitary saints, 114 n. 52 secular art, 51, 100, 100 n. 185, 219, 227, 228, 229, 230 Selime, Kale kilisesi, 309, 326 ·sella cumlis, 168, 169, 169 n. 45 semi-precious stones, 31, 79, 133; see also gems; jewels; precious stones senate, 67 n. 56, 98 n. 179 president of, 65 seraphim, 45 Serbia, 3 n. 5, 21, 48 n. 159, 71, 116, 137 n. 177, 138, 145, 161, 199, 200, 200 n. 9, 201, 202 n. 31, 204, 213; 218, 232 n. 43, 234 n. 50, 262, 265, 266, 282 285 286 287 n. 185, 297, 304 307 308 ' Serbian Church, 286' ,

INDEX

INDEX

Serbian monasteries, 122 11. 99, 160, 234 n. 50 Serbian monuments, 138, 155 n. 270,

160, 173 n. 66, 204 n. 40, 236 Serbian painting, 5, 160, 206 n. 54 Serbian rulers and officials, see individual

m/ries Serbian state, 147 n. 235, 263 Serbian written sources, 265

Sergios, saint, 95 n. 167, 96, 151, 152 n. 252, 153 Sen'es, MonastelY of St. John the Baptist, 145 n. 225, 309 servant(s), 84, 92, 185, 260 8evcenko, Nancy, 86 Seven Sleepers of Ephesos, scene, 202

n.30 Severus of Antioch, 44, 44 n. 144

Sgouros, Progonos, 262, 268, 306 shepherd(s), 6, 202, 213, 213 n. 92, 214, 226 n. 19, 240, 241, 243, 248, 251, 254, 255, 281 shield, 24 n. 53, I 15, 125, 126, 126 n. 119, 126 n. 121, 127, 127 n. 126, 127 n. 128, 128, 128 n. 132, 129, 130, 143, 145, 150, 151, 251, 255 buckler, 130 gilded, 103 oriental, 129 western, 127 n. 128, 129, 129 n. 134 shoe.protectors, 71 n. 79 shoes, 71, 71 n. 79, 71 n. 83, 72, 82 n. 121, 87 n. 134, 320, 323, 326, 327, 337, 338, 339 adorned with pearls and jewels, 3 I blue, 71, 72 blue, with embroidered eagles, 72 green, 71, 72 imperial, 30-31 one red, one black, 71 n. 83 pointed at the toe, 71, 319, 332 red, 23, 26, 30, 82 n. 122, 85 n. 129,227,315,316,317,318, 319, 320, 321, 322, 323, 324 red, adorned with eagles, 31 red, trimmed with pearls, 313, 314, 315, 317, 318, 319 red, trimmed with pearls and gems,

322 red~and~white, with eagles of pearls,

72 trimmed with gold, 71

trimmed with pearis, 314, 321, 332 yellow, 71, 71 n. 83, 72, 82 see also footwear Sicilian ensembles, 21 n. 39 Sicilian workshop, 134 n. 160 Sicily, 20 n. 39 Martorana, 14 n. 10, 20 n. 39, 2 I n. 39 Monreale, 14 n. 10, 20 n. 39, 21 n. 39 Palermo, 52 n. 4 silk, 33, 55 n. 17,57,69,76,117, 117 n. 70,120,134, 167, 179, 179 n. Ill, 179,210,339 coarse, 61 n. 38 silk textiles/silks, 13, 53, 54 n. 13, 113, 159, 204, 204 n. 44, 339 Aachen elephant silk, 179 n. 113 Auxerre eagle silk, 179 n. 113 Bamberg cathedral, Gunther silk with triumphant emperor, 118 n. 75, 179 n. 113 Sens griffin silk, 179 n. Il3; 193 Siegburg lion silk, 179 n. I I 3 western in origin, 76 n. 98 silk weaving, 198, 204 silver, 59, 65 n. 51, 66 n. 51, 67 n. 56, 74, 79, 124 n. 106, 144, 155, 169, 182, 189 gilt, 59, 65 n. 50, 65 n. 5 I, 66 n. 55, 79, 206, 3 I 6, 332 thread, 81 simikinthion, 82 n. 119 Simonida, wife of Milutin, 300, 310 Sinassos

Hacl ismail dere no. I, 43 n. 135, 309 Holy Apostles, 42 n. 133, 300, 309 Tavjanh kilise, 43 n. 134, 299, 309 'skaramallgiall, I I, 57 n. 27, 61 n. 38 Persian origin of, 61 n. 38 's""rani""", 69, 70, 70 n. 71, 70 n. 73, 85, 231 n. 36 Skaranos, Theodosios, 167, 176 n. 95, 203 n. 36 Skepides family, 130, 310, 326 Skepides, Michael, 132, 310, 327 'skindion, 11, 69, 70 skirt, 57, 74, 75, 118 n. 74, 235, 235 n. 57, 337 of mail tunic, 113 of pteryges, 106, 114, 143, 151 of scale, 105, 325 opening at the front of, 54, 55

