Suspended Music: Chime-Bells in the Culture of Bronze Age China

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Suspended Music : Chime-bells in the Culture of Bronze Age China Falkenhausen, Lothar von. University of California Press 0520073789 9780520073784 9780585108452 English Bells--China, Bronze age--China, Chimes, China-Antiquities. 1993 CC250.C6F35 1993eb 786.8/848/0931 Bells--China, Bronze age--China, Chimes, China-Antiquities.

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Suspended Music

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Suspended Music Chime-Bells in the Culture of Bronze Age China Lothar von Falkenhausen

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University of California Press Berkeley Los Angeles Oxford

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To my teacher K. C. Chang He who is good at entertaining questions is like a bell when struck: When knocked gently, it merely emits a faint ring; but when knocked forcefully, it resounds loudly. Responding as amply as appropriate, it rings to the fullest and then stops. . . . This is the true way to foster learning. LiJi "XUEJI"

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Calligraphy by Zhang Zhenglang University of California Press Berkeley and Los Angeles, California University of California Press, Ltd. Oxford, England © 1993 by The Regents of the University of California Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Falkenhausen, Lothar yon. Suspended music: chime-bells in the culture of Bronze Age China / Lotbar yon Falkenhausen. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references (p.) and index. ISBN 0-520-07378-9 (cloth: alk. paper) 1. BellsChina. 2. Bronze age China. 3. Chimes. 4. China Antiquities. I. Title. CC250-C6F35 1993 786.8'848'0931 Idc20 91-34554 CIP Printed in the United States of America 123456789 The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of American National Standard for Information SciencesPermanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials, ANSI Z39.48-1984.

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CONTENTS List of Illustrations List of Tables Acknowledgments To the Reader Introduction: Setting The Stage

xi xxi xxiii xxv 1 1

Some Preconceptions 5 An Archaeological Sensation 12 The Importance of Bells Part I: Rites, Technology, And Political Matrix

21

1. Bells in a Bronze Age Culture

23 25

Main Functions of Bells 25 Ancestral Ritual 29 Banquets and Other Rituals 32 The Social Framework 32 Sumptuary Regulations 39 The Donors of Shang and Western Zhou Bells 46 The Donors of Eastern Zhou Bells 51

Eastern Zhou Developments in Bell Usage 56 Economic Factors 56 Bells as Commodities 60 Irregular Events in the Life of Bells 62 Personnel 65 Conclusion 2. Shape and Acoustic Properties of Chinese Musical Bells

67 67

Main Classes of Bells 72 Overall Appearance of Chinese Bells 76 The Tone 80 The "Two- Tone Phenomenon"

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Standard Proportions 85 Designing a Chime 96 Conclusions 3. Chime-Bell Manufacture and Its Connotations

98 98

Casters' Priorities 102 The Material 108 Casting 109 Basic Casting Techniques of Shang and Western Zhou 110 Eastern Zhou Innovations 113 Chaplets and Spacers 115 The Casting Process 115 Alternative Techniques 117 The Technical Rationale for the Almond-Shaped Cross-Section 118 Tuning 121 The Finished Product Part II: The History Of Chinese Musical Bells

127

4. Origins and Early Development

129

129 Typology and the History of Inventions 132 The Earliest Chinese Bells 134 The Emergence of Musical Bells 138 The Nao Bells of Southern China 138 Northern versus Southern Nao 142 The Emergence of the Xuan 142 Some Large Specimens 145 Genesis of the Standard Zhong Ornamentation Scheme 151 The Invention of Yongzhong 151 Changes in Nao Shape and Ornamentation 153 The Transition from Nao to Yongzhong 157 Intermezzo 5. Perfection and Decline

158 158

Chime-Bells of the Zhou Dynasty 159 Western Zhou and Early Eastern Zhou Yongzhong in North China 159 The Northward Diffusion of Yongzhong 162 Middle Western Zhou Yongzhong

164 Late Western Zhou Yongzhong 167 Early Eastern Zhou Yongzhong 168 The Origins and Spread of Bo 174 The First Niuzhong 175 Yongzhong, Bo, and Niuzhong in Eastern Zhou Times 175 Overall Trends 179 North-Central China 185 South-Central China 189 The End of the Zhou Bell-Manufacturing Tradition 192 Conclusion 193 Regionalisms

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Part III: Musical Performance And Musical Theory

197

6. Playing the Bells

199 199

Prelude 199 Arranging the Bell-Chimes 199 Archaeological Evidence on the Composition of Chimes 202 Textual Records on the Composition of Chimes 205 Suspension 210 Performance 210 Playing Technique 215 The Bells in Concert 217 The Sound of Bells 218 The Tone-Measurement Data 219 Tone-Measuring Methods 221 The Condition of the Instruments 223 Circumstances of Measurement 225 Summary 7. The Tone Measurements and Their Interpretation

226

226 Charting the Tone Distributions 228 The Tones of Shang Dynasty Nao 229 Chimes of Mid-Western Zhou-Type Yongzhong 234 Late Western Zhou Chimes of Yongzhong 236 Chimes of the Springs and Autumns Period 244 The Zeng Bells 244 The Chimes of the Zeng Bell Assemblage 245 The Tone Distributions in Chimes M1 and M2 247 The Tone Distributions in Chimes L1 + 2 and M3 249 Tone Distributions in the Upper-Tier Niuzhong 249 The Zeng Bell Assemblage as a Whole 255 Other Warring States Period Chimes 256 Aberrant Cases 264 Interpretation 264 Musical versus Technological Evolution 267 Lithophones and the Importance of Pentatonicity 275

The "Revolving Do" 276 The Problem of Intonation 8. Musical Theory through the Zeng Inscriptions

280 280

The Conception of Tone in the Zeng Inscriptions 283 The Yin Notes 287 The Lü Pitch Standards 291 Tone-Definition Distribution Patterns 296 The Historical Position of the Zeng Musical Terminology 296 Complementary Sets of Pitch Standards (Lü) 299 Conflation of Yin and Lü 301 Generation of Notes by "Subtracting or Adding a Third" 307 Conclusions

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9. Music Suspended: Tone Theory and Its Political Ramifications

310 310

Pitch-Pipes and Bells in Zhou Musical Theory 314 The Political Role of Pitch Standards 318 International Music 319 The Origins of Zhou Ritual Music 320 The Demise of Chime-Bell Music in Late Eastern Zhou 324 Envoi Appendix 1: Bibliographical List of Archaeological Sites

325

Appendix 2: A Comprehensive, Typologically Arranged List of Chinese Musical Bells

349 349

The Earliest Clapper-Bells (Ling) 349 Shang Dynasty (Anyang Period) Nao from North China 351 Shang and Western Zhou Nao from South China 355 Early Yongzhong (Western Zhou through Early Springs and Autumns Period) 360 Early Bo (Shang through First Half of Springs and Autumns Period) 361 Early Niuzhong (Late Western Zhou through First Half of Springs and Autumns Period) 362 Musical Bells from Late Springs and Autumns through Han

368 Mingqi Bells (Warring States through Six Dynasties) 370 Regional Musical Bell-Types Appendix 3: Bells from the Zhou Peripheries

374 375

The Eastern Seaboard 376 South China 376 The Middle Yangzi 379 The Lower Yangzi 382 The Far South 382 The Southwest 382 Central and Eastern Sichuan 384 The Far Southwest 386 The North Appendix 4: Tone Measurements

388 388

Sources of Tone-Measurement Data 388 I. Shang Dynasty Nao 388 II. Western Zhou Yongzhong 391 III. Eastern Zhou Chime-Bells 392

IV. Lithophones 392 Tone-Measurement Tabulations Glossary

402

Place Names In Geographical Arrangement

406

Bibliography

415

Index

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ILLUSTRATIONS Maps 1. Geographical distribution of archaeologically provenienced Chinese musical bells dating from ca. 2000-771 B.C. (early Bronze Age-Western Zhou and contemporary regional cultures) 140 2. Geographical distribution of Chinese musical bells dating after ca. 771 B.C. (Eastern Zhou and later, including regional cultures)

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Figures 1. Comprehensive view of the Zeng bells, excavated in 1978 from tomb no. 1 at Leigudun, Suizhou (Hubei). From Zhongguo Hubei chutu wenwu, fig. 32.

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2. The tomb of Marquis Yi of Zeng. From Zeng Hou Yi-mu, vol. 1:9, fig. 5.

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3. Se zither from the same tomb. From Hubei Suizhou Leigudun chutu wenwu, fig. 102.

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4. Mouth organ (sheng) from the same tomb. From Zhan'guo Zeng Hou Yi-mu chutu wenwu tu'anxuan, 15. 10 5. Panflute (paixiao) from the same tomb. From Hubei Sheng Bowuguan, Beijing: Wenwu, 1989, fig. 114.

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6. Traverse flute (di) from the same tomb. From Hubei Suizhou Leigudun chutu wenwu, 100.

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7. Drum stand from the same tomb. Original photograph, acquired in 1980.

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8. Hanging-drum from the same tomb. From Hubei Suizhou Leigudun chutu wenwu, fig. 70. 11 9. Hand-drum from the same tomb. From Sui Xian Zeng Hou Yi-mu, fig. 27.

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10. One of the chimestones (qing) from the same tomb. From Sui Xian Zeng Hou Yi-mu, fig. 25.

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11. Yongzhong (bell no. M3-6) and inscription details from the same tomb. From Sui Xian Zeng Hou Yi-mu, figs. 14-19, 21. 13 12. Copper bell-like object (ling?) excavated in 1983 at Taosi, Xiangfen (Shanxi). From Kaogu 1984 (12), pl. 3.2; p. 1069, fig. I right.

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13. Niuzhong (no. U3-6?) from the tomb of Marquis Yi of Zeng. From Zhongguo Hubei chutu wenwu, fig. 37. q

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14. View of a hoard of Western Zhou bronzes at Zhuangbai, Fufeng (Shaanxi) (Zhuangbai hoard no. 1). From Xin Zhongguo de kaogu faxian he yanjiu, pl. 64. 1.

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15. Pictorial representation of a ritual performance on an unprovenienced hu in the Musée Guimet, Paris. From Weber 1968, fig. 67e.

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16. Pictorial representation of a ritual performance on a fragmentary jian vessel excavated in 1951 at Zhaogu, Hui Xian (Henan). From Hui Xian fajue baogao, 116, with an original sketch reconstructing the spatial arrangement.

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17. Arrangement of musical instruments in the ritual chamber of Marquis Yi's tomb. From Zeng Hou Yi-mu, 68-69. 36 18. One of the eight Zhong Yi-yongzhong (with inscription rubbing), excavated in 1960 at Qijiacun, Fufeng (Shaanxi). From Shaanxi chutu Shang Zhou qingtongqi, vol. 2, pl. 144. 41 19. Photo and inscription rubbing of the First Xing-yongzhong excavated in 1976 from hoard no. 1 at Zhuangbai (see fig. 14). From Shaanxi chutu Shang Zhou qingtongqi, vol. 2, pl. 54.

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20. Chu Wang Xiong Zhang-bo from the tomb of Marquis Yi of Zeng. Original photograph, acquired in 1980.

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21. Wangsun Gao-yongzhong excavated in I979 from tomb no. 2 at Xiasi, Xichuan (Henan). From Son of Heaven, 61, fig. 8.

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22. Two sides of a lacquered wooden duck from the tomb of Marquis Yi of Zeng, with representations of musical performances. From Zhan'guo Zeng Hou Yi-mu chutu wenwu tu'anxuan, 5-6. 64 23. Ling excavated in 1950 at Wuguancun, Anyang (Henan). From Kaogu Xuebao 5 (1951), 40, fig. 8. 68 24. Duo excavated in 1974-75 from tomb no. 1 at Rujiazhuang, Baoji (Shaanxi). From Shaanxi chutu Shang Zhou qingtongqi, vol. 4, 64. 68 25. Nao excavated in 1974 at Tangdongcun, Jiangning (Jiangsu). From Gao Zhixi 1986b, English translation, fig. 63.2.

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26. Cai Hou-yongzhong excavated in I955 at Ximennei, Shou Xian (Anhui). From Shou Xian Cai Hou-mu, pl. 20.

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27. Cai Hou-bo from Ximennei (see fig. 26). From Anhui Sheng Bowuguan-cang qingtongqi, pl. 78.

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28. Cai Hou-niuzhong from Ximennei. From Anhui Sheng Bowuguan-cang

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qingtongqi, pl. 77; rubbing from Shou Xian Cai Hou-mu, 52-53.

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29. Zheng excavated in 1987 from tomb no. 2 at Baoshan, Jingmen (Hubei). From Zhongguo Hubei chutu wenwu, fig. 66.

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30. Set of seven goudiao excavated in 1958 at Yancheng, Wujin (Jiangsu). From Jiangsu chutu wenwu, pl. 94.

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31. Chunyu excavated in 1956 at Changde (Hunan). From Zhongguo rneishu quanji, Gongyi meishu-bian, vol. 5 (Bronzes II), pl. 152.

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32. Nomenclature of the constituent parts of zhong family bells. After Hayashi 1964, 261 (modified). Calligraphy by Dr. Wang Youqin. 73 33. Nangong Hu-yongzhong excavated in 1979 at Baozigou, Fufeng (Shaanxi) (with inscription rubbing). From Shaanxi chutu Shang Zhou qingtongqi, vol. 3, pl. 140. 74 34. Profile of a European church-bell. After Konrad Bund, Deutsches Glockenmuseum auf Burg Greifenstein: Eine Einführung, Greifenstein (1987), 21.

75

35. Buddhist temple-bell at the Dazhongsi bell museum, Beijing. Photo by the author, 1981. 76 36. The vibration patterns of a Chinese chime-bell. From Rossing 1989b, 248, fig. 13. 77 37. Sound spectra showing the relative strengths of the partials of a Chinese chimebell. From Takahashi 1984, 101.

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38. Interferogram showing the nodal pattern (mode 2,0) for the A- and Btones of a Chinese chime-bell. From Ma Chengyuan 1981, pls. 21-25.

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39. The nodal pattern of a Western church-bell. From Rossing 1989b, 248, fig. 13(b). 82 40. Cross-section of a Chinese chime-bell showing the different vibration patterns of the A- and B-tones at mode (2,0). After Ma Chengyuan 1981, 133. 83 41. Modulation of wall thickness on the inside of several Zeng yongzhong. From Zeng Hou Yi-mu, vol. x, 93-94, figs. 48-49.

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42. The standard proportions of a yongzhong according to the Kaogongji, as reconstructed by Cheng Yaotian. From Kaogong chuangwu xiaoji, 538: 21a/b.

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43. Scaling proportions of the Jingli-niuzhong from Changtaiguan, Xinyang (Henan) (see fig. 104), as charted by André Lehr. From Lehr 1985, 102-3. 94 44. Qing dynasty chime of sixteen bells, displayed at the former Imperial Palace, Beijing. From Kokyu Hakubutsuin-ten: Shikinjo-no kyutei geijutsu tsuroku, Tokyo: Seibu Museum of Art, 1985.

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45. Copper ingot from Tonglüshan, Daye (Hubei). From Tonglüshan: Zhongguo gu kuangye yizhi, unnumbered page, unnumbered illustration. 107 46. Setup of casting molds for a yongzhong, as reconstructed by Noel Barnard. From Barnard 1961, 143. 110 47. Bell-casting molds excavated ca. 1959 near Niucun, Houma (Shanxi). From Wenwu 1960 (8/9), 8, fig. 6, and 10, fig. 1.

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48. Core-mold assemblage of one of the Zeng yongzhong, as reconstructed by Hua Jueming and Jia Yunfu. From Hua and Jia 1983, fig. 4. 113 49. Position of core-extension spacers. From Lehr I985, 139.

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50. Set of two vessels, conventionally labeled ''zun and pan," from the tomb of Marquis Yi of Zeng. Original photo, acquired in 1980.

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51. Modulation of wall thickness on the inside of one of Marquis Yi's chimebells. From Zeng Hou Yi-mu, vol. z, pl. 294.4.

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52. Development of early Chinese bell-types (original flow chart).

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53. Pottery bells excavated in 1972-75 at Dahecun, Zhengzhou (Henan). From Kaogu Xuebao 1979 (3), 332, drawing, p. 330.

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54. Bronze ling excavated in 1982 from Area IX, tomb no. 4, at Erlitou, Yanshi (Henan). From Kaogu 1985 (12), 1091, fig. 7.1.

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55. Ling excavated in 1965-66 from tomb no. 1 at Subutun, Yidu (now Qingzhou) (Shandong). From Wenwu 1972 (8), 30, fig. 38.4.

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56. Enlarged set of five nao excavated in 1976 from tomb no. 5 ("Fu Hao's tomb") at Yinxu, Anyang (Henan), with inscription rubbing. From Henan chutu Shang Zhou qingtongqi, vol. 1, pl. 172; rubbing from Yinxu Fu Hao-mu, 57, fig. 37.6, 7. 135 57. One of an enlarged set of four nao excavated in 1935 from tomb no. 1083 at Xibeigang, Anyang (Henan). From Chia 1980, 5-8.

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58. Nao from Yueshanpu, Ningxiang (Hunan). Photo by author. Rubbings from Wenwu 1986 (2), 44-45.

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59. Nao from Nihequ, Lujiang (Anhui). From Anhui Sheng Bowuguan-cang qingtongqi, no. 10.

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60. First nao excavated in 1974 at Liurongshan, Yangxin (Hubei). From Zhongguo Hubei chutu wenwu, fig. 64.

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61. Nao excavated in 1963 at Xujiafan, Yuhang (Zhejiang). From Kaogu 1965 (5), pls. 10. 10-12.

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62. Second nao from Liurongshan (see fig. 61). From Wenwu 1981 (1), 93-94.

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63. Nao in the Museum of Far Eastern Antiquities, Stockholm. Reproduced by permission.

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64. Nao excavated in 1973 at Sanmudi, Ningxiang (Hunan). Photos: Professor Gao Zhixi.

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65. Nao excavated in 1978 at Yangze, Jian'ou (Fujian). From Gao Zhixi 1984b, English translation, fig. 63.1.

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66. Nao from Liling (Hunan) (exact locus of excavation unknown). Photo: Professor Gao Zhixi. 152 67. Nao excavated in 1980 at Xiajiashan, Leiyang (Hunan). From Gao Zhixi 1984b, English translation, fig. 62.3. 152 68. Nao excavated in 1981 at Huangzhu, Zhuzhou (Hunan). Photo: Professor Gao Zhixi.

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69. Yongzhong excavated in 1982 at Pingru, Xiangxiang (Hunan). From Gao Zhixi 1984a, pl. 10.3. 155 70. Nao in the Arthur M. Sackler Gallery, Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C., acc. no. S1987.278. Reproduced by permission.

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71. Yongzhong from Chengtan, Liuyang (Hunan). Photo: Professor Gao Zhixi.

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72. Set of three yongzhong excavated in 1954 at Puducun, Chang'an (Shaanxi). From Kaogu Xuebao 1956 (3), pl. 10. 163 73. Shicheng-yongzhong excavated in I974 at Qiangjiacun, Fufeng (Shaanxi). From Shaanxi chutu Shang Zhou qingtongqi, vol. 3, pl. 107. 165 74. One of the six bells of the third set of Xing-yongzhong from hoard no. 1 at Zhuangbai (see fig. 14). From Shaanxi chutu Shang Zhou qingtongqi, vol. 2, 92, pl. 61. 166 75. Yongzhong from a set of ten excavated in 1923 at Lijialou, Xinzheng (Henan). From Chine, trésors et splendeurs, 54, fig. 25.

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76. Zheng Xing Shu-yongzhong, recently in the Morse Collection, New York. From Spirit and ritual, 34. 169 77. Bo in the Arthur M. Sackler Gallery, Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C., acc. no. S1987.10. Reproduced by permission. 171 78. Bo from Hengyang, Hunan (exact circumstances of excavation unknown). From Wenwu 1980 (11), pl. 8.3. 171 79. "Tiger bo" in the Arthur M. Sackler Gallery, Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C., acc. no. S1987.36. Reproduced by permission.

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80. One of a set of three bo excavated in 1985 at Yangjiacun, Mei Xian (Shaanxi). From Wenbo 1987 (2), 23, fig. 4.

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81. One of the three Qin Gong-bo (with its suspension hook), excavated in 1978 at Taigongmiao, Baoji (Shaanxi). Original photo, acquired in 1980.

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82. One of a set of four bo from Lijialou (see fig. 75). From Zhongguo gudai qingtongqi, Taibei: Zhonghua Minguo Guoli Lishi Bowuguan, 1987, fig. 1.

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83. Niuzhong in the Art Institute of Chicago. Reproduced by permission.

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84. Bo in the British Museum, London, from a dispersed set of at least five bells. Reproduced by permission of The Trustees of the British Museum.

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85. Yongzhong excavated in 1983 from tomb no. 7 at Luhe, Lucheng (Shanxi). From Wenwu 1986 (6), 10, fig. 21.1. 182 86. Bo from tomb no. 7 at Luhe, From Wenwu 1986 (6), 10, fig. 21.2.

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87. Niuzhong from tomb no. 7 at Luhe. From Wenwu 1986 (6), 10, fig. 22.

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88. Rubbings of one of a set of nine niuzhong excavated in 1935-37 from tomb no. 80 at Liulige, Hui Xian (Henan). From Shanbiaozhen yu Liulige, pl. 97. 183 89. One of the fourteen Biao-niuzhong found ca. 1929 in tomb no. 7 at Jincun, Luoyang (Henan), now in the Sen'oku Hakkokan (Sumitomo collection), Kyoto. Reproduced by permission of the Sen'oku Hakkokan.

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90. No. 5 of the nine Ju Gongsun Chao Zi-niuzhong excavated in 1970 at Zangjiazhuang, Zhucheng (Shandong). From Wenwu 1987 (12), 50, fig. 8.

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91. The Yuefu-niuzhong excavated in 1978 near the tomb of the First Emperor of Qin in Lintong (Shaanxi). From Kaogu yu Wenwu 1982 (4), 93, fig. 1.

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92. Zhu Gong Keng-yongzhong in the Shanghai Museum. From Shanghai Bowuguan-cang qingtongqi, vol. 1, 83.

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93. One of a set of nine niuzhong excavated in 1979 from tomb no. I at Xiasi, Xichuan (Henan). From Kaogu q (2), 123, fig. 5.

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94. One of the dispersed chimes of Zhediao-niuzhong; this piece now in the Sen'oku Hakkokan (Sumitomo collection), Kyoto. Reproduced by permission of the Sen'oku Hakkokan. 187 95. One of the thirty-six yongzhong excavated in 1981 from tomb no. 2 at Leigudun, Suizhou (Hubei). From Hubei Suizhou Leigudun chutu wenwu, 92, fig. 67. 187 96. One of four niuzhong excavated in 1978 at Tianxingguan, Jiangling (Hubei). From Kaogu Xuebao 1982 (1), 96, fig. 19.

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97. One of a set of fourteen niuzhong excavated in 1972 from the tomb of a ruler of Ba at Xiaotianxi, Fuling (Sichuan). From Zhongguo gu

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qingtongqi-xuan, pl. 78.

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98. Mingqi pottery bell excavated in I978 from the tomb of the Rouran princess Linhe at Dazhongyingcun, Ci Xian (Hebei). From Wenwu 1984 (4), 5, fig. 6.1,2.

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99. Lithophone from the tomb of Marquis Yi of Zeng. Original photo, acquired in 1980.

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100. One of the thirteen Lü-yongzhong allegedly excavated in 1870 at Ronghe (Shanxi); this piece now in the British Museum, London. Reproduced by permission of The Trustees of the British Museum. Rubbing of inscription from Shanghai Bowuguan-cang qingtongqi, vol. 2, 80. 203 101. Detail of the bell-rack from the tomb of Marquis Yi of Zeng. From Sui Xian Zeng Hou Yi-mu, fig. 9.

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102. Chime of thirteen Jingli-niuzhong excavated in I957 from tomb no. I at Changtaiguan, Xinyang (Henan); rack reconstructed after original remains. From Zhongguo meishu quanji, Gongyi meishu-bian, vol. 5 (Bronzes II), 115, fig. 123.

207

103. The suspension of the Zeng bells (simple mode). From Zeng Hou Yi-mu, vol. 1, 119, fig. 57.3. 208 104. The suspension of the Zeng bells (elaborate mode, with tiger clamps). From Zeng Hou Yi-mu, vol. 1, 119, fig. 57.1.

208

105. Rui Gong-zhonggou (present whereabouts unknown). From Rong Geng 1941, vol. 2, 512, fig. 976. 209 106. Insertion peg of the Jingli-niuzhong (see fig. 102). From Xinyang Chu-mu, 28, fig. 20.2, and 29, fig. 21. 210 l07. T-shaped mallet and round striking-bar excavated in 1978 from the tomb of Marquis Yi of Zeng. From Zeng Hou Yi-mu, vol. 1, 133, fig. 58.

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108. Reenactment of performance of Bronze Age music by the Hubei Provincial Folk Music Troupe. From China Reconstructs 1983 (11), 9.

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109. Pictorial representation of a ritual performance on an unprovenienced hu vessel in the Palace Museum, Beijing. From Weber 1968, fig. 68e. 212 110. The five Qin Gong-yongzhong (with their suspension hooks), excavated in 1978 at Taigongmiao (see fig. 81). From Wenwu 1978 (11), pl. I. 213 111. Tone distribution on two adjacent bells in a chime (original drawing).

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112. Tone distributions in some late Shang chimes (with the lowest tone in each chime defined as do) (original drawing).

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113. Tone distributions in late Shang sets of nao (charted according to absolute pitch) (original drawing).

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114. Tone distributions in several mid-Western Zhou sets of yongzhong (original drawing).

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115. Tone distribution m late Western Zhou eight-part sets of yongzhong (e.g., the Zhong Yi-yongzhong chime; see fig. 18) (original drawing).

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116. Tone distribution in six yongzhong from a set of ten from Lijialou (see fig. 75) (original drawing). 242 117. Tone distribution an the chime of nine niuzhong from tomb no. I at Xiasi (see fig. 93) (original drawing).

242

118. Tone distribution In the chime of nine niuzhong from tomb no. 13 at Shangmacun, Houma (Shanxi) (original drawing).

243

119. Tone distribution an the yongzhong chimes MI and M2 from the tomb of Marquis Yi of Zeng (original drawing).

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120. Tone distribution in the yongzhong chimes L1 + 2 and M3 from the tomb of Marquis Yi of Zeng (original drawing).

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121. Reconstructed original tone distribution in the chime of thirteen (formerly fourteen) niuzhong constituting groups U2 and U3 from the tomb of Marquis Yi of Zeng (original drawing). 250 122. Present tone distribution in the six niuzhong of group U2 from the tomb of Marquis Yi of Zeng (original drawing).

250

123. Present tone distribution in the seven niuzhong of group U3 from the tomb of Marquis Yi of Zeng (original drawing).

251

124. Reconstructed tone-distribution pattern in the six niuzhong of group U1 from the tomb of Marquis Yi of Zeng (original drawing).

252

125. Present tone distribution in the six niuzhong of group U1 from the tomb of Marquis Yi of Zeng (original drawing).

253

126. Tone distribution in the Zeng bells (comprehensive chart) (original drawing).

254

127. Tone distribution in the chime of fourteen Biao-niuzhong (see fig. 89) (original drawing). 257 128. Tone distribution In the chime of thirteen Jingli-niuzhong (see fig. l02) (original drawing). 258 129. Tone distribution In the chime of twenty-six Wangsun Gao-yongzhong (see fig. 21) (original drawing). 260 130. Tone distribution m ten of the Zhediao-niuzhong (see fig. 94) as reconstructed by Asahara Tatsuro (1988b) (original drawing). 261 131. Tone distribution in ten bells from the Zhediao-niuzhong chime (original drawing).

262

132. Tone distribution an the thirty-six yongzhong from tomb no. 2 at Leigudun (see fig. 95) (original drawing). 263

133. Tone distribution In the lithophone from tomb no. 13 at Shangmacun, Houma (Shanxi) (original drawing).

268

134. Tone distribution In the lithophone from tomb no. 2040 at Houchuan(?),

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Sanmenxia (Henan) (original drawing).

268

135. Tone distribution in the lithophone from Jinancheng, Jiangling (Hubei) (original drawing). 270 136. Comprehensive tone distribution in the lithophone from the tomb of Marquis Yi of Zeng (see fig. 99) (original drawing). 271 137. Tone distribution in the lithophone boxes from the tomb of Marquis Yi of Zeng (original drawing). 272 138. Tone distribution among the chimestones on the upper tier of the lithophone from the tomb of Marquis Yi of Zeng (original drawing).

273

139. Tone distribution among the chimestones on the lower tier of the lithophone from the tomb of Marquis Yi of Zeng (original drawing).

274

140. Fragments of pitch-pipes (or panflute pipes) excavated in 1986 from tomb no. 21 at Yutaishan, Jiangling (Hubei). From Wenwu 1988 (5), pl. 5.2.

288

141. Distribution of tone definitions in the Zeng inscriptions, System A: bell chimes M1 and M2 (a) and the lithophone (b) (original drawing). 292 142. Distribution of tone definitions in the Zeng inscriptions, System B: bellchimes L1 + 2 and M3 (original drawing). 294 143. Generation of pitch standards according to the Lüshi Chunqiu (original drawing).

303

144. Generation of pitch standards according to the Han Shu, "Lüli-zhi" (original drawing).

303

145. Set of twelve pitch-pipes (with silk pouch) excavated in 1972 from tomb no. I at Mawangdui, Changsha (Hunan). From Changsha Mawangdui yihao Han-mu, vol. 2, 183, fig. 204. 313 146. Rubbings of the two sides of a bo excavated in 1978 at Zuiziqiancun, Haiyang (Shandong). From Wenwu 1985 (3), 16-17. 377 147. Yongzhong excavated in 1980 from tomb no. SW-7 at Yongningbao, Hongdong (Shanxi). From Wenwu 1987 (2), 7, fig. 9. 378 148. Yongzhong found in 1962 at Linwu (Hunan) (exact circumstances of excavation unknown). Photo: Professor Gao Zhixi.

379

149. Yongzhong discovered in 1984 in the navigational channel of the Yangzi River at Ya'erzhou, Guangji (Hubei). From Jianghan Kaogu 1984 (4), 39, fig. 2. 380 150. Yongzhong from Ya'erzhou, shouldered type. From Jianghan Kaogu 1984 (4), 45, fig. 7. 380 151. One of three chimed chunyu excavated in 1985 at Wangjiashan, Dantu (Jiangsu). From Wenwu 1987 (12), color pl. 1. 152. Yongzhong excavated in 1958 at Nasangcun, Heng Xian (Guangxi). From

380

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Guangxi chutu wenwu, 38.

383

153. One of a set of five yongzhong excavated in 1962 from tomb no. 1 at Matougang, Qingyuan (Guangdong). From Kaogu 1963 (2), pl. 1.

383

154. Two of five zheng excavated in 1980 at Jiuliandun, Xindu (Sichuan). From Wenwu 1981 (6), 16, fig. 49.

385

155. One of six beehive-shaped bells excavated in 1976 at Jiancun, Xiangyun (Yunnan). From Wenwu 1983 (5), 39, fig. 23.

385

156. Sheep's horn-loop bell (yangjiao-niuzhong) excavated in 1976 at Luobo-wan, Gui Xian (Guangxi). From Zhongguo meishu quanji, Gongyi meishu-bian, vol. 5 (Bronzes II), pl. 191.

385

157. Four of six niuzhong excavated in 1q978 at Sanguandian, Lingyuan (Liaoning). From Kaogu 1985 (2), pl. 1. 10-13. 386

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Tables 1. Dynasties and epochs of early Chinese history

24

2. Archaeological evidence for the Zhou sumptuary system

34

3. Donors of Western Zhou bells

45

4. Donors of Eastern Zhou bells

48

5. Measured proportions of Chinese musical bells

90

6. Metallic composition of Chinese bells

104

7. Core and mold components used in manufacturing one yongzhong from the tomb of Marquis Yi of Zeng 112 8. The number of components in archaeologically excavated bell-chimes and lithophones

161

9. Archaeological assemblages of bell-chimes and lithophones

176

10. A-B tone intervals in mid-Western Zhou yongzhong chimes

234

11. The pitch of do in Western and Eastern Zhou chimes

237

12. A-B tone intervals in late Western Zhou yongzhong

238

13. A-B tone intervals in Western and Eastern Zhou bells

240

14. Deviation of measured pitches from expected intervals in three systems of intonation

278

15. Nomenclature of notes (yin) in the Zeng inscriptions

284

16. Nomenclature of pitch standards (lü) in the Zeng inscriptions

286

17. Order of lü enumeration in various classical texts

298

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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This book was written at Stanford University, where I spent two happy and fruitful years (1988-1990) as an Andrew W. Mellon Postdoctoral Fellow. Besides acknowledging my gratitude to the Mellon Foundation for its generous sponsorship, I would like to express my thanks to my colleagues in the Asian Languages department, especially to professors Albert E. Dien and David S. Nivison, for providing a most agreeable as well as intellectually stimulating working environment. This book has also benefited from my frequent interaction with colleagues across the bay at Berkeley, and elsewhere in the United States. Professor David N. Keightley provided an extraordinarily careful and thoughtful reading of the manuscript. Chapters 3 and 5 were substantially improved as a result of Professor Robert W. Bagley's generous and timely advice. I am grateful to Dr. Norman E. Cima, Professor Philip J. Ivanhoe, Professor Michael Nylan, Dr. Lisa A. Raphals, Mr. Scott E. Rose, and Professor Edward L. Shaughnessy, all of whom read the book in manuscript form and provided helpful comments. I wish to express my thanks again to those who offered comments at the dissertation stage, for much of their input remained useful in writing this book. Needless to say, any shortcomings that remain are my own responsibility. I am very grateful to the staff at the University of California Press for their help in producing this book; special thanks to Sheila Levine for serving as the sponsoring editor, and to Amy Klatzkin for seeing this book through press. I wish to extend my heartfelt thanks to Ellen Stein for her insightful editing, which greatly enhanced the readability of my prose. Many thanks are also due to Deborah Rudolph, who did a superb job of proofreading the galleys. At the stage of producing the final version of the manuscript in the summer of 1990, I was capably assisted by Messrs. Claudio Wolfring and Christof Maciejczyk,

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who produced the drawings, and by Ms. Ingeborg L. Klinger of the Art History Institute at the University of Heidelberg, who took a number of photographs for the book. Thanks to the kind assistance of Dr. Pott, Dr. Behrendes, and Mr. Händler, I was able to produce the manuscript on a laser printer at the Thyssen Hauptverwaltung in Duisburg. Professor Lothar Ledderose put at my disposal the resources of the East Asian Art History Library at Heidelberg, and Ms. Sybille Girmond helped me in locating illustration material. Dr. Thomas Lawton (Washington, D.C.) took an enthusiastic interest in my work on ancient Chinese music and was helpful in procuring a number of professional photographs much superior to my own efforts. The following individuals and institutions have graciously granted permission to reproduce artwork in this book: the Trustees of the British Museum, London (Ms. Jessica Rawson and Ms. Jane Portal); Professor K.C. Chang; the Art Institute of Chicago (Ms. Eleanor Perlstein); the Museum of East Asian Antiquities, Stockholm (Dr. Met-te Siggstedt); Professor Hayashi Minao; the Institute of History and Philology, Academia Sinica, Taipei (Dr. Tsang Cheng-hwa); the Hunan Provincial Museum, Changsha (Professor Gao Zhixi); the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York (Dr. James C.Y. Watt); Dr. André Lehr; Professor Thomas D. Rossing; the Arthur M. Sackler Gallery, Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C. (Dr. Thomas Lawton); and the Sen'oku Hakkokan (Sumitomo Collection), Kyoto (Professor Higuchi Takayasu and Ms. Kohno Keiko). Professor Zhang Zhenglang (Institute of History, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences) kindly produced the calligraphy for the jacket of the book. My sincere and cordial thanks to them all. I dedicate this book to my teacher, Professor K.C. Chang of Harvard University, whose continuing advice, support, cooperation, and friendship I treasure.

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TO THE READER Although this book was prefigured by a lengthy dissertation submitted to the Department of Anthropology at Harvard University in 1988 (quoted below as ''Falkenhausen 1988"), Suspended Music is a new piece of work, incorporating substantial further research. I hope it will make a central, yet so far understudied, aspect of ancient Chinese civilization accessible to a varied interdisciplinary audience. Readers interested in more detailed documentation and further information on ancient Chinese musical theory may wish to consult the now somewhat outdated dissertation, which remains available through University Microfilms. This book is constructed in a cumulative manner, with later chapters presupposing an understanding of earlier ones. Because the subject matter required development of some new terminology, I have provided a glossary to explain potentially unfamiliar terms from all parts of the book. After the manuscript was completed I received a copy of the final report on the tomb of Marquis Yi of Zeng at Leigudun, Suizhou (Hubei), Zeng Hou Yi-mu, 2 vols. (Beijing: Wenwu, 1989). Fortunately, in light of the importance of this site to my endeavor in this book, parts of the report had already been communicated, including the sections on the Zeng chime-bells and their inscriptions, which were distributed to participants in the international symposium on the chime-bells of Marquis Yi of Zeng at Wuhan in 1988 and which are frequently referred to in the following pages as "Tan and Feng 1988" and "Qiu and Li 1988." The documentation in the Appendixes of this book covers evidence reported through the end of 1990. The Bibliography comprises four parts: (1) classical Chinese texts, their editions and translations; (2) Chinese works of premodern

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scholarship; (3) works quoted by title, such as archaeological reports and exhibition catalogs; and (4) works quoted by author, including all other references. I adhere to the Hanyu Pinyin transcription system in transcribing Chinese, and to the Hepburn transcription (as used in the fourth edition of Kenkyusha's New Japanese-English Dictionary [1974]) for Japanese. All dates in this book are B. C. unless otherwise indicated.

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INTRODUCTION: SETTING THE STAGE In ancient China, the art of music was strictly regulated. The most impressive musical performances were embedded in ritual celebrations, to which was attributed the power to keep the cosmos in harmony; music, properly executed, defined and periodically reaffirmed the social order. When the classical texts discuss the subject of music, it is to this peculiarly empowering ceremonial music that they refer. Archaeological remains of musical instruments, commonly found associated with sacrificial vessels and other ritual paraphernalia, also hint at an underlying politico-religious significance. The purpose of this book is to explore the role and nature of early Chinese ritual music within its cultural matrix.1 Some Preconceptions Texts transmitted from antiquity describe the exercise of music as intimately bound up with rulership. "Government is modeled upon music," says the Guo Yu (Narratives of the states), a fourth-century B.C. compilation,2 explaining that a ruler's actions should strive to imitate musical harmony. In other texts, rulers are exhorted to use music to regulate the feelings as well as the behavior of their subjects. The Yue Ji (Records on music, ca. third century B.C.) states: The former kings paid close attention to what aroused the feelings [of the people]; they used ceremonies to guide [the people's] intentions, music to

1. See Merriam's (1960) definition of ethnomusicology. 2. Guo Yu "Zhou Yu-xia" (Tiansheng Mingdao ed., 3:14a).

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harmonize their sounds, regulations to unify their actions, and punishments to prevent conflict among them. Ceremonies and music, punishments and regulationstheir ultimate aim is one: they are that by which the hearts-and-minds of the people are unified and the Way of order is produced.3 Here we find music portrayed as a government institution, along with ceremonies, regulations, and punishments. A virtuous ruler could employ music as an instrument in the exercise of power to induce social harmony. The Zhou Li (Ritual system of the Zhou), an important ritual text probably dating to the third century B.C., therefore assigns the following duty to a "Minister of Rites" (Dazongbo ): With rites and music, he adjusts the transformations of Heaven and Earth and the production of all the material things, so as to serve the ghosts and spirits, to harmonize the multitudinous people, and to bring all the material things to perfection.4 But the Yue Ji, immediately after the passage quoted above, offers a second, somewhat divergent definition of music: All musical tones are born in the hearts-and-minds of humans. The sentiments stir within and thereupon take shape as sounds, and when the sounds assume a pattern, they are called musical tones. Therefore, the musical tones of a well-ordered age are calm and full of joy about the harmony of its government. But the musical tones of an age in disorder are resentful and full of anger about the perversity of its government. The musical tones of a state that is doomed to perish are mournful and full of anxiety about the dire straits of its people. Truly, the Way of the sounds and musical tones is intimately linked to government.5 According to this view, music operates in a spontaneous manner, objectively expressing the condition of the body politic.6 In times of good government, music will be harmonizing in and of itself, thus compounding the positive effects of the ruler's actions, but dissolute rulership will always be accompanied

3. Li Ji "Yueji" (Li Ji Zhushu 37:2a-3a, Couvreur, 47-48); identically in Shi Ji "Yueshu" (Zhonghua ed., 1179). 4. Zhou Li: Chun'guan "Dazongbo" (Zhou Li Zhengyi 35:12a/b). 5. Li Ji "Yueji" (Li Ji Zhushu 37:2a-3a; Couvreur, 47-48); identically in Shi Ji "Yueshu" (Zhonghua ed., 1179). 6. See Henderson 1984, 23.

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by disorderly music. In this sense, music may serve the sensitive ruler, or an outside observer, as a barometer for assessing the public morale. The Yue Ji elaborates: The accomplished man, . . . therefore, by scrutinizing sounds, comes to know musical tones. By scrutinizing musical tones, he comes to know music; by scrutinizing music, he comes to know government. With this, his knowledge of the Way is complete.7 The Yue Ji's somewhat ambivalent descriptions of how music and government interrelate may reflect different strata of Chinese musical thought. In a general way, however, the conception of music as a moral-political entity pervades the earliest textual sources on ancient Chinese musical theory, which date from the fourth to the second centuries B.C.8 Their authors imputed a far-reaching cosmic effect to ritual music, whether conceived of as subject to a ruler's administration or as a political agent in itself. In the words of the Yue Ji, Music has its being in the harmony between Heaven and Earth. Ceremonies have their being in the hierarchical gradations between Heaven and Earth. When based on harmony, all material things will undergo their natural transformations [undisturbed]; when based on hierarchical gradations, the multitude of material things will have their [proper] distinctions. Music-making starts from Heaven, and the ceremonies are fixed by means of the Earth. If the fixing is faulty, disorder will ensue. If the [music-]making is faulty, disruption will ensue. Only after having become enlightened about Heaven and Earth can one make ritual and music prosper.9 Following such principles, most early Chinese literature on musical theory consists of attempts to integrate music into an intricate system of correlative cosmology.10 The texts explain how music expresses the emanations of yin and yang . They relate the Five Musical Tones (yin ) to the Five Pro-

7. Li Ji "Yueji" (Li Ji Zhushu 37:4b-5a; Couvreur, 50); identically in Shi Ji "Yueshu" (Zhonghua ed., 1184). 8. In addition to Guo Yu, Yue Ji (which is included in both the Li Ji and the "Yueshu" of Sima Qian's Shi Ji), and the Zhou Li, these sources include the Li Ji , the Guan Zi , the Xun Zi , the Lüshi Chunqiu , and the Huainan Zi . For more information about these texts and the editions used for this study, see the Bibliography. The most comprehensive study of ancient Chinese musical thought is Kurihara 1978. For a brief general introduction in English, see DeWoskin 1982, 29-98. 9. Li Ji "Yueji" (Li Ji Zhushu 37:9a/b; Couvreur, 60-61); identically in Shi Ji "Yueshu" (Zhonghua ed., 1191). 10. On correlative cosmology, see Eberhard 1933, Henderson 1984, Schwartz 1985, 350-82, Graham 1986a and 1989, 313-56.

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cesses,11 the Five Directions, the Five Tastes, the Five Colors, and so forth; and they match the Twelve Pitch Standards (lü ) to the Twelve Months, the Twelve Terrestrial Branches,12 and so forth. Even the musical instruments of the court orchestra, classified according to their eight different kinds of materials (metal, stone, clay, leather, silk, wood, gourd, and bamboo), are forced into a numerological straitjacket. In such a system, the potential impact of playing a single tone is immense, and the player's responsibility is enormous. Through its links with aesthetic, calendrical, astronomical, and geographical phenomena, musical performance embraces the entire universe. A ruler's use of music becomes an aspect of his role as a mediator between human society and the impersonal forces of the cosmos. Such concepts have been basic to the received perceptions of ancient Chinese musical theory, both in China and abroad.13 Many scholars have assumed that the post-fourth-century B.C. sources present a digest of knowledge accumulated over many centuries. But this assumption is questionable. The grandiose philosophical and cosmological ideas with which we find musical lore intertwined in those texts are clearly specific to one circumscribed period of Chinese intellectual history.14 Correlative cosmology, in particular, became current during the century preceding the founding of the Chinese empire by the First Emperor of Qin in 221 B.C. and continued to reign supreme during the Han dynasty (206 B.C.-A.D. 220). There is no reason to believe that it should have been applied to music before it entered the general discourse.15 Although earlier classical textsthe Shi Jing (Classic of poetry, ca. 900-700 B.C.) and the Lunyu (Analects of Confucius, fifth century B.C.), for instanceconfirm that ritual music was of extraordinary importance in pre-Imperial China, they never even touch upon musical cosmology. Opinions of the late Eastern Zhou thinkers on music appear to have been highly diverse (see Chapter 9); correlative cosmology seems to have been, at first, only one of many acceptable ways of conceptualizing music. For their ideal of music, the writers of the last centuries B.C. looked back to antiquity. What was it that they so esteemed about the glorious music of the Former Kings? Can we know anything about such early music beyond a few vague lines in the Shi Jing? Our chances would appear slim were it not for

11. The Five Processes (wuxing ), formerly known as the Five Elements, or Five Phases, are wood, fire, soil, metal, and water. 12. The Twelve Terrestrial Branches (dizhi ) are cyclical elements that, paired individually with the Ten Heavenly Stems (Tian'gan ), form the Cycle of Sixty, by which days are counted in the most ancient Chinese calendar systems. Good explanations and tables may be found in Dictionnaire français de la langue chinoise, appendix pp. 23-25. 13. See, for instance, Yang Yinliu 1980, van Aalst 1884, Laloy 1909, Picken 1957, Needham and Robinson 1962. 14. Henderson 1984, 30-46. 15. Pace Graham 1986a, 8 and 91.

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archaeological discoveries of a large number of musical instrumentsflutes, mouth-organs, ocarinas, zithers, bellchimes, lithophones, and drumsthat have been excavated during the last four decades all over China. These finds make it possible to reconstruct the composition of ritual orchestras from Neolithic down to Imperial times, and thus to infer the timbre of ancient Chinese music. Archaeological context, moreover, confirms the notion of a highly politicized context of musical practice in Chinese antiquity (see Chapter I). But in and of themselves, the excavated musical instruments can tell us little about the intellectual dimension of music in their timeor so it appeared, until recently. An Archaeological Sensation In 1978, the discovery of the bells of Marquis Yi of Zeng (d. ca. 433 B.C.) thoroughly upset previously cherished preconceptions regarding pre-Imperial Chinese music (fig. 1). Totally unprecedented and still virtually unparalleled in the archaeological record, the inscriptions on these bells provide a full and systemically coherent record of musical theory. The impact of this spectacular archaeological find on contemporary scholarship on early Chinese music has been revolutionary. Marquis Yi's tomb is located at Leigudun, Suizhou (formerly Sui Xian, Hubei). It was found accidentally in September 1977 and excavated in the spring of the following year. A large bell found in the tomb, the Chu Wang Xiong Zhang-bo (see fig. 20), a gift (in some scholars' opinion, a posthumous gift) to Marquis Yi from Hui Wang of Chu (personal name: Xiong Zhang , r. 488-432), is dated by inscription to the fifty-sixth year in the reign of that king (433 B.C.).16 About Marquis Yi, who, to judge from his skeletal remains, died at around 45 years of age, we know nothing whatever from other sources. Even his state of Zeng is unattested in the historical records,17 though it is now

16. The inscription is translated in Thorp 1981-82, 68. Two bells with exactly the same inscription were found in Anlu (Hubei) in the twelfth century (Xue Shanggong , Lidai zhongding yiqi kuanzhi j. 6:53a/b; a rubbing of unclear provenience is depicted in Wu Zhao 1980). These bells, long since lost, also featured tone-naming inscriptions similar to those seen on Marquis Yi's bells (with the curious exception of the Chu Wang Xiong Zhang-bo). For a long time, these inscribed tone names appeared enigmatic; Tang Lan (1933, 78) could do no more than to take them as proof that the tone names mentioned in the classical texts were actually used in pre-Qin music. It is now evident that they must have designated the two tones that could be produced on these bells. The two bells from Anlu almost certainly were part of a larger assemblage of musical instruments, some of which were buried in Marquis Yi's tomb. 17. There were several states called Zeng ( ) in Bronze Age China; as a place name, Zeng is first attested in a late Shang oracle bone inscription (Chen Pan 1969, vol. 4, 298b-299a; see also Li Xiandeng 1986). The only possible references in the transmitted textual sources to a Zeng in Hubei are the Zeng in Zuo Zhuan Ai 4 (HYI ed., 471) and Guo Yu "Zheng Yu" (Tiansheng Mingdao ed., 16:6a).

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Figure 1. Comprehensive view of the Zeng bells, excavated in 1978 from tomb no. 1 at Leigudun, Suizhou (Hubei). Early Warring States period (ca. 433 B.C.). quite well known through inscriptions on archaeologically excavated bronzes. It seems likely that a state named Zeng existed in the vicinity of Suizhou throughout much of the first millennium B.C.18 Its geopolitical situation will be discussed in Chapter 1.19 Though less famous outside China than, for example, the terracotta army of the First Emperor of Qin near Xi'an (Shaanxi), Marquis Yi's tomb must rank as one of this century's most significant archaeological discoveries on a world18. By far the most, as well as the earliest, Zeng relics have been found within a 200-km radius of Suizhou. The Zeng Taibao -gui, probably a late Western Zhou piece, was excavated in 1976 at Zhoujiagang, Suizhou; it is mentioned in passing in Jianghan Kaogu 1985 (1):106-7, 105 (inscription quoted in n. 4, p105). Rong Geng (1941, vol. 1, 474; vol. 2, pl. 880) records an unprovenienced Zeng Taibao-pen, which, judging by its style, may date to about the same period. Springs and Autumns period Zeng bronzes have been found at Lianyuzui, Suizhou, in 1975 (Jianghan Kaogu 1980 [1]:97 and [2]:pl. 1; Zeng and Li 1980, 72 and 76-77) and, in association with objects of Chen , at Jishiliang, Suizhou, in 1979 (Wenwu 1980 [1]:34-41). The Zeng Zi Zhongqi -yan was discovered at Xiaoxiguan, Xinye (Henan), in 1971 (Wenwu 1973 [5]:14.-20), and a ding inscribed by the same individual was found at nearby Duanying, Zaoyang (Hubei), in 1972 (Kaogu 1975 [4]:222-25). Vessels of Zeng and Huang were excavated together at Sujialong, Jingshan (Hubei), in 1966 (Wenwu 1972 [2]:47-53), and at Xiongjialaowan, Suizhou, in 1970-72 (Wenwu 1973 [5]:21-25), perhaps testifying to a tradition of hereditary intermarriage between the ruling families of Zeng and Huang . The mid-Warring States period Zeng Ji Wuxu-hu found in the tomb of King You of Chu (r. 237-228 B.C.) at Zhujiaji, Shou Xian (Anhui), in the 1930s is the latest Zeng bronze vessel on record. Liu Jie (1958, 123) suggests that it may have been made for another Zeng princess married off to Huang, but this is impossible because Huang had been extinguished by Chu for more than two centuries before the hu was cast. It seems possible that the vessel in its archaeological context testifies, instead, to a marital alliance between Zeng and Chu. 19. See Chapter 1 under "The donors of Eastern Zhou bells." Li Xueqin argues that Zeng was identical with Sui , a well-documented state in the vicinity of Chu (Guangming Ribao, October 4, (Footnote continued on next page)

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wide scale. Lavishly furnished and virtually undisturbed, it bears comparison with the tomb of the Pharaoh Tutankh-Amunanother historically ephemeral figure owing his fame mainly to archaeology. In its size and wealth, Marquis Yi's tomb exceeds all other known tombs of rulers in pre-Imperial China. The more than seven thousand items of funerary goods allow unprecedented insights into Chinese aristocratic culture in the late fifth century B.C.20 In keeping with a practice, quite recent at the time, of fashioning large tombs in analogy with the abodes of the living, the Marquis's tomb (fig. 2) displays the structure of an underground palace.21 The layout and furnishings of its four chambers recreate the principal parts of a typical ruler's residence.22 The eastern chamber corresponds to the ruler's private living quarters (qin ); Marquis Yi was encoffined there in the company of eight young women, immolated to serve as his attendants in the other world. The northern chamber, the armory, contained a chariot and weapons; in the western chamber, the harem, excavators found the coffins of thirteen more female victims. The large chamber in the center of the tomb corresponds to the public part of the palace, the main hall and its courtyard, where the Marquis would have performed his ritual duties as ruler, offering sacrifices to his ancestors and entertaining guests. Consistent with such a function, this part of the tomb is furnished with ritual vessels and musical instruments. In this central chamber, during several days following May 22, 1978, archaeologists unearthed the remains of a complete ritual orchestra, including the following instruments:

(Footnote continued from previous page) 1978 [not seen]; see Li Xueqin 1985, 181; more references in He Hao 1988). The arguments leveled against this view by Zeng and Li (1980) are unconvincing; nevertheless, Li's identification remains hypothetical. 20. Even before the final archaeological report on Marquis Yi's tomb was published, scholarly articles concerning various aspects of the tomb numbered in the hundreds. Many are listed in this book's bibliography; for a more complete list of Chinese articles relating to the Zeng bells, see Hubei Sheng Bowuguan 1988. The preliminary archaeological report on the tomb (originally published in Wenwu 1979 [7]:1-24) has been translated into English in Chinese Studies in Archaeology 1 (1979-80), 3:3-45; the same issue of that journal (pp. 46-73) also carries the translation of an article on leather armor excavated in the tomb. Long abstracts of five other articles published at the same time as the preliminary report (including Qiu Xigui 1979 and Huang Xiangpeng 1979a) may be found in Dien, Riegel, and Price 1985, vol. 2, 760-778. Details regarding the discovery of the Zeng bells, as well as size measurements, are available in Tan and Feng 1988. Preliminary sources of illustrations include Sui Xian Zeng Hou Yi-mu, Hubei Suizhou Leigudun chutu wenwu, and Zhan'guo Zeng Hou Yi-mu chutu wenwu tu'an-xuan. The most comprehensive work on the tomb in a Western language is Thote 1985 (see also Thote 1986). Thorp (1981-82) offers a comprehensive analysis of the arthistorical aspects of the Leigudun finds in English. See also Li Xueqin 1985, 175-81. 21. Yu Weichao 1980; Wu Hung 1988. This tendency is doubtless due to changing religious beliefs (Maspero 1950; Dien 1987; Graham 1989). 22. Thorp 1981-82, 75-76; Tanaka 1980.

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Figure 2. The tomb of Marquis Yi of Zeng (tomb no. 1 at Leigudun), plan and cross-section. The plan shows the layout of the four chambers, including the sarcophagus and coffin of the marquis (east chamber no. 10), as well as the coffins of his twenty-one concubines (west chamber nos. 1-13 and east chamber nos. 1-8) and the coffin of his dog (east chamber no. 9).

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Figure 3. Se zither from the tomb of Marquis Yi of Zeng. seven large zithers (se ) (fig. 3) three mouth-organs (sheng ) (fig. 4) two panpipes (paixiao

) (fig. 5)

two transverse flutes (di

or chi

) (fig. 6)

three drums of different types (figs. 7, 8, and 9) one lithophone of thirty-two chimestones (qing ) (fig. 10),23 and an assemblage of bell-chimes comprising sixty-five bells (see fig. 1). The composition of this orchestra more or less accords with what had long been known from the Shi Jing and other texts, but the prominence of chimestones and bells is somewhat surprising. No other tomb in China has yielded comparable quantities of these two kinds of instruments, which in contemporary writings are referred to as ''suspended music" (yuexuan ).24 Uniquely, moreover, the Zeng bells and chimestones are covered with inscriptions that record the names of the tones they emitted. These inscriptions constitute an indubitably authentic body of musical theory, predating the late

23. A lithophone is a musical instrument in which a number of tuned fiat slabs of stone, usually of oblique L-shape, are suspended from a rack. In their musical role in the orchestra as well as in their playing technique, these instruments have much in common with chime-bells; they will be discussed intermittently throughout this book. 24. The locus classicus of the term yuexuan is in Zhou Li: Chun'guan "Xiaoxu" (Zhou Li Zhengyi 44: 14b16b).

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Figure 4. Mouth-organ (sheng) from the tomb of Marquis Yi of Zeng. Only the lacquered body of the instrument is shown; reed pipes were placed into the eighteen holes on each side.

Figure 5. Panflute (paixiao) from the tomb of Marquis Yi of Zeng.

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Figure 6. Traverse flute (di) from the tomb of Marquis Yi of Zeng.

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Figure 7. Drum stand from the tomb of Marquis Yi of Zeng, serving to support a pole-drum. Contemporary depictions of such an instrument may be seen in figs. 15 and 22.

Figure 8. Opposite, middle: Hanging-drum from the tomb of Marquis Yi of Zeng. Alain Thote (1987) has shown that this instrument was suspended from a tall bronze stand in the shape of an antlered bird.

Figure 9. Hand-drum from the tomb of Marquis Yi of Zeng.

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Figure 10. One of the chimestones (qing) from the tomb of Marquis Yi of Zeng. pre-Qin texts by at least one century. They enable us to reconstruct important aspects of Chinese musical thinking in the fifth century. The sixty-five bells with their gold-inlaid inscriptions (fig. 11) are of particular interest, for unlike the musical stones they are well-preserved and can still be played, emitting virtually, if not exactly, the same tones as when they were buried.25 We can thus verify the meaning of the theoretical information in the inscriptions by means of the tones of the bells themselves. When analyzed in conjunction, the bells and their inscriptions provide an entirely new perspective on the intellectual history of pre-Imperial Chinese music. They point to new ways of analyzing other music-related archaeological finds, especially bells. Through them we can gain a diachronic view of musical history spanning approximately one millennium before the Qin unification. Truly, using another Egyptian simile, the Zeng bells have provided the Rosetta Stone for the study of early Chinese music.26 Now, for the first time, the study of the material manifestations of music (or musical archaeology, as it is called by some scholars) can offer a new and different perspective on the transmitted musical lore. This book endeavors to present this new panorama of music in ancient China. The Importance of Bells Taking the Zeng finds as our point of reference, we shall, for several reasons, explore ancient Chinese ritual music from the vantage point of bells. Bell-

25. Three sets of tone measurements taken on the Zeng bells have now been published; for bibliographic information, see Appendix 4. 26. Rossing 1987.

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Figure 11. Yongzhong (bell no. M3-6) and details showing inscribed portions, from the tomb of Marquis Yi of Zeng. a, recto face of the bell with the name of the Marquis inscribed in the central panel and abbreviated tone names on the striking points of the two tones; b and c, more extensive tone-naming inscriptions on the verso face: A-tone (b); B-tone (c). (For details on the inscriptions, see Chapter 8.)

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chimes are a unique cultural contribution of the Chinese Bronze Age. Although bells have been made in metalusing cultures the world over,27 Chinese bell-making traditions are of particularly long standing; the oldest known bell-like metal object in the world seems to be a late Neolithic (ca. 2000 B.C.) specimen from Shanxi province (fig. 12; see Chapter 4). China was also first in the production of tuned sets of bells. The chime-bells of the Chinese Bronze Age have no technological parallel in the ancient world. In Europe, the only other place where tuned sets of bells were used as musical instruments during the pre-industrial age, such cymbals and carillons were not made until the late Middle Ages, and these European bells differ from their ancient Chinese counterparts in all imaginable respects, most notably in bell-shape and manner of playing.28 Considering their age and the conditions under which they were made, the craftsmanship and acoustical quality of the ancient Chinese bell-chimes, though imperfect, are impressive even by twentieth-century professional standards. Part I of this book (Chapters 1 through 3) presents the basic cultural and technological facts about those instruments. One reason bell-chimes merit our particular attention is that they occupied a prominent position in the ancient Chinese ritual orchestra. More reliably than other kinds of musical instruments, bells can serve as an indicator of the social context of musical activity, for many bear inscriptions documenting important historical details about their owners. (The Zeng bells are so far unique in furnishing music-related information.) Alone among musical instruments, furthermore, bell-chimes and lithophones"suspended music"were subject to sumptuary regulations; consequently, even uninscribed bells, viewed in their archaeological contexts, embody significant social information. Bells appear frequently in the classical texts, sometimes as a synecdoche for music, and these textual loci can furnish additional clues to the cultural role of bells. Chapter 1 will establish the social and economic context of bells within the elite sphere of the early Chinese monarchic states.29 We shall see that, during much of the Bronze Age, bells were status-defining luxury objects par excellence. More specifically than other instruments, bell-chimes represented the ritual music of the aristocracy during the Shang and Zhou dynasties, the music of the Former Kings so much regretted by later

27. Price 1983; Lehr 1987a. 28. Cymbals were used from the tenth through the fifteenth centuries, after which they were displaced by carillons (Price 1983; this book is authoritative on the history of Western bells, though weak in its coverage of Chinese bells). For technological comparisons of Chinese and Western bells, see Rossing 1989a and b. 29. Lithophones, which share some technological properties with bells, are far less frequently encountered in the archaeological record than chime-bells and are usually less well preserved. Inscribed specimens are rare.

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Figure 12. Copper bell-like object (ling?) excavated in 1983 at Taosi, Xiangfen (Shanxi). Terminal Neolithic (ca. 2000 B.C.). a, photograph; b, section drawing. philosophersto the extent that such music ever existed. Tied to the political fortunes of its aristocratic patrons, suspended music, unlike other components of the Shang and Zhou ritual orchestra, was never integrated into the new forms of music emerging at the end of the Warring States period; it is hardly an accident, therefore, that bellchimes fell out of use with the demise of the traditional court music around that time. Given their chronological limitations, bell-chimes may stand as Leitfossilien of Bronze Age music. The geographic distributions of the standard bell-types are quite restricted, and the elevated cultural status of bells may explain, at least in part, why local elites in the areas surrounding the realm of the early Chinese dynasties regarded bells as somehow symbolic of civilization. As a consequence of their high prestige, considerable economic resources and technological acumen were expended on the manufacture of chime-bells. It is no exaggeration to say that they embody some of the highest achievements of science and technology of the Chinese Bronze Age. An approach that synthesizes the technological history of bells with what we know about Chinese musical theory may therefore yield important insights. How was technology put to the service of music? The answer to this question turns out to be unexpectedly complex. There are indications that preexisting musical concerns by no means always determined technological developments in musical-instrument manufac

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Figure 13. Niuzhong (no. U3-6?) from the tomb of Marquis Yi of Zeng; abbreviated tone names are inscribed on the striking points of the two tones. ture; on the contrary, thinking about music may have been conditioned by the possibilities and limitations of instruments such as bells. Before we can hope to understand the musical theory documented by the Zeng bell inscriptions, we must investigate the material properties as well as the technological evolution of bells. Chapters 2 through 6 address these issues. Of particular importance in elucidating the interrelation of technological development and the formation of musical theory is the "two-tone phenomenon," a crucial acoustical feature of ancient Chinese bells. The inscriptions on the Zeng bells (fig. 13) show that each musical bell was designed to produce two distinct tones: the "A-tone," obtained by striking the lower portion (gu ) of the bell in the center, and the "B-tone," obtained by striking the right or left side of the gu.30 The two tones are clearly separated acoustically, usually by

30. In the Chinese literature, the "A-tone" is variously designated as guzhongyin , zhengguyin , or suiyin , and the "B-tone," as gupangyin , ceguyin , or guyin . The "Sui-tone/Gu-tone" nomenclature has been variously adopted by Western and Japanese authors but is misleading in view of the actual meanings of the terms sui and gu (see Chapter 2).

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either a minor or major third. Forgotten for two thousand years, the two-tone phenomenon was rediscovered only as a result of the excavation of the Zeng bells with their inscriptions placed on the respective striking points (fig. 13). This finding came as a somewhat embarrassing surprise to scholars, since testable musical bells had long been available both in China and abroad.31 The equally astonishing fact that the two-tone phenomenon is mentioned nowhere in the classical texts only illustrates the limited usefulness of these textual records for the study of technological history. The silence of the Kaogongji (Notes on examining the artisans; now the final chapter of the Zhou Li but originally a separate manual itemizing the activities of artisans attached to the Zhou royal palace) is particularly surprising because it does contain a section describing the tasks of bell-casters attached to the royal court. We shall have more to say about the Kaogongji in the context of the technological aspects of bells in Chapters 2 and 3; it will become clear that the study of the extant bells yields far richer and more reliable evidence than that text. Chapter 2 discusses the acoustic properties of the bell-types most commonly used as musical bells during the Chinese Bronze Age; Chapter 3 addresses issues related to manufacture. Both chapters incorporate information gained between 1979 and 1984, when an interdisciplinary team under the auspices of the State Bureau of Cultural Relics and the Hubei Provincial Government cast a replica of the entire Zeng bell assemblage.32 This project, which must be counted among the major events in the history of experimental archaeology,33 provided a valuable opportunity for experiments exploring some of the technical issues involved in manufacturing scaleable and tuneable bells. Before moving on to issues of performance and musical theory, it is necessary to look at bell-chimes from a diachronic perspective. How did they come into being, and how did they develop over time? Typological analysis can answer such questions. The wealth of useable archaeological material constitutes a further, pragmatic reason why bells lend themselves as a basis for the study of

31. After the Zeng finds had proved the existence of the "two-tone phenomenon," several scholars asserted that they had been aware of it before. Ma Chengyuan (1981, 133) claimed to have discovered it in 1977 when examining the Qin Gong-yongzhong, and Wang Xiang (1981, 68) said it was discovered in the same year by a team of four researchers directed by Lü Ji during research on the Xing bells (see also Jiang Dingsui 1984, 93). Others maintain that the existence of a second tone on ancient bells was discovered by chance as early as 1958, during a performance of "The East is Red" on the Jingli-niuzhong on Radio Peking (Shen 1987, 104-05). 32. Participating institutions included the Hubei Provincial Museum, Wuhan; the Research Institute for the History of the Natural Sciences of the Chinese Academy of Sciences, Beijing; the Wuhan Mechanical Technology Research Institute; the Foshan Nodular Cast Iron Research Institute; and the Wuhan Engineering Institute. See Hubei Sheng Bowuguan 1981. 33. Preliminary summaries have been published in the 1981 (1) issue of Jianghan Kaogu; several of these articles are also included in Hua Jueming et al. 1986. See also Guan and Liu 1983, Huang Xiangpeng 1983a, Zhong Hui 1983, Anonymous 1984, Wang Yuzhu et al. 1988, Tan and Feng 1988.

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ancient Chinese musical history. Unlike most musical instruments, which were made of perishable materials, bronze bells have been preserved in relatively large numbers. The several thousand extant specimens (for a bibliographic listing, see Appendixes 1 and 2) fall into readily definable typological sequences. In Part II of this book (Chapters 4 and 5), we shall trace these sequences and establish their geographic distributions. Beyond classification and dating, our aim in using the typological method will be to nail down successive steps in the invention of chimes of two-tone bells. Much but not all of this development took place in areas under the direct political control of the early royal dynasties in north China. The important contribution of bell-casters south of the Yangzi River to the invention of the classical two-tone bell is included in the narrative of Chapter 4, which covers the early Bronze Age through the middle of Western Zhou. Chapter 5 treats the emergence of the classical types of chime-bells in mid- to late Western Zhou and the evolution of various regional strains of bell manufacture during the Eastern Zhou period. During the same period, the paraphernalia of Zhou ritual music were also adopted in peripheral areas all around the Zhou cultural sphere; quite possibly, these bells of regional provenience document the gradual acculturation of local elites to the ways of the Zhou. Appendix 3 traces briefly the development of bells in peripheral areas. Part III of this book (Chapters 6 through 9) tackles the complex issues of musical performance and theory from the perspective of the suspended music. A great advantage of using bells for musicological analysis is that they can still be played. Chapter 6 discusses techniques by which bells were played in antiquity. Moreover, because each bell can produce no more than two tones, there can be no ambiguity as to their intended tones, as there is, for example, on wind and string instruments. Virtually alone among surviving ancient musical instruments, bells provide useable tonal data that allow consideration of Bronze Age Chinese musical theory. In 1922, the distinguished Japanese musicologist Tanabe Hisao (1883-1983) performed the first modern frequency measurements on ten Western and Eastern Zhou bells in the Sumitomo collection;34 in China, at roughly the same time, the linguist and folklorist Liu Fu (1891-1934) measured the tones of both ancient and late Imperial chimestones and bells.35 34. Tanabe's results were published as a supplement to Hamada 1924. 35. Only the tone measurements on the bell-chime and lithophone at the Altar of Heaven in Beijing (Liu Fu 1932) were ever published. In 1930, Liu measured the tones of more than 500 bells and chimestones in the former Imperial Palace in Beijing (Jiang Dingsui 1984, 93; a manuscript article is mentioned in a footnote in Liu Fu 1934. Some of this information seems to have been used by Huang Xiangpeng 1978-80). Liu also measured the tones of chimestones newly excavated in the 1930s at Xincun, Xun Xian (Henan) (a manuscript article is mentioned in Xun Xian Xincun, 66). It (Footnote continued on next page)

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Since the 1950s, this approach has been extended to many archaeological finds in China. Appendix 4 lists the most important tone measurements so far reported. The tone measurement methods and their validity are discussed in Chapter 6. In Chapter 7, using the evidence from the Zeng bells and their inscriptions, we shall examine the tone distributions on approximately two dozen bell-chimes dating from the thirteenth to the fourth century B.C. in chronological sequence. Through them, we can trace the progress, if not of early Chinese ritual music in general, at least of the sort of music performable on bell-chimes, as well as the development of bell-chimes into fully melodic instruments. While the scope of these preliminary results turns out to be somewhat narrow, the inscriptions on the suspended music of Zeng suggest a number of far-reaching conclusions about the music of the Chinese Bronze Age. In Chapter 8, the system of tone nomenclature documented in the Zeng inscriptions is introduced. Comparison with the late pre-Qin texts highlights essential differences between musical theory before and after the rise of correlative cosmology. Chapter 9 attempts to mold the information collected in the preceding chapters into a coherent historical account of the development of classical Chinese musical theory during the Bronze Age, intertwined as it was with the rise and fall of dynastic ritual and of bell-manufacturing technology. The chapter emphasizes the importance of bells in the genesis of musical theory. At the end, ancient Chinese ritual music, while undeniably of great political importance, emerges stripped of the ballast of correlative cosmology. Reconstruction of the music itself, unfortunately, must be postponed until archaeologists discover ancient Chinese musical scores. So far, we do not even know what kind of notation system was used by the ancient Chinese; conceivably, musical pieces were written down using the tone names of the Zeng inscriptions.36 Today's performances on ancient or reconstructed instruments (see fig. 108) are no more than imaginative re-creations; this book may provide some hints to make them more historically accurate. For the time being, however, the music of the Chinese Bronze Age remains suspended in the depths of history.

(Footnote continued from previous page) appears that there are still plans to publish these seminal studies posthumously (Wang Zichu, personal communication 1990). 36. That some notational system may have existed during late pre-Imperial times is suggested by the Bibliographical Treatise of the Han Shu, which mentions the texts and ''tone compositions" (shengqu ) for "seven songs from Henan dating to the Zhou," and "seventy-five folk-ballads dating to the Zhou" in the Han Imperial Library (Han Shu: Yiwenzhi "Shifu-lfie," 1955 indexed ed., 48-49). At present, we cannot even begin to speculate about the prevalence of playing from such "sheet music" as opposed to the use of improvisational techniques.

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PART I RITES, TECHNOLOGY, AND POLITICAL MATRIX

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Chapter One Bells in a Bronze Age Culture Performed in a temple setting, music in Bronze Age China helped to create an atmosphere in which deities and humans could interact. By giving rhythm to human movements and melody to human speech, music imparted indexical significance to ritual action and translated human intentions into a rhetoric of sound powerful enough to penetrate to the ancestral spirits in heaven and elicit a response. Messages encoded through multiple media enabled humans to act upon and to communicate with the spirits.1 Ancient Chinese ritual performers, like their counterparts in many other cultures,2 employed percussion instruments to make audible the transition between the human and the divine spheres. Among those instruments, bell-chimes were foremost. One aim of this book is to show how bells functioned in performance and how musical theory informed that function. In this chapter, I offer an outline of the cultural and socioeconomic environment of bell music: the ritual contexts of bell usage; the social framework in which these instruments were meaningful; historical detail on prominent owners of bells and on changes in bell usage over time; and economic aspects of bells as commodities of status. I conclude with some remarks on the status of bell-players and attached personnel. This background information allows us to assess the significance of the technological, typological, and musicological analyses in the later chapters. I use the term Bronze Age to refer to the roughly two millennia from the first emergence of monarchic states on the north China plain to the founding of the

1. My views on Chinese ritual in general have been influenced by Tambiah 1985 (especially pp. 123-66), who builds on Austin 1967. The "performative approach" to ritual has also influenced my reading of the poems quoted below. 2. R. Needham 1967.

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TABLE 1 Dynasties and Epochs of Early Chinese History Historical Chronology 2205-1767 B.C. (trad.)

Xia dynasty (semi-legendary)

1766-1123 (trad.)

Shang dynasty

1122-249

Zhou dynasty

1122-771

Western Zhou

770-249

Eastern Zhou

721-468

Springs and Autumns period

403-221

Warring States period

221-208

Qin dynasty

206 B.C.-A.D. 220

Han dynasty

206 B.C.-A.D. 8

Western Han

9-22

Xin (Wang Mang interregnum)

23-220

Eastern Han

Archaeological Chronology ca. 7000-2000 B.C.

Neolithic period

ca. 2000-1600

Erlitou Culture (Xia period?)

ca. 1600-1300

Erligang (early/middle Shang) period

ca. 1300-1050

Anyang (late Shang) period

ca. 1050-770

Western Zhou period

ca. 770-450

Springs and Autumns period

ca. 450-221

Warring States period

221 B.C.-A.D. 220

Qin/Han period

Chinese empire by the First Emperor of Qin in 221 B.C.3 According to traditional historiography, this was the age of China's first three royal dynasties, from the semi-legendary Xia through the fully historical Shang and Zhou (for dates and period subdivisions, see table 1). From a techno-historical point of view, this time span was not exclusively a "bronze" age, for copper and bronze had been in use in China for several centuries, and the final centuries of the pre-Qin period witnessed the rise of an iron industry of major proportions. Yet bronze reigned supreme, culturally and politically, throughout the Three Dynasties. Both the social and the cosmic orders revolved around that material. The elites defined their political power and social ranks in terms of access to, and possession of, ritual paraphernalia made of bronze, such as vessels, weapons, chariots, and bells. The centrality of bronze undoubtedly accounts for astounding technological innovations and feats of artistic creativity in the realm

3. See Guo Baojun 1963, 3.

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of bronze manufacture. During the Bronze Age as defined here, bronze was more than an archaeological indicator of technological development: it occupied a preeminent position in all aspects of Chinese culture.4 Main Functions of Bells Ancestral Ritual Bells loom large among the bronze objects cast during the Shang and Zhou dynasties. The vast majority of them have been excavated from tombs, and from earliest times their distribution was restricted to the wealthiest. A small number of specimens have been found in hoards of bronze vessels that are believed to constitute the inventories of former ancestral temples of aristocratic kin-groups (fig. 14). Both kinds of contextsburial and templeattest to the role of bells in ritual. Throughout the Zhou dynasty, bells served primarily in the context of the ancestral cult. They formed part of an orchestra that provided the musical accompaniment to ritual dances and singing. Such ensembles, comprising string, wind, and percussion instruments, have been excavated archaeologically; the one found in Marquis Yi's tomb is the most complete. Glimpses of Zhou ancestral ritual may be found in the Shi Jing (Classic of poetry), a collection of songs and ritual hymns of Western and early Eastern Zhou date. The following stanza describes the musicians and dancers in action: They strike the bells solemnly, They play their se and qin zithers, The reed-organs and the musical stones blend their sounds; Accompanied by them they perform the Ya and Nan [dances], They wield their flutes without error.5 These performances accompanied a ceremonial repast to which a kin-group invited its ancestors, who were represented in the temple by impersonators (shi ). Ostensibly, ritual music served to entertain and humor the heavenly guests,

4. This picture of the Chinese Bronze Age is laid out succinctly in K. C. Chang 1983. For further general information, the following works in Western languages are recommended: on Chinese archaeology, Chang 1986 and 1977, 296-470; on Shang culture, Chang 1980 and Keightley 1978; on Western Zhou, Creel 1970, Hsu and Linduff 1988, and Shaughnessy forthcoming; on Eastern Zhou, Hsu 1965 and Li Xueqin 1985. Maspero 1927, Vandermeersch 1977-1980 and Keightley 1983 are also useful. As a compelling anthropological portrait of early Chinese culture, Granet 1929, though based entirely on textual evidence, remains unsuperseded; it should be used in conjunction with Chang 1976. 5. Shi Jing Ode 208 "Guzhong" (HYI ed., 50; Karlgren, 159-61). Ya and Nan were the names of ceremonial dances with instrumental accompaniment.

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Figure 14. View of a hoard of Western Zhou bronzes interred ca. 771 B.C. at Zhuangbai, Fufeng (Shaanxi) (Zhuangbai hoard no. 1). Some of the Xing-yongzhong (see figs. 19 and 74) are prominently visible. from whom the living hoped to obtain supernatural blessings, as is evident in the following hymn of the Zhou royal house, which mentions three early Western Zhou kings who may well have been assumed to be present, their spirits having descended into impersonators: Terrifying and strong is Wu Wang. Is it not strong, his ardor! Greatly manifest Cheng [Wang ] and Kang [Wang God on High made them sovereign.

],

From the time of their achievements [cheng ] and peacefulness [kang We have extensively held onto the Four Quarters, Clear-sighted is their splendor.

],

Bells and drums sound magnificently [huanghuang ], Musical stones and flutes chime in [jiangjiang ]; [The former kings] send down blessings that are abundant.

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They send down blessings that are great; Their awe-inspiring demeanor is grand; They are drunk, they are full, Blessings and happiness come again and again.6< Like the Shi Jing poems, the Western Zhou bronze inscriptionsincluding bell inscriptionsshow a strong concern with making the ancestral spirits happy. Reading through the text inscribed on an important Western Zhou bell, the First Xing-yongzhong, which is translated in full below,7 we may imagine ourselves at the scene of a sacrifice, where the bell music has enticed the spirits to descend from heaven; bells were to be used "so as to please and make exalted" the ancestral spirits as they were arriving in the temple and "so as to let the accomplished men of the former generations rejoice." In return for a successful performance, the descendants expected blessings and enduring prosperity, expectations communicated to their heavenly visitors by means of a carefully worded prayermessage during the ceremony. Much of the First Xing-yongzhong inscription reads like such a text:8 Richly and abundantly, forever let me enjoy at ease evermore ample and manifold good fortune. May you broadly open up my awareness, helping me to obtain an eternal life-mandate; may you personally bestow upon me that multi-colored good fortune of yours. May I live for ten thousand years. The ancestors, in turn, replied through an oracle. Ode 209 in the Shi Jing, excerpted below, describes such an exchange of messages. A priest, the "officiating invocator" (gongzhu ), had a pivotal role in this process of communication; bells and drums indicated crucial points of the sequence. First, the setting: The visitors and guests Offer toasts and pledges to each other. The ceremonies are entirely according to rule; The laughter and talk are entirely to the point.

6. Shi Jing Ode 274 "Zhijing" (HYI ed., 75); my interpretation differs decisively from that of Karlgren (pp. 242-43), whose wording I follow whenever feasible. 7. See below under "The Donors of Western Zhou Bells." 8. Such a connection between bronze inscriptions and messages offered during ceremonies was first pointed out by Xu Zhongshu 1936.

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There follows the offering of the ritual message: "The divine protectors have arrived. May they bestow on us increased felicity, May we be rewarded with longevity of ten thousand years." We are very respectful, Our rules and rites have no error, The officiating invocator proffers the announcement, He goes and presents it to the pious descendant. The spirits reply as follows: "Fragrant is the pious sacrifice, The spirits enjoy the wine and food, The oracle predicts for you a hundred blessings. According to the proper quantities, according to the proper rules, You have brought sacrificial grain, you have brought millet; You have brought baskets, you have arranged them; We will forever give you the utmost blessings, ten-thousandfold, myriad-fold." Immediately afterward, the ritual draws to a close: The ceremonies are now completed, The bells and drums have given their signal; The pious descendant goes to his place, The officiating invocator makes his announcement: "The spirits are all drunk." The august impersonator then rises, The drums and bells escort away the impersonator. The divine protectors then leave the temple.9 Such, then, was the basic dynamic of Zhou ancestral ritual: humans offered food and performances in exchange for blessings and assistance. In a transaction paralleled and complemented by an exchange of verbal messages, the sustaining role of music can hardly be exaggerated.

9. Shi Jing Ode 209 "Chuci" (HYI ed., 50-51; Karlgren 1950, 161-63, mod. auct.).

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Banquets and Other Rituals Following the ancestral sacrifice, in which every word and movement was minutely regulated, a feast (yan ) took place in the temple, an occasion for the assembled male kinfolk to become roaring drunk. Shi Jing Ode 209 indicates that here, too, bells and other instruments provided musical accompaniment. The Zhou Li, though a far less reliable source than the Shi Jing on the authentic ritual customs of the early Zhou, stresses the near-identity of the ritual sequence at royal sacrifices (jisi ) and banquets (xiang )10 and specifies that the same "feasting music" (yanyue ) was to be performed at both occasions.11 Shi Jing poems also mention bells in the contexts of weddings,12 ritual archery contests,13 entertainment of visitors,14 and ceremonies at ritual structures outside the royal palace.15 Scenes of such ceremonial activity are depicted on some early Warring States period bronzes with figurative decoration.16 Figure 15, the detail of a hu vessel, shows bells and chimestones aligned on a single rack below (i.e., in front of, according to the pictorial conventions of this decoration style) a temple building atop an elevated platform. In the temple, humans in ceremonial robes have assembled for a ritual; from hu vessels displayed on an altar, attendants ladle wine into drinking cups while musicians perform in the courtyard. Figure 16a shows a shooting ritual at a large temple. The architecture in the center of the composition, though it resembles a two-storied building, probably represents two buildings, one located behind the other and separated by a courtyard (see fig. 16b). Here, musical instruments are suspended on two sides of the temple compound, bells on the left and chimestones on the right, probably indicating two sides of the courtyard between the two buildings. The shooting target is positioned outside the temple. Wine is offered, the musicians play, and the participants show off their archery skills. References to bells in later Zhou texts by and large corroborate the range of functions to be gleaned from the Shi Jing. This is especially true of the Zhou Li, perhaps because the scholarly compilers of that text relied on the Shi Jing as one of their main sources.17 The Zuo Zhuan , a fourth-century B.C. historical

10. According to Zhou Li: Chun'guan "Dasiyue" (Zhou Li Zhengyi 43:12b-13a), the sole difference between the two is that the sequence of leading a living sacrificial animal into the temple was dispensed with during banquets. 11. Zhou Li: Chun'guan "Zhongshi" (Zhou Li Zhengyi 26:10b). 12. Shi Jing Ode 1 "Guanju" (HYI ed., 1; Karlgren, 2). 13. Shi Jing Ode 220 "Bin zhi chuyan" (HYI ed., 54; Karlgren, 172-74); compare also Yi Li "Dasheyi" (Yi Li Zhengyi 13:6b-9a and 15:19b-20a). 14. Shi Jing Ode 175 "Tonggong" (HYI ed., 35; Karlgren, 118-19). 15. Shi Jing Ode 242 "Lingtai" (HYI ed., 61; Karlgren, 196-97). 16. Hayashi 1961-62; C. D. Weber 1968. 17. Zhou Li: Chun'guan "Dasiyue" (Zhou Li Zhengyi 43:14a/b); "Yueshi" (44:3a-9b); "Shiliao'' (45:19b-20a); "Zhongshi" (46:7a-10b); "Shengshi" (46:13b); "Dazhu" (49:18b-19b).

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Figure 15. Pictorial representation of a ritual performance on an unprovenienced hu in the Musée Guimet, Paris. Mid-fifth century B.C. A sacrifice is offered in a temple situated atop an elevated platform. The musicians are placed in the courtyard in front of the building; in addition to a bell-chime and a lithophone, a pole-drum and a pellet-drum are shown. commentary, informs us that bells were de rigueur at the capping ceremonies of princes.18 At that time, some people rang a bell before and after meals19 and when receiving guests.20 One ruler of Zheng had a subterranean chamber dug in his palace, where he would retire to drink wine and listen to the sound of bells.21 Listening to bell music was proscribed in times of mourning.22 Although "bells and drums" are occasionally mentioned in connection with warfare,23 it appears unlikely that the leaders of military expeditions took chime-bells into the field; the bells used in later Eastern Zhou times as signal-giving instruments in battle are typologically distinct from the chimed musical bells of the ritual orchestra.24 Although the ceremonies in which bells were used underwent some modification during Eastern Zhou times (as we shall see shortly), the available sources

18.Zuo Zhuan Xiang 9 (HYI ed., 268). 19. Zuo Zhuan Ai 14 (HYI ed., 489). 20. Zuo Zhuan Zhao 11 (HYI ed., 355). 21. Zuo Zhuan Xiang 30 (HYI ed., 331). 22. Zuo Zhuan Xiang 29 (HYI ed., 327); Zuo Zhuan Ding 9 (HYI ed., 453); Li Ji "Tan'gong-xia" (Li Ji Zhushu 9:17a-18a). Li Ji "Quli-xia" (Li Ji Zhushu 4:9b-10a) seems to stipulate that magnates were obliged to listen to bell music when not in mourning. 23. Zuo Zhuan Zhuang 29 (HYI ed., 76); Guo Yu "Wu Yu" (Tiansheng Mingdao ed., 7b). 24. Falkenhausen 1989a.

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Figure 16. Pictorial representation (a) of a ritual performance on a fragmentary jian vessel excavated in 1951 at Zhaogu, Hui Xian (Henan). Mid- to late fifth century B.C. The scene is an archery contest accompanied by music. The spatial arrangement is reconstructed in the accompanying sketch (b).

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abundantly confirm that the setting in which bells were played and heard was primarily a ritual one. Even at the time of the final decline of the Zhou ritual tradition during the Warring States period, a sacred aura continued to linger about these instruments. Mencius alludes to the custom of ceremonially anointing (xin ) a newly cast bell with the blood of a sacrificial ox.25 And the Warring States text Yan Zi Chunqiu reports how a wise minister admonished his ruler who had just cast a new bell: "To use it in feasting before having sacrificed to the former rulers is against the rules of propriety [li ]."26 Such regulations probably did not exist for most other kinds of musical instruments. The Social Framework Sumptuary Regulations The rituals and performances involving bells were the privilege of aristocratic kin-groups; ordinary folk had no part in them. Indeed, few people living during the Bronze Age are likely ever to have heard bells in performance. Within the highest echelons of society, however, bell-chimes played a tremendously important role in defining and iteratively reaffirming relationships of power. Although the material value of chime-bells was presumably high enough to put them beyond the reach of most segments of Bronze Age society, including low-ranking nobles, their ownership was even further restricted by sumptuary rules. To throw some light on such regulations, directly as well as circumstantially, we may refer to both textual and archaeological information, most of which dates from the final centuries of the Bronze Age. Textual records emphasize not the number of bells but their deployment about the ritual space. The Zhou Li, for instance, which purports to describe the structure of government during the early Zhou period, stipulates that the Zhou king (wang ) was entitled to "palace suspension" (gong-xuan stones on all four sides of the courtyard of the ancestral temple;

): sets of bells and musical

25. Meng Zi "Liang Hui Wang-shang" (HYI ed., 3). Han Fei Zi "Shuilin" (23.27) mentions using a human victim for anointing a battle drum (Zhonghua Index ed., 775-76). 26. Yah Zi Chunqiu "Neipian, Jian-xia" 2:12 (Yan Zi Chunqiu Jishi ed., 124). A similar episode in Yah Zi Chunqiu "Waipian" 8:9 (Yan Zi Chunqiu Jishi ed., 507), is translated in Chapter 3, below. Alleged to have occurred in the Springs and Autumns period, the events described may well be Warring States period historical fiction; they do show that the primacy of the ritual function of bells was still recognized even at a relatively late date.

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the Many Lords (zhuhou suspension" (xuanxuan

) governing the states surrounding the royal domain were entitled to "awning ): bells and musical stones on three sides of the courtyard;27

the ministers (qing ) and magnates (daifu ) were entitled to "divided suspension" (panxuan and musical stones on two facing sides of the courtyard; and the noblemen (shi ) were entitled to "single suspension" (texuan single rack on one side of the courtyard.28

): sets of bells

): bells and musical stones suspended from a

A certain amount of skepticism is in order with such idealizing constructions. And when we further scrutinize the classical literature, we find, not surprisingly, that the early Han scholar Jia Yi (200-168 B.C.) recorded a different rule. Jia is in agreement with the Zhou Li when stipulating palace suspension and awning suspension for the Son of Heaven and the Many Lords, respectively, but according to him, magnates (daifu) merely had the right to "straight suspension" (zhixuan ), which is probably synonymous with single suspension; and noblemen (shi) were to have zithers but no bells.29 Even though it is difficult to decide which of the above alternatives is closer to historical fact, the archaeological discoveries of the last forty years have confirmed that regulations of this sort existed in China at least since the middle of the Western Zhou (see table 2). For instance, the different arrangements of "suspended" musical instruments in figures 15 and 16 may represent, respectively, single and divided suspension, indicating a difference in rank between participants in the two scenes. Moreover, it is hardly accidental that in the central chamber of Marquis Yi's tomb at Leigudun (fig. 17), the bells on their L-shaped rack together with the lithophone surround the other musical instruments on three sides in an awning-suspension formation corresponding to the Marquis's zhuhou rank. This find, however, is so far almost unique. In Zhou period tombs, musical instruments were not usually displayed in the same way as in a palace courtyard. Customarily, bells and chimestones were interred without their racks. According to the Li Ji (a heterogeneous ritual text incorporating mostly late pre-Qin material), this practice intentionally marked the distinctions

27. With the term "awning suspension," the underlying image is that of the awning or canopy of a twowheel chariot, which enclosed the chariot-box on three sides. 28. Zhou Li: Chun'guan "Xiaoxu" (Zhou Li Zhengyi 44:14b-16b). 29. Xin Shu "Shenwei-pian" (Sibu Beiyao ed. 2:4a). Sun Yirang, in his commentary on the Zhou Li (Zhou Li Zhengyi 44:15a), expresses no preference for either of the two systematizations.

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TABLE 2 Archaeological Evidence for the Zhou Sumptuary System First Category

Second Category

Nine ding, eight gui, bells, and chimestones

Seven ding, six gui, bells, and chimestones

Late Western Zhou through Early Springs and Autumns

Late Western Zhou through Early Springs and Autumns

Zhuangbai, Fufeng (Shaanxi), hoard no. 1 (YG38, W1) Owners: House of Wei

Ke bronzes (including Keyongzhong, Ke-bo) (YG44, W5) Donor: Shanfu/Taishi Ke Liangqi bronzes (including Liangqiyongzhong) (W6) Donor: Bo Liangqi (office unknown) Xi bronzes (including Xiyongzhong) (W7) Donor: Xi Jia (office unknown) Fu Fu-xu inscription (paraphernalia mentioned in text) Owner: Zheng Ji (house unknown) Shangcunling, Sanmenxia (Henan) (YG45, W8) Owner: Crown Prince of Guo

Mid-Springs and Autumns through Early Warring States

Mid-Springs and Autumns through Early Warring States

Lijialou, Xinzheng (Henan), tomb no. 1 (YG91) Owner: Ruler of Zheng

Xiasi, Xichuan (Henan), tomb no. 2 (W14) Owner: unidentified Chu aristocrat

Liujiadianzi, Yishui (Shandong), tomb no. 1 Owner: Ruler of Ju

Dadian, Junan (Shandong), tomb no. 1 (YG100, W15) Owner: Ju aristocrat (branch of ruling family?)

Ximennei, Shou Xian (Anhui), tomb no. 1 (YG94, W13) Owner: Marquis Shen of Cai

Dadian, Junan (Shandong), tomb no. 2 (YG101, W15) Owner: junior member of the Ju ruling family

Hougudui, Gushi (Henan), tomb no. 1 Owner: Lord of Fan

Fenshuiling, Changzhi (Shanxi), tomb no. 14

Liulige, Hui Xian (Henan), tomb jia (YG92) Owner: Ruler of Wei

(YG102) Owner: Jin aristocrat (identity unknown)

Liulige, Hui Xian (Henan), tomb no. 60 (YG93) Owner: Ruler of Wei

Jinshengcun, Taiyuan (Shanxi), tomb no. 251 Owner: unidentified Jin(?) aristocrat

Liulige, Hui Xian (Henan), tomb no. 60 (YG97) Shanbiaozhen, Ji Xian (Henan), tomb no. 1 (YG96) Owner: member of the ruling family of Wei Owner: Ruler of Wei

Leigudun, Suizhou (Hubei), tomb no. 1 (W12) Owner: Marquis Yi of Zeng

Liulige, Hui Xian (Henan), tomb no. 75 (YG99) Owner: member of the ruling family of Wei

Leigudun, Suizhou (Hubei), tomb no. 1 Owner: Ruler or consort of Zeng

Luhe, Lucheng (Shanxi), tomb no. 7 Owner: unidentified aristocrat of Han Houchuan, Sanmenxia (Henan), tomb no. 2040 (YG151) Owner: unidentified aristocrat of Wei

Middle to Late Warring States

Middle to Late Warring States

Changtaiguan, Xinyang (Henan), tomb no. 1 (YG148) Owner: unknown Chu aristocrat

No instances reported

Yan Xiadu, Yi Xian (Hebei), tomb no. 16 (YG149) Owner: member of Yan royal family? (mingqi only) Sanxi, Pingshan (Hebei), tomb no. 1 Owner: King of Zhongshan Pingliangtai, Huaiyang (Anhui), tomb no. 16 Owner: unclear NOTE. Finds of vessel sets without bells are not listed. Ding and gui do not both occur in all cases. Examples discussed by Yu and Gao 1978-79 (YG) and Wang Shimin 1986 (W; see also Wang Shimin 1988) are identified by the numbers used in the respective articles. Some datings and donor ascriptions have been slightly modified in accordance with Li Xueqin 1986. (Table continued on next page)

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TABLE 2. (continued) Third Category

Fourth Category

Five ding, four gui, bells, and chimestones Three ding, two gui, bells [chimestones?] Late Western Zhou through Early Springs and Autumns

Late Western Zhou through Early Springs and Autumns

No instances reported

No instances reported

Mid-Springs and Autumns through Early Warring States

Mid-Springs and Autumns through Early Warring States

Shangmacun, Houma (Shanxi), tomb no. 13 Ezhuangqu Hayuan, Linyi (Shandong) (YG122) (YG105) Owner: unidentified Qi aristocrat Owner: aristocrat of Jin Miaoqiancun, Wanrong (Shanxi), large tomb (YG106) Owner: aristocrat of Jin Fenshuiling, Changzhi (Shanxi), tomb no. 270 (YG109) Owner: aristocrat of Jin Fenshuiling, Changzhi (Shanxi), tomb no. 269 (YG110) Owner: aristocrat of Jin Chengcun, Linyi (Shanxi) (details unknown) Owner: aristocrat of Jin Taijingwang, Linyi (Shandong) (details unknown) Owner: aristocrat of Qi Shanzhuang, Linqu (Shandong) (details unknown) Owner: aristocrat of Qi Middle to Late Warring States

Middle to Late Warring States

Fenshuiling, Changzhi (Shanxi), tomb no. 25 Owner: aristocrat of Jin

No instances reported

Zangjiazhuang, Zhucheng (Shandong) Owner: Ju Gongsun Chao Zi (Qi administrator

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Figure 17. Arrangement of musical instruments in the ritual chamber of Marquis Yi's tomb, with other objects also found at the bottom of the chamber at the time of excavation. Musical instruments: se zithers (16, 29, 31, 32, 37, 41, 42), se bridges in a bamboo basket (131), mouth-organs (3, 51, 57), flute (79), panpipes (28, 85), pole-drum (67), pole-drum mallets (61, 78), hanging-drum (62), hand-drum (77), drum mallet (81), bell-chime (65), bell mallets (6, 50, 73, 83, 200-202), bell striking-bars (63, 64), lithophone (53), lithophone mallets (71, 204). Bronze sacrificial vessels: flat-bottomed large ding (87-95), other large ding (96-97), covered ding (98-104), small-mouthed ding (185), ding suspension hooks (149-155), tripod-shaped vessels (113-121, 136), spouted tripod (142), li (126, 156-164), yan (165), gui (105-112), covered dou (194), dou (195, 196), fu (122-125), jian (127, 128), large hu (132, 133), chained hu (182, 184), fou (141, 186-189), yi (147, 190), yi suspension hook (191), pan (148), "zun and pan" assemblage (38), ladles (138, 140, 230), spoons (169, 171-181, 183), scoop (170). Lacquered objects: box with wine-drinking utensils (10), boxes (224-228), ladles (82, 207), dou (30, 48, 72, 80, 134, 143-145), cups (46, 58, 146, 208- 223), mounted cups (47, 59, 68, 70). Other equipment: bamboo baskets (7, 199), baskets with eating utensils (60, 129), bamboo-stem cups (66, 69, 86), ceramic foul (192, 193), chicken head (8), animal bones (sacrificial offerings) (55). Sacrificial furniture: bronze altar (135), lacquered wooden sacrificial altar (21), lacquered stand (75), bamboo mat (76), bronze censer (24), coal-burning basin with shovel and rake (166-168), coal-burning basin (197), lacquered wooden tables (39, 44, 54, 55), lacquered wooden stag (40), fish-shaped ornament (45), hemp fragment (244). (The objects numbered 01 through 043 were left behind by looters.)

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between the living and the dead, but that explanation may be nothing more than posterior rationalization.30 Nevertheless, there is considerable archaeological evidence bearing upon the issue of elite ranking in Bronze Age China. Although it is difficult to secure direct documentation of the four types of suspension detailed in the Zhou Li, one may glean information about the sumptuary role of bells from their association with other ritual bronzes subject to similar regulations. From the mid-Western Zhou period onward, ding "tripods" and gui "tureens" were the most important bronze vessels used in sacrifice. The sumptuary rule that assigned different numbers of these vessels to different aristocratic ranks has been reconstructed in varying ways;31 it may have undergone some change over the course of the Zhou period, and it may have varied geographically.32 Moreover, the extent to which the system was actually followed in practice is debatable. But the basic facts are clear: each rank was entitled to an odd number of ding complemented by the next lower even number of gui. To correlate these sumptuary ranks with archaeological finds of bells, let us look at a list of all presently known assemblages of bronzes that comprise bells as well as ding and/or gui (table 2). It is apparent, first of all, that chime-bells were restricted to the highest ranks. They have not been found to be associated with aristocrats possessing fewer than three ding, and even in that lowest category there is so far only one somewhat uncertain instance.33 Most of the entries in table 2, which accounts for only a small fraction of the bells so far excavated in China, were found with members of the nobility entitled to nine or seven ding, that is, with individuals of the two highest ranks.34 Moreover, the data in table 2 suggest that the exact number of bells was far less strictly regulated than that of ritual vessels; in the context of sumptuary arrangements, differences among bells of specific types (see Chapter 2) seem to have been unimportant. It does not seem to have mattered, for example,

30. Li Ji "Tan'gong-shang" (Li Ji Zhushu 8:3b; Couvreur 1:163-64). Zhao Shigang (1988) has postulated that the Li Ji injunction to bury bells and chimestones without their racks was commonly followed in north China, whereas the incidence of bell-racks in some large tombs located within the Chu sphere of influence (see Chapter 6) testifies to a specifically southern sumptuary regulation; this, however, would seem to be contradicted by the recent discovery of a set of niuzhong on a rack at Liugezhuang, Penglai (Shandong) (for reference, see Appendix 1). 31. Guo Baojun in Shanbiaozhen yu Liulige: 41-47, and Guo Baojun 1981; Du Naisong 1976; Yu and Gao 1978-79; Li Xueqin 1985, 460-64; Wang Shimin 1986, Wang Fei 1987, and, with specific reference to bells, Wang Shimin 1988. 32. See, e.g., Guo Dewei 1983 on the Chu sumptuary system. 33. The case in question, a tomb at Ezhuangqu Huayuan, Linyi (Shandong) (Yu and Gao 1978-79, example no. 122), has never been fully reported on (for preliminary references, see Appendix l). 34.As no assemblages of royal bronzes have so far been excavated, it is unclear whether these two ranks included the royal person. Yu and Gao (1978-79) believe that nine ding were originally the prerogative of the king but were usurped by high-ranking aristocrats as early as late Western Zhou times; by contrast, Li Xueqin (1985, 460-64) holds that throughout the Zhou dynasty the king was entitled to twelve ding (see also Wang Shimin 1986).

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whether a zhuhou's "awning suspension" consisted of yongzhong, niuzhong, or bo-bells, or, when several types were represented, what the respective proportions were. (The larger the bell assemblage, the greater the room, of course, for typological variety.) We may tentatively conclude from table 2 that in the late Western Zhou and early Springs and Autumns periods, the nine-ding rank conferred the right to possess multiple sets of musical bells, while holders of the seven-ding rank had to make do with one chime of bells plus a single bell, a distinction which, if real, is no longer apparent in later Eastern Zhou archaeological contexts. At any rate, the data in table 2 suggest that the accounts from the Zhou Li and by Jia Yi, as summarized above, may be accurate in recording that sumptuary distinctions were based on the mode of deployment rather than on the absolute number of bells. Such a deployment-based sumptuary rule contained a loophole for aristocrats intent on outdoing their peers in luxurious display: size and shape of the respective suspension racks remained unspecified. Marquis Yi's three-tiered bell assemblage, for instance, though it conforms to the principle of awning suspension, may be said to have observed the letter but not the spirit of the Zhou sumptuary code. Signs of a tendency to manipulate the ritual rules in the service of all-out conspicuous consumption abound in the Eastern Zhou archaeological record.35 As we look at individual cases, we may frequently detect a subtle tension between the self-conception of Bronze Age society something like a Freudian ego-ideal expressed in its ritual formsand the socioeconomic reality. Through the following examples we shall encounter some of the individuals who enjoyed bell music in ancient China. The Donors of Shang and Western Zhou Bells Some bell-owning aristocrats have left epigraphic records. The earliest bell inscriptions appear on late Shang dynasty (Anyang period) nao-bells; they indicate a name and/or a lineage marker (see fig. 56). Such inscriptions may help us to link some sets of nao with other bronzes of the period that bear identical inscriptions. In those cases, we may assume that the owners were wealthy and socially prominent, an assumption that accords with the conspicuous richness of the funerary contexts in which Shang bells occur archaeologically.36 Five nao of this type, the largest number ever found at any one place, came from the tomb of a royal consort, Fu Zi (or Fu Hao ), at Yinxu, Anyang (Henan) (see fig. 56).37 That no specimens have been found in the Shang royal tombs must be due to looting before excavation. The archaeological distribution of chimed

35. See Yang Yubin 1985, 189, translated in Falkenhausen 1988, 1115-16. 36. See, e.g., Yin Zhiyi 1977. 37. References in Appendix 1.

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sets of nao is heavily concentrated upon the vicinity of the Anyang metropolis, suggesting that royal relatives may have virtually monopolized these bells. Shang bell inscriptions do not, on the whole, tell us much about the historical context of the inscribed objects. But because many of the social, ritual, and economic institutions of the Zhou may have earlier origins,38 the following analysis may enhance our understanding of Shang and, perhaps, pre-Shang bells. Western Zhou bell inscriptions are both more informative and more plentiful than those of the Shang. Almost without exception, they are grammatically coherent texts. In their simplest form, they state little more than an individual's name with a prayer-like final formula attached; the late Western Zhou period Zhong Yi-yongzhong inscription (fig. 18) reads: ''I, Zhong Yi , made these harmonizing bells; may I for ten thousand years eternally treasure them." Although Zhong Yi and other aristocrats always claimed to have "made" the bells in question, such making must surely be understood in a causative sense. Because I wish to reserve the term maker for craftsmen actually involved in the manufacturing process, and because the term owner connotes an anachronistic Western sense of property (and because bronzes passed through the hands of many generations of "owners"), I refer to the subjects of the Zhou bronze inscriptions as donors. This term acknowledges that ritual bronzes were not held by the individuals who had originally "made" them: they were placed in ancestral temples serving an extended kin-group. What occasioned the manufacture of inscribed bronzes? First of all, a certain number of ritual objects, apparently including bells (see below), was given to a new lineage when it split off from its main lineage. Inscribed bronzes could also be obtained in recognition of particular merits, or by favor from one's superior, though only a small minority of inscriptions record the events leading to such acts of investiture. When we look at the transmitted preQin texts, we find that several of them claim, using a recurrent, standardized formulation, that the Zhou dynasty elites inscribed bells and tripods to immortalize their donors' exploits in warfare.39 A martial character, however, is notably absent from most surviving bronze inscriptions, which instead are primarily preoccupied with the cult of the donors' ancestors. For the most part, they celebrate the donors' piety and virtue, and they end with prayers to the ancestral spirits for blessings and long life. Couched in a specialized ritual language, their formulation makes use of such poetic devices as metric regularity and rhyme. To indicate the diction and message of a typical lengthy Western Zhou bell inscription, I offer below a complete translation of the inscription on the First Xing yongzhong (fig. 19);

38. See Keightley 1978b; Vandermeersch 1977-80. 39. Zuo Zhuan Xiang 19 (HYI ed., 289; Legge 483); Guo Yu "Jin Yu" (Tiansheng Mingdao ed. 7:2b); Mo Zi "Lu Wen" (HYI ed., 89); Han Fei Zi "Waichushui zuo-shang" 3 (Zhonghua index ed., 797).

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Figure 18. One of the eight Zhong Yi-yongzhong (with inscription rubbing), excavated in 1960 at Qijiacun, Fufeng (Shaanxi). Later part of late Western Zhou (late ninth-early eighth century B.C.). this early ninth-century B.C. bell was excavated in 1976 from a spectacular hoard of more than one hundred bronzes at Zhuangbai, Fufeng (Shaanxi), in the area of the first royal Zhou capital. I, Xing, am fearful and ceaselessly active from morning to night, always mindful of not losing [my mandate]; striving to practice filial piety toward my High Ancestor Xin Gong , my Accomplished Ancestor Yi Gong , and my august deceased father Ding Gong , [I made] this set of harmonically tuned chime-bells.

May [these bells] be used so as to please and make exalted those who splendidly arrive [i.e. the ancestral spirits] and so as to let the accomplished men of the former generations rejoice. May they be used to pray for long life,

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Figure 19. Photo and inscription rubbing of the First Xingyongzhong excavated in 1976 from hoard no. 1 at Zhuangbai, Fufeng (Shaanxi). (For a view of their excavation context, see fig. 14.) Early part of late Western Zhou (mid-ninth century B.C.). to beg for an eternal life-mandate, so that I may extensively command a position of high emolument in respected old age, and enjoy unadulterated happiness. My venerable august ancestors, I am facing your brilliant appearance on high, you who are looking on sternly from your positions above. Richly and abundantly, forever let me enjoy at ease evermore ample and manifold good fortune. May you broadly open up my awareness, helping me to obtain an eternal lifemandate; may you personally bestow upon me that multi-colored good fortune of yours.

May I live for ten thousand years. [My sacrificial bull] has even horns, he is well-fattened, and his skin is glistening; sacrificing to the Accomplished

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Spirits according to propriety, may I without limit manifest my good fortune. May [this set of bells] be used to make me radiate with glory, forever shall I treasure it.40 At the beginning of this chapter, we pointed out how the contents of this inscription relate directly to ancestral ritual, and especially how closely the final, prayer-like paragraphs resemble an announcement to the spirits offered during an ancestral sacrifice. What do we know about the donor on whose behalf this text was composed? Xing (full name: Wei Bo Xing ) was the head of the House of Wei, a territorially based patrilineal kin-group (shi );41 senior members of the Wei shi, including Xing himself, hereditarily served as record-keeping officials (zuoce ) or as scribes (shi ) at the Zhou court. The Zhuangbai hoard probably constitutes part of the inventory of the Wei ancestral sanctuary. Besides an impressive array of sacrificial vessels (curiously lacking ding tripods, which must have been disposed of otherwise), it yielded a total of twenty-seven bells belonging to seven different chimesthe largest single find of Western Zhou bells to date. From Xing's set of eight gui vessels, found in the same hoard, we can infer that his shi must have been entitled to nine ding (see table 2). The founder of the House of Wei"my High Ancestor Xin Gong" in the inscriptionapparently came to Zhou from the Shang court at the time of the overthrow of Shang.42 Royal Shang descent might explain the exceptionally high rank of the House of Wei, whose sumptuary privileges (see table 3), seem to have exceeded those of other office-holding families of the period. Xing, therefore, may not be a typical Western Zhou bell-owning aristocrat. Table 3 lists all other epigraphically documented Western Zhou bell-donors of whom something is known beyond their names.43 The most prominent among them is the Zhou king, Li Wang (personal name: Hu ), who "made" bells on several occasions during his reign (878 [trad.]-827 B.C.). Two 40. For the text of this inscription see Shaanxi Chutu Shang Zhou Qingtongqi 2:77-79 (no. 54). Further references in Appendix 1. Extensive commentary on the inscription may be found in Falkenhausen 1988, 966-71. 41. From the many bronze inscriptions found in the Zhuangbai hoard (see fig. 14), we can piece together the genealogy of one principal Wei lineage throughout most of the Western Zhou period (Li Xueqin 1979). 42. A scion of the Shang royal house, Xin Gong may have been the same person as Wei Zi Qi , who was established by the Zhou as the first ruler of the state of Song to perpetuate the ancestral cult to the Shang kings. Following the royal Shang custom of fraternal succession, Wei Zi Qi's younger brother became the second ruler of Song (see Shi Ji "Wei Zi Shijia," Zhonghua ed., 1621); the donors of the Zhuangbai bronzes may have been his lineal descendants, who remained in Zhou. 43. Due to inconsistencies in the formulation of the inscriptions, available information varies from individual to individual. In particular, a donor's personal name is not always indicated, but in (Footnote continued on next page)

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of these bells (undoubtedly once parts of chimed sets) are now preserved: the Hu-yongzhong (better-known as "Zongzhou-zhong" ), now in the National Palace Museum, Taibei, and the Fifth Year (Wusi ) Hu-yongzhong recently found in Shaanxi.44 Other donors included individuals in charge of some of the nominally subordinate polities surrounding the royal domain.45 The ruling houses of many of these polities were junior branches of the royal lineage belonging to the same exogamous clan, Ji Non-Ji houses were integrated into the kinship-based power structure by exchanging brides with the royal Zhou and other Ji houses. Remarkably, with the exception of Chu , the polities appearing in table 3 (Bi , Guo , Rui , Shin , and Ying ) were all ruled by branches of the Ji clan; the fief-holders among the Western Zhou bell-donors thus appear to have been, for the most part, relatives of the royal house. Other bell-donors known through inscriptions were officials in the royal Zhou administration. They occupied offices with such titles as Situ "Intendant of the Multitude," Yulin "Inspector of Forests," Taishi "Grand Instructor," and Shanfu "Master of Viands." Identical or very similar titles appear in the description of the royal Zhou government in the Zhou Li, although the attached job descriptions are sometimes fanciful (in the Zhou Li, for example, the Taishi is the chief music instructor, but from epigraphic contexts he appears to have been a military official).46 The hierarchical relationships of the bell-donors' offices are unclear; by all indications the Western Zhou administrative apparatus was structured far more loosely than the Zhou Li would suggest. Given the unsystematized setup of the Western Zhou administration, it is almost impossible to establish the relative status of individual offices or fiefs. In particular, we cannot in most cases correlate official titles with specific sumptuary ranks. One of the reasons for this difficulty is the lack of pertinent archaeological context. Little of the material in table 3 can be cross-referenced with the archaeological evidence in table 2; the only exceptions are Xing of Wei, discussed above, and Elder Ke (shi unknown, fl. late ninth-early eight century B.C.). Ke's career was unusual in that he seems to have occupied succes-

(Footnote continued from previous page) most cases we know his shi, and often we also know his rank of seniority within the shi. The terms bo "Elder," zhong "Second-born," shu "Younger," and ji "Youngest" can denote either an individual's seniority among his brothers, or a lineage's genealogical seniority within a shi: unfortunately, it is seldom clear which is meant. The subject urgently needs further study. 44. For references, see Appendix 1 (Wusi Hu-yongzhong) and Appendix 2 (Hu-yongzhong). 45. Late pre-Qin texts mention a five-tiered hierarchy of titles for such rulers: gong "Duke," hou "Marquis," bo "Viscount," zi "Lord," and nan "Baron'' (see Li Ji "Wangzhi," Li Ji Zhushu 11:1a; Zhou Li: Chun'guan "Dazongbo," Zhou Li Zhengyi 35:1a-2b); it seems, however, that this nomenclature was not consistently employed during most of the Zhou period. 46. Creel 1970, 304; see Zhou Li: Chun'guan "Dashi" (Zhou Li Zhengyi 45:1a-12b).

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TABLE 3. Donors of Western Zhou Bells House (shi)

Branch seniority

Donor's name

Official position

Investiture by

Hu-yongzhong (1)

Royal Zhou

[eldest]

Hu

King (Li Wang)

-

Wusi Hu-yongzhong (1)

Royal Zhou

[eldest]

Hu

King (Li Wang)

-

Bi Di-yongzhong (1)

Bi

?

Di

?

?

Xian-yongzhong (1)

Bi?

Bo

Xian

?

King?

Chu Gong Jia?-yongzhong (3)

Chu

[eldest]

Wei

ruler of Chu

?

Mai-yongzhong (5 or more) Gong

Shu

Mai

Yulin

King

Guo Shu Lü-yongzhong (7) Guo

Shu

Lü

?

King

Shu Yufu-yongzhong (1)

Guo

Shu

(son of Yufu)

?

?

Shi Cheng-yongzhong (1)

Guo

Ji

Cheng

Shi

?

First Zha-yongzhong (5 or more)

Ji?

Bo?

Zha

Taishi?

King

Second Zha-yongzhong (1) Ji?

Bo?

Zha

Taishi?

King

Nangong Hu-yongzhong (1) Nangong Zhong?

Hu

Situ

King

Rui Gong-yongzhong (2)

Rui

[eldest]

?

ruler of Rui

?

Shan Bo-yongzhong (1)

Shan

Bo

?

?

King

Shan Bo Yisheng-yongzhong (1) Shan

Bo

Yisheng

?

King

First Xing-yongzhong (1)

Wei

Bo

Xing

Shi, Zuoce

King

Second Xing-yongzhong (7) Wei

Bo

Xing

Shi, Zuoce

King

Third Xing-yongzhong (6)

Wei

Bo

Xing

Shi, Zuoce

King

Xi Zhong-yongzhong (6)

Xi

Zhong

?

?

?

Zheng Xing Shu-yongzhong (1) Xing

Shu

?

residing at Zheng

?

Xing Shu-yongzhong (3)

Xing

Shu

?

?

?

Ying Hou-yongzhong (2)

Ying

[eldest]

Jian'gong

ruler of Ying

King

Ke-yongzhong (7) and -bo

(1)

?

Bo

Ke

Taishi, Shanfu King

Liangqi-yongzhong (4 or more)

?

Bo?

Liangqi

Shanfu

[King]

Zhong Yi-yongzhong (8)

Hua?

Zhong?

Zhong Yi

?

?

Zuo-yongzhong (8)

?

Zhong?

Zuo

?

Zhong Dashi

Ni-yongzhong (4)

?

Shu?

Ni

"Majordomus" Shushi

NOTE. The conventional designation of each chime and the number of extant bells are indicated in the first column of each entry. The other columns summarize what is known about the respective donors. Some of the information in this table is derived from other bronze inscriptions that can be connected with the same individuals; for detailed discussion, see the yongzhong section in Falkenhausen 1988, ch. 2.

