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The Book Publishing Industry Second Edition
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The Book Publishing Industry Second Edition
Albert N. Greco Fordham University
2005
LAWRENCE ERLBAUM ASSOCIATES, PUBLISHERS Mahwah, New Jersey London
Copyright © 2005 by Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Inc. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced in any form, by photostat, microform, retrieval system, or any other means, without prior written permission of the publisher. Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Inc., Publishers 10 Industrial Avenue Mahwah, New Jersey 07430 Cover design by Kathryn Houghtaling Lacey Pearson Education, Inc. previously published this book. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Greco, Albert N., 1945 The book publishing industry / Albert N. Greco. — 2nd ed. p. cm. Previous ed.: Boston : Allyn & Bacon, c1997 Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0-8058-4852-5 (cloth) — ISBN 0-8058-4853-3 (pbk.) 1. Publishers and publishing—United States. I. Title. Z471.G742004b 070.5'0973—dc22 2003069607 CIP Books published by Lawrence Erlbaum Associates are printed on acidfree paper, and their bindings are chosen for strength and durability. Printed in the United States of America 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
Contents Preface
vii
1
Consumer Book Publishing
2
Book Title Output, Categories, Sales, Returns, and the Channels of Distribution
26
3
The Development of Modern Book Publishing Companies
51
4
Business Operations
88
5
The Editorial Process
123
6
Editors, Book Acquisitions, and Production
150
7
Marketing Books
177
8
Consumer Book Purchasing Trends
208
9
The First Amendment, Copyrights, and Libel
256
Publishing Confronts the Twenty-First Century
278
Glossary of Book Industry Terms
300
Selected Bibliography
306
The Book Publishing Industry Historical Statistical Appendix
335
Author Index
371
Subject Index
377
10
3
v
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Preface What is the structure of the book publishing industry in the United States? What do publishers and editors do in the publishing value chain? Are net publishers' reve nues and profit margins unimpressive? Are consumers reading fewer books, trig gering declines in net publishers' unit sales? Will Internet book-selling sites undermine, and ultimately drive out of business, traditional chain and independent bookstores? Can authors make a living writing books? Will print-on-demand books replace traditionally printed books? Will print-on-demand kiosks replace book stores and other retail establishments as the primary source of books? In essence, is the econometric state of publishing as bleak as some individuals have speculated? Clearly, there are concerns about the well-being of this pivotal industry. Anyone familiar with book publishing knows all too well that the economics of publishing are harsh and unforgiving, prompting some analysts to insist that publishing is in disarray because of: (1) consolidation, steep returns, stark sales figures, and a fickle and price-sensitive consumer base; (2) the impact of chains, superstores, and price clubs (and the concomitant decline of independent book stores); (3) a population more interested in watching television than reading books; (4) paper-thin profits; (5) staggering technological challenges; and (6) some author advances that dumb founded even seasoned industry veterans. Publishing is unquestionably at a crossroads, on the cusp of great opportunities. This industry has vitality and spirit, the ability to find and develop new talent. Of course publishing houses open and close, as do bookstores, and old, well-mined lit erary niches become a bit frayed over the years. Yet this industry has the ability, an almost mystical one, to reinvent itself, to shrug off disasters, and to remain a formi dable influence helping people, from young children to immigrants, learn about their past, understand their present, and ponder their future. Book publishing will survive in its current, print-oriented format for at least 20 years and, ultimately, in an electronic format, for centuries to come. This industry's great traditions, and its unyielding, and at times undisciplined, quest for perfection, enables it to handle effectively depressions, recessions, techno logical convergence, war, and social upheavals. After all, books matter and en dure in the short run, and more likely in the long run, far more than insubstantial vii
viii
PREFACE
television situation comedies, trendy motion pictures, and long-forgotten mag azine or newspaper articles. This revised edition of The Book Publishing Industry updates a significant por tion of the text as well as all statistical datasets through 2002 (in many cases with projections through 2007). In addition, a new appendix was added containing rarely seen historical data on the industry (basically data from 1946 to the end of the cen tury). The selective bibliography was updated to include the latest literature, espe cially major works in marketing and economics that have a direct relationship with this changing industry. Although consumer books (i.e., adult, juvenile, and massmarket paperbacks) remain the central focus of the book, all of the major book cate gories are reviewed to insure that readers gain an overview of this eclectic business. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
This book became a reality because of the continued support of a number of indi viduals in and out of the publishing industry. My wife Elaine provided me with the encouragement (as well as keen editorial advice) to complete this task. Numerous discussions with my sons Albert and Tim othy (both in sales and marketing departments at Random House) filled in many gaps about what really happens in the sales and marketing "trenches." My other sons, John and Robert, constantly asked me questions about the industry, prodding me to develop realistic answers about a complex maze of issues, a fact Teresa ob served firsthand as the wife of a sales manager. Some day Gabrielle, Olivia, and Nicolette will also wonder about this often-contradictory cultural and commercial endeavor. Probing, candid talks with Bob Wharton, Sharon Smith, and Arthur Kover pro vided insight into the human condition, ethics, and managerial ideas. Discussions about media economics with Robert Picard broadened my under standing of this vital field. Linda Bathgate and her colleagues at Lawrence Erlbaum Associates were a source of ideas, inspiration, and exceptionally useful editorial advice. I must also thank a number of book publishing academics and professionals who offered comments and assistance. The Book Industry Study Group, Inc. and the Association of Research Libraries were kind enough to allow me to use some of their statistical data in this book, as did Leo Kivijarv, R.R. Bowker, Veronis Suhler Stevenson, Stephanie Oda at Subtext, Dave Bogart from The Bowker An nual, and Gary Ink at Publishers Weekly Philip G. Altbach (Boston College) and Edith S. Hoshino allowed me to use some of my material on book industry merg ers and acquisitions that originally appeared in International Book Publishing: An Encyclopedia. The exceptional staff at the Fordham University Library and the Bergenfield, New Jersey, Public Library helped me gather innumerable books and articles about publishing, libraries, and the information industries. They demonstrated why li braries must be supported in this nation.
PREFACE
ix
I must also thank John Sterling and Michael Kay for their insightful comments about another business that rivals book publishing in its majestic scale and dramatic flair. As always, I must thank that small group of people in the Bronx (at 161st and River Avenue) who inspire many of us to try harder whatever the obstacles, espe cially on those chilly nights in October. We also remember those brave people who died on September 11,2001, in a ter rorist attack on the Pentagon and in that field in Pennsylvania. All of us working in New York City on September 11th will never forget the thousands of people killed at the World Trade Center and, especially, the efforts of our mayor and the heroic members of the NYPD, the FDNY, and the PAPD. On that day in New York City, all gave some; some gave all.
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The Book Publishing Industry Second Edition
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CHAPTER ONE
Consumer Book Publishing
AN INTRODUCTION A review of the published literature on the U.S. book industry reveals an intriguing dichotomy regarding the diverse and often contradictory cultural and commercial mission of book publishers.1 Is book publishing solely an intellectual and cultural endeavor? Or is it intrinsically a business enterprise? This debate has splintered the U.S. book community ever since the first book appeared in this nation more than 360 years ago.2 If questioned, many readers (and perhaps a clear majority) would maintain that the book is a cultural object, the means by which knowledge is passed from author to reader, from one generation to the next. Books played a pivotal role and, in many instances, a crucial one in the intellectual, cultural, and educational life of the United States, and they are not perceived as a commodity the way coffee, orange juice, and television sets are. Following this line of thought, books are deemed to be "special" because they al low the reader to deal intimately with a complex array of ideas and issues, from the highly charged "beauty and truth" variety that frequently fragments the academic community to vital information about business or home life. Books also respond to the eclectic entertainment needs of the U.S. population. Louis A. Coser, Charles Kadushin, and Walter W. Powell, Books: The Culture and Commerce of Publishing (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1985), pp. 13-26, 362-374; John Tebbel, Between Covers: The Rise and Transformation of Book Publishing in America (New York: Oxford University Press, 1987), pp. 3-18. Also see John Tebbel, A History of Book Publishing in the United States, Vol. I, The Creation of an Industry 1630–1865 (New York: R. R. Bowker, 1972); Cathy N. Davidson, "Books in the 'Good Old Days': A Portrait of the Early American Book Industry," Book Research Quarterly 2(Winter 1986–1987): pp. 32–64; and Kenneth C. Davis, Two-Bit Culture: The Paperbacking of Amer ica (Boston, MA: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1984). 2 Andre Schriffrin, The Business of Books (New York: Verso, 2000), pp. 1-14; Jason Epstein, Pub lishingPast, Present, and Future (New York: W.W.Norton, 2001), pp. 1-28; Ted Solotaroff, "The Literary-Industrial Complex," New Republic, 8 June 1987, pp. 28, 30–42, 44–45; Jason Epstein, "The Decline and Rise of Publishing," The New York Review of Books, 1 March 1990, pp. 8-12; Ben Bagdikian, The Media Monopoly (Boston: Beacon Press, 2000), pp. xxxvi-24, 228.
3
4
CHAPTER 1
Defenders of the "cultural mission" theory maintain strenuously that society has an obligation, often bordering on the "sacred," to ensure that books are published and preserved.3 Books and information must be made available to all citizens through the existing channels of distribution (i.e., bookstores, the mail, book racks at convenience stores and terminals, etc.) and the highly prized library system. A small minority of individuals have insisted that books and all forms of infor mation should be free (or at least sold at inexpensive prices) and readily available, especially to individuals in developing or emerging nations (often called "newly in dustrializing countries; NICs") adversely affected by the direct or indirect poisons of prejudice and cultural, educational, or information "colonialism." Anthony Smith pointed out that: The Third World has accused the West of cultural domination through its control of the major news-collecting resources of the world, through the unstinted flow of its cultural products across the world, and through the financial power of its advertising agencies.... The swamping effect of this vast machinery has transformed the social fabric of the Third World as it repressed its traditional cultures.4
The cultural mission school of thought perceives publishers and editors as gate keepers, ascertaining what is important enough to see the light of day as a book and legitimizing ideas and theories. Publishers and editors "anoint" individuals with a mystical "holy oil" that transforms writers into published authors. This role is noble and should be (perhaps must be) free from the binding, and often ignorant, con straints of the world of commerce. All of these sentiments are inherently true, although somewhat romantic. No one can deny the significance of an idea (perhaps capitalism or democracy) or a book. Yet should books and information be "free" (or available at subsidized or below-market prices) while oil, computers, and finished clothing garments (many of which are produced in NICs) are available at prices determined by Adam Smith's "invisible hand" of the marketplace? Although publishers and editors are deeply involved in the transmission of knowledge and perform invaluable gatekeeping functions, publishing has been, is, and is likely to remain a business, albeit a business that supplies readers with printed or electronic books that educate, inform, and entertain. Publishers and edi tors have a fiduciary responsibility to the owner(s) of the publishing house and to their readers and society. A publisher or editor who neglects any of these three dis tinct constituencies fails his or her responsibilities. After all, the bottom line is that there is a bottom line. 3 Ted Solotaroff, A Few Good Voices in My Head: Occasional Pieces on Writing (New York: Harper & Row, 1987), pp. 8-29. Also see Robert Giroux, The Education of an Editor (New York: R. R. Bowker, 1982), pp. 17-50; Barbara F. Reskin, "Culture, Commerce, and Gender: The Feminization of Book Editing," in Barbara F. Reskin and Patricia A. Roos (Eds.), Job Queues, Gender Queues: Explaining Women's Inroads into Male Occupations (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1990), pp. 93–110. 4 Anthony Smith, The Geopolitics of Information: How Western Culture Dominates The World (New York: Oxford University Press, 1980), p. 14.
CONSUMER BOOK PUBLISHING
5
What is the focus of this book? Although all of the various book categories are investigated in some detail, the major emphasis is on consumer books (i.e., adult, juvenile, mass-market paperbacks, religious, book clubs, and mail order) because they are the largest components of the U.S. book publishing industry, accounting for $8.66 billion in net publishers' revenues (and 33.21 % of the entire U.S. market), as well as 1.37 billion in net publishers' units (and 55.17% of all sales). Book Publishing Industry Theories Publishing studies is an interdisciplinary field, a marvelous blend of theories devel oped by historians, literary critics, economists, sociologists, and a small but grow ing number of individuals interested in "the history of the book." Two economists, whose primary task was an econometric study of the motion picture industry, crafted an exceptionally important theory that also enriches our understanding about publishing. DeVany and Walls, in "Bose-Einstein Dynamic and Adaptive Contracting in the Motion Picture Industry," analyzed films; however, they real ized that: Even though the motion picture industry exhibits profoundly the properties we have modeled, there are many other industries for which the model and statistical meth ods would seem to be appropriate: other entertainment industries such as television, music, and book publishing might be usefully modeled in the framework we de velop here.5
Taking the basic concepts and theories of De Vany and Walls and applying them to book publishing is not an easy task. Yet their essential theses are as follows. Consumer book publishing is a complex, adaptive, semichaotic industry with Bose-Einstein distribution dynamics, dual-sided uncertainty, and Pareto power law characteristics. Publishing is a business, and its business is the publication of con tent that entertains, educates, and informs. The business's basic goal is to satisfy the wants and needs of readers, end-users to our colleagues in economics. If these goals are fulfilled, ideas circulate in the market 5 Arthur De Vany and W. David Walls, "Bose-Einstein Dynamics and Adaptive Contracting in the Motion Picture Industry." The Economic Journal 106 (November 1996): pp. 1493-1514. Also see Eu gene Fama, "Efficient Capital Markets: A Review and Empirical Work," Journal of Finance, 25,2(May 1970): pp. 383–4178; Burton G. Malkiel, A Random Walk Down Wall Street (New York: W. W. Norton, 1966), pp. 17-166; Burton G. Malkiel, "The Market Can Police Itself," The Wall Street Journal, 28 June 2002, p. A12; John Sutton, Marshall's Tendencies: What Can Economists Know? (Cambridge: MIT Press, 2000), pp. 3–64; Thomas A. Bass, The Predictors: How A Band of Maverick Physicists Used Chaos Theory to Trade Their Way to a Fortune on Wall Street (New York: Henry Holt, 1999), pp. 23–159; Roger Lowenstein, When Genius Failed: The Rise and Fall of Long-Term Capital Management (New York: Random House, 2000), pp. 15-147; Simon Benninga, Financial Modelling (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1997), pp. 11–44; Tapan Biswas, Decision-Making Under Uncertainty (London: Macmillan, 1997); 32-59; Harold L. Vogel, Entertainment Industry Economics: A Guide for Financial Analysis (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2001), pp. 1-29, 41–63; Reuven Brenner, The Force of Fi nance (New York: Texere, 2002), pp. 31–38.
6
CHAPTER 1
place of ideas, profits are made, taxes are rendered, and editors and publishers (and indeed everyone else in this rather complex value chain) are paid a decent wage. Books are fragile products. Although some titles have an exceptionally long backlist life, far too many books have lives that are unpredictable and brief. The As sociation of American Publishers (AAP) collects monthly and annual data on book returns. Their datasets for 2002 revealed that return rates were abominably high: adult trade hardbound, 39.1%; adult trade paperbacks, 22%; and mass-market pa perbacks, 51.4%. These books failed to find an audience, and, in all likelihood, they were returned to the publisher to be pulped. Star authors and big-budget marketing campaigns guarantee only that a front-list book will be placed in a significant number of bookstores, perhaps in window dis plays, on tables, on end-caps, and hopefully face out (rather than spine out) on a shelf. From that point onward, a new book's life is like a parachute jump: If the book does not generate sales quickly, it is dead, pulled from the shelves in perhaps 6 weeks. There is stark uncertainty in the book business. Every book is in a tournament fighting for sales and attention against every other new and backlist book. So book publishing is geared to adapt, and adapt rather quickly. If a title falters, if excep tional efforts fail to trigger the sought-after "buzz," then it is likely that another book garners the attention of sales representatives and marketing executives, and in this business there is a veritable flood of new books. In 1999,119,357 new books were published in the United States. The following year, the total increased 2.3% to 122,108. In 2001, 141,000 new books were pub lished, and in 2002, 150,000 were released (+6.4% over 2001). This meant that 17.12 new books saw the light of day every hour of the day, including Saturdays, Sundays, and all holidays. Every book is a new product. Readers discover their preferences and spread in formation, both positive and negative, via the "information cascade." There is dual-sided uncertainty about every book. An author or editor does not know with any real precision prior to the publication date whether readers will find and enjoy a specific book, and readers do not know in advance whether they will enjoy a spe cific book. This means that editors and publishers gamble on whether a book will succeed in a busy market. This process produces complex dynamics. A successful book generates reve nues for booksellers, publishers, and authors. An unsuccessful title is returned, per haps remaindered, perhaps destroyed. De Vany and Walls insisted that this dynamic path was so multifaceted that the Bose-Einstein gas molecule distribution model had to be employed to understand these complexities. De Vany and Walls argued that consumers tend to behave the way the gas molecules act when released into a sealed container: At some point in time, and no one knows when, and at some loca tion, and no one knows where, the molecules cluster. A clustering process takes place among readers, and groups of people will all buy the same book, but no one knows for sure when and why this occurs. It just happens because of the impact of the information cascade, fashion, style, trends, taste, etc. In essence, authors, book sellers, editors, and marketers do not know with any precision how this process works (and of course consumer research is exceptionally rare in book publishing).
CONSUMER BOOK PUBLISHING
7
Amazon.com carefully tracks this clustering phenomenon on both the state and local levels. For example, on July 11,2003, Amazon.com reported that the top ten best selling books in Upland, California were: The Things They Carried: A Work of Fiction; Heart of Darkness', The Authoritative Guide to the Glycemic Index—The Dietary Solution for Lifelong Health; Harry Potter and the Order of the Phoenix; The King of Torts; Dr. Atkins' New Diet Revolution; 500 Low-Carb Recipes: 500 Recipes from Snacks to Dessert That the Whole Family Will Love; The Lovely Bones; The Power of Now: A Guide to Spiritual Enlightenment; and Prey: A Novel. On the same day, Amazon.com reported an entirely different cluster of best-selling books in Trenton, New Jersey: Lidia 's Italian-American Kitchen; To The Nines: A Stephanie Plum Novel; Common Sense; Visions of Sugar Plums; Dating Game; Falling Angels; Kitchen Privileges: A Memoir; Curves: Permanent Results Without Permanent Dieting; Useful Idiots: How Liberals Got It Wrong in the Cold War and Still Blame America First; and Harry Potter and the Order of the Phoenix. The im mensely popular Stephanie Plum novels (To The Nines: A Stephanie Plum Novel and Visions of Sugar Plums), are written by best-selling author Janet Evanovich and involve a bounty hunter living in Trenton. In essence, De Vany and Walls posited, following the lead of William Goldman, that no one knows anything, and anything can happen, and it usually does.6 The end result is that a small number of books (perhaps 20%) dominate sales (accounting for perhaps 80% of all sales), resulting in the so-called "power law" (known to econo mists at the "Pareto Distribution"). This means that unit book sales and revenues do not follow a normal bell curve, market shares change constantly, and success in the past is no guarantee of success in the future—rather unsettling thoughts. The Publishing Cycle
The Bible tells us that in the beginning was the Word; and in a sense that is also true for book publishing, inasmuch as it all starts when a writer inscribes his or her thoughts on paper (or more likely onto a computer screen). The author's goal in writing a book is to educate, entertain, or spark a debate. Yet there is another objective. Samuel Johnson wrote that only a blockhead does not write for money, so for some authors the paramount goal is to make money or to seek fame and glory (or more likely all three). Yet whatever the motive, the stark reality of writing means that the author toils alone, for writing is a singular, hard profession. Once the book is complete, the writer terminates this solitary activity and seeks to get his or her manuscript published. Now the author's objective changes. He or she needs a publisher willing to tender a contract to have the novel, biography, or monograph edited, printed, reviewed, publicized, distributed, and, hopefully, read by as many people as possible. This means entering the complex, sometimes myste rious book publishing industry. Again, the Bible tells us that many are called but few are chosen, which aptly describes the perils most authors confront. 6William Goldman, "The Screenwriter," in The Movie Business Book, ed. Jason E. Squire (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1992), p. 86.
8
CHAPTER 1
A book is published because an editor believes the manuscript has great liter ary merit, makes a convincing argument, has commercial potential, or "needs to be published." In a market economy, the objectives of most publishers are rather modest: to sell enough copies to pay the publishing house's employees, taxes, and other expenses while making a contribution to the world of letters. Hopefully, a profit can be made and a royalty paid to the author. Among university press pub lishers, the goal is somewhat different; their mission is to make a contribution to scholarship while trying to pay the bills.7 Hope springs eternal, especially among publishers. Novice writers often assume that book publishing is a neat, symmetrical world filled with editors, marketers, graphic designers, booksellers, distributors, typeset ters, printers, agents, book reviewers, and countless other professionals eager to ad vance the author's reputation, support good literature, and further the pursuit of knowledge. In reality, this is rarely the case. Book publishing in the United States in the 21st century is a frenetic, fast-paced world of thousands of publishing compa nies employing more than 90,000 individuals, issuing more than 150,000 new titles annually, keeping over 3.5 million distinct titles in print, and generating approxi mately $26 billion annually in net publishers' revenues. The book industry is a big business. A publishing house performs a number of discrete functions. They are: 1. Content acquisition: acquiring a manuscript from an author. 2. Content development: developing and enhancing the manuscript via the editorial process. 3. Book design: creating the look of the book's cover and pages. 4. Management of the production cycle: creating cost analysis documents and production cycle estimates. 5. Prepress, printing, and binding: preparing the finished product. 6. Marketing: determining the suggested retail price, crafting a campaign to market and promote the book. 7. Sales: selling the book in the channels of distribution. 8. Fulfillment: managing the warehouse and distribution of books into channels of distribution; supervising all book returns. 9. Customer service: handling all inquiries and orders from customers be fore, during, and in the after-sale period for new titles as well as for all backlist titles. 10. Other revenue stream: supervising all sub rights, foreign rights, foreign sales licensing activities, special sales, etc. This chapter analyzes some of this industry's characteristics. The aim is to pro vide the reader with insight into the complex structure of book publishing in the United States. 7
Richard Abel and Lyman W. Newlin,Scholarly Publishing: Books, Journals, Publishers (New York: Wiley, 2002), pp. 17-35.
CONSUMER BOOK PUBLISHING
9
THE U.S. BOOK INDUSTRY What are the characteristics of the book industry in the United States? How many book establishments exist in this nation? How many individuals were employed by these corporations? How much were they paid? What was the value of shipments of these houses? Did book publishing experience any periods of economic instability? The U.S. book industry grew at a rapid, striking rate between 1967 and 1997 in spite of recessions and a period of enfeebling "stagflation." According to the U.S. De partment of Commerce's Bureau of the Census, there were 2,684 book-publishing es tablishments in this nation in 1997 (the last year Commerce released data), up 162.62% (jumping from 1,022) in the total number of establishments tracked by the Department between 1967 and 1997. The R. R. Bowker Company, publisher of The Literary Market Place and Books in Print, regularly tracks approximately 53,000 book publishers in this country. Why is there a discrepancy between the U.S. Government's tallies and Bowker's? To be counted by the Commerce Department, a publisher had to meet a mini mum level of business activity, which included: (1) at least one paid employee dur ing the year; (2) an employer identification number; and (3) book publishing as its primary business function. The net result was that about 50,000 "book publishers" in this nation could not meet these standards. To be consistent, Commerce's figures are used here, even though data on many small but functioning book publishers will be excluded. The total number of book industry employees increased from 52,000 in 1967 to 89,898 in 1997 (up 72.88%). This growth reflected a surge in title output and con sumption, strong increases in critically important library purchases, and a dramatic expansion in paperback demand in and after the 1970s. Did payrolls keep pace with this rise in employment? The Commerce Department's data indicated that the book industry's payroll increased 833.85%, growing from $390 million in 1967 to $3.64 billion in 1997. Traditionally, the average annual wage in the industry has lagged behind other components of the communications in dustry, especially periodicals (because of revenue streams from paid circulation, newsstand sales, and advertising space income). Frequently, magazines realized profits from the sale of mailing lists, the administration of merchandise programs, and, notably among business magazines, the management of trade shows. Starting with a book industry average wage of $7,498 in 1967, the industry in creased compensation levels, topping $26,531 in 1987 (+253.84%) but declining to $24,683 in 1997, a sign of some instability in this industry. Did book industry shipments keep pace with wage increases and inflation? The Department of Commerce revealed that the total value of book product shipments, which excludes all nonbook products (e.g., audio cassettes) or merchandise (i.e., games and puzzles) grew 444.73%, increasing from $2.13 billion in 1967 to over $11.6 billion in 1987; by 1997 it topped $22.65 billion. New capital expenditures (a barometer of current and future production) sustained a 740% rate of growth. Many book publishers purchased new office equipment, including much-needed com puter systems for editing, data management, accounting, royalties, and payroll.
10
CHAPTER 1
Some constructed modern, computerized warehouse facilities to expedite the deliv ery of books. Other firms invested heavily in enterprise software, able to monitor all aspects of a firm's operations from the receipt of a manuscript to the payment of roy alty fees. Table 1.1 outlines the industry's expansion during the years 1967-1997. Did inflation bloat the industry's numbers? Comparing the data in Table 1.1 with the Consumer Price Index (the CPI) for all urban consumers (issued monthly by the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics; this index measures inflation in this nation), the book industry's pattern of growth for product shipments between 1987 and 1997 topped 94.74%; the CPI increased 41.29% during those years, indicating real and not inflated progress. Growth Since 1996 An analysis of data released by the Book Industry Study Group, Inc. (BISG; a New York-based research organization representing a cross section of the book commu nity) revealed that books posted a 29.38% growth in net publishers' revenues be tween 1996 and 2002. Total amounts increased from $20.15 billion in 1996 to over $26 billion by 2002. The BISG's projections for 2003-2007 indicate a positive period of expansion of 18.33%, reaching $30.8 billion in 2007. Table 1.2 lists data for net publishers' revenues for 1993 through 2007. Book Publishing Establishments Since 1639 book publishinghas been clustered primarily on the east coast (mainly in the port cities of New York, Boston, and Philadelphia) and in Chicago. New York City became the center of the industry in the 19th century. Yet the United TABLE 1.1 The Book Industry in the United States: 1967-1997 (Millions of Dollars) Category
1967 1967
1977 1977
1987 1987
1997 1997
Establishments Employees
1,022
1,745 59,500
13,952 3,262
2,298 70,100 1,860 26,531 9,111
2,684 89,898 3,642 24,683 16,627
Value added by manufacturing
$ $
52,000 390 7,498 1,457
Value of product shipments
$
2,135
5,008
11,630
22,648
New capital expenditures
$
55
80
240
462
Payroll Annual payroll per employee
$
830
Source: U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, 7997 Censusof Manufacturers: Newspapers, Periodicals, Books, and Miscellaneous Publishing (Washington, DC: USGPO, 1999), p. 27A-6.
CONSUMER BOOK PUBLISHING
11
TABLE 1.2 The Book Industry 1988-2007 (Millions of Dollars) Year
Value of shipments
Employment
1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003* 2004* 2005* 2006* 2007*
17,394 18,178 19,485 20,148 20,973 22,341 23,759 24,577 24,564 26,068 26,781 27,695 28,744 29,783 30,845
76,000 77,000 N/A N/A 89,898 N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A
Sources: U.S. Department of Commerce, International Trade Administration, U.S. Industrial Outlook 1994 (Washington, DC: USGPO, 1994), pp. 24–11;Book Industry Trends 1995 (New York: Book Indus try Study Group, Inc., 1995), pp. 2–4. Book Industry Trends 2003 (New York: Book Industry Study Group, Inc., 2003), p. 32. *An Asterisk indicates a BISG Projection.
States witnessed a rather dramatic population migration away from eastern and midwestern urban centers after World War II, and the pace of this movement accel erated in the 1960s as individuals moved westward and southward. Did New York continue to hold its hegemony over the industry? Was there a change in the regional distribution of book establishments in this country? According to the 1997 Census of Manufacturers, more book publishers (380) called California home than any other state in the country, followed by New York, Illinois, Texas, and Massachusetts. However, New York was home to the largest book publishers generating the majority of all revenues. California was the largest book publishing state, with an impressive 375 corpo rations. The other principal states were Illinois, New Jersey, Massachusetts, and Florida. Pennsylvania was a distinct seventh. Table 1.3 outlines the growth in the number of book publishing establishments during these years.
TABLE 1.3 Book Publishing in the United States: Regional Market Share of Establishments 1987-1997
1997
Percent of total
Percent change 1987-1997
—
17
Region
1987
Percent of total
All States
2,298
—
2,684
Arizona California
61
2.27
375
16.32
380
14.16
Colorado Connecticut
69 72
2.57 2.68
District of Columbia Florida
18
0.67
86
3.74
3.80
Georgia Illinois
102 39
135
5.87
148 34
5.51 1.27
22
0.82
18
0.67
Louisiana
13
0.48
Maine
25
0.93
115 62
4.28
Indiana Iowa Kentucky
Massachusetts Michigan Missouri Nebraska New Hampshire New Jersey
91
112
New York
398
3.96
69 100
19
1.45 10
26
9
2.31 1.75 0.34
20
0.75
4.87
97
3.61
-13
17.32
329 70
12.26
-17
68
2.53
24
0.89 1.79
47
North Carolina Ohio Oklahoma Oregon Pennsylvania Tennessee Texas
1
3
4.32
48 80
2.61
2.98
43
1.60
141
5.25
41 (continued)
12
CONSUMER BOOK PUBLISHING
13
TABLE 1.3
Region
1987
Percent of total
(continued)
1997
Percent of total
Utah
34
1.27
Virginia
54
2.01
81 411
3.02
Washington Wisconsin
Percent change 1987-1997
1.53
Sources: U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, 7987 Census of Manufacturers: News papers, Periodicals, Books, and Miscellaneous Publishing (Washington, DC: GPO, 1989), pp. 27A-12 through 27A-13; U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of Census. 7997 Census of Manufacturers: Newspapers, Periodicals, Books and Miscellaneous Publishing (Washington, DC: GPO, 1999), p. 7.
Payroll
What were the payroll patterns? New York, long known for its high cost of doing business, traditionally paces the nation with the highest salary scales in almost ev ery industry. In 1987, New York paid out 33.77% of all book publishing wages in the nation; California was a distant third. New York's employment sails were trimmed, somewhat, by 1997 to only a 26.6 share. California also sustained a de crease. Table 1.4 outlines these trends. CASE STUDY: THE TITLE OUTPUT OF UNIVERSITY PRESSES AND COMMERCIAL ACADEMIC PUBLISHERS IN
2001
What types of new scholarly books are published in the United States? How many new books are released in specific book categories? What is the suggested retail price for these titles? Yankee Book Peddler (YBP) generates one of the best complete datasets for new title output. YBP supplies academic books to academic and public libraries, so their bibliographical tallies are exceptionally accurate. Please note that YBP utilized the Library of Congress (LC) book classification system as well as U.S. dollars in their reports. A review of their totals for academic books sheds light on the types of books publishers and editors at both university presses (e.g., Stanford, Northwestern, and Temple) and commercial academic publishers (e.g., W. W. Norton, Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, and Blackwell) published in 2001.
TABLE 1.4 Book Publishing in the United States: Regional Market Share of Annual Payroll (Millions of Dollars) 1987-1997
Region All States
1987 1,859.8
Percent of total —
Arizona California
164.3
8.83
1997
Percent of total
Percent change 1987-1997
3,643.0
—
96
12.4
0.34
306.4
8.41 2.22
Colorado
80.8
Connecticut
50.4
1.38
6.2
0.17
75.5
2.07
District of Columbia Florida
14.1
0.39
225.0
6.18
Indiana
68.4
1.88
Iowa
37.0
1.02
Kentucky
12.6
0.35
Louisiana
3.3
0.09
Maine
3.7
0.10
265.4
7.29
Georgia Illinois
Massachusetts
171.0
109.0
9.19
5.86
Michigan
38.7
1.06
Missouri
136.7
3.75
Nebraska
7.1
0.19
New Hampshire
5.1
0.14
86
32
143
New Jersey
116.2
6.25
235.9
6.48
103
New York
628.1
33.77
969.1
26.60
54
32.8
0.90
North Carolina
127.9
3.51
Oklahoma
13.7
0.38
Oregon
17.7
0.49
Ohio
Pennsylvania
44.6
2.4
157.7 34.4
4.33 0.94
36.2
4.32
163.8
4.50
Tennessee Texas
352 (continued)
14
CONSUMER BOOK PUBLISHING TABLE 1.4
Region
1987
Percent of total
15 (continued)
1997
Percent of total
Utah Virginia
5.6
0.15
43.5
1.19
Washington
19.0
0.52
Wisconsin
32.3
0.89
Percent change 1987-1997
Sources: U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of Census. 7987 Census of Manufacturers: Newspa pers, Periodicals, Books and Miscellaneous Publishing (Washington, DC: USGPO, 1987), pp. 27 A-10 through 27 A-11; U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of Census. 1997 Census of Manu facturers: Newspapers, Periodicals, Books and Miscellaneous Publishing (Washington, DC: GPO, 1999), pp. 13-15.
University Press Books Among all university presses, the average suggested retail price in 2001 was $46.21 for the 10,130 titles released by these presses. The largest LC subcategory in 2001 was the eclectic "language and literature," representing 22.87% of all university press output. The two largest areas in "language and literature" were American lit erature books (637 titles; average suggested price of $30.45) and English literature (505; $43.12). The other major subcategories included "social science-businesssociology" (1,357 new titles; $45.33 average suggested retail price; 13.4% of the total output), "philosophy and religion" (1,105; $43.78; 10.91%), and history (862; $50.01; 8.51%). University presses were also active in a number of highly esoteric book catego ries, including "manners and customs" (37 titles; average suggested retail price of $44.67), animal culture (47; $67.58), and pathology (11; $111.07). Many college and university faculty members (especially in the humanities and certain areas in the social sciences) seek out university presses for their research be cause of the pressing need to publish scholarly works at these presses in order to get hired, to receive tenure or a promotion, and to obtain salary merit increases. Some deans and academic vice presidents view university presses more "positively" than commercial publishers in the rigorous tenure process. Overall, university presses tend to issue fewer titles, have smaller print runs (often under 1,500), and pay lower advances (against royalties) and royalties than commer cial publishers. The primary trade-off for faculty members is unequivocally more at tention and hopefully a better final product versus the potential for more money. A related benefit centers on the fact that some universities "prefer" books published by a university press when evaluating a faculty member for tenure and promotion.