411

n. 14, 88, 95, 223-224, 318, 326, 327, 328, 329, 330, 331, 336 skoutt:toi, set infantry, heavy-armoured Skyhtzes, John, 52 Slav tribe of the Melings 308 Slavonic manuscriptc;, 207 n. 59 Slavs, 152 sleeping equipment, 184; see also bedding sleeves, covering part of the hand, 63

n.41 sleeves, exceedingly long, SS, 55 n. 17 l

57, 60 n. 31, 89, 96, 98, 222, 240, 254, 331, 339 sleeves, exceedingly wide at the wrists,

26, 26 n. 224, 240, 319, 320, 330, 332,

57, 39, 73, 75, 93, 94, 277, 278, 316, 317, 318, 321, 322, 323, 324, 327, 333, 335, 336 sleeves, long, with slits for the arms to come through, 59, 62, 84, I 19 n. 78,232 n. 42, 235 n. 57, 323, 337, 338 sleeves, trumpet-shaped, see sleeves, exceedingly wide at the wrists Sog-nh Ballik kilise, 42 n. 133, 137 n. 179, 299, 309-310 Canavar kilise, 78 n. 104, 310, 327 Karab~ kilise, 43 n. 134, 78 n. 105, 124 n. 110, 130, 132, 190 n. 177, 245, 310, 327 St. Barbara, 183 n. 141, 293, 310; 216 soldier(s), 24, 97, 116, 117, !l9, 121, 123, 126, 132, 149, 153, 15+ n.261 cavalry, heavy-armoured/heavy, 121, 123, 136, 138 cavalry, Islamic, 129 . . . cavalry, light, armed WIth Javelins, 126 foot-, 139 heavy.armoured, 124 infantry, 123 infantry, heavy~armoured/heav)',

121, 123, 131 infantry, Islamic, 129 infantry, light, 123, 126 in religious iconography, 8+, 109 n. 39, 113, !l5, 122, 125 n. 114, 125 n. 115, 127, 13+, 143, 143 n. 218, IH, 149, 152, 152 n. 255, 153, 15+ n. 261, 156, 206, 261

r ~

412

INDEX

INDEX

steppe, EUnlsian, 123, 131, 141 mounted, 101 n. 2, 139 Stikas, Eustathios, 30 I mounted, amled with javelins, 123, Stilicho, 54 n. 11 126 Strategopoulos, Alcxios, 69 n. 70 mounted, hea\)'·annoured, see Stnllllitza, 173 n. 68, 312 cavalry, heavy-amlourcd/heavy Studcnica Roman, 152, 153 chul'ch of SI. Nicholas, 309 set also warrior(s) chul'ch of Sts. Joachim and Anna, soldiery, light, 117 n. 70 262, 286, 310; 244 Solomon, prophet-king, 35, 36, 37-38, Stuttgatt, vViirttembergischc 41 n. 126; 37, 10 Landesbibliothek, cod. hist. 2" 60 I, throne of, 16 321; 28 space/architectural setting, rendering surcoat, 118 n. 73 of, 6, 234, 252, 258, 260, 272, 274, 275 surgical implements/instruments, 198, Spanes, Constantine, 308 204-205, 216, 243, 251, 288; 218 lancet, 205, 206, 216 Spaularakis, lohannis, 331 spear(s), 115, 138, 139, 140, 140 probes, bifurcated, 205 n. 198, 141, 143, 144 n. 220, 145, probes, single, 205 150, 237, 315, 325, 327, 331, 340 spatula, 205 gilded, 103 sword(s), 96, 103, 1I5, 130, 130 see also banderols n. 139, 131, 132, 133, 134, 134 spearheads, 139, 139 n. 193; 112, 158 n. 163, 136, 138, 143, 145, sphiktoun'on, 75 n. 95 147 n. 235, 148, 149, 150, 151, splint construction, 113, 116, 121; 153, 154, 206, 234 n. 50, 255, 259, see also lamellar construction; scale 261, 285, 307, 325, 327, 331, 339; construction 151, 153, 156 splints, 107, 108 baldric, 134 stafi(s), 32, 45, 46, 66 n. 55, 67 n. 56, blade, 130 n. 139, 132, 132 n. 146 67 n. 57, 67, 319, 322, 332, 338 ceremonial, 130, 134 n. 160 golden, 66 n. 55 grip, 132, 133 adorned with precious stones, 66 hand-guard/*quilIons, 132, 133, 135 n.55 259 ' gold-and-silver, 67 n. 56 hilt, 131, 132, 135, 145, 146, 147 of office, 66 imperial, 134, 134 n. 160, 145, 146, red, 66 n. 55, 67 n. 55, 67 n. 57 146 n. 227, 146 n. 230, 147, 147 shepherd's, 213, 214 n. 230, 147 n. 232, 315, 317, 336 silver gilt, 66 n. 55 imperial, symbolism of, 146 n. 230, standard, 32, 145, 146, 147 147, 147 n. 235 COllStantinian, 32 *pommel, 130 n. 139, 132, 132 Staro Nagoricino, SI. George, 48 n. 149, 132 n. 150, 133, 135 n. 159, 145 n. 225, 169 n. 49, 236 Western European, 132 n. 150, n. 59, 262, 265, 267 n. 130, 269, 133, 135, 135 n. 165 278, 278 n. 161, 279 310 production of, 136 stcalite, 94 n. 163, 109: 1I3, 116 scabbard, 131, 133, 134, 135, 145, 127, 150 ' 154, 259 Stefan DuSan, Serbian tsar 298 303 western, 135 '" 305, 309 western-looking, 236 Stefan the First-crowned king of Symeon, archbishop of Thessalonike, Serbia, 304 ' 15, 238 Stefan Uros III Deeanski king of Symeon (Stefan Nemal~a), saint, 305 Serbia, 298, 305 ' Symeon the Stylite the elder, saint, 'mpltanos, 67, 68, 69, 69 n. 70 224, 225 Stephen, saint, 328 Synadenos, John, megas Ironosmblos, 334 Steppan, Thomas, 222 Synadenos,John, megas straltipedarckes, 333

