THE SUBHASITARATNAI(OSA . . C O::\IPILED BY
YIDY1K.\RA
ED IT ED BY .\ ~D
D. D. KOS.·\:\IBI
Y . Y. GOKH.\LE
,Yi th a n introduct ion by D. D. K o 'amb i
UniversitCit Hamburg Seminar fUr Kultur und Geschicht e Indiens
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Hamburg -
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C.-D I BRIDGE
HAR\-AHD
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1957
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Dedicated to all fh o e u:ho work jar peace by peaceful means
PREFACE The work here presented to the public is an_antholQgy _of Sanskrit poetry compiled by one Vidyakara, probably in the_Jagaddala monastery in what is now Malda District in East Ben aI. The first edition was corn iled ab9ut A.D. 1100, the e anded edition about A.D.1130. The poems themselves cover the whole time-span of classical Sanskrit literature and include a large number of verses, some of them excellent poetry, which ha ve been lost to Sanskritists for many centuries. The principles on which this first complete edition of the Sub~a ratnalw~a are based, together with questions concerning the chronology and evaluation of the poems which it contains, are discussed in detail by D. D. Kosambi in his Introduction, which follows. A few points only need be mentioned by me here. It was originally planned to accompany the text as here printed with a set of exegetical notes explaining difficulties of language, imagery, and convention and furnishing information on ancient customs and Realien. These notes were to result from the combined effort of V. V. Gokhale, D. D. Kosambi, and myself. The task proved a formidable one, but we had persisted almost to its end when we were persuaded to alter our plans. Two considerations persuaded us. First, no amount of notes can replace a translation as a tool for exegesis. Secondly, these oems furnish a rel!larkable -..2icture of courtly taste ~nd attitude in pre-Muslim India. Only translation can project this picture onto a screen visible by others than professional Sanskritists. It has seemed to all three of us that a translation is necessary. Accordingly, our plan is now to issue as Volume 44 of the Harvard Oriental Series a complete translation of the text together with exegetical notes. The translation will be from my pen; the exegetical notes, reduced somewhat in size from their original bulk, will accompany the translation in the form of a running commentary. Since the completion of the translation will take a year or so from the present date, we have determined to issue the text volume separately. It will take an attentive reader to judge properly the merit of the text before the second volume appears. The readings of a verse are given of course as strictly as possible in accordance with the manu-
Vlll
Preface
script sources. But the manuscripts may differ or be illegible or give no sense whatever. Frequently the justification of one reading over another is the sense which it furnishes. In other word the reader will not fully know the editor's reason for his choice without knowing the interpretation which the editor has put on the ver e in question. I can best make my meaning clear by taking the text of two verses, well known from other sources, as they appear in this anthology. Verse 697 (= AmaTUsataka KAt. 18, vs. 43, Jivananda ed., vs. 38) reads according to our manuscript sources as foHows: gate premabandhe hrdayabahumane vigalite nivrtte sadbhave jana iva jane gacchati pural;l tad utprek~yotprek~ya priyasakhi gatas te ca divasa na jane ko hetul;l sphutati satadha yan na hrdayam In c the editions of the Amarusataka, as also the Sad1JJ.1-kan.uimrta~ read gatd1[ts td1[ts ca divasdn. F. W. Thomas in editing the fragment of our anthology which he published under the title Kavf.ndra acanasamuccaya emended his manuscript reading to accord with the printed texts. Presumably the manuscript reading made poor sense to him. Kosambi and Gokhale have not emended. Their reason is that the verse to them makes perfectly good, indeed rather better sense, as the manuscripts give it. One may show their interpretation by translating. The bond of his affection broken, the value that he placed upon me in his heart erased, this man now walks before me like any other man, his love now ceased. The days pass with my thinking and thinking of these things. Dear friend, I know not why my heart breaks not into a hundred pieces. A more striking instance is offered by a more famous verse known from the same coprus, KM. 18, vs. 76, Jivananda, vs. 74, in our anthology verse 7!l8. a dntiprasarat priyasya padaviro udvik.!;;ya nirviJw.aya visrante~u pathi~v aha};tpariI;tatau dhvante samutsarpati dattvaikarp sasudhagrhrup prati pad alp panthastriyasmin nabhud agata ity amandavalitodgrivaIp punar ~itam At day's end as the darkness crept apace the saddened traveler's wife had gazed
~aQe
Preface
IX
far as eye could reach along the quiet road. She takes one step returning to the whitewashed house, then th.inking, "At this very moment he may come," she turns her head and quickly looks again. as
The "whitewashed" house is missing from every other version of the verse, and the unwary reader may think the editors should have changed sasudJui to Sa8uca (as in Amaru.Sataka) or to some such form. Closer attention reveals both the beauty and the probable genuineness of the Kosambi-Gokhale reading. Whitewashing the house in expectation of the master's return is a custom still practised by Indian wives. One may compare the opening of Premchand's short story 1[0" where the modern wife is awaiting the return of her nationalist husband from jail. By comparison the reading saSuca is banal and tautologous, for the sadness of the wife is already expressed by nirvi1p;tayii in a. Time and again I have been delighted by the way in which the judicious textual construction of Kosambi and Gokhale has illuminated the meaning and the poetry of the original. But I say no more on this count, my intention having been only to warn the reader against hasty judgment. '\\7ben one has memorized a verse in one form it requires a special effort to recognize the validity of a different version. As opposed to the text, the Introduction speaks clearly for itself. Kosambi has assembled here a wealth of precise data which not only aid the understanding of the present anthology but furnish precious material for the historian of Sanskrit literature. Of how many Sanskrit works that come to us without date or stamp of origin can we be so specific as we can now be of this? We are given the very latitude and longitude in hours, minutes, and seconds of the anthologist's library. If the reader is doubtful let him turn to Section Four of the Introduction. Of new literary-historical discoveries let me mention only a few. K~emiSvara and Vallal)a seem now almost surely to have been PaJa court poets. Vasukalpa is shown to have been a court poet of King Kamboja of the junior Pala line and to have lived about the middle of the tenth century. Dharmadasa's Vidagdhamukhama1J.l/ana is now known to be older than A.D. 1100. New light is thrown on the nature and compilation of such famous texts as the Amarusataka and the II anumamuitaka. To one point only I must take exception, and this is a matter not of fact ~ut of theory. In the course of four years of conversations and correspondence Kosambi, Gokhale, and I have expressed to each
Preface
x
other fully and frequently our evaluation of these poem. . On t hi subject Kosambi and I are in disagreement, not only eca u e I jud cre the artistic merits of the poems to be higher t han he does, but beenu e I feel that a class theory , while it may explai~ to orne xtent the content of a literature, is a \ e ry improp er gu ide t o its excellence. JI~deed this is more than a feeling; it is a kno wl edge~ I hall revert to the subject in an introduction to the translation volume where I plan to treat ~he problem of critic,ism at some length. Here I need only say that I disagree with what is the main thesis of ection Eight of the Introduction which follows. I trust that a. difference between series editor and a coeditor of the text in regard to one theory will in no way diminish the value of their joint efforts. Certainly it has not weakened the bonds of their friendship. DAN IEL CAMBRIDGE,
MAss.
M a y 1956
B. B.
I N GALLS.
COl\TTENTS Introduction, b~ D. D. Kosambi Inception of this edition The critical apparatus 1 he authorship problem 'fi me and place Nature of the anthology and its poets The basis of feudal anskrit literature The twilight of the gods The social functions of literature . Authors and sources of the individual verses References The S ubhii.s. itaratnakosa . Sanskrit text . Slokanam sild (index of verses) Parisi~tam (extra verses found in N andana' s Prasanna.siihiiyaratndka:ra) Parisi~taslokana.m slici (index of extra verses)
xm XVI
XXVll XXXI
xl xlv li Ivii Ixiii CVil
1
300 3~7
340
I~TRODUCTIO~
1. IKCEP'l ION OF THIS EDI'rION
At the end of the year 1946, cholars of the Bombay niversitv \\ ere given brief acce to negative~ of Sanskrit manuscripts discovered in Tibet b,; the enterpri e of llahula Salikrtya ~ n a during the year 1934 and photographed in 1937. In the available lots, Pro£. Y. Y. Gokhale noticed a " Su bha .i tara tnako!?a of B h imarjuna oma ,' and for my ake included it among the works he wished to examine, for I wa then engaged in searching unpublished Sanskrit anthologie ~ for t anzas ascribed to Bhartrhari. The particular negatives . eemed execrable to me' even the comparatively good enlargements m ade from them b J l'.1essrs. Kodak of Bombay were mostly illegible. Howe\ er, by good fortune Gokhale saw the word bha?·trhareh towards the end, and immediately set about \ erifying this reference to the poet - paleographically the oldest kno\\n. 'Ye worked on that portion of the enlargements together without being able to decipher the rest , or finding the name of Bhimarjunasoma anywhere in the work. A look at Rahula's JBOR list of the manuscripts photographed howed that another copy of the \\ ork existed in the private collection of Pt. Hemarajil, the_ Nepal Rajaguru. Far more important, the initial stanza was printed in full, which enabled me to identif~ the work at once with the fragment published by F. V\. Thomas under the wrongl~ conjectured title Kavindravacanasamuccaya. Gokhale sat do" n forthwith to a painstaking comparison of the photocopy with Thomas's printed text, abandoning the attempt only when it became clear that no progress was possible, even for a Sanskritist and epigraphist of his calibre, wherever a lacuna appeared in Thomas. He did decipher the list of contents to verify that the forty-four rrajya sections given on the cover folio actually occurred in the photographs. Thus we had a complete text which was useless for direct reading, but could be utilized in conjunction \\ith some other. The logical action was to get the Rajaguru manuscript, or a faithful duplicate. Several years of direct and indirect correspondence on my XlII
XIV
I ntrodll ctio7l.
part yielded nothing, not even an an wer t.o the I tt rs. In lh m a nwhile, Gokhale was ent to Lhaa a officer on peciaJ du ty with th Indian mission. Eighteen months ther · did not uffic to ga in ne to the Ngor copy, becau e of difficult communication and ,. n III re because of the tension then exi ting betw n the Panchen Lm13 ,group, which controlled Ngor, and that of the Dala.i Lama. In 1949, Prof. P. K. Go<;le, curator of the Bhandar'k ar Orienlll1 R arch Institute, wrote on m y behalf to the Indian emba y a t Kba tnulIl lu,. which introduced a new element of doubt by meticulou ly r porting that the only S1lbhii~a-ratna -ko~a in the Riijaguru c n lion was ascribed to Vidyakara. It took a few more months to g t the initia:1 and final stanzas copied out, proving that this wa in leed the work sought. By this time the internal cri i had matured in Nepal tb'It our embassy could get nothing done. Finally, no an -w r c uld elicited from the Patna Museum to my reque t for a fr h I an of Rahula SaIikrtyavana's negatives., Thu the wo rk med to be completely blocked for lack of material. Under these circumstances, I had to take tbe d perate tep of writing to OUI Premier and Foreign l\:[ini t er , Pt. Jawah a.rlaJ ~ ehru., It was only when his personal int.ere t in the matter had b n made clear that the K enlargements arrived from Khatmandu "in 1 95 ~. The same kind intervention, through Sri R. R. Divaka.ra Gm'ernor of Bibar, and Mr. S. V. Sohoni, his chief secretary and ecretary to the Bibar Research Society, secured the Patna negative . If it be judged from what follows that the labor of mountains has succeeded in giving birth only to mice, it will not have been for lack of impressiv midwifery. The nature of the material made it clear that either one of u alone would need several years to prepare a text. 0 Gokhal and I joined forces, though our respecth e posts made it difficult for us to work together at Poona for more than four hours a week exc pt during vacations. In the main, the comparative work ha- been mine whil.e he provided the feeling for 8'libhii~a literature, synt30'\:, and con truction that mark a real Sanskritist. We hare the respon ibility for the Sanskrit text, every word of which has been agreed upon by discu- ion. Those who may feel dissatisfied with the result should n ot forget that it took full sixteen months of painful labor - after five ~· ea.rs pent in overcoming needless human obstacle . - to reach the tage a.t which more fortunate editors begin their work. The Khatmandu photographs have been deposi ted at Widener Library, Harvard ll.l-
Inception of This Edition
xv
versity, for the use of any competent scholar who thinks he can do better with them. Here I take the opportunity of thanking those who have helped. Besides the distinguished personages mentioned above and in what follows, our special gratitude is due to Prof. P. K. Go<;le and his staff. All his resources, his vast knowledge of Indian literary chronology, his well-deserved popularity with scholars all over the world, and an efficiency almost unique in India were always at our disposal. It was through him that the most arduous negotiations for source material were ultimately concluded. Prof. Daniel H. H. Ingalls invited publication in the Harvard Oriental Series at a time when it was doubtful that the edition could be undertaken at all; this mark of confidence has been followed by all possible help, including microfilm from Harvard of books not available in India. '" ithout his painstaking re\ ision of the entire proof and help with the draft introduction, this edition would have lost heavily in presentability as well as usefulness. The labor so generously expended by him on this work far exceeds anything that could reasonably have been expected of any general editor. To pr. ,. Raghavan , chairman of the Sanskrit department of the University of :M adras, India's outstanding and most acth e classical Sanskritist, we owe corrections or emendations to stanzas 58, 309, 345, 957, 114~, 1170, 1~64, 1350, 1376, and 1679 of the main ted and 10, 19, 26, 30, 36, 41, 47, and 111 of the appendix. His success in hunting out the N negatives in the collection of Prof. G ~Tucci of Rome and sending us enlargements rescued a forlorn hope nearly abandoned. My niece, Kunda T. Sathe, copied out most of the index cards from my first transcript. The Nir~ayasagar Press of Bombay printed the master copy of the devaniigari text for which difficult task special thanks are due to the composing section under ParaSurama B. Ka,ralkar. The actual printing by photo-offset, plus all the remaining press work has been ably carried out by the Harvard University Press. ~Ir. ~r{ . G. Patel, assistant manager of the Tata Commercial Press, Bombay, made the most successful photographic enlargements, after all our professionals had failed with the negatives.
~.
THE CRITICAL APPARATUS
This edition of the SubhiilitaTatnako~a (V) was prepared from three primary and two ancillary sources. Primary sources: N: a palm-leaf codex at the N gor monastery in Central Tibet. K: a comparatively modern paper 1\1S at Khatmandu, Nepal. T: the fragment published by F. W. Thomas under the wrongly conjectured title Kavindravacana3am.uccaya. Of these, N represents an earlier and K and T a later stage of development of the Subhiiritaratnako~a. At both stages the compiler presumably was the same man. Ancillary sources: S: the anthology Saduk-tikanpi,mrta of Sridharadasa. P: an unpublished anthology, the Pra3annastihilya1'atmIkara of Nandana. As a whole, these sources manifest severe technical defects. The manuscripts are corrupt where at all legible. The two printed works utilized are not entirely satisfactory, besides covering only a small portion of the text. Each source is described in some detail in what follows. 2.1. N: A palmleaf codex The manuscript is at the Ngor monastery, one day's journey from Shigartse, and is described by Rahula in JBORS. 21 (1935), p. 42, no. 178, as of size IO!' X 2", lines 12, folios 41, complete; author Bhimarjunasoma, script l\1agadhI. Actually the lines are from 9 to 13 in number. Of the six negatives at the Patna museum, two are useless trial exposures, the entire 41 folios being thus frugally and badly photographed on four quarter-plate celluloid negatives. Of these, the a and b sides respectively of the first thirty-two folios take up two exposures, the remaining nine ha.ving two negat.ives to themselves. The films being old, unevenly developed, stained, dense, of low contrast, and corrugated with previous attempts at enlargement, with the b negative of the first thirtytwo folios in poorer focus than the rest, the results cannot be called happy. Enlargements of the last nine folios can be read directly, with considerable effort. From the first thirty-two, it is in general possible to say whether or not a certain blob is compatible with a given letter read from some other source. For the a sides, readings are better determined than for b. The comparison was mostly done by reading contact XVI
The Critical A pparatu8
XVll
diapositives on a 12-power geologist's microscope, beyond which enlargement gave only grains. Besides this, the text has been checked as far as possible with three different enlargements of each negative. PhQtographs o.f the same manuscript were taken by Pro.fesso.r Giuseppe Tucd, who visited Ngor so.me time after the visit o.f RahuJa. These photQgraphs, IQng mislaid, were secured by Raghavan's energetic search and arrived o.nly at the stage of final proof, but were useful nevertheless in making abQut two do.zen co.rrectio.ns. Abo.ut twenty fo.lios are decidedly better than o.n the Patna negatives, the rest being badly o.ut of focus, or missing. The names sho.w clear underlining in these pho.tos, indicating that so.meone has reto.uched the palmleaf since Rahula's visit. The manuscript is unusually co.rrect but for occasional metathesis: sara-rasa, jatJw.ra-jaratha. This purity, with the unequal number of straggling lines in a crabbed handwriting indicate a scholar rather than a professio.nal scribe. The misleading co.lo.pho.n pa7J4ita-iri-Bkimarjunasomasya is well separated fro.m the rest o.f the text, in a different, bo.lder, somewhat later hand; so it refers to the owner of the codex, perhaps the scholar who copied it QUt. The calligraphy seems to. me protQ-Bengali of no.t later than A.D. 1150. Individual peculiarities are the haphazard dQubling of co.nsonants joined to. r, e.g., rmma and rma bQth occur; also, the letter dka is easy to. mistake forva in the photo.graphs, fo.r the distinguishing stroke springs from the to.p line, no.t fro.m the loop. The paleographic question may as well be discussed here for both Nand T 1• When stating that the characters are such and such o.f a particular century and period, little attentio.n is paid to. local variatio.n. Inscriptions on stQne, incised copperplates, and palmleaf manuscripts all have different scripts even fo.r the same time and place, say the twelfth century in west Bengal, as anyQne may verify for himself. A IQok at Bendall's Cambridge manuscripts catalQgue shQWS the further unfortunate circumstance that even palmleaf manuscripts CQpied in the same reign, specifically that of Govindapiila,have totally different styles depending upon whether the copyist was a prQfessiQnal producing an illumined monastery codex:, Qr nQt. Our case seems to. me to be co.vered by the Amarakoia transcribed in the fo.urteenth year of Go.vindapiila (say A.D. 1175), which is in script almost identical with that of TI, and is almo.st the writing of Vibhiiticandra (formed before A.D. lWO) fQund in Tibet (JBORS. ~3. A37, plate facing p. 10). The N writing seems SO to. 50 years earlier because o.f the loo.P medial i. This general type of i persisted to the end o.f the twelfth century, but in N the top line is ~defined in contrast to. the well-defined to.P line and wider 10o.Ps in manuscripts at the end of Govindapiila's reign. The codex cQntains just over a thousand stanzas. There are several marginal additions, too numerous by far to. be inadvertent o.missio.ns in the first co.pying. Where they are to be inserted is sho.wn by a (rarely visible) check mark; it is remarkable that these occur in the same r;rajyii in K. but less than half the time in the precise situatiQn indicated. Stanza 1514 on the cover folio is in later proto-Bengali hand, though the calligraphy of the remaining marginal additions canno.t be clearly distinguished from that of the body. Still later insertions on the rear cover, which may contain matter to the extent of three stanzas, are quite illegible due to fainter inking. This may indicate that the codex was copied fro.m an early, perhaps the very first, versio.n by someone close to. the author in time and place, the earlier marginal additions being in the nature of suggestions utilized by the anthologist in the second .edition.
XVlll
Introduction
In addition to the Indian writing, the cover folio gives the name of the work in cursive Tibetan script, while the rear cover also contains the following in the same script: (1) Brtsod.rigs: (~) so.thar.bsde.pa.bian.gyi.}:tdul.ba.bphran (1) f!iiLla-nyaya. (2) priitimok/la para-nikayasya vinaya-"4udrakam. (3) gsaJ.l.bdus.rgyud.phyi.dar.!.l)(:as.pa.brtsod.rigso: (4) legs.bSad.rin.chen.l;tdsod. (3) bahya-guhya-samaja-tantra-sahita-viiLlanyaya.
(4) 8U-b~ta-ralna-ko/la.
Here the cursive Tibetan is transcribed exactly, and the Sanskrit equivalents added just below each phrase. This can only be a list of four Sanskrit manuscripts originally contained in one bundle, the present anthology coming last. The unorthodox spellings of several Tibetan words here are well worth rioting : brtsod for mod, bmn for gzan, IJphran for phran, lJ,dsod for mdsod. Out of the four titles, separated in the Tibetan text by a colon, the first is that of the Viidanyaya by Dharmakirti (ed. by Rahula in JBORS. !n, part 4, to 22, part 1). The second must be the same as Rahula's no. 177, Prcitimok/lasiitra; it is described here as belonging to the Vinayak~udraka section of a different school (paranikiiya) of Buddhism (viz. that of the Lokottaravadins). The third title " V iidanyaya accompanied by an alien Guhyasamajatantra" indicates another manuscript of the V adanyaya in one volume with the Guhyasamiija; the Saskya monklibrarian who wrote this note apparently regarded the Guhyasamdja as a non-Buddhist text. The fourth and last manuscript is our N. Four manuscripts of such diverse character could not possibly have been arranged in one bundle by any librarian; hence the bundle must have been received as a unit from a single distant source. The presumption is strong that all four once formed part of PaJ.lc;iita Bhimarjunasoma's collection (at Jagaddala?), and reached Tibet in one package during the great exodus following the Muslim conquest of Bihar. (The whole of this note on the Tibetan is by Gokhale.)
2.2. K: The Rajaguru codex This was likewise available only in poor photographs, the first enlargements being 10" X 3" which cannot be far from the siu of the paper manuscript. Patient negotiations by the Indian embassy at Khatmandu recovered the 5" X 7" glass negatives
a year after the enlargements had been sent and utilized in despair. Though in better focus than the prints, no modern enlarger could be found to take negatives of this size, so that they had to be cut down as carefully as possible. The second enlargements, though far better, were thus available only after the press work had begun. The usefulness of any enlargement is limited by the fact that the original copy is deplorably corrupt. The value of K derives only from its being a complete text1l8 omatior; the few stanzas not in K though found in N seem to be omitted by demonstrable oversight. The manuscript is on Nepali paper, consists of 117 folios with 7 lines per page (except folio 110b which has just 6 lines), 60-70 letters per line, and is dated 830 = A.D. 1710. ' Occasional reduplication (always corrected) shows that the original before the scribe had fewer letters per line, say 45-50, and was in proto-Newari or proto-Bengali with many archaisms. The letter ja (or the compounds jja, rjja) is often shown as a blank space, indicating that the model formed it in two different ways, of which the older, unread shape might have been (as in Tibetan) like Roman E which went out of fashion by A.D. 1000 except perhaps in peripheral regions. The
The Critical Apparatus
XIX
letter kha is written in the modern as well as the archaic form. In the older script, The K scribe makes all four letters differently, but oftener than not incorrectly. That he could not have had the least knowledge of Sanskrit, nor any idea of what he was copying, is shown by the garbled copyist's stanza in the K colophon. That stanza, which every professional writer was supposed to memorize, proves also that the copyist followed the vernacular tradition of mispronouncing ra-la, /la-kha, sa-sa, 110-7),0, which letters are often interchanged within the pair. The scribe may also be responsible for uninflected or vernacularized authors' names, e.g. KiilidiiSi, as well as the omission of the genitive termination, the words ete or et.au, and even the visarga of the nominative. This profound ignorance presents us with a document that must be read like a badly ciphered message in constantly but irregularly shifting code. It is rarely obvious just where, in the undivided seq uence of letters, a syllable has been omitted; the printed text alwa) s presents the reader with a deceptive simplicity, eliminating alternatives for emendation. To arrive at any such text, however, means assigning some meaning to lines that - as the scribe wrote them down - sometimes make no sense whatsoever. The utmost care has to be exercised to avoid undue emendation when an odd 'Word or some local usage presents itself. Reporting all the ambiguities and errors of K would mean photo-reproduction of the whole manuscript; hence only the minimum number of variants have been presented after all possible allowance for the scribe's incompetence. This gives a false notion of K as a reasonably correct manuscript, for its only virtue is good professional handwriting, generally nullified by bad photography. A most annoying characteristic is complete omission of one or more letters, often by homote1euton or haplography. Very often the omission extends to the vertical bar miitrti in front of a letter, to be compensated statistically by the insertion of such a miitra. where it is not due. Vowel marks for e and 0 are indicated by a slight waving of the top line except in letters without a top line such as sa, ga, ?;ta, or tha, dha - each lot being again confused among themselves; these take the PTllthamiitrti. Thus, vowel measure is to a ~onsiderable extent eradicated by incorrect writing or poor focus. Further, the scribe adds all the standard mislections and interchanges in both his own and the older scripts. So sa may become ma, or look like la, which last can be confused with na, ta, and conversely; Ta may be confused with va which is very close to ca. Letters pa and ya displace each other. Like all northern manuscripts, this one exercises the option of duplicating a consonant with r prefixed; only, our marvel often fails to insert the r mark on top, and mistakenly inserts it on other doubled consonants. There is only one real ambiguity in the script proper, namely va = ba, which has been utilized even by the poets, as in 893 for the double e11tendre, vali = boli. Though the scribe's confusion is endless, with mistakes in every line, it must be admitted that he does not pour out the whole bag of tricks on every occasion. His slips may generally be corrected after systematization derived by comparing stanzas whose text is known from other sources. ta is indistinguishable from bha and very close to u and {la.
2.3. T: The Kamndravacanasamuccaya Under this conjectural title, F. W. Thomas published a fragment of a palmleaf manuscript (Haraprasad Sastri's ASB Descriptive Catalogue of SaTUlkrit MSS, Cal-
xx
Introduction
cutta, 1934, vol. 7, no. 5436 (4746), p. 350) in Biblioiheca Indica, New Series, no. 1309, Calcutta, 1912. This fragment agrees with the K version very closely in the common portion, with one stanza that does not occur in K (though found in N) and the displacement of another, as well as a few minor omissions in authors' names. The discoverer, Haraprasad Sastri, considered the script to be of the eleventh century, Thomas as not later than 1200, while the ASB catalogue calls it thirteenthcentury Newari. I incline to agree with Thomas and the script appears to me at least a generation later than N, principally because the medial i in T is generally modern while N indicates it always by a simple loop on top of the letter, as apparently did the T scribe's exemplar. We did not use the original manuscript, working only from the printed book ; Thomas patiently reports every vagary of the scribe. The edition, from a lacunary, incorrect manuscript, is admirable, though not perfect. It covers part or all of 525 stanzas, stretching because of lost folios over nearly the first hal.f of V. '" ithout its publication, whatever we have offered for that portion of the present work would have been far less satisfactory. Naturally, we have tried to repay the debt by improvements wherever possible. These arise not only from our supplementary manuscripts but also from uncalled-for emendations on the part of Thomas, often due to faulty construction put by him upon the stanza. For example in 2d he goes against his own manuscript, all Buddhist tradition, and common sense in emending miiravadhu (the more attractive of the deadly sins) to viiravadhu = prostitute, offering the fantastic exegesis " Buddha's wives. " In 20lJ«i, he accuses BaI)a of three deliberate solecisms, to arrive at a text which would mean that deer pass glaring hot nights in caves. Indian summer nights are certainly hot, but not glaring, while deer don't sleep in caves. The verse says that the enemies of the deer pass the glaring heat of the day in caves, which makes sense, as any hunter will confirm. In 701c , ha?IUi = ' thou strikest' (root han = to strike or kill) is construed as 'female swan,' a term of contempt for the love-god. These are exceptional cases, though unfortunately not the complete list. We can only hope that this will lead to an appreciation of our own difficulties with far worse manuscripts and that someone lucky enough to discover additional sources will do as much for us where we have stumbled. After all, Thomas' statement (his introduction, p. 7) "it is not very likely that a second MS will ever be found to make good the deficiency " was incorrect even as he made it. In reporting variants; Tl indicates Thomas' original manuscript as he reports it, T2 his printed text. Clearly, manuscript evidence in such condition does not suffice for the text of V. It was therefore decided to include two quasi-testimonial sources in the apparatus, both anthologies which show close affinities to V in choice of verses as well as readings. The first was also utilized by Thomas while the second should have been, for it had been announced in 1905. It is possible that better copies of V or allied works exist in Nepal, but present unhappy conditions in that land put the search beyond my immediate capacity. A chance still remains of getting better materials from Tibet, including the original manuscript or good new photographs of N . This was in fact promised me at Peking in 1952 by the authorities of the People's Republic of China, and the Academia Sinica, at the earliest possible opportunity. Tibet being completely autonomous in such
.
The Critical A pparatu8
XXI
purely internal matters, the new evidence will not be forthcoming as long as the manuscripts remain sacred possessions of the monasteries, to be worshiped unread, or sold in fragments to pilgrims for use as charms. There is no doubt that the Tibetans themselves will soon develop a modern scientific attitude towards their priceless treasures, which are India's treasures too. This implies the development of systematic archeolog~, which will open up images and stupas in which many manuscripts have been immured, and which must be accompanied by good photographic technique. It seemed advisable not to wait till that happy day.
2.4. The Saduktikartuimrta of Sridharadasa (A.D. 1205) This anthology by the son of Batudiisa, described as a great official l
maha-~amanta
cii{iama7J.i of King Lak~mal).a-Sena of Bengal, should have "Consisted of 2380 stanzas
with further introductory arya verses by the anthologist. The collection is divided into five' streams ' (praviiha), each being subdivided into' waves' (vici) of five stanzas each with a subtitle. This rigid scheme means three numbers for citing a stanza: praviiha, vici, stanza within the M. Ten stanzas are missing: three in 2.129; two each in 2.130 and 4. 68; one each in 3.:H, 8.2,8, 5.25. While it is not clear which particular stanza within the vici has been lost, since none of the stanzas is numbered in any manuscript, the editor of the printed text has assumed that the final stanzas have dropped out in each case. The Sanskrit College at Calcutta possesses manuscripts of the work not hitherto utilized. These were not accessible on loan, but the principal of the college kindly informed Goqe that the stanzas missing in the Lahore edition were not to be found in their codices. There is thus a possibility that all known manuscripts derive from a defective copy, perhaps going back to Sridharadasa. The ASB MSS 5441 (774) is a beautifully written but incorrect copy of Aufrecht's A (below, our S ,). The printed edition begun by Pt. Riimavatara Sarmii for the Bibliotheca lndica (1912, 1921) stopped after two fascicules. A second and complete edition but full of misprints, lacking a list of contents, and with a defective index, appeared posthumously in his name at Lahore (Punjab University Series XV) in 1933. Before using the book, the reader has to make his own edition from the long though incomplete errata and corrigenda, form his own list of contents and insert stanza numbers on page-heads for quick reference. It is not clear that the editor paid any attention to his manuscript nor which sources he is supposed to have used. Only Haradatta Sarma's critical introduction saves the work from the status of a rather poor manuscript. In the apparatus, this edition is denoted by Sa. Sl and S2 indicate respectively a Santipura MS (Rajendralal Mitra's Noticu, no. 1180), and another at the Serampore College; these are available in Theodor Aufrecht's careful transcript and collation (IO Aufrecht 57-58) courteously made accessible through Goc;le by the 10 librarian. This is superior to the Lahore text because of its careful checking, complete indexes of stanzas and of authors, and occasional reference to other sources for the stanza. Aufrecht's numbering is continuous within each pravtiha so that change from his twoBut note that Duddharasa., who commanded 50 servants, 2.50 soldiers, and had maluima~ara, great prince (DBI. 218-219 referring to Rice, Ep. Carnatica I, intr.) 1
15 horses describes himseH as a
XXll
Introduction
number system used by Thomas to that of the Lahore edition which we follow in citation means some elementary arithmetic, allowing for the missing stanzas. The close relationship between S and V is proved first by the 623 common stanzas - well over a third of V and a fourth of S . It is clear from the inclusions that S had the K version before him, not the shorter". Sridharadasa tries much harder than Vidyakara to name the author of every stanza, not always correctly, showing that he must have had a different library at his disposal. That the common stanzas are not due to independent selection from the same current sources is proved by the fact that a disproportionately large number of these verses occur first 2 within the viei in S. Thus for the book as a whole and the first two pra'Vahas in particular, the direct inspiration of K is manifest. It is noticeable that the common stanzas and their direct continuation are about the best in S.
2.5. Prasanna-siihitya-ratniikara of Nandana This is reported in N DC. p. 211, no. 1574, where the resemblance to Tt is noted : "This work is compiled in imitation of Kavivacanasamuccaya [= T J] • • • That is Buddhistic while the present is Hindu." Actually the resemblance and borrowing would have been much clearer had not the Saiva portions of T been mis ·ing. Like V, this is also divided into vrajyas, often with the vrajya title and several initial slokas of the fJrajya borrowed en bloc from V in the same order. The readings show strong individual variations, though also intimate contacts with S, which has many common stanzas in similar order, even after full subtraction has been made of those in V. Authors' names are decidedly closer to those of V than of S. Though incomplete, the work contains 1428 stanzas (counting fragments and duplicates) in six or more ullasas whereas the third introductory verse claims only 1000: sahasrQ/r~ i /.okanii1lt fJyaracayad ida1fl. N andana-kavilJ. "hether this means poetic approximation or inflation by Nandana himself (or some successor) is not clear, in view of the missing end and colophon. The open borrowing has not prevented extreme braggartise. "Those who can weigh Meru in carats, measure the sea in jugs, count the sands of the Ganges, number the stars of the heavens and the leaves of the trees - only they are capable of enumerating the qualities of sri-Nandana-paI.u;lita," says the fifth introductory stanza. Though there remains the possibility that an earlier version of P might have influenced S, the work as it stands is later than S, for Lolimba and Cal)(ildasa (presumably the commentator on the Kauyaprakasa) are among the authors cited . The list of sources in P (ef. pp. 337-339 of our Sanskrit text) contains four significant 16 = Kapile.svara-gajapati, 36 = Gajapati, 64 = Trivikrama-gajapati, names: 96 = Puru~ottama-gajapati. These may he identified with the Gajapati dynasty of Orissa, Kapilesvara being the real founder, and Pur~ottama his son; the other two cannot be placed, not being in the known list of rulers. But Pratiiparudra2 One would expect a 1:" ratio between "first" stanzas and the rest, if S borrowing from V were haphazard, or indirect. The observed ratios for the five sections are 45: 84,79: 181, 13: 37, 11: 65, and ~1: 87, on a rough count. Only the fifth book fulfills the condition; the third and fourth, being decidedly subnormal, show considerable originality on the part of 5ridharadasa, just as the first two (the largest in size) show overwhelming dependence.
The Critical Apparatus
XX III
Gajapati, son of Puru~ottama , came to the throne in .<\.D. 1497, and lost territory to the' ijayanagar empire as well as to the Muslim governors of Bengal , hence would not be worth flattering by a northeastern anthologist; his father and grandfather could claim to be the rulers of Bengal, as well as poets. This dates P as at the end of the fifteenth century A. D. The discovery of P, made by hunting through catalogues and lists for anthologies showing vrajya divis ion, came so late that a long delay seemed inevitable at an advanced stage of the edition. But Prof. V. Raghavan informed me that one other copy was known, namely, no. 1051 in the personal collection of MM. Dr. Umesa Misra of the Mithila SaQlskrta Pari~ad, Darbhanga, and the Ganganalh Jha Institute, Allahabad. I had long forgotten its announcement made in the introduction to Dr. MiSra's Vidyakara-sahasrakam (Allahabad, 1942) a nineteenth-century anthology. Goc;Ie immediately secured a loan of the manuscript by courtesy of the owner. Relations bet ween ~{jthilii and Nepal have been very close from the earliest times. Nepal even derived its king from Mithilii in the fourteenth century (/\ DC. p. xxxvii, p. 34) . However, the Darbhanga copy seems to me to be recent, made directly from the comparatively recent Newari paper manuscript of the Nepal Darbar library , for the five folios missing in each copy bear precisely the same numbers in both. It is quite modern in appearance, though on N epali hand-made paper with the b side of each folio coated in yellow pigment-wash. Size lli" X 3!V; stanzas and sections unnumbered, but folios are numbered to 204, with nos. 72, 155, 176-177, and 179 missing. There are generally 6 lines per page with S5-45 letters in a line. But the scribe leaves at times from half a line to as much as three and a half lines blank at the end of a folio, to continue the stanza without a break on the nc:\""l. It follows that he was duplicating some text before him, folio by folio. Though containing over 480 stanzas in common with V, just under that with S, and hence of great value in any analysis of S , P also leaves much to be desired. In the course of the transmission of this anthology, as in the case of K , some scribe, here presumably a predecessor of the scribe of the Darbhariga copy, corrupted the text with errors due to misreading of an older source. This is proved by an occasional reading like Bhavabhuhheb for °tel}. Unfortunately, the line of transmission also contains a Sanskritist, who may have been N andana himself, so that palpable emendations convert mislections locally into Sanskrit without fitting the stanza as a whole. This means that a disproportionately greater number of variants from P have to be reported, after making the same paleographic allowances as for K. The 245 stanzas common to V, S, P are about what could mathematically be expected on the hypothesis that P first chose at random from V , then from S, naturally supplementing the choice with stanzas from his own material.