16
CHAPTER 1
Commercial Academic Publishers
Commercial academic publishers released 80.19% of all academic books pub lished in the United States and Canada (41,016; average suggested retail price: $60.99). These presses tend to be big, have access to larger sums of capital for new product development, royalties, and new capital expenses ("capital deepening" to our colleagues in economics), spend more time (and funds) to market new titles (es pecially at scholarly conferences), have dedicated field sales representatives (uni versity presses tend to rely on commissioned sales reps who work for many publishers), advertise rather extensively in key scholarly journals, and utilize broadly based direct marketing campaigns. Because of their large title output, these presses tend to dominate more book subcategories than university presses in the United States. Some of the largest subcategories include: economics, business, sociology, and the social sciences (6,034; $59.22 average suggested retail price; 14.71% of all new titles); mathe matics and the sciences (5,111; $87.95; 12.46%); medical-dental (3,769; $75.38; 9.19%); philosophy and religion (3,370; $49.52; 8.22%); and history (2124; $50.44; 5.18%). These commercial academic publishers have the ability to perform a number of substantive services for their authors and readers. Overall, the best publishers con stantly gather information about new changes in theories and technologies and the needs of the marketplace. They deal closely with academics and buyers at the large chains to insure that changes in the marketing environment are observed and scruti nized. They monitor effectively their competitors' products, manage brands (and brand extensions), design global marketing plans, and generally have rather sophis ticated online marketing services. Their sales representatives call frequently on fac ulty members and bookstore buyers. As for new technology, many of these houses have been at the forefront of adopting enterprise software to monitor completely the flow of a book, from manuscript to royalty payments. Their ability to target "slow payers," penetrate a market with superb products (sometimes but not always at competitive prices), and purchase paper in bulk separates them from the majority of university presses. They post profits often in the 18% to 22% range, but some houses often exceed that range. They are efficient, ubiquitous, and stiff competitors for authors and manuscripts. CASE STUDY: THE ACADEMIC LIBRARY MARKET FOR BOOKS
Libraries buy a significant number of books each year, and their percentage of net publishers' revenues remained relatively constant between 1996 and 2001: 1996, 8.89%; 1997, 8.91%; 1998, 8.88%; 1999, 8.89%; 2000, 8.87%; and 2001, 8.83%. By 2002, it declined to only 8.24%. However, a review of BISG data on total library budgets also revealed slippage, and in some years sharp slippage, in the budgetary allocations for books: 1996,48.43% of all materials expenditures went for books;
CONSUMER BOOK PUBLISHING
17
1997,47.73%; 1998,47.41%; 1999,47.1%; 2000,46.65%; and 2001,46.27%. By 2002, the tally sank to 45.9%.8 Libraries have been adversely affected by draconian increases in serials costs (i.e., the subscription costs for scholarly journals and periodicals). As the cost for serials surged (a phenomenon called the "serials crisis" by librarians and publish ers), fewer dollars were available for scholarly books (generally called "mono graphs"). The BISG data revealed that whereas "all library" (i.e., public, school, university, and special libraries) spending for materials (i.e., nonbooks) increased more than 4.8% between 2000 and 2002, the percentage of funds allocated for books lagged (+4%). This gap is projected by BISG to remain essentially intact through 2007 in the "all library" category.9 This problem is acute in the college and university library market, which has tra ditionally accounted for more than one out of every four dollars spent by libraries on books. By 2002, this figure dropped to about 23%. Compounding this situation is the inevitable need of libraries to acquire and main tain sophisticated computer hardware and software to automate check-out and overdue-book charging systems, replace card catalog systems, and provide computer databases for patrons. Training costs associated with existing and upgraded computer systems subtracted additional dollars away from books in already tight budgets. A review of data released by the Association of Research Libraries (ARL) for their 46 members revealed the seriousness of this "serials crisis" for book publish ers (please note that ARL was unable to gather annual data for all 46 members in ev ery category). Between 2000 and 2001, the average ARL member had a base budgetary increase of 5.8%. Table 1.5 outlines this trend. The increase for elec tronic expenditures was a 13.5% between 2000 and 2001, with the University of Ar izona, Johns Hopkins, and the University of Texas at Austin all posting increases beyond the 20% mark. Table 1.6 outlines these trends. A review of serials and book allocations illuminates the severity of this problem. Academic libraries are spending fewer dollars for books. The ARL average budget was split 62.2% for serials and only 33.5% for scholarly books; rather small amounts were budgeted for binding costs. However, a number of libraries exceeded this "62-33" ratio, including Arizona State University (75.8% for serials), the Uni versity of British Columbia (73%), Rutgers University (73%), and the University of Washington (76.4%). Table 1.7 outlines these trends. The end result for U.S. book publishers was unsettling. Fewer library book dollars meant fewer book sales. Some industry experts estimate that the worldwide market for the average scholarly book is only 300 units. Inasmuch as the BISG estimates for 2003 through 2007 indicate additional slippage in academic library book allocations, it is likely that many publishers will be compelled to reevaluate (perhaps downward) book title output,a development that could have a catastrophic impact on scholarship, the financial health of some U.S. publishers, and the reading population. Book Industry Study Group, Inc., Book Industry Trends 2003 (New York: Book Industry Study Group, Inc., 2003), pp. 229-234. 9Ibid.
TABLE 1.5
00
Library Budget Survey for Institutions, 2000–2001 Institution name
2000 Library expenses
2001 Base increase
2007 Budget
2007 Budget one
$17,736,178 17,534,845 20,070,847
0.0% 1.0%
$8,043,400 6,218,464
5.9%
7,599,770
33,657,000
4.0%
0
11.7%
California, Los Angeles Chicago
16,086,769 33,317,933 22,315,487
11,106,000 500,400
7.8%
11,334,593
8.7%
11,334,593
2,244,639 337,141
Columbia Cornell
37,134,503
6.0%
10,235,367
0
Duke
17,330,930
4.6%
6,650,460
240,000
2,798,982
9.6%
10,287,886
1,552,984
Indiana
23,450,135
8.9%
Iowa
17,791,096
5.0%
7,308,285 7,683,982
Arizona Arizona State British Columbia California, Berkeley California, Davis
$300,000 1,007,616 0
Florida Georgia Harvard Illinois, Urbana
2001 Budget
2001 Budget one
Institution name
2000 Library expenses
Johns Hopkins
24,302,865
5.8%
9,762,045
Kansas
12,322,110
7.2%
5,152,488
234,102
Michigan
35,866,956
6.5%
14,251,312
0
28,694,958
7.0%
0
Northwestern
16,212,253
5.2%
6,211,740
501,188
Ohio State
20,706,001
5.7%
8,484,722
641,705
Pennsylvania
37,923,952
5.8%
9,277,741
Pennsylvania State
32,217,056
2001 Base increase
Michigan State Minnesota New York North Carolina
10,393,892
200,000
6,140,703
1,081,500
Pittsburgh Princeton Rutgers
23,084,234
1.6%
Southern California Stanford SUNY-Buffalo so
(continued)
TABLE 1.5 Institution name Texas
2000 Library expenses
(continued)
2001 Base increase
2001 Budget
2007 Budget one 2,150,000
21,026,857
4.0%
8,274,486
14,588,450
NA
7,567,213
Wisconsin
25,465,127
6.8%
6,473,766
Yale
47,251,520
Texas A&M Toronto Virginia Washington
Center for Research Libraries Library of Congress National Agricultural Library National Library of Medicine
34,978,000
5.0%
New York Public Library
47,913,722
5.0%
10,673,816
26,173,621
5.8%
8,632,153
Smithsonian Institution Average
Source: Association of Research Libraries, Washington, DC.
TABLE 1.6 Library Budget Survey for Institutions, Electronic Budgets, 2000–2001 Institution Name
2000 Electronic expenditures
% of budget
2001 E-Budget allocation
$1,879,533
23.3%
$1,284,398
Arizona State
1,343,877
18.4%
1,261,673
British Columbia
1,351,743
17.5%
1,209,036
California, Berkeley
525,619
5.0%
600,000
California, Davis
197,413
3.4%
206,389
1,183,947
12.4%
1,283,000
Cornell
1,329,551
12.0%
Duke
1,046,601
15.3%
776,775
887,506
8.7%
577,131
Arizona
California, Los Angeles Chicago Columbia
Florida Georgia Harvard Illinois, Urbana Indiana 2
(continued)
22 Institution Name
TABLE 1.6 2000 Electronic expenditures
(continued) % of budget
2001 E-Budget allocation
Iowa
1,104,934
16.0%
Johns Hopkins
2,007,479
21.0%
568,848
11.8%
810,423
2,000,926
14.5%
2,159,657
890,397
15.0%
251,126 970,000
Kansas Michigan Michigan State Minnesota New York
911,000
North Carolina Northwestern
764,998
10.0%
Pennsylvania
1,311,979
14.8%
Pennsylvania State
1,307,022
15.0%
1,819,317
1,019,978
13.8%
2,300,000
Ohio State
Pittsburgh Princeton Rutgers Southern California (continued)
Institution Name
2000 Electronic expenditures
% of budget
2001 E-Budget allocation
Stanford SUNY-Buffalo Texas
1,905,585
21.6%
1,500,000
1,270,354
15.0%
NA
909,064
13.3%
Texas A&M Toronto Virginia Washington Wisconsin Yale
1,370,000
Center for Research Libraries Library of Congress National Agricultural Library National Library of Medicine New York Public Library
718,857
3.0%
825,000
1,018,197
9.0%
1,020,000
1,163,100
13.5%
1,098,051
Smithsonian Institution Average
2 3
Source: Association of Research Libraries, Washington DC.
TABLE 1.7 Library Budget Survey for Institutions, Percent of Budget By Type, 2001 Institution name
Serials
Mono
Binding
Arizona
41.0%
29.0%
2.1%
Arizona State
75.8%
37.9%
2.9%
British Columbia
73.0%
27.0%
0.0%
California, Berkeley
52.0%
48.0%
7.0%
California, Davis
60.6%
34.7%
4.7%
California, Los Angeles
56.3%
38.1%
5.6%
Chicago
64.3%
35.7%
Cornell
54.0%
34.0%
1.0%
Duke
63.1%
33.5%
3.5%
Illinois, Urbana
62.0%
31.0%
4.0%
Columbia
Florida Georgia Harvard Indiana
63.0%
37.0%
3.5%
Iowa
65.0%
32.0%
3.0%
Johns Hopkins
65.0%
35.0%
Kansas
64.6%
32.5%
2.9%
Michigan
59.3%
38.2%
2.6%
53.0%
33.0%
5.0%
Northwestern
57.5%
39.9%
2.6%
Ohio State
67.7%
32.3%
0.0%
Pennsylvania
63.1%
36.6%
Pennsylvania State
58.0%
22.0%
4.0%
73.0%
27.0%
2.6% (continued)
Michigan State Minnesota New York North Carolina
Pittsburgh Princeton Rutgers
24
CONSUMER BOOK PUBLISHING
25
TABLE 1.7 Institution name
(continued)
Serials
Mono
Binding
76.4%
21.5%
3.1%
62.2%
33.5%
3.2%
Southern California Stanford SUNY–Buffalo Texas Texas A&M Toronto Virginia Washington Wisconsin Yale Center for Research Libraries Library of Congress National Agricultural Library National Library of Medicine New York Public Library Smithsonian Institution Average
Source: Association of Research Libraries, Washington, DC.
CHAPTER TWO
Book Title Output, Categories, Sales, Returns, and the Channels of Distribution How many books are published in the United States? How many book categories are there? How many titles are returned by booksellers and distributors? Why are there book returns? What are the major channels of book distribution in the United States? TITLE OUTPUT: 1880–2002 Jean Peters explored the United States frontlist (i.e., a new title) output in Book In dustry Statistics From the R. R. Bowker Company. Backlist titles were excluded; a backlist book is an old title (generally more than 9 months old) that remains in print and continues to sell months and possibly years (and sometimes decades) after its original publication. There are more than 3.5 million distinct titles in print accord ing to Bowker's definitive Books In Print. Peters revealed that more than 1.8 million new titles were issued between 1880 and 1989. Of that total, nearly half (49.56%; 913,197 books) were issued by U.S. book publishers between 1970 and 1989: 1970–1979, 402,911 books; and 1980–1989,510,286. As for the 1990s, title output surged, exceeding the 700,000 mark and setting new records. Between 1997 and 2001, title output averaged almost 120,000 titles annually, and in 2002 the total number gushed to almost 150,000.1 'jean Peters, "Book Industry Statistics From the R. R. Bowker Company," Publishing Research Quarterly 8(Fall 1992): p. 18; and Andrew Grabois, "Book Title Output and Average Prices: 2001 Final and 2002 preliminary Figures," in The Bowker Annual: Library and Book Trade Almanac 2003, 48th edition, Dave Bogart (Ed.) (Medford, NJ: Information Today, Inc., 2003), pp. 512–517. For a response to Peters' research study, see John P. Dessauer, "The Growing Gap in Book Industry Statistics," Publishing Research Quarterly 9(Summer 1993): pp. 68–71. Also see Brian Bergman, "Publish and Perish," Maclean's, 17 October 1994, p. 50; John P. Dessauer, "U.S. Retail Book Sales by Subject," Book Re search Quarterly, 2(Winter 1986–1987): pp. 15-17.
26
THE CHANNELS OF DISTRIBUTION
27
NET PUBLISHERS' REVENUES AND NET PUBLISHERS' UNITS
Book Industry Trends 2003 (published by the Book Industry Study Group; BISG) revealed that $162.43 billion worth of books, representing 17.03 billion copies, were sold by U.S. publishers between 1996 and 2002. BISG utilized net publishers' revenues (i.e., gross dollar sales minus book returns equals net pub lishers' revenues) and net publishers' units (i.e., gross unit sales minus returns equals net publishers' units in calculating these totals; subscription reference books were included in these tallies in Book Industry Trends 2003).2 Table 2.1 outlines these trends covering the years 1996-2002 (with historical data for 1989 through 1995). BOOK CATEGORIES
Book Industry Trends 2003 utilized nine distinct book categories: trade (adult and juvenile, fiction and nonfiction; both issued in hardcover and paperback versions); mass-market paperback (fiction and nonfiction); book clubs (fiction and nonfiction; hardcover and paperback); mail order books (fiction and non fiction; hardcover and paperback); religious (mainly nonfiction; hardcover and paperback); professional (business, law, scientific, technical, and medical; all nonfiction; hardcover and paperback); university press (almost entirely nonfic tion; hardcover and paperback); Elhi (elementary and high school textbooks, re lated readers, etc.; fiction and nonfiction; hardcover and paperback); and college (textbooks, related readers, etc.; fiction and nonfiction; hardcover and paperback). Trade Books
Most Americans read trade books and bestsellers. In 1996, trade books held the largest market share in both dollar ($5.64 billion, representing 29.03% of all book sales in this country; subscription reference books were excluded in all of the fol lowing calculations; all numbers were rounded off) and unit sales (845 million units; 35.55% of all units sold). Adult trade book sales exceeded the $4.2 billion mark (slightly more than a 21.5% market share), with hardcovers capturing more than $2.57 billion and paperbacks in the $1.6 billion range. This is also the most vis ible book niche as fiction and nonfiction bestsellers traditionally come from this
Book Industry Study Group, Book Industry Trends 2003 (New York: Book Industry Study Group, 2003), p. 32; also see Rajeev K. Tyagi, "Cost Leadership and Pricing," Economic Letters, 72,2(August 2001), pp. 189-193; Lindsay Meredith and Dennis Maki, "Product Cannibalization and the Role of Prices," Applied Economics, 33, 14(2000), pp. 1785-1793.
28
CHAPTER 2
TABLE 2.1 Total Book Sales: 1989-2007 (Millions of Dollars; Millions of Units)
Year
Net dollar sales
Percent change from previous year
Net unit sales
Percent change from previous year
1989
14,110.8
+11.18
2,142.0
+6.92
1990
14,855.2
5.28
2,144.3
0.11
1991
15,568.7
4.80
2,181.0
1.71
1992
16,329.1
4.88
2,192.3
0.52
1993
17,394.4
6.52
2,221.9
1.35
1994
18,178.1
4.51
2,274.4
2.36
1995
19,485.0
7.19
2,337.6
2.78
1996
20,147.7
3.40
2,378.3
1.74
1997
20,972.7
4.09
2,335.4
-1.80
1998
22,340.6
6.52
2,413.5
3.34
1999
23,758.6
6.35
2,504.9
3.79
2000
24,577.2
3.45
2,493.2
–0.47
2001
24,564.0
–0.05
2,411.3
-3.28
2002
26,068.0
6.12
2,488.3
3.19
2003*
26,781.0
2.74
2,475.0
–0.53
2004*
27,695.0
3.41
2,493.0
0.73
2005*
28,744.0
3.79
2,503.0
0.40
2006*
29,783.0
3.61
2,528.0
0.96
2007*
30,845.0
3.57
2,577.4
1.94
Source: Book Industry Trends 1995 (New York: Book Industry Study Group, 1995), pp. 2-4 through 2-9; Book Industry Trends 2003 (New York: Book Industry Study Group, 2003), pp. 32-36. *Indicatesa BISG projection.
group. Trade titles almost always include a cluster of "celebrity books" (i.e., a title by or about a well-known personality). Juvenile titles comprise the second part of the trade list. Juvenile hardcover and paperback sale tallies declined steadily in the mid-1990s, revealing a glut of titles on the market. BISG reported that $ 1.45 billion (7.45% share) and 379 million units
29
THE CHANNELS OF DISTRIBUTION
were sold in 1996.3 Hardcover totals stood at $867.7 million with paperbacks at $579.9 million. Table 2.2 outlines these trends. By 2002, trade books jumped to $6.9 billion (+22.8% since 1996). Adult trade was up 21.43%, and juvenile surged 26.66% (triggered by the phenomenal success of the Harry Potter series). BISG's estimates for 2003-2007 in the trade sector are rather consistent. Modest growth trends are projected in 2003 for trade, adult, and juvenile; as for 2004–2007, relatively small gains are anticipated. Table 2.3 outlines these trends. Mass-Market Paperbacks
Mass-market paperbacks are popular, ubiquitous, and relatively inexpensive. In 1996 they accounted for $1.55 billion in sales (an 8% market share) but 527.2 milTABLE 2.2 Publisher's Net Dollar Sales 1996-2002 (In Millions) Categories
7996
1997
1998
7999
2000
2001
2002
Trade total Adult trade
5,643.0 4,195.4
5,774.1
6,792.1
6,540.8
Juvenile trade 1,447.6
1,378.8
4,586.6 1,954.2
Mass market PB
1,555.1
1,433.8
1,489.1 1,514.1
5,083.9 1,708.2
6,369.9 4,553.7
6,929.80
4,395.3
6,148.9 4,659.8
1,552.0
Book clubs
1,091.8 579.5 1,093.4 3,985.0 390.0
1,143.1
1,209.4
521.0 1,132.7 4,156.4 400.0
470.5 1,178.0 4,418.7 430.0
1,272.0 412.8 1,216.9 4,720.4
2,618.0 2,485.8
3,005.4 2,669.7
3,315.0 2,888.6
Mail order Religious Professional University press Elhi College
1,816.2
5,096.30 1,833.50
1,559.2
1,546.6
1,726.80
1,291.6
1,463.30 333.50
450.0
431.8 1,246.9 5,129.5 450.0
1,334.5 353.9 1,305.1 4,739.1 443.0
1,262.20 5,140.10 444.00
3,424.7 3,128.8
3,881.2 3,237.1
4,183.6 3,468.9
4,073.30 3,898.20
Source: Book Industry Trends 2003 (New York: Book Industry Study Group, 2003), p. 32.
Susan B. Neuman, Donna C. Celano, Albert N. Greco, and Pamela Shue, Access for All: Closing the Book Gap for Children in Early Education (Newark, DE: International Reading Association, 2001), pp. 12–21; Richard F. Abrahamson and Betty Carter, "What We Know about Nonfiction and Young Adult Readers and What We Need to Do About It," Publishing Research Quarterly 8(Spring 1992), pp. 41–54; Richard C. Anderson and Linda G. Fielding, "Children's Book Reading Habits: A New Criterion for Lit eracy," Book Research Quarterly 2(Fall 1986), pp. 72-86; and Susan B. Neuman, "Television and Children's Reading Behavior," Book Research Quarterly 1(Spring 1985), pp. 63–67.
30
CHAPTER 2
TABLE 2.3 Publisher's Net Dollar Sales Estimates 2003-2007 (In Millions) Categories
2003
2004
2005
2006
2007
Trade total
7,098.1
7,276.6
7,398.4
7,607.3
7,785.1
Adult trade
5,237.6
5,229.3
5,361.1
5,541.6
5,676.1
Juvenile trade
1,860.5
2,047.3
2,037.3
2,065.7
2,109.0
Mass market PB
1,728.4
1,767.4
1,812.5
1,858.6
1,905.8
Book clubs
1,517.0
1,548.7
1,585.7
1,623.7
1,662.8
Mail order
270.8
235.5
176.9
130.7
71.3
Religious
1,300.6
1,333.3
1,370.4
1,408.3
1,447.0
Professional
5,224.0
5,355.0
5,504.2
5,656.7
5,812.6
458.3
471.5
486.2
501.0
516.1
Elhi
4,114.0
4,261.1
4,599.5
4,845.3
5,171.5
College
4,247.9
4,602.2
4,942.7
5,259.1
5,554.5
University press
Source: Book Industry Trends 2002 (New York: Book Industry Study Group, 2002), p. 36.
lion units (a hefty 22.18% of all U.S. unit sales). The basic mass-market paperback marketing strategy has not changed since the days of Ian Ballantine: low prices (with suggested retail prices often in the $4.99 to $6.99 price range); high volume; high returns; and a "no guts, no glory" selling concept. The mass-market sector posted exceptionally striking results between 1996 and 2001, and net publishers' sales jumped to $1.73 billion (+11.04%). The prognosis through 2007 is upbeat. Sales should reach the $1.91 billion mark. This is a hit-or-miss book category, but its share of the market should hold firm between 2003 and 2007, assuming a steady flow of new titles and reprinted hardcover titles and reasonable prices. Table 2.4 outlines unit sales between 1996 and 2001, reveal ing modest growth patterns in the trade book category. Book Clubs Growing from a solid sales revenue base in the early 1990s, tallies for the late 1990s were positive in spite of stiff competition from superstores, discount stores, price clubs, and the Internet. Dollar sales were strong in 1996 ($1.1 billion), and unit sales hovered near the $135 million mark. By 2002, sales reached $1.46 billion (+34.03%). Projections for the rest of the decade (2003 through 2007) are somewhat mod est, with 2003 expected to reach $1.51 billion and $1.66 billion in 2007. These projected trends indicate that the highly visible consolidation in the book club
THE CHANNELS OF DISTRIBUTION
31
world (and concomitant marketing and distribution efficiencies) might not be able to handle the increasingly stiff competition from superstores, price clubs, and discount stores. Mail Order Books The mail order book market was in a state of free fall by the mid-1990s, a clear indi cation its traditional market was being challenged seriously by superstores, dis count stores, and price clubs. Annual dollar sales declined steadily between 1996 ($579.5 million) and 2002 ($333.5 million; –42.5%). Projections through 2007 were at best bleak. Dollar sales were pegged to decline sharply between 2003 ($270.8 million) and 2007 ($71.9 million). This category's share of the market will be barely visibly by 2007. If these projections materialize, it is possible that both the AAP and BISG will stop monitoring this category. Religious Publishing Religious publishing was rather active in the years after 1996. Dollar sales in creased between 1996 ($1.1 billion) and 2002 ($1.26 billion; +15.44%). This niche has two distinct categories: (1) bibles, testaments, and so on; and (2) other religious publications. In the bible/testament group, dollar sales topped $294.8 million in 1996 and reached $304.7 million in 2002 (+3.36%). The "other religious" category (inspirational works, biographies, autobiogra phies, histories, etc.) outperformed the bible sector, reaching $957.5 million in 2002. The 5-year projection (through 2007) is moderately optimistic for revenues ($1.44 billion; +14.63% since 2002). There will be no substantive change in religion's share of the market. Professional Publishing Professional titles are grouped by BISG into four categories: business; law; medi cal; and technical, scientific, and other; however, many industry analysts combine scientific, medical, and technical into one pool (called STM). These are not text books; they are titles used by professionals in a business, perhaps loan officers at fi nancial service institutions, marketers, or accountants seeking the latest information about changes in generally accepted accounting principles (GAAP). One might assume that most professional titles are issued in hardbound format; the opposite is the case. Of the 163.9 million professional books sold in the United States in 1996,38.87% were hardbound and 61.13% were paperback. By 2002, the totals stood at 38.66% cloth and 61.34% paperback. In 1996, dollar revenues came predominantly from hardback sales ($2.9 billion, representing 72.82% of total revenues of $3.96 billion); paperbacks totaled $1.1 billion. By 2002, cloth totals stood at $3.74 billion (for a 72.8% share of the mar ket), whereas paperbacks generated almost $1.4billion in net sales (a27.2% share).
32
CHAPTER 2
TABLE 2.4 Publishers' Total Units, 1996–2001 (Millions of Books) Categories
7996
1997
1998
1999
2000
2001
Trade total
845.0
818.8
860.3
934.7
903.9
845.7
Adult trade
465.1
476.5
496.6
529.0
457.1
442.1
Juvenile trade
379.9
342.3
363.7
405.7
446.8
403.6
Mass market PB
527.2
473.2
483.7
485.1
471.3
454.9
Book clubs
135.5
137.4
141.6
145.7
143.1
143.5
Mail order
96.4
85.7
78.1
65.5
65.3
52.0
Religious
162.8
166.6
170.5
173.7
170.8
174.0
Professional
163.9
165.2
170.3
177.8
186.7
168.1
26.8
28.3
29.7
32.0
31.0
29.5
Elhi
256.9
290.8
302.2
305.4
333.6
348.6
College
162.6
168.2
175.9
183.8
186.3
193.8
University press
Source: Book Industry Trends 2002 (New York: Book Industry Study Group, 2002), p. 40.
This niche will post respectable revenue increases between 2003 ($5.22 billion; $3.8 billion cloth and $1.42 billion paper) and 2007 ($5.8 billion; $4.2 billion cloth and about $1.58 billion in paper), although unit increases will be marginal. Market share will vary slightly between 2003 (19.51%) and 2007 (18.84%). Professional titles have been issued in both print and electronic formats since the 1970s, and the electronic distribution of professional titles in the late 1990s cut into unit and dollar sales. Additional inroads, and perhaps significant ones, will occur by 2007. Interest in business issues and books has grown steadily since 1996 due to a combination of factors: uncertainty about the economy after the Internet bubble burst in April 2000; the recession of March 2001; the impact of the terrorist attack on September 11,2001; concerns about the impact of mergers, acquisitions, and fi nancial irregularities (triggered by a number of major accounting scandals) on busi ness; and a surge in the total number of students registered in business degree programs and courses. However, this interest translated into increased business book unit sales. Revenues stood at $721 million in 1996, escalating to $1.01 billion in 2002 (+41.07% since 1996). Revenues should top $1.27 billion by 2007. While many editorial writers quibbled over the state of the legal profession in this nation in the mid-1990s, sales of professional law books exploded, jumping from $1.4 billion in 1996 to $2 billion in 2002 (+42.86% since 1996). By 2007, dol lar revenues should top $2.4 billion (+20% since 2002).
THE CHANNELS OF DISTRIBUTION
33
Professional medical publishing also grew because of the information explosion in the scientific-technical-medical (STM) field. Unfortunately, much of the growth took place in the electronic (nonprint) arena. Print revenues increased from a healthy $815.8 million in 1996 to $961.2 million in 2002 (+17.82% since 1996). Sales deterioration was evident in this niche, and the prognosis for the future is un impressive, ranging between $924.6 million in 2003 to only $970.7 million in 2007. Medical publishing will continue to undergo a metamorphosis as more products are released electronically, cutting deeply into print unit sales. The last component is the eclectic technical, scientific, and other (TSO) area. As long as English remains the primary international language in this field, the sale of American TSO products shoulld post positive (if unspectacular) growth rates be cause this niche has been affected by the electronic distribution of TSO content. Results for 1996 ($1 billion) through 2002 ($1.16 billion; + 16%) were barely acceptable. The projected sales through between 2003 ($1.12) and 2007 ($1.19 bil lion) will be tiny. Table 2.5 outlines these trends. University Presses University presses publish serious nonfiction titles in a wide array of disciplines from economics to film studies to literature. Twenty-five presses issue titles in orig inal fiction (e.g., Southern Methodist and Arkansas) and 28 publish poetry (e.g., Il linois and Carnegie-Mellon). The goal of a university press is to transmit TABLE 2.5 Publishers' Total Units, 2003-2007 (Millions of Units) Categories
2003
2004
2005
2006
2007
Trade total
880.8
888.9
881.9
886.9
890.7
Adult trade
485.0
471.1
474.4
481.9
485.1
Juvenile trade
395.9
417.8
407.5
405.0
405.6
Mass market PB
480.1
477.7
477.0
476.6
488.7
Book clubs
154.8
154.9
154.0
154.6
155.4
Mail order
38.1
32.3
23.6
17.2
9.3
Religious
164.6
164.6
165.1
165.7
166.3
Professional
175.3
175.6
175.9
177.3
180.0
28.5
28.6
28.8
29.0
29.2
Elhi
326.5
330.3
345.8
358.9
377.5
College
224.8
238.5
249.6
260.4
268.3
University press
Source: Book Industry Trends 2003 (New York: Book Industry Study Group, 2003), p. 35.
34
CHAPTER 2
knowledge and extend the classroom into the community. Although small in num ber (approximately 121 presses belong to the Association of American University Presses; AAUP) and output, their reach is felt in the publishing community because of cutting edge research. BISG relied on AAUP (and not AAP) calculations for their historical data; AAUP annually conducts a complete census of its members, and their totals are considered highly reliable. Total sales were $390 million in 1996; by 1999, this tally topped the $450 mil lion mark. Unfortunately, anemic results were posted for 2000 ($450 million), 2001 ($443 million), and 2002 ($444 million). Projections in 2003 ($458.3 million) through 2007 ($516.1 million; +12.61% between 2003 and 2007) are modest. Their net publishers' revenue market share in 2002 was a 1.7% share, and it will hover near that mark through 2007. Unit data also peaked in 1998 (32 million), slipping to 28.5 million in 2002. Unit sales will remain in the 28 million range between 2003 (28.5 million) and 2007 (29.2 million). Table 2.6 outlines unit trends. Elhi
The elementary and high school (Elhi) textbook, reference book, and related mate rials market is a big business, accounting for 13.47% of the national dollar sales ($2.6 billion). By 2002, Elhi revenues reached $4.1 billion (and a 15.63% share). TABLE 2.6 Domestic Consumer Expenditures, 1996–2001 (Millions of Dollars) Categories
7996
1997
1998
1999
2000
2001
Trade total
9,502.1
9,700.9
10,349.5
10,787.9
11,514.4
11,051.6
Adult trade
7,002.0
7,339.3
7,791.3
8,141.5
8,690.7
8,448.3
Juvenile trade
2,500.1
2,361.6
2,558.2
2,646.4
2,823.7
2,603.3
Mass market PB
2,408.3
2,220.4
2,348.0
2,456.7
2,622.2
2,602.0
Book clubs
1,061.4
1,111.5
1,176.0
1,233.1
1,316.2
1,368.9
Mail order
598.6
538.7
486.5
553.1
590.3
551.4
Religious
1,890.4
1,958.3
2,037.0
2,150.5
2,295.4
2,413.4
Professional
4,277.3
4,464.7
4,750.9
4,958.6
5,292.7
4,869.9
439.8
451.0
484.8
507.2
507.1
499.4
Elhi
2,531.7
2,910.7
3,215.6
3,294.4
3,516.3
3,797.6
College
2,920.0
3,110.2
3,365.0
3,483.1
3,717.8
4,019.8
University press
Source: Book Industry Trends 2002 (New York: Book Industry Study Group, 2002), p. 44.
THE CHANNELS OF DISTRIBUTION
35
Some media critics insist that electronic publishing products will make substan tial inroads into the printed Elhi market. In light of the precarious state of education in this nation, tight budgets, a changing student population in many urban centers, and a national average of 15 students per classroom computer, it seems difficult to believe that a radical transformation from print to electronic will occur by 2007. Another mitigating factor relates to the need of Elhi students to use printed work books and textbooks in order to perform homework assignments. Lastly, educators who seek to rely on adopting electronic publications in a nation that is not 100% computerized will create electronic "haves and have-nots," hardly an acceptable formula from an ethical or legal point of view. For the foreseeable future, the Elhi market is a print market. In all likelihood, BISG's printed book estimates for 2007 sales figures ($5.2 bil lion) and unit sales (377.5 million) should be realized (as will its estimated market share totals) because this niche is not ready to go electronic from a technology, eco nomic, or public policy point of view. College Textbooks
How can a market survive when the price of textbooks has become astronomical? For example, one of the best marketing textbooks on the market is Kotler's Mar keting Management, retailing at $105 (hardcover). Are textbooks pricing publish ers out of the market? Will used textbooks cannibalize this market? College professors select texts and other assigned readings, not the consumers who must purchase the item. As long as instructors are not sensitive enough to price issues, the marketplace will determine the retail cost of new (and used) textbooks. Yet the used textbook market, along with other practices (students sharing or copy ing textbooks), have made serious inroads into what is a lucrative publishing niche. Electronic published works will penetrate the college textbooks market. A siz able number of colleges invested substantial amounts in fiber optic lines and com puter centers. A small number of schools insist that every entering student purchase a computer. Textbook publishers wait for the day when they can sell a textbook online rather than printing copies on speculation; although that day will come, the outlook for the rest of the years 2003 to 2007 is certainly optimistic for the defenders of print. As for the past few years, revenues reached $2.49 billion in 1996 and $3.9 billion in 2002, up 56.63%. The BISG outlook for 2003 is $4.3 billion and $5.6 billion in 2007 (+30.76% between 2003 and 2007). Domestic Consumer Expenditures
Net publishers' data records the revenues and unit sales of publishers from all of the channels of distribution (including individuals and institutions). Aggregated do mestic consumer expenditures data, on the other hand, reveal consumer purchasing expenditures (and ultimately their decisions).
36
CHAPTER 2
In 1996, domestic consumer expenditures (DCEs) totaled slightly more than $25.6 billion. Trade books accounted for the bulk of all DCEs, reaching $9.5 billion (and a 37.07% share of the entire book market). Adult books topped $7 billion; and the highly mercurial juvenile market stood at $2.5 billion. Professional DCE was in second place with about $4.3 billion (and a 16.69% share). Educational publishing posted strong results: Elhi's $2.5 billion (9.88% share) and college's $2.9 billion (11.39%) indicated great strength in this section. Mass-market followed with $2.4 billion (9.4%). Overall, DCEs increased steadily in the last few years of the 20th century: 1997, $27 billion, +5.48%; 1998, $28.8 billion, +6.67%; and 1999, $30 billion, +4.17%. By 2000, another record was achieved ($32 billion, +6.67%). However, a down ward trend began in 2001 when DCEs fell 0.63% to only $31.8 billion because of the impact of the recession and a reduction in discretionary income purchases by consumers. Fortunately, there was a rebound in 2002, reaching $36.6 billion. Table 2.6 outlines these trends. Whereas total DCEs increased 42.85% between 1996 and 2002, more modest increases are projected for 2003 ($37.6 billion, +2.76%) and 2007 ($42.9 billion, +17.47% since 2002). Table 2.7 outlines these trends. U.S. BOOK RETURNS
Can the domestic U.S. book market absorb this outpouring of titles? Even with the emergence of superstores, price clubs, viable global markets, and ubiquitous TABLE 2.7 Domestic Consumer Expenditures, 2003-2007 (Millions of Dollars) Categories
2002
2003
2004
2005
2006
Trade total
12,449.0
12,761.5
12,974.6
13,340.5
13,652.7
Adult trade
9,364.6
9,349.7
9,585.3
9,908.3
10,149.1
Juvenile trade
3,259.2
3,586.4
3,568.9
3,618.5
3,694.5
Mass market PB
2,956.0
3,002.8
3,099.9
3,178.7
3,259.4
Book clubs
2,427.7
2,498.1
2,557.8
2,619.2
2,682.3
Mail order
322.7
280.4
2,374.6
2,434.2
161.9 2,571.2
88.3
Religious
210.6 2,501.9
2,641.9
Professional
5,861.2
6,008.3
6,176.0
6,347.0
6,522.2
540.3
555.9
573.3
592.3
611.1
Elhi
4,522.8
4,681.1
5,027.7
5,323.0
5,681.0
College
5,127.8
5,555.5
5,966.6
6,348.5
6,705.3
University press
Source: Book Industry Trends 2002 (New York: Book Industry Study Group, 2002), p. 44.