Synadenos, Theodorc, 334 Synox;S ion Asomalon, scene, 43 Syria, 225 syrians, 230

*tabarro, 64 table(s), 87, 88, 91, 92, 92 n. 155, 167, 173-176, 186, 187, 191, 193, 194, 197, 226, 237, 242, 255, 267 in trial scenes, 192 sigma-, 174, 174 n. 75, 174 n. 76, 175, 175 n. 81, 193 tablecloth, I 75 'tablion, 12, 13, 51, 57 n. 24, 63, 95, 96, 314, 325, 328, 329, 331, 332, 335, 338, 339; 1 golden, 12, 36, 63, 85, 95, 314, 317, 318, 322, 327, 328, 329, 333 purple, 12, 53, 53 n. 6, 53 n. 9 Tagar, SI. Theodore, 108 n. 27, 310 *",mparion, 60, 64 Taq~i-B6stan, rock-carving of Khursu n, 124 n. 108; 138 Tarachos, saint, 95 n. 170 Tarchaneiotes, Michae1 Glabas, 115, 116, 116 n. 64, 158, 258, 263, 268, 297, 311 Tbilisi, Georgian State Art Museum, Khakbuli triptych, 317

templon, 159 epistyles, 189 tent, 174 textiles, 185 n. 148; see also silk textiles Theodora (in the Lincoln Typikon), 333 Theodora, empress (1042, 105516), 27, 315, 316 coins of, 27 Theodora, wife of A1exios III of Trebizond, II n. I, 30, 34, 185 n. 148, 323 Theodora, wife of Justinian, 12 n. 4, 53, 54 n. 11, 73; 10 Theodora, wife of Michael n Komnenos Doukas and saint, 324 Theodora, wife of Michael VIII Palaiologos, 21, 26, 259, 293, 296, 320 Theodora the Restorer of Orthodoxy, saint, 25 n. 56 Theodore (at Yllanh kilise, Goreme), 300 Theodore (at Yusuf ko~ kilisesi), 294 Theodore, saint, 107, 129 n. 134, 132 n. 147, 149, 149 n. 242, 150

413

n. 245, 152, 152 n. 255, 165 n. 27, 250 Theodore, son of Manuel II Palaiologos, 67 n. 57, 322, 323 338 The~dorc I Palaiologos, despot.s of MlStra, 338 Theodore II Laskares, 172, 319 Theodore Stratelates, saint, 109 n. 35, III n. 43, 1I4 n. 52, 117, 117 n. 71, 120 n. 86, 127, 149, 149 n. 242, 153 n. 258, 166 n. 28, 338' 121, 129, 134 ' Theodore Tiro, saint, 112 n. 45, 128 n. 132, 129, 149, 149 n. 242, 153 n. 258, 166 n. 28, 338; 129 137 Theodosios I, 89, 169 n. 45 ' missorium of, 13, 144 n. 223, 163 n. 14, 171 n.59 obelisk of, 62 n. 39 receiving the resignation of St. Gregory of Nazianzos, scene, 146; 97 Theognostos, Leo, and Michael (at Oankh kilise), 299, 326; 78 Theophanes (Graptos), hymnographer, 214 n. 94 Theophanes the Confessor, 61 n. 38 theophanic visions, 47, 164, 194; see also prophetic visions Theophano, wife of Leo VI, 18 Theophano, wife of Nikephoros n Phokas, 315, 325 theophany, -ies, 47, 99, 294; 50, 171 Theophilos, emperor, 187 n. 160; 64, 91 triumph of, 103 n. 8, 107 n. 19, 109, ll9 Theorianos, John, painter, 307 Thessalonikan monuments, 234 n. 50 Thessalonikan realism, 267 Thessalonike, 152, 249, 250, 256, 262, 263, 264, 265, 266, 266 n. 127, 268, 285, 286, 287 n. 185, 305, 309 Acheiropoietos, 95 n. 165, 310 basilica of SI. Demetrios, 263, 311; 105 chapel of St. Euthymios, 115, 158, 178 n. 105, 224, 231 n. 39, 262, 263, 267, 268, 272, 311; 132 church of SI. Nicholas founded by Milutin, 265, 286 Holy Aposues, 129, 265-266, 269, 311' 39 141, 154, 161 Latom'ou ~Ionastery (Hosios David), 249, 250, 251, 252, 311 _ Panagia ton Chalkeon, 311; J 1