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sively two different offices: "Grand Instructor" and "Master of Viands."47 His bells (seven yongzhong and one bo have been preserved) were complemented by a set of seven ding, a number that suggests that Ke, though evidently a high-ranking official, occupied a sumptuary position one degree below that of Xing, the royal record-keeper. All the high court officials documented through Western Zhou bell inscriptions appear to have resided in the Zhou metropolitan area. Moreover, the poll-ties ruled by bell-donors all seem to have been located in the vicinity of the royal capital (though some, notably Chu, were later relocated). Conceivably, bell-chimes in Western Zhou were accessible only to members of a small number of aristocratic houses immediately surrounding the king. This tallies with the archaeological observation that sophisticated chimes of bells of the types used at the royal court in late Western Zhou times (see Chapter 5) have not been found outside of Shaanxi, whereas inscribed Western Zhou bronzes of other kinds have been excavated all over the Zhou cultural sphere.48 The Donors of Eastern Zhou Bells The identities of Eastern Zhou bell-donors reflect political changes after 771 B.C., when "barbarian" invasions from the north and west forced the Zhou court to move east to Luoyang. With the royal authority greatly weakened, the surrounding zhuhou states came to dominate the political scene, and not surprisingly, the rulers of such states appear prominently among the epigraphically documented bell-donors listed in table 4. Two of them, the marquises of Zeng and Cai , also appear as holders of nine-ding rank in table 2. Other Eastern Zhou bell-donors listed in table 4 are offspring or other relatives of such rulers, including two aristocrats of seven-ding rank (table 2): Wangsun Gao , a mid-Springs and Autumns period descendant of a king of Chu (see fig. 21);49 and Ju Shu Zhong Zi Ping , a junior member 47. The Ke inscriptions are discussed by Shirakawa in Kinbun Tsushaku, vol. 28. Ke's many bronzes are said to have been found together in a hoard at Famensi, Fufeng (Shaanxi). For references to the Ke bells, see Appendix 2. 48. Xin Zhongguo de Kaogu Faxian he Yanjiu, 257-64. It must be cautioned in making this argument that the majority of inscribed Zhou bronzes found in areas far from the metropolitan region (such as Hebei, Liaoning, Shandong, Jiangsu) seem to date to the early part of Western Zhou, when sophisticated chime-bells were not yet manufactured in Zhou. The fact remains that all Western Zhou chime-bells that have turned up in those areas belong to earlier and/or technically somewhat inferior types than those used in the metropolitan area in late Western Zhou (see Chapter 5). The relative dearth of mid- to late-Western Zhou bronzes (including bells) in the outlying areas of the Zhou cultural sphere may require a historical explanation. 49. The identity of the individual buried in tomb no. 2 at Xiasi, Xichuan (Henan), where the Wangsun Gaobells were excavated (for references, see Appendix 1), has been the subject of some debate; in the past, I have largely agreed with Zhang Yachu's (1985) identifications (Falkenhausen 1988, 1076-1116), but I 'am now convinced that no sensible discussion of these finds is possible (Footnote continued on next page)

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of the ruling house of Ju respective rulers.

(early fifth century B.C.).50 Both donors apparently were fairly close relatives of their

The only bell-donor of five-ding rank known by name was Ju Gongsun Chao Zi , a local administrator in Qi in the early fourth century B.C.51 He and other bell-owning members of lower sumptuary ranks presumably belonged to aristocratic houses that were further removed genealogically from the centers of power and whose members held hereditary offices as ministers (qing) and magnates (daifu). Their official titles, when recorded, are essentially identical to those in the Western Zhou records, even though their functions may have changed as administrative practice underwent significant development during the Eastern Zhou period. A typical Eastern Zhou bell inscription is recorded on the bells of Marquis Shen of Cai (see figs. 26-28), found in his richly furnished tomb at Ximen-nei, Shou Xian (Anhui).

(r. 519-491 B.C.)

Given on the first geng day [in the sixty-day cycle] in the first quarter of the regular fifth month [i.e., the fifth month according to the Zhou calendar]. I, Shen, marquis of Cai, proclaim: "I am only the last-born small child. I dare not be complacent and forgetful. Possessed of reverence, ever-unflagging, I am in the entourage of the king of Chu. "Punctiliously I carry out the policies. It is the mandate of Heaven that I implement with rectitude. Having pacified and balanced the multitude of poll-ties, I enjoy perfect felicity. Already I am wise in my mind, and in setting it forth I concentrate my virtue. Treating them with equity, I protect the magnates: thus I build up my polity and territory. In carrying out the mandate ever-respectfully, I am not excessive and make no mistakes." For myself I make these singing bells. May they beautifully resound without end, may sons and grandsons strike them.52 When we compare this text to the First Xing-yongzhong inscription, we cannot help noticing that the emphasis on ancestral sacrifice is significantly reduced. Instead, the rhetoric reflects on the political rift between north and south that

(Footnote continued from previous page) until they have been completely published. It still seems to me that Wangsun Gao was most likely the son of the Chu royal prince and prime minister Wangzi Wu (d. 550 B.C.). 50. Ju Shu Zhong Zi Ping's tomb was found at Dadian, Junan (Shandong); references in Appendix I. He was the second son in a junior line of the ruling house. 51. Ju Gongsun Chao Zi's tomb was found at Zangjiazhuang, Zhucheng (Shandong); references in Appendix I. The donor may have been a descendant from the former ruling house of Ju, which in his time had been absorbed by Qi. 52. The text of the inscription may be found in Xu Zhongshu 1984, 462-65. Further references in Appendix 1; the inscription is discussed at length in Falkenhausen 1988, 1124-47.

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TABLE 4. Donors of Eastern Zhou Bells StateDonor's Name

Official Position

I. Rulers of States Cai Hou-bells (12 yongzhong, 8 bo, 9+ niuzhong)

Cai Cai Hou Shen (Zhao Hou)

Chu Gong Ni-zhong (1 bell, type unclear)

Chu Chu Gong Ni

Chu Wang Gan-niuzhong (1)

Chu Chu Wang Gan

Chu Wang-niuzhong (1)

Chu Chu Wang

Chu Wang Xiongzhang-bells (1 bo, 2 lost bells)

Chu Wang Xiongzhang (made for Chu Marquis Yi of Zeng)

Fan Zi-bells (8 bo, 9 niuzhong)

Fan? Fan Zi (secondarily inscribed)

Qin Gong-bells (5 yongzhong, 3 bo)

Qin Qin Gong (probably Wu Gong)

Ruo Gong-yongzhong (I ?)

Ruo Ruo Gong

Song Gong-bo (6)

SongSong Ping Gong

Zi Zhang-niuzhong (3 or more)

Xu Zi Zhang (= king Zhangyu?)

Xu zi-bo (1)

Xu Xu Zi

Yue Wang-niuzhong (I fragment) Yue Yue Wang Zeng Hou Yi-bells (45 yongzhong) ZengZeng Hou Yi Zhu Gong Le-yongzhong (1)

Zhu Zhu Gong Le

Zhu Gong Keng-yongzhong (4)

Zhu Zhu Gong Keng

Zhu Gong Hua-yongzhong (1)

Zhu Zhu Gong Hua

Zhu Hou-bell (1?)

Zhu Zhu Hou

II. Members of Ruling Families Wangsun Gao-yongzhong (26)

Chu Wangsun Gao

military/administrative

Wangsun Yizhe-yongzhong (1)

Chu Wangsun Yizhe

military/administrative

Ju Shu Zhong Zi Ping-niuzhong (9)

Ju

Lu Bei?-yongzhong (1?)

Lu Lu Bei?

Chifu-bell (1? bell of unknown type)

Qi

Ju Shu Zhong Zi Ping

Chifu (bell made for his Jiang clan wife)

Zhejian-yongzhong (4)

Wu Zhejian

Pei'er-goudiao (2)

Wu Pei'er

Gongwu Zangsun-niuzhong (9)

Wu Gongwu Zangsun

Zheshang-bells (5 bo, 7 niuzhong) Wu Zheshang Yun'er-bo (1)

Xu Yun'er

Shenliu-bells (5 bo, 7 niuzhong)

Xu Shenliu

(Table continued on next page)

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TABLE 4. (continued) State Donor's Name

Official Position

II. Members of Ruling Families (continued) Xu Wangzi Zhan-niuzhong (1)

Xu Wangzi Zhan

Xu Song [?] Jun-zheng (1)

Song [?] Jun (made for the ruler Xu of Xu)

Zhu Gongsun Ban-bo (1?)

Zhu Zhu Gongsun Ban

III. Office-holding Aristocrats Chen Dasangshi-niuzhong (9)

ChenZhong Gao

Dasangshi

Jingli-niuzhong (13)

Chu ?

military

Jing-zhong (1)

Chu ?

military

Biao-niuzhong (14)

Han Biao

military

Lü-yongzhong (13)

Jin Lü (House of Wei)

military

Ling-bo (13)

Qi

Ling

Baoshi-zhong (1?)

Qi

Baoshi (House of Bao)

Dagong, Dashi, Datu, Dazai

Shu Yi-zhong and bo (16?)

Qi

Shu Yi

general, chief minister

Teng Sima Mao-bells (4 bo, 9 niuzhong)

TengMao

Sima

Xu yang[?]yin-zheng

Xu Yang[?]yin?

Yang[?]yin?

Chou[?]'er-niuzhong (4)

Xu Chou[?]'er

"good servant" of Xu king

Zhediao-niuzhong (12+)

Yue Zhediao

administrative?

Zhu Dazai-niuzhong (1)

Zhu Zi Su

Dazai

pervaded the Zhou realm during much of the Springs and Autumns period. From the mid-seventh century onward, Chu, by then a powerful southern kingdom surrounded by a growing number of client-states, contended for hegemony with a shifting federation of polities in north China that were allied with the royal Zhou.53 By the Springs and Autumns period, Chu probably considered the marquises of Cai as retainers under its hegemony. From the northern alliance's point of view, however, as members of a Ji lineage, they remained legitimate zhuhou rulers comparable in rank with the king of Chu. Marquis Shen, who is well known from historical texts, attempted to assert a modicum 53. For a convenient summary of Chu northward expansion in the Springs and Autumns period, see Li Xueqin 1985, 170-88. Cai, ruled by an offshoot of the Zhou royal house, had originally been founded as a Zhou stronghold in the area of present-day southern Henan and Anhui, but by the Springs and Autumns

period it had come under the sway of Chu, which temporarily extinguished Cai in 531 but reconstituted it in 528.

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Figure 20. Chu Wang Xiong Zhang-bo from the tomb of Marquis Yi of Zeng. Workshop of Chu. The inscription records the donation of this bell to Marquis Yi by Hui Wang of Chu in the fifty-sixth year of Hui Wang's reign (433 B.C.). of independence by manipulating Cai's traditional ties to other states;54 even so, Cai remained under a constant Chu threat. The bell inscription reflects this uneasy political situation. Although it affirms Cai subservience to the king of Chu, it also sustains the mandate of Heaven vested in the Zhou kings. Significantly, the inscription gives the date employing Zhou rather than Chu calendrical terms. In a parallel vein, the set of nine ding found in Marquis Shen's tomb comprises seven large vessels of equal size and two smaller specimens of the same type, allowing us to interpret it either as a nine-part set (marking the marquis as one of the zhuhou of the northern alliance) or as a set of seven (reflecting that he was subject to Chu suzerainty). It was by such means that Marquis Shen ritually "pacified and balanced the multitude of states." But Cai's "perfect felicity" was of brief duration; in 491 B.C.,

54. Marquis Shen's marriage alliance with the kingdom of Wu to the southeast (whose rulers, in an attempt to ally themselves with the Zhou, laid a probably fictional claim to Ji clan affiliation) led to a successful military campaign into Chu in 504 B.C.

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the daifu magnates rebelled and Marquis Shen was murdered. Chu annihilated Cai less than fifty years later. The political situation in Marquis Yi's state of Zeng, closer to Chu, must have been similar in many ways. Marquis Yi was probably descended from a ruling house of the Ji clan that had imposed Zhou rule in northern Hubei during the Western Zhou period;55 by late Eastern Zhou times, however, Zeng was bound in a close allegiance with Chu that was probably cemented by marital ties.56 The inscription of the Chu Wang Xiong Zhang-bo (fig. 20), to which I referred in the Introduction, records that Hui Wang of Chu presented Marquis Yi with the full array of ritual paraphernalia (zongyi ), surely indicating a close political relationship. The inscribed bamboo slips found in Marquis Yi's tomb show, moreover, that Zeng used Chu administrative terminology.57 The musical implications of these dual claims on Marquis Yi's loyalty will become apparent in Chapter 9. Although Zeng seems to have been more fully integrated into the Chu alliance than Cai, it, too, was eventually extinguished by Chu. Eastern Zhou Developments in Bell Usage The gradual breakdown of the traditional Zhou sociopolitical framework during Eastern Zhou times is apparent when we look at bell usage in that period. In Eastern Zhou bell inscriptions such as the Cai examples just translated, the focus has shifted from ancestral spirits to their human worshippers. Now the most important function of the bells is to bring happiness to the donor's relatives and distinguished guests, the human participants in the celebrations during which the bells were played, An excerpt from the Wangsun Gao-yongzhong inscription (third quarter of the sixth century B.C.) (fig. 21) enumerates such beneficiaries of bell music: Glistening are the harmonizing bells. With them feast in order to please and make happy the king of Chu, the lords of the states and the fine guests, as well as my fathers [i.e. father and paternal uncles] and brothers and the various noblemen. How blissful and brightly joyous! For ten thousand years without end, forever preserve and strike them.58

55. That the Zeng rulers belonged to the Ji clan is known from several Springs and Autumns period bronze inscriptions (Zeng and Li 1980). It is of course possible that Zeng (like Wu) was an autochthonous polity whose rulers claimed fictional kinship with the Zhou kings. Conceivably, moreover, by the early Warring States period Zeng was no longer governed by its indigenous ruling house but had become the appanage of a junior branch of the Chu royal family (see Thorp 1981-82:72). But Gu Tiefu (1980) has drawn attention to various features of Marquis Yi's tomb that suggest genuine ritual and cultural connections with the Ji states of north China. 56. See Introduction, n. 18. 57. Qiu Xigui 1979, 26-27. 58. The text of this document may be found in Xu Zhongshu 1984, 66-71. See also n. 49 above.

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Figure 21. Wangsun Gaoyongzhong excavated in 1979 from tomb no. 2 at Xiasi, Xichuan (Henan). Workshop of Chu, third quarter of the sixth century B.C. The categories of individuals listed were situated at different degrees of genealogical distance from the donor (the host of the ceremony), as well as from one another. In an almost proto-Confucian vein, the Eastern Zhou elites may have perceived ritual as capable, when properly performed, of establishing concord among these different categories of people. The time-honored ritual music remained important as a means of achieving such harmony. Yet as a consequence of the shift away from the spirits, traditional ancestral ritual was humanized, and in Eastern Zhou times, the distinction between highly prescriptive ceremonial music and musical entertainment widened. Feasts and banquets originally linked to such ritual occasions as ancestral sacrifices and archery contests gradually assumed an independent existence; in the process, novel forms of musical entertainment emerged. Archaeological assemblages of

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musical instruments reflect this disjuncture. In Marquis Yi's tomb, in addition to the trappings of ritual music in the central chamber, a smaller group of instruments (five large se zithers, two small qin zithers, two mouth organs, and one tambourine) was found in the eastern chamber. We remember that this part of the tomb corresponded to the Marquis's private quarters in his palace, where women of the harem and singing-girls would have entertained him while he was alive. Their music was probably quite distinct from the ritual music performed in the temple; for one thing, they did not use chime-bells. We do not know exactly how the Eastern Zhou "new music" differed from traditional ritual music, but it seems to have been more exciting and sensuous. In the Yue Ji, the following comments are ascribed to Zi Xia , a pupil of Confucius: In the old-style music, the [musicians and dancers] enter and leave the stage in a well-ordered formation. Using the correct harmonies, [this music] flows magnificently. String instruments as well as bottle-gourd mouth organs with their blowing reeds all together wait for the drum [to start]. The performance begins with the music of King Wen, to which is added the stirring music of King Wu. Order is given to the stirring with the xiang [rhythms], and the fast tempo is controlled with the ya [movements]. Having attended such a performance, the accomplished man will talk about it; inspired by it, he will follow the ways of antiquity. He will cultivate his own person as well as his family, and he will establish peace throughout the world. Such are the effects of the old music. In new music, the [musicians and dancers] enter and leave the stage with their bodies bent over. Using dishonest tones, [this music] is reckless, and it goes on and on in a debauched manner. Like monkeys, the fools and dwarfs commingle males and females and do not acknowledge the distinction between fathers and sons. When such music has ended, one cannot properly talk about it; one cannot take it as an inspiration to follow the ways of antiquity. This is the effect of the new music.59 The new musical styles emerging in Eastern Zhou are known to posterity under the label "Airs of Zheng and Wei."60 Despite the Confucian scholars' disapproval, they became widely popular, supplanting traditional ritual music. When, in 336 B.C., Mencius broached the subject of music with Hui Wang of Liang (=Wei) (r. 370-319 B.C.), "the king blushed and said: 'It is not

59. Li Ji "Yueji" (Li Ji Zhushu 38:11a-b and 39:1a; Couvreur 2:86-88); the same text with slight variants in Shi Ji "Yueshu" (Zhonghua ed., 1222). 60. For a brief treatment of the Music of Zheng, which quotes most of the relevant loci classici, see DeWoskin 1982, 92-94.

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the music of the Former Kings that I am capable of appreciating. I am merely fond of popular music [shisu zhi yue ].' ''61 During the Eastern Zhou period, each of the different regions within the Zhou realm developed its own style of music and dance, some of which may have had roots in local folk traditions. At large-scale entertainments, the musics of many states were performed in mixed programs. An excerpt from a poem in the Chu Ci anthology vividly conveys the exuberance of a banquet at the court of Chu in ca. mid-Warring States times. Before the dainties have left the tables, girl musicians take up their places. They set up the bells and fasten the drums and sing the latest songs: "Crossing the River," "Gathering Caltrops" and "Sunny Bank." The lovely girls are drunk with wine, their faces are flushed. With amorous glances and flirting looks, their eyes like wavelets sparkle; Dressed in embroideries, clad in finest silks, splendid but not showy; Their long hair, falling from high chignons, hangs low in lovely tresses. Two rows of eight, in perfect time, perform a dance of Zheng; Their xi-bi buckles of Jin workmanship glitter like bright suns. Bells clash in their swaying frames; the catalpa-wood zither's strings are swept Their sleeves rise like crossed bamboo stems, then slowly shimmer downwards. Pipes and zithers rise in wild harmonies, the sounding drums thunderously roll; And the courts of the palace quake and tremble as they throw themselves into the Whirling Chu. Then they sing songs of Wu and ballads of Cai and play the DALÜ music. Men and women now sit together, mingling freely without distinction; Hat-strings and fastenings come untied: the revel turns to wild disorder. The singing-girls of Zheng and Wei come to take their places among the guests;

61. Meng Zi "Liang Hui Wang-xia" (HYI ed., 5; translation after Lau, 60, mod. auct.).

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But the dancers of the Whirling Chu find favour over all the others.62 At these spectacles, bells could be used to accompany the dramatic singing and dancing of professional entertainers, though they do not seem to have been essential to the success of the performance.63 While many Warring States period aristocratic tombs of Chu have yielded well-preserved remains of zithers, drums, and wind instruments, chime-bells are absent in most cases.64 (Whether the situation was similar in north China is difficult to gauge because of the lack of preserved organic materials in tombs of comparable size, but there, too, the archaeological prominence of bell-chimes decreases notably in the Warring States period.)65 Associated almost exclusively with the ritual music played in connection with the ancestral cult of the old aristocracy, bell-chimes went into permanent decline as the traditional Zhou order broke down in the Warring States period and rulers lost interest in traditional musical paraphernalia (see Chapter 9). Until that time, however, they had been status symbols for some of the highest-ranking and most powerful individuals of the times.

62. Chu Ci: Zhao Hun, 1.106-23 (Chu Ci Buzhu j. 9:10b-12a); Hawkes, 228-29. 63. In view of their exclusivity, it seems unlikely that bells were originally part of any of the folk musical traditions informing the local Warring States musical styles; however, the local musics may have been adapted to the instruments of the traditional ritual orchestra, with the result that bell-chimes, when available, could have been used in court performances of local musics, as described in the Chu Ci. 64. For example, at the cemetery at Yutaishan, Jiangling (Hubei), close to the Chu capital, 25 of 1,158 tombs yielded musical instruments, but no chime-bells were found (Jiangling Yutaishan Chumu: 105). The only Warring States period Chu chime-bells (including chime-bell replicas) so far known are those from Changtaiguan, Tianxingguan, and Yangmei (references in Appendix 1). Other Warring States tombs in the Middle Yangzi region that have yielded musical instruments (or mingqi replicas thereof) but no bells include tombs no. 3 and 4 at Baizifan, Echeng (Hubei) (Kaogu Xuebao 1983 [2]: 248); tomb no. I at Baoshan, Jingmen (Hubei) (Wenwu 1988 [5]:1-14); tomb no. 12 at Caipo, Xinyang (Hubei) (Wenwu 1976 [11]:69); tomb no. 47 at Deshan, Changde (Hunan) (Kaogu 1963 [9]:461-73, 479); tomb no. 34 at Gebeisi, Jiangling (Hubei) (Wenwu 1964 [9]:27-30); tomb no. 1 at Liuchengqiao, Changsha (Hunan) (Kaogu Xuebao 1972 [1]:59-72); six tombs at Paimashan, Jiangling (Hubei) (Wenwu 1964 [9]:30-32 and Kaogu 1973 [3]:151-61); tomb no. 1 at Tengdian, Jiangling (Hubei) (Kaogu Xuebao 1982 [1]:71-116); tombs no. I and 2 at Wangshan, Jiangling (Hubei) (Wenwu 1966 [5]:33-55); tomb no. 48 at Wulidun, Echeng (Hubei) (Kaogu Xuebao 1983 [2]:240-41); tomb no. 3 at Wulipai, Changsha (Hunan) (Hunan Kaogu Jikan I [1981]:32-36, 38); tomb no. 6 at Yangjiawan, Changsha (Hunan) (Kaogu Xuebao 1957 [1]:96-99); and tomb no. 3 at Yangwuling, Yiyang (Hunan) (Hunan Kaogu Jikan 2 [I984]:70-77). Some of these tombs, e.g., those at Baoshan and Tengdian, are very large in scale; if they had been robbed, one would expect, given the favorable preservation conditions, that at least the remains of chime-bell racks without bells would have been found (as was indeed the case in the large tomb at Jiuli, Linli [Hubei], reference in Appendix 1). Hence it seems likely that the absence of bells in Warring States Chu aristocratic tombs is culturally significant. 65. See Appendix 2, pt. VII.A and passim.

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Economic Factors Bells as Commodities Chinese Bronze Age bells were held in family sanctuaries, and only people of certain aristocratic ranks were entitled to own them. Because they were not items of commercial trade, occasions for their acquisition were very limited. Following a suggestion by Igor Kopytoff, let us trace the putative economic "life history" of chimebells.66 Very little is known about the workshops where bells first saw the light of day. It appears that in Shang and Western Zhou, such workshops were attached to the royal court and to some of the principal aristocratic houses;67 in later times, they were run by the ruling houses of the individual states.68 These were not capitalistic enterprises; bronzes were produced here only for the kin-group's own needs and those of its subordinates. For anyone without a workshop, gift-giving rituals provided the only chance to acquire bells. Bells were, in Kopytoff's words, "terminal" commodities:69 they were deposited in temples, where, in principle, they were to remain forever. For aristocratic houses above a certain rank, bells seem to have constituted part of the basic equipment of their ancestral sanctuaries. They figure among the ceremonial gifts received by Zhou junior princes when the king enfeoffed them as rulers of territorial states.70 Bells are listed too in the Shu Fufu-xu inscription, which appears to record the initial endowment of a junior aristocratic house that was about to split off and establish itself as a separate ritual and economic unit: Given in the king's first year, when the king was in Chengzhou, on the day Ding-Hai in the first quarter of the sixth month. Shu Fufu made for Zheng Ji six bells and of metal venerable [ancestral vessels], four xu and seven ding. May Zheng Ji's sons and grandsons forever treasure and use them.71 66. Kopytoff 1986; Appadurai 1986, 16-29. 67. Various bronze workshops have been excavated around the Shang capitals at Zhengzhou and Anyang. For Zhengzhou, see Liao Yongmin 1957 and Kaogu Xuebao 1957 (1):56-57; for Anyang, Shi Zhangru 1955, Chang 1980, 233-34, and Yinxu Fajue Baogao 1958-1961:11-60. On Western Zhou bronze workshops see Mochii 1980 and Matsumaru 1980. 68. The bronze foundry of the state of Jin has been found at Houma (Shanxi); preliminary reports in Wenwu 1960 (8/9):7-14, 1961 (10):31-34, and Kaogu 1962 (2):55-62. See also Li Xueqin 1985, 43-46. Although in the Warring States period, at least in some states, bronze manufacture may have undergone a certain degree of commercialization (and "depoliticization"), attempts to elucidate this process have thus far been limited to the study of weapons (Miyamoto 1985). 69. Kopytoff 1986, 75; Appadurai 1986, 23. 70. The Zuo Zhuan (Ding 4, HYI ed., 441-42) relates that Kang Shu , the first ruler of Wei , received DALÜ , and Tang Shu , the first ruler of Jin, received GUXIAN ; both are names of bells or bellchimes tuned to particular pitches (see Chapter 9). 71. Four xu bearing this inscription were excavated at Zhangjiapo, Chang'an (Shaanxi) (Kaogu 1965 (9):44750). The donor Shu Fufu seems to have been the head of the Junior (Shu) lineage of his (Footnote continued on next page)

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These sacrificial bronzes were to constitute the core of Zheng Ji's family holdings, the new shi's means of communication with its ancestral spirits. Possibly, as in some parts of China today, temples, their furniture, and other holdings of a kin-group were considered the "property" of the ancestors to whom they were dedicated.72 Besides such cases of initial investiture, legitimate gifts of bells mainly fall into two categories: gong "tribute" offered by subordinates to their superiors, and ci , presents bestowed in the opposite direction.73 Both kinds of gifts were exchanged during periodic audiences at the patron's palace.74 The Li Ji specifies that bells (or, according to the commentary, metals fit for the manufacture of bells) were to be part of a zhuhou ruler's standard tribute offerings to the Zhou king.75 The receiver of such tribute would reciprocate amply. Even though from an economic standpoint court audiences were redistributive in nature (and could be highly lucrative for the guest), their ritual process was designed at every moment to reinforce the social distance between the participants. In later Eastern Zhou times, the symmetry of such exchanges was lost: rulers now one-sidedly exacted contributions from their subjects via the anonymous, bureaucratic method of taxation. Zhuang Zi alludes to a case in which Ling Gong of Wei (r. 534-493 B.C.) levied a special tax for the purpose of casting a set of bells.76 The only epigraphic record documenting the upward movement of bells through tribute or taxation is inscribed on the mid-sixth century B.C. Huan Zi Meng Jiang -hu. The inscription records a mission dispatched by the ruler of Qi to the Zhou king. A set of bells figures in the long list of gifts offered to various dignitaries at the royal court: The Marquis of Qi paid reverence for the fine mandate to the Son of Heaven above, offering [yong ] a set of bi [jade discs] and one si [box of jade]; to the Great Shaman Master of Oaths and the Great Master of Investitures, he offered bi [jade discs], two hu vessels and eight ding tripods; to Lord Nan-

(Footnote continued from previous page) shi, the name of which remains unstated; the receiver of the bronzes was the head of the Youngest (Ji) lineage of that shi (possibly a junior branch of Shu Fufu's own lineage), which was enfeoffed in Zheng . In theory, splitting was to occur every five generations (Li Ji "Sangfu Xiaoji," Li Ji Zhushu 32:4b-5b, and "Dazhuan," ibid. 34:6a-7a; K. C. Chang 1976, 72-78). 72. James L. Watson 1977, 167-168. 73. The following remarks echo some ideas by Mauss 1923-24, Sahlins 1972, Douglas and Isherwood 1981, and Douglas 1982; for the specifics of the Chinese case, see K. C. Chang 1975. An interesting discussion of West Asian parallels may be found in Zaccagnini 1987. 74. The protocol of such an audience ritual is described in Yi Li "Jin Li" (Yi Li Zhengyi 20; Couvreur, 373-83). 75. Li Ji "Jiaotesheng" (Li Ji Zhushu 25:7a/b; Couvreur 1:578); the commentary is by Zheng Xuan (A.D. 127-200). 76. Zhuang Zi "Shanmu" (HYI ed, 52; Watson, 212-13).

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gong bells.77

, he offered two sets of bi [jade discs], two si [boxes of jade], and one set [si ] of striking-

The presentation of gifts to the king's officials constituted an integral part of an audience ritual. Such gifts acknowledged the role of the officials in facilitating access to the royal person.78 Among the various officials mentioned in the inscription, Lord Nangong was especially honored with the gift of a set of chime-bells. Although as a magnate (daifu) at the royal court, Lord Nangong, who may be identical to an individual mentioned in the Zuo Zhuan,79 was equal in rank to a zhuhou ruler, his position as an agent for the king made him the marquis's ritual superior for the duration of the audience sequence. The bells presented to Lord Nangong had presumably been manufactured at the Qi court workshops. Movement of bells from the top down is more amply documented. Inscriptions on non-royal Western Zhou bells habitually emphasize that their donors obtained them as a result of their superiors' favor, often as a reward for virtuous service. The Western Zhou Ying Hou-yongzhong inscription, for instance, records a gift-giving ceremony as follows: In the first quarter of the regular second month, when the king returned from [the eastern capital] Chengzhou, Jian'gong Marquis of Ying delivered [yi ] [tribute] to the king in Zhou. On day XinWei, the king went to [the temple of] Kang [Wang]. Rong Bo escorted Jian'gong Marquis of Ying [into the court] and assisted him [in performing obeisance to the king]. [The king] bestowed [ci ] on him [Jian'gong] one red-lacquered bow, one hundred red-lacquered arrows, and four horses. I, Jian'gong, dare in response to praise the Son of Heaven's munificence. With it, I made for my august ancestors, the Marquises of Ying, a great set of chime-bells. Let them be used so that [the ancestors] bestow [ci (!)] longevity and an eternal life-mandate. May sons and grandsons forever treasure and use them.80

77. Guo Moruo, 1958 186/225-26/212; Shirakawa, Kinbun Tsushaku 38:388-403. Shirakawa dates the hu to 532 B.C. For the translation of the official titles see Doty 1982, 407-44. It should be noted, however, that my interpretation differs from that proposed by Doty, who, following Shirakawa, regards the High Son of Heaven as well as Lord Nangong as Qi deities. The ruler of Qi referred to is Jing Gong (r. 547-490 B.C.); the Zhou king at the time was Jing Wang (r. 544-520 B.C.). 78. Yi Li "Jin Li," see n. 74 above. 79. See Falkenhausen 1988, 1006-35. 80. The text of this inscription may be found in Xu Zhongshu 1984, 316-17, One of the two surviving bells of this chime was excavated at Hongxing Commune, Lantian (Shaanxi); the other is in the Shodo Hakubutsukan (Museum of Calligraphy) in Tokyo (references in Appendix 1). The first paragraph of this inscription appears to have been copied from an official document, to which the donor appended his own prayer (see Falkenhausen 1988, ch. 3).

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The significance of the royal presents here listed far exceeded their material value: they legitimized the recipient's elite status, and they were fundamental to his exercise of power.81 By means of a bronze inscription, the recipient would formally announce his newly won prestige to the ancestral spirits, thus gaining supernatural validation of his investiture. On bells perhaps more frequently than on other bronzes, inscriptions mention the king himself as the grantor of an investiture (as in the case of the Marquis of Ying); a non-royal patron, however, could also assume that role (see table 3). Perplexingly, in the Ying Hou-yongzhong inscription the bells themselves are not listed among royal gifts to the marquis. Here and elsewhere in the epigraphic records, it appears that the gift actually received was not the bronze objects themselves but merely the privilege of having them cast in commemoration of the investiture. For beneficiaries not in possession of their own bronze-manufacturing workshops, this gift may have entailed access to a patron's workshop facilities, though it seems that donors were ordinarily expected to finance the casting themselves.82 Of the exceptional cases of Western Zhou inscriptions that do mention bells in the context of a list of presents, none is actually on a bell. The Duo You -ding inscription records that Duo You was given by his lord "one tessera, one set [si ] of bells, and one hundred catties of qiaoyou bronze."83 Likewise, the Shi Hui[?] gui inscription specifies, at the end of a long list of presents: "I bestow on you one bell, five chimestones, and metal";84 and in the Gongchen -gui inscription, the donor's patron states: "I bestow on you a horse-drawn chariot, five bells, and metal."85 The co-occurrence of bells and metal in the inscriptions is curious. It is likely that in some of these contexts, the term zhong (literally "bell") refers to the players of bells, not to the instruments themselves; the metal may have been intended for casting bells on which the players could perform.86 Such an interpretation was first proposed by Si Weizhi in connection with the Large Ke (Da Ke )-ding inscription, where "winds

81. Keightley 1981; Kane 1982-83; see also Huang Ranwei 1978. 82. In Western Zhou, cowrie shells may have been used as tokens in these transactions; they are mentioned in some bronze inscriptions as part of investiture gifts but (perhaps significantly) are not mentioned in any known bell inscription. From the mid-Springs and Autumns period onward, metallic currencies were available. But the role of such "moneys" in the exchange of ritual paraphernalia may be assumed to be limited; they may have served as "coupons," in Mary Douglas's (1967) sense, that had validity only when used by members of specific social groups for a highly restricted array of transactions. 83. This vessel was reported by Tian and Luo 1981. The translation largely follows that by Shaughnessy (19831985, 58), who dates the ding to ca. 816 B.C. 84. Shirakawa, Kinbun Tsushaku 31:740-50. This vessel has been lost since the Song dynasty. 85. Shirakawa, Kinbun Tsushaku 49:277-80. 86. If so, the counter si in the Duo You-ding inscription would have to be interpreted as a counter for bellplayers. This was not its meaning in Eastern Zhou texts (see below, Chapter 6). For a discussion of this issue, see Keightley 1969, 206n. 2.

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[linglun ] and drums and bells [or 'strikers of bells,' guzhong ]" are enumerated in one breath with "scribes and lesser servants [shi xiaochen ]" and other retainers presented by the king to the donor, Ke .87 Because a set of bells was useless if one did not have skilled players, and because players were hereditarily attached to bellowning aristocratic houses (see below), it is plausible that performers would have been presented jointly with musical instruments. Such exchanges of musicians may have contributed to the spread of regional musical styles during the Eastern Zhou period.88 In Eastern Zhou, bells are recorded to have been presented by hegemonial rulers to the rulers of less powerful allied states (such as the large bo from Marquis Yi's tomb),89 and by rulers to their aristocratic subordinates as reward for exceptionally able service.90 Gifts of bells emphasized social relationships in a vertical hierarchy; they were rarely if ever exchanged across kin-groups of equal social standing. Bells rarely figured among the dowry bronzes given to aristocratic brides (and presumably deposited in their husbands' family sanctuaries).91 The provenience of the very few known bridal bells suggests that they may have been limited to the eastern portion of the Zhou realm. Irregular Events in the Life of Bells Giving away sanctified heirlooms, and specifically bells, was sacrilegious and would only have occurred in situations of emergency. The Zuo Zhuan records two such transactions between the states of Zheng and Jin . In the first instance, Cheng Gong of Zheng (r. 584-571), who had been exiled by an internal rebellion, presented to the ruler of Jin a bell dedicated by (or to?) his father Xiang Gong (r. 604-587); Jin troops thereupon reinstated Cheng Gong.92 In the second instance, Zheng, for some time an ally of Chu, had been 87. Si Weizhi 1947, 17. For the text of the Da Ke-ding inscription, see Shirakawa, Kinbun Tsushaku 28:490-509, esp. 504, 508. Ke was probably the same individual mentioned above as a Western Zhou belldonor. 88. Feng Jiexuan 1984, 77-78. 89. Another case in point is a gift of bronze, later used for casting three bells, given by Chu to Zheng at the occasion of their first alliance (Zuo Zhuan Xi 18, HYI ed., 113). 90. The Zuo Zhuan (Xiang 11) recounts how Dao Gong of Jin (r. 572-558 B.C.) gave half the bells and female musicians he had received as a "bribe" from Zheng (see below) to the meritorious minister Wei Jiang (HYI ed., 274; see also Guo Yu "Jin Yu," Tiansheng Mingdao ed., Jin 7:6b). 91. The only extant specimen of a bridal bell is the Ling-bo in the Museum of Chinese History, Beijing (formerly Shanghai Museum) (reference in Appendix 2); two additional examples, the Chifu-zhong from Qi (Doty 1982, 114-24) and the Zhù Hou-zhong (Luo Zhenyu 1936, j. 1:9, 1-2), both from the Springs and Autumns period, are lost; the authenticity of the latter piece is questionable. 92. Zuo Zhuan Cheng 10 (HYI ed., 230). Common sense dictates that the objects presented by Zheng to Jin at this and the next mentioned occasion were not especially manufactured for the purpose. Apart from the fact that the state had been under siege and thus was hardly in a position to (Footnote continued on next page)

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defeated by the troops of a northern alliance led by Jin; the ruler of Zheng offered lavish presents to the victors to persuade them to spare his state from punishment. Three music masters headed the list of gifts; they were followed by state chariots, war chariots, and weaponry, as well as "two sets of singing bells together with the appropriate number of bo bells and chimestones, as well as two teams of eight female musicians."93 The ruler of Jin accepted the presents, and Zheng was left in peace. There was something illicit about such gifts, which are referred to as lu , "bribe, corrupt." The giver expected favors that either were not his due or that should have been rendered, according to the rules of propriety (li ), without compensation. Giving up one's ancestors' heirlooms meant parting with the tokens of legitimate rulership. In offering lu, the giver thus incurred a serious loss of prestige: he literally sold out to the receiving side. On the other hand, gifts of this category could be offered as a strategic ploy. Chinese historical legend relates several instances in which the weaker side, hoping to induce an adversary to debauchery and loss of strength, would present as lu beautiful women and musicians with their instruments. Under certain circumstances, accepting a bell as a gift or bribe could, therefore, be dangerous.94 Ordinarily, bells were kept in storehouses95 and taken out for display in the temple courtyard when needed. On exceptional occasions, they might be lent to members of related kin-groups.96 The institutional mechanism by which temple furniture was discarded and eventually consigned to tombs is as yet incompletely understood, but the custom of burying musical instruments and specifically bells with the dead is amply attested in the Zhou Li.97 Looting of tombs for their metal grave goods appears to have been a problem even in antiquity;98 it was probably common for bells to be dug up and converted to other uses. Bells might also leave their temple setting as war booty. To protect them from such a fate, their keepers sometimes buried them underground during emergencies, as evidenced by the caches of Western Zhou bronzes in the Western Zhou capital area in Shaanxi, dating to the time of the "barbarian" in-

(Footnote continued from previous page) engage in the manufacture of luxury goods, the fact that the Zheng bell in the present instance is specified as that of Xiang Gong seems to show beyond doubt that it was already extant. 93. Zuo Zhuan Xiang 11 (HYI ed., 274; Legge, 453). The same story is told, with a slightly different list of presents, in Guo Yu "Jin Yu" (Tiansheng Mingdao ed., Jin 7:6b). 94. A story in which the gift of a bell led to the downfall of an aristocratic shi is told in Han Fei Zi "Shuilin" 28 (Zhonghua index ed., 776). 95. The Zhou Li mentions an official in charge of the storage of these items, the "Registrar of Meritorious Implements" Dianyongqi (Zhou Li Zhengyi 47:1b-2a). 96. Zuo Zhuan Xiang 9 (HYI ed., 268) 97. Zhou Li: Chun'guan "Dasiyue" (Zhou Li Zhengyi 43:18b-19a) and passim. 98. Lüshi Chunqiu "Jiesang" (Sibu Congkan ed., 10:5a/b).

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cursions of the late 770s B.C. When bells did fall into enemy hands, they might enter the conqueror's treasury as permanent tokens of his superiority over the donors and their descendants;99 occasionally the taker would erase the original donor's name from the inscription, sometimes incising his own instead.100 But captivity, for a bell, could just as likely mean annihilation. The bells of Yun , taken away by the troops of Lu , were melted down and recast into a water-basin ("the lord's pan ").101 On the other hand, new bells might be born from such re-casting of captured bronze, as was the case when a Lu general made a bell from a large number of weapons taken in a campaign against Qi.102 Later, the First Emperor of Qin did the same thing on a much larger scale when he "collected the weapons of the whole empire, which he assembled in Xianyang. He melted them down and made from them bells, bell-racks, and twelve brazen human figures, each weighing a thousand dan; these he had set up in the palace."103 Nothing could better symbolize a policy of general disarmament than the First Emperor's casting of bells from weapons (the Chinese equivalent of swords into plowshares). Yet above all, Qin asserted sovereignty over its new empire by casting these bells; musical considerations were probably secondary. Personnel Something should be said, finally, about the people professionally in charge of bells. Bells could not ordinarily have been played by their owners, who were otherwise occupied during rituals and banquets. Therefore, whoever possessed a set of bells had to support a staff of specialist musicians as well as additional personnel to help with the difficult task of setting up the bell-rack prior to a cere-

99. This seems to have been the case, for instance, with the Chen Dasangshi-niuzhong, which were made by a daifu in the state of Chen but found in the tomb of a ruler of Ju at Liujiadianzi, Yishui (Shandong) (reference in Appendix 1). 100. On the yongzhong from tomb no. 1 at Liujiadianzi, Yishui (Shandong), one can still see traces of inscriptions that appear to have been deliberately erased (Luo Xunzhang, personal communication, 1986). On the niuzhong from tomb no. 1 at Xiasi, Xichuan (Henan), only the donor's name has been erased. On the niuzhong and bo from tomb no. 1 at Hougudui, Gushi (Henan), the original donor's name has been replaced with that of another (references in Appendix 1). On most of the Cai Hou-bells (see above), the Marquis's personal name has been erased, though they were found in an unquestionably Cai context. Had these bells been taken to another state as war booty and later been returned? See Li Chunyi 1973. Or was their original donor not Marquis Shen but perhaps his half-brother Zhu , who had been ousted and sent into exile in 521 B.C.? 101. Zuo Zhuan Xiang 12 (HYI ed., 275). 102. Zuo Zhuan Xiang 19 (HYI ed., 289). 103. Shi Ji "Qin Shihuang Benji" (Zhonghua ed., 239). A thousand dan is equivalent to ca. 29.5 metric tons (see Bodde 1986, 56). Worldwide, at present, only about seventeen bells are known to exceed this weight (see table in Williams 1986, 181-83); Sima Qian's figures are either grossly inflated or do not refer to the bells. Zhang Zhenxin (1980) speculates that the "brazen human figures" were caryatids supporting the bell-racks, similar to those found in Marquis Yi's tomb.

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mony.l04 Ownership of bells was predicated upon control over human beings. That it is sometimes impossible to tell whether the word zhong means "bell" or "bell-player" in Western Zhou epigraphic records may illustrate how closely the instruments and their performers were linked conceptually. Bell-players at the royal and princely courts of the Zhou dynasty were hereditary specialists. The Zhou Li enumerates twelve Masters of the Bells (Zhongshi ) among the musicians of the royal Zhou court orchestra. Four of them supposedly held the rank of "middle-level noblemen" (zhongshi ) and eight that of "junior-level noblemen" (xiaoshi ); they were supported by an administrative staff of two accountants (fu ), two scribes (shi ), two menial aides (xu ), and sixty runners (tu ).105 While the historical accuracy of these details is open to question, other sources seem to confirm that bell-players were members of the administrative hierarchy. Evidence about their social position is somewhat contradictory: the possibility that players were given away along with their bells invites speculation about low slave-like status, yet people with the surname Zhong (Bell) occur in the pre-Qin sources as musicians of aristocratic rank. One early example from Chu was Zhong Yi, the lord of Yun , who lived in the beginning of the sixth century B.C.; he identified himself proudly as the scion of a family of professional musicians (lingren ). But he played the zither, not the bell-chime.106 Zhong Yi's alleged descendant Zhong Zi Qi became a stock figure in Chinese musical legend as the archetypical good listener.l07 According to a later genealogical compendium, the House of Zhong in Chu derived its surname from its fief of Zhongli (in present-day Anhui);108 families of musicians who named themselves "Bell" after their occupation may have existed, however, in various states.109 A considerable number of people in China still bear the family name Zhong. Some of the many place names in China that contain the element zhong may originate in fiefs granted to hereditary houses of bell-players.110

104. This may have been true very early on. Keightley has speculated (1970, 26-27) that the term gong "artisan" (which also occurs in some Eastern Zhou sources in the meaning of "musician") originally denoted "bell-strikers," and that the oracle bone graph gong is the pictograph of a bell-striking mallet. 105. Zhou Li: Chun'guan "Liguan zhi shu" (Zhou Li Zhengyi 32:14b-152). In Yi Li "Dashe" (Yi Li Zhengyi 15:19b-20a), the same officials are referred to as Zhongren , "bell people." 106. Zuo Zhuan Cheng 7 and 9 (HYI ed., 224, 228-29; Legge, 363, 371). 107. The story of the virtuoso Bo Ya , who destroyed his zither when Zhong Zi Qi died, appears in numerous late pre-Qin and Han sources (see DeWoskin 1982, 105); another story about Zhong Zi Qi is in Lüshi Chunqiu "Jingtong" (Sibu Congkan ed. 9:10a/b). 108. Zheng Qiao (1104-1162) Tongzhi-lüe: Shizu "Yi yi wei shi: Chu-yi" (Sibu Beiyao ed. 3:6b). 109. "Bell" also occurs as a personal name, as in the case of Wang Zhong mentioned in the inscription of the early Warring States period Chu Qu Shu Chi Qu X Zhi sun-ge (Li Ling 1986, 379). 110. Zhongguo Gujin Diming Dacidian, 1303-4 and 1373.

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Figure 22. Two sides of a lacquered wooden duck from the tomb of Marquis Yi of Zeng, with representations of musical performances: a, sword dancer, with a pole-drum being played in the background; b, combined bell-chimestone rack with player. Pictorial representations occasionally show one player handling both bells and chimestones (fig. 22), but according to the Zhou Li, a great many officials were involved in bell music in addition to the Zhongshi. The ''Masters of the Chimestones" (Qingshi ), for example, would have been responsible for giving instruction in bell-playing technique, the task of the Zhongshi being effectively limited to performing nine important musical numbers during great sacrifices and banquets. At minor occasions, the "Seeing-Eye Musicians" (Shiliao ) or the "Masters of the Mouth-Organs" (Shengshi ) would have played the bells. The identity of the official who issued the command to start the performance varied from ritual to ritual, and sometimes from sequence to sequence within a ritual.111 The suspension of a set of bells in preparation for a performance required both manpower and dexterity (see Chapter 6). According to the Zhou Li, the Shiliao lent a hand with that task, which was principally the responsibility of the "Lesser Aides" (Xiaoxu ): eight junior-level noblemen and an administrative staff of fortysix,112 personally supervised, on important occasions, by the "Grand Director of Music" (Dasiyue ).113

111. See above, n. 17. 112. Zhou Li Zhengyi 44:14b-16b. For other references, see n. 17, above. 113. At the Han court, the Shengxuangong ("String Suspending Workers") who are mentioned among the musical officials in Han Shu "Li yue zhi" (Zhonghua ed., 1073-74), also seem to have been in charge of setting up bells and chimestones. In 14 B.C., their number was cut from six to two.

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In addition to musicians and technicians, bell-manufacturing craftsmen must have been attached at least to those larger shi who had their own bronze workshops. A vague notion of how these workshops were organized may be gleaned from the Kaogongji. From the archaeological remains of the bronze foundry of the state of Jin at Houma (Shanxi),114 we know that bells were cast at the same workshops as other ritual bronze vessels, but their manufacture presented difficulties of a particular kind. Not surprisingly, the Kaogongji lists bell manufacturers apart from such other metal-workers as founders, forgers, and the manufacturers of swords and capacity measures. Their name is given as Fushi (House of Wild Ducks), which is probably a textual corruption of Zhongshi (House of Bells).115 Although the Kaogongji says nothing about their number or their status in the official hierarchy, we may assume that, like the bell-players, they held their positions on a hereditary basis. The activities of these specialists were supervised and administered by officials who, to judge from the contents and scope of the Kaogongji, possessed no profound technical knowledge or experience. The preceding discussion of economic aspects refers almost entirely to the Zhou dynastymore exactly, to the halfmillennium preceding the cataclysmic transformations of the Warring States period. Such a focus is inevitable given the limitations of the evidence at hand; it is also justifiable because bell music enjoyed its greatest florescence during this period. Some of the textual evidence in the Zhou Li may be fanciful, but there is every reason to believe that Zhou court ritual was fastidious and elaborate. Conclusion We may summarize our findings by declaring bells to be, in the language of Durkheim and Mauss, "total social facts." In short, they are items of the cultural inventory whose analysis can illuminate virtually all aspects of ancient Chinese culture. As luxury objects, bells were, above all, items of conspicuous consumption. They were linked to the definition of social rank and to control

114. See above, n. 68. 115. The name Zhongshi, "House of Bells," appears in Kaogonji (Zhou Li Zhengyi 79:13b-16a) as the name of artisans occupied with coloring feathers. Because official titles in the Zhou Li, as a rule, are descriptive of the respective officials' tasks, it seems likely that early on, the names of those artisans were mixed up with those of the bell-makers. In other words, in the hypothetical Urtext of the Kaogongji, the Fushi may have been feathercoloring artisans, while the bell manufacturers were designated as Zhongshi. The Zhongshi may be in some way related to the Zhongguan ("Bell-official") of the Western Han dynasty, an office in charge of bronze manufacture (including the casting of coins), whose holders are documented through archaeologically excavated seals (see Li Xueqin 1986).

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over human and material resources, and they embodied an intimate linkage with the ideological superstructure and its performative enactment through ritual. Bell-casting was a matter of considerable political importance, and bellowners probably regarded the music performed on these instruments not merely as aesthetically pleasing but as empowering in a very concrete sense. It is even conceivable that the extramusical functions of bells were rated above their musical ones, a possibility we must keep in mind as we proceed to a closer examination of the instruments themselves.

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Chapter Two Shape and Acoustic Properties of Chinese Musical Bells Main Classes of Bells According to a now-classic definition by Curt Sachs, "a bell is a vessel-like percussion instrument with a soundproducing rim and a mute apex."l The entire vibrating body of the instrument produces a sound; musicologists therefore classify bells as idiophones. Unlike gongs and musical stones, idiophones in which the vibrations are strongest in the center, in a bell "the edge or sound bow . . . produces the strongest vibrations while the top is mute."2 A bell is struck close to the sound bow, whereas musical stones, gongs, and the like are struck at the center. Bells have been made in metal-using cultures all over the world; they can fulfill a wide variety of functions. The typological and functional ramifications of Chinese Bronze Age bells are particularly complex, and their formal and functional features allow various sorts of classifications. A basic distinction is that between clapper-bells and bells that were struck with a mallet. In this book, we shall be concerned mainly with musical bells: bells that were assembled into chimed sets and played as musical instruments. For reasons that will soon become apparent, all Chinese musical bells belong in the category of mallet-struck bells. But not all mallet-struck bells from China are musical bells: some of them were never more than signal-giving implements whose main function was to produce a noise. In referring to bells, Chinese archaeologists today use a mixed nomenclature containing both ancient bell-names and new terms invented for the sake of con-

1. Sachs 1929, 101 (trad. auct.). 2. Sachs 1940, 169 (emphasis in the original); this is Sachs's own paraphrase of his earlier, somewhat different German definition.

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Figure 23. Left: Ling excavated in 1950 at Wuguancun, Anyang (Henan). Late Shang period (ca. 1300-1050 B.C.).

Figure 24. Right: Duo excavated in 1974-75 from tomb no. 1 at Rujiazhuang, Baoji (Shaanxi). Middle Western Zhou period (tenth century B.C.). venience. The ninefold classification proposed in the following paragraphs by and large represents the current consensus among scholars. Clapper-bells fall into two classes: those suspended by means of a loop of inverted U-shape (ling ) (fig. 23), and those with a massive round shank (duo ) (fig. 24). Evidently, duo were used as handbells, whereas ling were attached to moving entities. Among mallet-struck bells, seven classes may be defined; here, too, the mode of suspension is a convenient

criterion, but the typological distinctions warranted by historical considerations are formally less stringent than in the case of clapper-bells. Each class can be further subdivided into types and subtypes. The four most important classes of mallet-struck bells include two types with round shanks: nao , which were mounted with the face upward (fig. 25), and yongzhong , which were suspended obliquely from a ring laterally affixed to the shank (fig. 26). Mallet-struck bells of two other classes were suspended verti

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Figure 25. Nao excavated in 1974 at Tangdongcun, Jiangning (Jiangsu). Local culture contemporary to late Shang; probably twelfth century B.C.

Figure 26. Cai Hou-yongzhong excavated in 1955 from the tomb of Marquis Shen of Cai (r. 518-491) at Ximennei, Shou Xian (Anhui). Workshop of Chu(?), late Springs and Autumns period. cally from loops: bo

, with flat rims and sculpturally elaborate suspension devices (fig. 27), and niuzhong

,

with their rims curved upward and their loops of simple shape (fig. 28). Bells of these four classes often occur in chimed sets. They may be collectively referred to as the zhong family. The remaining three classes of mallet-struck bells, zheng (fig. 29), goudiao (fig. 30), and chunyu (fig. 31), constitute something of a mixed bag, the typological intricacies of which I have treated in a separate article.3 Zheng were signal-giving bells par excellence; they have long shanks and never occur in chimes. Goudiao, which are limited to the southeastern region of China, are mounted mouth-up (thus resembling the nao) and always occur in chimes. Chunyu, with round-oval cross-sections and bulging, often S-shaped profiles,

3. Falkenhausen 1989a.

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Figure 27. Cai Hou-bo from Ximennei (cf. fig. 26).

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Figure 28. Cai Houniuzhong from Ximennei (cf. fig. 26). a, photo; b, inscription rubbing, recto face; c, verso face. This inscription is translated and discussed in Chapter 1.

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Figure 29. Zheng excavated in 1987 from tomb no. 2 at Baoshan, Jingmen (Hubei). MidWarring States period.

Figure 30. Set of seven goudiao excavated in 1958 at Yancheng, Wujin (Jiangsu). Local culture contemporary to the midto late Springs and Autumns period.

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Figure 31. Chunyu excavated in 1956 at Changde (Hunan). Workshop of Chu(?), early to middle Warring States period. are oddities among Chinese bells, perhaps originating in pottery vessels or pottery drums. They are mainly distributed in marginal areas and do not usually seem to have served a musical function; chimed sets of chunyu have, however, been found in Springs and Autumns period contexts in the southeast. Bells of these nine classes did not all exist simultaneously, nor did their geographic distributions necessarily overlap at any one time. The historical ("genetic") relationships between them will concern us in Chapters 4 and 5 (see fig. 52). I shall begin by analyzing the overall characteristics shared by Chinese musical bells, stressing their acoustical significance. Overall Appearance of Chinese Bells The traditional nomenclature for parts of Chinese Bronze Age bells, still in use today, is presented in the Kaogongji. In the paragraph describing the tasks of the bell-makers, a yongzhong bell (fig. 32) is described as follows:

The "House of Wild Ducks" makes bells. The two vertical sides [luan ] are called xian , what is between the xian is called yu , what is above the yu

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Figure 32. Nomenclature of the constituent parts of zhong family bells. is called gu , what is above the gu is called zheng , what is above the zheng is called wu , what is above the wu is called yong , what is above the yong is called heng . That from which the bell is suspended is called xuan ; the "bug" on the xuan is called wo .4 The first part of the description concerns the resonating body of the bell. Xian refers to the pointed spines bordering the bell-face, and wu to the fiat top. Yu denotes the bell's curved lips (the sound bow), and gu (which means "strike") the striking-area in the lower third of the bell-face. The zheng is the upper part of the bell-face, which was the visual focus for ornamentation and inscription. These features are common to all Chinese Bronze Age bells except chunyu.

4. Zhou Li: Kaogongji "Fushi zuo zhong" (Zhou Li Zhengyi 78:11b-12b).

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Figure 33. Nangong Hu-yongzhong excavated in 1979 at Baozigou, Fufeng (Shaanxi) (with inscription rubbing). Later part of late Western Zhou (late ninth-early eighth century B.C.). Atypically, part of the inscription is placed on the shank. This part of the inscription indicates the bell's name. For a translation, see Chapter 8, n. 20; for further discussion, see Chapter 9. A straight shank (yong), which appears massive in proportion to the body of the bell, is seen only on nao and yongzhong; its fiat top is called heng. In yongzhong, the suspension device consists of the xuan, a horizontal bulging ring around the shank, and the wo, a vertical ring that is fused laterally to the xuan and hence likened to an insect or reptile (the term chong ''vermin" can refer to a variety of animals).5 On the Nangong Hu-yongzhong (fig. 33), the wo actually has the shape of a dragon-like animal.

5. In the interpretation of these two terms, I follow Hayashi 1984, 1:92-94. Most Chinese writers invert the meanings of the terms wo and xuan, a probably mistaken usage that goes back to the Qing dynasty scholar Wang Yinzhi (Jingyi Shuwen, Huang Qing Jingjie ed., vol. 263 [j. 1788]: 28a-33a). The character wo is commonly confused with its look-alike, gan .

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Figure 34. Profile of a European church-bell. The arch- or loop-shaped suspension devices on niuzhong and bo bells are conventionally referred to as niu . Zhou dynasty musical bells are immediately recognizable as such by a peculiar bell-face layout that I shall call the standard zhong decoration scheme. This ornamentation may have had some specific iconic significance, now difficult to gauge. The Kaogongji names its components as follows: "The bands on the bell[-face] are called zhuan , what is in between the zhuan is called mei , the mei are called jing ."6 In other words, the zheng portion in the upper part of the bell-face is divided into a rectangular grid by means of raised bands or ridges, the zhuan. Rows of bosses (mei; also referred to as "nipples," ru ) are placed symmetrically on both sides of a central vertical panel; there are usually three rows of three mei on each side. The ornamented horizontal tiers in between rows of mei are conventionally called zhuanjian . With the exception of chunyu, all bells of the Chinese Bronze Age are of almond-shaped (pointed oval) crosssection. The sound bow (yu) is enlarged in most of these bells by being curved upward; the spines (xian), as a result, are pointed. The bell profile is marked by a fiat top and almost vertical sides. An angular quality has been noted as the major difference vis-à-vis European church-bells (fig. 34), which are round in cross-section and have a curved profile.7 This angularity also distinguishes the bells of the Chinese Bronze Age

6. Zhou Li: Kaogongji "Fushi zuo zhong" (Zhou Li Zhengyi 78:11b-12b). The last sentence is probably corrupt; it is not clear what the term jing really referred to (Hayashi 1984 1:94). 7. Sachs 1929, 67.

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Figure 35. Buddhist temple-bell at the Dazhongsi bell museum, Beijing. Song dynasty (A.D. 9601279). from later Chinese bells, particularly from Buddhist temple-bells (fig. 35), whose shape is of Indian origin. Another difference is that the walls of Chinese Bronze Age bells are noticeably thinner (in proportion to their height) than in Western bells or Buddhist temple-bells, suggesting, among other things, that they must have been struck with considerably less force. The Tone The first Chinese thinker to reflect on the difference between bells with round as opposed to almond-shaped crosssection was the Northern Song polymath Shen Gua (1031-1095), who stated that "when a bell is round, its sound is long; when it is flattened, its tone is short. When the tone is short, it is abrupt; when the tone is long, it is undulating."8 Indeed, the aim in casting a round bell is diametrically opposed to what the makers of Chinese Bronze Age musical

8. Meng Xi Bitan "Bubitan" §536 (1957 ed., 293). Hu Daoying's emendations of the text of this paragraph in the 1957 edition indicate philological problems that would decisively influence any interpretation. However one turns it, it seems that beyond the two phrases quoted here, Shen Gua had a rather confused understanding of Bronze Age bells and their historical development.

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Figure 36. The vibration patterns of a Chinese chime-bell. Six modes are charted, with the number of nodal meridians and circles indicated in the conventional way. The subscript letters indicate whether that mode is activated by striking the bell in the center (a) or toward the side (b). bells had in mind. The caster's objective for a round bell is a rich and harmonic consonance of simultaneously occurring pitches, in contrast to a clearly defined pitch, which was the objective of the ancient Chinese musical bells.9 Chinese bells were not made singly, but in chimed sets; when played, each individual bell should not vibrate for long, or it would interfere with the others. For most round bells, on the other hand, a long, drawn-out sound is regarded as desirable. To fully appreciate these differences, it is necessary to call to mind some basic facts about the acoustics of bells. The sound emitted by a bell is complex. What is perceived by the human ear results mainly from flexural vibration, that is, the rapid bending of the bell walls. Whenever a bell is struck, a multitude of flexural vibration patterns, called modes, occur simultaneously. Each mode has its own characteristic distribution of vibrating areas, which are separated by non-vibrating lines called nodes. The lines of greatest vibrational movement are called antinodes (fig. 36). Obviously, those vibration patterns that feature antinodes at the striking point are the most significant.

9. This was perspicaciously realized by Sachs (1929, 168).

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Figure 37. Sound spectra showing the relative strengths of the partials of a Chinese chime-bell. Upper half: A-tone. Lower half: B-tone. Each vibrational mode produces a certain frequency or pitch; these pitches, termed partials, are unequal in strength and duration. A digital measuring device can plot the different co-occurring partials in a graph such as figure 37. One of the partials is usually perceived as the nominal tone of a bell, but others will also be audible and influence the sound that is heard. As with musical instruments in general, the consonance of vibrating partials or overtones determines the timbre of the bell. In stringed instruments, the simultaneously occurring partials of any tone follow the natural overtone scale, including, in descending order of strength, the nominal tone or tonic (expressed by the proportion of 1:1), the octave (1:2), the fifth (2:3), the fourth (3:4), the major third (4:5), the minor third (5:6), and so forth. But in bells (and idiophones in general), the mathematical relationships among the frequencies of the partials do not necessarily follow such a regular succession. Pitches of mathematically complicated relationships to the nominal tone (and thus not expressible as harmonic intervals) often come into play. The mathematical proportions between their frequencies are rather complex and apparently differ from bell to bell, accounting in part for the impression of heterogeneous timbre within many Chinese bell-chimes. In all idiophones, the frequencies and relative strengths of the partials depend on the shape of the vibrating substance. By manipulating the shape of a bell,

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therefore, one can emphasize certain partials and mute others, thus influencing both the perceived pitch and the timbre of the instrument. Today, powerful computers allow us to precalculate the shape of bells with a certain constellation of overtones, to a high degree of accuracy;10 until very recently, however, bell-shape was almost entirely empirically determined. The history of bell-making all over the world is characterized by endless experimentation, involving many discards and few breakthroughs. That the ancient Chinese casters were aware of a connection between bell-shape and timbre (and, perhaps, pitch) is shown by a possibly corrupt passage from the Kaogongji. It begins with what appears to be a mnemonic formula, which is subsequently expounded on in less abstract terms: What is vibrated by thin and thick is that from which the high and low come forth; it is that from which excessiveness and constriction arise. There is the following explanation: when a bell is too thick, then [the sound] is [mute like] a stone; when it is too thin, then [the sound] is blasting. When it [the bell's mouth?] is excessive [=of flaring shape?], then [the sound] is bombastic; when it is constricted, then [the sound] is choked. When the shank is [overly] long, then [the sound] is agitated. . . . If a bell is large and short, then its sound is hasty and heard for only a short time. If a bell is small and long, then its sound is at ease and heard over a long distance.11 In spite of such insights, the ancient Chinese musical bells with their complicated, angular shape were not designed from scratch; their casters adopted and perfected a design that had been used previously for non-musical bells (see Chapter 4). In doing so, they strove to define precisely and unambiguously the nominal tone of the bell and to mute the higher partials that might impair the clarity of its pitch. Recent experiments have shown how various features of the characteristic bell-shape are useful in such an endeavor. In particular, it has been found that the large, flat top (wu) of Chinese musical bells is virtually mute and absorbs many of the higher partials; in round bells, by contrast, the non-vibrating area at the apex is deliberately minimized.12 The often massive suspension devices also cooperate in absorbing some of the higher

10. Lehr 1987b. 11. Zhou Li: Kaogongji "Fushi zuo zhong" (Zhou Li Zhengyi 78:15a-16a). A similar locus, enumerating twelve circumstances of deficient bell-shape (four of which are parallel with those in the Kaogongji) is in Zhou Li: Chun'guan "Diantong" (Zhou Li Zhengyi 46:1b-4a). Imaginative drawings illustrating the various shapes may be found in Dai Nianzu 1986, pl. 6, fig. 30. 12. Lin Rui et al. 1981.

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frequencies. The hollow shank (yong) of the yongzhong often still contains the ceramic core left over from the casting process; it has been suggested that this core was deliberately left in place for acoustic reasons.13 An acoustic rationale may also account for the bosses (mei) on bell-faces decorated according to the standard zhong decoration scheme; experiments with bells lacking mei suggest that mei seem to significantly mute the frequencies of the higher partials and stabilize the two fundamentals.14 Finally, the comparatively thin walls of ancient Chinese musical bells do not radiate the higher partials effectively;15 because the mallet strikes with relatively little force, the acoustic impact of the non-musical Schlagton (the noise produced by the mallet hitting the metal surface) is much reduced in comparison to European bells. The nominal tone in the ancient Chinese bells is perceived very clearly, and we may conclude that bells of this shape were particularly well suited to function as chime-bells. The "Two-Tone Phenomenon" At some point early in the first millennium B.C., Chinese bell-casters discovered that bells of almond-shaped crosssection can produce two distinct nominal tones. As we noted earlier, this two-tone phenomenon was rediscovered in the wake of the excavation of Marquis Yi's bells. The Zeng inscriptions leave no doubt that it was consciously exploited in making chimed sets of bells. Its physical basis lies in the vibration patterns of bells, which we shall scrutinize closely. The nodes and antinodes of the vibration pattern of each partial can be made visible by means of time-averaged hologram interferograms. As shown in figure 38, nodes occur as horizontal, ring-shaped nodal circles and as vertical, radiating nodal meridians; they are conventionally notated in the form (m,n), where m is the number of meridians and n the number of circles. Holograms of Chinese Bronze Age bells show partials pertaining to a variety of nodal patterns, including forms of (2,0), (3,0), and (3,1). The lowest partial, corresponding to the simplest vibration pattern, (2,0), is termed the fundamental. While measuring devices record hundreds of partials for each bell, the human ear perceives only the strongest of themup to about six in large Chinese chime-bells.16 In round bells, the fundamental is usually

13. Lin Rui et al. 1981, 27. Exactly the opposite is the case in Korean Buddhist temple-bells of the Koryo Dynasty, which habitually have a hollow tube sticking out from the flat top, which served to lengthen the sound (three such bells are depicted in Kungnip Chung'ang Pangmulkwan 84, figs. 162-64). 14. Lin Rui et al. 1981, 28, fig. 5; Shen 1987, 106, 107. 15. This seems to follow from Rossing 1984. 16. See Ma Chengyuan 1981, 135-36.

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Figure 38. Interferogram showing the nodal pattern (mode 2,0) for the A- and B-tones of a Chinese chime-bell. perceived as a humming tone lower than the nominal. In the musical bells of the Chinese Bronze Age, by contrast, the fundamental is the nominal tone.17 The reason for this is not entirely clear; it must, however, have something to do with their peculiar, angular shape, and particularly with their almond-shaped cross-section. Bell-shape also influences the pattern in which the nodes and antinodes are distributed on the resonating body. In a round bell, no matter where it is struck, the same pattern will form spontaneously, symmetrically with respect to the striking point (fig. 39). Striking a bell of almond-shaped cross-section, by contrast, activates one of two "families" of vibration modes; the distribution of meridional nodes and antinodes differs depending on where the bell is struck. The difference is particularly pronounced in the (2,0) mode, which pertains to the fundamental/nominal tone (see fig. 38); the more complex vibration patterns do not vary as strongly according to striking point. The two (2,0) vibration patterns (fig. 40) in a musical bell from the Chinese Bronze Age may be described as follows:18 When the bell is struck in the center

17. Lin Rui et al. 1981, 27. 18. Dai Nianzu 1980 and 1986; Ma Chengyuan 1981; Lin Rui et al. 1981; Hua and Jia 1983; Shen 1986-87 and 1987; Rossing and Perrin 1987; Rossing, Hampton et al. 1988, Rossing 1989a and b.

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Figure 39. The nodal pattern of a Western church-bell. of the bell-face, antinodes will be located at the center and the spines, whereas nodes will form slightly more than midway from the center toward the spines. By contrast, when the bell is struck midway between the center and one of the spines, nodes form in the center of the bell-face and on the spines; the antinodes are midway between the nodes. Four vibrating zones of equal width and equal shape thus come into being. In the two cases, the shapes of the vibrating zones, the distances between the nodes, and the angles at which they meet all differ. It is intuitively obvious (though mathematically quite difficult to prove) that the resulting sound frequencies will be different as well.19 Thus Chinese musical bells produce two distinct fundamentals (i.e., nominals), which I call A-tone and Btone,20 the A-tone always being the lower-pitched.21 In Zhou dynasty chimes, the interval between the two is usually either a minor or a major third, though bells with larger and smaller intervals (ranging from a minor second to a minor sixth) could also be produced. What controls the size of the interval is still unknown; it is possible that it has something to do with the curvature of the arched lip (yu) of the bell.22 A-tones resound with slightly greater force than B-tones.23 The higher partials (i.e., those with more complicated nodal patterns) are almost identical

19. For a tentative proof, see Chen and Zheng 1983b. 20. See Introduction, n. 30. 21. Chen and Zheng (1983b, 37) have calculated that in vibrating elliptical truncated cones, the A-tone may be expected to be higher in pitch than the B-tone, provided that wall thickness remains constant throughout. In their view, the ancient Chinese bells behave in the opposite way because the bell walls are of uneven thickness throughout. The main problem with applying Chen and Zheng's calculation to ancient Chinese chime-bells seems to lie in the fact that these idiophones are of almond-shaped, not elliptical, cross-section. 22. In his recent experiments with plaster models of bells, Hirase Takao (1988) was able to achieve a difference of one semitone by modifying the shape of the yu. 23. Ma Chengyuan 1981; Takahashi 1984.

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Figure 40. Cross-section of a Chinese chime-bell showing the different vibration patterns of the A- and B-tones at mode (2,0). with respect to either fundamental, but their relative strengths vary (see fig. 37). Using two mallets, both tones may be produced at the same time. My own experience in striking Chinese musical bells suggests that A- and B-tones are not always completely separate. When one does not hit the respective striking points exactly (and sometimes even when one does), one may hear both tones simultaneously. The B-tone especially is often difficult to produce without the A-tone being audible at the same time. A key problem in casting a two-pitch bell is thus to keep the two tones separate. The Chinese manufacturers demarcated the respective vibrating areas by varying the thickness of bell walls. In particular, on the inside of many Eastern Zhou bells, the locations of the nodes and antinodes of the A- and B-tones (fig. 41) are marked by rounded troughs. According to the "Fushi" section of Kaogongji, "the hollowed-out part above the yu is called sui ."24 Traditionally, it was believed that sui referred to the ornamented portion in the center of the

24. Zhou Li: Kaogongji "Fushi zuo zhong" (Zhou Li Zhengyi 78:12b-13a).

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Figure 41. Modulation of wall thickness on the inside of several Zeng bells. Top, yongzhong from the first middle-tier chime (M1); middle, yongzhong from the second middle-tier chime (M2); bottom, yongzhong from the third middle-tier chime (M3). gu; but it has recently been shown that the term actually denotes the concave wall portion located beneath the center of the gu on the inside of many bells.25 The elongated shape of the xian (which become antinodes when the A-tone is struck) may also have had a certain influence in keeping the two tones separate and approximately equal in strength.26 In spite of many efforts, the problem of completely separating the two tones remained a difficult one, and it was never solved to complete satisfaction. Indeed, it seems that after almost a thousand years of experimenting, the Chinese bronze casters finally gave up in frustration; on late Warring States period chime-bells, the two-tone phenomenon was no longer exploited (see Chapters 5 and 7).

25. Li Jinghua and Hua Jueming 1985. 26. Lin Rui et al. 1981.

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Standard Proportions The two-tone phenomenon is never mentioned in the pre-Qin texts; in the ''Fushi" section of the Kaogongji we can detect nothing more than some dim awareness of the fact that the sound of an imperfectly shaped bell is cacophonous. Nevertheless, it is clear that the ancient Chinese casters were in full control of the relationship between shape and pitch. The tone-naming inscriptions on the Zeng bells, which were fixed onto the mold before casting, show beyond doubt that their makers knew beforehand what pitch they would sound. What is more, they could also predict the interval between A- and B-tone (which is a minor third in forty-four and a major third in twenty of the Zeng bells). How they did this remains a mystery. One may speculate that intervallic variations were produced by minute adjustments of bell proportions. It seems likely that the corresponding proportions were at first empirically determined; whether and how they were subsequently expressed by mathematical formulas is so far unknown.27 The Kaogongji provides a set of standard proportions for yongzhong bells (fig. 42), but without specifying which pitches or intervals would be produced by bells conforming to the given specifications. The question of whether the

27. The mathematical formula for vibrating plates has been modified to derive the frequency (F) of a Chinese bell from its measurements, accounting for such variables as wall thickness (D), length of xian (L) (which in accordance with the Kaogongji is taken as the main module of measurement), elasticity, density, a rigidity coefficient, and a constant (K). Controlling for material and shape of a bell, the formula can be simplified to read F = K·D/L1+0.71 As given by Chen and Zheng 1983b (see also Hua and Jia 1983; Takahashi 1986, 54), the formula runs: F = K·D/L2 The exponential factor of L is actually I plus a constant determined by the overtone composition of the bell tone; this constant, in accordance with simple vibration theory, is here taken as I but empirically, results have been shown to be more exact if it is set at 0.71 (Lehr 1985, 97-98). To account for the "two-tone phenomenon," the constant K in the above formula must be changed. Chen and Zheng (1983b) arrive at empirical formulas for the relation of shape and pitch in the fourth-century Gengli-niuzhong; they are, for the A-tones and B-tones, respectively: F @ 15.2L-1.6 and F @ 18.6L-1.6 In Chen and Zheng 1983a, the same formula is given as: F @ 15.2 × 104L-1.6 and F @ 18.6 × 104L-1.6 Takahashi's (1986, 55) corresponding formulas for the slightly earlier Biao-niuzhong (turn of the fourth century) are: F = 113 L-2 and F = 137 L-2 (The frequency is expressed in KHz, the length in centimeters.)

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Figure 42. Double page from Cheng Yaotian's Kaogongji chuangwu xiaoji, showing his reconstruction of the standard proportions of a yongzhong according to the Kaogongji: right, body of the bell with the proportions of the face and shank indicated as numbers; left, cross-sections at top and bottom indicating the proportions of the respective diameters. Kaogongji standards (or anything like them) were known to bell-casters in pre-Qin times has been the subject of considerable discussion. For the resonating body of the bell, which is of prime importance acoustically, the Kaogongji stipulates: When one divides the xian into ten parts and takes away two, this is the [height of the] zheng. The zheng equals the distance between the two [lower end-points of the] xian. If one takes away two parts, this is the distance between the two [center-points of the] gu; the distance between the two gu equals the [lateral] length of the wu. If one takes two parts away, the result is the width of the wu.28

28. Zhou Li: Kaogongji "Fushi zuo zhong" (Zhou Li Zhengyi 78:13a-14b).

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The thickness of the walls is specified as follows: In large bells, the distance between the [center-points of the] gu is divided into ten parts, and one of them is taken as the thickness [of the bell]. In small bells, the distance between the [center-points of the] zheng is divided into ten parts, and one of them is taken as the thickness [of the bell].29 Furthermore, When making the sui, one divides the thickness [of the bell's walls] into six parts, taking one [part] to be the depth [of the sui], and one makes it rounded.30 For the suspension device of the yongzhong the standard proportions are: The length of the zheng equals that of the yong. The length of the yong equals its circumference [at the bottom]. If one divides the circumference into three parts and takes one away, this is the circumference of the heng. If one divides the length of the yong into three parts, two are above and one below; this is where one affixes the xuan.31 Our understanding of these difficult passages is in large measure due to the labor of Qing dynasty philologists such as Dai Zhen (1724-1777),32 Cheng Yaotian (1725-1814),33 and Wang Yinzhi (1766-1834).34 Cheng Yaotian's contributions are particularly significant; his interpretation is still generally accepted. Taking into account a couple of more recent insights, this traditional interpretation may be summarized as follows (compare figs. 32 and 42): 1. The height of the lateral spines (xian, henceforth abbreviated as L) is the basic unit of measurement, to which the other dimensions of the bell are related by simple fractions.

29. Zhou Li: Kaogongji "Fushi zuo zhong" (Zhou Li Zhengyi 78:15b-16a). 30. Zhou Li: Kaogongji "Fushi zuo zhong" (Zhou Li Zhengyi 78:17b). 31. Zhou Li: Kaogongji "Fushi zuo zhong" (Zhou Li Zhengyi 78:14b-15a). 32. Dai Zhen, Kaogongji-tu (Huang Qing Jingjie ed., vol. 132 [j. 563]:37a-40a). Qing dynasty bell reconstructions are summarized and illustrated in Kondo 1955; see also Elman 1984, 182-84. 33. Cheng Yaotian, Kaogong Chuangwu Xiaoji (Huang Qing Jingjie ed., vol. 126 [j. 538]:18a-22b). 34. Wang Yinzhi, Jingyi Shuwen (Huang Qing Jingjie ed., vol. 263 [j. 1788]:28a-33a).

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2. The diameter between the end-points of the spines at the bottom (Bl) is set as 0.8 times L; it equals the height of the zheng in the center of the bell-face. 3. The diameter between the midpoints of the bell-faces at the bottom (B2) is set as 0.6 times L. 4. The diameter between the end-points of the spines at the top (T1) equals B2 (=0.6 L); and 5. the diameter between the midpoints of the bell-face at the top (T2) is set as 0.4 times L. 6. Moreover, wall thickness is set as 0.06 times L in large bells, and 0.04 times L in small bells, and 7. the depth of the concave portions on the inside of the bells (sui) amounts to 0.01 times L in large bells and twothirds of that (0.0067 L) in small bells. The dimensions of the resonating body of the bell can be expressed by the following proportions: B1:L

8:10 (0.80)

B2:L

6:10 (0.60)

B2:B1

6:8 (0.75)

T1:L

6:10 (0.60)

T2:T1

4:6 (0.67)

T2:L

4.10 (0.40)

A somewhat different reading has been proposed recently by Okamura Hidenori .35 In his opinion, the phrase "one takes away two parts [of ten]" refers not to the length of the xian (L) but to the immediately antecedent measurement.36 Thus, the zheng equals the distance between the two [lower end-points of the] xian. If one [divides it into ten parts and] takes away two, this is the distance between the two [center-points of the] gu.

35. Okamura 1986b. 36. Okamura also suggests convincingly that "length of zheng" should be taken as the height of the resonating body in the center of the bell-face, starting from the edge of the bell and not from the onset of the zhuan bands. This interpretation makes the zheng more compatible with the other dimensions that figure in the Kaogongji, as well as seeming to accord more closely with what may be observed on actual specimens (see also Feng Guangsheng 1988a, 7-8). The proportion of the height of the zhuan-enclosed area to the height of the gu apparently never did conform to the ratio 4:1 (as implied by Cheng Yaotian's reconstruction of the Kaogongji bell); instead, between the Western Zhou and Warring States periods, this proportion gradually changed from ca. 2:1 to almost 1:1. Ma Chengyuan (1979, 64) takes this as a criterion for dating bells.

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And immediately afterwards: The distance between the two gu equals the [lateral] length of the wu. If one [divides it into ten parts and] takes two parts away, the result is the width of the wu. The standard proportions for the vibrating body of a bell that one arrives at as a result are the following: B1:L

8:10 (0.80)

B2:L

82:102 (0.64)

B2:B1

8:10 (0.80)

T1:L

82:102 (0.64)

T2:T1

8:10 (0.80)

T2:L

83:103 (0.512)

Philologically, I see little problem in either interpretation of the Kaogongji passage under discussion. If we are to assume, however, that the Kaogongji size standards bear some relation to the practice of bell-casting, we must put the two sets of figures to the test by juxtaposing them with the size measurements of actual specimens, which, it turns out, do not unequivocally support either Cheng's or Okamura's reading (table 5). Overall, the size proportions of the existing bells are somewhat closer to Okamura's figures than to Cheng Yaotian's, but not in every case, and curiously, the dimensions of the top portions of the bells tend to neatly fit the proportions proposed by Okamura, whereas the measurements of the bottom parts more closely approximate Cheng's ratios. In the yongzhong from Marquis Yi's tomb (ca. 433 B.C.), for example, the actual proportions of L to the two diameters at the mouth differ from proportions predicted by Cheng's approach by only 4% and 8%.37 In the same chime of bells, however, the proportions of L to the diameters at the top depart from Cheng's standards by 15% and 30% but are far closer to Okamura's ratios. In a noteworthy departure from either interpretation of the Kaogongji, the narrow diameter at the bottom (B2) has rarely been found to be identical to the wide diameter at the top (Tl) in measured specimens; instead, the proportion T1:B2 usually approximates 0.85 (ca. 6:7). Moreover, the proportions of the two bell diameters at the bottom (B2:B1) and of those at the top (T2:T1) are almost always nearly identical, at variance with Cheng Yaotian's interpretation but corresponding to Okamura's. However, the proportions in question are not, pace Okamura, equal to the proportion B1:L (10:8 = 5:4); they are closer to 4:3. Although the figures in table 5 are insufficient for discerning major trends over time, it seems possible that bell proportions eventually came to approxi

37. Hua and Jia 1983 and Lin Rui et al. 1981, 29.

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TABLE 5. Measured Proportions of Chinese Musical Bells B1/HB2/B1T2/T1B2/B1T1/HT2/H I. Western Zhou Chimes First Zha-yongzhong (1 bell)

0.83 0.73 0.81 0.61 0.72 0.58

Second Zha-yongzhong (1 bell)

0. 85 0.72 0.74 0.61 0.74 0.55

Chu Gong Wei-yongzhong (3 bells)

0.84 0.74 0.75 0.62 0.74 0.55

Ning-yongzhong (part of set) (2 bells)

0.86 0.71 0.79 0.61 0.70 0.55

Guo Shu Lü-yongzhong (part of set) (2 bells)

0.81 0.71 0.69 0.57 0.69 0.47

II. Eastern Zhou Chimes Unprovenienced yongzhong in the Sen'oku Hakkokan

0.83 0.79 0.78 0.66 0.71 0.55

Zheshang-niuzhong (7 bells)

0.79 0.71 0.75 0.56 0.66 0.50

Cai Hou-yongzhong (part of set) (4 bells)

0.83 0.72 0.74 0.60 0.68 0.52

Zeng Hou Yi-yongzhong, second middletier chime (10 bells)

0.81 0.75 0.74 0.60 0.70 0.52

Yongzhong from tomb no. 2 at Leigudun (28 bells)

0.73 0.77 0.75 0.56 0.66 0.50

Biao-niuzhong (14 bells)

0.81 0.80 0.78 0.65 0.65 0.51

Unprovenienced niuzhong set in the Royal Ontario Museum (9 bells)

0.80 0.71 0.71 0.56 0.71 0.50

Jingli-niuzhong (13 bells)

0.74 0.76 0.76 0.56 0.67 0.51

Average ratios

0.81 0.74 0.75 0.60 0.69 0.52

Expected Kaogongji ratios Per Cheng Yaotian

0.80 0.75 0.67 0.60 0.60 0.40

Per Okamura Hidenori

0.80 0.80 0.80 0.64 0.64 0.51

NOTE. H = height of xian spine; B1 = wide diameter at bottom; B2 = narrow diameter at bottom; T1 = wide diameter at top; T2 = narrow diameter at top. The average proportions were computed on the basis of Okamura 1986b, tables 1 and 2 (entries II-a-e, II-a and f), Lin Rui et al. 1981, tables I and II (entry II-d), and Lehr 1985 (entries II-b, c, e, g, h).

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mate those proposed by Okamura.38 The dimensions of the Biao-niuzhong of the mid-Warring States period, for instance, almost exactly conform to Okamura's specifications. In such a case, one would have to conclude that the formulas enshrined in the Kaogongji may have come into being long after the onset of bell-casting in China. Conceivably, the Kaogongji may contain remnants of late pre-Qin casters' lore, but its author seems to have had very little first-hand knowledge of the subject and relatively more interest in its numerology. Hirase Takao has recently proposed that the wider diameter at the bottom of the bell (B1) was the point of departure in designing a bell. Scrutinizing the size measurements of many Shang and Zhou bells, Hirase found that that dimension often equals one foot (chi ), though the length of the foot in the archaeologically and historically known measurement systems of ancient China was highly variable.39 If this is true, the Shang and Zhou bellcasters may have used a bell proportioning system quite different from that of the Kaogongji. In any case, it seems fair to conclude that casters in Zhou times did not adhere consistently to whatever standards may have existed at that time. Although the overall shape of musical bells remained astonishingly constant over time, there was room for great variation in detail. Rather than following a precise model and producing copies of basically the same standard set of bells, the casters seem to have worked out each new chime individually, producing bells with striking stylistic as well as acoustic differences, even among chimes from the same manufacturing traditions. Designing a Chime This book is mainly concerned with chimed sets of bells of graduated sizes. Since late Eastern Zhou times, such chimes have been known as bianzhong "ordered bells";40 in Western Zhou bronze inscriptions, they are referred to by the synonymous term linzhong .41 In Eastern Zhou inscriptions, an empha38. The authors of the report on the mid-Western Zhou tombs at Baoji, in juxtaposing the actual measurements of two chimes of yongzhong and one nao-bell with the Kaogongji figures in Cheng Yaotian's interpretation arrive at a similar conclusion (Baoji Yu-guo mudi, 558-59 and 608, table 8). Their finding that the proportions of the earlier nao-bells show much greater divergence from the Kaogongji standards than do those of the yongzhong is hardly surprising. 39. Hirase 1988. For archaeological specimens of pre-Qin chi measures, see Zhongguo gudai duliangheng tuji, pl. 1-3. 40. The locus classicus for bianzhong is in Zhou Li: Chun'guan "Qingshi" (Zhou Li Zhengyi 46:5a). 41. The character fin is unknown from the transmitted texts; it consists of the metal radical as a signific, and the two elements * << lin ("forest") and * ,* << lin (original meaning unclear; usually glossed as pin, lin "grain bestowed by Heaven << fortunes, emolument"). This is one of a group of characters containing two or more components of roughly the same phonetic (Footnote continued on next page)

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sis on an orderly arrangement of sound-producing bodies is apparent from such bell epithets as hangzhong "aligned bells."42 The scaling of the chimes presents a number of difficult problems, which must have troubled casters in antiquity just as much as they vex the archaeologist today. Scaling means designing a set of bells so that they constitute a tuned chime. The relative sizes of the bells in each chime were of course determined, first of all, by the desired pitches (and their distribution in the chime, which will occupy us in Chapter 7). The ancient Chinese bell-chimes differ from Western keyboard instruments in that the pitches of successive bells are not always at the same interval from one another. Consequently, the relative proportions of successive bells in a chime may vary. For example, the relative sizes of two bells whose A-tones are a fifth apart is different from that of two bells that are only a major third apart. In scaling chimes, the bell-casters of the Chinese Bronze Age must have been aware of a correlation between tonal intervals and relative bell size. But how did they express the corresponding proportions mathematically?43 The Kaogongji does not address this issue. André Lehr has noted that the bells in Chinese chimes are of different sizes but with the same proportions overall except for wall thickness, which remains virtually constant in all bells of a chime, small or large.44 From the standpoint of modern physics, this practice was problematic, for in order to create a series of vibrating bodies of regularly varying frequencies, all dimensions, including thickness, should be varied according to a constant proportion. Although using an appropriate scaling formula, one could conceivably assemble an accurately tuned chime from bells of unvarying wall thickness, the timbre would turn out somewhat heterogeneous. It is clear that the ancient Chinese casters could not possibly have known the physically correct scaling formula; the relations between pitches according to the laws of physics involve exponential factors, which were beyond the reach of Shang and Zhou mathematics. In theory, all dimensions of any two bells of identical shape and material but sounding different tones should be related by an (Footnote continued from previous page) value that at the same time express to some degree the significance of the word (Asahara 1988a). The term linzhong is probably ancestral to the name of one of the twelve standard pitches (lü) attested in later Zhou texts (see Chapter 8). 42. This epithet is seen in the inscription of the Cai Hou-niuzhong (Shou Xian Cai Hou-mu, pl. 52-59). 43. Calculating back from the proportions of the Zeng bells, the following equation was empirically inferred by Lin Rui et al. (1981, 29):

Fn is the frequency of a given bell in the series, Ln is the length of the xian of that bell, and a is an index number, normally between 1.6 and 2.2. 44. Lehr 1985, 100-101 and tables 20-25. This is also the conclusion of Lin Rui et al. 1981 and Hua and Jia 1983.

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exponential coefficient (C); according to simple vibration theory, this coefficient can be determined by the formula

where R is the mathematical proportion of the frequencies of the two bells.45 In a more refined version, substantiated by recent experiments, the coefficient would amount to

The ancient Chinese casters, who probably lacked even the concept of frequency, certainly did not know such formulas. They did, however, have to deal with the concrete manifestations of the facts expressed therein, understanding that in large bells, for example, a rather great difference in size may have a neglegible impact on the frequency emitted, while in small bells, even a tiny difference in proportions will significantly influence the sound.46 Measurements of excavated bell-chimes indicate that the Chinese casters approximated the "correct" exponential scaling factor by a simple linear factor (fig. 43). In Lehr's words, the final conclusion thus appears evident. The Chinese caster from antiquity did not work with more or less abstract proportions from which to determine the dimensions of succeeding bells. . . . On the contrary, he, the bell-caster, seems to have forgotten all existing theories, inasmuch as he had any knowledge of them around 400 BC, and he chose the fundamentally unjust method of equidistant distribution in which each successive bell was derived from the preceding by way of diminishing the measurements of the last bell by a fixed figure. Thus the differential in the dimensions between corresponding parts of a C and a Cis bell, for instance, was as large as that between a C and a Cis bell one octave above.47 The arithmetic scaling factor by which the size and pitch of bells in each chime were correlated appears to have differed somewhat in the various sets tested by Lehr. It was presumably experimentally grounded and led to more or less satisfying results within a limited size range. However, the fact remains that any linear scaling factor was but an approximate and fundamentally inaccurate rendering of a mathematically more complex reality.

45. Lehr 1985, 99-100. 46. Lin Rui et al. 1981, 29-30. 47. Lehr 1985, 101-105 (trad. auct.).

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Figure 43. Scaling proportions of the Jingli-niuzhong from Changtaiguan, Xinyang (Henan) (see fig. 104), as charted by André Lehr. a, measurements for various dimensions of the bells plotted in order of size (Hs = size of the bell; B1 = wide diameter at top; B2 = narrow diameter at top; P1 = wide diameter at bottom; P2 = narrow diameter at bottom; gem = average); b, average sizemeasurement figures from graph a correlated with A-tones emitted by the thirteen bells in the chime (bell numbers indicated at appropriate places on a scale of notes; cf. fig. 129 and Appendix 4). Both graphs show a roughly linear progression from large to small bells, and from low to high tones.

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Figure 44. Qing dynasty chime of sixteen bells, displayed at the former Imperial Palace, Beijing. Dated to the twenty-ninth year of the Qianlong reign period (A.D. 1764) of the Qing dynasty (A.D. 1644-1911). A chime designed according to such a procedure could not yield an accurately tuned sequence of tones.48 What might work in one octave could not possibly be replicated in a higher or lower octave if one adhered to the same linear scaling factor. The considerable deviations of measured tones in Chinese chimes from any conceivable tuning system (see Chapter 7) is thus not surprising. The listeners to music performed on these chimes had to have a certain tolerance to inaccuracy. Tuning individual bells (see Chapter 3) could not completely solve the problem. Likening the ancient Chinese bell-casters to their counterparts in late medieval Europe, Lehr suggests, therefore, that the pitch of individual bells may have been improved by slight piecemeal modifications of the shape, which were based on experience rather than calculation.49 This seems indeed likely. Recent experiments have confirmed that wall thickness was in fact the acoustically most sensitive dimension of a bell.50 This was evidently realized as early as the time of the Kaogongji, which sets different size standards for wall thickness in small and large bells (see above). Incidentally, pre-Qin chimes contrast most markedly with those of late Imperial China (fig. 44) in terms of wall thickness,

48. See Lehr 1988. 49. Lehr 1985, 99;110-16. 50. See Hirase 1988.

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which in the earlier chimes is held constant throughout while bell-size changes in a graduated chime. Later chimes usually consist of sixteen round bells, all of identical shape and size but differing in thickness; the thicker and heavier the bell, the higher the pitch. The timbre in such chimes is extremely uneven; acoustically, they are far inferior to those of the Bronze Age. Listening to the higher-pitched bells in such chimes, in particular, makes us remember the Kaogongji warning that bells too thick for their size sound ''stone-like." Conclusions Our consideration of ancient Chinese musical bells has so far led us to realize that the shape of individual bells is exceptionally well suited to their intended function as chime-bells. We shall see in Chapter 4 how this shape was gradually optimized so as to produce two distinct pitches, the acoustical separation of which remained something of a problem throughout the Bronze Age. Over the course of the Zhou dynasty, perfection was ever more closely approximated (Chapter 5), though the bell manufacturers were not completely successful in combining these bells into accurately tuned chimes of uniform timbre. The acoustical imperfections were inevitable in light of the limited mathematical knowledge available. Indeed, the pitches of Chinese Bronze Age chime-bells, which we shall examine below in more detail, are astonishingly accurate considering their technological limitations. The preceding discussion illustrates a dilemma typical for archaeological research: among the conclusions that can be drawn on the basis of modern physical and technical knowledge, what could possibly have been known in antiquity? Our consideration of the Kaogongji throughout this chapter has led us to the perhaps healthy realization that texts do not always hold the answer to such a question. We cannot escape the conclusion that the bell-casters of the Chinese Bronze Age, who may have been illiterate, knew more than the author of the Kaogongji, who was probably (in Étienne Balázs's felicitous phrase) an official writing for other officials. Although the text may reflect a certain amount of technological awareness, most of its main points do not hold up in the face of the material evidence. Some of what was obviously well known to bell manufacturers in antiquity remains a mystery today. How did they determine the interval between A- and B-tones before casting? According to what formula did they design the relative proportions of succeeding bells in the same chime? How, in particular, did they express the concept of pitch, which must have been included as one of the mathematical components of that formula? Takahashi Junji has cautioned:

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One cannot exclude the possibility of imagining that the manufacturers [of antiquity] had a more refined understanding of the relation between size and pitch than that expressed though our empirically derived formula.51 As interdisciplinary testing and experimenting progress, we may be hopeful that many currently mysterious problems will some day be solved to the satisfaction of the modern technician. But the much more challenging question of how to reconstruct the ideas held by the ancient casters will probably remain open much longer.

51. Takahashi 1986, 58 (trad. auct.).

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Chapter Three Chime-Bell Manufacture and Its Connotations Casters' Priorities Through the objective examination of Chinese Bronze Age chime-bells in the light of modern science, we have, in the preceding chapter, reconstructed what amounts to one set of manufacturing priorities. At the same time we have noted the difficulty of assessing exactly what went on in the casters' minds when they produced the bells we can see today. Before turning to a consideration of the actual bell-manufacturing process, it is instructive, therefore, to look at some "emic" evidence, such as the inscriptions on bells. What do these inscriptions tell us about the objects on which they are placed? As objects made of metal, bells were, first of all, objects of value. The epithet bao "precious" frequently appears as an attribute of bells, as it does in other bronzes.1 The inscribed texts routinely exhort future descendants to treasure (bao ) or preserve (bao ) them forever.2 How splendidly the suspended music impressed onlookers at the time we may imagine by looking at the Zeng bells (see fig. 1) or at the depictions of bells on Warring States period pictorial bronzes (see figs. 15 and 16). When displayed for a ceremony, such instruments must have seemed the peak of luxury; they truly deserved the epithet "great" (da ), found in many bell inscriptions.3 As institutionalized status-markers, chime-bells were inherently desirable.

1. I am aware of eight Western Zhou and three Eastern Zhou bronze inscriptions where bao appears as an epithet (or part of an epithet) of the inscribed bell. See Falkenhausen 1988, table 16 and appendix 2. 2. The two words were already homophones (*pôg) in Archaic Chinese; bao "to treasure" is more frequent in Western Zhou bell inscriptions (19 instances as opposed to 8 from Eastern Zhou), whereas bao "to preserve" predominates in Eastern Zhou inscriptions (19 instances as opposed to 1 from Western Zhou). See ibid., table 17 and appendix 2. 3. Da appears as an epithet 11 times in Western Zhou and twice in Eastern Zhou bell inscriptions. See ibid., table 16 and appendix 2.

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Predictably, therefore, bell inscriptions (again, much like those on other bronzes) tend to stress the outward appearance of the inscribed objects. The inscription of the Zhejian-yongzhong (first quarter of the fifth century), for example, runs in part: I, Zhejian , the son of King Pinan of Gongyu [= Wu] [= ] , have selected my auspicious metals and for myself made these ringing bells. They are greatly white, greatly red, greatly polished, greatly ornamented. They resound in unison with our divine flutes. They cause everyone to be in harmony and to have confidence in one another.4 The material from which ceremonial bronzes were made is here called jijin "auspicious metals." This expression, which is not attested in the non-epigraphic texts of the period, may allude to cultic practices surrounding the manufacture as well as the use of the cast objects.5 The phrase "I selected my auspicious metals," ubiquitous in Eastern Zhou bronze inscriptions, probably indicates also that only metal of the highest quality was deemed fit for ritual use. Zhejian's bells are described as glistening in hues of white and red; the inscribed text also seems to mention their ornamentation.6 At the time of manufacture, they must have looked quite different from today's patina-covered specimens. What, precisely, were the "auspicious metals"? I do not believe that this term could possibly refer to the chemical components of bronze, such as copper, tin, and other deliberately added constituents or trace metals (see below). Instead, I would link the expression jijin to some binominal metal-names that are enumerated in a number of Springs and Autumns period bronze inscriptions.7 The Ju Shu Zhong Zi Ping-niuzhong inscription specifies, for example: "They are made

4. Shirakawa, Kinbun Tsushaku 40:596-601. 5. Morohashi 1956 2:806 suggests that, because it was used in auspicious rituals, the material itself was considered auspicious. 6. My translation of the phrase follows Guo Moruo (1958: kao 153-54). The character , which occurs four times as an adverbial modifier, is taken as pei "greatly," as is normal in bronze inscriptions. The characteristics enumerated are thus all positive ones: bai "white," in the sense of "glistening"; xing "red" (elsewhere written as , an allograph of xing) as ''brightly colored"; the following le as "polished" ( ); and the final as diao "carved << elaborately ornamented" (le might alternatively be read as "joyful" [ ], and the final character as tiao "harmonic, harmonized"). (Reading as bu "not" would result in an enumeration of negative traits absent from these bells. To wit: "they are not [ugly] white [e.g., as a result of the usage of some inferior alloy?], they are not [ugly] red [e.g., as the result of corrosion], they have not been scrubbed off [ ], they have not suffered breakage [diao ]." Such a reading, though favored by Wen Tingjing [1934-35] and Shirakawa [loc. cit.], seems alien to the spirit of jinwen.) 7. Eleven instances of this standard enumeration8 from bell inscriptionshave been assembled in Falkenhausen 1988, table 18. They all date to the sixth and early fifth centuries. The following discussion (notes 8-9, 12-13) is in large part based on Jinwen Gulin, 2751; fulu, 3517, bu, 1016, character lü.

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of dark shiny metal [xuanliu ],8 of polished hard metal [shangfu ];9 this is what makes their sound: 'tuotuoyongyong!'"10 The most extensive enumeration of this kind may be found in the Shu Yi-zhong inscription,11 which mentions fuqiao (smooth greenish metal?),12 xuanliu (dark shiny metal), and xunlü (gray? hard metal).13 Even though the metals in these expressions cannot be identified with absolute certainty, scrutiny of their attributes reveals an emphasis on shininess, smoothness, and purity. Moreover, metal color was evidently regarded as important: dark (xuan ), red (chi ), yellow (huang ), as well as, perhaps, greenish-white (qiao ) and steelcolored gray (xun ) hues are mentioned. It appears likely that the various metal-names all denote subtly different bronze alloys that may have been mixed according to various proportions. What made the metals auspicious was, first and foremost, their fiery brilliance. This quality enhanced the sound of a bronze bell, as may be gleaned from the Ju Shu Zhong Zi Ping-niuzhong inscription (above) as well as from the phrase lanlan hezhong "glistening are the harmonizing bells," found in the inscriptions of several midsixth-century B.C. Chu bells.14 It seems that the

8. The metal-name liu is glossed in Shuowen as "yellow metal (huangjin ) of the most excellent quality" (Shuowen, entry liu; similarly in Erya "Shi Qi" 31, HYI ed., 17). Although huangjin usually means ''gold" in ancient and modern Chinese, liu in the present context cannot have this meaning, as Shang and Zhou bronzes have never been found to contain traces of that metal. Chen Mengjia has proposed that liu might refer to surface gilding, but this, too, is virtually never seen on bronzes before the Han dynasty. I believe that liu in the present context hyperbolically refers to the glistening quality of a bronze alloy. It is always preceded by xuan "dark." 9. In the various versions of the standard enumeration, the metal-name lü occurs alternately with fu . Despite a voluminous literature, the meaning of these two characters remains obscure. It would be easiest to assume that the two stand for one and the same word; but they co-occur in the Ju(?)zhong-fu inscription (Kaogutu 3:42), which shows that there must be a difference between them. I think that both terms may have referred to hard varieties of bronze, e.g., lou , a metal-name ordinarily glossed as "steel." Complicating matters further, the same character fu also occurs quite frequently as an adjectival attribute qualifying lü (see below). Fu as a metal-name is preceded by shang "polished," pu "[raw metal:] pure(?)," and chi "red." 10. Kaogu Xuebao 1978 (3):317-36; Shirakawa, Kinbun Tsushaku 52:571-73. 11. Shirakawa, Kinbun Tsushaku 38:352-74; Dory 1982, 262-386. Doty's explanation of this passage differs significantly from mine. 12. The character qiao does not appear in the classical texts. In Shuowen, it is glossed as "a ding tripod with high feet," which is inappropriate in the present context. Zhu Fangpu has noted that many objects containing the graphic element gao/qiao are greenish-white; he argues that as a metal-name, qiao must designate an alloy of such color. The attribute fu , occurring jointly with qiao, may stand for bo "thin, smooth." 13. On the metal-name lü, see n. 9. Xun is traditionally glossed as a type of iron; the meaning in the present context is unclearpossibly a color? In other inscriptions, lü is seen preceded by the characters bo "thin, smooth," fu (perhaps a loan for bo), yuan "good," and huang "yellow." 14. These are the Wangsun Yizhe-yongzhong (Shirakawa, Kinbun Tsushaku 40:578-82) and the Wangsun Gao-yongzhong (Xu Zhongshu 1984, 66-71). The expression lanlan is also seen in the inscription of the Wangsun Wu-ding (Xu Zhongshu 1984, 72-74), found in the same tomb as the Wangsun Gao-bells; because it is not limited to bells, it cannot refer to the bell's sound (for parallels, see Chu Ci: Jiuge "Yunzhongjun," Chu Ci Buzhu 2:4a and passim).

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polished metal was seen as the cause of the peculiar sound quality of the bells. In this connection, one cannot help thinking of the traditional classification of musical instruments according to the eight sonorous substances (metal, stone, clay, leather, silk, wood, gourd, and bamboo), found in some late pre-Qin texts,15 in which bells are identified with the "sound of metal." Although this eightfold systematization probably originated no earlier than the end of Eastern Zhou, the conceptual linkage of bell and metal must date back at least to the time of the earliest bell inscriptions. That "metal" would have entered into any native definition of the musical instrument "bell" is evident also from the graphs used for writing various words denoting bells, both in the inscriptions and in the pre-Qin texts. They all contain the metal radical (jin ).16 The most prominent bell-names occurring epigraphicallyling (archaic pronunciation: *lieng), zhong (*d'ung), and zhengsheng (*tieng-zieng, i.e. zheng),17 each consist of the metal radical combined with an onomatopoeic component.18 Most of the words used in rendering the sound of bells are written with characters of the same structure. In a number of Western Zhou bell inscriptions four such words appear jointly: cang (*ts'âng),19cong (*ts'ûng),20tuo (*to?),21 and yong (*·iung).22 In the inscriptions, each of these characters is accompanied by ditto marks indicating

15. See Zhou Li: Chun'guan "Dashi" (Zhou Li Zhengyi 45:1a-6a). 16. The only two exceptions, biao and zhan , two bell-names occurring in in the Erya glossary (Erya "Shi Yue" 7.9; HYI ed., 18) and nowhere else, may well be "lexicographers' ghosts." 17. Zhengsheng is a dimidiated "spelling" of an onomatopoeic word, in which the first syllable indicates the Anlaut and the second syllable the Auslaut. Zheng is a monosyllabic rendering of the same word. 18. The phonetic contrast between ling (labial Anlaut and bright vowel) and zhong (dental Anlaut and dark vowel) may reflect the difference between clapper-bells of relatively high pitch, and the lower-pitched malletstruck zhong chimes. Zheng (dental Anlaut and bright vowel) are intermediate between the two. This is a rare correspondence between linguistic categorization by onomatopoeia and archaeological classification by material attributes. 19. Cang (archaic reading *ts'âng) is glossed in Shuowen (entry cang) as "sound of a bell." 20. Yong (* iung) means "harmonious." 21. In the inscriptions, each character is accompanied by ditto marks indicating repetition. Different readings have been proposed for this character; in spite of some graphic inconsistency, clearly the same word is intended in all occurrences. Commentators on the Hu-yongzhong (Zongzhou-zhong; Shirakawa, Kinbun Tsushaku 18:260-85) have identified the character as yang (archaic reading * iang) "brilliant," which occurs three times in Shi Jing (Odes 168, 177, 283; HYI ed., 36, 39, 76) as an onomatopoeia of the waving of a ceremonial banner and, once, for "harmonizing ling" played at a ruler's audience. However, the graph in most inscriptions does not resemble yang: Neither does it resemble the character jie , which has been proposed by Chen Peifen (1982) in her article on the Liangqi-yongzhong. This character jie occurs four times in Shi Jing in onomatopoeic renderings, especially of birdsong (Odes 2, 41, 90, 252, HYI ed., 1, 9, 18, 65); it also once describes the sound of ritual bells (Ode 208; HYI ed., 50) and twice that of horse-bells (Odes 168 and 260; HYI ed., 36, 71). I provisionally concur with Wu Shiqian (1980), who found that all occurrences of the graph seem to contain the element , making them part of a word family that contains words pronounced *tia, *tio, *to, as well as *t'iak (and their palatalized alternates). 22.Cong (*ts'ûng) is not known from the classics in such a meaning but is obviously a phonetic counterpart of cang; if not purely onomatopoeic, it probably stands for cong "brilliant, intelligent."

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repetition: cangcang congcong/tuotuo yongyong!23 The four characters describe the sounds made by a metallic object; the meanings of their phonetic components all pertain to the semantic field of "brilliant, harmonious."24 The characters cang and yong also appear in the Shi Jing, where they render the harmonious sound of bells, mostly of chariot-bells (luan "crotals"), as well as, curiously, the twittering of birds. These graphs suggest that Curt Sachs's modern, formal definition of "bell," with its stress on the location of vibrating areas, may be useful to us in describing and characterizing ancient Chinese bells but would have been quite irrelevant to the Bronze Age casters and their patrons. Metal is not part of this definition; objects that can be called bells may be made of all kinds of materials. Contrastingly, what seems to have interested the Chinese manufacturers was, above all, the material constitution of bells, which in turn determined their characteristic timbre. In the Chinese Bronze Age, nonmetal bell-like objects are invariably nonfunctional substitutes made in deliberate imitation of bronze bells, usually to serve as grave-goods (mingqi ). Quintessentially, then, a bell had to be made of metal, more specifically of bronze, and the status of bronze as an item of conspicuous consumption desirable in its own right (see Chapter 1) was undoubtedly one of the main reasons for the exalted appeal of bells in the culture of the Chinese Bronze Age and their preeminent position in ritual orchestras at the time. Bells were not primarily conceptualized as sound producers, their acoustic effect was not considered in purely functional terms, and their impact transcended the realm of music. Non-musical considerations were of major concern to the casters; we, too, must keep them in mind when turning now to technical issues surrounding the manufacture of bells. The Material The bronze alloy used in manufacturing bells decisively influenced both their acoustic quality and their external appearance. The Kaogongji gives ratios of copper and tin for various kinds of metal objects:

23. This may be a dimidiated "spelling" for "*ts'ung ts'ung/tung tung." Wu Shiqian (1980) has suggested that the ditto marks might call for a repeated reading, not of individual syllables but of two successive syllables (thus: *ts'ângts'ûng ts'angts'ung/to·iung to·iung). According to Wu, each of these onomatopoeic binomes should, moreover, be fused into one syllable according to the principle of dimidiation, with the initial (Anlaut) of the first syllable and the final (Auslaut) of the second (thus: *''ts'+ung ts'+ung/t+ung t+ung"). 24. The character lin in the Western Zhou expression linzhong, "a set of bells," also consists of "metal" plus a phonetic component.

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In the making of bronze metal there are six formulae; six parts of copper to one of tin is the formula prescribed for zhong-bells and ding-cauldrons; five parts of copper to one of tin is the formula prescribed for axes [fu ] and hatchets [jin ]; four parts of copper to one tin is the formula prescribed for daggeraxes [ge ] and halberds [qi ]; three parts of copper to one tin is the formula prescribed for large swords [daren ]; five parts of copper to two of tin is the formula prescribed for pen-knives [xiao ] and hunting-arrows [shashi ]. Equal proportions of copper and tin is the formula prescribed for mirrors [jian ] and specula [sui ].25 From an archaeological point of view, this passage may be dismissed as irrelevant numerology: metallurgical tests performed on ancient Chinese bronzes of various kinds have not revealed significant adherence to the formulas specified.26 Those tests do, however, show some differences among alloys used for bronze objects of different intended usage. To add to their hardness, weapons contain more tin than vessels, and to obtain a shiny surface, vastly more tin was used for mirrors than for any other kind of bronzes.27 The Kaogongji shows some awareness of this, though the numbers given in that text are plainly not in accordance with the composition of actual specimens. Even so, the Kaogongji formula for the bronze alloy of bells, six parts of copper and one of tin (14.28% tin), is not without resemblance to the actual composition of analyzed bells from the Eastern Zhou period (table 6). Five bells from Zeng chimes for which analyses have been published contain between 12.5% and 14.6% (averaging 14.2%) tin, very close to the proposed standard. Although published data are still too meager to permit assessment of historical trends, it seems safe to say that the proportions observed in the Zeng specimens are the product of centuries of experience.28 Interestingly, even in Shang dynasty Anyang-type nao the copper-tin ratio was already reasonably close to that seen in the much later Eastern Zhou bells, though the data from the intervening period do include one case of enormous disparity in metal composition within a single three-part Western Zhou set of yongzhong from Shaanxi. Perhaps due to differences in the local metal resources, Springs and Autumns period musical bells from the Lower Yangzi area (for example, those from Beishanding, Dantu [Jiangsu]) tend to contain slightly more tin and considerably more lead than contemporary specimens from north-central China; the deviations seem to be

25. Zhou Li: Kaogongji (Zhou Li Zhengyi 78:1b-2a), translated by Noel Barnard 1961, 9-10 (pinyin and some transcriptions inserted). This translation reflects Dai Zhen's understanding of the passage, which has been followed by the majority of modern scholars. On other interpretations, see Barnard 1961, 9-12, and Tian Changhu 1985 and Wu Laiming 1986 on scholarship in mainland China. 26. Barnard 1961, 169-98. 27. Wu Laiming 1986. 28. Li Zhongda et al. 1982.

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TABLE 6. Metallic Composition of Chinese Bells Cu

Sn

Pb

Zn Fe

As Ni

I. Pre-Shang a. Bell-like object from Taosi, Xiangfen (Shanxi)

97.86trace 1.54

0.16 trace

a. Nao formerly in the possession of C. T. Loo

68.9 11.8 trace

0.29

0.15

b. Nao in the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford

87.3 4.9

2.4

0.27

0.45

0.1

II. Shang

5.1

c. Nao fragment in the Kyoto University Museum 73.7212.17trace d. Nao from Shiguzhaishan, Ningxiang (Hunan)

98.220.0020.058

e. Bo in the Sackler Gallery

87.1 11.6 <<0.02trace<<0.05

III. Western Zhou a. "Western Zhou bell" (details unknown, perhaps a jingle) 81.5510.9 2.33

0.12 0.59

b. "Western Zhou jingle" (details unknown)

80.6216.880.04

0.93 0.11

c. "Western Zhou crotal" (details unknown)

86.4 13.27

0.06 0.12

d. First yongzhong from tomb no. 7 at Zhuyuangou, Baoji (Shaanxi) 92.0 3.7 e. Second yongzhong from tomb no. 7 at Zhuyuangou

97. 18

1.6

0.01

0.05

0.29

1.90 0.21

0.235

f. Third yongzhong from tomb no. 7 at Zhuyuangou 61.0 13.8 10.2

0. 17

g. Crotal from tomb no. 7 at Zhuyuangou

73.5 11.8 12.7

1.05

h. Crotal from tomb no. 21 at Zhuyuangou

73.9 11.3 12.1

0.34

trace

(Table continued on next page)

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TABLE 6. (continued) Cu

Sn

Pb Zn Fe AsNi

IV. Eastern Zhou a. First niuzhong from Jishiliang, Suizhou (Hubei)

81.2415.9 1.00

b. Second niuzhong from Jishiliang

85.2712.630.8

c. Large bo in the Freer Gallery

82.1 16.3

d. First of 4 yongzhong from among the Zeng bells

85.0813.761.31

e. Second yongzhong from among the Zeng bells

83.6612.491.29

f. Third yongzhong from among the Zeng bells

78.2514.6 1.77

g. Fourth yongzhong from among the Zeng bells

81.5813.441.4

h. 1 niuzhong from among the Zeng bells

77.5414.463.19

i. 1 of 2 chime-bells from Leshan (Sichuan)

71.8815.314.0

j. Second chime-bell from Leshan

75.5614.12

k. "Eastern Zhou (Warring States period?) bell" (details unknown)

73.2617.728.53 0.070.03

0.05

l. "Eastern Zhou bell" (details unknown)

73.7317.458.45 0.080.02

0.03

m. 1 niuzhong from Beishanding

77.2517.204.61

n. 1 bo from Beishanding

71.1214.859.77

0.01

o. First chimed chunyu from Beishanding

76.1316.704.92

0.59

p. Second chimed chunyu from Beishanding

78.4913.996.18

0.35

q. 1 chimed chunyu from Wangjiashan

66.6226.204.63

0.59

r. Goudiao from Qiqiao

84.926.51 7.39

0.11

V. Dian Culture a. Beehive-shaped bell from Dabona, Xiangyun (Yunnan) 79.9616.34trace b. Beehive-shaped bell from Zhuanchangba, Huili (Sichuan)

92.497.0

trace

trace

SOURCES: l-a: Kaogu 1984 (12): 1068; 11-a, c: Umehara 1944, 176-78; 11-b: Helen Loveday, personal communication (1990); II-d: Wenwu 1966 (4): 2; II-e: Bagley 1987, 557; III-a-c and IV-k, l: Liang and Zhang 1950 (not seen), quoted in Barnard 1961, table 13, and Barnard and Sato 1975, 13; III-d-h: Baoji Yu-guo mudi, vol. 1, tables 17, 18; IV-a, b, d-h: Ye et al. 1981, 32; IV-c: Gettens 1969, 22; IV-i, j: Tian Changhu 1985 (these bells have never been discussed elsewhere in the archaeological literature); IV-m-r: Wenwu 1990 (9): 39, 40, 42, 50; V-a: Kaogu 1964 (12): 613; V-b: Kaogu 1982 (2): 216-17.

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somewhat more pronounced in musical bells of local types (such as goudiao and chimed chunyu), than in those classes of bells that were used throughout the Zhou cultural sphere. On the whole, however, the impression of uniformity prevails. The greatest deviations from the Kaogongji standard occur in specimens that are either very early, such as in the copper bell-like object from Taosi, or from marginal areas, such as in a nao excavated in Hunan, contemporary to late Shang, which is made of almost pure copper. Although possibly the result of inaccurate analysis, the last-mentioned case may show a lack of access to tin resources, and/or an attempt by the Hunan manufacturers to imitate the shape but not the tonal properties of their metropolitan Shang model.29 Compared to Western bells, the tin content of ancient Chinese bells is relatively low. In the words of André Lehr, A bell will possess a truly sonorous and long-sounding tone only if the bronze contains 20-25% tin. Incidentally, this is true first and foremost of thick-walled bells, that is to say, those of European manufacture. The Eastern bell, by contrast, is comparatively thinner and will therefore be able to emit a sound more easily. Formulated differently, the tin content is therefore less critical than for its European sister. But all this cannot detract from the fact that 17% tin for a bell is decidedly on the low side.30 Metallurgical experiments performed in the wake of the Zeng discoveries have shown that in Chinese musical bells, with their peculiar shape and thickness, a tin content between 12% and 16% provides optimum hardness for striking. A bell with more tin would become too brittle and would easily burst when struck. If the alloy contained too much copper, on the other hand, the bell would become too soft and prone to deformation by the mallet, which in turn would influence the tone. Furthermore, it has been reported that a tin content of 13% or more leads to a fine consonance of the first, third, and fifth partials, which enhance the fundamental; with less tin than that, the fundamental resounds more weakly and the second partial is relatively strong, resulting in an unpleasantly sharp timbre.31 Besides copper and tin, Chinese bells typically contain about 2% lead. When distributed evenly in the alloy, lead hastens sound decay, serving to muffle

29. By contrast, a bell from a Dian culture site in Yunnan is made of a bronze alloy very similar to that of contemporaneous Eastern Zhou bells, even though it is stylistically and typologically completely different. This may conceivably show some measure of south Chinese influence on Dian bell manufacture. 30. Lehr 1985, 141-42 (trad. auct.). Lehr unwittingly accepts a now-obsolete interpretation of the above Kaogongji locus, according to which the proportion of tin to copper in bells and tripods would have been 1:6 instead of 1:7. 31. Ye Yuxian et al. 1981, 34.