THE CHANNELS OF DISTRIBUTION
37
Internet bookselling sites, one must wonder about the elasticity of the marketplace to consume this plethora of new books.4 Between 1995 and 2002, the U.S. book industry drowned in a sea of returns. This meant that a staggering percentage of all books published during those years were returned to America's publishers for full credit, a sad waste of financial and natural resources. This massive return of books seriously undermined the stability of the book indus try, causing many publishers to question the efficacy of a system that failed to operate successfully during a period of exceptionally stable business conditions. This was a period, after all, free from high rates of interest or inflation; and, the impact of the 2001 recession or the war against terrorism was felt only in mid- to late 2001. The Publishers' Monthly Domestic Sales reports, issued by the Association of American Publishers (AAP), provided detailed information on gross sales, total re turns, and net sales in 12 key market segments. These reports are based on the voluntary submission of confidential information by (approximately) 80 to 90 AAP members each month. These firms, overall, represent a cross section of the entire publishing community, but they account for upwards of 80% of all books sold in this nation. Between 1996 and 2002, the mass-market paperback segment withstood the greatest onslaught of returns, ranging from an unacceptable 42.3% rate in 1995 to a Herculean 50% pace in 2001. The data is clear and unequivocal; this is a hit-driven, "crapshoot" business with staggering title output and equally staggering returns. The adult segment was almost as bad. Hardbound books were returned almost as fast as they were shipped, holding steady with an entrenched return rate in the low to high 30% range. Paperbacks were not quite as disconcerting. Their rates were only in the 20% range. Again, this is a hit-driven business, dependent on hot Hollywood star biogra phies and autobiographies, tell-all books, new and established novelists, humor books, and, based on return data, a plethora of forgettable titles. 4 Cross River Publishing Consultants, Inc., "Book Industry Returns: An Analysis of the Problem; A Fo cus on Smaller Publishers; and Opportunities for Improvement," A Publishers Marketing Association White Paper; May 25,2000; pp. 1-27; Robert E. Litan and Alice M. Rivlin, "Projecting the Economic Im pact of the Internet," American Economic Review, 91,2(May 2001): pp. 313–317; Rachael E. Kranton and Deborah F. Minehart, "A Theory of Buyer-Seller Networks," American Economic Review, 91, 3(June 2001), pp. 485-508; Maarten C. W. Janssen and Rob van der Noll, "Electronic Commerce and Retail Channel Substitution," Tinbergen Institute Discussion Paper; TI 2002-042/1; 2002; pp. 1-39; Rajiv Dewan, Bing Jing, and Abraham Seidmann, "Product Customization and Price Competition on the Internet," University of Rochester, William E. Simon Graduate School of Business Administration; Com puter and Information Systems Working Paper #CIS 01 -03; July 2000; pp. 1–11;Yannis Bakos, "Reducing Buyer Search Costs: Implications for Electronic Marketplaces," Management Science, 43,12(1997), pp. 1676–1692; Maria Arbatskaya, "Can Low Price Guarantees Deter Entry?" InternationalJournal of Indus– trial Organization, 19,9(November2001),pp. 1387–1406; Ziv Carmon and Dan Ariely, "Focusing on the Foregone: Why Value Can Appear So Different to Buyers and Sellers," Journal of Consumer Research, 27(December 2000), pp. 360–670; J. Alba, J. Lynch, B. Weitz, C. Janiszewski, R. Lutz, A Sawyer, and S. Wood, "Interactive Home Shopping: Consumer, Retailer, and Manufacturer Incentives to Participate in Electronic Marketplaces," Journal of Marketing, 61(1997), pp. 38-53; L. Anglada and N. Cornelias, "What's Fair? Pricing Models in the Electronic Era," Library Management, 23, 4(April 2002), pp. 227-233; and Barry L. Bayus and William P. Putsis, Jr., "Product Proliferation: An Empirical Analysis of Product Line Determination and Market Outcomes," Marketing Science 18, 2(1999), pp. 137-153.
38
CHAPTER 2
The juvenile hardbound sector was a bit more stable, helped by library sales, the growing interest of parents and grandparents in reading, and the Potter books. The paperbound segment was far more capricious, dependent on reprints of hardcover titles, school book fair sales, school book clubs, and pricing factors. University press books sustained some deep returns; experts were not sure why, although the used book market and declines in class adoptions were frequently mentioned in 2000 and 2002. However, although these two root causes were indeed contributing to returns, another far more dangerous trend centered on the use of "electronic reserves." Instead of ordering (adopting) a book for a class, perhaps a history of World War II, some faculty members placed chapters (and in some in stances entire books) on "electronic reserves" (i.e., the content was scanned into a library computer system, and students could access, read, download, and print this content from a computer in the library, in a dorm, or at home). Library reserves ex isted for centuries, but electronic capabilities (especially downloading and print ing) enhanced this process and, ultimately, cut into the sale of books, especially university press titles in the 2000-2002 years. Clearly, "electronic reserves" pose a potential threat to both professional and college texts as well as trade books. Eventually textbook houses will be compelled to consider adopting shorter revision cycles (e.g., issuing a textbook every 2 rather than 3 years), a strategy that so far has proven to be ineffective. "Print-on-demand" textbooks (a process whereby an instructor selects chapters from various books in an order he or she deems to be appropriate) offer some hope. The "electronic distri bution of content" (probably online) might address effectively what has emerged as a nightmare to publishers and authors. Librarians have defended strenuously electronic reserves; and it remains to be seen if the publishing community can develop some contractual language that would provide a revenue stream from this type of copying of content. Table 2.8 out lines these trends. Overall, this data revealed wildly uneven sales patterns in most of the market segments. It appears that some (perhaps many) publishers, editors, and book sales personnel failed to grasp what the market could absorb and overordered print runs or responded to unrealistic sales quotas by convincing bookstore managers that "this title cannot miss." The bottom line was a disaster. What patterns emerged in the net sales of books? The AAP data revealed a lack of stable business cycles. Overall, two of the largest niches (specifically mass-market pa perbacks and trade books) posted lamentable numbers between 1995 and 2002. How ever, when all of these niches were analyzed, using annual percentage changes, an alarming phenomenon was evident. All 12 segments recorded erratic patterns and steep negative declines, a sign the industry was skating on thin ice. How severe was the glut of book returns? Not one niche was in single digits between 1996 and 2002. The Causes of Book Returns Book printers, binders, and freight companies make a good living because of the overprinting of titles and their returns; publishers and bookstores do not profit be
THE CHANNELS OF DISTRIBUTION
39
TABLE 2.8 Book Returns as a Percent of Gross Sales, 1995–2002 Categories
7995
1996
1997
1998
1999
2000
2001
2002
Adult trade hardbound
32.2
35.1
36.3
31.5
30.8
34.3
37.5
32.6
Adult trade paperbound
23.5
25.0
23.6
23.6
22.7
23.1
21.9
19.0
Juvenile trade hardbound
17.1
18.7
17.3
16.9
15.6
12.6
17.4
24.9
Juvenile trade paperbound
15.0
18.9
26.4
21.1
24.5
19.8
19.6
26.4
Book clubs
21.8
20.7
25.2
24.7
26.4
27.1
Mail order
19.6
20.0
19.6
205.0
19.7
Religious
— 7.7
10.9
13.6
—
—
—
— — —
— — —
Professional
15.1
17.2
15.5
15.1
16.2
20.5
18.4
19.0
University press hardbound
16.8
19.1
17.6
16.8
18.5
20.6
21.1
25.2
University press paperbound
19.5
22.9
20.3
21.4
20.9
26.4
16.5
25.3
College
21.6
23.1
23.2
23.6
22.8
24.7
15.3
21.9
Note: Data for other book categories not available. Data was unavailable for book clubs, mail order, and re ligious for every year. This table is based on the actual experience of the publishers reporting to the AAP Monthly Sales Program. While the publishers may vary slightly from year to year, the reporting is gener ally stable; and such reporting variances should not have a major impact on this data. The data are as re ported, unweighted, and cannot be added in the form shown here to produce category or industry totals. Source: Book Industry Trends 2002 (New York: Book Industry Study Group, 2002), p. 251.
cause it costs them a significant amount of time and money to pay for books that fail. Authors also abhor the return system because every return represents a lost op portunity to reach a reader. If returns are a drag on the economic stability of retailers and publishers and the livelihoods of authors, why do they exist? The bookselling market demands a return policy because bookstore owners are reluctant to buy books by unknown authors, works of serious fiction, and poetry. After all, they posit, why tie up capital, scarce shelf space, and other resources on books that probably will not sell? If you stick to known commodities (the Mary Higgins Clarks of the world) and steady-selling backlist titles, you can make a living. Book publishers are compelled to discount ti
40
CHAPTER 2
ties and offer a full refund to the bookseller if the book does not "turn" (i.e., inven tory turnover). The paperback revolution, which began after World War II, was dependent on the mass distribution of hundreds of new and reprinted titles every month. Some of the early leaders in the "paperbacking" of America were originally in the periodical or newspaper industries; they drew upon their own extensive business experiences to fashion an effective distribution system.5 Magazine distributors were asked to stock book racks in drugstores, bus and train terminals, and five-and-ten-cent stores, the precursors of the Wai-Marts, 7-Elevens, airline terminals, and supermar kets of today. Because newspapers and magazines could be returned for full credit, mass-market paperback publishers had to adopt this policy. Do other industries uti lize this type of system? In reality very few do, and they are mainly in the perishable food industry. Solutions to Book Returns?
Over the years, many "solutions" have been offered to curb massive returns. Some of them include: (1) increase the discount rate and refuse to accept any returns; (2) keep the current discount structure and refuse to accept any returns; (3) develop in centive policies that penalize wholesalers with high return rates; (4) reduce the number of copies printed; (5) control the number of new titles (especially in the lit erary fiction category) issued each year; (6) stop or curtail the publication of midlist books; (7) increase the development of attractive, innovative titles well (e.g., cook books, etc.); (8) convince book retailers to adopt rational ordering procedures; and (9) curb the puffy rhetoric and aggressive tactics of sales personnel. Perhaps all of these scenarios have merit and will end the return nightmare; per haps none of them will work; perhaps it is time to think about adopting and modify ing those marketing ideas and practices that do seem to work rather effectively for other industries in this nation. Publishers have never adopted sophisticated marketing theories or research. In fact, publishers conduct very little first-rate marketing research in this business. It just might be time for some of them to read the business books they publish. BOOK SALES BY CHANNELS OF DISTRIBUTION
Book publishers rely on a variety of channels to distribute books in this nation. Many industry analysts have been critical about the entire distribution system, which often adversely affected sales and the ability of consumers to find titles in stock at local bookstores. Overall, the system seems to work because of the prolifer 5John Tebbel, Between Covers: The Rise and Transformation of American Book Publishing (New York: Oxford University Press, 1987), pp. 421–438. Also see Leonard Shatzkin, In Cold Type: Over coming the Book Crisis (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1982), pp. 97-122; and Ronald J. Zboray, "Book Distribution and American Culture: A 150-Year Perspective," Book Research Quarterly 3(Fall 1987): pp.37-59.
THE CHANNELS OF DISTRIBUTION
41
ation of superstores and price clubs, the development of regional and national book distribution firms, and the advent of innovative marketing opportunities (including "800" numbers, the Internet, and Web sites). Supplementing this network is a vast library system able to supply titles to local patrons. Nevertheless, the distribution of books could stand some creative procedures to maximize the availability of more titles to more people. General Retailers The United States is the land of retailing, ranging from small "mom and pop" establish ments to national giants (Wal-Mart, Costco, K-Mart, etc.). This vast network of estab lishments forms the firm bedrock of one the world's most sophisticated merchandising systems, infrastructure that book publishers cultivated in the last four decades. Traditionally, the retail channel is the largest, most important domestic channel of book distribution in this nation. In 1996, it accounted for $6.8 billion in net publish ers' revenues (representing 33.83% of all revenues) and 1.15 billion units (48.78%). By 2002, general retailers accounted for $8.3 billion (34.4% of the market). Barring unforeseen economic downturns, BISG anticipates general retailers to sustain an increase of 122.32% to almost $10.2 billion in 2007. There has been a dramatic shift in book retailing in this nation: independents sustained a draconian erosion in sales, and nonbookstore retail establishments (discount stores, price clubs, and the appealing Internet sector) captured more book sales between 1996 and 2002. The College Market Starting in the 1960s, many college bookstores became general trade bookstores (as well as "general stores" selling computers, music CDs, and clothing). So it is not surprising that book sales to college stores in 1996 topped the $3.1 billion level (276.6 million units), reaching almost $4.2 billion in 2002 (and 304.5 million units). The outlook for 2003-2007 is certainly upbeat, with projected sales of about $4.9 billion and an increase to 407.9 million units in 2007. Libraries and Institutions In spite of declines in book purchases, libraries and institutions remain an excep tionally important component of the book distribution system. In 1996, they pur chased 4.36% of all books sold in this nation, representing 96.7 million units and $1.78 billion in sales dollars (8.89% of net publishers' revenues). By 2002, they reached the $2.3 billion plateau and 105.2 million units. However, future growth in this market will be sluggish. Libraries have been at the vanguard of the electronic revolution, moving rather quickly at the direct expense of books. This trend will continue unabated through at least 2010, although reliable projections are only available through 2007 from BISG.
42
CHAPTER 2
Schools The elementary and high school book market is gigantic in this nation, and it will re tain this position of importance for the next 5 and possibly 10 years in spite of the development of electronic products. Enrollment projections are quite positive, and Washington has committed increased financial support for the Elhi sector, espe cially in the reading area. In 1996, schools bought 283.1 million books (for $3 billion); by 2002 these tal lies jumped to 364.5 million books and $4.6 billion. The outlook for 2007 is opti mistic: $4.9 billion but only 335.1 million units. Direct to Consumers The "direct to consumers" is the second largest dollar channel of distribution in this nation, accounting for $3.7 billion in 1996 ($3.7 billion) and $4.5 billion in 2002. This sector exhibited impressive growth potential in the early to mid-1990s (well before the Internet emerged as a powerful electronic marketing force in society) be cause of the development of sophisticated direct marketing techniques (catalogs, effective "merge and purge" direct mail procedures, "800" numbers, etc.). However, the ubiquitous Internet, with some impressive bookselling sites (no tably Amazon.com. and, to a lesser degree, BN.com), changed the landscape.6 These two sites, with literally millions of listed titles, quick search systems, a number of appealing attributes ("people who bought this book also purchased ..."), quick and efficient ordering and paying procedures, and fast delivery (some times free delivery) convinced many people it was safe and easy to order books on the Internet. The emergence of other net selling sites, many offering deep discounts and used book, contributed to the success of this direct-to-consumer format. Overall, the available data indicated that the Internet accounted for about 5% of all book dollar sales in the U.S. in 2001. In a world filled with mindless Internet hype, the promised gargantuan growth rates in Internet book selling are unlikely to materialize. Some industry experts expect the Internet to reach, at best, 15% of all dollars sales in the U.S. by 2010. A solid $5.6 billion is possible by 2007 and 321 million units. As Internet sales increase, declines in other channels are projected. 6
Eric Brynjolfsson and Michael Smith, "Comparison of Internet and Conventional Retailers," Management Science, 46, 4(2000), pp. 563-585; Karen Clay, Ramaya Krishnan, and Eric Wolff, "Prices and Price Dispersion on the Web: Evidence from the Online Book Industry," Journal of Indus trial Economics, 49, 4(December 2001), pp. 521-539; Hugh Sibly, "Price Inflexibility in Markets with Repeat Purchasing," Macroeconomics 23, 3(Summer 2001), pp. 459–475; Rajiv Lal and Miklos Sarvary, "When and How is the Internet Likely to Decrease Price Competition?" Management Sci ence, 45(1999), pp. 485-503; and Yuxin Chen and K. Sudhir, "When Shopbots Meet Emails: Implica tions for Price Competitions on the Internet," Yale School of Management; Working Paper Series MK Marketing #10; pp. 1-15.
43
THE CHANNELS OF DISTRIBUTION Sales to Wholesalers and Jobbers
One of the most important channels is the invisible but highly significant whole salers and jobbers niche (supplying titles to general retailers, colleges, libraries and institutions, schools). Gross sales reached $3.1 billion in 1996 (553.6 million units) and $3.7 billion in 2002 (+19.35%). Units declined to merely 533.7 million in 2002 because of some seismic shifts and consolidations in the independent dis tributor sector. While dollars will grow to $4.6 billion in 2007, units are likely to top 577.3. CASE STUDY: THE CHANGING LIBRARY MARKET FOR BOOKS Libraries comprise a significant but declining niche for book sales. A review of the six sales categories tracked by BISG indicated that libraries and institutions generate consistently the highest average dollars-per-book unit. Whereas the na tional mean for all books sold in the United States stood at $8.49 per unit in 1996, libraries paid $18.48 per book (a differential of $9.99); this trend continued into 2002 when libraries topped the $21.90 mark (+18.51% since 1996), whereas the national median was $10.52 (a difference of $11.38 per title). Table 2.9 outlines these trends. TABLE 2.9
Publishers' Average Dollars-Per-Unit Sales by U.S. Sales Categories: 1996-2002 Categories
General retailers
1996
1997
1998
1999
6.25
6.38
6.80
6.80
7.00
7.10
12.25 19.42
13.00 20.80
13.00
14.00
20.60
13.50 21.20
21.90
11.90
11.90
12.40
12.70
14.40
14.50
15.10
15.70
5.89 11.32
11.87
2000
2001
2002
College Libraries and institutions School
18.48
18.98
10.52
10.73
Direct to
12.50
13.13
11.31 13.64
2.02
2.18
2.22
2.40
2.40
2.40
10.52
8.49
9.01
9.28
9.81
9.86
10.19
20.02
consumer Other Average total for all books
2.50
Source: Book Industry Trends 1993 (New York: Book Industry Study Group, 1993), p. 2-186; Book In dustry Trends 1994 (New York: Book Industry Study Group, 1994), p. 2-186; Book Industry Trends 1995 (New York: Book Industry Study Group, 1995), p. 2-184; Book Industry Trends 2003 (New York: Book Industry Study Group, 2003), p. 212.
44
CHAPTER 2
It appears that whereas consumers were able to take advantage of heavily dis counted books at superstores, price clubs, supermarkets, and other retail outlets, li braries were captives of a relatively rigid two-tier channel of distribution: buy direct from a publisher or utilize the services of a one-stop, full service distributor. BISG's estimates for 2003 through 2007 indicate that this pattern will not be abated. The dollar gap between the averages for libraries and "all books" will grow from $11.68 in 2003 to $13.40 in 2007 even though the library's overall percentage change be tween 1996 and 2007 will be smaller than any of the six categories tracked by BISG. Table 2.10 outlines these trends. Library material expenditures increased 135.59% between 1987 and 2002; how ever, book purchases grew at a 142.95% pace. The end result was that books as a percentage of total library expenditures have been shrinking steadily since 1987, when books represented 54.1% of all library expenditures. By 1993, their share barely topped the 50% mark, and it dipped to about 46% in 2002. The prognosis for 2007 is a 44.1% mark. Table 2.11 reports on this library phenomenon. Why did this occur? By the early 1980s, America was deeply immersed in the "information age," and libraries were compelled to change the way they serviced their patrons' diverse information needs.7 Most people need detailed and timely data on a variety of personal or business matters, and serials (magazines and jour nals) played a significant role in the efficient transmission of information. So librar ies shifted their emphasis from books toward serials in the late 1980s. Traditionally, college and university libraries have been one of the primary con sumers of serials, especially in the high visibility scientific, technical, and medical (STM) niche.8 Since 1980, total journal page output and library subscription rates 7
Nicholson Baker, Double Fold: Libraries and the Assault on Paper (New York: Random House, 2001), pp. 33-51; Nicholson Baker, "The Author vs. the Library," The New Yorker, 14 October 1996, pp. 50-62; Jerry L. Salvaggio (Ed.), The Information Society: Economic, Social, and Structural Issues (Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 1989), pp. 6–34; Dennis P. Carrigan, "Publish or Perish: The Troubled State of Scholarly Communication," Journal of Scholarly Publishing 22(April 1991): pp. 131–142; Dennis P. Carrigan, "Research Libraries' Evolving Response to the 'Serials Crisis,'" Journal of Scholarly Publishing 23(April 1992): pp. 138-151; Lawrence J. White, The Public Library in the 1980s: The Problems of Choice (Lexington, MA: Lexington Books, 1983), pp. 1-78; E. J. Josey and Kenneth D. Shearer, Politics and the Support of Libraries (New York: Neal-Schuman Publishers, 1990), pp. 23-51. Also see Richard N. Katz, "Academic Information Management at the Crossroads: Time Again to Review the Economics," Serials Review 18,1–2 (1992): pp. 41–44; Malcolm Getz, "Electronic Publishing: An Economic View," Serials Review 18,1–2 (1992): pp. 25-31;Getz's Public Libraries: An Economic View. Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1980; Fay M. Blake, "What's A Nice Librarian Like You Doing Behind a Cash Register?" In User Fees: A Practical Perspective (Ed.), Mir iam A. Drake. Littleton, CO: Libraries Unlimited, 1981; John Bendel, '"Looming Colossus' of the Li brary World," The New York Times, 11 July 1993, sec. 13 [New Jersey], pp. 1,13. 8Czeslaw Jan Grycz, "Economic Models for Networked Information," Serials Review 18,1–2 (1992): pp. 11–18. Also see Steven Hamad, "Interactive Publication: Extending the American Physical Society's Discipline-Specific Model for Electronic B Publishing," Serials Review 18, 1-2 (1992): pp. 58–61, and Karen Hunter, "The National Site License Model," Serials Review 18, 1-2 (1992): pp. 71-72. U.S ; Scott Bennett, 'The Boat That Must Stay Afloat: Academic Libraries in Hard 1991 Times," Journal of Scholarly Publishing 23(April 1992): pp. 131–137. Also see Paul Evan Peters, "Making the Market for Networked Information: An Introduction to a Proposed Program for Licensing Electronic Uses," Serials Review 18, 1–2 (1992): pp. 19–24; Jerry L. Salvaggio and Jennings Bryant (Eds.), Media Use in the Information Age: Emerging Patterns of and Adoption and Consumer Use (Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 1989).
THE CHANNELS OF DISTRIBUTION
45
TABLE 2.10 Publishers' Average Dollars-Per-Unit Sales by U.S. Sales Categories: 2003-2007 Categories General retailers College Libraries and institutions School Direct to consumer Other Average total for all books
2003
2004
2005
2006
2007
7.30
7.50
7.60
7.90
8.20
14.40
14.80
15.20
15.40
15.80
22.50
23.00
23.50
24.10
25.30
13.10
13.40
13.70
14.00
14.50
16.20
16.60
17.00
17.30
17.50
2.60 10.82
2.60 11.08
2.70
2.70
2.90
11.36
11.60
11.90
Source: Book Industry Trends 1993 (New York: Book Industry Study Group, 1993), p. 2-186; Book In dustry Trends 1994 (New York: Book Industry Study Group, 1994), p. 2-186; Book Industry Trends 1995 (New York: Book Industry Study Group, 1995), p. 2-184; Book Industry Trends 2003 (New York: Book Industry Study Group, 2003), p. 212.
for these items have increased dramatically, exceeding significantly the cost of any other published product. Librarians have been hard pressed to keep up with these surging levels. When the cost of a book exceeds $ 100.00, it is cause for alarm, but most STM se rials have library subscription prices far in excess of that amount. For example, the average annual subscription to Brain, one of the most prominent journals in its field, topped $15,000.00, a steep price for any library regardless of endowment! This situation triggered a wholesale shift in serials budgets, growing from a 54.63% share of all allocations in 1985 to slightly more than 70.6% in 2007. Although uni versity and research libraries are the primary customers for these specialized and critically important periodicals, many public library systems maintain extensive se rials subscriptions.9 Tables 2.13 outlines these trends. When queried, journal publishers respond, quite accurately, that information is expensive to collect and costly to disseminate; these economic facts dictate the high library subscription rates for journals, along with a needed and predetermined profit margin. Association-based serials (e.g., The New England Journal of Medi cine) tend to have lower subscription prices (because of association subsidies and a tax-exempt status) than periodicals released by profit-making companies unable to obtain subventions and compelled to pay taxes on their revenues. Stephen R. Graubard and Paul LeClerc. (Eds). Books, Bricks & Bytes: Libraries in the 21st Century (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers, 1998): vii–xviii.
TABLE 2.11 U.S. Library Purchases: 1987-2007 (Millions of Dollars) Books as a Percent percentage of change from total library previous year budget
Year
Total library material purchases
Percent change from previous year
Book purchases
1987
1,987.5
—
1,075.3
—
53.0 53.4
54.1
1988
2,124.6
6.90
1,125.9
4.71
1989
2,358.4
11.00
1,260.4
11.95
1990 1991
2,507.8
6.33 2.31
1,321.8
4.87
52.7
2,565.7
1,322.9
0.08
1992
2,655.6
3.50
1,354.1
2.36
51.6 51.0
1993
2,808.9
5.77
1,413.7
4.40
50.3
1994
3,014.0
7.30
1,497.5
5.93
49.7
1995
3,244.7
7.65
1,586.3
5.93
48.9
1996
3,452.7
6.41
1,672.2
5.42
48.4
1997
3,669.9
6.29 5.12
1,751.5
4.74
47.7
1,828.9
4.42
47.4
1,914.8
47.1
1,986.2
4.70 3.73
1998
3,857.9
1999
4,065.7
2000
4,258.1
5.39 4.73
2001
4,464.1
4.84
2,066.5
4.04
46.3
2002
4,682.3
4.89
2,149.3
4.01
45.9
2003*
4,911.7
4.90
2,237.2
4.09
45.5
2004*
5,151.2
4.88
2,327.5
4.04
45.2
2005*
5,404.5
4.92
2,421.0
4.02
2006*
5,670.3
4.92
2,518.3
2007*
5,935.5
4.68
2,612.4
4.02 3.74
44.8 44.4
46.6
44.1
Source: Book Industry Trends 1993 (New York: Book Industry Study Group, 1993), pp. 3-28 through 3-30; Book Industry Trends 1995 (New York: Booklndustry Study Group, 1995), p. 3-28; Book Industry Trends 2003 (New York: Book Industry Study Group, 2003), p. 241. *Indicates BISG estimate.
46
TABLE 2.12
Percentage of Books and Periodical Expenditures by U.S. Libraries: 1986-2007
Year
Library expenditures for all materials
Percentage of books among all library expenditures
Percentage of periodicals among all library expenditures
1986
1,827.4
54.42
33.35
1987
1,987.5
54.10
34.39
1988
2,124.6
52.99
35.95
1989
2,358.4
53.44
36.33
1990
2,507.8
52.71
37.41
1991
2,565.7
51.56
38.80
1992
2,655.6
50.99
39.79
1993
2,808.9
50.33
40.83
1994
3,014.0
49.68
41.85
1995
3,244.7
48.89
46.30
1996
3,452.7
48.43
43.73
1997
3,669.9
47.73
44.70
1998
3,857.9
47.41
45.22
1999
4,065.7
47.10
45.75
2000
4,258.1
46.65
46.40
2001 2002*
1,164.1
46.29
47.03
4,682.3
45.90
47.58
2003*
4,911.7
45.55
48.10
2004*
5,151.2
45.18
47.30
2005*
5,404.5
44.80
47.84
2006*
5,670.3
44.41
47.70
2007*
5,935.5
44.10
46.40
Source: Book Industry Trends 1994 (New York: Book Industry Study Group, 1994), pp. 3-3 through 3-30; Booklndustry Trends 1995 (New York: Book Industry Study Group, 1995), p. 3-28; Book Industry Trends 2003 (New York: Book Industry Study Group, 2003), p. 241. *Indicates BISG estimate.
47
TABLE 2.13 Percentage of Budget Spent for Serials Purchased by Specific U.S. Libraries: 1986-2007
School libraries
College and university libraries
Specialized libraries
Year
Public libraries
1986
13.36
12.55
54.63
42.03
1987
13.29
1988
13.73
12.50 12.67
56.36 58.50
1989
13.11
12.55
58.99
43.58 43.76 44.76
1990
13.36
13.03
59.80
45.59
1991
13.71
13.24
61.50
46.51
1992
13.70
1993
14.21
13.96 13.87
47.20 48.48
1994
13.57
13.64
62.39 63.55 64.71
1995
13.33
13.21
1996
13.55
13.46
66.00 67.43
50.17 50.85
1997
13.62
13.56
68.62
51.01
49.26
1998
13.71
13.78
69.24
51.32
1999 2000
13.73
14.09 14.56
69.84 70.60
51.52
14.72
71.29
51.92
52.02
51.85
2001
13.85 14.01
2002
14.11
14.94
71.90
2003* 2004*
14.07
15.11
72.49
52.03
14.06
14.83
71.59
51.98
2005*
14.09
15.03
86.53
52.02
2006*
14.07
14.97
72.04
2007*
13.86
14.57
70.60
52.00 52.10
Source: Book Industry Trend 1993 (New York: Book Industry Study Group, 1993), pp. 3-28 through 3-30; Book Industry Trends 1994 (New York: Book Industry Study Group, 1994), pp. 3-28 through 3-30; Book Industry Trends 2002 (New York: Book Industry Study Group, 2002), p. 246. *Indicates BISG estimate.
48
THE CHANNELS OF DISTRIBUTION
49
Unfortunately, the staggering growth in journal price increases materialized at a time when the vast majority of American libraries faced formidable budgetary ob stacles while witnessing a sharp percent increase in circulation demand. How do li brarians trim budgets, keep pace with the plethora of new book releases, augment budgetary allocations for needed periodicals, and keep their patrons happy when they requelst more services? In the 1990s, some library experts insisted that electronic versions of serials could provide librarians with the "ultimate answer" to their fiscal problems. Al though print journals would not disappear in either the short or long run, online ver sions of serials could be the answer to the serials crisis, the magic bullet to elude the debilitating serials price spiral that has aggravated all librarians. However, this sce nario proved costly. Hardware and software had to be purchased, and libraries had to maintain (and pay for) both print and electronic versions. By the first decade of the 21st century, many college and university libraries de cided that online subscriptions, although not perfect, offered a realistic alternative to costly print journals (and the inordinate amount of space required to house printed journals). If this trend continues unabated, and it appears it will for the foreseeable fu ture (through 2006 and possibly 2010), online journals will grow in importance, di minishing the importance of print journals and depriving publishers of needed revenues because online subscription fees are lower than print subscription fees. Options and Opportunities Another option available to librarians centered on "document delivery systems." This approach provides a librarian with a plethora of intriguing options. A survey could be undertaken to ascertain the most frequently used serials and those that merely attract dust. The library can then cancel costly subscriptions to journals that are not used or are marginally of interest to patrons. If an individual wants to read a particular article in a canceled journal, the library can contact one of the document delivery systems and order a print or electronic copy of the specific article. This al lows a library to cancel little-used journals while providing needed budgetary re lief, and, ironically, obtaining a copy of an article for a patron, thereby keeping "peace in the family." This "pay for only what you use" concept has captured the at tention of many librarians. One of the most interesting national document delivery services is offered by the Colorado Alliance of Research Libraries (known simply as CARL UNCOVER to librarians). CARL provides access via a computer to over 25,000 publications. Using a consumer or corporate credit or debit charge card, an individual can access CARL's extensive service and acquire a complete copy of an article, delivered via fax, the mail, or sent electronically (html or pdf format). Many college and university libraries rely on "J-Stor," which allowed these li braries to build a reliable and comprehensive archive of important scholarly jour nals while simultaneously filling in gaps in existing collections. In addition, scarce older issues were available, helping to mitigate escalating costs associated with re placing damaged or missing journals.
50
CHAPTER 2
Another viable option available to librarians is a regional consortium. One of the most interesting ones is the Bergen County (New Jersey) Cooperative Library Sys tem (BCCLS; known as "buckles"), servicing a large suburban region of+868,796 individuals. Bergen County, the 13th largest populated area in the United States, is nestled next to New York City, Rockland and Orange Counties in New York State, and Hudson County in New Jersey. BCCLS is a federation of 62 public libraries with sizable holdings of almost 4.9 million books, 9,358 serials, 1,600 musical scores, 19,784 "talking books," 1,167 CD-ROMs, and 29,147 videos and audiovisuals. Total Bergen County member li brary expenditures topped $37.7 million, and library per capita expenditures hov ered at $43.75. In 2001, the system had 506,736 registered borrowers (with 41,590 newly registered). Patrons checked out over 6.97 million books. BCCLS was started in 1979 to improve access to library materials, expand auto mated bibliographic access to information, enhance the quality of reference ser vices, and strengthen the facilities management of libraries. BCCLS's libraries pay an annual membership fee to cover costs associated with the computerized circula tion system and other related services; in 2001, BCCLS had a $2.2 million operat ing budget. Individuals who live or work in any of the communities serviced by BCCLS can use any of the libraries free of charge (there are no transaction fees), and over 1.54 million titles were taken out utilizing their reciprocal BCCLS borrowing ser vice in 2001; 302,546 of these books were through electronic loans. Patrons in clude new immigrants from developing countries, well-known authors who reside in these communities, prominent athletes from the New York Yankees and the New York Giants football team, television and Broadway personalities, and PhD candidates. These people have an insatiable appetite for books. This type of regional association works because books, literally millions of them, are made available to individuals who do not want to purchase them. BCCLS participates in a document delivery system. Yet what did the BCCLS patrons read? Overall, 8.33 million items were checked out by BCCLS patrons in 2001: 9.44% of the total (787,038) were nonfiction; 12.11% (1,011,265) were fiction titles; juvenile books accounted for 23.53% (19,62,519), and multimedia (1,044,751) 12.53%. The strong showing of multime dia illustrates the importance and popularity of this growing format.