414

INDEX

INDEX

uiumph, see ceremony Prophetes Elias, 311; 131 troops, light, 130; see also anny; St. Caulerine, 178 n. 103, 234 cavah),; infantry; soldier(s); wanior(s) n. 50, 305, 311 trousel~, 57, 57 n. 26, 241, 247, 247 St. Nicholas Orphanos, 84, 122, n. 88, 254, 315, 326 129, 139 n. 192, 140, 144 True Cross, 40 n.220, 169, 175, 178 n. 105, reliquary of, 20 n. 38 191 n. 180, 192, 200 n. 10, 210, trunks see chest(s) 226, 232, 233, 234, 234 n. 50, Tsigaridas, Euulymios, 234 n. 50, 250, 235, 237, 238, 254, 255, 264, 305, 311 264-265, 269, 270, 2i2, 278, tunic(s), 279, 280, 282, 285, 286, 287, mail, 113 287 n. 185, 305, 311-312; 44, 92, 95, 130, 148, 149, 186, 188, of figures in religious iconography, 189, 205, 209, 230, 236, 238 81, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 93 n. 158, Thessaionike, saint, 77 n. 103, 245 95,97,98,110,113,117,118, n.85 118 n. 73, 120, 121, 223, 225, TIlierry, Nicole, 294, 299, 307 241, 242, 258 thorax of men, 51, 55, 55 n. 14, 56, 56 'a&MolDs, 112 n. 21, 57, 57 n. 24, 65, 65 n. 48, 'pholido/as, 105, 110, III 326, 328, 329, 331, 332 throne(s), 35, 69, 159, 160-167, 168, of mounted warriors, 118, 325 169 n. 45, 170, 175 n. 85, 191, of officials, 53, 54, 55, 56, 322, 325, 194, 195, 197, 222, 247, 255, 270, 327, 328, 329, 330, 331, 332, 338 285, 315, 317, 335 of the emperor, 13, 15, 22, 23, 314, lyre-backed, 161, 164-165, 166 315,316,317,318,320,321, n. 33, 195, 195 n. 190, 245 322, 323 of Christ, 39 n. 121, 194, 319 black, 23, 24, 322, 323, 324 of the HelDimasia, 43, 94, 195-196 purple, 23, 313, 314, 315, 318, of the Virgin, 163 n. 16, 166 n. 28, 319, 320, 321, 323, 324 166 n. 32, 181, 195 of the prefect, 82, 86, 86 n. 133 tinned copper, 190 of women, 329, 331 *tirae, 54 turban, 68, 68 n. 60, 70, 70 n. 75, 78, toga, 18 78 n. 104, 119, 221, 225, 232 n. tools, 198, 203 n. 37, 210, 211, 217, 41, 242, 294, 326, 327, 331 218, 243, 251, 256; see also Turkey, 3, 218 implements Turkic peoples, 124 Torrlikes, Michael, 337 Turkish neighbours (of the empire), 233 tortoise-shell, 186 n. 155 Turkish practices, influence of, IB4 Toumai, cathedral treasury cross 31,' Turko-MongOI, 112 n. 45, ll5, 151 33 ' , n.251 towels, 179, 185 Turks, 60, 120, 310 'trahea triumphalis, 18, 18 n. 33, 19, 23, Tiimova, Archaeological Museum, 46 n. 155, 169 n. 45; 16 marble lid of sarcophagus, 31 Transfiguration, scene, 311 *!ypiJcon, see monastic foundation Trebizond, 11 n. I, 34, 186 documents church of SI. Sophia, 312, 323, *tzangia, 31; see also footwear 340, 341; 7 Tzimiskes, John (at Panagia Bellas), Trebizond, empire of, 323-324 341; 85 340-341 ' Tzimiskes, Theodore, 293, 341 Trial of Christ, scene, 4, 83, 148, 148 n. 236, 207, 211, 212; 89 UgarCic, Ostoja Rajakovic, 306 Tnchas, Andronikos 181 Ukraine, 80 n. 112 ~s, main room ~f a house, 187 Urbino, Museo di Palazzo Ducale, silk Tnmty, Holy, representation of, 322 podea(?), 339