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Figure 45 Copper ingot from Tonglüshan, Daye (Hubei). unwanted high partials, though too much of it causes cacophonous flat overtones.32 Traces of other materials are found in ancient Chinese bells, but these do not seem to influence the sound appreciably. Interestingly, the lead content of the Zeng niuzhong is about twice as high as that of the yongzhong from the same tomb, perhaps to compensate for the lack of the usual adornment of overtone-damping bosses (mei) on those bells. The disparities in table 6 also indicate that precise control of alloy composition in bronze-casting presented considerable difficulties in the Bronze Age. Metal was supplied to the workshops in the form of ingots made at the mines. Archaeological information on bronze workshops is still insufficient for determining whether the ingots normally consisted of one chemically pure metal (like the copper ingot in figure 45), or of metals that were already composed into an alloy; their composition, of course, was decided at the mines and not at the workshops. Even so, the bronze alloy used in manufacturing Bronze Age musical bells on the whole appears to complement the acoustic goals noted in the previous chapter. Whether it was specifically devised for its acoustic properties, however, is not entirely certain. The Kaogongji, for example, states that the same alloy was used for both ceremonial vessels and bells; it seems possible that it was judged fitting primarily on account of other (e.g., visual) qualities. As an aside, we should note that it was by no means necessary to cast metal bells exclusively from bronze. Ironcasting had become a major industry during

32. Ibid., 38.

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the second half of Eastern Zhou. There is some indication that, at the end of the Bronze Age, the core-mold assemblages of bronze bells were at least occasionally made of iron,33 but actual iron bells were apparently not made before the Northern Song dynasty. (The only known pre-Song iron bells are Han dynasty mingqi.)34 Actually, perfectly feasible bells can be manufactured from white cast iron, which was produced in China at least as early as the Han dynasty and probably earlier.35 Even though shifting from bronze to iron chimes would have necessitated certain technological adjustments, it should have been worthwhile economically in view of the much lower material cost. The major Western objection to iron bellsthat their sonorous qualities are inferior to those of bronzeshould actually have come as a boon to ancient Chinese casters; after all, their chime-bells are notable, in comparison to European bells, for their reduced sonority, a characteristic that may have been musically valuable. The absence of iron bell-chimes from the archaeological record of the Chinese Bronze Age must, I submit, be understood in social terms. Musical bells, unlike agricultural tools, were status items of the old aristocracy; their possession was regulated, in theory at least, by sumptuary laws. There was no incentive for producing them cheaply or in great quantity. The same may be true of other categories of prestige items, such as display weapons. It seems likely in the case of bells that the lackluster appearance of iron was considered unsuitable for ritual objects. Casting Throughout the Bronze Age, the casting of bells did not differ in any major respect from that of other bronzes. To say that the ancient chime-bells were cast in the "piece-mold technique" then current amounts to stating the obvious. The term piece-mold technique is an abstraction covering a vast range of casting possibilities that changed considerably over the centuries. To date, not enough bells have been examined to be certain about all the details of the procedure as it was

33. Remnants of an iron core have been reported to be on the inside of a single zheng found at Liyang (Jiangsu) in 1972; moreover, the handles of two smaller handbells collected at the same time are reported to still contain an iron core (Wenwu Ziliao Congkan 5 [1981]:108-09; unfortunately, the photos on pls. 9.2 and 3 do not show these phenomena). All three items probably date no earlier than Western Han. One wonders how far back in time this peculiar casting technique of manufacture was used in bell-making, and what the advantages were. Perhaps there is a connection with the Warring States period iron molds found at Xinglong (Hebei) (Kaogu Tongxun 1956 [1]:29-35, pl. 10); in contrast to the original report, which surmises that they were intended for iron objects (see also Yang Kuan 1982, 28-29), Gu Tiefu (1958, 8) believes that they were used for casting bronze coins and tools. This problem seems to remain unsolved at present. 34. One such piece was excavated at Luoyang (Kaogu Xuebao 1963 [2]:34); a similar, but larger object is in the Field Museum in Chicago. 35. Rostoker et al. 1984. Cast iron of other than the white variety does not seem viable for the production of sound-generators.

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applied to bells at specific times. Yet we may distinguish roughly between the casting procedure practiced during the Shang and Western Zhou, on the one hand, and that of mid- to late Eastern Zhou on the other. Basic Casting Techniques of Shang and Western Zhou Because they have been described many times,36 we can afford to be brief in recapitulating the basic steps in Shang and Western Zhou bronze-casting. A massive core model of the intended bell was fashioned in clay and fired. This model served as the imprint for the outer molds, which were produced by applying a layer of clay to the model surface. For convenience of assemblage and handling, the outer molds were removed from the model in sections of regular size, which were then fired. Afterward, the outside of the core model was scraped down to leave a gap of the desired thickness of the bell between the outer mold and what would then serve as an interior core. (This step, incidentally, departs strikingly from traditional Western bell manufacture, where, to this day, a model ["false bell"] is always made separately from the core and removed after the mold has been prepared.)37 In the next step, the outer section molds were reassembled around the core for casting, the hollow space in between corresponding exactly to the shape of the intended bell. The seams between the section molds remain distinguishable on the finished object; from such information, Noel Barnard has reconstructed the core-mold assemblage of a large yongzhong, in which eight mold pieces are placed symmetrically on two tiers on each side (fig. 46).38 Care was taken in the placement of sprues through which the metal would be cast into the hollow space, and of vents through which the air displaced by the metal could escape. Casting could now begin. The constituent metals, mixed according to the proper proportions, were molten in crucibles. The core-mold assemblage was heated to avoid sudden cooling of the metal at the time of casting; then the molten metal was poured in. The assemblage would be left to cool down before the molds were taken off and the core painstakingly chiseled out. Later work included retooling the decorated portions and polishing the inside and outside of the bell.

36. Important contributions on this topic include the studies by Karlbeck 1935; Shi Zhangru 1955; Barnard 1961; Guo Baojun 1963; Wan Jiabao in Li Ji 1964-1973, esp. vol. 1; Fairbank 1972 (originally published 1962 and 1965); Gettens 1969; Barnard and Sato 1975; Bagley 1987 (esp. PP. 37-45). 37. Lehr 1976, 6-15. 38. Barnard 1961, 139; 142-43. The authors of the report on the important Western Zhou tombs at Baoji reconstruct a generally similar technique for the manufacture of the nao and yongzhong excavated there (Baoji Yu-guo mudi, 558-61).

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Figure 46. Setup of casting molds for a yongzhong, as reconstructed by Noel Barnard. In some details, this reconstruction has been superseded by more recent research (cf. fig. 48). Eastern Zhou Innovations The piece-mold casting technique of mid- to late Eastern Zhou times differed from that of Shang and Western Zhou in the manner by which the decoration was applied. Now the core was left plain and decoration was applied in a secondary step to the mold pieces. This procedure, called the pattern-block technique, has been reconstructed by careful examination of actual bronzes39 and of piece-mold fragments excavated in 1959 at the early fifthcentury B.C. casting workshop outside the capital city of Jin at Houma (Shanxi).40 A single unit of a decoration pattern was sculpted in positive relief onto a fiat block of clay, which was fired. Numerous negative impressions could subsequently be made from such a pattern block, and these impressions, made in soft clay, would be fitted

39. Keyser 1979. 40. See Chapter 1, n. 68.

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Figure 47. Bell-casting molds excavated ca. 1959 near Niucun, Houma (Shanxi). a, suspension device of a bo; b, bo face. into designated portions of the mold,41 adapted to the rounded shape of the object and cut off at the edges as dictated by the space available. As a result, an entire face of a bell could be impressed into one mold piece, as seen in one instance from Houma (fig. 47).42 This technique is at the root of the somewhat standardized appearance of the banded decor usually seen on mid- to late Eastern Zhou bronzes. Yet it allowed ample room for variety, as numerous pattern blocks 41. Conceivably, this technique, which seems conceptually antecedent to woodblock printing, was first used in placing bronze inscriptions: fired clay dies with the imprint of written characters seem to have been placed into designated spaces in the mold at least as early as Western Zhou times. 42. Barnard (1961, 144-45) proposed that the ornaments on Chinese bronzes (even those of Shang and Western Zhou) were produced as ready-made blocks in positive relief that were second(Footnote continued on next page)

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TABLE 7. Core and Mold Components Used in Manufacturing One Yongzhong from the Tomb of Marquis Yi of Zeng Yong (shank), core (1 piece) Yong (shank), outer mold (1 piece), with the following components inserted: Heng (top) section-mold (1 piece) Section-molds for the shank (2 pieces), containing: Pattern-blocks for each of the eight sides of the shank (8 pieces) Wo (suspension ring) molds (3 pieces) Wu (flat top of the bell body) pattern-blocks (4 pieces) Core of the resonating body of the bell (1 piece) Piece-mold assemblage of the resonating body of the bell (2 pieces), with the following components inserted: Pattern-blocks for the ornamented margins of the upper part of the bell-face (zheng) (9 pieces) Section-molds for the rows of mei (bosses) (12 pieces), containing: Individual pattern-blocks for all bosses (72 pieces) Pattern-blocks for the zhuanjian (ornamented areas between the rows of bosses) (8 pieces) Section-molds for the gu (striking area) (2 pieces) Total: 126 pieces NOTE. This is an adapted translation of a table by Hua Jueming (1981, 18). For an illustration, see fig. 48. with different designs could be used in making one object. Hua Jueming has demonstrated, for example, that in manufacturing Marquis Yi's yongzhong more than one hundred separate components per bell were used (table 7; fig. 48)43. Appearing suddenly shortly before the middle of the sixth century B.C., the pattern-block technique seems to have been adopted immediately by all major Eastern Zhou bronze-manufacturing centers. Compared to the bronzecasting methods current in Shang and Western Zhou, the new technique offered striking economic advantages. Although each core-mold assemblage could still be used only once, it could now be prepared in much less time. Formerly, enormous efforts had had to be expended in decorating each core model individually, a process now greatly speeded up thanks to the repeated use of impres(Footnote continued from previous page) arily fixed onto the model before the outer mold was obtained; it is now clear, however, that no patternblock technique of any kind was used before the mid-Springs and Autumns period. Hua Jueming (1981) came up with a model similar to Barnard's in reconstructing the manufacture of the Zeng bells. Keyser's (1979) painstaking observations, however, show beyond doubt that the pattern-blocks had to be inserted as negatives into the outer mold pieces. I am grateful to Robert W. Bagley for patiently explaining all this to

me (personal communication, December 1989), and I hope that the results of Bagley's research on this topic will soon be published. 43. Hua Jueming 1981.

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Figure 48. Core-mold assemblage of one of the Zeng yongzhong, as reconstructed by Hua Jueming and Jia Yunfu. sions from the same pattern block. Moreover, the process allowed for greater division of labor, requiring only a few specialist carvers to produce the decorated pattern blocks. Each production step could now be assigned to a different individual. In short, the pattern-block technique enabled bureaucrats to run bronze workshops almost like modern industrial operations, which was certainly a major factor accounting for the considerably increased output of decorated bronzes (including a profusion of bells) observable in the archaeological record around the middle of Eastern Zhou (see Appendix 2). Chaplets and Spacers In order to keep the core and the molds separated from one another during the casting, founders used chaplets, which became part of the cast object, and core-extension spacers, which were removed after casting. Chaplets are small scraps of bronze, placed at certain intervals into the space between core and mold. They stand out in the rubbings of many a Western Zhou bronze inscription. On bells, however, due to acoustic considerations, chaplets had to be used with caution; for such extraneous pieces of metal do not fuse with the hot metal that is poured into the mold but are locked into place mechanically.44 Their presence in

44. Gettens 1969, 131-34.

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Figure 49. Position of core-extension spacers. the vibrating parts of the bell-body might have impaired the sound quality, perhaps explaining why chaplets are virtually absent from Eastern Zhou bells. Spacers had the advantage that they could be removed after casting. Holes in the walls of the bells indicate their position (especially large and conspicuous holes occur on some provincial pieces; see fig. 153). What the spacers consisted of is unknown; the most likely material is clay, but some may have been made of iron, a material that gradually came to play a role in bronze-casting in Eastern Zhou times.45 Except on bells, evidence for such spacers is rarely seen on Eastern Zhou bronzes. Casters had to be careful about their placement; they could not be too close to the sound-bow, where they would have impacted the vibration patterns of the fundamentals. Typically, spacers were placed in portions of the bell in which they would be inconspicuous, and they were kept very small.46 Two or three spacers are usually seen in the upper part (zheng) of the faces of bells, between the bosses (mei) (fig. 49); two additional spacers are frequently encountered on the flat top. Sometimes attempts seem to have been made to fill these holes after casting, though filling might have influenced the sound. In modern steel and aluminum bells, slot-shaped holes like these (though usually much larger) are often intentionally placed into the walls to improve sound radiation. Whether the spacer holes on Zhou chime-bells were intended to serve a similar purpose has not been experimentally tested,47 but it seems doubtful.

45. See n. 33 above. 46. There are exceptions to this, usually on bells that appear to be of poor quality; frequently, these may be addressed as mingqi. 47. Conversation with T. Rossing and A. Lehr, January 1989.

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The Casting Process In the Zeng bells, nonmetallic inclusions and ''blowholes" (remnants of gaseous inclusions) are concentrated around the sound-bows, features indicating that these bells were cast with the mouths facing upward, as shown in figure 48.48 Many bells, especially large ones, were not cast in one piece; protruding parts, such as suspension devices, flanges, and possibly large bosses, could be precast and incorporated into the mold, or they could be secondarily soldered to the bell-body. In the Zeng bells, low-tin bronze (Sn = 3%) was used as a solder.49 An analysis of their microstructure has led to the conclusion that quenching (sudden cooling) was not performed on the Zeng bells; the metal was allowed to cool gradually after casting.50 After casting, it was vital to remove all traces of the core and mold from both the inside and the outside of the vibrating body of a bell. As noted above, however, remnants of the core can still be found inside the shanks of many yongzhong bells, where they serve to dampen the higher partials. This acoustically desirable effect may have quite fortuitously resulted from ancient casters' customs long predating the invention of that type of bell, for in other types of bronzes (e.g., the legs of ding tripods), the core was also not usually removed from narrow tubular portions. Alternative Techniques A few bells show evidence of the use of other techniques. Metal inlay, for example, a favorite mode of decoration in late Eastern Zhou bronzework, is rarely encountered on bells, though it does appear on a few late Warring States, Qin, and Han specimens (see fig. 97).51 The earliest known instances are the gold-inlaid inscribed characters on the Zeng bells. On the molds of bells decorated in this way, the areas to be inlaid were fashioned as shallow recesses in the bell surface, to be filled in at a later stage in the manufacturing process. In general, inlaid decoration on bells does not seem to differ in any important respect from that seen on contemporary bronzes of other types. Whether it had any acoustical impact is unknown. Some highly ornate Eastern Zhou bronzes, such as the famous "zun and pan" from Marquis Yi's tomb (fig. 50) with their openwork lacery wildly bending into all directions, could not feasibly have been produced by the usual piece-mold technology. It has been suggested that their protruding ornamented por-

48. Hua Jueming 1981; Tan and Feng 1988, 16. 49. Tan and Feng 1988, 16. 50. Ye Xuexian et al. 1981, 32-33. 51. So 1980b.

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tions were precast by the lost-wax (cire perdue) method, in which a wax model of the entire object to be cast was first coated with clay; the wax subsequently melted and poured out as the external clay mold was fired.52 This method, which was widely used in medieval China (and from very early on in West Asia and Europe), seems to have been known in China since around the middle of the sixth century B.C., arising about the same time as the pattern-block technique described above. In the pre-Qin period, lost-wax and related casting methods were probably employed alongside the traditional piece-mold technology; ordinarily, use of the newer techniques was probably limited to the three-dimensionally ornamented parts of bronzes.53 There is so far no proof that lost-wax casting played much of a role in Eastern Zhou bell manufacture. When the sixty-five Zeng bells were replicated in the early 1980s, some of them were reproduced, with excellent results, in a traditional lost-wax casting process.54 (The majority of the Zeng bells were replicated by means of silicone rubber molds made from the original specimens.)55 While nobody pretended at the time that such a method had been used by the original manufacturers, a related technique has recently been mentioned in connection with the Zeng bells. Li Zhiwei , inspired by the lead mingqi vessels found in various Shang and Zhou tombs, proposed that bells might have been manufactured by a "lost-lead" method,56 in which molds would have been obtained by coating lead models with clay; when fired, the lead would have melted down much like the wax models used in the lostwax method. This idea remains experimentally untested.57 In a similar, somewhat imaginative vein, Noel Barnard has speculated that the many portions of ancient Chinese bronzes that appear to imitate the shapes of rope or cord were cast from molds produced by coating actual pieces of cord with clay, removing the cord, and then firing the clay. In particular, the wo (suspension rings) of many of the earliest yongzhong may conceivably have been produced in such a way.58 If there is any reality to Barnard's proposed "lost-cord" casting, it must have been limited to small portions of bronzes otherwise produced by the piece-mold technique. 52. Hua and Guo 1979. 53. Bagley 1987, 44-45; Barnard 1987. 54. Guan and Luo 1983. 55. Hu Jiaxi et al. 1981. 56. Li Zhiwei 1984. 57. Barnard, commenting (1987, 22-25) surprisingly favorably on Li's idea, suggests that the "lost-lead" technique may have been limited to pre-formed panels of relieved decoration that were incorporated into a traditional piece-mold assemblage. 58. Barnard 1987, 25-48, especially p. 44 and fig. 13. Barnard's observations of cord-shaped wo extend only to Warring States period bells from Guangdong; in fact, however, this feature may be seen even in some of the earliest yongzhong, made in the Middle Yangzi area in a period contempo(Footnote continued on next page)

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Figure 50. Set of two vessels, conventionally labeled "zun and pan," from the tomb of Marquis Yi of Zeng, For a view of their excavation context, see fig. 17 (no. 38). The Technical Rationale for the Almond-Shaped Cross-Section The almond-shaped cross-section characteristic of most Bronze Age chime-bells is a vestige of a very early stage in the evolution of metal casting. At first, only fiat items such as weapons and button-shaped objects were cast in open molds. Subsequently, solid objects with two molded sides were obtained by casting metal into the space between two identical molds, one placed on top of the other. The first hollow items were produced by introducing a core between two such outer molds. At this early stage the casting process may have started not with the preparation of a model, as it did later, but with the two outer molds, from which a model (or core) was secondarily obtained. This method intrinsically favors objects of almond-shaped cross-section. Interestingly, such a shape is characteristic not only of the earliest small clapper-bells of the Chinese archaeological record, dating back to the turn of the second millennium (see fig. 12) but also of the earliest ritual vessels, the jue from Erlitou.59 In later times, use of a larger number of mold pieces permitted pro-

(Footnote continued from previous page) raneous with early and middle Western Zhou (see Chapter 4). Quite apart from their possible casting method, cord-shaped wo may represent a reminiscence of primitive methods of suspending such bells from ropes. The casting of wo by means of the ordinary piece-mold technique current in Western Zhou is well illustrated in Baoji Yu-guo mudi, 561, fig. 24. 59. For some convenient illustrations, see The great Bronze Age of China, 69-75.

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duction of round vessels, but even when the number of mold pieces was increased for bell-casting, the primeval flattened shape was preserved throughout the Bronze Age and beyond. It seems that, in order to obtain two clearly separated tones on a bell of almond-shaped cross-section, the bell must be of a certain size. As we shall see in Chapter 4, bells of such a shape were manufactured in China for centuries before the "two-tone phenomenon" was first realized and musically exploited. In addition to being technically simple, the almond-shaped cross-section is functionally advantageous even in nonmusical bells. Bells of this shape are distributed in many areas of the world: simple clapper-bells, such as those from the Ban Chiang culture in northern Thailand and from present-day sub-Saharan Africa, tend to be of flattened cross-section, quite irrespective of their method of manufacture (the African bells, for example, consist of two bent sheets welded together).60 In China, an almond-shaped cross-section is characteristic even of the Neolithic pottery bells, which may predate the earliest metal specimens by several centuries. For small clapper-bells, this shape is acoustically superior; two joined bent plates, with just enough space between them for a clapper to move back and forth, vibrate at wider amplitudes (and thus create a stronger noise when rung) than a round cylinder with the same amount of wall surface. Tuning As we have seen in Chapter 2, the design of Chinese chime-bells did not (and could not at the time) conform to a physically correct scaling formula; it is likely, therefore, that most bells were acoustically imperfect when removed from their molds. Such a situation is alluded to in an episode from the Lüshi Chunqiu (mid-third century B.C.): Ping Gong of Jin cast a Great Bell. He ordered the officiating [musicians] to listen to it; they all pronounced it to be in tune. But Music Master Kuang said: "It is not in tune. I request that it be recast."61 In cases of serious deviation from desired tuning, re-casting is the only way to correct acoustic deficiencies. In European carillon foundries, a large proportion of bells cast were failures that were either melted down or sold off for inferior

60. Sachs 1929; Price 1983. Bells from all over the world may be seen at the National Carillon Museum in Asten, The Netherlands (Lehr 1987a). 61. Lüshi Chunqiu "Zhongdongji" (Sibu Congkan ed., 11:10a). This was part of a collection of stories about the blind Music Master Kuang, fragments of which are dispersed among various ancient texts. The same story is in Huainan Zi (Lu Wenhui 1985, 43-44).

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uses (e.g., as ship-bells);62 we have no idea what the corresponding turnaround might have been in the Chinese Bronze Age. Small acoustic alterations, however, could be achieved by altering the shape of a bell. The intonation system (or systems) to which the ancient bell-chimes may have been tuned will occupy us later on in this book; what concerns us here is merely how the ancient craftsmen modified the perceived tone of a bell after casting. Polishing, for example, both enhances a bell's appearance and affects (and usually improves) a bell's acoustic quality, by flattening and regularizing the shape of the vibrating substance. Experiments undertaken during the replication of the Zeng bells have shown, moreover, that tempering (reheating the object after it had first cooled down) has the effect of raising the pitch of a bell.63 Conceivably, this technique might have been used for tuning purposes. That the pitches of individual bells can be modified by retooling the bell surfaces was apparently realized by Chinese bell-makers from Western Zhou times onward. The two-tone phenomenon, however, imposed narrow limits on the tuning of bells, for whenever the nodes of one vibration pattern are modified, those of all others will also be affected. Hence, adjusting the A-tone could not fail to change the B-tone as well, and vice versa. Utmost caution was required, and it is likely that tuning was on the whole less important in the Chinese Bronze Age than in European workshops. Nevertheless, traces of posterior re-tooling may be observed on the inside of many Zhou dynasty chime-bells. Like their medieval European counterparts, the ancient Chinese bell-tuners avoided affecting the bell-face, so as to leave the decoration and smooth shiny surfaces intact.64 Vibration frequency in a bell is determined primarily by wall thickness. The thickness of a bell, once cast, could not be increased,65 but by thinning the

62. Price 1983. 63. Ye Xuexian et al. 1981, 39-40. 64. There is some dissent among Chinese scholars as to the degree to which the tones of Bronze Age chimebells could be modified. Where Ma Chengyuan (1981) and Huang Xiangpeng (1983a) emphasize the narrow limits of tuning, Feng Guangsheng, who has fine-tuned several sets of replicas of the Zeng bells, is confident that he can get both tones of any bell with almond-shaped cross-section to sound within 10 cents of the desired frequencies (personal communication, 1990). Feng admitted that he relied on his intuition and experience, not mathematical or physical knowledge in tuning bells. If such exact tuning was within reach of the Bronze Age bell manufacturers, this would throw open the question why all known bell-chimes from the Chinese Bronze Age show significant deviations from any conceivable tuning system (see Chapters 6 and 7). Feng suggested that sets of bells found in tombs might have been deliberately left untuned in order to emphasize the distinction between the living and the dead. But this smacks of ad-hoc speculation. True enough, a Li Ji locus, alluded to in Chapter 1, which stipulates that bell-chimes should be buried without their racks ("Tan'gong-shang," Li Ji Zhushu 8:3b) does state that zithers, when buried, should be left untuned, and mouth organs should be equipped with non-harmonizing pipes; but it does not refer to the tuning of bells. Anyway, being a relatively late work of systematization, the Li Ji is hardly a reliable basis for a hypothesis of such scope. 65. Although theoretically, metal could have been soldered onto the sound-bow, that seems never actually to have been done in Bronze Age China.

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Figure 51. Modulation of wall thickness on the inside of one of Marquis Yi's chime-bells (yongzhong no. 12 in the second middle-tier chime). walls, the pitch could be lowered. On the inside of some Eastern Zhou bells examined by Ma Chengyuan wedge-shaped protuberances may be seen in strategic places along the sound-bow; these wedges could be chiseled off in order to modify the tone.66 In other bells, parts of the sound-bow were removed for similar reasons. Thinning the walls of a bell seems to have been the principal technique employed in ancient Chinese bell-tuning. The acoustic effect is especially pronounced when matter is removed from the areas where the vibrational nodes and antinodes are located; as this affects the elasticity of the vibrating substance, the effect may sometimes be a slight raise in pitch, which, however, will be at least partly offset by lowering due to loss of thickness (the mathematical relationships involved are complex because mass is related to the first power of thickness, whereas it is inversely related to the second power of elasticity). The Zhou bell manufacturers presumably honed their tuning skills through assiduous experimentation. We can tell that they must somehow have realized the locations of the principal nodes and antinodes, as well as their importance, from the fact that they positioned the rounded

66. Ma Chengyuan 1981.

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troughs (sui) at those exact points on the inside of the bell-body (fig. 51). Although the sui must not penetrate too far into the wall, lest a warbling sound be produced, on most specimens I have seen they are considerably deeper than the one-sixth of wall thickness stipulated by the Kaogongji. Before the two-tone phenomenon was rediscovered, scholars had generally assumed that the sui were "tuning grooves" carved into the bells after casting.67 Although one frequently does find evidence of posterior tuning activity on or around the nodal and antinodal areas, it is now realized that the sui themselves were part of the cast object, their main function being to keep the A- and B-tones separate.68 I have not seen any clear physical evidence that early Chinese casters attempted to raise the pitch of a bell already cast. But they may have had some dim idea about how it could be done; the Kaogongji, though silent about belltuning, does describe how a musical stone could be tuned: "If it is too high, then one rubs away at the sides. If it is too low, then one rubs away at the ends."69 This exactly accords with physical principles: by abrading the faces of the stones in the center, one diminishes their mass, lowering the audible partials. The principal nodes of a musical stone converge at its pointed ends; by filing them off, one increases the elasticity, thus raising the pitch.70 Experience gained on the less sophisticated musical stones may have contributed to the practice of bell-tuning.71 The Finished Product The feature of ancient Chinese chime-bells that most amazes a modern observertheir (relatively) exact pitch, which made them useable as fully musical instrumentsmay have been accorded surprisingly little emphasis in

67. Wenwu Cankao Ziliao I958 (1):15-23. 68. The sui first appears on the inside of late Western Zhou chimed yongzhong (see Appendix 2, Early yongzhong II); diagrams of different distributions of troughs on bells from different chimes are given by Li Chunyi (1990). Li concludes from the absence of sui on earlier types of yongzhong that the two-tone phenomenon was not realized until late Western Zhou; but this is doubtful because B-tone markers appear even on some of the earliest yongzhong known. It seems more likely that the sui represents a secondary step towards acoustically more sophisticated two-tone bells; it must have come into being as a result of experimentation at the Western Zhou court workshops. 69. Zhou Li: Kaogongji "Qingshi" (Zhou Li Zhengyi 80:16b-17a). 70. Lithophones are technologically simpler than bell-chimes because they lack the complications brought about by the two-tone phenomenon. Some chimestones of the characteristic qing shape can, however, emit more than one tone depending on the striking point (as I found to be the case in the largest chimestone in a modern replica of the Zeng lithophone at the Hubei Provincial Museum). Such an effect is probably caused by impurities in the stone material and cannot be easily expressed through a designing formula. If the two-tone phenomenon ever occurred on Bronze Age chimestones, it was almost certainly unintentional. Inscribed specimens naming their tones (such as the Zeng chimestones and some unprovenienced specimens discussed by Fang Jianjun 1990) only ever indicate one tone per stone. 71. Kuttner 1953.

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Figure 52. Development of early Chinese bell-types.

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the native concept of "bell" at the time. Bells were to be seen just as much as they were to be heard. This is not to say that the musical functionality of chime-bells was considered unimportant; it merely seems to have been taken for granted. Bell inscriptions (with the exception of those on the Zeng bells), if they refer at all to acoustical aspects, do not dwell on music-related matters but merely refer to the bells as sound-emitters. As such, each bell was endowed with a singing voice of its own.72 The inscription on the mid-sixth century B.C. Yun'er-bo characterizes that bell's tone as follows: Strike them for their long-resounding tone that heightens your elation; let their perfect sound come forth very loudly; greatly rejoice in this epitome of perfection.73 We have seen that some inscriptions render bell sound by way of onomatopoeia, using characters that show concern with the bells' metallic timbre. It is curious that inscriptions and texts (especially the Shi Jing) use identical expressions to describe both the sound of bells and birdsong.74 The word ming, commonly seen in the Odes in association with bells, where it means "to sound, ring," also means, primarily, "to twitter, cry, sing" (of birds). An affinity of birds and bells is apparent in parts of the iconography of bell decoration (see Chapters 4 and 5). That bells were conceived of as reproducing birdsong (if not actually manufactured with such intention) shows again how the definition of

72. This idea is shown by the occasional epithet gezhong "singing bells," found both in Zuo Zhuan Xiang 11 (HYI ed., 274) and in the inscription of the Cai Hou Shen bells. Related is the epithet (found in the Zhejian-yongzhong), transcribed by Guo Moruo as yaozhong "singing bell." Three Eastern Zhou bells (the Chu Wang Jin-niuzhong, the Xu Zi-bo, and the Chen Dasangshi-niuzhong) contain the epithet lingzhong (ling is reduplicated in the case of the Chen Dasangshi-niuzhong), best translated as "ringing bell." 73. The Chinese text runs: Zhong han zha yang / yuan ming kong huang / kong jia yuan cheng . The first eight characters of the phrase also appear in several contemporaneous inscriptions on bells that are probably all, like the Yun'er-bo, of Chu manufacture. They include the Wangsun Gao-yongzhong from tomb no. 2 at Xiasi, Xichuan (Henan), and the unprovenienced Wangsun Yizhe-yongzhong, Xu Zi-bo, and Xu Wangzi Jiong-niuzhong; shorter portions of the phrase may be seen in the inscriptions of the Cai Hou-niuzhong and the Qin Gong II-bo (for references, see Appendix 2; the textual variants are tabulated in Falkenhausen 1988, table 20). My translation differs from that of previous commentators in that I divide the text into rhyming parallel four-word phrases. Zhong is taken verbally in the meaning "to hit, strike (a bell)"; han as "long, extended sound" (Li Ji "Qu Li-xia," Li Ji Zhushu 5:11b); zha as an untranslatable particle similar to qi ; and yang as an allograph of yang "elated." Yuan (archaic reading: *ngiwan) may be taken in its sense of ''good, perfect" (or it may be amended, in a phonetically unproblematic loan, to its semantic cognate wan [*ngwan] "to play," a common word in pre-Qin texts). Yuan is linked to ming "to sound/emit a sound." Kong means, as it always does in such a position, "very"; huang doubtless stands for huang "forceful, loud [sound]," as in Shi Jing (Odes 274 and 28o, HYI ed., 75, 76), where it renders the sound of court music. 74. E.g., cang , cong , yang , yong , jie ; see nn. 19-22.

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"bell" centered on the sound, not on the music; albeit aesthetically pleasing, birdsong cannot, strictly speaking, be called a musical phenomenon. The Shi Jing contexts help to establish the intended connotations: both birds and bells were conceived of as peaceful, loving, orderly, and harmonic. The extensive extramusical meanings of bells hark back to the extravagant conception of music in the late pre-Qin and early Han texts, briefly outlined above in the Introduction. Unlike birds, of course, bells constituted a component of material culture under human control and able to induce artificially a state of harmony among humans comparable or analogous to that of singing birds in nature. In Western and especially Eastern Zhou inscriptions, such a function is made explicit by the common bell epithet he "harmonizing."75 The music performed on the bells was to have a beneficial effect on the relations between the living and the ancestral spirits (see Chapter 1); such music stood for peaceful and well-ordered social relations. Eastern Zhou and early Han texts, when mentioning bells, often dwell on these socio-moral implications,76 sometimes extending them into the cosmological realm. The Yan Zi Chunqiu, for example, contains an episode in which the Qi statesman Yan Zi, Confucius, and the magician Bochang Qian (all three reduced to stock figures representing particular philosophical viewpoints) each pronounce a verdict on a bell newly cast by Jing Gong of Qi (r. 547-490 B.C.): Jing Gong made a Great Bell. When it was about to be suspended, Yan Zi, Confucius, and Bochang Qian came to court and jointly said: "The bell will break." And indeed, when [the bell] was struck, it broke. [Jing] Gong summoned the three sages to inquire [the reason]. Yan Zi replied: "The bell was large. To use it in feasting without having sacrificed to the former lords was against the rules of propriety; hence I said that the bell would break." Confucius said: ''The bell was large, yet it was suspended [facing] downwards, so when it was stuck, its emanations [qi ] were sinuous at the bottom and thinned-out at the top. Hence I said that the bell would break." Bochang Qian said: "Today is a geng-shen day, a day [governed by] thunder.

75. See Falkenhausen 1988, table 16 and appendix 2. The epithet he is not usually seen on bronzes of other kinds. 76. The most grandiose expression of such views may be found in two long discourses in Guo Yu "Zhou Yu-xia" (Tiansheng Mingdao ed., 3:12a-18b). They also consistently underlie Xun Zi's views on music (Xun Zi "Fuguo," HYI ed., 32-34; "Lilun," ibid., 70-75; "Yuelun," ibid., 77-78), as well as those of the Yue Ji (Li Ji "Yueji," Li Ji Zhushu 37:6b-9b and 39:3a-4a; identically in Shi Ji "Yueshu," Zhonghua ed., 1186-89, 1224-25 and passim).

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[The bell's] tone was not superior to that of thunder; hence I said that it would break."77 At the end of the Bronze Age, bells seem to have been commonly viewed as one material means by which humans could imitate nature and act upon nature. If this was done unwisely or at the wrong time, disaster could result; the breaking of Jing Gong's bell, for example, was a highly inauspicious omen for the fate of the ruling lineage (which, at that time, was being pushed from power, eventually to be replaced on the throne of Qi by the House of Chen [or Tian ]).78 The potential impact of bell-casting was thus considerable and could not be undertaken lightly. In summary, bell manufacture rested on complex motifs and a comprehensive sort of knowledge that was hardly akin to the mindset of modern engineering.79 A one-sided view restricted to technological or musical issues would omit important cultural factors. We should not be too surprised when occasionally in the archaelogical record we encounter cases where the visual aspect of bells appears to have taken precedence over the acoustic ones (as occurred especially frequently in areas that were but marginally touched by the culture and ritual of the Shang and Zhou courts; see Appendix 3). Bell-chimes were sound-producers, but they were more; their significance was many-layered.

77. Yan Zi Chunqiu "Waipian" (Yan Zi Chunqiu Jishi, 507). The idea that the sound of bells imitated that of thunder may also be found in Huainan Zi (Sibu Congkan ed. 8:4a). 78. Written in Qi during the Warring States period, one aspect of the Yan Zi Chunqiu's agenda seems to be legitimation of Chen dynastic rule. 79. See Franklin et al. 1985.

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PART II THE HISTORY OF CHINESE MUSICAL BELLS

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Chapter Four Origins and Early Development Unlike other great inventions of ancient China (such as silk, porcelain, and the much-touted "paper, printing, compass, and gunpowder"), chimes of two-tone bells are limited to a single historical period, the Bronze Age. They have not survived as part of living Chinese culture, and they have not been imitated abroad. It might be argued, therefore, that they are not worth spilling much ink on. But from another perspective, the fact that the chime-bells died out after the end of the Bronze Age would seem to make them all the more interesting. We know from both texts and archaeological finds that chime-bells were for a time of great political and intellectual significance, and it is no exaggeration to say that they embody the highest technical skills of Shang and Zhou civilization. Why did they fall into disuse? How could their sophisticated technology be so completely forgotten? In making us reflect about such questions, the ancient Chinese chime-bells make palpable the inseparability of inventions from their cultural and social context. To make such connections explicit is an overarching concern of this book. The technological basics having been explained in Part I, we can now explore the historical development of ancient Chinese chime-bells as it can be traced through surviving material evidence. Typology and the History of Inventions Archaeology helps us realize that the great inventions of the past, upon which our modern technology rests, rarely arose from a single flash of genius.1 Aptly, the etymological meaning of "to invent" is "to come upon." Through most of

1. E.g., White 1962.

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human history, innovation came about in a haphazard and often fortuitous manner, occurring slowly and cumulatively over long periods of time. Craftsmen typically did not devise new inventions deliberately but quite literally stumbled upon them. Rather than proceeding in a straight line, therefore, the history of science and technology is riddled with curious back alleys, culs-de-sac, and turnabouts. The objective of this and the following chapter goes beyond straight art history, to which much of their contents inevitably bear some resemblance. It is important to realize that the evidence presented here embodies the history of the technology under discussion. Through continuous archaeological sequences, we can retrace, step by step, the "invention" of ancient Chinese chime-bells, using typology as a research tool indispensable not only to archaeology but also to some aspects of intellectual history. The fuller historical implications will be made explicit in Chapter 9. For present purposes, it is useful to distinguish between two levels of typo-logical analysis: the morphological and the stylistic. At the morphological level, objects are classified according to their overall shape and their external attributes, such as handles, bosses, and the presence or absence of decoration, whereas at the stylistic level, typological distinctions are based on the details (as well as the execution) of surface ornamentation. Both morphology and stylistics are useful as dating devices, to be used in conjunction with epigraphic analysis and other methods, such as stratigraphy and carbon-14 dating. Additionally, the study of morphological features can enlighten us about intellectual processes.2 Figure 52 presents the genealogy of Chinese bell-types and their temporal range. The six principal steps in the history of chimes of two-tone bells may be enumerated as follows: 1. Use of metal for sound-generating bodies. The first metal bells are seen in the archaeological record of the late third millennium; as discussed in the preceding chapter, they already feature the characteristic almond-shaped cross-section. 2. Manufacture of chimes of bells of graduated sizes. This development apparently first occurred in the late Shang period (second half of second millennium), perhaps after the invention of bells with round shanks.

2. These brief methodological considerations take up on Montelius 1903. It should be noted that Montelius continues to be of great influence on Chinese archaeologists (see Yu Weichao and Zhang Zhongpei in Su Bingqi 1984, 306-19).

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3. Realization of the two-tone phenomenon. This important discovery took place sometime after 1000 B.C.; concomitantly, the mode of installation of bells underwent an important change. 4. Utilization of the two-tone phenomenon in the manufacture of chimed sets of bells. This important step occurred separately from and subsequent to the invention of two-pitch bells. 5. Emergence of complex chime-bell assemblages. From the ninth to the mid-fourth centuries, two-pitch bells of a variety of types were produced in multiple chimes, which could be played simultaneously. This was the time of the greatest florescence of Chinese musical bells, the culmination of which is represented by the Zeng bells. 6. Abandonment of the two-tone phenomenon. This regression in technological sophistication coincided with the demise of most types of chime-bells during the late Warring States period (mid-fourth to third centuries). The bellmaking tradition of the Chinese Bronze Age came to an end sometime during the Han dynasty. Archaeology also reveals an important geographic dimension to these developments. Although the chronological steps were each based on the preceding ones, they took place at different locations and under different cultural conditions. The multiplicity of regional traditions in early Chinese civilization has emerged as one of the main themes of recent archaeological research and theory-building. K. C. Chang has characterized ancient China as an "interaction sphere" in which influences and stimuli were exchanged among a variety of coexisting cultures.3 Cultural diffusion, albeit rightly discredited as a universal explanatory device, prevailed in Neolithic and Bronze Age China, especially at the elite cultural level.4 Chime-bells were among the symbolically charged status items by which regional elites in and around the areas dominated by the early Chinese dynasties asserted themselves as such and made themselves compatible with one another. Their evolution derives much of its dynamics from a dialectic of transregional standard-emulation and local innovation. While embodying the achievements of regional or local workshop traditions, bells also exemplify centripetal trends in the long-term cultural development of the Chinese Bronze Age. In short, the evolution of chime-bells is in many ways representative of ancient Chinese cultural processes.

3. Chang 1986, ch. 5. 4. See Keightley 1987.

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The Earliest Chinese Bells China seems to have produced the earliest bells anywhere in the world.5 We have noted in Chapter 3 that the earliest metal bells may have been derived from pottery prototypes, which seem to go back in time to the late stage of the Yangshao culture (early third millennium B.C.) (fig. 53).6 The first metal bells date to the late third millennium B.C., being among the earliest metal artifacts in the Chinese archaeological record. By contrast, in West Asia, where metallurgy was practiced far earlier than in China, bells were not made until ca. 1000 B.C.7 On the other hand, the primacy of bells in the autochthonous development of metallurgy is not limited to China; west Mexico during the late first millennium A.D. offers an interesting parallel to the Chinese case.8 At present we can trace the modest origins of Chinese metal bells to one fairly circumscribed region along the middle reaches of the Yellow River, comprising parts of present-day Shanxi, Henan, and Anhui provinces. The time and area of origin coincide with those assigned by the traditional sources to the Xia, the legendary first dynasty of Chinese history (trad. dates: 2207-1766 B.C..). An incompletely preserved copper specimen (see fig. 12) from the late Neolithic cemetery at Taosi in Xiangfen (Shanxi) (ca. 2000 B.C.), already referred to several times in passing, appears to resemble a suspended clapper-bell (ling).9 This "bell-like object" is important not only as the earliest hollow cast-metal object so far found in China but also for its co-occurrence with the earliest indicators of the classical Chinese musical-ritual complex. Taosi and other contemporary sites in the same area have yielded remains of musical instruments apparently prefiguring those of the ritual orchestra of the later Bronze Age: chimestones (qing), ceramic drums, and alligator-skin drums.l0

5. Lüshi Chunqiu "Guyue" mentions bells cast by the first sovereigns of the Three Dynasties, as well as by even earlier mythical rulers. For a synopsis of legends ascribing the invention of bells to various predynastic heroes, see Feng Guangsheng 1988b. 6. Two Late Yangshao-period (early third millennium) gray "pottery bells" were excavated at Dahecun, Zhengzhou (Henan). Two similar objects were found at the late-third-millennium site of Taosi, Xiangfen (Shanxi). Other bell-like objects have turned up at the sites of Liulin and Dadunzi, Pi Xian (Jiangsu), Miaodigou, Sanmenxia (Henan), Keshengzhuang, Chang'an (Shaanxi), and Shijiahe, Tianmen (Hubei). References in Appendix 1. See also Chen Xingcan 1990. 7. Price 1983. Despite their later date, diffusion from China seems to have played no role in the origin of these bells. 8. Hosler 1988. 9. References to archaeologically excavated bells may be found (in alphabetical order by site name) in Appendix 1. 10. All these musical-instrument types are mentioned in Zhou Li. For the Taosi drums see Kaogu 1983 (1):3042; large chimestones were excavated at Taosi as well as the nearby sites of Dagudui, Xiangfen (Shanxi) (Kaogu 1988 [12]:1137), Nansongcun, Wenxi (Shanxi) (Kaogu yu Wenwu 1986 [2]:94, 6o; Koga bunmei-no nagare:61 [cat. no. 31]) and Dongxiafeng, Xia Xian (Kaogu 1980 [2]:97-107; photo p. 100, fig. 7.19). See also Fang Jianjun 1989. On a possible relationship between Taosi and the Xia dynasty see Zhang Changshou 1987.

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Figure 53. Pottery bells excavated in 1972-75 at Dahecun, Zhengzhou (Henan). Late Neolithic (third millennium B. C.).

Figure 54. Bronze ling excavated in 1982 from Area IX, tomb no. 4, at Erlitou, Yanshi (Henan). Late Erlitou culture (ca. 1800-1600 B.C.). The Taosi "bell" remains an isolated find in the archaeological record of its period, but during the second millennium B.C., ling clapper-bells gradually became ubiquitous. The earliest bronze specimens were excavated in tombs of the Erlitou culture (early second millennium).11 Virtually unornamented, they are remarkably uniform in shape and feature one lateral flange (fig. 54); later ling have two such flanges, perhaps left over from the bivalve casting process. The clappers (rood. Chin. she "tongue") are not preserved; they were probably made of perishable materials such as wood or bone, and they seem to have been connected, through a hole in the top, to the suspension loop by means of a piece of string. Ling have been found at virtually every Bronze Age cemetery in the country.12 In general, they are comparatively small in size (height below 10 cm). In late Shang dynasty pieces, a ring and a moveable metal clapper are cast onto the inside of ling (fig. 55). Those bells do not seem to be designed to be directly and purposefully manipulated by human beings; their small suspension loops are inconvenient for holding them in hand. They were agitated by virtue of being attached to other moving substances. Although considerable numbers of ling have been excavated together, these clapper-bells were never, as far as we know, assembled into tuned sets.13

11. References in Appendix 1. For a list of typologically related specimens, see Appendix 2. 12. For an article-length treatment of ling, see An Jiayao 1987. 13. The so-called "chimed ling" from Zhuangbai, Fufeng (Shaanxi) are discussed with the earliest niuzhong in Chapter 5, below, although they do not seem to have been made as a chimed set (Fang Jianjun, personal communication).

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Figure 55. Ling excavated in 1965-66 from tomb no. 1 at Subutun, Yidu (now Qingzhou) (Shandong). Late Shang period (ca. 1300-1050 B.C.). The Neolithic and Erlitou ling occur as single pieces directly associated with human individuals. Ling function as noise-producers. When dangling, for example, from a shaman's belt, as may have been the case with the Taosi ling, which was found near the tomb-occupant's pelvis, their tinkling would have acoustically underlined the bearer's body movements. The distribution of these earliest specimens is limited to some of the richest tombs. Being associated with individuals of authority, their symbolic function appears to be analogous to that of the later musical bells. The early ling thus not only have an important role in the evolution of metal sound generators but arguably played a much more prominent cultural role than was ever true thereafter for clapper-bells of this sort. With the emergence of other kinds of bells during the Shang period, ling were relegated to subservient functions; at Shang and Zhou sites, they are habitually found not in immediate association with their owners but as part of the horseand-chariot gear and as collar-bells of dogs. In later times, ling were also suspended from canopy curtains, to be agitated by the wind.14 The Emergence of Musical Bells The Erligang period of Shang civilization (ca. 1500-1350 B.C.) is still a blank spot in our typological sequence. Because no Erligang bells have so far been excavated, we can only conjecture that during this period, significant developments must have taken place; in the subsequent Anyang period (ca. 1350-1045 B.C.), we find, in addition to ling of various types, a new kind of clapperless bell with a round, hollow shank (figs. 56 and 57). These bells, which present-day 14. Examples documenting such a use in the Eastern Zhou and Late Han period have been reported from tomb no. 75 in the Shaoshan Guanqu project (Hunan) (Wenwu 1977 [3]:36-54, photo p. 48), dating to Eastern Zhou, and at Xiaoyancun, Shijiazhuang (Hebei) (Kaogu 1980 [1]:52-54, (Footnote continued on next page)

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Figure 56. Enlarged set of five nao excavated in I976 from tomb no. 5 (''Fu Hao's tomb") at Yinxu, Anyang (Henan). The inscription "Ya Gong" (see rubbing) is found only on two of thefive bells. Late Shang period (probably early to mid-twelfth century B.C.).

Figure 57. One of an enlarged set of four nao excavated in 1935 from tomb no. 1083 at Xibeigang, Anyang (Henan). Late Shang period (twelfth-eleventh century B.C.).

(Footnote continued from previous page) photo p. 54 figs. 5.6 and 5.7), dating to Western Han. At Xiaoyancun, the bells were suspended from archshaped arms in a mobile-like arrangement.

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archaeologists in China commonly call nao,15 were produced in sets of three. They were mounted on wooden stands with their mouths pointing upward. Nao are the earliest chime-bells of the Chinese Bronze Age and, for that matter, anywhere in the world. The resonating bodies of nao and ling are sufficiently similar in shape to suggest that the two kinds of bells are genetically related.16 Nonetheless, nao may not have been derived directly from ling; it has been hypothesized that nao may have been preceded by clapper-bells with cylindrical shanks (duo),17 which makes logical sense, although archaeological proof is still lacking. Duo clapperhandbells were common in the later part of the Bronze Age, but the earliest mainstream specimen so far excavated (see fig. 24) dates only to mid-Western Zhou times.18 At the Late Shang metropolis of Anyang, three-part chimed sets have been found not only of nao but of chimestones as well. They formed part of ritual orchestras that also included various wind and possibly stringed instruments.19 Nao chimes were occasionally enlarged by inserting additional bells of ex-

15. Most Japanese scholars prefer the term zheng (pron. sho in Japanese), which is also seen in some older Chinese works; the original name for bells of this class is unknown. 16. Li Chunyi 1957b; Zhang Yachu 1985; Wu Hung n. d., sec. 1. In both nao and ling the rim may be either level or curved upwards (as in later yongzhong and niuzhong). This lack of uniformity with regard to the shape of the rim may be a technologically primitive feature. The exact acoustic impact of rim shape has not yet been clarified by experiments. 17. Hayashi Minao (1984 2:392, taku 1) has classified a set of early-looking nao from tomb no. 51 at Dasikongcun, Anyang (Henan) (references in Appendix 1), whose elongated proportions seem to resemble those of contemporary clapper-bells, such as duo. However, because the published report does not mention the existence of a clapper, this identification must remain speculative; we may also wonder how a three-piece set of clapper-bells could have been played as a chime. In the absence of archaeological data from the crucial Erligang period, we cannot determine with certainty when and how bells were first assembled into graduated sets. 18. This earliest mainstream duo was excavated at tomb no. 1 at Rujiazhuang, Baoji (Shaanxi) (Baoji Yu-guo mudi, 1: 281; drawing, p. 310, fig. 217. 2; photo, v. 2, pl. 155. 2; Shaanxi Chutu Shang Zhou Qingtongqi 4:64 [photo]). Another early bronze duo excavated at Caojiayuan, Shilou (Shanxi) may date back to Shang times, but it is extraordinary in many ways (Shanxi chutu wenwu, cat. no. 57 [photo]; Zhongguo kaoguxue yanjiu lunji, 218; photo, p. 216, fig. 3.3). This bell is rung by means of a multitude of loose 8-shaped bronze elements affixed to the handle and the bell-body, which hit the metal surface when the object is shaken. Some of these jingling elements appear to end in tiny crotals. Whether the bell has a clapper is not clear; it would hardly seem to need one. Other unusual features include slot-shaped holes in the resonating body paralleling the vertical rows of jingling elements, as well as bands of hatched raised-line decoration suggesting northern (Siberian and northeast Asian) derivation. While the overall shape of the resonating body (including its almond-shaped crosssection) speaks for a Chinese connection, this unique specimen clearly emanates from a peripheral manufacturing tradition and hardly fits into the developmental sequence of the zhong family bells in the central and southern regions of China. At best, it is a distant reflection of the putative clapper-handbells of Shang. The origins of the duo may go back even further: Li Chunyi (1957a) and Wu Zhao (1983, 4) illustrate an otherwise unreported pottery object allegedly excavated at Keshengzhuang, Chang'an (Shaanxi), perhaps dating to the late Neolithic. It is difficult to imagine a function for it, but the shape vaguely prefigures that of a bell with a handle. If this object was in fact a musical instrument, it might suggest that independent typological lineages of bells with shanks go back to pre-Bronze Age times, but this is highly speculative. 19. Tong Kin-woon 1983-84; Pratt 1986.

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traneous origin. The five pieces found in the famous tomb no. 5 ("Fu Hao's tomb") at Xiaotun, probably the resting place of a consort of King Wu Ding (trad. dates: 1324-1266), constitute such a composite set (fig. 56). Their sizes are not evenly graduated, and the second and third bells in the set are conspicuously close to one another in size. Moreover, only two bells in the set (nos. 1 and z) bear the inscription "Ya Gong[?]" ,20 which points to an origin different from that of the three uninscribed ones. Likewise, the four nao from tomb no. 1083 at Xibeigang (fig. 57), with two specimens similarly close to one another in size, seem to have been jumbled together from two different chimes, an impression confirmed by tone measurements (see Chapter 7 and fig. 112).21 In most Anyang nao, the striking point for the A-tone is clearly demarcated as a thickened portion in the center of the sound-bow. This morphological feature seems to indicate that the two-tone phenomenon was probably not recognized at the time. We recall from Chapter 2 that later Zhou bell-casters deliberately thinned the nodal area in that part of the bell by fashioning the hollow sui on the inside; doing so assured optimal separation of the A- and B-tones. A thickened wall portion in this part of the bell would have had a contrary effect. Tone measurements corroborate that B-tones were not yet used in Shang times (see Chapter 7). In the Anyang period, we for the first time see decoration on bells, perhaps reflecting the increasing importance of such musical instruments in the pursuit of conspicuous consumption. While the five nao from "Fu Hao's tomb" (fig. 56) are unornamented save for a raised line defining an empty central field, on many other Anyang nao the entire bell-face is covered by a mask motif. This mask is sometimes executed in raised lines (as in the unprovenienced Ya-Wan Fu Ji-nao in the Palace Museum, Taibei),22 but much more frequently it is rendered in high relief (e.g., fig. 57). Mask iconography and style resemble those on other types of late Shang bronzes, though the ubiquitous background decor of "cloud-pattern" spirals is never seen on the nao. The mask faces the viewer when the bell is installed with the mouth facing upward. Exactly the same two modes of bell-face layoutsimple enclosed field and central mask motifmay be observed on Anyang period ling.23 On ling decorated with masks (see fig. 55), that motif is invariably executed in raised lines; interestingly, moreover, it always faces upside down when the bell is

20. These two characters probably designate a clan or lineage name. 21. References in Appendix I. For a list of typologically related specimens, see Appendix 2. 22. For references see Appendix 2. 23. At Anyang, ling with simple decoration were found, for example, in the royal tomb no. 1001 at Xibeigang (one piece, Houjiazhuang, vol. 2 [I962], fasc. 1:313, illustrations: fasc. 2:pls. 244.3 and 247. 1), in the large tomb at Wuguancun (one piece [H. 8.8 cm], Kaogu Xuebao 5 [1951]:19-21, drawing: p, 40 fig. 8), and in tomb no. 20 at Xiaotun (two pieces, Xiaotun, 1st ser., pt. 3, vol. 1 [1970], fasc. 1:144-45, illustrations: fasc. 2:pl. 121). This list is not complete.

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suspended.24 Evidently, the motif was transferred from nao onto ling without considering ling's different mode of installation. The fact that both ling and nao feature basically identical, and identically displayed, ornamentation motifs may show that both were perceived as pertaining to the same category of objects. They were probably made in the same workshops. But it is the ling that, despite their greater antiquity, are decorated in imitation of the nao; hence it would seem that by the time of the Anyang period, nonmusical clapper-bells were considered secondary to musical chime-bells. Sets of nao are virtually limited to the immediate surroundings of Anyang, with outliers in northern and central Shandong.25 They occur exclusively in tombs of considerable wealth. By contrast, ling very much like those from Anyang have been found in tombs hundreds of kilometers away from the metropolis.26 Both ling and nao continue virtually unchanged into the Western Zhou period, where their stylistic development appears to have stagnated for almost two centuries after the end of Shang. The Nao Bells of Southern China Northern versus Southern Nao During the Anyang period, the regions along the Yangzi River (see map 1) were probably beyond the realm of the Shang kings. The various local Bronze Age cultures produced a characteristic hard-fired patterned pottery, which was exported to Anyang. Conversely, metallurgy had apparently been transplanted into the area from the north during the Erligang period; stylistically distinctive 24. Pieces with this sort of decoration found at Xiaotun, Anyang, include two from tomb no. 20 (Xiaotun, 1st ser., pt. 3, vol. 1 [1970], fasc. 1:144-45, illustrations: fasc. 2:pl. 122) and one from tomb no. 164 (Xiaotun 1st ser., pt. 3, vol. 2 [1972]:30-31, illustration: pl. 6.8). This enumeration is not exhaustive. 25. A chime of three nao with mask decoration in the Anyang style was excavated from tomb no. 8 at Subutun, Qingzhou (Shandong); that tomb was part of a necropolis of local rulers who virtually equalled the Shang kings in prestige and wealth. The Ya Chou -nao in the Shanghai Museum (photo in Ma Chengyuan 1981, pl. 23. 1) may have been looted, together with many other bronzes all featuring the same clan marker, from one of the large tombs at Subutun in the early part of the twentieth century; other bronzes with Ya Chou inscriptions have since turned up in controlled excavations at that site (Yin Zhiyi 1977). Another nao (possibly a set) was excavated at Daguo, Huimin (Shandong); unfortunately, the only published photograph is so blurred that it is impossible to assess its similarity to Anyang pieces. References in Appendix 1. 26. Random examples of ornate Shang-period ling from outside the Anyang metropolitan area include the following: five pieces (H. 7-9.7 cm) from tomb no. 1 at Subutun, Qingzhou (formerly Yidu, Shandong) (Wenwu 1972 [8]:17-30, photo: p. 26 fig. 20, drawing: p. 30 figs. 38.4,5,8); six pieces (H. 5.5 and 6.5 cm) from a tomb at Yiduhoucheng, Shouguang (Shandong) (Wenwu 1985 [3]:1-11, photo, p. 8 fig. 29, drawing: p. 7 fig. 28); three (H. 8.5 cm) from tomb no. 1 at Jingjiecun, Lingshi (Shanxi) (Wenwu 1986 [11]:1-18, photo, p. 8, fig. 16; drawing, p. 9 fig. 20.2). The following are some examples from Western Zhou tombs in Shaanxi: one piece (H. 9.4 cm) from the early Western Zhou tomb no. 77M1 at Keshengzhuang, Chang'an (Kaogu 1981 [1]:13-18, 76; photo, pl. 3.3); and one (H. 8 cm) from a middle Western Zhou tomb at Nanluo, Lintong (Wenwu 1982 (Footnote continued on next page)

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bronzes loosely patterned on northern models were manufactured locally.27 In particular, the bronze-casters in the Yangzi River region imitated nao of the Anyang types just described; specimens of these appear to have been diffused here sometime during the Anyang periodor, possibly, somewhat earlier. In the period corresponding to late Shang and early Western Zhou, the southern casters transformed these nao into much larger bells with elaborate decoration. Although similar in shape to northern nao, the nao from the Yangzi region may have served a quite different ritual function. As Robert W. Bagley has pointed out: "In northern ritual the central role of the bronze vessel was unchallenged, but in the south vessels were clearly far less important than bells."28 In spite of the evident prominence of bells, the idea of manufacturing them in chimed sets does not seem to have occurred to the southern bronze casters. All nao found in south China are single specimens; even when several are found together,29 they never constitute a chimed set.30 There are no indications that the ritual orchestra of the Shang and Zhou courts was known in the south at that time; it has been observed, for example, that in the Yangzi region, bells were not associated with chimestones (qing), as they were in the north.31 The fact that most specimens have been discovered in isolated mountainous areas has given rise to the speculation that they played a role in mountain cults of some kind.32 They may have been used for convoking the populace or for conjuring the spirits, or bells may have been thought of as emitting the voices of deities. Rather than serving as musical instruments in an orchestra, the southern nao thus resembled later European church-bells or Buddhist temple-bells in their function. Unlike their northern counterparts, none of the southern nao has been found in tombs; they were apparently buried at the sites where they had been used, usually without any accompanying artifacts. The lack of archaeological context makes it difficult to periodize them, much less determine their absolute dates. Various sequences have been proposed on the basis of decoration style. What

(Footnote continued from previous page) [1]:87-89; photo, p. 88 fig. 3, rubbing: ibid., fig. 4). The middle Western Zhou tomb no. 21 at Xincun, Xun Xian (Henan), as well as several later tombs at the same site, also yielded similar pieces of different sizes (Xun Xian Xincun, 58, photos: pls. 5. 12, 13; rubbings: pls. 96 and 97). 27. Kane 1974-75, Hayashi 1980, Bagley 1987. 28. Bagley 1987, 34. 29. For example, the groups of five and two nao excavated, respectively, at Shiguzhaishan and Beifengtan. References in Appendix 1. For a list of typologically related specimens, see Appendix 2. 30. The only possible exception to this is the set of two nao excavated at Nanya, Jian'ou (Fujian), probably dating to the late Western Zhou dynasty, which appear to be provincial survivals in a time when nao were no longer generally produced anywhere else. The decoration of these specimens (especially their studded zhuan) betrays some secondary influence from contemporary yongzhong types. Reference in Appendix 1. 31. Chen Zhenyu 1988a. 32. Gao Zhixi 1984b.

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Map 1. Geographical distribution of archaeologically provenienced Chinese musical bells dating from ca. 2000-771 B.C. (early Bronze Age-Western Zhou and contemporary regional cultures).

A symbol executed in outline indicates the find of a single bell; a solid symbol indicates a set comprising several bells. Only the names of cities and county seats are given. For site names, consult Place Names in Geographical Arrangement and Appendixes 1 and 2.

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makes the matter complicated is that several southern workshops seem to have been involved in the casting of nao at different times. Because morphological innovations spread with amazing rapidity, it is difficult to relegate individual specimens to particular workshops or sub-areas. The two most important new features that emerged in the course of two centuries or so of sustained development of bell-making in the south are the xuan and the standard zhong ornamentation scheme. The Emergence of the Xuan Southern nao are considerably larger and heavier than those from Anyang. The enlarged size required some modifications in the way in which these bells were installed. Although we do not know exactly what the nao-racks looked like, wood remains inside the shanks (yong) of nao found at Anyang show that these bells were impaled onto vertical sticks.33 For the much larger southern specimens, this method would not have provided enough stability. It appears that the yong of southern nao were, instead, stuck into a cavity or through a hole in a rack that reached almost to the flat bottom of the bell's resonating body.34 In order to maintain the nao in position and prevent them from sliding too far into the rack (which would have impaired the sound), a bulging protrusion, the xuan, was introduced onto the yong (see figs. 32 and 58). Large nao seem to have been additionally secured by ropes, which could be conveniently tied around the notch between the xuan and the resonating body. Undoubtedly, these more sophisticated mounting devices were engendered by increased bell size: in the earliest southern nao, dating to the time before the xuan became a universal feature, size strongly correlates with the presence or absence of a xuan. Some Large Specimens The largest nao known to date was excavated at Yueshanpu, Ningxiang (Hunan) (fig. 58).35 Measuring 103 cm in height and weighing 225 kg, it is one of the largest known Chinese bronzes. The Yueshanpu nao is representative of a conspicuous group of about twenty known large pieces (average height ca. 70 cm) with stylistically similar decoration. They all have a xuan, and they all feature the same three-dimensionally molded mask motif, which is placed in a recessed central panel. Although oriented in the same way as on the nao from

33. Traces of wood were found in the shanks of the nao from tomb no. 5 at Xiaotun, Anyang (Yinxu Fu Hao-mu, 100), and of the nao excavated at Jiazhuang, Anyang (Zhongyuan Wenwu 1986 [3]:12). 34. Various kinds of stands have been reconstructed by Tong Kin-woon 1983-84 pt. 2:136-42. 35. References in Appendix 1. For a list of typologically related specimens, see Appendix 2.

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Figure 58. Nao from Yueshanpu, Ningxiang (Hunan). Photo and rubbings of the zoomorphic decoration on the sound-bow (two facing elephants) and on the xuan (two-bodied dragon). Local culture contemporary to late Shang, probably twelfth-eleventh century B.C. Anyang (see fig. 57), this mask does not otherwise resemble its comparatively "naturalistic" Anyang counterpart. The eyes are separated from the surrounding parts of the face, which may be described as a highly abstracted configuration of molded ridges. The broad central ridge ("nose") has a fork-shaped top ("forehead'') and ends in two hooked bends at the bottom ("muzzle"). Two symmetrical T-shaped "cheeks" branch off in the center of the central ridge; the arms of the T in turn branch out into hooked bends filling the space around the eyes and forming the "fangs" in the lower portion of the decoration panel. One wonders about the iconographic significance of this motif and whether it was even still perceived as a mask.36

36. Kane 1974-75, 88-89.

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Figure 59. Nao from Nihequ, Lujiang (Anhui). Local culture contemporary to late Shang, probably twelfth-eleventh century B.C. The thickened portion in the center of the sound-bow of these bells (and of southern nao in general) is highlighted by special ornamentation. On the Yueshanpu nao, two symmetrical elephants are depicted in high relief (the xuan of that bell, moreover, features a pair of converging snakes, executed in a similar way). Such relieved decoration, for which there is no parallel on northern bells, can be found on some, though not all, of the large nao of this group of large pieces. Others, such as the one from Nihequ, Lujiang (Anhui) (fig. 59),37 are wholly covered by "abstract" sunken-line volute decoration; here the decoration motif in the center of the sound-bow takes the form of a smaller mask-like configuration of scrolls. Almost all archaeologically excavated specimens of this group have been found in Hunan, though the one depicted in figure 59 was discovered further down the Yangzi in Anhui. They are all so similar to one another that it seems safe to assume that they represent a distinct workshop tradition. Although Gao Zhixi places them at the beginning of his sequence of southern nao,38 I would concur with Wu Hung in that these large specimens constitute by

37. References in Appendix 1. 38. Gao Zhixi 1984b (English translation, 277-84).

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no means the earliest southern nao.39 They seem to represent a local strain, secondary to other filiations that we shall review below. Perhaps on account of their excessive size, this group of nao constitute an evolutionary cul-desac. Genesis of the Standard Zhong Ornamentation Scheme The majority of southern nao can be placed on a continuum leading from the earliest Anyang pieces to the yongzhong of mid- to late Western Zhou. The evolution of their surface design is coterminous with the genesis of the standard zhong ornamentation scheme, which was initially demonstrated by Chen Mengjia ,40 though Virginia Kane was the first to call attention to the underlying geographic dimension of that development.41 Hayashi Minao and Wu Hung, among others, have since refined the sequence.42 In my own research, I have found that the evolution of the bell's morphological features by and large supports the stylistic periodization proposed by Wu Hung: the southern nao that he regards as the earliest lack xuan (as do the ones from Anyang), whereas xuan are present on all the stylistically later ones. I also believe that the adoption of the peculiar "standard" decor may reflect the casters' attempts to control the bells' acoustic properties (as discussed in Chapter 2). In time, the casters' experiments led to the discovery of the two-tone phenomenon. Nao of the principal southern typological filiations have been found from Hunan and Hubei downstream to Jiangxi, Jiangsu, Zhejiang, and northern Fujian; later pieces have also been reported from Guangxi and, apparently, Guangdong.43 Their sites of manufacture have not yet been identified. The decoration style, however, with its abundant scroll motifs, generally accords with that of locally produced bronzes of other kinds. Following Wu Hung, we may take as our starting point a nao (no. 1) excavated at Liurongshan, Yangxin (Hubei) (fig. 60); though larger than any known Anyang specimens, it is one of the smallest found so far in the south.44 This bell bears a certain resemblance to those from Anyang. The bell-face is completely flat save for the bulging pupils of a central mask motif, which has been disassembled into five separate parts, each covered with hooked sunken lines. A second, rudimentary mask is delineated on the small raised portion in the central part of the rim.

39. Wu Hung n.d. 40. Chen Mengjia 1955-56, pt. 5, 124-27. 41. Kane 1974-75, esp. 88-93. 42. Hayashi 1980; Wu Hung n.d. 43. Enumerated in Appendix 2; for references to provenienced specimens see Appendix 1. Distribution maps in Bagley 1987, 33, and Wu Hung n.d. 44. References in Appendix 1. For a list of typologically related specimens, see Appendix 2.

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Figure 60. First nao excavated in 1974 at Liurongshan, Yangxin (Hubei). a, rubbing of the bell-face; b, photo. Local culture contemporary to late Shang, probably twelfth century B.C. or earlier.

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Figure 61. Right: Nao excavated in 1963 at Xujiafan, Yuhang (Zhejiang). Local culture contemporary to late Shang, probably twelfth-eleventh century B.C.

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Figure 62. Second nao from Liurongshan (see fig. 61): a, photo; b, rubbing of the bell-face. Local culture contemporary to late Shang, probably twelfth eleventh century B.C. The next step in the stylistic development of nao decoration may be seen in the nao from Xujiafan, Yuhang (Zhejiang) (fig. 61).45 The fiat, disassembled mask is similar to that on bell no. 1 from Liurongshan, except that the simple sunken-line decoration now extends over the entirety of the bell's surface. The central mask motif is, moreover, surrounded by a pattern of small circlets in raised thread relief. The Xujiafan nao is ancestral to two filiations of nao on which the central ornamentation motif becomes less and less similar to the erstwhile mask.46 Nao of the first group feature raised-line decor and lack xuan; those of the second group are ornamented with sunken lines and have xuan. It appears that these two groups represent different workshop traditions. Nao no. 2 from Liurongshan (fig. 62) represents the first stylistic group of specimens, characterized by raised-line decoration (figs. 62 and 63; see also fig.

45. The importance of this bell was stressed by Hayashi Minao (1980, 20). 46. The Xujiafan bell also appears to be ancestral to the group of large nao exemplified by the piece from Yueshanpu, reviewed above. A partially molded mask design, which may link the Xujiafan nao and the bells of that group, may be seen on an unprovenienced nao in the Portland (Oregon) Art Museum (Kane 1974-75, 89, fig. 26; Hayashi 1984 2:380 sho 6).

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Figure 63. Nao in the Museum of Far Eastern Antiquities, Stockholm. Local Middle Yangzi culture contemporary to late Shang, probably twelftheleventh century B. C. 25). Here the former mask is reduced to a filigree of relieved ridges.47 The nose has become a thin line running down the full height of the ornamentation panel. Unlike thread-relief decoration in north China (as seen on the ling in fig. 55), the mask's contours are not emphasized. The spaces between the constituent ridges are entirely filled with raised circlets. In the much larger specimen from Tangdongcun, Jiangning (Jiangsu) (fig. 25),48 the central mask is divided into two symmetrical receding panels separated by a broad ridge. Each panel contains one-half of a dissolved mask motif in raised-line decor. The raised lines of the mask expand outward, forming roughly three horizontal tiers; circlets fill the spaces in between. The same motif is seen in an unprovenienced nao in the Museum of Far Eastern Antiquities, Stockholm (fig. 63), but instead of two eyes, each of the two symmetrical panels features a group of nine nipple-shaped bosses.49 They prefigure the mei characteristic of the standard zhong decoration scheme. Although the scrolls between the bosses are, evolutionarily speaking, components of a mask, any similarity with such a motif is gone.

47. References in Appendix 1. 48. Ibid. For a list of typologically related specimens, see Appendix 2. 49. Karlgren 1949, pl. 37.

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In the second stylistic group of southern nao descended from the Xujiafan bell, all decoration is executed as sunken lines on the same plane. Yet we may observe the same stylistic progression as in the first group: from the masklike motif of the Xujiafan nao, via symmetrical tiers of spirals with two bulging eyes in the center, as on the bell from Sanmudi, Ningxiang (Hunan) (fig. 64),50 to a scroll pattern with two symmetrical groups of bosses (mei), as on the nao from Yangze, Jian'ou (Fujian) (fig. 65).51 Curiously, at the final stage represented by the Yangze nao, two groups of nine bosses have again appeared on each side of the bell, no more and no less.52 How this number was determined and whether it has any particular significance is unknown.53 The bells of the second group (average height 63.7 cm) are, on the whole, much larger in size than those of the first (average height 37.4 cm), though the stylistically more advanced pieces in the first group also show a marked increase in size. This size difference between the bells of the two groups seems to correlate with the presence or absence of xuan: none of the specimens in the first group has a xuan,54 whereas all of those in the second group do.55 Given their smaller size and the absence of xuan, the first group may be considered somewhat more conservative than the second and also, perhaps, a little earlier in date. As the xuan became a universal feature on south Chinese nao, xuan-less nao with raised-line ornaments disappeared; nao with xuan and sunken-line decoration, on the other hand, feed into later nao sequences and ultimately into yongzhong.

50. References in Appendix 1. For a list of typologically related specimens, see Appendix 2. 51. References in Appendix 1. 52. The only exception is an unprovenienced nao in the Hunan Provincial Museum, Changsha (photo in Gao Zhixi 1984a, pl. 91), which, on each face, features two panels with four rows of bosses (two rows of two and two of three). This highly atypical effort seems to be the product of a far-removed local workshop. 53. According to Chen Mengjia, the bosses developed out of the bulging eyes of earlier mask motifs, which were filled with geometrical ornaments and distorted in shape. The ubiquitous two groups of nine bosses may have arisen from a fan-like arrangement of three groups of three spliced-up masks that were laid atop one another along a central axis of symmetry. The tendency to multiply the mask motifs in the central panel can also be observed on early southern bo bells. As an alternative theory, Gao Zhixi (1984b, 132 [English translation p. 293]) has proposed that the predecessors of the mei bosses may be found in rows of minuscule round protrusions adorned with sunken-line whorls (jiongwen), which may be seen placed around the central decorative panel of some southern nao and bo bells (see fig. 77). Both ideas have some plausibility. 54. This holds true not only for now-extant nao but also for specimens of comparable decor (formerly in the Song imperial collection) depicted in Bogutulu (reference in Appendix 2). All other nao in Bogutulu have xuan. 55. The only exception to the apparent correlation of raised-line decoration and lack of xuan is the xuan-less nao from Huangmasai, Xiangxiang (Hunan) (references in Appendix 1), which is ornamented by sunken-line volutes; the arrangement of these spirals, however, significantly differs from that on other specimens with sunken-line ornamentation, such as that in fig. 65. Perhaps this transitional piece is an early local effort.

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Figure 64. Above: Nao excavated in 1973 at Sanmudi, Ningxiang (Hunan). Local culture contemporary to late Shang, probably twelftheleventh century B.C. a, frontal view; b, side view.

Figure 65. Right: Nao excavated in 1978 at Yangze, Jian'ou (Fujian). Local culture contemporary to late Shang, probably twelfth eleventh century B.C.

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The Invention of Youngzhong By pursuing the typological sequence of nao bells somewhat further, we shall be able to pinpoint the time and place where the two-tone phenomenon was initially realized and the major chime-bell type of the Zhou dynasty, the yongzhong, came into being. Changes in Nao Shape and Ornamentation We may now turn to a group of nao that on a stylistic basis clearly appears to be posterior to those described above. The vast majority of these, as well as the earliest yongzhong, have been excavated in the Xiang River valley of Hunan and adjacent parts of Jiangxi. After the peak in size and massiveness represented by such pieces as those in figures 58 and 64, the size of nao decreased considerably to an average height of ca. 30-40 cm. At the same time, the proportions of the resonating bodies of nao became somewhat more elongated, and the surface decoration changed. While on the face of the bells in figures 63-65, spirals and bosses (mei) are arranged in seven rows, they are reduced to five rows on later specimens, such as the nao from Liling (Hunan) (fig. 66):56 three rows of bosses with two intervening horizontal zhuanjian tiers. The bosses consequently increased both in size and in visual prominence, assuming the "round hammer" shape characteristic for bosses on yongzhong. The five horizontal registers were marked off by low ridges prefiguring the zhuan in the standard zhong decoration scheme. Later, these ridges became wider and more massive or were replaced by wide sunken lines of a similar visual effect. In the center of the bell-face of nao, between the two symmetric fields of bosses separated by zhuanjian tiers, a vertical ornamentation panel came into its own. The central ridge between the two ornamental panels (which was the location of a casting seam) was first emphasized as three parallel raised lines, as on the nao from Liling (fig. 66). Subsequently, it was transformed into a molded, tongue-shaped motif, as on the nao from Xiajiashan, Leiyang (Hunan) (fig. 67).57 Still later, this part of the bell-face was cleared of all decorative elements, remaining as an empty field in the center of the bell, as on the nao excavated at Huangzhu, Zhuzhou (Hunan) (fig. 68);58 on late Western Zhou yongzhong from the metropolitan workshops, this central panel was to become the preferred location of inscriptions. The ornamentation of the last-mentioned nao thus virtually conforms to the standard zhong decoration scheme, except that the gu, the portion between the

56. In my treatment of the latest nao, I basically follow Gao Zhixi's proposed stylistic sequence. For a list of all typologically related specimens, see Appendix 2. 57. References in Appendix 1. 58. Ibid.

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Figure 66. Above, left: Nao from Liling (Hunan) (exact locus of excavation unknown). Local culture contemporary to late Shang and early Western Zhou, probably eleventhtenth century B.C.

Figure 67. Nao excavated in 1980 at Xiajiashan, Leiyang (Hunan). Local culture contemporary to late Shang and early Western Zhou, probably eleventhtenth century B.C.

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Figure 68. Nao excavated in 1981 at Huangzhu, Zhuzhou (Hunan). Local culture contemporary to early Western Zhou, probably tenth century B.C.

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sound-bow and the area enclosed by zhuan, is still considerably narrower than in yongzhong (see fig. 69). We can see, however, that the small secondary mask motif seen on the thickened striking platforms of southern nao is the forerunner of the gu ornamentation in yongzhong. In the nao from Liling, for example (fig. 66), the ornamentation in the center of the gu has been reduced to an abstract configuration of spirals in two tiers, identical to what is seen in the earliest yongzhong (see figs. 69, 71-72). As the proportions of the bell-body became more elongated, the visual importance of the gu portion increased. On the nao in figures 67 and 68, the striking platform in the center of the sound-bow is no longer thickened. This, in accordance with the physical principles discussed in Chapter 2, very probably indicates that the existence of the two-tone phenomenon was already known to the casters of the last southern nao. The Transition from Nao to Yongzhong Nao grade into yongzhong. The only morphological difference lies in the presence, in yongzhong, of a small suspension ring, the wo, which was laterally affixed to the xuan. This innovation decisively altered the mode in which the bells were installed: instead of standing on their yong with the mouth facing upward, they were now suspended obliquely with the mouth facing down. It is possible that, before the wo was invented, nao had been hung in a similar fashion by means of ropes slung around the xuan, as is indeed suggested by the fact that in early yongzhong, the shape of the wo often imitates a piece of rope or cord, which perhaps, as proposed by Barnard, is the remnant of an actual piece of rope used in fashioning the mold.59 In any case, such a manner of hanging must have been somewhat precarious; a fixed wo of metal was an undeniable improvement,60 which may explain why, with the transition to yongzhong, the fabrication of nao abruptly ended.61 Later kinds of chime-bells mounted with the mouth facing upward (the goudiao of the Lower Yangzi region and the far

59. Barnard 1987 (see Chapter 3, above). 60. Various kinds of suspension modes have been reconstructed by Tong Kin-woon 1983-84 pt. 2:136-42. 61. Wu Hung (n. d., sec. 5) suggests that nao and yongzhong were produced side by side with each other for some time in the south. He takes the yongzhong from Datang, Xincheng (Guangxi) (references in Appendix 1), which seems to have had its wo deliberately removed, as showing a lingering preference for nao in the more remote regions. We have noted above (n. 30) that the nao from Nanya is a clear instance of such a phenomenon. Nevertheless, it appears highly unlikely that nao continued to be manufactured in the same workshops that produced yongzhong. Wu Hung also believes that southern nao with faint, raised-line decor came into being as a result of re-diffusion of similarly ornamented yongzhong from the north. This belief apparently stems from the impression, justifiable at the time of Wu's writing, that yongzhong with this type of decoration do not occur in the south, a misconception that should have been laid to rest by the publication of the Chang'anxiang yongzhong in 1985 (references in Appendix 1).

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southern provinces) are not descended directly from the southern nao of Shang and early Western Zhou. The invention of the wo was probably triggered by the discovery of the two-tone phenomenon. As we have discussed previously (Chapter 2), it was crucial for the player of a two-tone bell to hit the exact striking points of the A- and B-tones to obtain acoustically optimal results. In a nao mounted with the mouth facing upward, the player will find it somewhat difficult to see the bell-face because of the bell's upward-tapering resonating body (unless we suppose that nao players were positioned underneath the bells, which seems unlikely). Contrastingly, when a bell of the same shape is suspended from a wo, the bell-face is tilted toward the performer, who then has much better control over where the mallet hits the bell surface. That both A- and B-tones were used musically even in the earliest yongzhong is corroborated by markers designating the striking point of the B-tone. These markers are usually in the shape of a bird; occasionally a round whorl, a dragon, or a small elephant appears instead. From the player's point of view, they were placed to the right side (very rarely to the left) of the central gu ornament. Designed to fully bring out the peculiar acoustic properties of bells of almond-shaped cross-section, yongzhong became the quintessential musical bells of ancient China. In their earliest archaeological contexts in the south, however, the newly invented yongzhong do not seem to have served a function different from that of their nao predecessors. They, too, are usually found in caches, for the most part as single bells without any accompanying artifacts; they almost never occur in southern funerary contexts.62 Stylistic similarities between the latest nao and the earliest yongzhong types are so considerable that it is tempting to perceive the two as a single class of bells.63 Two slightly different types of southern nao developed into two types of yongzhong, which apparently coexisted in the period (perhaps produced by different workshops). In the first type, the principal ornamentation is executed in sunken lines, as in the nao from Huangzhu introduced above (see fig. 68). The decoration on the corresponding yongzhong type, as on the piece from Pingru, Xiangxiang (Hunan) (fig. 69),64 differs from that of the nao prototypes in but one respect: instead of preserving the formerly arched and pointed contours of the

62. The yongzhong from Lianhua (reference in Appendix 1) is the only early southern bell to have been unearthed from a tomb; but that tomb dates only to the later part of Eastern Zhou. The bell's archaic decoration style makes it appear likely that it is an heirloom of much earlier date. 63. In taking the presence of the wo in defining a major typological break, I follow Chen Mengjia 1955-56, pt. 5 and Hayashi 1980. In his most recent work, Hayashi (1984) has classified the small Shang metropolitan nao (sho [zheng] ) apart from the class of sho (zhong ) that includes large southern nao as well as yongzhong. 64. References in Appendix 1.

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Figure 69. Yongzhong excavated in 1982 at Pingru, Xiangxiang (Hunan). Local culture contemporary to early Western Zhou, probably tenth century B.C.

Figure 70. Nao in the Arthur M. Sackler Gallery, Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C., acc. no. S1987.278. Local Middle

Yangzi culture contemporary to early Western Zhou, probably tenth century B.C. central vertical panel of the zheng, the panel is enclosed by straight-line zhuan ridges on all four sides. In the second type of nao that grades into an equivalent yongzhong type, essentially the same design is reduced to patterns of faint raised lines (fig. 70). The pronounced zhuan ridges are replaced by bands of dotted circlets. The zhuanjian are filled with elegant spirals. On the nao of this group, only the fiat bottom (in yongzhong, the fiat top [wu]) is ornamented with scrollwork in deep sunken lines. As in the nao from Huangzhu (see fig. 68), the central portion of the sound-bow is no longer thickened, though the raised-line decoration on that part of the bells is delineated by faint ridges. The erstwhile mask motif decorating this portion of the bell seems to have developed into two symmetrically

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Figure 71. Yongzhong from Chengtan, Liuyang (Hunan). Local culture contemporary to early Western Zhou, probably tenth century B.C. arranged groups of large volutes.65 The corresponding yongzhong type is represented in the south by the bell from Chang'anxiang, Hengyang (Hunan).66 On a group of similar yongzhong, for example in a specimen from Dengtan, Liuyang (Hunan) (fig. 71),67 the dotted circlets surrounding the ornamented parts of the zheng were transformed into small protruding studs. This stylistic feature, which is never seen on nao from this region, was probably introduced after the transition from nao to yongzhong. Yongzhong of this type are considerably more common in the south than specimens featuring bands of faint circlets. These three earliest types of yongzhong must date to a time approximately corresponding to middle Western Zhou in north China, the period when quantities of these three types of yongzhong suddenly show up archaeologically in Shaanxi. Their typically southern geometrical decoration style contrasts with the animal-derived ornamentation characteristic of the metropolitan Zhou bronze workshops of that period. This southern ornamentation, as well as the apparent

65. To date, this type is best documented by unprovenienced nao in art-historical publications, e.g., one in the Zhang Naiji collection, one in a private collection in New York, and one in the Sackler Collections. These and recently excavated specimens that probably belong to this type are listed and referenced in Appendix 2. 66. References in Appendix 1. For a list of typologically related specimens, see Appendix 2. The Chang'anxiang bell much resembles the First Xing-yongzhong (fig. 19), though lacking, of course, an inscription. 67. References in Appendix 1. For a list of typologically related specimens, see Appendix 2.

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nonexistence, in that part of north China, of the antecedent nao types (contrasting with their abundance in the archaeologically much less well-known Yangzi region), makes it appear certain that yongzhong were diffused northward after the transformation of nao into yongzhong had been completed in the south.68 Although we still know very little about the local cultures of the Yangzi River region, all the available evidence indicates that this was where the yongzhong was invented and the two-tone phenomenon discovered. Intermezzo We have followed the evolution of Chinese chime-bell types through the first three steps in the sequence outlined at the beginning of this chapter. The path from the first use of metal in making bells to the first useable two-pitch bells was a circuitous one. Slowly, and by no means purposefully, the morphological characteristics of the classical Zhou dynasty chime-bell types emerged over several centuries. The oldest of these characteristics is the almondshaped cross-section, which goes back at least to the first Neolithic attempts at casting bells. The round, hollow shank appeared next, but without the xuan and the wo, which were added in sequence later. The standard zhong decoration scheme seems ultimately derived from the mask motif seen on Anyang nao, though that mask appears changed beyond recognition in the Zhou dynasty yongzhong. It may be doubted whether in Zhou times this decor was still conceived of as a mask; if so, one might have to look for an explanation as to why it was positioned upside down on the yongzhong, just as it was on the Anyang period ling discussed at the beginning of this chapter. In tracing the above typological developments, we have traveled from Shanxi and Henan to southern China, straddling two quite different cultural traditions that put bells to different uses. The first yongzhong, though indirectly derived from chime-bells (namely, from the Anyang nao), do not appear to have been chime-bells themselves; like their antecedent southern nao, they were apparently always produced as single pieces.69 In the following chapter, the stage shifts northward again: to Shaanxi, where yongzhong were first manufactured as chimed sets.

68. Hayashi 1980, 28. 69. Two southern sites have each yielded two yongzhong: Hongjiaqiao, Xiangtan (Hunan), and Pengjiaqiao, Pingxiang (Jiangxi); three yongzhong of different types were found at Huaibiaoshan, Zigui (Hubei) (references in Appendix 1). Otherwise, there is no evidence for early southern attempts at grouping bells of this kind into sets. The only known southern set of three yongzhong, found at Jishui (Jiangxi), seems to be late in date (perhaps as late as a time corresponding to the Springs and Autumns period), judging by the very long mei, in spite of its deceptively early-looking studded zhuan. (Compare the yongzhong from Pengshan, Lianping [Guangdong].) References in Appendix 1.

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Chapter Five Perfection and Decline Chime-Bells of the Zhou Dynasty The vast majority of mainstream Zhou dynasty musical bells dates to two distinct periods: the late Western Zhou (ca. 885-771 B.C.) and the transition from the Springs and Autumns to the Warring States (ca. 550-400 B.C.). The relative lack of evidence from the intervening two centuries may be due in part to accidents of archaeological discovery, but it is also possible that political and economic circumstances in the early Springs and Autumns period caused a temporary decline in (or a decrease in the scale of) the Zhou bronze industry (including bell manufacture)a trend that was reversed with the emergence of new technologies during the sixth century B.C. (see Chapter 3). Eastern Zhou court orchestras contained chimed sets of bells of three classes: yongzhong, bo, and niuzhong (see figs. 26-28).1 These different kinds of bells have quite heterogeneous roots. Yongzhong originated from southern nao, as detailed in the preceding chapter. Both bo and niuzhong, on the other hand, were enlarged and clapperless versions of ling clapper-bells.2 Like the yongzhong, bo came into being in the area south of the Yangzi in the time corresponding to the late Shang and early Western Zhou. Niuzhong, however, were of north Chinese origin and did not emerge until the very end of Western Zhou. In their decoration, the earliest yongzhong, bo, and niuzhong were completely distinct from one another. During 1. Besides these three kinds, some late Springs and Autumns to early Warring States period tombs (Liulige tomb no. 60, Liulige tomb jia, and Shanbiaozhen tomb no. 1 [references in Appendix 1]) yielded separate sets of a fourth kind of bell, intermediate between niuzhong and bo (see n. 45). Moreover, some Springs and Autumns period tombs in eastern China have yielded one each of chunyu and zheng in association with complete sets of other types of musical bells (see Appendix 3). 2. Another analogous process of ling-like clapper bells evolving into much larger clapperless bells occurred in Japan during the Yayoi period (ca. 250 B.C.-A.D 250): the transformation of small (Footnote continued on next page)

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the first half of Eastern Zhou, however, the standard zhong decoration scheme, formerly restricted to yongzhong, was gradually adopted on bo and niuzhong, so that bells of the three classes came to look more and more alike. In time, that mode of layout itself became an icon by which bells could be recognized as such; it appears even on some kinds of nonmusical bells and on nonfunctional mingqi bells. In the following, we shall take up each of the three principal classes of Zhou musical bells in turn, discussing their development in the Western Zhou and early Springs and Autumns period. We shall then trace later Eastern Zhou developments jointly for all three kinds of bells, concluding with an analysis of the demise of the Zhou bellmanufacturing tradition after the mid-Warring States period. Western Zhou and Early Eastern Zhou Yongzhong in North China The Northward Diffusion of Yongzhong Soon after their invention in the south, yongzhong first appeared in the Zhou heartland in Shaanxi. The earliest northern specimens date to the middle Western Zhou, probably to around the end of the tenth century B.C. Before that time, Anyang-type nao had apparently been used at the Zhou court; only one of these has so far been found archaeologically in Shaanxi,3 but Hayashi Minao has classed some unprovenienced nao that differ slightly in their proportions from ordinary Anyang pieces as dating to Western Zhou.4 It thus appears conceivable that the Zhou continued the tradition of Shang court music from the Anyang period, though at present we know too little about early Zhou music to affirm this with certainty. It is probably no accident that the yongzhong entered the metropolitan cultural repertoire at the time of what seems to have been a major restructuring of Zhou ritual. We know frustratingly little about that mid-Western Zhou reform, which is not documented in surviving historical texts, but we can see its reflec-

(Footnote continued from previous page) horse-bells of Korean origin (and probably derived from Chinese Bronze Age ling) into the dotaku, which, like the Chinese bo, were single bells of enormous size with prominent flanges and suspension devices (Umehara 1927). 3. This specimen was discovered at the middle Western Zhou tomb no. 13 at Zhuyuangou, Baoji (Shaanxi) (references in Appendix 1); the original report supposes it to have been an heirloom imported from Anyang in an earlier period. 4. Hayashi 1984 2:391, sho 21-28. No musical instruments at all have so far been reported from earlyand midWestern Zhou archaeological contexts. An indicator of continuities from the Shang, however, is the presence of sets of chimestones (qing) at some late Western Zhou sites in Shaanxi: Shaochen, Fufeng (Kaogu yu Wenwu 1987 [6]:84-86, 65; also in Chugoku Sensei-sho Hokei-shi Shugen bunbutsuten: 108-9 [cat. no. 35]), Hejiacun, Qishan (Kaogu 1976 [1]:31-38), and Shangguancun, Baoji (Wenwu 1982 [2]:53-55; Wenwu 1984 [6]:18-20). As far as we known, such instruments were unknown in the southern local cultures, whereas they were a hallmark of dynastic court music in both Shang and Eastern Zhou times.

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tions in all aspects of the material record. As will be discussed more fully in Chapter 9, ritual music was one of the facets of Zhou court culture that underwent fundamental change at that time, and the demise of Anyang-type nao seems to have been part and parcel of this development. In Shaanxi, yongzhong were employed in ways differing radically from their previous usages in southern cultural contexts. From the start, they were assembled into chimed sets (table 8), analogous to those of the Anyang period nao and chimestones (qing ); they were played as musical instruments in a ritual orchestra. We may speculate that before chimed sets of yongzhong were manufactured as such in Shaanxi, bells emitting different tones were haphazardly combined into chimes; in fact, this may already have been done in Shang times (e.g., in the composite set of nao found in Fu Hao's tomb, discussed in the previous chapter [fig. 56]). Arguing from analogy with Eastern Zhou customs, we might assume that, at the time of their diffusion from the south, the yongzhong would have been accompanied by their players. On the other hand, because the function of these bells in the south had not been, strictly speaking, a musical one, specialized bell-playing musicians may not have existed. Instead of adopting southern music wholesale, the Zhou immediately and completely adapted the foreign bells to their own preexisting musical tradition. Evidently, these bells catered to a Zhou need; they must have been perceived as superior to whatever had previously fulfilled a comparable function in Zhou court music. The exact political circumstances of bell diffusion from south to north remain unclear. In any case, the appearance of southern yongzhong at the Zhou court emphatically does not prove the conquest of the bell-producing areas by the Zhou.5 Even though the Zhou undertook several large-scale military campaigns to the south, notably under Zhao Wang (trad. r. dates: 1052-1002),6 the geographic scope of such Zhou forays into southern territory does not seem to have extended beyond the Han and Huai river valleys. The area south of the Yangzi, where most of the southern nao and yongzhong have been found, remained far beyond the reach of any direct Western Zhou political impact. Although it appears likely that bells were acquired as tribute or diplomatic gifts (the prevalent form of exchange in ancient China),7 it is by no means certain that the Zhou received them directly from their original producers. Sets of yongzhong exactly imitating the shape of southern pieces were manufactured in Shaanxi very soon after their first diffusion. One may wonder whether the bronzesmiths at the Zhou court learned the technical know-how of

5. Pace Hsu and Linduff 1988, 214-24, whose point was prefigured by Karlgren 1935, 142. 6. Creel 1970, 233-36. 7. Chang 1975.

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TABLE 8. The Number of Components in Archaeologically Excavated Bell-Chimes and Lithophones I. Numerical Data Number of Western Zhou pieces in chime yongzhong (N. China) Eastern Eastern Zhou Zhou bo chimestones

Eastern Zhou Eastern yongzhong Zhou niuzhong N

%

N

%

N

%

N

%

1

11

32

3

8

1

2

2

8

2

9

26

1

3

1

2

1

4

3

3

9

1

3

2

8

4

7

21

2

6

3

7

7

29

5

14

1

2

3

13

5

N

%

1

4

1

4

6

1

3

1

3

3

7

1

4

7

1

3

1

3

3

7

1

4

8

2

6

7

19

2

5

3

13

9

7

19

19

46

4

17

10

2

6

2

5

8

34

11

1

3

1

2

5

22

12

3

8

3

13

3

13

2

9

13

1

3

14 15+

2 34

36

1

2

4

10

6 41

24

23

II. Histogram Western Zhou yongzhong (N. Number of pieces in chime China) Eastern Zhou Eastern yongzhong Zhou niuzhong

Eastern Eastern Zhou bo Zhou

chimestones 1

xxxxxxxxxxx

xxx

x

x

2

xxxxxxxxx

x

x

x

3

xxx

x

4

xxxxxxx

xx

xxx

xxxxxxx

xxxxx

x

xxx

5

x

xx

x

6

x

x

xxx

x

7

x

x

xxx

x

8

xx

xxxxxxx

xx

xxx

9

xxxxxxx

xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx

10

xx

xx

xxxxxxxx

11

x

x

xxxxx

12

xxx

13

x

15+

xxx x

14

x

xxx

xxxx xx

xx

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casting two-tone yongzhong from southern craftsmen who traveled to Shaanxi, but in my opinion there would have been little need for that: the whole process may have been triggered by a small number of imported sample bells. Middle Western Zhou bronze manufacture was highly developed. As in many cases of ''stimulus diffusion" in world history, the Zhou adapted southern two-pitch bells with little attention to the original cultural context of what they had borrowed.8 Anyway, "foreign experts" from the south could not have helped their metropolitan colleagues much in their major concern: designing two-tone yongzhong in tuned sets. Such scaling may have presented considerable technical difficulties at the beginning, and much experimentation must have preceded the emergence of the Zhou bell-chimes. Middle Western Zhou Yongzhong Middle Western Zhou yongzhong from north China comprise specimens of the three earliest southern types described in the preceding chapter, distinguishable, respectively, by (I) sunken-line contours (zhuan) around the decorated area in the upper portion of the bell-face (see fig. 69), (2) decoration in faint raised lines and bands of circlets (see figs. 70 and 19), and (3) decoration in faint raised lines and bands of small studs (see fig. 71). In fact, it is virtually impossible to tell whether individual yongzhong of these early types found in the Zhou metropolitan area were locally made or imported from the south,9 though chimes of yong-zhong may be assumed to be of northern manufacture. Sometimes, on the other hand, chimes may have been assembled initially by combining bells of heterogeneous origins. The earliest archaeologically datable finds in Shaanxi are several three-part sets of bells, all excavated from middle Western Zhou tombs. One such chime was found at Puducun, Chang'an (fig. 72),10 and two at the important necropolis of the lords of Yu at Baoji.11 A similar set of three was excavated at Weizhuang, Pingdingshan (Henan);12 though little is known about the archaeological context, this discovery shows that chimes of mid-Western

8. Kroeber 1940. 9. All inscribed specimens can be connected with the Zhou court aristocracy; moreover, chimed sets of bells of these types are, most probably, of north Chinese manufacture. 10. References in Appendix 1. For a list of typologically related specimens, see Appendix 2. 11. These are the chimes from Rujiazhuang tomb no. 1 and Zhuyuangou tomb no. 7; references in Appendix 1. Interestingly, each of these three-part sets of bells features specimens of two stylistic types, the smallest one in each case being considerably less ornate than the two larger ones. Possibly, these chimes were composed of pieces of heterogeneous origin, an impression that is corroborated in the case of the Zhuyuangou chime by the tone distribution and by the fact that the metal composition varies enormously among the three pieces (see table 6). The Yu bells may be a bit earlier in date than the stylistically more uniform Puducun set (fig. 72). 12. References in Appendix 1.

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Figure 72. Set of three yongzhong excavated in 1954 at Puducun, Chang'an (Shaanxi). Middle Western Zhou period (first half of tenth century B. C.). Zhou bells were not entirely limited to Shaanxi.13 The majority of these bells feature the decoration type in which the zhuan ridges take the form of rows of small studs. The fact that the number of bells per set is three in each case might prompt speculations about possible continuity with respect to three-part sets of Shang dynasty nao; however, several four-part sets of yongzhong of the three earliest types have also been excavated from later hoards.14 Most archaeologically provenienced Western Zhou yongzhong have been found in hoards of ritual bronzes that in all likelihood were hastily buried when the Zhou court moved east in 771 B.C.; they contain temple inventories accumulated over many generations. Frequently, bells of several types are found in the

13. Single specimens of mid-Western Zhou yongzhong have also been found in Shanxi province, e.g., at Qucun, Quwo (references in Appendix 1). As noted previously (ch. 1, n. 48), yongzhong of later Western Zhou types are, by contrast, curiously absent from the archaeological record in areas outside the metropolitan area. 14. See the list of typologically related specimens in Appendix 2. The great differences in size between the second and third pieces within the Puducun and Rujiazhuang sets, as well as the typo-logical heterogeneity already noted (see n. 11 above), make it appear possible that these three-part sets may not have been complete.

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same hoard; the famous hoard no. 1 at Zhuangbai, Fufeng (Shaanxi), for example (see fig. 14), yielded twenty yongzhong that belonged to at least six chimed sets, representing four different stylistic types.15 Because they constituted part of the furnishings of the same temple, such multiple sets of bells of heterogeneous origins and dates may yet have been used jointly during ceremonies (see Chapter 6). Placing long inscriptions on bells was another Western Zhou innovation. The inscriptions, which ordinarily were placed in the central zheng panel and the gu portions of the bell-face, were generally similar in form and content to those on ritual vessels. Such inscriptions occur on some yongzhong of the earliest types, proving beyond doubt that bells of these types were in fact manufactured in the north.16 A good example is the First Xing-yongzhong from hoard no. 1 at Zhuangbai (see fig. 19), whose inscription we have discussed in Chapter 1.17 This bell features faint line decoration and zhuan of framed bands of circlets. The characters are placed in a grid of faint raised linesa fairly secure indicator for a mid-Western Zhou date,18 which in this case can be corroborated by other epigraphic evidence. Late Western Zhou Yongzhong The "abstract" decoration of the three early types described above seems to have gone out of fashion toward the end of middle Western Zhou; the zhuan henceforth were executed as massive raised ridges. Fairly radical changes in the exterior appearance of Western Zhou yongzhong seem to have occurred over a relatively brief period. Late Western Zhou yongzhong are decorated with the sorts of zoomorphic designs typical of other Zhou bronzes. Two additional yongzhong sets from Zhuangbai, also inscribed by Xing of Wei (see fig. 74), though they represent later Western Zhou types must date to within the same generation as the First Xing-yongzhong. It is possible that, for a time, yongzhong in the mid-Western Zhou style continued to be manufactured concurrently with specimens of the new types, perhaps in different workshops.19 15. The important epigraphic finds in this hoard are partly discussed in Shaughnessy 1991. 16. Perhaps the earliest known yongzhong inscriptions are those on the yongzhong from Dong-jucun, Fufeng (Shaanxi), and on the fourth set of yongzhong from Zhuangbai (references in Appendix 1). They consist of illegible marks in a script that may be distinct from Chinese writing as we know it; one may speculate (albeit admittedly with very little basis) that these bells were imported from the south and that their enigmatic characters pertain to an otherwise unknown southern writing system, though it is also possible that the markings had some sort of musical significance. 17. References in Appendix 1. 18. This feature can also be seen on some ritual vessels; it has not been observed on bells other than the First Xing-yongzhong. 19. The unprovenienced bells inscribed by the donor Zha provide another example of the same kind. The First Zha-yongzhong is of the early type in which the zhuan take the form of rows of (Footnote continued on next page)

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Figure 73. Shicheng-yongzhong excavated in 1974 at Qiangjiacun, Fufeng (Shaanxi). Early part of late Western Zhou (mid-ninth century B. C.). Figures 73 and 74 illustrate the two most important late Western Zhou yongzhong types (see also figs. 18 and 33). Some of the most impressive chime-bells of the Chinese Bronze Age belong to these two types; almost all of them are inscribed and hence of interest as historical documents. It appears that in late Western Zhou, a chime of yongzhong ordinarily consisted of eight pieces (see table 8), the two largest of which always lacked B-tone markers (see fig. 110). Their musical properties will be considered in Chapter 7. The decoration of the Shi Cheng-yongzhong from hoard no. 1 at Qiangjiacun, Fufeng (fig. 73),20 is still somewhat reminiscent of the earlier type represented by figure 69, especially in its gu ornament, which consists of symmetrical groups of four linked volutes. The zhuan, however, are executed as raised

(Footnote continued from previous page) little studs (see figs. 71 and 72), whereas the Second Zha-yongzhong, which was probably cast by the same donor, belongs to a later type (here represented by fig. 73). A gui cast by the same individual (Hayashi 1984 2:119, ki 319) allows cross-dating these bells to some time in the middle Western Zhou period (Hayashi 1980, 28). 20. References in Appendix 1. For a list of typologically related specimens, see Appendix 2.

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Figure 74. One of the six bells of the third set of Xing-yongzhong from hoard no. i at Zhuangbai (see fig. 14). Early part of late Western Zhou (mid- to late ninth century B.C.). ridges, and the decoration of the zhuanjian panels has changed from the abstract configurations of spirals seen in earlier specimens to a two-headed "Z-shaped dragon," a decorative motif similar to those encountered on contemporary ritual bronzes.21 With a height of 76. 5 cm, this is, incidentally, the largest yongzhong found in Shaanxi to date; the genealogical information in the inscription suggests a date in the reign of Li Wang (878 [trad.]-827).22 The next stage of stylistic development may be observed in figure 74, which shows one of the Third Xing-yongzhong from Zhuangbai.23 Here, figurative decoration has taken possession not merely of the zhuanjian (whose decoration noticeably resembles that in figure 73) but also of the gu. The identity of the two symmetrical creatures decorating that portion of Western Zhou bells was for a long time enigmaticthey have been compared to birds and to elephants.24 Recently, Hayashi Minao has convincingly demonstrated that they

21. This follows the nomenclature in Hayashi 1986, pls. 202-3. 22. Li Xueqin 1979, 31-32. 23. References in Appendix 1. For a list of typologically related specimens, see Appendix 2. 24. Rong Geng 1941 1:143-146.

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are dragons (in his terminology, "downward-facing L-shaped dragons").25 On the Third Xing-yongzhong, the Btone marker replicates the shape of the dragons in the gu decoration motif. Although the decoration in figure 73 appears manifestly more primitive than that in figure 74, inscriptional evidence demonstrates that there was considerable chronological overlap between these two types of yongzhong.26 The shift from the abstract decoration characteristic of the south to the typical zoomorphic patterns of the metropolitan Zhou foundries illustrates a further step in the acculturation of the yongzhong. Such decoration as seen on the bells shown in figure 74 is ancestral to that of most Eastern Zhou musical bells. Operating within the rigid confines of the standard zhong decoration scheme, bell-makers came up with ever-different ways of adorning the resonating body. Notably, toward the end of Western Zhou, the protrusions and extremities of the L-shaped dragons in the gu portion tend to develop into little dragon-like creatures of their own, thus gradually multiplying the number of constituent zoomorphs. Ornament could also be applied to other portions of the bells; on the Nangong Hu-yongzhong from Baozigou, Fufeng (see fig. 33),27 the wo takes the form of a three-dimensionally sculpted dragon with spiraled horns, and the shank is decorated with the "mountain pattern." Early Eastern Zhou Yongzhong On late Western Zhou and especially on Eastern Zhou yongzhong, the gu became the principal focus of decoration. Ma Chengyuan has observed that over time the relative proportions of the bell surface occupied by the gu increased significantly.28 Throughout the later history of the standard zhong decoration scheme, the iconography of the gu ornament is virtually limited to dragons, the ideological significance of which remains unknown. The Qin Gong-yongzhong from Taigongmiao, Baoji (Shaanxi) (see fig. 110), datable by inscription to the first quarter of the seventh century, are the latest known representatives of the orthodox Western Zhou type.29 On other contem25. Hayashi 1986, 118-19, pl. 175. 26. For instance, among the two known bells cast by Li Wang of Zhou mentioned in Chapter 1, the Wusi Hu-yongzhong resembles fig. 73, while the Hu-yongzhong resembles fig. 74. 27. References in Appendix 1. The dragon ornamenting the gu of this bell is structured somewhat differently from all others known; see Hayashi 1986, 180, pl. 5/132. 28. Ma Chengyuan 1979, 63-64. Ma includes statistics based on the rich holdings of the Shanghai Museum. One should note that the greatest usefulness of Ma's argument is for dating yongzhong of the mainstream Zhou types; it has been somewhat less convincingly employed in some recent archaeological reports (e.g., those on Leijiashan, Jianghan Kaogu 1980 [2]:95-96, and Ya'erzhou, Jianghan Kaogu 1984 [4]:38-47) dealing with yongzhong of southern local types (see Appendix 3). 29. References in Appendix 1. As regards the reason for the stylistic conservatism of these Qin bells, one may speculate about the possibility that metropolitan Zhou workshop traditions survived (Footnote continued on next page)

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porary or even earlier pieces, the dragon ornaments in the gu portions can be seen to have undergone considerable change, either becoming so completely attenuated as to lose all zoomorphic resemblance, as in the yongzhong from the large tomb at Lijialou, Xinzheng (Henan) (fig. 75),30 or multiplying in number, as on the unprovenienced Zheng Xing Shuyongzhong (fig. 76).31 The decoration of later Eastern Zhou bells, with their maze of dragons reduced to nearly geometric patterns, combines these two tendencies. Whereas the Qin Gong-yongzhong seem to have formed, originally, an "orthodox" even-numbered set,32 other Eastern Zhou sets are comprised of various numbers of bells (see table 8), some ranging to twelve and more pieces. Because not all excavated sets of bells are complete, it is difficult to determine a standard number; quite frequently, chimes seem to have been divided up before burial, and "half-sets" of four or five yongzhong may have played a role.33 As will be discussed in Chapter 7, variation in the number of bells per chime reflects underlying changes in the musical nature of the bell-chimes. The Origins and Spread of Bo In the Bronze Age cultures of the Middle Yangzi valley, small nonmusical ling, probably of north Chinese derivation, were adapted and transformed into huge hanging bells known to archaeologists as bo.34 The earliest specimens have been found in Hunan; they show stylistic resemblance to the large nao found in the same area, such as the specimen from Yueshanpu (see fig. 58), discussed in the preceding chapter. This resemblance suggests a date corresponding to the An-yang period of Shang. All known bo are clapperless, but the presence of round holes in the center of the fiat top in some of the earliest pieces from the south has given rise to the

(Footnote continued from previous page) in the area of the former dynastic capital. Alternatively, these bells may simply be copies of Western Zhou pieces, then already ancient, that had either been handed down or excavated locally. 30. References in Appendix 1. 31. This piece was most recently in the Morse Collection, New York (Spirit and Ritual, 34). 32. Five pieces are now preserved, the two largest ones lacking B-tone markers; the inscription distribution suggests that the extant set is incomplete. 33. This is strongly suggested by the distribution of inscriptions on Western and early Eastern Zhou bells. The four Ni -yongzhong from Haosihe, Yongshou (Shaanxi) (references in Appendix 1), whose inscription appears to render exactly one-half of a document, provide a good example. This subject is treated in detail in Falkenhausen 1988, ch 3. 34. The term bo (which is often confused with bo , "hoe") is known from two inscriptions, both curiously on bells from the state of Qi: the Shu Yi-bo, formerly in the Song imperial collection (Guo Moruo 1958, 237/251/209), and the Ling-bo, now in the Museum of Chinese History, Beijing (Rong Geng 1941 2:969). Otherwise, bells of this shape are referred to in their inscriptions as zhong . The exact original meaning of the term bo is unknown; Hayashi Minao (1964, 281-86) has suggested that it denoted a subordinate class of zhong, which may have been a general term for all musical bells.

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Figure 75. Yongzhong from a set of ten excavated in 1923 at Lijialou, Xinzheng (Henan). Early Springs and Autumns period (late eighth or early seventh century B. C.).

Figure 76. Zheng Xing Shu yongzhong, recently in the Morse Collection, New York. Terminal

Western Zhou or early Springs and Autumns period (early to mid-eighth century B. C.). suggestion that a wooden clapper might have been affixed through such holes to the suspension loop. A thin strut that sometimes connects the two sides of the loop (see fig. 79) may have served for suspending such a clapper.35 Be that as it may, the bo had been assimilated to the clapperless musical bells of northern China by mid-Western Zhou times at the latest. In their early southern cultural contexts, bo, like their nao counterparts, always occur as single pieces; as far as we know, they were not combined into sets. Early bo are more frequently of round-oval than of almond-shaped cross-section; they do not seem to lend themselves to exploitation of the two-tone phenomenon. Visually, with their elaborate lateral and central flanges and their sculpturally decorated suspension devices, the early south Chinese bo are among the most

35. Bagley 1987, 549 n. 5; Bagley credits Wu Hung with this suggestion. If it is correct, the earliest bo would have to be reclassified, either as ling, or under a special typological heading.

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impressive bells of the Chinese Bronze Age. Figure 77 shows what seems to have been an early standard type;36 perching on its fiat top are two birds whose long tail-feathers descend the tapering sides of the resonating body, forming wide lateral flanges. Another, shorter flange in the shape of a long-tailed bird forms the nose of the mask decorating the center of the bell-face. Robert W. Bagley has shown that the northern prototype of this mask can be no later in date than the first half of the Anyang period.37 A prominent feature of the decoration of many early bo are bands of alternating whorls and flowerets (Hayashi Minao's jiongwen ),38 which are a hallmark of the southern bronze-casting tradition. Bo resembling that in figure 78 seem to have been the point of departure for a number of locally created specimens from southern Hunan and northern Guangxi. They all differ from one another in many details, the mask in most cases being rendered more abstractly than in figure 7739 The bo from Hengyang (fig. 78) also exemplifies a curious duplication of the central mask motif,40 which goes hand in hand with narrowing bell proportions. In another early type of bo, apparently of Hunan origin, the birds in the lateral flanges have been replaced by tigers (fig. 79).41 This may have been the first bo type imitated in the Zhou heartland. On some specimens the mask motif adorning the bell-face has been transformed in such a way that it can be read as two symmetrically placed dragons, a feature that recurs on some late Western Zhou bo found in Shaanxi (see fig. 80). The same iconographic tendency is also observable on early niuzhong of north Chinese provenience.42 Because bo are much rarer than yongzhong, it is still difficult to say when they were first diffused into the Zhou metropolitan area. Like yongzhong, however, bo were locally produced as chimed sets soon after they were introduced into the metropolitan area. So far, the set of three uninscribed bo excavated at Yangjiacun, Mei Xian (Shaanxi) (fig. 80), in conjunction with at least ten yongzhong belonging to three different sets, is the only archaeologically provenienced such find of Western Zhou date.43 With their tiger flanges, these bo resemble the southern piece in figure 79, but their suspension device is much more elaborate:

36. This bell is in the Sackler Gallery, Washington, D.C. (Bagley 1987, 537-51). No archaeologically provenienced specimens of this type are known so far; a list of related unprovenienced finds may be found in Appendix 2. 37. Bagley 1987, 543. 38. Hayashi 1980; the term floweret is from Bagley 1987, 537-51. 39. Gao Zhixi 1986. 40. Wenwu 1980 (11):95-96, pl. 8.3. For a list of other related specimens, see Appendix 2. 41. This bell is in the Sackler Gallery, Washington, D.C. (Art from Ritual, cat. no. 471). A list of the other specimens is in Appendix 2. Again, there are no archaeologically provenienced specimens; the one in the Hunan Provincial Museum is presumed to have been found within that province. 42. See Falkenhausen 1989b. 43. References in Appendix 1.

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Figure 77. Bo in the Arthur M. Sackler Gallery, Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C., acc. no. S1987. 10. Local culture contemporary to late Shang, probably eleventh century B. C.

Figure 78. Bo from Hengyang, Hunan (exact circumstances of excavation unknown). Local culture contemporary to late Shang and early

Zhou, probably eleventh-ninth century B. C.

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Figure 79. "Tiger bo" in the Arthur M. Sackler Gallery, Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C., acc. no. S1987.36. Local Middle Yangzi culture contemporary with early to mid-Western Zhou, probably tenth-ninth century B. C.

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Figure 80. One of a set of three bo excavated in 1985 at Yangjiacun, Mei Xian (Shaanxi). a, line drawing; b, rubbing of the bellface and the flat top (wu). Late Western Zhou (mid-ninth to early eighth century). the loop emerges from the heads of two bird-like creatures. On later Western Zhou and early Eastern Zhou bo, the flanges and suspension devices are merged into an overarching, elaborate openwork crest. Good examples include the unprovenienced Ke-bo, which may be dated by inscription to the year 812,44 and the Qin Gong-bo (early seventh century; fig. 81), a three-part set excavated together with the five Qin Gong-yongzhong mentioned above (see fig. 110).45 Both the Ke-bo and the Qin Gong-bo bear inscriptions identical to those on sets of yongzhong commissioned by the same donors, indicating that bo and yongzhong were considered part of the same bell assemblage and that musicians played them jointly, despite the fact that the two classes of bells differed completely in their ornamentation. During the mid. to late Springs and Autumns period, bo assumed many of the features characteristic of yongzhong, especially the standard zhong decoration

44. This bell is now in the Tianjin Museum. Wenwu 1972 (6):14, photo: pl. 6. 45. References in Appendix 1.

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Figure 81. One of the three Qin Gong-bo (with its suspension hook), excavated in 1978 at Taigongmiao, Baoji (Shaanxi). Workshop of Qin, early Springs and Autumns period (probably reign of Wu Gong, 697-678 B. C.).

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scheme. However, while the mei of yongzhong are cylindrical or ''round hammer" shaped, those of bo are almost always globular in shape and often elaborately decorated. As one may see in the seventh-century specimens from Lijialou (fig. 82),46 elaborate sculptural ornamentation is henceforth reserved for the suspension loop. Lateral flanges are no longer encountered after the seventh century; their removal may have been acoustically advantageous. Many later Eastern Zhou bo are of almond-shaped cross-section; perhaps it was now possible to produce two tones on bo. Later Eastern Zhou sets of bo comprise significantly more pieces (up to nine) than the three-piece sets of late Western and early Eastern Zhou (table 8). The First Niuzhong The niuzhong emerged in the Zhou heartland at the end of Western Zhou, the result of another process of transformation of ling into larger, clapperless musical bells. Like bo, niuzhong were suspended vertically; the major morphological difference lies in the shape of the rim, which is typically fiat in bo but curved upward in niuzhong (as in yongzhong); also, the bo generally have an elaborate and sculptural suspension device, whereas the niuzhong have simple loops similar to those of ling.47 Unlike bo, niuzhong were from the outset assembled into chimed sets, in analogy to the metropolitan yongzhong; markers on many early pieces show that both A-and B-tones were used musically. What appears to be the earliest set of niuzhong has been found in hoard no. I at Zhuangbai.48 They seem to have originally been nonmusical clapper-bells that were secondarily incorporated into the ritual orchestra as an auxiliary set of chime-bells. Such bells subsequently increased in size, and in time the bell-faces were laid out in accordance with the standard zhong decoration scheme (fig. 83).49 Chimes of nine pieces were the norm for niuzhong throughout the Springs and Autumns period (see table 8).

