Shakespeare's Books: A Dictionary of Shakespeare Sources (Athlone Shakespeare Dictionary Series)

Shakespeare’s Books: A Dictionary of Shakespeare Sources

STUART GILLESPIE

THE ATHLONE PRESS

ATHLONE SHAKESPEAR E DICTIONAR Y SERIE S

Shakespeare's Books A Dictionary of Shakespeare Sources STUART GILLESPI E

THE ATHLONE PRES S LONDON & NEW BRUNSWICK, NJ

First published in 2001 by THE ATHLONE PRESS 1 Park Drive, London NW11 7SG and New Brunswick, New Jersey © Stuart Gillespie 2001 Stuart Gillespi e has asserted his right under the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988 , to be identified a s the author of this work British Library Cataloguing in Publication Dat a A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library ISBN 0485 115603H B Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data A catalog recordfor this book is available from the Library of Congress Distributed in The Unite d States, Canada and South America by Transaction Publishers 390 Campus Drive Somerset, New Jersey 08873 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form o r by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying or otherwise, without prior permission in writing from th e publisher. Typeset by RefineCatch Limited, Bungay, Suffol k Printed and bound in Great Britain by Cambridge University Press

Contents List of Illustrations v

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Series Editor's Prefaceeevi

i

Acknowledgements vii

i

Abbreviations k Introduction 1

A-Z 9 General Bibliography 51

0

Index 52

1

Illustrations 1 Willia m Caxton, The History and Fables of Aesop (London , 1484), sig. i3r 1 2 Orlando Furioso in English Heroical Verse (London, 1591) , p. [31 ] 2 3 Job' s Comforters, from th e first edition of the Bishops' Bible (London, 1568 ; STC 2099) , sig. X8V 4 4 Titl e page of Daniel's Delia. . . with the complaynt of Rosamond (London, 1592 ) 12 5 Claud e Paradin, Les Devices Heroiques (Anvers, 1562) , fo. 100 V 14 6 Joh n ¥ox.e, Actes and Monuments (London , 1583) , p. 194 4 17 7 Raphae l Holinshed , The Third Volume of Chronicles (London, 1587) , p. 555 24 8 La Metamorphose d'Ovidefiguree (Lyons , 1557), sig. C5V 39 9 M. Accius Plautus. . . Dionys. Lambinii Monstroliensis emendatus: ab eodemque commentariis explicatus (Leyden , 1577) , p. 415 41 i 0 Terence , Comodiae VI. cum commentariis Aelii Donati, Guidonis Juvenalis, et Badii Ascensii (Venice , 1499), fo. v v 48

2 8 4 3 4 3 3 2 6 3

Series Editor's Preface The Athlon e Shakespear e Dictionarie s ai m t o provid e th e studen t of Shakespeare wit h a serie s o f authoritativ e guide s t o th e principa l subject-areas covere d by the play s and poems . The y ar e produce d b y scholars who are expert s both o n Shakespear e an d o n the topi c o f the individual dictionary , based o n the mos t recen t scholarship, succinctl y written an d accessibl y presented. The y offe r reader s a self-containe d body of information on th e topi c under discussion , its occurrence an d significance i n Shakespeare's works, and it s contemporary meanings . The topic s are all vital ones for understanding th e plays and poems ; they have been selected for their importance i n illuminating aspect s of Shakespeare's writings where an informe d understanding o f the rang e of Shakespeare' s usage , an d o f th e contemporar y literary , historica l and cultura l issue s involved , wil l ad d t o th e reader' s appreciatio n o f his work . Because o f the diversit y o f the topic s covere d i n th e series , individual dictionaries may vary in emphasis and approach, but the aim and basi c forma t o f th e entrie s remai n th e sam e fro m volum e t o volume. Sandra Clar k Birkbeck College University of London

Ack Brian Southa m and Gordo n William s invited me to write this volume and helpe d la y th e foundation s fo r m y work . Advic e an d practica l assistance, includin g th e loa n o f book s an d othe r material , ha s come, sometimes even before I thought to ask, from John Durkan, John Gardner, Ernst Honigmann, David Hopkins, Willy Maley, Rob Maslen, David Pasco e an d Pete r Walsh . Other s hav e bee n patien t enoug h t o read an d commen t closel y on a rang e o f draft entries , i n som e cases kindly allowing me t o make use of ideas and suggestion s without specific acknowledgement : Alastai r Fowler , Pete r France , John Jowett, Donald Mackenzie and David Newell. Elisabeth Leedham-Green scrutinized a penultimate draft o f the complete book. My greatest debt is to Bob Cummings , whos e othe r kindnesse s grea t an d smal l hav e bee n surpassed b y his reading an d discussio n of the whol e volume as it ha s taken shape , resulting in many important suggestions , corrections an d redirections. I am of course solely responsible for remaining shortcomings. M y thank s t o al l o f these , an d t o m y family , whic h ha s bee n growing alongside this book, for a full range of diversions. Acknowledgement is also made to the Librarian, Glasgo w University Library, for permission to reproduce th e illustrations (actual size except where stated) , al l o f whic h ar e draw n fro m th e Glasgo w Universit y collections. SFG University of Glasgow March 2000

Abbreviations Periodicals ANQ, CahiersE CompD CompLit EinC ELH ELM ELR ES HLQ JEGP JMRS MLN MLQ MLR MP N&Q, PMLA PQ RenD RenQ RES SEL ShJ ShQ^ ShSt ShSu SP TSLL TES

American Notes and Queries Cahiers Elisabethains Comparative Drama Comparative Literature Essays in Criticism ELH: A Journal of English Literary History English Language Notes English Literary Renaissance English Studies Huntingdon Library Quarterly Journal of English and Germanic Philology Journal of Medieval and Renaissance Studies Modern Language Notes Modern Language Quarterly Modern Language Review Modern Philology Notes and Queries Publications of the Modern Languages Association of America Philological Quarterly Renaissance Drama Renaissance Quarterly Review of English Studies Studies in English Literature, 1500-1900 Shakespeare Jahrbuch (previousl y Jahrbuch der Deutsche Shakespeare-Gesellschqft an d -Gesellschajt West} Shakespeare Quarterly Shakespeare Studies Shakespeare Survey Studies in Philology Texas Studies in Language and Literature Yearbook of English Studies

Abbreviations Frequently Cited Works Baldwin (1944 ) T. W . Baldwin , William Shakspere's Small Latine and Lesse Greeke, 2 vols. Urbana, IL. Baldwin (1950 ) T. W . Baldwin , On the Literary Genetics of Shakspere's Poems and Sonnets. Urbana, IL . Bullough Geoffrey Bullough , Narrative and Dramatic Sources of Shakespeare, 8 vols. London, 1957-75 . Jones (1977) Emrys Jones, The Origins of Shakespeare. Oxford . Martindale(1990) Charles an d Michell e Martindale , Shakespeare and the Uses of Antiquity: An Introductory Essay. London. Muir(1977) Kenneth Muir , The Sources of Shakespeare's Plays. London. Joseph Satin, ed. , Shakespeare and his Sources. Boston. Satin (1966 ) E. M . W . Tillyard , Shakespeare's History Plays. Tillyard(1944) London.

X

Introduction A number o f excellent books o n thi s topic alread y exist : why compil e another? Al l students of Shakespeare mus t be eternall y gratefu l for , in particular, T . W. Baldwin's Shakspere's Small Latine and Lesse Greeke (1944) and Geoffre y Bullough' s Narrative and Dramatic Sources of Shakespeare (1957-75), but the y and thei r companion s o n th e librar y shel f (such as Kenneth Muir' s The Sources of Shakespeare's Plays, 1957—77 , an d Emry s Jones' The Origins of Shakespeare, 1977 ) do not mee t all needs . The scholarly work these volumes reflect appeared a generation o r more ago, and there has been no shortage of new contributions i n recent decades; moreover, all are selectiv e in some way or ways. Baldwin's monumental study is confined to the influenc e o f the classics , and Jones specializes in the earl y plays . Muir' s attentio n i s more evenl y spread, thoug h mor e glancing, bu t stil l he offer s n o mor e tha n thirt y pages o n al l the Lat e Plays and non e on the poems. Bullough's eight-volume set, because it is essentially a collection o f documents, deals with certain kinds of sources and analogues only, and often , a s it happens, those with limited intrinsic interest - nothin g by so important a figure fo r Shakespeare a s Virgil, for example , i s included. 1 Finally , thes e existin g works simply d o no t allow eas y referenc e t o informatio n o n man y o f th e writer s wh o affected Shakespear e an d ho w they did so , because the y arrange thei r information no t by source-author but by individual Shakespeare text; a plethora o f index entrie s must be consulte d before a n overvie w can b e formed. However unfashionable the notion of the author may be today, Chaucer or Seneca or Marlowe wer e a s Shakespear e conceive d them rea l individual s responsibl e for a range o f different works , and i t follows that on e wa y of understanding th e natur e o f his conceptions is to consider each of these ranges of textual entities as a group, instead of pondering Shakespeare' s use of them on e instance at a time. This boo k i s no t intende d t o replace , o r rehash , th e invaluabl e volumes of Bullough or Baldwin or Jones, then, but supplie s somethin g different. I n 196 4 Kennet h Mui r wrot e a shor t articl e 'Th e Futur e of Shakespeare Source-Hunting' for the Shakespeare Newsletter. He suggested 1

Introduction that onc e Bullough's eight volumes were complete, littl e would remai n to b e discovere d abou t Shakespeare' s plo t sources , bu t tha t scholar s ought methodicall y t o investigat e th e are a o f Shakespeare' s reading , about whic h knowledg e i s onl y fragmentary . Bot h area s are , in fact , fruitful fo r scholarship . Sinc e Muir' s essay , larg e number s o f studie s have appeared o n new aspects of previously recognized Shakespearea n sources, and , partly becaus e understandin g o f the natur e o f a sourc e has been changin g t o embrac e intertextualit y more loosel y conceived , fresh texts have been brought into conjunction with Shakespeare's. Th e present compilation , throug h attendin g t o bot h acknowledge d plo t sources and othe r kinds of material h e was acquainted with , aims to be a digest of information on Shakespeare's literar y knowledge in general . This knowledg e wil l usually , bu t no t always , hav e bee n acquire d through readin g (h e saw plays o n stage , for example) . Henc e thi s i s a guide not only to what we customarily think of as Shakespeare's imme diate 'sources' ; many writer s (suc h a s Cicero, Daniel or Marlowe) who hav e o r see m t o hav e mor e diffus e effect s o n Shakespeare' s work tha n wha t thi s ter m usuall y tend s t o sugges t (suc h a s Arthu r Brooke, Ginthio or Lodge) can nevertheless be of great interest and importance i n understanding tha t work. Or w e may think of 'creative and imaginative' sources as opposed t o 'narrative and dramatic ones' , as Hal Jensen has recently distinguishe d them: Look into any volume of Geoffrey Bullough' s invaluable Narrative and Dramatic Sources of Shakespeare an d yo u will find few works that have a n eminent plac e o f thei r ow n o n th e literatur e shelves . These plays , poems and histories interest us largely to the extent to which they fail to be Shakespeare . .. It is different fo r those which belong in that as yet unwritten compendium , Shakespeare's Creative and Imaginative Sources, whic h woul d presen t thos e work s - b y Marlowe, say , an d Ovid - t o which Shakespeare owe d a profound artistic debt. 2 But th e tw o categories d o no t hav e t o b e separate d thu s (indeed they cannot be , and Bulloug h does in fact includ e severa l texts from Ovid) . Scholarly idea s of how one work may leave its mark on another, of the range o f possible thing s a 'source' may be, are changing. Wha t Rober t S. Miol a call s 'ou r recentl y expande d understandin g o f sources ' involves th e assumption , generall y mad e now , that a tex t ma y deriv e

2

Introduction from a source quite obliquely, when it is part of a 'tradition' or 'context' for a work; and the understanding, now common enough, that evidence about a sourc e can b e derive d fro m 'sceni c form, themati c figuration , rhetorical strategy , structural parallelism, ideationa l o r imagisti c con catenation' as well as more straightforward kind s of 'verbal iteration'. 3 These change s i n ou r presupposition s d o no t invalidat e earlie r work , but the y do lead - hav e alread y le d - t o a different rang e o f possible effects o n Shakespeare being identified in acknowledged sources, and t o new source s being proposed. Thi s compendium take s account o f such developments - necessaril y so, since its basis throughout i s the recent findings of other scholars. In other words, it is based on a broader sense of how literar y texts can relat e t o on e anothe r tha n i s reflected i n th e standard earlie r studies. While i t seems that commentators will always overplay their hands , and mor e works will always be claime d as Shakespearean source s than will b e widel y credited , i t i s th e cas e tha t th e presen t generatio n o f scholars has tended to accept a greater number of these claims than has ever bee n acknowledge d before. Bu t ther e ar e stil l limits on wha t ca n usefully b e included in this volume, which is not conceive d a s a general guide t o wha t th e Englis h rea d i n th e secon d hal f o f th e sixteent h century, an d i s i n fac t no t intende d t o stra y very fa r fro m wha t th e Elizabethans woul d hav e though t o f a s literary , 'letters' , a categor y which includes , i n particular , history , but tend s no t t o exten d to , fo r example, most popular songs, chapbooks, pamphlets and tracts. It deals primarily wit h work s o f thi s kin d tha t w e kno w o r ca n o n curren t evidence suppos e Shakespear e rea d i n whol e o r i n part , an d whic h affected hi s ow n writin g i n som e way . 'Negative' influences , when a work is read an d reacte d against., are sometime s said t o b e intrinsicall y less susceptible to investigation than 'positive ' ones, but strongis h reac tions at least are ofte n traceable , an d ar e discusse d under a number of headings here . Analogues , on th e othe r hand , howeve r interestin g i n their own right, are not covered. Discrimination betwee n hard-to-distinguis h phenomena , suc h a s 'affinity' an d 'echo' , is of course crucial in determining, s o far a s it ca n be done, whether we should believe a given work affected Shakespeare . Discrimination betwee n other phenomena, suc h as 'allusion' and 'imi tation', is crucial in determining, s o far a s it can b e done, what kind of effect i t was . I n bot h cases , informe d interpretatio n depend s greatl y on appropriat e historica l contextualization . At th e simples t level , th e 3

Introduction

likelihood o f Shakespeare's havin g knowledge of a work available onl y in a Polish-languag e editio n i s mor e remot e tha n i n th e cas e o f a French-language one . One sectio n of each main entr y in this dictionary is devoted t o th e availability , presentation, reputatio n an d us e o f each writer or text in Shakespeare's time. Like Geoffre y Bullough' s compendium , this boo k aim s i n th e mai n 'not t o discove r new sources but t o make thos e alread y know n accessible' - o r rather, to make information about them, including samples of them, accessible . Quantities o f fresh discoverie s are not t o be expecte d in a compilation o f this kind, though some ideas are aired . Needles s to say, though , n o boo k o f thi s kin d ca n b e neutra l o r impersonal : th e compiler's ow n judgemen t abou t wha t t o includ e i n eac h entr y is engage d a t ever y step . Constructin g entrie s regularl y involve s assembling th e availabl e informatio n i n ne w ways , o r sometime s supplying ne w pieces of information; and i n selectin g and prioritizin g material, thi s volume deliberately differs fro m mos t bibliographies . Scope and Arrangement of Entries

Some difficul t choice s hav e presente d themselve s wher e i t seeme d that two or more alternativ e entrie s could be constructed . A full entr y on The Bible seem s obviousl y preferabl e t o a serie s o f entrie s o n Tyndale, Coverdale , an d s o on , wherea s separat e entrie s o n Livy, Pliny and Camden ar e neede d rathe r tha n on e o n Philemo n Holland, th e translato r o f all three. Th e choic e i s less straightforward where a single translator and a single work are concerned. Shoul d there be an entry for Thomas North, or for Plutarch? At the risk of neglecting the translator, the entry is usually on the source: an entry on Plutarch is supplied , but no t on e o n North . There ar e severa l justifications. I n many case s (not as it happen s includin g this one) ther e i s uncertainty about whic h translatio n Shakespear e used ; Shakespear e wil l i n prob ably mos t case s have know n mor e abou t th e source-autho r tha n th e translator; th e reade r i s more likel y to loo k u p th e sourc e first. In al l cases cross-references are supplied, and in many cases a specimen of the translator's work is quoted in the entry under the source-author. For similar reasons , sections of one writer's work later incorporate d into another' s (fo r example i n th e chroniclers ' constan t recyclin g o f material) are generally treated under the original writer where there is a likelihood Shakespear e kne w h e wa s readin g him , even i f h e woul d have done so as part of a later compilation. Hence More has an entry 4

Introduction on accoun t o f hi s History of King Richard III, a s wel l a s ther e bein g a separate entr y fo r Hall, throug h whos e Chronicl e Shakespear e mus t have know n More' s work . Adapter s an d imitator s whos e wor k ha d largely broke n fre e o f connections wit h thei r origina l autho r ar e als o discussed separatel y - fo r example, Arthu r Brooke, whos e versio n of th e Rome o an d Juliet stor y i s a loos e adaptatio n o f a Frenc h tex t definitely no t know n t o Shakespeare , an d th e ver y differen t version s by Caxton and Lydgate o f Guido dell e Colonne's Historia Troiana. I n considering the writing to which this volume is a guide, one is of course dealing al l th e tim e wit h somewha t arbitraril y selecte d point s i n a continuum o f literar y reworkings . Bu t cross-reference s ar e provide d in abundanc e i n suc h cases , a s well a s i n thos e o f writers an d work s subsumed under headings (suc h as Chronicle History Plays) which collect a rang e o f differen t mino r figure s o r text s together . Cross references are intended to help locate writers and texts discussed as part of Shakespeare's reading, an d do not lead to mentions of them in other contexts. For these, and for occasional references to writers Shakespeare is not believed to have read, see the Index . Within eac h main entry , the format for the serie s in which this compilation appear s is followed, with necessary adjustments, and with flexibility in length an d leve l of detail t o allow for the variet y of the writers treated an d th e way s in which Shakespear e use d them. Sectio n A is a brief, factual , biographical/historica l descriptio n o f the write r and/o r work(s). Section B supplies information on the reputation, presentation , availability and us e of the writer or work in Shakespeare's time, usually with an excerpt giving either a representative sample, particular Shake spearean source-material , o r both a t once. Th e ai m is to indicate ho w the writer or work would have appeared t o Shakespeare's eyes , and th e dominant way s i n whic h i t wa s bein g represented . Sectio n C i s a detailed, though not exhaustive, discussion of the relationship to Shakespeare's plays and poems, with some reference to the scholarly literature and, where immediate comparison s see m illuminating, quotatio n o f the Shakespeare work(s ) i n question . Finally , Sectio n D contain s a bibli ography, prefaced by a headnote fo r quick guidance i f there ar e mor e than a few items involved. These bibliographies g o with Section C, that is, the y ar e bibliographie s o n Shakespeare' s us e o f the write r o r text , though they also include any item cited in Section A or B. They are not intended t o b e full y comprehensive , particularl y fo r much-discusse d sources and on older publications. 4 The bibliographie s wil l locate much 5

Introduction

of th e mos t significan t materia l o f recen t decades , i n whic h furthe r references wil l b e found , an d giv e chapte r an d vers e fo r item s cite d and/or quoted . Purel y comparativ e studie s an d work s which merel y summarize previous ones are no t include d here . Som e hel p is given to those who use smaller libraries by indications of more than one possible source, includin g fo r example reprints, o f the sam e text . Unlik e othe r volumes i n thi s series , thi s on e doe s no t contai n a comprehensiv e bibliography a t th e end , becaus e i t i s i n th e cas e o f thi s extremel y extensively-researched fiel d muc h mor e convenien t fo r th e reade r t o consult the Section D bibliographies unde r the individual headings. It will be understood tha t absolutel y complete coverag e o f the terri tory o n whic h thi s volume give s guidance i s not possible . I n an y case , entries supplying full information (biography, contemporary reputation , and s o on ) o n th e writer s o f work s whic h figur e i n onl y brie f an d superficial way s in Shakespeare woul d be largely redundant. A shorter form o f entry is therefore employed for many subjects with a slighter or more doubtfu l importanc e fo r Shakespeare . Thi s consist s solel y of a sentence-long summary and a maximum of three bibliographical items , together wit h cross-reference s to any other relevan t entry/ies , indicat ing where mor e informatio n ca n b e foun d o n th e subject . Som e suc h entries ar e o n writer s an d text s whose pertinence t o Shakespear e ha s been disproved, information to which effect is assumed to be potentially useful. Ther e are o f course many cases in which it is a matter o f opinion whethe r a give n wor k i s of sligh t importanc e fo r Shakespear e o r not; but there are limits to how large such a compilation a s this can be allowed t o become . Henc e th e existenc e of , say , a singl e speculativ e article proposing a given writer as an influence on Shakespeare may not result in an entr y for that writer, particularly where such a speculatio n has been made public some years ago and gone unsupported since then. Quotations

Since work s Shakespear e kne w ar e usuall y quote d i n orde r t o sho w what h e may have read, a version (text , translation, edition) , or where possible the version, availabl e t o him is often draw n o n - thoug h th e quotation o f lon g stretche s o f foreign-languag e text s i s avoided . Fo r similar reasons, and also because evidence about Shakespeare's readin g turns not seldo m on small details of phrasing, an d eve n on occasion of spelling, excerpt s fro m suc h texts , whethe r take n directl y fro m earl y editions or quoted from moder n ones, involve minimal modernization.

6

Introduction (Very few special cases include Mystery Plays, which in their origina l form ar e rebarbativel y difficul t fo r som e reader s today , and whic h i n any case Shakespeare is much more likely to have seen performed than to hav e read. ) However , i n al l quotations, contractions , typographica l /w w ligatures and ampersand s ar e expanded, J i s replaced by V and W/ by W/w, usage of u/v an d i/j i s regularized, and black letter, decorative or multiple initial capitals and superscrip t are ignored. Sligh t and obvi ous printing errors are corrected, silently where they make no differenc e to issues of borrowing an d influence . N o collatio n o f press variants ha s been attempted; th e cop y used is from th e Glasgo w University Library collections where on e i s available, otherwis e almost alway s the Britis h Library or Cambridge Universit y Library. There seemed no corresponding necessity to quote Shakespeare himself from th e (to most readers less than familiar) old-spellin g texts, and I use instea d Pete r Alexander' s modernize d on e i n th e for m o f Complete Works of William Shakespeare (reprin t Glasgow , 1994) , supplemented fo r the apocryph a b y Stanle y Wells and Gar y Taylor , eds , William Shakespeare: The Complete Works, compact edition (Oxford, 1994), and b y other texts individuall y referenced . Obviou s misprint s ar e als o silentl y corrected in these texts. Layout of all play quotations is standardized for speakers' names, stage directions, etc. Conventions Used Tides of frequently cite d works and standard journals ar e abbreviate d as show n in th e Lis t o f Abbreviations. T o sav e space , frequentl y cited works ar e groupe d togethe r o n a singl e line a t th e star t o f the biblio graphical listin g (Section D) in eac h entr y if more tha n on e figures in that list . Wher e a write r o r topi c whic h ha s a n independen t entr y is referred t o within anothe r entry, attention is drawn t o the existenc e of the independen t entr y by printing in bold th e headin g unde r whic h it appears o n th e firs t occasio n i t i s mentione d i n a n entry , a s i n thi s introduction. Notes 1 Bol d print signals the heading of an entry in the body of this dictionary. 2 TLS, 5 February 1999, p. 19 . 3 Rober t S. Miola, 'Shakespeare and his Sources: Observations on the Critical History of'Julius Caesar'", ShSu 40 (1987), 69-76 (p. 71). See the ful l article. 4 Fo r earlier publication s se e especially th e bibliographie s b y John W . Velz, 7

Introduction Shakespeare and the Classical Tradition: A Critical Guide to Commentary, 1660-1960 (Minneapolis, 1968 , currentl y bein g updated ) an d Selm a Guttmann , The Foreign Sources of Shakespeare's Works: An Annotated Bibliography (Ne w York , 1947).

8

A Accolti,

Bernardo

(1458-1535),

Italian Dramatist

Accolti's Virginia (firs t printe d 1513 ) i s based o n th e Boccaccio stor y used for All's Well; it s few parallels i n Shakespear e d o no t outweig h th e unlikelihood o f his direct acquaintanc e with the play , but i t forms par t of the traditio n of the All's Well story . Cole, Howard C . (1981) . The 'All's Well' Story from Boccaccio to Shakespeare, pp. 114-37 . Urbana, IL .

Achilles Tatius See Greek Romance. Aeschylus (525—456 BC), Greek Tragedian Schleiner' s notio n that th e graveyar d scene s of the Choephoroe affected Hamlet prompts th e further questio n o f how Shakespear e would hav e know n them: a t on e remove i n Latin translation , o r at several removes? Schleiner, Louis e (1990) . 'Latinize d Gree k Dram a i n Shakespeare' s Writing of Hamlet: ShQ*\\ 29-48.

Aesop (?6th Century BC), Greek Fabulist

(A) Traditional accounts , deriving largely fro m Aristotl e and hi s circle, 9

Aesop represent Aeso p a s a slav e in sixth-centur y Samos . Ther e i s no contemporary evidenc e o n th e authorshi p o f the larg e collectio n of fables ascribed t o hi m (bu t certainly th e wor k of several different writers) , a series o f anecdota l storie s usin g anima l and , i n perhap s th e mos t authentic ones , mythological character s t o illustrat e moral o r satirica l points. The y were popularized i n th e for m o f verse renderings by th e Roman poe t Phaedrus about AD 40. This and a Greek version made by Babrius soo n afterward s ar e th e principa l manuscrip t sources . Abou t AD 400 the Roman Arianus used Babrius as the main basis of his fortytwo fables i n Latin verse ; the Aesopic material wa s particularly widely diffused i n thi s badl y dilute d for m ove r man y centuries. Th e fables , numbering abou t eight y i n typica l Renaissanc e edition s bu t throug h various kinds of accretion no w reaching ove r 35 0 in the larges t collections, have for long been most familiar as texts for the young, but this at least partly reflects the priorities of modern selection . (B) Aeso p wa s firs t printe d i n Lati n i n c. 1470 , i n Gree k c. 1480 . At least thirty-five mor e edition s followed befor e 1500 , and th e explosio n of interes t wa s quickl y reflecte d i n suc h lat e medieva l writer s a s Henryson. Easily Henryson's longest poetic work is his Morall Fabillis of Esope the Phrygian (1490s?) , a collectio n o f thirtee n fairl y elaborat e retellings o f stories, hal f of which deriv e from th e Latin Aesop an d half of which come fro m a separate tradition . The y are made al l the mor e attractive by their 'hamelie language' and 'termis rude', and the narra tive is developed strongl y with the 'moralitas ' separate d int o a discrete section at the end. Henryson, like Lydgate an d other medieval writers, thought o f Aeso p a s a poet, an d Aeso p descende d t o the m eithe r through th e twelfth-centur y Latin elegiac s o f Gualterus Anglicus (the most popula r medieva l collection ) o r th e Ol d Frenc h vers e o f Marie de France' s Ysopets Fabulae. Bu t fro m 1484 , when Gaxton' s versio n included a translation o f the spuriou s life o f Aesop to which Maximu s Planudes, a fourteenth-century Byzantine monk, had given currency by attaching it to his collection of fables, writer s tended t o imagine Aesop in a ver y differen t role , an d th e fable s wer e approache d a s works of prose. The figur e no w (and until Bentley exploded th e fiction in 1697) imagined a s Aesop wa s a gargoyle , deforme d an d o f dubiou s mora l character; give n wit by a goddess for an ac t of kindness, he was said to have become a gadfly to discomfort the powerful. This Aesop figure for a time assumed an independent literary life, pointing a moral in person 10

Aesop in a wid e rang e o f writer s includin g i n th e Elizabetha n er a Franci s Bacon, Si r Edwar d Dyer , Gabrie l Harvey and Nashe (se e Smit h 1931). But this popular myth had little effect o n those disposed to regard Aesop a s th e mora l teache r h e ha d alread y becom e fo r Henryson , and mos t of the earl y English versions of Aesop are intended fo r pedagogical purposes . As well a s rindin g favou r fo r it s ethicall y improvin g effects, i t ha s bee n proposed , Aesop' s moralize d vie w o f natur e ma y have been responsibl e for this tendency in much early modern natura l history - indee d Baldwi n claims , somewha t rashly, that 'ther e was no other literary view' (1944: i, 638). What earl y moder n reader s wer e actuall y readin g wa s a t severa l removes from th e Gree k o r early Latin forms of Aesop's tales . There is so muc h rearrangemen t o f the texts , with additions , subtraction s an d modifications to the original fables, that 'the "Aesop" of the late middle ages . . . i s indeed n o classica l work , bu t a creatio n o f th e medieva l period itself , though resting on a solid ancient basis' (Lathrop 1933 : 1819). Caxton's 'Aesop ' was translated from Machault's Frenc h version of a German rendering of a Latin recension. Caxton's was the best-known English version, going through man y editions, an d apparentl y th e only one available in Shakespeare's youth - thoug h several others were made during Shakespeare' s lifetim e (for which se e Baldwin 1944 : i , 607-40). Caxton's accoun t of the well-known fable o f the fo x and th e grape s (or here raisins ; Chambr y no . 32 ) i s th e kin d o f tex t sixteenth-centur y readers woul d hav e foun d i f the y ha d wante d Aeso p i n Englis h (a s Shakespeare apparently di d not - se e (C), below). Fig. 1 shows the text as it appeared wit h Caxton's woodcut illustration. He is not wyse / tha t desyret h to havre a thynge whiche he may not have / A s reciteth this fable o f a foxe / which e loked and beheld the raysyns tha t grew e upo n a n hygh e vyn e / th e which e raysyn s h e moche desyred for to ete them ^[ An d whann e h e saw e tha t non e h e mygh t get e / h e torne d hi s sorowe in to Joye / an d sayd these raysyns ben sowre / an d yf I had some I wold not ete them / An d therfore thi s fable shewet h that he is wyse / whic h faynet h no t t o desyre tha t thyng e th e whiche he may not have / (Aesop 1976 : sig. i3r) (C) Th e onl y direc t mentio n o f Aesop i n th e Shakespearea n corpu s 11

Aesop

Figure 1 Willia m Caxton, The History and Fables of Aesop (London, 1484) , sig. i3r.

12

Aesop gives th e defeate d Princ e Edwar d i n 3 Henry VI a dismissiv e attitude towards his fables: QUEEN MARGARE T Ah , that thy father ha d bee n so resolv'd! GLOUCESTER Tha t you might still have worn the petticoa t And ne'er have stol'n the breech from Lancaster . PRINCE Le t Aesop fable in a winter's night; His currish riddles sort s not with this place.

(5.5.25-6)

(where 'currish ' = 'base', 'ignoble' , probably wit h a pun o n 'dog-like' , i.e. concerned wit h animals). Whether o r not Shakespear e wrot e these lines, i t i s doubtful whethe r h e share d th e attitude , for , if the Shake speare apocryph a i s included , som e twent y o r mor e o f th e Aesopi c fables ar e fairl y definitel y referre d t o i n th e corpus , som e mor e tha n once (Baldwin 1944:1, 617-37 gives a complete catalogue) . On th e othe r hand , Shakespear e woul d no t hav e associate d all , or perhaps eve n many , of these twenty fables wit h Aesop . S o heavily diffused wer e th e fable s i n differen t kind s o f compilation , includin g fo r example collection s of Emblems and Erasmus' Adagia, tha t Shake speare would probably have thought of'Aesop' a s a type of story rather than a fixed corpus o f tales. Som e o f the tale s ha d evidentl y becom e proverbial. Fo r the sam e reasons it is probably a n unreliable procedur e to identify fro m variant s of the tale s used by him a single text of Aesop which Shakespear e coul d hav e relie d upo n (thoug h Baldwi n 1944 : i , 615ff., think s i t mus t hav e bee n a n edition , perhap s 1573 , o f th e popular Lati n compilatio n Fabellae Aesopicae made fo r us e i n school s by Camerarius, an d points to some apparent verba l echoes of it). Aesopic material i s spread i n no obviou s pattern ove r Shakespeare' s plays. Although his use of Aesop is sometimes said to constitute one of Shakespeare's way s o f expressin g similaritie s betwee n huma n being s and animals , man y instance s support thi s vaguel y a t best . A typicall y Shakespearean us e migh t b e th e stor y o f the fo x and th e grape s ((B), above) as mentioned b y Lafeu i n All's Well: O, will you eat No grapes, m y royal fox? Yes, but you will My noble grapes, an if my royal fox Could reach them .

(2.1.68-71) 13

Aesop Other fable s use d by Shakespear e ar e no t i n fac t concerne d wit h th e animal world, but with natural features such as plants and rivers. What is clear, however, is that Shakespeare alludes again and again to two or three Aesopic fables whic h can be use d to express an ide a par ticularly effectivel y o r economically , and/o r whic h strik e hi s imagin ation especiall y strongly. Their effectivenes s ha d le d to their becomin g proverbial. On e i s the story of the hawk and th e dove, used to illustrate reversal o f natura l hierarch y in , fo r instance , A Midsummer Might's Dream 2.1.232 , Antony and Cleopatra 3.13.195-7 , an d Coriolanus 5.6.115. Another i s the stor y of the countryma n an d th e snak e he warms in his bosom only to have it bite him (Chambr y no. 82), used still more ofte n and 'regularl y give n . .. its proper mora l application ' by Shakespear e (Baldwin 1944 : i, 618): I fear me you but warm the starved snake, Who, cherish'd in your breasts, will sting your hearts. (2 Henry VI, 3.1.343-4 ) O villains, vipers, damn'd without redemption ! Dogs, easily won to fawn o n any man! Snakes, in my heart-blood warm'd , tha t sting my heart! (Richard 77,3.2.129-31 ) I tore it from th e traitor's bosom, King ; Fear, and no t love, begets his penitence. Forget to pity him, lest thy pity prove A serpent that will sting thee to the heart . (Richard II, 5.3.55-8) help me; do thy best To pluck this crawling serpent from m y breast! . . . Methought a serpent eat my heart away , And you sat smiling at his cruel prey. (A Midsummer Night's Dream, 2.2.145-50)

(D)

Aesop, translate d b y Willia m Caxto n (1976) . The History and Fables of Aesop, Translated and Printed by William Caxton, 1484. Reproduced 14

Aesop in facsimile from the copy in the Royal Library, Windsor Castle, with an introduction by Edward Hodnett. London . Baldwin (1944). Chambry, Emile, ed . (1927) . Esope Fables, Texte Etabli par Emile Chambry. Paris. Crundell, H . W . (1935). 'Shakespeare , Lyly , an d "Aesop". ' JV<8?Q,168: 312. Lathrop, H . B . (1933) . Translations from the Classics into English from Caxton to Chapman. Madison , WI. Smith, M . Ellwoo d (1931) . 'Aesop , A Decaye d Celebrity : Changin g Conception as to Aesop's Personality in English Writers before Gray.' PMLA 46 : 225-36. Africanus, Leo (Leo Joannes Africanus) (c . 1495-1552), Travel Writer Africanus , available i n John Pory' s 160 0 translatio n A Geographical Historie of Africa, ma y hav e contribute d detail s t o Shakespeare's conception and portrayal of Othello. Bullough, vii, 208-11. Whitney, Loi s (1922) . 'Di d Shakespear e kno w Leo Africanus? ' PMLA 37: 470-83. Amadis d e Gaule (Spanish Romance) Thi s romance , espe cially in th e versio n of 154 2 b y Feliciano de Silv a (availabl e in Frenc h from 1551) , i s notable fo r containin g mor e tha n on e stor y of a statue returned t o life , i n on e cas e involvin g som e othe r similaritie s t o The Winter's Tale. Bullough, vin, 133 . Honigmann, E . A . J. (1955) . 'Secondar y Source s of The Winter's Tale.' PQ,34: 27-38.

Apollonius o f Tyre (Anon. Romance) Se e Greek Romance. Appian, of Alexandria (ft. c . AD 160), Greek Historian

(A) Appian was a barrister in the Roman civil service under Trajan an d 15

Appian, of Alexandria Hadrian. Hi s Histor y (Roman History, Historiae Romanae] wa s writte n i n Greek, organize d geographically , an d describe d Rome' s conquest s in differen t part s o f the globe , fro m th e arriva l o f Aeneas i n Ital y t o the Battl e o f Actium o f 3 1 BG , in twenty-fou r Books. Onl y te n Book s survive i n full , includin g thos e dealin g wit h th e Puni c War s an d th e Civil Wars ; th e content s o f other s ar e know n throug h medieva l summaries. Appian follow s differen t source s i n differen t part s o f hi s History , sometimes using poor authoritie s an d sometime s distorting goo d ones . On th e Civi l War s he show s himself a cautiou s writer, part o f a 'lon g tradition o f a comple x an d divide d respons e t o th e Caesa r story ' (Schanzer 1956 : xvii) , mixing admiratio n fo r Brutus and Cassiu s with horror a t the murder, and refusin g t o commit himself on their motives. Perhaps hi s major contributio n t o th e histor y o f this period is his portrayal o f Antony as a schemer given to histrionics, but h e also develops oratorical material , especiall y Brutus' and Antony's, considerably. (B) A Latin versio n o f Appian's Histor y wa s made b y Pietro Candido for Pop e Nicholas V in 1452 . The tex t was first printed in Greek at Paris in 1551 . The earlies t English translation, An Auncient Historie and Exquisite Chronicle of the Romanes Wanes, both Civile and Foren, was mad e b y 'W . B. ' (perhaps William Barker , ^7. 1570 , translator o f Xenophon) and issued in 1578 . It is a scholarly piece o f work, accurately reflectin g the severa l versions o f Appian' s tex t i n French , Lati n an d Gree k o n whic h i t draws. Its printer's dedication , b y Henry Bynneman , presents Appian' s purpose very wrongly (but probably merel y reflecting a standard Eliza bethan attitud e t o Caesar' s story ) as being 't o extoll the princely rule' , showing 'ho w Go d plaguet h the m tha t conspir e agains t they r Prince ' (Appian 1578 : sig . A2r~v). Appian doe s indeed se e the han d o f God i n the defea t o f Brutus and Cassius , not, however, 'in pursuit of the providential pla n fo r the establishmen t o f imperial rule' , like Plutarch, bu t 'in punishment o f the multipl e crim e which the y committed i n slaying Caesar' (Schanzer 1963: 15-16). Appian seem s t o hav e bee n wel l enoug h know n amon g educate d Elizabethans. Lawrenc e Humphre y i n The Nobles, or ofNobilitye (1563 ) remarks tha t i n 'Historical knowledge' , 'emong s th e Grekes , Plutarke, Appian, Thucydides, ar e o f greates t name' . Lodge base d hi s pla y The Wounds of Civil War (publishe d 1594 ) largely o n Appian' s History , and th e anonymou s pla y Caesar's Revenge (Caesar an d Pompey), 16

Appian, of Alexandria apparently a n influenc e o n Julius Caesar., derive s bot h materia l an d attitudes from him . The Histor y was also consulted by Robert Garnier for hi s play Marc-Antoine (1578) . The excerp t fro m W . B.'s version give n her e contain s th e clima x of Antony's funeral speec h for Caesar i n Book n. When h e had said e thus , he pulled u p his gowne lyke a man besid e hymselfe, and gyrded it, that he might the better stirre his handes: he stoode ove r th e Litter , a s fro m a Tabernacle , lookin g int o it , an d opening it, and firste sang his Himne, as to a God in heaven. And to confirme h e was a God, he held up his hands, and with a swift voice , he rehearsed the warres, the fights, the victories, the nation s that h e had subdued to his Countrey, and the great booties that he had sent, making every one to be a marvell. Then with a continuall crie, This is the onl y unconquered o f all that eve r came t o hands with him. Tho u (quot h he ) alon e diddes t reveng e th y countre y bein g injured .300 . years, and thos e fierce nations that onely invaded Rome, and only burned it, thou broughtest them on their knees. And whe n h e ha d mad e thes e an d man y othe r invocations , h e tourned hy s voice from triumph e t o mourning matter, and bega n t o lament an d mone him as a friend tha t had bin unjustly used, and did desire that he might give hys soule for Caesars. Then falling into moste vehement affections , uncovere d Caesars body, holding u p hi s vesture with a speare , cu t with th e woundes , an d redd e wit h th e bloud e of the chief e Ruler , b y th e whic h th e peopl e lyk e a Quire , di d sin g lamentation unt o him, and by this passion were againe repleat e with ire. And afte r thes e speeches, other lamentations wyt h voice after th e Country custome, were sung of the Quires, and they rehearsed again his acts and hi s hap. Then made he Caesar hymselfe to speake as it were in a lamentabl e sort, to howe many of his enimies he hadde don e good by name, an d of the killer s themselves to say as in an admiration , Did I save them that have killed me? This th e peopl e coul d no t abide , callin g t o remem braunce, tha t al l th e kyller s (onl y Decimus except ) wer e o f Pompeys faction, an d subdue d by hym, t o whom, i n stea d o f punishment, h e had give n promotio n o f offices , government s o f province s an d armies, and though t Decimus worthy to be made hi s heyre and so n by adoption, an d ye t conspire d hy s death. Whil e th e matte r wa s thus handled, an d lik e to have come to a fray, one shewed out of the Litter

17

Appian, of Alexandria

the Imag e o f Caesar, made o f waxe, for hys body it self e lyin g flat in the Litter , coul d no t b e scene . -Hys picture wa s by a devis e turne d about, an d .xxiii . wounds wer showed over al his body, and hi s fac e horrible t o behold . Th e peopl e seein g thi s pittiful l picture , could e beare th e dolou r n o longer , bu t thronge d togyther , an d bese t th e Senate house , wherein Caesar wa s kylled , and se t i t a fyre , an d th e kyllers tha t fledd e fo r thei r lives , the y rann e an d sough t i n ever y place, an d tha t s o outragiouslye bot h i n ange r an d dolour , a s they kylled Cynna th e Tribune bein g in name lyke to Cynna th e Pretor tha t spake evill of Caesar, an d wol d not tarr y t o heare th e declaratio n o f his name, but cruelly tore him a peeces, and lefte not one parte to be put in grave. They caried fire against other mens houses, who manlye defending themselves , an d th e neighbour s entreatin g them , the y refrayned fro m fyre , bu t threatned t o be in armes the next day. (Appian 1578 : sigs X3v-X4r) (C) Julius Caesar an d Antony and Cleopatra see m t o reflec t knowledg e o f Appian. I n bot h case s Appian supplement s Plutarc h wit h detail s no t readily availabl e t o Shakespear e elsewhere . Julius Caesar uses him prin cipally fo r th e portraya l o f Antony, i n particula r fo r Antony's funera l oration o n Caesar, which has similarly theatrical, almos t operatic, qual ities i n bot h writers . Ther e ar e onl y a fe w verbal an d forma l resem blances between the scenes, however, and 'Appian's Antony differs fro m Shakespeare's Anton y in hi s attitude t o hi s audience, i n th e arrange ment o f hi s material , an d t o a considerabl e exten t i n th e materia l itself. . . Nevertheless, in some of the detail s the speeche s correspond' (MacCallum 1967 : 647) . Perhap s th e stronges t lin k i s i n th e overal l manner: ANTONY Goo

18

d friends , swee t friends, le t me not stir you up To such a sudden flood of mutiny. They that have done this deed are honourable. What private griefs they have, alas, I know not, That made them do it; they are wise and honourable , And will, no doubt, with reasons answer you. I come not, friends, to steal away your hearts; But, a s you know me all, a plain blunt man, That love my friend; an d tha t they know full well That gave me public leave to speak of him.

Appian, of Alexandria For I have neither wit, nor words, nor worth, Action, nor utterance, nor the power of speech, To stir men's blood; I only speak right on. I tell you that which you yourselves do know; Show you sweet Caesar's wounds, poor poor dum b mouths, And bid them speak for me. But were I Brutus, And Brutus Antony, there were an Antony Would ruffle u p your spirits, and put a tongue In every wound of Caesar, that should move The stone s of Rome to rise and mutiny. ALL We'l l mutiny. i PLEBEIA N We'l l burn th e house of Brutus. 3 PLEBEIA N Away , then! Come seek the conspirators .

(3.2.210-33)

Antony and Cleopatra's materia l fro m Appia n i s mor e minor . Shake speare seem s to hav e consulte d W B.' s translatio n ou t o f dissatisfaction wit h Plutarch' s discussio n o f Pompey' s rebellio n an d deat h an d the uprising s o f Fulvia an d Luciu s Antonius. Som e o f the obscuritie s in Plutarch' s account s o f thes e matter s ar e cleare d u p b y Appian . MacCallum (1967 : 648-52) lists verbal parallels, some more convincing than others , for Shakespeare' s presentation o f Pompey. Schanzer add s more fo r Pompe y an d th e motive s o f Lucius Antonius. H e conclude s with th e separat e poin t tha t Enobarbu s i s 'Domitius ' o r 'Domitiu s Aenobarbus' i n Plutarc h bu t 'i n Appian , wher e h e play s a muc h more prominen t part , h e i s alway s calle d simpl y "Aenobarbus " o r "Oenobarbus"' (1956 : xxvii) . Al l thi s woul d indicat e that , i n Antony and Cleopatra a s ofte n elsewhere , Shakespear e supplemente d hi s mai n source with additional material . (D) Appian, translate d b y W . B . (1578) . An Auncient Historie and Exquisite Chronicle of the Romanes Wanes, both Civile and Form. London . Bullough, v. MacCallum, M . W (1967) . Shakespeare's Roman Plays and their Background. London (firs t publishe d 1910) . Schanzer, Ernes t (1956) . Shakespeare's Appian: A Selection from the Tudor Translation of Appian's 'Civil Wars'. Liverpool .

19

Appian, of Alexandria Schanzer, Ernest (1963). The Problem Plays of Shakespeare: A Study of Julius Caesar, Measure for Measure and Antony and Cleopatra. London .

Apuleius, Lucius (b. c. AD 123), Latin Prose Writer

(A) Apuleius, Platonic Roma n philosopher , wa s born i n Numidia . H e is popularly known for hi s long story, sometime s described a s an earl y novel, The Golden Ass (Asinus Aureius), or Metamorphoses - th e variant tide s reflecting early readers' confusion abou t its intentions. It is a first-person adventure containin g element s o f horro r story , satire , bawdy , neo Platonism an d romanc e buil t aroun d a centra l narrativ e i n which th e transformation o f the narrato r int o an as s is exploited t o mostly comic effect. I t includes an inset story, often translated and adapted (an d therefore read) separately, constituting the oldest extant version of the legend of Cupi d an d Psyche . Apuleius ' learne d an d lusciou s pros e style , especially extreme in scene s describing the mysterie s of Isis, i s without a parallel in ancient literature.

(B) Sixteenth-centur y humanist s suc h a s Erasmus an d Vive s pro moted Apuleius as a stylistic curiosity. Erasmus' and More's reading of him is reflected in their own works in the Lucianic tradition t o which he partly belongs , for example More' s Utopia. Si r Philip Sidney cites The Golden Ass in th e Apology for Poetry and allude s to th e Cupi d an d Psych e story in the Arcadia; Spenser takes other element s as materials for The Faerie Queene, a s doe s Marlowe i n Hero and Leander. I n th e drama , Dekker, Jonson, Marston and Thomas Heywood are among thos e known to use Apuleius. There is also non-literary interest in The Golden Ass as a source of information on everyday life i n ancient times. Some (probabl y large ) par t o f thi s popularit y i s owin g t o th e appearance o f th e first , an d unti l th e eighteent h centur y only , com plete Englis h translatio n o f The Golden Ass b y Willia m Adlingto n i n 1566. Th e sobe r Adlington ha d littl e relish for Apuleius' flamboyance, and register s hi s difficult y wit h th e tale' s mixtur e o f qualitie s an d it s sometimes 'dark and high ' styl e for which 'ne w invented phrases' wer e needed. However , th e idio m i n direc t narrativ e i s straightforwar d enough, indee d fres h an d vigorous , as in the centra l 'metamorphosis' , the transformatio n of the narrator , Lucius , int o a n as s afte r usin g a n ointment h e i s given b y the servant-gir l Fotis . The narrator' s usual illfounded optimis m an d th e mismatc h o f huma n min d wit h anima l

20

Apuleius, Lucius

body, th e cor e qualitie s i n hi s asininity , ar e amon g th e feature s o n display here: Thus Fotis lamented in pittifull sort, but I that was now a perfect asse, and fo r Luciu s a brut e beast , di d ye t retaine th e senc e and under standing o f a man . An d di d devis e a goo d spac e wit h m y selfe , whether i t wer e bes t fo r m e t o tear e thi s mischievou s an d wicke d harlot wit h my mouth, o r t o kicke an d kil l her wit h my heels. But a better thought reduced me from s o rash a purpose: for I feared lest by the death o f Fotis I should be deprived o f all remedy and help. Then shaking myne head, and dissembling myne ire, and taking my adversity i n goo d part , I wen t int o th e stabl e t o m y own horse, wher e I found anothe r Ass e o f Miloes , somtim e m y host , an d I di d veril y think that mine own e horse (if there were any natural conscienc e or knowledge in brute beasts) would take pitty upon me, and profer me lodging for that night: but it chanced far otherwise. For see, my horse and th e ass e a s i t wer e consente d togethe r t o wor k m y harm, an d fearing les t I shoul d eat u p thei r provender , would in no wis e suffe r me t o com e nig h th e manger , bu t kicke d me with thei r heele s fro m their meat, which I my self gave them the night before. Then I being thus handled b y them, and drive n away, got me into a corner o f the stable, wher e whil e I remembre d thei r uncurtesie , and ho w o n th e morrow I shoul d retur n t o Lucius by the help o f a Rose, when a s I thought to revenge my self of myne owne horse, I fortuned to espy in the middle of a pillar sustainin g the rafter s o f the stable the image of the goddesse Hippone, which was garnished and decked round about with fair e an d fres h roses : then i n hop e o f present remedy, I leape d up with my fore fee t as high as I could, stretching out my neck, and with my lips coveting to snatch some roses. (Adlington 1639 : in, 17 ) (C) Ther e ar e possibl e link s t o The Golden Ass i n Venus and Adonis (diffusely; se e Starnes 1945 : 1025-30 ) and i n a number o f later Shake speare plays , i n particular . Thes e includ e Antony and Cleopatra (fo r Cleopatra a s Isis: see Lloyd 1959) ; Macbeth (fo r th e Witches' incantation s in 4.1) ; The Tempest (for Prospero' s masque: see Starnes 1945 : 1048-50); and Cymbeline (fo r the Cupi d an d Psych e stor y a s a paradig m fo r th e Platonic them e o f 'gazin g o n beaut y bare ' i n th e Imoge n plot ; se e Simonds 1992 : 78-92). But asininity of one kind or another is the basi s 21

Apukius, Lucius on whic h mos t claim s fo r Apuleius' presenc e i n Shakespear e mus t b e made. Reference s t o metamorphosi s int o a n ass , no t conclusivel y Apuleian i n themselves , ar e foun d i n The Comedy of Errors, bu t i t i s Bottom's transformation in A Midsummer Night's Dream that has the strongest claim in Shakespeare's work to be regarded as an Apuleian moment. The cas e is not conclusive, and, because this episode has an alterna tive sourc e in Reginal d Scot' s Discovery of Witchcraft, i t tend s t o rel y o n supporting materia l derive d fro m othe r part s o f the play . As far a s th e man/ass transformation is concerned, th e play and th e story have two unusual features: a ma n take s on th e for m o f an ass , and a woman i s captivated b y this new form - s o much so that the y ludicrously spend a night o f pleasur e togethe r (i n Boo k xvi o f The Golden Ass). The firs t element is found - togethe r with very specific Shakespearean items such as the name 'Robi n Goodfellow' - i n Scot, but the second is not. There is a furthe r paralle l i n Apuleius ' stor y of Cupid an d Psyche , i n whic h Venus asks Cupid to avenge her b y making her riva l Psyche fall i n love with som e base objec t - thoug h suc h an ingredient i s common i n fol k tales. Thes e connection s ar e reinforce d by a numbe r o f others i n th e Dream involving the Cupid an d Psych e narrative (enumerate d by Tobin 1984: 35-7) , connection s whic h hav e encourage d abstrus e o r 'philo sophical' readings of the play along lines suggested by Kermode (1967: 28): 'O n this narrative o f Apuleius . . . great superstructures of platonic and Christia n allegor y ha d bee n raised ; an d ther e i s every reaso n t o suppose tha t thes e mysteries are par t o f the flesh and bon e o f A Midsummer Night's Dream.' McPee k (1972: 69) draws these conclusions about this process of incorporation : the fundamenta l pattern o f the myt h an d th e pattern s o f the mai n stories in the play are similar in several interlocking ways, and . .. if Shakespeare di d not consciously recall the Psyche tale as he wrote, he nevertheless ha d i n min d man y o f its archetypa l feature s . . . Th e general impressio n i s not tha t o f an orderin g o f the pla y t o corres pond t o the structur e of the myth , but rathe r a s if the mosai c o f the myth ha d bee n shattere d int o its original tesserae, which Shakespear e has picked up and arrange d t o suit his own design. (D) Starnes ' (1945 ) articl e wa s pioneerin g an d i s stil l a usefu l shor t treatment, bu t th e Shakespeare-Apuleiu s connection s note d ar e sometimes mor e tenuous than it allows. Easily the most comprehensive

22

Apuleius, Lucius modern stud y i s Tobi n (1984) , wit h ful l referenc e t o previou s liter ature. Tobin tends to discover Apuleius everywhere in Shakespeare; his findings requir e carefu l evaluatio n wher e uncorroborate d b y othe r commentators. Fo r Midsummer Night's Dream, Generos a (1945) , Wilso n (1962) an d McPee k (1972) , whose findings Tobin synthesizes , provid e some of the requisite corroboration, whil e Brooks (1979) has ajudicious summary an d i n a n appendi x add s ne w passage s t o Bullough . Doody (1998 ) give s a livel y account o f Renaissance presentation s an d adaptations o f The Golden Ass outside England. Adlington, William (1639) . The XI Bookes of the Golden Asse, Conteining the Metamorphosie of Lucius Apuleius. Londo n (firs t published 1566) . Brooks, Harol d E , ed . (1979) . A Midsummer Might's Dream (Arde n Shakespeare). London. Bullough, i. Doody, Margaret Ann e (1998) . The True Story of the Novel. Londo n (firs t published 1997) . Generosa, Siste r M . (1945) . 'Apuleiu s an d A Midsummer Night's Dream: Analogue or Source, Which?' SP42: 198-204. Kermode, Fran k (1967) . 'Th e Mature Comedies' , pp . 211-2 7 i n John Russell Brow n an d Bernar d Harris , eds , Early Shakespeare (Stratfordupon-Avon Studies, 3). London (firs t published 1961) . Lloyd, Michael (1959) . 'Cleopatra and Isis. ' ShSu 12 : 88-94. McPeek, James A. S. (1972). 'Th e Psyche Myth and A Midsummer Night's Dream: ShQ2?>: 69-79. Simonds, Pegg y Munoz (1992) . Myth, Emblem and Music in Shakespeare's 'Cymbeline': An Iconographic Reconstruction. Newark, DE . Starnes, D. T. (1945). 'Shakespeare and Apuleius.' PMLA 60 : 1021-50 . Tobin, J. J. M . (1984) . Shakespeare's Favorite Novel: A Study of The Golden Asse as Prime Source. Lanham (supersede s several previous short articles by Tobin i n various journals). Wilson, J. Dove r (1962). Shakespeare's Happy Comedies. Evanston , IL. Wyrick, Deborah Bake r (1982) . 'Th e Ass Motif i n The Comedy of Errors and A Midsummer Night's Dream.' ShQ33: 432-48.

Aretino, Pietro (1492-1557), Italian Poet and Playwright Cairn s (1991 ) find s 'threads ' fro m Aretino' s comedie s i n Love's Labour's Lost, Twelfth Night and The Comedy of Errors.

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Aretino, Pietro Cairns, Christophe r (1991) . 'Aretino' s Comedie s an d th e Italia n "Erasmian" Connection i n Shakespeare andjonson', pp . 113-3 7 in J. R . Mulryn e an d Margare t Shewring , eds, Theatre of the English and Italian Renaissance. Basingstoke. Ariosto, Ludovico (1474-1533) , Italian Poet and Playwright (Excludin g / Suppositi: se e Gascoigne, George) (A) Ariosto was born in Reggio Emilia, but hi s family quickl y moved to the duca l capita l o f Ferrara, th e fathe r advancin g a s an office r i n th e service o f Duk e Ercol e I . Havin g firs t attempte d th e stud y o f law, Ludovico devoted himself to letters; but a lifetime's service as a courtier was to be imposed on him by financial pressures. In 150 3 he was introduced to the Ferrarese court and employed as a diplomat by the Duke's son, Cardina l Ippolit o d'Este , wh o rewarde d hi m meanly . I n abou t 1505, Ariosto began hi s capacious poe m th e Orlando Furioso, an epi c o r 'romance epic' on the adventures of the French hero Roland, a knight pursuing a ludicrous, distorte d passion . Thre e versions of it appeare d over th e year s 1516-32 . Whe n th e Cardina l lef t Ital y i n 1518 , hi s brother, Duke Alfonso, took the poet into his service, making him in the 1520s regional governo r o f the wil d mountain distric t o f Garfagnana . Following his return t o Ferrara , Ariost o wrote five dramatic comedie s including / Suppositi, work s which were of some significance in the evolution o f European comed y a s vernacular imitation s o f Latin models , and complete d the final version of his epic. He wa s also the autho r of sonnets, satires and Latin poems. (B) The firs t Englis h version of any substanc e from th e Orlando was of the episode (an unusually self-contained one for the poem) which was to be mos t significan t fo r Shakespeare , bu t th e rud e disguis e i n whic h i t appeared make s Ariosto's origina l barel y recognizable . Thi s wa s th e Historie of Ariodanto and Jenevra, Daughter to the King of Scottes., pu t int o rugged Englis h vers e no t dissimila r i n characte r fro m tha t o f Arthu r Brooke's Tragicall Historye of Romeus and Juliet b y Pete r Beverley , an d printed about 156 6 (see Prouty 1950) . The respons e to Ariosto evinced here i s ver y largel y t o a storyteller , an d th e firs t complet e Englis h version o f 1591 , b y Si r John Harington , a courtie r an d sometim e favourite o f Quee n Elizabeth , i s no t wholl y differen t i n thi s regard . This well-known Elizabethan translatio n i s a work of great energ y an d

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Ariosto, Ludovico

occasional inspiration whic h is, however, a cruder product tha n it s original. It freel y omit s an d adapt s its material i n ways inspired largel y by the high-minded attitud e to epic that poets had acquired since Ariosto's time, prioritizing gravity and decorum . Som e of Ariosto's minor works were als o imitate d o r translate d soo n afte r thi s date , th e satire s b y Joseph Hal l (i n Virgidemiae, 1598 ) an d Gervas e Markha m (Ariosto's Satyres, 1608) , an d th e sonnet s earlie r an d mor e widely , b y suc h a s Wyatt, Surrey, Spenser and Lodge. Harington's well-receive d Englis h versio n ma y hav e stimulate d Robert Greene t o writ e hi s romanti c comed y Orlando Furioso (1594) , though this has a limited connection with the Italian work. In any event, Ariosto's epi c wa s alread y wel l known i n Britai n befor e Harington' s translation appeared . Georg e Gascoigne ha d Englishe d part s o f Canto xxxin in 1572 , followed i n the next decade by John Stewart of Baldynnis' curiou s Abregement of Roland Furious, usin g Desportes' Imitations de I'Arioste. Haringto n himsel f speaks of an apparentl y los t version of the same Ginevra story that Beverley had translated, an d a play on it is recorded a t court in 1582/ 3 (Prout y 1950 : 13 ) - thi s was evidently a familiar episode . I n fact , th e Orlando Furioso quickl y became on e o f th e most popular literar y works of the sixteent h and seventeent h centuries. Several ne w term s i t gav e th e Englis h language , suc h a s 'rodomont ' and 'paladin' , ar e documente d aroun d 1600 . A s with lov e lyric s an d the novella , Italia n epic s la y behin d th e Englis h attemp t t o establis h native production , and , togethe r wit h Tasso' s Gerusalemme Liberata, Ariosto's was one o f the tw o works often see n as central, as in the case of Spenser . Harington , conceivin g o f th e Furioso a s a mora l an d religious wor k wit h 'infini t place s ful l o f Christia n exortation' , ha d offered hi s readers a n Ariosto who was as didactic a s he was entertain ing - thi s is partly a matter o f the allegorical interpretatio n supplie d in his note s - an d such was the Ariosto adopte d an d acknowledged a s a model for The Faerie Queene. But hi s effect o n Spenser's poem remain s in the en d fairl y superficial , even i f 'conspicuou s an d fascinating ' (Pra z 1958: 300). Though no t on e o f the ver y popula r Englis h Renaissanc e transla tions, an d indee d a t time s thoroughly disliked , Harington' s Ariost o has bee n reprinte d consistentl y up t o th e present . Th e followin g not otherwise remarkabl e passag e give s the centra l part o f the Don John/ Borachio/Hero plo t in Much Ado] for the contex t see (C), below. 25

Ariosto, Ludovico When Polynesso (so the duk e we call) This tale unpleasant oftentim e ha d hard , Finding himselfe his likel'hood verie small, When with my words her deeds he had compard , Greev'd wit h repulse, and greeved therewithall, To see this stranger thus to be prefard, The lov e that late his heart so sore had burned , Was cooled al l and into hatred turned. Entending by some vile and subtil l traine, To part Gemma from he r faithful l lover, And plant s o great mislike betweene them twaine Yet with so cunning show the same to cover, That her goo d name he will so foule distaine , Dead no r alive she never shall recover. But lest he might in this attempt be thwarted, To none at all his secret he imparted . Now thus resolv'd (Dalinda faire ) quoth he, (So am I cald) you know though trees be topt, And shrowde d low, yet sprout yong shoots we see, And issu e of the head so lately lopt, So in my love it fareth now with me. Though b y repulse cut short and shrewdly cropt, The pare d top s such buds of love do render, That still I proove new passions do engender. Ne do I deeme so deare the great delight , As I disdain I should be so reject, And lest this griefe should overcome me quight , Because I faile t o bring it to effect , To please my fond conceipt this verie night, Pray thee my deare to do as I direct. When fair Genevra to her be d i s gone, Take thou th e cloths she ware and put them on:

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Ariosto, Ludovico As she is wont her golden haire to dresse, In stately sort to wynd it on her wyre, So you her person lively to expresse, May dresse your owne, and weare her head attire : Her gorgets and her jewels rich no lesse, You may put o n t'accomplish m y desire, And when unto the window I ascend, I will my comming there you do attend. Thus I may passe my fancies foolish fit, And thus (quoth he) my selfe I would deceave. And I that had no reason, nor no wit, His shamefull drif t (thoug h open) to perceave: Wearing my Mistresse robes, that serv'd me fit, Stood at the window, there him to receave. And of the fraud I was no whit aware, Till that fell out that caused all my care. (Harington 1591 : 33-4; v.21-6) (C) Shakespeare may have known the Orlando Furioso in both th e Italia n form an d i n Harington' s Englis h translatio n (th e assumptio n tha t h e could not read Italian has been weakening in recent years). If he did not need to read Harington's English rendering, that is, however, no indication that he failed to do so - bu t verbal echoes from it seem not to be in evidence. A se t o f print s use d i n on e o f th e handsom e earl y Italia n editions wa s late r recycle d i n edition s o f Harington ; Fig . 2 thu s shows a n illustratio n t o Cant o v whic h Shakespear e migh t hav e seen whichever language h e read Ariosto in. The Cant o v stor y o f Ariodante an d Ginevr a i s recognize d a s a direct o r indirec t sourc e fo r th e plo t involvin g Margaret' s imperson ation of Hero, an d perhaps a few associated elements, in Much Ado about Nothing. Th e episod e i s set i n Scotland , s o had a t leas t a measur e o f particular interes t for British readers. Rinaldo travels to St Andrews to champion th e Princes s Ginevr a i n th e fac e o f a n accusatio n o f unchastity whic h woul d otherwis e resul t i n he r bein g condemne d t o death. O n th e wa y he rescue s Dalinda, Ginevra' s maid , wh o reveals that Polynesso, a suitor o f Ginevra's with whom the maid wa s in love, treacherously persuaded her t o dress as her mistress, inviting Ginevra's true love Ariodante to witness Polynesso's entry to Ginevra's window by 27

Ariosto, Ludovico

Figure 2 Orlando Furioso in English Heroical Verse (London, 1591) , p. [31 ] (actual siz e 202 X 136mm).

28

Ariosto, Ludovico night. Polyness o the n planned th e murde r o f Dalinda , fro m whic h Rinaldo ha s save d her . Rinaldo i s anticipate d a t S t Andrew s b y Ariodante, wh o afte r a numbe r o f complications i n th e list s kills th e villain i n single combat. Th e centra l figures in Ariosto's version of the story ar e Polyness o an d Dalinda . Othe r versions , involvin g variou s other emphases , includ e Bandello's, Belleforest's an d Spenser' s (some fiftee n furthe r treatment s dow n t o 1601 , including transla tions, plays, etc, are listed in Bullough, n, 533-4; Prouty 195 0 seek s to explain th e reason s fo r th e story' s popularity) . O f these , Bandello' s i s particularly important fo r Shakespeare. The mai n similaritie s t o Shakespeare' s plot , then , ar e th e villain' s jealousy, his (or his agent's) affai r wit h th e maid, her impersonatio n of the mistress , and he r ignoranc e o f its likely effects, includin g th e witnessing o f it b y th e lover . Rinaldo' s challeng e an d th e due l wit h th e villain ar e apparentl y lef t asid e b y Shakespeare a s unsuitable fo r comedy. Though Beatric e enjoins Benedick to 'Kill Claudio', an d Claudio is also challenge d b y Leonato an d Antonio , n o comba t take s place; an d this ha s been thought , i n a way, Shakespeare's point : 'romanc e ha s a vocation fo r cruelt y bu t comed y ca n cur e it ' (Traugot t 1982 : 163) . Shakespeare's presentation o f domestic love and everyda y affection, i n distinction fro m romanti c o r chivalri c devotion , ha s bee n th e centra l concern o f most discussions of Much Ado's Ariosta n source, whether o r not involvin g consideration s o f generi c contras t an d contamination . Prouty see s in Beatrice an d Benedic k the 'realistic ' rejection o f 'dreary conventions' (1950 : 62) , though unlik e som e othe r commentator s h e also stresse s Shakespeare' s developmen t o f Her o an d Claudi o awa y from th e impossibl e romanc e figures of Ariosto. Other s not e th e combination o f 'narrative' an d 'theatre ' in the element s freshly introduce d by Shakespeare -Dogberry, the Friar, Leonato - an d suggest his principal interes t in the source s lay in 'thei r representation o f the dangerou s powers o f dramati c play-stagin g scenes , actin g roles , an d creatin g spectacle' (Osborne 1990 : 168) . Three othe r Shakespeare plays are insecurely related to Ariosto. Perhaps the romantic lead in As Ton Like It bears the name of Ariosto's hero because it calls up association s with the lush enchantment o f the poe m - o r perhaps ther e i s no connection. Mor e concretely , several verba l echoes fro m th e sam e are a (Canto s iv-vi) o f th e Orlando Furioso tha t affected Much Ado are claime d i n Othello, together wit h on e mor e convincing instance , th e expressio n 'propheti c fury ' (3.4.72 ) i n Othello' s 29

Ariosto, Ludovico account o f th e manufactur e o f hi s mother' s handkerchief , perhap s from Ariosto' s descriptio n o f Cassandra's 'furo r profetico ' i n hi s fina l Canto (XLVI , 80) . The expressio n is not th e sol e significan t item : this 'might have come from anothe r source , and the handkerchief is already in Cinthio ; bu t th e siby l an d th e magi c com e fro m Ariost o alone ' (Cairncross 1976 : 181) . Finally , a genera l relationshi p ha s bee n remarked betwee n th e Furioso an d A Midsummer Night's Dream, fo r example b y Croce, wh o observed that th e play' s changing vicissitudes of lov e an d hat e recal l th e complication s arisin g 'i n Italia n chivalri c romances thank s t o th e tw o famou s neighbourin g fountains , on e o f which filled the hear t wit h amorou s desir e an d th e othe r turne d th e original ardou r int o iciness' (quote d Praz 1958 : 304) . Resemblances in specific detail s are weak, however, and eve n if it is agreed that 'withou t speaking of an actual source, one cannot help noticing a deeper affinit y than with any other work of the same period in English literature' (Praz 1958: 305) , th e likelihoo d woul d b e tha t th e affinit y arise s fro m th e interposition o f intermediary Italia n pastora l playwright s (Delia Valle, Pasqualigo, Guazzoni , an d others ) t o who m Ariosta n atmosphere s came naturally, even if they were not read at first hand by Shakespeare. (D) Pra z (1958 ) i s interesting, i f sometime s over-opinionated , o n th e early Englis h respons e t o Ariost o dow n t o th e tim e o f Shakespeare , whereas Gibaldi (1974) begins in this era and continue s to the present. Cairncross (1976 ) provides th e basi c fact s o n th e Shakespearea n rela tionships in short compass (together with a speculation about Lear which has gone unfollowed). Humphreys (1981) does so at slightly more length for Much Ado alone. The fulles t treatmen t o f this play's Ariostan links is Prouty (1950) ; Traugott (1982) , Osborn e (1990 ) an d Rh u (1993 ) tr y a variety of new angles. Cairncross, Andrew S. (1976). 'Shakespeare and Ariosto: Much Ado about Nothing, King Lear, and Othello: RmQJZV: 178-82 . Gibaldi, Joseph (1974). 'The Fortunes of Ariosto in England and America', pp. 136-5 8 in Aldo Scaglione, ed., Ariosto in 1974 in America: Atti del Congresso Ariostesco -Dicembre 1974, Columbia University. Ravenna . Harington, Si r Joh n (1591) . Orlando Furioso in English Heroical Verse. London. Humphreys, A . R. , ed . (1981) . Much Ado about Nothing (Arde n Shake speare). London. 30

Ariosto, Ludovico Osborne, Lauri e E . (1990) . 'Dramati c Pla y i n Much Ado about Nothing: Wedding the Italian Novella and English Comedy.' PQ69: 167-88 . Praz, Mari o (1958) . 'Ariosto i n England' , pp . 287-30 7 i n Praz , The Flaming Heart: Essays on Crashaw, Machiavelli, and other Studies in the Relations between Italian and English Literature from Chaucer to T. S. Eliot. New York. Prouty, C. T . (1950). The Sources of Much Ado about Nothing: A Critical Study, Together with the Text of Peter Beverley's 'Ariodanto and leneura'. Ne w Haven. Rhu, Lawrenc e (1993) . 'Agon s o f Interpretation: Ariosta n Sourc e an d Elizabethan Meanin g i n Spenser , Harington , an d Shakespeare. ' RenD24: 171-88 . Traugott, John (1982) . 'Creatin g a Rationa l Rinaldo : A Stud y i n th e Mixture o f the Genre s o f Comedy an d Romanc e i n Much Ado about Nothing.' Genre 15 : 157-81 .

Augustine, of Hippo (Aurelius Augustinus) (354-430)

Claudius' 'limed soul' (Hamlet 3.3.68 ) an d lago' s imagery i n discussin g the freedo m of the wil l (Othello 1.3.3 2 Iff.) ca n bot h b e parallele d i n S t Augustine's writings. Battenhouse, Roy W . (1969). Shakespearean Tragedy: Its Art and its Christian Premises, esp. Appendix I. Bloomington.

Averell, William (fl. 1578-1590), Prose Writer Averell' s Marvailous Combat of Contrarieties (1588) use d th e fabl e o f th e Body' s Members whic h appear s i n Coriolanus as a warning agains t seditio n a t the time of the Spanis h Armada; but likelier sources include Plutarch and Livy. Muir (1977) , 238.

31

B Bade (Radius), Josse Se Spagnuoli).

e Mantuan (Giovann i Baptist a

Baldwin, William (ft. 1547) , editor of A Mirror fo r Magistrates Se e Mirror for Magistrates, A. Bale, John (1495-1563), Bishop and Playwright Bale' s King John (befor e 1560 ) offer s a close r dramati c paralle l t o Shakespeare' s death o f King John than other known sources. Morey, James H. (1994) . 'The Death o f King John in Shakespeare an d Bale.' ,$Q,45: 327-31. Bandello, Matteo (1485-1561), Italian Novelist Se e also Belleforest, Fraiu^ois de; Brooke, Arthur; Gl'lngannati. (A) Born int o a n aristocrati c Lombardia n family , Bandell o joined th e Dominican orde r a s a youth an d travelle d t o monasterie s throughou t Europe. H e lef t th e Churc h t o follo w a career a s a courtier an d cour t poet, initiall y a t Mantua . H e settle d i n Milan , bu t politica l intrigue s forced hi m to flee the city in 152 6 leaving his manuscript work behind. After a period o f wandering in the service of various courtly patrons he 32

Bandello, Matteo became a n advise r t o a pro-Frenc h Venetia n general . Followin g th e battle o f Pavi a i n 154 2 he fle d t o France , wher e h e wa s grante d a bishop's income , an d wher e h e wa s finall y abl e t o assembl e th e collection of novellas he had bee n writing for nearly fifty years. His 214 Novelle were published in three volumes in 1554 , to immedi ate acclai m throughou t Europ e ( a fourth par t followe d posthumousl y in 1573) . Th e stories , Bandell o tell s hi s readers , 'd o no t constitut e a connected histor y bu t ar e a miscellan y o f divers e events' ; the y hav e no Boccaccia n cornice or framework , though the y are accompanie d b y epistles in which Bandello explains how he came acros s them, insisting on thei r authenticit y even in som e of the mos t far-fetche d cases . Most are romantic , nearl y a hundred of them being tales of illicit love. They are told in a racy, emphatically simple style meant to appeal to a courtly rather tha n popula r readership . Bandello' s mora l stanc e i s muc h less definit e tha n i n th e cas e o f Ginthio, indee d a cultivate d ethica l ambiguity is characteristic. (B) Th e influenc e o f Bandello' s Novelle wa s widesprea d throug h Italy , Spain, Franc e an d England . Arthu r Brooke, Willia m Painter an d especially Geoffre y Fenton (i n hi s Certain Tragicall Discourses of Bandello., 1567) betwee n the m adapte d int o Englis h a fairl y larg e par t o f th e collection fro m th e 1560 s onward s (bibliographica l detail s i n Scot t 1916), though no complete Elizabethan English translation o f Bandello is known . A s wit h translator s o f othe r novellieri, on e characteristi c o f these English writers is that 'while tending to concentrate on tragic tales from the Italian, they also maintain a moral and didactic purpose which dissipates the tragic complexities of the original text' (Kirkpatrick 1995 : 239). Sometimes , especially with Fenton, Bandello's undecorated pros e turns int o a rhetorica l display , largel y becaus e th e translator s wer e attracted by the pseudo-classical overla y imposed in the French version s of the storie s in Belleforest's Histoires Tragiques (1559-82), which they often worke d from. Englis h dramatist s regularl y used th e translations : Painter's version of the histor y of the Duches s of Malfi (i n part a t least a true story), from Bandello via Belleforest, lies behind Webster's play of 1612; other Bandello-inspired playwrights include Beaumont, Fletcher and Massinger. (C) Bandello was once considered one o f the likel y sources for The Rape ofLucrece, bu t thi s possibility is no longe r accepted (see Baldwin 1950 : 33

Bandello, Matteo 106, 150-1) . There is a slight resemblance to his novella m.21, offerin g a Moor wit h an Aaron-like character, in the plot of Titus Andronicus, but even i f Shakespear e kne w th e stor y i t ma y hav e bee n i n a n Englis h ballad versio n instea d (se e Maxwel l 1968 : xxxi) . Otherwise , apar t from hi s indirec t influenc e o n Shakespear e vi a Belleforest/Fento n (uncertain), Brooke, and Riche (see Gl'Ingannati), Bandell o may have been useful for the murder scen e in Othello, and, with Ariosto, is one of the tw o earliest and mos t important source s for the Her o plot of Much Ado. Bandello's versio n o f the Othell o stor y was reworked by Bellefores t and furthe r debase d b y Fenton , an d Shakespear e ha s bee n though t likelier t o have used these French an d Englis h treatment s tha n the ori ginal. But, leaving aside preconceptions abou t his knowledge of Italian, the us e o f one doe s no t rul e ou t us e o f another, an d i t i s possible h e went back to the Bandello volume he had take n up at the time of Much Ado. The murde r scene in Othello (5.2) is, in fact, 'th e strongest evidence that Shakespeare read Bandello in the original Italian': 'the sensational device o f havin g Desdemon a momentaril y reviv e an d exonerat e Othello afte r havin g been apparentl y kille d by him . .. is to be foun d only in Bandello ' among know n versions of this stor y (Shaheen 1994 : 165), as are th e maid' s cr y for help an d th e neighbour s breaking i n to find the dead husband lying prone on top of his expiring wife. Nor does Cinthio's account , whic h Shakespear e follow s u p to the murde r scene , include a reviva l afte r apparen t death . (Bullough , vn, 253-62 , give s Fenton and hi s own literal English version of Bandello for comparison.) There is, however, a quite different Englis h work of these years, the play A Warning for Fair Women (c. 1598-9), performed by Shakespeare' s ow n company, which affords tw o scenes in which murder-victims are lef t fo r dead bu t regain consciousness and speec h before they die. With the Hero plot of Much Ado the cas e is more substantial. It seems that Bandell o wa s indebte d i n hi s twenty-secon d novell a t o Ariosto' s tale o f Polynesso and Ariodant e for one o r tw o aspects of his story, bu t it is otherwise a separate entit y (summarized by Prouty 1950 : 27-9 an d Bullough, n, 64-5). It tell s how the knightl y Sir Timbreo d i Cardon a falls i n lov e with Fenicia , daughte r o f 'a poo r gentlema n an d no t hi s equal'. A rival informs him via an agent that he will see Fenicia betraying him if he hides in the garden. He r consequentia l 'death' eventually allows fo r he r marriag e t o a repentan t Si r Timbre o year s later , unrecognized b y him , an d divers e joyfu l reunions . I t i s on e o f 34

Bandello, Matteo Bandello's most successful tales , replete with varied passions and clever twists in the plot. Shakespeare's combinatio n o f Ariosto' s an d Bandello' s storie s i s remarkable: it 'shows a mind ranging over elements loosely similar bu t so markedl y variant i n ton e an d incident s tha t onl y the shrewdes t of judgements coul d co-ordinat e the m int o a them e o f such tragi-comi c force' (Humphrey s 1981 : 13) . The overal l significanc e of Bandello' s story for Much Ado is that it takes place 'in the region where tragedy an d comedy ar e cu t ou t o f the sam e cloth ' (Dora n 1954 : 137) : the rival' s malicious plot for the heroine's affections lead s only to mishap, so that a happy outcom e i s not precluded . Bu t th e releas e o f potentially tragi c energies i s managed i n differen t ways : in Bandello , Fenicia' s famil y is sure Go d wil l reveal the truth , whereas in Shakespear e th e Watc h discovers it in advance. Shakespeare makes significant changes to heighten the dramati c effec t i n othe r direction s too . Th e evidenc e o f Hero' s infidelity i s mad e t o see m muc h clearer ; Claudio' s conduc t i s mor e disturbing tha n Si r Timbreo' s becaus e mor e self-assured ; th e churc h scene i s hence far mor e powerful ; an d th e equalizin g of rank between the familie s finall y 'result s i n socia l cordiality al l round an d eliminate s any intrusiv e considerations of status' (Humphrey s 1981 : 11) . Overall , of course , the Her o plo t i s subordinated i n a large r context , s o Hero 'cannot sho w the fightin g qualitie s o f her modest y a s doe s Fenici a i n Bandello', becaus e 'Shakespear e deliberatel y play s he r dow n a s compared with Beatrice' (Bullough, n, 77). A modern Englis h translation of Bandello's twenty-second novella is given by Bullough (n, 112-34) . The sententiou s and rhetorica l version by Belleforest , thoug h sometime s propose d a s Shakespeare' s source , is o n balanc e les s likel y t o hav e bee n use d tha n it s origina l (se e Humphreys 1981 : 14). (D) Kirkpatrick' s (1995 ) readin g o f Bandello' s wor k contain s som e factual inaccuracies . Fo r som e Englis h an d Frenc h translator s an d adapters, se e Levenso n (1984) ; fo r bibliographica l detail s o f Englis h translators, see Scott (1916). Prouty's (1950) is the fulles t accoun t o f the origins of Much Ado; Humphrey s (1981 ) an d Bulloug h summarize th e matter wit h admirabl e precision . Osborn e (1990 ) propose s 'spectacle ' as th e ke y t o th e play' s treatmen t o f it s sources . Bulloug h (vn ) an d Shaheen (1994 ) together provide a good cas e for Bandello's impact o n Othello 5.2. 35

Belleforest, Francois de These 10 1 translations o r 'retellings ' did begin wit h Bandello's work, but a s the volumes went on their scop e extende d t o stories from othe r classical and medieval writers, notably chroniclers. Belleforest's versions add t o th e origina l narrativ e material s moralisti c diatribe s an d discourses, anticlerical animadversions , letters , and poems, and the y effec t alterations in emphasis and sometimes in plot which tend to sensationalize, sentimentalize , and reflect the translator's attachmen t t o the notions of courtly love. (B) Th e complicate d publicatio n histor y o f the Histoires tragiques shows that eve n afte r a collecte d editio n o f 1580 , each o f the seve n volumes was being reprinted separately , with some issued as many as eight times before th e en d o f the sixteent h century. The Britis h Library hold s five separate edition s o f the fifth volume (th e earliest of them date d 1576) , containing th e Hamle t story . There was no complet e Englis h transla tion, bu t Geoffre y Fenton (c. 1540-1608 ) worke d extensivel y fro m Belleforest when translating thirteen Bandello tales for his Certaine Tragical! Discourses, publishe d i n 1566 , before Belleforest' s ful l collectio n became available in French. Similarly , William Painter dre w on Belleforest fo r th e Bandell o storie s in hi s influentia l Palace of Pleasure (156675). Amon g Englis h version s o f single Bellefores t stories, th e anonym ous Historic of Hamblet (1608 ) i s a n unacknowledge d an d sometime s (designedly) inaccurate translatio n whic h appear s a t one o r two points to dra w o n Shakespeare' s play , an d wa s presumabl y publishe d t o capitalize on its popularity. Belleforest's ow n work nudges the storie s in the directio n o f drama . He adapt s 'loosel y an d i n poor proportio n perhaps , bu t wit h a bustle that points toward the stage. He als o adds these techniques and stylistic qualities of his own: moral an d psychologica l observations , . . . inflated dialogue, . . . an d action-stoppin g asides , whic h poin t towar d solilo quies' (Sati n 1966 : 382). Most o f thes e feature s ar e displaye d i n thi s excerpt fro m th e close t scene in th e Englis h Historie of Hamblet o f 160 8 (this passage of the translation involve s no departures from Belleforest' s text affectin g th e compariso n wit h Shakespear e a t thi s point ; a fe w touches also seem to recall other passages in Hamlet}. To conclude, weepe not (madame) to see my folly, but rather sigh and lament your owne offence , tormentin g your conscience in regard o f the infami e that hat h s o defiled th e ancien t renown e an d glori e tha t 37

Belleforest, Francois de (in times past) honoured queen e Geruth ; for wee are no t t o sorrowe and griev e a t othe r men s vices , but fo r ou r own e misdeedes , an d great folloyes. Desiring you, for the surplus of my proceedings, abov e all things (as you love your owne life and welfare) that neither the king nor an y othe r ma y b y an y meane s kno w mine intent ; an d le t m e alone wit h th e rest , for I hop e i n th e end e t o brin g m y purpose t o effect. Although the queen e perceived herself e neerl y touched, an d tha t Hamlet mooved her t o the quicke, where she felt herself e interested , neverthelesse she e forgot al l disdaine an d wrath , whic h thereb y sh e might a s the n hav e had , hearin g he r self e s o sharpl y chide n an d reprooved, for the joy she then conceaved, to behold the gallant spirit of he r sonne , an d t o think e wha t sh e migh t hope , an d th e easie r expect o f his so great policie an d wisdome . But on th e on e sid e she durst not lif t u p he r eye s to beholde him , rememberin g he r offence , and o n th e othe r sid e sh e would gladl y hav e imbrace d he r son , i n regard o f the wise admonitions by him given unto her, which as then quenched th e flame s o f unbridled desir e that befor e ha d move d he r to affec t K[ing ] Fengon , to ingrafTi n he r hear t th e vertuous actions of her lawful l spouse , whom inwardly she much lamented, when she beheld th e lively image an d portraitur e o f his vertue and grea t wisedome i n he r childe , representin g hi s father s haughti e an d valian t heart: and so, overcome and vanquished with this honest passion, and weeping most bitterly, having long time fixed her eye s upon Hamlet, as beeing ravished into some great and deepe contemplation, and as it were wholy amazed, at the last imbracing him in her armes (with the like love that a vertuous mother may or can use to kisse and entertaine her owne childe), shee spake unto him in this manner. I kno w wel l (m y sonne) tha t I hav e don e the e grea t wron g i n marrying with Fengon, the cruell tyrant and murtherer of thy father, and my loyall spouse: but when thou shalt consider the small meanes of resistance, and th e treaso n o f the palace , wit h th e littl e caus e of confidence we are to expect or hope for of the courtiers , all wrought to his will, as also the power hee made ready, if I should have refuse d to like of him, thou wouldest rather excus e then accuse me of lasciviousnes or inconstancy, much lesse offer m e that wrong to suspect that ever th y mother Geruth e onc e consented to the death an d murthe r of her husband. (1608 text , ed. GoUancz 1926 : 217-21) 38

Belleforest, Francois de (C) Belleforest' s Histoires Tragiques wer e th e rout e b y whic h th e sag a of Arnlet h o r Hamle t entere d Elizabetha n drama , draw n b y th e Frenchman fro m th e Danis h chronicle r Sax o Grammaticus ' Lati n Historia Danica. Numerou s parallel s betwee n Shakespeare' s pla y an d Belleforest's versio n whic h ar e no t duplicate d i n Sax o mea n tha t i t must be eithe r a direct sourc e for the play , or a n indirec t on e throug h the Ur-Hamlet, th e los t pre-Shakespearea n pla y sometime s suppose d to have been writte n b y Kyd. (Th e Ur-Hamlet mus t have been know n to Shakespeare , a s a pla y acte d a t hi s ow n theatre ; but , a s Stable r 1964 shows , ther e i s n o goo d evidenc e tha t h e kne w Saxo. ) Som e apparent verba l echoes of the Frenc h in Shakespear e note d b y Jenkins (1982: 94—5 ) d o no t settl e th e questio n becaus e the y ma y hav e bee n present i n th e Ur-Hamlet, whic h a s Jenkins point s ou t coul d hardl y have avoided drawing on Belleforest. The unusua l Q\ an d Q2 description of Hamlet as a 'Tragicall Historic' (recalling Belleforest's title ) could also be explaine d away . But if Shakespeare di d use Belleforest, h e must have ha d th e Frenc h text : th e Englis h translatio n cam e to o lat e fo r Hamlet. Whether directl y o r not , Bellefores t is , so far a s we can tell , responsible for some crucial elements of Hamlet. Hi s mai n overal l emphasis is on th e 'grea t an d gallan t occurrences ' involve d i n Amleth' s carefull y planned revenge , i n particula r th e originalit y an d clevernes s o f th e method. This is not reflected in Shakespeare, where Hamlet's reveng e is improvised and opportunistic, though Shakespeare ma y have picked up something of Belleforest's moralisti c stres s on the anti-Christian natur e of reveng e an d regicide . However , Belleforest' s loca l elaboration s o f plot, usually in the servic e of his attempts to sensationalize the stor y or add circumstantial detail , sometime s hav e far-reachin g consequence s for Shakespeare . H e add s t o Sax o th e detai l tha t th e Claudius-figur e had incestuously seduced his sister-in-law - 'incestueusemen t souille la couche fraternelle' - befor e resortin g to parricide, an d comments tha t her subsequen t remarriage ma y have led many to feel th e murde r was carried ou t partl y t o allo w thi s relationshi p t o continue . Belleforest' s Queen beg s Amleth o n hi s mentioning thi s suspicio n never t o believe she consented to th e murde r (se e (B)). The Frenc h tale als o introduces an agreement tha t the loser of the combat betwee n the old Hamlet and the Kin g of Norway mus t pay a forfeiture , whic h ma y hav e suggested the recover y of Norway's lands by the young Fortinbras, wh o does not figure i n Sax o o r Bellefores t himself . Sinc e h e seem s to originat e th e 39

Belleforest, Francois de episode o f the Prince' s sweethear t actin g a s th e king' s stalking-horse , Belleforest ma y eve n hav e hinte d a t th e 'equivoca l role a s both temp tress an d lover ' playe d b y Opheli a (Jenkin s 1982 : 93-4 ; Belleforest's account i s generally mor e misogynisti c tha n Saxo's) . Finally , wherea s Saxo had referre d to Hamlet's 'stoliditas ' ('dulness' ) and 'inertia ' ('lethargy'), Belleforest mentions 'la vehemence de la melancholic' in Amleth as a reaso n fo r hi s sensitivit y to externa l impressions , includin g thos e from th e spiri t world. As outlined b y Stabler (1966) , this is possibly the germ o f Hamlet's melanchol y temper , sinc e Shakespear e make s hi m say: The spiri t that I have seen May be a devil; and the devil hath powe r T' assum e a pleasing shape; yea, and perhap s Out o f my weakness and m y melancholy, As he is very potent wit h such spirits, Abuses me to damn me.

(2.2.594-9)

Belleforest's version o f the stor y seems, then, t o have been decisiv e for at least some important feature s of Hamlet., whether or not Shakespear e knew i t directly . (I t ha s man y othe r element s o f th e mai n plo t i n common wit h Saxo , o f course , bu t th e \3r-Hamlet nee d no t hav e derived these from the French version.) The eviden t differences betwee n Belleforest's an d Shakespeare' s handling s ar e explore d i n th e servic e of a case about Ky d and the Ur-Hamletby La w (1948), and summarized byHibbard(1987: 11-12) . Among othe r Shakespear e plays , Twelfth Might ma y deriv e th e occa sional detail of phrasing from Belleforest' s version of the Gl'Ingannati story tha t form s on e o f it s sources , bu t eve n i f th e dramatis t kne w Belleforest's treatmen t it s effect o n hi s work was marginal. Belleforest's relationship t o Shakespeare elsewher e is probably onl y indirect a t most: for Much Ado about Nothing se e Bandello; fo r Romeo and Juliet se e Brooke. (D) Bot h Frenc h an d Englis h text s o f Belleforest' s Hamle t stor y ar e widely supplie d b y Shakespear e authorities ; the y ar e give n en face b y Gollancz (1926) . All the English texts are based on the sole known copy of The Historie of Hamblet, 1608 , i n Trinit y College , Cambridge . 40

Belleforest, Francois de Small bu t numerou s an d ofte n significan t differences betwee n variou s revisions of Belleforest ove r time make som e early texts more authenti c than others , bu t thi s doe s no t mea n th e mor e authenti c ar e th e one s Shakespeare use d (se e the summar y i n Gollanc z 1926 : 318-19). A thorough compariso n o f Belleforest, Saxo an d Shakespear e i s carried out by Bullough. Bullough, vn; Satin (1966) . Gollancz, Si r Israel , ed . (1926) . The Sources of'Hamlet': With Essay on the Legend. London . Hibbard, G . R., ed . (1987) . Hamlet (OxfordShakespeare). Oxford . Jenkins, Harold , ed . (1982) . Hamlet (Arden Shakespeare). London . Law, Rober t Adge r (1948) . 'Belleforest , Shakespeare , an d Kyd' , pp. 279-94 i n James G . McManawa y et al., eds , Joseph Quincy Adams Memorial Studies. Washington. Ormsby-Lennon, Theres a Surian o (1977) . ' "Piccolo, m a con gran vagghezza": A Ne w Sourc e fo r Hamlet.' Library Chronicle (Philadelphia ) 41: 119-48 . Stabler, A. P. (1964). 'The Sources of Hamlet: Som e Correction s o f the Record.' Research Studies 33: 207-16. (1966). 'Melancholy , Ambition , an d Reveng e i n Belleforest' s Hamlet.'PMZ.4 81: 207-13 .

Bellenden (Ballantyne)See Boece (Boethius), Hector. Bermuda Pamphlets (Jourdain, Strachey, Th e True Declaration^ etc. ) Thes e contemporar y narrative s o f New World voyaging offe r verba l parallel s t o certai n point s i n The Tempest i n th e course o f thei r presentatio n o f storie s o f shipwrec k an d providentia l deliverance. Cawley, Rober t Ralsto n (1926) . 'Shakespeare' s Us e o f the Voyager s in The Tempest: PMLA 41 : 688-726. Kermode, Frank , ed . (1964) . The Tempest (Arde n Shakespeare) , pp . xxvi-xxx and Appendix A. London (first published 1954) . Vaughan, Virgini a Mason , an d Alde n T . Vaughan , ed s (1999) . The Tempest (Arde n Shakespeare). London . 41

Berners, John Bourchier

Berners, John Bourchier, Lord (1467-1533), English Statesman and Author Se e Chaucer, Geoffrey: Froissart, Jean; Huon of Bur deux. Bible, The Se e also Book of Common Prayer; Homilies. (A) Th e wid e availabilit y o f the Bibl e in Englis h wa s i n th e late r sixteenth centur y a recen t innovation . Althoug h printe d Bible s in othe r European vernacular s ha d appeare d previously , no complet e Englis h one existe d until 1535 . Th e lat e fourteenth-centur y 'Lollard' versions from th e Vulgat e (S t Jerome's Lati n Bible) , associate d wit h Joh n Wycliffe, wen t unprinted, an d ha d littl e or no influenc e o n subsequent English renderings . A fresh star t was made i n th e earl y sixteenth century, when zealous Protestants set out to put th e Bible into the hands of a lait y which increasingl y demande d direc t acces s t o th e text , i n th e teeth o f ofte n fierc e oppositio n fro m th e churc h an d sometime s fro m the state - institution s which sought to control interpretation and use of the Bible. The process was complete by the time Shakespeare was born, though th e reig n o f the Catholi c Mar y I (1553-8 ) temporaril y sa w a sudden reversal of the tide, with the burning of large numbers both of 'heretics' (see Foxe) an d o f English Bibles. In 152 5 the Lutheran William Tyndale, the first and greates t of the sixteenth-century Bible translators, published his New Testament, copies of which were smuggled into England fro m th e European continent . Tyndale too k hi s tex t largel y fro m Erasmus' Gree k Testament , translating i t int o richl y expressiv e English . H e late r publishe d hi s Pentateuch an d othe r segment s of the Ol d Testamen t fro m th e exil e in Antwer p whic h hi s radicalis m an d Lutheranis m ha d mad e neces sary. Th e firs t complet e Englis h printe d Bible , however , wa s Mile s Coverdale's o f 1535 . Coverdale wa s a n associat e o f Tyndale' s an d drew heavil y o n hi s work ; hi s Bibl e to o wa s importe d fro m abroad . Coverdale's rendering s o f th e Psalm s prove d particularl y influential , but hi s Bible is throughout full of melody, essentially a text to be spoken. Material fro m Tyndal e an d Coverdale' s version s remaine d a t th e core o f the Englis h Bibl e throug h th e late r revision s of lesser figures . Such attempts at amalgamation and revision, thoug h no t fresh translation, include d the pseudonymous Thomas Matthew's o f 153 7 and th e Great Bibl e o f 1539-41 , th e firs t officiall y authorize d Englis h Bible , ordered to be placed in all churches. But their influence was also strong 42

Bible, The on the Geneva Bible of 1560, corporately retranslated from th e origina l languages by Protestant exiles from th e Marian regime in Calvin's Gen eva. Any version of the Bibl e could b e printe d an d owne d fro m 155 8 under Elizabet h (thoug h possession of the Catholi c Rheim s Bible was seen as suspicious in later decades), and the Geneva version, though no t singled ou t fo r officia l approval , soo n becam e standard , an d readil y available to relatively ordinary people (i t was also the first English Bible to be published i n Scotland). The Genev a was printed i n small quartos in Roma n type , not th e heav y black letter o f previous, an d som e subsequent, Bibles . Textua l an d exegetica l point s wer e extensivel y dis cussed in its often fiercely polemical marginal note s which did not fail to stir up the controversy they often aime d at . The Genev a was incontrovertibly better tha n previou s Englis h editions , an d wa s preferred ove r the authorized translations not only by Puritans but by many Anglicans. The Genev a hel d it s own afte r 156 8 agains t th e Bishops ' Bible , an official revisio n o f the Grea t Bibl e issued in tha t year, with th e ai m of diluting the Geneva' s radica l Calvinism . Th e Bishops ' work , as a revision uneven and sometimes superficial, aspired to a dignity appropriate to public worship, but tende d toward s over-elaboration an d solemnity. One o f the sophisticated woodcuts from th e first edition is shown in Fig. 3. It was by no means as popular a s Lawrence Tomson's revisio n of the Geneva Ne w Testamen t o f a fe w year s later , i n 157 6 (particularl y valued fo r it s notes) ; it wa s no t reissue d i n les s bulk y quarto edition s after 1584 ; and i t was finally eclipsed by the 161 1 Authorized Version. One mor e English translation i s relevant here: the Rheims Ne w Testament o f 158 2 wa s part o f a Catholi c equivalen t t o th e Genev a Bibl e completed in 161 0 by members of the English Catholic colleg e founded at Douai; it s publication wa s part of a systematic plan t o win back the English to Rome. (B) Biblical material was prescribed in later sixteenth-century gramma r school curricula (see Baldwin 1944: i, 682ff.; Shaheen 1988) , though less was taugh t i n th e decade s o f Shakespeare's childhoo d tha n migh t b e assumed. Most religious instruction was carried ou t through text s such as catechisms, which, though based on Scripture, contained fe w quotations fro m i t o f an y length . Th e Primer , taugh t a t pett y school , con tained n o extensiv e biblical excerpt s othe r tha n th e Seve n Penitentia l Psalms. Bu t th e Bibl e whic h ha d no w becom e availabl e i n th e vernacular was , needless to say , the commones t boo k i n th e Englan d 43

Bible, The

Figure 3 Job's Comforters, fro m the first edition o f the Bishops' Bibl e (London , 1568; STG 2099) , sig. X8V.

44

Bible, The

of Shakespeare's time, as in all eras since then; it is estimated that in the second hal f of the sixteent h century half a million Englis h Bibles were purchased b y a n Englis h populatio n o f si x million . 'Th e Bible , th e Word, wa s now central, no t th e dram a o f the mas s in a language no t understood'; an d i t wa s 'know n wit h a thoroughnes s tha t is , simply , astonishing' (Daniel l 1999 : 169-70) . I t wa s also , fo r eve n th e secula r literature o f this era, o f seminal importance a s a framework o f shared knowledge, a potent influenc e o n ways of thinking and perceiving, an d for writer s an d artist s o f al l kinds a sourc e o f themes, subject-matter, imagery, typology and stylisti c example. One ver y clear biblical allusion in Shakespeare is Bottom's burlesque of St Pau l in 1 Corinthians 2 : 9, i n hi s recusatio on recoverin g fro m hi s dream - 'th e ey e of man hat h no t hear d . . . wha t m y dream was ' (4.1.208-12). The Paulin e text, linked as it is to other loci classici in texts both sacre d and secula r on th e natur e o f true wisdom and folly , i s one which evidently made a strong impression on Shakespeare. It is impossible to say exactly which version of the Bible was uppermost in his mind for Bottom's parodic treatment of this passage. But there is an intriguing link to Bottom's not otherwise easily explained name in the immediately following verse s of the Tyndal e translatio n whic h was the basi s at this point for the Great Bible and the Matthew Bible texts (see Stroup 1978 ; Peters 1988 ; an d per contra Willson 1979) , the latte r o f which i s quoted here primarily to display the distance between the directly Tyndale-based Bibles of the mid-sixteenth century and more familiar later revisions: That w e speak o f / i s wysdome among e the m tha t ar e perfecte : not th e wysdo m o f thys worlde / nethe r o f the rular s o f thys world (which go to nought) but we speke the wysdome of God / whic h is in secret and lyeth hyd / whic h God ordeyned before th e world / unt o our glory : which wysdoom non e o f ye rulars of this worlde knewe . For had the y knowen it / the y wolde not have crucified th e Lord of glory. But as it is written: The ey e hath not sene / an d the eare hat h not hearde / nethe r have entred int o the heart of man / th e thinges which God hath prepared for them that love him. But Go d hat h opened them unt o us by hys sprete. For the spret e searcheth al l thynges / y e the botom e o f Goddes secrets . For what man knoweth the thynges of a man: save the sprete of a men which is with in hym. (1 Cor. 2:6-11) 45

Bible, The (C) There i s no evidenc e Shakespear e kne w the Vulgat e (Noble 1935 : 87), o r th e Wycliffit e translatio n o f th e Vulgat e (1380-1400) , o r Gaxton's Golden Legend, containing portions of scriptural narrative. H e once copie s out a passage fro m a Frenc h Bible , the Oliveta n (Henry V 3.7.63-4), but thi s is clearly a special case. Indications o f acquaintance with th e Rheirn s ar e neve r clear (Shahee n 1999 : 35—6) , an d th e Kin g James ('Authorized') version issued in 1611 , five years before hi s death, leaves n o discernibl e traces . Shakespeare' s Bibl e i s primaril y th e Geneva an d Bishops ' Bible ; h e als o use s arrangements o f biblica l material i n the Book of Common Prayer and the Psalter (th e texts for th e Psalter printed a t the back of many Bibles were drawn from th e Great Bible ; Shakespear e als o draw s o n th e version s i n th e Praye r Book). Ther e ar e echoe s specificall y o f th e Bishops ' Bibl e (printe d until the late sixteenth century) in the earlier plays and i n references t o biblical material in which he might have been drilled at school, whereas in late r years , fro m th e tim e o f 2 Henry IV, h e seem s t o tur n t o th e Geneva (Nobl e 1935 : 75-6 ; Baldwin 1944 : i, 687) . There i s evidence that fo r th e Genev a h e routinel y use d a n editio n wit h th e standar d contents of a Genevan Ol d Testament an d Apocrypha bound together with th e Tomso n revisio n o f the Geneva n Ne w Testamen t (se e Noble 1935: 58ff. ; Shahee n 1995) . Ther e i s n o doub t h e i s influence d by Geneva glosses (see for example Burnet 1979 , 1980, 1981) . In the grea t majority o f individua l case s i t i s impossibl e t o associat e hi s biblica l references wit h a specifi c tex t because th e man y Tudor Bible s are to o similar t o eac h other , and Shakespeare' s verbal echoe s to o slight , bu t Shaheen (1999 : 39—40) claims to identify som e thirty passages in which he 'clearl y refer s t o th e Geneva' . A Genev a Bibl e with Tomso n Ne w Testament (STC 2175 ) is quoted below except where stated. Shakespeare's biblical knowledge is usually thought if anything more extensive tha n averag e fo r a write r o f hi s era , and h e make s fewe r mistakes in hi s biblical allusion s than, say , Bacon. I t probabl y derive d from a mixtur e o f school , home , privat e stud y an d attendanc e a t church - whic h wa s compulsory, and where th e Psalter , the Boo k of Common Praye r an d th e thirty-thre e Homilies, se t texts created for delivery by the man y preachers unlicense d to compos e their ow n sermons, and interlaced with biblical quotations, were important additiona l vehicles fo r biblica l material . Shahee n (1988 ) rejects Baldwin' s (1944 ) claims for the effec t o f school work, considers home influences improbable o n the ground s o f Shakespeare's parents' presumed illiteracy , and 46

Bible, The stresses th e alternativ e o f privat e study . Bu t i t i s no t reasonabl e t o discount any of these sources entirely. The sol e mention o f the Bibl e as such in Shakespeare i s in The Merry Wives of Windsor, wher e th e comicall y murderou s Caiu s conclude s that Hugh Evans in failing to keep his assignation 'ha s pray his Pible well dat he i s no come ' (2.3.7) . And Shakespeare' s explici t allusion s to biblica l material, thoug h the y range widel y in the Bible , are no t especiall y frequent. Perhap s i t is true that 'ther e i s hardly a book o f the Ol d o r th e New Testament which is not represented at least by some chance wor d or phrase in one or other of his plays' (Milward 1973 : 87), but i t is often a moo t poin t ho w directl y biblica l (a s opposed t o proverbial , o r vi a other writers an d texts ) these words an d phrase s are . Fo r example, the habit Shakespeare' s characters hav e of referring to lif e a s a pilgrimag e has probabl y bee n acquire d fro m Lyly' s Euphues, an d som e o f th e memorable Psalm-related phrases in Macbeth's las t soliloquy must have been commo n currenc y - 'dust y death' , ' a walkin g shadow' . O n the other hand , becaus e Shakespeare' s wa s onl y th e secon d o r thir d generation t o whic h a n Englis h Bibl e wa s readil y available , everyda y language ha d fa r fewe r se t phrase s derivin g fro m i t tha n did , say , nineteenth-century English . Th e subjec t o f biblica l influenc e o n Shakespeare's languag e itself , a t th e leve l of vocabulary, lexis , syntax , and s o on, is not treated here . All th e indication s ar e tha t Shakespear e kne w bes t th e biblica l material h e migh t b e expecte d t o hav e know n best : Genesis , Job , Psalms, th e Gospels , Acts , Romans , an d Ecclesiasticu s fro m th e Apocrypha. O f these, he seems to draw on Job an d Ecclesiasticu s 'in a much mor e direc t wa y tha n i s usua l wit h hi s biblica l echoes' . Th e interest i n Job an d perhap s th e Psalm s to o 'coul d b e explaine d a s a poet's gravitation towar d some of the finest poetry available t o him . . . But th e familiarit y with th e wisdo m literature doe s see m to indicat e a natural affinit y fo r th e solidl y secular , mora l sanit y o f thes e works ' rather tha n wit h mor e theologicall y engage d materia l (Sander s 1980 : 330). Example s of his most frequently use d texts are S t Paul's warnin g against Sata n i n th e for m o f a n ange l o f ligh t ( 2 Cor . 11 : 14) ; S t Matthew's 'Love thine enemies' (Matt. 5: 44); and the Burial service text 'In th e swea t o f thy fac e tho u shal t ea t brea d til l tho u return e t o th e earth: for out o f it wast thou taken , because thou ar t dust , and t o dust shalt tho u returne ' (Gen . 3 : 19 ) (see Appendix A in Shahee n 199 9 for play references for these texts). 47

Bible, The The clai m that Shakespear e derives from th e Bible 'the central ideas and image s tha t ru n throug h al l hi s plays ' (Milwar d 1973 : 87 ) ca n hardly b e prove d o r disproved . Th e presenc e o f decidedly mor e tha n occasional o r local borrowings must be conceded, however, since it can often b e inferre d fro m suc h loca l echoe s i n phraseolog y tha t Shake speare ha s biblica l material s i n min d a t a mor e fundamenta l level . There is , fo r instance , th e momen t i n Macbeth a t whic h th e wide r significance o f Duncan's murde r i s driven hom e b y MacdufP s 'Mos t sacrilegious murde r hat h brok e op e / Th e Lord' s anointe d temple ' (2.3.65-6). Thi s summon s u p bot h th e reference s to th e kin g a s th e Lord's anointe d i n 1 Samuel, particularl y David' s repeate d refusa l t o harm Saul despite having opportunity and justification (24 : 6, 26: 9, 27: 23), an d S t Paul' s conceptio n o f the sacrednes s o f God's people, 'th e Temple o f the living God' ( 1 Cor. 3 : 16) - relevantl y in this context, a conception sprea d acros s the New Testament, usually with a corporat e rather than individual reference. In a more diffused way , the parable of the Prodiga l So n evidently lies behind the Lear story, though with Lea r cast as the chil d an d Cordeli a a s the parent. T o this use of the Bibl e as paradigm i n Lear may b e adde d othe r kind s of reference. The apoca lyptic biblical text s drawn upo n elsewher e in the pla y (Revelation , the eschatological discourse of Christ, some apostolic writings) do not supply narrative material , bu t ar e no t draw n upo n merel y for the adorn ment of an unconnected story or theme (see Wittreich 1984) . The sam e can b e sai d o f the undertone s o f the wisdo m Books, of Job's patienc e (see especiall y Mar x 2000 : 59-78) , o r th e enduranc e enjoine d i n Ecclesiastes an d th e Psalms . Verba l echoe s i n thes e area s see m onl y signs of a fundamental empathy - 'th e point o f King Lear', say s Rosalie Colie (1974 : 136) , is 'surely , that , a s th e Psalmis t proclaims , ma n i s inexorably an d inextricabl y bound i n with other men, brought t o trial whether or not h e deserves it. Man ha s no choice but t o endure his life with such strengths as he can muster, and in his endurance lies his value as a man.' Colie also notes Lear's importan t us e of the Paulin e view of wisdom and foll y (as in (B)), played offby Shakespear e against the play's condemnation o f th e foll y proscribe d i n Proverb s (fo r Lear se e als o Milward 1975) . As wel l a s dee p an d diffuse d imaginativ e us e o f biblica l material , dense loca l combination s o f i t als o occur . Man y soliloquie s ca n b e described i n thi s way, such as Portia's 'Th e qualit y of mercy' (Merchant of Venice 4.1.180-200) , Claudius' 'Oh , my offenc e i s rank' (Hamlet 3.3 . 48

Bible, The 35-72), and Macbeth's 'If it were done' (1.7.1-28). A less familiar cas e in point i s this speech of Helena's t o the king she hopes to cure: He tha t o f greatest works is finisher Oft doe s them b y the weakest minister. So holy writ in babes hath judgement shown , When judges have been babes. Grea t floods have flown From simple sources, and grea t sea s have drie d When miracles have by the greatest been denied . (All's Well 2.1.135-41) Here ar e mor e o r less explicit reference s to thre e Ol d Testamen t episodes: th e righteou s judgement o f young Daniel whic h save s Susann a when condemne d b y all the elder s (Susann a 45-50, thoug h th e wor d 'babes' i s probably inflecte d b y Matt. 21 : 1 6 on righ t judgement proceeding fro m 'th e mout h o f babes an d sucklings') ; Moses strikin g th e rock at Horeb (Exod . 17 : 6); and th e crossin g of the Red Se a (Exod. 14 ; 'the greatest ' i s Pharaoh, wh o in Exod . 14 : 4 has had hi s heart 'hard ened' to pursue the Israelites) . Beyond this, there ar e als o overtones of Mary's canticle, the Magnificat (Luke 1 : 46-55), in the notion of a weak vessel chosen for divine purpose, which coalesce with associations elsewhere i n All's Well betwee n Helen a an d th e Virgin . An d th e whol e passage i s fully i n tune with the general principl e o f St Paul o n wisdom and foll y (i n (B)) . A dua l proces s seem s t o b e a t work , then : Shake speare's presentatio n o f Helen a i s vivifie d b y hi s deliberat e us e o f biblical material , whil e a t th e sam e tim e hi s ver y conceptio n o f th e character i s affecte d b y memorie s o f th e sam e — and probabl y additional - biblica l texts. The rang e o f ways in which Shakespeare use s the Bibl e is wide: only a few examples can b e given here by way of conclusion. At the leve l of individual allusion , a notabl y bol d compariso n betwee n Joan o f Arc and th e invincibl e prophetes s Debora h o f Judges 4—5 , fo r whom eve n the stars in their courses fought, an d to whom all Israel rallied to defea t the Canaanites, figures in 1 Henry F/(1.2.104—5). An important elemen t in th e presentatio n o f Richard II I - wit h Henr y V I on e of the two Shakespeare character s wh o most frequentl y quot e th e Bible - i s his way o f 'positivel y impersonating , wit h mischievou s exhilaration , th e unscrupulous Apostle [Paul ] o f the Gentiles' , a feature develope d fro m a singl e episod e i n More' s History of King Richard III (Carnal l 1963:

49

Bible, The 188). Measure for Measure i s tided, an d i n some sense conceived, through Matthew 7:2 , 'with what measure ye mete, it shalbe measured unto you againe' (thoug h the phrase was proverbial, its biblical origins are mad e clearly relevant to the play, including the Old Testament ideas it echoes, of just retributio n an d th e virtu e o f moderation) . Th e traditio n o f drama o n the Prodiga l So n theme which underlies the relationshi p of Hal and Falstaffwas alread y old by the 1590s , and it might therefore be thought unnecessary to invoke the Bible direcdy to explain what Shakespeare i s doin g there ; bu t th e terminolog y o f 'reformation ' an d 'redeeming' i n Hal' s soliloqu y at th e en d o f 1. 2 (with his 'Redeemin g time' compar e especiall y Eph . 5 : 1 6 an d Col . 4 : 5 , 'Redeeming / redeeme th e season ' i n Tomson , 'tyme ' i n som e othe r Tudo r Bibles ) clearly plays its part in Hal's adoption o f this scriptural role. So it is that 'Hal's succes s i n persuadin g hi s subject s o f hi s transformatio n . . . depends upon th e consciou s manipulation o f the religiou s convictions of his age' (Scragg 1996: 23). Finally at the leve l of the complet e play, The Merchant of Venice is in th e Shakespeare canon the most thoroughgoing use of the Bible - a work in which Shakespear e 'ver y evidentl y taxe d hi s Scriptura l knowledge ' (Noble 1935 : 96) . No t onl y doe s th e mai n plo t revolv e aroun d th e confrontation o f the Old Law and the New - wit h som e vexed inter pretative issue s carefull y explore d i n Antonio' s debat e wit h Shyloc k over the episode, obscure for most modern readers but evidendy not for Shakespeare's audience , 'whe n Jacob grazed hi s uncle Laban' s sheep ' in Genesi s 3 0 (1.3.63-86) ; th e narrativ e proceed s throug h biblica l allusions of many other kind s which can onl y be glancingl y illustrated here. Th e mai n plo t itsel f can b e sai d t o generat e opposition s i n th e play a t wha t medieva l theologian s woul d hav e calle d a n allegorica l level, 'symboliz[ing ] th e confrontatio n of Judaism an d Christianit y a s theological system s . . . an d als o a s historic societies ' (Lewalsk i 1962 : 331) - thoug h i t is debatable ho w much o f this would have been per ceptible to Shakespeare's audience . The Launcelot-Gobbo exchange in 2.2 see s Launcelo t unwittingl y re-enacting tw o popula r Bibl e stories, Jacob's deception o f his blind fathe r Isaac , an d the deception practise d by Joseph's brother s (Gen . 27 , 37) . And th e biblica l connotation s o f Portia a s both Shyloc k and Gratian o imagin e her , 'a Daniel' (4.1.218) , 'a second Daniel' (4.1.329), are several. A Daniel was a wise and uprigh t person i n referenc e to th e Apocrypha l Boo k o f Susanna . Bu t i n th e Book of the Prophe t Daniel , th e nam e wa s glossed in Tudor Bible s as 50

Bible, The 'the Judgement o f God', and , accordin g to both th e Genev a an d th e Bishops' Bible, Daniel's praye r (Daniel 9: 18 ) shows how 'the godly flee unto god s mercie s . . . when the y seek e for remissio n o f their sinnes' . Even Portia' s disguis e a s 'Balthasar ' i s probably owin g t o th e nam e 'Baltassar' unde r whic h Danie l goe s i n th e sam e Boo k (se e Lewalski 1962: 340-1) . (D) Ther e ar e man y account s o f th e Englis h Bible' s developmen t to Shakespeare' s time , includin g Hammon d (1982) , Daniel l (1999) , and th e shor t treatment s in Nobl e (1935) , Shahee n (1999 ) and , wit h diversely literar y emphases , Norto n (1993) . O n Shakespear e himself , Noble (1935 ) raise s a variet y o f important genera l issue s i n hi s earl y chapters, then assemble s an admirabl y restraine d listin g of echoes play by play and scen e by scene. Milward (1987 ) covers the fou r Bradleya n tragedies i n simila r fashion , bu t addin g summarie s fo r eac h pla y an d consistently claimin g mor e biblica l influenc e tha n Noble . Shahee n (1999) i s at botto m a n expansio n o f Noble a t a lengt h o f nearly 90 0 pages, it s bul k a comprehensiv e play-by-pla y treatmen t (involvin g some 1,04 0 biblica l references) , distinguishe d b y effort s t o tak e int o account othe r possibl e sources of what appear s to be biblica l materia l in eac h play , an d b y wha t fo r a t leas t som e purpose s i s a n over generous interpretation o f 'biblical' - t o include, for example, phrase ology based ultimately on a biblical passage. Both Noble an d Shahee n provide a n inde x o f biblica l text s an d a discussio n o f Shakespeare' s use o f differen t version s of th e Bible . Fry e (1963 ) i s no t strictl y con cerned with the Bible, but with commonplace theologica l theme s such as Atonement , Death , th e Devil , an d th e Parliamen t o f Heave n a t which ma n i s judged, which , however , ar e ofte n expresse d mos t not ably for Shakespeare in biblical passages. Marx (2000), on a selection of five major plays , develops new, often highl y speculative suggestion s on matters o f patterning, a t man y differen t level s (for example wit h The Tempest, Prosper o a s th e Joseph o f Genesis , th e masqu e a s revelator y vision, the play' s Firs t Foli o positioning paralleling th e stor m wit h th e Creation). Many more short articles and notes tracing echoes of biblical phraseology, etc., can be found i n journals such as N&Q. Anderson, Dougla s (1985) . 'Th e Ol d Testamen t Presenc e i n The Merchant of Venice: ELH 52 : 119-32 . Baldwin (1944). 51

Bible, The Boose, Lynda E. (1981). 'Othello's "Chrysolite" and the Son g of Songs Tradition.' P£60: 427-37. Burnet, R . A . L . (1979) . 'Shakespear e an d th e Marginali a o f th e Geneva Bible.' N&QJ2.W: 113-14 . (1980). 'Som e Echoe s o f the Geneva n Bibl e in Shakespear e an d Milton.' N&QJ2.25: 179-81 . (1981). 'Tw o Furthe r Echoe s o f th e Geneva n Margi n i n Shakespeare and Milton. ' JV<2?Q,226: 129. Carnall, Geoffre y (1963) . 'Shakespeare's Richard III and St . Paul.' ShQ 14: 186-8 . Colie, Rosalie L. (1974). 'The Energies of Endurance: Biblica l Echo in King Lear', pp. 117-4 4 in Rosalie L. Colie and E T . Flahiff, eds , Some Facets of King Lear: Essays in Prismatic Criticism. London . Daniell, David (1999) . Th e Bible' , pp. 158-7 1 in David Scot t Kastan , ed., A Companion to Shakespeare. Oxford. Eraser, Russel l (1991). 'Shakespeare' s Boo k o f Genesis. ' CompD 25.ii : 121-9. Frye, Roland Mushat (1963). Shakespeare and Christian Doctrine. Princeton. Hammond, Gerald (1982) . The Making of the English Bible. Manchester. Hassell, Chris , J r (1986) . 'Las t Word s an d Las t Things : St . John, Apocalypse, and Eschatolog y in Richard III.' ShSt 18 : 25-40. Lewalski, Barbar a K . (1962) . 'Biblica l Allusio n an d Allegor y i n The Merchant of Venice: ShQ\S'. 327-43. Marx, Steven (2000). Shakespeare and the Bible. Oxford . Milward, Peter (1973). Shakespeare's Religious Background. London. (1975). Biblical Themes in Shakespeare - Centering on King Lear. Tokyo. (1987).BiblicalInfluencesakespeare'sreragedies. Bloomington. Noble, Richmon d (1935) . Shakespeare's Biblical Knowledge and Use of the Book of Common Prayer as Exemplified in the Plays of the First Folio. London. Norton, Davi d (1993) . A History of the Bible as Literature, 2 vols ; Vol. 1 : From Antiquity to 1700. Cambridge. Peters, Hele n (1988) . 'Bottom: Making Sens e of Sense and Scripture. ' JV<2?d233: 45-7 . Sanders, Wilbu r (1980) . The Dramatist and the Received Idea: Studies in the Plays of Marlowe and Shakespeare. Cambridg e (firs t publishe d 1968). Scragg, Leah (1996). Shakespeare's Alternative Tales. London. 52

Bible, The Shaheen, Nasee b (1988) . 'Shakespeare' s Knowledg e o f the Bibl e How Acquired.' ShStZQ: 201-14. (1992). 'Shakespeare, the Psalter , and th e Vulgate in Henry V.' ShQ 43: 71-2 . (1995). 'Shakespeare an d th e Tomso n Ne w Testament. ' N&Q,

240:290-1.

(1999). Biblical References in Shakespeare's Plays. Newark, D E (super sedes Shaheen's thre e previous books Biblical References in Shakespeare's Comedies, . . . Histories, . . . Tragedies}. Stroup, Thomas B . (1978). 'Bottom's Name and His Epiphany.' ShQ29: 79-81. Velz, Sarah (1972) . 'Man's Need an d God' s Plan in Measure for Measure and Mark IV ShSu 25: 37-44. Willson, Rober t E , Jr (1979) . 'God' s Secret s an d Bottom' s Name : A Reply.' ShQZO: 407-8. Wittreich, Joseph (1984) . '"Image of that Horror" : The Apocalyps e in King Lear', pp. 175-20 6 in C. A. Patrides an d Joseph Wittreich, eds , The Apocalypse in English Renaissance Thought and Literature: Patterns, Antecedents, and Repercussions. Ithaca .

Boccaccio, Giovanni (1313—1375), Italian Poet, Prose Writer, and Scholar Se e als o Cinthio, Giovanni Baptista Giraldi; Lydgate, John.

(A) Boccaccio was born illegitimatel y either in Florence or in Certaldo , Val d'Elsa , movin g a t fourtee n t o Naple s wit h hi s father . Hi s father' s position a s representative o f the great Bardi banking famil y of Florence gave him entree to the courtly circles whose culture informs much of his literary work. To thi s work he dedicate d himsel f fully afte r firs t tryin g banking and the law. Boccaccio's Neapolitan writing s include the prose romances / / Filocolo and / / Filostrato (on the Troilu s an d Criseyd e story), and th e firs t epi c poe m i n Italian , / / Teseida ('Th e Boo k o f Theseus') . Following his return to Florence in about 134 0 he tried a range of other poetic genre s before writin g // Decamerone (c. 1348-51), a collectio n o f one hundred stories in a variety of kinds (bawdy, satirical, pathetic) an d from a wid e rang e o f source s (classical , folk, romance) . H e als o hel d various minor publi c office s an d represented th e commune o f Florence on mission s in norther n Italy . T o hi s late r year s belon g a numbe r o f mainly compilatory Latin works, often connecte d with the influenc e of 53

Boccaccio, Giovanni his friend Petrarch, includin g De Casibus Virorum Illustrium ('On the fat e of illustrious men') , De Claris Mulieribus ('O f famou s women') , an d De Genealogiis Deorum Gentilium, an encyclopedi c guide to the genealogie s of the gods. He lectured i n Florence on, and published a commentary to, Dante's Divina Commedia in 1373-4 , and die d at Certaldo i n 1375 . (B) Reading, translatio n an d adaptatio n o f Boccaccio i n Britain bega n early, most notably with Chaucer's use of the Teseida i n his Knight's Tale and o f the Filostrato for Troilus and Criseyde. Boccaccio' s earl y reputatio n was that of a great moralist, comparable t o Boethius and the Younger Seneca, an d hi s Latin writing s the most commonly read. Th e Decameron., today considered hi s masterpiece, was slow to become well known. Three o f its stories found thei r wa y int o Englis h vi a Frenc h o r Lati n versions in the fifteenth century , and others followed in the next, but the first English versio n o f the collectio n a s a whole di d no t appea r unti l 1620. Thi s contrast s wit h th e situatio n i n nearb y countries , suc h a s Spain, German y an d France . A ful l Frenc h translatio n ha d bee n produced a s early a s 1414 , followe d b y th e rac y an d accurat e versio n of Antoine L e Ma£o n i n 1545 . I n England , response s wer e sometime s confused. Man y of the Decameron tales were regarded a s examples of the caprices of Fortune, and so in keeping with those afforded b y A Mirror for Magistrates, a work from whic h on e adapte r o f a tale fro m th e Decameron sa w nothing incongruou s i n borrowing a stanz a (se e Wright 1957: 480). Again, a n earl y English tragedy, Gismond ofSalerne (b y members o f the Inne r Temple , 1567/8) , whic h i s modelled directl y o n th e story of Sigismonda and Guiscard o (Decameron iv, 1) , perversely makes Boccaccio's tal e int o a warnin g agains t thos e wh o 'suppres s no t thei r unruly affections' . The mos t importan t Englis h translato r o f th e Decameron i n Shake speare's lifetime was William Painter, whos e sixteen tales from i t were included i n hi s popula r compendiu m o f storie s The Palace of Pleasure (1566-75). Painter complain s o f the tales' immodest y - 'th e best to be followed, an d the worst to be avoyded . . . some (in my judgement) that be worthy to be condempned t o perpetual prison' - bu t considers tha t 'Boccaccio for hi s stile , order o f writing, gravitie , an d sententiou s discourse, i s worthy o f intire provulgation' (Painte r 1575 : i, 11) . Painte r can b e incoheren t o r over-didactic , bu t hi s livel y work i s not usuall y seriously unfaithfu l t o Boccaccio , thank s i n larg e measur e t o hi s us e of L e Mac.on . I t i s far remove d fro m th e complet e 162 0 Decameron i n 54

Boccaccio, Giovanni English, anonymou s bu t no w usually ascribed t o John Florio, 'b y far the mos t earnes t o f Boccaccio's editor s an d translators' , whos e work is 'uniquely solemn and decorous ' (Cole 1981: 80). The for m o r forms in which Shakespeare knew Boccaccio's text cannot be established for certain. The possibilitie s are: Boccaccio's original Italian; L e Magon' s French ; and , fo r th e sixtee n tale s h e translated , Painter's contemporar y English . Painter i s the likel y source for at least the materia l used in All's Well that Ends Well an d Romeo and Juliet (see (C), below), an d i s responsible for th e versio n given here o f a passage fro m the en d o f the All's Well story . The countess e knowinge that her husbande was goone from Florenc e and retourne d home , wa s verye gladde , continuin g i n Florenc e til l the tim e o f her childbedde , bein g brough t a bedde o f twoo sonnes, whiche were very like unto their father, and cause d them carefull y to be nourse d an d brough t up , an d whe n sh e sawe time, sh e toke he r journey (unknowe n to anie ) and arrive d a t Monpellier , an d restin g her self e ther e fo r certayne dayes , hearing newe s of the counte , an d where he was, and tha t upon the daye of Al Sainctes, he purposed t o make a grea t feast e an d assembl y o f ladie s an d knightes , i n he r pilgrimes weede she repaired thither . And knowing that they were all assembled, a t th e palac e o f the counte , readi e t o sitt e downe a t th e table, sh e passed throug h th e peopl e withou t chaung e o f apparell, with her twoo sonnes in her armes: and when shee was come up into the hall, even to the place where the count e sat, falling down e prostrate at his feete, weeping, saying unto hym: My lorde, I am thy poore infortunate wyfe , wh o t o th'inten t tho u mightes t retourne an d dwe l in thin e own e house , hav e ben e a grea t whyl e beggin g about e th e worlde. Therefore I nowe beseche thee, for the honoure of God, tha t thou wilt observe the conditions, which the twoo (knightes that I sent unto thee ) di d commaund e m e t o doe : fo r beholde , her e i n myn e armes, no t onel y on e sonn e begotte n b y thee , bu t twayne , an d likwyse th y ryng . I t i s nowe tim e the n (i f thou kee p promise) tha t I should be received as thy wyfe. Th e count e hearing this, was greatly astonned, an d knew e the ryng , an d th e childre n also , the y were so like hym . Bu t tel l m e (quo d he ) how e i s this com e t o passe ? Th e countesse to the great admiration o f the counte, and o f all those that were i n presence, rehersed unt o them i n order al l that, which e ha d bene done , an d th e whol e discours e thereof . Fo r which caus e th e 55

Boccaccio, Giovanni counte knowing the thinges she had spoke n to be true (and perceiving he r constan t mind e an d goo d witte , an d th e two o fair e youn g boyes to kepe his promise made, an d t o please his subjectes, an d th e ladies that made sut e unto him, to accept her from tha t tyme foorth , as his lawefull wyfe, and t o honour her), abjected his obstinate rigour, causing her t o rise up, and imbrace d an d kisse d her, acknowledgin g her again e fo r hi s laweful l wyfe . An d afte r h e ha d apparelle d he r according t o he r estate , t o th e grea t pleasur e an d contentatio n o f those that were there, and o f al his other frendes no t onely that daye, but man y others, he kept great chere , and fro m tha t tim e forth, he e loved and honoure d her, as his dere spouse and wyfe . (i, 38; Painter 1575 : sigs 91^92^ (C) Bawcutt (1984) suggests a very probably indirect source in the Filostrato for the clos e of Shakespeare's Sonne t 38 . In Shakespeare' s drama , there ar e som e approximate parallel s with th e Decameron for Romeo and Juliet (se e Zbierski 1971) , an d wit h th e Filostrato (directly , a s oppose d to throug h th e Chauce r poe m i t inspired ) for Troilus and Cressida (see Donaldson 1979) . Some situations in The Merry Wives of Windsor can b e related to episodes in the Decameron, but a large element of coincidence must b e allowe d for here ; mos t o f the relevan t tale s would hav e bee n available onl y i n Frenc h o r Italian . Th e direc t us e o f th e Teseide b y one o r bot h o f th e playwright s responsibl e for The Two Noble Kinsmen cannot wholl y be rule d out, though non e o f the possibl e effect s seem s important. Otherwise , Boccaccio' s impac t o n Shakespear e i s confine d to All's Well and Cymbeline. The mai n sourc e of All's Well is the tal e o f Giletta d e Nerbone , th e thirty-eighth i n Painter' s Palace of Pleasure an d th e nint h stor y o f th e third da y o f Boccaccio' s Decameron. Hunte r (1962 : xxv-xxvi ) an d Wright (1957: 214) suggest that the next-but-one story in Boccaccio and in Painter, that o f Tancred of Salerne (iv , 1) , may als o have influence d Shakespeare's play in its opposition of virtue and gentility generally and for th e King' s speec h o n thi s topi c i n 2.3 , the latter poin t bein g strengthened by the fac t tha t Ghismonda' s speec h o n individua l meri t here i s on e o f th e mos t powerfu l i n th e whol e Decameron. Wher e th e Giletta story is concerned, a case was made for Shakespeare's use of Le Moon's attractiv e an d much-reprinte d Frenc h Decameron, instea d o f Painter's Englis h one , by Wright (1955) . Thoug h th e evidenc e i s to o inconclusive to cancel out the probability that Shakespeare would use a 56

Boccaccio, Giovanni popular Englis h version in preference to a less widely available Frenc h one, it is supported b y the possibility that he use d Le Mac,on for Cymbeline (see below). He ma y hav e used both; i t is also possible that h e used Boccaccio's Italia n original . However , Painter' s versio n i s clos e t o Boccaccio's, and al l these versions of the story closer to each other tha n to Shakespeare's . Shakespeare's adaptation s mov e hi s stor y awa y fro m Boccaccio' s relatively shor t an d relativel y ligh t tal e o f a n enterprisin g an d well connected heiress who uses clever devices to prove herself worthy of the Count o f Rosillion , th e Coun t eventuall y bein g brough t t o perceiv e a goo d bargai n i n he r offer . Shakespear e impose s th e patter n o f th e chivalric ques t (wit h reverse d genders ) ont o th e tw o basi c theme s o f this 'cleve r wench ' story-type , 'the healin g o f the king ' an d 'th e fulfil ment o f the task' , a s well as directly juxtaposing i t with th e seamines s of Parolles . Thi s movemen t bring s wit h i t mos t o f the problem s con ventionally discerne d i n All's Well, i n tha t th e ver y sam e action s tha t Boccaccio depict s ar e no w 'handle d s o as to brea k dow n Boccaccio' s neat closur e an d a t severa l point s t o generat e uneas y questioning' , and th e narrative' s modalit y i s complicate d b y 'admixture s o f socia l realism, b y disquietin g inversion s of th e fairy-tal e pattern , an d b y a more intimat e vie w o f th e emotion s an d reaction s o f bot h Hele n a s pursuing maide n an d Bertra m a s reluctan t bridegroom ' (Snyde r 1993:3). All th e same , th e contras t i s no t entirel y betwee n a n artless , undemanding Boccacci o an d a difficult , sophisticate d Shakespeare . Cole remarks , albei t wit h som e exaggeration , tha t 'sinc e Shakespear eans necessarily tend to examine what Boccaccio did mainly in terms of what wa s done t o him , no t wha t h e wa s attempting i n hi s own right , their comparison s usuall y leave us admiring Shakespeare' s complexit y and patronizin g Boccaccio's simplicity' (1981 : 12). Boccaccio's teasin g suggestiveness a s t o th e interpretatio n o f Giletta' s stor y ma y b e on e example of his sophistication: its context in the Third Day of the Decameron make s i t a n exampl e o f th e achievemen t o f one' s goal s throug h initiative, in Giletta' s cas e apparently a matter o f successful pursui t of her sexua l prey, fo r whom he r feeling s ar e 'mor e tha n wa s meet fo r a maiden o f he r age' . Shakespeare' s interes t i n th e secre t impulse s o f sexual attachmen t i s no t unprecedente d i n Boccaccio . 'Ha s Gilett a thrown honest y t o th e wind s i n dupin g an d beddin g Beltrano ? . . . Boccaccio's answer s resid e i n hi s smil e . . . h e wa s ther e ahea d o f 57

Boccaccio, Giovanni Shakespeare, subduing an old piece of fabling with a fine curiosity and intelligence' (Layman 1972 : 51). But i t can b e sai d tha t Shakespear e brings t o th e surfac e th e laten t tensions o f the tal e o f th e cleve r wench i n dramatizin g it . Th e fina l episode underlines all the contrasts. Most obviously, there is in Boccaccio no counterpart to Bertram's lies and evasions , since his Beltramo, with his ey e o n expediency , i s happ y t o accep t Gilett a no w tha t h e i s impressed by her 'constan t minde an d goo d witte' (se e (B)). I n contras t to th e situatio n depicte d b y Boccaccio/Painter, Shakespeare' s Helena 'retains her ascendancy over Bertram, . . . holding out the promise of a new order' , whil e 'Bertram' s misconduc t i s at onc e recapitulate d an d augmented' (Scragg 1996: 126) . On th e other hand, fo r Stewart (1991: 338-9) ther e i s another sens e in whic h Shakespeare' s resolution s an d non-resolutions ar e ultimately dictate d by his Italian source: 'th e whole last scene , with its complicated imbrogli o an d bitterswee t taste o f suspended happiness, is ... [Shakespeare's ] respons e to the main difficult y posed b y the continuatio n o f two different theme s in the basi c plot h e inherited from Boccaccio' . Boccaccio's tale of Bernabo and Ambrogiuol o (Decameron n , 9) has a stronger clai m tha n an y other versio n of the stor y to be th e sourc e of the wager plot in Cymbeline, though differences hav e led to much speculation abou t th e contribution s o f other text s (see Thrall 1931 , Wright 1957: 220-1), and possibly no specific source need be posited for Shakespeare's handling o f a stor y widespread for several centuries before h e wrote. Th e Italia n narrativ e o f th e deceptio n o f on e merchan t b y another, who is carried in a chest into his wife's bedroom to note details and stea l tokens, concludes with the punishment of Ambrogiuolo for his deception by being tied to a stake, his body smeared with honey, and lef t to b e devoure d b y insects. Boccaccio's tal e ma y b e somewha t remot e from th e pla y i n ton e an d setting , bu t a s wel l a s containin g som e specifics no t parallele d elsewhere , it has , compare d t o othe r possibl e sources, a richness of detail and atmospher e tha t ca n well be imagine d to have attracted Shakespeare. Further slight support for the connection is provided by Autolycus' reference to a punishment like Ambrogiuolo's (not o f cours e foun d i n Cymbeline, an d no t i n alternativ e source s fo r Cymbeline] i n The Winter's Tale, 4.4.773fT. Sinc e this part o f the Decameron was not Englished until 1620 , Shakespeare's reading would have had to be either in the Italian o r Le Moon's French rendering; Wright (1957 ) argues for the latter. 58

Boccaccio, Giovanni (D) Fo r Boccaccio' s readers , translator s an d adapter s i n Europ e an d especially England , includin g analysi s o f th e relevan t Shakespear e texts, Wrigh t (1957 ) i s standard. Hunte r (1962 ) offer s a brie f tabl e o f contrasts betwee n All's Well an d it s Boccaccia n source . Col e (1981) , Layman (1972 ) an d Snyde r (1993 ) furnis h mor e detaile d analysis . Stewart (1991) and Scrag g (1996 ) both stress the traditional elements in Boccaccio's tale and th e gender implications of Shakespeare's manipu lation o f them. Fo r Cymbeline, Thral l (1931 ) an d Nosworth y (1969) ar e lucid account s dealin g wit h th e rang e o f possible alternative s a s well as th e Boccaccia n story ; Almans i (1975 ) i s unhelpfull y concerne d t o promote th e merits of Boccaccio over Shakespeare. Almansi, Guido (1975). Ilciclo della scommessa: dal 'Decameron'al 'Cymbeline' di Shakespeare. Rome . Bawcutt, Priscilla (1984). 'A Note on Sonnet 38.' ShQ35: 77-9 . Bullough, ii. Cole, Howard C . (1981) . The 'All's Well' Story Jrom Boccaccio to Shakespeare. Urbana, IL . Donaldson, E . Talbo t (1979) . 'Briseis , Briseida , Criseyde , Cresseid , Cressid: Progress of a Heroine', pp. 3-1 2 in Edward Vast a et al., eds, Chaucerian Problems and Perspectives: Essays Presented to Paul E. Beichner, C. S. C. Notre Dame . Fleissner, Rober t F. (1978). 'The Malleable Knight and th e Unfettere d Friar: The Merry Wives of Windsor and Boccaccio. ' ShSt 11 : 77-93. Hunter, G. K., ed. (1962) . All's Well that Ends Well (Arden Shakespeare) . London (firs t publishe d 1959) . Layman, B . J. (1972) . 'Shakespeare' s Helena, Boccaccio' s Giletta , an d the Riddle s of Skill and Honesty. ' English Miscellany 23 : 39-53. Marrapodi, Michel e (1997) . 'D a Boccaccio a Shakespeare : I I raccont o dell'eros e l a trasgression e dell a commedia' , pp . 131-5 2 i n Viol a Papetti an d Laur a Visconti , eds, Le forme del teatro, V: Eros e commedia sulla scena inglese dalle origini alprimo seicento. Rome . Nosworthy, J. M. , ed . (1969). Cymbeline (Arde n Shakespeare). London . Painter, William (1575) . The Palace of Pleasure Beautified, Adorned, and Well Furnished with Pleasaunt Histories and Excellent Novels. London . Potter, Lois , ed . (1997) . The Two Noble Kinsmen (Arde n Shakespeare) . Walton-on-Thames. Rodax, Yvonn e (1968) . The Real and the Ideal in the Novella of Italy, France and England: Four Centuries of Change in the Boccaccian Tale. Chapel Hill .

59

Boccaccio, Giovanni Scragg, Leah (1996) . Shakespeare's Alternative Tales. London . Snyder, Susan, ed. (1993) . All's Well that Ends Well (OxforShakespeare). Oxford. Stewart, Pamel a D . (1991) . 'Ho w t o Ge t a Happ y Ending : Decameron 111.9 and Shakespeare' All's Well.' Studi sul Boccaccio 20: 325-44. Thrall, William Flint (1931). 'Cymbeline, Boccaccio, and the Wager Story in England.' 5P28: 639-51. Wright, H . G . (1955) . 'Ho w Di d Shakespear e Com e t o Kno w th e "Decameron"?' MLR 50: 45-8. Wright, Herber t G . (1957) . Boccaccio in England from Chaucer to Tennyson. London. Zbierski, Henry k (1971) . 'Possibl e Echoe s o f Boccaccio' s Decameron i n the Balcon y Scen e o f Romeo and Juliet.' Studia Anglica Posnaniensia

3.i-ii: 131-8 .

Boece (Boethius), Hector (1465?-1536), Scottish Historian Boece' s Lati n Scotorum Historia (1527) , translate d b y Joh n Bellenden, i s on e o f th e source s o n whic h th e compiler s o f th e Scottish part s o f Holinshed's Chronicl e drew ; ther e ar e a fe w signs that Shakespear e might have consulted it independently. Farrow, Kennet h D . (1994) . 'Th e Historiographica l Evolutio n o f th e Macbeth Narrative.' Scottish Literary Journal 21: 5-23. Mapstone, Sall y (1998) . 'Shakespear e an d Scottis h Kingship : A Cas e History', pp. 158-8 9 in Sally Mapstone an d Juliette Wood , eds, The Rose and the Thistle: Essays on the Culture of Late Medieval and Renaissance Scotland. Eas t Linton.

Boethius, Anicius Manlius Severinus (c . AD 476-524), Roman Poet and Philosopher Ther e are some scattered indications of direct acquaintance wit h Boethius' De Consolatione Philosophiae i n Shakespeare, bu t th e extremel y wide an d lon g diffusio n o f the poe m almost inevitably compromises attempts to demonstrate it. Asp, Caroly n (1978) . 'Shakespeare' s Paulin a an d th e Tradition.' ShStll: 145-58 . 60

Consolatio

Boethius, Anicius Manlius Severinus Marshall, Cynthi a (1987) . 'Th e Seve n Age s o f Pericles' Journal of the Rocky Mountain Medieval and Renaissance Association 8: 147-62 . Presson, Rober t K . (1965) . 'Boethius , Kin g Lear , an d "Maystress e Philosophic".' JEGP 64: 406-24.

Boethius, Hector See Boece (Boethius), Hector.

Boiardo, Matteo Maria (1441?-!494), Italian Poet and Dramatist Bioardo' s vers e dram a Timone (c. 1487 ) i s largel y a translation and expansion of the Tirnon dialogue by Lucian. Bond, R. Warwick (1931). 'Lucian and Boiardo in "Timon of Athens".' MLR 26 : 52-68. Bullough, vi. Boiastuau (Boisteau, etc.), Pierre See Brooke, Arthur. Book of Common Prayer, TheSee (A) Th e origin s o f th e Boo k o f Commo n Prayer , th e mos t cherishe d monument of the Englis h Church, lie with the 154 9 'book of the common prayer' of Edward VI, prior t o which church services varied fro m one dioces e to another, and th e onl y printed servic e books were Latin ones fo r priests . Th e 154 9 manual , fo r th e content s o f which Henr y VIIFs Archbishop Thomas Cranmer wa s largely responsible, adapted , simplified and translated into English the four main service books of the pre-Reformation Churc h int o services of Matins and Evensong , Com munion, Baptism , Matrimony, Burial, an d a fe w lesser offices . I t als o introduced new theological ideas drawn from th e continental Reformation. A heavil y Protestan t revisio n o f 155 2 (the 'secon d Edwar d VI ' Prayer Book) was intended to counter criticism that the new liturgy was only a version of the Catholic Mass and hence , for instance, it removed the notions o f purgatory and th e invocation o f saints. This version was proscribed unde r Mary, but lightl y revised to form th e Praye r Boo k of Elizabeth, adopte d b y th e Ac t o f Uniformit y o n he r ascendin g th e throne in 1558 . A further revisio n in 160 4 was slight, consisting largely 61

Book of Common Prayer, The

of additional prayer s of thanksgiving; today's Boo k of Common Praye r was finalized by a more substantia l revision o f 1662 . The Praye r Book has always been routinely printed togethe r with the Psalter. Textually, thoug h th e Praye r Boo k dre w th e scriptura l text s i t included fo r dail y reading s fro m th e Grea t Bibl e o f 1539-4 1 (wit h variations), man y briefer passages o f Scripture occurrin g i n the service s were independent renderings , perhaps by Latimer. Hence, for example, the Te n Commandment s d o not exactl y match an y biblical versio n of Exodus 20 , no r th e Lord' s Praye r th e tex t i n an y othe r versio n o f Matthew 6 . Daily service s specified i n th e Praye r Boo k provided fo r a systematic reading o f specified Bible texts in an annua l cycl e of lessons, excerpted fro m th e whol e Bibl e apar t fro m 'certain e Booke s an d Chapters, whic h be least edifying'. Fo r Sundays and hol y days it specified a reading o f one o f the Homilies, or , if a licensed preacher wa s available, a sermon. (B) All Shakespeare's contemporarie s were exposed o n at least a weekly basis t o th e liturg y o f th e Praye r Book : fro m 155 9 onward s it s pre scribed offices , prayers , sacraments and reading s were part of the fabric of lif e fo r Englis h people . I t wa s 'firs t an d foremos t "liturgy" , tha t i s "work", intended no t s o much t o be read i n a passive sense , but t o be used, performed , experienced ' (Maltb y 1998 : 3) . Prominen t i n thi s respect were the responses , initially ridiculed b y detractors a s creatin g an effec t lik e a tennis match bu t evidentl y helpful i n creating a sense of communal activity . The Praye r Boo k was als o a n instrumen t o f state control, fo r 'ther e was probably n o othe r singl e element o f the Refor mation i n England which touched more directly and fundamentally on the religiou s consciousness , o r lac k o f it, o f ordinary clerg y an d laity , than di d th e refor m of rituals an d liturgy ' (Maltb y 1998 : 4). From th e mid-sixteenth century , a ministe r usin g a non-prescribe d for m o f worship was subject to a fine or imprisonment. Lay people were similarly obliged t o attend church services on Sundays and hol y days. By the Act of Uniformity of 1559 , disrespectfu l references to th e Praye r Boo k in interludes, plays , song s an d rhyme s wer e forbidden . Eve n libertin e dramatists too k care to conform to the law, thus restricting the amoun t of allusio n t o th e Praye r Boo k foun d i n Elizabetha n play s (fo r two Shakespearean case s of possible self-censorship see Noble 1935 : 82-3). Cranmer wa s a fine scholar, and hi s work drew o n wide readin g i n different traditions . Bu t h e avoide d th e pomposit y an d prolixit y tha t 62

Book of Common Prayer, The Greek an d Lati n learnin g wer e introducin g int o English , an d hi s extraordinary ea r for prose led to beauties sufficiently wel l known. Th e following brie f sampl e i s fro m wha t i s no w on e o f th e les s familia r texts, th e Catechis m lai d dow n t o b e learne d befor e Confirmation , a crucial par t o f the Praye r Book' s ne w emphasi s o n instructio n o f th e laity. Question. What i s thy duetie towards thy neighbour? Answer. My dueti e towards my neighbour is , to love him a s my selfe , an d t o doe to all men, as I would they should doe unto me. To love, honour, and succour my father and mother. To honour an d obey the Queene and her ministers. To submit my selfe to all my governours, teachers, spirituall Pastors, and Masters, to order my selfe lowly and reverentl y to al l my betters. To hurt n o bod y b y worde no r deede . T o be tru e and just in all my dealing. To beare no malice nor hatred in my heart. To keepe my hands fro m pickin g and stealing , an d m y tongue fro m evill speaking, lying, and slaundering . To keepe my body in temper ance, sobernesse , and chastitie . No t t o cove t no r desir e othe r men s goods, but t o learne and labou r truel y to get myne owne living, an d to do e m y dueti e i n tha t stat e o f life, unt o th e whic h i t shal l pleas e God to call me. Question. My good childe know this, that tho u ar t no t abl e to doe these things of thy selfe , no r t o walk e i n th e commaundement s o f God , an d t o serve him , withou t hi s speciall grace, whic h tho u mus t learne a t all times t o cal l fo r b y diligen t prayer . Le t m e hear e therefor e if tho u canst say the Lords prayer. (BCP1583:sig. 05") (C) Almos t al l parts o f the Praye r Boo k ar e mentione d o r allude d t o somewhere in Shakespeare, from the reference to Matins and Evensong ('Morning Prayer' and 'Evenin g Prayer' by 1552 ) in Mistress Quickly's commendation o f Mistres s Pag e a s 'on e . . . tha t wil l no t mis s you morning nor evening prayer, as any is in Windsor, whoe'er be the other' (Merry Wives of Windsor 2.2.90-1) , t o th e echoe s o f the phras e 'dus t t o dust' fro m th e Orde r fo r the Buria l of the Dea d i n Hamlet' s 'quintes sence of dust' (2.2.307 ) or th e refrai n o f the son g in Cymbeline, 'com e to 63

Book of Common Prayer, The

dust' (4.2.264) , to the for m o f response from th e Comminatio n agains t Sinners (Minister Curse d i s he tha t curset h hi s father , an d mother . / Answer Amen.') invoked by Constance in King John: O, lawful le t it be That I have room with Rome to curse awhile! Good fathe r Cardinal , cr y thou 'amen' To my keen curses (3.1.179-83) For the most part, Shakespeare' s allusions to Prayer Book material ten d to be a way of appealing to shared cultural understandings and assumptions in his audience, an d ar e not particularly unusual when compare d with thos e o f contemporar y writers . Th e Marriag e servic e i s thu s unsurprisingly the part of the Praye r Boo k most often calle d up , and i t is invoked with some regularity in the romanti c comedie s in particular . The ceremon y itself i s presented, bu t broke n off , at th e crisi s of Much Ado About Nothing (4. 1 - thoug h th e character s ar e suppose d t o b e Italians i n Messina) , an d spoke n ove r i n pretenc e b y Orland o an d Rosalynde (As You Like It 4.1). Its concludin g injunctions are echoe d o n numerous occasions, often t o comic effect , a s by the Clown in All's Well, who has in mind the exhortation t o husbands, 'He that loveth his owne wife, loveth him selfe : For never did any man hat e his owne fleshe' (BCP 1583: sig. P2V): He tha t comfort s m y wife i s the cherishe r o f my flesh and blood ; h e that cherishe s my flesh and bloo d love s my flesh and blood ; h e tha t loves my flesh and bloo d i s my friend; ergo , he tha t kisse s my wife is my friend .

(1.3.47-8)

Elsewhere i n th e plays , a surprisin g deart h o f echoe s o f th e Com munion, an d non e a t al l from th e Orde r fo r Confirmation , contrast s with some more extensive ones from th e Baptismal service (see Milward 1973: 108-9) . From the Catechism which precedes the Order for Confirmation ((B) , above) Shakespeare draws phrases which would surely have summoned up th e contex t o f the Praye r Boo k for his audience, since , thoug h th e phrases ma y hav e becom e proverbial , Englis h peopl e woul d hav e 64

Book of Common Prayer, The memorized thi s catechis m i n thei r yout h (se e Shahee n 1999 : 394 ; Maltby 1998 : 69-70) . The dut y 't o keepe my hands fro m pickin g an d stealing' i s recalled i n Hamlet's repl y t o Rosencrantz's complain t 'y° u once di d lov e me ' - 'An d d o s o still , b y thes e picker s an d stealers ' (3.2.327). Th e expressio n i n th e penultimat e sentenc e o f the passag e quoted i n (B) , 'special l grace' , reappear s i n Berowne' s line s (se e Shaheen 199 1 for other biblical echoes here): Necessity will make us all forsworn Three thousand time s within this three years' space; For every man wit h his affects i s born, Not by might mast'red, bu t by special grace. (Love's Labour's Lost 1.1.147—50 ) More significantl y still, Cordelia's undertakin g to Lea r t o 'Obe y you, love you, and mos t honour you' (1.1.97) , sometimes explained i n terms of the Marriag e servic e promise t o 'love , honour , and serve' , is at least as appropriatel y glosse d b y th e Catechism' s verball y n o mor e distan t and situationall y much close r 'T o love, honour, an d succou r my father and mother'. A fina l poin t shoul d b e mentione d regardin g th e Psalms . Shake speare refer s mor e ofte n t o th e Psalm s tha n t o an y othe r par t o f th e Bible. Since he can ofte n b e shown to use the versions of them given in the Psalte r specifically , a s oppose d t o thos e give n i n contemporar y Bibles' versions of the Boo k of Psalms, all these cases might be though t of as use s of the 'Praye r Book ' (wit h Psalter normall y appended ) i n a wider but customary sense. (D) Fo r an attractiv e brie f history of the Englis h servic e book t o 1661 , with sample pages from eac h version, see Ratcliff (1949); for its place in sixteenth-century life (especiall y religious and political ) and churc h history, Maltby (1998). Shaheen (1999: Appendix A) supplies a comprehen sive, indee d over-generous , listin g o f Shakespear e reference s fo r al l parts of the Boo k of Common Prayer . BCP (Boo k o f Commo n Prayer ) (1583) . The Boke of Common Praier, and Administration of the Sacramentes, and Other Rites and Ceremonies of the Churche according to the Use of the United Churche of England and Ireland, together with the Psalter. London . 65

Book of Common Prayer, The Maltby, Judith D . (1998) . Prayer Book and People in Elizabethan and Early Stuart England. Cambridge . Milward, Peter (1973) . Shakespeare's Religious Background. London . Noble, Richmon d (1935) . Shakespeare's Biblical Knowledge and Use of the Book of Common Prayer as Exemplified in the Plays of the First Folio. London. Ratcliff, Edwar d C . (1949) . The Booke of Common Prayer of the Churche of England: Its Making and Revisions M.D.XLIX-M.D.CLXet forth in eighty illustrations. London . Shaheen, Nasee b (1991) . 'Biblica l Reference s i n Love's Labour's Lost.' JV<2?£236: 55-6. (1999). Biblical References in Shakespeare's Plays. Newark , DE.