Orgiip AI< kilisc, 43 n. 135, 312 St. Theodore, 55, 312 Uriah the Hittitc, 68 n. 63 Uros, son of Stefan Dusan, 303 utensils, 7, 8, 173, 175, 187, 244, 255 brazier, 243, 243 n. 82 cooking tripod, 243, 243 n. 82 domestic, 6, 7, 219, 226, 229, 239, 242, 243, 255, 256, 271, 275 drinking, 255 funnel, 226 n. 23, 255 hand-washing set, 84, 185 serving, 244, 253, 254, 255, 267, 270 tableware, 8, 255, 275 washing, 248 washing set, 8 Utrecht, Museum Catharijneconvent, ivory icon with the Virgin and

Child, 171 n. 58, 171 n. 62 valance(s), 175 n. 81, 178, 183, 247 Varangian guard/Varangians, 136, 136 n. 175, 137 n. 176; see also bodyguards, imperial Vatican City Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana Barbenni Psalter (Barb. gr. 372), 245 n. 86, 316 Joshua Roll, 148 n. 237, 157 Vat. gr. 361, 210 n. 80 Vat. gr. 747, 127; 144 Vat. gr. 752, 68 n. 63, 77, 127; 82 Vat. gr. 666, 13, 16, 24 n. 51, 172, 318; 12, 13 Vat. gr. 1162 (Homilies of James Kokkinobaphos), 166 n. 33, 169 n. 48, 174 n. 78, 180, 180 n. ll9 Vat. gr. 1176, 319; 22 Vat. gr. 1208, 210 n. 80 Vat. gr. 1851 (epithalamioa of ll79), 52, 66 n. 55, 67 n. 56, 68, 69, 74, 74 n. 91, 78, 85, 134, 145, 146 n. 229, 162, 229; 79, 83 Vat. reg. gr. I (Leo Bible), 95, 130, 170, 325; 59 Vat. slav. 2 (Chronicle
415 Musea Sacra, steatite icon of St

12i

Theodore Stratelates 127' veil, 29, 30, 39, 79, 98 ~. 179, 180 n. 119, 181, 321, 322 Vcljusa Monastery, 195 n. 191, 312 Velmans, Tania, 234, 265 Velmei, church of St. Nicholas, 248 n. 91, 312 velvet, 73

Venice, 76 n. 98 Biblioteca iVIarciana book-cover with Christ and the Virgin, 171 n. 58 Marc. gr. ,z:. 17 (Psalter of Basil I1), 30, 106, 170, 315; llO Greek Institute, Alexander Romance (cod. gr. 5), 22 n. 40, 34 n. 99, 186, 324 San Mareo, Treasury enamel icon of the archangel

Michael, 154 n. 263 enamel votive crown of Leo VI, 313 Pala d'Oro, 318 Verroia, 59 n. 29, 114, 120, 179 n. 110, 181, 199 n. 4, 262, 266 n. 127 church of the Anastasis (Hagios Christos), 129, 166 n. 32, 203 n. 35, 205 n. 50, 210, 264, 265, 269, 278, 279, 312, 333, 335; 36, 142, 150, 192, 225, 226 vessels (secular), 3, 8, 226, 226 n. 22, 226 n. 24, 243 n. 82, 255 amphora, 281 beakers, 243, 243 n. 82 botdes, 226, 242, 243, 243 n. 82, 251; 235 bowls, 8, 126 n. 121, 242 bowls with lids, 243, 251 cooking, 3 cooking pot, 8 flasks, 209 glass (beaker), 92 goblets, 8, 242, 243, 243 n. 82 in the hands of visiting women, 222, 226, 278 jar(s), 8, 226, 226 n. 23, 237, 255, 281 jug, 8, 8 n. 12, 226 n. 23, 226 n.24 pitchers, 242 plate(s), 144, 173; 234 serving, 256 storage,

3

transport, 3

:t

INDEX

416

tray(s), 174, 174 n. 74, 24~, 255 ullconventional representauons of, 8 vessels, sacred, 271 vesnnents

ceremonial, 11 ecclesiastical, IG n. 19, 257, 271 impelial, 12 n. 5, 13 n. 5, 14 n. 10, 21, 49 sty alsQ costume Vienna, Osterreichischen Nationalbibliothek J'iell1la Genesis, I 77 Find. hist gr. 53, 331, 332 viewer, 40, 90, 288; see also beholders viewer response, 4Vlkan, 0",1', 2, 198 Virgin, the, 35, 42, 43, 45 n. 150, 47, 163, 163 n. 16, 166 n. 28, 166 n. 31, 166 n. 32, 170, 171, 171 n. 58, 180, 180 n. 119, 181, 181 n. 119, 194, 195, 203, 210, 220, 222, 227, 257, 259, 283, 295, 297, 320, 325, 326, 327, 329, 331, 332, 333, 336, 338 and Child, 42, 47, 164, 165 n. 27, 166 n. 33, 171 n. 58, 180 n. 119, 194, 195, 195 n. 190, 248 n. 92, 295, 296, 299, 312, 318, 321, 322, 329, 330, 333, 334, 335, 335, 336, 337, 338, 339; 175, 176, 243 chlIdhood, cycle of, 255 n. 105 crowning the emperor, 24, 27, 32, 49, 314, 316 Hodegetria, 171 n. 62, 332 life, cycle of, 304, 305 of the Passion, 311 typological cycle of, 258, 295, 297 Virgin triumphing over demons, scene, 190n.l77 \~adislav, Serbian prince, 304 Vocotopoulos, Panayiotes, 297 VukaSin, Serbian king, 303