CHAPTER THREE
The Development of Modern Book Publishing Companies MERGERS AND ACQUISITIONS
Between 1960 and 1989, there were a reported 573 mergers and acquisitions in the U.S. book publishing industry; the precise number is difficult to ascertain because some of the transactions involving private companies were not reported, some sales involved multiple companies, a few involved swapping book lines, and some were pass-through deals (one company purchased another company and then sold parts of that company to other firms). Although this is a staggering total, the pace be tween 1990 and 2002 was absolutely frenetic. There were an estimated 300 mergers and acquisitions between 1990 and 1995. Yet the scope and size of mergers and acquisitions between 1996 and 2001 was even more frantic with about 380 mergers. These transactions dramatically changed the business fabric of the book industry in the United States. Who purchased what company? Why did so many mergers and acquisitions take place? What impact did these business transactions have on the level of com petition within this industry? Last, did these consolidations have any effect on American society? Background Information
Whereas the film industry is glamorous, periodicals are (generally) profitable, newspapers are influential, and television is powerful, for many people the U.S. book industry was the prestigious keystone of the entire mass communications in dustry, primarily for the content it generated. Book companies caught the attention of investors keenly interested in reveling in the rarefied world of ideas, rubbing shoulders with internationally known authors, and gaining access to a tony world that began somewhere near Grand Central Station, spilled over to the Four Seasons 51
52
CHAPTER 3
restaurant (for daily power lunches), and retreated for weekends and vacations to the Hamptons. This was "the stuff dreams were made of," or so they imagined. There were also financial reasons for obtaining the assets of book companies. Between 1963 and 2002, this industry posted an impressive array of business statis tics that validated the financial rationale for many (though not certainly for all) of these high-priced mergers and acquisitions. Although profit margins varied greatly in the major book niches, a few of the cat egories (textbooks, professional and reference books) posted numbers that caught the attention of many of Wall Street's sharpest financiers; and of course books gen erated large cash flows.1 There was money to be made in book publishing, and the industry's highly valued cultural ambiance clearly augmented the deal.2 Mergers and Acquisitions: 1960–1969 Between 1960 and 1969, there were 183 mergers and acquisitions in the U.S. book publishing industry. The level of activity was rather light through 1965, reaching a high of only 14 business transactions in 1960. By 1966, there was a pronounced growth in mergers and acquisitions, and by 1968-1969 the tallies reached the mid-to-high 30 range. The Lyndon Johnson administration launched its War on Poverty and other so cial programs, including the allocation of funds to purchase library books and strengthen elementary, secondary, and college programs. This outpouring of money, and the concomitant strong profit margins posted by book publishers, at tracted the attention of large educational, electronics, and communications corpo rations eager to participate in these new business opportunities. When federal funds began to disappear because of the impact of the war in Vietnam, and margins began to slip, many of these corporations sold their holdings (primarily in the late 1970s and early 1980s). Of special importance were deals involving CBS (Holt, Rinehart and Winston), Dell (Dial Press), Doubleday (Laidlaw Brothers), Dunn & Bradstreet (Thomas Y. Crowell Co.), General Learning (Silver Burdette Co.), Gulf & Western (Pocket Books), ITT (Howard W. Sams), Litton Industries (Reinhold Pub. Corp.; American Book Company; D. Van Nostrand Co.), National General (Bantam Books, 1968), Perfect Film & Chemical (Popular Library, Inc.), RCA (Random House), Times
The Book Industry Study Group, Book Industry Trends 2003 (New York: Book Industry Study Group, 2003), p. 32. John Tebbel, Between Covers: The Rise and Transformation of Book Publishing in America (New York: Oxford University Press, 1987), pp. 5–43; or John Tebbel's A History of Book Publishing in the United States, Vol. I, The Creation of an Industry, 1630–65 (New York: R. R. Bowker, 1972), pp. 1–9; A History of Book Publishing in the United States, Vol. 3, The Golden Age Between Two Wars, 1920–1940 (New York: R. R. Bowker, 1978), pp. 7–16. Also see Kenneth C. Davis, Two-Bit Culture: The Paperback ing of America (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1984), pp. 48–99; Thomas L. Bonn, Heavy Traffic and High Culture: New American Library as Literary Gatekeeper in the Paperback Revolution (Carbondale, IL: Southern Illinois University Press, 1989), pp. 2–31; Lewis A. Coser, Charles Kadushin, and Walter W. Powell, Books: The Culture and Commerce of Publishing (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1985).
MODERN BOOK PUBLISHING COMPANIES
53
Mirror (New American Library; Harry N. Abrams Inc.), and the Xerox Corporation (R. R. Bowker Co.; Ginn & Co.). Table 3.1 outlines these trends. Mergers and Acquisitions: 1970-1979 The 1970s were marked by the end of the war in Vietnam, a deep, debilitating re cession in 1973-1975, concerns about natural resources, and a political and social malaise. After a heady level of business activity in 1970, the total number of mergers and acquisitions receded between 1971 and the rest of the decade, attain ing levels paralleling the 1960s. Although small in number, there was a qualita tive difference regarding the mergers and acquisitions that took place in the 1970s and the 1960s. Some of the most significant transactions in the 1970s involved the American Broadcasting Company's (ABC) acquisition of Chilton Books, propel ling the last of the three major television networks into the book publishing indus try; West Germany's Bertelsmann AG's purchase of Bantam; Gulf & Western's merger with Simon & Schuster; the Scribner's-Atheneum merger; the Penguin-Viking transaction; MCA's decision to buy G. P. Putnam; RCA's acquisi tion of Ballantine Books; and Time, Inc.'s addition of the Book-of-the-Month Club to its list of holdings. Major global players in the mass communications field (Bertelsmann AG, Pearson PLC, etc.), seeking to expand market share and obtain high quality products at what were then perceived to be reasonable prices, entered the U.S. market. These actions essentially set the stage for the continued and impressive growth of these cor porations after 1980. Table 3.2 outlines the annual level of activity in the 1970s. TABLE 3.1 Mergers and Acquisitions: 1960—1969
Year
Number of mergers and acquisitions
Percent of total number of mergers and acquisitions in 1960s
1960
14
7.65
1961
11
6.01
1962
7
3.83
1963
12
6.56
1964 1965 1966
8 14 23
4.37 7.65 12.57
1967
23
12.57
1968
38
20.77
1969
33
18.03
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TABLE 3.2 Mergers and Acquisitions: 1970–1979
Year
Number of mergers and acquisitions
Percent of total number of mergers and acquisitions in 1970s
16.38
1970
29
1971
15
8.47
1972
8
4.52
1973
12
6.78
1974
22
12.43
1975
16
9.04
1976 1977
16 22
9.04
1978
22
1979
15
12.43 12.43 8.47
Mergers and Acquisitions: 1980–1989 After a few slow years, the merger and acquisition phenomenon accelerated dra matically in the 1980s.3 Between 1984 and 1988, there were 151 mergers, almost as many as in the entire 1960s, with 213 mergers and acquisitions in this decade. A small number of firms in the 1980s carefully crafted media empires that were positioned to withstand the ravages of recession and political unrest and capture global business opportunities. The major transactions involved Bertelsmann AG's acquisition of Dell and Doubleday; Rupert Murdoch and Harper & Row; the emer gence of Holland's Elsevier-NDU NV as a major player in the United States; the un raveling of Harcourt Brace Jovanovich; the rise and fall of the United Kingdom's Robert Maxwell; the transformation of the Paramount Corporation (formerly Gulf & Western) into one of the top players in the industry; the United Kingdom's Pearson PLC's move to acquire New American Library; and the emergence of Canada's Thomson Corporation and the United States' Times-Mirror as global media players. Table 3.3 outlines the annual level of activity in the 1980s. Mergers and Acquisitions: 1990–2003 Although evident in the 1980s, convergence within the mass communications in dustry and the search for content (also called product or software), production oper ations, distribution channels, and delivery systems changed the media landscape in 3 Martin Feldstein (Ed.), The U.S. in the World Economy (Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Eco nomic Research, 1987), pp. 49-53.
MODERN BOOK PUBLISHING COMPANIES
55
TABLE 3.3 Mergers and Acquisitions: 1980–1989 Number of mergers
Percent of total number of mergers
Year
and acquisitions
1980
12
5.63
1981
16
7.51
1982
9 10
4.23
1983 1984 1985
29 30
1986
40
and acquisitions in 1980s
4.69 13.62 14.08 18.78
1987
26
12.21
1988
26
12.21
1989
15
7.04
this nation by the 1990s. Telephone companies were investing in content for video-on-demand and broadband delivery (i.e., high capacity transmission systems used to carry large blocks of telephone channels using coaxial cables, fiber-optic lines, and microwave radio systems). Cable television corporations saw increased business opportunities due to the availability of compression systems and multi channel choices, all of which triggered a new era of greater customer segmentation and, hopefully, higher consumer spending. Large consumer electronic firms exhib ited signs of concern that the cable and telephone companies would use their exist ing networks to offer customers audio and video-on-demand services, effectively bypassing the need for VCRs, DVDs, and stand-alone entertainment systems. Film studios and some major book publishers recognized the need to expand their own ership of talent, content, and electronic rights in order to maintain their hegemony over existing delivery and distribution systems. The end result was a period of business uncertainty marked by unrest and tur moil due to the creation of global media firms, rapid technological changes, heated debates over telecommunications standards, and substantive changes in the nation's communication regulatory system. This morass prompted many media man agers to accept the fact that there was a race to control media gateways (i.e., set-top boxes or the technology to provide access to consumers to entertainment and infor mation services), networks (including cable, satellite transmission, fiber-optic sys tems, etc.), and content (including video-on-demand, premium and blockbuster films, and traditional print content). Many media managers wondered if a spending ceiling had been reached. Would consumers want these systems, spend additional funds to purchase the equipment,
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TABLE 3.4 Mergers and Acquisitions: 1990–2001
Year
1990 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000
2001
Number of mergers and acquisitions
25 31 53 45 58 55 56 58 64 71 80 84
Percent of total number of mergers and acquisitions from 1990–2001
3.68 4.56 7.79 6.62 8.53 8.09 8.24 8.53 9.41 10.44 11.76 12.35
and also subscribe for these services? Others insisted that, as the new technology eroded traditional media constraints and changes media usage patterns, in essence sparking alternative options for viewing and entertainment, consumers would de velop interest in these new products and services and agree to pay for them. After all, they argued, leisure spending will be pushed to new heights because of the emergence of sophisticated multimedia formats and opportunities. They argued that tremendous choices will emerge, allowing consumers to select programs that correspond to their schedule (what they want and when they want it). This conve nience, when augmented with high quality content, allows the consumer to control product, possibly triggering the demise of mass markets and the proliferation of personalized markets. As it turned out, consumers were willing to increase their an nual media expenditures, purchase VCRs and DVDs (along with other media enter tainment products), and trigger an outpouring of interest and demand for new media products. 1990–1995 These events and theories prompted many media managers to review their exist ing operations and to develop new strategic plans. The end result was a flurry of mergers and acquisitions, some quite small and a few huge ones that remade the media landscape. Between 1990 and 1995, about 300 industry mergers took place. The most important ones included: News Corp. merged Harper & Row into
MODERN BOOK PUBLISHING COMPANIES
57
HarperCollins (1990); News Corp. acquired Scott, Foresman (1990); General Cinema acquired Harcourt Brace Jovanovich (1991); McGraw-Hill acquired the remaining 50% of Macmillan/McGraw-Hill School Publishing (1993); and Para mount Communications acquired Simon & Schuster and Macmillan (1994). Ta ble 3.5 lists some, but clearly not all, of these mergers. TABLE 3.5 Partial List of Mergers and Acquisitions: 1990-1995
Acquired (except)
Acquired company
Year
News Corp.
Harper & Row
1990
News Corp.
Scott Foresman
1990
Quarto Group
Rockport Books
1990
Woltors Kluwer
J.B. Lippincott
1990
Doubleday Book Shops
1990
McGraw-Hill
TAB Books
1990
Waverly Press
Harwal Publishing
1990
Waverly Press
Urban & Schwarzenberg
1990
Waverly Press
Quality Medical Publishing
1990
General Cinema
Harcourt Brace Jovanovich
1991
Paramount
Communications
Macmillion Computer Publishing
1991
Paramount
Communications
Cally Curtis
1991
Paramount
Communications
Computer Curriculum Corp.
1991
Macmillan
Prentice Hall Information Network
1991
Readers Digest
David & Charles
1991
Readers Digest
Joshua Morris Publishing
1991
Thomas Nelson
World Bible Society
1991
Acquiring company
Bantam Doubleday Dell
Sold
Southmark Publishers
1991
Reed International
Macmillan Directories
1991
Reed International
Rigby Education, Inc.
1991
Reed International
Aspen Publishers
1991
Reed International
Martindale-Hubbell
Pearson
Sold
1991 (continued)
TABLE 3.5
Acquiring company
Acquired (except)
(continued)
Acquired company
Year
Waverly Press
Lea & Febiger
Houghton Mifflin
College Survival
1991 1992
Gollancz Ltd.
1992
Cassel PLC
1992
Primedia (K-III)
Pharos Books /World Almanac
1992
Primedia (K-III)
Krames Communications
1992
Primedia (K-III)
Weekly Reader
1992
Primedia (K-III)
Newfield Publications
1992
Primedia (K-III)
Funk & Wagnalls
1992
Houghton Mifflin
Sold
Houghton Mifflin
Acquired interest in
Primedia (K-III)
Newbridge Communications
1992
Thomas Nelson
Word Inc.
1992
Quarto Group
Eagle Books and Running Heads
1992
Times Mirror
Wm. C. Brown
1992
McGraw-Hill
Macmillan/McGraw-Hill School Pub.
1993
Steck-Vaughn
Creative Edge
1993
Times Mirror
Gower Medical Publishing
1993
Prentice Hall Legal & Financial Services
1993
Putnam Berkeley Group
Price Stern Sloan
1993
John Wiley & Sons
Belhaven Press
1993
John Wiley & Sons
QED
1994
Paramount
Simon & Schuster
1994
Pearson
Troll Publishing
1995
Viacom
Ziff-Davi
1995
Paramount Communications
Sold
Dorling Kindersley
Henderson Publishing
1995
Time Warner
Better Homes & Gardens Cookbook Clubs
1995
Thomas Nelson
C.R. Gibson
1995
58
59
MODERN BOOK PUBLISHING COMPANIES
1996–2003 Between 1996 and 2003, there were at least 380 book industry mergers and acquisi tions. Some of the largest ones included a number of multibillion dollar deals: Wolters Kluwer buying CCH for $1.9 billion in 1996; Thomson's acquisition of West Publishing for $3.43 billion (1996) and the Harcourt Brace nontrade college book operations for $2.06 billion from Reed Elsevier (2000); Bertelsmann AG's decision in 1998 to buy the venerable Random House for at least $1.4 billion; Reed Elsevier's acquisition of Matthew Bender for $1.65 billion in 1998; Pearson's pickup of the educational publishing operations from Simon & Schuster (Viacom) for $4.6 billion in 1998; and Reed Elsevier's $4.5 billion acquisition of Harcourt Brace's educational and professional books in 2000. Table 3.6 lists some, but not all, of the major mergers and acquisitions between 1996 and 2003. TABLE 3.6 Partial List of Mergers and Acquisitions: 1996–2001
Acquiring company
Acquired (except)
Acquired company
Year
Pearson PLC
Putnam Bereley
1996
GP Holding
Western Publishing Group
1996
Quarto Group
Walter Foster Publishing
1996
Bertelsmann AG
Newbridge Book Club
1997
Torstar
Troll Communications
1997
Random House
Reed Consumer Books' Adult trade list
1998
Perseus Books
Addison Wesley's trade list
1998
IDG Books
Macmillan's reference books
1998
IDG Books
Cliff Notes
1998
Harper Collins
Ecco Press
1999
Perseus
Da Capo Press
1999
Perseus
Plenum's trade books
1999
Harper Collins
Avon and Morrow
1999
IDG Books
Macmillan's general reference books
1999
Harcourt Brace
Morgan Kaufman's computer science books
1999
John Wiley & Sons
Pearson's college textbooks
1999 (continued)
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TABLE 3.6
Acquiring company
Acquired (except)
(continued)
Acquired company
Year
Nelson-Hall
1999
College Textbooks
2000
Pearson
Dorling Kindersley
2000
IDG Books
Hungry Minds
2000
Thomson
Reed's Harcourt higher education books
2000
Thomson
Greenhaven Press
2000
Thomson
Nelson Information
2000
Thomson
Dialog
2000
Wolters Kluwer
Springhouse Corp
2000
Thomson
Primark Corp.
2000
Thomson
La Ley SA
2000
Random House
(A stake in) Sudamericana
2001
Random House
Prima Communications
2001
Rowman & Littelfield
Taylor Trade Publishing
2001
Workman Publishing
Storey Publishing
2001
Rowman & Littelfield
Taylor Wilson
2001
John Wiley & Sons
Hungry Minds (formerly IDG Books)
2001
Thomson
Harcourt's college textbook line
2001
John Wiley & Sons
Frank J. Fabozzi
2001
Cambridge Information
R. R. Bowker
2001
Wadsworth
Harcourt-Wadsworth
Swap
Content Is "King" Media and entertainment industry experts realized that content was pivotal (especially in the print and film-video arena); however, media analysts became acutely aware of the fact that production, distribution, and delivery systems ascended in importance, along with the need to create gigantic media companies positioned in print and elec tronic formats. When the dust finally settled, Disney owned a major television network (ABC) with strong news and sports divisions; entertainment program production expertise, animation studios, and a syndication operation; television stations; AM and FM radio
MODERN BOOK PUBLISHING COMPANIES
61
stations; a cable and satellite division (the Disney Channel); interests in ESPN, A & E, Lifetime, and European and Japanese channels; motion picture operations (Walt Disney, Touchstone, Hollywood, animation studios, Buena Vista and Miramax dis tribution); theme parks; newspapers, business and special interest magazines, book publishing, records, and home video; and other businesses (a National Hockey League team and a Major League Baseball team; consumer products, retailing and li censing; and Hyperion, a book publishing firm). The Viacom acquisition of CBS produced a media company with holdings in programming (two television network, production units, and syndication), televi sion stations, and AM and FM radio stations; holdings in both cable and satellite television (the Spike Network, Country Music Television, and other communica tion services), along with other business operations (including a massive bill board operation). The noted publisher Simon & Schuster is part of Viacom. Time Warner's acquisition of Turner made the new operation the world's larg est media company. Operating units included substantial production and distribu tion companies. These included film and television studios (Castle Rock, Front Line, and Warner Brothers), music (record labels including Warner, Elektra, and Atlantic, the world's largest music publisher), news (ranging from Turner's cable networks [CNN, TBS, TNT, and the Cartoon Network] to Time Warner's hold ings in HBO, Cinemax, Court TV, and Comedy Central), film libraries (MGM, United Artists, Hanna Barbera cartoons, and all Warner Brothers films released after 1948), a television network (the WB network), and sizable book and maga zine publishing groups. Of course, AOL's purchase of Time Warner (including a myriad of book pub lishing operations; Warner Books, Little, Brown) set the tone for mergers and ac quisitions in the 21st century, or at least it appeared to set the tone until problems surfaced in 2002. By 2002, the media landscape was changed; all that remained was a debate over who would buy the diverse media products these new entities offered. Of course, book managers wondered how they would cope with a radically altered media environment. Why the Growth in Mergers and Acquisitions? Why was there a sharp increase in mergers and acquisitions and the rapid transfor mation of the United States book industry in the years between 1960 and 2004? In reality, many different economic and social forces were at play. The first reason centers on two closely interconnected issues: (1) strategic marketing considerations, and (2) globalization and the emergence of the global marketplace. Business schools began to stress strategic marketing theories in their under graduate and graduate curricula in the 1970s. A review of the published business literature revealed that strategic planning ideas appeared with some regularity in business publications. This managerial approach influenced a generation of
62
CHAPTER 3
corporate leaders, including many members of the publishing community who read these pieces, were trained in business schools, or who came to publishing from other industries. The chief proponent of strategic marketing ideas was Mi chael Porter. Porter maintained that a corporation should have the freedom to penetrate a market quickly and efficiently. This meant strategic planners had to: locate a po tentially profitable niche; develop products designed to satisfy the needs of the customers in this market segment; and create a defensive plan designed to with stand the intense competitive thrusts of other companies eager to gain market share and profits in this niche. Porter wrote about five key "forces" that affect directly competitive strategies in a market: threat of new entrants; the inevitable power of suppliers; the mercurial in fluence of customers; the potential substitute of other products; and the inevitable conflict for positions of hegemony among current competitors.4 Porter also developed a methodology or framework that a strategic manager could follow: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6.
Evaluate existing economies of scale. Determine product differentiation. Ascertain capital requirements. Analyze cost disadvantages independent of size. Consider existing distribution channels. Ponder current regulatory agency rules along with local, state, and U.S. laws.5
Of course, the emergence of the information age and a global marketplace di rectly affected the mass communications industry, leading to the creation of the influential Cable News Network (CNN), the rapid successes enjoyed by satellite systems, and the development of regional and global computer and Internet sys tems. These technological breakthroughs permitted the rapid spread of data and information for hundreds of millions of people who craved this knowledge. In ad dition, the language of this information age was primarily English (especially in publishing, aeronautics, business, science, technology, the arts, and a number of other areas). Coupled to this was the realization by many publishing executives that global ization had created an international publishing market of millions of individuals keenly interested in information of all types, from detailed abstracts about con
4Michael E. Porter, "How Competitive Forces Shape Strategy," Harvard Business Review 57 (March-April 1979): p. 137; Michael E. Porter, Competitive Strategy: Techniques for Analyzing Indus tries and Competitors (New York: Free Press, 1980), pp. 20–175; and Michael E. Porter, "Please Note Location of Nearest Exit," California Management Review (Winter 1976): p. 21. Ibid. Also see Alfred D. Chandler, Strategy and Structure: Chapters in the History of Industrial En terprise (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1962), pp. 38-102; and Alfred D. Chandler, The Visible Hand: The Managerial Revolution in American Business (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1977), pp. 12–1187.
MODERN BOOK PUBLISHING COMPANIES
63
sumer marketing trends to data about the latest cancer and medical research developments.6 These ideas caught the attention of media managers. In addition, the emergence of the European Union and enticing business oppor tunities in the Pacific Rim plus key markets in South and Central America, Africa, and the Middle East clearly sparked interest in global publishing opportunities. This "global village" may not exist exactly in the intricate way that Marshall McLuhan depicted it, but it is a reality nevertheless.7 These facts made trade and professional book companies appealing targets for mergers and acquisitions. These English-language firms generated a staggering number of new titles each year, never dropping below the 36,000 mark in the 1970s and 1980s and reaching 150,000 in 2003, and they were rather well established in certain critical and highly profitable niches, notably in the scientific, technical, and medical (STM), college textbook, scholarly publishing, and reference areas. In addition, the United States experienced a series of major business cycles between 1960 and 2004, ranging from periods of staggering growth, recessions, declines and rises in the value of the U.S. dollar (especially against the Euro), and low interest rates. These events prompted some foreign publishing execu tives to enter the U.S. book publishing market at prices that they felt were de pressed. Compounding this was the belief that the breakup value of many book companies exceeded the total value of these corporations. The parts were worth more than the sum. Were there any legal restraints prohibiting foreign media entities from entering the U.S. market? Because of the U.S. Constitution's First Amendment protection of Freedom of the Press, a foreign company can purchase outright a U.S. book com pany. Majority ownership of U.S. radio and television stations is restricted in the Communications Act of 1934 to U.S. citizens. America's highly valued "free enterprise" environment also explained the pleth ora of mergers and acquisitions. This large, politically and financially stable, affluent, cash-oriented North American market was able to support thousands of book compa nies publishing a myriad of new titles each year. This was the most valuable market in the world, and U.S. and global media leaders wanted a bigger piece of the pie. 6BethLuey, "The Impact of Consolidation and Internationalization," in Fred Kobrak and Beth Luey (Eds.), The Structure of International Publishing in the 1990s (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Pub lishers, 1992), pp. 1-24; Fred Kobrak, "Post-1992 Europe: History and Implications," in Fred Kobrak and Beth Luey (Eds.), The Structure of International Publishing in the 1990s (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers, 1992), pp. 177–182; Albert N. Greco, Advertising Management and the Busi ness Publishing Industry (New York: New York University Press, 1991), pp. 182-190; Adrian Higham, "Selling Abroad: Are We Doing Enough?" Book Research Quarterly 4 (Winter 1988-1989): pp. 45–51; Benjamin M. Compaine, "The Expanding Base of Media Competition," Journal of Communication 35(Summer 1985): pp. 81-96; Benjamin M. Compaine and Douglas Gomery, Who Owns the Media? (Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 2000), pp. 1-15, 39-77; Linda E. Connors, Sara Lynn Henry, and Jonathan W. Reader, "From Art to Corporation: Harry N. Abrams, Inc. and the Cultural Ef fects of Merger," Book Research Quarterly 1 (Winter 1985-1986): pp. 28-59. Marshall McLuhan, The Gutenberg Galaxy (Toronto: University of Toronto Press), pp. 21–51; Marshall McLuhan and Quentin Fiore, The Medium is the Message (New York: Bantam Books, 1967), pp. 34–87; and Marshall McLuhan and Eric McLuhan, The New Science (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1992), pp. 1-17.
64
CHAPTER 3
Mergers, Acquisitions, and Competition Did mergers and acquisitions have an adverse impact on the level of competition within the U.S. book industry? Ben H. Bagdikian addressed this issue in The Media Monopoly. Bagdikian insisted that the centralized ownership of media companies involved in the dissemination of knowledge and information via newspapers, peri odicals, books, television, and radio is not in the best interest of the American peo ple. This concentration, he posited, posed a direct threat to the democratic principles outlined in the U.S. Constitution.8 Although Bagdikian admits that no single company controls all media, he is alarmed that merger and acquisition trends indicated that communications compa nies were moving in that direction, that a small handful of global media companies, perhaps numbering no more than a dozen firms, could control most of the publishing–electronic media outlets in this nation and in the world. "Compounding the trend [of media concentration] has been the practice of companies already domi nant in one medium, like newspapers, investing in a formerly competitive medium, like television."9 The end result, Bagdikian insisted, was the creation of media conglomerates with alleged "monopolistic" powers. To Bagdikian, the United States is "losing di versity and competition among its major media." The impact will lead to a loss of editorial independence, the rise of business-oriented managers seeking to maxi mize profits at the expense of quality products, and the possible imposition of "po litical" tests on book manuscripts.10 Bagdikian's solution is a bit dicey. "Book publishers ... should be limited in the share of market they can attain by acquiring existing properties, but not lim ited by expansion of their own companies."11 If Bagdikian were correct, then the results of the mergers and acquisitions between 1960 and 2001 would have led to a sizable (if not massive) consolidation within the book publishing industry, fewer book companies generating a smaller number of new titles. A careful re view of the empirical data indicates clearly that Bagdikian's thesis is question able. Concentration levels, as measured by the U.S. Department of Justice's 8 Ben H. Bagdikian, The Media Monopoly (Boston: Beacon Press, 2000), p. 3. Also see Paul Nijhoff Asser, "Consolidation, Internationalization, and the Future of Publishing: A Scenario," Book Research Quarterly 5(Fall 1989): pp. 51-59; Alison Alexander, James Owers, and Rod Carveth (Eds.), Media Economics: Theory and Practice, 2nd ed. (Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 1998), pp. 1–43; Alan Albarran and John Dimmick, "Concentration and Economics of Multiformity in the Com munications Industries," Journal of Media Economics 9,4(1996): pp. 41–49; Alan Albarran and Sylvia Chan-Olmsted, Global Media Economics: Commercialization, Concentration, and Integration of World Media Markets (Ames, IO: Iowa State University press, 1998), pp. 5–16; Alan Albarran and An gel Arrese (Eds.), Time and Media Markets (Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 2002), pp. 1–5; John P. Dessauer, "Coming Full Circle at Macmillan: A Publishing Merger in Economic Perspec tive," Book Research Quarterly 1 (Winter 1985-1986): pp. 60–72. 9 Bagdikian, p. 5. 10Bagdikian, pp. 35-36. 11'Bagdikian, p. 228. Also see Robert H. Frank and Philip J. Cook, The Winner-Take-All Society: How the Few at the Top Get So Much More Than the Rest of Us (New York: Penguin, 1996), pp. 22–48.
MODERN BOOK PUBLISHING COMPANIES
65
Herfindahl-Hirschman Index (HHI) remained firmly in the lower tail of the con centration scale, book prices exceed the Consumer Price Index (CPI) but not by staggering amounts, and market entry into book publishing seems to be, at best, a relatively easy task with more than 53,000 publishing houses releasing 150,000 titles annually. 12 The dramatic increase in both the total number of book publishing firms and ti tle output between 1960 and 2002 seems to negate Bagdikian's fear that a media monopoly had been created in this nation. Could a Bagdikian media monopoly be created? This is an unlikely possibility as current technology makes the desktop publishing or electronic publication and distribution of books (i.e., electronic books "e-books" or print-on-demand)a reality, and a relatively inexpensive one at that. Anyone can become a publisher overnight. The distribution of these prod ucts could be difficult for amateurs because shelf space is at a premium in book stores and other outlets, although direct marketing and "800" numbers certainly minimize many of these sizable problems. Of course, the Internet, the World Wide Web, and online bookselling services opened new horizons for individuals interested in disseminating ideas electronically or in advertising their printed products.13 So it is highly unlikely that a small cluster of firms could ever develop and main tain total control over any book market. After all, in 2002 the nation's largest trade book publisher (Random House) held only an 8.12% market share of total sales in the United States; the second place corporation (HarperCollins) trailed with a 4.23% share.14 Table 3.7 outlines these developments. Ironically, it is rather common for book companies to withdraw from a mar ket for business reasons; witness New York-based book publishers abandoning the midlist market in the 1970s. A number of university presses quickly jumped into this market, hoping to capitalize on a small, but viable category.15 The Impact on American Society
Did consolidation of book publishing firms adversely affect U.S. society? A review of the empirical data indicated both positive and negative trends.
Albert N. Greco, "The Impact of Horizontal Mergers and Acquisitions on Corporate Concentration Levels in the U.S. Book Publishing Industry: 1989-1994,"Journal of Media Economics 12,3(1999): pp. 165-181. 13 David H. Henard and David M. Szymanski, "Why Some New Products Are More Successful than Others," Journal of Marketing Research XXXVIII(August 2001): pp. 362-375; Pradeep K. Chintagunta, "Investigating Category Pricing Behavior at a Retail Chain," Journal of Marketing Research XXXIX(May 2002): pp. 141–154; Anindya Banerjee and Bill Russell, "Industry Structure and the Dy namics of Price Adjustment," Applied Economics 33, 15(2002): pp. 1889-1901. 14 Stephanie Oda and Glenn Sansilo, The Subtext 2001-2002: Perspectives on Book Publishing: Numbers, Issues & Trends (Darien, CT: Open Book Publishing, 2002), p. 64. 15 Albert N. Greco, "University Presses and the Trade Book Market: Managing in Turbulent Times," Book Research Quarterly 3 (Winter 1987-1988): pp. 34–53.
TABLE 3.7
Twenty Largest Book Publishing Firms in North America: 2001–2000 Est. Revenues (Millions of Dollars) Rank
Publisher
2001 Sales
2000 Sales
Percent change
1
Pearson1
$4,901
$4,086
19.9%
2
Reed Elsevier2
$2,736*
$1,849
48.0%
3
McGraw-Hill
$2,322
$1,993
16.5%
4
Scholastic
$1,917
$1,962
-2.3%
5
Random House3
$1,805*
$1,612
12.0%
4
6
Int'l Thomson
$1,781*
$1,600
11.3%
7
Wolters Kluwer5
$1,610*
$1,590
1.3%
6
8
Harcourt General
$1,197*
$2,408
-50.3%
9
Houghton Mifflin
$1,126
$1,035
8.8%
10
HarperCollins
$1,078
$1,029
4.8%
7
11
John Wiley & Sons
$734
$614
19.5%
12
Reader's Digest
$670
$757
-11.5%
13
Simon & Schuster
$649
$596
8.9%
14
Harlequin Books
$396
$394
0.5%
15
Encyclopedia Britannica
$370*
$340
8.8%
16
AOL/Time Warner8
$310*
$300
3.3%
17
Holtzbrinck Group9
$300*
$280
7.1%
18
Rodale Press
$247*
$260
-5.0%
19
BNA
$260*
$250
4.0%
$232
$219
5.9%
$24,641
$23,174
6.3%
20
10
WRC Media Totals:
Sources: Subtext 2002–2003 (Darien, CT: Open Book Publishing, 2003), p. 25; Book Industry Trends 2003 (New York: Book Industry Study Group, Inc., 2003), p. 32. *Subtext estimates. 1Penguin Group $ 1,197; Pearson Education $3,704; exchange rate: £1 = $ 1.46; 2Reed acquired Harcourt General in July 2001. Estimate included a half year of Harcourt's sales, excluding its higher ed unit, which Thomson bought. Estimate also includes books sales for Reed's professional business; 3Esti mated based on pro-forma results. In 2001, Random House changes its fiscal year to December 31; 4Esti mate includes half year sales for Harcourt's higher ed. Unit, which Thomson acquired from Reed in July 2001; 5Estimate based on WK's book sales; 6Estimates for the first half of 2001. Harcourt acquired by Reed in July 2001; 7Includes Hungry Minds, which Wiley acquired in September 2001; 8Warner Books and Little Brown. Time Warner's continuity program not included; 9Includes St. Martin's Press, Farrar Straus & Giroux, Henry Holt, St. Martin's Press college, and Scientific American Publications; IOWRC Media, formerly Ripplewood Holdings, is comprised of a number of educational companies acquired in 1999. These include Weekly Reader, American Guidance, World Almanac and Compass Learning.
66
MODERN BOOK PUBLISHING COMPANIES
67
First, there was an increase in total employment in book publishing. Second, there was a movement away from the traditional book publishing cities and states (New York, Massachusetts, and Illinois) toward the southern and western regions of the nation. This meant that houses emerged producing more regional titles, unques tionably a boon for many authors, readers, and editors who lived and worked in these parts of the nation.16 Third, U.S. book companies were able to develop global marketing strategies, especially when firms opened or purchased a foreign office. Fourth, firms had better access to financial resources (known as capital deepening to economists), enabling publishers to penetrate and defend new domestic and for eign markets, publish more titles, and sign interesting and talented (and hopefully successful) authors.17 On the negative side, certain U.S. book companies experienced some unset tling setbacks. First, the assimilation of different companies into one "mother company" and the utilization of the mythic "synergy" turned out to be far more difficult than most industry leaders and observers originally thought. This was certainly true for most foreign companies who purchased U.S. book companies. Second, some U.S. citizens questioned the wisdom of the "selling of America" to foreign firms. Third, the U.S. Government, and in essence U.S. industry, be came far too dependent on a steady influx of foreign capital. This noncyclical phenomenon could endanger the fiscal vitality of the economy if foreign capital suddenly or slowly became unavailable or disappeared. Fourth, mergers and ac quisitions generated hundreds of millions (if not billions) of dollars in both debt and paper profits.18 It is highly unlikely that this process positively affected U.S. industry, Wall Street, or society. Fifth, some critics began to ask whether foreign companies should publish U.S. textbooks. Sixth, foreign corporations invested in U.S. book companies, but a sizable portion of the profits left the country. Seventh, some book editors sustained a loss of editorial independence. The bottom line became more impor tant because debts had to be repaid, prompting some houses to issue "fluff to pay the bills. Overall, it appears that consolidation generated more positive than negative trends.
Albert N. Greco, "Publishers in Migration," Publishers Weekly, 12 October 1992, pp. 30–31. Laura Landro, "Simon & Schuster Becomes a Publishing 'Juggernaut': G & W Fuels Unit's Growth with Buying Spree, Focusing on Education," The Wall Street Journal, 17 December 1987, p. 6; William H. Meyers, "Murdoch's Global Power Play," The New York Times Magazine, 12 June 1988, pp. 18–19, 20–21, 36, 41, 42; Rosabeth Moss Kanter, When Giants Learn to Dance: Mastering the Chal lenges of Strategy, Management, and Careers in the 1990s (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1989), pp. 16–39; Geraldine Fabrikant, "When Mastery of U.S. Media Does Not Come Trippingly," The New York Times, 18 October 1992, p. F12; Richard M. Clurman, To The End of Time: The Seduction and Conquest of a Media Empire (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1992), pp. 1-55; Connie Brack, Master of the Game: How Steve Ross Rose the Light Fantastic from Undertaker to Creator of the Largest Media Conglomer ate in the World (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1994), pp. 1-147. Martin and Susan Tolchin, Buying into America: How Foreign Money is Changing the Face of Our Nation (New York: Times Books, 1988), p. 6.