2.6. Use of the Apparatus To sum up, there is no one source which may be taken as the main basis of the edition. K represents the complete inHated version whence its general order has been followed. There was no trouble for the portion also covered by T, except when T differs in the citation of
XXIV
I ntmduction
an author. In such cases, the author's name is put after the tanza only if fairly certain, and then with the letter of the cone ponding sources. Sand P are of immense help in the text of the common stanzas but have not been utilized for these nam except in confirmation. 1 he main defect of K, namely unreliabilit~ of vowel qualit~, and omission of letter, is supplemen ted remarkably well by l\, which generally uses PT#hamatras. On the outer margin of our text appear the tanza number consecutively from 1 to 1739. A marginal number in brackets indicates that the stanza is not in N, though found in K (including T ,..,herever available) . " 'hen the marginal number is starred, the stanza is omitted in K though found in N (15 1 in T al 0). The place where a marginal addition was meant to be inserted in l\ is generall) uncertain, hence not indicated; almost all these extra N sta nzas occur in the same vrajya in K, though in some different. equence. The number of the stanza within its vrajya is indicat d at the end of each stanza, while vrajya number and title will also be found in the pageheadings. Below the stanza number, on the outer margin come (wherever applicable) the T number, number b J praviiha, vici and sloka in S, and folio in P, author's name from the last two being al 0 given on the margin wherever it differs from the name in V. To the right of the stanza are given the changes in folio of K and N, indicated by a vertical arrow in the text. Tl change of folio are gi\ en only before and after a lacuna. l\1arginal additions in N are indicated b lm and um respectively for the lower and upper margins; N has considerable changes in order for vrajya 33 alone so that the precise folio and line of N is indicated there for the fir t of each consecutive sequence of verses. At the bottom of the page are reported a minimum numbel' of variants. Those from K which can be regarded as mistakes on the part of the scribe have been ignored, giving only such as might conceal or reveal a real variant reading. Meaningless readings from Tl have been omitted, as also those from P, and T2 S3 misprints, on the same principles as the silent omissions from K. Faithful reconstruction of any source from the variants reported will therefore not be possible, though no essential variant is likely to have escaped, The letters a, b, c, and d refer to the four quarters of each stanza, e to the author's name, if cited. This edition represents an exercise in cryptography and emendatio. The main difficulty was in getting any reading at all from Nand K
Th e Critical A pparat'us
xxv
separately. Thus, it "as neces ar} to trace the stanzas as far as possible from other source , \\ hich ha\ e been listed separately with their abbreviation and are cited after the circle which follows the variant from l\ T ESP. From the s} stem of corrections thus worked out, approximatel~ 200 tanzas which are found only in K had to be reconstructed. The context had to be understood before the text could be made out. This im erted procedure i rendered all the more difficult by the penchant mo t San kl'it poets show for involved construction, complicated idea , ob cure mythological references; and by the unhapp} facult) the Sanskrit language possesses of endowing almost any ucces ion of ) llables with some sort of meaning, so that mere sound and fur} may be made to signify something by one brought up in the tradition of choliasts like Yaska and Mallinatha. Other anthologies and primary sources ha, e helped considerably, but it is onl} natural that a stanza found be;} ond the apparaius criticus is ver) well known while the really obscure ones are hardly ever reported. Though these extraneous ources have also been collated, their variants are not given except when of unusual interest. In theory, the stanzas of an anthology should be traceable to their ultimate sources, to be reproduced accurately thereby. In practice, this is impossible; the value of a work like the present lies in the very fact that some of the ultimate sources have perished. Works on dhvani, rasa or other as pects of poetics (ala1]1kara) concentrate upon the same well-known favorites like limpativa tamo'1igani, kviikiiryabsaSala~ma1JalL, sasi divasadJnlsaro, which are absent here while the occasionallj quoted stanzas by no means cover the bulk of V. Reporting variants from all such works would have meant complete lack of balance in the apparatus. For primary sources, where extant, a critical edition is rarely available. The aim has been to restore, as far as the sources permit, the text accepted by \ idyakara whether or not it agrees with that of the stanza as originally composed by its particular author. Local forms, though not standard usage in classical Sanskrit, have been retained wherever possible: hotas (250), ulsala (7, 14), madhildra7J-iim (17), are a few of the many such odd readings. They point to orthography or pronunciation that might be labeled proto-Bengali. On the other hand, pattra has generally been emended to patra; though N K invariably write the letter as ccha., we have changed to cha wherever meter permitted even at the risk of losing uniformity. For the rest, only such emendations have been made as seemed consistent with the
XXVI
Introduction
paleographic evidence, even when far more attractive reading. were to be had from other sources. Constant reference to dictionarie and grammar for resto ring mis ing letters, as well as for general sen e, wa ab olut e l~ es ential. The question then remains as to our ha ing unwittingly eliminated some rare word not found in the dictionary , or ha, ing eradicated an unPa1)inian usage. This i rather unlikel,), fOl' after all t he a ntholog,) has clearly been chosen by a learned cholar from the be t San krit poets in accordance with the highly developed grammatical y tern which was rigidly enforced b} A.D. 1100. If the anthology had contained any Prakrit, we should ba\ e had insuperable difficulties. But Vidyakara was a pure classicist. Though the drama h e knew gi\ e many charming stanzas in the other idiom, th e man~ varietie of Prakrit had all become dead languages by A.D. 1000 \vhil e anskrit was practised by enough people to maintain it in a state of suspended animation.
3. THE AUTHORSHIP PROBLEl\I Nothing i kn own of Yidya kara , except thi anthology, \vherein stanza ' 1 a nd 1738- 1739 eem to be his own , though some of the lesser anu~ t'li bh8 are lIch th at anyone could ha ve written them to order. In 1\ DC. p. 273, \Ye find a work on astronomy by the son of a \ idyakara; th ere i nothing to h ow ident ity with our auth or. Simila rly, the extremely remote pos ibility ha to be menti oned that the anthology may have deve loped over se veral ge ne rati o n ~ , Vidyakara ha ving merely presented the fin al vel' ion. This is in the higl1est degree unlikely, fr om th e evide nce before U - , now that the Bhlmarjunasoma ascription by Rahul a h as been disproved. The difference between the two versions 1\ and K is significant. The 7'2'2 additi onal st a nzas in ]{ seem to be chosen in much the same way as tho'e already in N, from about the same sources. The main change from A to K is th at t he number of vrajyds increases from forty-four to fifty, besides sy tematic inflati on within almost every vraJya. 1\I arginal e.rt ra in 1\ show even that ea rly representati ve t o have de\ eloped beyond the original version. There are no additional st anzas (l{ and IV agreeing complet ely) for vrajyas 32 and 43, while those numbered 2 6, ",7, 28, 30, and 31 are completely new. The section on Siva's compan~ (5) is intermediate, having been formed by separation of a few stanzas from 4, with considerable additions thereto. This might look like inflati on by a Saiva author of what ~as originally a Buddhist \\ ork. That h~ pothesis may easily be disproved . Not only is the section on the ri val deity Hari (6) also present and considerably inflated, but at least one additional stanza appears in each of t he three Buddhist sections, which head the work. Vidy akara found no difficulty in reconciling respect for other, albeit , subordinated , deities with devotion t o Buddha and two important members of the l\lahay ana pantheon, namely Avalokitesvara and ~1aI1ju s ri.
The main argument for unitary editors hip of both versions Nand
K is simple. N andana and Srldharadasa have made their own new anthol ogies with no more labol' than that needed to expand N into K. That a totally different anthologist for K should t ake virtually all XXVll
XXVlll
Introduction
of N, add 70 per cent as much again on his own from the same works, preserving the same sequence (a single vrajyii, 33, is rearranged) is remarkable enough. That he should take all this trouble and yet remain anonymous betokens a superhuman modesty. A possible interpretation of 1739 is that it disclaims any transgression of vinaya such as might have been remarked by contemporaries. The implication would then be that the work had already been read in a previous edition by the same hand. The only stanza duplicated in K (there are no duplications in N) is 37 = 1208, ki1{L viicyo mahimii. Under 1208 the verse, with some variants, is ascribed to Vallal)a. Inasmuch as stanza 38 is also Vallal)a's, one may guess that stanzas 37 and 38 fell together in some Vallal)a collection, perhaps a play, and that K copied both stanzas together by inadvertence instead of the appropriate one only. For that matter, stanza 273 would have fitted better into the jativrajyii, but has been copied along with the rest of the autumn stanzas from Manovinoda. The duplication of stanza 37 seems to show that K referred to the same sourcebook as N. The existence of special collectanea apart from plays is attested by the two sources nu and ci, of which the latter is cited by N as well as K. This cannot possibly refer to an author, nor be the title of a hook, hut denotes the library number of a volume according to the alphabetic numbering still to be seen in the Tibetan canon, as well as a few southern palmleaves. Now, all four ci stanzas are Bhavabhl1ti's, an author whom V cites independently with unusual predilection. It follows that whoever inflated N to form K was so closely related to the first anthologist that he used the same collection, apparently a monastic palm-leaf library. A most plausible guess under the circumstances is, as before, that the same person compiled both Nand K. The pre-existence of particular analecta is confirmed by other considerations. Stanza 927 is reported as catuM:uim = 'of four (authors).' S. 1. 178.5 gives the same stanza in order cdab with the four authors named - Vikramaditya, Cal)Qala, Vidya, Kalidasa - who could not possibly have been contemporaries. The attribution is clearly from some tale of samasyii-piirti, each of the four supplying one quarter of the stanza in turn for continuation by the next. Such legends are common in Sanskrit. The same holds for the joint ascription of 1651 to Bhojadeva and some 'Turkish' king, Turu~karaja. Though :MusHms like Alberuni became good·scholars of Indian tradition and science,
(
The Autlwrshi p Problem
.
XXiX
no Muslim king of the eleventh century in India stopped looting long enough to stud) any thing, let alone master Sanskrit prosody. The Jain Prabandha-cintii:rna1.ti is just such a miscellany of prose fables studded with verse ; some of the verses, as in the story of Lak~mal,la-sena and his poet Umapati (Prab. 5. 210-212) do belong to the poet to whom they are attributed, though most do not. The Blwjapra.ba.ndha (Bpb) gives tales of King Bhoja interlarded with stanzas, while Bps is a collection of very similar stanzas without the prose narrative. Stanza found in both occur in V, not necessarily from precisely these sources. , id) akara had some compilation like the Bpb at his disposal; Tar. p . 71 implies that even Buddhist collections of Bhoja and .M mlja legends were extant. Vidyakara dre" extensively upon the great classical dramatic writers like Bhavabhiiti, RajaSekhara, Kalidas a. Sanskrit drama abounds in stanzas which can be gouged out like plums without reference to the rest of the cake. V does not restrict himself to such pure epigrams, but also quotes verses that lose their flavor without knowledge of the context. Among these may be mentioned stanza 456 from Kalidasa's VikramorvaSiyam, where King Pururavas breaks out in rapture at a first glimpse of the entrancing nymph UrvaSi, inexplicably born of the thigh of a hoary sage; the stanza itself gives nothing of the background. Stanza 405 is best appreciated when one recalls that there Bhavabhiiti's hero Madhava pleads for the life of his beloved whose sacrifice by the grim Kapalika would, as it were, deprive the whole universe of its beauty. Stanza 336 grows quarter by quarter upon the royal hero through four acts of the V iddhaSalabhanjika. It follows that Vidyakara indulged his taste for ruminating choice morsels of Sanskrit literature. His collection had partly an evocative function. This Sub~aratnako$a still remains the oldest known general anthology of Sanskrit verse. HaIa's Sattasai is several centuries earlier, but in Prakrit, without the range. balance, categorization of Vidyakara. Bhartrhari, the poor man's $Ubk~a writer, is also earlier. His three Centuries form an anthology in fact, though we do not know which particular version reached V. However there is reason to believe that there existed an author Bhartrhari who wrote at least the nucleus of the collections formed in his name by later editors who sincerely believed that they were reporting his scattered verses. Amitagati (A.D. 993) wrote his own Subh~a-ratna-sarru1oha - not without imitating handy models - solely to inculcate Jain doctrine, to dissuade the literati from the cheerful and luxuriant sins
xxx
I nt'roduci'ion
which the same reader could savor in mo t of clas ical Sanskrit literature. It is not surprising that nothing of Amitagati appears in J, though the non-occurrence of the finest Bhartrhari stanza eem to prove that no well-formed recen ion of the satakas could ha\ been available to V, or for that matter to . The 8antiSataka compiled b,) Silhal)a must have existed at the time but while quoting it extensively in consecutive stanzas, V does not nam e 5ilhal)a at all. Inasmuch as S does cite many of these stanzas under SilhaDa' name, it follows that the name was not attached to the cOlllpilation at the earlier period, or that Vid) akara kne" the 8 antiSataka to be unoriginal. The Amarusataka seems al 0 to have gained currency during the interval between V and S, for Yidy akara cites Amaru only t" ice by name, as against 38 times in the later anthology. This is another reason for not placing the two anthologists close together in time, and for the conclusion that the century which seems to ha ve intervened saw the rise of collections like the SantiSataka and A?7wrusataka which furnished Sanskrit verse from past accumulation, not original contributions. It seems to me that the influence of both Hala and 'idyakal'a is to be seen in Go, ardhana's surpassingl,) erotic Sanskl"it Aryii-saptasati , which is arranged in vrajyas by initial letter. Sadharal)adeva, commenting upon Hala, regroups Hala's verses into vrajyas - a rare word for 'section' - the actual names being th e same a in V for about a fifth of the headings. The collection named Jagajjivanav-rajya seems to betray the same influence, but we know of it onl,) b) citations in the anthology P v by 'el).idatta, Jagajjivana's son. There is not the least doubt that 5ridharadasa and N andana "ere stimulated to their own efforts by the example of Vidyakara. Differences of ascriptions to authors show that S and V do not utilize the same ultimate collections directly; P copies V with less extensive supplementary material. Occasionally, one feels that even distant anthologies like the Kasmlrian Samgadhara-paddhati ha, e been influenced by Vidy8.kara, but there is no direct evidence. By the thirteenth centur), the idea of and demand for an anthology had been well established, "hile the springs of classical Sanskrit poetr,) had dried up because of internal decay, 1\1uhammedan conquest, and the development of India's many linguistic nationalities.
4. TI~1E AND PLACE
The broade t po ible termini for 'idyakara are A.D. 1055 (the last year of Bhoja's reign) and A.D. 1205, when S was written. But the most probable time for "\ ersioll N can hardly be later than the reign of Ramapala, say A.D. 1100,3 and hence not later than about 1130 for T K. The paleographic e"\ idence is not accurate enough to be of use here, excep t to bow compatibility with this estimate. In the absence of ub tantial direct evidence, I shall be compelled to argue from internal considerations alone, adding up small independent probabilities to arrive at conclusions based upon maximum likelihood. "hile the name Bhoja is found in the Rigveda, the ArthaSastra, and Ptolemy's Almagest as a tribal designatio!!, with two kings named Bhoja in the Pratihara d y nast~ and several minor Bhojas in Kasmir, The chronology of Rama.pala. a.nd his immediate successors is rather doubtful. A.D. 1057-1102. R. C. Majumdar, in HBD. p. 177, places Ramapala as between A.D. 1077 and 1120, both accepting the reign of -12 years given by Taranatha. The accession of Madanapala is now "ell fixed b~ D. C. Sircar (JASB. Letters, 17. 1951 , pp. 27-31) at A.D. 1144-45. The doubtful element is the ex:istence and position of King Palapala, whom R. D . Banerji placed in 11 26---61, and whom liED neatl~ dismisses altogether as doubtful (HBD. p. 31, p. 172) . De la VaUee-Poussin passes the argument by in silence (DHI. pp. 100-101) though Banerji returned to the charge in his last paper (ABORl. 11, 1930, pp. 398-400). The inscription of this oddly named monarch actually exists in the Victoria and Albert l\iuseum, London, being on the base of an image found at Jaynagar, which was certainly Pal a territory ; a perfect plaster cast of the inscription (no. 71 - 1880 r.5. ) was supplied by the kindness of my friend Dr. John Irwin of that museum. The e:>..-tremely corrupt and badly written epigraph can be read in several ways, all of which agree that the king's thirty-fifth regnal year was the date of dedication for the image. The actual name could be Palapala, Acalapala, or CapaJapala. This has been rediscussed by D. C. Sircar in a recent paper in the J ASB. Letters, without an) conclusion differing from that of Banerji except towards the end where the learned epigraphist suggests that Palapala could have succeeded Govindapala, who might have been killed about .\.D. 1165 by the Gaha<;lavalas. This contradicts his own reasonable statement in JASB. 17.1951, pp. 27-31, that the reference to the gatarajya of Govindapala indicates that he ruled at least ten to fourteen years after the Gaha<;lavalas had taken over his kingdom. The whole point is where this otherwise unknown Pala with his long reign fits into the Pala chronology. Even ignoring him altogether, the H BD chronology cannot be accepted as it stands, because App. V to Chap. ' I (pp. 190-191 ) discusses King Rajyapala of the Kamboja family, to conclude that he was identical with the Pala king of the same name, whence some of the Pal as ruled simultaneously rather than in succession. I take A.D. 1100 as a fair date in Ramapala's reign, for lack of a better. 3
R. D. Banerji (JBOR S. 14. 1928, 489-538) puts RamapaJa as
XXXI
..
XXXll
Introduction
the Bhojadeva or Bhojyadeva of V can only be the famou s Bhoja Paramara of Dhara. The preceding section points out that Bh oja must have become legendary by the time of V. This can happen within a man's lifetime in India, but the model of BaDa'S Har$acarita would show that though during the king's reign his feats might be exaggerated, the romantic life written even by a court poet would not be pure fable. Then we have also to allow for the time lag nece sary for the fabliaux to reach V's t erritory. This means at leas t A.D. 1075. Thomas' often quoted statement ( T. intr., p. 16) that none of the poets" are known to be later than about 1000 A.D. " is overenthusiastic. Bhoja's stanzas occur even in his T fragm ent, while the royal poet could not have become famous by A.D . 1000, if indeed he had "ritten anything before that date. In what follows, it is essential to mark carefully the kind of sources from which Vidyakara made his selection . The great classical writers are taken on their merit, their epigrams being represented according to their quotable output. This applies to Rajasekhara, Bhavabhuti, Bal).a, Murari. The stanzas peculiar to V as compared with the other Sanskrit anthologies of early date show a certain preference for Buddhists, but a particular type of Buddhist. That is, V cannot be labeled a Buddhist anthology offhand, as "as done b) Haraprasad SastrL A stanza of the great A§vaghosa opens the anthology, Jet neither this nor any other in the whole of V is to be found in the extant works of the great Buddhist poet, nOlOis any other stanza in V ascribed to Asvagho~a . Santidevacar) a and his Bodhicaryavatdra are unrepresented. Where is Kumaralata, Nlatrceta, the pseudoNagarjunas, or the real one, not to speak of the Southern Buddhi ts ? In contrast with these great names, the Buddhist s selected have either a local fame, or write 8Ubha~itas in the later cla sical st) le. Thus we have se, eral almost unknown poets in the opening vrajyris; the Kasmlrians Sivasvamin, Dhiranaga, the author of the Tripa8avatsaraja figure in later sections. Taking all this into consideration, the omission of the prolific K~emendra's name and stanzas is triking. Though most of K~emendra's phenomenal output is too dreary for any subhd.~ita collection, he has many fine benedicton and tag verses in his Avadanakalpalata, which qualify doubly as good Buddhist poetry. His lesser "orks on poetics also contain original stanzas that would grace any anthology, though all we find in V is an occasional stanza not to be traced in any extant work of K~emendra, but doubtfully ascribed to that author b) some other anthologJ . The distance
T i1ne and Place
XXXlll
from Ka 'mir . . ' ould not eau e much delay, becau e l\1agadha was still a great center of Buddhi -t pilgrimage and study, and h ence of exchange of literary work. At the end of the twelfth century, SakYaSl'ibhadra of Kasmir was prominent in l\Iagadha and Bengal. K~emendra's most important "ork had been published by A.D. 1075. Another notable omi ion i that of BilhaQa,4 se\ eral of whose stanzas are found in S, even cited b:; the author' name (confused in some manuscripts with Silhru~a) . The J ilo"1'ama1ikadevacarita is dated fairl y well by internal evidence at A.D. 1088, while the Kar1J-asundari might be earlier, the Ca:urapaficasika not much later; all three contain enough material for a fe w tanzas at least to have found their way into V if , idy akara kne" of the poet. The nearest he gets to Bilha:r:ta seems to be the poet Galigadhara (of stanza 1406), who rnay have been the court poet of Kal'1) a, king of pahala, whom BilhaQa claimed to have vanquished (Vikra7nankadevacarita 17.95 ). BilhaI)a's poetry was known through a con iderable part of India, and certainly in V territory (which we shall locate a bit later). That Yid:; akara should not be attracted by Kr~Qamisra's aggressively anti-Buddhist Prabodhacandrodaya. even if he had read it is perfectly comprehensible; that he does not draw upon K~emendra and BilhaQa or the much nearer srI Har~a and Uma.patidhara argues his ignorance of these poets, hence his having preceded them or at best followed them within too narrow a margin of time. The only reason for considering a date later than A.D. 1100 is the single doubtful citation after stanza 923 (found in K only) of the name DhoyIka. DhoyI or Dhoyika was a court poet of Lak~mal~asena of Bengal (accession A.D. 1178) . Inasmuch as a colleague, Umapatidhara, seems to have been court poet also of Lak1?ma:r:tasena's father and grandfather, we need not bring "\ idyakara down to 1178, but 1150 would seem a possible terminus. Personally, I doubt the validity of the ascription. The same stanza is attributed to Y ogeSvara by Srldharadasa (S. 1. 84.5 ). As S is definitely an anthology of Lak~mal).asena's court, with many references to Dhoyi, including two stanzas to be found in the Pavanadilta, Sridharadasa would have been better qualified to recognize an elder colleague's stanzas than Vidyakara. The citation seems to have been a slip on the part of some later scribe. 4 There was a later BilhaJ;la (contemporary of the Jain pa'(Lrj,ita Al?:ldhara) at the court of King' indhyavarmadeva (A.D. 1160-1180) of Dhara. Cf. K. K. Lele in ABORI. 11, 1930, pp. 49-53.
XXXIV
I ntroduction
It is vital t o locate the place of \ id yakara's act ivity, \vithout which no satisfactory dating is pos ible. In the da, before publi hing hou e , advertisements, and printing, San krit poetry of the type here considered did not originate or fl ouri sh without royal patronage, though it traveled 510" ly from court t o court before difl'u. ion . '1 herefore the particular court is importan t in determining th anthologi t' period and explaining his choice of . ou rces. The l oca lit~r mu t h ave been between Kanouj and Benga l. The most prominent of the poets cited is Rajasekhara so that the first glance may lead one, a it did me, to associate our text with the Giirjara-Pratihara court - "hich had vanished by A.D. 101 8 ,vhil e the Ga huQavala ro e to power only in A.D. 1090. R ajasekhara, as the last to produce anskrit poetr} in the grand manner in a period when a poet could travel all over the country with honor and profit (late ninth and earl,) tenth centurj), imposes himself upon e\ er) anthologj by the , olume, qualit.), and dispersion of his output. That his dramas lack originalit) and stage value makes the stanzas embedded therein all the more suitable for the anthologist. The Paramara court may be remo ed fr om the possibilities, since the name even of a standa rd court poet like Padmagupta-Parimala (of the N avasahasalikacarita) does not appear, though it seems to have reached S (3.45. 1). Dhanaii.jaya and Dhanapala are missing too. Bhoja himself and ~IUl'ij a find place here bv reason of the phenomenal activity of the form er, and the time elapsed. It is the group of restricted citations, the long list of minor poets not found else';I,There with comparable frequency , "hich must determine the particular locality. The conditions are now quite obviou. The royal patrons must have been Buddhist with simultaneous veneration of Si" a and Yi.$IJu or else the order and contents of the first ix vrajyas are inexp licable. For this very reason, the Sena court that fathered S mu t be excluded . The Buddha was not higher than an avatara of Yi~f.lu to the Senas. Y et V cannot be located far from north west Bengal, if one is to account for descriptions of snow and frost, festivals like Klmda7nahotsa a, and manuscript survival only in Nepal and Tibet, along with the dominant influence upon S. All tbjs fits just one line of kings, name l~ the Palas, sometimes called " of Bengal ' from their title Gau<;le' vara, but actually rul ers of Bihar and parts of 'Wes t and Korth Bengal for over four centuries. That V represents the poetic tradition of Pala court and abbey can be proved even apart from the foregoing general considerations.
"
Tim e and Place
xxxv
Abhinanda in V i undoubtedlj the author of the R ci1nacarita (RA), not of the K6damba'rikai./ulsara; t" 0 stanzas from RA are actually found in T cited by Abhinal1da's name . His father Satananda is also well repre ent ed. K ow ~-\bhinanda certainly (Satananda presumably) li, ed und er ninth-century Pala patronage. The Jitari mentioned so reverently a author of OUI' tanza q8 is unquestionably the great iiciirya, '\-vho appears so prominentl J in Tibetan also as J eUiri and J aiUiri (dgra -Ia -rgj al-va, Tar. p. 230, note 4) . The stanza, as will be seen, is actuall y from the dedication of one of his works. ' ;Ye kno" ( Tii·r. p. '232) that he was a royal pm:ujita of Vikramasila monasterv und er King l\Iaha (I) pala . Jfi anasrlmitra appears in the Pal a period, "hile our Dharmakirti, who e stanzas are among the most sparkling and g raceful in the collection, seems to have been confused at times with the earlier Buddhi t logician. 'asukalpa, who refers to Rajasek11al'a a nd maj be assigned to the tenth centurj, eulogizes a Kin g K amboja again and again. Normally, this would place him in Afghanistan , but ,ye fortunately know that this too refers to the P alas, and we may see herein the solution of a riddle in Pala history . The Dinajpur pillar inscription 5 refers to a King Kamboja, a copperplate (El. 22, p. 15'2; El. Q4, p. 43; liED. pp. 190-191 ) describes well-lulo" n Pala kings as ornaments of the Kamboja line, while there is no evidence whatsoever of conquest or even battle between the two lines of kings. V\ e may point here to some lesser authors of the collection , Dharmapala, Rajyapala, R atipala, Vijayapala, Har~apalad e , a, as also Nayap ala in P; anyone of them might pass without notice, bu t the aggregate is significant. Once proved, the association with the P ala tradition may be utilized actively to place hitherto unkno,vn poets ,yho are cited much more frequently in V than in other di stant but early anthologies such as the Sbh in Kasmlr and S1nk in the south. D etailed references and arguments will be found under the individual authors listed at the end of the introduction. But some of the historical information thus obtained seems particularly important for the history both of the Pala kingdom and of Sanskrit literature. Dharmadasa and his Vidagdhmnukhama1J4ana must now be placed well before 1130, hence a century earlier than hitherto. Vall al). a and M:anovinoda must have been Pala court poets. Arya K~emisvara can be assigned to the court of Mahlpala I of the Pala dynasty , not ; J ASB. New Series 7, 1911 , p . 619. For fantastic conjectures of Mongol hordes pouring across Tibet into India see PB. p. 63, pp. 68-69; El. 22., p. 153.
XXXVI
Introduction
the Pratihara king, though the question has arollsed a bitter controversy in the absence of any reliable evidence. Unless we needlessly postulate several Abhinandas, the eulogy of Sri-Candra-deva in stanza 1384 (see also 1402, 1500) seems to date that king (who was also a Buddhist and ruled during Pala times to the east of P5.la territory proper) at least fifty years earlier than the earliest date . hitherto proposed. More could have been deduced from these prasasti stanzas but for the intensely formal and lyric quality of the verses - quite in keeping with the whole classical Sanskrit tradition. so that the poet generally fails to mention whom he is eulogizing, let alone for what feat. As the case of Jitari shows, the great monastic foundation is at least as important as the court for locating V . The two are intimately connected. Vajrasana ( = Buddha-Gaya) had older traditions but it came to the days of its greatest glory under the Palas, as did the new Pala foundations of VikramaSila, UddaI;l<;lapuri, and Jagaddala. These viharas gave the title pa'TJ,q,ita (of the institution in question) by royal command (Tar. p. 243, 247, 250, etc.). To judge from survivals in Tibet, the official title paMita must have im olved long study leading to a formal examination in the Buddhist scriptures by the leading scholars of the particular vihara; the successful candidate would, presumably, be granted a royal stipend along with the title, or Taranatha's references have no meaning. The great importance of this is seen at once for V, where we have just three writers "ith the affix par,tq,ita, namely Buddhakaragupta (also referred to in the honorific plural like Jitari), Khipaka (1457), and Jl'ianasri (1697). Buddhakaragupta seems to have been then alive and he had not Jitari's universal fame, but the indications are clear that in his own vihara he did enjoy a superior reputation. S uses the prefix par..t4ita only to distinguish between King Har~a and the twelfth-century poet, who is there usually labeled kavi-par..t4iia.-hihar~a. It remains to locate the vihara on internal evidence, in the absence of any further indications. The local lights Buddhakaragupta and Bhimarjunasoma are not found in Taranatha's lists, which cover the leading figures of the western monasteries in Pala territory. By 1100, the Pala empire was on the verge of collapse, the last powerful king, Ramapala, having recovered the finest part of hjs own territory from the Kaivarta chief Bhima only by help of over a dozen powerful chieftains who had independent status. Taranatha (p. ~52 ) is clear that no Pala after Ramapala could be called a king, which means that
Time and Place
XXXVll
none after him did much, if anything, for the Buddhist monasteries. Ramapala's capital was in Varendri 6 (parts of the RajshahI, Bogra, Malda, and Dinajpur districts of Bengal), as was the Jagaddala 7 vihara which enjoyed special royal patronage 8 under Ramapala. 6 'arclldri might be placed so as to include the junction of Riijsharu, Bogra, :Malda, and an unknown amount of territory to the north. The capital RamavatI, founded by Riimapala after his restoration (RC. 3. I-10, Varendri between the Ganges and Karatoya - before the latter ri\ er changed its course) seems to be mentioned in the Ain-i-Akbari, vo\. 11 (J. N. Sarkar's revised translation, reference by kindness of D. C. Sircar) as a village in Sarka.r Jannatabad of Lakhnauti. 7 Jagaddala Vihara must have been situated at about longitude 88° 24'12" east, latitude 25° 9' SI" north. The evidence is as follows. That the Jagaddala 'ihara was in Varendri seems to follow from the rather obscure RC. 3.. 7, which mentions images of Lokcivara and Tara too. Far more reliable are the references in the Tibetan canon: Vibhuticandra came from Jagaddala in the east, according to Rgyud. 4. 14, 16, 17, 24, 3S, and 13. 58-60. Most of the Jagaddala references are (due to the MahapaJ:u;iita DanaSila) generally as 'in the east,' eJ. Rgyud. 12. 8. 14. 43-5. The definitive references are Rgyud. 26. 50 and 68. lW, which locate Jagaddala in "Varendri in Eastern India." Of course, the name Jagaddala has developed many variants in the Tibetan reports which can be eliminated by collation: Jagatahila, Jagattala, Jagtala, Jagdali, Jagatala, Jagarddala, etc. Taranatha (p. 255; also Pag-sam-jon-zan, S. C. Das in J ASB. vol. 67, pt. 1, 1898, p. !t5) locates Jagaddala to the east of VikramaSila, in the land of OQivisa, which cannot here mean Orissa, if indeed the author has not miscopied his sources. The Ain-i-Akbari, vol. II (J. N. Sarkar's revised translation, reference by kindness of D. C. Sircar) gives "Ganj known as Jagdal " as a Mahal in Sarkar Barbakabad, which was certainly in Varendri. Montgomery Martin's Eastern India (3 vols., London, 1838; the book is actually by Francis Buchanan, the original manuscript having been simply plagiarized by Martin) shows Jogodol as a thana at that time belonging to Dinajpur District (vol. lI, map opposite p. 582). Vol. lI, p. 64~, describes the thana in the words of the traveler Buchanan. "There are considerable remains of antiquity; but the death of the Darogah just before my arrival, and the ignorance of the people about the thanah, prevented me from hearing of them in time; so that I was unable to lay down a plan for visiting them." H. H. Phillips, Superintending Surveyor of the Eastern Circle, informs me that the village Jagdala still exists in what is now Malda District of East Bengal, about four miles SE of Bamangaon; the longitude is 88° 24' I~" east, latitude 25° 9' 31" north. This information is based on the Surve~ of India's map sheet 78 0 / 8 of 1953. This seems to be all that remains of the great Jagaddala-mahavihara, and more than has been located in previous works like PB, HBD, etc. 8 The royal patronage of Jagaddala is attested by the Tarkabh.iU,a of Mok!?likaragupta (GOS. XCIV, 194~; Mdo. 112. 28), who is described at the end (p. 39) as inmad-raja-jagaddala-vihdnya, and begins his work by a salutation to LokeSvara. Mdo. XV has a most important colophon whose meaning remained obscure even to Cordier perhaps because of this extra word raja modifying the abbey. Gokhale renders the colophon as follows : "This vyakhya was composed by Raja-jagaddalanivas} [which thus becomes the writer's name] at the Jagaddala vihara, which was the place of Ramapala's coronation. It was transcribed at the Mahabodhi temple by sri-Manapala in the seventh year of the coronation." The two -piila3 have been, not
XXXVlll
Introduction
This would account for the provenance of V manuscripts, for Pa1)<;lita Sakyasri and his disciple Vibhuticandra fled to Jagaddala when the Muslims sacked the western monasteries (Tar. p. 255) and thence to Tibet in A.D. 1203. The manuscripts that went with them to Saskya, from which the Ngor collection was deri ved, would come primarily from Jagaddala. Ramapala's son Rajyapala barely survived him, though wielding the roy al power in his father's las t year::s (RC. ~. 3, 6, 7; Tar. pp. 251-252 Yalq;apala) . After one or two furth er intermediaries, another son l\1adanapala ascended the powerless throne (circa A.D. 1144-1161) . The poem of Sandhyakaranandin (RC) published during Madanapala's reign shows degenerate tas te, the absolute dead end of senseless formalism. That Pala court poetf) had J'eached the level (as did the later RaghavaparJ4aviya.) of an acrostic or crossword puzzle does not indicate general decline in northern and eastern India, but merely corresponds to the shrinkage of Pala territory , wealth, power. The Gaha<;lavalas who patronized the poet sri Har~a (circa A.D. 1160) had encroached from the west, having taken Patna and Monghyr, headquarters of the earlier Palas. 'ija) as ena's dedication (before A.D. 1158) of a temple to Siva at Deopara in RajshahI district proves simultaneously that the Senas had alread~ attracted or developed so good a poet as Umapatidhara, and that they had occupied at least a part of Varendri, the very core of Ramapala's dominions. These Senas rose within a generation of Ramapala from the position of feudatories or officials to independent sovereignty, while GahaQavala supremacy to the west is from A.D. 1090 with Candradeva who ruled from Banaras to Kanouj. The Pala decline seems to have been complete by A.D. 1150; to what extent it affected the monasteries and our anthologist cannot be determined here. We may note that the laudatory stanzas in Pala copperplates do not occur in the corresponding panegyric sections of J , though their style is quite familiar after reading V, and several have unquestioned merit. This contrasts with the case of S, which quotes four stanzas of Umapatidhara under his name which are found in the Deopara prasa.sti (El. 1. pp. 305-315; 7 = S. 3. 49. 4; 23 = S. 3. 17.5; 24 = S. 3.5.5; unnaturally , confused. Presumably, the reference to Jagaddala having been built in the seventh year of Ramapala's reign as stated by Rahula Sankrtya~'ana in his Hindi Tibbat mer(/. Bauddhadhanna (Banaras, 1935, p. 30) derives from this same colophon of Mdo. xv. R. D. Banerji, Mem. ASB. ',3, pp. 43-113, follows Haraprasad Sastrfs translation of RC to ascribe the construction of Jagaddala to Ramapa la (p. 91 ) , while the location given on that page was based on misinformation, corrected ibid. , p. 113.
Time and Place
XXXlX
= S. 3. 17. 4) signed b} that poet, as well as a stanza found in the Ma<Jhainagar plate (2 = S. 1. 72. 4) of Lak~maJ)asena. It is quite fitting that the official panegyric by a court poet should be cited in a court anthology; the absence of such citations would strengthen the argument that Vidyakara was connected with the Pala court only through a monastery. The copperplates were generally written in advance by the court poet, with standard verses; the portion where the beneficiary of the land grant and his donation were specified being left blank, to be filled in at the time of the grant. Till more substantial evidence is discovered, the most plausible conclusion that may be reached is that Vidyakara first compiled his anthology about A.D. ] ]00, at the Jagaddala Vihara, the place where the last great Pala was crowned. If the final stanza is to be taken with the double meaning generally to be expected in SUb~itM, he may even have been a pa1JQita of the, ihara, as were with greater probability Buddhakaragupta and the Bhimarjunasoma who is called pa1Ji/ita-Sri in the final colophon. Buddhakaragupta might have been promoted by roy al patent bet"een the two versions N and KT (say about A.D. 1130), since only KT show the affix pa1J,q,ita-, and the honorific plural termination. Bhimarjunasoma seems to have been close to Vidyakara, from the marginal additions of N discussed earlier; one may interpret them as friendly suggestions for the next edition. Certainly, Avalokitesvara - who comes next only to the Buddha in the anthology - was the tutelary deity of Jagaddala (HBD. p. 418). A Vidyakara who collaborated with a Tibetan Lochava in the translation of Rgyud. xliii. 84, might even have been our otherwise unknown scholar.