46. Ibid. 47. A few items of mixed niuzhong and bo attributes do exist, however. Because the few such "hybrid" bells with elaborate suspension devices and curved rims (see n. 1) are extremely close to typologically "pure" bo, they may be classed as a subtype of bo. The case of typological "hybrids" with simple loops and a level rim, however, is not so simple. Distinguishing on the basis of bell size, I regard as bo a number of relatively large bells with simple loops and level rims, dating to the Springs and Autumns period and apparently limited in distribution to the eastern seaboard (see Appendix 3 and fig. 146). This classification seems vindicated by the archaeological contexts: in three of the four tombs in Shandong that yielded such bo (Liujiadianzi, Dadian M I, and Fenghuangling [references in Appendix 1]), much smaller typologically "pure" niuzhong were also found. On the other hand, some later Eastern Zhou sets of small bells with the same mix of morphological features have been rubricized as variants of niuzhong (e.g., the specimens from Miaoqiancun, Wanrong [Shanxi] [reference in Appendix 1]). 48. References in Appendix 1. For a list of typologically related specimens, see Appendix 2. 49. The stylistic sequence of niuzhong is treated in some more detail in Falkenhausen 1989b.

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Figure 82. Left: One of a set of four bo from Lijialou (see fig. 75). Early Springs and Autumns period (seventh century B. C.).

Figure 83. Right: Niuzhong in the Art Institute of Chicago, mid Springs and Autumns period (seventh century B. C.). Yongzhong, Bo, and Niuzhong in Eastern Zhou Times Overall Trends In Eastern Zhou it became de rigueur, at least among those of very high rank, to combine chimessometimes multiple chimesof several kinds of musical bells into larger assemblages, which can be found archaeologically in tombs. Table 9 lists the sites in which combinations of two and three kinds of bells have been discovered together.

Such bell assemblages seem to bespeak a much-increased sophistication of bell music; their sheer numbers provided a far greater quantity of tones than hitherto available (see Chapter 7). However, as we shall discuss more thoroughly in Chapter 6, no strict rules seem to have governed either the specific combinations chosen or the number of bells per set (see table 8).50

50. Wang Shimin 1988 seeks to establish some standards for Eastern Zhou times, but his conclusions still appear vague.

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TABLE 9. Archaeological Assemblages of Bell-Chimes and Lithophones Third category: one chime of bells First category: three or more chimes of bells, with or Second category: two chimes of bells, with plus one or several sets of chimestones without chimestones or without chimestones Late Western Zhou through early Springs and Autumns

Late Western Zhou through early Springs and Autumns

Late Western Zhou through early Springs and Autumns.

Yangjiacun, Mei Xian (Shaanxi): 3 sets yongzhong (4/4/2), 3 bo

Zhangjiapo, Chang'an (Shaanxi), Guanyang Gucheng, Haiyang (Shandong): I tomb no. 163: 2+ yongzhong, 5+ chimestones yongzhong, 4 niuzhong

Zhuangbai, Fufeng (Shaanxi): 6 sets yongzhong (1/4 + Shangcunling, Sanmenxia (Henan): 9 3/6/3/2/2), 7 proto-niuzhong ("chimed ling") niuzhong, 1 zheng Taigongmiao, Baoji (Shaanxi): 3 bo, 5 yongzhong Lijialou, Xinzheng (Henan): 4 bo, 2 sets yongzhong (10/9)

Zuiziqiancun, Haiyang (Shandong): 2 bo, 5 yongzhong

MidSprings and Autumns through early Warring States

MidSprings and Autumns through early Warring States

Fenshuiling, Changzhi (Shanxi), tomb no. 25:4 bo, 5 Beishanding, Dantu (Jiangsu): 5 bo, 7 yongzhong, 9 niuzhong, 10 chimestones niuzhong, chunyu, chimestones

MidSprings and Autumns through early Warring States Chengcun, Linyi (Shanxi), tomb no. 1: 9 niuzhong, 10 chimestones

Houchuan, Sanmenxia (Henan), tomb no. 2040: 9 bo, Chengqiao, Luhe (Jiangsu), tomb no. 2:5 bo, Chengcun, Linyi (Shanxi), tomb no. 2 sets niuzhong (10/10) 7 niuzhong 2:9 niuzhong, 10 chimestones Leigudun, Suizhou (Hubei), tomb no. 1: 4? sets yongzhong (12/11/12/10), 1 bo, 3 sets niuzhong (6/6/7), 32 chimestones

Liujiadianzi, Yishui (Shandong): 6 bo, 4 sets yongzhong (9/7/3/1), 1 zheng, 1 chunyu

Dadian, Junan (Shandong), tomb no. 1: 1 bo, Dadian, Junan (Shandong), tomb 9 niuzhong no. 2:9 niuzhong, 12 chimestones Fenghuangling, Linyi (Shandong): 9 bo, 9 niuzhong, 1 duo

Daifuguan, Linzi (Shandong): 9 yongzhong, 8 chimestones

Fenshuiling, Changzhi (Shanxi), tomb no. 14:2 yongzhong, 8 niuzhong, 2 sets chimestones (11/11)

Houchuan, Sanmenxia (Henan), tomb no. 2041: 9 niuzhong, 10 chimestones

Fenshuiling, Changzhi (Shanxi), tomb no. Liulige, Hui Xian (Henan), tomb no. 60: 4 large bo, 8 269: 9 yongzhong, 9 niuzhong, 10 small bo, 8 yongzhong, 9 niuzhong, 11 chimestones chimestones

Jiefanglu, Luoyang (Henan): 9 bells (type unspecified), 23 chimestones

Liulige, Hui Xian (Henan), tomb no. 75:4 bo, 8 yongzhong, 9 niuzhong, 10 chimestones

Fenshuiling, Changzhi 8 yongzhong, 9 niuzhong, 11 chimestones

Jiulidun, Shucheng (Anhui): 4 yongzhong, 5 chimestones

Liulige, Hui Xian (Henan), tomb jia: 4 large bo, 8 yongzhong, 9 niuzhong, 11 chimestones

Shangmacun, Houma (Shanxi), Hanshan, Leping (Jiangxi): 4 yongzhong, 6 tomb no. 13: 9 niuzhong, 10 chimestones niuzhong

Luhe, Lucheng (Shanxi), tomb no. 7:4 bo, 2 sets yongzhong (8/8), 8 niuzhong, 10 chimestones

Xiasi, Xichuan (Henan), tomb no. Hougudui, Gushi (Henan): 8 bo, 9 niuzhong 1: 9 niuzhong, 13 chimestones

Ximennei, Shou Xian (Anhui): 8 bo, 12 yongzhong, 9+ niuzhong. 1 chunyu, 1 zheng (Table continued on next page)

Jinshengcun, Taiyuan (Shanxi), tomb no. 251: 2 sets bo (5/14), 14 chimestones

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Xiasi, Xichuan (Henan), tomb no. 10: 9 niuzhong,

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Mid-Springs and Autumns through early Warring Mid-Springs and Autumns States through early Warring States

Mid-Springs and Autumns through early Warring States

Leigudun, Suizhou (Hubei), tomb no. z: z sets yongzhong (8/28), 12 chimestones Shanbiaozhen, Ji Xian (Henan), tomb no. 1: 5 large bo, 9 small bo, 10 chimestones Tianjingwang, Ju Xian (Shandong): 3 bo, 6 zhong (type unclear) Xiasi, Xichuan (Henan), tomb no. 2: 26 yongzhong, 8 bo?, 13 chimestones Yangshan, Linqu (Shandong): 5 bo, 5 niuzhong Middle to late Warring States

Middle to late Warring States

Huangjiashan, Haiyan (Zhejiang): 13 yongzhong, 3 niuzhong, 12 goudiao, 2 chunyu, 11 globular bells? Zangjiazhuang, Zhucheng (Shandong): 7 bo, 9 niuzhong, 13 , 4 chimestones, many fragments (all ceramic chimestones mingqi)

Middle to late Warring States Changtaiguan, Xinyang (Henan), tomb no. 2: 13 niuzhong, z sets chimestones (9/9) (all wooden mingqi) Jiuli, Line (Hunan), tomb no. 1: bell-rack, lithophone-rack

Yan Xiadu, Yi Xian (Hebei), tomb no. 16: 2 sets bo (4/6), 2 sets yongzhong (8/8), 9 niuzhong, 1 5 chimestones (all ceramic mingqi)

Sanji, Pingshan (Hebei), tomb no. 1: 14 niuzhong, 13 chimestones Tianxingguan, Jiangling (Hubei): 4 niuzhong (bellrack has slots for 22 bells), many chimestones

Han and later periods

Han and later periods

Han and later periods

Xianggangshan, Guangzhou (Guangdong): 14 niuzhong, 5 youngzhong, 8 goudiao, 2 sets chimestones

Jishan, Linzi (Shandong): 4 yongzhong?, 9 niuzhong (gilt bronze mingqi), chimestones (number unclear)

Beidongshan, Xuzhou (Jiangsu): 3 niuzhong (mingqi), 13 chimestones Dazhongyingcun, Ci Xian (Hebei): 12 bianzhong (niuzhong imitations? ), 14 chimestones (all ceramic mingqi)

Shuanggudui, Fuyang (Anhui): 5 bo, 9 yongzhong, 2 sets chimestones (10/10) (all ceramic mingqi) Xianjiahu, Changsha (Hunan): niuzhong (number unclear), z sets

chimestones (14/14) NOTE. For references and details, see Appendix 1. Instances of the lowest category of assemblages (one bell-chime or one lithophone) are not listed here.

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Stylistic differentiation of bell decoration in Eastern Zhou reflects their widened geographical spread (see map 2). In Western Zhou, chimed sets of musical bells had been virtually restricted to the capital area, their manufacture apparently being a monopoly of the metropolitan workshops. As a consequence of the rise of the princely states after the removal of the Zhou court to Luoyang, the trappings of royal court ritual and music, including bells, came to be manufactured throughout the Zhou realm. Differences among various stylistically distinctive regional workshop traditions in Eastern Zhou times have been the subject of considerable research;51 only the characteristics specific to Eastern Zhou bells need be treated here. Concurrent centripetal trends should also be stressed, because as we have seen, over the course of the Springs and Autumns period, yongzhong, bo, and niuzhong became morphologically standardized, with their specific features de-emphasized and their bell-face layout becoming homogeneous. The shapes of their resonating bodies also became more and more uniform, perhaps indicating attempts to unify the timbre of the three kinds of bells. Finally, though the decoration of Eastern Zhou bells exhibited considerable stylistic variation, it was universally executed by means of the pattern-block technique (see Chapter 3), resulting in a preference for repetitive banded motifs. The climax of this homogenizing development is documented by sets of yongzhong, bo, and niuzhong with matched ornamentation, such as the bells of Marquis Shen of Cai (d. 491 B.C.) from Ximennei, Shou Xian (Anhui) (see figs. 26-28).52 Such a tendency toward greater technical and, perhaps, musical uniformity among the different classes of musical bells can be observed more or less throughout the Zhou realm, despite the diverging local workshop traditions. If royal Zhou ceremonial music were to serve the Eastern Thou local rulers effectively as a symbol of legitimacy, it had to remain recognizable with respect to the Western Zhou original. To some extent, musical bells thus visually and acoustically underscored the overarching unity of Zhou aristocratic culture. Among the bells dating to the second period of florescence of Zhou dynasty bell-making from the late Springs and Autumns to the early Warring States, one may distinguish two principal stylistic clusters: a northern group and a southern group.53 The stylistic differences correlate with those observable on other kinds of bronzes; the fact that they are not very conspicuous on bells (probably less so

51. See, for instance, So 1982; Mackenzie 1987. 52. References in Appendix 1. 53. It should be cautioned that the geographical distribution areas of various bell types are by no means necessarily homologous with the areas covered by certain local cultures. Hence in this book (here as well as in Appendix 3), regional grouping of bells follows the archaeologically observable distributions, with no further cultural, historical, or economic ("Skinnerian") significance necessarily implied. Too little is known about local archaeological sequences, especially in outlying areas, to allow firm identification of bells of specific types with specific ethnic or political groups.

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than on ceremonial vessels) may have something to do with the rigidity of the standard zhong decoration scheme. North-Central China Many Eastern Zhou chime-bells of the northern stylistic cluster, with decoration executed in the pattern-block technique, can be linked to the foundry remains at Houma, near the capitals of the powerful state of Jin.54 Excavations at this foundry have brought to light the only bell-casting molds so far known (see fig. 47); cast specimens with similar decoration have been excavated at various aristocratic burial grounds in Shanxi and adjacent areas. Formerly known as the "Liyu style," the motifs seen in the sumptuous dragon-derived decoration bands of the Houma bronzes often appear more "naturalistic" than those of earlier styles. Principal pattern blocks were executed in high relief, while in subsidiary areas, the units of decoration are commonly small and fiat and their patterns virtually abstract.55 In time, ever-larger surface areas became covered with patterns of varying density.56 On northern specimens dating to around the turn of the fifth century, such as the Lü-yongzhong, allegedly from Ronghe (Shanxi) (see fig. 100),57 the decoration in the striking-area (gu) consists of a variety of small reptiles, their backs covered with different patterns. They are grouped in such a way as to circumscribe a roughly trapezoidal area, similar in its contours to the area reserved for ornamentation on the gu portions of earlier bells. Together, these various elements form a mask (with the eyes in the upper corners) that faces upside down when the bell is suspended. In the decoration of the zhuanjian tiers between the bosses (mei), dragon-band motifs have become transformed into "'relieved hooks" of greatly attenuated iconographic significance. On later, mid-fifth century bells, such as the unprovenienced bo in figure 84,58 the entire gu surface is covered with broad interlaced dragon bands of even width. Sometimes, as in figure 85, these bands converge into a central face, harking back to the mask motifs seen in this area close to the sound-bow in much earlier Shang period nao. Similar but more densely spaced dragon bands extend upward into the other ornamental portion of the bell-face. The gorgeous suspension devices of many northern bo render analogous interlaced dragons in 54. See Chapter 1, n. 68. Of course, not all bells of the northern stylistic cluster were necessarily of Jin manufacture, but it is my impression that the characteristic style of the Houma foundry was widely influential all over north China. 55. For the details of the manufacturing process, see Keyser 1979. 56. Very detailed descriptions of Jin style pieces may be found in Weber 1973. 57. Yetts 1929 1:29-43 and 2:43-49. For a list of other pieces of the same chime, and of typo-logically related specimens, see Appendix 2. 58. Weber 1973, 48-67. For a list of typologically related specimens, see Appendix 2.

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Map 2. Geographical distribution of Chinese musical bells dating after ca. 771 B. C. (Eastern Zhou and later, including regional cultures).

A symbol executed in outline indicates the find of a single bell; a solid symbol indicates a set comprising several bells. Mingqi (imitations in miniature and/or inferior materials) are screened. Only the names of cities and county seats are given. For site names, consult Place Names in Geographical Arrangement and Appendixes 1 and 2.

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Figure 84. Left: Bo in the British Museum, London, from a dispersed set of at least five bells. Workshop of Jin, first half of the fifth century B. C.

Figure 85. Right: Yongzhong excavated in 1983 from tomb no. 7 at Luhe, Lucheng (Shanxi). Workshop of Jin, mid-fifth century B. C. three dimensions. On the approximately contemporaneous (if visually somewhat disparate) bells from tomb no. 7 at Luhe, Lucheng (Shanxi) (figs. 85-87),59 the ornamented area in the gu is more circumscribed, and geometric patterns are pervasive. Possibly, the final breakup of Jin in 403 ushered in the decline of that state's bronze-casting industry. On northern pieces dating perhaps to the turn of the fourth century, the decoration is greatly simplified and sometimes takes on archaistic features, as in the bells from tomb no. 75 at Liulige, Hui Xian (Henan) (fig. 88).60 One may speculate that such deliberate reference to earlier decoration motifs may have been connected to the new regimes' quest for legitimation.

The places of manufacture of Warring States period bells of the northern group are so far unknown. With few exceptions, chime-bell production became virtually restricted to niuzhong. On them, the gu has been transformed into a recessed panel entirely filled with pattern-block decoration. Reminiscences of a

59. References in Appendix 1. 60. Ibid.

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Figure 86. Bo from tomb no. 7 at Luhe (see fig. 85).

Figure 87. Niuzhong from tomb no. 7 at Luhe (see fig. 85).

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Figure 88. Rubbings of one of a set of nine niuzhong excavated in 1935-37 from tomb no. 80 at Liulige, Hui Xian (Henan). End of the fifth century B. C. or later.

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Figure 89. One of the fourteen Biao-niuzhong found ca. 1929 in tomb no. 7 at Jincun, Luoyang (Henan). Ca. 404 B. C.

Figure 90. No. 5 of the nine Ju Gongsun Chao Ziniuzhong excavated in 1970 at Zangjiazhuang, Zhucheng (Shandong). Fourth century B. C.

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Figure 91. The Yuefu-niuzhong excavated in 1978 near the tomb of the First Emperor of Qin in Lintong (Shaanxi). Qin dynasty (221-209 B.C.). a, exterior view of the bell-face; b, section drawings; c, interior decoration of the bell.

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mask motif may still be seen at the center of the gu in the Biao-niuzhong from Jincun, Luoyang (Henan), which may be dated to ca. 404 (see fig. 89);61 in the somewhat later Ju Gongsun Chao Zi-niuzhong from Zangjiazhuang, Zhucheng (Shandong) (fig. 90),62 the entire surface shows a continuous expanse of ornament generated by pattern blocks, with little evident concern for symmetry. On the inlaid Qin dynasty niuzhong excavated near the tomb of the First Emperor of Qin in Lintong (Shaanxi), even the inside of the bell is exuberantly decorated (fig. 91). In the last two examples, as in other contemporaneous niuzhong, the lateral profile is slightly bent. On bells of such a rounded overall shape, it may have been difficult to exploit the two-tone phenomenon; the evidence suggests a regressive development of the bells' technological complexity. South-Central China The southern group of bells from the late Springs and Autumns to early War-rang States period are of somewhat wider geographical distribution than the northern ones. Many of the best specimens have been found in tombs of the state of Chu or can be associated with Chu by inscription. Others pertain to the Lower Yangzi area, where they seem to have replaced bells of a non-Zhou regional tradition that will be discussed in the following chapter. Eastern Zhou bronze workshop sites in the south have not yet been identified. The bronze decoration style most commonly seen in the south (formerly known as ''Huai style") is characterized by a prevalence of "relieved hooks," which are derived from dragon ornament. A fairly early version of this design may be seen in the gu of the unprovenienced mid-sixth century Zhu Gong Keng-yongzhong (fig. 92),63 where such hooks accentuate the bends and joints in the bodies of "banked dragons." Some contemporary southern bells, however, feature a "flat" variant of the same decor, on which, in the absence of relieved hooks, the dragon bands are more easily visible; good examples are the niuzhong from tomb no. 1 at Xiasi, Xichuan (Henan) (fig. 93).64 The gu ornament of the somewhat later Wangsun Gao-yongzhong from tomb no. 2 at Xiasi (see fig. 21) marks a step toward greater abstraction.65 The contours of the Western Zhou "L-shaped dragon" motif have been preserved, and animal heads may still be distinguished, but the ubiquitous relieved hooks and 61. Ibid.

62. Ibid. 63. Shanghai Bowuguan-cang Qingtongqi 1:81, 2:81. For a list of typologically related specimens, see Appendix 2. 64. References in Appendix 1. For a list of typologically related specimens, see Appendix 2. On the difference between "flat" and "relieved" versions of identical patterns, see also Falkenhausen 1989b. 65. References in Appendix 1. For a list of typologically related specimens, see Appendix 2.

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Figure 92. Zhu Gong Keng-yongzhong in the Shanghai Museum. Middle Springs and Autumns period (first half of sixth century B.C.).

Figure 93. One of a set of nine niuzhong excavated in 1979 from tomb no. 1 at Xiasi, Xichuan (Henan). Middle Springs and Autumns period (middle of sixth century B.C.). commas obscure the zoomorphic content and create an abstract overall effect. The subsidiary decorated portions of the bells are covered with unarticulated comma patterns. The decoration on the somewhat later bells of Marquis Shen of Cai (figs. 26-28) illustrates a later stage in the same process of development. Jenny So has observed that, despite the dazzling complexity of the ornament, the intersecting dragon bodies ubiquitous on contemporary northern pieces are largely absent from the southern sequence.66 Such "interlacery" may nevertheless be observed occasionally, as on the unprovenienced Zhediao-niuzhong (fig. 94).67 The bells from Leigudun mark the climax of bell evolution in the south. The yongzhong found in Marquis Yi's tomb and the adjacent, slightly later tomb no. 2 demonstrate the tendency, present also in the north, toward covering pro-

66. So 1982. 67. References in Appendix 1.

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Figure 94. One of the dispersed chimes of Zhediao-niuzhong; this piece now in the Sen'oku Hakkokan (Sumitomo collection), Kyoto. Ca. 478 B.C.

Figure 95. Right: One of the thirty-six yongzhong excavated in 1981 from tomb no. 2 at Leigudun, Suizhou (Hubei). Late fifth century B.C. gressively larger surface portions with ornament. Those from tomb no. 2 (fig. 95) are especially remarkable for the anthropomorphic design in the gu portion, which may represent a demon like those depicted occasionally in Chu lacquer painting. On the Chu Wang Xiong Zhang-bo, which is part of the bell assemblage from tomb no. 1 (see fig. 20), the restrictions of the standard zhong decoration scheme are partially loosened to create a greater continuous expanse of "relieved hooks": the number of mei has been reduced to two symmetrical groups of five, with no intervening zhuanjian bands.68 On some of the middle-tier yongzhong from tomb no. 1 (set M2), mei are entirely absent. Marquis Yi's niuzhong (see fig. 13), finally, are completely unornamented, though musically functional.

68. Some of the Zeng yongzhong go even further in the abandonment of the "standard" zhong decoration scheme: they have no mei whatever, only two panels filled with relieved hooks, with a vertical panel in the center of the zheng.

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Figure 96. One of four niuzhong excavated in 1978 at Tianxingguan, Jiangling (Hubei). Workshop of Chu, fourth century B.C.

Figure 97. Right: One of a set of fourteen niuzhong excavated in 1972 from the tomb of a ruler of Ba at Xiaotianxi, Fuling (Sichuan). Workshop of Chu, mid- to late fourth century B.C. Just as in the north, yongzhong and bo disappear from the south Chinese archaeological record after the late fifth century B.C. All later Warring States period musical bells from Chu and adjacent areas are niuzhong. The tendency toward abandoning the standard zhong decoration scheme, noticeable on some of the Zeng bells, is also evident on the niuzhong from Tianxingguan, Jiangling (Hubei) (fig. 96):69 here, the upper portion of the bell-face is devoid of all decoration while the gu is ornamented as usual. Unlike specimens of the northern group, southern Warring States period chime-bells continued to preserve the

characteristic trapezoidal contours of the ornamented area in the center of the gu; within that portion of the gu, however, symmetry was no longer maintained, and the limbs and heads of dragons are no longer articulated with one another. Such dissolved ornaments cover all the

69. References in Appendix 1. For a list of typologically related specimens, see Appendix 2.

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space available for ornamentation, as may be seen on the mid-fourth-century Jingli-niuzhong from tomb no. 1 at Changtaiguan, Xinyang (Henan) (see fig. 102).70 On the approximately contemporary fourteen-part set of niuzhong from the tomb of a ruler of Ba at Xiaotianxi, Fuling (Sichuan), the same design is combined with an exuberant inlaid pattern covering all the fiat parts of the surface (fig. 97).71 Although inlaid bronzes are typical for Warring States period Chu, these are the only inlaid pre-Qin bells known. Inlay and gilding is seen on some Qin and Han niuzhong (compare fig. 91), but the decoration on those bells seems to have grown out of the northern stylistic tradition. So far, bells showing southern characteristics are unknown after the fourth century. The tone measurements now available (see Chapter 7) show a correlation between increasingly elaborate belldecoration and a decline in acoustical sophistication. Even though chime-bells were still valued, the two-tone phenomenon apparently fell into disuse within a century or so after the casting of the Zeng bells. The End of the Zhou Bell-Manufacturing Tradition The Zeng bells mark both the climax and the beginning of the end of Zhou chime-bell making. In late Warring States times, Zhou bell music already seems to have been a thing of the past, of which there existed merely some ossified reminders. For unknown reasons, the manufacture of yongzhong and bo had virtually ceased in the central states of the Zhou realm after the mid- to late Warring States period.72 Only niuzhong lingered; their archaeological sequence terminates early in the Western Han dynasty. As niuzhong had become the only kind of bells in use, the number of pieces in chimed sets of niuzhong showed considerable increase in Warring States times (see table 8); due to the disuse of the two-tone phenomenon, however, those later specimens were no longer musically on a par with their antecedents. In addition to the tangible archaeological evidence of the niuzhong depicted in figure 91, there is also some textual indication that chime-bells continued to be made during the Qin dynasty, though whether the bells cast when the unification was completed (see Chapter 1) represented Zhou chime-bell types is unknown. In the official history of the following dynasty, the Han, bell-players

70. References in Appendix 1. 71. Ibid. 72. The stylistically latest yongzhong known are probably those from Liulige tomb no. 75 in the north (compare the identical decoration on the niuzhong in fig. 88) and those from tomb no. 2 at Leigudun in the south (fig. 95); both date to about the middle of the second half of the fifth century. The latest known bo are the fourthcentury pieces from Zangjiazhuang (references in Appendix 1).

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are listed among the performers of ceremonial music at the imperial court.73 It is possible that these Han musicians perpetuated some of the traditional lore of Zhou bell music; they may even have played on instruments dating back to Zhou times. Actual specimens of bona fide Han bells are virtually absent from the archaeological record,74 except for replicas made for funerary purposes (mingqi).75 Executed in inferior materials, most of them tend to be grotesquely deformed and greatly reduced in scale vis-à-vis their Zhou prototypes, though the decoration on most of them is patterned on the standard zhong decoration scheme. These objects indicate that the trappings of Zhou court music remained icons of cultivation and status. Access to this form of music, even if merely symbolic, seems to have remained a matter of importance to a person of rank on entering into the other world. During the turbulent times after the fall of the Han, the hereditary court musicians eventually became separated from their instruments.76 When the musicians fled to present-day Nanjing with the court of the Jin dynasty after the fall of Luoyang in A.D. 316, the bell-chimes stayed behind in the north, where they were handed from dynasty to dynasty as a mute symbol of dynastic legitimacy. These bells were gradually dispersed and lost, though at least one important Zhou bell still seems to have been around at the time of the Sui reunification in 589.77 The latest ceramic mingqi bell-replicas thus far reported were excavated from the Eastern Wei tomb of the Rouran princess Linhe (A.D. 538-550) at Dazhongyingcun, Ci Xian (Hebei) (fig. 98), demonstrating that such objects had become attractive to at least some members of the non-Chinese warrior aristocracies that at that time were ruling north China.78 In the south, circumstances did not permit the reconstitution of the lost bells. Whatever may have still been known of the Zhou art of bell-playing at the beginning of the fourth century A.D. probably died out within one generation after the last musicians arrived in the south without their instruments.

73. Han Shu "Li Yue zhi," Zhonghua ed., 1073-74. 74. The only possible exception is set of niuzhong found at the early Western Han tomb of the king of Nanyue at Xianggangshan, Guangzhou (Guangdong) (references in Appendix 1), which may, however, be a Warring States period heirloom. 75. Some mingqi, such as the gilt sets of niuzhong and yongzhong from an early Western Han princely tomb at Jishan (references in Appendix 1), are visually extravagant, if musically non-functional, but most are both small and inconspicuous. I suspect that only a fraction of archaeologically found specimens have so far been reported upon. For a comprehensive list of Warring States period and Han mingqi bells, see Appendix 2. 76. J. Boltz n.d. 77. This was the WUYI bell cast by Jing Wang of Zhou (r. 554-520 B.C.), the subject of learned discourses recorded in Zuo Zhuan Zhao 21 (HYI ed., 404) and Guo Yu "Zhou Yu-xia" (Tiansheng Mingdao ed., 3:12a-18b). Kong Yingda (A.D. 574-648), in his Zuo Zhuan sub-commentary (see Ruan Yuan, ed., Shisanjing Zhushu vol. 2:2097), traces its transmission through the Kaihuang period (A.D. 581-600). 78. References in Appendix 1.

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Figure 98. Mingqi pottery bell excavated in 1978 from the tomb of the Rouran princess Linhe (A.D. 538-50) at Dazhongyingcun, Ci Xian (Hebei). The chime-bells used in East Asian court music during later dynasties, and, since the Song dynasty, in the annual sacrifices to Confucius, are the outcome of later attempts at musical revival. Some of them resemble Zhou dynasty bells in shape, such as the bells cast at the Northern Song court from 1105 to 1113; their manufacture was triggered by the accidental discovery, then regarded as a highly auspicious omen, of a set of mid-Springs and Autumns period bo of the state of Song.79 Others, such as the Qing bell-chimes that may still be seen in Beijing (see Chapter 2 and fig. 44), are morphologically and technologically novel creations, influenced by the design of Buddhist temple-bells (see fig. 35).80 Significant innovations in bell manufacture still occurred after the end of the Bronze Age, and the history of bell-casting in East Asia after the Han remains a fertile topic for future study.

79. These are the Song Gong-bo, found in 1104 at a site close to the site of the capital of the state of Song of the Zhou dynasty. While the original Springs and Autumns period pieces have long been lost (they are depicted in Bogutulu 22:27), some of the Song dynasty recasts still survive (two are in the Royal Ontario Museum, Toronto, at least one in the Palace Museum in Beijing, and one apparently in the Jilin Provincial Museum, Changchun). Their number seems to have been considerable; some of them had colorful histories after they were dispersed at the time of the conquest of the Song capital by the Jurchen in 1125 (Chen Mengjia 1964a; for reports on individual pieces in China, see Wenwu 1963 [5]:42-44; Gugong Bowuyuan Yuankan 1980 [4]:77ff., and Wenwu 1983 [11]:72-73). 80. The earliest Buddhist temple-bell cast in China to have come to my attention is a Chen dynasty (A.D. 557589) piece on display in the Nara National Museum.

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Conclusion This chapter has led us through the final three stages of evolution sketched out at the beginning of Chapter 4. The typological filiations of musical bells from the late Neolithic through Eastern Zhou may be roughly summarized as in figure 52. In tracing the development of instrument form and ornament, we recognized that variation among artifacts is never arbitrary: every step taken prefigures and at the same time limits the next. George Kubler's evocation of a "chain" of artistic tradition, though primarily concerned with the fine arts, also applies to the products of Bronze Age craftsmanship: The artist is not a free agent obeying only his own will. His situation is rigidly bound by a chain of prior events. The chain is invisible to him, and it limits his motion. He is not aware of it as a chain, but only as vis a tergo, as the force of events behind him. The conditions imposed by these prior events require of him either that he follow obediently in the path of tradition, or that he rebel against the tradition. In either case, his decision is not a free one: it is dictated by prior events of which he senses only dimly and indirectly the overpowering urgency, and by his own congenital peculiarities of temperament.81 A conscious rebellion against tradition almost never occurred in premodern manufacturing traditions; stylistic change as observable in the archaeological record was gradual, as is the case in the ancient Chinese chime-bells. The stylistic development of bell decoration largely followed its own inherent dynamic. Matters turn out to be somewhat more complex, however, when we consider the morphological features of the bells. In Chapter 4, we traced the gradual creation of the two-tone yongzhong by adding xuan and wo to nao bells. In this chapter, we have seen how these yongzhong, when assembled into large chimed sets, became some of the most splendid and technologically sophisticated symbols manipulated in the context of Western Zhou ritual. Ever larger and more lavish ensembles of bells were created by complementing yongzhong chimes with other kinds of musical bells of extraneous origin, which were physically assimilated to the yongzhong. These morphological changes over time reflect technological developments, but the vires a tergo behind them are largely socio-political. As chime-bells were destined for use in the rituals through which the Zhou polity iteratively defined and established itself, their technological and morphological evolution is in large measure determined by the rise and decline of Zhou

81. Kubler 1962, 50.

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ritual.82 Their perfection from the late Western Zhou through the early Warring States reflects the florescence of Zhou aristocratic society, and their final demise went hand in hand with the disintegration of the Zhou ritualpolitical system.83 Regionalisms The history of bells aptly illustrates various forms of cultural interchange between dynastic civilization in north China and the surrounding populations. Influences were traded in both directions and integrated into quite different cultural surroundings.84 Throughout this and the preceding chapter, we had ample occasion to mention the bronzemanufacturing traditions along the Yangzi River, contemporary with the Shang and Western Zhou, in terms of their important contributions to the invention of the yongzhong and bo, two kinds of musical bells that later became essential parts of the Zhou "suspended music." In the later part of the Zhou dynasty, the ever-shifting boundaries between the dynastic civilization in north China and the surrounding areas remained eminently permeable; cultural stimuli were incessantly transferred back and forth. Bells figure prominently among the bronze and other Zhou ritual objects that found their way into surrounding areas, no doubt through various forms of trade, and perhaps also through the custom of exchanging bells as diplomatic gifts between allied rulers (discussed in Chapter 1), which may well have extended to the non-Zhou periphery.85 In a number of places along the periphery, musical bells of Zhou types were imitated locally, sometimes resulting in highly original and innovative departures from the "mainstream" evolution traced above. In this book, those typo-logical ramifications are treated in detail in Appendix 3. In general, throughout the Bronze Age, musical bells coexisted along the Zhou margins with unchimed bells that were for the most part derived from the same typological roots: duo, nao, zheng, and chunyu. Casters in the southerly areas displayed a high degree of originality in the manufacture of such nonmusical bells, which served, for example, as signal-giving instruments in warfare.86 Musically viable chime-bells remained predominantly characteristic of the dynastic civilization in north

82. On this topic see Bilsky 1975; Pratt 1986; Wu Hung 1988. 83. Hsu Cho-yun 1965, 24-52. Li Xueqin 1985, 460-90. 84. Hsu and Linduff (1988, ch. 6) discuss such developments during Zhou times in crude military-political terms. 85. K. C. Chang 1975. For a recent cross-cultural overview on the role of trade in early states, see Kipp and Schortman 1989. 86. See Falkenhausen 1989a.

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China. From Eastern Zhou times onward, sets of such bells made their appearance in the peripheral areas as imports or as local imitations. Pre-Eastern Zhou finds of bells in the Yangzi region and elsewhere in the south show no indication that chimed sets of musical bells were considered important. By Eastern Zhou times, however, a concern with chimes is clearly apparent from the locally manufactured bells found in areas along the southern fringes of the Zhou realm, possibly indicating major cultural changes. Phenomena in the Lower Yangzi area (which included, at the end of the Springs and Autumns period, the territory of the states of Wu and Yue) are quite fascinating in this respect. Here we find local types of yongzhong coexisting with goudiao (chimed zheng) and chimed chunyu, both resulting from attempts at fashioning chimed sets of bells out of common local kinds of nonmusical bells. Whether the mere existence of such chimes shows a significantly enhanced degree of understanding of the musical principles of Zhou court music is debatable, however; locally manufactured sets of bells, in the Lower Yangzi and elsewhere, often seem to imitate merely the outward appearance and not the musical properties of their Zhou models. Even though many chime-bells of regional manufacture may thus have been designed as showpieces, unable to function in the same way as contemporary northern chimes, it is significant that they imitated not merely the shape of single bells but the appearance of entire chimes. Clearly, in producing such objects, the local elites along the borders of the Zhou realm were consciously emulating the models of the Zhou aristocracy. In manipulating items of Zhou material culture, they strove to make themselves ritually compatible with their Zhou peers. Ironically, as they were drawn into the orbit of Chinese dynastic civilization in the course of the Eastern Zhou period, the position of these local power-holders seems to have become marginalized. In general, Eastern Zhou texts document a tendency toward a more pronounced distinction between "us" and "them"between the civilized "Chinese" (Hua Xia ) on the one side, and the "barbarians'' of the Four Directions on the other.87 In the process, it seems, attitudes toward the latter became increasingly judgmental. Although we must be wary of perpetrating Great Han chauvinism, Bronze Age archaeological finds throughout the areas bordering on the Zhou realm make it plain that the regional non-Zhou elites did covet the paraphernalia of the Zhou dynastic rituals as items of conspicuous consumption. Clearly, their fascination with these objects had more than a little to do with the fact that they were of foreign origin. How these imported luxury articles and their local imitations concretely affected individual local societies

87. Okura 1965.

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almost certainly differed from area to area. If general parallels to other parts of the world can be applied, we may suggest that the possession of such objects helped certain groups within the local elites assert themselves vis-à-vis other contenders for power.88 Conceivably, the quest for such power-conferring paraphernalia may have triggered or accelerated indigenous development toward more complex social organization. In the long run, however, the assimilation of local potentates to Zhou elite models appears, ironically, to have facilitated the wholesale absorption of most of the Zhou peripheries into the Chinese cultural and political hegemony in the late third century B.C. In this process, too, bells had their part to play.

88. Wells 1980; Kipp and Schortman 1989.

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PART III MUSICAL PERFORMANCE AND MUSICAL THEORY

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Chapter Six Playing the Bells Prelude Cangcang congcong tuotuo [?] yongyong! Though but imperfectly approximating the instruments' musical quality, the onomatopoeic renderings of their sound in some Western Zhou bell inscriptions quite accurately imitates what happens when a bell is struck: the initial consonants render the Schlagton produced by the mallet hitting the bell surface; and the subsequent vocal-nasal clusters suggest the long, drawn-out tone produced by the vibrating bells. Although the harmonizing voice of bells was conventionally likened to the harmonious singing of birds (see Chapter 3), the ancients realized that deliberate human action was necessary to make the bells "sing" in the proper way.l How were the bell-chimes played, and how did they sound? Arranging the Bell-Chimes Archaeological Evidence on the Composition of Chimes In Shang and Zhou ritual music, single bells were musically meaningless. It was sets of chime-bells rather than individual specimens that constituted the conceptual units, as is clear from the admonition inscribed on the early sixth-century B.C. Zhu Gong Keng-yongzhong (see fig. 92): "If you divide up the sacrificial vessels, leave this [set of bells] intact."2 In the archaeological record, however, numerous instances of incomplete sets, as well as composite sets of bells that did

1. Metaphors based on that fact may be found in Mo Zi "Feiru" (HYI ed., 27) and "Gongmeng" (ibid., 84), as well as Li Ji "Xueji" (LI Ji Zhushu 36:9a; see the dedication of this book). 2. Shirakawa, Kinbun Tsushaku 39:478-81.

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not originally belong together, show that such injunctions were not always heeded. How many bells were there to a chime? Our intermittent glances at table 8 throughout Chapter 5 have made us realize that this question has no easy answer. Not only can one rarely be certain whether an archaeologically discovered set of bells is complete, but the ancient music-masters also frequently composed elaborate assemblages by taking bells, seemingly at their own discretion, from many different sets. Such a trend can be observed as early as the Anyang period, when, though the standard number of nao in a chime seems to have been three, larger sets were created by combining bells from several sets (see Chapter 4). Such assemblages are also common in the late Western Zhou hoards, which often contain three or more different types of yongzhong but seldom one set in its entirety. Similarly, in Eastern Zhou, the sixty-five bells from the tomb of Marquis Yi of Zeng are of heterogeneous origins (see Chapter 7). There is some indication that in late Western Zhou times, the standard number per set of yongzhong may have been eight, and that of bo, possibly, three. Even in incomplete chimes of yongzhong, even-numbered assemblages appear to have been favored at that time. In Eastern Zhou, by contrast, odd-numbered sets of yongzhong occur just as frequently as even-numbered ones, and though there was a high degree of local as well as temporal variety, the overall numbers of bells per set increased considerably. The key to understanding the significance of these changes is technological, having to do with the evolution of bell-scaling principles and the trend to ever-denser tone distributions; this matter will be explored in the following chapter. The largest known contiguous set of bells from the Chinese Bronze Age is the twenty-eight-part set of small yongzhong from the late fifth century B.C. tomb no. 2 at Leigudun (see fig. 95); a close second is the Wangsun Gao-yongzhong chime from tomb no. 2 at Xiasi, Xichuan (Henan) (third quarter of the sixth century), which comprises twenty-six pieces. (None of the chimes on Marquis Yi's sixty-five-bell-rack is composed of more than nineteen pieces.) Chimes ranging up to about a dozen pieces are more normal, both for yongzhong and for bo. As to niuzhong, we have noted that Springs and Autumns period chimes of such bells for the most part comprised nine pieces, increasing to as many as fourteen in the Warring States period. In Eastern Zhou archaeological contexts, sets of yongzhong, bo, and niuzhong, which had formed part of the Chinese cultural inventory since the end of Western Zhou, often occur together. While the sixty-five-part assemblage from the tomb of Marquis Yi remains exceptional, in a dozen or so archaeologically known cases the number of bells excavated in one tomb is in the vicinity of thirty (see table 9). That the respective musical roles of the three kinds of bells may not have been identical is suggested by differences in their numbers and

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sizes. In general, bo are the largest in size and the fewest in number per set. Yongzhong occur in far larger numbers and in a wide range of sizes, but they are on the average somewhat smaller than bo. Niuzhong, throughout their developmental sequence, remained conspicuously smaller in size than yongzhong and bo. Following Asahara Tatsuro , we may liken the large bo to the bass and the yongzhong to the baritone and tenor ranges in a chorus of bells, complemented by the soprano of the niuzhong.3 There were fewer bells emitting tones in the bass range than in the higher ranges, perhaps because large bells are louder and resonate considerably longer than small ones. We may infer that large bo (as well as yongzhong of comparable size, e.g. those on the lower tier of the Zeng bell-rack) mainly served to provide a "ground layer" to the more complex tonal patterns played by bells of the higher ranges. Single or multiple chimes of bells are frequently found in association with lithophones; in the late pre-Qin ritual texts, these two kinds of instruments together constitute the category of suspended music, the possession and display of which was regulated by sumptuary laws (see Chapter 1). Although unknown to European musical traditions, chimes of sonorous stones are widespread in South, East, and Southeast Asia.4 In China, the history of musical stones goes back to Neolithic times;5 they were mostly manufactured from calcareous stone, which is acoustically favorable on account of its hardness and density.6 Although lithophones are technologically less sophisticated than chime-bells, the evolutionary histories of the two show certain parallels. In both cases, the earliest known chimed sets date to the Anyang period, and the number of pieces per set increased greatly in Eastern Zhou. Most Eastern Zhou lithophones appear to have consisted of ten to fourteen chimestones (table 8). With thirty-six pieces (originally there were forty-one), the Zeng lithophone from tomb no. 1 at Leigudun (fig. 99) is exceptionally large; it covered a range of three and one-half octaves. 3. Asahara 1984. The additional sets of smaller bo-like bells found in some large north Chinese tombs of the fifth century probably served to strengthen the higher register. 4. For some well-known and, for a time, controversial prehistoric finds in Vietnam, see Schaeffner 1951 and Condominas 1952; some recent discoveries in eastern India were reported by Yule and Bernmann 1987. 5. See Chapter 4, n. 10. Large chimestones similar to those from Shanxi have also been found in Lower Xiajiadian cultural contexts to the north of China proper, e.g., at Kalaxinhe East, Jianping (Liaoning) (Kaogu 1983 [11]:973-81), and Xishan, Kalaxin Banner (Inner Mongolia) (Wenwu 1983 [8]:54). 6. Tong Kin-woon 1983-84, pt. 1:97-100; Chen Zhenyu 1988b. It may be assumed that the lithic material used varied somewhat with the resources available near the place of manufacture. The only polished material documented for ancient Chinese chimestones is marble. Although jade chimestones are sometimes mentioned in the literature, they are so far unknown from the Bronze Age archaeological record; they did exist in later periods. Kuttner (1953) has determined that the acoustic quality of jade is superior to that of other stones, but his theory that the fiat jade rings (bi (Footnote continued on next page)

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Figure 99. Lithophone from the tomb of Marquis Yi of Zeng. Textual Records on the Composition of Chimes A poetic description of bells and lithophones on their racks may be found in the inscription of the Lü-yongzhong from the late Springs and Autumns period (fig. 100): The [bells] are of dark shiny metal [liu] and of smooth hard metal [lü].7 The great bells [amount to] eight si sets, matching them there are four du sets [of chimestones?]. Proudly, proudly, [the posts and bars of the bell-racks] rear their dragon heads. Now their casting is completed, the rack has been fashioned, and the great bells have been suspended from it. The large jade chimestone and the alligator-skin drum [are also in place].8

(Footnote continued from previous page) ) and segments ( yuan ) of Chinese antiquity were parts of lithophones lacks plausibility. Rather than dating to "around 1000 B.C.," the jade bi in the Royal Ontario Museum investigated by Kuttner date to the Warring States period. 7. On these metal-names see Chapter 3 above. 8. My translation follows Yetts (1929 2:43-49) wherever possible; for philological and historical commentary and an analysis of the text's poetic language, see Falkenhausen 1988, 1148-55.

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Figure 100. One of the thirteen Lü-yongzhong allegedly excavated in 1870 at Ronghe (Shanxi); this piece (a) now in the British Museum, London. Rubbing (b) of another member of the set, now in the Shanghai Museum. Workshop of Jin, first quarter of fifth century B.C. The text mentions the terms si and du, counters for bells that also appear in the classical literature. The original meaning of si is "to deploy [in a row]"; du is semantically connected with walls and bulwarks, probably reflecting how, during performances, racks of suspended musical instruments screened off the ritual area from the surrounding space. The Zhou Li states: "In all suspended bells and chimestones, half [a set] is a du and a whole [set] is a si."9 The archaeological evidence in table 8 vaguely corroborates the idea that a distinction between whole sets and half-sets may have been important. Exactly how many pieces constituted a si or a du, however, is not specified anywhere in the pre-Qin sources. The Eastern Han commentary by Zheng Xuan (A.D. 127-200) on the Zhou Li explains: When bells and chimestones, eight of each, amounting to sixteen, are suspended in a row on one rack, this is called a du. One du of bells plus one du of chimestones is called a si.

9. Zhou Li: Chun'guan "Xiaoxu" (Zhou Li Zhengyi 44:16b-18b).

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Accordingly, a du would amount to sixteen, and a si to thirty-two pieces. Zheng Xuan's view has not remained uncontested, however. In his commentary on Zuo Zhuan, Du Yu (4th century A.D.), though accepting that a du is half a si, takes one si as comprising sixteen bells, one du thus amounting to eight bells.10 For centuries, Du Yu's numbers were universally accepted; throughout Imperial times, for instance, Chinese bell-chimes were designed as sets of sixteen (see fig. 44). More recently, however, Du's interpretation of si and du has been called into doubt by epigraphers who have noted a number of occurrences of those two terms in bronze inscriptions.11 The Lü-yongzhong inscription is so far the only one referring to both si and du. The possible meaning of its "eight si and four du" has elicited considerable discussion. In 1896, Wu Dacheng (1835-1902) expressed the opinion that eight sets of 16 bells each would amount to an impossibly high number of bells.12 For the sake of reducing the number to a more "reasonable" one, Wu therefore proposed that si and du are simply counters for individual bells rather than for sets.13 Since the discovery of the 65 bells in Marquis Yi's tomb, however, an assemblage of 128 bells, though still enormous, is no longer unimaginable. As an alternative, Guo Moruo (1892-1978) suggested that si and du referred to different instruments: the four du were not bells but lithophones.14 This reading seems possible in the case of the Lü-yongzhong inscription, since chimestones are also named in that text; moreover, archaeological finds show that musical assemblages universally comprise fewer musical stones than bells (in Marquis Yi's tomb, the number of slots on the lithophone rack was almost exactly half the number of chime-bells).15 Other inscriptions, however, use

10. Du Yu on Zuo Zhuan Xiang 11 (see Ruan Yuan, Shisanjing Zhushu 2:1951). 11. Beside the Lü-yongzhong, references to si or du appear in the following bronze inscriptions: the late-ninthcentury Duo You-ding (Tian and Luo 1981; Shaughnessy 1983-85), the early- to mid-sixth-century Zhu Gong Keng-yongzhong (Shirakawa, Kinbun Tsushaku 39:478-81), the mid- to late-sixth-century Huanzi Meng Jiang-hu (Shirakawa, Kinbun Tsushaku 38:388-403). 12. Wu Dacheng, Kezhai Jigulu, j. 1:7-11. This opinion, published in 1896, seems to have influenced Sun Yirang's commentary on the Zhou Li locus quoted above, in Zhou Li Zhengyi 44:16b-18b (preface dated 1899). 13. Wu Dacheng proposed that the difference between si and du might have been not a numerical but a musical one. According to him, the eight bells of the si emitted the tones of a standard scale, whereas the four du bells rang intervening chromatic tones; we now know that the Lü-yongzhong set comprised at least thirteen pieces that are documented through rubbings, not twelve (8 + 4) pieces, as Wu Dacheng mistakenly believed. Though ingenious, Wu's hypothesis is incompatible with the actual tone distribution in Eastern Zhou bell-chimes (see Chapter 7). 14. Guo Moruo 1958, Kao 270-76. Guo believes that the meanings of the terms si and du were reversed in the Han commentaries: a si for him equals half a du; accordingly, in the Lü-yongzhong context, there would have been identical numbers of chimestones and bells. 15. As each chimestone could emit only one tone, the number of tones on the Zeng lithophone was effectively one-fourth the number playable on the Zeng bells.

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both du and si with unambiguous reference to bells, showing that the two terms cannot always denote a difference between bells and lithophones. The archaeological data in table 8 suggest that the meaning of such terms as si and du must have undergone considerable change from Western to Eastern Zhou; the meaning may have differed, moreover, with respect to each of the three principal classes of musical bells. Sets of sixteen or thirty-two musical bells of any kind have not been seen so far. On the other hand, sets of eight and half-sets of four bells seem to have been of some importance in Western Zhou yongzhong; hence one may speculate that there may have been eight yongzhong to a si and four to a du at that time, assuming the validity of the Zhou Li stipulation that a du was half a si. If so, eight-part sets of Western Zhou yongzhong such as the Zhong Yi- and the Zuo-yongzhong, which were excavated together at Qijiacun, Fufeng (Shaanxi), would each constitute a complete si of bells, and an incomplete set of four, such as the Ni-yongzhong from Haosihe, Yongshou (Shaanxi), might be termed a du.16 In Eastern Zhou, on the other hand, the two terms must have become more flexible in their significance; while retaining the meaning of ''set" and "halfset," respectively, they may no longer have denoted a fixed number of chime-bells. Suspension Much care was expended on the ornamentation of the racks (ju. or ) from which the bells and musical stones were suspended.17 The two racks excavated in tomb no. 1 at Leigudun are the best preserved specimens. The heavy wooden horizontal beams of the L-shaped bell-rack (see fig. 1) are covered with brightly colored lacquer decoration. The beams of the first and second tiers are supported by massive bronze figures of standing human beings (fig. 101); the third tier rests on cylindrical bronze columns.18 The lithophone rack from the same tomb is made entirely of bronze and of much more slender proportions than the bell-rack; the vertical supports take the shape of elegant antlered birds, a com-

16. Some idea of the original Western Zhou meaning of these two terms may have been preserved, along with other Western Zhou musical lore, into late Eastern Zhou times. The putative Eastern Zhou or early Han source for Du Yu's figures may have simply mistaken the number of bells in a si for that in a du, thus doubling the actual numbers; Zheng Xuan in turn redoubled those figures. 17. Zhang Zhenxin 1979 and 1980. 18. Zhao Shigang speculates (1988, 18) that the number of tiers in a bell-rack may reflect Chu sumptuary conventions; thus, the three-tiered rack from Marquis Yi's tomb would have been appropriate to the zhuhou rank, while the two-tiered rack reconstructible for the bells from tomb no. 2 at Leigudun, as well as for the Wangsun Gao-yongzhong from Xiasi, Xichuan (Henan), corresponded to a lower rank, and so forth. This seems uncertain, however.

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Figure 101. Detail of the bell-rack from the tomb of Marquis Yi of Zeng (see fig. 1). posite animal commonly seen in Chu art.19 The earliest preserved bell-rack on record, excavated at Liugezhuang, Penglai (Shandong), and dating to the early to middle Springs and Autumns period, is of much simpler construction; its single wooden beam is adorned at both ends by carved dragon heads, just as described in the Lüyongzhong inscription (see above).20 Bell-racks with similar dragon-headed supports are also depicted on the Warring States period pictorial bronzes (figs. 15, 22), and written records suggest that they may have existed in Chu.21 Zhuang Zi tells the story of Wood Carver Qing , who carved a bell-rack so skillfully that "those who saw it were startled, as if it were the work of ghosts and spirits."22 A later commentary asserts that the rack in question "resembled

19. Thote 1987. 20. Reference in Appendix 1. 21. Gao You's commentary explains the "Nine-dragon bells" in Huainan Zi "Taizu" (Sibu Congkan ed., 20:13b) as a Chu bell-chime suspended from a dragon-shaped rack. 22. Zhuang Zi "Dasheng" (HYI ed., 50).

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Figure 102. Chime of thirteen Jingli-niuzhong excavated in 1957 from tomb no. 1 at Changtaiguan, Xinyang (Henan); rack reconstructed after original remains. Workshop of Chu, first half of fourth century B.C. the shape of tigers."23 Lacquer painting and carved wooden portions are also characteristic of other known Eastern Zhou bell-racks (fig. 102), which lack both representational decor and the elaborate bronze fittings seen on the one from Leigudun.24 The suspension armature of the Zeng yongzhong is highly ornate and of complicated design. Probably in order to prevent the bells from swaying backwards when struck, the wo (suspension rings) rest in fixed U-shaped hooks, which in turn are connected to clamps that are tightly fastened around beams of the rack (fig. 103). The clamps of nine yongzhong on the lower tier are fashioned in the shape of fully sculptural crouching tigers (fig. 104) that adorn the front and back faces of the beams; the tigers' tails and paws are hinged and bolted together on the top and bottom.25 On Marquis Yi's bell-rack, the yongzhong on the lower and middle tiers are tilted to opposite sides, in order that the musicians in charge of the lower- and middle-tier chimes not get in each other's way. Some surviving bell-hooks (gou ), roughly in the shape of a lower-case , suggest that a much simpler and less stable way of suspending bells prevailed

23. Guo Qingfan, Zhuang Zijishi. Beijing (Zhonghua) 1979, vol. 3, 658-59. 24. Such racks have been found at the following sites (references in Appendix 1): Changtaiguan, Xinyang (Henan), M1 and M2 (the latter for wooden mingqi bells); Hougudui, Gushi (Henan), Jiuli, Linli (Hunan), and Tianxingguan, Jiangling (Hubei). All these sites are located within the Chu sphere of influence. 25. Five suspension methods occurring in connection with the Zeng bell assemblage are described by Tan and Feng 1988.

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Figure 103. The suspension of the Zeng bells (simple mode).

Figure 104. The suspension of the Zeng bells (elaborate mode, with tiger clamps). during earlier times. The only provenienced specimens have been excavated with the early seventh-century B.C. Qin Gong bells at Taigongmiao, Baoji (Shaanxi) (see figs. 81 and 110). It seems significant that both the yongzhong and the bo were suspended by means of identical hooks. The rounded hook at one end was inserted into the suspension device (wo or niu) of a given bell, while the ring at the other end was somehow connected to its rack, probably by a rope.26 This type of gou apparently goes back in time to Western Zhou; other preserved specimens are more ornate than those from Taigongmiao, but of similar basic shape (fig. 105).27 Niuzhong were suspended in a less complicated fashion: their suspension loops were fitted into slots on the bottom side of the rack-beam, where they were

26. If so, it would seem puzzling that a rope was not fastened immediately to the wo; possibly, again, the aim was to limit the swaying of the bell when it was struck. 27. The late Western Zhou specimen in fig. 105 is inscribed as "the gou of the congzhong (bells for enjoyment, cong ?) made and cast by the ruler of Rui " (Rong Geng 1941, vol. 2, pl. 976; inscription transcribed in vol. 1, 510); it has a second ring fused to the top. A similar specimen with somewhat more extravagant sculptural dragon decor (vol. 2, pl. 977) is dated by Rong to "Springs and Autumns to Warring States." Rong (vol. 1, loc. cit.) also mentions the closed metal ring inserted in the ox-head-ornamented wo of the Ji Hou-yongzhong in the Sen'oku Hakkokan, Kyoto (Gakki, 24), but for a number of reasons, that bell may not be genuine.

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Figure 105. Rui Gong-zhonggou (present whereabouts unknown). Late Western Zhou period. kept in place by means of bronze insertion pegs (chaxiao ). The peg tops were visible on the side of the bellrack, and those excavated with the Jingli-niuzhong (see fig. 102) were ornamented with the typical late Warring States pushou mask (fig. 106).28 In the case of the Zeng-niuzhong, the peg tops are concealed from the view of those standing in front of the rack. Setting up the bell- and lithophone-racks in the temple courtyard prior to a ceremony involved specialized personnel (see Chapter 1). This was a major operation, which the Shi Jing describes as follows: We put up the beams, we put up the posts [of the bell-rack], With their tusk-shaped ornaments and their upright plumes, And the responding small drums, the suspended large drums, The hand-drums and the musical stones, the wooden striking-basins and the tiger-scrapers. All is prepared; now they play.29

28. For close-up illustrations, see Xinyang Chu-mu, pl. 12.4. Very similar pins were found with the fourteen inlaid niuzhong from Xiaotianxi (Wenwu 1974 [5]:63-64, pl. 2.4). 29. Shi Jing Ode 280 "Yougu" (HYI ed., 76); trad. auct. adiuv. Karlgren 1950, 245-46, Waley 1960, 218.

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Figure 106. Insertion peg of the Jingli-niuzhong (see fig. 102). a, the peg; b, diagram demonstrating the suspension of the niuzhong. Performance Playing Technique Bells and chimestones were struck by means of mallets. T-shaped specimens of lacquered wood, a little more than one-half meter long, have been excavated in several Eastern Zhou archaeological contexts (fig. 107).30 Tomb no. 1 at Leigudun yielded six such mallets, and two round lacquered wooden bars measuring 2.15 meters in length;31 the bars were for striking the large bells on the lower tier of the bell-rack. The T-shaped mallets extended a player's arm by about half its length, still allowing as much control as necessary to exactly hit the striking point of the A-or B-tone, whichever was intended.32 It is unclear whether a player handled one or two mallets. This is a matter of importance for reconstructing bell music: if every musician had two mallets rather than one, twice the number of tones could have been played simultaneously, achieving a considerably faster tempo. In today's reenactments (fig. 108), players habitually wield two mallets each,

30. Such mallets have been found, e.g., in tomb no. 1 at Leigudun, at Hougudui, and in tomb no. 1 at Changtaiguan (references in Appendix 1). 31. Tan and Feng 1988, 14-15. The metal butt of a similar bar was found in tomb no. 2 at Xiasi, Xichuan (Henan). 32. My own experiments on Western Zhou bells at the Sen'oku Hakkokan in Kyoto suggest that the B-tone resounds most clearly when the head of the bird- or dragon-shaped marker is hit.

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Figure 107. T-shaped mallet and round striking-bar excavated in 1978 from the tomb of Marquis Yi of Zeng. The two pieces are drawn to different scales; the bar (L = 215 cm) is actually about four times as long as the mallet (L = 62 cm).

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Figure 108. Reenactment of performance of Bronze Age music by the Hubei Provincial Folk Music Troupe, using a set of bell replicas tuned to the standard of a Western piano.

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Figure 109. Pictorial representation of a ritual performance on an unprovenienced hu vessel in the Palace Museum, Beijing. Late fifth century B.C. which agrees with some depictions on Warring States-period bronzes (see figs. 22 and 23); at least one representation, however, on a hu in the Palace Museum, Beijing (fig. 109), shows several bell-players each holding one mallet with both hands. In any case, one set of a dozen or so bells was probably the maximum one player could handle considering the human armspan, even when extended by two mallets. The six mallets in Marquis Yi's tomb include two for each of the three chimes of yongzhong on the middle tier of the Marquis's sixty-five-part bell assemblage (see fig. 1); either one player or a team of two players was in charge of each chime. From the direction in which the bells were tilted when suspended, we know that those musicians were positioned behind the rack, facing the audience. Each of the two heavy bars used for striking the lower-tier Zeng bells was handled by two musicians, whose task was a delicate one: there was some danger that the large bells might break when struck with the relatively forceful blows required to make them produce a tone. It is possible, moreover, that the musicians, standing inside the rack, had to keep their faces turned toward the audienceaway from the bells (see fig. 22).33 This posture must have made it difficult to hit the striking points of the A- and Btones with the required exactitude. Because of the reduced mobility of these players, the music produced on the lower-tier Zeng bells was by necessity slow. The time of resonance of those

33. Tan and Feng 1988, 13-14.

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Figure 110. The five Qin Gong-yongzhong (with their suspension hooks), excavated in 1978 at Taigongmiao (see fig. 81). Workshop of Qin, early Springs and Autumns period (probably reign of Wu Gong, 697-678 B.C.). bells was so much longer that they could not have been played at the same tempo as the smaller yongzhong of the middle tier, anyway. We may make the following inference concerning the sort of music played on the Zeng bell assemblage: if the bells on the two tiers were used simultaneously, continuous melodies were probably played only on the middle-tier chimes while the large lower-tier bells provided a bass accompaniment that was melodically much reduced. The vertically suspended niuzhong on the third tier could conceivably have been reached by players standing on either side of the rack, but as presently arranged, their musical usefulness may have been quite limited (see Chapter 7).34 Because the B-tone markers of early yongzhong are habitually placed on the right side of the gu, it appears that the bell-chimes of that period were arranged with the deeper tones to the left and the higher tones to the right (fig. 110)in the same direction as on a modern piano. In most Eastern Zhou bells, B-tone markers are absent, testifying, perhaps, to a higher degree of flexibility in bell arrangements. On the long arm of the Zeng bell-rack, for example, the yongzhong on both the middle and lower tiers are positioned in such a way that the

34. Players whom I had an opportunity to observe at the Hubei Provincial Museum in 1990 used two mallets each on a set of replicas of the Zeng bells, but only ever struck one note at a time. The players on the rear side of the bell-rack were standing on a low pedestal, from which they could reach both the middle-tier and the upper-tier bells. Being evidently less familiar with the tone distributions in the chimes than the Bronze Age musicians, they had marked the striking points of the A- and B-tones on the bells with large numbers written in chalk (the original tone-naming inscriptions, besides being written in archaic script, are too small to be legible to the naked eye).

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Figure 111. Tone distribution on two adjacent bells in a chime. In order to play a scale, it is necessary to move back and forth between the two bells. largest bell is the furthest on the right from the audience's point of view (see fig. 1); the musicians who played these bells, however, were positioned on both sides of the rack. Thus, from the musician's point of view, in the three sets of yongzhong on the middle tier the size gradation proceeds from left to right (as in the Western Zhou bells), but on the long arm of the lower tier it proceeds the other way around. The yongzhong performers standing on the two sides of the rack thus played moving in opposite directions. Because the Zeng tone-naming inscriptions are placed on the striking point of the B-tone on both sides of the gu, one may suppose that the B-tone was probably produced on whichever side of the bell was convenient to the player. The fact remains that the Zeng virtuosi had to be capable of playing a chime irrespective of whether the bells were arranged from left to right or right to lefta remarkable feat. What modern pianist, or xylophonist, for that matter, would feel comfortable with an instrument on which the order of keys was inverted from the habitual one, or, even worse, on which the order of tones varied in different sections of the instrument? The two-tone phenomenon was the root of another challenge to the players of Eastern Zhou bell-chimes, making them more difficult in some ways to play than a piano, a Western carillon (where the bell clappers are attached to keys arranged much as on a piano or organ), or indeed a Chinese lithophone. In the other kinds of instruments, adjacent tones are always located next to one another, but in the densely scaled Eastern Zhou bell-chimes, this was not the case. The reason for this lies in the nature of two-tone bells: A- and B-tones are always either a minor or major third apart on the Zhou musical bells. As a re-suit, adjacent tones may be physically far removed from one another in the chime; in the hypothetical example in fig. 111 (two two-tone bells in which the interval between Atone and B-tone is a major third), to play the simple sequence do-re-mi, one had to go from bell x to bell 2 and back to bell 1. A player

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had to memorize exactly on which bell any given tone was to be found, a difficulty that was surely compounded by the lack of any standardized pattern for scaling bell-chimes. As we shall discuss in detail in Chapter 7, the distribution of tones varied from chime to chime, making it necessary for players to familiarize themselves with each chime individually. One of the functions of the tone-naming inscriptions on the Zeng bells may have been to help musicians find their way around that particularly complex assemblage of bells, though, as we shall see, they could not have consulted that information while playing (see Chapter 8). The Bells in Concert Although the classical sources occasionally mention individuals playing on bells or chimestones for their personal enjoyment,35 we shall do well to remind ourselves that during performances, chimes were not usually played on their own. Their metallic timbre was heard mixed in with the sounds of many other kinds of musical instruments. In a rare Eastern Zhou ''concert program" preserved in the Zuo Zhuan, two vocal pieces (the Shi Jing odes "Wenwang" and "Luming" , presented by the "officiating singers" gong ) are preceded by the performance of the ritual dance Sixia , wherein instrumental accompaniment was provided by bells.36 This presumably means that the bell-chime had the solo part in a piece performed by a larger ensemble. What was the position and role of bells in the ancient ritual orchestras? In listing the king's monthly tasks, the Lüshi Chunqiu enumerates the instruments of a ritual orchestra as follows: In [the fifth] month, [the king] orders the Music Masters to repair the pellet-drums and tambourines [leather] and to harmonize the qin and se zithers [silk] as well as the pipes and vertical flutes [bamboo]. They hold the shields, halberds, dagger-axes, and plumes,37 and they tune the yu and sheng mouth-organs [gourd], the ocarinas [clay], and the traverse flutes. They set up the bells [metal], the lithophones [stone], the wooden striking-basin, and the tiger-scraper [wood].38 This list includes all the cosmologically relevant Eight Sonorous Substances, among which bells represent metal. But whether the ensemble here listed is a

35. Zuo Zhuan Xiang 30 (HYI ed., 331); Lunyu "Xianwen" par. 39 (HYI ed., 30.) 36. Zuo Zhuan Xiang 4 (HYI ed., 257). 37. All these were props used in ritual dances. 38. Lüshi Chunqiu "Zhongxia zhi yue" (Sibu Congkan ed., 5:1b-2a); the same text with minor variants may be found in Li Ji "Yueling" (Li Ji Zhushu 16:10b-11a).

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typical one for the late Bronze Age appears questionable. Archaeologically excavated assemblages of musical instruments, especially those from Marquis Yi's tomb (see Introduction), have yielded many of the same instruments, but so far, all Eight Timbres have never been found in any one place.39 Similarly, in the many Shi Jing poems mentioning musical instruments, enumerations stop short of ever providing a complete set of eight, though each of the eight is represented somewhere in the classic.40 In its very completeness, the Lüshi Chunqiu list may reflect a systematizing agenda, motivated by cosmological speculation. As to the actual bell-chimes, apparently they could be used in quite a variety of orchestral settings. The classical texts provide extremely limited clues that might help us imagine what the actual musical pieces sounded like. Confucius offers the following glimpse: This much can be known about music. It begins with playing in unison. When it gets into full swing, it is harmonious, clear, and unbroken. In this way it reaches the conclusion.41 Other snippets from Eastern Zhou texts allude to the role of bells in such musical performances. The Guo Yu hints that bells and drums were used to give the impetus at crucial points during the performance, whereupon stringed and wind instruments played the tunes.42 In several Shi Jing odes, a similar succession of musical events may be implied when bells and chimestones are mentioned ahead of other types of melodic instruments.43 And Mencius builds a metaphor of wisdom and sageness on the image of a piece of music in which metal bells mark the beginning and "jade" chimestones the end.44 But elsewhere, there are indications that instruments might also have been played in a different order. The Yue Ji locus on the "Old Music," for example, which describes how "the performance begins with the music of King Wen, to which is added the stirring music of King Wu,''45 has traditionally been taken in the sense that the music of Wen consisted of the beating of drums, and that bells

39. See Appendix 1. 40. Falkenhausen 1988, 61-69 and table 1. 41. Lunyu "Baxian" (HYI ed., 5; Lau, 71). 42. Guo Yu "Zhouyu-xia" states: "The bells merely impel the tone" (Tiansheng Mingdao ed. 3:12a; d'Hormon, 311), and further on in the same passage: "With metal [bells] and stone [lithophones, the music] is impelled; with silk [zithers] and bamboo [flutes], it is moved on" (Tiansheng Mingdao ed. 3:14a; d'Hormon, 314). 43. Shi Jing Odes 208 and 280 (HYI ed., 50 and 76). 44. Meng Zi "Wanzhang-xia," paragraph 1 (HYI ed., 39). 45. Li Ji "Yueji" (Li Ji Zhushu 38:11a-b; Couvreur 2:86); Shi Ji "Yueshu" (Zhonghua ed., 1222). The entire locus is quoted in Chapter 1.

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were struck only during the subsequent music of Wu. And the Han Fei Zi says, by way of an extended metaphor for how big troubles can arise from small: The yu mouth-organ is chief among the [emitters of the] Five Tones. Therefore, when the yu plays first, the bells and the se zithers all follow suit. When the yu sounds, the various instruments are all in harmony.46 These bits of information about bells in musical performances are difficult to reconcile; they may refer to different pieces or to regionally different musical practices. They do suggest, however, that bells were viewed as percussion instruments akin to drums; rather than playing melodies, their main function may have been to signal the beginning, the internal subdivisions, and the end of musical pieces. There is no evidence that they marked the time or rhythm of musical pieces, as do some percussion instruments; and, with the possible exception of the "concert program" in Zuo Zhuan, mentioned above, there is no indication of a melodic content to what was played on the bell-chimes. Yet their appearance at structurally crucial moments harks back to Rodney Needham's suggestion of a correlation of percussion and transition.47 We may tentatively conclude that the importance of bell-playing must be evaluated chiefly in terms of the overall process of the ritual action. But our further analysis will reveal that the ancient texts may well not provide the entire story of bell music. The Sound of Bells Many extant bronze bells can still be played today. Their tones can be recorded and measured, and this information can be used for reconstructing certain aspects of early Chinese music and musical theory. In this respect, bells are unique among archaeologically known musical instruments from China; even lithophones, made of calcareous stone material that easily disintegrates in the ground (never of jade, pace Mencius), are for the most part broken and hence useless for tone measurement.48 Much of the discussion in the following chapters will be largely concerned with the tone measurements on Bronze Age Chinese chime-bells.

46. Han Fei Zi "Jielao" (Zhonghua index ed., 765). On the Five Tones, see Chapter 8. 47. R. Needham 1967. 48. This had happened, e.g., to the Zeng chimestones. Some exceptionally well-preserved lithophones whose measured tones may still tell us something are discussed in Chapter 7. On the acoustical properties of jade, see n. 6, above.

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The Tone-Measurement Data The bell-tones we shall be dealing with are the vibration frequencies of the fundamentals as perceived by the measuring devices used. Frequencies are measured in cycles per second (Hz); for our purposes, however, such figures are more convenient to use when converted into the logarithmic cent measurement.49 In Appendix 4 I have calculated each tone as the distance in cents with respect to Co(= 16.352 Hz), the lowest C the human ear can perceive as a musical tone.50 (Co being zero, the standard A4 of 440 Hz, 57 semitones above Co, equals 5700 cents.) Tone measurements obtained from single bells are of limited musicological interest. What we need are sets of measurements obtained from chimes comprising several bells. How exact do they have to be for us to be able to draw culturally relevant conclusions? This question provokes another: how exact were the instruments under analysis even by their own contemporary standards? We know from Chapter 2 that the tones heardwhether now or in the Bronze Agecould not be exactly identical to those intended by the makers: the mathematically unsound scaling formulas employed by the Zhou casters made it impossible for them to design bell-chimes that would adhere to a single stringent standard of tuning. Under the circumstances, any ideally intended tones could merely be approximated; listeners must have possessed a certain level of tolerance to such inherent inaccuracy. But how much deviation was too much for the Bronze Age connoisseur? Any answer to this question would probably depend on the specific period and place, as well as on the listeners' degree of musical training, which in turn would depend on their social status. Some reports correlate the measured frequency values with Western tone names (such as C, D, E, etc.) on the equal-tempered scale,51 with A4 defined as 440 Hz and deviations from the tones on the equal-tempered scale indicated in cents.52 It should be stressed that, with tone measurements expressed in this

49. Cents are a logarithmic measuring unit for tonal intervals in a system invented by Alexander Ellis (1814-1890). Each semitonal step in the equal-tempered scale (see below) is assigned a value of 100 cents, the length of an octave being 1200 cents. Whereas raw frequency figures increase exponentially as the pitch becomes higher, intervals expressed in cents are always identical. 50. L. S. Lloyd in The New Grove 14: 788. 51. The equal-tempered scale is a series of twelve tones per octave, constructed in such a way that the interval between every two succeeding semitones is mathematically expressed by an exactly equal proportion. This differs from other twelve-tone series that stress simpler mathematical relationships (with the consequence that the intervals between successive semitones differ, sometimes considerably; two examples, the "Pythagorean" and the "Natural" dodecatonic series, are discussed in Chapter 7). The equal-tempered scale has the advantage of consisting of mathematically equal units; the proportion relating every two tones in the scale, however, is a rather complicated mathematical expression. 52. Some authors indicate such equivalencies by means of Western-style musical notation.

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manner, the equal-tempered scale is by no means an ideal standard of exactitude against which to evaluate the ancient instruments. It merely serves as a musicological measuring rod; the system of subdividing it by cents was devised as a neutral and relatively simple means for describing the musics of various cultures. No ethnomusicologically known tonal system uses equal tempering in instrument-making. Besides being mathematically difficult to calculate, equal-tempered tone series appear to be cross-culturally regarded as unpleasant to the human ear. It is therefore not at all surprising that the tone series emitted by the ancient Chinese bell-chimes diverge conspicuously from the equal-tempered scale. If, within such a set of measurements, some sort of pattern could be discerned to the deviations of the measured bell-tones from those of the equal-tempered scale, we might be able to reconstruct the system of intonation used in China during the Bronze Age. It is thinkable that, in the future, statistical analysis of a very large amount of such data might reflect prevalent tendencies, though bellchimes, with their built-in inaccuracy, may not be the best source of for such evidence. This problem will be considered again at the end of Chapter 7. For us, the main interest of the bell-tone measurements lies in the fact that they indicate the intervals between tones, evidence from which we can reconstruct the tonal framework of ancient Chinese musical practice. In order to obtain such information, we need not pay much attention to the absolute frequency measurements; instead, what is important is the internal consistency of each set of tone measurements. In Chapter 7, therefore, the relationships among the tones, and not their frequencies themselves, are the subject of historical inquiry, and it is my reasoned opinion that the data listed in Appendix 4 can be used for such an analysis. But taking the reported sets of tone measurements to be internally consistent requires certain assumptions; this sort of data presents pitfalls of which we should be clearly aware. Some further discussion here is warranted. Tone-Measuring Methods Bell-tones may be measured in a variety of ways, yielding results of varying accuracy; although it is theoretically safest to combine several methods,53 this is seldom possible. In the few cases where several sets of measurements are available, one should not expect complete agreement among them; rather, they will illustrate a range of pitch for each tone.

53. Takahashi (1984, 1986) has established and exemplified this method with the Biao-niuzhong. Unfortunately, most Chinese sources referred to in Appendix 4 are not explicit as to how the reported frequencies were determined.

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The crudest of the most common tone-measurement methods consists of relying simply on aural perception, perhaps aided by a tuning fork.54 Such a procedure, albeit highly inexact, may not be entirely without value because one's subjective impression might be similar to that of a Bronze Age listener. Since bell-tones are composite tones, the partials picked up by more sophisticated measuring instruments may sometimes differ from the ones most strongly perceived by the human listener.55 In such cases, the human ear is the ultimate arbiter. However, the exactitude of aural tone measurements is inadequate for the sort of analysis attempted in Chapter 7.56 Generally, the exactitude achieved by sophisticated modern equipment is highly dependent on the skill and patience of the user. Stroboscopes, invented some fifty years ago, are still widely used for measuring tones.57 Although they are commendable for their precision, the margin of error being potentially as little as I cent in either direction,58 these instruments cannot account for changes in frequency occurring after an idiophone has been struck (the tones emitted by most musical instruments are not entirely constant); because the partials of a bell-tone decay at different speeds, the pitch of the fundamental changes to some extent after the idiophone is struck. Comparing stroboscopic measurements with those taken by digital devices, which can do justice to such phenomena, Takahashi has determined the range of difference to amount to ca. 3 cents

54. A list of purely aural values for various sets of bells in the Shaanxi Provincial Museum is given by Ma Chengyuan (1981, 138-39), most of which have since been backed up by more exact measurements (Jiang Dingsui 1984). The tone measurements for the niuzhong from tomb no. 1 at Xiasi seem to have been derived entirely by ear; the vibration values indicated are the standard values of the equal-tempered scale with A4 = 440 Hz. 55. This is the case, e.g., in bell no. 22 in the Wangsun Gao-yongzhong set from tomb no. 2 at Xiasi, Xichuan (Henan). 56. As a rule, the ear of a well-trained listener can pinpoint tones only to an exactitude of one-half semitone (50 cents), though differences between tones become audible at a threshold of roughly 20 cents. Even under the exacting standards of modern piano-tuning, deviations of up to ca. one-tenth of a semitone (10 cents) are considered inevitable. 57. "The chromatic stroboscope (Stroboconn) [was] invented shortly before World War II by physicists in the laboratories of C. G. Conn Ltd, the American musical instrument makers. In this instrument the frequency of a [tuning] fork whose vibrations are maintained electrically is adjusted by turning a knob that moves a weight along each prong. The vibration of the fork controls the speeds of rotation of patterned discs, there being one disc for each chromatic note in the octave. These discs are illuminated by a gaseous discharge lamp that flashes at the frequency of a sound falling on a microphone. After turning the knob to the right or left, until the pattern on one of the rotating discs appears to stand still, the observer is able to read at once from a graduated scale the deviation of the frequency of the sound from that of the nearest note of the chromatic musical scale at standard pitch (A4 = 440 Hz). The material of the fork is a nickel-chromium-steel alloy that makes the fork's frequency practically independent of the temperature" ("Tuning Fork" entry, by L. S. Lloyd, The New Grove 19:256). 58. This at least is the conclusion reached by Wang Xiang (1981, 70) after comparing the strobotuner data taken on the Zeng bells with those determined by a set of tuning forks of German manufacture.

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within each tone.59 This is neglegible; when competently performed, stroboscopic measurements are quite adequate for our present purposes. Electronic spectrum analyzers, such as the Fast Fourier Transform (FFT) tonometer used by Takahashi, represent a newer generation of technology. They force the vibrations through a digital filter that can determine the pitch and time of decay of every partial with considerable precision. Takahashi does not state the possible margin of error of these measurements, but an apparently similar electronic instrument used by a Shanghai Museum team in testing the Zeng bells had a margin of error of up to 5 cents.60 Such a margin of error is inevitable because prior to measurement, the machine must be set by its human operator so as to trigger a certain frequency range. Even with repeated measurements triggering slightly different frequency ranges, a probability of some degree of imprecision remains, though not nearly enough to make us hesitate to accept bona fide digital tone measurements for our analysis. An advantage of digital devices is their ability to produce sound spectra for each bell-tone: diagrams plotting the frequencies as well as the relative strengths of all simultaneously occurring partials (fig. 37).61 Sound spectra constitute useful visual images for each tone, but in the following pages, we shall not use all the information they provide. For our analysis, what we need to know most are the frequencies of the partials that the human ear perceives as the fundamentals. Other variables that may come into play in determining the physical definition of a tone, such as loudness and timbre (i.e., overtone constellation), may be left out of consideration for the time being. Because almost all sets of tone measurements listed in Appendix 4 were obtained by means of either a stroboscope or some digital device, inaccuracy inherent in the measuring methods need not represent a major source of concern. However, caution is warranted when we proceed to compare different sets of tone measurements obtained under different conditions. Overall, we must take into account two principal sources of inaccuracy: the condition of the instruments measured, and the external circumstances of measurement. The Condition of the Instruments As a general principle, the analysis of tone measurements should be combined with the stylistic examination of the measured specimens, as well as, if possible, an investigation of the archaeological record. Chapter 7, in other words, cannot stand on its own without Chapters 4 and 5 to back it up. Above all, one should

59. Takahashi 1984, 94; compare also Takahashi 1986, 51, fig. 1. 60. Shanghai Bowuguan Jikan 2 (1982):89. 61. Takahashi 1984, 94-95; Wang Yuzhu et al. 1988; Rossing and Zhou 1989.

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ascertain the intended function of the bell or set of bells under analysis. Were they manufactured for musical use, as visual props, or as mingqi? In the latter two cases, one would not expect their tones to be musically meaningful. Or, if a set of reported tone measurements does not seem to make musical sense, the possibility that the objects analyzed were not (or not principally) intended for musical use may be considered. Preservation-related factors may impair the usability of tone measurements. It is true that the bells' age is not in itself a reason to doubt the validity of the frequency figures, for the crystalline structure of cast bronze is not known to undergo any significant long-term transformation that would make itself felt acoustically, even after a timespan of two to three millennia.62 On the other hand, Chinese bronze bells might well have suffered from excessive use. Referring to Russian church-bells, Edward V. Williams has remarked that "perhaps the most common source of injury to bells in Russia resulted from a breakdown of the microcrystalline structure of the bell metal under repeated blows of the clapper at the same point on the sound-bow."63 Such a reason for breakage is hard to imagine in the case of the much smaller Chinese chime-bells, except perhaps for large specimens such as the lower-tier Zeng yongzhong, which were struck by heavy wooden bars; most bells I have inspected lacked obvious marks of wear. Being made of bronze, bells are subject to the effects of corrosion. Fortunately, several sets of Chinese chime-bells have been preserved in virtually mint condition, such as the Jingli-niuzhong from tomb no. 1 at Changtaiguan, Xinyang, and the two sets of bells from Hougudui, Gushi (both in Henan).64 Caution may be warranted when dealing with tone measurements from severely corroded bells, whose tone may have been flattened due to loss of substance. How exactly corrosion affects bronze acoustically has yet to be systematically studied. It is generally assumed, however, that a moderate amount of surface corrosion does not significantly affect the tonal qualities of a bell.65 As long as corrosion is limited to the surface of a bell, the amount of substance lost is insignificant.66 Pitch frequencies obtained from bells in a less than perfect state of preservation, such as the Biao-niuzhong and those from Shangmacun, may hence be accepted with some confidence.

62. John Merkel, personal communication, 1986. 63. Williams 1985, 130. 64. For references see Appendix 1. 65. It might be fruitful to test this proposition experimentally. 66. In theory, if each bell in a chime were corroded to an equal extent, the tone distribution within the chime would still remain internally consistent, if generally somewhat flattened due to the loss of substance. But because corrosion also affects the nodal areas, the flattening effect may be at least partially offset by the increased elasticity of the material.

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Once broken, on the other hand, an ancient bell is useless for musicological analysis; this remains true even when such a bell has been expertly repaired.67 Because the mending procedure involves re-casting part of the bell and sometimes adding new metal, it ends up changing the metal structure and uncontrollably altering a bell's vibration frequencies. In cases where retaining the original pitch is not important, a cracked or damaged bell can be reused after welding, as described by Williams for Russian church-bells;68 but such repair would not have been viable for the ancient Chinese chime-bells. For similar reasons, replicated bells, even ones that purport to exactly reconstruct a broken original, cannot take the place of the original for tone-measurement purposes. As the production of the replicas of the Zeng bells has shown, it is extremely difficult to cast a bell exactly replicating not only the shape and decoration but also the tone of another.69 A deviation of at least 50 cents (a quarter-tone) is to be expected even in replicas produced with the most modern technology.70 Such a deviation is perceptible even to the untrained ear. On the whole, it is difficult to be precise about the acoustical impact of preservation-related inaccuracy, but as long as we are dealing with measurements taken on original bells in reasonably good condition, what we hear now is probably not too far off from what was heard during the Bronze Age.71 Circumstances of Measurement Acoustical frequency measurements are affected by a variety of external factors. The variable that most strongly influences bell frequencies seems to be room temperature. Differences in room temperature at the time of measurement are assumed to have been the principal reason for the considerable and fairly regular differences between the three published sets of tone measurements for the Zeng bells.72 When comparing his measurements on the Biao-niuzhong taken in December 1983 at 17 degrees Celsius with those taken at 29-30 degrees Celsius in August 1985 and August 1986, Takahashi observed an average difference of 8

67. Cases in which tonal data have been taken from repaired bells and are thus no longer useable are those of the middle Western Zhou sets of yongzhong from Puducun, Chang'an (Shaanxi), and Rujiazhuang, Baoji (Shaanxi), and apparently also those of the three Chu Gong Wei[?]-yongzhong in the Sen'oku Hakkokan (see Appendix 4). 68. Williams 1985, 130-31, see also n. 62 (p. 229). 69. Huang Xiangpeng 1983a. 70. André Lehr, personal communication, 1989. 71. Although excavation reports in most cases are not very explicit about the condition of bronzes, there is no indication of major inaccuracy on account of poor preservation in the chimes singled out for analysis in the following chapters. In Appendix 4, brackets indicate cases in which there is some question as to the validity of the measurement. 72. Tan and Feng 1988, 19-20 and 41-44; for further references see Appendix 4. The only other case in which the temperature at the time of tone measurement was reported is that of the Wangsun Gao-yongzhong (Zhao Shigang 1986).

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cents per 10 degrees Celsius change in temperature. These deviations are regularly larger for the A-tones (up to 19.8 cents!) than for the B-tones, and they also seem to vary somewhat with the size of the bells.73 By implication, we may infer that during the Zhou dynasty, too, sets of bells could not have emitted exactly the same tones (or exactly the same set of intervals between tones) at all times of the year. It would have been impossible, moreover, to make sets of bells that were tonally identical to sets of musical stones, if only because of the different behavior of their materials under a change of temperature. Differences in temperature can become significant in comparing tone-measurement data from different sets. Takahashi is so far alone in adjusting his frequency figures for the Biao-niuzhong to the standard temperature of 30 degrees Celsius;74 most Chinese measurements neglect even to indicate the temperature at the time of measurement. If we are to make any use of such unadjusted measurements, we must make the working assumption that the temperature did not change significantly while the bells of one set were being measured, so that the resulting set of frequency values is at least internally consistent. Moreover, perceived pitch is amplitude-dependent; in other words, it varies somewhat with the loudness of the tone. This variable is not taken into account in any of the published tone measurements, which do not indicate the amount of force applied in striking the idiophones under analysis.75 One must make the assumption that the force with which the mallet struck the bells within a set was identical each time. The material of the mallet used for striking the bells at the time of measurement might also have made a difference. An experiment on the Zeng bells with a wooden and a rubber mallet has shown, however, that the tonal differences are infinitesimally small, provided that the strike force remains constant.76 Even though the subjective impact of the nonmusical Schlagton varies greatly with the material of the mallet, the perceived pitch of the fundamentals does not appear affected by a change of materials. Thus, the concept of pitch is quite relative, and the published tone-measurement data must not be regarded as the non plus ultra.77 Each of the individual sources of possible error produces deviations that, though virtually neglegible, may cumulatively become significant, especially in cases where we cannot establish with certainty a bell's state of preservation and accuracy of testing. As long as the analysis of tone measurements remains limited to one set,

73. Takahashi 1986, 51-52. 74. Takahashi 1986, 53, table 2. 75. The striking force can be normalized if, instead of using a mallet, a pendulum is placed at a constant distance from the surface to be struck. 76. Shanghai Bowuguan Jikan 2 (1982):90. 77. Rossing and Houtsma 1986; Houtsma and Rossing 1987.

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some optimism seems justified; ordinarily, published sets of tone measurements may be assumed to be internally consistent. Comparing the measured absolute frequencies of different bell-chimes with one another, on the other hand, raises risks with respect to the lack of standardization of measurements and the generally insufficient information about measurement conditions. In such cases, as long as all external conditions are not accounted for, a margin of tolerance of at least one semitone must probably be allowed, which severely limits the possibility of comparing chimes with one another. Summary During the Bronze Age, bell-chimes developed into more and more versatile instruments, comprising an everlarger number of components that were assembled in ever more variable arrangements. Because the actual musical compositions are lost, we cannot be entirely certain whether the Zhou dynasty bell-players made full use of the potential of their instruments, but even when looking merely at how the "suspended music" was arranged, it becomes obvious that playing the bell-chimes necessitated an appreciable degree of dexterity and coordination. To some extent, such skills may in the future be regained through practice with imaginative reconstructions. We have established that chime-bells, when played today, still emit more or less the same tones as they did in the Bronze Age, provided they have been reasonably well preserved. With the techniques now available, these tones can be measured with a high degree of accuracy. The published tone-measurement figures can be accepted with some confidence, though caveats are in order when it comes to comparing data from different sources. The impact of instrument preservation or inaccurate tone measurement on the frequency figures listed in Appendix 4 is trivial compared to the impact of deficiencies inherent in ancient bell manufacture.

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Chapter Seven The Tone Measurements and Their Interpretation Charting the Tone Distributions Being chimed idiophones, bell-chimes and lithophones differ from other ancient musical instruments in that the number of tones one could play on them was quite limited. All playable tones thus were probably musically relevant. On archaeologically excavated wind instruments such as flutes or ocarinas, a large number of tones may still be obtained by various blowing and fingering techniques, yet we cannot know which of these tones were habitually played by the ancient Chinese musicians. The only technique for playing the bell-chimes, on the other hand, is striking with a mallet. Considering the effort and expense involved in manufacturing every single bell, at least one of its two tones must have had a musical rationale. Even though both A- and B-tones played a role in the scaling of Zhou dynasty chimes, we must pay particular attention to Atones, which resound more strongly and are easier to produce, and which therefore may have been of somewhat greater importance in practice than B-tones. Sometimes, indeed, morphological indications (e.g., the modifications of the sound-bow in Shang nao and the absence of B-tone markers in some Western Zhou yongzhong) allow us to conclude that only the A-tone was intended to be played. Our assumption in this chapter, then, is that the observable distributions of tones in Bronze Age bell-chimes are meaningful. Most Chinese bell-chimes emit far fewer tones than, say, modern Western pianos, xylophones, or Glockenspiele, which feature twelve tones per octave. If the distribution of tones in one chime follows a discernible pattern, that pattern should tell us something about ancient Chinese music; and if comparison of such patterns on a number of chimes reveals changes through time, such changes may be assumed to elucidate aspects of the historical development of Chinese music.

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Reserving the intricacies of ancient Chinese musical theory for the following chapter, suffice it for now to say that ancient Chinese music, like Western classical music, used discrete notes of definable pitch. Notes separated by an octave (or by multiple octaves) were conceived of as equivalent. In both the Chinese and the Western traditions, one octave contains a gamut of twelve notes.1 Throughout this chapter, rather than using the ancient Chinese tone nomenclature, I shall employ Western terms such as do-re-mi for designating notes within a tonality, and C-D-E for indicating tones of absolute pitch. In rendering the bell-tone measurements musically meaningful, each measured pitch must be defined as a note in a tonality, as is attempted in the charts illustrating this chapter (figs. 112-139). The principle in deciding which notes to assign to each measured tone is to avoid complex designations such as do-sharp or re-fiat. Thus, our first objective is to define one tone in a set of measurements as do in such a way that, subsequently, as many other tones within the set as possible can be defined by simple names such as sol, mi, la, and re. The validity of this method, which was first applied systematically to an appreciable amount of data by Li Chunyi,2 has been demonstrated by the Zeng bell inscriptions: the names of notes inscribed on their recto faces exactly correspond to what one would expect from such principles (see Chapter 8). When a chime of bells contains a large number of tones per octave, more than one possibility of defining do may suggest itself; but in practice one alternative usually stands out as strikingly superior to all others. Secondly, when analyzing the tone measurements, we shall look for octavic regularity: we want to see whether certain tonal patterns within a chime are repeated from octave to octave. Such patterns are likely to possess musical relevance. To make it easier to detect octavic regularity, I have charted the tone measurements in superimposed octaves, the numbers 1 to 12 at the top of the

1. Comparison with other musical traditions shows that this is by no means a matter of course. Correspondences between traditional Chinese and Western systems of musical theory (including the associated cosmological thinking) are sufficiently impressive to have prompted repeated claims for a Western origin for ancient Chinese musicbe it Greece (Chavannes 1898), Persia (Kuttner 1968), or Babylonia (Major 1978; McClain 1985). As there is so far virtually no reliable archaeological evidence to document direct Sino-Western interaction in pre-Qin times, such arguments have been based exclusively on comparisons of the respective musical systems. I shall not try to disprove such diffusion hypotheses, though it should be pointed out that the mathematical relationships among harmonically related tones are unvarying regardless of space or time and that there is nothing inherently improbable in the notion that they might have been discovered several times in different cultural contexts (see Rao Zongyi 1988b; a sophisticated argument against musical diffusion to China in antiquity, albeit somewhat superseded by new archaeological finds, may be found in Granet 1934, 174-209). In this book, it is my intention to stake out the local time-depth and historical development of musical ideas. Such evidence may eventually be used in evaluating diffusion hypotheses. 2. Li Chunyi 1957a and b, 1964a and b. Yang Yinliu (1959b) also used this method in discussing the tones of the Jingli-niuzhong; see also Huang Xiangpeng 1978-80.

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chart indicating segments of 100 cents' width. Each measured frequency can be placed in one such segment; with do conventionally set as 1, all notes correspond to certain numerical positions (re = 3, mi = 5, sol = 8, la = 10). An A-tone is represented by a round mark, a B-tone by a square mark. In accordance with the cautionary tales on the validity of absolute tone measurement values, spelled out in the preceding chapter, we shall not put much weight on the comparison of absolute frequencies of bells from different chimes. However, the relationships among tones within a chime that become apparent when a set of measurements is charted according to the above principles may be profitably compared to one another. Even though the absolute frequencies of do tend to differ from chime to chime, the intervals between the notes are often interestingly similar. One pervasive phenomenon should be briefly addressed before we scrutinize the tone-measurement charts: tone distributions are usually not uniform throughout the total range of a chime. Within any one chime, the constellations of tones emitted by the larger and lower-pitched bells significantly diverge from those of the smaller, high-pitched ones. Typically, in what I shall refer to as the ''higher register," a regular pattern can be seen repeating itself through several octaves. In the "lower register," by contrast, such a pattern is less frequently observable (or less easy to spot).3 This dichotomy probably reflects the fact that, given their longer time of resonance, the musical functions of large bells differed from those of small ones, an issue already addressed in the previous chapter. Let us now review the chimes for which relevant tone measurements have been published, following the chronological order of manufacture. The Tones of Shang Dynasty Nao The tone measurements obtained from five late Anyang period chimes of nao are charted in figure 112.4 They fail to show a coherent pattern: no two chimes are alike, and no preference for any interval between successive tones can be detected. As detailed in Appendix 4, the intervals between the A-tones of the largest and smallest bells in each chime vary greatly: they lie between ca. a major third (475 cents) and ca. a major sixth (954 cents), averaging 792 cents. We may observe that in each of the five chimes, all tones fall within the range of a single octave; there is thus no chance for octavic regularity.

3. The notion of a "higher register/lower register" dichotomy was first developed by Asahara 1987. 4. With the exception of the bells from tomb no. 1083 at Xibeigang, all these measurements are from Huang Xiangpeng 1978-80. The author's indications as to the identities of the respective sets are so vague that only the set from Xiaonanzhuang, Wen Xian (Henan), can be identified with some certainty. References in Appendix 1.

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In figure 112, the lowest tone in each nao-chime has been arbitrarily defined as do; the pitch of this do varies considerably from set to set, ranging from C to E and A, and the additional tones besides do differ from chime to chime. But even when a different arrangement is chosen (as in figure 113, where identification of any tone with do is renounced),5 structural parallels between the tone distributions in the different chimes do not emerge. In the three cases where B-tones have been measured, such measurements only add to the impression of irregularity of the tonal arrangement. The intervals between A- and B-tones on individual bells vary widely, ranging from virtual identity of pitch (bell no. 3 in the chime from Dasikongcun) to a fourth (bells nos. 1 and 3 in the chime from Anyang).6 This variability corroborates our previous notion, based on morphological evidencethe thickened center portion of the sound-bow (see Chapter 2)that the two-tone phenomenon was not yet realized by the Anyang bell-players. Moreover, the virtually overlapping tones of the two smallest bells in the four-part chime of nao from tomb no. 1083 at Xibeigang, Anyang (Henan), reconfirm our previous impression (see Chapter 4) that one of these two bells probably did not originally belong to that chime. We are forced to conclude that producing any sort of regular tonal pattern on bell-chimes was apparently not yet a high priority for the Shang bell-casters. Perhaps, at the time, the attractive novelty consisted merely in the idea of having several metallic objects "sing" at different pitches. Chimes of Mid-Western Zhou-Type Yongzhong In the Chinese archaeological record, mid-Western Zhou yongzhong sets from Shaanxi are the next type of bells that were manufactured as chimed sets. We have seen in Chapter 4 that the transformation of nao into yongzhong, which had occurred in the intervening one and one-half centuries or so, was probably triggered by the discovery of the two-tone phenomenon. Although tone measurements have been published for a fair number of individual yongzhong of the earliest stylistic types (see Appendix 3), useable data are as yet scarce for

5. Huang Xiangpeng (1978-80, pt. 1) endeavors to correlate the tones measured on various kinds of Shang instruments (including bells and chimestones) into a single tonal system; the validity of that attempt is doubtful, first, on account of the difficulty of comparing sets of tone measurements obtained under different conditions, and second, because it is impermissible to jumble together data from different kinds of musical instruments. 6. Such findings accord with Ma Chengyuan's (1981, 134) measurements on eight individual Shang dynasty bells in the Shanghai Museum, where the A-B-tone interval ranges between a minor second and a minor sixth. Ma does not provide any details about the stylistic characteristics of the bells in question, which might permit inference as to whether they are of southern or northern manufacture.

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Figure112. Tone distributions in some late Shang chimes. All of the tonedistribution diagrams in this chapter (figs. 113-140) may be interpreted as follows: tone distributions are superposed octave by octave. A round marker indicates the A-tone of a bell, a square marker the B-tone, and a triangular marker a tone played by a chimestone; filled-in markers indicate considerable confidence in toneplacement, while outline-only markers reflect hypothetical placement or questionable data. The two tones on each bell are linked by brackets: a square bracket if the interval between the two tones is a minor third or smaller, and a pointed bracket if the interval is a major third or larger. The numbering of the bells, which in most cases follows the original reports, exhibits some inconsistencies. The absolute cent figures are listed chronologically in Appendix 4 (except for figs. 117, 125, 126, 130-133, 136-140, and the bottom half of fig. 114). In the present diagram, the lowest tone playable in each chime has been arbitrarily designated as do. For two of the five bell-chimes, B-tone measurements are unavailable.

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Figure 113. Tone distributions in late Shang sets of nao. In this diagram, the tone C is arbitrarily designated as do, and the measured tones are charted accordingly. All tones are kept within the span of a single octave.

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Figure 114. Tone distributions in several mid-Western Zhou sets of yongzhong. At the top are data from wellpreserved chimes: tier 1, Mawangcun set no. V; tier 2, Zhuangbai set no. V. Below the solid line are data from chimes of repaired bells, to be taken with some caution: tier 3, yongzhong from Puducun; tier 4, yongzhong from Rujiazhuang.

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bell-chimes. Only two fully valid sets of measurements could be included in figure 115: from the four-piece chime no. 5 from hoard no. I at Mawangcun, Chang'an (Shaanxi),7 and the three-piece chime no. 5 from hoard no. I at Zhuangbai, Fufeng (Shaanxi).8 In figure 114 we immediately notice a trend to much greater uniformity than in the Anyang period nao tones. As the tone distributions range somewhat in excess of one octave, it is possible to spot some overlap of tones from one octave to the next. Moreover, the tendency toward emphasizing tones of the anhemitonic pentatonic gamut (do-remi-sol-la) is remarkable. In both the Mawangcun and the Zhuangbai chimes, measurements make the best sense when do is defined as ca. C or C-sharp; this seems to prefigure later trends.9 The two largest bells in the Mawangcun chime did not emit recognizable B-tones. The preferred A-B tone interval in other bells of the three earliest stylistic yongzhong types (table 10) for the most part ranges between a minor third and a major third, though the observable variation (236-420 cents) is still quite considerable. These characteristics may prefigure the tonal patterns seen in later Western Zhou chimes, in which the B-tones of the two largest bells appear irrelevant and the interval between A- and B-tones is always either a major or a minor third. Below, I shall term bells in which the A- and B-tones are a major third apart major-third bells; minor-third bells are bells in which the two tones are separated by a minor third.

7. Reference in Appendix I. The bells look similar to the ones in figs. 72-73. 8. Reference in Appendix I. The bells look similar to the inscribed specimen in fig. 73, which was excavated from the same hoard but which, as the tone measurements show, cannot possibly have been part of the same chime originally. 9. The tone measurements on the three-yongzhong chime from tomb no. 6 at Zhuyuangou, Baoji (Shaanxi), and the approximate aural equivalents for the tones of the chime from Weizhuang, Pingdingshan (Henan), by and large confirm this picture (references in Appendix I; the Zhuyuangou data are included in Appendix 4). The tone distribution in the Zhuyuangou chime shows some structural similarity to that of the Mawangcun chime (compare fig. 115): setting 2A as do (as proposed in the original report), we arrive at a sequence of sol-si, domi, sol-sharp-la-sharp. It must be noted, however, that the do of the Zhuyuangou chime is D-sharp, not C as in the Mawangcun chime. The original report notes that the third Zhuyuangou bell, given its stylistic and acoustic heterogeneity, probably did not originally belong to the same chime as the other two; Li Chunyi (1990) suggests that it may have been combined with the others because its A-tone was the approximate octavic equivalent of yongzhong no. I (interval: 1275 cents). On the other hand, bells no. 2 and 3 are actually more in tune with each other than with bell no. I (cf. tabulation in Appendix 4). The Weizhuang chime shows less regularity; although its tone distribution, too, spans an octave and a half (from F3 to B4), there is no instance of octavic equivalence. Largely similar characteristics can also be observed in the tone measurements on the midWestern Zhou three-part sets of yongzhong from Puducun and Rujiazhuang; here, too, the most suitable do is ca. C. The funerary context of excavation for these bells permits a more exact dating than is possible for the Mawangcun and Zhuangbai sets, which were unearthed from terminal Western Zhou hoards. It should be cautioned, however, that the bells in both these sets have undergone repair, so that all the tones emitted may no longer be accurate.

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TABLE 10. A-B Tone Intervals in Mid-Western Zhou Yongzhong Chimes Interval (in cents) Interval type (J23) Zhuangbai set VII, no. I

334

minor third

(J24) Zhuangbai set VII, no. 2

353

Major third

(J25) Mawangcun set I, no. 23

374

Major third

(J29) Mawangcun set V, no. 3

329

minor third

(J30) Mawangcun set V, no. 4

420

Major third

(J31) Dongjucun

338

minor third

(J32) Liujiacun

314

minor third

(J40) First Xing-yongzhong

278

minor third

(J41) Zhuangbai set V, no. I

297

minor third

(J42) Zhuangbai set V, no. 2

236

Major second

(J43) Zhuangbai set V, no. 3

363

Major third

(J44) Qijia

363

Major third

(J45) Qizhen hoard no. 2

301

minor third

(J46) Beiqiao no. 2

258

minor third

(J47) Mawangcun no. 20

312

minor third

(J48) Mawangcun no. 21

366

Major third

(SH Yi 121) (uninscribed)

245

Major second

(SH Chen 2) First Zha

314

minor third

Zhuyuangou tomb no. 7, no. 1:

353

Major third

Zhuyuangou tomb no. 7, no. 2:

382

Major third

Zhuyuangou tomb no. 7, no. 3:

224

Major second

Average interval

313.9 cents

Average minor third (or smaller, N= 13)

293.8 cents

Average Major third (N= 8)

371.8 cent

NOTE. Entries identified with numbers prefixed by J are based on raw data from Jiang Dingsui 1984; entry numbers prefixed by SH denote bells in the Sen'oku Hakkokan measured by Takahashi and Ueda 1986. Late Western Zhou Chimes of Yongzhong

In Chapter 5, it was mentioned that late Western Zhou chimes of yongzhong from Shaanxi appear to have consisted, as a rule, of eight bells. Published tone measurements show a high degree of consistency among the tone distributions in all these chimes. The pattern charted in figure 115 reflects what may be observed in the two complete chimes from Qijiacun, Fufeng (Shaanxi) (the Zuo-yongzhong and the Zhongyi-yongzhong), as well as in partially preserved chimes of the same type, such as the Ni-yongzhong from Haosihe, Yongshou (Shaanxi), and the Second and Third Xing-yongzhong from Zhuangbai, Fufeng

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Figure 115. Tone distribution in late Western Zhou eight-part sets of yongzhong (e.g., the Zhong Yiyongzhong chime; see fig. 18). Lower register: bells nos. 1 and 2; higher register: bells nos. 3-8. (Shaanxi). With the exception of the Ni-yongzhong, all these chimes exemplify the more ornate type of late Western Zhou yongzhong, featuring dragon ornamentation in the gu. In late Western Zhou chimes of yongzhong, the lower register consists of bells nos. 1 and 2, the higher register of bells nos. 3 to 8. The A-tones of the two bells in the lower register were regularly spaced a minor third apart, and they are best defined as la and do, respectively. Those lower-register yongzhong on which a B-tone can be produced at all were major-third bells; the already-noted absence of B-tone markers on the two largest yongzhong in these chimes (see fig. 110) suggests that their B-tones had little or no musical relevance.10

10. The question of why the largest bells in late Western Zhou chimes were usually major-third bells (and not minor-third bells like the others) remains obscure.

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The six yongzhong of the higher register (which do have B-tone markers) are all minor-third bells. They are grouped in pairs, every two bells invariably emitting an identical pattern of four tones: mi-sol/la-do. In a complete chime of eight, this pattern is repeated through three octaves. With the exception of the probably irrelevant B-tone of the largest bell (which corresponds to do-sharp), all tones in such a chime are part of the pentatonic gamut. The conspicuous absence of the tone re from this tone distribution has led to interesting speculations, to which we shall return later in this chapter. As in the mid-Western Zhou yongzhong chimes considered earlier, do hovered in the vicinity of C, ranging from A-sharp through C-sharp (table II). Such a discrepancy probably lay well within the limits of tolerance of Bronze Age listeners.11 In table 12, the A-B tone intervals in Western Zhou yongzhong have been tabulated separately for different stylistic types of these bells. The statistics show that late Western Zhou bell-casters were able to assert much greater control over the A-B tone interval in yongzhong than their mid-Western Zhou predecessors. In mid-Western Zhou, this interval is often close to 350 cents, midway between a minor and a major third. Late Western Zhou bell-casters, by contrast, had evidently learned to manipulate the shape of the bell in such a way as to create distinct minor- and major-third bells. This was a significant technical development. The A-B tone intervals in mi-sol bells and la-do bells of late Western Zhou chimes of the elaborate stylistic type are, on average, extremely close to the "natural" minor third of 316 cents. The histogram in table 13 shows that Eastern Zhou bell-casters kept up the standards established by their Western Zhou predecessors, slightly improving upon them on occasion. Chimes of the Springs and Autumns Period The tone-distribution pattern established for the late Western Zhou yongzhong chimes remained standard throughout most of Eastern Zhou. The early seventh-century Qin Gong-yongzhong from Taigongmiao, Baoji (Shaanxi), virtually reproduce a Western Zhou prototype, which is not surprising given the very conservative shape and ornamentation of those bells.12 Other Springs and Autumns period chimes, however, show an increased degree of tonal complexity: for example, re was now regularly included among the notes playable on a chime. The earliest known instance of such a tendency is a seventh-century B.C. yongzhong chime from Lijialou, Xinzheng (Henan). The tones of only six

11. See Asahara 1987, 93 and passim. 12. These bells are illustrated in fig. III; references in Appendix I. It must be cautioned that the data published by Ma Chengyuan (1981, 139) are based on aural perception only.

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TABLE 11. The Pitch of do in Western and Eastern Zhou Chimes Pitch of lowest do Cents Conventional Bell tone producing lowest notation notation do in chime Western Zhou Mawangcun chime no. 5

2A

4819

C4 + 19

Zhuangbai chime no. 5

1B

4775

C4 - 25

Zhuyuangou tomb no. 7 yongzhong

2A

6326

D#5 + 26

Ni-yongzhong

2A

4803

C4 + 1

Second Xing-yongzhong

11-2A

4590

A#3 - 10

Third Xing-yongzhong

2A

4598

A#3 - 2

Zhong Yi-yongzhong

2A

4700

B3 + / - 0

Zuo-yongzhong

2A

4764

C4 - 36

Yongzhong from Lijialou (6 bells from set B[?]) (4)A

4600

A#3

Lithophone from Shangmacun tomb no. 13

6030

Cs + 30

Niuzhong from Shangmacun tomb no. 13 6B

6042

Cs + 42

Niuzhong from Xiasi tomb no. 1

3A

?

G4?

Wangsun Gao-yongzhong (higher register only)

10A

5249

E4 + 49

Zeng niuzhong chime U2 + 3

U3-7A

5377

F#4 - 23

Zeng yongzhong chime M1

7A

5840

B4 + 40

Zeng yongzhong chime M2

7A

5965

C5 - 35

Zeng yongzhong chime M3

8A

4774

C4 - 26

Zeng yongzhong chime L1 + 2

L1-1A

2392

C2 - 8

Lithophone from Sanmenxia (Houchuan tomb no. 2o41?)

No. 1

4656

B3 - 44

Biao-niuzhong

1A

5372

F#4 - 28

Jingli-niuzhong

7A

7090

B5 - 10

Eastern Zhou

No.4

alternative do

4A

6576

F#5 - 24

NOTE. The Jingli-niuzhong chime includes two possible do, either of which may have been considered the principal one, but the first bell in that chime is probably of heterogeneous origin and was therefore omitted from consideration for this table. A similar reason (broken condition of the lower-register bell expected to have originally yielded the lowest do) explains the atypically high do value in the Shangmacun bell-chime. For the bell-chime from tomb no. 1 at Xiasi, the exact tone measurements have not been reported. (Table continued on next page)

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TABLE 11. The Pitch of do in Western and Eastern Zhou Chimes (continued) Histogram No. of occurrences, Western Zhou

Frequency range

No. of occurrences, Eastern Zhou

AA + 50 xx

A + 5oA# ASAS + 50

x

A# + 50B

xx

xBB + 50

x

xB + 50C

xxx

xxCC + 50

xx

C + 50C# C#C# + 50 C# + 50D DD + 50 D + 50D# D#D# + 50 D# + 50E EE + 50

x

E + 50F FF + 50 F + 50F#

xxx

F#F# + 50 F# + 50G GG + 50 G + 50G# G#G# 50 G# + 50A TABLE 12. A-B Tone Intervals in Late Western Zhou Yongzhong

Interval (in cents)

Interval type

Earlier Stylistic Type (Geometric Ornaments in gu) (J33) Beiqiao no. 1

361

Major third

(J34) Zhuangbai set V, no. 1

348

minor third

(J35) Zhuangbai set V, no. 2

355

Major third

(J36) Mawangcun set IV, no. 1

338

minor third

(J37) Mawangcun set IV, no. 2

358

Major third

(J38) Ying Hou-yongzhong

306

minor third

(J82) Ni-yongzhong no. 1

0

?

(J83) Ni-yongzhong no. 2

0

?

(J84) Ni-yongzhong no. 3

306

minor third

(J85) Ni-yongzhong no. 4

356

Major third

(J62) Yongxiang-yongzhong

329

minor third

(J65) Shi Cheng-yongzhong (Table continued on next page)

308

minor third

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TABLE 12. (continued) Interval (in cents) Interval type Earlier Stylistic Type (Geometric Ornaments in gu) (continued) (SH Chen 10) Second Zha

329

minor third

(SH Chen 5) Chu Gong Jia?-yongzhong no. 1 (repaired?) 344

minor third

(SH Chen 6) Chu Gong Jia?-yongzhong no. 2 (repaired?) 378

Major third

(SH Chen 7) Chu Gong Jia?-yongzhong no. 3 (repaired?) 347-7

minor third

Average interval

335- 5 cents

Average minor third (N = 7)

323 cents

Average Major third (N = 4)

357-5 cents

Later Stylistic Type (Animal Ornamentation in gu) (J50) Second Xing-yongzhong II-2

392

Major third

(J51) Second Xing-yongzhong II-3

318

minor third

(J52) Second Xing-yongzhong II-4

345

minor third

(J53) Second Xing-yongzhong IV-1

324

minor third

(J54) Second Xing-yongzhong IV-2

331

minor third

(J55) Second Xing-yongzhong IV-3

307

minor third

(J58) Third Xing-yongzhong no. 3

308

minor third

(J59) Third Xing-yongzhong no. 4

329

minor third

(J60) Third Xing-yongzhong no. 5

245

Major second

(J61) Third Xing-yongzhong no. 6

317

minor third

(J66) Zuo-yongzhong no. 1

396

Major third

(J67) Zuo-yongzhong no. 2

400

Major third

(J68) Zuo-yongzhong no. 3

333

minor third

(J69) Zuo-yongzhong no. 4

315

minor third

(J70) Zuo-yongzhong no. 5

342

minor third

(J71) Zuo-yongzhong no. 6

291

minor third

(J72) Zuo-yongzhong no. 7

235

Major second

(J73) Zuo-yongzhong no. 8

309

minor third

(J74) Zhong Yi-yongzhong no. 1

460

fourth

(J75) Zhong Yi-yongzhong no. 2

?

?

(J76) Zhong Yi-yongzhong no. 3

320

minor third

(J77) Zhong Yi-yongzhong no. 4

343

minor third

(J78) Zhong Yi-yongzhong no. 5

317

minor third

(J79) Zhong Yi-yongzhong no. 6

347

minor third

(J80) Zhong Yi-yongzhong no. 7

310

minor third

(J81) Zhong Yi-yongzhong no. 8

303

minor third

(J86) Ning-yongzhong (Shaanxi)

348

manor third

(SH Chen 1) Ning-yongzhong

336

minor third

(J87) Nangong Hu-yongzhong

343

minor third

(SH Chen 9) Guo Shu Lü-yongzhong

349

minor third

(SH Chen 3) Xi Zhong-yongzhong

333

manor third

Average interval

33 S cents

Average minor third (or smaller) (N = 26)

323 cents

Average Major third (or larger) (N = 4)

416 cents

NOTE. Entries identified with numbers prefixed by J are based on raw data from Jiang Dingsui 1984; numbers pre-fixed by SH denote bells in the Sen'oku Hakkokan measured by Takahashi and Ueda 1986.

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TABLE 13. A-B Tone Intervals in Western and Eastern Zhou Bells Histogram No. of occurrences, Western Zhou

Range (in cents) xxx

No. of occurrences, Eastern Zhou <249xxxx

x

250-259x

xx

260-269x

xx

270-279xxx 280-289

x

xxxxx

290-299xxxxxxxxxxx

xxxxxxxxxx

300- 309xxxxxxxxx

xxxxxxxxxx

310-319xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx

xxxxxxx

320-329xxxxxxxxxxxxxxx

xxxxxx

330-339xxxxxxxx

xxxxxxxxxx

340-349xxxxxxxx

xxxxx xxx x

350-359xxxxxx 360-369xxx 370-379xxxxx

380-389

xxxxxxx

xx

390-399xxxx

x

400-409xxx 410-419

x

xxxxxxx

420-429xxxx xx

440-449

x

x

430-439

<450xx

Tabulation Percentage of Intervals Range (in cent)

Western Zhou

Eastern Zhou

<249

5

3

250-259

2

1

260-269

3

1

270-279

2

2

280-289

9

4

290-299

2

9

300-309

15

7

310-319

15

13

320-329

11

12

330-339

9

9

340-349

15

6

350-359

8

5

360-369 5 (Table continued on next page)

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TABLE 13. (continued) Tabulation (continued) Percentage of Intervals Range (in cents)

Western Zhou

Eastern Zhou

370-379

2

4

380-389

6

390-399

3

3

400-409

2

2

410-419 420-429

6 2

3

430-439

2

440-449

2

<450

2

2

bells out of a chime of ten have been measured (fig. 116);13 each A-tone corresponds to a note of the pentatonic gamut. The distribution of the B-tones is somewhat irregular. As in the higher register of the Western Zhou chimes, figure 116 shows a preference for minor-third bells; but the characteristic re-less four-tone pattern of the Western Zhou bells appears to be absent. It is unclear whether the pattern charted in figure 116 extended into another octave. More complete information is available for two mid-sixth-century chimes of nine niuzhong each: from tomb no. 1 at Xiasi, Xichuan (Henan) (fig. 117),14 and from tomb no. 13 at Shangmacun, Houma (Shanxi) (fig. 118).15 While the structure of the tone distribution is virtually identical in the two chimes, the pitch of do differs significantly: it is close to C in the Shangmacun chime, but close to G in the Xiasi chime. This difference must have been recognized as such at the time; we are dealing here with two chimes scaled in different keys (see table 11). In scaling these chimes, the objective appears to have been to expand the repertoire of playable tones while leaving intact the structure of the tone distribution characteristic of late Western Zhou chimes. The mid-Springs and Autumns

13. These are probably the six bells exhibited in Montreal in 1986 (Chine, trésors et splendeurs, cat. no. 25). I believe that they are nos. 5-10 from the ten-part yongzhong set B found at Lijialou (Sun Haibo 1935). No. 4 of the same set is now in the National Museum of History in Taibei (Tan Danjiong 1977, 57-62). One bell of this set is illustrated in fig. 76. 14. For an illustration, see fig. 94. References in Appendix I. The tonal data provided in the original report are not the frequencies of the actual instruments but the vibrations of the tones of the equal-tempered scale with A4 = 440 Hz. It may be assumed that the measured data are somewhere in the vicinity of these standard figures. 15. References in Appendix I.