waistroat(s), 120, 151, 226 n. 19 waistcoats of lamellar, 108 wall-hanging(s), 159, 179, 179 n. 112 183, 274 ' wardrobe female, 73, 77 imperial, 11, 16 official, 61 n. 38 see also CQstume

417

INDEX

warcs sgraffito ware, 226 slip-painted ware, 226 n. 22 "'3rrior(s), 114, 115, 119, 120, 123 in western works of art, 121 n. 94, 122, 122 n. 98 on foot, 130 mounted, 105, 108, 118, 130 the archangel Michael as a, 154 sce also soldier(s) 'Vashing of the Feet, scene, 185; 195 Washington, D.C. Dumbarton Oaks Collection ivory panel with male imperial figure, 19 n. 34 ivory pyxis with imperial portraits, 322 marble tondo, 14 n. 10 Dumbarton Oaks Photographic Archive, 10, 135 n. 168, 145 n. 224, 145 n. 225, 151 n. 250, 155 n. 270, 192 n. 185, 212 n. 85 Way to Calvary, scene, 143; 130, 140, 142 weapons, 101, 102, 103, 113, 121, 131, 150 n. 246, 154 importation of, 136 n. 17l in religious iconography, 115, 150, 151, 232, 255, 256, 268, 270, 288 production of, 136 n. I 71 see also akouphwn; arrows; axe (battle-); bow; bow-case; daggers; javelins; lances; mace(s); quiver(s); saber(s); spear(s); sword(s) \Vedding at Cana, scene, 4 n. 8, 8, 174 n. 78, 226, 286; 189, 241 weighing devices, 2, 198 scales, 88, 198, 213, 213 n. 89 West, the, 5, 121, 128, 129, 130, 135, 135 n. 165, 144, 159, 230, 234, 235 n. 57, 238, 287 n. 188 artistic tradition, 220, 230 Byzantine attitudes towards, 238, 238 n. 66 religious art and veneration of icons, 238 n. 65, 287 western art, 233, 234, 237, 287 n. 188 artistic developments, 234 artistic forms, 235, 237 artistic influences, 11 n. I, 125 n. 116, 144 n. 220, 234, 235, 236 n. 62, 237, 285, 287 n. 185 artistic practices, 144 n. 220 (artistic) tradition, influence of, 290

religious images, 233 religious painting/art, 238, 287 n. 188 westem authors, 101; see also Liudprand of Crcmon~; ado of Deuil' Robert de Clan . western/westernizing elements In pictorial contexts, 118 n. 73, 125, 125 n. 116, 235 western influences on dress, 62, 63, 63 n. 41, 66 n. 51, 71, 76 n. 97, 76 n.98 western neighbours (supplying swords), 136 western origin/derivation of various

garments, 231 n. 36, 235 n. 56, 235 n. 57 Westerners, 122 in religious iconography, 235 Wharton-Epstein, Ann, 223, 299 William Il of Sicily, 14 n. 10, 20 n. 39 William the Conqueror, 121 n. 94 Wilson, Nigel, 207 *wimple, 78, 333, 336, 337, 340, 341 Winfield, David, 312 Women at the Tomb, scene, 122, 124 n. 110, 139 n. 192, 140, 143 wood, 104, 108, 117 n. 72, 121, 133, 161,162 n. 11, 167, 173, 175, 177, 178, 186, 187, 199, 205, 207 wood-carving, 162 wooden, 159, 162, 162 n. 11, 166, 169, 173, 173 n. 70, 174 n. 75, 177, 181, 186 n. 156, 187, 187 n. 162, 194, 201, 210, 255, 267, 271, 278 wool, 55 n. 17, 116, 178, 178 n. 106, 179, 182 n. 133, 203 working bench, 175 Work< and Days (poem by Hesiod), 198, 199 workshop(s), artistic, 21, 244, 256, 257, 266, 277, 278, 279, 301 in Cappadocia, 245 of Balllk kilise, Soganh, 299, 309 of Bogorodica Ljeviska, 309 of K.ll1~lar ku!luk, 293, 294, 300 of Michael Astrapas and Eutychios, 262, 267 n. 131, 278, 310 of Nerezi, 249