30
5. THE NATURE OF THE ANTHOLOGY AND ITS POETS
It is clear from the preceding section that the details which one needs for the usual type of literary history are lacking here, as in all Sanskrit literature. Compared to the solid documentation possible, say, for Dante, we have not enough to furnish a single paragraph of trustworthy biography for Kalidasa, Bhavabhuti. or Bhartrhari. The normal alternatives would be to winnow an occasional grain of doubtful fact from the scattered chaff of obscure. ambiguous, semi-legendary references; or to shrug off historical analysis with the standard remark that all Sanskrit literature is anonymous. It seems to me that high Sanskrit has not the popular anonymity of a fluid work like the Kalevala, nor the guild anonymity of Homeric poetry. Biographical details for Indian poet and king were obliterated simplJ because the word was too powerful for reality, form always plowing under mere content. Still, a larger view of the choice, arrange~ent, and relative emphasis of subject matter and the technique of handling selected topics in this anthology tell the intelligent reader a great deal about the development of taste and literary ability during the period. If causes can be assigned. we have a literary history after all. Of the fifty sections into which V is divided, the first SLX are devoted to heavenly characters, including deities of the somewhat illogical Buddhist pantheon. The seventh is an intermediate section on the sun, a lesser deity. We then have the seasons, a group of sections which corresponds to the medieval European Book of HOUTS. The difference is that the Indian work implies a classical education, with better taste and memory for poetry, whereas the Stundenbuch needed only eyesight for the possessor, but far better-developed miniature painting to manufacture. The illumined palmleaves of this period contain purely religious pictures. no artist having been employed in the secular productions that would have told us so much about life in the eleventh century while giving a precise meaning to many an obscure Sanskrit term. This is due at least in part to the caste-guild of artists trained in a rigid mannered tradition. The anthology gets down to its main business with vrajyd 14 on Eros. The real nucleus of the collection is this and eleven succeeding rubrics which continue xl
The Antlwlogy and Its Poets
xli
various aspects of 10' e in practice. This is love in the direct Indian tradition, sensuous erotic experience that left visible marks (of teeth and nails) upon both participants. All the varied facets are represented, many with a surprising delicacy and charm that do not survive translation into a language with less involved syntax or more puritanical background. Intense longing for the absent beloved, pining described in exaggeration b) the go-between dilti - who might herself substitute at times for the heroine whose desire she was supposed to convey - the expression of more vigorous delight in gratified passion, the wiles of the woman not content with her husband's love, the beauty of the girl blooming to womanhood, are all delineated. Thirty years ago, conventions in English would have made it difficult to represent most of this verse, though it is quite normal Sanskrit, as in good taste, but the dismal byways explored by writers of such different merit as James Joyce and J. M. Cain should now make it more simple. It should be kept in mind that neither language nor literature were for the vulgar herd. Sanskrit poetry here manages to surpass Boccaccio's tales in verve and gusto, though limited by a single stanza as the unit, as against the Italian's complete narrative. There is a certain healthiness, however, in this sexuality. The bestialities of a Tiberius Caesar as reported by Suetonius are missing; we hear little of prostitution, and nothing of homosexuality or other abnormalities that now seem proper literary material in the West. The remaining sections are of a miscellaneous nature. In spite of a vrajya on renunciation, this anthology has not settled down to the dharma, artha, kiima, mo~a (ethics, economics, erotics, salvation) which was standardized by Bhartrhari's niti, srngiira, vairiigya. Niti, in particular, is poorly represented, while srngiira pervades almost everything. Sections 32, 41, and 46 give some outrageous court flattery which should have yielded a great deal of information but for the py rrhic victory of form over content, the final absorption in the play upon words which began and ended the ultimate period of Sanskrit literature. The last section in praise of poets is of much the same nature, though a little more in the way of chronological succession can be deduced from it. Of these sections, about the most attractive is 35, the jiitivrajyd. This gives a series of epigrams where the limitations of the isolated stanza are compensated by delimiting the subject; lyric style and lyric content match perfectly to preserve for us the beauty of a trilling momentary incident. A dog chases a cat (1163). quail pick up seed at the edge of a muddy field (1181), sparrows
xlii
Introduction
scratch (1162) in plowed furrows; a bull startles the pea ant woman (1176), butting his way out of the rain into the hut; the old dog wags an abject tail in passing (1158) but displays his fine white teeth in a snarl; 1171 is a competent description of a cockfight; an aging presbyopic scholar struggles with a book (1179) before the days of lenses; the tattered brahmin acolyte of 1170 plods homeward with the day's meager pickings to split firewood, at eve. These are quite exceptional topics for Sanskrit poetry, which only too often shows the unhappy crash resulting from an attempt at far higher flight. The vrajya begins startlingly enough with an epigram (1l48) wherein the unknown but unmistakably Bengali poet brags of tlle large number of pond fish, highly spiced and fried in oil, that he has gulped down without even troubling to wash up first. Stanza 1175 is unique in depicting merciless oppression of villages whose consequent desolation is emphasized by the cooing of doves in the orchard. Lacunae in the text of 1190 interrupt a characterization of some dreadful cult-spot in the dense jungle where human sacrifice was still practised. Vidyakara's own delight in poetry of this genre is shown b) expansion from fourteen to thirty-five stanzas. Much as we should have liked to read many more of the sort, it is difficult to imagine where he could have found them. Next in charm are the '\:erses on country life, mostly by Yogesvara. Here we see the preparation of mustard oil (318), peasant women singing (1l78, 1182, 314) as the) have through the centuries to the rhythm of pounding grain, farm workers dropping tools to chase hares started during harvest (300), the shepherd (282) who relaxes on the cool, clean silt of a river bank. An essential characteristic is that the poet is a spectator of these activities, never a participant even in imagination. No clay was molded into vivid life by his fingers, no wall grew tier upon tightly bonded tier in his hands. Not for him the joy of driving a, straight furrow with fresh, well-fed beasts at the plow, nor the pleasant sensation of trudging home at eve with muscles tired after a good day's work or a long day's hunt. The men who did all these things belonged to a meaner class; Sanskrit meant less to them than Greek to the soldiers of Marcus Aurelius. The Dhamma.pada admonished its readers in simple terms of physical activity: of rising from a wrestler's fall to strive again, of brea~ting the flood, climbing a high mountain (of virtue) to gaze upon the tin) creatures of the valley, of curbing with firm rein the runaway chariot of one's passions. The writer - Buddhist or not - of this period fiIteen centuries later
The Antlwlogy and Its Poets
xliii
knew only one t ype of exertion outside the lover's bed, namely traveling. Here indeed he would have to walk barefoot in hot summer dust that could eat up his very toenails (204), plod on cold winter mornings through snow and frost (307-9), or carry his streaming umbrella like a caged prisoner (242) under the monsoon downpour. For sustenance, he would have to wheedle a handful of chaff from the overweening farmer (305); for shelter in his exhaustion, he might be denied a corner by some raging housewife (1316) and huddle up for the night in a cramped refuge furnished by the rude forest shrine of a village goddess (1305) . Sometimes, he would realise that the place where he begged room and board for overnight was even more poverty-stricken (1314 , 1328) than he. Indeed, poverty - of his particular class - seems to be the only reality with which the poet of the classical period came to grips. There was so little he could do to get out of its clutches, with neither capital for trade nor guild training (caste again!) for craft. If he were a practising priest like the great majority of those who knew Sanskrit, he needn't bother with poetry unless a stronger ambition and taste for court life drove him. Otherwise, there was no regular market for his fantastic wares, now that the ancient language had developed very far away from that of the common people who might still give something to a story teller, singer, bard, or mendicant but to whom the pretty conceits of a finely turned subhii.#ta meant nothing. The overcrowding of the priesthood and taste for greater comfort without the loss of social status that went with access to the Vedas raised new problems for solution within a narrow social framework. For example, the famished householder says to his wife (1306), be patient till the rains, then the pumpkins we can grow without labor by our hovel will feed us as well as any king. Even so, the hopefully borrowed " golden water" might leak through the cracked pot (1315) on the way home, leaving the dismayed housewife to face a still hungrier future. Nor does starvation force upon the penurious intellectual the slightest idea of going out to earn something by his labor; the society of the day had conditioned his mentality and that of his fellows, to the extent of severely limiting the scope of his permissible activities. There is no land; a: single ox (1317) may be the only source of income for a family which is terrified and helpless when the decrepit beast is too exhausted to get up. The entire family lives in just one room (1310) which combines all the functions of kitchen and dining room, living room, nursery, bedroom, and lying-in chamber
xliv
Introduction
too. If the children are fed somehow on anyone day (I311), the mother wishes that night would never pass to bring on fresh worry about food on the morrow. Often the hungry but shy youngsters would cast avid half-glances at the diners (1320) from some more fortunate doorway. However, this is poverty of the intelligentsia; not of the proletarian, the piimara who has nothing to live by except the hard labor of his scabby body; with him the poet feels no kinship. The court and the monastery, with some sort of guaranteed living, were essential for classical Sanskrit poetry, hence inevitably set the norms. Our poets had long passed the stage when they would burst into song for the sheer joy of being alive. "The true stimulus of human life, tomorrow's joy" is not based upon a standard of living; it can derive only from a creative attitude to reality, consciousness of effort within reach of new success. The most fruitful endeavor must necessarily be collective, with the rest of society, not at its expense. The poet's failure was that of the diminutive class which he served. Great dreams are rare when the power has been lost to make dreams come true in reality. For all its charm, the jativrajya cannot aspire to the splendidly creative Faustian moment of which a superb poet could say, "Verweile doch, du bist so schon."
6. THE BASIS OF FEUDAL SANSKRIT LITERATURE There are authors in this anthology of whose vivid experience no real trace remains. Har~a. Rajyapala, :M uuja, and Bhoja were kings as well as poets. Each one of them had to lead an army in several battles. In 1413, the hero's arm draws so powerful a bow that the poet warns the very gods to look to their laurels. Far greater effect is achieved by Arrian's direct statement that nothing could withstand the Indian archer's shot. which pierced shield and breastplate alike. The word ncisira ( 140~) means J!e who c~a£ges ahead of the battle line; as such it is standard praise for kings in inscriptions and copperplates. But we look in vain for Sanskrit military literature to match passages in Caesar's commentaries. Polybius. or Thucydides; only Bal)a's account of the army striking camp is impressive enough to make us wish that he had said something more about warfare. Who described the massed thunder of a cavalry charge. armored elephants breaking through compact ranks of infantry. the desperate tumult of a last stand? Yet there were people in every generation who had witnessed or participated in all of these, had been stirred by a parade of victory, thrilled by the narrative of a forlorn hope courageously fought, some lost cause defended with unyielding bravery. Grettir the Strong, Bussy d'Amboise, Hereward the Wake. are foreign literary examples of one man against many, fighting impossible odds merely because it was not in them to surrender. Thus we have Abhimanyu of the Mahabharata. KarQa in the bitter speech to the mother who bore and abandoned him, shows un:Binching defiance of clear doom, preference for honor to an elder brother's rights in kingdom and queen. These two found only the moralizing cant and doggerel of the epic to celebrate their fortitude. Overexaggerated panegyrics in V do not compensate for the absence of such heroism, but then the anthologist had no choice in the matter. Since the experience was constant, ~ and there existed war lords who could write excellent Sanskrit poetry, we have to explain why the poetry of prowess was not written. 9 9 Buddhism and the religion of ahi7p,sii cannot be held responsible. The Jain Kharavela boasts of a long series of victories. ASoka did not abolish capital punishment. Ha~ forgave the assassin, but eagerly sought every battle. Jenghis Khan was a Buddhist too. The religion (like others) made intercourse within a society xlv
xlvi
Introduction
The average Sanskrit poet wrote for the patrician, hence mainly Iwithin the limits of their common experience. This means precisely Isex and religion. We have to deal here with class literature. When drawing conclusions about life in ancient India from any such work as this, it must always be remembered that that life was not shared by most Indians of the poet's or of any other time; in essence, not even by the poet himself. The Sanskrit stanza implies mind and memory not otherwise preoccupied, ample leisure to work out its double and triple meanings, mythological allusions, complicated figures of speech - apart from the long training needed to write even the simplest bit of Sanskrit. The people generally depicted here combine infinite leisure with a full measure of wealth. The women decorated themselves with pearl necklaces (385) and jewels, tinkling girdles, silken clothes of a revealing nature; long hours were spent in applying cosmetics in curious intricate patterns, drawing pictures of or composing messages to the lover, enjoying perfumes and the betel leaf (614). We do not hear of much furniture in the houses, but the ideal 10 of luxury is obviously in painful contras t to the actual, familiar poverty depicted above. Even the high gods live like patricians. Husband and wife gamble for heavy stakes (77, 98), or for love-forfeits (764, 605-606). The living skeleton Bhpigin wonders how Siva will manage to keep all his incompatibly mixed entourage without conflict (97); he and his bloated companion Kfl~maQ.Qa hope for preferential treatment over each other (99) as retainers at the great wedding. ParvaU is equipped on the eve of her marriage (102) by the wise woman (gotra-jarati ) of the great patriarchal family household, who gives her all sorts of advice and charms against the grim bridegroom's deadly company. ParvaU's mother notes in a pleased whisper (80) the signs a night of love has left on her daughter and son-in-law. General dancing breaks out when the attendants are smoother, which often meant externalization of the inner conflict, hence great wars. Even when the problem of peace is finally solved (by whatever methods), literature will suffer no loss, for man's real struggle, the never-ending war against his material environment, the collective fight for sustenance, conquest of nature, defence of all humanity against storm, flood , pestilence - all these give maximum opportunities for discipline, generalship, indi, idual valor. For our purpose, it suffices to note that the Buddhist attitude towards sex did not interfere in the least with erotic litera.ture; it follow s that ahil/wi need not have inhibited martial literature. 10 Having been born and, for some time, brought up in what remained of such reat atriarchal households, I can vouch for the fact that life had its own special duties and worries and that in actual fact lovemaking took up a ve r~· small proportion of their time and energies.
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The Basis of Feu.dal Sanskrit Literatu.re
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xlvii
told that a son has been born (71 ) to the goddess. Life in such a household implies possession of large estates, in contrast to the indigent poet's single room. All the formalities are observed, though with a certain traditional simplicity . The principal servant sleeps in the same room as his lord and lady (132) , turning away from embarrassing scenes. The elder brother is addressed respectfully (85) as drya. The younger couples rarely obtain sufficient privacy (571, 573) and are abas hed to find their love-talk of the night repeated in day time before the elders (616, 621-622, 631) by great house-parrots or other talking birds. It is such life towards which the o~t, ~_ talking !J.ouse-bird of hig.Q.er rank, is oriented, "hich he depicts in the plays from which most subluul'itas are taken, and to which he might aspire by royal favor; naturally, we find its pleasantest aspects most highly developed in his poetry. Woman may be a household animal to him, but she is also the one luxury of the rich that he can savor at first hand with the highly developed technique of the kd1nasiiira. Every portion of the anthology is permeated by the theme of sex. Even in dealing with the gods, it is their night life which is most often treated (125 and others), generally with the same complete lack of reticence as in vrajyiis 19-20. 'Vhat may surprise the reader is that monastic scholars also enjoyed, and perhaps wrote, such erotic poetry without the least sense of transgression or incongruity, without deviating from a puritanical doctrine and the ascetic life in any other way. The great Jain dcd~a Hemagt!lgra quotes and comments upon many of our stanzas with the zest of any other theorist of Sanskrit poetry, finding nothing in the act unworthy of his high position in a celibate religious life of unquestioned purity. Nor is he alone in this. These people were connected with the court as preceptors to kings, but there is no question of an Indian Abelard, let alone the jovial monks of Boccaccio or the Roman clergy at the time of Alexander VI. It follows that the ~ type of poetry had become as much the fashion as the Sanskrit language among the ruling classes and their educated dependents. The conventions developed by professional poets suited kings like Har~a and Bhoja, so were taken over without thought of new departure by them as well as their pontiffs and abbots. In flavor, therer is little to choose between the Buddhist Dharmakirti and his Saiva or Vai~I;1ava colleagues. Any martial spirit among the warriors was satisfied by their own poetry in their own language. The sagas of Rajasthan, the extensive
xlviii
Introduction
riiso literature which is still read and sung in somewhat altered form~
had already developed in the eleventh century. Although Hala's stanzas were still cultivated, Prakrit had become even more of a dead language than Sanskrit. The new poetry of the common people can hardly have been considered literature at all, but must rather have aroused amusement and that tinge of good-natured contempt for the halika which we find even in the Sattasai . We still have the Visaladeva"aso, but the same king (or a successor) under the Sanskritized name of Vigrahara..ja chose to have Sanskrit dramas 11 rather than the old Rajasthani saga carved in his inscriptions. A feeble Sanskrit poem Prthvi-raja-vijaya (of which fragments are available) commemorated the great Prthvi-raja Cauhana-Cahamana; his particular "eiso, the last of the series, is ruined by heavy inflation on the PuraI).a-~lahabha rata model. Presumably, Har~a and Bhoja figured in this sort of poetry too, which has vanished without a trace. We have no way of knowing whether they belonged to that select group of military leaders like Maximus of Britain, the Connetable Bourbon. and General Dovator whose soldiers composed songs in their honor without professional aid. 12 In regretting such losses and the influence of Sanskrit in bringing them about, it is necessary to reach ~just ev~uation of the classical lan~_age a.!ld oJ the culture that.. accompanied it. Latin differs greatly, in that its medieval and classical forms do not coincide. The Aryan conquest during the Vedic period, which imposed the language upon less well-armed aborigines. was a series of tribal victories not comparable to the financially calculated advance of Rome over the Mediterranean world. While developing from the Vedic to the classical, the language died for the greater part of the population, as is shown by the use of Pali for the Buddha's sermons and Asoka's inscriptions, and Prakrit for the women and common people in all _ classical plays. The brahmin class is primarily responsible for keeping both ritual and language alive while regarding itself as superior to the rest of the people. This could not have succeeded without a working , alliance with the ruling class, for which again there is ample testimony. 11 F. Kielhom, Bruchstiicke lndischer Schauspiele in lnschriften zu A jmere, (AM. d. Ges. Wus. Gottingen, 1901) for the Lalita-rrigraharaja- and the Harakeli-niilaka, the Ajmer inscription being dated A.D. 1153. 12 Maximus. who fought and lost to Theodosius for mastery of the Roman Empire, is the Maxen Wledig of the Mabirwgion , and of the W ayland Smith Saga (Song of Wayland). For the Connetable Bourbon, F. Gregorovius, Geschichte d. StOOt Rom im Mittelalter 14. 6. 3; Dovator was a Soviet leader in the war against Hitler.
The Basis of Feudel Sa,n skrit Literature
xlix
Har~a
was not five generations away from a sun-worshiping tribal ancestor (DfII. p. 76). His ro~ al prestige t gained by force of arms, was tremendously enhanced by the mastery of Sanskrit, which assimilated him to the previous upper classes and so ultimately to the rest of his subjects. M uch the same statement is true of the earlier R~traklltas, the first Piilas and Bhoja's ancestors of the Paramiira clan; J his_method of legitimatization_of a rul.!! may be carried back to the Guptas and perhaps to Rudradaman,13 having been employed by all dynas ties in medieval pre-Muslim India, as we see from their inscriptions. Sanskrit education was only one of the luxuries that served the princes who succeeded to a kingdom pacified by their predecessors; smgara permeated both language and settled court life. At least as men of culture t the medieval Indian kings are decidedly superior to most of the emperors described in the Historia Augusta who developed only vice with power. When tribes as a whole fought their way to the top, say in the times of Auila, Clovis. or Theodoric. we still fail to discover parallel European cultural attainments. Certainly the learned men about Charlemagne will not compare with those at the court of Ha~a or Bhoja. Whereas the organized Christian ~ church had started with the tradition of irreconcilable antagonism to pagan learning and classical literary ideals, the brahmin priesthood preserved its unity by developing the Sanskrit language and literature. Inevitably, Sanskrit with its claim to immemorial antiquity became a sort of court language for records, land grants. communication between top officials, and intercourse between regions that had developed their own local languages. Simultaneously, it became the mark of a class. as did Persian later, and English today in India; the common people who did not know this superior language and had not the superior caste-marks (later replaced by imported fashions in costume) seemed to belong to a lesser breed. However. the later "class languages" did not supersede Sanskrit, not having struck deep enough root in the cultural soil of India; there is no Indian contribution worth the mention to Persian or to English literature, which had their centers ~J~!:~vity_ far~~_ay. Latin since the time of the Renaissance, French when it became fashionable among the German and Russian t
13 The early Guptas are despised local rulers, according to the PuriiQas (F. E. Pargiter, Purii7)-a Text of the Dynasties of the Kali Age, pp. 53, 73). So the high Sanskrit of Gupta inscriptions and the certainty that Kalidasa was their court poet prove my statement. For Rudradaman, the Girnar inscription of circa A.D. 150, El. 8, pp. 36 if. bears testimony.
l
1
Introduction
aristocrats, served a similar purpose. But the picture obtained of any Indian's character or thought through Sanskrit alone (even of Ramanuja's philosophy) is as misleading and unrealistic as the ~1:ughal Rajput paintings of Prthvi-raja, dressed in Mughal style, and sporting luxuriant mustaches on a progressively fatter face with fatter body - as unlike as possible to the romantic image of a dashing lover, headstrong fighter, pious but heroic worshiper of the gods found in Rajasthani literary sources. 14 It is not surprising that this circumscribed literature produced only one Kalidasa (and that one only with the early Gupta empire), tending more towards the empty bombast of a Raja.sekhara, to subhd:ritas packed with intricate subtleties which suffocate the sense. The real potentialities lay in the languages of the people, but our Minnesingers found no steady patrons. Only in religious literature does a poet like Kabira survive to prove how great was the loss. The unfortunate part is that we also lost our chroniclers and troubadours. 14 On the other hand, rulers considered rude and almost illiterate are surprisingly found to have had some Sanskrit education, and to have followed the panegyrics written for them in that idiom. The Maratha king Sambhaji (.~.D. 1680-1689) is so praised by Hari Kavi (P. K. GOQe in ABORI. 18, 1937, ~87-~95; 19, 4~O). Family manuscripts of the Udaipur house showed considerable handling of a pedagogic volume into which were bound such beginner's works as the Pancata71.tra and Bhartrhari's satakas. The book, when I examined it, opened naturally to the Anangaranga, on a page with the prominent sub-heading liriga-sthUli-kara7J-am, so that knowledge of Sanskrit seems to have been put to practical use at court.
7. THE T'¥ILIGHT OF THE GODS It is easy to show that the question of religion, of the particular sectarian worship professed by the anthologist and his public, had a quite fundamental part .in the vicissitudes of the work. The first six vrajyds of V are not fully comprehensible today except to a specially trained antiquarian. The reaction from Vidyakara's Buddhism is already manifested in the transmission of T, from which precisely the ~aiva folios have been removed, presumably for separate reading (or with less probability because of rising Va~l)avism). The reaction is at its strongest in P, which becomes almost unreadable by dedicating the whole first ulliisa of twenty-seven folios to ~iva and his company, with another forty folios - in all, well over a third of the surviving work - in honor of other deities, including the sacred rivers. Sridharadasa does much the same thing in S, but less extensively,lf> inclining much more to the Bengali type of Vai~Q.avism which takes Buddha and Balarama as incarnations of Vi$Q.u, while devoting many 'waves' outside the avatara sections to Kr~l)a, who seems to be regarded as a decidedly more powerful representation of Vi~l)u. Why was so much space for religious verse necessary when a benedictory stanza or two would have served better, repelling fewer readers in later days? It is not easy to see any conflict between sects at first glance. All the gods are equally honored, albeit the non-Buddhist ones (in S, P, as well as V) lack the divine affiatus, being comically human in their failings, and in their problems, in spite of the supernumerary arms and heads grown by Indian deities. Kumara is Skanda, but also the Buddhist Maiijusri, who is in turn regarded and worshiped at times by Hindus as the equivalent of Madana (Eros) because of his companion bees; 16 at the same time, Madana is Mara, the demon of temptation defeated by the Buddha, like Ahriman and Satanas by founders of other religions. The whole list of observances is inextrica15 Vidyakara has 147/ 1739 stanzas for the gods; Sridharadasa not less than 370/2380; Nandana rises to 470/1428. 16 N DC. p . xiv for MafljusrI as Madana, and also the female Padmii KumiirI (cf. Getty, p. 78, for AvalokiUvara as the goddess Kuan-yin), besides being the Hindu Tantric god of poetry; see also NDC. p.lxvii. li
lii
I ntmd'uctwn
bly mixed. E\ en when full y con cio u of th e difl'erence- p ople found no difficulty in imultaneou worship f Buddha and ~Iahade a or any other god in spite of the fact that the Buddha i not a god, and Buddhism is not an id olatrou s reli gion but a code of ethic. The Kasmirians K~emendra and Siva \ amin ar ca in point. The numerous statue of the Buddha found in thi period prO\'e that the original position had been lost, the Teacher becom ing onl) a uper-god, as indeed he appears e\en in the later P al i Canon. Har.a maintained three foundations: for th e Buddha, l\Iahadeva and the un,1 7 the last being his clan-god, the econd und oubtedly the rrod of hi family for some time; his line bore the title paramadilya, his pt'edece or were also parama-1naheSvara. 1S The Pala king gave plentifully to brahmins, and to brahmin temple, a al 0 t o Buddhi t ·hara.s. Har$a's Nagananda is dedicated to Gaur! although it is a p la ~ with a Buddhist theme in which the 1'0 ' al author i him elf uppo ed to have acted. The Buddhist astronomer D a'abaJa a Kathiawar COIltemporary of Bhoja and perhaps of 'id akara , similarly begin by dedicating his work to Sarada without forgettin g the Buddha. 19 Tantric works arise from very ancient fertility cults, practi ed clandestinely at all times, and with J mboli m reverting to the Indus Valley culture; they became the inner fa hion in SaiYa, Buddhist, and even some Vai!?1J.a, a circles of thi period. Not only Tan trism but the worship of GaI).esa (connected with the Buddha perhaps through the dream of l\1aya and the white elephant, as well as through the word ga1Ja = 8a1?~gha) is to be found in many document of the Tanjur. Yet there was conflict below the surface. Har~ a was attacked by a Pasupata assassin 20 in the passage connecting the place of worship 17 H. C. Raychaudhuri in An Advanced H istory of I ndia, pt. i (jointly with R. C. Majumdar and K. Datta, 2nd ed., London, 1950), p. 160, see ms to think that Ha r!?a established these on three successive days, at the time of H sUan T sang 's v isit; there is nothing of this in the ex"tant translations of the Chinese traveler·s account. Beale. r. 222-223 shows that the three foundations did exist and we re well maintained at the time, near the capital city Kanauj. 18 For Har;;a's titles, G. BuhJer's ed. of the Madhuban copperplate, El. I , pp. 6775; on p. 74, Har;;a is himself parama-maheivara.. Raj ya ' ardhana the first parmnasaugata of the line, all predecessors being paramadt" yas; also DH 1. p. 86. The obscure ancestry seems to point to a tribal origin (DHI. pp. 78-80), as particularly the election according to :Maukhari tribal right fo llowed by joint rule with his sister and Graha, arman 's widow, on the throne of Kanauj. 19 cr. JOR (195'l), 19, pt. '2, supplement , the Cin tiimQ'/J1·-S iiral.1i~~a of Da'abala. 20 Beale. I. 219-221; the " heretics " also set Hari?a s great a nd costly sa1!l ghiiriima on fire, though the building survived.
Th e Twilight of the Gods
liii
to that of a embl~, precisel,) at the ceremonies where he showed equal honor to three didnitie . His enemy Sa.§ailka deri\ ed considerabJe succe.. a an anti-Buddhist crusader, cutting down the sacred tree 21 und r which the Buddha had reached enlightenment. At Nalanda , we find image of minor Buddhist deities which conquer "Hindu" god, a for example Apariijita., of which the careful mutilation paring the do" ntrodden Gal),esa proves only the continuation of the conflict after de truction of the Buddhist university. The Senas did not speciall,) patronize Buddhi ~ t monasteries, their fortification of UddaJ:tQapuri 22 resulting only in its complete destruction by the J'tt[uslim. The quarrel does not end here, but continues between Siva and 'i ~ I)u, for King L~mal),asena is the first of his line 23 to worship the Jatter god. There is clearly more than theology involved. "e know the rea on at the final stage, which spread for centuries all 0' er hrahminized India as the Smarta-Vai~l)aVa controversy. The basis lay in the terms of possession and exploitation of the land, the followers of Siva or Devi remaining for a long time the great landlords, while the small producer or landowner worshiped 'i;;:gu; theological conflict developed onl,) because economic conflict was a reality. "ithin a couple of centuries" e have' ai;;l)ava "orks,24 which put the follower of Si, a on the same le\ el with a beast or untouchable, though there existed great Siva temples at places like Banaras which were crowded with worshipers from all parts of the country. "e can follow this back at least one stage, to show that the Buddhists had been similarly dispossessed by the Piisupatas. The' ai~l)avas gained support by claiming the Buddha (as they had earlier claimed the Boar and other cults) as an incarnation of '15l)U. In places, the tension was minimized or reconciled by a hybrid deity Hari-Hara, which 21 Beale. n. 118; PurJ.1avarman of l\fagadha, described as the last descendant of Asoka, restored or replant.ed the tree, with a protecting wall. 22 With VikramaSila monaster ' also; Tar. p. 254 and Tabakiit-i-l'liisiri (trans. Raverty), p. 552. The fortification is clearly not for using these locations as military bases, but for their safet.y, which implies great wealth, and imminent danger from robbers who at that stage would not be Muslims. The Buddhist faith no longer rendered the viharas immune. 23 HBD. pp. 219,401, etc. Also lB. 3, pp. 85, 94, 101, etc. 24 The Durjana-7nukha-capet£ka of' arp.§ldhara (BORI. 698 of 1887-1891) is one of many examples. Intermarriages between 811Uirta and va4'Q-ava sections of the same brahmin subcaste were virtually forbidden till the end of the nineteenth century, the case of Appayya Dikl1ita being a notable exception. My parents broke a long tradition of this separatism among the Goa Sarasvats, but the economic picture had changed completely by then.
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liv
I nt1'Oduction
shows Vi-5Q.u as the senior partner. But the quarrel was no t to be denied. The technique is notable, in that the avaiaras can appeal to a far wider section than Siva, his :Mother-goddess conso rt, \ arious children and following. As long as there was enough for all, the ruling class holding together, it was possible, even necessary (as in Rome) to worship all the deities that there were, for cohesion and safety . When one section or a newly developing ubclass tried for supremacy over the rest, sectarianism became violent. The pioneering period had ended, settlements had reached a fairl y tight packing, and the next stage was internal dissension. 'idyakara wrote ju t before the struggle came to a head, before the upper classe began to choose sides; his very tolerance for all gods stopped the wider pread of his anthology. He had no way of knowing that the time was out of joint; his two successors tried desperately to set it right b) the wrong method. As a matter of historical interest, we may note two incomplete solutions of the conflict. The indigenous one is exemplified by Jayadeva, an author trained in music as well as the brahmin's craft, but who wandered far to gain real insight into the minds of his people. His life and art were one; he had romantically wooed and wedded a beautiful wife; they continued to travel, he singing verses of his own while she danced. This was not on the same le\ el as the ordinary country jongleur, for in their performance they exemplified the sublime love of Radha and Kr!?Q.a, a theme J ayadeva developed in his Gitagovinda for Lak~ma:r:tasena's court. But in his country songs, he used a more popular idiom; two ancient Hindi musical poems stand in his name in the Sikh Adi Grantha.25 A festival is still annually celebrated at Jayadeva's birthplace Kenduli, not in memory of his Gitagovinda but because he introduced a new and joyous life, with faith in a personal god who is close to rich and poor. With Caitanya and his followers, a way was found through bhakti, music, ecstasy, and dance to make the rich surrender part at least of their prerogatives, for we are told that whole villages would dance to the next settlement in joy.26 25 This is my interpretation, possibly subject to dispute, of the preface to the Gitagovinda, CSL. 294, and Gitagovinda 2. The Adi Grantha poems, in badly mutilated form, are the Rag Gujan and Rag Miiril (HBD. p. 369, note 2; p. 390). 26 S. K. De, V ai~7Jnava Faith and .MQvement in Bengal (Calcutta, 194 ~) reports (p. 60) only the beginnings of this in Caitanya's own day, though the general Bengali tradition is as I have given it. In spite of admitting men of all castes and even Muslims, Caitanya did nothing to remove caste barriers (De, pp. 80-81 , 394, etc. ) which seems to have been Nityananda's approach. For our argument, the essential
\
The Twilight of the Gods
Iv
People dance on that scale only when some new form of life has developed that bears a vision of hope; one may see this for himself in the new China. The other development came from the :Muslims. These people combined trade and religion with war, thus acquiring a flexibility exceeding that of Brahminism. In the Gahac;lavala kingdom, they were local settlers who paid their special tax quietly, the Turu~ka da1J,ija P Occasionall came a \\ ave of invasion which was sooner or later turned back, though each time with a greater deposit of Muslim settlement. In the east and south however, there had been considerable penetration b~r traders. We know from contemporary grants as far apart as Goa and Veraval that these merchants built mosques under sanction of Hindu rulers,28 which implies that their numbers increased by peaceful local conversion. The religious democracy of Islam mu st have been far more attractive under the tensions of ingrowing " Hinduism." The advance of l\1uhammad bin Bakhtyar Khalji "ith a mere handful of cavalry was really the military link-up between these l\luslim settlements in Bihar and ", est Bengal, which took to arms with alaaity when the sv,rord gave far more gold and converts than did trade. 29 The environment was of greater importance than actual military intervention from outside, which had is that Kr~t;la (as di tinct even from Yi:;;lJu in general) is a popular, quite human divinity; a shepherd, not a ,patrician. Blwkii here meant something much simpler than devotion to the lordly Siva, which ,vas more like homage to a high feudal lord. The song, dance, and ecstasy, the festival aspects of Yai!?t;la\ ism, which Vidyakara neve r sa\v, were far more attractive than the once primitive but always dreadful and repulsi\ e rites for Rudra and KiilI. \ ai~I,lavism continues and completes (as no classical Sanskrit poet could) the general trend of our anthology in the coalescence of sex and religion, their joint sublimation and transfer to the social le\rel. 2i DHI. 1 ~7; IHQ. 9, pp. 955-956 ; the interpretation, due to Sten Konow El. 5. 115,9.303,3'2 1, etc., seems reasonable ; but it is often contended that the tax was originall) levied as tribute-money for the Muslims, to purchase immunity from their raids. 28 Copperplate of Kadamba Jayakesin, BJuirata Itihlisa SaTI/'8odhaka JIarp;lata Qwrterly (Poona, 1951) 31. 4, pp. 27-39 ; for the boat-tax in support of the mosque, G. M. Moraes the Kadamba Ku1.a (Bombay, 1931 ), pp. 168-170,186, etc. For' eriival (Somniith), H. C. Raychaudhuri, Dynastic Histor'lJ of A orthern India (Calcutta, 1936) vol. n, pp. 1038- 1039 ; I A. 11, 2-H -245. It is generally remarked that the Muslims failed to return the compliment! 29 Tar. pp. '2-51, ~54-'2-56. The Turu~ka king" Candra " (Tibetan zla-ba, later pronounced dava) can only be Mahmud bin Bakhtyar. The narrative, not to be doubted, makes it clear that the first symptom was the sudden increase in the" Anhanger des Mletschtscha-Systems der Tadschiks," followed by military operations, and defection of many followers of the Natha sect to Saivism - according to Taranatha, out of pure opportunism.
Ivi
Introduction
been resisted on a larger scale. In spite of a highly mobile cavalry, the Muslims had no military advantage in the first attacks on Bihar and Bengal except that which came from the surprise, and internal decay of the opposition's political and social system. 30 The same Muhammad Bakhtyar attacking tribal areas in the northeast with 10,000 picked horsemen barely managed to return with all but a hundred of his army wiped out. Neither the external nor the internal solution worked in the long run any more than did Tantric witchcraft and magic ritua1. 31 Replacing one land-owning class by another does not solve the problem. The Koran gave more opportunities than the Bhagavad-glta, for the convert had new professions open to him such as trade, yet the permanent outlet provided by Islam to anyone who wanted to escape from the confines of the caste system was used by few, after the beginning. Though even slave com erts rose to the highest positions in the empire of Delhi, such opportunities were for a few individuals; the lower classes as a whole remained where they were, to be still more tightly squeezed. This is why the indigenous gods continued, why the looting and desecration of Somanatha did not end the cult nor the prasasti. The theological expression of a deep crisis was inevitable in a world where underlying causes were not evident, where religion played so fundamental a role in social life. It is fairly clear that even without Islam, there would have been some sort of iconoclasm and violent religious upheaval in India; but it would have been as ineffective as Christianity in the later Roman empire. Mass conversions to Islam of the poorer peasants in East Bengal have been explained as owing to their originally having been Buddhists oppressed by Saiva landlords,32 but no one claims that they found much lasting economic betterment thereby as a class. 30 Cortes with his Tlascalan allies was decidedly superior to the Aztecs; but with the equivalent armament, Vasco da Gama and Albuquerque made far less headway in India. Their successors were forced to take to trade, as the Spaniards might have done if the conquest had not been so easy and tempting. Portuguese missionary zeal was second to none, but it did not pay to exercise it by force of arms. 31 Taranatha reports sadly ". . . in Magadha war die Lehre aber wie erloschen. Obwohl zu der Zeit viele Zauberkundige und der Zauberei ergebene weilten, gab es keine Mittel, urn zu den auf das WohJ des Wesen beziiglichen Werken zu bekehren." For the mantra-yana, Tar. pp. 275- 278. The Dharma cult seems to start about this time, JASB. 1894, 65, pt. i, pp. 51-64; I also suggest that this spread to the south, and is the Dharmaraja of the Tigalas at Bangalore. 32 This is as I interpret the mixed findings of Haraprasad Sastri, as reported in his obituary, IHQ. 9. 1933, pp. 307-416, particularly pp. 367 ff.