Bourchier, John, Bourchier, Lord.

Lord Berners

See Berners, John

Bright, Timothy (1550-1615), Physician, Clergyman and Scientific Writer Bright' s Treatise of Melancholy (1586 ) may be a subsidiar y sourc e fo r th e depictio n o f Hamlet' s humour , bu t th e extent o f its likely influence o n Shakespeare' s conceptio n o f the char acter has sometimes been overstated. Jenkins, Harold , ed . (1982) . Hamlet(Arden Shakespeare) , pp . 106-8 . London. O'SuUivan, Mar y Isabell e (1926) . 'Hamle t an d D r Timoth y Bright. ' PMLA 41 : 667-79. Wilson, John Dove r (1935) . What Happens in 'Hamlet', Appendi x E . Cambridge.

Bromhall, Thomas See Le Loyer, Pierre.

Brooke, Arthur (d. 1563), Poet

(A) Brooke is an obscur e figure whose biography tell s little mor e tha n that h e drowned a s a young man o n a military expedition t o assist the Huguenots i n France . H e i s known fo r The Tragicall Historye of Romeus and Juliet (1562) , a loose translation o f a French prose version by Pierre 66

Brooke, Arthur Boiastuau o f a n Italia n tal e b y Matte o Bandell o (Boiastuau' s wor k appeared a s part of Belleforest's 155 9 Histoires Tragiques extraictes . . . de Bandelj. Brooke' s retellin g o f th e Rome o an d Julie t stor y consist s of som e 3,00 0 line s i n poulter' s measur e (alternat e twelve - an d fourteen-syllable lines ; sampl e i n (C)) . His poe m i s usuall y though t undistinguished, thoug h it s perio d charm s hav e attracte d a fe w admirers. Th e plo t is summarized by Muir (1977 : 39-40). (B) It i s clear tha t Brook e was working with a story already familia r t o the Englis h audience , sinc e he writes in his address 'T o the Reader ' of having seen 'the same argument latel y set foorth on stage'. This address also proposes a moral programme whic h i s fortunately forgotten in the narrative itsel f - th e stor y i s one o f 'lovers, thralling themselves to unhonest desire, neglecting the authoritie and advise of parents andfrendes, conferring their principall conscels with dronken gossips, and superstitious friers (the naturally fitte instruments of unchastitie)\ Brook e i s actuall y sympatheti c t o th e lover s (Shakespeare stil l mor e so) , and hi s chie f origina l contributio n t o th e tale is an emphasi s o n the powe r o f fortune ove r them whic h distinctl y recalls Chaucer' s Troilus and Criseyde, th e greates t romanc e narrativ e in Brooke' s ow n language . Brooke' s work wa s i n it s tur n imitate d b y Bernard Garte r i n th e 156 5 poe m The Tragicall and true Historie which happened betwene two English Lovers] thi s perhaps indicate s th e succes s of Brooke's work, as do its fresh edition s in 156 7 an d 1587 . In th e forme r year appeared als o William Painter's prose version of the story , agai n taken from th e French. Brooke's poem certainl y contribute d t o the rise of the 'psychologica l novella' (such as Lyly's Euphues) i n England . (C) Shakespear e take s some minor detail s fro m The Tragicall Historye i n 3 Henry VI and Two Gentlemen of Verona (for th e latte r see Allen 1938) , but i t is the principa l sourc e for Romeo and Juliet. It is clear that Brooke's poem and no t th e Frenc h o r Italia n tale s fro m whic h i t derive s i s Shake speare's immediate source : some very specific incidents in the play (such as Juliet's askin g the names of the masquers, with Romeo's comin g last, 1.5.126-35) are found exclusivel y in Brooke. In Shakespear e th e actio n is condensed fro m nin e months into a few days, throwin g emphasi s o n th e impulsivenes s of the lover s an d over shadowing thei r consummatio n wit h th e necessit y of immediate part ing. Shakespear e 'absorb s from Brook e the vivid atmosphere an d lively detail' bu t develop s 'mor e intricat e patterning ' (Gibbon s 1980 : 38-9) . 67

Brooke, Arthur

Brooke's sketchy characters ar e develope d int o more rea l an d effectiv e figures, Juliet bein g mad e eve n younger . Tybal t an d Mercuti o ar e worked out from th e merest hints (''Mercutio . . . courteous of his speeche and pleasan t o f devise', 254—6) , among other things so as to emphasize the unreasonablenes s and futilit y o f the feu d an d t o excus e Romeo' s participation. Romeo's passio n fo r Rosalin d 'become s th e typica l romantic love of the sonneteer s for a cruel beauty, instead of the sexua l pursuit o f a virtuou s mai d . . . [and ] a mor e effectiv e contras t wit h Romeo's lov e for Juliet' (Muir 1977 : 42). There are many verbal echoes of Brooke's poem i n the play, but again , Shakespeare' s development of Brooke's phraseolog y int o poetr y i s muc h mor e significan t tha n hi s indebtedness; 'th e surprisin g thin g i s tha t Shakespear e preserve d s o much of his source in vitalizing its dead stuf f (Bullough , i, 278). H. A . Maso n place s th e emphasi s o n Shakespeare' s poeti c an d dramatic exploitation of discrete moment s i n Brooke's material. Initial impressions may b e tha t Shakespear e i s only updating th e idio m o f a narrative whic h b y th e tim e o f Romeo and Juliet wa s a generatio n old , 'but gradually he reaches out from narrativ e styl e towards true drama' (Mason 1970 : 37). Juliet's reflection s befor e drinkin g th e poison , firs t here fro m Brook e and the n Shakespeare , ar e transforme d from a stiff , external, an d poeticall y conventiona l pictur e int o th e word s o f a full y realized dramati c voice: Shall not the fryer an d my Romeus when they come, Fynd me (if I awake before) ystyfled i n the tombe? And whilst she in these thoughts doth dwell somwhat to long, The forc e o f her ymagining anon dy d waxe so strong, That she surmisde she saw out of the hollow vaulte, (A grisly thing to looke upon,) the carkas of Tybalt, Right i n the self e sam e sort that she few dayes before Had scen e him in his blood embrewd, to death eke wounded sore . And then, when she agayne within her self e ha d wayde That quicke she should be buried there, and b y his side be layde All comfortles, for she shall living feere have none But many a rotten carkas, and ful l man y a naked bone: Her daynt y tender partes gan shever all for dred, Her golde n heares did stand upright upon her chillish hed. Then pressed with the feare tha t she there lived in, A sweat as colde as mountayne yse, pearst through her tende r skin, 68

Brooke, Arthur

That with the moysture hath wet every part of hers, And more besides, she vainely thinkes, whilst vainly thus she feares, A thousand bodies dead have compast her about , And least they will dismember her , she greatly standes in doute, But when she felt her strengt h began t o weare away, By little and little, and i n her hart her fear e increase d ay: Dreading that weakenes might or foolish cowardise Hinder the execution of the purposde enterprise, As she had frantik e been , in hast the glasse she cought, And up she drank the mixture quite, withouten farther thought. (2375-2400; Brook e 1562: fos 66v-67^) How if, when I am laid into the tomb , I wake before the time that Rome o Come to redeem me? There's a fearful point . Shall I not then be stifled in the vault, To whose foul mouth no healthsome air breathes in, And there die strangled ere my Romeo comes? Or, i f I live, is it not ver y like The horribl e conceit of death an d night , Together with the terror of the place As in a vault, an ancient receptacle Where for this many hundred years the bones Of all my buried ancestors are pack'd ; Where bloody Tybalt, yet but green in earth, Lies fest'ring in his shroud; where, as they say, At some hours in the nigh t spirits resort — Alack, alack, is it not lik e that I, So early waking — what with loathsome smells, And shrieks like mandrakes' tor n out of the earth , That living mortals, hearing them, run mad O, if I wake, shall I not be distraught, Environed with all these hideous fears, And madly play with my forefathers' joints, And pluck the mangled Tybal t fro m hi s shroud, And, in this rage, with some great kinsman's bone, As with a club, dash out my desp'rate brains? O, look! methinks I see my cousin's ghost 69

Brooke, Arthur Seeking out Romeo, tha t did spit his body Upon a rapier's point. Stay, Tybalt, stay. Romeo, I come. This do I drink to thee. (4.3.30-58) In his use of Brooke the early Shakespeare 'was already . . . manipulating his source-material with a masterly sense of dramatic possibilities ' (Muir 1977 : 41). But this is a matter of taking local opportunities, no t of overall direction: Shakespeare 'wa s for much of the time living through and filling out i n stag e term s what was essentially a narrative, a story , content t o rea p th e ful l benefi t fro m eac h incident , bu t . . . no t ver y much concerned wit h any total significance' (Maso n 1970 : 40). (D) Muir (1977 : 39-46 ) give s a usefu l brie f resume o f the relationshi p between Brooke' s poem an d Romeo and Juliet, La w (1929 ) list s verba l echoes carefully . Bulloug h concentrates largely on plot, while Gibbon s (1980) consider s atmosphere an d patternin g a t som e length. Mason' s more elaborat e comparativ e exercis e i s a n attemp t t o gaug e Shake speare's priorities in the play as a whole. Bullough, i , 276-83 and vm, 386-7; Muir (1977). Allen, Mozelle Scaf f (1938) . 'Brooke' s Romeus and Juliet a s a Sourc e fo r the Valentine-Sylvi a Plot i n The Two Gentlemen of Verona.' University of Texas Studies in English 18 : 25-46. Br[ooke], Ar[thur ] (1562) . The Tragicall Historye of Romeus and Juliet written first in Italian by Bandell London . Gibbons, Brian, ed. (1980). Romeo andJuliet(Arden Shakespeare) . London. Law, Rober t Adge r (1929) . 'O n Shakespeare' s Change s o f his Source Material i n Romeo and Juliet.' University of Texas Studies in English 9: 86 102. Mason, H . A . (1970) . Shakespeare's Tragedies of Love: An Examination of the Possibility of Common Readings of'Romeo and Juliet', 'Othello', 'King Lear', and 'Anthony and Cleopatra'. London .

Bruto, Giovanni Michele (1517-1592), Italian Historian

A manua l b y Brut o translate d i n 159 8 a s The Necessarie, Fit, and Convenient Education of a Tong Gentlewoman i s th e onl y know n Englis h source t o suppl y an accoun t of Giulio Romano befor e th e dat e o f The 70

Bruto, Giovanni Michele Winter's Tale; but i f there i s a requirement fo r a printed source, Vasari' s Italian on e was also available. Ziegler, Georgiann a (1985) . 'Parents , Daughters , an d "Tha t Rar e Italian Master": A New Sourc e for The Winter's Tale.' ShQ36: 204-12.

Buchanan, George (1506-1582), Scottish Poet and Historian Se e also Holinshed, Raphael.

(A) Scotland' s leadin g sixteenth-centur y humanis t wa s bor n int o a farming famil y wit h connection s t o th e loca l laird i n the Blan e Valley , near Glasgow. He took a degree from S t Andrews in 1525 , but receive d part of his higher education in France, including a spell at the Sorbonn e during it s time a s a centr e o f radical politica l thought . Returnin g t o Scotland abou t 1534 , Buchanan gravitate d toward s the court , becom ing tutor t o the illegitimat e so n of James V and composin g som e dan gerously satirica l poems i n Latin . Powerfu l enemie s brought abou t a n investigation int o hi s religiou s conformit y i n 1539 , bu t h e escape d t o Bordeaux. Ther e h e taugh t a t th e Colleg e d e Guyenn e i n a perio d coinciding wit h th e attendanc e o f the youn g Montaigne, an d i n th e next few years wrote poems, two Latin plays , and translation s of two of Euripides' tragedie s int o Latin . H e continue d a continenta l schola r and teache r unti l 1560 , hi s Latin writings, includin g his admired ver sions of the Psalm s (composed as it happens i n Portugal), belonging t o the Frenc h rathe r tha n th e Scottis h o r Englis h Renaissance . H e wa s converted t o Calvinis m followin g hi s retur n t o Scotlan d a s a dis tinguished scholar and poet about 1561 , and, having written poems and masques in honour o f Mary Quee n of Scots in 1563-5 , assiste d in he r prosecution fo r treaso n i n 1568 . H e wa s a n influentia l politica l an d Church figur e throughou t thes e years, holding offic e a s Keeper o f the Privy Seal , Moderator o f the Kirk , an d i n many othe r capacities , late r as tuto r t o th e youn g James VI (b . 1566) . Hi s tw o principa l pros e works (often printed together) were not completed until near the end of his life , thoug h bot h hi s treatise o n kingship , De Jure Regni (1579), an d his greatest achievement , hi s posthumously published Lati n histor y of Scotland, Rerum Scoticarum Historia (1582), were probably first drafted i n the 1560s . The latte r as much as the former i s readable a s an extende d political treatise , wit h a muc h greate r interes t i n constitutiona l an d ideological issue s than previou s Scottish chronicles , and attemptin g i n 71

Buchanan, George particular t o justif y th e overthro w o f Mar y Quee n o f Scots . Bot h works wer e warml y receive d i n certai n Protestan t circles , bu t thei r democratic, anti-absolutis t emphase s led t o thei r condemnatio n fro m many quarters, including monarchist English and Roman Catholic ones (Buchanan's name had i n fact been on the Papal Index since 1570) . (B) Buchanan's very considerable statur e as a Europea n thinke r led t o his publication in a number of countries in his lifetime and immediatel y afterwards, notabl y the Netherlands and German y (Durka n 199 4 gives full details) . A flurr y o f printings of his works in England fro m 157 7 t o 1583, the year after hi s death, is largely attributable t o the activities of a circle o f admirers including Si r Philip Sidney, who i n th e Apology for Poetry write s that h e view s Buchanan's plays, together with Gorboduc, as the onl y good British drama written in his lifetime. Further edition s of his wor k followe d i n th e 1590s , bu t th e nex t generatio n show s little activity; although ther e i s 'firm interes t in the poetry of the humanist' , the res t of the corpu s suffer s 'varyin g political fortune s determine d b y the evolution of events in England' (McFarlane 1981 : 481). In Scotland , 'it becam e acceptabl e a t [James's ] cour t t o admir e Buchanan' s poeti c skills while lamenting tha t h e ha d bee n le d astray by dubious politica l ideas' (Norbrook 1987: 92). A number o f polemicists quickly took issue with Buchanan' s democrati c reading s o f Scottis h history , an d James himself tried to suppress his last works after hi s assumption of personal rule i n 1584 , the n drasticall y revise d Buchanan's political prioritie s in his ow n True Law of Free Monarchies, 1598 . This official oppositio n seems to hav e combine d wit h disapprovin g Presbyteria n attitude s t o hi s profane poetr y t o preven t publicatio n o f Buchanan' s work s i n hi s native countr y afte r hi s death . Importantly , however , the Historia wa s used a s a majo r sourc e fo r th e Scottis h segmen t rewritte n b y Francis Thynne in the 158 7 edition of Holinshed's Chronicle. (C) On e Lati n poe m o f Buchanan's , 'Pomp a Deoru m i n nuptii s Mariae', may have lent a hint for the reference to the Platonic doctrin e that Lov e keep s th e worl d fro m chao s i n Venus and Adonis 1017-2 0 (see Baldwi n 1944 : n, 650-8); this is the onl y plausible Shakespearea n debt t o Buchana n outside Macbeth. Buchanan' s Lati n poems were well known, bu t th e statu s o f hi s histor y wa s mor e equivocal . Thoug h i t cannot b e prove d tha t Shakespear e kne w th e Historia directl y (a s opposed t o via Holinshed) , it seems likely he did; thi s despite the fact s 72

Buchanan, George that (1 ) Buchanan' s boo k wa s unti l th e late r seventeent h centur y available onl y i n it s origina l Latin ; (2 ) there i s considerabl e overla p between th e detail s Buchana n supplie d fo r Macbeth an d fo r th e 158 7 edition o f Holinshed's Chronicle . Th e evidenc e fo r Shakespeare' s us e of Buchanan i n Macbeth consist s of a numbe r o f fairly stron g parallel s of narrativ e approac h an d narrativ e detail , indirectl y supporte d b y signs o f the us e o f other relevan t historian s i n th e pla y which suggest some sort of effort t o research the subject. Six examples of apparent us e of Buchanan ar e give n by Paul (1950: 213 19) , as follows : 1 Th e earl y Macbeth's excellen t qualities, but lack of moderation, ar e mentioned by Buchanan whereas Holinshed only says that he was 'a valiant gentleman' though 'somewhat cruel'. 2 Buchana n i s concerned t o depic t the working s of Macbeth's mind , whereas Holinshed i s unsuggestive in this area. 3 Wherea s Holinshed's Macbeth doe s not plan to obtain the kingdom until after h e has met th e weird sisters, in Buchanan the sister s only confirm a previous determination . 4 Shakespeare' s depictio n o f Macbeth's remors e draw s o n th e stor y of Kin g Kenneth , Macbeth' s great-grandfather , wh o kille d hi s nephew. Buchanan' s presentatio n o f th e murderer' s feeling s i s much mor e detaile d an d muc h close r t o Shakespeare' s tha n Holinshed's. 5 Th e 'almos t dail y taunts ' o f Lad y Macbeth , wh o 'share d al l his plans', ar e mentione d exclusivel y by Buchanan ; i n Holinshe d sh e only presses him to act through he r great ambition . 6 Buchanan' s depictio n o f Banqu o a s powerfu l an d resourcefu l enough to imitate Macbeth's example , used by Shakespeare to provide a secondar y motiv e fo r Banquo' s murder , i s not matche d i n Holinshed. Paul concludes : 'Th e prope r generalizatio n i s tha t upo n th e pictur esque backgroun d o f imaginar y fact s supplie d b y Holinshed , Shake speare impose d idea s suggeste d by Buchanan ; but the y are idea s relating t o th e working s of the mind s o f the character s rathe r tha n t o their acts' (1950: 219). Some minor additions and qualifications to these findings are give n b y Bullough an d Mui r (1977 : 210-11) . Norbrook' s politically aler t accoun t take s u p th e fourt h i n mor e detai l 73

Buchanan, George

Shakespeare 'invert s th e assumption s behin d Buchanan' s accoun t o f Kenneth Ill' s grief, makin g th e disruption, no t the establishment , o f a hereditary syste m the source of guilt' (1987 : 102 ) - bu t also offer s th e new an d intriguin g suggestio n tha t Macbeth'$ 'Senecan ' dramaturgica l mode a s a whole may reflec t a certain 'anxiet y of influence' i n respec t of Buchanan's plays. (D) Baldwin (1944); BuUough, vn, 438-40; Muir (1977) . Durkan,John (1994). Bibliography of George Buchanan. Glasgow. McFarlane, I . D. (1981). Buchanan. London. Norbrook, Davi d (1987) . 'Macbeth an d th e Politic s o f Historiography', pp. 78-11 6 i n Kevi n Sharp e an d Steve n N . Zwicker , eds , Politics of Discourse: The Literature and History of Seventeenth-Century England.

Berkeley. Paul, Henr y N . (1950) . The Royal Play of Macbeth: When, Why, and How it was Written by Shakespeare. Ne w York . Sinfield, Alan (1988) . 'Macbeth: History , Ideology an d Intellectuals' , pp . 63-77 in Colin MacCabe, ed. , Futuresfor English. Manchester.

74

G Caesar an d Pompey, o r Caesar's Revenge (Anon. Play)

This academi c traged y o f uncertain dat e (bu t probably Elizabethan ) has bee n though t t o li e behin d th e imager y an d idio m o f Antony's vision of civil war (3.1.259-75 ) and certai n other feature s both genera l and loca l in Antony and Cleopatra, as well as influencing Julius Caesar. Pearson, Jacqueline (1981) . 'Shakespear e an d Caesar's Revenge.' ShQ^32: 101-4. Ronan, Cliffor d J. (1987) . 'Caesar's Revenge and th e Roma n Thought s i n Antony and Cleopatra.' ShSt 19 : 171-82 . Schanzer, Ernest (1954). 'A Neglected Source of "Julius Caesar".' N&Q, 199: 196-7 .

Camden, William (1551-1623), Scholar, Teacher and Historian

(A) Camden, a product of Christ's Hospital School and S t Paul's School in London , the n Magdale n Colleg e an d Chris t Church , Oxford , was a note d educator , schola r an d antiquarian . I n th e firs t o f thes e roles he taugh t Be n Jonson an d othe r well-know n figure s o f the tim e a t Westminster School , an d becam e headmaste r ther e i n 1593 . I n th e others h e compile d hi s larg e Lati n wor k o n ancien t an d medieva l English, Scottis h an d Iris h histor y an d topography , th e Britannia., first 75

Camden, William published in 1586 , the original aim of which was to collate the nationa l topography wit h mainl y Roma n literar y remain s s o as to reconstruc t the pre-Roman Britis h landscape. It was augmented by a vast collection of material o f more recen t import , suc h as genealogical an d propert y records, unti l its sixth edition o f 1607 . Excerpt s i n Englis h were pub lished in Camden' s 160 5 Remaines of a Greater Worke concerning Britain, a n assemblage arrange d i n section s with heading s suc h a s 'Surnames ' (a list, wit h som e explanations) , 'Epitaphs' , an d 'Wis e Speeches ' (se e (B)). I n 161 5 appeare d th e firs t par t o f hi s Annales rerum Anglicarum et Hibernicarum regnante Elizabetha, a Latin histor y of the reig n o f Elizabeth which ha s eve r since then furnishe d detail s for students of Elizabethan Britain. He als o wrote a history of the Gunpowder Plot . As well as for his historical writings, Camden wa s noted a s an exper t on heraldry , th e founde r o f a Chai r o f History a t Oxfor d University, and th e principal founder o f the Societ y o f Antiquaries, a n importan t intellectual body of his day. He ma y hav e known Shakespeare person ally through Be n Jonson, whose lifelong frien d h e became , o r throug h others. He has been highly regarded by modern authoritie s on account of hi s impartia l an d scholarl y procedures, thoug h thi s i s a matte r o f degree: lik e othe r sixteenth-centur y histories, his cannot b e exempte d from charge s o f embroider y o r othe r manipulation , o r o f deployin g ideologically suasive tactics. (B) Th e importanc e o f Camden' s historica l wor k wa s it s foundation in classica l a s oppose d t o traditiona l sources , or mor e fundamentall y its statu s a s histor y an d no t th e second-rat e antiquarianis m o f hi s predecessors. I t wa s readil y take n u p b y suc h historica l writer s a s John Clapham , Samue l Daniel, John Selde n an d John Speed, al l of whom i n the first twelve years of the seventeent h centur y wer e abl e to use Camde n a s a n alternativ e t o suc h authorities a s Geoffrey of Monmouth (whose untruthfulness Camde n ofte n censures ) and hence avoid the anachronisti c conception s o f the ancien t Britons as medieval kings an d gentleme n that suc h writers had fostered . I n th e sam e way, Camden wa s directly or indirectl y responsible for the ne w conceptio n of the ancien t Britons found i n works such as Drayton's English topographical poem Poly-Olbion (1613?) and Fletcher' s play Bonduca (c. 1613). Camden's availabilit y i n Englis h o n th e smal l scal e of the Remaines of 1605 wa s supplemente d b y a ful l translatio n o f th e Britannia b y Philemon Hollan d i n 1610 . 76

Camden, William The followin g excerp t i s on e o f th e 'Wis e Speeches ' fro m th e Remaines, and retell s a fable readily recognizable t o readers o f Coriolanus. Pope Adrian th e fourt h a n Englis h ma n borne , o f th e famili e o f Breakespeare i n Middlesex, a man commende d fo r converting Norway t o Christianity, before his Papacie, but noted in his Papacie, for using the Emperour Fredericke th e secon d a s his Page, i n holding his stirroppe , demaunded of John o f Salisbury hi s countryma n wha t opinio n th e world ha d o f the Churc h o f Rome, an d o f him, wh o answered : The Church of Rome which should be a mother, is now a stepmother, wherein sit both Scribes and Pharises; and as for your selfe, whenasyou are a father, why doe you exspect pensions from your children? &c. Adrian smiled , an d afte r som e excuses tolde him this tale, which albeit it may seeme long, and i s not unlike tha t o f Menenius Agrippa i n Livie, ye t giv e i t th e reading , an d happly yo u ma y learn e somewha t b y it . All the members of the body conspired against the stomacke, as against the swallowing gulfe of all their labors; for whereas the eies beheld, the eares heard, the handes labored, thefeete traveled, the tongue spake, and all partes performed their functions, onely the stomacke lay ydle and consumed all, Hereuppon theyjoyntly agreed al toforbeare their labors, and to pine away their lasie and publike enemy. One day passed over, the second followed very tedious, but the third day was so grievous to them all, that they called a common Counsel; The eyes waxed dimme, thefeete could not support the body, the armes waxed lasie, the tongue faltered, and could not lay open the matter; Therefore they all with one accord desired the advise of the Heart. There Reason layd open before them, that hee against whome they had proclaimed wanes, was the cause of all this their misery: For he as their common steward, when his allowances were withdrawne, ofnecessitie withdrew theirsfro them, as not receiving that he might allow. Therfore it were a fane better course to supply him, than that the limbs should faint with hunger. So by the perswasion of Reason, the stomacke was served, the limbes comforted, and peace re-established. Even so it fareth with the bodies of Common-weales; for albeit the Princes gather much, yet not so much for themselves, asfor others: So that if they want, they cannot supply the want of others; therefore do not repine at Princes heerein, but respect the common good of the whole publike estate. (Camden 1605 : sigs Cc3v-Cc4r) (C) Camden' s insistenc e o n historica l authenticit y i s i n genera l unShakespearean. But the Remaines are sometimes thought to have been known t o Shakespeare , a s a mino r sourc e fo r Coriolanus an d King Lear. 77

Camden, William the book contains a short version o f the Lear story and the fable of the Body's Member s a s give n i n (B) , above. Menenius ' speech , Coriolanus 1.1.94—144 (quoted in part under Livy), seems to fuse togethe r recollections o f several versions of this fable (notabl y those i n Livy , Plutarch and Sidney - al l printed in Bullough, v) which Shakespear e had read at variou s times , suggestin g he mus t hav e pondere d i t deeply . Som e three smal l parallels between Shakespeare an d Camde n ar e replicate d in non e o f th e othe r text s whic h contai n th e fable , th e stronges t o f which i s that th e bell y is called a 'gul f (1.1.96) . But thi s is a standar d enough usag e i n th e late r sixteent h century , an d th e othe r paralle l expressions could also have suggested themselves independently t o th e two writers. It i s possible tha t Camden' s versio n o f th e Lea r stor y lie s behin d Cordelia's remark s at 1.1.99-10 3 about he r wifel y affection s supplant ing som e o f he r filia l ones , an d th e Fool' s jest abou t a peasco d a t 1.4.198, as well as several of the play's personal names and a few other details (see Perrett 1904 ; Muir 1972 : xxxii-xxxiii; Musgrove 1956) . So miscellaneous a serie s of link s i s generall y wea k evidenc e fo r Shake speare's having read a text unless he is assumed to have engaged in the methodical stud y of a topic as preparation fo r his work. (D)

Camden, William (1605) . Remaines of a Greater Worke, Concerning Britaine. London. Curran, Joh n E. , Jr (1997) . 'Royalt y Unlearned , Hono r Untaught : British Savage s and Historiographica l Chang e i n Cymbeline.' CompD 31:277-303. Herendeen, W . H. (1988) . 'William Camden : Historian , Herald , an d Antiquary.' SPQ5: 192-210 . Muir, Kenneth, ed . (1972) . King Lear (Arden Shakespeare). London . Musgrove, S. (1956). 'The Nomenclature of King Lear.' RES 7 : 294-8. Perrett, Wilfred (1904) . The Story of King Lear from Geoffrey ofMonmouth to Shakespeare. Berlin.

Castiglione, Baldassare (1478-1529), Italian Courtier, Diplomat and Writer Se e also Elyot, Sir Thomas. (A) Castiglione was born int o a landed famil y in the Mantua regio n in 1478, an d brough t u p a t th e cour t o f Lodovico Sforz a i n Milan . H e 78

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returned home in 1499 , entering the service of Francesco Gonzaga, th e Marquis o f Mantua . I n 150 4 h e move d t o anothe r smal l cour t a t Urbino, wher e he compose d elegan t Lati n verse , became fo r a perio d Duke Giudobaldo' s ambassado r t o Rome, an d i n 150 6 was accredite d to Henr y VIF s cour t t o receiv e th e Orde r o f the Garte r o n behal f of the Duke of Urbino. Hi s time in Urbino wa s the basis of the volume he published two decades later, // Cortegiano ('The Courtier'), written in the period 1513-18 . He late r becam e papa l nuncio t o Spain , an d die d in Toledo shortl y afte r th e publicatio n o f hi s boo k i n Venic e an d hi s election as Bishop of Avila. // Cortegiano is both a source of information on the courtly arts and a n illustration o f courtly conversation . It s entertainin g an d notabl y dra matic dialogues involve over twenty historical figures in four imaginar y discussions ove r fou r evening s a t th e duca l palac e o f Urbino . I t als o develops other topics , sometime s unexpected ones : a discussio n of the ideal courtier' s knowledg e o f the visua l arts , fo r example, turn s into a comparison o f th e relativ e merit s o f paintin g an d sculpture . I t i s a significant channe l fo r th e transmissio n o f Platonic lov e theor y t o th e later Renaissance. (B) Followin g it s publicatio n i n 1528 , translation s o f The Courtier int o French and Spanis h appeare d withi n a decade. Som e sixt y editions of the tex t i n translatio n ha d bee n issue d b y th e tim e o f Shakespeare' s death, though in unexpurgated for m i t was placed o n the internationa l Catholic Inde x i n 159 0 owin g t o wha t th e tribuna l calle d it s mucha libertad, includin g joke s a t th e expens e o f cardinals . I t 'becam e a n Englishman' throug h Si r Thomas Hob y (1530—1566 , Englis h ambas sador to France), whose version was published in 156 1 and reprinted i n 1577, 158 8 an d 1603 . Hoby' s thoroughl y sympatheti c i f no t alway s accurate renderin g ha s prove d on e o f the mos t endurin g Elizabetha n translations from th e Italian . The book's currency in England begins to be especially striking in the decade followin g Hoby's translation , though original-languag e edition s are also commonly owned after thi s date, b y for example Mar y Queen of Scots, William Drummon d an d Si r Thomas Tresham (Burk e 1995 : 58-61). Joh n Florio i n th e dedicatio n t o hi s Second Frutes (1591 ) mentions 'Castilion' s Courtie r an d Guazz o hi s dialogues ' a s th e tw o books likelies t t o b e rea d b y anyon e wishin g t o acquir e som e Italian . Six editions of Bartholomew Clerke's extremely successful Latin version 79

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(1571) also appeared by 1612 . The pervasiv e influence of The Courtier on Elizabethan cultur e and o n English writers came abou t partly directl y and partl y throug h Castiglione' s primar y plac e i n th e 'courtes y trad ition' o f writings by other authorities , suc h a s Si r Thomas Elyot. Si r Philip Sidney went off to the wars with the volume in his baggage, and has bee n describe d a s Castiglione' s disciple . Gabrie l Harvey, whos e copious annotation s t o hi s cop y survive , recommende d th e stud y of Castiglione t o his students at Cambridge . A s for playwrights, 'the fore runners o f Shakespeare coul d hav e ha d a t thei r disposa l n o dialogu e more smooth , light and swiftl y moving' (Matthiesson 1931 : 16). Examples o f hostilit y ar e als o available . Marston too k wha t h e called 'th e absolut e Castilio ' a s a typ e o f the empty-heade d fo p in th e first o f hi s Satyres. Mixe d o r ambivalen t response s i n others , suc h a s Roger Ascham , ten d t o mirror ambivalen t attitude s towards the cour t itself. Th e book' s fortune s decline d i n th e seventeent h century , it s successors concentratin g mor e o n th e Christianit y o f th e Christia n prince tha n ha d Castiglione , but durin g a n eighteenth-centur y revival it was recommended b y Johnson (to Boswell) as 'the best book that ever was written upon good breeding'. In thi s snippe t fro m Hoby' s 156 1 translation , th e courtier s ar e discussing th e potentia l ruler' s delegatio n o f hi s authority ; i t i s par t of a passage which i n obviou s ways may li e behind Measure for Measure (see (C)): Therefore sai d Bias well, that promotions declar e wha t me n be : for even as vesselles while they are emptie, though they have some chinke in them, i t can il l be perceived, bu t i f they be fille d wit h licour, they showe by and b y on what sid e the faul t is , so corrupt an d i l disposed mindes syldom e discove r thei r vices , bu t wha n the y b e fille d wit h authoritie. Fo r then the y are no t abl e t o carie th e heavi e burdien of poure, bu t forsak e the m selve s an d scatte r o n ever y sid e greedi e desire, pride , wrath , solemness e and suc h tiranical l fecion s a s the y have within them. Wherupon without regard they persecute the good and wise , an d promot e th e wicke d . . . [and ] maintai n spies , promoters, murtherers and cutthrotes to put men in feare and to make them become faintharted. (Castiglione 1561 : sigs PpS^PpS1) (C) Speculation abou t Shakespeare' s likely response to Castiglion e ha s 80

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unearthed n o incontrovertibl e evidenc e o f direc t use , an d Barbar a Johnson's is a typical approach: 'to take The Courtier as a grid o n which to plo t correspondin g elements i n Hamlet i n orde r t o perceiv e th e problems an d possibilitie s o f bein g a Renaissanc e man , artist , an d ruler a s thes e ar e refracte d i n th e play ' (Johnso n 1987 : 35 ; for Hamlet see also Biswas 1984). Johnson's conclusion that Hamlet is 'haunted' by Castiglione's mode l courtie r i s no t dependen t o n th e similarit y firs t noted i n th e nineteent h centur y betwee n th e real-lif e poisonin g i n Urbino i n 153 8 o f Duk e Francesc o Mari e I (th e Lor d Genera l o f The Courtier, i , an d th e nephe w an d successo r o f / / Cortegiano's Duk e Guidobaldi) b y means o f a lotion poured int o th e ear, and th e metho d in Hamlet's 'Murde r of Gonzago' play. Similarly with Henry V, another play which must almost necessarily at some level show the influenc e of The Courtier. Sufficien t loca l parallel s exis t t o sugges t i t migh t hav e been i n Shakespeare' s min d i n th e proces s o f composition, especiall y in point s o f convergenc e betwee n Hal' s an d th e Courtier' s inne r and oute r characteristics (se e Witt 1983) . But these could be explaine d by indirec t connection s an d coincidences , an d wha t importanc e Castiglione may have for the play probably lies elsewhere, in his work's forming par t o f th e overal l contex t o f Renaissanc e discussio n o f th e princely virtues. Some othe r suppose d direc t connection s see m to be case s of wishful thinking. Bradbroo k (1991 ) show s no direc t us e o f Castiglion e i n The Two Gentlemen of Verona. Ro e (1992 : 19-20 ) speculate s o n n o particula r grounds tha t Venus and Adonis ma y dra w fro m / / Cortegiano it s maturity, sophistication an d moderatio n o r mediocritas, a s wel l a s it s qualifie d Vision of ideal love'. Again, som e parallels between th e combat s o f wit which occupy Beatrice and Benedic k in Much Ado about Nothing and thos e indulged i n b y Lad y Emili a Pi a an d Lor d Gaspar e Pallavicin o i n The Courtier have lon g been pointed ou t (Scot t 1901) , but ar e no t especiall y close. Bulloug h classe s Castiglion e a s onl y a n analogu e fo r thi s play , while noting that 'althoug h Castiglione's coupl e are not lovers they are friends despit e thei r word y warfare , an d Coun t Ludovic o . . . make s remarks which rea d lik e a ger m o f the Beatrice-Benedic k relationshi p when he i s discussing indirect way s of wooing' in Book in (n, 79) . But, since Shakespear e i s likely to have had knowledg e of The Courtier, som e small parallels ma y b e mor e tha n coincidences . I n Much Ado about Nothing the nam e o f Baltasar, Don Pedro' s attendan t (wit h an exaggerate d 'courtly' modesty) , is unlikely to b e chose n a t random . A sequence o f 81

Castiglione., Baldassare small-scale link s i n Love's Labour's Lost ha s als o bee n trace d (Baldin i 1997). In th e cas e of Measure for Measure, stronge r connection s can b e foun d to one section of The Courtier, the discussion led by Lord Octavian in iv. 1 on th e conduc t an d qualitie s o f th e potentia l rule r (sample d i n (B)). Octavian argue s tha t th e rule r ma y delegat e hi s responsibilitie s bu t 'never credi t no r trus t an y office r s o much, a s t o giv e hi m th e bridl e wholy into his hands'. The prince's principal virtue is temperance, fro m which he acquires 'likewise Justice an undefiled virgin' (1561: sig. OoS^. This hint o f allegory, though th e ide a i s an ol d one, may help explai n Isabella's standin g a s th e embodimen t o f a kin d o f justice. Othe r significant parallel s als o hel p t o impl y a specifi c connectio n betwee n the two works, though there is no systematic correspondence. (D) Burk e (1995 ) i s authoritativ e o n th e respons e t o Castiglion e i n Europe, includin g England , an d ha s a n appendi x comprehensivel y listing edition s an d translations . Fo r Hob y an d hi s receptio n se e also Matthiesson (1931) . Ther e i s n o worthwhil e synopti c treatmen t o f Shakespeare an d Castiglione : fo r individua l play s se e item s below , especially Gent (1972 ) on Measure for Measure. Baldini, Donatella (1997) . 'The Play of the Courtier : Correspondence s between Castiglione' s / / libra del Cortegiano an d Shakespeare' s Love's Labour's Lost.' Quaderni d'ltalianistica 18 : 5-22 . Biswas, D . C . (1984) . 'Shakespeare' s Conceptio n o f a Courtier' , pp . 44—52 in Visvanath Chatterjee, ed., The Romantic Tradition. Calcutta. Bradbrook, M. C. (1991) 'Courtier and Courtesy: Castiglione, Lyly and Shakespeare's Two Gentlemen of Verona', pp . 161-7 8 inj. R . Mulryn e and Margare t Shewring , eds , Theatre of the English and Italian Renaissance. Basingstoke. Bullough, n, 78-80. Burke, Peter (1995) . The Fortunes of the 'Courtier': The European Reception of Castiglione's 'Cortegiano'. Cambridge . Castiglione, Baldassare (1561). The Courtyer of Count Baldessar Castilio . . . done into English by Thomas Hoby. London . Gent, C . L . (1972) . 'Measure for Measure an d th e Fourt h Boo k o f Castiglione's // Cortegiano.' MLR 67 : 252-6. Johnson, Barbara A . (1987) . 'Th e Fabric o f the Univers e Rent: Hamlet as an Inversio n of The Courtier.'' Hamlet Studies 9: 34—52 .

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Castiglione, Baldassare Matthiesson, F . O . (1931) . Translation: An Elizabethan Art. Cambridge, MA. Roe, John , ed . (1992) . The Poems (Ne w Cambridg e Shakespeare) . Cambridge. Scott J. W. (1972). 'Measure for Measure an d Castiglione.' N&Q211: 128 . Scott, Mary August a (1901) . 'The Book of the Courtyer. A Possibl e Sourc e of Benedick and Beatrice. ' PMLA 16 : 475-502. Witt, Robert W. (1983). 'Prince Hal an d Castiglione. ' Ball State University Forum 24.iv: 73-9 .

Cavendish, George See Stow, John. Gaxton, William (c.1422-1491), Printer and Translator (A) Caxton , th e 'fathe r o f Englis h printing' , wa s bor n i n Kent . H e became involve d i n th e textil e industry , risin g t o a n offic e a s th e representative o f the Merchants ' Guil d i n Bruges, eventually becomin g governor o f the Englis h diplomati c an d commercia l colon y in the Low Countries. As such he was sometimes employed a s Edward IV' s repre sentative in negotiations, and i n 1469 , still in Bruges, he became advise r to Edward' s siste r Margaret, Duches s o f Burgundy. He no w began t o learn th e ne w craf t o f printin g an d t o wor k o n literar y translations , starting with hi s Recuyell ['recoil' , 'gathering' ] of the Historyes of Troy e, a version o f Guido dell e Colonne's thirteenth-centur y Historia Troiana via the Frenc h translatio n b y Raou l Lefevre , chaplai n t o Duk e Phili p o f Burgundy. Thi s wa s publishe d i n Bruge s in 147 4 or 147 5 as th e firs t book Caxto n printed . He returne d to Englan d in 1476 , producing in 1477 th e first book t o be printed there . Thoug h no t himsel f a scholar , he was shrewd enough t o develo p a 'list ' o f eventually over a hundre d separate title s appealin g t o a wid e rang e o f customers, includin g th e works o f Chaucer and man y first English versions of classics (such as Aesop's fables), many in his own translations. (B) Through hi s many and various publications Caxton exerte d a major influence o n English writing for a century and more , his longest-lasting contribution perhap s bein g hi s reshapin g (i n chapter an d boo k divi sions) an d printin g o f Thomas Malory' s Arthuria n work s (a s Le Morte d}Arthur}. Bu t onl y the Recuyell of the Historyes ofTroye i s directly relevan t

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Caxton, William to Shakespeare . A usually literal bu t error-pron e translation , i t was in steady demand from its first publication dow n to the eighteenth century. It wa s reprinted i n 1502-3 , 1553 , 159 6 (hencefort h 'newly corrected , and th e Englis h much amended , b y William Fiston') , 1607 , 1617 , an d on furthe r occasion s t o 1738 . Th e explanatio n fo r it s popularit y lie s largely in Guide' s claim t o historica l authority . Well into the sixteent h century, Home r wa s though t o f a s a n unsatisfactor y sourc e o n th e subject of the Trojan War: he was Greek and hence biased; he was born after th e event s h e portraye d too k place ; an d h e mingle d fac t wit h fiction, such as the gods' part in the battles. Non-Homeric sources , such as Dares Phrygius and Dictys Cretensis (both supposedly participants i n the Trojan War) , and those , including Guido, wh o based their work on them, wer e for long accorded fa r higher authority ; and th e event s they were suppose d t o hav e witnessed were, for the roya l houses of western Europe, ke y element s i n th e pedigree s the y trace d bac k t o Aenea s (a Trojan , lik e Dares) . Caxton' s versio n wa s on e o f tw o principa l English treatments , th e othe r bein g John Lydgate' s Troy Book. (Fo r a comprehensive discussio n o f th e relationship s betwee n thes e an d other medieval Troy texts see Sommer 1894 : i, xvii-xlvi.) Shakespeare knew the earlier version of the Caxton text , hence probably not th e late sixteenth-century sophistication o f it by Fiston. This is established b y his use o f the wor d 'orgulous ' i n th e secon d lin e o f th e Prologue o f Troilus and Cressida'. the word appears commonly in pre-1596 editions of Caxton but it was later considered old-fashioned and altere d to 'proud' . Thi s sampl e fro m th e earl y version corresponds t o Shake speare's treatment o f the comba t betwee n Hector an d Aja x (Troilus and Cressida 4.5 ) i n tw o detail s distinctiv e t o Caxto n amon g th e sources : Hector embraces Ajax an d calls him his 'cosyn germayn'. In thi s day had th e trojan s had vittory e o f alle th e greke s yf fortun e that is dyverse had wylle consentyd / Fo r they myght have slayn hem alle And eschewyd the grete evyllys that afte r ca m to them. Certes hit is not wysedo m whan on y man fyndet h hi s enemye i n gret e peryll e and fortun e / t o offr e hi s power t o deliver e hy m thereo f / Fo r hit happeth oft e tyme s / tha t he shall never recovere to have his enemye in the same caas / bu t that fortune torne her backe Thus hit happend this day to the unhappy hector / tha t was at the above of his enemyes and myght have slayn hem alle yf he had wolde / fo r they soughte no thynge but for to flee / wha n by grete mysaventure cam afore hym in 84

Caxton, William an encountr e thelamo n Ayax that was sone o f kynge thelamon an d exione And was cosyn germayn of hector and o f his brethern whiche was wys e an d vayllyan t / which e adressi d hy m ayens t hecto r an d delivered to hym a grete assault And hector to hym as they that were valyant bothe two / an d as they were fightyng they spak to geder And therby hecto r knew e tha t h e wa s hi s cosy n germain e son e o f his aunte And than hecto r for curtoisye enbraced hy m in his armes an d made hy m gret e chiere And offry d t o hym to d o al l his playsir yf he desired ony thynge of hym / An d prayd hy m that he wolde come to troye with hym for to see his lignage of hys moder syde / Bu t the sayd Thelamon that entende d n o thynge but t o his avauntage sayd e that he wolde not goo at thys tyme / Bu t prayd t o hector sayn g / tha t yf he lovyd hym so mocheas he sayde / tha t he wolde for his sake and at his Instanc e d o cess e th e battai l for that da y / an d tha t th e trojans shold leve the grekes in pees / Th e unhapp y hector accorded to hym his requeste. (1474/5 text; ed. Sommer 1894 : n, 589-90) (C) Ther e ar e larg e overlap s betwee n th e thre e mai n source s Shake speare probably knew for the Troy legend (Chaucer's Troilus and Criseyde, Lydgate's Troy Book, an d Caxton) , bu t Shakespear e clearl y prefer s Caxton a t som e point s (fo r details se e especiall y Presson 1953 , more briefly Palme r 1982) . Caxton ma y be see n as anticipating Shakespear e in particularl y emphasizin g Diomedes' lov e for Cressid a an d Troilus ' status a s a warrior rathe r tha n a lover . Substantiall y the sam e stor y is told b y all three Troy stor y sources, however, and i n Troilus and Cressida the principa l fac t i s usuall y Shakespeare' s manipulatio n o f wha t i s common t o them . Here , especiall y i f w e discoun t th e possibilit y o f Homer's havin g had a part i n the play' s construction , what i s perhaps most notable i s how far Shakespear e is under the influenc e o f medieval presentations o f the tale . G . K. Hunte r suggest s that the play 'ma y be seen as the product of a collision between the medieval versions . . . and the Renaissance handling s o f the sam e material' , takin g th e latte r t o include Chapman's Homer , Greene' s Euphues his Censure to Philautus, and perhap s Ovid' s Metamorphoses, x m (Hunte r 1971 : 60). Lydgate's and the other medieva l handlings should not, however, be thought of as precedents fo r a derogator y o r satirica l presentatio n o f the stor y (see Sacharoffl970). One suggestio n fo r Caxton' s influenc e o n Shakespear e outsid e 85

Caxton, William Troilus i s Shulman's (1980 ) tha t i n As Tou Like It Orlando' s modest y is based o n tha t o f Hercules as mentioned (wit h similar phrasing) in th e Recuyell. (D) Bullough, vi. Caxton, Willia m (1596) . The Auncient Historic, of the Destruction of Troy, Newly corrected, and the English much Amended, by William Piston. London. Henderson, W . B . Drayto n (1935) . 'Shakespeare' s Troilus and Cressida: Yet Deeper in its Tradition', pp. 127-5 6 in Hardin Craig , ed., Essays in Dramatic Literature: The Parrott Presentation Volume. Princeto n (reprinted New York, 1967) . Hunter, G . K. (1971) . 'Shakespeare' s Reading', pp. 55-66 in Kennet h Muir an d S . Schoenbaum, eds, A New Companion to Shakespeare Studies. Cambridge. James, Heather (1997) . Shakespeare's Troy: Drama, Politics, and the Translation of Empire. Cambridge . Palmer, Kenneth , ed . (1982) . Troilus and Cressida (Arde n Shakespeare). London. Presson, Rober t K . (1953) . Shakespeare's 'Troilus and Cressida' and the Legends of Troy. Madison, WI. Sacharoff, Mar k (1970). 'The Traditions of the Troy-Story Heroe s an d the proble m o f Satire in Troilus and Cressida.' ShSt 6: 125-35 . Shulman, Jeff (1980).' "The Recuyell of the Historyes of Troye" and th e Tongue-Tied Orlando. ' ShQJ$\: 390. Sommer, H. Oskar , ed. (1894) . The Recuyell of the Historyes of Troye, Written in French by Raoul Lefevre, Translated and Printed by William Caxton (about A.D. 1474), the First English Printed Book, now Faithfully Reproduced., 2 vols. London. Stein, Elizabet h (1930) . 'Caxton' s Recuyell an d Shakespeare' s Troilus.' MZJV45: 144-6 . Tillyard, E . M . W . (1965) . Shakespeare's Problem Plays. Harmondswort h (first published 1950).

Cervantes, Miguel de (1547-1616), Spanish Novelist The

lost pla y The History of Cardenio i s derive d fro m Cervantes ' tal e o f Cardenio an d Luscind a in Don Quixote (1605). 86

Cervantes, Miguel de Metz, G . Harold , ed . (1989) . Sources of Four Plays Ascribed to Shakespeare, pp. 284-9. Columbia, MI .

Chaloner, Sir Thomas See Erasmus, Desiderius. Chapman, George (1559-1634), Poet and Dramatist See also Homer. Shakespear e show s onl y fain t echoe s o f Chapman - a name here, a phrase there - i n part, n o doubt, because much of Chapman's work appeared too late to have any impact on him. Lewalski, Barbara K. (1970). 'Hero's Name - an d Namesake - in Much Ado About Nothing: ELN7: 175-9 . Walter, J. H . (1965) . '"I n a littl e room": Shakespear e an d Chapman. '

N&Q210:95-6.

Ghariton, of Aphrodisia See Greek Romance. Ghaucer, Geoffrey (c . 1340-1400), Poet Se e also Greene, Robert. (A) The so n o f a Londo n vintne r wh o wa s occasionall y employe d o n service for the king, the young Chaucer soldiere d in France in 1359 . He then settle d dow n t o a caree r i n th e roya l court s o f Edward II I an d Richard II , mosdy as a London customs comptroller but often travellin g abroad o n officia l busines s an d diplomati c visits . Othe r tha n pros e works, his writings consist of The Canterbury Tales, unfinished bu t stil l one of the larges t and mos t varied collection s of medieval verse narratives ; Troilus and Criseyde, a poe m i n fiv e Book s base d o n Boccaccio's romance / / Filostrato; the drea m poems The Book of the Duchess, The House of Fame an d The Parliament of Fowls; The Legend of Good Women, a n incomplete collectio n o f tale s base d o n classica l Lati n sources ; an d many lesser works. (B) Muc h eulogisti c referenc e i s mad e t o Chauce r b y earl y moder n English writers: he i s the fathe r o f English poetry, the Englis h Homer . 87

Chaucer, Geoffrey This i s not merel y lip-service, bu t som e o f the prais e i s conventional, and the extent of his readership and influenc e do not fully tall y with it. The Elizabethan s evidently used Chaucer as a name on which to hang a nativ e pantheon whil e finding hi s work in some ways rather remote . They sense a gap in literary history between the medieval classic s and themselves, an d thi s feelin g become s stronge r afte r th e en d o f th e sixteenth century . Languag e an d metr e ar e a principa l par t o f th e problem. Jonson in Timber i s against letting the young 'taste Gower, or Chaucer a t first , les t falling too muc h i n lov e with antiquit y . . . they grow rough an d bar e i n language'. As for Chaucer's versification , the ignorance o f th e sixteenth-centur y editor s (Willia m Thynne , 1532 ; John Stow, 1561 ; Thomas Speght, 1598 , 1602 ) about change s i n pronunciation sinc e th e fourteent h century produces catastrophi c result s when they attempt t o 'correct' their texts; knowledge of the us e of final 'e' i n Middle English , in particular, is needed to understand Chaucer' s prosody. 'Chaucer is hard even to our understanding', writes Marston in 1598 . Nevertheless, a s th e numbe r o f published edition s (above ) suggests, Chaucer wa s muc h rea d an d muc h enjoye d b y Shakespeare' s con temporaries (fo r responses se e Brewe r 1978 : i) . I n genera l h e wa s thought o f a s ' a seriou s romanti c writer ' (Thompso n 1978 : 216 ) of tales, particularly Troilus and The Knight's Tale, which were not regarde d as impossibl y old-fashioned . Hi s 'moral ' aspect s tende d t o b e mad e central: th e sententiousnes s of Troilus and Criseyde, i n particular , stoo d the poem i n good stead. He was praised as a learned poet, both for his use o f foreign author s an d fo r hi s knowledg e of 'astronomic , philoso phic, an d othe r part s o f profound o r cunnin g art ' (Gabrie l Harvey, c. 1585; see Brewer 1978: i, 121) . At a more popular level, the expression 'Canterbury tale ' cam e t o mea n 'bawd y story' , suggestin g th e rac y reputation o f th e collectio n bu t als o it s lowl y literar y status , a t leas t relative to the modern estimate . Chaucer was much pillaged by dramatists: ove r a doze n play s apparentl y base d o n Chauceria n material s (usually fo r plo t only ) appea r betwee n 155 8 an d 1625 , excludin g Shakespeare's bu t includin g tw o los t treatment s o f th e Troilu s an d Cressida story (by Nicholas Grimald, 1559 , and by Thomas Dekker et a/., 1599). Troilus and Criseyde wa s Chaucer' s best-know n singl e wor k i n th e sixteenth century. One o f the episodes which resurfaces in Shakespeare (see (C) ) i s Pandarus' intervie w wit h Criseyd e afte r sh e ha s spen t th e 88

Chaucer, Geoffrey night with Troilus. Its sinister undertones are a reminder of the complex texture of Chaucer's poem . Pandare a morowe, which that comen was Unto his nece, and gan her faire gret e And saied , all this night so rained i t alas That all my drede is, that ye nece swete Have little leiser had t o slepe and mete Al this night (quod he) hath rain so do me wake That some of us I trowe her heddes ake . And nere he came and said, how stant it now This merie morow, nece how can ye fare Creseide answerd, never the bet for you Foxe that ye been, God yeve your hart care God help e me so, ye caused all this fare Trowe I (quod she) for all your words white O wh o so seeth you, knoweth you full lite. With that she gan her fac e for to wrie With the shete and woxe for shame all redde And Pandarus gan under for to prie And saied nece, if that I shall been dedd e Have here a sworde, and smitet h off my hedde With that his arme, all sodainly he thrist Under her necke, and at the last her kist. (in, 1555-75 ; ed. Speght 1598 : fo. 174^ One furthe r passag e underline s this point abou t th e ton e o f Troilus and Criseyde. Nea r th e en d o f the narrativ e Troilu s become s for a shor t while the Trojans' champion , seeking honour in war in recompense for his lost love. All medieval versions of the tal e include this material, bu t Chaucer in particular (sadly mangled her e i n Speght, alas) emphasize s Troilus' new-foun d 'cruelty ' - a quality Shakespear e wil l also stres s in Troilus' altercations with Hector. In many cruell battaile out of drede Of Troylus, this ilke noble knight, (As men ma y in these old bokes rede) 89

Chaucer, Geoffrey Was seen his knighthod, and hi s great migh t And dredelesse his ire day and nigh t Ful cruelly the Greke s aie abought (And alwa y most this Diomede) he soughte And of t time (I find) that they mette With bloody strokes, and with words great Assaying how her speares were whette And God it wote, with many a cruel heat Gan Troylus upon his helme to beat But nathelesse, fortune naugh t ne would Of outher hon d that either die n shoul d (v, 1751-64 ; ed. Spegh t 1598 : fo. 193" ) (C) There is much uncertainty about Shakespeare's reading of Chaucer, in part because Chaucer' s material s ar e almos t alway s found i n othe r possible sources : for example , th e stor y of the Sieg e o f Troy i n Troilus and Criseyde wa s availabl e t o Shakespear e i n Chapman's Homer, in Lydgate, in Caxton, an d perhap s i n on e o r tw o now lost plays (see Presson 1953) . And th e Fal l of Troy wa s a widely understood emble m of betrayal, endlessl y recycled - 't o th e sixteenth centur y the highest secular symbo l o f Disaster ' (Bradbroo k 1958 : 311-12) . Moreover , 'Chaucer's linguisti c remoteness must hav e discourage d direc t quota tion, an d . .. to an exceptional degree , his characteristics vanish when he i s paraphrased, an d hi s wor k become s almos t unrecognizabl e a t second-hand' (Thompson 1978 : 10) . Hence gaugin g Chaucer's par t i n Shakespeare's wor k is a matter o f probabilities rathe r tha n certainties . Shakespeare woul d have read Chauce r eithe r in Speght's 159 8 edition (from whic h quotation s her e ar e taken ) o r th e olde r Sto w o r Thynn e ones. Coghill's (1959) list of twelve verbal and 'notional ' parallels leads him to surmise that Shakespear e rea d or re-readChaucer i n the years of Romeo and Juliet, A Midsummer Night's Dream andRichardII. In th e conventiona l vie w of Troilus and Cressida, Chaucer's Criseyde , an amorous , warm-hearte d youn g woman, i s turned b y Shakespear e into a shallow and selfis h creature , while Troilus becomes 'the feveris h lover o f lat e romanti c poetry' , pron e t o 'deep-roote d doub t an d uncertainty' (Pette t 1949 : 144) . Bu t arguabl y h e alway s was , an d certainly thi s readin g canno t b e supporte d throughout . I n Cressida' s interview wit h Pandaru s fo r whic h th e correspondin g Chauceria n 90

Chaucer, Geoffrey passage is given in (B), for instance, Shakespeare clearl y has no interest in exploiting the undertones present in Chaucer: PANDARUS Ho w now , How now ! How g o maidenheads? Here , yo u maid! Where's my cousin Cressid? CRESSIDA G o hang yourself, you naughty mocking uncle, You bring me to do, and then you flout me too. PANDARUS T o do what? To do what? Let her sa y what. What have I brought you to do? CRESSIDA Come , come, beshrew your heart! You'll ne'er be good, Nor suffe r others . PANDARUS Ha , ha ! Alas, poo r wretch ! A poor capocchia ! Hast no t slept to-night? Would he not, a naughty man, let it sleep? A bugbear tak e him! CRESSIDA Di d not I tell you? Would he were knock'd i' th' head .

(4.2.23-34)

The simpl e contras t betwee n positiv e Chauceria n portrayal s an d negative Shakespearea n one s of the principal s i n Troilus and Cressida i s probably base d o n selectiv e interpretation o f Chaucer's poem , an d i t may hav e bee n rathe r th e ambiguitie s o f hi s sourc e tha t attracte d Shakespeare - whos e ow n ambiguities ar e no t th e same . S o Smit h (1982: 65-9), and Donaldson (1985: 3-5) sum s up this position: Shakespeare understoo d Chaucer's poe m for what it is, a marvelous celebration of romantic love containing a sad recognition of its fragility, a wor k ful l o f ironi c contradiction s an d ye t ringin g tru e i n a way tha t fa r mor e realisti c literatur e fail s t o do . Bu t th e poe m one meet s i n th e criticis m o f Shakespeare' s pla y i s on e wit h a relatively straightforward , oversimplified meaning . . . Shakespear e naturally understood th e ambiguity with which the poem had treated Criseyde, and . . . implanted i n Cressida a complex ambiguity of her own. One ma y speculate that i n other respect s Shakespeare's respons e to Chaucer's work was mainly to do otherwise. In th e handling o f narrative time , Chaucer' s deliberat e sluggishnes s ma y hav e encourage d Shakespeare to speed up Criseyde' s departure fro m Tro y an d he r surrender t o Diomedes, and th e very potent sens e o f temporal distancin g 91

Chaucer, Geoffrey that Chauce r ca n deploy , especiall y i n Boo k v , ma y hav e give n Shakespeare an impulse towards the sudden concentration o f temporal distance a t th e en d o f 3.2 . Again , th e elaborat e withdrawa l o f th e Chaucerian narrato r i n th e las t stretc h o f th e poe m migh t hav e done somethin g t o promp t Shakespeare' s ver y differen t multipl e detachments of the play's triple ending. The Chauceria n deb t o f The Two Noble Kinsmen i s acknowledged i n the Preface: the play has a noble breeder and a pure, A learned, and a poet never went More famous yet 'twixt Po and silve r Trent. Chaucer, of all admir'd, the story gives, There constan t to eternity it lives.

(10-14)

This image o f Chaucer i s conventional fo r the time; and th e sourc e for this play , The Knight's Tale, wa s th e secon d mos t famou s Chauceria n work after Troilus and Criseyde. Th e relationshi p of poem to play is again complex. Again , the narrativ e i s not adhere d t o closely; again, appar ently Chaucerian ideas and details are widely scattered; and there is the additional complicatio n i n this case that i n their collaboratio n Shake speare an d Fletche r ma y hav e seen different thing s in The Knight's Tale and henc e use d i t i n differen t ways . Thompso n (1978 : 214 ) ha s i t that Fletcher' s part s (no t securely identified) see m to stay closer to th e Chaucerian materia l wherea s Shakespear e apparentl y take s greate r freedoms, bu t suc h conclusions are apt to be influenced by preconceptions. Th e 'almos t gratuitou s preoccupatio n wit h horrors ' i n Shake speare's play as a whole may be 'adopt [ed] from th e starke r side of his Chaucerian source' , though the 'harsher , more remote, more prideful , more bullheaded Theseus' i s Shakespeare's invention (Donaldson 1985 : 56, 66). The horror s ar e part o f a vision of human lif e unde r the sway of cosmi c force s whic h Shakespeare/Fletche r perhap s acquire d fro m The Knight's Tale, wher e i t i s concentrate d i n th e description s o f th e temples o f th e god s (echoe d i n th e prayer s o f Arcite , Palamo n an d Emilia i n Ac t 5) , an d th e qualit y o f whic h ma y b e though t o f a s Lucretian even though Lucretius was unknown to Chaucer. The Emili a o f The Two Noble Kinsmen i s mor e full y develope d an d more interestin g than Chaucer' s figure . He r praye r to Diana i n Act 5 92

Chaucer, Geoffrey shows both departures from Chaucer (Diana has no 'vengeance' or 'ire') and similaritie s (he r reques t i s precisely identical). However , althoug h all o f Ac t 5 i s usuall y attribute d t o Shakespeare , thi s passag e look s distinctly unlike his work. Emily's speech is followed b y Emilia's here : O chast e goddesse of the woddes gren e To whom bothe heven and yearth and se e is sene Quene of the reigne of Pluto, derke and low Goddesse of maidens, that myn hert hath know Ful many a yere, and woste what I desir e As kepe me fro the vengeaunce of thyn yre That Acteon abough t cruell y Chaste goddesse, well woste thou that I Desyre to ben a mayde al my life Ne never woll I be love ne wif e I am (thow woste well) of thy compan y A maide, and love hunting and venery And for to walken in the woddes wilde And not for to ben a wife, and ben with childe Nought will I know company of man Now helpe me lady sith you may and can For tho thre formes that thou hast in the And Palamon, that hath such a love to me And ek e Arcite, that loveth me so sore This grace I pray the withouten more And send love and peace betwixt hem two And fr o me turne away her herte s so That all her hotte love, and her desire And all her busy turment, and al l her fire Be queint, or turned in another plac e And if so be thou wolte not do me that grac e Or i f so be my destinie be shapen so That I shall nedes have one of hem two As sende me him that most desireth me (2297-2325; Spegh t 1598 : fo. 7" ) O sacred , shadowy, cold, and constant queen, Abandoner o f revels, mute contemplative , 93

Chaucer, Geoffrey Sweet, solitary, white as chaste, and pure As wind-fanned snow, who to thy female knight s Allow'st no more blood than will make a blush, Which is their order's robe: I here, thy priest, Am humbled fore thine altar. O, vouchsafe With that thy rare green eye, which never yet Beheld thing maculate, look on thy virgin; And, sacred silver mistress, lend thine ear Which ne'e r hear d scurri l term, into whose port Ne'er entere d wanton sound - t o my petition, Seasoned with holy fear. This is my last Of vestal office. I am bride-habited, But maiden-hearted. A husband I have 'pointed, But do not know him. Out o f two, I should Choose one and pray for his success, but I Am guiltless of election. Of mine eyes Were I to lose one, they are equal precious I could doom neither: that which perished should Go to't unsentenced. Therefore, most modest queen , He of the two pretenders that best loves me And has the truest title in't, let him Take off my wheaten garland, o r else grant That file and quality I hold I may Continue in thy band. (5.3.1-26) Other than in Troilus and Cressida and The Two Noble Kinsmen., the mos t substantial claims for Chaucerian influenc e o n Shakespeare com e with A Midsummer Night's Dream. This play apparentl y reflect s thre e o r mor e of Chaucer' s works . Brook s (1979 ) catalogue s loca l correspondence s with The Knight's Tale, especiall y fo r th e framin g actio n an d fo r plo t elements, an d with The Merchant's Tale for Oberon and Titania's quarrel. The Legend of Good Women i s use d fo r th e Pyramu s an d Thisb e story , which becaus e o f certai n correspondence s i n th e detail s o f th e respective parodies i s also held by Donaldson (1985 : 9) to be 'the moral equivalent - a n inspired recreatio n - o f Chaucer's Tale of Sir Thopas'. Theseus i s by no mean s simply taken over from The Knight's Tale. He i s closer to the condition of the lovers by virtue of his unmarried state , and Shakespeare acknowledge s - a s Chaucer doe s not - hi s womanizing 94

Chaucer, Geoffrey past. The near-interchangeablenes s of Demetrius and Lysander may be an ide a borrowe d fro m th e sam e poem , wit h thei r triangula r love relationship square d 't o conver t th e plo t fro m tragicomed y . . . t o comedy' (Donaldso n 1985 : 36) . Plut o an d Proserpin a fro m The Merchant's Tale have long been recognized a s the models for Oberon an d Titania, thoug h ther e ar e complicatin g factor s suc h a s th e Shakes pearean name s (fro m Huon o f Burdeux and Ovid respectively) . Some o f th e overal l scepticis m o f A Midsummer Night's Dream abou t young love may be caught from th e same Chaucerian work. A few more tenuous links have been drawn between Shakespeare an d Chaucer. Romeo and Juliet perhap s appropriate s element s fro m th e presentation of the lover s in Troilus and Criseyde (se e Mehl 1984) , though the picture is complicated b y the undoubted us e of Chaucer's poem by Arthur Brooke in Shakespeare's principal source, The Tragicall Historye of Troilus and Criseyde (se e Gibbons 1980 : 36-42). The Franklin's Tale ha s been linke d with Prospero' s magi c (Hillma n 1983) . The Legend of Good Women may hav e suggested details for The Rape ofLucrece (se e Bush 1932: 150), and th e plo t of The Knight's Tale has on e elemen t in common with The Two Gentlemen of Verona (se e Leech 1969 : xxxvi). A numbe r o f interesting Chaucerian detail s in The Merry Wives of Windsor, especiall y concerning Falstaff , an d i n th e figur e o f Falstaff i n othe r plays , especiall y via th e Wif e o f Bath , hav e bee n suggeste d (b y Judith Kollman n i n Donaldson an d Kollmann 1983 , and by Donaldson 1985) . (D) Coghil l (1959) supplie s a resum e o f earlier discussion . Thompso n (1978) was the first book-length study of the subjec t an d contain s a ful l bibliography u p t o 1978 ; only major item s and cite d item s up t o tha t date ar e liste d below . A substantia l recen t discussio n o f The Two Noble Kinsmen whic h develop s fro m Thompson' s conclusion s is Metz (1989 : 409-18). Th e subtl y worke d argument s o f Donaldso n (1985) , no t universally accepted, exten d and elaborat e Chauceria n connection s for A Midsummer Night's Dream, The Two Noble Kinsmen, Troilus and Cressida and, mor e conjecturally , Romeo and Juliet an d th e figur e o f Falstaff . Donaldson an d Kellmann' s edite d essa y collection (1983 ) overlap s bu t moves also to The Taming of the Shrew and othe r Shakespearea n contexts with no particular Chauceria n background . Bergeron, D. M. (1969) . 'The Wife o f Bath and Shakespeare' s Taming of the Shrew.' University Review 35 : 279-86 . 95

Chaucer, Geoffrey Bradbrook. M. C . (1958) . 'Wha t Shakespear e did t o Chaucer' s Troilus andCriseyde: ShQ9: 311-19. Brewer, Derek, ed. (1978) . Chaucer: The Critical Heritage, 2 vols. London. Brooks, Harol d E , ed . (1979) . A Midsummer Night's Dream (Arde n Shakespeare). London. Bush, Dougla s (1932) . Mythology and the Renaissance Tradition in English Poetry. London . Coghill, Nevill (1959) . 'Shakespeare' s Reading in Chaucer', pp. 86-99 in Elizabethan and Jacobean Studies Presented to Frank Percy Wilson. Oxford. Donaldson, E . Talbo t (1985) . The Swan at the Well: Shakespeare Reading Chaucer. New Haven . Donaldson, E . Talbot, an d Judith J. Kollmann , ed s (1983). Chaucerian Shakespeare: Adaptation and Transformation. Detroit . Gibbons, Brian , ed . (1980) . Romeo and Juliet (Arde n Shakespeare) . London. Hale, Davi d G . (1985) . 'Bottom' s Drea m an d Chaucer. ' ShQ 36 : 219-20. Hillman, Richar d (1983) . 'Chaucer' s Franklin' s Magicia n an d The Tempest A n Influenc e Beyond Appearances?' ShQJ$4:'. 426-32. James, Heathe r (1997) . Shakespeare's Troy: Drama, Politics, and the Translation of Empire. Cambridge. Leech, Clifford , ed . (1969) . The Two Gentlemen of Verona (Arde n Shakespeare). London. Lehnert, Martin (1967) . 'Shakespeare und Chaucer. ' ShJ 103: 7-39 . Mehl, Diete r (1984) . 'Chauceria n Comed y an d Shakespearea n Tragedy.' ShJ 120: 111-27. Metz, G . Harold , ed . (1989) . Sources of Four Plays Ascribed to Shakespeare. Columbia, MI. Pettet, E. C . (1949) . Shakespeare and the Romance Tradition. London . Presson, Rober t K . (1953) . Shakespeare's 'Troilus and Cressida' and the Legends of Troy. Madison, WI. Smith, Valeri e (1982) . 'Th e Histor y o f Cressida', pp . 61-7 9 inj . A . Jowitt an d R . K . S . Taylor, eds, Self and Society in Shakespeare's 'Troilus and Cressida' and 'Measure for Measure' (Bradfor d Centr e Occasiona l Papers, 4). Bradford. Speght, Thomas, ed . (1598) . The Workes ofourAntient and Learned English Poet, Geffrey Chaucer. London. Thompson, An n (1978) . Shakespeare's Chaucer: A Study in Literary Origins. Liverpool. 96

Chaucer, Geoffrey Turner, Rober t K. , J r (1980) . 'The Two Noble Kinsmen an d Speght' s Chaucer.' JV<2?Q,225: 175-6 . Chester, Robert (c . 1566-1640), Poet Th e 160 1 edition o f Chester's peculia r poe m Loves Martyr include d Shakespeare' s The Phoenix and the Turtle a s on e o f severa l response s t o it ; Shakespear e had evidentl y studied Chester's work for the occasion and appropriate d its allusive, mystical manner. Buxton, John (1980) . 'Tw o Dea d Birds : A Not e o n The.Phoenix and Turtle'., pp . 44—5 5 i n [Joh n Carey , ed., ] English Renaissance Studies Presented to Dame Helen Gardner in Honour of her Seventieth Birthday. Oxford. Prince, F . T, ed . (1969) . The Poems (Arde n Shakespeare) , xxviii-xlvi . London (firs t published 1960) .

Chronicle History Plays (Includin g The Famous Victories of Henry V, The True Tragedie of Richard III, The Troublesome Raigne of King John, The True Chronicle History of King Leir, Woodstock] Se e als o Morality Tradition. (A) The Englis h history play which emerged as a distinct type by the late 1580s was in one sens e 'buil t on th e foundation s of morality structure ' (Potter 1975 : 113) . But thes e plays, unlik e the historica l drama s o f the immediately preceding decades, moved decisively away from the figurative an d earnestl y moralisti c mode s o f th e Morality Tradition t o become full y historica l i n content , thoug h typicall y the y hav e contemporary politica l implications . I n general, chronicl e history plays are plays o f th e 1580 s an d 1590 s base d o n historica l authorities suc h a s Hall, Holinshed, Foxe and Stow (Holinshed i s usually the immedi ate source , bu t th e materia l involve d i s ofte n draw n ultimatel y fro m Hall), usin g the histor y for a didacti c purpos e (lik e Henry V) and not merely for the sak e of the story or its historical trapping s (like Cymbeline). With the exception of Woodstock, al l the chronicl e histories which ma y have bee n use d b y Shakespear e (se e heading, above ) belonge d t o th e repertory o f the Queen' s Men (founde d 1583) . They were acted i n the years of the company's greates t prestige in the mid-1580s, but were not printed unti l afte r it s collapse i n 159 4 (se e Gurr 1996 : 210) . Mos t ar e 97

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examples o f the 'larg e play' type , with fifteen or mor e speakin g parts , pioneered an d mad e fashionabl e by the Queen's Men (se e Gurr 1996 : 58-61), an d ar e notable fo r moral an d particularl y patrioti c conform ism, th e latter 'prepare d for by a revival of interest in wars of long ago' during th e 'Armad a period ' (c. 1583-96) i n whic h 'Englishme n wer e exhorted to defend thei r countr y . .. by means of plentiful citation s of famous English exploits' (Honigmann 1954b : xxvi). More recen t claims that 'th e chronicle play s are framed t o permit - indee d to encourage — . . . responses that . . . accommodate an d stimulate the divergent polit ical view s of a sociall y heterogeneous audience' (Champio n 1990 : 13 ) are ofte n onl y doubtfull y sustainable . The Famous Victories of Henry V celebrated wha t th e Tudor s sa w as England' s fines t hour , Agincourt ; The Troublesome Raigne of King John wa s apparentl y writte n immedi ately afte r th e near-invasio n o f th e Armada , an d i s strongl y anti Catholic, depictin g fo r exampl e th e Bastard' s discover y o f clerica l lust an d avaric e i n th e cours e o f sackin g a monaster y (a n episod e which end s in the arres t o f 'Peter, a Prophet') . Another o f the notabl e features o f thes e play s i s thei r developmen t awa y fro m rhetorica l modes toward s th e spontaneou s an d modulate d manne r o f speec h (whether in prose or verse) that will typify late r Elizabethan drama (see Clemen 1961) . Chronicle historie s tended t o b e publishe d anonymously , and hav e been severally and uncertainly ascribed over the years to a wide range of Elizabetha n playwright s includin g Greene, Lodge, Peel e an d Rowley. Some must have been written by several hands. It is important to appreciate tha t the y were not alway s static texts which stayed in the repertory for a shorter o r longer period an d the n disappeare d fro m it : they were subject to revision or adaptation for revivals, either b y a new hand withi n the company they belonged to , or when the rights to them passed fro m on e compan y t o anothe r (thoug h ther e i s rarel y an y evidence of more than one such revision of a single play). A well-known example o f thi s practic e fro m a late r decad e i s the 160 2 revisio n o f Kyd's Spanish Tragedy, involvin g five passages of fresh materia l totallin g some 32 0 lines . Suc h revisio n shoul d b e distinguishe d fro m th e wholesale reworking of a play - King Lear, for example (labelle d a 'true chronicle history ' o n it s first appearance i n quart o i n 1608) , has a fa r more distant relationship to the True Chronicle History of King Leir (see (C)). In th e cas e of The Spanish Tragedy th e differen t version s are bot h extant , but wit h th e chronicl e historie s th e printe d version s sho w onl y som e 98

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eventual stat e o f th e text , whic h ma y therefor e no t reflec t wha t wa s available when Shakespeare is likely to have seen or read them . (B) Writing in defence o f stage plays in 1592 , Nashe says: First, for the subjec t o f them (fo r th e mos t part) it is borrowed ou t o f our Englis h Chronicles , wherei n ou r forefather s valian t acte s (tha t have lyne long buried i n rustic brasse and worme-eate n bookes) are revived, an d the y the m selve s rayse d fro m th e Grav e o f Oblivion , and brough t t o plead e thei r age d Honour s i n ope n presence : than which , wha t can bee a sharpe r reproofe , to thes e desperat e effeminate daye s of ours? (Nashe 1969:26 ) Though perhap s tongue-in-cheek , thi s passag e fro m Pierce Penilesse leaves n o roo m fo r doub t o f the extrem e popularit y o f th e chronicl e play during the early phases of Shakespeare's dramatic career . The Famous Victories of Henry V contain s severa l scene s which loo k familiar t o reader s o f Shakespeare. I n compariso n wit h th e following passage, 'the play-acting that goes on between Hal and Falstaf f in 2.4 of Shakespeare's play is incomparably richer , and ye t it, too, connects the comic taver n world with th e politica l scen e at cour t through mimicr y and role-playing' (Bevington 1987 : 22). Derick is a carrier, John Cobler an innkeeper, and they here act over again what has just happened, th e Lord Chief Justice committing the Prince to the Fleet for boxing him on the ear. One ca n imagine good actors making it tolerably entertaining: DER. Fait h John, lie tel thee what, thou shalt be my Lord chief e Justice, and tho u shalt sit in the chaire , And ile be the yong prince, and hit thee a boxe on the eare, And then thou shalt say, to teach you what prerogatives Meane, I commit you to the Fleete. JOHN Com e on, Ile be your Judge, But thou shalt not hit me hard. DER. No , no . JOHN. Wha t hath he done? DER. Marr y he hath robd Dericke. JOHN. Wh y then I cannot let him go. DER. I must needs have my man. 99

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JOHN. Yo u shall not hav e him. DER. Shal l I not have my man, sa y no and you dare: How say you, shall I not have my man? JOHN. N o marry shall you not. DER. Shal l I not John? JOHN. N o Dericke . DER. Wh y then take you that till more come , Sownes, shall I not have him? JOHN. Wel l I am content to take this at your hand, But I pray you, who am I? DER. Wh o ar t thou , Sownds, doost not know thy self ? JOHN. No . DER. No w awa y simple fellow, Why man, thou art John the Cobler. JOHN. No , I am my Lord chief e Justice o f England. DER. O h John, Masse thou saist true, thou art indeed . JOHN. Wh y then to teach you what prerogatives mea n I commit you to the Fleete. (Anon. 1598:sig . B4r^ (C) A strikingl y larg e numbe r o f non-Shakespearea n chronicl e play s have Shakespearea n association s or affinities , an d th e reason s fo r thi s have never been full y explained . Amon g Shakespeare' s works the His tories ar e naturall y th e one s i n whic h influence s fro m chronicl e play s would be expecte d to be strongest . Largely because of the difficult y o f establishing eve n basic fact s suc h as the sequenc e of composition an d revision fo r chronicl e play s an d relate d Shakespearea n texts , i t i s a n open questio n ho w fa r Shakespear e migh t b e sai d t o hav e invente d a kind o f history play distinc t from wha t the Englis h stage could alread y show. F . P. Wilson's famou s (an d strictl y true) remark tha t 'ther e i s n o certain evidence that any popular dramatist before Shakespeare wrote a play based on English history' (Wilson 1953: 106 ) runs directly counter to David Riggs ' attemp t t o show that Shakespear e 'se t out to imitate a kind o f heroical histor y play tha t Green e an d hi s contemporaries ha d already brought to fruition' (1971 : 2). Uncertainties abou t chronolog y are the main sticking-poin t in establishing th e relationship s i n th e case s of Richard III an d King John. Th e crude bu t i n som e ways powerful True Tragedie of Richard III (publishe d 1594) cover s much o f th e sam e groun d a s Richard III, an d ther e ar e 100

Chronicle History Plays occasional verbal resemblances including, for example, th e True Tragedie Richard's cal l for a new mount a t Bosworth, 'A horse, a horse, a fres h horse!' But these similarities ca n be explained variously , especially since only a corrupt text of the chronicle play survives: 'there must have been a textually sound True Tragedy . . . which may have ante-dated Richard III and influence d Shakespeare' , an d i t i s 'likely' tha t th e extan t versio n conflates an d garble s both thi s and th e Shakespear e pla y (Honigmann 1968: 14) . And, thoug h Shakespear e must at som e point hav e read o r heard this earlie r version , ther e are argument s fo r both Shakespeare' s influence o n i t (Honigman n 1954a ) an d th e convers e (Wilso n 1952) . The Troublesome Raigne of King John, a clums y work publishe d i n 159 1 (ed. Side r 1979) , is so obscurely relate d t o Shakespeare' s pla y tha t i t has sometime s bee n dubbe d 'Th e Troublesom e Pla y o f Kin g John'. The relationshi p ha s deepl y influence d critica l discussio n o f King John. The Troublesome Raigne was printed as Shakespeare's ow n i n 161 1 and 1622 . It contain s line s an d phrase s identica l an d near-identical with one s i n Shakespeare' s pla y (a s well a s materia l purloine d fro m Marlowe and other dramatists), an d 'the selection and compression o f historical material an d th e sequence of events are sometimes extremely close' (Braunmuller 1989: 5; for a running comparison see Bullough, iv, 9-15). Again, dating of the Shakespeare play is difficult. O n balance of probabilities i t post-dates the Troublesome Raigne, but th e similaritie s still need no t reflec t th e direc t influenc e o f th e Raigne o n Shakespeare , though thi s i s th e curren t consensu s (fo r example , Bullough , iv , 5 ; Smallwood 1974 : 365-74 - fo r other hypotheses see Braunmuller 1989 : 10-11). Richard II ha s a majo r sourc e i n Woodstock (c. 1591-4 ; als o calle d Thomas of Woodstock and The First Part of the Reign of King Richard the Second] ed . Rossite r 1946) . This pla y deal s with the reig n o f Richard I I from th e tim e o f hi s marriag e t o Ann e o f Bohemi a i n 138 2 t o th e murder o f hi s uncl e Thoma s o f Woodstock , Duk e o f Gloucester , i n 1397. Itsel f apparently dependen t o n Shakespeare' s 2 Henry VI, it i s a high-quality play combining goo d comed y with serious presentation of the conflic t betwee n upstarts and establishe d nobility. Though i t covers events historicall y prior t o thos e o f Shakespeare' s play , Shakespeare' s cannot b e regarde d a s a seque l to it: for one thing , it s central figure is not Richar d bu t Gloucester . Bu t Shakespear e doe s allud e t o i t som e twelve times in Richard II1.2, a s well as elsewhere in his work, and seems to assume , o r eve n t o b e 'peculiarl y dependent ' on , hi s audience' s 101

Chronicle History Plays memory o f it to explai n element s in his own Richard I I play (Rossiter 1961: 29). In particular, the question of who was responsible for Woodstock's deat h lurk s behin d Richard II, Thoug h i t ma y b e argue d tha t Shakespeare deliberatel y cloud s the issu e a s part o f his play's 'politica l agnosticism' (s o Sanders 1968 : 158-65) , it i s the cas e that i f the audi ence assume s Richard's culpabilit y (a s shown i n Woodstock], the n 'hi s confused action s throughout Act s I an d I F ca n b e viewed as derivin g 'from a guilt , o r guilts , ou t o f which ther e i s no clea r path ' (Rossite r 1961: 36). Apart from this special link to Shakespeare's play, Woodstock is sometimes though t t o hav e been significan t fo r Richard II dramaturgi cally or stylistically , and sometime s merely as one o f several sources for the historica l event s of the reign . Th e firs t o f these positions involves ascribing a morality 'shape' to Richard's career : Poised between grave counselors (John o f Gaunt) and flattering vices (Bushy, Green , Bagot ) Richard make s the traditiona l wron g choice s and suffer s th e chastenin g result s . . . The instrumen t o f Richard's correction, Henry Bolingbroke , becomes in his own turn a figure of royal moralit y . . . Th e momen t o f contritio n whic h i n th e trad itional morality sequence leads directly on to repentance i s employed by Shakespeare as a superbly ironic ending, pointing forward to 'the unquiet time of King Henry the Fourth'. (Potte r 1975 : 130 ) Shakespeare's 1 Henry IValso seem s to have been affected b y Woodstock: there are close verbal similarities in one passage and, more debatably, a villain wit h som e resemblance s t o Falstaf f an d a n integratio n o f low comed y wit h cour t dram a (se e Elso n 1935 ; Humphrey s 1974 : xxxvi—xxxvii). The Famous Victories of Henry the Fifth: Containing the Honourable Battell of Agin-court deal s wit h th e hero' s exploit s no t onl y a t Agincour t bu t i n London as Prince of Wales. Hence it - o r some other version very like it - wa s a sourc e for both Henry IV an d Henry V. It was entered i n the Stationers' Register in 159 4 but is not known to have been printed until 1598. 1 Henry IV share s its overall narrativ e outline , severa l scene s or incidents such as the tavern play-acting in (B), above, and detail s such as names an d expressions . A s fo r Henry V, 'o n th e availabl e evidence , Holinshed an d The Famous Victories betwee n the m provide d al l th e material fro m which [Shakespeare ] create d the dramatic action ' (Craik 1995: 10) . But ther e wer e other , non-extant, play s abou t Henr y V a s 102

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well as this one. If the full picture could be seen, 'a flood of light might be thrown o n Shakespeare' s us e of this material . . . That h e use d som e form o f The Famous Victories the resemblance s show : that i t was no t th e existing patchwor k i s suggeste d by , first , The Famous Victories'' almos t imbecile natur e . . . and, second , th e fact that Oldcastle must have been more familiar to Elizabethan audience s when Shakespeare took him up than he could possibly be from The Famous Victories' (Humphreys 1974). A particularly full canvassing of the various possibilities is Melchiori (1989). One othe r chronicl e play-sourc e pertain s principall y t o King Lear., though earlier echoes of it can als o be found , fo r instance in Richard II. The anonymou s True Chronicle History of King Leir and his Three Daughters (published 1605 , bu t probabl y datin g fro m th e sixteent h century) is an inept play , notwithstandin g Tolstoy' s notoriou s preferenc e fo r i t ove r Shakespeare's. I t gav e Shakespear e a n outlin e o f on e possibl e rout e through the story (for a summary of the play see Muir 1972 : xxv-xxvi). But afte r th e openin g scene o f King Lear, where th e overal l plo t motiv ation is taken from th e Chronicle History, the divergences are in most ways greater than th e parallels: there is in Leir no fool, no storm, no madness, no Poor Tom, n o banished o r disguised Kent, and no death for Lear or Cordelia (wh o are restore d t o power an d happiness) . Hence i t may be argued tha t Shakespear e handled th e sourc e with complet e freedom . Accounts stressin g the importanc e of Leir includ e La w (1958) , Lync h (1986 an d 1998 ) an d Namer i (1976 : i) . Paul s (1984 ) provides a carefu l and conservative review, concluding that the closest similarities between the tw o plays lie in numerous verbal echoes and th e structur e of some of the longer speeches. (D) Excerpt s fro m th e chronicl e historie s ar e liberall y provide d i n Bullough, in-iv, an d Sati n (1966) , bu t fo r ful l text s se e the complet e editions below o r those i n serie s such a s the Malon e Societ y Reprints . Almost al l th e publishe d scholarshi p o n thes e work s a s Shakespear e sources is on singl e plays, often i n editions o f Shakespeare, an d ther e is no good synoptic discussion of the area. The neares t things are Tillyard (1944) an d Champio n (1990) , bot h o f which dea l wit h th e chronicl e histories in extenso bu t neithe r o f whic h engage s closel y wit h thei r Shakespearean connections . Th e groundwor k o n Shakespear e wa s mainly done i n th e literatur e o n individua l play s i n th e firs t hal f o f the twentiet h century ; se e th e recen t article s an d edition s liste d fo r refinements an d reassessments. 103

Chronicle History Plays Bullough, m-iv; Jones (1977); Satin (1966) ; TUlyard (1944). Anon. (1598). The Famous Victories of Henry the Fifth: Containing the Honourable Battell ofAgin-court. London . Bevington, David , ed . (1987) . Henry IV, Part 1 (Oxfor d Shakespeare). Oxford. Boyd, Bria n (1995) . 'King John an d The Troublesome Raigne: Sources , Structure, Sequence.' PQlk. 37-56. Braunmuller, A. R., ed. (1989). King John (Oxford Shakespeare). Oxford. Brooks, Harold F . (1980). ' 'Richard III: Unhistorica l Amplifications: The Women's Scenes and Seneca.' MLR 75 : 721-37. Campbell, Lil y B. (1947) . Shakespeare's "Histories": Mirrors of Elizabethan Policy. San Marino, CA. Champion, Larr y S . (1990) . 'The Noise of Threatening Drum': Dramatic Strategy and Political Ideology in Shakespeare and the English Chronicle Plays. Newark, DE. Clemen, Wolfgang (1961) . English Tragedy before Shakespeare: The Development of Dramatic Speech. London . Craik, T. W, ed . (1995). King Henry F (Arden Shakespeare). London. Elson, John James (1935) . 'Th e Non-Shakespearea n Richard II an d Shakespeare's Henry IV, Part 7.' SP 32: 177-88 . Gurr, Andrew (1996). The Shakespearian Playing Companies. Oxford. Hamilton, Donn a B . (1983). 'The Stat e o f Law i n Richard II: SAC134 : 5-17. Hammond, Antony , ed. (1981) . King Richard III (Arde n Shakespeare) . London. Honigmann, E. A.J. (1954a). 'Shakespeare's "Lost Source-Plays".' MLR 49: 293-307. ed. (1954b). King John (Arden Shakespeare). London. ed. (1968) . Richard III (Ne w Penguin Shakespeare) . Harmonds worth. Humphreys, A . R. , ed . (1974) . The First Part of King Henry IV (Arde n Shakespeare). London (firs t publishe d 1960). Law, Rober t Adger (1958). 'King Leir and King Lear. An Examinatio n o f the Tw o Plays' , pp . 112-2 4 i n Do n Camero n Allen , ed. , Studies in Honor of T. W. Baldwin. Urbana, IL . Lynch, Stephe n J. (1986) . 'Sin, Sufferin g an d Redemptio n i n Leir an d Lear: ShSt 18: 161-74 . (1998). Shakespearean Intertextuality: Studies in Selected Sources and Plays. Westport, CT

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Chronicle History Plays Melchiori, Giorgio , ed . (1989) . The Second Part of King Henry IV (Ne w Cambridge Shakespeare) . Cambridge. Muir, Kenneth, ed. (1972) . King Lear (Arden Shakespeare). London. Nameri, Doroth y E . (1976) . Three Versions of the Story of King Lear Studied in Relation to One Another, 2 vols. Salzburg. Nashe, Thoma s (1969) . Pierce Peniless 1592. Menston (facsimil e reprin t of first edition). Pauls, Pete r (1984) . 'The True Chronicle History of King Leir an d Shakespeare's King Lear. A Reconsideration.' Upstart Crow 5: 93-107. Perrett, Wilfrid (1904) . The Story of King Lear from Geoffrey ofMonmouth to Shakespeare. Berlin . Potter, Rober t (1975) . The English Morality Play: Origins, History and Influence of a Dramatic Tradition. London . Riggs, Davi d (1971) . Shakespeare's Heroical Histories: 'Henry VF and its Literary Tradition. Cambridge, MA . Rossiter, A. P., ed. (1946) . Woodstock: A Moral History. London . Rossiter, A . P . (1961) . Angel with Horns: Fifteen Lectures on Shakespeare. London. Sanders, Wilbu r (1968) . The Dramatist and the Received Idea: Studies in the Plays of Marlowe and Shakespeare. Cambridge . Sider, J. W , ed . (1979) . The Troublesome Raigne of John, King of England. New York. Simmons, J . L . (1969) . 'Shakespeare' s King John an d it s Source : Coherence, Pattern, an d Vision. ' Tulane Studies in English 17 : 53-72. Smallwood, Robert , ed . (1974) . King John (Ne w Penguin Shakespeare) . Harmondsworth. Thomas, Sidne y (1986). '"EnteraSheriffe": Shakespeare' s Kingjohn and The Troublesome Raigne: ShQ37: 98-100 (and correspondence, 38: 124-30). Wilson, F. P. (1953). Marlowe and the Early Shakespeare. Oxford . Wilson, J. Dove r (1952) . 'Shakespeare's Richard III and The True Tragedy of Richard the Third, 1594. ' ShQ3: 299-306.

Chronicque de la Tratson et Mori de Richard Deux

(Anon.) Th e Traison is an eye-witness account of the fall of Richard II, available onl y in manuscript i n Shakespeare' s time. Som e commenta tors detect echoe s of its phrasing in Richard II; if they are righ t t o do so, it could have been ' a source of creative inspiration or "invention"' (Ure 1961: xlvi) for important aspect s of the play. 105

Chronicque de la Treason etMort de Richard Deux Ure, Peter , ed . (1961) . Richard II (Arde n Shakespeare) , pp . xliv-xlix . London.

Cicero, Marcus Tullius (106-43 BC), Roman Orator, Statesman and Writer (A) Cicer o wa s bor n int o a wealth y bu t no t high-rankin g famil y i n Latium, studie d law, oratory an d Gree k a t Rome , an d serve d i n th e Roman arm y i n 90-8 8 BC . His firs t importan t speeche s wer e a s a pleader in the forum when he was in his twenties. He held a succession of publi c offices , firs t abroad , then , afte r recommencin g wit h grea t distinction his career as an orator in the forum, in Rome, as praetor an d subsequently consul. In this capacity in 63 he foiled Catiline' s conspiracy b y securin g the executio n o f five conspirators. A t firs t see n a s a hero, h e wa s shortl y condemne d t o exil e o n accoun t o f thi s (illegal) action, but was recalled to Rome in 55 BC. During the Civil War he first supported Pompey , then Caesar . Hi s Philippics., speeche s against Mar k Antony delivered in 43, cost him hi s life, fo r the triumvirat e formed b y Antony, Octavia n an d Lepidu s proscribe d him ; fleeing to his villa, h e was overtaken and killed by Antony's soldiers. Cicero's work s includ e seve n treatise s o n rhetoric ; politica l phil osophy, notably the only partly surviving De Republican philosophical an d ethical treatises including the Tusculanae Disputationes, De Senectute (On Old Age], DeAmicitia (On Friendship], De Officiis (On Duties] an d De Beneficiis (On Benefits}; fifty-si x orations ; and ove r 800 epistles. (B) It would be hard t o overstate Cicero's importance t o early modern writers an d readers , o f man y differen t persuasions . Marti n Luthe r ranked hi m abov e Aristotle , thinkin g o f hi s philosopho-theologica l works i n declarin g tha t h e treate d th e fines t an d bes t o f questions . Cicero was also the Humanists ' hero : for completely different reasons , Erasmus promoted him as a teacher of ethics closer to Christ than the scholastic theologians. As politician, orato r an d moralis t h e united th e active an d th e contemplativ e life ; hi s styl e wa s (often ) th e ultimat e model of eloquence; his ethical writings were unquestioned authorities; his rhetorica l work s were th e sourc e o f th e Humanists ' educationa l theory. Cicero was probably rea d mor e ofte n an d b y a wider range of people than any other classical author in the sixteenth century. Jonson, who in Catiline presented him a s a dramatic figure and translate d him, 106

Cicero, Marcus Tullius noted in Timber that Cicero was 'said to be the only wit, that the people of Rome had [whos e greatness] equalled to their empire'. Cicero was Englished from the mid-fifteenth century, as early as almost any classical author. By 1600 many of his writings were available in English, the more popular sometimes in a choice of renderings. His sixteenthcentury translators , whos e work ofte n ra n t o man y editions , include d Nicholas Grimald (1555) , John Dolman (1561) , John Harington (fathe r of the Elizabethan poet , 1562 ) and Thomas Newton (1569, 1577) . The followin g samples are fro m th e Dolma n translatio n o f Cicero's Tusculan Disputations, a n immensel y popula r se t o f fiv e discourse s o n philosophical question s se t at Cicero' s vill a i n Tusculanum . Th e firs t passage, fro m Boo k i o n th e natur e o f th e soul , exhibit s th e mor e speculative sid e o f this famous work; the nex t excerpts , fro m Boo k v, show a more down-to-earth element : So the soul e (whyc h if it be o f any o f those .iiii . bodyes , whereof all thinges are made , dot h undoubtedl y consis t of fyer, which e opinio n Panetius als o liketh best ) must nede s flie to th e highe r regions : For those .ii . elementes , namelye fye r an d aer , hav e n o fallynge , bu t g o alwayes upwardes. S o it comes to passe, that whethe r they are scat tered farr e fro m th e earth , o r el s do abid e an d alwaye s kepe they r own nature, by all these reasons it must necessarilye folowe, tha t ou r soules ascend unt o heaven deviding thys grosse and compoun d aer , which i s next t o th e earth . Fo r ou r soul e is more whote , o r rathe r more fyerye, tha n this aer, which I termed whilome grosse and compound. And that hereby we may wel perceive: because our dumpishe earthly bodie s d o wax e whote , wit h th e heat e o f our mindes . Fur thermore, it must nedes be, that the soule must lightly passe through this aer (which e I doe ofte n term e grosse) because ther e is nothinge more swift e the n it , neyther any e suc h quickenesse, as may b y anye meanes b e compare d wit h th e quickne s o f the same . Which e i f he remayne unwasted, and lik e to his former bein g he must e needes so move, that he , shal l pearce an d cu t al l this lower aer , in th e which , cloudes, wyndes, and showers, are gathered. Which is both moist and cloudye with the exhaltacions of the earth . (Cicero 1561 : sig. D4™) But h e sayeth , he i s contented onel y with the remembraunc e o f his former pleasures. As if, a man well nye parched with heate, so that, he 107

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is no longer able to abide the sonne should comfort him selfe with the remembraunce, tha t once heretofore, he had bathe d him self e in the cold ryver s of Arpynas. Fo r truly, I see not, how e th e pleasure s tha t are past, may ease the greyeves that are present. . . What i s there, tha t a ma n shoul d feare ? Exil e perhaps , whic h is counted on e o f th e greates t evels . Yet , if you coun t i t t o b e evell , because o f the pleasur e an d grudg e o f the people , the n how e litl e we ough t t o esteem e it, I hav e spoke n afore. Bu t i f you count e i t a misery, t o b e fro m you r countrey : the n truly e i s every provinc e fu l of wretche d men , o f whom ver y few e retourn e hom e again e int o theyr countrey . But al l banyshed me n los e thei r goods . Wha t the n have w e shewe d nothin g howe me n ough t t o bear e povertye? An d truly, exyl e an d banishement , i f we weygh the natur e o f the thinge , and no t th e sham e o f the name , how e muc h differed ! i t fro m tha t continuall wanderinge , i n th e whych e thes e mos t notabl e philo sophers . . . have spent their whole age, and th e cours e of their life ? Who, afte r the y onc e departe d fro m they r countreyes , never cam e thither agayne. And truly , i t could put a wyse ma n (o f whom onl y our talk e i s at this present) to no sham e a t all . Because, no such e thing, ca n right fully com e unt o him . Fo r such a one , a s is ryghtfully banyshed , w e ought no t t o comfort . T o conclude , t o prov e this , w e ma y easel y applie their opinion, who referre al thinges in this life to pleasure. For in wha t soeve r place w e have suc h thynges, ther e w e may liv e well and happelye . An d therfore , hereunto , tha t sayen g of Teucer ma y well be applyed. My countre y (quo d he) is, wheresoever I live well. And Socrates , when one asked of him whence he was: He aunswered of the worlde. (Cicero 1561 : sigs 2C6r, 2Elr-2E2r) (C) Shakespeare , lik e al l educate d Elizabethans , woul d hav e encountered Ciceronia n text s almos t continuousl y through hi s school years, a t leas t fo r rhetori c (especiall y th e Topica an d th e pseudo Ciceronian Ad Herennium) an d mora l philosoph y (especiall y De Officiis). Though the character of Cicero in Julius Caesar probably reflects Shakespeare's reading o f Plutarch in th e Life of Cicero rather tha n o f Cicero himself (pace Vawte r 1976 , who argue s it is based on Cicero' s De Divinatione], Shakespear e doe s refe r directl y to Cicer o (a s 'Tully') mor e tha n once. Th e Treatise on Eloquence addresse d t o Brutu s (Orator), on e o f th e 108

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most ofte n quote d o f Cicero' s rhetorica l works , is allude d t o i n Titus Andronicus, where Titus remarks to young Lucius of Lavinia: Ah, boy, Cornelia never with more care Read t o her sons than she hath read to thee Sweet poetry and Tally's Orator.

(4.1.12-14)

And th e well-know n circumstance s o f Cicero' s deat h ar e mad e a paradigm b y the soon-to-be-execute d Suffolk i n 2 Henry VI: Come, soldiers, show what cruelty ye can, That this my death ma y neve r be forgot — Great men of t die by vile bezonians: A Roman sworde r and banditto slav e Murder'd sweet Tully

(4.1.132-6)

Rather les s obviou s i s tha t th e boo k Hamle t i s readin g immediatel y before hi s 'T o b e o r no t t o be ' soliloqu y (3.1.56 ) seem s to hav e bee n Cicero's Tusculan Disputations (se e Baldwin 1944 : u, 603-8 ) - thoug h there are one or two other candidates. Because Cicero' s were fo r the Renaissanc e th e archetypa l formulations o f man y principle s o f ethica l an d intellectua l conduct , i t i s unsurprising that the behaviour of Shakespeare's character s sometimes reflects the m closel y (for one exampl e se e Adams 1968) . Shakespeare obviously learned directl y or indirectl y from Cicero' s rhetorica l work s too, especially Ad Herennium, an elementary gramma r school text which the playwright uses variously. For example, Holofernes in Love's Labour's Lost use s Cicero's technica l term s fo r letter-writing in Book iv, and i n Romeo and Juliet 5.3 the inquir y involving the Prince , the Watch and th e Friar closel y follows Cicero's explanation o f a conjectural cause judicial (see Baldwi n 1944 : n, 76-107). This knowledge is more than theoretical for Shakespeare : th e genera l manne r o f Ciceronian orator y i s readily identifiable i n speeche s i n man y Shakespear e works . Fo r example , i n Marullus' speech to the people in Julius Caesar Shakespeare employs 'the syntactical an d rhetorica l control , th e fir e an d variet y o f movement , which we find in Cicero's speeches' (Martindale 1990 : 139) . There ar e also man y quit e specifi c rhetorica l feature s mor e likel y t o hav e bee n 109

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learned fro m Ciceronia n text s than fro m an y others i n Shakespeare' s time - plai n diction , rhetorica l questions , apostrophe s an d exclam ations, personification , variatio n i n sentence-length , eve n th e tricolon crescendo o f the fourt h line . 'This, we may feel , i s how a Roma n orato r might speak if he spoke in English' (Martindale 1990 : 139) : Wherefore rejoice? What conques t brings he home? What tributaries follow him to Rome, To grace in captive bonds his chariot wheels? You blocks, you stones, you worse than senseless things! O you hard hearts, you cruel men of Rome, Knew you not Pompey? Many a time and oft Have you climb'd up to walls and battlements, To tow'rs and windows, yea, to chimney-tops , Your infants in your arms, and there have sat The livelong day, with patient expectation , To see great Pompey pass the streets of Rome. And when you saw his chariot but appear , Have you not made an universal shout, That Tiber trembled underneath he r banks, To hear the replication o f your sounds Made i n her concave shores? And do you now put on your best attire? And do you now cull out a holiday? And do you now strew flowers in his way That comes in triumph over Pompey's blood? Be gone! Run to your houses, fall upon your knees, Pray to the gods to intermit th e plague That needs must light on this ingratitude. (1.1.33-56) As well a s having thi s genera l impact , directl y o r indirectly , o n th e style and structure of Shakespeare's more rhetorical writing, Cicero lies behind th e conten t o f several othe r part s o f his work. Sometime s thi s appears t o tak e th e for m o f a n acquaintanc e wit h a complet e text , sometimes onl y with the sententiae that were abstracte d fro m Cicer o i n florilegia an d othe r compilations. Fo r example, a passage in the Tusculan Disputations observin g that slee p is the imag e of death seems to give the 110

Cicero, Marcus Tullius structure a s wel l a s th e ide a t o th e Duke' s consolatio n o f Claudi o (Measure for Measure., 3.1.17-19) , bu t thi s is an 'imitation ' o f something 'recognized a s a sententia lon g befor e Shakespeare ' (Baldwi n 1944 : n, 603). However , the quantity of reference i n Shakespeare to this particular Ciceronia n text , includin g association s betwee n consecutiv e passages, indicate s tha t h e mus t have know n i t i n ful l form , eithe r i n Latin or John Dolman's English translation. Two example s o f Shakespeare' s proximit y t o part s o f the Tusculans are give n here. The passag e quote d i n (B) , above, fro m Boo k i can b e associated wit h Sonne t 4 4 (printe d below ) an d it s companion-piec e Sonnet 4 5 (mor e strongly s o if we take into accoun t th e reference s to Ovid and Lactantius provided i n the standard editio n o f Cicero - see Baldwin 1950 : 249): If the dull substance of my flesh were thought, Injurious distance should not stop my way; For then, despite of space, I would be brought From limits far remote, where thou dost stay. No matter then , although my foot did stand Upon the farthest earth remov' d fro m thee , For nimble thought can jump both sea and land As soon as think the place where he would be. But ah! thought kills me that I am not thought, To leap large lengths of miles when thou art gone , But that, so much of earth and water wrought, I must attend time's leisure with my moan, Receiving nought by elements so slow But heavy tears, badges of cither's woe. Second, th e passag e quote d i n (B ) fro m Tusculan Disputations v appears, notwithstandin g parallels in other texts , to be connected with Bolingbroke's complaint o n hi s impending exil e in Richard II (se e Muir 1977: 57-8) : O, who can hold a fire in his hand By thinking on the frost y Caucasus? Or clo y the hungry edg e of appetite By bare imagination o f a feast? Or wallo w naked in December snow 111

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By thinking on fantastic summer's heat? O, no! the apprehension o f the goo d Gives but the greater feelin g to the worse. Fell sorrow's tooth doth never rankle more Than when he bites, but lanceth not the sore . . . Then, England's ground, farewell; sweet soil, adieu; My mother, and my nurse, that bears me yet! Where'er I wander, boast of this I can: Though banish'd , yet a trueborn English man.

(1.3.294-303,306-9)

(D) Jones 199 8 is a thorough accoun t o f Cicero's place in Tudor cultur e in a broad sense . Baldwin 194 4 provides the fulles t treatmen t of Shakespeare's use of Cicero, but i t is scattered throughout the volume. Baldwin (1944); Baldwin (1950); Martindale (1990) . Adams, Barr y B . (1968) . Th e Prudenc e o f Prince Escalus. ' ELH 35 : 32-50. Anderson, Colleen (1992). 'Ciceronian Rhetoric Evidence d in Selected Trial Scenes in Shakespeare Plays.' PhD diss . Catholic University of America. Cicero, translate d b y John Dolma n (1561) . Those Fyve Questions, which Marke Tullye Cicero Disputed in his Manor ofTusculanum. London . Jones, Howard (1998) . Master Tully: Cicero in Tudor England. Nieuwkoop. Sohmer, Steve (1997). 'What Cicero Said.' JV<2?£242: 56-8 . Vawter, Marvin L. (1974). '"Division 'tween Our Souls" : Shakespeare's Stoic Brutus.' ShSt 7: 173-95. (1976).' "After Their Fashion": Cicero and Brutus in Julius Caesar.'

ShSt 9: 205-19.

Ginthio, Giovanni Baptista Giraldi (1504-1573), Italian Scholar, Poet, Playwright, and Novelist

(A) Cinthi o (th e self-style d 'I I Cinzio' , i n whic h fashio n th e nam e i s pronounced) was born and educated in Ferrara. He became renowned as a professor a t Ferrara University, 1541-62, then at Pavia, in philosophy and rhetoric. He was a prolific story writer, gathering a collection under the titl e Gli Hecatommithi ('Th e Hundre d Stories' ) in 1565 . This book' s structure is similar to that of Boccaccio's Decameron, but it s emphasis is 112

Cinthio, Giovanni Baptista Giraldi more moralisti c an d th e materia l mor e miscellaneous : som e tales concern brutal or squalid crimes, others are love stories varying in tone fro m the extremely romantic to the obscene or comic. It includes several tales which Cinthio used as material for his plays, noted in their time as efforts to move tragic drama away from it s classical roots to reflect modern lif e and th e tenet s o f Christia n humanism . Hi s Discorso sulk Comedie e sulk Tragedie (1554 ) set s ou t hi s theoretica l views : h e argue s i n suppor t o f tragedia mista ('mixe d tragedy') , i n whic h a happ y endin g o r a doubl e ending shows justice meted ou t t o good a s well as bad character s (a s in Epitia, hi s tragedia difin lieto - se e (C)), and promotes romance a s a for m of epic, its best model Ariosto's Orlando Furioso. He als o wrote an epi c poem, Ercole, and three dialogues o n the moral educatio n o f children. (B) N o sixteenth-centur y Englis h translatio n o f th e Hecatommithi i s known, bu t th e boo k wa s familia r enoug h t o Englis h readers . Ther e were at least six Italian editions between 156 5 and 1600 , and a French rendering b y Gabriel Chappuy s i n tw o volumes as Cent Excellentes Nouvelles, 1583-4, as well as versions of individual tales made by such writers as William Painter in his Palace of Pleasure (1566-75), Barnaby Riche i n Riche his Farewell to Militarie Profession (1581 ) an d Rober t Greene i n hi s play James the Fourth (1590) . Othe r dramatist s als o relishe d Cinthio' s portrayals o f intrigu e an d secre t love , lace d wit h revengefu l violenc e and gore : hi s play Orbecche, in particular , fro m a stor y in th e Hecatommithi., was influential in Italy during the rise of Renaissance Senecanism . Ludowick Bryskett in hi s 160 6 Discourse of Civil Life describe s Cinthio a s one of several 'late writers' who had popularize d mora l philosophy: his dialogues o n th e trainin g o f youth wer e widely known t o Elizabetha n readers o f Italian becaus e the y were published wit h th e novell e of the Hecatommithi., all these works being described on the collectiv e title-page as aids to good conduct . George Whetston e produced bot h a dramatic an d a prose narrativ e version o f Cinthio's stor y of Promos an d Cassandr a i n 157 8 an d 1582 respectively, neatly paralleling (i n reverse order) Cinthio's ow n practic e of casting som e o f his storie s into bot h forms . Shakespear e ma y hav e known bot h o f Whetstone's treatment s (se e (C)). Th e followin g is th e argument prefixe d t o Whetstone' s pla y The Right Excellent and Famous Historye, of Promos and Cassandra, Devided into two Commicall Discourses, 1578: 113

Cinthio, Giovanni Baptista Giraldi In th e Gytti e of Julio (sometime s unde r th e dominio n o f Corvinus Kinge offfungarie, an d Boemia) there was a law, that what man s o ever commited Adultery, should los e his head, an d th e woma n offender , should weare som e disguised apparrel, during her life , t o make he r infamouslye noted. This severe lawe, by the favou r o f some merciful l magistrate, becam e littl e regarded , until l th e tim e o f Lor d Promos auctority: wh o convictin g a yon g Gentlema n name d Andrugio o f incontinency, condemned, both him, and his minion to the execution of this statute . Andrugio ha d a ver y vertuous, and beawtifu l Gentle woman t o hi s Sister , name d Cassandra: Cassandra t o enlarg e he r brothers life, submitted an humble petition to the Lord Promos: Promos regarding her good behaviours, an d fantasyng her great beawtie, was much delighted with the sweete order o f her talke : and doyn g good, that evill might come thereof: for a time, he repryv'd her brother: but wicked man , tournin g hi s liking unt o unlawful l lust , h e se t downe the spoil e o f he r honour , raunsom e fo r he r Brother s life : Chast e Cassandra, abhorring bot h hi m an d hi s sute, by no perswasion would yeald to this raunsome. But in fine, wonne with the importunity e of hir brothe r (pleadin g for life:) upo n these conditions, sh e agreede t o Promos. Firs t tha t h e should e pardo n he r brother , an d afte r marr y her. Promos as fearles i n promisse, a s carelesse in performance, with sollemne vowe , sygned he r conditions : bu t wors e then an y Infydel , his wil l satisfyed , h e performe d neither th e on e no r th e other : fo r to keep e hi s aucthoritye , unspotte d wit h favour , an d t o preven t Cassandraes clamors, h e commaunde d th e Gayle r secretly , to present Cassandra wit h he r brother s head . Th e Gayler , with th e outcrye s of Andrugio, abhorryng Promos lewdenes, by the providence of God, pro vided thu s for his safety. H e presente d Cassandra with a Felon s head newlie executed, who (being mangled, knew it not from her brothers, by th e Gayler , wh o wa s se t a t libertie ) wa s s o agreeve d a t thi s trecherye, that at the pointe to kyl her selfe , she spared that stroke, to be avenge d o f Promos. And devisyn g a way, she concluded , t o make her fortune s known e unt o th e King , tha t forthwit h he haste d t o d o Justice o n Promos: whos e judgement was , t o marry e Cassandra, t o repaire her erase d Honour: which donne, for his hainous offence h e should lose his head. This maryage solempnised, Cassandra tyed in the greatest bondes of affection t o her husband, became an earnest suter for hi s life: the Kinge (tenderinge the generall benefit o f the commo n weale, before her special ease, although he favoured her much) would 114

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not graun t he r sute . Andrugio (disguise d among e th e company ) sorrowing th e grief e o f hi s sister , bewrayd e hi s safetye , an d crave d pardon. Th e Kinge , t o renown e th e vertue s of Cassandra, pardone d both him an d Promos. (Whetstone 1578 : sig. A4r~v; roman for italic) (C) Nove l 111. 7 o f th e Hecatommithi i s th e principa l sourc e fo r Othello, while Nove l vni.5, th e stor y o f Promos an d Cassandra , i s related t o Measure for Measure. Thi s ma y indicate that Shakespear e came into contact with Cinthio's work, or at least discovered its dramatic possibilities, about 1604 . Bulloug h (vn , 221-2 ) speculate s tha t Shakespear e ma y have read furthe r tale s in the book , and Richmon d (1985 , 1991 ) notes some structura l an d themati c similaritie s betwee n Nove l n. 9 an d A Midsummer Night's Dream. It is not clear whether Shakespeare would have used Cinthio's Italian text , but there are definite sign s that he looked at Chappuys' Frenc h translation . I t i s agreed tha t Cinthi o provide d onl y very limited starting-points for Shakespeare - Mui r (1977 : 182-6 ) even suggests h e wa s specificall y inspire d b y th e challeng e o f usin g suc h unpromising materia l i n Measure for Measure. Bu t wh y us e i t a t all ? Everett, proposing almos t the sam e thing a s Muir o f Othello, surmises: 'the valu e t o Shakespear e o f a stor y like Cinthio' s . . . may hav e lai n essentially i n it s relative unlikelihoo d - it s thinness, it s simplicity, its functionalism', it s capacity t o activat e dorman t experience s an d idea s and 'b y its lack of other merit not to obtrude on this activity once it was well begun'. Most of all, Shakespeare's 'imagination was compelled . . . by the random premise of Cinthio's opening phrase, "Fu gia in Venezia unMoro'" (Everett 1982: 101-2) . The Measure for Measure stor y is a very old one, but Cinthi o altere d it in distinctiv e ways . Complicating the questio n o f what source s Shake speare knew, s o did Whetstone ; what make s it truly vexed is that bot h Cinthio and Whetstone produced both narrative and dramatic versions of their story, and di d so in time for Shakespeare to have known all four treatments. The plac e to begin is obviously with Cinthio's prose one of 1565, which occurs within a sequence of tales in the Hecatommithi abou t ingratitude. Cinthio' s change s t o th e stor y a s h e foun d i t i n previou s versions include making the Isabella figure the sister and not the wife of the condemne d man , an d havin g th e Angel o figure appointed b y the overlord. A t som e dat e befor e hi s death i n 1573 , Cinthi o turne d thi s story into a five-act tragicomedy, Epitia, a neoclassical drama se t within 115

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the singl e da y afte r Epiti a ha s give n hersel f t o th e official . I t wen t unacted, bu t wa s published b y Cinthio' s so n i n 1583 . Thi s dramati c recasting develop s the plo t i n som e ways that distanc e i t further fro m Measure for Measure, bu t introduce s som e verba l similaritie s t o Shake speare's play. Next, the original novella was used, perhaps together with Epitia, b y Georg e Whetston e (1551-87 ) a s the basi s of his play Promos and Cassandra, which, like Cinthio's, was never staged, but was published in 1578 . This is in clums y verse and i s dramaturgically crude, bu t ha s a stron g vei n o f coars e humour . I t lack s th e preliminar y intervie w between office r an d overlor d figur e (one of the feature s which suggests Shakespeare kne w Cinthio' s origina l pros e treatment) , bu t it s innov ations include the revival of a harsh old law, the brother's request to the sister t o plea d fo r him, an d th e lord' s initia l pretence o f ignorance o f the Angelo figure's crimes on his final appearance. Perhap s most signifi cantly, i t i s a wor k which 'give s a muc h fulle r pictur e o f society tha n Cinthio ha d done' ; 'Whetston e wa s intereste d i n justic e a s applie d to th e poo r a s wel l a s th e rich ' (Bullough , n, 413) . Finally, i n 158 2 Whetstone publishe d hi s non-dramati c versio n o f the story , usin g his own pla y a s hi s source , in hi s Heptameron of Civil Discourses (a collection which i s modelled o n but doe s not translat e Cinthio's) . Thi s version is only a fe w pages i n length , omittin g muc h o f th e materia l foun d i n the dramatic one . Shakespeare's awareness of all four treatments is suggested by textual similarities. Epitia woul d have been muc h th e mos t difficul t versio n t o obtain - i t was printed only once, whereas the Hecatommithi was reissued at least five times before 160 0 - bu t Measure for Measure show s what seem to b e significan t resemblances , both o f plot (Dora n 1954 : 387-9) an d verbal (Shahee n 1994 : 167-9) . Similarly , Whetstone's pros e narrativ e seems t o b e th e onl y possibl e sourc e o f th e nam e o f Isabell a (th e narrator). Bu t it is fairly clea r that Whetstone's dramati c versio n is the primary narrative source, except for the bed-trick episode which Shakespeare derive d fro m Boccacci o an d ha d alread y use d i n All's Well that Ends Well. Whetstone provided both a coherent main plot and a realistic background o f moral corruptio n (se e especially Prout y 1964) ; Shake speare 'let the main plot serve as a spur to his imagination, abandonin g much o f his source once h e ha d go t under wa y and freel y developin g the background' . Thus Measure for Measure 'make s deliberat e us e o f its prototype's . . . main components , an d ther e i s a marked similarit y of basic structura l pattern , thoug h thi s i s somethin g whic h i s perhap s 116

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obscured b y the very manner in which the work of an honest plodder is transmuted' (Nosworthy 1969: 16) . As Nosworth y says , Whetstone' s wor k i s onl y barel y detectabl e behind Shakespeare's , thoug h thi s may be partly a matte r o f differin g aims as well as differing quality . Whetstone i s at his strongest in depicting Promos ' interna l debates , whic h ca n hav e a strangel y Ovidia n manner; bu t compariso n wit h Measure for Measure her e doe s expos e a number of limitations: Do what I can, no reason cooles desire, The mor e I strive, my fonde affecte s to tame: The hotte r (oh) I feele, a burning fire Within m y breast, vaine thoughts to forge an d frame . O strayin g effectes, o f blinde affecte d Love , From wisdomes pathes, which doth astraye our wittes: Which makes us haunt, that which our harmes doth move, A sicknesse lyke, the Feve r Etticke fittes: Which shakes with colde, when we do burne like fire. Even so in Love, we freese, throug h chilling feare, When as our hartes, doth fry e with hote desire: What said e I? lyke to Etticke fittes, nothing neare: In sowres t Love, some sweete is ever suckt. The Love r findeth peace, in wrangling strife, So that if paine, were from hi s pleasure pluckt, There were no Heaven, like to the Lovers life. But why stande I to pleade, their joye or woe And res t unsure, of hir I wish to have. (Whetstone 1578 : sig. C4r) Whetstone's emphasi s o n moralit y bot h a t th e leve l o f individua l human relationship s an d o f the stat e ma y b e particularl y relevan t t o Measure for Measure, an d i s not Shakespeare' s invention: it can b e argue d that 'i n Promos and Cassandra, h e .. . foun d a mode l whic h expounde d those idea s which , a t th e time , h e wa s himself intent o n expounding ' (Nosworthy 1969 : 19). The Othello connectio n i s evidenced b y a smal l numbe r o f tiny bu t decisive verbal links to both French and (particularly ) Italian versions of Novel in. 7 (enumerate d b y Honigman n 196 6 an d Sander s 1984 : 3) . Unless a no w los t Englis h translatio n reache d Shakespeare , h e mus t 117

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have adopted the easily recognized French or Italian vocabulary behin d such unusua l word s an d expression s a s 'acerb' , 'molestation ' an d 'ocular proof . Cinthio' s characters , wh o apar t fro m 'Disdemona ' ar e named onl y a s 'the Moor' , 'th e Ensign' , etc. , ar e flat , stoc k types; for example, Emili a i s a traditiona l servan t figur e (servettd) t o th e inamorata role o f Desdemona. The y participat e onl y in a sordi d Italia n intrigue , or a t bes t a stor y o f domesti c woe , whic h culminate s i n trials , imprisonments an d tortures . Shakespear e nevertheles s owes many o f the basi c dat a t o Cinthio/Chappuys : th e tw o geographical locations , Venice an d Cyprus ; th e well-conceale d ye t extrem e evi l o f th e lag o figure, and hi s cashiering of the 'Captain' ; the crucial false evidenc e of the handkerchief . Th e playwright' s tellin g manipulation s o f thes e givens, an d especiall y o f th e character types , reflec t characteristi c abilities. I n addition , ther e ar e everywher e i n Cinthio' s narrativ e 'small details, words and idea s which are the germ s of so many aspects of the play' s totality' (Sanders 1984 : 8). For example, a single sentence in Cinthio to the effec t tha t Disdemona's family wanted he r t o marry another ma n appear s t o li e behin d he r nobl e birth , he r elopement , and th e characte r o f he r angry , hostil e father . Cinthi o i s followe d more closel y in Acts 3-5, wher e indee d Shakespear e migh t hav e trie d harder t o brea k awa y fro m th e Italia n tale , bu t i n Act s 1- 2 ne w characters (Roderigo , Montano , Ludovico ) an d ne w emphase s ar e developed. (D) Orr (1970 ) supplies a ful l revie w of the literatur e o n thi s subject t o that date. Doran (1954 : Appendix 3 ) summarizes schematically the relationships betwee n Measure for Measure an d th e Cinthi o novella/play , including the versions by Whetstone; Bawcutt (1991) is the fullest recen t analysis o f th e issue s here . Fo r Othello, moder n Englis h text s o f th e Hecatommithi narrativ e ar e give n b y Sati n (1966 ) an d Bulloug h (vn , reprinted Honigman n 1997) ; Bulloug h (vn , 214-38 ) als o make s a detailed compariso n of play with story. BuUough; Muir (1977), 182-6 ; Satin (1966). Ball, Rober t H . (1945) . 'Cinthio' s Epitia an d Measure for Measure', pp . 132-46 i n Elizabethan Studies and Other Essays in Honor of George F.

Reynolds. Boulder , CO . Bawcutt, N . W , ed . (1991) . Measure for Measure (Oxfor d Shakespeare) . Oxford. 118

Cinthio, Giovanni Baptista Giraldi Doran, Madeleine (1954). Endeavors of Art: A Study of Form in Elizabethan Drama. Madison, WI. Everett, Barbar a (1982) . '"Spanish " Othello : Th e Makin g o f Shake speare's Moor.' ShSu 35 : 101-1 2 (reprinte d in Everett , Young Hamlet: Essays on Shakespeare's Tragedies, Oxford, 1989) . Honigmann, E . A . J. (1966) . 'Othello, Chappuys , an d Cinthio. ' N&Q 211: 136-7 . ed. (1997). Othello (Arden Shakespeare). Walton-on-Thames. Nosworthy, J . M. , ed . (1969) . Measure for Measure (Ne w Pengui n Shakespeare). Harmondsworth. Orr, Davi d (1970) . Italian Renaissance Drama in England before 1625: The Influence of 'Erudita' Tragedy, Comedy, and Pastoral on Elizabethan and Jacobean Drama. Chapel Hill. Pope, Elizabet h Mari e (1949) . 'Th e Renaissanc e Backgroun d o f Measure for Measure.' ShSu 2 : 66-82. Prouty, Charle s T . (1964) . 'Georg e Whetston e an d th e Source s o f Measure for Measure.' ShQl5.ii: 131-45 . Richmond, Hugh M. (1985) . 'Shaping a Dream.' ShSt 17 : 49-60. (1991). 'Shakespeare' s Verism o an d th e Italia n Popula r Tradition', pp . 179-20 3 i n J. R . Mulryn e an d Margare t Shewring , eds, Theatre of the English and Italian Renaissance. Basingstoke. Sanders, Norman , ed . (1984) . Othello (New Cambridge Shakespeare) . Cambridge. Shaheen, Nasee b (1994) . 'Shakespeare' s Knowledg e o f Italian. ' ShSu 47: 161-9 . Whetstone, Georg e (1578) . The Right Excellent and Famous Historye, of Promos and Cassandra, Devided into two Commicall Discourses. London. Coggleshall, Ralph of (d. after 1227), Chronicler Shake speare ma y hav e know n Coggleshall' s accoun t o f th e attempte d blinding an d killin g o f Princ e Arthur ; Honigman n (1954 : 163-7 ) reprints it. Honigmann, E . A . J., ed . (1954) . King John (Arde n Shakespeare) , pp. 163-7. London.

Golonne, Guido delle See Guido delle Colonne

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Commedia dell'Arte Commedia dell'Arte Th e Italia n commedia dell'arte traditio n wa s exported t o Englan d b y travellin g player s toward s th e en d o f th e sixteenth century. If Shakespear e owe s direct debt s to it , the y may b e of the genera l kin d outline d b y Club b (1989) , o r ma y involv e specifi c elements i n specifi c plays : Mendon£ a (1968) , fo r example , pursue s comparisons between lago and a commedia dell'arte character. Campbell, O . J. (1925) . Love's Labour's Lost Restudied. Ann Arbor , ML Clubb, Louis e Georg e (1989) . Italian Drama in Shakespeare's Time., pp. 249-80. New Haven. Mendonga, Barbar a Heliodor a C . d e (1968) . '"Othello" : A Traged y Built on a Comic Structure.' ShSuZl: 31-8. Constable, Henry (1562-1613), Poet Sonne t 99 seems to take its departur e fro m a sonne t ('Sonett o decisette' ) i n Constable' s Diana (1592), a uniqu e cas e i n Shakespeare' s sequenc e of his direct relianc e on a single contemporary source. Baldwin (1950), 302-3. Contareni, Gasparo See Lewkenor, Sir Lewis.

Cooper, Thomas (1517?-1594), Latinist and ClergymannSe e also Virgil. Cooper's Thesaurus Linguae Romanae et Bnttanicae, a standard Lati n dictionary, contains glosses which Shakespeare's interpretations of Virgil sometime s see m t o reflect , an d a descriptio n o f Midas whic h may be either a n analogu e o r a source for Shakespeare's reference t o the stor y in A Midsummer Night's Dream. Baldwin (1944) ; Bullough, i, 397-8. Coverdale, Miles See Bible.

Creton, Jean (fl. 1398), French Chronicler and Poet Creto n wrote a French eye-witnes s account o f the deat h o f Richard II , draw n

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Cretan, Jean upon b y Stow and Holinshed and possibl y consulted independentl y by Shakespeare. Ure, Peter , ed . (1961) . Richard II (Arde n Shakespeare) , pp . xliv-xlix . London.

Crompton, Richard (ft. 1573-1599), Legal and Historical Writer Crompton' s Mirror of Magnamitie (1599) , a historical work printed b y Shakespeare' s associat e o r frien d Richar d Field , ha s a passage defendin g Henry V' s slaughte r o f prisoners; thoug h h e draw s on Holinshed, Crompton's emphase s fall differently . Ther e is no clear evidence that Shakespeare knew the work. Gurr, Andrew, ed. (1992) . King Henry F(Ne w Cambridge Shakespeare) , pp. 27-8 and Appendix 3 . London.

Culmann, Leonhard (1497/8-1562), German Educator

Culmann's Sententiae Pueriles, a collectio n o f Lati n maxim s an d proverbs fro m divers e author s whic h wa s widel y use d i n sixteenth century schools , i s ver y likel y t o b e th e direc t sourc e o f som e par t of Shakespeare' s knowledg e o f suc h sayings , thoug h th e suggestio n (Baldwin 1944 ; Smith 1963 ) tha t h e memorize d i t wholesal e seem s unnecessary. Baldwin (1944), i, 592-3. Monitto, Gar y V (1985) . 'Shakespeare and Culmann's Sententiae pueriks' N&Q2W: 30-1. Smith, Charle s Georg e (1963) . Shakespeare's Proverb Lore: His Use of the Sententiae of Leonard Culman and Publilius Syrus. Cambridge , MA .

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D Daniel, Samuel (1562-1619), Poet and Dramatist

(A) Daniel wa s born i n Somerse t and educate d a t Oxford. H e becam e tutor t o Willia m Herbert , so n o f Mar y Sidne y (Herbert ) an d late r Shakespeare's patron, an d the n t o Anne Clifford , daughte r o f the Ear l of Cumberland. He published a translation from the Italian constitutin g the first treatise in English on imprese (see Emblems) i n 1585 . Some of his sonnets were printed i n the surreptitiou s 159 1 editio n o f Sidney's Astrophil and Stella. Then in 159 2 Daniel published hi s sonnet sequenc e Delia together with The Complaint of Rosamond (tid e page shown in Fig. 4) . In 159 4 came hi s tragedy Cleopatra an d i n 159 9 Musophilus, or Defence of all Learning, a colloquiu m i n stanzai c vers e i n whic h tw o character s debate th e merit s of knowledge and virtu e agains t worldly arts. Danie l wrote pastoral tragicomedies; Philotas, another Seneca n tragedy ; several court masques ; a pros e History of England; an d a treatis e i n Defence of Ryme, affirming th e fitness of English for rhymed verse. His most extensive wor k i s hi s epi c poe m i n eigh t Books , A History of the Civil Wars between the two Houses of York and Lancaster, published 1595-1609 . He wa s appointe d license r o f ne w play s o f th e Queen' s Revel s i n 1604, becomin g on e o f the Queen' s Groom s o f the Priv y Chamber i n 1607 and remainin g in the service of Queen Anne for almost the rest of his life. H e wa s a member o f literary circle s around Mar y Sidne y an d Lucy, Countess of Bedford. In later years he lived 'retiredly to enjoy th e company o f the Muses' , an d Shakespear e i s said t o hav e been on e o f his few visitors. Shakespeare an d Danie l ar e mentioned togethe r i n the 122

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Figure 4 Titl e Pag e of Daniel's Delia . . . with the complaynt of Rosamond

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Daniel, Samuel play The Second Part of the Return from Parnassus o f 1603 , and, if 'Mr W . H.' i s William Herbert , Danie l ma y be the riva l poet i n Shakespeare' s Sonnets. (B) A s wel l a s bein g prolific , Daniel' s writin g i s correc t an d gentee l beyond th e Elizabetha n norms . H e was , i n fact , a self-consciou s litterateur, with aestheti c inclinations th e opposit e o f populist. Hi s thre e works wit h stronges t Shakespearea n connection s ar e characterize d here. The Complaint of Rosamond i s i n th e manne r o f th e Mirror fo r Magistrates, turne d int o a mirro r fo r ladies. I t i s an accoun t o f the seduction an d deat h of 'Fair Rosamond', the young mistress o f Henry II. Daniel uses the familiar device of having the ghostly visitant bewailing in rhyme royal , bu t give s his damned lad y a refine d sensibility . As well a s the stron g relationship posite d betwee n Rosamond an d A Lover's Complaint (see (C)), some of the concludin g stanzas, below, are generall y accepted t o li e behin d Romeo' s fina l speec h i n Romeo and Juliet (5.3.88-120): The poyso n soone disperc'd throug h al l my vaines, Had dispossess' d my living sences quite: When naugh t respecting, death the last of paynes, Plac'd his pale collours, th'nsigne of his might, Upon hi s new-got spoyle before hi s right; Thence chac'd m y soule, setting my day ere noone, When I least thought my joyes could end so soone . . . Pittifull mout h (quoth he) that living gavest, The sweetes t comfort that my soule could wish: O be it lawful now , that dead tho u havest, Thys sorrowing farewell of a dying kisse. And you faire eyes , containers of my blisse, Motives of love, borne to be matched never: Entomb'd i n your sweet circles sleepe for ever. Ah how me thinks I see death dallyin g seekes, To entertain it selfe in loves sweet place: Decayed Roses of discoloured cheekes, Doe yet retaine deer e notes of former grace :

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And ougl y death sit s faire within her face ; Sweet remnants resting of vermilion red , That death it selfe, doubts whether she be dead . (603-9, 666-79; Daniel 1592 : fos 85r, 8^-89^ Daniel tells us he designed his closet drama Cleopatra as a companionpiece to his patroness Mary Sidney's Antonie, her translation fro m Rober t Garnier's play, and i t was dedicated t o her. I t i s arguably on e o f the best origina l Seneca n tragedie s the Elizabethan s produced . No t bein g theatrical (revise d versions have more animation, bu t are still not plausibly stag e spectacles) , it depend s fo r it s effec t o n th e elegia c an d rhet orical qualitie s o f its genre. Th e chorus , nuntiu s and us e o f rhymin g verse ar e genericall y standard . Daniel takes u p th e stor y o f Cleopatra from Plutarc h afte r th e deat h o f Antony , an d th e pla y i s devote d largely t o her feeling s as she contemplates suicide . Thi s sample come s from th e first scene, Cleopatra's openin g soliloquy (of almost 200 lines): Of all, see what remaines, This monument , two maides, and wretched I. And I, t'adorne thei r triumphs am reserv'd A captive, kept to honour others spoiles, Whom Caesar labors s o to have preserv'd, And seeke s to entertaine my life with wiles. But Caesar, it is more then thou canst do , Promise, flatter, threaten extreamitie , Imploy thy wits and al l thy force thereto , I have both hands, and will, and I can die. Though thou , of both my country and my crowne, Of powre, of meanes and all dost quite bereave me; Though tho u hast wholy Egypt made thine owne, Yet hast thou left m e that which will deceive thee. That courage with my bloud and birth innated , Admir'd o f all the earth a s thou art now, Can neve r be so abjectly abated To be thy slave that rul'd as good as thou. Thinke Caesar, I that liv'd and raign'd a Queene, Doe scorne to buy my life a t such a rate, That I should underneath m y selfe be scene, Basely induring to survive my state: 125

Daniel, Samuel That Rome should see my scepter-bearing hands Behind me bound, and glory in my teares, That I should passe whereas Octavia stands, To view my miserie that purchas'd hers. (1599 text , 45-70; ed. BuUough, v, 409) The Civile Wars of 159 5 onwards is an unfinishe d epi c poem i n ottava rima i n which 'the scholarly follower o f the Countes s of Pembroke tried to apply Lucan's methods to a British theme, but i n a plain clea r styl e which at times dropped int o the prosy and at others rose to a restrained eloquence' (Bullough , in , 373) . Danie l wa s a n inveterat e reviser , and th e poe m ha s a complicate d textua l history ; suffic e i t her e t o say that b y the dat e o f Shakespeare's suppose d use of it, onl y the firs t half o f a n eventua l eigh t Book s ha d bee n publishe d (The First Fowre Bookes of the Civile Wars , 1595) ; Daniel' s intende d finishing point, th e deat h o f Richar d III , wa s no t reache d eve n whe n th e poem wa s substantiall y complete , i n 1609 , whe n i t ende d wit h th e marriage o f Edwar d I V It s elegia c gentlenes s give s a slow-motio n effect t o th e storm s portrayed , a s whe n th e imprisone d Richar d I I compares hi s conditio n t o tha t o f a peasan t h e see s throug h a grate: The mornin g of that day, which was his last, After a weary rest rysing to paine Out a t a little grate his eyes he cast Uppon those bordering nils, and open plaine, And viewes the towne, and see s how people past, Where other s libertie makes him complaine The mor e his owne, and greeves his soule the more Conferring captive-Crownes with freedome pore . O happie man, saith hee, that lo I see Grazing his cattel in those pleasant fieldes! O i f he knew his good, how blessed hee That feeles not what affliction greatne s yeeldes, Other then what he is he would not bee, Nor chaung his state with him that Scepters weildes: O thin e is that true life, that is to live, To rest secure, and not rise up to grieve. 126

Daniel, Samuel Thou sit'st at home saf e b y thy quiet fire And hear'st of others harmes, but feelest none ; And there thou telst of kinges and who aspire, Who fall, who rise, who triumphes, wh o do mone : Perhappes thou talkst of mee, and dost inquire Of my restraint, why here I live alone, O know tis others sin not my desart, And I could wish I were but as thou art.

(in, 63-5; Danie l 1595: fos 55^56^

(C) Unsurprisingly , sinc e Danie l wa s on e o f th e leadin g literar y figures of his day, Shakespeare ma y hav e known almost al l of Daniel' s work. Attention ha s been draw n t o apparen t echoe s fro m man y indi vidual texts, including The Worthy Tract of Paulus Jovius (o n imprese), Delia, The Complaint of Rosamond, Cleopatra, Musophilus, The Civil Wars, several shorter poem s an d The Queen's Arcadia. I n mos t o f thes e case s th e connections ar e slight , for exampl e wit h Taylor' s (1984 ) enumeratio n of some four smal l similarities betwee n Julius Caesar and Musophilus. I n others the y ar e unreliable : o n Kau' s (1975 ) suggestio n o f th e Worthy Tract a s the sourc e for an imag e o f a down-turned torc h i n Pericles an d Sonnet 73 , see Young's (1985: 455) confutation. The mos t substantia l links fo r Shakespeare' s play s ar e wit h Daniel' s Cleopatra an d The Civil Wars; fo r Shakespeare' s poems , wit h Delia an d The Complaint of Rosamond. Norman (1958) , Muir (1977 : 229-36 ) an d BuUoug h (v , 231-8) list relevant Danie l parallel s fo r Antony and Cleopatra. A s wel l a s Cleopatra itself, Daniel' s Ovidia n vers e epistl e A Letter from Octavia to Marcus Antonius, which preceded the tragedy in his 159 9 volume Poeticall Essayes, may hav e supplied severa l local idea s for Shakespeare's drama , i n th e portrayal of Octavia. Vexe d questions arise about the differen t versions of th e Danie l play : afte r it s firs t appearance s i n prin t fro m 159 4 on , Daniel remodelle d i t i n 1607 , th e titl e pag e describin g i t a s 'newl y altred'. I n th e revisio n Danie l move d toward s a mor e dramati c for m and ha s been show n t o use new material derived fro m Mar y Sidney' s Antonie (1590). It is not clea r that Shakespear e knew the 160 7 as well as the earlier version of the play, but it seems certain h e did know Daniel's tragedy i n som e form , an d thoug h th e quantit y o f materia l demon strably involved in the several echoes (mainly, for obvious reasons, in his Act 5 ) is small, it sometimes suggested significant touches, if not more , 127

Daniel, Samuel

for Shakespeare . Fo r example, Shakespeare' s Cleopatra , like Daniel's, gives amon g he r motive s for suicid e her fea r o f being triumphed ove r by th e Roma n rabbl e an d b y Octavi a (se e (B), above, an d Antony and Cleopatra 5.2.52-6, famously elaborated i n 206-19). This is 'an idea no t much develope d b y Plutarc h bu t repeate d severa l time s b y Shake speare' (Wilder s 1995 : 63) . Looser bu t large r parallel s impl y t o som e commentators mor e far-reachin g effects . Perhap s i t wa s Danie l wh o suggested Shakespeare' s elaboratio n o f th e Seleucu s episode (thoug h Stirling 196 4 stresses differences) , th e figur e o f Dolabella, an d Shake speare's 'treatmen t o f th e perplexin g contradiction s o f Plutarch' s Octavius Caesar ' (Neil l 1994 : 17) . Mor e decisivel y still , bu t n o les s difficult o f proof, Daniel's self-consciously theatrical queen coul d hav e suggested Shakespeare' s Cleopatr a muc h mor e strongl y tha n coul d Gamier's, an d he r rhetorica l attemp t t o transfor m th e pas t afte r Antony's deat h coul d have been 'th e factor tha t impelle d Shakespear e towards th e on e use , i n al l hi s tragedies , o f th e divide d catastrophe ' (Barton 1994 : 125). Considerable disagreemen t ha s existe d (fo r the olde r literatur e se e Logan 1976 : 121 ) about th e directio n o f the borrowin g betwee n The Civil Wars o n th e on e han d an d th e historie s Richard II, Henry IV an d 3 Henry VI on the other. The difficultie s arise , once again, from dating an d revision of Daniel's texts, and fro m th e two writers' common source s in the chronicle s (t o whic h Danie l adhere s mor e closel y tha n Shake speare). The consensu s is now fo r Daniel's influence o n Shakespear e — so Michel (1958) and Bullough (in), with a case specifically mounted by Logan (1976) . For Richard II, Shakespear e apparentl y use d Daniel in , amon g othe r passages, Gaunt' s panegyri c o n England ; th e Bisho p of Carlyle's pro test (4.1.114-49) ; Richard' s speec h o f reproac h t o Northumberlan d (5.1.55-68); the entr y o f Bolingbroke an d Richar d int o Londo n (5.2) ; and the hints given by Henry IV for the murder of Richard to Sir Piers of Exton (5.4.1-7) . Additionally there ar e som e more genera l parallels of possible significance: both Shakespear e and Danie l take up the story at th e sam e poin t i n Richard's reign; both present Quee n Isabel as a mature woman , wit h understandin g wel l beyon d tha t o f th e eleven year-old presented in the chronicles; the political philosophy underlying each play is very similar; and bot h present the miseries of the reign as a prelude t o th e glorie s o f th e Tudors . Perhap s th e closes t an d mos t sustained singl e paralle l i s tha t betwee n Richard' s melanchol y 128

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prognostication o f the storie s Isabel will tell about him an d th e passage quoted fro m The Civil Wars Boo k in i n (B) , above. Th e passage s share 'verbal details , a n atmospher e o f wistfu l self-pity , an d th e genera l situation o f comfortable smal l peopl e gossipin g abou t th e misfortune s of th e great ' (Loga n 1976 : 124) . The compariso n als o show s majo r differences o f kind between th e two passages: Good sometime s queen, prepare the e hence for France. Think I am dead, an d that even here thou takest, As from m y death-bed, th y last living leave. In winter's tedious nights sit by the fire With good ol d folks, an d le t them tell thee tales Of woeful age s long ago betid; And ere thou bid good night, to quit their grief s Tell thou the lamentable tale of me, And send the hearers weeping to their beds; For why, the senseles s brands will sympathize The heav y accent of thy moving tongue, And in compassion weep the fire out; And some will mourn i n ashes, some coal-black , For the deposin g of a rightful king. (5.1.37-50) Two scenes in particular in 3 Henry VI show resemblances to The Civil Wars no t accounte d fo r b y commo n materia l i n th e chronicles : th e wooing o f Lad y Gre y b y Edwar d I V (3.2) , an d Kin g Henr y o n th e molehill a t Towto n (2.5.20-54 ) (se e Miche l 1958 : 27-8) . Th e latter harks back to Richard's soliloqu y in Daniel's Boo k in alread y quoted . With Henry /Fthe picture is complicated by Daniel's apparent following of Shakespeare' s pla y i n hi s 160 9 revisio n o f The Civil Wars. Miche l (1958: 21—6 ) an d other s disentangl e th e matter , leavin g Shakespear e owing to Daniel a substantial number of pieces of diction and imagery , plays on words, incidents including the failure o f the Welsh to appear at the Battle of Shrewsbury, plot elements such as Hotspur's being made a contemporary o f Prince Henry , th e emphaticall y sa d an d remorsefu l character o f Henry IV (Bullough , iv , 254-6) , and a n overal l develop ment o f th e ide a o f Nemesis a s ' a kin d o f retributive justice workin g through al l the politica l actio n an d forcin g Henry t o expres s remorse over his past conduct' (Michel 1958: 21) . 129

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Daniel's 159 2 Delia volum e ha s bee n see n a s a decisiv e structura l influence o n Shakespeare' s Sonnets an d A Lover's Complaint. Th e boo k contained fift y sonnets , a shor t od e i n anacreonti c metre , an d The Complaint of Rosamond. A s Duncan-Jones (1983 ) shows , Delia spawne d a series of publications in the 1590 s containing a sonnet sequence, a lyric interlude, the n a lon g poe m (Spenser' s Amoretti i s one example) . Th e structure may be sai d to be followe d als o in the first (1609) printing of Shakespeare's Sonnets, which close s with th e tex t o f A Lover's Complaint (though this was not mentioned on the title page), and in which the last two Sonnet s (Sonnet s 153-4) , o n Cupid , ar e anacreontic s (i n trochaic tetrameter). Kerrigan place s the Shakespeare collection firmly within a 'Delian tradition' : 'modern critics may be baffle d b y the heterogeneity of the volume; Shakespeare's audience had a framework fo r reading it' (Kerrigan 1986 : 14) . Read thus, th e Sonnets and A Lover's Complaint ca n also b e suppose d t o hav e stron g connections , th e latte r 'no t merel y a forma l pendan t t o th e sonnets , bu t a carefull y balance d themati c counterpart t o them ' (Duncan-Jone s 1997 : 92), corresponding t o th e arrangement i n the Delia volume: the Sonnets and the complaint [i n Daniel] illuminate d each other by inversion. Somethin g simila r happen s i n Shakespeare's 160 9 collection, becaus e th e poe t o f the complaint , detache d fro m hi s tale b y double rewording, stand s by in appalled fascination as he hears how the unscrupulous young man seduce d the 'fickl e mai d ful l pale' , just as, in later sonnets, he watches helplessly while the dark lady seduced his fickle young friend. (Kerrigan 1986 : 17 ) This argument, i f accepted, ha s considerabl e implication s fo r criticism of the Shakespear e texts involved, particularly A Lover's Complaint (som e are mentioned in Duncan-Jones 1997 , especially 88-95). (D) An y o f Norman (1958) , Mui r (1977) , o r Bulloug h (v , 231-8) will serve a s a starting-poin t o n Shakespeare' s us e o f Cleopatra. Fo r Shake speare an d The Civil Wars, th e introductio n t o Michel' s editio n (1958 ) gives a ful l overview , but i s no w largel y supersede d b y mor e recen t literature, among which Loga n (1976) and Bullough, in, are especiall y useful. Link s betwee n th e Delia volum e an d Shakespeare' s Sonnets volume wer e firs t suggeste d b y Malone , mor e full y explaine d b y 130

Daniel, Samuel Duncan-Jones (1983), then Kerrigan (1986) , and consolidated in editorial form i n Duncan-Jones' 199 7 edition o f the Sonnets. Bullough, in, iv, v; Muir (1977) . Barton, Anne (1994). Essays, Mainly Shakespearean. Cambridge . Daniel, Samue l (1592) . Delia, Contayning Certayne Sonnets: with The Complaynt of Rosamond. London. (1595). The First Fowre Bookes of the Civile Wars between the Two Houses of Lancaster and Torke. London. Duncan-Jones, Katherin e (1983) . 'Wa s th e 160 9 Shak-speares Sonnets really Unauthorized?' RES 34: 151-71. ed. (1997) . Shakespeare's Sonnets (Arde n Shakespeare) . Walton-onThames. Killer, Geoffrey G . (1997). ' "What's i n a Name?": Shakespeare's Romeo and Juliet, Samue l Daniel , an d th e Epitap h o f "Fai r Rosamund". ' JV<2?£242: 495-6. Kau, Joseph (1975) . 'Daniel' s Influenc e o n a n Imag e i n Pericles an d Sonnet 73 : An Impresa o f Destruction.' ShQJ26: 51-3 . Kerrigan, John, ed . (1986) . William Shakespeare: The Sonnets and A Lover's Complaint. Harmondsworth . Law, Rober t Adge r (1947) . 'Daniel' s Rosamond an d Shakespeare. ' University of Texas Studies in English 26: 42-8 . Logan, Georg e M. (1976). 'Luca n - Daniel - Shakespeare : New Light on the Relatio n between The Civil Wars and Richard 77.' ShSt 9: 121-40. Maxwell, J. C. (1967). '"Rebel Powers": Shakespeare and Daniel.'JV<S?Q, 212: 139. Michel, Laurence , ed . (1958) . The Civil Wars by Samuel Daniel. Ne w Haven. Michel, Laurence , an d Cecil C. Seronsy (1955). 'Shakespeare's Histor y Plays and Daniel - a n Assessment.' SP52: 549-77. Neill, Michael , ed . (1994) . The Tragedy of Anthony and Cleopatra (Oxfor d Shakespeare). Oxford. Norgaard, Holge r (1955) . 'Shakespear e an d Daniel' s "Lette r fro m Octavia".' ,7V<2?Q,200: 56-7. Norman, Arthu r M . Z . (1958) . 'Daniel's The Tragedie of Cleopatra an d Antony and Cleopatra: ShQ9: 11-18 . Ronan, Cliffor d J . (1985) . 'Daniel , Rainolde , Demosthenes , an d th e Degree Speec h o f Shakespeare' s Ulysses.' Renaissance and Reformation 9: 111-18 . 131

Daniel, Samuel Schaar, Clae s (1960) . An Elizabethan Sonnet Problem: Shakespeare's Sonnets, Samuel Daniel's 'Delia', and their Literary Background (Lun d Studie s i n

English, 28). Lund. Schanzer, Ernes t (1957) . 'Daniel' s Revisio n o f hi s Cleopatra.' RES 8 : 375-81. Stirling, Brent s (1964) . 'Cleopatra' s Scen e wit h Seleucus : Plutarch , Daniel, an d Shakespeare.' ShQl5: 299-311. Taylor, Gar y (1984) . 'Musophilus, Nosce Teipsum, an d Julius Caesar.' N&Q,

229: 191-5 .

Wilders,John (1995). Antony and Cleopatra (Arden Shakespeare). London . Young, Alan R. (1985). 'A Note on the Tournament Impresa s in Pericles'

ShQ36: 453-6.

Dante Alighieri (1265-1321), Italian Poet As p (1978) relates the consolation s Paulin a offer s Hermion e i n The Winter's Tale t o som e of th e word s o f Dante' s Beatric e i n th e Divina Commedia (begu n c. 1307) ; Mui r (1949 ) discern s som e small-scal e affinitie s betwee n th e Inferno an d Macbeth. Dant e wa s virtuall y unknow n i n earl y moder n England: th e snippet s in Florio's Italian-English dictionary, uninspir ing enoug h i n themselves , ar e th e onl y plausibl e rout e suggeste d t o Shakespeare. Asp, Caroly n (1978) . 'Shakespeare' s Paulin a an d th e Tradition.' ShStll: 145-58 . Muir, Kenneth (1949) . 'Macbeth an d Dante. ' jV<3fQ,194: 333 .

Consolatio

Davies, Sir John (1569-1626), Poet and Statesman Thre e or fou r parallel s in detai l lin k Julius Caesar, b y no mean s securely , with Davies' long didactic poem on the immortality o f the soul, Nosce Teipsum (1599). Taylor, Gary (1984). 'Musophilus, Nosce Teipsum, and Julius Caesar.' N&Q, 229: 191-5 . Dekker, Thomas (1570?-1632), Playwright Se e als o Euripides. A bawdy line in Julius Caesar may allude t o or be indebted 132

Dekker, Thomas

to Dekker' s Shoemaker's Holiday, firs t performe d i n th e sam e yea r a s Shakespeare's play. Bate, Jonathan (1984) . Th e Cobbler' s Awl : Julius Caesar, I.i.21-24. ' S/z£35:461-2.

Digges, Sir Dudley (1583-1639), Diplomat and Judge

One o f Digges ' essay s i n th e 160 4 volume Foure Paradoxes, or Politique Discourses make s referenc e to Coriolanu s in way s tha t anticipat e Shakespeare. Muir (1977) , 239-41 .

Diogenes the Cynic (c . 400-325 BC), Greek Philosopher None o f Diogenes' authenti c writings , if there eve r were any, survive d into Shakespeare' s time , bu t Renaissanc e collection s o f sententiae ofte n included apophthegm s attribute d t o him . Shakespear e ma y wel l have encountere d them , bu t specifi c influenc e i s hardl y possibl e t o demonstrate. Donawerth, Jane (1977). 'Diogenes the Cynic and Lear's Definitio n of Man, Lear 111,4, 101-109. ' ELK 15: 10-14. Pauls, Pete r (1980) . 'Shakespeare' s Timon of Athens an d Renaissanc e Diogeniana.' Upstart Crow 3: 54—66.

Dolman, John See Cicero, Marcus Tullius. Donatus, Aelius See Terence (Publius Terentius Afer) . Donne, John (1572?-1631), Poet and Divine A sentence in the eight h o f Donne' s Devotions (1624 ) o n th e parado x o f th e vulner ability o f royalt y ha s som e similarit y o f phras e an d imager y wit h a passage in the depositio n scen e of Richard II. 133

Donne, John Barbieri, Richard E . (1975). 'John Donne and RichardII: A n Influence?' SfcQ,26: 57-62. Douglas, Gavin (1475?-1522) , Scottish Bishop and Poet Th e Hamlet passag e o n 'th e mor n i n russe t mantl e clad ' (1.1.170-2) has a sourc e in Douglas' The Palis qfHonoure, a sufficientl y well-known work in 1601 . Fowler, Alastai r (1994) . 'Tw o Note s o n Hamlet, pp . 3-1 0 in Mar k Thornton Burnet t an d John Manning , eds , New Essays on 'Hamlet'. New York.