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Figure 116. Tone distribution in six yongzhong from a set of ten from Lijialou (see fig. 75). The numbering of these bells, which appear to constitute part of set B, is provisional.

Figure 117. Tone distribution in the chime of nine niuzhong from tomb no. I at Xiasi (see fig. 93). Lower register: bells nos. 1-3; higher register: bells nos. 4-9. The tone measurements reported are approximations.

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Figure 118. Tone distribution in the chime of nine niuzhong from tomb no. 13 at Shangmacun, Houma (Shanxi). Lower register: bells nos. 1-3; higher register: bells nos. 4-9. Note the overall similarity to fig. 117, which allowed some reconstruction in the lower register, where bell preservation is poor. period craftsmen therefore included the note re in the higher register by inserting an additional bell per octave; the other bells of the higher register each emit the same two tones as their counterparts in late Western Zhou chimes. In both the Shangmacun and the Xiasi chimes, bells nos. 5, 6, 8, and 9 provide the notes mi-sol/la-do through two octaves (as opposed to the three octaves in the eight-part Western Zhou chimes). Into this pattern bells nos. 4 and 7 are inserted, spaced exactly one octave apart: two major-third bells that both have re as the A-tone (the B-tone being fa-sharp). As far as one can judge from the approximate measurements of the three larger bells in the Xiasi chime (those of the Shangmacun chime are broken or in bad condition), the tone distribution in the lower register resembles that of the late Western Zhou chimes. All three are major-third bells; two of them have la and do as their A-tones, just as in the late Western Zhou chimes, and the A-tone of the largest bell is sol. As in the Lijialou chime, the A-tones of the first five bells in the Xiasi chime thus consti

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tute a pentatonic gamut in its entirety, starting on sol; in the higher register, such a gamut can also be produced, but only when also making use of some of the B-tones. In sum, these two sixth-century chimes, probably produced at workshops in different parts of the Zhou realm, preserve the essential tonal characteristics of their Western Zhou predecessors, but the tone-distribution pattern is denser, with more tones in each octave than before. Although the Springs and Autumns period chimes actually contain more bells, their range (two and a half octaves) is more restricted than the three-plus octaves of the late Western Zhou chimes. The Zeng Bells The Chimes of the Zeng Bell Assemblage The earlier bell-chimes help us elucidate the much more complicated tone distributions in the Zeng bells. As indicated previously, Marquis Yi's sixty-five bells (see fig. 1) by no means constitute a single instrument: they represent at least eight different chimes, most of which were not included in their entirety in the bell assemblage. The different constituent units within the Zeng bell assemblage are readily distinguishable on the basis of typology, ornament style, and inscription type (a criterion to which we shall return in the following chapter). They may be briefly enumerated as follows: Upper Tier All the bells on the upper tier are niuzhong (see fig. 13). At present, they are displayed in three groups, labeled U1, U2, and U3. The six bells of U2 and the seven bells of U3 originally constituted part of one chime of fourteen (one bell is lost). Tan Weisi and Feng Guangsheng have shown that at an earlier stage in the history of the Zeng bell assemblage, these fourteen niuzhong were suspended from what is now the middle-tier bar of the short arm of the bell-rack.16 The six niuzhong of group U1 differ in important respects from those of the U2 + 3 chime. They seem to have been put together from at least two separate niuzhong chimes.

16. Tan and Feng 1981; see also Li Chunyi 1985. In the present state, a set of yongzhong (MI) is suspended from this bar; but stopped-up vertical slots on the lower side show that it originally served for suspending niuzhong. At that stage, the bar in question was not yet in its present position on the Zeng rack, because one of the fourteen niuzhong holes (the largest) is now blocked by one of the caryatid stands. When it was put to secondary use in the present rack, the bar was retooled at the sides.

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Middle Tier The middle tier of the Zeng bell-rack houses three chimes of yongzhong: M1, the eleven-part chime on the short arm of the rack, and Me and M3 with twelve and ten pieces, respectively. Chimes M1 and M2 are completely identical except for one bell in M2 (M2-10) that has no equivalent in M1. The ten-part chime M3 differs from these two in both tonal range and inscription type; it can be linked to the majority of the yongzhong on the lower tier. Lower Tier The twelve yongzhong of the lower tier of the Zeng bell-rack are arranged in two groups, with the largest bells sensibly positioned at the end-points of the rack. The three bells on the short arm of the rack, labeled L1, and the nine pieces on the long arm, L2, seem to jointly constitute a single chime. Closer inspection, however, reveals that three bells, L1-1, L2-10, and L2-9, differ from the rest in their inscription type (see Chapter 8); they must have originally been members of a different chime. These three bells were obviously interspersed with the others according to an overall design, so as to fill certain lacunae. Similarly, the single Chu Wang Xiong Zhang-bo (see fig. 20) is apparently suspended on the long arm of the rack between yongzhong L2-7 and L2-5 because its tone exactly fits that position in the chime. The heterogeneous nature of the lower-tier bells explains a certain amount of tonal overlap within the chime.17 An earlier, somewhat different chime may be reconstructed from inscriptions on the bell-rack naming the A-tones of the bells that should be suspended in each position; the actual bell arrangement partially deviates from this order. The Tone Distributions in Chimes M1 and M2 The distribution of tones in the chimes becomes clearest when each constituent chime is first analyzed by itself. In defining the tones emitted by the Zeng bells as musical notes we can rely on the tone-naming inscriptions (see Chapter 8). Given the large number of bells, the overall tone distribution is considerably denser than in the earlier chimes considered above and also includes a significant amount of overlap, especially among the middle-tier chimes. In their tone-distribution pattern, the yongzhong chimes M1 and M2 (fig. 119) closely resemble the two mid-sixth-century niuzhong chimes from Shangmacun and Xiasi. In

17. Though different in inscription type, the tones of L1-2 and L2-10 exactly overlap. The rationale for this apparent entropy may have to do with the fact that the two bells were physically removed from one another; having two of them on opposite ends of the rack may possibly have facilitated the playing. Also, perhaps for similar technical reasons, the tones of M2-1 (the highest bell on the lower tier) and M3-10 (the lowest bell on the middle tier) are identical.

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Figure 119. Tone distribution in the yongzhong chimes M1 and M2 from the tomb of Marquis Yi of Zeng. The tone distribution in the two chimes is identical except in the lowest octave, which is tabulated separately for each chime. Lower register: bells nos. M1-11 through M1-8 and M2-12 through M2-8; higher register: bells nos. 7 through I for chimes M1 and M2. fact, the higher registers of the four chimes are almost identical. In both M1 and M2, bells nos. 5, 4, 2, and I reproduce the characteristic late Western Zhou four-tone pattern (mi-sol/la-do) through two octaves. This pattern is complemented by bells nos. 6 and 3, one octave apart and with re as the A-tone; these, however, are minor-third bells, not major-third bells as in the Shangmacun and Xiasi chimes. The lower registers of M1 and M2 comprise five and six bells, respectively, about twice as many bells as in the lower registers of the niuzhong chimes from

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Xiasi and Shangmacun, which consist of only three bells each. The array of available tones is correspondingly richer. Moreover, not all of the lower-register bells in M1 and M2 are major-third bells like the ones in the earlier chimes; the largest bells in each, M1-11 and M2-12, are minor-third bells that are octavically identical to nos. 6 and 3 in the higher register. The two chimes also manifest a tendency for the higher- and lower-register tone distributions to interpenetrate. In the lower registers of both M1 and M2, we find bells with re, mi, sol, la, and do as A-tones. The major-third bell M2-10 stands out as the only bell that does not have an exact pendant in M1 and the only one in which neither the A- nor the B-tone is part of the pentatonic gamut; the role of this bell will be discussed shortly. The Tone Distributions in Chimes L1 + 2 and M3 Although the tone distribution of the lower-tier yongzhong links up with that of chime M3 on the middle tier, we must remember that these two chimes were played by different players standing on opposite sides of the rack (fig. 120). M3 can best be interpreted as providing a higher-register-type tone distribution, while the lower-tier yongzhong serve as an extended lower register of the same chime. Except for the intrusive major-third bell M3-2, which will be discussed below, the higher-register tone distribution in M3 has exactly the same structure as that of M1 and M2 (though pitched one octave lower). The time-honored mi-sol/la-do pattern, ranging through two octaves, is provided by bells M3-1, 3, 5, and 6, which are complemented by M3-4 and 7, two minor-third bells with re as the A-tone. The combined lower register of L1 + 2 and M3, on the other hand, is considerably more complex than anything we have seen so far. At present, the A-tone of the deepest bell (L1-1) is do, though an inscription on the bell-rack shows that a ''large la bell" was originally intended to occupy that position.18 The range of more than two octaves allows for considerable octavic regularity throughout the lower register: bells L1-1, L1-2 (L2-10), L2-9, and L2-8 in the lowest octave correspond to L2-5, L2-4, L2-3, and L2-1 (L3-10) in the second octave, respectively. The Atones of these bells all correspond to notes in the pentatonic gamut. In the second octave, additional bells are inserted into this pattern, with the result that A- and B-tones are distributed to cover the entire gamut of twelve tones. This pattern extends into part of the higher-register tone

18. Li Chunyi (1985) speculated that such a bell could not be accommodated because it was too large for the rack. Feng Guangsheng (1988a) established that the short arm of the Zeng bell-rack must have been longer originally than it is today. As a consequence of its reduction in length (perhaps at the time of burial), the original bell L1-3 no longer fit into its allotted space and had to be exchanged for a smaller specimen. This, too, may account for the removal of the "large la bell."

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Figure 120. Tone distribution in the yongzhong chimes L1 + 2 and M3 from the tomb of Marquis Yi of Zeng. Lower register: bells nos. L1-1 through M3-9; higher register: bells nos. M3-8 through M3-1. distribution, making it possible to produce a continuous chromatic sequence of tones through one and a half octaves. Even so, this highly complex tone distribution is still accommodated to the time-honored higher-register framework of late Western Zhou chimes; as a consequence, minor- and major-third bells are combined in somewhat irregular succession. These chimes must have been tremendously difficult to play.

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Tone Distributions in the Upper- Tier Niuzhong The niuzhong on the upper tier of the Zeng bell-rack manifest an interesting contrast to the middle- and lower-tier yongzhong. In a total break with the Western Zhou-derived conventions, these chimes were designed with an emphasis on mathematical regularity. They cover the full gamut of twelve tones per octave; moreover, each chime consists exclusively of either minor-third bells or major-third bells. The case is clearest with the U2 + 3 chime, whose original arrangement can be reconstructed as in figure 121. A succession of six minor-third bells recurs identically in each octave, yielding a tone-distribution pattern of great mathematical elegance. Of course, in such an arrangement there can be no dichotomy between the higher and lower registers. Such a chime must have been much easier to play than the cumbersome yongzhong of the middle and lower tiers. Emphasis on mathematical regularity is also evident in the present arrangement of this chime in two groups (figs. 122 and 123) with a succession of three bells per octave,19 demonstrating the possibility of subdividing an octave into three equal segments, as well as dividing a gamut of twelve tones into two mutually exclusive sets of tones. On the other hand, no pentatonic music can be produced on either of these two groups of niuzhong. The six niuzhong now grouped as set U1 are remnants of chimes consisting exclusively of major-third bells. With such bells, it is possible to cover the entire gamut of twelve tones per octave; however, the arrangement is mathematically less elegant than one limited to minor-third bells, since an identical pattern recurs only once every two octaves (see fig. 124). The six U1 bells, whose inscriptions and measured tones are not consistent with any single possible arrangement of major-third bells, appear to be fragments of at least two separate chimes (see fig. 125). The Zeng Bell Assemblage as a Whole We shall now consider the Zeng bell assemblage as a comprehensive unit. The tone distributions of all the sixtyfive bells from Marquis Yi's tomb have been charted in figure 126. Although each of the constituent chimes could function musically by itself, the assemblage on its three-tiered rack is by no means merely a random collection of "all the family silver." Instead, those responsible for the present setup of the Zeng bells purposefully combined elements of preexisting chimes so as to create a musical assemblage that, as a whole, was more comprehensive and versatile than any of its parts.

19. The only exception to this is bell U3-1, which would better fit into the U2 set.

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Figure 121. Reconstructed original tone distribution in the chime of thirteen (formerly fourteen) niuzhong constituting groups U2 and U3 from the tomb of Marquis Yi of Zeng. In this table, the extant bells have been renumbered; for the original numbering, see figs. 122 and 123.

Figure 122. Present tone distribution in the six niuzhong of group U2 from the tomb of Marquis Yi of Zeng.

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Figure 123. Present tone distribution in the seven niuzhong of group U3 from the tomb of Marquis Yi of Zeng. In this connection, we must notice that the three octavically equivalent major-third bells L2-2, M2-10, and M3-2 stand out in the overall tone distribution.20 They are the only ones in which neither the A- nor the B-tones (fasharp and la-sharp) are members of a pentatonic gamut defined with respect to do. M2-10 has little meaning within the lower-register tone distribution of the chime M2 per se; the same is true of M3-2 within the higher-register tone distribution of the chime M3. The function of these bells is to integrate the tone distributions within the lower- and middle-tier bells into a more coherent whole and to stake out a coherent tonal pattern throughout three octaves. This cannot be perceived through the tone-distribution charts of the individual chimes but becomes apparent in the comprehensive chart in figure 126. The tonal pattern thus created comprises all twelve tones in an octave. The bell inscriptions leave no doubt that such full chromatic coverage, as observable especially in the second and third octaves of the overall tone distribution, was a deliberate objective of the Zeng bell-makers. Without fa-sharp and la-sharp, furnished by the three bells just characterized, full coverage of the twelve-tone gamut would be impossible.

20. Asahara (1987, 78) has pointed this out most clearly.

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Figure 124. Reconstructed tone-distribution pattern in the six niuzhong of group U1 from the tomb of Marquis Yi of Zeng. Each half of the diagram charts the design of a chime fitting three of the six bells, as suggested by different do implied by their inscriptions. The tones of bell no. U3-1 have been charted a semitone lower than what is actually heard, so that they can be accommodated in the lower part of the diagram. It is conceivable, however, that bell no. U3-1 belonged to a third chime with yet another implied do.

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Figure 125. Present tone distribution in the six niuzhong of group U1 from the tomb of Marquis Yi of Zeng. In the upper and middle tiers, the two groups of three bells each (cf. fig. 125) are charted separately; in the lower tier, they are put together (with the do of the second group as the point of reference). Again, bell U1-3 is placed one semitone lower.

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Figure 126. Tone distribution in the Zeng bells (comprehensive chart). The important role of bell M2-10, with its octavic counterparts in chimes L2 and M3, is emphasized; the twofold tone distribution in chimes M1 and M2 is indicated by the same symbols as in fig. 120. The first group of niuzhong of the upper tier and the Chu Wang Xiong Zhang-bo on the lower tier are not included.

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Some overall heterogeneity is evident between the principal chimes on the lower and middle tiers and the uppertier niuzhong chimes. In particular, throughout the lower- and middle-tier chimes, do is equal to C, while the inscriptions on the upper-tier niuzhong relate to quite a variety of do pitches. In the U2 + 3 chime, do corresponds to F-sharp, a tritone (exactly half an octave) removed from C; and the U1 bells seem to require two do: D-sharp and F-sharp (D-sharp being, interestingly, midway between C and F-sharp). The presence of multiple do suggests that these instruments were used for playing music in a variety of tonalities, as is also strongly suggested by the inscriptions on the Zeng yongzhong, which correlate gamuts of notes defined with respect to a variety of do (see Chapter 8). Theoretically, of course, twelve tones per octave are sufficient material for music-making in twelve different tonalities. Summing up our observations of the Zeng bell assemblage, we cannot help but be impressed by the sheer quantity of tones that it provides, despite the existence of considerable overlap between chimes. We might be tempted to view the Zeng bells as the climax in a straight line of development toward greater tonal complexity in bell-chimes: from the four-tone pattern of the late Western Zhou via the five-tone pattern of the Springs and Autumns period to twelve-tone patterns in early Warring States. However, consideration of other, somewhat later bell-chimes of the Warring States period will show that evolution did not follow such a simple path. In fact, the Zeng bells are so far unique in consciously striving, in a variety of ways, to cover the full gamut of twelve tones per octave, an intent also evident, as we shall see, in the lithophone remains from the same tomb. As will become clear, however, the musicians of the Chinese Bronze Age did not in all probability make full use of the plethora of musical possibilities afforded by these instruments. The reasons for such comprehensiveness, which were apparently extramusical, will occupy us in the following chapter. Other Warring States Period Chimes By comparison to the complexities of the Zeng instruments, other Warring States period niuzhong chimes on which tone measurements have been performed suggest a more conservative picture. While they provide a greater variety of tones than the Springs and Autumns period chimes from Xiasi and Shangmacun, the tone distributions in these late-fifth- and fourth-century B.C. cases do not approach the complexity of the Zeng chimes. In particular, the pervasive mathematical regularity characteristic of the tone distribution of the Zeng niuzhong chimes has not been observed anywhere else.

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In the Biao-niuzhong from Jincun, Luoyang (Henan) (fig. 127),21 which date to about a generation after the Zeng bells, the tendency toward interpenetrating lower and higher registers is particularly evident. The four-tone pattern of the late Western Zhou yongzhong chimes (mi-sol/la-do) permeates the entire chime through a range of three octaves; in each octave, moreover, two additional minor-third bells sound the notes re-fa and si-re, respectively. In the lower register, three additional major-third bells enter into this pervasive pattern. Their tones for the most part coincide exactly with those of the higher-register bells. Although many tones can be produced on more than one bell in the chime, a glance at figure 127 shows that, astonishingly, five positions of the twelve-tone gamut (the second, fourth, seventh, ninth, and eleventh) are not covered at all. The tone distribution in the Biao-niuzhong may therefore be called heptatonic, but it could also be interpreted as intended for the production of pentatonic music in three different tonalities, with do in positions 1, 6, and 8, respectively. Similarly, the A-tones playable on the mid-fourth-century Jingli-niuzhong from Changtaiguan, Xinyang (Henan), yield a coherent six-tone pattern through two octaves: the pentatonic gamut plus si (fig. 128),22 which would allow for playing pentatonic music with do in positions 1 and 6. A separation of lower and higher registers is not apparent; only the smallest bell (no. 13) appears to fall out of the overall arrangement. The B-tones in the Jingliniuzhong chime show no octavically recurrent pattern, suggesting that the players of these bells may not have made use of the two-tone phenomenon. The Western Zhou-derived four-tone pattern no longer seems to have played a role. Such developments, along with other phenomena detailed elsewhere in this book (see Chapters 1, 5, and 9) illustrate the decline of bell-making in the later Warring States period. Aberrant Cases Not all sets of tone measurements so far reported neatly fit the sequence traced above. When charted according to the method delineated in the opening section of this chapter, the tonal data from some Eastern Zhou chimesin particular, the Wangsun Gao-yongzhong from tomb no. 2 at Xiasi, Xichuan (Henan), the unprovenienced Zhediaoniuzhong, and the yongzhong from tomb no. 2 at Lei-

21. For an illustration, see fig. 90. References in Appendix 1. 22. For an illustration, see fig. 103. References in Appendix 1. The A-tone of the lowest bell (no. 1) is somewhat too high; judging from the fact that no. 1 has an (apparently incomplete) inscription while the others are all uninscribed, it seems possible that its origin is different from that of the rest of the set.

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Figure 127. Tone distribution in the chime of fourteen Biao-niuzhong (see fig. 89). Lower register: bells nos. 17; higher register: bells nos. 8-14. The bells have been renumbered for this diagram. Bells nos. 1-3, 5-7, and 9-12 are in the Sen'oku Hakkokan (Sumitomo collection), Kyoto; bells nos. 4 and 8 are in the Royal Ontario Museum, Toronto. Only the tones of the Sen'oku Hakkokan bells have been measured; for the Royal Ontario Museum specimens, the convincing reconstruction by Asahara Tatsuro (1987, 85-87 and tables) is followed.

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Figure 128. Tone distribution in the chime of thirteen Jingli-niuzhong (see fig. 102). The wildly irregular Btones reported by Ma Chengyuan (1981) are omitted from this chart. gudun, Suizhou (Hubei)fail to show evidence of stringent octavic regularity,23 presenting tone distributions that are thus difficult to interpret in a meaningful way. One may wonder if these chimes reflect different kinds of musical thinking that the method of analysis adopted in this chapter may be inadeqate to bring out; I do not believe so. These three chimes do not differ fundamentally from other contemporary chimes: they show such features as a separation of lower and higher registers, the possibility of playing pentatonic music (sometimes in several tonalities), as well as a certain amount of parallelism between different octaves. I therefore consider it likely that the bell-chimes in question were simply less successful attempts at producing chimes similar to those introduced earlier in this chapter. Bad preservation or incompetent handling of tone-measuring devices may in part account for the impression of acoustical insufficiency. But it is also possible to imagine extramusical reasons, such as a lack of

23. Moreover, the A-tone measurements published by Li Chunyi (1973) for the late Springs and Autumns period niuzhong from Ximennei, Shou Xian (Anhui), and from tomb no. 14 at Fenshuiling, Changzhi (Shanxi), do not yield an octavic pattern altogether meaningful. This problem may have to do with poor preservation; in any case, the data are difficult to judge in the absence of B-tone measurements.

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familiarity with the principles of chime-bell manufacture (a consideration applying especially to regional products such as the Zhediao-niuzhong), an exclusive preoccupation with the visual aspects, or an intended function as mingqi. In the mid-sixth-century B.C. Wangsun Gao-yongzhong chime,24 the lower register of eight bells features a significantly sparser distribution of tones than the higher register of eighteen bells (fig. 129). While it is difficult to make any sense of the lower-register tone distribution, the higher register, when do is set at E, features bells with A-tones of do, re, mi, and la in three octaves; sol is also covered by either A- or B-tones in all three octaves. The chime, however, provides considerable tonal material in excess of this, the presence of which cannot easily be accounted for. Visually, the twenty-six Wangsun Gao-yongzhong bells appear to be of outstandingly high quality (see fig. 21), but when listening to a recording of the tones, I noted a lack of separation between the A- and B-tones. The timbre is far less homogeneous than that of the Zeng bells or the Biao-niuzhong. Possibly, these bells, which were almost certainly manufactured in Chu, represent an early and as yet unfocused local attempt at creating an allencompassing chime, similar in principle to the Zeng-yongzhong realized a century later within the same workshop tradition. The mid-sixth-century Chu bronze-casters may not yet have obtained sufficient acoustical expertise to realize such an ambitious plan. The now-dispersed Zhediao-niuzhong, another chime of southern manufacture that may be dated to around 478 B.C., present a set of quite different problems. Measurements are available for the tones of only ten bells (two in the Sen'oku Hakkokan [Sumitomo Collection] in Kyoto and eight in the Tohata Collection, Kobe) of what must have been a far larger bell assemblage.25 They seem to belong to several chimes that were tuned to a variety of keys. A further complication is that each bell contains different portions of an inscription text; if these text portions are arranged in order, the last bells in the textual sequence are by no means the highest in pitch. It is possible that the tones of some of the Zhediao-niuzhong were altered as the result of post-excavation repairs.26 Asahara Tatsuro has proposed a partial reconstruction of the intended tone distribution of the chime (fig. 130), which resembles that of the Biao-niuzhong. However, only four of the ten measured bells fit into this scheme (two more can be accommodated if we disregard the inscription sequence). In Asahara's view, the larger of the two Zhediao-niuzhong now in the Sen'oku Hakkokan

24. References in Appendix 1. 25. Several more bells from the set are extant; references in Appendix 2. 26. The Zhediao-niuzhong were apparently dispersed soon after their discovery, and it seems that various art dealers restored them in different ways. Asahara (1988b, 19, fig. 2) depicts one piece, of now-unknown location, that was inadvertently misrepaired into a yongzhong.

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Figure 129. Tone distribution in the chime of twentysix Wangsun Gao-yongzhong (see fig. 21). Lower register: bells nos. 1-8; higher register: bells nos. 9-26.

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Figure 130. Tone distribution in ten of the Zhediaoniuzhong (see fig. 94) as reconstructed by Asahara Tatsuro (1988b). The bells with numbers indicated in brackets fit the tone-distribution pattern, but their inscription texts are out of sequence. forms part of a hypothetical lower register, with the other bells all belonging to the higher register. When we look at the tone distribution of all ten bells as charted in figure 131, we notice that the tones of bells S2, T1, and T2 are octavically equivalent to T3, T5, and T6; moreover, T4, T7, and T8 emit the same tonal pattern, but one semitone removed. It must be admitted, however, that such an ordering of bells disregards the arrangement of the inscription text; I know of no parallel case among extant Eastern Zhou chimes that could corroborate such a disjunction of text and tones. The thirty-six haphazardly numbered yongzhong from tomb no. 2 at Leigudun (adjacent to the tomb of Marquis Yi and presumed to be somewhat later in date) also show some puzzling features (fig. 132).27 Within the tomb, the eight

27. For an illustration, see fig. 96. References in Appendix 1.

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Figure 131. Tone distribution in ten bells from the Zhediao-niuzhong chime. Bells S-1 and S-2 are in the Sen'oku Hakkokan (Sumitomo collection), Kyoto, the others in the Tohata collection, Hyogo. Bell no. S-1 may be part of a lower register, the others of a higher register pattern. larger bells were found at some distance from the twenty-eight smaller bells. The two groups of bells, which differ in their ornamentation, are separated tonally by a hiatus of about half an octave. Nevertheless, a few instances of octavic identity between them suggest that the larger bells may have functioned as a lower register with respect to the smaller ones. It is difficult to decide which tone to designate as do; my own reconstruction, with A as do, varies from that of Tong Zhongliang , who proposes D-sharp.28 In many cases throughout the chime, the same tones are playable on several different bells, and several groups of bells have exactly identical tones: nos. 10 and 11; 6 and 32; 7, 8, and 35; and 21 and 22. On account of such entropy, despite the large overall number

28. Possibly, the higher-register bells originally constituted several chimes; in spite of various trials, however, I have not come up with any very convincing combinations.

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Figure 132. Tone distribution in the thirty-six yongzhong from tomb no. 2 at Leigudun (see fig. 95). Bells nos. 1, 2, and 10-15 are larger than the others and of another type; they may constitute a lower register.

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of bells, the higher-register tone distribution ranges through only two and a half octaves, and the twelve-tone gamut is by no means completely covered. Nevertheless, the tones playable on these thirty-six bells can be defined as notes in a variety of pentatonic gamuts; conceivably, like the Zhediao-niuzhong, they formed several complementary chimes. As in the Wangsun Gao-yongzhong, the elaborately decorated outside of these bells (see fig. 94) contrasts with their unsatisfactory acoustic quality.29 Interpretation Musical Versus Technological Evolution What do these tone-measurement data tell us? Certainly we may conclude that as chime-bells developed from Shang to late Western Zhou and through the Warring States period, they underwent acoustical refinement. A trend toward increased tonal richness and greater control over pitch is manifest. In Western Zhou times, casters discovered the two-tone phenomenon and worked out chimes scaled in such a way as to emphasize octavic regularity. Moreover, the minor- and major-third bells became clearly differentiated from one another. In Eastern Zhou, the lower register was expanded from two bells to more than ten bells in the lower and middle tiers of the Zeng bells. Whereas major-third bells were limited to the lower register and minor-third bells to the higher register in Western Zhou chimes, both kinds of bells could be found in either register in Eastern Zhou chimes. Toward the end of Eastern Zhou, moreover, the tone distributions in the lower and higher registers of bell-chimes grew ever more alike. Some researchers, such as Huang Xiangpeng and Feng Jiexuan ,30 have interpreted such trends in bell-tone distributions as reflecting the increased complexity of Chinese music. Given that the Western Zhou chimes emit only the four tones mi-sol/la-do (quite rightly discounting the B-tone do-sharp of the first bell, which lacks a B-tone marker), they infer that Western Zhou musicians played music with only four tones per octave. In their view, it was only in Eastern Zhou that gamuts of five and then of twelve notes were dis-

29. The recently reported tone measurements on the late Springs and Autumns period bo and niuzhong from Beishanding, Dantu (Jiangsu)another instance from the southeastern margins of the Zhou cultural spherefeature a similarly irregular tone distribution, here extending through four octaves. Although a regular pattern is not evident among the eleven bells well-preserved enough to be measured, it is remarkable that there are ten instances of octavic identity. It is interesting, moreover, that the five bo evidently served as a lower register to the nine niuzhong. That the two sets of bells belonged together is underscored by the fact that they bear identical inscriptions. Composite assemblages where nine niuzhong were paired with a smaller number of larger bells (yongzhong or bo) occur with some frequency in the Eastern Zhou archaeological record (see Appendix 2). 30. Huang Xiangpeng 1978-80; Feng Jiexuan 1984.

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covered, apparently presenting a textbook case of evolution from the simple to the complex. The picture is shattered, however, as soon as one includes contemporary musical instruments other than bells. The authors themselves duly note that some ocarinas, for example, permit the playing of five, and sometimes more, tones per octave.31 Ocarinas of this sort have been found in some quantity at Neolithic and Shang sites, but so far not in Zhou archaeological contexts. The absence of pentatonic material from Western Zhou has prompted Huang and Feng to conclude that the Shang Chinese knew pentatonic music (and perhaps even more complex gamuts of notes), but that the Zhou, on account of their ''barbarian" origin, were less sophisticated musically than the Shang. While Huang assumes that pentatonicity was lost at the end of the Shang dynasty and rediscovered in the Eastern Zhou period, Feng believes that it survived among the descendants of the Shang and was reintroduced into Zhou court music after the court moved east (into former Shang territory) in 770 B.C. In my view, such theories are fundamentally fallacious. Ethnomusicological research has so far failed to establish a correlation between the pentatonic scale and any particular form of social organization anywhere in the world.32 Moreover, comparing clay flutes to chimes of bronze bells sans phrase is methodologically impermissible. The decisive difference between the meanings of tone measurements obtained from musical instruments of different kinds has already been explained. In order to understand what the bell-tone measurements mean, we must reflect again on how the bell-chimes were played in conjunction with the other instruments of the ritual orchestra. When we remember their probable primary function as percussion instruments marking the subdivision of musical pieces (see Chapter 6), an alternative conclusion suggests itself: while Western Zhou music may well have used more than four tones per octave, not all of these tones were necessarily played on bells.33 From this perspective, we realize that the bells tell us relatively little about the progress of Chinese music as a whole. They do, however, inform us about the history of bell-chimes and their usage in musical performances. Through this evidence, we can trace the transformation of bell-chimes from percussion-like instruments into instruments capable of playing melodies. This development, which has few parallels in other ethnomusicological traditions, bespeaks an increasing emphasis on the timbre of metal in ancient Chinese music. In view of

31. A bone flute recently discovered at the Yangshao culture site of Jiahu, Wuyang (Henan), also is capable of emitting a considerable number of tones, depending on blowing technique (Huang Xiangpeng 1989). 32. The pentatonic gamut, in particular, appears to be part of the Ur-patrimony of all humankind, existing in societies of all conceivable types. Yang Yinliu (1944) even mentions hearing some birds in Sichuan twitter pentatonically. 33. In fact, if bell-chimes were to serve as a standard of tonal richness, we would have to conclude from the three-part Shang nao-chimes that Shang music was tritonal.

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the preciousness of bronze and the sumptuary restrictions surrounding its use, we may indeed speak of an everstronger inclination to express wealth and status through the sound of music. Let us recapitulate. At the Shang stage, little if any attention seems to have been paid to the pitch of the bell tones. In Western Zhou, some care was taken that the tones were in some fashion harmonically coherent and, presumably, that they fit in with tones played by the other instruments. By the Springs and Autumns period it was possible to play pentatonic melodies on chimes such as the niuzhong from Xiasi and Shangmacun. Later on, in the Warring States, other tones not part of the pentatonic gamut were also included, so that pentatonic melodies could be played in multiple tonalities. The watershed in this development probably occurred sometime during the Springs and Autumns period, when the tone re first occurs in the tone distributions of chime-bells. What had happened? In my opinion, the evolution toward a denser tone distribution presupposed a radical break with the conventions underlying the manufacture of Western Zhou chimes. Late Western Zhou chimes were scaled in such a way that musically useful tones were always located next to one another, as on a Western piano or Glockenspiel (see fig. 111). The ranges of two adjacent bells never overlap (except in the case of the two largest bells in the lower register, whose B-tones were most likely not used). But the tonal ranges of adjacent bells do regularly overlap in Eastern Zhou chimes, those from Lijialou (see fig. 116) being the earliest example. In Zhou dynasty chimes, the A-B tone interval could be no other than a minor or a major third; to the manufacturers at the time, this seems to have been an unchangeable technological given. If, in addition, they were operating under the convention that the tonal ranges of adjacent bells must not overlap (at least not if both A- and B-tones were to be used in music-making), then the tetratonic mi-sol/la-do pattern encountered in the higher register of the Western Zhou chimes was the closest possible approximation of a regular pentatonic tone distribution through several octaves. One could not cram in any additional tones unless one were willing to sacrifice the principle of octavic regularity, and even then the outcome would not be the desired pentatonic gamut but a musically quite useless constellation of tones. Only by inserting additional bells into the Western Zhou four-tone pattern did it become possible to play pentatonic music on chimes of two-tone bells. On the other hand, as we already discussed in the previous chapter, such bellchimes were considerably more difficult to play than those of late Western Zhou times: players now had to negotiate their way back and forth between bells in complicated ways (see fig. 111). They had to be much more familiar than before with the tone distributions in their chimes. Indirectly, the tone-measurement data thus attest to a considerable increase in the virtuosity of bell-playing musi

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cians during the Zhou period. But it should be stressed that music itself did not necessarily become more complex; the tones and melodies played on bells only became more similar to those produced on wind and stringed instruments. Lithophones and the Importance of Pentatonicity We have seen that the greater richness of tones on Warring States period bell-chimes may be interpreted in two ways. Conceivably, musicians may have played tonally ever more complex music, not only pentatonic melodies but also melodies based on hexatonic (Jingli-niuzhong), heptatonic (Biao-niuzhong), and dodecatonic (Zeng bell assemblage) gamuts of notes. Alternatively, one may suggest that the additional tones enabled the performer to play pentatonic melodies in different keys (two on the Jingli, three on the Biao, and twelve on part of the Zeng bells). Although these two interpretations are not mutually exclusive, I doubt that melodies exceeding the scope of the pentatonic gamut were important in Zhou music. Most sources on traditional Chinese musical theory describe musical melodies in terms of pentatonic modes with varying central notes.34 Taken by itself, the fact that most present-day Chinese music continues to be essentially pentatonic (with a few additional or "incidental" tones occurring here and there) would admittedly be a poor basis for any statement regarding music in antiquity. Yet the idea that Zhou ceremonial music was, at least predominantly, pentatonic is also suggested by the evidence from lithophones, which were used in conjunction with bell-chimes. Made of soft lithic material, chimestones (as we have seen in Chapter 6) tend to decompose or break when buried. Tone measurements therefore have to be treated with caution. Among the many dozens of excavated lithophones, only three have so far been subjected to measurement. The earliest in date is the ten-

34. Levis 1936; Pian 1967; DeWoskin 1982, 43-54. In Harold S. Powers's unmatched definition ("Mode" entry in The New Grove, 12:377): "Mode can be defined as either a 'particularized scale' or a 'generalized tune', or both, depending on the particular musical and cultural context. If one thinks of scale and tune as representing the poles of a continuum of melodic pre-determination, then most of the area in between can be designated one way or another as being in the domain of mode. To attribute mode to a musical item implies some hierarchy of pitch relationships, or some restriction on pitch successions; it is more than merely a scale. At the same time, what can be called the mode of a musical item is never so restricted as what is implied by referring to its 'tune'; a mode is always at least a melody type or melody model, never just a fixed melody.... When modes (or their equivalents) are construed as primarily scalar, they tend to be used for classifying, for grouping musical entities into ideal categories. When the melodic aspects of modality are its predominant features, the modes are seen as guides and norms for composition or improvisation." An early instance of the use of the mode concept in pre-Qin Chinese musical theory can be seen in Zhan'guo-ce. The hero Jing Ke , as he was about to embark on his ill-fated attempt to assassinate the king of Qin, moved the courtiers of Yan to tears by singing first yu and then bianzhi (Zhan'guoce: Yance "Yan Taizi Dan Zhiyu Qin,'' Sibu Congkan ed., j. 9:46a/b). Yu and bianzhi are the names of musical notes (see Chapter 8); but presumably, what Jing Ke sang were melodies built on modes in which these two notes played an important role.

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Figure 133. Tone distribution in the lithophone from tomb no. 13 at Shangmacun, Houma (Shanxi). The somewhat damaged chimestones nos. 3 and 6 were probably meant to sound a semitone higher, as indicated in the chart.

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Figure 134. Tone distribution in the lithophone from tomb no. 2040 at Houchuan(?), Sanmenxia (Henan).

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part lithophone from the mid-sixth-century tomb no. 13 at Shangmacun, which complemented the niuzhong discussed above.35 Of the seven chimestones that still emit a tone, at least two may be significantly out of tune. From their tone distribution, charted in figure 133, one may tentatively reconstruct an original pentatonic arrangement. The remaining two measured lithophones both date to the Warring States period. The nine-part lithophone from Sanmenxia (Henan) has not yet been properly reported on (it is probably the one excavated from tomb no. 2040 at Houchuan),36 but it seems to be exceptionally well preserved. Its tone distribution, charted in figure 134, shows a clearly pentatonic pattern through two octaves. The three stones of the lower octave emit a major chord (do-misol), whereas the higher octave contains a full pentatonic gamut. By contrast, the beautifully decorated chimestones of a twenty-five-part lithophone found in the ancient capital of Chu at Jinancheng, Jiangling (Hubei),37 seem to have been too badly deformed to yield any meaningful tone distribution (fig. 135), though several instances of octavic equivalence may be observed.38 Despite the evident pentatonicity of the Sanmenxia lithophone, the information we can glean from these three lithophones is certainly insufficient for far-reaching conclusions. Nevertheless, what we may glean from figures 133-135 is of interest because it points in the same direction as the much more comprehensive evidence available for the lithophone from the tomb of Marquis Yi of Zeng (see fig. 99).39 From inscriptional information, we can reconstruct a chime of forty-one musical stones, twenty-eight of which have survived. Even though almost without exception the chimestones themselves are broken and can no longer be played, their inscriptions inform us about the originally intended tones. Moreover, each specimen bears a number indicating its position in order of size, the largest piece being no. 1. When not displayed on their rack, the chimestones were placed into three lacquered wooden boxes holding thirteen, fourteen, and fourteen pieces, respectively, in troughs cut to fit each chimestone

35. Huang Xiangpeng 1978-80, pt. 2:147; original report in Kaogu 1963 (5):229-45. 36. Huang Xiangpeng 1978-80, pt. 2:147; a preliminary notice on Houchuan may be found in Kaogu Tongxun 1956 (11):74-77. 37. Wenwu 1972 (1):75; Kaogu 1972 (3):41-48 (tone measurements p. 44); color photograph in Wenhua Dageming Qijian Chutu Wenwu 1:74. 38. Like the lithophones just mentioned, the stone panflute excavated from the mid-sixth century tomb no. 1 at Xiasi, Xichuan (Henan) (in the same context as the niuzhong chime discussed above), has been subjected to measurement (Kaogu 1981 [2]:126). The tone distribution shows a marked pentatonic tendency (Falkenhausen 1988, 875 and table 59), but the higher pipes seem to be in a less than perfect state of preservation. Since each pipe in this unusual instrument was presumably designed to emit one single tone, these data may also offer some corroborative value. 39. For references see n. 20 to Introduction. The reconstruction of the chimestones and the elucidation of their tone distribution pattern has been the subject of a number of articles, including Tong Shibu 1981; Xu, Feng, and Chu 1982 and 1983; Xu, Feng, and Zhang 1983; Huang Xiangpeng 1983c; and Li Chengyu 1983 and 1984.

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Figure 135. Tone distribution in the lithophone from Jinancheng, Jiangling (Hubei). Many chimestones in this lithophone are broken, others imperfectly preserved. exactly; numbers inscribed next to these troughs correspond to the numbers of the chimestones. The inscriptions tell us that the forty-one chimestones of Zeng emitted an unbroken chromatic sequence of tones through three and a half octaves (fig. 136). In covering the entirety of the dodecatonic gamut, this lithophone is similar to the bell assemblage excavated from the same tomb. What is noteworthy, however, is the way in which the chimestones were arranged in the three boxes, as well as the order in which they were suspended from their rack. In each case, analysis reveals strikingly pentatonic ordering principles. Let us look at the distribution of chimestones in the three lacquered boxes (fig. 137). The pieces in boxes 1 and 2 form two mutually exclusive pentatonic sets, with do at C and at F-sharp; it is surely not by accident that these two do, a tritone (half an octave) apart, are identical to the two principal do of the Zeng bell assemblage.40 The inscription on box 3 aptly labels its contents as "Intermediate Tones" (jianyin ): here we find the chimestones that could be accommo-

40. Each of the two boxes is labeled with the name of the basic pitch according to the Zeng tone nomenclature (see Chapter 8). The only irregularity is that box no. 2 contains stone no. 40 instead of no. 39, which has ended up in box no. 3.

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Figure 136. Comprehensive tone distribution in the lithophone from the tomb of Marquis Yi of Zeng (see fig. 99). dated in neither of the above two pentatonic sets (i.e., fa and si with respect to the two principal do). This box also contained some of the larger components of the lithophone, which did not fit into the other two boxes; possibly, these were somehow equivalent to the lower register of the contemporary bell-chimes. When arranged on the two-tiered lithophone-rack, the Zeng chimestones did not necessarily follow the same order as in the boxes, as is illustrated by the manner in which they were displayed at the time of excavation. As the rack provided space for only thirty-two of the forty-one chimestones, a selection of chimestones had to be made, presumably before each performance; the specimens chosen could have varied with the tonality of the piece to be performed. At excavation, the chimestones on each tier were displayed in two groups, of six and ten pieces, respectively. Figure 138 shows the tone distribution on the upper tier, as evident from inscriptions on the stones displayed there. Altogether, the sixteen chimestones on the upper tier provided the tonal material of a pentatonic gamut through three octaves. Within the upper-tier gamut,

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Figure 137. Tone distribution in the lithophone boxes from the tomb of Marquis Yi of Zeng. Top, the GUXIAN box (thirteen chimestones forming a pentatonic set with respect to the pitch standard [lü] GUXIAN); middle, the XINZHONG box (fourteen chimestones); bottom, the box for the fourteen leftover "intermediary notes" (jianyin). An asterisk indicates what appears to be irregularity in placement.

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Figure 138. Tone distribution among the chimestones on the upper tier of the lithophone from the tomb of Marquis Yi of Zeng. The stones fall into two groups, which are here distinguished by the positions of the triangles. the do and sol stones were arranged as one group separated from the re, mi, and la stones.41 Astonishingly, this gamut is not identical to either of the gamuts defined in the lithophone boxes: do is on B. A similar but somewhat less regular picture emerges from the tone distribution of the sixteen chimestones of the lower tier (fig. 139), where the intended do of the pentatonic gamut is G. However, because the pentatonic gamuts with do on B and G are not mutually exclusive (B equals mi when do is on G) and because the set contained only a single chimestone for each tone, several of the intended members of the lower-tier chime had already been preempted for use on the upper tier. Their places in the lower-tier chime were filled by substitutes, for the most part by specimens sounding a semitone higher than the intended

41. There are two small irregularities, such as the presence of U9, which does not fit the pentatonic gamut, and U6, which is a semitone too high.

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Figure 139. Tone distribution among the chimestones on the lower tier of the lithophone from the tomb of Marquis Yi of Zeng. As in fig. 138, there are two groups of chimestones. tone. Because the preemption involves the note mi in each of the three octaves, the do and sol stones (which again form a group of their own on the lower tier) are complete and accurate; only the second group, comprising the re, mi, and la stones, is beset with some irregularity. It is unclear why the do and sol stones were set apart from re, mi, and la: perhaps to enable two musicians to play the two groups of stones simultaneously, or to make it possible for one musician to handle each group with a separate mallet. Or the purpose may have been merely to exemplify various systematic arrangements of tones. In any case, it cannot be overlooked that all the various arrangements of chimestones that we can reconstruct on the basis of the Zeng data follow pentatonic principles. The forty-one chromatically numbered chimestones were by no means used to play music with twelve tones; instead, chosen specimens were arranged so as to provide the tonal material for pentatonic gamuts in a variety of tonalities.

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Essentially the same conclusions can be applied to chime-bells. Again, chimes were designed to contain more musical material than was required for any one piece. But bells differed from chimestones in that they were probably not rearranged for each performance, which would have been difficult because each bell contained two tones that were not located adjacent to one another on a scale; because of the inseparability of the A- and B-tones on individual bells, the structure of a bell-chime tone distribution is much harder to disentangle than that of a lithophone. Nonetheless, it appears likely that regardless of how many tones could be produced on a chime, only a limited number of them were used in the performance of any one piece; probably, in any particular tonality, the tones actually used would have been the notes of the respective pentatonic gamut.42 Despite the transformation of bell-chimes from merely accompanatory instruments into instruments on which melodies could be played, it is likely that throughout the Zhou period their role in music-making remained somewhat distinct from that of other melodic instruments such as flutes and zithers. They may have mainly provided a harmonic Grundgerüst, a tonal basis for the tunes or melodies performed on wind and stringed instruments.43 If "incidental" tones played a role in Zhou ceremonial music, it is likely that those would have been played on melodic instruments other than bell-chimes and lithophones. The "Revolving Do" If Zhou ceremonial music was essentially pentatonic, the bell-tone measurements reviewed earlier in this chapter lead us to a musicologically important insight: the increasing density of tones playable on Eastern Zhou bellchimes and lithophones must indicate that, as opposed to earlier custom, music in several tonalities was now performed on these instruments. In the parlance of traditional Chinese musical theory, this innovation was called the "revolving do" (xuangong ).44 We have traced the emergence of coexisting multiple do throughout this chapter; the first clear evidence for such a phenomenon dates to the mid-sixth century, on the two separate chimes from Xiasi and Shangmacun. While the pitch of do seems to be close to C in Western Zhou as well as some Eastern Zhou chimes, other Eastern Zhou chimes are clearly outside this range (see table 11).

42. This harks back to Curt Sachs's warning: "The series of notes available on an instrument does not necessarily represent its scale; the keyboard of an occidental piano with its twelve semitones within an octave gives the possibility of playing scales in twenty-four tonalities, but the scales themselves comprise only seven notes" (Sachs 1940, 167; emphasis as in the original). 43. Harich-Schneider 1955. 44. The term xuangong does not actually appear in any pre-Qin text; the earliest locus is in the Tang dynasty subcommentary on Li Ji, "Liyun" by Kong Yingda (Li Ji Zhushu 3b-6b).

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One might suppose that, in the long run, the increased number of tones available through the xuangong principle might have resulted in a greater modal complexity of Chinese ritual music. But this does not actually seem to have been the case. The pre-Qin texts uniformly consider tunes of complex tonal structures as unorthodox and morally evil: we have seen in Chapter I how Confucius and other Eastern Zhou philosophers battled against the "dishonest tones" used in the popular musical styles that were then finding favor in high places. There is a distinct possibility that the late Eastern Zhou "New Music" was characterized not only by lascivious styles of performance but also by variety of tones greater than in traditional ritual music. While the Zeng bells certainly provide the musical potential for the performance of such ''New Music," it appears likely that their principal function remained connected to the performance of ritual music, which in all probability continued to employ pentatonic modes. The xuangong principle made it possible, however, to produce pentatonic series in several tonalities. The theoretical and political implications of this innovation will occupy us in the following chapters. The Problem of Intonation Having established which notes and intervals were intended by the casters, we may now briefly digress on the red herring in Chinese musical archaeology: what can the tone measurements tell us about the system (or systems) of intonation used in ancient Chinese music? We remember that, due to the inherent mathematical incorrectness of their scaling principles, the ancient Chinese chimes themselves could not possibly have been, strictly speaking, in tune (see Chapter 2). We may expect them to show considerable deviations from any conceivable regular tuning system because, with a linear scaling formula, no intonation pattern can be consistently replicated through more than one octave. Nevertheless, as conceded in Chapter 6, the analysis of a statistically significant sample of tone measurements might conceivably point to certain tendencies. Three systems of intonation have been discussed in the literature on ancient Chinese bells: "natural" intonation, tempering, and tuning by the "Spiral of Fifths." Natural (or "just") intonation, which is apparently preferred by the human ear, defines each note as the simplest possible mathematical proportion with respect to do. A disadvantage of this method is that tones will differ minutely from tonality to tonality (for example, mi on C and sol on A are both approximately E, but they are not exactly identical).45 If a chime of bells was in

45. Mi on C equals 532 Hz × 5/4 = 665 Hz; sol on A equals 440 Hz á 3/2 = 660 Hz, and so forth.

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tended for playing in only one tonality, however, this limitation may not have mattered. On melodic instruments such as flutes and zithers, it was easy to make the minute adjustments of pitch necessary for playing in a variety of keys, but not on chimed idiophones, with their restricted number of playable tones. It seems likely, therefore, that as soon as the "revolving do" principle started to influence the scaling of chimes, the bell tones were subjected to tempering: they were adjusted slightly to make them compatible in pitch with the notes of several keys, if not actually coinciding with any one of them. Theoretically, the ultimate outcome of such tempering would have been the equal-tempered scale mentioned in the preceding chapter, though it is universally agreed that that scale was yet unknown in Bronze Age China.46 Whether the ancient Chinese bell manufacturers consciously performed tempering at all, and whether such tempering was governed by any mathematical principle, is so far unknown. A third, mathematical method of intonation determines the pitch of notes according to the "Spiral of Fifths" (also known somewhat inexactly as Pythagorean tuning). As will be explained in the following chapter, it seems likely that the method of generating tones through the Spiral of Fifths was known in Eastern Zhou China and may have had some influence on the scaling of chimes; whether that procedure was applied in fine-tuning of bells after casting, however, appears doubtful. If, for instance, measurements indicate that two tones playable on a chime are about 300 cents apart, we would not hesitate to say that they represent an interval of a minor third; it is virtually impossible, however, to determine whether the manufacturers intended the interval to be either a natural minor third of 316 cents or a Pythagorean minor third of 294 cents, or whether it was the product of intentional tempering. The differences between the frequency figures to be expected by each method are so minute as to fall easily within a bell's usual range of inaccuracy. Various scholars have nevertheless endeavored to juxtapose the tone measurements from ancient instruments to the three sets of "expected" frequencies and, because of differences in the methods used in doing so, have reached a variety of conclusions.47 Having treated the matter elsewhere,48 I find it unnecessary to repeat the procedure here; the results are summarized in table 14. In brief, no clear pattern is apparent, though overall, the actually measured tones seem to diverge least from those of the natural intonation system, a finding that confirms the impression that the human ear played a major role,

46. See Chapter 8, n. 44. 47. Huang Xiangpeng 1981, Pan Jianming 1982, Tong Zhongliang 1984, McClain 1985a. 48. Falkenhausen 1988, 917-32; in tables 80-98, the actual and expected values are tabulated in the way I believe to be correct.

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TABLE. 14. Deviation of Measured Pitches from Expected Intervals in Three Systems of Intonation (in cents) Spiral of Fifths Natural Tempered Western Zhou Zuo-yongzhong

39.3

20.3

19.3

Zhong Yi-yongzhong

37.1

13.7

18.0

Third Xing-yongzhong

40.1

29.5

32.9

Second Xing-yongzhong

16.7

32.2

3 1.0

Ni-yongzhong

29.0

38.3

32.7

Mawangcun chime no. V

72.5

64.3

70.0

Average

39.1

33.1

34.0

Yongzhong from Lijialou (6 bells from set B?)

18.6

14.6

16.4

Lithophone from Shangmacun tomb no. 13

10.2

7.4

9.0

Niuzhong from Shangmacun tomb no. 13

14.3

13.2

14.0

Wangsun Gao-yongzhong (higher register only)

84.6

61.2

61.8

Zeng niuzhong, chime U2+3

33.5

40.7

37.8

Zeng yongzhong, chime M1

27.0

31.1

28.1

Zeng yongzhong, chime M2

20.3

15.2

16.2

Zeng yongzhong, chime M3

23.0

11.6

10.5

Zeng yongzhong, chime L1+2

54.2

41.1

42.3

Lithophone from Sanmenxia (Houchuan tomb no. 2041? ) 26.5

10.3

16.8

Biao-niuzhong

41.4

17.1

19.2

Jingli-niuzhong

22.4

14.8

19.1

Average

31.3

23.2

24. 2

Eastern Zhou

NOTE. Average deviations within each chime from the supposed standards are calculated on the basis of the do listed in table 11 (for the raw cent figures, see Appendix 4). Natural (or "just") tuning prefers the simplest mathematical relations between frequencies; the tempering system referred to here is equal-tempered intonation. For an explanation of the method of generating notes through the Spiral of Fifths, see Chapter 8.

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both in establishing the conventional scaling principles and in tuning individual bells after casting. Regardless of which intonation system one takes as a standard of reference, we may observe that the overall accuracy of bell-tuning significantly increased from Western to Eastern Zhou, especially in small and mediumsized bells. Table 14 shows that average deviations from the intonation standards in terms of each of the three systems decreased by more than 10 cents. An average deviation of ca. 10-15 cents from natural intonation seems to have been the maximum accuracy realizable by even the most expert Eastern Zhou bell manufacturers; the Shangmacun niuzhong and, among the Zeng bells, the third yongzhong chime of the middle tier, stand out as particularly successful efforts in this regard. The intonation of large bells presented significant problems, however, as witnessed by the lower-tier Zeng bells. Interestingly, the two lithophones included in table 14 are considerably closer to the three intonation standards than any of the bell-chimes, doubtless because chimestones were easier to tune than two-tone bells (see Chapter 3). Evidently, over the course of the Zhou dynasty, the suspended music of the Chinese Bronze Age not only became richer, more complex, and more musically versatile but also grew ever more pleasant to listen to.

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Chapter Eight Musical Theory through the Zeng Inscriptions The Conception of Tone in the Zeng Inscriptions The inscriptions on the Zeng bells are unique among the epigraphic remains of the Chinese Bronze Age. All other known bell inscriptions, like inscriptions on other kinds of ritual bronzes, are self-congratulatory messages; they inform the ancestors in Heaven of their earthly descendants' merits and continuing piety. Examples have been quoted in Chapter 1. By contrast, the inscriptions on the Zeng bells and chimestones relate directly to the musical function of the instruments on which they are placed. Among other things, they provide tone definitions, on which we can reconstruct Zeng musical theory in some detail.1 We must recognize that the inscriptions have little direct connection to the musical function of the bells. Those on the Zeng yongzhong were placed in such a way that the most extensive body of their tone-naming information faced into the rectangular space framed by the bell-rackthat is, toward the audience. The outward-facing sides of the bells all contain a briefer dedicatory inscription and abbreviated names of the tones. Since the yongzhong on the lower and middle tiers are tilted in opposite directions, the kind of information found on the recto faces of the lower-tier yongzhong appears on the verso of the middle-tier yongzhong and vice versa. This, incidentally, proves once again that, at some level, the entire Zeng yongzhong assemblage must have been conceived as a unity. The placement of the tone-naming inscription toward the audience must be of key

1. Transcriptions of the Zeng bell and lithophone inscriptions may be found in Yinyue Yanjiu 1981 (1):3-16; also in Rao and Zeng 1985, 129-48, with an index on pp. 157-79. Tan and Feng (1988) report that the bell inscriptions number 3,755 characters, 187 thereof inscribed on the bell-rack and 740 on the suspension armature. Rubbings and photographs have so far been published only for a small number of the inscriptions.

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significance to understanding the inscriptions, but beyond this general insight, the exact underlying rationale remains mysterious. That the viewers were meant to read the tone definitions from a distance is out of the question. Nor could the inscriptions have been intended for the orientation of the performers, because the majority of the music-related information appears on the verso faces of the middle-tier yongzhong; when the bells were suspended, that portion of their surface could not be seen without crouching underneath the bell-rack from the side opposite the musicians. It was hence obviously impractical to consult the inscriptions during performances. We shall further consider the problem of the inscriptions' function below. The recto sides of the middle-tier yongzhong (see fig. 11), which, when suspended, tilted toward the player, were inscribed only with one brief phrase: "Marquis Yi of Zeng made [this], preserve [it]!" (Zeng Hou Yi zuo chi , plus rudimentary designations for the A- and B-tones. By contrast, the verso faces of the middletier bells usually provide multiple definitions of both tones, which, as on the recto, are placed at the respective striking points. If the bell-players were well versed in musical theory, they may be assumed to have known these definitions by heart. It is possible that the limited tonal information on the recto served to evoke the memory of the more complex tone-naming texts written on the verso face; but this would seem to be contradicted by the reversed placement of the two kinds of inscriptions on the lower-tier bells. How, then, are tones named in the Zeng inscriptions? Let us consider as an example the verso inscription of the largest yongzhong in the second chime on the middle tier, M2-12. The text in the center of the bell-face, on the striking point of the A-tone, runs as follows: Gong of PINGHUANG of XLNZHONG

, qianshang of GUXIAN , zhi of ZHUO-SHOUZHONG

, jue of MUZHONG .

, gongzeng

For the B-tone, which can be produced by striking either to the left or the right of the gu, there are two separate inscriptions; on the right side of the gu, we read: Yu of SHOUZHONG XINZHONG ;

, zhi of MUZHONG

, yuzeng of GUXIAN

, gong Of ZHUO-

and on the left side:

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Xi of YINGZHONG , zhibu of XINZHONG , shang of ZHUO-WENWANG .2

, next jue of ZHUO-PINGHUANG

To the uninitiated, this must sound highly enigmatic. But although much of the terminology used in the Zeng inscriptions was unknown before the discovery of Marquis Yi's tomb in 1978, part of it is familiar from the classical literature.3 Comparison with the traditional Chinese tone nomenclature provides a key to understanding the system as a whole. Such terms as gong , shang , jue and so forth, are used even in present-day Chinese music: they designate moveable notes (yin , or sheng ), comparable to do, re, mi, and so on, as used in the Anglo-American choralmusic tradition.4 Terms such as SHOUZHONG and GUXIAN are known as lü (pitch standards); for the time being, we may provisionally liken them to the names of tonalities. In Western musical terminology, we might approximately render the string of terms defining the A-tone of the just-mentioned bell M2-12 (measured as 284.8 Hz = 4947 cents)5 as "do in the key of D, re in the key of C, mi in the key of B-flat," and so forth. Alternatively, we could also conceptualize the yin as intervals between notes, and the lü as tones of fixed frequency; in Western terminology, the A-tone of M2-12 might accordingly be expressed as "prime in relation to D, major second in relation to C, major third in relation to B-flat," and so forth. Both attempts at translation, though imperfect, make evident the relational character of tones as conceptualized by the Zeng musical theorists. Any tone can be referred to by many names, its designation at any time depending on its relationships with the other tones in a given piece of music. The Zeng inscriptions indicate a series of such names for each tone; how many terms are indicated for each tone seems to depend primarily on the amount of space available on the bell surface. The tone-naming inscriptions on the striking points on the recto face of the Zeng middle-tier yongzhong differ from the verso in that they do not indicate the pitch standard (lü). On the recto of bell M2-12, for example, only the names of the notes (yin)shang for the A-tone and yuzeng for the B-toneare indicated. In the verso inscription, translated above, the bell's A-tone is desig-

2. Yinyue Yanjiu 1981 (1):10. 3. The following discussion draws on several important philological studies of the Zeng inscriptions: Qiu Xigui 1979, Qiu and Li 1981 and 1988, Rao and Zeng 1985, Feng Shi 1986. From a musical point of view, the inscriptions have been studied by Huang Xiangpeng 1981 and 1983b, Li Chunyi 1981, Pan Jianming 1982, Tong Zhongliang 1984 and 1988, and others. 4. In France and Italy, the terms do (ut), re, mi, etc., have for a long time been used to designate notes of fixed pitch, equivalent to C-D-E in the Anglo-American tradition. This is not the meaning of the Chinese yin names in the present context. 5. This is the measurement published by the Shanghai Museum (Shanghai Bowuguan Jikan 2 [1982]:91).

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nated as qianshang (= lower-octave shang) of GUXIAN, and the B-tone is given as yuzeng of GUXIAN. The intended pitch standard (lü) of the recto inscriptions thus must be GUXIAN. Comprehensive comparison of this sort reveals that GUXIAN is implied by the recto inscriptions on all middle-tier yongzhong (as well as by the verso inscriptions on all lower-tier yongzhong): it is undoubtedly the main pitch standard of reference for that part of the Zeng bell assemblage. The do referred to in analyzing the tone distribution on the Zeng yongzhong in Chapter 7 is none other than gong of GUXIAN , which (as tone measurements on the Zeng bells reveal) is approximately equivalent to C. The moveable yin notes are useful because they can describe melody without regard to pitch. The function of the pitch standards (lü) is complementary to that of the notes (yin): the lü coordinate the pitches of different musical instruments in an ensemble. The musical system documented by the Zeng inscriptions can be distilled into gamuts of twelve yin and twelve lü; however, considerable complication is introduced by the presence of numerous alternative terms that are synonymous with others. Close analysis reveals that the Zeng inscriptions synthesize fragments of a number of different but related musical systems. As a first step toward elucidating the overall structure of early Warring States period musical theory, we shall scrutinize the note (yin) and pitch-standard (lü) nomenclatures in the Zeng inscriptions. The Yin Notes Simplifying matters somewhat, we may start out by stating that the yin nomenclature in the Zeng inscriptions uses four simple (monosyllabic) and eight complex (binominal) names to designate twelve notes per octave (table 15). The four simple yin names are gong (do), shang (re), zhi (sol), and yu (la). The complex yin names are formed by adding the suffixes jue and zeng to each of these four. They function as follows: The element jue raises a note by a major third, gongjue thus being equal to mi in Western nomenclature, shangjue to fa-sharp, zhijue to si, and yujue to do-sharp. Jue is sometimes alternatively rendered as bu (= ) "altered." The suffix zeng raises a note by two superimposed major thirds: gongzeng thus corrresponds to sol-sharp, shangzeng to la-sharp, zhizeng to re-sharp, and yuzeng to fa. Because the interval of an octave equals three superimposed major thirds, one may also conceptualize the four notes named with the suffix zeng as situated one major third below the corresponding notes of monosyllabic name, but an interpretation as two major thirds above appears substantiated by etymology (zeng very probably stands for zeng

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TABLE 15. Nomenclature of Notes (Yin) in the Zeng Inscriptions Zeng inscriptions

Traditional texts

12

zhijue

biangong

11

shangzeng

qingyu

10

yu

yu

9

gongzeng

bianyu, qingzhi

8

zhi

zhi

7

shangjue

bianzhi

6

yuzeng

qingjue

5

gongjue

jue

4

zhizeng

bianjue, qingshang

3

shang

shang

2

yujue

bianshang, qinggong

1

gong

gong

"augment"), and by the alternative rendering of zeng as buxiajue

"next jue after the alteration."6

In traditional Chinese musical theory, the term jue is well known, but not as a suffix: it is instead the name of the note mi. Given that mi is a major third above do, it is easy to see that this meaning is closely related to the function of jue as a suffix modifying other notes by a major third. In the Zeng inscriptions (as, e.g., in the inscription of bell M2-12, quoted above), gongjue is often simply rendered as jue or xiajue "next jue." Evidently, therefore, designating the note mi must have been the primary meaning of jue as a musical term even in the fifth century. From this we may infer that the systematically defined gamut of twelve notes (yin) in the Zeng inscriptions is secondary to the pentatonic gamut of gong, shang, jue, zhi, and yu. These "Five Notes" (wu yin ) have remained the basis of traditional Chinese musical theory throughout its recorded history. At the stage of the Zeng inscriptions, the "Five Notes" do not yet seem to have formed a closed set; indeed, the yin nomenclature throughout the Zeng inscriptions is considerably less regular than might appear from the somewhat idealizing presentation given so far. For almost every note of the pentatonic gamut the inscriptions give variant names, some of which appear to indicate

6. Huang Xiangpeng (1981) has contrived an explanation of bu and buxiajue as implying a movement upward (a "sharp" major third, so to speak), while zeng and jue imply a downward ("flat") movement. This view has no philological or musicological basis; the four terms constitute two entirely synonymous pairs, differing primarily with respect to their roles in the two basic tone-naming inscription types explained below.

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equivalents in higher or lower octaves.7 Pitch is also indicated, albeit in a somewhat inconsistent manner, by a variety of affixes specifying whether a tone is "high" or "low,"8 a system that may hark back to a stage at which octavically identical notes were not yet referred to by the same terms.9 A related phenomenon, which we will discuss below, may be seen in connection with the pitch standards (lü). Although the Zeng bells provide the earliest datable occurrence of gong, shang, jue, zhi, and yu as the names of the Five Notes,10 these names must have had considerably earlier origins. In the Zeng inscriptions, we find them in a state of secondary elaboration: here the original pentatonic set of notes with simple monosyllabic names has been extended to encompass twelve notes per octave. By using major thirds to define additional complex notes, the late Zhou music theoreticians had obtained a closed set of exactly twelve notes in which no two names overlap. This system is unusual in that the complex notes are located four semitones removed from the unprefixed ones, with other, completely unrelated notes in between (table 15). In the traditional Chinese system of yin nomenclature, just as in the West, affixes indicate the semitones immediately adjacent to the basic notes of the gamut. This simpler, though less elegant, principle of extending the pentatonic gamut of notes was also known to the Zeng musicians, as evidenced by the occurrence, in some of the inscriptions, of the prefix bian , which lowers a note by one semitone (e.g., bianzhi = sol-flat). One may suppose that the use of such semitonic prefixes is older than the sophisticated nomenclature involving the suffixes jue and zeng.11 That nomenclature, which is based on major thirds, appears to have been contrived for systematic purposes; known so far only from the Zeng inscriptions, it may not have enjoyed wide currency in pre-Qin China.

7. Sun [?] (perhaps pronounced gong) appears as an alternate for gong ; jue [?] , gui , the character (pronunciation unclear), and wei appear as alternates for jue as the name of a note; zhong for zhi ; zhu , gu , and xi (three terms with similar reconstructed archaic pronunciations) for yu (which is often written with a double phonetic as ). No alternative name is indicated for shang . 8. The adjectives da "large" and shao "small" are used to indicate, respectively, lower and higher octavic pitch. Fan "return, overturn" occurs as a suffix with the same meaning as shao; the prefixes jia (etymologically and semantically related to jia ''add to, increase") and qian (perhaps etymologically related to qian "transfer, transpose") are synonymous with da. 9. In addition to the terms already mentioned, the Zeng inscriptions record three terms that seem to denote yin in a particular octave: Zhongbo , the "Middle bo-bell (L2-3A)," denotes a low-pitched mi of GUXIAN (Rao Zongyi in Rao and Zeng 1985, 8); the enigmatic Xi [?] bo (L2-1A), a low-pitched sol of GUXIA (Qiu and Li 1981, 20; Rao Zongyi in Rao and Zeng 1985, 10; Huang Xiquan 1988); and Yinhe "Tonal Harmony (M3-4B)," a high-pitched yuzeng of GUXIAN (Qiu and Li 1981, 21). All three binomes curiously resemble the names of pitch standards (lü) such as HUANGZHONG, presented later on in this chapter. 10. The earliest textual occurrences of these terms are discussed further below. 11. Bian also figures prominently in later traditional Chinese musical theory. Its opposite, the prefix qing , which raises a note by one semitone, does not occur in the Zeng inscriptions.

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TABLE 16. Nomenclature of Pitch Standards (Lü) in the Zeng Inscriptions Traditional Texts

Zeng Inscriptions

Other than Zhou Li

Octavic equivalents Zhou Li

"Zeng" set

Zhou set

12 JIAZHONG

JIAZHONG

11 TAICOU

TAICOU

10 DALÜ

DALÜ

9 HUANGZHONG

HUANGZHONG HUANGZHONG YINGZHONG

8 YINGZHONG

YINGZHONG

7 WUYI

WUYI

6 NANLÜ

NANLÜ

5 YIZE

YIZE

4 LINZHONG

HANZHONG

3 SUIBIN

SUIBIN

2 ZHONGLÜ

XIAOLÜ

1 GUXIAN

GUXIAN

Jin set

Qi set

Shen set Chu set zhuo-GUXIAN

TAICOU

MUYIN

LIEYIN

BANZHONG

MUZHONG zhuo-MUZHONG

YINGYIN

SHOUZHONG zhuo-SHOUZHONG

WUYI

YINGZI

LÜYIN

XINZHONG zhuo-XINZHONG

HANYIN

WENWANG zhuo-WENWANG

SUIBIN

YIZE

PINGHUANG zhuo-PINGHUANG

GUXIAN

XUANZHONG

LIUYONG

LÜZHONG

NOTE. The principal pitch standards in the various nomenclatures, where known, are in boldface type.

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The Lü Pitch Standards In the inscription on bell M2-12, quoted above, we notice two kinds of lü names: binominal names, such as SHOUZHONG and GUXIAN, and names that are prefixed by the term zhuo , which means "muddy," or, in a musical sense, "flat." The Zeng inscriptions provide some twenty-two different binominal lü names; but zhuo appears in conjunction with only six of them: GUXLAN , PINGHUANG , WENWANG , XINZHONG , SHOUZHONG , and MUZHONG (see table 16). As we shall see, this set of lü is closely linked in the Zeng inscriptions with the state of Chu. When we define the note gong (do) with respect to each of these six lü, we find that the six notes so obtained are spaced at equal intervals,12 forming the following set: C, D, E, F-sharp, G-sharp, and A-sharp. If these tones were played in succession, the result would be what Western musical theory is wont to call a whole-tone scale, but we must remember that in the musical system documented by the Zeng inscriptions, musically relevant tone sequences or melodies cannot be expressed by a succession of different pitch standards (lü), or as gong (do) defined with reference to different pitch standards (lü). (In this system, a whole-tone scale is properly conceptualized as a succession of moveable notes, e.g., as gong, shang, gongjue, shangjue, gongzeng, shangzeng [do, re, mi, fa-sharp, sol-sharp, la-sharp], which may be defined in terms of any lü.) Abbreviating somewhat, we may say nevertheless that the six lü just enumerated form an equidistant hexatonic set. The six pitch standards that are prefixed by zhuo occupy the intermediary positions between those six, where zhuo lowers the gong (do) of the unprefixed pitch standard (lü) in question by one semitone. Here again, the six gong (do) taken together form an equidistant hexatonic set (B, C-sharp, D-sharp, F, G, A). If we combined the two sets and arranged their twelve gong in sequence of pitch, the twelve tones amount to a full chromatic set (table 16). The six pitch standards (lü) with their "muddy" counterparts thus form an equidistant dodecatonic gamutthe most complete set of pitch standards among the several documented in the Zeng inscriptions. We may conceive of the "muddy" lü in two ways: as subordinate to or complementary to the hexatonic core. That a "muddy" and an unprefixed pitch standard were definitely aspects of one and the same lü is suggested by inscriptions on four bamboo pitch-pipes recently discovered at the Chu tomb no. 21 at Yutaishan, Jiangling (Hubei) (fig. 140), in which some of the non-"muddy" lü

12. In doing so, we implicitly liken the lü to tones of fixed pitches (comparable to the Western C-D-E), which may be conducive to the conceptual muddling of yin and lü characteristic of later Chinese musical theory (see below).

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Figure 140. Fragments of pitchpipes (or panflute pipes) excavated in 1986 from tomb no. 21 at Yutaishan, Jiangling (Hubei). Warring States period (fourth century B. C.). names are prefixed with a character readable as ding "determined" (perhaps equivalent to zheng "correct"); "muddy" pitch standards also occur.13 In the Zeng inscriptions, moreover, each of the sixteen lü that never occur prefixed by zhuo is equivalent to one of the six unprefixed pitch standards just examined. For each of those six principal pitch standards (table 16), the inscriptions provide at least two and as many as five different names; by contrast, the "muddy" lü have no additional names. This demonstrates a preference for the hexatonic core set of lü, compared to which the "muddy'' lü are secondary and apparently less important. The term zhuo "muddy," perhaps originating in Chu, may have been a new invention at the time of the Zeng inscriptions. Historically, the twelvepart set of pitch standards (lü) seems to be have been devised later than the hexatonic core. Eighteen "equivalency formulas," which are embedded in selected tone-naming inscriptions, coordinate the multiple names of pitch standards.14 They

13. Wenwu 1988 (5):35-38; Tan 1988. 14. Two lü names are documented from the inscriptions on the Zeng rack only; it is not known to which pitches they corresponded or to which state they belonged.

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correlate the lüsystems of different states in Eastern Zhou China. For example, the definition for the A-tone of bell L1-2 runs as follows: Gong of SUIBIN . As to SUIBIN, in Chu it is called PINGHUANG called YIZE . Jiagui of TAICOU , gongzeng of WUYI shangjue of HUANGZHONG .15

; in Shen it is ,

All in all, the Zeng inscriptions provide equivalents for seven pitch standards with binominal names for Chu , two each for Zhou and Jin , and one each for Qi and Shen . Nine names that are not linked explicitly to any particular state (such as SUIBIN in the example just quoted) are thought to constitute the indigenous Zeng system. It is of particular interest that five of the six lü names that possess "muddy" alternates (e.g., PINGHUANG in the above example) are unambiguously linked in the inscriptions with Zeng's powerful neighbor Chu.16 The political aspects of these lü correlations will occupy us in the following chapter. Like the yin names reviewed above, each lü name originally seems to have been restricted in its pitch-range to a single octave. For example, six of the nine lü names said to be of the state of Zeng form an equidistant hexatonic set; the three supernumerary names have been explained as identifying alternate lü pitched an octave higher.17 Some of the other pitch standards named in the equivalency formulas are also specified as positioned in a higher octave. Part of the definition of the B-tone of bell L2-2, for example, is "Gong of TAICOU , its turnover [fan ] is called BANZHONG in Jin ."18 The expression here rendered as "turnover" also occurs as a suffix of yin names, where it indicates the equivalent note one octave above.19 The nine-part "Zeng'' set of pitch standards thus extended its hexatonic coverage over one and one-half octaves. From the classical texts, we know binominal lü names similar, indeed partly identical, to those inscribed on the Zeng bells (see table 16). The earliest occurrence of one of these binominal lü names in a musical meaning seems to be that

15. Yinyue Yanjiu 1981 (1):4. The "equivalency formula" is highlighted in boldface. 16. Curiously, the lü name GUXIAN, which appears prefixed with zhuo, is not linked with Chu in the inscriptions; on the other hand, its so-designated Chu equivalents, LÜZHONG and XUANZHONG , never appear in connection with zhuo. 17. Huang Xiangpeng 1981, 24. 18. Yinyue Yanjiu 1981 (1):5. 19. Li Chunyi (1981) has read fan as ban "one-half," implying that if the two notes were produced on a string, the gong of BANZHONG would have been half the length of the gong of TAICOU.

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of WUYI in the inscription on the late Western Zhou Nangong Hu-yongzhong; we shall return to that inscription in the following chapter.20 In the late pre-Qin texts, the "traditional" pitch standards (lü) form closed dodecatonic sets of twelve.21 Significantly, in these sets of twelve, no inherent philological distinction is made between "ordinary" and "muddy" pitch standards: all lü names are "simple'' binominal terms of similar form. In emphasizing a central set of six lü and defining alternate lü beyond the scope of one octave, the system of pitch standards documented by the Zeng inscriptions differs decisively from that of the classical texts. It is instructive in this connection to look at those lü names in the Zeng inscriptions that have equivalents in the "traditional" set of pitch standards; with one exception, all of these belong to the set of nine lü assumed to be indigenous to Zeng.22 Five of them correspond exactly in their relative positions to those of the traditional set: GUXIAN, SUIBIN, WUYI, HUANGZHONG , and TAICOU. The remaining three, YINGZHONG ,23XUANZHONG ,24 and HANYIN ,25 are positioned one semitone above their traditional equivalents; HANYIN is a name for the sixth lü of the hexatonic core set above GUXIAN (see table 16); and YINGZHONG and XUANZHONG are alternants to HUANGZHONG and GUXIAN in a higher octave. These three terms appear to have undergone a change in significance between the time of the Zeng inscriptions and the earliest enumerations of pitch standards in the transmitted texts (see below). At some point, the meanings of some preexisting lü names designating octavic alternates to the pitch standards in the hexatonic core set were changed to give binominal names to the six pitch standards that are defined as "muddy" in the Zeng inscriptions.

20. This important bell (see fig. 33) was excavated in 1979 at Baozigou, Fufeng (Shaanxi) (reference in Appendix 1). Besides the bell-face, which bears the main inscription, the shank of the Nangong Hu-yongzhong features a separate inscription that reads: "The Situ official Nangong Hu made a set of harmonically-tuned chime-bells. This bell's name is 'WUYI' ." No other bells of the same set have been found so far. For more extensive treatment see Falkenhausen 1988, 906-07, 1000-39 and passim. 21. The lü names differ somewhat among different texts. In table 16, the most commonly used names (as seen in Guo Yu "Zhou Yu," Li Ji "Yueling," Lüshi Chunqiu "Yinlü," Huainan Zi "Tianwen," Shi Ji, "Lüshu," and Han Shu "Lüli-zhi") are placed in column 1. Column 2 indicates the variants found in Zhou Li: Chun'guan "Dasiyue" and "Dashi." The Zhou Li consistently uses HANZHONG instead of LINZHONG , and XIAOLÜ instead of ZHONGLÜ ; HUANZHONG appears as an alternate of JIAZHONG in only one instance (references below). 22. The only exception is the sole lü of Shen mentioned in the Zeng inscriptions, YIZE, which corresponds in name, but not in relative position, to one of the lü in the transmitted set. 23. In the so-called Zeng set of lü, YINGZHONG is named YINGYIN . However, the same lü is designated YINGZHONG in the Zhou set. 24. XUANZHONG is identical to HUANZHONG , which occurs once in the Zhou Li as a variant of JIAZHONG (Zhou Li Zhengyi 43:1a). 25. HANYIN is identical to HANZHONG , which occurs in the Zhou Li (Qiu Xigui 1979, 30; Asahara 1987, 117n.79); in other texts, the same lü is named LINZHONG .

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In summary, the Zeng inscriptions represent a stage at which a full dodecatonic gamut of twelve pitch standards had not yet been defined and at which octavic equivalency could not yet be taken for granted. The nine lü names said to pertain to the state of Zeng do not form a closed dodecatonic gamut limited to one octave but an extended hexatonic gamut reaching out into a second octave. Tone-Definition Distribution Patterns Looking again at the inscription quoted above from bell M2-12, we notice that both A-tone and B-tone are defined as notes with respect to GUXIAN, MUZHONG, and XINZHONG. In that inscription, other lü names occur only in connection with one or the other of the two tones. Theoretically, with twelve yin and twelve lü, every tone could be defined in twelve different ways; but there is nowhere near enough space on the surface of any of the bells to accommodate such a twelve-part tone-definition sequence. We may wonder, therefore, whether the inscriptions show any consistent preference for certain lü, or for pairing certain lü with certain yin. By comparing the inscriptions on the three sets of bells in the middle tier, we may in fact discover two such patterns, which will be referred to as System A and System B.26 The differences between the two, which illustrate the nature of Zeng musical theory as a whole, are noteworthy. We may recall from Chapter 7 that sets M1 and M2 are virtually identical in their tone distributions except for bell M2-10, which has no equivalent in M1; this near-identity extends to the inscriptions on these bells, M2-10 again being exceptional. The tone definitions in these inscriptions contain the names of both ordinary and "muddy" pitch standards (lü). As to yin notes, there is a predominance of simple (monosyllabic) names, bespeaking a tendency to define each tone in terms of those lü with respect to which it is a note of the pentatonic gamut. In particular, only monosyllabic notes occur in connection with "muddy" lü names. Complex (binominal) yin names do occur in the M1 and M2 inscriptions, but they are defined only with respect to two lü: CUXIAN and XINZHONG, three whole tones (half an octave) apart from one another (fig. 141). This is significant, for, as we have seen at the beginning of this chapter, GUXIAN is the principal pitch standard in the Zeng yongzhong; and the do of reference for most of the niuzhong on the upper tier of the Zeng bell-rack (set U2 + 3) is half an octave removed from that of the middle- and lower-tier yongzhong (see Chapter 7). In addition to defining each tone as a member of various

26. I first discovered this phenomenon in 1985 (Falkenhausen 1985; see also Feng Guangsheng 1988a).

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pentatonic sets of notes, the inscriptions on the M1 and M2 bells thus stress the two principal lü in Marquis Yi's bell assemblage. Clearly, in this manner, which I shall designate as System A, the inscriptions serve to integrate the tone distributions of the various components of the Zeng suspended music. An idea of System B may be gained by looking at the distribution of tone definitions in the third set of bells on the middle tier (M3), which is quite different from the patterns of M1 and M2. "Muddy" lü do not occur in the M3 inscriptions at all; on the other hand, complex (binominal) yin names are seen just as frequently as simple ones. In these inscriptions, tone is defined only with respect to the six lü of the equidistant hexatonic set. Whether or not a given note is a member of a pentatonic gamut of notes with respect to a particular lü seems immaterial: the emphasis is entirely on the equidistant spacing of lü (fig. 142). Here, too, GUXIAN and XINZHONG play prominent roles, only partly accounted for by the fact that both belong to the basic set of six; many tones are defined twice with respect to each of these two lü. Significantly, moreover, only the six binominal lü names of Chu (the ones that can be prefixed by zhuo) are used in System A. In contrast to this, the lü terminology in System Btype inscriptions

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Figure 142. Distribution of tone definitions in the Zeng inscriptions, System B: bell-chimes L1 + 2 and M3, plus bell no. M2-10 and several members of chime L1 + 2 that have System B-type inscriptions (marked by symbols used in fig. 141). The structure of the tabulation and abbreviation key are the same as in fig. 141. It should be noted that the pitch standards abbreviated on the horizontal axis are also correlated in the inscriptions to their equivalents in other systems of pitch-standard nomenclature (cf. table 16). The presence of an equivalency formula correlating the pitch standards of different states is indicated by white space within the symbol for a tone; the regularity in the placement of these equivalency expressions throughout the chime is striking.

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is far richer, necessitating equivalency formulas that correlate different lü nomenclatures. In System A, which has no need for such equivalency inscriptions, they are absent. There are several other discrepancies between these two systems, principally regarding the details of yin nomenclature.27 In addition to the bell-chimes M1 and M2, System A-type nomenclature prevails on the Zeng lithophone,28 as well as on three yongzhong of the lower-tier assemblage (bells nos. L1-1, L2-9, and L2-10); it is also fundamental to the inscription pattern observable on the recently discovered pitch-pipes from tomb no. 21 at Yutaishan.29 Inscriptions of System B type, on the other hand, occur on the bell-chime M3 as well as on most of the bells on the lower tier, the tone distribution on which, as noted in Chapter 7, forms a unity with that of M3; the somewhat abbreviated inscriptions on the upper-tier Zeng niuzhong also seem to be akin to this type. The dual tone-definition patterns are systemically complementary. System A stresses the Five Notes (yin) in their pristine, monosyllabic form; the pitch standards are adjusted to the yin, with the result that both ordinary and "muddy" lü occur, whereas complex yin are avoided (except with GUXIAN and XINZHONG, as explained above). In System B, by contrast, the six lü are primary, and the yin are adjusted to the lü, requiring, as a consequence, both simple and complex yin names, while "muddy" lü are absent. The presence of chimes representing both systems among the sixty-five bells from Marquis Yi's tomb is not accidental; on the contrary, their interplay constitutes a central feature in the overall design of the Zeng bell assemblage. That the cooccurrence must have been deliberately intended is indicated, for instance, by the peculiarities of bell M2-10, one of the three bells highlighted in Chapter 7 as overarchingly unifying the tone distribution of the entire Zeng bell assemblage. Alone among the bells in sets M1 and M2, M2-10 has an inscription of the System B type, even though its stylistic

27. In System A inscriptions, the prefix bian never occurs; xiajue and bu are sometimes used instead of jue, but never buxiajue instead of zeng. In inscriptions of System B type, bian is used with some frequency; bu and xiajue never occur instead of jue, but zeng is sometimes replaced by buxiajue. Expressions of the type "bu of the unmodified gong/shang ( ) " (Qiu and Li 1981, 20; Rao Zongyi in Rao and Zeng 1985, 12; Huang Xiquan 1988) are limited to System B. Alternate yin names (see n. 7 above) are much more numerous in System A than System B. Octavic differentiation by means of da and shao, as well as qian (see n. 8 above), is frequent in System A; in System B, shao occurs seldom and da and qian, never. Conversely, the usage of jia and the three fixed yin names is limited to System B. 28. There is one very curious difference within System A between the distributions of tone definitions in the M1 and M2 bells as opposed to the Zeng lithophone. Whereas in the former, as we have seen, complex yin names occur in connection with the pitch standards GUXIAN and XINZHONG, the lithophone inscriptions feature, instead, XINZHONG and zhuo-GUXIAN. Instead of a tritone, these two lü are a fifth apart, an interval also emphasized elsewhere in the lithophone arrangement. By deciding to bring out the fifth in this way, one must sacrifice the emphasis on the equidistant spacing of pitch standards. 29. See n. 13.

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attributes correspond exactly to those of the other bells of the M2 chime, which differ externally from the other Zeng yongzhong in lacking mei bosses. Thus, M2-10 cannot have been secondarily inserted into M2, from, for example, set M3. The only possible conclusion is that the casters and music-masters of Zeng, when manufacturing this assemblage of bells, intended to express a duality of concepts of tone definitions, differentially emphasizing the notes (yin) and the pitch standards (lü). Because both systems occur on bell-chimes emitting virtually identical tone distributions, the different theoretical conceptualizations of tones cannot have been of much influence on musical practice. The Historical Position of the Zeng Musical Terminology Complementary Sets of Pitch Standards (Lü) An overriding concern with musical systematics emerges as the most salient characteristic of the Zeng inscriptions. It is especially evident in their dodecatonic yin nomenclature, which is based on successive major thirds. As we have seen, this nomenclature seems to be derived from, and proved to be less enduring than, the pentatonic yin nomenclature in the traditional texts, in which other notes may be indicated by semitonal prefixes. With respect to the notes (yin), then, the late pre-Qin texts, such as the Guo Yu, Zhou Li, and Lüshi Chunqiu, seem to preserve the older system, while the Zeng inscriptions, though earlier than those texts, appear to document a specifically Warring States (and perhaps specifically Chu) yin nomenclature. The case of the Zeng lü nomenclature, with its complementary hexatonic sets of unprefixed and "muddy" lü, appears to be different from that of the yin: the twelve lü in the late pre-Qin texts, each referred to by a binominal designation, seem clearly posterior in date to the system of pitch-standard nomenclature documented in the Zeng inscriptions. While espousing a twelve-part set of pitch standards, those classical sources ordinarily specify a gamut of "six pitch standards" (liu lü ) when casually mentioning pitch standards. By comparing the Zeng evidence to various enumerations of lü found in various pre-Qin texts, we can trace the evolution from six to twelve lü. Part of the significance of the Zeng inscriptions in the context of pre-Qin musical history lies in making possible this historical reconstruction. The lü-names recorded in the Zhou Li (third century B.C.) show the greatest similarity to those occurring in some of the Zeng inscriptions (see table 16, column 3). The Zhou Li contains two enumerations of pitch standards. In the section on the Great Instructor (Taishi ), they are listed as two separate sets: the "six pitch standards" (liu lü ), HUANGZHONG , TAICOU , GU-XIAN , SUIBIN , YIZE , and WUYI ; and the "six identicals" or ''accompaniers" (liu tong ), DALÜ , YINGZHONG , XIAOLÜ ,

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HANZHONG , NANLU , and JIAZHONG .30 Both enumerations are arranged as if constituting a scale; but while the lü are listed in an ascending order of pitch (or rather, of the pitch of their gong [do]), the tong are listed in descending order. In the section on the Great Director of Music (Dasiyue ), each lü on the ascending scale is paired with a tong on the descending scale, the interval between the two gong thus increasing from pair to pair. The term tong , whether translated as "identical" or "accompanier," seems to connote the idea that these six pitch standards might be in some way derived from the six pitch standards designated by the Zhou Li as lü: each tong would seem to have been thought of as linked to one of the lü. Based on what we know from the Zeng inscriptions, we may speculate that the original meaning of the term might have been either ''octavic equivalent" or "muddy alternate." But such a meaning is evidently no longer implied in the extant Zhou Li text, with its series of lü and tong running in opposite directions. It is telling that elsewhere in the Zhou Li the six lü and the six tong are collectively referred to as the "Twelve lü."31 A fundamental difference between the concepts of pitch standard (lü) in the Zhou Li and the Zeng inscriptions is apparent from the fact that the connection between the "real" lü of the hexatonic core and the "muddy" lü a semitone removed from them has been severed. Nothing in the Zhou Li enumerations indicates that, for instance, ZHONGLÜ might have been conceived as an alternate (or an "identical") of the adjacent SUIBIN. In this respect, the pitch-standard nomenclature found in the "Zhou Yu" section of the Guo Yu, though probably not much earlier in date than the Zhou Li, is closer to that of the Zeng inscriptions.32 Here, too, the twelve pitch standards are enumerated as two sets: the six pitch standards (liu lü), and the "six intermediaries" (liu jian ), also referred to by the term lü .33 Both are enumerated in an ascending order. That the "intermediaries" (here called DALÜ, JIAZHONG, ZHONGLÜ , LIN-ZHONG , NANLÜ, and YINGZHONG) Occupy the positions in between the six lü is implicit in the term jian . The manner in which the two sets are juxtaposed makes it easy to connect each lü of the hexatonic core to its alternate jian. Significantly, the Guo Yu does not use a term encompassing both the lü and the jian. The Zhou Li, in the two contexts just alluded to, classifies its six lü as yang as yin "female, shadowy" etc. Such a

"male, sunny" etc., and the six tong

30. Zhou Li: Chun'guan "Dashi" (Zhou Li Zhengyi 45:1a). 31. Ibid. "Diantong" (Zhou Li Zhengyi 46:4A). 32. Guo Yu "Zhou Yu-xia" (Tiansheng Mingdao ed., 3:15a-16b); d'Hormon 1985, 321-22; Hart 1973, 396-97. 33. The original meaning of lü is difficult to establish; in the present case, it undoubtedly means something like "muddy pitch standard (lü)." The semantic relationship with lü "accompany" suggested by Wei Zhao's (A.D. 197-278) commentary on Guo Yu "Zhou Yu" (loc. cit., 16a) may be etymologically relevant.

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TABLE 17. Order of Lü Enumeration in Various Classical Texts 1 2

3

4 5

6

7

8

9

10

11 12

I. Enumeration as two complementary sets a. Guo Yu "Zhou Yu"

HZTC GX SB YZEWY DL JZ

ZL LZ NL YZH

b. Zhou Li: Chun'guan "Dashi"

HZTC GX SB YZEWY DL YZHNL HAZXL JZ

II. Enumeration in chromatic order a. Lüshi Chunqiu "Yinlü," Huainan Zi "Tianwen-xun" (first and second enumerations), Shi Ji "Lü Shu" (first enumeration) HZDE TC JZ GX ZL SB LZ YZENL WYYZH b. Huainan Zi "Tianwen-xun" (third enumeration)

HZYZHWYNLYZELZ SB ZL GX JZ

c. Shi Ji "Lü Shu" (second enumeration)

YZHZ DL TCJZ

d. Li Ji "Yueling"

TCJZ

TC DL

GX ZL SB LZ YZE NL WY

GX ZL SB LZ YZENL WY YZHHZ DL

III. Enumeration according to the Spiral of Fifths: a. Lüshi Chunqiu "Yinlü," Han Shu "Lüli Zhi"

HZLZ TC NLGX YZHSB DL YZEJZ

WYZL

NOTE. DL = DALÜ, GX = GUXIAN, HZ = HUANGZHONG, HAZ = HANZHONG, JZ = JIAZHONG, LZ = LINZHONG, TC = TAICOU, NL = NANLÜ, SB = SUIBIN (or RUIBIN), WY = WUYI, XL = XIAOLÜ, YZE = YIZE, YZH = YINGZHONG, ZL = ZHONGLÜ.

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division has been followed throughout the later history of Chinese musical thought;34 one may wonder, therefore, whether it applies also to the pitch standards of Zeng, where the complementary sets of "ordinary" and "muddy" lü could easily enough be "gendered" in this manner. Yet it must be emphasized that there is no textual evidence for the use of the yin/yang dichotomy in any text predating the end of the fourth century.35 Interestingly, moreover, the Guo Yu refrains from specifically labeling its lü and jian as yin and yang, in spite of the fact that it discusses each of the twelve pitch standards in terms of sweeping yin/yang rhetoric.36 If it is true that the Guo Yu concept of pitch standards is in some respects more conservative than that of the Zhou Li, it seems likely that the lü in the even-earlier Zeng inscriptions were not yet conceived of in terms of yin and yang groups. Such classification probably represents merely a late Warring States afterthought. Conflation of Yin and Lü In most classical sources other than Zhou Li and Guo Yu, the contrast between two complementary sets of six lü is not explicit. Instead, the lü are listed as a single set of twelve, usually in ascending order of the pitches of their gong. A majority of these enumerations start with HIUANGZHONG, the principal lü of traditional Chinese musical theory (see table 17).37 In such enumerations, the Five Notes (wu yin) often appear along with the pitch standards in ways suggesting that both were now regarded as notes of fixed pitch similar to C-D-E in present-day Western usage.38 The earliest passage showing such a tendency is probably a somewhat garbled locus in the Zhou Li.39 In the "Lü shu" chapter of Sima Qian's Shi Ji , written around the

34. The dichotomy of yang lü and yin lu is built into the much-discussed myth of the creation of the pitch-pipes by Music Master Lun , recounted in Lüshi Chunqiu "Guyue" (Sibu Congkan ed., 5:8b-9a; for a ready translation see DeWoskin 1982, 59-60). 35. Schwartz 1985, 350-82; see also the Guo Yu translation by Hart, 77-94. 36. The text assigns the function of "helping along the yang" both to a pitch standard (lü) of the hexatonic core, TAICOU, and to one of the "intermediate pitches," NANLÜ; this perplexed Wei Zhao, who naturally regarded the "intermediate pitches" as yin, rather than as yang. 37. The pitch standard (lü) enumerations in the following loci start on HUANGZHONG: Lüshi Chunqiu "Yinlü" (Sibu Congkan ed., j. 6:3b, second enumeration); Huainan Zi "Tianwen-xun" (Sibu Congkan ed., j. 3:10b-12b, three enumerations, one exceptionally in descending order); and Shi Ji "Lü Shu" (Zhonghua ed., 1249). A second enumeration in Shi Ji "Lü Shu'' (Zhoughua ed., 1243-47) begins on YINGZHONG; and the one in Li Ji "Yueling," on TAICOU (Li Ji Zhushu, j. 14-17 passim; also Lüshi Chunqiu passim). 38. The connoisseur of Western music may notice a curious European parallel to this blurring of distinctions between notes and pitch standards. On the European continent, the use of the do- (ut-) re- mi- series as a solmization system is now virtually obsolete, having been supplanted by notes designating fixed frequencies. Although in Germany, such notes are referred to as C-D-E, etc., they are referred to as do- (ut-) re-mi etc., in Italy and France. 39. Zhou Li: Chun'guan "Dasiyue" (Zhou Li Zhengyi, j. 45:1a-12a).

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turn of the first century B.C., the lü are listed as a set of twelve pitch-pipes of specified lengths. The enumeration proceeds according to the following pattern: The length of HUANGZHONG is 8 cun 1 fen ; this is gong. The length of DALÜ is 7 cun 5-2/3 fen. The length of TAICOU is 7 tun 2 fen, this is shang.40 As enumerated here, the twelve lü-pipes constitute an ascending twelve-tone scale; when appropriate, they are equated to the notes of a pentatonic series. Clearly, this is the series of notes (yin) defined with respect to HUANGZHONG, though Sima Qian seems to see no need to say so explicitly. Such equations of notes and pitch standards would be impractical in the Zeng system of lü nomenclature, with its complementary sets of unprefixed and "muddy" lü; for when superimposing a pentatonic gamut of yin onto the pitch standards documented in the Zeng inscriptions, three yin correspond to unprefixed lü and two to "muddy" lü. The dichotomy is removed only when all twelve pitch standards are assigned binominal lü names. The "Tianwenxun" chapter in Huainan Zi (compiled sometime before 122 B.C.), for example, states that "HUANGZHONG is gong, TAICOU is shang, GUXIAN is jue, LINZHONG is zhi, NANLÜ is yu.''41 Even more directly than in the Shi Ji, each yin is defined as coinciding with one of the twelve lü. Such a conception became possible only as a result of the formation of the traditional set of Twelve lü. In the Zeng system, such a phrase as "TAICOU is shang" would be meaningless; what the Huainan Zi means to express would be expressed, in the parlance of the Zeng inscriptions, as "gong on TAICOU is shang on HUANGZHONG." Similarly, "GUXIAN is jue" would be rendered as "gong on GUXIAN is jue on HUANGZHONG," and so on. The Zeng inscriptions consistently keep the functions of notes (yin) and pitch standards (lü) separate. While yin names sometimes do occur without the pitch standard being explicitly stated (e.g., on the recto faces of the middletier yong-zhong, where the lü GUXIAN is implied throughout), lü names are never seen alone. The dual pattern of tone-definition distributions in the Zeng inscriptions (expressed through System A and System B-type tone definitions) is built on this very tension between the yin and lü dimensions of each tone. Comparison with the Zeng inscriptions reveals that the Shi Ji and Huainan Zi document a fundamental change in the conception of tones, resulting in a situation in which a tone could be defined by stating a pitch standard (lü) by itself. This semantic shift, which must have occurred sometime in late Warring States or

40. Shi Ji "Lü Shu" (Zhonghua ed., 1249). The original text is garbled; 1 follow the emendations by Chavannes (1895-1910, 3:314), based in part on those by Cai Yuanding (1135-1198). 41. Huainan Zi "Tianwen-xun" (Sibu Congkan ed., j. 3:10b).

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early Western Han times, has colored all subsequent understanding of notes and pitch standards.42 The consequences of this conceptual conflation are especially evident in the ways in which the lü were mathematically calculated throughout the two-thousand-year history of Imperial China. No consideration of preImperial Chinese music would be complete without discussing the methods and principles involved in such calculations and exploring possible points of connection to the Zeng chimes and their musical nomenclature. Generation of Notes by "Subtracting or Adding a Third" In the "Yinlü" chapter of the Lüshi Chunqiu (compiled ca. 245 B.C.), pitch standards are for the first time listed according to the Spiral of Fifths principle, well known in Western musical theory. Such a progression can be demonstrated quite elegantly on a string vibrating at a certain frequency, as described by Bell N. Young: After the length of the vibrating string, which produces the fundamental note . . . has been determined, the next note is obtained by multiplying the length of this string by a factor of 2:3. . . . The resultant note is a perfect fifth higher in frequency than [the fundamental note]. . . . The next step is to multiply the length of [the second note] by the factor of 4:3, which results in a note a perfect fourth lower than [that note]. . . . By applying the same process repeatedly. . . . a series of twelve notes is obtained.43 The note obtained by the twelfth step of generation is 1224 cents removed from the fundamental note, a "Pythagorean Comma" of 24 cents in excess of the just octave. Scholars of many dynasties worked at refining the calculations so as to reconcile them with the just octave of 1200 cents; such efforts led to various systems of temperament. A mathematically exact equal-tempered scale of twelve tones was finally calculated by the Ming dynasty prince Zhu Zaiyu (1536-ca. 1610).44 Even since the time of the Lüshi Chunqiu, the method of generating notes through the Spiral of Fifths, which is generally known to Chinese musicologists as the Sanfen Sunyi-fa (roughly, "method of subtracting or adding

42. Influenced by the Han texts, many commentators on the Zeng inscriptions have tended to confuse the terms lü and yin, misunderstanding the musical theory of the inscriptions as a result (e.g., Huang Xiangpeng 1981, Li Chunyi 1981). 43. Young 1980, 261. 44. For treatments of the history of Chinese tuning systems, see Courant 1922, Needham and Robinson 1962, and Wu Nanxun 1964.

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the third part"), has remained the cornerstone of Chinese musical theory. Scrutinizing the textual sources as well as the musical-archaeological evidence, we can point to some indications that a method for calculating notes (yin) by means of the Spiral of Fifths was known in the Bronze Age, though its application to the pitch standards (lü) constitutes a later development incompatible with the principles of the musical theory documented through the Zeng inscriptions. Because the notes obtained by subtracting or adding the third partsituated, respectively, a fifth above and a fourth below the fundamental noteare octavically identical, a set of twelve notes according to the Sanfen Sunyi-fa can be generated by subtracting and adding in any sequence. The various sequences of subtracting and adding in the pitch-standard generation described in different texts are of great interest in tracing the evolution of musical thinking in early Imperial China. As described in Lüshi Chunqiu (fig. 143), the Spiral of Fifths begins on HUANG-ZHONG. It continues through alternating steps of subtracting and adding, producing LINZHONG, TAICOU, NANLÜ, GUXIAN, and YINGZHONG. There follow two successive steps of adding, yielding SUIBIN and DALÜ, after which the alternation of subtracting and adding resumes with YIZE, JIAZHONG, WUYI, and ZHONGLÜ. As a result, when the twelve lü are arranged in chromatic order, the first seven are all derived by inferior and the following five by superior generation; the whole set of notes is neatly confined to the range of one octave. Contrastingly, the Han Shu (first century A.D.) offers an enumeration of lü in which the alternation of superior and inferior generation is unbroken throughout.45 Thus, after the sixth step of generation, the procedure differs from that in Lüshi Chunqiu. The six pitch standards obtained by superior generation and the six obtained by inferior generation form two equidistant hexatonic sets, which are referred to as lü and lü and classified as yin and yang . But when the gong defined with respect to these twelve lü are arranged in order of pitch, they do not form a continuous chromatic scale, and the scope of an octave is exceeded by one-half (fig. 144). Chen Qiyou has shown that the Han Shu list of lü originated from tinkering with the Lüshi Chunqiu text;46 the method of lü enumeration described in Lüshi Chunqiu is clearly earlier than that of the Han Shu. In Greece, the Spiral of Fifths was used by the Pythagoreans in the sixth century B.C., and it may have earlier antecedents in Babylonian musical cosmology. But the Pythagoreans, instead of either subtracting or adding the third part of a vibrating string at each step (and thereby obtaining the fifth above the original tone or its lower octavic equivalent), multiplied the "length" of the original tone

45. Han Shu "Lüli-zhi" (Zhonghua ed., 958-59). 46. Chen Qiyou 1962b.

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Figure 143. Generation of pitch standards according to the Lüshi Chunqiu.

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Figure 144. Generation of pitch standards according to the Han Shu, "Lüli-zhi."

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by 3/2, thereby obtaining a note a fifth deeper than the original. Repeating such a procedure twelve times, they descended downward through seven octaves until regaining an approximate octavic equivalent of the first note. The mathematical differences from the Chinese procedure are evident,47 casting doubt on the suggestion, brought forward by Chavannes and others, that the Chinese obtained knowledge of the Spiral of Fifths from the West.48 The Sanfen Sunyi-fa as seen in connection with the twelve lü in the Lüshi Chunqiu constitutes, at any rate, a highly developed application of "Pythagorean" principles. It must have been known in China for some time previously. But how long? We naturally wonder whether the tone nomenclature in the Zeng inscriptions may reflect an awareness of the Spiral of Fifths. From the vantage point of the Lüshi Chunqiu, we may be tempted to look to the pitch standards for clues in this regard. Upon reflection, however, when considering the function of lü in Zeng musical theory, we should not expect them to have been derived through the Sanfen Sunyi-fa, which is a method of generating a set of notes in certain intervallic relations to one another. Regardless of the absolute pitch of the tone of departure, the mathematical relations between notes always remain the same. But the lü in the Zeng inscriptions, as we have seen, are not notes; they are pitch standards, similar to clefs in Western musical notation, which serve as anchoring points in the tonal realm. In the inscriptions, as we have remarked, no tone is expressed by the name of a lü alone; a tone is primarily identified as "yin x of lü M." Similarly, when generating one tone from another, one always primarily generates one yin from another yin; in such a case, a pitch standard (lü) serves merely to determine the absolute pitch of both tones. We may thus conclude that the idea of deriving the lü from one another by means of "Pythagorean" principles must have been conceived after the conflation of yin and lü, a phenomenon that, in turn, postdates the Zeng inscriptions. Such common-sense deliberations can be followed up by analyzing the lü in the Zeng inscriptions with their two complementary hexatonic sets: the "hexatonic core" of lü with unprefixed binominal names, and the "muddy" lü. If we generated the twelve pitch standards by alternately subtracting and adding the third part (i.e., according to the Sanfen Sunyi-fa), we would obtain an alternating series of lü of the hexatonic core and "muddy" lü; each ''muddy" lü thus generated would correspond to the "muddy" alternate of some core lü other than the one generated just before. For example, GUXIAN yields ZHUO-SHOUZHONG, which yields PINGHUANG, and so forth. It cannot be otherwise, because the Sanfen Sunyi-fa operates with fifths and fourths, and in an equidistant hexatonic set, no two members are spaced either a fifth or a fourth apart from

47. Needham and Robinson 1962, 172-73. 48. See Chapter 7, n. 1.

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one another. In other words, no application of the Sanfen Sunyi-fa can conceivably remain only within one of the above-mentioned complementary hexatonic sets; the procedure always oscillates between the two sets of pitch standards. As we have noted earlier in this chapter, the two sets are probably not coeval; the hexatonic core preceded the "muddy" lü, perhaps by a considerable span of time. Moreover, the pitch-standard nomenclature of the Zeng inscriptions suggests that "muddy" lü were regarded as closely related to their unprefixed counterparts (e.g., ZHUO-SHOUZHONG to SHOUZHONG) and not derived from those a fifth below (in this case, GUXIAN). If generated by "Pythagorean'' principles, on the other hand, a lü of the hexatonic core and its "muddy" alternate would be five steps of generation apart. It seems likely, therefore, that in the time of the Zeng inscriptions, the Sanfen Sunyi-fa was not yet applied to the pitch standards. This conclusion does not, however, exclude the possibility that the method was used with reference to the notes (yin). Indeed, the more we pursue this idea the more likely it appears, though definite proof cannot yet be offered. For example, probably the earliest Chinese textual reference to the Sanfen Sunyi-fa, in the "Diyuan" chapter of the Guan Zi ,49 concerns the notes (yin) and not the pitch standards (lü). The first five notes in a Sanfen Sunyi sequence constitute a pentatonic gamut of notes: do-sol-mi-la-re. In the Guan Zi locus, the five notes are derived in that order (the "lengths" of their pitches expressed by convenient ordinal numbers, which may be imagined as the relative lengths of vibrating strings), but the succession of steps of inferior and superior generation results in a set of notes in which sol is the deepest note: sol = 108: la = 96: do = 81: re = 72: mi = 64. This pattern differs from schemes of yin generation recorded in later sources, which, by inverting the order of superior and inferior generation, yield a series of notes in which gong (do) is the deepest tone. All these enumerations, including that in the Guan Zi, are limited in scope to the Five Yin of the pentatonic gamut. It is interesting, moreover, that the four "simple" names of notes (yin) in the nomenclature documented by the Zeng inscriptionsdo, sol, re, and la coincide with the first four notes obtained by the Sanfen Sunyi-fa;50 the generation of the eight remaining notes in the set of twelve yin involved steps of a major third, precisely the interval between do and mi, the next following note

49. Guan Zi "Diyuan-pian" (Guoxue Jiben Congshu ed., j. 3:21); the passage in question probably dates to sometime during the Warring States period. Dating problems with respect to the Guan Zi are discussed in Rickett 1985, 3-24. 50. The following analysis mainly follows Asahara 1987, 98-110. Similar conclusions were reached independently by Chen Cheng-yih 1987.

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obtained by the Sanfen Sunyi-fa. It seems possible that the Zeng yin nomenclature was mathematically grounded in Sanfen Sunyi-fa principles. Theoretically, then, a "Pythagorean" major third of 408 cents, rather than the "natural" major third of 396 cents,51 would have been intended in designing the Zeng chimes. To what degree the Eastern Zhou music masters and bell casters were aware of the theoretical difference between the two kinds of major thirds, however, is difficult to tell.52 As we have discussed in Chapter 7, there is little chance of finding a hint along these lines from the measurable tones emitted by the bells themselves.53 Asahara Tatsuro has sought additional evidence for an early use of the Sanfen Sunyi-fa in the tone distributions in earlier Zhou chime-bells.54 The five largest bells of the niuzhong chime from tomb no. 1 at Xiasi, for example, which we discussed in Chapter 7, have A-tones that can be rendered as sol, la, do, re, and mi (see fig. 117). This is perhaps not coincidentally the same sequence of notes as found in the Guan Zi locus just mentioned. Possibly, the numerical proportions recorded there were of some importance in designing and tuning bells. One may speculate, moreover, that the suffix jue as used in the Zeng inscriptions may have originated from makeshift names for the (usually non-pentatonic) B-tones of major-third bells, which are particularly plentiful in these lower-register tone distributions.55 If so, this would be an interesting instance of an innovation in musical theory that grew out of the musical instruments' technological features.

51. I.e., the interval obtained by a five-fold application of the Sanfen Sunyi-fa (expressible by the proportion 25:35 or as 32:243) rather than the "natural" (or just) interval corresponding to the proportion 4:5. 52. Asahara (1987, 99-100) has calculated that two "Pythagorean" major thirds plus one natural major third almost exactly equals the natural octave of 1200 cents. But even if the Zeng music masters did not realize this fact, a succession of two "Pythagorean" major thirds and one natural one would have been quite naturally obtained by deriving "complex" yin by means of the ''Pythagorean" major third, while at the same time obtaining octavic equivalents by means of the "natural" octave. At any rate, Asahara's idea of superimposing "Pythagorean" and natural thirds is musically and mathematically far superior to Li Chunyi's (1981, 67) schema (also adopted in McClain 1985), which supposes the use of the natural major third in generating the "complex" notes (yin). The result would have been a cacophonous enlarged interval between a note with a name containing the suffix zeng and the next corresponding note (yin) of "simple" name (e.g., between shangzeng and shang). 53. Predictably, therefore, Asahara failed to find significant corroboration of his ideas in the actual tone measurements from the Zeng bells (1987, 105-09; similarly Chen Cheng-yih 1987, 175-76). 54. Asahara 1987, 74-89. 55. Let us inspect, for instance, the niuzhong chime from tomb no. 1 at Xiasi (see fig. 118). The B-tone of the sol bell no. 1 is a semitone below do; the B-tone of the la bell no. 2 is a semitone above do; the B-tone of the re bell no. 4 is a semitone below sol. Such tones, for which there may have been no established yin name at first, may therefore have been conceived of as correlates of their A-tones: sol + mi, la + mi, and re + mi. This may at least explain the origin of the suffix jue; the origin of gongzeng must have been a secondary phenomenon.

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In the Zeng bells, dated to about one century after the Xiasi chime, the lower-register tone distributions among the bells of the lower and middle tiers (figs. 119 and 120) furnish a series of A-tones virtually identical to that in the Xiasi chime; and in the even later Biao- and Jingli-niuzhong (figs. 127 and 128), that A-tone series is expanded to include si, the sixth note generated by the Sanfen Sunyi-fa. The emphasis on fifths in the tone distributions in Warring States chimes, especially in all parts of the Zeng bell assemblage, corroborates the notion that their makers may have designed them according to Sanfen Sunyi-fa principles. An emphasis on the fifth is noticeable even earlier in the tone distributions in late Western Zhou chime-bells, in which the principal four-tone pattern is emitted by two minor-third bells spaced a fifth apart (see fig. 114). What these chimes lack, of course, is a full pentatonic gamut of notes: there is no shang (re), but as we have seen, this absence probably resulted from overriding conventions of instrument manufacture; the tone re was certainly used in Western Zhou music. It is conceivable, therefore, that Chinese musicians generated notes by means of the Sanfen Sunyi-fa as early as the Western Zhou period, though at the present state of knowledge, we cannot be sure about this. Conclusions Through the maze of cosmological speculation pervading the late pre-Qin texts we can but dimly perceive the music of the earlier part of the Bronze Age. It has long been suspected, however, that early Eastern Zhou musicological thinking must have differed significantly from that of the late pre-Qin texts.56 The Zeng inscriptions have enabled us to trace a series of significant changes that occurred from mid- to late Eastern Zhou times. Precisely when Chinese musicians began to use composite terms to define tones as notes (yin) with respect to pitch standards (lü) (such as "shang of TAICOU"), as in the Zeng inscriptions, is unknown. We may reason, however, that pitch standards are useful whenever music is to be performed by several instruments in concert, and we know, on the basis of archaeological finds, that ensemble music was performed in China at least as early as the Shang period. Hence, the use of lü may go back to fairly early times. Individual lü names

56. In her dissertation, Babette Becker (1957, 89-90 and passim) was able to reach such a conclusion without the benefit of archaeological evidence, relying entirely on scattered textual references. It is a particular gratification for me, in this book, to provide resounding confirmation of Becker's pioneering insights.

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appear in the late Western Zhou epigraphic record,57 though it is unclear whether these Western Zhou lü formed an ordered system of pitch standards comparable to those of later times. At any rate, sets of six equidistantly spaced pitch standards per octave must have come into existence during the Springs and Autumns period at the latest. The principle that lü whose gong (do) were an octave apart are equivalent seems not to have been acknowledged at first, so that these early systems of pitch standards may have contained quite a large number of lü names, corresponding to a limited number of positions in the octave (witness the nine-part "Zeng" set of pitch standards in the Zeng inscriptions). The Zeng inscriptions manifest the incipient stage of a process by which these sets of six lü per octave were expanded into sets of twelve; this was done by defining "muddy" lü that were clearly secondary and subordinate to the former sets of six. During the later part of the Warring States period, these "muddy" lü became a six-part set of their own (known as tong, jian, or lu ), complementary to the hexatonic core set of pitch standards and referred to by names previously reserved for the octavic equivalents of the core lü. By the mid-third century B.C., these two sets of six had fused into the set of Twelve Pitch Standards (Shi'er lü ) that has been in use ever since.58 We have seen that the pentatonic set of five notes has been the mainstay of Chinese music since the earliest times. Even though the traditional gong-shang-jue nomenclature is not textually documented before the Warring States period, it may have very early origins. The Zeng inscriptions record a variety of names designating equivalent notes (yin) in different octaves. Moreover, since at least early Eastern Zhou (and quite possibly earlier) times, the Five Notes (wu yin) of the pentatonic gamut appear to have been mathematically conceived in terms of Sanfen Sunyi-fa ("Pythagorean") principles. Similarly, the complex dodecatonic yin nomenclature in the Zeng inscriptions, in which the non-pentatonic notes are defined by steps of one or two major thirds, is probably grounded in the basic pentatonic set of notes defined according to the Sanfen Sunyi-fa. Possibly because of its intricacy, this dodecatonic yin nomenclature apparently enjoyed somewhat limited success; instead, a more primitive system defining the nonpentatonic notes as semitones below or above each of the five pentatonic notes remained in use throughout historical times. The early existence of that system is also documented in the Zeng inscriptions.

57. See above, n. 2o. I plan to treat the origins and semantics of the pitch standard (lü) nomenclature in a separate article; for the time being, see Falkenhausen 1988, 813-29. See also Fang Jianjun 1990. 58. As to why only six pitch standards were used before the Warring States period, Asahara (1987, 93-98) has suggested that earlier standards of intonation were too inexact to allow perception of semitonic distinctions. We have seen in Chapter 7 that Eastern Zhou instrument-builders were able to achieve considerably greater accuracy in tuning bells than their Western Zhou forebears; such technological know-how may indeed have evolved hand in hand with increased sensitivity toward tonal nuances.