8. THE SOCIAL FUNCTIONS OF LITERATURE The previous section has had to follow an inverse reasoning, for lack of direct evidence. Had we records in India comparable to those of Europe, it would have been possible to write the normal scholarly and soporific essay, casually pointing out the fundamental crisis that was reflected in the literature of the epoch. Inasmuch as the episodes and details are lacking, it might be as well to specify the basic theory. Poetry, along with music, dancing, painting, and sculpture, is older than civilization, much older than writing. Sanskrit poetry of all periods was accompanied by the preliterate emphasis on sound and memory, without being itself primitive. The ritual-magic functions of primitive art forms by no means disappear with the rise of urban civilization and the art of writing. Thus, for example, we have the glyptic of ancient Mesopotamia and Mohenjo-daro which used cultic taboos to seal merchandise. Sanskrit never lost its ritualistic basis or religious stamp. The analysis must therefore derive from the class divisions of every society in which literature was cultivated. The professional writer before the machine age was a member of the leisure class, which in turn includes and is appended (as is the priesthood) to the ruling class. Hence literature may be viewed in two aspects. The first would be as a closed preserve of the class in power, private literature not accessible to the common herd. This is typical of all Sanskrit. so that its patronage may be called (following Thorstein Veblen) a method of conspicuous consumption. At its broadest, this type of writing marks the unity of the upper classes, as the Sanskrit language unmistakably did till A.D. l~OO. There is secondly the broader literature which serves all society; this too becomes saturated with the ideas of the ruling class, taking on the appearanc~ of a tool for domination. But the development and technique have to be different here. The theme or approach must be traditionally familiar to the people at large, accepted by society as a whole, thus suitable for embroidery with special class glorification. That society has progressed by the development of successive classes to positions of dominance implies that the progressive writer is oriented towards the needs of some lvii
lviii
Introduction
rising class; his greatness derives from the inevitable t endency of the class to look upon the interests of all humanity a its own. It is a corollary that the great writers come far oftener at the beginning of their period than at any later stage; they are the one who e appeal outlasts their times and society. Thi is why we do not di mi g reat writing because it is class literature. When the cia in que tion ha gained power, there follows a neat inver ion wherebv it. own pecial interests are proclaimed to be those of all humanity. Then writers set themselves in a far narrower mold. The 8ubh~ita literature that concerns u here could not reach the people, so its class interests remain unmi takable. The hold upon society was indirect, through the religion and ritual pre en'ed in Sanskrit. A class structure is maintained ultimatelj by force, but strong religious belief minimizes the need for violence in it maintenance. Belief in common gods and the inevitability of ca te " a one of the bonds that formed a coherent society of man ' producers subject to the few. Associated with the nobility in haring the UJ'plus a well as ensuring its expropriation were the priest in temples and monasteries, no less than the armed feudal retainers. The ver~ absence of the heroic lay implies stronger religious bonds. R eligious conventions would have been patently hollow and ineffective had they not been as sincerely adopted by the ruling clas as their amatorj conventions. Poet and priest were brothers in fact and in deed; ex and religion went together. It follows also that new ty pes of literature cannot be expected without the rise of new classes. The English reformation under Henry VIII shows the unmistakable beginning of such a ne" class, along with that of new literature. Even for the Elizabethan age, only the authors that look forward with the ne" gentn attain permanence, as, for example, dramatists like Marlowe and Shakespeare "ho did not scorn to display their wares to the London theatre audiences, or the keen-witted John Donne; the authors who looked backwards to the court and its entourage wrote with no less skill, effort, mastery of words, but the Faerie Queene and Lyly's Euphues seem compal'ati\ elj insipid. In India, the new literature had to await the passage of centuries, till the great social novels in Bengal with Bankim Chandra Chatterji, matched by those of Rablndranath Tagore who e incomparable poetry speaks of completely new social aspiration. The social drama in MarathI hardly antedates the Fir t " arId ·War. I am not qualified to speak in detail of contemporary Indian literature, b ut it
The ochtl Fu nctions of Literai111'e
lix
will be admitt d that the e 'igorou manife tat ions had been preceded b) cen turie of drearJ classical imitat ion, e' en in the "\ ernaculars. To tho e who could write, the ten-headed Ra,val)a had remained more real than their li \'ing human neighbor , the woes of the Pal)Qavas indistinguishable from their own, Foreign conquest explains nothing, for "here i the co n'e ponding influence of Persian, though that had become a court language all over the country, to be cultivated b J learned Hindu. The Fi ana A jayab and Brigh-o-Bahtir might as well have been written at the time of the Arabian Nights. The difference is that the Briti 'h introduced a fundamentally new, advanced mode of life, the bourgeoi ', a again t l\tfuslim feudalism which had meant a comparative]) trifling readju tment of the way in "hich people lived. 'Vith Ghalib come new problem and new "riting. The verse of Akbar Allahabadi sho\\ s what life nationalism could infuse; 1\10hammed Iqbal 's great days ga\ e us an Urdu poem that became a national song, hi, "ords IIindosfan ham,ara hai stirring every person who heard them - except the British. Yet this is unmistakably claBs literature. ~lun hi Premchand ha many admirers, but no worthy successor, though the modern Urdu and Hindi short story begins with him. Iqbal 's later year showed higher Persianization, greater introspective detachment from the problems of the countQ, and a British knighthood! Competent writers increase, but the framework is now set, foreign models cheap and easJ to imitate, profoundly original writing unnece a1') as well as uneconomical, "progressive " writing no less imitati, e, though more dangerou and liable to be suppressed by police action. For that matter, it is not possible to view modern literary development in the "est with equanimit\ or pleacSure. The tradition may be roughlv clas ified as that of love and prowess, just as the Sanskrit mode "as 10\ e and religion, For historical reasons, violence left an indelible mark on the writing, and ,vas turned to good use by the ruling classes. The Anglo-Saxon thanes who heard Beowulf recited killed no monsters; no medieval knight quested after the grail. Yet it is clear that both classes derived some justification for their use of force against their fellow men from the reflected glory of their supposed ancestors. The right way to destroy any monsters that might exist is the mass action of African Masai, killing lions with assegai and shield. It was the modern bourgeois policeman who rescued damsels from distress without distinction between noble and serf. The detective story follows the knightly formula with fundamentally
Ix
Int'l"odu ction
sou nd instinct, bu t hardly eern literatur ,. n wh n \Hi tt 11 by a master of plot and prose like G. K. Che t rton. Th mpha is i increasingly on pure sadistic violence after a brief period of neoFreudian literary sexual license. The conclu ion em to In ine capable that the class ,vhich ma -produce uch writin a i mO"ing towards some crisis even more violent than that who e hadow remains in theological San krit. Thi cannot be for la.c k of range, for Jule 'erne and H. G. 'Wells showed what brave new \yorld opened out to the imagination based upon modern techn logy and ci nee. 'Yet science fiction has never ri en above the e pioneer . There is plent) of rough obscenit in Rabelai , but we know what dangerous opposition he faced. Hi work till ranks high ill ,,0rId literature as the general s-pigara epigram doe not. If th an krit poet had been consciou of hi faiJiIl17, which were tho f hi ~ cietJ , there would at lea t have been powerful a tire, of \vhich no example is to be seen except perhaps ridiculou exagg ration. Pulei" ~I organ/e, Folengo's ~1 accaronicon lead to the re idual ma terpiece, Don Quixote. The disillusionment of the First vVorld " 'aI- gave us a co n e ponding literar} figure for modern time , J . Haek' Good oldier chweik. It cannot be the traditional past that inhibited San krit pigrams of this type. Deor laments the sudden disfavor of hi lord, a theme quite familiar to the Sanskrit poet. The Anglo-Sa.c~on min trel, in rougher language and bea\ ier rhythm, consoles him elf with th e tradition of distress borne patiently by other before him in worse situation. He shares their woe in his song, they relieve his miseQ and ours b~ their example. 'illon's classical studies were weak, but the trophe preceding his refrain " l\l[ais ou sont les neiges d ' antan? ' how a depth of feeling for bygone love and 10\ eline s that ri e above a fo rmal mahakiWya. The late Sanskrit poet could not attack the foundation of his own being, for he was attached to society by the lender thread which dangled him from a particular decadent cIa . He might on occasion have realized that the small recognition for wbich he stro\ e could endure as little as the spring mist after sunrise . Did he never, as a young wanderer, tread some verdant and springy trail that wound through unknown country into the red glory of the great sun-disc poised on the horizon - thinking to himself, "ma thi symbolize the course of my life " ; or did the lengthening shadow only make him scurry the faster towards a pitiful shelter with in which to cower through the night? There is no doubt that India at all times produced noble spirits who could see the futilit) of neo-cla ical writing; but
Tit
ocial Functions of L iterature
lxi
th ey either took to 6naprastha retirement, or to the path of active religion. Neith er action pl'oduced better Sanskl'it literature, because neither affec ted the foundations of societ y. T he poetry wh ich we find in our 81Lbh6.$uas necessarily carries with the rank beau t of an orchid the corresponding atmosphere of luxury , para itism , deca . 'id) akara's anthology h ad a hundred years' run , de--p ite the di turbances folI o" ing the g rowth of open conflict between Budd hi -m and Saivism, before NIuslims "iped out vihara and readers. Srldh aradasa actuallj "rote less than five years after th e aged Lak.. maQa ena fled from his capital Na vad\lpa (Nadlya), unable to defend him elf in his own palace against a sudden raid by no more than eiahteen arm ed h orsemen under l\i(uhammad Bakhtyar. S sho\vs not t he slighte t consciousness of the debacle, the king being praised as before, the rOj al verses qu ot ed profusely with the rest. Rl1pa Go::>vam in a leading disciple of Caitan) a, found as little difficulty earlier in erving a :Muslim pro\ incial governor in an official cap acity a ' he did lat er in adopting erot ic verses (in his PadyavaU) to the et ern al di vine love of R adha and Kpma. Hardly a generation passed between the publication of J alhaI)a's Suktimuktavali and the ruinous a ttack of Ala. uddin. In spi te of it all, brahminism continued its concentration upon theology and pursuit of obsolete philosophical doctrine in tubborn ignorance of reality . One could say that their world had become one of ' dou blethink, " that they continued " to hold simul t aneousl,) two opinions which cancelled out ... to use logic against logic. " 33 One could e\ en accuse them of mass-producing verses mecha nically , for there exist st andard poet's companions giving stock phrases to fi t an.) meter. But they had little choice in the matter, having once started on the wrong path. The best chances for literary sun ival are in the front rank of the constant stru ggle. Bunyan 's , aliant pilgrim fights his way to salvation , saying " ) et now I do not repent me . .. M y sword I give to him "ho shall succeed me in my pilgrimage, and my courage and skill to him who can get it. l\1y marks and scars I carry with me, to be my \vitness that I have fought his battles who now will be my rewarder. " F or him, death had no sting, over him the grave could claim no victory ; the trumpets sounded for him on the other side as they never could for the florid Sanskrit poet or his hedonist patron. I do not recall a single mbha$ua in the following vein: 33 This apt description is actually what George Orwell imagines would apply to his nightmare of a " socialistic" world in 1984.
Ixii
Introduction Bring me my bow of burning gold! Bring me my arrows of desire! Bring me my spear! 0 clouds unfold! Bring me my chariot of fire! I will not cease from mental fight, N or shall my sword sleep in my hand, Till we have built Jerusalem In England's green and pleasant land.
This is the best of all possible warfare. the only one for a poet. Blake's fight made his own life miserable while making his poetry great; even if the dark, satanic mills against which. he fought did not exist in Vidyakara's day, there were other even darker and more satanic objects for a struggle which the poets had renounced, exchanging doubtful comfort for their share of immortality . If these authors dealt with no major problem of the individual spirit, if they strove neither to burn with a hard gem-like flame nor t o free humanity from any of the shackles man has imposed upon himself in making his own history, time has exacted full penalty for th.e failure. Most of their works and all their biography have been gathered to an oblivion that makes future restoration e:xtremely doubtful. The poetry strives to be and is. at best, exquisite rather than great. Yet, though the voice be thin. it is clear. The field might be limited as to objectives. vision, or endeavor, but excess is rare. The poets speak across the centuries in refined musical tones bearing a soft but indelible charm, visualising an elegant life. The dominant ideal, frankl y expressed, is tasteful though not placid lovemaking in luxury - without vice, greed, brutal lust after blood, bourgeois concent ration upon money-breeding profit. It is only fitting that their names and verses should not be altogether forgotten.
9. AUTHORS AN D SOURCES OF THE INDIVIDUAL VERSES From the modern point of view, the most useful feature of this anthology should be the historical information regarding Sanskrit poets which one ma~ derh e from it. It is obvious that caution is needed here. The most important point to be noted is that to the anthologist and his public, the stanza was of far more interest than authorship or date. References to authors are missing altogether for the great majority of our stanzas, casual where given at all, while the information does not go beyond a mere single name. Pioneers like Aufrecht were overjoyed at any break in the general anonymity, but we have now to face the possibility that even the name may not be correct, or may be incorrectly identified in the absence of biographical details. In many cases, some epithet or soubriquet is used. It would seem very unlikely t hat any parent, however optimistic. would christen a child Kaviraja. which is a title enjoyed by more than one poet, and is defined as a certain grade of poetic ability in RajaSekhara's Kaviraha~a. All names beginning Kavi- must be pseudonyms. The significance of names ending in -oka, -ika, -iika is not clear, but they simulate abbreviations, as with Rajoka, Siddhoka, and the like. The author of our 1456 is given as Halayudha, but the previous identification from S of the Sena official Halayudha who wrote on mimci:Tp,sii cannot be correct in view of the date of N; while we are fortunate in knowing of an earlier southern Halayudha who was poet, lexicographer, writer on poetics, the possibility is not to be denied that both these worthies wrote epigrams, or that ours may be a third Halayudha altogether. The first problem is not so much the identification as the credibility of our citations, where they are not attested by a reasonably welledited primary source. Theodor Aufrecht took the initial steps towards a literary chronology by listing authors from Sp and S (ZDMG.27, 1873, pp. 1-120; 36, 1882, pp. 361-383, 509-559), and continued the process in his indispensable CC. But it is now clear that Bp lacks a critical edition, different manuscripts having variant ascriptions; the related Sbh is indifferently labeled as by Vallabhadeva or Srivara, lxiii
lxiv
Introduction
though the published edition passes under the former name - whence reliance on its citations of individual authors is a bit difficult. S seemed particularly valuable because of its effort to cite an author for every stanza, but many of the names are definjtely wrong. We have now reached a stage where it is essential to compare different sources and weigh their reliability. The Sp cannot be right in ascribing our 1423 to the Dhanadadeva who belonged to the middle of the fifteenth century A.D. However, when Bp and S bh agree in naming an author, and even more when this is supported by some other work like the Dhvanyaloka or one of K~emendra' s essays, the attribution should be accepted as the extreme northwestern tradition for the particular stanza. Agreement between V, S, and P would furnish the northeastern tradition, though P generally copies V, while S also knew a good deal about the south, presumably through the Kanarese relationship of the Sena kings. Inasmuch as V is supported by S in citing 1605 as by Utpalaraja though it is found in all Bhartrhari versions, we have to ask ourselves whether the U tpalaraja could be from Bihar-Bengal- a very unlikely possibility which alone could validate the ascription. For the southern tradition (Daulatabad) of the later thirteenth century, we have Smk. If all three regional attributions should agree, we are reasonably certain of the author's name. The degree of certainty is nearly as great for names that occur in one set only without contradiction by any of the others, for the absence often denotes that the poet was local. H this procedure seems to reduce the amount of information that may be gathered from anthologies, at least the residue will be more reliable. N aturally, the reliability of any particular anthology may be further weighed by the primary sources from which the stanzas originate. The northeastern group of anthologies taken even by itself presents difficulties. There is occasional disagreement bet" een the three manuscripts of V, not to speak of disagreement with S or more rarely with P. The sole complete representative of the expanded version is K, as unreliable in its citations as it is corrupt in its readings. An intermediate scribe who was not the Khatmandu ignoramus seems to have changed earlier attributions to some extent. We may disregard the cases where K is silent as against N or T. One positive contribution from the close study of Vidyakara's procedure is the principle of adjacency, for the anthologist tends to insert fresh stanzas near those of the same author, as is seen from the distribution of identifiable but unnamed RajaSekhara verses. But this does not
The Aut/wrs
lxv
help where the poet is far less proli£c than RajaSekhara. It would be possible to condone the confusion between endings °nandana and °nandin for Jitarinandin, Taral)inandin, Sridharanandin, but what are we to make of K's Bhatta Hari for 658, not heard of elsewhere? For 390, T seems more likely to be right with its Har~apaladeva than K with Har~a. Stanza 688 is ascribed to Vaidya-Dhanya by T, Vaidya-Dhara by K. For 1313, K gives Dhara as against Vira in NP, Bhanu in S. While Nand T ascribe 823 to Lak~midhara, K prefers Dharal)idhara; both are perfectly genuine names, represented by other stanzas, not only in V but in other collections. When PaJ)ini is given as the author of 438 by Nand T, but K says Bhoja and Kalidasa, did not some previous copyist give preference to legend over his exemplar? For 1472, N cites Abhinanda, K Bhartrharithough the stanza is in no Bhartrhari collection known to me. Stanzas 975-977 are undoubtedly by the Ka.smirian Sivasvamin, being found in his Kapphi1J,iibhyudaya; but K has only Bhatta, as for 455, which is Bhattodbhata's according to Nand T. The reason for emphasizing the unreliability of K by itself is that we must allow for this when the name Dhoyika is found there. On the other hand, one might argue that there is no contradiction when N attributes stanza 1407 to SarpgramangaI)a, K to VallaI)a, for the opening word of the stanza might be responsible for the N citation, and after all, it might have been VallaI..la's pen-name; so it might, though the supposition is weakened by the S ascription to Bhanu. However, we can sometimes identify two apparently different names. I am willing to concede this for' acaspati, cited alternatively as Sabdarl).ava in S, for SabdarI)ava is far more likely to be the name of a work - presumably a lexicon by , acaspati - than of a person. It has been suggested that Metha or MeI.1 tha and Hastipaka are identical, both names meaning elephant-driver. If so, how far are translation equivalences justilied? Would Mayfua = Sitik3.J.ltha be permissible? The logical- and absurd - terminus of the procedure is to equate the names of all the (Waiiiras of V~I)U, or all the thousand names of Siva. King Munja of Dhara (end of tenth century A.D.), who himself wrote Sanskrit poetry, used a large number of epithets, among them Vakpati and Utp.a laraja (DBl. p. 138, p. 209; El. 1, pp. 2!t2 if.), which in turn are names of two well-known poets. To argue, as otherwise intelligent scholars seem fond of doing, that every sublziUrita by an Utpalaraja or a Vakp.a tiraja must be assigned to Munja, seems ridiculous to me. ~ e must note the variant attribu-
Ixvi
Introduction
tions for stanzas 104, 922, 1313, and others, without recklessly venturing upon identification of the names. The strongest argument for limiting our reliance upon anthology citations is Ollr 1025, which is not given under the same name by any two sources; N = Nandika (or something of the sort), K = Kavinanda, S = Vidyapati. P = Kalidasa, Smk = Vararuci, Bp = Malavarudra, while the stanza itself ends the Cert1ury which has been published as Bhallata's. Equate all these, continue the process, and it would ultimately follow that all Sanskrit epigrams were written by a single poet. In the opposite direction, it is certain that there were at least two Abhinandas, of whom only one, an easterner, is likely to be represented in V, or for that matter S; the other was a KaSmlrian of less merit. It may be proposed as another general principle that any poet cited in V with decidedly greater frequency than in Sp or Smk belongs to PAla territory, period, court, or abbey. Minor known poets with typical names are Buddhists from Bihar and the eastern regions, which did not prevent them from worshiping Siva or' i~J.lu at the same time. I combine the information from benedictory stanzas wherever possible, and deliberately label authors Buddhist-Saiva, or SaivaVai~J.lava whenever necessary; this should emphasize the fact that during the period in question, no contradiction was felt in any such combination, either by the poets or by their royal patrons, and that the classification as Hindu or Buddhist (followed until now) is almost meaningless. A good many of our stanzas have been taken from original works, presumably a drama in the majority of cases, or some more serious work for the benedictory stanzas of the first three vrajyas. But it is also evident that the shorter unoriginal collections like the Amaru.sataka, 8antiSataka, or some version of Bhartrhari gained tremendously in popularity between the time of V and of S, a symptom, surely, of decrease in patronage for new original poetry. In what follows, I give a list of poets and sources from our printed text, in the Sanskrit alphabetical order. '\\'hate\er information could be found as agreed upon by generally accepted surveys has been given without further reference. These surveys are: :M. "internitz, Geschichte d. lndischen Literal'u.T; A. B. Keith's perpetually sneering but critical HSL, and The Sanskrit Drmna; S. Konow's Das Induche Drama; the compendious work of Kr~Q.amachariar, CSL (irritatingly perfunctory or inaccurate, however, in bibliography) . The introductions to T and S have been utilized, though I have not followed Thomas' cumulative method of giving pratikas for ever) author,
The A'llthm"s
Ixvii
which would mean an entire volume by itself; the letter S, followed by a number, all within braces, indicates Har Dutt Sharma's number for the poet in the introduction to S. Aufrecht's unpublished edition of S also contains an author index with pratikas, which tallies fairly well with that of Sharma, neither being perfect. For the stanzas in S, the reader will have to consult the Lahore edition, referring to the stanzas listed under Sharma's number. Aufrecht's CC is still the basis for comparative information, though it will some day be superseded by the tremendous Catalogus CatalogorU1n being published by the l\ladras University under' . Raghavan's general editOl·ship. Only the first volume of this is now available, covering the letter a. A certain number of Buddhist names have been copied unchecked from M. Lalou's index to Cordier's Tanjur catalogue, as an indication of possibilities, without insistence upon identification with V authors, should anyone care to work in this direction. The Tibetan canon does contain a few subhii$uas, which we have not been able to utilize; even the redoubtable Saskya Pm:u;lita seems to have translated some of Bhartrhari's niti stanzas, or what sound like them, in Csoma de Koros's translation. Cf. Tibetan Studies of Sand6r Csoma Korosi, ed. E. Denison Ross, Calcutta, 191~, pp. 93-17~, " A Brief Study of the Subha~ita-ratna-nidhi [of Saskya-Pal)~itaJ," particularly p. 99, no. 15, p. 124, no. 89, p. 143, no. 145. A full discussion is given only when it seemed that something new could thereby be added to known data or accepted theories. Special mention should be made of the introduction to the Smk, which was published after the other source material mentioned above. The real information is in the stanza numbers which follow each name, and indicate the citations of that name. Stanza numbers are given in square brackets where the author is not cited by V but the stanza may be assigned to the name on other, reasonable grounds. Poets identified from other sources are indicated in square brackets, without number. Italicized numbers indicate that the authorship may be questioned. In italicizing or bracketing numbers, I have silently used my own judgment based on marginal notes and footnotes to the printed text. Flat contradiction in naming is taken as casting doubt, but mere silence is not regarded as contradiction.
Ixviii
I ntroduct'£on
1. Ailgoka. 1448. 2. Acala. CC. i. p. 5. Pres umably the same as 3. As a Buddhist · name, indicates the 12th Sugata; also a joint author of Rgyud. xlviii. 99. 596 (S Acaladasa), 1080-1, 1083-4, 1115-6, 1186, 1385; [1139, 1672]' IS. 1, 4.} Apparently the same as preceding; P cites only by this name, and S attributes 1080, 1083 to him. N lapses into Prakrit or vernacular in writing °si1]tgha. CC. i. p. 5; perhaps cited in Bp. 176 as Acala. 100, 408, 554, 647, 875, 999, 1094, II35; [537, 1029, 104~, 1051, 1078]. 3. Acalashpha.
4. Acyuta.
CC. i. p. 5.
700. 5. Atula.
The only Atula known is the author of a poem, the Mi1~ikava1{t8a, written in the extreme south during the eleventh century A.D. (CSL. 67); unlikely to be our author. 1364.
6. Aparajita, Aparajita-rak~ita. {S. 8.} CC. i. p. 21. Sbh. intr., p. 1. A Buddhist poet, though the signmcance of his name is not clear, the Buddhist deity being a goddess, Aparajita. An Aparajita is cited as a contemporary by RajaSekhara in the introduction to his Karpilramafijari. Author of M rgii:nkalekhakathii. 5, 730, 925; [924]. 7. Ahhinanda. {So 10.1 T. intr., p. 10, is in error, for this Abhinanda is precisely the author of RA, and son of Satananda, not the Kasmirian Abhinanda (son of Jayanta) who wrote the Kiida1ribarikathasara, CC. i. p. 24. The reason for our identification is that two stanzas 1295, 1552, are actually found in the Riimacarita ( RA), nothing in the Kiidambarikathiisara. The father SaUinanda is also well represented in our collection. Abhinanda, in the tag verses to various chapters of RA, names his patron as Haravar~a Yuvarajadeva of the Pala line, son of Vikramasila (RA. p. 20, p. 39, p. 91, p. 102, etc.). The learned editor of the RA concludes that this prince, not known from any inscriptions, was the Pala king Devapala (RA. intr., pp. x fT.) of circa A.D. 810-850.
The A uthm's
Ixix
The argument is that Devapala's father Dharmapala founded the , ikrarnasila monastery and should therefore be taken as the father, , ikramasila. The name of the son is in the southern style, as for example Keyiiraval'~a Yuvarajadeva of Tripuri, who was the last patron of Rajasekhara. That Abhinanda belongs to the PaIa court and territory is clear on his own testimony and supported by his being cited by Sarvananda and Rayamukuta; but tl1e precise identification does not seem reason-
able.
It is nowhere found that contemporary kings (let alone the
devout Dharmapala) named vi/uiras after themselves; neither King Vikramasila nor Hiiravar~a Yuvarajadeva are mentioned in any Pala copperplate. A for his date, our stanza 1714, though anonymous, is a . igned b~ S to Abhinanda; if this be admitted, it follows that Abhinanda knew RajaSekhara; hence the dates assigned above would be somewhat too early, as RajaSekhara could hardly have become great enough as a poet to be so flattered before A.D. 880. Further, Abhinanda praises (1384) a King Sricandra-deva, who should logicall~ be the most illustrious ruler of the neighbouring Candra dynasty, a line of Buddhist rulers who ruled to the east of Paia territory . Sricandra's date is given, rather uncertainly, on paleographic grounds alone, as the close of the tenth century (I B. iii. p. 1, 10, 165-166; H BD. p. 195). Though Abhinanda salutes his patron in RA (p. 30) as nrpati-candra, this may be taken as a figure of speech, not as a name, like the address mahipala RA. p. 30. The association of King Sricandra and the poet Abhinanda is confirmed by 'akkiita in stanza 1500; Suvinita, author of 140~, may also be praising the same king, though again in this latter case nrpati-candra may be a figure of speech (cf. para.cax'."a-bhi111,a for the patron in RA. p. ~~5, and the same phrase in our 1413). Soc;lc;lhala, who wrote his Udayasundarikalha (GOS. 11, Baroda, 19~0) in the first half of the eleventh centurJ, mentions Abhinanda and King Yuvarajadeva before RajaSekhara in a sequence of poets and patrons (p. 150 mentions Bhoja, who, if Bhoja Paramara, could hardly have been so very famous as early as 10~6, which is the upper terminus for the Udaya8undarikatha according to the editor). All this can be reconciled by noting that during the latter part of Devapala's long reign, the Yuvaraja who signed royal orders was Rajyapala (year 33 of Devapala's reign; Monghyr copperplate, El. 18, p. 304), just as the Yuvaraja Tribhuvanapala who predeceased Devapala signed copperplates during Dharmapala's long reign. After
Introduction
Lxx
Devapala, the succession passed to a junior branch of the famil y (El. 15, pp. 293-301 ~ H BD. pp. 126 fr. ) "hich points to Rajyapala's early death. This would account for the unfinished state oC the R A, and perhaps for Abhinanda's wandering in search oC other patronage, say to the Candra kings, or as far as Kasmil" where he "ould naturallv be called Gauc;la-Abhinanda (Gauc;la-Kumbhakara by K~emendra on 1552). During this period, he would have met and saluted the) ounger as well as richer poet-baron RajaSekhara. Some confirmation for the identification of Haravar~a Yuvaraja with Raj) apala may also be derived from RA . p. 119, p . 190, and p. 322, where the patron is credited with special taste for poetry, and p. 2,62 where he is reported as a poet in his own right. This fits Ra,jyapala, to whom two tanzas are assigned in V, namely 360, 701, the latter being Buddhist-Saiva in flavor, as would be expected of a Pala ruler. He was a minor poet, being virtually forgotten by the time of S. If this be granted, it would follow that Abhinanda's activity began after A.D. 850, and continued till the beginning of the next century. King Candradeva must be put somewhat earlier than is the fashion, namely at the beginning and not the end of the tenth century A.D. The alternati\ e would be to identify our Sricandra with another Candra king earlier by at most two generations. Abhinanda's stanzas are: 173, 252, 282, 303-4, 317, 589, 595, 744, 762, 947, 1001, 1058, 1192, 1295, 1384, 1391, 11/12, 1552, 1699~ [77, 1·14, 948, 1714J. 8. Ahhi~eka.
This would be unusual as the name of a person. Cordier lists several works entitled Abh-4eka. 255.
9. Arnaradatta. A lexicographer of this name Halayudha, Rayamukuta, Medini, etc.; CC. i. p. 27. 1454.
IS
quoted by
Unlikely to be the famous lexicographer of that name. Eulogized by Salika or Salikanatha in stanza 1724, as a poet unexcelled in his own way. 403, 1008, 1071, 1362 ; [1006-7, 1028J. 10. Amarasilllha.
(N °si1{tgha).
{So 12.}
11. Amaru, Arnaruka. {So I3. } CC. i. pp. 27-28, ii. pp. 5-6, iii. p. 7; reputed author of a famous collection of erotic poetn, the
The Authors
Ixxi
A marusaJaka. This seems to me, however, to be a compilation rather than a work of unitary authorship. Certainly it was not so well known at the time of V, which cites only two stanzas by the author's name, as it was to S which cites Amaru 53 times. Besides these 53 verses Aufrecht traces ten more of the Amaru canon (Sarma only four) given anonymously in S. 636, 638; [511, 603, 619, 621, 640, 664, 666-7, 675, 678, 694, 697, 734, 816J. [Amrtadatta, qualified by Smk, Sbh, for 119 as a bhagavala.J
12. Aravinda.
{So 16.}
CC. 1. p. 29.
717.
13. Asvagho~a. The first outstanding Buddhist author to use classical Sanskrit; Thomas ( T. p. 25-29) wishes to identify him with Matrceta, supposedly a contemporary of Kani~ka. CC. i. p. 34 and Thomas' survey gives the works extant in Sanskrit and Tibetan. Of the former, a Buddh.acarita-kavya, Saundarananda-kiivya, BiiriputraprakaraT)a (play, fragmentary, ed. Ltiders), Ga:r.uJi-stotra (transliterated back from the Chinese canon), and Vajrasiici are known, raising the question whether we have one or several Buddhist authors by this name. In any case, Asvagho~a is here represented only by the opening stanza of the anthology, no. 2, in praise of the Buddha, which is not to be identified with anything of his known elsewhere. His date should be within the first two centuries A.D., on the assumption of a single author of the name. 2. 14. Anandavardhana. (S. 19.1 CC. i. p. 49. A leading KaSmirian poet and writer on poetics, whose Dhvanyiiloka proposes the dhvani doctrine in poetics. Lived under King Avantivarman of Kasmir (circa A.D. 854-883) cf. Raj. 5. 34. The Dhvanyaloka (ad 2. 28; KM. 25, p. 134) gives as his own the only stanza quoted here under his name, 421, though the Sbh (2031), which should have known better, ascribes it to Jayavardhana. 421, [1202]' [hhadanta Arogya; Sbh, Smk ad 695, but Bp Bhadantavarman, S Amaru, and Ams. 28.J 15. Utpalarllja. IS. 27.} CC. i. p. 64. Name of a Kasmirian teacher of Abhinavagupta (A.D. 930); name of a whole line of Kasmirian rulers beginning with A vantivarman in the middle of the
Ixxii
111 troduction
ninth century; pseudonym also of ~Iuiija, the Paramara king of Dhara, end of tenth century. The Utpalaraja mourned b) Dak~a in stanza 1727 would presumahly be the last of these. Our stanza 1605 attributed to him in V and 8 is really Bhartrhari' ; no such author is known in the east, so the reference is nol credible for 1605 in any case. 332, 381, 553, 1605. 16. bhana Udbhata. {So 29.} CC. i. p. 66. A Kasmirian poet and writer on poetics, at the court of King Ja) apida (A.D. 779-813), for whom a fantastic saJary is given b y Kalhar:ta ( Riijataraflgi1..l.i 4. 495-497). Cited respectfully by Anandavardhana. Author of a treatise on poetics, Kd:vydla1]lkdrasa1[lgraha, which quotes his own (lost) poem Kumiirasambhava; his gloss Blui'rnahavivara1..la is also cited by the Kasmirian school. 455; [12.41 (8 Ke~ata, 8'rh Udatta)]. 17. KaQikakara. An epithet for someone known a the author of a cOIDmentary. 1108 (8 Kapalesvara; {So 35}, CC. i. p. 79, nothing else known). 18. Kamaladhara. 423. 19. sri Kamalayudha {So 36.} CC. i. p. 81. Probably the teacher of Vakpatiraja, praised as such in Ga:ii4avaho 798, hence to be placed at the end of the seventh century A.D. Praised by Abhinanda (or Y ogesvara) in our stanza 1733. 284, 1587 (8 mk Kamalakara); [ 299 (8 Bha\ abhuti)].
20. Karkaraja. {So 41.} CC. i. p. 82. A ~aiva, whose solitary effort, our 68, is ascribed to Brahmabari by 8, while the only stanza given as his in 8 is our 1.407 (cf. Sarpgramailgana) . [KarQotpala S, Sp, 8mk for 570, from concluding word.s.] 21. Kavinanda (in K only; N probably Nandika) . 1025 (actual reading doubtful) . 22. Kavimalla. 957. 23. Kaviraja. {So 48} CC. i. p. 88. Soubriquet of many poets. including Raj asekbara , one of rus ancestors, Lak.5IDa.IJ.asena's court
The Authors
Ixxiii
poet' yasa, and probably of DhoyI also. If a single author here, must have been a S;aiva (70). 70, 1325, 1380; [1010 (P only), 1020]' CC. i. p. 88 reports a son of Dhlresvara, grandson of Ramesvara, by this name. Our citation is found only in K, while T and P attribute the stanza (7!29) to RajaSekhara, S to ~adhoka; hence is unlikely to be genuine. 7!29; [9!2 (P only, S Balabhadra), 561J. 24. Kavisekhara.
1S. 52. 1 CC. i. p. 99. The outstanding Indian poet and dramatist, of unknown date and biography but to be placed at the Gupta court (possibly of Candragupta 11, Vikramaditya), and originating in Berar (Vidarbha); tentatively, the early fifth century A.D. or his works, the A bhijjiana-si{kuntala, Malavikagnimitra, VikramorvaSiya represent the height of Sanskrit drama; the M eghadilta, Raghuva1[l.8a, K untarasarnbhava set enduring fashions in Sanskrit poetry . The authorship of the IJtusa7[Lhara is doubtful; a list of stanzas ascribed to him but not found in extant works is given by Aufrecht ZDMG. 39, pp. 306-312, and supplemented in the introduction to T (pp. 30- 34) . Ascription is rendered difficult by the presence not only of imitators but of other Kalidasas, among them several Abhinava-Kalidasas, and an Akbariya-Kalidiisa, none of whom are likely to figure so early as 1100. 25. Kalidasa.
205, 456, 491, 513, 515-6, 774, 1149, 1246, 1519, 1723; [493, 502, 505, 806, 935, 1165, 1169, 1245]'
T. p. 34 identifies him with the next, Kumaradasa, on no evidence. The single stanza in his name, 653, is in the A maruSataka. -But Sbh attributes our 620 to a Bhatta Kumara. 26. KUDlarabhana.
( K Kumaridasa). {So 56.} CC. i. p. 110. His date has been much debated but now.seems to be between that of Kalidasa, whom he imitates, and A.D. 600, for two verses of his Janakihara1J,a are quoted in the Ja1Ui$rayi (ed. l\i. R. Kavi, Sri Venkateavara Oriental Se-ries, No. ~1, Tirupati, 1900), which is probably to be dated about A.D. 600. The J a1Uikihara1J,a, which is praised in our 1707 (?Rajasekhara, S1ftk. 4. 76) , is available partly in reconstruction from the Sirphalese (cantos 1-15 reconstructed and edited by Dharmarama Sthavira" in Sirphalese characters, Colombo, 1891) and partly on the basis of Sanskrit manuscripts (cantos 1-10 edited by Gopal Raghunath Nandargikar, Bombay, 1907; canto 16 edited by Lionel D. Barnett, 27. KUDlaradiisa.