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THE EMERGENCE OF THE MODERN BOOK COMPANY What is the organizational structure of the modern book company? How did this framework evolve? What are the characteristics of the modern firm? Which book firms have emerged as giants of this industry? Since 1945, the modern book company changed inexorably because of: (1) the need to create and maintain viable business operations (from sales and marketing to distribution) to support the editorial function; (2) the demand to supply titles to an expanding market; (3) major technological and distribution developments that al lowed firms to issue inexpensive paperbacks; (4) an influx of capital that allowed certain firms an opportunity to expand their editorial and business operations; and (5) the tremendous number of mergers and acquisitions that occurred between 1960 and 2003.19 Random House is the largest English-language publisher in the world, and, in 2001, it generated $1.995 billion in revenues, +3.9% over 2000. Pearson's Penguin Putnam was in second place with $1.141 billion (+25.5%); and HarperCollins was a distant third with $1.06 billion (+1.9%). No other firm cracked the billion dollar mark. Table 3.8 lists the nation's 10 largest firms in 2001, which collectively accounted for about 8% of total U.S. net publishers' revenues in the U.S. Charles Scribner's Sons
Although not present at the "creation," Charles Scribner, Jr., was an astute observer and major participant during what some individuals have called the "golden age" of entrepreneurial book publishing. Scribner entered his family's storied book com pany, Charles Scribner's Sons, after the end of World War II. This house was still dominated by the legendary editor Maxwell Perkins, mentor to F. Scott Fitzgerald, Ernest Hemingway, Thomas Wolfe, and many other literary luminaries. Scribner remarked, in In the Web of Ideas: The Education of a Publisher, an evo cative work that captured the tone and sensibilities of the last days of the heroic age of Maxwell Perkins, that "growing up in a publishing family was inevitably a book ish experience; it prepared me to take over the family publishing business."20 A classics major at Princeton, Scribner's first assignment at the company was "to deal with Ernest Hemingway on an illustrated edition of A Farewell to Arms ... I never
19Jeffrey S. Arpan, Edward B. Flowers, and David A. Ricks, "Foreign Direct Investment in the United States: The State of Knowledge in Research," Journal of International Business Studies (Spring/Summer 1981): pp. 137-154; Jane Sneddon Little, "Foreign Direct Investment in New Eng land," New England Economic Review (March-April 1981): pp. 51-56; Jane Sneddon Little, "The Fi nancial Health of U.S. Manufacturing Firms Acquired by Foreigners," New England Economic Review (July-August 1981): pp. 5-18; and Jane Sneddon Little, "Foreign Direct Investment in the United States," New England Economic Journal (November-December 1980): pp. 5-22. 20 Jason Epstein, 'The Decline and Rise of Publishing." New York Review of Books, 1 March 1990, pp. 8-12. Also see David D. Kirkpatrick, "An Enemies List, But No Enemies Exist," The New York Times, 2 September 2002, p. C6.
TABLE 3.8 Ten Largest Book Publishing Firms in the United States Share of Domestic Market: 2001 (Millions of Dollars) Publisher
WRC Media Harlequin Pearson Wiley McGraw-Hill HarperCollins
2001
2000
%Chg
2001
2000
%Chg
2001
2000
%Chg
$232
$219 $394
5.9%
$51
9.8%
24.1%
23.3%
0.8%
0.5%
$56 $73
$69
18.4%
17.5%
$396 $4,901 $734 $2,322 $1,078
Scholastic Thorn. Nelson
$1,917
Reader's Dig.
$670
Total
Margin
Income
Revenues
$216
$12,466
$4,086 $614 $1,993 $1,029 $1,962 $214 $757 $11,268
19.9%
$663
$607
5.8% 9.2%
13.5%
14.9%
0.9% -1.4%
19.5%
$88
$95
-7.4%
12.0%
15.5%
-3.5%
16.5%
$263 $118 $186 $12 $14
$308 $111
-14.6% 6.3%
11.3%
15.5%
10.9%
10.8%
–4.2% 0.1%
$99
87.9%
9.7%
5.0%
4.7%
$14
5.6%
6.5%
-0.9%
2.1%
7.4%
-5.3%
$1,473
$1,410
-14.3% -75.0% 5.0%
11.4%
12.5%
-1.1%
4.8% -2.3%
0.9%
-11.5% 10.6%
$56
Sources: Subtext 2002–2003 (Darien, CT: Open Book Publishing, 2003), p. 22; Booklndustry Trends 2003 (New York: Booklndustry Study Group, Inc., 2003), p. 32. 6
9
*$6,541 million, according to AAP Industry Net Sales 2000. Total domestic trade sales, 2000, as computed by the Association of American Publishers: $6,541 million; Combined domestic trade sales of top 10: $5,261 million, or 80.4% of total domestic trade sales in 2000.
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CHAPTER 3
had one blessed minute of instruction from anybody, in any branch of the business. I was expected to pick it up."21 This was the traditional way family members learned the book business. After college, having generally majored in the humanities, a family member entered the family business in either the editorial department (as an editorial assistant) or in sales and marketing. This process was fraught with dangers when book publish ing ceased being a cottage industry and owners were forced to cope with a myriad of complex business and financial matters that taxed their resources. A concomi tant difficulty centered on the ability of a family to supply the house with effective family leaders, a complication that plagued many of the privately owned houses into the 1960s. Aside from Hemingway, Scribner had to deal with Perkins. "My father adored him as a colleague ... they ate lunch together nearly every day ... Perkins was al ready a legend, amusing, talented, and utterly charming."22 The Charles Scribner's Sons' business office was Dickensian. The library had one of the very few carpets. "It was there that Tom Wolfe was reputed to have spent the night reading his publisher's books until he fell asleep on the floor... Against a wall... were the plaster models, gilded over, of the ornamental heads that adorned the building facade ... The furniture was all oak and quite magnificent, and the li brary was paneled."23 Scribner described with some amazement the cashier's cage where very old male and female bookkeepers calculated in longhand each author's royalty state ment. As a staunch "Princeton" publishing house, the company employed an octo genarian nonacquiring editor (who had been a successful baseball pitcher for Princeton); tiny cubicles housed senior editors and a reference department that was "languishing for lack of investment."24 It was "the only firm in the English-speaking world to combine under one management every function of book production and distribution, being printers, binders, publishers, wholesale importers and exporters, and finally booksellers."25 Scribner's description of the sales operation was enlightening: We had no more than six or seven men. They came each season to a so-called sales conference, which took place in a tiny little room and was presided over by Max Perkins. Nobody else was allowed in. A skeptical group of salesmen gathered about him, and the editor-in-chief would say: 'Now, here's a book by Robert Briffault. I really don't know why we ever took that book. It'sa curious book ...' I am not joking: that was the sales pitch for the book, informal to the point of being Pickwickian.26 21Charles Scribner, Jr., In the Web of Ideas: The Education of a Publisher (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1993), p. 3. 22 Charles Scribner, Jr., In the Company of Writers: A Life in Publishing (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1990), p. 39. 23lbid., p. 39. 24 Ibid.,p.4l. 25 Ibid., p. 43. 26 Ibid., pp. 43-52.
TABLE 3.9 Three Largest Booksellers' 2001-2000 Profitability Index ($ in millions) Booksellers
7 1
Margin
Income
Revenues 2001
2000
%Chg
2001
2000
%Chg
2001
2000
%Chg
BAM
$443
$419
5.7%
$26
$24
8.3%
5.9%
5.7%
0.2%
B&N
$3,618 $3,271
3.6%
$212
$128
65.6%
5.7%
3.5%
$192
$171
12.3%
5.7%
3.5% 5.2%
2.2%
Borders
$3,749 $3,387
0.5%
Total
$7,579
$7,308
3.7%
$430
$323
33.1%
5.7%
4.4%
1.3%
72
CHAPTER 3
Simon & Schuster What is the organizational structure of the modern book company? Simon & Schuster, one of the largest book publishers in the United States (called "S & S" in the book industry), was selected for analysis. S & S, founded in 1924, is one of the world's leading book publishers, serving the consumer, professional, and interna tional markets with approximately $596 million in annual sales in 2001. On the corporate level, Simon & Schuster utilized the following organizational structure in 2001: Chairman and Chief Executive Officer; President and Chief Op erating Officer; Executive Vice President and Chief Financial Officer; Executive Vice President and President, Educational Publishing; Senior Vice President and General Counsel; Senior Vice President, Human Resources; Senior Vice President, Corporate Development; Senior Vice President, Strategic Planning; Vice Presi dent, Purchasing; Vice President, Corporate Communications; Senior Vice Presi dent, Chief Information Officer. See Fig. 3.1 details this structure. Synergy works at Simon & Schuster in a complex manner. Viacom and S & S have entered into some joint projects. A detailed analysis of the Simon & Schuster Consumer Group illustrates the structure of a large operating unit. However, a radically different perspective sur faces when studying the S & S book imprints. A perfect case in point is the wellknown Pocket Books imprint. See Fig. 3.2 for details regarding the consumer unit.
FIG. 3.1 Typical corporate organization structure.
MODERN BOOK PUBLISHING COMPANIES
73
FIG. 3.2 Book publishing consumer group organizational chart.
Pocket Books, founded in 1939, has long been a leading American book pub lisher. On June 19,1939, The New York Times carried a prophetic advertisement an nouncing the birth of this historic house: Today is the most important literary coming-out party in the memory of New York's oldest book lover. Today your 250 piece leaps to a par with dollar bills. Now for less than the few cents you spend each week for your morning newspaper, you can own one of the great books for which thousands of people have paid from $2 to $4. These new Pocket Books are designed to fit both the tempo of our times and the needs of New Yorkers.27
The genius behind Pocket Books was Robert de Graff, who was a student of reading habits of citizens in England and the United States. Awed by the Penguin Book operation in England, de Graff wanted to launch a paperback company in the United States. After surveying the American book scene, de Graff realized that cer tain impediments existed.28 He needed operating capital to launch a house and di rect access to an effective distribution system able to handle paperback books effectively. Aside from bookstores and department store book sections, a sizable number of other outlets loomed on the horizon for paperback books, namely five-and-ten stores, Sears, Roebuck, bus and train terminals, and other nontradi tional sources. Independent wholesalers (servicing candy stores, cigar stores, newsstands, corner grocery stores, etc.) were considered as they serviced over 100,000 stores nationwide. Magazine distributors, who carefully guarded their ter ritories, tightly controlled distribution to these sources.29 Thomas L. Bonn, Undercover: An Illustrated History of American Mass Market Paperbacks (New York: Penguin Books, 1982), pp. 1-35. Also see Frank L. Schick, The Paperbound Book inAmerica: the History of Paperbacks and Their European Background (New York: R. R. Bowker, 1958), pp. 11–51; Thomas L. Bonn, "Henry Holt A-Spinning in His Grave: Agenting, Yesterday and Today," Publishing Research Quarterly 10(Sprint 1990): pp. 55–65. 28Thomas L. Bonn, Undercover: An Illustrated History of American Mass Market Paperbacks, pp. 7-15. 29 Ibid., pp. 20–27.
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CHAPTER 3
Realizing the market potential of paperbacks and the inevitable need for assis tance, de Graff approached the legendary Richard Simon, M. Lincoln Schuster, and Leon Shimkin (the three leaders of Simon & Schuster) for support. After a series of lengthy discussions, Simon, Schuster, and Shimkin agreed to purchase a minority 49% position in the Pocket Books company. De Graff held onto the remaining 51 % .30 This arrangement allowed de Graff to approach other hardback publishers to purchase paperback reprint rights without generating any conflict of interest issues because S & S was only a minority stockholder. In reality, de Graff shared a 50-50 voting arrangement with these three "minority" partners. This contractual arrange ment provided de Graff with much needed operating capital and partners with con tacts in the closely guarded world of ideas.31 De Graff developed a three-part strategic plan, and he built his organizational structure around this model. First, he developed strong editorial products appealing to a cross section of the American reading public. The mix of titles was of great concern to de Graff. He sought to offer enough variety to attract serious readers, which ex plains the decision to publish literary fiction, as well as mass-market, "lighter" works and children's classics. Within a few months, de Graff decided that mysteries should account for one third of his output (Pocket Books issued Agatha Christie and Erie Stanley Gardner for decades). Other categories that showed potential to de Graff in cluded westerns, historical romances, and science fiction.32 Second, he crafted an aggressive marketing-advertising campaign built around mail promotions and highly visible advertising campaigns. Third, he stressed art and design and production innovations. At first, the organizational structure utilized by de Graff was modest, drawing on the services of only a small nucleus of employees. As unit sales and revenues in creased, de Graff built a rather formidable business operation. In 1939, ten titles were issued (with an initial press run of 10,000 copies for each title); his first book was James Hilton's popular Lost Horizon (numbered "1" in the Pocket Books list; at that time most paperback books were numbered). The other nine titles were: #2 Dorothea Brande's Wake Up and Live; #3 Shakespeare's Five Great Tragedies, #4 Thorne Smith's Topper, #5 Agatha Christie's The Murder of Roger Ackroyd, #6 Dorothy Parker's Enough Rope, #7 Emily Bronte's Wuthering Heights, #8 Samuel Butler's The Way of All Flesh, #9 Thornton Wilder's highly acclaimed The Bridge of San Luis Rey, and #10 Felix Salten's Bambi.33 Sales were brisk and the first printings sold out, prompting de Graff to issue a second printing of 15,000 copies for his entire original list. Within 2 months, addi tional titles were added to the Pocket Book line; total unit sales exceeded the $1.5 million mark, an exceptionally impressive start. Market penetration was impres sive, especially among nontraditional sales outlets. Hollywood films directly af fected the sales of Lost Horizon, Topper, Wuthering Heights, and The Way of All 30Ibid., pp. 20–27. 31Ibid., pp. 20–27. 32 Ibid, pp. 20–27. 33Ibid., pp. 20–27.
MODERN BOOK PUBLISHING COMPANIES
75
Flesh, a fact that quickly caught the attention of de Graff and other observers of the book scene. Because of the recommendation of his three partners, de Graff decided in 1940 to issue a paperback version of How to Win Friends and Influence People, Dale Carnegie's blockbuster book (originally published by Simon & Schuster in hardcover). Over the decades, this title proved to be a successful book, with tremendous sales in the drug store-variety store market. When America entered World War II in December 1941, de Graff was able, de spite strict wartime restrictions, to publish books for the U.S. armed forces. Kenneth C. Davis reported, in Two-Bit Culture: The Paperbacking of America, that war years sales of Pocket Books were brisk. Their "best sellers on U.S. Army camps included a pocket dictionary and vocabulary books, several examples of serious literature (in cluding Nana and Wuthering Heights), humor books (The Pocket Book of Boners), and various collections of short stories, verse, and mystery stories."34 The modern "paperbacking" of America began because of the efforts of de Graff and Simon, Schuster, and Shimkin. They revolutionized reading and publishing in America, a fact that other paperback book leaders would capitalize on after World War II.35 By 2002, Pocket Books published trade paperbacks, hardcovers, and mass-market original titles and reprints, and it had a highly structured organizational frame work. Figure 3.3 details the structure at Pocket Books. Random House's Bantam Books Growing from a tiny paperback reprint house called Bantam Books (but not the Bantam created in Los Angeles during World War II), Bantam became one of the major publishing firms of the 20th century. Its initial success was due in large part to the creative leadership of the legendary Ian and Betty Ballantine, and this house became the most active and successful paperback company in the years after 1945. It was launched unobtrusively in the summer of 1945 to capitalize on the need for postwar paperback books, a phenomenon that was directly affected by the millions of books consumed by the fighting troops during the war (literally creating a new market for books in this country) and the impact of the G. I. Bill, which enabled tens of thousands of war vets to attend college. The firm's original owners represented an interesting mix of the book and peri odical industries. The Curtis Circulation Co., which controlled a sizable portion of the critically important periodical channel of distribution in this nation (and whose parent company owned the veritable cash cow and cultural icon The Saturday Eve ning Post), held a 42.5% of the original company. Grosset & Dunlap also held a 42.5% share. Ian Ballantine, Bantam's gifted first president, owned 9% of the com pany. Walter B. Kramer and Sidney Pitkin held the remaining 6% equally.36 Kenneth C. Davis, Two-Bit Culture: The Paperbacking of America (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1984), pp. 31-55. 35Ibid., p. 65. Clarence Peterson, The Bantam Story: Thirty Years of Paperback Publishing (New York: Bantam Books, 1975), pp. 8-10, 21, 43-57, 79-96.
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CHAPTER 3
FIG. 3.3 Typical book publishing organizational structure.
Bantam's key leaders and executives included some of the nation's most distin guished publishers, including Walter Fuller, Cass Canfield, Meredith Wood, Charles Scribner, Sr., Alfred Mclntyre, Bennett Cerf, John O'Connor, Walter B. Pitkin, Jr., and Sidney Kramer. Betty Ballantine, cofounder of the firm, crafted the high editorial standards Bantam followed throughout its history.37 Bantam relied on Ian Ballantine's entrepreneurial spirit and vision. He utilized a complex tripartite organizational strategy closely resembling the one developed by de Graff before the war: a strong mix of titles (with appealing covers), an aggressive mar keting department, and a first-class distribution operation (the Curtis connection). 7Ibid.,pp.11-21.
MODERN BOOK PUBLISHING COMPANIES
77
Bantam placed two advertisements in Publishers Weekly (on July 28, 1945 and again on December 1,1945) notifying the industry that it was in business. The July 28th ad announced Bantam's original corporate mission to be mass publisher and distributor of reprints of novels, detective, mystery, and western stories, nonfiction, humor, short stories, poetry, and anthologies. Their second ad appeared on Decem ber 1st. It went on for 6 pages, including book covers (both the inside and outside back covers), and the first 20 titles were listed. Initially, Bantam reissued classic backlist titles for only 250 each. The first 20 ti tles represented a cross section of serious literary fiction, westerns, and unadulter ated escapism. The company's strategy was to develop a viable mass market for titles; their structure was dependent on utilizing periodical distributors who con trolled book racks in drugstores, bus terminals, "five and dimes," and so on. Each title was numbered, and Bantam's first batch of titles included: #1 Mark Twain's Life on the Mississippi, #2 Frank Gruber's The Gift Horse, #3 Zane Grey's Nevada, #4 Elizabeth Daly's Evidence of Things Seen, #5 Rafael Sabatini's Scaramouche, #6 Robert D. Deal's A Murder by Marriage, #7 John Steinbeck's The Grapes of Wrath, #8 F. Scott Fitzgerald's The Great Gatsby, #9 Geoffrey Household's Rogue Male, #10 Marjorie Kinnan Rawlings' South Moon Under, #11 Isabel Scott Rorick's Mr. & Mrs. Cugat, #12 Geoffrey Holmes' Then There Were Three, #13 Elliot Paul's The Last Time I Saw Paris, #14 Antoine de Saint-Exupery's Wind, Sand, and the Stars, #15 Sally Benson's Meet Me in St. Louis, #16 Leslie Ford's The Town Cried Murder, #17 Booth Tarkington's Seventeen, #18 Budd Schulberg's What Makes Sammy Run?, #19 Robert Nathan's One More Spring, and #20 Alice Tisdale Hobart's Oil for the Lamps of China.38 Bantam's version of Life on the Mississippi (#1) was arguably the most widely read version of Twain's classic. Other best-selling Bantam titles were books by Deal (#6), Steinbeck (#7), and Grey (#3). Ian Ballantine and his associates developed an innovative marketing strategy that Bantam followed throughout the 1940s and, with some modification, well into the 1990s. Ballantine stressed clearly defined niches (westerns, mysteries, and ro mance titles), big, juicy, promotable novels by well-known authors, attractive, eye-catching covers to attract potential customers, numerous film tie-ins (including #58 Captains Courageous in 1946 and #459 Joan of Arc in 1947), and ventures with the Book-of- the-Month Club and Scholastic. Many of these promotional ideas in fluenced the entire mass-market industry.39 Ballantine's strategic plans were successful. By 1946 he and his associates de cided to increase the initial press run of newly issued titles, eventually reaching 200,000 copies of each book. Curtis was in charge of the distribution of Bantam's line, guaranteeing Bantam access to a wide number of outlets; and, in addition to the original 20 titles, 4 new ones would be issued each month. In 1946, titles in cluded books by James Thurber (#21), James Hilton (#29), and Howard Fast (#30).
38Ibid., pp. 23–28 39Ibid., pp. 31–39
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In July 1947, responding to an unprecedented demand for their books, Ballantine increased Bantam's new monthly title output to 6, eventually jumping to 8 in 1948. Some of the books released in 1947–1948 included #75 John Steinbeck's Cannery Row, #103 George Victor Martin's The Bells of St. Mary's (a successful movie tie-in), and #404 John Hersey's Hiroshima. Ballantine developed a limited royalty schedule (which averaged $2,000), providing the firm with a positive cash flow for a number of years.40 Book publishers were well aware of Bantam's successes, and other paperback companies emerged to challenge Bantam's hegemony. This intense competition from other paperback companies and steeply rising production costs prompted Bantam to raise the cover price from 250 to the then unheard of 350 in 1950. Ballantine designed an innovative marketing ploy to alleviate the impact of this price increase. Bantam inaugurated the "Bantam Giants" in 1951, which were de signed to capture the attention of readers looking for "weighty" books. Some of the early Giants included Ben A. Williams' Leave Her to Heaven (#A775) and Taylor Caldwell's This Side of Innocence (#A760). Although successful, the Giants alone could not dissipate the stiff competition Bantam faced, which prompted the company to raise cover prices to 50c. Its first big success at 500 was John O'Hara's A Rage to Live (#F935).41 Ballantine realized rather early in his tenure that American paperback books had a global appeal, so he developed a structure designed to capitalize on this opportu nity. He launched an export distribution network with Belgium, Holland, Scandina via, and Portugal in 1946. In 1947, the Middle East was added. Bantam entered the United Kingdom in 1949, establishing Trans-World Publishing Co. there in 1951. Ballantine also became a keen exponent of motion picture tie-ins; whenever possi ble, he issued titles timed to coincide with film premieres and publicity campaigns (a source of free advertising for his books). A few of these successful books in cluded John Steinbeck's The Pearl (#131), Kathryn Forbes' Mama's Bank Account (#135; later to be turned into I Remember Mama, one of television's earliest hits), Borden Chase's Red River (#205), Lucille Fletcher's Sorry, Wrong Number (#356), John Steinbeck's The Red Pony (#402), Edmond Rastand's Cyrano de Bergerac (#858), and C. S. Forester's Captain Horatio Hornbhwer (#A912).42 Bantam faced severe censorship problems in 1950 in New Jersey, leading ulti mately to a major court victory but costly legal bills. In addition, a weakened econ omy during the Korean War strained Bantam's resources. The company faced massive problems with returns because the market was flooded with titles issued by Bantam and its competitors. Major fiscal woes plagued Bantam in 1951-1952; in June 1952, Ian Ballantine left Bantam, the house he created and led so successfully for many years. Publishing insiders were well aware of the pivotal role Ian Ballantine played in the creation of this modem book publishing firm, and he was not easily replaced. 40Ibid., pp. 43–47. 41Ibid., pp. 49–55. 42 Ibid., pp. 57–66.
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Pitkin ran Bantam until 1954, but the board of directors ultimately selected Os car Dystel as Bantam's president in 1954. Dystel had earned a reputation in the peri odical industry, especially at Coronet magazine. Apparently the paperback industry's dependence on magazine distributors was a factor in the Board's deci sion to select Dystel. Dystel initiated a series of new strategic plans to revamp Bantam. These in cluded a reduction of wholesalers' warehouse inventories; smaller print runs; an improvement in the selection, packaging, and promotion of titles; and the develop ment of a corporate structure. This strategy worked. Some of the early best-sellers issued under Dystel's reign included: Leon Uris's Battle Cry (#FI279), Pierre Boulle's Bridge Over the River Kwai (#AI677), and John Steinbeck's East of Eden (#FI267). Dystel's planning and managerial expertise pushed Bantam into the black by 1955.43 Yet Bantam and its competitors in the paperback book business were plagued with pesky censorship problems in the late 1940s and 1950s. Many of Bantam's book con tents and covers proved to be an intractable bone of contention on the state level, nota bly in Michigan. In the late 1940s, many covers for male-oriented titles became a bit risque for a sizable (or at least a vocal) portion of the American population. Many of these colorful covers portrayed women in vulgar poses, with their apparel often com ing apart at the seams or literally falling off. Some of the books with sensational cov ers included The Amboy Dukes, Come, Fill the Cup, Rag Top, Blondes Die Young, Cage of Lust, The Innocent One, One Lonely Night, Into Plutonian Depths, Passion Road, and the often cited The PrivateLife of Helen of Troy (Popular Library's cover with a full-figured woman with nipples poking through Helen's flimsy gown). In 1952, the U.S. House of Representatives' Select Committee on Current Porno graphic Material held public hearings, some of which focused on the influence of pa perback covers and books. Dystel and the vast majority of paperback and hardcover book publishers were firmly committed to the First Amendment, and he fought, usu ally successfully, all attempts to censor Bantam's books. Whereas most artistic forms experience an ebb and flow, paperback covers remained a source of contention for de cades. By the 1960s, risque covers remained evident, including Bantam's The Harrad Experiment and Boys & Girls Together. Mickey Spillane's The Erection Set was is sued with two different paperback covers, one with a discreetly covered photograph of Spillane's naked wife and the second one containing only text.44 Trying to develop a backlist of titles that would help stabilize the essentially vol atile reprint operation, Dystel launched the famed Bantam Classics series in 1958. These titles proved over the years to be a steady source of cash and great pride for a company looking to find its place in the cloistered world of New York book publish ers. Some of the early titles included #AC1 Aldous Huxley's Brave New World, #SC4 Fyodor Dostoyevsky's The Idiot, #FC5 Anton Chekhov's Four Great Plays, #FC6 Theodore Drieser's Sister Carrie, #FC7 Joseph Conrad's Lord Jim, #FC8 Frank Norris's The Octopus, and #FCIO Jane Austen's Emma. Ibid., pp. 79–85. Ibid., pp. 88–96.
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Throughout the 1960s, Bantam scored major successes by crafting a plan for re printing books that did not sell in hardback (known in the industry as sleepers), de veloping creative marketing campaigns for bestsellers (e.g., Valley of the Dolls), westerns (notably with the immense popularity of Louis L' Amour), romances, and other fiction genres, and creating the Bantam Extra (instant books), which included The Report of the Warren Commission on the Assassination of President Kennedy and The Pope's Journey to the U.S. By the 1960s, Bantam had established itself as the leading paperback company in the nation, prompting Dystel in 1964 to termi nate its distribution arrangement with Curtis. These successes caught the attention of individuals outside the book publishing world. In 1968, Bantam was sold for $50 million to National General Cinema. Under new owners, Bantam experienced more successes in the 1970s. Special ti tles (dictionaries, cookbooks, foreign language books, children's books, and the Bantam War Books series) notched impressive results. Some of their best sellers in cluded Portnoy's Complaint, Airport, Jaws, Helter Skelter, and The Deep. Bantam launched the American Review, and there were more movie and television tie-ins (The Twilight Zone and Star Trek). Dystel also decided that film novelizations (The Sting, Taxi Driver, and Jaws 2) would add panache, as would a highly visible Ban tam Lecture Bureau (created in 1971).45 Ever vigilant of new opportunities, Dystel added new features to his strategic plan. He expanded the direct sales force, launched a premium marketing opera tion, employed a direct response approach, enlarged the school sales program, and continued the development of major product lines, including children's, clas sics, and westerns. Success did not generate boredom or a lack of publicity for Bantam. In 1973, the American Financial Corporation (another nonbook corporation) acquired Na tional General Corporation for an estimated $70 million, thereby giving Bantam another owner. In 1974, Giovanni Agnelli's Instituto Finanzario Industriale (IFI) purchased Bantam for $70 million, paving the way for Alberto Vitale to join Ban tam. Agnelli eventually sold Bantam 3 years later to West Germany's Bertelsmann AG (one of the world's leading book publishers). Bertelsmann ob tained a 51 % share of Bantam for a sizable sum (estimated to be between $36 mil lion and $50 million) in 1977. In what was then an unrelated transaction, the privately owned Doubleday acquired Dell in 1976. This new set of owners made changes at Bantam. Dystel became Chairman of Bantam in 1978, and then left the firm in 1980. Eventually, Alberto Vitale was named President, and he developed his own strategic plans for Bantam, including a stronger financial system, a vigorous attention to editorial policies (which in cluded a flair for finding blockbuster bestsellers), and bringing young managers into the company. Many of these new hires had business degrees and experiences 45 Kenneth C. Davis, Two-Bit Culture: The Paperbacking of America, pp. 60-89; also see Trevor Lipscombe, "The Greatest Story Ever Told: The Pitfalls of Publishing," The Journal of Scholarly Pub lishing, 31, 4(April 2000): pp. 179-188; Freeman Lewis, A Brief History of Pocket Books (New York: Pocket Books, 1967), pp. 1–48.
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in other industries. For example, Jack Hoeft (later to be named BDD's President and Chairman of the Board) left a major marketing position at Pepsi-Cola to join Bantam. Bantam in the 1980s and 1990s experienced its most impressive and successful period of growth because of innovative and successful strategic plans, which in cluded publishing original fiction, acquiring and developing properties that were eventually licensed to hardbound publishers for first-time publication, increasing its emphasis on instant books, issuing reference and educational materials, publish ing blockbuster nonfiction titles in hardcover (Iacocca was the national best seller for 2 years) and paper, and developing a strong sales and marketing orientation that permeated the entire company. In 1981, Bertelsmann AG purchased IFI's remaining 49% position in Bantam, and, in a related move, Bertelsmann sold IFI its 30% share of Fabbri Editori in Mi lan. In 1986, Bertelsmann AG acquired Doubleday Dell and merged them into the Bantam Doubleday Dell Publishing Group, Inc. By the mid-1990s, BDD generated +$1 billion in annual sales, employed ap proximately 1,700 people, and issued somewhere in the vicinity of 70 new titles each month under a number of well-known imprints. The Bantam imprint includes: Bantam Audio Books, Bantam Books, Bantam Classics, Bantam Skylark, Bantam Young Skylark, Books for Young Readers, Loveswept, New Age Books, and Sweet Dreams. Doubleday issues The Anchor Bible, Anchor Books, Currency, Dolphin Books, Double D Western, Image Books, The Jerusalem Bible, Made Simple Books, The New Jerusalem Bible, Nan A. Talese Books, Outdoor Bible Series, Per fect Crime, and Spy Books. Dell releases Delacorte Press, Dell Books, Dell Hardcovers, Dell Trade Paperbacks, Delta Books, Island Books, Laurel Books, Laurel Trade Paperbacks, and Dell Magazines. Since 1945, Bantam Doubleday Dell has published many notable authors, in cluding Maya Angelou, Isaac Asimov, Margaret Atwood, Jean Auel, James Baldwin, Ray Bradbury, Arthur C. Clarke, Pat Conroy, John Grisham, Alex Haley, Radclyffe Hall, Joseph Heller, Judith Krantz, Louis L'Amour, Elmore Leonard, Ross Macdonald, Danielle Steel, John Steinbeck, and Jacqueline Susann. The company's authors have earned some of the most impressive awards includ ing The Pulitzer Prize, National Book Critics Circle Award, National Book Award, The Booker Prize, The Nobel Prize for Literature, The P.E.N. Hemingway Award, The Agatha Award, The Edgar Award, The Gold Dagger Award, The Hugo Award, The Newberry Medal Award, Newberry Honor Books, The Caldecott Medal, and The Caldecott Honor. In 1998, Bertelsmann AG, the parent of Bantam Doubleday Dell, purchased Random House for about $1.4 billion. The newly merged operation was named Random House, and Bantam, Doubleday, and Dell (and later the newly launched Broadway Books) became operating units. By 2002, Random House, the largest English-language publisher in the world, was a major force in most of the important book categories, including adult and juvenile trade, religious, romance, mystery, reference, cooking, travel, business-personal financeinvesting, and computers.
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Strategy and Structure: Pocket Books and Bantam Books
Pocket Books and Bantam Books (and later Bantam Doubleday Dell and finally Random House) established a strategy regarding editorial, marketing, and distri bution and then crafted the organizational structure needed to implement it. In each case, there was a desire to go beyond the industry-entrenched, entrepreneur ial, family-owned corporation to shape a modern business framework. Once each firm developed its organizational structure, a more complex (and in evitably) bureaucratic operation was put in place. This was needed, as the Bantam experience demonstrated in the late 1940s, to monitor sales revenues, unit sales, and returns. Bantam utilized this centralization effectively from the mid-1950s into the 21st century. There is an inevitable ebb and flow in any organization. Eventually, a need to de centralize some operations materialized. Ballantine realized this when he launched the overseas operations, and Dystel accepted this approach when his management team was given the authority to handle major responsibilities ranging from art and design to marketing. For decades, a product mentality permeated both of these corporations. In the 1990s, both Simon & Schuster and Bantam Doubleday Dell decided to return to an earlier entrepreneurial approach stressing Peter Drucker's belief in the significance of both marketing and innovation, which in book publishing is a commitment to the creative editorial function. They became modern book companies, and two of the most successful, because of their reliance on a corporate strategy that then deter mined an organizational structure. UNIVERSITY PRESSES
Whereas most commercial houses emphasize business functions, the less visible nonprofit sector takes the opposite approach.46 These houses emphasize editorial excellence, sometimes at the expense of marketing, because they are not under the same pressure to generate a profit as their commercial counterparts. In fact, a non profit organization is prohibited from making a profit under U.S. Internal Revenue Service (IRS) guidelines (a "surplus," on the other hand, is permissible). Nonprofit publishers include museums, religious organizations, academic and professional organizations, governmental units (on the federal, state, and local lev els), and scholarly and academic organizations. In many ways, university presses comprise the most active and visible compo nent of the nonprofit sector. They vary in size, title output, and financial resources, yet they share a strong commitment to scholarship, editorial excellence, and the dis semination of knowledge.47 Approximately 121 university presses belong to the Association of American University Presses (AAUP). A few of the most visible 46
August Fruge, A Skeptic Among Scholars: August Fruge on University Publishing (Berkeley: Uni versity of California Press, 1993), pp. 40-41,43–46. 47 Ibid., pp. 56–57; also see Marsh Jeanneret, God and Mammon: Universities as Publishers (Ur bana, IL: University of Illinois Press, 1989), pp. 28, 37.
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presses were selected in order to review their strategic structure. Figure 3.4 outlines the typical university press organizational structure. The University of Chicago Press Since its creation in 1891, the University of Chicago Press (owned and operated by the university) has been one of the world's preeminent scholarly publishing houses. Between 1884 and 1904, Chicago published over 200 titles in a variety of academic disciplines, including education, literature, economics, and the sciences. Ori ginally, the Press published only the work of its own faculty. In 1905 this policy was reversed, allowing it to issue the best scholarly research from other scholars in this nation and abroad. Generally, about 25% of Chicago's current authors are fac ulty members of the university. Chicago has a rigorous editorial screening process; it employs an editorial board (comprised of faculty members, the provost, and the university's president) that ap proves any book published by the press, an irrefutable sign of the university's con trol over it. This board reviews manuscripts after the Press's acquisition editors and two outside reviewers who are experts in the book's subject matter have approved them. Individual editors have the prerogative to reject a manuscript without passing it on to the editorial board.
FIG. 3.4 Typical university press organizational structure.