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The Zeng inscriptions are remarkable for strictly maintaining the distinction between the functions of notes and pitch standards. In all the traditional texts, that difference has already become confused to a certain degree. As a result, the pitch standards (lü) came to be defined in terms of the Sanfen Sunyi-fa, in analogy to the notes (yin). Moreover, many of the terms recorded in the Zeng inscriptions went out of use as the musical terminology was standardized. In the process, both the Five Notes (wu yin) and the Twelve Pitch Standards (Shi'er lü) came to be looked on as closed sets, which invited interpretation in terms of yin/yang and correlative cosmology. The evidence of the Zeng inscriptions strongly suggests that such interpretation was applied to systems of Chinese musical theory not from primordial times, but only during the late Warring States period. What, then, are the specific features of musical theory in Zeng? With twelve yin per octave, and every tone (theoretically) definable in terms of twelve lü, the system of tone classification in the inscriptions is supremely versatile, capable of bringing out many different kinds of regular tone arrangements. Throughout the Zeng inscriptions, a preoccupation with arranging the tones in ever-different patterns is manifest, especially in the yin and lü nomenclature and the dual pattern of tone-definition distribution. A central theme of these ever-shifting (and consciously juxtaposed) tonal arrangements was to render the lü mathematically compatible with the yin, and vice versa. This thrust of the Zeng tone nomenclature may in some way prefigure the conflation of yin and lü later on in the Warring States period. The same overarching fascination with pattern is also expressed, to some extent, in the tone distribution of the Zeng instruments; it explains, for instance, the peculiar scaling principle of the niuzhong on the upper tier of the Zeng bell-rack, as well as the scaling of the forty-one-part lithophone in its various arrangements. Measuring these tonal intervals and equivalencies must have been, for the most part, an intellectual rather than an artistic activity. Later developments suggest that this subdividing and correlating a gamut of tones in ever-new ways may have been thought to be imbued with deep cosmological significance.59 The Zeng bell-chimes and lithophone were more than mere musical instruments; perhaps more importantly, they were tools with which the tonal realm could be measured. It did not matter that the inscriptions were placed out of sight of the musicians; as indications of the far-flung connections and equivalences entailed by producing any tone, they were guideposts in the cosmic realm. The systematizing thrust of the Zeng inscriptions far transcends the scope of music.

59. DeWoskin 1982, 55-83 and passim.

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Chapter Nine Music Suspended: Tone Theory and Its Political Ramifications When we consider the tone distributions of the Zeng bells in conjunction with their tone-naming inscriptions, we find that musical theory was more or less divorced from musical practicea phenomenon that has continued to characterize Chinese music throughout its later history. As shown in Chapter 7, the Zeng bell assemblage and lithophone were undoubtedly viable musical instruments: they could be used to play pentatonic music in a variety of keys according to the xuangong (revolving do) principle. But quite independently of their musical usefulness, these instruments were also repositories of cosmological knowledge: they functioned as a musical tonometer, a device for imposing ever-varying regular patterns onto the tonal realm (see Chapter 8). There seems little inherent connection between the tone-naming inscriptions on the Zeng "suspended music" and the musical potential of those instruments (except, perhaps, in the case of the upper-tier niuzhong with their astonishingly regular arrangements of thirds). How are we to explain that somewhat uneasy fusion of musical practice and theory? Why were the inscriptions placed on bells to begin with? Pitch-Pipes and Bells in Zhou Musical Theory The semantic field of the term lü , here translated as "pitch standard," is not limited to musicology. As a legal term, lü means "regulation," and with reference to tones in music, it also connotes "regulator, measuring standard." A lü determined the pitch to which all musical instruments in an orchestra were tuned when they performed in concert. Traditional sources mention two kinds of instruments from which this pitch standard was obtained by the other instruments: bells and pitch-pipes (lüguan ). A debate about whether "bell pitch

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standards" (zhonglü ) or "pipe pitch standards" (guanlü Chinese musical history.1

) were primary has raged throughout much of

Although chime-bells and pitch-pipes belong to completely distinct classes of sound generators, they share one feature that makes both viable as tuning standards: they are composed of discrete sound-producing units, each of which emits a distinct tone. Unlike a flute, a pitch-pipe is designed to produce only one tone (though its pitch is somewhat dependent on blowing technique). For tuning purposes, pitch-pipes have an advantage over bells in that their lengths reflect the mathematical proportions of tonal frequencies in a simple way. In the list of pitch-pipes in the "Lü shu" chapter of Shi Ji,2 for instance, the length of the LINZHONG pipe, a fifth above HUANGZHONG, is given as 2/3 the length of the HUANGZHONG pipe.3 The lengths of the twelve pitch-pipes listed by Sima Qian were determined by the Sanfen Sunyi-fa: by alternately subtracting and adding the third part of the length of the previous pipe, starting from HUANGZHONG. As has been shown in the preceding chapter, the application of the Sanfen Sunyi-fa to the Twelve Lü is probably a secondary phenomenon, postdating the late Warring States conflation of notes and pitch standards. Even though the Lüshi Chunqiu claims that the music master Ling Lun tuned the first standard set of bamboo pitch-pipes in the distant time of the Yellow Emperor,4 it seems likely that the use of graduated pitch-pipes as pitch standards does not long predate the late pre-Qin texts. This impression is confirmed by archaeological finds. Pitch-pipes probably evolved from panpipes (paixiao), which remain part of the Chinese orchestra to this day.5 An instrument type of uncertain but probably early origin, panpipes have been found in Springs and Autumns period tombs; the earliest ones, from the early seventh-century tomb no. 2 at Shangguan'gang, Guangshan (Henan),6 are made of bamboo. The unusual stone panpipe from tomb no. 1 at Xiasi (mid-sixth century) seems to have been de-

1. See Zhongguo Yinyue Cidian, entries zhonglü and guanlü. 2. The beginning of this list is quoted in Chapter 8. I follow Chavannes's reconstitution of the text (see Chapter 8, n. 40). 3. This would be exactly correct if the pipe's diameter and the thickness of the body were adjusted in the same way as the length. The respective proportions can be even more elegantly demonstrated on a vibrating string, where the width and thickness can be disregarded. It has therefore been proposed (e.g., by Yang Yinliu 1979) that the actual proportions of the "lengths" of pitches were established not by means of pipes but by a stringed instrument. Of course, what is meant by the HUANGZHONG pipe is, in the parlance of the Zeng inscriptions, a pipe emitting the do of HUANGZHONG. 4. Lüshi Chunqiu "Guyue" (Sibu Congkan ed., 5:8b-9a; see Chapter 8, n. 34). 5. Zhuang Benli 1963. It may be objected that sets of blowing-tubes of graduated sizes were also used in mouth-organs (sheng), but, having finger-holes, they must be classified as flutes. Panpipes are the musical instruments organologically closest to pitch-pipes. 6. Kaogu 1984 (4):302-32, 348; drawing, p. 328 fig. 29.3-5.

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signed to emit a pentatonic series of notes.7 Marquis Yi's tomb yielded two well-preserved lacquered bamboo panpipes of thirteen pipes each (see fig. 5), which comprised six tones per octave (the pentatonic series plus si), ranging through two octaves. They appear to have been tuned to two different keys.8 Like their modern-day descendants, the early panpipes were evidently designed to function as melodic instruments, emitting series of yin notes. The function of sets of pitch-pipes, as opposed to panpipes, is not musical in the strict sense; they are useless for playing melodies (to do so, one would have to pick up and play the loose pitch-pipes one by one in quick succession, which is impracticable). The four fragmentary bamboo pipes from the mid-Warring States period tomb no. 21 at Yutaishan, Jiangling (Hubei), mentioned in Chapter 8 (see fig. 140),9 may be the earliest known remains of a set of pitch-pipes, though the possibility that they may have been part of a panpipe cannot be entirely excluded. Their inscriptions exactly resemble those on Marquis Yi's bells and lithophones in defining each tone (one tone per pipe) by a string of equivalent terms of the type "yin x of lü M."10 It should be stressed that none of these pitch-pipes is itself identified as representing one particular lü, as one might expect from the Shi Ji list of pipes; on the contrary, several lü names appear on each pipe. This is exactly where the Yutaishan pitch-pipes differ from Han dynasty specimens, such as the complete set of twelve bamboo pitch-pipes found in the early Western Han tomb no. 1 at Mawangdui, Changsha (Hunan) (fig. 145).11 Each of the Mawangdui pipes is inscribed with one of the twelve binominal lü names known from the classical texts; yin names are not specified (in the spirit of the Zeng inscriptions, one may infer gong [do] each time).12 The inscription on an unprovenienced bronze pitch-pipe in the Shanghai Museum, dating to the Wang Mang interregnum (A.D. 9-24),13 also indicates only a single lü name, WUYI. In these Han pitch-pipes, a tone is directly identified as a lü, just as present-day Western musicians would unhesitatingly identify a tone as C

7. See Chapter 7, n. 37; also Chapter 7, n. 14. 8. Jiang Wujian 1988, 4 and fig. 2; Huang Xiangpeng 1979. 9. See Chapter 8, n. 13. 10. The lü nomenclature corresponds to that identified in the Zeng inscriptions with the state of Chu, which is not surprising, considering that the locus of excavation is in the immediate vicinity of the Chu capital. The tone-definition distribution pattern seems to correspond with that in sets M1 and M2 of the Zeng bells. 11. Changsha Mawangdui Yihao Hanmu vol. 1:107-10; vol. 2, ill., p. 204; Lü Linlan 1983. 12. These pitch-pipes were likely mingqi of purely mortuary function; the report notes that their absolute and relative lengths are at variance with those stipulated in the Han dynasty texts. Their measured tones (Changsha Mawangdui Yihao Hanmu 1:110) do not form the expected dodecatonic series, though they must have had considerable symbolic and cosmological significance. 13. Because it is fragmentary, its value in reconstructing the standard pitches of Wang Mang's reign is very limited; the reconstruction of the entire set of lü proposed by Ma and Pan (1981) is not convincing.

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Figure 145. Set of twelve pitch-pipes (with silk pouch) excavated in 1972 from tomb no. 1 at Mawangdui, Changsha (Hunan). Early Western Han (before 168 B.C.). or D (and not as "do on C," etc.); clearly, by this time, the earlier method of defining a tone as a note with respect to a pitch standard had been abandoned. Pitch-pipes, in other words, may not have been in use before the Warring States period; at any rate, they do not seem to have served to determine the pitch standard in ritual orchestras until then. Throughout most of the Zhou dynasty, such a function was apparently fulfilled by bells,14 as is suggested, for example, by the fact that the most common type of lü name includes the element zhong "bell": HUANGZHONG "Yellow Bell," XINZHONG "New Bell," and so forth (see table 16).15 These names seem to allude to some early connection between the fixation of lü and bell-casting.16 A similar relationship is indicated by the fact that the earliest known occurrence of a lü name, in the Nangong Hu-yongzhong inscription, is as the name of that bell: "This bell is called WUYI.'' The idea that bells embodied the pitch standards accords well with their purported musical role of providing the impetus at the beginning of the performance and playing notes that defined a fundamental consonance (see

14. A similar argument is made by Needham and Robinson 1962, 169-71. Even the Ling Lun myth relates that Huang Di ordered the founding of a tuned set of bells immediately after receiving the pitch-pipes (Lüshi Chunqiu "Guyue," Sibu Congkan ed., 5:9a). 15. Altogether, eleven known lü names belong to this typemore than one-third of those documented in transmitted texts and inscriptions combined (Falkenhausen 1988, 821-24); their etymology will be treated in a separate article. 16. See Chavannes in Mém. Hist. 3:628.

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Chapter 7). In the words of Kenneth J. DeWoskin, "control over the moment and pitch at which the music began was control over the entire performance."17 Since the tones of bells and lithophones could not be adjusted (except permanently, by altering the shape of the sonorous substance), it stands to reason that winds and strings should have adjusted their pitches to those of the "suspended music." Thus the tones played by the suspended music, though fewer in number than those of the flutes and stringed instruments, were of special significance: bells and lithopones served as standard-givers for the orchestra. One may speculate that the concept of pitch standard originated from this basic function of bells. At an early stage of development, the bells embodied the pitch standards: they were the lü. The standard yin/lü nomenclature in the Zeng inscriptions may have come into existence as a result of the realization that the tones emitted by different standard bells were different; the gong of the HUANGZHONG bell, for instance, was equivalent to shang when compared to the gong of the WUYI bell. As we have seen in Chapter 8, the diversification of lü and the emergence of comprehensive sets of lü (first six, then twelve per octave) came about in a gradual, piecemeal way (see table 16). Chime-bells, then, were of considerable importance in the genesis of classical Chinese musical theory; at an early stage, their theoretical and regulatory function may well have outshone their musical one. This extramusical significance may in part account for the existence of the Zeng inscriptions. Even though chime-bells gradually evolved into melodic instruments, the Zeng inscriptions attest that, in the mid-fifth century B.C., they had not yet lost their early theoretical importance. It was not until the late Warring States period that the conception of tone underwent major changes, with the result that pitch-pipes came into use and eventually replaced bells as standard tonometers. Unlike bell-chimes, pitch-pipes could not double as musical instruments during performances; they served exclusively regulatory purposes. Although technologically far less sophisticated, it must be admitted that pitch-pipes were functionally superior to chime-bells. Not only were they vastly more economical to produce, but, if they were correctly dimensioned, they rendered the intended pitches with potentially greater exactitude than bells with their complex overtone structure. It is no accident, therefore, 'that the rise of pitch-pipes coincides with the decline of bell manufacture in late Eastern Zhou. The Political Role of Pitch Standards Many classical texts emphasize the relationship of pitch standards (lü) with other systems of measurement. In the Han dynasty, the length of the HUANG

17. DeWoskin 1982, 4.8.

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ZHONG pitch-pipe became the basis for all length, weight, and volumetric measurements; the method by which they were correlated is first laid out in the Han Shu.18 Interestingly, probably the earliest textual locus hinting at such an idea, in Guo Yu "Zhou yu," occurs in the context of a discussion of bell-making: Therefore when the former kings made bells, the size did not transgress the uniform standard, and their weight did not exceed one dan . The pitch standards, length, volume, and weight measures all took their origin from this.19 The suggestion here is that a bell (or set of bells) embodied the "uniform standard" for other systems of measurement. Conceivably, a physical dimension of the bell itself (Hirase points to the xianjian as a possible candidate)20 provided the basis for length, volume, and weight measures. On the other hand, the fundamental unit of measurement as envisaged by the Guo Yu passage might equally likely have been a pitch-pipe or a vibrating string that was tuned to the pitch of a bell. The origin of this system is usually ascribed to the sages of high antiquity.21 I suspect, however, that the idea of grounding all measurements acoustically may have been new in the time of the Guo Yu; it may have been triggered by the rise of correlative cosmology in late Warring States times.22 The late pre-Qin sources refer to a well-ordered tonal system as a metonym for a well-governed polity, specifying that musical theory was imbued with moral and cosmological significance (see Introduction). In the absence of pertinent textual evidence, it is difficult to trace the roots of conceptions of music. The Zeng inscriptions do not explicitly mention such extramusical connotations. The multiple pitch-standard (lü) nomenclatures documented in the Zeng

18. Han Shu "Lü Li-zhi" (Zhonghua ed., 966-69); see Dubs 1938-1955 1:276-77. 19. Guo Yu "Zhou Yu" (Tiansheng Mingdao ed., j. 3:12b; for a translation of the wider context, see d'Hormon, 311-12; Hart, 387-88). Dan is the largest unit of weight measurement (its size in the Zhou dynasty is uncertain). Needham and Robinson (1962, 199) mistakenly take zhong , which here means "bell" (as it usually does in pre-Qin texts), in the meaning of zhong "a grain vessel"; taking this locus as a point of departure for a fanciful discussion of the origins of the Chinese system of measurements, they go on to follow the absurd theory from Lie Zi that derives the origin of bells from grain scoops (see DeWoskin 1982, 6364). Needham and Robinson (followed by Hart) also take jun , which I render literally as "uniform standard," as a ''seven-foot tuner," a monochord used to derive pitches according to exact mathematical proportions (see Huang Xiangpeng 1988). However, the existence of such an instrument is attested nowhere in the pre-Qin textual record; the earliest possible locus seems to be in Zhang Heng's (A.D. 78-139) "Si-xuan-fu" (Wen Xuan, Sibu Congkan ed., j. 15:21a). 20. Hirase 1988. 21. As in the sequel to the Guo Yu passage just quoted. Similar ideas can be seen in Shu Jing "Yaodian "(Shangshu Tongjian, 1-2) and Zhou Li: Chun'guan "Diantong" (Zhou Li Zhengyi 46:4a-b). 22. Graham 1986a; Schwartz 1985, 350-82.

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inscriptions, however, may in and of themselves possess a far-reaching political significance. For the first time, the "equivalency formulas" embedded in the System B-type inscriptions (see fig. 142) have made us realize that, in Eastern Zhou China, each state had its own system of lü, a phenomenon that may indicate deliberate attempts at separation by ritual means, born out of a competitive political situation. In this connection, we may profitably pursue the parallel between pitch standards and other systems of measurements somewhat further. Later, in Imperial China, the task of establishing a correct measurement system commanded the highest moral and political priority. It was the prerogative, as well as the responsibility, of rulers to establish a unified and internally coherent standard for all aspects of government. The rectification of measurements at the beginning of each dynasty was a supreme assertion of sovereignty. At the latest, this tradition started with the imposition of new measurements at the time of the Qin unification in 221 B.C.23 Going back to pre-Imperial times, we find that each of the states in the Zhou realm had its own measurement system. As demonstrated by archaeological and philological research on pre-Qin weights and measures, variations among the different late Zhou measurement systems were quite insignificant.24 The several systems appear to be variations on a single system of weights and measures; quite possibly, they were all derived from one common ancestral source and then altered.25 In the course of political reforms in some Eastern Zhou states, such as in Qi in 539 B.C.26 and Qin in 344 B.C.,27 weights and measures were redefined, perhaps so as to deliberately assert the independence of the respective states. The different lü systems of the various Eastern Zhou states, documented by the Zeng inscriptions, manifest a curious parallel to this situation. They differ from one another, of course, in the names assigned to the various pitch standards. Each state seems to possess a different series of six (or more) lü names, though there is some overlap, both among the different series and between the various regional series and the set of Twelve Pitch Standards (shi'er lü) known from the classical texts (see table 16). (There are also cases where the same lü name designates different pitches, as in the case of YIZE, whose do, in the state

23. Shi Ji "Qin Shihuang Benji" (Zhonghua ed., 237-38); Li Xueqin 1985, 240-41. 24. Zhongguo gudai duliangheng tuji, 2-3; Yu Weichao and Gao Ming 1973. Similar ideas also apply to the Chinese script; see Karlgren 1936, Barnard 1978. 25. Shi Ji "Zhou Benji" (Zhonghua ed., 133) reports a previous unification of measurements under Cheng Wang of Zhou (trad. dates: 1115-1078), but one must be cautious in accepting this as historical fact. If it is true that a unified measuring system existed in Western Zhou times, that system probably was not in common use in the outlying parts of the Zhou cultural sphere. It is also likely to have been far less regular or "scientific" than the late pre-Qin and early imperial metrological systems known from the historical texts. 26. Zuo Zhuan Zhao 3 (HYI ed., 348). 27. Shi Ji "Shang Jun Liezhuan" (Zhonghua ed., 2232).

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of Shen, was a whole tone step removed from the do of YIZE of the "traditional" Twelve Pitch Standards.) The various lü nomenclatures in the Zeng inscriptions also differed as to which pitch standard was regarded as the principal one. We have seen that the principal lü in the Zeng yongzhong, and thus probably in the state of Zeng, is GUXIAN, with do on C. The same pitch standard appears to be the primary one in the nomenclature of Chu, where it is called LÜZHONC , a term that may mean "bell of the principal pitch standard." In the state of Qi, by contrast, LÜYIN (essentially synonymous with LÜZHONG) has its do on F-sharp, a tritone removed from GUXIAN. In the classical texts, moreover, HUANG-ZHONG is always given as the principal pitch standard; that lü name also appears inscribed on the Zeng bells, where its do has been measured to correspond approximately to G-sharp (impressively close to the pitch of the HUANGZHONC pitch-pipe in Han times, which was roughly equivalent to G).28 Apart from these two points of distinction, the several musical systems in the Zeng inscriptions are eminently compatible with one another. The method by which tones are defined is the same throughout, and the same set of notes (yin) is used regardless of which state's pitch-standard system is used. Moreover, even though the lü names differ in detail, they all represent the same type of binomic designations (with additional "muddy" lü in the Chu system). They are also fundamentally similar to the system of tone definition in the classical texts, which, as we have discussed in Chapter 8, represents a somewhat later stage of development. On the whole, then, the ritual musics of the various Eastern Zhou states embody the cultural unity of the Zhou realm. Like the systems of measurement of the Eastern Zhou states, the various pitch-standard systems of that period may, then, all derive from one predecessor and represent variant manifestations of one and the same musical system. It is possible that the differences between them had been deliberately contrived and emphasized for political reasons. Although pitch standards are not mentioned in connection with the pre-Qin and Qin measurement reforms (a fact that may indicate that in actual practice, the lü were not linked to other systems of measurement until the Han dynasty), it is probable that the musical system was reformed along with the length, weight, and volume measurements at the time of the Qin unification. The casting of bells from the weapons captured during the preceding military campaigns (see Chapter 1), which, significantly, took place in the same year as the reform of the measurements,29 may have been connected with the redefinition of pitch standards. After the Han dynasty, when the standard pitch-pipes (lüguan) had come to be regarded as the foundation of all other

28. The exact pipe lengths and pitches of the Han dynasty lü were calculated by Chen Qiyou (1962a), superseding Liu Fu's (1934) earlier effort. 29. The Shi Ji recounts the two events virtually in the same breath (Zhonghua ed., 237-239).

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measurement systems, pitch standards were fixed anew by each dynasty down to 1911, altogether more than thirty times.30 International Music The "equivalency formulas" on the Zeng bells seem to testify to a concern with reconciling the various musical systems current in the mid-fifth century, which had, over the centuries, come to diverge in significant ways from their putative common origin. Because the bells could be used for playing music in a number of different keys, they could serve for performing musics of many countries, and presumably, ensembles of musicians from different parts of the Zhou realm could play the compositions of their own traditions on them. The Chu Ci, as quoted in Chapter 1, vividly describes how music and dance from all over the Zhou realm were mixed at Eastern Zhou court banquets. Beyond mere entertainment, international music-making may have had a profound political and even cosmological significance. It denoted connections with distant regions and perhaps suggested a sort of control over the world. By shifting from one do to the next, and thus making a transition from the musical system of one state to the next, one could harmonize and integrate various political forces in the Zhou realm. In the course of diplomatic banquets, for example, music played on the Zeng bells might have been capable of musically enacting foreign policy. We have noted that the nine pitch standards of the so-called Zeng set of lü documented in the Zeng inscriptions are by and large homonymous with those in the twelve-part set transmitted in the classical texts (see table 16). Because it is hardly probable that the classical musical nomenclature of China originated in the obscure statelet of Zeng, we may assume that these names, with some variations, were relatively widely used. Possibly, they originated at the Western Zhou court; their usage in Zeng may show the connections of the Zeng ruling house with the Zhou royal family through the Ji clan. The principal pitch standard in the Zeng bell assemblage and in the so-called Zeng set of lü, however, is GUXIAN, equivalent to the LÜZHONG of Chu, not HUANGZHONG, the principal lü of the traditional texts (and quite probably of Zhou court music), which, though present, does not play a significant role in the inscribed tone definitions.31 This situation may reflect the Zeng state's political subservi30. Yang Yinliu 1980; Qiu Qiongsun 1964; Courant 1922. 31. We cannot be completely certain that HUANGZHONG already was the principal lü in the Zhou system. For instance, in the tone distributions of Western Zhou bell-chimes, do is invariably located around C, by and large compatible with GUXLAN in the Zeng inscriptions. But the lü names in Zhou may not have had the same associated pitches as those in the Zeng inscriptions; in fact, the Nangong (Footnote continued on next page)

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ency to Chu in early Warring States times: although Zeng's lü nomenclature harked back to its original Zhou affiliation, its music in the fourth century was keyed to that of its powerful southern neighbor. In this way, the musical systems of Zeng may have expressed a principal theme in Eastern Zhou political history: the struggle for hegemony between the northern and southern alliances. The Origins of Zhou Ritual Music If the various musical nomenclatures of Eastern Zhou all have a common ancestor, where can it be found? It has already been implied that the ritual music of the royal Zhou court in mid- to late Western Zhou times is the most likely candidate. This requires some explanation. We know very little about ritual music before the Zhou. Although a recent article has advanced the hypothesis that instrumental and vocal music played a relatively insignificant role at the Shang court, where ritual dances were paramount,32 this is quite uncertain. In any case, Zhou ritual during the early part of Western Zhou still seems to have fairly closely followed Shang models. Archaeological finds attest to what appears to have been a major ritual reform (if not indeed a "cultural revolution"),33 which may have taken place during the reign of Mu Wang (traditional dates 1001-946; actual dates probably ca. one-half century later).34 The exact nature of that reform remains difficult to gauge, as the historical texts provide frustratingly little information on the mid-Western Zhou period, though assemblages of bronzes in tombs and hoards suggest that the classical Zhou sumptuary system, with its matching sets of ding and gui, originated at that time,35 indicating a significant reorganization (or at least standardization) of aristocratic society. Art historians have long noted the significant changes in bronze decoration styles in mid-Western Zhou times: the animal-derived iconography of earlier times was replaced by more abstract patterns,36 and the shapes of ritual vessels changed considerably.37 Given the

(Footnote continued from previous page) Hu-yongzhong, which its inscription identifies as a WUYI bell, emits the tone D, nowhere close to the gong of WUYI in the Zeng bells, which is ca. F-sharp. 32. Pratt 1986. 33. Pratt 1986, 38. 34. Shi Ji puts the origin of the Zhou Guan (a repertory of Zhou officials possibly ancestral to the Zhou Li) and the systematization of the Zhou measurement system into the reign of Cheng Wang in the early Western Zhou period ("Zhou Benji," Zhonghua ed., 133); but archaeological evidence indicates major changes in material culture at a somewhat later time. 35. Yu and Gao 1978-79, 86-93, and Guo Baojun 1981, 62-63, point out that, in keeping with the Shang tradition, early Zhou assemblages of ritual vessels comprise mainly drinking vessels. It is possible that, as Yu and Gao claim, a sumptuary system involving ding existed before mid-Western Zhou times, but it is far less clear than that of later times. 36. Karlgren 1935, 86-87 and 116-30; Bagley 1980. 37. Hayashi 1984, vol. 2 passim; Rawson 1988.

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importance of bronzes in Zhou ritual, such a thorough revamping of the ritual apparatus is likely to bespeak changes in religious ideology.38 We have seen, furthermore, that for the history of ritual music, the final century and a half or so of Western Zhou was a period of important innovation. At that time, new musical developments were triggered by the newly imported kinds of chime-bells of southern origin, yongzhong and bo. Chimes of two-tone bells became common at the Zhou court; they became an integral part of the Zhou sumptuary system. Late Western Zhou eight-part chimes of yongzhong for the first time feature octavically regular tone-distribution patterns (ancestral to those of Eastern Zhou chimes), which may be the earliest evidence for the application of Sanfen Sunyi-fa principles. These bellchimes, embodying the tuning standards of Western Zhou music, appear to have given rise to the concept of lü; their names evolved into the traditional pitch-standard (lü) nomenclature. From archaeological evidence it appears that this ritual music, centered on the use of bell-chimes, was at first virtually limited to the Zhou metropolitan area in Shaanxi. After 770 B.C., the standards of royal court music were adopted by rulers throughout the Zhou realm. Bells were now manufactured at many different workshops and reflect local stylistic characteristics. Their much wider distribution may in itself indicate that Eastern Zhou local rulers now arrogated the former royal privilege of fixing the principal pitch standard so as to musically legitimize their rule. The Zeng bells with their tone-naming inscriptions mark a final climax in the elaboration of the Western Zhou musical tradition. The Demise of Chime-Bell Music in Late Eastern Zhou As noted in Chapter 1, Eastern Zhou bell inscriptions point to a trend toward secularization (or humanizationeither term must be used with a grain of salt) of the ritual forms that had been fixed in the Western Zhou period. Perhaps inevitably, Zhou ritual music became obsolete during the Warring States period, when, partly in response to new intellectual currents surrounding the conception of tones, chime-bells lost their importance in the definition of musical theory. The intellectual and economic resources that had been poured into bell-centered ritual music from the late tenth to the mid-fourth century B.C. were increasingly directed elsewhere. Underlying these developments was a collapse of the aristocratic order manifested in the traditional Zhou ritual system. The sumptuary regulations could no longer be enforced. The Li Ji, for example, apparently referring to conditions in Lu during Confucius's lifetime, inveighs against the use of "palace sus

38. Chang 1976, 174-96, and 1981a.

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pension" by zhuhou rulers.39 Occasionally, bells were now found in the possession of persons of lowly status who were not entitled to them.40 In the texts, several rulers are criticized for "multiplying" (fan ) or "enlarging" (da ) their sets of bells and drums beyond what was their due.41 The Lüshi Chunqiu enumerates three states that perished for casting new bells (and thereby defining new pitch standards) that exceeded the standard measures,42 ascribing the same fault to Jie and Zhou , the wicked last rulers of the Xia and Shang dynasties. And the Shen Zi (ca. 360-ca. 285 B.C.) reports the following episode: When Zhuang Gong of Lu [r. 693-662] cast a large bell, Cao Han came in for an audience and said: "At present our state is reduced to smallness, yet the bell is so large, how could you not take this into consideration?"43 Inevitably, in this period of social transformation, situations were bound to arise in which either the wrong individuals possessed bells or the individuals who were technically entitled to them no longer had the moral worth (and the material means) to keep up anything but an empty pretense to their former status. As the old elites lost political power, their rituals became ossified. Perhaps, bereft of control over economic resources, they could simply no longer afford the luxury of producing large sets of bellsespecially as technological and musical developments called for ever-larger and more sophisticated chimes. For their part, the newly powerful of the Warring States period had different ritual and religious preferences, requiring different musical styles. Inasmuch as they still paid lip service to the ritual traditions of the Zhou, the new elites may have

39. Li Ji "Jiaotesheng" (Li Ji Zhushu 25:9a). According to the Lunyu "Baxian" paragraph 1 (HYI ed., 4; Lau, 67), Confucius himself was scandalized at the usurpation of eight rows of dancers by the Ji family, one of the three powerful families in Lu descended from Huan Gong (r. 71 1-694). 40. The Guan Zi ("Qi Chen Qi Zhu," Guoxue Jiben Congshu ed., 3:5) has a story about bells made by unruly subjects (chen ); the Lüshi Chunqiu recounts how a member of the ordinary people (baixing ) got hold of a bell ("Zizhi," Sibu Congkan ed., 24:5b). 41. The first phrase is from the Guan Zi "Sicheng" (Guoxue Jiben Congshu ed., 2:42), the second from the Lüshi Chunqiu "Tingyan" (Sibu Congkan ed., 13:7b). This concern is also evident in the first Guo Yu discourse on the casting of a WUYI bell by Jing Wang of Zhou ("Zhou Yu," Tiansheng Mingdao ed., 3:11a-15a). The Xun Zi (''Zhengming," HYI ed., 84) warns that enlarging the bells does not increase the music (or, in a play on the identity of the words yue "music" and le "joy," the joy to be obtained from music). 42. Lüshi Chunqiu "Chiyue" (Sibu Congkan ed., 5a-6b). The states mentioned and the names of their fatal lü are Song (QIANZHONG "Thousand Bells"), Qi (DALÜ , which may be identical to the LüYIN mentioned in the Zeng inscriptions; see table 18), and Chu (WUYIN "Witches' Sound"). Here the three lü names undoubtedly represent the evils of excessive quantity, excess in size, and sexual depravity. 43. Shen Zi, Fragment no. 95a (Thompson, 285).

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emulated the paraphernalia formerly reserved for the aristocracy, though they may also have been reluctant to commit the same amount of resources to such endeavors. Chimes made from the mid-Warring States period onward materially manifest this slackening of the cultural commitment to suspended music. We have seen in Chapter 5 how multiple chimes of yongzhong and other bells were replaced by single chimes of smaller and technologically less sophisticated niuzhong, and we have seen how, concomitantly, the two-tone phenomenon was abandoned. When bells were used at all in funerary contexts, they were increasingly replaced by lower-value mingqi. The sentiment that bells and the ritual display associated with them were an unnecessary luxury is pervasive in the writings of the late pre-Qin philosophers and their contemporaries. The Mohists, from the fifth century B.C. onward, proposed to abolish music altogether because it seemed to them to serve no useful purpose.44 Members of other schools, while refraining from so radical a view, agreed that the essential value of music was not in bell music.45 It was stressed that a ruler should indulge in such music only when the state is well-ordered and peaceful. Mencius (ca. 372-289 B.C.), for example, warned the king of Qi that indulging in sumptuous display could aggravate his estrangement from the common people.46 Rulers who listened to bell music rather than attending to the affairs of government were ridiculed,47 while those who removed their bells and (temporarily, at least) forsook sensual gratification in the single-minded pursuit of strengthening the state were praised as models.48 In some texts, listening to bell music comes close to being synonymous with a dissolute lifestyle.49 Xun Zi (ca. 313-238 B.C.) is alone among Warring States thinkers to insist that listening to bell music was not merely pleasurable but part of a ruler's ritual duties50 (an opinion later elaborated in the Li Ji), through the

44. Mo Zi "Feiyue" (HYI ed., 54-55). 45. Lunyu "Yanghuo" (HYI ed., 36); Zuo Zhuan Zhao 21 (HYI ed., 404); Guo Yu "Zhou Yu" (Tiansheng Mingdao ed., 3:11a-18a passim); Zhuang Zi "Tiandao" (HYI ed., 34); Li Ji "Zhong Ni yanju" (Li Ji Zhushu 50:13a-13b). In a related vein, Han Fei Zi ''Waichushui zuo-shang" (Zhonghua index ed., 797) opines that bell inscriptions are of ephemeral use in the assertion of real political power. 46. Meng Zi "Liang Hui Wang-xia" (HYI ed., 5; Lau, 60-61). 47. Mo Zi loc. cit.; Zuo Zhuan Ai 7 (HYI ed. 477); Han Fei Zi "Waichushui zuo-shang" (Zhonghua index ed., 797); Shi Ji "Chu Shijia" (Zhonghua ed., 1700). 48. Guan Zi "Baxing" (Guoxue Jiben Congshu ed., 2:2-4) and "Jinzang" (ibid. 3:6); Lüshi Chunqiu "Shunmin" (Sibu Congkan ed., 9:4b). 49. Zuo Zhuan Xiang 30 (HYI ed., 331) and Zhao 20 (ibid., 402); Guan Zi "Sicheng" (Guoxue Jiben Congshu ed., 2:42) and "Qing Zhongding" (ibid., 3:111); Zhuang Zi "Dao Zhi" (HYI ed., 84); Han Fei Zi "Shuiyi" (Zhonghua index ed., 844). 50. Xun Zi did, however, state that spreading the true doctrine was even "more enjoyable than the music of bells and drums and of zithers and lutes" (Xun Zi "Feixiang," HYI ed., 14; Knoblock, 208).

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punctilious fulfillment of which he could bring peace and order to his realm.51 But Xun Zi's eminent pupil Han Fei Zi cynically noted that political skill was all that really mattered. As long as a ruler was attentive to his ministers' advice, he could indulge mindlessly in chariotry and "the sounds of bells and chimestones" and still flourish; an incompetent ruler, even one so sorely afflicted by the plight of his state that he explicitly renounced the pleasures of suspended music, was doomed to perish no matter what, as was the fate of Prince Kuai of Yan (r. 320-314 B.C.).52 It is curious that in the musical shake-up of the Warring States period, the suspended music fared differently from other kinds of musical instruments. Winds and strings continued to loom large in emerging forms of popular music, but bells and chimestones gradually ceased to be made. Ironically, their demise was due precisely to the exalted position they had occupied during much of the Zhou dynasty, through which they had become too exclusively identified with the old aristocracy and had become too valuable to be readily incorporated into yet unestablished new types of musical ensembles. Players of the late Zhou "popular music" may not have obtained ready access to bells until the new musical styles had already taken shape. There may have been another, aesthetic reason why chime-bells were ultimately discarded from the orchestras. With the ongoing sophistication and intellectualization of musical theory during the later part of the Warring States period, listeners' requirements as to the accuracy of pitch and intonation may have become more rigorous. As we have observed in Chapter 7, the Warring States period casters were able to significantly improve the tuning accuracy of the bell-chimes, but before long they reached the limits of what was possible when operating with a linear scaling formula (see Chapter 2). As a consequence, bells, despite their prestige, may have been deemed inadequate for their traditional coordinating and standard-giving function within the orchestra, a function now taken over by pitch-pipes. By the end of the Bronze Age, chime-bells had, in short, lost their musical, ideological, and social significance. Even though specimens were kept at the imperial courts of the Han and later dynasties and bell mingqi continued to accompany the high-ranking dead for several centuries, they had become part of the dead weight of the past. For two millennia, the full scope of their erstwhile significance was but dimly perceived; it remained to be rediscovered by late-twentieth-century scholars.

51. Xun Zi "Fuguo" (HYI ed., 32, 34); "Lilun" (ibid., 70-75); "Yuelun" (ibid., 77-78); ''Zheng-ming"(ibid., 86). 52. Han Fei Zi "Shuiyi" (Zhonghua index ed., 844).

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Envoi In the preceding chapters we have been able to make some general suggestions about the music involving bellchimes. Actual compositions, however, have disappeared without a trace. Perhaps, given the fundamental separation of musical practice from theory, the radical changes in the theoretical conceptualization of tones that occurred after the time of the Zeng bells may not have immediately been reflected in starkly different musical styles. Some scholars have suggested that echoes of Zhou music might still be picked up in present-day musical traditions in East Asia, such as Japanese court music (gagaku ),53 the music of Daoist ritual, Chaozhou ballads, and more generally in East, South, and Southeast Asian folk music,54 all of which may furnish analogies useful for understanding Zhou ritual music. In connection with the Zeng bells, an especially fruitful ethnomusicological comparison may lie in the gam-elan music of Java and Bali, in which chimed idiophones play a major role. Here lies a challenge for future research. The prominent place of music in ancient Chinese thought is amply attested to by archaeological finds, inscriptions, and classical texts. Our archaeological investigation of bells has emphasized the social and cultural setting of ancient Chinese music, leading to an appreciation of music as a generalized regulative system and means of political coordination. The historical, technological, typo-logical, and musicological analyses presented in this book have invariably shown bells at the focus of power relations. As instruments translating human relationships into ritual, bell-chimes and other paraphernalia of ritual music were emblematic of the aristocratic culture of the Chinese Bronze Age. As testimonies of their time, they manifest a phenomenon that has remained characteristic of Chinese culture:55 the primacy of politics.

53. Harich-Schneider 1955. 54. Picken 1977, 87-88. 55. See K. C. Chang 1983.

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APPENDIX ONE BIBLIOGRAPHICAL LIST OF ARCHAEOLOGICAL SITES1 Baijiacun, Fufeng ShX (1981): 1 yongzhong* [WUSI HU]. Renwen Zazhi 1983 (2): 118-21 (reduced rubbings on p. 118); 2 photos on back cover.2 Baijiacun, Liuyang HuN (1975): 1 nao. Hunan Wenwu 1 (1986): 56-57; blurred photo inside front cover; blurred rubbing, P. 56, fig. 1. Baizhadi, Chao Xian AH (1945?): 11 niuzhong. Wenwu Cankao Ziliao 1956 (8): 73. Bajiaolou, Suizhou HuB (1979): 2 niuzhong. Wenwu 1980 (1): 34-41; rubbing, p. 39, fig. 12. Banqiao, Changsha HuN (1979): 1 nao. Wenwu Ziliao Congkan 5 (1981): 103-105; Gao Zhixi 1984b, 130; 1986a, 288; photo, fig. 61.2. Baozigou, Fufeng ShX (1979): 1 yongzhong* [NANGONG HU]. Kaogu yu Wenwu 1980 (4): 6-22, 53; photo, pl. 2.2; Shaanxi chutu Shang Zhou qingtongqi 3:145-47, pl. 140 (photo, rubbings). Tone measurements: Jiang Dingsui 1984, 90. Beidongshan, Xuzhou JS (1986): 3 niuzhong (mingqi). Wenwu 1988 (2): 2-18, 68, esp. p. 16; photo, p. 14, fig. 32. Other musical instruments found: 14 chimestones.

1. An asterisk indicates the presence of an inscription; the donor's name or another conventional designation is given in brackets. County seats and cities are indicated in maps 1 and 2. 2. Instead of two photos showing the front and back faces of the bell, respectively, the same photo has been reproduced twice.

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Beifengtan, Ningxiang HuN (1977): 2 nao. No. 2 only, Wenwu 1983 (10): 72-74; Wenwu 1978 (6): 42; The great Bronze Age of China, 123-25;3 both pieces: Gao Zhixi 1984b, 129, English translation, 277-79; photos, fig. 58. 1,3. Beiliu GX (location unclear) (year unknown): 1 yongzhong. Kaogu 1984 (9): 798-806 (esp. 802-804); photo, p. 804, fig. 8 center. Beiqiao, Fufeng ShX (1972): 2 yongzhong. Wenwu 1974 (II): 85-89; Shaanxi chutu Shang Zhou qingtongqi 3:102, photos, pl. 98 (no. 1), pl. 97 (no. 2). Tone measurements: Jiang Dingsui 1984, 88/89. Beiqishan, Fufeng ShX, hoard no. 1 (1940s): 2 yongzhong. Wenwu 1965 (7): 17-22, photos, p. 18, figs. 1 and 2. Beishanding, Dantu JS (1983): 5 bo*, 7 niuzhong* [SHENLIU], 3 chunyu (chimed set?), 1 bell mallet. Wenwu 1989 (4): 51-56. Bo, photos, pl. 3 and p. 54, fig. 3. Niuzhong, rubbings, p. 52, fig. 1, and p. 53, fig. 2. Dongnan Wenhua 1988 (3/4): 13-50. Bo, photos: pl. 6, 7.2, 3; drawing, p. 24, fig. 12.1; rubbing, p. 25. Niuzhong, photo, pl. 5.4, 7.4; drawing, p. 24, fig. 12.2; rubbing, p. 30. Chunyu, photo, pl. 7.6; drawing, p. 32, fig. 13.1; rubbings, p. 31. Tone measurements: p. 27. Other instruments found: 12 chimestones. Beitang, Hengyang HuN (1978): 1 nao. Wenwu 1980 (II): 95-96; photo, pl. 8.4. Caoloucun, Changxing ZJ (1959): 1 nao. Wenwu 1960 (7): 48-49; Arts of China 1:43, pl. 59 (photo); Gao Zhixi 1984b, 130, English translation, 287; photo, fig. 63.4. Cenxi GX (location unclear) (1987): 1 yongzhong. Guangxi Wenwu 1987 (2) [not seen]; mentioned in Jiang Tingyu 1989, 30. Chang'anxiang, Hengyang HuN (1977): 1 yongzhong. Wenwu 1985 (6): 83; photo, fig. 1; partial rubbings, figs. 3 and 4. Changhe, Wanzai JX (1965): 1 nao. Jiangxi Lishi Wenwu 1984 (1): 3 (photo). Changlelu, Luoyang HN (year unknown): 4 bo, 9 niuzhong. Unpublished, exhibited by the Institute of Archaeology, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, at the Palace Museum, Beijing, in 1990. Changsha HuN, tomb no. 401 (1951-52): 7 niuzhong (lead mingqi). Changsha fajue baogao, 119, photo, pl. 73.2. Changtaiguan, Xinyang HN, tomb no. 1 (1957): 13 niuzhong (1*: JINGLI).

3. The catalog text confuses the Beifengtan bells with those from Shiguzhaishan (q. v.).

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Wenwu Cankao Ziliao 1957 (9): 21-22; Wenwu 1959, 15-23; photos, p. 4, 12, 13; Xin Zhongguo de kaogu shouhuo, pl. 70; Chuka Jinmin Kyowakoku shutsudo bunbutsu-ten (1977-78), cat. no. 28-40; Xinyang Chu-mu, 21-29 (drawings, rubbings); photos, pls. 6-12. Tone measurements: Yang Yinliu 1959; Chen and Zheng 1980, 1985. Other musical instruments found: 3 se, 3 drums of different sizes; yu and sheng mentioned in tomb inventory. Changtaiguan, Xinyang HN, tomb no. 2 (1958): 13 niuzhong (wooden mingqi). Kaogu Tongxun 1958 (II): 79-80. Xinyang Chu-mu: 86-95; photos, pls. 77-88; drawing, p. 88, fig. 59. Other musical instruments found: 5 se, 2 drums of different sizes, 2 sets qing (9/9; mingqi). Changxing Middle School, Changxing ZJ (1969): 1 nao. Wenwu 1973 (1): 62; Gao Zhixi 1984b, 130, English translation, 287, photo, fig. 63.4. Chengcun, Linyi SX, tomb no. 1 (1987): 9 niuzhong. Zhongguo kaoguxue nianjian 1988, 132-33; no illustrations published. Other instruments found: 10 chimestones. Chengcun, Linyi SX, tomb no. 2 (1987): 9 niuzhong. Zhongguo kaoguxue nianjian 1988, 132-33; no illustrations published. Other instruments found: 10 chimestones. Chengqiang Xiufu Gongdi (City Wall Repair Site), Shou Xian AH (1950s?): 17 niuzhong. Mentioned in Ma Chengyuan 1981, 142, table I; no illustrations published. Chengqiao, Luhe JS, tomb no. 1 (1964): 9 niuzhong* [GONGWU ZANGSUN]. Kaogu 1965 (3): 105-15, photo, pls. 1.3, 6, 11; rubbings, pp. 109-11, figs. 8-10. Chengqiao, Luhe JS, tomb no. 2 (1973): 5 bo, 7 niuzhong* [ZHESHANG]. Kaogu 1974 (2): 116-20. Bo, photos, pls. 4.2 and 3; rubbing, p. 117, fig. 3.2. Niuzhong, photos, pls. 4.1 and 4; rubbing, p. 117, fig. 3.1. Chengtan, Liuyang HuN (1979): 1 yongzhong. Gao Zhixi 1984a, 29; photo, pl. 7.2. Chenjiawan, Ningxiang HuN (1974): 1 nao. Gao Zhixi 1984b, 129, pl. 6.3, English translation, 278, photo, fig. 58.4. Chongxian, Yuhang ZJ, tomb no. 1 (1984): 4 yongzhong (pottery mingqi). Dongnan Wenhua 1989 (6): 121-25; photo, back cover, 1; drawings, p. 123, figs. 3. 1 and 2. Dabeimiao, Binyang GX (year unknown): 1 yongzhong. Kaogu 1984 (9): 798-806 (esp. 802-804); photo, p. 804, fig. 8 left.

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Dabona, Xiangyun YN (1964): 1 beehive-shaped bell. Kaogu 1964 (12): 607-14; drawing of bell, p. 612, fig. 9. Other musical instruments found: 1 bronze sheng, I bronze drum. Dadian, Junan SD, tomb no. 1 (1974): 1 bo, 9 niuzhong. Kaogu Xuebao 1978 (3): 317-36. Bo, photo, pl. 4.7; rubbing, p. 324, pl. 8. Niuzhong, photo, pl. 4.8; rubbings, pls. 324-25, figs. 8-9. Dadian, Junan SD, tomb no. 2 (1975): 9 niuzhong* [JU SHU ZHONGZI PING]. Kaogu Xuebao 1978 (3): 317-36, photo, pl. 8.1; rubbings, pp. 331-34, figs. 18-22; Dai Koga bunmei-no nagare (Santo-sho bunbutsuten), 98-99 (color photos). Other musical instruments found: 12 qing. Dadunzi, Feixi AH (1972): 1 ling. Wenwu 1978 (8): 1-11, esp. 2-3; photo, p. 2; Anhui Sheng Kaoguxuehui Huikan I (1979): 38-43. Dadunzi, Pi Xian JS, tomb no. 253 (1966): I pottery bell. Kaoguxue Jikan 1 (1981): 27-81; drawing, p. 41, fig. 16. 14. Dadunzi, Pi Xian JS, tomb no. 335 (1966): 1 pottery bell. KaoguxueJikan 1 (1981): 27-81; drawing, p. 41, fig. 16.4. Daguo, Huimin SD (1973): 1? nao. Kaogu 1974 (3): 208 (blurred photo). Dahecun, Zhengzhou HN (1972-1975): 2 pottery bells. Kaogu Xuebao 1979 (3): 332; drawing, p. 330. Daifuguan, Linzi SD (year unknown): 8 yongzhong. Seen in 1986; unpublished. Other musical instruments found: 8 qing. Dalingjiao, Pubei GX (1974): 4 yangjiao-bells. Wenwu 1984 (5): 66-69. Dalisanwucun, Boluo GD (1984): 7 yongzhong. Kaogu yu Wenwu 1987 (6): 15-16, 24; photos, inside front cover and p. 15, fig. 1; drawings, p. 16, fig. 2; Guangdong wenwu pucha chengguo tulu, items 51-57 (photos, drawings). Dasikongcun, Anyang HN, tomb no. 1 (1983): 3 nao* [GU]. Kaogu 1988 (10): 865-74; photos, pl. 1 (inside front cover), p. 15, fig. 1; drawings, p. 16, fig. 2. Dasikongcun, Anyang HN, tomb no. 51 (1957): 3 nao* (inscription unpublished). Kaogu Tongxun 1958 (10): 51-62, esp. 56; photo, pl. 3.15; Guo Baojun 1981, pl. 28.5 (better photo).

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Dasikongcun, Anyang HN, tomb no. 312 (1953): 3 nao* [YA ?-MU PENG]. Kaogu Xuebao 9 (1955): 49-50; photo, pl. 10; Guo Baojun 1981, pls. 28. 1-4 (photo). Datang, Xincheng GX (1976): 1 yongzhong. Wenwu 1978 (10): 93-96; photo, p. 95, fig. 11; Guangxi chutu wenwu, pl. 37. Daxin, Fengxiang SX (pre-1949): 3 niuzhong. Zhao Congcang 1988, 83-85, photos, rubbings, and drawings, p. 84. Other musical instruments found: 2 "flat-handled zhong." Dazhongyingcun, Ci Xian HB (1978): 12 bianzhong (ceramic mingqi). Wenwu 1984 (4): 1-9; drawings, p. 5, figs. 6.1,2. Other mingqi musical instruments found: 9 qing. Dengjiatiancun, Pingxiang JX (1984): 1 nao. Jiangxi Lishi Wenwu 1985 (2): 18 (blurred photo). Dingjiagou, Yao Xian ShX, hoard no. 1 (1984): 4 yongzhong (2 sets). Kaogu yu Wenwu 1986 (4): 4-5; photo, p. 5, fig. 4 (blurred; 2 pieces only). Dongjucun, Fufeng ShX (1978): 1 yongzhong* (inscription of enigmatic characters). Kaogu yu Wenwu 1980 (4): 19; photo, pl. 2.1; rubbing, p. 19, fig. 17. Tone measurements: Jiang Dingsui 1984, 88 (#78.909). Dujiacun, Xiaoshan ZJ (1981): 1 yongzhong. Wenwu 1985 (4): 90-91; photo, p. 90, fig. 1; rubbing, ibid., fig. 2. Erlitou, Yanshi HN (context unclear) (1960s): 3 ling (1 bronze, 2 pottery). Kaogu 1965 (5): 215-24; photos, pl. 5.20 (bronze ling); pl. 5-4 (pottery ling). Erlitou, Yanshi HN, Area V tomb no. 4 (1981): 1 ling. Kaogu 1984 (1): 37-40; photo, color plate 4.1. Erlitou, Yanshi HN, Area IX tomb no. 4 (1981): 1 ling. Kaogu 1985 (12): 1085-94; drawing, p. 1091, fig. 7.1. Erlitou, Yanshi HN, Area VI tomb no. 11 (1982): 1 ling. Kaogu 1986 (4): 318-23; photo, pl. 8.5; drawing, p. 321, fig. 6 lower half. Ezhuangqu Huayuan, Linyi SD (1966): 9 yongzhong. Wenwu 1972 (5): 12; photo, pl. 8.5 (blurred). Feijiahe, Yueyang HuN (1971): 1 nao. Wenwu Ziliao Congkan 5 (1981): 103-105; Gao Zhixi 1984b, 129, English translation, 279; photo, fig. 61.1. Fenghuangling, Linyi SD (1984): 9 bo, 9 niuzhong. Linyi Fenghuangling Dong-Zhou-mu. Niuzhong: photo, pl. 8.2, pl. 12; drawing, p. 15, fig. 10; rubbing, p. 16, fig. 11. Bo: photo, pl. 13; drawing, p. 19, fig. 14; rubbings, pp. 17-18, figs. 12-13. Other kinds of bells found: 1 duo.

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Fenshuiling, Changzhi SX, tomb no. 14 (1953-54): 2 yongzhong, 8 niuzhong. Kaogu Xuebao 1957 (1): 111-15. Yongzhong, Wusheng chutu wenwu zhanlan tulu, 65 (photo). Niuzhong, photo, Kaogu Xuebao 1957 (1), pl. 1.2; rubbings, p. 113, fig. 14; Wusheng chutu wenwu zhanlan tulu, 65 (photo). Tone measurements (A-tones of seven pieces only): Li Chunyi 1973, 16. Other music-related finds: 2 sets qing (11/11); clay figurines of performers. Fenshuiling, Changzhi SX, tomb no. 25 (1959-61): 4 bo, 5 yongzhong, 9 niuzhong. Kaogu 1964 (3): 111-37. Yongzhong, line drawing, p. 128, fig. 17.1; partial rubbing, p. 127, fig. 16.4. Bo, photo, pl. 4.3; rubbing, p. 127, figs. 16.1 and 2. Niuzhong, photo, pl. 4.2; drawing, p. 128, fig. 17.2; rubbing, p. 127, fig. 16.5. Other musical instruments found: 10 qing. Fenshuiling, Changzhi SX, tomb no. 126 (year unknown): 1 set niuzhong (number unreported). Mentioned in Ma Chengyuan 1981, 142, table 1; Wenwu 1972 (4): 38 (no illustrations published). Fenshuihng, Changzhi SX, tomb no. 269 (1972): 9 yongzhong, 9 niuzhong. Kaogu Xuebao 1974 (2): 63-85. Yongzhong, photos, pls. 3.4 and 5; rubbing, pl. 71, fig. 10.1 (also Shanxi chutu wenwu, cat. no. 106). Niuzhong, rubbing, p. 71, fig. 10 right. Other musical instruments found: 10 qing. Fenshuiling, Changzhi SX, tomb no. 270 (1972): 8 yongzhong, 9 niuzhong. Kaogu Xuebao 1974 (2): 63-85. Niuzhong, photo, pls. 9. 1 and 2 (yongzhong not depicted). Other musical instruments found: 11 qing. Futulongcun, Mouding YN (1978): 6 beehive-shaped bells. Wenwu 1982 (5): 84 (photo, drawing). Other musical instruments found: I bronze drum. Gao'an, Fanchang AH (1980s): 1 yongzhong (?), I niuzhong (?). Xuanzhou Wenwu 6 (1988): 24-25 (no illustrations published). Gaochong, Wangcheng HuN (1977): 1 nao. Gao Zhixi 1984b, 129, English translation, 280; photo, fig. 60.3. Gaotun, Xiangtan HuN (1976): 1 yongzhong. Hunan KaoguJikan 1 (1981): 21-24; photo, pl. 9.6; rubbings, p. 24, figs. 7 and 8. Goutouba, Xiangxiang HuN (1964): 1 nao. Wenwu 1977 (2): 2; Gao Zhixi 1984b, 129, English translation, 279-80; photo, fig. 60.4.

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Goutoushan, Shaoxing ZJ (1977): 2 goudiao* [PEI'ER]. Kaogu 1983 (4): 371-72 (photos, drawings, rubbings); Zhejiang Wenwu, pl. 59 (photo). Guangde AH (location unclear) (1986): 3 sets goudiao (3/4/2). Xuanzhou Wenwu 5 (1987): 13 (no illustrations published). Guanwudiaozhuang, Fufeng (?) ShX (1982): 5 yongzhong. Luo Xizhang 1988, 42, fig. 1.6 (photo of hoard; details so far unpublished). Guanyang Gucheng, Haiyang SD (1950s): 1 yongzhong, 4 niuzhong. Shandong wenwu xuanji, 47-48 (photos); Hayashi 1984 2:387, sho 63 (niuzhong). Guishuwo, Xingning GD (1984): 6 yongzhong. Guangdong wenwu pucha chengguo tulu, items 72-77 (photos, drawings). Guozhen, Baoji ShX (1940s): 1 yongzhong. Qingtongqi tushi, pl. 14 (photo, rubbing); Shaanxi chutu Shang Zhou qingtongqi, vol. 4, pl. 103 (photo, rubbing). Tone measurements: Jiang Dingsui 1984, 88. Haosihe, Yongshou ShX (1979): 4 yongzhong* [NI]. Kaogu yu Wenwu 1981 (1): 9-II; Shaanxi chutu Shang Zhou qingtongqi 4:161-67; photos, entries 185-88. Tone measurements: Jiang Dingsui 1984, 90. Hengba, Wujiang JS (1960): I bell fragment* [YUE WANG]. Kaogu 1961 (7): 390, 394; rubbing, p. 390, fig. 1. 1. Hengshan, Liuzhou GX (1985): 1 yongzhong. Liuzhou Ribao, November 23, 1985, p. 2 (not seen); mentioned in Jiang Tingyu 1989, 30. Heyatou, Linzi SD (1965): zhong (type and number unknown). Wenwu I972 (5): 8 (no illustrations published). Hongjiaqiao, Xiangtan HuN (1965): 2 yongzhong. Wenwu 1966 (4): 3 (photo, rubbings); Chugoku Konan-sho shutsudo bunbutsu, cat. no. 10 (photo of no. 1 only). Hongxing (Red Star) Commune, Lantian ShX (1974): 1 yongzhong* [YING HOU]. Wenwu I975 (10): 68-69; photo, p. 68, fig. 1; rubbing, p. 69, fig. 2. Tone measurements: Jiang Dingsui 1984, 88. Houchuan, Sanmenxia HN, tomb no. 2040 (1957-58): 9 bo, 2 sets niuzhong (10/10). Kaogu Tongxun 1957 (11): 74-77 (no illustrations); Bo, photos in Guo Baojun 1981, pl. 89.3; Wu Zhao 1983, 15.4 Houchuan, Sanmenxia HN, tomb no. 2041 (1957-58): 9 niuzhong. Mentioned in Wang Shimin 1988, 6; no illustrations published.

4. Wu identifies the site of excavation as Shangcunling.

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Other musical instruments found: 10 qing; tone measurements: Huang Xiangpeng 1978-80, pt. 2, 147. Hougudui, Gushi HN (1978): 8 bo*, 9 niuzhong* [FAN ZI]. Wenwu 1981 (1) : 1-8. Bo, photos, Wenwu 1981 (1): pls. 3.2 and 4.3; Quanguo chutu wenwu zhenpinxuan, cat. nos. 197-204. Niuzhong, photo, Wenwu 1981 (1), pl. 4.2; line drawing, Zhongyuan Wenwu 1984 (1): 76, fig. 3. Other musical instruments found: 6 se, 2 gu. Huahu, Huilai GD (1979): 1 yongzhong. Guangdong chutu xian-Qin wenwu, 69, 59, fig. 2 (traditional line drawing). Shantou Wenwu 6 (1979): 30 (blurred photo). Huaibaoshicun, Zigui HB (1985): 3 yongzhong (different types). Jianghan Kaogu 1988 (4): 133-34 (blurred photos and rubbings, p. 133). Huangdui, Fufeng ShX, tombs no. 3 and 4 (1980): 1 yongzhong each. Wenwu 1986 (8): 56-68; line drawing, p. 61, fig. 11.5. Huanghu, Fanchang AH (year unknown): 2 goudiao-like bells (mingqi). Xuanzhou Wenwu 1 (1983): 47-48 (illustration missing). Huangjiashan, Haiyan ZJ (1983): 13 yongzhong, 3 niuzhong, 12 goudiao (all ceramic mingqi). Wenwu 1985 (8): 66-72; photos, pls. 5.1 and 2.2; p. 69, figs. 8, 9, 11, and p. 71, figs. 14-17; drawings, p. 68, figs. 2-7, and p. 72, figs. 18.1 and 2. Additional mingqi bells and other musical instruments found: 2 chunyu, 11 globular bells(?), 4 qing, and many fragments. Huangjing, Liuyang HuN (year unknown): 1 bo. Gao Zhixi 1984a, 30; photo, p. 31.4; Gao Zhixi 1984c, 68; photo, fig. 1 (unrestored); Chugoku Konan-sho shutsudo bunbutsu, cat. no. 13 (restored). Huangmasai, Xiangxiang HuN (1975): 1 nao. Gao Zhixi 1984a, 29; Gao Zhixi 1984b, 130, English translation, 287; photo, fig. 62.2. Huangzhu, Zhuzhou HuN (1981): 1 nao. Gao Zhixi 1984a, 29; photo, pl. 7.3. Huashan, Zhongxiang HuB (1958): 5 yongzhong. Wenwu Cankao Ziliao 1958 (6): 76 (blurred photo). Huilongcun, Wugong ShX (1974): 1 yongzhong. Mentioned in Shaanxi chutu Shang Zhou qingtongqi 4:19. Hui Xian HN (location unclear) (pre-1949?): 3 nao. Wu Zhao 1983, 6 (photo). Jiancun, Xiangyun YN (1977): 3 beehive-shaped bells. Wenwu 1983 (5): 33-41; drawings, p. 39, fig. 23.

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Jiangshan, ZJ (location unclear) (1969): 7 bells (yongzhong ?). Wenwu 1972 (3): 75 (no illustrations published). Jiashan, Xinyu JX (1981): 1 nao. Wenwu 1982 (9): 88-89 (very blurred photo). Jiazhuang, Anyang HN, tomb no. 269 (1970s): 3 nao* [ZHONG]. Zhongyuan Wenwu 1986 (3): 9-13 (no photos published). Jiefanglu, Luoyang HN (1982): 9 bells (type unspecified). Yang Yubin 1985, 189. Other musical instruments found: 23 qing. Jincun, Luoyang HN, tomb no. 7 (1928): 14 niuzhong* [BIAO]. White 1934, pl. 167-69; Sen'oku Hakkokan, Gakki, cat. no. 16; more detailed photos and drawings in Sahara 1984 and Okamura 1986b. Tone measurements: Hamada 1924 supplement volume; Takahashi 1984, 1986. Jinhua ZJ (location unclear) (1976): 1 nao. Mentioned in Dongnan Wenhua 1989 (6): l07 (no illustration published). Jinpingshan, Lianyungang JS (1957): 9 niuzhong. Kaogu 1960 (7): 1-11, esp. 4; indistinct photo, pl. 1.5; Jiangsu chutu wenwu, pl. 88 (photo). Jinshengcun, Taiyuan SX, tomb no. 251 (1988): 2 sets bo (5/14). Wenwu 1989 (9): 59-86; photos, pls. 7. 1-5, p. 77, fig. 29; drawing, p. 76, fig. 26; rubbings, p. 77, fig. 27. Other musical instruments found: 14 qing. Jishan, Linzi SD (1983): 4 yongzhong, 9 niuzhong (gilt bronze mingqi). Dai Koga bunmei-no nagare, 124-25 (niuzhong only). Other mingqi musical instruments found: qing (number unclear). Jishiliang, Suizhou HuB (1979): 4 niuzhong, 1 small niuzhong. Wenwu 1980 (1): 34-41; photo, p. 40, figs. 16 and 17; rubbing, p. 39, fig. 11. Jishui JX (location unclear) (1970s): 3 yongzhong. Jiangxi Lishi Wenwu 3 (1980): 50 (blurred photo). Jiuli, Linli HuN, tomb no. 1 (1980): bell-rack. Chu wenhua kaogu dashiji, 124. (no illustration published). Other music-related finds: lithophone-rack, drum stand. Jiuliandun, Xindu SC (1980): 5 pseudo-yongzhong. Wenwu 1981 (6): 1-16; photo, p. 16, fig. 49. Jiulidun, Shucheng AH (1980): 4 yongzhong. Kaogu Xuebao 1982 (2): 229-42; photos, pls. 17.2 and 19.2; Anhui Sheng Bowuguan-cang qingtongqi, item 55. Other musical instruments found: 5 qing, 1 drum stand*.

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Jiuxian, Ye Xian HN, tomb no. 1 (1987): 6 niuzhong (incomplete set)* (inscription deliberately effaced). Hua Xia Kaogu 1988 (3): 1-18; photo, p. 6, fig. 8; drawings, p. 9, figs. 10.1 and 2; rubbing, p. 9, fig. 10.3, and p. 10, fig. 11. Other musical instruments found: 2 se. Keshengzhuang, Chang'an ShX (1950s): 1 pottery handbell(?). Li Chunyi 1957a; Wu Zhao 1983, 4. Kewang Damiaoxia, Fogang GD (1984): 1 nao. Guangdong wenwu pucha chengguo tulu, item 43 (photo, drawings). Lanshi, Zixing HuN (198o): 1 nao. Hunan Kaogu Jikan 3 (1986): 29-30 (photo, line drawing, partial rubbings). Leigudun, Suizhou HuB, tomb no. 1 (1978): 4? sets yongzhong* (12/11/12/10), 1 bo*, 3 sets niuzhong* (6/6/7) [ZENG HOU YI]. Wenwu 1979 (7): 1-24. Tone measurements: Wang Xiang 1981; Shanghai Bowuguan Jikan 2 (1982): 89-92; Tan and Feng 1988. First group of yongzhong (lower tier and the first and third set on the middle tier of the bell-rack in tomb no. 1, 33 pieces): photos, Wenwu 1979 (7), figs. 17, 22, 23, and pls. 1 and 3.2; Sui Xian Zeng Hou Yi-mu, figs. 9, 10, 14-21. Second set of yongzhong on the middle tier, set of 12: photos, Wenwu 1979 (7), fig. 17, pl. 1; Sui Xian Zeng Hou Yi-mu, figs. 9 and 10; Hubei Suizhou Leigudun chutu wenwu, fig. 4. Bo, photo, Sui Xian Zeng Hou Yi-mu, ill. 22. Niuzhong, photo, Sui Xian Zeng Hou Yi-mu, pl. 12. Other musical instruments found: 32 qing* (4 sets) [ZENG HOU YI], 12 se, 2 qin, 5 sheng, 2 flutes, 4 drums (different types), drum stand. Leigudun, Suizhou HuB, tomb no. 2 (1981): 2 sets yongzhong (8/28). Wenwu 1985 (1): 16-36. Tone measurements: Huangzhong 1988 (4): 9-12. First set, set of 8: Wenwu 1985 (1); photos, pls. 2. 1, 3.2, 4; drawing, p. 29, fig. 34; Hubei Suizhou Leigudun chutu wenwu, photo, fig. 66-67a. Second set, set of 28: Wenwu 1985 (1): 16-36; photos, pls. 2. 1 and 3.1; drawing, p. 29, fig. 35; Hubei Suizhou Leigudun chutu wenwu, photo, fig. 66. Other musical instruments found: 12 qing, 1 drum stand. Leijiashan, Dawu HuB (1979): 7 yongzhong (2 sets: 5/2?). Jianghan Kaogu 1980 (2): 95-96, 90; rubbing, fig. 2; Kaogu 1988 (4): 300-306, 313; blurred photo, p. 306, fig. 8. Liangshuiping, Binyang GX (1973): 1 yongzhong. Wenwu 1978 (10): 93-96; photo, p. 95, fig. 14; rubbings, p. 96, figs. 9 and 10; Guangxi chutu wenwu, pl. 39 (photo). Lianhua, Ningxiang HuN (1965): 1 yongzhong. Wenwu 1966 (4): 4-5; photo, p. 4, fig. 13.

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Lijialou, Xinzheng HN (1923): 4 bo, 2 sets yongzhong (10/9). Sun Haibo 1937 (photos); Chine, trésors et splendeurs, cat. no. 25 (photo of 1 yongzhong). Tone measurements (six yongzhong only): Huang Xiangpeng 1978-80, pt. 2, 139. Liling HuN (location unclear) (year unknown): 1 nao. Gao Zhixi 1984a, 29, pl. 7.1 (photo). Linkesuo, Jing'an JX (1983): 1 nao. Kaogu 1984 (4): 375 (photo); Jiangxi Lishi Wenwu 1983 (2): 12 (photo). Linwu HuN (location unclear) (1962): 1 yongzhong. Gao Zhixi 1984a, 30; photos, pls. 8.1 and 2. Liugezhuang, Penglai SD (1976/77 or 1984): 9 niuzhong on rack. Kaogu 1990 (1): 803-10; photo, pls. 1.1 and 3.3; drawings, p. 805, figs. 5 and 6.3. Liujiacun, Fufeng ShX (1972): 1 yongzhong. Kaogu yu Wenwu 1980 (4): 16; photo, p. 10, fig. 4.4 (blurred). Tone measurements: Jiang Dingsui 1984, 88. Liujiadianzi, Yishui SD (1977): 6 bo, 4 sets yongzhong (9/7/3/1), 9 niuzhong* [CHEN DASANGSHI]. Wenwu 1984 (9): 1-10. Yongzhong, no illustrations published for sets 1-3 (seen by the writer in 1986); fourth set, photo, pl. 2.6. Niuzhong, photo, p. 9, fig. 17 (blurred); rubbing, p. 6, fig. 8. Bo, photo, p. 9, fig. 18 (blurred). Other instruments found: 1 zheng, 2 chunyu, many qing. Liulige, Hui Xian HN, tomb no. 60 (1935-37): 4 large bo, 8 small bo, 8 yongzhong, 9 niuzhong. Shanbiaozhen yu Liulige. Yongzhong, rubbings, pls. 72, 75.1-5. First set of bo, rubbings, pl. 73. Second set of bo, rubbings, pls. 73, 76. Niuzhong, rubbings, pls. 74, 75.6-8. Other musical instruments found: 11 qing. Liulige, Hui Xian HN, tomb no. 75 (1935-37): 4 bo, 8 yongzhong, 9 niuzhong. Shanbiaozhen yu Liulige. Yongzhong, rubbings, pls. 96, 98. Bo, rubbings, pls. 94-95. Niuzhong, rubbings, pl. 64. Other musical instruments found: 10 qing. Liulige, Hui Xian HN, tomb no. 80 (1935-37): 4 niuzhong. Shanbiaozhen yu Liulige. Niuzhong, pl. 97 (rubbing only). Other kinds of bells found: 1 duo. Liulige, Hui Xian HN, tomb Jia (1935-37): 4 large bo, 9 small bo, 8 yongzhong, 9 niuzhong. Shanbiaozhen yu Liulige, pl. 115.1 (blurred photo showing all the bells and chimestones). First set of bo, photos, Guo Baojun 1981, pl. 75.1; Wang

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Haiwen 1980, 73. Second set of bo, photos, Guo Baojun 1981, pls. 75.1 and 2; Wang Haiwen 1980, 73. Other musical instruments found: 11 qing. Liulin, Pi Xian JS, tomb no. 118 (1960): 1 pottery bell. Kaogu Xuebao 1965 (2): 9-47; drawing, p. 41, fig. 33. Liurongshan, Yangxin HuB (1974): 2 nao. Wenwu 1981 (1): 93-94 (photos, rubbings). Zhongguo Hubei chutu wenwu, item 64 (photo of nao no. 1). Liuzhou GX (location unclear) (year unknown): 1 yongzhong. Mentioned by Jiang Tingyu 1989, 30 (no illustration published). Longjingxie, Rong Xian GX (1976): 4 yangjiao-bells. Kaogu 1984 (9): 798-806 (esp. 802-804); Wenwu 1984 (5): 66-69. Ludian, Kunming YN (year unknown): bell(s?) (details unclear). Wenwu Cankao Ziliao 1955 (6): 39. Luhe, Lucheng SX, tomb no. 7 (1983): 4 bo, 2 sets yongzhong (8/8), 8 niuzhong. Wenwu 1986 (6): 1-19. Yongzhong, photo, pl. 3.1; drawing, p. 10, fig. 21.1. Bo, photo, pl. 3.2; drawing, p. 10, fig. 21.2. Niuzhong, photo, pl. 3.3; drawing, p. 10, fig. 22. Other musical instruments found: 10 qing. Luobowan, Gui Xian GX (1976): 2 cylindrical bells, 1 yangjiao-bell. Wenwu 1978 (9): 25-42, 54; Guangxi Gui Xian Luobowan Han-mu. Yangjiao-bell: photo, pl. 10.3; drawing, p. 29, fig. 26.1; rubbing, ibid., fig. 26.2. Cylindrical bells: photo, pl. 10.4, 5; drawing, p. 29, fig. 26.3; rubbings, ibid., fig. 26.4, 5. Tone measurements: pp. 125-40. Guangxi chutu wenwu, pl. 84 (photo of cylindrical bell); Quanguo chutu wenwu zhenpinxuan, cat. no. 239 (photo of yangjiao-niuzhong); Zhongguo meishu quanil, Gongyi meishu-bian, vol. 5, pl. 191. Other musical instruments found: 2 bronze drums. Luofang, Xinyu JX (1980): 1 nao. Wenwu 1982 (9): 88-89; Jiangxi Lishi Wenwu 3 1980: 48-49 (blurred photo). Luyu, Binyang GX (1970): 1 yongzhong. Wenwu 1978 (10): 93-96, esp. 96; photo; p. 95, fig. 15. Maba, Qujiang GD (1984): 1 nao. Guangdong Wenbo 1985 (1): 69; photo, pl. 1.7. Guangdong wenwu pucha chengguo tulu, item 44 (photo, rubbings, drawings). Malong, Xiangxiang HuN (1968): 1 yongzhong. Gao Zhixi 1984a, 29, pl. 7.4 (photo); Gao Zhixi 1984c, 67. Maolin, Jing Xian AH (1980s): 3 yongzhong. Mentioned in Wenwu Yanjiu 4 (1988): 161-186 (no illustration published). Matougang, Qingyuan GD, tomb no. 1 (1962): 5 yongzhong.

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Kaogu 1963 (2): 57-61. First type of yongzhong, photos, pls. 1.4-9; rubbings, p. 39, figs. 8.2,3,5. Second type of yongzhong, photo, pl. 1.2. Other kinds of bells found: 1 zheng. Matougang, Qingyuan GD, tomb no. 2 (1963): 7 yongzhong. Kaogu 1964 (3): 138-42; photos, pls. 8.1-9; rubbing, p. 140, fig. 3. Mawangcun, Chang'an ShX, hoard no. 2 (1973): 10 yongzhong (1/1/2/2/4). Kaogu 1974 (1): 1-5. First set (no. 22), photo, p. 3, fig. 7.4. Tone measurements: Jiang Dingsui 1984, 87. Second set (no. 23), photo, p. 3, fig. 7.5. Tone measurements: Jiang Dingsui 1984, 88. Third set (nos. 20-21), photo, p. 3, fig. 7.3 (no. 20). Tone measurements: Jiang Dingsui 1984, 89. Fourth set (nos. 18-19), photo, p. 3, fig. 7.2 (no. 19). Tone measurements: Jiang Dingsui 1984, 88. Fifth set (nos. 14-17), photo, p. 3, fig. 7.1 (no. 14). Tone measurements: Jiang Dingsui 1984, 88. Maxiang, Heng Xian GX (year unknown): 1 yongzhong. Kaogu 1984 (9): 798-806 (esp. 802-804). Meicun, Boluo GD (1975): 7 yongzhong. Guangdong chutu xian-Qin wenwu, 48-69; mentioned in Kaogu Xuebao 1984 (4): 413-14 (no photos published). Miaodigou, Sanmenxia HN (1957): 1 pottery toy (bell?). Miaodigou yu Sanliqiao, drawing, p. 54, fig. 36.1; Jianming Zhongguo lishi tuce 1:131 (incorrect drawing). Miaodun, Donghai JS (1982): 9 yongzhong. Kaogu 1986 (12): 1073-78; photo, p. 1075, fig. 5; drawing, ibid., fig. 4. Miaoqiancun, Wanrong SX (1958): 9 niuzhong, 1 yongzhong. Niuzhong: Wenwu Cankao Ziliao 1958 (12): 34-35 (photo, rubbing). Yongzhong: Shanxi chutu wenwu, cat. no. 92 (photo). Other musical instruments found: 10 qing. Muluocun, Liujiang GX (1986): 1 yongzhong. Wenwu 1990 (1): 92-93 (photo). Nanluo, Lintong ShX, hoard no. 1 (1976): 13 yongzhong. Wenwu 1977 (8): 1-7, 73; photos, pls. 1.3.4; rubbings, p. 4, fig. 15. Tone measurements: Jiang Dingsui 1984, 87. Nanluo, Lintong ShX, hoard no. 2 (1979): 1 yongzhong. Kaogu yu Wenwu 1983 (3): 111; photo, fig. 1 (blurred). Nanmendong, Luoding GD (1977): 6 yongzhong. Kaogu 1983 (1): 43-48, 29. Yongzhong, photo, pl. 8.1; drawing, p. 44, fig. 2.2; partial rubbings, p. 45, fig. 3.16, p. 48, fig. 6.7; Guangdong chutu xian-Qin wenwu, 62, fig. 9.2 (photo). Other kinds of bells found: 1 zheng.

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Nanxiang, Heng Xian GX (year unknown): 1 yongzhong. Kaogu 1984 (9): 798-806; photo, p. 804, fig. 8 right. Nanya, Jian'ou FJ (1980s): 2 nao. Kaogu Xuebao 1990 (4): 391-407; photo, pl. 1.5. Nasangcun (a.k.a. Mei'ershan), Heng Xian GX (1958): 1 yongzhong. Wenwu 1978 (10): 93-96; photo, p. 95, fig. 13; Guangxi chutu wenwu, pl. 38 (photo). Nihequ, Lujiang AH (1973): 1 nao. Anhui Sheng Bowuguan-cang qingtongqi, item 10 (photo, rubbings); Chinesisches Kunsthandwerk der Provinz Anhui aus drei Jahrtausenden, 50-51 (cat. no. 7, photo). Paotaishan, Luanping HB (1978): 3 ornate ling, 1 niuzhong. Wenwu Ziliao Congkan 7 (1983): 67-74; photo, p. 72, fig. 13. Pengjiaqiao, Pingxiang JX (1962): 2 yongzhong. Kaogu 1963 (8): 417; photos, fig. 3. Pengshan, Lianping GD (1978): 1 yongzhong, 1 chunyu. Guangdong chutu xian-Qin wenwu, 230-233, cat. no. 59 (photo); Wenbo Tongxun (Guangdong Sheng Bowuguan) 3 (1978): 14 (photo). Pingliangtai, Huaiyang HN (year unknown): 5 bells (type uncertain). Cao Guicen 1987, 63. Pingru, Xiangxiang HuN (1982): 1 yongzhong. Gao Zhixi 1984a, 29-30; photo, pl. 10.3. Puducun, Chang'an ShX (19s4): 1 set yongzhong (3 pieces). Kaogu Xuebao 1957 (1): 75-86, pl. 2; Kaogu Xuebao 1956 (3): 123; photo, pl. 10; Xin Zhongguo de kaogu shouhuo, pl. 38.2 (photo). Tone measurements: Jiang Dingsui 1984, 87. Putuo, Xilin GX (1966-72): 2 yangjiao-bells. Wenwu 1978 (9): 43-51; Guangxi chutu wenwu, pl. 95 (photo). Other musical instruments found 4 bronze drums. Qiangjiacun, Fufeng ShX, Y1 (1974): 1 yongzhong* [SHI CHENG]. Wenwu 1975 (8): 57-62; Shaanxi chutu Shang Zhou qingtongqi 3:110-111; photo, pl. 107. Tone measurements: Jiang Dingsui 1984, 89. Qianshan AH (location unclear) (year unknown): 1 nao. Chen Mengjia 1955-56, pt. 5, 125, pl. 11 left; Anhui Sheng Bowuguan-cang qingtongqi, item 11 (photo). Qiaodang, Ningxiang HuN (1975): 1 yongzhong. Wenwu 1983 (10): 72-74; photo, p. 73, fig. 4. Qijiacun, Fufeng ShX, hoard no. 1 (1960): 2 sets yongzhong (8*/8*). First set [ZUO], Fufeng Qijiacun qingtongqiqun, pls. 24-30; Shaanxi chutu Shang Zhou qingtongqi, vol. 2, pls. 156-163 (photos, rubbings). Tone measurements:

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Jiang Dingsui 1984, 90. Second set [ZHONG YI], Fufeng Qijiacun qingtongqiqun, pls. 32-39; Shaanxi chutu Shang Zhou qingtongqi, vol. 2, pls. 142-150 (photos, rubbings). Tone measurements: Jiang Dingsui 1984, 90. Qijiacun, Fufeng ShX, hoard no. 2 (1966): 2 yongzhong. Kaogu yu Wenwu 1980 (4): 16 (no illustrations published). Tone measurements of one specimen (T0120): Jiang Dingsui 1984, 88. Qin Shihuangling [tomb of the First Emperor of Qin], Lintong ShX (1976): 1 niuzhong* [YUEFU]. Kaogu yu Wenwu 1982 (4): 92-94 (drawings); photos, Sensei-sho Hakubutsukan, 26; Wu Zhao 1983, 25. Qingfengcun, He Xian GX (1972): 1 yongzhong. Guangxi Wenwu 1986 (4) (not seen); mentioned in Jiang Tingyu 1989, 29-30. Qingjiang, Wuning JX (1982): 1 yongzhong (?). Jiangxi Lishi Wenwu 1983 (3): 10 (blurred photo). Qingshan, Gaochun JS (1974): 2 yongzhong, 2 goudiao. Wenwu Ziliao Congkan 5 (1981): 108-109. Yongzhong, photo, pls. 9.4 and 5; rubbing, p. 109, fig. 6 left. Goudiao, photo, pl. 9.1. Qiqiao, Gaochun JS (1980s): 1 goudiao. Wenwu 1990 (9): 39 (no illustration published). Qizhen, Fufeng ShX, hoard no. 1 (1966): 2 yongzhong* [NING; YONGXIANG]. Wenwu 1972 (7): 9-12; Shaanxi chutu Shang Zhou qingtongqi 3:70-71. Ning-yongzhong, Shaanxi chutu Shang Zhou qingtongqi, vol. 3, pl. 60 (photo, rubbing). Tone measurements: Jiang Dingsui 1984, 90. Yongxiangyongzhong, Shaanxi chutu Shang Zhou qingtongqi, vol. 3, pl. 61 (photo, rubbing). Tone measurements: Jiang Dingsui 1984, 89. Qizhen, Fufeng ShX, hoard no. 2 (pre-1949): 1 yongzhong. Kaogu yu Wenwu 1980 (4): 16; photo, p. 10, fig. 4.3. Tone measurements: Jiang Dingsui 1984, 89 (= T0026). Quankoucun, Hengyang HuN (1979): 1 nao. Wenwu 1985 (6): 83 (photo, partial rubbing); Gao Zhixi 1984c, 60. Qucun, Quwo SX, tomb no. 7092 (1980s): 1 yongzhong. Seen at the Beijing University Field Station in 1991 (report under preparation). Rujiazhuang, Baoji ShX, tomb no. 1 (1974-75): 3 yongzhong. Baoji Yu-guo mudi 1: 271-359; drawings, p. 282, fig. 193; vol. 2, pl. 155.1 (photo); Wenwu 1976 (4): 34-36; Shaanxi chutu Shang Zhou qingtongqi 4:68 (photo). Tone measurements: Jiang Dingsui 1984, 87. Sanguandian, Lingyuan LN (1978): 6 niuzhong. Kaogu 1985 (2): 108-111, 154; photo, pls. 1.10-13.

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Sanji, Pingshan HB, tomb no. 1 (1974-78): 14 niuzhong. Wenwu 1979 (1): 1-31; Chuzan okoku bunbutsuten, cat. no. 3. Other musical instruments found: 13 qing. Sanlian, Yin Xian ZJ (1974): 1 yongzhong. Wenwu 1985 (4): 91 (no illustration published). Sanmudi, Ningxiang HuN (1973): 1 nao. Gao Zhixi 1984a, 129; English translation, 284; photo, fig. 61.4; Konan-sho Hakubutsukan, pl. 29. Sanpu, Zhuzhou HuN (year unknown): 1 nao. Unpublished; exhibited by the Hunan Provincial Museum at the Shanghai Museum in 1990. Shanbiaozhen, Ji Xian HN, tomb no. 1 (1935): 2 sets bo (5/9). Shanbiaozhen yu Liulige, pt. 1. First set of bo, photos, pls. 2-4; drawings, pp. 5-7; rubbings, pls. 36-37. Second set of bo, photos, pls. 2, 5-7; rubbings, pls. 38-39. Other musical instruments found: 10 qing. Shangcunling, Sanmenxia HN, tomb no. 1052 (1956-57): 9 niuzhong. Shangcunling Guo-guo mudi, 22, pls. 38. 1-3 (photo). Other kinds of bells found: 1 zheng. Shangguocun, Wenxi SX (1970s): 2 sets of 8 niuzhong each. Unpublished; cf. Shanxi chutu wenwu, nos. 64-69. Shangkuangcun, Yantai SD (1969): 1 yongzhong. Wenwu 1972 (5): 8-9; Kaogu 1983 (4): 289-92; photo, pl. 1.3. Shangmacun, Houma SX, tomb no. 13 (1961): 9 niuzhong. Kaogu 1963 (5): 229-45; photo, pl. 3.8; partial rubbing, p. 238, fig. 11.7. Tone measurements: Huang Xiangpeng 1978-80, pt. 2, 142. Other musical instruments found: 10 qing. Shangmacun, Houma SX, tomb no. 1004 (1973-1986): 9 bo. Wenwu 1989 (6): 1-21, 50; drawing, p. 9, fig. 11.3. Shanqian Gongshe, Qingjiang JX (1979): 1 nao. Jiangxi Lishi Wenwu 1981 (3): 36-37 (photo). Shaogou, Luoyang HN, tomb no. 21 (1950s): 6 ling (1 set, bronze mingqi). Luoyang Shaogou Han-mu, 183-86; drawing, p. 183, figs. 83.10-12. Shaogou, Luoyang HN, tomb no. 123 (1950s): 6 ling (1 set, bronze mingqi). Luoyang Shaogou Han-mu, 183-86; photo, pl. 52; drawing, p. 183, fig. 83.9. Shenze, Pan'an ZJ (I986): 1 nao. Kaogu 1987 (8): 727 (photo). Shiguzhaishan, Ningxiang HuN (1959): 5 nao (not a set). Wenwu 1960 (10): 57-58; Wenwu 1966 (4): 2; Hunan-sheng wenwu tulu, 11;

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Zhongguo gu qingtongqi-xuan, no. 23; Chugoku Jinmin Kyowakoku kodai seidokiten, no. 23 (depictions of first ''Elephant nao" only). Gao Zhixi 1984b, 129; English translation, 279-84; photos, figs. 59, 60.1 and 2 (all 5 objects). Shijiahe, Tianmen HuB (year unknown): Neolithic pottery bell. Mentioned in Feng 1988b, 3. Shizhaishan, Jinning YN, tomb no. 6 (1954): 6 beehive-shaped bells, yangjiao-bells (number unreported). Yunnan Jinning Shizhaishan gumuqun fajue baogao 1:80-81, 2:63-65 (beehive-shaped bells); 1:16 (yangjiaobells). Shoufeng, He Xian GX, tomb no. 1 (1982): 18 bronze ling (bell mingqi). Kaogu yu Wenwu 1984 (4): 9-12; photo, pl. 2.4. Shuanggudui, Fuyang AH (1977): 5 bo, 9 yongzhong (all ceramic mingqi). Wenwu 1978 (8): 12-31. Other mingqi musical instruments found: 2 sets qing (10/10). Songshan, Zhaoqing GD (1972): 6 yongzhong. Wenwu 1974 (11); 69-79; Guangdong chutu xian-Qin wenwu, 266-67, 113, cat. no. 83 (photo, drawing); rubbing, p. 63, fig. 12. Songxi, Gaochun JS (1974): 8 goudiao. Wenwu Ziliao Congkan 5 (1981): 108-9 (no illustrations published). Subutun, Qingzhou (formerly Yidu SD), tomb no. 8 (1986): 3 nao. Hai Dai Kaogu 1 (1989): 254-274; photo, pl. 10.3; drawing, fig. 15.1; rubbing, fig. 12.10. Other musical instruments found: 1 qing. Sunjiagou, Ningcheng LN (1982): 2 niuzhong. Wenwu Ziliao Congkan 9 (1985): 33-35; photo, p. 34, fig. 29. Supan, Nanning GX (1940s): 1 yongzhong. Wenwu 1978 (10): 93-96; photo, p. 95, fig. 12. Taigongmiao, Baoji ShX (1978): 3 bo*, 5 yongzhong* [QIN GONG]. Wenwu 1978 (11): 1-5. Yongzhong, photo, pl. 1; line drawing, p. 2, figs. 3, 4; rubbings, p. 2, figs. 1, 2; p. 5, figs. 810. Tone measurements (approximate): Ma Chengyuan 1981, 139. Bo, photo, pl. 2. Additional photos in Higashi Ajia Bunrnei-no genryuten, cat. nos. 45-46. Taihe JX (location unclear) (1970s): 1 nao. Jiangxi Lishi Wenwu 3 (1980): 50 (photo). Tangdongcun, Jiangning JS (1974): 1 nao. Wenwu 1975 (8): 87-88; Gao Zhixi 1984b, 130; English translation, 284; photo, fig. 63.2. Tangjiashan, Fanchang AH (1979): 1 yongzhong. Wenwu 1982 (12): 47-49; photo, pl. 5-4.

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Taosi, Xiangfen SX (1983): Neolithic "bells" (1 metal, 2 pottery). Kaogu 1984 (12): 1069-71, 1068; photos, pls. 3.2-4; drawing, p. 1069, fig. 1. Tian'eshan, Zixing HuN (1983): 1 nao. Hunan Kaogu Jikan 3 (1986): 26-30 (photo, line drawing, partial rubbings). Tianjingwang, Ju Xian SD (1963): 3 bo, 6 zhong (type uncertain). Wenwu 1972 (5): 11 (no illustrations published). Tianxingguan, Jiangling HuB (1978): 4 niuzhong. Kaogu Xuebao 1982 (1): 71-116; photos, pls. 19.9, 20.1; drawing, p. 96, fig. 19. Other musical instruments found: many qing, 6 sheng, 4 se, 2 drums of different sizes. Bell-rack has slots for 22 bells. Touba, Zhuzhou HuN (1972): 1 nao. Wenwu Ziliao Congkan 5 (1981): 103-105; Gao Zhixi 1984b, 130, English translation, 288; photo, fig. 63.3; Gao Zhixi 1984c, 67. Wangcun, Qingyang AH (year known): 4 goudiao (unusual type). Anhui Wenbo 3 (1983): 86-87, 86 (photo). Wangjiashan, Dantu JS (1985): 3 chunyu (chimed set?), 1 goudiao. Wenwu 1987 (12): 24-37. Chunyu, photos, pls. 1, 4.2, p. 32, fig. 12; drawing, p. 27, fig. 5.1; rubbings, p. 31, figs. 10, 11. Goudiao, photo, p. 34, fig. 25; drawing, p. 27, fig. 5.4. Wanjiaba, Chuxiong YN (1975): 6 yangjiao-bells. Wenwu 1978 (10): 1-18; Kaogu Xuebao 1983 (3): 347-82. Wanrong, SX (location unclear) (year known): large zhong (no details known). Mizuhara (1984, 11) quotes Shanxi Ribao, 4 January, 1962 (not seen). Weipocun, Binyang GX, tomb no. 1 (1977): 1 yongzhong. Kaogu I983 (2): 146-48; photo, pl. 6. 1. Weipocun, Binyang GX, tomb no. 2 (1979): 2 yongzhong. Kaogu 1983 (2): 146-48; photos, pls. 6.2-3. Weizhuang, Pingdingshan HN (year unknown): 3 yongzhong. Kaogu 1988 (5): 466 (photo). Tone measurements: Fang Jianjun 1986 (aural approximations). Wudaohezi, Lingyuan LN, tomb no. 1 (1987): 3 niuzhong-like bells. Wenwu 1989 (2): 52-61; photos, pl. 8.1, p. 57, fig. 10.1; drawing, p. 59, fig. 16.2. (Similar bells found in other tombs at the same site.) Wuhu AH (location unclear) (1980s): 4 yongzhong, 1 nao. Mentioned in Wenwu Yanjiu 4 (1988): 161-186 (no illustration published). Wujun Xicun, Fufeng ShX (1973): 1 yongzhong. Kaogu yu Wenwu 1980 (4): 16-17; photo, p. 10, fig. 4.6 (blurred). Tone measurements: Jiang Dingsui 1984, 87 (inv. no. 73-584).

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Wujun Xicun, Fufeng ShX, hoard no. 2 (1978): 2 pieces (at least one a bell). Luo Xizhang 1988, 46 (listed in table; no illustrations). Wuxuan GX (location unclear) (1981): 1 yongzhong. Mentioned by Jiang Tingyu 1989, 30 (no illustration published). Xiajiashan, Leiyang HuN (1980): 1 nao. Wenwu 1984 (7): 49; Gao Zhixi 1984b, 130; English translation, 287-88; photo, fig. 62.3. Xian Zhuanwachang, Shangcai HN (1979): 13 niuzhong. Zhongyuan Wenwu 1990 (2): 93-94, 80; photo, p. 94, fig. 6. Xiangbizui, Changsha HuN, tomb no. 1 (1978): bell fragments (ceramic mingqi). Kaogu Xuebao 1981 (1): 111-30 (no illustration published). Xianggangshan, Guangzhou GD (1983): 14 niuzhong, 5 yongzhong, 8 goudiao* [NANYUE WEN DI]. Kaogu 1984 (3): 222-30. Niuzhong, photo in archaeological context, pl. 2.2 (no detailed illustrations published; yongzhong unpublished). Goudiao, photo and rubbing, p. 227, fig. 3; Quanguo chutu wenwu zhenpinxuan, pls. 24148 (photos). Other musical instruments found: 2 sets qing (8/10), 1 zheng. Xiangtan HuN (location unclear) (1973): 1 yongzhong. Gao Zhixi 1984a, 30; photo, pl. 10.4. Xiangtan HuN (location unclear) (1954): 1 yongzhong. Gao Zhixi 1984a, 30; photo, pl. 12.1. Xianjiahu, Changsha HuN (1974-75): niuzhong (number unclear), 2 mallets (all ceramic mingqi). Wenwu 1979 (3); 1-16; photos, p. 12, figs. 29 and 32. Other mingqi musical instruments found: 14 qing (2 sets). Xianyang ShX (location unclear) (year unknown): 1 niuzhong. Higashi Ajia bunmei-no genryuten, cat. no. 67. (Several similar specimens seen at the Xianyang Municipal Museum in 1991, apparently unpublished.) Xiao'emeishan, Zhangqiu SD (year unknown): 4 yongzhong, 22 goudiao-shaped objects. Weuwu 1989 (6): 67-72. Yongzhong: photo, p. 66, fig. 1; rubbing, ibid., figs. 2. Goudiao-shaped objects: drawings, p. 67, figs. 3.1 and 2. Xiaonanzhuang, Wen Xian HN (1968): 3 nao. Wenwu 1975 (2): 88-91 (photo); Henan chutu Shang Zhou qingtongqi 1:272 (photo). Tone measurements: Huang Xiangpeng 1978-80, pt. 2, 135. Xiaotianxi, Fuling SC, tomb no. 1 (1972): 14 niuzhong. Wenwu 1974 (5): 61-80; photos, pls. 1, 2.4; The great Bronze Age of China, 287-89, 315; Shisen-sho bunbutsuten, 28-29 (cat. no. 40). Other kinds of bells found: 1 zheng, 1 pseudo-yongzhong.

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Xiasi, Xichuan HN, tomb no. 10 (1978): 9 niuzhong* (name of donor effaced). Kaogu 1981 (2): 119-27; photo, pl. 6.1; rubbing, p. 123, fig. 5. Tone measurements (approximate): ibid., 125. Other musical instruments found: 13 qing, 2 panpipes. Xiasi, Xichuan HN, tomb no. 2 (1978): 26 yongzhong* [WANGSUN GAO], 8 bo [?]. Wenwu 1980 (10): 13-20; Zhao Shigang 1986, photos, p. 48, fig. 3, pls. 3.1-3, 5; drawing, p. 49, fig. 4; rubbing, p. 47, fig. 1, p. 48, fig. 2; Son of Heaven, 60-62, cat. no. 9 (photos). Tone measurements: Zhao Shigang 1986. Other musical instruments found: remains of qin [?], 13 qing. Xiasi, Xichuan HN, tomb no. 10 (1978): 9 niuzhong [*LÜ WANG (?) (inscription unpublished)]. Wenwu 1980 (10): 13-20 (no illustrations published). Other musical instruments found: 13 qing. Xibeicun, Yangxin SD (1988): 5 bo, 9 niuzhong. Kaogu 1990 (3): 218-222, 285; blurred photo, p. 221, fig. 5; partial rubbing, ibid., fig. 4. Other musical instruments found: 13 qing. Xibeigang, Anyang HN, tomb no. 1083 (1935): I enlarged set nag (3 + 1). Kaogu Xuebao 7 (1954): 18, pls. 52-54; Chia 1980, 3, 4 (photos) and 6 (drawing). Tone measurements: Chia 1980, 14-15. Xigaoquan, Baoji ShX (1978): 1 yongzhong. Wenwu 1980 (9): 1-9; photo, pl. 1.1. Xijiao (Western Suburbs), Anyang HN, tomb no. 8 (1957): 3 nag. Wenwu Cankao Ziliao 1958 (12): 31; photo, inside back cover, fig. 12; Kaogu 1963 (4): 215-16, 220. Xijiao (Western Suburbs), Luoyang HN (1962): 9 bronze ling of 4 different types (1*), 1 iron ling. Kaogu Xuebao 1963 (2): 1-58, esp. pp. 27, 31, 34; drawings, p. 27, figs. 22.21-24. Other musical instruments found: drum (pottery mingqi); figurines of performers. Ximennei (Inside the West Gate), Shou Xian AH (Cai Hou Tomb) (1955): 8 bo*, 12 yongzhong*, 9 niuzhong* [CAI HOU], bell fragments*. Shou Xian Cai Hou-mu, 10. Yongzhong, Shou Xian Cai Hou-mu; photos, pls. 18, 20; rubbings, pls. 22-23; Chuka Jinmin Kyowakoku shutsudo bunbutsuten, cat. no. 1-4 (photos). Bo, Shou Xian Cai Hou-mu; photos, pls. 19.1 and 21.1; rubbings, pls. 44-51; Anhui Sheng Bowuguan-cang qingtongqi, item 78 (photo). Tone measurements: Li Chunyi 1973, 18 (A-tones of two pieces only). Niuzhong, Shou Xian Cai Hou-mu; photos, pls. 19.2, 21.2; rubbings, pls. 52-59; Anhui Sheng Bowuguan-cang qingtongqi, item 77 (photo); Chinesisches Kunst

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handwerk der Provinz Anhui aus drei Jahrtausenden, 51 (cat. no. 8, photo). Tone measurements: Li Chunyi 1973, 16 (A-tones only). Other kinds of bells found: 1 chunyu, 1 zheng. Xinglongcun, Zhuzhou HuN (1988): 1 nao. Hunan Sheng Bowuguan Wenji 1 (1991): 137-139; photo, back cover; drawing, p. 139, fig. 3.1; rubbing, p. 138, fig. 1. Xinhua, Zhijiang HuB (1973): 1 typologically abnormal bell* [JING]. Wenwu 1974 (6): 86 (photo); Jianghan Kaogu 1980 (2): 55-59; rubbing, p. 55, fig. 1; Wenwu 1980 (10): 31-41; photo, pl. 3-4. Xinhuicun, Fengcheng JX (1985): 1 nao. Jiangxi Lishi Wenwu 1985 (1): 12; photo, front cover. Xinshi, Deqing ZJ (1976): 1 yongzhong (proto-porcelain mingqi). Wenwu 1985 (4): 91 (no illustration published). Xujiafan, Yuhang ZJ (1963): 1 nao. Kaogu 1965 (5): 256; Gao Zhixi 1984b, 130; English translation, 284; photo, fig. 62.4.5 Ya'erzhou, Guangji HuB (1984): 23 yongzhong (6 sets), 2 goudiao. Jianghan Kaogu I984 (4): 38-47. Yongzhong, first set, photos, p. 43, pls. 1.3,4; drawings, p. 39, fig. 2; rubbings, p. 39, fig. 3, P. 40, fig. 11.6 Second set, photos, p. 42, pls. 1.2,5,6; rubbings, p. 40, figs. 4, 10.7 Third set, photo, P. 43, pl. 2. 1; drawing, p. 41, fig. 5; rubbings, p. 41, fig. 6 upper left, lower left and right.8 Fourth set, photo, p. 43, pl. 2.2.9 Fifth set (H. 32, 23.2, and 20 [frgm.] cm), photos, p. 44, pls. 2.3, 4, and p. 44, pl. 2.5; drawing, p. 45, fig. 7; rubbings, p. 41, fig. 6 lower right, p. 45, fig. 8.10 Goudiao, photo, p. 44, pl. 2.6; drawing, p. 45, fig. 9. Yan Xiadu, Yi Xian HB, tomb no. 16 (1964): 2 sets bo (4/6), 2 sets yongzhong (8/8), 9 niuzhong (all pottery mingqi). Kaogu Xuebao 1965 (2): 79-102; photos, pl. 8.4 and pls. 9.1 and 2; drawings, p. 96, fig. 18. Other mingqi musical instruments found: 15 qing. Yancheng, Wujin JS (1958): 7 goudiao. Wenwu 1959 (4): 5 (photo); Jiangsu chutu wenwu, pl. 94 (photo); Dongnan Wenhua 1985 (4/5): 78-91; drawings, p. 83, fig. 3.3. Yangcun, Huangshan AH (1982): 1 yongzhong. Kaogu 1988 (5): 465 (very blurred photo).

5. Gao inexplicably writes "Tianjiafan" instead of "Xujiafan." 6. In the original report, this set is designated as Type A Ia. 7. In the original report, this set is designated as Type A Ib. 8. In the original report, this set is designated as Type A II. 9. In the original report, this bell is designated as Type A III. 10. In the original report, these bells are designated as Type B I and B II.

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Yangjia, Gongcheng GX (1971): 2 yongzhong. Kaogu 1973 (1): 30-34, 41; photo, pl. 12.4; rubbings, p. 31, figs. 2.1 and 2; Guangxi chutu wenwu, pl. 40 (photo). Yangjiacun, Mei Xian ShX (1985): 10 yongzhong belonging to three sets (4*/4/2) *[MAI], 3 bo. Wenbo 1987 (2): 17-25. First set of yongzhong, photos, pls. 1.1 and 2; rubbing, p. 18.1; drawing, p. 21, figs. 2.1, 2.2. Second set (MAI-yongzhong), photos, pls. 1.3 and 4 and 2.1 and 2; rubbings, pp. 18-20; drawings, p. 22: 3-5, 7-Third set of yongzhong, photos, pls. 2.3 and 4, 3.1 and 2; rubbings, p. 22, nos. 10-12; drawings, p. 21, figs. 2.6, 8-10. Bo, photos, p. 22, fig. 3, pls. 3.3 and 4; drawing, p. 23, fig. 4; rubbing, p. 24. Yangmei, Liuyang HuN (1978): 9 niuzhong. Wenwu Ziliao Congkan 5 (1981): 103-105. Niuzhong, photo, pl. 8.4; rubbing, p. 104, fig. 3. Other kinds of bells found: 1 duo. Yangshan, Linqu SD (1963): 5 bo, 5 niuzhong. Wenwu 1972 (5): 13; mentioned in Ma Chengyuan 1981, 142, table 1 (no illustrations published). Yangze, Jian'ou FJ (1978): 1 nao. Wenwu 1980 (II): 95; Gao Zhixi 1984b, 130; English translation, 287; photo, fig. 63.1; Kaogu Xuebao 1990 (4): 391-407; photo, pl. 1.4. Yilijiecun, Zhijiang HuN (1980): 4 yongzhong. Hunan Kaogu Jikan 4 (1987): 179-180; photo, p. 179, fig. 1; rubbings, ibid., fig. 2. Yingmin, He Xian GX (1979): 1 bo. Kaogu yu Wenwu 1982 (4): 62 (drawing). Yinxu, Anyang HN, tomb no. 5 ("Fu Hao") (1976): 5 nao. Yinxu Fu Hao-mu, Beijing (Wenwu), 1976, 100-101 (drawing); photo, pl. 62. 1. Other musical instruments found: 5 qing (2 sets). Yinxu, Anyang HN, Western Area tomb no. 699 (1969-77): 3 nao. Kaogu Xuebao 1979 (1): 97-98, pl. 14.1 (photo). Yongheping, Changyang HuB (1971): 1 yongzhong. Kaogu 1986 (4): 370; photo, fig. 1.2. Yongningbao, Hongdong SX (1980): 1 yongzhong. Wenwu 1987 (2): 1-16, esp. 6-7; drawing, p. 7, fig. 9. Youzhencun, Zhuzhou HuN (1985): 1 nao. Hunan Kaogu Jikan 4 (1987): 172 (photo). Yuanlongpo, Wuming GX, tomb no. 264 (1986): I yongzhong fragment. Wenwu 1988 (12): 1-13 (no illustration provided).

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Yueshanpu, Ningxiang HuN (1983): 1 nao. Wenwu 1986 (2): 44-45 (photo). Yulongshan, Xinyu JX (1962): 1 nao. Kaogu 1963 (8): 416-18, 422, esp. 416-17 (photo, rubbings); Gao Zhixi 1984b, 130; English translation, 288; photo, fig. 63.3.11 Yushugou, Yongdeng GS (1980): 3 pairs of ling. Kaogu yu Wenwu 1981 (4): 34-36; photo, pl. 6.3. Zangjiazhuang, Zhucheng SD (1970): 7 bo*, 9 niuzhong* [JU GONGZI CHAO ZI]. Wenwu 1972 (5): 14; Wenwu 1987 (12): 47-56. Bo, Wenwu 1972 (5): 14; photo, pl. 5.4; rubbing, p. 17, fig. 27; Wenwu 1987 (12); photo, p. 48, fig. 2; drawing, p. 47, fig. 1; rubbing, p. 50, fig. 6, inscription rubbing and transcription, p. 49, figs. 4-5. Niuzhong, Wenwu 1987 (12); photo, p. 48, fig. 3, and p. 54, fig. 15; drawing, p. 50, fig. 8; inscription rubbing, p. 51, fig. 9. Other musical instruments found: 13 qing. Zengjiashan, Xiushui JX (1964): 7 niuzhong. Kaogu 1986 (1): 22-27, 11; photo, pl. 4.2; rubbing, p. 25, fig. 5; Wenwu 1990 (7): 32-35 (photo). Zhangjiapo, Chang'an ShX, tomb no. 163 (1982): 2 yongzhong* (+1 frgm.) [XING SHU]. Kaogu 1986 (1): 22-27, 11; photo, pl. 4.2; rubbing, p. 25, fig. 5; Wenwu 1990 (7): 32-35 (photo). Other musical instruments found: several qing (5 +). Zhengxingcun, Xuancheng AH (1981): 1 yongzhong or zheng (unusual type). Xuanzhou Wenwu 1 (1983): 56 (blurred photo); Xuanzhou Wenwu 3/4 (1986): 61 (photo); Wenwu 1991 (8): 96; photo, fig. 4. Zhi Huai Gongdi (Huai River Dyke Building Site), Shou Xian AH (1950s?): 3 niuzhong. Mentioned in Ma Chengyuan 1981, 142, table 1. Zhiyang Xigang, Pingdingshan HN (1980s): 2 niuzhong. Mentioned in Pingdingshan Wenwu 4 (1986): 11-14 (no illustrations published). Zhongdong, Pingjiang HuN (1980s): 1 yongzhong. Kaogu 1990 (12): 1145 (photo). Zhongshan, Guanyang GX (1976): 1 nao. Wenwu 1978 (10): 93 (photo); Guangxi chutu wenwu, 93 (photo); Gao Zhixi 1984b, 130; English translation, 288; photo, fig. 62.1. Zhoujiahe, Qian Xian ShX (1978): 1 yongzhong. Kaogu yu Wenwu 1981 (1): 11; photo, pl. 4.5.

11. Gao misprints "Yulongshan" as "Zhulongshan."

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Zhuanchangba, Huili SC (1977): 6 beehive-shaped bells. Kaogu 1982 (2): 216-17 (rubbings, photo). Zhuangbai, Fufeng Shx, hoard no. 1 (1976): 21 yongzhong belonging to 6 sets (1*/4* + 3*/6*/3/2/2*), 7 protoniuzhong ("chimed ling"). Wenwu 1978 (3): 1-18; Shaanxi chutu Shang Zhou qingtongqi 2 (1980): 77-108. Yongzhong, first set [First XING], Shaanxi chutu Shang Zhou qingtongqi, vol. 2, pl. 54 (photo and rubbing); Chugoku Sensei-sho Hokei-shi Shugen bunbutsuten, 103 (cat. no. 29). Tone measurements: Jiang Dingsui 1984, 88. Second set [Second XLNG and "Type IV"], Shaanxi chutu Shang Zhou qingtongqi 2:55-58, 65-67 (photos and rubbings). Tone measurements: Jiang Dingsui 1984, 89. Third set [Third XING], Shaanxi chutu Shang Zhou qingtongqi, vol. 2, pls. 59-64 (photos and rubbings). Tone measurements: Jiang Dingsui 1984, 89. Fourth set of yongzhong ["Type V"], Shaanxi chutu Shang Zhou qingtongqi, vol. 2, pls. 68-70 (photos). Tone measurements: Jiang Dingsui 1984, 88. Fifth set of yongzhong ["Type VI"], Shaanxi chutu Shang Zhou qingtongqi, vol. 2, pls. 71-72 (photos). Tone measurements: Jiang Dingsui 1984, 88. Sixth set of yongzhong ["Type VII''; enigmatic inscription], Shaanxi chutu Shang Zhou qingtongqi, vol. 2, pls. 73-74 (photos and rubbings). Tone measurements: Jiang Dingsui 1984, 88. Proto-niuzhong ["chimed ling"], Shaanxi chutu Shang Zhou qingtongqi, vol. 2, pl. 75; Chugoku Sensei-shoHokei-shi Shugen bunbutsuten, 102-103 (cat. 32). Zhuangli-Xi, Teng Xian SD (1984): 4 bo (* [TENG SIMA MAO] inscription unpublished), 9 niuzhong. Zhongguo kaoguxue nianjian 1984, 121 (no illustrations published). Other musical instruments found: 11 qing (excavated in 1978). Zhuyuangou, Baoji ShX, tomb no. 7 (1980-81): set of 3 yongzhong. Baoji Yu-guo mudi 1:92-128; drawing, p. 97, fig. 74; vol. 2, color pl. 12.2, pl. 43.2 (photos). Zhuyuangou, Baoji ShX, tomb no. 13 (1980-81): single nao. Baoji Yu-guo mudi 1:45-92; drawing and rubbing, p. 49, fig. 35; vol. 2, pl. 15.1 (photo). Zifangshan, Xuzhou JS, tomb no. 3 (or no. 2?)12 (1977): 10 ling (bronze mingqi niuzhong). Wenwu Ziliao Congkan 4 (1981): 59-69; photo, p. 67, fig. 32. Zixing County HuN (location unclear) (year unknown): I bo. Gao Zhixi 1984a, 64; photo, p. 67; Gao Zhixi 1984c, 30; photo, pl. 8.4. Zoumashan, Daye HuB (1972): 2 yongzhong. Wenwu Ziliao Congkan 5 (1981): 203-205; drawings, rubbings, p. 204, fig. 2. Zuiziqiancun, Haiyang SD, tomb no. 1 (1978): 2 bo, 5 yongzhong. Wenwu 1985 (3): 12-19. Yongzhong, photos, p. 16, figs. 21-25; rubbing, p. 17, fig. 27. Bo, photos, p. 16, figs. 19, 20; rubbings, p. 17, fig. 28.

12. The text of the report says that the bells are from tomb no. 3, whereas the photo caption assigns them to tomb no. 2.

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APPENDIX TWO A COMPREHENSIVE, TYPOLOGICALLY ARRANGED LIST OF CHINESE MUSICAL BELLS1 The Earliest Clapper-bells (Ling)2 Dadunzi (no details reported as yet). Erlitou, exact locus of excavation unreported (H 14.7 [? more likely, 9.8] cm) Erlitou Area V, tomb no. 4 (H 8.5 cm) (see fig. 55) Erlitou Area IX, tomb no. 4 (H 8.2 cm) Erlitou Area VI, tomb no. 11 (H 7.7 cm) Related unprovenienced specimens Dr. Paul Singer collection, Summit, N.J. (H 9 cm)3 Present location unknown (allegedly from Luoyang) (H 13 cm)4 Shang Dynasty (Anyang Period) Nao from North China I. Unornamented specimens Dasikongcun tomb no. 51, set of 3 * (inscription still unpublished) (anomalous proportions) Xiaonanzhuang, set of 3 (H 20.5, 17.0, 13.5 cm) Xijiao (Anyang) tomb no. 8, set of 3 Yinxu tomb no. 5, enlarged set of 5 two inscribed * (YA GONG) (H 14.4, 11.5, 11.7, 9.8, 7.7 cm) (see fig. 56)

1. For discussion of typology, see Chapters 4 and 5 and Appendix 3. In this list, an asterisk indicates the presence of an inscription; the donor's name or another conventional designation is given in brackets. 2. Neolithic bells and clapper-bells from post-Erlitou periods are not included in this list; for a partial enumeration, see the notes to Chapter 4. 3. Fontein and Wu 1973, 29, cat. no. 1. 4. White 1934, pl. 177 fig. 515.

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Unprovenienced specimens (selection) Museum of Kyoto University (ex C. T. Loo collection, allegedly from a set of 3)5 Present location unknown, set of 3 * (indecipherable) (H 19.2, 16.6, 14.4 cm)6 Present location unknown, set of 3 * (?/ZHONG) (probably from Anyang)7 Present location unknown, set of 3 * (YA- ?)8 Present location unknown, set of 3 (probably from Anyang) * (indecipherable)9 Present location unknown * (indecipherable) (H 18.7 cm)10 Present location unknown * (YUYIZHENG)11 Present location unknown, set of 3 (H 10.2, 9.6, 8 cm)12 Richard C. Bull collection, Pennsylvania (H 12 cm) (anomalous decor)13 II. Ornamented specimens A. With mask ornamentation in raised lines Unprovenienced specimens National Palace Museum, Taibei14 National Palace Museum, Taibei * (YA-WAN FU JI) (H 15.8 cm) (perhaps from Anyang)15 B. With mask ornamentation in full relief Dasikongcun tomb no. 1, set of 3 * (GU) (H 17.5, 14.8, 12.2 cm) Dasikongcun tomb no. 312, set of 3 * (YA-?-MU PENG) (H 18-13.9 cm) Hui Xian, set of 3 (no details published) Jiazhuang tomb no. 269, set of 3 * (ZHONG) (no details published) Subutun tomb no. 8, set of 3 (H 21-15 cm) Yinxu Western Area tomb no. 699, set of 3 (H 21, 18, 14.3 cm) Xibeigang tomb no. 1083, enlarged set of 4 (H 17.6, 16.6, 12.7, 12.5 cm) (see fig. 57) Zhuyuangou tomb no. 13, 1 nao (H 19.5 cm) Unprovenienced specimens (selection) Ashmolean Museum, Oxford (H 16.5 cm)16 Japanese private collection, set of 3 * (indecipherable) (H 18.3, 15.2, 13.7 cm)17 Lüshun Museum (H 18.2 cm)18 Metropolitan Museum of Art (with a possibly forged inscription)19 5. Umehara 1940, pl. 28 lower left. 6. Rong Geng 1941 2:929; Hayashi 1984 2:389, sho 5-7. 7. Rong Geng 1941 2:930. 8. Ibid. 2:390, sho 10. 9. Hayashi 1984 2:390-91, sho 17-19. 10. Ibid. 2:390, sho 10. 11. Ibid. 2:391, sho 28. 12. Ibid. 2:391, sho 21-23. 13. Ibid., sho 20. 14. Gugong tongqi tulu 2:435, pl. xia-484. Hayashi 1984 2:392, sho 29. 15. Rong Geng 1941 2:927. 16. Helen Loveday, personal communication. 17. Hayashi 1984 2:389, sho 1. 18. Ibid. 2:390, sho 12.