Drant, Thomas See Horace (Quintus Horatius Flaccus). Drayton, Michael (1563—1631), English Poet Leishma n identifies som e Drayto n parallel s i n Shakespeare' s Sonnets, Fowle r a possible model in Drayton's 'Mortimeriados' (1596 ) for the styl e of The Murder of Gonzago; bu t i t i s surprisin g tha t s o fe w eve n adequatel y plausible Drayton echoes have been isolated in Shakespeare. Fowler, Alastai r (1994) . 'Tw o Note s o n Hamlet, pp . 3-1 0 i n Mar k Thornton Burnet t an d John Manning , eds , New Essays on 'Hamlet'. New York. Leishman, J . B . (1961) . Themes and Variations in Shakespeare's Sonnets. London.

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E Eden, Richard (1521?-1576), Translator Eden' s History of Travaille, 1577 , a voyager narrative, seem s to have contributed the nam e 'Setebos' an d perhaps othe r local colour to The Tempest. Kermode, Frank , ed . (1964) . The Tempest (Arde n Shakespeare) , pp . xxxii-xxxiii. London (firs t published 1954) .

Edwards, Richard (1523?-1566), Poet and Playwright

Edwards' Palamon and Arcite (1566 ) wa s th e best-know n Chauceria n dramatization o f its era. Sinc e it went unprinted i t is normally assume d it wa s unavailabl e t o Shakespeare , bu t Potte r (1997 : 46-7) suggest s it might hav e bee n remembere d a s lat e a s th e 1610s , an d ma y hel p explain one o r tw o minor anomalie s in The Two Noble Kinsmen. Potter, Lois , ed . (1997) . The Two Noble Kinsmen (Arde n Shakespeare) . Walton-on-Thames.

Eliot, John (b. 1562), Teacher of French

(A) A Warwickshir e man , Elio t attende d Brasenos e College , Oxford , subsequendy leadin g a roamin g lif e i n France , Ital y an d Spai n a s a schoolmaster, a hac k journalist an d a t on e point a novic e monk . H e became involved in French politics, possibly as a secret agent, but on the 135

Eliot, John assassination of Henri III in 158 9 made hi s way back to London. Her e he worked as a French language teache r an d a s a translator o f French political tract s fo r th e printe r Reginal d Wolfe . H e mus t hav e know n Robert Greene, for whom he wrote a commendatory sonne t in 1588 . In 159 3 h e publishe d hi s Survay, or Topographical Description of France (anonymously), an d Ortho-epia Gallica. Th e latte r i s a Frenc h languag e textbook consisting of a series of parallel-text dialogue s on contempor ary lif e an d manners , bu t i t als o work s o n othe r levels . I t contain s allusions to and parodies of the rival primers of Florio and Vives, and ultimately, perhaps, th e entire class of dialogues an d colloquies use d for language-learning, as well as animadversions on the Huguenot refugee s who as French teachers in London ha d begu n to threaten Eliot' s livelihood. Th e whol e is done wit h a wealt h o f (often Rabelais-inspired ) wit an d eloquence , an d i t abound s i n fragment s o f sixteenth-century French literature , with borrowing s o f phraseology an d o f larger-scale material from suc h writers as Boiastuau and D u Bartas. At th e ag e o f thirty-one Elio t disappeare d fro m th e Londo n scen e and n o more is heard of him. (B) Though i t has been called 'a minor Elizabethan classic' (Lever 1953: 79), Ortho-epia Gallica was not reprinte d i n its own time. Something of its flavour, a t time s burlesqu e o r surreal , a t other s tongue-in-chee k o r sardonic, i s indicated b y th e followin g excerpt , i n whic h th e speaker s are examining a map i n a painter's shop (the en face Frenc h is omitted): See you this Mappe o f the world? I see it well. Whats this a Sea? I see but a litle water, which is not greater the n the Thames. I marvell the French King doth no t make a fine bridge t o passe from on e country to another . The Se a betweene France an d Englan d i s it no broade r then that? By my faith I will then easily shoote an arrow from Dove r Castle to the white sandes of Gales. See here the huge Ocean Sea. Is that the ocean Sea? That. Is this the earth? They say that Sir Francis Drake, maiste r Candish , An d Magellanes , hav e ben e almos t thre e yeares i n compassin g th e eart h an d th e Sea . B y my troth t o win a good pint e o f clare t wine , i n less e the n a daie s journy, i n a fair e afternoone, I will go round about them on foote without Horse, Asse, Mule, Ship-boa t o r Brygandine. Thy fever s quartane s thou wilt not. Looke her e Cullion ! Se e Asia. Her e ar e Tygri s an d Euphrates . Se e here Quinza y a Citi e s o famous amongs t th e Azians : and hat h xii . 136

Eliot, John thousand stonebridges , unde r whic h th e ship s pass e wit h ful l saile , and neve r pull downe their masts. See Affrick! Her e is the mountayn of the Moone ! Sees t thou th e Fenne s of Nyle? L o here th e re d Sea. Looke upon the great Caire! On thi s side is Europe. This top here all white, ar e th e Hyperborea n mountains . Her e ar e th e Alpes , ove r which w e go downe int o Italic . Ther e ar e th e Appenines : an d her e are th e Pyrenaea n hilles , by which you may g o directly into Spaine . See here where is the Citi e of London. (Eliot 1968 : 79 ; roman for italic, lineation ignored) (G) Shakespear e and Elio t had commo n acquaintance s an d were nearcontemporaries fro m Warwickshire . The y may thu s have know n eac h other i n London; ther e i s no externa l evidenc e on th e point, thoug h a complex se t of interrelations seem s to lin k Eliot's language manual t o the Harvey-Nashe polemic i n th e backgroun d o f Love's Labour's Lost (with possible verbal echoes in the play: see Yates 1936: 50-72; Schrickx 1956; Davi d 1968 : xxxix-xlii) . Bu t Ortho-epia doe s seem , i n an y case , exactly the typ e of book Shakespear e coul d hav e used to teach himself French. Shakespeare' s Frenc h i s usually thought t o b e no t quit e o f a standard commensurat e wit h professional (or native-speaker) help; an d Eliot's book is by some distance the livelies t work of its kind that migh t have been available to him. Hi s apparent recall of scraps from th e book over th e cours e o f hi s caree r i s consistent with th e typ e o f enduring , though inconsequential , memories ofte n create d b y drilling (including self-drilling) in the cours e of language-learning. A peculiarit y o f th e tex t o f Henry V in th e Firs t Foli o i s th e lin e i n which Pisto l ha s hi s bo y translat e hi s word s int o Frenc h t o threate n Monsieur le Fer, his prisoner : '// me commande a vous dire que vousfaite vous prest, car ce soldat icy est disposee tout asture de couppes vostre gorge' (Shakespear e 1866: Henry the Fift, p . 87 ; 4.4.37-9) . Th e wor d 'asture' , emende d b y Rowe and all subsequent editors to 'a cette heure', is given several times in Ortho-epia with this sense. According to Lever (1953: 81) it is unique to Eliot. I f s o thi s woul d b e on e o f the stronges t singl e indication s o f a knowledge o f Elio t o n Shakespeare' s part ; bu t i t i s i n fac t frequentl y encountered i n sixteenth-centur y French . Ther e ma y howeve r b e reverberations i n th e Pisto l episod e o f a dialogu e o n a thie f whic h makes up Eliot's Chapte r 1 4 (Lever 1953 : 85). There ar e apparen t echoe s in several other plays , notably Histories , mostly a t th e leve l o f phraseolog y an d usuall y o f littl e furthe r

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Eliot, John significance. A mor e genera l respons e t o Elio t (probably) , and/o r t o books like his (certainly), is found i n the Bastard' s firs t soliloqu y in King John: Now your traveller, He and his toothpick at my worship's mess And when my knightly stomach is suffic'd , Why then I suck my teeth and catechize My picked man o f countries: 'M y dear sir,' Thus leaning on mine elbow I begin 'I shall beseech you' - Tha t is question now; And then comes answer like an Absey book: 'O sir, ' says answer 'at your best command, At your employment, a t your service, sir!' 'No, sir,' says question, 'I, sweet sir, at yours.' And so , ere answer knows what question would, Saving in dialogue of compliment, And talking of the Alps and Apennines, The Pyrenean and the river Po It draws toward supper in conclusion so. (1.1.189-204) Here 'Abse y book ' i s a corruptio n o f 'ABC-book', a prime r 'ofte n i n catechism o r dialogu e form ' (0£D) , that is , such a work a s Ortho-epia, and there is a possible relationship specifically with the passage given in (B), abov e (firs t pointe d ou t b y Yates 1936 : 5Iff.) . Even i f onl y som e o f th e doze n o r s o putativ e echoe s o f Eliot' s textbook recorde d b y Leve r an d Porte r ar e genuine , the y spa n a n unusually large stretch of time in Shakespeare's career. Lever (1953: 84) speculates that afte r first using the book at an earlier date, Shakespear e had a secon d phas e o f interest i n th e Frenc h languag e aroun d 159 8 (reflected i n th e Frenc h dialogu e i n Henry V and The Merry Wives of Windsor). Mor e widely , th e tenacit y o f Shakespeare' s memorie s o f th e manual ma y have been owin g to a combination o f the stron g impres sions often made on a student by a primer with the particular forma t of the dialogues , whic h hav e 'th e vigorou s unpredictabilit y o f goo d drama', an d rea d 'lik e playlet s withou t speec h heading s o r stag e directions' (Porte r 1986 : 488).

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Eliot, John

(D)

David, Richard , ed . (1968) . Love's Labour's Lost (Arde n Shakespeare) . London. Eliot, John (1968) . Ortho-Epia Gallica: Eliots Fruits for the French, 1593, facsimile reprint . Menston. Lever, J. W. (1953). 'Shakespeare's French Fruits.' ShSu 6: 79-90. Porter, Joseph A . (1986). 'More Echoes from Eliot' s Ortho-epia Gallica, in King Lear and Henry V: ShQJSl: 486-8 . Schrickx, W . (1956) . Shakespeare's Early Contemporaries: The Background of the Harvey-Nashe Polemic and 'Love's Labours Lost'. Antwerp. Shakespeare, Willia m (1866) . The First Collected Edition of the Dramatic Works . . . A Reproduction in Exact Fac-simile. London. Yates, France s A . (1931) . 'Th e Importanc e o f John Eliot' s Ortho-epia Gallica.' RES 1: 419-30. (1936). A Study of'Love's Labours Lost'. Cambridge . Elyot, Sir Thomas (c . 1490-1546), Administrator, Lexicographer and Writer (A) The so n o f an attorne y an d serjeant-at-law , Elyot was educated a t the Inn s o f Court durin g th e tim e whe n the y were rapidl y becomin g centres of humanist study . He practised a s a lawyer, becoming a Clerk of Assize an d the n Cler k of the Counci l under Wolsey, but spen t most of his life o n th e fringe s o f Henry VIII' s court , at on e stag e being sent on an unsuccessfu l diplomati c mission to enlist the support of the Hol y Roman Empero r for Henry's divorce of Katherine o f Aragon. Between 1531 an d 154 5 h e publishe d som e twelve works of didactic prose , a n ambitious rang e o f writing s aime d a t promotin g th e trainin g bot h inward an d outward o f the Christian humanist . Thes e much-reprinte d texts include d translation s o f Lucian an d o f opuscul a b y Isocrates , Plutarch and Pico della Mirandola; th e first English-Latin dictionar y of any size ; a n edifyin g lif e o f the Empero r Severu s Alexander; and a sermon o n th e 'las t things' . Easil y hi s mos t famou s wor k i s The Boke Named the Governour (1531), an extende d essay on political ethic s and th e education o f th e princ e an d statesman . Sometime s describe d a s th e earliest treatise o n moral philosophy i n English, i t is also a milestone in the evolutio n of English prose. Thoug h addresse d t o magistrate s an d deputies, i t wa s als o intende d fo r th e eye s o f Henr y VIII , an d pro pounded the sort of monarchical theories he was anxious to encourage. 139

Elyot, Sir Thomas

Since Elyo t hel d th e optimistic , non-Machiavellia n vie w tha t th e same qualitie s that mak e a good kin g make a good man , th e chapter s on governmen t ar e strongl y relate d t o th e discussion s o f trainin g i n knowledge, manners and virtue. (B) The Governour quickly became on e o f the mos t popular book s o f its age. It was reprinted thre e times during Elyot's life an d frequentl y afte r his death , runnin g throug h nin e o r te n edition s i n fifty years (som e editions remov e passage s no t conformin g wit h late r religiou s ortho doxy). I t wa s imitate d i n titl e an d subject , borrowe d fro m bot h wit h and without acknowledgement, quoted, an d 'use d by other writers as a compendium o f illustrative material s on subject s as widely differin g a s shooting a long bow and rulin g a commonwealth' (Starnes 1927 : 112). Its influence extende d to suc h works as Ascham's Toxophilus (1546 ) an d The Schoolmaster (1570) , an d a century afte r it s publication i t is still par t of th e backgroun d o f suc h a boo k a s Peacham' s Compleat Gentleman (1622). Afte r a n editio n o f 1580 , however , n o furthe r printing s too k place until the nineteenth century. Almost at the very start of The Governour, Elyot undertakes to show 'of what estimatio n ordr e is' in society. (His ardent, even religious devotio n to the sam e principle als o informs hi s courtly account o f dancing else where i n the book , celebrate d b y his distant relatio n T . S. Eliot in East Coker.} These excerpt s come from Boo k i, Chapters 1-2 : Beholde also the ordre that god hath put generally in al his creatures, begynnyng at th e most e inferio r o r base , an d assendyng e upwarde : he mad e no t onl y herbes t o garnissh e th e erthe , bu t als o trees o f a more eminen t statur e tha n herbes, an d yet in the one and the other be degree s o f qualitees; some pleasan t t o beholde , som e delicat e o r good i n taste , othe r holsom e an d medicinable , som e commodiou s and necessar y . .. so that i n every thyng is ordre, an d without ordr e may be nothing stabl e or permanent; an d it may nat be called ordre , except it do contayne in it degrees, high and base , accordynge to the merite or estimatioun of the thyng that is ordred . . . The popula r astate , if any thing do varie fro m equaliti e o f substance or estimation , o r tha t th e multitud e o f peopl e hav e ove r moch e liberte, o f necessit e on e o f thes e inconvenience s must e happen : either tiranny , where h e tha t i s to moche i n favour wold e be elevat e 140

Elyot, Sir Thomas and suffr e non e equalite , orel s i n t o th e rag e o f a communaltie , whiche o f all rules is moste t o be feare d . . . For who ca n deni e bu t that al l thynge i n heve n an d erth e i s governed b y one god , b y on e perpetuall ordre, by one providence? One Sonn e rulet h over the day, and one Moone over the nyghte; and to descende downe to the erthe, in a litel l beest, whiche o f all othe r i s moste t o b e marvayle d at , I meane th e Bee , is lefte t o ma n b y nature, a s it semeth, a perpetual l figure o f a juste governaunc e o r rule : wh o hat h among e the m on e principall Be e fo r they r governour , wh o excellet h al l othe r i n greatnes, yet hath h e n o pricke o r stinge , but i n hym is more knowledge than in the residue . . . The capitayn e hy m self e labouret h na t fo r his sustinance , but al l the other for hym; he onely seeth that if any drane or other unprofitable be e entreth i n to the hyve, and consumeth e th e hony , gathere d by other, that he be immediately expelled from tha t company . . . The Grekes , whic h wer e assemble d t o reveng e th e reproch e o f Menelaus, tha t h e tok e o f the Trojan s b y the ravisshin g of Helene, his wyfe, dy d nat the y by one assen t elect e Agamemnon t o be their emperour or capitain? (153 1 text, ed. Croft 1883 : i, 4-5, 10-16 ) (C) Though perhap s n o individua l echo of Elyot in Shakespeare is fully conclusive, th e popularit y o f The Governour durin g Shakespeare' s life time, the number of more or less plausible affinities i n the plays, and th e clustering together o f apparent Elyo t source-material fo r several of the plays within on e o r tw o shor t section s o f the book , combin e t o mak e some kind of direct connection see m highly probable . To summarize : Elyo t i s the likelies t source for th e mai n plo t o f The Two Gentlemen of Verona, thoug h th e stor y in questio n was als o availabl e elsewhere. There are stron g echoes or apparen t echoe s of the first two chapters o f The Governour i n Henry V and Troilus and Cressida. Furthe r material apparentl y echoe d i n 2 Henry IV may hav e com e t o Shake speare via the chronicle r Stow. Fainter connection s with The Governour have bee n discerne d i n a numbe r o f other play s includin g Coriolanus, and, largely at the level of local phraseology, Julius Caesar, Richard II and Sir Thomas More (for these see the reference s in (D)). Elyot's Chapter n, 1 2 is headed 'Th e wonderfull history of Titus an d Gisippus, an d whereb y is fully declared the figure of perfet amitie'. It is the stor y of an idea l friendshi p between two aristocratic Athenia n stu dents, one Greek and th e othe r Roman . Th e Gree k praises his fiancee 141

Elyot, Sir Thomas to his friend, wh o falls in love with her; his struggles against his passion proving vain , th e gir l i s offered t o th e frien d i n term s ver y simila r t o those used by Shakespeare's Valentine: 'Here I renounce to you clerely all my title and interes t that I nowe have or mought have in that fair e mayden' (ed . Croft 1883 : n, 141-2 ; compare Valentine' s 'And, that my love may appear plain and free, / Al l that was mine in Silvia I give thee', Two Gentlemen of Verona 5.4.82-3) . The stor y of Titus an d Gisippu s ha d been popular at least since Boccaccio's treatment in the Decameron, an d other sixteenth-centur y Englis h version s bot h poeti c an d dramati c are extan t (se e Sargen t 1950) . Elyot' s version , however , matche s Shakespeare's a t som e of the crucia l points o f divergence betwee n th e different version s - though , onc e again , Shakespeare' s i s itsel f i n other respects divergent from Elyot's. As strong a case can be made fo r Shakespeare's familiarity with th e early discussion s in The Governour (i , 1-2 , bu t th e basi c idea s ar e ofte n repeated later ) o f orde r an d degre e i n society . Elyot' s figur e o f th e beehive an d hi s presentation o f Platonic idea s of harmony an d degre e as a la w o f nature an d o f Go d (se e (B)) are me t wit h i n Henry V an d Troilus and Cressida. I n th e former , th e Archbisho p o f Canterbury fam ously discusses how the honey bee teaches 'the act of order to a peopled kingdom' (1.2.189). These lines have parallels i n Lyly's Euphues an d i n Lyly's ow n sources , Pliny and Virgil, bu t non e o f these coul d hav e supplied th e Platoni c o r neo-Platoni c idea s o f order , degre e an d harmony (thoug h th e 'agreement s i n phraseolog y an d arrangement ' discerned b y Starne s 192 7 ar e no t remarkable) . A speec h i n Troilus and Cressida ha s a definit e relationshi p wit h Canterbury's : tha t o f th e Machiavellian Ulysse s on order (1.3.78-137) , in which h e attempt s to make Achilles return t o th e battle . Othe r possibl e sources in thi s case include Hooker, but 'ther e is in Ulysses' speech . . . much in common with th e firs t tw o chapter s i n The Governour, an d lackin g i n th e Ecclesiastical Polity' (Starne s 1927 : 124) , including onc e mor e th e beehiv e image itself , an d the conclusion that on e man shoul d be the chief ruler - i n Ulysses' formulation , 'Th e specialt y o f rule hat h been neglected ' (1.3.78). The presenc e of nearby materia l o n th e Gree k leaders in The Governour i s surel y fortuitous , an d hardl y likel y t o hav e suggeste d th e action o f Troilus and Cressida, Finally, The Governour contain s (n , 6 ) the earlies t know n versio n o f the probabl y unhistorica l episod e referre d t o i n 2 Henry IV o f th e sentencing o f Princ e Ha l t o priso n b y th e Lor d Chie f Justice. Elyo t 142

Elyot, Sir Thomas recounts it picturesquely and dramatically . The Kin g on hearing o f the incident, Elyot writes, a while s studyienge , afte r a s a ma n al l ravisshe d wit h gladness , holdyng his eien an d hande s u p toward e heven , abrayded , saying e with a loude voice, O mercifull god, howe moche am I, above all other men, bounde to your infinite goodnes; specially for that ye have gyven me a juge, who feareth nat to ministre justice, an d also a sonne who can suffr e semblabl y and obe y justice?

(1531 text, ed. Croft 1883 : n, 72)

This speec h i s a par t o f th e stor y parallele d i n Shakespear e (2 Henry IV 5.2.108-12 ) bu t omitte d i n th e late r version s give n b y Hall and Holinshed. Sto w supplies it in his Annals, however, placing th e whol e passage i n quotation mark s an d attributin g it to Elyot . I f Shakespeare knew th e Governour text o f it , 'i t i s noteworthy tha t th e narrativ e . . . appears i n Elyot' s expositio n o f th e natur e o f Majest y an d o f th e virtues which a king should possess' (Starnes 1927: 116). (D) Starne s (1927 ) lay s out th e stronges t an d mos t extensiv e case s of apparent echoes , in 2 Henry IV, Henry V, Troilus and Cressida an d Coriolanus, with usefu l paralle l passages. Sargen t (1950 ) makes th e fulles t cas e in respec t of The Two Gentlemen of Verona. Brooks, Harol d E (1963) . 'Shakespear e an d The Gouernour, Bk . II, ch . xiii. Parallels with Richard IIand th e More Addition.' SAQJ4: 195-9. Bullough, i. Bush, Dougla s (1937) . 'Julius Caesar and Elyot' s Governour.' MLN 52 : 407-8. Croft, Henr y Herber t Stephen , ed . (1883) . The Boke Named the Governour, Devised by Sir Thomas Elyot, Knight, Edited from the First Edition of1531, 2 vols. London . Maxwell, J. C. (1956).' "Julius Caesar" and Elyot's "Governour".' N&Q 201: 147. Sargent, Ralp h M . (1950) . 'Si r Thomas Elyot and th e Integrit y o f The Two Gentlemen of Verona.' PMLA 65 : 1166-80 . Starnes, D . T . (1927) . 'Shakespear e an d Elyot' s Governor.'' University of Texas Studies in English 7 : 112-32 . 143

Emblems

Emblems (Includin g Imprese) (A) In th e sens e used here, the emble m as known in Shakespeare's tim e was a combinatio n o f a mott o (usuall y i n a foreig n language ) an d a short poe m (o r sometimes prose text ) with a picture, use d together t o expound some moral o r ethical truth (se e the exampl e in Fig. 5). Much of the subject-matter employed - phoenix , pelican , vine and elm - is drawn fro m literar y topo i familia r lon g befor e emblem s cam e int o vogue. Emble m book s were a largel y continenta l Europea n phenom enon of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, during which time two thousand or more (dependin g on the definition adopted) were printed, beginning wit h Andre a Alciati' s Emblematum Liber (Augsburg , 1531) . Successive edition s o f Alciati spread th e fashio n from Ital y t o France , where, aroun d 1540 , works b y Guillaum e d e l a Perrier e an d Gille s Corrozet included collections of historical apologues, proverbs, maxims of love, wonderful adventure s an d fables , al l develope d fro m Alciati' s D E V I S E !

Sicfpedandafidey.

Sipwr efirouuer lefin Or, ou autres metaus, Ion les rafortefus la Tottche, fans qu'onfe confic de leurs tintemens, ou de lettrs fans, auftipour (onnoitre les gens de l>ic», « -venuemperfonnages, fe faut frendre garde a la JllcndcHr de leurt enures, fans s'arrefteran babil,

Sit

Figure 5 Claud e Paradin, Les Devices Heroiques (Anvers, 1562) , fo. 100 V

144

Emblems model. A considerable body of theoretical discussion of the subjec t also emerged in the later sixteenth century, and emblems began to figure, in Europe generally , i n decorativ e scheme s i n othe r media , includin g plaster, tapestr y an d paintings . Dram a i s sometimes said t o b e intrin sically allie d t o th e emble m becaus e i t combine s th e verba l an d th e visual. Regular context s for the us e of emblems in England i n the later sixteenth centur y an d beyon d als o includ e civi c pageantry , roya l entrances, masques and chivalric ceremonial. The las t was the home of a specia l type of emblem, the imprese which were presented t o th e presiding lord or monarch by each knight participatin g in a tournament. As i n th e fictiona l example s i n Sidney's Arcadia o r Spenser's Faerie Queene, a knight's impresa consiste d of a personal motto an d emblemati c representation o f hi s hope s an d intention s o n th e occasion , painte d onto a pasteboar d shiel d (fo r a ful l stud y se e Youn g 1987) . I n 161 3 Shakespeare was paid t o compose a n impresa fo r the Earl of Rutland. (B) Geoffre y Whitney' s A Choice of Emblemes, and Other Devises, 1586 , i s often describe d a s the first printed emble m book in England. Thi s is in some sens e an anthology : Gree n (1870: 252 ) showed tha t o f the 24 8 woodcuts, 20 2 ar e printe d fro m block s previously used b y the printe r Plantin fo r book s b y Alciati , Hadria n Junius , Claud e Paradi n an d Joannes Sambucus . Th e culture d English-speakin g reade r als o ha d direct access to the work of such writers as these through the enormously larger outpu t o f emble m materia l fro m continenta l presses ; ther e i s ample evidence of the diffusio n i n Britain of French, Italian an d Dutc h emblem books , a s wel l a s man y Lati n examples . Th e firs t printe d emblem boo k o f wholly English origi n wa s Andrew Willet's Century of Sacred Emblems of 1598 . Within three years of Whitney's 158 6 volume, Puttenham's Arte of English Poesie devotes a whole chapter t o emblems : the growt h i n thei r popularity in England is rapid. Whitney was also used by William Byrd, who se t five of his emblem s as madrigals i n hi s Psalms, Songs and Sonnets (1586), and elsewhere in the 1580 s and 1590 s in decorative application s in silverwar e an d paintin g (see Bath 1994 : 86-9). T o th e late r Eliza bethans, 'emble m writin g wa s a gentlemanl y accomplishmen t o f th e same type as the abilit y to play the lut e or t o dance th e lavolta ' (Freeman 1967 : 3). For the poet or playwright, their presence in everyday life made it impossible to ignore them. Sometime s this means a playwright alludes t o individua l emblem s h e knows : Marston's The Malcontent 145

Emblems

(1603) make s referenc e t o a devic e o f a bea r lickin g he r youn g int o shape foun d i n Horapollo' s Hieroglyphica an d elsewhere , to a n emble m of th e eagl e an d th e tortois e (perhap s derive d fro m Sidney' s Arcadia)., and t o the ivy destroying the tree which has helped i t to mount (foun d emblematically i n several sources; references for all three item s in Praz 1964: 216-17). At other times it means a playwright draws more or less directly o n th e emble m convention : Chapman's tragedies , fo r example, us e it directly fo r elaborate emblematica l description s whic h include 'speakin g picture' , interpretatio n an d mora l lesson . Earlie r plays ha d anticipate d hi s manner i n cruder form s - th e anonymou s Locrine (1590s) , fo r instance , provide d a n emblem , wit h motto , t o precede eac h Act. Less direct appropriation s o f the conventio n shad e off int o th e us e o f 'emblematic' form s suc h a s dumb show s (see Mehl 1969), and various kinds of what is sometimes unsatisfactorily called a n 'emblematic style' . Imprese device s als o foun d thei r wa y int o plays : Middleton uses some elaborately in Your Five Gallants. Jonson was happy to refe r t o emblem motto s in his plays as well as masques, but h e parodies th e conventio n i n Cynthia's Revels, in the burlesque episode in which prizes are awarded for courtly compliments: For the bar e Accost, tw o Wall-eyes, i n a face forced : For the bette r Reguard, a Fac e favorabl y simpring, wit h a Fann e waving : Fo r the solemne Addresse, two Lips wagging, and never a wise word: For the perfect Close , a Wring by the hand, with a Banquet in a corner. (5.3.106-10; ed. Herford and Simpso n 1925-51 : iv, 138) Marston's madca p characte r Balurd o i n Antonio and Mellida (159 9 o r 1600) also pokes fun a t the vogu e for imprese. Emblems in general ofte n cultivate esotericism ; imprese an d th e book s which depicte d the m were intended to summon up a world of feudal patronage, and their exclusivity is reflected i n literature : onl y th e princes s understands Musidorus ' jewel 'mad e i n th e figur e o f crab-fish ' i n Sidney' s Arcadia, an d onl y Maecenas, no t th e foolis h Lupus , understand s Horace' s impresa i n Jonson's Poetaster. (C) It is often claime d tha t Shakespeare' s work is influenced formally o r structurally b y emblem writers : elements of his imagery, iconography, stage presentatio n an d stag e properties hav e been approache d i n thi s way. Suc h influence is perfectly possible, though there is little consensus 146

Emblems about it . Bu t thes e phenomen a d o no t lea d bac k t o an y particular emblem boo k o r author , eve n o n som e occasion s whe n Shakespear e makes referenc e t o a particula r (bu t widel y known ) emble m (on e example is the weeping stag which the melancholy Jacques watched, As You Like It 2.1.33ff.: se e Bath 1986) . Thus they may be attributable mor e to the effect o f widespread ways of thinking and writing - describe d by such terms as 'Renaissance iconography' - tha n to the direct reading of emblem literatur e o n Shakespeare' s part . Th e presen t discussio n i s therefore oriente d in other directions . A direct, light-hearted referenc e to the emblem convention generall y occurs in The Two Noble Kinsmen: Emilia contend s that a rose is the very emblem o f a maid For when the west wind courts her gently, How modestly she blows, and paints the sun With her chaste blushes! When the north come s near her, Rude and impatient, then , like chastity, She locks her beauties in her bud again , And leaves him to base briers. , good madam, WOMAN Yet Sometimes her modest y will blow so far She falls for't - a maid, If she have any honor, would be loath To take example by her.

(2.2.137-47)

Surprisingly, thi s is the onl y metaphorical use of the word 'emblem ' in the Shakespear e cano n (th e only tw o othe r example s refe r t o actual , physical emblems). As often i n other writers, the term is applied her e to the pictoria l elemen t alone , excep t tha t Emili a i s also thinkin g o f th e type o f fable whic h th e picture s illustrated. Ther e i s no cal l t o see k a particular emblematic source for Emilia's suggestion. As has almos t alway s been recognized , Shakespear e rarel y borrow s directly fro m emble m writers , bu t a passag e i n whic h multipl e borrowings of impresa mottos occur is the tournamen t scen e in Pericles: SIMONIDES 'Ti s no w your honour, daughter , t o entertain The labou r of each knight in his device. THAIS A Which , t o preserve mine honour, I'll perform. 147

Emblems Enter a Knight; he passes over, and his Squire presents his shield to the Princess. SIMONIDES Wh o i s the first that doth prefer himself ? Knight o f Sparta, my renowned father ; THAIS A A And the device he bears upon his shield Is a black Ethiope reaching at the Sun; The word, 'Lux tua vita mihi'. SIMONIDES H e love s you well that holds his life o f you. The Second Knight passes by. THAISA A

Who i s the second that presents himself? Prince of Macedon, m y royal father; And the device he bears upon his shield Is an arm'd knight that's conquer'd b y a lady; The mott o thus, in Spanish, 'Piu por dulzura que por fuerza' .

The Third Knight passes by. SIMONIDES An d what's the third? THAISA Th e thir d of Antioch; And his device a wreath of chivalry; The word, 'Me pompae provexit apex'. The Fourth Knight passes by. SIMONIDES Wha t is the fourth ? THAISA A burning torch that's turned up-side down; The word, 'Quod me alit, me extinguit'. SIMONIDES Whic h shows that beauty hath his power and will, Which can a s well inflame as it can kill. The Fifth Knight passes by. THAISA Th

e fifth, an hand environed with clouds, Holding out gold that's by the touchstone tried; The motto thus, 'Sic spectanda fides'.

PERICLES as Sixth Knight passes by. 148

Emblems

SIMONIDES An d what's the sixth and last, the which the knight himsel f With such a graceful courtes y deliver'd? THAIS A H e seeme s to be a stranger; but hi s present is A withered branch, that' s only green at top; The motto , 'In hac spe vivo'.

(2.2.14-44)

Real-life source s for thes e imprese have bee n found . Th e firs t knight' s motto was that o f the Bloun t family o f Worcestershire, and woul d have been accompanie d b y a visua l devic e (o f unknow n form ) i n som e contexts; Pericles ' impresa ha s bee n identifie d wit h on e compose d b y Sir Philip Sidney, and so on. This leads Young (1985) to conclude that Shakespeare was familiar with at least one printed collectio n of imprese, perhaps The Heroicall Devices ofM. Claudius Paradin Englished i n 159 2 b y 'P. S.' . Fig . 5 shows the versio n of the Fift h Knight' s emble m foun d i n the 156 2 French versio n o f Paradin's Devises Heroiques (for the rang e of possible Shakespearean sources here see Young 1985: 455). On man y occasion s o f possible referenc e t o emblems , however , i t is much less clear how far Shakespeare is alluding to particular examples . When, fo r instance, Hamlet' s comparison o f Rosencrantz an d courtier s in genera l t o a spong e (4.2.12-16 ) i s relate d t o Alciat i o r Whitney' s emblem o f a king squeezin g out a spong e an d th e courtier s wh o suck their sustenance from him , the similarit y is too limited to give evidence of Shakespeare' s readin g - the analog y wa s commonplace, an d not original wit h Alciat i o r Whitney . The fac t tha t Hamle t himsel f spells out his meaning in using it also makes the passage work independently of an y emble m th e audienc e migh t o r migh t no t cal l t o mind . Wit h Othello's word s o n enterin g the roo m t o murde r Desdemona , ligh t in hand - 'Put out the light, and then put out the light' (5.2.7) - th e case is slightly different. Horapollo' s Hieroglyphica had include d an emblem of a lighted lam p a s symbolizing life, bu t mor e specificall y relevant ar e th e many emblemati c instance s o f th e moti f o f a torc h brin g quenched , and th e frequen t association , a s in the Fourt h Knight' s emblem i n th e Pericles scene, above, with the power of love and beaut y to induce either joy or despair. Thu s in Shakespeare's scen e 'w e are presented no t onl y with an emble m o f the fragilit y o f the transienc e of human lif e bu t als o with a n emble m o f the paradoxica l power s o f love' (Youn g 1976 : 6). Yet, whil e this may b e take n as an indicatio n o f the association s some members o f an early seventeenth-century audienc e might have brought 149

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to this moment i n the play, once again this information does not necessarily revea l tha t Shakespear e wa s acquainte d wit h thi s particula r emblem tradition. Attempts to discover instances of Shakespeare working from particu lar emblem s are almos t alway s dogged b y uncertainty. An image i n a n emblem boo k reminds a commentato r o f a scen e in Shakespeare ; th e commentator the n does his or her best to discover reasons why Shakespeare migh t hav e know n th e emble m - thi s i s no t a promisin g procedure, thoug h som e suc h argument s (e.g . Butler 1984 ) are bette r than others . Elsewhere , th e likel y availabilit y o f a n emble m boo k t o Shakespeare prompt s th e revers e process; neither Richard s (1980 ) no r Waddington (1976 ) is convincing as to th e effec t o f individual Whitne y emblems on th e Sonnets and The Merchant of Venice. With Shakespeare a s with other writers, then, 'excep t in rare instance s the attempt t o estab lish specific literary or iconographical indebtednes s [t o an emblem] ca n be misleading . I n mos t case s th e parallel s ar e valuabl e chiefl y a s parallels an d nothin g more; the commonplaces a s commonplaces, an d precisely because they are such' (Steadman 1979 : 32). (D) Praz (1964 ) provides a broad stud y of emblem writing as such (with full primar y bibliography) , an d o f emblemati c imager y a s foun d i n early moder n Europea n an d Englis h literature . Bat h (1994 ) i s a ful l recent study of the Englis h emblem tradition . O n Shakespeare , Gree n (1870) was pioneering, bu t hi s over-enthusiasm leads to arbitrariness in claiming emble m influence , an d t o th e play s being treate d merel y as arenas fo r source-hunting . Som e problem s an d pitfall s o f identifyin g emblematic materia l i n Shakespear e ar e usefull y discusse d b y Pete r Daly i n Fabiny 1984 : 156-75 . The bibliograph y belo w includes a few examples o f critica l literatur e o n th e forma l o r structura l us e o f emblems in Shakespeare, not related to any particular emblem book he may hav e know n (suc h a s Mannin g 1994) , an d o n emblem s a s analogues fo r Shakespear e (Simond s 199 2 is unusual among the m i n dealing wit h emblemati c an d relate d aspect s o f a singl e pla y a t boo k length). A mor e comprehensiv e bibliograph y ca n b e foun d i n Dal y 1993, in five sections: Bibliographies; General Articles on the Emblem ; The Emble m a s Genr e an d Form ; Shakespeare , Imager y an d th e Visual Arts; Specialized Studies of Shakespeare. Andresen, Martha (1974) . '"Ripeness is all": Sententia e an d Common 150

Emblems places in King Lear, pp. 145-6 8 in Rosalie L . Colie and F . T. Flahiff , eds, Some Facets of King Lear: Essays in Prismatic Criticism. London. Bath, Michae l (1986) . 'Weepin g Stag s an d Melanchol y Lovers : Th e Iconography of As You Like It II. i' Emblematica 1 : 13-52 . (1994). Speaking Pictures: English Emblem Books and Renaissance Culture. London. Butler, Gu y (1984) . 'Shakespeare' s Clif f a t Dove r an d a n Emble m Illustration.' HLQj^l: 226-31 . Daly, Peter M. (1993) . Teaching Shakespeare and the Emblem: A Lecture and a Bibliography. Acadia . Dundas, Judit h (1983) . 'Shakespeare' s Imagery : Emble m an d th e Imitation o f Nature.' ShSt 16 : 45-56. Fabiny, Tibor, ed . (1984) . Shakespeare and the Emblem: Studies in Renaissance Iconography and Iconology. Szeged , Hungary. Freeman, Rosemar y (1967) . English Emblem Books. Londo n (firs t published 1948) . Green, Henr y (1870) . Shakespeare and the Emblem Writers. London. Herford, C. H., Percy and Evelyn Simpson, eds (1925-51). Benjonson, 8 vols. Oxford. Hoyle, James (1971) . 'Som e Emblems in Shakespeare's Henry /FPlays. ' ££7/38:512-27. Iwasaki, Soj i (1973) . 'Veritas filia temporis an d Shakespeare. ' ELR 3 : 249-63. Manning, John (1994) . 'Symbola an d Emblemata in Hamlet\ pp . 11-1 8 in Mark Thornto n Burnet t an d Joh n Manning , eds , New Essays on 'Hamlet'. Ne w York . Mehl, Dieter (1969). 'Emblems in English Renaissance Drama.' RenD 2: 39-57. Pellegrini, G. (1964). 'Symbols and Significances : "All such emblems".' ShSu 17 : 180-7 . Praz, Mari o (1964) . Studies in Seventeenth-Century Imagery. Londo n (firs t published 1939 , expanded 1947) . Richards, Bernar d (1980). 'Whitney' s Influenc e o n Shakespeare' s Sonnets 11 1 an d 112 , an d o n Donne' s Thir d Satire. ' JV<2?£225 : 160-1. Rosenblum, Joseph (1981) . 'Wh y an Ass? : Cesar e Ripa' s Iconologia as a Source for Bottom's Translation.' ShQ32: 357-9. Simonds, Pegg y Munoz (1992) . Myth, Emblem and Music in Shakespeare's 'Cymbeline': An Iconographic Reconstruction. Newark, DE . 151

Emblems Steadman, Joh n M . (1979) . Nature into Myth: Medieval and Renaissance Moral Symbols. Pittsburgh. Waddington, Raymond B . (1976) . 'The Merchant of Venice IILi. 108-113: Transforming an Emblem.' EZJV14: 92-8. Young, Alan R. (1976). 'Othello's "Flaming Minister" and Renaissanc e Emblem Literature.' English Studies in Canada 2: 1-7. (1985). ' A Note o n th e Tournamen t Impresa s in Pericles.'1 ShQ36: 453-6. (1987). Tudor and Jacobean Tournaments. London . Erasmus, Desiderius (c . 1466-1536), Dutch Humanist, Biblical Scholar and Writer (A) The natura l son of a cleric, Erasmus becam e an Augustinian cano n and a priest, ordained in 1492 . He studied and taught in Paris and later in several other European centre s of learning, includin g Oxford (1499 ) and as a professor at Cambridge (1509-14) . He settled in Basle in 1521 , later leaving its atmosphere o f religious dissent for Freiburg. He was for much o f hi s lifetim e th e pre-eminen t schola r an d controversialis t o f Europe, welcomed by princes, protected by emperors, and in later years offered a cardinal' s hat . Broadly, h e sa w hi s life' s wor k a s bein g t o present the intellectual and moral ideas of Greek and Roman antiquit y to his contemporaries a s a direct mean s of enriching the civilization of his time . Thi s too k man y forms , includin g schoo l textbooks , manual s and example s of good style , translations, editorial work , specialist trea tises, literar y entertainments , an d ofte n a combinatio n o f severa l o f these things at once , a s for exampl e i n hi s Collectanea Adagiorum Veterum, 1500. Thi s wa s a n antholog y o f (eventually) ove r 5,00 0 adage s take n from Gree k and Latin literature, in expounding which Erasmus sets out the principles of right thinking and right conduct as he conceived them, in hi s usua l stylisti c combinatio n o f th e lapidar y an d epigrammati c qualities o f Lati n wit h persona l elan . Hi s Enchiridion Militis Christiani ('Handbook o f th e Militan t Christian' , o r i n it s earlies t translatio n 'Manual o f a Christia n Knight' , 1503 ) and Instituto Principis Christiani ('The Education o f the Christian Prince', 1516 ) stressed the importanc e of learning to the Christia n life . Th e Moriae Encomium ('Praise of Folly', 1511, written for Sir Thomas More) is a satire on the Church but also on human pretension s a t large. Erasmus ' suprem e talent s a s an educato r are eviden t i n th e Colloquia Familiaria ('Familia r Conversations' , 151 8 152

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onwards), a collection of dialogues which teach both good Latin expres sion and a humane way of life. Hi s 151 6 edition an d translatio n o f the Greek New Testament was epoch-making in bringing the original texts to bea r o n traditiona l biblica l interpretation ; bu t hi s free-thinkin g humanism frequentl y brought hi m into confrontation wit h the Churc h whose unity he nevertheless cherished. (B) Erasmus was the mos t extensively influential writer of the Norther n Renaissance, i n man y quarter s an d a t man y levels , a t th e centr e o f which wa s th e humanis t enterpris e i n it s educational , religiou s an d political aspects . Especially important i n England wa s the adoptio n o f his educational an d literar y principles a t S t Paul's School , with whose founding b y Colet he wa s closely connected, sinc e St Paul's becam e a prototype fo r Tudo r gramma r schools , includin g Stratford' s (se e Baldwin 1944 : i , 118-84) . Bu t a ful l accoun t o f Erasmus ' plac e i n sixteenth-century Englis h cultur e woul d requir e man y word s (fo r English translation s se e Devereux's 198 3 bibliography) . Som e illustra tions are instead given here of English-language renderings of his three works most strongly associated with Shakespeare. The Praise of Folly wa s firs t Englishe d b y Si r Thoma s Chalone r (1520-1565), a well-know n diploma t an d solde r a s well a s translator , in 1549 ; hi s versio n wa s reissue d i n ?1560 , 1576 , an d i n th e late r seventeenth century . Chaloner' s tang y Englis h her e render s Folly' s complaints of life's suffering s and , second, her promotion o f foolishness as a remedy, notions easily paralleled in the tragedies (perhaps especially Hamlet) an d elsewher e in Shakespeare: Admitte than, som e one, (as the Poetes feigne by Jupiter) shuld e out o f an high high place behold an d se e in how many miseries mans life is wrapped, ho w wretched an d vil e his byrthe is, how harde hi s bringyng up, how weake and pewlyn g his childhode, how travailsome his youthe, ho w heav y hi s age , an d las t ho w fearefu l hi s deat h were . Further, duryn g al l hi s lyfe , wha t bande s o f sickenesses doe assail e hym, what naro w chaunce s hange ove r hi s head, wha t displeasure s come upon hym, how in all thynges he fyndeth mor e galle than hony, besydes the injurie s whiche one of you scourgeth an other withall, as povertee, enprisonment , worldel y shame , rebukyng , rackyng , gyle , treason, sklaunder , discencion , disceit e (bu t now I goe about to tell the gravel! of the sea) that fo r wha t offence s me n deserve d suche miseries, 153

Emblems Steadman, Joh n M . (1979) . Nature into Myth: Medieval and Renaissance Moral Symbols. Pittsburgh. Waddington, Raymond B . (1976) . 'The Merchant of Venice IILi. 108-113: Transforming an Emblem.' EZJV14: 92-8. Young, Alan R. (1976). 'Othello's "Flaming Minister" and Renaissanc e Emblem Literature.' English Studies in Canada 2: 1-7. (1985). ' A Note o n th e Tournamen t Impresa s in Pericles.'1 ShQ36: 453-6. (1987). Tudor and Jacobean Tournaments. London . Erasmus, Desiderius (c . 1466-1536), Dutch Humanist, Biblical Scholar and Writer (A) The natura l son of a cleric, Erasmus becam e an Augustinian cano n and a priest, ordained in 1492 . He studied and taught in Paris and later in several other European centre s of learning, includin g Oxford (1499 ) and as a professor at Cambridge (1509-14) . He settled in Basle in 1521 , later leaving its atmosphere o f religious dissent for Freiburg. He was for much o f hi s lifetim e th e pre-eminen t schola r an d controversialis t o f Europe, welcomed by princes, protected by emperors, and in later years offered a cardinal' s hat . Broadly, h e sa w hi s life' s wor k a s bein g t o present the intellectual and moral ideas of Greek and Roman antiquit y to his contemporaries a s a direct mean s of enriching the civilization of his time . Thi s too k man y forms , includin g schoo l textbooks , manual s and example s of good style , translations, editorial work , specialist trea tises, literar y entertainments , an d ofte n a combinatio n o f severa l o f these things at once , a s for exampl e i n hi s Collectanea Adagiorum Veterum, 1500. Thi s wa s a n antholog y o f (eventually) ove r 5,00 0 adage s take n from Gree k and Latin literature, in expounding which Erasmus sets out the principles of right thinking and right conduct as he conceived them, in hi s usua l stylisti c combinatio n o f th e lapidar y an d epigrammati c qualities o f Lati n wit h persona l elan . Hi s Enchiridion Militis Christiani ('Handbook o f th e Militan t Christian' , o r i n it s earlies t translatio n 'Manual o f a Christia n Knight' , 1503 ) and Instituto Principis Christiani ('The Education o f the Christian Prince', 1516 ) stressed the importanc e of learning to the Christia n life . Th e Moriae Encomium ('Praise of Folly', 1511, written for Sir Thomas More) is a satire on the Church but also on human pretension s a t large. Erasmus ' suprem e talent s a s an educato r are eviden t i n th e Colloquia Familiaria ('Familia r Conversations' , 151 8 152

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onwards), a collection of dialogues which teach both good Latin expres sion and a humane way of life. Hi s 151 6 edition an d translatio n o f the Greek New Testament was epoch-making in bringing the original texts to bea r o n traditiona l biblica l interpretation ; bu t hi s free-thinkin g humanism frequentl y brought hi m into confrontation wit h the Churc h whose unity he nevertheless cherished. (B) Erasmus was the mos t extensively influential writer of the Norther n Renaissance, i n man y quarter s an d a t man y levels , a t th e centr e o f which wa s th e humanis t enterpris e i n it s educational , religiou s an d political aspects . Especially important i n England wa s the adoptio n o f his educational an d literar y principles a t S t Paul's School , with whose founding b y Colet he wa s closely connected, sinc e St Paul's becam e a prototype fo r Tudo r gramma r schools , includin g Stratford' s (se e Baldwin 1944 : i , 118-84) . Bu t a ful l accoun t o f Erasmus ' plac e i n sixteenth-century Englis h cultur e woul d requir e man y word s (fo r English translation s se e Devereux's 198 3 bibliography) . Som e illustra tions are instead given here of English-language renderings of his three works most strongly associated with Shakespeare. The Praise of Folly wa s firs t Englishe d b y Si r Thoma s Chalone r (1520-1565), a well-know n diploma t an d solde r a s well a s translator , in 1549 ; hi s versio n wa s reissue d i n ?1560 , 1576 , an d i n th e late r seventeenth century . Chaloner' s tang y Englis h her e render s Folly' s complaints of life's suffering s and , second, her promotion of foolishness as a remedy, notions easily paralleled in the tragedies (perhaps especially Hamlet) an d elsewher e in Shakespeare: Admitte than, som e one, (as the Poetes feigne by Jupiter) shuld e out o f an high high place behold an d se e in how many miseries mans life is wrapped, ho w wretched an d vil e his byrthe is, how harde hi s bringyng up, how weake and pewlyn g his childhode, how travailsome his youthe, ho w heav y hi s age , an d las t ho w fearefu l hi s deat h were . Further, duryn g al l hi s lyfe , wha t bande s o f sickenesses doe assail e hym, what naro w chaunce s hange ove r hi s head, wha t displeasure s come upon hym, how in all thynges he fyndeth mor e galle than hony, besydes the injurie s whiche one of you scourgeth an other withall, as povertee, enprisonment , worldel y shame , rebukyng , rackyng , gyle , treason, sklaunder , discencion , disceit e (bu t now I goe about to tell the gravel! of the sea) that fo r wha t offence s me n deserve d suche miseries, 153

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or wha t go d beyn g they r heavi e lorde , condemne d thei m t o lead e their lyves so pestred an d plonge d in the same , y e shall perdon me, from expressing , as not leeful for me at this present to utter unto you. . . . suche ideotes are free, an d exempt from al l feare of death, which e feare i s no small corrosive, to a mind tha t mindet h i t I warrant you. Lyke as they fele not what a twitching turment it is, to have a grudged conscience, an d shrink e as little a t thes e oldwives tales of sprites, of divelles, o f hobgoblyne an d th e fayries , neithe r mournyn g to thei m selves fo r fear e o f evilles an d adversitee s impendyng, no r braggyn g overmuche upo n hop e o f an y goo d luck e commyng . T o b e briefe , they are not tawed, nor pluckt a sunder with a thousande thousand cares, wherwit h othe r me n ar e oppressed . The i blushe a t nothyng , they doub t nothyng , the y coveit e n o dignitee , the y envi e n o man s fortune, the y love no t peramours : an d lastl y if they be verai e brut e Naturalles, now they sinne not, as doctours doe affirme . (1549 text, ed. Miller 1965 : 40-1, 48 ; italic for bold) Richard Taverne r (1501P-1575 ) wa s th e firs t translato r o f some o f Erasmus' Adages i n 156 9 (ove r a hundre d edition s o f the origina l ha d been publishe d b y this date, and Si r Thomas Elyot's Latin dictionary , 1538 and 1559 , had alread y included a good numbe r o f the proverbs, as did later sixteenth-century dictionaries and collections of proverbs by such writer s a s John Florio) . Thi s expositio n o f the prover b 'Nosc e tempus' has been thought to lie behind Lucrece's lament in The Rape of Lucrece (see (C)): Nosce tempus. Know time . Oportuniti e i s o f suc h force , tha t o f honest i t maket h unhonest, of dammage avauntage , of pleasure, grevaunce, o f a good turne a shrewe d turne , an d contrariwis e o f unhones t honest , o f avauntage dammage , an d briefli e t o conclud e i t clean e chaunget h the natur e o f thinges . Thi s oportuniti e o r occasio n (fo r so als o ye maye call it in aventuringe and finishinge a busines) doubtles beareth the chief e stroke , s o that no t withou t goo d skil l the painim s o f old time counted it a divine thinge . And i n thi s wis e the y painte d her . The y mad e he r a goddess e standing wit h fethere d feet e uppo n a whele , an d turnin g he r sel f about the circle therof most swiftely, beinge on the former part of her 154

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head mor e heari e an d o n the hinde r par t balde, s o that b y the for e parte sh e may easely be caught, but by the hinder part not so. (1569 text , ed. Starne s 1956 : fo. 23"^) Finally, th e volum e o f Colloquies., thoug h initiall y designe d t o teac h good Lati n t o beginners , becam e i n it s gradually augmente d form s a vehicle for Erasmus' views on the mos t serious of subjects (for example, philosophical an d religious) , presented wit h a lightness and grac e tha t made the m a n entertainmen t too . Troc i e t puellae ' i s a dialogu e between a girl, Maria, and a suitor, Pamphilus, which includes amon g other thing s a wittil y develope d cas e agains t th e over-valuatio n o f virginity. Nicholas Leigh's translatio n appeared in 1568 : Pom. . . . Tel l m e i f you ha d a goodl y orchyard e plat , whethe r woulde you wish nothing should therein grow but blossomes, or else had you rather (the blossomes fallen away ) beholde your trees fraught and laden with pleasaunt fruite ? Maria. Howe sliely he reasoneth . Pam. A t the leas t aunswer e me t o this : whether i s it a better sigh t for a Vine to lye uppon th e grounde an d rot, or the same to embrac e a poale, or an elme, and lod e it full with purple grapes? Maria. No w si r aunswere me t o thi s againe , whethe r i s it a mor e pleasant sigh t a Rose trim an d milk e white, yet growing on his stalk, or the same plucked with the hande and by little and little withering awaye? Pam. Certe s in mine opinion the rose is the happiest, an d commet h to th e bette r end e whic h withereth an d diet h i n the hand e o f man, delighting i n th e mean e whil e bot h th e eie s an d nosethrils , tha n thother which withereth on the bush, for there muste it needes wither also a t length , eve n a s that wine hath bette r luc k which i s drunken, than that which standet h still , and is turned into vinigar. And yet the flowring beautie o f a woma n dot h no t deca y forthwit h as soon e a s she i s maried , fo r I kno w som e m y selfe , wh o befor e the y wer e maried, wer e pale colored , faint , an d a s it were pined away , who by the friendl y felowshi p o f an husband , have waxed so faire an d welfa voured, tha t you would think they never cam e t o the flower of their beautie till then. Ma. Bu t for all your saying, virginity i s a thing much beloved an d liked with all men. 155

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Pom. I graunt you, a yong woman, a virgine, is a fayre, and goodl y thing, bu t wha t b y cours e o f kin d i s mor e unseeml y tha n a n ol d wrinkled maide : Ha d no t you r mothe r ben e contente d t o los e th e flower o f hi r virginitie , surel y w e ha d no t ha d thi s flowe r o f your beautie. So that in case (as I hope) our mariage b e not barren, for the losse of one virgine we shall paye God manye . (Leigh 1568 : sig. B7r"v, paragraphing added ) (G) Tha t th e Erasmia n spiri t seem s generally t o ech o throug h Shake speare's play s woul d b e widel y agreed . Th e principa l work s t o hav e been connecte d wit h the m ar e th e Colloquies, Praise of Folly an d Adagia. But i t i s on man y occasion s o f resemblance betwee n th e tw o writer s impossible to determine whether Shakespeare's reading was in Erasmus or on e o f the many possible intermediaries. The extremel y wide diffu sion o f Erasmia n idea s a s wel l a s writing s i n th e sixteent h centur y means that i t goes almost without saying, for example, tha t th e Institute Principis Christiani lie s somewher e i n th e backgroun d o f Henry V, bu t a tabulatio n o f 'parallels ' (suc h a s Walte r 1954 ) ma y loo k ver y inconclusive. At other times, however, more substantial or cumulative evidence can indicate direc t us e fairl y clearly . Fo r example , th e colloqu y 'Proc i e t puellae' contain s th e sentenc e 'Eg o rosa m existim o feliciorem , qua e marescit in hominis manu , delectan s interi m e t oculos et nares, qua m quae senesci t i n fruitice ' (se e (B ) for Leigh' s translation) . Ther e i s a resemblance here to a number of passages in the poems and plays, such as the followin g line s of A Midsummer Night's Dream (a s was pointed ou t by Malone): But earthlier happ y is the rose distill'd Than that which withering on the virgin thor n Grows, lives, and dies , in single blessedness. (1.1.76-8) Of course, the commonnes s of the idea, an d th e fac t tha t the Colloquies were so pervasively used as an elementary text, seem to rule out a secure connection. However , this colloquy is echoed elsewhere in Shakespeare. Possible reminiscence s o f i t i n Much Ado, th e Sonnets, The Comedy of Errors an d All's Well that Ends Well (se e Baldwi n 1944 : i , 737-8 ) are proposed b y more commentator s tha n one , an d th e verbal echoe s 156

Erasmus, Desiderius especially i n Ac t I o f All's Well (note d by Hunte r 196 2 and Simond s 1989), thoug h o f limite d importanc e i n themselves , suppor t th e hypothesis that other features o f the dialogue helped suggest the play's incidental us e o f th e archetype s o f marita l myth , Venus , Mar s an d Cupid (see Snyder 1993 : 7-8). Woodbridg e (1983) proposes another use of Troc i e t puellae ' a s th e 'germ ' o f As Ton Like Its scepticis m an d mockery of the Petrarcha n conventions , and find s echoe s of the othe r colloquy translated in Leigh's little 1568 volume (see (B)), 'Adolescens et scorti', i n severa l othe r plays . An d Shakespeare' s us e o f on e o r tw o colloquies may further sugges t he knew others. Hosley (1963-4: 299 300) proposes 'Conjugium', i n Englis h translation, for The Taming of the Shrew, Miller (1986 ) tw o other s for a lin e i n Hamlet., an d Mui r (1956 ) the 'Funus ' fo r Measure for Measure, a contex t couplin g th e name s o f Barnadine and Vincentio with a story involving a friar. But 'one is likely to be more impressed with coincidences in spirit between Erasmus and Shakespeare tha n i n mer e . . . information ' (Baldwi n 1944 : i , 741 ) — coincidences in, for instance, the Colloquies' word-pla y an d othe r form s of wit. Baldwin's observation applie s stil l more strongly to the Praise of Folly, which ha s ver y frequentl y bee n offere d a s a sourc e fo r Shakespeare , especially fo r hi s interes t i n th e figur e o f th e wise , critica l foo l (for general account s of the relationshi p se e Welsford 1935 : 236ff. ; Gold smith 1955 ; Kaiser 1964 ; and Cord 1998: 13-40). Erasmus' Folly makes points simila r t o Lear's Fool about san e lunatic s i n a mad world , an d Erasmus' presentation of Christian 'folly ' ca n be linked with Cordelia's - 'th e similaritie s between Cordelia's foolis h conduc t and Christ's are unmistakable, particularly when one sees the imagery refracted through The Praise of Folly' (Evan s 1990 : 15) . Some o f what Jacques an d othe r characters in As Tou Like It say about folly and wisdom is also to be foun d in Erasmu s (Rea 1919 ; Aoki 1979) , a s likewis e are analogue s fo r th e passion/madness theme s o f A Midsummer Night's Dream (Birkinsha w 1992) an d a n intermediat e sourc e for Bottom's mock-Pauline descrip tion of his dream (Palmer 1987) . Possibly the qualities of Thersites, an d the large number of references to folly in Troilus and Cressida, can als o be ascribed t o it s influenc e (s o Henderso n 1935) . An d i n general , th e Lucianic temper of the Praise of Folly ha s ofte n struc k readers as Shakespearean (se e especially Sacton 1949 ; Aoki 1979) . A detailed cas e ha s been mounte d fo r thi s work's pervasive effec t o n Hamlet (McCombi e 1974), though one can grant a sometimes remarkably similar quality of 157

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thought i n the play's hero without either taking it as evidence o f Shakespeare's clos e an d immediat e us e o f Erasmu s o r acceptin g othe r claimed parallels , o n suc h notoriously common topo i a s madness, th e court, Fortune and the deceptiveness of appearances. Erasmus' Adagia, i n its various incarnation s (especiall y the Taverne r translation) throug h th e sixteent h centur y an d beyond , wa s an easie r and, to judge by the number of editions, far more widely read text than the Praise of Folly., partl y because o f school use. As elsewhere, this diffu sion mus t ten d t o cove r u p Erasmus ' tracks , whe n proximat e source s offer close r resemblances . And, lik e severa l o f Erasmus' othe r works, this is a text in which Shakespeare could easily have drawn suggestions from th e author s cite d rathe r tha n fro m Erasmus ' ow n words . Fo r example, Baldwi n (1950: 134—6 ) an d Mui r (1956 ) sho w how hi s com bination of two quotations from Horace could have been the origin of a stanz a i n The Rape of Lucrece (855-61). Henc e Shakespear e migh t b e drawing o n the Adages when h e may appear t o be using other sources . Again, Erasmus ' presentatio n her e an d i n th e Praise of Folly o f th e Silenic Socrates is a more likely source for the Socratic Falstaff than th e dialogues o f Plato (Tiffan y 1999) . Mor e straightforwardly , it i s very likely that Taverner' s 156 9 Adages, the earlies t English version o f some proverbs, is connected with Shakespeare's us e of several sayings. Three examples must suffice here . Th e bes t explanation o f 'good wine needs no bush' in the Epilogu e o f As You Like It is in Taverner's exposition of the adag e 'Vin o vendibil i suspens e hedera nihi l opus' : 'Wyn e tha t i s saleable an d goo d needet h n o bushe or garland e o f yvie t o be hange d before' (ed. Starnes 1956: fo. 39^. Ulysses' 'wallet of oblivion' (Troilusand Cressida 3.3.145-6) is glossed by Taverner's disquisition on 'Non videmus manticae quo d in tergo est': 'We loke not what is in the wallet behynde' (ed. Starne s 1956 : fo. 57"]. An d Taverner' s commen t o n 'Nosc e tempus' (i n (B)) has been thought to stand behind Lucrece's diatribe o n opportunity i n The Rape of Lucrece 876-924 (Bush 1927 : 301-2). Finally, Erasmus' De Parabolis Sive Similia., a collection o f wise sayings designed t o insti l ethica l values , is connected wit h detail s o f The Two Gentlemen of Verona by Baldwin (1944 : n, 350); with Sonne t 6 0 by Stanivukovic (1990); and with Shakespeare's twice-repeated compariso n o f a troubled mind to a fountain by Soellner (1956). (D) The literatur e o n Erasmu s and Shakespear e i s very miscellaneous. Baldwin (1944 ) i s a soli d starting-point, bu t perhap s als o a stoli d one : 158

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Jones (1977 : 9-13) ha s a lighter touch . Despite thei r title, the essay s in Corti (1998 ) ar e largel y o n Shakespeare , an d s o constitut e th e mos t recent gathering o f such work. For the influence , doubtless indirect, of Erasmus' De copia o n Shakespeare' s wa y o f writin g i n general , se e Trousdale(1982:39ff.). Baldwin (1944); Baldwin (1950);Jones (1977). Andrews, Michae l Camero n (1987) . 'Erasmu s an d Macbeth: "Makin g the gree n one red". ' Erasmus in English 15.viii : 30—1 . Aoki, Kazu o (1979) . 'The Praise of Folly an d Shakespeare' s Earl y an d Middle Comedies. ' Shakespeare Studies (Japan) 18: 1-27 . Baines, Barbara J. (1982) . 'Shakespeare's Plays and the Erasmian Box.' Renaissance Papers., 1981 : 33-44. Battenhouse, Ro y (1985) . 'Henry Fi n th e Ligh t o f Erasmus.' ShSt 17 : 77-88. Birkinshaw, Catharin e (1992) . '"Pas t th e Wi t o f Man" : A Midsummer Might's Dream's Deb t t o Praise of Folly.' Shakespeare in Southern Africa:

Journal of the Shakespeare Society of Southern Africa 5 : 43-58. Bush, Dougla s (1927) . 'Note s o n Shakespeare' s Classica l Mythology. ' PQJo: 295-302 . Corti, Claudia , ed . (1998) . Silenos: Erasmus in Elizabethan Literature. Ospedaletto. Devereux, E . J . (1983) . Renaissance English Translations of Erasmus: A Bibliography to 1700. Toronto (firs t publishe d a s A Checklist of English Translations of Erasmus to 1700, London, 1968) . Evans, John X. (1990) . 'Erasmia n Folly and Shakespeare' s King Lear. A Study in Humanist Intertextuality.' Moreana: Bulletin Thomas More 10 3 (series 27): 3-23 . Goldsmith, Robert H . (1955) . Wise Fools in Shakespeare. East Lansing. Henderson, W . B . Drayto n (1935) . 'Shakespeare' s Troilus and Cressida: Yet Deeper i n its Tradition', pp. 127-5 6 in Hardin Craig, ed. , Essays in Dramatic Literature: The Parrott Presentation

Volume. Princeto n

(reprinted New York, 1967) . Hosley, Richard (1963-4). 'Sources and Analogue s o f The Taming of the Shrew: HLQJ2.1: 289-308 . Hunter, G. K . ed . (1962) . All's Well that Ends Wfc//(Arde n Shakespeare) . London (firs t published 1959) . Kaiser, Walte r (1964) . Praisers of Folly: Erasmus, Rabelais, Shakespeare. London.

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Erasmus, Desiderius L[eigh], Nicholas] (1568). A Modest Meane to Manage, pleasauntly setfoorth by that Famous Clarke Erasmus Roterodamus, and translated into Englishe. London. McCombie, Fran k (1974) . 'Hamlet an d th e Moriae Encomium.' ShSu 27 : 59-69. Miller, Anthony (1986) . ' A Reminiscenc e o f Erasmus in Hamlet, Ill.ii . 92-95.' EZJV24: 19-22 . Miller, Clarence H. , ed . (1965) . The praise offolie; [translated] by Sir Thomas Chaloner (Early English Text Society 257). London. Muir, Kenneth (1956) . 'Shakespeare and Erasmus.' JV<8?Q,201: 424-5. Palmer, D. J. (1987) . 'Bottom, St. Paul, and Erasmus ' Praise of Folly'., pp . 112-13 in KM 80: A Birthday Album for Kenneth Muir. Liverpool . Reajohn D . (1919). 'Jacques in Praise of Folly.' MP 17 : 465-9. Sacton, Alexande r H . (1949) . 'Th e Paradoxica l Encomiu m i n Elizabethan Drama.' University of Texas Studies in English 28 : 83-104. Simonds, Peggy Munoz (1989) . 'Sacred and Sexua l Motifs i n All's Well that Ends Well: RenQW: 33-59 . Snyder, Susan, ed. (1993) . All's Well that Ends Well (Oxford Shakespeare) . Oxford. Soellner, Rol f (1956) . 'Th e Trouble d Fountain : Erasmu s Formulate s a Shakespearean Simile.' JEGP 55: 70-4. Stanivukovic, Gora n (1990) . 'Th e Erasmia n Ech o i n Shakespeare' s Sonnet 60.'JV<S?Q,235 : 173-5. Starnes, DeWitt T, ed. (1956). Proverbs or Adages by Desiderius Erasmus . . . Englished (1569) by Richard Taverner. Delmar, N.Y. Tiffany, Grac e (1999) . 'Shakespeare' s Dionysia n Prince : Drama , Politics, and the "Athenian" History Play.' RenQJ>2: 366-83 . Trousdale, Mario n (1982) . Shakespeare and the Rhetoricians. London . Walter, J. H., ed. (1954). King Henry F(Arde n Shakespeare). London . Welsford, Enid (1935). The Fool: His Social and Literary History. London . Woodbridge, L . T . (1983) . 'Shakespeare' s Us e o f Tw o Erasmia n Colloquies.'7V<2?£228: 122-3 .

Euripides (c. 484-?406 BC), Greek Tragedian

(A) Th e las t o f th e thre e Gree k tragedians , th e younge r riva l o f Aeschylus and Sophocles, Euripide s i s said t o have lived mostly in seclusion i n Salamis , moving lat e i n lif e t o th e Macedonia n court . H e wrote in all some ninety plays, of which eighteen tragedies and one satyr

160

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play surviv e in ful l - a highe r proportio n tha n fo r his elder contem poraries, reflecting his greater popularity i n ancient times. His plays are often regarde d a s focusin g especiall y strongl y o n individuals , notabl y women. Such is the cas e with what ar e today his best-known tragedies, which include Medea, Hippolytus, The Trojan Women and The Bacchae. He i s usually thought of as the 'modernist' among Greek tragedians, reflectin g the rationalis t prioritie s o f his generatio n an d henc e intereste d muc h more i n ma n tha n i n th e god s who m h e seem s almos t t o mak e int o natural forces . Formally , Euripide s i s known fo r hi s use o f naturalisti c dialogue, prologues and epilogues, and recognition scenes. (B) Like the other Greek tragedians , Euripides wa s not ofte n a curricu lar autho r i n th e ag e o f Shakespeare , an d sixteenth-centur y edition s tended t o b e expensiv e an d philologicall y oriented . Lati n translation s existed, including th e more than merely functional ones by the Scottis h humanist Georg e Buchanan, though , again , th e standard en face versions were not designe d fo r the Greekless . But Euripides was more frequently translated , an d imitated , tha n the supposedl y mor e difficul t Aeschylus and Sophocles ; his emphasis on depictin g huma n emotions , his realisti c style , prominen t us e o f rhetoric , an d sententiae mad e hi m more congenial. A lost translation by Jane, Lady Lumley, of the Iphigenia in Aulis (1550s ) i s credite d a s th e firs t Englishin g o f a Gree k tragedy . In severa l cases, however, Euripides' work s were overshadowed b y th e more familia r Seneca n text s based o n Euripidean subjects . The exist ence of the well-known plays by Seneca on the Medea an d Hippolytus stories tended to deter readers from delvin g into the little-known Euripidean ones . Thi s wa s probably les s o n accoun t o f their inaccessibilit y (see belo w for editions and translations ) than of the greater compatibil ity o f Seneca n dram a wit h th e indigenou s product s o f th e De Casibus tradition an d th e English tastes deriving from it . The Gree k tragedian s were sometime s promoted b y th e learned , a s i n Ascham' s oft-quote d verdict o f 157 0 (i n The Schoolmaster] tha t 'th e Grecian s Sophocle s an d Euripides fa r ove r match ou r Senec a i n Latin , namel y i n Oikonomia et Decoro [structur e and ornament] , although Seneca s elocution and verse be verie commendable fo r his time'. On othe r occasions they were not, as whe n J. C . Scalige r declare d th e majest y o f Senec a n o les s tha n Euripides', an d hi s cultivation greater (Poetices Libri Septem, v, 16) . Priorities within the Euripidean corpu s were not those of today. Th e Hecuba, Iphigenia in Aulis an d Phoenician Women wer e admire d i n th e 161

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Renaissance a s i n th e Byzantin e schools . Th e firs t an d secon d wer e translated int o Latin by Erasmus. The last, singled out by Renaissance commentators suc h as Neander fo r its ethical teaching, wa s the subject of on e o f the thre e full y documente d sixteenth-centur y performances of Greek traged y i n England , a t Gray' s In n i n 1566 . Bu t th e Englis h play performed, with spectacular stag e effects, unde r the titl e Jocasta (by George Gascoigne an d Franci s Kinwelmersh ) i s a t thre e remove s from Euripides , bein g base d o n Ludovic o Dolce' s partl y Senecanize d Italian versio n Giocasta, i n tur n drawin g o n a Lati n translatio n o f th e Greek text. The Gray' s In n play , the staging plans for which survive in a British Library manuscript, transposes Euripides' delicatel y balance d ironies to 'a dramatic univers e where good an d evi l are clearly demarcated' (Smit h 1988 : 221) . A sturd y moral framewor k i n th e dialogu e itself i s underpinne d b y th e presentatio n o f emblemati c figure s an d dumbshows o n stag e befor e eac h act , harking bac k t o th e Morality tradition, an d Seneca n choruse s moralizin g o n ambitio n an d Fortune, wit h n o counterpar t i n Euripides . Suc h a concer n i s als o evident i n Oedipus ' fina l speech , whic h adapt s Euripide s t o tur n th e protagonist int o a victi m o f Fortune, an d th e firs t line s o f which ar e accompanied i n th e firs t editio n b y th e margina l not e ' A mirro r fo r Magistrates': Deare citizens , beholde your Lord and Kin g That Thebes set in quiet government , Now as you see, neglected of you all, And in these ragged ruthfull weedes bewrapt, Ychased from hi s native countrey soyle, Betakes himself (for s o this tirant will) To everlasting banishment: bu t why Do I lament my lucklesse lot in vaine? 'Since every man must beare with quiet minde, The fat e that heavens have earst to him assignde'. (1566 text; ed. Cunliff e 1907 : i, 324) (C) The traditiona l position on Shakespeare's knowledge of Euripides is as wit h othe r Gree k tragedy : i t i s non-existent , o r onl y arrive d a t through th e extensiv e filtratio n provide d b y Seneca . Thoug h thi s ha s been challenge d i n recent years, i t is still orthodox. Wher e ther e is no Senecan versio n o f a Euripidea n play , othe r intermediar y source s are 162

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sometimes proposed , a s i n th e notio n tha t Hamlet' s similaritie s t o Euripides' Oreste s (conflic t wit h th e avengin g Furies resulting in madness but not matricide) derive from a lost play associated with Dekker and Henr y Chettle , Orestes Furious o r Orestes' Furies (Schleine r 1990) . Nuttall (1989: 8-9), speaking particularly o f The Winter's Tale, offer s a n alternative suggestion , tha t Shakespear e 'instinctively ' recognize d th e Greek tragedy outlines behind Plautus, in order to reconcile his claims for th e stronges t 'similarity' o r 'congruity ' ('i f we read , no t a s sourcehunters but a s critics, we shall see that late Euripides i s like late Shake speare a s no othe r dramatis t is' ) with the acceptanc e tha t 'ther e is only the mos t tenuou s an d speculativ e historica l connection' . O r Shake speare is on occasion imagine d a s having imbibed Euripidean qualitiesfrom th e atmosphere mor e generall y - bu t one may accept tha t a play such a s Troilus and Cressida ha s Euripidea n feature s withou t Euripides ' actually constituting a source (see Arnold 1984) . More verifiable ar e the specifi c cases of Shakespeare's possible use of Hecuba i n Titus Andronicus an d Iphigenia in Aulis i n Julius Caesar. Jones (1977: 118 ) was the first to propose them , stoppin g short of categorical claims. In the first case the principal base s are the structural similaritie s of dual sufferin g an d revenge , th e 'postur e whic h Hecub a assume s as the protagonis t o f a drama , an d . . . th e degre e o f identificatio n she elicits', an d 'th e super b swin g of the action ' (Jone s 1977 : 103). This is vague. I n an y event , sinc e th e stor y o f Hecuba appear s als o i n Metamorphoses xin, the choice of influences 'i s between Ovid alone and Ovi d together with Euripides' (Jone s 1977 : 102). With Julius Caesar the cas e is limited to one scene, the quarrel between Brutus and Cassius (4.3). This scene i s based primaril y o n Plutarch, bu t ma y owe something t o th e confrontation betwee n Agamemnon an d Menelaus near the start of the Iphigenia in Aulis (one of the play s translated b y the prestigiou s hand o f Erasmus): in both case s a bitter quarrel i s unexpectedly followe d b y an undertaking of renewed friendship. Overall, no t enoug h ha s bee n don e b y proponent s o f Euripide s as a Shakespear e sourc e t o conver t thes e resemblance s int o positiv e evidences o f influence, o r t o overtur n th e vie w that 'Senec a wa s th e closest Shakespeare ever came to Greek tragedy, but. . . that was quite close enough' (Martindale 1990 : 44). (D) Jones (1977 ) i s the basi s of most o f the subsequen t discussion, an d later literature makes less concrete (or, like for example Bryant , mainl y 163

Euripides comparative) claims. Schleiner provides a brief account of how Euripi des wa s rea d i n Shakespeare' s time , wit h som e suggestion s o n th e transmission ofAlcestis t o Shakespear e via Latin renderings , and Smit h a fuller on e of the sixteenth-century staging of Greek tragedies. Baldwin (1944);Jones (1977); Martindale (1990) . Arnold, Margaret J. (1984). ' "Monsters in Love's Train": Euripides and Shakespeare's Troilus and Cressida.' CompD 18 : 38-53. Bryant, A . J., Jr (1982) . 'Julius Caesar fro m a Euripidea n Perspective. ' CompD 16 : 97-111 (reprinted pp. 144-5 8 in Clifford Davidson , Rand Johnson an d Joh n H . Stroupe , eds , Drama and the Classical Heritage: Comparative and Critical Essays, New York , 1993. ) Cunliffe, John W. , ed . (1907) . The Complete Works of George Gascoigne, 2 vols. Cambridge . Nuttall, A. D . (1989) . The Stoic in Love: Selected Essays on Literature and Ideas. London. Schleiner, Louis e (1990) . 'Latinize d Gree k Dram a i n Shakespeare' s Writing of Hamlet: ShQj±\: 29-48 . Smith, Bruce R. (1988) . Ancient Scripts and Modern Experience on the English Stage 1500-1700. Princeton . Sohmer, Stev e (1997). 'What Cicero Said.' JV<2?(^242: 56-8 . Stump, Donal d V (1983) . 'Gree k an d Shakespearea n Tragedy : Fou r Indirect Routes from Athens to London', pp. 211-46 in Stump et al., eds, Hamartia: The Concept of Error in the Western Tradition: Essays in Honor of John M. Crossett. New York . Wilson, Douglas B. (1984). 'Euripides' Alcestis and th e Ending of Shakespeare's The Winter's Tale.' Iowa State Journal of Research 58: 345-55 . Eustachio (Eustachius), Bartolommeo (c. 1507-1574), Medical Writer Gros s (1984 ) dispose s of previous claim s tha t th e method o f poisoning i n Hamlet indicates Shakespeare's familiarity with Eustacius' DeAuditus Organis. Gross, Dalton , an d Mar y Jean Gros s (1984) . 'Shakespeare , Eustachio , Marlowe, and Hamlet.' 7V<2?£229: 199-200 . Evanthius See Terence (Publius Terentius Afer). 164

F Fabyan, Robert (d. 1513), Chronicler

(A) Fabya n wa s a wealth y merchant , a membe r o f th e Draper' s Company, an d i n 1493— 4 Sheriff of London. H e resigne d a s an alder man i n 150 2 t o avoi d th e expens e o f becomin g mayor . A n amateu r historian, h e expande d hi s diary int o a full-blow n histor y o f England , completed accordin g t o th e autho r i n 150 4 an d publishe d post humously in 1516 . I t wa s edited b y Richard Pynson , an d covere d th e years to 1485 . A second edition by William Rastel l (1533 ) brought th e narrative dow n through th e reign o f Henry VII, a later on e stil l (1559) down t o Elizabeth. B y this time it was titled and referre d t o as Fabyan's Chronicle. Lik e other sixteenth-centur y chronicles, Fabyan' s i s often a n assemblage o f work by earlier writers, but h e als o uses suc h testimony (oral o r archival ) a s la y t o han d fo r a membe r o f th e Londo n cit y government. I t i s thi s featur e tha t ha s prove d o f specia l interes t t o students o f Tudo r England , allowin g a s i t doe s th e vie w o f th e city , not merel y o f othe r chronicler s o r propagandists , t o b e discerned . Otherwise, 'Fabya n wrote in the owlis h spirit of a medieval chronicler, gathering his facts largely for their own sake and presentin g them fro m a naively providential point o f view' (Reese 1961: 49). (B) Fabyan' s wor k wa s aptl y describe d i n th e Mirror for Magistrates: 'Unfruitfu l Fabya n followe d th e face / O f time an d deed s but let the causes slip.' Since his work provided data for subsequent writer s (initially other chroniclers) it was not wholly unfruitful, however , and his 165

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uncritical styl e o f history wa s no t supersede d unti l muc h late r i n th e sixteenth century. Fabyan recount s i n thi s sampl e sectio n th e faile d invasio n b y Margaret, th e Frenc h Quee n o f Henr y VI , followin g Edwar d IV' s reassumption o f the thron e i n 1471 . The lacuna e reflec t th e imperfec t state of his information. Repossessio Edwardi Quarti . Edwarde the . iiii. before named , began agayn e his domynyon over the realm e o f Englande the . xiiii. day e of Apryll, in the begynnyng e of the yer e of our Lorde . M.CCCC.lxxi . and the . xii . yere of Lowys the Frenshe kynge, and repossedyd all thynges as he before had done . And whe n th e said . ii . corps hadd e lye n i n Pauly s openl y fro m th e Sondaye tyl l the Tuysdaye , the y were hadde from then s an d burye d where the kynge wolde assygne them. The kyng e thanne beyng e i n auctorytie , mad e provycio n fo r th e defence o f landynge of quene Margarete an d [her ] sone , th e which e all this whyle laye a t the se e syde taryinge the wynde , and so o lastly landyd at , and came with a strength of Frenshmen an d other, as far within th e land e as to a vyllage in calle d Tewkysbury , where the kynge mette with her and [her ] distressyd , and chasyd her company an d slew e man y o f theym. I n th e which e batayl l sh e was taken, and sir Edwarde he r sone, and so brought unt o the kynge. But after th e kynge hadde questyoned with the sayd sir Edwarde, and h e had answeryd unto hym contrarye his pleasure, he thenne strake hym with hi s gauntele t upo n th e face : afte r which e strok e s o b y hy m receyved, he was by the kynges servauntes incontynently slayne upon the. iiii. day of the moneth o f May. Whan kyng e Edwarde hadd e thu s subduyd his enemyes, anone h e sent quene Margarete unt o London, wher e she restyd a season, an d fynally she was sent home int o her countre . (Fabyan 1811:661-2 ) (C) The largel y unadorned blow-by-blo w narrative o f Fabyan's Chron icle is a somewhat unpromising source for a dramatist, but it is accepted that Shakespear e use d i t her e an d ther e i n Henry VI and Richard /// , perhaps havin g gon e t o i t merel y i n searc h o f information . Th e uncertainties of the matter have to do, as usually with chronicle sources, with th e recyclin g o f on e compiler' s materia l b y others , fo r exampl e 166

Fabyan, Robert Fabyan bein g draw n upo n b y Stow. However , Boswell-Ston e (1907 : 213, 221, 225) was able to demonstrate Fabyan' s contribution o f details in two or three scenes of 1 Henry VI. The tw o strongest cases, at 1.3.5778 an d 3.1.76-103 , ar e scene s set in Londo n an d involvin g the Lor d Mayor, the typ e of details about which Fabyan is especially informative (see als o for commen t Wilson 1952 : xxxv-xxxviii) . Where Richard III i s concerned, Churchill summarizes Fabyan's accoun t of Richard, stressing the specia l interest of his details on Princ e Edward' s deat h (i n (B)) : 'Here for the first time, thirty years after th e event, do we meet with the statement that the prince was captured i n the battle and brought to the king' (1900: 74) .

(D)

Boswell-Stone, W G . (1907) . Shakespeare's Holinshed: The Chronicle and the Plays Compared. London . Churchill, George B. (1900) . Richard the Third up to Shakespeare. Berlin. Fabyan, Rober t (1811) . The New Chronicles of England and France, in Two Parts; named. . . the Concordance of Histories. Reprinted from Pynson's Edition of 1516. London. Reese, M. M . (1961) . The Cease of Majesty: A Study of Shakespeare's History Plays. London . Wilson, Joh n Dover , ed . (1952) . King John (Ne w Shakespeare) . Cambridge. Famous Victories o f Henry V , The Se e Chronicle History Plays. Fenton, Sir Geoffrey (Geffraie) Se Belleforest, Frangois de.

e Bandello, Matteo;

Ferrers, George See Mirror for Magistrates, A . Fiorentino, Giovanni (14th Century), Italian Novelist (A) Almost nothing i s known of the lif e o f Fiorentino ('Se r Giovanni'), whose real name appears to have been Giovanni Antonio degli Antonii, 167

Fiorentino, Giovanni except that he was a notary. His collection of stories // Pecorone ('The Big Sheep', i.e . 'The Bi g Fool' ) wa s writte n abou t 137 8 and eventuall y published i n Milan i n 1558 . The fifty novellas are intended t o emulat e Boccaccio's, but , unlik e thos e i n th e Decameron, the y ar e ofte n awkwardly written and hav e no overal l unity . In th e framin g stor y th e narrators ar e two lovers, a monk and a nun, conversing in the parlou r of the monastery at Forli. (B) Ther e i s n o know n sixteenth-centur y Englis h translatio n o f th e complete Pecorone, bu t Fiorentin o wa s adapte d an d discusse d a t thi s time, although i t is unlikely he was 'almost as well known as Boccaccio' (Scott 1916 : xli) to the Elizabethans. The ninety-fift h debat e o r declam ation i n Silvayn's Orator (1581; English translation 1596) , for example , deals with the mora l issue s raised b y Fiorentino's tal e o f Giannetto o f Venice (se e (C)). Two works associated wit h Richard Tarlto n i n 1580 90, News out of Purgatorie an d Cobbler of Canterburie, als o respon d t o Fiorentino's book. (C) Shakespeare clearl y used Fiorentino's stor y of Giannetto o f Venice and th e Lad y o f Belmont , th e firs t stor y o f th e fourt h day , for The Merchant of Venice, an d give s every appearance o f knowing i t directly, i n the Italian . (Modern translation s o f the Italian text are give n in Brown 1964; Satin 1966 ; and Bullough.) The plot s resemble each other closely, despite no known English translatio n havin g been available , an d ther e are, moreover , verba l parallel s wit h th e original . Thoug h i t i s no t possible to rule out th e existenc e in the 1590 s of a translation (printe d or manuscript) which has not survived, these facts constitute some of the strongest evidence available that Shakespear e had a reading knowledge of Italian (fo r other evidence see Shaheen 1994) . The storie s match especiall y well for the latter half , corresponding t o Shakespeare's Act s 3-5 , bu t th e caske t plo t i s not par t o f the Italia n narrative. I n Fiorentino , th e Bassani o figure, Giannetto, i s sent to see k his fortune by his godfather, and his task is much more basically sexual he mus t simpl y succeed i n sleepin g with th e Lad y o f Belmont, which will mean h e becomes lord o f the land ; i f he fail s h e wil l forfeit al l he possesses (this all-or-nothing absolutenes s probably lie s behind th e parallel, and unexplained, conditio n o f the test in Shakespeare). Giannett o bankrupts hi s godfathe r becaus e th e Lad y drug s hi m an d seize s his riches on the first two attempts, but on the third, for which his godfather 168

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borrows mone y fro m a Jew, he r mai d warn s hi m t o avoi d th e spike d wine h e i s being given . Leavin g asid e thi s differen t treatmen t o f th e wooing of the lady , however, Fiorentino's tal e corresponds much bette r to th e pla y tha n an y othe r earlie r versio n o f the flesh-bon d narrativ e (though Shakespear e seem s to have used others as supplements to it see Munday; Silvayn). Th e lady-judg e resolvin g th e merchant' s dilemma a t th e Jew's expense , an d th e rin g demande d a s a fee , for instance, are both present in Fiorentino. As wit h th e plo t structure , s o wit h som e o f th e fine r points . Th e playwright seizes upo n al l th e vivi d detail s o f th e Lady' s interventio n t o sav e Ansaldo - he r takin g th e bon d an d readin g it , her concedin g its validity s o firml y tha t th e Jew approache s th e merchan t wit h hi s razor bared , he r dramati c last-minute halt t o the proceedings. Gen erations o f actors wh o hav e neve r rea d / / Pecorone hav e instinctively felt it right for the thwarted Shyloc k to tear up his bond. (Mahood 1987 : 2) There ar e th e verba l parallel s to o (se e Grebanier 1962 : 136-45) . Th e notion tha t a referenc e i n a pla y o f 157 9 t o a dram a calle d The Jew indicates th e existenc e o f a n intermediat e versio n use d directl y b y Shakespeare has been generally discounted (see Brown 1961 : xxix—xxx; Mahood 1987 : 5). On th e othe r hand, th e Fiorentin o novella i s a work of n o grea t subtlety , an d i f i t wa s a direc t sourc e fo r Shakespear e i t required developmen t i n substantia l ways . Fo r example , Fiorentino' s thinly delineated and straightforwardl y comic Jew i s given stronger features, including a more seriou s point of view, and hi s punishment in the courtroom i s no longe r merely that hi s suit is frustrated. Shakespeare' s 'cultivation of the problematic and the probing . . . multiplies both his cast-list an d th e story' s complications ' an d explain s wh y Fiorentino' s test of virility and seductio n was displaced by the decorou s formality of the caske t plot; 'the trickery of the trial scene and th e sexual trickery in Belmonte in // Pecorone . . . belong to a coarser and simple r comic world . . . [which ] get s pushe d t o th e sid e o f th e dram a an d i s expresse d through th e figures of Gratiano an d Nerissa ' (Lyo n 1988 : 22-4) . Th e contention tha t Shakespear e wa s th e firs t telle r o f thi s tal e t o splic e together th e caske t and th e flesh-bond plots is supported b y what seem to b e remainin g trace s o f Fiorentino's tal e o f th e drugge d win e (se e 169

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Levy 1960) . For example, Bassanio's 'great debts' at the start of the play are no t strictl y necessary for Shakespeare' s story , sinc e Antonio coul d be mad e t o stan d suret y for his friend i n an y case , but ma y recal l th e forfeiture o f Giannetto' s propert y afte r hi s tw o faile d attempt s a t th e test at the beginning of the Italian tale. If Shakespear e use d / / Pecorone a t all, a s he did, h e migh t wel l have looked a t th e secon d stor y (i.2) , o f the Bolognes e studen t who ask s his tutor for instruction i n the ar t o f love. The studen t reports back o n his progress until he makes the assignation with the lady, who, unbeknown to the student , is the tutor' s wife. Thi s tale is either a source or a close analogue for The Merry Wives of Windsor. The husband' s attempt s to catch th e lover s involv e hidin g i n dam p washin g an d stabbin g th e laundry pile . N o Englis h translatio n o f thi s stor y i s know n t o hav e been availabl e to Shakespeare . (D) Bullough, i; Muir (1977) ; Satin (1966) . Brown, Joh n Russell , ed . (1961) . The Merchant of Venice (Arde n Shakespeare). London. Grebanier, Bernar d (1962). The Truth about Shy lock. New York . Levy, Milto n A . (1960) . 'Di d Shakespear e Join th e Caske t an d Bon d Plots in The Merchant of Venice?' ShQ 11: 388-91. Lyon,John (1988). The Merchant of Venice. Hemel Hempstead. Mahood, M . M. , ed . (1987) . The Merchant of Venice (Ne w Cambridg e Shakespeare). Cambridge . Oliver, H . J. , ed . (1971) . The Merry Wives of Windsor (Arde n Shake speare). London . Scott, Mar y August a (1916) . Elizabethan Translations from the Italian. Boston, MA. Shaheen, Nasee b (1994) . 'Shakespeare' s Knowledg e o f Italian.' ShSu 47: 161-9.

Florentine, Remigio See Nannini, Remigio. First Part o f th e Reign o f King Richard th e Second See Chronicle History Plays. 170

Fleming, Abraham Fleming, Abraham See Holinshed, Raphael; Virgil (Publius Vergilius Maro). Florio, John (Giovanni) (c. 1553-1625), Italian-English Linguist and Translator Se e also Montaigne, Michel Eyquem de. Occasiona l line s i n Hamlet, Othello an d The Taming of the Shrew resemble (English) ones in Florio's Italian languag e manuals Firste Fruits (1578) and SecondFrutes (1591) . Shaheen, Nasee b (1994) . 'Shakespeare' s Knowledg e o f Italian. ' ShSu 47: 161-9 .

Florus, ?Lucius Annaeus (2nd Century AD), Roman Historian Florus ' abridgemen t o f Roma n history , wel l know n t o English schoolboy s i n Lati n form , refer s t o Coriolanu s briefl y i n hi s Book i, and give s a version of the fable o f the Body's Members. Baldwin (1944), n, 576; Bullough, v, 473-4.

Forde, Emanuel (ft. 1607), Romance Writer Forde' s romance Parismus (1598 ) an d it s seque l Parismenos (1599 ) perhaps gav e hints towards two names, an d som e suggestion of romantic mood , fo r Twelfth Night. Bullough, n, 276-7.

Four Foster Children o f Desire, Th e (Anon. Play, 1581) Clos e structural , characte r an d othe r parallel s hav e bee n discerned betwee n thi s otherwis e unconnecte d Cour t pla y an d Love's Labour's Lost, but amon g othe r difficultie s th e larg e time lag between it and Shakespeare's work does not tend to support th e case. Wickham, Glynne (1985). 'Love's Labor's Lost an d The Four Foster Children of Desire, 1581. ' ShQ36: 49-55. 171

Foxe, John

Foxe, John (1516-1587), Martyrologist and Historian (A) Foxe was born i n Boston, Lincolnshire, and educate d at Magdale n College, Oxford. He resigne d his fellowship there in 154 5 and worked first as a tutor in the famil y o f the Lucy s at Charlecote, near Stratford, later a s tuto r t o thre e childre n o f the execute d Henr y Howard , Ear l of Surrey . He live d in exil e i n German y durin g th e Catholi c Maria n regime o f 1553- 8 an d ther e complete d th e Lati n tex t o f his Actes and Monuments o r Book of Martyrs, a massiv e history of Protestantis m focus ing on thos e English Protestants who suffere d unde r Quee n Mary . Its militant Protestantis m combine s wit h nationalism : God' s favou r i s bestowed o n Englan d i n Foxe' s account becaus e o f her fidelit y t o th e true Gospel . Tw o edition s wer e published : i n Strasbourg , 1552 , an d Basle, 1559 . Foxe returned to England in 155 9 to translate and edi t the work fo r th e printe r John Day , who publishe d th e expande d Englis h version i n 1563 . O f hi s othe r publishe d works, the Lati n pla y Titus et Gesippus (writte n 1544 ) i s a n earl y specime n o f Englis h romanti c comedy, with important Terentia n additions , from a source in Elyot's Governour and ultimatel y in Boccaccio. (B) Th e Book of Martyrs wa s a n immediatel y popula r an d influentia l work, though Foxe's obvious religious and nationa l partisanship mean t that hi s probity as a historian wa s questioned from a n earl y date. Th e enlarged 157 0 edition wa s legally required to b e mad e availabl e i n all English cathedrals . I t wa s reprinte d frequently , becomin g fo r man y readers a kind of supplement to the Bible. The high-qualit y illustrations of many edition s graphically depic t th e martyrs ' sufferings , usuall y at the stak e (see Fig. 6). This passage , wit h a ver y clos e paralle l i n Shakespeare , i s fro m a report o f Thoma s Cranmer' s lif e whic h appear s amon g th e live s of martyrs o f Queen Mary' s reign . A previous passag e concern s Henr y VIII's personal notification to Cranmer of his committal to the Tower at the instigation of the Bishop of Winchester 'and other of the same sect'. When th e kin g ha d sayd e hi s minde , th e Archbisho p kneele d downe an d sayd : I a m conten t i f it pleas e your grace , wit h al l my heart, t o goe thither a t your highnesse commandement, an d I most humbly thanke your Majesty that I may come to my trial, for there be that have many wayes slandered me, and no w this way I hope to try my selfe no t worthy of such report. 172

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5^j A Lamentable Spedlacle of three women, with a fely infant brafting out of the Mothers Wombe, beingfirjl taken out ofttsefirctandcaft in agajne, and fo all burned cogether in the Iflc of Garflefey, « U « . Itily. i».

Figure 6 John Foxe, Actes and Monuments (London, 1583) , p. 194 4 (Actual size 13 2 X 180mm).

The kin g perceivyn g th e man s uprightnesse , joyned wit h suc h simplicitie, sayd : Oh Lorde , wha t mane r a man b e you? What sim plicitie is in you? I had thought that you would rather have sued to us to hav e take n th e payne s t o hav e hear d you , an d you r accuser s together for your trial, without any such indurance. Do not you know, what stat e yo u b e i n wit h th e whol e world , an d ho w man y grea t enemies you have? Do yo u not conside r wha t a n eas y thing i t is, to procure thre e o r four e fals e knave s t o witness e agayns t you ? Thinke yo u to have bette r luck e tha t way , then you r maister Chris t had? I se e by it, you will run hedlon g t o you r undoyng , i f I woul d suffer you . Your enemies shal l not so prevayle agains t you, for I have otherwyse devised with my selfe to keepe you out of their handes. Yet 173

Foxe, John notwithstanding to morrow when the Counsaile shal sit, and send for you, resor t unto them, an d i f in chargyng you with this matter, they do commit you to the Tower, require of them, because you are one of them, a Counsailor, that you may have your accusers brought befor e them withou t an y further indurance , an d us e for your self e a s goo d perswasions that wa y as you may devise , an d i f no intreati e o r reasonable request will serve, then deliver unto them this my ring, (which [t]hen the king delivered unto the Archbishop) and say unto them, if there b y no remed y m y Lordes , bu t tha t I mus t neede s g o t o th e Tower, the n I revok e my cause fro m you , and appeal e t o th e king s owne person b y this his token unto you all, for (say d th e Kin g the n unto th e Archbishop ) s o soone a s they shal l se e this my ryng, the y know it so well that the y shall understande tha t I have resumed th e whole cause into myne owne handes an d determination , an d tha t I have discharged them thereof. The Archbisho p perceivyn g th e Kinge s benigniti e s o much e t o hym wardes, had much adoe to forbeare teares. Well, sayde the Kyng, go your wayes my Lorde, an d do e a s I hav e bidden you . My Lor d humblyng himself e wit h thankes , took e hy s leav e o f th e Kynge s highnesse for that nyght. (Foxe 1583: 1866 ) (C) Shakespear e woul d most likely have used the fourt h editio n o f the Book of Martyrs, 1583 , o n th e firs t occasion s whe n h e probabl y dre w upon it, in the 1590 s for 2 Henry F/an d King John. O n a later occasion , for Henry VIII, th e 159 7 edition was also a possibility, but in any case the passages involved do not vary much between these two editions. The us e o f Foxe for 2 Henry P7i s not certain , pace Pearlman (1999) . The entertainin g stor y o f th e fals e miracl e o f Simpco x (2.1.68ff.) , originally told in Si r Thomas More's Dialogue of the Veneration and Worship of Images (1529), is repeated i n Grafton. Bu t the editors of Holinshed directed reader s t o Foxe for more informatio n on Duke Humphre y 'sith th e prais e o f thi s nobl e ma n deservet h a larg e discourse' , the y write, ' I refe r th e reader s unt o maiste r Foxe' s book e o f Act s an d Monuments' - an d it is not unlikely Shakespeare followed the direction. The paralle l wit h Fox e (text s i n Bullough , in , 126- 8 and Cairncros s 1957: 178-9) , though close , cannot confir m indebtednes s because th e details o f the stor y are simila r i n al l versions. The cas e o f King John is not dissimilar . I t woul d b e unsurprisin g i f Shakespeare ha d turne d i n 174

Foxe, John writing thi s work, a pla y impingin g heavil y o n religiou s issues , to th e leading Englis h Churc h historian , a s a numbe r o f otherwise inconse quential details suggest he may have done. The point could be confirmed if it were possible to discount many overlapping details in The Troublesome Raigne of King John (see Chronicle History Plays) on the grounds that it did not precede Shakespeare's play (see Honigmann 1954 : xx). A further tentativ e connection with Foxe may b e made fo r Henry IV. Shakespeare's motive s for presenting o n stag e a burlesqu e version o f the historica l Si r John Oldcastl e remai n a matte r o f speculation. I t is possible he 'unwittingl y took the nam e fro m Famous Victories which ha d provoked no objection from the Cobhams, perhaps because Oldcastle is a mino r character ' (Corbi n an d Sedg e 1991 : 12) . Yet Foxe is not onl y the mos t likely source for th e dramatist s o f 1 & 2 Sir John Oldcastle: his account of Oldcastle's 'martyrdom' may well have been known directly to Shakespeare , simpl y a s a reade r o f th e Book of Martyrs. I f Shake speare's dissolut e figure of Oldcastle-Falstaff i s a deliberat e departur e from Foxe' s presentation, severa l interpretations ar e possible, from th e political - 'th e family name of Oldcastle symbolize d reforming zeal to many wh o wer e pressin g fo r change s i n th e establishe d Protestan t church in the 1590s ' (Bevingto n 1987 : 4) - t o the personal, sinc e Old castle's descendan t th e sevent h Lor d Cobham , a s Lord Chamberlai n from 1596-7 , oversa w th e offic e o f Maste r o f th e Revel s an d th e licensing of plays. The us e o f Fox e in Henry VIII i s easier t o establish . Th e Cranme r story in 5.1-3 was certainly taken from The Book of Martyrs: 'neithe r Hall nor Holinshe d record s th e attemp t t o arres t Cranme r fo r heresy , his being kept waiting outside the council-chamber , o r the King' s protec tion of him' (Muir 1977 : 285). Other significant elements from Fox e are connected wit h Katherine : Gardiner' s plo t o n he r life , he r intervie w with him , an d th e King' s displeasur e a t th e pla n t o arres t he r a t Hampton Court . Shakespear e and/o r hi s presume d collaborato r Fletcher ma y als o hav e use d Fox e mor e miscellaneously , transferring episodes o r expression s in th e Book of Martyrs freel y fro m on e contex t to anothe r (se e Foake s 1968 : xxxvi) . Bu t i n th e Cranme r episode s Shakespeare i s at hi s closes t to Foxe ; indeed, th e followin g passage is effectively a versification of the on e quote d in (B), above. CRANMER Mos t dread liege, The goo d I stand on is my truth and honesty ; 175

Foxe, John

KING

CRANMER

KING

If they shall fail, I with mine enemies Will triumph o'e r m y person; which I weigh not, Being of those virtues vacant. I fear nothin g What ca n be said against me. Know you not How your state stands i' th' world , with the whole world? Your enemies are many, and not small; their practice s Must bear th e same proportion; an d not ever The justice and the truth o' th' question carries The du e o' th' verdict with it; at what ease Might corrupt minds procure knaves as corrupt To swear against you? Such things have been done . You are potently oppos'd, and with a malice Of as great size. Ween you of better luck, I mean in perjur'd witness, than your Master, Whose minister you are, whiles here He liv'd Upon this naughty earth? Go to, go to; You take a precipice for no leap of danger, And woo your own destruction. God and your Majest y Protect mine innocence, or I fall into The tra p is laid for me! Be of good cheer; They shall no more prevail than we give way to. Keep comfort to you, and this morning see You do appear befor e them ; if they shall chance, In charging you with matters, to commit you, The bes t persuasions to the contrar y Fail not to use, and with what vehemency Th' occasion shall instruct you. If entreaties Will render you no remedy, this ring Deliver them, and your appeal t o us There make before them . Look, the good man weeps! He's honest , on mine honour. God's bles t Mother! I swear he is true-hearted, an d a soul None better in my kingdom. Get you gone, And d o as I have bid you. [Exit Cranmer. He has strangled his language i n his tears.

(5.1.121-57)

176

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(D)

Bullough, in, iv; Muir (1977). Bevington, David , ed . (1987) . Henry IV, Part 1 (Oxfor d Shakespeare) . Oxford. Cairncross, Andre w S. , ed . (1957) . The Second Part of King Henry VI (Arden Shakespeare). London . Corbin, Peter , and Dougla s Sedge , ed s (1991) . The Oldcastle Controversy: 'Sir John Oldcastle, Part V and 'The Famous Victories of Henry V. Manchester. Foakes, R. A., ed. (1968). Henry VIII(Arden Shakespeare) . London (firs t published 1957) . Foxe, Joh n (1583) . Actes and Monuments of Matters most Speciall and Memorable, happenying in the Church . . . Newly revised and recognised, partly also augmented, 3 vols. London . Honigmann, E . A . J. , ed . (1954) . King John (Arde n Shakespeare) . London. Pearlman, E . (1999) . 'Th e Duk e an d th e Begga r i n Shakespeare' s 2 Henry VI.' Criticism 41: 309-21. Frederyke o f Jennen (Anon. Tale, 1560) This versio n o f the wage r stor y foun d i n Cymbeline migh t hav e bee n a s familia r t o Shakespeare a s Boccaccio's, but man y differen t treatment s o f it were available. Bullough, vni, 15-19 . Nosworthy, J. M. , ed . (1969) . Cymbeline (Arden Shakespeare) , pp . xxiixxv. London .

Froissart, Jean (1338-1410), French Chronicler and Poet (A) A native o f Hainaut, Froissar t visited England i n 136 1 and was , he tells us, 'brought up in the cour t o f the nobl e kin g Edward III , and of Queen Philippa his wife', travellin g extensivel y under thei r protection . He returne d t o Franc e i n 136 9 t o begi n wor k o n th e firs t Boo k o f his Chroniques, his colourful account o f the chivalr y o f western Europ e during the first half of the Hundred Years ' War. He crossed the Englis h Channel again in 139 5 to present his poems to Richard II , and followed subsequent event s in England with much interest , pityin g the man who 177

Froissart, Jean had receive d hi m kindl y an d hi s Frenc h Queen . Th e four-volum e Chronicle, for which Froissart interviewed many of the participants an d observed som e events at first hand, end s with the deposition an d deat h of Richar d I I a t th e clos e o f th e fourteent h century. On e o f the las t great medieval writers, Froissart aims to record a world that was quickly passing away , so that it s deeds o f chivalry migh t b e remembere d an d serve a s examples . Bu t h e i s muc h intereste d to o i n th e motive s o f actions and the mental workings of the figures involved, and the Chron icle's techniques are in important respect s dramatic. Froissar t was also responsible fo r a numbe r o f accomplishe d poem s an d severa l vers e romances i n the courtly love tradition. (B) Froissart' s Chronicl e wa s mad e Englis h b y John Bourchier , Lor d Berners (1469-1533), a considerable political figure who became Lor d Chancellor unde r Henr y VIII , i n a translatio n undertake n a t Henr y VIIFs bidding an d published in two volumes in 1523-5 . Froissart thus became on e o f the recognize d authoritie s for the reign s of Edward II I and Richard II. The followin g passage from the narrative of the reign of Richard I I is one of the descriptions ofjohn o f Gaunt: The duk e o f Lancastre wa s sor e dysplease d i n hi s mynde t o s e the kynge his nephewe mysse use hymself e i n dvyer s thynges as he dyd . He consydre d th e tym e t o com e lyk e a sag e prince , an d somtym e sayd to suche as he trusted best: Our nephu e the kynge of Englande wyll shame all or he cease: he beleveth to lyghtly yvell counsayle who shall distro y hym ; an d symply , i f h e lyv e longe , h e wyl l les e hi s realme, an d tha t hath bee n gote n wit h moche cost e and travayl e by our predecessour s an d b y us; he suffret h t o engendr e i n this realme bytwene th e nobl e me n hat e an d dyscorde , by whom h e shuld e be served an d honoured , an d thi s land e kept e an d douted . H e hat h caused my brother t o dye, whiche is one thynge to be noted, an d th e erle of Arundell, bycause they shewed hym trouthe: but he wolde nat here the m no r non e othe r tha t wold e counsayl e hy m agayns t hi s appetyte. He canne nat better dystroye his realme than to put trouble and hatre d bytwen e th e nobl e me n an d goo d townes . Th e Frenchemen ar e right subtyle ; for one myschiefe that fallet h among e us, they wolde it were ten, for otherwyse they canne nat recover their dommages, nor come to their ententes, bu t by our owne meanes and 178

Froissart, Jean dyscorde betwene ourselfe. And we se dayly that al l realmes devyded are dystroyed ; it hath ben e sen e by the realm e o f Fraunce, Spayne , Naples, an d by landes o f the churche, as we maye se dayly by the two Popes, whiche i s and shal l be t o thei r dystructyon ; also it hath bee n sene b y th e countre y o f Flaunders , how e b y thei r own e meane s they ar e distroyed ; als o presentl y i t i s sen e b y th e land e o f Frece , with whom e ou r cosyn s o f Haynal t ar e i n warre , an d ho w th e Frenchemen among e theymself e ar e dystroyed ; i n lykewis e among e ourselfe, withou t Go d provyd e for us, we shall dystro y our selfe ; th e apparaunce therof shewet h greatly . (1523-5 text, Ch. 224; ed. Ker 1901-3 : vi, 311) (C) Shakespeare would have been acquainted wit h the Berners translation o f Froissart, or a t least 'i t would be strang e i f he di d no t loo k int o . . . the translation' (Bullough, in, 367), since it was so well known and, compared wit h alternativ e source s fo r th e historica l materia l i t embraced, suc h as the Mirror for Magistrates an d other chronicles , so lively. Prior (1994 ) argue s that th e author , or on e o f the authors , o f Edward III use d th e cop y o f th e 151 3 Frenc h editio n owne d an d annotated b y Henr y Gary , Lor d Hunsdon , patro n o f Shakespeare' s company a t th e tim e o f that play' s production . Thi s figur e nee d no t have been Shakespeare , an d hi s use of it need no t preclud e th e us e of Berners. Froissart's status as a source for Edward III was first established by Smith (1911) . More importantly , the Chronicle i s a source for Richard II. The figur e of Gaunt i s not full y anticipate d i n othe r sources , though Shakespear e could hav e imagine d o r inferre d man y o f his characteristics an d atti tudes fro m Holinshed (s o Ure 1961 : xxxv-xxxvi) , o r base d hi m o n Thomas o f Woodstock, Duk e o f Gloucester, th e her o o f Woodstock (se e Chronicle History Plays). Bu t h e ma y wel l hav e draw n fro m Froissart th e Duke' s refusa l t o aveng e Gloucester' s deat h an d som e of Gaunt's complaints about his nephew in 2.1, even if in the secon d case Froissart's figur e warn s agains t allowin g discor d amon g th e nobilit y rather tha n agains t farmin g th e kingdom , lik e Shakespeare's . (Thi s speech, in (B), may also have been recalled for the Bastard's injunctions against disunit y i n th e fac e o f Frenc h env y i n King John.} Som e othe r parallels wit h Richard II ar e foun d i n Richard' s reason s fo r banishin g Bolingbroke and Mowbray , either derived from th e Chroniques or merely showing Shakespeare 'fillin g u p som e gap s in Holinshed wit h invented 179

Froissart, Jean matter' (Ur e 1961 : 28) ; and Froissart' s stor y of a favourit e greyhoun d that deserte d Richar d t o faw n upo n Bolingbrok e ma y hav e helpe d suggest the complain t Shakespeare' s Richar d makes of 'roan Barbary' being ridde n b y hi s riva l (se e Wilso n 1939) . Mor e mino r o r mor e inconclusive connection s (fo r which see Reyher 192 4 and Bullough, in, 368-9) ca n b e added . Shakespeare' s particula r debt s t o Froissar t i n Richard II, then, are few, th e likeliest being the hints for the treatment of Gaunt. Bu t a readin g o f Froissart's wor k could als o hav e encourage d important overal l emphases, including the sympatheti c presentation of Richard i n his fall and of the Queen a s a figure of pathos - eve n though these features are not unique to the Frenchman's accoun t of the reign. (D) BuUough, in; Muir (1977) , 51-2 . Ker, W . P. , ed . (1901-3) . The Chronicle of Froissart. Translated out of French by Sir John Bourchier, Lord Berners, annis 1523—25, 6 vols. London . Prior, Roger (1994) . 'Wa s The Raigne of King Edward III A Complimen t to Lord Hunsdon?' Connotations 3: 243-64. Reyher, Pau l (1924) . 'Note s su r le s Source s d e Richar d II. ' Revue de I'Enseignement des Langues Vivantes, 1-13, 54-64 , 106—14 , 158—68 . Smith, Rober t Metcal f (1911) . 'Edward III (A Stud y of the Authorshi p of the Drama i n the Light of a New Source).' JEGP 10 : 90-104. Ure, Peter, ed. (1961) . King Richard II (Arde n Shakespeare). London. Wilson, John Dover , ed . (1939) . King Richard II (Ne w Shakespeare) . Cambridge.

180

G Gamier, Robert (1544/5-1590), French Dramatist

(A) Bor n i n Maine , Garnie r studie d la w a t Toulous e an d followe d a legal career, holding hig h office s throug h th e Frenc h Wars of Religion , in Paris and later Le Mans. His literary interests led to lyric verse and to eight plays, thanks to which h e i s acknowledged a s the leadin g Frenc h tragedian o f hi s time . Thre e ar e tragedie s o n Roma n subjects , Porcie (1568), Cornelie (1574) and Marc-Antoine (1578) ; three ar e o n Gree k ones, Hippolyte (1573) , La Troade (1579 ) an d Antigone (1580). Garnier' s styl e is inspired b y Seneca for declamatory speeches , stichomythic exchange s and sentences, an d b y Ronsard an d th e Pleiad e (thoug h he wa s not a member) fo r suc h feature s a s Petrarchism , mythologica l allusio n an d euphony. His plays were performed to the en d o f the sixteent h century and in some cases beyond . (B) Mary Sidne y Herbert translate d Marc-Antoine in 1590 , by which time Garnier wa s a celebrated write r in the French theatrical avant-garde . I n this translation (publishe d 1592 , agai n i n 1595 ) she initiated a courtly Senecan movemen t whic h le d severa l member s o f he r circl e t o compose Roma n tragedie s withi n th e nex t fiftee n years . (Kyd' s 1594 version o f Cornelie, th e onl y other direc t Englis h translatio n o f Garnier to be published i n the period, wa s apparently a n attempt o n his part to gain acceptance i n her circle.) This movement produced play s strikingly unlike othe r Englis h dram a o f thes e years , an d ha d far-reachin g consequences for English drama more generally. 181

Gamier, Robert Mary Sidney' s Antonius, a careful , line-by-lin e blank verse renderin g from th e 158 5 editio n o f Marc-Antoine, a s wel l a s bein g historicall y important, i s increasingly recognize d a s a substantia l literary achieve ment creating 'a distinctive style of English verse' (Hannay et al. 1998: i, 151), and no t merely a collection of'sluggish Seneca n monologues ' (as Satin 1966 : 57 3 ha s it) . The Gamie r play' s remarkabl y sympatheti c treatment of Cleopatra may have had special appeal for Mary Sidney. In Act 1 Antony, in soliloquy, laments his thraldom to Cleopatra, which has made him neglect the Pythian Wars. In Act 2 Cleopatra justifies herself: Cleopatra. Eras. Charmian. Diomede. CLEOPATRA

ERAS.

182

That I have thee betraid, deare Antonie, My life, my soule, my Sunne? I had suc h thought? . Rather, 6 rather let our Mlus send, To swallow me quicke, some weeping Crocodile. And didst thou then suppose my royall hart Had hatcht , the e to ensnare, a faithles love? And changing minde, as Fortune changed cheare , I would weake thee, to winne the stronger, loose? O wretch! 6 caitive! 6 too cruell happe! And did not I sufficient loss e sustaine Loosing my Realme, loosing my liberty, My tender of-spring, and the joyfull light Of beamy Sunne, and yet, yet loosing more Thee Antony my care, if I loose not What yet remain'd? thy love alas! thy love, More deare then Scepter, children, freedome, light. So ready I to row in Charons barge, Shall leese the joy o f dying in thy love: So the sol e comfort o f my miserie To have one tombe with thee is me bereft . So I in shady plaines shall plaine alone , Not (as I hop'd) companion o f thy mone, O height of griefe! Why with continuall cries Your griefull harme s doo you exasperate? Torment your selfe with murthering complaints? Straine your weake breast so oft, so vehemently?

Gamier, Robert

CL. M

Water with teares this faire alabaster ? With sorrowes sting so many beauties wound? Come of so many Kings want you the hart Bravely, stoutly, this tempest to resist? y ev'lls are wholy unsupportable, No humain forc e can them withstand, but death . (1592 text , 394-5, 404-33; ed. Hannay etal 1998 : i, 164-5 )

(C) Shakespeare' s Antony and Cleopatra contain s 'enoug h verbal similar ities to show that the countess's tragedy lingered in Shakespeare's mind' (Wilders 1995 : 62), but al l ar e small-scale . (Eras ' phras e 'com e o f so many Kings' , above , i s no t necessaril y significan t fo r Shakespeare' s 'Descended o f s o man y roya l kings ' (5.2.325) , sinc e i t i s parallele d in Plutarch' s death-scene. ) Thes e verba l similaritie s ar e liste d b y Schanzer (1956 ) and Mui r (1977 : 225-7). Bullough sees them a s 'quite in accor d wit h Shakespeare' s habi t o f floatin g t o th e surfac e o f hi s memory details from works read sometimes years before' (v , 231), while Schanzer imagines Shakespear e reading th e translatio n 'shortl y befor e or durin g the compositio n of Antony and Cleopatra'. Bu t th e presenc e of Marc-Antoine behind Shakespeare' s play may well be more substantial in the presentatio n o f Cleopatra, an d o f the idealizing-romanti c aspect s of her lov e whic h he r Ac t 2 speech (above) evokes . This is to sa y that the Cleopatr a o f Antoine/Antonius, wh o i s much more sympatheti c tha n Plutarch's, i s of special interest for the Cleopatr a o f Shakespeare's Ac t 5. Although Gamier/Sidney's figure is 'more simple and les s vital, she is basically Shakespeare' s Cleopatra o f Act V .. . He r lov e for Antonius has been dee p an d tru e from th e first.' Antonius' part i n the relation ship, on the othe r hand, i s severely condemned b y various speakers, so that 'I n Antonius . .. as in Shakespeare' s play, we find side by side both condemnation an d glorificatio n of the lov e of Antony an d Cleopatra ' (Schanzer 1963 : 151) . Some genera l similaritie s o f emphasi s an d patternin g betwee n Garnier's 'heroin e tragedies' Antonie and Cornelie and Shakespeare' s presentation of his heroine in The Rape ofLucrece hav e been noted (Soellne r 1982). Bu t ther e ar e n o apparen t verba l echoe s o f either th e Frenc h texts o r th e Englis h reworking s of Daniel an d Ky d (respectivel y The Tragedy of Cleopatra an d Cornelia) whic h were published only very shortly before Shakespeare' s poem. 183

Gamier, Robert (D) For an accoun t o f Garnier's influenc e i n England vi a Mary Sidne y and he r circle , se e Witherspoon' s stil l usefu l bu t little-know n 192 4 study. Bullough, v; Muir (1977); Satin (1966). Hannay, Margaret P. , Noel J. Kinnamo n an d Michael G . Brennan, eds (1998). The Collected Works of Mary Sidney Herbert, Countess of Pembroke., 2 vols. Oxford. Schanzer, Ernes t (1956) . 'Antony and Cleopatra an d th e Countes s o f Pembroke's Antonius.' N&QJ2.Q 1: 152-4 . (1963). The Problem Plays of Shakespeare: A Study of Julius Caesar, Measure for Measure and Antony and Cleopatra. London . Soellner, Rolf (1982). 'Shakespeare's Lucrece and th e Gamier-Pembroke Connection.' ShSt 15: 1-20 . Steppat, Michae l (1987) . 'Shakespeare' s Respons e t o Dramati c Trad ition i n Anthony and Cleopatra', pp . 254-7 9 i n Bernhar d Fabia n an d Kurt Tetzel i vo n Rosador , eds , Shakespeare: Text, Language, Criticism: Essays in Honour of Marvin Spevack. Hildesheim . Wilders, John, ed . (1995) . Antony and Cleopatra (Arde n Shakespeare) . London. Witherspoon, Alexander McLare n (1924) . The Influence of Robert Gamier on Elizabethan Drama. New Haven . Gascoigne (Gascoine), George (1535?-1577) , Poet and Translator (A) Th e so n o f a wealth y Bedfordshir e knight , Gascoign e passe d a riotous youth as 'a notorious ruffiane', studyin g 'such lattyn as I forgat' at Cambridge, and enrolling at Gray's Inn in 1555 . He sat as a Member of Parliament fo r Bedford under bot h Mar y an d Elizabeth , bu t give n his extravagance neve r remaine d respectabl e for long, an d wa s at on e time branded an atheist, murderer, bankrupt an d 'common rymer'. His diverse and innovative writings, which often domesticate d foreig n form s for th e firs t time , includ e th e Notes Concerning the Making of Verse (1575) , one o f th e firs t specimen s o f Englis h literar y criticism ; The Stele Glas (1576), sometime s calle d th e firs t regular Englis h satir e an d a ver y early exampl e o f non-dramati c blan k verse ; an d Jocasta (wit h Franci s Kinwelmersh, 1566) , onl y th e secon d blan k vers e Englis h traged y (see Euripides). A majo r collectio n o f his vers e wa s firs t published , 184

Gascoigne (Gascoine), George supposedly without hi s permission, a s A Hundreth Sundrie Flowers (1573) , and revise d a s The Posies of George Gascoigne Esquire (1575) . Supposes., Gas coigne's vivi d an d accurat e translatio n o f Ariosto's pla y / Suppositi (1509 in prose, later versified), seems to have been presented for the first time a t Gray' s In n i n 1566 . H e furthe r compose d close t drama , wa r journalism an d othe r translations , a s well as more wor k as a courtier poet - a masque, and entertainment on two royal progresses. (B) Shakespeare' s us e o f Gascoigne's work i s more o r les s confine d t o Supposes, th e 'hard , dry , classical comed y o f subterfuge an d misunder standing' (Bullough , i, 66 ) which introduce d th e essentia l formulae of Italian comi c dram a t o th e Englis h stag e (fo r the specia l appea l o f Ariosto's original , se e Club b 1989 : 9-10 , 33) . Afte r it s production i n 1566 it was first printed i n 157 3 (unauthorized), in 157 5 in The Posies of George Gascoigne, an d agai n i n th e posthumou s Whole Works of George Gascoigne (1587). It seems to have been revived in Oxford in 1582 . But as an exampl e o f a n earl y Italia n pla y adapte d fo r th e Englis h stag e i t remained fo r som e tim e a rarity : 'afte r th e firs t mino r outburs t a t the Inn s i n th e sixties , mos t o f whic h i s credite d t o onl y on e man , Gascoigne, ther e ar e n o know n instances of Italian dram a in Englan d until well after th e form s o f English drama had crystallized ' (Orr 1970 : 106). Bulloug h supplies a complete text. The theatrica l possibilities of some episodes in Supposes clearly struck Shakespeare strongly . On e suc h i s a sequenc e o f mistake n identitie s which develop s at th e windo w o f an in n i n Gascoigne' s scene s 4.4—7 , borrowed fo r 5. 1 o f The Taming of the Shrew. Th e firs t o f thes e shor t scenes in Supposes is printed here ; Litio's last lines in it give a glimpse of the topsy-turvy world Shakespeare was to create: DALIO the cooke . FERARESE the inholder . PHILOGANO. LITIO his man. [DA.] Wha t devil l of hell is there? I thinke hee wil l breake th e gate s in peeces. LI. Mari e sir , we ha d thought e yo u ha d been e o n sleep e within , an d therefore we thought best to wake you: what doth Erostrato? DA. H e i s not within . PHI. Ope n the dore goo d fellow I pray thee . DA. I f you thinke to lodge here, you are deceived I tell you, for here ar e guestes enowe already. 185

Gascoigne (Gascoine), George PHI. A goo d fellow , an d muc h fo r th y maiste r honest y by ou r Ladie : and what guestes I pray thee? DA. Her e is Philogano my masters father, lately come out o f Sicilia. PHI. Tho u speakes t truer tha n tho u art e awar e of , he wi l be , b y tha t time thou hast opened the dore: open I pray thee hartily. DA. I t is a small matter for me to open the dore , but her e is no lodgin g for you, I tell you plaine, the house is full . PHI. Ofwhome ? DA. I tolde you: here is Philogano my maisters father come from Cathenea. PHI. An d when came he? DA. H e cam e thre e houre s since , o r more , h e alighte d a t th e Aungell, and lef t hi s horses there: afterward e m y maister brough t hi m hither. PHI. Goo d fellow , I thinke thou hast good sport to mocke mee. DA. Nay , I think e yo u hav e goo d spor[te ] t o mak e m e tar y here , a s though I have nothing else to doe: I am matched with an unrulye mate in the kitchin. I will goe looke to him another while. PHI. I thinke he be drunken. FER. Sur e h e seme s so : se e yo u no t ho w redd e h e i s abou t th e gilles? PHI. Abid e fellow, what Philogano is it whome thou talkest of? DA. A n honest gentleman, fathe r to Erostrato my maister . PHI. An d wher e is he? DA. Her e within . PHI. Ma y w e see him? DA. I thinke you may if you be not blind . PHI. G o to, tel him here is one wold speake with him. DA. Mar y that I will willingly doe. PHI. I can not tell what I shoulde say to this geere, Litio, what thinkest thou of it? LI. I cannot tell you what I shoulde say sir, the worlde is large and long, there maye be moe Philoganos and moe Erastratos than one , yea and mo e Ferraras, mo e Sicilias, an d mo e Cathaneas: peradventur e thi s i s not tha t Ferrara whiche you sent your sonne unto. PHI. Peradventur e thou arte a foole, and he was another that answered us eve n now . But b e yo u sur e honest man , tha t yo u mistak e no t th e house? FER. Nay , then god helpe, thinke you I knowe not Erostratos house? yes, and himself e also : I sawe him here no longer since than yesterday . But 186

Gascoigne (Gascoine), George here come s one tha t wil tell us tidyngs of him, I like his countenaunce better than the others that answere d at the windowe erewhile. Dalio draweth his hed in at the wyndowe, the Scenese commeth out. (1566 text , ed. Cunliff e 1907 : i, 221-3) (C) A 'suppose' , accordin g t o Gascoigne' s Prologue , wa s 'nothin g else but a mystakin g or imaginatio n o f one thin g fo r another', i.e. what i n French is still called a quiproquo (thoug h Ariosto occasionally puns scatologically o n 'suppositories ' too) . I n th e 157 5 edition , eac h o f som e twenty-four instance s is pointed ou t in a marginal note . Th e pla y may hence hav e suggeste d th e overal l ide a o f the 'errors ' i n The Comedy of Errors. I t ma y als o underlie Shakespeare' s doubl e plo t structure , since , although Plautus is the sourc e of the materia l itself , th e forma l prin ciple was elaborated by the Italians, and the likelihood that Gascoigne' s influential work stimulated Shakespeare's more than classicall y complicated plo t i s increased b y som e mor e specifi c resemblance s betwee n Errors an d Supposes. Thes e ar e summarize d b y Salinga r (1974 : 207-8) , who note s fo r exampl e tha t 'th e scen e (IH.i ) wher e Antipholu s o f Ephesus firs t come s o n th e stage , t o b e shu t ou t o f his ow n house , is largely borrowe d fro m Amphitryon, bu t th e indirec t wa y i t arises recalls the scen e of doubled identities where the fathe r i s refused admissio n t o his son's lodging in Supposes'. The us e o f Gascoigne' s pla y fo r The Taming of the Shrew i s muc h clearer, necessarily so if, as is likely, Shakespear e aime d her e t o exploi t the contemporar y prestige of foreign dramati c model s and o f all things Italian. I t has been speculated that eve n the problematic Sl y induction may be illuminated by Supposes, i f we imagine the playwright began with a shrew-tamin g stor y but opte d late r to exten d the 'supposes ' theme , 'carr[ying] it s implications into the shre w plot an d int o a s much o f the induction a s woul d bea r th e change d emphasis ' (Serons y 1963 : 29) . Otherwise, h e takes from i t both large and smal l things, expanding, fo r instance, a summarized 'prehistory' to form mos t of 1.1 , and recyclin g some characters ' names . Bu t th e mai n structure s an d emphase s o f the late r pla y ar e independentl y worke d out , an d brin g int o servic e elements fro m Supposes onl y when the y ar e useful . Th e ne w character of Hortensio, i n particular, joining Lucenti o i n th e disguis e of a tutor, increases th e narrativ e complication s appreciably ; Lucenti o i s muc h altered fro m hi s model too ; an d Bianc a is unlike hers in being a virgin and in having a sister. Even Baptista i s 'subdued to the new emphasis': 187

Gascoigne (Gascoine), George in Supposes h e air s hi s opinion s a t lengt h o n th e ingratitud e o f off spring to parents in a long speech (in.iii) which is one of Gascoigne's additions t o Ariosto , an d goe s s o fa r a s t o impriso n th e feigne d Erostrato, threatening him with dire penalties for seducing his daughter. Ther e is nothing of this in Shakespeare's Baptista. He i s a fathe r and a merchant , an d w e lear n littl e mor e abou t hi m tha n that . (Morris 1981:82-3 ) This is a reminder tha t Gascoigne' s pla y was also attractively differen t in its emphases from th e New Comedy tradition it issues from, a play of love and matrimony rathe r tha n o f sex - thoug h thi s is not necessarily to say that Shakespeare aim s to 'renovate' Gascoigne's 'endorsemen t of romantic passion ' a s suppor t fo r 'Protestan t marriag e ideology ' (Mikesell 1989 : 150). Since Shakespear e i s known to have looked closely at Supposes, elem ents from it may resurface in later plays. But there is no special reason to connect, fo r example , Gascoigne' s bribeabl e nurse , Bali a (suppressed completely in the Shrew), with Juliet's (a s does Bullough, speculatively, i, 66). On e othe r Gascoign e wor k t o hav e bee n associate d wit h Shake speare is his Adventures Passed by Master F.J., a risque story in the Hundreth Sundrie Flowres, 1573 , an d a very earl y exampl e o f an origina l Englis h Renaissance pros e narrative . Vel z think s i t ma y hav e furnishe d a model fo r Bianca' s wooin g b y th e fak e instructor s Hortensio/Liti o and Lucentio/Cambio , bu t i s forced t o concede tha t 'th e difference s between the scene s are a s significant as the similarities ' (1973: 131). (D) Bullough, i. Baldwin, T . W . (1947) . Shakspere's Five-Act Structure: Shakspere's Early Plays on the Background of Renaissance Theories of Five-Act Structure from 1470. Urbana, IL . Cole, Howard C . (1981) . The All's Well Story from Boccaccio to Shakespeare. Urbana, IL . Clubb, Louis e Georg e (1989) . Italian Drama in Shakespeare's Time. Ne w Haven. Cunliffe, John W , ed . (1907) . The Complete Works of George Gascoigne, 2 vols. Cambridge . Hosley, Richard (1963-4) . 'Source s an d Analogue s o f The Taming of the Shrew: HLQT1: 289-308 .

188

Gascoigne (Gascoine), George Mikesell, Margare t Lae l (1989) . '"Lov e Wrough t thes e Miracles" : Marriage an d Genr e i n The Taming of the Shrew.' RenD 20: 141-67 . Morris, Brian , ed . (1981) . The Taming of the Shrew (Arde n Shakespeare) . London. Orr, Davi d (1970) . Italian Renaissance Drama in England before 1625: The Influence of 'Erudita' Tragedy, Comedy, and Pastoral on Elizabethan and Jacobean Drama. Chapel Hill . Salingar, Leo (1974) . Shakespeare and the Traditions of Comedy. Cambridge . Seronsy, Ceci l C . (1963) . '"Supposes " a s th e Unifyin g Them e i n The Taming of the Shrew.' SA(H4 : 15-30. Velz, John W . (1973) . 'Gascoigne , Lyly , an d th e Wooin g o f Bianca. ' N&QJZ\%: 130-3 .

Geoffrey of Monmouth (c . 1100-1154), English Historical Writer

(A) Born int o a clerica l family , Geoffre y wa s educate d a t Monmouth' s Benedictine abbey, probably becoming a monk but remaining primaril y a scholar , and livin g in Oxford. I n hi s old ag e he was made Bisho p of St Asaph . Hi s Historia Regum Brittaniae (c. 1140 ) claim s t o b e a Lati n translation o f a 'ver y ol d boo k i n th e Britis h tongue ' recountin g th e history of Britain down to King Arthur. In fact, it seems to mix together various chronicle source s with biblical , classica l and traditiona l stories , and perhap s Geoffrey' s ow n fictions , t o creat e th e stor y o f a Britis h kingdom, t o som e exten t parallelin g tha t o f Israel. I t wa s intended t o appeal t o a fashion fo r courtly tales. In describin g the rise of the British people t o glory in the reign s of Uther Pendrago n an d Arthur, Geoffre y established th e Arthuria n legend ; othe r well-know n British historica l myths als o hav e thei r origin s here , i n wha t ha s bee n calle d th e mos t important literary work of its century. (B) Geoffrey' s Histor y wa s widel y diffuse d i n Englan d an d i n contin ental Europe : som e 17 0 manuscript version s still survive, of which 2 7 are though t t o dat e fro m th e twelft h century . It wa s foun d especiall y useful whe n Henr y VI I appointe d a commissio n t o trac e th e Tudors ' British ancestors , an d sections , at least , wer e consulte d an d reworke d around this time by many English chroniclers (notably Holinshed), in whose wor k th e materia l ofte n retain s a slightl y alie n air . Geoffrey' s mythical an d semi-mythical materia l was also drawn upo n more widel y 189

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and variousl y in th e sixteent h century an d wel l beyond, i n particula r the stor y o f the Ne w Troy , th e foundin g of Albion b y Aeneas' great grandson Brute . 'Not only had th e legends become a conspicuous part of the Tudo r myth , bu t the y als o carried substantia l weight regardin g Britain's ow n ancient past ' (Curra n 1999 : 3) . Direct us e was made o f them b y Drayton, Spenser an d late r Milton , wh o describe d th e stories a s 'defende d b y many , deny' d utterl y b y few ' an d followe d them onl y cautiousl y in hi s ow n History of Britain; a s earl y a s th e firs t half of the sixteenth century there had been a wave of scepticism about Geoffrey's reliabilit y fro m suc h writers as Polydore Vergi l and Willia m Camden (see Ferguson 1993 : 85-105). For the stage , there ar e fou r survivin g Galfridian chronicl e plays on pre-Roman Englis h histor y nea r th e en d o f th e sixteent h century : Gorboduc, and th e anonymou s Locrine, Nobody and Somebody., an d The True Chronicle History of King Leir (se e Chronicle History Plays), a s well as other s no w los t bu t recorde d b y Phili p Henslowe . Al l th e know n examples follo w Geoffrey' s outlin e wit h som e strictness , probabl y a t least partly becaus e of a lingering suspicio n that th e materia l i s really historical; thi s distinguishe s the m fro m King Lear (se e Curran 1999) . There is no known English translation o f Geoffrey's Lati n i n or before the Tudor period , bu t ther e were at least three Frenc h one s as early as the twelft h century. (C) As well as furnishing much of Holinshed's materia l an d henc e con stituting an indirec t sourc e for King Lear (of which story it is the earlies t known version) and Cymbeline, Geoffrey's wor k may have been consulted directly by Shakespeare. Perret t (1904 : 283-4) argues that he may have been le d to it by a marginal referenc e in Holinshe d t o 'Gal . Mon.', a name which, if Shakespeare di d no t alread y recogniz e i t as that o f the chief authorit y fo r this period o f British history , he coul d hav e looke d up i n Holinshed' s lis t o f 'author s fro m whom e thi s Histori c . . . i s collected'. H e woul d hav e ha d n o troubl e obtainin g a cop y o f on e version o r anothe r o f Geoffrey' s wor k (from , fo r example , hi s frien d Drayton). Shakespear e ma y hav e rea d th e Latin , o r use d som e n o longer extan t translation . Conceivabl y h e migh t hav e take n detail s from mor e recent writer s who had paraphrased Geoffrey i n the cours e of historical works in English. The mai n textua l evidence t o suppor t thi s hypothesis of such direct or near-direct acquaintance i s as follows (based on Perrett 1904 : 280-1): 190

Geoffrey

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1 Amon g authoritie s availabl e t o Shakespeare , onl y Geoffre y an d Perceforest, a les s likel y source, mention th e unequa l divisio n o f th e kingdom intended by Leir. 2 Geoffre y alon e among authorities available to Shakespeare supplies the pretexts Goneril and Rega n us e in the play for reducing Lear's retinue. 3 Th e figure s o f Kent , an d i n th e Foli o tex t th e Gentlema n wh o nurses Lear, are anticipated by a character in Geoffrey, a knight who is the last remnant o f Leir's retinue. 4 Leir' s characte r a s presente d b y Geoffre y correspond s mor e closely t o Shakespeare' s figur e tha n t o thos e i n othe r possibl e sources i n respec t o f 'hi s virility , hi s violen t indignation , hi s intense grie f a t th e los s o f hi s power , hi s longin g fo r vengeance ' (Perrett 1904:281) . 5 Ther e ar e als o som e thre e possibl e verba l echoe s o f Geoffrey' s Latin i n Lear's firs t tw o scenes, all very small in scale (Perrett 1904: 213,229). Muir (1977 : xxxiii) , while no t dismissin g thi s evidence , counter s tha t Shakespeare could have arrived at all these details independently. If Shakespeare knew Geoffrey's narrativ e o f the reig n o f Leir then it may, o f course, have been fro m Geoffre y tha t man y other elements of his story were derived. Sinc e these features ar e als o found i n many of the other possible Lear sources, such as Holinshed an d th e Mirror fo r Magistrates, thi s cannot be demonstrated.

(D)

Bullough, vii. Curran, John E. , Jr (1999) . 'Geoffre y o f Monmout h i n Renaissanc e Drama: Imagining Non-History.' MP97: 1-20 . Ferguson, Arthu r B . (1993) . Utter Antiquity: Perceptions of Prehistory in Renaissance England. Durham , N.C. Muir, Kenneth, ed. (1972) . King Lear (Arden Shakespeare). London. Perrett, Wilfrid (1904) . The Story of King Lear from Geoffrey ofMonmouth to Shakespeare. Berlin .

Gernutus, Th e Jew o f Venice (Anon. Ballad) On e o r two

unusual mino r detail s o f The Merchant of Venice ca n b e foun d i n thi s 191

Gernutus, The Jew of Venice

ballad, whic h howeve r may not precede th e play i n time - i t has not been dated certainly. Brown, John Russell , ed . (1961) . The Merchant of Venice (Arde n Shake speare), pp. xxx-xxxi, Appendix n. London.

Gesta Romanorum Se e also Twine, Lawrence. This collection of medieval Lati n pros e tale s on classica l figures, Christian saint s an d Eastern materia l contain s a likel y sourc e fo r th e caske t stor y i n The Merchant of Venice. I t was translate d by Wynkyn de Worde in c. 1512 an d by Richard Robinson in 1577 . Brown, John Russell , ed. (1961) . The Merchant of Venice (Arde n Shake speare), pp. xxxii, 172-3 . London (firs t published 1955). Muir(1977), 89.

Giovanni, Ser Se e Fiorentino, Giovanni.

Gl'Ingannati

(A) Gl'Ingannati ('The Deceived Ones') is an Italian comed y produced by a Sienes e literary society , the Academy o f the Intronati ('th e Thunderstruck [b y love]') , i n 1531 . Th e Intronat i translate d fro m classica l poetry, performed dram a by the Italia n masters , and wrot e numerous original comedies . This one depicts the amorou s adventures of Lelia, a young woman o f contemporary Moden a wh o ha s bee n betrothe d b y her father , Virginio , to old Gherardo. Sh e runs away from th e convent of ill repute in which her father ha s lodged her and enter s the service of her ol d flam e Flammini o disguise d as a page . Actin g a s Flamminio' s intermediary, sh e finds her mal e sel f admire d b y Isabella, th e lad y h e now wishes to marry, who happens to be Gherardo' s daughter . Lelia is extricated fro m th e triangle by the appearance o f her long-lost brother, who eventuall y pairs of f with Isabella. Gl'Ingannati i s a fast, satirical , b y no means deep play loosely within the commedia delVarte tradition , full o f slapstick, colloquial insults and salaciousness , especially from th e chorus o f clownish servants; it end s with Leli a an d Flammini o i n be d offstage whil e th e nurse' s daughte r report s t o th e audienc e th e word s 192

Gl'Ingannati and sound s sh e ca n hear . Th e prologu e plausibl y claim s tha t i t was composed i n only three days . For its Italian comed y context se e Clubb (1989). (B) B y 160 0 the pla y ha d bee n translate d an d imitate d i n variou s dramatic an d fictiona l forms , i n French , Spanish , Italian , Lati n an d English: a t least si x major dramati c version s such as Nicolo Secchi's, and a long line of derivative prose stories, are extant. Th e sol e English version wa s by Barnab y Riche , a n arm y captai n wh o ha d see n lon g service in Ireland, an d friend o f Churchyard, Gascoigne and Lodge. Riche's pros e tal e o r novell a Of Apolonius and Silla wa s th e secon d o f eight stories in hi s collectio n Riche his Farewell to Militarie Profession, 158 1 (perhaps also reprinted later , since entered in the Stationers' Registe r in 1591). This derives from th e play via a narrative version in Fran£ois de Belleforest's Histoires Tragiques, iv, itself taken from th e earlie r Italia n prose adaptatio n i n Matte o Bandello' s Novelle (1554) , n.36 . Clearly , the grea t innovatio n o f Gl'Ingannati, an d th e caus e o f the profusio n of imitations an d translations , was th e excitin g gende r confusio n o f girl dressed as boy, then fancied by a girl. A full tex t of Gl'Ingannati i n modern translatio n i s given by Bullough (n, 286-339) and Sati n (1966) . The Italia n pla y itself was only possibly known to Shakespeare, but an excerpt from the Riche reworking which he certainl y read i s given below (a full tex t of the rar e 158 1 editio n of Riche i s give n i n Lothia n an d Crai k 197 5 and i n Benso n 1996 ; i n modernized form i n Satin 1966). there wa s remainyng i n th e Citi e a nobl e Dam e a widowe , whose housebande wa s bu t latel y deceased , on e o f th e nobles t me n tha t were i n th e parte s o f Grecia, wh o lef t hi s Lad y an d wif e larg e possessions and great e livinges . This Ladies nam e wa s called Julina, who beside s th e aboundanc e o f her wealth , an d th e greatness e o f her revenues , ha d likewis e th e soveraignti e o f al l th e Dame s o f Constantinople fo r he r beautie . T o thi s Ladi e Julina, Apolonius becam e an earnes t suter , an d accordyn g t o th e mane r o f woers , beside s faire woordes , sorrowful l sighes , an d piteou s countenaunces , ther e must be e sendyn g of lovyng letters, Chaines, Bracelettes , Brouches, Rynges, Tablets , Gemmes , Juels, an d presente s I know e no t what : So my Duke, who i n th e tym e tha t h e remaine d i n th e H e o f Cypres, had n o skil l a t al l i n th e art e o f Love, althoug h i t wer e mor e the n 193

Gl'Ingannati

half proffere d unt o hym , wa s no w becom e a scholle r i n Love s Schoole, and ha d alreadi e learned his first lesson, that is, to speak e pitifully, t o look e ruthfully , t o promis e largely , t o serv e diligently , and t o pleas e carefully : No w h e wa s learnyn g hi s second e lesson , that i s to rewar d liberally , to giv e bountifully , t o presen t willyngly , and t o wryt e lovyngly . Thu s Apolonius wa s s o busie d i n hi s new e studie, tha t I warran t yo u ther e wa s no ma n tha t coul d chaleng e hym fo r plaiyng the truant , h e followe d hi s profession wit h s o good a will : And wh o mus t be e th e messenge r t o carri e th e token s an d love letters , t o th e Ladi e Julina, bu t Silvio hi s manne , i n hy m th e Duke repose d hi s onel y confidence , t o go e between e hy m an d hi s Ladie. Now gentilwomen, doe you thinke there could have been a greater torment devised, wherewith to afBicte th e harte of Silla, then her self to be e mad e th e instrument e t o woorke her own e mishapp , an d t o plaie the Atturney in a cause, that made s o muche againste he r self . But Silla altogether desirou s to please he r maister , cared nothyn g at all to offende he r self , [and ] followed his businesse with so good a will, as if it had bee n in her own e preferment. Julina no w havyng many tymes , taken th e gaz e of this yong youth Silvio, perceivyng hym t o bee o f suche excellente perfecte grace , was so intangeled with the ofte n sigh t of this sweete temptation, tha t sh e fell into as greate a likyng with the man, a s the maister was with her self: And on a tyme Silvio beyng sent from hi s maister, with a message to th e Ladi e Julina., a s h e begann e ver y earnestl y t o solice t i n hi s maisters behalfe, Julina interruptyn g hym i n his tale, saied: Silvio it is enough that you have saied for your maister, from henceforth e either speake for your self, or saie nothyng at all. Silla abashed to heare these wordes, bega n i n he r mind e t o accus e the blindness e o f Love, tha t Julina neglectyn g the goo d wil l o f so noble a Duke , would preferre her lov e unto such e a one , a s Nature i t sel f had denaie d t o recom pence her likyng. (1581 text; Lothian an d Craik 1975 : 164-6) (C) Twelfth Night clearl y use s th e Gl'Ingannati plot , bu t th e closel y connecting we b o f texts deriving fro m th e Italia n pla y (fo r details see Bullough, n, 270 ; Orr 1970 : 42) makes its exact backgroun d har d t o determine. Shakespear e use d on e o r mor e o f these texts , but perhap s not includin g Gl'Ingannati itself . O f th e non-Englis h narrativ e versions, 194

Gl'Ingannati those b y Bellefores t an d Bandell o ar e th e mos t likel y for hi m t o hav e known, but whereas there is no categorical evidenc e fo r either o f these, he certainl y use d Riche' s versio n o f 1581 . Th e conclusiv e evidenc e consists o f hi s repetitio n fro m Apolonius and Silla o f fou r specialize d words, 'coisterell', 'garragascoynes', 'pavion ' and 'galliarde' , which ar e found i n Twelfth Night an d nowher e els e i n Shakespeare . Verba l resemblances between Gl'Ingannati an d Twelfth Night, though the y include tw o references t o th e 'nott e d i beffana' , on e o f the Italia n name s fo r th e festival o f Twelfth Night , ar e no t decisiv e enough to show Shakespear e knew th e Italia n pla y (thes e resemblance s ar e liste d b y Lothia n an d Craik 1966 : xxxviii-xl). Apart fro m th e plot , nothin g essentia l i n Twelfth Night come s fro m Gl'Ingannati or , perhaps, fro m an y of its imitations - thoug h Bulloug h suggests Riche's Apolonius and Silla was 'th e work which crystallize d his ideas. . . [and] combine d motif s already dear to him' from hi s previous plays (n, 277). Gl'Ingannati i s earthy and bawd y whereas Riche's stor y ha s a n overla y o f eleganc e tha t reache s toward s th e sublime courtlines s o f Shakespeare' s mai n plot . Th e ton e o f The Deceived Ones sounds more like that of the Si r Toby-Maria-Aguecheek subplot o f Twelfth Night, an d give n tha t clu e w e ca n g o o n t o fin d other relationship s betwee n The Deceived Ones an d th e Twelfth Night subplot as well. (Sati n 1966 : 315) These ar e fairl y loos e an d unimportant , bu t th e apparentl y unusua l tonal freedo m o f Shakespeare' s handlin g o f the subplot , fo r exampl e with Malvolio , ma y b e connecte d wit h th e Italia n play' s unbuttone d quality. (The fifth story in Riche his Farewell, 'Two Brethren', is sometimes connected wit h th e Malvoli o plo t too. ) Where th e mai n plo t i s con cerned, th e tona l propinquit y betwee n Riche' s Apollonius and Silla an d Shakespeare's play looks greater i n comparison wit h the Italia n sourc e than i t reall y is : Shakespeare change d th e moo d h e foun d i n Riche' s story, especiall y i n th e part s involvin g th e wido w Julina , Olivia' s original: Her hast y meeting , feasting , an d beddin g o f Silvi o i s refine d int Olivia's equall y hast y bu t decorou s marriage-ceremony , an d i consequence ther e i s n o pregnancy , n o desertion , an d n imprisonment o f th e heroine ; al l tha t survive s o f thi s rathe

o n o r

195

Gl'Ingannati sensational element of Riche's tale is Orsino's violen t impulse, to slay Olivia o r to sacrifice Viola, in Shakespeare's las t scene. (Lothian and Grai k 1975 : xlvi) The disguise d Julia par t o f th e plo t o f The Two Gentlemen of Verona comes from Gl'Ingannati via Montemayor; some touches in Othello and The Merry Wives of Windsor ma y deriv e fro m Riche his Farewell (Pruvos t 1960 an d Cranfil l 1959 : xlviii-lii present the respective cases). (D) Bullough, n; Satin (1966) . Benson, Pamela Joseph, ed. (1996) . Italian Taksfrom the Age of Shakespeare. London. Clubb, Louis e Georg e (1989) . Italian Drama in Shakespeare's Time. Ne w Haven. Cranfill, Thoma s Mabry , ed . (1959) . Rich's Farewell to Military Profession, 1581. Austin, TX. Lothian, J . M. , an d T . W . Craik , ed s (1975) . Twelfth Night (Arde n Shakespeare). London . Luce, M., ed. (1912) . Rich's 'Apolonius and Silla':An Original of Shakespeare's 'Twelfth Night'. London . Orr, Davi d (1970) . Italian Renaissance Drama in England before 1625: The Influence of 'Erudita' Tragedy, Comedy, and Pastoral on Elizabethan and Jacobean Drama. Chapel Hill . Pruvost, Rene . (1960) . 'The Two Gentlemen of Verona, Twelfth Night, e t Gl'Ingannati.' Etudes Anglaises 13 : 1-9 . Salingar, Le o (1974) . Shakespeare and the Traditions of Comedy. Cambridge . Scragg, Lea h (1992) . Shakespeare's Mouldy Tales: Recurrent Plot Motifs in Shakespearean Drama. London.

Godfrey of Viterbo See Gower, John. Golding, Arthur See Ovid (Publius Ovidius Naso). Googe, Barnaby See Palingenius, Marcellus.