Introduction
lxxiv
BSOS. 4, 19~6, 285-~93). The only stanza in Kumaradasa's name in S (2. 74. 4) is found also in AmaruSataka. 1137. 28. Kumudllkaram.ati. A Buddhist maJuipa'TJ4ita of this name is found in Rgyud. lxx. 5, Ixxxi. 95, which is there described as from a Sanskrit original at the great Vihara of srimat-PaQ<;lubhumi. See also Cecil Bendall, Catalogue of the BuddhiYt Sanskrit ftf anuscripf.$ in the University Library (Cambridge, 1883), p. 155; F. W. Thomas, Museon (1903), pp. 14, 21.
9. ~9. Kusalanatha. A Buddhist author Kusala is mentioned in Rgyud. Ixxiv. 35, lxxxvi. 90, but the two stanzas found in J could not fit into any canonical writing. A grammarian Kusala is known from CC. i. p. 113. 1068, 1112. [Kn;l).abhana Bp, Shv for 1713.]
30. Kesata. (Smk Ketasa; 1210, K Kesava; 1193, S Kesara. {So 63.} CC. i. p. 126. Mentioned by Vasukalpa in S . 5. 26 . 3, and by Yogesvara in 1733 (or by Abhinanda according to S . 5. 26. 4. ) 512, 1193, 1198; 1210, 1212, 1510, 1636; [1195, 124,1 , 1640J. [KOIika, S for 585.J
31. K~itisa. 758.
IS.
70.j
CC. i. p. 134. (P ~itipa)
32. sri K~misvara, or Arya K~mis"7ara. CC. i. p. 135. Author of the drama CaTJ,q.akauSika and another, Na~adhiillQ'11da. known only from Peterson's third Report as extant in a manuscript at Boondi, now inaccessible. The printed Lahore edition of S a signs 1. 67. 4 to a K~emesvara, but Aufrecht notes that the stanza is found in Peterson's Report. The printed edition also wrongly ascribes 2 . 11. 4 to L~midhara, the manuscripts giving the author as ~emISvara, while the stanza is found in ad 3 of CaTJ,. (p. 54) . Aufrecht's manuscript index also gives in this name S. 2. 45. 5; both the printed text and bis own transcript give it anonymouslY, though it is CaTJ,. 1. 11. Not being cited in any other anthologie', the presumption i strong that K~emisvara was a Pala court poet. Howe ver, the que ·tion has aroused a keen controversy as to whether he was the court poet of
The Autlwrs
Ixxv
Mahipala PraUhara ruling at Kanouj in A.D. 917, or of ~t[ahipala I, PaIa, about a hundt'ed years later (cf. H. P. ~astri, JASB. 52. p. 250; K. A. Nilakat)t~ Sa tri, JOR. 6. 191-198; R. D. Banerji, PB. p. 73 and Bti1igalar Itihcls, pp. 251 fr.; R. Pischel, Goit. Gel. Anz. 1883, p. 1217; and the inconclusive discussion in HBD. p. 143, pp. 308-309). The evidence is restricted to an unidentifiable Karttikeya (ministel' or geneJ'aI?) in the concluding stanzas of both Ca'tJ-. and Na4adhiinanda, plus the opening stanzas of the former, which, after Inentioning the King :Mahipala, which could be a name or just a title 'lord of the earth,' gives the stanza: yal~
sQ1?tSruya prakrt.igahanam arya-Ca'tJ-akya-nitim jitva N mu!an K uswnanagara1f1, Candragupto jigaya Kan:ui-tatva1!! dhruvam upagaian adya tan eva ha.ntu1[t dordarpci4hyal~ sa puna" ahhavac chri-ll1 ahipiiladeval;,. For ~t[ahIpala PraUhara, the reference is taken to mean the R~trakl1ta raid, which receded after a short occupation of the capital, Mahodayasri. 'Yet the comparison seems hardly to suit, for there is no question of Patna (Kusumanagara) in that raid, nor of the chicanery by which CaI,lakya got rid of the famil:} in power, wiilwut fighting. The latter would suit ~Iahipala Pala ,ery well, for the dynasty intermarried often with the R~traklltas, and there was always a dangerous KarI,lata faction at court which could aptly be described as Nandas now become Karl)atas. The Senas who later rose to full royal power began as Pala officials, from Karl)ataka (lB. p. 43-44). Ramapala was helped by his Kanarese relath es to recover power; but RC. 3. 34 reads significantl:, (and obscurely!) adhariia- Karr,uitek~a'tJ-a-lila. In addition, we have Nanyadeva, Gailgeyadeva, and other chieftains of Karl).ata origin who were a menace to the Palas, particularly about Patna. The remarkable distribution of Kanarese military adventurers at this period is shown by their being speciall~ mentioned among the Hindu soldiers in the pay of !\1ahmud of Ghazna (Alberuni's India, tr. Ed. Sachau, i. 173, ii. 257; Elliott-Dowson, History of India ii. 130-131). Thus, the stanza fits the Palas very well, while the concentration of oldest Ca7J manuscripts in Nepal and the restriction of K~emisvara to these anthologies should now settle the question. 1539; [1537, 1538]. [K~mendra,
presumably the prolific eleventh century : Smk. Sbh on 586.J
KaSillirian of the
Introduction
lxxvi
CC. i. p. 130, a Khadira, author of the D'riihyiiya'T),agrhya S'iitra, seems unlikely to be this author. 33. Khadira.
1113. 34. pa):u;lita Khiyaka or Khipilka, pos ibly the ~iya.ka or K~iyaitka of S. 4. 1. 1. Apparently a Buddhi t monastic pa1J4,i ta who
achieved the honor between the N and K versions. 1457. 35. Gangadhara. {S. 73.1 This might be the court poet of king Kart;la of I)ahala, defeated by BilhaI)a (Vikrmna.1'l.kudevucu'T"itu:Ut. 17. 95). The solitary stanza of his found here, 1406, eems to be from some prasusti. The name is far too common for identification, being even in Rgyud. lxviii. ~~5; A/do. xxxiii. 43,45; xlviii. 2, xciv. 8, 11, besides many in CC. i. pp. 137-139, etc. 36. bhana Gcm.apati or GaIJesa. {So 74.\ CC. 1. p. 141. The name is quite common, but the reference might be to tJle author of a poem Mahiimoda, praised by RajaSekhara in Smk. 4.72. 894, 934, 1089; [892J. [Gadadhara. S for 1039. {Cf. S. 76-79.} CC. i. p. H5.J 37. GUlliikara, Gut;lakarabhadra. author in Rgyud. xxxi,x. 15. 1271-2, 1595.
{So 81.}
CC. i. p. 155. An
38. GUllesvara (P GaI;lesvara CC. i. p. 145) . 339.
CC. i. p. 159; Gonandana? by Rajasekhara, Smk. 4. 85. 87, 672; [1641 (Smk Gotrananda)J. 39. Gonanda.
A Saiva.
Praised
40. Gohhatta, or Gohhata. {S.87.} CC. i. p. 164. Referred to in 1463? 377, 1218, 1327; [1228, 1232, 1296J. [Ghal)taka: Sbh for 331.J 41. Cakra. CC. i. p. 174; T. intr., p. 37. Possibly identical with a
Cakrapala, brother of ~!luktak31).a, contemporary of Anandavardhana. 705.
42. Cakrap3l)i. {S. 99.} CC. i. p. 175. A CakrapaJ)i continued the DaSakumiiracarila CHSL. p. 297); there was a famous scholar
•
--
The A uthors
-----
\xxvii
Cakrapal)idatla under lhe later P ains (H BD. p. 316) . ~f the ~ poet wa a\ 0 ours he was rather catholic in belief, a ~alVa-Val~l)ava. (cf. S. 1. 6. _, 1. 44 . 4, 1. 54. 4) . 692, 876; [ 11 6 J. . [Cal)~alacandra. S on 538 , CC . i. ll. 176. horn conc\udmg words ot st anza.] 43. Caturnaln = ' Of tour people" ; stanza 927 = S. 1. 78. 5, where the four authors are given as 'ikramaditya, a Cal)Qala, i.e., of that caste, as such a personal name seems improbable, Vidya, and Kalidasa. 1' his is from some current prose-poetic collection of legends of capping verses (sarnasyiipurti ) where each person supplied one quarter. 44. Ci. This is the code letter of some codex in a (monastic) library. This fashion of reference, copied from India, became common in Tibet. All four Ci citations are Bhavabhiiti stanzas. Cited in both N and K, hence supplies a useful point in proof of the unitary redaction of both versions. 755, 1244, 1562, 1731. 45. Citttika ( T. p. 37 misreads Cintuka; possibly the same as , ittoka or 'idduka, ca and va being almost indistinguishable in the script). 490, 1455. 46. Citranga. 718.
47. Chittapa or Cittapa. [S o 107.} CC. i. p. 193. A court poet of King Bhoja of Dhara, and of some Kalacuri king of the time. S cites 38 stanzas as his, while we have just one explicitly named, describing the effect which mere sight of the handsome king Bhoja had upon some maiden. Our 1005 (= S. 3. 50. 1), though anonymous here, eulogizes a Kuntalamalla. Birud names ending in °malla are characteristic of the Kuntala kings. S. 3. 1. 1 again praises Bhoja, 3. 1. 2 the Kuntala ruler; 3. 1. 3 t 3. 30. 1 again praise the ruler of l\{ala\ a. S. 5. 11. 3 is in praise of the river Narmada, hence it is out of the question that the Bhoja referred to could be the much earlier Pratihara king. Most of ChiUapa's S stanzas are court flattery, in which he seems to have set a fashion. 749; [I01,926, 1005, 1012, 1401, 1435, 1650].
[Jaghanacapala. Poetess, usually given as the authoress of 825, of which the last word is jaghanacapalii. The name is also given to the meter in which the stanza is composed.]
~
- i
---
-----
---.~---=---
-----
---
Ixxviii
.-
Introduction
[Jayadeva. S ad 1567, but which Jayadeva is not known in spite of IS. 111 }.J [Jayavardhana. 8bh for 1033. IS. 114.} CC. i. p. 201. A KaSmirian. J CC. i. p. 202. The first of his stanzas below is court flattery of some king, possibly named Paramesvara; the second, like 8. 5. 73. 1, describes a burning-ghat. 1410, 1535. 48. Jayaditya.
{So 116.}
49. Jayika.
Possibly some abbreviation, as for Jayadeva? Compare Jayoka (S. 3. 36. 2), Jiyoka (8. 5. 37. 4) and our Joyika. 792. 50. Jatardhavardhana. A Saiva.
66. 51. Jitarinandin,onandana.
IS. 122. J
A Buddhist, presumably the lesser Jitari or Jetari, known as a Tantric writer from Bengal, probably the Guhya-Jetari of Mdo. xxxi. 7, xxxiii. 30, 31. 12. 52. Jitaripada (cited in the honorific plural). The great Buddhist aciirya and logician from Varendri, son of Garbhapada who was a brahmin priest or courtier of King Sanatana of Bengal (Tar. pp. 230 ff.), a vassal of the Palas. He was made pa1J4ita of , ikramaSila
monastery by King Mahii(i)pala, with a special residence. The date would be circa A.D. 940-980. The one stanza of his found here is the dedication of his work on logic, the Jatinirakara7J-a, fortunately discovered in Nepal and published by Tucci, ABORI. 11 (1930). 28. 53. Jivacandra. 604. 54. Joyi, Joyika. Confused with Dhoyika, among others, even by the editor, Smk. 96. 14.
1515. [Jiianasiva.
IS. 125.} 8 on 1620.J
55. pal)4ita-J iianasri (K J iianamitra). Some Buddhist scholar holding the monastic title of pa'Q.qita. 1697. 56. Jiillnasrilllitra. A common Buddhist name, possibly the same as the preceding, and perhaps identical with the younger contemporary
---
-
~
-----------
-
Ixxix
The Authors
of AUsa, DipaQ1kara ( Tilr. p. !l41), though not with AUsa himself who was called also DipaQ1kara SrIjfiana. If so, he was originally a Sravaka, then became a, Maha) anist, and under the unidentified King CaQaka (king because of the minority of the rightful Pala heir, whose maternal uncle he was) was a dominant spirit of the Vikrama.sIla monastery. Supposed to have reached Vikrama.sua about the time AUsa left for Tibet, c. A.D. 1040. Special devotee of Lokesvara. 19, 22. [JiianaJikura. {So 126.} Smk for 1627.J 57. JiUlnAnanta. 1601. 58. Jhalajjhala (Jhalajjhala Vasudeva, CC. i. p. 214, also Vasudeva Bhatta; Smk, Jhalaiijhala). The name seems derived from the last word of his one stanza. 532. 59. l)imhoka. {S.127.} Confused readings, HiiIgoka or Himboka in T, Bimboka in S. Flatters a Vikramavardhana in S. 3. 1. 18 (our 1437, anon.). 288, 549, 656, 670, 980; [622, 848, 1437J. 60. vandya Tathagata, Tathagatadasa, P ?Rantitathagata. {So 128 Tathagatadasa, as in CC. i. p. 221.} The name indicates a Buddhist. Tathagatar~ita, Tathagatabhadra, etc. are found in Lalou' s index. The prefix might indicate his being a Vandyaghatlya brahmin. 785; 1389 (Odasa). [Tapasvin: (see Vikramaditya) IS. 129.} CC. i. p. 223.J 61. TaraJ)inandin, °nandana. 726, 1082, 1086.
IS. un.} CC.
i. p. 223.
62. Tamarasa (K Tamara). The N reading would indicate a work or pseudonym rather than a person. 1721. 63. Tunga, Tungoka. [5. 134.} CC. i. p. 232. Flatters the powerful sword of some unnamed king in S. 1. 33. 4; lauds Hari-Hara in S. 1. 33. 4, but otherwise praises Siva. 97, 98; [99J.
-----------------
-
Introduction
Ixxx
64. Turu~karaja. Is granted a share in the authorship of 1651 with Bhoja. The verse would seem to be from some tale or possibly a play like the Lalitavigraharaja. 65. Trilocana, Trailocana ( T on 167). CC. i. p. 238. R aja.sekhara in Smk. 4. 71 praises a Trilocana. author of a Pa·rthavijaya.. A Trilocanadasa is author of Mdo. cxiv. 10. Our poet is a Buddhist, devotee of Lokesvara. 13, 14, 20, 167.
66. Dak~a. IS. 141; S. 142 DaIika.1 CC. i. p. 241. Professional court poet. Presumably just after the time of l\iuuja, as he laments not having been able to see mman- Utpala-raja-deva-nrpati in 17~7. Saiva-Vai~nava, from our stanza 81 and S. 1. 41. 1; 1. 46.2. 81 (P, D~aprajapati !), 259, 628, 950, 969, 1015, 139~-3, 1446, 1588, 1727; [72]. 67. DaQQin. IS. 143.\ CC. i. p. 243. Author of the Kdvytidarsa. a leading work on poetics; and of the famous romance, Dasal.:-u,maracarita. Tradition (Rajasekhara in Smk. 4. 74) ascribes a third work to him, not identified beyond dispute_ Possibly , late sLxth century. 492. 68. sri Dasaratha.
IS. 146.\
CC. i. p. 247.
1211, 1637. 69. Upadhyaya DaIDara. 1157.
70. DaIDodara. IS. 148.} CC. i. p. 250. A Damodaradeva. °bhatta are known; Damodaramisra is credited with having revised the fragmentary l\1ahanataka, rediscovered at the time of Bhoja. See also the next. 698 (P Dasavara!), 1021. 71. DaIDodaragupta. CC. i. p. 251. Author of the K1lUanimata; minister of King Jayaditya of Kasmir (A.n. 755- 786) . 329 (K om. gupta, but the verse is in Kut) .
72. Devagupta.. 835.
73. Dvandiika. 1059.
CC. i. p. 258.
--
-
The AutlWT8
---:::---...--:.-~
--=--=-=--= ---=---
~
--- -
Ixxxi
[Dinnaga. See Dhiranaga.] 74. sri Dharal)idhara.
IS. 160.} CC. i. p. 268.
181, 3 91, 558, 1306.
75. Dharadhara. 1199.
The name means the same as the preceding.
76. sri Dharmakara (or °rmakara). IS. 166.} A Dharmakara is reported as a translator },fdo. xxxiii. 38; lxxii. 4, 5; xc. 7. 8, 11; xciv. 24. A Dharmakaramati-pada in Rgyud. Ixxi.296; Dharmakaramati Rgyud. iv. 6, 7. 180, 410, 1079. 77. Dharmakirtipada. So labeled by N, and cited reverentially in the plural, clearly to distinguish him from the next, hence to identify him with t.he great Buddhist acarya and logician of the seventh century (HSL. p. xxii). List of works in T. pp. 47-48. 1729. 78. Dharmakirti. IS. 161.} CC. i. p. 268. Generally identified with the preceding, but a professional poet, to judge from 1726, as well as Buddhist, as his name and some of his verses (e.g. 1694) would indicate. His stanzas have the grace, sparkle, and clarity which one associates with the best subJu'4i1as, and have therefore often slipped into the amorphous Bhartrhari collection. It would not be surprising if the sagas of the two poets were also confused, and this Dharamakirti were the Bhartrhari reported by I Ching to have died about A.D. 652, after having alternated seven times between monastic and secular life; certainly, that could not be the poet Bhartrhari, nor the grammarian (author of the V iikyapadiya) , both of whom lived decidedly earlier. For the grammarian, cf. Muni Jamhllvijaya's Gujerati article "Acarya bhagavan l\{a1lavadi-~ama-sramaJ)a ane Bhartrharino samaya," Jain Salya PrakiiSa, Year 17 (1952), No. 2, pp. 26-30; also H. R. Rangaswamy Iyengar, "Bhartrhari and Dinnaga," read at the fifteenth session of the All-India Oriental Conference. The date of Bhartrhari's Vakyapadiya must be taken as fifth century A.D. or earlier. For the poet, see JOR. 15 (ii), 1945-46, pp. 64-77. 437,440,454,481,501,539,645,657,720,919,1213,1518, 1694, 17~6; 439, 1467. [Dhar:madatta. Sbh ad 150~.J 79. sri Dhar:madasa. CC. i. p. 268. Author of the Vidagdhamukhama'1J4ana, from which one attributed and at -least one anonymous
Ixxxii
Introduction
sloka is taken. Thus the V mm must be placed (because of the sri) before A.D. 1100. and its author taken as a Buddhist (from Vmm.. 1. 1). 1302; [16M3]' {So 162.} CC. i. p. 268. Buddhist-Saiva, but not the early PaIa king of the name. for the ending deva is nowhere applied. The S author may be different, since none of the stanzas appear to be in common. 80. sri DharD1apala.
64,877.
CC. i. p. 270. The name also serves to distinguish the ~lauryan emperor Asoka from one of his predecessors (the Saisunaga Kalasoka) in Buddhist tradition. This poet is Buddhist in name but Saiva in the first of his verses. 81. Dharmasoka.
{So 164.}
69, 988, 1736.
CC. i. p. 272, p. 494. A BuddhistSaiva dramatist. This is probably the correct name of the author of the Kundamdla, for this ascription is found in two of the four manuscripts of that play and is strengthened by the ascription of our ver:,e 764. The name has been corrupted to Viranaga (P on 55 and ef. exegetical note on 764), Ravinaga (S. 1. 12. I ) and even Dinnaga by two manuscripts (the one apparently copied from the other) of KWt, which has led the editors of this play to ascribe it to the Buddhist logician or to the putative critic of Kalidasa. Given the title bhadanta in S. 2. 52. 3. This is not the Dhiranaga who composed the UQlcapahad prasasti of 'igraharaja Cahamana in Sarpvat 1030, El. 21, p. 24, line 30, verse 45. 764; [55J. 82. Dhiranaga.
{So 168,319.1
8S. Dhoyika Dhoyi, Dhoi. {S. 171.1 CC. i. p. 273. The most important reference in the whole apparatus, if it could be trusted on the evidence of K alone. Dhoyi was a court poet of L~mar;tasena, and would bring the date of V do",'ll to 1150 or later. However. we have already noted the unreliability of K when unsupported, and S gives the particular verse (= S. 1. 84. 5) as Yogesvara's. Of the two, S should be more reliable here, as the anthologist Sridharadasa belonged to King Lak!;;mar;tasena's court. and should have known a good deal about Dhoyi's work, for he cites many stanzas under Dho~ri's name, including two found in his one surviving work, the Pa.vanaduta. One may note that even the editor of Smk. 96. 14 confuses the name Joyika with Dhoyika. In view of the great difficulty K scribes had
The Aut/lOTs
Ixxxiii
with the letter ja, the stanza might also be Joyika's, a name which is attached to 1515 in any case. A further observation (which Gokhale characterizes as shrewd but unconvincing) is that Joyika (Joika) might be a prakritism or vernacularism (like the °si1?~gha for °8i~ha in N) for Y ogika = Y ogesvara, reconciling the two ascriptions. The ya-ja equivalence is too well known, particularly in the eastern region, to need further proof; the softening of gi to i is seen in Ha.la's Sattasai 3. 30, tai for tyiigi, 3. 52, vioa for viyoga. However, there is no word Joyi or JOt in modern literary Bengali. Let me repeat that I do not believe this citation to be correct. 923.
[Nandika: probable N reading for no. 21
=
Kavinanda.J
84. Naradatta. 1281. 85. Narasilpha. {So 175.1 CC. i. p. 277. Confused with similar names. Sings of the naval expedition on the Ganges of some unknown king in our 1559, of naval exploits in S. 3. 26. 5; according to S. 1. 13.4, worshiped Siva, according to S. 1. 39.4 Varaha, hence Saiva-Vai~1J.ava. 374, 750, 793, 971, 1559; [683J. [bhatta-Narayana. CC. i. p. 290, p. 603. First half of seventh century; author of Ve1).isa1{thiira, from which two verses are here quoted anonymously. Naraya1J.a is a common name, ef. S. 180-182, 242; CC. i. pp. 288-293. Our verse 1122 is ascribed by P to a N araya1J.adatta. 125, 1095, 1556.J 86. NlirayaQalacchi. The name is taken as a corruption of NaraYaI).alabdhi. IS. 183.} CC. i. p. 293, T. p. 51. But it would seem to be a popular form of NarayaQ.a-la~mi; Lak~mi-narayaI)a is well known as a name, but not in the reverse order, hence the question arises of its being the name of some work, say on the dalliance of Vi~1J.u and his consort, rather than of a person. Local cult-images, half Naraya1J.a and half L~mi, are still found in and near Nepal, following the ardhanariSvara model. 214. 87. Nahilla. Presents us with outrageous flattery of some unspecified royal archer in his only stanza. 1408.
Introduction"
Ixxxiv
88. Nirdaya ( K N irddama). 15~7.
89. Nila. courtier.
IS. 185. 1 CC. i. p. 300.
His S stanza
mack of the
156. 90. Nilapat.aha, °pana, or °pala.
IS. 186. 1 CC. i. 302.
3~3.
91. Nu.
Library code letter, like ci (no. 44) of some book. 890.
92. Paramesvara. IS. 183, 196.J CC. i. p. 326. 763, 794, 796, 937, 1450; [509, 932, 1449J. 93. Pal)ini. {S.200.) Cf. JRAS. 1891, pp. 311-336. P on 1159: Dharma-Pal).ini, but S: Dharmapala. :Most unlikel~, on st~ listic grounds, to be the great grammarian, who was several centuries before the earliest poets in our collection. According to Rajasekhara in Smk. 4. 45, the author of a J iimbavatit-ijaya; supported by other references; Nami on Rudrata 2. 8 mentions a Pdiiilavija,ya., thus provoking disputes as to the identity of these two otherwise unknown works. 438, 920, 946, 1387, 1528-9; [ 251, 451]. 94. sri Pasavarrnan. The termination should indicate a ~atriya, but his only stanza in the whole of V (or any where else) is Buddhist~ probably the dedication from some serious philosophical or theological work. 11. [pul)ya. Sbh on 1227.J Puru~ottama,
°deva. IS. 212-3. } CC. i. p. 341, 342. with special devotion to ~Iafljusri, AvalokiteSvara, and Balarama (regarded in parts of Bengal as an avatlira of 'i~l)u). Salutes the river-goddess of learning, Saras\ aU, in S. 1. 71. 5. A Buddhist grammarian Puru~ottamadeva of the period and locality is known as the author of a Bhii~ii-urtti (ed. S. C. Chakravarti, Rajshahi, 1918). There is nothing to show identity with our poet. A seventeenth-century commentator places this Puru~ottamadeva at the court of King Lak~mal)asena but plentiful quotations from the work in Saral)adeva's Durghata-vrtti ( TSS. 6) which was written in A.D . 1172, would make him decidedly earlier. 21, 27, 127, 833, 986. 95.
Buddhist-Vai~l)ava,
The Authors
lxxxv
96. Pu~paka. Praises the respiration of Hari. A Puwakaradeva, CC. i. p . 343. 136. [Pu~tika, Pu~thp.kara.
Bp, Smk on 738.J
97. Pautayani ( T YautayaI)i).
The reason for preferring pau to yau as the first s~ llable when the two would be hard to distinguish in the manuscript is that the gal).a Potana is found in the Gattapatha on Ptitt. 4. 1. 44, while Pautana also seems to indicate a region near Mathura. 176. [Prakasavar~a.
CC. i. p. 347. Sbh for 1274.J
98. Pradyulllna. IS.217.} CC. i. p. 352. Praised by Rajasekhara in Smk. 4. 73, as a dramatist. 470, 567, 648. 99. Prabhakara. (5. 218-20.1 CC. i. p. 353. A Prabhakara of l\1agadha appears as author and translator, Rgyud. lxi. 25; lxix. 117, 123; lxxi. 319; Mdo. cxxiii. 35. Prabhakara-kirti Rgyud. lxix. 123; Ixxi.52.
550; [500 Smk, 100. Pra\arasena.
Sp PrabhakaradevaJ.
CC. i. p. 357.
Praised by BaJ}.a in 1711; taken to be of the fifth century or so, though the king of KaSmir (CSL. 32, of Kuntala) who succeeded Matrgupta in the second half of the sixth century had the same name. Author of a lost epic poem, Setubandha.
7123. 101. Batu. A Batoka is given as author of P 820: dayita-mukha8ua1]1-So. Batudasa, father of Sridharadasa, though praised for his generosity by poets (S. 5 . 76. 1-5), is not known to have written any poetry. 193. 102. BaQa. {S.229.} CC. i. p. 368. Court poet of Har~avardhana Siladitya, who ruled a great part of India from Kanauj during the first half of the seventh century. As the author of the romance Kiidambari, and the romantic biography Har~acarita, BaI)a is the great master of Sanskrit prose, which he virtually killed by setting the norm for monstrous compounds. In the introductory section of the H ar~acarita, his own ancestry and biography are set forth in some
Introduction
Ixxxvi
detail. He was a Saiva (Pasupata) by tradition, and belonged to a brahmin family of the Vatsy ayana gotra settled in the village of Pritikllta and following the Kukkuta vrata. In his youth he made friends with people of many classes, and traveled widely , acquiring a reputation for licentious conduct (bhujanga) which preceded him to Har!?a's court and had to be lived down. Bal)a's village was by the river Son, which then joined the Ganges near Patna, and less than two days' walking distance from the Ganges. He met Har!?a in a camp-headquarters near the AjiravaU (Rapti?) river. His travels never took him to the capital proper, for his description of the region about Thanesar as abounding in coconut trees merely generalizes what was true of the most fertile territory near his own home. Of BaI)a's poetic works only a few stanzas imbedded in the prose and anthology quotations survive. N ot to be confused with the decidedly later author of the Parvatipari1J-aya. 49, 56, ~03-4, 514, 588, 832, 930, 1304-5, 1710-12, 1735; [48, 91, 95, 112, 592, 803, 1166, 1174, 1434J. 103. Bimboka or Vimboka. CC. i. p. 373.
T generally Himboka;
S 1)imboka. 998; [622]. [Bij§itkura, Bijakara, Bijaka
Bp
for 847.J
A Buddhist , cited by the title of pa1J-q,1ta and in the honorific plural in K and T, hence promoted after N; thus highly regarded at some monastery, which, in the absence of the name in sources like Taranatha, should indicate the Jagaddala Vihara. 17, 23-4, 882, 993, 1014, 1121, 1147. 104. Buddhlikara, °karagupta.
105. sri Bhagiratha, Bhagiratha, or Bhagirathadatta. 237-8.} CC. i. p. 394. A Saiva-Vai!?Q.ava. 86, 142, 941; [82].
{So
106. Bhadra. Eulogizes a king whose name or epithet must have been Vasudeva. 1386.
{So 247.} CC. i. p. 397. For the critical problem, see the introduction to The Epigram.s Attributed to Bharlrhari, Singhi Jain Series 23, Bombay , 1948; for the author, JOR. 15, 1945 (ii), pp. 64-77. It is clear from V and S that no Bhartrhari version 107. Bhartrhari.
The Autlwis
Ixxxvii
of any known type reached the east before 1200, and that a considerable number of V and S stanzas which are found in later Bhartrhari collections came into Tt and S via the SantiSataka. The most graceful of the poet's stanzas, those on spigara, do not appear at all, while those assigned by name in V are not to be seen anywhere else. Stanzas which are perfectly genuine by the criterion of text criticism applied to Bhartrhari's saiakM are ascribed in V to other authors. See particularly the note on Dharmakirti, no. 78. 1215, 1217, 1222, 1498, 1610, 1635, 1730; [367, 489, 1204, 1225, 1243, 1273, 1334, 1343, 1461, 1465, 1468, 1471, 1472, 1604, 1611, 1632-3, 1666, 1673, 1677, 1696]. [BhaIlata, the author of a aka; led "the meanest existence" under Sarpkaravarman of KaSmir A.D. 883-902; Raj. 5. 204. 1040.J
sat
108. Bhava. CC. i. pp. 397-398. An author of this name ID Rgyud. xliv. 74-79; xlv. 1-7; Bhavabhatta, Rgyud . vi. 3; ix. 1; xv. 3; xxii. 60; xxxiii. 9, 10; lxxi. 372, 374-375, 381. Also a Bhava-
bhadra. 363.
IS. 251.} CC. i. p. 398. One of the outstanding Sanskrit poets and dramatists, probably of the early eighth century A.D. under the patronage of YaSovarman. Author of the M iilatimiidhava, U ttarariimacarita, M ahaviracarita. Some attempts have been made to identify him with Ubbeka or Umbeka, pupil of Kumarila, cf. Smk. intro .• p. 48. He was a brahmin of the Udumbara line, Kasyapa gotra, Taittiriya school, from the city of Padmapura in the south. This is in the prologues of his plays, where his lineage is further given as: grandfather Bhatta Gopala, father Nilaka~tha, mother Jatlikarl}.i; his own family cognomen might be indicated by srikar.tfha-pada-laiichana. "orshiped Siva. Vidyakara shows special liking for Bhavabhiiti; see ai. 44, 84, 189, 200, 215-8, 405, 427, 446, 482-5, 598, 716, 775, 1188, 1214, 1530-4, 1563-5, 1589-91; [73, 616, 710, 752-4, 783, 893, 987, 1203, 1577, 1592, 1684J. [Bhavya. IS. 253.} CC. i. p. 401. S for 1657.J 109. BhavabhOti.
T, ?Vagura. CC. i. p. 558. For the grammarian and lexicographer Bhaguri, CC. i. p. 404. 413.
110. Bhagura.
Ixxxviii
1ntrodudion
[Bharavi. (S. 256.\ CC. i. p. 406. Author of the poem KiraUiTjuniya, from which three stanzas are taken, though the author is nowhere named in V. Two stanzas in S show worship of Hari and Hara. Supposedly in the sixth century A.D., as the poem is cited in an inscription of A.D. 634. 1625, 1662, 1674.J 111. Bhavakadevi, Bhavadevi.
{S. 257.} the three poetesses named explicitlv in V. 429. 6-4-6.
CC. i. p. 407. One of
112. Bhasa. {So 259.} CC. i. p. 410. The dramatist. Praised by Bal)a, HaT. 1. 15, for beginning his dramas with a siitradJuira prologue; by Rajasekhara, Smk. 4. 48, as the author of the Svapnavo.,Savadatta; and by Kalidasa, ruefully, in the prologue to the .Malavikagni1nitra. T. Gal)apati Sastri discovered and published 13 plays, the finest of which bears the title Svapnavasavadatta, all of which he believed to be lost works of Bhasa. Controversy still rages as to whether the) are so or are not and many intermediate positions have been taken: e.g., that some only are genuine, that all are reworkings of the originals, etc. The evidence of the anthologies is perhaps not extensive enough to decide the question. But it is worth noting that the verses ascribed to Bhasa in the anthologies are not found in the recently disco\ ered pla,~ s, nor are the verses of these plays found in the anthologies. 138; [43, 88, 276, 905]. [Bhasoka. {S.260.} CC. i. 410. S for 1394.J [Bhik!!:'u. {So 262.} CC. i. p. 412. S for 839-40.J [Bhik~urnati. See bh~u Sumati.J 113. Bhpigara. 1153 ( K, mistakenly for SrIigara?) . [Bheribhrarnaka. {S.265.1 CC. i. p. 416. S for 450, from final word.]. 114. sri Bhojadeva or Bhojyade,·a. IS. 267.} CC. i. p. 418. The latter form of the name, noted with a sic b) Thomas and others, seems to have been the commoner reading current at the time and place of V, possibly to distinguish the author from the PraUhara Bhojas, who are not known to have written any poetr). Our references are to the famous and prolific Bhoja, king of Dhara from about A.D. 1000 to 1055 (died A.D. 1055-56, cf. supplement to JOR. 19, iit 1952): a polymath, whose theories of poetics are expres ed in the
The Autlwrs
lxxxix
bulky Sarasvaiika'TJ,th6..bhara1J,a and the even larger Sr1igiiraprakiiSa; a patron of poets and hero of many legends. The supposition that Bhoja. was still alive in A.D. 106'l derives from a misinterpretation by G. Buhler of Bilhal)a's Vikrarniiitkadevacarita 18. 26, and of the Udepur praSa.Yti (El. 1. pp. 222 fr.) stanza 21 (lines 22- 3). The former says merely that BilhaQ.a wished he had been able to see Bhoja alive; the latter, that the earth and Dhara had been darkened by enemies after Bhoja's death. Bhoja is praised in 1003, perhaps in 1569; courted by Chittapa in 749 and in S. 3 . 1. 1, 3. 8. 1; appears as a Saiva in 54, S. 1. 3. 5, S. 1. 7. 1 (= 35, anon.) and as a worship er of Bhavani in his copperplate grants; flatters his uncle and predecessor Muiija in S. 3. 11. 1, perhaps to save himself as the Prabandhacinttirna1J,i would have it of another stanza. Besides this, there are many oblique references. 54, 350, 436, 706, 1160, 1651 (with a Turu~ka king); [35, 1038, 1110, 1706J. 115. Bhramaradeva. 721.
{S.268.\
CC. i. p. 419.
116. Mangala. {So 270.} CC. i. p. 419. Buddhist-Saiva; the only stanza in S about the Buddha not in V is S. 1. 49. 5, by this poet. 67, 1237; [1023]. 117. Mangalarjuna. 192.
{So 271.}
CC. i. p. 420.
118. Maiijusfimitra. Buddhist by name. Praises some aggressive
king in his single stanza. 1414. [Mal)«Jana. P on 85.J [Madhu. {S. 272.} CC. i. p. 426. S for 1156.J 119. Madhukal)lha. {S.274.) 1187; [1185J.
CC. i. p. 426.
120. Madhukula. {So 273.} CC. i. p. 426. 693, 1065, 1388; [1205J. 121. Madhusila. {So 275, MadhuraSila.} CC. i. p. 426. 209, 287, 1138; [1043]. [Manoka. {So 276. } CC. i. p. 429. S for 680, 1689.J
Introduction
xc
122. Manovinoda. IS. 277.J CC. i. p. 429. T also l\{anovinodaka, and Manovida. Pala court poet, probably dramatist; specialized in description of the seasons and their concomitant lovemaking. 162-3, 266-74, 324-6, 441, 471-4, 547-8, 577-8, 669, 886. 123. Mayfira. IS. 279.\ CC. i. p. 432. The author of a SiiryaSataka still extant. According to RajaSekhara (Smk. 4. 70) court poet of Har~a along with BaQ.a and others. Possibly referred to by BaI)a in the Har~acarita. Like Har~a, honored Siva and the Sun. 61, 151. [Malayaja. IS. 280.} CC. i. p. 433. S for 1053, from concluding line.J 124. Malayarlija. IS. 281.1 CC. i. p. 433. The citation indicates the author of the Tapasavaisaraja, a Buddhist drama of the Udayana cycle; the author's name is generally taken as Anangahar~a M atraraj a, son of sri-Narendravardhana of KaSmIr. But the otherwise unknown Matangaraja of S. 5. 5. 2 = Tap. 3. 13 indicates the same person, who must have been forgotten, or enjoyed a large number of pseudonyms, or both. 867, 868, 981, 982, 983. 125. Malayavlita. 883. [Mahakavi. IS. 285 ..l 126. Mahavrata. 689. [Mahasakti.
IS.
287.\
IS. 288.}
S ad 599.J
CC. i. p. 443. CC. i. p. 443. S for 1011.J
127. Mahodadhi. {S. 291.} CC. i. p. 446. A court poet, whose praise of a Rajyapala in 1428 might indicate the name of a royal patron. 571, 654, 1428; [1447J. 128. Magha. (P Maghadatta). IS. 292.\ CC. i. p. 446. Author of the poem 8iSupalavadha from which both our stanzas are taken. Second half of seventh century, as he was grandson of Suprabhadeva, minister of King Varmalata of whom an inscription dated A.D. 625 has been found; son of Dattaka Sarvasraya. 626,627. 129. Matrgupta. CC. i. p. 448. Late sixth century? Poet-king of KaSmir, patron of MeQ.tha, Raj. 3. 129-322, 260, etc.; set up by
The Authors
.