19. Kane 1974-75, 89, fig. 23.

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Shandong Provincial Museum, Jinan * (SHOU)20 Shanghai Museum * (YA-CHOU)21 Present location unknown * (YA-?/YOU)22 Present location unknown (allegedly from Anyang; repaired) * (indecipherable)23 Present location unknown (possibly from Anyang) * (indecipherable)24 Present location unknown (possibly from the Anyang area) * (YA-TAI)25 Daguo (number of bells and stylistic position unclear) Shang and Western Zhou Nao from South China I Earliest specimens, with no xuan and predominantly raised-line volute ornaments Liurongshan, first nao (H 27 cm) (see fig. 60) Liurongshan, second nao (H 24 cm [fragmentary]) (see fig. 62) Qianshan (H 41.5 cm [fragmentary]) Tangdongcun (H 46 cm) (see fig. 25) Xujiafan (H 29 cm) (see fig. 61) Jinhua (H 28.5 cm) Huangmasai (H 39 cm) (anomalous execution of decoration) Unprovenienced specimens Museum of Far Eastern Antiquities, Stockholm (ex collection of King Gustaf VI Adolf of Sweden) (H 35 cm) (similar to first Liurongshan specimen)26 Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York (Rogers Fund) (H 29.5 cm) (similar to Xujiafan specimen)27 Not extant (ex Song Imperial collection) (similar to the preceding)28 Not extant (ex Song Imperial collection) (similar to Tangdongcun specimen)29 Not extant (ex Song Imperial collection) (similar to Qianshan specimen)30 Museum of Far Eastern Antiquities, Stockholm (H 51 cm) (see fig. 62)31 II. Specimens with xuan and flat surface with sunken-line volute ornaments Caoloucun (H 51.4 cm) Changxing Middle School (fragment, H 28.5 cm)

20. Seen by the author in 1986. Inscription in Luo Zhenyu 1936, 18.7.1. 21. Ma Chengyuan 1981, pl. 23.1. 22. Rong Geng 1941 2:925; Hayashi 1984 2:390, sho 13. 23. Rong Geng 1941 2:927. 24. Hayashi 1984 2:389, sho 2. 25. Ibid. 2:391, sho 26. 26. Palmgren 1948, pl. 11; see also Hayashi 1984 2:381, sho 12. 27. The Great Bronze Age of China, 124. 28. Bogutulu 26:46a/b. 29. Ibid. 26:45a/b. 30. Ibid. 26:43b. 31. Karlgren 1949, pl. 37.

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Sanmudi (H 66.3 cm) (see fig. 64) Sanpu (unusual tiger decor) Yangze (H 76.3 cm) (see fig. 65) Unprovenienced specimens Formerly Kleijkamp collection (H 77.8 cm) (similar to Sanmudi specimen)32 Wacker collection, New York (H 76.5) (similar to Sanmudi specimen)33 Portland Art Museum (transitional to group III) (H 50.2 cm)34 Shanghai Museum (transitional to group IV)35 Not extant (ex Song Imperial collection) (similar to Sanmudi specimen)36 Not extant (ex Song Imperial collection) (similar to Yangze specimen)37 Ogawa collection, Japan; enigmatic inscription (possibly forged) (transitional to group IV)38 Dr. Paul Singer collection, Summit, N.J.39 III. Large specimens with xuan, molded mask-derived decoration motif Baijiacun (H 44.5 cm) Beifengtan, first nao (H 84 cm [fragmentary]) (sculptural tigers inside) Beifengtan, second nao (H 89 cm) Chenjiawan (H 71.8 cm) Feijiahe (a.k.a. Binhu) (H 74 cm) Gaochong (H 48 cm) Goutouba (H 44 cm) Nihequ (H 49.5 cm) (see fig. 59) Shiguzhaishan, first nao (H 66.7 cm) Shiguzhaishan, 2 "tiger nao" (not a set) (H 70, 69.5 cm) Shiguzhaishan, first "elephant nao" (H 70 cm) Shiguzhaishan, second "elephant nao" (H 40 cm [fragmentary]) Xinhuicun (H 56 cm) Yueshanpu (H 103.5 cm) (see fig. 58) Unprovenienced specimens Palace Museum, Beijing (ex von Lochow collection) (H 64.5 cm)40 Palace Museum, Beijing (H 68.9 cm [fragmentary])41 Shanghai Museum (H 66 cm)42

32. Kane 1974-75, 89, fig. 27. 33. Chen Mengjia 1955-1956, pt. 5:125, pl. 12 right. 34. Kane 1974-75, 89, fig. 26; Hayashi 1984 2:380, sho 6. 35. Ma Chengyuan 1981, pl. 21.1. 36. Bogutulu 26:41a/b. 37. Ibid. 26:42a. 38. Umehara 1940, pl. 20.5; Hayashi 1984 2:381, sho 13. 39. Unpublished. 40. Kane 1974-75, 89, fig. 25. 41. Gugong Bowuyuan Yuankan 1 (1958), front cover. 42. Wenwu 1959 (10):35., photo, p. 33, fig. 3.

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Royal Ontario Museum, Toronto (H 67 cm)43 Not extant (ex Song Imperial collection) (3 separate pieces)44 IV. Specimens featuring the standard zhong decoration scheme A. With vertical lines in center of zheng Banqiao (H 43.5 cm) Liling (H 29.8 cm) (see fig. 66) Unprovenienced specimens Hunan Provincial Museum, Changsha, inv. no. Yin(8)4:14 (H 34.4 cm)45 Hunan Provincial Museum, Changsha, inv. no. Yin(8)4:5 (H 42.8 cm)46 National Museum, Copenhagen (H 34. S cm)47 Japanese private collection (H 38.5 cm)48 B. With tongue-shaped motif in center of zheng Touba (H 34.5 cm) Xiajiashan (H 32 cm) Zhongshan (H 36 cm) (see fig. 67) Xinglongcun (H 42.3 cm) (anomalous decor) Unprovenienced specimens Hunan Provincial Museum, Changsha, inv. no. Yin(8)4:2 (H 35.8 cm)49 Art Institute of Chicago (ex Buckingham collection) (ornament of "eyebrow-shaped" snakes)50 Tenri Sankokan, Tenri (H 34.9 cm)51 Not extant (ex Song Imperial collection) (ornament as on the Chicago piece)52 Hunan Provincial Museum, Changsha (H 52.7 cm) (anomalous tiger decor)53 Hunan Provincial Museum, Changsha, inv. no. Yin(8)4:71 (H 25.5 cm)(anomalous number and distribution of mei; Eastern Zhou regional piece?)54 C. With flat central zheng panel Changhe (H 42 cm) Dengjiatiancun (H 40.2 cm) Huangzhu (H 40.5 cm) (see fig. 68) Kewang Damiaoxia (H 40.8 cm)

43. Chen Mengjia 1955-1956, pt. 5:125, pl. 12 left. 44. Bogutulu 26:37a/b, 40a/b, 47a/b. 45. Gao Zhixi 1984a, 30; no illustration published. 46. Gao Zhixi 1984a, fig. 2.3. 47. Hayashi 1984 2:381, sho 15. 48. Ibid., sho 20. 49. Gao Zhixi 1984a, pl. 9-4 (photo). 50. Chen Mengjia 1955-56, pt. 5, pl. 13 left; Kane 1974-75, 89, fig. 91; Hayashi 1984 2:381, sho 18. 51. Hayashi 1984 2:381, sho 17; Yayoi-no seidoki, cat. no. 21. 52. Bogutulu 23:14a/b. 53. Gao Zhixi 1984a, 30, very blurred photo, pl. 10.1. 54. Photo: Gao Zhixi 1984a, pl. 9.1.

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Lanshi (H 32 cm) Linkesuo (H 46 cm) Maba (H 37.5 cm) Qianshan Gongshe (H 50 cm) Quankoucun (H 43.9 cm) Shenze (H 27 cm [fragmentary]) Taihe (H 55 cm) Tian'eshan (H 38 cm) Youzhencun (H 39.5 cm) Yulongshan (H 51 cm) Unprovenienced specimens Hunan Provincial Museum, Changsha, inv. no. Yin(8)4:16 (H 32.9 cm)55 Hunan Provincial Museum, Changsha, inv. no. Yin(8)4:6 (H 35.1 cm)56 Hunan Provincial Museum, Changsha, inv. no. Yin(8)4:9 (H 40.6 cm)57 Japanese private collection (H 47.8 cm)58 McAlpin Collection (H 41 cm)59 Hunan Provincial Museum, Changsha, inv. no. Yin(8)4:19 (H 36.7 cm) (note "eyebrow-shaped" ornament)60 D. With decoration in faint raised lines61 Beitang (H 36 cm) [?] Jiashan (H 35 cm) [?] Luofang (H 36.9 cm) [?] Unprovenienced specimens Hunan Provincial Museum, Changsha, inv. no. Yin(8)4:4 (H 38.8 cm)62 Hunan Provincial Museum, Changsha, inv. no. Yin(8)4:7 (H 43.9 cm)63 Hunan Provincial Museum, Changsha, inv. no. Yin(8)4:79 (H 43.9 cm) [?]64 Hunan Provincial Museum, Changsha, inv. no. Yin(8)4:17 (H 32.3 cm) [?]65 Hunan Provincial Museum, Changsha, inv. no. Yin(8)4:84 (H 47.4 cm) [?]66 Hunan Provincial Museum, Changsha, inv. no. Yin(8)4:19 (H 36.7 cm) [?]67 Private collection, New York (H 31.5 cm)68 Arthur M. Sackler Gallery, Washington, D.C. (H 32.6 cm) (see fig. 70)69 55. Gao Zhixi 1984a, 32, fig. 2.4. 56. Gao Zhixi 1984a, pl. 9.3. 57. Gao Zhixi 1984a, 32, fig. 2.5. 58. Hayashi 1984 2:381, sho 21. 59. Chen Mengjia 1955-56, pt. 5, pl. 13 right. 60. Gao Zhixi 1984a, 32, fig. 2.6 (blurred photo). 61. The published photos of all provenienced and some of the unprovenienced pieces listed are so blurred that their affiliation with this type is not completely certain. 62. Gao Zhixi 1984a, photo, fig. 3. 63. Ibid., pl. 10.2. 64. Ibid., fig. 2.2. 65. Ibid., pl. 9.2. 66. Ibid., fig. 2.1. 67. Ibid., fig. 2.6. 68. Chen Mengjia 1955-56, pt. 5, pl. 14.

69. Hayashi 1984 2:382, sho 26.

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Zhang Naiji collection (H 50. 8 cm)70 E. With simplified hatched ornaments, studded zhuan Nanya, set of 2 (H 38.2, 32 cm) Early Yongzhong (Western Zhou Through Early Springs and Autuans Period) I. Earliest types, ca. mid-Western Zhou A. Like southern nao IV-C, but with wo Specimens of south Chinese provenience Gaotun (H 48.7 cm) Hongjiaqiao, set of 2 (H 48, 45.4 cm) Huaibaoshicun, 3 bells (not one set) (H 29.5, 29, 26 cm) Pingru (H. 45.3 cm) (see fig. 69) Specimens from north China Beiqiao, first yongzhong (H 39.8 cm) Mawangcun, set of 2 (H 45, 43.5 cm)71 Qucun tomb no. 7092 Yangjiacun, third set, set of 4 Zhuangbai hoard no. 1, fifth set, set of 2 (H 37-5, 36.5 cm)72 Unprovenienced specimens Hunan Provincial Museum, Changsha, inv. no. Yin(8)4:15 (H 31.4 cm)73 Hunan Provincial Museum, Changsha, inv. no. Yin(8)4:80 (H 45.8 cm)74 Hunan Provincial Museum, Changsha, inv. no. Dong(8)1:56 (H 50.2 cm)75 Japanese private collection (H 33 cm)76 B. Like southern nao IV-D, but with wo Specimens of south Chinese provenience Binyang (H 41 cm) Chang'anxiang (H 44 cm) Specimens from Shaanxi Beiqiao, second yongzhong (H 39.8 cm) Guozhen (H 22.4 cm)

70. Chen Mengjia 1955-56, pt. 5, pl. 15 left. 71. In the original report, they are designated as the fourth set of yongzhong (nos. 18-19). 72. In Shaanxi chutu Shang Zhou qingtongqi, vol. 2, this set of uninscribed bells is labeled as "Type VI." 73. Gao Zhixi 1984a, 31. photo, pl. 11.3. 74. Ibid., p. 31, fig. 1.2. 75. Ibid., fig. 1.3. 76. Hayashi 1984 2:382, sho 29.

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Mawangcun hoard no. 2, 3 pieces (possibly from 2 sets) (H 46.5, 44, 29.3 cm)77 Qijiacun hoard no. 2, set of 2 (1 H 60 cm) Qizhen hoard no. 2 (H 50 cm) Zhuangbai hoard no. 1 * (FIRST XING) (H 48 cm) (see fig. 19) Zhuangbai hoard no. 1, fourth set (H 47, 41.5, 38 cm)78 Unprovenienced specimens Sen'oku Hakkokan (Sumitomo collection), Kyoto (H 39-1 cm)79 British Museum, London (H 45 cm)80 C. With studded zhuan Specimens of south Chinese provenience Beiliu (H 29.5 cm) Chengtan (H 44.3 cm) (see fig. 71) Datang (H 34-5 cm) Dujiacun (H 44-8 cm) Jishui, set (?) of 3 (H 43, 32, 30.5 cm) Lianhua (H 33.5 cm) Malong (H 46.3 cm) Pengjiaqiao, set of 2 (H 29, 26 cm) Qiaodang (H 38.5 cm) Qingjiang (H 20 cm) Sanlian (no illustration published) Xiangtan, 2 separate pieces (H 46.7, 39.1 cm) Specimens from north China Dingjiagou hoard no. 1, first set (H 37-5, 33.5 cm) Dongjucun * (enigmatic inscription) (H 27 cm) Liujiacun (H 26.5 cm) Mawangcun tomb no. 2, set of 4 (H 54, 51.3, 48.5, 46 cm)81 Puducun, set of 3 (H. 48.5, 44, 38 cm) (see fig. 72) Rujiazhuang tomb no. 1, set of 3 (H 31.7, 30.5, 23.3 cm) (typologically somewhat heterogeneous) Weizhuang, set of 3 (H 41.7-25.8 cm) Yangjiacun, first set, set of 2 (H ca. 50 cm)

77. In the original report, these pieces constitute the second and third set (nos. 23, 20-2I) among the ten yongzhong found in the hoard. 78. In Shaanxi chutu Shang Zhou qingtongqi, vol. 2, these three bells are designated as "Type V." 79. Gakki, cat. no. 3. 80. Rawson 1987, 83, cat no. 28. 81. In the original report, this is designated as the fifth set of yongzhong (nos. 14-17).

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Zhuangbai hoard no. 1, sixth set * (enigmatic inscription),82 set of 2 (H 48, 45.5 cm) Zhuyuangou tomb no. 7, set of 3 (H 34, 33, 28.8 cm) Unprovenienced specimens * FIRST ZHA-yongzhong (dispersed set): I Sen'oku Hakkokan (Sumitomo collection), Kyoto (H 44.9 cm)83 I Palace Museum, Beijing84 Museum of Fine Arts, Boston85 Hunan Provincial Museum, Changsha, inv. no. Yin(8)4:85 (H 42.2 cm)86 Hunan Provincial Museum, Changsha, inv. no. Yin(8)4:69 (H 36.3 cm)87 Japanese private collection (H 43.7 cm)88 II. Later Western Zhou and early Springs and Autumns period yongzhong from north China A. With raised-line zhuan, volutes in gu Baijiacun * (WUSI HU) (H 28 cm) Haosihe * (NI) set of 4 (H 59, 55.5, 53.5, 50.5 cm) Hongxing Commune * (YING HOU) (H 26 cm) (see also Unprovenienced Specimens) Qiangjiacun hoard no. 1 * (SHI CHENG) (H 76.5 cm) (see fig. 73) Qizhen hoard no. 1 * (YONGXIANG) (H 19 cm) Xigaoquan tomb no. 1 (H 23 cm) Zhangjiapo tomb no. 163 * (XING SHU), 3 pieces (part of larger set?) (largest, H 37.5 cm) Unprovenienced specimens Sen'oku Hakkokan (Sumitomo collection), Kyoto * (SECOND ZHA) (H 25.1 cm)89 Sen'oku Hakkokan (Sumitomo collection), Kyoto * (CHU GONG JIA?), 3 pieces (H 53.2, 44.1, 36.7 cm) (no. 2 stylistically heterogeneous)90 Sen'oku Hakkokan (Sumitomo collection), Kyoto * (JI HOU) (H 26.8 cm) (allegedly from Shouguang, Shandong; possibly forged)91

82. As grouped in Shaanxi chutu Shang Zhou qingtongqi, vol. 2, this set of bells is labeled as "Type VII." 83. Gakki, cat. no. 4; cf. also Rong Geng 1941, vol. 2, pl. 953; Chen Mengjia 1955-56, pt. 6:120. 84. This bell remains unpublished. 85. Chen Mengjia 1955-56, pt. 5, pl. 15 right; Hayashi 1984 2:382, sho 25. 86. Gao Zhixi 1984a, 31, photo, fig. 1.1. 87. Ibid., no illustration. 88. Hayashi 1984 2:382, sho 24. 89. Sen'oku Hakkokan, Gakki, cat. no. 5. 90. Sen'oku Hakkokan, Gakki, cat. nos. 10-12; cf. also Rong Geng 1941, vol. 2, pls. 945-46. Further photos in Mase 1986, 88. 91. Sen'oku Hakkokan, Gakki, cat. no. 8; cf. also Rong Geng 1941, vol. 2, pl. 951.

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Shaanxi Provincial Museum, Xi'an * (XIAN) (H 49 cm)92 Shodo Hakubutsukan, Tokyo, * (YING HOU) (see also under Hongxing)93 B. With pair of L-shaped downward-facing dragons on gu Baozigou * (NANCONG HU) (H 54 cm) (see fig. 33) Lijialou, 2 sets (10 and 9 pieces) (fig. 76) Qijiacun hoard no. 1, first set * (ZUO), set of 8 (H 52-21 cm) Qijiacun hoard no. 1, second set * (ZHONG YI), set of 8 (H 49-22.5 cm) (see fig. 18) Qizhen hoard no. 1 * (NING) (H 54 cm) (see also unprovenienced specimens) Taigongmiao, 5 pieces of 1 set * (QIN GONG) (H 48-27.6 cm) (fig. 111) Yangjiacun hoard no. 1, second set, 4 bells * (MAI) (see also unprovenienced pieces) Zhoujiahe (H 48.4 cm) Zhuangbai hoard no. 1, second set * (SECOND XING, i.e., sets II/IV), 7 pieces extant (H 64.6-28.0 cm)94 Zhuangbai hoard no. 1, third set * (THIRD XING), 6 pieces extant (H 70.0-24.5 cm) (see fig. 74).95 Unprovenienced specimens Dispersed sets * GUO SHU LÜ-yongzhong (allegedly excavated in Chang'an [Shaanxi]; seven pieces known through rubbings)96 1 Shodo Hakubutsukan, Tokyo (H 60 cm) 1 Palace Museum, Beijing 1 Shanghai Museum (H 53.1 cm) 1 Sen'oku Hakkokan (Sumitomo collection), Kyoto (H 36 cm) 1 Shandong Provincial Museum, Jinan (unpublished) * LIANGQI-yongzhong (allegedly discovered in 1940 at Rencun, Fufeng [Shaanxi]) 3 Shanghai Museum (H 55.4, 53.5, 38.1 cm)97 1 Nanjìng Municipal Museum98

92. Qingtongqi Tushi, 120. 93. Nakamura 1934; Wenwu 1977 (8):27-28 (photo, rubbing). 94. As grouped in Shaanxi chutu Shang Zhou qingtongqi, vol. 2, the four larger bells are labeled as ''Type II" and the three smaller ones, inscribed with an abbreviated version of the text, as "Type IV." 95. As grouped in Shaanxi chutu Shang Zhou qingtongqi, vol. 2, this set of bells is labeled as "Type Ill." 96. Yoshimoto 1986, 76-78, photos of the first four. Cf. also: Sen'oku Hakkokan, Gakki, cat. no. 6, Rong Geng 1941, vol. 2, pl. 947 (same piece); for the Shanghai Museum piece, cf. Shanghai Bowuguan Zhongguo qingtongqi chenlie, 22. 97. One of them is depicted in Shanghai Bowuguan-cang Shang Zhou qingtongqi 1:160, 2:58f, and another in Bronzi dell'antica Cina, 130-31 (cat. no. 46). 98. Nanjing Shi Bowuguan, 6 (photo).

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1 Musée Guimet, Paris (H 48.5 cm)99 * KE.-yongzhong (allegedly unearthed in 1890 at Rencun, Fufeng [Shaanxi]; 6 pieces known through rubbings) 1 Fujii Yurinkan, Kyoto (H 54.5 cm)100 1 Shandong Provincial Museum, Jinan (ex Shandong Provincial Library)101 2 Shanghai Museum (one H 38.3 cm)102 * NXNG-yongzhong (see also Qizhen hoard no. 1)103 1 Shanghai Museum (H 69.5 cm) 1 Shodo Hakubutsukan, Tokyo (H 67 cm) 1 Sen'oku Hakkokan (Sumitomo collection), Kyoto (H 65 cm) * RUI GONG-yongzhong 1 National Palace Museum, Taibei104 1 Kurokawa Kobunka Kenkyujo, Nishinomiya (H 34 cm)105 SHIFU-yongzhong 2 Palace Museum, Beijing106 1 Hunan Provincial Museum, Changsha107 * XI ZHONG-yongzhong (6 pieces known through rubbings) 1 Sen'oku Hakkokan (Sumitomo collection), Kyoto (H 40 cm)l08 1 Asian Art Museum, San Francisco (ex Brundage collection)109 1 Shanghai Museum110 Cleveland Museum of Art (ex Ellsworth collection, New York) * (MAI) (H 65.1 cm) (see also Yangjiacun hoard no. 1)111 Japanese private collection * (LUKANG) (H 23.2 cm)112 National Palace Museum, Taibei * (HU) (better known as "Zongzhou-zhong")113 Tianjin Museum (H 32 cm) * (SHU LÜ YUFU)114 Sen'oku Hakkokan (Sumitomo collection), Kyoto115 99. Élisséeff 1947 (photos). 100. Yurinkan seika, pl. 4. 101. Wenwu Cankao Ziliao 1951 (8):105-06; no illustration published. 102. One of these is published in Jadequell und Wolkenmeer, 96-97 (cat. no. 29) (with B-tone bird), another one in Bronzi dell'antica Cina, 128-29 (cat. no. 45). 103. Matsui 1984. Photos, pp. 62-64. 104. Gugong tongqi tulu, vol. 2, shang 239; also in Rong Geng 1941 1:498, 2:952. 105. Hayashi 1984 2:386, sho 565. 106. Seen by the writer in 1986; no illustration published. Inscription rubbings of three pieces in Guo Moruo (1958:-/124-126/128). 107. Wenwu 1991 (5):86-87. Photo: pl. 7.1; rubbings. 108. Sen'oku Hakkokan, Gakki, cat. no. 9; Rong Geng 1941, vol. 2, pl. 949. 109. Lefebvre d'Argencé 1966, pl. 37. 110Wenwu Cankao Ziliao 1957 (2):81 (no illustrations published). 111. Ellsworth 1987, vol. 3, pl. II; partial rubbing. 112. Hayashi 1984 2:386, sho 53. 113. Gugong tongqi tulu, vol. 2, shang 238; also in Rong Geng 1941 1:497, 2:948.

114. Wenwu 1964 (9):35, photos, pls. 5-3, 4, rubbing, p. 36, fig. 5, lower middle and left. 115. Hayashi 1984 2:386, sho 57.

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Formerly Morse Collection, New York (ex van Heusden collection) * (ZHENG XING SHU) (H 25 cm) (see fig. 76)116 Present location unknown * (RUO GONG)117 Present location unknown, set of 9 (allegedly excavated at Qufu) * (LU BEI)118 Not extant (ex Song Imperial collection) * (ZOU)119 Early Bo (Shang Through First Half of Springs and Autumns Period) I. With bird-flanges Huangjing (H 32.6 cm) Yingmin (H 38.5 cm) Zixing (H 49.5 cm) Unprovenienced specimens Palace Museum, Beijing (H 27.1 cm)120 Hunan Provincial Museum, Changsha (H 37.2 cm)121 Hunan Provincial Museum, Changsha (H 38.1 cm)122 Museum of Hengyang (Hunan) (H 39 cm) (see fig. 78)123 Japanese private collection124 Fujii Yurinkan, Kyoto (H 41. 5 cm)125 Dr. Paul Singer collection, Summit, N.J. (H 43-5 cm)126 Arthur M. Sackler Gallery, Washington, D.C. (H 31.3 cm) (see fig. 77)127 II. With tiger-flanges Unprovenienced specimens Palace Museum, Beijing (H 45 cm)128 Hunan Provincial Museum, Changsha (H 3 5 cm [fragmentary])129 Fujii Yurinkan, Kyoto130 Sen'oku Hakkokan (Sumitomo collection), Kyoto (H 43.9 cm)131

116. Spirit and ritual, 34; Hayashi 1984 2:386, sho 58. 117. Line drawing in Guo Moruo 1958 (Tu-222). 118. Wu Shijian 1910. 119. Kaogutu (j. 7.2a-4b) depicts five, Bogutulu (22: 27b-32a) three pieces; Guo Moruo 1958, 212/ 61/79. 120. Wenwu 1960 (10):58-59. 121. Gao Zhixi 1984a, 30, photo, p. 31.6. 122. Gao Zhixi 1984a, 31, fig. 5 (blurred photo). 123. Wenwu 1980 (11):95-96, pl. 8.3. 124. Hayashi 1980, fig. 71. 125. Kane 1974-75, 87, fig. 19; Hayashi 1980, fig. 73. 126. Kane 1974-75, 87, fig. 18. 127. Rong Geng 1941 2:943 (unrestored state); Art from ritual, cat. no. 30; Bagley 1987, 537-51 (cat. no. 104). 128. Wang Haiwen 1980, 95; Kokyu Hakubutsukan, 69; Hayashi 1980, fig. 68. 129. Gao Zhixi 1984c, pl. 8.3 (photo). 130. Hayashi 1980, fig. 69. 131. Gakki, 16; Hayashi 1980, fig. 66.

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Shanghai Museum (H 42 cm)132 Arthur M. Sackler Gallery, Washington, D.C. (H 38.5 cm) (see fig. 79)133 Not extant (ex Song Imperial collection)134 III. With lateral flanges joined to suspension device Taigongmiao, set of 3 * (QIN GONG I) (H 75-64 cm) (see fig. 81) Yangjiacun hoard no. 1, set of 3 (H 63.5, 57.5, 51.5 cm) (see fig. 80) Unprovenienced specimens Tianjin Museum * (KE) (H 63.5 cm) (allegedly excavated at Rencun, Qishan [Shaanxi])135 IV. With standard zhong decoration scheme Lijialou, set of 4 (see fig. 82) Unprovenienced specimens Not extant (ex Song Imperial collection) * (QIN GONG II)136 Early Niuzhong (Late Western Zhou Through First Half of Springs and Autumns Period) I. With decoration in one central panel Bajiaolou, 2 (1 H ca. 14 cm) Guanyang Gucheng, set of 4 (H 25.6-14.7 cm) Jishiliang, set of 5 (largest, H 14.4 cm) Liujiadianzi, set of 9 * (CHEN DASANGSHI) (largest, H ca. 20 cm) Shangguocun, 2 sets of 8 Shangcunling, set o f 9 (H 23.5-13.4 cm) Zhuangbai hoard no. 1, set of 7 (H 14.4-9.5 cm) Unprovenienced specimens National Palace Museum, Taibei (H 21.2 cm)137 Present location unknown (H 18.25 cm)138

132. Shanghai Bowuguan-cang qingtongqi, 63; Chugoku Jinmin Kyowakoku kodai seidokiten, cat. no. 45; Zhongguo gu qingtongqi-xuan, 46; The great Bronze Age of China, 245, photos, pp. 232-33 (cat. no. 58); Shanghai Bowuguan Zhongguo qingtongqi chenlie, 22; Bronzi dell'antica Cina, 132-33 (cat. no. 47). 133. Rong Geng 1941 2:944; Kane 1974-75, fig. 21; Art from ritual, cat. no. 471. 134. Bogutulu, 25:13a/b. 135. Wenwu 1972 (6):14, pl. 6 (photo). 136. Guo Moruo 1958, 238/289-91/250. Shirakawa, Kinbun Tsushaku 34:1-28. The wood-block illustration of this bell was confused at an early time with that of the Shu Yi-bo from Linzi (Shandong), but Shirakawa has convincingly established that the object depicted in the traditional catalogs is indeed the Qin Gong II-bo. 137. Hayashi 1984 2:387, sho 66. 138. Rong Geng 1941, vol. 2, pl. 968; Hayashi 1980, 48, pl. 81.

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II. With the standard zhong decoration scheme Daxin (H 16.7 cm) Unprovenienced specimens Dispersed set (perhaps from Jincun?) 1 British Museum, London (Seligman Bequest) (H 17 cm)139 3 present location unknown (H 24.8-19.7 cm)140 Art Institute of Chicago (H 34.8 cm) (see fig. 83) British Museum, London (ex Seligman collection) (H 14 cm)141 National Palace Museum, Taibei, partial set of 3 (H 21.8, 18.5, 14 cm)142 National Palace Museum, Taibei * (ZHU DAZAI)143 Present location unknown144 Musical Bells From Late Springs and Autumns Through Han I. Northern stylistic group A. Late sixth-century style, with mask-shaped ornament composed of small snakes in gu Unprovenienced specimens * LÜ-yongzhong, dispersed set of 13 (allegedly excavated in Ronghe [present-day Wanrong], Shanxi) (reported H 43.9-25.6 cm) (see fig. 100) 10 Shanghai Museum145 1 British Museum, London (ex Eumorfopoulos collection) (H 30.5 cm)146 1 National Palace Museum, Taibei147 1 present location unknown (formerly Fei collection, Wujin) Sen'oku Hakkokan (Sumitomo collection), 1 yongzhong (H. 32.9 cm)148 Present location unknown (ex Yamanaka collection, Osaka), 1 yongzhong149 Shanghai Museum, 1 yongzhong (H 29.4 cm)150 Kunstindustriemuseet, Copenhagen, 1 bo (H 21.6 cm)151 Musée Cernuschi, Paris, 1 niuzhong (H 24.1 cm)152

139. Rawson 1980, 125, fig. 96. 140. White 1934, pl. 172 (no. 507). 141. Hayashi 1984 2:387, sho 65. Rawson 1980, 125, fig. 96 right. 142. No. 1: Gugong tongqi tulu 1:172, 2:232, pl. shang 245. No. 2: 1:295, 2:429, pl. xia 474-75; also in Rong Geng 1941 2:966. 143. Gugong tongqi tulu 1:170, 2:227-28, pl. shang 240-41; also in Rong Geng 1941 2:965. 144. Rong Geng 1941 2:967. 145. One of them is depicted in Shanghai Bowuguan-cang Shang Zhou qingtongqi 1:80, 2:80. 146. Yetts 1929 1:29-43 and 2:43-49; Watson 1962, pl. 69b; Rawson 1987, 87 (cat. no. 33). 147. Gugong tongqi tulu, vol. 2, xia 463. 148. Gakki, no. 13. 149. Umehara 1961, vol. 4, pl. 351; Weber 1973, 226-27. 150. Ancient Chinese bronzes, cat. no. 46. 151. Weber 1973, 210-15; photo, p. 213. The inscription on this piece is probably forged. 152. Ibid., 218-21.

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Tenri Sankokan, Tenri, 1 niuzhong (H 30 cm)153 Present location unknown (ex Burnet collection), 1 niuzhong (H 24.1 cm)154 B. Fifth-century style, with banked dragon ornaments in gu Fenshuiling tomb no. 14, 2 yongzhong Fenshuiling tomb no. 25, set of 5 yongzhong (H 35-25 cm) Fenshuiling tomb no. 269, set of 9 yongzhong Fenshuiling tomb no. 270, set of 8 yongzhong Liulige tomb no. 60, set of 8 yongzhong Liulige tomb no. 75, set of 8 yongzhong (see fig. 88) Luhe tomb no. 7, 2 8-part sets of yongzhong (1 set, H. 30.5-14 cm) (see fig. 85) Xiao'emeishan, set of 4 yongzhong (largest, H 74.4 cm) Changlelu, set of 4 bo (H ca. 40-28 cm) Fenshuiling tomb no. 25, set of 4 bo (H 43-32 cm) Houchuan tomb no. 2040, set of 9 bo Jinshengcun tomb no 251, first set of bo, set of 5 (H 41+?-35.8 cm) Jinshengcun tomb no. 251, second set of bo, set of 14 (H 29.6-11.3 cm) Liulige tomb jia, first set of bo Liulige tomb no. 60, first set of bo, set of 4 Liulige tomb no. 75, set of 4 bo Luhe tomb no. 7, set of 4 bo (H 29-22.4 cm) (see fig. 86) Shanbiaozhen, first set of bo, set of 4 Shangmacun tomb no. 1004, set of 9 bo (H 31-17 cm) Liulige tomb jia, second set of bo (special type), set of 9 Liulige tomb no. 60, second set of bo (special type), set of 8 Shanbiaozhen tomb no. 1, second set of bo (special type), set of 9 Changlelu, set of 9 niuzhong (H ca. 28-13 cm) Dadian tomb no. 1, set of 9 niuzhong (H 24.2-14.9 cm) Dadian tomb no. 2, set of 9 niuzhong * (JU SHU ZHONG ZI PING) (H 26-13 cm) Fenshuiling tomb no. 14, set of 8 niuzhong Fenshuiling tomb no. 25, set of 9 niuzhong (H 28.5-16 cm) Fenshuiling tomb no. 269, set of 9 niuzhong Fenshuiling tomb no. 270, set of 9 niuzhong (H 16.2-30.5 cm) Jinpingshan, set of 9 niuzhong Liulige tomb no. 60, set of 9 niuzhong Liulige tomb no. 75, 4 niuzhong Liulige tomb no. 80, set of 9 niuzhong

153. Yayoi-no seidoki, cat. no. 19. 154. Watson 1962, pl. 69c; Weber 1973, 216-17. Weber mistakenly asserts that this bell is now in the British Museum.

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Luhe tomb no. 7, set of 8 niuzhong (H 15-9 cm) (see fig. 87) Miaoqiancun, set of 9 niuzhong (H 30-14 cm) Shangmacun tomb no. 13, set of 9 niuzhong (H 37-20 cm) Unprovenienced specimens Dispersed set of yongzhong, 6 pieces documented155 1 Asian Art Museum, San Francisco (ex Brundage collection) (H 63 cm) 1 Art Institute, Minneapolis (ex Pillsbury collection) (H 58.4 cm) 1 Nelson Gallery, Kansas City (H 57.2 cm) 1 Falk collection, New York (H 34.3 cm) 1 British Museum, London (H 28.2 cm)156 1 Eguchi collection, Osaka (H 22.6 cm) Dispersed set of bo, 5 pieces documented (see fig. 84)157 2 Arthur M. Sackler Museum, Cambridge, Mass. (H 67.1, 49 cm) 1 Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam (H 59.2 cm) 1 British Museum (ex Stoclet collection, Brussels) (H 54 cm)158 1 formerly Staatliche Museen Berlin (destroyed?) (H 36.1 cm) Dispersed set of bo, 2 bells documented159 1 Asian Art Museum, San Francisco (ex Brundage collection) 1 Art Institute, Minneapolis (ex Pillsbury collection) Dispersed set of bo (3 pieces documented)160 1 Freer Gallery, Washington, D.C. (H 66.4 cm) 1 Art Institute of Chicago (ex Buckingham collection) (H 62.2 cm) 1 Arthur M. Sackler Museum, Cambridge, Mass. (H 54.9 cm) Dispersed set of bo (4 pieces documented)161 1 Art Institute, Minneapolis (ex Pillsbury collection) (H 26 cm) 1 St. Louis Art Museum (H 26 cm.) 1 Museum of Eastern Art, Oxford (H 15.2 cm) 1 Los Angeles County Museum of Art (H 17.4 cm)162 Arthur M. Sackler Museum, Cambridge, Mass. (ex Winthrop collection), 1 bo (H 66 cm)163 Royal Ontario Museum, Toronto, 1 bo (H 25.2 cm)164

155. See Weber 1973, 300-311, for references to five of the six pieces. 156. Watson 1963, pl. 41b. 157. Weber 1973, 48-67; for more references, see Weber, nn. to p. 38. 158. Also in Rawson 1987, 89 (cat. no. 35). 159. Weber 1973, 312-17 (q.v. for further references). 160. Ibid., 254-60 (q.v. for further references). 161. The first three are ibid., 242-43. 162. Ancient ritual bronzes of China, cat. no. 42. 163. Weber 1973, 238-41. 164. Ibid., 244-50.

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Museum of Far Eastern Antiquities, Stockholm (ex Hultmark collection), 1 bo (H 66 cm)165 Arthur M. Sackler Gallery, Washington, D.C. (ex C. T. Loo collection), 1 bo (H 38.1 cm)166 Arthur M. Sackler Gallery, Washington, D.C. (ex Holmes collection), 1 bo (H 19.3 cm)167 Arthur M. Sackler Gallery, Washington, D.C., 1 bo (H 41.8 cm)168 Palace of St. Michael and St. George, Corfù (Greece), (ex Manos collection), 1 bo (H 34 cm)169 Dispersed set of bo (allegedly from Jincun; similar to Changlelu bells) (H 49.5-36.6 cm)170 1 Arthur M. Sackler Gallery, Washington, D.C. (H 36.6 cm)171 1 Sano Bijutsukan, Shizuoka172 C. Mid- to late Warring States period style, with ornament in wide receding panel Zangjiazhuang, set of 7 bo * (JU GONGSUN CHAO ZI) Jincun tomb no. 7, set of 14 niuzhong * (BIAO) (H 32-12.6 cm) (now dispersed) (see fig. 89)173 Sanji, set of 14 niuzhong Xianggangshan, set of 14 niuzhong Zangjiazhuang, set of 9 niuzhong * (JU GONGSUN CHAO ZI) (see fig. 90) Unprovenienced specimens Fujita Bijutsukan, Osaka, 1 niuzhong174 National Palace Museum, Taibei, 1 bo175 Royal Ontario Museum, Toronto, set of 9 niuzhong (H 26.7-13.3 cm) (allegedly from Jincun)176 Present location unknown, set of 3 niuzhong (H 22.4-20.3 cm) (allegedly from Jincun)177

165. Sirén 1929, pl. 106; Bulletin of the Museum of Far Eastern Antiquities 6 (1934), pl. 27; Karlgren 1948, pl. 36 (partial rubbing and drawing, pp. 18-19); Karlgren 1961, pl. 39; Umehara 1961 1:3, pl. 195; Weber 1973, 292-99 (restored). 166. Weber 1973, 232-37 (q.v. for further references). 167. Ibid., 262-67 (q.v. for further references). 168. Art from ritual, cat. no. 62. 169. Wenwu Tiandi 1985 (2):62-63. Photo: inside back cover. 170. White 1934, pl. 176A. 171. Art from ritual, cat. no. 64. 172. Hayashi Minao, personal communication, 1988. 173. Twelve pieces are now in the Sen'oku Hakkokan and two in the Royal Ontario Museum. 174. Sahara 1984, 86, fig. 17. 175. Gugong tongqi tulu 2:237, pl. shang 250. 176. White 1934, pl. 171. no. 506. 177. Ibid., pl. 176 right, no. 503.

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Present Present Present Present Present Present

location unknown, 1 niuzhong (H 32 cm), and fragments of 2 others (allegedly from Jincun)178 location unknown (H 12.7 cm) (allegedly from Jincun)179 location unknown, 1 niuzhong (H 16.5 cm) (allegedly from Jincun)180 location unknown, 1 niuzhong (H 30.5 cm) (allegedly from Jincun)181 location unknown, 2 niuzhong (H. 31.8, 29.2 cm) (allegedly from Jincun)182 location unknown, 2 niuzhong (H. 31.5, 16 [fragment] cm; unornamented) (allegedly from Jincun)183

D. Qin and Han type, with inlaid or gilded decoration Qin Shihuangling, 1 niuzhong * (YUEFU) (H 13.3 cm) (see fig. 91) Xianyang, niuzhong (number uncertain) Unprovenienced specimens Sen'oku Hakkokan (Sumitomo collection), Kyoto, 1 niuzhong (H 23.1 cm)184 II. Southern stylistic group A. Sixth to fifth century style, with decoration pattern of relieved hooks Jiulidun, set of 4 yongzhong Leigudun tomb no. 1 * (ZENG HOU YI) (45 yongzhong belonging to at least 3 sets) (see figs. I, II) Leigudun tomb no. 2, 28 yongzhong. First group, 8 pieces; second group, 20 pieces (see fig. 95) Xiasi tomb no. 2, set of 26 yongzhong * (WANGSUN GAO) (H 122.0-24.9 cm) (see fig. 21) Ximennei, 12-part set of yongzhong * (CAI HOU) (H 79-48 cm) (see fig. 26) Beishanding, set of 5 bo * (SHENLIU) (H 31.8-23.3 cm) Chengqiao tomb no. 2, set of 5 bo (H 21.5-19 cm) Leigudun tomb no. 1, 1 bo * (CHU WANG XIONG ZHANG) (see fig. 20) Ximennei, set of 8 bo * (CAI HOU) (H 40.5-28.5 cm) (see fig. 27) Beishanding, set of 7 niuzhong * (SHENLIU) (H 25-14.5 cm) Chengqiao tomb no. 2, set of 7 niuzhong * (ZHESHANG) (H 27-17.5 cm) Ximennei, set of 9 niuzhong (H 28-16.5 cm) (see fig. 28) Xinhua * (JING) (H 38 cm) (morphologically abnormal bell)

178. Ibid., pl. 174, no. 510. 179. Ibid., pl. 175 right, no. 511. 180. Ibid., pl. 175 left, no. 512. 181. Ibid., pl. 173 right, no. 504. 182. Ibid., pl. 170 left, no. 509. 183. Ibid., pl. 173 left (photo), no. 508. 184. Sen'oku Hakkokan, Gakki, 39, pl. 67.

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Unprovenienced specimens * ZHEJIAN-yongzhong, dispersed set of 11 (or more) 1 Palace Museum, Beijing185 1 Shanghai Museum (H 28.8 cm)186 2 National Palace Museum, Taibei187 Asian Art Museum, San Francisco (ex Brundage collection) * (WANHGSUN YIZHE)188 Shanghai Museum, 1 yongzhong * (ZHU GONG LE) (H 50.5 cm)189 Shanghai Museum, 1 yongzhong * (ZHU GONG KENG), 4 pieces documented (1 H 38.2 cm) (see fig. 92)190 Shanghai Museum, 1 yongzhong * (ZHU GONG HUA) (H 36 cm)191 Shanghai Museum, 1 yongzhong (allegedly from Jincun)192 Museum of Chinese History, Beijing (on loan from Shanghai Museum), 1 bo * (LING) (H 67 cm)193 National Palace Museum, Taibei, 1 bo194 National Palace Museum, Taibei, 1 bo * (XIONG YUAN) (H 32 cm)195 Not extant (ex Song Imperial collection), set of 6 bo * (SONG GONG)196 Palace Museum, Beijing, 1 niuzhong * (YU WANGZI JIONG?)197 Japanese private collection, 1 niuzhong * (CHU WANG GAN)198 Shanghai Museum, 1 niuzhong (H 22.5 cm) * (CHOU? -ER) (4 pieces known through rubbings)199 Shanghai Museum, partial set of 3 niuzhong * (ZI ZHANG) (1 H 21. 3 cm) (7 pieces known through rubbings)200 B. Sixth to fifth century style, with flat dragon-bands Hougudui, set of 8 bo * (FAN ZI)

185. No illustration published. 186. Shanghai Bowuguan-cang Shang Zhou qingtongqi 1:77, 2:74; Ma Chengyuan 1979. 187. Gugong tongqi tulu, vol. 2, shang 240q and xia 464. The latter piece also in Rong Geng 1941, vol. 2, pl. 957. 188. Rong Geng 1941 2:502. 189. Shanghai Bowuguan-cang Shang Zhou qingtongqi 1:83, 2:84f. 190. Ibid. 1:81, 2:81 (one specimen only). 191. Ibid. 1:82, 2:82; also in Rong Geng 1941, vol. 2, pl. 954. 192. Ancient Chinese bronzes, cat. no. 47. 193. Rong Geng 1941 1:509; photo, 2:969; Shanghai Bowuguan-cang qingtongqi 1:85, 2:88-89. 194. Rong Geng 1941, vol. 2, pl. 974; Gugong tongqi tulu 2:238, pl. shang 251. 195. Rong Geng 1941, vol. 2, fig. 971; Gugong tongqi tulu 2:425-27, pl. xia 470-72. 196. Bogutulu, 22:32b-42b. 197. Yang Yinliu 1980 vol. 1, pl. 21 (photo); Zhao Shigang 1987 (bell-face rubbing). 198. Rong Geng 1941 2:964. 199. Shanghai Bowuguan-cang qingtongqi 1:79, 2:78f. 200. Rong Geng 1941 2:963; Shanghai Bowuguan-cang qingtongqi 1:84, 2:86f.

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Chengqiao tomb no. 1, set of 9 niuzhong * (GONGWU ZANGSUN) (H 22.5-14.5 cm) Hougudui, set of 9 niuzhong * (FAN ZI) Jiuxian, incomplete set of 6 niuzhong * (inscription deliberately effaced) (H 23.9-13.7 cm) Leigudun tomb no. 1, 19 niuzhong * (ZENG HOU YI) (unornamented) Xian Zhuanwachang, set of 13 niuzhong (no size measurements; wt. 1250-250g) Xiasi tomb no. 1, set of 9 niuzhong * (donor's name effaced) (H 21.1-11.5 cm) (see fig. 93) Unprovenienced specimens * ZHEDIAO-niuzhong (dispersed set) (see fig. 94) 1 Palace Museum, Beijing201 8 Tohata collection, Hyogo202 2 Sen'oku Hakkokan (Sumitomo collection), Kyoto (H 25.7, 18.6 cm)203 1 Shandong Provincial Museum204 1 Shanghai Museum (H 25.3 cm)205 C. Warring States period style, with decomposed dragon-derived ornaments Changtaiguan tomb no. 1, set of 13 niuzhong, 1 * (JINGLI) (H 30.2-12.9 cm) (see fig. 102)206 Tianxingguan, 4 niuzhong (upper portion unornamented) (see fig. 96) Xiaotianxi tomb no. 1, set of 14 niuzhong (gilded) (see fig. 97) Yangmei, set of 9 niuzhong Unprovenienced specimens Royal Ontario Museum, Toronto, set of 7 niuzhong (allegedly from Jincun)207 Mingqi Bells (Warring States Through Six Dynasties) I. Warring States period Changtaiguan tomb no. 2, set of 13 wooden niuzhong (H 11-23 cm) Chongxian tomb no. 1, 4 pottery yongzhong (H 27-25.3 cm) Huanghu, 2 miniature goudiao-like bells (H 8, 4.5 cm) Huangjiashan, 45+ pottery mingqi bells: 13 yongzhong (largest, H 43.2 cm), 3 niuzhong (1 fragment, H 14.6 cm), 12 goudiao (largest, H 44.7 cm), 2 chunyu (1

201. No photo published. 202. Asahara 1988b (photos). Tone measurements in Takahashi 1988. 203. Gakki, cat. nos. 14-15. Tone measurements in Takahashi 1988. 204. Wenwu Cankao Ziliao 1951 (8):105-06. No photo published. 205. Rong Geng 1941 2:963; Shanghai Bowuguan-cang qingtongqi 1:78, 2:76f. 206. Only the first of these bells is inscribed; it may not have belonged originally with the other twelve. 207. White 1934, pl. 170 right (no. 505).

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H 44.9 cm), 11 globular bells [?] (1 H 7.9 cm) Xinshi, 1 ceramic mingqi yongzhong Yan Xiadu tomb no. 16, 5 sets of mingqi bells: 2 sets of bo, of 4 and 6 pieces, respectively (H 51.7-59.8 cm and 39.2-45.7 cm), 2 sets of yongzhong of 8 pieces each (H 46.3-54.8 cm and 40.1-45.9 cm), and 1 set of 9 niuzhong (H 14.7-23 cm) Unprovenienced specimens Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, 3 ceramic mingqi bells: 1 chunyu, 1 goudiao, 1 niuzhong208 Art Institute of Chicago (ex Yamanaka collection), ceramic mingqi zheng209 Ningbo Antiquities Preservation Commission, ceramic mingqi yongzhong (H 33.8 cm) (allegedly from Shaoxing)210 Asian Art Museum, San Francisco (ex Brundage collection), ceramic mingqi chunyu211 Seattle Art Museum, ceramic mingqi yongzhong (H 33 cm)212 Shanghai Museum, pottery mingqi niuzhong213 Shanghai Museum, ceramic mingqi chunyu214 II. Han and later periods Beidongshan, set of 3 bronze mingqi niuzhong Changsha tomb no. 401, set of 7 lead ling (mingqi) Dazhongyingcun, 12 ceramic mingqi chime-bells (H 8 cm) (see fig. 98) Jishan, set of 9 gilt bronze mingqi niuzhong (H 6.4-10.4 cm), and set of 4 bronze mingqi yongzhong Shaogou tomb no. 21, set of 6 ling (mingqi bells) (largest, H 5 cm) Shaogou tomb no. 123, set of 6 ling (mingqi bells) (largest, H 5.5 cm) Shoufeng tomb no. 1, set of 18 bronze ling (mingqi) (H 2.5-3.5 cm) Shuanggudui, ceramic mingqi bells: set of 5 bo (H 16-18 cm), set of 9 yongzhong (H 13.5-16.5 cm) Xiangbizui tomb no. 1, fragments of an undetermined number of ceramic chime-bell mingqi Xianjiahu, undetermined number of pottery mingqi niuzhong Xijiao (Luoyang), 9 bronze ling of 4 different types; 1 iron ling (mingqi bells) Zifangshan, set of 10 bronze ling (mingqi bells) (H 5 cm)

208. Umehara 1938, 392-401; pl. 87 (photos). 209. Ibid., pl. 89 (photo); Hochstadter 1952, pl. 20, fig. 80. 210. Kaogu 1965 (5):256; photo, pl. 10.8. 211. Ice and green clouds, 38-39, cat. no. 6. 212. Hochstadter 1952, photo, pl. 26, fig. 104; Ice and green clouds, 40-41, cat. no. 7. 213. Jadequell und Wolkenmeer, 104-05, cat. no. 36. 214. Wenwu 1985 (8):70 (no illustrations published).

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Regional Musical Bell-Types I. Eastern regional type Ezhuangqu Huayuan, set of 9 yongzhong Liujiadianzi, 20 yongzhong: first set, 1 piece; second set, 7 pieces; third set, 3 pieces; fourth set, 5 pieces Miaodun, set of 9 yongzhong Shangkuangcun, 1 yongzhong Zuiziqiancun tomb no. 1, set of 5 yongzhong (H 31.5-24 cm) Dadian tomb no. 1, 1 bo (H 38.5 cm) Fenghuangling, set of 9 bo (H 37.5-17 cm) Liujiadianzi, set of 6 bo Xibeicun, set of 4 bo (H 32.5-24 cm) Zuiziqiancun, 2 bo (H 43.5, 40 cm) (see fig. 146) Fenghuangling, set of 9 niuzhong (H 24.6-13.1 cm) Liugezhuang, set of 9 niuzhong (H 24.3-14 cm) Xibeicun, set of 9 niuzhong (H 28-ca. 15 cm) Unprovenienced specimens (all bo) National Palace Museum, Taibei215 National Palace Museum, Taibei216 II. Yongzhong of a widespread type, probably of south Chinese origin, with ornamented central zheng portion Beiqishan, set of 2 (H 34.5, 31 cm) Dingjiagou, set of 2 (H 34.5, 31 cm) Guanyang Gucheng (H 45.5 cm) Huashan, 5 single yongzhong Leijiashan, 7 yongzhong, 1 set of 5 + 2 (H 38-25 cm) Linwu (H 46.5 cm) (see fig. 148) Mawangcun hoard no. 2 (H 42 cm) Nanluo hoard no. 1, set of 13 (H ca. 40-30 cm) Wujun Xicun Yongningbao tomb no. SW-11 (H 36.6 cm) (see fig. 147) Zhongdong (H 38 cm) Unprovenienced specimens Hunan Provinical Museum, 2 pieces217

215. Gugong tongqi tulu 2:430, pl. xia, 476. 216. Gugong tongqi tulu 2:237, 239, pl. shang, 250, 252. 217. Gao Zhixi 1984b, 31; photos, pl. 11.2 and 4 (one H 47.5 cm).

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Shaanxi Provincial Museum (allegedly from Rencun, Fufeng [Shaanxi]) (H 34 cm)218 III. Far southern yongzhong (Western Zhou-mid Springs and Autumns) Cenxi Huahu (H 35 cm) Liangshuiping (H 45 cm) Nasangcun (H 68.5 cm) (see fig. 152) Pengshan (H 49.5 cm) IV. Southeastern regional yongzhong type A. Finds from the Lower Yangzi region Qingshan, 2 yongzhong (H 31.2, 30 cm) Tangjiashan (H 23 cm) Ya'erzhou, 23 yongzhong (5 sets): first set, 6 pieces (H 52.2-38.1 [fragment] cm) (see fig. 149); second set, 8 pieces (H 39.3 [fragment]-22.8 cm); third set, 5 pieces (H 24.7-21.5 cm); fourth set, 1 piece (H 21.1 cm); fifth set, 3 pieces (with shoulder flanges) (H 32, 23.2, and 20 [fragment] cm) (see fig. 150) Yangcun (H 43 cm) Zoumashan, 2 bells (larger, H 25.8 cm) B. Finds from the far southern region Guishuwo, 6 pieces (H 50.5-38.1 cm) Hengshan Liuzhou Luyu (H 41.3 cm) Matougang tomb no. 1, first set, 5 pieces (H 38.5, 28.8 [fragment], 33.6, 29.1, 26.3 [fragment] cm) Matougang, tomb no. 1, second type (with shoulder flanges) Matougang tomb no. 2, 7 pieces (H 17.2, 17.2 [fragment], 17.8, 28.6, 24.4, 21.4, 17.8 cm) Meicun, 7 pieces Muluocun (H 27.8 cm) (with shoulder flanges) Nanmendong, 6 pieces (H 37.5, 32.5, 27.5, 25.9, 23.1, 19.5 cm) (see fig. 153) Nanxiang (H 26 cm) Qingfengcun Songshan, 6 pieces (H 56.5-35.5 cm) Supan (H 26.3 [fragment] cm) Weipocun

218. Kaogu yu Wenwu 1980 (4):15, photo, p. 10, fig. 4.5, rubbing, p. 15, fig. 10.

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Wuxuan Yangjia (H 45 cm) Yilijiecun, set of 4 (largest, H 44 cm) Yuanlongpo (fragment) Unprovenienced specimens Dazhongsi Museum, Beijing (anomalous decor)219 Hunan Provincial Museum, set of 4220 Shanghai Museum (H 105 cm)221 Present location unknown222 Present location unknown. ''Zhù Hou Qiu-yongzhong" (inscription forged)223 Not extant (ex Song Imperial collection)224 V. Goudiao Goutoushan, set of 2 goudiao * (PEI'ER) (H 45, 40 cm) Guangde, 9 pieces (H 45.9-31.3, 42.6-27, 39 cm) Qingshan, 2 goudiao (H 39 and 30 cm) Qiqiao Songxi, set of 8 (H 21.5-60 cm) Xianggangshan, set of 8 goudiao * (NANYUE WEN DI) (largest, H 53.5 cm) Wangcun, set of four (early type) Ya'erzhou, 2 goudiao (H 22.1, 25.2 cm) Yancheng, set of 7 (H 17.1-34.8) (see fig. 30) Xiao'emeishan, 22 (2 sets) enigmatic goudiao-shaped objects (H 34-15.6 cm) Unprovenienced specimens Present location unknown * (GUFENG) (allegedly from Changshu [Jiangsu])225 * QICI-goudiao, dispersed set of 2 or more (allegedly found with a set of 10 uninscribed pieces at Wukang, now Deqing [Zhejiang]) 1 present location unknown (H 27.2 cm)226 1 Palace Museum, Beijing (H ca. 50 cm)227 Dr. Paul Singer collection, Summit, N. J.228 VI. Beehive-shaped bells Dabona, 1 piece (decorated with angular spirals) Futulongcun, set of 6 (decorated with round spirals)

219. Unpublished (seen in 1990). 220. Unpublished (seen in 1990). 221. Zhongguo gu qingtongqi-xuan, pl. 47. 222. Rong Geng 1941, vol. 2, pl. 958. 223. Shirakawa, Kinbun Tsushaku 39:496-97. 224. Bogutulu 23:32a-34b. 225. Guo Moruo 1958, Daxi, -/158/157; Shirakawa, Kinbun Tsushaku 40:614-16. 226. Rong Geng 1941 2:936 (rubbing). 227. Unpublished. 228. Unpublished.

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Jiancun, set of 3 (decorated with cranes and tigers) Shizhaishan, 6 pieces (decorated with dragons) Zhuanchangba, 6 pieces (decorated with snakes) (see fig. 155) VII. Northern types A. Upper Xiajiadian and contemporary cultures of the northeast Paotaishan tomb no. 6, 1 niuzhong Sanguandian, 6 niuzhong Sunjiagou tomb no. 7371, 2 niuzhong (see fig. 157) Wudaohezi tomb no. 1, 3 niuzhong (largest, H 16 cm) B. Shajing Culture Yushugou, two sets of 3 niuzhong (largest, H 13 cm; smallest, H 7 cm)

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APPENDIX THREE BELLS FROM THE ZHOU PERIPHERIES Highly distinctive types of bells have been excavated in the peripheral areas surrounding the various polities of the Zhou realm. These bells were the products of regional bronze-casting traditions, some of which had pre-Zhou roots (see Chapters 4 and 5). So far, little is known about their cultural context, though for the most part we may assume that we are dealing with populations organized at the chiefdom level. Chinese scholars tend to identify such archaeological remains with various "barbarian" populations mentioned in the classical literature, but such identification is uncertain, especially for pre-Qin times.1 The archaeological sequences in those parts of China are still full of gaps. The geographic boundaries of the various individual local cultures are for the most part undefined, and there is no consensus as to their number or nomenclature.2 Peripheral bells as discussed in this appendix are bell-types whose distribution is restricted to marginal areas and that differ morphologically and stylistically from the mainstream traditions discussed in Chapters 4 and 5. We shall here ignore bells that were imported into the border areas from the Zhou cultural 1. Ethnonyms that may be connected with finds of late Bronze Age bells are the following: The Eastern Yi along the eastern seaboard in Shandong and northern Jiangsu, and the Huai Yi further to the south; the population of Wu and Yue in the Lower Yangzi region; the Nine Yue further to the south, in Zhejiang, Jiangxi, Guangxi, and Guangdong (Huang Zhanyue 1986; He and He 1986); the Three Miao , who dwelled adjacent to the state of Chu along the middle course of the Yangzi River (Yu Weichao 1985, 228-42); the Ba and Shu in the Sichuan Basin (Tong Enzheng 1979; Xu Zhongshu 1959, 1982); the Kingdom of Dian in Yunnan and southern Sichuan, with its highly distinctive Bronze Age culture (Pirazzoli-t'Serstevens 1974); the Rong and Di on the western and northern peripheries and their successors in later Zhou times (Yu Weichao 1985, 180-92). For a brief demonstration in English of the methodology involved for convincing identification of archaeological remains with such ethnonyms, see Tong Enzheng 1982. 2. This is also a problem in Chinese Neolithic archaeology of the last decades, which has been overwhelmingly dedicated to the exact delineation of local cultural phases. Paradoxically, the situation in the Bronze Age appears even less clear; one reason is that until recently the notion of local (Footnote continued on next page)

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core (identifiable as such by stylistic similarity to those of core origin). Although the provincial products are often quite different visually from their mainstream prototypes, their makers must have regarded the locally manufactured bells as, in essential respects, equivalent to imported items. Their noticeable idiosyncracies, as well as variations among different local strains of bells, highlight the differences between Zhou civilization and surrounding cultures. It is problematic to subsume all bells from outside the immediate influence of the mainstream bell-casting traditions under one heading and dub them "peripheral" with respect to a "central" Zhou Chinese civilization.3 Such treatment runs the danger of failing to do proper justice to indigenous characteristics, and may obscure the fact that, in most respects, the peripheral cultures were as distinct from each other as they were from the Zhou. It may, however, be justified by expediency of presentation, for if one included each peripheral bell-type in a comprehensive account of the history of Chinese bells at the point where it branches off from the mainstream, the result might be confusing. The intrinsic interest of the peripheral bells lies mainly in the various ways in which they deviate from their prototypes. Moreover, as I argue in Chapter 5, there may actually be some historical reality to the idea of a non-Zhou periphery around a Zhou core, at least at the elite cultural level. Let us, then, embark on a brief bell-reviewing tour of the border regions of the Zhou realm. The Eastern Seaboard Stylistically, bells of the important eastern state of Qi by and large resemble those of the Eastern Zhou typological mainstream, though too few specimens have survived to allow defining the specific characteristics of Qi bells.4 Bells

(Footnote continued from previous page) cultures contemporary to the Shang and Zhou dynasties but outside their sphere of political influence was politically more or less taboo in China. Yu Weichao (1987) has proposed that altogether there were nine principal cultural groupings coexisting in early China, from the Neolithic era into the Bronze Age and beyond. 3. At present, the use of "center" and "periphery" in the social sciences is associated with the World Systems theory of Immanuel Wallerstein and his school. The applicability of such theory to precapitalist stages of economic development has been discussed by Schneider 1977 (see also Wolf 1982); Rowlands 1987 discusses its usefulness in European and Middle Eastern archaeology. 4. The most famous extant Springs and Autumn period Qi bell is the Ling-bo in the Museum of Chinese History, Beijing (Rong Geng 1941 2:969); with its large relieved hooks, it seems to resemble specimens of the southern group, as defined in Chapter 5. Another set of eight yongzhong from Daifuguan, Linzi (Shandong), which I saw at Linzi in 1986, remains unpublished; these bells seem to represent an effort at deliberate archaism, which may have been a characteristic feature of sixth-century B.C. Qi bronzes (see So 1980a, 254). The niuzhong chime from Liugezhuang and the four yongzhong from Xiao'emeishan may also be products of Springs and Autumns period Qi workshops. The only Warring States Qi bells known are those from Zangjiazhuang (references in Appendix 1); they closely resemble contemporary northern pieces.

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from the smaller states in the vicinity of Qi likewise tend to be similar to those from areas closer to the center of the Zhou realm. For instance, the Zhu Gong Keng-yongzhong (see fig. 92), though featuring ornaments similar to those on Eastern Zhou specimens of the southern group, was commissioned by a ruler of the non-Zhou statelet of Zhu (Xuan Gong , personal name Keng , r. 573?-556).5 In addition to such mainstream specimens, excavations of Springs and Autumns period tombs along the eastern seaboard in Shandong and northern Jiangsu have brought to light sets of bells bearing ornamentation in a somewhat different style. The bo and yongzhong from Zuiziqiancun, Haiyang, close to the tip of the Shandong peninsula, are an interesting case in point (fig. 146).6 Their somewhat crudely executed decoration looks stylistically conservative, featuring S-shaped two-headed dragons on the fiat top and in the zhuanjian as well as a pair of crested bird-like animals in the gu; both motifs hark back to those seen on Western Zhou yongzhong (see figs. 1819, 74, etc.). In some specimens the back face (verso) is less ornate than the front face (recto). The bo from this and other comparable contexts lack the elaborate sculptural suspension devices typical of mainstream Zhou specimens.7 This distinctive group of bells must predate such specimens as the Zhu Gong Keng-yongzhong; they are probably no later than the seventh century. Interestingly, these bells from the eastern seaboard of China show similarities to the contemporary or somewhat later yongzhong of the Lower Yangzi region (see figs. 149-51), a connection recently highlighted by the discovery of two sets of goudiao-like bells from a Springs and Autumns period tomb at Xiao'emeishan, Zhangqiu (Shandong). South China The Middle Yangzi After the important developments that took place in the Middle Yangzi region during the period contemporary with the late Shang and early Western Zhou (see Chapter 4), bell-making in that area appears to have remained stagnant. Single yongzhong of the three earliest types (see figs. 75 and 77-79) seem to have continued to be cast in the south during and beyond late Western Zhou times. Specimens of a fourth type of yongzhong, related but still somewhat enigmatic, have been found in the Middle Yangzi region as well as at a variety of locations in north China (figs. 110 and 111). Like other early southern yongzhong, they are

5. Reference in Appendix 2. 6. References in Appendix 1. For a list of typologically related specimens, see Appendix 2. 7. See the list in Appendix 2.

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Figure 146. Rubbings of the two sides of a bo excavated in 1978 at Zuiziqiancun, Haiyang (Shandong). Top, top of the bell; middle, recto; bottom, verso. Early Springs and Autumns period. decorated with abstract volute patterns in the gu and zhuanjian; uniquely, however, in bells of this fourth type, volute decoration also covers the central field of the zheng, which on other types of late Western Zhou yongzhong is a preferred location of inscriptions. As it is significantly more ornate, the fourth yongzhong type may on the whole postdate the three earlier types of southern yongzhong.8 The best archaeological information so far for specimens of this ornate type of yongzhong is from hoards and burial sites in north China, where some of them may have been manufactured.9 The earliest securely datable specimen known is a single bell excavated from the late Western Zhou tomb no. SW-6 at Yong-

8. In the bell in figs. 148 and 149, the zhuan take the form of straight raised ridges, similar to such pieces as those in figs. 70 and 74; on some other, presumably early, specimens of this type, however, they are executed as rows of small studs (similar to the early yongzhong type illustrated in figs. 72 and 73). 9. According to the findings of Chapter 5, this should be true especially of the chimed yongzhong sets of this type (of up to thirteen pieces!) that have been found in Shaanxi (listed in Appendix 1); all southern finds are single bells. No inscribed specimens have been found of this type.

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Figure 147. Yongzhong excavated in 1980 from tomb no. SW-7 at Yongningbao, Hongdong (Shanxi). Early part of late Western Zhou (mid-ninth century). ningbao, Hongdong (Shanxi) (fig. 147).10 Nevertheless, the geometrical ornamentation style characteristic for yongzhong of this type strongly suggests that they originated in the Middle Yangzi region. Here they continued to be made in the south well into Eastern Zhou times. The long and massive mei on specimens like the one from Linwu (Hunan) (fig. 148),11 resemble those on other mid-Springs and Autumns period pieces (e.g., fig. 92). While this type of yongzhong seems to have been of little influence on the further mainstream development of Zhou musical bells, it is apparently ancestral to the distinctive Eastern Zhou yongzhong types of the southeastern and far southern regions. It appears that throughout the Western and early Eastern Zhou periods local casters in the Middle Yangzi region never made bells in sets. Around the late Springs and Autumns period the early bell-types were supplanted by mainstream chimes of bells with southern stylistic features. The chime-bell manufacturing industry in Chu during Eastern Zhou times is entirely of later northern derivation; archaic-looking pieces did, however, linger on in the south (see below).

10. References in Appendix 1. For a list of typologically related specimens, see Appendix 2. The unquestionably Western Zhou date of the Yongningbao specimen (fig. 148) proves that, contrary to Hayashi Minao (1980, 29; 1984 2:387; also in Wu Hung n.d.), all yongzhong with decorated central zheng panels need not date to the Springs and Autumns period. 11. References in Appendix 1.

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Figure 148. Yongzhong found in 1962 at Linwu (Hunan) (exact circumstances of excavation unknown). Local culture contemporary(?) with late Western Zhou. The Lower Yangzi In the Lower Yangzi region, various kinds of bells have been found in Springs and Autumns period archaeological contexts. Their ornamentation style is to some degree comparable to those described in the preceding section. Most conspicuous among them are yongzhong featuring decoration in the center of the zheng panel, similar to earlier pieces (figs. 147 and 148). They are, however, different from mainstream bells in that the recto face is invariably ornamented with much greater care than the verso, which is often entirely unornamented. Some specimens show other morphological particularities: a reduced number of bosses (mei), or shoulder flanges (see fig. 150), which, though perhaps visually enhancing, almost certainly had an adverse acoustic effect. A large number of specimens (twenty-three pieces falling into six distinct groups) was found in the Yangzi River at Ya'erzhou, Guangji (Hubei).12 On some of these, elegant dragon ornaments may be seen adorning the central panel of the zheng as well as the gu

12. Ibid. For a list of typologically related specimens, see Appendix 2. As the Ya'erzhou bells were hauled up from a depth of 10 m, the archaeological context of the discovery remains obscure. The report notes the possibility that they may have been looted pieces, which were being transported on a Japanese ship sunk near Ya'erzhou in the early 1940s (p. 47, n. 14); Mase Kazuyoshi has argued that this is likely for geological reasons (presentation to the Kinbun Kenkyukai, Kyoto, February 1985). Even so, the provenience of these bells from somewhere along the Yangzi River (or further to the south in Guangdong or Guangxi) is virtually beyond doubt.

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Figure 149. Above, left: Yongzhong discovered in 1984 in the navigational channel of the Yangzi River at Ya'erzhou, Guangji (Hubei). Local culture contemporary(?) with the early to middle Springs and Autumns period.

Figure 150. Yongzhong from Ya'erzhou (see fig. 149), shouldered type.

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Figure151. One of three chimed chunyu excavated in 1985 at Wangjiashan, Dantu (Jiangsu). Local culture, turn of the fifth century B.C.

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portion (fig. 149); on others, the ornaments are more abstract, resembling those on earlier bell-types from the Middle Yangzi region (fig. 150). Although such bells regularly form sets, the pieces within a set tend to differ in many details of ornamentation. Moreover, the casting is often of decidedly poor quality, suggesting that such bells may have been acoustically deficient. Their purpose may not have been primarily a musical one: they mainly served to show off their owners' material wealth and prestige. It is of interest that in just this area and time period there begin to appear appreciable numbers of high-fired pottery mingqi, which, likewise, were not acoustically viable.13 In addition to these yongzhong, Springs and Autumns period sites all along the eastern seaboard have also yielded some of the earliest known specimens of chunyu and zheng (see figs. 31 and 29). Throughout most of Eastern Zhou, those bells were used in non-musical functions (for example, as signal-giving instruments in warfare), but in eastern and southeastern China, they are sometimes excavated in association with musical bells.14 What is more, casters in that area manufactured them as chimed sets. Large sets of goudiao, which are simply zheng turned into chime-bells, have been known for some time (see fig. 30);15 recently, moreover, a graduated set of three chunyu, decorated according to the standard zhong decoration scheme and stylistically resembling the bells in figs. 146 and 149, has been reported from the early fifth century Wu tomb at Wangjiashan, Dantu (Jiangsu) (fig. 151).16 Evidently attempting to liken this local bell-type to Western Zhou-type yongzhong, the casters of the Wangjiashan chunyu even fashioned bird-shaped B-tone markers, though bells of such a shape could never have emitted two distinct tones. Goudiao, on the other hand, though not featuring the standard zhong decoration scheme, seem to have been capable of functioning as two-tone bells. Though these bells are obviously far removed from mainstream Zhou musical bells in physical appearance, in manufacturing them, their patrons appear to have attempted to capture the spirit of Zhou bell music. Around the end of the Springs and Autumns period, bells of the "southern group" locally supplanted these remarkable indigenous efforts at adapting the trappings of Zhou ritual music in the Lower Yangzi region; but goudiao as well as yongzhong decorated on only one side continued to be made in the far south.

13. It is actually not certain that their use was limited to funerary display, as was the case with later Han dynasty mingqi. Archaeological contexts for the Warring States "proto-porcelain" mingqi are so far unreported save for the site of Huangjiashan, Haiyan (Zhejiang), which may have been a manufacturing workshop. 14. Examples: Liujiadianzi, Yishui (Shandong), Ximen-nei, Shou Xian (Anhui), Zengjiashan, Xiushui (Jiangxi) (references in Appendix 1). 15. References in Appendix 1. For a comprehensive list of goudiao, see Appendix 2. 16. References in Appendix 1. These chunyu are so far unique; they are discussed in Falkenhausen 1989a.

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The Far South In Western Zhou, the local populations in present-day Guangdong and Guangxi knew and sometimes imitated the standard nao and yongzhong types of the Middle Yangzi region. Old traditions persisted. The type of bell decoration first seen on middle Western Zhou specimens from the Middle Yangzi region (see fig. 71) still appears, insignificantly modified, on some mid-Springs and Autumns period yongzhong.17 Other highly idiosyncratic local imitations of the more common Middle Yangzi bell-types may be exemplified by the yongzhong from Nasangcun, Heng Xian (fig. 152), which is probably contemporary with Western Zhou.18 This poorly cast piece has a wo, but no xuan to speak of. The proportions of the resonating body are somewhat narrower than in bells of northern provenience. In what is obviously an elaboration on the studded zhuan of yongzhong of the type depicted in fig. 71, the zhuan are here marked as double rows of studs. The spaces between them are filled with narrow bands of sunken-line volutes; similar volute-bands also surround the entire gu portion. In the lateral portions of the gu on the recto face, we notice symmetrical snake-like motifs molded in high relief, a feature never otherwise encountered on yongzhong.19 The decoration on the verso face is much simpler. In the Warring States period, yongzhong from the Lower Yangzi region decorated only on one side became widespread in the far south. The yongzhong from Nanmendong, Luoding (Guangdong) (fig. 153), for instance, resemble the more abstract specimens from Ya'erzhou (see fig. 150).20 Some bells of this type have been found in association with zheng. The set of eight large goudiao from the tomb of the king of Nanyue at Xianggangshan, Guangzhou (Guangdong), dated by inscription to the year 129 B.C., testify to the continued local production of such bells even after the end of the Zhou period.21 The Southwest Central and Eastern Sichuan Remarkable recent discoveries of an early Bronze Age culture at Sanxingdui, Guanghan (Sichuan), have so far yielded no evidence of musical instruments.22 All bells found in the province date to the terminal Bronze Age. The inlaid

17. One good example for this tendency is the yongzhong from Pengshan, Lianping (Guangdong); references in Appendix 1. 18. References in Appendix 1. For a list of typologically related specimens, see Appendix 2. 19. There are some parallels for this on nao and bo from Hunan (compare Appendix 2). 20. References in Appendix 1. For a list of typologically related specimens, see Appendix 2. Extensive discussion in Jiang Tingyu 1989. 21. References in Appendix 1. 22. Wenwu 1987 (10):1-15; Bagley 1988.

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Figure 152. Yongzhong excavated in 1958 at Nasangcun, Heng Xian (Guangxi). Local culture approximately contemporary with middle Western Zhou.

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Figure 153. One of a set of five yongzhong excavated in 1962 from tomb no. 1 at Matougang, Qingyuan (Guangdong). a, recto; b, verso. Local culture contemporary with the Warring States period.

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niuzhong from the tomb of a ruler of Ba at Xiaotianxi, Fuling (Sichuan) (see fig. 97), are almost certainly Chu imports from a time not long before the conquest of Sichuan by Qin in 316. An approximately contemporary local attempt at bell manufacture may be seen in the five bells, difficult to classify but provisionally termed zheng, from the tomb at Jiuliandun, Xindu (Sichuan) (fig. 154).23 These bells are of bizarre shape, the rim being curved differently on each bell-face. The standard zhong decoration scheme has been reduced to varying numbers of crudely shaped mei haphazardly placed in a grid of raised lines. The shape of these objects may reflect that of imported bells (perhaps zheng of Chu manufacture), but one can hardly imagine them to have been acoustically feasible. The intention of creating at least the semblance of a chimed set of bells is, nevertheless, notable. Later during the Warring States and Han periods, chunyu of south Chinese derivation became the predominant bell-types in western Hunan and Sichuan. They sometimes come in large groups (of up to fifteen pieces),24 but as far as we can know they were never manufactured as sets. The Far Southwest Further to the southwest, in the area of the Bronze Age culture of Dian, bells of highly distinctive beehive-shape were cast (fig. 155).25 The earliest pieces may date to the third century or earlier, extending through the first century B.C.; their gorgeous decoration with geometric or animal patterns exemplify a represenrationalist aesthetics that sets them completely apart from Chinese bells. Nevertheless, the almond-shaped cross-section of these bells, as well as the curious coincidence of their metallic composition to that of contemporary mainstream Chinese chime-bells (see table 6), may indicate the presence of some sort of stimulus diffusion from China proper. Sets of up to six pieces have been found. Another Southeast Asian type of bells, the sheep's horn-loop bells (yangjiaoniuzhong ) (fig. 156), so called after their strangely shaped suspension devices, may also be in some roundabout way related to Chinese bell-making traditions.26 Such bells do not seem to predate the second century B.C.

23. References in Appendix 1. 24. A group of fifteen chunyu was found at Xiongjiagang, Shimen (Hunan) (Hunan Kaogu Jikan 3 [1986]:26163). Xiong Chuanxin (1983b, 43) argues persuasively against the idea of ''chunyu chimes." 25. The illustrated specimen is that from Zhuanchangba, Huili (Sichuan); for a list of typologically related specimens, see Appendix 2. 26. Jiang Tingyu 1984 has collected virtually all the relevant evidence. The depicted specimen is from the Western Han tomb at Luobowan, Gui Xian (Guangxi) (references in Appendix 1).

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Figure 154. Two of five zheng excavated in 1980 at Jiuliandun, Xindu (Sichuan). Local culture approximately contemporary with the mid-Warring States period.

Figure 155. One of six beehiveshaped bells excavated in 1976 at Jiancun, Xiangyun (Yunnan). The drawing shows the two sides of the bell. Dian culture, third century B.C.

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Figure 156. Sheep's horn-loop bell (yangjiao-niuzhong) excavated in 1976 at Luobowan, Gui Xian (Guangxi). The significance of the human head appearing in relief on the bell-face (see also fig. 152) is unknown. Local culture contemporary with the Western Hah period.

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Figure 157. Four of six niuzhong excavated in 1978 at Sanguandian, Lingyuan (Liaoning). Local culture contemporary with late Warring States. and are more widespread than beehive-shaped bells, occurring in Yunnan, Guangxi, and Vietnam. They, too, have been found in sets of up to six.27 The North The distribution of bells along the northern fringes of the Zhou realm contrasts starkly with the profusion of distinctive bell types observed in the southern local cultures. Here, horse-bells are the only kinds of bells encountered with any frequency. A small number of tombs along the southern edge of the northern grasslands, however, have yielded groups of unornamented bells with loops of inverted U-shape, undoubtedly of local manufacture (fig. 157).28 These bells are so small that we cannot be certain whether they are ling or niuzhong, but because clappers have not been found, and because there do seem to have been attempts at fashioning sets of bells of graduated sizes, they may be provisionally identified as niuzhong imitations.

27. Frequency measurements have been published for the set of six yangjiao-niuzhong from tomb no. 1 at Wanjiaba, Chuxiong (Yunnan) (Kaogu Xuebao 1983 [3]:376-77); no regularity is apparent in the tone distribution. 28. Such specimens are known from Upper Xiajiadian cultural contexts in the northeast, as well as from sites of the Shajing culture in Gansu. The depicted specimen is from Sunjiagou, Ningcheng (Liaoning). References in Appendix 1.

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As chimed sets of bells are difficult to transport, they may not have been easily adaptable to the nomadic or seminomadic lifestyle of the northern neighbors of the Zhou. But this may not have been the only reason for their apparent unpopularity in the north. The cultural contrast between the inhabitants of China proper and their northern neighborsas opposed to the similarity between China and areas further southhas often been noted; it has been fateful throughout much of the history of imperial China.29 The virtual lack of Zhou-type musical instruments along the northern frontier bespeaks that area's generally low degree of acculturation to the ways of the Zhou. Ironically, from Han times onward, the folk musics of the various northern populations were adopted by the Chinese, as groups of performers were sent as gifts to the imperial court. These foreign musicians popularized various new forms of musical entertainment, decisively influencing the later history of Chinese music.30

29. Lattimore 1940; Barfield 1989. 30. Yang Yinliu 1980, 112 and passim.

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APPENDIX FOUR TONE MEASUREMENTS Sources of Tone-Measurement Data1 I. Shang Dynasty Nao *Dasikongcun (tomb no. 315?), Anyang, HN, set of 3: Huang Xiangpeng 1978-80 2:134.2 *Xiaonanzhuang, Wen Xian, HN, set of 3: Huang Xiangpeng 1978-80 1: 201 (A-tones only), 2:135 (A-and B-tones). *Xibeigang tomb no. 1038, Anyang, HN (now Academia Sinica, Taibei), enlarged set of 4: Chia 1980, 14-15 (A-tones only). *Anyang, HN (exact provenience not indicated), set of 3: Huang Xiangpeng 1978-80 1: 202 (A-tones only), 2:134 (A- and B-tones). *Palace Museum, Beijing (from Hui Xian, HN?), set of 3: Huang Xiangpeng 1978-80 1: 201 (A-tones only). II. Western Zhou Yongzhong A. Chimes of three or more pieces *Mawangcun, set no. V, 4 bells: Jiang Dingsui 1984, 88 (nos. 27-30). Nanluo hoard no. 1, 13 bells (11 broken): Jiang Dingsui 1984, 87 (nos. 4-16). *>NI-yongzhong, 4 bells (see Appendix 1, Haosihe):

1. For complete references, see Appendix 1. Entries marked with an asterisk are tabulated below in this appendix. 2. Huang labels these bells as "Ya Gong " bells, which is probably wrong; the two known bells with that inscription form part of the enlarged set of five excavated from tomb no. 5 ("Fu Hao's tomb") at Yinxu, Anyang (Henan).

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Jiang Dingsui 1984, 90 (nos. 82-85). Puducun, set of 3: Jiang Dingsui 1984, 87 (nos. 17-19; repaired). Rujiazhuang tomb no. 1, 3 bells: Jiang Dingsui 1984, 87 (nos. 20-21; repaired). Weizhuang, set of 3: Fang Jianjun 1986 (aural approximations only). *SECOND XING-yongzhong, 7 bells (see Appendix 1, Zhuangbai hoard no. 1): Jiang Dingsui 1984, 89 (nos. 49-55). *THIRD XING-yongzhong, set of 6 (see Appendix 1, Zhuangbai hoard no. 1): Jiang Dingsui 1984, 89 (nos. 56-61). *ZHONG YI-yongzhong, 8 bells (see Appendix 1, Qijiacun hoard no. 1): Jiang Dingsui 1984, 90 (nos. 74-81). *Zhuangbai hoard no. 1, IV, 3 bells: Jiang Dingsui 1984, 88 (nos. 41-43). *Zhuyuangou tomb no. 7, set of 3: Baoji Yu-guo mudi 1:651-53. *ZUO-yongzhong, 8 bells (see Appendix 1, Qijiacun hoard no. 1): Jiang Dingsui 1984, 90 (nos. 66-73). B. Other measurements Beiqiao, 2 separate bells: Jiang Dingsui 1988, 88, 89 (nos. 32, 46). CHU GONG JIA?-yongzhong, unprovenienced group of 3 late Western Zhou yongzhong (2 from the same set; probably repaired) (see Appendix 2, Early yongzhong II-A): Takahashi and Ueda 1986, 61. Dongjucun, single bell: Jiang Dingsui 1984, 88 (no. 31). GUO SHU LÜ-yongzhong, 1 unprovenienced bell from dispersed set, now in the Sen'oku Hakkokan (Sumitomo Collection), Kyoto (see Appendix 2, Early yongzhong II-B): Takahashi and Ueda 1986, 61. Guozhen, single bell: Jiang Dingsui 1984, 88 (no. 26; broken). Mawangcun I, single bell: Jiang Dingsui 1984, 87 (no. 1; broken). Mawangcun II, single bell: Jiang Dingsui 1984, 88 (no. 25). Mawangcun III, set of 2: Jiang Dingsui 1984, 89 (nos. 47, 48).

Mawangcun IV, set of 2:

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Jiang Dingsui 1984, 88 (nos. 36, 37). NANGONG HU-yongzhong (see Appendix 1, Baozigou): Jiang Dingsui 1984, 90 (no. 87). NING-yongzhong, single bell (see Appendix 1, Qizhen hoard no. 1): Jiang Dingsui 1984, 89, 90 (no. 86). Qijia (1 bell out of 2): Jiang Dingsui 1984, 88 (no. 44). Qizhen hoard no. 2, single bell: Jiang Dingsui 1984, 89 (no. 46). Wujun Xicun, single bell: Jiang Dingsui 1984, 87 (no. 3). XI ZHONG-yongzhong, 1 unprovenienced bell from dispersed set, now in the Sen'oku Hakkokan (Sumitomo Collection), Kyoto (see Appendix 2, Early yongzhong II-B): Takahashi and Ueda 1986, 61. XIAN-yongzhong, unprovenienced single bell in the Shaanxi Provincial Museum (see Appendix 2, Early yongzhong II-B): Jiang Dingsui 1984, 88 (no. 39; broken). FIRST XING-yongzhong, single bell (see Appendix 1, Zhuangbai hoard no. 1): Jiang Dingsui 1984, 88 (no. 40). YING HOU-yongzhong, single bell (see Appendix 1, Hongxing Commune): Jiang Dingsui 1984, 88 (no. 38). YONCXIANG-yongzhong, single bell (see Appendix 1, Qizhen hoard no. 1): Jiang Dingsui 1984, 89 (no. 62). FIRST ZHA-yongzhong, 1 unprovenienced bell from dispersed set, now in the Sen'oku Hakkokan (Sumitomo Collection), Kyoto (see Appendix 2, Early yongzhong I-C): Takahashi and Ueda 1986, 61. SECOND ZHA-yongzhong, 1 unprovenienced bell, now in the Sen'oku Hakkokan (Sumitomo Collection), Kyoto (see Appendix 2, Early yongzhong II-A): Takahashi and Ueda 1986, 61. Zhuangbai hoard no. 1, V: Jiang Dingsui 1984, 88 (nos. 23-24). Zhuangbai hoard no. 1, VI, 2 bells: Jiang Dingsui 1984, 88 (nos. 34, 35). Unprovenienced single mid-Western Zhou yongzhong in the Sen'oku Hakkokan (Sumitomo Collection), Kyoto: Takahashi and Ueda 1986, 61. Unprovenienced single bell in the Shaanxi Provincial Museum (allegedly from Rencun):

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Jiang Dingsui 1984, 87 (no. 2). Two unpublished bells in the Shaanxi Provincial Museum: Jiang Dingsui 1984, 89 (nos. 63, 64). III. Eastern Zhou Chime-Bells (yongzhong, bo, niuzhong) *BIAO-niuzhong, 14 niuzhong (see Appendix 1, Jincun tomb no. 7): Tanabe in Hamada 1924 (A-tones only); Takahashi 1984, 1986 (A- and B-tones). CAI HOU-niuzhong, 9 bells (see Appendix 1, Ximennei): Li Chunyi 1973, 16 (A-tones only). CAI HOU-bo, 8 bells (see Appendix 1, Ximennei): Li Chunyi 1973, 18 (A-tones of 2 bells only). Fenshuiling tomb no. 14, 8 niuzhong: Li Chunyi 1973, 16 (A-tones of 7 bells only). Houchuan tombs no. 2040 and 2041, sets of bo: Measurements still unpublished; mentioned in Wang Shimin 1988, 17-18. *JINGLI-niuzhong, set of 13 (see Appendix 1, Changtaiguan tomb no. 1): Yang Yinliu 1958 (A-tones only); Chen and Zheng 1980, 1985; Ma Chengyuan 1981, 140 (A- and B-tones). Leigudun tomb no. 2, assemblage of 36 yongzhong (2 sets): Huangzhong 1988 (4): 9-12. *Lijialou, second set of 10 yongzhong: Huang Xiangpeng 1978-80 2: 139 (measurements on 6 bells only). LÜ WANG-niuzhong (see Appendix 1, Xiasi tomb no. 10): Tone measurements as yet unreported (mentioned in Tan Weisi 1988). QIN GONG-yongzhong, 5 bells (see Appendix 1, Taigongmiao): Ma Chengyuan 1981, 139 (aural approximations only). *Shangmacun tomb no. 13, 9 niuzhong (2 broken): Huang Xiangpeng 1978-80 2: 142. Xiasi tomb no. 1, set of 9 niuzhong: Kaogu 1981 (2): 125 (nearest standard tone only). Wangsun Gao-yongzhong, 26 bells (see Appendix 1; Xiasi tomb no. 2): Zhao Shigang 1986 (2 sets of measurements). *ZENG HOU YI-bells (see Appendix 1, Leigudun tomb no. 1, assemblage of 65 bells (45 yongzhong, 1 bo, 19 niuzhong): First set of measurements: Wang Xiang 1981; second set of measurements: Shanghai Bowuguan Jikan 2 (1982): 89-92; third set of measurements: Tan and Feng 1988, 41-44. ZHEDIAO-niuzhong, unprovenienced set of a yet-undetermined number of bells (see Appendix 2, Musical bells II-B): Takahashi 1988; 2 items also in Takahashi and Ueda 1986, 61.

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Unprovenienced late Springs and Autumns period yongzhong in the Sen'oku Hakkokan (Sumitomo Collection), Kyoto (see Appendix 2, Musical bells I-A): Takahashi and Ueda 1986, 61. Shenliu-bells (2 bo from a set of 5, and 9 niuzhong): Dongnan Wenhua 1988 (3/4): 27. IV. Lithophones Jinancheng, Jiangling, HuB (1970), 25 chimestones: Kaogu 1972 (3): 41-48, esp. p. 44. (Originally reported in Wenwu 1972 [1]: 75; for color illustration, see Wenhua Dageming Qijian chutu wenwu 1: 74.) *Shangmacun tomb no. 13, 7 chimestones (2 broken): Huang Xiangpeng 1978-80 2: 147. *Sanmenxia (probably Houchuan tomb no. 2041), 9 chimestones: Huang Xiangpeng 1978-80 2: 147. Xincun, Xun Xuan, HB (1933), various chimestones: Measured by Liu Fu (data unpublished; manuscript article mentioned in Xun Xian Xincun, 66). Zhongzhou Daju, Luoyang, HN (1950s), 10 chimestones: Originally reported in Wenwu 1960 (4): 87; exact tone measurements so far unpublished (mentioned in Wang Shimin 1988, 18); aural approximations in Fang Jianjun 1989b. Unprovenienced Shang dynasty set of 3 inscribed chimestones (allegedly from Anyang) in the Palace Museum, Beijing: Huang Xiangpeng 1978-80 1:202. Approximate aural tone data on several chimestones from prehistoric, Shang, and Western Zhou times in Fang Jianjun 1989a. Tone-Measurement Tabulations The published tone measurements for bells identified in the left column (e.g., 1A means the A-tone of bell no. 1) have been converted into cent figures (center column) with Co (16 Hz) as zero. The right column indicates the interval (in cents) between the tone and the principal do of the respective chime, which is marked in boldface. Late Shang chimes (see figs. 113, 114)3 Nao from tomb no. 315? at Dasikong 1A

6147

0

lB

6450

303

3. In each of the Shang chimes tabulated here, the lowest tone has arbitrarily been designated as the principal do (see fig. 112).

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2A

6775

628

2B

6875

718

3A

7035

888

3B

7040

893

Nao from Xiaonanzhuang 1A

6040

0

1B

6232

192

2A

?

2B

?

3A

6700

660

3B

6897

857

Nao from tomb no. 1038 at Xibeigang (A-tones only) 1A

6423

0

2A

6723

300

3A

7377

954

4A

7354

931

Nao from Anyang 1A

6932

0

lB

7407

475

2A

7055

123

2B

?

3A

7407?

475

3B

7910

978

Palace Museum nao (A-tones only) 1A

6124

0

2A

7475

351

3A

6969

845

Middle Western Zhou chimes of yongzhong (see fig. 115) Mawangcun chime no. V 1A

4408

411

2A

4819

0

3A

5010

191

3B

5339

520

4A

5582

763

4B

6002

1183

Zhuangbai chime no. V 1A

4472

305

lB

4775

0

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2A

4956

181

2B

5292

517

3A

5333

558

3B

5696

921

Yongzhong chime from Zhuyuangou tomb no. 7 1A

5856

470

1B

6209

117

2A

6326

0

2B

6708

382

3A

7131

805

3B

7355

1029

Late Western Zhou chimes of yongzhong Ni-yongzhong 1A

4515

288

2A

4803

0

3A

5226

423

3B

5532

729

4A

5742

939

4B

6095

1293

II-1A

4290

300

II-2A

4590

0

II-3A

4972

382

II-2B

4982

392

II-3B

5290

700

II-4A

5470

880

II-4B

5815

1225

IV-1A

6217

1627

IV-1B

6541

1951

IV-2A

6729

2139

Second Xing-yongzhong4

IV-2B

7060

2470

IV-3A

7459

2869

IV-3B

7766

3176

1A

4236

362

2A

4598

0

Third Xing-yongzhong

4. Because of their somewhat different inscriptions, the bells of this chime have been reported separately as Set II and Set IV.

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3A

5038

440

3B

5346

748

4A

5425

827

4B

5754

1156

5A

6176

1578

5B

6521

1923

6A

6691

2093

6B

7008

2410

Zhong Yi-yongzhong (see fig. 116) 1A

4380

320

2A

4700

0

1B

4840

140

3A

5065

365

3B

5385

685

4A

5549

849

4B

5892

1192

5A

6290

1590

5B

6607

1907

6A

6793

2093

6B

7140

2440

7A

7500

2800

7B

7810

3110

8A

7985

3285

8B

8288

3588

1A

4466

298

2A

4764

0

1B

4862

98

3A

5159

395

2B

5164

400

Zuo-yongzhong

3B

5490

726

4A

5667

903

4B

5982

1218

5A

6370

1606

5B

6712

1948

6A

6819

2055

6B

7110

2346

7A

7550

2786

7B

7815

3051

8A

8046

3282

8B

8355

3591

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Six yongzhong from Lijialou (perhaps part of set B; numbering provisional) (see fig. 117) (1)A

3796

804

(2)A

4087

513

(3)A

4256

344

(2)B

4413

187

(4)A

4600

0

(4)B

4778

178

(5)A

4827

227

(6)A

4975

375

(5)B

5104

504

(6)B

5312

712

Lithophone from Shangmacun tomb no. 13 (see fig. 134) I

5199

831

2

5530

500

4

6030

0

5

6220

190

7

7234

1204

Niuzhong from Shangmacun tomb no. 13 (see fig. 119) 1A

4345

1697

4A

5045

997

5A

5235

807

4B

5405

637

5B

5550

492

6A

5730

312

6B

6042

0

7A

6260

218

8A

6450

408

7B

6620

578

8B

6780

738

9A

6950

908

9B

7260

1218

The Zeng bells (second set of measurements) Chime U3 + 4 (niuzhong) (see fig. 122) U3-7A

5377

0

U2-6A

5578

201

U3-7B

5725

348

U3-6A

5821

444

U2-6B

5923

546

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U2-5A

6065

688

U3-6B

6152

775

U3-5A

6235

858

U2-5B

6355

978

U2-4A

6462

1085

U3-5B

6543

1166

U3-4A

6700

1323

U2-4B

6775

1398

U2-3A

6783

1406

U3-4B

6919

1542

U3-3A

7021

1644

U2-3B

7117

1740

U2-2A

7288

1911

U3-3B

7348

1971

U3-2A

7503

2126

U2-2B

7584

2207

U2-1A

7691

2314

U3-2B

7761

2384

U2-1B

8018

2641

U3-1A

8120

2743

U3-1B

8419

3042

Chime M1 (yongzhong) (see fig. 120) 11A

4859

-981

10A

5060

-780

lib

5182

-658

9A

5350

-490

lob

5464

-376

8A

5541

-299

9B

5736

-104

7A

5840

o

8B

5958

118

6A

6048

208

7B

6140

300

5A

6238

398

6B

6390

550

5B

6562

722

4A

6772

932

4B

7084

1244

3A

7260

1420

2A

7513

1673

3B

7581

1741

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2B

7757

1917

2A

8025

2185

1B

8324

2484

Chime M2 (yongzhong) (see fig. 120) 12A

4884

-1081

11A

5137

-828

12B

5266

-699

10A

5387

-578

9A

5453

-512

11B

5553

-412

8A

5656

-309

10B

5812

-153

9B

5826

-139

7A

5965

0

8B

6073

108

6A

6159

194

7B

6254

289

5A

6342

377

6B

6478

513

5B

6664

699

4A

6849

884

4B

7160

1195

3A

7389

1424

2A

7584

1619

3B

7682

1717

2B

7884

1919

1A

8039

2074

1B

8377

2412

Chime M3 (yongzhong) (see fig 121) 10A

4268

-506

9A

4568

-206

10B

4682

-92

8A

4774

0

9B

4876

102

7A

4950

176

8B

5072

298

6A

5150

376

7B

5275

501

6B

5458

684

5A

5659

885

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5B

5985

1211

4A

6176

1402

3A

6360

1586

4B

6484

1710

2A

6558

1784

3B

6684

1910

1A

6875

2101

2B

6942

2168

1B

7162

2388

Chime L1+2 (yongzhong) (see fig 121) L1-1A

2392

0

L1-2A

2462

70

L2-10A

2653

261

L1-1B

2702

310

L1-2B

2751

359

L2-9A

2755

363

L2-10B

2981

589

L2-8A

3117

725

L2-9B

3133

741

L2-7A

3201

809

L2-8B

3388

996

L1-3A

3442

1050

L2-5A

3587

1195

L2-7B

3689

1297

L2-4A

3763

1371

L2-3B

3889

1497

L2-5B

3897

1505

L2-3A

3955

1563

L2-4B

4094

1702

L2-2A

4171

1779

L2-1A

4277

1885

L2-3B

4371

1979

L2-2B

4568

2176

L2-2B

4639

2247

Other Warring States period chimes Lithophone from Sanmenxia (Houchuan tomb no. 2041?) (see fig. 135) 1

465

0

2

5029

373

3

5377

721

4

no measurement

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5

6060

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8

6731

2075

9

7080

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Biao-niuzhong (12 bells in the Sen'oku Hakkokan only, pitch measurements adjusted to 30° C standard room temperature) (see fig. 128) S-1A

5372

0

S-2A

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S-3A

5751

379

S-1B

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S-2B

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S-3B

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S-4A

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S-5A

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S-4B

6539

1167

S-6A

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1205

S-5B

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1385

S-7A

6951

1579

S-6B

6982

1610

S-7B

7269

1897

S-8A

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S-9A

7627

2255

S-8B

7808

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S-9B

7938

2566

S-10A

7940

2568

S-11A

8142

2770

S-10B

8291

2919

S-11B

8455

3083

S-12A

8666

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S-12B

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Jingli-niuzhong (A-tones only) (see fig. 129) 1A

5950

-1140

2A

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-1028

3A

6260

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4A

6576

-514

5A

6762

-328

6A

6960

-130

7A

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8A

7274

184

9A

7456

366

10A

7804

714

11A

7988

898

12A

8157

1067

13A

8610[?]

1520

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GLOSSARY A A-TONE. One of the two tones on a TWO-TONE BELL, produced by striking the center of the bell-face near the SOUND-BOW. B B-TONE. One of the two tones on a TWO-TONE BELL, produced by striking the side of the bell-face near the SOUND-BOW. BELL-CHIME (BIANZHONG

). A tuned set of CHIME-BELLS.

BO . One of the major classes of Chinese musical bells of the Zhou period (see bell classification at the beginning of Chapter 2). C CENT NOTATION. A logarithmic measuring unit for tonal intervals, which transforms the exponentially increasing frequency figures into a linear mathematical function. A value of 100 cents is assigned to each semitone. CHIME. A musical instrument (e.g., BELL-CHIME, LITHOPHONE) consisting of a set of tuned IDIOPHONES. (Some authors use chime synonymously with CHIMESTONE, a usage I avoid.) CHIME-BELL. A bell manufactured as a component in a BELL-CHIME. Also known as MUSICAL BELL. CHIMESTONE (QING ). A tuned slab of stone used with a musical function. Single large chimestones, which go back to the late third millennium B.C., are among the earliest known Chinese musical instruments. Most later chimestones function as components of LITHOPHONES. CROTAL. Hollow jingle in which a loose component (e.g., a pebble) produces a sound when the object is agitated. In ancient China, bronze crotals (luan ) mainly functioned as parts of horse-and-chariot gear; they have no musical significance and were of no influence on the typological development of CHIME-BELLS. CHUNYU . A class of bells (for the most part non-musical) manufactured in ancient China (see bell classification at the beginning of Chapter 2).

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D DUO . Hand-held clapper-bells (see bell classification at the beginning of Chapter 2). F FUNDAMENTAL. The most prominently audible PARTIAL of a bell; in ancient Chinese bells, the ''nominal" tone of the bell. G . A class of musical bells developed out of the non-musical ZHENG along the southeastern coast of GOUDIAO China during the late Springs and Autumns period (see bell classification at the beginning of Chapter 2). GU

. The "striking platform" close to the SOUND-BOW of a bell (see fig. 32).

H HENG

. The top of the shank of a bell (see fig. 32).

HIGHER REGISTER. The higher-pitched part of a TONE DISTRIBUTION in a BELL-CHIME, when it features an arrangement of tones different from (usually more regular than) that of the LOWER REGISTER I IDIOPHONE. An object that, when struck or hit, emits a musically useable tone. In idiophones, the tone is produced by the vibrating substance itself, as opposed to other types of musical instruments, in which the tone is produced by the vibrations of enclosed air (aerophones), a membrane (membranophones), or a string (chordophones). L LING . Simple clapper-bells suspended from loops, typologically ancestral to all types of Chinese CHIMEBELLS (see bell classification at the beginning of Chapter 2). LITHOPHONE (BIANQING suspended from a rack.

). A musical instrument consisting of tuned slabs of stone (CHIMESTONES)

LOWER REGISTER. The lower-pitched part of a TONE DISTRIBUTION in a BELL-CHIME, when it features an arrangement of tones different from that of the HIGHER REGISTER. LÜ . See PITCH STANDARD. M MAJOR-THIRD BELL. A TWO-TONE BELL in which the interval between the A-TONE and B-TONE is a major third (between 350 and 450 CENTS). MEI .The bosses on the faces of bells decorated according to the STANDARD ZHONG DECORATION SCHEME (see fig. 32). MINOR-THIRD BELL. A TWO-TONE BELL in which the interval between the A-TONE and B-TONE is a minor third (between 250 and 350 CENTS). "MUDDY" (ZHUO

). Prefix used in part of the Zeng inscriptions to lower a PITCH STANDARD by a semitone.

MUSICAL BELL. See CHIME-BELL. N NAO . The first chime-bells of China, manufactured from the late Shang onwards. Nao later developed into YONGZHONG (see bell classification at the beginning of Chapter 2). NIU;

. The suspension loop of a bell.

NIUZHONG (LOOP-BELLS). One of the major classes of Eastern Zhou musical bells; virtually the only one still manufactured after mid-Warring States times (see bell classification at the beginning of Chapter 2).

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NOTE (YIN ). A constituent part of a musical system, related to other notes by certain defined intervals. Musical pieces consist of notes. In ancient Chinese musical theory, notes were moveable; they could be acoustically actualized as tones only when defined in reference to a PITCH STANDARD (lü). (For detailed discussion see Chapter 8.) O OCARINA (XUN ). A clay whistle. Ocarinas are among the oldest Chinese musical instruments, the earliest pieces dating back to Neolithic times. P PARTIAL. Acoustical constituent of a tone. When a bell is struck, many vibration patterns occur simultaneously, each pattern creating a partial; the most prominently audible partial is called the FUNDAMENTAL. The other partials ("overtones") also influence the timbre of the perceived tone. PITCH STANDARD (LÜ ). An acoustical measuring unit central to ancient Chinese musical theory, determining the pitch at which a musical piece was to be played. To be musically meaningful, tones had to be defined as NOTES in terms of one or another pitch standard. In later times, the concept of lü underwent considerable change; as a result, tones could simply be defined as lü, and the difference between the notes and the pitch standards became obliterated. (For detailed discussion see Chapter 8.) R RECTO (OF A BELL). The side of a bell facing the player. S SCALING The process of designing and arranging several IDIOPHONES SO that they come to constitute a tuned CHIME. SCHLAGTON. The non-musical noise produced by the mallet hitting the bell surface. SOUND-BOW. The vibrating rim of a bell. STANDARD ZHONG DECORATION SCHEME. The characteristic pattern decorating almost all Zhou musical bells, featuring regularly arranged bosses (MEI) and ridges (ZHUAN) (see fig. 32). T TONE DISTRIBUTION. The distribution of playable tones (= potential NOTES) in a CHIME. Most chimes can emit only a selection of a few tones per octave, which often repeat regularly throughout several octaves; the scrutiny of tone distributions yields important clues to musical theory and practice in ancient China (see Chapter 7). TWO-TONE BELL. A bell of almond-shaped cross-section that, depending on where it is struck, emits either of two distinct tones (A-TONE and B-TONE). In China, this TWO-TONE PHENOMENON was exploited musically from ca 1000 B.C. onward. TWO-TONE PHENOMENON. See TWO-TONE BELL. V VERSO (OF A BELL). The side of a bell facing away from the player.

W WO

(TRADITIONALLY, OFTEN GAN

WU

. The flat top of a bell (see fig. 32).

). The suspension ring of a YONGZHONG (see fig. 32).

X XIAN

. The pointed spine of a bell of almond-shaped cross-section (see fig. 32).

XUAN . The bulging horizontal ring around the shank of a bell (see fig. 32).

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Y YONG . The shank of a bell (see fig. 32). YONGZHONG (SHANK-BELLS). The principal class of musical bells of Western and most of Eastern Zhou China (see bell classification at the beginning of Chapter 2). YU . The arch-shaped SOUND-BOW of some types of musical bells (see fig. 32). Z ZHENG . (1) A class of bells (for the most part non-musical) manufactured in ancient China. See bell classification at the beginning of Chapter 2. (2) The upper part of the bell-face according to the STANDARD ZHONG DECORATION SCHEME. See fig. 32. ZHONG . The most common and inclusive word for bell in classical and modern Chinese. More narrowly, this term sometimes refers particularly to CHIME-BELLS. ZHUAN . Ridges delimiting the ornamented panels (ZHENG [2], ZHUANJIAN, MEI) on the faces of bells decorated according to the STANDARD ZHONG DECORATION SCHEME (see fig. 32). ZHUANJIAN . Ornamented rectangular panels delimited by ZHUAN, which separate rows of bosses (MEI) on the face of bells decorated according to the STANDARD ZVIONG DECORATION SCHEME (see fig. 32).

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PLACE NAMES IN GEOGRAPHICAL ARRANGEMENT Abbreviations of Provincial Names AH

Anhui

FJ

Fujian

GD

Guangdong

GS

Gansu

GX

Guangxi

HB

Hebei

HN

Henan

HuB

Hubei

HuN

Hunan

NMG

Inner Mongolia

JS

Jiangsu

JX

Jiangxi

LN

Liaoning

SC

Sichuan

SD

Shandong

ShX

Shaanxi

SX

Shanxi

YN

Yunnan

ZJ

Zhejiang

County seats and cities related to sites where bells have been discovered are indicated on maps 1 and 2.

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Anhui Province (AH) Chao Xian Baizhadi Fanchang Gao'an Huanghu Tangjiashan Feixi Dadunzi Fuyang Shuanggudui Guangde Huangshan Yangcun Jing Xian Maolin Lujiang Nihequ Qianshan Qingyang Wangcun Shou Xian Chengqiang Xiufu Gongdi (City-Wall Repair Site) Ximennei (Inside the West Gate) Zhi Huai Gongdi (Huai River Dyke-Building Site) Zhujiaji Shucheng Jiulidun Wuhu Xuancheng Zhengxingcun Fujian Province (FJ) Jian'ou Nanya Yangze

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Gansu Province (GS) Yongdeng Yushugou Guangdong Province (GD) Boluo Dalisanwucun Meicun Fogang Kewang Damiaoxia Guangzhou Xianggangshan Huilai Huahu Lianping Pengshan Luoding Nanmendong Qingyuan Matougang Qujiang Maba Xingning Guishuwo Zhaoqing Songshan Guangxi Autonomous Region (GX) Beiliu Binyang Dabeimiao Liangshuiping Luyu Weipocun Cenxi Gongcheng Yangjia Guanyang Zhongshan

Gui Xian Luobowan He Xian Shoufeng Qingfengcun Yingmin Heng Xian Maxiang Nanxiang Nasangcun Liujiang Muluocun Liuzhou Hengshan Nanning Supan Pubei Dalingjiao Rong Xian Longjingxie Wuming Yuanlongpo Wuxuan Xilin Putuo Xincheng Datang Hebei Province (HB) Ci Xian Dazhongyingcun Luanping Paotaishan Pingshan Sanji

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Shijiazhuang Xiaoyancun Xinglong Yi Xian Yan Xiadu Henan Province (HN) Anyang Dasikongcun Jiazhuang Wuguancun Xibeigang Xijiao (Western Suburbs) Yinxu Gushi Hougudui Huaiyang Pingliangtai Hui Xian Liulige Zhaogu Ji Xian Shanbiaozhen Luoyang Changlelu Jiefanglu Jincun Shaogou Pingdingshan Weizhuang Zhiyang Xigang Sanmenxia Houchuan Miaodigou Shangcunling Shangcai Xian Zhuanwachang Wen Xian Xiaonanzhuang Xichuan Xiasi Xinyang

Caipo Changtaiguan Xinye Xiaoxiguan Xinzheng Lijialou Xun Xian Xincun Yanshi Erlitou Ye Xian Jiuxian Zhengzhou Dahecun Hubei Province (HUB) Changyang Yongheping Dawu Leijiashan Daye Tonglüshan Zoumashan Echeng Beizifan Wulipai Guangji Ya'erzhou Jiangling Gebeisi Paimashah Tengdian Tianxingguan Wangshan Yutaishan

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Jingmen Baoshan Jingshan Sujialong Suizhou Bajiaolou Jishiliang Leigudun Lianyuzui Xiongjialaowan Zhoujiagang Tianmen Shijiahe Yangxin Liurongshan Zaoyang Duanying Zhijiang Xinhua Zhongxiang Huashan Zigui Huaibaoshicun Hunan Province (HUN) Changde Deshan Changsha Banqiao Liuchengqiao Mawangdui Wulipai Xiangbizui Xianjiahu Yangjiawan Hengyang Chang'anxiang Beitang Quankoucun Leiyang Xiajiashan Liling

Linli Jiuli Linwu Liuyang Baijiacun Chengtan Huangjing Yangmei Ningxiang Beifengtan Chenjiawan Lianhua Qiaodang Sanmudi Shiguzhaishan Yueshanpu Pingjiang Zhongdong Shaoshan Guanqu Wangcheng Gaochong Xiangtan Gaotun Hongjiaqiao Xiangxiang Goutouba Huangmasai Malong Pingru Ximen Xiongjiagang Xupu Dajiangkou Yiyang Yangwuling Yueyang Feijiahe

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Zhijiang Yilijiecun Zhuzhou Huangzhu Sanpu Touba Xinglongcun Youzhencun Zixing Lanshi Tian'eshan Inner Mongolia (NMG) Kalaxin Banner Xishan Ningcheng (see Liaoning Province) Jiangsu Province (JS) Dantu Beishanding Wangjiashan Donghai Miaodun Gaochun Qingshan Qiqiao Songxi Jiangning Tangdongcun Lianyungang Jinpingshan Liyang Luhe Chengqiao Pi Xian Dadunzi Liulin Wujiang Hengba Wujin Yancheng

Xuzhou Beidongshan Zifangshan Jiangxi Province (JX) Fengcheng Xinhuicun Jing'an Linkesuo Jishui Pingxiang Dengjiatiancun Pengjiaqiao Qingjiang Shanqian Commune Taihe Wanzai Changhe Wuning Qingjiang Xinyu Jiashan Luofang Yulongshan Xiushui Zengjiashan Liaoning Province (LN) Jianping Kalaxinhe Lingyuan Sanguandian Wudaohezi

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Ningcheng (now in Inner Mongolia) Sunjiagou Shaanxi Province (SHX) Baoji Guozhen Rujiazhuang Taigongmiao Xigaoquan Zhuyuangou Chang'an Puducun Keshengzhuang Mawangcun Zhangjiapc Fengxiang Daxin Fufeng Baijiacun Baozigou Beiqiao Beiqishan Dongjucun Guanwudiaozhuang Huangdui Liujiacun Qiangjiacun Qijiacun Qizhen Wujun Xicun Zhuangbai Lantian Hongxing (Red Star) Commune Lintong Nanluo Qin Shihuangling Mei Xian Yangjiacun Qian Xian Zhoujiahe Wugong Huilongcun Xianyang Yao Xian

Dingjiagou Yongshou Haosihe Shandong Province (SD) Haiyang Guanyang Gucheng Zuiziqiancun Huimin Daguo Ju Xian Tianjingwang Junan Dadian Linqu Yangshan Linyi Ezhuangqu Huayuan Fenghuangling Linzi Daifuguan Heyatou Jishan Penglai Liugezhuang Qingzhou (formerly Yidu) Subutun Shouguang Yiduhoucheng Teng Xian Zhuangli-Xi

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Yangxin Xibeicun Yantai Shangkuangcun Yishui Liujiadianzi Zhangqiu Xiao'emeishan Zhucheng Zangjiazhuang Shanxi Province (SX) Changzhi Fenshulling Hongdong Yongningbao Houma Shangmacun Lingshi Jingjiecun Linyi Chengcun Lucheng Luhe Quwo Qucun Shilou Caojiayuan Taiyuan Jinshengcun Wanrong Miaoqiancun Wenxi Nansongcun Shangguocun Xia Xian Dongxiafeng Xiangfen Dagudui Taosi

Sichuan Province (SC) Fuling Xiaotianxi Huili Zhuanchangba Xindu Jiuliandun Yunnan Province (YN) Chuxiong Wanjiaba Jinning Shizhaishan Kunming Ludian Mouding Futulongcun Xiangyun Dabonal Jiancun Zhejiang Province (ZJ) Changxing Caoloucun Changxing Middle School Deqing Xinshi Haiyan Huangjiashan Jiangshan Jinhua

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Pan'an Shenze Shaoxing Goutoushan Xiaoshan Dujiacun Yin Xian Sanlian Yuhang Chongxian Xujiafan

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BIBLIOGRAPHY Classical Texts Chu Ci

(Elegies of Chu), by Qu Yuan (trad. dates 3437-ca. 315 B.C.) et al. EDITION: Chu Ci Buzhu , by Hong Xingzu (1090-1155), with Soshi Sakuin , by Takeji Sadao , joint indexed edition, Kyoto: Chubun, 1964; reissued, 1979. TRANSLATION: Hawkes, David (Qu Yuan et al.), The Songs of the South, Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1985.

Chunqiu (The Springs and Autumns chronicle). Chronicle of the state of Lu, spanning the years 722-468 B.C., allegedly edited by Kong Qiu (Confucius) (trad. dates 552/551-479 B.C.). Zuo Zhuan (Zuo commentary on the Chunqiu), attributed to Zuoqiu Ming (probably fourth century B.C.). EDITIONS: Chunqiu Jingzhuan Yinde (Combined concordances to the Chunqiu chronicle and its three commentaries), HarvardYenching Institute Index Series, supplement no. 11, Beijing, 1937; reprint, Taibei, 1966. 4 vols. (cited here as ''HYI edition"); commentary on Zuo Zhuan by Du Yu (4th century A.D.) and subcommentary by Kong Yingda (A.D. 574-648) quoted from Ruan Yuan's Shisanjing Zhushu (see Works of Premodern Scholarship, below). TRANSLATIONS: Legge, James, The Ch'un Ts'ew with the Tso Chuen, i.e., The Chinese Classics, vol. 5, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1872; reprint, Taibei: Southern Materials Center, 1983. Couvreur, Séraphin, Tch'ouen-ts'iou et Tso-tchouan, Ho Kien Fou: Imprimerie de la Mission Catholique, 1914, 3 vols. Er Ya (Dictionary of elegant expression), author(s) unknown, probably compiled at the beginning of the Western Han dynasty. EDITION: Er Ya Yinde (Concordance to Er Ya), Harvard-Yenching Institute Index Series supplement no. 58, Beijing, 1941; reprint, Taibei, 1966 (cited here as "HYI edition"). Guan Zi (Master Guan), Warring States period miscellany traditionally attributed to Guan Zhong B.C.). EDITION: Guan Zi, with commentary by Fang

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(?-645

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Xuanling (A.D. 578-648), Guoxue Jiben Congshu edition, Shanghai: Shangwu, n.d.; reissued, Taibei, 1968. TRANSLATION (so far partial): Rickett, W. Allyn, Guan Zi, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1985, vol. 1 (supersedes earlier edition). Guo Yu (Narratives of the states), attributed to Zuoqiu Ming (cf. Chunqiu). EDITION: Tiansheng Mingdaoben Guo Yu , with commentary by Wei Zhao (A.D. 197-278), reissued after a Ming edition in 1800. PARTIAL TRANSLATION: Hart, James P., The Philosophy of the Chou Yu, Ph.D. diss., University of Washington, 1973; d'Hormon, André, Guoyu: Propos sur les principautés, edited and enlarged by Rémi Mathieu, Paris: Collège de France, Insititut des Hautes-Études Chinoises, 1985. Han Fei Zi (Master Han Fei), by Han Fei (ca. 280-233 B.C.). EDITION: Han Fe Zi Yinde (Index to the Han Fei zi), Beijing: Zhonghua, 1982. Han Shu (Official history of the Western Han dynasty), by Ban Gu (A.D. 32-92) et al. EDITIONS: Han Shu, Beijing: Zhonghua, 1962, 20 vols.; Han Shu Yiwenzhi (The Bibliographical Treatise of the Han Shu), indexed edition, Shanghai: Shangwu, 1954. PARTIAL TRANSLATION: Dubs, Homer H., History of the Former Han Dynasty, Baltimore: Waverley, 1938-1955, 3 vols. Huainan Zi (Lord of Huainan), miscellany compiled under the direction of Liu An , Prince of Huainan (178?-122 B.C.). EDITION: Huainan Zi, with commentary by Gao You (fl. A.D. 205-212), Sibu Congkan edition, Shanghai: Shangwu, 1927; reissued, Taibei, n.d. Li Ji (Notes on ritual; also known as Xiao Dai Li Ji ), allegedly compiled by Dai Sheng (Western Han dynasty), probably containing substantial pre-Qin portions. EDITION: Li Ji Zhushu, with commentary by Zheng Xuan (A.D. 127-200) and Kong Yingda (cf. Chunqiu). Collation notes for each juan by Ruan Yuan (1764-1849), Sibu Beiyao edition, Shanghai: Zhonghua, 1927; reissued, Taibei, n.d., 4 vols. TRANSLATION: Couvreur, Séraphin, Li Ki, ou Mémoires sur les bienséances et cérémonies, Ho Kien Fou: Imprimerie de la Mission Catholique, 1913. Lunyu (The analects of Confucius), compiled by the followers of Confucius. EDITION: Lun Yu Yinde (Concordance to Lun Yu), Harvard-Yenching Institute Index Series, supplement no. 16, Beijing, 1940 (cited here as "HYI edition"). TRANSLATION: Lau, D. C., Confucius, The Analects (Lun Yü), Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1979. Lüshi Chunqiu (Springs and autumns of Mr. Lü), compiled under the direction of Lü Buwei (?-235 B.C.), preface dated 245 B.C. EDITION: Lüshi Chunqiu, with commentary by Gao You (cf. Huainan Zi), Sibu Congkan edition, Shanghai: Shangwu, 1927; reissued, Taibei, n.d. TRANSLATION: Wilhelm, Richard, Frühling und Herbst des Lü-Bu-We, Jena: Diederichs, 1928.