196

Gower, John

Gower, John (c. 1330-1408), Poet

(A) Gowe r wa s a minor noblema n wh o cam e o f a Kentis h famil y an d pursued a literar y caree r i n London . Fo r hi s frien d Chaucer h e i s 'moral Gower'. His major works are th e Speculum Meditantis o r Mirour de rOmme, a 30,000-line allegory in French; the Vox Clamantis, a 10,000-lin e poem o n th e 138 1 Peasants ' Revol t i n Lati n elegiacs ; and th e Confessio Amantis, 33,000 lines of English octosyllabic couplets. Thi s last, on e of the grea t achievement s o f fourteenth-centur y poetry, i s a collectio n of 14 1 tales with a framing narrative i n which a lover, Amans/Gower, makes his confession to Genius, the priest of Venus. He i s to be cured of his love-sicknes s by edifyin g storie s (whic h tur n ou t t o b e tale s fro m classical an d medieva l sources ) illustratin g th e Deadl y Sins . On e o f these, occupyin g mos t o f Boo k vm (devote d t o 'unlawfu l love' , an d concentrating o n incest) , i s th e stor y o f 'Apollinus' , i.e . Apolloniu s of Tyre , whic h Gowe r too k mainl y fro m Godfre y o f Viterbo' s twelfth-century version of this traditional tale (see Archibald 1991 : 192) . (B) Gower's reputation was always linked to Chaucer's, no t always as an inferior. For the sixteenth century he was with Chaucer th e first founder of Englis h poetry , an d h e i s ofte n spoke n o f a s havin g 'refined ' th e language. Sidney's Apology for Poetry call s the pai r 'th e firs t light-givers to ignorance'; Robert Greene's Visio of 1592 makes Gower the speaker for moralit y i n poetry , agains t Chaucer' s recommendatio n o f variety and invention . Spenser i s thought t o hav e use d Gower , and Jonson cites him more ofte n tha n an y other write r i n his English gramma r though i n Timber h e warn s agains t to o muc h exposur e t o hi s antiqu e practices. This reservation becomes hostility in Puttenham's attack on Gower i n th e Arte of English Poesy (1589) : thoug h h e helpe d t o establis h English vernacular poetry, Gower's verse, says Puttenham, was 'homely and withou t good measure , his wordes strained muc h deal e ou t o f the French writers , hi s rym e wrested , an d i n hi s invention s [was ] small subtillitie'. These remark s may show the beginnings of a general downgrading o f th e earl y Englis h poet s (s o Pearsall 1983 : 193), bu t mor e likely wha t i s a t issu e i s a contes t betwee n 'drab ' puritan-associate d poets suc h a s Gowe r an d Langlan d an d o n th e othe r han d 'golden ' writers suc h a s (pre-eminently ) Chaucer , wh o escape d th e genera l wrack. The Confessio Amantis wa s printe d i n 148 3 (b y Gaxton), 153 2 an d 1554, but not within Shakespeare's lifetime. The 153 2 text and it s 1554 197

Gower, John reprint wa s the on e 'i n whic h Gowe r wa s read, i f he wa s read a t all , until 1810 ' (Pearsall 1983 : 190) . In this passage from Boo k vui, corresponding t o the recognitio n scen e in Pericles 5.1, Gower's Marina-figur e encounters he r father , awakenin g hi m fro m th e death-lik e tranc e int o which he has fallen: With that he sobreth his corage, ^fQualiter sicu t deus destinavit patri filia inventam recognovit. ^[And put awa y his hevie chere. But of hem two a man mai lere, What is to be so sibbe of bloode, None wist of other howe it stoode, And yet the father at laste His herte upon thi s mayde caste , That he hir loveth kyndely. And yet he wist never why, But all was knowe er that thei went. For god wote her hole entent, Her hertes both anone discloseth. This kynge, unto this maide opposeth, And asketh first, what is hir name , And where she lerned all this game, And of what kyn she was come. And she that hath his wordes nome, Answereth, and saith : my name is Thaise, That was sometyme well at aise. In Tharse I was forthdrawe and fedde , There I lerned, till I was spedde Of that I can: my father eke I not where that I shulde hym seke, He was a kynge men tolde me. My moder drein t in the see. Fro poynt to poynt all she hym tolde, That she hath longe in herte holde, And never durst make hir mone, But onely to this lorde allone,

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To whom hir herte can not hele, Tourne it to wo, tourne it to wele, Tourne it to good, tourne it to harme . And he tho toke hir in his arme, But such a joye as he tho made , Was never sene, thus ben the i glade, That sory hadden be toforne, For this daie fortune hath sworn e To set hym upwarde o n the whele. So goth the worlde, now wo, now wele. (1700-38; Gower 1554 : sig. HhS") (C) Muir (1977 : 68) speculates that Shakespear e kne w Gower's versio n of the Pyramus and Thisb e stor y (Confessio Amantis in, 1331-1494) , an d there i s a similarit y betwee n par t o f Boo k v o f th e poe m an d th e episode o f the caske t test in The Merchant of Venice (see Bullough, i, 459). The Rape of Lucrece ma y reflec t detail s fro m Boo k vii , i n whic h th e Lucrece stor y is made a n exemplu m o f lust: so Richard Hillman , who argues a wider significance for the affinitie s i n the 'balance ' with which the characters are treated, sinc e the attention Gowe r gives to Tarquin's 'motivation and stat e of mind' is 'matched only by Shakespeare' (1990: 266). Bu t Hillma n find s n o verba l echoes , an d th e overal l reasoning , 'it mus t have been take n fro m Gower : ther e i s no trac e o f the ide a i n the classica l sources ' (264) , i s faulty . Hillman' s articl e o n Pericles als o assumes withou t clea r suppor t Shakespeare' s wid e knowledg e o f th e Confessio, leadin g t o hi s 'us e o f lov e theme s a s a mean s o f explorin g larger issue s of human sexualit y and self-realization ' i n the play (1985: 428). The Apolloniu s stor y i s th e onl y par t o f th e Confessio Amantis certainly know n t o Shakespeare . H e probabl y kne w Boo k vin fro m an earl y poin t i n hi s career , sinc e on e o f it s episodes , Apollinus ' discovery of his wife i n th e templ e a t Ephesus , is probably use d in th e denouement o f The Comedy of Errors. 'Lik e th e Mothe r i n Shakespear e she become s "abbesse " o f th e Templ e o f Dian a i n Ephesu s an d i s reunited t o he r husban d an d chil d afte r man y years' (Bullough , i, 11) . The deb t i n Pericles i s acknowledge d a t th e start , i n a passag e take n seriously by Archibald (1991 : 100-1 ) as evidence abou t contemporar y interpretation o f the Apollonius story : Gower' s prologu e announce s a tale that 199

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hath been sung at festivals , On ember-eves and holy-ales; And lords and ladies in their lives Have read it for restoratives. (1.1.5-8) Pericles combine s th e mai n outlin e o f Gower' s plo t wit h th e versio n of th e sam e stor y b y Lawrenc e Twine, bu t ther e ar e notabl e ne w or much-expande d episode s includin g 1. 2 (wit h Helicanus) , 2. 1 (th e Fishermen's dialogue ) an d 4. 3 (Dionyz a an d Cleon' s argument) . 'Generally speaking . . . it is some o f the mos t strikin g episode s i n th e play that are least anticipated i n Gower' (Hoeniger 1963 : xv). There are also sever e cut s o f som e o f Gower' s les s promisin g material . Clos e verbal echoes are not frequent, eve n though quite a number o f passages in Shakespeare are paraphrased fro m Gowe r (see Hoeniger 1963 : xv). The mos t striking difference betwee n poem an d play , however, may be th e figur e o f Gower himsel f in th e rol e o f Chorus. DelVecchi o an d Hammond tak e thi s t o b e itsel f a produc t o f th e Corifessio's influence : 'like Genius in the Confessio, Gowe r is Shakespeare's ancien t storyteller, shaping and givin g life t o the dramatic experience for the audienc e by engaging th e hel p o f their imagination' (1998: 5). But something like it was i n an y even t dramaticall y require d fo r condensin g th e lon g romance, ' a stor y t o baffl e dramaturgy' , a s Coghill call s it (1964 : 33). Hence 'Gower , who had earlie r tol d the same story, is introduced to fill in th e backgroun d material , commen t o n th e situation , an d carr y forward b y recitation , ofte n imitativ e o f hi s ow n Medieva l style , incidents o f the plo t whic h dramatic compressio n coul d omit ' (Gesner 1970: 86-7) . Finally , in th e epilogu e Gowe r comment s o n th e poeti c justice o f th e play ; bu t this , 'howeve r muc h i t ma y recal l Gower' s manner, ha s littl e i n commo n wit h Gower' s ending ' (Hoenige r 1963 : xvi). Lync h (1998 : 69) argues, i n fact , tha t Shakespeare' s presentatio n of Gowe r a s a whol e 'seem s no t onl y a t odd s wit h th e pla y bu t a t odds with . . . [Gower's] Confessor-narrator' . It migh t b e propose d tha t Gower' s contributio n t o th e distinctiv e quality of Pericles goes deeper. Compariso n wit h the Chines e box structures o f Heliodorus reflecte d i n Cymbeline suggest s that th e limpidit y of Gower's story and its affinities with the saint's life narrative may have had a n effect . Les s speculatively, it should b e agree d tha t Shakespear e has 200

Gower, John by use of the archaic romance materials with their inevitable circula r movement fro m prosperit y an d well-bein g through adversit y to joy and prosperit y again . . . infused th e play with an air of oft-repeated ceremony an d ritual , givin g i t th e ton e o f old myth , th e qualit y of pageant and spectacl e re-enacting the predictable cycle s of life. (Gesner 1970 : 88) (D) Pearsal l (1983 ) give s guidanc e o n Gower' s reputatio n u p t o th e present. Archibal d (1991 ) i s comprehensiv e o n th e transmissio n o f the Apolloniu s story . Bullough , vi , compare s Gower , Twin e an d Shakespeare i n som e detail . Hoeniger's treatment s (1963 , 1982 ) of the Gower-Shakespear e relationshi p ar e standard ; Hillma n (1983 ) proposes majo r influence , especiall y thematic , o n Pericles; Scragg' s (1992) more recent account is more perfunctory . Archibald, Elizabet h (1991) . Apollonius of Tyre: Medieval and Renaissance Themes and Variations. Woodbridge . Bullough, i, vi. Coghill, Nevill (1964). Shakespeare's Professional Skills. Cambridge . DelVecchio, Doreen, an d Anton y Hammond, ed s (1998) . Pericles (New Cambridge Shakespeare) . Cambridge. Garrett, R. M. (1912) . 'Gower in Pericles.' ShJ 48: 13-20. Gesner, Carol (1970) . Shakespeare and the Greek Romance: A Study of Origins. Lexington, KY Goolden, Peter (1955). 'Antiochus' Riddle i n Gower and Shakespeare. ' RES 6: 245-51. Gower, John (1554). De Confessione Amantis. London. Hillman, Richar d (1985) . 'Shakespeare' s Gowe r an d Gower' s Shake speare: The Large r Debt of Pericles.' ShQ36: 427-37 . (1990). 'Gower' s Lucrece : A Ne w Ol d Sourc e fo r The Rape of Lucrece.' Chaucer Review 24: 263-70. Hoeniger, F. David, ed . (1963) . Pericles (Arden Shakespeare). London . (1982). 'Gower and Shakespear e in Pericles.' ShQ,33: 461-79. Lynch, Stephe n J . (1998) . Shakespearean Intertextuality: Studies in Selected Sources and Plays. Westport, CT . Pearsall, Dere k (1983) . 'Th e Gowe r Tradition' , pp . 179-9 7 i n A . J. Minnis, ed. , Gower's 'Confessio Amantis': Responses and Reassessments. Cambridge. 201

Gower, John Scragg, Lea h (1992) . Shakespeare's Mouldy Tales: Recurrent Plot Motifs in Shakespearean Drama. London.

Grafton, Richard (c. 1512-1572), Chronicler

(A) Grafton , a nativ e o f Shrewsbury , i s bes t know n fo r hi s par t i n making th e Bible availabl e i n English : h e printe d a versio n o f th e Great Bibl e i n collaboratio n wit h Mile s Coverdal e an d Edwar d Whitchurch in 1538-9. In 154 3 he published John Hardyng s Chronicle, the first of the sixteenth-century chronicles, incorporating Thomas More's life of Richard II I and his own prose continuation (covering the period fro m Edwar d IV). In 154 8 he brought out the recently deceased Edward Hall's Chronicle, The Union of the Two Noble and Illustre Families, again with his own continuation, for the years 1532-47. Hall's work was burnt fo r its uncompromising Protestantism under Mary, and Grafto n suffered too . O n th e accessio n o f Edwar d V I i n 154 7 h e ha d bee n appointed Roya l Printer, but on Edward's death in 155 3 he printed th e proclamation o f Lady Jane Grey, signing himself'the Queen' s Printer' , and a s a result was for a time imprisoned by Mary. He now turned to compiling his own full-scale chronicle . A preliminary Abridgement of the Chronicles of England wa s dedicate d t o Lor d Rober t Dudley i n 1562 , followe d b y A Manuell of the Chronicles of England i n 1565, bu t th e full-scal e two-volum e history itsel f appeared i n 1568— 9 and i s tided A Chronicle at Large and Meere History of the Affayres of England and Kinges of the Same, deduced from the Creation of the Worlde, unto the First Habitation of this Island: and so by Continuance unto the First Tere of the Reigne of our Most Deere and Sovereigne Lady Queene Elizabeth. This follows More an d Hall in its theatrical and analytical approach t o historical writing, while as a post-Reformatio n wor k emphasizin g mor e strongl y history' s demonstration of God's judgements. (B) A Chronicle at Large was for much of its length so close a transcript o f Hall that John Stow complained in his Summary of Chronicles that 'some bodye (without any ingenious and plaine Declaration thereof ) hath published, but no t without mangeling, maister Halles Booke for his owne', prompting Grafto n to defen d hi s 'allegement' (abridgement) . He had , he justifiabl y claimed , lef t ou t Hall' s rhetorica l speeche s an d 'man y obscure woordes ' (Prefac e t o Abridgement of the Chronicles of England, 1570); bu t Grafto n mad e n o significan t contribution t o th e conten t

202

Grafton, Richard itself in thos e large stretche s of the Chronicle taken ove r from Hall . No r were hi s continuation s o f an y grea t accoun t fo r othe r writers , sinc e all th e part s o f Englis h histor y tha t wer e widel y take n u p b y th e Elizabethans wer e covere d b y Hall . Grafton' s mai n importanc e fo r historical knowledg e i n the latte r part o f the sixteent h centur y wa s to ensure tha t Hall' s work , which ha d date d quickl y i n style , continue d to be available. (C) Th e larg e overlap s betwee n Grafton' s wor k an d tha t o f Hall, Holinshed and othe r chronicler s make it difficult t o isolate Grafton' s particular contributio n to Shakespeare, and it may indeed be negligible. Though h e ha s bee n canvasse d a s a sourc e for, in particular, Henry VI (especially b y Wilso n 1952a-b) , ther e i s for th e Henry VI plays almos t 'nothing in Grafton that cannot be accounted for from Holinshed, Hall , and Fox ' (Cairncros s 1957 : xl) . Fo r Shakespeare' s historica l work s in general, 'Grafton' s revisio n o f Hall' s text , excep t fo r a n occasiona l passage, is not detectable in the plays; verbal comparisons indicat e Hal l as th e usua l source' (Zeevel d 1936 : 319) . I t i s true tha t th e fe w small and otherwis e insignifican t verbal similaritie s Shakespear e show s with Grafton canno t b e neatly accounted fo r except on the assumptio n tha t Shakespeare did consul t the Chronicle at Large for at least Henry VI. In th e end, however, this is a case in which modern tendencie s to lay stress on individual authorship ma y be counter-productive. All the sources available to Shakespeare for the history of Richard III , fo r example, were in fact interlinked : More' s History wa s incorporate d int o Grafton , whil e Hall ha d incorporate d Polydor e Vergi l an d wa s himself incorporate d by Hardyng , Sto w an d Holinshe d (se e Churchil l 1900 : 208-11) . 'Naturally, there are differences betwee n these works, but the process of redaction woul d leave a dramatist i n search of variety of information or of emphasis very little to go on' (Hammond 1981 : 75). (D)

. Cairncross, Andre w S. , ed . (1957) . The Second Part of King Henry VI (Arden Shakespeare). London . Campbell, Lil y B . (1947) . Shakespeare's 'Histories': Mirrors of Elizabethan Policy. San Marino, CA . Churchill, Georg e B . (1900) . Richard the Third up to Shakespeare. Berlin. Hammond, Antony , ed . (1981) . fang Richard III (Arden Shakespeare) . London. 203

Grqfton, Richard

Wilson, John Dover , ed . (1952a) . Henry VI Part 1 (Ne w Shakespeare). Cambridge. ed. (1952b). Henry VIPart 2 (New Shakespeare) . Cambridge. Zeeveld, W. Gordon (1936) . 'Th e Influenc e o f Hall o n Shakespeare' s English Historical Plays.' ELH3: 317-53 .

Grammaticus, Saxo See Belleforest, Frai^ois de.

Greek Anthology See Marianus Scholasticus.

Greek Romance (Includin g Achille s Tatius , Apollonius of Tyre, Chariton, Heliodorus, Longus, Xenophon o f Ephesus) (A) 'Romance' is the moder n name for a long story of love and adven ture written in prose; the first extant examples are the Greek romances of the early Christian era (2nd to 3rd centuries AD). The best-know n are the wor k of Chariton o f Aphrodisia (Chaereas and Callirhoe), Xenopho n of Ephesu s (Habrocomes and Anthia o r Ephesiaca], Heliodoru s o f Emes a (Aethiopica), Longu s (Daphnis and Chloe] an d a n anonymou s author (Apollonius of Tyre, a lost work only available through later retellings). The las t three hav e prove d th e mos t popular . Additionall y ther e i s Achilles Tatius' Clitophon and Leucippe, a non-mainstream romanc e which in th e past has been thought to be a parody o f others. The storie s were probably tol d fo r centurie s befor e bein g writte n down , bu t thes e writers made the m vehicles for a self-consciou s displa y of elaborate rhetorica l and stylisti c effects. The y have been looked upon as escapist writing for the naive , bu t als o a s expression s of the belief s o f mystery cults; each view seems to be suggested by the marvellously improbable action . Th e main commo n element s of the storie s are th e lon g separation o f two lovers; thei r unflinchin g fidelity and chastit y through temptatio n an d trial; a n extremel y involved plot wit h many subplots; travel to distan t lands; mistaken identity and disguise. (B) Th e transmissio n o f Gree k romance s t o th e Renaissanc e involve s complex routes , and th e complications ar e ofte n relevan t to an understanding o f what source s writers of the perio d ar e using . For example , the stor y of Apollonius of Tyre probably derives from a Greek original 204

Greek Romance of the thir d centur y AD, and wa s probably turne d int o Lati n abou t th e sixth century . I t survive d i n Gree k an d Lati n manuscript s throug h the Middl e Ages , an d wa s eventuall y incorporate d int o th e Gesta Romanorum, perhap s i n th e fourteent h century . Thenc e i t passe d into th e vernacula r throughou t Europe , thoug h i n England' s cas e John Gower's influentia l treatmen t i n hi s Confessio Amantis (1393 ) derived mainl y fro m th e twelfth-centur y Latin Pantheon o f Godfre y o f Viterbo. (Fo r the ful l histor y o f th e tale' s transmissio n se e Archibal d 1991.) The Gree k romanc e wa s a n importan t influenc e o n Renaissanc e narrative and drama , i n the work of major writer s across Europe: such different figure s a s Boccaccio and Cervantes (fro m whom , i n turn , later storytellers borrow) are examples. In Britain, 'Gree k romance i s a major fabri c o f Renaissance narrative an d drama, and . . . many of the marvelous adventures and titillating plot motifs an d patterns, especially those calculated to produce surprise and horror o r to create a spectacular effect , deriv e from th e nove l of the Gree k decadence' (Gesner 1970: viii). However , thi s derivatio n i s usually indirect, eve n thoug h Englis h translations becam e availabl e durin g Shakespeare' s lifetim e (havin g been precede d i n mos t case s by Italian , Frenc h o r Lati n renderings) . Thomas Underdowne's Heliodorus appeare d i n 157 7 and was reissued five time s b y 1607 , Angel Day' s Longu s i n 1587 , Willia m Burton' s Achilles Tatius in 1597 . One o f th e storie s in Barnab y Riche's Farewell to Militarie Profession (1581) i s probabl y th e firs t Elizabetha n wor k o f fictio n t o sho w unambiguous an d extende d debt s t o th e Helleni c romance , wit h apparent verba l echoe s a s wel l a s plo t materia l fro m Underdowne' s Heliodorus. Willia m Warner' s story-collectio n Albion's England (1584 ) came under the same influence. Henceforward it is common for English stories to us e som e of the motif s o r convention s of Greek romance, o r to treat the material as a repertory of incident. The author s may or may not kno w any example s directly: for example, a numbe r o f Greene's stories appropriat e element s directl y fro m Longus , Heliodoru s an d Achilles Tatius , whil e others ar e apparentl y base d onl y on Boccaccio . On othe r occasions English writers take from th e romanc e th e suggestion o f a heightene d an d elaborate d 'lon g story ' itself : Sidney use d Heliodorus as a model of form i n this way in the Arcadia. A lost play called Theagenes and Chariclea, performed for Elizabeth I in 1572, perhaps from Heliodorus , may be the first dramatic example of a 205

Greek Romance Greek romance plo t o n the Englis h stage. The affinit y betwee n Gree k romances an d dram a wa s noted a s long ag o a s Photiu s i n th e nint h century, who called the m dramati c narratives . Bu t again, whe n Gree k romance materia l o f whateve r kin d find s it s wa y int o Elizabetha n drama, ther e i s usually no sig n o f direct us e o f the Gree k sources , in translation o r otherwise. (C) I t i s impossibl e t o prov e ho w muc h Shakespear e kne w o f Gree k romances directly , i n Englis h translation s o r i n othe r possibl e form s either Englis h o r European , an d ho w muc h o f his awareness of them came fro m th e 'derive d tradition'. However, th e latte r (involvin g such writers a s Gower , Greene , Sidne y an d Twine (se e (B)) account s fo r most, perhaps all, of his knowledge, and thi s is treated i n the appropriate entries elsewhere in this dictionary. The fac t remains, however, that in on e o r tw o plays wit h recognize d source s in th e derive d tradition , some detail s no t anticipate d i n Shakespeare' s accepte d immediat e sources are present in the romances themselves. Leaving asid e incidenta l and/o r ver y probabl y indirec t reflection s elsewhere in Shakespeare's work, the Late Plays are the points at which the strongest connections can be found, the case for direct echoes being strongest wit h Cymbeline an d Pericles. (Wolf f 1912 : 452- 5 offer s a no w generally discounte d suggestio n abou t Day' s Daphnis and Chloe a s a source fo r The Winter's Tale.) Cymbeline show s link s fro m th e derive d tradition t o perhaps almos t al l the principal romances , bu t som e analogues with Achilles Tatius ar e les s easy to explain a s arising indirectly. For example , i n Clitophon and Leucippe th e them e o f mistake n deat h occurs several times, and a t one point th e lover , Clitophon, i s deceived by a headless body dressed in Leucippe's clothing, the head having been cast into the sea (compare Guiderius on Gloten's head: T 11 throw't int o the creek / Behin d our rock, and let it to the sea', 4.2.152-3). (This can be paralleled fro m other possible sources; but see Gesner 1970 : 95-8 for other affinitie s wit h Achilles Tatius.) Pericles is again a kind of composite of romance elements , with a few distinctive elements not in evidence in the derived tradition. I n particular, because of coincidences with differ ent know n variants of the stor y of Apollonius, especially in characters ' names, i t i s though t tha t Shakespear e mus t hav e know n som e los t folklore o r othe r versio n o f th e tal e a s wel l a s Gower' s an d Twine' s (see Bullough , vi, 355). As for the genera l 'romanc e properties' whic h many commentator s 206

Greek Romance have seen in some Shakespeare works (such as Adams 196 7 on romanti c love an d th e faithfu l heroine) , thes e ar e invariabl y derivabl e fro m intermediate sources , thoug h i t i s admittedl y interestin g t o speculat e about wha t Shakespear e migh t hav e fel t wa s distinctiv e abou t th e romances themselves . Th e neares t h e come s t o a discussio n i s in th e Pericles prologue, sinc e it does not refe r only to the Gowe r version of the Apollonius story: To sing a song that old was sung, From ashe s ancient Gower i s come, Assuming man's infirmities, To glad your ear and please your eyes. It hath been sung at festivals , On ember-eve s and holy-ales; And lords and ladies in their lives Have read it for restoratives. The purchas e is to make men glorious; Et bonum quo antiquius, eo melius. (1-10) 'To make men glorious': did Shakespeare detec t in the romances some resonance that ha s eluded later commentators? Terry Comito' s answe r is as follows : For Shakespear e (o r eve n fo r Fletcher ) al l thei r maze d complexit y seems t o hav e embodie d a n intuitio n abou t th e rhythm s o f experi ence itself. The har d outlines o f beginning, middle, and end begin to blur, a s does th e boundar y betwee n comed y an d tragedy . No single episode will seem absolute when the worl d has become (a s it has for Marina) a 'lastin g storm , whirring ' ma n fro m al l fixit y (Pericles, 4.1.198-20); o r a labyrint h lik e th e fores t wher e Philaste r lose s his way i n a 'mer e confusio n an d s o dea d a chao s tha t lov e canno t distinguish' (Philaster, 3.2.138-40) . (Comito 1975:60 ) We may choos e t o believe that suc h was the overal l impressio n Shake speare acquired o f Greek romance, whether or not his reading include d any specimens at first hand. 207

Greek Romance

(D)

Adams, Marth a Latime r (1967) . 'Th e Gree k Romanc e an d Willia m Shakespeare.' University of Mississippi Studies in English 8 : 43-52. Archibald, Elizabet h (1991) . Apollonius of Tyre: Medieval and Renaissance Themes and Variations. Woodbridge. Comito, Terry (1975). 'Exile and Return in the Greek Romances.' Anon (2nd series ) 2: 59-80. Doody, Margaret Ann e (1998). The True Story of the Novel. Londo n (firs t published 1997) . Gesner, Carol (1970 ) Shakespeare and the Greek Romance: A Study of Origins. Lexington, KY. Haight, Elizabet h Hazelton (1945). 'Apollonius of Tyre an d Shakespeare' s Pericles, Prince of Tyre', pp . 142-8 9 i n Haight , More Essays on Greek Romances. New York . Wolff, Samue l Lee (1912) . The Greek Romances in Elizabethan Prose Fiction. New York.

Greene, Robert (1560?-1592), Playwright, Novelist, Poet and Pamphleteer (A) The so n of a Norwich saddler , Greene attende d S t John's College and Clar e Hall, Cambridge. Fro m 158 6 he quickly acquired a reputa tion a s a playwrigh t an d reprobate , on e o f the Universit y Wits. As a writer h e ha d som e rea l talents . H e combine d vers e an d pros e i n romances suc h a s Mamillia (c. 1580 ) and th e ver y popula r Pandosto (1588). Menaphon (1589) , including some attractive lyrics and carryin g a prefatory epistl e b y Nashe, i s a burlesque o f the euphuisti c romance. He ma y hav e collaborated with Shakespeare on Henry VI (and possibly elsewhere), an d wit h Lodge o n A Looking Glassefor London and England. His extant solo plays, mostly romantic comedies, probably all belong to his last years, beginning with Alphonsus, a n absur d attempt to rival Tamburlaine; the others definitely ascribed to him ar e Orlando Furioso, James IV and Friar Bacon and Friar Bungay. I t i s a minority view that these constitute his best work; some of them were certainly popular. Though on e of the best-know n author s o f th e day , Greene di d no t becom e wealth y through hi s writing : ove r th e year s h e approache d sixtee n differen t patrons fo r seventee n works . Th e mor e successfu l Shakespear e (the 'upstart crow' ) wa s famousl y disparage d i n th e 159 2 tract Greene's Groatsworth ofWitte (possibl y by Henry Chettle). Ironically, he was called

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Greene, Robert upon by Church authoritie s in the 1590 s to defend the faith agains t the Puritan 'Marti n Marprelate'. Hi s end in squalid surroundings following 'a surfeit o f pickle herring and Rennis h wine' was described with relish by Gabrie l Harvey, whos e notoriou s quarre l wit h Nash e ha d bee n provoked by one of Greene's pamphlets . (B) Greene's romanc e Pandosto. The Triumph of Time, the mai n sourc e of The Winter's Tale, i s an intricat e an d plausibl y complicated story , draw ing sometime s hackneye d materia l fro m a larg e numbe r o f previous narratives, especiall y o f th e Patien t Grisse l typ e (including , whethe r directly o r indirectly , Greek romances and Chaucer's Clerk's Tale: see Baldwin 1990) . Pandosto reflected th e taste s of the age, and it s popularity le d t o mor e adaptation s tha n one . In 159 5 Francis Sabie, a Lichfield schoolmaster , turned it into tw o blank-verse narrative poem s which Shakespear e als o seem s t o hav e used . I t i s perhaps surprisin g Greene did not adapt it as a play himself- it is eventful an d episodic . As it is , th e tal e i s tol d wit h a spee d an d econom y Greene' s othe r work often lacks . Pandosto's popularit y outlaste d that o f almost all other Elizabethan fiction , despit e mocker y fro m som e elit e quarters : ther e were twenty-si x edition s b y 1735 , and i t i s allude d t o late r stil l i n Richardson's Clarissa (for its later reputation see Newcomb 1997) . This sample show s several points of congruity with The Winter's Tale: It happene d no t lon g afte r this , that ther e wa s a meetin g o f all the Farmers Daughters in Sycilia, whither Fawnia was also bidden a s the mistres of the feast, who having attired her self e in her best garments, went among th e rest of her companion s t o the merry meeting: ther e spending th e da y i n suc h homely pastime s as shephards use. As the evening grew on , an d thei r sporte s ceased, ec h taking their leav e at other, Fawni a desirin g on e o f he r companion s t o bear e he r com panie, went home by the flocke, to see if they were well folded, and a s they returned, i t fortuned tha t Dorastu s (wh o all that day e had ben e hawking, an d kild e stor e o f game) incountre d b y the wa y these tw o mayds, an d castin g hi s eye sodenly o n Fawnia , h e wa s half e afraid , fearing tha t wit h Acteon h e ha d scen e Diana: for hee though t suc h exquisite perfection could not b e found e i n any mortall creature . As thus h e stoo d i n a maze , on e o f his Pages tol d him, that th e maid e with the garland o n her head was Fawnia the faire shepheard , whose beauty was so much talke d o f in th e Court . Dorastu s desirou s to see 209

Greene, Robert if nature ha d adorne d he r mind e wit h an y inwar d qualities , a s she had decked her body with outward shape, began to question with her whose daughte r sh e was, o f what ag e an d ho w sh e had bi n traine d up, who answere d hi m wit h suc h modest reverenc e an d sharpness e of witte, that Dorastus thought he r outward beautie was but a counterfait t o darke n he r inwar d qualities , wondrin g ho w s o courtl y behaviour coul d be found i n so simple a cottage, and cursin g fortune that had shadowed wit and beauty with such hard fortune. As thus he held he r a lon g whil e wit h chat , Beaut y seein g hi m a t discovert , thought no t t o lose the vantage, bu t strook e him s o deepely with a n invenomed shafte , a s he wholy lost his libertie, an d became a slave to Love, which before contemne d Love . (Greene 1588 : sig s D2V-D3I) (C) I t i s supposed Shakespear e use d on e o f the firs t thre e edition s o f Pandosto o f 1588-95 , rather tha n on e o f the late r edition s in which th e Oracle is made to say 'The King shall die [no t 'live'] without an heir.' The Pandosto story falls into five phases. The first is a study of jealousy, as is underlined by Greene's opening paragraph on the 'infectiou s sore' this passion represents. Pandosto, Kin g of Bohemia, resolves to have his old friend Kin g Egistus of Sicily poisoned during a visit. His companio n warns Egistu s an d assist s hi s escape , bu t th e innocen t an d pregnan t Queen Bellaria is imprisoned and proclaimed a n adulteress and traitor . The newbor n daughte r i s cast adrif t a t sea . Bellari a i s tried an d con demned b y Pandosto, but his nobles persuade him to consult the Oracl e of Apollo , whic h declare s Bellari a chaste , Egistu s innocent , an d Pandosto treacherous . Pandosto' s remors e come s to o lat e a s hi s only son i s reported dea d an d Bellari a hersel f collapses an d dies ; Pandost o erects a tomb for her. In the second phase, the infant daughter i s picked up by Porrus, a poor shepher d with a shrewish wife, who brings up the girl, Fawnia, until she is sixteen. Third, Fawnia is wooed by Egistus' son Dorastus, agains t hi s father's will. At their secon d meetin g she praises the simpl e countr y life , and , afte r a conflic t betwee n hi s love an d hi s sense of rank, Dorastus dresses in shepherd's clothe s to ask for Fawnia's hand. The y decid e t o fle e t o Italy , but Porru s ha s meanwhil e deter mined t o infor m th e Kin g ho w Fawnia wa s found. Instea d h e i s lured onto the ship taking the lovers abroad by Dorastus' servant Capnio . Egistus now fall s il l with grie f at th e los s of his son, while th e shi p is driven ont o th e coas t o f Bohemia. Dorastus disguise s himself, remem 210

Greene, Robert bering th e quarre l betwee n hi s fathe r an d Pandosto , bu t Pandosto , hearing o f Fawnia' s beauty , ha s th e coupl e brough t befor e him . H e conceives an 'unlawfu l lust ' for the girl, and cast s Dorastus into prison . In th e fift h an d las t phase , Egistu s send s ambassador s t o reques t hi s son's freedom and Fawnia' s execution . But Porrus finally tells the story of her finding , displayin g th e token s by which Pandost o realize s she is his daughter. The youths ' marriage i s celebrated in Sicily, but Pandosto , struck ane w wit h remors e a t hi s incestuous impulse , commit s suicide . His crow n is assumed by Dorastus. Greene' s moral , underline d i n th e Epistle Dedicator y an d b y his subtitle 'Th e Triump h o f Time', i s that 'time will tell'. Shakespeare's play, then, reverses the locales: the King and Queen of Bohemia becom e monarch s o f Sicily, while Greene' s Kin g of Sicily is made Kin g o f Bohemia. The Winter's Tale enriche s Pandosto by addin g fresh characters, most notably Paulina an d Autolycus (the one characte r omitted i s th e shepher d Porrus ' shrewis h wife , slightl y resemblin g Paulina; Autolycus is also slightly anticipated b y Capnio, Dorastus' servant). And there are two crucial narrative departures . Greene's sombr e resolution seem s t o mos t reader s ou t o f keepin g with th e res t o f th e story, an d i s describe d b y Green e himsel f a s a wa y 't o clos e u p th e Comedie wit h a Tragicall stratageme' . I n Shakespear e th e surviva l of the quee n and the reconciliatio n o f the family at the clos e are the most major change s t o th e plot . Bu t th e proximit y o f pla y t o sourc e i s remarkable fo r Shakespeare , involvin g more verba l echoe s tha n fro m any nove l o r romanc e h e use d o n an y othe r occasion . Paffor d (1966 : xxx-xxxi) list s strongl y paralle l passages : a compariso n suggest s tha t Shakespeare must not only have studied Greene's story first to work out his plot, bu t kep t it by his side as he wrote. Since his use of it can onl y imply approbatio n o f som e kind , thi s seem s t o brin g ful l circl e hi s relation t o hi s old collaborator (a s it appears) and abuser . Even one o f Shakespeare's characte r names, Mamillius , may have been taken fro m Greene's quit e separat e romanc e Mamillia (th e res t ar e mostl y fro m Plutarch). On th e othe r hand , ther e ar e als o importan t way s i n whic h Pandosto seem s to hav e se t Shakespeare' s imaginatio n t o wor k without determining exactl y what course it would take. Thus, for example, when Bellari a aske d tha t th e Oracl e migh t b e consulte d i t wa s 'fearing more perpetual infamy tha n momentar y death', and sh e fel l 211

Greene, Robert down o n he r knee s to mak e th e request . Shakespear e develop s th e queen's attitude to infamy an d death , bu t a s for the ac t o f kneeling, he gives this to the cowe d courtiers pleading fo r the baby' s lif e a t II , iii, 152 , where as the unanimou s expression of horror an d revulsio n it is impressive. (Pyl e 1969 : 159-60) Or th e stimulus may operate in an opposite direction: Bellaria's tears in prison may have led to Hermione bein g 'not prone t o weeping'. Pandosto's lac k of The Winter's Tale's happiness an d optimis m i s not a contrast i n th e plays ' ending s alone , sinc e 'there i s little in [Greene's ] characters whic h show s the workin g o f strength , loyalty , self-sacrifice , love, or other virtue' (Pafford 1966 : xxxxiii). But as Bullough points out, the drastic change in The Winter's Tale's denouement could be said to be dictated partl y b y the logi c o f Shakespeare's development , an d partl y too b y th e requirement s o f th e dramati c presentation : i f h e wa s t o repeat th e reconciliator y typ e o f endin g h e ha d alread y writte n i n Pericles an d Cymbeline, i t woul d requir e a figur e unlik e th e lustfu l an d backsliding Pandosto, an d 't o leave Leontes in penitential miser y without an y recompense would be bot h hars h an d undramatic . A miracl e was neede d t o mak e reconciliatio n an d pardo n possible ' (Bullough , vin, 132) . A doubl e denouemen t o f th e typ e foun d i n Pericles i s als o made possibl e b y th e resuscitatio n o f Hermione . Ye t Shakespeare' s innovative artistry should not be ignored throug h over-emphasis on the exigencies of plot, for reconciliation an d unity are latent in much earlier scenes from Act 4: 'Shakespeare has taken the decisive step away from a merely dramatized narrativ e o f love's young woes to the true art o f the romance play, where the unity to be attained is focused in truths spoken unwittingly by youth and ag e alike' (Lawlor 1962: 99). Further dimension s to th e connectio n betwee n th e tw o works have been proposed . Lawlo r stresse s th e reversa l o f th e ide a i n Pandosto's subtitle: Shakespear e show s 'not . . . the triump h o f Time, but [of ] the human wish to triumph ove r time' (1962: 105) . Ewbank (1989) takes the point slightl y further b y suggesting that th e triumph o f patience (rathe r than tim e o r fortune ) mean s tha t The Winter's Tale hark s back t o pre Greene version s o f the stor y suc h a s Chaucer's . Lync h (1998 : 83-4 ) contends that Shakespeare 'writes against the linguistic assumptions' of Pandosto ('language as a fully reliabl e medium o f representation'). A numbe r o f Greene' s man y othe r writing s hav e bee n connecte d more locally with other Shakespeare plays. Autolycus' roguery may well 212

Greene, Robert draw detail s fro m Greene' s popula r serie s o n th e practice s o f con temporary thieve s and othe r crooks , The Art of Conny-Catching (1591-2 ; excerpted by Bullough, vm, 214—19). Greene's essay-collection Euphues his Censure to Philautus (1587) has lon g been considered a possible minor source for Troilus and Cressida (see Whitaker 1976 ; Palmer 1982) ; Greene presents four debate s between Greeks and Trojans during a truce, with some verbal an d topica l similaritie s to various points i n Shakespeare' s play an d a s a whol e conceivabl y formin g a mode l fo r it s otherwis e unprecedented council scene. It i s easy t o believ e tha t Greene' s play s mus t als o hav e influence d Shakespeare in one way or another - thoug h overly speculative suggestions suc h a s Chandle r (1995a-b ) ca n b e discounted . Greene' s bes t efforts, Friar Bacon an d James IV, cam e a t a tim e whe n hi s younge r contemporary woul d hav e bee n mos t receptiv e t o innovativ e drama turgical ideas . Greene' s mixture s o f tangle d lov e stor y (wit h rura l scenes), magi c an d fairy-lore , Plautin e jokes , interlud e devices , an d reminiscences of the classic s is not s o far removed from th e material s of Shakespeare's romantic comedies, in which he seems to have 'placed in juxtaposition similar temperaments, an d created conflicts . . . characteristic of Greene's drama' (Tyna n 1912 : 258), including in particular hi s development o f the triangula r love-relationshi p ou t o f the mode l first furnished o n th e stag e b y th e tw o Green e play s just mentione d (se e Dean 1982 : 39-40) . Som e mor e specifi c similaritie s shoul d als o b e noted. James IVs structurall y striking scene 1. 1 may have been a model for th e structur e of Julius Caesar 1. 2 (see Jones 1971 : 22-3) , an d ther e are close parallels to the rhetorical arrangement of some of its heroine's speeches a t on e o r tw o point s i n Helena' s soliloqu y a t All's Well 3.2.102-16 (see Hunter 1987) . Finally, i f the tw o men di d not , i n fact, collaborate o n Henry VI, Greene' s influenc e ma y wel l lur k behin d certain scene s i n th e trilog y non e th e less ; on e explanatio n o f th e 'upstart crow ' attac k is that h e i s accusing Shakespeare o f plagiarizing his work in those plays. (D) Col e (1973 : 507-42 ) ha s a shar p readin g o f Greene' s wor k a s a whole. The tex t of Pandosto has bee n frequently reprinted, fo r exampl e by Bullough, vm, an d Paffor d (1966) , who also provide two of the most extensive discussion s o f th e romance' s relatio n t o The Winter's Tale. Lawlor's (1962 ) ambitiou s essay shows how Shakespeare' s transformation o f Pandosto ca n b e a ke y t o understandin g th e natur e o f hi s 213

Greene, Robert 'dogmatic romance ' mode . A mor e diffus e bu t n o les s substantia l treatment of the relationship goes on in the course of Pyle (1969). Baldwin, Ann a (1990) . 'Fro m th e Clerk's Tale to The Winter's Tale\ pp . 199-212 in Ruth Morse an d Barr y Windeatt, eds , Chaucer Traditions: Studies in Honour of Derek Brewer. Cambridge . Bullough, vin. Carroll, D . Alle n (1987) . 'Th e Badge r i n Greenes Groats-Worth of Witte and in Shakespeare.' SPS4: 471-82 . Chandler, David (1995a). 'An Incident from Greene' s Alphonsus i n As You Like It: JV<2?C1240 : 317-19. (1995b). 'Th e "Bed-Trick " i n Measure for Measure: A Sourc e Suggestion.' JV<S?Q,240: 320-1. Cole, Howar d C . (1973) . A Quest of Inquirie: Some Contexts of Tudor Literature. Indianapolis. Dean, Pau l (1982) . 'Shakespeare' s Henry VI Trilogy an d Elizabetha n "Romance" Histories: The Origin s of a Genre.' SA£33: 34-48. Ewbank, Inga-Stin a (1989) . 'Fro m Narrativ e t o Dramati c Language : The Winter's Tale an d it s Source', pp. 29-4 7 i n Marvin Thompso n et al., eds, Shakespeare and the Sense of Performance: Essays in the Tradition of Performance Criticism in Honor of Bernard Beckerman. Newark , DE . Greene, Robert (1588) . Pandosto. The Triumph of Time. London. Hunter, G . K . (1987) . 'Ho w Green e wa s m y Shakespeare ? K . M . Revisited', pp . 76- 9 i n KM 80: A Birthday Album for Kenneth Muir. Liverpool. Jones, Emrys (1971). Scenic Form in Shakespeare. Oxford. Lawlor, John (1962) . 'Pandosto an d th e Natur e o f Dramatic Romance. ' PQ,41:96-113. Lynch, Stephen J. (1998) . 'Languag e in Pandosto and The Winter's Tale', pp. 83-11 2 i n Lynch , Shakespearean

Intertextuality: Studies in Selected

Sources and Plays. Westport, CT . Mortenson, Peter, and Jo Ann Davis (1975). 'A Source for "Richard II" , II.i.40-68.'JV<8?Q,220: 167-8 . Newcomb, Lori Humphrey (1997). 'The Triumph o f Time: The Fortunate Reader s of Robert Greene' s Pandosto', pp. 95-123 in Cedric C . Brown an d Arthu r F . Marotti, eds , Texts and Cultural Change in Early Modern England. Basingstoke. Pafford, J . H . P. , ed . (1966) . The Winter's Tale (Arde n Shakespeare) . London. 214

Greene, Robert Palmer, Kenneth , ed . (1982) . Troilus and Cressida (Arde n Shakespeare) . London. Pyle, Fitzro y (1969) . The Winter's Tale: A Commentary on the Structure. London. Tynan, Joseph L . (1912) . 'Th e Influenc e o f Greene o n Shakespeare' s Early Romance.' PMLA 27 : 246-64. Whitaker, Virgil K. (1976) . 'Still Another Source for Troilus and Cressida', pp. 100- 7 i n Standis h Hennin g et al., eds, English Renaissance Drama: Essays in Honor of Madeleine Doran and Mark Eccles. Carbondale .

Grenewey, Richard Se e Tacitus, Publius Cornelius or Gams Cornelius. Grimald, Nicholas See Cicero, Marcus Tullius; Tottel's Miscellany. Groto, Luigi (d. 1624), Italian Dramatist Groto' s pla y La Hadriana (1578) , draw n fro m a version o f the Rome o an d Juliet story , shows one o r two small local similarities to Shakespeare's play, but i t is unlikely Shakespeare would have known it. Orr, Davi d (1970) . Italian Renaissance Drama in England before 1625: The Influence of 'Erudita' Tragedy, Comedy, and Pastoral on Elizabethan and Jacobean Drama, p. 127 . Chapel Hill .

Guarini, Giovanni Battista (1538-1612), Italian Poet and Playwright (A) A nativ e Ferrarese , Guarin i becam e a courtie r an d diplomat , adopted a s court poet ther e when Tasso fel l int o disgrace. Hi s famous pastoral pla y II pastor fido ('The Faithfu l Shepherd') , base d o n Tasso' s hugely successfu l dram a Aminta (1573) , wa s compose d i n th e earl y 1580s, first published in 1589 , an d performe d in 1595 . With its associated critical writings, notably th e Compendia della poesia tragicomica (issued with later editions), it is Guarini's only literary work to be remembered today, though he als o wrote a collectio n of Rime, a comedy (L'ldropica), 215

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letters, an d treatise s o n politics . Thi s 'five-ac t academic , Sophoclea n pastoral tragicomed y i n verse prepared fo r a royal wedding', as Clubb (1989: 6 ) strenuously describes it, tell s a n elaboratel y plotted romanti c story set in Arcadia of a couple supposed to marry to avert a plague sent by Diana. Bot h boy an d gir l lov e elsewhere, but afte r narro w escape s from compromisin g situation s a s wel l a s capita l punishment , an d a discovery of hidden ancestry , the lovers' permutations ar e brought int o harmony wit h thei r inclinations . Th e play , toda y accorde d n o mor e than historica l importance , i s characterize d b y word y monologues , narrations, sententia e and othe r feature s i n which its high styl e ca n b e displayed. (B) I n Ital y / / pastor fido was a n immediat e bu t controversia l success , Guarini doin g al l he coul d to fan the controvers y with defence s o f the tragicomic for m h e ha d pioneered , o n th e ground s o f Aristotelia n 'truth t o life' . Withi n fort y year s ther e ha d bee n translation s int o German, Spanish , Dutc h an d Portuguese . I t woul d b e a large tas k to trace th e aftermat h of II pastor fido over Europe : th e pla y becam e th e single most influential example o f stage pastoral, and o f the new Italia n mixture of tragedy and comedy , so baptizing if not actuall y giving birth to Renaissance tragicomedy. English printing s o f Guarini' s pla y bega n a s earl y a s 1591 , whe n an editio n pai d fo r b y Giacop o Castelvetri , a n Italia n tuto r t o th e aristocracy wh o wa s keen to conve y fashionable masterpieces into his pupils' hands, was printed i n London. A n English translation of 1602 is ascribed to Sir John Dymock; Sir Richard Fanshawe produced anothe r in 1647 ; an d on e ?W . Quarles translate d th e wor k int o Lati n fo r a Cambridge performanc e i n abou t 1604 . Ther e ar e nin e seventeenthcentury edition s o f translation s b y fiv e separat e hands , wherea s n o other Italia n pla y ca n sho w more tha n a singl e translation , an d mos t were not Englished at all. As early as 1605, Jonson, like some continental critics, attacks imitators o f Guarin i (i n Volpone 3.4.86-92) , wh o hav e alread y supposedl y slackened th e sinew s o f Englis h poetr y wit h thei r emulatio n o f hi s smooth an d 'feminine ' style . Such properties come over only crudely in the 160 2 English version: Cruell Amarillis, that with thy bitter nam e Most bitterly dost teach me to complain e 216

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Whiter then whitest Lillies and more faire , But deafer an d more fierce than th'adder is. Since with my words I do so much offend , In silence will I die; but yet these plaines These mountaines and thes e woods, shal cry for me, Whom I so oft have learned to resound That loved name. For me my plaints shall tell The plaining fountains and the murm'ring windes: Pittie and grief e shal l speake out o f my face, And in the en d though all things else prove dombe, My verie death sha l tell my martirdome. (1.2.1-13; Guarini 1602 : sig. BS") Guarini's mode was more refined than anything preceding it in English drama, a t a distance from th e traged y of blood o r the homel y japes of earlier English (or Italian) stage comedy. But to a writer of Jonson's cast, its fault s include d a mora l evasivenes s and transgression s against th e principles of decorum. As theatre it proved no t directl y assimilable to the Englis h tradition . The titl e of Fletcher's The Faithful Shepherdess (1608 ) alludes to Guarini , and thi s pla y attempte d a simila r sophistication , which , however , its disastrous receptio n showe d its audienc e unprepare d for : the publi c took tragicomedy t o be Sidney's 'mongrel' genre, mixing comedy and clowns wit h traged y an d kings . More obliqu e way s of capitalizing o n Guarini's innovations had bette r success. Other Englis h playwrights to immerse themselve s i n th e theor y an d practic e o f th e ne w genre , though no t uncriticall y so, were John Marston, whose The Malcontent (?1603), entere d a s a 'tragicomoedia ' i n th e Stationers ' Register , incorporates many literal quotations from th e 160 2 English translation of II pastor fido, and Samue l Daniel, who imitate d Guarini' s pla y in his 'pastoral tragicomedy' (as he terme d it ) The Queem's Arcadia (1605) , an d is sometime s assumed t o b e th e mai n targe t o f Jonson's iron y i n th e Volpone passage . Guarini' s impac t ma y als o hav e contribute d import antly to a wider change in the Elizabethan public repertory in the early 1600s 'away from th e grand confrontatio n that Hamlet ha d implie d an d toward th e compromis e b y whic h justic e an d forgiveness coul d b e embodied i n the action' (Hunter 1973 : 137). (C) Guarini' s effec t o n Shakespear e partl y equate s t o tha t o f th e 217

Guarini, Giovanni Battista theatrical movement in which he was so influential, a movement which 'in Italy produced nea t intrigue comedies in the early Cinquecento an d later romantic comedy , and experiment s with tragedy, as well as a pastoral dram a tha t wa s cultivate d wit h a n inten t t o stag e th e kind s o f visions at which Shakespear e eventuall y excelled' (Club b 1989 : 23) . A general deb t o f thi s kin d ca n b e claime d a t leas t fo r an y o f Shake speare's 'proble m comedies ' an d 'gree n world ' plays . Henke , fo r example, accept s tha t The Winter's Tale 'exemplifie s th e 'unwritte n poetics' o f [Guarin i an d others ] . . . probably independentl y o f direc t influence' (1993 : 214) ; there has , indeed , alway s bee n preciou s littl e documentary proo f o f direc t borrowin g o r physica l contac t betwee n Italian comedian s an d Elizabetha n playwrights . Grea t cautio n i s also needed in evaluating similarities because of the common raw material s found in Latin comedy and Italia n novelle. But such indirect or 'generalized' influenc e ma y hol d mor e significanc e than anythin g traditiona l source studie s could establish. There is evidence that th e genres , topo i and commonplace s o f Cinquecento theatre wer e 'known o r known of in Englan d withou t referenc e t o an y particula r playwright' , evidenc e which is arguably 'especially important for doing justice to Shakespeare, whose work . . . demands recognitio n a s avant-garde dram a i n which the latest theatrical fashion s were appropriated i n dazzlingly new combinations' (Club b 1989 : 157) . In th e earl y 1600s , no fashio n wa s more prominent o n the European stag e than the new Italian tragicomed y of which II pastor fido was paradigmatic. Th e poin t i s taken further stil l by Doran (1954) , who suggest s that i f there i s a theoretical foundatio n for Shakespeare's work in general, i t is to be foun d i n Guarini' s theor y of mixed genres. Guarini's direc t influenc e o n Shakespear e ha s been claimed too , on no less an authority than G. K. Hunter's. The approximat e coincidenc e of the date s of the 160 2 translation an d (b y some chronologies a t least) the writin g of the firs t pla y normally connecte d wit h II pastor fido, All's Well that Ends Well, may sugges t the Englis h version was o f more signifi cance tha n Guarini' s origina l Italia n fo r Shakespeare . Perhap s th e former helpe d hi m use the latter. Hunter's propose d verba l similaritie s (1973: 138-44 ) with the Italia n i n All's Well, especially the anagnorisis of 5.3.232-74, ar e no t compellin g (fo r one o r tw o mor e se e Whitfiel d 1976: 34) . But the cas e for Guarini's par t i n this play may be bolstere d by another factor : a tonal similarit y in this scene - o f 'tragic urgency' with 'cumbrous levity', in Hunter's term s - an d correspondingly, at the 218

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level o f the drama' s structur e a s a whole , Shakespeare' s presentation not merely of mixed joy and sorrow , but of an action which arrives at a comic resolutio n providentially , despit e o r eve n becaus e o f it s tragi c potential - a s Guarini's theor y dictate d tragicomedie s should . Kirsc h glosses thus: 'it was Guarini's most significant discovery that the charac teristic peripeteia of tragicomedy could be related to a substantial motif of huma n experienc e - namel y th e Christia n apprehensio n o f felix culpa, th e achievemen t o f joy no t onl y throug h sufferin g bu t partl y because o f it' (1972 : 10) . The las t lines of All's Well mak e direct refer ence to such a process: All yet seems well; and i f it end s o meet, The bitte r past, more welcome is the sweet. (5.3.326-7) These lines, as commentators seem to have neglected to mention, bea r some resemblance to th e clos e of II pastor jido: Non e sana ogni gioia, ne mal cio che v'annoia. Quello e vero gioire, che nasce da virtu dopo il soffrire . (ed. Whitfield 1976:410 ) — translated by Fanshawe (more closely than Dymock had managed) : All is not joy That tickles us: Nor i s all that annoy That goes down bitter. 'True joy is a thing 'That springs from Vertue after suffering , (ed. Whitfield 1976:411)

Intriguing a s th e possibilit y ma y b e tha t th e ger m o f th e structure s which the King' s remar k reflect s i n All's Well ca n b e foun d i n Guarini , however, the observation may of course be felt t o rest rather o n huma n experience at large. Measure for Measure ca n b e sai d t o b e Guarinia n b y virtue o f its final denouement a s well as its modality, an d Lucio' s 'prattle ' i n 5. 1 can b e explained as a bold imitation of the pointedly mixed emotion ('sdegn o e 219

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riso') in Guarini's unknottings . If Guarini is a source, though, he is one which Shakespeare' s pla y overgoes : 'the shar p contrasts , moral, tonal , structural, social , eve n ontological , i n Measure for Measure distinguis h i t from Guarini' s versio n o f tragicomedy' (Club b 1989 : 85) . In general , while the forma l principle o f Shakespearean tragicomed y (especiall y in All's Well and Measure for Measure] ha s ofte n bee n descrie d i n Guarini' s widely influentia l theor y an d practice , ther e i s no evidenc e tha t an y Shakespeare pla y was specificall y writte n t o hi s formula. Nor, i n con sidering th e backgroun d o f these Englis h plays , shoul d th e histor y of previous Italia n attempt s t o mingle tragedy an d comedy , and t o work out how best to represent such an idea as providence, be ignored . In thei r generi c self-consciousnes s an d generi c contamination , thei r related pattern s o f happines s destroye d the n restore d b y virtu e an d nature wit h divin e aid , an d thei r pastora l ingredients , th e Lat e Play s employ element s conspicuous in Cinquecent o tragicomedy . Consider ably mor e specifi c similaritie s ca n b e note d also . The Winter's Tale employs several more commonplaces o f the genre in the decisive thirdact techniques for balancing tragedy and comedy : the story , the drea m and th e comi c rustic . Som e o f the Shakespearea n themati c material , such a s th e philosophica l topi c o f Nature agains t Art , an d narrativ e ingredients suc h as the symboli c temporary relocatio n o f characters in the country , is conspicuous in Guarin i too . Al l this proves regrettabl y little, bu t i f i t i s no t possibl e t o conten d tha t Guarin i mus t b e give n priority over other possible Late Play sources, it is at least arguable tha t these work s ar e th e closes t approximation s t o Guarin i amon g th e English tragicomedies , a s fo r exampl e wit h th e endin g o f Cymbeline, which 'approximate s th e drawn-ou t fina l episod e o f testimonies , misinterpretations, and revelations that Guarini contrives' uniquely well (Turner 1983:201) . One earlie r Shakespear e play has been associate d with Guarini. But Leslie (1996) does his largely unprecedented case for the Italian's direct influence o n A Midsummer Night's Dream no servic e by listing indiscriminately al l similarities , eve n th e vaguest . Thoug h i t i s not t o b e denie d that th e tw o works 'inhabi t th e sam e aestheti c world ' (463) , man y o f these 'share d elements ' - suc h as 'implied danger' and 'comedy' - are manifestly of no account as evidence. (D) Perell a (1960 ) an d Stato n an d Simeon e (1964 : ix-xvi) ar e amon g discussions o f Guarini' s reputatio n i n th e sixteent h an d seventeent h 220

Guarini, Giovanni Battista centuries. Weinber g (1961 ) cover s the theoretica l debat e to whic h // pastor fido le d i n th e 1590s ; Kirkpatric k (1995 ) deal s with Guarini' s theoretical position and the Marston and Fletcher imitations too. Clubb (1989) compare s Shakespearea n an d Cinquecent o dram a thoroughly , including Guarini , addressin g issue s o f influenc e incidentall y bu t illuminatingly. Hunte r (1973 ) argue s fo r th e direc t impac t of II pastor fido on All's Well and Measure for Measure, wherea s Kirsch (1972 ) i s more circumspect o n All's Well only . Fo r th e Lat e Play s generally see Henke (1996, 1997) ; for Cymbeline, Turner (1983) . Clubb, Louis e Georg e (1989) . Italian Drama in Shakespeare's Time. Ne w Haven. Doran, Madelein e (1954) . Endeavors of Art: A Study of Form in Elizabethan Drama. Madison, WI. Guarini, Giovann i Battista (1602). // Pastor Fido: or the Faithfull Shepheard. Translated out of Italian into English. London. Henke, Rober t (1993) . 'The Winter's Tale and Guarinia n Dramaturgy. ' CompD27: 197-217 . (1996). '"Gentleman-lik e Tears" : Affectiv e Respons e in Italia n Tragicomedy an d Shakespeare' s Lat e Plays. ' Comparative Literature Studies 33 : 327-49. (1997). Pastoral Transformations: Italian Tragicomedy and Shakespeare's Late Plays. Newark , DE . Herrick, Marvin T (1955). Tragicomedy: Its Origins and Development in Italy, France, and England. Urbana , IL. Hunter, G. K. (1973) . 'Italian Tragicomedy o n the English Stage.' RenD 6: 123-48 . Kirkpatrick, Robi n (1995) . English and Italian Literature from Dante to Shakespeare: A Study of Source, Analogue and Divergence. London. Kirsch, Arthur (1972). Jacobean Dramatic Perspectives. Charlottesville. Leslie, Rober t W . (1996). 'Shakespeare' s Italia n Dream : Cinquecent o Sources for A Midsummer Night's Dream.' CompD 29 : 454-65. Lever, J. W., ed. (1965). Measure for Measure (Arden Shakespeare). London. Mowat, Barbara A. (1987). 'Shakespearean Tragicomedy', pp. 80-96 in Nancy Klein Maguire, ed., Renaissance Tragicomedy: Explorations in Genre and Politics. New York . Perella, Nichola s J. (1960) . 'Amarilli' s Dilemma : Th e Pastor Fido an d Some English Authors.' CompLit 12 : 348-59. Staton, Walter E, and Willia m E. Simeone, eds (1964). A Critical Edition 221

Guarini., Giovanni Battista of Sir Richard Fanshawe's 1647 Translation of Giovanni Battista Guarini's 'II Pastor Fido3. Oxford. Turner, Rober t Y (1983) . 'Slande r i n Cymbeline an d Othe r Jacobean Tragicomedies.' ELR 13 : 182-202. Weinberg, Bernar d (1961) . A History of Literary Criticism in the Italian Renaissance, 2 vols. Chicago. Whitfield, J. H. , ed . (1976) . Battista Guarini: II Pastor Fido. The Faithful Shepherd, Translated (1647) by Richard Fanshawe. Edinburgh. Guazzo, Stefano (1530-1593), Italian Court Secretary and Author of L a Civile conversazione Guazzo' s popula r courtesy book was translated by George Pettie and Bartholome w Yong in 1581-6 ; for its English readership see Sullivan (1925: i, xxxiv-xxxv). D'Alessandro contends for diffuse reflection s o f it in Shakespeare. D'Alessandro, Elli s J. M . (1978) . 'Guazz o an d Shakespeare. ' Rivista di letterature moderne e comparate 31: 85-108. Sullivan, Si r Edward , ed . (1925) . The Civile Conversation of M. Steeven Guazzo. London.

Guido delle Colonne See Gaxton, William; Lydgate, John.

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H Hakluyt, Richard (c. 1552-1616), English Geographer A well-known ma p o f th e worl d i n projectio n whic h i s associate d wit h Hakluyt's writings of 1599-160 0 i s a goo d candidat e a s Maria's 'ne w map wit h the augmentatio n of the Indies ' (Twelfth Might 3.2.74).

Hind, Arthu r M . (1952-64) . Engraving in England in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries: A Descriptive Catalogue with Introductions, 3 vols : i , 178-8 I.Cambridge.

Hall (Halle), Edward (1498?-1547), Chronicler Se e also More, Sir Thomas.

(A) Edwar d Hall , lawye r an d historian , wa s educate d a t Eton , Cam bridge an d Gray' s Inn , becomin g a staunc h supporte r o f Henry VII I and th e Tudo r dynasty . His boo k The Union of the Two Noble and Illustre Families of Lancastre and Yorke (posthumousl y publishe d b y Richar d Grafton in 1548) , usually referred to as Hall's Chronicle , is a narrative of fifteenth-centur y Englis h histor y fro m Henr y I V t o Henr y VII I created b y tracing the consequence s o f a single act , th e usurpatio n o f Henry Bolingbroke. It is based on Polydor e Vergil's Historia Anglica, th e first consecutive narrativ e accoun t o f fifteenth-centur y Englis h history , drawing als o o n othe r sources , but Hal l i s 'the first English chronicle writer t o sho w in al l its completenes s tha t ne w moralizin g o f histor y which came in with the waning of the Middle Ages' (Tillyard 1944 : 42).

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Hall (Halle), Edward The Union wa s th e mos t ideologicall y weighte d o f al l th e majo r sixteenth-century chronicles . I t treat s th e perio d a s a whol e a s a n object lesso n i n th e disastrou s consequence s o f civi l strife , findin g a providential pattern in English history . (B) Hal l was fortunat e not t o liv e o n int o th e reig n o f Mary, sinc e hi s uncompromising Protestantis m an d unqualified support for Henry VIII would hav e mean t hi s persecution . Hi s Chronicl e wa s burnt , bu t i t seems in any case to have fallen quickl y under a cloud as stylistically an example o f 'indentur e English' , a s Ascham calle d it , th e languag e o f legal deeds. Hall certainl y uses such language freely , bu t there are mor e appealing ingredient s (an d mor e enthusiasti c readers , suc h a s th e authors o f A Mirror fo r Magistrates}. A n exampl e o f Hall' s dramatic portraya l o f events (discussed by Tillyard 1944 : 48 ) is in hi s presentation o f Buckingham' s lon g speec h t o Bisho p Morto n o n hi s claims t o the titl e of heir t o the Hous e o f Lancaster prior t o the Battl e of Bosworth: But whyther Go d s o ordeyned, or by fortune i t so chaunced, whil e I was in a mase, other t o conclude sodaynlie on this title, and t o sett it open a mongeste the common people , or to kepe it secrete a while, se the chaunce : a s I rod e betwen e worcete r an d bridgenorthe , I encountered wit h th e lad y Margariete , countess e o f Richemonde , nowe wyfe t o the lorde Stanley, whiche is the very daughter an d sol e heyre, t o lord e Jho n duk e o f Somerset t m y grandfather s elde r brother. Which e wa s a s clean e ou t o f my mynd e a s thoug h I ha d never sen e her, s o that sh e and he r sonn e the Earl e o f Richemond e be both e bulwarck e an d portecolic e betwen e me , an d th e gate , t o entre int o th e majestic royal l an d gettyng e of the crowne . And whe n we had commone d a litle concernyng her sonne, as I shal showe you after, an d were departed sh e to oure ladie of worceter, and I toward e Shrewsberie: I then new e chaunged an d in maner amased , bega n t o dispute with my selfe, litle considerynge that thus my earnest title was turned eve n to a tittyl not s o good as , est amen. (ed. Elli s 1809:388 ) Hall's Chronicle was pillaged for material in the 1560 s and 1570 s by Grafton an d Holinshed, who tempered th e florid and ofte n cloud y style as well as adding ne w material fo r later reigns. Where the y did use

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Hall (Halle), Edward Hall the y did no more tha n edi t him, rather tha n producin g thei r own accounts with his help, so that Hall's work was being read, in original or adapted form , throughou t th e secon d hal f o f th e sixteent h century . Hall survived in this way largely because of the continuin g utilit y of his pro-Tudor presentatio n o f history in a climate which remained uneasy . His importance as a source for later writers in all genres is firstly that he presented th e perio d o f Englis h histor y mos t ofte n deal t wit h i n th e literature of the sixteenth century (for example , Daniel's Civil Wars an d A Mirror for Magistrates), secondl y that a s well as narrating h e described , analysed, explained, 'probe d for the cause s of events [and] emphasized the end of the action an d the manner o f a man's deat h a s revealing the judgement finall y impose d i n a mora l universe ' (Campbel l 1947 : 70) . 'Every Elizabetha n write r wh o though t a t al l deepl y o n th e subjec t owed something , an d mos t o f them a grea t deal , t o th e Hall-More Vergil reconstructio n o f th e event s precedin g th e accessio n o f th e Tudors', an d 'i t was not only in Hall that it was lovingly elaborated int o a serie s of moral judgements an d delivere d i n a fine spirit o f oracular conviction' (Reese 1961 : 52). (C) Shakespeare ha d acces s to Hall direcdy a s well as through Grafto n and Holinshed . Thu s i t i s ofte n impossibl e t o tel l whic h authorit y Shakespeare used ; but i t is certain tha t he di d know and us e all three , because h e sometime s draw s o n materia l uniqu e t o eac h one . And a s the basi s of the late r chronicles , Hall is often Shakespeare' s ultimat e if not immediat e source , though careles s collation ha s i n th e pas t some times le d t o underestimatio n o f hi s importance . Shakespear e 'show s intimate and easy familiarity with the whole chronicle. It was from Hall , more than fro m an y other source, that he drew his interpretation o f the Plantagenet dynasty, the chain of nemesis . . . and his conception of the leading characters' (Cairncros s 1957: xli). It i s clear tha t man y item s o f historical informatio n an d piece s o f phraseology ar e take n b y Shakespear e fro m Hal l (sometime s vi a Grafton an d Holinshed , sometime s not) in 1-3 Henry VI, 1-2 Henry IV, Henry V, Richard II an d Richard III. Particularl y tellin g a s evidenc e o f Shakespeare's long-ter m acquaintanc e wit h Hal l i s th e fac t tha t h e often use s material Hal l mentions in contexts other tha n th e historica l episode Shakespear e i s dealing wit h (se e Cairncross 1957 : xli) . Ther e are also ways in which Shakespear e appear s to give dramatic expressio n to som e o f the qualitie s of Hall's style : 'oratio n an d rhetorica l figure ,

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Hall (Halle), Edward liveliness of narrative detail , developmen t of character an d motive , an d the domination o f theme in the establishment o f continuity in fifteenthcentury history ' (Zeevel d 1936 : 325) . This i s especiall y significan t i n that Shakespeare' s tast e i s for element s Hall' s rewriter s Grafto n an d Holinshed ten d t o ignor e an d omit . Fo r example, Hal l - bu t no t Grafton or Holinshed - elaboratel y describes the lamentation i n France after Agincourt : And ye t th e dolo r wa s no t onel y his , fo r th e ladie s souned fo r th e deathes o f thei r husebandes , th e Orphaline s wep t an d ren t thei r heares fo r the loss e o f their parentes , th e fair e damosell s defied that day in the whiche they had los t their paramors, th e servante s waxed mad fo r destruccion of their masters, and finally, every frend fo r his frend, ever y cosyn for hi s alye, ever y neighbor fo r his neighbor, was sorry, displeased and greved . (ed. Elli s 1809: 73) Shakespeare make s Exete r threate n th e Frenc h before th e battl e i n similar terms: on your head Turning the widows' tears, the orphans' cries , The dea d men's blood, the privy maidens' groans , For husbands, fathers, an d betrothed lovers, That shall be swallowed in this controversy. (Henry F , 2.3.105-8) Hall's influenc e o n Shakespeare' s treatmen t o f characte r i s mor e difficult t o demonstrate , bu t th e chronicler' s positiv e portraya l o f Margaret o f Anjo u ha s bee n see n behin d Shakespeare' s favourabl e presentation o f he r i n 1 Henry VI, and hi s negativ e one s o f Edward, Talbot an d Warwic k a s relevan t t o Shakespeare' s i n 2—3 Henry VI (Zeeveld 1936 : 337-41) . Candid o (1987 ) find s th e sudde n transform ation of Richard II I on assuming the throne to be owing to 'the strange literary alchemy ' tha t joine d More' s unfinishe d lif e o f Richar d t o Hall's moralistic historical mod e as sources for this play: the Chronicl e incorporated a version of More's History of Richard III, concludin g with the fligh t o f Buckingham , an d th e narrativ e wa s continue d b y Hal l himself. As for the effec t o f Hall's us e of 'theme in the establishmen t of

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Hall (Halle), Edward continuity i n fifteenth-centur y history' , i t can b e argue d tha t 't o rea d continuously in the Chronicles i s to discover that they exemplify less the grand historica l desig n tha n th e complexity , dispersal , randomness , even incomprehensibility of actual happenings' (Hunte r 1990 : 18) . But no reader coul d miss in Hall th e 'imperativ e lesson . .. of the destruction tha t follow s rebellio n an d dissensio n in a realm' (Campbel l 1947: 68), an d evidenc e that Shakespear e foun d a t leas t hints in Hal l fo r a unified view of historical purpose and continuity in the histories may be found in his suggestions of a revenge motive in the action s o f Margaret of Anjou an d elsewhere. Hall is the mai n source for Sir Thomas More (see Metz 1989 : 174-82) . (D) For Hall's Chronicle and it s context see Reese (1961). The moder n groundwork o n Shakespeare' s us e o f Hall wa s don e i n th e 1930s , by King (1934) , Zeevel d (1936 ) an d others . A curiosity , a cop y o f Hal l annotated b y an Elizabetha n hand , i s discussed by Keen (1954) . Th e widest-ranging recent reassessments are Tomlinson (1984 ) and Hunte r (1989), but they deal with Hall together with other chronicles. Bullough; Muir (1977) ; Tillyar d (1944). Beer, Jurgen (1992) . 'Th e Imag e o f a King : Henr y VIII i n th e Tudo r Chronicles of Edward Hal l an d Raphae l Holinshed' , pp . 129-4 9 in Uwe Baumann , ed., Henry VIII in History, Historiography and Literature. Frankfurt. Begg, Edlee n (1935) . 'Shakespeare' s Deb t t o Hal l an d Holinshe d i n Richard Hi: SP32: 189-96 . Cairncross, Andrew S., ed . (1957) . The Second Part of King Henry the Sixth (Arden Shakespeare). London. Campbell, Lil y B. (1947) . Shakespeare's "Histories": Mirrors of Elizabethan Policy. San Marino, CA . Candido, Joseph (1987) . 'Thoma s More , Th e Tudo r Chronicles , an d Shakespeare's Altered Richard.' ES6S: 137-41 . Ellis, Henry, ed. (1809) . Hall's Chronicle; Containing the History of England, during the Reign of Henry the Fourth, and the Succeeding Monarchs. London . Hardin, Richar d F . (1989) . 'Chronicle s an d Mythmakin g i n Shake speare's Joan of Arc.' ShSu 42: 25-35. Hunter, G . K . (1989) . 'Trut h an d Ar t i n Histor y Plays. ' ShSu 42 : 15-24. Keen, Alan (1954) . The Annotator: The Pursuit of an Elizabethan Reader of 227

Hall (Halle), Edward Halle's Chronicle, involving some surmises about the early life of William Shakespeare. London. King, Lucill e (1934) . 'Th e Us e o f Hall's Chronicle s i n th e Foli o an d Quarto Texts of Henry VI.' PQ13: 321-32. Matheson, Liste r M . (1995) . 'Englis h Chronicl e Context s fo r Shake speare's Deat h o f Richard IF , pp. 195-21 9 i n John A . Alford, ed., From Page to Performance: Essays in Early English Drama. East Lansing. Metz, G . Harold , ed . (1989) . Sources of Four Plays Ascribed to Shakespeare. Columbia, MI. Patterson, Annabel (1994). Reading Holinshed's 'Chronicles'. Chicago . Reese, M. M . (1961) . The Cease of Majesty: A Study of Shakespeare's History Plays. London . Tomlinson, Michae l (1984) . 'Shakespear e an d th e Chronicle s Reassessed.' Literature and History 10 : 46-58. Zeeveld, W . Gordon (1936) . 'Th e Influenc e o f Hall o n Shakespeare' s English Historical Plays.' ELH3: 317-53 . Hardyng, John (1378—1465?), Chronicler Th e chronicl e written b y this loyal retainer of Hotspur's, though it would hav e been available to Shakespeare only in manuscript, is closer to the action of 1 Henry IV tha n othe r source s fo r aspect s of the rebellio n leading to th e Battle of Shrewsbury. West, Gilian (1990). 'Hardyng's Chronicle and Shakespeare's Hotspur.' ShQ4\: 348-51.

Harington, Sir John Se e Ariosto, Ludovico. Harsnett, Samuel (1561-1631), Archbishop of York

(A) Harsnett (born Halsnoth) belonged to family of bakers in Colchester. He was educated at Cambridge, where he was considered an outstanding scholar, and ha d becom e a priest by 1586 . After conflict s wit h th e authorities ove r churc h practices , a spel l a s a schoolmaste r followed , after whic h in 158 8 he commenced an academic career at Cambridge . From 159 7 h e wa s give n a serie s o f increasingl y importan t churc h appointments, culminatin g i n 1602/ 3 i n th e archdeaconr y o f Essex,

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Harsnett, Samuel through hi s friend Richar d Bancroft , Bisho p o f London, t o who m h e became a chaplain i n 1597 . Now an obviously rising clerical politician , he wen t o n t o becom e Maste r o f Pembroke Hall , Cambridg e (1605) , Bishop o f Chichester (1609 ; i n bot h thes e office s h e wa s th e successor to Launcelo t Andrewes), Bisho p o f Norwic h (1619) , an d eventuall y Archbishop o f York (1629) , th e second-highes t positio n i n th e Churc h of England , a s wel l as , intermittently , Vice-Chancello r o f Cambridge University. H e sa t in Parliamen t fo r twenty-one years, an d fo r th e las t two years of his life wa s a privy counsellor. Though a learned, eloquen t man o f taste and imagination, hi s manner was forthright and he was no stranger to controversy ; at one poin t i n 1616 , the Fellow s of Pembroke petitioned t o the king against their Master . Harsnett wa s on e o f th e mos t capabl e leader s o f th e generatio n which establishe d th e styl e an d ton e o f th e religio n no w know n a s Anglicanism. Hi s boo k A Declaration of Egregious Popish Impostures, to withdraw the Harts of her Majesties Subjects from their Allegeance, and from the Truth of Christian Religion professed in England (London , 1603 ) i s a lon g diatrib e against a group of recusant Catholic priest s who, in a series of incidents in 1585-6 , ha d claime d t o exorcis e demon s fro m seve n individual s mostly in the tow n of Denham, Buckinghamshire , in the process drawing larg e audience s an d makin g som e converts . Th e boo k include s depositions, summaries of other books, and s o on, which are extensively paraphrased and reproduced in Appendices. (B) The Declaration plays on Protestant fears by linking Catholic traditio n to superstition and paganism. I t was a contribution t o a contemporar y crisis, an d followe d Harsnett' s Discovery of the Fraudulent Practises of One John Darrel, 1599 , on anothe r convicte d exorcist . Both ar e propagand istic work s officiall y sponsore d b y th e Anglica n Church , i n whic h Harsnett attempt s 't o ca p permanentl y th e grea t rushin g geyser s of charisma release d i n ritual s o f exorcism ' associate d wit h Catholicis m (Greenblatt 1985 : 105 ; for the ful l contex t se e Thomas 1997 : 477-92). The Declaration wa s b y n o mean s a n obscur e boo k i n it s time , eve n though i t was not necessaril y widel y rea d (ther e wer e reissue s i n 160 4 and 1605) . I t wa s 'th e clima x t o .. . majo r politica l an d religiou s campaigns wage d b y a powerfu l bishop ; th e powe r o f th e Cour t o f High Commission , the voice of the Crow n itsel f in ecclesiastical affairs , validated it s findings' (Brownlo w 1993 : 118) . Sinc e it s publication wa s an act of state, a dramatist making casual use of it may even have risked 229

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appearing impudent. Shakespeare' s interest in Harsnett i s not matche d by contemporar y playwrights ; i t ma y possibl y resul t fro m famil y connections t o on e o r mor e o f th e exorcist s (se e Browmo w 1993 : 108-10). This passage fro m Chapte r 6 (on the priests' 'waie s of catching an d inveigling theyr disciples') illustrates Harsnett's normal tactic s - th e use of allegedly documentar y detail , a hectorin g ton e an d heav y sarcasm . The 'Maste r Maynie ' referre d to i s Richard Mainy , younger so n of a well-known Kentis h famil y an d th e mos t inventiv e o f the supposedl y possessed individuals involved in the episode . Our lat e popish Exorcists , have certaine ne w devised signe s of their owne observation , mor e fitting the times , and effectual l fo r the gra cing thei r graceless e profession . Theyr Emperical l signe s b e these . 1, If the parti e affected , canno t fo r burning abid e th e presenc e o f a Catholique priest . 2, If shee will hardly be brought t o blesse herselfe with the sign e of the Crosse . 3, If a casket of reliques beeing brough t her, she e turne awa y her face , an d cr y that the y stinke. 4, If S. Johns Gospel bein g pu t i n a Casket , an d applie d unt o her , she rubbe, o r scratch an y par t o f he r body , an d cr y i t burnes , i t i s a n eviden t demonstration, tha t the enemie dooth lurke in that part. 5, If she can hardly b e brough t t o pronounce thes e words, Ave Maria, the mother of GOD, and mos t hardly the Catholique Church. 6 , If a Casket of reliques covered with red, doe seeme white unto her. 7, If shee tumble, and be vexed, whe n an y go e t o confession . 8 , I f she e hav e a shiverin g a t Masse. 9, If shee fleere, and laug h in a mans face. But our holy Tragaedians heer e had hast of theyr sport, and therefore the y would no t sta y the tryin g o f any suc h curiou s signes , bu t tooke a shorte r cut . Marwood, Westons patient , beein g pinche d wit h penurie, and hunger, did lie but a night, or two, abroad in the fieldes, and beein g a melancholicke person , wa s scared wit h lightning , an d thunder, that happene d i n the night , an d loe , an eviden t signe , that the ma n wa s possessed . Th e priest s mus t mee t abou t thi s pittifull creature . Edmunds mus t come, th e holie Chaire must be fetch t out, the hol y budget o f sacred relique s must be opened , an d al l the enchaunting mysteries applied about the poore man . Ma: Maynie ha d a spic e o f the Hysterica passio, a s seem s from hi s youth, he e himself e terme s i t th e Moothe r (a s you ma y se e i n hi s confession) an d saith , that hee was much troubled with it in Fraunce, 230

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and tha t i t was one o f the cause s that moove d hi m t o leave his holy order whereinto he was initiated, and t o returne into England. For this, an d fo r leavin g th e orde r o f Bonhommes, se e her e a n eviden t signe, that Maynie ha d a devil: whatsoever hee did or spake, the devil did, and spak e in him: the horse that he rid upon to Denham, was no horse, bu t th e devil : Maynie ha d th e devil s in livery-coates attending upon him : an d al l this tragicall out-cry , for leaving his order, an d a poore passio n o f th e Mother , whic h a thousan d poor e girle s i n England had worse, then ever Ma: Maynie had . (Harsnett 1603 : 24-5) In this passage should be noted in particular: the equivalence suggested, as throughout the Declaration, between the exorcising priests and theatri cal performers ('our holy Tragaedians'); the 'Moother' or Hystericapassio for Lear' s 'O , how this mother swell s up toward m y heart! / Hysteric a passio - down , tho u climbin g sorrow ' (2.4.55-6 , a uniqu e us e of the Latin phras e i n Shakespeare) ; an d perhap s th e priests ' iholie Chaire* (presented late r i n th e boo k a s a torture ) fo r th e chai r i n whic h Gloucester's eyes are put ou t (3.7) . (C) Lewi s Theobold i n hi s eighteenth-centur y editio n o f Shakespear e was the first to point ou t th e anticipation s o f King Lear in the Declaration of Egregious Popish Impostures, bu t th e beginning s o f moder n interes t come with the comprehensive collection of verbal echoes by Muir 195 1 (listed wit h cross-reference s t o Lear i n Mui r 1972 : 239-42). Fo r some time afterwards , commentator s (Elto n 1966 ; Milwar d 1973 ; Murph y 1984) tended t o see mainly local or conventionall y 'contextual' signifi cance i n them, bu t th e natur e o f the relationshi p ha s been questioned again in recent years by, in particular, Greenblatt (1985) and Brownlow (1993). I t seem s clear tha t Shakespear e rea d th e Declaration just befor e writing King Lear. A minor echo in Othello is not foun d i n the quart o an d so i s probabl y a late r interpolatio n (se e Brownlow 1979 ; Brownlow 1993: 118) . As the passage in (B), above, suggests, some of the parallels identified in Lear represent simpl y the adoptio n o f a strikin g word o r th e us e of recondite terminolog y o r information . The name s of Edgar's familia r spirits, fo r instance , ar e al l derive d fro m th e devil s wh o supposedl y possessed th e Denha m demoniacs , an d Harsnet t twic e use s th e expression 'the prince of darknes' (Muir 1951 : 15) : 231

Harsnett, Samuel EDGAR

This i s the fou l fiend Flibbertigibbet; h e begins at cur few, and walks till the first cock; he gives the web and the pin, squences the eye, and makes the hare-lip; mildews the white wheat, and hurts the poor creatur e of earth. Swithold footed thrice the 'old; He met the nightmare an d her nine-fold; Bid her aligh t And her troth plight, And aroint thee , witch, aroint thee!

KENT LEAR KENT GLOUCESTER EDGAR

GLOUCESTER EDGAR

How fares your Grace? What's he? Who's there ? What is' t you seek? What ar e you there? Your names? Poor Tom ; tha t eat s the swimmin g frog , th e toad , th e tadpole, th e wall-newt, and th e water; that i n the fur y of his heart, whe n th e fou l fien d rages , eats cow-dung for sallets , swallow s th e ol d ra t an d th e ditch-dog , drinks th e gree n mantl e o f the standin g pool ; wh o is whipp'd fro m tithin g t o tithing , an d stock-punish'd , and imprison'd ; wh o hath ha d thre e suit s to his back, six shirts to his body Horse to ride, and weapon to wear; But mice and rats , and suc h small deer, Have been Tom's foo d for seven long year. Beware my follower. Peace , Smulkin; peace, thou fiend! What, hath your Grace no better company ? The princ e o f darkness is a gentleman; Modo he' s call'd, an d Mahu . (3.4.113-40)

Sometimes Shakespear e seem s t o g o further . Edgar' s word s a t 4.1.59-64 are agai n a n undoubte d an d explici t reference t o Harsnett , and t o the historica l actualit y on which his Declaration is based: the supposedly possessed 'chambermaids and waiting-women', Sara Williams, Friswood William s an d Ann e Smit h o f Denham , th e ful l record s o f whose legal examinations ar e appended t o Harsnett's book:

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Five fiend s hav e bee n i n poo r To m a t once : o f lust , a s Obidicut ; Hobbididence, princ e o f dumbness ; Mahu , o f stealing ; Modo , o f murder; Flibertigibbet, of mopping an d mowing, who since possesses chambermaids an d waiting-women . (4.1.58-63) But th e explicitnes s makes i t possibl e t o rea d thi s speec h a s a meta theatrical momen t whic h violate s th e historica l settin g 'i n orde r t o remind th e audienc e o f th e play' s conspicuou s doubleness , it s simultaneous distance and contemporaneity ' (Greenblatt 1985 : 113). It may also be said to 'translate] the girls' possessions out of the metaphorica l theater of Harsnett's diatribe into the real tragic theater, [and ] restore to them the potentiality o f generating significance , which Harsnett ha d tried to negate' (Brownlow 1993: 122) . 'The undisputabl e borrowing s fro m Harsnet t ar e confine d t o Poo r Tom's par t i n th e stor m scene s and som e passages connecte d wit h it psychologically', especiall y episode s o f sadis m an d mora l perversio n (Salingar 1983 : 156). Bu t i t ha s recentl y bee n argue d tha t Harsnett' s book a s a whole affecte d Shakespeare' s imagination , perhap s suggest ing eve n suc h majo r element s of Lear a s th e Foo l and th e storm , an d affecting th e play's very purpose. If so, the boo k 'i s not i n the ordinar y sense a source at all. Rather th e play is the resul t of an encounte r wit h another text : a kin d o f dialogu e ha s take n place ' (Brownlo w 1993: 118). Fo r Greenblatt , adoptin g th e traditiona l positio n tha t Shake speare subordinated hi s art t o the myth s of the Tudo r monarchy , what is centra l i s th e equivalence , posite d b y Harsnet t an d i n som e sens e accepted b y Shakespeare , betwee n th e impostur e o f possessio n an d theatricality. King Lear offer s ' a doubl e corroboratio n o f Harsnett' s arguments': Edgar' s possessio n i s fictional , an d 'th e pla y itsel f i s bounded b y the institutiona l sign s of fictionality ' (th e playhouse walls, etc.). S o Shakespear e 'dutifull y reiterates ' Harsnett' s position , thoug h in th e proces s th e 'demoni c principle ' i s inevitabl y 'reconstitute d a s theatre' (Greenblat t 1985 : 115-16 , 122) . A mor e engage d Shake speare is posited by Brownlow: far from dutifu l acceptance of Harsnett's position, h e foun d i t disturbin g i n tha t 'i t issue s from , an d give s expression to , a n authoritarianis m a s offensiv e a s anythin g tha t it s author attack s in the nam e o f skeptical enlightenment'. Harsnett 'gav e Shakespeare a microcosm of the clai m to authority and it s results', but 'the insincerit y an d violenc e Harsnet t attribute s t o [th e demoniacs ] 233

Harsnett, Samuel recoil upon himself and th e state he serves', and Shakespear e responds by composing a romanti c traged y o f outrageou s indecorum , appropriatin g o r engulfing Harsnett' s own book, an d situatin g its contents in a land scape o f violence and alienatio n that , whether we read i t as pre- o r post-Christian, offer s a devastatin g commentar y o n th e spiritua l condition of contemporary England.

(1993: 127-8)

(D) Easil y th e mos t thoroug h treatmen t bot h o f Harsnett an d o f his impact o n Lear i s Brownlow (1993), containin g a complet e tex t of th e Declaration an d takin g ful l accoun t o f previous published work. A different tac k is followed b y Greenblatt (1985, developed from Greenblat t 1982; se e above). The mai n novelt y of the onl y post-Brownlow study , Wolf (1998) , i s th e suggestio n tha t Harsnett' s lac k o f interes t i n th e actual maladie s o f th e 1585- 6 exorcists ' victim s i s deliberatel y 'undermined' b y Lear's 'worl d i n whic h sympath y i s th e ke y t o th e understanding o f suffering ' (261) . Bu t thi s i s largel y anticipate d b y Bullough. Brownlow, F . W . (1979) . 'Samue l Harsnet t an d th e Meanin g o f OtheUo's "Suffocating Streams". ' PQ,58: 107-15. (1993). Shakespeare, Harsnett, and the Devils qfDenham. Newark , DE .

Bullough, vin, 299-302.

Elton, William (1966). King Lear and the Gods. San Marino , CA. Greenblatt, Stephe n (1982) . 'King Lear and Harsnett' s "Devi l Fiction". ' Genre 15 : 239-42. (1985). 'Shakespeare and the Exorcists', pp. 101-2 3 in Gregory S. Jay an d Davi d L. Miller, eds, After Strange Texts: The Role of Theory in the Study of Literature. New York . Harsnett, Samue l (1603) . A Declaration of Egregious Popish Impostures. London. Milward, Peter (1973). Shakespeare's Religious Background. London. Muir, Kenneth (1951). 'Samuel Harsnett an d King Lear.' RES 2 : 11-21. ed. (1972). King Lear (Arden Shakespeare). London. Murphy, John L . (1984) . Darkness and Devils: Exorcism and 'King Lear'. Athens, OH. Salingar, Le o (1983) . ''King Lear., Montaigne an d Harsnett. ' The Aligarh 234

Harsnett, Samuel Journal of English Studies 8.ii: 124—6 6 (als o published i n Anglo-American Studies, 3 (1983)). Thomas, Keit h (1997) . Religion and the Decline of Magic: Studies in Popular Beliefs in Sixteenth and Seventeenth Century England. Londo n (firs t published 1971) . Wolf, Am y (1998) . 'Shakespear e an d Harsnett : "Pregnan t t o Goo d Pity"?' SEL 38 : 251-64.

Harvey, Gabriel (1550-1630), Academic and Poet Tobin' s discoveries, not uniforml y accepted, ar e al l of small-scale similarities to works by Harvey in Hamlet. Tobin, J . J . M . (1985) . 'Gabrie l Harvey : "Excellen t Matte r o f Emulation".' Hamlet Studies 7: 94-100. (1980). 'Harvey and Hamlet.' AJVQ18: 86-7.

Heliodorus, of Emesa See Greek Romance.

Henryson, Robert (c . 1425-c. 1505), Scottish Poet

(A) Very limited biographica l informatio n has com e dow n t o u s abou t Henryson. Evidenc e suggest s he wa s a schoolmaste r i n Dunfermline , and h e wa s definitel y a notary . Hi s cano n i s als o uncertain , bu t unambiguously ascribe d t o hi m ar e thre e extende d work s and twelv e short ones. The subject s of the longer poems are all from antiquity : The Moral! Fabillis ofEsope the Phrygian, Orpheus and Erudices an d The Testament of Cresseid. The las t i s a reminde r o f th e no w old-fashione d titl e fo r Henryson's school , th e 'Scottis h Chaucerians' : Chauceria n feature s i n his vers e includ e th e us e o f a poeti c persona an d a preferenc e fo r Chaucerian stanza-form s over couplets. (B) Shakespeare' s contemporarie s ma y hav e take n littl e interes t i n Henryson's wor k a s a whole , bu t th e patho s an d star k beaut y o f The Testament of Cresseid (c. 1490), a seque l t o Chaucer's Troilus and Criseyde, appealed strongl y to them. I t i s a 616-line poem narratin g th e punishment o f Criseyde fo r he r infidelity . Thoug h Chaucer' s poe m wa s also extremely familia r in the sixteent h century , it is clear that , for example ,

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George Turberville' s referenc e t o hi s treacherou s mistres s a s 'fair e Gressid's heire ' (1575) , an d Georg e Whetstone' s warnin g agains t th e archetypal 'cunning ' o f Cressida i n th e prefac e to hi s ow n version o f 'Cressid's Complaint ' (1576) , reflec t Henryson' s wor k rathe r tha n Chaucer's. O n th e othe r hand , Henryson' s presentatio n o f Criseyde is by n o mean s th e extrem e negativ e depictio n sometime s assume d i n modern interpretatio n o f it, whic h ofte n 'over-emphasize s th e sexua l elements o f Cresseid's fall , an d under-emphasize s her lac k o f honour, her faithlessnes s i n a mora l an d intellectua l sense . It als o misunder stands th e natur e an d significanc e o f Cresseid' s sufferin g an d death ' (Smith 1982 : 71) . The Testament was printed i n Thynne's 153 2 edition o f Chaucer an d in al l subsequen t edition s o f Chauce r unti l 1721 , includin g tha t o f Thomas Speght, whose 159 8 Workes of Chaucer may hav e been th e for m in whic h Shakespear e rea d th e poem . Henc e reader s o f Chauce r tended to have read Henryson too. The followin g stanzas from nea r the close of the pathos-drenched 'Complain t of Cresseid' (given in Speght' s rather corrupt text) bring the story down to her death. Cressei d speaks: Lovers beware, and take good hede abou t Whom that ye love, for whan ye suffer pai n I let you wit there is right fewe throughou t Whom ye may trust to have true love again Prove whan ye woll your labour is in vain Therefore I rede ye take them as ye finde For they are sad as Wedercocke in winde. Bicause I know the great unstablenesse Brittle as glasse, unto my selfe I saie Trusting in other a s great brutelnesse As inconstant, and a s untrue of faie Though som e be true, I wot right few are they Who findeth truth, let him his lady ruse None but my selfe a s now I woll accuse. Whan thi s was said, with paper she sat doun And in this maner mad e her testament Here I bequeth my corse and carioun With wormes and with Toodes to be rent 236

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My cuppe, my clapper, and mine ornamen t And al l my gold, these lepre folke sha l have Whan I am dedde, to burie me in grave. This roiall ring set with this Rubie red d Which Troilus in dowrie to me sende To him again I leave it whan I am dedd e To make my carefull deat h unt o him kende Thus I conclude shortly and make an ende My spirit I leave to Diane where she dwels To walke with her i n wast wodes and welles . O Diomed e tho u has t both broche an d belte Which Troilus gave me in tokening Of his true love, and with that word she swelt And sone a leaper man tok e of the ring Than buried her withouten tarying To Troilus forthwit h th e ring he bare And of Creseide the death he can declare. (561-95; ed. Spegh t 1598 : fo. 197 r) (C) The Testament of Cressid i s th e sol e Henryso n wor k associate d wit h Shakespeare, but though Shakespear e may well have read it, the natur e of it s impac t o n hi m (i n Troilus and Cressidd) i s unclear . Bayle y (1963 ) makes th e mos t extensiv e claims ; a t th e othe r extrem e Bulloug h (v, 215-19) print s a n excerp t onl y a s an analogue , no t a source . The ol d suggestion that the mere appearance o f the Testament in a volume calle d The Works of Chaucer woul d hav e le d Shakespear e t o assum e i t wa s Chaucer's work , and henc e t o acquire a distorte d notio n o f Chaucer's heroine, exercises Donaldson, in particular, who rightly observes that 'to suppose tha t Shakespear e though t Chauce r wrot e The Testament i s t o attribute t o hi m no t onl y littl e Lati n an d les s Greek , bu t minima l English an d n o sense ' (Donaldso n 1985 : 76) . Donaldso n suggest s Shakespeare di d kno w Henryson's poem bu t ha d fairl y ful l awarenes s of its status. Exiguous parallel s o f phrasin g mentione d b y commentator s an d editors includ e Cressida' s expressio n o f grief a t th e prospec t o f being handed ove r to the Greek s at 4.2.104—5 , 'Tea r my bright hair , and . . . Crack my clear voice with sobs', possibly from Henryson' s 'voi s sa clear' 237

Henryson, Robert and/or 'clea r voice ' (338 , 435) : i f this wer e al l th e effec t Henryson' s poem had on Shakespeare's play the matter would be of small concern. But doubt s remai n tha t a mor e considerabl e deb t ma y be owed . Th e static and declamator y qualit y of Henryson's tale , as against Chaucer' s much more flowing narrative, doe s seem to present an affinit y wit h th e play. More tangibly , there i s the point i n Cressida' s las t scene at which she tell s Diomed th e toke n he i s angling for belongs to on e 'tha t lov'd me better than you will' (5.2.88). This apparent insigh t into the future , and henc e the fatalistic frame o f mind in which we leave Cressida, ma y arise fro m a memory o f Henryson's apparen t additio n t o the story , in which hi s Diomede s reject s Cressei d nea r th e star t o f th e Testament 'When Diomeid ha d al l his appetite, / An d more, fulfilled o f this fair e ladie . . . [he] hir excluded fro his company' (71-5). Similarly, Chaucer' s Troilus ma y b e tru e i n love, but 'nowher e doe s Chaucer conver t hi m into a byword fo r truth . . . Henryson i s the first considerable poe t t o celebrate Troilus ' trut h an d t o counterbalanc e i t rhetoricall y wit h Cressida's falseness ' (Donaldso n 1985 : 101) . It ma y b e t o Henryson , then, tha t we should look for the origin s of such a passage a s this wellknown exchange: True swains in love shall in the world to come Approve their truth by Troilus, when their rhymes, Full of protest, of oath, and big compare , Want similes, truth tir'd with iteration As true as steel, as plantage t o the moon , As sun to day, as turtle to her mate , As iron to adamant, a s earth to th' centre Yet, after al l comparisons of truth, As truth's authenti c author t o be cited, 'As true as Troilus' shall crown up the verse And sanctify th e numbers. CRESSIDA Prophe t ma y you be! If I be false, or swerve a hair fro m truth , When time is old and hat h forgot itself , When waterdrops have worn the stones of Troy, And blind oblivion swallow'd cities up, And mighty states characterless ar e grate d To dusty nothing - yet let memory From false to false, among false maids in love, 238

Henryson, Robert Upbraid my falsehood when th' hav e said 'As false As air, as water, wind, or sandy earth, As fox to lamb, or wolf to heifer's calf, Pard to the hind, or stepdame to her son' Yea, le t them say, to stick the heart of falsehood, 'As false a s Cressid'. (3.2.169-92)

(D)

Bayley, John (1963) . 'Shakespeare' s Onl y Play' , pp . 58-8 3 i n Nevil l Coghill and Berner s A. W.Jackson, eds, Stratford Papers on Shakespeare. Toronto. Bullough, vi. Donaldson, E . Talbo t (1979) . 'Briseis , Briseida , Criseyde , Cresseid , Cressid: Progres s o f a Heroine' , pp . 3-1 2 i n Edwar d Vasta , Zacharias P. Thundy and Theodore M . Hesburgh, eds, Chaucerian Problems and Perspectives .'Essays Presented to Paul E. Beichner, C.S.C. Notre Dame . Donaldson, E . Talbo t (1985) . The Swan at the Well: Shakespeare Reading Chaucer. New Haven . Smith, Valeri e (1982) . Th e Histor y o f Cressida', pp . 61-7 9 inj. A . Jowitt an d R . K . S . Taylor, eds, Self and Society in Shakespeare's 'Troilus and Cressida' and 'Measure for Measure'. Bradford. Speght, Thomas, ed. (1598) . The Workes of our Antient and Learned English Poet, Geffrey Chaucer. London . Thompson, Ann e (1978) . Shakespeare's Chaucer: A Study in Literary Origins. Liverpool.

Herbert, Mary Sidney Se e Garnier, Robert.

Herodian, of Syria (fl. c . AD 230), Historian of Rome

Herodian's History, translated by Nicholas Smyth about 1550 , may hold some significance for Titus Andronicus as a 'pictur e of decadent imperia l family disputes' . Hunter, G . K . (1984) . 'Sources an d Meaning s i n Titus Andronicus'', pp . 171-88 in J. C . Gray , ed., Mirror up to Shakespeare: Essays in Honour of G. R. Hibbard. Toronto.

239

Herodotus

Herodotus (c. 490-c. 425 BC), Greek Historian Dean' s pamphlet suggest s some material Shakespeare could have derived fro m Herodotus, but i s unable to show the derivation is ever direct. Dean, Joh n (1977) . Shakespeare's Romances and Herodotus' Histories. Salzburg.

Higgins, John See Mirror for Magistrates.

Hoby, Sir Thomas See Castiglione, Baldassare.

Holinshed, Raphael (c . 1528-c. 1580), Chronicler See also Buchanan, George; Fabyan, Robert; Foxe, John; Grafton, Richard; Hall, Edward; Stow, John. (A) Holinshe d wa s apparentl y fro m a Cheshir e family , an d perhap s educated a t Cambridge . Th e Chronicles of England, Scotland, and Ireland which now go under hi s name starte d lif e a s a projected universal history and cosmograph y organized by the printer Reginal d Wolfe. Wolf e died i n 1573 , and Holinshed , hi s assistan t o r translator , becam e th e editor or co-ordinator o f the venture, now altered in scope to become a geographical descriptio n and history of England, Scotlan d an d Irelan d from their first inhabitation to the present. The first edition appeared in two volumes in 1577 , and was presented as the work of a group, almost a committee, and beyond that group as the culmination of centuries of historical writing (the work begins with a two-page listing of sources). A second edition, expanded to three volumes though frequently bound in two, was published afte r Holinshed's death in 1587 . This was subjected to government censorship for reasons not altogethe r clear (for a recent discussion se e Patterson 1994 : 234—63 ; Holinshe d 1807- 8 represent s the uncensored 158 7 edition). The tex t run s to about 3,500,00 0 words, 'roughl y equal to the total of the Authorized Version of the Bible, the complete dramatic works of Shakespeare, Clarissa, Boswell's Life of Johnson, an d War and Peace combined' (Boot h 1968 : 1) . Like other Tudo r chronicles , it gives generous attention t o a wid e rang e o f materia l includin g spectacle s bot h civi l (such a s pageants ) an d natura l (suc h a s beache d whales) , notoriou s 240

Holinshed, Raphael

crimes, urban governmen t and price fluctuations, as well as the fortune s of king s an d dynasties . I n th e historica l sections , Holinshe d an d hi s collaborators and successors draw constantly and explicitly for material, in som e case s als o methodology , o n Fabyan, Foxe, Grafton, Stow and especiall y Hall (fo r England), a s well a s lesser source s an d othe r sources fo r Scotlan d an d Irelan d (notabl y Georg e Buchanan an d Richard Stanyhurst ; se e respectively Mapstone 1998 , Maley 1997) , all slightly adapte d an d sometime s overlappe d fo r deliberat e contrast . Though Holinshed' s ow n writin g seldo m win s plaudits , th e volume' s comprehensiveness an d up-to-datenes s ensure d it s utility an d it s wide influence - i t i s sufficientl y clearl y th e greates t o f th e Elizabetha n chronicles. The firs t editio n o f the Chronicl e wa s Holinshed' s onl y publishe d work. H e subsequentl y becam e stewar d o n th e estat e o f Thoma s Burdett o f Bramcote , Warwickshire , dyin g ther e shortl y afte r i t wa s published. I n thi s capacit y h e preside d ove r th e mano r cour t a t Packwood, s o i t i s conceivabl e tha t Shakespear e me t hi m befor e hi s death. (B) Th e secon d editio n o f Holinshe d o f 158 7 wa s a wor k o f som e complexity, bringin g togethe r a divers e mas s o f materia l buil t u p i n several layers. Already in 1577 , 'wha t Holinshed wrot e was, in his own phrase, a 'collectio n o f histories'; th e pluralis m attache d bot h t o th e variety o f sources drawn o n an d t o th e collaborativ e effor t tha t wen t into the production, an d bot h thes e point awa y from explanator y clar ity' (Hunte r 1989 : 18) . I n 158 7 thi s 'collection ' wa s augmente d an d annotated b y Abraham Fleming , a Cambridge-traine d antiquary , an d others, who brought th e narrativ e dow n t o 158 7 an d whos e apparatu s added extensiv e indices , Lati n tag s an d conspicuou s moral s i n th e margins fo r narrative s an d narrativ e episode s (suc h as , fo r example , 'The outwar d an d inwar d trouble s of tyrants by means o f a grudgin g conscience'). The resul t is , and wa s i n th e sixteent h century , sometimes see n a s incoherent; alternativel y a s reflectin g a 'comple x proces s o f compil ation, aggregation , an d ideologica l negotiation ' wit h th e reade r bein g asked to 'be his own historian [as ] part o f a coherent agenda: to educate Elizabethan citizen s i n politica l an d lega l reality ' (Patterso n 1996 : 153-5). I n eithe r cas e th e tendenc y woul d b e fo r th e materia l t o raise question s i n th e reader' s mind , i n fo r instanc e th e markedl y 241

Holinshed, Raphael non-committal way in which the vicissitudes of the successio n question in Henr y VIIF s reig n ar e outlined , o r i n th e tension s betwee n th e Protestant source s of the Scottish material on the reign of Mary Quee n of Scot s (Boece, Buchanan ) an d th e editoria l endeavou r t o pleas e Elizabethan authoritie s b y n o mean s generall y prepare d t o counten ance the deposition of monarchs. For writers disposed to make use of it, the wor k constituted a hug e storehouse of characters, lineages , dates , battles, discussion s of motivation, Tudo r politica l doctrine , an d rhet oric. The importanc e o f Holinshed (an d other chronicles) as a source of material for Elizabethan playwright s must be seen generally as a result of the nationalistic spirit promoted by Elizabeth in the country at large, which wa s a t it s height followin g th e defea t o f the Armad a i n 1588 . Dramatists, suc h as some of those responsible for Chronicle History Plays, focuse d strongl y o n th e Hundre d Years ' War fo r th e Frenc h succession, 1337-1453 , whe n Englis h armie s repeatedl y conquere d large part s o f Franc e durin g th e reign s o f Edwar d III , Richar d II , Henry IV, Henr y V an d Henr y VI . Holinshe d wa s als o a suitabl e quarry fo r quit e differen t kind s o f drama, a s i n th e anonymou s pla y Arden of Faversham (1591) , whic h draw s o n materia l h e worrie d wa s 'impertinent' to his compilation, concerning a small-town murder case. The followin g passag e indicate s exactl y ho w far , in th e episod e o f Henry V which has now become on e o f the mor e controversia l parts of the Histories , Shakespear e i s following Holinshed , wh o i n hi s tur n i s following Hall (there is also a possibility that Shakespear e turned in this episode t o a n alternativ e source , Richar d Crompton's Mansion of Magnanimitie). Th e pag e containin g th e conclusio n o f thi s passag e i s shown i n Fig . 7 ; th e margina l heading s (' A righ t wis e an d valian t challenge of the king', etc.) should be noted as part of Holinshed's text . In th e mean e season , whil e th e battel l thu s continued , an d tha t the Englishme n ha d take n a grea t numbe r o f prisoners , certein e Frenchmen o n horssebacke , whereo f wer e ceptein s Robine t o f Bornevill, Rifflart o f Clamas, Isamber t o f Agincourt, and othe r me n of armes, to the numbe r o f six hundred horssemen , which were th e first that fled , hearin g tha t th e Englis h tent s an d pavilion s wer e a good wai e distan t fro m th e armie , withou t ani e sufficien t gar d t o defend th e same , eithe r upo n a covetou s meaning t o gain e b y th e spoile, or upon a desire to be revenged, entred upon the kings campe, and ther e spoile d th e hails , robbe d th e tents , brak e u p chests , an d

242

s/rt.^.i. HenriethenTt

. 55

5

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O K fame funoaie that rbe niie6,in,emn>hingbellraK » *r«u(H t^t Bm 9 lreinameo from tlj e campe at agincour t toantlitretcnc o from bisenlnriw ifofaningbislife , SSr« !T( lCal"'' B|"«ft^c»|l»nencamctothefielD caufcBb:i n tob e eonueiebont of n*figtrt,int o a te?{pbS ^toasainc^oeaBboBiMiimBftepo^o f plac e of mojcfafttie. f EhebbolecuBcrofftwcon . Ab,.w . oar« 4nrt>u. *M^«cJpolleD«ecarcaae«ofallfti4)aB»arc U B(ttt*utcottmanicamansliTc,anOpjocorcBgrea t ^«"^Rc, lftcrof anBotbertbingflutb e Gnglifbmen ha o left: dti o MOOTEDiKfoettnjaaenBcB,isUuelicBefcribeoi n bf*"*1 '• «««.. t»Uenonjingbutgol«ai«Qlarr,ieVwl5,rUbfl|parct t ^W^4< ;tib««airo,bcaD« tbe manner of o(> fpOiTrtg

Figure 7 Raphae l Holinshed, The Third Volume of Chronicles (London , 1587) , p. 555 (actua l siz e 350 X 228 mm).

Holinshed, Raphael

caried awai e caskets , an d slu e suc h servant s a s they foun d t o mak e anie resistance. Fo r which treaso n and haskardie in thus leaving their campe a t the verie point o f fight, for winning o f spoil where none t o defend it , verie manie wer e afte r committe d t o prison, an d ha d los t their lives, if the Dolphin ha d longe r lived. But when the outcrie of the lackies and boies, which ran awai e for feare o f the Frenchme n thu s spoiling th e campe , cam e t o th e king s eares, h e doubtin g leas t hi s enimie s shoul d gathe r togithe r againe , and begi n a ne w field ; an d mistrustin g furthe r tha t th e prisoner s would be an aid to his enimies, or the verie enimies to their taker s in deed i f they wer e suffere d t o live , contrari e t o hi s accustome d gen tlenes, commande d b y soun d o f trumpet , tha t everi e ma n (upo n paine o f death ) shoul d incontinentli e slai e hi s prisoner . Whe n thi s dolorous decree , an d pitiful l proclamatio n wa s pronounced, piti e i t was to see how some Frenchmen were suddenlie sticked with daggers , some were brained wit h pollaxes, som e slain e with malls , othe r ha d their throat s cut , an d som e thei r bellie s panched, s o that i n effect , having respect to the great number, few prisoners were saved. When thi s lamentabl e slaughte r wa s ended, th e Englishme n dis posed themselve s in order o f battell, readie t o abide a new field, and also to invade, an d newli e set on thei r enimies , with great forc e the y assailed th e carle s o f Mari e an d Fauconbridge , an d th e lord s o f Lauraie, an d o f Thine, with si x hundred me n o f armes, who had al l that daie kept togither, but now slaine and beaten down e out of hand. ^jSome write , tha t th e kin g perceiving hi s enimies i n on e par t t o assemble togither , a s thoug h the y mean t t o giv e a ne w battel l fo r preservation o f the prisoners , sen t to the m a n herald , commandin g them eithe r t o depar t ou t o f hi s sight , o r els e t o com e forwar d a t once, an d giv e battell : promisin g herewith , tha t i f they di d offe r t o fight againe, no t onelie those prisoners which his people alreadi e ha d taken; bu t als o s o manie o f them a s in this new conflict , whic h the y thus attempte d shoul d fal l int o hi s hands , shoul d di e th e deat h without redemption . The Frenchme n fearin g the sentenc e of so terrible a decree, with out furthe r delai e parte d ou t o f the field. And s o about four e o f the clocke i n th e afte r noone , th e kin g whe n h e sa w no apperanc e o f enimies, cause d th e retrei t t o b e blowen ; an d gatherin g hi s armi e togither, gav e thank s t o almighti e Go d fo r s o happi e a victorie , causing hi s prelats an d chaplein s t o sin g this psalme: In esitu Israel de 244

Holinshed, Raphael Aegypto, an d commande d everi e man t o kneele downe on the ground at thi s verse: Non nobis Domine, non nobis, sed nomini tuo daglonam. Which doone, he caused Te Deum, with certeine anthems t o be soong , giving laud an d prais e t o God , without boasting o f his owne forc e o r ani e humane power. (Holinshed 1587 : in, 554) (C) Shakespear e use d th e 158 7 editio n o f Holinshed, an d use d i t a s a source for over a third o f his plays: all ten earlie r Histories , thos e later plays drawing on English historical material King Lear, Macbeth and Cymbeline, the likel y collaborations Edward III and Henry VIII (but se e Stow), perhaps also in revising Sir Thomas More. Th e swee p of the vas t Chron icle ca n b e exciting , an d Shakespear e evidentl y took it up no t onl y or even perhaps primarily a s a reference tool, but for wide and enthusiastic browsing a t leas t afte r Henry VI, wher e th e us e o f Holinshe d i s restricted. Thi s readin g migh t even , b y linking the War s o f the Rose s with the arriva l o f Elizabeth's age of'concord' an d 'unity' , have 'given Shakespeare hi s cu e fo r hi s civi l wa r plays ' (Jone s 1977 : 122). Once embarked o n a play , an d wit h othe r source-material s t o hand , i t may well be tha t Shakespear e dipped an d skimme d in Holinshed, allowin g himself to be guide d b y the margina l note s and b y what happene d t o fall unde r hi s ey e (Blac k 1948 : 212-1 3 perform s som e calculation s regarding suc h matter s a s ho w muc h tim e wa s require d t o rea d th e sections involved). In an y case, it is obvious that a playwright can onl y make successful us e of it by rigorous exclusion. Richard I I ascended th e throne in the Chronicle in 1377 , but Shakespeare's pla y begins in 1398, two years before th e en d o f his reign. I n Henry IV, Holinshed's accoun t of events during Bolingbroke' s kingship i s virtually narrowed dow n t o the rebellions , an d thre e o f thes e ar e telescope d int o one . On othe r occasions Shakespeare' s suppression o f what Holinshed says has a more specific dramati c purpose . Where th e Chronicl e clearl y identified the envy o f th e Percie s an d th e King' s fea r o f Mortimer' s righ t t o th e throne a s th e reason s fo r th e behaviou r o f thes e individuals , Shake speare cloud s these matters i n the opening scenes of 1 Henry /Fs o as to allow a fuller treatmen t of the ethics of rebellion and usurpation. Corresponding to the omissions and contractions, there are of course many idea s i n th e Shakespear e play s no t foun d i n Holinshed . Shake speare virtually invents the Bastard in King John (see Braunmuller 1988) , and i n Richard //John o f Gaunt. I n Henry /FHa l and Hotspu r (owing, 245

Holinshed, Raphael

it seems , to th e influenc e o f Daniel) becom e contemporarie s an d s o parallel figures , wherea s i n th e Chronicl e Hotspu r wa s a generatio n older. Suc h change s ar e importan t 'i n tracin g source s an d analyzin g dramatic technique'; but a s Lily B. Campbell wrote (1947: 229), making Henry, the rebel, to be plagued by rebellion; showin g Henry, the regicide, as hoping vainly to placate an avenging King of kings by a pilgrimag e t o th e Hol y Land ; picturin g Henry , th e usurper , a s sorrowing ove r hi s disobedien t so n an d fearfu l tha t h e ma y tr y t o supplant him : these change s indicat e th e mora l univers e in whic h Shakespeare set his characters and giv e meaning to the plot. This observatio n i s a reminde r tha t th e meaning s o f Shakespeare' s historical plots do not come primarily from hi s historical sources. The relevan t later Shakespeare plays use Holinshed i n various ways. Law (1952 ) give s a tabulatio n o f th e Holinshe d correspondence s i n Macbeth (thoug h sometimes the sourc e may wel l be on e o f the Chron icle's own sources, used directly; see Buchanan), as well as thirty-fiv e incidents i n th e pla y whic h ar e no t foun d i n Holinshed . Ther e ar e indeed many telling changes to the narrative: Muir (1990 : xxxvii) even suggests that the Chronicle's marginalia, whic h 'read almost like a running commentary on the play', may have been more decisive for Shakespeare tha n th e narrativ e itself . I n Holinshe d Dunca n i s younger an d weaker, while Macbeth, thoug h cruel, is assertive enough both to assist Duncan befor e hi s murder an d t o rule satisfactoril y for ten year s afte r it. Macbeth' s possibl y justifiable grievance s agains t Dunca n an d hi s collusion with Banquo in the murder are, of course, omitted altogether, while Lady Macbeth's par t is worked out from a single sentence to the effect tha t sh e 'lay sore upon him t o attempt th e thing , as she that was very ambitious'. A number o f the play's incidents seem to derive fro m sections of the Chronicle unconnected with the Macbeth story . In bot h Lear an d Cymbeline Shakespear e work s a t a considerabl y greater distanc e fro m Holinshed . Perhap s h e distinguishe d sharpl y between the Tudor an d th e much earlier material he found there , and did not fee l obliged t o treat the latter with the respect due to history as opposed t o legend . H e doubtles s rea d Holinshed' s accoun t o f Lear' s reign, but its overall narrative outline overlaps with other accounts he is known t o have used, and the details it lends to Lear are few - thoug h some, such as Cordeilla's description of Lear as 'my naturall father' an d 246

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the chronicler' s o f 'th e unnaturalness e whic h h e foun d i n hi s tw o daughters', see m important . Holinshed' s narrative o f Brute, grandso n of Aeneas , whic h form s th e openin g sectio n o f hi s Englis h history , contains al l the historica l o r pseudo-historica l matte r tha t appear s i n Cymbeline, a n 'accoun t o f a reig n s o uneventfu l tha t i t ha d defeate d the inventiv e powers o f generation s o f quit e imaginativ e chroniclers ' (Nosworthy 1969 : xviii). But again, apar t from supplyin g the name s of most o f the character s (an d incidentally o f lago in addition : Woodso n 1978), ther e i s littl e specifi c i n thi s us e o f Holinshed . Muc h o f 3.1 , depicting th e defianc e o f Caesar' s ambassado r b y 'Kymbeline' , an d some o f th e repor t o f th e battl e i n 5.3 , reflec t th e Chronicl e text , though the latter scene is transposed by Shakespeare fro m a completely different par t o f Holinshed's boo k dealin g wit h th e Scottis h defea t of the Dane s i n AD 976. (This, an d th e fac t tha t th e name s borrowed fo r Cymbeline ar e widely distributed in the Chronicle , suggest s the browsing habits o f Shakespear e a s a reade r o f Holinshed. ) Les s direct , but , i f accepted, mor e important link s are als o suggested for Cymbeline: Shake speare's story is 'not owed to, but consonant with the strange adventures of Brute' (Brockbank 1958: 43); he 'echoes' the attitudes towards Rome which he discovere d in the Chronicl e an d ma y have 'foun d withi n his historical material the suggestion s of a romance' (Rossi 1978: 111) . Henry VIII i s ofte n sai d t o sho w a dependenc e unusua l fo r Shake speare o n th e actua l words of the 158 7 Chronicle, fro m appropriatio n of single expressions in marginal comment s (suc h a s the unusua l word 'arrogancy' whic h is imported int o a speech of Katherine's a t 2.4.110 ) to clos e following of whole speeches. Anderson (1984 : 131 ) argues this away, wherea s fo r othe r commentator s i t give s rise to 'th e frightening specter o f creativity i n abeyance', exorcised b y 'claiming that the play condenses th e disordere d largess e of Holinshed int o a tightl y focusse d and causall y satisfyin g drama ' (Patterso n 1996 : 148) . Bu t Henry VIII uses more procedures than one in refashioning the Holinshed material . For example, a s well as following the absolut e necessit y of condensin g and unifying , th e play transposes incidents from on e historical episod e to anothe r t o sui t the dramatist' s purpose . Wolsey' s downfall throug h mistakenly sending the king an inventory of his goods is in fact reported by Holinshe d o f Thoma s Ruthall , Bisho p o f Durham , whos e deat h Wolsey brough t about . Th e pla y als o combine s Holinshed' s materia l with the work of other historians (definitely Foxe, arguably Hall, Speed, and Stow) . Even th e speeche s which are littl e more tha n versifications 247

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of Holinshed 'sho w characteristi c emphase s o r addition s tha t mak e a dramatic poin t or give shape to the material' (Foakes 1968 : xxxvii, with examples; Foakes ' Appendi x n contain s al l main Holinshe d passage s used for the play) . And amon g othe r shift s o f tone an d interpretation , the sympatheti c light in which Wolsey and Buckingha m are presented in their falls seems to be entirely Shakespeare's own. Many account s of Shakespeare's us e of Holinshed's Chronicl e urg e his overall 'freedom ' or , alternatively, his 'indebtedness'. Both descrip tions ar e correc t i n differin g respects . Given th e drasti c selectio n o f a small segmen t of Holinshed's narrative , Shakespear e ofte n follow s th e sequence of events with great scrupulousness, but this is not remarkabl e - 'Fo r the most part [i n Richard II\ h e does what anyone attempting t o dramatize historica l narrativ e woul d b e force d t o do : h e select s th e scenes b y mean s o f which th e stor y migh t b e acted ; i n term s o f th e narrative itself , he both compresses and expands ' (Trousdale 1982 : 66). The litera l us e o f Holinshe d i s no t seldo m responsible , i n fact , fo r anomalies i n th e pla y texts , a s Trousdal e goe s on t o illustrate . A s for offering ne w perspective s an d interpretation s (a s oppose d t o ne w material), Shakespeare' s 'varying ' o f his theme s will normally lea d t o the discovery of new topics in the story , but this does not mean tha t the plays dramatiz e variou s views of history where th e Chronicl e offere d only one , fo r th e Chronicl e wa s alread y multivoca l — Holinshed's preface gav e notic e tha t h e ha d 'chose n t o she w th e diversitie ' o f opinion amon g hi s predecessor s (Holinshe d 1587 : in , sig . AS") , an d his collaborator s di d likewise . Hence i n usin g the 158 7 volum e 'wha t Shakespeare had befor e hi m as he wrote was a lively representation of how historian s diverg e o n th e issu e of evaluation, an d ho w strenuous is th e pul l o f ideologica l bias ' (Patterso n 1996 : 150) . I n thi s sense , some a t leas t of the freedo m o f interpretation an d emphasi s found i n Shakespeare's use of Holinshed was already exemplified there. (D) Boswell-Ston e (1907 ) an d Nicol l (1927 ) arrang e selection s fro m Holinshed i n the chronological orde r o f Shakespeare's plays, making it easy to find a passage from th e corresponding lines in a play, the former with runnin g quotatio n fro m an d commentar y o n the relevan t Shake speare histor y play s an d a n especiall y usefu l inde x t o personage s and events. Hosley (1968) uses Holinshed's chronological order instead, giving mor e o f the sequence , flavou r an d forma t o f Holinshed's ow n work. Boot h (1968 ) an d Patterso n (1994 ) ar e ver y differen t full-lengt h 248

Holinshed, Raphael treatments of Holinshed's volume , seen in recent years as a more self conscious an d sophisticate d wor k in it s own right. Col e (1973 : 36-55 ) asks simpl e bu t importan t question s abou t wha t typ e o f insight s th e study of Holinshed ca n giv e rise to. For individual plays and group s of plays, see below. BuUough; Jones (1977); Tillyar d (1944) . Anderson, Judit h H . (1984) . Biographical Truth: The Representation of Historical Persons in Tudor-Stuart Writing. Ne w Haven . Beer, Jurgen (1992) . 'Th e Imag e o f a King : Henr y VII I i n the Tudo r Chronicles of Edward Hal l an d Raphae l Holinshed' , pp. 129-4 9 in Uwe Baumann , ed. , Henry VIII in History, Historiography and Literature. Frankfurt. Black, Matthe w W . (1948) . 'Th e Source s o f Shakespeare' s Richard IF, pp. 199-21 6 in James G. McManaway et al., eds, Joseph Quincy Adams Memorial Studies. Washington. Booth, Stephe n (1968) . The Book Called Holinshed's Chronicles: An Account of its Inception, Purpose, &c. San Francisco . Boswell-Stone, W. G . (1907) . Shakespeare's Holinshed: The Chronicle and the Plays Compared. London. Boyd, Bria n (1995) . 'King John an d The Troublesome Raigne: Sources , Structure, Sequence.' PQ^74: 37-56. Braunmuller, A . R . (1988) . 'King John an d Historiography. ' ELH 55 : 309-32. Brockbank, J. P . (1958). 'Histor y and Histrionic s i n Cymbeline.' ShSu 11 : 42-9. Campbell, Lil y B . (1947) . Shakespeare's "Histories": Mirrors of Elizabethan Policy. San Marino, CA . Champion, Larr y S . (1990) . 'The Noise of Threatening Drum': Dramatic Strategy and Political Ideology in Shakespeare and the English Chronicle Plays. Newark, DE. Cole, Howar d C . (1973) . A Quest of Inquirie: Some Contexts of Tudor Literature. Indianapolis . Donno, Elizabet h Stor y (1987) . 'Som e Aspect s o f Shakespeare' s Holinshed.' HLQ5Q: 229-48 . Foakes, R. A., ed. (1968). King Henry F///(Arde n Shakespeare). London (first publishe d 1957) . Goldberg, Jonathan (1987) . 'Speculations: Macbeth an d Source', pp. 38 58 in Christophe r Norri s and Richar d Machin , eds , Post-Structuralist 249

Holinshed, Raphael Readings of English Poetry. Cambridg e (als o a s pp . 242-6 4 i n Jean E . Howard, ed. , Shakespeare Reproduced: The Text in History and Ideology., New York, 1987) . Hardin, Richar d E (1989) . 'Chronicle s an d Mythmakin g i n Shake speare's Joan of Arc.' ShSu 42: 25-35. Holinshed, Raphae l (1587) . The First and Second Volumes of Chronicles . . . The Third Volume, 3 vols. London . (1807-8). Chronicles of England, Scotland and Ireland, 6 vols. London. Hosley, Richard , ed . (1968) . Shakespeare's Holinshed: An Edition of Holinshed's Chronicles (1587), Source of Shakespeare's History Plays, King Lear, Cymbeline, and Macbeth. Ne w York . Hunter, G . K . (1989) . 'Trut h an d Ar t i n Histor y Plays. ' ShSu 42 : 15-24. Kim, Yun-Cheo l (1989) . 'Shakespeare' s Unhistorica l Invention s an d Deviations from Holinshed, and Their Dramatic Functions in Richard II.' Journal of English Language and Literature (Seoul), 35 : 747-58 . Law, Rober t A. (1934). 'Holinshed as a Source of Henry Fan d King Lear.' University of Texas Bulletin 14 : 38-44. (1950). 'Deviations from Holinshe d in Richard II.' University of Texas Studies in English 29 : 91-101. (1952). 'Th e Compositio n of Macbeth wit h Referenc e t o Holin shed.' University of Texas Studies in English 31 : 35—41 . (1954). 'Th e Chronicle s an d th e "Thre e Parts " of Henry VI.' University of Texas Studies in English 33 : 13-32 . (1957). 'Holinshed and Henry the Eighth.' University of Texas Studies in English 36:3-11. Maley, Will y (1997) . 'Shakespeare , Holinshe d an d Ireland : Resources and Con-Texts', pp . 27-46 in Mark Thornton Burnett and Ramon a Wray, eds, Shakespeare and Ireland: History, Politics, Culture. Basingstoke. Mapstone, Sall y (1998) . 'Shakespear e an d Scottis h Kingship : A Cas e History', pp. 158-8 9 in Sall y Mapstone an d Juliette Wood , eds, The Rose and the Thistle: Essays on the Culture of Late Medieval and Renaissance Scotland. East Linton. Matheson, Liste r M . (1995) . 'Englis h Chronicl e Context s fo r Shakespeare's Deat h o f Richard II' , pp . 195-21 9 i n John A . Alford, ed. , From Page to Performance: Essays in Early English Drama. East Lansing. Muir, Kenneth , ed . (1990) . Macbeth (Arde n Shakespeare) . Walton-onThames (firs t publishe d 1951) . ed. (1972). King Lear (Arden Shakespeare). London. 250

Holinshed, Raphael Nicoll, Allardyce , an d Josephine Nicoll, ed . (1927) . Holinshed's Chronicle as used in Shakespeare's Plays. London . Norbrook, Davi d (1987) . 'Macbeth an d th e Politic s of Historiography', pp. 78-11 6 i n Kevi n Sharp e an d Steve n N. Zwicker , eds, Politics of Discourse: The Literature and History of Seventeenth-Century England. Berkeley. NosworthyJ. M., ed . (1969). Cymbeline (Arde n Shakespeare). London. Patterson, Annabel (1994). Reading Holinshed's 'Chronicles'. Chicago . (1996). '"Al l I s True" : Negotiatin g th e Pas t i n Henry Vllf, pp . 147-66 i n R . B . Parke r an d S . P . Zitner , eds , Elizabethan Theater: Essays in Honor ofS. Schoenbaum. Newark, DE . Rackin, Phylli s (1990) . Stages of History: Shakespeare's English Chronicles. London. Rossi, Joan Warchol (1978). ' Cymbeline's Deb t t o Holinshed: Th e Rich ness o f Ill.i', pp . 104—1 2 i n Caro l McGinni s Ka y an d Henr y E . Jacobs, eds, Shakespeare's Romances Reconsidered. Lincoln, NE . Tomlinson, Michae l (1984) . 'Shakespear e an d th e Chronicle s Reassessed.' Literature and History 10 : 46-58. Trousdale, Marion (1982) . Shakespeare and the Rhetoricians. London . Woodson, William C . (1978) . 'lago's Name i n Holinshed an d th e Lost English Source of Othello: JV<S?Q,223: 146-7 .

Holland, Philemon See Camden, William; Livy (Titus Livius); Pliny (Gaius Plinius Secundus); Plutarch; Suetonius (Gaius Suetonius Tranquillus). Homer (probably 8th Century BC), Greek Epic Poet (A) Homer is the shadowy figure traditionally regarded a s the author of the Iliad and Odyssey an d s o the founde r of Western epic. The Iliad deals with th e stor y o f th e Sieg e o f Tro y (Ilium) , an d th e disastrou s con sequences of the wrat h o f Achilles, champion o f the besiegin g Greeks. The Odyssey (probabl y no t know n t o Shakespear e i n an y form ; se e Baldwin 1944 : n , 660 ) narrate s Odysseus ' journe y hom e afte r th e Trojan War . Aristotle's is the classi c description o f Homer's character istics a s a poet : h e attribute s to hi m distinctio n i n al l the art s o f epic, namely hig h seriousnes s and nobility , unity o f actio n combine d wit h variety o f incident, dramati c vividnes s an d authoria l self-effacement . 251

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But the Iliad ca n als o be describe d genericall y a s 'heroic tragedy': 'the Homeric-Sophoclean imag e o f th e tragi c her o [is ] th e concep t . . . usually implie d when w e spea k o f "tragedy " i n wester n literature ' (Brower 1971:80) . (B) Home r i s a relativel y late acquisitio n fo r th e Englis h Renaissance . Though hi s importance wa s recognized i n th e Middl e Ages , his work was known only at second hand throug h Latin imitations and summar ies, fo r which there was still a demand wel l into the Renaissance. Som e of thes e hav e thei r merit s - Ezr a Pound , fo r instance, use d Andrea s Divus' Odyssey (1538 ) as the basi s for his Canto I. Praise o f Homer fro m humanists such as Erasmus and Sir Thomas Elyot contributed to his establishment a s a schoo l text. It wa s usually the Iliad rathe r tha n th e Odyssey tha t wa s read i n Elizabetha n gramma r schools , often i n Lati n translation (Baldwi n 1944: n, 653-4). Homer's Iliad an d Odyssey wer e first Englished during Shakespeare' s lifetime. Variou s unpublished , small-scale , indirec t o r unsuccessfu l translations of the Iliad in the secon d half of the sixteent h century were all superseded by George Chapman's version published 1598-1611 ; his Odyssey followe d i n 1614—15 . Th e onl y par t o f Chapman' s wor k which coul d b e relevan t fo r Shakespear e i s the firs t sectio n published, the Seaven Bookes of The Iliades (i.e. Books i-n an d vn-xi ) o f 1598 ; th e rest of the translation almost certainly appeared to o late to have been a significant source , and i s largely ignored in what follows below. Chapman's metre i s the fourteener , an d hi s style is not a n eas y one. The idiosyncrati c detai l i s ap t t o obscur e syntacti c connection s an d impede narrativ e flow. His fidelity to Homer ha s been muc h debated . Chapman's Home r possesses poetic energy in abundance, but though a distinctive write r Chapma n i s here a decidedl y uneve n one . Ther e is also a clear moralizing impetus - hi s 1598 volume is dedicated 'T o the most honoure d no w living instanc e o f the Achillea n virtue s eternized by divine Homer, the Earl of Essex' - t o turn Homer into a 'mirror for princes'. Al l thes e feature s ca n b e see n i n Achilles ' fina l rebuk e t o Agamemnon i n Book i: Thou mightst esteeme me base And cowardlie to let thee use thy will in my disgrace; To beare such burthens never were my strength and spirite s combinde, But to reforme their insolence, and that th y soule should finde 252

Homer Were it not hurt of common goo d more than mine owne delight. But I, not soothing Nestor's sute, for right's sake reverence right, Which tho u dost servilely commend but violate it quite. And this even in thy intrayles print - Fi e not prophane m y hand With battell in my lust's defence: a gyrle cannot comman d My honour an d my force like thine, who yet commandes ou r hoast. Slave live he to the world that lives slave to his lusts engrost. But feed it , come, and tak e the dame; saf e g o thy violent feete , But whatsoever else thou findst aborde my sable fleete Dare no t t o touch without my leave, for feele my life mischanc e If then thy blacke and lust-burnt bloud flow not upon my Lance. (1598 text, 302-16; ed. Nicoll 1957 : i, 517-18; roman for italic) (C) Despit e commentators ' assertions , Shakespeare' s knowledg e o f Homer remain s unproven. Though there ar e in the corpus, unsurprisingly, som e reference s t o Homeri c episodes , non e ca n b e show n t o depend o n direct knowledg e o f Homer either in Greek o r in translated form. T o Brower, Chapman's Home r i s significant no t becaus e Shakespeare rea d i t bu t a s a hel p 'i n placin g an d definin g certai n attitude s and mode s of expression in the major tragedies. If Chapman's readin g of Home r i s no t Shakespeare's , i t i s a versio n b y on e o f hi s con temporaries, an d much nearer t o his reading tha n an y translation since the reig n o f James F (1971 : 78-9) . What i s meant her e is such matter s as th e penchan t fo r meditativ e analysi s share d b y Shakespeare' s an d Chapman's heroe s - 'a Renaissanc e Achille s or Hector . . . would be, for example , th e Anton y of Antony and Cleopatra' (Browe r 1971 : 80—1) . But suc h connection s ar e tenuou s i n th e extreme . Claime d verba l echoes o f Chapman's Seaven Bookes of the Iliades are n o mor e conclusive . Potentially th e mos t extensivel y Homeri c wor k o f Shakespeare' s i s Troilus and Cressida: fo r a listin g o f possibl e echoe s her e se e Palme r (1982: 33-7 ) an d fo r a fuller treatmen t Presso n (1953). Tantalizingly, it remains 'likel y tha t Shakespear e kne w more o f Homer tha n h e read , and possible that he read more than we know about' (Henderson 1935 : 142). (D) Fo r th e Englis h Renaissanc e Homer , includin g Chapman , se e especially Sowerby (1994). Baldwin (1944). 253

Homer Brower, R . A . (1971) . Hero and Saint: Shakespeare and the Graeco-Roman Heroic Tradition. Oxford . Henderson, W . B . Drayto n (1935) . 'Shakespeare' s Troilus and Cressida: Yet Deeper in its Tradition', pp. 127-5 6 in Hardin Craig, ed., Essays in Dramatic Literature: The Parrott Presentation Volume. Princeto n (reprinted Ne w York, 1967) . Nicoll, Allardyce, ed. (1957) . Chapman's Homer, 2 vols. London . Palmer, Kenneth , ed . (1982) . Troilus and Cressida (Arden Shakespeare) . London. Presson, Rober t K . (1953) . Shakespeare's 'Troilus and Cressida' and the Legends of Troy. Madison, WI. Root, Robert K . (1903) . Classical Mythology in Shakespeare. New York . Smith, Valeri e (1982) . 'Th e Histor y o f Cressida', pp . 61-7 9 inj . A . Jowitt an d R . K . S . Taylor, eds , Self and Society in Shakespeare's 'Troilus and Cressida' and 'Measure for Measure'. Bradford. Sowerby, Robin (1994) . The Classical Legacy in Renaissance Poetry. London .

Homilies (A) A homily is anciently a simple dilation on a scriptural text; the items which forme d th e Tudo r book s called Certain Sermons or Homilies (1547 ) and The Seconde Tome of Homilies (1563 ) are instea d expositions on topic s deemed significan t fo r churchgoers , whic h us e Scriptur e alon g wit h other authoritie s an d technique s t o develo p thei r themes . The y wer e first introduced unde r Edwar d V I a s part o f a programme t o enforc e religious conformity. Thoma s Cranme r edite d th e strongl y Protestan t first series , an d wrot e thre e o f it s twelv e discourse s (subdivide d int o thirty-one i n late r editions) . Th e firs t thre e homilie s wer e title d ' A Fruitefull Exhortacio n t o th e Readyn g o f Holy e Scripture' , 'O f th e Misery o f All Mankynde ' an d 'O f th e Salvacio n o f Al l Mankynde' . This boo k was suppressed unde r Mary , but reissue d unde r Elizabeth , in whos e reig n an y clerica l resistanc e t o it s weekl y readin g wa s no t tolerated. Th e secon d boo k o f homilies o f 1563 , agai n strongl y anti Roman, containe d twent y ne w discourse s dealing wit h doctrina l an d moral topics ; an d fro m 157 1 a long an d transparentl y propagandisti c homily 'Against Disobedience an d Wylfull Rebellion' was added to new editions o f the secon d boo k (a s well as being issue d independently) i n the wak e o f th e Norther n Rebellion , th e Queen' s excommunicatio n and th e variou s ensuin g plots . Henc e th e homilie s i n us e fro m 157 1

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amounted t o thirty-thre e items , man y o f them subdivide d int o part s which constitute d u p t o si x separat e readings . Al l wer e eventuall y collected into a single volume in 1623. (B) From 1547 , a homily, or a fixed part o f one o f the longe r homilies , was delivere d a t al l Sunda y an d hol y da y service s in th e majorit y of English churches instead o f a sermon, following the order an d rotatio n prescribed in the manual's Preface, meaning that on average an English adult would probably hav e heard eac h homily about onc e a year. Onl y licensed preachers (whos e learning and loyalty to the established churc h were assured ) wer e entitle d t o delive r sermon s o f thei r ow n com position, an d fe w suc h clergyme n wer e available , especiall y rurally (though the town of Stratford had on e in Henry Heycrof t from 156 9 to 1584). Th e responsibilit y o f readin g a homil y wa s bindin g upo n unlicensed clergy. Liturgical function apart , 'the book of homilies came to b e regarde d a s a benchmar k o f reformed belief in England ' (Bond 1987: 5) : th e Forty-Tw o Article s o f 155 2 referre d t o an d too k fo r granted th e authorit y o f the homilie s i n doctrina l matters , an d i t was quickly realize d tha t 'the y coul d b e use d a s a standar d fo r measurin g conformity and controlling maverick preachers o f whatever persuasion' (Bond 1987 : 5-6) . This was why Elizabeth, who 'regarde d th e enforce d reading o f the homilies a s a crucia l componen t o f ecclesiastica l polity' (Bon d 1987 : 11), an d fel t thre e o r fou r license d preachers enoug h fo r a county, was probably th e mos t enthusiasti c patro n o f th e homilie s o f he r time . But ther e wa s plent y o f opposition . Richar d Hooker, sometime s considered a n apologis t fo r th e Elizabetha n settlement , preferre d th e much mor e flexibl e sermo n form , a s encouragin g 'aptne s t o follow e particular occasion s presentli e growinge , t o pu t lif e int o worde s b y countenance voic e an d gesture , t o prevail e mighteli e i n th e suddain e affections o f men ' (ed . Hil l 1977 : 100) . Suc h view s wer e commo n among sixteenth-centur y Puritans, whos e increasingl y loud complain t that th e homilie s were a n impedimen t t o th e creatio n o f a preachin g ministry wa s acknowledged a t th e 160 4 Hampton Cour t Conferenc e - thoug h th e plan th e King announce d o n this occasio n t o promot e preaching instea d wa s t o b e onl y hal f realized . However , ove r th e seventeenth century , with better-educate d paris h clergy , and decreas ing governmenta l interferenc e i n thei r work , th e Church' s depend ence o n th e homilie s dwindled , notwithstandin g conservatives ' 255

Homilies attempts t o reviv e an d supplemen t the m int o th e earl y eighteent h century. The inclusio n in the collectio n of the last homily, 'Against Disobedi ence an d Wylful l Rebellion' , mad e i t clea r tha t th e Elizabetha n gov ernment though t o f homilies as political measures . It was divided int o six parts, each followed by a prayer for Queen an d country . The first of them engage s wit h a n issu e explore d i n severa l o f th e Histories , th e problem o f the bad ruler: But wha t i f the princ e b e undiscret e and evyl l i n deede , an d i t also evident to all mens eyes that he so is? I aske agayne, what if it be long of the wickedness e o f the subjectes , tha t th e princ e i s undiscrete o r evyll? Shall the subjecte s both by their wickednesse provoke God for their deserve d punishmen t t o gev e the m a n undiscret e o r evyl l prince, and also rebell against hym, and withall against God, who for the punishmen t o f their sinne s dyd geve them such e a prince? Wyl l you hear e th e Scripture s concerning thi s point? Go d (sa y the Hol y Scriptures) maket h a wicke d ma n t o raign e fo r th e sinne s o f th e people. Agayne, God gevet h a prince in his anger (meanin g an evyl l one) an d taket h awa y a prince i n his displeasure (meaning specially when he taket h away a good prince for the sinne s of the people): as in ou r memori e h e tok e awa y ou r goo d Josias, Kyn g Edwarde , i n his young and goo d yere s for ou r wickedness e . . . Wherefore let us turne fro m ou r sinne s unto th e Lord e wit h al l our heartes , an d h e wyll turn e th e hear t o f the princ e unt o ou r quie t an d wealth : Els for subjecte s t o deserve through thei r sinne s to have an evyl l prince , and the n t o rebel l agains t hym , wer e doubl e an d trebl e evyll , b y provoking God more to plague them. (1571 text, ed. Bond 1987 : 214-15) (C) Shakespeare' s on e referenc e to homilie s in general , suggestin g the common attitud e t o thei r readin g i n church , come s i n Rosalind' s response to Orlando's verses as declaimed b y Celia: O mos t gentle pulpiter! What tedious homily of love have you wearied your parishioners withal, an d neve r crie d 'Hav e patience, goo d people'. (As You Like It 3.2.145-8)

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Elsewhere, however , 'precisel y because thei r languag e an d idea s were so widel y know n a s t o b e i n th e ai r o f th e time , i t i s hardly possibl e to prov e a lin k betwee n line s i n th e play s an d simila r homileti c passages' (Rosinge r 1975 : 299 ) - a difficult y to o ofte n ignore d b y commentators wh o tak e similarit y fo r evidenc e o f direct influence . A good exampl e i s the attemp t mad e severa l times b y differen t scholar s to trac e th e notio n o f hierarchy fro m th e homil y 'Goncernyn g Goo d Ordre an d Obedienc e t o Ruler s an d Magistrates ' t o th e word s o f such character s a s Ulysses , Titani a an d Coriolanus . An d Shaheen' s (1999: 831-2 ) lis t o f almos t 20 0 Shakespear e 'parallels ' t o th e hom ilies i s to o generou s t o giv e eve n a roug h indicatio n o f th e position , failing t o distinguis h betwee n probabl y direc t echoe s an d mer e se t phrases an d term s popularize d b y th e homilie s (th e overwhelmin g majority o f his thirty-six reference s fo r th e homil y 'Agains t Swearyn g and Perjurie' , fo r instance , ar e simpl e case s o f th e us e o f tw o o r three o f the word s 'swear' , 'forswear' , 'oath ' an d 'perjury') . Neverthe less, enoug h verba l an d othe r sign s o f th e homilies ' effec t o n th e plays exis t to sugges t that the y leave some mar k ove r the rang e o f the Shakespeare canon . As Hart (1934) pointed out , ideas, and t o a lesser extent expressions, from th e 154 7 'Exhortacio n concernyn g Goo d Ordr e and Obedience ' and the long 157 1 homily 'Against Disobedience and Wylfull Rebellion' have man y parallel s i n th e Histories , notabl y o n th e topic s o f passive obedience, th e evil s o f rebellion, an d th e divin e righ t o f kings. Hart's belief tha t Shakespear e derive d som e o f thes e concept s specificall y from thes e homilies is unverifiable, eve n if their expression is sometimes similar. Th e rea l importanc e o f thes e homil y text s ma y li e rathe r i n their statu s a s knowledg e commo n t o al l member s o f th e playhous e audience, meanin g tha t Shakespear e ca n evok e a dee p penumbr a o f context an d connotatio n extremel y economically. Nor i s the relevanc e of these homilie s confine d to th e Histories . I n 'Agains t Disobedience', the rebelliou s ar e worth y of a 'horribl e an d dreadfu l damnation ' tha t 'no morta l ma n ca n expres s wit h words , no r conceiv e i n mind' ; MacdufFs exclamatio n o n finding his murdered kin g is 'O horror , hor ror, horror ! Tongu e no r heart / Canno t conceiv e nor give thee name ' (Macbeth 2.3.61-2) . Milwar d als o suggest s a loose r ech o o f this homil y in Camillo' s resolutio n t o d o hi s king' s biddin g (The Winter's Tale 1.2.357-61; Milward 1973 : 120-1) . The mor e disparate echoes of other homilies can only be exemplified, 257

Homilies not enumerated , here . Ofte n these are o f little further significance , but sometimes they sugges t the directio n th e playwright' s min d took , an d sometimes the y clarif y hi s meaning . Phrasin g fro m th e 'Homeli e o f Whoredom an d Unclennesse ' (also known as 'Against Adultery') in The Comedy of Errors is echoed by, and help s explain, Adriana's ow n speeche s on adulter y (see Baldwin 1965 : 169-71). The sam e homily contains a passage reasoning that 'I f whoredom ha d no t been syn , surely S. Jhon Baptist would never have rebuked King Herode fo r takyng his brothers wife' (Bon d 1987: 176) . Perhaps Hamlet i n his remark to the Players, 'It out-herods Herod' (3.2.13), while referring principally t o the Herod of the Mystery Plays, wa s a t som e leve l recallin g thi s associatio n (s o Rosinger 1975) . Finally, the Clown' s complaint t o the Countes s in All's MM that 'servic e is no heritage' (1.3.23) is exactly paralleled verball y in the homily 'Against Idleness'. (D) Bond (1987 ) supplie s a thoroug h discussio n of the genera l histor y and significanc e of the homilies, especially regarding thei r compilatio n and earl y use. Shaheen's (1999 ) listing of homily echoes, though recent, is flawed by its inclusion of much materia l wit h n o necessar y connection an d th e omissio n of some interesting parallels, suc h as Rosinger' s (1975) and Baldwin' s (1962, 1965). Baldwin, T . W . (1962) . 'Thre e Homilie s i n The Comedy of Errors', pp . 137-47 in Richard Hosley , ed., Essays on Shakespeare and the Elizabethan Drama in Honor ofHardin Craig. Columbia. (1965). On the Compositional Genetics of The Comedy of Errors. Urbana , IL. Bond, Ronal d B. , ed . (1987) . 'Certain Sermons or Homilies' (1547) and 'A Homily against Disobedience and Wilful Rebellion': A Critical Edition. Toronto. Hart, Alfred (1934) . Shakespeare and the Homilies and Other Pieces of Research into the Elizabethan Drama. Melbourne. Hill, W . Speed , ed . (1977) . Of the Laws of Ecclesiastical Polity, Book V. Cambridge. Milward, Peter (1966). 'The Homiletic Tradition in Shakespeare's Plays with Special Reference to Hamlet.' Shakespeare Studies (Japan) 5: 72-87. (1973). Shakespeare's Religious Background. London . Rosinger, Lawrenc e (1975) . 'Hamle t an d th e Homilies. ' ShQ 26 : 299-301. 258

Homilies Shaheen, Nasee b (1999) . Biblical References in Shakespeare's Plays. Newark, DE.

Hooker, Richard (1553/4-1600), Theologian Hooker' s thought o n social hierarchy, in particular, ha s been regarde d a s underlying Shakespeare's , bu t direc t us e ha s no t bee n clearl y established . Hooker is one of many antecedents cited for Ulysses' 'Degree' speech in Troilus and Cressida (1.3) . Cohen, Eileen Z. (1970). 'The Visible Solemnity : Ceremony an d Order in Shakespeare and Hooker. ' TSLL 12 : 181-95. Milward, Pete r (1973) . Shakespeare's Religious Background, pp . 134-43 . London.

Horace (Quintus Horatius Flaccus) (65 BC-8 BC), Roman Poet

(A) The so n of a freedman fro m Apulia, Horace wa s educated a t Rom e and late r Athens. In 44—4 2 B c h e serve d in Brutus' army, and, h e tells us, ran awa y at the battle of Philippi in 42. He obtained a pardon for his republican soldierin g but wa s stripped o f his family property, and the n obliged t o writ e i n orde r t o live . Abou t 3 8 B C he wa s introduce d t o Maecenas, the great Roman patron, who took him under his protection and provided hi m with his famous Sabin e villa. During the 30 s Horace wrote hi s seventeen meditative, ofte n ironi c Epodes, miscellaneousl y on love, politics and hi s personal enemies , and hi s two Book s of Satires o r Sermones, traditionall y see n a s th e urban e an d mockin g antithesi s i n satire t o th e scurrilou s an d persona l invectiv e of Juvenal. H e the n published the first three Books of his Odes or Carmina in 23 . This varied collection contains moods varying from Stoi c gravity to Epicurean gai ety i n poem s o n publi c themes , carpe diem poems , celebration s o f th e country life , th e joys of wine, an d poetr y itself , poem s o f moral reflec tion, of love, and o f friendship. Th e firs t Boo k of his Epistles, hexamete r poems ostensibl y written to friend s o n th e moral s o f everyday life, wa s next to appear ; a further Boo k of Epistles an d a fourth o f Odes followed, and hi s Ars Poetica (Art of Poetry) i s assigne d t o hi s las t years . Thoug h many qualitie s have been construe d in his work, and differen t part s of that wor k prioritized, ove r the centuries , Horace's unfluctuatin g status

259

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since th e Renaissanc e a s on e o f th e ver y greates t o f Roman poet s i s broadly founde d o n wha t Quintilia n describe s a s his qualit y o f bein g 'plenus . . . iucunditatis e t gratia e e t varii s figuris et verbi s felicissim e audax' ('full of delight and charm, with great variety of figures and bold but very apt use of words'), together with a supreme poetic craftsmanship manifesting itself especially in his use of metres, and an urbane wit which permits or constructs several angles at once from which to see the world. (B) Erasmus include d Horac e amon g hi s lis t o f authors suitabl e fo r school use in De Ratione Studii, and Baldwi n (1944: u, 497) found that of more tha n tw o dozen pre-1600 Englis h grammar schoo l curricula h e examined, onl y three failed t o specif y Horac e i n one for m o r another . In some schools the Epistles wer e used to assist in training with epistolary writing; other s specifie d th e Satires an d Odes; there i s evidenc e o f th e teaching o f th e Ars Poetica; an d s o on . Whil e th e Odes were evidentl y used a s stylisti c models i n education , fo r thei r matte r th e 'instructive ' Satires an d Epistles wer e given preference; by the lat e sixteent h centur y Horace had fo r long been regarded a s primarily a moralist. The us e of the lyric poetry even as a metrical model was new in England - throug h the Middl e Age s suc h a practice woul d hav e ha d littl e purpose, sinc e Latin prosod y was barely understood - and , becaus e Horace' s specia l poetic qualities had no great appeal to pre-Renaissance tastes , he was in general rated very far behind Virgil, and usually Ovid, as a Latin poe t until th e seventeent h century. Even i n satire , Juvenal wa s frequentl y preferred a s more direct and cutting . A lost translation o f the Satires by Lewis Evans in 156 5 was the firs t substantial Englis h renderin g o f Horace. Thoma s Drant, Archdeaco n of Lewes, translated th e Epistles, Satires an d Ars Poetica in cumbersom e fourteeners i n 1566-7 , bu t di d no t ventur e int o th e Odes an d Epodes. Drant's taste s square d wit h thos e o f Lambinus, th e edito r o f Horac e whose tex t o f 156 1 becam e th e mos t widel y use d on e i n th e lat e sixteenth century, whom Drant quote s in his dedicatory epistle : If w e we y bot h profytt e an d delectatio n Lambinu s wrot e truly , emongst lati n poete s Horac e hat h no t hi s felowe . Thi s i s h e whome great Augustus writte shoulde be loked to as him selfe , whom Maecenas love d a s himselfe , ripe , pythye , excellen t fo r mora l preceptes, ful l o f pretye speaches, full o f Judgement. (Drant 1567 : sig. *3V; roman fo r italic) 260

Horace (Quintus Horatius Flaccus)

In Renaissanc e Europ e a s a whole, th e Satires an d Epistles wer e trans lated entire three times as often a s the Odes and Epodes. Drant' s Horac e was to be the last large-scale Englis h translation for some seventy years, though less ambitious attempt s in the interim included a partial version of the Ars Poetica by Queen Elizabet h herself . Horace was an unavoidable presenc e in the education o f the literat e classes of the Englis h Renaissance, bu t ho w far was this matched b y his presence in the wor k of English writers? Before Shakespeare' s tim e h e had bee n in this respect too th e poe t o f the Satires and Epistles fo r a few pioneers, notabl y Si r Thoma s Wyatt , whos e ow n epistolar y satires , though no t translation s o f Horace's, ar e inconceivabl e withou t them . Sidney i s the first English poet t o translate a Horatian Od e (n.10 , as 'You bette r sur e shal l live' , lat e 1570s ) i n suc h a wa y a s t o creat e a n independent Englis h poem, but lesser talents were at a loss for the styl e and sophistication required . It was Ben Jonson who first, and influen tially for later generations, made use of the ful l rang e of Horace's work. His creativ e imitation s naturalize d i t in suc h poems a s 'To Penshurst', 'To Si r Robert Wroth ' an d 'Invitin g a Frien d t o Supper' . Hi s transla tions to o (severa l Odes an d Epodes, Satire 1.9 , Ars Poetica}, a s wel l a s hi s deliberate modellin g of his poetic personality on Horace's, helpe d ear n him the nam e of'th e Englis h Horace'. It was in the earl y seventeenth century tha t Horac e cam e t o b e fel t a s importan t a lyri c poe t a s a satirist, indee d th e 'princ e o f lyrics' ; bu t Jonson' s Horac e als o commanded respec t as a moralist: Such was Horace, a n Author of much Civilitie; and (i f any one among the heathen ca n be) the best master, both of vertue, and wisdome; an excellent, an d tru e judge upo n cause , an d reason ; no t becaus e h e thought so; but because he knew so, out of use and experience . (Discoveries; ed . Herford an d Simpso n 1925-51 : vin, 642) Jonson's wor k als o indicates , finally , mor e o f th e reason s fo r Shake speare's tendenc y t o avoi d th e Horatia n model : 'Jonson' s stud y o f Horace . . . led hi m t o favou r concision , strength , an d restrain t ove r exuberant verba l embroider y - significantl y h e wa s in genera l no t much intereste d in the works of Ovid - o r elaborate metapho r o f the Shakespearean type' (Martindale 1992 : 201). Drant's Horac e i s sometimes thought t o have been known to Shakespeare (as by Turner 1957) , but on no good evidence. Although some of 261

Horace (Quintus Horatius Flaccus)

Jonson's Horac e translation s wer e i n existenc e durin g Shakespeare' s lifetime, there are no signs he knew them either. But it is not unlikely he knew the Lati n poem , Ode iv. 1, which Jonson is translating here , eve n if it s fam e belong s mor e t o late r eras , an d eve n i f we choos e no t t o credit claims of echoes from i t in Hamkt (see C): Venus, againe tho u mov'st a warre Long intermitted, pra y thee, pray thee spare: I am not such, as in the Reigne Of the good Cynara I was: Refraine, Sower Mother of sweet Loves, forbear e To bend a man, no w at his fiftieth year e Too stubborne for Commands s o slack: Goe where Youths soft intreatie s call thee back. More timel y hie thee to the house, With thy bright Swans, of Paulus Maximus: There jest, and feast, make him thine host, If a fit livor thou dost seek to toast; For he's both noble, lovely, young, And fo r the troubled Clyent fyl's hi s tongue, Child o f a hundred Arts , and farr e Will he display the Ensigne s of thy warre. And when he smiling finds his Grace With thee 'bove all his Rivals gift s tak e place, He'll thee a Marble Statu e make Beneath a Sweet-wood Roofe, neere Alba Lake: There shall thy dainty Nostrill take In many a Gumme, an d for thy soft eare s sake Shall Verse be set to Harpe and Lute, And Phrygian Hau'boy , no t without the Flute. There twice a day in sacred Laies, The Youth s and tender Maids shall sing thy praise: And in the Salian manner mee t Thrice 'bout thy Altar with their Ivory feet . Me now, nor Wench, nor wanton Boy, Delights, nor credulous hope o f mutualljoy, Nor care I now healths to propound; Or wit h fresh flowers to girt my temple round. But why, oh why, my Ligurine, 262

Horace (Quintus Horatius Flaccus) Flow my thin teares, downe these pale cheeks of mine? Or why , my well-grac'd words among, With an uncomely silence failes my tongue? Hard-hearted, I dreame ever y Night I hold thee fast! but fled hence, with the Light, Whether in Mars hi s field thou bee, Or Tybers windin g streames, I follow thee. (ed. Herfor d and Simpson 1925-51 : vm, 292-3) (C) Horace ha s been one of the best-know n of classical authors durin g the rise of modern literary scholarship, leading to more opportunities for discoveries o f parallels i n Shakespear e tha n wit h mos t othe r sources . Much ingenuit y has bee n expende d o n showin g what exactl y Shake speare knew and recalled of Horace, but many echoes or claimed echoes have little or no other significance. A fairly good knowledge of the text of Horace's Odes, with more mixed levels of awareness of his other works, is evident in Shakespeare, but he is, tout court, no Horatian writer. There are some cases , however, in whic h echoe s o f Horace ca n b e sai d t o offe r additional understanding of or interpretative possibilities for a passage. When Timo n o f Athen s cite s Epistle i. 2 (a t 1.2.28 ) h e quote s a n extremely familiar work which educated member s of the audienc e ar e expected t o recogniz e instantly , but it s familiarity means th e citatio n shows nothing about Shakespeare' s direct knowledge of Horace. Whe n Demetrius reads out th e firs t tw o lines of Ode i.22 in Titus Andronicus, i n a message from Titus , Chiron' s abilit y to identif y the m display s only a rudimentary level of training, and the quotation agai n establishes nothing about Shakespeare's familiarity with Horace sinc e these verses were indeed quoted , twice , i n Willia m Lily' s Lati n grammar , th e Brevissima Institute: DEMETRIUS What' s here? A scroll, and written round about . Let's see: [Reads] 'Intege r vitae, scelerisque purus, Non eget Mauri iaculis, nee arcu.' CHIRON O , 'tis a verse in Horace, I know it well; I read it in the grammar lon g ago.