XCI
Har~a Vikramaditya (sometimes identified with Siladitya) of l\i(alava;
abdicated in favor of Pravarasena 11. 1.4-99. [Marjara. IS. 296.J CC. i. p. 453. Sad 631, from the last words.] [Mala~aku~'alaya. Aucityavicaracarca of K~emendra for 164.J 130. Malayudha. The single stanza in praise of Vi~Q.u is given as Halayudha's, S. 1. 63. 4. 1.4-6. [!\{uktapi"a. CC. i. p . 459. Sbh for 1493.J
IS.
CC. i. p. 460. Presumably the uncle (and immediate predecessor on the throne of Dhara) of Bhoja, whose father Sindhuraja he is supposed to have done to death. He ruled at least during 974-979. Patron of the Jain prose writer and poet, Dhanapala (see the preface to Tilakamanjari). Among his large number of birud names (El. I, p. 223, 226) are Vakpatiraja (lI), Utpalaraja, Amoghavar~a, Prthvivallabha, Srivallabha. The fact that each of these names is also associated with some ·other king adds to the normal confusion in Indian records. 756, 1197. 131. Muiijaraja, Muiija.
IS. 301.}
299.\
Author of the drama AnaTghaTaghava, for which' idyakara shows an extraordinary liking; however, stanzas 1019, 1566, 1570, 1574-5 seem to be from some other work, perhaps a praSasti whose discovery may help date the poet. Son of Tantumati and Bhatta Srivardhana, hence a Brahmin. If he should be referred to in the Kasmirian Ratnakara's Haravijaya 38. 67, he could have been a KaSmirian of the middle ninth century A.D. but his not being mentioned by Kalha~a casts doubt on the identification. Since he is cited often by Smk, comparatively little by Sbh, Sp, it would be far more likely that he was a southerner, known to S and V through the Kanarese connections of the Sena and Pala kings. Konow's guess that he was at the court of some Kalacuri king at Mahi~mati (l\fandhata) on the Narmada river seems more justified. Calls himself a mahiikavi and biila-Valmiki in the prologue to AnT. Saiva-' ai~Qava. 132. Murari.
CC. i. p. 462, ii. p. 106.
31-2, 106-7, 117, 158, 357, 442-4, 606, 625, 633-4, 889, 910-8, 962, 984-5, 1019, 1415, 1553, 1566, 1574-5, 1701-2;
,-
-
Introduction
XCll
[78-9, 831, 860-1, 958- 61 , 1002, 1411 , 1526, 1542-3, 1570, 1579-85]. 133.
Mu~tikaraguha.
{ef. S. 302,
lVlu ~tika. }
1363. 134. Metha. IS. 246. J CC. i. p. 397, p. 467. Presumably the Kasmirian Bhartr-MeI:ltha, author of a Haravijaya, Raj. 3. 260; praised by Dhanapala Smk. 4. 61 for his vakrokti; is sometimes identified by translation with Hastipaka. 1558. 135. Maitrisri. Buddhist name, as for example the translator of Rgyud. xliv. 32-34. 1032. 136. Yampyaka. (possibly Pampaka, Pampaka, Papaka. 202-3.} CC. i. p. 334). 1069.
{S.
137. YasovarJrlan. IS. 306.\ CC. i. p. 474. Author of the Ramabhyudaya-ndt:aka, according to Abhina vagupta 's comment on Dhv. Taken to be the early eighth-century king of Kana uj , patron of Vakpatiraja and possibly Bhavabhiiti; defeated and killed by Lalitadity a of KaSmlr not later than the middle of the eighth centur) . Not to be confused with the Yasodharman of central India who defeated the Hii~as circa A.D. 528. 742; [240, 770]. 138. Yagoka. 389.
IS. 312, Y ogoka.}
139. Yogesvara. {S.3Il.} CC. i. p. 481. Praised by Abhinanda (or S, Bhavananda) in 1699, hence to be placed not later than the ninth century. Appears to be a Pala court poet, best appreciated for his verses on country scenes. He himself praises in 1733 (but S Abhinanda!) Bhavabhl1ti, Ba~a, Kamalayudha, Kesata, and' akpatiraja, which may be the chronological order. In S. 5. 26. 3, he is praised in turn by Vasukalpa after Bal).a and Kesata. His verse on women pounding the winter rice (1178) is frequentl y quoted in Bhoja's works on poetics. S cites from two other presumably distinct Y ogesavaras as well as from ours: Dharma-Y ogesvara, whose prefix would indicate a Buddhist, and Karafija-Y ogesvara, probabl) so-named from his place of origin.
Th e Autlwrs
XC III
71, 183,206-8,220, 25.q, 256-8, 263-4, 291,297,305,315, 318, 814, 938, 919, 1191, 13.12, 1453, 17'33; [53, 59, 60, 74, 103, 114, 221, 314, 970, 1163-4, 1178]. 140. Rak ~o-Bibbi~al)a (P A Sai, a.
OID. R~o,
but
Rak~oravat;la
on 48).
40.
141. Ragbunandana. (or Raghunanda) . IS. 313.} i. p. 483, ii. p. 113, iii. pp. 103-104. ai~~ava. 135,869.
A'
Cf. CC.
142. Ratipala. 641. [Ratimitra. Sbh for 191.J 143. Ratnakirti. Buddhist bv name; adores Lokesvara in his one stanza. Author and translator cited in Bstod. 59; Rgyud. xl. 25; Ixiii. 18; IxLx.197-198; Ixxxi.5; Ixxxii.55-56; A/do. viii. 4; lxi. 11, 15; cxvii. 3 (cf. Rgyud. lx.xxii. 21). Tar. pp. 157, 172, 174. 18. 144. Rathanga. IS. 316.} A courtier. 1396; [995]. 145. Ravigupta. {S.318. } CC. i. p. 494. According to CC, with the title bhadanta, author of a CandraprahluWijayakavya, and a Lokasa7!lvyavalllirana1ru11ika" with 55 stanzas in Sbh. Also well known in Buddhis t literature ( Tar. pp. 146-147; Mdo. cxxiii. 29; Rgyud. xxvi. 5-7), tllOugh proof of identity is lacking. Here a specialist in gnomIC verse. 1253, 1269; [805, 1358J. 146. Raj a Sekllara. {So 322.} CC. i. p. 502, iii. p. 107. The most frequently quoted poet in almost every subha.ri;ta collection, because of the imposing volume and flourish of his output, as well as the wide popularity he enjoy ed at court and among his fellow poets. His erudition and generous praise of many poets (ef. Smk. section 4) is a valuable source of historical information. He traveled widely, was unusually well off for a 8Ub~a writer not actually a king, and theorized on poetics. He was of the Yayavara family, son of the Mahamantrin Durduka or Duhika and Silavati, grandson of Akalajalada, descendant of or related to the poets Surananda, Tarala, Kaviraja. He was married to A vantisundari, a high princess of the Cauhan
·
XClV
family, and undoubtedly a k~atriya feudal noble him elf, though his writings differ in no essential way from contemp rary brahmin Sanskrit works. He speaks of him elf a . the gu ru or King ~Iahelldra pala, and under the patronage of his son and ucce or :\Iahipala. This refers to the Pratmara king of Kanauj who are known from inscriptions to have ruled circa A.D. 89O-9~O. ~lah ndrapala's tutelage to Rajasekhara would have preceded omewhat the dat ~ . The Prakrit play Karpilramaiija'r'i would have been pre ented at the court of King Nirbhaya (= ~lahendrapala ) , as also the Biila'riimiiY0TJ,a; the incomplete Biilabharata (= Praca1.u!apaYJ,qa na ) at the court of the son. The fourth drama, the Viddhascilabhaiijika was written and produced for Keyiiravar~a YU\ arajadeva ] of Tripuri (Te\yar near JubbuJpore), RajaSekhara having left Kanauj for a time. The-e piece are regarded by most modern critics a imitative and lacking in dramatic quality, but they are studded with 81.lbhci~ita . which captured the attention of contemporary readers. Beside these play , Raja~ekhara tells us that he wrote two other works, of which the lIarar:i1ii a hould be one. The other, published as the Kam'1'ahasya, is upposed to be the first of eighteen projected sections of a gigantic work, the Ka8ymni'11lii7!l3ii, which was never finished. The Km} being it elf in eighteen sections. there may be some conIusion as regards dIe larger plan. But even what we have, which offers a theory on the PuraQic model of poetics and of the poet's qualifications, is of a grandio e nature. Rajasekhara praises Siva, the Fish incarnation of "i.Qu, and the un-god. 3.!,., 62, 83, 102, 113, 132, 148, lo r, 165- 6 190 195,211-S, 327, 335-6, 375, 380, 383, ·H8-9, 4-17-8, 457 -'J 6 517-28. 541, 605, 612, 663, 679, 711-2, 719, ,;. 9, 745-7 60-1. 771-2, 797-802, 878, 896, 902-3, 9 • 953 974, 990, 1145, 1223, 1546-51, 1690-2; [46, 90, 346, 355, 385, 395,409, 411, 464, 531, 540, 552, 703, 713-4, 757, 779, 804, 895, 907-9, 928, 952, 963-4, 989, 1000, 1018, 1140, 1321, 1346, 1639, 1707, 1719, 1737J. 147. Rajasri or Rajyasri. 898-9. 148. sri RajyapaIa. S. 323, Rajoka; CC. i.. 503. I propose to identiiy this poet with the yuvaraja who patronized Abhiuallda,; to be distinguished from the second Raj) apala-Kamboja of the junior PaJa line, though which Rajyapala is lauded by ~Iahodadhi in 1428 is not clear. The way in which S garble the citation shows that
xcv
The A lIthor
Rajyapala was being forg llen by that lime, if e, er welJ known as a poel. 60. 01. 149. Ri Ma. Perhap 13_6; [ 1 0~ 1J.
the R' u a.d Svt.
~.
37 ( KM. ~. p. 46).
150. Rudra. . 3~6.1 . i. pp. 528, 530. Probably Rudrata, author of the treati e on. poetics Kavyma1!Utara, though this is not certain. 37_.543.
151. Lak~Dl(d]lara. I . 330. ' CC. i. p. 538, "perhaps the brother of ~ariIgadhara' - an identification even more frivolous than mo l in an krit li terary hi tory. This poet was the author of a Cakra.pu1.ti-trijaya-11la}takarrya ( BORI. ~8/ 187g-74; Cat. vol. XIII. i. no. 251 ). some of the stanzas of which are quoted in Smk under the name La~mjdhara. That our poet is the same individual is shown by 313, the ascription of which is the same in S1nk and V. In the prologue to the ~I hivya, he is seen to be an indigent poet bitterly disappointed by plagiari III and lack of payment at the court of Bhoja:
iri- BJwia-devendu-virajitaya:l!~ tasyd1!~ sahhii-paficadaSi-niSayam mndpi 1nudrd1n «1ioahyam epa durikrta1[L durjana-taskarer:ta.
This refers to his kav-ya. Further information is that he was from a GauQa village settled by Sa.t)Qilya brahmins. The lineage is: Naravahana, Ajita, Sristambha, Lak~mIdhara. Saiva-Vai~l)ava. The kiivya has recently been announced among the publications of the Rajasthan Puratatha ~Iandir, Jaipur. 75, 813, 344, 401, 600, 635, 715, 8fl3, 884, 97~, 1054; [1045, 1055, 1184, 1612, 1626J. 152. La«Jabacandra.
{So 333.}
CC. i. p.
54~.
337-8, 1101. 153. Lalitoka.
{So 335. J CC. i. p. 543.
328. 154. Vajra:mu~li. 361. 155. 'anaroba. 1109.
[Vararuci.
{So 34~.}
CC. i. p. 551. Smk,
Sp for 1171.J
Introduction
XCVI
156. Varaha. {So 343.1 1179; [1206].
CC. i p. 552?
157. VarahaDlihira. (K °Dlihara.) {So 344.} CC. i. p. 55~ (identified with above). A famous astronomer and iconographer of the sixth century. The name has a foreign appearance (as with the Ephthalite invader, King MihiraguJa, circa A.D. 515) and its two components may be responsible for the attribution of the two stanzas found in his name, praising the Boar incarnation (varaha) and the sun (mihira) respectively. But cf. J. E. Sanjana in Fest.schrift Dinshah /rani (1943), pp. 115-122, where Varaha is derived from the Pehlevi Varaharan (= A vestan vere(}ragna). 134, 150. 158. VallaJ}.a (or BallaQ.a) {So 346.1 CC. i. p. 554.
A PaIa poet, not found except in the V S P complex. Praises an unknown king in 1416 as [Kali-kala-Jkarr.taka or °karr.ta, which may be a proper name. His verses are distributed throughout V. Buddhist-Saiva, but a special devotee of Maiijusri. Praises himself in 1703, 1734; laments poverty of really good poets, 1717. 10, 25-6, 36-9, 172 , 333, 353, 428, 488, 556, 568, 630, 665, 682, 748, 773, 822, 1022, 1026-7, 1037, 1056, 1208, 1376-9, 1416, 1506, 1540, 1652, 1693, 1703-5, 1717, 1734; [1046, 1103, 1599, 1609, 1664J. 159. Vasukalpa, Vasukalpadatta (KaIpadatta, 'asuka, Kalpavasu). IS. 350.} CC. i. p. 557. Court poet of King Kamboja of
the junior PaIa line. The identification rests upon praise of Kamboja by Vasukalpa in our stanzas 1016, 1444, where there is no doubt at all that a king and not a country Kamboja is being flattered. In S. 5.17.5 praises the specially beautiful land of Assam (Pragjy oti~a ) . The Dinajpur pillar inscription (JASB. New Series 7, 1911, p. 619; PB. pp. 63, 68-69), consisting of a single verse, gives the first reference to the king: durvarari-variithini-pramathane dane ca 'vidyadharai/.l. sananda'T{t divi yasya margar,t.a-gutta-griima-graho g'iyate Kambojanvayajena Gauclapatinii tenendumauler aya'T{t prasado niramiiyi KU11jaraghatava.T$e7Ja bhubhii~a'TJall.
This says that a king of Gau<;la (usual title of Pala kings), descended from the Kamboja line, built a temple to ~iva. The script seems to be
The A 11Jwrs
XCVll
of the tentll century.. It wa tempting to take kuiijara-ghatii-var$a as dellotillg a number, , which .in the Saka era would give A.D. 966. Bu t neither the tran lal ion nor the Saka era at that period seem justified . " 'e may here recall that Abhinanda,'s patron is named in the same tsl, and lak Kunjara-ghat,a, ar~a as the prince's family name. The next tep i to compare the Irda copperplate of King NayapaJade\'a (El. 22. pp. 150- 159; 24. pp. 43 fr.; lA. 15, pp. 508 fr.; HBD. pp. 190- 191), of which the sixth verse reads:
K mnboja.- fJa.'7!t$a-tilaka,ll. sthira-viJ.,.ra11l. a-srir asrallla-dtina-mahirna-1nahiJ.a-prabhii,val],
la; mciptila-'11U1.uli-caya-cU7nbita-piidapitlzal~ pr(t" i)patib, prthur abhiid iJza Rajyapiilalt. The Rajyapala here cannot he written off as a figure of speech, for the genealogy is given, and agrees with unquestioned PaIa records including plates of Rajyapala himself (not Abhinanda's patron, but of a. junior branch that succeeded De, a.pala.) ; even the queen Bhagyadevi is the same for this Rajyapala as for the Pala. Thus the reference to a Ram boja line is to distinguish the king from members of the direct line which died out or was deposed quietly.. The only question is whether Kamboja of the Dinajpllr pillar is Rajyapala himself (as I incline to believe) or his father. 'asukalpa may be placed about the middle of the tenth century, at the Pala court. The poet, like his patron, is Buddhist-Saiva, with greater emphasis upon the Buddha. A high proportion of his stanzas consist of panegyrjcs. 1423 mentions the defeat of a KaliJiga prince, S. 3. 19. 1 may praise a Sahasa, S. 3. 26. 1 praises the naval might of Sahasamalla which so upset the Gauga king that he could not enjoy water sports. Whether the Bhjma of 1431 is a name or adjective (or epithet) is not dear. S. 3. 36. 1 refers to Kamboja. horses, but may be a pun on the king's name too. 3,6, 15,30,93-4,399,542, 897,921,956,1016,1125,1126 ( K Kalpa,asu), 1397,1423,1426, 1431, 1444, 1459; [936, 965, 1381 , 14£4-5J. [' asundhara o r ' asudhara. {So 352.1 CC. i. p. 557. S for 1091, 1649.] 160. Vakkfila. {So 356.1 ac. i. p. 557. Lived after Abrunanda and King Sricand.ra, of whom he speaks (1500) as in the golden past, while ell.llressing disappointment at lack of appreciation. 155, 406, 551, 643, 725, 741, 759, 1458, 1500, 1613.
XCVlll
Introduction
161. Vakpati. (S. 358.} CC. i. p. 557. Probably the ame as the next. But see Muflja also. Praises \ i~l).u. 115, 116, 141; [114J. 162. Vakpatiraja. {S.359.} CC. i. p. 557. Tills poet is generally taken as son of a Har~adeva, and author of the Gaiic/avaho, court poet of King YaSovarman. Praised by Yogesvara (or Abhinanda) in 1733. Note that the name is also an epithet of Nluiija. 104-5, 108, 143, 1155; [124. 137]. 163. Vagisvara. 1336. 164. Vagura. (S. 360.} CC. i. p. 558. Referred to by Abhinanda (or, according to S, Bhavananda) in 1699. A \ aguri is an author, Mdo. cxxxiii. 16. See also Bhagura. 178, 210, 292, 1182. 165. Vacaspati. IS. 362.} CC. i. 559. Identilied w'i th SabdarI).ava (no. 189), which seems a soubriquet of his, probably after some lexicon compiled by him (cf. 1196 = S. 4 . 8. 3 and 1201 = . -l. 13. 1) . 316, 422, 1196. 1201; [557, 1277, 1485]' [Vatoka. IS. 365.} CC. i. p. 561. S for 229.J 166. Vamadeva. {So 367.} CC. i. p. 563. P give half a stanza, in his name. 425 (S twice to Mura.ri). [Vamana. IS. 368.} CC. i. p. 563. :Minister of King Jayapiga of Kasmlr (A.D. 779-813), Rlijataran.g-i'T}-t 4. 496. See also Intr. to GOS. 6, Vamana's LinganU§lisana; perhaps author also of the Kavyalarp,kiira-siltra-vrtti. Cited by S as author of our 185.J 167. Varttikakara. (S. 369.} CC. i. p. 565. The name means simply the writer of a commentary , but attempts have been made to identify him with none less than Kumarila, who seem (with countless others) to have passed by this name. 997; [777J. 168. Vasata. 1200 (P sri-Kesavacarya). [bhaHa Vasude,'a. (Cf. Jhalajjhala.) 169. Vikatanita:mha. RajaSekhara, Smk. 4. 92. 572, 659.
S bh for 5l6. 12'l4.]
{S.374. \ CC. i. p. 569. Poetes praised by
The A uilwrs
XCIX
170. VikramAditya. . 375.} CC. i. p. 569. Aufrecht regards him a a po. ible a ociate in the i-xth century of M:atrgupta and ~i(er:ttha. RCij. 3. 474; 8.34~1 ). The \ ikramaditya of some of these stanza (9 .. 7, 1154; on 4~,6 ) is a legendary figure from the usual pro. e-poetic tale current about Kalidasa, Bhoja, and many others. on the model ay of the Blwjaprabandha, or the V ikrmnacarita. May be regarded a the projection of the Gupta emperor who was Kalidasa's patron. The name, however" is a. birud of many kings, historical or fabulous. 4~6, 4n2; 1154, with a tapasvin. 171. 'ijayapAla. ( K \ijayaka\i). The stanza is ascribed by S to 'Yogcivara. But Vija)apala seems to ha\e been a Pal a prince, if identical with the rajapuJra-Vijayapala of Smk. 49. 15 (an author not discu sed in the Smk introduction) . 1403.
172. 'ijayendra. A sri- Kalaca"'''1'a-pa,~uJita of this name is described as author of Rgyu.d. '\. 1; Vijayendrasena, Rgyud. xxiii. 13. 891. 173. Vittoka. {S.378.\ CC. i. p. 572. 384 (S \ ibhoka), 387-8 (S Vetoka), 853 (8 Chittoka), 1099, 1496.
174. Viddiika. 871, 1124 ( K \ijjuta). ej. 8 for 365, Vidhiika. 175. 'idya. (also Vijja, Vid~ aka, Vijjaka, VijayaJika). {S. 379.} CC. i. p. 571, 573. The leading Sanskrit poetess, though known only
from anthologies; had become completely legendary by the time of P who ascribes to her almost any stanza where the speaker might be a woman. Associated with Kalidasa in 1519 Ca Bhartrhari sloka) and with 'ikram~iditya, Kalidasa, and a Cal;l(Jala in the S ascription of 927; but the contemporaneousness is extremely unlikely. Praised by Raja.sekhara as the Kanarese Sarasvati in Smk. 4. 93; in Smk. 4. 96, proudly says that Dar:t<Jin, not knowing of her, as dark as the blue lotus, said in vain that Sarasvati was all white of complexion. This would place her between DaJJ.<Jin and RajaSekhara, say between A.D. 650 and 850. Incidentally, her defense is rendered unnecessary by the Bhaf;tlirika-Sa,Tasvati-stotra from Bali (GOS. 57, p. 63) which
Universitat Hamburg Seminar fUr Kultur und Geschichte Indien.
-
Hamburg -
Introduction
c
gives SarasvatI in white, red, yellow, and black col rs. a.lules the Sun-god in 149. 1.4-9, 574, 807-8, 996, 1375, 1519; [445, 809, 1050, 1267]. 176. Vidyakara. The compiler of thi anthology , author himsel.f of the tag stanzas 1, 1738~9. Not known p.Isewhere. unle he collaborated in the translation of Rgyzul. x.iiii. 84-. A Budd.hj t, in any case. 177. Vinayadeva. IS. 382.j CC. i. p. 576. A Vjniladeva. and a Vinaya-prabhu, author of Candradula are known, a.ccording to T. Intr., p. 108. A Saiva. 65, 153, 1127; [1133]. [Visalya. Smk for 851.J 178. Visakhadatta. IS. 386.} CC. i. p. 581. Author of the drama M udriiriik:iasa. Son of Prthu, grandson of the amanta Vatesvaradatta. 133; [278, 791 (Prakrit, Mud. 1. 22)] 179. Vi!;il)uhari. {S. 388.} CC. i. p. 594. 722 (K Vi~];lUdasa), 968. 180. Vira. {So 389.1 CC. i. p. 594. 1092, 1313 ( K Dhara, S Bhanu) . 181. ViryalIlitra. IS. 393.} CC. i. p. 596. A PaIa author, Saiva, courtier. 334, 359, 407, 433, 467, 480, 590, 650, 769, 1417-22; [42, 1060, 1134]' [Vrddhi. CC. i. p. 598. Sbh {or 231.J 182. Vaiddoka. Praises Kr~l}.a. 147. 183. Vaidya-Dhanya, Dhana, or Dhara.
IS. 397. } CC. i. p. 611.
688.
[Vainateya.
IS. 398.} CC. i. p. 613. S for 1310.J
184. Vaisya or VaiJ;tya. 801. 185. VopaIit.a. (Bopalita, Copalita) . CC. i. p. 616, as a lexicographer mentioned by Halayudha. tenth century. 642.
The Aut/roTS
.
Cl
186. 'yll a. i. p . 619. Here, undoubtedly the legendary author of til e ~JI aluibhiirata and all the major PUra1J.AlS, for 1'l21 is a Bhartrhari 'bmza, thutc8n . Iip into .a ny Puratla (as so many have in the niti li n (tll comparativel) late Ga,r w/a,m a,/uipurd:,),a), and 13~-l is la'beled sri-I ya apciddncfm by S. But there also existed a Sena court poet Vyiisa witil the title Ka,~iraja who praises the generosity of Batudii ~a-, fathr of Sridharadasa., in S. 5. 16. 5. 1 21.
1 __ -l;
[J_ ,1525J.
187. Saqlkara,·arolsn. CC. i. p. 626. Flatters Raja.sekhara in 1700, which ' tanza is quoted as Saqlkaravarman's in the prologue
to Raja ' ekhara' plays, Vid. and Beil. The termination of the name indicates a qalriya. 1700.
[Sakaliya-Sabara.
(S. 402.1
CC. i. p. 6'l2. S for 1070.J
IBB. Satananda. rS. 40B.} CC. i p. 631. It is pointed out by Aufrecht and Thomas that Rudratahad this surname "but none of the verse can be traced to him." I propose identify ing him with the Satananda who "as the father of Abhinanda. A Pala court poet, first half of ninth century A.D. Saiva. 76, 253, 285. 320, 370, 671, 978, 1186, 1299, 1509; [123, 1122, 1316, 1522J. 189. Sabda.n,a,'a. {S.409.J CC. i. p. 559, 635. Thomas'identification with' acaspati (no. 165) seems very reasonable, for the word is much more likely to be the name of a book than of a person. 724, 1111, 1323, 1725; [1047, 1!t38J. 190. Samhiika. 637.
CC. i. p. 636.
[SaraQa. {S. 410.} CC. i. p. 637. S ad 1152. A Buddhist Sar~adeva wrote the Durghata-fJrf1i (TSS. 6), a commentary on Pal)ini. in A.D. 1172, in the same region as our anthology.] 191. Sana. (K Sarva). 939, 978.
{So 411.}
CC. i. p. 638.
Author of 1514, but name omitted in N. Name possibly due to concluding words of the stanza, as with so many others. 192. Sasikara.
Introduction
Cll
193. Santakaragupta or SAntyakaragupta. IS. 415.1 CC. i. p. 641. Worshiped the Buddhist deity Ma,njusrL 29,776. [SUavilha. {So 416 °vahana. 1 CC.L p. 644. S ad 1606.J 194. SAlika, SAlikanatha (8). {So 417.1 CC. i. p. 644. Praises the poet Amarasirpha in 1724. 1062, 1724; [1061, 1063, 1249J. [Saluka. IS. 418.} CC. i. p. 644. 8 ad 1123.J 195. Sitikar,tha. 866.
CC. i. p. 646.
196. bhatta-sri Sivasvlimin. IS. 420.] CC. i. p. 654. Author of the Kappha(i)r.uibhyudaya. Poet at the court oC King A\anti\arman of Kasmir (A.D. 855-884; Raj. 5. 34) . All stanzas given with his name are taken from Kap, as well as three more. Buddhist-Sah·a. 607-11, 836; [975-7J. [Sila-bhanarikA. IS. 422.} CC. i. p. 657. Generally taken as the authoress of 815, 850, but nowhere named in J..J 197. sri SubhAiIga. IS. 425 ~ubha,Iika.} CC. i. p. 659. T,. ~u bharpkara. Cf. Thomas, Museon. 1903. p. 42. CC. iii. p. 137. A ~aiva.
80, 169, 179, 286, 290, 321, 1322, 1390, 1412; [89, 109, 131,224,1044]' [Sudraka. {So 426.} CC. i. p. 659. Author of the drama Mrcchakatika, though Keith proposes some complicated hypotheses against this. Here, stanza 57, unnamed, is the benediction of JIrc.] 198. Sura (Arya SUra, Adirya Siira) . CC. i. p. 660. Author of a famous Buddhist collection of stories in prose and yerse (as in the Paficaiantra) , the Jatakamala, from which his only stanza in J is taken. 1292. [Sula. IS. 427.} CC. i. p.660, Sura. Sad 1628 (a Bhartrhari swka!).J [Sulapar)i. {So 428. J CC. i. p. 660. Probably not the author of the Smrtiviveka who lived about A.D. 1150. P onl:-r, on 1516.J 199. Srilgara. IS. 429.} 533, 535-6, 778.
CC. i. p. 660.
200. Srikar,tha. ( K SrikaJ;lQa). {So 433.1 CC. i. p. 677. A SrikaI.1thapal;u;Jita is known who mentions a King 'ri-)laUa-de\ a.
The Aut/toTS
cm
In S. 3. 27. 1, praises some martial king of Bhopal, presumably Munja or Bhoja, thu circa end of tenth centu.ry. 154., 901, 1128. 201. Srldharanandin. IS. 435.\ CC. i. p. 669. A Buddhist, known only for two stanzas in praise of the Buddha. A Sridharanandana. is author of Rgyud. iii. 5; Sridbara, Rgyu,d. xiv. 21; xlii. 2; Mdo. crnv. 7. Sridharapada, Rgyud. xliii. 128. 7, 8.
202.
SalPkar~al.la.
CC. i. p. 683; iii. p. 142.
569. 203. SarpgrAmAilgal),a .
1407 eK
'all~a,
{Cf. S. 41.1 S Karkaraja) .
204. Salpghasrl, SalpghalDitra, Salpghasr,i D1itra. {S. 440-2.1 CC. i. p. 687. The three names are Buddhist, and might be separate, but are confused in our manuscripts. Our poet seems to have been a royal preceptor (of some PaJa king?) from the title riijaguru in 41. Buddhist-Saiva. A Sarpghamitra in Rgyud. lxxii. 18. 4, 41, 152, 101S, 1544-5; [1266].
205. Saroka (K Seroka). 420, 1513. [Silkoka. {S.449. ./
CC. i. p. 705. S ad 1716.J
206. SAvarJ)i. Stanza 507 in his name is generally found in Bhartrhari collections, though text criticism makes it likely to be an early interpolation. 177, 319, 507. 207. Siddhoka. 728.
{S.457.\
CC. i. p. 722.
208. Sucarita CC. i. p. 724, °miSra. (P Surucita). 118. 209. Suddoka. (P Svarlloka). 376. 210. Subandhu. (S.461.\ CC. i. p. 726. Author of the Vasavadattii, a prose romance in which occur 18 stanzas (more in some manuscripts) from which the following have been chosen. Earlier
I ntroductiO'n
CIV
than BaI).a, who extols him in H ar~acarita 1. 11 (= 1710) . Later than Uddyotakara. 1491, 1718; [1254, 1572-3, 1655J. 211.
hhik~u
Sumati or
Bbik~umati
(K ) .
906. 212. Surahhi. {So 463.} 583, 1117.
CC. i. p. 729.
213. Suvan,arekha (SvarI).aO). 402; 1048.
{S.466.}
CC. i. p. 729.
214. Suvinita. Praises King SrIcandra. 1402 [Suvibhoka. IS. 467.} CC. i. p. 729. S (or 837.J 215. (sri) Sonnoka. (Sonoka, Solloka, Sohnoka, etc.) {So 475. J CC. i. pp. 734, 737. Devotee of Vi$l)u. 129, 139-40, 145, 581, 632, 685-6, 787, 1183. [Sornanathaprasasti. CC. i. p. 735. Generally gIven as the source of 50; a work praising Siva Somanatha.] 216. Haniilnat. {S. 476}; CC. i. p. 753, p. 438. Reputedly the author of the drama known as H anu.m.annd(aka. or jf ahdniitaka. The legend is that this was lost, but that at the time of King Bhoja of Dhara, the sea cast up some stone tablets bearing portions of the work. At any rate, the present drama has been restored by open plagiarism from any poet whose stanzas might be made to fit, though this seems to have passed unnoticed because many of the poets, like Vasukalpa, have gone out of circulation and memory . For a sample, taking the uncritically printed Damodara version, Kalida a has contributed 4.3 = 1149 (8iik. l. 7) ; Bhavabhiiti, 1. 53 = 1203 (Mahaviraca. 2. 36); Rajasekhara, 8. 52 = 1546 ( Blil. 2.31), 1. 21 = 1551 (BdL 1. 48); Vasukalpa, 2. 5 = 921,2.7 = 900; DhIranaga, 5.1 = 764 (Kun. 4. 2), which is beautifully altered to fit by substituting janakatmaja in the third quarter, making an ordinary lover's wail specifically Rama's lament. The Madhusudana version is no better, having taken 5. 3~ = 155~ from Abhinanda ( RA . 15 .. 64) , and 4. 27 = 427 from Bhavabhuti (Ut. 1. 38) . This by no means exhausts the palpable loans, which should be carefully discussed in any critical edition, to which Esteller's thesis (Abh. f. d. Kunde d. jforg. )I'-xi. 7, Leipzig, 1936) forms an excellent foreword and plan. 1105; [1359, 1433, 1438, 1557, 16~1J.
The Aut/wrs
cv
217. bhatt-a Hari. The name is very common. A Bhattara Haricandra is praised by BaJ)a, H ar. 1. 12, and presumably without the affix in our 1698. This poet, however, is referred to only by K on 658, Nand T omitting the name. Our 1617, Harei}, in S, is Bhartrhari's ; 1006, S Hari, P AmarasiQlha. 218. sri Har~a, "ar~ade"a. {So 482.} CC. i. p. 764. All citations in V refer only to King Har~a. SIladitya of Kanauj, patron of BaJ)a
and 'Ma~iira, poet in his own right though. uncharitable critics would have it that he signed the work of his court poets. The later Srihar~a, professional poet" ho wrote in the second half of the twelfth century under GO\ indacandra Gahagavala and is famed as the author of the N a:4adhiyaca'Mta, is nowhere cited by V, though S distinguishes him from the king by the affix kavi-pa~uJ,ita; P confuses both under one name, though citing t" 0 stanzas as from the N ai~adha. Ruled circa .o\.D. 606-646,0\ er the greater part of India., from his capital MahodayasrI (Kanauj) . Of the line of Pu!?yabhiiti, who seems to have founded a dynast) at Thanesar; son of Prabhakaravardhana, younger brother of Rajyavardhana, allied tothe~faukhari house into which his sister Raj) asri was married. ,\ e have in Har~acarita a romantic biography, with credible details in Hstian Tsang's account; these are supplemented by copperplate grants in his name which may have been composed by him, and of which some bear his autograph. Author of the dramas Ratmivaii, N agananda, PriyadarSika. Buddhist-Saiva, the family god being the Sun. 397, 476, 508, 639, 765, 824, 1189, 1536; [469, 709, 1665J. 219. Ha~apaIadeva. Though confused with Har~a by K in the single couplet 390 ascribed to him, not Har~a of Kanauj; T gives the correct ascription, and the stanza is not found in "any of Har~a's known works, nor attributed to him anywhere else. May have been a prince of the Pala house. 390. 220. Halayudha. {ef. S. 483.} CC. i. p. 764. Not the jurist and official under Lak!;;ma~asena.. author of several works on MimalPsa and canon law, as has been taken in JASB. 1906, p. 176. Far more likely to be the poet-lexicographer and writer on poetics (Kavirahasya) at the court of Kr~Qa III Ra~trakiita", middle of tenth century A.D. 1456.
Introduction
CVl
221. Hastipaka. CC. i. p. 765. Taken as a synonym of l\IIel,ltha, but the identification is very doubtful. 1161.
222. Hhigoka. 649. 223. Himanga. 430. [Himboka. T systematically for I)imboka~ q.v.] [Hrsikesa. {S.484.\ CC. i. p. 768. Sad 1715.J
10. REFEREXCES
(Commonly available editions have been used as far as possible.) Bha~t4iirkar
ABORT.
Annals of the Poona.
Ak.
AI(I1!7.~·ciralt"Qustnbha
of
Oriental Research Institute,
'i~veSval'a
PaI)Qita.
KM. 66,
i\ P. 1898. Amd. AIa1/thiramalwdadhi of Narendra-pl'abha Sflri; ed. L. B. Gandhi GOS. 95, Baroda, 19-13. A,nS. A71"wrusala~:a KJI. 18, 2nd ed. NSP. 1929, with commentary of Arjunavarmadeva and extra stanzas found in anthologies. For the critical problem, R. Simon, Das Amaru.salaka., Kiel, 1898. Anr. Anargharaglwva, a drama by ~lurari; KM. 5, 5th ed. SP.1937. Any. Anyokt·illwktaval"i of HaQlsavijayagaJ).i C-\.D. 1679); ed. Pt. Kedarnath and "\It. L. Pat;lsIkar, KU. 88, NSP. 1907. AryasapiaSati .·lryasaptasati of Govardhana, KAt. 1 (Separate Series) NSP. 1934; 3rd ed. by Durgaprasad, K. P. Parab, and V. L. PaQ.sikar. Al.a1[lkarasekhara of Kesavamisra; K ill. 50, 2nd ed. As. "SP. 19~6. Ala,,!~karasarvasva of ~Iailkhaka (first half of twelfth As. centuQ ), being a commentary on the Ala1fl,karasiltra, of Rajanaka Ruyyaka. ~nd ed., K. Samba.siva Sastri, TSS. 40, Trivandrum, 19~6; also, K ill. 35, 2nd ed. NSP. 1935.