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Meng Zi (Master Meng), by Meng Ke (Mencius) (ca. 372-289 B.C.). EDITION: Meng Zi Yinde (Concordance to Meng Zi), Harvard-Yenching Institute Index Series supplement no. 17, Beijing, 1941 (here cited as "HYI edition"). TRANSLATION: Lau, D.C., Mencius, Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1970. Mo Zi (Master Mo), by Mo Di (trad. dates: 468-376 B.C.) and others. EDITION: Mo Zi Yinde (Concordance to Mo Zi), Harvard-Yenching Institute Index Series supplement no. 21, Beijing, 1937 (here cited as "HYI edition"). Shen Zi (Master Shen), by Shen Dao (ca. 360-ca. 285 B.C.). EDITION: Thompson, P.M., The Shed Tzu Fragments, London Oriental Series vol. 29, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1979. Shi Ji (Record of the historian), by Sima Tan (?-110 B.C.) and Sima Qian (145 or 135-ca. 90 B.C.). EDITION; Shi Ji, Beijing: Zhonghua, 1959, 10 vols. TRANSLATION: Chavannes, Édouard, Les Mémoires historiques de Se-ma Ts'ien, Paris: Leroux, 1895-1905 and 1969, 6 vols. Shi Jing (Classic of poetry; also known as Mao Shi [The Odes as annotated by Mao Heng (2nd century B.C.)]), allegedly compiled by Confucius; poems ranging in date from Western Zhou through ca. 6th century. EDITION: Mao Shi Yinde (Concordance to the Mao version of Shi Jing), Harvard-Yenching Institute Index Series supplement no. 9, Beijing, 1936; reprint, Tokyo 1962 (here cited as "HYI edition"). TRANSLATIONS: Karlgren, Bernhard, The Book of Odes, Stockholm: Museum of Far Eastern Antiquities, 1959 (contains amended text). Karlgren's philological commentary has been published as Glosses on the Book of Odes, Stockholm: Museum of Far Eastern Antiquities, 1964 (reprinted from Bulletin of the Museum of Far Eastern Antiquities 14 [1942]: 71-247; 16 [1944]: 25-169; 18 [1946]: 1-198). Waley, Arthur, The Book of Songs, 1937; reprint, New York: Grove, 1960. Shu Jing (Classic of history; also known as Shang Shu [Venerable documents from antiquity]), allegedly compiled by Confucius; documents in the jinwen (Modern Text) version ranging in date from Western Zhou through the Warring States period; the guwen (Old Text) version contains additional materials commonly regarded as Han forgeries. EDITION: Shang Shu Tongjian (Conspectus of Shang Shu), edited by Gu Jiegang (1893-1979), Beijing, 1936; reissued, Beijing: Shumu Wenxian, 1982. TRANSLATIONS: Karlgren, Bernhard, "The Book of Documents," Bulletin of the Museum of Far Eastern Antiquities 22 (1950): 1-82 (jinwen documents only); philological commentaries published as: Glosses on the Book of Documents, Stockholm: Museum of Far Eastern Antiquities, 1970 (reprinted from Bulletin of the Museum of Far Eastern Antiquities 20 [1948]: 39-315, and 21 [1949]: 63-206). Legge, James, The Shoo King, i.e., The Chinese Classics, vol. 3, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1868 (various reprints); contains both jinwen and guwen documents.

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Shuowen Jiezi (Explaining the graphs and analyzing the characters), by Xu Shen EDITION: Shuowen Jiezi-zhu (Shuowen Jiezi Annotated), by Duan Yucai edition, Shanghai: Shanghai Guji, 1981 (cited here as "Shuowen").

(ca. 58-147 A.D.) (1735-1815); indexed

Wen Xuan

(Literary anthology), compiled by Xiao Tong (501-531). EDITION: Wen Xuan Liu Chen Zhu (The Wen Xuan, annotated by six princely subjects), with commentaries by six Tang dynasty scholars, Sibu Congkan edition, Shanghai: Shangwu, 1928.

Xin Shu Wenchao

(New writings), by Jia Yi (200-168 B.C.). EDITION: Xin Shu, with collation notes by Lu (1717-1796), Sibu Beiyao edition, Shanghai: Zhonghua, 1927; reissued, Taibei, n.d.

Xun Zi (Master Xun), by Xun Kuang (ca. 313-238 B.C.). EDITION: Xun Zi Yinde (Concordance to Xun Zi), Harvard-Yenching Institute Index Series, supplement no. 22, Beijing, 1950 (cited here as "HYI edition"). TRANSLATION (so far partial): Knoblock, John, Xunzi, A translation and study of the complete works, Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 1988, vol. 1. Yan Zi Chunqiu (Springs and autumns of Master Yan). Late pre-Qin miscellany, traditionally connected with Yan Ying (?-500 B.C.). EDITION: Yan Zi Chunqiu jishi , ed. by Wu Zeyu (20th century); reissued, Taibei: Dingwen, 1977. TRANSLATION: Holtzer, Peter, Yen-tzu und das Yen-tzu Ch'unch'iu, Frankfurt: Peter Lang, 1985. Yi Jing (Classic of changes; also known as Zhou Yi ), divinatory manual with portions dating from Western(?) Zhou through Western Han times. EDITION: Zhou Yi Yinde (Concordance to the Zhou Yi), Harvard-Yenching Institute Index Series, supplement no. 10, Beijing, 1937 (cited here as "HYI edition"). TRANSLATION: Wilhelm, Richard, I Ging, Jena: Diederichs, 1923; new edition, Düsseldorf, 1973. Yi Li (Ceremonial protocol), author(s) unknown, probably dating to the 3rd century B.C. EDITION: Yi Li Zhengyi (Rectified meaning of the Yi Li), with commentary by Zheng Xuan (cf. Li Ji) and subcommentary by Sun Yirang (1848-1908), Sibu Beiyao edition, Shanghai: Shangwu, 1927. TRANSLATION: Couvreur, Séraphin, Cérémonial, Hsien Hsien: Imprimerie de la Mission Catholique, 1916; 2d ed., 1928; new edition, Paris: Cathasia, 1951. Zhan'guo-ce (Episodes from the Warring States), edited by Liu Xiang (ca. 77-6 B.C.). EDITION: Zhan'guo-ce jiaozhu (Collated and annotated Zhan'guo-ce), by Bao Biao (Song dynasty), with a commentary by Gao You (cf. Huainan zi), Sibu Congkan edition, Shanghai: Shangwu, 1929. TRANSLATION: Crump, J. L., Chan-kuo Ts'e, revised 2d ed. (occasional series, no. 41), San Francisco: Chinese Materials and Research Aids Service Center, 1979. Zhou Li

(The ritual system of the Zhou), author(s) unknown, probably dating to the

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3rd century B.C. EDITION: Zhou Li Zhengyi (Rectified meaning of the Zhou Li), with commentary by Zheng Xuan (cf. Li Ji) and subcommentary by Sun Yirang (cf. Yi Li), Sibu Beiyao edition, Shanghai: Zhonghua, 1927; reissued, Taibei, n.d., 6 vols. TRANSLATION: Biot, Édouard, Le Tcheou-Li ou Rites des Tcheou, Paris: Imprimerie Nationale, 1851, 3 vols; reprinted, Taibei, 1975. Zhuang Zi (Master Zhuang), by Zhuang Zhou (ca. 369-286) et al. EDITION: Zhuang Zi Yinde (Concordance to Zhuang Zi), Harvard-Yenching Institute Index Series, supplement no. 20, Beijing, 1936 (cited here as "HYI edition"). TRANSLATIONS: Watson, Burton, The Complete Works of Chuang Tzu, New York: Columbia University Press, 1968; Graham, Angus C., Chuang Tzû, The Inner Chapters, London: George Allen & Unwin, 1981. Zuo Zhuan. See Chunqiu. Works of Premodern Scholarship Cheng Yaotian (1725-1814). Kaogong chuangwu xiaoji manufactured by the [Zhou] royal artisans). In Huang Qing jingjie Classics and their commentaries), vols. 125-26 (j. 537-38).

(Short records on the objects (Imperial Qing edition of the Chinese

Dai Zhen (1724-1777). Kaogongji-tu (Illustrations on the Kaogongji). In Huang Qing jingjie (Imperial Qing edition of the Chinese Classics and their commentaries), j. 132. Liang Shizheng (18th century), compiler. Xi Qing gujian (Bronzes in the Qing imperial collection in the Xi Qing Studio), compiled ca. 1751-1752. Edition, Shanghai: Hongwen, 1888. 24 vols. Lü Dalin (fl. 1092), compiler. Kaogutu (Illustrations for inquiring into antiquity). Edition by Huang Sheng (Qing dynasty), in Sangutu , vols. 20-23. Ruan Yuan (1764-1849), compiler. Shisanjing zhushu (Annotations and commentaries on the Thirteen Classics). New edition in two volumes and an index volume, Beijing: Zhonghua, 1980. Shen Gua (1031-1095). Xinjiaozheng Mengxi bitan (The newly collated Scribblings of Dreamy Brook [i.e., Shen Gua]). Edited by Hu Daojing . Beijing: Zhonghua, 1959, reissued 1987. Wang Fu (fl. 12th century) et al., compilers. Bogutulu (a.k.a. Xuanhe Bogutu antiques in the Song imperial collection), compiled ca. 1123. Edition by Wu Gonghong Taibei: Yiwen Yinshuguan, n.d. Wang Jie

. (late 18th century) et al., compilers. Xi Qing xujian

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) (Catalog of , 1603; reprint,

(Further bronzes

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in the Qing imperial collection on display in the Xi Qing Studio), compiled ca. 1793. 2 series: Jiabian , edition, Shanghai: Hanfenlou, 1911; Yibian , edition, Beijing: National Palace Museum, 1931. 20 vols. each. Wang Yinzhi (1766-1834). Jingyi shuwen (Gleanings on the meaning of the Classics). In Huang Qing jingjie (Imperial Qing edition of the Chinese Classics and their commentaries), vols. 260-71 (j. 1781-1809). Xue Shanggong (13th century). Lidai zhongding yiqi kuanzhi and other ritual vessels from historical times). Edited by Yu Xingwu Zhao Jiucheng (fl. 1162), compiler. Xu-Kaogutu Taoshengfu, 1902; reprint, Taibei: Yiwen Yinshuguan, 1970.

(Assessment of bells, tripods, . 4 vols., Gu Shu Liutongchu, 1935.

(Sequel to Kaogutu). Edition, Suzhou:

Zheng Qiao (1104-1162). Tongzhi-lüe (The "Abbreviated Discussions" from the Tongzhi miscellanea). Sibu Beiyao edition, Shanghai: Shangwu, n.d. Works Cited by Title Ancient Chinese bronzes in the collection of the Shanghai Museum. 1983. Hong Kong: Hong Kong Museum of Art. Ancient ritual bronzes of China. 1976. George Kuwayama. Los Angeles: Los Angeles County Museum of Art. Anhui Sheng Bowuguan-cang qingtongqi (Bronzes in the collection of the Anhui Provincial Museum). 1987. Shanghai: Renmin Meishu. Art from ritual: Ancient Chinese bronze vessels from the Arthur M. Sackler Collections. 1983. Dawn Ho Delbanco. Cambridge, Mass.: Fogg Museum. Arts of China I (Neolithic cultures to Tang dynasty), Recent discoveries. 1968. Ed. Akiyama Terukazu et al. Tokyo: Kodansha. 1968. Baoji Yu-guo mudi (The necropolis of the state of Yu at Baoji). 1988. Lu Liancheng and Hu Zhisheng. Beijing: Wenwu. 2 vols. Bronzi dell'antica Cina. 1988. Milano: Electa. Chang'an Zhangjiapo Xi-Zhou tongqiqun (The Western Zhou hoard of bronzes at Zhangjiapo, Chang'an). 1965. Beijing: Wenwu. Changsha fajue baogao (Changsha excavation report). 1957. Beijing: Kexue. Changsha Mawangdui yihao Han-mu (The Han dynasty tomb no. 1 at Mawangdui, Changsha). 1973. Beijing: Wenwu. Chine, Trésors et splendeurs. 1986. Montreal: Palais de la Civilisation; Paris: Arthaud. Chinesisches Kunsthandwerk der Provinz Anhui aus drei Jahrtausenden. 1988. Hannover: Niedersächsisches Landesmuseum, Vó1kerkunde-Abteilung. Chu wenhua kaogu dashiji (A record of important events in the archaeology of Chu culture). 1984. Beijing: Wenwu.

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Chu wenwu zhanlan tulu (Illustrated catalog of the exhibition of Chu cultural relics). 1954. Beijing: Wenwu. Chugoku Konan-sho shutsudo bunbutsu (Cultural relics excavated in Hunan province, China). 1985. Otsu; Shiga Kokusai Yuko Shinzen Kyokai. Chugoku Rekishi Hakubutsukan (The Museum for Chinese History, Beijing). 1982. Tokyo: Heibonsha. Chugoku Sensei-sho Hokei-shi Shugen bunbutsuten (Exhibition of cultural remains of Zhouyuan from Baoji municipality, Shaanxi province, China). 1988. Gifu: Gifu-shi Rekishi Hakubutsukan. Chugoku toyo-no bi (The beauty of Chinese clay figures). 1985-86. Tokyo: Tokyo National Museum. Chuka Jinmin Kyowakoku kodai seidokiten (Exhibition of ancient bronzes from the People's Republic of China). 1976. Tokyo: Tokyo National Museum. Chuka Jinmin Kyowakoku shutsudo bunbutsuten (Exhibition of cultural relics excavated in the People's Republic of China). 1973. Tokyo et al.: Tokyo National Museum. Chuka Jinmin Kyowakoku shutsudo bunbutsuten (Exhibition of cultural relics excavated in the People's Republic of China). 1977-78. Tokyo et al.: Tokyo National Museum. Chung'ang Kungnip Pangmulkwan (The National Museum of Korea). 1978. Seoul. Chuzan okoku bunbutsuten (Exhibition of cultural relics from the kingdom of Zhongshan). 1981. Tokyo et al.: Tokyo National Museum. Dai Koga bunmei-no nagare (Santo-sho bunbutsuten) (The flow of civilization along the great Yellow River [Exhibition of cultural relics from Shandong province]). 1986. Yamaguchi: Yamaguchi Prefectural Museum. Dian, Ein versunkenes Kónigreich in China. 1987-88. Zürich et al.: Museum Rietberg et al. Dictionnaire français de la langue chinoise. 1976. Compiled by the Institut Ricci. Taibei: Kuangchi. Fengxi fajue baogao (Fengxi excavation report). 1962. Beijing: Wenwu. Fufeng Qijiacun qingtongqiqun (The hoard of bronzes from Qijiacun, Fufeng). 1960. Beijing: Wenwu. Gakki. 1982. Kyoto: Sen'oku Hakkokan. Gaocheng Taixi Shang-dai yizhi (The Shang dynasty site at Taixi, Gaocheng). 1985. Beijing: Wenwu. Gongnong kaogu jichuzhishi (Basic archaeological know-how for workers and peasants). 1978. Beijing: Wenwu. The great Bronze Age of China. 1980. Ed. Wen Fong. New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art. Guangdong chutu xian-Qin wenwu (Pre-Qin cultural relics excavated in Guangdong). 1984. Hong Kong: Zhongwen Daxue Wenwuguan. Guangdong wenwu pucha chengguo tulu (Pictorial record of the results of the cultural relics survey of Guangdong province). 1990. Guangzhou: Guangdong Keji.

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Guangxi chutu wenwu (Cultural relics excavated in Guangxi). 1978. Beijing: Wenwu. Guangxi Gui Xian Luobowan Han-mu (The Han tombs at Luobowan, Gui Xian [Guangxi]). 1988. Beijing: Wenwu. Guangzhou Han-mu (The Han tombs of Guangzhou). 1981. 2 vols. Beijing: Wenwu. Gugong tongqi tulu (Album of bronzes in the National Palace Museum). 1958. 2 vols. Taibei: National Palace Museum. Henan chutu Shang Zhou qingtongqi (Shang and Zhou bronzes excavated in Henan). Vol. 1, 1981. Beijing: Wenwu. Subsequent volumes never published. Henan Xinyang Chu-mu chutu wenwu tulu (Illustrated catalog of cultural relics excavated in the Chu tomb at Xinyang, Henan). 1959. Zhengzhou: Henan Renmin. Higashi Ajia bunmei-no genryuten (Exhibition on the origins of East Asian civilization). 1989. Toyama: Toyama Shi Taiiku Bunka Senta. Houjiazhuang ([The site of] Houjiazhuang). In Zhongguo kaogu baogaoji (Collection of archaeological reports from China). No. 3, Houjiazhuang. Gao Quxun et al. Taibei: Academia Sinica, Institute of History and Philology. v.2 (1962 [two fascicles]), v.3 (1965), v.4 (1967), v.5 (1970), v.6 (1968). Hubei Suizhou Leigudun chutu wenwu (Cultural relics excavated at Leigudun, Suizhou [Hubei]). 1984. Hong Kong: Zhongguo Wenwu Zhanlanguan. Hui Xian fajue baogao. 1956. Guo Baojun. Beijing: Kexue. Hunan-sheng wenwu tulu (Illustrated catalogue of cultural relics from Hunan province). 1964. Changsha: Hunan Renmin. Ice and green clouds: Traditions of Chinese celadon. 1987. Mino Yutaka and Katherine R. Tsiang. Indianapolis: Indianapolis Museum of Art/Indiana University Press. Jadequell und Wolkenmeer: 5000 Jahre chinesischer Kunst aus dem Museum yon Shanghai. 1988. Hamburg: Museum für Kunst und Gewerbe. Jiangling Yutaishan Chu-mu (The Chu tombs at Yutaishan, Jiangling). 1984. Beijing: Wenwu). Jiangsu chutu wenwu (Cultural relics excavated in Jiangsu). 1963. Beijing: Wenwu. Jianming Zhongguo lishi tuce (Brief atlas of Chinese history). Vol. 1, Yuanshi shehui (Primitive society). 1978. Tianjin: Renmin Meishu. Koga bunmeiten (Exhibition on the Yellow River civilization). 1986. Tokyo: Tokyo National Museum. Kokyu Hakubutsukan (The Palace Museum, Beijing). 1975. Tokyo: Kodansha. Konan-sho Hakubutsukan (The Hunan Provincial Museum). 1981. Tokyo: Kodansha. Linyi Fenghuangling Dong-Zhou-mu (The Eastern Zhou tombs at Fenghuangling, Linyi [Shandong]). 1987. Jinan: Qilu Shushe. Luoyang Shaogou Han-mu (The Han tombs at Shaogou, Luoyang). 1959. Beijing: Kexue. Luoyang Zhongzhou-lu (Xi gongduan) ([Excavations along] Zhongzhou Road, Luoyang

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Unearthing China's past. 1973. Jan Fontein and Wu Tung. Boston: Museum of Fine Arts. Wenhua Dageming qijian chutu wenwu, vol. 1 (Cultural relics excavated during the Cultural Revolution). 1972. Beijing: Wenwu. Wenwu kaogu gongzuo sanshinian (Thirty years of work on cultural relics and archaeology). 1979. Beijing: Wenwu. Wenwu yu kaogu lunji (Essays on cultural relics and archaeology [presented on the 30th anniversary of Cultural Relics Publishing House]). 1986. Beijing: Wenwu. Wusheng chutu wenwu zhanlan tulu (Illustrated catalogue of the exhibition of cultural relics excavated in five provinces). 1959. Beijing: Wenwu. Xiaotun ([The site of] Xiaotun). 1970 (vol. 1, 2 fascicles) and 1980 (vol. 5, 2 fascicles). No. 2 of Zhongguo kaogu baogaoji, by Shi Zhangru et al. Taibei: Academica Sinica, Institute of History and Philology. Part I, 3d Ser. (Archaeological Reports). Xin chutu jinwen fenyu jianmu (Simplified catalogue of newly excavated bronze inscriptions ordered according to geographical provenience). 1983 Beijing: Zhonghua. Xin Zhongguo de kaogu faxian he yanjiu (Archaeological discoveries and studies in New China). 1984. Beijing: Wenwu. Xin Zhongguo de kaogu shouhuo (The achievements of archaeology in New China). 1961. Beijing: Wenwu. Xinyang Chu-mu (The Chu tombs at Xinyang). 1986. Beijing: Wenwu. Xun Xian Xincun ([The site of] Xincun, Xun Xian). 1964. Guo Baojun. Beijing: Kexue. Yayoi-no seidoki: Dotaku, Doriki (Yayoi bronzes: Dotaku bells, bronze implements). 1975. Tokyo: Tenri Gallery. Yinan gu huaxiangshi-mu fajue baogao (Excavation report on the ancient tomb with pictorial stone reliefs at Yinan). 1956. Beijing[?]: Wenhuabu Wenwu Guanliju. Yinxu fajue baogao 1958-1961 (Report on excavation at the Waste of Yin). 1987. Beijing: Wenwu. Yinxu Fu Hao-mu (The tomb of Fu Hao [or Fu Zi] at Yinxu). 1976. Beijing: Wenwu. Yinyue yanjiu wenxuan (Selected studies on music). 1985. 2 vols. Beijing: Wenhua Yishu. Yunnan Jinning Shizhaishan gumuqun fajue baogao (Excavation report on the ancient cemetery at Shizhaishan, Jinning [Yunnan]). 1959. 2 vols. Beijing: Wenwu. Yurinkan seika (Masterworks from the Fujii Yurinkan). 1985. Kyoto: Fujii Seiseikai. Zeng Hou Yi-mu (The tombs of Marquis Yi of Zeng). 1989. 2 vols. Beijing: Wenwu. Zhan'guo Zeng Hou Yi-mu chutu wenwu tu'an-xuan (A selection of ornaments on the relics excavated from the Warring States period tomb of Marquis Yi of Zeng). ca. 1984. Wuhan: Changjiang Wenyi. Zhongguo gudai duliangheng tuji (Atlas of ancient Chinese length, volume, and weight measurements). 1984. Beijing: Wenwu. Zhongguo gudai yejin (Ancient Chinese metallurgy). 1978. Beijing: Wenwu.

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Zhongguo gudai yueqi (Ancient Chinese musical instruments). 1983. Beijing: Wenwu. Zhongguo gujin diming dacidian (Comprehensive dictionary of ancient and modern Chinese geographical names). [1931] 1981. ed. Zang Lihe et al. Shanghai: Shangwu. Zhongguo gu qingtongqi-xuan (A selection of ancient Chinese bronzes). 1976. Beijing: Wenwu. Zhongguo Hubei chutu wenwu (Cultural relics excavated in Hubei, China). 1988. Wuhan: Hubei Huabaoshe. Zhongguo kaoguxue nianjian 1984 (Annual of Chinese archaeology). 1985. Beijing: Wenwu. Zhongguo kaoguxue nianjian 1985. 1986. Beijing: Wenwu. Zhongguo kaoguxue nianjian 1986. 1987. Beijing: Wenwu. Zhongguo kaoguxue nianjian 1987. 1988. Beijing: Wenwu. Zhongguo kaoguxue nianjian 1988. 1989. Beijing: Wenwu. Zhongguo kaoguxue yanjiu I (Studies in Chinese archaeology in commemoration of the fiftieth anniversary of the start of Professor Xia Nai's career in archaeology). 1986. Beijing: Wenwu. Zhongguo kaoguxue yanjiu H. 1986. Beijing: Kexue. Zhongguo kaoguxue yanjiu lunji (Collected essays in the study of Chinese archaeology). 1987. Xi'an: San Qin. Zhongguo kaoguxue-zhong tan-shisi niandai shujuji 1965-1981 (A collection of radiocarbon dates collected in Chinese archaeology). 1983. Beijing: Wenwu. Zhongguo meishu quanji, Gongyi meishu-bian (Complete compendium of Chinese art, Applied arts section). 1985. Vols. 4 and 5: Qingtongqi I-II (Bronzes I-II), ed. Li Xueqin. Beijing: Wenwu. Zhongguo yinyue cidian (Dictionary of Chinese music). 1984. Beijing: Renmin Yinyue Chubanshe. Works Cited by Author van Aalst, J.A. 1884. Chinese music. Shanghai: Imperial Maritime Customs Series, vol. 6. Reprint, New York: Paragon, 1964. An Jiayao. 1987. ''Zhongguo zaoqi de tongling" (The early bronze clapper-bells of China). Zhongguo Lishi Bowuguan Guankan 10: 35-38, 59. Anonymous. 1984. "Zeng Hou Yi bianzhong fuzhi chenggong" (The successful completion of the replication of Zeng Hou Yi's chime-bells). Jianghan Kaogu 1984 (4): 90. Appadurai, Arjun. 1986. "Introduction: Commodities and the politics of value." In The social life of things: Commodities in cultural perspective, ed. A. Appadurai, 3-63. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Asahara Tatsuro. 1984. "Sen-Shin jidai-no ongaku riron" (Musical theory of the pre-Qin period). Unpublished handout. Kyoto: Kinbun Kenkyukai.

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. 1979c. "Shi ChushangCong Zeng Hou zhong de diaoshi yanjiu guankui Chu wenhua wenti" (Interpretation of ChushangStudies regarding the problem of Chu culture in the light of the modal patterns in the bells of the Marquis of Zeng). Wenyi Yanjiu 1979 (2): 72-81. For an English translation, see Shen Sin-yan. "'Chu Shang' Elucidated." Chinese Music 3[1980](1): 20-24 and (3): 56-60. . 1980. "The mystery of dual-pitch systems in Chinese bian-zhong." Chinese Music 3 (3): 51-52. . 1981. "Zeng Hou Yi zhong qing mingwen yuexue tixi chutan" (Preliminary investigations into the musicological system of the inscriptions on the bells and musical stones of Marquis Yi of Zeng). Yinyue Yanjiu 1981 (1): 22-53. . 1982. "Xian-Qin bianzhong yinjie jiegou de duandai yanjiu" (Studies on the periodization of the structure of tonal scales in pre-Qin chime bells)." Jianghan Kaogu 1982 (2): 7-12. . 1983a. "Fuzhi Zeng Hou Yi-zhong de tiaolü wenti" (Tuning problems in replicating the bells of Marquis Yi of Zeng). Jianghan Kaogu 1983 (2): 81-84. . 1983b. "Zhongguo gudai lüxueYizhong juyou minzu wenhua tedian de kexue yichan" (The science of tuning in ancient ChinaA scientific heritage possessing ethnic culture characteristics). Yinyue Yanjiu 1983 (4): 111-18. . 1983c. "Zhong qing fuyuan de yanjiu chengguo" (Research results achieved in replicating bells and lithophones). Renmin Yinyue 1983 (3): 38-39, 50. . 1983d. "Yinyue kaoguxue zai minzu yinyue xingtai yanjiuzhong de zuoyong"(The usefulness of musical archaeology in the study of ethnomusicological patterns) Renmin Yinyue 1983 (8): 37-40. . 1988. "Junzhong-kaoZeng Hou Yi-mu wuxuanqi yanjiu" (On the 'bell-adjuster'A study of the five-stringed musical instrument from the tomb of Marquis Yi of Zeng). Paper prepared for the International Exchange Activities of Ancient Chinese Science and Technology and Culture Symposium on the Chime-bells of Marquis Yi of Zeng, Wuhan. . 1989. "Wuyang Jiahu gudi de ceyin yanjiu" (Studies on the tone measurements of the bone flute from Jiahu, Wuyang [Henan]). Wenwu 1989 (1): 15-17. Huang Xiquan. 1988. "Zeng Hou Yi bianzhong jieming zhuici zha [?] yu bian [?] de shidu wenti" (The problem of how to understand the terms zha [?] and bian [?], which indicate octavic equivalents in the chime-bells of Marquis Yi of Zeng). Paper prepared for the International Exchange Activities of Ancient Chinese Science and Technology and Culture Symposium on the Chime-bells of Marquis Yi of Zeng. Wuhan. Huang Zhanyue. 1986. "Lun liang-Guang chutu de xian-Qin qingtongqi" (On the pre-Qin bronzes excavated in Guangxi and Guangdong). Kaogu Xuebao 1986 (4): 409-34. Hubei Sheng Bowuguan (Hubei Provincial Museum). 1981. "Jing duo xueke yanjiu, Zeng Hou Yi bianzhong fuzhi yi jiben chenggong" (As a result of multidisciplinary

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. 1988. "Tan Zeng Hou Yi-mu zhong qing mingwen-zhong de jige zi" (On some characters in the bell and lithophone inscriptions from the tomb of Marquis Yi of Zeng). Paper prepared for the International Exchange Activities of Ancient Chinese Science and Technology and Culture Symposium on the Chime-bells of Marquis Yi of Zeng, Wuhan. Rao Yu-an, Edward C. Carterette, and Wu Yu-kui. 1987. "A comparison of the musical scales of the ancient Chinese bronze bell ensemble and the modern bamboo flute." Perception & Psychophysics 41 (6): 547-62. Rao Zongyi. 1988a. "Zeng Hou Yi zhonglü yu Babilun tianwenxue" (The pitches of the bells of Marquis Yi of Zeng and Babylonian astronomy). Yinyue Yishu 1988 (2) [not seen]. . 1988b. "Gushishang tianwen yu yuelü guanxi zhi tantaoZeng Hou Yi zhonglü yu Babilun tianwenxue wuguan shelun" (A discussion of the relationship between astronomy and musical temperament in ancient historyarguing that the temperament of Marquis Yi of Zeng has nothing to do with Babylonian astronomy). Paper prepared for the International Exchange Activities of Ancient Chinese Science and Technology and Culture Symposium on the Chime-bells of Marquis Yi of Zeng. Wuhan. Possibly identical with the preceding item. Rao Zongyi and Zeng Xiantong. 1985. Sui Xian Zeng Hou Yi-mu zhongqing mingci yanjiu (Studies on the characters inscribed on the bells and musical stones from the tomb of Marquis Yi of Zeng at Sui Xian). Hong Kong: Chinese University Press· Rawson, Jessica· 1980. Ancient China, art and archaeology· London: British Museum· . 1987. Chinese bronzes, art and ritual. London: British Museum. . 1988. "A bronze casting revolution in the Western Zhou and its impact on provincial industries·" In The beginning of the use of metals and alloys, ed. Robert Mad-din, 228-38. Cambridge, Mass·: MIT Press. Renfrew, Colin. 1984. Approaches to social archaeology· Cambridge: Harvard University Press. . 1986a. "Varna and the emergence of wealth in prehistoric Europe·" In The social life of things: Commodities in cultural perspective, ed. Arjun Appadurai, 141-68. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. . 1986b. "Comment on 'The structure of ancient wisdom'" (McClain 1985). Journal of Social and Biological Structures 8: 1-4. . 1986c. "Introduction: Peer polity interaction and socio-political change." In Peer polity interaction and sociopolitical change, ed. C. Renfrew and John F. Cherry, 1-18. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Rickett, W. Allyn. 1985. See Classical Texts above: Guan Zi. Robinson, Kenneth G. 1954. "New thoughts on ancient Chinese music·" Annual of the

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(The discovery of the Duo You-ding and a preliminary interpretation of its inscription). Renwen Zazhi 1981 (4): 115-18. Tong Enzheng. 1979. Gudai de Ba Shu (Ba and Shu in antiquity)· Chengdu: Sichuan Renmin. . 1982. "Slate cist graves and megalithic chamber tombs in southwest China: Archaeological, historical, and ethnographical approaches to the identification of early ethnic groups." Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 1: 266-74. Tong Kin-woon (Tang Jianhuan). 1983-84. "Shang musical instruments·" Asian Music 14 (2): 17-182; 15 (1): 10384; and 15 (2): 68-143. Tong Shibu. 1981. "Zeng Hou Yi-mu bianqing fuzhi chenggong" (The results of replicating the lithophone from the tomb of Marquis Yi of Zeng). Yueqi 1981 (6) [not seen]. Tong Zhongliang. 1984. "Zeng Hou Yi bianzhong de sandu yinxi" (The tonal system based on thirds in the chimebells of Marquis Yi of Zeng). Renmin Yinyue 1984 (5): 38-43 and (6): 38-40. . 1988. "Baizhong tanxunLeigudun yi-, erhao mu chutu bianzhong de bijiao" (Examining the hundred bellsa comparison of the chime-bells from tombs no. 1 and 2 at Leigudun). Huangzhong 1988 (4): 1-8. Tong Zhongliang and Zheng Rongda. 1988. "Jing-Chu min'ge sandu chongdie yu chunlü yinsujianlun Hubei minjian yinyue yu Zeng Hou Yi bianzhong yinyue de bijiao" (Elements of overlaying of thirds and pure tuning in the folksongs of Chu, and a discussion on comparing the folk music of Hubei with the music of the chime-bells of Marquis Yi of Zeng). Huangzhong 1988 (4): 57-65. Umehara Sueji. 1927. Dotaku-no kenkyu (Studies on dotaku bells). 2 vols. Tokyo: Tai-Okayama. . 1936a. Rakuyo Kinson kobo shuei (Collected masterpieces from the ancient tombs at Jincun, Luoyang). Kyoto: Kobayashi. . 1936b. Sengokushiki doki-no kenkyu (Studies on Warring States style bronzes). Research Reports of the Kyoto Institute of the Academy of Oriental Culture, vol. 7. Kyoto: Toho Bunka Gakuin Kyoto Kenkyujo. 1938. Shina kokogaku ronko (Essays on Chinese archaeology). Tokyo Kobundo. . 1940. Toa kokogaku ronko (Essays on East Asian archaeology). Vol. 1. Kyoto: Hoshino. . 1959-64. Nihon shucho Shina kodo seika (Masterpieces of ancient Chinese bronzes in Japanese collections). 6 vols. Osaka: Yamanaka Shokai. Vandermeersch, Léon. 1977-80. Wang Dao ou La voie royale: Recherches sur l'esprit des institutions de la Chine archaïque. Vol. 1, "Structures cultuelles et structures familiales." Vol. 2, "Structures politiques: Les rites·" Publications de I'École Française d'Extrême-Orient, vol. 113. Paris: Maisonneuve.

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Zhongyang Yinyue Xueyuan Minzu Yinyue Yanjiusuo Diaochazu (Investigation team of the Institute for Folk Music, Central Conservatory of Music). 1958. "Xinyang Zhan'guo Chu-mu chutu yueqi chubu diaocha-ji" (Notes on the preliminary investigations of the musical instruments excavated from the Chu tomb at Xinyang). Wenwu Cankao Ziliao 1958 (1): 15-23. Zhou Fagao, ed. 1982. Jinwen gulin-bu (Supplement to Jinwen gulin). 8 vols. Academia Sinica Institute for History and Philology Monograph no. 77. Taibei: Academia Sinica. Zhou Fagao, with Zhang Risheng, Xu Zhiyi, and Lin Jieming, compilers. 1974. Jinwen gulin (Collected comments on bronze inscriptions). 16 vols. Hong Kong: Chinese University Press. Zhu Dexi. 1979. "Jingli Quluan-jie" (Explanation of the Chu datings and regionalisms in Eastern Zhou bronze inscriptions). Fangyan 1979 (4): 33. Zhuang Benli. 1960. "Zhongguo yinlü-zhi yanjiu" (Studies on Chinese notes and pitches). Zhongguo Yinyueshi Lunji, vol. 2, ed. Dai Cuilun. Taibei: Zhonghua Wenhua Chuban Shiyeshe [not seen]· . 1963. Zhongguo gudai zhi paixiao (Ancient Chinese panflutes). Monographs of the Institute of Ethnology, no. 4. Taibei: Academia Sinica. . 1966. "Guqing yanjiu zhi yi (Guoli Lishi Bowuguan-cang Zhou-qing)" (Studies on ancient musical stones, part one: The Zhou dynasty musical stones in the collection of National Museum of History)· Zhongyang Yanjiuyuan Minzuxue Yanjiusuo Jikan 22 (1): 97-137. With extensive English summary· . 1972. "Xun de lishi yu bijiao zhi yanjiu" (The history and comparative study of ocarinas). Zhongyang Yanjiuyuan Minzuxue Yanjiusuo Jikan 33: 177-253. Zou Heng. 1980. Xia Shang Zhou kaoguxue lunwenji (Essays on the archaeology of the Xia, Shang, and Zhou dynasties). Beijing: Wenwu.

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INDEX A A-tone. See two-tone phenomenon acoustics, 17, 76-80; and alloys, 102, 107; deficiencies in, 96, 118, 381; in inscriptions, 123; and ornamentation, 125, 145, 174, 189; and preservation, 222-23; and shape, 76-80, 85-91, 118, 119, 120, 136n16; and technology, 108, 114, 115, 154, 264-67. See also tones; two-tone phenomenon African bells, 118 almond-shaped cross-section, 117-18, 119n64, 136n18, 154, 169, 384; earliest examples of, 130, 157 amplitude. See pitch ancestral cult: changes in, 47, 51, 52, 55; and inscriptions, 40, 43, 280; role of bells in, 24-28 ancestral spirits, 56-57, 59, 61, 124; impersonators of, 25-26, 28 anhemitonic pentatonic gamut, 233, 236. See also pentatonicity Anlu (Hubei), 5n16 antinodes, 77, 80-84, 120-21 Anyang, bells found at, 350-51; tone data on, 229, 388, 393 See also particular bells and sites Anyang period bells, 103, 134-38, 157, 159, 160, 168, 200, 349-51; ornamentation on, 137, 145; tone data on, 230, 231, 233. See also particular bells and sites appearance of bells, 99-100, 102, 125, 259. See also ornamentation

archery contests, 29, 31, 52 Art Institute, Minneapolis, bell in, 364 Art Institute of Chicago, bells in, 175, 353, 362, 364, 369. See also particular bells Arthur M. Sackler Gallery, bells in, 354, 360, 361, 365 Arthur M. Sackler Museum, bell in, 364 Asahara Tatsuro, 201, 259, 261, 306, 308n58 Ashmolean Museum, Oxford, bell in, 104, 350 Asian Art Museum, San Francisco, bells in, 359, 364, 367, 369 assemblages of bells, 176-77, 199-201, 202-5 auspicious metals (jijin), 99 B B-tone. See two-tone phenomenon Ba, 374n1 Ba, ruler of, 188, 189, 384 Bagley, Robert W., 112n42, 139, 169n, 170 Baijiacun, Fufeng (Shaanxi), 325, 357 Baijiacun, Liuyang (Hunan), 325, 352 Baizhadi, Chao Xian (Anhui), 325 Baizifan, Echeng (Hubei), 55n64 Bajiaolou, Suizhou (Hubei), 325, 361 Balázs, Étienne, 96 Bali, 324 Ban Chiang culture, 118 Banqiao, Changsha (Hunan), 325, 353 banquets, 29, 52, 54, 64, 318 bao (precious, preserve), 98 Baoji, 109n38, 162 Baoshan, Jingmen (Hubei), 55n64, 71 Baoshi-zhong, 49

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Baozigou, Fufeng (Shaanxi), 74, 167, 290n20, 325, 358 Barnard, Noel, 109, 110, 111n42, 116, 153 Becker, Babette, 307n beehive-shaped bells, 180-81, 328, 330, 332, 341, 348, 372-73, 384, 385, 386 Beidongshan, Xuzhou (Jiangsu), 177, 325, 369 Beifengtan, Ningxiang (Hunan), 139n29, 326, 352 Beiliu (Guangxi), 326, 356 Beiqiao, Fufeng (Shaanxi), 234, 238, 326, 355, 389 Beiqishan, Fufeng (Shaanxi), 326, 369-70 Beishanding, Dantu (Jiangsu), 103, 105, 176, 264n29, 326, 366 Beitang, Hengyang (Hunan), 326, 354 bell-chimes, 9, 14, 77, 160, 170, 174, 192; defined, 402; number of bells in, 168, 175; origin of, 130-31; in regional cultures, 139, 192-94; significance of, 12-16, 17; terms for, 91-92; tone data on, 396, 399-401. See also particular bells and types bell-hooks (gou), 207-8, 209 bell-players. See musicians bell-racks, 38n30, 55n64, 333, 334, 335, 342; in graves, 33, 119n64; inscriptions on, 280n; and tone, 79-80, 87 Bi, House of, 44, 45 Bi Di-yongzhong, 45 bian (note prefix), 285, 295n27 bianqing (lithophones), 403. See also lithophones

bianzhong (bell-chimes), 91, 329, 402. See also bellchimes; linzhong Biao-niuzhong, 49, 184, 185, 259, 333, 365; proportions of, 85n, 90, 91; tone data on, 222, 223, 224; tones of, 237, 256, 257, 267, 278, 307, 391, 400 Binyang, 355 bird ornamentation, 10, 166, 170, 172, 360, 376, 381; and bell sounds, 123-24, 199, 265n32; as markers, 154, 210n32; on racks, 205 bo, 39, 104, 105, 171, 182; assemblages of, 176-77; decline of, 188, 189; defined, 69, 402; described, 75, 161, 168-70, 174, 200-201, 208; development of, 122, 158-59, 168-74; early, 360-61; eastern seaboard, 376; Eastern Zhou, 172, 175-79, 178, 362, 363, 364, 365; geographic distribution of, 140-41, 178, 180-81; latest, 189n72; southern, 149n53, 168-70, 193; Western Zhou, 170, 320. See also particular bells and sites Bo Ya (musician), 63n107 Bochang Qian, 124 bribes, bells as, 60-61 British Museum, bells in, 179, 182, 356, 362, 364. See also particular bells bronze, 99, 102-8; and status, 24-25, 102, 266 bronze industry, 138, 158, 160, 162, 182 bronze vessels, 164, 166, 178, 280, 319-20. See also ritual vessels Buddhist temple-bells, 76, 80n13, 139, 191 Bull, Richard C., collection of, bell in, 350

Burnet collection, bell in, 363 C Cai, Marquis Shen of, 34, 46, 48, 49, 50-51; bells of, 47, 178, 186 Cai, Zhu of, 62n100 Cai, state of, 48, 49-51 Cai Hou-bells, 48, 62n100, 123n72 Cai Hou-bo, 69, 366, 391 Cai Hou-niuzhong, 69, 92n42, 123n73, 344, 391 Cai Hou tomb, 344 Cai Hou-yongzhong, 69, 90, 366 Caì inscriptions, 47, 92n42 Caipo, Xinyang (Hubei), 55n64 Cao Han, 321 Caojiayuan, Shilou (Shanxi), 136n18 Caoloucun, Changxing (Zhejiang), 326, 351 casting techniques, 108-18 cent notation, 218-19, 402 Cenxi (Guangxi), 326, 371 Chang, K. C., xxiv, 131 Chang'anxiang, Hengyang (Hunan), 153n61, 156, 326, 355 Changde (Hunan) chunyu, 72 Changhe, Wanzai (Jiangxi), 326, 353 Changlelu, Luoyang (Henan), 326, 363 Changsha (Hunan), tomb no. 401, 326, 369 Changshu, Jiangsu, 372 Changtaiguan, Xinyang (Henan), 55n64, 207n24, 368; tomb no. 1, 34, 189, 207, 210n30, 222, 256, 326; tomb no. 2, 177, 327 Changxing Middle School, Changxing (Zhejiang), 327, 351 Chaozhou ballads, 324 chaplets, 113-14

Chavannes, Édouard, 304 chaxiao (bronze insertion pegs), 209, 210 Chen, state of, 49, 125 Chen Dasangshi-niuzhong, 49, 62n99, 123n72, 335, 361

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Chen dynasty, 191n80 Chen Mengjia, 145, 149n53, 154n63 Chen Qiyou, 302, 317n28 Cheng Yaotian, 87, 88n36, 89, 90, 91n38 Chengcun, Linyi (Shanxi), 35, 176, 327 Chengqiang Xiufu Gongdi, Shou Xian (Anhui), 327 Chengqiao, Luhe (Jiangsu), 176, 327, 366, 368 Chengtan, Liuyang (Hunan), 156, 327, 356 Chenjiawan, Ningxiang (Hunan), 327, 352 Chifu-zhong, 48, 60n91 chime, 402. See also bell-chimes; chime-bells; lithophones chime-bells, 80, 105, 275, 391-92; defined, 402. See also bell-chimes; particular bells chimestones (qing), 12, 132, 139; defined, 402. See also lithophones Chongxian, Yuhang (Zhejiang), 327, 368 Chou'er-niuzhong, 49, 367 Chu, Hui Wang of, 50, 51 Chu, King You of, 6n18 Chu, Wangzi Wu of, 47 Chu, Wei of, 45 Chu, state of, 63, 374n1; art of, 187, 189, 206; and Cai, 47; donors from, 48, 49; expansion of, 49-51; lithophones from, 269; popular music of, 54-55; sumptuary regulations of, 38n30, 205n18, 321n42;

and Zeng, 318-19; and Zheng, 60; and Zhou, 44, 46 Chu bells, 259, 384; inscriptions on, 123n73, 185; late, 188, 378; pitch standards of, 287, 288, 289, 293, 296, 317; racks for, 207n24 Chu Ci, 54, 318 Chu Gong Jia-yongzhong, 45, 239, 357, 389 Chu Gong Ni-zhong, 48 Chu Gong Wei-yongzhong, 90, 223n67 Chu Qu Shu Chi Qu X Zhi sun-ge, 63nl09 Chu Wang Gan-niuzhong, 48, 367 Chu Wang Jin-niuzhong, 123n72 Chu Wang-niuzhong, 48 Chu Wang Xiong Zhang-bo, 5, 5n16, 50, 51, 187, 245, 254, 366 Chu Wang Xiongzhang-bells, 48 chunyu: assemblages of, 176-77; defined, 69, 72, 73, 75, 402; development of, 122; geographic distribution of, 158n1, 180-81, 193, 194, 381, 384; metal alloys in, 105, 106; mingqi, 368, 369; sites with, 326, 335, 338, 342. See also particular bells ci (gifts), 57, 58-59 cite perdue (lost-wax) method, 116 clapper-bells, 67-68, 117, 118. See also duo; ling Confucianism, 52, 53-54 Confucius, 124, 191, 216, 276, 320, 321n39 Confucius, Analects of, 4 consistency of tone measurement, 219, 222n66, 225

copper, 99, 102-3, 106, 107 cosmology, 215-16, 227n1, 309, 310, 318-19; correlative, 3-4, 19, 309, 315 crotals, 104, 136n18; defined, 402 cylindrical bells, 336 D Da Ke-ding, 59-60, 60n87 Dabeimiao, Binyang (Guangxi), 327 Dabona, Xiangyun (Yunnan), 105, 328, 372 Dadian, Junan (Shandong), 47n50, 174n47, 176, 328, 363, 369 Dadunzi, Feixi (Anhui), 328, 349 Dadunzi, Pi Xian (Jiangsu), 132n6, 328 Dagudui, Xiangfen (Shanxi), 132n10 Daguo, Huimin (Shandong), 138n25, 328, 351 Dahecun, Zhengzhou (Henan), 132n6, 133, 328 Dai Zhen, 87, 103n25 Daifuguan, Linzi (Shandong), 176, 328 Dalingjiao, Pubei (Guangxi), 328 Dalisanwucun, Boluo (Guangdong), 328 dance, 25, 54, 215, 318, 319, 321n39 Daoist music, 324 Dasikongcun, Anyang (Henan), 136n17, 229, 328, 329, 349, 350; tone data on bells from, 230, 231, 388, 392-93 Datang, Xincheng (Guangxi), 153n61, 329, 356 dating methods, 130, 167, 172 Daxin, Fengxiang (Shanxi), 329, 362 Dazhongsi Museum, Beijing, bell in, 372 Dazhongyingcun, Ci Xian (Hebei), 177, 190, 329, 369 Dengjiatiancun, Pingxiang (Jiangxi), 329, 353 Deqing (Zhejiang), 372 Deshan, Changde (Hunan), 55n64

DeWoskin, Kenneth J., 314

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Di (ethnic group), 374n1 Dian culture, 105, 106n29, 374n1, 384 diffusion: of bells, 159-62, 170; in early China, 131; stimulus, 162, 384; from the West, 227n1 ding, 43, 103, 115; and sumptuary regulations, 38, 319 Dingjiagou, Yao Xian (Shaanxi), 329, 356, 369-70 dodecatonic gamut. See twelve-tone gamut dogs, 8, 134 Dongjucun, Fufeng (Shaanxi), 164n16, 234, 329, 356, 389 Dongxiafeng, Xia Xian, 132n10 donors of bells, 39-46, 40, 46-51 dragon ornamentation, 170, 367-68; decomposed, 188, 368; on gu, 166-68, 179, 185, 358-60, 363-65; on gu and zheng, 379; as markers, 154, 210n32; on racks, 206; and standard zhong decoration scheme, 167; on wo, 74; on xuan, 143; on zhuanjian, 166, 376 drum-stands, 333, 334 drums: and bells, 72, 132, 202, 209, 215, 216; mingqi, 344; and popular music, 54, 55; pottery, 122; sites of, 327, 328, 330, 332, 334, 336, 338, 342, 344;

and warfare, 30, 32n25; in Zeng tomb, 9, 10 du (set of bells), 203-5 Du Yu, 204, 205n16 Duanying, Zaoyang (Hubei), 6n18 Dujiacun, Xiaoshan (Zhejiang), 329, 356 duo, 136, 193, 329, 335, 346; assemblages of, 176-77; defined, 68, 403; development of, 122 Duo You-ding, 59, 204n11 E Eastern Yi (ethnic group), 374n1 economic aspects of bell-making, 23, 32, 56-60, 108, 112-13, 138, 321-23, 381 Eguchi collection, osaka, bell in, 364 Eight Sonorous Substances, 101, 215-16 electronic spectrum analyzers, 221 elephant-nao, 341, 352 elephant ornamentation, 143, 144, 154, 166 equal-tempered scale, 218-19, 277, 278, 301 equivalency formulas, 288-89, 316, 318-19 Erligang period, 134, 136n17, 138 Erlitou, Yanshi (Henan), 117, 132n10, 133, 329, 349 Erlitou culture, 133, 134 European bells, 14, 75, 75-76, 80, 82, 95, 139; manufacture of, 106, 116; tuning of, 118, 119 European music, 227, 282n4, 287, 299n38, 301, 302, 304 Ezhuangqu Huayuan, Linyi (Shandong), 35, 38n33, 329, 369 F Falk collection, New York, bell in, 364 Famensi, Fufeng (Shaanxi), 46n47

Fan, Lord of, 34 Fan, state of, 48 fan (turnover), 289 Fan Zi-bells, 48 Fan Zi-bo, 367 Fan Zi-niuzhong, 332, 368 Fast Fourier Transform tonometer, 221 Fei collection, Wujin, bell in, 362 Feijiahe, Yueyang (Hunan), 329, 352 Feng Guangsheng, 119n64, 244, 247n FengJiexuan, 264, 265 Fenghuangling, Linyi (Shandong), 174n47, 176, 329, 369 Fenshuiling, Changzhi (Shanxi), 35, 176, 258n, 330, 363, 391 Fifth Year (Wusi) Hu-yongzhong, 44 First Xing-yongzhong, 45, 156n66, 164, 348; inscription, 40-43, 47; tone data on, 234, 390 First Zha-yongzhong, 45, 90, 164n19, 357; tone data on, 234, 390 Five Musical Tones, 3 Five Notes, 284, 285, 295, 299, 308, 309. See also pentatonicity; yin flutes, 9, 10, 36, 275, 277, 311, 334 folk music, 54, 55n63, 324, 387 four-tone pattern, 236, 256, 264, 266 Freer Gallery, bell in, 364 frequency, 92, 93, 218, 228, 277. See also pitch; tones Fu Hao, 39 Fu Hao tomb (Yinxu, An-yang, tomb no. 5), 39-40, 135, 137, 142n33, 160, 346, 349, 388n2 Fu Zi, 39 Fujii Yurinkan, Kyoto, bells in, 359, 360, 365 fundamental, 224, 301; and casting techniques, 106, 114;

defined, 403;

and tone measurement, 218, 220,

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221; and two-tone phenomenon, 80-83 Futulongcun, Mouding (Yunnan), 330, 372 G gamelan music, 324 Gao Zhixi, 144, 149n53, 151n56 Gao'an, Fanchang (Anhui), 330 Gaochong, Wangcheng (Hunan), 330, 352 Gaotun, Xiangtan (Hunan), 330, 355 Gebeisi, Jiangling (Hubei), 55n64 Gengli-niuzhong, 85n geographic distribution: of bell styles, 131, 140-41, 178, 180-81; of donors, 46; of sumptuary regulations, 38 gift-giving, 56-60, 193. See also investiture; tribute globular bells, 332, 369 gold, 115, 189, 366, 368, 369 Gong, House of, 45 gong (artisan), 63n104 gong (do): and pitch standards, 287, 297, 299, 300, 308, 312, 314; in regional music, 318; and Spiral of Fifths, 302, 305 Gongchen-gui, 59 Gongwu Zangsun-niuzhong, 48, 327, 368 Gongyu, king of, 99 gou (bell-hooks), 207-8, 209 goudiao: assemblages of, 176-77; defined, 69, 71, 403; development of, 122; eastern, 105, 376;

geographic distribution of, 180-81; metal alloys in, 106; mingqi, 368, 369; from regional cultures, 372; sites, 372; southern, 153-54, 194, 381, 382 Goutouha, Xiangxiang (Hunan), 330, 352 Goutoushan, Shaoxing (Zhejiang), 331, 372 graphs: for bell-names, 101-2; for bell-parts, 73 grave goods. See mingqi bells gu (striking area), 16, 154; birds on, 376; defined, 73, 403; dragons on, 165-68, 179, 185, 188, 357-60, 358, 363-65, 379; human figures on, 187; inscriptions on, 164, 281-82; markers on, 213, 214; mask motif on, 182, 185; as principal focus, 167-68; snakes on, 362, 382; and standard zhong decoration scheme, 151-52, 153; and tone distribution, 238-39; volutes on, 357-58, 377 Gu-nao, 328, 350 Gu Tiefu, 51n55 Guan Zi, 3n8, 305, 306, 321nn40, 41 Guangde (Anhui), 331, 372 Guanwudiaozhuang, Fufeng (Shaanxi), 331 Guanyang Gucheng, Haiyang (Shandong), 176, 331, 361, 369-70 Gufeng-goudiao, 372 gui (tureens), 38, 43, 319

Guishuwo, Xingning (Guangdong), 331, 371 Guo, House of, 44, 45 Guo Moruo, 123n72, 204 Guo Shu Lü-yongzhong, 45, 90, 239, 358, 389 Guo Yu, 5n17, 61n93, 315; on bells, 124n76, 216, 321n41; on music, 1, 296; on pitch standards, 290n21, 297, 298, 299 Guozhen, Baoji (Shaanxi), 331, 355, 389 GUXIAN (name of pitch standard), 281, 285n9; as gift, 56n70; and pitch standards, 283, 286, 293, 296, 300, 302, 303; and regional music, 318; and Spiral of Fifths, 304, 305; in Zeng inscriptions, 287, 289n16, 290, 291, 317 H Han, state of, 49 Han bells, 108, 189-90, 190, 323 Han dynasty, 317 Han Fei Zi, 61n94, 217, 322n45, 323 Han Shu, 19n36, 64n113; on measurement standards, 315; on pitch standards, 290n21, 298; on Spiral of Fifths, 302, 303 Hanshan, Leping (Jiangxi), 176 Haosihe, Yongshou (Shaanxi), 168n33, 205, 331, 357 harmony, 1, 3, 124 Hayashi Minao: on bo, 168n34, 170; on nao, 136n17, 145, 147n45, 154n63, 159; on yongzhong, 166-67, 378n10 Hejiacun, Qishan (Shaanxi), 159n4 heng (top of shank): defined, 73, 403

Hengba, Wujian (Jiangsu), 331 Hengshan, Liuzhou (Guangxi), 331, 371 Hengyang (Hunan), 170, 171 heptatonic gamut, 256, 267 hexatonic gamut: and lithophones, 267; and pitch standards, 287, 288, 289, 290, 291, 296, 297, 308; and Spiral of Fifths, 304, 305; and tone definitions, 293 Heyatou, Linzi (Shandong), 331 Hirase Takao, 91, 315 holograms, 80, 81

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Hongjiaqiao, Xiangtan (Hunan), 157n69, 331, 355 Hongxing Commune, Lantian (Shaanxi), 58n80, 331, 357 horse-bells, 386 Houchuan, Sanmenxia (Henan), 176, 331, 363, 391, 392, 399-400 Hougudui, Gushi (Henan), 34, 62n100, 222, 332, 367, 368; assemblages at, 176; bell-racks from, 207n24; mallets from, 210n30 Houma (Shanxi), 56n68, 65, 110, 179 Hu Daoying, 76n hu vessels, 29, 212. See also particular vessels Hu-yongzhong, 44, 45, 101n21, 167n26, 359 HuaJueming, 112, 113 Huahu, Huilai (Guangdong), 332, 371 Huai style, 185 Huai Yi (ethnic group), 374n1 Huaibaoshicun, Zigui (Hebei), 332, 355 Huaibiaoshan, Zigui (Hubei), 157n69 Huainan Zi, 3n8, 118n61, 206n21; on pitch standards, 290n21, 298, 299n37, 300 Huan Gong, 321n39 Huan Zi Meng Jiang-hu, 57 Huang, state of, 6n18 Huang Xiangpeng, 119n64, 228n4, 229n5, 264, 265, 284n Huangdui, Fufeng (Shaanxi), 332 Huanghu, Fanchang (Anhui), 332, 368 Huangjiashan, Haiyan (Zhejiang), 177, 332, 368, 381n13 Huangjing, Liuyang (Hunan), 332, 360 Huangmasai, Xiangxiang (Hunan), 149n55, 332, 351 HUANGZHONG (name of pitch standard): and pitch-pipes, 311, 314-15;

and pitch standards, 299, 300, 313, 314, 317; and regional music, 318; and Spiral of Fifths, 302, 303 Huangzhu, Zhuzhou (Hunan), 151, 152, 154, 155, 332, 353 Huanzi Meng Jiang-hu, 204n11 Huashan, Zhongxiang (Hubei), 332, 369-70 Hui Xian (Henan), 332, 350 Huilongcun, Wugong (Shaanxi), 332 human figures, 29, 30, 31, 62, 212, See also ornamentation Hunan Provincial Museum, bells in, 149n52, 353, 354, 355, 357, 359, 360, 370, 372 I idiophones, 67, 78; defined, 403. See also bell-chimes; chime-bells; lithophones Indian lithophones, 201n4 inlaid bells, 189, 209n28, 366, 382, 384 inscriptions, 13, 41, 42, 70, 74, 135, 168n33, 203, 256n22; and ancestral cult, 27; casting of, 111n41; on Chu bells, 185; dating by, 130, 167, 172; and donors, 14, 39; evidence from, 98-102; and musical theory, 123, 291, 293, 310, 312; onoma-topoeia in, 123, 199; poetic devices in, 40; and political power, 59; tone-naming, 5n16, 214, 215, 245, 280-83, 282, 288-89, 310; Western Zhou, 162n9, 164, 165, 167; on Zhediao-niuzhong, 259, 261. See also Cai inscriptions; Zeng inscriptions intonation: problem of, 276-79. See also tones investiture, 40, 56-57, 58-59. See also gift-giving iron, 24, 107-8, 114 J

jade, 201n5, 202, 216, 217 Japanese bells, 159n2 Japanese court music, 324 Java, 324 Ji clan, 44, 49-51, 318 Ji Hou-yongzhong, 208n27, 357 Jia Yi, 33, 39 Jia Yunfu, 113 Jiahu, Wuyang (Henan), 265n31 jian vessel, 31 Jiancun, Xiangyun (Yunnan), 332, 373 Jiangshan (Zhejiang), 333 Jiashan, Xinyu (Jiangxi), 333, 354 Jiazhuang, Anyang (Henan), 142n33, 333, 350 Jiefanglu, Luoyang (Henan), 176, 333 Jin, Dao Gong of, 60n90 Jin, Ping Gong of, 118 Jin, Tang Shu of, 56n70 Jin, Wei Jiang of, 60n90 Jin, state of, 49, 60-61, 182, 289 Jin dynasty, 190 Jin foundries, 65, 110, 179, 182 Jinancheng, Jiangling (Hubei), 269, 270, 392 Jincun, Luoyang (Henan), 184, 185, 333, 362, 365, 366, 367, 391; tone data from, 256, 257 Jing-zhong, 49, 345, 366 Jingjiecun, Lingshi (Shanxi), 138n26 jingles, 104 Jingli-niuzhong, 49, 207, 209, 210, 222, 326, 368; ornamentation on, 189; proportions of, 90, 94;

tones of,

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17n31, 227n2, 237, 256, 258, 267, 278, 307, 391, 400-401 Jinhua (Zhejiang), 333, 351 Jinpingshan, Lianyungang (Jiangsu), 333, 363 Jinshengcun, Taiyuan (Shanxi), 176, 333, 363 jiongwen, 170 Jishan, Linzi (Shandong), 177, 190n75, 333, 369 Jishiliang, Suizhou (Hubei), 6n18, 105, 333, 361 Jishui (Jiangxi), 157n69, 333, 356 Jiuli, Linli (Hunan), 55n64, 177, 207n24, 333 Jiuliandun, Xindu (Sichuan), 333, 384, 385 Jiulidun, Shucheng (Anhui), 176, 366 Jiuxian, Ye Xian (Henan), 334, 368 Ju, state of, 47, 48 Ju Gongsun Chao Zi-bo, 365 Ju Gongsun Chao Zi-niuzhong, 184, 185, 365 Ju Gongsun Chao Zi of Qi, 35, 47, 47n51 Ju Gongzi Chao Zi-niuzhong, 347 Ju Shu Zhong Zi Ping, 46-47, 47n50, 48 Ju Shu Zhong Zi Ping-niuzhong, 48, 99-100, 328 Ju tomb, 62n99 jue (note suffix), 284, 285, 295n27, 300, 306 jue vessel, 117 Jurchen, 191n79 Ju(?)zhong-fu, 100n9 K Kalaxinhe East, Jianping (Liaoning), 201n5 Kane, Virginia, 145 Kang Wang, 26 Kaogongji, 17, 65, 92; on bell shapes, 79, 85, 86-87, 88n36, 89, 91, 96, 121;

on metal alloys, 102-3, 106, 107; on terms, 72, 75, 83 Ke, Elder, 44, 45, 46 Ke-bo, 34, 45, 172, 361 Ke-ding, Large, 59-60 Ke-yongzhong, 34, 45, 359 Keightley, David N., 63n104 Keshengzhuang, Chang'an (Shaanxi), 132n6, 136n18, 138n26, 334 Kewang Damiaoxia, Fogang (Guangdong), 334, 353 Keyser, Barbara W., 112n42 kinship, 43, 44, 49, 51. See also Ji clan Kleijkamp collection, bell in, 352 Kong Yingda, 190n77, 275n44 Kopytoff, Igor, 56 Korean bells, 80n13, 159n2 Kuang, Music Master, 118 Kubler, George, 192 Kunstindustriemuseet, Copenhagen, bell in, 362 Kurokawa Kobunka Kenkyujo, Nishinomiya, bell in, 359 Kuttner, Fritz A., 201-2n6 Kyoto University, collection of, 350 L lacquered objects, 10, 36-37, 64, 205, 207, 210, 269-70, 312 Lanshi, Zixing (Hunan), 334, 354 Large Ke (Da Ke) ding, 59-60 lead, 103, 106-7 legends, 132n5 Lehr, André, 92, 93, 94, 95, 106 Leigudun, Suizhou (Hubei), 5. See also Zeng tomb Leigudun, Suizhou (Hubei), tomb no. 2, 177, 334; bell-racks from, 205n18; tone data from, 258, 261-62, 263, 391;

yongzhong from, 90, 186-87, 189n72, 200, 366 Leijiashan, Dawu (Hubei), 334, 369-70 Leshan (Sichuan), 105 Li Chunyi, 136n18; on bell assemblages, 233n9, 247n; on notes, 289n19, 306n52; on tones, 121n68, 227 Li Ji, 33, 38, 57, 119n64, 275n44, 320-21, 322; on music, 3n8, 216; on pitch standards, 290n21, 298, 299n37 Li Xueqin, 6n19, 38n34 Li Zhiwei, 116 Liang, Hui Wang of, 53-54 Liangqi (official), 45 Liangqi-yongzhong, 34, 45, 101n21, 358 Liangshuiping, Binyang (Guangxi), 334, 371 Lianhua, Ningxiang (Hunan), 154n62, 334, 356 Lianyuzui, Suizhou (Hubei), 6n18 Lie Zi, 315n19 Lijialou, Xinzheng (Henan), 34, 168, 169, 174, 175, 335, 358, 361; assemblages at, 176; tone data from, 236, 237, 241, 242, 243, 266, 278, 391, 396 Liling (Hunan), 151, 152, 153, 335, 353 lineages, 40, 44n43. See also Ji clan; kinship ling (clapper-bells): Anyang period, 138, 157; and bo, 158, 168; defined, 68, 403; development of, 122; early, 132, 133, 134, 148, 349; graph for, 101; iron, 344; mingqi, 369;

and nao, 136-38; and niuzhong, 158, 174; in north, 386 Ling-bo, 49, 60n91, 168n34, 367

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Ling Lun, 311, 313n14 lingren (musicians), 63 Linhe, Rouran princess, 190 Linkesuo, Jing'an (Jiangxi), 335, 354 Linwu (Hunan), 335, 369-70, 378, 379 linzhong (bell-chimes), 91. See also bell-chimes; bianzhong lithophones, 14, 30, 159n4, 204-5, 215, 325, 326, 327; at Anyang, 136, 160, 201; assemblages of, 176-77; components of, 161; defined, 403; Indian, 201n4; mingqi, 177, 327, 329, 333, 343, 345; and musical theory, 309, 310; racks for, 205, 209, 333; from Sanmenxia, 237, 268, 269, 278; tone data on, 217, 230, 231, 268, 270, 271, 272, 273, 274, 292, 392; tones of, 224, 226, 267-75, 279, 295, 314; Zeng, 9, 36, 255. See also chimestones Liu Fu, 18, 317n28 Liu Jie, 6n18 Liuchengqiao, Changsha (Hunan), 55n64 Liugezhuang, Penglai (Shandong), 38n30, 206, 335, 369 Liujiacun, Fufeng (Shaanxi), 234, 335, 356 Liujiadianzi, Yishui (Shandong), 34, 62n100, 174n47, 176, 335, 361, 369, 381n14 Liulige, Hui Xian (Henan), 34, 158n1, 176, 182, 183, 189n72, 335, 363 Liulin, Pi Xian (Jiangsu), 132n6, 336 Liurongshan, Yangxin (Hubei), 145, 146, 147, 336, 351 Liuzhou (Guangxi), 336, 371 Liyang (Jiangsu), 108n33

Liyu style, 179 Longjingxie, Rong Xian (Guangxi), 336 Loo, C.-T., 104, 350, 365 looting of tombs, 39, 61 Los Angeles County Museum of Art, bell in, 364 lost-wax method, 116 Lu, Zhuang Gong of, 321 Lu, state of, 48, 62, 320-21 lü, 282, 283, 285, 286-91; defined, 310-11; and yin, 298-301, 304, 307-9, 309. See also pitch standards Lu Bei-yongzhong, 48, 360 Lü Ji, 17n31 Lü Wang-niuzhong, 344, 391 Lü-yongzhong, 49, 179, 203, 362; inscription, 202, 204, 206 Ludian, Kunming (Yunnan), 336 Luhe, Lucheng (Shanxi), 176, 182, 183, 336, 363, 364 Lukang-yongzhong, 359 Lun, Music Master, 299n34 Lun yu (Analects), 4. See also Confucius Luobowan, Gui Xian (Guangxi), 336, 384n26, 385 Luofang, Xinyu (Jiangxi), 336, 354 Luoyang, 46, 178, 190, 349 Lüshi Chunqiu, 3n8, 63n107, 118; on earliest bells, 132n5; on orchestras, 215-16; on pitch-pipes, 311; on pitch standards, 290n21, 298, 299nn34, 37; on Spiral of Fifths, 301, 303, 304; on sumptuary regulations, 321; on yin, 296

Lüshun Museum, bell from, 350 Luyu, Binyang (Guangxi), 336, 371 M Ma Chengyuan, 167; on tones, 17n31, 220n54, 229n6, 236n12, 258; on tuning, 119n64, 120 Maba, Qujiang (Guangdong), 336, 354 McAlpin Collection, bell from, 354 magnates (daifu), 33, 58. See also officials; zhuhou Mai-yongzhong, 45, 346, 358 major-third bells, 234-36, 238-39, 243, 246, 247-49, 256, 310; defined, 233, 403. See also minor-third bells major thirds, 283, 284, 285, 296, 305-6, 308. See also minor thirds mallet-struck bells, 67, 68-72 mallets, 36, 63n104, 210-12, 224, 326, 343 Malong, Xiangxiang (Hunan), 336, 356 Mandate of Heaven, 47, 50 manufacturing: and acoustics, 83, 91, 92, 93, 95, 96-97; decline of, 182, 189-91, 256, 314; history of, 79, 158-59; priorities of, 98-102; in regional cultures, 259; techniques, 17, 18, 19; workshops, 56, 65, 182, 185. See also bronze industry; casting techniques; Jin foundries; metal alloys; technology Maolin, Jing Xian (Anhui), 336 marriages, 29, 50n, 51, 60 Mase Kazuyoshi, 379n mask ornamentation: Anyang period, 137, 138n25, 157, 350-51; on bell-racks, 209; on northern bells, 179, 185, 362; on southern bells, 142-43, 153, 170, 352; and standard zhong decoration scheme, 145, 147, 148, 149, 155-56, 157

mathematical calculations: for bell proportions, 85, 87-88,

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89, 92n43, 92-93; and pitch-pipes, 311; and pitch standards, 301, 309; and scaling, 118, 119n64, 120, 276, 277, 278; and Spiral of Fifths, 304, 306; and tonal accuracy, 96, 118, 276, 323; and tones, 218, 219, 227n1; and Zeng bells, 249, 255 Matougang, Qingyuan (Guangdong), 336, 337, 371, 383 Mawangcun, Chang'an (Shaanxi), 337, 355, 356, 369-70; tone data from, 388, 389 Mawangcun chimes, 232, 233, 234, 237, 238, 278, 393 Mawangdui, Changsha (Hunan), 312, 313 Maxiang, Heng Xian (Guangxi), 337 measurement standards, 315-16, 317-18, 319n34 mei ornamentation: on bo, 174; defined, 73, 75, 403; on northern bells, 179; periodization by, 157n69; in Sichuan, 384; on southern bells, 148, 151, 353, 378, 379; on Zeng bells, 187, 296 Meicun, Boluo (Guangdong), 337, 371 Mei'ershan (Nasangcun), Heng Xian (Guangxi), 338 melodies, 53, 267, 283, 287, 312, 314, 324. See also folk music Mencius, 32, 53-54, 216, 322 metal alloys, 99-108, 115, 130, 132, 265. See also particular metals Metropolitan Museum of Art, bells in, 350, 351 Mexican bells, 132 Miao, Three (ethnic group), 374n1

Miaodigou, Sanmenxia (Henan), 132n6, 337 Miaodun, Donghai (Jiangsu), 337, 369 Miaoqiancun, Wanrong (Shanxi), 35, 174n47, 337, 364 mingqi bells, 102, 114n46, 159, 259, 325, 368-69; bronze, 340, 348; ceramic, 177, 329, 332, 341, 343; and decline of bell-chimes, 322, 323; geographical distribution of, 180-81; gilt bronze, 177, 333; Han, 108, 190; lead, 326; pottery, 327, 344, 345, 381; proto-porcelain, 345, 381n13; wooden, 207n24, 327. See also lithophones; musical instruments; ritual vessels minor-third bells, 234-36, 238-39, 241, 246, 247-49, 256, 310; defined, 233, 403; and major-third bells, 264. See also major-third bells minor thirds, 266, 277, 307. See also major thirds mirrors, 103 modes, 77, 78, 267n, 276. See also tones Mohists, 322 Montelius, Oscar, 130n Morse Collection, New York, bell in, 360 mountain cults, 139 mouth-organs, 9, 10, 36, 53, 119n64, 311n5; in texts, 215, 217 ''muddy" (zhuo) pitch standards, 289n16, 290, 300, 317; defined, 287, 403; and hexatonic sets, 288, 296, 297, 299, 304, 305, 308; and tone definitions, 291, 293, 295 Muluocun, Liujiang (Guangxi), 337, 371 Musée Cernuschi, Paris, bell in, 362

Musée Guimet, Paris, bell in, 359 Museum of Chinese History, Beijing, bell in, 367 Museum of Eastern Art, Oxford, bell in, 364 Museum of Far Eastern Antiquities, Stockholm, bells in, 148, 351, 365 Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, bells in, 357, 369 Museum of Hengyang (Hunan), bell in, 360 music, 1-5; history of, 226-27; and political power, 319. See also folk music; musical theory; popular music; ritual music musical bells, 402, 403. See also chime-bells musical instruments: at An-yang, 136; bells as, 14; and correlative cosmology, 4-5, 101; and decline of bells, 323; earliest, 132; melodic, 275, 277; as mingqi, 55n64, 119n64, 332; in orchestras, 160, 215-17, 266; and social order, 1; tones of, 226, 229n5, 265, 267; tuning of, 314; Western Zhou, 159n4; in Zeng tomb, 7, 9, 53 musical notation system, 19 musical stones. See chime-stones; lithophones musical theory: and bells, 16, 18-19, 314; and decline of bells, 320, 323; earliest sources on, 3, 4; and measurement standards, 315; and pitch, 226-27; and pitch-pipes, 310-14; and ritual, 23;

and tones, 217, 267, 324;

in Zeng inscriptions, 9, 12, 280-309

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musicians, 59-60, 60n90, 61, 62-65, 160, 281, 330, 344; Han, 189-90; and lithophones, 274; skill of, 225, 266-67; status of, 23, 63; techniques of, 210-15; and Zeng bells, 247, 248. See also performance N Nangong, Lord, 58 Nangong Hu-yongzhong, 45, 74, 167, 318n31, 325, 358; inscription, 290; tone data on, 239, 389, 390 Nanjing Municipal Museum, bell in, 358 Nanluo, Lintong (Shaanxi), 138n26, 337, 369-70, 388 Nanmendong, Luoding (Guangdong), 337, 371, 382 Nansongcun, Wenxi (Shanxi), 132n10 Nanxiang, Heng Xian (Guangxi), 338, 371 Nanya, Jian'ou (Fujian), 139n30, 153n61, 338, 355 Nanyue, king of, 190n74, 382 Nanyue Wen Di-goudiao, 343, 372 nao: Anyang period, 39, 163, 200, 349-51; and bo, 168, 169; casting of, 109n38; defined, 68, 69, 74, 403; development of, 122, 151-53; geographic distribution of, 140-41; and ling, 136-38; metal alloys in, 104; northern, 179, 349-51; proportions of, 91n38;

in regional cultures, 193; southern, 106, 138-42, 148, 160, 351-55, 382; tone data on, 388, 392-93; and two-tone phenomenon, 192; and yong-zhong, 153-57, 158, 229. See also particular bells and sites Nasangcun, Heng Xian (Guangxi), 338, 371, 382, 383 National Museum, Copenhagen, bell in, 353 National Palace Museum, Taibei, bells in, 350, 359, 361, 362, 365, 367, 369 natural (Just) intonation, 276-77, 278 Needham, Rodney, 217 Nelson Gallery, Kansas City, bell in, 364 Neolithic: bell-like object, 14, 136n18; bells, 118, 134, 157, 341, 342, 349n2; musical instruments, 404; regional cultures of, 374n2 new music. See popular music Ni-yongzhong, 45, 168n33, 205, 331, 357; tone data on, 237, 238, 278, 388, 394 Nihequ, Lujiang (Anhui), 144, 338, 352 Ning-yongzhong, 90, 339, 358, 359; tone data on, 239, 390 Ningbo Antiquities Preservation Commission, bell from, 369 niu, 75, 208, 403. See also suspension devices Niucun, Houma (Shanxi), 111 niuzhong: assemblages of, 39, 176-77; components of, 161, 200-201; defined, 69, 403; development of, 122, 158-59; early, 174, 361-62; Eastern Zhou, 174-79; geographic distribution of 140-41, 178, 180-81; late, 182, 189, 362, 363, 364, 365;

as rningqi, 368, 369; northern, 386; and other types, 136n16, 170, 322; in Sichuan, 384; southern, 188; suspension of, 208-9. See also particular bells and sites noblemen, 33, 63. See also magnates; officials; zhuhou nodes, 77, 80, 81, 82, 83, 120-21, 222n66 northern alliance, Eastern Zhou, 319 northern stylistic group, 178, 179-85, 362-66 notes. See yin O ocarina, 265, 404 octaves, 227, 228, 285, 289. See also major thirds; minor thirds; Spiral of Fifths; tones octavic equivalence, 233n9, 269, 291, 297, 301, 308 octavic regularity, 264, 266 officials: as donors,

44, 45, 46, 47;

and music, 2; musicians as, 63, 65; and sumptuary regulations, 32-35, 38-39. See also donors of bells; personnel Ogawa collection, bell in, 352 Okamura Hidenori, 88-91 onomatopoeia, 101-2, 123, 199 orchestras, 132, 136, 139, 160, 265; composition of, 25, 158, 215-17; and pitch standards, 307, 310, 313, 314; and status of bells, 102, 174, 323 ornamentation, 137, 192, 262, 354, 376; and acoustics, 80, 236, 238-39, 264; anthropomorphic, 187, 205; on bo, 169-70, 170, 172, 174; and casting, 107, 110-13, 116;

on nao, 144, 154-56, 349-50, 350-51; northern, 156, 179; on ritual vessels, 319-20; southern, 139, 156, 185-89, 379, 381; on suspension devices, 205-9; terms for, 83-84; and typology, 130, 244; on yongzhong, 162-64, 164-67, 167-68;

on Zeng

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bells, 186-87, 188, 189, 244; zoomorphic, 123, 156, 164, 166-67, 168, 239, 319. See also standard zhong decoration scheme; particular animals and types of ornamentation overtones, 78, 79, 80, 107 P Paimashan, Jiangling (Hubei), 55n64 Palace Museum, Beijing, bells in, 352, 357, 358, 359, 360, 367, 368, 372, 388, 393; tone data on, 230, 231 Palace Museum, Beijing, lithophones in, 392 Palace of St. Michael and St. George, Corfu (Greece), bell in, 365 pan vessel, 115-16, 117 panpipes, 9, 10, 36, 269n38, 311-12, 344 Paotaishan, Luanping (Hebei), 338, 373 partials, 78, 79, 80, 81, 121, 219n, 220-21; and casting, 106, 107, 115; defined, 404 parts of bells, 192; terms for, 72-75, 82-84, 86-88, 112, 114. See also particular parts pattern-block technique, 110-13, 116, 178, 179, 185 Pei'er-goudiao, 48, 331, 372 Pengjiaqiao, Pingxiang (Jiangxi), 157n69, 338, 356 Pengshan, Lianping (Guangdong), 157n69, 338, 371, 382n17 pentatonicity: Eastern Zhou, 241, 244, 256, 258, 264-65, 266; in lithophones, 267-75; and musical theory, 284, 285, 291, 293, 296, 300; in panpipes, 312; and Spiral of Fifths, 305, 307; Western Zhou, 236; in Zeng bells, 247, 251, 276, 310 performance, 18, 23, 210-17, 275;

reenactments of, 210, 211, 213n. See also musicians personnel, 40, 63-65. See also musicians; officials piece-mold technique, 108, 116 Pingliangtai, Huaiyang (Henan), 34, 338 Pingru, Xiangxiang (Hunan), 154, 155, 338, 355 pitch, 79, 85, 92, 226-27, 267n, 277, 285; accuracy of, 121, 264, 323. See also pitch standards pitch-pipes, 287, 288, 295, 299n34, 300, 323; Han, 314-15, 317-18; and musical theory, 310-14 pitch standards (lü), 296-99, 313-14; defined, 404; and political power, 314-18, 320; and Spiral of Fifths, 301, 305; and sumptuary regulations, 321; and tone definitions, 291, 296. See also lü political power: and bells, 32, 51-55, 62, 65-66, 160, 192-95; and bronze, 24-25; and inscriptions, 59; and legitimacy, 178, 182; and music, 1-5, 318-19, 324; and pitch standards, 314-18 popular music, 53-54, 55, 276, 323 Portland (Oregon) Art Museum, bell in, 147n46, 352 pottery, 138 pottery bells, 118, 132, 133, 136n18, 334, 336, 337, 342 Powers, Harold S., 267n preservation, 221-23, 225 printing, 111n41 proportions of bells, 85-91. See also shape pseudo-yongzhong, 122, 333, 343 Puducun, Chang'an (Shaanxi), 162, 163, 223n67, 338, 356, 389

Puducun chimes: tone data from, 232, 233n9 Putuo, Xilin (Guangxi), 338 Pythagorean principles, 277, 302-3, 306, 308. See also Spiral of Fifths Q Qi, House of, 47 Qi, Jing Gong of, 58n77, 124-25 Qi, state of, 47n51, 48, 49, 57-58, 62; bells from, 125, 168n34, 375; and display of bells, 321n42, 322; and measurement standards, 316; and pitch standards, 289, 317 Qiangjiacun, Fufeng (Shaanxi), 165, 338, 357 Qianshan (Anhui), 338, 351, 354 Qiaodang, Ningxiang (Hunan), 338, 356 Qici-goudiao, 372 Qijiacun, Fufeng (Shaanxi), 41, 205, 234, 338, 339, 356, 358, 390 Qin, First Emperor of, 4, 24, 62; tomb of, 184, 185, 339, 366 Qin, state of, 48, 384; bells from, 167n29, 189; and measurement standards, 316, 317 qin (musical instrument), 334, 344 Qin Gong-bells, 48, 208 Qin Gong-bo, 172, 173, 361 Qin Gong II-bo, 123n73, 361 Qin Gong-yongzhong, 17n31, 167-68, 172, 213, 341, 358; tone data on, 236, 391 qing. See chimestones

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Qing dynasty bells, 95-96 Qingfengcun, He Xian (Guangxi), 339, 371 Qingjiang, Wuning (Jiangxi), 339, 356 Qingshan, Gaochun (Jiangsu), 339, 371, 372 Qiqiao, Gaochun (Jiangsu), 105, 339, 372 Qizhen, Fufeng (Shaanxi), 339, 356, 357, 358; tone data from, 234, 390 Quankoucun, Hengyang (Hunan), 339, 354 Qucun, Quwo (Shanxi), 163n13, 339, 355 Qufu, 360 R regional cultures: Anyang period, 138-39, 142-49; bell manufacture in, 106, 125, 136n18, 193-95, 259, 320; bells from, 72, 170, 370-73, 374-87; eastern, 369, 370, 375-76; Eastern Zhou, 18, 178, 200; elites of, 131, 194-95; and Great Han chauvinism, 194-95; and measurement standards, 316; music of, 54, 60, 159n4, 318-19; northern, 373, 386-87; Sichuan, 382-84; southeastern, 264n29, 371; southern, 370-71, 376-82; southwestern, 384-86; Western Zhou, 46 registers (higher and lower): defined, 228, 403; of particular bells, 256, 257, 258, 259, 260, 261, 262, 263, 264; and tone distribution, 235, 236, 242, 243, 246, 247, 248, 249; of Zeng bells, 249, 251

relieved hooks ornamentation, 185, 187, 366 religious beliefs, 7n21, 320. See also ancestral cult; mountain cults Rennin, Fufeng (Shaanxi), 358, 359, 361, 390 replication of bells, 223 revolving do, 275-76, 277, 310 Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam, bell in, 364 ritual: ancestral, 25-28; and political power, 24; role of bells in, 14, 30, 32, 192-93, 217 ritual messages, 27-28 ritual music: and bell-chimes, 199; and cosmology, 1-5, 23; decline of, 160, 189-90, 320-23; origins of, 319-20; and political power, 317, 324. See also music; orchestras ritual vessels, 38-39, 43, 116, 164, 166, 319-20. See also bronze vessels Rong (ethnic group), 374n1 Range (Shanxi), 179, 203, 362 Rouran princess Linhe, 190 Royal Ontario Museum, bells in, 90, 353, 364, 365, 368 Rui, House of, 44, 45, 208n27 Rui Gong-yongzhong, 45 Rui Gong-zhonggou, 209 Rujiazhuang, Baoji (Shaanxi), 68, 136n18, 162n11, 163n14, 223n67, 339, 356; tone data from, 232, 233n9, 389 rulers. See political power Ruo, state of, 48 Ruo Gong-yongzhong, 48, 360 Russian church-bells, 222, 223 S Sachs, Curt, 67, 102, 275n42 Sackler Gallery, bells in, 155, 156n65, 170, 171

sacrifices, 27, 28, 29, 42; human, 32 St. Louis Art Museum, bell in, 364 Sanfen Sunyi-fa, 301-7, 308, 309, 311, 320. See also Spiral of Fifths Sanguandian, Lingyuan (Liaoning), 339, 373, 386 Sanji, Pingshan (Hebei), 177, 340, 365 Sanlian, Yin Xian (Zhejiang), 340, 356 Sanmenxia lithophone, 237, 268, 269, 278, 392, 399-400 Sanmudi, Ningxiang (Hunan), 149, 150, 340, 352 Sano Bijutsukan, Shizuoka, bell in, 365 Sanpu, Zhuzhou (Hunan), 340, 352 Sanxi, Pingshan (Hebei), 34 Sanxingdui, Guanghan (Sichuan), 382 scaling, 267n, 279, 297; accuracy of, 96, 118, 276, 323; defined, 92, 404; development of, 162, 200; and mathematical calculations, 92-96, 276, 277; and musical theory, 309; and tones, 218, 226, 241 Schlagton, 80, 199, 224; defined, 404 scroll motifs, 145 Seattle Art Museum, bell in, 369 Second Xing-yongzhong, 45, 237, 348, 358, 389; tone data on, 239, 278, 394 Second Zha-yongzhong, 45, 90, 165n19, 357; tone data on, 239, 390 Sen'oku Hakkokan, bells in, 90, 356, 357, 358, 359, 360, 362, 366, 368; tone data from, 390, 392 Shaanxi Provincial Museum, bells in, 358, 371, 390, 391 Shajing culture, 373, 386n28

shaman, 134 Shan, House of, 44, 45

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Shan Bo Yisheng-yongzhong, 45 Shan Bo-yongzhong, 45 Shanbiaozhen, Ji Xian (Henan), 34, 158n1, 177, 240, 363 Shandong Provincial Museum, bells in, 351, 358, 359, 368 Shang, Zhou of, 321 Shang dynasty, 321; bells of, 39-40, 226, 228-29, 266, 349-51; music of, 319. See also Anyang period bells Shang Wu Ding, 137 Shangcunling, Sanmenxia (Henan), 176, 331n, 340, 361 Shangguancun, Baoji (Shaanxi), 159n4 Shangguan'gang, Guangshan (Henan), 311 Shangguocun, Wenxi (Shanxi), 340, 361 Shanghai Museum, bells in, 351, 352, 358, 359, 361, 362, 367, 368, 369, 372 Shangkuangcun, Yantai (Shandong), 340, 369 Shangmacun, Houma (Shanxi), 35, 222, 340; assemblages at, 176; bo from, 363; lithophones from, 237, 267-69, 278, 392, 396; niuzhong from, 237, 266, 279, 364; tone data from, 241, 243, 245-47, 255, 275, 278, 391, 396 Shanqian Gongshe, Qingjiang (Jiangxi), 340 Shanzhuang, Linqu (Shandong), 35 Shaochen, Fufeng (Shaanxi), 159n4 Shaogou, Luoyang (Henan), 340, 369 Shaoshan Guanqu project (Hunan), 134n shape, 169; and acoustics, 82, 85, 95-96, 119, 121n70, 136n16; Anyang period, 137; terms for, 79-80;

and tuning, 119-20. See also almond-shaped cross-section; proportions of bells Sheep's horn-loop bells (yangjiao niuzhong), 328, 336, 338, 341, 342, 384, 385 Shen, state of, 289 Shen Gua, 76 Shen Zi, 321 sheng (musical instrument), 327, 328, 334, 342 sheng (note), 282, 283-85. See also yin Shenliu-bells, 48, 392 Shenliu-bo, 366 Shenliu-niuzhong, 326, 366 Shenze, Pan'an (Zhejiang), 340, 354 Shi Cheng-yongzhong, 45, 238, 338, 357 Shi Hui-gui, 59 Shi Ji, 53n59; on measurement system, 316n25, 317n29, 319n34; on pitch-pipes, 311, 312; on pitch standards, 290n21, 298, 299, 299n37, 300 Shi Jing: on bell-racks, 209; on bell sounds, 102, 123, 124; on music, 9, 29, 216; odes from, 215; on ritual, 25, 27; on ritual music, 4 Shicheng-yongzhong, 165 Shi'er lü. See Twelve Pitch Standards Shifu-yongzhong, 359 Shiguzhaishan, Ningxiang (Hunan), 104, 139n29, 326n, 340, 352 Shijiahe, Tianmen (Hubei), 132n6, 341 Shirakawa Shizuka, 58n77 Shizhaishan, Jinning (Yunnan), 341, 373 Shodo Hakubutsukan, bells in, 58n80, 358, 359 Shou-nao, 351

Shoufeng, He Xian (Guangxi), 341, 369 Shouguang (Shandong), 357 Shu (ethnic group), 374n1 Shu Fufu-xu, 56 Shu Jing, 315n21 Shu Lü Yufu-yongzhong, 359 Shu Yi-bells, 49 Shu Yi-bo, 168n34 Shu Yi-zhong: inscription, 100 Shu Yufu-yongzhong, 45 Shuanggudui, Fuyang (Anhui), 177, 341, 369 si (set of bells), 203-5 Si Weizhi, 59-60 Siberian influences, 136n18 Sima Qian, 62n103, 299-300, 311 Singer, Dr. Paul, bells from collection of, 349, 352, 360, 372 snake ornamentation, 144, 353, 362, 382 So, Jenny, 186 Song, state of, 48, 191, 321n42 Song dynasty bells, 191 Song Gong-bo, 48, 191n79, 367 Song Imperial collection, bells in, 351, 352, 353, 360, 361, 367 Song Jun, 49 Song Ping Gong, 48 Songshan, Zhaoqing (Guangdong), 341, 371 Songxi, Gaochun (Jiangsu), 341, 372 sound-bow, 67, 75; and casting, 114, 115; defined, 404; on nao, 137, 143, 153, 155, 229; ornamentation on, 144, 179; and tones, 119n65, 120, 226;

and wear, 222

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sounds of bells, 123, 125, 199; graphs for, 101-2 Southeast Asian bells, 328, 336, 338, 341, 342, 384, 385 southern alliance, Eastern Zhou, 319 southern stylistic group, 178, 181, 185-89, 193, 194, 366-68, 381 spacers, 113-14 Spiral of Fifths, 276, 277, 298, 301-7. See also Sanfen Sunyi-fa Staatliche Museen Berlin, bell in, 364 standard zhong decoration scheme, 179, 353-54, 361, 362; on bo, 159, 172, 174, 361; defined, 75, 404; genesis of, 142, 145-51; on Han mingqi, 190; and mask motif, 157; on nao, 151, 353-55; on niuzhong, 159, 174, 362; in regional cultures, 381, 384; on yongzhong, 167; on Zeng bells, 187, 188 status: and bells, 23, 65-66, 98; and decline of bells, 55, 56, 190, 321-23; and early bells, 134; and metals, 24-25, 108; of regional elites, 131, 194-95, 381; and ritual music, 1, 14-15, 218, 266; and ritual vessels, 46, 47; and sumptuary regulations, 32-39. See also wealth stroboscope, 220-21 style, 192, 221. See also northern stylistic group; ornamentation; southern stylistic group Subutun, Qingzhou (Shandong), 138nn25, 26, 341, 350

Subutun, Yidu (Shandong), 134, 341 Sui, state of, 6n19 sui (troughs), 73, 120-21, 137 Sui dynasty bells, 190 Sujialong, Jingshan (Hubei), 6n18 sumptuary regulations: of Chu, 205n18; decline of, 320; and lithophones, 201; and metals, 108, 266; and ritual vessels, 319, 320; and status, 32-39, 43, 44 Sun Yirang, 33n29, 204n12 Sunjiagou, Ningcheng (Liaoning), 341, 373, 386n28 Supan, Nanning (Guangxi), 341, 371 suspension devices, 205-9; on bo, 170-73, 174, 179, 182, 361; on Japanese bells, 159n2; on nao, 142; on niuzhong, 174; ornamentation on, 376 T Taigongmiao, Baoji (Shaanxi), 167, 173, 208, 213, 341, 358, 361; assemblages at, 176; tone data from, 236 Taihe (Jiangxi), 341, 354 Taijingwang, Linyi (Shandong), 35 Takahashi Junji, 219n, 220-21, 223-24 Tan Weisi, 244 Tanabe Hisao, 18 Tang Lan, 5n16 Tangdongcun, Jiangning (Jiangsu), 69, 148, 341, 351 Tangjiashan, Fanchang (Anhui), 341, 371

Taosi, Xiangfen (Shanxi), 132nn6, 10, 342; bell-like object from, 15, 104, 106, 132, 133, 134 technology, 14-16, 192, 200, 264-67, 308n58, 321-23. See also casting techniques; manufacturing temperature, 223-24 Teng, state of, 49 Teng Sima Mao-bells, 49 Teng Sima Mao-bo, 348 Tengdian, Jianling (Hubei), 55n64 Tenri Sankokan, bells in, 353, 363 Third Xing-yongzhong, 45, 166-67, 348, 358; tone data on, 237, 239, 278, 389, 394-95 Thote, Alain, 10 Tian, House of, 125 Tian'eshan, Zixing (Hunan), 342, 354 Tianjin Museum, bells in, 359, 361 Tianjingwang, Ju Xian (Shandong), 177, 342 Tianxingguan, Jiangling (Hubei), 55n64, 188, 207n24, 342, 368; assemblages at, 177 tiger ornamentation, 170, 171, 207, 352, 360 timbre, 79, 92, 96, 102, 106. See also pitch; tones tin, 99, 102-3, 106 Tohata collection, Hyogo, bell in, 368 tonality, 227, 275; terms for, 282 tone distribution, 226-28, 291-96; defined, 404; Eastern Zhou, 236-38, 240-44, 255-64, 265; interpretation of, 264-67; and musical theory, 309; Shang, 228-29, 230, 231, 265; Western Zhou, 229, 232-36, 237, 238-39, 240-41, 265, 320; of Zeng bells, 244-55, 283

tone measurements, 18-19, 217, 218-25, 229n5; factors affecting, 189, 221-25; methods, 219-21 tone theory, 310-24 tones, 76-80, 266; Anyang period, 137; factors affecting, 106, 118, 213-14, 308n58;

and mathematical

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calculations, 92, 96, 118, 218, 219, 227n1, 276, 323; terms for, 19, 282-83; in Zeng inscriptions, 280-83. See also two-tone phenomenon tong (musical term), 297 Tong Kin-woon, 142n34, 153n60 Tong Zhongliang, 262 tools, 103 Touba, Zhuzhou (Hunan), 342, 353 trade, 193n85 tribute, 57, 160. See also giftgiving tuning, 118-21; accuracy of, 95, 218, 323; and pitch standards, 310-11, 314, 320; and Spiral of Fifths, 306; system of, 276-79. See also scaling; tones Twelve Pitch Standards (Shi'er lü), 4, 308, 309, 311, 316-17, 318 Twelve Terrestrial Branches, 4 twelve-tone gamut: in Eastern Zhou, 264-65; and lithophones, 270; and pitch standards, 287, 290, 291, 300; and tone distribution, 226, 249, 251, 255, 256; in Zeng inscriptions, 283, 284, 285, 296 two-tone bells, 18, 404 two-tone phenomenon, 80-85; in Anyang period, 137, 228, 229; in bo, 169, 174; demise of, 189, 322; defined, 404; development of, 192, 264, 266; diffusion of, 162;

discovery of, 131, 154, 229; in Eastern Zhou, 256; and inscriptions, 281; in lithophones, 275; measurement of, 230, 231, 238-39, 259; in north, 185; and performance, 210, 212-15; and scaling, 226; and shape, 96, 118; in south, 145, 153, 157, 381; and temperature, 224; and tuning, 119, 121, 279; in Western Zhou, 174, 233, 234, 236, 320; in Zeng bells, 16-17 typology, 18, 122, 192; described, 67-72; outline of, 349-73; as tool, 129-30; of Zeng bells, 244 V vessels. See ritual vessels Vietnamese bells, 386 Vietnamese lithophones, 201n4 W Wacker collection, bell in, 352 Wang Mang pitch-pipe, 312 Wang Shimin, 175n Wang Xiang, 7n31, 220n58 Wang Yinzhi, 74n, 87 Wang Zhong, 63n109 Wangcun, Qingyang (Anhui), 342, 372 Wangjiashan, Dantu (Jiangsu), 342, 380, 381

Wangshan, Jiangling (Hubei), 55n64 Wangsun Gao, 46, 48 Wangsun Gao-bells, 46n49 Wangsun Gao-yongzhong, 48, 200, 205n18, 344, 366; inscription, 51, 100n14, 123n73; ornamentation on, 185, 264; tone data on, 220n55, 223n72, 237, 256, 259, 260, 278, 391 Wangsun Wu-ding, 100n14 Wangsun Yizhe, 48, 367 Wangsun Yizhe-yongzhong, 48, 100n14, 123n73 Wangzi Zhan, 49 Wanjiaba, Chuxiong (Yunnan), 342, 386n27 Wanrong (Shanxi), 342, 362 warfare, 7n20, 40, 160; and bell-casting, 317; and bells, 30, 61-62, 193, 381 wealth, 138, 321-23, 381. See also status weapons, 103 Wei, Eastern, 190 Wei, House of, 43 Wei, Kang Shu of, 56n70 Wei, Ling Gong of, 57 Wei, Lü of, 49 Wei, ruler of, 34 Wei, Xing of, 44, 45, 46, 164 Wei Bo Xing, 43 Wei Zhao, 297n33, 299n36 Weipocun, Binyang (Guangxi), 342, 371 Weizhuang, Pingdingshan (Henan), 162, 233n9, 342, 356, 389 West Asian bells, 132 Western music, 282, 312-13. See also European bells whole-tone scale, 287

Williams, Edward V., 222, 223 wo (suspension ring), 116, 157, 355, 382; and acoustics, 192; defined, 73, 74, 404; on nao, 153-54; ornamentation on, 167; and racks, 207, 208; on yongzhong, 355-56 Wood Carver Qing, 206 Wu (ethnic group), 374n1 Wu, Kingdom of, 50n Wu, state of, 48, 194 wu (flat top): defined, 73, 404 Wu Dacheng, 204 Wu Gong, 48 Wu Hung, 144-45, 153n61, 169n Wu Shiqian, 102n23 WU YI-bell, 190n77 Wu Zhan, 136n18 Wudaohezi, Lingyuan (Liaoning), 342, 373 Wuguancun, Anyang (Henan), 137n23

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Wuguancun-ling, 68 Wuhu (Anhui), 342 Wujun Xicun, Fufeng (Shaanxi), 342, 343, 369-70, 390 Wukang (Zhejiang), 372 Wulidun, Echeng (Hubei), 55n64 Wulipai, Changsha (Hunan), 55n64 Wusi Hu-yongzhong, 45, 167n26, 325, 357 Wuxuan (Guangxi), 343, 372 wuyin. See Five Notes X Xi-yongzhong, 34 Xi Zhong-yongzhong, 45, 239, 359, 390 Xia, Jie of, 321 Xia dynasty, 24, 132, 132n10, 321 Xiajiadian culture, 201n5, 373, 386n28 Xiajiashan, Leiyang (Hunan), 151, 152, 343, 353 xian (spine), 73, 404 Xian-yongzhong, 45, 358, 390 Xian Zhuanwachang, Shangcai (Henan), 343, 368 Xiang River Valley (Hunan), 151 Xiangbizui, Changsha (Hunan), 343, 369 Xianggangshan, Guangzhou (Guangdong), 177, 190n74, 343, 372, 382 Xiangtan (Hunan), 343, 356 Xianjiahu, Changsha (Hunan), 177, 343, 369 Xianyang (Shaanxi), 343, 366 Xiao'emeishan, Zhangqiu (Shandong), 343, 363, 372, 376 Xiaonanzhuang, Wen Xian (Henan), 228n4, 343, 349, 388; tone data from, 230, 231, 393 Xiaotianxi, Fuling (Sichuan), 188, 189, 209n28, 343, 368, 384 Xiaotun, Anyang (Henan), 137n23

Xiaoxiguan, Xinye (Henan), 6n18 Xiaoyancun, Shijiazhuang (Hebei), 134n Xiasi, Xichuan (Henan), 46n49, 344, 366, 368; assemblages at, 176, 177; bells from, 62n100, 185, 186, 200, 205n18, 266; flute from, 269n38; mallets from, 210n31; panpipe from, 311; tone data from, 220nn54, 55, 237, 241, 242, 243, 245-47, 255, 256, 275, 306, 307, 391 Xibeicun, Yangxin (Shandong), 344, 369 Xibeigang, Anyang (Henan), 135, 137, 228n4, 229, 344, 350; tone data from, 230, 231, 388, 393 Xigaoquan, Baoji (Shaanxi), 344, 357 Xijiao, Anyang (Henan), 344, 349 Xijiao, Luoyang (Henan), 344, 369 Ximennei, Shou Xian (Anhui), 34, 69, 70, 178, 344, 366, 381n14; assemblages at, 176; inscription from, 47; tone data from, 258n Xincun, Xun Xian (Henan), 18n35, 139n26, 392 Xing bells, 17n31 Xing Shu-yongzhong, 45, 347, 357 Xing-yongzhong, 26, 27 Xinglong (Hebei), 108n33 Xinglongcun, Zhuzhou (Hunan), 345, 353 Xinhua, Zhijiang (Hubei), 345, 366 Xinhuicun, Fengcheng (Jiangxi), 345, 352 Xinshi, Deqing (Zhejiang), 345, 369 XINZHONG (name of pitch standard), 281, 286, 287, 291, 293, 313 Xiong Chuanxin, 384n24 Xiong Yuan-bo, 367 Xiongjiagang, Shimen (Hunan), 384n24

Xiongjialaowan, Suizhou (Anhui), 6n18 Xishan, Kalaxin Banner (Inner Mongolia), 201n5 Xu, state of, 48, 49 Xu Song Jun-zheng, 49 Xu Wangzi Jiong-niuzhong, 123n73 Xu Wangzi Zhan-niuzhong, 49 Xu yang yin-zheng, 49 Xu Zhongshu, 27n8 Xu Zi-bo, 48, 123nn72, 73 xuan (ring), 157; defined, 73, 74, 404; on nao, 142, 143, 144, 145, 147, 149, 351, 352; and two-tone phenomenon, 192; on yongzhong, 153, 382 xuangong, 310. See revolving do Xujiafan, Yuhang (Zhejiang), 146, 147, 149, 345, 351 Xun Zi, 124n76, 322, 323 Xun Zi, 3n8, 321n41 Y Ya-?-Mu Peng, 329, 350 Ya-?-nao, 350 Ya-?/You-nao, 351 Ya Chou-nao, 138n25, 351 Ya Gong-bells, 388n2 Ya-Tai-nao, 351 Ya-Wan Fu Ji-nao, 137, 350 Ya'erzhou, Guangji (Hubei), 345, 371, 372, 379, 380, 382 Yamanaka collection, bell in, 362 Yan, Prince Kuai of, 323

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Yan Xiadu, Yi Xian (Hebei), 34, 177, 345, 369 Yan Zi, 124 Yan Zi Chunqiu, 32, 32n26, 124, 125n78 Yancheng, Wujin (Jiangsu), 71, 345, 372 Yang Yinliu, 265n32 Yangcun, Huangshan (Anhui), 345, 371 Yangjia, Gongcheng (Guangxi), 346, 372 Yangjiacun, Mei Xian (Shaanxi), 170, 172, 346, 355, 356, 358, 361; assemblages at, 176 yangjiao niuzhong (Sheep's horn-loop bells), 328, 336, 338, 341, 342, 384, 385 Yangjiawan, Changsha (Hunan), 55n64 Yangmei, Liuyang (Hunan), 55n64, 346, 368 Yangshan, Linqu (Shandong), 177, 346 Yangshao culture, 132, 265n31 Yangwuling, Yiyang (Hunan), 55n64 Yangze, Jian'ou (Fujian), 149, 150, 346, 352 Yangzi region. See southern stylistic group Yayoi period (Japan), 158n2 Yi Li, 57n74 Yiduhoucheng, Shouguang (Shandong), 138n26 Yilijiecun, Zhijiang (Hunan), 346, 372 yin (notes), 283-85; defined, 404; and panpipes, 312; and pitch standards, 298-301, 304, 307-9, 309, 313, 314, 317; and Spiral of Fifths, 305; terms for, 283, 291, 293, 295, 296 yin/yang, 3, 297, 298, 302, 309 Ying, House of, 44, 45 Ying, Marquis Jian'gong of, 45, 58, 59

Ying Hou-yongzhong, 45, 331, 357, 358; inscription, 58, 59; tone data on, 238, 390 Yingmin, He Xian (Guangxi), 346, 360 Yinxu, Anyang (Henan), tomb no. 5. See Fu Hao tomb Yinxu Western Area, 350 yong (shank), 142, 153; defined, 73, 405 Yongheping, Changyang (Hubei), 346 Yongningbao, Hongdong (Shanxi), 346, 369-70, 377-78 Yongxiang-yongzhong, 238, 339, 357, 390 yongzhong: assemblages of, 39, 176-77; and bo, 172, 174; casting of, 109, 109n38, 110, 115, 116; components of, 161, 200-201, 205; decline of, 188, 189, 322; defined, 68, 69, 405; description of, 72-73, 74; development of, 122; early, 355-60; eastern, 376; Eastern Zhou, 167-68, 175-79, 178; geographic distribution of, 140-41, 178, 180-81; late, 189n72, 362, 363; mingqi, 368, 369; and nao, 145, 149, 153-57; and niuzhong, 174; northern, 357-60; origins of, 151, 158; and other types, 136n16; proportions of, 84, 85, 86; shape of, 80;

southeastern, 371-72; southern, 193, 194, 370-71, 376-78, 379-81, 382; spread of, 139n30, 158-62, 320; sui on, 121n68; suspension of, 87, 208; tone data on, 229, 232-34, 236, 388-91, 393-94, 394-95; Western Zhou, 162-64, 164-67. See also particular bells and sites You, King of Chu, 6n18 Young, Bell N., 301 Youzhencun, Zhuzhou (Hunan), 346, 354 yu. See sound-bow Yu, lords of, 162 Yu Wangzi Jiong?-niuzhong, 367 Yuanlongpo, Wuming (Guangxi), 346, 372 Yue (ethnic group), 374n1 Yue, Nine (ethnic group), 374n1 Yue, state of, 48, 49, 194 Yue Ji (Li Ji), 1, 2-3, 3, 53, 124n76, 216 Yue Wang-bell, 331 Yue Wang-niuzhong, 48 Yuefu-niuzhong, 184, 185, 339, 366 Yueshanpu, Ningxiang (Hunan), 142, 143, 144, 147n46, 168, 347, 352 yuexuan (suspended music), 9 Yulongshan, Xinyu (Jiangxi), 347, 354 Yun, Zhong Yi of, 63 Yun, bells of, 62 Yun'er-bo, 48, 123 Yushugou, Yongdeng (Gansu), 347, 373 Yutaishan, Jiangling (Hubei), 55n64, 287, 288, 295, 312 Yuyizheng-nao, 350 Z Zangjiazhuang, Zhucheng (Shandong), 35, 47n51, 184, 185, 189n72, 347, 365;

assemblages at, 177 Zeng, Marquis Yi of, xxv, 5, 34, 46, 48, 51, 186-87 Zeng, state of, 5n17, 5-6, 48; and Chu, 318-19; and Sui, 6n19 zeng (suffix), 283-84, 285, 306n52

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Zeng bells, 6, 131, 200, 204; appearance of, 98; assemblage of, 200, 244-45, 249; casting of, 112n42, 115; mallets for, 211, 212-15; measurements of, 224; metal alloys in, 103, 105, 106; and musical theory, 280-307, 310, 318; ornamentation on 186-87, 188, 189; pitch of, 237; and popular music, 276; racks for, 33, 205n18, 206, 207, 208, 209, 280n, 288n14; replication of, 116, 119, 223; scaling of, 279; and southern group, 186; tone data on, 80, 84, 85, 221, 245-55, 264 267, 396-99 Zeng gui, 36 Zeng Hou Yi-bells, 48; tone data on, 391 Zeng Hou Yi-niuzhong, 334, 368 Zeng Hou Yi-qing, 334 Zeng Hou Yi-yongzhong, 90, 366 Zeng hu, 36 Zeng inscriptions, 9, 12, 13, 244, 245, 251, 255; and musical theory, 14, 123, 227, 280-309, 314; on pitch standards, 316, 317; and political power, 320 Zeng Ji Wuxu-hu, 6n18 Zeng lithophones, 33, 201, 202, 269-74, 271; tone data on, 217n48

Zeng-niuzhong, 16, 244; and alloys, 107; tone data on, 249, 250-51, 252-54, 255, 278, 291, 295, 310 Zeng panpipes, 312 Zeng Taibao-gui, 6n18 Zeng Taibao-pen, 6n18 Zeng tomb, 33, 176, 334, 366, 368; contents of, 10, 11, 36-37, 53, 64, 205, 207, 210, 216; description of, 7, 8, 9; discovery of, 5-7; orchestra in, 25; and sumptuary regulations, 34, 39 Zeng yongzhong: 89, 259; casting of, 112, 113; and metal alloys, 107; pitch standards of, 317; positions of, 245; tone data on, 246, 248, 249, 254, 255, 278 Zeng Zi Zhongqi-yan, 6n18 Zengajiashan, Xiushui (Jiangxi), 347, 381n14 Zha (Taishi official), 45 Zha gui, 165n19 Zhang Heng, 315n19 Zhang Naiji collection, bells in, 156n65, 355 Zhang Yachu, 46n49 Zhang Zhenxin, 62n103 Zhangjiapo, Chang'an (Shaanxi), 56n71, 176, 347, 357 Zhan'guo-ce, 267n Zhangyu, King, 48 Zhao Shigang, 38n30, 205n18 Zhao Wang, 160 Zhaogu vessel, 31

Zhediao-niuzhong, 49, 186, 187, 259, 261, 262, 264, 368; tone data on, 256, 391 Zhejian-yongzhong, 48, 123n72, 367; inscription on, 99 Zheng, Cheng Gong of, 60 Zheng, Xiang Gong of, 60, 61n92 Zheng, state of, 30, 57n71, 60nn89, 90, 60-61 zheng (bell), 335, 337, 340, 343, 345, 347; assemblages of, 176-77; defined, 405; development of, 122; Eastern Zhou, 158n1; and goudiao, 194; mingqi, 369; in regional cultures, 193; Sichuan, 384; southern, 381, 382 zheng (upper bell-face), 155, 156; defined, 69, 71, 73, 405; inscriptions on, 164; ornamentation on, 75, 353-54, 377; in south, 379 Zheng Ji, 56-57 Zheng Xing Shu-yongzhong, 45, 168, 169, 360 Zheng Xuan, 203-4, 205n16 zhengsheng (bell), 101 Zhengxingcun, Xuancheng (Anhui), 347 Zheshang-bells, 48 Zheshang-niuzhong, 90, 327, 366 Zhi Huai Gongdi, 347 Zhiyang Xigang, 347 zhong: defined, 59, 63, 168n34, 405;

graph for, 101, as surname, 63 zhong, flat-handled, 329 zhong family: defined, 69 Zhong Gao, 49 Zhong-nao, 333, 350 Zhong Yi-yongzhong, 45, 205, 339, 358; inscription on, 40, 41; tone data on, 235, 237, 239, 278, 389, 395 Zhong Zi Qi, 63 Zhongdong, Pingjiang (Hunan), 347, 369-70 Zhongshan, king of, 34 Zhongshan, Guanyang (Guangxi), 347, 353 Zhongshi (House of Bells), 65 Zhongzhou Daju lithophones, 392 Zhou, state of, 49-51, 289 Zhou Cheng Wang, 26, 316n25, 319n34 Zhou court: and regional cultures, 194-95; ritual music at, 29-32, 46, 320-23 Zhou Guan, 319n34 Zhou Jing Wang, 58n77, 190n77, 321n41 Zhou Li, 319n34; on grave goods, 61;

on measurement

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standards, 315n21; on music, 2; on musical instruments, 132n10; on musicians, 63, 64; on officials, 44, 61n95; on pitch standards, 290nn21, 24, 25, 296, 297, 298, 299; on ritual, 29, 65; on shape, 79n11; on sumptuary regulations, 32-33, 33, 38, 39; on terms, 203, 205, 286; on yin, 296; on yuexuan (suspended music), 9n24. See also Kaogongji Zhou Li Wang, 43, 45, 166, 167n26 Zhou Mu Wang, 319 Zhou Wen Wang, 53, 216 Zhou Wu Wang, 26, 53, 216-17 Zhoujiagang, Suizhou (Hubei), 6n18 Zhoujiahe, Qian Xian (Shaanxi), 347, 358 Zhu, Xuan Gong of, 376 Zhu, state of, 48, 49, 376 Zhu Dazai-niuzhong, 49, 362 Zhu Gong Hua-yongzhong, 48, 367 Zhu Gong Keng-yongzhong, 48, 185, 186, 199, 204n11, 367, 376 Zhu Gong Le-yongzhong, 48, 367 Zhu Gongsun Ban-bo, 49 Zhu Hou-bell, 48 Zhù Hou Qiu-yongzhong, 372 Zhù Hou-zhong, 60n91 Zhu Zaiyu, 301 zhuan (ridges): defined, 73, 75, 405;

on nao, 155; ornamentation on, 75, 356-57, 382; periodization by, 157n69; and standard zhong decor, 151, 153; Western Zhou, 162, 163, 164, 165; on yongzhong, 356-57, 357-58 Zhuanchangba, Huili (Sichuan), 105, 348, 373, 384n25 Zhuang Zi, 57, 206 Zhuangbai, Fufeng (Shaanxi), 34, 348, 355, 356, 357, 358, 361; assemblages at, 176; hoard no. 1, 26, 43, 164; inscription from, 41-43, 42; ling from, 133n13; niuzhong from, 174; tone data from, 232, 233, 234, 237, 238, 389, 390, 393-94 Zhuangli-Xi, 348 zhuanjian (tiers): defined, 75, 405; in east, 376; on nao, 151, 155; in north, 179; in south, 377; on yongzhong, 166; on Zeng bells, 187 zhuhou (many lords), 33, 39, 46, 49, 50-51, 57, 58; and sumptuary regulations, 321 Zhujiaji, Shou Xian (Anhui), 6n18 zhuo. See muddy (zhuo) pitch standards Zhuyuangou, Baoji (Shaanxi), 104, 159n3, 162n11, 348, 350, 357; tone data from, 233n9, 234, 237, 389, 394 Zi Su, 49 Zi Xia (pupil of Confucius), 53 Zi Zhang-niuzhong, 48, 367

Zifangshan, Xuzhou (Jiangsu), 348, 369 zithers (se), 36, 63, 327, 332, 334, 342; and bells, 275; as grave goods, 119n64; and pitch, 277; and popular music, 53, 54, 55; and sumptuary regulations, 33; in texts, 215, 217; from Zeng tomb, 9 Zixing County (Hunan), 348, 360 Zongzhou-zhong, 359. See also Hu-yongzhong Zoumashan, Daye (Hubei), 348, 371 Zuiziqiancun, Haiyang (Shandong), 176, 348, 369, 376, 377 zun vessel, 115-16, 117 Zuo-yongzhong, 45, 205, 338, 358, 360; tone data on, 237, 239, 278, 389, 395 Zuo Zhuan, 58; on bribes, 60; concert program in, 215, 217; on gifts, 56n70; on ritual, 29-30; on terms, 204; on Zeng, 5n17 Page 483 Designer:Nola Burger Compositor:Asco Trade Typesetting Ltd. Text:10/13 Bembo Display:Bembo Printer:Thomson-Shore, Inc.

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