(4.2.18-23)

Even the non-explicit use of Horace's Ode m.30, 'Exegi monumentum', 263

Horace (Quintus Homtius Flaccus)

at the start of Sonnet 55 ('Not marble, no r the gilded monument s / O f princes, shal l outlive this powerful rhyme') , involves a passage s o commonplace tha t i t supplie s n o evidenc e Shakespear e kne w th e Latin , though i t i s prima facie likel y he di d (se e also o n thi s passag e Baldwi n 1950: 260-3). Shakespeare's most obviousl y Horatian lines are not th e most revealing, nor, as a rule, those where knowledge of the sourc e tells the reader anythin g new. Discounting reference s t o Horac e likel y to aris e fro m intermediat e sources o r commonplaces , ther e ar e a t leas t som e passage s i n Shake speare whic h seem to hav e been affecte d directl y by the Odes. Perhap s the mos t famou s come s i n Henr y IV's contras t betwee n himsel f an d his subjects , i n whic h th e followin g line s see m ful l o f Horatia n idea s creatively used: Why rather, sleep, liest thou in smoky cribs, Upon uneasy pallets stretching thee , And hush'd wit h buzzing night-flies to thy slumber, Than in the perfum'd chamber s o f the great , Under th e canopies of costly state, And lull'd with sound of sweetest melody? O tho u dull god, why liest thou with the vile In loathsome beds, and leav'st the kingly couch A watch-case or a common 'larum-bell ? (2 Henry IV, 3.1.9-17 ) Horace's Ode in.l famousl y deal s with th e them e tha t it is tranquillit y of min d an d no t wealt h tha t make s fo r happiness ; th e relevan t line s (17-24) are quoted here in Sir Richard Fanshawe's seventeenth-centur y rendering: Over whose head hang s a drawn sword , Him cannot please a Royal feast : Nor melody of lute or bird, Give to his eyes their wonted rest. Sleep, gentle sleep, scorns not the poor Abiding of the Plough-man: love s By sides of Rivers shades obscure: And rockt with West-windes, Tempe Groves , (ed. Carne-Ros s 1996 : 91) 264

Horace (Quintus Horatius Flaccus)

Another apparentl y direc t deb t t o th e Odes involve s th e famou s Tyrrha' poe m (i.5 ) an d Hastings ' lamen t ove r hi s air y hope s i n Richard III 3.4.98-10 3 (note d by Johnson: se e Baldwin 1944 : n , 500) . But i n thi s an d mos t othe r examples , th e ech o o f Horace seem s no t to mak e an y perceptible creativ e o r interpretativ e differenc e (Baldwi n exaggerates i n claimin g th e Richard HI passag e canno t b e under stood withou t Horace's ; se e als o th e over-generou s collectio n o f other example s i n hi s ful l discussion , n, 497-525) . I n som e instance s the exac t natur e o f Shakespeare' s borrowin g fro m th e Odes appear s to signa l hi s us e o f th e extensiv e glosse s an d commentar y o f Lambinus. Among Horace' s othe r works , echoes of the Ars Poetica - sometime s generically classed , an d printed, with th e Odes - ar e fairly frequen t in Shakespeare, echoe s o f th e Epistles (includin g th e direc t quotatio n i n Timon, above) and Satires considerably les s so. One obviou s explanatio n is that Shakespeare' s knowledg e was picked up no t fro m th e air, which should hav e containe d a more eve n distributio n o f material, but fro m a gramma r schoo l trainin g which , a s wa s normal , involve d som e Horace, but whic h happene d to concentrate o n the Odes. Inconclusiv e signs o f Shakespeare' s knowledg e o f th e Ars Poetica ar e scattere d widely, as in for example th e commonplace about the mountain bringing fort h a mous e a t Love's Labour's Lost 5.2.518 , bu t ther e i s mor e tangible evidenc e (becaus e o f resemblances o f detail) fo r hi s us e o f its famous passag e o n th e age s o f ma n (158-74) . Thi s lie s i n th e back ground o f mor e tha n on e o f Shakespeare' s treatment s o f th e theme : in As You Like It 2. 7 i t i s echoe d (throug h Lambinus ) togethe r wit h related passage s fro m Ovid , Palengenius an d other s (se e Baldwi n 1944: i , 652-73) , wherea s in Macbeth, fo r Macbeth' s ennui a t 5.3.22-6 , Shakespeare seems , reasonabl y enough , t o expec t som e member s o f his audience t o have a fairly clos e recollection o f the Horatian passag e alone (see Hammond 1989) . Perhaps significantly , Horatian echoes have been discerne d in almos t all th e tragedies , thoug h agai n th e evidenc e usuall y fall s shor t o f adequate proo f o f a relationship . A se t of small verba l echoe s i n King Lear 3. 4 seem s to sho w reminiscences i n Lear' s word s t o Edgar/Poo r Tom o f stray lines fro m tw o o f the Epistles an d on e o f the Odes., in on e case vi a a quotatio n i n Samue l Harsnett. Lea r see s hi s positio n i n particular throug h Horace' s Epistle n.l , especiall y th e line s (210-13 ) translated by Drant thus: 265

Horace (Quintus Horatius Flaccus)

That poet on a stretched rope may walke and never fall, That can stere up my passions, o r quicke my sprytes at all. Stere me, chere me, or with false feare s of bugges fill up my brest, At Athens now, and no w at Thebes, by charminge mak e me rest. (Drant 1567 : sig. G71} The collocatio n her e of several apparently disparat e idea s in the prot agonist's word s show s 'a unit y between th e scattere d eccentricitie s of Lear' (Blunden 1934: 202). In Hamlet we may choose to see an ech o of Ode iv.l' s 'M e ne e femin a ne e puer' ((C) , above; s o Mangold 1908) , adding sarcasti c poin t t o on e o f Hamlet's remark s t o Rosencrant z a t 2.2.317-23; an allusio n to Drant's versio n of Satire in.3 (Turner 1957) ; and memories o f Horace's character in Horatio (Kilpatrick 1982) . It is, however, unclear why Shakespeare might have expected detailed knowledge o f Drant fro m hi s audience, an d littl e seems to b e adde d t o th e play if the Horatio character i s thought of as Horatian . The possibility , more pleasan t tha n plausible , tha t th e bea r i n The Winter's Tale was suggested by the reference in Epistle n. 1 to the rabble a t the theatr e callin g fo r bears o r boxer s instea d o f good dram a ha s o f course been canvassed (Randall 1985) . The mos t intriguing remainin g connections ar e wit h Antony and Cleopatra, though i t seems unlikely they could be securely confirmed. Shakespeare might have arrived unassisted at his conception of the dying Cleopatra a s a paradoxical Stoic , but it is not availabl e i n Plutarch, an d h e coul d easil y hav e derive d i t fro m Horace's Ode i.37 (se e Westbrook 1947 ; Martindale 1990 : 186-9) . A surmise o f Emrys Jones' (1977 : 43-6 ) woul d mak e Horace' s Odes th e underlying model for the play's style as a whole, 'with its firmly moulded phrasing, it s small-scale figurative effects , an d it s sustained musicality', also perhaps connectin g wit h som e o f the play' s themes (empire , love and wine). Horace wa s a contemporary o f Antony and Cleopatra's . (D) Carne-Ross (1996 ) assembles Renaissance an d late r translation s o f Horace. Edde n (1973 ) survey s attitudes t o an d Englis h rendering s of Horace dow n to 1666 , and is supplemented byjiriczek (1911 ) on Drant. The wor k of the Martindales (1990, 1992 , 1993 ) covers Horace's influence on Jonson an d hi s immediate successor s in more detail. The onl y synoptic account of Shakespeare an d Horac e i s Baldwin (1944) , which also explore s bibliographica l context s fo r Shakespeare' s knowledge ; other commentator s al l operate a t th e leve l o f individual passage s o r 266

Horace (Quintus Horatius Flaccus) plays, thoug h i n som e cases more far-reaching effects o n Shakespear e than Baldwin claims are proposed. Th e Horatia n traditio n a s it affect s the Sonnets - bu t only marginally Horace's direc t influence on them - is extensively addressed in Leishman (1961). Baldwin (1944), n, 497-525; Martindale (1990) ; Muir (1977) . Baldwin, T . W . (1950) . On the Literary Genetics of Shakspere's Poems and Sonnets. Urbana, IL. Blunden, Edmun d (1934) . 'Shakespeare' s Significances' , pp. 195-21 5 in The Mind's Eye: Essays. London . Carne-Ross, D . S. , an d Kennet h Haynes , ed s (1996). Horace in English. Harmondsworth. Drant, Thoma s (1567) . Horace his Arte of Poetrie, Pistles, and Satyrs Englished. London . Edden, Valerie (1973). 'The Best ofLyrick Poets', pp . 135-6 0 in C . D . N. Costa, ed., Horace. London. Hammond, Pau l (1989) . 'Macbet h an d th e Age s of Man.' JV<2?£234 : 332-3. Herford, C. H., Percy and Evelyn Simpson, eds (1925-51). Benjonson, 8 vols. Oxford. Jiriczek, O. L. (1911). 'Der Elisabethanisch e Horaz.' SAJ47 : 42-63. Jones, Emrys , ed . (1977) . Antony and Cleopatra (Ne w Pengui n Shake speare). Harmondsworth. Kilpatrick, Ros s (1982) . 'Hamle t th e Scholar' , pp . 247-6 1 i n Pierr e Brind' Amo r an d Pierr e Senay , eds , Melanges offerts en hommage au Reverandpere Etienne Gareau. Ottawa. Leishman, J . B . (1961) . Themes and Variations in Shakespeare's Sonnets. London. Mangold, W. (1908). 'Zu Hamlet, II, 2 , 321.' ShJ 44: 146-7 . Martindale, Charle s (1992). 'Ovid , Horace, an d Others' , pp . 177-21 3 in Richar d Jenkyns , ed , The Legacy of Rome: A New Appraisal. Oxford. Martindale, Joanna (1993) . 'The Bes t Master o f Virtue an d Wisdom : The Horac e o f Be n Jonson an d hi s Heirs' , pp . 50-8 5 i n Charle s Martindale an d Davi d Hopkins , eds , Horace Made Mew: Horatian Influences on British Writing from the Renaissance to the Twentieth Century. Cambridge. Randall, Dale B. J. (1985).' "This is the Chase": Or, the Further Pursuit of Shakespeare's Bear.' ShJ 121: 89-95. 267

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Turner, Paul (1957). 'True Madness (A Note on "Hamlet," II, ii, 92-5).' JV<S?Q,202: 194-6 . Westbrook, Perr y D . (1947) . 'Horace' s Influenc e o n Shakespeare' s Antony and Cleopatra: PMLA 62 : 392-8 .

Huon o f Burdeux (Anon. French Romance) Th e usua l assumption tha t i n A Midsummer Night's Dream the figur e (an d name) of Oberon is taken fro m thi s romance, translate d b y Lord Berner s befor e 1533, i s supporte d b y a fe w furthe r loca l affinitie s betwee n th e tw o works. Brooks, Harol d E , ed . (1979) . A Midsummer Night's Dream (Arde n Shakespeare), pp. lix, 145-6 . London . Bullough, i, 370-1.

268

I• • piH"^ H^ V1 Impresa, Imprese See Emblems

Interludes See Morality Tradition.

James I and VI (1566-1625), King of England, Scotland and Wales Ther e ar e sign s that thre e Shakespear e plays , Macbeth, Othello an d Measure for Measure, ar e i n differen t way s designe d t o pa y compliments to James, an d draw on his own published writings in order to do so. Draper, J. W . (1938). 'Macbeth a s a Complimen t t o James I. ' Englische Studim 72: 207-20 . Jones, Emrys (1968).' "Othello", "Lepanto" and the Cyprus Wars.' ShSu 21:47-52. Stevenson, David Lloyd (1959). 'The Role o f James I in Shakespeare' s Measure for Measure: ELH 26: 188-208 .

Jodelle, Etienne (1532-1573), French Poet and Playwright Ther e ar e a few points, especially in Act 3, at which Antony and Cleopatra look s close r i n som e detail s t o Jodelle's pla y Cleopdtre captive 269

Jodelle, Etienne (performed 1552-3 , published 1574 ) than to its other sources. But these are much too slight to confirm an acquaintance . Muir, Kennet h (1969) . 'Elizabet h I , Jodelle, an d Cleopatra. ' RenD 2: 197-206. Jonson, Ben (1573?-1637), Poet and Dramatist Jone s (1971: 149-51 ) refer s t o the name s Othello/Thorello an d som e othe r local similarities between passages in Othello and Every Man in his Humour (1601), and Taylor (1982 ) to miscellaneous similarities betwee n King Lear and Eastward Ho\ (1605) , again perhaps merely coincidental. Jones, Emrys (1971). Scenic Form in Shakespeare. Oxford. Taylor, Gar y (1982) . ' A Ne w Sourc e an d a n Ol d Dat e fo r King Lear' /2ES 33: 396-413. Jourdain (Jourdan), Silvester (d. 1650) See Bermuda Pamphlets. Juvenal (Decimusjuniusjuvenalis) (ft. 2nd Century AD), Roman Satirist Kilpatrick' s i s the fullest recen t treatmen t o f the passing resemblances to Juvenalian line s in Hamlet, where most possible echoes of him hav e been found i n Shakespeare; they are insufficien t t o establish direct acquaintance . Kilpatrick, Ros s (1982) . 'Hamle t th e Scholar' , pp . 247-6 1 i n Pierr e Brind'Amor an d Pierr e Senay , eds , Melanges q/erts en hommage au Reverand Pere Etienne Gareau. Ottawa .

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K Krantz, Albert (Crantz; Albertius Kranzius) (d. 1517), German Theologian, Diplomat and Chronicler Krantz' s 1548 Latin accoun t o f the Hamle t stor y might hav e been availabl e t o Shakespeare, bu t Olsson' s cas e fo r th e playwright' s us e o f it i s predi cated on the assumptio n tha t he did not know enough Frenc h t o read Belleforest's. Olsson, Yngv e B . (1968) . 'I n Searc h o f Yorick's Skull : Note s o n th e Background of Hamlet.' SkSt4: 183-220 . Kyd, Thomas (1558-1594), Playwright (A) Th e so n o f a successfu l scrivene r (lega l scribe) , Ky d attende d th e recently founded Merchant Taylors ' School , bu t i s not know n t o hav e entered university . Most o f his original wor k seems to hav e been don e before 1588 , perhaps includin g th e los t pla y mor e o r les s tentativel y assigned to him, th e so-calle d Ur-Hamlet. A s well as evidently lost plays there ma y well have been other s never assigne d t o hi m a t al l after th e sixteenth century . Hi s brilliantl y innovativ e Spanish Tragedy, firs t performed at some point between 158 2 and 1592 , was an influential adaptation of some of the ingredients of Senecan tragedy- such as ghosts and a revenge plot - t o the English stage. Kyd later published translation s of Italian an d Frenc h plays; his closet tragedy Cornelia (probably written in 1593), fro m Garnier, wa s i n keepin g wit h curren t courtl y fashion . 271

Kyd, Thomas Other courtly closet dramas, includin g his blank verse Pompey the Great., do not survive. During 1587—8 he seems to have become a secretary to an unknown lord, and by 1590 to have joined the service of Essex as a secret agent. In 159 3 the Priv y Council had hi s lodgings searched i n connec tion with charges of 'libels' apparently lai d against hi s sometime room mate Marlowe, i n whic h h e wa s implicated . A heretica l essa y wa s found whic h Kyd, probably unde r torture , attribute d t o Marlowe. Bu t Marlowe was exonerated, an d Kyd, who was disowned even by his own family, die d in disgrace and poverty little more than a year later. (B) Early references suggest Kyd was seen as a dramatist o f importance , lending support to the hypothesis that he was responsible for more plays than ar e known to later times. But The Spanish Tragedy alon e achieved an unrivalled success on the Elizabethan an d Jacobean stage (for the stage history see Freeman 1967 : 120-31), an d it s popularity laste d unti l th e 1630s, with ten separate edition s being issued from 159 2 to 1633 . It was revised for a revival in 1602 , acquiring 32 0 fresh line s by one o f several candidates includin g Jonson, Dekker, Webster an d (accordin g t o Stevenson 1968 ) Shakespeare. It s influenc e i n a genera l sens e ca n b e traced o r assume d i n all later Elizabetha n reveng e tragedies, an d allu sions, echoes and parodie s o f it are ubiquitous on the stag e for decades . In 161 4 Jonson characterized a n old-fashione d playwright a s one who would swear that 'Jeronimo [The Spanish Tragedy] an d Andronicus were th e best plays yet'. The deepl y motivate d vigou r o f Hieronimo's dramati c idio m a s he prepares hi s vengeanc e fo r hi s so n Horatio' s murde r wa s o f grea t significance fo r later writers (see (C)). It is illustrated i n this soliloquy: See, see , o h see thy shame Hieronimo, See heere a loving Father t o his sonne: Beholde the sorrowes and the sad laments, That he delivereth for his sonnes dicease. If loves effects s o strives in lesser things, If love enforce suc h moodes in meaner wits, If love expresse such power in poore estates : Hieronimo, When a s a raging Sea, Tost with the winde and tide ore turnest then The uppe r billowes course of waves to keep, Whilest lesser waters labour i n the deepe .

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Then shamest tho u not Hieronimo to neglect , The swee t revenge of thy Horatio. Though on this earth justice will not be found : He downe to hell and i n this passion, Knock at the dismall gates ofPlutos Court , Getting by force a s once Alcides did, A troupe o f furies an d tormentin g hagges , To torture Don Lorenzo and th e rest . Yet least the triple headed porte r should , Denye my passage to the slimy strond: The Thracian Poet thou shalt counterfeite: Come o n olde Father be my Orpheus, And if thou canst no notes upon the Harpe, Then sound the burden of thy sore harts greefe , Till we do gaine that Proserpine may graunt , Revenge on them that murdred m y Sonne, Then will I rent and teare them thus and thus, Shivering their limmes in peeces with my teeth. (3.13.95-123; Kyd 1592 : sigs H2v-H3r) (C) The hypothesi s that Kyd' s hand wa s at work in som e Shakespear e plays, notably Hamlet an d Titus Andronicus, was once found more credibl e than i t no w seems , an d theorie s abou t th e authorshi p o f Hamlefs predecessor-play have come and gone. It would now be unusual to hold that The Taming of a Shrew bot h predate d Shakespeare' s pla y an d wa s written b y Kyd. Bu t doubt s abou t suc h connection s nee d no t reduc e Shakespeare's debt t o Kyd to the mer e schema of revenge tragedy: h e is likely to have been impressed b y his predecessor well beyond this level. The Ur-Hamlet, being only hypothetically reconstructable, cannot read ily be analysed as source-material at all, and indication s o f the effect s of other Ky d plays on Shakespeare ar e faint - mos t concretely , there is a reference t o Basilico , on e o f the principa l character s i n th e 158 9 pla y often ascribe d t o Kyd, Soliman and Perseda, in King John, 1.1.244 . But The Spanish Tragedy i s in itsel f an influenc e o f sufficient momen t t o giv e Ky d an important bearin g on the shape o f Shakespeare's work, in a mixture of direct an d les s direct ways. The man y parallels in incident an d situ ation betwee n i t an d Hamlet (Bullough , vn, 16-1 7 list s twent y items ) need no t sugges t consciou s emulation : suc h resemblance s ca n b e accounted fo r as the combine d resul t of a powerful impressio n fro m a

273

Kyd, Thomas recent o r not-so-recen t performance , an d th e effec t o f The Spanish Tragedy o n contemporar y audienc e taste s an d th e norm s o f dramati c practice an d convention . Th e firs t coul d explain , fo r example , th e duplicated inciden t o f an oat h take n o n th e cros s o f a sword-hilt , an d the second the appearance i n both works of a vengeance-seeking ghost and a n inse t play (eve n thoug h th e las t devic e ha d bee n use d several times previousl y b y Shakespeare) . A s evidenc e o f Kyd' s impac t o n Hamlet., these parallels are reinforced by a few verbal similarities mainly found in the Q\ tex t of Shakespeare's play. Certain detail s i n a numbe r o f Shakespear e play s ca n wit h som e plausibility be attribute d to memorie s of The Spanish Tragedy, fo r these , see as well as the commentators mentioned below Edwards (1959: xxvixxvii), Boa s (1955 : introduction) , an d Jacobs (1975) . Som e apparen t echoes in The Taming of the Shrew have been take n a s supporting a very early dat e fo r th e Shakespear e play , bu t Thompson' s (1984 ) stronges t evidence, Christophe r Sly' s evidentl y unintentiona l allusion s t o th e currently famou s pla y i n th e Inductio n (especiall y hi s 'G o by , Sain t Jeronimy', 7) , is unpersuasive, since such echoes are commo n for many years in othe r playwrights' wor k (Freeman 1967 : 13 4 lists six instances of'go by ' fro m 160 2 to 1630) . The relationship s of Kyd's play to Titus Andronicus, recently analysed by Jonathan Bate, and Richard III, suggest ively explore d b y Emry s Jones, ar e o f greater interest . Titus Andronicus seems to involve not only an equivalent for Kyd's framing devices and a patterning o f Titus' idio m o n Hieronimo' s (se e below) but als o man y more local points of contact. There is found in both, to take a variety of examples, 'a fascination with speech and silence , with tongues removed and act s of inscription', emblematic props, an d 'assume d madness an d theatre' a s th e mean s th e revenge r take s o f speakin g an d actin g i n public (Bat e 1995 : 86) . A s wit h Hamlet, thes e similaritie s ver y likely result fro m a combinatio n o f direct an d indirec t influenc e from Kyd , though th e earlie r dat e o f Titus ma y affec t th e proportio n o f each b y bringing th e pla y neare r (perhap s ver y near ) i n tim e t o th e earlie r phases of The Spanish Tragedy's impact . As well as sharing at a fairly superficia l leve l 'a certain har d metallic eloquence, a liking for repetitive rhetorical scheme s and patterns, [and ] a hig h incidenc e o f latinate formality' , al l o f which Ky d ha d draw n from Senec a mor e fluently than an y English dramatist befor e him , The Spanish Tragedy ha s i n commo n wit h Richard III 'fundamental s o f con ception and structure ' (Jones 1977 : 200). In particular, the presentation

274

Kyd, Thomas of figures who act a s embodiments o f memory - Revenge , Andrea , Hieronimo himself - seem s to be reflected in Shakespeare's Margare t (whose inclusio n i n th e play' s actio n i s unhistorical) , functionin g t o recall th e pas t an d cal l fo r judgement. Kyd' s effec t o f a supernatura l order supervenin g o n th e mai n action , achieve d throug h th e framing presence o f Andrea's Ghos t an d Revenge , i s on Jones' vie w a direc t inspiration fo r the drea m scenes in Richard III., wit h Clarence i n 1. 4 an d Richard i n 5.3. More importan t still , it seems likely that The Spanish Tragedy, perhap s in conjunction with other Ky d plays now lost, would have acted als o as a powerfu l influenc e o n Shakespear e (a s wel l a s man y othe r con temporary writers ) in wide r forma l and stylisti c ways. For example , i t offered th e firs t significan t deployment o n th e Englis h tragi c stag e o f framing devices , in the chori c figures and inse t play. Such devices were useful a s solvin g dramaturgica l problem s an d extendin g possibilities : frames could elicit moral meanings from th e welter of dramatic actions , they could poin t th e tale , an d the y coul d eve n lea d th e audienc e t o consider it s own plac e i n th e theatrum mundi, as Hamlet's dum b sho w and inner play do ... the y offered expositio n and causal explanation s that th e dramatis t coul d no t locate , o r di d no t choos e t o locate , i n the represented action. (Braunmulle r 1984: 108) Shakespeare, though rarely employing formal choruses, prologues, epilogues o r ful l frames , gain s thei r advantage s b y convertin g th e fram e into a n 'inne r play' . Somethin g o f this has alread y bee n note d abov e with Richard III; i n Titus Andronicus, Titus too i s a play-maker, inviting his family t o hel p hi m 'Plo t som e devic e o f further misery ' (3.1.134 ) an d overtly directing other characters, especially in the masque-like show he creates in 5.2. A exampl e mus t als o hav e bee n se t b y Kyd' s developmen t o f th e figurative languag e require d fo r dramati c expressio n o f the self . Fro m Gavin Douglas' Virgil and from th e Mirror for Magistrates, Kyd fashioned th e idio m o f Hieronimo's suffering , a vehicl e for expressing emotion throug h the 'imager y necessary for a metaphorical journey of the trouble d spirit'. Kyd would thus seem to have laid th e foundations for Shakespeare' s figurativ e blan k verse , i n whic h th e motion s o f th e spirit expres s themselves often i n passage s o f extended an d mountin g

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Kyd, Thomas intensity; th e idio m o f Hieronimo' s agonie s Ver y soo n becam e th e language o f the mos t intens e part s o f new an d greate r plays ' (Bake r 1967: 163-4) . I n technica l terms , th e line s give n i n (B ) are har d t o distinguish from simila r lines of Shakespeare's. (D) Fo r Kyd' s impac t o n Elizabetha n dramatist s othe r tha n Shake speare, se e Edwards (1966) , and , mor e briefl y an d factually , Freema n (1967: 131-7) . Bullough, vn;Jones (1977). Baker, Howar d (1967) . 'The Formatio n o f the Heroi c Medium' , pp . 126-68 i n Pau l J . Alpers , ed. , Elizabethan Poetry: Modern Essays in Criticism. Oxford (firs t publishe d in Baker , Induction to Tragedy, 1939) . Bate, Jonathan , ed . (1995) . Titus Andronicus (Arde n Shakespeare) . London. Boas, F. S. (1955). The Works of Thomas Kyd, corrected edition. Oxford. Braunmuller, A. R. (1984) . 'Early Shakespearian Tragedy an d Its Contemporary Context : Caus e an d Emotio n i n Titus Andronicus, Richard III, an d The Rape of Lucrece', pp . 96-12 8 i n Malcol m Bradbur y an d David Palmer , eds , Shakespearian Tragedy (Stratford-upon-Avo n Studies, 20). New York. Edwards, Philip, ed. (1959) . The Spanish Tragedy. London . (1966). Thomas Kyd and Early Elizabethan Tragedy. London . Freeman, Arthur (1967). Thomas Kyd. Facts and Problems. Oxford. Jacobs, Edward Craney (1975). 'An Unnoted Deb t to Kyd in King Lear.' 4#Q,14: 19. Kyd, Thoma s (1592) . The Spanish Tragedie, Containing the Lamentable End of Don Horatio, and Bel-Imperia: with the Pittiful Death ofolde Hieronimo, 2n d edn. London . Law, Rober t Adge r (1948) . 'Belleforest , Shakespeare , an d Kyd' , pp . 279-94 i n James G . McManawa y et ai, eds , Joseph Quincy Adams Memorial Studies. Washington. Stevenson, Warren (1968) . 'Shakespeare' s Hand i n The Spanish Tragedy

1602.'SEZ 8: 307-21.

Thompson, An n (1984) . ''The Taming of the Shrew an d The Spanish Tragedy: JV<2?£229 : 182-4.

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L La primaudaye, Pierre de (1546-1619), Author of L,'Academic franfoise L a Primaudaye' s pros e compendiu m o f scientific, mora l an d philosophica l knowledg e wa s translate d int o English fro m 158 6 and ma y hav e supplemente d Palingenius a s a Shakespearean source in various plays. Hankins, John Erskin e (1953) . Shakespeare's Derived Imagery. Lawrence , KA. Lavater, Lewes (Ludwig ) (1527—1586), German Theological Writer Lavater' s treatise on spirits, Englished in 1572 , may have suggeste d som e detail s fo r th e ghost s an d ghostl y imagining s i n Hamlet and Macbeth. Maguin, Jean-Marie (1972) . 'Of Ghosts an d Spirit s Walking by Night: A Join t Examinatio n o f th e Ghos t Scene s i n Rober t Garnier' s Cornelie, Thoma s Kyd' s Cornelia an d Shakespeare' s Hamlet i n th e Light o f Reformatio n Thinkin g a s Presente d i n Lavater' s Book. ' CahiersE 1:25-40 . Slater, Ann Pasterna k (1978) . 'Macbeth and th e Terror s o f the Night.' £z>zC28: 112-28 .

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Leigh, Nicholas Leigh, Nicholas See Erasmus, Desiderius. Le Loyer, Pierre (Peter de Loier), Sieur de la Brosse (fl. 1586) Le Loyer' s treatis e Discours et histoires de spectres, translate d int o English i n 1605 , wa s a Catholi c answe r t o Lavater; som e distan t echoes have been identified i n Macbeth^ ghostl y imaginings. Paul, Henry N . (1950) . The Royal Play of Macbeth: When, Why, and How it was written by Shakespeare, pp. 57-9 . New York . Leo, John (Joannes), Africanus See Africanus, Leo. Leslie (Lesley), John (1527-1596), Bishop of Ross Leslie' s De Origine Scotorum (1578), available t o Shakespear e onl y in Latin , con tains a genealogical tre e of the roya l Stuarts (reproduce d by Bullough) which has been thought to have influenced the imager y of Macbeth 3.1 , in whic h Banqu o see s himsel f as 'th e roo t an d fathe r o f many kings' . The cas e is not compelling. Bullough, vii, 441-3. Paul, Henry N . (1950) . The Royal Play of Macbeth: When, Why, and How it was written by Shakespeare. New York . Lewkenor, Sir Lewis (c . 1556-1626), Diplomat and Translator Lewis ' 159 9 translation o f Gaspar o Contarini , The Commonwealth and Government of Venice, wa s use d i n Othello for informa tion abou t Venic e an d fo r Othello' s defenc e agains t th e charg e o f witchcraft. Drennan, Willia m R . (1988) . '"Corrupt mean s to aspire": Contarini' s De Republica an d th e Motives of lago.' JV<2?£233: 474-5. Sipahigil, T. (1972). 'Lewkeno r an d "Othello" : An Addendum.' N&d 217: 127. Whitfield, Christopher (1964) . 'Sir Lewis Lewkenor and The Merchant of Venice: A Suggested Connexion.' JV<2?Q,209: 123-33 .

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Livy (Titus Livius)

Livy (Titus Livius) (59 BG-AD 17), Roman Historian

(A) Livy was born i n Padua, came to Rome as a young man, and by the age o f thirty had commence d hi s 142-Boo k Historiarum ab Urbe Condita ('History of Rome fro m he r Foundation') , the first adequate treatmen t of th e subject , publishe d i n instalment s t o immediat e acclaim . Liv y seems not to have held public offices , bu t devote d himself to his writing as an orator o r moralist, without personal experienc e of war or politics. He bega n an d remaine d o n goo d term s with Augustus, surviving him by three years. Livy's stated general purpose is a moral one : to narrat e history fro m whic h lessons can b e drawn . Hi s highl y expressiv e prose discloses reverence for the ol d Roman character , fervent championshi p of th e republica n stat e o n whic h hi s wor k i s th e grea t repositor y o f information, an d a belief in the inherent nobility of humanity. (B) Livy's History covere d the period from th e fabled arrival of Aeneas in Italy to the death of Drusus in 9 BC, but only a quarter of it (Books i-ix, XXI-XLV) has ever been extant in modern times. It was little mentioned in th e Middl e Ages , bu t enthusiasticall y take n u p i n th e Renaissanc e following an editio princeps of 1469 . There were London-printed edition s from 1589 . Ascha m (Schoolmaster) an d Hool e (New Discovery) promot e Livy as a model for imitation; Jonson (Timber) urges 'the best authors to youth first , . . . the openes t an d clearest . A s Livy before Sallust. ' Th e interest is mainly in his eloquence, hence in the orations ; that is , not i n Livy a s a historia n bu t 'a s moralizabl e matte r fo r literar y exercises ' (Baldwin 1944 : n, 568 ) - a standard Elizabetha n attitud e t o historical writing i n general , bu t especiall y pronounce d here . H e wa s als o admired a s a counsello r o f policy: Si r Anthony Cope' s version o f the stories o f Scipi o an d Hanniba l (The Historic of Two the Moste Noble Capitaines, 1544) , he told Henry VIII in his dedication, wa s intended t o help men 'do e displeasur e to theyr ennemies, and t o avoyde the craft y and daungerou s baites, which shall be layde for theim'. The Englis h were fortunate tha t the first complete translation was by Philemon Hollan d (1552-1637 ; fo r hi s lif e an d wor k see Matthiesso n 1930), an abl e Latinist with a good ea r fo r his own language. Hi s 160 0 translation, The Roman Historic, ha s man y admirabl e qualities , thoug h they are not alway s those of Livy. The followin g excerpt (n, 32) displays Holland's characteristi c phrase-makin g i n his version of a famous par t of the Coriolanus story.

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Livy (Titus Livius) Whilome (quot h he ) when a s i n man s bodie , al l th e part s thereo f agreed not , a s now the y d o i n one , bu t ec h membe r ha d a severa l intent an d meaning , ye a an d a speec h by it selfe : s o it befel, tha t al l other parts besides the belly, thought much and repine d tha t by their carefulnes, labor , an d ministerie , al l wa s gotten , an d ye t al l littl e enough to serve it: and th e bellie it selfe lying still in the mids of them, did nothin g els e bu t enjo y th e delightsom e pleasure s brought unt o her. Wherupon the y mutined an d conspire d altogethe r i n this wise, That neithe r th e hand s shoul d reac h an d conve y foo d int o th e mouth, not the mouth receive it as it came, ne yet the teeth grind an d chew th e same . I n thi s moo d an d fit , while s the y wer e minde d t o famish th e poore bellie , behold othe r lims , yea and th e whol e bodi e besides, pined, wasted, and fe l into an extreme consumption. Then it was well seen, that eve n the ver y belly also did n o sma l service, bu t fed th e othe r parts, as it received food i t selfe: seein g that b y working and concoctin g th e mea l throughli e it digestet h an d distributet h b y the vein s into al l parts tha t fres h an d perfec t bloo d whereby we live, we like, and hav e our ful l strength . A much smaller-scale translation fro m Liv y is found in a book Shakespeare certainl y knew , Willia m Painter' s Palace of Pleasure (1566-75) . This collection of stories contains a fairly clos e version of Livy's narrative i n i , 57-6 0 o f th e History, th e stor y o f th e rap e o f Lucrece , a s Painter's second 'novel' . Part o f the latte r sectio n is given here . As the concluding paragraph s suggest , the episod e i n Livy' s interpretatio n i s important fo r the transition from tyrann y under the Tarquins to Roman republicanism. Lucrec e 'receive s nothin g i n th e wa y o f psychologica l depiction bu t assume s th e perso n o f a marty r t o th e cause ; a n almost equal emphasis is placed o n Lucius Junius Brutus, who leads the successful revolt ' (Roe 1992: 35). Then ever y on e o f the m gav e he r thei r faith , an d comforte d th e pensive an d languishin g lady , imputin g th e offenc e t o th e authou r and doer of the same, affirming tha t her bodye was polluted, and no t her minde, an d where consent was not, there the crime was absente. Whereunto sh e added. I pray e yo u consider wit h you r selves , wha t punishmente i s du e fo r th e malefactour . As fo r m y part , thoug h I cleare m y self e o f the offence , m y bod y shal l feel e th e punishment ; for n o unchas t or ill woman, shal l hereafter impute n o dishones t act

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Livy (Titus Livius) to Lucrece . The n sh e drew e ou t a knife , whic h sh e ha d hidde n secretely, under he r kirtle , and stabbe d he r self e t o the harte . Whic h done, sh e fell down e grovelinge uppon he r wound an d died . Where upon he r fathe r an d husban d mad e grea t lamentation , an d a s they were bewayling the deat h o f Lucrece, Brutus plucked the knif e out e of th e wound , whic h gushe d ou t wit h abundanc e o f bloude , an d holding it up said. I sweare by the chast bloud of this body here dead , and I tak e yo u the immortal l God s t o witnes, tha t I wil l driv e an d extirpate out e o f thi s Citie , bot h L . Tarquiniu s Superbus , an d hi s wicked wife , wit h al l th e rac e o f his childre n an d progenie , s o tha t none o f them, n e ye t an y other s shal l raign e any e longe r i n Rome . Then he e delivere d th e knif e t o Collatinus , Lucretius , an d Valerius who merveyled at the strangenesse of his words: and from whence he should conceiv e tha t determination . The y al l swore tha t othe , an d followed Brutu s a s thei r Captaine, i n hi s conceive d purpose . Th e body o f Lucrece wa s brough t int o th e marke t place , wher e th e people wondre d a t the vileness e o f that facte , ever y man complayn ing uppo n th e mischief e o f tha t facinorou s rape , committe d b y Tarquinius. Whereupo n Brutu s perswaded th e Romaynes , tha t the y should ceas e fro m teare s an d othe r childish e lamentacions , an d t o take weapons in their handes, to shew themselves like men . . . [At Rome] the people out of all places of the Citie, ranne into the market place . Wher e Brutu s complained o f the abhominable Rap e of Lucrece , committe d b y Sextu s Tarquinius . An d thereunt o h e added th e pride an d insolen t behaviour o f the king, the miseri e an d drudgerie o f th e people , an d how e they , whic h i n tim e past e wer e victours an d conquerours , wer e mad e o f me n o f warre , Artificer s and Labourers . He remembre d als o the infamou s murde r o f Servius Tullius their late kinge. These an d suc h like he called to the peoples remembraunce, whereb y the y abrogate d an d depose d Tarquinius , banishing him , his wife, and children . . . When Tarquinius was come to Rome, the gates were shutte against him, an d h e himselfe commaunde d t o avoide into exile. The camp e received Brutu s with grea t joy e an d triumphe , fo r tha t h e ha d delivered th e citi e o f suc h a tyraunte . The n Tarquiniu s wit h hi s children fledd e t o Caere , a Citi e o f the Hetrurians . An d a s Sextus Tarquinius wa s going , h e wa s slain e b y thos e tha t premeditate d revengemente, o f old e murde r an d injurie s b y hi m don e t o thei r predecessours. This L. Tarquinius Superbu s raigned xxv. yeares. Th e

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Livy (Titus Livius) raigne of the kinge s from th e first foundation of the Citi e continue d CCxliiii. yeares . Afte r whic h government e tw o Consul s wer e appointed, fo r the order and administration o f the Citie. And for that yeare L. Junius Brutus, and L . Tarquinius, Collatinus . (Painter 1575 : sigs G^? 1) (C) Shakespeare seem s to have had som e first-han d knowledg e of Livy, certainly o f the Lucrec e story . This 'fairl y certainly ' date s fro m schoo l training, accordin g t o Baldwi n (1944 : n , 573) , wh o als o carefull y investigates the copiou s amount of Livy Shakespeare coul d have foun d in the extensiv e notes to Marsus' standard 155 0 edition of Ovid's Fasti (Baldwin 1950 : 97-106). Although there have been attempts at political interpretation o f the poem, and althoug h the kind of mixed state Livy's republic represents was for various reasons attracting much attention i n Jacobean England, in Lucrece the psychological drama is in obvious ways to the for e (i n particular th e part played by conscience). Overall, then , Livy's interest s serve d Shakespeare' s purpose s les s wel l than thos e o f Ovid, whos e Fasti was a mor e significan t sourc e fo r him . Livy' s revo lutionary climax 'is very subdued, as is the entire political dimension of the story' , whic h i s mentione d 'almos t a s a narrativ e afterthought ' (Donaldson 1982 : 43) , o r perhap s rathe r i n a ver y conspicuousl y cursory fashion . On e o r tw o touche s ar e owin g t o Liv y nevertheless. (The 'Argument ' t o th e poem , perhap s no t b y Shakespeare , contain s phrasing fro m Painter' s rendering : se e Bush 1932 : 150. ) Livy contrasts the evil that has overtaken Lucrece's body with her inviolate mind, an d she identifie s he r suicid e a s a defenc e o f th e goo d nam e o f Roma n women. This surfaces in Shakespeare as 'No, no,' quoth she 'no dame hereafte r living By my excuse shall claim excuse's giving. (1714-15) 'Her resolv e matche s th e teno r o f public responsibilit y whic h Liv y is eager t o cultivate , an d emphasise s tha t persona l conscienc e accord s with devotion to the good of the patria' (Roe 1992: 36). There have been suggestion s that Livy's Lucrece narrative als o contributes to the Brutus of'Julius Caesar (Berman 1972) , and that the severe virtue o f th e Andronic i i n Titus Andronicus owe s somethin g t o Livy' s early Book s (Hunter 1984) . The othe r Shakespear e work with a clea r

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Livy (Titus Livius) debt to Livy is Coriolanus. The mai n incidents of this play are taken fro m Plutarch's Life of Coriolanus, bu t decisiv e resemblance s t o Liv y ar e afforded b y Shakespeare's versio n o f the fabl e o f the Body' s Members as narrate d b y Meneniu s i n 1.1 . Thi s probabl y draw s o n severa l sources: th e stor y i s tol d b y Si r Phili p Sidney, by Erasmus, by Camden, an d others . Shakespear e kne w Livy's version an d possibl y Holland's recentl y published translation in (B) (Muir 1953 ; Muir 1977 : 238). With a kind of smile, Which ne'er came fro m the lungs, but even thus For look you, I may make the belly smile As well as speak - i t tauntingly replied To th' discontente d members, the mutinous parts That envied his receipt; even so most fitly As you malign ou r senator s for that They ar e not such as you . . . Your most grave belly was deliberate, Not rash like his accusers, and thu s answered. 'True is it, my incorporate friends, ' quot h he 'That I receive the general food at first Which you do live upon; and fit it is, Because I am the storehouse and the shop Of the whole body. But, if you remember, I send it through the rivers of your blood, Even to the court, th e heart, to th' seat o' th' brain; And, through the cranks and office s o f man, The stronges t nerves and smal l inferior veins From me receive that natural competency Whereby they live. And though that all at once You, m y good friends' - thi s says the belly; mark me. i CITIZE N Ay , sir; well, well. MENENIUS 'Thoug h all at once cannot See what I do deliver out to each, Yet I can make my audit up, that all From me do back receive the flour of all, And leave me but the bran.' (1.1.105-12, 126-44 )

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Livy (Titus Livius) Conformities her e ar e usefu l i n demonstrating Shakespeare' s knowledge o f Livy in Coriolanus, but i t has bee n forcefull y argue d tha t 'the y matter fa r les s tha n a serie s o f overal l attitudes , attitude s peculia r t o this play , whic h . . . Shakespear e owe d no t t o an y one , particula r passage i n Livy, but t o his history as a whole' (Barto n 1985 : 116) . Th e events in Livy' s Book n narrativ e o f the trouble s afflictin g Rom e afte r the expulsio n o f th e Tarquin s ar e al l reporte d b y Plutarch , bu t th e emphasis an d contex t ar e ver y different . Livy' s Boo k n i s devoted t o showing ho w libertas was achieve d i n Rome , a t bot h institutiona l an d individual level . Here Liv y 'patientl y tease s ou t th e intimat e connec tion, unfoldin g over a vas t stretc h o f years, betwee n Rome' s nee d t o cultivate th e art s o f peac e a s wel l a s war , an d th e interna l struggl e between he r patrician s an d plebeians ' (Barto n 1985 : 120) . Coriolanus may b e see n a s a pla y specificall y abou t th e polls, focusin g on Rom e herself at a moment o f transition, with the protagonist exemplar y only as a figur e wh o finally learn s wha t i s outdated abou t hi s attitudes none of which would have been suggeste d by Plutarch's quit e differen t presentation o f the story .

(D) Baldwin (1944) ; Baldwin (1950) ; Bullough, v; Muir (1977). Barton, Ann e (1985) . 'Livy , Machiavelli , an d Shakespeare' s "Coriola nus".' ShSu 38: 115-29. Berman, Ronal d (1972) . ' A Not e o n th e Motive s o f Marcus Brutus. ' ShQJ23: 197-200 . Brockbank, Philip, ed. (1976) . Coriolanus (Arden Shakespeare). London. Burke, Peter (1966) . 'A Survey of the Popularit y o f Ancient Historians , 1450-1700.' History and Theory 5 : 135-52. Bush, Dougla s (1932) . Mythology and the Renaissance Tradition in English Poetry. London . Donaldson, Ia n (1982) . The Rapes of Lucretia: A Myth and its Transformations. Oxford. Holland, Philemo n (1600) . The Roman Historic written by T. Livius. London. Hunter, G . K . (1984) . 'Source s an d Meaning s i n Titus Andronicus', pp . 171-88 inj. C . Gray , ed., Mirror up to Shakespeare: Essays in Honour of G. R. Hibbard. Toronto. Matthiesson, F . O . (1931) . Translation: An Elizabethan Art. Cambridge , MA. 284

Livy (Titus Livius) Muir, Kenneth (1953) . 'Menenius's Fable.' N&Q, 198: 240-2. Painter, William (1575) . The Palace of Pleasure Beautified, Adorned, and Well Furnished with Pleasaunt Histories and Excellent Novels. London . Roe, John , ed . (1992) . The Poems (Ne w Cambridg e Shakespeare) . Cambridge.

Lodge, Thomas (1558?-1625), Poet, Playwright and Romance Writer

(A) Lodge's father was a grocer, sometime Lord Mayor o f London, the n a bankrupt . Th e so n attended Merchan t Taylors ' Schoo l an d Trinit y College, Oxford , followe d b y admissio n t o Lincoln' s In n i n 1578 . H e served in the navy, 1588-91, immediately before and after which period his onl y tw o extan t play s wer e published , th e secon d a collaboratio n with Robert Greene. His writing, the extent and diversity of which was partly a respons e t o financia l pressures, includes Scillae's Metamorphosis (1589), th e firs t eroti c epyllion i n English verse; Phillis (1593), a sonnet cycle; and Rosalynde (1590) , one o f the mos t polished prose romances of its tim e (als o includin g a successio n of lyrics in mid-Elizabethan style) , which used the name of Lyly's hero t o attract a similar readership, bu t otherwise ha d littl e t o d o wit h Euphues. Severa l othe r pros e romance s followed, includin g Euphues Shadow (1592 ) an d Margarite of America (1596). Lodg e als o publishe d satire s i n th e Horatia n manner , mora l dialogues, and treatise s and disquisition s on various, often topical , sub jects. H e becam e a Catholi c conver t an d i n 159 6 wrote a devotiona l work o n th e Virgi n Mary ; i n the sam e year h e published a treatise on the Seve n Deadly Sins . I n 159 7 h e abandone d Gru b Stree t t o tak e further degree s in medicine at Avignon and Oxford. In his later years he spent period s abroa d a s a recusant , an d practise d medicine . Durin g these phases he wrote A Treatise of the Plague (1603) and publishe d severa l translations o f Josephus, th e Jewis h historia n (1602) , o f Seneca (1614), and o f the theological writer Simon Goulart . (B) Rosalynde wa s popula r enoug h t o g o throug h nin e edition s i n th e half-century afte r it s 159 0 publication. Thi s sampl e passag e recount s Rosader (Orlando)' s appearanc e a t Kin g Torismon d (Duk e Senior' s feast on arrival i n Arden wit h his old servant, Ada m Spencer . Whatsoever tho u b e tha t ar t maiste r o f these lustie squiers, I salute 285

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thee as graciously, as a man i n extreame distress e may: knowe that I and a fello w frien d o f mine , ar e her e famishe d i n th e forres t fo r want o f foode : peris h we e mus t unless e relieve d b y th y favours . Therefore i f thou be a Gentleman, giv e meate t o men, and t o suche as are everi e way woorthie o f life: le t the proudest squir e that sit s a t thy table , ris e an d incounte r with me e i n ani e honourabl e poin t o f activitie whatsoever , an d i f he e an d tho u proov e m e no t a man , send m e awa y comfortlesse . If thou refus e this , a s a niggar d o f thy cates, I will have amongs t yo u with m y sword: for rather wil l I dye valiantly, then peris h wit h s o cowardly a n extreame . Gerismond looking him earnestl y i n the face , an d seein g so proper a Gentlema n i n so bitter a passion, wa s mooved wit h s o great pitie , tha t rising fro m the table , h e took e hi m b y the han d an d badd e hi m welcom e . . . Well t o b e short , thos e hungr y squire s fel l t o thei r victuals , an d feasted themselve s wit h goo d delicates , an d grea t stor e o f wine . Assoone a s they had take n thei r repast , Gerismond (desirous to heare what har d fortun e drav e the m int o thos e bitte r extreames ) requested Rosader t o discourse , (a s i t we r no t an y wa y prejudical l unto him ) th e caus e o f hi s travell . Rosader (desirou s ani e wa y t o satisfie th e curtesi e o f hi s favourabl e host , (firs t beginnin g hi s exordium wit h a volle y o f sighes , an d a few e luk e warm e teares ) prosecuted hi s discourse , an d tol d hi m fro m poin t t o poin t al l his fortunes, ho w he e wa s th e yonges t sonn e o f Si r John o f Bourdeaux, his name Rosader, ho w hi s brother sundr y time s ha d wronge d him , and lastly , ho w fo r beatin g th e Sheriffe , an d hurtin g hi s men , he e fled: and thi s old man (quot h he) whom I so much love and honour , is surname d Adam Spencer, a n ol d servan t o f m y fathers , an d on e (that fo r hi s love ) neve r fayle d m e i n al l m y misfortunes . Whe n Gerismond heard e this , he e fel l o n th e neck e o f Rosader, an d nex t discoursing unt o him , ho w h e wa s Gerismond thei r lawful l Kin g exiled b y Torismond, wha t familiariti e ha d eve r bee n betwix t hi s father si r John o f Bourdeaux an d him , ho w faithful l a subjec t he e lived, an d ho w honourabl y h e died : promisin g (fo r his sake ) t o giv e both him an d hi s friend suc h curteou s intertainment , a s his present estate could minister : an d upo n thi s made hi m on e of his forresters . Rosader seein g i t wa s th e King , cravd e pardo n fo r hi s boldnesse , i n that h e di d no t do o hi m du e reverence , an d humbl y gav e hi m thankes for his favourable curtesie.

(Lodge 1592:sigsGl r-G2r)

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Lodge, Thomas (C) Rosalynde begin s wit h th e tal e o f th e thre e son s o f Si r John o f Bordeaux and their father's deathbed wishes; Saladyne, the eldest, seeks to retain all the land their father divided between them. He arranges for a wrestler to injure Rosader, the youngest son, in the sports arranged by the ba d Kin g Torismond , usurpe r o f th e goo d Kin g Gerismond' s throne. Rosade r beat s an d kill s th e champion , watche d b y Alinda , Torismond's daughter, and Rosalynde, Gerismond's daughter. Rosader and Rosalynd e fal l i n love ; Rosade r quarrel s wit h Saladyn e an d i s chained up a s a lunatic, but defeat s th e local sheriff his brother call s in and escape s to Arden with the help of his aged servant Adam Spencer. Meanwhile Rosalynd e i s banished togethe r wit h Alinda, wh o trie s t o defend her. As this summary of only the first part o f the actio n indicates, Shakespeare's debts in terms of plot are considerable. But it can als o be seen that omission s ar e effecte d t o mak e th e pla y mor e manageabl e an d more suited to the stage, such as the sheriffs men' s defeat by Rosader 'much tha t i s violent an d sensational , distance d b y th e artificialit y of tone an d styl e i n Lodge , doe s no t appea r a t all ' (Latha m 1975 : xliv) . Both majo r an d mino r adjustment s i n plo t an d emphasi s occu r throughout: a substantial example is that Alinda always takes the lead in Lodge's narrative, Rosalynde being a subordinate page whose courtship is treated mor e incidentally. A highly effectiv e mino r adjustmen t is to make Duk e Senio r a frien d o f th e dea d Si r Rowland , creatin g a n immediate ti e between Rosalind and Orland o which makes her fallin g in love a subtle modulation rather than a sudden unexplained passion, and complicate s it with an element of melancholy. In term s o f everythin g othe r tha n plot , Lodge' s relationshi p t o Shakespeare is much more superficial: it is that of talent to genius. For one thing, Lodge's work never questions the convention s on which it is based, whereas in Shakespeare Rosalind's role is in one sens e precisely this, to test Orlando's rhapsodizin g or Phoebe's beauty against common sense. He r languag e explore s the boundarie s o f its mode, wherea s the pastoral-euphuistic patterning o f Rosalynde's speech exist s for its own sake (indeed, the speec h habits of Lodge's characters are largely undifferentiated). It is often felt , in fact, that As You Like It amounts in part to a parodic treatmen t o f Lodge's forma l rhetorica l mode, and , mor e tha n this, o f the 'typica l procedure (an d unintended absurdity ) of romance, where formal rhetoric is utterly dissynchronized from th e situation, time and plac e o f th e narrativ e action ' (Gibbon s 1987 : 66) . Fo r example , 287

Lodge, Thomas Duke Senior' s mock-solem n respons e t o Orlando' s intrusio n o n th e courtly exile s in 2. 7 looks like a reactio n agains t th e etho s o f Lodge's version o f the episod e ((B), above). Jacques and Touchstone , tw o mai n foci o f critical or sceptica l attitudes in As You Like It, simply do no t exis t in Rosalynde; an d i n the developmen t o f Lodge's Corido n int o Cori n i s created a vehicle 'to reinforce th e play's underlying base of contemporary reference and social commentary which distinguishes Shakespeare's treatment o f the stor y from Lodge's ' (Dale y 1990 : 17) . Th e elaborat e steps b y whic h Lodge' s Alind a an d Saladyn e pai r off , complete wit h sonnet-writing an d length y confession s o f mutual love , ar e dazzlingl y compressed suc h that , a s Rosalin d late r tell s Orlando , Celi a an d Oliver 'n o sooner met but they look'd; no sooner look'd but they lov'd' (4.2.31-3). But As You Like It i s not ultimately , or no t dominantly , a 'satire ' o n Lodge, o n romance, o r on pastoralism. Toleran t laughte r a t the diver sity o f people i s often fel t t o b e o f its essence. The rea l narrownes s of Lodge's wor k in compariso n t o Shakespeare' s i s perhaps tha t Lodge' s characters ar e diversel y situated rathe r tha n fundamentall y different , whereas in Shakespeare 'we see persons in relation, contrasted or paralleled not only situationally but in thought, feeling, mood, temperament , character an d idiom . This constitutes the play's individuality' (Latha m 1975: xlvi) . I t i s inevitably hars h t o Lodge' s merit s t o plac e th e tw o works in immediate juxtaposition, but t o do so is to see that it is simply not th e case , for example, tha t Shakespeare' s Rosalind i s 'less complex and less true to nature tha n Lodge's ' (Mincof f 1966 : 88) - whic h is not to say that Lodge's figure lacks life an d motion . Shakespeare must certainly have known at least one other of Lodge's works. Scillae's Metamorphosis forms part of the contex t of Venus and Adonis by virtue o f being a pioneering, an d i n it s time somewha t sensational, domestication o f the Ovidia n epyllion . Venus and Adonis' six-lin e stanza may well derive from it , and Lodge' s poem als o contains a passage on Venus an d th e deat h o f Adonis which may hav e stirre d Shakespeare' s imagination, soundin g 'so many of the keynotes of his own work - th e colour contrast s of pallor an d blood , th e patho s o f the delicat e flowerlike youth , th e helples s grie f o f th e bereave d goddess ' (Clar k 1994 : xxxiii). The mos t important othe r relationshi p between the two writers involves King Lear and Lodge' s 159 1 prose romance The Famous True and Historicall Life of Robert Second Duke of Normandy. Thi s i s a n exampl e o f one relativ e o f th e medieva l 'Rober t o f Sicily ' tale ; another , whic h i s 288

Lodge, Thomas also sometime s associate d wit h Lear, i s th e 'Rober t th e Devil ' stor y which becam e popula r i n th e earl y sixteent h century . I n outlin e th e story is that a materialistic king has hi s place take n by an ange l in his likeness. Th e rea l kin g assert s his identit y bu t i s denie d entr y t o hi s palace, appointe d cour t fool, an d i n other ways humiliated. Eventually he comprehends his situation and repents. Several emphases of Lodge's particularly elaborat e version , notabl y th e burde n o f redemptio n placed o n childre n wh o hav e suffere d fro m an d inherite d th e sin s o f their fathers , seem - thoug h i t can be put no more strongl y - t o be reflected i n Shakespeare's play: see Hamilton (1974) . (D) Comparison o f Rosalynde an d As Tou Like It lend s itself to develop ment i n a numbe r o f directions . Mincof f (1966 ) concentrate s o n structure an d plot . Tw o contrastin g studie s o f th e respectiv e femal e leads ar e Berr y (1980) an d Lync h (1998) ; Daley (1990 ) focuse s o n th e Corin figur e t o emphasiz e difference s o f modality . Whitworth (1977 ) points ou t tha t to o man y commentator s rea d Rosalynde throug h spec tacles created b y As Tou Like It; Muir (1977) , on e o f his targets , gives a blow-by-blow accoun t o f Shakespeare' s changes , a s doe s Whitwort h (1997) in a more detailed and analytical fashion. Perhaps the best single account is Latham (1975) . Bullough, n; Muir (1977) , 125-31 . Berry, Edward I. (1980). 'Rosalynde and Rosalind.' SAQ,31: 42-52. Brissenden, Alan , ed . (1993) . As Tou Like It (Oxfor d Shakespeare) . Oxford. Clark, Sandra, ed . (1994) . Amorous Rites: Elizabethan Erotic Narrative Verse. London. Cuvelier, Elian e (1975) . 'Su r l a metaphore d u jardin dan s Richard II e t un poeme de Thomas Lodge.' CahiersEQ: 76-8 . Daley, A . Stuar t (1990) . 'Shakespeare' s Corin , Almsgive r an d Faithfu l Feeder.' EZJV27: 4-17. Gibbons, Brian (1987) . 'Amorous Fictions and As Tou Like If, pp . 52-78 in John W. Mahon and Thoma s A. Pendleton, eds, "Fanned and Winnowed opinions": Shakespearean Essays Presented to Harold Jenkins. London . Hamilton, Donn a B . (1974) . 'Som e Romanc e Source s fo r King Lear. Robert of Sicily and Robert th e Devil.' 5P 71: 173-91 . Latham, Agnes, ed. (1975) . As Tou Like It (Arden Shakespeare). London. L[odge], T[homas ] (1592). Rosalynde. Londo n (firs t published 1590) . 289

Lodge, Thomas Lynch, Stephen J. (1998) . 'Representing Gender in Rosalynde and As You Like It, pp. 5—3 4 in Lynch, Shakespearean Intertextuality: Studies in Selected Sources and Plays. Westport , CT . Mincoff, Marc o (1966) . 'Wha t Shakespear e Did t o Rosalynde: ShJ 96: 78-89 (reprinted in Jay L . Halio, ed., Twentieth-Century Interpretations of 'As You Like It', Englewood Cliffs , 1968) . Pierce, Robert B . (1971). 'The Moral Language s of Rosalynde an d As You Like It.' SP 68: 167-76 . Whitworth, Charles, Jr (1977) . ' Rosalynde: A s You Like It an d a s Lodge Wrote It.' ES58: 114-17 . Whitworth, Charle s (1997). 'Wooin g and Weddin g in Arden: Rosalynde and As You Like It.' Etudes Anglaises 50: 387-99.

Longus Se e Greek Romance. Lope de Vega (Garpio), Felix (1562-1635), Spanish Dramatist McGrad y quashe s speculatio n abou t Lope' s contribu tion t o Romeo and Juliet. McGrady, Donal d (1969) . 'Rome o an d Juliet ha s n o Spanis h Source. ' $z&5:20-4.

Lucan (Marcus Annaeus Lucanus) (AD 39-65), Latin Epic Poet

(A) Lucan, nephew of Seneca the Younger, was born a t Corduba in Spain, educate d i n Rome an d Athens , and fo r a time greatly admire d by Nero. A voluminous writer, his sole surviving work is the unfinishe d epic Bellum Civile or De Bella Civili (The Civil War, c. AD 62-5; i n Shake speare's time the poem was known as the Pharsalia after th e name of the battle a t its climax). It i s an accoun t o f the perio d o f civil war between Julius Caesa r an d Pompe y th e Grea t whic h historicall y precede s th e action o f Shakespeare's Julius Caesar - Pompey' s defea t a t the Battle of Pharsalius occurred in 48 BC, Caesar's assassination in 44. Formally the Bellum Civile is a historical poem, but it can also be described as political, an impassione d attac k o n th e unchecked rule of the stat e by one indi vidual. Perhap s becaus e o f its politics, o r perhap s becaus e Ner o wa s 290

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jealous of his literary success, Lucan was forbidden to publish the work or writ e others . H e joined Piso' s conspirac y t o overthro w Nero , and, like th e younge r Seneca , wa s force d t o commi t suicide , hi s poe m incomplete, when the plot was discovered. (B) Th e Bellum Civile i s a gran d an d flawe d poem , historicall y always seen as a foil to the Aeneid, and as the greatest Latin epic after Virgil's. It includes passages of forceful declamator y eloquenc e - ther e ar e over a hundred speeches - an d in the Renaissance Lucan was usually thought of more a s a model for the orator than the poet. A conspicuous plac e is given t o Luca n b y Renaissanc e educator s suc h a s Si r Thoma s Elyot (see Baldwin 1944: n, 550) and me n o f letters, and i n the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries the poem was widely read and imitated. But Luca n ha s alway s ha d hi s critics . H e spurn s conventiona l poeti c embellishment, preferrin g a self-consciou s directnes s whic h ha s affronted man y reader s fro m antiquit y onwards . Hi s realis m ca n b e seen as degenerating into the grotesque, hi s pathos into sentimentality . There is no detached Virgilia n understatemen t i n Lucan - character istic instea d i s prodigious rhetori c constantl y bordering o n hyperbole . To som e (Harington , Nashe, Sidney) h e was a historiographe r an d not a literar y artist . Jonson's judgement i n hi s Conversations wa s tha t 'Lucan, take n i n parts, was good divided , rea d altogethe r merited no t the name of a poet'. English version s begin wit h Marlowe's Lucans First Booke Translated Linefor Line, published 1600 , and continue with a complete rendering by Sir Arthur Gorges , frien d o f Ralegh an d Spenser, i n 1614 . Gorge's translation is too late to have been used by Shakespeare but it s publication helps indicate Lucan's currenc y during his lifetime. This version is militant an d republica n i n spirit, an d an y reading o f Lucan was apt t o be politically charged. At a rudimentary level the Pharsalia's stress on the horrors o f civil war mus t have seeme d pertinen t t o those familiar wit h the copious Tudor propaganda o n this subject. Moreover Lucan was an 'angry young man' whose religion was scepticism and who delighted in the esoteric and macabre; on all these counts his appeal to Elizabethan poets is obvious, and h e is acknowledged t o be one of the chie f patrons of epical expression in the sixteent h century. The tast e for English civil war poetr y develope d b y Daniel (Civil Wars, 1595 ) and Drayton (Baron's Wars, 1603 ) owes much to Lucan: both these writers draw upon him freely . O n th e stage , th e Caesa r o f th e Pharsalia i s evidentl y a 291

Lucan (Marcus Annaeus Lucanus)

prototype fo r th e Elizabetha n villai n (se e Blissett 1956) ; in Marlowe' s The Massacre at Paris., on th e Frenc h civil wars, he i s the patter n fo r th e Catholic leader Guise. Jonson commended th e 'admirabl e height ' o f Marlowe' s version ; Lucan's extravagance and hyperbol e finds an echoin g taste in this first English translator, whose choice of blank verse is historically significant and perhaps politically pointed (se e Norbrook 1994) : Now Caesar overpast the snow y Alpes, His mind was troubled, and he aim'd at war, And commin g to the foor d of Rubicon, At night in dreadful vision fearefull Roome, Mourning appear'd, whose hoary hayres were torne, And on her Turret-bearing hea d disperst, And armes all naked, who with broken sighes , And staring , thus bespoke: what mean'st thou Caesar? Whether goes my standarde? Romans if ye be, And beare true harts, stay heare: this spectacle Stroake Caesars hart with feare, his hayre stoode up, And faintnes numm'd his steps there on the brincke. He thus cride out: Thou thunderer that guardst Roomes mighty walles built on Tarpeian rocke , Ye gods ofPhrigia andjulus line , Quirinus rites and Latianjove advanc' d On Alba hill, 6 Vestall flames, 6 Roome., My thoughts sole goddes, aid mine enterprise, I hate thee not, to thee my conquests stoope, Caesar is thine, so please it thee, thy soldier; He, h e afflict s Roome that made m e Roomes foe. This said, he laying aside all lets of war, Approcht the swelling streame with drum and ensigne, Like to a Lyon of scortcht desart Affricke, Who seein g hunters pauseth till fell wrath And kingly rage increase, then having whiskt His taile athwart his backe, and crest heav'd up , With jawes wide open ghastly roaring out; (Albeit the Moores light Javelin or his speare Sticks in his side) yet runs upon the hunter.

(185-214; 1600 text, ed. Bowers 1973: 296-7)

292

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(C) Shakespeare' s work s include on e direc t quotatio n fro m Lucan . A slightly inaccurate version of a line from th e Pharsalia appears i n 2 Henry F/as Suffolk i s being led to his execution: WHITMORE Come , Suffolk , I must waft the e to thy death . SUFFOLK Gelidu s timor occupa t artus : it is thee I fear . (4.1.117) Lucan's lin e (i , 246 ) read s 'gelidu s pavo r occupa t artus' . T o Dove r Wilson (1952 : 1-liii) this allusion, like the res t of the displa y of classical learning in 2 Henry VI, is evidence o f another han d tha n Shakespeare' s at work in the play; but othe r commentator s have thought differently . Baldwin cites a few more phrases (mainly in the Roman Plays ) which seem t o ech o th e Pharsalia, an d take s th e vie w tha t 'Shakespear e certainly kne w somethin g o f Lucan' . Bu t thi s knowledge , Baldwi n surmises, i s only a t th e leve l o f tags; Shakespear e ha d n o 'direc t an d detailed knowledg e of Lucan's tumi d embroider y [i.e . of his distinctive style], whether in the origina l o r through othe r sources ' (Baldwin 1944 : n, 551). Similarities other than phraseological can perhaps be explained by Lucan' s extensiv e influenc e ove r pre-Shakespearea n drama , espe cially on the Elizabethan stag e villain. Though Shakespeare's Caesa r is less maliciou s tha n Lucan's , hi s Bolingbrok e crosse s a ver y Lucania n Rubicon, an d hi s Richard II I an d Macbet h ar e i n som e sense part o f this tradition (se e Blissett 1956) . A differen t kin d o f cas e i s outlined i n Jones (1977 : 273-7) . Shake speare's frequen t concer n wit h fame , Jones argues , ca n b e connecte d with Lucan' s constan t reference s t o th e eye s of posterity watchin g his characters; this may have 'helped to shape the scen e of Caesar's death , and probabl y o f muc h i n Henry V and Antony and Cleopatra, play s o f famous victorie s an d defeats' . Further, th e strang e and distinctiv e styl e of th e speec h o n th e fal l o f Tro y recite d b y Hamle t an d th e Playe r (2.2.445-512), which has been variously accounted for , is seen by Jones as a deliberate imitatio n of Lucan's: The rugge d Pyrrhus, he whose sable arms, Black as his purpose, di d the night resembl e When h e lay couched in the ominous horse, Hath now this dread an d black complexion smear' d With heraldry more dismal ; hea d to foot 293

Lucan (Marcus Annaeus Lucanus) Now is he total gules, horridly trick'd With blood of fathers, mothers, daughters, sons, Bak'd and impasted with the parching streets, That lend a tyrannous and damned light To their lord's murder.

(445-55)

This, i n Jones' view , 'i s probabl y th e bes t Elizabetha n pastich e o f Lucan, perhaps the best in English' (277). (D) Baldwin (1944); Jones (1977) . Blissett, William (1956) . 'Lucan' s Caesa r an d th e Elizabetha n Villain.' 5P 53: 553-75. Bowers, Fredson, ed. (1973) . The Complete Works of Christopher Marlowe, 2 vols. Cambridge . Gorges, Si r Arthu r (1614) . Lucan's Pharsalia: Containing the Civil Wanes betweene Caesar and Pompey. London . Logan, Georg e M. (1976). 'Luca n - Danie l - Shakespeare : New Light on th e Relatio n Betwee n the Civil Wars an d Richard II.' ShSt 9: 121 40. Norbrook, Davi d (1994) . 'Lucan , Thomas May , and th e Creatio n o f a Republican Literary Culture' , pp. 45-66 in Kevin Sharp e an d Peter Lake, eds , Culture and Politics in Early Stuart England. Basingstoke . (A version appears also as Ch. 1 of Norbrook, Writing the English Republic: Poetry, Rhetoric and Politics, 1627-1660, Cambridge, 1999. ) Ronan, Cliffor d J. (1988) . 'Lucan an d th e Self-Incise d Voids of Julius Caesar.' CompDZZ: 215-26 . Wilson, John Dover , ed . (1952) . Henry VI Part 2 (Ne w Shakespeare). Cambridge.

Lucian (c. AD 117 - after 180), Greek Satirist

(A) He was born in Syria, educated in rhetoric, and travelled in Greece, Italy and souther n Gaul before settlin g in Athens about 155 . He was a professional rhetorician who ghosted speeches for use in court, and gave exhibitions o f hi s skil l publicly a s h e wandere d thes e regions . H e i s known to have written some eighty works in lucid Attic prose, in diverse genres bu t usuall y satiricall y humorous : essay s an d letters , dialogue s 294

Lucian

and speeches , storie s resemblin g novellas . Lucian' s tw o best-know n works i n late r age s are th e wr y Mortuorum Dialogi (Dialogues of the Dead), imaginary dialogue s betwee n real-lif e figures (suc h a s Alexander an d Achilles) in the Underworld, and th e Vera Historia (True History}, a parody of travellers ' tale s includin g a journey t o th e Moon . Rabelai s an d Swift's Gulliver's Travels both stand in his long shadow. (B) Lucia n wa s los t sigh t o f durin g antiquity , an d wit h hi m th e aesthetic purposes of the satirica l dialogues for which he was rediscovered later. Hence neither the Byzantines nor the Renaissance Italian s were equipped to see Lucia n a s othe r tha n a moralis t wh o happene d t o writ e i n a particularly entertainin g wa y . .. I t wa s a Lucia n filtere d vi a such channels who was to reach the Europe of the Northern Renaissance . The bizarr e effec t o f this is that we must turn our back s on the rea l Lucian, an d substitut e fo r hi m a serie s o f shiftin g masks , whose common featur e i s th e elemen t o f derisio n (howeve r light) an d o f moral intent (however negative). (Robinso n 1979: 65-6) About 150 4 a n Aldin e Luciu s came int o th e hand s o f Erasmus, who, abl y supporte d b y hi s frien d Si r Thoma s More , becam e th e greatest an d mos t influentia l o f al l Renaissanc e Lucianists . Fo r th e spread o f knowledge o f Lucian, Erasmus ' an d More' s translation s of some the Greek dialogues into Latin (first published in a joint volume in 1506) were second in importanc e onl y to th e reference s to an d imita tions o f Lucia n i n Erasmus ' Adagia, i n th e dialogue s o f hi s Colloquies and i n hi s Encomium Moriae (Praise of Folly). Ther e were, of course, other translators and imitator s in England an d Europe , especiall y frequentl y of th e Vera Historia, an d Lucia n figure d plentifull y i n pedagogica l vehicles including Tudor schoo l curricula and the school edition owned byjonson, Luciani Samosatensi Dialogi Octo (Paris, 1530) . Though as this suggests h e wa s a widel y rea d author , h e wa s popularl y see n a s a n enemy of Christianity. He tende d t o be deploye d in times of stress as a lever t o upse t hierarchies , a s b y Erasmus , wh o describe s hi m a s a defence agains t superstitio n and an exposer of hypocrisy - an d whose work Luther disparaged a s 'stinking of Lucian'. But Lucian's tones were sometimes found to o mordant for the taste of quieter periods. He is not a frequen t sourc e for dramatists : Jonson's us e o f Lucianic materia l i s 295

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uniquely extensive on the Englis h stage (Robinson 1979 : 104). More's Lati n translation s o f Lucian o f 1505- 6 wer e th e firs t b y a n Englishman t o be printed, and they were reprinted more often tha n any of More' s othe r writing s durin g hi s lifetime . Bu t th e firs t complet e English translatio n cam e fro m Franci s Hicke s (1566-1631) , post humously published in 1634 . Thus it was not availabl e to Shakespeare; but th e followin g excerp t fro m i t reflect s wha t h e ma y hav e rea d o r heard o f in another version (see (C)): Timon. Behol d a third man , Demeas, th e Rhetorician wit h a decre e in his hand, who professeth himself e t o bee on e of our kinred: I payed to the citie for this fellow, eleve n talents in one day, which hee was fin'd in, an d committe d until l he e shoul d make payment : an d fo r pittie set him a t libertie: yet the othe r day , when it was his lot to distribut e dol e money amon g th e Erechthea n tribe , an d I cam e t o hi m t o crav e my share, hee said he could not tell whether I were a cittizen. Demeas. Al l haile , Timon , a bounteou s benefacto r toward s you r kindred, the bulwarke of Athens, and th e ornament o f Greece Timon. I kno w not whethe r i t will b e you r fortun e eve r t o com e t o marriage, friend mine, if this blow with my Mattocke do but fall aright. Demeas. Alas , alas: what meanes t tho u b y this ? dos t thou tyrannize , Timon, and beate freemen , tha t ar t n o true freeman , nor cittize n they selfe? bu t b e sur e of it, I will crie quittanc e with thee ou t o f hand on e way or other: especially for burning the castle. Timon. N o suc h matter : fo r tha t tho u sees t stand s sunburnt , an d therefore tho u showest thy selfe a plaine sycophant . Demeas. Bu t thou art rich, and hast broken in thorow the backe doore. Timon. Neithe r i s that broke n up : an d therefor e tho u ar t idl e ever y way. Demeas. Bu t broken u p i t will be: and tho u has t alread y go t into thy hands all the riches that were within it. Timon. Tak e one more blow for that. Demeas. O my backe: what shall I doe? Timon. Dos t tho u crie ? I have yet a third blo w to bestow upon the e if thou tarry , it would be a shame for thee, that could cut in pieces two companies o f the Lacedaemonian s withou t armes and shoul d not now be able to confound one withered fellow . (Lucian 1634 : 164-6) 296

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(C) Leaving aside a refuted cas e for Lucian's part in two lines of Cymbeline (Kot t 1972 ; Haffenreffer 1976) , th e sol e Shakespear e tex t behin d which Lucia n stand s i s Timon of Athens. But th e natur e o f the relation ship i s no t clear . Shakespeare' s principa l sourc e fo r th e stor y i s i n Plutarch. Lucian's dialogu e Timon, or the Misanthrope ha d give n rise t o several othe r works , includin g Boiardo' s lat e fifteenth-centur y pla y Timone an d a n Englis h academi c pla y o f uncertai n dat e (version s of both are printed in Bullough, v) . These are very unlikely to have bee n used by Shakespeare, bu t n o pre-Shakespearean Englis h translation of Lucian i s known. 'W e mus t assume , therefore , tha t Shakespear e rea d Lucian in French, Italian o r Latin versions, or in the Greek original, o r that Boiardo's by no means widely circulated pla y transmitted th e rele vant matter from th e dialogue, or that Shakespear e coul d lay his hands on a lost English Lucian' (Honigmann 1961 : 3). Deighton (1905 : xxviiixxx) lists verbal parallels with the Gree k which prove unconvincing (for reasons summed up by Oliver 1959) , and half-proposes tha t Apemantu s is based o n a characte r i n anothe r o f Lucian's dialogues , Diogene s i n The Sale of Creeds. Honigman n mor e constructively posits Shakespeare's use o f Filber t Bretin' s Les Oeuvres de Lucian (Paris , 1582/3 ) an d list s parallels suggestin g various kind s o f detailed borrowin g (fo r imagery, aspects o f Timon's behaviour , etc.). Bulloug h (v , 239-40) summarize s elements fo r whic h i t appear s Lucia n mus t b e 'th e fina l source' , fo r example 'Shakespeare' s Timon free s Ventidiu s from imprisonmen t fo r debt . . . as Lucian's Timo n ha s helped Demeas ' ((B) , above). It migh t be adde d tha t Lucian' s dialogue s ar e close r t o dram a i n for m tha n Plutarch's Lives are. Bu t Lucian' s mixtur e o f cynicism an d joviality of tone is not Shakespeare's, and in the end it may be a fair assessment that Timon is 'Lucianic onl y in some second-hand an d relativel y insignificant way' (Robinson 1979 : 104). (D) Bullough, vi. Deighton, K . (1905) . Timon of Athens (Arden Shakespeare). London. Fritsche, F. (1870). De Timone Luciani et Shakespearii. Rostock . HaffenrefTer, Kar l (1976) . 'Jan Kott's "Lucia n i n CymbeliruT: TES6: 38 40. Honigmann, E . A. J. (1961) . 'Timon of Athens.' ShQlZ: 3-20 . Kott, Jan (1972) . 'Lucian in Cymbeline: MLR 67 : 742-4. Lucian, translate d b y Franci s Hicke s (1634) . Certain Select Dialogues of 297

Lucian Lucian: Together with his True Historie, Translated from the Greek into English.

Oxford. Oliver, H. J., ed . (1959) . Timon of Athens (Arden Shakespeare). London . Robinson, Christophe r (1979) . Lucian and his Influence in Europe. London .

Lupton, Thomas (fl. 1583), Miscellaneous Writer

Lupton's Siquila. Too Good to be True (1580-1 ) i s a relativel y detaile d version o f the Measure for Measure stor y which Shakespear e coul d hav e known. Bawcutt, N . W , ed . (1991) . Measure for Measure (Oxfor d Shakespeare), p. 2 I.Oxford.

Lydgate, John (c. 1370-1451), English Poet

(A) Bor n a t Lydgate , nea r Newmarket , h e ma y hav e attende d th e Universities of Oxford, Pari s an d Padua . In 139 7 he took holy orders , and subsequentl y lived in the monaster y a t Bury St Edmunds, bu t this did not prevent hi s spending much of his time staging pageants fo r the London guilds . Lydgat e wa s a frien d an d admire r o f Chaucer. On e of his patrons was Humphrey, Duk e o f Gloucester, wh o appear s a s a character i n four Shakespear e plays, and throug h whos e patronage h e became fo r a time official poe t of Henry VFs Court. His total verse production of some 130,000 lines includes three longer works in particular. His Troy Book (printed 151 3 and 155 5 as The Hystorye Sege and Dystruccyon ofTroye] o f 1412-20 , runnin g t o 26,62 6 lines, was, according t o the Prologue , commissione d b y Henry V I t i s a fre e an d colourful versio n o f Guid o dell e Colonne' s standar d Historia Troiana which moralizes the subject, stressing the evils of war, the sway of Fortune, and th e transienc e of human life . The Story of Thebes followed c. 1420. In 1431-8 Lydgat e translated , agai n wit h muc h latitude , an d fro m a n intermediary Frenc h version, Boccaccio's De Casibus Virorum Illustrium ('On th e Fat e o f Illustriou s Men') , printe d 149 4 a s th e Fall of Primes, turning the stories in the process into crudely didactic moral exempla . (B) Lydgate's statur e wa s at it s peak i n th e lat e fifteent h an d earl y sixteenth centuries, when he was probably a s highly regarded a s Chaucer. By the later sixteenth century he was established as one of the few early 298

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English classics: Francis Meres writes of England's 'thre e ancient poets, Chaucer, Gower , an d Lydgate' , an d th e sam e trinit y i s invoke d b y Nashe a s models which th e Englis h ca n oppos e t o the Italians' . Th e Fall of Princes remained popula r int o th e earlie r sixteent h century , an d was republished in 1527 , but th e book was significantly taken up agai n about 1555 , when a printer , John Wayland , conceive d th e ide a o f reissuing i t wit h a continuatio n int o Britis h histor y o f mor e recen t times. After variou s mishaps thi s continuation becam e th e enormousl y popular Mirror for Magistrates, 155 9 (fo r the initia l publishin g history se e Campbell 1960 : 5-10). Henceforwar d th e Mirror eclipse d Lydgate's book , whic h wa s no t reprinte d agai n unti l th e twentiet h century, while owing to Lydgate's work its conception and form . Lydgate's Troy Book was onl y one o f many literary treatments o f th e Troy legen d availabl e i n the Middle Ages and Renaissance . Bu t it was one o f onl y tw o popula r Englis h version s o f Guid o dell a Colonne' s famous Latin prose treatment o f 1287 (Gaxton's was the other popular rendering, at second hand fro m a French version). Lydgate's narrative is much longe r tha n it s model, an d precede s an d follow s th e Tro y stor y with related ones. It fancifully elaborate s and romanticizes the chivalric elements o f the material : Hecto r kill s twic e te n thousan d me n single handed in one battle, Troilus later performing similar feats. But Lydgate also moralize s a t length , condemnin g th e wa r a s springin g fro m a trivial cause , blaming Pria m fo r embarking o n it , an d insistin g on th e sinfulness o f Helen's abduction . This passage presents Achilles' killing of Hector, fo r the barbarit y of which Lydgate explicitly condemns him, elsewhere reproaching Homer for having made Achilles his hero. As in Shakespeare (5.8.1) , Hector ha s just take n possessio n o f th e bod y an d spoil s o f a Gree k kin g h e ha s defeated o n th e field, and h e too is reprimanded for his greed. Shake speare may have known the Troy Book in either the 151 3 or 155 5 edition; this text is from th e 151 3 printing . Lyke as ye may now of Ector red e That sodaynely was brought to his endynge Oonly for spoylynge of this ryche kynge. For of desyre to hym that he hadd e On hor s backe out whan he hym ladde Reklesly, the storye maketh mynde, He cast e his shelde at his backe behynde 299

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To welde hym selfe a t more lyberte, And for to have opportunyte, To spoyle hym and fo r no wyght spare; So that his breste disarmed was and bare . Except his plates there was no diffenc e Agayne the stroke to make resystence. Alas, why was he tho s o rekles, This floure of knyghthode, of manhode pereles, Whan that his foo all that ylke day For hym alone in awayte so lay, If in myschefe o f hate and o f envye In the felde he myght hym ought espye. This Achylles, cruell and venymous, Of hertely hate moste melancolyous, Whiche covertly hovynge hym besyde, Whan that he sawe Ector disarmed ryde He hente a spere sharpe groimde and kene, And of Ire in his hatefull tene All unwarely or Ector myght adverte, Alas the whyle! he smote hym to the herte Thorugh out the breste, that dede he fylle down e Unto the erthe, this Troyan champyowne , Thorugh neclygence oonly of his shelde. (in, 5370-99; ed. Bullough, vi, 178-9, punctuatio n modernized) (C) Th e identifiabl e effect o f th e Fall of Princes on Shakespear e i s con fined t o its status as the mode l for A Mirror for Magistrates. The Troy Book, on th e othe r hand , woul d hav e offere d characte r sketche s for al l th e principal figure s i n Troilus and Cressida, plent y o f suggestion s fo r incidents, an d 'speeche s tha t ar e ofte n o n th e edg e o f hig h drama ' (Henderson 1935 : 128) . It ha s bee n suggeste d Shakespear e rea d th e poem early : 'we shall never get Troilus and Cressida right unless we think of a Shakespeare steepe d a s a youth in the antiqu e an d venerabl e an d quaint worl d o f Lydgate's Troy ' (Tillyar d 1965 : 45) . Bu t ther e i s to o much overla p betwee n Lydgate , Caxto n an d othe r possibl e source s (notably Homer ) o f th e Troja n Wa r materia l fo r an y certaint y a s t o what Shakespear e owes to each, an d commentator s disagree consider ably. Whil e Palme r (1982 : 30 ) suggests Lydgat e ma y hav e le d t o 'th e 300

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conflated an d contradictor y Shakespearea n Ajax ' an d th e orderin g of the incident in which Hector's famil y dissuades him from fighting (5.3), Bullough (vi , 93 ) proposes him a s a possible source for the accoun t of Troilus' characte r a t 4.5.95-102 , th e episod e o f Hecto r an d th e resplendent knigh t (5.6 , 5.8) , an d Achilles ' orde r t o hi s Myrmidon s (5.7). Sometimes i t is suggested Shakespeare owe s nothing to Lydgate a t all (Stein 1930) , sometimes on th e contrar y tha t Shakespear e wen t t o Caxton fo r factua l detai l bu t 'foun d Lydgat e muc h mor e usefu l i n suggesting ideas and motivation ' (Tillyard 1965 : 43). Since Gaxto n (indirectly) and Lydgat e (directly ) both dra w fro m th e same source , Guido's Historia Troiana, the narrativ e materia l o f battles, truces, an d s o on i s necessarily very similar. Hence, too , Shakespeare's manipulation o f element s commo n t o al l source s i s normall y wha t matters in his use of them - h e 'has given a different interpretatio n of both th e epi c and th e eroti c theme from thos e he foun d i n his sources, while basing that interpretation on points of character an d inciden t he found there ' (Bullough , vi, 107) . Bu t whil e th e materia l ma y b e i n common, th e source s do diffe r i n ton e an d emphasis , an d Lydgate' s sometimes critica l attitud e t o th e failing s o f th e treacherou s Greek s (especially Achilles) , i n particular , seem s t o anticipat e Shakespeare' s presentation. O n th e othe r hand , thi s criticis m i s fairly isolated , an d cannot b e used to support th e position tha t the play is a thoroughgoing satire 'th e notio n o f wholesal e belittlin g i s [not ] applicabl e t o Lydgate's Troy Book' (Sacharof f 1970 : 127). Henderson goe s furthest i n associating the two writers, arguing that the connections are in terms of their 'Philosophy of Values', the passions of love and wa r being 'treated so philosophically tha t they become parties to the greater war between Individualism an d Society ' (1935 : 128) . Tillyard , mor e concretel y an d more modestly , give s on e exampl e o f ho w 'clos e stud y woul d revea l many way s i n whic h Lydgat e coul d explai n difficultie s o f detai l i n Troilus and Cressida' (1965 : 147) , suggesting that Shakespeare's reference to a truce in the council scene of 1.3, incompatible with the battle in his previous scene, is owing to a recollection of Lydgate's specification that a similar Greek council takes place during a truce. (D) Bullough, vi. Campbell, Lil y B. , ed . (1960) . The Mirror For Magistrates. Ne w Yor k (edition first published 1938) . 301

Lydgate, John Farnham, Willar d (1956) . The Medieval Heritage of Elizabethan Tragedy. Oxford (firs t published 1936). Henderson, W . B . Drayto n (1935) . 'Shakespeare' s Troilus and Cressida: Yet Deeper in its Tradition', pp. 127-5 6 in Hardin Craig , ed., Essays in Dramatic Literature: The Parrott Presentation Volume. Princeto n (reprinted New York, 1967) . Palmer, Kenneth , ed . (1982) . Troilus and Cressida (Arde n Shakespeare). London. Presson, Rober t K . (1953) . Shakespeare's 'Troilus and Cressida' and the Legends of Troy. Madison, WI. Sacharoff, Mar k (1970). 'The Traditions of the Troy-Story Heroes an d the Problem of Satire in Troilus and Cressida.' ShSt 6: 125-35. Stein, Elizabet h (1930) . 'Caxton' s Recuyell an d Shakespeare' s Troilus.' MZJV45: 144-6 . Tillyard, E . M . W . (1965) . Shakespeare's Problem Plays. Harmondswort h (first published 1950) .

Lyly, John (c. 1554—1606), Novelist and Dramatist

(A) Lyly's grandfather and founde r o f the family's fortunes was William Lily, a noted scholar and teacher who became High Master of St Paul's School in London. John Lyly's father, Peter , was a minor ecclesiastical official i n Canterbury ; John ma y wel l hav e attende d th e Cathedra l Grammar Schoo l there , overlappin g i f so with Marlowe. Afterwards he followed his grandfather to Magdalene College, Oxford, graduating in 1575 . He settle d in London, and i n 1578-8 0 published the first two parts of his prose romance Euphues, a cautionary tal e of a prodigal son (named fro m th e Gree k eixpvijc;, 'well-endowed ' o r 'good-natured' ) which i s made a vehicl e for mora l debat e abou t wi t an d wisdom . Its extravagant ne w form o f English, develope d a t thi s tim e b y Lyly and several contemporaries , wa s studde d wit h puns , high-flow n rhetoric , alliteration, allusio n an d othe r stylisti c feature s s o ostentatiousl y collected togethe r a s to cal l fo r the inventio n o f the ter m 'euphuism' ; the mode acquired great fashionability for a few years. In 158 3 Lyl y marrie d a n heires s an d gaine d contro l o f th e ne w Blackfriars theatr e a s a kind o f impresario. H e no w sought patronage from Lor d Burghley, a family connection, and Edward de Vere, Earl of Oxford, whos e 'servant ' - perhap s secretar y - h e became, an d wh o must hav e finance d hi s debut i n th e theatre : h e was paid in 158 4 fo r

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Lyly, John performances a t court b y Oxford's boys ' company . Th e compan y wa s playing the first of a sequence of courtly prose romances an d pastoral s which Lyl y wrote fo r the boys ' companies , including the oldes t surviv ing example s of court plays, Campaspe an d Sapho and Phao. B y 159 0 hi s dramatic oeuvr e also included Gallathea, Endimion, Midas, Mother Bombie and Love's Metamorphosis. At this date he had n o rival as a court drama tist, and hi s fame o n the public stage was outshone only by Marlowe's. Lyly's innovations in drama included fuller attentio n to the architecture of a play , fo r exampl e b y delaying an d buildin g u p climaxes , an d th e differentiation o f characters by differentiation o f their dialogue. (B) The ris e and fal l o f Lyly's reputation follows that of his Euphues', firs t printings of the plays in the 1590 s probably reflect the romance's popularity. Euphues too k by storm the cour t at which it was directed; it s first editor of 1632 wrote that 'all our ladies were then his scholars, and tha t Beauty i n cour t whic h coul d no t the n parle y Euphuis m wa s a s littl e regarded a s sh e whic h no w ther e speak s n o French ' (quote d fro m Hunter 1962 : 72). Euphues, the Anatomy of Wit was immediatel y imitate d in Anthony Monday's ^elauto and Austen Saker's Narbonus, both 1580 . The firs t par t o f Robert Greene's Mamillia probabl y belong s t o th e same year. By 158 1 five editions of Euphues, The Anatomy of Wit had bee n published, togethe r wit h four o f its 158 0 sequel, Euphues and his England. Further imitation s followed: i n 158 1 Barnaby Riche's Don Simonides, in 1584 Brian Melbanke's Philotimus. 'Up to this point the fashion for love-stories moralized in the manner of Lyly would seem to b e i n ful l flood ; thereafter , i n th e lon g series of Greene's romances we can see a recession from it ' (Hunter 1962 : 258) . Detractors include d Sidney, Nashe, Jonson and Drayton, whos e 'Epistle t o Henr y Reynolds ' show s how Lyly's wit came t o b e see n by the Jacobeans a s mere courtly artificiality: it was Sidney, Drayton writes, who did first reduce Our tongu e from Lillies writing then in use; Talking of Stones, Stars, Plants, of fishes, Flyes, Playing with words, and idl e Similies . . . So imitating his ridiculous tricks , They spak e and writ, all like meere lunatiques. (89-92, 95-6; ed. Hebel 1932: in, 228) 303

Lyly, John Though Euphues wa s bein g printe d dow n t o 1716 , th e late r version s were modernized ; an d th e plays , more closel y linked to the court , di d not enjo y eve n th e limite d bourgeoi s afterlif e o f th e romance . Lyly' s career a s a cour t dramatis t wa s ove r b y 1590 , an d hi s last fe w years' work fo r th e stag e i s evidently ou t o f tun e wit h th e taste s o f th e lat e sixteenth century (Hunter 1962 : 291-7 tellingly compares Endimion with Cynthia's Revels). I n hi s heyda y th e cour t play s ha d attracte d imitator s too, however: Greene , fo r example, seize d on the possibility of 'translating' Campaspe ont o th e popula r stag e i n hi s Friar Bacon and Friar Bungay (c. 1589) . This sample from Euphues, the Anatomy of Wit, in which the her o woos Lucilla, illustrates how the euphuistic styl e combines a range of devices - stylisti c effect s suc h a s antithesis , alliteratio n an d parison (balanc e between grammatica l part s o f a sentence) ; rhetorical figure s suc h a s simile; an d othe r flourishe s suc h a s references to classica l history an d mythology: It i s your beauti e (pardo n m y abrupt e boldnesse ) Ladye tha t hat h taken ever y par t o f me e prisoner , an d brough t m e t o thi s deep e distresse, bu t seeing e wome n whe n on e praiset h the m fo r thei r desertes, deem e tha t he e flatteret h the m t o obtein e hi s desire, I a m heere present to yelde my selfe t o such tryall, as your courtesie in this behalfe shal l require : Ye t will you commonl y objec t this t o suc h a s serve you an d sterv e t o winn e your goo d wil , tha t ho t lov e is soone colde, tha t th e Bavi n thoug h i t bourn e bright , i s but a blaze , tha t scaldinge wate r i f i t stand e a whil e tournet h almos t t o yse , tha t pepper thoug h i t be hot i n the mouth i s colde in the mawe , that th e faith of men though it frye in their woordes, it freeseth in theire works: Which thing s (Lucillia] albei t the y be sufficien t t o reprov e th e light nesse o f som e one , ye t ca n i t no t convinc e ever y on e o f lewdenes, neither ought the constancie of all, to be brought in question throug h the subtilti e of a fewe. Fo r although th e worm e entereth almost into every woode , ye t h e eatet h no t th e Ceder tree : Thoug h th e ston e Cylindrus a t ever y thunde r clappe , rowl e fro m th e hill , ye t th e pur e sleeke ston e mounteth a t the noyse , though th e rus t fret th e hardes t steele, ye t dot h i t no t eat e int o th e Emeraulde , thoug h Polypus chaunge hi s hew , ye t th e Salamander keepet h hi s coulour , thoug h Proteus transforme himselfe int o ever y shape, ye t Pygmalion retainet h his olde forme, though Aeneas were to fickle to Dido, yet Troylus was to 304

Lyly, John faithfull t o Craessida, though e other s seem e counterfait e i n thei r deedes, ye t Lucilla perswade you r self e tha t Euphues wil l bee alwaye s curraunt in his dealinges. (1578 text , ed. Bond 1902:1 , 218-19) (C) A long-recognize d morse l apparently fro m Lyl y i n Shakespear e i s the lark at 'heaven's gate' in Sonnet 29: Like to the lark at break of day arisin g From sullen earth, sings hymns at heaven's gate Campaspe contain s (5.1) a song which includes the lines: Brave prick song! who is't now we heare? None but the Larke so shrill and cleare ; How at heavens gats she claps her wings, The Morn e no t waking till shee sings. (ed. Bon d 1902 : n, 351) But only one clear reference t o Lyly occurs in Shakespeare's plays , an d that, i f anything, negative : Falstaff s justly famous parody o f euphuism in 1 Henry IV, 2. 4 (firs t performe d in 1597 , by which tim e Lyly's man nerisms were becomin g outdated) . Lyly is probably no t th e sol e targe t here, but he can be assumed to be a principal on e among exemplar s of the idio m o f the time , an d specifi c reference s seem t o b e intende d t o several passage s i n Euphues. Firs t ther e i s 'thoug h th e Camomill , th e more i t is trodden an d presse d downe , th e mor e i t spreadeth , ye t th e violet the oftne r i t is handled an d touched , th e soone r it withereth an d decayeth' (ed . Bond 1902 : i, 196) , second, anothe r tw o passage s (ed . Bond 1902 : i, 250, 320) rhetorically employin g th e biblical sayin g about the defilin g effect s o f pitch (se e Humphreys 1974 : 79). FalstafFs word s are: Harry, I d o no t onl y marvel wher e tho u spendes t th y time, but als o how thou ar t accompanied ; fo r though th e camomile , th e mor e i t is wasted the sooner i t grows, yet youth, the more it is wasted the soone r it wears . . . Shall th e blesse d son of heaven prove a miche r an d ea t blackberries? A questio n no t t o b e ask'd . Shal l th e so n o f Englan d prove a thief and take blackberries? A question to be ask'd. There is a 305

Lyly, John thing, Harry, which thou hast often heard of, and i t is known to many in ou r lan d b y the nam e o f pitch. Thi s pitch, a s ancient writer s do report, dot h defile ; s o doth th e compan y tho u keepest ; for, Harry, I do no t spea k t o the e i n drink , bu t i n tears ; no t i n pleasure , bu t i n passion; not in words only, but i n woes also. (2.4.386-404) There are , i n fact , severa l Lylian idea s i n th e Histories . Th e comi c euphuism and actua l gift for pithy phrase of Lyly's foolish Si r Thopas in Endimion, who 'thinks himself the valiantest man i n the world if he kill a woman', sometime s anticipate Falstaff , thoug h a t othe r time s Thopas resembles Pisto l mor e strongly . Th e Archbishop' s discours e o n th e commonwealth o f bee s i n Henry V, 1.2.187-204 , ca n b e relate d t o sources in Virgil and Elyot, but, since Shakespeare knew the Euphues, its treatment of the subjec t (ed. Bond 1902 : n, 44—6) is also pertinent. But i t is in the comedie s that Lyly' s influence i s most readily detectable. 'Wha t Shakespear e retain s fro m Lyly' , i t ca n b e argued , 'an d develops to the utmost, though with a certain satirical twist at the end, is the comedy of courtship - th e capers of the men as they strut and preen themselves, th e coquetr y o f the girls , who preten d the y will not whe n they woul d an d plagu e thei r lovers ' (Mincof f 1961 : 19) . Two factor s complicate matters. Since no court plays previous to Lyly's are extant, it is possible that what appear to be Lylian elements in Shakespeare derive from othe r sources . Second , parallel s o f plo t an d languag e ma y b e concrete but the borrowing they indicate is small-scale, whereas to identify mor e substantia l debt s entail s compariso n o f evanescen t feature s such as emphasis and tone . For example, i t is hard to think of anothe r English autho r wh o precede d Shakespear e i n usin g 'the mer e fac t o f being i n lov e almos t a s a comi c situation ' (Mincof f 1961 : 15) , bu t equally hard to show that Lyly's work determined this central feature of Shakespearean comedy . This is also the reaso n why estimates of Lyly's impact on Shakespeare, both as a whole and in individual plays, vary so wildly, fo r exampl e i n respec t o f Love's Labour's Lost betwee n th e extremes o f MincofFs 'th e ver y nucleu s o f the pla y . . . i s taken fro m Lyly, a s ar e th e characters , an d th e contrapunta l structure , an d th e static scene s o f wit' (1961 : 19) , and Richar d David' s vie w tha t sinc e Lyly's drama s 'belon g t o a n olde r an d mor e courtl y genre eve n tha n Love's Labour's Lost, Shakespeare' s mos t courtl y play' , ther e i s 'no rea l similarity' betwee n Love's Labour's Lost an d Lyly' s wor k (1968 : xxxi) . 306

Lyly, John Given al l this, i t is as well t o bea r i n min d tha t th e importanc e o f this subject doe s not li e in th e numbe r o f parallels tha t ca n b e assembled , but ultimatel y in the ways Shakespeare develop s his model. Euphues is a different cas e from Lyly' s plays in this regard: man y local similarities of phrasing ca n b e discovered i n Shakespeare (paralle l passages are given by Bon d 1902 : i , 163-75) , almos t al l o f whic h ma y o r ma y no t b e merely coincidental, bu t ther e ar e fe w signs of the work' s influence o n him at any deeper level. More detaile d account s o f the patter n o f Shakespeare's us e o f Lyly tend t o sugges t what ma y b e a suspiciousl y neat bel l curv e i n level of engagement ove r time. Early comedies such as The Comedy of Errors an d The Taming of the Shrew are les s strongly related t o Lyly's plays, though i n the latte r Lucentio's lessons in the Heroides (3.1 ) appear to be modelle d on scen e 1. 3 of Lyly's Mother Bombie (Velz 1973) . But fo r The Two Gentlemen of Verona, accordin g t o Bullough , 'Lyl y serve d Shakespear e a s a master i n th e dramati c us e of the courtl y an d amorou s code ' (i , 205); Shakespeare seems 'conscious of the glamou r of Euphues' (Hunte r 1962: 313), meanin g tha t thi s i s a pla y whic h rate s eleganc e highly , but no t that Shakespear e merel y follow s Lyly' s lead s i n styl e o r structure . Possible specifi c echoe s include a scen e in Sapho to Phao (2.4) , i n whic h Phao is counselled by Sibilla, for Valentine's naiv e advic e t o th e Duk e on winning a lady (3.1.89-105), and th e love-versus-friendship clas h in the plo t o f Lyly' s Endimion. Som e o f th e Shakespear e play' s comi c devices, suc h a s the tw o comi c servant s (Launce and Speed) , ca n als o be paralleled fro m Endimion. Such early comedies may show a gradual approac h t o Lyly's kind of love comedy , bu t i t i s no t unti l Love's Labour's Lost tha t Shakespear e follows hi m closel y in terms of detail (a s well, perhaps, a s in employin g mock-euphuistic style s fo r th e dialogue) . Here , a s is routinely pointe d out, the figure and th e histor y o f Armado see m indebted to Endimion's braggart soldie r Si r Thopas (though a minority vie w is that th e figures resemble on e anothe r becaus e o f a commo n origin) . Shakespeare' s treatment is more complex, however : 'th e function of Armado is more difficult t o se e schematicall y tha n i s that o f Thopas . . . Shakespear e handles his multiple plots to suggest the variet y o f social experienc e a t different levels ' - 'th e different response s which make up a unified though wide-ranging socia l scene' (Hunte r 1962 : 317). Structurally , too, Love's Labour's Lost seems close to Lyly's 'fugal metho d i n which whole groups of characters had bee n develope d in parallel lines' (Mincof f 1961 : 22), 307

Lyly, John perhaps especiall y the metho d o f Endimion and Gallathea (Scragg 1982) . Love's Labour's Lost is arguably the most fundamentally Lylian play in th e Shakespeare canon , thoug h onc e agai n representin g a development , not a mer e following , o f hi s predecessor . ' [Lyly's] character s merel y voice curren t attitude s towards love, whereas Shakespeare' s character s express thes e idea s a s i f they wer e thei r own ' (Stevenso n 1966 : 172). And wherea s Lyly's combats o f wit ar e intellectua l contests as ends i n themselves, Shakespeare' s ar e use d t o conve y restraint i n th e fac e o f emotion, an d a s points of self-realization. For A Midsummer Night's Dream., Lyly' s Gallathea (firs t performe d 1588?), a play Shakespear e would have been familia r with early in his career, has been proposed as a principal source. The main evidence o n one accoun t i s that th e play s ar e tie d togethe r thematicall y b y thei r 'vision o f "translation"' (Scrag g 1977 : 128), but structura l similaritie s between th e Dream an d Lyly' s work i n genera l ma y b e stronger . Th e complex an d episodi c Shakespearea n plo t i s constructed i n the Lylia n manner by balancing several self-contained groups against one another; for example , the Mechanical s ar e handle d a s Lyly handles his parodies of master b y servant-figure, keeping the m apar t an d distinc t unti l th e final Act . O r w e may not e a wealth o f Lylian motif s i n th e them e o f parental opposition , th e debat e subjec t o f imagination versu s reason , and so on - 'th e very profusion o f Lylian motifs in this play might seem to turn i t into a cento, were it not tha t thi s profusion i s itself unLylian' (Hunter 1962 : 319) . Othe r Lyl y plays perhaps hav e som e bearin g o n Midsummer Night's Dream too : Sapho and Phao for th e epilogue , Midas fo r the ass's head. On th e reasonabl e assumptio n tha t Shakespeare' s undoubte d earl y knowledge o f Lyl y wa s 'internalized ' an d summone d up , ofte n unconsciously, i n late r years , diminishin g echoe s ma y b e foun d i n Twelfth Night an d The Merry Wives of Windsor - thoug h i t i s hard t o b e sure on e i s hearin g them . Viola' s wooin g o f th e Duk e b y innuend o involves verbal parallels wit h Gallathea 3.2 which Scrag g (1982 ) uses as the basi s for extensive claims of shared preoccupations i n the tw o plays with role-playing an d transmutatio n b y time. The Falstaf f of Wives is if anything even more Si r Thopas-like than hi s earlier incarnations (bot h are als o punished b y fairies). A n assortmen t o f possible Lylian touche s has bee n trace d i n As You Like It, the mos t plausible o f them associate d with Rosalin d fro m th e 159 3 or 159 4 play The Woman in the Moon (se e Latham 1975 ) an d wit h th e amator y situation s fro m Gallathea again , 308

Lyly, John perhaps reinforce d an d sometime s mediate d b y Lodge's us e o f thi s play for his Rosalynde (s o Scragg 1982 : 85ff.). Fo r suggestions on affinitie s with Lyly in the Lat e Plays , see Scragg (1982) . (D) Bond's 190 2 edition of Lyly includes generou s commen t on matters such a s his biography, bibliograph y an d reputation , a s well as an over generalized accoun t o f hi s effec t o n Shakespeare . Mincof f (1961 : 15) notes tha t earl y investigation s o f Lyly' s relationshi p t o Shakespear e 'tended t o concentrat e rathe r o n concret e parallel s tha n o n funda mental principles' , bu t unintentionall y reveal s why this was so by constructing to o speculativ e a survey . Further 'concret e parallels' , mostl y very minor , ar e stil l bein g discovere d (a s by Andrews 1984) . Th e fina l chapter o f Hunter (1962) , stil l the bes t book-lengt h stud y o f Lyly, i s a full and forcefu l overvie w stressin g differences between Lyl y and Shake speare in a more or less play-by-play treatment. Scrag g (1982 ) is a most extensive treatmen t o f the impac t o f the singl e play Gallathea, with a n introduction reviewin g twentieth-centur y wor k o n Shakespeare—Lyl y connections at large . Andrews, Michae l Camero n (1984) . 'The Owl' s "Merr y Note".' N&Q 229: 187-8 . Bevington, Davi d (1989) . '"Jack Hat h No t Jill": Faile d Courtshi p i n Lyly and Shakespeare. ' ShSu 42: 1-13. Bond, R . Warwick , ed . (1902) . The Complete Works of John Lyly: Now for the First Time Collected and Edited from the Earliest Quartos, 3 vols . Oxford. Borinski, Ludwi g (1958) . 'The Origi n o f the Euphuisti c Nove l an d it s Significance for Shakespeare', pp. 38-52 in Don Cameron Allen , ed., Studies in Honor ofT. W. Baldwin. Urbana, IL . Bullough. David, Richard , ed . (1968) . Love's Labour's Lost (Arde n Shakespeare) . London (firs t publishe d 1951) . Hebel, J . William , ed . (1932) . The Works of Michael Drayton, 4 vols . London. Humphreys, A . R., ed. (1974) . King Henry IVPart I (Arden Shakespeare) . London. Hunter, G . K. (1962) . John Lyly: The Humanist as Courtier. London. Latham, Agnes , ed. (1975) . As You Like It (Arden Shakespeare) . London . MincofT, Marc o (1961) . 'Shakespeare and Lyly. ' ShSu 14 : 15-24. 309

Lyly, John Scragg, Lea h (1977) . 'Shakespeare , Lyl y and Ovid : Th e Influenc e of Gallathea on A Midsummer Night's Dream.' ShSu 30: 125-34 . Scragg, Lea h (1982) . The Metamorphoses of Gallathea: A Study in Creative Adaptation. Washington, D.C . Stevenson, David Lloyd (1966). The Love-Game Comedy. Ne w York . Velz, John W . (1973) . 'Gascoigne , Lyly , an d th e Wooin g o f Bianca. ' JV<2?£218: 130-3 .

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M Machiavelli, Niccolo (1469-1527), Italian Statesman and Political Philosopher (A) Machiavelli was born i n Florence, wher e he was among these who rose t o powe r i n th e ne w republi c establishe d i n 1498 , becoming it s second chancellor. He led important embassie s to Louis XII o f France, the Empero r Maximillia n an d Cesar e Borgia . O n th e accessio n t o power o f the Medic i i n 151 2 h e wa s imprisoned o n a charg e o f conspiracy against the new regime, and tortured . Though soon pardoned , he wa s oblige d t o withdra w fro m publi c life , an d devote d himsel f t o study. His major theoretical works were written in retirement and aimed in part a t obtaining employmen t under the new regime, which was not forthcoming. Th e origina l an d controversia l // Principe ('Th e Prince') , written 151 3 an d publishe d 1532 , wa s intende d a s a handboo k fo r rulers (specificall y th e ne w ruler s of Florence), an d th e Discorsi sopra la prima deca di Tito Livio, published 1531, is a large commentary on th e first ten Book s o f Livy an d henc e o n th e principle s o f republican govern ment. He als o wrote a treatise on the art o f war, a comic play, a history of Florence and severa l more minor literary and historical works. (B) II Principe wa s available in printed for m fro m 1532 . Though Machi avelli was not immediatel y perceived a s an enem y of Christianity, th e Jesuits' effort s le d to his works being placed o n the first Papal Inde x of 1559, preventing the open dissemination of them in Catholic countries. Pious Protestant s suc h a s Roge r Ascha m als o too k a di m vie w o f 311

Machiavelli, Mccolo Machiavelli on account of his atheism, as well as for the differen t reason that h e wa s associate d wit h Italy . Ascham provide s i n hi s Report and Discourse ...ofthe Affairs and State of Germany (c. 1570 ) a n earl y example of a prevalen t view , complainin g o f thos e wh o 'wit h conscience s confirmed with Machiavelles doctrine . . . thincke say and do what soever may serve best for profit and pleasure'. And Innocent Gentillet's widelyknown Discours .. . Contre Machiavel (writte n 1576 ; Englis h translatio n 1602), a long-winde d refutatio n ascribin g t o Machiavelli' s influenc e not onl y th e Massacr e o f S t Bartholome w bu t th e whol e o f Frenc h policy from Henr y II to Charles IX, encouraged anti-Machiavellianism in England . Othe r readers , o f course - famously , i n the early phases of th e Englis h reception , Franci s Baco n - wer e mor e acceptin g of Machiavelli's secula r politica l world ; Baco n argue d tha t a t leas t th e knowledge o f evil was useful. Fe w generalizations are wort h hazardin g as t o Englis h opinions : 'th e abilit y o f sixteenth-centur y writer s t o combine apparentl y irreconcilabl e attitudes ' i n thi s regar d ha s bee n remarked (Bawcutt 1970 : 12) . The Englis h government did know its mind: it refused t o licence the printing o f / / Principe o r th e Discorsi unti l wel l int o th e seventeent h century Th e publi c was supplied with Italian-language edition s carrying false imprints by the London printer John Wolfe in the 1580s . These circulated widely , togethe r wit h copie s of pre-Index Latin an d Frenc h editions, and manuscrip t English translations of both works from 158 5 or a few years later, some of which still survive (see Craig 1944 ; Raab 1964: 52-3) . This situation is partly a reflection ofth e idea , recorded in the Prefac e t o Wolfe's illici t editions, that Machiavelli's works carried a hidden republica n ideolog y (se e Donaldson 1988 : 86-110) . Th e les s controversial Art of War and Florentine History wer e printe d i n Englis h translation in 1560- 2 and 159 5 respectively. It wa s undoubtedly via th e stag e tha t hi s nam e wa s first heard b y most Englishmen . Bu t th e Elizabetha n stag e Machiave l wa s no t a wholly new figure: he was a blend of one of the more negative current interpretations of Machiavelli with the Vice, the humorous villain fro m the medieva l Morality Tradition (an d perhaps wit h Machiavellia n elements in Seneca and Ginthio's plays mixed in too: see D'Andre a 1980). This figure also diverged further an d further fro m th e content of Machiavelli's own writings over time. Much ofthe dramatists ' work can be traced back to a surge of interest in Machiavelli around 158 0 affect ing Gabrie l Harvey, Rober t Greene (wh o both refe r t o hi m a t this 312

Machiavelli, Mccolo time), an d other s includin g Marlowe, the first to brin g a Machiave l figure onto th e stag e whe n th e murderou s Nic k Machevill introduce d The Jew of Malta (1588) , and eventuall y th e heavies t investo r i n the m (Barabas, Tamburlaine , Faustus) . Jonson, Marston an d Webste r ar e further playwright s readil y associate d wit h th e phenomenon . Machi avelli's use as a stock stage villain doe s not indicat e tha t th e dramatists , or othe r Englis h readers , wer e unfamilia r wit h wha t h e ha d actuall y written: on the contrary, writers such as Jonson, Kyd, Marston, Nashe, Ralegh and Sidney clearly knew his work at first hand - whic h is not to say the y approve d o f it . I n som e respect s Machiavelli' s pros e i s ofte n inherently dramati c o r theatrical , an d h e i s b y n o mean s onl y a n abstract o r theoretica l write r eve n i n / / Principe, sinc e h e include s a wealth o f historica l storie s an d example s t o enforc e hi s points . Suc h features d o much t o account for his popularity, thoug h i t is not usuall y these which resurface i n English writers' work. (C) The traditiona l Machiavel s of Shakespeare's plays have been widely written on, an d the y do not deriv e directl y from Machiavelli . Thi s discussion doe s not dea l wit h Shakespeare' s lagos , Aarons an d Edmund s (for whic h see rather Pra z 1928) . On balance , 'i t would b e mor e surprisin g if it could b e proved tha t Shakespeare ha d manage d t o avoi d readin g Machiavell i tha n i f concrete evidenc e wer e to turn up that he had' (Barton 1985 : 122) . But his several passing uses of Machiavelli's nam e itself , for example i n 1 Henry VI, 5.4.74 , a s a synony m fo r 'cunnin g an d ruthless' , ar e unrevealing , and specifi c referenc e t o Machiavelli' s wor k i s nowher e obviou s i n Shakespeare. On e troubl e with scholarship on the subject is that specifi c reference i s als o rar e there , commentator s usuall y comparin g onl y generally 'Machiavellian ' principle s o f character an d actio n wit h th e content o f the plays . Wher e thi s i s not th e case , a convers e proble m besets investigation : sinc e Machiavell i say s s o much abou t kings , governance, rebellion , an d s o on , no t onl y i n / / Principe bu t als o i n th e Discorsi and th e Florentine Histories, i t is all too eas y to isolat e parallels i n his writings for attributes and behaviou r foun d a t one point o r anothe r in the many Shakespear e plays which involve similar elements . In addition, apparent parallel s very often tur n out either to be already present in th e historica l sources , o r t o deriv e fro m th e popula r Machiavell i myth. All positions on th e spectru m hav e been adopte d ove r the years regarding the positiveness or otherwise of Shakespeare's response to the

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Machiavelli, Niccolo Italian writer . It i s possible he kne w Gentillet's Contre Machiavel, whic h gives an idea (if a biased one) of Machiavelli's arguments, rather than / / Principe itself . The rang e o f plays in which Machiavellian element s have been discerned runs from earl y to fairly late works, beginning naturally enoug h with th e Histories . Henr y V I i s sometimes see n a s a n illustratio n o f Machiavelli's thesis in // Principe about th e enfeeblin g effect s o f Christianity o n moder n rulers , an d hi s contentio n (Discorsi 1.9 ) tha t onl y a single concentrate d authorit y coul d refor m a decayin g political order . Perhaps th e presentatio n o f th e Frenc h i n Part I reflect s a 'divide d attitude towar d the Machiavellia n ethi c they embrace' (Winek e 1983) . Henry V , naturally enough , ha s bee n identifie d bot h a s a Machiavel lian figur e (D'Amic o 1986 ) an d a s a n anti-Machiavellia n one . A stronger, because more detailed, case can be made for the Bolingbroke of both Richard //an d Henry /F(on e i s outlined b y Ribner 1948) , bu t there i s n o proo f tha t th e figur e i s directl y inspire d b y Machiavelli . Macbeth show s a t leas t thre e possibl e model s o f kingshi p (Duncan , Macbeth, Malcolm ) an d s o lend s itsel f t o simila r speculatio n (a s by Riebling 1991) . Malcolm' s successfu l seizur e o f powe r seem s mor e authentically Machiavellia n i n procedur e tha n Macbeth' s ow n manoeuvres (Sahe l 1978) . Machiavelli' s vie w o f Coriolanu s i n hi s Discorsi, whic h stand s i n a n interestin g relationshi p t o Shakespeare' s but ca n onl y tentativel y be propose d a s a shapin g influenc e o n it , is discussed by Barton (1985). A differen t kin d of link exists between the plo t of Measure for Measure and th e stor y recounted in Chapter 7 of // Principe. Cesare Borgia, th e ostensible her o o f Machiavelli's book , brought orde r t o th e Romagn a by placing in authority the Spaniar d Remirr o d e Oreo, renowned a s a cruel governor , an d givin g hi m carte blanche. Remirro's hars h method s made th e countr y peacefu l an d united, upo n whic h Cesar e reintroduced civi l authority and, t o win over the people , ha d Remirr o executed. Eve n i f thi s story' s resemblanc e t o tha t o f Vincenti o an d Angelo 'cannot b e coincidental ' (Jaff a 1981 : 189) , ther e i s a stron g possibility i t reache d Shakespear e throug h intermediat e source s (so Holland 1959 ; Hager 1990) . Even so, Shakespeare ma y have assumed his audience's knowledge of it principally from Machiavelli . One overal l vie w i s offere d b y Rober t Ornstein, wh o see s Shake speare a s consciou s of the challeng e Machiavell i pose d t o traditiona l assumptions but resistant to his conclusions: 314

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Addressing himsel f alway s t o fac t an d historica l example , Machi avelli thought ther e coul d b e n o appea l fro m th e dictate s o f Necessity; Shakespear e realized , however , tha t Necessit y i s a s th e min d conceives and rationalize s it. Where Machiavell i insiste d that seein g was believing , Shakespear e understoo d tha t i n politic s believin g is often seeing . . . Whateve r rol e th e Princ e ma y play - magu s o r scapegoat - th e King's Bod y is the living presence of the nation and his royal We a communion o f multitudes. (Ornstein 1972 : 30) (D) Raab (1964) and more recently Donaldson (1988 ) deal with Machi avelli's reception among English political writers and polemicists of the sixteenth and seventeent h centuries; Bawcutt's survey (1970) is usefully more miscellaneous . O n Shakespeare , th e quantit y o f wor k i s dis proportionate to the securit y wit h which an y direct us e of Machiavell i can b e demonstrated . Othe r treatment s ar e foun d i n th e cours e o f wider-ranging studie s on Elizabetha n an d Jacobean dram a no t liste d below. Barton, Ann e (1985) . 'Livy , Machiavelli , an d Shakespeare' s "Coriola nus'V ShSu 38: 115-29. Bawcutt, N . W . (1970). 'Machiavell i an d Marlowe' s The Jew of Malta' RenD 3: 3-49 . Craig, Hardin , ed . (1944) . The Prince: An Elizabethan Translation. Chape l Hill. D'Amico, Jack (1986) . 'Mora l an d Politica l Conscience : Machiavell i and Shakespeare' s Macbeth an d Henry V.' Italian Quarterly 27 : 31-41. D'Andrea, Antoni o (1980) . 'Girald i Cinthi o an d th e Birt h o f th e Machiavellian Her o on the Elizabethan Stage' , pp. 605-18 in Maristella de Panizza Lorch, ed., // Teatro Italiano del Rinascimento. Milan. Donaldson, Pete r S . (1988) . Machiavelli and the Mystery of State. Cambridge. Hager, Ala n (1990) . 'Shakespeare' s Disassembl y an d Reassembl y o f Montaigne's Utopi a an d Machiavelli' s Anti-Utopia. ' Machiavelli Studies 3: 79-93. Holland, Norma n N . (1959) . ' 'Measure for Measure: Th e Duke an d th e Prince.' CompLit 11 : 16-20 . Jaffa, Harr y V (1981) . 'Chastit y a s a Politica l Principle : A n Interpret ation of Shakespeare's Measure for Measure', pp. 181-21 3 in John Alvis 315

Machiavelli, Niccolo and Thoma s G . West , eds, Shakespeare as a Political Thinker. Durham , N.C. Lupton, Julia (1987) . 'Truan t Dispositions : Hamle t an d Machiavelli. ' JMRS 17 : 59-82. Ornstein, Rober t (1972) . A Kingdom for a Stage: The Achievement of Shakespeare's History Plays. Cambridge , MA . Praz, Mario (1928) . Machiavelli and the Elizabethans. Londo n (reprinte d in Praz, The Flaming Heart: Essays on Crashaw, Machiavelli, and other Studies in the Relations between Italian and English Literature from Chaucer to T. S. Eliot, New York, 1958). Raab, Felix (1964). The English Face of Machiavelli: A Changing Interpretation 1500-1700. London. Ribner, Irvin g (1948) . 'Bolingbroke , A Tru e Machiavellian. ' MLQ9: 177-84. Riebling, Barbar a (1991) . 'Virtue's Sacrifice: A Machiavellian Readin g of Macbeth.' SEL31: 273-86 . Sahel, Pierre (1978). 'Machiavelisme vulgaire et machiavelisme authentique dans Macbeth.' CahiersE 14 : 9-22. Wineke, Donal d R . (1983) . 'Th e Relevanc e o f MachiaveUi to Shake speare: A Discussio n o f 1 Henry VI.' CLIO: A Journal of Literature, History, and the Philosophy of History 13.i : 17-36 . Mantuan (Giovanni Baptista Spagnuoli) (1448-1516), Italian Neo-Latin Poet (A) O f partly Spanis h descent , h e wa s born i n Mantua , studie d ther e and i n Padua, the n entere d th e Carmelit e order , o f which h e becam e Vicar-General i n 1483. As well as a prominent ecclesiastica l administra tor, h e was a scholarly figure i n the cultur e o f the Italia n Renaissance . Mantuan's prolifi c writing s includ e silvae an d man y religiou s poems , but hi s fame ha s rested from th e first on hi s Bucolics or Eclogues., printed in 1498 . They are ten didactic poem s makin g up a short book, with a range o f theme s an d tones : agains t illici t lov e an d th e loosenes s o f women, the neglect of poets, the evils of the city . Four deal directly with aspects of the religious life. All are aphoristic, verbally vivid, and moral istic or satirical. O n thei r accoun t Mantuan ha s sometimes been calle d 'the second Virgil': their classical quality was quickly acknowledged by wide acclaim , a learne d commentary , an d adoptio n fo r teaching . A modern edition , including English translation, i s Piepho (1989) . 316

Mantuan (Giovanni Baptista Spagnuoli) (B) Mantuan's Eclogues had achieve d great popularity an d pre-eminenc e by the secon d half of the sixteent h century, owing in large part to their blend o f classica l for m wit h edifyin g Christia n content . The y wer e often prescribe d fo r us e i n Englis h schools . I n hi s poe m 'T o Henr y Reynolds' Drayton recalls, or imagines, his instruction when at 'scarse ten yeares of age' he asked his 'deare master' to make him a poet: shortly he began, And first read to me honest Mantuan, Then Virgils Eclogues, being entred thus Me thought I straight had mounted Pegasus, And in his full Career e coul d make him stop, And bound upon Parnassus by-clift top . (35-40; ed. Hebel 1932 : in, 226-7 ) The us e o f Mantuan fo r th e teachin g o f elementar y prosod y i s full y documented i n Hoole' s 'New Discovery of the Old Art of Teaching School (see Baldwin 1944 : i , 646-8) . Willia m Webb e writes more formall y in hi s discussion of the eclogu e in hi s Discourse of English Poetry (1586) : After Virgyl i n lik e sor t wri t Titus Calphurnius an d Baptista Mantuan, wyth many other both in Latine and other languages very learnedlye. Although th e matte r the y tak e i n han d seemet h commonli e i n appearaunce rud e and homely , as the usuall talke of simple clownes: yet doo they indeede utter in the same much pleasaunt and profitable delight. For under these personnes, as it were in a cloake of simplicitie, the y woul d eythe r sett e foort h th e prayse s o f they r freendes , without th e not e o f flattery , o r enveig h grievousl y agains t abuses , without any token of bytternesse. (edArber 1870:52 ) Mantuan ha d expanded th e pastoral mod e to a point at which it could be used as a vehicle for virtually any material, especiall y satirical. Many sixteenth-century Englis h pastorals , suc h a s Alexande r Barclay' s Five Eclogues (1513-14) , Barnab e Googe' s Eglogs (1563) , Franci s Sabie' s Pan's Pipe (1595) , and mos t importantly part s o f Spenser's Shepheardes Calendar (1579) , are modelled on Mantuan's . There ar e si x known Englis h printing s o f Mantuan's Eclogues fro m 1569 t o 1600 , a s wel l a s tw o edition s o f th e translatio n b y Georg e 317

Mantuan (Giovanni Baptista Spagnuoli) Turberville first published in 1567 . This is the start of Eclogue I, which turns out an uncharacteristically sunny poem o n the consummation of honourable love , in Turberville's energetic Englishing: The speaker s names. Fortunatus. Faustus. Fortuna? Fren d Faustus, pray thee, since our flock in shade and pleasaunt vale Doth chewe the cudde: of auncient love let us begin to tale. Least if by hap unhapp y sleepe our sense s should begyle, Some savage beast in sprouted corne our cattell catch the while: For many such about the fields do lurking lye in wayte. Wherfore t o watch is better far than sleepe in my conceyte. Faustus Thi s place, this self same shady bushe that shrowds us from th e heate , Knows how I haue been cloyd with cares and Cupids coales yfreat These .iiii. yeares space, or .ii. at least if I remember well. But synce we are at leasure both, and pleasaun t is to tell: I will begin the whole discourse and shew e thee how it fell. Here I, whilst in my tender youth of cattell should had care , Would spread my garment on the soyle, and bolte upright would stare Into the open Skye s alofte : with dolefull drop s of bryne And heavy playnt recounting of this curssed fate o f myne. (Mantuan 1567 : sig. Blr ^ 318

Mantuan (Giovanni Baptista Spagnuoli) (C) Lik e ever y gramma r schoo l boy , Shakespeare woul d hav e bee n drilled i n Mantuan's Eclogues in the Lati n (ther e is no sign of his having known Turberville' s rendering) . Holoferne s i n Love's Labour's Lost, abstracted, a s usual, in his discussion with Nathaniel, supplie s the only certain allusion to Mantuan i n Shakespeare's work: Fauste, precor gelida quando pecus omne sub umbra Ruminat and s o forth . Ah . goo d ol d Mantuan ! I ma y spea k o f thee a s th e traveller doth of Venice: Venetia, Venetia, Chi non ti vide, non ti pretia. Old Mantuan , ol d Mantuan ! Wh o understandet h the e not , loves thee not Ut, re , sol, la, mi, fa. (4.2.89-95) Holofernes' firs t quotatio n i s th e firs t lin e o f th e Eclogues, a lin e a s familiar t o Elizabetha n schoolboy s a s Virgil' s 'Tityre , t u patulae ' (Eclogue i) . I t ha d recentl y bee n deploye d i n literar y skirmishe s between Gabriel Harvey and Thomas Nashe. In Harvey's Foure Letters (1592) he attacks Nashe, whose 'margine is as deeplie learned, as Fauste precor gelida', i.e . very superficiall y learned . Nash e replie d i n lik e vein, mentioning the line again. 'Here we have the words classified, by two of the chief writers before the public, as the one tag that even the worst of Grammar Schoo l dunce s migh t b e expecte d t o remember ' (Davi d 1968: 81). Mantuan' s lin e was evidently used to describe a beginner in poetry. Shakespeare's reference to Mantuan i n Love's Labour's Lost seems at least half affectionate, but Baldwi n see s the allusio n a s indicating on Shakespeare's part what would have been thought a reprehensibly frivo lous attitud e toward s a write r o f 'awesom e dignit y i n schoo l circles ' (1944: i, 646); it would seem that 'Shakespeare did not share his pedantic schoolmaster' s enthusias m fo r thi s stapl e o f th e grammar-schoo l curriculum' (Sowerby 1994: 216) . Baldwin (i, 649-52) suggests some remote small-scale Shakespearean parallels wit h Mantuan , o r rather , fo r th e mos t part , wit h material s brought togethe r i n th e annotation s o f his edito r Josse Bad e (Badius, also Ascensius) , wh o explain s Mantuan' s extensiv e classica l allusions . On th e whole, it is in any case clear that Shakespeare' s pastoral world, 319

Mantuan (Giovanni Baptista Spagnuoli) usually a n idylli c contras t t o th e cour t o r city , i s radicall y unlik e Mantuan's, where suffering an d danger are still present.

(D)

Arber, Edward, ed. (1870) . William Webbe, Graduate: A Discourse of English Poetrie, 1586. London. Baldwin (1944). David, Richard , ed . (1968) . Love's Labour's Lost (Arde n Shakespeare) . London (firs t publishe d 1951) . Hebel, J. William , ed . (1931-41) . The Works of Michael Drayton, 5 vols . Oxford. Mantuan, translated by Georg e Turberville (1567). The Eglogs of the Poet B. Mantuan Carmelitan, Turned into English Verse. London . Piepho, Lee , ed . (1989) . Adulescentia: The Eclogues of Mantuan / Baptista (Spagnuoli) Mantuanus. New York . Sowerby, Robin (1994) . The Classical Legacy in Renaissance Poetry. London. Marguerite, de Navarre Se e Painter, William. Marianus Scholasticus (5th Century AD?), Byzantine Poet A six-line Greek Anthology epigram attribute d t o this poet may be rather more than an analogue for Sonnets 15 3 and 154 ; Shakespeare could hav e know n i t fro m a translatio n i n on e o f severa l moder n languages or in Latin. Hutton, Jame s (1941) . 'Analogue s o f Shakespeare' s Sonnet s 153—4 : Contributions t o th e Histor y o f a Theme. ' MP 38 : 385-40 3 (reprinted in Hutton, Essays on Renaissance Poetry, Ithaca, 1980).

Marlowe, Christopher (1564-1593), English Poet and Dramatist Se e also Ovid (Publius Ovidius Naso). (A) Marlowe was born the son of a Canterbury shoemaker, two months before Shakespeare . H e attende d th e King' s School , Canterbury , an d from 158 0 Bene't (no w Corpu s Christi ) College , Cambridge , o n a scholarship founde d b y Archbishop Parke r primarily fo r those intend ing to take holy orders. He receive d his first degree in 1584 , by which 320

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time h e ma y hav e begun t o wor k as a governmen t spy . His play Dido, Queen of Carthage may hav e been composed as early as 1586 , in collabor ation wit h Nashe. Havin g hel d hi s scholarship for th e maximu m six years, Marlow e graduate d M A afte r th e interventio n o f th e Priv y Council o n hi s behalf , an d despit e rumour s tha t h e ha d joined th e Catholic seminar y a t Rheims ; thi s ma y mea n h e ha d attempte d t o infiltrate th e expatriate English Catholic community. In the summe r of the sam e year, 1587, his Tamburlaine was produced to great acclaim. H e was soon writing for the Admiral' s Company , apparently becomin g in some sens e its 'answer ' t o Shakespeare . H e soldiere d i n th e Nether lands, whence he was deported for counterfeiting, and probably worked as a sp y both a t hom e an d abroa d fo r Elizabeth' s government . H e joined th e grou p o f freethinkers aroun d Si r Walter Ralegh . Whe n i n 1593 some heretical papers were found i n the possession of Kyd, with whom Marlowe shared lodgings, Kyd attributed them to Marlowe an d he was summoned to appear befor e th e Priv y Council o n a charge of heresy. But a few days later, while on bail, he was stabbed to death i n a Deptford tavern , reportedl y i n a disput e ove r th e bil l bu t perhap s i n connection with clandestine activities in government service. His plays after Tamburlaine (with dates of composition rather tha n th e usually somewhat later publication) are Doctor Faustus, 1588-9 , The Jew of Malta, c. 1590 , Edward II, 1592 , and The Massacre of Paris, 159 3 (th e last jointly with Nashe). He wa s also responsible fo r translations fro m Ovid, a long but unfinished version of Musaeus' poem Hero andLeander, and some shorter poems. (B) Marlowe's influence o n contemporary dram a i n general was extensive. With Kyd, h e virtually invented Elizabethan traged y an d secure d the rol e o f blank verse as the standar d mediu m fo r th e stage , leadin g English drama awa y once and for all from 'th e jigling vaines of rhyming mother-wits', a s th e Prologu e t o Tamburlaine put s it . Marlowe' s play s remained a powerful presence on the stage into the seventeenth century, and Chapman, i n particular, carried forward the developmen t of the aspiring heroic character fo r which his drama i s renowned. Marlowe' s contemporaries wer e unanimous : h e wa s th e Muses ' darling , bu t hi s personal faults were clear - a s the authors of The Second Part of the Return from Parnassus (1603) put it , 'Pit y it is that wit so ill should dwell, / Wi t lent fro m heaven , but vice s sent from hell. ' Today Marlowe's apparen t sexual, politica l an d religiou s nonconformities , an d th e suppose d 321

Marlowe, Christopher 'subversiveness' o f his work, are mad e prominen t i n critica l accounts , but th e fac t o f his plays' publication i n itsel f may sugges t it is 'reasonable to consider him, even if somewhat unorthodox, a s well within th e spectrum of opinion that authority "allowed"' (Button 1993 : 27). Marlowe's distinctiv e styl e was perceived thus by Joseph Hal l in his Virgidemiarum (1597) : One higher pitch'd dot h set his soaring thought On crowne d kings that Fortune hath low brought: Or som e upreared, high-aspiring swaine As it might be the Turkish Tamberlaine. Then weeneth0 he his base drink-drowned spright, 0 thinks; spirit Rapt to the threefold loft o f heavens hight, When he conceives upon his fained stage The stalkin g steps of his great personage, Graced with huf-cap° termes and thundring threats blustering That his poore hearers hayre quite upright sets. . . . There if he can with termes Italianate , Big-sounding sentences,0 and word s of state, aphorisms Faire patch me up his pure lambick verse, He ravishe s the gazin g Scaffolders0 spectators in the gallery (1598 text , i.3; ed. Davenport 1949 : 14 , glosses added) Marlowe's 'might y line' , a s Jonson calle d i t i n hi s sonne t t o Shake speare ('in its narrowest form a balanced line in which the first part plays against th e las t part eithe r verball y or alliterativel y an d ofte n i n bot h ways', Bake r 1967 : 131) , is the basi s of Tamburlaine's famou s lamen t over th e dea d Zenocrate . Thi s ma y b e directl y echoe d i n Morocco' s richly lyrical speeches in The Merchant of Venice (see (C), below). Blacke is the beauty of the brightest day, The golde n balle of heavens eternal fire, That danc'd wit h glorie on the silver waves: Now wants the fewell that enflamde his beames And al l with faintnesse an d fo r foule disgrace , He bindes his temples with a frowning cloude, Ready to darken earth with endlesse night: Zenocrate that gave him light and life , Whose eies shot fire from thei r Ivory bowers, 322

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And tempered every soule with lively heat, Now by the malice of the angry Skies, Whose jealousie admits no second Mate, Drawes in the comfort of her latest breat h All dasled with the hellish mists of death. Now walk the angel s on the walles of heaven, As Centinels to warne th' immortal l soules, To entertaine devin e Zenocrate . Apollo, Cynthia, an d the ceaslesse lamps That gently look'd upon this loathsome earth , Shine downwards now no more, but deck the heavens To entertaine divin e Zenocrate . The christal l springs whose taste illuminates Refined eie s with an eternall sight, Like tried silver runs through Paradic e To entertaine divine Zenocrate. The Cherubin s and holy Seraphins That sing and play before th e king of kings, Use all their voices and their instruments To entertaine divine Zenocrate . And in this sweet and curiou s harmony, The Go d that tunes this musicke to our soules: Holds out his hand i n highest majest y To entertaine divin e Zenocrate . Then let some holy trance convay my thoughts, Up to the pallace of th' imperial! heaven: That this my life may be as short to me As are the daies of sweet Zenocrate: Phisitions, wil no phisicke do her good ? (1592 text ; 2 Tamburlaine 2.4.1-38) (C) Marlowe's an d Shakespeare' s name s are apparentl y linke d as early as 1592 , when their fello w playwright Rober t Greene famously refer s to Shakespeare as the 'upstart crow' in addressing the 'famous gracer of tragedians', presume d t o b e Marlowe . Thei r relationshi p ha s usually been see n in terms of a rivalry in the course of which they borrow from each other in turn. Henry VFs weakness is in contrast to Tamburlaine' s will to power ; Edward II, Marlowe' s ripost e t o Henry VI, is indebted t o Richard III (see Brooke 1961 ; Brooks 1968), but lack s the perspectiv e of

323

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a whole nation's plight presented in Shakespeare's next play, Richard II. The plo t of Richard II, in its turn, has many parallels with that of Edward II, bu t drastically reduces the homosexual elements. In a word, 'the two dramatists, contendin g with an d reactin g from eac h other , select their material t o mak e contrastin g effects ' (Bradbroo k 1980 : 196) . In thi s sense it can be agreed that in general Marlowe was 'hardly a source . . . rather a model' for Shakespeare (Charney 1997 : 213). But discussion of the relationship between Shakespeare and Marlowe has t o conten d wit h th e specia l proble m tha t Marlowe' s ow n writing may actuall y b e include d withi n text s attributed t o Shakespeare . Th e notion tha t the y collaborate d o n Henry VI, i n particular , i s a n old , though unprove n one . Th e 'disintegrators ' wh o believ e Shakespear e was not th e writer of the works assigned to him use either biographica l clues o r interna l evidenc e o n th e characteristic s o f respective parts of the work s themselves, and o n bot h count s Marlow e ha s alway s been among the alternative authors proposed. The lates t version of the latter kind o f investigation is computational analysis , the mor e sophisticate d examples o f whic h (suc h a s Merria m 1996 ) hav e hypothesize d tha t many plays dated to the early years of Shakespeare's career, in particular 1-3 Henry VI, Titus Andronicus, Richard II and Richard III, incorporat e an unknown quantity of original writin g by Marlowe - thoug h there is no external evidence that the two playwrights ever collaborated. All this makes it extremely difficult t o determine, for Shakespeare's plays up t o 1593, whether similarities with Marlowe's work (generically or in terms of individual plays) represent normal echoes, parody, Marlowe's writing itself, Marlowe's writing revised by Shakespeare, or some combination. Phoebe, i n As Ton Like It, quote s Marlowe' s Hero and Leander i n apostrophizing th e autho r o f this pastora l poe m a s 'Dea d shepherd' , and i n s o doin g make s Shakespeare' s onl y definit e referenc e t o a contemporary poet (a less conclusive one occur s at 3.3.12) : Dead shepherd , now find I thy saw of might: 'Who ever lov'd that lov'd not at first sight?' (3.5.80-1) Hero and Leander i s ofte n assume d t o hav e bee n a mode l fo r Venus and Adonis (fo r comparisons se e Bradbroo k 1980) , but i n fac t ther e i s n o evidence t o prov e whic h wa s writte n first . Ther e are , however , a number o f certain quotations from Marlow e elsewhere in Shakespeare, 324

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for exampl e A Midsummer Night's Dream, 1.1.17 0 (fo r a lis t o f Marlow e echoes i n thi s pla y se e Brook s 1979 : bdv) , an d Pistol' s parod y o f Tamburlaine's among other contemporary dramati c style s in 2 Henry IV (compare 2 Tamburlaine 4.3.1—2) : Shall packhorses, And hollow pamper'd jades of Asia, Which canno t go but thirty mile a day, Compare wit h Caesars, and with Cannibals , And Troiant Greeks? (2 Henry 77,2.4.154-8) In th e character s o f Tamburlaine, th e Guis e (in The Massacre at Paris}., and mos t famously Baraba s (i n The Jew of Malta), Marlow e establishe d the theatrica l Machiavel - 'ruthles s and magnetic, self-delightin g and self-destructive' (Ur e 1971 : 212) . Such a figure i s found, wit h whatever Marlovian colouring , i n suc h Shakespearea n creation s a s Richard III , Edmund an d lago , bu t perhap s th e mos t Marlowesqu e exampl e (i f a distinction ma y b e s o made) is Aaron i n Titus Andronicus. Hi s openin g soliloquy contain s n o specifi c echoe s o f Shakespeare' s contemporary , but th e manne r i s extremely close. To Brooke, it is 'impossible t o hea r this, an d no t thin k o f Marlowe. Overal l there i s a sustaine d rhythmi c splendour movin g from hyperbol e to hyperbole; but th e relationshi p is patent also in every significant detail' (1961: 35): Now climbeth Tamora Olympus' top , Safe ou t of Fortune's shot, and sit s aloft , Secure of thunder's crack or lightning flash, Advanc'd above pale envy's threat'ning reach . . . Then, Aaron, arm thy heart and fit thy thoughts To mount aloft with thy imperial mistress, And mount her pitch whom thou in triumph long Hast prisoner held, fett'red in amorous chains, And faster bound to Aaron's charming eyes Than is Prometheus tied to Caucasus. Away with slavish weeds and servil e thoughts! I will be bright and shine in pearl and gold, To wait upon this new-made emperess.

(2.1.1-4, 12-20 ) 325

Marlowe, Christopher Yet there are two apparently opposed ways of reading such similarities. We may see the superb assurance of these lines as showing that Marlowe 'pushed Shakespeare into a further degre e of inventiveness' (Bradbrook 1980: 195) , or we may read the m a s a kind of parody: 'Shakespear e is erupting in the Tamburlaine styl e as a form o f parody. If Aaron begins in th e styl e o f Tamburlaine , i t i s onl y a s a magnificen t exampl e o f rhetorical display ' (Charney 1997 : 215). Perhaps these alternatives are only apparently in conflict. It may be that Shakespeare's recognition of the imaginative force of Marlowe's Machiavels goes with a moral rejec tion o f them, leading t o an equivoca l presentation of their qualitie s in his own characters; this is what Brooke means by observing 'if this is to be called pastiche, it must be with the recognitio n that it is re-creation with original force' (1961 : 36). After Aaron , th e closes t characte r parallel s ar e wit h Richar d o f Gloucester a s develope d i n bot h 3 Henry VI and Richard III. I n fact , Margaret's ghost in the latte r play describes him by echoing Barabas ' 'We Jews can fawn like spaniels when we please, / An d when we grin we bite' (The Jew of Malta, 2.3.20-1): 'O, Buckingham ! take heed of yonder dog: / Look , when he fawns, h e bites' (1.3.289-90) . Richard' s Marlovian vitality, unlike Aaron's, is 'always contained within the compass of his perversion', so that h e 'never set s a healthy human instinc t at odds with the moral scheme' and in the end the Marlowe-derived element is 'entirely new-created t o Shakespeare's own purpose in a very differen t context'. In Richard II, similarly , the Marlovia n mod e of Mowbray an d Bolingbroke's headstrong speeches in th e first scene is not invoke d 'in such a way a s to distur b us : for th e rhetori c i s so decisively placed a s blood-ruled . . . that i t is felt almos t a s a parody (no t comic o f course) rather than echo' (Brooke 1961 : 37-9). The play as a whole responds to Edward II in a manner that reveals 'dynamic tensions' between the two writers (Skur a 1997 : 41). Some suc h conclusion abou t Shakespeare' s use o f Marlow e i n genera l is , i n fact , widel y fel t thoug h variousl y expressed: put a t its simplest, 'what Shakespeare learned from Marlow e . . . was shown . .. in reaction' (Bradbroo k 1980 : 203) . Henry V, a few years apart from th e earlier histories, seems to show Shakespeare happy to writ e withi n rathe r tha n agains t th e Marlovia n historica l mod e (perhaps specificall y withi n th e framewor k o f th e 'Conquero r play ' of which Tamburlaine was th e leadin g examplar) : common ingredient s include the chorus and the episodes of unexpected cruelty. Outside the Histories, Marlovian element s have been detected more 326

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occasionally. Th e largest-scal e cas e i s The Merchant of Venice. Shake speare and Marlowe were the only two dramatists of their time to make a Jew th e centra l figur e o f a play ; thei r character s ar e b y n o mean s similar, bu t Shylock' s language, an d th e us e made o f him t o criticiz e Christian hypocrisy , is reminiscent o f Barabas . The Jew of Malta i s th e source als o fo r th e atmosphere , thoug h no t th e plo t itself , o f Jessica's rebellious relationship with Shylock, and an apparently deliberat e invocation o f Marlowe i s involved in the surprisingl y poetic qualities of the relatively mino r character s Morocc o an d Arrago n (Brook e 1961 ; see also Bradbroo k 1980) . Th e Merchant i s perhap s Shakespeare' s 'mos t Marlovian play', by virtue not o f assimilation but o f 'a subversio n that works in both directions' (Shapiro 1998 : 269). Elsewhere i n th e Shakespear e corpus , th e horse-stealin g episode in The Merry Wives of Windsor ha s fo r lon g bee n associate d wit h Doctor Faustus (see Smith 1992) , and othe r snatche s of Marlowe here include a quotation from hi s poem The Passionate Shepherd (see Shapiro 1991 : 112 — 15). Romeo and Juliet is said to sho w the after-effect s of Hero and Leander in a general way - i n the elevation and assurance of Juliet's 'Gallop apace, you fiery-foote d steeds ' (3.2 . Iff.), i n Mercutio' s bawd y wit , or , mor e modishly, in its distinctive way of converting 'Marlovian homosexuality into phallocentri c mal e friendshi p charge d wit h eroti c overtones ' i n Mercutio's relationshi p wit h Rome o (Porte r 1989 : 138) . Marlovia n rhetoric seems to be given a negative function i n Julius Caesar, it is used according t o Brook e (1961 : 42-3 ) 't o discriminat e betwee n th e vali d greatness assumed to be [Caesar's] , and the vulgar egotism superficially indistinguishable from it' , with 'th e placing o f Caesar's craz y ambitio n in the ascent of a Marlovian rhetorical mountain'. But by the time of As You Like It, a t th e latest , Marlowe's presence is so spectral that i t i s no t clear whether Shakespeare's audience is meant to register it. These scattere d indication s o f Marlowe' s continuin g presenc e ar e often though t t o b e exhauste d b y th e late r phase s o f Shakespeare' s career, thoug h on e exceptio n i s th e reminiscence s o f Dido, Queen of Carthage i n th e tal e o f Tro y a s retol d i n Hamlet (2.2.440-2 ; se e Black 1994, Shapir o 1991 : 126-32) . Brook e i s categorica l i s statin g tha t Shakespeare's 'later plays never . . . show any direct dependence' (1961: 44), an d Shapir o see s no reaso n t o demur, observing that his 'engagement with Marlowe appears t o come to an end . . . around th e turn of the century ' (1991 : 89) . Naturally thi s ha s no t prevente d other s fro m making their cases on later plays, though as yet these have tended not to 327

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allow for various kinds of coincidence. Tamburlaine has been offered a s a shadow behind Lear, both in points of detail and i n structural patterns, with the effect, amon g other things, of contributing to 'debate about the existence o f God an d o f divine providence' an d 'a n anatomizatio n o f . . . desire' (Hopkin s 1996 : 113 , 119) . N o les s predictably , ther e hav e also been attempts to find Faustus in Macbeth (suc h as Nosworthy 1984). (D) The literatur e on Marlowe-Shakespeare connections is large. Ur e (1971) and a t greater length Bradbrook (1980) provide brief overviews; Brooks (1968 ) give s a mor e substantia l treatmen t o f Marlowe i n th e early Shakespear e wit h specia l referenc e to traditiona l dramati c fea tures and 'multiple influence' in conjunction with others. Much modern commentary is indebted to Brooke (1961). Shapiro's respected full-scal e 1991 stud y deals with Shakespeare's impact o n Marlowe as well as vice versa, an d develop s a unifie d argumen t abou t th e developmen t o f Shakespeare's response over time. Cartell i (1991) i s especially alert t o matters o f stagin g an d stag e history . Otherwise , muc h usefu l article sized materia l ha s bee n published : title s below wil l identif y wor k o n each Shakespeare, or Marlowe, text. Baker, Howar d (1967) . 'Th e Formatio n o f the Heroi c Medium' , pp . 126-68 in PaulJ. Alpers, ed., Elizabethan Poetry: Modern Essays in Criticism. Oxford (first published i n Baker, Induction to Tragedy, 1939) . Battenhouse, Roy (1974). 'Th e Relatio n o f Henry V to Tamburlaine.' ShSu 27: 71-80. Black, Jame s (1994) . 'Hamle t Hear s Marlowe , Shakespear e Read s Virgil.' Renaissance and Reformation 18.iv : 17-28. Bradbrook, M . C . (1980) . 'Shakespeare' s Recollection s o f Marlowe', pp. 191-20 4 i n Phili p Edwards , Inga-Stin a Ewban k an d G . K . Hunter, eds , Shakespeare's Styles: Essays in Honour of Kenneth Muir. Cambridge. Brooke, Nichola s (1961) . 'Marlow e a s Provocativ e Agen t i n Shake speare's Early Plays.' ShSu 14 : 34-44. Brooks, Harol d E , (1968) . 'Marlowe an d th e Earl y Shakespeare' , pp . 67-94 in Brian Morris, ed., Christopher Marlowe. London . ed. (1979) . A Midsummer Might's Dream (Arde n Shakespeare) . London. BuUough, i, 454-7. 328

Marlowe, Christopher Cartelli, Thomas (1991) . Marlowe, Shakespeare and the Economy of Theatrical Experience. Philadelphia , PA. Charney, Mauric e (1979) . 'Jessica' s Turquois e Rin g an d Abigail' s Poisoned Porridge : Shakespear e an d Marlow e a s Rival s an d Imitators.' RenD 10 : 33-44. (1994). 'Marlowe' s Edward II a s Model fo r Shakespeare' s Richard II.' Research Opportunities in Renaissance Drama 33: 31-41 . (1997). 'Th e Voic e o f Marlowe' s Tamburlain e i n Earl y Shake speare.' CompD 31: 213-23. Clemen, Wolfgang (1972) . 'Shakespear e an d Marlowe' , pp. 123-3 2 in Clifford Leec h an d J . M . R . Margeson , eds , Shakespeare 1971. Toronto. Davenport, A. , ed . (1949) . The Collected Poems of Joseph Hall, Bishop of Exeter and Norwich. Liverpool. Button, Richar d (1993) . 'Shakespear e an d Marlowe : Censorshi p an d Construction.' TES23: 1-29 . Egan, Rober t (1968) . ' A Mus e o f Fire : Henry V i n th e Ligh t o f Tamburlaine: MLQ23: 15-28 . Fleissner, Robert E (1990). 'Dr. Faustus as a Source for Hamlet.' Literatur in Wissenschaft und Unterricht 23 : 68—71 . Garber, Marjorie (1979) . 'Marlovian Visio n / Shakespearea n Revision. ' Research Opportunities in Renaissance Drama 22: 3-7 . Hopkins, Lisa (1996). '"Lear , Lear, Lear!" Marlowe , Shakespeare, and the Third.' Upstart Crow 16 : 108-23. Maclntyre, Jean (1986) . 'Doctor Faustus an d th e Late r Shakespeare. ' CahiersE29: 27-37 . Marlowe, Christopher (1592). Tamburlaine the Great. London . Merriam, T . V N . (1993) . 'Marlowe' s Hand i n Edward III.' Literary and Linguistic Computing 8 : 59—72 . Merriam, Thoma s (1996) . 'Tamburlain e Stalk s in Henry VI.' Computers and the Humanities 30 : 267-80. Nosworthy James M . (1984) . 'Macbeth, Doctor Faustus, an d th e Juggling Fiends', pp. 208-2 2 i n J. C . Gray , ed., Mirror up to Shakespeare: Essays in Honour ofG. R. Hibbard. Toronto. Porter, Joseph (1989) . 'Marlowe , Shakespeare , an d th e Canonizatio n of Heterodoxy.' South Atlantic Quarterly 88 : 128-40 . Porter, Joseph (1989) . Shakespeare's Mercutio. Chape l Hill. Ross, A . Elizabet h (1996) . 'Hand-Me-Down-Heroics : Shakespeare' s Retrospective o f Popular Elizabetha n Heroical Dram a i n Henry V\ 329

Marlowe, Christopher pp. 171-20 3 in John W. Velz, ed., Shakespeare's English Histories: A Quest for Form and Genre. Binghamton. Shapiro, Jame s (1991) . Rival Playwrights: Marlowe, Jonson, Shakespeare. New York. (1998). '"Whic h i s The Merchant here , an d whic h The Jew?": Shakespeare and th e Economics of Influence.' ShSt 20: 269-77. Skura, Meredith (1997) . 'Marlowe's Edward II: Penetrating Language in Shakespeare's Richard //.' ShSu 50 : 41-55. Smith, Rober t A . H . (1992) . 'Doctor Faustus an d The Merry Wives of Windsor: RES 43: 395-7. (1997). 'Julius Caesar and The Massacre at Paris: JV<2?Q,242: 496-7. Ure, Pete r (1971) . 'Shakespeare and the Drama of his Time', pp. 21121 i n Kennet h Mui r an d S . Schoenbaum , eds , A New Companion to Shakespeare Studies. Cambridge . Marston, John (1576-1634), Poet and Playwright (A) Marston's father was a prosperous lawyer, his mother th e daughte r of a n Italia n doctor . Afte r Brasenos e College, Oxford , Marsto n pro ceeded t o the Middl e Temple , bu t quickl y discovered a preference for writing over the law. He cultivate d a satirical bent in his first published works i n 1599 , The Metamorphosis of Pigmalion's Image an d The Scourge of Villainy. These figured later that year on a list of thirteen satirical publi cations condemned as an affron t t o public decency and burne d i n the yard o f the Stationers ' Hal l b y the commo n hangman . Marston' s car eer in the playhouse included spells as a writer for the Admiral's Men , the Boy s o f S t Paul' s an d th e Queen' s Revels , in whic h compan y h e owned a share. The cor e of his theatrical work is the sequenc e of plays Antonio and Mellida (159 9 or 1600) , Antonio's Revenge (1600 or 1601) , Jack Drum's Entertainment (1600) , The Malcontent (?1603 ) an d Sophonisba (1606). H e involve d himsel f i n a long-runnin g battl e wit h Jonson, which i s referred to i n his Histriomastix (1599) , but during a later truce collaborated with Jonson and Chapman on Eastward Hoi (1605) . I n 1608 h e wa s jailed o n a n unknow n charge , an d subsequentl y aban doned poetry and drama for the Church, taking orders in 1609 . (B) Marston wa s well known t o contemporarie s bot h a s a playwrigh t and a satirist. He is reckoned among 'the best for satire' (Francis Meres in Palladis Tamia, 1598) , an Englis h Horace (John Weever in Epigrams, 330

Marston, John 1599). His enemie s als o had thei r say : Crispinus vomitin g words fro m Histriomastix i n Jonson's Poetaster identifies his stylisti c vice a s linguisti c dissipation. Bu t h e wa s clearly see n a s a leadin g literar y figur e a t th e turn of the century, and beyond - Camden, in 1605, classe s him with another doze n well-chose n name s a s the 'mos t pregnan t wit s of these our times , whom succeeding ages may justly admire' (Remains Concerning Britain]. In a more extended descriptio n i n the second part of the Return from Parnassus (firs t performe d 1603) , i f th e satirica l overla y i s sub tracted, Marston' s writin g is characterized i n terms of its directness and audacity: Tut what cares he for modest clos e coucht termes , Cleanly to gird our looser libertines . Give him plaine naked words strippt from thei r shirts That might beseeme plaine dealin g Aretine: I there is one that backes a paper steed And manageth a penknife gallantly. Strikes his poinado a t a buttons breadth , Brings the great battering ra m o f tearmes to townes And a t first volly of his Gaunon shot , Batters the walles of the ol d fusty world . (Anon. 1606 : sig. 62^ (C) All the cases of Marston's possibl e influence on Shakespeare involv e cross-fertilization betwee n plays first staged very close to eac h othe r i n time, an d th e respectiv e argument s fo r suc h influenc e usually rely o n contestable assumption s abou t thei r date s an d orde r o f appearance . However, th e chronologica l proximit y o f th e play s ca n als o wor k t o support hypothese s o n influenc e i n othe r ways . Th e bearin g o f Marston's Antonio andMellida an d it s sequel, Antonio's Revenge, upon Hamlet i s particularl y problemati c i n suc h respects : th e reconciliatio n o f external an d interna l detail s (includin g textual cruxes, issues of revision and th e possibl e use of common sources ) which is required t o establis h even th e possibilit y o f Marston's influenc e o n Shakespear e her e take s considerable effort . Indeed , Feli x Pryor (1992 ) treats the subjec t almost as detective work, while Harold Jenkins (1982 : 7-13 ) attempts to dem onstrate tha t Hamlet influence d Antonio's Revenge and no t vic e versa . Pryor, startin g from th e ide a tha t Marston' s writin g for the Boy s o f St Paul's (an d not Jonson's for the Boy s of the Chape l Royal , a s is usually

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assumed) was the object of Hamlet's remarks to the Players on the 'little eyases' (2.2.334), constructs a more ingenious than convincin g cas e for the extensiv e impact o f Marston o n Shakespeare' s play . This includes the claims, for example, that the Player' s speech on Troy is a parody of Marston's manner , an d tha t th e famou s cru x abou t knowin g ' a haw k from a handsaw ' (2.2.175 ) i s an allusio n t o th e Marsto n famil y crest . Marston's straine d an d laboure d follow-up , Antonio's Revenge, seem s to draw amon g man y othe r source s o n th e Ur-Hamlet, th e los t pre Shakespearean pla y sometime s attribute d t o Kyd , an d thi s woul d explain mos t i f not al l o f the apparen t echoe s i n o r o f Shakespeare' s Hamlet. But, depending o n wha t view is adopted o f the datin g o f eac h work, i t ma y stil l b e argue d tha t Shakespear e wa s 'reactin g strongl y against the facile attitude s towards revenge found i n Marston's play'; in particular, 'Antonio's idea of an avenger's obligation t o evince extreme emotion coul d wel l be th e sourc e o f such an obligatio n i n th e "rogu e and peasant slave" soliloquy at the end of Act 2' (Edwards 1985: 7) . The suggestion (as by Taylor 1986 ) that The Malcontent was also an influenc e on Hamlet, for the antic disposition, imagery and othe r features, is based on evidence which on current consensus datings of the two plays would normally be taken to suggest influence i n the opposite direction . Other tha n th e complicate d cas e o f Hamlet, Marsto n ha s bee n proposed a s one of Shakespeare's models in three other plays. In som e cases, there is little more t o be sai d than tha t resemblance s exist, since there i s insufficient dat a t o dra w furthe r inferences . Cymbeline contains , unusually, a spoke n rathe r tha n a sun g dirge ; s o to o d o The Spanish Tragedy an d Antonio's Revenge (se e Hunte r 1964) . Th e Marston Chapman-Jonson collaboration EastwardHo\ ha s some structural parallels wit h King Lear (Taylo r 1982) ; a similarit y ha s als o bee n note d between an episod e in The Malcontent an d Gloucester' s suicid e attempt . And The Malcontent ma y hav e furnishe d a differen t kin d o f model fo r Measure for Measure. Together with Middleton's The Phoenix, it is one o f as few as two previous plays employing the 'disguise d monarch' figure which enjoye d som e popularit y i n a rang e o f dramas produce d fro m 1603-4 onwards . Marston' s disguise d Malevole , lik e Shakespeare' s Duke, foil s th e intende d villainie s an d preserve s the intende d victims . Pendleton (1987 ) assembles some other likenesses between the play s in 'small matters of language, theme, and situation' , together with theatrical links between Shakespeare an d Marston' s play via the King's Men, but thes e ar e no t enoug h t o clinc h th e matter . The mai n similarit y is 332

Marston, John itself o f unclea r significance : for on e thing , Shakespear e ha d alread y used a disguised monarch himself - albeit in a different wa y - i n Henry V. Finally, persistent suggestion s of a link between Marston and Jacques have been made ove r the years (summed up by Latham 1975 : xlviii-li, with reference s to which Fin k 193 5 shoul d be added) . Th e clai m that Malevole i s the prototyp e o f Shakespeare's figure has t o conten d with the difficult y tha t both th e play s an d th e character s ar e i n most ways completely different . Th e ide a tha t Jacques i s i n par t a versio n o f Marston himsel f ca n b e mad e t o see m somewha t mor e plausibl e through various kinds of links to Marston's work and reputation .