of Old Tokal! kili,e, 300 309 of St. Nicholas Kasnitzc; Kastoria 250 " of SI. Nichola, Orphanos Thessalonike, 234, 265: 269 of the Anasta,is, Verroia, 26.1, 269 of the Chora Monastery, 260 of the Holy Aposdes, Thessalonike 266 ' of Thessalonike, 309 :e~ als? artist(s); master(s); painter(s) wnung Implements, 176 198 205-210 212,214,215,216,256 274 ' 'disk of lead', 208 ' dividers, 208 ink-bottles, 176 inkwell, 87, 206, 209, 212, 212 n. 84, 214, 256; 221 in trial scenes, 192, 211, 211-212, 217,223 ""'ama,;"n (portable ink-well-with-pencase), 209, 209 n. 77, 210, 212, 212 n. 84, 256, 265 n. 126, 267, 278 knives, 207, 208, 209 pen (*""kmws), 208, 209, 211, 212, 212 n. 84, 214, 256 pen-case, 87 pumice stone, 209 ruler, 208 scissors, 207, 207 n. 59, 256 sponges, 209 stylus, 205, 207, 208; 220 theca ""lmnaria, 212 n. 84 writing materials, 89

ink, 207, 209, 211 paper, 206, 207, 207 n. 60 papyrus, 206 parchment, 206, 207, 208 wax tablets, 206-207, 207 writing tables/desks, 175, 175 n. 86, _ 176,187,208,209,214,214 n. 90, 256 Yugoslav Macedonia, 48 n. 159, 218 Zemen Monastery, 312 Zoe, empress (1028-1050), 27, 29, 315, 316; 18 coins of, 27

THE

MEDIEVAL MEDITERRANEAN PEOPLES, ECONOMIES AND CULTURES, 400.1500

EdilfJrs: Hugh Kennedy, Paul Magdalino (St. Andrews) David Abulafi

(Cambridge), Benja~in Arbel (Tel Avi,v), ,Mark M:eye~son (Toronto):a Larry J. Slmon 0N estem Michigan U Diversity).

This se~ies provides a forum for th~ publicatio!, of scholarly work relating to the interacuons of peoples and cultures ID the Mediterranean basin and the Black Sea area and is intended for readers with interest in late antiquity the Middle Ages (Italy, Spain, the Latin East), Byzantium, Islam, the Balkans ;nd the Black Sea. Manuscripts (in English, German and French) should be 60,000 to 120 000 words in length and m,ay include illustrations, The editors would be p~rticularly interested to receive proposals for monograph studies; studies with texts' editions with parallel translations of texts or collections of documents; or tr;nslations provided with full armotation, L Shatzmiller, M, (ed,), Crusaders and Muslims in Twe!flh·Century~. 1993, ISBN 90 04 09777 5 2, Tsougarakis, D, The Life if Leontios, Patriarch if Jerusalem, Text, Translation, CommentalY, 1993, ISBN 90 0409827 5 3, Takayama, H, The Administrau'on ifthe Norman Kingdom ifSici[y, 1993, ISBN 90 04 09865 8 4. Simon, LJ, (ed,), Iberia and the Mediterranean World 'If the Middle Ages. Studies in Honor of Robert L Bums SJ, Vol. L Proceedings from Kalamazoo. 1995, ISBN 90 04101683 5, Stockly, D, Le D'steme de l'Incanto des galies du marehe a Venise (fin XIII'· milieu Xl"' mele, 1995,9004100024. 6, Estow, C. Pedro the Clue! if Castile, 1350-1369. 1995, ISBN 90 0410094 6 . 7, Stalls, W,C, Possessing the Land, Aragon's Expansion into Islam's Ebro Frontler under Alfonso the Battler 1104-1134, 1995, ISBN 90 04 10367 8 8, Chevedden, P,E., DJ, Kagay & P.G, Padilla (eds.). Iberia alld the Mediter;",,,all World if the Middle Ages, Essays in Honor of Robert 1. B~ms SJ, vol. 2, Proceedings from 'Spain and the Western Medlterranea~, a C?lloqulllm Sponsored by The Center Jor Medieval and Renaissallce StudieS, UDlversl~Y of California, Los Angeles, October 26-27,1992.1996, ISBN ~O 0410573 J 9, Lev, Y, (cd,), War and SocieIY ill the Eastern ]VIediterrallean, 7th-1 :>/11 Centurns, 1997. ISBN 90 04 10032 6 , 10, Ciggaar, KN. Western Travellers to ConstantiJlOple, The West and Byzantmm, 962-1204: Cultural and Political Relations, 1996, ISBN 90 04106375 11. Skinner, P, Health and Medicine in Ear[y Medieval SOli/hem I/a[y, 1997, ISBN 90 04 10394 5