Asiatic Society of Bengal; for a time, Royal ASB. Aucityamctiracarcci of ~emendra. a work on poetics; KJ/. 1 (Original Series), 3rd ed. NSP. 1929, pp. 115160. Avadanakalpalalci Avadanakalpalatii (Bodhisaltvtivadiinakalpalatii) of ~emendra, with a Tibetan version by Son ton Lochava and Pt. La~mikara; ed. S. C. Das, Calcutta, 1888. At. Ala,7!t~:aratilaka, being a, commentary by Vagbhata on ASB. Auc.
eVIl
eVIll
In trod1lci i mt
hi own Kavyallu§asalla. The auth r liv d probably in the fourteenth century alld i · to b dL tinguished from the twelfth-cen tury auth r f lh J' agbha~iila1!lka'f".a. KM. 43, 1\ SP. 1894. Biilariimiiya1)a: a drama by Raja.sekhara.;. I. Pt. G. D. Bal. Sastri, Banara , 1869. Buddhist R ecord of the n cs/em W orld fran la/ed from Beale the Chinese of Hiuen T iaTlg } by • . Bea l , ~,. I., London, 1884. F . "'atler ', aT! Yllan Chwung Trm7el, _ voL, London, 1904-05 (RA , Or. 1 ran . Funi a mere commentary. Bh. The Epigrams Attributed 1'0 Bharlrhnri. a critical edition by D. D. Kosambi ; S'illglti Jain e-rie 2..>. B omba~ t 1948. Numbers after 200 a re of doubtful au thor hip, Bhallatasataka Bhallata§ataka, by Bhallata ; K J/, 4 3rd ed . P. 1937, pp. 169-188. The poet cited by Abhina\'agupta, is presumably a Ka'mIrian of the uintJl c ntury A.D. or earlier. Bhiisa Dramas attributed to Bhasa, edited by T. Ga.Qapati Sastri TS S , 15-17, 20-22, _638,. 42. BIS l ndische Spriiche by OU o Bohtlingk ; . t. Peter burg~ vol. i, 1870, ii. 1872, iii. 1873. Anth I gy of anskrit epigrams with tran lati on ~ . urc quoted are not repeated in our edition except f r th e Pair a/antra and Hitopade8a which are taken only from BI qu tations. Bodhicaryiivatiira Bodhicaryiivaiiim of Santidevacarya, with a pa,iijikii (commentary) by Prajnakaramati; ed . L. de la VaIlee Poussin, Bibliotheca Indica. N . ., fa c. 9 3 Calcutta, 1901. BORI. BhuQ.Qarkar Oriental Re earcb In titute Poona' references are mostly to manuscript of the B mbay Government collection housed there. Bpb. Bhojaprabandha of BaHala ; 10th ed., N. P. 193q · prose fables set with ver. e, concerning King Bhoja of Dharti. Bps. Bhojaprabandhiyall Siirasa1?'rgTaha~; BORI. A8 of 'isrambag I; a collection of lanza taken ut r ID work like Bpb. Ca7J.. Cattc!akau.8ika, a play by Arya K~eml" 'ara; ed. Ja2aDrnohan TarkaiIpkflra, Calcutta 1 67. CC. Catalogus Ca/alogontm, an alphabetical regi ler of an-
R ef erences
CIX
Cif. Citkh.
krit "orks and authors by Theodor Aufrecht; 3 vols. Leipzig, \"01. i. 1891, ii. 1896, iii. 1903. C1'lra-mimii1!~Sa of Appayya Dik~ita; KAf. 38. Ci/ram 111lti7!~6.kha1Jqa,na by Pa)~Qitaraja Jagannatha;
Cor-dier
KJI.38. Catalogue du fonds tibelain de la Bihliot!z,eque N ationale
CSL. Cvs. Das.
DBI.
Dhv.
El. Eluivali Gauqava/w
Getty
par Palmyr Cordier; Paris, part 2, 1909; part 3, 1915 (part 1 till unpubli hed, dealing with the KanjUl·) . Index \olume: Repertoire du Tanjur, d'apres le calalogue de P. Cordier, par 1\1arcelle Lalou, Paris, 1933. 1\1. Kr~ l)ama,cal'iar: History of Classical Sanskrit Liieralure, l\1adra , 1937 (fOI' Oriental Book Agency, Poona). CalurvargaS'1!lgraha of ~emendra; KJf. 5, 2,nd ed. NSP. 1937, pp. 85-101. Dasanipih;aloka, commentary by Dhanika on the DasaTti.pa of Dhanafijaya; ed. K. P. Parab, 5th ed. N. R. Acharya, l\ SP. ]941. A late tenth-century treatise on dramaturgy, author and commentator being brothers (CSL.833-4). Dyna$ties et Bistoire de l'lnde depuis Ka'TJ~ka jusqu'aux invasions J!U$til1nanes; by L. de la 'allee Poussin, Paris, 1935. Remarkable brevity and compression without loss of any essential information as known to date of publication. Dhvanyaloka of Anandavardhana (circa A.D. 850) with the commentary of Abhinavagupta. KAl. 25, 4th ed. l\ SP. 1935. A Kasmirian treatise on poetics. Epigraphia. lndica" an official publication dealing with inscriptions discovered in all parts of India. Ehivali of 'idyadhara, an anthology in 8 unm~as; ed. K. P. Trivedi, Bombay, 1903. Gaiiqava/w of ValjJati(raja), an incomplete Prakrit poem on the death of a king of Bengal, presumably killed by King YaSovarman of Kanauj; ed. S. P. PaI.l<;iit, re-ed. N. B. UtgIkar, Bombay Skt a,n d Pkt Series no. 34; BORI., 1927. Gods of Northern Buddhism by Alice Getty (Oxford, 1928). A comprehensive illustrated treatise on later Buddhist iconography, indispensable for understanding the first three vrajytis in V.
ex
GOS HaJa
Han.
Har.
HBD.
HSL.
HOS.
lA. lB.
Jatakamula JAOS.
I ntroductwn Gaelcwaq,' s Orie'n tal Se'n es,. Baroda. Giithdsapta§ati (satta~ai) in Prakrit; ed. A. Weber, laler by Durga Prasad and K. P. Parab, I' P. 1889; 2nd ed. used here, NSP. 1933 (KAf. 21), with a commentary by Pt. l\1athuranath Sastri, who note:s on I. 18: viistave tu sapta§atyum . .. niti iiktaratndni . .. f,ikdkarair baliic chritgaraparataya vydkhyiitiini. Hanuman-nataka, or Jlahdnataka; ed. ,'. L. PaI;lsikar, Bombay, NSP. 1890. For the author hip and critical problem, A. EsteIJer: "Die Aelteste Rezensionen des ~Ia hclncltakam" (Leipzig, Ablwndlungen Jiif die KUllde des llforgenlandes, xxi. 7, 1936) . The Damodara-misra version referred to above was the original. the ~Ia dhusiidana a refinement upon it. Thi corrects . K. De, IHQ. 7, 1931, nos. 3-4, The Problem, oJ the Jil, lahanataka.. Har~acarita of Bclr;ta, with commentary of )Iahakaviciic;lamar;ti SaIllkara; ed. K. P. Parab, 7th ed., N . R. Acharya, NSP. 1946. Romantic biography of King Har;;avardhana-Siladitya of Kanauj in prose. ee also the translation by E. B. CoweU and F. ,,'. Thomas, RAS., Oriental Translation Fund, new series, 7, London, 1929; and V. S. Agrawala's Hindi study, Har~a carita eka sU1[Ls/crtika adhyayana (Patna, 1953) . History oJ Bengal, vol. I; Dacca Univer ity, 1943, Editor R. C. Majumdar, with the cooperation of other, notabll S. K. De for the literary history of the period. Hi~t.Qry of Sanskrit Literat'llre by A. Berriedale Keith, Oxford, 1920. The drama is left out altogether, being treated separately, in his Sanskrit Drama (1 924). Harvard Oriental Sen'es, Cambridge ~Iass ., ·.S.A.). The Indian Antiquary. Inscriptions of Bengal, vol. Ill; ed. K. G. ~fa jumdar; Varendra Research Societ" Rajshahi, 1929. Yok 1-11 were projected hut apparently never puhli hed, though the most important of the earlier known Piila inscriptions were printed in Gau4alel.·h.amiila I (ed. A. K. 1\la:itr.a., Rajshahi, 1912) . Jutakamulii of AIJ a Sura.; ed. H. Kern; HOS. 1, 1891 ; otherwise entitled Bodlzisaitriimdil1lamdlci. Journal of the A me'Tican Oriental Society.
R ef erences JASB .
CXl
Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Calcutta; in
four series. JBORS. Journal of the Ri/wr and O·r issa (now only Bihar) Research S ociety, Patna. For the Sanskrit l\fSS in Tibet, nole particularly vol. 21 (1935), pt. i; 23 (1937), pt. i; 24 (1 938), pt. j,. JOR. Journal of the Oriental Research lnstilute, ~fylapore, l\Iadras; issued by the Kuppuswami Sastri Memorial Institute. Js. BORI. 1424/ 1887-91; a Jain collection of subh~itas; anonymous, MS dated Sarpvat 1673 = A.D. 1616. Jsv. BORl. 1495/ 1887-91; a Jain anthology, much older and of somewhat different type than the usual Jain sl1bhii~ita collections. Kap.. K a p p hi1;tiibhyudaya, by Bhatta Sivasv.a min, a court poet of King A vantivarman of KaSmir (A.D. 855-883); ed. Gauri Shankar, Lahore, 1937. The poem, in 20 sargas, deals with a war between a my thical King KapphiQ.a or KapphaJ}a of KaSIDlr, and King Prasenajit, ending in the former's conversion by the Buddha himself. Though ded.icated to the Buddha, the final verse of every sarga contains the word Siva. Kw. Ka vi:rahasya , GOS . 1, 3rd ed. Baroda, 1934; ed. by C. D . Dalal and Pt. R. A. Sastry . Taken to be the first of 18 sections which were to comprise RajaSekhara's K tivya11ti11ui1fl,Sci. Kliv. Ktivyd1a1/l.kdra of Rudrata, with comment of Nami Sadhu (A.D. 1609) . KAI. 2 . N SP. 1909. A work on poetics, second hall of the seventh century. Klivyasa1[tgraha Kdvyasa1[tgraha, ed. Jivananda 'idyasagara, Calcutta., 3 voL (voL 3, 1888) . Used particularly for some obscure Bengal versions : vol. 2, pp. I-52, the Amaru.§ataka; voL 2, pp. 333- 385, the Saniuataka; vol. 3, pp. 360-441, Rasammljari of Bhanudatta-miSra; voL 3, pp. 87-192, V idagdharnukhama1J4ana of Dharmadasa. KHA., KHJ. The Kauyanusiisana of Hemacandra <-",.D. 1089-1173) with the commentaries KH A = Alarttkaraciiijiima1}i, and KHV = r izeka,' 00. Rasiklal C. Parikh, 2 voL, Bombay , 1938. Also, KM. 71, 2nd 00., "SP. 1934.
CXll
Introduction
DasdvatiiTa-kha'IJq,a-prasasti (Bombay, 1860) . Kha'IJ. Kicakavadha Kicakavadha of Nni varman, with commentary of Jan3.rdana-sena; ed. S. K. De, Dacca Uni. Or. Series 1, Dacca, 1929. Editor's intr., p . xiv, " composed some t.ime before the 11 th century A.D." on the strength of quotations in Skb and SB; nothing seems to have been taken by V. Kiriitiirjuniya, a poem in 18 cantos by Bharavi (early KiT. sixth cent.), NSP. 1942 ; see also the study collating the verses with Indian sculpture, by T. N . Ramaehandran, due to be published shortly at Calcutta. Kavika'IJtkdbharaTJa of K~emendra, K Af. 4, 3rd ed. NSP. Kkk. 1937, pp. 149-169. The Kiivyamiilii series, published by the N irna) a Sagar KM. Press, Bombay ; actually two series, the first being numbered }-14 for short works, the second again 1-95 for longer. Kdvyapradipa of Govinda, K M . 24, 3rd ed. "SP. 1933. Kpd. Kiivyaprakiisa of Mammata; a leading work on poetics, Kpk. completed by Allaka or Allata (ele, enth-century KasmYrian). Anandiihama S kt. Series 89, ed. V. Abhvankar, Poona, 1921; also'. R. Jah)kikar, Bombay S kt. S eries, 6th ed. BORl. 1950. Kundmniilti, a short drama, probably by Dhiranaga; Kun. edited by M:. R . Kavi and S. K. Ramanatha Sastri as Kundamdla by Di 1iniiga, Dakshi'1l.abha:rati Series No. ~, Bombay, 1923. Later editions by Jai Chandra Shastri with his own commentary appeared from The Punjab Book Depot, 1929 and 1932. Kuvalayiinanda, a work on poetics by Appayya D~ita Kuv. (A.D. 1554-1626); designed to fit Ja~ adeva's Candraloka; 9th ed. NSP. 1947. KuUanimata of Damodaragupta, court poet and minister Kut. of JayapiQa of Kasmir (A.D. 775-786). Bibliotheca Indica, work no. 266, Calcutta, 1944. This furnishes a better text than the Bombay editions (K J/. 3, pp. 3~110 and NSP, 1899) and more than a hundred new stanzas. Kiivyanmasana of Vagbhata, a Jain writer on poetics Kvv. of the fourteenth century, with commentary and illustrations by the author. KJI. 43, N SP.
o
References
CXlll
BT1.,lchstiicke Buddhistischer Drama, Berlin, 1911 (Kon. Preuss. Turfan Expeditionen). Fragments of the Kalpmui'lndr.ujitikd of Kumaralata and the 8driputraprakara1ja of Asvagho~a, edited by Heinrich Ltiders . Alah. .AI aluiviracarita, a drama by Bhavabhuti; 4th ed., T. R. Ratnam Aiyar, S. Rangacariar, and V. L. Pal,lsikar, NSP.1926 . }'liil. Jldla.timddhava, a drama by Bhavabhuti; 6th ed., l\i. R. Telang, NSP. 1936. Jl
·
Introduction
CXIV
PB. PG.
Pk. Pmt. Pps.
Monmohan Cakravarti, JASB. 1905, pp. 41-71; also ed. Chintaharan Chakravarty, Calcutta, 1934 (Sld. Sahitya Parishat Series no. 13). The Piilas of Bengal by R. D. Banerji, jlemoirs ASB. vol. 5, no. 3 (1915), pp. 43-113. Padyavali of Rupa Gosvamin, first half of sixteenth century, disciple of Caitanya; of Karl)ata brahmin origin, resident in Bengal (official of Husain Shah) till retirement to Mathura; ed. S. K. De, Dacca, 1934. Prabandhakosa of RajaSekhara-suri; Singhi J ain Se'ries 6; ed. Jinavijaya Muni; Santiniketan, 1935. Padyiimrta-taraitgitJ,i, an anthology by Hari-Bhaskara (A.D. 1673) ed. J. B. Chaudhuri, Calcutta, 1941. Puriitana-prabandha-sa1{tgraha, a collection of medieval Jain tales; ed. Jinavijaya Muni; Singhi Ja1:n Series 2, 1936.
Prabandhacintama1J,i of MerutuJigadirya (A.D. 1306); Prab. ed. Jinavijaya Muni, Singhi Jain Series 1, Santiniketan, 1933. Prabodhacandrodaya Prabodhacandrodaya of Kr~I).amisra. A drama composed A.D. 1065 for the victory celebrations of King Kirtivarman and his general Gopala over the armies of KarI).adeva; 6th ed., V. L. PaQ.Slkar, NSP. 1935. Praca1J,q,apafJ,qava Praca1J,Q,apatJ,Q,ava of Rajasekhara, ed. Carl Capeller, Strassburg, 1885. Pratiiparudraya§obhii~afJ,a Pratiiparudraya.§obhii~atJ,a of 'idyanatha; a Kakatiya court work on poetics (for King Prataparudra 1295-1323); ed. K. P. Trivedi, Bombay, 1909. Pt. PadyatarangifJ,i of Vrajanatha; from the prat'ika index by N. A. Gore, Poona Orientalist, vo1. 11, pp. 45-56. Pv. Padyave1J,i, an anthology by 'eI).Idatta (A.D. 1644), son of Jagajjivana (whose Jagajjivalla-vrajyii is cited by the son); ed. J. B. Chaudhuri, Calcutta, 1944. RA. Riimacaritam of Abhinanda, son of SaUinanda (both cited in V); ninth century Pala court poet; ed. K. Ramaswami Sastri SiromaI).i; GOS. 46, Baroda, 1930. Raj. Rajatarangir/i of KalhaQ.a (A.D. 1149-50); ed. ~L A. Stein (1892) and English translation, Chronicles of the Kings of KaSmir, 2 vol., London, 1900. A model of linguistic and archaeological research.
Re!e1'en ces Rasapradipa Rasg.
Rasm.
Rast.
Rat.
RC.
Sa.
Sab. Siik.
San.
cxv
Rasapradipa of Prabhakara, son of l\{adhava; l\{S. BORI. 764 / 1886-92, dated 8a1llvat 189l. Rasagaitg6.dhara of Jagannatha, K.~f. 12, 2nd ed., NSP.
1894. Rasamaiijari of Bhanudatta (14th century); Bena'res Ski. Series 83, 1904. Also Kiivyasarrtyraha, vo1. 3, pp. 360-441. RasatarmigirJ/i of Bhanudatta, Bombay, Gopal Narayan (year lost "ith frontispiece); also used BORI. 603/ 188791, and an edition from Benares, 1885. Rain6.tlali, a drama by King Har~a; ed. K. l\{. Jog)ekar, ~ SP. 1938. Kpk. 8. 9 and commentary is sometimes taken to mean that the actual writer was the court poet Dhavaka, or BaQa. R6.ma[p6.1a}carita of sri Sandhyakaranandin (son of Pinakanandin, gmndson of Prajapatinandin); ed. with Skt. commentary and English interpretation by R. C. l\fajumdar, R. Basak, and N. Banerji; Varendra Research l\luseum, Rajshahi 1939. Earlier and less satisfactory edition by Haraprasad Sastri, £~femoirs, ASB. vol. 3, 1910-14, no. 1, pp. 1-56. The work gives a double meaning for every stanza, one referring to the classical epic of Rama, the other to the history of King Ramapala. 'Where a commentary of the time exists (for one and a half cantos), some meaning can be obtained; for the greater part, the historical sense can only be conjectured. '\\ ritten circa A.D. 1150 under King l\'Iadanapala, son and third successor of Ramapala. The author styles himself Ka.li-kala-Valmiki. BORJ. 1498/ 1886-92. 1\118 (dated 8arpvat 1609) anthology entitled the Subh~itiiT'1J-ava, sometimes attributed to the Jain Acarya Subhacandra. Sabhy6.la1fLkara'TJa of Bhatta Govindajit. MS anthology BORI.417/ 1884-87. Abhij11tina-8tikuntala1n, a drama by Kalidasa; 11th ed. NSP. 1947. For the Bengal recension, R. Pischel, HOS. 16 (1922). SantiSataka ascribed to SilhaI)a or SilhaI)amisra, undoubtedly a compilation as is seen in most versions. For the critical problem, ed. R. Schoenfeld, Leipzig,
Introduction
CXVl
BB.
Sb.
Sbh.
Sd.
sa. Shv.
("y." ~UJ.
1910; also used~ ed. Dinanatha Nyayaratna and Candramohan Vandyopadhyaya~ undated, circa 1880, Calcutta; and the version in the K avyasa'T{l-graha. Brngdraprakci..Sa of Bhoja; the largest known Sanskrit work on poetics, including everything in the Skb; unpublished, the references being from pralika slips very
kindly supplied by Prof. V. Raghavan. A MS collection (anonymous) of 8Ubha$ita8~ BORl. 91/ 1883-84; fo1. 1 missing, 2-22 in Sarada script, 23-42 in Devanagari; mostly niti type stanzas, parallel to Sbh. SubhQ.ritiivali, published as of Vallabhadeva; ed. P. Peterson and Durga Prasada, Bombay, 1886. But this is identical with the Subhi4Uavali of Srlvara, BORI. 203 and 204 of 1875-76. Anthologist, KaSmirian of the fifteenth century. Sahitya-darpa'TJa of Visvanatha Kaviraja, 5th ed. NSP, 1931. Subhi4itavali of Gopinatha, MS anthology, BORI. 820/ 1886-92. Subhi4ita-haravali of Hari Kavi, circa 1685, by a court poet of the Maratha king SambhajL :MS BORI. 92/ 1883-84, heterogeneous codex made up of several pieces,
which I have taken as four instead of Thomas' three. Authors often cited. SiSupiilavadha, a poem in twenty cantos by Nlagha; ed. Durgaprasad and Sivadatta, 11 th ed. N. R. Acharya,
NSP, 1940. SK. Skb.
Skv. Si. Sip.
Subha~aratnako§a
of
bhatta-sri-Kr~l).a.
1\1S anthology, incomplete; BORl. 93/ 1883-84, the first 155 folios only. Sarasvatika1Jthabhara'TJa, a work on poetics by King Bhoja of Dhara (later subsumed in SB.); ed. A. Borooah, Calcutta, 1883; used KM. 94~ NSP, 1934, which has an index and commentary. Sahiiyakaumudi of Vidyabhu~~l.J.a, KM. 63. An anonymous :MS anthology, probably :Mahara~trian; BORI. 324/ A of 1881-82, fol. 22 + 38. Srngaralapa. MS anthology on 571lgiira which lifts bodily from well-known works like Han, and has one section made up of a northern Bhartrhari 8'nigarasalaka. BORI.92/1883-84.
References Smk.
..
CXVll
Suktimuktiivali of Arohaka Bhagadatta JalhaQa; ed. Embar Kr~Qamiicary a, GOS. 82, Baroda, 1938. Smv. Another Suktimuktavali (before A.D. 1600), P. K. GOQe, IHQ, 1946, pp. 55-59; from a pratika index kindly supplied by .P rof. R. N. Dandekar, Poona. Bp. The Paddhati of ~arilgadhara, vol. I (the rest never appeared); ed. P. Peterson, Bomb. Skt. Series 37, Bombay, 1888. The anthologist was son of Damodara, grandson of Raghava, great-grandson of Hammira Bhupati of Sakambhari; composed the work in A.D. 1363. 8rb. Subhii~taratnabha1Jdiigiira. the largest published or known Sanskrit anthology, 8th edition, NSP, 19M2. As the sources are all well known, this has not been cited systematically, but is recommended to the reader as a handy, modern, general collection of subht4itas. 8rh. SuktiratnaJuira of Surya, a Malabarian anthology; ed. K. SambaSiva Sastri, TSS. 141, Trivandrum, 1938. Srt. Snigaratilaka, attributed to Kalidasa, and printed as his with the IJ,tusa'l]thiira, NSP, 1931 (7th ed. V. L. PaQsikar); the work of Rudrata with the same title, KM. 3, pp. 111-152, has not been found useful here. 8srn. Slokasa1{Lgraha of Mal}.irama D~ita, court poet of Raja TOQar l\lal. Unpublished, from BORI. 361/ 1884-86 · (lacuna between stanzas 190-204, 1454-1496). Another MS BORI. 527/ 1887-91 with the initial folio missing but otherwise better was not available at the time. Authors generally cited, and stanzas numbered 1-1600 (or more), 8sv. A :MS anthology, entitled 8iirasilktiivali, compiled by the Jain scholar sri Municandra GaI)i, written down by Pt. Sivaharpsa in Sarpvat 1650; prototype of most Jain subh~a collections. St. Sabhiitaranga of Jagannatha Misra, second half of eighteenth century. Unpublished. from BORI. 416/ 1884- 87, which seems less interpolated than the other MSS of the work; authors often cited. Surya§ataka SuryaSataka of Mayiira, KJf. 19, NSP, 1889; other editions by A. P. Quackenbos, N.Y., 1947, and in the K avyasa'l]tgraha. Svapnaviisavadatta 8vapnavasavadatta. a drama attributed to Bhasa; ~nd ed. T88. 1915.
Introduction
CXVlll
Suvrttatilaka of K~emendra, Kj~. 2, pp. 29-54; 2nd ed. NSP, 1932. Tap. Tapasavatsaraja, a dramatic fragment ascribed to AnaQ.gahar1?a srI-Matraraja (our 1\l{alayaraja); ed. Udayagiri Yatiraja Sampatkumara Ramanuja Muni of :Melkote, Bangalore. 1929; beginning and end missing. Author probably a Kasmirian, son of sri N arendra vardhana; ef. Hultzsch, "Ueber d. Drama Tap.", Gott. Nach., 1886. Tar. Taraniiiha's Gesehiehte des Buddhismus in Indien, aus dem Tibetischen ubersetzt, von Anton Schiefner, St. Petersburg, 1869. Tilakamanjari Tilakamanjari of Dhanapala, a prose romance, end of tenth century. KJf. 85. 2nd ed .• NSP. 1938. TSS. Trivandrum Sanskrit Series. Udayasundarikatha Udayasunda.rikatha of SOQQhala; GOS. 11, Baroda, 1920. Uj. Ujjvalanilamar;ti of Rupa Gosvamin (author of PG). Kjf. 95. 2nd ed. N SP, 1932. Ut. Uttararamacarita, a drama by Bhavabhuti; lOth ed.
Svt.
NSP.1949.
Kavyalarfl,karasiltravrtti of Vamana. KkI. 15. 3rd ed. NSP; the superior 4th edition by Pt. N. R. Acarya was issued too late to be used; also, A. Borooah, Calcutta. 1883. V A. Vagbhatalarfl,kara, KM. 48, a work on poetics by Vagbhata (not to be confused with the later author of Kvv.) , Jain minister of the Calukya king Jayasi:rpha Siddharaja of Anhilvac;l (A.D. 1094-1143). Vas. Vasavadattii of Subandhu, prose romance; ed. Fitz Edward Hall, Bibliotheca Indica, Calcutta, 1859. Ver;t. Ver;tisarfl,hara, a drama in six acts by Bhatta NarayaQ.a; 9th ed. NSP. 1940. V id. V iddha§alabhaiijika, a drama by Rajasekhara; ed. B. R. Arte, Po on a, 1886. Vik. Vikramorvasiyam, a drama by Kalidasa; ed. NSP, 1942. Vikramaitkadevacarita Vikramaitkadevacarita, a Sanskrit romantic poem on the life of King VikramaIikadeva of Kalyal)i, written about A.D. 1088 by the Kasmirian poet Bilhal)a; ed. G. Btihler, Bombay Skt. Series 14, 1875; copied with Vam.
References
.
CXIX
innumerable misprints, Ramavatara Sarma, Banaras, 19~~.
Vkj.
Vmm.
Vyk.
Va~,,:rokti-jivita
of Rajanaka Kuntala (or Kuntalaka, or Kuntaka), first two umn~as only (parts of 3, 4 in MS) ed. S. K. De, Calcutta, 1923; author's date "about the middle of the 11 th century." Vidagdha-mukha-ma7J4ana of Dharmadasa, from the K auyasa.1!L{}raha. Vya1:tiviveka., a work on poetics by Rajanaka l\£ahimabhatta; KdSi Skt. Series, 121; Banaras, 1936.
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453 - (!) T 2 ·~lSc4Eji!l·' 454 0 Shh. 1472 (~:); Smk.50.9; ( ~ff: ); Srb. p. 286.29; Auc. ad 5.11 ; As. ad 22; Sa,b. 1.25; SIp. 3.87; SK. 5.337; Shy. D. 16a. 88 ; Dhy. ad 3.4 KH V . 552; Kpk. p. 494; SG. 65a., Kuv. ad 72; BIS. 5850 (2667). 455 - e) K ~: or ~~:. 0 Sp. 3269; Sbh. 1463 (+iilii:2@ ); Srb. p. 253. 19 ; Pmt.119 ; Pa.d. p. 29.3. 456 o Vik. 1.10; Sbh. 1467 ('hI~~lti('4) j Sp. 3268 (Cf\I~~ltH4); Srh. p. 254.42; Sd. ad 10.47; Da,5. ad 4.2; Skb. 3.121 j Kpk. 420 j Kpd. p. 326; As. ad 22; Cit. p. 66 , p. 102 ; Citkh. p. 29; Shy. D. 17 a. 198 (~~); SB. 2.31 3, 3.42, 3.3 14, 4.448; Pk. 207 ; Kvv. p. 39; Ak. p.199, p. 282; Amd.618.
_ _ _ -..lI_ _ _ __
84
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459
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465
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468 T. 216
P. 11gb ( an on)
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cf. 795 . 0 Smk. 43.11 ; Shy. C. 216 (~~).
86
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470 T.21 S.2.93.5
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485 0 )1 a1. 1.33· A . ad 4:0 i Kpk. 108 489; Kpd. p. 127, p. 356 i Das. :I d. 4.24 4:.63 (da- in 268 ( partiall y, after
t. 1. 36) ;
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d ) P O~'ft. 0 S bh.. 1254 ( ~~ ) ; Sp. 33 68 ( >rll lcfl({q('l1 ); KHV . 54:2; SK. 5.2 14 ; Smk. ,13.3 ( ~~~ ). 501 _ a ) p ~ ( ~- ). -
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S. 2.56.2
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T.
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( 741) T.454 S. 2.26.2
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748 T.461
7049 T. 462 , . 3.(j.~ P.141a ( f~~ )
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752 T.465
(753 ) T.466
t K.
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55b
T.467
750 - h) S3 ~:-'I1ffi: . SI ff.fi~- ( marg. m:~-). 751 - h) TK N'ftllfu. - d ) Tl Mi!f(ol{). 752 - C) K 4l9;r. 0 Mal. 1. 20; Das. ad 2.47 (JIT
3.294,3. 322 ; Kvv. p. 58; 8 rh. p. 279.62. 1.41. -
h) S1~Cf-; Srb. p. :3 3.149.
754 -
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139
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T . 468 P. 157b
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o Mal. 9.12 ; Ut. 3.31; Smk. 43 .3 9 ('ll<1~5':); Srb. p. 27 9.68; S by. C. 458 ; S d. ad 6.10.5 ( ~
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T.473 S.2.86.5
l' T. 64b
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158a ( anon )
( 761 )
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764 p. 158b
(Glffi: )
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765 S. 2.86.1
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56b
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0'i!h. -
-
768 P. 159(1
142, 769
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Kkk.a.d 3.2 (::nrf~;::JB'~ ; ed it o[" s note <:r~TT9+T1J"[; ) ;K vv. p. 39 ; Kuv.p. 65 ;
KHA. 7; BIS. 569 1 (2579);
Han 5.24 ; S Ip. 9.16 ; SK. 5.49; Rasg.
p. 354; Any. p. 11 4.61 ; Ak. p. 298; Amd. 2 l8; SI. 2 .~.
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774
P. 161b
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775
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( 780 ) S. 2.89.1
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I
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iB3 T. 476
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P. 169u (+l9~: )
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t N. 2311
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784 T.477 P. 167b
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23. 41 ]
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.
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T.479
( 787) T. 480 S. 2.92.4
( wffi 'fi~ )
788 T. 48 1
( 789) T .482
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re:'fcrm Rc4iq'9~:
( 790 )
m QRCFiT: 11 ~~ 11
Cf)Rfi
T.483
d(ct~lqRtct~ I
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11
791
~o
T.484
11
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792
t
K . 58a
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~.
T. 485
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~ ft9~ ~~a:~~~(fS~I(q ~
1I
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T. [tR] if~~~ It ( 797 ) T.490
794 -
d) K ;;f
only = ~t'5ldIOs~a(5!lrre:. cf. 468.
-
t ) K om.
796 - 0) K
795
mm +rmf. -
K om. The stanzas after this to 802 are Raja.Sekhara's.
P pratika
e) T
797
'1- .
it~.,
0 Yid. 3.1 ;
Shy. C. 452; Kpk. 276; Kpd. p. 24:3 ; Amd. 183, 4 16 ; KHA. 3.404.
2~.
147
51 ]
(801 )
T. 494
(8 02 ) T . 4,95
P. 168a
798 -
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6)
OlD .
~.
-
0) TIK om. ~:IT~( . () Yid . 2.1 ;
a ) P ~fu ccf:;r. S ~~. Tl lac; T 2S ~mi-. T ~ffl~ "'f ; P ~~. P o ~f!f"'f: I. - C') P ~~ o . - d) SP
Srb. p. 280.98. _
KP
799 -
~(P rf)~ '
P
800 - a ) T
d ) P rr (~). -- e) K '1"1~("l~J. The reference to R aj asekhul'a cov ers i 9i - 80 2. 0 Vid. 3.20 ; 8 t'h. p. 276.47.
801.
802 - 0) P m>i~. P ~s:
I. -
[2 :~ .
148
52
( 803 )
T .4g B P. 168b (804 )
T.4 9i
(80 5 ) T. 498 P. 16Rb ( 806 ) T.49 9 S. 2.95.:3
('fiTf~~ ) P. 169b
1\ MffiS(::Hi'ta~Q I 11 ~'d " ~
807 '1'. 500
S. 2.14. 1 P. 149b
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rq~r::rT:
808 T.50 1
11
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a
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149
24.8 ) ~
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(~;)
3l~~9QII~19~~~~olflf<:Jllf~:
p. 150a
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. Rf!\CfI{1 f%: W~;q~~: ~~.
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T. 50:l
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811 T.5 04 P. 150'1
812 T. 505 S. 2. 15.:3 (-.:!~) P. 1503
( 813 ) 'r.506
814 T. 507
809 - a) 8a · 014ICl21·. - h) 83 <j"IClI9IBI: ; p ~<1T9ffiT. _ ") P .~-. _ d) SI~ ; P ~ ( ~). 810 _ h) 8 1 o~; 82.3 .~_. p~: (~:). 0 SIp. 3.61. 811 - b) p R"~. Km:; p q~. - cd) P om. o~ o. 812 - b) 8 orW::rnT (i~ \. - - C) 81 (var.) ~ 0 Sbb.2247 ( ~)j 8mk. 87.1 2 ( ~~); Rasg. P. 262; Citkh. p. 32; _Dhv. ad 2.24; J8V. 227.1. 813 - h) T ~~~. - d) T lac; K~. K~; ~~ 11. 814 - a) T 0C<:Tmt. _ h ) K o~_ (OWT- ). _ d) Tl o~5fT1'UiT;. T ~~. - e) T • • ~~; K
[24.
150
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«r 816 T . 509 P.1 52c.c
T. 510
818 T.511 S. 2.14. 5
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P. 154a
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Cfit{~1 819 T.512
J9 b
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815 - (1. ) TS ( "'f ). - h) TK o ~<mN;ft. - c) TI ~- ; T2 S ~_ (~~_) . - d ) S {~fu. 0 Sp. 3768 (~r~ ~IR"f)I;qI: ); Smk. 87.9 ( ~r~:)j Srb. p. 353.42; Kpk. 1 ; Kpd. p. 9; Sd. ad 1.2; As. ad 42, 8.5; Ak. p. '~36 ; Sab. 3.5; Shy. D. 25b. 78 (m~: ); PG. 382; Bps. 82; Amd. 855. 816 K has 8 0~ before t his, pe rhaps to understand 15 as", idya's. _ ") p ~tfT. - " ) K ~
,
-
151
24. 18]
( 820 ) T. 513 P. 154a
821 T. 514
822 T. 515
823 T. 516 P. 154a
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( 824 ) T.517 P. 154b
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p Cf3': \. -
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824 - 4) TK f9v.i. -
d) P
m ~.
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Rat. 3.9; Sbh. 2058 (~~~~);
Du';' ad 1.3 ( ooW-rt ) ; Smk . 70.1 0 ( ~). Na~.. ad 53 (~~~).
152
[24. 19 825
T. 518
826 T. 5 19 P. 154b
N. lm. 24a
827 T.520
t K. 60b
11
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828 T .62 1
P. 154b
t N. 24'.1
829 T.522 S.2.62.5
830 '1'. 523 S. 2.61.1
825 0 Often cited as an example of J ag hanacapaJ a metre. . Sbh. 1937., Srb. p. 352.4; Shv. D 24a. 65; P v. 4.4 (309) (;;J"l
153
24. 29]
831 T.524
832 T.525 S. 2.65.2
(833 )
834 S. 2.85.4
835 S.2.62.3 (~:)
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( hyp.).
Y a m . ad 4-.3.10; _-\.k . p. 396 ; A s. ad 71; Srb. p. 299.23;
834 - 0 ) S 'i<jp.:,q~(iT o . SI yal'. ~~ I; 82.3 ~r
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11 ~~~:Hfh~~~ I 11
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p.
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848
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- d) p
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P. 156 b
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P. 157a
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~ ii~lfi~ !l«,\I'1~ ~ '1cfiiil~q~l~tf~~ I1 M816f4 'J1tBI('\(~q ~ Cl 1(,\llf~ ~MfffttR\ lfffi: 11 't1 11 ,...,.
(856 ) S. 2.148.2
(857 ) S. 2.148,3
t'\
11 Wf 54~lq~~1 11 ~~ I1 11 MriTSq(l~Eh,ql 11 ~\3 11
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~~:;;:q'3jR9 Rt~«'\i ~ Prtt~IC~ifIOIl: 11 ~ 11 ~lql&l~Rti<<:t"iiRt ~ m~
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(860 )
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62b
855 - 6 ) S Ci
( 0.
860 0 Am. 2. 49 ; Smk. 69.5
(~{1{:).
158 ( 861 )
[ 27.4
~ ~di;:Rltt~dk;''=f(IU~~I ..~~q~(Pt 1{~ +·Ptictl6fit+iiim MM:tM fk~illr(1lfti:tIl~: I ~ ~ ~~(P:{"Q~f;t(gm Fr~{I~~ fii~l ~~41~OIPt~(qf«q~ mRf ~: 11 ~ 11
(862)
( 863 )
q~~~il6+iM: ~~HSlVf~ fiR: $€i(~ll€i~~ ~~: 1 mUKi\(=B rcid4 1 ~ ~ SI Rt'1Cfij~ ~ ~ Cl RA ~ 11 '1 11
are{ +t1(Cf ru ~'ti~"€f'1'tial@)i; ~ ~
~atiilN(liilif{H1 ~ ~ N~
m: I
mrr
atllt~lI~ N*,q~q <mrl <1RT~ ;Flr Zet~-"1~u6i1+f~Q+f:'tibUIIM4 ~ 11 ~ 11 (864 )
(86S)
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~: 5(~~g'ifiil fet(~J"~'1~ ~ I1 ~ 11 ( B66)
4{1 f!'q I 4119«1~9; ~ ~ ~ h:l ., . ~ ~~~ N~I~ I'll ~: ~'i~fu ~l~tie.:l5(9al(11 I art ~ ~41«+f'4ti(1tie.:loliqruR1~
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861 - d ) K ·'m11N°. 0 Anr. 2.51 ; Smk. 6 .19 ( ~~: ) . - " ) K ~m~-. - C)K't:w :r-. 866- 6 ) K °>l"9UTffT t.