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Anon. (1606) . The Returnefrom Pernassus: or the Scourge of Simony [Par t 2] . London. Edwards, Philip , ed . (1985) . Hamlet, Prince of Denmark (Ne w Cambridg e Shakespeare). Cambridge . Fink, Z. S. (1935). Jacques and the Malcontent Traveller.' P(M4: 237 52. Hunter, G. K. (1964) . 'The Spoken Dirge in Kyd, Marston an d Shakespeare: A Background to "Cymbeline".' JV<2?£209: 146-7 . Jenkins, Harold, ed . (1982). Hamlet (Arden Shakespeare). London. Latham, Agnes, ed. (1975) . As You Like It (Arden Shakespeare). London. Pendleton, Thoma s A . (1987) . 'Shakespeare' s Disguise d Duk e Play : Middleton, Marston, an d th e Source s of Measure for Measure'', pp . 79 98 i n John W . Mahon an d Thoma s A . Pendleton , eds , 'Fanned and Winnowed Opinions': Shakespearean Essays Presented to Harold Jenkins. London. Pryor, Feli x (1992) . The Mirror and the Globe: William Shakespeare, John Marston and the Writing of'Hamlet'. London . Taylor, Gar y (1982) . ' A Ne w Sourc e an d a n Ol d Dat e fo r King Lear.' #££33:396-413. Taylor, James (1986). 'Hamlet's Deb t to Sixteenth-Century Satire.' Forum for Modern Language Studies 22: 374-84.

Masuccio, of Salerno (c. 1415-c. 1477) , Italian Novelist

(A) Masucci o belonge d t o th e nobl e Guardat i famil y o f Salerno , an d became th e earlies t o f the souther n Italia n novellieri. H e wa s a t som e 333

Masuccio, of Salerno point secretary to Roberto di Sanseverino, and many of his stories were dedicated t o prominen t Neapolitans , s o it i s assumed he spen t hi s lif e mainly i n o r nea r Naples . Hi s Novellino o r Cinquante Novelle (1476 ) i s a skilfully writte n collectio n o f a hundred stories , each separat e an d followed by the writer' s comments . Many o f the storie s ca n b e foun d i n other forms in the work of earlier writers or in folklore. Luig i Pulci, the contemporary Italia n epi c poet, speak s of Masuccio a s an imitato r o f Boccaccio. On e o f hi s principa l themes , th e vice s o f th e clergy , i s announced i n th e prologue , wher e h e proclaim s himself , mor e emphatically an d mor e earnestl y than hi s models or successor s in th e novella tradition, a censor morum. His often blun t realism is compounded by frequent reference s to actual persons, setting his work apart fro m th e pure fiction o f Boccaccio or Florentine. (B) Masuccio's name was well known to Shakespeare's contemporaries . Some te n Italia n edition s ha d appeare d b y th e en d o f the sixteent h century, an d reader s ha d largel y t o b e conten t wit h these : / / Novellino was not , as fa r a s ca n b e established , availabl e i n Englis h i n Shake speare's time. The first Elizabethan Englis h rendering is a prose one of Novel 41, c. 1565 (Scott 1916 : 113) . On e o r tw o other individua l tale s were translate d o r adapte d i n th e followin g years, suc h a s the seven teenth novel, given (perhaps via a French version) both a s 'The Docto r of Laws ' i n Willia m Painter's Palace of Pleasure (1566) , an d a s 'Th e Dutch Courtesan ' b y John Marston (1604) . Bu t Masuccio' s wor k is very littl e associate d wit h th e Elizabetha n o r Jacobean stage , an d th e first complet e Englis h translatio n belong s t o th e lat e nineteent h century. (C) Romeo and Juliet an d The Merchant of Venice ar e th e Shakespear e texts which ma y hav e a connectio n wit h Masuccio , bu t i n both case s i t is tenuous, and has been made to seem more so by the traditional, thoug h weakening, belie f tha t Shakespear e coul d rea d n o Italia n (se e here Florentine (Giovanni ) and Shahee n 1994) . The Romeo and Juliet story derives from folklor e an d romanc e materia l whic h was developed b y a series o f European writer s of novelle in th e fifteent h an d sixteent h centuries, of which Masuccio seem s to have been th e first. His tale (Nove l 29) o f the clandestin e romanc e an d marriag e o f Mariotto Mignarell i and Giannozz a Saracen i o f Siena, wit h a bribe d fria r assistin g at th e nuptials, i s substantially th e stor y o f Romeo and Juliet, bu t i t end s wit h 334

Masuccio, of Salerno Giannozza dying of grief in a convent after th e beheading o f her exile d husband, wh o ha s been apprehende d whil e tryin g t o ope n he r tomb . The severa l other treatment s of the stor y available t o Shakespeare (see Brooke) leav e n o uniqu e link s betwee n hi s wor k an d Masuccio's . There is a discussion and bibliograph y o f the relationshi p betwee n th e two texts in Jonas (1917). Masuccio's Novel 1 4 concerns a youth from Messina who falls in love with th e daughte r o f a miser fro m who m h e borrow s money . He rob s the miser and elope s with the daughter . Compariso n wit h The Merchant of Venice give s in th e Italia n tale : a youn g gir l closel y guarded b y he r father, a miser (but not a Jew); a young man who uses his female servant to persuade th e gir l t o elop e with him; he r thef t o f her father' s jewels and cash; their welcome by the lord of the country they elope to, who is a frien d o f the young man's. 'Th e character o f the mise r an d hi s outcries at the loss of his money, jewels, and daughter als o serve to bind this source to the main plot' (Satin 1966: 118) . An English translation of this story is given in Satin (1966 ) and Bullough , i, 497-505, who holds that the elopement of Jessica 'cam e directly or indirectly' from Masuccio .

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Bullough, i; Satin (1966). Jonas, Maurice, ed . (1917) . The Thirty-Third Novel of II Novellino . . . From Which is Probably Derived the Story of Romeo and Juliet. London . Scott, Mar y August a (1916) . Elizabethan Translations from the Italian. Boston, MA. Shaheen, Nasee b (1994) . 'Shakespeare' s Knowledg e o f Italian. ' ShSu 47: 161-9 . Middleton, Thomas (c. 1570-1627), Dramatist Middleto n was responsible for one o f the ver y few plays employing th e 'disguise d monarch' figure t o predate Measure for Measure, hi s The Phoenix (1604). Pendleton, Thoma s A . (1987) . 'Shakespeare' s Disguise d Duk e Play : Middleton, Marston , and th e Source s of Measure for Measure", pp. 79 98 i n John W . Mahon an d Thoma s A. Pendleton , eds, "Fanned and Winnowed Opinions": Shakespearean Essays Presented to Harold Jenkins. London.

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Miracle Plays Miracle Plays Se e Mystery Plays.

Mirror for Magistrates, A

(A) A s publishe d i n 1559 , having bee n printe d bu t suppresse d for fou r year s unde r th e Maria n regime , A Mirror for Magistrates was a n antholog y o f nineteen first-perso n vers e narratives calle d 'tra gedies' or 'complaints'. In them the ghosts of certain eminent statesmen mainly belongin g t o th e perio d o f Englis h histor y fro m Richar d I I onwards were imagined a s describing the manner o f their downfall to a group of listeners, the actual authors of the stories. The origina l contri butors were William Baldwin (the editor, known as a philosopher, poet , printer an d playwright) , George Ferrers , Thomas Phaer , John Skelto n and other s (som e unidentified) . Almos t al l wer e o f goo d birth , ha d positions a t court , an d wer e political moderates . I t wa s hoped a t thi s date tha t th e serie s would b e augmented, s o as 't o search e an d dys course our e whol e story e [history ] fro m th e fyrs t beginnin g o f th e inhabitynge of the yle' (ed. Campbell 1960 : 70). The secon d edition of 1563 included seve n more narrative s an d Thoma s Sackville' s famou s Induction t o hi s ow n contribution , th e Complaint of Buckingham. Ther e were seve n editions by 1587 , severa l edited b y John Higgins , a n anti quarian and classical scholar. Higgins added to the original collection in 1574 his Firste Parte, made u p o f a proem an d sixtee n long verse fable s on th e 'infortunat e Princes ' an d heroe s o f earl y Britain , 'fro m th e comming o f Brut e t o th e incarnatio n o f ou r saviour' , includin g th e story of'Leire' and 'Cordila' (ed. Campbell 1946 : 30). For later editions he provided a further twenty-fou r fables, almos t al l on classica l figures including Julius Caesar . Othe r writers, including Thomas Blenerhasset and Thomas Churchyard, adde d stil l more; about half the writers overall can be identified. The Mirror wa s intended, an d presented , a s a seque l to Lydgate's popular Falls of Princes., an d fo r thei r material s th e contributor s dre w principally o n Hall's Chronicle . Th e storie s ar e fo r th e mos t par t ponderously didactic , aimin g t o demonstrat e th e mutabilit y o f th e world an d sho w magistrate s an d other s i n authorit y wh o ma y b e possessed o f any vice, 'as in a loking glas . . . howe the lik e hath ben e punished i n othe r heretofore ' (ed . Campbel l 1960 : 65). Seventeenthcentury edition s u p t o th e fina l on e o f 161 0 adde d storie s o f virtue rewarded t o the ol d ones of wickedness punished. The Mirror wa s also 336

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dedicated t o th e us e of history 't o teach th e politica l lessons which its authors reckone d mos t pertinen t t o th e understandin g o f politica l events i n thei r ow n day ' (Campbel l 1947 : 109), and henc e event s which migh t b e use d t o exemplif y contemporar y affair s wer e some times given prominence, an d other s omitted . Twentieth-centur y taste s have usually been antipathetic t o the work's literary qualities , but more positive estimate s ar e possible ; Sackville' s Induction i s regularly single d out, an d Tillyar d (194 4 an d 1959 ) notes th e aestheti c appea l o f th e stories' metrical variety. (B) Th e popularit y o f th e Mirror wa s long-live d a s wel l a s great , a s witnessed by the numbe r o f editions an d b y Sir Philip Sidney's inclusion o f i t i n hi s mos t selec t lis t o f Englis h poem s i n th e Apology for Poetry. I t wa s imitated almos t fro m th e start , i n th e 1570s , i n th e for m both o f collections o f historical 'tragic ' narrative s an d poem s written as singl e complaints . Bot h tradition s wer e develope d furthe r i n late r decades, th e forme r b y suc h writer s a s Samue l Daniel, Willia m Warner an d Michae l Drayton, th e latte r notabl y b y Danie l i n hi s Complaint of Rosamond, an d subsequen t follower s (se e Farnham 1956 : 304—39). Th e Mirror's procedur e o f drawin g historica l lesson s for th e present wa s first applied t o dramati c wor k by on e o f its contributors, Sackville, whos e Gorboduc (1565 ) expound s th e dange r t o a kingdo m when th e successio n is not clear . Mor e tha n thirt y historica l play s of Shakespeare's time are o n subjects covered in the Mirror, and 'certainl y many o f them were affected b y [its] purposes an d methods' , includin g its principa l novelt y fo r wor k o f it s kind , first-perso n monologu e (Campbell 1947 : 111). Bu t th e dramatists ' deb t t o th e boo k i s wider than this . It mad e a n 'inspire d discover y . . . that Britis h histor y an d legend were an almos t inexhaustible well of tragical matter , waiting to be draw n upon' ; and, together wit h its imitations, i t 'taught the Elizabethan public that tragical moralizin g had newl y moving appeal when brought clos e home ' i n narrative s o f persona l misfortun e (Farnha m 1956: 271). It also laid very strong emphasis on a central conception in tragedy, the clash betwee n huma n designs and non-human agenc y (see Tillyard 1944 : 76-9) . The stor y of Cordila, no t definitel y use d by Shakespeare , belong s t o Higgins' 157 4 additions. It runs to 37 1 lines in which she is persuaded, in prison, to take her own life by a 'gryzely ghost' called Despair. Befor e these melodramatic events she calls to mind the past: 337

Mirror for Magistrates, A But while that I these joyes enjoyd, a t home in Fraunce My fathe r Leire in Britayne waxed aged olde, My sisters yet them selves the more aloft t'advaunce , Thought well they might, be by his leave, or sans so bolde: To take the realme and rule it as they wold. They rose as rebels voyde of reason quite, And they deprivde him of his crowne and right . Then they agreed, it should be into partes equall Devided: and my father threscore knightes and squires Should alwayes have, attending on him still at cal. But in six monthes so much encreasid hateful Ires , That Gonerell denyde all his desires, So halfe his garde she and he r husband refte : And scarce alowde the other halfe they lefte . Eke as in Scotlande thus he lay lamenting fates, When as his daughter so , sought all his utter spoyle: The meane r upstarte gentiles, thought themselve s his mates And betters eke, see here an aged prince his foyle. Then was he faine for succoure his, to toyle. With all his knightes, to Cornewall there to lye: In greatest nede, his Raganes love to trye. And when he came to Cornwall, Ragan then with ioye, Received him and eke her husbande did the lyke: There he abode a yeare and livde without a noy, But then they tooke, all his retinue from hi m quite Save only ten, and shewde him dayly spite, Which he bewailde complayning durst not strive, Though in disdayne they laste alowde but five. On thi s he deemde him, selfe was far that tyme unwyse, When from hi s doughter Gonerell to Ragan hee : Departed erste yet cache did him poore king despise, Wherfore to Scotlande once againe with hir to bee And bide he went: but beastly cruell shee, Bereavde him o f his servauntes all save one, Bad him content him self with that or none. 338

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Eke at what time he askte of cache to have his garde, To garde his grace where so he walkte or wente: They calde him doting foole and all his hestes debarde, Demaunded i f with life he could not be contente. Then he to late his rigour did repente, Gainst me and sayde , Cordila now adieu: I finde the wordes thou toldste mee to to true. (1574 text, 120-60; ed. Campbell 1946 : 150-2) (C) Shakespear e i s generally assume d t o hav e know n th e Mirror well, and fro m a n early date, partly prima facie o n the grounds of its evidently wide and enthusiastic readership. He would have been 'just of an age to be subject to the popularity of the enlarged issue s of the Mirror in 1574 and 1587 ' (Tillyard 1959 : 13) . Most tangibly , it is a source for plot an d character detail s in his plays on British history, including King Lear an d Cymbeline, with very occasional and mino r echoes elsewhere (as in Julius Caesar, se e Mui r 1977 : 121-2) . I t i s ofte n use d i n conjunctio n with Holinshed and othe r chroniclers , creating difficultie s i n determinin g which of several overlapping sources was primary. It has been observed that Shakespeare' s combination i n many of the Historie s o f the docu mentary swee p which distinguishe s them fro m th e Tragedie s wit h a n unusually compelling characterization o f a principal figure corresponds to 'th e broa d viewpoin t o f the chronicles , o n th e on e hand , an d th e individual focu s o f th e Mirror, o n th e other ' (Cran e 1985 : 298) . O n another level , the Mirror's tendenc y t o overla y its Christian homiletic s with Virgilia n an d Seneca n tropes , a s i n Sackville' s Induction, ma y b e important fo r Shakespeare's rapprochement betwee n chronicle history and something resembling a classical tragic tenor in the Histories . King John i s sometime s though t o f a s a n antholog y o f falls , lik e th e Mirror, bu t n o specifi c echoe s ar e evident . I n th e Secon d Tetralogy , 1 Henry IV ma y wel l sho w the influenc e o f Thomas Phaer' s 'tragedy ' of Owen Glendower, for the figures of Glendower and Hotspur (Bullough , iv, 164—5) , an d th e traitors ' conspirac y in Henry Fowe s somethin g t o the stor y o f Richard, Ear l o f Cambridge, i n th e Mirror (Bullough , iv, 357-8). More extensiv e material was available in th e Mirror for Richard II an d Richard III; man y figures belonging t o th e perio d o f both play s appear in the early editions, thoug h no t the first edition. Fo r Richard III there ar e th e complaint s o f Henr y IV ; George , Duk e o f Clarence ; Edward IV ; Si r Anthon y Woodvile ; Lor d Rivers ; Lor d Hastings ; 339

Mirror for Magistrates, A Henrie, Duke of Buckingham; Richard Plantagenet, Duk e of Gloucester; and Shore' s Wife . Fro m these narratives Shakespear e di d not tak e over the Mirror's laboure d moralizin g bu t 'accepte d the general contempor ary notion s o f kingship whic h i t embodies ' an d adopte d it s 'sens e o f moral retribution', thi s perhaps reinforcin g hi s impressions fro m Hal l (Bullough, in, 229-33) . T o these historicall y relevan t section s ma y be added th e Induction as a likely influence o n Clarence' s dream , an d th e complaint o f Claudius Tiberius Drusus a s a sourc e i n Richard' s firs t accounts o f hi s deformit y (s o Jones 1977 : 217) . Fo r Richard II th e relevant complaint s wer e thos e o f Thoma s o f Gloucester ; Thoma s Mowbray, th e Ear l o f Norfolk ; th e Ear l o f Northumberland ; an d Richard himself. But here, despite a few possible verbal echoes, there is 'not enough to prove any reliance o n the Mirror1, which 'is more signifi cant a s showing that Shakespear e departe d fro m a well-known view of Richard when he set over the King's follies a sympathetic analysi s of his agony in defeat' (Bullough , in, 7). The complicate d transmissio n o f the Lear story in many versions all deriving fro m Geoffrey of Monmouth include s severa l telling s known o r perhap s know n t o Shakespeare , amon g the m thos e o f Geoffrey himself , Camden, Spenser, Holinshed , Albion's England, and, i n the Mirror, the tragedy of Cordila in the 157 4 and 158 7 editions (see Perret t 1904 , summarize d i n Mui r 1972 : xxxi-xxxiv , wh o als o discusses th e tw o editions). Among th e distinctiv e feature s i n Higgins ' narrative use d b y Shakespear e ar e th e progressiv e reductio n i n th e number o f Lear' s knight s (se e (B)), references t o th e Kin g o f Franc e and t o Cordila' s dowry , an d th e identitie s o f Gonerel l an d Ragan' s husbands. Othe r importan t elements suc h a s th e love-tes t ar e als o found i n the Mirror version, but not uniquely. The Mirror ha d tw o version s o f th e Cymbelin e story , give n a s th e 'tragedies' of Guiderius, respectively by Thomas Blenerhasset and John Higgins, th e latte r followin g Geoffre y o f Monmouth. Th e speeche s i n the council scene of Cymbeline 3. 1 have been though t t o recall ideas an d scraps of phrasing fro m bot h writers; other possible echoe s of these and related Mirror tragedie s ar e foun d elsewher e i n th e play . Al l o f thes e were expounded b y Harold F. Brooks in Nosworthy (1976: 205-9), an d are summarize d i n Bullough (vni, 9) and Mui r (1977 : 261-2) , bu t th e verbal parallels, at least, are less striking than is generally admitted . Th e words 'did extort', 'tribute' and 'free ' i n 3.1.46-7, for example, see m to represent no t s o much Brooks ' 'unmistakabl[e ] echoes ' a s fou r word s 340

Mirror for Magistrates, A not unlikely to occur together in any literary character's referenc e to the payment o f a tribute . (D) Campbell's 194 6 and 196 0 editions of the Mirror suppl y full textua l history. Farnha m (1956 ) an d Tillyar d (194 4 an d 1959 ) bot h provid e analysis o f th e Mirror's reputatio n an d qualities . Bulloug h give s th e fullest accoun t o f its impact o n th e Histories , wit h furthe r considera tion o f Richard II b y Hamilto n (1983) . Perret t (1904 ) i s stil l useful , indeed exhaustive , o n th e man y historica l source s o f King Lear, an d Nosworthy's (1976 ) appendi x o n Cymbeline. Dubro w (1986 ) deals wit h Shakespeare's modification s to th e 'complaint' genr e a s derive d fro m the Mirror i n The Rape ofLucrece. Bullough, in, iv , vii, vnijones (1977) ; Muir (1977) ; Tillyar d (1944) . Campbell, Lil y B., ed . (1946) . Parts Added to The Mirror for Magistrates by John Higgins and Thomas Blenerhasset. Cambridge . (1947). Shakespeare's "Histories": Mirrors of Elizabethan Policy. Sa n Marino, CA . ed. (1960) . The Mirror For Magistrates. Ne w Yor k (firs t publishe d 1938). Crane, Mary Thoma s (1985) . 'Th e Shakespearea n Tetralogy.' ShQ36: 282-99. Dubrow, Heathe r (1986) . '" A Mirro r fo r Complaints" : Shakespeare' s Lucrece an d Generi c Tradition' , pp . 399-41 7 i n Barbar a Kiefe r Lewalski, ed., Renaissance Genres: Essays on Theory, History, and Interpretation. Cambridge, MA . Farnham, Willar d (1956) . The Medieval Heritage of Elizabethan Tragedy. Oxford. Hamilton, Donn a B . (1983). 'Th e Stat e o f Law in Richard II: ShQ34: 5-17. Muir, Kenneth, ed. (1972) . King Lear (Arden Shakespeare). London (firs t published 1952) . Nosworthy, J. M. , ed . (1976) . Cymbeline (Arde n Shakespeare) . Londo n (first published 1955). Perrett, Wilfrid (1904). The Story of King Lear from Geoffrey ofMonmouth to Shakespeare. Berlin. Tillyard, E . M. W. (1959). 'A Mirror for Magistrates Revisited', pp. 1-1 6 i n [Herbert Davi s an d Hele n Gardner , eds, ] Elizabethan and Jacobean Studies Presented to Frank Percy Wilson. Oxford . 341

Mqffett (Moufet, Mufet), Thomas Moffett (Moufet, Muffet), Thomas (1553-1604), Physician and Occasional Writer Duncan-Jone s dispose s o f the hypothesis tha t Moffett's poe m Of the Silkworms (published 1599 ) might be a source for A Midsummer Night's Dream. Duncan-Jones, Katherin e (1981). 'Pyramus and Thisbe: Shakespeare's Debt to Moffett Cancelled. ' RES 32: 296-301. Monmouth, Geoffrey of Se e Geoffrey of Monmouth.

Montaigne, Michel Eyquem de (1533-1592), French Essayist (A) Montaigne was born the third son of the Seigneur d e Montaigne at the family chateau near Bordeaux. He was educated privately and at the College de Guyenne, noted for its early training o f other distinguishe d figures, and where George Buchanan's time as a tutor overlapped wit h his. H e entere d the magistrature by becoming a member of the Board of Excise, and in 155 7 became a city counsellor in Bordeaux. In 1559 60 he spen t some time at the cour t of Francis II. H e marrie d i n 1565, and i n 156 8 succeeded to the famil y estate s as the eldes t surviving son, taking up residence at Chateau Montaigne a s a country gentleman. He sold his seat in the Bordeaux Parliament, giving himself over to his study. Montaigne no w bega n th e Essais whic h create d hi s reputatio n an d which define d th e ter m 'essay ' by creating the form . Bu t their for m is less remarkable tha n thei r character , in which candid self-analysi s an d independent philosophica l though t are married t o an attentive interest in me n an d moral s an d i n literature . H e firs t exhibite d hi s sceptical philosophical outloo k in hi s Apology for Raimond Sebond, separatel y published in 157 6 but eventuall y forming the longest of the Essais. The first two volumes of the collection were published in 1580 , a third added i n 1588, and the work eventually totalled 10 7 pieces of varying length. He toured Italy, Germany and Switzerlan d in 1580-1 , returning to France on his unanimous election (against his wishes) as Mayor of Bordeaux, an office hi s father had held before him and which he occupied until 1585. (B) Th e Essais wer e immediatel y popula r i n France , thoug h no t al l readers showed the enthusiasm of Marie de Gournay, who fainted fro m

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Montaigne, Michel Eyquem de excitement o n first perusing the m an d becam e Montaigne' s advocat e and editor . I n he r 159 5 edition (whic h include d Montaigne' s las t revisions) sh e presente d the m a s blow s agains t th e 'blin d tyrann y o f custom', bu t mos t o f her contemporarie s preferre d t o se e in the m a familiar typ e o f stoicism rather tha n a highly individual philosophica l outlook. Hence th e Essais were most usually regarded as a repository o f orthodox wisdom, though religiou s writers such as Blaise Pascal bega n to attack their scepticism as anti-Christian i n the seventeenth century. In England , 'ever y phas e o f hi s broa d philosoph y struc k som e responsive not e . . . Th e san e penetratio n o f his scepticis m wa s what her thinkers wanted' (Matthiesson 1931 : 105) . He was fortunate to have as his translator John Florio (c. 1553-1625), a lexicographer and trans lator no w chiefl y remembere d fo r hi s versio n o f th e Essais o f 160 3 (revised 1613) . Florio's ric h Elizabethan English achieves good equiva lence with Montaigne's liveliness of wit and metaphor. Hi s work, intro duced by a poem o f Samuel Daniel's praising Montaigne a s one who 'Hath mor e adventur' d o f his own e estat e / The n eve r ma n di d of himselfe before' , an d (followin g Mari e d e Gournay ) wh o attacke d 'Custome, th e mighti e tyran t o f th e earth ' (Montaign e 1603 : sig. fl1), was widely read b y English writers, including Jonson, Marston and Webster among th e dramatist s (se e Villey 1917) , and wa s reprinted u p to 1632 . But 1603 probably does not represent the earliest date at which Montaigne wa s available in English. Florio's translation was entered in the Stationers' Register in 1600 , and may have been in progress from as early a s 1598 . Some othe r non-extan t Englis h translation s ma y b e referred t o in a Stationers' Register entry of 1595 and i n the essayist Sir William Cornwallis' reference to reading an English version in 1600 . A controversial signature, possibly Shakespeare's, is found in a British Library cop y of Florio's volume (see Thompson 1917) . The translatio n is illustrate d her e b y th e on e passag e certainl y use d b y Shakespeare , from essa y i.30, 'Of the Caniballes': Al ou r endevour s or wit , cannot s o much a s reach t o represen t th e neast o f the leas t birdlet, it's contexture, beautie, profi t an d use , no nor th e webb e of a seelie spider. All things (saith Plato) are produced, either by nature, by fortune, or by arte. The greatest and fairest by one or the other of the two first, the least and imperfect by the last. Those nation s seeme therefore so barbarous unto mee, because they have received very-little fashion from human e wit , an d ar e ye t neere thei r original l naturalitie . Th e 343

Montaigne, Michel Eyquern de lawes of nature do yet commaund them , which are but little bastard ized by ours. And that with suc h puritie, a s I am sometimes grieve d the knowleg e o f it came n o soone r t o light, a t wha t tim e the r wer e men, that better than we could have judged of-it . I am sorrie, Lycurgus and Plato had i t not: for me seemet h that wha t i n those nations wee see by experience, doth not onelie exceede all the pictures wherewith licentious Poesie hath prowdly imbellished the golden age , and a l hir quaint invention s t o fain e a happ y conditio n o f man, bu t als o th e conception an d desir e o f Philosophic . The y coul d no t imagin e a genuitie s o pure an d simple , a s w e se e i t b y experience ; no r eve r beleeve ou r societi e migh t b e maintaine d wit h s o littl e art e an d humane combination . I t is a nation, would I answere Plato, that hat h no kind e o f traffike , n o knowledg e o f Letters , n o intelligenc e o f numbers, no name o f magistrate, nor o f politicke superioritie; no use of service, of riches, o r o f poverty; n o contracts , n o successions , no dividences, n o occupatio n bu t idle ; n o respec t o f kinred , bu t common, no apparrell bu t naturall, no manuring of lands, no use of wine, corne , o r mettle. Th e ver y words that import lying , falshood, treason, dissimulation , covetousnes , envie , detraction , an d pardon , were never heard-of amongst-them . How dissonant would hee finde his imaginary common-wealt h fro m thi s perfection? (Montaigne 1603 : 102) (C) Shakespeare an d Montaign e ver y obviously share important inter ests i f not a complet e cas t o f mind, an d s o their expressin g the sam e sentiments is not evidenc e of a direct relationship. Shakespear e di d not need t o rea d Montaign e befor e h e coul d writ e tha t 'ther e i s nothin g either goo d o r bad bu t thinkin g make s it so' (Hamlet 2.2.29-30) . Man y claimed verba l echoe s ca n b e see n t o b e equall y spuriou s give n th e possibilities o f coincidenc e betwee n tw o larg e oeuvres involvin g (i n Florio's version ) exactl y contemporar y English . Fo r example , Taylo r (1925: 17 ) adduces an observation i n an otherwise unrelated contex t in Florio, 'i t is the mindes priviledge to renew and recove r it selfe o n olde age', as a source for Troilus' imagining o f a woman who will 'keep her constancy i n plight an d youth , / Outlivin g beauty' s outward , wit h a mind / Tha t doth renew swifter than blood decays!' (Troilus and Cressida 3.3.157-9). But the two shared words 'mind' and 'renew' are commo n ones, an d th e subjec t i n eac h passag e quit e different . Thi s i s a mil d example o f th e extravagance s o f certai n commentator s o f th e lat e 344

Montaigne, Michel Eyquem de nineteenth an d earlie r twentiet h century, wh o tende d t o discove r Montaigne everywher e in Shakespeare . A furthe r dange r i n assessin g Montaigne' s importanc e fo r Shake speare i s tha t o f ignorin g th e man y collection s o f usuall y classica l sayings (precepts , aphorisms , etc. ) which bot h writer s certainl y used , and whic h woul d hav e allowe d the m t o arriv e independentl y a t a large numbe r o f the correspondence s note d betwee n thei r work . On e example o f many given on this point b y Harmon (1942 ) is the Duke' s speech o n deat h i n Measure for Measure, ofte n though t indebte d t o Montaigne, bu t i n which th e similaritie s ar e a t least a s likely to resul t from share d knowledg e o f classical aphorisms curren t a s loci communes. Harmon's wor k require s som e qualification : Shakespeare' s acquaint ance wit h classica l writer s quote d b y Montaign e (an d translate d b y Florio) ma y sometime s b e a resul t specificall y o f the essayist' s us e of them, s o that certai n parallel s between , for example, Shakespear e an d Seneca or Lucretiu s may afte r al l be a n aspec t o f Montaigne's influ ence on the playwright. Further qualification s are suggested by Ellrodt (1975: 39-40). The on e certaint y t o emerg e fro m man y year s o f discussion of this subject ha s bee n tha t Florio' s Montaign e i s echoe d i n The Tempest. Gonzalo's description of his imaginary commonwealt h shows a debt to the essa y 'O f th e Cannibals ' ((B) , above) whic h i s accepte d b y eve n sceptical commentators: F th' commonwealth I would by contraries Execute all things; for no kind of traffi c Would I admit; no name of magistrate; Letters should not be known; riches, poverty, And use of service, none; contract, succession, Bourn, bound of land, tilth, vineyard, none; No use of metal, corn, or wine, or oil; No occupation; al l men idle, all; And women too, but innocent and pure ; No sovereignty SEBASTIAN Ye t he would be king on't. ANTONIO Th e latte r end o f his commonwealth forget s th e beginning. GONZALO Al l things in common nature should produce Without sweat or endeavour. Treason, felony , 345

Montaigne, Michel Eyquern de Sword, pike, knife, gun, or need of any engine, Would I not have; but nature shoul d bring forth, Of its own kind, all foison, all abundance, To feed my innocent people. SEBASTIAN N o marrying 'mong his subjects? ANTONIO None , man; all idle; whores and knaves. GONZALO I would with such perfection govern, sir, T' exce l the golden age.

(2.1.141-62)

A further clea r ech o from Montaign e i n Prospero's line s on 'th e rare r action' (5.1.27) , thi s tim e fro m essa y ii.ll , 'O f Crueltie' , ha s bee n identified mor e recentl y (Prosse r 1965) ; other possibl e echoe s i n The Tempest, fro m essa y in.5, 'Of Diverting and Diversions' , ar e canvassed by Paster (1984). Gonzalo's exposition on the commonwealth, take n together with the unimaginative bu t i n th e en d no t unintelligen t scepticis m o f Antoni o and Sebastian , involve s a combination o f engagement with an d recoi l from Montaign e whic h ca n b e see n a s indicative o f a Shakespearea n attitude, thoug h i t is also in part a reflectio n o f drama's characteristi c multivocality. G . F . Parke r note s th e sligh t dilutio n o f Montaigne' s radicalism in Gonzalo - th e nakedness ('n o apparell but natural!') has become 'innocence' , an d overal l 'Montaigne's affirmatio n o f a radica l naturalness, of the sovereignty of our "puissant mother nature", canno t be s o vigorously affirme d i n Shakespeare ; i t ha s t o b e hedge d a little by Gonzalo , an d provoke s i n reactio n a destructive , cynica l voic e altogether foreign to Montaigne.' He goes on to generalize wit h further examples fro m Othello., Measure for Measure an d Lear, 'th e Montaignea n vision of radical naturalness, of unaccommodated man , both fascinates certain o f Shakespeare' s characters , an d generate s a kin d o f recoil ' (Parker 1999 : 3-5) . Outside The Tempest, Shakespeare' s us e o f Montaign e a s a direc t source is a matter of speculation only. But the speculation has tended to concentrate on a small number of plays, especially in recent years. Th e Problem Play s (including Hamlet} hav e usually seemed most in keeping with the spiri t of the Essais, as in Barbara Everett' s characterization o f All's Well (1970 : 9): 'If France i n thi s play is sometimes reminiscen t o f a feuda l Wast e Land , it s genius loci (s o to speak ) i s th e grea t creato r of a n intensel y moder n sceptica l self-consciousness , Shakespeare' s 346

Montaigne, Michel Eyquern de contemporary Montaigne' . One explanation i s that following the stimulus of Florio (perhap s somewha t before 160 3 if the us e of a manuscrip t text is posited), a sceptical exploration o f the natur e o f the sel f reache s a peak ; later , 'Shakespear e th e tragedia n ha d t o par t compan y wit h Montaigne', sinc e 'th e ful l tragi c respons e call s fo r a heightene d con sciousness of identity - eviden t in Lear, Othello, o r Macbeth - no t for the kin d of self-consciousness tha t ma y dissolve identity' (Ellrodt 1975 : 49). Exploratio n o f Montaigne's impac t on the Problem Play s has taken the for m o f analysi s o f th e confluenc e o f Montaigne' s an d Shake speare's though t (Deutschbei n 1944-5 ; Reyhe r 1947 ; Ellrod t 1975 ; Knowles 1999) , but also of formal and stylistic matters suc h as method s of characterization (Fricke r 1951; Schmid 1945-6) . A large numbe r o f verbal echoe s have also been claime d i n one later play, King Lear, bu t man y ar e o f doubtfu l validit y an d significance . Salingar (1983 , following especiall y Henderson 1939-40 ) finds echoes from essa y n.8, 'Of the affectio n o f fathers t o their children', n.12, the 'Apologie of Raymond Seboruf, an d others , but downplay s the likelihoo d that two writers discussing similar matters (for example, the procedure s by which one can give one's goods away to one's children) will arrive at some o f the sam e points , an d us e some o f the sam e words , independ ently. Other claim s for verbal echoes in this discussion are baseless - i t is not likel y Edgar' s descriptio n t o Glouceste r o f hi s forge d lette r a s Edgar's 'essa y or taste of my virtue' (1.1.44) carries Montaigne's mean ing for 'essay' when both Foli o and Quarto texts actually read 'assay ' though Salingar's suggestion s as to similarity of thought do not stand or fall b y this evidence. Muir's account (1972 : 235-9) is more cautious o n verbal similarities , despit e whic h i t conclude s tha t Montaign e ha d ' a substantial influence o n the though t of King Lear* (239) whereas Salinga r suggests the borrowings 'ar e felt a s marginal commentaries rather tha n essential to the action ' (154). There is scope for further investigation . (D) Taylor' s (1925 ) note s an d Tannenbaum' s (1942 : 37-46 ) bibli ography list many earlier studie s of the subject , mos t of them seriously outdated; for the perio d 1940-7 5 see Ellrodt's (1975 ) notes . Flygare' s (1983) notabl y idiosyncrati c volum e offer s a larg e tabl e o f the verba l parallels thithert o discovere d betwee n Montaign e an d Shakespeare , keyed t o a n annotate d bibliograph y o f th e discovers ' work , a s wel l as ' a Shaksperea n Montaigne ' an d ' A Montaignea n Shakspere' , i.e . comprehensive sequence s of excerpt s fro m eac h write r accompanie d 347

Montaigne, Michel Eyquern de by margina l reference s t o th e other . Taylo r (1925 ) additionall y offer s appendices of words and phrases found i n Florio/Montaigne and used by Shakespeare onl y after 1602 , but these rely on sometimes antiquate d assumptions about the chronology of the plays. One o f the most widely ranging recen t contributions , dealin g with Montaign e les s a s a direc t source tha n comparatively , is Parker (1999) ; like Salingar's single-pla y discussion (1983) , thi s stresse s th e importanc e bu t als o th e ultimatel y limited natur e of the affinitie s betwee n the though t of the tw o writers. For a short accoun t o f Florio and his work as a translator see Matthiesson(1931). Deutschbein, M . (1944—5). 'Shakespeares Hamlet un d Montaigne.' ShJ 80-1:70-107. Ellrodt, Rober t (1975) . 'Self-Consciousnes s i n Montaign e an d Shake speare.' ShSu 28: 37-50. Everett, Barbara , ed . (1970) . All's Well that Ends Well (Ne w Penguin Shakespeare). Harmondsworth. Flygare, William (1983). Montaigne-Shakspere-Studies. Kyoto . Fricker, R. (1951) . Kontrast und Polaritdt in der Characterbildern Shakespeares. Bern. Harmon, Alic e (1942) . 'Ho w Grea t wa s Shakespeare' s Deb t t o Montaigne?' PMLA 57 : 988-1008. Henderson, W. B. Drayton (1939-40). 'Montaigne's Apology of Raymond Sebond, an dKing Lear.' Shakespeare Association Bulletin14: 209—2 5 an d 15: 40-54. Hodgen, Margare t T . (1952) . 'Montaign e an d Shakespear e Again. ' HLQ16: 23-42 . Knowles, Ronal d (1999) . 'Hamlet an d Counter-Humanism. ' RenQ52: 1046-69. Levin, Harry (1959) . The Question of Hamlet. Ne w York . Matthiesson, E O . (1931) . Translation: An Elizabethan Art Cambridge , MA. Montaigne, Michel de (1603) . The Essayes or Morall, Politike and Millitarie Discourses . . . done into English by . . . John Florio. London. Muir, Kenneth, ed. (1972) . King Lear (Arden Shakespeare). London. Parker, G . F . (1999) . 'Shakespeare' s Argumen t wit h Montaigne. ' Cambridge Quarterly 28 : 1-18 . Paster, Gai l Ker n (1984) . 'Montaigne , Dido , an d The Tempest "Ho w Came That Widow In?"' ShQJSb: 91-4 . 348

Montaigne, Michel Eyquern de Prosser, Eleano r (1965) . 'Shakespeare , Montaigne , an d "th e rare r action".' ShStl:261-4. Reyher, Paul (1947). Essai sur les idees dans I'oeuvre de Shakespeare. Paris . Salinger, Le o (1983) . 'King Lear, Montaign e an d Harsnett. ' Aligarh Journal of English Studies 8.ii: 124—66 . Schmid, Eduar d Euge n (1945-6) . 'Shakespeare , Montaign e un d di e schauspielerische Formel.' ShJ82-3: 103-35 . Tannenbaum, S . A . (1942) . Michel Ey quern de Montaigne: A Concise Bibliography. Ne w York . Taylor, George Coffin (1925) . Shakspeare's Debt to Montaigne. Oxford . Thompson, E . Maund e (1917) . 'Tw o Pretende d Autograph s o f Shakespeare.' The Library, July: 193-217 . Villey, Pierr e (1917) . 'Montaign e e t le s poetes dramatique s anglai s d u temps d e Shakespeare. ' Revue d'histoire litteraire de la France 24: 357-93.

Montemayor, Jorge de (c. 1521—1561), Hispanic Novelist

(A) Born i n Portugal , Montemayo r settle d i n Spai n afte r visitin g Italy. Also a poet , singe r an d compose r o f music , h e becam e famou s throughout Europ e fo r hi s romanc e Diana Enamorada, firs t publishe d about 1559 . I n Ital y h e ha d witnesse d th e popularit y o f Sannazaro' s Arcadia, an d too k fro m i t hi s pastoral setting , numerou s incidents an d an overal l emphasi s o n love . Th e chie f innovatio n o f Montemayor's seven-book work - writte n in Castilian - i s structural: it is a continuous story wit h mai n plo t an d subplots , making u p a muc h mor e intricat e fabric than earlier romances tended to achieve. The principa l narrativ e concerns Diana and Syrenus , a couple wh o part when Syrenu s has to leave th e kingdom ; Dian a marrie s another . Th e secondar y narrativ e (occupying Boo k n wit h a continuatio n i n Boo k vn ) i s the stor y o f Felismena and Felix. The forme r disguises herself as a boy, becomes her lover's pag e an d i s employed b y him t o wo o Celia. Celi a fall s i n love with the disguised Felismena, but dies of chagrin o n finding her feeling s unreciprocated. Feli x disappear s bu t i s late r rescue d fro m severa l knights by Felismena disguised as a shepherdess , an d the y ar e united . Several loos e end s were lef t i n th e plo t followin g Montemayor' s pre mature death in 1561 . (B) The Diana became famous throughout western Europe: demand fo r its characters ' elegan t rusticity , complicate d intrigue s an d amorou s 349

Montemayor, Jorge de sensibility outstrippe d supply , an d a highl y successfu l continuatio n b y Gaspard Gi l Popo whic h tied u p som e o f the incomplet e strand s was published i n 1574 . Caldero n wa s a n admire r o f Montemayor's work , using some of the Diana's intersperse d poems and vers e passages in his plays. Cervantes tried to emulate it in his novel La Galatea (1585), an d it turns up i n Don Quixote (1605-15), where, afte r it s rescue (as the bes t exemplar o f its genre) from th e burnin g o f the books , it i s the inspir ation for Quixote to turn fro m knigh t to shepherd (n.67) . Translations were widel y attempted : int o Latin ; int o Frenc h (b y Nicholas Colin , 1578); and into Englis h - English-speakin g readers include d Sidney, Drummond o f Hawthornden, perhaps Spenser - b y more tha n one writer. Barnab y Goog e put a small portion into eclogu e form in 1563, and a n earl y sampl e o f a translatio n b y on e Edwar d Pasto n (not eventually completed ) i s commende d b y Bartholome w Yon g i n th e preface to his complete rendering, finished in 158 3 and printed in 1598 . Thomas Wilson had meanwhile produce d a version of Book i, dedicating his work to th e Ear l o f Southampton, bu t i t was never printed o r concluded. Th e mos t importan t sourc e of the novel' s fame an d influ ence i n sixteenth-centur y England wa s perhaps Sidney' s the n widel y recognized us e o f it a s a mode l i n th e Arcadia. Milto n cite d th e tw o books togethe r i n describin g villag e ballad s a s 'th e Countryman s Arcadia's an d hi s Monte Mayors' (Areopagitica). Bu t althoug h a ne w abridgement appeare d a s lat e a s 1737 , th e Diana's fam e slowl y declined alon g with the pastoral tradition in which it stands, and Yong's translation, whic h remained th e sol e complete English one, was never reprinted unti l the late twentieth century. Yong (1560-1606) , a Londo n grocer' s so n an d occasiona l poet , produced a n expansiv e rendering , sometime s awkwar d bu t b y n o means pedestrian , befor e reachin g th e ag e o f twenty-three . I n thi s passage, Celi a recount s th e lette r episode , correspondin g t o 1. 2 of The Two Gentlemen of Verona: love (me thought) did put a certaine desir e into my minde to see the letter, though modestie and sham e forbad m e to aske it of my maide, especially for the wordes , that ha d passe d betweene us , as you have heard. An d s o I continue d al l tha t da y until l night , i n varieti e o f many thoughts . Bu t when Rosina cam e t o help e m e t o bedde , Go d knowes how desirous I was to have her entreat me againe to take the letter, bu t sh e would e neve r speak e unt o m e abou t it , no r (a s it 350

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seemed) di d s o much a s onc e think e thereo f . . . that (m e thought) was the longest and most painfull night , that ever I passed. But when with a slowe r pac e (the n I desired ) th e wishe d da y wa s come, th e discreet an d subtl e Rosina cam e int o m y chambe r t o help e m e t o make m e readie , i n dooin g whereof , of purpose, sh e le t th e lette r closely fall, which when I perceived, what is that that fel l downe (said I,) let me see it. It is nothing, Mistresse, saide she. Come, come, let me see it (saide I) what, moov e me not , o r els e tell me wha t i t is. Goo d lord Mistress e (saide she) why will you se e it: it is the lette r I would have given you yesterday. Nay that it is not (said e I) wherefore she w it me, that I may see if you lie or no. I had n o soone r said so, but she put i t into m y handes, saying : God neve r give me good , i f it be ani e other thing ; and althoug h I knewe it well indeede, yet I saide, what, this is not th e same , for I know that well enough, but i t is one o f thy lovers letters, I will read it , t o se e in what need e h e standet h o f thy favour. (1598 text ; ed. Kennedy 1968 : 84-5) (C) In on e for m or another , Book n o f the Diana is an acknowledge d source for The Two Gentlemen of Verona, but th e rang e o f possible forms is wide. Shakespear e ma y have known abou t th e Cour t production o f a lost play evidently based on Montemayor's Boo k n which is mentioned in th e Revel s Accounts for 1585 , The Historic of Felix and Philomena; bu t although thi s may hav e suggested to hi m th e dramati c possibilitie s of the tale , i t i s fo r variou s reason s unlikel y h e dre w o n thi s part icular version . Th e outlin e o f the well-know n narrative Montemayo r was handlin g als o underlie s Bandello's nove l n.3 6 an d th e pla y Gl'Ingannati (an d its derivatives). Shakespeare doe s show awareness of some o f these othe r versions , but i t would see m that 'h e depende d most o f all upon th e pros e stor y of Montemayor, probably becaus e of the dramatic advanc e of the Spaniard ove r his predecessors and follow ers i n handlin g a well-know n story ' (Harriso n 1926 : 252) . Fo r this , Shakespeare ma y hav e ha d acces s to a manuscrip t versio n o f Yong's translation, t o on e o f the othe r Englis h renderings, o r eve n to the ori ginal Spanis h text . But Leech (1969 ) is 'almost certain' he knew Yong, and the evidence in Perry (1989) that he also used the Spanish is meagre. For The Two Gentlemen of Verona Montemayor' s tal e suggeste d the Julia-Silvia-Proteus triangle, no t onl y in outline but severa l of the incidents. Both writers include, for example, th e episod e i n which th e 351

Montemayor, Jorge de enamoured maid, urge d by an innkeeper to listen to some brave music, hears he r love r serenading he r unknow n rival, an d befor e tha t Shake speare's Julia play s a varian t o f Montemayor's scen e (i n (B)) over th e letter. Perhaps th e characte r o f Lucetta 'borrow s Rosina's livel y repar tee, he r per t familiarity , and he r knowledg e o f psychology' (Kenned y 1968: xliv). However, the Diana provides no Valentine figure an d henc e none o f th e conflic t betwee n lov e an d friendshi p tha t Shakespear e shows; Feli x is only a lustfu l an d faithles s aristocrat , Felismen a b y n o means th e tenderl y patheti c figure Julia is ; and th e fac t tha t Shake speare's lad y fail s t o fal l i n lov e with th e pag e i s the mor e surprisin g since she had don e so in the Spanish tale . Given that Shakespeare knew the Montemayo r stor y as early as The Two Gentlemen of Verona, i t i s eas y t o believ e tha t h e recalle d i t i n a fairly genera l wa y i n som e late r plays , thoug h th e difficult y o f proo f makes somewha t tendentiou s Bullough' s remar k tha t fo r a tim e 'Montemayor's Diana became hi s text-book of amorous entanglement s and sentiment ' (i , 211) . As You Like It an d Twelfth Night see m plausible cases in point sinc e they involve comparable structure s of sexual relationships an d boy/gir l disguise . I n fact , th e effec t o f th e Diana o n Lodge's Rosalynde i s more pertinent t o the former than th e suggestions of direc t influenc e tha t hav e bee n advance d no w an d again , bu t th e latter actuall y revert s t o th e Montemayo r plo t elemen t o f having th e lady fall for the pag e which had bee n suppressed in The Two Gentlemen — almost a s thoug h Shakespear e ha d deliberatel y save d i t fo r a late r occasion. A case is also mounted for Montemayor's Boo k i as the source for th e mai n plot of A Midsummer Night's Dream by Kennedy (1968: xlvii), but th e structura l similaritie s ar e generi c rathe r tha n precise . Man y more modes t type s o f paralle l (liste d b y Brook s 1979 : Ixiv , n . 1 ) do suggest, however, that features of the Diana such as its emphasis on love, its mentio n o f magica l agency , an d th e presentatio n o f a n Amazon , though individually found i n many other possible sources, may well be relevant to the play. (D) The fulles t treatmen t o f Montemayor's reputatio n an d influenc e in England is in the introduction t o Kennedy (1968). Bullough, i. Brooks, Harold E, ed . (1979) . A Midsummer Night's Dream (Arden Shakespeare). London . 352

Montemayor, Jorge de Harrison, T . P. , Jr (1926) . 'Concernin g Two Gentlemen of Verona an d Montemayor's Diana.' MZJV41 : 251-2. Kennedy, Judith M. , ed . (1968) . A Critical Edition ofYong's Translation of George of Montemayor's 'Diana'and Gil Polo's 'Enamoured Diana'. Oxford. Leech, Clifford , ed . (1969) . The Two Gentlemen of Verona (Arde n Shake speare). London . Perry, Thoma s Amhers t (1989) . 'The Two Gentlemen of Verona an d th e Spanish Diana.' MP87: 73-6 . Shin, Woong-ja e (1989) . 'Two Gentlemen of Verona an d Diana enamorada: Shakespeare's Class-Oriente d Modification s of His Sources. ' Journal of English Language and Literature (Seoul) 35 : 717—33 . Morality Tradition (includin g Interludes ) Se e als o Chronicle History Plays; Mystery Plays. (A) Unde r thi s heading ar e include d moralit y play s strictl y speaking , and play s i n th e moralit y traditio n dow n t o th e ris e o f th e regula r Elizabethan theatre . Definitions , and nomenclature , hav e alway s been problematic in this area; for convenience and completenes s of reference a number of separable categories are here taken together : 1 Moralit y play s a s suc h wer e i n som e way s a developmen t o f th e Miracle or Mystery Plays, now no longer based on biblical stories but with character s representin g abstrac t concept s (Chastity , Good Deeds, Everyman , etc. ) in a vaguely contemporary setting . In on e way or another the plot aimed at moral edification through allegory, usually involvin g a contes t for the sou l of a 'mankind ' figure . Th e earliest extan t exampl e i s The Castle of Perseverance o f c. 1405 , th e best-known Everyman o f c. 1500; but thes e plays were being writte n down to the 1520 s and printed dow n to 1557 . 2 B y some accounts , th e ris e o f the 'interlude' , a shor t secula r pla y exemplified b y John Heywood's Four PP, occurs towards the en d o f the fifteenth century, and interludes continue to be written until the Elizabethan dram a itsel f begins. 'Interludes ' are lively and realisti c farces whic h hav e free d themselve s fro m allegorica l abstraction . However, i n s o far a s th e ter m i s used i n th e sixteent h centur y i t refers t o th e mos t orthodo x o f moralities too ; i t is, in fact , applie d indiscriminately t o 'an y kin d o f dramati c performanc e whatever ' (Chambers 1903 : n, 183) . In an y case, the interlude s 'ow e a grea t 353

Morality Tradition deal to the morality play in moral purpose, and in the characterization whic h depende d upo n this' , an d 'th e mora l doctrine s o f the Old Churc h and the New are the main subjec t matter of the interludes' (Happe 1972 : 12-13). The ter m is now sometimes avoided as patronizing. 3 Th e didacti c purpose of calling a sinner to repentance evolves into socio-political purpose s via transitional works of the mid-sixteent h century by such writers as John Skelton, Henry Medwall, Sir David Lindsay, John Bal e and Nichola s Udall (sometimes called 'politica l morality plays'). The centra l 'Humanu m Genus ' or 'Mankind' figure becomes an emblematic ruler and the ancillary characters take their places in a courtly setting. But the characters presented are still universalized figures, not historical or real ones - Kin g Correction , Verity, Sedition. 4 Th e so-calle d 'historical moralities' or 'hybrid' plays (i.e. containing both classica l and popula r elements ) of the 1560 s deal with historical o r legendar y material . Amon g severa l othe r work s o f thes e years, 'it is in three "classical plays" of the 1560' s that the morality stands closes t t o thos e popula r tragedie s whic h ar e immediatel y pre-Shakespearean' (Farnha m 1956 : 251) : Apius and Virginia, b y 'R.B.', Horestes, b y Joh n Pickering , an d Cambyses, b y Thoma s Preston. Preston' s character s i n th e mos t sophisticate d o f thes e works stan d halfwa y betwee n moralit y figure s an d historica l actualities: Cambises was supposedly a historical king of Persia, but the stage figure inherits the representative function o f the Mankin d character. The pla y also offers a Vice figure (Ambidexter, who 'plays with both hands', doing both good and evil though always intending mischief). Cambyses i s bot h a mora l pla y an d a traged y o f sorts, concluding with the rewards of sin for the protagonist. Various kind s o f list s an d othe r detail s o f thes e play s ar e give n by Souther n (1973 ) an d Bevingto n (1962 : 66-7 , 265-78) . Th e circumstances o f thei r performanc e var y fro m publi c square s t o schools, colleges , banqueting hall s an d court , bu t al l were performed by itinerant players - 'minstrels ' or later 'interluders' . (B) Moralit y play s prope r (typ e 1 i n th e abov e list ) wer e stil l bein g performed in the late sixteenth century, but their popularity was rapidly fading. Man y o f their successor s in th e tradition , o n th e othe r hand , 354

Morality Tradition were stil l recent works : there ar e perhap s twenty-eigh t extan t text s of plays in types 2-4 written in the period 1558-86 , and a large number of others ca n be assumed t o be lost (Potter 1975 : 105—6) . The fe w recorded comment s o n thes e largel y home-grow n works , from suc h figures as Puttenham, Sidney and Whetstone, ten d t o be dismissive, bu t thi s i s to b e expecte d fro m writer s concerne d t o promote th e literatur e o f classica l antiquity . Practisin g dramatist s wer e aware of , and di d no t disdai n t o use, the moralit y tradition . Interna l evidence fro m play s contemporary wit h Shakespeare show s they could rely o n thei r audience' s familiarit y with standar d element s i n the oldfashioned moralitie s o f typ e 1 , whil e olde r member s o f th e lat e sixteenth-century audience , at least, woul d almos t inevitabl y hav e ha d some experienc e o f later types . Som e o f Shakespeare' s contemporar ies dre w heavil y o n th e moralitie s fo r thei r ow n dramati c idiom ; Marlowe's Faustus is the Elizabetha n wor k most simila r t o a moralit y play proper. As with English drama as a whole until the seventeenth century, plays in th e moralit y traditio n wer e no t generall y know n throug h printe d editions but performances. They tended t o be printed eithe r no t a t all (some remained i n manuscript until twentieth-century printings) or only many year s afte r the y bega n t o b e staged . Whil e ther e i s ever y likelihood tha t Shakespear e witnesse d performances o f these plays by itinerant player s i n hi s youth, perhap s i n th e tow n o f Coventry, nea r Stratford, he would have been very unusual for his time if he read the m as well . This accoun t o f a performanc e give n i n th e 1560 s o r 1570s , recorded b y an exac t contemporary o f Shakespeare's, on e R. Willis, in his old age in the 1630s , is thus perhaps mor e usefu l tha n a section of a play-text as an indication o f how these works were experienced b y most of their audienc e an d b y Shakespeare (th e play Willis saw, The Cradle of Security, i s now lost) . In th e cit y o f Gloucester th e manne r i s (a s I thin k i t i s in othe r lik e corporations) tha t whe n Player s o f Enterludes com e t o towne , the y first attend the Mayor to enforme him what noble-mans servants they are, and s o to get licence for their publike playing; and i f the Mayo r like the Actors, or would she w respect t o their Lor d an d Master , h e appoints the m t o play their first play before himself e an d th e Alder men and Common Counsel l of the city; and that is called the Mayors play, where every one tha t wil l comes in without money , the Mayo r 355

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giving th e player s a rewar d a s he e think s fi t t o she w respec t unt o them. A t suc h a play, my father took e me with hi m an d mad e me e stand between e his leggs, a s he sat e upon on e o f the benche s where wee sa w and hear d ver y well . Th e pla y wa s calle d 'th e Cradl e o f security/ wherin was personated a King or some great Prince with his Courtiers o f severall kinds, amongst whic h three Ladies were in speciall grace with him; and the y keeping him in delights and pleasures, drew hi m fro m hi s grave r Counsellors , hearin g o f Sermons , an d listning to good counsell , and admonitions , tha t i n the en d the y got him to lye downe in a cradle upon the stage, where these three Ladies joyning in a sweet song rocked him asleepe , that h e snorte d againe , and i n th e mean e tim e closel y conveye d unde r th e cloath s wher e withall h e wa s covered , a vizar d lik e a swine s snou t upo n hi s face , with thre e wir e chaine s fastne d thereunto , th e othe r en d whereo f being holde n severall y b y thos e thre e Ladies , wh o fel l t o singin g againe, an d the n discovere d hi s face , tha t th e spectator s migh t se e how they had transformed him, going on with their singing, whilst all this was acting, there came forth o f another door e a t the farthest en d of the stage , two old men, the one in blew with a Serjeant at Armes; his mace o n his shoulder, the othe r in red with a drawn sword in his hand, an d leaning with the other hand upon the others shoulder, and so they two went along in a soft pac e roun d abou t b y the skir t of the Stage, til l at last they came t o th e Cradle , whe n al l the cour t was in greatest jollity, and then the foremost old man with his Mace stroke a fearfull blo w upo n th e Cradle ; wherea t al l th e Courtier s wit h th e three Ladie s an d th e vizar d al l vanished; an d th e desolat e Princ e starting u p bar e faced , an d findin g himself e thu s sen t for to judgement, made a lamentable complaint o f his miserable case, and so was carried awa y b y wicke d spirits . Thi s Princ e di d personat e i n th e morall, th e wicke d o f the world ; th e thre e Ladies , Pride , Covetous nesse, an d Luxury , the tw o old men, th e en d o f the world , an d th e last judgement. Thi s sight tooke such impression i n me, that when I came toward s mans estate, it was as fresh i n my memory, as if I ha d seen it newly acted. (Willis 1639 : 110-14) As a sample of such a play's content, an excerpt is given here from a n early example , Mankind. I n thi s episode th e invisibl e Titivillus (a devil, 'the Fend of helle') prevents Mankind fro m carryin g ou t his due labou r 356

Morality Tradition and interrupt s hi s devotion s (Mankind' s sayin g hi s prayer s outsid e a church i s a sign of yielding to temptation) . [Exeunt all but TITIVILLUS] To speak with Mankind I will tarry here this tide,0 time And assa y his good purpose for to set aside. The goo d man Mercy shall no longer be his guide. I shall make him to dance anothe r trace! 0 dance Ever I go invisible - i t is my jet0 fashion And before hi s eye thus I will hang my net, To blench0 his sight. I hope to have his deceive measure foot-met.0 To irk him o f his labour I shall make a frame:0 device 0 This board shal l be hid under the earth, privily. secretly [Places a board in the earth] with difficulty His spade shall enter, I hope, unreadily! 0 0 By then he hat h assayed , he shal l be very by the time that angry, And los e his patience, pain of shame.0 for fear of shame 0 0 I shall rneng his corn with drawk and wit h mix; weed darnel; It shall not be like 0 to sow nor t o sell. suitable please keep it secret Yonder he cometh ! I pray of counsel.0 He shal l ween grace were wane.0 think grace absent [Enter MANKIND with a bag of grain. TITIVILLUS is invisible to him] MANKIND Now , God, o f his mercy, send us of his sand! 0 I have brought see d here to sow with my land. While I over-delve 0 it, here it shall stand.

bounty dig over

[Puts the bag down and prepares to dig. TITIVILLUS steals it] In nomine Patris, et Filii, et Spiritus Sancti, now I will begin. 357

Morality Tradition [The spade strikes against the board] This land is so hard i t maketh me unlusty and irk! ° dull and sore I shall sow my corn at a venture, and let God work. [Looks for the bag\ Alas, my corn is lost! Here i s a foul work! I see well, by tilling little shall I win. Here I give up my spade for now and for ever! Here TITIVILLU S goeth out with the spade [which MANKIN D has thrown down] To occupy my body I will not put m e in dever;0 endeavour I will hear my evensong here, ere I dissever.0 depart This place I assign as for my kirk. 0 church [Kneels and takes up his rosary] Here, in my kirk, I kneel on my knees. Pater noster, qui es in caelis . . . [Enter TITIVILLUS ] TITIVULLUS I

promise you, I have no lead on my heels! [To audience] I am here again to make this fellow irk. (525-56; ed. Lester 1981 : 33-4, glosse s added)

(C) Mos t o f the relationship s betwee n Shakespeare' s work s and play s in the morality tradition ar e o f a general kind. For example, Othell o is often sai d to resemble the Humanum Genu s figure in the moralities a t large, an d th e Vic e figur e i s discerne d i n suc h character s a s Aaron , FalstafT, Richard III , Parolles and lago (see Righter 1962 ; Spivack 1958; Dessen 1986) . There are also a number of more or less explicit allusions to th e moralit y tradition . Ha l describe s Falstaf f a s 'that reverend vice, that gre y iniquity, that fathe r ruffian , tha t vanit y in years' (1 Henry IV., 2.4.438-9), an d earlie r i n th e sam e scen e Falstaf f offer s t o spea k 'i n King Cambyses ' vein' (2.4.376) in reference t o Thomas Preston' s Cambyses - thoug h i n this case what Shakespear e parodie s i s more fustia n blank vers e tha n Preston' s styl e (se e Craig 1966 : 53) . Man y explici t 358

Morality Tradition references i n Shakespear e ar e assemble d b y Gatch, who see s the m a s specifically 'allusion s t o dramati c practice' , 'intende d t o cal l up visua l memories o f the stag e busines s of .. . moralities ' tha t Shakespeare' s older contemporaries could have seen (1928: 27). The moralities , but n o single morality play, seem in fact t o lie somewhere behind many recurrent elements in Shakespearean drama, some major an d som e minor. The followin g non-exhaustive list is supplied by Potter (1975: 124 ; for additions see Dessen 1986 : 134-60) . 1 Th e mora l prologue whic h outlines the whole of the play's actio n in advance (e.g. the prologue s to Romeo and Juliet and Pericles). 2 Th e instructio n o f th e her o b y goo d counse l (e.g . Gaun t t o Richard II, Polonius to Laertes). 3 Th e conspirac y o f vice, disguising itself as virtue (e.g. Richard II I and Buckingham, the Witches in Macbeth. 4 Th e initiatio n o f th e naiv e her o int o experienc e (e.g . Brutus i n Julius Caesar, Troilus in Troilus and Cressida}. 5 Virtu e unjustly cast out (e.g . Adam in As Tou Like It, the Soothsaye r in Julius Caesar). 6 Th e delinquen t hero's recognition of his state of sin (e.g. Antony in Egypt, Clarence's dream in Richard III). 1 Th e providentia l interventio n o f God's merc y (e.g. the rebirt h o f Hermione i n The Winter's Tale, Portia in The Merchant of Venice). 8 Th e forma l confessio n an d repentanc e o f th e her o (e.g . Kate's recantation i n The Taming of the Shrew, Richard I I i n th e tower). 9 Th e unmaskin g and punishment of disguised vice (e.g. Malvolio in Twelfth Night, lago's unmasking by Emilia). 10 Th e moralizin g epilogue , implicatin g th e audienc e (e.g . Feste i n Twelfth Night, Prospero in The Tempest). Potter suggests the difficult y o f making firm connections by adding that these item s are example s o f 'otherwise inexplicable bit s and pieces ' of the Shakespear e plays , which som e plainly ar e not . Th e fundamenta l difficulty i n analysin g suc h 'general ' us e o f th e moralit y traditio n i n Shakespeare is that postulations about it are based not on evidence but on ou r perceptio n o f comparable figures or patterns , which ma y very well not be the same as Shakespeare or his audience's perceptions. Shakespeare's Historie s ar e particularl y ric h i n moralit y traditio n elements. Fo r Richard III Hammon d list s Richard's Vice-lik e attributes 359

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at length : 'strang e appearance , us e o f asides, discussio n of plans with the audience , disguise , lon g avoidance , bu t ultimat e sufferin g o f punishment', an d other s (1981 : 101) . Spivack's discussio n is the best known; it concludes: 'for as long as the archaic role grips [Richard] h e is compelled b y its homiletic principle t o displa y himsel f a s the typ e of villainy' (1958: 403—4). This seems to say that for some (presumably the first half) o f the play, Richard is a Vice; and fe w would accept this when put s o reductively . Nevertheless, the interpretativ e possibilitie s o f th e association are many and various. Dessen, for example, shows how the 'two phase d structure ' o f th e play , wit h Richard' s succes s collapsing after a peak in Act 3, can be seen as a traditional patter n tha t includes the arrest and punishment of the Vice (1986: 49ff.) . Henry IV (especially Part 1 ) offers probabl y th e best-know n and mos t contested exampl e o f a claime d moralit y framewor k whic h seem s to affect interpretatio n radically . Just a s Falstaf f ca n b e see n a s a Vic e figure (dependin g o n ho w seriousl y we tak e apparen t cue s lik e Hal' s description, above) , Ha l i s sai d t o b e 'Ever y Prince' , o r i n Dove r Wilson's terms Henry IVhas it s archetype in the Prodiga l So n play (like Youth, c. 1520) involving 'the tempter, the younker ['youn g gentleman'], and th e fathe r wit h property t o bequeath an d counse l to give' (Wilson 1943: 22) . This approac h ha s foun d favour , bu t it s limitations, an d it s tendency t o simplif y th e play , hav e bee n firml y pointe d ou t by , for example, Somerset (1977) and Powel l (1980: 61-2). Potter suggests that 'the tradition ou t of which Henry IV, Part One emerges seems not s o much that of "youth" play s as of the political morality' (1975: 133-4) . Dessen stresses othe r 'morality ' patterns , suc h a s th e conflict s se t i n motio n between th e 'dua l protagonists ' Ha l an d Hotspu r (1986 : 66—90) . I t seems clear that both the likeness and unlikeness of Henry IV to a morality ought to be recognized, morality elements helping to make the play what i t i s but i n th e proces s being transcended ; certainl y al l moder n commentators are concerned to avoid 'yet another reductiv e treatment of Shakespeare's rich characters an d images , a scholarly melt-down to some irreducible allegorica l core' (Dessen 1986: 2). Middle-period Shakespear e provide s furthe r case s o f morality influenced plays . The basi c similarities of Measure for Measure an d Timon of Athens t o moralitie s i n term s o f framewor k and , t o som e degree , character types , i s fairl y self-evident . It ha s bee n argue d tha t Timon specifically draw s o n Magnyfycence (Levitsk y 1978) . All's Well that Ends Well provide s a mor e ofte n discusse d an d perhap s mor e interestin g 360

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example. This is largely because identifying Parolles (at some level) with the publi c Vice , an d Bertra m (a t som e level ) a s a Humanu m Genu s figure undergoin g hi s developmen t toward s virtue , seem s to solv e th e problems - fo r a psychologicall y realisti c readin g - o f the hero' s unlikeability and o f his rapid conversion . Readings o n these lines, such as Dessen' s (1986) , ar e no t accepte d b y all , bu t man y commentator s agree that the morality pattern operate s as background or 'blueprint' in All's Well (for example Tillyar d 1965 : 108-9) . Troilus and Cressida a s a whole is sometimes considered partly akin to the morality; according to Tillyard (1965: 52), one scen e in particular, 3.2, sees Pandarus, Troilu s and Cressid a 'emerg e fro m thei r ow n distinctiv e an d dramati c char acters t o becom e types : Pandaru s a s the Bawd , Troilu s a s Fidelit y i n Love, Cressida as Falsehood in Love'. Almost al l Shakespeare' s tragedie s ca n b e sai d t o contai n moralit y elements, but t o what extent and effec t i s variously estimated, and con nections ar e har d t o demonstrate . Fo r example, Macbeth ha s been see n as ' a moralit y pla y writte n i n term s o f Jacobean tragedy ' (Farnha m 1950: 79) , but it s protagonist's self-awarenes s i s not matche d i n typical moralities, though Creet h (1976 ) find s i t paralleled i n The Castle of Perseverance. This an d furthe r correspondences , too loose or inconclusive to count a s specifi c echoe s bu t includin g fo r exampl e Lear' s humblin g before th e approac h o f death (se e Jones 1971 : 157-8) , do help t o stres s the proximity of Macbeth an d Lear— Othello is less convincing - t o moralities more generally. Shakespeare's tragedies - unlik e other Tudor plays, with exceptions such as Doctor Faustus - see m to recall these 'prototypes' in their 'universalit y of scope and . . . religious meaning', sharing their 'grandeur an d mora l seriousness ' (Creet h 1976 : 40). In suc h a play as Lear there are , o f course, many stubbornl y realistic and litera l feature s which ar e irreducibl e t o wha t i s traditionally though t o f a s moralit y play modality: 'th e bare outline s of the dramati c typ e have been over laid and ofte n obscure d b y the fullness o f the plot and the intricacies of the relationshi p betwee n th e characters . Th e personification s o f th e medieaval pla y hav e grow n int o huma n being s a s complicate d an d unpredictable a s men an d wome n usuall y are' (Campbel l 1948 : 108) . On the other hand, morality play modality is not necessarily simple and uniform, sinc e moralitie s themselve s sometime s mi x 'imitativ e form s and function s . . . wit h transmute d ritual ' (Weiman n 1978 : 69) , an d there ar e a numbe r o f indubitable 'personifications', an d othe r non representational elements , in Lear. Th e best-recognize d is the 'Pit y i n 361

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the Stocks ' emblem with Kent i n 2.2 (see Riebanz 1974 , and fo r other morality detail s Muir 1972 : xxv-xxix) . Herei n lie s a challengin g are a for criticism , i n th e regio n betwee n th e clearl y non-moralit y overal l effect an d th e moralit y element s an d device s incorporate d a t a mor e local level. Lear's presentation of questions about identity, about evil and retribution, penance an d despair , al l invite th e question no t of how far we should read th e text as a morality play, but o f 'how a morality play has been transformed into King Lear1 (Potter 1975: 152; whose discussion goes on to offe r on e of the mos t convincing answer s to the questio n t o date). Finally, i n relatio n t o Shakespeare' s dram a a s a whole , ther e i s a possibility o f major structura l influence s fro m th e moralit y tradition . Baldwin (1947 ) attend s t o th e ris e o f th e five-ac t structur e i n thes e dramatic predecessor s of Shakespeare's. Weimann (1978 ) considers the dramaturgy o f space (platea an d locus). Mor e specifically, basic moralit y structures may be discerned below a number of Shakespeare plays and parts of plays. Dessen (1986) on Richard II is noted above; for a differen t kind o f example , th e moralit y pla y dramatize s alternative s betwee n virtue and vice by presenting 'alternating scenes of seriousness and rio t that giv e dramati c poin t t o a serie s o f analogie s o r correspondence s between radicall y oppose d alternatives' , an d henc e 'perhap s 1 Henry IVs greates t deb t t o th e moralit y i s t o b e foun d i n it s alternation s between the serious plot o f Henry I V and Hotspu r . . . and the comi c plot of Hal an d Falstaf F (Bevingto n 1987 : 26). (D) On th e earlier drama itself , Southern (1973 ) is the most comprehensive factua l guide . Th e wides t genera l stud y o f th e influenc e o f th e morality tradition i s Potter (1975) , but thi s also includes excellent treat ment of Henry /Fand Lear (with an excursion on the play within the play of Hamlet). Spivac k (1958 ) an d Schel l (1983 ) both concentrat e o n th e tradition mor e than on Shakespeare, Spivack on the Vice, Schell confining hi s Shakespearean analysi s to Richard II and Lear. Bevington (1962) deals authoritativel y wit h th e traditio n an d wit h Shakespeare' s contemporaries bu t onl y incidentall y wit h Shakespear e himself . Dessen' s (1986) subtl e stud y is especially concerne d wit h th e historie s and All's Well, an d wit h th e mor e obliqu e way s in which th e moralit y traditio n bears on Shakespeare's work. Among account s o f individual plays , a mai n poin t o f departure fo r modern wor k on Richard //here is Rossiter (1961) , just a s most studies 362

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of Henry IV an d th e moralit y star t fro m Dove r Wilso n (1943) . Late r material o n th e latte r pla y b y Boughne r (1954) , Spivac k (1957 ) an d Levin (1977 ) i s notable . Fo r All's Well, standar d ar e Tillyar d (1965) , Bradbrook (1950), G. K. Hunte r (1959 ) and R. G . Hunter (1965) , with Godshalk (1974 ) offering a contrar y reading ; fo r Timon, se e Walke r (1979) an d Levitsk y (1978) . Scrag g (1968 ) deal s wit h lago , th e most canvassed moralit y elemen t i n Othello. Campbell' s (1948 ) well-know n article o n Lear treats the pla y as 'a moralit y . . . upon whic h has been grafted a view of the unwis e man o f stoic morality' , and Schel l (1983) argues for substantial influence o n the play from th e moralities. Bullough;Muir(1977).

Baldwin, T. W . (1947). Shakspere's Five-Act Structure: Shakspere's Early Plays on the Background of Renaissance Theories of Five-Act Structure from 1470.

Urbana, IL . Bass, Eben (1963). Talstaff and the Succession.' College English 24: 502-6. Bergeron, Davi d (1967) . '"Timon o f Athens" an d Moralit y Drama. ' College Language Association Journal 10 : 181-8. Bevington, Davi d M . (1962) . From 'Mankind' to Marlowe: Growth of Structure in the Popular Drama of Tudor England. Cambridge, MA .

ed. (1987). Henry IV, Part /(Oxford Shakespeare). Oxford. Boughner, Danie l C . (1954) . 'Vice , Braggart , an d Falstaff. ' Anglia 72 : 35-61. Bradbrook, M. C . (1950) . 'Virtu e is the Tru e Nobility : A Study of the Structure of All's Well That Ends Well.' RES 1 : 289-301. Campbell, Osca r Jame s (1948) . 'Th e Salvatio n o f Lear. ' ELH 15 : 93-109. Chambers, E. K. (1903) . The Medieval Stage, 2 vols. Oxford. Craig, T . W . (1966) . 'Th e Tudo r Interlud e an d Late r Elizabetha n Drama', pp. 37-57 in John Russell Brown and Bernard Harris , eds. , Elizabethan Theatre (Stratford-upon-Avon Studies , 9). London. Creeth, Edmund (1976) . Mankynde in Shakespeare. Athens, GA . Dessen, Alan C . (1978) . 'Homilie s and Anomalies : The Legac y of the Morality Play to the Age of Shakespeare.' ShSt 11 : 243-58.

(1986). Shakespeare and the Late Moral Plays. Lincoln, NE . Eccles, Mark , ed . (1969) . The Macro Plays: The Castle of Perseverance, Wisdom, Mankind. Oxford . Farnham, Willard (1950). Shakespeare's Tragic Frontier. Berkeley . (1956). The Medieval Heritage of Elizabethan Tragedy. Oxford . 363

Morality Tradition Farnham, Willar d (1971) . The Shakespearean Grotesque: Its Genesis and Transformations. Oxford . Gatch, Katherin e Hayne s (1928). 'Shakespeare's Allusions to the Older Drama.' PQ1: 27-44. Godshalk, W. L. (1974). 'All's Well That Ends Well and th e Moralit y Play. ' 5AQ,25:61-70. Grantley, Darryll (1986) . 'The Winter's Tale and Earl y Religious Drama.' CompDW: 17-37 . Hammond, Antony , ed . (1981) . Richard III (Arde n Shakespeare) . London. Happe, Peter, ed. (1972) . Tudor Interludes. Harmondsworth . Hunter, G . K., ed. (1959). All's Well That Ends Well (Arden Shakespeare) . London (firs t published 1959) . Hunter, Rober t Gram s (1965) . Shakespeare and the Comedy of Forgiveness. London. Jones, Emrys (1971). Scenic Form in Shakespeare. Oxford . Lancashire, Ann e (1970) . 'Timon of Athens: Shakespeare' s Dr. Faustus.' ShQ21:35-44. Lester, G . A. , ed . (1981) . Three Late Medieval Morality Plays: Mankind, Everyman, Mundus et Infans. London . Levin, Lawrenc e L . (1977) . 'Hotspur , Falstaff , an d th e Emblem s o f Wrath i n 1 Henry IV.' ShSt 10 : 43-65. Levitsky, Rut h (1978) . 'Timon: Shakespeare' s Magnyjycence an d a n Embryonic Lear.' ShSt 11 : 107-22 . Mack, Maynard (1965). King Lear in Our Time. Berkeley. Muir, Kenneth, ed . (1972) . King Lear (Arden Shakespeare). London . Potter, Robert (1975) . The English Morality Play: Origins, History and Influence of a Dramatic Tradition. London . Powell, Raymon d (1980) . Shakespeare and the Critics' Debate: A Guide for Students. London . Ribner, Irvin g (1960). Patterns in Shakespearean Tragedy. London . Riebanz,John (1974) . 'Theatrical Emblems i n King Lear', pp. 39-5 1 in Rosalie Goli e and F . T. FlahifT , eds , 'Some Facets of King Lear': Essays in Prismatic Criticism. Toronto . Righter, Anne (1962). Shakespeare and the Idea of the Play. Cambridge . Rossiter, A . P . (1961) . Angel with Horns: Fifteen Lectures on Shakespeare. London. Schell, Edgar (1983) . Strangers and Pilgrims: From 'The Castle of Perseverance' to 'King Lear'. Chicago . 364

Morality Tradition Scragg, Leah (1968). 'lago - Vic e or Devil?' ShSuZl: 53-65. Shirleyjohn W. (1938). 'Falstaff, an Elizabethan Glutton.' PQ\ 7:271-87. Somerset, J. A . B . (1977) . 'Falstaff , th e Prince , an d th e Patter n o f "2 Henry IV".' ShSu 30: 35-45. Southern, Richard (1973) . The Staging of Plays before Shakespeare. London. Spivack, Bernard (1957) . 'Falstaf f and th e Psychomachia. ' ShQ%: 44959. (1958). Shakespeare and the Allegory of Evil: A History of a Metaphor in Relation to his Major Villains. Ne w York . Tillyard, E . M . W . (1965) . Shakespeare's Problem Plays. Harmondswort h (first published 1950) . Velz, Joh n W . (1981-2) . 'Fro m Jerusale m t o Damascus : Biblica l Dramaturgy i n Medieva l an d Shakespearea n Conversio n Plays. ' CompD 15: 311-26. Walker, Lewis (1979). 'Timon of Athens and th e Moralit y Tradition.' ShSt 12: 159-78 . Weimann, Robert , ed . Rober t Schwart z (1978) . Shakespeare and the Popular Tradition in the Theater: Studies in the Social Dimension of Dramatic Form and Function. Baltimore . Whitaker, Virgil (1965). The Mirror up to Mature. Sa n Marino , CA . Wickham, Glynne (1959). Early English Stages, 1300 to 1660, 3 vols: Vol. 1. London. W[illis], R . (1639) . Mount Tabor. Or Private Exercises of a Penitent Sinner. London. Wilson, J. Dove r (1943). The Fortunes of Falstaff. Cambridge . More, Sir Thomas (1478-1535), Writer and Statesman (A) Born the son of a Justice o f the King's Benc h in London, th e young More wa s sen t t o liv e a s a pag e i n th e Lambet h househol d o f Archbishop John Morton, who discerned his talents and advise d his starting at Oxfor d a t th e ag e o f sixteen. In hi s twenties More couple d wit h a successful caree r i n th e la w friendship s wit h suc h leadin g light s o f humanism as Erasmus (his senior by seventeen years), John Colet and William Lily . H e becam e a Membe r o f Parliamen t a t th e ag e o f twenty-four, the n Undersherif f of London, an d i n 151 8 Privy Council lor to Henry VIII. Fro m this point he rose quickly at Court, ultimately following Wolse y as Lord Chancello r i n 1529 . After conflict s ove r th e King's legitimac y as sole head o f the Churc h h e resigne d this office i n 365

More, Sir Thomas

1532 an d retired, subsequently engaging in disputes over the emergin g doctrines of Protestantism. Refusing t o impugn th e pope's authorit y in religious matter s o r t o suppor t Henry' s divorc e fro m Katherin e o f Aragon, he was indicted for treason and execute d in 1535 . More wa s an internationally renowne d scholar and a prolific writer. His Utopia (1516 ) i s onl y hi s best-know n work , par t o f a genericall y diverse rang e o f writings mainly i n Latin , amountin g s o far t o fiftee n volumes i n th e ongoin g moder n edition , includin g biography , tracts , treatises, apologiae , a larg e collectio n o f letter s an d anothe r o f epi grams, poem s i n Lati n an d English , an d hi s Dialogue of Comfort against Tribulation, compose d durin g hi s imprisonmen t i n th e las t fourtee n months o f his life. He was canonized in 1935 . (B) More's posthumous position in the cultural life o f the later sixteenth century wa s unique . Hi s problemati c statu s a s a Catholi c marty r i n Protestant Tudo r Englan d wa s on e complicatin g factor . Hi s lif e stor y was suppressed in the histories of Hall and Foxe, and a planned biog raphy by William Rastel l was aborted wit h the earl y death o f Mary I , but, outsid e th e authorize d media , tale s o f his wit an d wisdo m flourished. As well as the interest attaching to his life - als o the subject of the play Sir Thomas More (which Shakespeare is believed to have been partly responsible for revising in the Jacobean period) — much fascination an d influence was exercised by his writings. The 155 1 English translation of the Utopia wa s ofte n reprinted , th e Dialogue of Comfort wa s issue d for th e first time i n 1553 , an d More' s complet e Englis h works were first collected in 1557 . The unfinishe d History of fang Richard 111(1514—18; th e title is not More's), written in slightly differing Englis h and Lati n forms , the onl y wor k o f More' s use d a s a sourc e b y Shakespeare , wa s first published, garbled and corrupted, i n its English variant by Grafton as part o f hi s additio n t o Hardyng's Chronicl e i n 1543 . I t wa s the n incorporated, stil l wit h certai n inaccuracies , i n Hall' s Chronicl e o f 1548. A superior text of the Englis h version was published by William Rastell, More' s nephew , i n hi s 155 7 Works o f More ; an d th e Lati n version wa s printe d i n a late r (1565 ) edition o f More's work s ( a ful l textual histor y i s give n i n Sylveste r 1963 : xvii-lix) . I n late r decade s More's History wa s incorporate d int o th e chronicle s o f Holinshed (who modifie d Hall's text by reference to Rastell's edition) and Stow. The History of King Richard III wa s clearl y wel l known an d highl y regarded within a short time after its first publication (fo r uses of it as an 366

More, Sir Thomas example in rhetorical works see Donno 1982 : 442-3). In the sens e that it sealed the reputation o f its protagonist - i t is a work of propaganda, not a n impartial stud y - i t was one of the most influential books of its era. Th e eventua l effec t o f More's innovativ e approac h t o historica l writing in this relatively shor t narrative woul d als o be difficul t t o overstate, thoug h it s precocit y mad e i t slo w t o b e assimilated : 'Homely , aphoristic, jocular, alive with delicate an d movin g strokes of character, this was a remarkable boo k by a remarkable man, and i n an aesthetic sense it was too specia l to have any immediate effec t o n th e writin g of history' (Rees e 1961 : 46). But Roge r Ascha m clearl y sa w More' s importance, writing in 1553 : Syr Thomas More in that pamphlet o f Richard the thyrd , doth i n most part I beleve of all these pointes s o content all men, as if the res t of our stor y o f Englan d wer e s o done , w e migh t wel l compar e wit h France, Italy, o r Germany in that behalfe. (ed. Wright 1904 : 126 ) Ascham explain s th e reason s wh y an approac h like More's is so effect ive: i t records not only deeds but the causes they result from; i t provides 'for ever y issue ' a 'general l lesso n of wisedome an d warines , fo r lyk e matters i n tim e t o come' ; i t give s 'lively ' descriptio n no t onl y o f th e protagonists' physica l appearanc e 'bu t als o . . . the inward dispositio n of th e mynde ' (ed . Wright 1904 : 126). More' s History wa s als o a n incitement t o mor e tha n on e playwrigh t t o compos e 'dramaticall y rather than anecdotally . .. to get close to [More ] 's matter an d to treat it primarily a s human happening s an d onl y secondarily as a repertor y of morals or a mere series of events' (Tillyard 1944 : 40) . Nevertheless , the styl e blends classical formality with the informal realism - Hunte r (1989) and Jones (1977) note influences fro m Tacitus and Suetonius, and Donn o (1982 ) would have it a formal vituperatio. The episod e of the stage-managed reques t to Richard t o assume the throne, correspondin g t o Shakespeare' s 3.7 , is given here i n th e Hal l version o f More' s text . Th e passag e i s part o f th e mos t compellin g section o f More's History, coverin g Richard's acquisition of the crown , and i t illustrate s especiall y clearl y ho w 'th e magnificen t tensio n o f More's prose in the History arises from . . . dramatized conflict s between public show and privat e perception. Iron y is everywhere and ou r sense of danger is only heightened by our growing awareness that we ought to 367

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be able to laugh at Richard eve n as we shudder at his calculated crimes' (Sylvester 1976 : xviii). the protectour e mad e great e difficult e t o com e doun e t o theim , excepte h e knew e som e part e o f thei r errande , a s though e h e doubted and partely mistrusted the commynge of suche a numbre to hym s o sodainely, without an y warnyn g or knowlege , whether the y came fo r good o r harme. Then when the duk e had shewe d this too the Mayre and other, that thei mighte there by se how litle the protectour loke d fo r thi s matter, the y sent e agai n b y th e messenge r such lovynge message, and there with so humbly besoughte hym to vouchsafe that thei mighte resorte to his presence to purpose their entent of wich thei woulde to none other persone any parte disclose. At the last he cam e ou t o f his chambre, an d ye t not doun e t o theim , bu t i n a galary over theim with a bishop o n ever y hande o f hym, where thei beneth might se hym and speke to hym, as thoughe he woulde not yet come ner e the m ti l he wist what the y meante. An d ther e upon, th e duke o f Buckyngha m first e mad e humbl e peticio n t o hy m o n th e behalfe o f theim all , that his grace woulde pardon thei m an d licence them to purpose unto his grace the entent of their commyng without his displeasure, without whiche pardon obteined , the y durst not bee so bold to move hym of that matter. In whiche, albeit they meante as muche honour e t o hi s grace a s wealth t o al l the realm e beside , yet were thei not sur e how his grace would take it, whom they would in no wise offende. The n the protectour , as he was verie gentle of hym selfe and also longed sore apparantly to know what they meante, gave hym leave to purpose what hym liked, verely trustynge for the goo d minde tha t h e bar e the m all , non e o f thei m an y thyn g would e entende t o hym warde, wherewith he though t t o bee greved . Whe n the duke had this leave and pardon to speake, then wexed he bolde to shewe hy m thei r entent e an d purpose , wit h al l the cause s movyng theim thereto , a s ye befor e hav e harde . An d finally , t o besech e hi s grace tha t i t would like hym of his accustomed goodness e and zeal e unto th e realm e no w with hi s yie o f pitie t o behold e th e lon g con tinued distresse and decaie of the same, and to set his gracious hand e to th e redress e an d amendement e thero f b y takynge upo n hy m th e croune an d governaunc e o f the realm e accordyn g t o hi s right an d title laufully discende d unto hym . . . When th e protecto r ha d hard e th e proposicion , h e loke d ver y 368

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strangely therat an d made answere , that albei t h e knewe partely th e thynges by theim alleged to bee true, yet suche entiere love he bare to kynge Edwar d an d hi s children , an d s o muche mor e regarde d hi s honour i n othe r realme s aboute , the n th e crou n o f an y one , o f whiche he was never desyrous, so that he could not finde in his harte in this poinct t o incline to their desire , for in al other nacion s where the truth were not wel knowen, it shoulde paraventure be e thought e that i t wer e hi s awn e ambiciou s mynd e an d devis e t o depos e th e prince and to take hym selfe the croune, with which infamy he would in no wise have his honour steine d for any croune, in which h e ha d ever perchaunc e perceyve d much e mor e labou r an d pein , the n pleasure t o hym that so would us e it as he that would no t an d wer e not worthy to have it. Notwithstandyng, he not onely pardoned the m of the mocio n tha t the y mad e hym , bu t als o thanke d the m fo r th e love and harty favoure the y bare hym . . . Upon thi s answe r geven , th e duk e o f Buckyngha m . . . shewe d aloude unto the protectour, for a finall conclusion that the realme was apointed tha t kyng e Edwarde hi s line should no longer reign e upon them (Hall 1548 : The pitifu U lif e o f kyng Edward the .v.' , fos 23r-24I) (C) Shakespeare is known to have read Hall, whose text is also the source of More's material for later chroniclers suc h as Holinshed. Shakespear e used both Hal l an d Holinshe d fo r Richard III (see Beg g 1935) . There is no evidenc e tha t h e kne w th e markedl y differen t versio n o f More' s narrative in the 155 7 Works. More i s acknowledged in the margin of the 1548 Hall volum e a s responsible for th e Lif e o f Edward V an d 'som e parte o f kinge Richard th e .iii. ' (it is in fact th e greater part). Shakespeare's extensive use of More's account s of both Edwar d V' s and Richard Ill's reigns for narrative ingredients is only the most basic, and no t necessaril y the mos t faithful wa y in which Shakespeare follow s More. No r i s it consistent: though Act 3 is close to th e History., Ac t 1 is largely fictional, Act 2 allows only a subordinate rol e for Richard, an d Act 4 veers awa y from th e chronicle s i n givin g th e femal e character s more prominence . An d th e fina l thre e scene s of the pla y deriv e fro m Hall exclusively, since More's narrativ e end s with Buckingham's flight; this can be seen as decisive for Richard's presentation in that the vibrant figure Mor e delineate s i s replace d afte r thi s poin t b y 'th e shado w of Hall' s heav y didacticism , wit h th e onc e hast y an d reckles s kin g 369

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paralyzed b y depression ' (Candid o 1987 : 141) . Equally, Shakespeare omits material More had included. Nevertheless, until Act 5 Shakespeare is in important respects 'true to the tone of the book: his emphases are More's, thoug h the y are modi fied b y th e techniqu e o f dramatization' (Hammon d 1981 : 74) . Cen trally, Shakespeare presents a witty villain in ironic terms, as More ha d been the first within the tradition o f historical writing on this figure to do. (Shakespeare's exaggeration o f some of these emphases, by adding further an d greate r villainies, for example, is consistent with a conception o f history as general truth rather tha n individua l fact, thoug h th e play shows some awareness that individual facts matter.) Jones suggests Shakespeare's presentatio n o f a histrionic , role-playin g Richar d ma y even hav e derive d quit e specificall y from th e episod e o f th e stage d usurpation give n i n (B) , above, meanin g tha t th e sequenc e o f scenes culminating in 3.7, 'so like a play within a play in that its chief speakers perform before a stage audience, was the original nucleus of Richard IIP (1977: 215). On this point a short passage from 3. 7 may be sufficient for comparison with the More/Hall version in (B): Enter GLOUCESTER aloft, between two Bishops. GATE SB Y returns.

MAYOR Se e where his Grace stands 'tween two clergymen! BUCKINGHAM Tw o props of virtue for a Christian prince, To stay him fro m th e fal l of vanity; And, see, a book of prayer in his hand, True ornaments to know a holy man. Famous Plantagenet, most gracious Prince, Lend favourable ear to our requests, And pardon us the interruption Of thy devotion and right Christian zeal. GLOUCESTER M y lord, there needs no such apology: I do beseech your Grace to pardon me, Who, earnest in the service of my God, Deferr'd the visitation of my friends. But, leavin g this, what is your Grace's pleasure? BUCKINGHAM Eve n that, I hope, which pleaseth God above, And all good men o f this ungovern'd isle. GLOUCESTER I do suspect I have done some offenc e 370

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That seems disgracious in the city's eye, And that you come to reprehend m y ignorance. BUCKINGHAM Yo u have, my lord. Would it might please your Grace , On ou r entreaties, to amend your fault! GLOUCESTER Els e wherefore breathe I in a Christian land? BUCKINGHAM Kno w then, it is your fault that you resign The suprem e seat, the throne majestical, The scept're d offic e o f your ancestors, Your state of fortune and your due of birth, The linea l glory of your royal house, To the corruption o f a blemish'd stock; (3.7.95-122) At al l events , th e quasi-Seneca n scenari o o f manipulativ e villai n surrounded by victims is already in place for More's reader, who could fin d tha t everythin g i n Richard' s reig n happene d a s i t di d because o f the kin d o f person Richar d was . Hi s will , o r rathe r hi s obsession, hi s manipulativ e drive , undiverte d b y socia l loyaltie s t o brother, mother , wife , benefactor , comrade-in-arms , ca n b e show n directing the passive world around him to the ends he alone foresees. All the others. . . are cajoled, bribed, terrified, deceived, magnetized into compliance. (Hunter 1989:21 ) Shakespeare probably draws from Mor e the strong sense of how it feels to be Richard's victim in his treatment o f Hastings (perhap s the ger m of the ideas elaborated i n 1. 2 and 1.4) . And many of Richard's remarks and asides seem to embody in 'internalized' form the irony and sarcasm of More's comments. Concomitantly, Shakespeare seem s to respond to 'the artful, sometime s devious, manipulation o f language for it[s] affect ive value'; 't o Richard' s relianc e o n verba l skill s t o achiev e hi s ends , Shakespeare adds echo, recapitulation, an d prophecy, thus intensifying the concern with language that runs throughout the play' (Donno 1982: 43-4). (D) Begg (1935) list s definit e use s o f Hall/More i n Richard III. Donn o (1982) an d Anderso n (1984 ) outlin e moder n view s on th e natur e an d circumstances of More's History. Hammon d (1981) has a full revie w of 371

More, Sir Thomas the fact s o f its relationship with Shakespeare's play, but th e tex t of the Hall version given in his appendix is error-prone. Jones (1977), 211-18; Tillyard (1944). Anderson, Judith H . (1984) . Biographical Truth: The Representation of Historical Persons in Tudor-Stuart Writing. New Have n (Chs 6-7 o n More an d Shakespeare's Richard III). Begg, Edlee n (1935) . 'Shakespeare' s Deb t t o Hal l an d Holinshe d i n Richard III.'SP 32: 189-96. Berkowitz, Steve n (1986) . '"Me n Wer e Deceiver s Ever " (Much Ado 2.3.63): Buchanan' s Baptistes , Shakespeare' s Richar d II I an d th e Uses o f Deceptio n fro m Mor e t o Shakespeare' , pp . 39-5 3 i n A Collection of Papers Presented in the First National Conference of English and American Literature. Taichung, Taiwan. Campbell, Lil y B . (1947) . Shakespeare's 'Histories': Mirrors of Elizabethan Policy. San Marino, CA . Gandido, Joseph (1987) . 'Thoma s More , Th e Tudo r Chronicles , an d Shakespeare's Altered Richard.' ES 68: 137-41. Donno, Elizabet h Stor y (1982) . Thoma s More an d Richard III.' Ren(l 35:401-47. Hall, Edwar d (1548) . The Union of the Two Noble and Illustre Famelies of Lancastre and Yorke. London . Hammond, Antony , ed. (1981) . King Richard III (Arde n Shakespeare). London. Hanham, Alison (1975). Richard III and his Early Historians. Oxford . Hunter, G. K. (1989). 'Truth and Art in History Plays.' ShSu 42 : 15-24. More, Si r Thoma s (1557) . The Works of Sir Thomas More Knyght . . . Wrytten by him in the Englysh Tongue. London. Reese, M. M . (1961) . The Cease of Majesty: A Study of Shakespeare's History Plays. London. Sylvester, Richard S. , ed . (1963) . The Tale Edition of the Complete Works of St. Thomas More, Vol. 2: The History of King Richard III. Ne w Haven . ——ed. (1976) . St. Thomas More: The History of King Richard III and Selections from the English and Latin Poems. Ne w Have n (versio n of previous item 'for the general reader'). Wright, Willia m Aldis , ed . (1904) . The English Works of Roger Ascham: Toxophilus, Report of the Affaires and State of Germany, The Scholemaster. Cambridge. 372

Mosse, Miles Mosse, Miles (ft. 1580-1614), Divine Mosse' s treatis e The Arraignment and Conviction of Usurie (1595 ) offer s tw o reference s t o th e biblical episod e debate d b y Antonio an d Shylock , on e o f them i n its preface. Holmer, Joan Ozar k (1985) . '"WhenJacob Graz'd Hi s Uncle Laban' s Sheep": A New Sourc e for The Merchant of Venice.' ShQ36: 64—5 . Munday (Mundy) , Anthony (c. 1560-1633), Poet and Playwright (A) Munday wa s the son of a London stationer, a published poe t at the age o f seventeen , an d elsewher e i n hi s earlie r year s a n apprentic e printer, apparentl y a chil d actor , an d a spy . In th e earl y 1580 s he was employed i n governmen t servic e i n th e detectio n an d prosecutio n o f recusants, infiltrating the English colleg e at Rome, an d takin g a prom inent par t i n th e captur e an d trial s o f th e Jesuits wh o followe d th e Catholic marty r Edmun d Campio n t o England. A s a reward fo r these services, i t i s supposed, h e wa s give n a Cour t offic e a s 'messenge r o f the Queen's Chamber' in 1584 . His career a s a dramatist bega n i n the mid-1580s, an d fro m 159 4 t o 160 2 h e wrot e fo r Henslow e an d th e Admiral's Company . Lat e i n the 1590 s he seem s to have been tourin g with Pembroke's Men. During the latter part of his life h e is said to have become a tradesman , bu t h e wa s stil l writin g pageant s fo r th e Lor d Mayor a t least as late as 1623. Munday trie d hi s han d a t ever y popula r literar y genre . H e wa s responsible for some eighteen plays , many now lost. Several were very successful, includin g the part-authore d Sir Thomas More an d a two-par t play on John Oldcastle which was published in 1600 with Shakespeare' s name on the tide page (but which is now assigned to Munday and thre e others). H e als o wrote numerou s ballads an d songs , an imitatio n o f A Mirror for Magistrates, an d translation s o f romances , an d wa s responsible for re-editin g his friend Stow's Survey of London. Hi s wor k is today considered t o fal l shor t of distinction, muc h of it considerably so. His play John a Kent and John a Cumber is one o f very few manuscript plays of the period which survive in the hand o f their author. (B) Fe w individuals contribute d mor e t o popula r entertainmen t i n hi s time, an d Munda y wa s a n extremel y well-know n figur e amon g hi s 373

Munday (Mundy), Anthony contemporaries. Franci s Mere s describe d hi m i n 159 8 as on e of'th e best for comedy' and 'ou r best plotter' (probably meaning 'provide r of scenarios fo r development') . Webbe' s Discourse of English Poetry (1586 ) praises hi s lyric s a s i n a n 'exquisit e vaine' , an d Marston' s comed y Histriomastix (1599 ) introduce s him a s 'great i n plotting ne w plays that are ol d ones , an d use s n o luxur y or blandishment , bu t plent y o f old England's mother-words' . In Marston's play Munday is given employment b y the strollin g players i n preferenc e to Jonson: th e tw o were rivals, and Jonson ridiculed Munday for dullness and lack of originality from th e tim e of his earliest dramatic work, The Case is Altered (1599}. (C) There are probably coincidental affinitie s wit h works by Munday in Much Ado about Nothing, As You Like It, The Winter's Tale, The Tempest and elsewhere. I n th e firs t case , Fedele and Fortunio (1585) , a pla y adaptin g Luigi Pasqualigo' s / / Fedele (1579 ) whic h i s tentativel y attribute d t o Munday, i s 'jus t possibl[y] ' th e sourc e o f the comica l arrest s by Dog berry and Verges in Act 5, but 'the parallel is very distant' (Bullough, n, 70) and ofte n discounte d altogether (a s by Prouty 1950) . Munday an d Chettle's two-par t pla y o n Robi n Hoo d o f 1598 , The Downfall and the Death of Robert, Earl of Huntington, Otherwise called Robin Hoode of Merrie Sherwodde, ha s possibl e echoes in th e pastora l elemen t o f As You Like It. The fain t connection s (especially in suggestions of a theme of resurrection) between The Winter's Tale and som e of Munday's civic pageants of the earl y seventeent h centur y are , as Bergero n (1973 , 1978 ) himself largely concede s while drawin g attentio n t o them , a t leas t a s likely to indicate Shakespeare's influence on Munday as the converse. Munday's play John a Kent and John a Cumber is given as an analogu e t o The Tempest (for Ariel ) by Bulloug h (vm, 259) , but The Tempest ha s als o been connected with Munday's translatio n o f an anonymou s Spanish romance , Primaleon, Prince of Greece, as Primaleon, published 1595-1619 . Schmidgall (1986) offer s seventee n parallels, bu t mos t flow naturally enoug h fro m the share d premis e o f peopl e shipwrecke d o n a n islan d rule d b y a benevolent magician , an d th e dat e o f publication (1619 ) o f the part s supposed t o hav e affecte d Shakespeare' s pla y means , a s Schmidgal l concedes, tha t Shakespear e woul d nee d t o hav e rea d Munday' s translation before it was printed. Further miscellaneou s points of contact with Shakespeare ar e easily hypothesized: Shapir o (1961 ) eve n discusse s what Shakespear e migh t have learne d fro m no w los t histor y play s whic h Munda y ma y hav e 374

Munday (Mundy), Anthony written i n th e 1580 s and 1590s . But Munda y i s rather mor e securel y linked with two furthe r Shakespear e works . The Merchant of Venice offer s close loca l parallel s wit h Munday' s stor y o f a (non-Jewish ) money lender, ^elauto, or The Fountaine of Fame (1580), notably i n Shakespeare' s courtroom scen e (se e Bullough, i , 452-3 ; epitom e o f tex t i n Brow n 1961: 156-68) and perhaps for the Jessica-Lorenzo plot . Much the most extensive Munday material in Shakespeare, however, is (probably) to be found i n A Midsummer Might's Dream., which ha s larg e 'situational ' over laps with Munday's John a Kent and John a Cumber. This, one o f Munday's better dramati c efforts , i s a comed y abou t a force d doubl e weddin g involving tw o noble s (an d thei r respectiv e partners) , wh o engag e th e services o f th e folk-magicia n Joh n a Kent , whil e thei r parent s pi t another magician , John a Cumber, against him. The datin g of the text is crucial to the Shakespearea n connection : though taken in the past to belong t o th e mid-1590s , th e pla y i s no w wit h som e reservation s thought to date from 1589-90 , in which case the direction o f influence must ru n fro m Munda y t o th e Dream (for the datin g se e Brooks 1979: Ixvi). Shakespeare may either have seen a performance or read a manuscript. Munday's pla y supplie d th e followin g elements (listing adapted from th e extensiv e discussion in Coghill 1964 : 52): 1 Lover s in flight from parenta l opposition to their love. 2 Moonli t woods through which they flee to join their lovers. 3 A mischievous fairy imp, in service to a magician. 4 Clown s who organize buffoonis h entertainmen t i n honour o f their territorial overlord on the occasion of a double wedding; contention for th e leading part; malapropisms. 5 Youn g men le d by an invisible voice until they fall exhausted . 6 A 'happy ending' with lovers correctly paired an d wedded. These elements 'make u p a dramati c vehicle , a schema1 (Coghil l 1964 : 52), on current showing 'the nearest thing, in fact, to the comprehensive source which beyond this the Dream does not have ' (Brook s 1979 : Ixv). Further evidence of the connection lies in three verbal echoes identified by Brooks (1979: Ixv-lxvi); Shapiro (1961 : 28-9) speculate s about more general similarities.

(D) Bergeron, David M. (1973). 'Shakespeare and Munday Again.' ANQl 2: 28-32. 375

Munday (Mundy), Anthony Bergeron, Davi d M . (1978) . 'Th e Restoratio n o f Hermion e i n The Winter's Tale', pp . 125-3 3 i n Caro l McGinni s Ka y an d Henr y E . Jacobs, eds, Shakespeare's Romances Reconsidered. Lincoln, NE . Brooks, Harold E, ed . (1979) . A Midsummer Night's Dream (Arden Shakespeare). London. Brown, John Russell , ed. (1961) . The Merchant of Venice (Arde n Shake speare). London (firs t published 1955) . Bullough, viii. Coghill, Nevill (1964). Shakespeare's Professional Skills. Cambridge . Collier, J. Payne , ed . (1851) . John a Kent and John a Cumber; A Comedy, by Anthony Munday . . . With Other Tracts by the Same Author. London. Prouty, Charle s Tyle r (1950) . The Sources of Much Ado About Nothing: A Critical Study, Together with the Text of Peter Beverley's Ariodanto and leneura. New Haven . Schmidgall, Gar y (1986) . 'The Tempest an d Primaleon: A Ne w Source. ' ShQJSl: 423-39 . Shapiro, I . A. (1961). 'Shakespeare and Mundy.' SkSu 14 : 25-33. Mushjohn (ft. 1601), Catholic Controversialist A 1601/2 pamphlet b y Mush whic h forme d part o f the Archpries t Controvers y shows some anticipations of Measure for Measure i n discussion s of ethics, doctrine and attitudes to priests. Kaula, Davi d (1970) . 'Measur e fo r Measur e an d Joh n Mush' s Dialogue.' ShSt6: 185-95 . Mystery Plays Se e also Morality Tradition. (A) The myster y plays (or, often synonymousl y for Englis h authorities , 'miracle plays'), the principal for m o f drama i n medieval Europe , ha d their origins in the ceremonies and festivals of the Church, but from th e thirteenth centur y the y began t o b e disjoine d from th e liturg y and t o pass ou t o f ecclesiastica l control . I n thei r golde n ag e fro m th e mid fourteenth centur y to the earl y sixteenth, performances were mounted in England by the craft guilds , and in continental Europe by fraternities of laymen. Ther e ar e fou r survivin g English cycles : the Chester , York, Coventry, and Townele y or Wakefield cycles . These ar e linked series of plays each traditionally performed as a group in a particular town or its locality, i n th e ope n air , ofte n ove r severa l days, o n th e occasio n o f a 376

Mystery Plays festival suc h as Corpus Christ ! or Whitsun. Eac h trace s the histor y of the worl d accordin g t o th e Scripture s fro m th e Creatio n t o th e Las t Judgement, includin g some obligatory and som e optional episode s but in al l case s with a ful l narrativ e o f th e lif e o f Christ , an d particula r elaboration o f the Passion sequence. Mystery plays are always anonymous, an d wit h some exceptions show few signs of individual authorship : their cross-influences and borrowings reflect a n international tradition . (B) Th e myster y traditio n wa s moribun d i n th e secon d hal f o f th e sixteenth century , and n o ne w plays were written. Bu t ther e ar e wellattested performance s o f th e ol d one s throughou t th e period . Fo r example, part s o f the Coventr y cycl e were performed a t Kenilworth , near Stratford , i n 1575 , an d i n Coventr y itsel f still later; other s wer e given a t Yor k a t leas t a s lat e a s 1579 , Newcastle 1589 , an d Cheste r 1600. Bu t th e Reformatio n frowne d o n th e myster y plays , an d the y faded awa y durin g th e ris e o f th e regula r Englis h theatr e (tal k o f 'suppression' ma y exaggerat e th e matter , bu t se e Ingra m 198 2 an d Gardiner 1967) . Suspicions of popish tendencies in the texts are attested by th e preparatio n o f notes, stil l extant , o n aspect s o f the Yor k cycl e touching on doctrinal matters by Archbishop Grinda l for Elizabeth I. One o f the traditiona l element s in th e Passio n sectio n o f the cycles was th e tormentin g o f Chris t b y hi s accusers . Th e pla y Coliphizacio ('The Buffeting [o f Christ]') in the Wakefield grou p is wholly given over to thi s subject. Th e followin g excerpt , in which the writer's sophistication is indicated b y the metrica l virtuosity alone, consists of the longest speech in it, made by Caiphas to Jesus. Hear'st thou, harlot, of all?0 O f car e may tho u sing! Do you hear everything, rascal? How durst thou thee call either emperor o r king? I do fie° the! say fie to What th e devil dost thou here? Thy deed s will do0 thee dear. cost Come near an d roun ° in mine ear, whisper Or I shall ascry0 the. denounce Ilia-hail was thou 0 born! Hark, says he ought again? it's bad luckyou were Thou shall once ere0 to-morn to speak be ful l fain. sometime before This is a great scorn and a false train; 0 trick 377

Mystery Plays Now wolf s-head and outhor n on thee be ta'en, 0

may you be hunted like an outlaw impostor easily ease

Vile faitour! 0 One wor d might thou spea k ethe,° Yet might it do thee some leath;0 Et omnis qui facet Hie consentire videtur.0 And all those who remain silent consent to this Speak on one word, right in the devil's name ! Where was thy sire at board0 when he met with thy dame? living What, neither booted nor spurred, and a lord of name? Speak on in a turd, the devil give thee shame, [mocking the obscurity of Christ's birth(?J\ Sir Sybre! 0 Perde, if thou were a king, Yet might thou be riding . Fie on thee, foundling! 0 bastard 0 Thou lives but b y brib'ry. you live only by theft Lad, I am a prelate, a lord in degree: Sits in mine estate, as thou may see, Knights on me to wait in diverse degree. I might thole thee abate, 0 and knee l on thy knee In my presence. As ever sing I mass, Whoso keeps the law, I guess, He gets more by purchase Than by his free rent .

allow you to humble yourself

The devi l give thee shame that ever I knew thee! Neither blind no r lame will none pursue 0 thee. persecute Therefore I shall thee name - tha t ever shall rue thee King Coppin0 in our game; thus shall I endue 0 thee Coxcomb(P); invest For a fatour. 0 impostor Say, dar e thou not spea k for fear? I shrew him the e lered!0 I curse him that taught you Weme!° the devil' s dirt in thy beard, [expression of impatience] Vile false traitor ! (128-71; modernized from Cawle y 1958 : 81-2, glosses added) 378

Mystery Plays

(C) Much o f what he knew of the myster y plays must have come dow n to Shakespeare throug h th e Morality Tradition, but there are some signs o f a mor e direc t awarenes s o f them, mos t conspicuousl y i n th e form o f allusion s to myster y play material . Henr y V' s threat s t o th e citizens of Harfleur, fo r example, ar e likel y to be more strongl y relate d to the old plays than th e Bible itself, because Herod and the Massacr e of the Innocents were so strikingly portrayed i n them (there are mystery plays specifically on this theme): Your naked infants spitted upon pikes, Whiles the mad mothers with their howls confus'd Do break the clouds, as did the wives of Jewry At Herod's bloody-hunting slaughtermen.

(3.3.38-41)

'What we should envisage', contends EmrysJones (1977: 51), 'is Shakespeare's possibl y knowing a numbe r o f these cycles , and, having see n one o r mor e o f them severa l times , reachin g th e kin d o f unthinkin g effortless familiarit y with them that anyone in the historical period ma y arrive a t wit h work s o f popular entertainmen t — especially whe n the y have been experienced uncritically early in life. ' Jones emphasizes throughout hi s discussion Shakespeare's use, as he sees it , o f the mysteries ' 'sceni c form ' o r configuratio n o f events (and not th e event s whic h the y depic t a s such) , firs t i n tw o case s i n th e Histories which can be related to the Passion plays in the mystery cycles. The traged y o f Humphrey , Duk e o f Glouceste r i n 2 Henry VI is, h e suggests, affecte d i n conceptio n an d structur e b y th e traditiona l dramatization o f Christ's victimizatio n i n Jerusalem, i n 'th e stres s o n the enemie s o f th e victim-protagonist , an d o n thei r virulen t malice ; the conspiratorial metho d o f their undertaking against him[;] the legalistic procedur e the y fin d i t expedien t t o adopt , wit h a consequentia l wide rang e o f speech-tones; an d th e progressiv e isolatio n o f the hero ' (Jones 1977 : 52). I n 3 Henry FT , probabl y th e mos t strikin g episode is Margaret's tauntin g speec h t o York , place d o n th e molehill , durin g which she sets a paper crown on his head. Jones argues that this 'recalls more tha n on e o f the violen t tortur e scene s in th e mysteries' , an d a t times comes particularly clos e to the ton e an d substanc e of Caiaphas ' diatribe agains t Chris t in Coliphizacio ((B) , above), comparing especiall y 379

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the jeering t o th e effec t 'Ho w dar e yo u cal l yourself a king' . 'I n view of th e prominenc e give n i n th e mysterie s t o th e malic e o f Christ' s accusers . .. it seems likely that something of this ritual of torment was carried ove r into Margaret's rol e in this scene' (Jones 1977 : 54—6): What, was it you that would be England's king? Was't you that revell'd in our parliamen t And made a preachment o f your high descent? Where are your mess of sons to back you now? The wanton Edward and the lusty George? And where's that valiant crook-back prodigy, Dicky your boy, that with his grumbling voice Was wont to cheer his dad i n mutinies? Or, with the rest, where is your darling Rutland? Look, York: I stain'd thi s napkin with the blood That valiant Cliffor d wit h his rapier's poin t Made issu e from th e bosom of the boy; And if thine eyes can water for his death, I give thee this to dry thy cheeks withal. Alas, poor York! but that I hate thee deadly, I should lament thy miserable state . I prithee grieve to make me merry, York. What, hath thy fiery heart s o parch'd thine entrail s That not a tear can fall for Rutland's death ? Why art thou patient, man? Thou should'st be mad; And I to make thee mad do mock thee thus. Stamp, rave, and fret, tha t I may sing and dance . Thou would'st be fee'd, I see, to make me sport; York cannot spea k unlesse he wear a crown. A crown for York! - and , lords, bow low to him. Hold you his hands whilst I do set it on. {Putting a paper crown on his head.

Ay, marry, sir, now looks he like a king! Ay, this is he that took King Henry's chair , And this is he was his adopted heir . But how is it that great Plantagene t Is crown'd s o soon and broke his solemn oath? 380

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As I bethink me , you should not be King Till our King Henry had shook hands with death . And will you pale your head in Henry's glory, And rob his temples of the diadem , Now in his life, against your holy oath? O, 'tis a fault too too unpardonable ! Off with the crown and with the crown his head; And, whilst we breathe, take time to do him dead . (1.4.70-108) Jones finds furthe r myster y play elements in th e Tragedies . I n King Lear th e baitin g of the kin g by his daughters agai n corresponds to th e tormenting of Jesus, and th e ensuing scenes on the heath, imbue d with a cataclysmi c effect comparabl e t o the treatmen t o f Christ's sufferings , correspond t o th e Crucifixio n pla y tha t enacte d them . Coriolanus ' exile, Timon' s passio n an d Caesar' s betraya l echo , fairl y incidentally , other parts o f the Gospe l story , but ther e i s no very strong connection with the dramatic treatment of these narratives in the mysteries. There are somewha t better grounds for connecting Macbeth wit h the Hero d figure, perhap s especiall y i n th e slaughte r o f th e innocen t Duncan , leading t o wha t coul d b e regarde d a s re-dramatization s o f th e Las t Supper, the Harrowing of Hell, and th e Last Judgement (se e Ide 1975) . Elsewhere i n th e Shakespear e corpus , trace s o f th e miracl e play s have bee n discerne d i n suc h unlikel y place s a s The Comedy of Errors (Kinney 1988) , an d mor e predictabl y i n Measure for Measure. Th e mys tery play subjects o f the Woma n Taken i n Adultery (versions of which survive i n thre e o f th e extan t cycles ) an d th e Repentanc e o f Mar y Magdalene (i n two cycles) , with thei r opposition s o f old an d ne w la w and thei r 'convergence of the sublim e and th e humble' (Cox 1983 : 13) , are i n some sense part of Measure for Measure's background , and th e play may also be said to be 'full y eschatological as a mystery cycle is eschatological - foreshadowin g Judgment lon g before i t occurs and exploiting the attendan t ironies as cycles do' (Velz 1992 : 316). But it is not possible to conclud e tha t Shakespear e ha d myster y play s directl y i n min d i n writing it: 'we ar e dealin g with a dramatic traditio n a s a source in the broadest sens e . . . none o f these plays is a sourc e or analogu e i n th e strict sense of those terms' (Cox 1983: 2). (D) Relatively little work has appeare d o n thi s topic. Matthew s (1962 ) 381

Mystery Plays was pioneering, bu t limited by a tendency to make all actions in a play symbolic o r allegorical , t o thin k i n term s o f moral theolog y an d no t dramaturgy. The suggestiv e investigations of Jones (1977) have encouraged a fe w others, bu t t o dat e th e onl y othe r substantia l publication s specifically i n thi s are a ar e thos e o f Cox (1983) , Guilfoyl e (1990) , an d somewhat tangentiall y Kinne y (1988 ) an d Vel z (1992) ; an d som e of these trea t onl y a singl e Shakespear e text . Henc e th e unpublishe d dissertations of Morrison (1978 ) and Ston e (1973) are useful . Cawley, A . C. , ed . (1958) . The Wakefield Pageants in the Towneley Cycle. Manchester. Cox, John D. (1983). 'The Medieval Background of Measure for Measure.' MP81: 1-13 . Gardiner, Harol d C . (1967) . Mysteries' End: An Investigation of the Last Days of the Medieval Religious Stage. Hamden , C T (firs t publishe d 1946). Guilfoyle, Cherrel l (1990). Shakespeare's Play within Play: Medieval Imagery and Scenic Form in 'Hamlet', 'Othello', and 'King Lear'. Kalamazoo. Ide, Richar d S . (1975) . 'Th e Theatr e o f th e Mind : A n Essa y o n Macbeth: ELH43: 338-61 . Ingram, R . W . (1982). 'Fifteen-seventy-nin e an d th e Declin e o f Civic Religious Dram a i n Coventry' , pp . 114—2 8 i n G . R. Hibbard , ed. , The Elizabethan Theatre VIII. Por t Credit . Jones (1977). Kinney, Arthu r F . (1988) . 'Shakespeare' s Comedy of Errors an d th e Nature of Kinds.' SPB5: 29-52 . Matthews, Hono r (1962) . Character and Symbol in Shakespeare's Plays: A Study of Certain Christian and Pre-Christian Elements in their Structure and Imagery. Cambridge . Matus, Irvi n Leig h (1989) . 'A n Earl y Referenc e t o th e Coventr y Mystery Plays in Shakespeare?' S/^40: 196-7. Morrison, Georg e Pete r (1978) . 'Shakespeare' s Lancastria n Tetralog y in th e Ligh t o f the Medieva l Myster y Cycles : A Theory fo r Unity.' PhD diss . State University of New York. Sierz, Krystyn a (1984) . 'Som e Medieva l Concept s i n Shakespeare' s Plays.' Studia Anglica Posnaniensia: An International Review of English Studies 17 : 233-49. Stone, Charle s R . (1973) . 'Drama s o f Christia n Time : Tempora l Assumptions and Dramatic For m in the Medieval Mystery Cycle, the 382

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Morality Play , an d Shakespeare' s Secon d Tetralogy. ' Ph D diss . University of Minnesota. Velz, John W. (1992). '"Som e shall be pardon'd, and som e punished": Medieval Dramatic Eschatology in Shakespeare.' CompD 26: 312-29. Weimann, Robert , revise d an d translate d b y Robert Schwart z (1978) . Shakespeare and the Popular Tradition in the Theater: Studies in the Social Dimension of Dramatic Form and Function. Baltimore.

383

N Nannini (or Florentine), Remigio (1521—1581), Italian Historical Writer Nannini' s 156 3 work translated int o English in 1601 as Civil Considerations upon Many and Sundrie Histories, a compendiu m of advic e t o prince s an d militar y commanders , ha s bee n insecurel y linked to Hamlet and The Tempest. Ormsby-Lennon, Theres a Surian o (1977) . '"Piccolo , m a co n gra n vaghezza": A New Sourc e for Hamlet? Library Chronicle (Philadelphia) 41: 119-48 . Slights, Willia m W . E . (1985) . ' A Sourc e fo r The Tempest an d Th e Context of The Discorsi.' ShQ36: 68-70. Nashe, Thomas (1567—c.1601), Playwright and Satirist (A) Nashe was born int o a clerical family i n Lowestoft an d educate d a t St John's College, Cambridge. A t Cambridge h e met Robert Greene, to whose prose romance Menaphon, 1589 , Nashe contributed a prefac e in which h e claime d membershi p o f the circl e o f University Wits an d attacked th e players . H e becam e notoriou s a s a reckles s an d bitin g pamphleteer, employe d b y Archbisho p Whitgif t agains t 'Marti n Marprelate', the n o n hi s own account agains t Richar d an d Gabriel Harvey an d th e Puritans . Hi s Have with You to Saffron-Walden wa s th e culmination of this later pamphlet war in 1599 . His firs t reall y successful publicatio n was Pierce Peniksse his Supplication 384

Nashe, Thomas to the Divil (1592) , a virtuoso piece o f no particula r genr e i n whic h th e author-persona Pierc e request s a loan fro m th e Devi l and compose s a satirical commentar y o n society . The Unfortunate Traveller, a picaresqu e forerunner o f th e moder n adventur e novel , appeare d i n 159 4 bu t enjoyed little success in its own day. The sam e applies to Nashe's treatise on apparition s o f the sam e year, The Terrors of the Night. A s a dramatis t he wrot e onl y on e piec e indubitabl y al l his own, the satirica l masqu e Summer's Last Will and Testament (1592) , bu t h e collaborate d wit h Greene, an d o n anothe r occasio n wit h Marlowe o n Dido, Queen of Carthage (1594) . The Isle of Dogs (1597) , a wor k begu n b y Nash e an d completed b y othe r hands , wa s th e mos t scandalou s o f Elizabetha n plays, see n b y th e Priv y Council' s informe r a s 'lewd' , 'seditious ' an d 'sclanderous', an d rigorousl y suppressed . Unlik e thre e o f th e actors , Nashe escape d goa l by fleeing London , bu t whe n he returne d i n 159 9 he faced a wholesale government condemnation o f his writings. His last work, publishe d presumabl y befor e th e officia l prohibitio n cam e int o effect, wa s Lenten Stuffe (1599) , a burlesque panegyric o n Yarmout h an d its red herrings. His eclectic writings are hard to characterize, tending to be sui generis or a t leas t to fal l outsid e the mainstrea m o f work in thei r genres, but his untrammelled, exuberant, digressive style has immediat e appeal: 'impromptu and searching , Nashe's prose often seems , not a first anything, but a last high achievement o f the impromptu an d searchin g vigor exemplified in Tyndale's Bible' (Berryman 1967 : 12) . (B) Th e epitap h whic h occurs as part o f the revie w of various writers' reputations in The Second Part of the Return from Parnassus (first performed 1603) is for its time not untypicall y favourable on Nashe as a satirist: INGE[NIOSO]. Thomas Nash. I, here is a fellow Judicio tha t carried the deadl y stocke in his pen, whose muse was armed with a gag tooth, and hi s pen posses t with Hercules furyes . JUDICIO. Le t all his faults sleep e with his mournfull chest, And the n for ever with his ashes rest, His stile was witty, though he had som e gall, Something he might have mended, so may all. Yet this I say, that for a mother wit, Few men hav e ever scene the like of it. (1606 text; Anon. 1606 : sig. B31) 385

Nashe, Thomas Nashe himsel f realize d tha t Pierce Penilesse, publishe d when h e wa s twenty-five year s old , wa s hi s mos t popula r work . I n Have with You to Saffron- Walden h e accuse d Gabrie l Harve y o f using the nam e o f Pierc e to increas e th e sale s of his Pierce's Supererogation. B y this time , i n 1599 , there ha d bee n fiv e edition s o f Nashe' s pamphlet , thre e o f the m i n 1592 alone ; a s late a s 160 6 ther e appeare d a n anonymou s 'continu ation' of it. Nashe's identification with it lasted until the en d o f his lif e and 't o maintain an d exploi t the personality of Pierce became increas ingly hi s mai n endeavour ' (Hibbar d 1962 : 84) . Pierce wa s enjoye d fo r what the continuation call s 'variation of humours', as a brilliant displa y of wit o n a wide variet y o f topics. On e o f Pierce's seve n 'complaints ' against hi s times gives a fair sampl e o f the energeti c hotchpotch tha t is Nashe's prose . Th e las t sectio n here ha s been considere d a source for Hamlet's comment s o n th e 'dra m o f eale' (1.4.23-38 ; se e Davenpor t 1953; Evans 1953): From Glutton y in meates, let me discen d t o superfluiti e i n drinke: a sinne, that ever since we have mixt our selves with the Low-countries, is counted honourable: bu t before we knew their lingring warres, was held i n that highes t degre e o f hatred tha t migh t be . Then if we had scene a man go e wallowing in the streetes , or lie sleeping under th e boord, w e would hav e spe t a t hi m a s a toade , an d cal d hi m foul e drunken swine, and warnd al our friends ou t of his company: now he is n o bod y tha t canno t drink e super nagulum, carous e th e Hunter s hoop, quaffe upsey-freze crosse, with healthes, gloves, mumpes, frolickes, and a thousand such dominiering inventions. He is reputed a pesaunt and a boor e tha t wi l no t tak e hi s licour profoundly . And yo u shall heare a Cavalier of the first feather, a princockes that was but a Page the othe r da y i n th e Court , an d no w i s all to b e frenchifie d i n hi s Souldiers sute, stand uppon termes with Gods wounds you dishonour me sir, you do me the disgrac e if you do not pledge me as much as I drunke to you: and i n the midst of his cups stand vaunting his manhood: beginning everie sentence, with when I first bore Armes, when he never bare any thing but his lords rapier afte r hi m in his life. If he have been e ove r an d visite d a town e o f Garriso n a s a travaile r o r passenger, h e hat h a s great experienc e a s the greates t Commande r and chief e Leade r i n England. A mightie deformer of mens manner s and features , is this unnecessary vice of all other. Let him bee indued with never so many vertues, and have as much goodly proportion an d 386

Nashe, Thomas favour a s nature ca n bestow uppon a man: yet if hee be thirstie afte r his owne destruction , an d hat h n o joy no r comfort , but whe n h e is drowning his soule in a gallon pot, that one beastly imperfection, will utterlie obscur e al l tha t i s commendabl e i n him : an d al l hi s goo d qualities sinke like lead down t o the bottome of his carrowsing cups, where they will lie like lees and dregges , dead an d unregarde d o f any man. (Nashe 1592 : sigs E3V-E4I) (C) I t ha s sometime s bee n though t tha t persona l relation s betwee n Nashe an d Shakespear e wer e suc h a s t o hav e resulte d i n Nashe' s collaboration i n several Shakespeare play s (see e.g. Wilson 1952a : xxixxxi; Wilson 1952b : xxxvii-xliii), and eve n Nashe's representatio n a s a character, Moth , i n anothe r (se e Yates 1936 : 4—5) . Bu t ther e ar e othe r possible explanations fo r the link s which ar e certainl y present between Nashe an d Shakespear e i n th e earl y play s i n question , Henry VI an d Love's Labour's Lost, an d recen t scholarshi p ha s ofte n eithe r discounte d these suggestion s or regarde d the m a s not prove n (se e e.g. Cairncros s 1962: xxx-xxxv; Harlow 1965 ; Hattaway 1990 : 41-3). Dozens o f ver y small-scal e an d scattere d verba l echoe s o f Nash e have been proposed b y scholars mainly of recent years. But commenta tors hav e insufficientl y heede d th e caveat s o f Davenport (1953 : 374): 'Parallels such as [these ] ar e trick y things. It is very easy to miss seeing them, an d i t i s equally eas y t o fanc y a causa l connectio n wher e non e exists.' Davenport's parallel s between Pierce Penilesse and Hamlet/Macbeth invoke contex t a s well a s verbal resemblances , but ar e stil l as likely as not t o b e fortuitous , thoug h th e Hamlet one s ar e accepte d b y Jenkins (1982: 104—6) . Pierce Penilesse an d Have with You to Saffron-Walden have , however, accumulate d mor e suppose d Shakespearea n echoe s than an y of Nashe's othe r works , and thes e pamphlets ar e indee d likel y to hav e passed throug h Shakespeare' s hands . Th e forme r ha s long bee n con nected with Love's Labour's Lost, and th e latter, one of the most notorious books o f its decade , refer s t o leadin g actor s b y nam e an d contain s a spirited defenc e o f the stage . Shakespeare' s play s aroun d th e tim e o f Twelfth Night sho w particula r affinitie s wit h thes e tw o Nash e works . Some o f thes e amoun t t o littl e mor e tha n bar e indication s o f Shakespeare's acquaintanc e wit h Nashe in echoes of rare o r otherwise distinctive words and phrases. Others sugges t Shakespeare's use of him for substantiv e material, including according to Holmer (1995a , 1995b ) 387

Nashe, Thomas the figur e o f Mercutio , conceivabl y a Nash e type , bu t mos t con vincingly for Malvolio's humiliations. Shakespeare , it has been argued , 'found i n th e figur e o f Harvey a s gull, with hi s characteristic s o f egocentricity, puritanism, and social presumption a workable model for the creation of Malvolio' (Tobi n 1980 , who also demonstrates verbal parallels an d contend s fo r furthe r echoe s o f Lenten Stuff an d othe r Nash e works i n Twelfth Night). Bu t eve n Tobin , a long-ter m proponen t o f Nashe's influenc e o n Shakespeare , find s i t necessar y t o qualif y th e word 'model' ; eve n her e w e ar e dealin g a t mos t onl y with hint s an d small-scale suggestions, recalled at a distance of several years. (D) The apparentl y large literatur e resolve s itself int o a small numbe r of full-length article s and man y recording s of tiny echoes (or apparen t echoes), mos t o f them th e latte r b y th e indefatigabl e John Tobi n (hi s larger collection o f echoes in Dream., Merchant., Henry V, Julius Caesar an d Macbeth i s in Tobin 1992) . Anon. (1606) . The Returnefrom Pernassus: or the Scourge of Simony [Par t 2] . London. Berryman,John, ed. (1967) . The Unfortunate Traveller. New York . Cairncross, Andrew S., ed . (1962) . The First Part of King Henry P7(Arde n Shakespeare). London . Davenport, A . (1953) . 'Shakespear e an d Nashe' s "Pierc e Penilesse". ' JV<8fQ,198: 371-4. Ebbs, E . C . (1951) . ' A Not e o n Nash e an d Shakespeare. ' MLN 66 : 480-1. Evans, G. Blakemore (1953). 'Thomas Nashe and the "Dram of Eale".' jV<8fQ,198: 377-8 . Harlow, C . G . (1965) . 'Th e Sourc e fo r Nashe' s Terrors of the Night, an d the Authorship of 1 Henry VI.' SEL 5: 31-47 and 269-81 . Hattaway, Michael , ed . (1990) . The First Part of King Henry VI (New Cambridge Shakespeare) . Cambridge. Hibbard, G. R. (1962) . Thomas Nashe: A Critical Introduction. London. Holmer, Joa n Ozar k (1995a) . 'Nash e a s "Monarc h o f Witt " an d Shakespeare's Romeo and Juliet.' TSLL 37 : 314—4 3 (1995b). 'N o "Vai n Fantasy" : Shakespeare' s Refashionin g o f Nashe for Dreams and Quee n Mab' , pp. 49-82 in Jay L . Halio, ed., Shakespeare's 'Romeo and Juliet': Texts, Contexts, and Interpretation. Newark,

DE.

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Nashe., Thomas Jenkins, Harold , ed . (1982) . Hamlet (Arden Shakespeare). London . Nashe, Thomas (1592). Pierce Peniksse his Supplication to the Dwell, 3rd edn . London. Schrickx, W. (1969). 'Titus Andronicus and Thoma s Nashe.' ES 50: 82-4. Slater, Ann Pasterna k (1978) . 'Macbet h an d th e Terror s o f the Night.' £mC28: 112-28 . Tobin, J . J. M . (1978) . 'Nash e an d As Ton Like It: JV<2?£223 : 138-9 (Tobin ha s been responsibl e fo r some fifteen other note s of this kind published in this journal an d other s since 1978) . (1980). 'Gabriel Harvey i n Illyria.' ES61: 318-28. (1992). 'Nash e an d Shakespeare : Som e Furthe r Borrowings. ' JV<2?£237: 309-20. Wilson, John Dover , ed . (1952a) . Henry VI Part 1 (Ne w Shakespeare) . Cambridge. ed. (1952b). Henry VIPart 2 (New Shakespeare). Cambridge . Yates, France s (1936). A Study of'Love's Labours Lost'. Cambridge . York, E. C. (1953) . 'Shakespear e and Nashe. ' JV<2?CM98: 370-1.

Newton, Thomas See Cicero, Marcus Tullius; Seneca, Lucius Annaeus.

North, Sir Thomas See Plutarch.

389

o Ovid (Publius Ovidius Naso) (43 BC-AD 18), Roman Poet

(A) Ovi d wa s a leadin g figur e i n th e literar y an d socia l lif e o f Rom e when i n A D 8 Augustu s suddenly banishe d hi m t o Tomis , a remot e outpost o n th e Blac k Sea. Hi s extan t wor k consists of: a collectio n o f love elegies , th e Amores; tw o mock-didacti c poem s fo r lovers , th e Ars Amatoria and Remedia Amoris; a collection of the fictiona l correspondenc e of mythological heroines , the Heroides', a poem o n Roma n festivals , th e Fasti', tw o collections of personal poems written during the poet' s exile near th e Blac k Sea, Tristia an d Ex Ponto; a short personal invective , Ibis; and a mythologica l poe m i n fiftee n Book s o n transformatio n an d change, th e Metamorphoses. O f these , muc h th e mos t importan t fo r Shakespeare an d his time is the last. Although of epic dimensions and written in the hexameters expected for epic , th e Metamorphoses i s quit e unlik e th e epic s o f Homer and Virgil. It does not involve a unified actio n and theme, but consists of a series of self-contained narratives cleverly woven together and include d within a roug h chronologica l sequenc e whic h extend s fro m th e Cre ation t o th e poet' s ow n day . The Metamorphoses i s on e o f th e world' s great source-books , a poeti c handboo k o f mythologica l stories . Bu t there wer e othe r compilation s o f mythological storie s availabl e t o th e Renaissance; Ovid's poetic character i s the real reason for his centrality to the period and to Shakespeare's work. Different aspect s of this character present themselves to Shakespeare and his contemporaries a t different times , bu t ther e i s wid e agreemen t tha t a kin d o f playfu l 390

Ovid (Publius Ovidius Naso) exuberance - calle d by Quintilian (X. 1.88) lascivia - i s a central Ovid ian quality. (B) Ovid was a major literary figure i n England throughout the Middl e Ages: the troubadours, clerics, historians an d moralists o f the period all attest th e appea l o f the schoolmaste r o f the ar t o f love, th e narrativ e poet, th e mythologist an d th e painter o f female nature . Chaucer was notably attracte d t o Ovid' s bran d o f playful wit , s o that Ovid' s influ ence o n Shakespear e ma y sometime s b e mediate d throug h him , fo r example via Troilus and Criseyde in Troilus and Cressida. This is also the cas e with Gower (Confessio Amantis, 1386-93 ) an d wit h Lyly, th e stylisti c prodigality o f whos e Euphues (1578 ) i s i n a traditio n derivin g fro m Ovid's Heroides. Ovid' s assure d place i n the literar y cano n mean t tha t he was heavily represented in school textbooks, so much so that it may even b e imagine d tha t 'Shakespeare' s firs t lesson s i n poetr y wer e lessons i n th e imitatio n o f Ovid ' (Bat e 1993 : 22) . Shakespeare' s contemporaries describe d Ovid' s poetr y i n suc h terms as 'conceited' , 'silver-tong'd', and , i n versification, 'prompt'. Hi s abundan t influenc e on writer s o f the perio d ca n b e readil y documente d fo r al l his major works. H e ha d a powerfu l effec t o n Spenser: th e Metamorphoses fo r mythological, allegorica l an d othe r element s i n The Faerie Queene, an d perhaps th e Fasti fo r The Shepheardes Calendar. Drayton's collectio n England's Heroical Epistles (1597 ) i s modelled o n th e Heroides, a n import ant boo k als o fo r th e fictio n o f suc h writer s a s Greene an d Pettie ; Jonson an d hi s follower s com e unde r th e Ovidia n spel l i n variou s ways; Marlowe's Ovid's Elegies i s part o f a substantia l fashion i n love elegy. Historically th e dominan t traditio n i n readin g Ovi d ha d bee n a n allegorical one , i n whic h mora l an d eve n Christia n meaning s wer e everywhere discovered . This way of reading th e Metamorphoses, i n par ticular, wa s in declin e i n Shakespeare' s da y but ha d no t disappeared : the preface to Golding's translation of 1567 offers specificall y Christian interpretations o f th e stories . Thi s traditio n i s importan t fo r Shake speare because it creates meanings for mythological allusions which are available t o sophisticate d Renaissanc e audiences , an d mor e widel y important a s a distractio n fro m th e customar y censure of Ovid fo r his licentiousness. A relate d traditio n i s iconographic ; Fig . 8 show s on e example o f a conventiona l way o f representing th e transformatio n of Actaeon (Metamorphoses V), with stag's head, huma n bod y and hunter' s 391

Ovid (Publius Ovidius Naso)

Figure 8 La Metamorphose d'Ovidefiguree (Lyons , 1557) , sig . C5V.

clothes, which has been thought to underlie Shakespeare's presentatio n of Falstaff i n hi s burlesque o f the Actaeo n myt h i n th e las t Act o f The Merry Wives of Windsor (se e Steadman 1963) . However, ther e i s a dem onstrable shift i n the focus of reading in Ovid over the sixteenth century onto his poetic, especially rhetorical, qualities , and awa y from allegory . This is reflected i n Holofernes' heavily humorous pedagogic commen t

392

Ovid (Publius Ovidius Naso) (punning o n Ovid' s cognome n 'Naso' , connecte d wit h th e Lati n fo r nose for th e elegancy , facility , and golde n cadenc e o f poetry . . . Ovidius Naso was the man . And why, indeed, 'Naso ' but for smelling out th e odoriferous flowers of fancy, th e jerks of invention? (Love's Labour's Lost, 4.2.116-19) As well as the ris e of the 'rhetorical ' as against th e 'moral ' or allegorical Ovid , ther e i s particula r interes t i n Shakespeare' s tim e i n wha t might b e calle d th e 'amoral ' Ovid . I n 158 2 th e Priv y Counci l pre scribed patrioti c literatur e fo r gramma r school s i n plac e o f 'Ovi d d e arte amandi, d e tristibus or such lyke'. But this was to little avail in view of the tid e of Ovidian vers e in the followin g two decades. Not th e least significant par t o f this was th e 1590 s series of Ovidian 'epyllia' , shor t narrative poems , usually of a strongly eroti c cast , reflectin g Ovid's gro tesqueness, brittl e pathos, lyricis m and elegance - Marlowe' s Hero and Leander i s th e best-know n exampl e apar t fro m Venus and Adonis (Keac h 1977 i s standard o n bot h th e Ovidia n an d Englis h context s of Shakespeare's poem). To some of the sterner Elizabethan literar y sensibilities, Ovid wa s for such reasons a less important figure than thos e Augustan poets whos e wor k i s i n mor e elevate d style s an d genres . Jonson' s Poetaster, fo r instance , present s Ovi d a s a characte r banishe d b y Augustus for daring t o imitate th e god s in a masquerade — and ther e is little complaint about Ovid' s punishment . English versions of Ovid's tale s had begu n with Chaucer and Gowe r in th e fourteent h century , but direc t translation s o f the Lati n di d no t arrive unti l the sixteenth . Important translation s fo r Shakespear e an d his contemporarie s ar e Arthu r Golding' s Metamorphoses (1565-7 ) an d Marlowe's Amores (c. 1595). Golding's, once labelled by Ezra Pound 'the most beautiful boo k in the language', was a major and endurin g Elizabethan achievement (for early responses see Taylor 1989 : 55). Golding' s closing 'epistle ' describe s hi s translatio n a s intende d t o direc t 'ever y man['s] . . . mynd by reason in way of vertue', and provides exemplar y readings o f many o f the tales , sometime s involvin g Christian allegory , but Golding' s translatio n itsel f is substantially free o f moralistic intru sion. I t follow s th e Lati n closel y excep t fo r th e incorporatio n o f explanatory glosse s withi n th e tex t an d som e word y loca l padding . Golding naturalize s Ovid , givin g Englis h equivalent s fo r som e 393

Ovid (Publius Ovidius Naso) mythological name s (e.g . Tenthey ' fo r Tenthius' ) an d incorporatin g homely Englis h dictio n an d folklore . Golding' s fourteene r couple t ha s inbuilt disadvantages , an d th e translatio n ca n see m quaint ; bu t ther e is a vigorou s narrativ e drive . Sixteenth-centur y reader s woul d hav e responded mor e warml y tha n i s no w commo n t o th e 'gusto' , 'rac y speech' and 'energeti c doggerel' thatj. F . Nims (1965: xxxi) finds in the translation (specimens in (C)). Marlowe's versio n of Ovid' s Amores, title d Ovid's Elegies, wa s appar ently th e catalys t tha t le d t o th e burs t o f enthusias m fo r licentiou s Ovidian poem s mentioned abov e whic h form s par t o f the contex t for Venus and Adonis. Marlowe' s translations , whic h probabl y circulate d i n manuscript afte r bein g composed i n the 1580s , ar e extremel y spirited , energetic, an d plausibl e recreation s o f Ovid' s sophisticate d styl e i n verse o f great dexterity . The youn g Shakespear e use d a couple t fro m Ovid's Amores (Lxv.35-6) as the epigrap h t o Venus and Adonis; it is easy to imagine him responding to Marlowe's version of the passage in which it occurs, thoug h ther e ar e man y mor e attractiv e stil l i n Marlowe' s translation: Therefore when flint and yron weare away, Verse is immortall, and shal l nere decay. Let kings give place to verse, and kingly showes, And banks ore which gold bearing Tagus flowes. Let base conceited wits admire vilde things, Fair Phoebus leade me to the Muses springs. About my head be quivering Mirtle wound, And in sad lovers heads let me be found . The living , not the dead ca n envie bite, For after deat h al l men receiv e their right : Then though death racke s my bones in funerall fier, He live, and a s he puls me downe, mount higher.

(31-42; ed. Bowers 1973 : n, 339)

(C) Shakespeare' s knowledg e of Ovid i s not ou t o f step with hi s con temporaries'. H e kne w the Metamorphoses and th e Heroides, the Fasti, an d at leas t part s o f th e Amores, Ars Amatoria an d Tristia. Al l o f these were available t o hi m i n Englis h translatio n excep t th e Fasti, untranslate d until 1640 . But th e effec t Ovi d ha d o n Shakespear e ha s alway s been recognized as more extensive and more important tha n for comparabl e 394

Ovid (Publius Ovidius Naso) writers. I n hi s surve y o f contemporar y literatur e publishe d i n 1598 , Palladis Tamia, Franci s Meres writes of Shakespeare a s a reincarnatio n of Ovid: As the soul e of Euphorbus was thought to live in Pythagoras: s o the sweete witti e sou l o f Ovi d live s i n mellifluou s an d hony-tongue d Shakespeare, witness his Venus and Adonis, his Lucrece, his sugred Sonnets among his private friends, etc .