12. Parry, K. Depicting tlte WOId. Byzantine Iconophile Thought of the Eighth and Nindl Centuries. 1996. ISBN 90 04 10502 6 13. C,isafulli, V.S. &j.VV. Nesbit!. The Miracles qf St. Artemios. A Collection of Miracle Stories by an Anonymous Author of Seventh-Century Byzantium. 1997. ISBN 90 04105743 14. Antonopoulou, T. 77reHomilies qfthe Emperor Leo VI. 1997. ISBN 90 04- 10814- 9 15. Tougher, S. TIe Reign qfLeo VI (886-912). Politics and People. 1997. ISBN 90 04 10811 416. O'Callaghan, j.F. Alfonso X and the Cantigas de Santa Maria. A Poetic Biography. 1998. ISBN 90 04 11023 2 . 17. Gilmour-B'l'son, A 77lt Tnal qf tilt Templars 1Il Cyprus. A Complete English Edition. 1998. ISBN 90 04 10080 6 18. Reyerson, K. & J. Drendel (eds.). Urban and Rural Communities in Medieval France. Provence and Languedoc, 1000-1500. 1998. ISBN 90 04108505 19. Kagay, DJ. & T.M. Vann (eds.). On the Social Origins qf Medieval Institutions. Essays in Honor ofJoseph F. O'Callaghan. 1998. ISBN 90 04 11096 8 20. Ferreiro, A (ed.). 77le Vzsigotlts. Studies in Culture and Society. 1999. ISBN 90 04112065 21. Lev, Y. Saladin in E~pt. 1999. ISBN 90 04 11221 9 22. Burns, SJ., R.I., P.E. Chevedden & M. de Epalza. Negotiating Cultures. Bilingual Surrender Treaties in Muslim-Crusader Spain under James the Conqueror. 1999. ISBN 90 04 11230 8 23. Webster,j.R. Carmel in Medieval Catalnnia. 1999. ISBN 90 04 11435 I 24. Bareket, E. Fustat on the Nile. The Jewish Elite in Medieval Egypt. 1999. ISBN 90 04 11439 4 25. Daileader, P. True Citizens. Violence, Memory, and Identity in the Med-ieval Community ofPerpignan, 1162-1397.2000. ISBN 90 04115714 26. Hames, HJ. TIe Art qf Conversion. Christianity and Kabbalah in the Thirteenth Century. 2000. ISBN 90 04 11715 6 27. Fryde, E. 77le Early Palaeolngan Renaissance (1261-c. 1360). 2000. ISBN 90 04 1l7l4 8 28. Smith,j.M.H. Early Medieval Rome and the Christian West. Essays in Honour of Donald A Bullough. 2000. ISBN 90 04 11716 4 29. Andrea, AJ. Contemporary Sources Jor the Fourth Crusade. With Contributions by Brett E. Whalen. 2000. ISBN 90 04 11740 7 30. Brett, M. 77le Rise qf the Fatimids. The World of the Mediterranean and the .Middle East in the Fourth Century of the Hijra Tenth Century A.D. 200 I. ISBN 90 04117415 ' 31. Kennedy, H. (ed.). 77le Historiography qf Mamluk E~Pt (c. 950-1800). 2001. ISBN 90 04 11794 6 32. Orvietani Busch, S. Medieval Mediterranean Ports. The Catalan and Tuscan Coasts, 1100 to 1235.2001. ISBN 90 04120696 33. Necipoglu, N. Byzantine Constantinople. Monuments, Topography and Everyday Life. 200 I. ISBN 90 04 11625 7 34. Ste:vart, AD. 77le Armenian Kingdom and the Mamluks. War and Diplomacy dunng the Reigns ofHet'um II (1289-1307). 200 I. ISBN 90 04 12292 3

35 pe!tomaa, L.M. Tile Image qf the Virgin Mary in the Akathistor H 200 I . ISBN 90 04 12088 2 rymn. . 36. Mavroudi, M. A Blzantine Book on Dream Interpretation. The Oneirocriticon qf Achmet and Its ArabIc Sources. 2002. ISBN 90 04 12079 3 37. Rcyerso~, K.L. The Art qf the Deal. Intermediaries of Trade in Medieval Montpelher. 2002. ISBN 90 04121293 38. Loud, G.A. & A. Metcalfc (eds.) 77le SocieIY qfNorman Italy. 2002. ISBN 90 04125418 39. Lev, Y. (ed.) Towns and Material Culture in the Medieval Middle East. 2002. ISBN 90 04125434 40. Pastor, R. & E. ~ascua, A. Rodriguez-~pez, P. Sanchez-Le6n Beyond the lvlarket. TransactIOns, Property and SOCIal Networks in Monastic Galicia 1200-1300.2002. ISBN 90 0411953 I 41. Parani, M.G. Reconstructing the RealilY qf Images. Byzantine Material Culture and Religious Iconography 11th-15th Centuries. 2003. ISBN 90 04 12462 4 42. Holmes, C. &J. Waring (eds.) Literaqy, Education and Manuscript Transmission in Byzantium and bryond. 2002. ISBN 90 04 12096 3 43. VanLandingham, M. TransJorming the State. King, Court and Political Culture in the Realms of Aragon (1213-1387).2002. ISBN 90 04127437 44. O'Connor, LA. A Forgotten Community. TIe Mudtjar Aijama qf Xiiliua, 1240-1327.2003. ISBN 90 04128468

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