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In 1999, Chicago issued 255 titles; the following year 272 were published. Its backlist totaled 5,050 in 2000. Although exceptionally impressive in many differ ent areas, its strengths have traditionally been in the social sciences (sociology, an thropology, political science), business and economics, and the humanities (history, philosophy, linguistics, the classics, and literature), as well as the sciences. Its titles in the field of publishing studies are laudable. Chicago also issues 44 jour nals. For extensive series or exceptionally expensive works, the press often seeks outside funding (called a "subvention") from foundations or individuals interested in sustaining a project. Chicago's goal is to publish superb books and, hopefully, to break even, laudable goals. The Press publishes some of this nation's best books, including the definitive Chicago Manual of Style, 15th Edition. This title was first published in 1906; and, ex cept when a new edition is released, annual sales generally range between 18,000 and 20,000 copies. Other highly successful titles include Kate Turabian's A Manual for Writers of Term Papers, Theses, and Dissertations, Richmond Lattimore's transla tion of The Iliad by Homer, and Milton Friedman's Capitalism and Freedom. Chicago receives manuscripts in a variety of ways, from the tireless efforts of ac quisition editors, the academic "grapevine," referrals from existing faculty and Chi cago authors, and "over the transom" (i.e., unsolicited manuscripts). Chicago's organizational structure reveals its commitment to editorial excel lence while maintaining a strong managerial-business focus. Harvard University Press Although officially created in 1913, Harvard University Press has its roots in the 17th century. In 1643 Harvard, then a small college, gained possession of a press, type fonts, and paper, propelling it into the ranks as one of this country's oldest printer-publishers. Following the old college publisher-printer pattern first estab lished in England, the Harvard Press served the internal needs of the college by printing books and pamphlets for faculty and students. Later on, Harvard began to take on outside miscellaneous printing jobs. The term "press" really referred to a printing press and a modest commercial printing operation as well as a publishing function. At this time, most American publishers also printed their own books, in addition to taking on commercial jobs.48 In 1692, Harvard decided to terminate its press, and it relied on commercial print ing establishments in Boston to handle its work. This practice was followed until 1802 when the President and fellows of Harvard resurrected the press. An innovative printing and publishing program was launched, and the press again supplied muchneeded textbooks and other materials (including examinations, envelopes, letter heads, circulars, etc.) for a growing college. The press was really a printing establish ment, and it had no gatekeeping function or control over what was printed.49 48 Morton Keller and Phyllis Keller, Making Harvard Modern: the Rise of America's University (New York: Oxford University Press, 2001), pp. 141-142. 49 Ibid., pp. 195-196.
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After sustaining steep financial losses in 1827, Harvard sold the press for $5,500.00 because it had become a drain and was not a financially viable operation. In 1913 Harvard re-launched the press for a third time. Their rationale was rather complex: (1) a well-functioning press could embellish and burnish Harvard's scholarly reputation; (2) the press could make a substantive contribution to the ad vancement of scholarship within the academy and the American community at large; and (3) the press could make available noncommercial books that might not see the light of day without Harvard's support.50 Over the years, the press has published major works, including The Double He lix by James D. Watson, Arthur Lovejoy's The Great Chain of Being, and titles by Jean Piaget, Emily Dickinson, and Ezra Pound. In 1999 Harvard University Press issued 142 new titles and 140 in 2000. Its backlist totaled 2,800 books. Its editorial focus is sharply defined: to issue scholarly books and serious works of general interest in the humanities, the social and behav ioral sciences, the natural sciences, and medicine. The press eschews contemporary poetry and fiction, festschriften, memoirs, symposia, or unrevised doctoral disserta tions. The press's esteemed Belknap Press was created with an endowment, thereby allowing it to publish distinguished works that need a financial subsidy. As with most presses, manuscripts are generated through acquisition editors and academic networks. A small number of its titles are received "over the transom." A rigorous screening process is strictly adhered to, a sign of the press's obligation to maintain a viable gatekeeping function. Their procedures include the initial accep tance by an editor and the final approval by the press's editorial board (called the Board of Syndics), which can veto manuscripts, and has. Oxford University Press Oxford University Press was founded in the United Kingdom in 1478, making it the oldest publishing establishment in the English-speaking world. In the decade be fore the American Civil War, Oxford sent sales representatives to the United States to sell Bibles, always a profitable venture for Oxford. In 1895 Oxford opened a branch office in New York. For almost 30 years, Oxford's editorial thrust in the United States centered on biblical works (e.g., The ScofieldReference Bible in 1909 and the New ScofieldRef erence Bible). During the 1930s and 1940s, the press initiated nonreligious book ti tles, reaching a backlist of over 700 titles in 1946.51 In 1950, the New York branch was incorporated under New York State laws as a separate legal entity; since that time it has been financially self-sufficient. However, the press did not forget its origins (primarily because all of its stock is held by its British parent). The New York operation, along with all of Oxford's other branches, report directly to Oxford University's "Delegates" (Oxford scholars appointed by Ibid., pp. 197-199; also see William P. Sisler, "Loyalties and Royalties," BookResearch Quarterly 4(Spring 1988): pp. 12-14. 51Nicholas Baker, The Oxford University Press and the Spread of Learning: 1478–1978 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1978), pp. 5–45.
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Oxford University) who are responsible for the press's conduct.52 The university also selects the press's principal officers, printer (an important function and title at Oxford), controller (who also oversees the paper mill, another sign of its strong connections to the printing shop), and publisher. Oxford's New York operation is editorially independent from the English office, yet it still imports all of the books published in England. Its catalog is an amalgam ation of American and British titles. The British operation, on the other hand, se lects the American titles it will list in its catalog. By 1954 the New York operation had created a wholesale department, which sup plied books (including those from other English publishers) to the U.S. market. Ox ford generally has been one of the largest importers of British books into this nation.53 As a university press, Oxford's primary goal is to publish books that meet the highest scholarly standards (including erudite monographs).54 It also seeks to pay its bills with general trade hardcover and paperback publications. Its editorial func tions can be divided into seven discrete operations: bibles, economics and business, humanities, the social sciences, medicine and the sciences, music, and numerous journals. U.S. title output reached 1,931 in 1999 and 2,250 in 2000; the backlist is a formidable 16,000. As usual, the acquisition editors roam across the academic landscape keeping in touch with senior faculty members and scouting for young authors. Manuscripts are funneled to the key editor for review. If a title passes muster, it is forwarded to an ac ademic reviewer(s) for an evaluation. A favorable review generally guarantees seri ous attention by an editor. The press has always emphasized serious scholarly academic research, along with reference works (e.g., The Oxford Companion to American Literature, The Oxford Companion to American History, The Oxford Book of American Verse). In 1956 Oxford launched a highly successful paperback operation (Galaxy Books), publishing C. Vann Woodward's The Strange Career of Jim Crow along with other strong titles in a wide variety of areas. In the 1980s Oxford began to pay attention to the scientific field, business ethics, economics, and feminist studies, which aug ments its strong positions in history, literature, languages, and linguistics. 52Ibid., pp. 78-79. 53Ibid., pp. 197–235. 54Ibid., pp. 237–251. Of related interest see Bill Bell (Ed.), Where is BookHistory? (Toronto: Uni versity of Toronto Press, 2002), pp. 13–51; Rowland Lorimer and Nancy Duxbury, "Of Culture, the Economy, Cultural Production, and Cultural Producers: An Overview," Canadian Journal of Communi cation, 19, 3–4(1994): p. 260; Roland Lorimer and E. O'Donnell, "Globalization and Internationaliza tion in Publishing," Canadian Journal of Communication 17,4( 1992): pp. 493–510; Dell Champlin and Janet Knoedler, "Operating in the Public Interest or in Pursuit of Private Profits? News in the Age of Me dia Consolidation," Journal of Economic Issues, 36, 2(June 2002): pp. 459–468; Amy Jocelyn Glass, "Price Discrimination and Quality Improvement," Canadian Journal of Economics, 34, 2(May 2001): pp. 549-569; Patrick Francois and Tanguy van Ypersele, "On the Protection of Cultural Goods," Journal of International Economics, 56, 2(March 2002): pp. 359-369; Richard E. Caves, Creative Industries (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2000); Richard A. Gershon, "The Transnational Media Corpo ration: Environmental Scanning and Strategy Formation," Journal of Media Economics, 13, 2(2000): pp. 81–101; Richard Gershon, The Transnational Media Corporation: GlobalMessages and Free Mar ket Competition (Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 1997), pp. 1–59, 166–177.
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OBSERVATIONS ABOUT CHANGES IN BOOK PUBLISHING FIRMS
The publishing houses described in this chapter did not follow one strategy or struc ture as they developed into modern book companies. Instead, one can detect certain patterns, including: defining the managerial and editorial terrain; crafting a viable strategy and structure to reach basic goals; developing effective planning methods; organizing the house and its critically important editorial functions around certain core ideas and beliefs; designing realistic operations and procedures, especially in the area of human resources management; leading the company through the murky waters of the marketplace while working with boards, outside advisors, and so on; controlling the development of the company; and, finally, revising both the strategy and structure whenever necessary to insure that goals are achieved and maintained over both the short and long haul.55 Generally, these procedures worked. One managerial theory present in most of the firm's cases dealt with the notion of "a leader with a vision," someone able to see opportunities where others saw danger, a person driven to achieve greatness. Si mon, Schuster, Shimkin, de Graff, Ballantine, and Dystel all exhibited this charac teristic as they created their modern corporations.56 While the history of the modern book company is being written every day, it is safe to say that the quest to find the next generation of leaders with vision is a major preoccupation of the industry's current leaders. Peter Drucker once wrote that this type of "genius" is in short sup ply; Drucker was correct.
FIG. 3.5
Oxford University Press organizational structure.
55Robert Picard has studied these issues in some detail. See Robert Picard, Media Economics: Con cepts and Issues (Newbury Park, CA: Sage, 1989), pp. 1–121; Robert Picard (Ed.), Media Firms (Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 2002), pp. 17-32. 56 Robert Picard, The Economics and Financing of Media Companies (New York: Fordham Univer sity Press, 2002), pp. 7–58,77–201; and Robert Picard, "The Rise and Fall of Communication Empires," Journal of Media Economics 9, 4(1996): pp. 23–40.
CHAPTER FOUR
Business Operations In book publishing, the bottom line is that there is a bottom line. Publishing is a business, and the company's officers and directors have legal and fiduciary respon sibilities to their stockholders (or owners), employees, and society. At first glance, this statement seems rather obvious. Yet a series of well-publicized events in the United States in 2001,2002, and 2003 involving gross violations of ac counting and securities regulations and guidelines, dishonesty in the reporting of payables, receivables, and profits, and the concomitant unraveling of corporations sparked a renewed interest in what some individuals viewed as rather basic, if not ho-hum, issues. Clearly, these issues are not ho-hum matters. They are, in reality, substantive concerns, and this chapter addresses in some detail these critical subjects. BASIC LEGAL ISSUES Every publishing industry employee is obligated to comply with all appropriate U.S. Government laws, the Uniform Commercial Code (the U.C.C.; commonly known as business law), as well as applicable regulatory agency, state, county, and local codes. Firms involved in global affairs confront federal laws governing for eign business transactions as well as the policies of the nation(s) where they are conducting their business. Anyone not sure of the appropriate laws or guidelines should discuss this matter with the firm's legal officer or corporate representative before an "ENRON" or "WorldCom"-type disaster materializes in the book publishing community. To insure compliance with a variety of internal systems of auditing, the typical book company delegates major fiduciary responsibilities among senior officers, generally designated as senior vice presidents, group vice presidents, or vice presidents. A typical organizational chart (based on a composite utilized by many of the ma jor U.S. book firms), illustrates how responsibilities are delegated: There are 6 se nior vice presidents handling information (i.e., public relations and corporate communications), operations, legal affairs (the office of the general counsel and 88
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secretary to the board of trustees), financial matters, and human resources; and planning and development. Figure 4.1 outlines a typical organizational chart, which should be of interest to anyone seeking an understanding of business opera tions in the book publishing industry. BUSINESS OPERATIONS, THE CFO, AND BUSINESS PROFITS Business Operations
The senior vice president for business operations is responsible for a myriad of ac tivities, from data processing to the company's book warehouse and order and ful fillment duties. The introduction of computers and enterprise software into business offices increased the flow and accuracy of information. The computerization of book inventories in warehouses allowed houses to keep relatively accurate records of damaged books (which often occurs when warehouse fork lifts inadvertently cut into cartons or plastic covered skids), normal errors due to the miscoding of cartons or skids, and "shrinkage" (i.e., the disappearance of books). Business operations also handle the processing and fulfillment of a book order (e.g., 12 copies of a paperback version of Hamlet are requested by a bookstore in Upland, California). The order is processed to ascertain the title's correct ISBN number (the International Standard Book Number; each book, whether hardcover or paperback, has a unique identification number that can be found on the back out side cover), whether it is in print (if not the invoice is labeled "OP," out of print), temporarily out of print ("TOP"), in stock (if not, "OS"), temporarily out of stock,
FIG. 4.1 Typical publishing organization structure.
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not yet published, or not issued by this publisher. This must be done to avoid com mon order problems, making this task rather cumbersome. In addition, operations have to initiate a credit check on customers, especially new ones. Once all of these procedures have been followed, and the correct number of books has been assembled, the final invoice is prepared. Typically, a billing invoice (often called a packing slip) contains the information shown in Fig. 4.2. To expedite the processing of orders, the industry has adopted an identification system to code the outside of cartons or skids. This is used in addition to a house's existing external marking system (if any). A bookstore can order a title through a sales representative, a wholesaler, or a job ber. Because there is real competition in the marketplace to sell books to bookstores and other retail establishments, it would seem logical for the publisher to develop INVOICE Remit to: CP Book Company 831 E. 62nd St. Room 142 New York, NY 10021 212-555-2567 Control # 8025063-01 Purchase # 102193 Terms: 30 Days Net Ship: 4th Class IBSN 9-684-19250-0 9-684-19591-7
Ship to: Lincoln Book Store 1000 Front Street New York, NY 10012 212-555-1098 Invoice # X848064 Date: 7/15/2004 Page 1 of 1 Ship Terms: Our Expense TITLE
QUANTITY
The Search for Life Harry's Web
UNIT PRICE
2 10
6.95 5.99
IMPORTANT MESSAGE You can now have your invoice sorted the way you want! Let us know which sequence you prefer by selecting one of the options below. Alphabetical by author ISBN sequence Same sequence as order Signature
ALL CLAIMS FOR ADJUSTMENT MUST BE MADE WITHIN 60 DAYS OF INVOICE DATE FIG. 4.2
Sample book invoice.
BUSINESS OPERATIONS
91
"user friendly" fulfillment and distribution procedures to attract and retain custom ers. Publishers have released literally dozens of business books describing the impor tance of quality service and effective customer service systems. However, within the fulfillment department, it appears that many managers never read any of these books. In fact, the type of "important message" listed on the bottom of the sample invoice to help the customer's file maintenance is the exception, not the rule. Bookstore personnel complain about the often-intolerable slowness by publish ers in processing simple requests. The "average" accepted time to order and receive books directly from a publisher's warehouse to a bookstore is at best 3 to 5 business days; some bookstores report that 7 to 15 days is not all that uncommon, a time frame that is totally unacceptable, as certain distributors promise a shipment within 1 or 2 business days. During the Christmas season, all shipments take longer. To combat this problem, most of the largest and many of the medium-sized book publishers established ordering systems, ranging from "800" telephone numbers to electronic ordering exchanges to listing titles on the Internet. Eventually a bill is created based on this book order. Although publishers take great care to insure that the bill is accurate, irksome errors still plague this part of the industry. Some of the most common billing errors involve incorrect: (1) invoice or purchase or account numbers; (2) billing addresses (in the sample invoice, the bill was sent to one address but the books were forwarded to another location, a poten tial source of billing confusion); (3) credits or discounts; (4) bills for previously paid orders; (5) balances or late charges; (6) shipments ("short shipments" do oc cur); or (6) abbreviated titles that are difficult to ascertain by the people opening the cartons in the bookstore. The Chief Financial Officer In the post-ENRON environment, this office received increased scrutiny. The chief financial officer (CFO) insures that all of the appropriate financial and accounting policies are followed and that required reports are prepared accurately to show the results of the business's operations. This means insuring that generally accepted accounting guidelines are followed, including cost accounting, budgeting, data collection, and internal auditing. This office also monitors the preparation of budgets, cash flow, and accounts payable and receivable operations. In addition, the CFO handles, along with the general counsel, the preparation of documents related to public offerings (e.g., stocks, bonds, debentures, etc.), shortterm or long-term borrowings from banks, and short-term and long-term invest ments. These obligations require the CFO and the chairman and/or the president to have extensive contacts with underwriters, analysts, regulatory agencies (e.g., the Securities and Exchange Commission; SEC), stock exchanges (e.g., the New York Stock Exchange; NYSE), banks, and so on. A variety of financial documents must be prepared. One of the most important is the "Consolidated Balance Sheet." A sample consolidated balance sheet for a book company with a sizable periodical operating unit has been provided to illustrate the
92
CHAPTER 4
key accounting elements a publisher must be familiar with in order to manage the company (see Fig. 4.3 for details). This document lists the company's assets, liabilities, and owner's equity as of a specific date. A publisher must remember that, to accountants, assets equal liabili ties plus owner's equity, and assets minus liabilities equal owner's equity. This sheet provides a snapshot picture of a firm, and it is often called the "Statement of Financial Position." The assets section of the consolidated balance sheet lists what the company owns. It has cash on hand (or cash equivalents; e.g., cash in a checking account or money invested in U.S. Treasury Bills that can be converted to cash with little deConsolidated Balance Sheet for the CP Book Company (Dollars in Thousands) Item Current Assets Cash Short-terra Investments Account Recievable Inventories Deferred Income Tax Benefits Prepaid Expenses Discount Operation: Current Assets Total Current Assets Product Development Assets Property and Equipment Intagible Assets Other Assets Discontinued Operation: Non-Current Assets Total Assets
FIG. 4.3 Consolidated balance sheet.
$10,656 71,342 36,356 36,061 8,143 3,756
$1,419 50,034 38,669 36,298 6,823 2,180
166,314
13,146 148,569
16,328 16,009 51,140 1.527
17,309 14,198 55,095 2,402
251,318
11,327 248,900
15,873 17,997 35,800 1,013 25,358
2,1% 21,410 30,992 1.806 18,415
- 96,041 40,000 8,690 11,682
11,927 86,746 55,000 5,752 7,840
3,830 1,113 32,187 64,466 876
3,782 1,150 31,863 64,138 (850)
6,567 94,905 251,318
6,521 93,562 248,900
Liabilities and Shareholder's Equity Current Liabilities Notes Payable and Current Portion of of Long-term Debt Accounts and Royalties Payable Deffered Subscription Revenues Accrued Income Taxes Other Accured Liabilities Discontined Operation: Current Liabilitiy Total Current Liabilities Long-term Debt Other Long-term Liabilities Deferred Income Taxes Shareholders' Equity Common Stock: Class A Common Stock: Class B Additional Paid-in Capital Retained Earnings Cumulative Translation Adjustment Less Treasury Shares at Cost Total Shareholders' Equity Total Liabilities and Shareholders' Equity
As of December 31 st 2003 2004
BUSINESS OPERATIONS
93
lay), short-term investments (perhaps 90-day bank certificates of deposit), ac counts receivable (money owed the company from bookstores, wholesalers, etc.), deferred income tax benefits, and prepaid expenses (perhaps insurance premiums). These data list the firm's total current assets, a critically important tally. Other assets on the financial statement sheet deal with property (e.g., buildings, land) and equipment (from new computers to old IBM typewriters), intangible as sets (defined as "an asset with no physical form; a right to current and expected fu ture benefits"), and "other" assets. The bottom line for this firm's total assets was $251,318,000 for the year ending on December 31, 2003 and $248,900,000 as of December 31,2004, a decrease of $2,418,000. The liabilities section of the balance sheet indicates what the firm owes. This document reveals that this company has accounts payable (money it owes to other firms and individuals) as well as "royalties payable." Book firms generally pay roy alties to their authors twice a year. So these funds are held by the publisher in trust in an escrow account for the true owners (the authors or heirs, etc.), and they are listed as a liability on the financial position statement. Other liabilities include deferred subscription revenues. This company has a journal (periodical) division, and it col lects subscription fees in advance. These funds are considered a liability on the bal ance sheet, as are accrued income taxes, and so on. The book company's total current liabilities as of December 31,2003 were $96,041,000 and $86,746,000 for the following year, a nice decrease of $9,295,000. Other significant data appears on the balance sheet, including any long-term debt (e.g., money borrowed to finance the construction of a new warehouse) and lia bilities, deferred income taxes, and shareholders' equity. Total liabilities and share holders' equity as of December 31,2003 stood at $251,318,000 and $248,900,000 for 2004, a drop of $2,418,000. The financial position document "balances"; that is, total assets equals liabili ties plus owner's equity for both 2003 and 2004. On financial statements, any number placed within a parentheses (for example the $850 in the Consolidated Balance Sheet) is a negative number. All other numbers are always considered positive numbers. In order to gauge the success of a firm, and to make plans for the future, manag ers need precise information about revenues, costs, and expenditures. A "Consoli dated Statement of Income and Retained Earnings" is the accounting document that best summarizes this material. In this document (Fig. 4.4), revenues tallied $236,859,000 as of December 31, 2003, and $231,015,000 for the following year (off $5,844,000). The firm's costs and expenses (that is, the cost of sales as well as operating and administrative ex penses) are listed on the income and retained earning sheet, along with other reve nue streams. The preparation of this document allows an individual to ascertain total income from continuing operations as well as net income dollars. In addition, detailed information is always provided outlining cash dividends (always an impor tant figure to stockholders) and retained earnings, in this case as of December 31st for both 2003 and 2004. Per share data can then be calculated.
94
CHAPTER 4 Consolidated Statements of Income and Retained Earnings for the CP Book Company Item As of December 31 st 2003 2004 Revenues Costs and Expenses Cost of Sales Operating and Administrative Expenses Total Costs and Expenses Unusual Items: Gains Operating Income Interest Expense Other Income (Expense): Net Income Before Taxes Provision for Income Taxes Income from Continuing Operations Discontinued Operation: Gain on Sale Loss from Operations Income (Loss) from Discontinued Operation Net Income Retained Earnings at Beginning of Year Cash Dividends Class A Common ($1.10 per share) Class B Common ($.98 per share) Total Dividends Retained Earnings at End of Year Per Share Data Income from Continuing Operations Primary Fully Diluted Income (loss) from Discontinued Operation Primary Fully Diluted Net Income Primary Fully Diluted
FIG. 4.4
$236,859
$231,015
92,575 138,707 231,282 471 6,048 (5,918) 4,771 4,901 1,334 3,567
95,234 126,576 221,810 13,626 22,831 (5,718) 1,357 18,470 10,952 7,518
5,018 (4,534) 484 4,051 64,138
(4,851) (4,851) 2,667 66,176
3,821 902 4,723 63,466
3,783 922 4,705 64,138
$0.81 $0.81
$1.70 $1.70
$0.11 $0.11
$(1.10) $(1.10)
$0.92 $0.92
$0.60 $0.60
Consolidated balance sheet and retained earnings.
The third pivotal accounting document is the "Consolidated Statement of Cash Flow," which addresses the issue of money (cash) flowing into and out of this book firm during the year (as shown in Fig. 4.5). This data is generated to predict future cash flows (from various revenue streams), evaluate managerial decisions, deter mine the ability of the company to pay dividends to stockholders and interest and principal to creditors, and reveal the relationship between net income and changes in the book company's cash. In essence, this statement divulges where the cash came from and how the firm spent it during both 2003 and 2004. This statement is divided into three distinct components: operating activities (which generate both revenues and expenses in the company's business); investing activities (which list the firm's planning endeavors that affect long-term assets of the book company); and financing activities (efforts to obtain cash from investors
The Consolidated Statement of Cash Flows for the CP Book Company Item
As of December 31 st 2003 2004
Continuing Operations Operating Activities Income from Continuing Operations Non-Cash Items Depreciation and Amortization Provisions for Returns, Doubtful Accounts, and Obsolescence Differred Income Tax Other Unusual Items Changes in Operating Assets and Liabilities Decrease (Increase) in Recievables Increase in Inventories Increase (Decrease) in Accounts and Royalties Payable Increase in Deffered Subscription Revenues Net Change in Other Operating Assets and Liabilities Cash Provided by Operating Activites Investing Activities Acquisitions of Publishing Assets Item
$7,518
20,036 7,922 1,505 2,273 (471)
20,482 7,196 5,164 2,237 (13,626)
246 (3,350)
(2,667) (2,797)
(3,771) 4,361
(4,711) 5,146
(5,813) 26,505
(3,451) 20,491
(5,800)
(35,515)
As of December 31st 2003 Additions to Product Development Assets Additions to Property and Equipment Proceeds from Sale of Publishing Lines Cash Provided by (Used in) Inventing Activities
Financing Activities Additions to Long-term Debt Repayment of Long-term Debt Net Barrowings (Repayments) of Short-term Debt Cash Dividends Proceeds from Exercise of Stock Options Cash Provided by (Used in) Financing Activities Effects of Exchange Rate Changes on Cash Increase (Decrease) in Cash: Continuing Operations Dicontinued Operations Operating Activities Investing Activities Financing Activities Proceeds from Sale of Assets Increase in Cash ; Discontinued Operations Cash and Short-term Investments Increase for Year Balance at Beginning of Year Balance at End of Year Cash Paid during the Year for Continuing Operations Interest Income Taxes
FIG. 4.5
$3,567
2004
($12,324) (5,146) 8,000
($12,503) (7,284) 34,491
(15,270)
(20,361)
— (1,418) (4,723) 271
40,000
450 (4,705) 1,491
(5,870)
37,236
(129)
97
5,236
37,463
1,248 (2,592) 475 26,178
7,719 (2,032) (2,522)
25,178
30,545 51,453 81,998
40,628 10,825 51,453
5,977 410
4,623 5,895
Consolidated statement of cash flow.
95
96
CHAPTER 4
and creditors that the firm needs to support business activities). Each portion of the statement lists cash receipts and cash disbursements and ends with a net cash in crease or decrease figure. Special mention must be made about the funds allocated for book returns (al ways an unknown; for this reason, most of the major publishers keep a portion of ar author's royalties in a special escrow account as a hedge against returns), doubtfu business accounts (covering firms that go out of business or enter bankruptcy), anc obsolescence (books that no longer have any commercial value; this is a critica problem with textbooks that become dated or unsalable because of the used text book market). These tallies are estimates based on past business performance on standard industry financial ratios. In any given year, the actual sums of money needed to cover these obligations can be higher than what was originally estimated which can create some financial difficulties for the house. Of course, revenues and expenditures are calculated throughout the year. An other useful financial document is the "Results by Quarters," which outlines how this book company did in each quarter (see Fig. 4.6). This document indicates tha Financial Results by Quarter for the CP Book Company 2003 Revenues: first Quarter Second Quarter Third Quarter Fourth Quarter Fiscal Year
2004
$63,215 57,480 63,739 52,425 236,859
$62,075 53,199 61,114 54,627 231,015
Operating Income (Loss) First Quarter Second Quarter Third Quarter Fourth Quarter Fiscal Year
5,841 1,139 2,851 (3,783) 6,048
5,884 12,8% 2,376 1,675 22,831
Income (Loss) from Continuing Operations First Quarter Second Quarter Third Quarter Fourth Quarter fiscal Year
2,922 853 1,481 (1,689) 3,567
2,825 1,784 1,344 1,565 7,518
2,145 278 650 978 4,051
1,839 (222) 1,351 (301) 2,667
Net Income (Loss) First Quarter Second Quarter Third Quarter Fourth Quarter Fiscal Year
Income (Loss) Per Share Primary and Fully Diluted First Quarter Second Quarter Third Quarter Fourth Quarter Fiscal Year
Continuing Operations
$0.66 0.19 0.34 (0.38) 0.81
FIG. 4.6 Financial results by quarter.
Net Income
$0,48 0.06 0.15 0.22 0.92
Continuing Operations
$0.63 0.41 0.30 0.36 1.70
Net Income
$0.41 (005) 0.30 (007) 0.60
BUSINESS OPERATIONS
97
revenues varied somewhat for the CP book house, with the smallest amount gener ated in the fourth quarter, a pattern that was repeated with operating income, net in come, and income per share. One of the more interesting financial documents is an author's royalty statement, which differs dramatically from house to house (see Fig. 4.7). Many authors have complained that these statements are inherently difficult to read and understand, and an author really has little access to the actual sales tallies to see if the payment is accurate or if any errors were committed. Some authors have sued their publishers to "look at the books." This sample royalty statement is for a midlist novel that sold a total of 4,781 cop ies between July 1, 2003 and June 30, 2004. This document outlines the essential features needed to convey to the author information about domestic and foreign sales. Aside from basic information about the author's name and address, the roy alty period, and some accounting notes, this royalty statement indicates that the book in question (South of Somers) was issued only in hardbound. The basic royalty fee is 12.5% on both domestic and foreign sales. Net sales tallies are listed, as are ROYALTY STATEMENT CP BOOK COMPANY Author: James M. Washington 70 South Everett Street Callaway, Ohio 00000
Reciept Number 280540-02
Royalty Period From To 7/1/2003 6/30/2004
Settlement Date: 9/30/2004 Note: (1) A dash after the sales number means that returns exceeded sales during the period covered. (2) "CR" indicates a negative balance due to prior payments in excess of total royalties earned (3) Amounts under $10.00 are carried over to the following royalty period. (4) Please refer to your reciept number and department number in all your correspondence. (5) If there are no sales and no balances owed on a title, no statement is generated for that title.
ISBN
Author/Editor/Title
Description Net Copies Sold
354715
Washington South of Somers (Hardbound) Domestic Sales Foreign Sales 12.5 percent royalty rate Total Amount Due: Less Author's Advance Amount Due:
FIG. 4.7
Royalty statement.
3,601 1,180
Net Reciepts
$37,810.50 $12,390.00
Royalty This Period
$4,726.31 $1,548.75 $6,275.06 ($3,500.00) $2,775.06
98
CHAPTER 4
net receipts and the dollar amount of royalties earned by the author from both reve nue streams. A total of $6,275.06 is listed; from this amount the author's $3,500.00 advance was deducted, leaving a net amount of $2,775.06 to be paid to the author. How much of the financial information listed in these five documents does an editor, marketer, or publisher need to know? In all probability, more than he or she ever expected to know. Because book revenues and expenditures determine future budgets, a basic understanding of this material is important. With increased mana gerial responsibility comes a concomitant growth in budgetary obligations, a fact of life in book publishing. Book Profits in the Consumer Book Industry
What are the profit margins in the consumer book industry? Although many book firms are publicly traded and obligated to release information about their financial operations, many are privately held and do not issue public pronouncements about their affairs. Fortunately, Veronis Suhler Stevenson and Publishers Weekly (the industry's major publication) collect and analyze financial data from publicly traded con sumer book publishing firms. While financial data covering the years 1988 through 2001 are available, consolidation in the industry, and the inevitable closing down of some companies, triggered a reduction in the total number of publicly traded firms during that 13 year period of time. Consequently, although the historical data shed light on substantive trends and patterns, data for the years since 1995 are far more stable and useful. According to Veronis Suhler Stevenson, publicly traded book firms sustained a 30.45% increase in total revenues between 1995 and 2001. Operating income totals were lower, up only 11.85%; tallies for operating cash flow were impressive, up a sharp 41.55%. Assets increased a staggering 78.22% during those 7 years.1 Clearly, the data generated by the Book Industry Study Group indicated conclusively a growth in total business activity during those years. Table 4.1 outlines in detail the trends between 1988 and 2001. The key financial ratios are quite revealing. Operating income margins fluctu ated somewhat between 1996 and 1998 before sustained growth emerged in 1999 (6.8%), 2000 (11.2%), and 2001 (off slightly to 10.6%). These operating income margins lag somewhat when compared to other industries, but, perhaps, they indi cate the potential impact increased efficiencies could have in book publishing if costs can be contained and distribution economies can be achieved. 1 The Veronis, Suhler & Associates Communications Industry Report (New York: Veronis, Suhler, 2001), pp. 273-274; Veronis Suhler Stevenson Communications Industry Forecast 2002 (New York: Veronis, Suhler, 2002), pp. 316–341. Also see The Veronis, Suhler &Associates Communications Indus try Report (New York: Veronis, Suhler, 1993), p. 200; The Veronis, Suhler & Associates Communica tions Industry Report (New York: Veronis, Suhler, 1998), pp. 233-234; The Veronis, Suhler & Associates Communications Industry Report (New York: Veronis, Suhler, 1999), pp. 236-236; The Veronis, Suhler & Associates Communications Industry Report (New York: Veronis, Suhler, 2000), pp. 219-220; also see Robert J. R. Follett, The Financial Side of Book Publishing (Oak Park, IL: Alpine Guild, 1988), pp. 37-82.
99
BUSINESS OPERATIONS TABLE 4.1
Financial Results of Publicly Traded Consumer Book Publishing Firms: 1988-2001 ($ Millions)
Revenues 1988
$6,556.4
Operating income 922.0
Operating cash flow
Assets
1,157.0
6,449.6
1989
7,277.5
879.9
1,179.7
8,092.7
1990
8,172.5
1,033.8
1,368.2
8,737.5
1991
9,909.0
1,201.5
1,593.6
10,638.5
1992
10,647.7
1,336.5
1,700.6
11,395.5
1993
4,161.4
539.8
594.1
3,431.1
1994
3,470.8
399.8
456.3
1,942.5
1995
3,489.5
432.0
576.0
2,088.5
1996
3784.0
216.6
295.3
3,068.3
1997
3,099.2
340.1
536.5
3,099.6
1998
3,951.9
185.9
409.5
3,086.1
1999
4,067.4
278.0
482.2
3,433.6
2000
4,196.8
471.0
695.3
3,646.1
2001
4,552.2
483.2
815.3
3,722.1
Source: Communications Industry Forecast 2002 (New York: Veronis Suhler Stevenson).
This pattern was also evident in the operating cash flow margins (with some un wieldy swings in totals), operating income return on assets (rather soft until 2000 and 2001), and operating cash flow returns on assets (again soft totals until 2000 and 2001). Table 4.2 outlines these trends. How did publicly traded book firms do in 2000 and 2001 ? Publishers Weekly re viewed the annual reports of 18 major publicly traded firms (14 U.S. companies, 1 Canadian, and 2 from the U.K.), and the results were illuminating.2 The 2000 operating income margins posted by nine of these companies were im pressive. As for margins, Thomson's results were the best that year, topping 16.8%, with McGraw-Hill Pearson (16.5%) and Harlequin and Harcourt (both at 15.3%) rounding out the top 4. Golden Books (-56%) reported negative numbers, and Ran dom House acquired it in 2001. Overall, 11 firms posted margins in double digits. Jim Milliot, "Publishers Profits Lagged in 2000," Publishers Weekly, 10 September 2001, p. 10; Jim Milliot, "Lower Operating Margins Prevailed in 2001," Publishers Weekly, 2 September 2002, p. 9.
100
CHAPTER 4 TABLE 4.2 Operating Income Margins, Operating Cash Flow Margins, Returns on Assets, and Asset Turnover of Publicly Consumer Book Publishing Firms: 1989–2001
Operating income margins
Operating cash flow margins
Operating income return on assets
Operating cash flow return on assets
Asset turnover (times/year)
1989
–4.6%
2.0%
12.1%
16.2%
1.0
1990
17.5% 16.2%
16.0%
12.3%
16.5%
12.4%
16.3% 16.4%
1.0
1991 1992
11.2%
6.7%
12.1%
15.4%
1.0
1993
13.0%
14.3%
—
—
—
1994
11.5% 12.4%
13.1%
14.7% 21.4
16.4%
1995 1996
5.7%
16.5% 7.8%
1.0
24.5
1.23 1.73
8.3%
14.3%
1.64
9.2%
1.20
1997
11.0%
1998
4.7%
17.3% 10.4%
6.0%
11.9% 13.2%
1999
6.8%
11.9%
8.5%
14.8%
1.25
2000
11.2%
16.6%
13.3%
19.6%
1.19
2001
10.6%
17.9%
13.1%
22.1%
1.24
1.28
Source: Communications Industry Forecast 2002 (New York: Veronis Suhler Stevenson).