(ed. Smit h 1904 : n, 317-18)

The immediat e references are to: 1

The Rape of Lucrece, based partl y o n Ovid' s Fasti, n , 721-85 2 (an d apparently partly on Livy, i, 57-9). 2 Shakespeare' s Sonnets, whic h mak e us e o f th e Metamorphoses, espe cially the philosophical speech of Pythagoras in Book xv. 3 Venus and Adonis, whic h blend s severa l Gree k myth s foun d i n th e Metamorphoses. Th e tal e of Venus and Adoni s (Met. x , 519-59, 705 39) i s the mai n source , bu t i n Ovi d Adoni s i s not th e col d figur e Shakespeare makes him. His resistance to love is taken from Ovid' s tale of Hermaphroditus an d Salmaci s in Met. iv, 285-388. Shake speare's descriptio n o f the ragin g boar derive s fro m anothe r pas sage in the Metamorphoses, vin , 284—6, probably in Golding's version (Root 1903 : 31-3). Othe r Ovidia n context s also surround the text (see Bat e 1993 : 48-65) . Overall , th e resul t o f Shakespeare' s huge expansion o f the Adoni s stor y (les s tha n a hundre d line s to mor e than a thousand ) i s that Ovid' s tex t become s a framewor k for a display of Shakespeare's own rhetorical skills. But Meres ' comment s d o no t mea n tha t Ovid' s influenc e o n Shake speare was restricted t o hi s non-dramatic works , or t o matter s o f style and subject . Meres takes metempsychosis, the notion of the transmigra tion of souls expounded by Ovid himself in Metamorphoses xv , a s a figure for th e translatio n o f one poe t into another. Deep affinitie s ar e indee d implied b y th e rang e o f similaritie s betwee n Shakespear e an d Ovi d suggested by Bate (1993: 3): a method o f composition which involves shaping inherited storie s in such a wa y tha t the y ar e wrough t completel y anew ; a refusa l t o 395

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submit t o th e decorum s o f genre, a deligh t i n th e juxtaposition o f contrasting tones . . .; an interest above all else in human psychology, particularly the psychology of desire in its many varieties; an explor ation o f th e transformation s wrough t b y extreme s o f emotion; a delight in rhetorical ingenuity , verbal fertility , linguisti c play; variety and flexibilit y a s fundamenta l habit s an d min d an d form s o f expression. Moving to particulars, there are several direct quotations from Ovi d in th e plays : in The Taming of the Shrew, for example, Lucretio's pose as a Latin tuto r lead s to hi s quotin g Heroides, 1.33- 4 a t 3.1.26- 7 (fo r other direct quotations see Highet 1957 : 204). Ovid is also the onl y classica l author name d b y Shakespeare , i n Love's Labour's Lost (se e (B)). Shakespeare's character s do no t rea d man y books; of the fe w examples, two read th e sam e passage of the Metamorphoses, th e stor y of Tereus, Procne and Philomel a fro m Book vi (Titus Andronicus 4.1, Cymbeline 2.2) . Barkan suggests that becaus e thi s story is not on e o f the Renaissanc e Ovidia n cliches (lik e those of, say, Narcissus, or Phaethon ) we should infer 'tha t Shakespeare kne w his Ovi d a t firs t han d an d tha t h e rea d th e Metamorphoses wit h a deliberat e an d origina l purpose ' (Barka n 1986 : 243). But Ovid may have been mediate d throug h othe r writers: the versions of this story by Chaucer and Gowe r were well known. Three plays are single d out i n what follow s t o indicate somethin g of the rang e o f uses to which the Englis h poet put s the Roma n one . Th e use o f the Metamorphoses a s an on-stag e prop i n Titus Andronicus 4.1 , th e quintessentially self-conscious literary moment in which Lavinia reveals the perpetrator s o f her outrag e (a s just mentioned) , i s only th e mos t obvious elemen t o f Ovidia n allusio n i n thi s play , allusio n whic h i s strongly focused o n th e Philome l tal e (Metamorphoses vi ) as pattern an d precedent, bu t no t confine d to it (it notably involves also the legen d of the world's four ages and lo's method of revealing her rapist). 'Titus is to Ovid's Philome l stor y wha t Venus and Adonis i s t o Ovid' s Venu s an d Adonis, what Lucrece is to Ovid' s Fasti, and Lavinia' s readin g o f Ovid 'signals tha t the pla y is itself... a revisionar y readin g of the Ovidia n text' (Bat e 1993 : 104) . Revision involves variation: fo r on e thing , com petition with the Ovidian mode l results in exaggeration of it. Demetrius and Chiro n correspon d t o Tereus , Lavini a t o Philomel , Titu s t o Pan dion an d then Procne. But as Titus say s to Demetrius and Chiron , 'Fa r worse than Philomel you us'd my daughter, / An d worse than Progne I 396

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will be reveng'd' (5.2.195-6) . He i s as good as his word, butchering two corpses t o Procne' s one . Clearly, too , where th e Ovidia n tal e ha d released Philomel's tragi c potentiality into Orphic song with her metamorphosis int o th e nightingale , Shakespeare' s reworkin g concentrate s on th e traged y (fo r further discussio n o f Titus' variation s o n Ovi d se e Bate 1993 : 103-17). The Metamorphoses i s also 'primary' fo r th e ver y different worl d of A Midsummer Night's Dream, arguabl y 'Shakespeare' s fulles t attemp t t o respond t o the inspirations afforde d b y Ovidian material s and t o translate them into his own mythic language' (Barkan 1986: 252). The pla y is full o f explicitly named mythica l figures, an d it s action is both explicitly and implicitl y base d o n Ovidian metamorphosis. Characteristicall y o f Shakespeare's use of Ovid, th e exercis e of imitation once again involves the dynami c o f competition an d transformation , so that th e mythica l figures ar e no t simpl y assimilated bu t 'translated ' by Shakespeare fro m the Ovidia n materials . Wit h Theseu s an d Hippolyta , fo r example , Shakespeare avoid s the considerabl e bod y of negative associations surrounding th e figures , o r els e present s th e character s a s havin g bee n educated out o f such attitudes towards love. For this purpose, Chauce r and perhap s Plutarch join wit h Ovi d i n the background t o the play . Similarly wit h Shakespeare' s us e o f metamorphi c events . Bottom' s transformation comicall y revise s th e tal e o f Dian a an d Actaeo n while probably borrowing also from Apuleius, and fo r the business of the love-juic e Shakespear e create s a myt h tha t correspond s t o n o particular Ovidia n exampl e but produces rather 'a n original etiology in Ovidian mode ' (Barka n 1986: 257 ) in Oberon's tal e of love-in-idleness (2.1.148-72). Ovid i s s o muc h i n vogu e a t Theseus ' palac e tha t fo r th e Duke' s wedding-night entertainmen t h e can rejec t th e subject s o f the battl e of the Centaur s an d Lapinth s an d th e dismembermen t o f Orpheu s t o hear instead the 'antic' re-enactment o f the famous episode of Pyramus and Thisb e (fro m Metamorphoses iv , 55-166). This parod y versio n may in some sense be aimed a t Golding's Metamorphoses (se e Muir 1977 : 6877 fo r a ful l discussion) , the openin g o f whos e Pyramu s an d Thisb e story is given here: Within th e towne (of whose huge walks s o monstrous high an d thicke The fam e i s given Semyramis for making them of bricke) 397

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Dwelt hard togethe r two yong folke i n houses joynde so nere That under all one roofe well nie both twaine conveyed were. The nam e of him was Pyramus, and Thisbe cald e was she. So faire a man i n all the East was none alive as he, Nor nere a woman maid e no r wife in beautie like to hir. This neighbrod bred acquaintanc e first, this neyghbrod first did stirre The secre t sparkes, this neighbrod first an entrance i n did showe, For love to come to that to which it afterward did growe. And if that right had taken place they had bene man an d wife , But still their Parents went about to let which (for their life ) They could not let. For both their heartes with equall flame did burne. No man was privie to their thoughts. And for to serve their turne In steade of talke they used signes. The closlie r they supprest The fire of love, the fiercer still it raged in their brest. The wal l that parted hous e from hous e had riven therein a crany Which shronk e at making of the wall.

(iv, 67-84; Golding 1567: fo. 43")

In Shakespeare , Wal l picks up th e word 'crany' , used only by Goldin g among th e possibl e sources, though admittedl y a standar d translatio n for th e word rima used in Ovid's text: In this same interlude it doth befall That I, one Snout by name, present a wall; And such a wall as I would have you think That had in it a crannied hole or chink, Through whic h the lovers, Pyramus and Thisby, Did whisper often very secretly. This loam, this rough-cast, and this stone, doth show That I am that same wall; the truth is so; And this the cranny is, right and sinister, Through whic h the fearful lover s are to whisper. (5.1.154—63; roman fo r italic) Golding's characteristi c overuse of the auxiliary 'did' shown in his lines 74—6 here also seems to be reflected in Quince's prologue: 398

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This grisly beast, which Lion hight by name, The trust y Thisby, coming first by night, Did scare away, or rather di d affright ; And as she fled, her mantle sh e did fall ; Which Lio n vile with bloody mouth did stain. (5.1.138-42; roman for italic) However fa r thi s burlesqu e i s directe d toward s Goldin g (othe r les s well-known Englis h version s o f th e stor y ar e certainl y involved) , 'Shakespeare ca n scarcel y hav e despise d Golding' s translatio n o f th e Metamorphoses; no r i s it s tellin g o f th e Pyramu s stor y b y an y mean s despicable' (Brook s 1979 : Ixxxvi-lxxxvii). In an y case, Golding' s trans lation has a considerable rol e in the wider Ovidianism o f the Dream (see especially Forey 1998). Prospero's speec h 'Y e elves of hills' is probably th e most familiar an d most powerful Ovidia n imitatio n i n Shakespeare' s plays . It als o shows how Shakespear e use s both Lati n an d Englis h text s fo r hi s purposes . Though muc h o f hi s vocabular y i s borrowe d fro m Golding , Shake speare apparently goe s to the Latin for other details such as the type of tree ('Jove's stout oak'): Ye Ayres and windes : ye Elves of Hilles, of Brookes, of Woods alone, Of standing Lakes, and o f the Night approche y e everychone. Through help e of whom (the crooked bankes much wondring at the thing) I have compelled streame s to run clean e backward to their spring . By charmes I make the calme Seas rough, an d make the rough Sea s plaine, And cover all the Skie with Cloudes and chas e them thence againe . By charmes I raise and lay the windes, and burst the Vipers jaw. And from th e bowels of the Earth bot h stone s and tree s doe draw. Whole woods and Forestes I remove: I make the Mountaines shake , And even the Earth i t selfe to grone an d fearfull y t o quake . I call up dead men from their graves: and thee O lightsome Moone 1 I darken oft, though beaten brasse abate thy perill soone. \ Our Sorceri e dimmes the Morning faire , an d darke s the Su n at J Noone.

(vn, 265-77; Golding 1567: fo. 83*) 399

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Ye elves of hills, brooks, standing lakes, and groves; And ye that on the sands with printless foo t Do chase the ebbing Neptune, and do fly him When he comes back; you demi-puppets tha t By moonshine do the green sour ringlets make , Whereof the ewe not bites; and you whose pastime Is to make midnight mushrooms, that rejoice To hear the solemn curfew; by whose aid Weak masters though ye be — I have be-dimm' d The noontid e sun, call'd forth th e mutinous winds, And 'twixt the green sea and the azur'd vault Set roaring war. To the dread rattlin g thunder Have I given fire, and rifte d Jove's stout oak With his own bolt; the strong-bas'd promontor y Have I made shake, and by the spurs pluck'd up The pine and cedar. Graves at my command Have wak'd their sleepers, op'd, an d let 'em forth , By my so potent art. (5.1.33-50) Once again , Shakespeare' s adumbratio n o f Ovid/Golding, addin g i n for exampl e th e nativ e fair y lore , i s apparent. Th e grandeur , sonority and strikin g imagery o f Prospero's speec h see m to recal l Ovid' s vers e rather tha n Golding' s fourteeners . Bu t i t i s les s eas y t o b e sur e ho w much Shakespeare's audience was supposed to discern in such an imitation. All commentators believe that 'educated members of the audience would recognize the presence of Ovid'; the questio n is whether there is as much 'complex interplay between the divergent meanings of the two texts as our mor e ingeniou s critics suppose' (Martindal e 1990 : 23) . To some, precisel y suc h 'comple x interplay ' i s Shakespeare' s principa l interest (e.g . Bate 1993 : 9-11 , 251-5 ; Brow n 1994 : 9-19) . I t i s also debatable ho w much of the Ovidia n context is pertinent. Thi s may be crucial here in determining how layered the allusion is: 'if in The Tempest Shakespeare is calling up the whole context of Medea's speech , and no t its imagery of witchcraft alone , then he is associating Prospero's magi c with the power to go back to one's youth, the power to be rejuvenated by a daughter-figure' (Parke r 1995: 131) . (D) Brewer (1933-57) addresse s the European Ovidia n context. For the 400

Ovid (Publius Ovidius Naso) impact o f Golding' s translatio n o n Shakespear e se e especially Brown (1994) and Forey (1998). On Shakespeare's Ovidianism generally, Bate's (1993) admirable book-lengt h work is comprehensive, an d carrie s a ful l bibliography whic h supplement s th e presen t one , bu t hi s study by n o means supersede s al l previou s material . Amon g th e mos t suggestiv e general account s ar e Barka n (1986) , Velz (1986 ) an d Parke r (1995) . Selected work on individual plays and poems also appears below. Barkan, Leonard (1980) . 'Diana and Actaeon: The Myt h a s Synthesis.' ELRIO: 317-59 . (1981). '"Livin g Sculptures" : Ovid , Michaelangel o an d The Winter's Tale.' ELH48: 639-67 . (1986) The Gods Made Flesh: Metamorphosis and the Pursuit of Paganism. New Haven. Barnett, Louise . (1979) . 'Ovi d an d The Taming of the Shrew.' Ball State University Forum 20.iii: 16-22 . Barroll, J. L. (1967). 'Shakespeare's Other Ovid : A Reproduction o f the Commentary on Metamorphoses I-IV ShSt 3: 173-256. Bate, Jonathan (1989). 'Ovid and the Sonnets; or, Did Shakespeare Feel the Anxiety of Influence?' ShSu 42: 65-76. (1993). Shakespeare and Ovid. Oxford. Boas, F. S. (1947). Ovid and the Elizabethans. London. Bowers, Fredson, ed. (1973) . The Complete Works of Christopher Marlowe, 2 vols. Cambridge . Braden, Gordo n (1973) . The Classics and English Renaissance Poetry: Three Case Studies. New Haven . Brewer, Wilmo n (1933-57) . Ovid's Metamorphoses in European Culture, 3 vols. Francistown, N.H. Brooks, Harold E , ed . (1979) . A Midsummer Night's Dream. London. Brown, Sara h (1994) . 'Ovid , Golding , an d The Tempest.' Translation and Literature 3: 3-29 . Cantelupe, Eugen e B . (1963) . 'A n Iconographica l Interpretatio n o f Venus and Adonis, Shakespeare's Ovidian Comedy.' ShQ\4: 141-51 . Dean, Pau l (1991). 'Antony and Cleopatra: An Ovidia n Tragedy? ' CahiersE 40: 73-7 . Donaldson, Ia n (1982) . The Rapes of Lucretia: A Myth and its Transformations. Oxford. Findlay, L . M. (1978) . 'Enrichin g Echoes: Hamlet an d Orpheus. ' MLN 93: 982-9. 401

Ovid (Publius Ovidius Naso) Forey, Madelaine (1998) . '"Bles s Thee, Bottom , Bless Thee! Tho u ar t Translated!": Ovid , Golding , an d A Midsummer Night's Dream.'' MLR 93:321-9. Fripp, E. I. (1930). 'Shakespeare's Use of Ovid's Metamorphoses'., pp . 98 128 in Fripp , Shakespeare Studies, Biographical and Literary. London . Golding, Arthur (1567). The XV. Bookes, Entituled Metemorphosis, translated oute of Latin. London. Hamilton, Donn a B . (1973) . 'Antony and Cleopatra and th e Traditio n o f Noble Lovers.' SfcQ,24 : 245-51. Highet, Gilber t (1957) . The Classical Tradition: Greek and Roman Influences on Western Literature. Ne w York . James, Heather (1997). Shakespeare's Troy: Drama, Politics and the Translation of Empire. Cambridge . Keach, William (1977). Elizabethan Erotic Narratives: Irony and Pathos in the Ovidian Poetry of Shakespeare, Marlowe, and their Contemporaries. London. Lamb, M . E . (1980) . 'Ovid' s Metamorphoses an d Shakespeare' s Twelfth Nighf, pp . 63-77 in Maurice Charney, ed., Shakespearean Comedy. Ne w York. (1989). 'Ovi d an d The Winter's Tale: Conflictin g View s Towar d Art', pp. 69-87 in W. R. Elto n and W . B. Long, eds, Shakespeare and the Dramatic Tradition: Essays in Honor ofS. E Johnson. Newark, DE . Martindale (1990) . Mueller, Martin (1971) . 'Hermione' s Wrinkles , or, Ovid Transformed: An Essa y on The Winter's Tale: CompD 5 : 226-39. Nims,John Frederick, ed. (1965) . Ovid's Metamorphoses: The Arthur Golding Translation. Ne w York . Nosworthy, J. M . (1982) . 'Shakespeare' s Pastora l Metamorphoses', pp . 90-113 i n G . R . Hibbard , ed. , The Elizabethan Theatre, VIII. Por t Credit. Parker, Fre d (1995) . 'Regressio n an d Romanc e i n Shakespeare' s Late Plays.' Cambridge Quarterly 24: 112-32 . Root, R. K . (1903) . Classical Mythology in Shakespeare. London. Smith, G. Gregory, ed. (1904) . Elizabethan Critical Essays, 2 vols. Oxford. Staton, W . F, Jr (1962-3) . 'Ovidia n Element s in A Midsummer Night's Dream: HLQZfr. 165-78 . Steadman, John M. (1963). 'Falstaff as Actaeon: A Dramatic Emblem.' ^0,14:231-44. Tarantino, Elisabett a (1997). 'Morpheus , Leander, and Ariel.' RES 48: 489-98.

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Ovid (Publius Ovidius Naso) Taylor, A. B. (1989). 'Golding, Ovid, Shakespeare' s "Small Latin", an d the Real Object of Mockery in "Pyramus and Thisbe".' ShSu 42: 53 64. (1991). 'Shakespeare and Golding. ' JV<2?£236: 492-9 (Taylor has been responsible for some fifteen othe r notes and articles on this topic since 1977) . Thomson, An n (1978) . 'Philome l in Titus Andronicus and Cymbeline."1 ShSu 31:23-32. Velz, John W. (1986). 'The Ovidian Soliloquy in Shakespeare.' ShSt 18: 1-24. Willson, Rober t F . (1969). 'Golding' s Metamorphoses and Shakespeare' s Burlesque Method in A Midsummer Might's Dream.' ELN7: 18-25 .

403

P-Q, Painter (Paynter) , WilUam (1540?-1594), English Translator Se e also Boccaccio, Giovanni; Cinthio, Giovanni Baptista Giraldi; Livy (Titus Livius).

(A) Painte r cam e fro m Ken t an d wa s educate d a t S t John's College , Cambridge. He becam e headmaste r o f a school and late r Cler k of the Ordnance a t th e Towe r o f London , a positio n h e retaine d unti l hi s death despit e charge s o f corruption. Among a number o f translations, literary an d otherwise , easil y hi s mos t popular , an d toda y hi s onl y remembered work , wa s th e Palace of Pleasure (1566-7 , the n finall y expanded 1575) . Thi s wa s a n antholog y o f generall y faithfu l an d accurate version s of , eventually , 10 1 'pleasan t historie s an d excellen t novels' by Roman, Greek , English, Italian and French writers including Livy, Plutarch, Cinthio, Fabyan, Xenophon, Apuleius, Froissart, Belleforest, Fiorentino, M asuccio and Boccaccio. It gave reader s th e firs t large-scal e collectio n i n Englis h o f th e novell a literature which had bee n circulating in other languages since the time of Chaucer. (B) The publicatio n recor d o f Painter's Palace suggests its popularity: hi s first volume was reprinted, a second added, then th e whole reissued in less than a decade. A similar impression is given by the condemnation s of the work's immorality by Ascham in The Schoolmaster and b y Stephe n Gosson i n hi s Theatre Plays Confuted, 1582 , callin g i t on e o f th e book s 'ransacked to furnish th e Play houses in London'. It is confirmed by the 404

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quick appearanc e o f othe r stor y collection s whic h followe d Painter' s lead an d include d translation s fro m th e Italian : the anonymou s Sackful ofNewes (1573 ) an d The Forest of Fancy (1579) , Barnab e Riche' s Farewell to Militarie Profession (1581) , Georg e Whetstone' s Heptameron of Civill Discourses (1582) and Tarlton's News out ofPurgatorie (anon. , 1590) . As Gosson said, many Elizabethan and Jacobean playwrights (such as Webster, Massinge r an d Marston) dre w plot s fro m Painter ; Scot t (1916: 12 ) lists forty-three Elizabethan plays o f this kind . Painte r ma y also b e hel d largel y responsibl e fo r th e extrem e frequenc y o f Italia n settings on the Elizabethan stage. Lewis (1954: 309) sees this as the main function o f the novella in England - 't o serv e as dung o r compost for the popula r drama' . Th e Palace als o ha d a majo r influenc e o n story writers, and shape d th e Englis h conceptio n o f the novella . Becaus e of Painter's us e o f French intermediaries , thi s meant , i n particular , tha t 'the Italian "novel" made its appearance i n England already split in the French fashion ' (Roda x 1968 : 99), between the cynicism an d licentious ness of the origina l tale s and th e moralis m an d 'refinement ' whic h th e French versions tended to superimpose. An excerpt from th e Palace is given under Boccaccio. (C) Shakespear e ver y likel y use d th e Palace of Pkasure versio n o f Boccaccio's tal e o f Giletta d e Nerbon e fo r All's Well: fo r this - easil y Shakespeare's most extensive use of Painter, if his source was indeed th e English rathe r tha n th e Italia n and/o r Frenc h whic h Painte r himsel f worked fro m - se e Boccaccio. Her e may be noted Price' s (1978 ) per haps improbable suggestio n that it is specifically Painter, in the for m of his version o f the stor y of Ermino Grimaldi (Palace i, 31; Decameron i, 8), that is drawn upon briefly in the King's speech to Bertram at 1.2.31-48. There ar e als o some sign s of Shakespeare's awarenes s of Painter i n the backgroun d o f The Rape of Lucrece (see Livy), Romeo and Juliet, The Merry Wives of Windsor, Much Ado about Nothing an d Timon of Athens. The y are very small and i n unimportant areas , an d woul d hardly hav e been held to suggest an acquaintance wit h the Palace were it not for the near certainty that Shakespear e knew other part s of the book. Painter's ver sion o f the Rome o an d Juliet stor y (the twenty-fifth nove l in his collection) was translated from Belleforest's handling, a s was Shakespeare's principal sourc e i n thi s play, Arthur Brooke's verse tal e The Tragical! Historye. Th e on e apparent echo of it in Shakespeare i s the resemblanc e between Painter' s '4 0 hour s a t th e least ' an d Shakespeare' s 'tw o an d 405

Painter (Paynter), William forty hours ' anticipate d fo r Juliet's drugs to wear off, a detail no t given in Brook e o r th e othe r availabl e versions . The Merry Wives of Windsor may reflec t knowledg e o f Giova n Straparola's tal e o f Fileni o Sisterno, whic h form s Painter' s i , 4 9 (printe d i n Bullough) , thoug h stories o f th e 'dupe d lover ' typ e wer e availabl e i n som e abundance . Beatrice and Benedick' s relationship in Much Ado shows some similarity with that between the two lovers in Painter's i , 61, from Marguerit e o f Navarre's Heptameron (th e femal e on e sometime s identifie d wit h Marguerite herself) ; se e Richmond 1991 : 193—4 . Finally, Painter' s twenty-eight h stor y 'O f th e straung e an d beastli e nature o f Timon o f Athens, enemie to mankinde, with his death, bur ial, an d epitaph ' (printe d in Bullough) was drawn fro m Plutarch an d others. As with Romeo and Juliet, th e cas e for Shakespeare's acquaintanc e with it consists of the circumstantia l evidenc e of his having used othe r parts o f the Palace of Pleasure together with a duplicate d detai l o r piec e of phrasing. Timon's epitaphs in Shakespeare ar e taken verbatim fro m North's Plutarc h excep t fo r on e alteration , th e us e o f the expressio n 'wicked caitiffs ' i n place o f North's 'wicke d wretches' a t 5.4.71 , which matches Painter's phrasin g ('wretched catife') a t this point. But it would seem tha t fo r Timon of Athens 'Painte r ha d nothin g o f importanc e t o offer tha t was not in Plutarch' (Bullough, vi, 239). (D) For Painter's technique a s a translator se e especially Rodax (1968 : 96-100). Benson, Pamela , ed . (1996) . Italian Tales from the Age of Shakespeare. London. Bullough, n, vi. Kirkpatrick, Robi n (1995) . English and Italian Literature from Dante to Shakespeare: A Study of Source, Analogue and Divergence. London . Lewis, G. S . (1954). English Literature in the Sixteenth Century including Drama. Oxford. Price, John Edwar d (1978) . 'Painter' s "Ermin o Grimaldi" an d Shake speare's "All' s Well that End s Well".' JV<2?£223: 141-3 . Richmond, Hugh M . (1991) . 'Shakespeare' s Verismo an d th e Italia n Popular Tradition' , pp . 179-20 3 i n J. R . Mulryn e an d Margare t Shewring, eds, Theatre of the English and Italian Renaissance. Basingstoke. Rodax, Yvonn e (1968). The Real and the Ideal in the Novella of Italy, France and England. Chapel Hill . 406

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Palingenius, Marcellus ( f l . 1531), Author of Zodiacus Vitae

(A) 'Palingenius' is usually taken to be th e pseudonym of Pietro Angelo Manzoli of Stellata, near Ferrara , th e onl y certain historical fact abou t whom i s that hi s bone s wer e exhume d an d burnt , an d hi s boo k th e Zodiacus Vitae ('Th e Zodia c o f Life' ) place d upo n th e Papa l Inde x a s heretical, i n 1558 . Beyond this, his identity, his supposed profession o f medicine, an d eve n th e dat e o f hi s sol e book' s appearanc e (153 1 or 1535) ar e al l i n doubt . Th e ^pdiacus Vitae i s a vers e compendiu m o f astronomical, moral and philosophical though t couched in the form of a dialogue and in a 'vision' framework, genericall y within the medieval tradition o f philosophica l poetry . Palingenius ' mor e mino r offence s against th e Churc h would have included hi s open discussion s of sensitive areas (such as the eternit y of the world, the creatio n ex nihilo and it s necessity), ofte n unde r th e guidanc e o f hi s 'divin e Plato' ; bu t i t i s uncertain wha t mor e specifi c outrage s he wa s supposed to hav e committed - the y ma y lie in his 'relationships t o 15t h an d 16t h centur y Averroistic thought . . . even perhaps i n his relationship to the quarrel s between Averroists of various stripes' (Tuve 1947: xxiii).

(B) Palingenius' book was reprinted in its Latin form at least thirty times before th e sixteent h centur y was out , som e te n o f the Lati n edition s being issue d in England , wit h he r 'affectio n fo r heretics , i f only the y might be Roman heretics' (Tuve 1947: xxiv). It was also widely taught in the earl y year s o f English gramma r school , usin g both Lati n edition s (such a s th e Basl e 157 4 one, addresse d t o th e moderatores o f Christia n youth) an d Englis h translations . Gabrie l Harvey sa w i t a s a 'mos t learned' an d 'pregnan t introductio n int o Astronomic , an d bot h phil osophies'. Barnab y Googe , a strongl y Protestant admire r o f the work, translated it into English in 1560-5 , commencing his task at the ag e of nineteen. Both original and translatio n were praised by such as Francis Meres, whil e Thomas Digges, the eminen t English scientis t whos e son Leonard wa s acquainted with Shakespeare, learned the eleventh chapter o f the Lati n b y heart . Th e Elizabethan s 'ranke d Palingeniu s hig h among th e mino r Lati n poet s an d considere d Googe' s translatio n o f 407

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him to be good if not great verse' (Hankins 1953 : 14) ; the poem 'did not . . . form men' s styles , but i t helped t o shape the thinking of very many English writers and readers ' (Tuv e 1947 : v). Googe's unrhyme d vers e translatio n appeare d incomplet e i n 156 0 and 1561 , wit h th e ful l tex t publishe d i n 1565 , 157 6 and 1588 . Th e passage give n below is closely followed b y Palingenius ' descriptio n o f man's lif e a s a series of five ages each with its specific evil s (Palingenius 1576: 100-1) : Wherfore if thou dost well discerne, thou shalt behold and see This mortall lyfe that here you leade, a Pageant for to bee. The diver s partes therein declarde, the chaunging world doth showe, The masker s are eche one of them with lively breath tha t blowe. For almost every man no w is disguised from hi s kinde, And underneth a false pretence they sely soules do blinde. So move they Goddes above to laugh wyth toyes and trifle s vayne, Which her e in Pageants fond they passe while they doe life retayne. (Palingenius 1576 : 99) (C) Shakespear e woul d probably hav e read eithe r th e 157 6 editio n o f Googe o r the very similar 158 8 reprint. Thes e wer e the first to include the margina l note s which offe r parallel s fo r several points in the plays. The 157 6 edition appeare d whe n Shakespear e was ten or eleven years old, an d thi s woul d hav e bee n wha t h e use d if , a s i s likely , h e encountered Goog e durin g a stud y o f th e Lati n ^pdiacus a t schoo l (as commonl y i n th e thir d form) . Severa l o f th e verba l parallel s ar e reminiscent of Googe rather tha n th e Latin . 'Many o f th e image s an d idea s o f th e ^pdiake ar e acknowledge d commonplaces, thoug h the y ma y hav e seeme d les s commonplac e t o Shakespeare than they do to us, since his own use of them has served to popularize them' (Hankins 1953: 15) . Minor an d unconnected parallels (such as in the suggestion by Camden 195 7 that Albany's proverb Tilths savour but themselves' , Lear 4.2.38, derive s from Googe ) may be over looked, then. Bu t Palingenius' descriptio n o f the world a s a stage, an d Googe's accompanyin g margina l annotation , 'Th e world a stage play' (appearing besid e the firs t tw o lines in th e passag e in (B) , above), have attracted th e attentio n o f Shakespear e scholar s o n severa l occasion s from a t least the mid-nineteenth century , principally but not exclusively in connectio n wit h Jacques i n As You Like It. Thoug h o n th e fac e o f it 408

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these ar e als o commo n enoug h ideas , ther e ar e ver y fe w pre Shakespearean loci in which the world-stage and th e ages of man idea s appear together, and non e of them ar e so likely to have been known to him a s Palingenius . Fo r Jacques' speech , on e o f Palingenius ' ow n models, Ovid' s compariso n o f lif e wit h th e fou r season s (use d b y Shakespeare o n several previous occasions) , is mixed with the ^pdiacus., and Shakespeare' s seve n (as opposed t o five) ages see m to hav e com e from Proclu s (see Baldwin 1944 : i, 666-7). Shakespeare compare s lif e to a play and/or the world to a stage in a number o f other places, o f which two ar e particularl y likely examples of direc t borrowin g becaus e the y incorporat e bot h thes e ingredient s and thei r context s involv e additiona l element s fro m th e passag e i n Palingenius. Near the star t of The Merchant of Venice., in Antonio's 'I hold the world but as the world . . . / A stage, where every man must play a part' (1.1.77-8) , the assignatio n o f specific parts to individuals ca n be paralleled fro m th e ^pdiacus. Lear' s stag e referenc e in 'Whe n w e ar e born, we cry that we are come / T o this great stage of fools' (4.6.183-4) is preceded b y the sam e image a s precedes i n Palingenius, o f the babe who crie s at birt h fo r fear o f the world' s evil s - a popula r idea , bu t nowhere els e associate d wit h tha t o f th e world-stage . Severa l doze n further parallel s or apparent parallel s examined by Hankins (1953) are often likel y to be mere coincidences, as for example when Hamlet's 'se a of troubles ' i s associate d wit h Palingeniu s o n th e 'troublou s seas ' o f man's 'presen t life ' i n a contex t contemplatin g escap e throug h deat h (but no t suicide). (D) For Palingenius' continenta l reputation an d influenc e se e Borgiani (1912); fo r Goog e an d hi s translation , Tuv e (1947 : vii-xv) . Burro w (1986) doe s no t mentio n Palingenius , bu t offer s a wealt h o f othe r material Shakespeare's ages of man may draw on. Baldwin (1944). Borgiani, G . (1912) . Marcello Palingenio Stellato e il suo poema lo '^pdiacus

Vitae'. Citta di Gastello. Burrow, J. A . (1986) . The Ages of Man: A Study in Medieval Writing and Thought. Oxford. Camden, Carroll (1957). 'Three Notes on Shakespeare.' MLN12:251-3. Hankins, John Erskin e (1953) . Shakespeare's Derived Imagery. Lawrence , KA.

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Palingenius, Marcellus Palingenius, Marcellus (1576). The Firste Syxe Bokes of Marcellus Palingenius, Called the ^odiake of Life. Newly translated out of Latine into Englishe by Barnabe Googe. London. Tuve, Rosemond, ed . (1947) . The ^pdiake of Life, by Marcellus Palingenius; Translated by Barnabe Googe (facsimile o f 157 6 edn.). Delmar, N.Y. Watson, Foste r (1908) . The '^pdiacus Vitae' of Marcellus Palengenius Stellatus: An Old School-Book. London .

Paradin, Claude See Emblems Paris, Matthew (d. 1259), Chronicler Severa l detail s o f incident an d perhap s o f phrasin g i n King John paralle l Paris ' Lati n Historia Major (1571 ) sufficientl y closel y to mak e it seem almost certai n Shakespeare kne w it . Holinshed di d too , but hi s reworkin g omit s points common to Paris and Shakespeare . Honigmann, E. A.J., ed. (1954). King John (Arden Shakespeare), xv-xvii. London. Persius Flaccus, Aulus (AD 34-62), Roman Satirist A few phrases and figures, in later Shakespeare especially, may have a provenance in Persius. Baldwin (1944), n, 542-7. Pescetti, Orlando (1556-1624), Italian Dramatist Pescet ti's // Cesare (printed 1594 ) offers parallel s to Julius Caesar, but almos t all can be explained b y common source s such as Plutarch and Appian. His La regia pastorella (1589) has more recently been speculatively linked to The Winter's Taleby Club b (1989: 161-71) . Clubb, Louis e Georg e (1989) . Italian Drama in Shakespeare's Time. Ne w Haven. Herrick, Marvi n T . (1965) . Italian Tragedy in the Renaissance, pp. 156-7 . Urbana, IL . 410

Pescetti, Orlando Orr, Davi d (1970) . Italian Renaissance Drama in England before 1625: The Influence of 'Erudita' Tragedy, Comedy, and Pastoral on Elizabethan and Jacobean Drama, pp. 128-9 . Chapel Hill . Petrarch (Petrarca), Francesco (1304-1374), Italian Poet and Scholar Petrarch' s poetr y woul d hav e been know n to Shake speare i n som e form , an d ma y hav e ha d som e direc t effec t o n th e Sonnets, bu t influenc e i s hard t o demonstrate : Kennedy (1989 ) mounts the fulles t study . Kennedy, Willia m J. (1989) . '"Swee t Theefe" : Shakespear e Readin g Petrarch.' Annals of Scholarship: An International Quarterly 6 : 75-91. Leishman, J . B . (1961) . Themes and Variations in Shakespeare's Sonnets. London. Roche, Thoma s P. , Jr (1981) . 'Ho w Petrarcha n i s Shakespeare?' , pp . 147—64 in Wendell M. Aycock , ed., Shakespeare's Artfrom a Comparative Perspective. Lubbock, TX . Pettie, George Se e Guazzo, Stefano. Phaer, Thomas See Mirror for Magistrates; Virgil (Publius Vergilius Maro). Philostratos, of Lemnos (b. c. AD 191), Author ofEikones Philostratos, wh o coul d b y 157 8 b e rea d i n Frenc h a s wel l a s in Lati n an d Greek , ha s a brie f ekphrasis o n a paintin g o f th e sieg e of Thebes whic h shows some similarities to th e Tro y passag e i n lines 1366-1428 of The Rape ofLucrece. Hulse, S. Clark (1978). '"A Piece of Skilful Painting " i n Shakespeare' s "Lucrece".'5fA5«31: 13-22 . Plato (c. 428-c. 348 BC), Greek Philosopher Th e mai n subject o f Shorey's survey is Renaissance Platonism rather tha n Plato' s works directly ; fo r Shakespear e se e pp . 175-236 . Jones (1977 : 20-1)

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Plato notes a curiou s paralle l betwee n FalstafF s deat h an d Socrates ' i n th e Phaedo. Som e link s betwee n Shakespear e an d Plat o probabl y com e about through Erasmus. Jones (1977). Shorey, Paul (1938). Platonism and English Literature. Berkeley.

Plautus, Titus Maccius (c . 254—184 BC), Roman Playwright

(A) Plautus wa s born i n Umbria, travelle d t o Rome whe n young , an d found som e kin d o f work in connectio n wit h th e stage . H e wa s later reduced t o grindin g cor n fo r a baker , i n whic h circumstance s i n c. 22 4 B G he wrot e thre e plays . These h e sol d t o th e manager s o f th e public game s fo r enough mone y t o enabl e hi m t o leav e the mill , an d he continue d t o writ e comedie s fo r th e res t o f hi s life . Twenty-on e plays were identified as his genuine work by Varro, an d thes e seem to be th e one s whic h survive d int o moder n time s fro m a large r tota l once attribute d t o him . The y ar e al l adaptation s o f Gree k work s from th e Ne w Atti c Comedy , i n particula r one s b y Menander , an d are characterize d b y a cynica l tone , comple x plot s an d stoc k char acters. Som e ar e farcical , other s ar e o n socia l o r sentimenta l themes ; among th e best-know n toda y ar e th e Menaechmi, whic h exploit s th e possibilities o f confusio n betwee n tw o identica l twins ; th e Amphitryon, a burlesqu e o f th e legen d o f Alcmena's seductio n b y Jupiter, assum ing th e for m o f he r husband ; an d th e Miles Gloriosus ('Boastfu l Sol dier'), base d o n th e familia r stoc k figure . Plautus ' wor k wa s ver y popular i n republica n Rome , bu t considere d unpolishe d b y th e ag e of Augustus. (B) Plautus' disintermen t i n the Renaissance - h e was known only by repute before twelve texts were recovered in 1429 - wa s a strong stimulus to moder n literatur e throughou t Europe , especiall y o n accoun t o f his realism. Thu s hi s sixteenth-century editor Camerariu s wa s able, in the essay T)e Carminibus Comicis' , t o define a comedy as 'a complet e poem intricate in action or knit together by its characters, concernin g a fictitious plot, abou t things , incident s an d affair s take n fro m commo n life an d resemblin g everyda y occurrences ' (translate d Bullough , I , 5). On th e stag e Ital y le d th e way , wit h th e productio n o f Plautus ' 412

Plautus, Titus Maccius Menaechmi i n Italia n a t th e duca l cour t o f Ferrara i n 1486 , and i n th e early sixteent h centur y th e Italia n publi c coul d enjo y numerou s examples o f a ne w for m o f drama , th e commedia erudita ('learne d comedy'), imitatin g Plautu s an d Terenc e (se e Ariosto). Moralist s complained, predictably , about Plautus ' frivolity ; Marti n Luther , how ever, whose Plautus was one o f only two books he owne d o n enterin g the monastery a t Erfurt, stresse d the playwright's pedagogica l uses as a mirror of morality. In Britain , Plautus ' play s wer e stage d o r publicl y recite d i n Lati n from a s early as the 1520s , continuing well into the Elizabethan era with seventeen recorded performances in Oxford and twent y in Cambridg e from 154 9 t o 158 3 (Boas 1914 : 386-9) . Th e Menaechmi wa s 'probabl y the best-know n of all classical plays in the sixteent h century, by way of stage revivals and imitations ' (Salinga r 1974 : 88). In sixteenth-centur y schools, too, the Menaechmi was almost universally prescribed and trans lated, wit h Amphitryon an d othe r Plautin e play s very likel y to b e rea d too. Plautu s wa s evidentl y ver y familia r t o Shakespeare' s audience , otherwise Polonius could not make his observations on the versatility of the Players : 'Senec a canno t b e to o heav y no r Plautu s to o light ' (2.2.396). Francis Meres' well-know n praise o f Shakespeare begins 'A s Plautus and Seneca are accounted the best for Comedy and Tragedy among the Latines: so Shakespeare among the English is the most excellent in both kinds fo r th e stage. ' Th e firs t Englis h dramati c comedy , Nichola s Udall's Ralph Roister Doister (1537) , i s based o n Plautus ' Miles Gloriosus, and Plautu s becam e th e mode l par excellence fo r stag e comed y i n Elizabethan England . Ther e i s a n apparen t parado x here , fo r th e ever-present cas h nexu s an d heartles s atmospher e o f th e Ne w Comedy contras t strongl y with th e generall y expansiv e sentimen t o f the Elizabethans . Bu t Dora n (1954 : 174—81 ) ha s demonstrate d tha t Plautus' and Terence' s dram a was perceived a s essentially romantic, as containing lov e storie s leadin g t o marriage ; an d th e link s betwee n Roman an d Elizabetha n comedy ar e tangibl e enoug h i f considered in terms o f structure rather tha n atmospher e (th e Jacobean cit y comed y of Jonson and other s is another matter) . At least thirteen Elizabetha n plays take either a general situation or a specific scene from Plautus, and several more (other than Shakespeare's ) adopt a plot wholesale (Hosley 1966: 132) . Beyond this, the us e of stock figures by English playwrights often implie s a Plautine background. An d play-writing in the Plautin e 413

Plautus, Titus Maccius mould mus t be see n as a Europea n phenomenon : th e descendant s of Mostellaria, fo r instance , include , a s wel l a s Jonson' s Alchemist an d Shakespeare's Taming of the Shrew, Bentivolgio's /Faratomz,Jefferay's The Bugbears, Heywood's The English Traveller and Larivey' s Les Esprits, while there ar e half a dozen versions of the Menaechmi in Italian an d Spanis h alone. Sixteenth-century English translations (o r close and complet e adap tations) o f Plautus were , however, few. The anonymou s Jack Juggler o f 1555 and Edwar d Courtney' s Amphitryon o f 1562- 3 are bot h fro m th e same play, the former using part only. The mor e sophisticate d William Warner's Menaechmi was registered 1 0 June 1594 , six months before th e first performance o f The Comedy of Errors. It i s a good exampl e of Tudor translation, highl y theatrical, an d sometime s thought even livelier than its original . Thi s scene , th e openin g o f Ac t 2 , i n whic h th e secon d Menechmus (th e Antipholu s figure ) arrive s fro m abroad , display s Plautus' realistic mode and Warner's vigorously colloquial style:

ACT TWO Scene i Enter Menechmus, Socicles. Messenio his servant, and some Saylers MEN. Surel y Messenio, I thinke Sea-fairer s never take so comfortable a joy i n an y thing, a s when the y hav e ben e long tos t and turmoyld in the wide seas, they hap a t last to ken land. MESS. H e be sworn, I shuld not be gladder to see a whole Country of mine owne, then I have bene at such a sight. But I pray, wherfore are we now come to Epidamnum? mus t we needs go to see everie Towne that we heare off ? MENECH. Til l I finde my brother, al l Townes are alik e to me: I must trie in all places. MESS. Wh y the n let's even as long as wee live seeke your brother : six yeares now wee have roamde about thus, Istria, Hispania, Massylia, Ilyria, al l the uppe r sea , al l high Greece, all Have n Towns i n Italy, I thin k i f we ha d sough t a needl e al l thi s time, w e mus t need s hav e foun d it , ha d i t ben e abov e ground. I t canno t b e tha t h e i s alive; an d t o see k a dea d man thu s among the living, what folly is it? MEN. Yea , could I bu t onc e fin d an y ma n tha t coul d certainl y enforme m e o f his death, I were satisfied ; otherwis e I ca n never desist seeking: Litle knowest thou Messenio how neare my heart it goes. 414

Plautus, Titus Maccius MESS. Thi s is washing of a Blackamore. Faith let' s goe home, unless e ye meane we should write a storie of our travaile. MEN. Sirra , n o more of these sawcie speeches, I perceive I must teach ye how to serve me, not to rule me. MESS. I , so, now it appears what i t is to be a servant. We i yet I mus t speake my conscience. Do you heare sir? Faith I must tell ye one thing, whe n I look e int o th e lean e estat e o f your purse , an d consider advisedly of your decaying stocke, I hold it verie needful t o be drawing homeward, lest in looking for your brother, we quite lose ourselves. For this assure your selfe, thi s Towne Epidamnum, is a place of outragious expences, exceeding in all ryot and lasciviousnesse : and ( I heare) as full o f Ribaulds, Parasites , Drunkards, Catchpoles , Cony-catchers , an d Sycophants , a s it can hold: then fo r Curtizans, wh y here's the currantes t stam p of them in the world . Ye must not think e here t o scape with as light cost as in other places. The veri e name shew s the nature , no ma n come s hither sine damno. MEN. Ye e say very well indeed : giv e mee m y purs e int o min e own e keeping, because I will so be th e safer , sine damno. MESS. Wh y Sir ? MEN. Becaus e I fear e yo u wil be busi e among th e Curtizans , an d s o be cosened of it: then should I take great paines in belabourin g your shoulders , s o t o avoi d bot h thes e harms , H e kee p i t m y selfe. (1595 text; ed. Bullough, i, 17-18 ) (C) Shakespear e i s ofte n though t t o hav e rea d Plautu s i n th e Latin . Baldwin (1947: 667-8) discusses available editions, proposing Lambinus, one o f the tide-page s fro m whos e Lugduni Batavorum 157 7 edition is shown i n Fig . 9 , a s Shakespeare's ; se e als o Foake s (1968: xxviii). Th e main Plautin e plays associated with him ar e th e Menaechmi, Amphitryon, Mostellaria, Captivi, Miles Gloriosus, Casino, an d Rudens. Th e man y Renaissance adaptation s o f Plautu s mea n tha t elements fro m thes e plays als o reached Shakespear e indirectl y via the Germa n an d Dutc h humanists' Lati n drama , or , more importantly , Italia n comedies . Fo r example, one o f the mai n sources for The Taming of the Shrew, Ariosto's / Suppositi, wa s base d o n Plautus ' CaptivL Othe r debt s ar e vaguer : on e may argue for example that Shakespeare's braggart soldie r figures (such as Do n Armardo , Parolles , Bardolph , Pisto l an d Falstaff ) hav e thei r

415

ME N A EC H M I.4

U

Figure 9 M. Accius Plautus . . . Dionys. Lambinii Monstroliensis emendatus: ab eodemque commentariis explicatus (Leyden, 1577) , p. 415 (printed are a actual siz e 270 x 150mm) .

Plautus, Titus Maccius ancestry in Plautus ' miles gloriosus and 'parasite ' figures vi a th e Italians ; that 'th e English clown [is ] developed i n part fro m th e resourcefu l ser vant of Italian comed y who in turn is derived from th e serenus of Roman comedy'; an d eve n tha t 'romanti c lov e an d romanti c adventur e cam e into Englis h comed y fro m th e Italia n play s which were modeled upo n classical comedy ' (Duckwort h 1952 : 411) . I t i s suc h genera l resem blances tha t connec t Plautu s wit h Shakespear e comedie s lik e The Two Gentlemen of Verona an d Much Ado about Nothing., in which 'the influence of New Comedy . . . does not deriv e from a single discrete text . . . with a recoverable itinerar y [but ] provide s structure s and principle s b y which Shakespeare organizes his novella material' (Miola 1994 : 80). Other play s d o hav e stron g specifi c connections . Th e Taming of the Shrew can be seen as a sophisticated combinatio n o f New Comedy with native tradition . A s wel l a s showin g sign s o f indirec t us e o f Plautus , numerous details ma y b e directl y adapte d fro m th e Mostellaria, includ ing the names of the characters Tranio and Grumio . Bu t Shakespeare's use o f Plautu s seem s t o g o beyon d details , t o th e recover y o f th e Plautine Trani o beyon d Ariosto's Dulipo , fo r example - both Tranios , but no t Dulipo , hav e a n abl e defende r (Lucentio/Callidamates ) an d emerge scot-fre e an d impenitent . Shakespear e might , i t i s suggested, have deduce d suc h origina l feature s fro m Ariost o withou t necessaril y reading Plautus ' play . Suc h intuitiv e recover y o f a n earlie r dramati c context behind a later work is also at issue in suggestions, highly speculative bu t intriguing , tha t Plautu s opene d a windo w fo r Shakespear e onto Menander an d th e res t of the world of Greek New Comedy, only fragments o f which hav e com e dow n t o moder n times , wit h possible effects o n a range o f his plays (see Nuttall 1989 : 6-10). Shakespeare's mos t obviousl y Plautine wor k i s The Comedy of Errors, for whic h Menaechmi wa s th e principa l sourc e (fo r a summar y o f cor respondences se e Foake s 1968 : 109-12) . Menaechmi supplie s th e mai n plot o f the long-separate d twin s mistaken fo r each other ; Shakespeare multiplies the confusion s an d add s the pathetic notes on the separatio n and th e fathe r i n 1.1 . Sometime s Shakespear e takes his extra material s from othe r sources , bu t h e borrow s th e centra l enlargemen t fro m Plautus himself , b y going to Amphitryon fo r the secon d se t of twins who become the servant s (Dromios). Errors is thus a contaminatio, a recombin ation o f separate works , and Shakespear e doe s not merel y appropriat e discrete element s fro m th e tw o plays bu t blend s the m togethe r mor e organically. Menaechmi i s a pla y whic h 'i n dramati c term s doe s no t

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Plautus, Titus Maccius pretend t o be anything more than a heartless romp performed by twodimensional comi c types' (Rudd 1994 : 57), and it s appeal lies mainly in its verbal wit. Shakespear e di d no t tak e this over , though h e mastere d Plautus' plo t an d surpasse d hi m i n characterization , fo r instanc e i n transforming th e flat Plautine Medicu s into the figure of Pinch. Over all, 'Shakespear e modifie d th e Plautin e attitud e t o life , an d her e hi s divergence fro m th e academi c drama s whic h ofte n sough t to recreat e the Roma n scen e i n scholarl y fashion , i s noteworthy . H e tell s hi s Ephesian tale in terms of the modern novella1 (Bullough, i, 8). There ar e signs that Shakespear e used a Latin tex t of Plautus' play, but thi s does not preclud e hi s havin g see n Warner's to o (Bullough , i, 3—4) . Verba l parallels between Errors and Warner' s Menaechmi ar e sometime s seen as evidence tha t Shakespear e use d Warne r (s o Riehl e 1990 : 279-83) , sometimes that Warner used Shakespeare (so Baldwin 1928) . Recent commentator s hav e attempted t o overturn or at least qualif y an olde r assumptio n that Plautus ' influenc e o n Shakespear e i s largely confined t o th e earlie r plays . Eve n th e tragedie s hav e sometime s become hunting-ground s fo r Plautin e elements : Poloniu s a s senex, Laertes a s comic adulescens, Edgar' s feigne d madnes s foreshadowed by Menaechmus'. Bu t even if felt plausible, these links may tel l us little. A different an d cleare r kind of Plautine deb t can b e argue d for The Merry Wives of Windsor, 'i f [Shakespeare ] wa s indeed faced with a commission to write a court play at short notice about the fat knight in love, the most promising model to consider would have been Plautus's Braggart Soldier1 (Salingar 1974 : 231-2) . Thi s character typ e wa s familia r enoug h i n England fo r use of it not necessaril y to imply recourse to Plautus himself, but the miles gloriosus, Salingar continues , 'could have furnished . . . also the character o f the Host', and anticipates the main lines of Shakespeare's pla y i n genera l structur e - 'ther e i s a stati c openin g scen e showing off the rol e of Pyrgopolynices, then conie s th e first of the tw o intrigues agains t him, th e intrigu e involving the inventio n of a doubl e identity fo r th e heroin e . . . whom h e wil l agre e i n th e cours e o f the second intrigue to release'. It is possible that Wives draws also on Plautus' Casina, in which a husband an d wif e argu e ove r a girl's marriage, lik e Anne's parents , an d i n whic h Shakespear e coul d hav e foun d sugges tions for FalstafFs drubbing in the clothes of'the fat woman of Brainford' (Bullough, n, 9; for detailed comparisons see also Forsythe 1921) . Finally, there is a basis for seeing Plautus as at least an overall model in the Romances. In a general way, the Amphitryon prologu e would have

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Plautus, Titus Maccius interested Shakespear e fo r it s comment s o n tragicomedy . The Tempest has bee n associate d particularl y wit h Rudens (se e especially Svendse n 1983), a pla y highl y esteeme d b y th e humanists , involvin g a n exile d father an d hi s daughter. Wit h th e exceptio n o f one o r two close verbal similarities, however, th e suppose d parallels (of 'tone' or 'theatricality' ) are vague, or easily explained a s fortuitous. More substanc e attaches to claims of New Comedic structura l influence on the Romances, notabl y in th e configuratio n of senex, virgo and adulescens in both The Tempest an d Pericles. Th e relevanc e o f suc h basi c element s i n Plautu s t o Shake speare's Romance s i s suggested, a s Miola (1994 ) shows , by Scaliger' s description of New Comedic plot: In Ne w Comed y then , marriages an d lov e affairs ar e th e chie f subjects. Ther e ar e man y jealou s rivalries . Virgin s ar e brough t fro m bawds so that they may be free; some may be discovered to be free by a ring , b y rattle s o r amulets , b y nurses , recognize d b y a father , mother, lover, or brother, always to the great discomfort of the bawds. (translated Miola 1994 : 140) (D) Som e olde r studies , suc h a s Gill' s (1925 , 1930) , ar e stil l useful . Riehle (1990 ) is comprehensive bu t ofte n to o ready to identify materia l in Shakespeare as Plautine. Miola's (1994 ) is a subtler treatment using a broad conceptio n o f literar y influence ; there i s perhap s agai n som e tendency t o over-enthusiasm. Othe r helpful general accounts o f Shakespeare's use of Plautus are Salinga r (1974 ) for elements such as disguise, tricksters and fortun e (a s well as general context), and Brook s (1961) for plot. Baldwin (1965) has th e fulles t accoun t of the source s of The Comedy of Errors, Riehle some more recent suggestions including the notion tha t Plautus is partially responsibl e for Shakespeare's 'sceni c dramaturgy' use of locale and space on stage - i n this work (Riehle 1990 : 77ff.) . Arthos,John (1967) . 'Shakespeare's Transformation of Plautus.' CompD 1:239-53. Barber, Lester E. (1970) . 'The Tempest an d Ne w Comedy.' ShQJll: 207 11. Baldwin, T . W , ed . (1928) . The Comedy of Errors (Heath' s America n Arden Shakespeare). Boston. (1965) On the Compositional Genetics of 'The Comedy of Errors'. Urbana, IL . Boas, F. S. (1914). University Drama in the Tudor Age. Oxford . 419

Plautus, Titus Maccius Braunmuller, A. R. (1987) . 'Plautus, Abraham Fleming , and King John', pp. 18-1 9 in KM 80: A Birthday Album for Kenneth Muir. Liverpool. Brooks, Harol d F . (1961) . 'Theme s an d Structure s i n The Comedy of Errors', pp . 54—7 1 i n John .Russell Brow n and Bernar d Harris , eds , Early Shakespeare (Stratford-upon-Avo n Studies , 3). London. Bruster, Dougla s (1990) . 'Comed y an d Control : Shakespear e and th e Plautine Poeta.' CompD 24: 217-31. (1991). '"Nor Plautus Too Light": Hamlet 1.2.184- 5 and Plautus's Pseudolus: 4MM.iii: 118-19. Bullough. Coulter, Corneli a C . (1920) . 'Th e Plautin e Traditio n i n Shakespeare. ' JEGP 19 : 66-83. Doran, Madelein e (1954) . Endeavors of Art: A Study of Form in Elizabethan Drama. Madison, WI. Duckworth, George Eckel (1952). The Nature of Roman Comedy: A Study in Popular Entertainment. Princeton . Foakes, R . A. , ed . (1968) . The Comedy of Errors (Arde n Shakespeare). London (firs t publishe d 1962) . Forsyme, R . S . (1921) . ' A Plautin e Sourc e o f The Merry Wives of Windsor: MP 18 : 401-22. Gill, E . M . (1925) . ' A Comparison o f the Character s i n The Comedy of Errors with those in th e Menaechmi? University of Texas Studies in English 5: 79-95. (1930). 'Th e Plot-Structur e of The Comedy of Errors in Relatio n t o its Sources. ' University of Texas Studies in English 10 : 13—65 . Harrold, Willia m E . (1970) . 'Shakespeare' s Us e o f Mostellaria i n The Taming of the Shrew: ShJ 106 : 188-94. Heilman, Robert B. (1979). 'Farce Transformed: Plautus, Shakespeare, and Unamuno. ' Comp. Lit 31: 113-23 . Hosley, Richard (1966). 'The Formal Influence of Plautus and Terence', pp. 131-4 6 i n John Russel l Brow n and Bernar d Harris , eds , Elizabethan Theatre (Stratford-upon-Avon Studies , 9). London. Knox, Bernard (1955). '"The Tempest" an d the Ancient Comic Tradition', pp. 52-7 3 in W. K. Wimsatt , ed., English Stage Comedy (English Institute Essays, 1954) . New York. Miola, Robert S . (1994) . Shakespeare and Classical Comedy: The Influence of Plautus and Terence. Oxford. Nevo, Ruth (1980) . 'Shakespeare' s Comi c Remedies. ' New York Literary Forum 5-6: 3-15 . 420

Plautus, Titus Maccius Nuttall, A. D . (1989) . The Stoic in Love: Selected Essays on Literature and Ideas. London. Riehle, Wolfgan g (1990). Shakespeare, Plautus and the Humanist Tradition. Woodbridge. Rudd, Nial l (1994) . The Classical Tradition in Operation: Chaucer/Virgil; Shakespeare/Plautus; Pope/Horace; Tennyson/Lucretius; Pound/Propertius. Toronto. Salingar, Leo (1974) . Shakespeare and the Traditions of Comedy. Cambridge . Shaw, Catherin e M . (1980) . 'Th e Consciou s Ar t o f The Comedy of Errors.' New York Literary Forum 5-6: 17-28. Svendsen, James T (1983) . 'Th e Fusio n o f Comed y an d Romance : Plautus' Rudens and Shakespeare' s The Tempest', pp. 121-3 4 in Karelisa V Hartigan , ed. , From Pen to Performance: Drama as Conceived and Performed. Lanham , MD . Plessis-Mornay, Philippe du, Sieur de Marlay (1549— 1623), Huguenot Theologian Hi s shor t treatis e translate d by Mary Sidne y as A Discourse of Life and Death i n th e sam e volume a s he r Antonius (1592 edition; se e Garnier) ca n b e linke d t o th e Duke' s 'B e absolute for death' in Measure for Measure (3.1.5-41) . Duncan-Jones, Katherin e (1977) . 'Stoicis m i n Measure for Measure: A New Source.' RES 28: 441-6.

Pliny (Gaius Plinius Secundus) ('The Elder9) (AD 23-79), Roman Writer on Natural History

(A) Pliny came o f a wealthy north Italia n famil y with estates at Como , where he was born. He was educated in Rome, saw active service in the army, an d becam e th e commande r o f a cavalr y regiment an d a comrade o f the futur e Empero r Titus . H e made scientifi c tour s to Germa n parts; h e died durin g a relief mission afte r a n investigation o f an erup tion of Vesuvius. His writings included a history of the Germanic wars, works o n orator y an d grammar , an d a continuatio n o f a histor y o f Rome. Bu t hi s principal an d onl y survivin g work i s the monumenta l Naturalis Historia, complete d A D 77. Thi s too k a lifetime' s effor t an d extended t o thirty-seven volumes . It is an encyclopedi c compilatio n o f information o n all things of natural or non-artificial origin, with digressions o n huma n invention s an d institutions . I t i s b y n o mean s th e 421

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impersonal kin d o f production late r 'encyclopedias ' became : o n th e contrary, i t i s extremel y idiosyncrati c an d riddle d wit h Pliny' s preju dices. In some ways it transcends its function a s a collection of data an d second-hand repor t throug h wha t hav e bee n calle d it s 'poetical philosophical' qualities. (B) Th e frequentl y uniqu e (i f spectacularl y unreliable ) informatio n found in the Historia was enough to render it useful, ofte n fascinating, to early modern reader s i n spit e o f its sometimes tedious manner. Pliny' s tracks can be traced i n a great many later compendi a an d othe r works on divers e subjects , an d i n innumerabl e loca l image s an d idea s i n literature. Sixteenth-centur y edition s ar e abundan t an d indice s wer e available, includin g on e b y Delacampiu s whic h ha s bee n associate d with Shakespeare (Baldwin 1935). The firs t Englis h version , b y 'LA. ' (Joh n Alday?) , o f 1565 , wa s reprinted twic e in Shakespeare's lifetime, bu t i s merely a sampler fro m an earlie r an d fulle r Frenc h rendering . I t i s th e 160 1 renderin g b y Philemon Holland (1552-1637) , the 'translator-general of his age', that familiarized Plin y to English-speakin g readers. This is a characteristi c Renaissance product, it s crowded page s recordin g Holland' s struggle s to gloss and correc t the hotchpotch o f information in his interpolations and marginal notes. This passage fro m vn, 2 is an example of Holland's Pliny at its most fantastical. ^[ Of the Scythians, and the diversitie of other nations.

That ther e be e Scythians , yea , an d man y kind s o f them tha t fee d ordinarily o f mans flesh , we e hav e shewe d alreadi e i n ou r forme r discourses. A report haply that would be thought incredible, if we did not consider and thinke withall, how in the very middle and heart of the world , eve n i n Sicil y an d Italy , here har d by , there hav e been e such monsters of men, namely, the Cyclope s and Lystrigones : nay, if we wer e not credibl y informed , tha t eve n o f late daies , an d g o n o farther tha n t o th e othe r sid e o f the Alpes , ther e b e thos e tha t kill men for sacrifice afte r th e manner of those Scythian people; and tha t wants not muc h o f chewing and eatin g thei r flesh. Moreover, neere unto those Scythians that inhabit toward the pole Articke, and not far from tha t climat e whic h i s under th e ver y risin g o f the North-eas t wind, and abou t that famous cave or whole out of which that wind is 422

Pliny (Gains Plinius Secundus) ('The Elder') said to issue, which place they call Gesclithron, [i. the cloiste r or key of the earth ] th e Arimaspian s b y repor t d o dwell , wh o a s we have said before, ar e know n by this marke, for having one ei e only in th e mids of their forehead: and thes e maintain wa r ordinarily abou t th e mettall mines o f gold, especially wit h griffons , a kind o f wilde beast s that flie , an d us e t o fetc h gol d ou t o f the veine s of those mine s (as commonly it is received:) which savage beasts (as many authors have recorded, an d namely , Herodotus an d Ansteas th e Proconnesian , tw o writers o f greatest name ) striv e a s eagerl y t o keep e an d hol d thos e golden mines , as the Arimaspians t o disseize them therof , and t o get away th e gol d fro m them . Abov e those , ar e othe r Scythian s calle d Anthropophagi, wher e is a countrie named Abarimon , withi n a certain vaile of the mountai n Imaus , wherin are foun d savag e and wild men, living and conversing usually among the bruit beasts, who have their fee t growin g backward , an d turne d behin d th e calve s of their legs, howbeit they run mos t swiftly. Thes e kin d of men ca n endur e to live in no other aire nor in any clime else than their own, which is the reason tha t the y canno t b e drawn e t o com e unt o othe r king s tha t border upon them, nor coul d be brought unt o Alexander th e great: as Beton hat h reported , th e marshal l o f that prince s campe , an d wh o also put dow n hi s gests and journies i n writing. The forme r Anthropophagi o r eater s o f mans flesh , who m w e hav e place d abou t th e North-pole, te n daie s journie b y land abov e th e rive r Borysthenes , use to drink out o f the skul s of mens heads, and t o weare the scalpes haire an d al , i n stea d o f mandellion s o r stomacher s befor e thei r breasts, according a s Isogonus the Nicean witnesses. (Pliny 1635 : 153-4 ) (C) There has been disagreement over how Shakespeare read Pliny - in Latin (Baldwi n 1935) , in Holland (Thomson 1952 : 127, but specifically rebutted by Baldwin), or in the earlier French version (Muir 1957 : 128) ? Perhaps he did not read him at all: almost anything one looks for can, it seems, b e foun d somewher e i n Pliny' s book , an d equally , muc h o f Pliny's material i s recycled by later writers (see Stroup 1938) . If Shakespeare peruse d th e Naturalis Historia a t all , thi s probabl y happene d before o r durin g th e compositio n o f Othello, since (pace Simmon s 197 6 and Schanzer 1956 , mentioning tenuous links elsewhere) Shakespeare's apparent echoe s o f Plin y ar e largel y confine d t o thi s play . I t ma y b e significant tha t Othello is dated t o immediately after th e firs t appearanc e 423

Pliny (Gains Plinius Secundus) ('The Elder') of Holland's translation . The apparen t echoes , some seeming to reflec t Holland's phrasing , ar e al l i n matter s o f detail. Indication s o f Pliny' s presence behin d Othello' s defenc e o f his conduct t o Brabanti o i n 1. 3 include, according to Meyerstein (1942), his denial of magical practices; more famously and more probably, the marvels Othello encountere d in his travels, with the famou s 'Anthropophagi ' (1.3.144) , resemble elements i n Holland' s vn , 2 (above ) an d othe r passages . Th e othe r well known borrowing, or apparent borrowing , is from n, 919, translated by Holland 'An d th e se a Pontus evermor e floweth and runnet h ou t int o Propontis, but the sea never retireth backe againe within Pontus': Like to the Pontic sea , Whose icy current and compulsive course Ne'er feel s retiring ebb, but keeps due on To the Propontic an d the Hellespont ; Even so my bloody thoughts, with violent pace, Shall ne'er look back, ne'er ebb to humble love, Till that a capable an d wide revenge Swallow them up. (3.3.57-64) (D) Th e basi c claim s fo r Pliny' s presence i n Shakespeare , largel y summed up in Muir (1957), are now old; they have begun to be reduced (Boose 1981 ; Strou p 1938 ) or , o n occasion , speculativel y extende d (Simmons 1976) . Baldwin, T. W. (1935). 'A Note upon William Shakspere's Use of Pliny', pp. 157—8 2 i n Hardi n Craig , ed. , Essays in Dramatic Literature: The Parrott Presentation Volume. Princeton (reprinte d New York , 1967) . Boose, Lynda E. (1981). 'Othello's "Chrysolite" an d the Son g of Songs Tradition.' P£60: 427-37. Bullough, vii. Meyerstein, E . H . W . (1942). 'Othell o an d C . Furiu s Cresinus.' TLS 1 Feb: 72. Muir, Kenneth (1953) . 'Holland's Pliny and "Othello". ' JV<2?Q,198: 513. (1957). Shakespeare's Sources, I: Comedies and Tragedies. London. Pliny, translated by I . A . (1565) . A Summarie of the Antiquities and Wonders of the World, Abstracted out of the Sixteene First Bookes of Plinie, translated oute of French. London . 424

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Pliny, translate d b y Philemo n Hollan d (1635) . The Historic of the World: Commonly called, the Naturall Historie of C. Plinius Secundus., 2 vols .

London (firs t published in one volume, 1601) . Schanzer, Ernes t (1956) . '"Anthony and Cleopatra " and the Countes s of Pembroke's "Antonius".' JV<S?Q,201: 152-4 . Simmons, J. L . (1976). 'Holland's Pliny and Troilus and Cressida.' ShQ21: 329-32. Stroup, Thoma s B . (1938) . 'Shakespeare' s Us e o f a Travel-Boo k Commonplace.' PQ\1\ 351-8. Thomson, J. A . K. (1952). Shakespeare and the Classics. London.

Plutarch (c. AD 46-c. 120), Greek Biographer, Historian and Moral Philosopher

(A) Born in provincial Boeotia, Plutarch studied philosophy a t Athens, visited Egypt and Italy, and taught a t Rome, but his was eventually, and largely, a life o f quiet cultivation in Boeotia under the Pax Romana. Here he wrot e his diverse collection of Moralia ('Mora l Essays'), mostly treatises on philosophical and rhetorical subjects, displaying a great breadth of interest in an d curiosit y about th e world, an d hi s Parallel Lives of the Ancient Greeks and Romans, twenty-thre e paired biographie s o f notabl e figures of antiquity, nineteen of them with attached comparisons assessing th e virtue s an d vice s o f eac h subjec t agains t it s Greek/Roma n counterpart (there are als o a few single lives). Together these two works transmitted t o Europ e mor e knowledg e o f th e mora l an d historica l aspects o f classical antiquity, and probabl y mor e stimulu s to imagina tive treatmen t o f antiquit y i n work s of art , tha n an y othe r authority , largely because Plutarch i s one o f the mos t charming an d readabl e o f classical writers. He take s history to b e th e biographie s o f great men , but hi s declared objec t in each Lif e i s to bring ou t the mora l characte r in question , for educationa l purposes (h e tell s u s i n th e Life of Pericles], rather tha n to provide a history of events of the figure's times. Plutarc h is, however, no simpl e didactic moralist. H e show s himself much interested in men's habits and wa y of living, and awar e of the comple x an d paradoxical natur e o f th e huma n being s h e write s of , makin g hi m at time s suspen d o r disar m hi s mora l judgement , an d makin g hi s characterizations seem in some respects often surprisingl y modern. (B) It was for his moral emphasis and hi s wise sayings that Plutarch wa s in general valued throughout the Renaissance , so that th e Moralia were 425

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on th e whol e better-known tha n th e Lives. Bu t th e Lives were increas ingly used educationally. Not prescribed in Elyot's Governour (1531), nor in Ascham's Schoolmaster (1570) , their fortune s wer e evidently changin g in later decades, with Montaigne's praise of them in his essay 'On the Education o f Children', Sir Francis Walsingham's recommendation o f them to his nephew, and Jonson's reference in The Devil is an Ass, where a character has named hi s child Tlutarchus': That yeere Sir, That I begot him, I bought Plutarch's lives, And fel l s' in love with the booke, as I call'd m y sonne By 'his name: In hope he should be like him: And write the lives of our great men! (3.2.21-5; ed. Herford and Simpson 1925-51 : vi, 212) Indeed, 'th e popularity of Plutarch [appears ] relate d to his educational importance' - 'himsel f a teacher, Plutarch was especially appreciated by other teachers' (Burk e 1966 : 143) , an obvious example being his French translator Jacques Amyot o f Melun, professor a t Bourges. As an inter preter rathe r tha n a mer e reporte r o f events (lik e th e chroniclers) , he also qualified a s a good historian , but here , i t has been felt , h e ranked behind Suetonius and Tacitus: 'i t wa s th e bust s o f th e Twelv e Caesars tha t decorate d almos t ever y palac e i n Europ e . . . an d i t required a considerabl e intellectua l fea t t o substitut e th e Plutarcha n vision o f Rom e (mostl y republican ) fo r th e customar y lin e o f th e Imperial Caesars ' (Spence r 1957 : 31). In contras t t o th e Moralia, n o handy selection s fro m Plutarch' s Lives wer e available ; th e cumbrou s continental foli o editions of the sixteenth century betokened a book not in demand fro m th e ordinary cultivate d reader. The recor d o f early Englis h translations shows a simila r concentra tion o n th e Moralia. Wyatt' s Quiet ofMinde, 1528 , from De Tranquillitate Animi, stands at the head of what becomes a fairly extensive tradition of single-text translation s i n th e sixteent h century, extendin g t o on e example by Queen Elizabeth herself, though it did not produce a complete version. As for the Lives, they had earl y been turne d fro m Gree k into Latin, but it was at the point when a full range of Roman historians in complete translations was about to be opened u p to English readers in their ow n tongue (Tacitus in 159 1 and 1598 ; Livy in 1600 ) that th e famous renderin g of Sir Thomas North (c. 1535-c. 1601 ) appeared, i n 426

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1579. T o judge b y th e Europea n bibliographica l record , Plutarch' s popularity i n vernacular s wa s fa r greate r tha n i n th e original , eve n more exaggeratedl y s o compared t o mos t othe r Gree k historian s (see Burke 1966 : 138—9) . Even so, and notwithstandin g tha t figure s treate d in th e Lives acquired som e popularit y as subjects for writers (a s in th e Roman play s composed in emulation o f Garnier), neither Nort h no r Plutarch becam e b y an y mean s househol d name s i n Shakespeare' s time. This , o f course, make s i t ver y unlikel y that an y o f the case s of close verbal following o f the tex t of the Lives in Shakespear e constitute imitations which the audience is meant to recognize as such. North's translation was taken almost exclusively from Amyot's French version o f 1559 , commonl y regarde d a s on e o f th e all-tim e master pieces of French prose. North himself, who translated a number of other major work s from th e Spanis h an d Italia n a s well as the French , was in France in the entourag e o f his elder brother, Roger Lor d North, o n an embassy to th e Frenc h cour t in 1574 , when Amyot's book would have been fres h i n Paris . H e subsequentl y prospere d an d wa s eventuall y knighted by Queen Elizabeth, to whom he dedicated the third edition of his Lives in 1603 . North was by no means a scholar of Amyot's class, but since Amyo t ha d alread y supplie d th e scholarshi p (includin g man y original emendation s an d interpretations) , h e coul d concentrat e o n turning Plutarc h int o a contemporary , deployin g a ric h Elizabetha n idiom an d moder n tone . Amyo t ha d alread y tende d t o expan d an d explain Plutarch , whom he observed to write 'doctement e t gravement' rather than 'doucement et facilement'. North's forceful an d picturesque language sometime s replace s les s colourfu l expressio n i n th e French , though it s clarit y i s no t alway s unimpeachabl e (Russel l 1973 : 150- 8 carries out a stylistic comparison of the two translations via a case study of Chapter 2 9 of the Life qfAntonius, concludin g in both cases that thei r 'differences fro m th e real Plutarch may well be reckoned pure gain'). The appea l o f Plutarch's Parallel Lives cannot be illustrated by a single passage, for their attractions are too various, including the 'little homely citations o f mere gossip , th e account s o f venturesome exploit s stirrin g to the reader's imagination, th e frequent parentheses , the constant bias towards ethical judgements', all of which features 'have their own integrity as parts of a method o f portraiture whic h has delighted student s of human motives , reasonings , an d deeds ' (Shackfor d 1929 : 9) . North's translation i s illustrate d her e instead , b y on e o r tw o o f th e page s which underli e what may be, in al l the playwright' s work, 'the longest

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continuous passage i n which Shakespear e relie s closely on a particula r source' (Heue r 1957 : 52), in Coriolanus 5.3. I t i s a cas e in which Nort h proffers an emphasis which Amyot had not, and one taken up by Shakespeare. Th e adver b applie d b y Volumni a t o Coriolanu s i n he r com plaint tha t h e 'unnaturall y shewet h al l ingratitude' substitute s fo r th e French 'asprement' (correspondin g to the Greek niKp&Q)., wit h the consequence that 'the conflict, conceived psychologically or rather logicall y in th e Frenc h versio n a s on e betwee n "rigeur " an d "raison" , i s now being transferred to a different plan e . . . The disruptio n o f the natura l bonds an d o f th e naturall y inheren t orde r o f huma n existenc e ha s become the decisive issue' (Heuer 1957 : 52). 'My sonne, why doest thou not aunswer me? doest thou thinke it good altogether t o geve place unt o thy choller an d desir e o f revenge, an d thinkest thou i t not honesti e for thee to graunt th y mothers request, in so weighty a cause? doest thou tak e it honorable fo r a noble man , to remembe r th e wronge s an d injurie s done him : an d does t no t i n like case thinke it an honest noble mans parte, to be thankefull for the goodnes that parents doe shewe to their children, acknowledgin g the duety and reverence they ought to beare unto them? No man living is more bounde to shewe him sel f thankefull in all partes and respects , then th y selfe: who s o unnaturally sheweth all ingratitude. Moreove r (my sonne) thou has t sorel y taken o f thy countrie, exactin g grievous payments apon them , in revenge of the injurie s offere d thee : besides, thou has t no t hithert o shewe d th y poore mothe r an y curtesie . And therefore, i t is not onl y honest, but du e unt o me, that without com pulsion I shoul d obtain e m y so just an d reasonabl e request o f thee. But since by reason I cannot persuade thee to it, to what purpose do I deferre m y last hope?' And wit h these wordes, her selfe , hi s wife an d children, fel l down e upo n thei r knee s befor e him . Martiu s seein g that, coul d refrain e n o lenger , bu t wen t straigh t an d lift e he r up , crying out: Oh mother , what have you done to me? And holding her hard b y th e righ t hande , o h mother , saye d he , yo u hav e wonn e a happy victori e fo r your countrie, bu t mortal l and unhapp y fo r your sonne: for I see my self vanquished by you alone. (1579 text; Plutarch 1895-6 : n, 185-6 ) (C) Shakespear e woul d hav e rea d part s o f severa l o f th e classica l historians i n Lati n a t school , bu t compariso n betwee n hi s early , 428

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non-Plutarchan, attempt at a Roman settin g in Titus Andronicus, and th e later one s from Julius Caesar onwards , suggest s North induce d a fres h interest in the matter o f Rome. The playwrigh t may have worked fro m any or indeed all of the first three editions of 1579 , 159 5 and 160 3 at one time or another (se e MacCallum 1967 : 152), though his use of the second alone, possible on current chronologies for the relevant plays, is sometimes proposed. There are no clear signs of his independent knowledge of any French, Latin or Greek Plutarch texts. His reading possibly led firs t t o th e us e o f the Life of Theseus fo r th e figur e o f Theseus, some character names , an d othe r detail s i n A Midsummer Night's Dream (see Nosworthy 1982 : 104—5) , thoug h othe r explanation s fo r thes e cor respondences ca n be found. Three subsequent play s were constructe d very squarel y o n Plutarch : Julius Caesar, Antony and Cleopatra an d Coriolanus; Timon of Athens draw s o n tw o brie f segment s o f th e Lives. Shakespeare worke d fro m severa l Live s eclecticall y wher e relevan t material was found in more than one: Julius Caesar, for instance, involves events appearing i n the narrative s of Brutus, Antony and Caesa r him self. Th e car e with which he approached North's volume , rearrangin g and combinin g wha t h e foun d i n differen t Live s wit h othe r source s (such as Appian), is apparent. Several reasons can be advanced to account for Shakespeare's initial attraction, an d regula r recurrence , t o th e Lives. Th e qualitie s o f North's pros e mad e th e Englis h Plutarc h ofte n highl y adaptabl e fo r theatrical us e - a t the extreme, Shakespeare need s only to versify the sentences h e finds , an d b y keeping close to Nort h achieve s some fine local effects . Second , Plutarch' s histor y i s focused o n individua l lives , and henc e tend s t o offe r a dramatic , indee d tragic , shape , wher e a chronicle, say , doe s not . G . K . Hunte r take s thi s poin t furthe r i n observing tha t Plutarc h offer s ' a concentratio n o n th e inexplicabl e individuality o f personal lives , see n togethe r wit h th e tortuousnes s of the proces s by which subjectiv e trait s become objectiv e and politicall y significant facts ' (Hunte r 1977 : 20). An d Plutarc h concern s himsel f with issue s tha t intereste d th e Renaissanc e an d whic h see m t o hav e interested Shakespeare : th e natur e o f heroism i n a n unheroi c world , the limitation s o f Stoic doctrine , th e individual' s relatio n t o th e state . Such interests associate Plutarch strongl y with other writers on Shake speare's shelf , fo r exampl e Montaigne , anothe r notabl e admire r o f Plutarch. There ha s bee n muc h discussio n of what material , othe r tha n th e 429

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obvious, Shakespear e migh t hav e know n i n th e Lives. Honigman n (1959) is rightly insistent that hi s use of the comparison s a t th e en d o f each pair of lives can be crucial (Plutarch's comparisons were, however, unavailable i n a fe w cases , includin g tha t o f Alexander an d Caesar , because the y had bee n los t in ancient times; Renaissance editors ofte n inserted thei r ow n speculativ e reconstructions , bu t Nort h di d no t include these) . The Gree k hal f o f each o f the principa l pair s o f Lives Shakespeare read may sometimes have supplied supplementary or contrastive detail , s o that h e ma y dra w som e negativ e characteristic s o f Brutus, fo r example , fro m Plutarch' s paralle l descriptio n o f Dio n (s o Honan 1975 , but contradicted b y Humphreys 1984 : 23). At one time or another i t has been suggeste d that Shakespear e als o knew many mor e of the Lives- of Cicero, Pompey, Cato the Younger, Cato the Elder, etc.; this i s obviousl y alway s possible , bu t th e evidenc e advance d (e.g . in Hanna 199 4 o n The Life of Timoleori) sometime s fall s shor t o f wha t i s required. I n other words, the knowledge that the playwright read some of the Lives cannot i n itsel f imply he rea d al l of them, s o the stronges t cases for influenc e ar e buil t upon live s he i s known to hav e studied o r those strongl y associate d wit h the m - thei r paire d counterpart s o r others which he might easily have been led on to. It i s often suppose d tha t Shakespear e firs t rea d Plutarc h abou t th e time o f composing Julius Caesar an d Henry V (see below for th e latter) , c. 1599 . Though almos t all significant narrative material m Julius Caesar derives fro m Plutarch , Shakespear e wa s t o follo w hi s sourc e mor e closely i n late r dealing s wit h him . Fro m th e firs t three-quarter s o f Caesar's lon g Life h e took only a few details, drawing for the most part only on th e las t quarter, an d combinin g i t almost seamlessl y with epi sodes fro m Brutus and Antonius (Maguin 1973 : 34-4 9 an d Humphrey s 1984: 10-2 3 provid e scene-by-scen e comparative analysis) . Sometimes Shakespeare flatly contradicts Plutarch: Plutarch's Caesar suspect s only Cassius where the play's Caesa r suspect s both Brutu s and Cassius , and the play's dispute between Octavius and Antony about leading the right wing of the army takes place between Brutus and Cassiu s in the Gree k text. Ultimately, Shakespeare's creativ e originalit y lead s to a work less with different emphase s than a different orientation : Plutarch furnishe d th e play's grand strateg y and many of its infillings - th e main characte r evaluations , the sense of shaping destiny , and a lucidity of style which suited - eve n perhaps prompte d - th e play's 430

Plutarch 'classical' distinction. Bu t . . . Shakespeare leaves out many particu lars, t o creat e a plo t comprisin g th e conspiracy' s ris e an d fall , an d Caesar's bodily defeat and spiritual triumph. As a dramatist must, he sees history as relationships, not only as aims and strategies. Far more than i n Plutarc h d o w e sense what th e conspirator s mean t t o eac h other, and t o Caesar, and h e to them an d t o Antony, and Brutu s to Portia. (Humphreys 1984 : 23-4 ) The secon d an d longe r phase o f Shakespeare's work with th e Lives comes i n th e grou p o f plays assigned t o th e year s 1606-7 , Antony and Cleopatra, Coriolanus an d Timon of Athens. (Ther e is , a s th e date s impl y there may be, som e cross-pollination i n Shakespeare' s use of the Lives which form thes e plays' respective principal sources . For purely decorative reasons, it seems, the parts in Timon involve six proper names fro m the Life of Marcus Antonius.) In Antony and Cleopatra h e submit s himself to history rather than imposin g his own patterns, particularly s o in Act 5, and thi s offers a n explanation for the play's hard-to-follow scenic structure and its unemphatic quality: the Antonius narrative, though 'ful l of compelling circumstantia l detail' , i s 'lackin g i n a clearl y visualizabl e shape', tendin g t o follo w 'th e waverin g cours e o f Anton y himsel f (Jones 1971 : 225) . Even where Shakespeare's invention i s called upon , Plutarch often provide s its starting-points. The first Act, though largely Shakespeare's own material, evokes the lovers' way of life, 'which' , says North, 'the y calle d Amimetobion (a s much t o say , no lif e comparabl e and matcheabl e with it)' (Plutarch 1895-6: vi, 27). Enobarbus, though developed fro m onl y two sentence s in th e Life , i s as a chori c figur e i n some way s a n equivalen t fo r th e authoria l voic e o f Plutarc h (a s for Shakespeare himself) , an d i n hi s ambivalenc e toward s th e lover s h e merely exaggerates tendencies already present in the narrative (an d in the accompanying comparison between Antony and Demetrius). While Plutarch generally , and o n som e views uncharacteristically, adopts dis tinctly 'Roman' attitude s towards them an d thei r 'childis h sports' , it is part of his charm that he presents some episodes - thei r practical jokes, for exampl e - i n much more genia l tones . In Antony and Cleopatra th e verbal echoes of North are , however, more restricted than in the othe r Plutarchan plays ; i n spit e o f th e famousl y clos e borrowings fro m th e passage o n Cleopatr a a t Cydnus , th e pla y 'adhere s mos t closel y t o the narrative of the biographer, which is altered mainly by the omission 431

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of detail s unsuitabl e fo r th e purpose s o f th e dramatist ; bu t th e words, phrases , constructions , ar e fo r th e mos t par t conspicuousl y Shakespeare's own'(MacCallu m 1967 : 166). Other non-narrativ e element s share d wit h Plutarc h her e ar e th e Rome-Alexandria axis - though Shakespeare develops and complicates the contrast , an d Plutarch' s developmen t o f a distinctiv e atmospher e for Greec e i s ignored - an d a n interes t in Antony's menta l struggle , introduced ver y early in the play ('These strong Egyptian fetters I must break', 1.2.113 ) bu t no t followe d throug h ver y full y b y Shakespeare . The strain s of Antony's marriage ar e inspire d b y Plutarch's juxtapositions of Octavia an d Cleopatra , thi s subject als o being dealt with more insistently i n th e pla y tha n th e Life . Still , ther e i s i n Shakespeare' s treatment o f Antony 'the sam e expansiveness, nobility, generosity, and largeness of spirit - thoug h not quite the simplicity which is important in Plutarch', a simplicity which is precisely what renders him vulnerable to Cleopatra' s wiles. As for Cleopatra , 'Plutarch' s figur e i s sometimes enigmatic . . . but far less so than Shakespeare's: in a quite different way from Plutarch's figure, one can understand why she captivated a hero of Antony's stature' (Felling 1988 : 42 , 44). Coriolanus wa s a muc h mor e obscur e narrative fo r Shakespeare t o choose, much further fro m the beaten track than his previous selections, even i f the stor y o f Rome's ingratitud e an d Coriolanus ' reveng e ha d been tol d b y Liv y an d i n Painter' s Palace of Pleasure. 'Dozen s o f poetasters could write plays on Julius Caesa r o r o n Cleopatra. Dozens did. Bu t t o write Coriolanus was on e o f the grea t feat s o f the historica l imagination i n Renaissanc e Europe ' (Spence r 1957 : 35) . Plutarc h couples Coriolanu s i n hi s Life wit h Alcibiade s a s tw o differen t type s brought int o conflic t wit h thei r ow n countrymen , th e on e successfu l and th e othe r unsuccessfu l a t retaining popular favou r (h e implies that Coriolanus' error s resul t fro m th e earl y los s o f hi s father , thoug h hi s generous an d nobl e natur e wa s never wholl y suppressed), and Shake speare also draws on Plutarch's compariso n betwee n them - fo r verbal and othe r echoes of it see Honigmann 1959 . In Plutarch' s Coriolanus, as was no t th e cas e with th e Life ofAntonius, 'the tormente d geniu s of the youn g aristocrat i s beautifully presented , and th e materia l i s se t ou t i n suc h a wa y tha t i t wa s eas y fo r late r dramatists t o organiz e it into tragedy fo r the stage ' (Bullough , v, 473). At a superficial level Shakespeare treats his source carefully, for example in preservin g Roma n manner s an d allusions ; but o n othe r level s new 432

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perspectives are opene d up . The introductio n o f the concep t of mercy, too little of which Coriolanus is said to have shown towards the people , and t o whic h Volumni a appeals , i s a divagatio n fro m Plutarc h an d North a s 'implying an extension of mercy beyond the narro w scope of class bias ' (Heue r 1957 : 57) . Correspondingly, Aufidiu s i s brought i n much earlier than i n Plutarch to establish what North term s the 'mar vellous privat e hate ' betwee n them . And , thoug h th e deb t t o North / Plutarch (show n i n (B) ) in th e set-piec e intervie w wit h Volumni a i s evident, th e emphase s ar e different : 'Shakespear e entirel y excise s the religious aura surroundin g this appeal, th e vision which moves Valeria to sugges t the women' s deputatio n t o Martius , an d th e subsequently pious thanksgiving . . . Shakespear e make s th e character s i n hi s play frequently appea l t o the gods, but he is more interested in the aw e that they feel towards and inspir e in each other' (Poole 1988 : 12) . The stor y of Timon o f Athens occurs a s a digressio n i n th e Life of Marcus Antonius, recountin g ho w afte r th e battl e o f Actiu m Anton y lived i n 'hi s solitar y hous e h e ha d buil t b y th e sea , whic h h e calle d Timoneon' an d followe d Timon' s example . Plutarch' s descriptio n o f Timon, less than 50 0 words in North, gav e the basic data - Alcibiade s and Apemantu s a s the onl y people Timo n tolerated , hi s invitation t o the Athenian s t o han g themselve s on hi s fig tree, an d tw o epitaphs , both o f which, confusingly , Shakespear e use s i n th e fina l scen e of th e play. Sinc e Plutarch' s Life of Alcibiades forme d th e counterpar t o f hi s Coriolanus it i s natural t o assum e Shakespeare rea d it . Thi s canno t b e categorically proved, bu t th e rathe r formles s Alcibiades does provide all the fact s i n Shakespeare' s portrait o f the character , togethe r wit h th e ambivalence toward s hi m whic h Aristophanes must have felt whe n i n the Frogs h e propose d hi m a s a suitabl e subjec t fo r tw o contrastin g dramatic interpretations, comic and tragic respectively. A third and last possible Plutarcha n locu s amon g th e source s i s th e 'Compariso n o f Alcibiades wit h Martiu s Coriolanus' , draw n o n fo r Coriolanus, whic h may b e verball y echoe d onc e i n th e pla y (Honigman n 1959 : 29) . 'If , however, North' s Plutarch gav e Shakespear e wha t ma y b e calle d hi s premises' fo r Timon, 'i t di d no t giv e hi m a plo t o f anythin g lik e th e completeness of the plots he normally followed' (Olive r 1959 : xxxv). Shakespeare's us e o f Plutarc h goe s wel l beyon d thes e fou r plays . Plutarch's presenc e i n Shakespearea n dram a o n Englis h histor y i s partly a n aspec t o f th e sixteenth-centur y Europea n habi t o f seein g ancient histor y a s th e gramma r fo r it s vernacula r descendents . 433

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Mossman (supplemented by Tiffany 1999 ) shows in detail how Plutarch may be a model fo r style and structur e a s well as narrative conten t i n Henry V, which she contends 'has the structur e of a classic Plutarch life ' and draw s o n Plutarch' s Life of Alexander 'no t onl y fo r fillin g ou t th e subtle textur e o f th e Alexande r comparison s bu t als o fo r suggestin g ways in which a portrait o f a national her o could be made mor e memorable, mor e moving , mor e universal ' (1994: 73). More lightheartedly , Fluellen's famou s compariso n betwee n Henr y an d Alexande r i s ofte n taken t o b e a kin d o f parody o f the Plutarcha n 'comparisons' . Else where, Shakespeare returns again an d agai n t o the Life of Brutus over a ten-year period , especiall y the page s dealin g wit h Brutu s and Portia' s relationship. These seem to leave their mark on Lady Percy in Henry IV and Porti a i n The Merchant of Venice, while Hamlet an d Macbet h ca n b e seen as developments of a Shakespearean concer n with interiority that begins with the Brutu s of Julius Caesar (see Mueller 1991) . It ha s prove d temptin g t o loo k fo r Plutarcha n ingredient s i n altogether remote r parts of the Shakespeare canon. This game is sometimes not worth the candle - thoug h J. M. Nosworthy (1982: 102-10) , for example , rightly points out tha t th e us e of six names from Plutarc h in The Winter's Tale may imply other as yet undiscovered debts. In some cases standin g rathe r a s testament s t o th e ingenuit y o f scholars tha n major aid s in the interpretatio n o f Shakespeare ar e studie s of Plutarch and Hamlet (Freema n 1974) , Plutarc h an d Othello (Grave s 1973) , Plutarch an d Cymbeline (Lee s 1976) , and s o forth. (D) For Plutarch's place among historians in the Renaissance see Shackford (1929) , Burke (1966) and Hunte r (1977) ; for North's life an d work see Matthiesson (1931). Spencer (1964 ) is the standar d moder n editio n of selection s showin g th e Shakespearea n materia l i n Plutarc h (i n a modernized 157 9 text), with the linguistically or narratively closest parallel passage s fro m th e play s quote d a t th e foo t o f many pages . Th e range o f ways in which Shakespear e use s Plutarc h - a s source, background, subtex t - i s explored b y Miola (1987) . Thoug h mos t studies concentrate o n a singl e Shakespear e pla y o r occasionall y a singl e Plutarch life , investigatio n ca n als o be carrie d ou t thematically : Dillon (1979), fo r example , discusse s 'solitariness ' a s a them e Shakespear e developed fro m Plutarch . Othe r modern edition s of the fou r principa l Plutarchan play s a s wel l a s thos e liste d have usefu l discussion s of th e relationships fo r thes e individua l works . Gree n (1979 ) i s a recen t 434

Plutarch attempt t o dea l a t th e lengt h o f a shor t monograp h wit h th e Roma n plays collectively as Plutarch-based works. Bullough, v. Burke, Peter (1966). ' A Survey of the Popularit y of Ancient Historians , 1450-1700.' History and Theory 5 : 135-52. Dillon, Janett e (1979) . '"Solitariness" : Shakespear e an d Plutarch. ' JEGP 78 : 325-44. Freeman, James A . (1974) . 'Hamlet , Hecuba , an d Plutarch. ' ShSt 7: 197-202. Graves, Wallace (1973). 'Plutarch's Life ofCato Utican as a Major Source for Othello: ShQ24: 181-7 . Green, Davi d C . (1979) . Plutarch Revisited: A Study of Shakespeare's Last Roman Tragedies and their Source. Salzburg. Hanna, Sar a (1994) . 'Voice s agains t Tyranny : Gree k Source s o f The Winter's Tale.' Classical and Modern Literature 14 : 335-44. Herford, C. H., Percy and Evelyn Simpson, eds (1925-51). Benjonson, 8 vols. Oxford. Heuer, Herman n (1957) . 'Fro m Plutarc h t o Shakespeare : A Stud y of Coriolanus.' ShSu 10 : 50-9 . Homan, Sidne y (1975) . 'Dion, Alexander, and Demetrius - Plutarch' s Forgotten Parallel Lives - a s Mirrors fo r Shakespeare's Julius Caesar.' ShStS: 195-210 . Honigmann, E. A.J. (1959). 'Shakespeare's Plutarch.' SAQ,10: 25-33. (1961). 'Tmon of Athens.' ShQ\2: 3-20 . Humphreys, Arthur , ed . (1984) . Julius Caesar (Oxfor d Shakespeare) . Oxford. Hunter, G . K . (1977) . ' A Roma n Thought : Renaissanc e Attitude s to History exemplified in Shakespeare andjonson', pp. 93-118 in Brian S. Lee, ed., An English Miscellany: Presented to W. S. Mackie. Cape Town . Jones, Emry s (1971). Scenic Form in Shakespeare. Oxford . Lees, Franci s Noel (1976) . 'Plutarc h an d The Winter's Tale.' JV<8?Q,221 : 161-2. MacCallum, M. W . (1967). Shakespeare's Roman Plays and their Background. London (firs t publishe d 1910) . Maguin, Jean-Marie (1973) . 'Prefac e t o a Critica l Approac h to Julius Caesar, wit h a Chronological Catalogu e o f Shakespeare's Borrowin g from North' s Plutarch.' CahiersEl: 15-49 . Matthiesson, F. O. (1931). Translation: An Elizabethan Art. Cambridge, MA . 435

Plutarch Miola, Robert S. (1987). 'Shakespeare and his Sources: Observations on the Critical Histor y of "Julius Caesar".' ShSu 40: 69-76. Mossman, Judith (1994) . 'Henry Fan d Plutarch' s Alexander. ' SA(M5 : 57-73. Mueller, Martin (1991) . 'Plutarch's "Life of Brutus" and th e Pla y of Its Repetitions in Shakespearean Drama.' RenD 22: 47-93. Neill, Michael , ed . (1994) . Antony and Cleopatra (Oxfor d Shakespeare) . Oxford. Nosworthy, J. M . (1982) . 'Shakespeare' s Pastoral Metamorphoses' , pp . 90-113 in George R. Hibbard , ed., The Elizabethan Theatre VIII. Por t Credit. Oliver, H. J., ed. (1959). Timon of Athens (Arden Shakespeare). London. Pelling, C. B . R., ed. (1988) . Plutarch: Life of Antony. Cambridge . Plutarch (1895-6) . Lives of the Noble Grecians and Romans Englished by Sir Thomas North anno 1579 (The Tudor Translations , vin) , 6 vols . London. Poole, Adrian (1988) . Coriolanus (Harvester New Critica l Introduction s to Shakespeare). London. Rothschild, Herber t B. , Jr (1976) . 'Th e Obliqu e Encounter : Shake speare's Confrontation of Plutarch with Specia l Reference to Antony and Cleopatra.' ELR 6: 404-29. RusseU, D. A. (1973). Plutarch. London. Shackford, Marth a Hal e (1929) . Plutarch in Renaissance England, with Special Reference to Shakespeare. Wellesley, MA . Spencer, T. J. B. (1954). 'The Vile Name of Demetrius.' MLR 49: 46-8. (1957). 'Shakespear e an d th e Elizabetha n Romans. ' ShSu 10 : 27-38. ed. (1964) . Shakespeare's Plutarch: The Lives of Julius Caesar, Brutus, Marcus Antonius, and Coriolanus in the translation of Sir Thomas North. Harmondsworth. Stirling, Brent s (1964) . 'Cleopatra' s Scen e wit h Seleucus : Plutarch , Daniel, and Shakespeare.' SA(H5.i: 299-311. Tiffany, Grac e (1999) . 'Shakespeare' s Dionysia n Prince : Drama , Politics, and the "Athenian " Histor y Play.' RenQJ>2: 366-83. Porter, Henry (ft. 1589), Playwright Porter' s The Two Angry Women of Abingdon (playe d b y 1590? ) ha s a rang e o f perhap s entirel y coincidental similaritie s wit h Romeo and Juliet, whil e it s sequel , a los t 436

Porter, Henry work, i s hypotheticall y connecte d wit h The Merry Wives of Windsor b y Nosworthy (1965) . Reservation s in th e latte r cas e are note d b y Olive r (1971:lx-lxi). Nosworthy, J. M . (1952) . 'Th e Two Angry Families of Verona.' ShQ3: 219-26. (1965). Shakespeare's Occasional Plays: Their Origin and Transmission, pp. 93-114. London. Oliver, H . J. , ed . (1971) . The Merry Wives of Windsor (Arde n Shake speare). London .

Pory, John See Africanus, Leo.

Preston, Thomas See Morality Tradition.

Primaudaye, Pierre de la See La Primaudaye, Pierre de. Proverbs Se e als o Culmann, Leonhard; Erasmus, Desiderius; Publilius Syrus. Dent, R. W . (1981). Shakespeare's Proverbial Language. Berkeley. Tilley, M. P . (1950). A Dictionary of the Proverbs in England in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries. Ann Arbor . Wilson, F. P. (1969). 'The Proverbial Wisdom of Shakespeare', pp. 143 75 i n Hele n Gardner , ed., Shakespearian and Other Studies by F. P. Wilson. Oxford. Ptolemaeus, Claudius (Ptolemy) (ft. AD 139-161), Roman Astronomer and Geographer Map s printe d i n th e man y Renaissance edition s o f Ptolemy' s Geography ofte n includ e on e o r tw o features, such as 'anthropophagi', which appear i n Othello's accoun t of his travels.

437

Ptolemaeus, Claudius (Ptolemy)

French, J. Milto n (1934) . 'Othell o amon g th e Anthropophagi.' PMLA 49: 807-9.

Publilius Syrus (1st Century BC), Writer of Latin Mimes At leas t a par t o f Publiliu s Syrus ' collectio n o f proverbs , includin g many sententiae fro m othe r writers , wa s almos t universall y studie d b y Renaissance schoolboys in some form. Smith, Charle s Georg e (1963) . Shakespeare's Proverb Lore: His Use of the Sententiae of Leonard Culman and Publilius Syrus. Cambridge , MA .

Puttenham, George (or Richard) (c . 1530-1590), Author of The Arte o f English Poesie (A) Either o f two brothers, Georg e an d Richar d Puttenham , ma y have been th e autho r o f th e originall y anonymou s Arte of English Poesie, published i n 158 9 (but attribute d a t som e point s i n th e pas t t o othe r authors altogether : se e Willcoc k an d Walke r 1936 : ixff.) . Bot h wer e nephews o f Si r Thoma s Elyot , wh o dedicate d t o thei r mother , hi s sister, his Education for the Bringing up of Children. George , no w considere d the stronge r candidate , wa s traine d a t Cambridg e an d th e Middl e Temple. H e wa s als o responsibl e fo r a n (unprinted ) 'Apologie ' fo r Queen Elizabeth' s treatment of Mary Queen o f Scots. The Arte particularizes fine distinctions of critical terminology. Book i is on the natur e of poetry, its dignity, antiquity, educative power, and s o on, dealin g als o with generi c classe s of it. Boo k n i s on metre , anagrams, pattern-poetry , and othe r devices ; Book in moves on to figures of speec h an d rhetoric , presentin g Englis h equivalent s fo r th e Gree k terms - no t the least valuable of the treatise's features. (B) The Arte's reputation, particularly in fashionable literary circles, was high during Shakespeare's later years and beyond; it is still a 'book that goes about' injonson's 161 9 conversations with Drummond. Jonson's copy, quoted here, is in the Britis h Library. The fina l chapte r (in . 25) is titled: ' That the good Poet or maker ought to dissemble his arte, and in what cases the artificiall is more commended then the naturall, and contrariwise'. Puttenham is aiming here to distinguish the bases for a description of the poet's art. 438

Puttenham, George (or Richard) In som e cases we say arte i s an ayd e and coadjuto r to nature, an d a furtherer o f her action s to goo d effect , o r peradventure a meane t o supply her wants , by renforcing the cause s wherein shee is impotent and defectiv e . . . In another respect arte is not only an aide and coadjutor to nature in al l her actions , bu t a n altere r o f them, an d i n som e sor t a sur mounter o f he r skill , s o a s b y meane s o f i t he r own e effect s shal l appeare mor e beautiful l o r straung e an d miraculou s . . . An d th e Gardiner b y his arte will not onely make an herbe, or flowr, or fruite , come forth i n his season without impediment, but als o will embellish the sam e i n vertue, shape , odou r an d taste , that natur e o f her self e woulde neve r hav e done : a s to mak e th e singl e gillifloure , o r mari gold, o r daisie , double: an d th e whit e rose, redde, yellow , o r carna tion, a bitte r melo n sweete ; a sweet e apple , soure ; a plumm e o r cherrie withou t a stone; a peare withou t core o r kernell, a goord o r coucumber like to a home, or any other figure h e will: any of which things natur e coul d no t do e withou t man s hel p an d arte . Thes e actions also are most singular, when they be most artificiall . (Puttenham 1589 : 253-4) (C) Richar d Field , th e origina l printe r o f th e Arte i n 1589 , wa s als o responsible fo r printin g Shakespeare' s firs t publishe d work , Venus and Adonis, four years later. It is often suppose d Shakespeare and Fiel d were friends rathe r tha n mer e busines s associate s (ther e ar e othe r famil y connections). Thi s ma y b e ho w Shakespear e encountere d th e Arte, though n o goo d textua l evidenc e i s availabl e fo r hi s knowledg e o f i t until King Lear, over fifteen years later. At 3.2.79-95 of this play is found a speech given to the Fool which is usually taken to be a parody of some lines o f vers e give n illustrativel y i n th e Arte an d attribute d ther e t o Chaucer (see Muir 1977 : 104) . Other tha n this , Puttenham' s possibl e effect s o n Shakespear e ar e divisible into two kinds: echoes of Puttenham's though t o r phraseolog y as such, and th e us e of figures and othe r device s explained o r recom mended by him (fo r example , the 'climbing' figure in which each term is a 'ladder ' to the next , as in Rosalind's 'n o sooner met but the y look'd; no sooner look'd but they lov'd; no sooner lov'd but they sigh'd', As You Like It 5.2.31) . Gase s o f th e secon d kind , howeve r plausible the y ma y seem at times, are incapabl e o f verification becaus e Puttenham invent s no ne w figures: Shakespeare coul d hav e foun d a n explanation , an d i n 439

Puttenham, George (or Richard) probably ever y instanc e examples , o f an y give n figur e i n anothe r authority and/or in several literary works (in English or otherwise). For th e othe r typ e o f debt , onl y on e instanc e i s widely considere d both plausible and significan t today: Puttenham's discours e on art an d nature ((B) , above) forms on e o f the severa l likely sources of the discussion betwee n Perdit a an d Polixene s i n The Winter's Tale, 4.4 . I n th e chapter a s a whole Puttenha m distinguishe s si x different relationship s between natur e an d ar t (ar t as 'aid e an d coadjutor' , an d s o on). Th e commonplace natur e o f the thinking - th e horticultural application s are scarcely unusual either - make s it difficult t o say how much influ ence th e passag e ha s ha d o n th e dialogue , bu t Puttenham' s perhap s somewhat solem n and didacti c ton e i s the kin d o f thing th e dramatis t can be imagined a s responding to with detached amusement . 'It would be in keeping with the quality of Shakespeare's wit to play lightly upon Puttenham's them e an d provid e a summar y commen t upo n it , delivered with the grave urbanity of a Polixenes' (Wilson 1943: 118) . (D) The onl y lengthy account o f Puttenham's effec t o n Shakespear e is Rushton (1909) , and th e lengt h results from Rushton' s far greater willingness to see the Arte behind Shakespearea n phraseology, especially of rhetorical kinds, than i s found i n an y mor e recen t authority . His lon g essay consist s almos t entirel y o f juxtaposed passage s linke d b y a fe w words o f comment ; som e o f th e man y parallel s migh t bea r re examination today , but fo r the most part his procedure i s fatally flawed by a failure t o consider alternative explanations . [Puttenham, George? ] (1589). The Arte of English Poesie. London. Rushton, Willia m Lowe s (1909) . Shakespeare and 'The Arte of English Poesie'. Liverpool. Willcock, Glady s Doidge , an d Alic e Walker , ed s (1936) . The Arte of English Poesie by George Puttenham. Cambridge . Wilson, Harold S. (1943).' "Nature and Art " i n Winter's Tale IV, iv, 86ff.' Shakespeare Association Bulletin 18 : 114—19 .

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R Rabelais, Frai^ois (?1494-? 1553), French Satirist A fe

possible allusions to and echoe s of Rabelais i n Shakespeare hav e never been fel t t o b e o f much consequence , an d d o no t necessaril y indicat e direct knowledge . Som e direc t contac t wit h Rabelais ' word s wa however, offere d b y quotation s i n th e Frenc h languag e manual s o f John Eliot (Thomas 1971) .

Brown, Huntingdo n (1933) . Rabelais in English Literature., Appendix A . Cambridge, MA. Prescott, Ann e Lak e (1998) . Imagining Rabelais in Renaissance England. New Haven. Thomas, Davi d H. (1971) . 'Rabelais in England: John Eliot's Ortho-Epia Gallica.' Etudes Rabelaisiennes 9: 97—118 . Rainolde, Richard (d. 1606), English Clergyman and Rhetorician Rainold e i s one o f the man y possibl e source s for th e 'degree' speech in Troilus and Cressida 1.3 . His quite separate importance as a representativ e o f a traditio n i n rhetori c tha t certainl y affecte d Shakespeare is explained by Trousdale (1982) . Ronan, Cliffor d J . (1985) . 'Daniel , Rainolde , Demosthenes , an d th e Degree Speec h o f Shakespeare's Ulysses. ' Renaissance and Reformation 9: 111-18 . 441

Rainolde, Richard Trousdale, Marion (1982) . Shakespeare and the Rhetoricians. Chape l Hill . Rare Triutnphes o f Love an d Fortune^ Th e (Anon. Play, 1589))) Thi s pla y ha s 's o man y mino r point s o f resemblanc e t Cymbeline tha t i t i s temptin g t o regar d i t a s a n influenc e o n Shake speare, by centra-suggestion rather tha n by direct imitation' (Bullough, vin:21). Bullough, vin. Nosworthy, J. M., ed. (1969). Cymbeline (Arde n Shakespeare), xxv-xxviii. London. Riche, Barnaby See Gl'Ingannati. Robinson, Richard See Gesta Romanorum. Ronsard, Pierre de (1524-1585), French Poet Leishma n suggests tha t Ronsar d influence d Shakespeare' s Sonnets i n somewha t more specifi c way s tha n merel y b y constitutin g par t o f th e sonne t tradition. Leishman, J . B . (1961) . Themes and Variations in Shakespeare's Sonnets. London. Roper, William (1496-1578), Biographer of Sir Thomas More Roper' s manuscrip t biograph y o f c. 1556- 7 i s on e o f fiv e Lives o f More whic h ar e considere d possibl e source s for Sir Thomas More. Metz, G . Harold , ed . (1989) . Sources of Four Plays Ascribed to Shakespeare. Columbia, MI . Rowley, Samuel (d. c . 1630), Playwright Rowley' s When You See Me Ton Know Me (1605) , a 'chronicl e history ' o f Henr y VIII , i s a n

442

Rowley, Samuel

acknowledged sourc e fo r th e Shakespear e play , thoug h ver y man y points of similarity were inevitable i n two works on the same subject. Bullough, iv: 441-2.

Rowley, William See Chronicle History Plays.

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s Sabie, Francis (ft. 1595), Author of Th e Fisher-Man's Tale Sable' s tw o blan k vers e narrativ e poem s The Fisher-Man's Tale and it s sequel Flora's Fortune (both 1595 ) offe r moderat e similaritie s t o The Winter's Tale, bu t th e pictur e i s cloude d b y Sabie' s followin g o f Greene's Pandosto for incident and ofte n fo r phraseology. Bullough, vin. Honigmann, E . A . J. (1955) . 'Secondar y Source s of The Winter's Tale.' />Q,34: 27-38. Stanford, Ann e (1964) . 'Shakespear e an d Franci s Sabie. ' ShQ 15.i: 454-5. Saint's Play, Medieval Emry s Jones suggest s tha t th e Saint' s Play (o r Passio n Play ) wa s paradigmati c fo r Shakespearea n traged y in 'th e nativ e late-medieva l conceptio n o f the God-ma n hero ' (1977 : 84). Jones (1977).

Savile, Henry See Tacitus, Publius Cornelius (or Gaius Cornelius). 444

Saviolo, Vincentio

Saviolo, Vincentio (ft. 1595), Italian Fencing Master

Some specialis t knowledg e o f fencin g techniques , terminolog y an d etiquette in Romeo and Juliet could be drawn from th e English translation of Saviolo's fencing manual, V. Saviolo his Practise, 1594—5 . Holmer,Joan Ozar k (1994) . '"Draw , if you be men": Saviolo' s Signifi cance for Romeo and Juliet.' ShQ45: 163-89 .

Saxo, called Grammaticus Se e Belleforest, Frai^ois de. Sceve, Maurice (1510—1564), French Poet Jacques' image of the sufferin g love r i n As You Like It 2.7.147- 9 ha s bee n trace d t o on e of Sceve's poems. Kastan, David Scott, and Nancy J. Vickers (1980). 'Shakespeare, Sceve, and " A woeful ballad".' N&QJ125: 165-6 .

Scot (Scott) , Reginald (1538?-1599), Author of Th e Discovery of Witchcraft

(A) Scot's Kentis h origin s an d hi s pursuits a s a country gentlema n ar e reflected i n hi s firs t book, The Perfect Platform of a Hoppe-Garden, a treatise on hop-growin g publishe d i n 1574 . H e attende d Har t Hall , Oxford , appears t o hav e been a lawye r and Justice o f the Peace , an d becam e Member o f Parliamen t fo r Ne w Romney , 1588-9 . Hi s larg e an d learned boo k The Discoverie of Witchcraft, wherein the Lewde dealing of Witches and Witchmongers is notablie detected . . . [with] a Treatise upon the Nature and Substance of Spirits andDivels was published i n 1584 . (B) The Discoverie of Witchcraft i s 'important as a thorough-going demon stration o f the margina l element s in medieva l Catholicis m an d thei r affiliation wit h other contemporary kinds of magical activity' (Thoma s 1997: 54). But it is chiefly remembered as an enlightened attac k on th e superstition that condemned 'witches' - ofte n the poor or mentally unfit - t o severe punishments. Sco t argue d tha t once we grant witches have no rea l powe r t o d o harm , w e mus t als o rejec t th e usua l secondar y reason fo r witc h trials , tha t th e accuse d hope d o r intende d t o caus e harm - fo r 'to will a thing unpossible, is a signe of a mad man, or of a 445

Scot (Scott), Reginald foole, upo n who m n o sentenc e or judgement taket h hold' (ed. Nicholson 1973 : 11). Scot's work, however, 'upheld and defended a heresy, the existence and diabolical power s and practices of witches being believed in an d guarde d against , b y the Queen , th e bishops , an d th e people ' (Nicholson 1973 : xxxvii), and henc e i t was attacked by 'authorities' o n witchcraft, includin g James VI o f Scotland, who in 159 7 published his less progressiv e Daemonologie and , on hi s accessio n t o th e thron e o f England in 1603 , ordered Scot's book to be burned. The reputatio n o f Scot's wor k was for a time considerabl e - w e are told b y near-contemporaries i t made 'grea t impressions on the Magis tracy an d Clergy ' (Nicholso n 1973 : xxxvii), an d Scot' s admirer s included Samuel Harsnett, later Archbishop o f York. It was reprinted into the seventeenth century and it provided materia l fo r Middleton's play The Witch (c. 1626). This passag e i s one o f three i n whic h referenc e is made t o 'Robi n good-fellow'. A s wel l a s givin g a remarkabl e catalogu e o f sixteenth century 'bugs', it clearly illustrates the sceptical tenor of Scot's work: Of vaine apparitions, how people have beene brought tofeare bugges, which is partlie reformed by preaching of the gospell, the true effect ofChristes miracles. But certeinlie , som e one knave in a white sheete hath cousene d an d abused mani e thousand s tha t waie ; specialli e whe n Robi n good fellow kept such a coile in the countrie. But you shall understand, that these bug s specialli e ar e spie d an d feare d o f sick e folke , children , women, and cowards, which through weaknesse of minde an d bodie , are shake n with vain e dreame s an d continual l feare . Th e Scythians, being a stout and a warlike nation (a s divers writers report) never see anie vain e sight s or spirits. It i s a common saieng ; A lion fearet h no bugs. Bu t i n ou r childhoo d ou r mother s maid s hav e s o terrified u s with a n ougli e divel l having home s o n hi s head, fie r i n hi s mouth, and a taile i n his breech, eie s like a bason, fange s lik e a dog, clawe like a beare, a skin like a Niger, and a voice roring like a lion, whereby we start and are afraid when we heare one crie Bough: and they have so fraie d u s with bul l beggers , spirits , witches, urchens, elves , hags, fairies, satyrs, pans, faunes, sylens, kit with the cansticke, tritons, centaurs, dwarfes, giants, imps, calcars, conjurors, nymphes, changlings, Incubus, Robin good-fellowe , th e spoorne , th e mare , th e ma n i n th e oke, th e hel l waine , th e fierdrake , th e puckle , To m thombe , ho b gobblin, To m tumbler , boneles , an d suc h othe r bugs , tha t w e ar e 446

Scot (Scott), Reginald

afraid o f ou r ow n shadowes : i n s o muc h a s som e neve r fear e th e divell, bu t i n a dark e night ; an d the n a polled sheep e i s a perillous beast, an d mani e time s is taken for our father s soule , specialli e i n a churchyard, wher e a right hardie man heretofore scan t durst passe by night, bu t hi s hair e woul d stan d upright . Fo r righ t grav e writer s report, tha t spirits most often an d specialli e take the shape of women appearing t o monks , &c : and o f beasts, dogs , swine , horsses, gotes, cats, haires; of fowles, a s crowes, night owles , and shreek e owles; bu t they delight most in the likenes of snakes and dragons . (vn.15; 158 4 text, ed. Nicholson 1973 : 122-3 ) (C) Shakespeare is widely assumed to have known the Discoverie of Witchcraft. Mui r (1977: 216) observes vaguely that he 'probably derived som e of his information' on witches in Macbeth from Scot , and Gulsta d (1994) argues that the treatise was in Shakespeare's min d a s a source of details for Lear' s moc k tria l o f his daughter s (3.6) . Bu t i t ha s a stronge r an d longer-established connectio n t o A Midsummer Might's Dream, with tw o main aspects : Scot's discussion of beliefs abou t the 'hob gobblin' Robin Goodfellow (iv . 10, vn.2, an d vn . 15, above) , an d hi s reference s t o asinine transformation s (v.3 , xin. 19). Neither i s quite conclusiv e a s a Shakespeare source . Muir accept s a deb t t o Sco t fo r Puck but finds it 'likely that Shakespeare's character i s derived from folk-lor e rather tha n books, an d tha t Robi n i s fused wit h th e puckle ' ( a kind o f hobgobli n mentioned i n th e Sco t passag e quote d i n (B)) . Brooks, however, finds further clos e connections , includin g a mentio n o f ventriloquis m i n Scot's discussions . Similar kind s of conclusion emerg e fro m thes e tw o commentators o n Scot's ass transformations, wit h Muir rightly observ ing tha t Shakespear e i s likelier t o hav e use d Apuleius, bu t Brook s finding tiny correspondences perhaps sufficien t t o reopen th e questio n (Muir 1977 : 68; Brooks 1979: Ix-lxi). Bullough's view is that the super stitious nonsens e Sco t present s o n asinin e metamorphose s 'mus t hav e amused th e poet, wh o laughingly answers Scot by showing transformations happening'; and where Puck is concerned, 'a s Scot declares . . . Robin Goodfello w was no longer a s terrible an d credibl e a s he used to be', Shakespeare 'presents a somewhat obsolescent bugbear an d shows him as more genia l than tradition made him' (i, 373). (D) Bullough, i; Muir (1977) . 447

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Brooks, Harold E , ed . (1979) . A Midsummer Night's Dream (Arden Shake speare). London . Gulstad, William (1994). 'Mock-Trial or Witch-Trial i n King Lear?9 N&Q 239: 494-7. Nicholson, Brinsley , ed. (1973) . The Discoverie of Witchcraft, by Reginald Scot, Esquire, Being a Reprint of the First Edition Published in 1584. Wakefield (edition first published 1886) . Thomas, Keith (1997) . Religion and the Decline of Magic: Studies in Popular Beliefs in Sixteenth and Seventeenth Century England. Londo n (firs t pub lished 1971) .

Secchi, Nicolo (1500-1560), Italian Playwright Two o

Secchi's plays , Gl'Inganni an d L'Interesse, sho w som e point s o f contac t with Twelfth Might, especiall y in th e treatmen t o f women an d romanti c love.

Kaufman, Hele n Andrews (1954). 'Nicolo Secchi as a Source of Twelfth Night: ,S&Q,5:271-80 . Melzi, Robert C . (1966). 'From Lelia to Viola.' RenD 9: 67-81. Seneca, Lucius Annaeus, the Elder (c . 55 BC-c. AD 39, Roman Rhetorician Th e cour t scen e i n The Merchant of Venice follows som e o f th e lega l protocol s expounde d b y th e Elde r Seneca ; his Controversia i s als o a sourc e o f Silvayn's Orator, and Wait h (1951 ) suspects th e apparen t deb t t o Silvay n i n Pericles i s i n fac t a n illusio n created by the common origins . Schlauch, Margare t (1960) . 'Roma n "Controversiae " an d th e Cour t Scene in Shakespeare' s "Merchant o f Venice".' Kwartalnik Neoofilologwzny 7 : 45-56. Waith, Eugen e M . (1951) . 'Pericles an d Senec a th e Elder. ' JEGP 50 : 180-2.

Seneca, Lucius Annaeus, the Younger (c . 4 BG-AD 65), Roman Philosopher and Playwright

(A) Th e aristocrati c so n o f th e famou s rhetoricia n whos e nam e h e

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Seneca, Lucius Annaeus, the Younger shared, th e Younge r Senec a als o acquire d fam e i n thi s field. Born i n Spain, he was taken to Rome a s a child. His success in oratory arouse d Caligula's jealousy , an d o n th e accessio n o f Claudiu s i n 4 1 B G the Empress Messalina had hi m exiled to Corsica. In 49 he was recalled t o became tutor to Nero, the future emperor , under whom he was later to serve a s a minister . H e wa s caugh t u p i n som e o f Nero's crimes , fo r example i n writin g a defenc e o f Nero' s murde r o f hi s ow n mother . Forced to commit suicide after bein g implicated in a conspiracy agains t his master, Seneca did so with a composure that became legendary . Seneca's writing s consis t o f prose work s (notably 12 4 letter s and a series of treatises on ethical subjects) and eigh t extant tragedies in verse: Hercules Furens, Troades, Medea, Phaedra (= Hippolytus], Oedipus., Agamemnon, Thebais ( = Phoenissae] an d Thyestes. Two othe r plays were ascribed to hi m in the Renaissance : Hercules Oetaeus and Octavia. The play s follow Gree k tragedy i n subjec t matte r an d i n som e forma l features . The y deplo y choruses and stichomythia ; they are tightly structured in five Acts, and observe th e 'classical ' unitie s of time, plac e an d action . Supernatura l agency consist s of ghosts and magic , th e plots often arisin g from ghost s demanding vengeance . They ar e probably close t dramas - thoug h this was not understood in the Renaissance - an d abound i n narrative and moralizing speeche s a little lik e operatic arias , a t th e expens e o f stag e action. Thei r ton e evoke s 'th e overwhelmin g threatening presenc e of evil, th e fearfu l insecurit y of the powerfu l an d th e powerless , and th e impotence o f th e goo d wh o ca n onl y maintai n thei r integrit y an d self-respect b y dying well' (Sowerby 1994: 87). (B) Seneca' s pros e work s hel d considerabl e appea l i n th e Renaissanc e and wer e widel y translate d (firs t i n fairl y complet e for m b y Thoma s Lodge in 1614) . But their significanc e for Renaissance dramatist s was in interactio n wit h hi s plays, whic h exerte d extensiv e influence partl y because they were the only widely known examples of classical tragedy. Among classica l dramatists , 'whateve r criterio n w e use - dat e o f the editio princeps, numbe r o f translations, number o f vernacular imitations , success i n productio n - Seneca' s preeminenc e i n th e Renaissanc e i s beyond dispute' (Smith 1988 : 203). Since a s lon g ag o a s Dryden , criticis m ha s viewe d Senec a a s a n inferior dramatist -artificial, strained, derivative. This has made it hard to se e why earl y moder n writer s migh t hav e bee n intereste d i n him . One reaso n i s simply that the y delighted i n the soarin g excesses of the 449

Seneca, Lucius Annaeus, the Younger rhetoric which now seems merely overblown. Another i s that his philosophical work s expoun d a Stoicis m assimilabl e i n som e respect s t o Christian doctrin e - o f all the philosophical schools , Jerome says in his commentary o n Isaiah (4 : 11), the Stoic s have most in common with us. This doe s not mean there are not serious conflicts between the classical revenge action of Seneca's plays and conventional Christian morality conflicts ou t o f whic h th e energie s o f Shakespeare' s tragedie s ar e sometimes sai d to issue. Senecan plays were being staged in Latin a t Oxford and Cambridg e by the 1550s . The firs t Englis h imitations were by the earl y dramatists of the Inn s o f Court suc h a s Thomas Sackvill e an d Thoma s Norton , whose joint work Gorboduc (1562) is often calle d the first English tragedy (see Bake r 1939) . Lik e the late r close t dramatist s o f the Mar y Sidne y circle (Samue l Daniel, Thoma s Kyd, Abraham Fraunce) , suc h playwrights attempte d clos e Seneca n imitation . Bu t 'afte r th e openin g of th e publi c theatre s i n 1576 , th e dramaturgica l response , althoug extensive, was more indirect, complex, and creative ' (Boyle 1997 : 143) , partly becaus e by this time Seneca n material s ha d becom e mixe d an d mingled with other elements. This is true even of the standar d Englis h version of Seneca's plays, Seneca: His Tenne Tragedies, containing work in what ha s been calle d ' a rhetorica l mod e whic h woul d see m to be directly opposite to Seneca's' (Hunter 1974 : 187) . This is an exaggeration but th e tau t structure s o f th e Lati n ar e sometime s har d t o discer n beneath th e overla y o f a homelie r idiom . Th e Tenne Tragedies was a collection o f English version s b y Jasper Heywood , Alexande r Nevile , Thomas Nuc e and John Studley, and previously published from c. 1560 onwards, assemble d by Thomas Newton in 1581 , who added hi s own Thebais. Newton' s gatherin g contain s th e onl y printe d translation s available t o th e Elizabethans , thoug h ther e wer e othe r manuscrip t renderings o f Senec a includin g a fragmen t fro m Hercules Oetaeus b y Queen Elizabet h herself. Around 159 0 there i s explicit redeploymen t o f phrases an d motif s from Seneca n traged y in importan t play s such as Kyd's Spanish Tragedy and Marlowe's Edward II. Work s b y Chapman, Fulk e Greville , Jonson, Marston an d Webste r als o involv e Seneca n idea s o r othe r borrowings; amon g th e best-know n ar e th e us e o f pith y Seneca n phrases b y Webster' s Duches s o f Malf i - ' I a m Duches s o f Malf i still' (4.2.142 ; 'Mede a superest' , Medea, 166 ) - an d Tamburlain e (2 Tamburlaine 4.1.116-20 ; compar e Hercules Furens 958-61) . Kyd , i n 450

Seneca, Lucius Annaeus, the Younger particular, i s responsibl e fo r popularizin g th e reveng e moti f an d it s sanguinary consequences in The Spanish Tragedy. Thoma s Nashe, in th e preface t o Greene' s Menaphon (1589) , make s a famou s attac k o n th e habit o f borrowin g fro m Senec a i n a playwrigh t (perhap s Kyd) , o r possibly in contemporary playwright s generally: English Seneca read by candle ligh t yeeldes manie goo d sentences , as Bloud is a begger, an d s o foorth ; and, if yo u intreat e hi m fair e i n a frostie morning, he will affoord yo u whole Hamlets, I should say handfulls o f tragicall speeches. As th e dat e o f Nashe' s remark s an d o f othe r response s t o Senec a mentioned abov e suggest , much o f Shakespeare' s wor k appear s afte r the first flow of Senecan influence o n English drama . The followin g sampl e fro m Seneca: His Tenne Tragedies i s take n fro m John Studley' s versio n o f Hercules Oetaeus. Thi s passage , i n whic h th e Nurse advises Deianira t o use magic to punish Hercules for his infatu ation wit h lole , contain s little-notice d echoe s o f Prospero' s speec h 'Ye elve s o f hills ' (Tempest 5.1.33-50 ) no t presen t i n it s mai n source , Golding's Metamorphoses - 'Arte' , 'roring' , 'oape' , 'noontyde' . Bottom' s undertaking to spea k in 'Ercle s vain' (A Midsummer Night's Dream 1.2.34 ) is sometimes interpreted a s a reference t o Studley's translation. NU[TRIX]. I

t i s almos t a commo n guise , tha t wedde d wyve s do e haunte, Theyr husbands hearts by magicke Arte, and witchcraft to enchaunte. In winte r could e I charme d hav e th e woods , t o mak e them sprout, And forst th e thunder din t recoyle, that hath bin boulting out. With waltrin g surge s I hav e shook e th e sea s ami d th e calme, I smoothe d hav e th e wrastlin g waves , an d layd e down e every walme. The dr y groun d gape d hat h lik e gulphs , an d ou t ne w springs have gusht, The rorin g rock s hav e quakin g sturd , an d non e therea t hath pusht. 451

Seneca, Lucius Annaeus, the Younger Hell gloummy gates I have brast oape, where grisly ghosts all husht Have stoo d an d aunswerin g a t m y charm e th e goblin s grim have scoulde. The threefold e headde d hound e o f hel l wit h barkin g throates hath houlde. Thus both the seas, the lande, the heavens, and hell bowe at my becke. Noone day to midnight, t o and fro e turne s at my charm ing checke. At m y enchauntmen t ever y thing declyne s fro m nature s lawe. Our charm e shal l mak e hi s stomacke stoupe , an d brin g him more in awe. DE[IANIRA]. Wha t hearbes do e gro w in Pontus sea ? Or el s on Pindu s hill? To trownce this machelesse champion, wher e shall I finde the ill ? The magick e vears e enchaunt s th e Moon e fro m Starr y skies to ground , And fruictfull harves t i s thereby in barren winter found. The whiskin g flames of lightning leames oft sorcery dot h stay, And noonetyde topsy turvy tost doth dim the dusky day. And leave the welkin to the starres, and yet not cause him stoupe. NU[TRIX]. Th e God s them selve s by charme o f love have forced bi n to droupe. DE[IANIRA]. Perha p he e shal l be woon m y one, an d yeeld e to her th e spoyle. So love shall be to Hercules the last and lates t toyle.

(1581 text ; ed. Eliot 1927 : n , 210-11)

(C) Ther e ha s bee n muc h discussio n o f Shakespeare' s relatio n t o Seneca ove r th e pas t century ; ther e i s still debate ove r ho w extensive and ho w direct the relation is, but the majority view now suggests more rather tha n les s so . Earlie r argument s fo r stron g Seneca n influenc e tended t o b e base d o n situational , character , an d especiall y verba l similarities, whic h turne d ou t ofte n t o b e otherwis e explicable ; mor e 452

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spacious perspective s ar e no w adopted , s o tha t Senecanis m ma y b e discerned mor e diffusely . Also , where onc e i t was ofte n hel d tha t pas sages verbally echoing Seneca in Shakespeare were the result of reading only in indirec t source s such as anthologies, i t is now widel y accepte d that Shakespear e 'woul d hav e had a knowledge not merel y of phrases from anthologie s or of discrete passage s bu t a t least som e entir e plays ' (Jones 1977 : 268). One mor e development has been the realization that it may be a mistake to expect a similar kind of influence t o be operative throughout Shakespeare's career . Seneca was being seen and use d differently a s time passed , with th e earl y phase o f interest followed b y a later peak around 1600 . 'This would suggest that one's critical suspicion that Seneca' s influenc e o n Titus Andronicus i s superficia l but tha t o n Macbeth profound is in tune with history' (Daalder 1982 : xxvi-xxvii). It ma y b e helpfu l t o thin k i n term s o f two principal way s in which Seneca i s found i n Shakespeare : firs t i n th e us e o f Seneca n dramati c modes, forma l features , an d specifi c element s fro m individua l play s (words, characters , situations) ; second, an d les s demonstrably , in what T. S . Eliot calle d 'Seneca n sensibility' , derivin g mainl y fro m Seneca' s prose works . Eliot describe s Seneca' s Stoicism , 'completel y absorbe d and transmogrified, because . . . already . . . diffused throughou t Shakespeare's world' , a s 'a n influenc e toward s a kin d o f self-consciousnes s that is new; the self-consciousnes s an d self-dramatizatio n of the Shake spearean hero' (Eliot 1951: 139-40) . Braden (1985: 69) follows this lead in observing that 'th e sense of self implicit in the various morphologies of Seneca n dramati c rhetori c i s not unrelate d t o tha t eviden t i n th e various morphologie s o f Renaissanc e Stoicism' . Thi s 'Seneca n sens ibility' i s s o widel y reflecte d i n th e dramati c idio m o f Shakespeare' s time that almost any passage in which a suffering sel f speaks to the gods with rhetorica l power an d direc t self-referenc e (a s for instance Lea r i n Act 2 ) ma y reasonably , i f no t particularl y usefully , b e describe d a s Senecan. Where more local Senecan materials are concerned , it is possible, as Emrys Jones in particular ha s shown , to fin d 'glancingl y rapi d effects ' (Jones 1977 : 272) built on Seneca in unexpected places in Shakespeare , including comedies. The proces s of discovery is still continuing. Brooks (1979a: Ixii-lxiii, 139-45 ) identifies fres h an d suggestiv e parallels, some more tha n local , betwee n A Midsummer Night's Dream an d Seneca' s Hippolytus, Medea an d Oedipus, includin g fo r exampl e th e resemblanc e to Phaedra' s o f Helena' s behaviou r i n love . Shee n (1992 ) argue s 453

Seneca, Lucius Annaeus, the Younger strongly fo r a politicall y charge d Seneca n elemen t i n Cymbeline. Bu t claims for Seneca' s presenc e i n th e lat e tragedie s ar e les s unexpected . Boyle (1997: 147) notes Hamlet (Thyestes, Agamemnon, Hercules Furens) an d Lear (Thyestes, Agamemnon, Troades, Hercules Furens), while Daalder find s i n Lear the fundamental 'Seneca n idea that good is ... capabl e of enduring an d protectin g itsel f (1982 : xxxi) . Ornstei n (1958 ) an d Wallac e (1986) unusuall y sugges t a specifi c Shakespearea n sourc e i n perhap s Seneca's best-known prose work, De Beneficiis, fo r Brutus in Julius Caesar and fo r Timo n i n Timon of Athens, respectively . Bu t thre e o f Shake speare's work s seem to draw mor e heavil y on Senec a tha n an y others: Titus Andronicus, Macbeth and Richard III. Titus Andronicus, sometime s considere d th e mos t Seneca n o f al l Shakespeare plays - i n spite of concerted attempts (notably Baker 1939 ) to seve r the connection - quote s o r misquotes Phaedra a t 2.1.13 5 and 4.1.81-2, perhaps not to much effect. Bu t more significant relationships are discernible . Fo r Miola, Troades 'inform s th e symboli c desig n . .. as well as its dramatic configuration' , in particular i n its use of the tomb as 'a locu s wher e the past , present , and futur e intersect , a symbo l tha t mocks huma n struggl e an d achievement' , while Thyestes i s 'directly o r indirectly . . . a deep sourc e o f its energy an d it s aesthetic o f violence' (1992: 20-3). Arguably, the accommodation o f the action t o a Seneca n pattern ha s a n importan t overal l impac t i n itself : 'suc h pattern s . . . produce a curiously flattening effect: . . . they deprive the characters of their individuality and fix them as heroic types' (Smith 1988 : 241). Lady Macbeth' s speec h a t 1.5.37-5 1 i s perhaps th e mos t familia r Senecan moment o f the play: Come, you spirits That tend on mortal thoughts , unsex me here; And fill me, from th e crown to the toe, top-ful l Of direst cruelty. Make thick my blood, Stop up th' acces s and passage to remorse, That no compunctious visitings of nature Shake my fell purpose nor keep place between Th' effect an d it. Come to my woman's breasts, And tak e my milk for gall, you murd'ring ministers, Wherever in your sightless substances You wait on nature's mischief . Come, thick night, And pall thee in the dunnest smoke of hell, 454

Seneca, Lucius Annaeus, the Younger That my keen knife se e not the wound it makes, Nor heaven peep through th e blanket of the dark To cry, 'Hold, hold'. Ewbank (among others) compares these lines to Medea's ver y long Act 4 invocatio n t o Hecat e a s translate d b y Studley , connecting th e tw o speeches not by verbal echoe s but by concatenation an d configuration , closely linke d image s an d idea s creatin g a 'trai n o f associations ' (Ewbank 1966 : 85) . Lady Macbet h ma y b e mean t expressl y t o reca l Seneca's Medea, fo r example as found in the following excerpt from th e invocation i n Studley's translation : Breath o n these venoms Hecate, with deadly myght inspyre , Preserve the touching poulder of my secret covert fyre , O graun t tha t these my cloked craftes so may bewitch they r Eyes, That lylelyhoode of treason none they may heerein surmyse: So worke that they in handling it may feele no kynde of heate: Her stewin g breast, her scathin g vaynes, let fervent fye r freat e And force her rested pyning lymmes to drop and melt away (1581 text , ed. Eliot 1927 : n, 91) Further comparisons with Medea are made by Miola (1992: 106-7), who goes o n t o sugges t parallel s i n imager y betwee n Macbeth an d othe r Senecan plays. He i s joined b y commentators such as Muir (1959 : 112, 154), identifyin g specifi c echoe s o f Studley' s Agamemnon i n Macbeth. Others again relate Seneca's interest in the subjectivity of consciousness to the brooding self-awarenes s of Macbeth himself . Finally, Richard ///is distantly related to Seneca through its source The True Tragedy of Richard III (anonymous , 1594 : se e unde r Chronicl History Plays ) whic h dre w o n Richard Tertius (1580) , a n academi c Senecan traged y i n Lati n o n th e sam e subjec t b y Thoma s Legge . Independently o f this, Richard III i s 'formall y perhap s th e mos t Sene canesque o f Shakespeare' s play s i n it s singl e actio n (ther e i s no sub plot), style and tone ' (Boyle 1997 : 148). Brooks (1979b, 1980 ) has adde d a number o f meticulously traced local connections between trope s and ideas. Wit h thes e points ma y b e associate d th e inclusio n o f prologue, messenger, ghost, chorus and stichomythia , none of these links in itself conclusive bu t th e precis e for m the y tak e ofte n suggestin g a Seneca n conjunction. An example may be helpful. Th e presenc e of stichomythia 455

Seneca, Lucius Annaeus, the Younger does no t i n itsel f establish a Seneca n backgroun d t o a passage . Bu t specific feature s i n the followin g one fro m Richard III d o see m to derive from Seneca n technique, such as the pointed antithesis and the pivoting of each respons e on th e wordin g o f the propositio n ('everlastingl y . . . "ever" last' , 'Har p no t o n tha t strin g . . . heartstrings') , turnin g th e human conflic t into elaborate verbal fencing: KING RICHAR D Sa y she shall be a high and mighty queen. QUEEN ELIZABET H T o wail the title, as her mothe r doth . y I will love her everlastingly. KING RICHAR D Sa QUEEN ELIZABET H Bu t how long shall that tide 'ever' last? KING RICHAR D Sweetl y in force until her fai r life' s end. QUEEN ELIZABET H Bu t how long fairly shall her swee t life last? KING RICHAR D A s long as heaven and natur e lengthens it. QUEEN ELIZABET H A s long as hell and Richar d like s of it. KING RICHAR D Sa y I, her sovereign , am her subjec t low. QUEEN ELIZABET H Bu t she, your subject, loathes such sovereignty. KING RICHAR D B e eloquent in my behalf to her. QUEEN ELIZABET H A n honest tale speeds best being plainly told. KING RICHAR D The n plainly to tell her tel l my loving tale. QUEEN ELIZABET H Plai n and no t honest is too harsh a style. KING RICHAR D You r reasons are too shallow and to o quick. QUEEN ELIZABET H O , no, my reasons are too deep and dead Too deep and dead, poor infants, in their graves. KING RICHAR D Har p not on that string, madam; that is past. QUEEN ELIZABET H Har p on it still shall I till heartstrings break. KING RICHAR D Now , by my George, my garter, and my crown QUEEN ELIZABET H Prophan'd , dishonour'd , and th e third usurp'd. KING RICHARD

I SWCar -

QUEEN ELIZABET H B y nothing; for this is no oath: Thy George, profan'd, hath lost his lordly honour; Thy garter, blemish'd, pawn'd his knightly virtue; Thy crown, usurp'd, disgrac'd his kingly glory. If something thou wouldst swear to be believ'd, Swear then by something that thou hast not wrong'd. (4.4.347-73) (D) Fo r a presentabl e moder n equivalen t o f th e verba l textur e o f

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Seneca, Lucius Annaeus, the Tounger Senecan tragedy , ther e i s Te d Hughes ' translatio n o f Oedipus (1969) . Senecan influenc e on English Renaissance dram a ha s been th e subject of a separat e bibliography : Kiefe r (1978) , supplemente d i n Kiefe r (1985). This extends to some 11 5 entries (since 1900 ) and i s excellently annotated. Henc e onl y the most important item s up to 1985 , and a few overlooked b y Kiefer, ar e liste d below, and thes e notes ar e confine d to major subsequent work. Martindale (1990 : 29—41) reviews the literatur e at some length in reflecting on the nature of influence. Miola (1992) also summarizes th e twentieth-centur y critical debate , the n make s his own important contribution , a n attemp t 't o trac e Seneca' s influenc e o n Shakespeare both in stylistic minutiae and i n oblique, audacious effects ' in an integrated accoun t of Shakespeare's tragedie s an d tragicomedies . Helms (1997 ) ha s a more unorthodo x treatmen t o f specifically drama turgical matters , onl y loosely centred o n 'Senecan ' effects , styles , char acters, an d s o on, i n Shakespear e an d hi s contemporaries . Th e fina l sections o f Boyl e (1997 ) dea l expertl y wit h th e Seneca n traditio n i n European dram a a t large, with intermittent reference to Shakespeare. Jones (1977); Martindale (1990) . Baker, Howard (1939) . Induction to Tragedy: A Study in a Development of Form in Gorboduc, The Spanish Tragedy and Titus Andronicus. Baton Rouge . Boyle, A . J . (1997) . Tragic Seneca: An Essay in the Theatrical Tradition. London. Braden, Gordo n (1985) . Renaissance Tragedy and the Senecan Tradition: Anger's Privilege. New Haven . Brooks, Harold E , ed. (1979a). A Midsummer Night's Dream (Arden Shakespeare). London . (1979b). 'Richard III: Antecedent s of Clarence's Dream.' ShSu 32 : 145-50. (1980). 'Richard III., Unhistorica l Amplifications : Th e Women' s Scenes and Seneca. ' MLR 75 : 721-37. Cohon, Bertra m Jerome (1960) . 'Seneca' s Tragedie s i n Florilegia an d Elizabethan Drama.' PhD diss. Columbia University. Cunliffe, John W . (1893) . The Influence of Seneca on Elizabethan Tragedy. London. Daalder, Joost , ed . (1982) . Lucius Annaeus Seneca: Thyestes, translated by Jasper Hey wood. London. Eliot, T . S. , ed . (1927) . Seneca His Tenne Tragedies, edited by Thomas Newton anno 1581, 2 vols. London . 457

Seneca, Lucius Annaeus, the Younger Eliot, T . S . (1951). 'Shakespear e an d th e Stoicis m o f Seneca' , pp . 126-40 in Eliot, Selected Essays. Londo n (firs t published 1927) . Ewbank, Inga-Stina (1966). 'The Fiend-like Queen: A Note on Macbeth and Seneca' s Medea.' ShSu 19 : 82-94. Helms, Lorrain e (1997) . Seneca by Candlelight and Other Stones of Renaissance Drama. Philadelphia, PA . Hunter, G . K. (1967) . 'Senec a an d th e Elizabethans : A Case-Study in "Influence".' ShSu 20 : 17-26 . (1974). 'Senec a an d Englis h Tragedy', pp . 166-20 4 i n C . D . N. Costa, ed., Seneca. London. Kaufman, R . J. (1967) . 'The Senecan Perspectiv e and the Shakespear ean Poetic. ' CompD 1 : 182-98 . Kiefer, Frederic k (1978) . 'Seneca' s Influenc e on Elizabetha n Tragedy : An Annotate d Bibliography.' Research Opportunities in Renaissance Drama 21: 17-34 . (1985). 'Seneca n Influence : A Bibliographica l Supplement. ' Research Opportunities in Renaissance Drama 28 : 129-42 . Miola, Robert S. (1990). 'Othello Furens.' SfcQ,41 : 49-64. (1992). Shakespeare and Classical Tragedy: The Influence of Seneca. Oxford. Muir, Kenneth, ed . (1959) . Macbeth (Arde n Shakespeare) . London (firs t published 1951) . Ornstein, Rober t (1958) . 'Senec a an d th e Politica l Dram a of Julius Caesar: JEGP57:51-6. Sheen, Eric a (1992) . "Th e Agen t fo r hi s Master" : Politica l Servic e and Professiona l Libert y i n Cymbeline\ pp . 55-7 6 i n Gordo n McMullan an d Jonatha n Hope , eds , The Politics of Tragicomedy. London. Smith, Bruce R. (1988) . Ancient Scripts and Modern Experience on the English Stage 1500-1700. Princeton . Sowerby, Robin (1994) . The Classical Legacy in Renaissance Poetry. London . Wallace, Joh n M . (1986) . 'Timon of Athens an d th e Thre e Graces : Shakespeare's Senecan Study.' MP83: 349-63.

Sidney, Mary Philippe du.

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See Gamier, Robert;

Plessis-Mornay,

Sidney, Sir Philip

Sidney, Sir Philip (1554-1586), Poet, Novelist and Critic

(A) The so n o f Sir Henry Sidne y an d Mar y Dudle y (siste r t o th e Ear l of Leicester) , godso n o f Phili p I I o f Spain , Sidne y wa s educate d a t Shrewsbury School an d Chris t Church, Oxford . He travelled widely in Europe in 1572-5 , impressing all he met. He was in Paris during the St Bartholomew's Da y Massacre; h e became a stout Protestant champion, promoting resistanc e t o Franc e an d Spain . A political caree r di d no t develop, and hi s relations with the Queen were at times strained. Lacking employment, h e sough t secretl y to join Drake' s expeditio n t o th e Spanish coast in 1585 , but instead was summoned to court and give n a minor appointmen t i n th e Lo w Countrie s a s Governo r o f Flushing , leaving Englan d i n 1585 . He die d o f a n infectio n fro m a woun d received durin g a n unimportan t engagemen t wit h a Spanis h suppl y convoy at Zutphen. Sidney's works , none o f which wer e printe d i n hi s lifetime, includ e the sonne t sequence Astrophil and Stella (printed 1591 ) and, with his sister Mary Sidne y Pembroke , version s o f the Psalm s (no t printed unti l th e nineteenth century) . Th e Defence of Poesie, or , i n a slightl y differen t version, Apology for Poetry (printe d 1595) , i s effectivel y a n epitom e o f Renaissance literar y criticism, a defence o f letters cast in the for m o f a classical oration, an d drawing on authorities ancient and modern. Th e Arcadia, which introduced the Italian romanc e form to England but also entertains epic ambitions, exists in three different versions . As originally written fo r Mar y Sidne y i n 1580- 1 i t i s referred t o a s th e Old Arcadia. This circulate d i n manuscrip t bu t wa s neve r printe d i n th e sixteent h century. The secon d version, the New Arcadia, published posthumously in 1590 , is Sidney's incomplete revision introducing new narratives an d other majo r changes . Finally , i n 159 3 was publishe d The Countesse of Pembrokes Arcadia, joining revise d segmen t an d unrevise d remainde r t o make up a hybrid text, itself revised in the following decade . (B) A mythologizin g tendenc y helpe d determin e th e conduc t o f Sidney's life; i t took over after hi s death, whe n he became a symbol of an idealize d Elizabetha n er a - hi s poetry , wrot e Samue l Daniel, showed 'wha t grea t Eliza' s reig n hat h bred' . Lyri c poets ove r th e fifty years 158 0 t o 163 0 regularly reflec t th e influenc e of Astrophil and Stella and ofte n imitat e it . Th e Arcadia, influentia l eve n befor e i t wa s firs t printed, becam e enormousl y popular i n late Elizabetha n Englan d an d even mor e s o in Caroline England, appealing to th e tast e fo r pastoral 459

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but als o read a s a courtesy book, a moral treatise , a discours e o n love and philosophy, even as a rhetorical handbook. Wit h the publication o f the 159 3 version, Sidne y 'wa s bein g markete d . . . a s the creato r o f a massive an d comple x wor k embracin g bot h th e heroi c an d romanc e traditions'. The publicatio n of the foli o editio n of Sidney's major writ ings meant tha t 'thes e effort s to promote Sidney' s image culminate d in 1598 wit h th e firs t literar y collectio n i n Englis h t o riva l tha t o f .. . Chaucer' (Stretkowicz 1986: 122) . This sample of the 159 0 Arcadia is part o f a dialogue interlud e in terza rima about th e right s and wrong s of suicide and th e justice o f the gods . The passage , fro m a segmen t o f th e narrativ e whic h fo r separat e reasons it appears Shakespear e attende d to , shows some verbal resem blances to parts of King Lear (see (C), below): What needed s o high spirits such mansions blind? Or wrap t in flesh what do they here obtaine , But glorious name o f wretched humaine-kind ? Balles to the starres, and thralles to Fortunes raigne; Turnd from themselves , infected with their cage , Where deat h i s feard, and lif e i s held with paine. Like players pla'st t o fill a filthy stage , Where chaung e of thoughts one foole t o other shewes , And al l but jests, save onely sorrowes rage. The chil d feele s that; the man tha t feelin g knowes, With cries first borne, th e presage o f his life, Where wit but serves , to have true tast of woes. A Shop of shame, a Booke where blots be rif e This bodie is : this bodie s o composed, As in it selfe t o nourish mortall strife . So divers be the Elements disposed In this weake worke, that it can never be Made uniform e to any state reposed. Griefe onel y makes his wretched stat e to see (Even like a toppe which nought but whipping moves) This man, this talking beast, this walking tree. Griefe i s the ston e which finest judgement proves : For who grieves not hath but a blockish braine, Since cause of griefe n o caus e from lif e removes . (ii.!2; 159 0 text, ed. Feuillerat 1939 : i, 227, roman fo r italic) 460

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(C) It is readily imaginable that Sidney's Arcadia, simply by virtue o f its own remarkable artisti c qualities, 'must have influenced Shakespeare at levels deeper tha n mos t of the material s fro m whic h he too k his plots'. In the romantic comedies , in particular, it may have 'set an example in depicting processe s o f change , o f growth, an d capacit y fo r love' ; lik e Shakespeare, Sidne y include s 'painfu l a s well as ridiculous revelation s about [th e characters' ] persona l inadequacy , an d th e mingle d yar n from whic h experienc e is made' and 'continuousl y alters th e degree of sympathy with which the narrative engages the reader, and the angle of vision' (Gibbon s 1987 : 57-8) . No r i s a creativ e respons e t o Sidney' s work necessarily likely to take shape in a prose mode, for another of the Arcadia's qualitie s i s tha t i t i s grounde d i n sceni c form , an d th e fiv e Books of the 159 3 version are ordere d accordin g t o Terentian five-ac t structure (wit h protasis , epitasis , catastroph e an d Terentia n doubl e plot). Discussio n o f Sidney' s possibl e impac t o n Shakespear e a t thi s subterranean leve l ha s bee n undertake n b y Bria n Gibbons , whos e observations ar e directe d t o As You Like It bu t coul d b e applie d elsewhere. In the more orthodox sense , easily the most obvious of Shakespeare's borrowings from Sidne y are i n King Lear. Here he used, first, the tale of the blind Paphlagonia n kin g and hi s family which made u p the longest of the narrative s freshl y introduce d int o th e New Arcadia o f 1590 . This story is told in instalments, beginning in u. 10, to the heroes of Sidney's romance, after the y meet th e king being led by his good son Leonatus , who has refuse d t o convey him t o a high roc k suitable for suicide. Th e Paphlagonian kin g ha s bee n deceived , blinded , an d cas t ou t b y hi s bastard (an d a s Sidne y call s hi m 'unnaturall' ) so n Plexirtus , bu t Leonatus returns from exil e and wit h foreign hel p thwarts the bastard , fighting him i n person accordin g t o th e rule s of chivalry. The Kin g of Paphlagonia dies , with strong verbal echoe s of Lear 5.3.196-9, 'his hart broken wit h unkindne s an d affliction , stretche d s o farr e beyon d hi s limits with this excesse of comfort, as it was able no longer to keep saf e his roial spirits' (ed . Feuillerat 1939 : i, 212). Shakespeare develops this narrative considerably . Edmund is derived from th e non-speakin g 'part ' o f Plexirtus, and Edga r fro m a characte r who sink s onl y t o privat e soldiering , no t t o assume d madnes s an d beggardom. Lear's parallelis m betwee n th e roya l hous e an d th e hous e of Gloucester make s it obviou s why Shakespeare introduce d thi s story into th e narrativ e o f Lea r an d hi s daughters ; i t i s als o th e cas e tha t 461

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Shakespeare's deploymen t o f a subplo t parallelin g hi s mai n plo t resembles Sidney' s technique , wit h th e Paphlagonia n stor y repeatin g the lesson s on th e resignatio n o f power i n th e Arcadia's mai n plot (see Ribner 1952) . And th e Paphlagonia n king' s misfortunes also seep into the Lea r plot itself . Lea r a s well as Gloucester i s turned ou t t o wander by his enemies, and the 'extreame and foule' storm from which Sidney's 'poorely arayed ' fathe r an d so n shelte r ma y hav e suggeste d Shake speare's (there is also one i n th e True Chronicle History of fang Leir). Bu t a s Sidney says, this matter i s 'in it self lamentable, lamentabl y expressed' , so i t ma y b e tha t 'source s o f inspiration mor e poten t tha n an y detai l were th e them e itsel f an d th e movin g qualit y o f it s narration ' (Pyl e 1948: 453) . The epi c sweep of Sidney's romance a s a whole might also have helped Shakespear e to move away from th e constricte d world of the Leir chronicle history play and it s analogues. Further Lear material which may derive from th e Arcadia supplements this. Lik e Gloucester, the Kin g o f Iberia i n Arcadia n. 15 is duped int o believing tha t a murde r plo t ha s bee n hatche d agains t hi m b y hi s son Plangus , a detai l absen t fro m th e Paphlagonia n kin g story ; like Cordelia, Plangu s escape s oversea s an d seek s reconciliatio n (se e McKeithan 1934) . Some of Plangus' despairing reflections at an earlie r stage, i n n.1 2 o f th e Arcadia (give n i n (B) , above), evok e th e gods ' malignity (fo r parallel passage s i n Lear se e Muir 1972 : xxxvii—xxxviii). And a famou s dialogu e i n Sidney' s in . 10 is a demonstratio n o f th e dependence of nature on a benevolent order of things. Other Shakespeare-Sidne y connection s ar e furthe r t o seek , and i n the mai n les s convincin g when foun d (se e Pyle 1948 ; Andrew s 1972; Rees 1983 ; Whit e 1986) , bu t som e firme r link s t o th e Arcadia an d Astrophil and Stella i n Shakespeare' s Sonnets bea r close r inspection . Baldwin (1950 : 194ff. ) urge s th e influenc e o f th e Arcadia o n th e firs t group o f Sonnets (specifically 3 , 5-6 , 8-9 , an d 13 ) a s certain , citin g a passage in Arcadia in.5 in which Cecropia urge s her niec e to marry. An excerpt most readily conveys the nature of the supposed debt: But m y hart i s already se t (an d stayin g a whil e o n tha t word , sh e brought foorth afterwards ) t o lead a virgins life t o my death: for such a vow I have in my selfe devoutl y made. The heaven s prevent such a mischiefe (sai d Cecropia?) A vowe, quoth you? no, no, my deere neece, Nature, whe n you were first borne, vowed you a woman, an d a s she made you the child of a mother, so to do your best to be mother of a 462

Sidney., Sir Philip child: sh e gave you beautie to mov e love; she gave you wit to kno w love; sh e gave you a n excellen t body t o rewar d love : which kin d o f liberall rewarding i s crowned with unspeakable felicitie . For this, as it bindeth th e receiver , so it makes happy th e bestower : thi s dot h no t impoverish, bu t enric h th e giver. O th e sweet name o f a mother: O the comfor t o f comforts, to see your children gro w up, i n whom you are (a s it were) eternized : if you coul d conceiv e what a hart-ticklin g joy i t is to se e your own litle ones, with awful l lov e come runnin g t o your lap, an d like litle models of your selfe, stil l cary you about them , you would thinke unkindnes in your own thoughts, that ever they did rebell against the mean unto it. (1590 text, ed. Feuillerat 1939 : i, 379) There ar e close resemblance s to Shakespeare i n idea, an d in image Cecropia goe s on to compare unmarrie d wome n t o 'a pure Rosewate r kept i n a christal glas', like Shakespeare's ros e in Sonne t 5 , 'summer's distillation left , / A liqui d prisone r pen t i n wall s o f glass'. Ye t here, though the figures ar e the same, the applications, a s Baldwin concedes , are different , an d hi s overal l assessmen t of the relationshi p a s on e o f certain indebtedness is incautious. Quitslund's (1984: 115-19 ) proposal that Sonnet s 8 4 an d 8 5 wittily borrow thei r strateg y fro m Astophil and Stella 3 and 35 , which conside r th e sam e proble m o f how t o prais e a unique subject effectively , look s more secure. (D) Texts of most of the part s of the Arcadia pertinent t o Lear are give n in Bullough, vii; of the Paphlagonia n kin g story alone, i n Sati n (1966 ) and Mui r (1972) . Straightforward accounts of the Lear-Arcadia relation ship ar e provide d b y Pyl e (1948 ) an d McKeitha n (1934) , while mor e recent treatment s stressin g particula r aspect s ar e Bon o (1992 ) an d Weiner (1991). For the Arcadia and othe r plays, see below. Any influence Sidney's othe r work s ha d o n Shakespear e seem s t o hav e bee n ver y limited, i n spit e o f claim s mad e b y commentator s suc h a s Thale r (1947), for th e Apology for Poetry. Bullough; Muir (1977) ; Satin (1966). Andrews, Michae l C . (1972) . 'Sidney' s Arcadia an d The Winter's Tale.' ShQ23: 200-2. Baldwin, T W . (1950) . On the Literary Genetics of Shakspere's Poems and Sonnets. Urbana, IL. 463

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Bono, Barbara J. (1992) . "The Chie f Knot o f All the Discourse": Th e Maternal Subtex t Tying Sidney's Arcadia t o Shakespeare' s King Lear1, pp. 105-2 7 in S . P. Geserano and Mario n Wynne-Davies , eds, Gloriana's Face: Women, Public and Private, in the English Renaissance. Detroit. Buxton, John (1986) . 'Shakespeare's Venus and Adonis an d Sidney' , pp . 104—10 i n Jan va n Dorste n et al., eds, Sir Philip Sidney: 1586 and the Creation of a Legend. Leiden. Feuillerat, Albert , eds . (1939) . The Complete Works of Sir Philip Sidney, 4 vols. Cambridge . Gibbons, Brian (1987). 'Amorous Fictions and A y You Like If, pp . 52-7 8 in John W. Mahon an d Thoma s A . Pendleton, eds, "Fanned and Winnowed Opinions": Shakespearean Essays Presented to Harold Jenkins. London. McKeithan, D . M . (1934) . 'King Lear and Sidney' s Arcadia.' University of Texas Studies in English 14: 45-9 .