865
159
27. 16J
3ffiqi\~0~IRctM ~ 'i'1lfT9~k5~'I~'ir~< 3~l:~I<'filoli ~ qf{~ltd qf~'iI~U~~C11 I
(K67)
l'
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(868)
(869 ) S. 2.145. 4
( ~)
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CfiI8oqlci&:~ tft~rr ~ ~1~+i"9(ltL I ~ ij+iI(llf ejl~a')9 Fhpl~ 11 ~ ~ 11
\Jl~I~5tanffi: ~ ~
( 870 )
( 871 )
~814{Ii!igl: ~UIM(ctt\l11 ~~: I (f~ ~6fl64q41ct~: i1C:
q RI.5fU ti'"-l ~ it <:'fil~~ q#;~·:fl""ct 1f+t ~ act atft
( 872 )
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( 873)
160 ( 814 )
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( 875) S.2. 145. 1
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(876)
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(877 )
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n
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(882 )
l' K. 04'1
(8A3 )
(884 )
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(886 )
881 - h ) K l1.,rf*l%k. n Y i tn. ad :~ .:U·t. -~) ·~IJ~\: 882 _ d) K °a-l1s:r;Y. 883 - 6 ) K o ~~ro{- . - (') K o~9{0. Vrajya. 28 completely om. in
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P. 71 " ( an o n )
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( 1071 ) S . 4.36.5 P. 20 111 (anon)
1072 S. 4.39.1
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S. 4.16.3
l' K. 77b
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195 1074 S.4.28.5
( 1075 )
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(1088 )
S. 4.65.3 P. 192b 1089
1090 S. 4.49.4 P. 185a ( 1091 ) S.4.36.4
( cm'
1093
(1094 ) P. 185a
1086 - " ) K (fncrr.r~ 11. 1087 - 6) K o« C!W[:. 0 Sp. 774; St. 27.1 5; Any. p. 20.16 5; ;·G. 5.7; BI '. 387 (33 ]0); Srb. p. 21 2.37. 1088 _ b ) 82 o\rmfr :o'!<{.- Cd ) P ~ ~w. 1089 - 6) S cmrfu°. N ljr:q-r: I - 1:) K <1~rrTr~: t. 1090 - 6 ) S ~r.p.fiR-. - "') K SP ~iT. - d) S ~.,o. 1091 - 0) S ~f?:cr: B;o. 0 Sbh. 600; Sb. -:l:Ob.19; Any. p. 28.3 1. 1092 - a ) p ~{ ( Q:~ )' 0 Smk . :31.2;. rh. p. 219.3. 1094 b) P ~ ." d ) p" .~ Q'Rim,: Q'~"fo1T1!'<1' -Tl1
r 33. 77
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( 1098 )
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( 1099 ) S. 4.56.4 P. 185b
( fc!+:;fN,-(l{ )
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1101 S. 4.64.2 P. 192b
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1106 P. 1807
1107
1108 S. 4. 11.5 (<mT~1tR~) P.69 b
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Universitat Ho'mburg SemInar fUr Kul tur und
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(1109 )
N. 27b I. 4
1110 S. 4.20.3
( .n2fitCf~ ) P. 67b
(1111)
S. 4.20.5
( Of,~)
( 1112 ) p . 180 ..
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1113
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1114 S. 2.1 6(1.2
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1129
S. 1.90.2
(SI ~T.fi'5~) 1130
( 1131 )
1132
1133
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1134 S. 1. 88.2
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( 1137 ) P. 86a ( a.non )
( 1138 )
( 1139 ) S. 1.92.2 ( 31"'f<'-W)
t
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1135 - "') K ~rFr.:rt . 1137 - G) p fufm:ffi\0l~ . - 0) P Bq~ (~ ). - "') p f~,:f't._e) K ~pnft'D~Bi· 0 Sp. 389 7 (¥1~m~ ); Sbh. 1737 (~~1«TBlfl). 1139 - a ) S °iJfrn:n;:j-. - 0) K ~~fr;;r: . SI. 2 o~ft1- ; S 3 0 ('f{J1~-. _d) S1.2 ~~. K ° qft!I~iT . 1140 0 Vicl. 1. 2S . _ d ) T;n'1~ ( O;qgfu); S rb. p. 325.3; Smk. 5!).30 ( ~T~~U<:r) ; SO. 73b.
205
34. 22 ]
1143
1144
S. 1.92.1
( 1145 ) S. 1.89.4
( 1146 )
1141 - 6) S ~.,- . _ C) K - C) KS1 ~a~-. 83 o ~
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206 1147
[ 34. 23
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11 ~ ~'ij?t~, 1
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t K. 82'1
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1148
1149
1150
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35. 10 ]
207
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( 1165 )
( 1166 )
S. 5.2.4 (f9~·nf~!~~)
1167 S.5.2.3
(fCf~Ifl~)
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214
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1197 S. 4.8.4
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1198 S.4.12,4 P.69b (anon)
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1202 S. 4.4.1 ( 3iT iF~ ~0Rll) P. 2031.1
1203
1199 - a. ) p ffT~ffiC
216
[ 36.12
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K. 86a
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11
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1210 -
1214
218
~+n Md <~ it q
[37.2
ir err q~ ctR~+iMq'4lfBct(4 ~ we{.=t1+i1QR .~ R!~£{d 11 ~ 11 ~:II 1215
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1216
1217
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1218
( 1219 )
1220
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219
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(3 7. 15
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p. 109.22; Sa. 16.2; BI S. 230, (9 21 ), Vikramacal'itr a 65 j Srb. p. 236.4. 1230 - C' ) K ~'mT . 0 Sp. 235· bh. 2:2 4' Pad. p. 11 0. 30; Bh. 372; S rh. 31.3 ; Sa. 16.1; SK. 2.77; Ssrn. 14 3; Pt. 1.3; BIS. 45 5 (165); Srb. p.
1232 0 Smk. 6.4; Sp. 199;,' . l. . Pt. 1.21 ; BIS. 118 (45). 1234 - 0 ) K fcfmtzTJJT ~~~~. 1235 - a ) N a flllcP:J,
46.42.
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( 1241)
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1260
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1265
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( 1268 )
1269
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1275
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1278
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( 1279 )
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( 1280 )
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o
Bh. 62; Plc. 64 ; Srb. p. 1i2. 26; St. 3.3 ; Ssm. 1557 ; Ss. 2i .3 · SI. 26a', Smv . n.9; Jsv. 21 •. 5 ; sa. li a j BIS. 1004: ( 38 2), Pane. ed. Koseg. 2.38.
0) K ~R'rft: I. - "' ) K~. - et) Ko~it9. 1279 Sbh. 306 1 ; Srb. p. i5."2 ; BIS. 12" 0 ( -1, "4- ) Hit. ed. Sehl. 1.73, ed .
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38 .38 ]
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(1281)
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1288
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229
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1302
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1303
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q~'9Ci ~ ~a: ~II<§I (~I~H;f\C1~
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r::......
r-. '.....
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1429 ' Slllk. 97 .61 ; SG. Ha. 1430 - 0 ) S &m: &m~:. S1.2 51~. - d) K 'Clm-. 1431- d ) K "i~-' 1432 - d) both NK tj'{;;tcr 11 . 1433 - " ) 83 0<11~ . - b ) S o~~;r.,. S ~ . - CO) S ~'1' K ~ o;S ~i'r·._d) S <mi0 (mHO). Q Smk. 97 .14: (~~:); Prab. 98. 1434 0 Smk. 97.26 ( "+1~~); Sbh. 2482 ("1I~); Auc. ad 20 (~); RH' . 39 4: ; Bps. 109; Yyk. ad 2. 13. 1435 - C) Sa ~rcr~~. S3 (i~9. - d ) 81 ~ •.
1434
1435 S. 3.11.3 (f~~q~
)
)
[ 41. 56
250 1436
( 1437 )
S. :US.3
( fu"-=oin;-«t)
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34b
1 K.
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( mfr
1419
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1441
1442
1436 -- " ) K ;r.T('fRTlT'Ji' 1437 - 0) SJ.2 ~qRffi . - C) S~~m. S3 ~~'\: S1.2 .~- . - d) SI ·'fi~m. 1438 - a ) S crmfrfum. _ C) S3 ~l1~m:. 83 ~EIJfol.: 0 RHV. 5,2 j Kpk. 477 · Amd. 95 . 1439 _ a) K ~m. b) N Fct~. 1440 N indicates 1443, 144:5 as to be inserted before t hi s. 1441 - C) K BRm. - d ) K "cppm:Cf1~. -,
-
-
251
41.6 9] N . lm. 34b
1443
(1444)
1445
1446
S. 3.40.1
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( iNT?:it:)
( 1448 )
( 1449)
S.
~.Hi.2
( q~'IR~)
1443 -
a ) K ~.
1444 -
a ) K °T'!fl1~fcr~~t.
1446
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[ 41. 70
252 1450 S. 3.i.3 (m
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\90
11
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1451
1452
11
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1453
( 1454)
1455
S. :-1.5.1 (~RmJ
1456
1457 S. 3.22.1 (~lq~~:)
l'
K 99b
It
253
42. 1 ]
i:SfRM~+ii~(lR~~I~+i~fr1+i1 ~ (tY+iI~1 ~~ '«{ID ~er~R1 ~ ,Cf,5fdI4$1c'14: 11 \9\9 11 MQI"fi~ 11 ~
~:~~fitcfl[6:~ ~~PI~ «(i\letiU ~ ~ ~~I~fltql~ 'i ~~'cR: €fl"(d I '"' ~ \lfR fl:1'1 ~ al('t ~ ~ ~I<-t ~ Cl ~~ tffi' ~~~~~I«1"q(l!~TWft: ~ 11 \9C It
1458
.
qrijta~ 11
tFIT ~ 'i ~ eti~eti~q"iq71\
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U~~tl~~: citsfq ftlM~fii ~~
1459
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'i {\'1~4 ~ M~fijd\ r-~ +11 ~ 19 {I \Jf"%4: 1r(1~Cf +i f%: 'i etiUW:;+i I
H60
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11 ~ ~1~i4~1 ~r 11 ~~ 11
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•
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t'I
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1458 -
Sp.
4155.
05 ) K
1461 S. 5.58.3
( ~~
254 146Z
1463
1464
1465
1467 S.5.43.3
(\:jW:)
1462 - a) K +1~m·~.r. - d ) N ' ~)\H~~n-; K '
- C) K ~. 0 Bh. 25 ; Skill. 125.9 ( ~
42. 12]
255 1468 S. 5.40.2 (~:)
1469
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S.5.43.5
I
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BttlijN
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I~'l&jl~~:~ ~fud+iN ~ ~
I
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t
K. 100b
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~ ~~@m SfR1R~I~~~ Sf0fqQ~ I 1468 - "') S ~
or
U:Cf 1:1RrIT· - ") S Of ~(S3 )1WIfit. - (!) S Of d) S ~~. 0 San. 3.23; Bh. 670. (from S); Srb. p. 72.55; BIS. 5257 (2380). 1469 - d) K 0 fq~~:. 1470 _ "') S Cf~firTJTI:' -") S ~~ f1f!mcf Of m<1~~. - C) S ~ "f ~&reT:. _ d) S Cfl ~ t1 ~uiT ~<{ BIll1 ~~: 11. 0 Smk. 123.7 ; Bh. 731 (from S); Sl'h. 124.17; Shy. A. 73a. 803, B. 12b. 109. 1471 0 Bh.150. _ 4) ~RN<{-' 0) o~; Sbh. 326 1 (~:); Srb. p. 77.43; Srh. 75.25 (~:);Shv.A. 76 b.860 (~: );S l. 40a; BIS. 2047 (801). 1472 _ 0) S ~-. - e) K ~:. 0 Han. 10.24; Slllk. 127.5 (~crr~ij:); Sbh. 3264; Shy. A . 71a. 77 1 ( ~T~~); B. 9b. 65 (cn"f~ffi~); Kkk. ad 5.1 (+1~;;r~a-:); Pad. p. ll 3.52 ; Pv. 756 (~q~
cH @'ZiI§r4i'2ltR:°. -
1472 S. 5.53.5
(~rUT: )
[42. 12
256 <:'
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( 1476 )
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4 2 . 29 ]
257 ( 1480)
1481
1482
S. 5.45.5
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1485 S. <1. 16.2
(9T'Cl1.'q~: ) 1486
1487
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1489
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42. 42 ]
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1528 S.5.73.5
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263
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1525 S. 5.51.1 ( ~·ft3
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~qf '{~~+[~a{\[~q: f~ ~~ Ptoql~ qf(ql(ljlffrij ~~r~: 11 ~~
11
( 1619 )
1620
S. ;$.ti:l2
(~~T9Bl' )
1621 S.
j. :~ 8 . ;)
(m~: )
( 1622 )
1617 - d ) S ~-mT. 0 Rh. 15i ; San . 3.3; Srb. p. 368. 42; Shh. 3386 ( ~Bl' ) ; SSY. 1429; J sv. 239.2; BIS. 66~ ( 243 ) ; SB. 3.81. 1618 - d ) K ~'1T~ o . 1619 0 SB. 3.333 . 1620 _ <') S I {l1"{~;;n:-. 0 Bh. 218; J sv. 30J.1 3. 1621 - h) S ° "fim~. S 0tnfu'tr0. _ C) s ~Wirs%. - d ) K. om. ~F!·. SI ' '
4~ .
36 J
281
~ ~ [~;J~ ~ ~ t B"~ ~ ~~crlTr 'ir I t ~ ~ q ~R ~ijCf ~ rrlfffi ~~: 11 ~ 0 11 r-
"'\
•
Rm Cffi1: qr;r •
-."
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K. !L Oa
( (623)
r--
311J1I<:f'i:
(1624 )
r'I
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.
f?
~(~
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.... ,......
~~q =Q{lllijij
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~
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:rn:~~~qFT~crn lfT~~: 1 ,..... t "'" 31IQI1VlIT f91m: ql!"({q\{~: 11 ~ ~ 11 . ,..... " '"\ '" ~T: ;:n~ 3ffifl'~(!q+iI{I~({lflTcr , . "'" . ~
~
Cl ~e5~ ¥T;:) ~~: I R:m;~~~Cfi~~ ~f;r~i{t;~T ~CfT~ ~
( 1625 )
( 1626 ) S . li.fi ,i .5
i{;fts~ i{1~I~~ ~~qRHRI~ 11 ~~ 11 ( 1627 )
~
,......
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• '"
I 'JII +1 ~(f <.'S/ <.'S 11 ~~
r-.
f9ITP1
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~crR«tr~T ~~orof~ RUf;r~ I wqfijmq ~ !fr~~~~ rrur1fu ~ re: ~ ~;:n: q~'fi~~ 11 ~ It 11
( 1628 ) S. G.BS. ;)
( ~~w. )
( 1629 ) S. 5.flRA
1623 o J s. -U9 . 1624-d ) K ocn~niRm~. 0 San. 1.98 ; Sl'b. p. 383 .241 ; BIS. 28 10 ( 4185). 1625 0 Kir. 11. 12 : Srb. p. 3i 2.164. 1.626 - CO) S "'f ~r~o ( S3 rgO). - d ) re ~ra:.. 0 .San. 2.19 ; BIS. 1808 (698 ) ; S l'b. p. ::168 ..1: 9 . 1627 0 Sa,n. :3.8 ; S mk. 129.4 ( ;;r~~~ ) ; Shy. A . 72 b. 79 5 ( ~~) , B. lla. 10 1 ( ~R~~ ); BIS. 4i1 5 (2 123 ). 1628 - a ) 8 2.3 ~o. - CO ) K 0+ft~'l{?t. - e) Sl ~. 0 Bh. 30; San. 2.9 ; S rb. p. 177 .997; BIS. 189 4 ( ( 28 ). 1629 - a ) K Sl ~
[ 48. 3G
2S~
( 1630 ) S. (i.6 1 ).~ (WfJ]~)
,'"
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S. ,j.57. l
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ctG\~qlleJct+f~ ~r9~t
I tK. llOJ}
~ ~ ?J~ ~Rcmz;T ~ ~ OO~: ~ ~:~RlCJfficr:Fr~ ~ (fB" aq: I
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. "tf@ '"' "'. 'leJct
",.
• ~ 'c:;::...'" '" '"' ~ '" Pr " ~ (iSl<,4N MI+f"ff9~I+fql~'~~:fctiat~It!( lq ~ltlI+f'1I~USI\'+1 11 ~~ It
( 1632 ) S.
,..,
5f~ ~U qr~ffi+i~ ~~
( 1631 )
)
'~7.ffif f9~+f~R:{i ~ :qa'1€f~I~ :{IT~ ~~ ~
•
r-- r-- ~ ~
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~ ~~
C1~~il+f ~ ~ ~: Cfi(?)~~~ 11 ~~ 11
(1633 ) S.5.:"i7.2 ( f~'K-i[ll1~ ) ( 1634 )
S. ; ..")/ •. :1 ( ~fJ]~ )
1630 - a ) K °frrftfm r. - 6 ) K ~<JTTU~"-. - (') K P1fCl ,<1V :' _ d ) ~ lJP-f-fi~o. (I l~b . 239 j ~ii n. 4.17 ~ BIS. 2054: (808); Sr b. p. 369.6 5; Amd. UO; S -Y. 89 1; KHA. 117. 1631 - ab) S ~T ~r ~~ ~ ~§~'{ffifu~::::p:rr fmr~w ~ 1. - ") S ~~-. - d ) S 0'tTiJsfq-. 1632 -
h)
"'.... S3 men·
c· '~3
l!'!JT. -
0 ....
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S '::;'l n=Hr .... ,,.,8JlT:
~.
. ffi"iffi'·
d ) S1
~ "1I;;rm:
11. 0
Eh .
San. 1.9; Ssm. 1035 (?~'1T); Sl'b. p. 374.219; Sbh. :11 i 8; B I S. 2015 (78 4: ); J sv. 296.5. 1633 - 6) SI ~ om-. - ") SI 9T13: ~-. S mullP-'-· - ~ ) S3 R! C!'~I)I\'ll . 0 Bh. 158 (var.) · Sa.n. 1. 23 j Srb. p. 2:l6;
Sp. 415:1
( ~~: );
1634 _ a) ~~l:~I1T~
91. R; Srh. 196.21; Ssv. 14:25 ; J s. 417 ; BIS. 4584 (2 044).
S3 o~. 1.26 ;
-
R J~.
")
s
:')800 ( 261 1 ).
49. :! ]
283
~~;rr~:q~~~
( 1635)
(fiD ~~?:fT~ld1qR"'4«l +J1ff~: I 3f
m
~~
11
11
~:II
~~9: ~I~~~~ ~ ~siJ ~;qPct ettl~~lf: qR<1~~ I @f ~ RCfl(?)(hqtidlqCflI(I' ~ 1I!Cf'~ ~ ~ Nsmll ~~ 11
( 1636 )
~~Ii!€'i 11 ( 1637 )
11 fPf: (Oii1oia~tu 11 ~~ 11
tl41 (~I (?)lmeAi(tqilfl{~lWft~~ ~qqr: 1 ~'f~~NoRm~5(H*'iI~ cr~ q-: 11 ~ 11
~~~ ~ (f#l"~'i'"(I«fl\
1639 8. 1.33. I
~ "9Tlf :q ~ =ti ~ij~~..( ..~4'l8~: I
.
~
.
~
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q<:~ 'tw\~i;'e41 ~6fl2: ~16fl066f~06
1635
1636 -
376.250. crrf~n;:
I. -
San. 2.7. -
0
1\
_ CO) K T~-.
d) K
11
~
11
"') -q~f9~itj BIS. 5 193 (235 1) ; Srb. p.
d ) K ~. 0
KHV. 402.
d ) K .~~ 11. 0 ~all. 3. 19.
s rm. (
(~~)
~
~ ~~~~~1ffiR~ ~:
1639 - Cl ) S ~N- . 'oW°. S .~o .
1631 -
Vrajya 49 : K ~o. S~. -
1638
D) K
1638
" ) K T~:qQ. 1. - "')
~Md{(#fil't
284
+IT ~~ cmr~~ ~9)Tfur CfiF"d~~€1f0~dl +rli +f@tflRt I ~ rti ~ ~ +t1\i1'1+fl~~II'1i ffi ~ "tli:6fkt ~~('"*1(P~: I1 ~ 11
( 1640 )
S. 2. 140.5 ( ~~~~
[ 4!). 3
)
~: 'tlldH1i ferJ~ ~rfmf ~tir (if(I(;4>~di 5fTamr ~Vi 1~IOI~OlqMrw.r: 5r:rm 1 ..... wr: ~fi +fIHt~R+Nd "['it ~-+I~ 196191 (01-
1641 H. :UH. 5
P. 123b
(In'1Pi'!f!1 )
t'I
~~14tfUr~~ur~~ !!~t~Rt
11
~ 11
eti~~m~~~r
1642 S.2.4I.:i
.........n~~
fi+i141d
ffift
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"t:'",
~ ijWf ~'9 ~ld6fC11
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I1
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1643
16H S.5.iiIU
t6~5
1646
1640 0 S l11k. ' 6. H ; Amd. 147 ;
D>\ ~.
ed 2.2,l· PG. 302 ("~rn)·
)\:H,T. 1/5 ; Skh. 1.105, ?i.2 R, ?lAii : ;:B. ~.219 , 2..!O6, ~ ,l9, :3.:rn. 3.381; :-I:lb. :).52 pIa); ~d. an :~.IO;-, . 1641 - a: ) •'P ~ ~R S ~~ ;qIH-. 0 _ b) S SI BT~ ~'; P fu ID tm: • - l') p ° qRt~;n· . - d) S %I€I:;:j~~. GlfOl-:i;ifi'JI-. P o~_. 0 Smk. 70. (~Bl'). 1642 SI exchanges
'*(
portions after ca.esura in ab. - l') S °'f,&!1:ii'ltldIWl ~it. 1£43 Before this N inserts 1327. - a:) K fitcrffo. - ") K ~-. 1644 - ") Sl.2 "'IN ( iter) . - d ) Ss °mq"-li: . ,'~~; ,) .~rh. 1.6.20 ; hn. p. 14: ; Prab. Gc (>.r'1GT
4:~ .
1.) ]
28 5 J'fl~Cfi
I""'{
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r
TCfi
~
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~: ~(:O~"fiicict~I"i ~~I~:
\3i~Jctf{ €~~N
r.fi
1
( 1647 )
f!li(a:ftfcr~: 11 ~ 0 11
ar~ fu'fctCf~fq ~ ~ ~ ~wrlit ~: I
( 1648 )
~lfij4 I ct1i9 ~ ~ ct1ij4Ict+W~ ij~~lct~ 11 ~ ~ 11 ~ Iif Im'fllf ct i ~: Cfi?)lf ct i m-lf"r: "'"'
-A ~
• ~
~: Cfi t:((?)+i'~ 61 ~Jl)lf d(
(i +U
RI r6f ct i
1649 S. 5 24o.1
!;:!.
1r-:::rJ[nl ~-=rCfir"'ll 'irTTli T"'J"llf""TT1l. I
,:nil
( ~'cf\~ )
~ffi~~~~:ij~~ ~~311~ Idi({~{I~lf'1q): 4liil'i+ii?t f5r:r: 11 ~ ~ It ~ ~ RN{I~I("IT~T ~W ("Iltlfffl •
41~~ctQ::Trq TT:
~,.....
ll9ctT ~ ij~&i+tRt G
•
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crr:m C''"'
~
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1650 S. 5.24. :2
I
(ff.ruq~ )
~ i{{§I 0lf I iSl01f%lf f+m: CfiOrr~~~I~ct: +.:: -" ", '"' '" ~ R. l~: ql~ct8 (1~ll~HolI ~ I~~ ~1€"fR1
11
r~.
11 1651
1652
t
1\. I J 2,t
1647 Sp. 1372 ; Sbh. H2j Srh. 171.9 ; P I. 9.11 6; Sb. :H b. 6; S K. :1.11 9; An y. p. 59.64, p. 133.202 ; Bp:>. 23 8; Srb. p. 71.1 2. 1648 0 Hr h. p. 28 4:.13. 1649 - C) S ~: ( ~; ). - d ) K ~Sf ~mf-. 0 RH V . 2 4 ; Kkk. ad 5. 1. 1650 This a nd the n ext seem to be pa.rts of dja.log ue5. - a ) K · Ulf~ijT' - " ) S] ~~'l~mm. O} S
-
wrrMa <:~
286 1653
«J<:CflI( fu~~allfC,l{~~
[ ·1:0 . I G
m
U:J,~ I 'iTlWfi: ~ ~f ~ ~ ~~: qq.:r: I1 ~~ I1
1654 ~.139.;~
S.
( 1655 ) ~.
J.U
( ,!9r..n: )
1656 R .'),] 1.2
165i
S. 4.22'+ (~)
( 1658 )
1653 ,:)
Vllllll.
3.26 ; Sp. 524 ('ti~r:wr ); Ssm. 8 24, 1395; Kuv. p. 30 ;
BIS. 6-1: i 2( 2990); SR. 3.350; A'. p. 34 ( ad 13.1 ); Srb. p. 18 6.3. Generally
_ C) ~~;.
1654 - 0 ) S ~. - C) K >mi'. - d) S3 ~CW1fi{ (in f'lTat a). 0 Hp. 37 80; Sbh. 2237; SK. 5. 196. 1655 _ ") Ss Q~o. _ 0 ) K o f;j~ct_. S ~r-4-. K ~~~ I. l') S3 o ~o. 83 o~·::rr.~~cr-:::r
o V as. 14, (p. 103 ). 1656 - C) S ~~lifMcH1R(1 -. - d) S o~7iT_. o Kvv. p. 35. 1657 - " ) S it~orNfk. - 0) K m-~; ; S ~~: ( mcf.~: ). s w( ~ ). - C) K .~
287
49. 28 ]
"illq~q 11~ ~fir~ M(I\S1d I lf~l8~ t ~e.nfiir ~ ~ ~T: 11 ~~ 11 t
1659
K. 11 2iJ
~ W;f ~q~ ~ ~ tiiifci"lfl: I arf~ er~8Cf1RsCfli ~ ;@r ~: ~ 11 ~ ~ 11
~1~SR+irq~ ~ cmffi: 11F~ ~
1660
(1661 )
Ho 2.R7. 5
(I~lq:t M91~'iU:sqd0 11F~: ~ ~ I '"' ~ ~ khri d'iliJtf ~ ·1 ~ ICl 'Cftl ~ P'c.tl 'TTtf~~!i~drn\ 7i'11'l11rq Cfl{W~ct'11~I~T \S1'1M!3rn 11 ~~ 11 ~~
amfq ~fctiictl «6: 9'<:-91" lflr.t~M{~arr ~if I ~@ ;r fu'i<~!:~ ~ ~~ I1 ~~
murr
1662
11 1663
166,.
S. 2.76.1 ( 9mul~ )
Iti6::;
1660 0 Sp. 835;
bb. 725; SR. 6.:35 ; A n). p. 79 .28; J sv. 281. 2. Generally. - a ) :iT~-. 1661 N substitutes 1505 for t.his. - a) S 11T"f (~pr ), ~
[ 4:0. 28
288
(1666 )
1667
1668
( 1669 )
( 1670 )
1671
( 1672 ) S. 4.16.1 (~~)
-
-- -
---~
-
---~
--
1666 - " ) K ~:;r:f. '
Dh . .15 ; Sp. 1:39 1 ; S rh. p. D3.82, p. 1i6.9i:3 ; Sh v. A. 9-!b . 45 ; SS\·. 365; Bpb. :H; BIS. 2122 (8-1:3).
Shh . 23D.J,; 1669 - 0 ) K ~.:jqM~1+j; 0 Skb. 4.60, :i,4 , 1; SB. 2.39 9 ; 3 .1 ~:!; Kuv. p. 114; Srb. p. 313.:)5. Generally. - d ) ~ftqfu. 1670 0 S rb. p. 16.J:AS!l; BIS.473 ( 17 6), Hit. ed. Sehl. 2. 126, ed Johns. 1:31. 1672 ~ ") K
".mtffr. -
0) S 2.3 ~.,:~~. - ") SJ.2 fet
49. 4 1 ]
289
~i{~I~ ~Cffi@ ~sfit crom m~: msFt 5fffiFtlfct~tI'fi~~: ~ Cf\ifllf=8 ~ fcF;~~: it ~ ~ ~: ffi~~ NftRN ~ 1r+~: ~+Jqm 11 ~ ~ 11
( 1673 )
~ fcrl~ (f~ ~ ~: ~ ~~ ~ ~1JfT: I ~Q: ~Ffta:~~lf~ qU~~: CfiU~er~wf l!~~~ 11 ~\9
(1614'
11
~ ~ if1{~g;~ ~(f~1fu ijiSld~ I 31'1'ff'1IQ ~ m9"<1T CfTii4'l~ct~ 11 ~~ 11
(1675 )
( 1676 )
( 1677 )
( 167R J
1673 0 Bh. 22. - d ) ;pffi!'f\
Sbh. 3079 ; Sr h.34.2-4: ("filO!fwr.rn ); Yasastilakacampu (KM.70)
Jl p. 256; S h y. A . 62a. 64:3, B. l a . 38; Ss\,. 3 17 ; .Jsv. 262.3; BIS. 3367 (143 1 ). 1674 0 Kil'. 14.24; Shh. 436 ( ~: ); S r b. p. 174.904; 8b. 29a. i (~ : ). 1675 0 Ct Sp. 420, cf. Ssm. ) 546, cf. SK . 2.206 . 3300 (
1677 0 Bh. 95; Smk. 53.1 2 -
(
Sp.
0 ) K >lT11IT1"1R1. c Smk ..59 ,:3/; Sp. 3823; Sbh. 1687; S1'b. p. 335.14 3 (var.)
290
[49. 42
"
,....,
"
~an~~~e.t=Mml~~~
(1679)
'"\
f{J1~~'1«Ri1t~Vf~tf:t~I'1~~: ar~q.f ~H1""111q~~t:t~ ~~9: ijSfl411(li1~{ ~H~l1Jiti !4qlliO'S4~ 11 ~~ II
~~~ ~ ~ iji1i1¥ilq'qfiw~~ I arr~cntf ~~q)~'1tiffi4t~'I ~ 11 'd~ 11
1680
\3Q i ll(MMmsftl ~:
p.f; Cfl~Rt I ~~ ~cn~~ ii~fi«(~ 11 ~~ 11
(1681)
~ ~r+l ~ ;nfur N~ w~mur~ ~ ~ ~rer +rt 5ffu ~: ijtff \l1 '1 «1(4ct I ~ a:ilf4d; ~ ~~ ~~ ff« ~ ~~ \1K9 cfTf~: ~ ~T ~ -:qut~: mft 11 ~'111 ~~-.,~ ~ ~ '" '" . ,...., ,....,
(1682)
~(t~Ii1: ~: !4[i1[~'1lic; t ~ 'IT~
( 1683)
t
K. 114·.1
~~ ~~~: ~i?)'1~I(ROlf Ictq flli I I ~ ~cr f"ilr~ crm Awl ~ ~ 9i: ~ ~ ;r -:q ~ ~~i!!qij: 11 ~~ 11 ( 1684 )
1685
( 1686)
1679 - 0) K o~~'1T;:
O m;;
_ 1») K ~. -
K mif&·
1682 - ") K ~rfr<j>~.
1684 l1
D) K ftrlre;~.
ut. 3.29; BIS.
- d) K
~T:['iR+lli.
4165.
1683
1685
1686 _ 1»)
291
4:9 . 5G]
arcnS'9: q~: ~ ~ ~P1~ I \jg~gR q~: ~ ~ ~ftm 11 ~o 11
1687
ffifiRM~~~\~rs~~6:9-i)'lrn: I
1688
RR:d+ifti\J1lct~~lq~ 9"9'1~=ild~' 11 '1~ 11 ~iT
~j
'1
r-
~
.r"'>f'
~'"'
91{
tftif ~ ij{)M1ji!:<.'S~il
~~ <1(I~tij(fiFll1~q<;~I~lc;~IO~ ~
( 1689 ) S. 4041.3
tp.T:
I
( ~
«r~~ ij~ ~ q~ ~ furn~ij: 11 '1~ 11 .~ firmfOO1: ~~crr&lf~ ijT ~,~ltlfctM ~ ~: ft~ ~ ~ ~
9'~"X.fR9)'1~"ffic;I~"'I®:
( 1690) S. 2. 1 1)6.~
fTijT:
--.--. ~ (;fl'f'!'l"'l 9T
I
~~ Ofi~ 'l&:'+i(,?¥1r ~~~: 11 ~~ 11 ~~ ~iRfif~ ~~ ~ ~'1~'q'1~r~~: ti t N. 40/1 (f~ ~c;dld1d~~ ~~~t:f iffcid€1a:'1~: 11 '1~ 11
~t+td'c;~ ~ ~ ~ qctijq@q:
I
~ ~ ~: 1i~ J)a:c;i~cfi lfi!?T €:tihi ~Cf ~cr:: 11
t
K. 114b
1691 S. ~.IOG .l
( 'ii~f~a::) ( 1692 )
'1'1 fI
~ . .q<e.:nJ11 11 169 3
Hi t. 2.2; Rrb. p. 16:).·+117. 1688 - ") 1689 - ") S ;:ft9T~'5Itf9I£1~fk"M~
K ~-.
d) K c
cnit.,
(9r
292
[ 49. 57
1694
1695
r--
,-....
~: ~: @~: ~CfUTT~: ~~:
1696
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r.
r-
~
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r- ~,......
,-....
r--. ....
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~~ ~ ~~ R~ ~rr:
~~
11
11
169 7
•
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r--.
~ """"""""'-=r-I'TI'
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I
t!
firt
~94ffi: ~ ~ 9J~i(d!! me?):
11
~0
11
)J . r.rrl1:S(f~~: 11 r--
• ...!:l
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11 ~ (1€fi10(Ef;;tf1 11 'd ~ 11 11 ~: f.fiA~t!Rta~tll 11 ~~v~ 11 1698 ~. 5 . ~(Ui
t 1694 -
d ) K [S]C~;;';8:'7.! : .
,) Bh. 2; Shh. 3390; Srb. p. 311.1:32 j A uc. ad 16 R ufirl1t a
m';f~. 11
K. 11 5/1
1696 (~'.fi~).
N am i ad
i.76. 1697 - Cl ) K·~. - d ) K g-;I~ ~~i?i : . - e ) K ;;lTOf-. Y l'a.iya 50 : K ,,;jT ~118 ~ ;r-rr 11. 1698 - Cl ) S I ~ CRl"h~ .
293
50.6J
~fu¥il(~q~Fp.lI~ehl~ ~~ MbOllct: CfifCt~~l=r~~ R~ ~ firti 9TIj{: I
am:
1699
S. 5.26.1 ( O19T"'R:\lI )
~~7.f~~rs:::q tii{(fW50S3IM0~ Nq-
5Jiirsif
er "if '11 Pt ~~ \it I'11 RI ~~: 11 ~ 11 atfit-li1-'r~"""W"'" 11 1700
.s.
5.27. 3
1701 S. 5.'17.5
1702
1703 S. 5.27.4
~ ) S ~fUT; ( ffr:f;) SI.
1.699 °3~o.
2
o%~_.
-
b) S 'IT !1~; I. -
")
S3
ffi-.
S
S
1700 _d) S1 o ~~;:fr: . - e) Ss ~~\lI. 0 Vid. 1.7,; BaJ. 1.1 7; S bv. A. 3Tb. 1 92 (P...:r~~: ); Smk. 4.99 (.sfhi'ii\Clo1uT:) .
:q 6'~'G'qyB~. - 0) K~. S2 ~~?s. - d) s ° Wl~419{d~\ Anr: before 1.12 in some versjons; Kuv. p. 58; BIS. 2954
1701 - a) K (S ]
0
( 1239);SK,2.31 .: Ak. p.290.
1703 .....""
nEO'IT
0
~c
1702-~ )NK O~~(. 0
Anr. l.12.
S 9~ f1Iu;fu:t1f. - 0) K~. s ·R(S3 ° MO)q~fa'. " So . . . ,-.. .. - d ) I \.r ffiT~(l{· " . 2 t~ •s~~ ~.
C% )
0
I
•
") K
294 1104
1705 S. 5.32.5 (~ ~fr.~ )
(1706) S.5.26.2 (m:;{~
1707
( 1708 ) ,
1709
(1710)
1704 - ~ ) K ~[?:T'. K
° l"l o-,,\?i.{l r {T ;·
_ C) 8 ~Rf~~'l: .
1705 -
C) K ·mQ.:ir ~(1-.
-
a ) SI ~:.
"1.2·~:k.
-
d)
o S mk . 4.36 ( '>'.:Ilihil-:flt
K. • ,{up. -
d)
S ~~.,~::-. - b )
S~'o { R : : 82.3 ~: (CG: )' 3~a .
205
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