The results in 2001 were somewhat different; no company had negative num bers, although Golden, Harcourt (Elsevier; with parts sold to Thomson), and Hun gry Minds (John Wiley & Sons) were acquired and fell off the list. Harlequin's performance was superb, hovering at 18.4%). Pearson was second (14.7%), out pacing John Wiley (12%) and EDC (11.9%). Overall, 7 firms were in double digits, a decline from 2000. Table 4.3 outlines the trends in 2000 and 2001. HUMAN RESOURCES The senior vice president for human resources is responsible for the recruitment, in terviewing, hiring, and training of almost all book company employees, exception ally important functions in an industry that has had difficult over the years recruiting and retaining top-flight people. The only exceptions are: top management positions (often handled directly through the publisher or the office of the president or chair man working with publishing industry consultants or a placement firm; field sales
TABLE 4.3 Operating Performance of Publicly Held Book Publishing Firms: 2000–2001 ($ Millions; Canadian Dollars for Harlequin or U.K. Pounds for Pearson, Penguin, and Quarto) 2000 Operating data
2001 Operating data Revenues
Revenues
Operating income
Margins
$20.5
$2.4
11.9%
$17.6
$1.8
10.2%
n/a
n/a
n/a
149.0
(83.4)
-56.0%
Harcourt
n/a
n/a
n/a
2,408.2
367.7
15.3%
Harlequin (C$)
582.6
107.5
18.4%
579.2
102.3
15.3%
HarperCollins
1078.0
118.0
10.9%
1,029.0
111.0
10.8%
Houghton Mifflin
n/a
n/a
n/a
1,027.6
140.1
13.6%
Hungry Minds
n/a
n/a
n/a
243.3
28.2
11.6%
2322.0
263.0
11.3%
1,993.3
307.8
15.4%
Millbrook Pearson (£) Reader's Digest Scholastic Simon & Schuster
0 1
Margins
EDC Golden Books
McGraw-Hill Ed.
1
Operating income
21.6
0.8
21.4
1.8
8.4%
2537.0
374.0
14.7%
2,044.0
337.0
670.3
14.3
2.1%
756.8
55.8
16.5% 7.4%
1917.0
184.7
9.7%
1,962.3
98.7
5.0%
648.0
40.8
6.3%
596.0
49.6
8.3%
3.4
(continued)
0 2
TABLE 4.3
(continued)
2007 Operating data Revenues
Operating income
2000 Operating data Margins
Revenues
Operating income
Margins
17.6 95.4
8.2%
Thomas Nelson
215.4
16.2
7.5%
214.1
John Wiley
734.4
87.8
12.0%
613.8
15.5%
Quarto (£)
73.6
6.2
8.4%
73.6
6.1
8.3%
Penguin (£)
820.0
80.0
9.8%
755.0
79.0
10.5%
1851.0
264.0
1388.0
234.0
16.8%
Thomson
Source: Publishers Weekly (New York).
14.2
BUSINESS OPERATIONS
103
representatives (generally hired directly by the regional sales manager but approved by the corporation); and some regional or field operations (for example, warehouse personnel are hired locally by the facility's manager). These hires would be approved by the corporate office (generally a "rubber stamp" situation). Where does the human resources office find employees for the home office? Publishing is a glamorous profession, and there seems to be an endless supply of ex ceptionally bright, eager people (mainly English and history majors) who want jobs in book publishing. A typical firm receives dozens of letters and resumes each week. Yet this flow of eager but inexperienced candidates (who know literally noth ing about book publishing aside from what they gleaned by reading Maxwell Perkins' letters to authors) must be augmented. Human resources places advertisements, primarily in The New York Times Sunday classified section, in Publishers Weekly, and often on one of the popular book indus try email services. This is done to find new candidates; however, there is often a sec ondary motive. Sometimes a firm will "test the waters" to find out if experienced E. A.s (editorial assistants) or a marketing assistant, for example, from other firms are looking for new jobs (while determining how much they want to be paid, a useful and important barometer of generally prevailing wage rates at other houses). Figure 4.8 is a typical ad, outlining needed computer skills and some background information. The human resources department also deals with job placement or recruiting firms, called "headhunters." Headhunters work for the publisher, not the candidate. This recruitment firm screens all applicants and forwards the most promising ones to the book house for an interview. After all, their reputation and standing with the house will be in jeopardy if they recommend inappropriate candidates. If one of their nomi nees is hired, the placement firm is paid directly by the house, not by the candidate. However, if the publisher were willing to pay $80,000 to an individual, and the headhunter's finder's fee is $8,000 (normally it is a fixed percentage of the individual's first year's wages), then it is quite common for the candidate to be offered only $72,000 by the book company; the $8,000 difference goes to the headhunter. ASSISTANT EDITOR We seek an Assistant Editor for the trade book division of our Harrison Books imprint. Responsibilities include line editing new and revised manuscripts, consulting with authors and assistant editors in developing new titles. A minimum two years experience in book editorial work required. Background with editing on MS Word a plus. An interest in romance novels a plus. We will only respond to those candidates under consideration. Send Resume WITH SALARY REQUIREMENTS to R. Hoffman, T-10-30, Mercury House, 55 Madison Avenue, New York, NY 00000 FIG. 4.8 Advertisement for assistant editor.
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College placement offices are sometimes used as they provide a steady source of highly trained individuals at no fee to the publisher. Some book houses also recruit employees from communications or journalism programs. An innovative program is offered by Fordham University's Graduate School of Business Administration. Fordham, located at Lincoln Center (in the heart of New York City's publishing and mass communications industries), offers the M.B.A. with a major in Communications and Media Management and the M.S. in Media Management. Aside from traditional work in accounting, management, marketing, finance, statistics, and business law, courses are offered in book publishing, maga zine publishing, newspaper publishing, publishing law (the press, the law, and the corporation), public relations, the new media, the mass media in the United States, broadcasting (television, cable), and various advanced seminars (business and the mass media; corporate power and the public). Fordham also offers advanced courses in management (operations management; leadership and change) and mar keting (sales management; marketing research; consumer behavior; advertising and media planning; and direct marketing). A similar program is offered to under graduates at Fordham's College of Business Administration. The second type of training is offered by summer publishing institutes. These students are recent college graduates. Typically, these noncredit (or optional credit) summer programs run for 6 or 7 intensive weeks; a few of them also review maga zine publishing in addition to book topics. Summer programs generally place up wards of 80%-90% of their students directly into publishing by the end of the summer term. Some colleges, universities, trade associations, and other institutions offer con tinuing education certificate (nondegree or noncredit) courses in publishing (e.g., electronic publishing, editing, indexing, etc.). All three types of programs appeal to human resources departments, as the stu dents are talented, trained, and no finder's fee has to be paid to the college. Once someone is hired, on-the-job training begins. Most book companies do not offer in-house specialized training courses. They rely, instead, on a time-honored, informal apprenticeship system. Some companies provide tuition remission for in dividuals pursuing an advanced degree or participating in a continuing education or certificate program; others hire consultants to teach specialized courses in-house. In addition, the human resources department monitors compensation schedules (e.g., to insure that all E.A.s doing the same work with the same time in service re ceive "identical" wages), U.S. Government affirmative action and labor laws, as well as any state, county, or local regulations. What are the compensation levels in book publishing? Overall, the book indus try lagged behind compensation packages (a basic wage plus a bonus) offered by many other industries, notably the computer information, financial service, and package good industry. Random House in the late 1990s established a minimum starting salary of $30,000, placing them far and away ahead of all competitors (they also readjusted salaries to compensate individuals earning near the $30,000 mark). Publishers Weekly studied salary ranges, and they concluded that, on average, employees working at larger houses earned more (and in some instances signifi
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cantly more) than their counterparts at smaller firms, and editors generally lagged behind those employed in management and marketing and sales functions. Table 4.4 indicates the ranges for many typical jobs in the business. Although the path to the top at most large houses is through the sales and marketing departments, top editors able to find and keep "star" authors are rewarded handsomely for their efforts and contributions to the bottom line. Although small (revenues of $10 million or less) or medium sized (revenues be tween $10 million and $99.9 million) publishing houses are cozy, and allow indi viduals to get a grasp of different editorial or marketing functions, the average compensation levels at these houses are below, and in every instance significantly below, those available at the big houses. CEOs at the largest houses averaged $425,650 more than CEOs at the smallest firms, and directors/editors-in-chief earned $48,420 more at larger (rather than the smaller) houses. This pattern was ev ident in 17 of the major job classifications available for analysis. The only glaring exception was in the editor classification. The average editor at a small house earned $1,670 more than his or her counterpart at a large house. Table 4.5 outlines these trends. As for compensation among top executives, the annual reports and 10-Ks (re ports required of publicly traded companies by the Securities and Exchange Com mission) of 14 companies in 2000 and 2001 were analyzed to ascertain what these key people earned. Only salaries were reviewed, as stock options were rarely listed in 2001. Ironically, beleaguered Amazon.com posted the two highest salaries in 2000 (hov ering near $1.9 million and $2 million), easily outpacing McGraw-Hill, Reader's Di gest, and their archrivals at Barnes and Noble (and BN.com). This pattern was TABLE 4.4 Wage Scales in Book Publishing: 2001 & 2002 Range
2001
2002
Editor
$40,000–60,000
$55,000–75,000
Senior editor Publicity manager (large house)
$65,000–85,000
$62,000–96,000
$80,000–115,000
$89,000–102,000
Job
Marketing coordinator
$27,000–35,000
$27,000–35,000
Marketing manager Marketing director
$40,000–60,000
$56,000–360,000
Around $100,000 $90,000–500,000
$105,000 + $90,000–500,000
$50,000
$57,000
Top editorial jobs Editor Source: Publishers Weekly (New York).
1 06
TABLE 4.5 Publishing Pay Scales, 2001 Company revenue Job description
$100–499.9 mil
$500 mil +
$1-9.9 mil
$10-99.9 mil
Management net average
112,793
151,799
198,000
252,194
President/CEO Executive/Senior VP
131,850 90,080
224,571 153,859
400,000
557,500 260,000
VP General Manager VP Production
83,400 NA
126,781 95,900
Editorial Editorial net average
70,612 90,280
85,589 105,308
86,000 58,250
96,003 55,667
62,500
65,333
68,300
96,897 56,580 NA
NA
28,000
30,250
28,000
Management
Director/Editor-in-Chief Senior/Executive Editor Editor Production Development
173,000 181,250 110,667 90,280 128,500 99,964 54,833
255,500 246,721 94,166 138,700
Editor/Acquisitions Editorial Assistant
Company Revenue Job description
$1–9.9 mil
$10-99.9 mil
$100–499.9 mil
$500 mil +
Sales and marketing S&M net average
56,190
78,225
85,743
85,640
VP Sales/Marketing
81,667
117,250
137,250
174,000
Publisher
73,796
150,000
134,625
NA
Sales Director/Manager
64,176
84,375
98,343
105,857
Marketing Director/Manager
46,902
72,080
70,083
79,845
Promotion Director/Manager
32,667
55,813
NA
67,000
Sales Rep/Account Manager
57,598
63,043
61,338
70,013
Marketing Assistant
35,500
NA
30,000
36,000
Publicity Director/Manager
44,905
50,814
67,500
63,833
Operations/rights Production Manager/Director Distribution Manager/Fulfillment
70,652
85,683
68,000
95,336
NA
79,000
137,500
125,000
40,000
50,000
72,000
81,875
Director Sub Rights Director/Manager 10 Source: Publishers Weekly (New York).
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repeated in 2001, although the top 2 people at Amazon.com sustained declines in the 11.6% and 28.4% ranges. Declines were also registered at McGraw-Hill (-29.2%) and Reader's Digest (–67.1%). Key managers at Barnes and Noble experienced far more modest declines (-9.4%). Table 4.6 outlines these salaries. In recent years, the Human Resources department has also developed "em ployee assistance" programs (professional guidance and counseling services for employees facing financial, emotional, medical, or family crises). Often, outside counseling professionals are retained to handle some of these sensitive matters. Publishing is a people business, and a house's "real assets" walk out the front door every night. Without the right individuals (e.g., editors working with authors and manuscripts or sales people telling booksellers about a new novel), book pub lishing would collapse because it relies exclusively on people, relationships, and contacts. This is ironic, as most firms have done remarkably little to retain junior personnel; the turnover rate among these employees (the lifeblood of the industry and its hope for the future) is staggering. Among midlevel employees, it is almost as high. There is a tremendous amount of job "churning," that is, A.E.s (assistant edi tors) and assistant marketers going from one house to another for more money, a more rewarding or stable work environment, or the opportunity to work with a top expert in the field. Of course, there are other mitigating circumstances that affect employee turn over. Individuals retire, die, or leave the industry for personal, professional, or fi nancial reasons. Some people take a leave of absence for medical reasons; others are hired away by literary agents and other publishing firms; still others are released or terminated because of poor work performance, adverse financial conditions, or the results of a merger or acquisition. During a typical year, the human resources department is constantly looking for new, talented individuals, which places a tremendous amount of pressure on this department to generate viable job candidates while maintaining some semblance of control over budgetary considerations and, concomitantly, satisfying the needs of some rather demanding editors, publicists, and others. THE CHIEF INFORMATION OFFICER: INTERNAL AND EXTERNAL COMMUNICATIONS
The senior vice president and chief information officer oversees the preparation and timely dissemination of documents employed in corporate communications, publicity, and public relations campaigns. These tasks are compounded, ironically, because the text as well as tables, charts, appendices, and notes used in various documents issued and disseminated by this office are often prepared and supervised by other senior vice presidents (e.g., the general counsel generates all legal documents; the chief financial officer administers financial data; etc.). There are also overlapping (and at times conflicting) responsibilities with other components of the book house's operating unit, including campaigns and strategies
TABLE 4.6 Selected Executive Salaries, 2000–2001 % Change
2000
2001
$1,994,117
$1,762,008
1,865,704
1,335,292
-11.6 -28.4
Don Katz, Chairman, CEO
362,500
225,000
-37.9
Andrew Kaplan, EVP, CFO
187,163
181,396
-30.8
Stephen Riggio, Acting CEO
480,769
662,500
37.8
Marie Toulantis, CFO
350,000
463,750
32.5
Clyde Anderson, Chmn., CEO
465,000
680,000
46.2
Sandra Cochran, Pres., Sec.
337,500
561,000
66.2
J. Alan Kahn, COO
960,000
870,000
-9.4
Mitchell Klipper, EVP, Pres., DB&N Dev.
800,000
725,000
-9.4
Amazon.com Warren Jensen, SVP, CFO Diego Piacentini, SVP, Retail, Mkting. Audible Inc.
Barnesandnoble.com
Books-A-Million
Barnes & Noble
109
(continued)
1 1
TABLE 4.6
0
(continued) 2000
2001
% Change
Borders Group Greg Josefowicz, Pres., CEO
650,000
1,148,700
76.7
Tami Heim, Pres., Borders Stores/Online
300,000
397,019
32.2
130,000
130,000
0.0
Michael Herrick, CEO
194,167
225,000
15.9
John Levy, CFO
182,027
197,500
8.5
2,300,000
-29.2
770,000
1,628,380 581,872
David Allen, EVP, COO, CFO, Sec.
168,000
161,000
Jean Reynolds, EVP, Publ.
144,000
145,000
–4.2 0.7
$400,000
$400,000
0.0
240,000
210,000
-12.5
Educational Development Randall White, Chmn., Pres., Treas. Media Bay
McGraw-Hill Cos. Terry McGraw, Chmn., Pres., CEO Ken Vittor, EVP, general. Csl.
-24.2
Millbrook Press
Thomas Nelson Thomas Moore, Pres., CEO Joe Powers, EVP, secretary., Treas.
2000
2001
% Change
Reader's Digest Thomas O. Ryder, Chmn., CEO
2,260,000
742,307
–67. 1
M. John Bohane, SVP, Pres., Int'l Pub.
1,038,562
508,461
-51.0
Richard Robinson, Chmn., Pres., CEO
1,435,000
1,294,231
-9.8
Barbara Marcus, EVP, Child Book Pub.
1,110,711
1,089,749
-1.9
1,061,064
984,527
-7.2
636,247
415,520
-34.7
Scholastic Corp.
John Wiley & Sons William Pesce, Pres., CEO Stephen Kippur, EVP, Pres., Pro/Trade Source: Publishers Weekly (New York); Various annual reports and 10-Ks. 1 1 1
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formulated by promotion, sales and marketing, and editorial departments eager to publicize a book or an author. In essence, a lot can go wrong unless someone is minding the shop. While disparate in nature, a uniform corporate image must be created and main tained in the look and feel of these documents. Examples include corporate letters, newsletters, magazines, and so on, sent to employees (and often retirees). Other key documents prepared or supervised include those required or requested by regula tory agencies (e.g., annual reports). In addition, this office handles liaison relations with national, international, and local news organizations and publications. This role is especially crucial during any unusual events affecting the company, including the recalculation of past earnings, declines in earnings, layoffs, the termination of a CEO, or major typographical er rors in a book that causes physical or mental harm to readers. Clearly, incidents of this type are rare, but they undermine the public's confi dence in the book industry and the house in question. Corporate communications officers also handle all of the appropriate notifications to the industry and the public about these events and tragedies. "Disaster or crisis management" emerged as a major focal point after a series of deadly illegal tampering problems with products, serious environmental accidents, and insider trading abuses that undermined confidence in the business community. This office is responsible for many other tasks, including community relations. If the company plans to relocate one or more operations to another location, local politicians and community groups sometimes protest the move (urban centers are very sensitive to this issue because of job losses). Liaison work must be initiated with the new community, especially if concerns are raised about the construction of a new building or the expansion or renovation of an existing one. In addition, con tacts must be made with the local chamber of commerce and other organizations vi tal to the well-being of the book firm. Lastly, this office might oversee speeches and public appearances made by ma jor corporate officers (from actually writing the speech to disseminating it to the trade and business press). Often detailed plans are made to prepare an executive if he or she is scheduled to meet with stock analysts or to build the public image of an officer within the book industry or in the general business community. Corporate communications also supervises the company's work with charities. THE GENERAL COUNSEL AND SECRETARY TO THE BOARD OF DIRECTORS
As the firm's chief legal advisor, the general counsel reviews and approves all doc uments and contracts, ranging from book agreements with authors to real estate leases to complex medical-dental-pension trust indentures. In addition, members of the general counsel's staff review any "questionable" manuscripts to determine if any libelous issues are present and to verify any possible copyright infringement matters. They also draft and review documents, ranging from the termination of an author's book contract to grievance and dismissal notices.
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This office is involved with a variety of publishing activities, but only as advi sors. In addition, the general counsel represents the firm (as a defendant or a plain tiff) in all lawsuits and appearances before any worker compensation boards or other federal, state, county, or municipal regulatory agencies. As for the board of directors, a corporation seeking "incorporation" status in a state must submit the appropriate documents to that state's agency (often the secre tary of state) for approval. These papers are prepared by the general counsel's of fice. Once this legal status has been granted, the board of directors must follow rather strict guidelines, ranging from the minimum number of annual board meet ings, maintenance of official board minutes, and the submission of various annual forms and documents to the state, stockholders, and others. The general counsel's office supervises these guidelines and the execution of these obligations. The United States government, as well as its regulatory agencies, has laws and rules that a corporation must follow (along with document submission requirements), an other area to be supervised by this office. The general counsel and his or her staff are attorneys working for the company. This compels many houses to employ outside counsel to handle certain specialized duties (perhaps labor negotiations with the unionized warehouse employees) and to act as a "check and balance" mechanism over the internal legal staff. PLANNING AND DEVELOPMENT
The last major business function is planning and development. Planners address ba sic questions about a book firm's current and potential business environment: What is our business? Are we undercapitalized? Are there signs of actual or potential cash flow problems? What is or should be our business in the coming years? What com petitive advantages or edges do we currently have in the marketplace? Do we rely on "mushy" marketing techniques? What are the strengths and weaknesses of top and middle management? Is there a realistic succession plan in place in case of a "crisis"? Did top management develop "crisis management" plans? How will we participate in the globalization of markets for books and information products? What type of mergers, acquisitions, or strategic alliances (in America or abroad) should we consider in the next few years? How will technology affect how we con duct our editorial, marketing, distribution, and business affairs? Will electronic books (e-books) affect our company and the entire book industry in the next 3 to 5 years (and in the next 5 to 10 years)? What new book and/or electronic products will we need to develop and bring to the market? What existing resources (i.e., sources of content, human resources, financial resources, etc.) do we have (and what will we need to obtain) in order to enter this market? How long will it take our firm (as well as our competitors) to enter this market? How mature is this market? What book firms are currently active in (or are on the verge of entering) the electronic market? How will domestic and global book competitors influence us if we do or do not enter the electronic market? Will any existing (or proposed) U.S. governmental or regulatory agency guidelines affect us?
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In essence, the key issue a planner confronts centers on how a book firm plans for the future. Over the years, strategic planners have developed a number of theories and practices that are followed by the majority of professionals active in this field. What comes first, a company's organizational structure or a detailed strategy? In Management: Tasks, Responsibilities, Practices, Drucker insisted that a corporation's structure always follows its strategy, and not vice versa. This theory is accepted by most scholars and practitioners; two of the best detailed studies on this issue are Alfred Chandler's Strategy and Structure: Chapters in the History of Industrial En terprise and The Visible Hand: The Managerial Revolution in American Business.3 Structure is a means for attaining the objectives and goals of an institution. Strat egy (i.e., the answers to the questions "What is our business, what should it be, what will it be?") determines the purpose of the structure. Effective structure is the de sign that makes these key activities capable of functioning and performance.4 This is not an easy task; and Drucker and Chandler recommend that a series of questions be addressed. How should a corporation's organizational units be con structed? What organizational components should be aligned and which ones must be left alone? Where and how should units be placed within the corporation? What relationships will be created to insure that this structure operates effectively? An effective manager must determine what his or her business is and what it should be. "If you were not in this business today, would you enter it?"5 If the an swer is no, then you are in the wrong business. Drucker insists you must abandon this operation as quickly as possible, bold advice that is not always easy to follow and implement. Once answers are generated, a series of decisions must be made. This means de termining what existing activities or organizational groupings no longer fit into the company's strategy and mission. Quite often this means closing or selling units. In order to avoid morale problems, top management must provide itself and its manag ers with a realistic vision, values, standards, and with procedures to audit perfor mance against these standards. This requires the book firm's executives to define clearly the purpose of the business. If the primary goal of a company is to create a customer and then satisfy the customer's wants and needs, then a business enterprise "has two, and only these two, basic functions: marketing and innovation. Marketing and innovation produce re sults; all the rest are costs."6 In Drucker's organizational system, the word "innova tion" refers specifically to the creative side of the enterprise (in the book business, this would be the aesthetic work of an author and the intricate, subjective, ephem eral process of editors). Alfred D. Chandler, Strategy and Structure: Chapters in the History of Industrial Enterprise (Cam bridge, MA: MIT Press, 1962), pp. 1-27; also see Chandler's The Visible Hand: The Managerial Revo lution in American Business (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1977), pp. 7-38. Peter Drucker, Management: Tasks, Responsibilities, Practices (New York: Harper & Row, 1974), pp. 523-524. 5 Ibid., p. 61. 6 Ibid., p. 81. Also see two books by Al Ries and Jack Trout, Marketing Warfare (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1986), and Positioning: The Battle For Your Minds (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1981).
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How do you create a customer? To do this, a firm must stress marketing and es chew hard selling. This necessitates a reevaluation of business functions and opera tions. Drucker insists rather firmly that there should not be a separate marketing department or division within a company, which means the abandonment of the tra ditional linear organizational chart found in most organizational theory books or annual reports. Few firms have been able to follow this strategy consistently. Many successful large, global firms that dominated the business landscape in the 1960s through the 1980s seemed to stumble badly in the 1990s when markets shifted and consumers reevaluated their needs and questioned the quality of certain products.7 The plight of IBM in the early 1990s is a prime example of a corporation that once dominated domestic and foreign niches and later sustained debilitating reversals.8 Who is the customer? Drucker believes that there is always more than one cus tomer for a product. In the case of the book industry, for example, the "customers" are the booksellers, wholesalers, and jobbers, as well as the final consumer or end-user (perhaps a library) who purchases the book. What is "value" to the customer? In today's marketplace, many managers would insist rather persuasively and passionately that value is quality.9 Drucker insists, "The customer never buys a product. By definition the customer buys the satisfac tion of a want."10 This means that what is value to one customer may be a restraint to another individual. Why does a successful firm slip and lose market share? Theodore Levitt ad dressed this issue in "Marketing Myopia." Levitt insisted that firms declined invari ably because their managers defined the corporation too narrowly. To continue growing, a company must ascertain and act on their customers' needs and desires. They cannot bank on the flimsy assumption of the longevity of their products. In re ality, Levitt posits there is no such thing as a growth company, only firms able to capitalize on growth opportunities. Looking back on America's economic history, Levitt was struck with the unset tling development of this nation's railroads. He insisted railroads ended up in trouble not because of a precipitous decline in the number of passengers or freight transporta tion but, instead, because this need was not satisfied by the railroads. Other forms of transportation (the bus and the airplane) took customers away from them. Railroads assumed, erroneously, that they were "in the railroad business rather than in the trans
7 Some books about the "total quality" movement include: Bill Creech, The Five Pillars of TQM [To tal Quality Management]: How to Make Total Quality Management Work for You (New York: Dutton, 1994), and Neil H. Synder, James J. Dowd, Jr., and Dianne Moss Houghton, Vision, Values and Culture: Leadership for Quality Management (New York: Free Press, 1994). 8Joseph H. Boyett, Stephen Schwartz, Laurence Osterwise, and Roy Bauer, The Quality Journey: How Winning the Baldridge Sparked the Remaking of IBM (New York: Dutton, 1993), pp. 3,19,24; also see Steven Levy, Insanely Great: The Life and Times of Macintosh, the Computer That Changed Every thing (New York: Viking, 1993), pp. 7, 89, 112, 119, 142, 206, 239, 281. Drucker, Management, p. 84. Also see William H. Davidow and Bro Uttal, Total Customer Service: The Ultimate Weapon (New York: Harper & Row, 1989). 10 lbid., p. 534.
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portation business. The reason they defined their industry wrong was because they were railroad-oriented instead of transportation oriented."11 Their failure was due to the fact that they were, in essence, product and selling oriented, not customer and marketing focused. Railroads emphasized their need to fill seats or to haul coal (i.e., to sell services or products that they had in abundance and desperately needed to peddle) rather than addressing the four components of an effective marketing strategy: development, production, distribution, and promo tion. So the railroads failed to comprehend the fact that their product was being made obsolete because other forms of transportation were meeting the "satisfaction of their customer's wants" more effectively. Levitt was also harshly critical of the practices of certain industries, particularly automobile makers in Detroit. These manufacturers, according to Levitt, never re ally researched their customers' wants and needs. Instead, they were only interested in their preferences between the kinds of products Detroit had already decided to place on the market. Professor Levitt insisted a manager must accept the fact that "building an effective customer-oriented company involves far more than good intentions or promotional tricks; it involves profound matters of human organization and leadership."12 So a company must adapt to new trends in the marketplace, and this is better done sooner rather than later. Levitt also dealt with the issue of leadership. He discovered in his re search that great companies have great leaders with a vision and a dream. Lastly, he posited that the entire organization must adopt a customer-creating mind-set. This means a book executive provides value satisfaction for the customer. All other corporate functions must be directed toward the attainment of this elusive but central goal. "How do consumers choose among the products that might satisfy a given need?"13 This key question helps frame Philip Kotler's diverse ideas and opinions about marketing, and it certainly is a question frequently heard at any book publish ing meeting or sales conference. To Kotler, a consumer confronts a "product choice set" of all available options; from this set, he or she selects a "need set." This means that the consumer ascertains the real or implied utility of a product (in essence, "the ideal product" if more than one version is on the market). How an individual makes this decision (i.e., determines his or her behavioral response) comprises the focus of marketing management. Kotler defined this as "the process of planning and execut ing the conception, pricing, promotion, and distribution of ideas, goods, and ser vices to create exchanges that satisfy individual and organizational objectives ... marketing management is essentially demand management."14 11Theodore Levitt, "Marketing Myopia," Harvard Business Review 53(September—October 1975): p. 26. Also see Seymour Tilles, "How To Evaluate Corporate Strategy," Harvard BusinessReview 41 (July-August 1963): pp. 111–121. 12Ibid., p. 36. 13 Philip Kotler, Marketing Management, 10th ed., (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, 2000), p. 5. l4 Philip Kotler, Marketing Management, pp. 11–12. Also see Rosabeth Moss Kanter, When Giants Learn to Dance:Mastering the Challenges of Strategy, Management, and Careers in the 1990s (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1989), and Kotler's "From Sales Obsession to Marketing Effectiveness," Har vard BusinessReview 55 (November-December 1977): pp. 67-75, and "Operations Research in Mar keting," Harvard BusinessResearch 45(January—February 1967): pp. 30–38.
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Normally, an organization can adopt different, and at times conflicting, strategies to meet the specific needs of consumers. The first and oldest management marketing theory is the "production concept," which holds that the consumer "will favor those products that are widely available and low in cost. Managers of production-oriented organizations concentrate on achieving high production efficiency and wide distribu tion coverage."15 Under this scenario, a book is a low-price commodity. So generic paperback dictionaries and thesauruses, or inexpensive children's books sold in su permarkets, toy stores, drug stores, price clubs, or Wai-Marts are prime examples of the "book as a low-priced commodity" theory. The second theory is the "product concept," which holds that large numbers of consumers "will favor those products that offer the most quality, performance, and features. Managers in these product-oriented organizations focus their energy on making good products and improving them over time."16 Leatherbound books, well-made hardbound books, and high quality four-color reference books are mod els of this type of thinking. The key question surrounding this concept is, "What is of value to the customer?" Although the product manager might be enraptured with the item's quality, will the consumer pay extra for this product? The third theory is the famous "selling concept," which posits that consumers "if left alone will ordinarily not buy enough of the organization's products. The organization must, therefore, undertake an aggressive selling and promotion effort."17 In this theory, consumer inertia is an accepted fact (Isaac Newton wrote that an object at rest remains at rest unless acted upon by an unbalancing force). So marketers build aggressive sales and promotions efforts (often called "hard selling") to convince the "ignorant" individual that he or she really needs to pur chase a specific stock, a subscription to a newspaper or magazine, new windows for a house, or siding for a house. Telephone calls are employed, generally during dinnertime. The goal is to sell either what they have made or a service they offer the public. Whether one wants to admit it or not, this theory is the generally ac cepted practice within the book industry. After all, publishers issue a title, and then they try to influence customers to purchase it. This approach dominates the marketing of mass-market paperbacks and scientific, technical, and medical (STM) titles. The last theory is the "marketing concept." "The key to achieving organizational goals consists in determining the needs and wants of target markets and delivering the desired satisfactions more effectively and efficiently than competitors."18 The four components of this strategy include: a clearly defined market focus; a customer-first orientation; the formulation of an intelligently coordinated marketing plan; and an understanding of profitability. This means that the marketer starts a campaign with a grasp of both the real and potential market and the needs of the cus tomer. With this in place, a coordinated blueprint is conceived and consummated that affects consumers by providing satisfaction of each individual's specific needs. l5
Kotler, Marketing Management, p. 13. lbid., p. 14. 17Ibid., p. 15. 18Ibid., p. 17. I6
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The focus is on, incontrovertibly, the market, the customer, and an intelligent co ordinated game plan intended to generate real customer satisfaction. Kotler's orga nizational chart of these activities is quite revealing because the customer is at the top of the chart. On the bottom tier, one finds top management. Between these two groups are front-line personnel (interacting with customers) and the ubiquitous middle managers supporting those individuals "in the trenches." How is a customer-focused philosophy created and utilized? Certain sophisti cated procedures have been developed to sculpt and institute such a program. These include developing a strategic plan principally by creating a fit between a company's corporate mission, objectives, and resources and the needs of the market. One scenario is to adopt the "McKinsey 7-S Framework." In the "7-S" system, a close relationship is developed between a firm's structure, strategy, systems, shared values, skills, style, and staff. McKinsey also developed specialized computer soft ware to trace and evaluate a corporation's activities. An effective strategic plan cannot be created overnight. A sophisticated under standing of a number of issues must be mastered. First, one must analyze the market. This means gathering accurate information about: customers and their preferences and the substantial factors influencing their purchase of a product; suppliers; market ing intermediaries; legal and regulatory issues; locational (especially on specific re gions of the nation) and demographic issues (i.e., age and life-cycle matters); psychological factors (primarily motivation); the always pivotal role of price; and economic (wages and occupations) and sociological factors (notably data on refer ence groups, opinion leaders, and the family). A planner must obtain realistic and timely statistical data, observational research, input from focus groups, or survey re sults in order to determine targets (which includes a determination about consumer, wholesaler, jobber, nonprofit, and international book markets). Second, existing and potential book market opportunities must be understood, especially if technological innovations will directly and possibly adversely affect the market. Third, one must have a clear understanding of the existing and potential channels of distribution. Fourth, planners must design and implement effective strategies that take into consideration an individuals' buying behavior patterns (e.g., a preference for known brands, habitual purchasing patterns; random selection procedures, etc.). Finally, thought must be given to controlling, implementing, and monitoring these marketing endeavors.19 This entails drafting strategic plans, which generally include: an analysis of the current market (including information about competitors); an analysis of both opportunities and substantive issues; a clear statement of objectives and the mar keting strategy; information about what will be done and by whom and when, along with costs associated with the plan; a projected proflt-and-loss statement; and various controls that will be implemented to insure how the firm's actions can be monitored. 'ibid., p. 67.
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Although these activities appear to be rather straightforward, quite often plan ners neglect some or many of them when they get involved "in the heat of battle." Planners must consider the issue of motivation. Abraham Maslow developed his fa mous five-part "Hierarchy of Needs" triangle that outlined clearly what motivates an indi vidual. On the lowest level, an individual strives to fulfill basic physiological needs (hunger and thirst). Once these are met, then safety issues (security and protection) and later social needs (a sense of belonging and love) are targeted. On the next to the highest level, a human being seeks esteem (self-esteem, recognition, and status). Finally, once all four of these needs are achieved, an individual seeks self-actualization (self-development and realization). Maslow's framework assists planners in their quest to understand how a specific product or service satisfies the wants and needs of a customer. Another concern centers on analyzing competitors, especially market leaders. This is a critically important endeavor, and one that must be vigilantly monitored. How do book competitors maintain their dominance in a specific market? Do "mar ket pioneers" (e.g., the book firms that first entered the e-book market or the paper back field) have a distinct advantage over later entrants? Do they offer product substitutions with a high cross-elasticity of demand (perhaps a new line of romance novels targeted for a specific ethnic or racial group)? Are there any entrance (e.g., book distribution systems after World War II) or exit barriers (perhaps inventory or long-term real estate leases) that could suffocate a plan? What pricing trends exist (why are most mass-market paperbacks priced within a narrow range)? Are there firms with clearly defined objectives and advantages (e.g., a sophisticated direct marketing apparatus) that could be used against an entrant into the marketplace? If so, what are the likely or possible strategies such a competitor could adopt? What are the competitor's weaknesses (i.e., its market share, profit margins, cash flow, sales operation, personnel, capacity utilization)? How can a market leader be at tacked? What type of attack strategy can be implemented (frontal, encirclement, flanking, or a bypass)? Is a "market following" approach appropriate? Attention must also be paid to measuring and forecasting existing or potential market demand and product life cycles. How mature is the market? Is the market growing or contracting? Has it leveled off? Will market segmentation, clustering, targeting, and positioning strategies work? Robert H. Hayes and William L. Abernathy wondered why some firms achieved success and then floundered. "Our experience suggests that, to an unprecedented degree; success in most industries today requires an organizational commitment to compete in the marketplace... over the long run by offering superior products."20 Hayes and Abernathy were critical of managerial principles that encouraged "analytic detachment rather than the insight that comes from 'hands on' experience and short-term cost reduction rather than long-term development of technological competitiveness. It is this new managerial gospel, we feel, that has played a major role in undermining the vigor of American industry."21 20Robert H. Hayes and William J. Abernathy, "Managing Our Way to Economic Decline," Harvard Business Review 58(July-August 1980): p. 68. 2l lbid., p. 68.