Muir, Kenneth, ed. (1972) . King Lear (Arden Shakespeare). London. Parker, Barbar a L . (1989) . 'Troilus and Cressida: A Furthe r Sourc e fo r Hector's Challenge (1.3.263-82).' ANQZiv: 126-9 . Pyle, Fitzro y (1948) . '"Twelft h Night" , "Kin g Lear" , an d "Arcadia". ' MLR 43 : 449-55. Quitslund, Jon A . (1984). 'Sidney's Presence in Lyric Verse of the Later English Renaissance', pp. 110-2 3 in Gary F. Waller and Michae l D. Moore, eds , Sir Philip Sidney and the Interpretation of Renaissance Culture: The Poet in His Time and in Ours. A Collection of Critical and Scholarly Essays. London . Rees, Joan (1983) . 'Juliet's Nurse : Som e Branche s o f a Famil y Tree. ' #ES34:43-7. Ribner, Irvin g (1952) . 'Sidney' s Arcadia an d th e Structur e o f King Lear? Studia Neophilologica 24 : 63-8 . Stretkowicz, Victo r (1986) . 'Building Sidney' s Reputation : Text s an d Editors of the Arcadia'., pp. 111-2 4 in Jan va n Dorste n et al., eds, Sir Philip Sidney: 1586 and the Creation of a Legend. Leiden. Thaler, Alwin (1947). Shakespeare and Sir Philip Sidney: The Influence of'The Defence of Poesy'. Cambridge, MA .

Vere, Charle s (1994) . 'Si r Phili p Sidne y Satirize d i n Merry Wives of Windsor.' Elizabethan Review 2.ii : 3-10. Weiner, Andrew D . (1991) . 'Sidney/Spenser/Shakespeare : Influence / Intertextuality/Intention', pp. 245-70 in Jay Clayton and Eric Rothstein, eds, Influence and Intertextuality in Literary History. Madison , WI. White, R. S . (1986). 'Muscovites in Love's Labour's Lost.' JV<S?Q,231 : 350. 464

Sidney, Sir Philip Woudhuysen, H. R. , ed . (1998) Love's Labour's Lost (Arden Shakespeare). Walton-on-Thames.

Silva, Feliciano de See Amadis de Gaule.

Silvayn, Alexander (Alexandre Sylvain) (c . c. 1585), Flemish Moralist and Poet

1535—

(A) Alexandre Sylvai n (anglicize d as 'Silvayn') was the Latinize d nam e of Alexandr e va n de n Busche , th e autho r o f severa l work s o n polit e conduct, poems, and othe r writings. He publishe d i n 158 1 his Epitomes de Cent Histoires, partie extmictes des Actes des Romains et autres, de ['invention de I'Autheur, avecq' les demandes, accusations, et defences sur la matiere d'icelles. This is a series of debates on mora l issue s which takes its cues from fictiona l stories and it s form, ultimatel y at least, from Seneca the Elder's Controversiae. Each 'histoire ' begin s with a few lines of a summary narrativ e setting out the situation , then proceeds t o a speech and a reply on the points of ethics and/or law which the situation raises. (B) The Cent Histoires volum e was translated into English in 159 6 as The Orator. Th e translato r i s give n a s 'L.P. ' an d th e dedicator y epistl e i s signed b y 'Lazaru s Piot ' ( a traditional identificatio n of this figure with Anthony Munday was rejected by Thomas 1920 : 310-15). The boo k seems not to have been reprinted . The Orator contains as its ninety-fifth debat e th e details , a s the head ing puts it, 'Of a Jew, who would for his debt have a pound o f the flesh of a Christian'. The narrativ e sectio n set s out the flesh-bond arrangement and the judgement of a court in favour of the Christian. The Jew's appeal against the judgement and the Christian's speech in response are then given . Thi s passag e fro m th e beginnin g o f th e debat e include s about half of the Jew's speech. Impossible is it to breake the credit e o f trafficke amongs t men with out grea t detrimen t unt o th e Commonwealth : wherfor e n o ma n ought to bind himself e unt o such covenants which hee cannot or wil not accomplish , fo r b y tha t mean s shoul d n o ma n fear e t o b e deceaved, and credit being maintained, ever y man might be assured of hi s owne ; bu t sinc e decei t hat h take n place , neve r wonde r i f 465

Silvayn, Alexander (Alexandre Sylvain)

obligations ar e made mor e rigorous and stric t then the y were wont, seeing that although the bonds are made neve r so strong, yet can n o man be very certaine that he shal not be a loser. It seemeth at the first sight, that i t is a thing no less e strang e then cruel , to bind a man t o pay a pound of the flesh of his bodie, for want o f money: Surely , in that i t is a thin g no t usuall , it appearet h t o b e somewha t the mor e admirable, bu t ther e ar e diver s other s tha t ar e mor e cruell , which because they are in use seeme nothing terrible at all: as to bind al the bodie unt o a most lothsome prison, o r unto an intollerabl e slaverie, where not onl y the whole bodie but als o al the sences and spirit s are tormented, the which is commonly practised, not only betwixt those which ar e eithe r i n sec t o r Natio n contrary , but als o even amongs t those that are all of one sect and nation, yea amongst neighbours and kindred, and even amongst Christians it hath ben scene, that the son hath imprisone d th e fathe r fo r monie . Likewise , i n th e Roma n Commonwealth, s o famou s fo r law s an d armes , i t wa s lawful l fo r debt, t o imprison , beat, an d afflic t wit h torment s th e fre e Citizens : How manie o f them (d o you thinke) would have thought themselves happie, i f for a smal l deb t the y migh t hav e be n excuse d wit h th e paiment o f a pound o f their flesh? Who ough t the n t o marvile i f a Jew requiret h s o small a thing of a Christian, t o discharge hi m o f a good roun d summe ? A man ma y aske why I would not rathe r tak e silver of this man, then his flesh: I might alleage many reasons, for I might sa y that non e bu t m y self e ca n tel l wha t th e breac h o f his promise hat h cos t me , an d wha t I hav e thereb y paied fo r want of money unto my creditors, of that which I have lost in my credit: for the miserie of those men whic h esteeme their reputation, is so great, that oftentime s the y ha d rathe r indur e an y thin g secretli e the n t o have their discredi t blazed abroad , becaus e they would not b e bot h shamed and harmed. Neverthelesse , I doe freely confesse , that I had rather los e a pound of my flesh, then my credit should be in any sort cracked: I might also say that I have need of this flesh to cure a friend of mine of a certaine maladie, whic h is otherwise incurable, or that I would hav e it to terrifi c thereb y the Christian s for ever abusing the Jewes anie more hereafter: but I will onelie say, that by his obligation he oweth it me. (Silvain 1596:401-2 ) (C) Silvayn' s Orator has bee n mos t ofte n associate d wit h thre e Shake 466

Silvayn, Alexander (Alexandre Sylvain) speare plays : Measure for Measure, The Merchant of Venice an d Pericles. For some mor e fragil e link s wit h Othello an d Coriolanus, an d betwee n Silvayn's poem s an d The Tempest., se e Nowottn y (1965) . I t i s unclea r whether Shakespeare , i f he di d know Silvayn's work, would hav e used L.P. ' s English or the original Frenc h version. Measure for Measure offer s parallel s t o n o les s tha n thre e o f Silvayn' s debates. These ar e debates on precisely the type of situations tradition ally made u p b y moralists i n orde r t o illuminat e ethica l issues , s o that the resemblance s ar e in conformity with the view of the play as itself a type o f ethical debate . Bu t the y ar e no t clos e enoug h t o indicat e an y debt. Declamation 5 4 concerns a man who persuaded hi s sister to bring about he r ravisher' s death; no. 6 1 is about tw o ravished maids, on e of whom want s t o marr y th e ma n responsible ; an d no . 6 8 present s a ravished maid who 'did first require he r ravisher for her husband'. Almost all the relevan t parts o f Declamation 95 , the putative sourc e for The Merchant of Venice, ar e include d i n th e excerp t i n (B) , above. Possibly Shakespear e notice d th e phraseolog y o f th e Jew's argumen t that there ar e worse punishments tha n takin g a pound o f flesh, such as keeping one's victim 'i n intollerabl e slaverie' , an d use d it for Shylock's speech at 4.1.90-5: You have among you many a purchas'd slave , Which, lik e your asses and your dogs and mules, You use in abject and i n slavish parts, Because you bought them ; shall I say to you 'Let them be free, marr y them to your heirs Why sweat they under burdens?' Other tha n this , an d th e n o mor e compellin g poin t tha t 'th e ton e o f Shylock's retorts at the tria l is sometimes very close to that o f Silvayn's Jew' (Mahoo d 1987 : 6) , there ar e som e similaritie s i n th e argument s used on behalf o f both Jews in the trial scene: about th e 'credite' of the state an d th e poin t tha t h e is not oblige d t o explain 'wh y I would no t rather tak e silve r . . . than hi s flesh' (compare 4.1.40-2). But there ar e significant divergence s too: in Silvayn 'th e Jew assert s that the debtor' s duty is "to give me a pound o f flesh" - th e creditor nee d not cut it off ' (Bullough, i, 452). Finally, Silvayn's Declamation 5 3 is taken directly from th e Controversiae o f Senec a th e Elder , an d deal s wit h a nu n wh o wa s capture d b y 467

Silvayn, Alexander (Alexandre Sylvain) pirates an d sol d to a brothel, wher e sh e killed a man abou t t o violate her; the debate is on whether such a woman could properly become an abbess. Thi s i s clearl y analogou s t o Mariana' s histor y i n Pericles (th e similarities are enumerate d by Elton 1949) , but othe r sources , notably Lawrence Twine's Patterne of Painejitll Adventures, ar e close r to the details of Shakespeare' s brothel episodes . Th e similarit y wit h Silvayn' s work can be explained by a common ancestry in Greek romance (so Waith 1951). (D) Bullough, i. Elton, William (1949) . 'Pericles: A New Sourc e or Analogue.' JEGP 48: 138-9. Mahood, M . M. , ed . (1987) . The Merchant of Venice (Ne w Cambridg e Shakespeare). Cambridge . Nowottny, Winifred (1965). 'Shakespear e an d The Orator' Bulletin de la Faculte des Lettres de Strasbourg 43.viii: 813-33. Silvain, Alexandre , translate d b y L.P . (1596). The Orator: Handling a Hundred Severall Discourses, in Forme of Declamations. London . Thomas, Henr y (1920) . Spanish and Portugese Romances of Chivalry. Cambridge. Waith, E . M. (1951). 'Pericles and Senec a the Elder.' JEGP 50: 180-2.

Skelton, John See Mirror fo r Magistrates, A ; Morality Tradition.

Skene, Sir John (1543?-1617), Scottish Legal Writer

Skene's Scots Acts (1597) , a s i t wa s commonl y known , wa s a n officia l epitome o r 'table ' o f th e reign s o f th e king s o f Scotland , containin g some descriptiv e material o n Macbet h an d Dunca n matchin g Shake speare's narrative, in particular th e 'traiterous' murde r and the fact tha t Macbeth 'degenerates' .

Paul, Henry N. (1950) . The Royal Play of Macbeth: When, Why, and How it was written by Shakespeare., pp. 220-2 . New York .

468

Sophocles Sophocles (c . 496-406/5 BC), Greek Tragedian Harvey' s instances o f possible Sophoclea n influenc e o n severa l Shakespearea n tragedies for m a n engrossin g but , as h e acknowledges , ultimatel y inconclusive case. Harvey, John (1977) . ' A Not e o n Shakespear e an d Sophocles. ' EinC 27: 259-70. Southwell, Robert (1561?-!595), Poet Fleetin g echoe s o f Southwell seem to occur in The Rape qfLucrece an d King Lear. Brownlow, Frank (1987). 'Southwell and Shakespeare' , p. 26 in KM 80: A Birthday Album for Kenneth Muir. Liverpool .

Speed, John (1552?-1629), Historian and Cartographer Henry VIII contain s som e verba l resemblance s t o passage s in Speed' s 161 1 History of Great Britaine, bu t the y ar e b y n o mean s conclusive as evidence of a relationship. Foakes, R. A., ed. (1968). Henry F///(Arde n Shakespeare), pp. 112 , 120. London (firs t published 1957) . Wiley, Pau l L . (1946) . 'Renaissanc e Exploitatio n o f Cavendish's Life of Wolsey: SPW: 121-46 . Spenser, Edmund (c . 1552—1599), Poet Thoug h Shakespear e may b e assume d to have been conversant with The Faerie Queene (15906), its effect o n hi m i n an y given work is hard to demonstrate . Watkins (1950) an d Pott s (1958 ) broadl y se e analogie s i n th e comedie s fro m Much Ado onwards an d th e Lat e Plays , primarily i n 'th e narrativ e o r dramatic devices and procedures shared by Spenser and Shakespeare as poets o f ethical action ' (Pott s 1958 : 12) . Previous studies ar e liste d n Potts 1958 : 7-8n . Shakespeare's debt s ar e no t confine d to The Faee Queene: Brook s (1979 : Ixi-lxii ) explain s som e link s betwee n th e Shepheardes Calendar (1579 ) an d A Midsummer Night's Dream; Kerriga n (1999 : 390-2) ha s a brie f recen t treatmen t o f The Ruins of Time (1591 ) a s a model for A Lover's Complaint. 469

Spenser, Edmund Brooks, Harold E , ed . (1979) . A Midsummer Night's Dream (Arden Shakespeare). London. Kerrigan, John , ed . (1999) . The Sonnets and A Lover's Complaint. Harmondsworth (firs t published 1986) . Potts, Abbie Findlay (1958). Shakespeare and 'The Faerie Queene'. Ithaca. Watkins, W. B. C. (1950) . Shakespeare and Spenser. Princeton .

Stapleton, Thomas (1535-1598), Catholic Controversialist I f Stapleton' s Vita et Illustre Martyrium Thomae Mori (1588 ) wa s used by the author s of Sir Thomas More, onl y the Lati n tex t would have been available . Metz, G . Harold , ed . (1989) . Sources of Four Plays Ascribed to Shakespeare. Columbia, MI.

Stewart, William (1481?-1550?), Scottish Chronicler and Poet Stewart' s Buik of the Chronicles of Scotland, not printe d unti l the nineteenth century, contains some details conforming with Macbeth, but which also appear i n one or more other sources. Bullough, vii, 438. Muir, Kenneth , ed . (1951) . Macbeth (Arde n Shakespeare) , xxxix-xl . London. Stow, John (c . 1525—1605), Historian Se e also Elyot, Sir Thomas. (A) Stow, a Londoner by birth, was brought up to the trade of tailor, but turned antiquar y i n late r life . I n 156 1 h e publishe d a n editio of Chaucer, and i n 156 5 his Summarie ofEnglyshe Chronicles (in the proces s becoming a riva l t o Richar d Grafton an d startin g a n acrimoniou s exchange wit h him) . The Summarie was expanded i n 158 0 int o Stow' s Chronicles of England, recas t agai n i n 159 2 t o becom e The Annales or a Generale Chronicle of England from Brute until the Present Teare of Christ. Reissued in 160 1 and 1605 , and update d i n 161 5 and 1631 , this was a connected narrativ e i n th e humanisti c historica l tradition , recordin g 'wise handling of weightie affaires, diligentl y to be marked and aptl y to 470

Stow, John be applied' . Sto w also published a popular an d historicall y still usefu l Survey of London in 1598 . Stow worke d i n th e traditiona l chronicler' s fashion , b y judiciously culling from earlie r chronicle s and historie s and reassemblin g the segments in a suitable order. He appropriated, for example, More's History of Richard III almos t wholesale , an d becam e th e firs t t o introduc e George Cavendish' s Life of Wolsey (complete d 1557 ) t o print . H e als o assisted othe r contemporar y historian s personally , fo r exampl e b y purchasing par t o f John Leland' s paper s afte r th e printe r Reginal d Wolfe's death , s o being abl e t o len d material s t o th e 158 7 reviser s o Holinshed's Chronicle. (B) Stow's work was being read almost from it s first publication through other chroniclers' appropriations of it as well as in its original form. It s original for m i s represente d here , b y th e openin g o f th e extensiv e account o f Thomas Wolsey and hi s rise and fal l a t the cour t of Henry VIII. And here I think good to set down for example to posteritie, som part of the proceeding s of this so oft named Thomas Wolsey archbishop, his ascending unto honorious estate, and sodein e falling againe fro m the same, as I have bin enformed by persons of good credite. Truth it is, this cardinall Wolsey was an honest poore mans son of Ipswich, in the count y of Suffolk, an d ther e born, an d bein g but a childe , very apt t o b e learned , wherfor e b y th e mean s o f his parents, o r o f his good friend s an d masters , hee wa s conveye d to th e Universiti e of Oxford, wher e h e shortl y prospere d s o i n learning , a s himself e reported, a s he wa s made Bachelo r of Art, when he passe d not 15 . yeeres of age, and was called most commonly through the University the boy Bacheler. Thus prospering in learning, he was made fellow of Maudelin colledge , an d afterwar d appointe d t o b e schoolmaste r of Maudelin Schoole , at whiche time, the L . Marques Dorset had 3 . of his sons there at schoole, committing unto him as well their education, a s their instruction . It please d th e sai d L . Marque s agains t a Christmas seaso n t o sen d aswe l for the schoolmaster , a s for his children hom e t o hi s hous e fo r thei r recreation , i n tha t pleasan t an d honorable feast . The n bein g there , th e L . thei r fathe r perceivin g them to be right well employed in learning for their time, he having a Benefice i n hi s gif t being a t tha t tim e void , gav e th e sam e t o th e 471

Stow, John schoolmaster i n rewar d o f hi s diligence , a t hi s departur e afte r Christmas t o th e Universitie , an d havin g th e presentatio n thero f repaired to the Ordinar y for his institution or induction , and bein g furnished o f all his ordinary instruments, made speed to the benefic e to tak e thero f possession , an d bein g ther e fo r tha t intent , on e Si r Amias Poule t knigh t dwellin g therabout , took e a n occasio n o f displeasure agains t him , upo n wha t ground e I know e not , bu t si r by your leave he was so bold to set the schoolmaster by the feete, durin g his pleasure, which after was neither forgotten not forgiven: for when the schoolmaste r mounte d th e dignit y to be Chancelo r o f England, he wa s no t obliviou s o f his old e displeasur e cruell y ministred unt o him b y M. Poulet : bu t sen t fo r him, an d afte r man y sharp e words , enjoined him to attend until he were dismissed, and not to depart out of Londo n withou t licenc e obtained , s o tha t h e continue d ther e within the middle temple the space of 5. or 6. yeeres, who lay then in the gate-house next the streete, which he reedified very sumptuously, garnishing th e sam e a l ove r th e outsid e wit h th e cardinal s armes , with his hat, cognisances, and othe r devises in so glorious a sort, that he though t therb y t o hav e appease d hi s old displeasure . No w ma y this be a good example, and president, to men in authoritie (which will sometime worke their will without wit) to remember in their authoritie, how authoritie ma y decaie : an d who m the y do punish o f will, more then of justice, may after be advaunced to high honor and dignities in the commo n weales , and the y based a s low: who will then seek e th e meanes to be revenged of such wrongs, which they suffered before . (Stow 1592 : 831-2) (C) Owin g t o th e extensiv e recyclin g o f chronicl e materia l fro m on e writer t o anothe r i n th e sixteent h century , it canno t b e demonstrate d that Shakespeare ever read Stow's work. He may have used it for Richard III, thoug h i f h e di d i t wa s fo r matte r whic h derive d directl y fro m authorities Sto w himsel f ha d used , i n particula r fro m Mor e (se e Churchill 1900 : 223-7) . Ther e i s som e evidenc e tha t Stow' s 159 2 Annales were use d fo r Henry VIII, i n additio n t o th e versio n o f Stow' s material give n in Holinshed. (Stow' s material her e itself derives, like all other chronicle s o f th e reign , fro m Cavendish' s Life of Wolsey, bu t thi s dangerous wor k was availabl e i n it s original for m onl y i n manuscrip t until the mid-seventeenth century , and th e author s of Henry VIII are not thought t o have known it directly; see Wiley 1946. )

472

Stow, John This case is set out b y Anderson (1984: 137) : In th e absenc e o f a Tudo r printin g o f Cavendish' s Wolsey, th e undoubted influenc e o f thi s wor k o n Henry VIII woul d ordinaril y suggest Shakespeare's knowledge of Stow, whose 159 2 version of the Wolsey wa s the fulles t i n print availabl e t o Shakespeare ; but man y of Shakespeare's borrowing s - th e mor e strikin g one s ofte n amon g them — occur i n bot h edition s o f Stow an d ar e copie d fro m Stow' s earlier editio n b y Holinshe d 1587 . Sinc e ther e i s n o questio n o f Shakespeare's familiarity with Holinshed's secon d edition, these borrowings ar e therefor e usuall y taken t o sho w anothe r instanc e o f it. The logi c o f this conclusion i s more economica l tha n necessary, bu t even allowin g it , w e fin d stron g indication s i n Shakespeare' s treat ment o f Cromwell's interview with Wolsey after th e latter' s fal l tha t Shakespeare knew Stow's edition of 1592. Even Stow' s briefer narrativ e i n his 158 0 edition create s 'a wide plac e for th e insertion of what amounted to a separate biographical sketc h of the cardinal' , making Wolsey 'the most prominent figure in the perio d of Henr y VII F an d contributin g t o histor y a ne w 'character ' (Wile y 1946: 129) . In 159 2 Sto w make s muc h of'th e ambiguit y o f Wolsey's awareness tha t w e fin d i n Cavendish ' (Anderso n 1984 : 136) , whic h i s only hinte d a t i n Holinshed , an d whic h implie s th e mor e ambivalen t portrayal o f Henr y VII I als o foun d i n Stow . Mor e specifi c materia l identified by Anderson as deriving from Sto w in Henry VIII come s in th e character o f Cromwell : i n 'th e singula r importanc e o f Cromwel l t o Wolsey, th e clos e natur e o f thei r relationship , an d th e rathe r tearfu l circumstances o f thei r farewell ' (Anderso n 1984 : 142) . These resem blances ar e nevertheles s inconclusive : th e promotio n o f Cromwell' s character ha s clea r dramati c advantage s fo r th e playwright , an d th e other elements would follow naturally.

(D)

Anderson, Judit h H . (1984) . Biographical Truth: The Representation of Historical Persons in Tudor-Stuart Writing. Ne w Haven . Campbell, Lil y B . (1947) . Shakespeare's "Histories": Mirrors of Elizabethan Policy. San Marino, CA . Churchill, Georg e B . (1900) . Richard the Third up to Shakespeare. Berlin. Stow, John (1592) . The Annales of England, Faithfully Collected out of the 473

Stow, John most autenticall Authors, Records, and Other Monuments of Antiquitie. London. Wiley, Paul L . (1946) . 'Renaissanc e Exploitation o f Cavendish's Life of Wolsey: SP43: 121^6 . Strachey, William See Bermuda Pamphlets. Straparola, Giovan Francesco (d. c. 1559), Italian Novelist Se e also Painter, William. Straparola's Le piacevoli notti (1550-3; French translatio n 1560—3 ) contains , n.2 , a 'dupe d lover ' stor y which Shakespeare might have known in one form o r another by the time he imagined FalstafF s discomfitur e a t the hands of the Merry Wives. Bullough, ii. Studley, John See Seneca, Lucius Annaeus, the Younger. Suetonius (Gaius Suetonius Tranquillus) (c . AD 69 c. 140), Roman Historian (A) Born , probabl y i n Algeria , int o a n equestrian family , Suetoniu s studied la w in Rome , a typica l preparatio n fo r a politica l career . H e became a frien d o f th e Younge r Pliny , wh o offere d hi m a militar y post. Instead , i n abou t 11 3 h e becam e a secretar y a t th e imperia l palace, bu t i n 12 1 o r 12 2 he wa s dismissed by Hadrian for an allege d indiscretion wit h th e Emperor' s wife . Hi s divers e writing s include d reference compilation s an d antiquaria n work s on ancien t Gree k an d Roman custom s and festivals , bu t t o post-Byzantin e histor y he i s th e greatest o f th e Roma n biographers . Hi s survivin g work s consis t o f parts o f hi s De Viris Illustribus an d th e De Vita Caesarum. Th e forme r includes live s o f Horace, Lucan, Terence and Virgil, whic h hav e been transmitted with the works of those authors, but Suetonius ' repu tation rest s on th e account s h e give s of Julius Caesa r an d th e eleve n succeeding Roma n emperors . Thes e contai n livel y descriptio n an d often salaciou s or scandalous anecdote, and because they are not complete narrative histories , assuming rather th e reader's prior knowledge 474

Suetonius (Gains Suetonius Tranquillus)

of other sources , the Lives of the Caesars have been fel t to o preoccupie d with trivia. Their unadorned style, with direct citations from documents and o f Greek terms, has also seemed unattractive. But Suetonius' work is ofte n bes t understoo d a s a marshallin g of material t o mak e a case , regularly using standard rhetorica l formats. Hi s wit can be subtle. (B) Th e Lives of the Twelve Caesars becam e a mode l fo r biographica l narrative in the Middle Ages, and by the mid-sixteenth century in England i t had becom e a usual part of the educatio n o f princes, a s well as the les s exalted pupils of the Englis h grammar school . Copies of some of th e 15 5 European edition s fro m 145 0 to 170 0 (Burke 1966 : 13 ) were owne d b y Edward VI ; by James VI o f Scotland, whos e annua l reading-list fo r 158 0 included a Commentaria in Suetonium (Baldwin 1944 : i, 552); an d b y Juan Lui s Vives, who wa s involved in the educatio n of the Princes s Mary, and mention s him as a historian. Gabrie l Harvey reckons Suetoniu s on e o f th e bes t exemplar s o f Lati n prose . Th e first English translation o f Suetonius, Philemon Holland' s 160 6 Historic of Twelve Caesars, Emperors of Rome, come s considerabl y late r tha n renderings into the other major European vernaculars . (C) The possibilit y of echoes from Suetoniu s in Shakespear e ha s regu larly been canvassed, with the Lif e o f Claudius almost always proposed as Shakespeare's source . The exceptio n is Julius Caesar' s 'Et tu , Brute' (3.1.77), whic h parallels th e Gree k words Suetonius' Caesa r speak s at this point, 'm i cri) , TEKVOV' , i n th e Lif e o f Julius, 82 . Bu t version s of Caesar's dyin g word s would o f cours e hav e bee n know n outsid e th e Suetonian context. A few apparent echoe s in Richard III may be coincidence o r may be owin g t o a n intermediat e work such a s the Mirror for Magistrates (Jone s 1977 : 217), as may Macbeth's resemblanc e to Claudius whe n bot h forgetfull y expec t me n the y hav e ha d kille d t o appear a t entertainments Jones 1977 : 27). The stronges t cas e fo r Suetonius ' direc t contac t wit h Shakespear e rests on Hamlet, though nothing conclusive can be established. No previous version of the stor y employing the nam e 'Claudius ' being known (he i s 'Feng' o r 'Fengon ' i n Sax o Grammaticu s an d Belleforest), a connection wit h Suetoniu s has bee n hypothesize d and worke d ou t i n terms o f similarities o f character traits , no t howeve r betwee n th e tw o Claudiuses, bu t betwee n Suetonius ' Claudiu s an d Hamlet . Th e mos t prominent o f these is the feigne d madness . But neither thi s nor an y of 475

Suetonius (Gains Suetonius Tranquillus) the othe r sixtee n resemblances noted b y Berr y (1947 ) woul d strongly imply a connection, if taken individually; an d Shakespeare' s familiarity with the Emperor Claudius' name could be explained by his knowledge of Plutarch or Seneca. I t is , rather, th e collectiv e cas e thes e similar ities constitut e tha t make s the m see m mor e tha n coincidence . Eve n proponents o f thi s theor y concede , though , tha t withou t first-han d knowledge o f the tex t o f the \Jr-Hamlet (se e Belleforest) i t cannot b e determined whethe r thes e sign s o f a relationshi p deriv e fro m Shake speare or hi s predecessor. At its strongest the argumen t i s that 'beside s Saxo an d Bellefores t w e mus t als o conside r Suetonius ' Claudius a s a probable sourc e and since the parallel elements in Hamlet and Suetonius do not appea r i n Saxo o r Bellefores t the y must have been drawn fro m Suetonius b y Thomas Kyd or by William Shakespear e himsel f (Berr y 1947: 81) . Furthe r parallel s betwee n Hamle t an d Nero , suc h a s tha t both wrot e dramati c vers e an d acte d (Montgomeri e 1960 : 70) , ae unconvincing. (D) Baldwin (1944);Jones (1977). Berry, E. G. (1947-8). 'Shakespeare and Suetonius. ' The Phoenix 2 : 73 81. Burke, Peter (1966) . 'A Survey of the Popularit y o f Ancient Historians , 1450-1700.' History and Theory 5 : 135-52 . Montgomerie, Willia m (1960-1) . 'Mor e a n Antiqu e Roma n tha n a Dane.' Hibbert Journal 59: 67-77.

Surrey, Henry Howard, Earl of See TotteVs Miscellany.

Sylvius, Aeneas (Enea Silvio Piccolomini) (1405-1464), Pope Pius II Guin n count s Sylviu s as one o f several influences o n Shakespeare's handlin g o f the lette r device in Ac t 1 of The Two Gentlemen of Verona. Guinn, John A. (1940) . The Letter Device in the First Act of the Two Gentlemen of Verona. Austin, TX .

476

T Tacitus, Publius Cornelius or Gaius Cornelius (c. AD 56after 117), Roman Historian (A) Surprisingl y littl e i s known abou t th e lif e o f Tacitus : eve n hi s ful l name i s uncertain . H e studie d rhetori c a t Rome , an d pursue d th e normal caree r of a Roman aristocrat , holding office as quaestor, praestor, consu l and provincia l governor . He marrie d th e daughte r o f Julius Agricola, late r Governo r o f Britain . Hi s Agricola, a biograph y o f hi s father-in-law, an d Germania, o n th e ethnograph y o f Germany , wher e Tacitus ha d travelled , were both publishe d i n the first century. But his most importan t writing s ar e th e late r Histories an d Annals, togethe r covering the history of the Roman empir e o f the years 14-96 . About a third o f the forme r an d a littl e mor e tha n hal f o f the latte r survive . Tacitus i s usually thought o f as the greates t of Latin historians , with a style at once complex, subtle and witty . (B) 'Tacitus', the anonymous preface to Henry Savile' s 159 1 translatio n of the Agricola tell s the reader , 'hat h written th e mos t matte r wit h th e best conceit e i n fewes t word s of any Historiographe r ancien t o r modern. But he is hard. Difficilia quaepulchra.' Tacitus ' difficult y prevented his becoming a standard teachin g text in sixteenth-century schools, though excerpts were in use (see Baldwin 1956 : n, 566). He was admired fo r his content a s well a s hi s style . Hi s statur e a s a moralis t wa s stresse d b y Bacon, wh o praise d especiall y th e 'characters ' o f Tiberius , Claudiu s and Nero . H e wa s als o appreciate d a s a politica l writer , bot h i n a 477

Tacitus, Publius Cornelius or Gaius Cornelius

general sense, as attending to secret motives and hidde n causes, and for a specifi c ideology . Fo r th e Englis h avant-garde , 'Tacitu s offere d a n acerb an d disenchante d observatio n o f th e gradua l strangulation , under the Empire, of all [the] ethical wonders of Republican Rome'. In comparison with the republican and radical Tacitus, 'Jonson an d other s clearly thought o f Shakespeare and Plutarc h a s slow-witted provincials who hadn't caugh t up' (Hunter 1977 : 104). Savile's usefu l bu t aestheticall y disappointing renderin g o f the Agricola and Historiae was reissued with Richard Grenewey' s also unremarkable Englis h translatio n o f the Germania an d Annals (significantl y dedi cated to Essex) in 1598 , and the joint editio n was standard throug h th e seventeenth century. French, Germa n an d Italian translation s were also available t o the lat e sixteenth-centur y reader. Jonson's high praise of Tacitus a s th e write r o f th e 'bes t Latin ' h e know s (Conversations] i s matched b y his extensive use o f the Annals., including close translation, in his play Sejanus (1603) ; Jonson's dark and secretiv e atmospheres make him perhaps the most Tacitean o f English writers of the age. In thi s sectio n o f Grenewey' s Germania, Germanicu s ('Caesar' ) anticipates Shakespeare's Henry V in listening incognito to the remarks of his soldiers before battle : When Caesar ha d passe d th e rive r Visurgis , h e understood e b y a fugitive fro m th e enemi e campe , what plac e Arminius had chose n t o give battell: an d tha t othe r nation s wer e assembled i n a wood con secrated to Hercules., with intention t o assaile the camp by night. Th e runnagate wa s beleeved: light s were scene : an d th e espiale s gettin g neerer, reported the y heard a great confus e nois e of men and horses. Being therefor e a t a jumpe t o hazar d all , thinkin g i t convenien t t o sounde the soldiers minde, he bethought himselfe what was the fittest expedient t o tri e th e truth . Th e Tribune s an d Centurion s brough t him oftener pleasing then true newes: the freed me n were of a servile disposition: i n friend s ther e wa s flatterie : i f h e shoul d cal l a n assembly, tha t whic h a fe w shoul d begin , th e res t woul d applaud . That thei r mind s woul d be bes t knowen, when the y were by themselves; not overlooked : in eating an d drinkin g they would utter thei r fear o r hope. As soone as it was night, going out at the Augural gate, accompanied wit h on e alone , i n secret and unknowe n places to th e watch: casting a savag e beasts ski n o n hi s backe, h e wen t from on e place t o another: stood e listning at the tents: and joyeth in the praise 478

Tacitus, Publius Cornelius or Gains Cornelius

of himselfe: some extollin g the nobiliti e of their Captaine : others his comely personage : man y hi s patience, an d courtesie : tha t i n sport s and seriou s matters, h e wa s still on e man : confessin g therefore tha t they thought i t their parts, to make him some requitall i n this battell, and sacrific e th e traitors and peace-breakers to revenge and glory. (Tacitus 1598 : n.3 ) (C) Shakespeare ma y hav e used Tacitus' Germania for Henry V- o r ma y not. Ther e ar e parallel s i n th e narrative s o f the Romans ' warfar e i n Books i and n for Henry's encouragemen t o f his soldiers, his nocturnal walk aroun d th e camp , hi s meditatio n an d hi s praye r (text s give n i n Bullough, iv, 408-11). Perhaps Shakespear e was struck 'not only by the device o f the general' s visitin g his men i n disguise, but als o by likeness of character between Tacitus ' hero and Harry the warrior-king' (Pric e 1961: 59) . But 'al l thes e elements . . . Shakespeare coul d hav e create d for himself , given th e King's circumstances an d character', while King Henry's incognit o meeting s with th e soldier s which see m t o ech o th e passage i n (B) may aris e from a dramatic traditio n 'i n which a ruler in disguise mingles with his subjects' (Craik 1995 : 10) . Against the suggestion o f influence ca n b e cited th e relativ e obscurity of these sections of Tacitus. Eve n i f it is accepted, Shakespeare' s deviation s ar e significant ; what Henr y overhear s from hi s troops i s not conventiona l praise a s in Tacitus, showin g 'that Henry is not just an epic hero but also a moder n ruler of a stiff-necked an d highly critical nation' (Bullough, iv, 363). A likely source in Tacitus has been proposed fo r one furthe r episod e in Shakespeare, tha t of the 'son that hath kill'd his father' i n 3 Henry VI, 2.5. It is suggested this was the result of his having read Savile' s translation of the Historiae on its first appearance, and having found it germane to hi s subjec t 'becaus e o f it s apposit e them e o f th e calamitie s tha t overtake a stat e whic h mismanage s it s succession ' (Womersle y 1985 : 471). (D) Baldwin (1956); Bullough, iv, 361-3. Burke, Peter (1966) . 'A Survey of the Popularit y o f Ancient Historians , 1450-1700.' History and Theory 5 : 135-52 . Craik, T. W, ed. (1995). Henry F(Arde n Shakespeare). London . Hunter, G . K. (1977) . ' A Roma n Thought : Renaissanc e Attitude s t o History Exemplifie d i n Shakespear e an d Jonson' , pp . 93-11 8 i n 479

Tacitus, Publius Cornelius or Gains Cornelius Brian S . Lee, ed, An English Miscellany: Papers Presented to W. S. Mackie. Cape Town . Price, Georg e R . (1961). 'Henry V and Germanicus.' ShQ\2\ 57-60. Tacitus, translate d b y Richard Grenewe y (1598). The Annals of Cornelius Tacitus. The Description qfGermanie. London . Womersley, D . J . (1985) . '3 Henry VI: Shakespeare , Tacitus , an d Parricide.' N&Q2W: 468-73.

Taming o f a Shrew , Th e (Anon. Play, 1594) Th e vexed question of the relation between this play and Shakespeare' s is handled authoritatively by Morris (1981). Honigmann, E. A. J. (1954) . 'Shakespeare's "Lost Source-Plays".' MLR 49: 293-307. Morris, Brian , ed. (1981) . The Taming of the Shrew (Arden Shakespeare). London.

Taverner, Richard See Erasmus, Desiderius.

Terence (Publius Terentius Afer) (c . 195-159 BC), Roman Playwright

(A) Bor n i n Carthage , h e becam e th e slav e of a Roma n senato r wh o brought hi m t o Rome , educate d him , and free d him . He bega n hi s career as a playwright with his Andria ('Th e Girl from Andros', 16 6 BC), an immediat e succes s which gav e hi m entre e int o Roma n hig h soci ety. Hi s fiv e other extan t comedie s are Eunuchus, Heauton Timoroumenos, Phormio, Hecyra and Adelphi. Terence' s play s see k to emulat e th e Gree k New Comed y (onl y fragment s o f whic h ar e extan t i n post-classica l times), especially that of Menander, whos e work four of his plays adapt, preserving the Greek setting and overal l ethos. (B) Terenc e wa s though t o f a s a n eas y an d essentia l autho r i n th e sixteenth century , and wa s often th e first Latin write r t o be tackled a t grammar school , thoug h hi s vers e wa s frequentl y misinterpreted a s prose. ' I learn'd Terence, i' the third forme at Westminster'', say s the boy in the inductio n t o Jonson's The Magnetic Lady. Ordinaril y th e schoolboy 480

Terence (Publius Terentius Afer) encountered hi m i n the shap e o f Nicholas Udall' s Flouresfor Latine Spekinge Selected and Gathered oute of Terence, 1533 , which gave a Latin text an d painstaking phrase-by-phrase English translation s o f excerpts fro m th e Andria, Eunuchus and Heauton Timoroumenos, while ensuring by its format that the play s coul d no t b e enjoye d a s drama. However, Terence , like Plautus, wa s comparatively ofte n acte d a t school s and universitie s in sixteenth-century England, as well as at court. This popularity was not only on account of his comic excellence an d the suitability for deployment (or disguise) as moral instruction reflected in Udall' s collectio n o f sententiae an d i n Sidney's references to hi m i n his well-know n defenc e of comed y i n The Defence of Poesy. Th e purit y and uniqu e informalit y o f hi s language , ofte n associate d wit h th e refined colloquialis m preferre d b y th e grea t an d good , wa s perhap s even mor e importan t a factor , an d th e principa l reaso n wh y h e wa s sometimes preferred to Plautus . He wa s thought b y his mid-sixteenthcentury edito r Wagneru s 'profitabl e for the polishin g of language, for the unlearning of rudeness, for the wealth and abundanc e o f words and sentiments, for th e inventio n o f arguments fo r ever y kind o f cause, for providing th e knac k of both speakin g and writing ' (translate d Herric k 1950: 215) . Erasmus, who knew all of Terence b y heart, ranke d hi m (in De Ratione Studii) firs t fo r the learnin g of Latin style; he was a mode l for writers in general, an d comic dramatists i n particular. Udal l himself drew upo n Terence' s character s i n hi s ow n pla y Ralph Roister Bolster (1537); Chapman's All Fools (1599) adapts his Heauton and Adelphi; an d Jonson's comed y at large has Terentian features , though in his case as in many other s Terenc e wa s o f les s importanc e tha n Plautus , usuall y thought th e livelie r comedian . I t wa s prestigiou s t o b e compare d t o Terence: John Davies calls Shakespeare 'ou r English Terence', and th e epistle befor e th e 160 9 quart o o f Troilus and Cressida equate s th e pla with the 'best Commedy in Terence or Plautus'. Terence monopolize s discussion of comic theor y in the period . Th e extensive traditio n o f Renaissance commentar y o n hi s play s i s docu mented by Baldwin (1947) and Herric k (1950) . Especially significant, if only as indicating the widely held classical ideal in comic plays, are th e brief essay s on th e histor y of classical drama De Fabula., b y Evanthius , and De Tragoedia et Comoedia, attribute d t o Aeliu s Donatus . Ofte n reprinted i n edition s o f Terenc e (usuall y conflate d a s a singl e essa y under the second title, and the name of Donatus), and used throughout the seventeent h a s well as sixteenth century, they give between them a 481

Terence (Publius Terentius Afer) history and definitio n o f stage comedy and a summary of the structure of a classical drama that proved influential for Renaissance practice (for modern translation s see Hardison 1974 : 39-49; for a summary of their content see Doran 1954 : 106—8 , and fo r suggestions as to their effect o n Shakespeare, Snyde r 1979 : 40-2). Fig. 1 0 shows an image o f a Roma n theatre which was used to illustrate these essays in more than on e early edition. The extensiv e excerpt s an d collection s o f Terentian 'flowers ' wer e not matche d b y full-scal e translatio n i n English . Thoma s More' s friend, th e lawye r John Rastell , produce d a n Andria i n 1520 , bu t n o further published renderings are recorded until Maurice Kyffin's Andria, for schoo l use , o f 1588 . Th e res t followe d i n 159 8 wit h Richar d Bernard's complet e comedies . Bernard' s prefac e describe s Terence a s being 'as ethical as Plato', and an entire sub-genre, 'Christian Terence', was developed b y German an d Dutc h humanist s t o produce play s for the edificatio n o f youth. Earl y Englis h imitator s o f Terence wer e also interested in using his protasis-epitasis-catastrophe structure to deliver moral lessons. The followin g self-justification b y the character Parmen o in Eunuchus (who has mistakenl y delivered hi s young charge t o a loose woman) wa s ver y ofte n cite d i n th e Renaissanc e i n defenc e o f th e pedagogical us e o f Terence' s zestfu l depiction s o f lust , avaric e an d duplicity, o n th e principl e tha t a n acquaintanc e wit h wickednes s is a prerequisite for shunning it: I hav e devise d a wa y ho w a youn g ma n ma y kno w th e natural l disposition and manner o f queanes; to the intent that after h e knowes them, h e ma y for ever hat e the m a s long a s hee liveth . Wh o bein g abroad ou t of their owne houses, nothing in the world seemes to bee more clean e tha n the y be, no r an y thin g mor e demure , no r mor e proper; who, whe n the y su p with thei r lover , fee d ver y nicel y an d daintily, and no t but o f the best: but t o see them how uncleanly they bee, the ravening and manching, th e sluttishnesse, penury, and what greedie gripe s the y are all alone a t home; ho w they will slabber an d sosse up browne bread i n pottage, suc h as was left th e da y before; t o know these things, are a singular profit t o young men. (Terence 1614 : 160) (C) Shakespear e mus t hav e encountere d Terenc e a t school , an d cer tainly derive s materia l fro m him . Bu t ther e i s little goo d evidenc e o f 482

Terence (Publius Terentius Afer)

Figure 10 Terence , Comodiae VI. cum commentariis Aelii Donati, Guidonis Juvenalis, et BadiiAscensii (Venice, 1499) , fo. v v (actual size 238 X 155mm).

483

Terence (Publius Terentius Afer) first-hand borrowing , partl y becaus e knowledg e o f Terenc e wa s s o widely diffused an d s o variously employed by other writers that Terentian linguistic, stylistic, character or narrative material need hardly ever come directl y fro m th e Terentia n text s themselves , i n Lati n o r i n English: New Comed y influence d Propertius , Ovid, an d Lucian , whose dialogues in turn supply character an d situation to Erasmus and others. Boccaccio copied al l of Terence by hand, remembering him signifi cantly in the Decameron; Sidney's Arcadia (old version) orders its action according to the 'renaissanc e Terentian five-act structure,' with protasis, epitasis, an d catastrophe, an d feature s a Terentia n doubl e plot . Plautus and Terence shape tales in Bandello . . . The formativ e presence of New Comedy in these writers, so important t o Shakespeare , argues for wider investigation. (Miola 1994 : 14) This is to sa y nothing o f the lexico n of specifically dramati c possibilit y that Terence, with Plautus, created, and which was mediated to Shakespeare i n par t throug h th e Italia n theatr e o f th e Cinquecent o (se e Ariosto). Th e ofte n indistinguishabl e part s playe d b y Terenc e an d Plautus i n Shakespeare' s dramati c backgroun d als o rende r i t ofte n impossible t o isolate definitively Terentian features. With the four principal New Comedy elements discussed by Miola (1994), namely errors, intrigue, th e alazfln ('boaster' ) an d romance , Terence' s influenc e i s probably inextricabl e fro m Plautus ' i n a t leas t th e secon d an d third , while Plautu s i s muc h mor e clearl y th e originato r o f Shakespearea n material in the first and last. Thus, eve n thoug h Shakespearea n comed y a s a whol e ha s bee n called the 'function o f . .. the Terentian formula for comic plots . . . and the battl e o f the sexes ' (Nevo 1980 : 3) , the certaint y that Shakespear e draws on Terenc e onl y means he i s the ultimat e source , as part o f the comedic gene-pool, o f some traditional o r a t leas t frequently recycle d literary ingredient s suc h a s stoc k character s (e.g . th e Prodiga l So n figure: see Beck 1973) and expressions . For example, th e abov e passag e (B) on the necessit y of learning from immodes t sources was as long ago as th e eighteent h centur y see n t o li e behin d Warwick' s defenc e o f Prince Hal to King Henry: 484

Terence (Publius Terentius Afer) The Princ e but studies his companions Like a strange tongue, wherein, to gain the language, 'Tis needfu l tha t the most immodest word Be look'd upon and learnt; which once attain'd , Your Highness knows, comes to no further us e But to be known and hated . (2 Henry IV, 4.4.68-73) Such a connectio n i s no t capabl e o f actua l proof . Bu t a mor e far reaching, i f altogethe r les s tangible , effec t o f Terence' s exampl e o n Shakespeare ma y have been i n the overal l structur e o f his plays. Fro m his schooldays , it ha s bee n supposed , th e sixteenth-centur y Europea n dramatist fel t th e desir e 't o imitat e Terence , no t merel y i n separat e sections, bu t eve n in the writin g o f a whole play. When h e though t o f writing a play, he naturally thought of the one and only correct method, that whic h th e teacher s an d commentator s sai d wa s th e wa y o f Terence' (Baldwin 1947 : 673), namely th e 'five-ac t formula' int o whic h the ancien t grammarians ha d divide d Terence' s plays, and whic h is set out i n th e Renaissanc e b y Landin o an d explaine d b y Willic h i n hi s 1550 commentary on Andria (Ac t 3 has the 'sequenc e of perturbations', Act 4 exhibits the 'desperat e state of the matter', and s o on). Baldwin show s that Terentian commentarie s probably inspired Elizabethan five-ac t structure , but , sinc e Shakespear e wa s no t th e firs t dramatist to write five-act plays, the hypothesi s about Terence's effect s on hi s dramati c structure s has mor e substanc e whe n ther e ar e add itional factors . Baldwin find s thi s t o b e th e cas e i n Love's Labour's Lost, which is 'not merely constructed principally fro m tw o plays of Plautus' but 'als o analyse s and reconstruct s those plays into th e Andria formul a of Terentian structure ' (Baldwi n 1947 : 666), i.e . th e duplex argumentum, two closel y related plot s operatin g i n tande m (se e Levin 1971) . Thi s observation i s a reminde r tha t plo t ma y i n fac t b e th e are a i n whic h Terence's effec t o n Shakespear e i s at its strongest, both in the sens e of overall schem e (benig n doubling s an d redoublings , involution s an d intrigues developing in certain ways at certain intervals) and individua l ingredients (suc h a s errors an d lock-outs , twins and quasi-twins) . This effect ma y no t b e confine d t o Shakespeare' s comedies : a s Miola note s apropos of the Late Plays, 'New Comedic romanc e generall y features a pure female figure variously assaulted, journeys over sea and long time, reunions of parents and children ' (Miola 1994 : 195). 485

Terence (Publius Terentius Afer) Two more conceivabl y importan t but, again , ultimatel y unprovabl e possibilities should be mentioned. It can be argued that the 'plot of the psyche' whic h emerge s i n Shakespeare' s tragedie s an d Lat e Plays , which depend s on the enormousl y important Renaissanc e rediscovery of the Aristotelian poetic s of recognition, an d o f which the paradigm is the plo t o f mistaken identity, derives 'specifically fro m Terentia n com edy as adapted fo r the educatio n o f Renaissance schoolboy s usin g the scholia of Donatus' (Hutson 1994 : 166) . Finally, some of Terence's plays contain prologue s discussin g th e natur e o f their adaptatio n o f earlie r plays whic h migh t b e expecte d t o hav e intereste d a dramatis t lik e Shakespeare (i s it theft, th e Adelphi prologu e asks , or a n honou r t o th e original?) - t o what effect w e can only speculate. (D) Baldwi n (1947 ) settle d man y majo r point s concernin g Terence' s availability an d importanc e t o Shakespear e an d hi s contemporaries . Miola (1994) is his most important an d imaginativ e successor , expand ing fro m th e limite d an d ofte n unconvincin g lists of verbal echoe s in such a s Tschernjaje w (1931 ) int o a n altogethe r wide r conceptio n o f literary influence . Herric k (1950) , Hosle y (1966) , Sowerb y (1994 ) an d Miola himsel f ar e usefu l o n Terence' s standin g i n th e Renaissanc e generally. Baldwin, T. W . (1947) . Shakspere's Five-Act Structure: Shakspere's Early Plays on the Background of Renaissance Theories of Five-Act Structure from 1470. Urbana, IL . Beck, Ervin (1973) . 'Terence Improved: The Paradig m o f the Prodiga l Son in English Renaissance Comedy.' RenD 6: 107-22 . Doran, Madeleine (1954) . Endeavors of Art: A Study of Form in Elizabethan Drama. Madison, WI. Hardison, O . B. , Jr (1974) . Medieval Literary Criticism: Translations and Interpretations. Ne w York . Herrick, Marvin T. (1950). Comic Theory in the Sixteenth Century. Urbana, IL . Hosley, Richar d (1966) . 'Th e Forma l Influenc e o f Plautu s an d Terence', pp . 131-4 6 i n John Russel l Brown an d Bernar d Harris , eds, Elizabethan Theatre (Stratford-upon-Avon Studies , 9). London. Hutson, Lorna (1994). The Usurer's Daughter: Male Friendship and Fictions of Women in Sixteenth-Century England. London . Levin, Richar d (1971) . The Multiple Plot in English Renaissance Drama. Chicago. 486

Terence (Publius Terentius Afer) Miola, Robert S . (1994) . Shakespeare and Classical Comedy: The Influence of Plautus and Terence. Oxford. Nevo, Rut h (1980) . 'Shakespeare' s Comi c Remedies. ' New York Literary Forum 5-6: 3-15. Shaw, Catherin e M . (1980) . 'Th e Consciou s Ar t o f The Comedy of Errors' New York Literary Forum 5—6 : 17-28. Snyder, Susa n (1979) . The Comic Matrix of Shakespeare's Tragedies: 'Romeo and Juliet', 'Hamlet', 'Othello', and 'King Lear'. Princeton. Sowerby, Robin (1994) . The Classical Legacy in Renaissance Poetry. London. Terence, translate d b y R[ichard ] B[ernard ] (1614) . Terence in English. Fabulae Comici Facetissimi et Elegantissimi Poetae Terentii Omnes Anglicae Factae. London (firs t publishe d 1598) . Tschernjajew, P . (1931). 'Shakespeare und Terenz. ' Anglia 55: 282-95. Thomas o f Woodstock Plays.

Se e unde r

Chronicle History

TotteVs Miscellany

(A) Much o f the mid-sixteent h centur y poetry o f Henry Howard , Ear l of Surre y (1517P-1547) , Si r Thoma s Wyat t (1503?-1542) , an d man y anonymous contemporarie s wa s published i n 155 7 b y Richard Totte (d. 1594) , a mainl y lega l printe r wh o als o issue d Surrey' s Aeneid an d Arthur Brooke's Romeus and Juliet. Tottel's Songes and Sonnettes, written by the Ryght Honorable Lorde Henry Howard late Earle of Surrey, and Other, o r Tottel's Miscellany, a s i t cam e t o b e know n afte r a reprin t o f 1870 , became the most famous an d successfu l o f the Elizabethan poetr y miscellanies. The 27 1 pieces included i n the first edition were ascribed as follows: 40 to Surrey, 97 to Wyatt, 40 to Nicholas Grimal d (an associat e of Tottel's in this venture, perhaps a s editor), and th e rest to 'uncertain authors'. These las t include Chaucer; John Heywood; Thomas, Lor d Vaux; Thoma s Churchyard ; an d Si r John Cheke . Most see m t o have been writers of C. S . Lewis' Drab Age , from toward s the end o f Henry VIIFs reign onwards. The antholog y occasioned the first appearance in print o f Surrey's an d Wyatt's poems, a s well as being the firs t printe d book to contain Englis h sonnets. Overall, mos t pieces are love lyrics, but satires , elegies and pastoral s also figur e i n som e quantity . Metrica l experimentatio n i s particularl y frequent amon g it s poets, especially Wyatt. There was no intentio n t o 487

Toilet's Miscellany

create a collection of all the best verse of the era - fo r one thing, Totte l was concerned abou t possible censorship - an d the selection mixes the more durable work of Wyatt and Surre y with some very dull material (it has been calle d 'th e grave of Early Tudor poetry ' - Maso n 1959 : 253 Moreover, althoug h Wyat t an d Surrey' s wor k wa s brought t o a ne w audience, Tottel' s settin g for it subtly altered it s form an d significance . Tottel's tastes , which depar t fro m previou s norm s bu t wer e evidentl y shared b y hi s readers , le d hi m t o rearrang e man y line s i n Wyat t t o increase thei r metrica l smoothnes s and regularity ; an d t o mos t o f the poems i n th e collectio n h e adde d title s whic h create d a contex t o f conventional courtly devotion (a s in 'The lover sendeth sighe s to mone his sute'), removing any hint of a political dimension. The bes t poetry in the volum e thu s becam e a glamorou s an d decorou s illustratio n an d model o f supposedly actua l courtl y practice. The singlin g ou t of Surrey for mentio n on the title page is usually explained a s owing to his aristocratic rank, but his execution ha d mad e hi m presentable a s a Catholi c hero unde r Mar y i n 1557 , whereas Wyatt , whos e so n ha d bee n executed fo r treaso n i n 1554 , was presumabl y non gratis an d s o no t mentioned o n the title page despit e his larger contribution . (B) Tottel's volum e was twice reprinte d i n 1557 , and wen t through a t least nine further edition s before 1587 , when the las t sixteenth-century edition wa s issued . B y thi s date , afte r addition s an d deletion s o f material, i t took i n a tota l o f 310 poems. I t helpe d creat e a vogue for anthologies generall y ove r th e succeedin g decades , an d severa l late r collections follo w it s lea d i n specifi c ways . Georg e Gascoigne' s A Hundreth Sundrie Flowers (1573 ) i s an example : thi s also mimicks aspects of a manuscript collection an d adds titles which invite interpretation of the texts as responses to courtly situations, real or novelistic. Tottel's first-generatio n followers , earlie r Elizabetha n poet s suc h as Barnaby Googe , Thomas Sackville and Georg e Turberville , had insuf ficient talents to reach thei r model' s highest level; they confined them selves to the simpler metres, like poulter's measure, and developed thei r craft distinctl y slowly. The boo k can, in fact, b e held responsible for the vast stretches of monotonous long-lined verse of the era. Yet Tottel ha d also mad e availabl e th e wor k o f Surre y an d Wyat t an d s o enhance d their reputations, even if it appeared in an inauthentic form. Wyatt was known t o the public a t larg e almos t solel y throug h th e miscellan y Puttenham's comment s o n Wyatt , Surre y an d Totte l i n hi s Arte of 488

Tottel's Miscellany

English Poesie (1589 ) sho w it s effect s here . Th e appearanc e o f ne w editions unti l 1587 , 'whe n th e magnificen t outburs t o f Elizabetha n lyricism ha d begun' , kept Tottel's influenc e 'constant and potent', an d the Miscellany ca n b e considere d s o 'largel y responsibl e fo r thi s grea t outburst' tha t 'adequatel y t o discus s its influence would b e almos t t o write a history of the first three decade s o f Elizabethan poetry ' (Rollins 1965: n, 107-8) . Wyatt's an d Surrey' s wor k i s widely availabl e i n moder n printings . This sample o f one of the tw o poems included b y Thomas, Lord Vaux (no. 21 2 in Rollins 1965 ; originally printed anonymously ) is quoted her e from on e o f the 155 7 editions. The aged lover rounounceth love I lothe that I did love, In youth that I thought swete: As time requires for my behove Me thinkes they are not mete, My lustes they do me leave, My fancies all be flede: And tract of time begins to weave Gray heares upon my hedde. For age with stelyng steppes, Hath clawed me with his cowche: And lust y life awa y she leapes, As there had bene none such. My muse dothe not delight Me as she did before : My hand and pen are not in plight , As they have bene of yore. For reason me denies , This youthly idle rime : And day by day to me she cryes, Leave of these toyes in time . The wrincle s in my brow, The furrowe s in my face: Say limpyng age will hedge hi m now, Where youth must geve him place . The harbinge r o f death, 489

Tottel's Miscellany

To me I see him ride: The cough , the colde, the gaspyng breath, Dothe bid me to provide. A pikeax and a spade, And eke a shrowdyng shete, A house of claye for to be made, For such a gest most mete. (Tottel 1557:sig.X3™ ) (G) Man y book s i n moder n librarie s hav e Shakespeare' s signatur e forged b y a later hand . A copy o f a 155 7 Totte l no w in a n America n collection, give n according t o a family traditio n b y Shakespeare t o a n ancestor o f the poet Alexander Brome, has a more satisfactory provenance tha n mos t (se e Flemin g 1964) . Perhaps , however , wha t need s explanation is why the volume was given away - tha t Shakespear e once possessed a copy of Tottel might almost have been assumed a priori. There ar e tw o explici t allusion s t o th e volum e an d it s contents i n Shakespeare's plays . Slender, lef t o n hi s ow n durin g th e firs t scen e of The Merry Wives of Windsor, wishe s for hi s cop y of Tottel (unde r its then standard title ) to entertain himself- 'I had rathe r tha n forty shilling s I had m y Boo k o f Song s an d Sonnet s here ' (1.1.179-80) . On e o f th e Gravediggers i n Hamlet sing s version s o f th e first , thir d an d eight h stanzas from Vaux' s poem in (B), above (5.1.6Iff.) ; hi s version is distant enough t o sho w that th e playwrigh t was working from memory , or a t least did not take the words directly from th e Miscellany. Ther e are also snatches o f phraseology fro m Totte l item s tha t cro p u p fro m tim e t o time i n th e poem s an d plays . Som e ver y out-of-the-wa y material i s involved here , suc h a s phrasing from Grimald' s translation o f Gautier de Chatillon' s Lati n i n Macbeth 1. 2 (se e Mason 1959 : 253) . Moore' s (1998) speculation s about tw o of Hamlet's speeche s and tw o works of Surrey's, one of them in Tottel, are, however, far-fetched. But neither Shakespeare' s explici t reference s t o Tottel' s collectio n nor hi s distant echoe s of some of its words really hint a t what it seems safe t o sa y must have been, howeve r indirectly, the principa l effec t o f the book on him as on others: an expansion, for all Tottel's straitjacketing o f th e wor k h e printed , o f th e perceive d possibilitie s o f Englis h verse. Shakespeare , no t alon e amon g hi s contemporaries, sa w furthe r possibilities i n th e direction s Tottel' s bes t poet s ha d taken . Eve n i f Tottel di d no t mak e th e sonne t a n immediatel y popula r for m (fo r a 490

Tottel's Miscellany while th e ter m mean t onl y 'lyric') , th e fina l sixteenth-centur y editions cam e a t a tim e whe n th e rag e fo r sonne t sequence s was begin ning. Mor e specifically , a numbe r o f Surrey' s Totte l sonnet s us e th e English sonne t for m eventuall y adopte d b y Shakespeare ; Surrey , an d the miscellany' s influence , can b e sai d t o hav e establishe d thi s form's availability i n th e Englis h tradition . Again , th e tw o se t pieces Totte l included fro m Nichola s Grimald, The Death of^joroas an d Cicero's Death, can togethe r wit h Surrey' s Aeneid b e considere d th e earlies t Englis h examples o f blan k verse ; ne w groun d ha d agai n bee n broken , eve n though i t i s unlikel y thes e work s playe d muc h par t i n th e eventua l popularization o f the form . Although thes e an d othe r innovation s d o no t giv e th e antholog y much direc t importance for Shakespeare, then , i t is on a wide view by no mean s th e leas t significan t of hi s books . It s significanc e is largely summed up byjonson's comment s on the poetry of Wyatt and Surrey : 'for thei r time s admirable : an d th e more , becaus e the y bega n Eloquence with us' (Conversations). (D) Rollin s (1965 ) supplie s i n hi s secon d volum e a ful l accoun t o f Tottel's volume, its contributors, and it s history. Fleming, Joh n E (1964) . ' A Boo k fro m Shakespeare' s Librar y Discovered by William Van Lennep.' ShQl5.ii: 25-7. Mason, H . A . (1959) . Humanism and Poetry in the Early Tudor Period: An Essay. London . Moore, Pete r R. (1998) . 'Hamlet an d Surrey' s Psalm 8.' Neophilologus 82 : 487-98. Rollins, Hyde r Edward , ed . (1965 ) Tottel's Miscellany (1557-1587), revised edn, 2 vols. Cambridge, M A (firs t published 1928-9) . Tottel, Richard, ed . (1557) . Songes and Sonnettes, written by the Ryght Honorable Lorde Henry Haward late Earle of Surrey, and Other. Londo n (firs t 1557 edn; Rollins 1557A). Troublesome Reigne o f King John, Th e See Chronicle History Plays. True Chronicle History o f King Leir, Th e See Chronicle History Plays. 491

True Tragedie of Richard III, The True Tragedie o f Richard ///, Th e See Chronicle History Plays.

Turberville, George See Mantuan Spagnuoli).

(Giovanni

Baptista

Twine, Lawrence (fl. 1564—76), Translator (A) The elde r brother o f Thomas Twin e (se e Virgil), h e attende d th e Canterbury Gramma r School , o f whic h hi s fathe r wa s headmaster , before admissio n t o Al l Souls , Oxford , wher e h e graduate d an d became a fello w i n 1564 . He registere d fo r publicatio n i n 157 6 The Patterne qfPainejull Adventures . . . that befell unto Prince Apollonius, his prose translation - no t the first into English — of the 153 rd tale in the Gesta Romanorum o f Apolloniu s o f Tyre , don e vi a a Frenc h version . If i t wa s publishe d a t thi s date , n o cop y ha s survived : th e firs t known editio n date s fro m c. 1594 . This boo k i s Twine' s onl y clai m to literar y notice . H e i s sai d t o hav e becom e a recto r i n Susse x in 1578. (B) A reprin t o f 160 7 seems to hav e sparke d interest in The Patterne of Painefull Adventures, but becaus e Pericles cannot b e certainl y date d mor e precisely than 1606- 8 it is not possible to determine whether the reprint was inspired partl y by the appearanc e of the play , or whether th e play followed the new edition. The minor dramatist George Wilkins appropriated man y passage s of Twine's stor y for hi s verse play The Painjull Adventures of Pericles Prince of Tyre, publishe d 1608 , drawin g a t th e sam e time either on Pericles itself or an earlier, now lost play on the same theme. A ful l tex t o f Twine' s stor y (i n th e editio n o f c. 1594 ) is give n i n Bullough (vi) , and excerpt s of the passage s relevant to Shakespear e in Hoeniger (1963) . Most of Chapter 1 4 is printed here: How Tharsia withstoode a second assault of her virginitie, and by what meanes she was preserved. When nigh t was come, th e maste r bawd used always to receive the money, which hi s women had gotte n by the us e of their bodie s th e day before . An d whe n i t was demaunde d o f Tharsia, she brough t him the mony , as the price an d hir e o f her virginitie . Then sai d the 492

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bawd unt o hir : I t i s wel doon e Tharsia , us e diligenc e hencefoorth , and se e that yo u bring me e thu s much mon y ever y day. When th e next da y wa s pas t also , an d th e baw d understood e tha t sh e remained a virgi n stil , h e wa s offended , an d calle d unt o hi m th e villaine tha t ha d charg e ove r the maides , an d sai d unt o him : Sirra , how chanceth it that Tharsia remaineth a virgin still ? Take her unt o thee, an d spoil e he r o f her maidenhead , o r b e sur e tho u shal t b e whipped. Then said the villaine unt o Tharsia, tel me, art tho u yet a virgin? Sh e answered , I am , an d shalb e a s long a s Go d wil l suffe r me. Ho w then , sai d he , has t tho u gotte n al l thi s mony ? Sh e answered, with teares falling downe upo n he r knees, I have declare d mine estate , humbl y requestin g al l men t o tak e compassio n o n m y virginitie. An d now e likewise , falling the n down e a t hi s feet e also , take pitt y o n me , goo d friend , whic h a m a poo r captive , an d th e daughter o f a king , an d do e no t defil e me . Th e villain e answered : Our maste r th e baw d i s very covetou s an d greedi e o f money, an d therefore I se e no meane s for thee t o continu e a virgin. Whereunt o Tharsia replied : I a m skilfu l i n th e libera l sciences , and wel l exer cised i n al l studies , and n o ma n singet h o r playet h o n instrument s better than I, wherefore brin g mee into the market place of the citie, that me n ma y heare m y cunning. O r le t the peopl e propoun d an y maner o f questions, and I will resolve them: and I doubt no t but by this practis e I shal l ge t stor e o f mone y daily . Whe n th e villain e heard thi s devise , and bewaile d th e maiden s mishappe, h e willingly gave consen t thereto, an d brak e with the baw d hi s master touchin g that matter , who hearing o f her skill , an d hopin g fo r the gaine , was easily perswaded. (1607 text ; ed. Hoeniger 1963 : 170 ) (G) Pericles owe s muc h mor e t o Gower' s tha n Twine' s versio n o f th e Apollonius story , bu t ther e ar e a numbe r o f episode s i n whic h th e influence o f The Patterne ofPainefull Adventures seem s palpable, especiall y in Ac t 4 an d especiall y involvin g Lysimachu s (th e Governo r o f Mytilene, Twine's Athanagoras). The brothe l scenes in Twine's version of the story are more conspicuous than Gower's, formin g a lively and at times oddly humorous part o f the narrative , an d Shakespear e appear s to have followed hi s lead. One furthe r suggestio n abou t Twine' s par t i n Pericles i s mad e b y DelVecchio and Hammon d (1998 : 8): 493

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Rather tha n seein g Gower's an d Twine' s works as sprawling narra tives incompatible with the stage and the requirements of drama, it is preferable to credit Shakespeare with a new insight into the handlin g of hi s source s fo r dramati c purposes . Althoug h o f cours e h e too k from Gowe r an d Twin e th e element s o f th e story , perhap s thei r most instrumental influenc e on him was the potential h e found there for presentin g narrativ e a s a dramati c for m . . . What Shakespear e dramatises in Pericles is the storytelling process itself. (D) Bullough, vi. DelVecchio, Doreen, an d Anton y Hammond, ed s (1998). Pericles (New Cambridge Shakespeare). Cambridge . Hoeniger, F. D., ed. (1963) . Pericles (Arden Shakespeare). London.

Twyne, Thomas See Virgil (Publius Vergilius Maro). Tyndale, William See Bible.

494

U-V h \Jr-Hatnlet See Belleforest, Fran9ois de.

Virgil (Publius Vergilius Maro) (70-19 BC), Roman Poet

(A) Born near Mantua, Virgi l was educated i n Cremona an d Mediola num (Milan) and later studied philosophy and rhetoric a t Rome, where he became one of the poets patronized b y the statesman Maecenas. H e published t o grea t acclai m i n 3 7 B C hi s te n Eclogues o r pastoral s (o r 'bucolics'). Soo n afterwards , thanks t o Maecenas ' sponsorship , h e lef t Rome fo r Campania . Th e fou r Book s of Georgics, o n th e ar t o f husbandry, followed i n 3 0 BC, confirming him a s the foremos t poet o f his time. The las t eleven years of his life were devoted, by the command o f Augustus, to the compositio n o f a national epi c base d o n the stor y of Aeneas, th e mythica l founde r of the Roma n natio n an d o f the Julian family. This was said not to have been finished to Virgil's satisfaction at his death. The Aeneid tells in twelve Books Aeneas' story from the fal l of Troy to his arrival in Italy, his wars and alliances with the native tribes, and hi s final establishment of the new Italian kingdom. (B) The enormou s prestige o f Virgil i n th e Middl e Age s and Renais sance is well known. He ha d no t onl y the name of a 'surpassin g poet', 495

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but als o 'th e fam e o f a n od d [rare ] orator , an d th e admiratio n o f a profound philosopher ' (a s Richard Stanyhurst , hi s translator, pu t i t in 1582), as well as a unique reputation among pagan writers as an honorary Christia n - anima naturaliter Christiana, 'a n instinctivel y Christia n soul', in Tertullian's words. For poets he was the chief authority i n epi c (for Ariosto, Camoens, Dante, Spenser, Tasso) and pastoral (in NeoLatin an d i n vernaculars) . He wa s als o th e courtl y classica l poet par excellence, the uncrowned laureate of Rome, Minister o f Arts to Augustus, strongly identifie d with rulin g powers ; an d h e wa s th e refine r o f th e Latin language , givin g him a special status in th e humanis t poetics of the Renaissanc e (se e Sowerb y 1994 : 37-44) . Playwright s o f ' a pre ponderantly rhetorical drama like the early English tragedy' will inevitably make 'extensiv e use of epic fragments and epi c technique' (Bake r 1967: 141) . More popularly, Virgil wa s still, if decreasingly, thought of , as sometime s i n th e Middl e Ages , a s a mag e o r sorcerer , magicall y helpful to readers through the Sortes Virgilianae, 'when by suddaine opening Virgils booke, they lighted uppo n som e verse of his' for guidance (as Sidney dismissivel y describes the procedur e i n th e Apology for Poetry). But, becaus e 'many of the basic mythic and imaginative patterns underlying his poems proved especiall y amenable t o the continuing Christia n intellectual synthesis', the poems were 'allegorized an d otherwis e continually modernized s o that the y bore directl y on the present concerns of his many interpreters in their times' (Low 1985: 3). In slightl y different terms , because he was the centra l canonical figure for the Renais sance, to rework Virgil signalled 'th e appropriatio n o f a usable past in relation t o som e commo n pursui t o f socia l purpos e i n th e present ' (Weimann 1988 : 73). For the Elizabethans, this phenomenon embrace d inter alia th e associatio n o f th e virgi n Astraea , goddes s o f Justice (i n Eclogue iv) , wit h th e Queen ; Elizabeth' s tie s to anothe r femal e wh o could be seen as founder of an empire, Dido (als o known as Elissa); an d the Tro y legend , wit h th e notio n o f the translatio imperii ('translatio n of empire'), ' a transnational , transhistorica l mode l ont o whic h poet s . . . might graf t indigenou s myths of origin' for their ow n rulers or patrons (James 1997 : 15). James I coul d an d di d identif y himsel f bot h wit h Aeneas and Augustus (also, jokingly, with Latinus). The Tro y legend was used more scepticall y too, as for example by John Heywood to oppose Stuart absolutis m (se e James 1997 : 21). As a schoo l autho r i n th e Renaissance , Virgi l vie d fo r prominenc e with Ovid, hi s perceived moral weigh t set against Ovid' s char m an d 496

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versatility. Pedagogicall y an d otherwis e h e wa s encountere d i n man y forms: in anthologies o f sententiae andflorilegia, i n manuals o f rhetoric, in paintings, woodcuts , an d othe r illustrations , i n classica l dictionaries , and o f course in editions and translation s of his poems. Very few of the editions were English, an d even those all drew on continental Europea n commentaries, s o tha t i n man y way s Englis h reader s necessaril y received thei r Virgi l fro m th e Europea n traditio n (se e especially Tudeau-Clayton 199 8 and Baldwi n 1944) . Severa l ver y differen t English translation s o f Virgil ha d appeare d b y the late r Tudo r period . Caxton's prose Aeneidof 149 0 was not a translation from Virgil but had an itineran t ancestry , an d fe w good qualities . Gavi n Douglas ' 151 2 Scots version, i n iambi c pentamete r couplets , was poetically fa r mor e successful; i t wa s firs t printe d i n Londo n i n 1553 , and include d th e supplementary Book xin by Maphaeus Vegius. Henry Howard, Ear l of Surrey's English renderin g o f Books n and i v of the 1540s , influenced by Douglas , i s a crucia l stag e i n th e developmen t o f Englis h blan k verse (se e Bake r 1967 ; Jones 1964 : xiiff.) . Muc h mor e popula r i n it s day, however , wa s th e firs t complet e Englis h versio n o f th e Aeneid t o be translate d direc t fro m th e Latin , b y Thoma s Phaer , a Wels h polymath, an d Thoma s Twyne , a classical scholar wh o completed th e work in 1584 by revising Phaer's Books i-ix of 1558-62 and adding his own translation of the rest, including Book xin (for the complex textual history se e Lally 1987 : xxix-lxxi). This was the onl y complete Englis h version o f the Aeneid printed unti l th e 1630s , an d i t wa s reissue d fou r times up to 1620 . Thoma s Nashe' s copy of Phaer's first edition, 1558, is in the Britis h Library . On e o r tw o pieces o f Shakespeare's phrasin g may just possibly reflect th e us e o f Phaer (Baldwi n 1944 : 484 ; Taylor 1987). Englis h version s o f th e Eclogues wer e no t wanting : Georg e Turberville (1567 ) an d Abraha m Flemin g (1575 ) ar e th e mai n Elizabethan translators, the latter extending his efforts ('i n so plaine an d familiar a sort , a s a learne r ma y b e taugh t thereb y t o hi s profit', h e writes) to the Georgics in 1589 . One o f th e best-know n passage s i n th e Georgics i s iv , 153-68 , th e Commonwealth o f th e Bees . Thi s anthology-piec e i s use d b y Shakespeare - perhap s vi a one or more intermediat e version s - for Canterbury's speec h i n Henry V, 1.2.187-204 . Fleming' s versio n ma y not hav e bee n know n t o Shakespeare , bu t th e Virgilia n passag e wa s (Baldwin 1944:472-9) : 497

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The bee s alone have their yoong ones bred common o f them all, The house s of their cities they as partners have and hold, And often lea d their lives under great lawes and government ; They only know their countrie and their certaine dwelling houses, And being mindfull o f the win-ter coming they take up paines And fal l to worke in sommer time; and they lay up in store Their gettings for the common use and profit o f them all. For some do watch and toil e for living, and ar e occupid e In feelds upon a bargaine o r a league betweene them made: Some other lay within the bounds or fenses of their houses The juice of Narcisse, and the clam-mie gum from bark e of tree, The first foundation of their ho-niecombs; and afterwards They hang or fasten thereupo n wax sticking hard thereto. Some other bring abrode th e yoong ones now at perfect growth, The hop e of all the flocke (or swarmes:) others do thicken the Finest and purest honie, and stretch out the little holes Of their sweet honicombs with ho-ny liquid passing cleere. Others there be unto whose lot warding a t gates befals, And they by turns do watch the raine and tempests of the wether; Or els e they take the burthens o f the bees then comming home , Or els e with armie redie made, they drive away from hives The drones , a lazie beast (Virgil 1589 : sig. ir") One ca n d o n o bette r fo r a sample of the Phaer-Twyn e Aeneid tha n what Hamle t request s of the Player , 'Aeneas' tal e t o Dido , an d there about of it especially where he speaks of Priam's slaughter ' (2.2.440—2). The Player' s version, with a basis in Lucan and Marlowe's Dido, Queen of Carthage a s well as Virgil, appear s a fe w lines later i n Hamlet (fo r the relationships see Black 1994): The fatal l end of Priam now perhaps you will requier. Whan he e the city taken saw and houses tops on fier, And buildings broke, and round about so thicke his foes to rage, His harneis on his shoulders (long on worn till than) for age All quaking, on (good man) hee puts, to purpose small, and tha n His sword him gyrt, and into death an d enmies thicke he ran. Amids the court right underneth the naked skies in sight, An altar huge of sise there stoode, and by the same uprigh t 498

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An auncient Laurell tree did grow, that wide abroad wa s shed, And it, and all the carvyd gods with broade shad e overspred. There Hecuba and her doughter s all (poore soules) at the altars side In heapes togethe r affray d the m drew, like doves whan doth betide Some storme them headlong drive, and clippin g fast their gods did hold. But whan shee Priam thus beclad in armes of youth so bold Espied: what minde ala s (quoth she) O wofull husband you In harneis dight: and whither awa y with wepons run ye now? Not men nor wepons us can save: this time doth axe to beare . No such defence, n o not i f Hector mine now present were. Stand here by mee, this altar vs from slaughter s all shal shelde, Or di e together at ones we shall. So said she, and gan to welde Him aged man, and in the sacred seat him set, and helde. Behold where skaping from th e strok e ofPirrhus fer s in fight Polites, one ofPriams sonnes , through foe s and wepon s pight, Through galeries alon g doth run, and wide about him spies Sore wounded than, but Pirrhus after hi m sue s with burning eyes In chase, and now welnere in hand hi m caught and held with spere, Till right before hi s parents sight he came, than fel d him there To death, and with his gushing blood his life outright he shed. There Priamus, though no w for wo that time he halfe was dead, Him self e could not refraine, nor yet his voice nor anger holde. But, vnto thee (O wretch) he cried, for this despite so bolde, The god s (if any justice dwels in heaven or right regard) Do yeeld thee worthy thankes, and thee do pay thy due reward, That here within my sight my son hast slaine with slaughter vyle, And not ashamd with lothsome deat h his fathers face to fyle . Not s o did hee (whom falsly thou beliest to be thy sier) Achilles with his enmie Priam deale, but m y desier Whan Hectors corps to tombe he gave for golde, did entertaine With truth and right, and to my realme restorde me safe againe . So spake, and therwithal l his dart with feeble force hee threw, Which soundin g on his brasen harnei s hoarce, it backward flew, And on his targat side it hit, where dintlesse down e it hing. Than Pirrhus said, thou shalt go now therfore and tidinge s bring Unto my father Achilles soule, my dolefull deede s to tell. Neptolemus hi s bastard is, not I , say this in hell. Now die, and (a s he spake that word) from th e altar self e h e drew a

a

499

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Him trembling there, and deepe him through his sons blood did embrue. And with his left hand wrapt his lockes, with right hand through his side His glistring sworde outdrawen, he did hard t o the hikes to glide. This ende had Priams destnies all, this chaunce him fortune sent, Whan h e the fier in Troy ha d scene , his walles and castel s rent, That somtime ove r peoples proud, an d lands had reingd with fame Of Asia emprour great, now short on shore he lieth with shame, His head besides his shoulders laid, his corps no more of name. (1584 text, n, 510-63; ed. Lally 1987 : 42-3; itali c for bold) (C) There is reasonably goo d evidenc e tha t Shakespeare kne w at least some of Virgil - th e Aeneid - a t first hand in the Latin, as indeed any of his contemporarie s wit h a grammar-schoo l educatio n mus t have . A quotation of four words in Latin i n 2 Henry VI, 2.1.24, and a n apparent linguistic echo ('fatal engine ' / 'fatali s machina' , Aeneid u, 237) in Titus Andronicus, 5.3.86 , prov e nothin g i n themselves , but Baldwi n suggests that the phrasing in Shakespeare's closely Virgilian passages sometimes reflects th e glos s for the Virgilian usag e of a word in a Latin edition, or in Thoma s Cooper' s English-Lati n Thesaurus Linguae (Baldwin 1944 : n, 479-82 , als o 456-96 fo r detailed discussio n of the us e of excerpts, annotations an d edition s in Shakespeare ; for qualifications see Nuttall 1984:71-2). What part s o f Virgil di d Shakespear e know , an d wher e di d h e us e Virgil i n hi s poems an d plays ? He mus t hav e rea d a t leas t the earlie r Books of the Aeneid. Books i, n, iv and vi were especially common study texts, and Shakespeare' s use of the poem tends to dry up afte r Boo k vi. He has the Dido and Aeneas story (iv-vi) especially frequently in mind, often i n a romanticize d form , i n a t leas t half a doze n plays including Titus Andronicus, Hamlet, 2 Henry VI and ' a pre-Dido an d a post-Dido i n Troilus and Cressida and Antony and Cleopatra'. Indeed, Dido 'appears allusively i n comedy , tragedy , histor y an d romanc e - al l the traditiona l Shakespearean genre s - an d at al l stages i n the playwright's career ' (Savage 1998 : 14 , 18) . The tw o other Virgilian episode s most frequently referred t o in direct Shakespearea n allusion s are th e Sac k of Troy an d Aeneas' visit to the Underworld, a s for example i n 1 Henry IV, 1.1.70-4. Shakespeare is very likely to have known much of Virgil's work other than Aeneid i-vi because of its general diffusion , bu t thi s very diffusio n makes i t uncertai n exactl y whic h parts . Fo r example , th e stee d o f 500

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Adonis in Venus and Adonis 289-300 may wel l owe something t o Virgil' s horse i n Georgics in , 75-94 ; bu t Virgil' s descriptio n wa s i n th e lat e sixteenth centur y th e mode l 'commonplace ' fo r a horse , cite d a s a n example i n al l kind s o f manual s o f style , quote d i n an y numbe r o f commentaries o n quit e othe r texts , excerpte d i n florilegia, and s o on . Hence Baldwi n conclude s o f thi s passag e tha t Shakespear e 'i s her e ultimately reflectin g [th e Georgics], . . . probabl y proximately , fro m grammar school , though ther e is no conclusive evidence in this passage that Shaksper e modele d directl y o n th e Georgics wit h th e boo k befor e him, o r tha t h e wa s eve n consciou s of an y influenc e fro m tha t work ' (Baldwin 1950 : 25). Apart fro m th e Aeneid, Shakespeare's knowledg e o f Virgil ofte n reflect s th e typ e of excerpts presented in secondary compil ations. Bu t thi s i s no t incompatibl e wit h Shakespeare' s havin g ha d direct knowledg e o f the origina l in the contex t o f an editio n o f Virgil. This ma y wel l be th e cas e with th e Commonwealt h o f the Bee s fro m Georgics iv ((B) , above ) used in Henry V, 1. 2 (fo r the Georgics an d Eclogues see Baldwin 1944 : 11 , 464-79). Shakespeare, despit e his occasional (an d highly tendentious) identification as the Virgil ofjonson's Poetaster, i s in his work as a whole clearly not a Virgilian poet. Though there are dozens of more or less plausibl e Virgilian moments in Shakespeare (table s are drawn u p by Root 1903) , the fou r mos t extensiv e and specific Virgilia n loc i can ver y quickly be listed, as follows: 1

The Rape ofLucrece, 1366-1526 , for th e stor y of the sac k of Troy (i n combination wit h Ovid , Metamorphoses xin ; se e Alle n 196 2 an d Baldwin 1950 : 143-6) . 2 Th e accoun t o f Aegeon' s travel s i n The Comedy of Errors, 1.1.31 — 140, from Aeneas ' narrativ e in Aeneid u, 13-267 (see Baldwin 1944 : n, 485-7). 3 Th e Player' s speec h on Troy in Hamlet, 2.2 (see Black 1994) . 4 The Tempest, i n general (se e below). The collectiv e significanc e of the specifi c Virgilia n allusion s in Shake speare is not great because they are not usually 'integral to the fabric' of Shakespeare's work : 'Thes e passage s . . . are o f their time : mannered , ornamental, cleve r - manifestly poetr y o f the Englis h Renaissance . Shakespeare is seldom less Virgilian tha n when he is citing him' (Nuttal l 1984: 73) . On th e othe r hand , thes e passages sometime s appear t o b e 501

Virgil (Publius Vergilius Maro)

only th e mos t conspicuou s indicatio n i n th e wor k o f a mor e genera l permeation b y Virgilia n moo d o r matter . Fo r example , th e Virgilia n presence i n The Tempest i s often o f a 'spectral ' kind, ' a half-seen imag e of death , o r damnation , o r despai r a t th e bac k o f an episode , a line , or eve n a singl e word ' (Pitche r 1984 : 197) . To summariz e Pitcher' s example, there is reason to believe that in Prospero's boast of having 'to the dread rattling thunder / . . . given fire, and rifted Jove's stout oak / With hi s ow n bolt' (Tempest 5.1.44—6 ) i s recalled th e Sibyl' s descriptio n of Salmoneus i n Tartarus, 'i n cruel wreak e o f turmentes just. / Fo r he the flame s o f god, an d thondrin g sounde s would counterfeit ' (Phaer Twyne, vi, 620-1, translating Aeneid vi, 585-6; ed. Lally 1987 : 137) . So although Prospero , 'wh o also fakes tempest s and wh o usurps the light ning of the gods, is at the summit of his authority i n Act V .. . th e fat e of th e overreachin g Salmoneus , damnatio n fo r a n impostor , hover s spectrally behind him ' (Pitcher 1984 : 197). It ma y wel l be , then , tha t th e mor e obliqu e an d diffuse d kind s of Virgilianism count for more in Shakespeare than the direct and specific . Nor ar e these kinds always so attenuated, so 'spectral'. There are fairl y few explicit Virgilian allusion s in Antony and Cleopatra, but th e Did o story has been fel t a s a deepening an d enrichin g presence behind man y episodes in the play, from Antony's first leave-taking of Cleopatra onwards ; Brower goe s s o fa r a s t o cal l th e pla y a n 'imaginativ e sequel ' t o th e Aeneid (1971: 351). But to recur to Nuttall's point, Shakespeare' s us e of Virgil here is for very un-Virgilian ends - namely , for the glamorization of Anton y an d Cleopatra , a s i n th e reversa l o f Aeneid vi i n Antony' s 'Dido an d he r ^Enea s shal l want troops , / An d all the haunt b e ours ' (4.14.53-4). For som e othe r plays , ther e i s little agreemen t o n th e purpose s o f Shakespeare's Virgilianism . Titus Andronicus i s fo r Miol a a 'compara tively clums y an d juvenile ' attemp t t o 'invok e Vergi l t o hel p shap e character an d theme' ; allusion s t o Aeneas an d Lavini a ar e 'crudel y and baldly inappropriate rathe r than ironic' (1986: 243). But for James, referring t o th e 'mutilation ' an d 'warping ' o f Virgil, th e gap s between the worl d o f Titus an d th e worl d o f the Aeneid ar e highl y meaningful: 'the play is set just before th e fal l o f the Roma n empire , an d i t is fitting that Vergilia n values should survive only in empty forms', for exampl e in tha t 'Vergilia n pietas ha s ossifie d ove r th e centuries' ; 'th e Vergilia n virtues . . . emerg e a s bankrupt' (1997 : 41 , 52-3) . Recen t interes t i n Virgilian aspect s of Cymbeline i s at it s strongest in James, who propose s 502

Virgil (Publius Vergilius Maro) that 'the play trains a relentless eye on the greatest fissure in the Aeneid's commemoration o f imperial Rom e - Aeneas ' abandonmen t o f Dido and use s it to propose a radical critique of Roman values' (1997 : 167 ; for Cymbeline se e also Miola 1983 : 214ff.) . The rol e o f Virgil i n The Tempest ha s bee n muc h analysed , bu t th e results ar e no t alway s illuminating , an d sometime s far-fetched . I s i t limited t o th e firs t tw o scene s (Nosworth y 1948) , o r i s the Did o an d Aeneas story the shapin g influence unti l Act 4 (Kott 1978) , or does the whole play rel y obliquely o n the Aeneid (Stil l 1921 , claimin g tha t wha t Alonso's part y experience s i s comparabl e t o Aeneas ' journe y t o th e Underworld)? Onc e again , th e lis t o f tangible, concret e borrowing s i s 'far shorte r tha n w e might reasonabl y expect : the storm itself, Alonso' s journey, Ferdinand's firs t word s t o Miranda, th e Harpy spectacle , bit s of the wedding masque, th e coastlin e o f the island, th e preservation of the mariners, an d . . . widow Dido in Act IF (Pitche r 1984 : 199) . But once again , suc h a lis t arguabl y omit s som e o f the broade r Virgilia n elements i n th e play , t o whic h suc h direc t allusion s migh t b e calle d 'points of entry' (Hamilton 1990 : 21). For instance, it is claimed tha t th e presence o f th e Did o stor y (beyon d th e ol d critica l chestnu t o f th e courtiers' bafflin g jokes at 2.1.70ff. ) i s 'unmistakably felt i n The Tempest and . . . this example i s meant t o be rejected rather tha n b e allowed to taint th e unio n o f Ferdinand an d Mirand a wit h it s unsavoury associations' (Tarantin o 1997 : 495 ; se e als o Pitche r 1984) . Fo r Hamilto n (1990) it is rather th e Underworl d of Aeneid vi that tends to provide th e groundwork fo r th e play , whil e fo r Miol a wha t make s i t Virgilia n i s ultimately that Shakespear e 'ponder s an essentiall y Vergilian concern — the cos t of civilization in human terms ' (1986 : 255). But none o f these readings i s irresistible . I t coul d b e argue d instea d tha t th e Aeneid''s recycling of the wanderings of Odysseus in Book in is the most import ant Virgilian basis for The Tempest., in each work's decisive sense of revisiting an d re-encounterin g th e past ; o r indee d tha t th e pla y ma y hav e deeper affinitie s wit h the Aeneid's Odyssea n source s than with the Aeneid itself (so Nuttall 1989 : 9-10). The Tempest may 'represent . . . the culmination an d conclusio n of Shakespeare's relationshi p wit h Vergil' (Miol a 1986: 255), perhaps even a self-conscious way of'asserting himself over the poe t who m h e ha d confronte d an d rewritte n . . . over hi s career' (Hamilton 1990 : 134) , but i t is possible to over-emphasize Virgil's presence in it, as well as to underestimate th e 'contamination ' of the play' s Virgil by Renaissance refashioning s and representation s of the Aeneid. 503

Virgil (Publius Vergilius Maw) (D) The Virgi l translation s gathere d i n Gransde n (1996 ) includ e snip pets o f th e pre-Shakespearea n ones . Baldwi n (1944 ) an d Tudeau Clayton (1998 ) ar e especiall y usefu l o n th e contexts , pedagogical an d bibliographical, i n whic h Shakespear e i s likel y t o hav e encountere d Virgil. A genera l moder n stud y o f Virgil's impac t o n Shakespear e i s lacking: most are thematic, or cover either a specified pla y or group of plays. Nuttall (1984) ought by his title to be an exception, but thi s is an account of 'resemblance, not influence' . Th e overvie w by Miola (1986) assumes an undemonstrate d progression from Shakespeare' s first steps to 'comple x an d controlled ' Virgilia n allusion s later. A very differen t account o f the earlie r work is in James (1997) , who continue s on fro m Titus Andronicus to Troilus, Antony and Cleopatra, Cymbeline an d The Tempest in her study of Shakespeare's us e of Virgil to present th e 'translatio n of empire'. Hamilto n (1990 ) an d Tudeau-Clayto n (1998 ) bot h offe r i n their different , ofte n opposin g way s importan t revisionis t studie s o f Virgil's relation t o The Tempest. More conventional bu t still useful studie s on the Virgilia n strand s in the play ar e Nosworthy (1948), Wiltenburg (1986) and Pitche r (1984). For Virgilia n text s othe r tha n th e Aeneid, Baldwi n (1944 ) cover s echoes fro m th e Eclogues an d Georgics, an d Bate s (1967 ) see s Virgil' s Eclogue ii behind the 'plot' of Shakespeare's Sonnets. Baldwin (1944); Baldwin (1950). Allen, Do n Camero n (1962) . 'Som e Observation s o n The Rape of Lucrece: ShSu 15 : 89-98. Baker, Howar d (1967) . 'Th e Formatio n o f th e Heroi c Medium' , pp. 126-6 8 in Pau l J. Alpers , ed., Elizabethan Poetry: Modern Essays in Criticism. Oxford (first publishe d in Baker , Induction to Tragedy, 1939) . Bates, Paul A. (1967). 'Shakespeare's Sonnets and Pastora l Poetry.' ShJ 103: 81-96. Betts, John H. (1968). 'Classical Allusions in Shakespeare's Henry Fwit h Special Reference to Virgil.' Greece & Rome 15 : 147-63. Black, Jame s (1994) . 'Hamle t Hear s Marlowe , Shakespear e Read s Virgil.' Renaissance and Reformation 18.iv : 17-28 . Bono, Barbar a J . (1984) . Literary Transvaluation: From Vergilian Epic to Shakespearean Tragicomedy. Berkeley. Brower, Reuben A. (1971) . Hero and Saint: Shakespeare and the Graeco-Roman Heroic Tradition. Oxford . Gransden, K . W, ed. (1996). Virgil in English. Harmondsworth . 504

Virgil (Publius Vergilius Maw) Hamilton, Donn a B . (1990) . Virgil and 'The Tempest': The Politics of Imitation. Columbus, OH . Hulse, S . Clark (1978). '" A Piece of Skilful Painting " i n Shakespeare' s "Lucrece'VSfe&Sl: 13-22 . James, Heather (1997) . Shakespeare's Troy: Drama, Politics, and the Translation of Empire. Cambridge . Jones, Emrys , ed. (1964) . Henry Howard, Earl of Surrey: Poems. Oxford. Kottjan (1978) . 'The Aeneidznd The Tempest: Arion 3: 425-51. Lally, Steven , ed . (1987) . The 'Aeneid' of Thomas Phaer and Thomas Twyne: A Critical Edition Introducing Renaissance Metrical Typography. Ne w York. Low, Anthon y (1985). The Georgic Revolution. Princeton . Miola, Robert S . (1983). Shakespeare's Rome. Cambridge . (1986). 'Vergi l i n Shakespeare : Fro m Allusio n to Imitation' , pp . 241-59 in John D. Bernard, ed., Vergil at 2000: Commemorative Essays on the Poet and his Influence. New York . Nosworthy, J. M . (1948) . 'The Narrative Source s o f The Tempest: RES 24: 281-94. Nuttall, A . D . (1984) . 'Virgi l an d Shakespeare' , pp . 71-9 3 i n Charles Martindale , ed. , Virgil and his Influence: Bimillennial Studies. Bristol. (1989). The Stoic in Love: Selected Essays on Literature and Ideas. London. Pitcher, John (1984) . '" A Theatr e o f the Future" : Th e Aeneid an d The Tempest: EinC 34: 193-215 . Root, R. K . (1903) . Classical Mythology in Shakespeare. London. Savage, Roger (1998) . 'Dido Dies Again', pp. 3-38 i n Michael Burden, ed., A Woman Scorn'd: Responses to the Dido Myth. London . Sowerby, Robin (1994). The Classical Legacy in Renaissance Poetry. London. Still, Coli n (1921) . Shakespeare's Mystery Play: A Study of 'The Tempest'. London (later revised as The Timeless Theme, London , 1936) . Tarantino, Elisabett a (1997) . 'Morpheus, Leander, an d Ariel.' RES 48: 489-98. Taylor, Anthon y Bria n (1987) . 'Thoma s Phae r an d Nic k Bottom' s "Hopping" Heart.' JV<S?Q,232: 207-8. Tudeau-Clayton, Margare t (1998) . Jonson, Shakespeare and Early Modern Virgil. Cambridge . Virgil, translated by Abraham Flemin g (1589). The Bucoliks . . . Together with Georgiks or Ruralls. London. 505

Virgil (Publius Vergilius Maw) Weimann, Rober t (1988) . 'Shakespear e (De)Canonized : Conflictin g Uses o f "Authority" and "Representation". ' New Literary History 20 : 65-81. Wiltenburg, Robert (1986). The Am^Wi n The Tempest: ShSu 39: 159-68.

506

a Wakefield Chronicle (16th Century Latin MS) Thi s Lati n manuscript chronicl e contain s a dating detail Shakespeare mention s for the death of Queen Eleano r which cannot be found in any other source known to have been available to him. Honigmann, E . A . J. , ed . (1954) . King John (Arde n Shakespeare) , xvii-xviii. London . Warning for Fair Women, A See Bandello, Matteo. Whetstone, George See Cinthio, Giovanni Baptista Giraldi. Whitney, Geoffrey See Emblems

Wilkins, George (fl. 1603-8), Novelist and Dramatist

Other than th e vexe d question o f his part in the writin g o f Pericles an d his adaptatio n o f Twine's Pericles sourc e i n hi s pros e romanc e The Painful Adventures of Pericles, Prince of Tyre (1608 ; se e Bullough) , Wilkins i s connected t o Shakespear e a s th e autho r o f The Miseries oflnforst Marige (written 1605/6 , performe d 1607) , a pla y i n whic h som e passin g 507

Wilkins, George

resemblances t o King Lear hav e recentl y bee n discerne d b y Taylo r 1982. Bullough, vi, 356-9 and Appendix i. Taylor, Gar y (1982) . ' A Ne w Sourc e an d a n Ol d Dat e fo r King Lear."1 RES 33: 396-413.

Willobie (Willoughby), Henry (1574?-1596?)5 Presumed Author of Willobie Hi s Aviso, Ther e is a much-discussed rela tionship betwee n Cant o 4 7 o f the 159 4 complain t poe m Willobie His Aviso, and Poe m 1 8 of The Passionate Pilgrim. Willobie' s work may als o be a minor source for A Lover's Complaint o n the basis of devices such as the use of written verse in wooing. Roe, Joh n (1993) . 'Willobie His Avisa an d The Passionate Pilgrim: Precedence, Parody, and Development.' TES 23: 111-25 . Woodstock Se e Chronicle History Plays. Worde, Wynkyn de See Gesta Romanorum. Wotton, Henry (fl. 1578), Translator Th e plo t o f the fifth story in Wotton's A Courtlie Controversie of Cupids Cautels (1578), a transla tion o f Jacques d'Yver' s Le Printems d'Tver (1572) , ma y b e a source , o r merely an analogue , of The Two Gentlemen of Verona. Atkinson, Doroth y F . (1944) . 'Th e Sourc e o f The Two Gentlemen of Verona: SP41: 223-34. Pogue, Jim C . (1962) . 'The Two Gentlemen of Verona an d Henr y Wotton's A Courtlie Controversie of Cupid's Cautels.' Emporia State Research Studies

lO.iv: 17-21 . Wyatt, Sir Thomas See Tottel's Miscellany. 508

a Xenophon, of Ephesus See Greek Romance.

Xenophon (c . 428—c. 354 BC), Greek Historian and Miscellaneous Writer Renaul t suggest s tha t Fluelle n i s airin g a knowledg e o f Xenophon' s Anabasis i n hi s referenc e t o th e rive r i n Macedon. She also mentions the more interesting prospect that Henry's incognito tou r o f his cam p i s connected with Xenophon's relatio n o f how h e rouse d hi s fellow-soldiers , th e Te n Thousand ; bu t fo r thi s episode Tacitus was nearer to hand. Renault, Mary (1974). 'Shakespeare and Xenophon.' TLS, 1 2 July: 749.

Yong, Bartholomew See Guazzo, Stefano; Montemayor, Jorge de.

509

General Bibliography This free-standing bibliography i s provided fo r browsing, and fo r those wishing to assemble their own more selective bibliography unde r some heading othe r tha n tha t o f a singl e source-author o r source-text . Th e main 'Studies ' sectio n i s largely compose d o f publications appearin g within th e preceding A- Z which mak e substantia l referenc e t o two or more source s as used by Shakespeare, though the y are by no means all studies of Shakespeare's source-material s exclusively, or even of Shakespeare exclusively . Accounts o f individual play s ar e liste d her e onl y if they fulfil th e criterio n o f reference t o two or more sources . Editions of plays (whic h routinel y discus s a rang e o f sources) , and i n Sectio n I I collections o f source-text s fo r individua l plays , ar e no t included . Readers in search of information by play are referred particularly to the standard moder n editions , especiall y Arden II an d th e Oxfor d Shake speare, an d t o th e compilation s arrange d o n thi s principle, especiall y Bullough. /. Bibliographies Birmingham Publi c Librarie s [an d Waveney R . N . Fredrick , ed. ] (1971) . A Shakespeare Bibliography: The Catalogue of the Birmingham Shakespeare Library, 7 vols. Londo n (include s section s o n 'Source s o f Shakespeare ' i n general , 'Sources and Background' for individual plays, etc.). Garlsen, Hanne (1985). A Bibliography to the Classical Tradition in English Literature. Copenhagen (pp. 49-59 on Shakespeare). Guttmann, Selm a (1947) . The Foreign Sources of Shakespeare's Works: An Annotated Bibliography of the Commentary Written on the Subject between 1904 and 1940, together with Lists of Certain Translations available to Shakespeare. New York . Kallendorf, Craig (1982). Latin Influences on English Literaturefrom the Middle Ages to the Eighteenth Century: An Annotated Bibliography of Scholarship, 1945-1979. Ne w York (pp. 86-98 on Shakespear e ar e designe d to supplemen t Velz 196 8 by covering the years 1961-79). McManaway, Jame s G. , an d Jeann e Addiso n Robert s (1975) . A Selective Bibliography of Shakespeare: Editions, Textual Studies, Commentary. Washingto n (pp. 239-4 1 on sources). 510

Bibliography McRoberts, J . Pau l (1985) . Shakespeare and the Medieval Tradition: An Annotated Bibliography. Ne w York. Smith, Gordo n Ros s (1963) . A Classified Shakespeare Bibliography, 1936-1958. University Park , P A (pp . 151-21 7 o n Shakespeare' s 'Sources , Literar y Influences, and Cultural Relations'). Velz, John W . (1968) . Shakespeare and the Classical Tradition: A Critical Guide to Commentary, 1660-1960. Minneapolis . Watson, George , ed . (1974) . The New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature, Vol. 1 : 600-1660. Cambridge (column s 1575-8 0 on Shakespear e 'Source s and Influences').

//. Anthologies and Collections of Source-Texts

Benson, Pamela, ed . (1996) . Italian Tales from the Age of Shakespeare. London . Bullough, Geoffre y (1957-75) . Narrative and Dramatic Sources of Shakespeare, 8 vols. London . Chwalewik, Witold , ed . (1968) . Anglo-Polish Renaissance Texts for the Use of Shakespeare Students. Warsaw (selections in facsimile from Belleforest , Munday, etc). C oilier, J. Payne , ed . (1850) . Shakespeare's Library: A Collection of the Ancient Novels, Romances, Legends, Poems and Histories used by Shakespeare., 2 vols. London (revised by W. C. Hazlitt in 6 vols to include the plays, 1875) . Gollancz, Si r Israel , gen . ed . (1907-26) . The Shakespeare Classics. 1 2 vols . London. Griffin, Alice , ed. (1966) . The Sources of Ten Shakespeare Plays. Ne w York . Lennox, Charlotte , ed . (1753-5) . Shakespeare Illustrated; or, the Novels and Histories on which the Plays . . . are Founded, 3 vols. London. Lockyer, Roger , an d Geral d M . Pinciss , eds . (1990) . Shakespeare's World: Background Readings in the English Renaissance. New York . Metz, G . Harold , ed . (1989) . Sources of Four Plays Ascribed to Shakespeare: 'The Reign of King Edward IIP, 'Sir Thomas More', 'The History ofCardenio', 'The Two Noble Kinsmen'. Columbia, M I ( a supplement t o Bullough). N[ichols],J[ohn], ed. (1779) . Six Old Plays on which Shakespeare founded his Measure for Measure, Comedy of Errors, Taming the Shrew, King John, K. Henry IV and K. Henry V, King Lear. London . Satin, Joseph, ed. (1966) . Shakespeare and his Sources. Boston. Spenser, T. J. B. , ed. (1968) . Elizabethan Love Stones. Harmondsworth . ///. Studies Allen, Percy (1928). Shakespeare, Jonson, and Wilkins as Borrowers: A Study in Elizabethan Dramatic Origins and Imitations. London . Anderson, Judith H . (1984) . Biographical Truth: The Representation of Historical Persons in Tudor-Stuart Writing. New Haven .

511

Bibliography Armstrong, W . A. (1948) . 'Th e Influenc e o f Senec a an d Machiavell i o n th e Elizabethan Tyrant.' RES 24: 19-35. Baldwin, T . W . (1944) . William Shakspere's Small Latine and Lesse Greeke, 2 vols . Urbana, IL. Baldwin, T . W . (1947) . Shakspere's Five-Act Structure: Shakspere's Early Plays on the Background of Renaissance Theories of Five-Act Structure from 1470. Urbana , IL. Baldwin, T . W . (1950) . On the Literary Genetics of Shakspere's Poems and Sonnets. Urbana, IL. Baldwin, T . W . (1965) . On the Compositional Genetics of The Comedy of Errors. Urbana, IL. Beer, Jurgen (1992) . 'The Image o f a King: Henr y VIII in the Tudor Chron icles o f Edwar d Hal l an d Raphae l Holinshed' , pp . 129-4 9 i n Uw e Baumann, ed., Henry VIII in History, Historiography and Literature. Frankfurt . Begg, Edleen (1935). 'Shakespeare's Debt to Hall and Holinshed in Richard III.' SP32: 189-96. Bevington, David M. (1962) . From 'Mankind' to Marlowe: Growth of Structure in the Popular Drama of Tudor England. Cambridge, MA . Black, Matthew W. (1948). 'The Sources of Shakespeare's Richard //, pp. 199 216 in James G . McManaway etal., eds., Joseph Quincy Adams Memorial Studies. Washington. Boyce, Benjami n (1949) . 'Th e Stoi c Consolatio an d Shakespeare. ' PMLA 64 : 771-80. Bradbrook, M. C . (1951) . Shakespeare and Elizabethan Poetry: A Study of his Earlier Work in Relation to the Poetry of the Time. London. Brockbank, Phili p (1953) . Shakespeare's Historical Myth: A Study of Shakespeare's Adaptations of his Sources in Making the Plays of 'Henry VI' and 'Richard IIP. Cambridge. Brower, R . A . (1971) . Hero and Saint: Shakespeare and the Graeco-Roman Heroic Tradition. Oxford. Bush, Dougla s (1927) . 'Note s o n Shakespeare' s Classica l Mythology. ' PQ,6 : 295-302. Bush, Dougla s (1932) . Mythology and the Renaissance Tradition in English Poetry. London. Campbell, Lil y B . (1947) . Shakespeare's 'Histories': Mirrors of Elizabethan Policy. San Marino, CA. Churchill, George B. (1900). Richard the Third up to Shakespeare. Berlin. Clubb, Louise George (1980) . 'Shakespeare's Comedy and Lat e Cinquecent o Mixed Genres.' Mew York Literary Forum 5/6: 129-39 . Clubb, Louis e George (1989) . Italian Drama in Shakespeare's Time. New Haven .

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Bibliography Cole, Howar d C . (1973) . A Quest of Inquirie: Some Contexts of Tudor Literature. Indianapolis. Cole, Howar d C . (1981) . The 'All's WeW Story from Boccaccio to Shakespeare. Urbana, IL . Cole, Howar d C . (1983) . 'Shakespeare's Comedie s an d thei r Sources : Som e Biographical an d Artistic Inferences.' ShQ34-: 405-19. Craig, Hardi n (1951) . 'Motivation in Shakespeare's Choic e of Materials.' ShSu 4: 26-34. Crane, Mary (1985). 'The Shakespearean Tetralogy. ' ShQ36: 282-99. Dean, Pau l (1982) . 'Shakespeare' s Henry VI Trilog y an d Elizabetha n "Romance" Histories: The Origin s o f a Genre.' ShQ33: 34-48. Donaldson, E . Talbo t (1979) . 'Briseis , Briseida, Criseyde , Cresseid , Cressid : Progress o f a Heroine' , pp . 3-1 2 i n Edwar d Vast a et al., eds , Chaucerian Problems and Perspectives: Essays Presented to Paul E. Beichner, C.S.C. Notr e Dame. Doran, Madeleine (1954). Endeavors of Art: A Study of Form in Elizabethan Drama. Madison, WI (on Shakespeare's 'frame o f artistic reference' a s a whole). Erskine-Hill, Howar d (1983) . The Augustan Idea in English Literature. Londo n (sources of the Roma n Plays). Erskine-Hill, Howard (1996) . Poetry and the Realm of Politics: Shakespeare to Dryden. Oxford (source s of the Histories) . Ettin, Andre w V (1970) . 'Shakespeare' s Firs t Roma n Tragedy. ' ELH 37 : 325-41. Ewbank, Inga-Stin a (1989) . 'Fro m Narrativ e t o Dramati c Language : The Winter's Tale an d it s Source' , pp . 29-4 7 i n Marvi n Thompso n et al., eds , Shakespeare and the Sense of Performance: Essays in the Tradition of Performance Criticism in Honor of Bernard Becker man. Newark , DE . Farnham, Willar d (1956) . The Medieval Heritage of Elizabethan Tragedy. Oxfor d (first published 1936) . Gesner, Caro l (1970) . Shakespeare and the Greek Romance: A Study of Origins. Lexington, KY . Gill, E . M. (1930) . 'The Plot-Structure of The Comedy of Errors in Relation t o its Sources.' University of Texas Studies in English 10 : 13-65 . Hankins, John Erskin e (1978) . Backgrounds of Shakespeare's Thought. Hamden , CT. Henderson, W . B . Drayto n (1935) . 'Shakespeare' s Troilus and Cressida: Ye t Deeper i n its Tradition', pp. 127-5 6 in Hardin Craig, ed. , Essays in Dramatic 513

Bibliography Literature: The Parrott Presentation Volume. Princeto n (reprinte d Ne w York , 1967). Henke, Robert (1996) . '"Gentleman-like Tears": Affective Respons e in Italia n Tragicomedy an d Shakespeare' s Lat e Plays.' Comparative Literature Studies 33 : 327-49. Highet, Gilber t (1957) . The Classical Tradition: Greek and Roman Influences on Western Literature. Ne w Yor k (Ch. 1 1 on 'Shakespeare' s Classics'). Hobsbaum, Phili p (1978) . Tradition and Experiment in English Poetry. Londo n (Ch. 4 on Shakespeare's use of sources). Hofele, Andrea s (1997) . 'Twentieth-Centur y Intertextualit y an d th e Readin g of Shakespeare's Sources. ' Poetica 48: 211-27. Honigmann, E . A . J. (1954) . 'Shakespeare's "Los t Source-Plays". ' MLR 49 : 293-307. Honigmann, E . A. J. (1955) . 'Secondar y Sources of The Winter's Tale.' PQ^34 : 27-38. Honigmann, E . A. J. (1961) . "Timon of Athens: ShOJ.2: 3-20 . Hosley, Richard (1963-4) . 'Sources and Analogue s of The Taming of the Shrew.' HLQJ2.1: 289-308 . Hosley, Richar d (1966) . 'Th e Forma l Influenc e o f Plautu s an d Terence' , pp. 131-4 6 i n John Russel l Brown an d Bernar d Harris , eds , Elizabethan Theatre (Stratford-upon-Avo n Studies , 9). London. Hunter, G . K. (1954) . 'Henry IV and th e Elizabetha n Two-Par t Play. ' RES 5: 236^8. Hunter, G . K . (1971) . 'Shakespeare' s Reading' , pp . 55—6 6 i n Kennet h Muir an d S . Schoenbaum , eds , A New Companion to Shakespeare Studies. Cambridge. Hunter, G . K. (1977) . ' A Roman Thought : Renaissanc e Attitude s to Histor y exemplified in Shakespeare andjonson', pp. 93-118 in Brian S. Lee, ed., An English Miscellany: Presented to W. S. Mackie. Cape Town . Hunter, G . K. (1983) . Th e Source s of Titus Andronicus - Onc e Again. ' N&Q. 228: 114-16 . Hunter, G. K. (1984). 'Sources and Meanings in Titus Andronicus'', pp. 171-8 8 in J. C . Gray , ed. , Mirror up to Shakespeare: Essays in Honour of G. R. Hibbard. Toronto. Hunter, G. K. (1989). Truth and Art in History Plays.' ShSu 42: 15-24. Jones, Emrys (1971). Scenic Form in Shakespeare. Oxford . Jones, Emry s (1977). The Origins of Shakespeare. Oxford . Jorgensen, Pau l A. (1950). The Courtshi p Scene in Henry V: MLQ\\: 180-8 . Kirkpatrick, Robin (1995) . English and Italian Literature from Dante to Shakespeare: A Study of Source, Analogue and Divergence. London .

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Bibliography Langenfelt, Gost a (1955) . 'Th e "Nobl e Savage " unti l Shakespeare. ' ES 36 : 222-7. Law, Rober t Adge r (1943) . 'Th e "Pre-Conceive d Pattern " o f A Midsummer Night's Dream.' University of Texas Studies in English 22: 5-14 . Leishman, J. B . (1961). Themes and Variations in Shakespeare's Sonnets. London . Leon, Harry J. (1950) . 'Classica l Source s for the Garde n Scen e in Richard II.' PQ,29: 65-70. Levenson, Jil l L . (1984) . 'Rome o an d Julie t befor e Shakespeare. ' SP 81 : 325-47. Lynch, Stephen J. (1998) . Shakespearean Intertextuality: Studies in Selected Sources and Plays. Westport, CT McCabe, Richar d A . (1993) . Incest, Drama and Nature's Law 1550-1700. Cambridge. MacCallum, M . W . (1967) . Shakespeare's Roman Plays and their Background. London (firs t published 1910) . Marrapodi, Michele , et al., ed s (1993) . Shakespeare's Italy: Functions of Italian Locations in Renaissance Drama. Manchester. Martindale, Charle s and Michell e (1990). Shakespeare and the Uses of Antiquity: An Introductory Essay. London. Matthews, Hono r (1962) . Character and Symbol in Shakespeare's Plays: A Study of Certain Christian and Pre-Christian Elements in their Structure and Imagery. Cambridge. Milward, Peter (1973). Shakespeare's Religious Background. London . Miola, Robert S . (1983). Shakespeare's Rome. Cambridge. Miola, Rober t S . (1987). 'Shakespear e an d hi s Sources: Observation s o n th e Critical History of'Julius Caesar".' ShSu 40: 69-76. Miola, Rober t S . (1994) . Shakespeare and Classical Comedy: The Influence ofPlautus and Terence. Oxford. Moore, Oli n H. (1950) . The Legend of Romeo and Juliet. Columbus, OH . Mueller, Marti n (1994) . 'Shakespeare' s Sleepin g Beauties : Th e Source s o f Much Ado about Nothing and th e Pla y of their Repetitions.' MP 91 : 288-311. Muir, Kenneth (1957). Shakespeare's Sources, I: Comedies and Tragedies. London . Muir, Kenneth (I960) . 'Source Problems in the Histories.' ShJ96: 47-63 . Muir, Kennet h (1974) . 'Shakespeare' s Roma n World. ' Literary Half-Yearly 15 : 45-63. Muir, Kennet h (1977) . The Sources of Shakespeare's Plays. Londo n (revisio n an d expansion of Muir 1957) . Muir, Kennet h (1982) . 'Shakespear e an d th e Tal e o f Troy. ' Aligarh Critical Miscellany 5.ii : 113-31 . Mulryne, J. R. , an d Margare t Shewring , ed s (1991) . Theatre of the English and Italian Renaissance. Basingstoke.

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h Noble, Richmon d (1935) . Shakespeare's Biblical Knowledge and Use of the Book of Common Prayer as Exemplified in the Plays of the First Folio. London. NosworthyJ. M. (1948). The Narrativ e Sources of The Tempest: RES 24: 281 94. Nosworthy, J. M. (1982). 'Shakespeare's Pastoral Metamorphoses', pp. 90-113 in Georg e R . Hibbard , ed. , The Elizabethan Theatre VIII. Por t Credi t (o n Ovid, Apuleius and Plutarch). Orgel, Stephen , an d Sea n Keilen , ed . (1999) . Shakespeare and the Literary Tradition: The Scholarly Literature. New Yor k (collection of previously-published essays). Ornstein, Rober t (1986) . Shakespeare's Comedies: From Roman Farce to Romantic Mystery. Newark , DE. Orr, David (1970). Italian Renaissance Drama in England before 1625: The Influence of 'Erudita' Tragedy, Comedy, and Pastoral on Elizabethan and Jacobean Drama. Chape l Hill. Osborne, Laurie E. (1990). 'Dramatic Play in Much Ado about Nothing. Wedding the Italian Novella and English Comedy.' ^69: 167-88. Paul, Henr y N . (1950) . The Royal Play of Macbeth: When, Why, and How it was written by Shakespeare. Ne w York . Pearson, d'Orsa y W . (1974) . '"Unkind " Theseus : A Stud y i n Renaissanc e Mythography.' ELR 4: 276-98. Pendleton, Thoma s A . (1987) . 'Shakespeare' s Disguise d Duk e Play : Middleton, Marston , an d th e Source s of Measure for Measure', pp . 79—9 8 i n John W . Maho n an d Thoma s A . Pendleton , eds , "Fanned and Winnowed Opinions": Shakespearean Essays Presented to Harold Jenkins. London . Perrello, Ton y (1997) . 'Anglo-Saxo n Element s o f the Glouceste r Sub-Plot i n King Lear: ELN 35: 10-16 . Perrett, Wilfre d (1904) . The Story of King Lear from Geoffrey of Monmouth to Shakespeare. Berlin. Potter, Robert (1975). The English Morality Play: Origins, History and Influence of a Dramatic Tradition. London. Praz, Mari o (1954) . 'Shakespeare' s Italy. ' ShSu 1: 95-106 (reprinte d in Praz , The Flaming Heart: Essays on Crashaw, Machiavelli, and other studies in the Relations between Italian and English Literaturefrom Chaucer to T. S. Eliot, New York , 1958). Presson, Rober t K . (1953) . Shakespeare's 'Troilus and Cressida' and the Legends of Troy. Madison, WI . Prouty, Charle s Tyle r (1950) . The Sources of Much Ado about Nothing: A Critical Study, together with the text of Peter Beverley's Ariodanto and leneura. New Haven . Prouty, Charles Tyle r (1960) . 'Some Observations o n Shakespeare's Sources. ' SAJ 96: 64-77.

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Bibliography Rees, Joan (1983) . 'Juliet' s Nurse: Some Branche s of a Family Tree.' RES 34: 43-7. Reese, M . M . (1961) . The Cease of Majesty: A Study of Shakespeare's History Plays. London. Root, Robert K. (1903) . Classical Mythology in Shakespeare. Ne w York . Sacharoff, Mar k (1970) . 'Th e Tradition s o f the Troy-Stor y Heroe s an d th e Problem o f Satire in Troilus and Cressida.' ShSt 6: 125-35 . Salingar, Leo (1974) . Shakespeare and the Traditions of Comedy. Cambridge . Salingar, Leo (1983) . 'King Lear, Montaigne an d Harsnett. ' The Aligarh Journal of English Studies 8.ii : 124—6 6 (also published in Anglo-American Studies, 3 (1983)). Schanzer, Ernes t (1963) . The Problem Plays of Shakespeare: A Study of Julius Caesar, Measure for Measure and Antony and Cleopatra. London . Schleiner, Louise (1990). 'Latinized Greek Drama in Shakespeare's Writin g of Hamlet: ShQ41:29-48. Scragg, Lea h (1992) . Shakespeare's Mouldy Tales: Recurrent Plot Motifs in Shakespearean Drama. London. Scragg, Leah (1996) . Shakespeare's Alternative Tales. London . Shaheen, Naseeb (1994). 'Shakespeare' s Knowledge o f Italian.' ShSu 47: 161 9. Shapiro, Michael (1982). 'Boying Her Greatness : Shakespeare's Use of Coterie Drama in "Antony an d Cleopatra".' MLR 77: 1-15. Sierz, Krystyn a (1984) . 'Som e Medieva l Concept s i n Shakespeare' s Plays. ' Studia Anglica Posnaniensia 17 : 233-49. Sledd, James (1951) . 'A Note on the Use of Renaissance Dictionaries.' MP49: 10-15. Smith, Bruc e R. (1988) . Ancient Scripts and Modern Experience on the English Stage 1500-1700. Princeton. Smith, Charles George (1963) . Shakespeare's Proverb Lore: His Use of the Sententiae of Leonard Culman and Publilius Syrus. Cambridge , MA . Smith, Valerie (1982). 'The History of Cressida', pp . 61-79 inj . A. Jowitt an d R. K . S . Taylor , eds , Self and Society in Shakespeare's 'Troilus and Cressida' and 'Measure for Measure'. Bradford . Sowerby, Robin (1994) . The Classical Legacy in Renaissance Poetry. London . Spenser, T . J. B . (1964) . 'Th e Grea t Rival : Shakespear e an d th e Classica l Dramatists', pp. 177-9 3 in Edward A . Bloom, ed., Shakespeare 1564-1964: A Collection of Modern Essays by Various Hands. Providence , R.I . Spivack, Bernar d (1958) . Shakespeare and the Allegory of Evil: A History of A Metaphor in Relation to his Major Villains. Ne w York . Starnes, DeWit t T , an d Ernes t W . Talbert (1956). Classical Myth and Legend in Renaissance Dictionaries: A Study of Renaissance Dictionaries in their Relation to the Classical Learning of Contemporary English Writers. Chape l Hill .

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Bibliography Steppat, Michae l (1987) . 'Shakespeare' s Respons e t o Dramati c Traditio n i n Anthony and Cleopatra', pp . 254—7 9 in Bernhard Fabian an d Kur t Tetzeli von Rosador, eds, Shakespeare: Text, Language, Criticism: Essays in Honour of Marvin Spevack. Hildesheim . Stirling, Brents (1964). 'Cleopatra's Scene with Seleucus: Plutarch, Daniel, and Shakespeare.' ShQ\5: 299-311. Stump, Donald V (1983) . 'Gree k an d Shakespearea n Tragedy : Fou r Indirec t Routes from Athen s to London', pp. 211-4 6 in Stump et al, eds, Hamartia: The Concept of Error in the Western Tradition: Essays in Honor of John M. Crossett. New York. Thomson, J. A . K. (1952) . Shakespeare and the Classics. London. Tiffany, Grac e (1999) . 'Shakespeare' s Dionysian Prince: Drama, Politics , an d the "Athenian" History Play.' RenQSI: 366-83 . Tillyard, E. M. W . (1944). Shakespeare's History Plays. London . Tillyard, E . M . W . (1965) . Shakespeare's Problem Plays. Harmondswort h (firs t published 1950). Tomlinson, Michae l (1984) . 'Shakespear e an d th e Chronicle s Reassessed. ' Literature and History 10 : 46-58. Traugott, John (1982) . 'Creatin g a Rational Rinaldo : A Study in the Mixture of the Genre s of Comedy an d Romanc e i n Much Ado about Nothing.' Genre 15: 157-81. Trousdale, Marion (1982) . Shakespeare and the Rhetoricians. London . Ure, Peter (1953). 'Shakespeare's Play and th e Frenc h Sources of Holinshed's and Stow' s Account of Richard II.' JV<2?Q,198 : 426-9. Ure, Pete r (1971) . 'Shakespear e an d th e Dram a o f his Time', pp. 211-2 1 in Kenneth Mui r an d S . Schoenbaum , eds , A New Companion to Shakespeare Studies. Cambridge . Velz, Joh n W . (1992) . '"Som e shal l b e pardon'd , an d som e punished" : Medieval Dramatic Eschatology in Shakespeare.' CompD 26: 312-29. Weimann, Robert , revise d an d translate d b y Robert Schwart z (1978) . Shakespeare and the Popular Tradition in the Theater: Studies in the Social Dimension of Dramatic Form and Function. Baltimore . Weiner, Andre w D . (1991) . 'Sidney/Spenser/Shakespeare : Influence / Intertextuality/Intention', pp . 245-7 0 i n Jay Clayto n an d Eri c Rothstein, eds, Influence and Intertextuality in Literary History. Madison , WI. Whitaker, Virgil K. (1953) . Shakespeare's Use of Learning: An Inquiry into the Growth of his Mind and Art. Sa n Marino , CA.

518

Bibliography White, Howar d B . (1970) . 'Copp' d Hills towards Heaven': Shakespeare and the Classical Polity. The Hague . Wilson, Frank P. (1950). 'Shakespeare' s Reading.' ShSu 10 : 14-21. Wilson, J. Dove r (1957) . 'Shakespeare' s "Smal l Latin " - Ho w Much?' ShSu 10: 12-26 . Yates, Frances A. (1942). 'Shakespeare and th e Platoni c Tradition.' University of Edinburgh Journal 12 : 2-12 . Young, Alan R . (1975) . 'Th e Writte n an d Ora l Source s of fang Lear and th e Problem o f Justice in the Play.' SEL 15 : 309-19.

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Index This is an index nominorum supplementin g the A-Z entries . It includes references made to writers and works which have their own A-Z entrie s where the y ar e mentione d i n som e connectio n othe r tha n a s direc t influences o n Shakespeare ; pag e number s o f thei r mai n entr y ar e indicated b y a n asterisk . I t als o extend s t o figure s associate d wit h Shakespeare's book s i n suc h capacitie s a s earl y commentator s an d editors, identifie d readers , translator s an d printers . Finally , i t cover s references t o writer s no t know n t o b e Shakespear e sources , whethe r predecessors or contemporaries, a s well as later writers (such as, respectively, Aristotle, Webste r an d Milton) . A s in the A-Z, name s ar e usuall y given i n thei r mos t familia r for m an d unde r th e mos t obviou s initia l letter, wit h alternative s supplie d wher e i t seem s usefu l bu t withou t regard to consistency in adopting Latinized/vernacula r forms, etc. A., I. 422 Accolti, Bernardo 9* Achilles Tatius 204-8 Adlington, William 20-1 Aeschylus 9, 160- 1 Aesop 9-15*, 83 Africanus, Le o (Leo Joannes Africanus ) 15* Alciati (Alciato), Andrea 144-5, 149 Alday, John 422 Amadis de Gaule 15 * Amyot, Jacques 426-8 Andrewes, Launcelot 229 Apollonius of Tyre 204-8 , 49 2 Appian, of Alexandria 15-19* , 410, 429 Apuleius, Lucius 20-3*, 397, 404, 447 Aretino, Pietro 23^* Arianus 10 Ariosto, Ludovico 24-31*, 34-5, 113 , 185,417,496 Aristaeus, of Proconnesus 423

Aristophanes 433 Aristotle 9 Ascensius, Jodicus Badius see Bade Ascham, Roger 80, 140 , 161, 224, 279 , 311-12,367,404,426 Augustine, of Hippo 31 * Averell, William 31*

B.,R. 354 B., W 16-1 8 Babrius, Valerius 1 0 Bacon, Francis 11, 46, 312, 477 Bade (Badius), Josse 319 , 483 Baldwin, William 336 Bale, John 32 , 354 Ballantyne, John see Bellenden Bandello, Matteo 29, 32-6*, 37, 67, 193, 195,351,484 Barclay, Alexander 317 Barker, William 16 Bassett, Robert 36*

521

Index Beaumont, Francis 33 Belleforest, Francoi s de 29, 33-5, 36-41* , 67, 193 , 195,271,404-5,47 5 Bellenden (Ballantyne), John 60 Bentivoglio, Ercole 414 Bermuda Pamphlets, The 41-2* Bernard, Richard 482 Berners, John Bourchier, Lord 178-9 , 268 Berryman, John 385 Beverley, Peter 24— 5 Bible, The 42-53* , 62, 65, 153 , 172 , 202, 240, 373 , 379 , 385 Blenerhasset, Thomas 336 , 340 Boccaccio, Giovanni 9, 53-60*, 87, 112 , 142, 168 , 172 , 177,205,298,334, 404-5, 484 Boece (Boethius), Hector 60*, 242 Boethius, Anicius Manlius Severinus 60-1*, 242 Boethius, Hector see Boece Boiardo, Matteo Mari a 61* , 297 Boiastuau, Pierre 36 , 66-7, 13 6 Book of Common Prayer , The 46 , 61-6 * Boswell, James 80, 240 Bourchier, John see Berners Bretin, Filbert 29 7 Bright, Timothy 66* Brome, Alexander 490 Brooke, Arthur 24, 33-4, 66-70*, 95, 335, 405-6, 487 Bruto, Giovanni Michele 70-1 * Brysket, Ludowick 113 Buchanan, George 71-4*, 161 , 241-2, 246, 342 Burton, William 205 Bynneman, Henry 1 6 Byrd, William 14 5 Caesar and Pompey, or Caesar's Revenge 16 , 75* Calderon de la Barca, Pedro 350 Calpurnius Siculus, Titus 31 7 Camden, William 75-8*, 190 , 283, 331, 340 Camerarius, Joachim 13 , 412 Camoens, Lui s de 496 522

Candido, Pietr o 1 6 Gary, Henry see Hunsdon Castelvetri, Giacopo 21 6 Castiglione, Baldassare 78-83* Cavendish, George 471-2 Caxton, William 10-12 , 46, 83-6*, 90, 197, 299 , 497 Cervantes, Migue l de 86-7*, 205, 350 Chaloner, Sir Thomas 153- 4 Chapman, Georg e 85, 87*, 90, 146 , 252-3,321,330,450,481 Chappuys, Gabriel 113 , 115 , 118 Chariton, of Aphrodisia 204-8 Chatillon, Gautier de 490 Chaucer, Geoffrey 54 , 56, 67, 83, 87-97*, 197, 209, 212, 235-8, 298-9, 391, 393, 396-7, 404, 439, 460, 470, 487 Cheke, Sir John 487 Chester, Robert 97 * Chetde, Henry 163 , 208, 374 Chronicle Histor y Plays 97-105*, 242 Chronicque de la Traison et Mart de Richard Deux 105-6 * Churchyard, Thomas 193 , 336, 487 Cicero, Marcus Tullius 106-12* Cinthio (Cinzio), Giovanni Baptist a Giraldi 30, 33-4, 112-19* , 312, 404 Clapham,John 76 Clerke, Bartholomew 79-80 Coggleshall, Ralph o f 119* Coletjohn 153 , 365 Colin, Nicholas 350 Colonne, Guido delle see Guido delle Colonne Commedia dell'Arte 120* , 19 2 Constable, Henry 120* Contarini, Gaspar o 27 8 Cooper, Thomas 120* , 500 Cope, Sir Anthony 279 Cornwallis, Sir William 34 3 Corrozet, Gilles 144 Courtney, Edward 414 Coverdale, Miles 42, 202 Cranmer, Thoma s 62-3, 172-6 , 254 Cranz, Albert see Krantz Cretonjean 120-1 *

Index Croce, Benedett o 30 Crompton, Richar d 121* , 242 Culmann, Leonhar d 12 1 * Daniel, Samuel 76 , 122-32*, 183 , 217 , 225, 246, 291, 337, 343, 450 , 45 9 Dante Alighieri 54, 132* , 496 Dares Phrygius 84 Davies,John 481 Davies, Sir John 132 * Day, Ange l 205-6 Day, John 17 2 De Gournay, Marie 342- 3 De Vere, Edward 30 2 Dekker, Thomas 20, 88, 132-3*, 163 , 272 Delacampius, Jacobus 422 Delia Valle, Federigo 30 Desportes, Philipp e 2 5 Dictys Cretensis 84 Digges, Sir Dudley 133 * Digges, Thoma s 40 7 Diogenes the Cyni c 133 * Divus, Andreas 252 Dolce, Ludovico 162 Dolman,John 107-8 , 11 1 Donatus, Aelius 481, 483, 48 6 Donne, John 133-4 * Douglas, Gavi n 134* , 275, 497 Drant, Thoma s 260-1 , 265-6 Drayton, Michael 76 , 134* , 190 , 291, 303,317,337,391 Drummond, William, o f Hawthornden 79, 350 , 43 8 Dryden, John 449 Du Bartas , Guillaume de Saluste 13 6 Dudley, Lord Rober t 20 2 Dyer, Sir Edward 1 1 Dymock, Sir John 216, 219 D'Yver, Jacques 508 Eden, Richard 135 * Edwards, Richar d 135 * Eliot, John 135-9* , 441 Eliot, T. S. 452-3 Elizabeth I, Queen of England (a s writer) 261,426,450

Elyot, Sir Thomas 80, 139-43* , 154 , 172 , 252,291,306,426,438 Emblems 13 , 122, 144-52* Erasmus, Desiderius 13 , 20, 42, 106 , 152-60*, 162 , 252, 260, 283 , 295 , 365 , 412,481,484 Euripides 71 , 160-4* Eustachio (Eustachius), Bartolommeo 164* Evans, Lewis 260 Evanthius 481 Fabyan, Robert 165-7* , 241, 404 Famous Victories of Henry V, The 98-100, 102-3 Fanshawe, Sir Richard 216, 219, 264 Fenton, Sir Geoffrey 33-4 , 3 7 Ferrers, Georg e 33 6 Field, Richard 121,43 9 Fiorentino, Giovann i 167-70* , 334 Fiorentino, Remigi o see Nannini First Part of the Reign of King Richard the Second see Woodstock Fiston, William 84 Fleming, Abraha m 241 , 497-8 Fletcher, John 33, 76, 92, 175 , 207, 217, 221 Floriojohn (Giovanni) 55, 79, 132 , 136, 154, 171* , 343-4, 348 Florus, PLuciu s Annaeus 17 1 * Forde, Emanuel 171 * Four Foster Children of Desire, The 17 1 * Foxejohn 97, 172-7*, 203, 241, 247, 366 Fraunce, Abraha m 45 0 Frederyke ofjennena177 * Froissartjean 177-80* , 404 Gamier, Robert 17 , 125, 128, 181-4*, 271,421,427 Garter, Bernar d 6 7 Gascoigne (Gascoine), Georg e 25, 162 , 184-9*, 193,48 8 Gentillet, Innocent 312, 314 Geoffrey o f Monmouth 76 , 189-91*, 340 Gernutus, The Jew of Venice 191-2 * Gesta Romanorum 192 *

523

Index Gil Popo, Gaspard 350 Giovanni, Ser see Fiorentino, Giovanni Gl'Ingannati 192-6* , 351 Godfrey of Viterbo 197 , 205 Golding, Arthur 393-4, 397-401, 451 Googe, Barnab y 317 , 350, 407-9, 488 Gorges, Sir Arthur 291 Gosson, Stephen 404— 5 Goulart, Simon 285 Gowerjohn 88 , 197-202*, 205-6, 299, 391,393,396,493 Grafton, Richar d 174 , 202-4*, 223-6, 241,366,470 Grammaticus, Saxo see Saxo Greek Anthology 320 Greek Romance 204-8* , 209, 468 Greene, Robert 25, 85, 98, 100 , 113 , 136 , 197, 205-6 , 208-15*, 285, 303-4, 312, 323,384-5,391,444,451 Grenewey, Richard 478-9 Greville, Fulke, Lord Brooke 450 Grimald, Nicholas 88, 107, 487, 490- 1 Groto, Luigi215* Gualterus, Anglicu s 1 0 Guarini, Giovanni Battista 215-22* Guazzo, Stefano 79, 222* Guazzoni, Diomisso 30 Guido delle Colonne 83-6, 298-9 , 301 Hakluyt, Richard 223* Hall (Halle), Edward 97, 143 , 202-3, 223-8*, 241-2, 247, 336, 340, 366-72 Hall, Joseph 25, 322 Hardyng, John 202-3, 228*, 366 Harington,John 107 Harington, Sir John 24-7, 291 Harsnett, Samue l 228-35*, 265, 446 Harvey, Gabriel 11 , 80, 88, 137 , 209, 235*, 312, 319, 384, 407,475 Harvey, Richard 38 4 Heliodorus, o f Emesa 200, 204-8, 235* Henryson, Robert 10-11 , 235-9* Henslowe, Philip 190 , 373 Herbert, Mar y Sidne y see Sidney Herbert, William see Pembroke, William

524

Herodian, o f Syria 2 39* Herodotus 240*, 423 Heycroft, Henr y 255 Heywood, Jasper 353, 450 Heywood, John 353 , 487, 496 Heywood, Thoma s 20 Hickes, Francis 296 Higgins, John 336-40 Hoby, Sir Thomas 79-8 2 Holinshed, Raphael 60 , 72-3, 97 , 102, 121, 143 , 174, 179-80, 189-90 , 203, 224-6, 240-51*, 339-40, 366, 369, 410,471-3 Holland, Philemon 76 , 279-80, 282, 422-4, 475 Homer 84-5 , 87, 90, 251-4*, 299-300, 390 Homilies 46, 254-9* Hooker, Richard 142 , 255, 259* Hoole, Charles 279, 317 Horace (Quintu s Horatius Flaccus) 146, 158, 259-68*, 330, 474 Horapollo 146 , 149 Hughes, Ted 457 Humphrey, Lawrence 1 6 Hunsdon, Henry Gary , Lord 17 9 Huon ofBurdeux 95 , 26 8 Impresa, Imprese 144-52 * Interludes 62, 353-5 Isocrates 139 James I and VI (as writer) 71-2, 269*, 446, 496 Jefferay,John414 Jerome, Sain t 450 Jodelle, Etienn e 269-70* Johnson, Samue l 80, 265 Jonson, Be n 20, 75-6, 88 , 106-7, 146, 197, 216-17 , 261-3, 270*, 272, 279, 291-2, 295-6, 303, 313 , 322, 330-1, 343, 374, 391, 393, 413-14, 426, 438 , 450,478,480-1,491,501 Josephus, Flaviu s 285 Jourdain (Jourdan), Silvester 41 Junius, Hadrian 14 5

Index Juvenal (Decimu s Junius Juvenalis) 259-60, 270* Juvenalis, Guidonu s 48 3

Lydgatejohn 10 , 84-5, 90, 298-302*, 336 Lylyjohn 47 , 67, 142 , 285, 302-10*, 391

Kinwelmersh, Francis 162 , 18 4 Krantz (Crantz), Albert 271 * Kyd, Thomas 39-40, 98, 181 , 183 , 271-6*, 313, 321, 332, 450-1, 476 Kyffin, Mauric e 48 2

Machault, Guillaum e de 1 1 Machiavelli, Niccol o 311-16* Malory, Sir Thomas 83 Mantuan (Giovann i Baptista Spagnuoli) 316-20* Marguerite of Navarre 36, 406 Marianus Scholasticus 320* Marie de France 1 0 Markham, Gervaise 25 Marlowe, Christophe r 20 , 101 , 272, 291-2, 302-3, 313, 320-30*, 355 , 385,391,393-4,450,498 Marprelate, Martin (pseud.} 209 , 38 4 Marstonjohn 20 , 80, 88, 145-6, 217, 221, 313 , 330-3*, 334, 343, 374, 405, 450 Marsus, Paulus 282 Massinger, Philip 33 , 405 Masuccio, of Salerno 333-5* , 404 Matthew, Thomas (pseud.} 42 , 4 5 Medwall, Henry 354 Melbanke, Brian 303 Menander412, 480 Meres, Francis 299, 330, 374, 395, 407, 413 Middleton, Thomas 146 , 332, 335*, 446 Milton, John 190 , 350 Miracle Plays see Mystery Plays Mirror for Magistrates, A 54 , 124 , 165, 179 , 191, 224-5 , 275, 299-300, 336-41*, 373 Moffett (Moufet, Muffet), Thoma s 342 * Monmouth, Geoffre y o f see Geoffrey o f Monmouth Montaigne, Michel Eyquem de 342-9*, 426, 429 Montemayor, Jorge de 196 , 349-53* Morality Tradition 97 , 312, 353-65*, 379 More, Si r Thomas 20 , 49, 152 , 174 ,

La Perriere, Guillaume de 14 4 La Primaudaye, Pierr e de 277* Lactantius, Lucius Caecilius Firmianus 111 Lambinus, Dionysus (Denys Lambin) 260,265,415 Landino, Cristofor o 485 Langland, William 19 7 Larivey, Pierre de 414 Latimer, Hugh 62 Lavater, Lewes (Ludwig) 277*, 278 Le Loyer, Pierre (Peter de Loier) 278* Le Magon, Antoine 54— 8 Lefevre, Raoul 83 Legge, Thomas 45 5 Leigh, Nicholas 155- 7 Leland,John 471 Leo, John (Joannes), Africanus see Africanus Leslie (Lesley), John 278* Lewkenor, Sir Lewis 278* Lily, William 263 , 302, 36 5 Lindsay, Sir David 35 4 Livy (Titus Livius) 31, 78, 279-85*, 311, 395, 404-5, 426, 432 Lodge, Thomas 16 , 25, 98, 193 , 208, 285-90*, 309, 352, 449 Longus 204-8 Lope de Vega (Carpio), Felix 290* Lucan (Marcus Annaeus Lucanus) 290-4*, 474, 498 LucianGl, 139 , 294-8*, 484 Lucretius (Titus Lucretius Carus) 92, 345 Lucy (Russell), Countess of Bedford 12 2 Lumley, Lady Jane 161 Lupton, Thomas 298 * Luther, Martin 413

202-3, 225-6 , 295-6, 365-72*, 471-2, 482

525

Index Mosse, Miles 373* Munday (Mundy), Anthony 169 , 303, 373-6*, 465 Musaeus 321 Mush, John 376* Mystery Plays 258, 353, 376-83* Nannini, Remigio 384*, 404 Nashe, Thomas 11 , 137 , 208, 291, 299, 303, 313, 319, 321, 384-9*, 451, 497 Neander, Michael 162 Nevile, Alexander 45 0 Newton, Thomas 107 , 450 North, Si r Thomas 426-3 4 Norton, Thomas 450 Nuce, Thomas 45 0 Ovid (Publius Ovidius Naso) 85, 95, 111 , 260, 261, 265, 282, 321, 390-403*, 409, 484, 496-7 Painter (Paynter), William 33, 37, 54-8, 67, 113 , 280-2, 334, 404-7*, 432 Palingenius, Marcellu s 265, 277, 407-10* Paradin, Claud e 145 , 149 Paris, Matthew 410* Pascal, Blaise 343 Pasqualigo, Luigi Fedele 30, 374 Paston, Edward 350 Peacham, Henr y 140 Peele, George 98 Pembroke, Mary see Sidney Pembroke, William Herbert, Ear l of 122, 124 Persius Flaccus, Aulu s 410* Pescetti, Orlando 410-11 * Petrarch (Petrarca), Francesco 54, 411* Pettie, George 391 Phaedrus, Gaius Julius 1 0 Phaer, Thomas 336, 339 , 497-500 Philostratos, of Lemnos 411* Photius 206 Pickering, John 354 Pico della Mirandola, Giovann i 13 9 Piot, Lazarus (pseud.} 46 5 526

Plantin, Christopher 145 Planudes, Maximus 1 0 Plato 158 , 343-4, 407, 411-12* Plautus, Titus Maccius 163 , 187, 412-21*, 481 Plessis-Mornay, Philippe du 421 Pliny (Gaius Plinius Secundus) ('The Elder') 142 , 421-5* Pliny (Gaius Plinius Caecilius Secundus) ('The Younger') 474 Plutarch 16 , 18-19, 31, 78, 108, 125, 128, 139, 163 , 183 , 211, 266, 283-4, 297, 397, 404 , 406, 410, 425-36*, 476 Porter, Henry 436-7* Pory,John 1 5 Pound, Ezra 252, 393 Preston, Thomas 354 , 358 Primaudaye, Pierre de la see La Primaudaye Proclus 409 Propertius, Sextus 484 Proverbs 121 , 154-5, 437*, 438 Ptolemaeus, Claudius (Ptolemy) 437-8* Publilius Syrus 438* Pulci, Luigi 334 Puttenham, George (or Richard) 197 , 355, 438^tO*, 488-9 Pynson, Richard 16 5 . Quarles,?W. 216 Quintilian (Marcus Fabius Quintilianus) 260 Rabelais, Francois 136 , 295, 441* Rainolde, Richard 441-2* Ralegh, Si r Walter 291, 313, 321 Rare Triumphes of Love and Fortune, The 442 *

Rastell, William 165 , 366, 482 Richardson, Samue l 209 Riche, Barnaby 34, 113, 193-6, 205, 303, 405 Robinson, Richard 19 2 Ronsard, Pierre de 181 , 442* Roper, William 442* Rowley, Samuel 442-3* Rowley, William 98

Index S., P . 14 9

Sabie, Francis 209, 317, 444* Sackville, Thomas 336-7, 339, 450, 488 Saint's Play, Medieval 444 * Saker, Austen 303 Sallust (Gaius Sallustius Crispus) 279 Sambucus, Joannes 14 5 Sannazaro,Jacopo 34 9 Savile, Henry 477 Saviolo, Vincentio 445 * Saxo, called Grammaticus 39-40, 475 Scaliger, Julius Caesar 161,41 9 Sceve, Maurice 445 * Scot (Scott), Reginald 22 , 445-8* Secchi, Nicolo 193 , 448* Selden,John 76 Seneca, Lucius Annaeus, the Elder 448*, 465, 467 Seneca, Lucius Annaeus, the Younger 54, 161-3 , 181 , 285, 312 , 345, 413, 448-58*, 476 Sidney, Mary 122 , 125-7, 181-4 , 450, 459 Sidney, Sir Philip 20 , 72 , 78, 80, 122 , 145-6, 149 , 197, 205-6, 217, 261, 283, 291, 303 , 313, 337, 350, 355 , 459-65*, 481,484,496 Silva, Feliciano de 1 5 Silvayn, Alexander (Alexandre Sylvain) 168-9, 448, 465-8* Skeltonjohn 336 , 354 Skene, Sir John 468 * Smyth, Nicholas 239 Sophocles 160-1,469 * Southwell, Robert 469 * Speed, John 76 , 247, 469* Speght, Thomas 88-90 , 93, 236 Spenser, Edmund 20, 25, 29, 145 , 190 , 197, 291 , 317, 340, 350 , 391 , 469-70* 496 Stanyhurst, Richard 241 , 496 Stapleton, Thomas 470 * Stewart,John, o f Baldynnis 25, 470* Stewart, William 470* Stow, John 88, 90, 97, 141 , 143, 167 , 202-3, 241, 247, 366, 373, 470-4*

Strachey, William 41 Straparola, Giovan Francesco 406, 474* Studley, John 450-2, 455 Suetonius (Gaius Suetonius Tranquillus) 367, 426 , 474-6* Surrey, Henry Howard, Ear l of 25, 172 , 487-91,497 Swift, Jonathan 29 5 Sylvius, Aeneas 476* Tacitus, Publius Cornelius or Gaiu s Cornelius 367, 426, 477-80*, 509 Taming of a Shrew, The 480 * Tarlton, Richar d 168 , 405 Tasso, Torquato 25 , 215, 496 Taverner, Richard 154-5 , 158 Terence (Publius Terentius Afer) 413, 461,474,480-7* Tertullianus, Quintus Septimus Florens 496 Thomas of Woodstock see Woodstock Thucydides 1 6 Thynne, Francis 72 Thynne, Willia m 88, 90, 236 Tolstoy, Leo 10 3 Tomson, Lawrence 43, 46 Tottel's Miscellany 487-9 1 * Tottel, Richard 487-9 1 Tresham, Si r Thomas 7 9 Troublesome Reigne of King John, The 98, 101 , 175 True Chronicle History of King Leir, The 98 , 103, 190,46 2 True Declaration of the State of the Colonie in Virginia 4 1 True Tragedie of Richard III, The 100-1 , 45 5 Turberville, George 236 , 317-18, 488 , 497 Twine, Lawrence 200-1, 206, 468 , 492-4*, 507 Twyne, Thomas 492, 497-500 Tyndale, William 42, 45, 385 Udall, Nicholas 354 , 413, 481 Underdowne, Thoma s 205 Ur-Hamlet 39-40 , 271, 273, 332, 476

527

Index Varro, Marcus Terentiu s 41 2 Vasari, Giorgio 7 1 Vaux, Thomas, secon d Baron Vaux 487, 489-90 Vegius, Maphaeus 497 Vergil, Polydore 190 , 203, 223-5 Virgil (Publius Vergilius Maro) 142 , 260, 275, 291, 306, 316 , 390 , 474 , 495-506* Vivesjuan Luis 20, 136 , 475 Wagner, G. 481 Wakefield Chronicle 507 * Walsingham, Si r Francis 42 6 Warner, William 205 , 337, 414, 418 Warning for Fair Women, A 3 4 Wayland, John 299 Webbe, William 317, 374 Webster, John 33, 272, 313, 343, 405, 450 Weeverjohn 330- 1 Whetstone, George 113-18 , 236, 355, 405

528

Whitchurch, Edward 20 2 Whitney, Geoffrey 145 , 149 Wilkins, George 492 , 507-8* Willet, Andrew 145 Willich, Jodocus 485 Willis, R. 355-6 Willobie (Willoughby), Henry 508 * Wilson, Thomas 350 Wolfe, John 312 Wolfe, Reginal d (Reyner ) 240, 312, 471 Woodstock 97, 101-2, 17 9 Worde, Wynkyn de 192 Wotton, Henr y 508* Wyatt, Sir Thomas 25 , 261, 426, 487-91 Wycliffe, John 42, 46 Xenophon 16 , 509* Xenophon, o f Ephesus 204-8, 404 Yong, Bartholomew 222 , 350-1