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What were the irrefutable signs of this economic malaise? The authors insisted the principal indicator was a preoccupation with buying and selling companies (and operating units) rather than in marketing a product to a customer, a situation readily visible in book publishing between 1960 and 2004. There were, unfortunately, additional secondary signs of the debilitating sick ness that was sapping the vitality of America's industries. These two professors in sisted that far too many corporations turned to the government for temporary financial relief, as if Washington had become an investor banker and a source of cheap loan money that became a balm to sooth injuries sustained on the corporate battlefield. If a company cannot compete, Hayes and Abernathy argued, it should devise a new strategy or go out of business. The federal government should not be construed as being the "southern division" of Wall Street. Other firms seemed enamored with the possibility of just making money without stressing the corporations' primary strategic goals. Far too many managers invested capital in financial instruments (e.g., Certificates of Deposit, U.S. Treasury Bills, etc.) instead of plowing these funds back into the operation. Still other corporations began to allow industrial plants and equipment to age and accept low rates of pro ductivity, arguing that the American work force was unable or unwilling to compete internationally with growing economies generating higher rates. So why invest if the return was unsatisfactory? One scenario dealt with neatly trimming the work force of full-time employees and replacing them with freelancers (a rather common event in book publishing) to save money and post outstanding quarterly results, that is, managing only for the short-run. This devotion to managing by the numbers, especially elevating short-term return-on-investment (ROI) theories and a reluctance to invest in new processes or products, became a managerial mantra. It was also a symptom that the purpose of the enterprise had become only an exercise in investing capital rather than meeting the wants and needs of the customer. Another intriguing policy centered on the ill-conceived notion that it was saga cious to service existing markets rather than creating new ones, an example of milk ing the cash cow at the direct expense of future earning. Some financial experts, who reached the top echelons of management, crafted the strategy of developing profit-centers to ascertain which units were and were not successful in covering corporate overhead charges and other expenses. Drucker dismissed this scenario by pointing out that there were only "cost centers" in any accounting system. The other unsettling trend to Hayes and Abernathy centered on the emergence and acceptance of modern portfolio managerial theories, which were adapted from financial portfolio concepts. Managers would evaluate their operating units and create "strategic business units" (or SBUs) and place them in a four-part matrix. This process was designed to identify the existing and potential performance of a specific unit. There were four types of SBUs, developed by the Boston Consulting Group. Fig. 4.9 illustrates this matrix. A "star" was a high growth, high market-share strategic business unit requiring a steady supply of cash to finance its rapid growth. A star's rapid growth rate eventu ally slows down, which transforms the star into a cash cow.
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FIG. 4.9 "Star" matrix.
A "cash cow" is a slow growth, high market-share operating unit. It generates a steady supply of cash that the company utilizes to cover its bills, overhead, and costs associated with stars and other SBUs. A "question mark" is a low market-share SBU in a high growth market. This means that management must support its activities with a steady stream of cash in order to maintain its share of the market; unusually large sums of money would be required to enhance a question mark so it can increase its market share. Managers are preoccupied with trying to ascertain if a question mark has the potential to be come a star or whether it should be sold, terminated, or reduced in size. The "dog" is a low growth, low market-share SBU. It may generate enough cash to support its revenues, and in some instances, might generate a surplus. It is by def inition not a source of large sums of money for the corporation. This matrix allows a company's managers to formulate a strategic plan designed to (1) build up the business unit's market share (especially among "question marks"); (2) hold onto an SBU's market share (primarily for strong "cash cows"); (3) harvest a unit's short-term cash flow regardless of the long-term impact of this strategy on the SBU's stability; or (4) divest a unit (i.e., either sell or liquidate) to utilize the SBU's resources elsewhere in the portfolio. Hayes and Abernathy's advice on portfolio theories was blunt. "The key to long-term success, even survival, in business is what it has always been: to invest, to innovate, to lead, to create value where none existed before.... In our preoccupation with the braking systems and exterior trim, we may have neglected the drive trains of our corporations."22 MAJOR BUSINESS CHALLENGES
The small, cozy, romantic cottage industry so long associated with Maxwell Perkins, the great house of Scribner's, and tweed jackets has disappeared. In its place has grown a towering industry employing thousands of individuals and gen 22
Ibid, p. 74. Also see Martin Levin, "The Publishing Executive of the 1990s,"Journal of Scholarly Pub lishing 21 (October 1989): pp. 41–44; Robert H. Waterman, Jr., What America Does Right: Learning from Companies That Put People First (New York: W. W. Norton, 1994), Charles Handy, The Age of Paradox (Cambridge, MA: Harvard Business School Press, 1994), and Mary C. Gentile (Ed.), Differences That Work: Organizational Excellence Through Diversity (Cambridge, MA: Harvard Business School Press, 1994).
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erating billions of dollars in book shipments. Change is rampant in the book indus try; and now the industry's future existence and successes are dependent directly on the quality of leadership at the top. Some of the major problems and questions these individuals will be forced to address include: 1. Expectations for operating profit and return on investments are higher and more rigorous than ever in the past due inextricably to the need to pay off huge debts generated during the merger and acquisition spree. How will this debt be reduced without cutting into the editorial process? 2. The staggering advances that literary "superstars" command, the quest for both growth and market share, and the ferocious (and often public) campaigns to at tract and keep major authors and editors generated massive headaches and pressure within the publishing community. How will managers handle what appear to be never-ending problems? 3. The conflict between the cultural and commercial forces in the industry has yet to be resolved. How should managers handle this conundrum? 4. When will the electronic dissemination of book content (e-books; e-readers) be accepted by consumers? How much seed money should be plowed into these en deavors? When can a firm expect to see a real return on its investment in e-books? 5. Members of the investment community are looking closely at publishing to determine its financial viability in an electronic age cluttered with numerous other entertainment and media opportunities. What must managers do to understand and work with a financial community that, too often, seems to look only to quarterly re sults? 6. How do you manage and motivate creative people working in a knowledge environment? 7. Can small to medium sized companies survive in a business environment dominated by large, global companies with access to capital? Crafting answers and strategies to these questions will dominate the book indus try through 2010.
CHAPTER FIVE
The Editorial Process Book editing is one of the most romantic and misunderstood jobs in America. It is exciting to read about Maxwell Perkins (America's foremost fiction editor) poring over a totally unorganized manuscript from Thomas Wolfe, delivered unceremoni ously in a battered trunk. Perkins saw the finely crafted "sculpture" deeply hidden in a dense block of literary "marble." His ability to organize and edit "chapters" en abled Wolfe, F. Scott Fitzgerald, Ernest Hemingway, and other writers at Scribner's to realize their potential. Yet Perkins was given an inordinate amount of time by Scribner's to handcraft "fragments" into finely tuned novels, to allow ge niuses to blossom, and to influence the course of American letters. In the 21st century, the "Perkins archetype" is, for the most part, a faint dream at the large commercial publishers (although it is still found at some of the smaller houses and at most university presses). EDITORIAL CATEGORIES
Book publishing firms have distinct editorial categories, although some of the terms are used interchangeably (especially at small houses). The editorial director is the individual in charge of all editorial matters, from fi nal approval of a manuscript to supervision of everyone in the editorial department. This high profile job involves financial matters (including budgets), aesthetic is sues, the special handling of major authors and their agents, publicity, meetings with the publisher and other key people at the house, and the more numbing daily administrative chores that cannot be passed on to others in the department. At many publishing houses, the editor-in-chief, senior editor, and executive edi tor supervise the daily operations of the editorial department, reviewing manuscript submissions, working with authors and agents, and routing manuscripts through the in-house system. The term acquisition editor is used in most houses to describe the duties of an ed itor, associate editor, or assistant editor, although the editor-in-chief, senior editor, and executive editor also acquire manuscripts. This is the glamorous job in the edi torial world. At the largest houses, this job carries with it a variety of perks (limou 123
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sine service to and from work, expense accounts, lunch at the Four Seasons) and a high salary. This editor acquires manuscripts, but often this individual does not line edit the manuscript. This task is turned over to an assistant, often an editorial assis tant (or EA; an entry-level position for someone right out of college or a summer publishing institute). The acquisition editor represents a publishing company in a convoluted legal, fi duciary, managerial, and marketing relationship with a wide variety of individuals in the disparate book community: authors, agents, editorial advisors, book packag ers, freelancers, translators, book reviewers, and others. This editor is the company's arbiter of "beauty and truth," acts as the corporate gatekeeper, and plays a substantive role (often the dominant one) in acquiring, se lecting, and supervising the editing manuscripts. These editors make decisions. They open the "gate"; they anoint a writer with "Holy Chrism" and transform him or her as if by wizardry into an author. An acquisition editor accepts and rejects pro posals, outlines, and manuscripts. This is hard, gritty work; at times it can be un pleasant because they are held accountable for the titles they acquire and publish as well as for the ones they reject. Acquisition editors defend a book proposal. Sometimes this means convincing colleagues (fellow editors as well as individuals from sales and publicity) that a pro ject has literary, artistic, or financial merit. Occasionally past favors are called on to gather enough votes for a project; sometimes a more forceful strategy is utilized. They learn to cope, or they falter. These editors have title quotas. They must publish a certain number of books each season or else there will be a void in the list. Of course, they must maintain a steady stream of manuscripts into the house's editorial-production conduit in order to avoid a drastic surge of titles one season and far too few books in another season. Lastly, they are expected to scout around and find new authors with potential (everyone is always looking for the next John Grisham) and to convince established authors that they would be happier working with them at their house (while always maintaining some semblance of ethical propriety). Other Editorial Job Categories
A development editor generally handles the development of a book, often a text book. This editor works with specialists in an academic field, perhaps high school U.S. history teachers, developing the topics, themes, and pedagogical approach a new high school U.S. history might take in order to capture market share. This edi tor might hire one or more prominent college U.S. history professors to write the book. In many instances, these college professors (often stars in their fields) merely review or supervise the text, which is prepared by others (this is known as a "man aged text" in college publishing). A developmental editor in medical publishing attends medical and scientific conferences and reads (for example) The New England Journal of Medicine, The American Journal of Asthma and Allergy for Pediatricians, The International Jour
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nal of Fertility, or The Journal of Thoracic and Cardiovascular Surgery. A text book developmental editor visits dozens of colleges, monitors closely the key journals in their field(s) of specialization, attends scholarly conferences (looking out for cutting-edge papers and leads), and reads titles issued by competitors (and evaluate their sales tallies). The production editor supervisors the flow of a manuscript (called the "ms." in book publishing; manuscripts are "mss."). Starting with the submission of the manuscript (on computer disks and a hard copy), this editor tracks its progress through the various editorial functions (e.g., line editing, the addition of half-tones or four-color photographs, the proper placement of the index, etc.). At that point the manuscript is sent off to either a typesetter or, more commonly today, directly off to the printer with the content on a disk. The production editor monitors the produc tion process and ultimately receives copies of the book galleys, "blues" (blue copies of the final pages), etc. This individual must also understand fully the fairly complicated, technologically driven lithographic (sometimes called litho, offset, or photo litho) prepress and print ing processes as well as binding operations (either hardbound, often called case bind ing; paperback, sometimes called perfect binding; or some form of saddle stitching or plastic binding; issues discussed in chap. 6) used in the production of a book. Editing a manuscript is hard, unromantic work performed by someone called a line or manuscript editor. His or her actual job classification could be editorial assis tant, assistant editor, or associate editor. At small houses, and at almost every univer sity press, line editing is performed by almost everyone on the editorial staff, including the editor-in-chief and sometimes by the press director. At the largest trade houses, the line work is subcontracted out to freelancers to reduce overhead costs. Line editing is done quietly and alone, often in small windowless cubicles, ordi narily with a blue pencil and stacks of yellow Post-it pads adroitly and liberally used by a line (or manuscript) editor to pose important but often numbing queries to the author. Computers have entered the industry, and most editors now ply their trade on them. Many do not because paper manuscripts cast a long, captivating, and seductive spell over the sensibilities of many editors. Line editors are customarily anonymous, and very few of them become publicly known, much less celebrities profiled in The New Yorker or Entertainment Weekly, and their letters are rarely collected and published to illuminate the editorial pro cess or the intricate author–editor relationship. They might be thanked by the au thor in an introduction for their tireless efforts, but then again they might not. The Editorial "Learning Curve" The average editor learned his or her craft in a medieval apprenticeship system that lasts, on average, between 2 and 6 years. Quite often this individual is just out of college (generally an English or history major). He or she begins as an editor-in-training (generally called an editorial assistant or an E.A.) before becoming an assistant editor (or A.E.), associate editor, editor, senior editor, editorial director, or editor-in-chief.
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All of this is done under the close, demanding (often authoritarian) tutelage of a seasoned editor. The E.A. slowly learns the dynamic art of editing, from mastering editorial marks to refashioning a faulty, unclear sentence, a weak paragraph, or a badly organized chapter. Everyone in publishing agrees that editing is an art (and not a science); that it takes years to become a proficient, successful editor; and that great editors are rare. An editor must love to read (and read broadly), be curious, and learn to become and remain tenacious. This means poring over a variety of publications, including The New York Times Book Review and Publishers Weekly, a large number of general lit erary publications (The New York Review of Books, The New Yorker, Harpers, The Atlantic Monthly), and an array of periodicals (including Time, Newsweek, Busi ness Week, and New York). Some editors are generalists, others are specialists. Their level of specialization affects their reading habits. A fiction editor reads works issued by competitors, pores over bestseller lists trying to detect patterns, follows the latest trends in fiction (whether it be serious literary fiction, experimental fiction, or short stories), and keeps up-to-date with the journals that publish fiction (e.g., The New Yorker). Visits to summer writing institutes and academic writing programs frequently occur. An editor must have a keen grasp of standard written English, communicate quickly and effectively to authors, and remain aware of the varied needs of authors, many of whom are mercurial, insecure, and rather demanding if not outright hostile to anyone who dares touch a single word or a comma in a manuscript. Editors are managers. They hire, fire, discipline, and promote. They attend busi ness luncheons (sometimes at the Four Seasons; more often in a coffee shop), sales conferences, and that annual mystical rite of passage known as the BEA (Book Expo America) conference. Editors handle business issues, including budgets, press runs, book promotions, author tours, and so on. This is the one area where many E.A.s flounder. They en tered publishing because they loved books; they discovered they were expected to love books that made money. To do this they had to master accounting, manage ment, marketing, and financial and economic terms, hardly an exciting prospect for serious students of Milton and Shakespeare. They also uncovered another bald fact. Book publishing was part of a gigantic, global mass communications industry where the convergence of media formats was in evitable. Two trends became evident in the 1980s (and continued unabated through the 1990s and into the 21st century). First, some nonbook managers in these media enter prises dismissed the book as passe and talked about the inevitable supremacy of elec tronic publishing. Second, many of these new owners were not always "book people" (sometimes not even "publishing people"). They paid hundreds of millions of dollars (in a few instances, the tallies exceeded the billion dollar mark) to purchase the book company, and they demanded accountability and a return on their investment. This was unsettling to editors primarily interested in the world of literature and ideas. Yet these are the facts of life in the contemporary book industry, and those who learn to handle business obligations emerge as better editors. Those who do not, languish.
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Editorial Circles
Editors work in informal but highly structured circles. These circles sometimes over lap, but at times they stand alone. In general, a fiction editor will fraternize with other fiction editors at his or her house as well as other firms. This person has more in com mon with individuals working at competing companies than with fellow editors em ployed at the same firm handling nonfiction, textbooks, or juvenile titles. Some specialization is inevitable, but the majority of adult trade editors remain generalists. These circles involve well-established and entrenched "old boy" and "old girl" networks, perhaps friends from college or graduate school, frequently colleagues who used to work together but are now employed by competitors, and, periodically, by individuals who belong to the same clubs. The "big trade circles" include agents, authors, book packagers, consultants, "manuscript doctors," Hollywood agents, and other professionals. This circle, as one might imagine, is visible, powerful, and influential. To many insiders, these circles are an absolutely essential component of trade book publishing. Unfortunately, one does not quickly or easily enter a circle. It takes years in the industry, a certain status and panache, and, frequently, intangible traits (especially the ability to trade manuscripts from one house to another). The "Accidental Profession"
Editing is an "accidental profession." No one is born with innate editorial skills; they must be obtained and polished vigorously and constantly. An E.A. pledges al legiance to both the house and the senior editor; he or she takes "vows" (certainly not religious vows of poverty, chastity, and obedience but "vows" nevertheless) to accept a life of long hours of work, low pay, and far too many nights and weekends reading manuscripts. Editing must be approached with seriousness and enough humor to keep some semblance of sanity and sobriety. This is the life of an editor. Yet something is in herently wrong with this picture because the workload is often unbearable, the re straints unacceptable, and the rewards all too frequently inconsequential. One highly experienced editor was once asked what he looked for in an editor. He re plied quickly, "Someone who walks on water." This casual statement sums up what is wrong with the way editors are selected and trained. Peter Drucker once said there is a terrible but inevitable shortage of uni versal geniuses. He warned that an effective executive must learn to build on the strengths of each employee knowing full well that this person has noticeable skills and hidden weaknesses. No one "walks on water"; the search for this messianic edi tor is a quest for the Holy Grail, a process that preoccupies far too many people and is doomed to disappoint almost everyone. Yet one irrefutable fact exists: No one should ever underestimate the role editors play in the development of a book. They make sure that the author's thoughts and words, the work's "circulatory system," operate effectively, insuring that an author's final manuscript has the necessary soul to become a book.
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Is there a typical editor? There is no simple answer to this question because the major studies on this subject were conducted in the 1980s. Compounding the prob lem is the fact that various components of the industry (trade, mass market, college textbooks, etc.) developed very different operational patterns.1 EDITORIAL THEORIES
How does an editor "edit" a manuscript? Does an editor reshape or rewrite a book? Or does an editor approach the author with suggestions or questions designed to as sist the author in presenting the best possible work to the reader? What are the ethi cal, business, or literary obligations an editor has to the author, the manuscript, and the publishing firm? Gerald Gross confronted these issues in Editors on Editing: What Writers Need to Know About What Editors Do. He insisted that the "best editing is not the least or the most; it is whatever measure of editing evokes the writer's greatest talents, that presents the writer's work in the best possible light."2 Gross confronted some old chestnuts. Who "owns" the book? Whose judgment should prevail in the editor-author relationship? Gross believes "the editor must remember that the work in question is the author's book, and that the author's decisions must prevail."3 Gross incorporated the birth analogy into his argument. The author gives birth to the book; the editor acts as an attending physician or midwife, playing a critically important role in assuring the safe delivery of the new "baby"; thus the editor, hardly the source of life, is re ally a "guardian angel." 1Barbara F. Reskin, "Culture, Commerce, and Gender: The Feminization of Book Editing," in Job Queues: Explaining Women's Inroads into Male Occupations, Barbara F. Reskin and Patricia A. Roos (Eds.), (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1990), p. 95; also see Lewis A. Coser, "Professional Au thors and Publishing Houses," Book Research Quarterly 3(Summer 1987): pp. ll–14;MicheleCaplette, Women in Publishing: A Study of Careers in Organizations. Ph.D. dissertation, SUNY at Stony Brook, 1981; pp. 6–67;Lewis A. Coser, Charles Kadushin, and Walter W. Powell, Books: The Culture and Com merce of Publishing (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1985), pp. 112–117; Walter W. Powell, Getting Into Print: The Decision-Making Process in Scholarly Publishing (Chicago: University of Chi cago Press, 1985), p. 140; William Germane, Getting It Published: A Guide for Scholars and Anyone Else Serious About Serious Books (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2001), 19–68; Paul Parsons, "The Editorial Committee: Controller of the Imprint," The Journal of Scholarly Publishing, 29, 4(July 1989): pp. 238-244; Paul Parsons, "The Evolving Publishing Agendas of University Presses, " The Journal of Scholarly Publishing, 23, 1 (October 1991): pp. 45–50; Paul Parsons, Getting Publishing: The Acquisition Process at University Presses (Knoxville, TN: University of Tennessee Press, 1989), pp. 1-59; Dorothy Commins (Ed.), What is an Editor? Saxe Commins at Work (Chicago: University of Chi cago Press, 1978), pp. 12-78. 2 Gerald Gross, "Preface: Reflections on a Lifetime of Editing," in Editors on Editing: What Writers Need to Know About What Editors Do (New York: Grove Press, 1993), p. xv. Also see Bill Harnum, "The Characteristics of an Ideal Acquisition Editor," The Journal of Scholarly Publishing, 32,4(July 2001): pp. 182-188; William Germano, "Surviving the Review Process," The Journal of Scholarly Publishing, 33, l(October 2001): pp. 53–69; Ann M. Hutchinson, Editing Women (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1998), pp. 1–14, 37–55, 67–81; Diana Athill, Stet: An Editor's Life (New York: Grove, 2001), pp. 7–42; Richard Balkin, A Writer's Guide to Book Publishing (New York: Plume, 1994), pp. 15-21, 25-56. 3 Gerald Gross in Editors on Editing: What Writers Need to Know About What Editors Do, p. xvi.
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He was also concerned about ethical issues. "Too little, however, has been said of the editor's responsibility to his or her own integrity; the duty to be true to one's political, moral, ethical, societal, and aesthetic convictions."4 Over the years he had been asked to work on projects that offended his beliefs. "I turned them down, often recommending the author or agent to another editor, one who would be more sym pathetic to the theme and content of the work I refused to edit."5 This raises the issue of censorship. "I am a devout and unconditional supporter of the First Amendment.... But I know I have to sleep at night and face myself in the shaving mirror in the morning and live with my wife and my children without shame or guilt."6 However, Gross, a well-established editor, has earned the right to "pass" on certain manuscripts. What type of professional or personal relationship should emerge between an editor and an author? Gross argued that a professional relationship must be cre ated (personal ones might or might not evolve). "The two parties should work to gether collegially, not adversarially—symbiotically, not parasitically. Put even more simply: each needs the other; each has much to offer the other."7 In reality, an editor is a coach, pushing the author to new and higher levels of excellence while offering the author creative advice, a sense of objectivity, and advice on "the positive and negative elements of a manuscript" and prescribing a possible cure to what ails it in the same way that a diagnostically trained internist can read an X-ray.8 The writer, Gross argues, must accept critical advice and utilize it whenever pos sible. The writer is the author; the editor is the consultant. Yet "the editor must not in any way at any time attempt to edit the book so that it will be written the way the edi tor would write it if the editor wanted to, or could, write."9 The editor must approach the manuscript using the author's voice and perspective; the alternative is Hobbesian, an antagonistic relationship doomed to fail. The editor must give the author respect and admiration; the author owes the same to the editor. Alan D. Williams insisted that one of the major duties of an editor is to act as a "therapist-nag or magic worker-meddler. An editor is, or should be, doing some thing that almost no friend, relative, or even spouse is qualified or willing to do, namely to read every line with care, to comment in detail with absolute candor, and to suggest changes where they seem desirable or even essential."10 The editor's goal is to provide invaluable, realistic, and uncoated input that the author needs to craft a better work, whether it is a poem, novel, or biography. Aug menting this, in Williams' mind, are the editor's thoughts on "taste" (always a diffi cult idea to convey effectively to anyone) and insight into what the market wants and needs, from readers to reviewers to booksellers. 4Ibid., p. xvii. Ibid., p. xvii. 6 Ibid., p. xvii. 7 Ibid., p. xvii. 8Ibid., p. xviii. 9 Ibid., p. xviii. 10Alan D. Williams, "What Is An Editor?" in Editors on Editing, p. 6. 5
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To achieve a high level of constructive criticism, the editor, out of necessity, must handle several conflicting notions in his or her head simultaneously. First, the editor must analyze the author's form and content, specifically targeting the work's structure and sense of clarity. Second, the editor must act as the author's "Godfa ther" or "Rabbi" within the publishing house to insure that the book receives both attention and care. Third, the editor must "articulate clearly and appealingly the sin gle virtues of a given book. From editorial reports on through catalog copy, jacket flaps, and publicity releases, it is the editor's initial core descriptions that implicitly explain why the book has been chosen in the first place."11 Thomas McCormack's thoughts on editorial theories are often philosophical but always provocative. He dealt with the concept of "sensibility" in order to understand the proper role of an editor. "The good editor reads, and he responds aptly, where 'aptly' means 'as the ideal appropriate reader would.'" This response depends on "sensibility—the apparatus within that reacts to what's immediately given."12 "Sensibility," although critically important, must be balanced with the editor's ability to analyze, which McCormack calls "diagnosis." He views this as the ability to identify what is causing a response within the reader, which can vary from being unengaged, deflated, frustrated, or baffled by the title in question. This process leads to the editor's inevitable quest to "repair" the manuscript, which is no mean assignment. A manuscript must be perused cautiously in order to understand its strengths and weaknesses; and this procedure is unquestionably an exceptionally difficult undertaking. Unfortunately, too many senior editors ask their editorial assistants to handle these chores. McCormack is appalled by this practice. He wonders if a young, inex perienced E. A. has the sensibility, tact, and skills needed to perform this task effec tively. He points out repeatedly that most editorial assistants are expected to "absorb" editorial skills inasmuch as very few of them are actually taught anything about editing in a systematic way, even those working in the time-honored editorial apprentice system. They are too young, too rushed, and too inexperienced to look deep into the soul of a book and make these decisions.13 McCormack ruminates how an editor can best approach characters, language, and form, and he formulates hypotheses about how an editor reads, reacts, and iden tifies the cause of his or her responses. Once this is achieved, the editor's third phase involves "revision, and it calls for sensibility, craft, and art. Art from an editor? Yes, a part of it. A small, not only possible but necessary part."14 Yet what is "sensibility"? McCormack insists it has different meanings. "The first is the one that tastes and judges; it's a taste-bud performance; call it gustant. The second is the one that registers, among other things, appetite, anticipation, anx iety, curiosity. It too is responsive, the way any craving is. Call it salivant."15 11Ibid, pp. 7–8. 12 Thomas McCormack, The Fiction Editor, the Novel, and the Novelist (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1988), p. 5. 13Ibid., pp. 8–12. 14Ibid., p. 59. 15Ibid., p. 59.
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Can one learn and understand and apply these philosophical concepts? McCormack insists some can, but most cannot. In essence, this characteristic or trait is almost God-given, but one that can be burnished. Leslie T. Sharp and Irene Gunther approach these matters within more of a prag matic rather than a philosophical framework. "There is no pat formula, no one way of approaching each different text. Each book has its own problems; each feels like starting from scratch."16 What every editor needs, however, is a conceptual frame work that provides an understanding of what should and should not be done. "First, do no harm." Be cautious about the author's style and voice. "Doing no harm when editing a manuscript means doing the minimum necessary to clarify an author's language or intent, which is also the essence of our first principle economy."17 Change as little as possible; do not alter an author's style or language merely because it conflicts with your taste; use tact. All queries to the author must be clear, concise, and respectful. Approach every manuscript on its own terms (be flexible but be consistent, and be confident). Take responsibility and pride in what you do.18 M. Lincoln Schuster, one of the cofounders of Simon & Schuster, formulated ed itorial theories that still have merit. Schuster insisted that an effective editor must learn to "think and plan and decide as if he were a publisher.... To his 'sense of liter ature,' he must add a sense of arithmetic. He cannot afford the luxury of being color-blind. He must be able to distinguish between black ink and red."19 As for the craft of editing, Schuster believed that an editor must look beyond the words on the paper and seek to ascertain what the book could become. To do this the editor had to "learn patience, sympathetic patience, creative patience."20 This meant the editor had to see beyond the latest fads and trends. "Never think of doing 'an other' book imitating the best seller of the moment. Start trends, do not follow them."21 Lastly, the editor had to earn the confidence of an author before, during, and after the book is published. "Unless you inspire and enlist such confidence and cooperation, you will find yourself going back to the early days when booksellers were also publishers, and the relationship between an author and a publisher was a relationship between a knife and a throat."22 Walter W. Powell commented on editorial theories in Getting Into Print: The Decision-Making Process in Scholarly Publishing. He felt that editing must be 16Leslie T. Sharp and Irene Gunther, Editing Fact and Fiction: A Concise Guide to Book Editing (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1994), p. 79. 17 Ibid., p. 80. 18Ibid., pp. 81–82. Also see George M. Zinkhan, "The Role of Books and Book Reviews in the Knowledge Dissemination Process," Journal of Marketing, 59(January 1995): pp. 106–108; Wendy Strothman, "Multiculturalism at One Press: The Beacon Experience," The Journal of Scholarly Pub lishing 24,3(Spring 1993): pp. 144–150;Wendy Strothman, "On Moving from Campus to Commerce," The Journal of Scholarly Publishing, 18,4(April 1987):pp. 157–162; Jack G.Goellner, "The Other Side of the Fence: Scholarly Publishing as Gatekeeper," Book Research Quarterly 4(Spring 1988): pp. 15-19. 19 M. Lincoln Schuster, "An Open Letter to a Would-be Editor," in Editors on Editing, p. 23. 20 Ibid., p. 24. 2l Ibid., p. 25. 22 Ibid., p. 27.
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perceived as a skilled craft. Effective "editorial skills are developed through a process of technical socialization, characterized by an apprentice system. Editors learn on the job.... Learning to be an editor is a gradual process. As one first-rate editor commented, 'You can learn all the technical stuff in six months; the rest takes a life time.'"23 What talents does an editor need? Powell insisted that they develop a strong sense of autonomy. Yet Powell agrees with McCormack that editors must rely ex tensively on creative intuition, which is exceptionally difficult to see, feel, weight, or master. They must develop (or perhaps absorb) this sensibility through social and professional interactions with fellow editors, authors, and society. Lastly, they must learn to work within a system of informal controls, primarily creating priorities and coping with bureaucratic operations. There is another editorial theory, one that industry experts are rather cautious to address: the "nonediting theory." It is a well-known and accepted fact within publish ing that certain authors in the "star" category (primarily novelists) pen massive works desperately in need of editing. Far too many of these weighty tomes of star authors are rarely edited, and then only to remove any grammatical or spelling errors. This approach is fraught with peril because these longer works usually contain a substantially solid, impressive work deeply hidden amidst the author's clutter and verbiage. Effective, realistic "pruning" would have helped the author and pleased the reader. Too often, this is not done. The rationale utilized by editors is that these individuals do not look kindly on anyone tampering with their prose, and, given their star status, their editors are fearful of alienating such an important figure (who might be a cash cow for the house or have a huge advance). So editing is minimized, as long as the book sells and the author remains popular. If any slippage is detected, if sales flatten out, then alarm bells go off in the house, compelling editors to con front the situation they allowed to develop. Johnny Mercer wrote the classic American song "Hurrah for Hollywood!" In it he mused, "Hurrah for Hollywood, where you're terrific if you're even good." Ap parently Mercer's comments sometimes also hold true for book publishing. The second variation of the nonediting theory pertains to editors who are sloppy, uninterested in their craft, or dulled by years of work in the trenches. This phenome non has reached epic proportions, at least to some industry critics. Unfortunately, with the availability of computer software programs ("Spell Check," "Grammar Check"), these problems should be minimized; often they are not. It is rare to read a book free of editorial errors. Perhaps the vast amount of titles in the marketplace makes this problem inevitable; perhaps more care is needed. CASE STUDY: BOOKS, READING, AND BESTSELLERS IN 2001
Book publishing began rather modestly in the United States in 1639 when Matthew Day (often spelled "Daye"), an English-born, illiterate, Colonial Massachusetts 23Walter W. Powell, Getting into Print, pp. 140–141.
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locksmith printed the first book in what eventually became the United States. A group of Puritan leaders (including Richard Mather) sought psalm books for their congregations (becoming the first acquisition editors in this nation). Day worked for Mrs. Joseph Glover (the owner of New England's only privately owned printing press and the widow of the man who brought Day to the New World). He set the type and ran the press.24 The end product was The Bay Psalm Book (although it was officially known as The Whole Book of Psalms Faithfully Translated into English Metre). This modest 51/2"x 7" title was only 148 pages long. Its typography was embarrassing, as was Day's command of standard written English (perhaps the first example of the nonediting phenomenon). Nevertheless, it became America's first "bestseller" (with sales of 1,700 copies) at 20 pence, gener ating an impressive profit. Regrettably, only 17 copies of this book remain in exis tence because most copies literally wore out from use. Since 1639, American publishers have played formidable roles as gatekeepers in the transmission of knowledge.25 This is an important task because society relies to a great degree on books to educate, entertain, and inform. American citizens recog nize the fact that books contain ideas, have a long life of their own, have an innate ability to transmit knowledge and transform political institutions, and to topple governments.26 J. North Conway addressed this issue in American Literacy: Fifty Books That Define Our Culture and Ourselves. He wrote about books (Common Sense, Webster's Spelling Book, and The Silent Spring) and authors (Thomas Jefferson, Betty Friedan, and Benjamin Spock) that had a direct and important impact on our na tion. "Some people would like you to believe that movies and television have ren dered reading books obsolete, but a recent Gallup Poll suggests that reading is on the rise."27 However, some critics insist that America is a nation of couch potatoes who watch numbing television shows and an endless parade of sports events. Ameri cans' reading habits are "pitiful," they maintain, because anything weightier than TV Guide or mindless escapist fiction is eschewed. They posit that the name "Mar cel Proust" is more likely to conjure up images of a hard-fighting left wing for the New Jersey Devils ice hockey team than the author of Remembrance of Things Past. These commentators are deeply alarmed about the steep decline of reading and the disappearance of meaningful, intelligent public discourse in the United States. 24 John Tebbel, Between Covers: The Rise and Transformation of American Book Publishing (New York: Oxford University Press, 1987), pp. 5-7. 25 Bennett Cerf, At Random: The Reminiscences of Bennett Cerf (New York: Random House, 1977), pp. 70–89; also see Charles Scribner, Jr., In the Company of Writers: A Life in Publishing (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1990), pp. 37-88; Charles Scribner, Jr., In the Web of Ideas: The Education of a Publisher (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1993), pp. 3–64; and August Fruge, A Skeptic Among Scholars: August Fruge on University Publishing (Berkeley, C A: University of California Press, 1993), pp. 21-36, 87-103. 26 Fritz Machlup and Kenneth Leeson, Information through the Printed Word, Vol. 1, Book Pub lishing (New York: Praeger, 1978), 7–31. 27 J. North Conway, American Literacy: Fifty Books That Define Our Culture and Ourselves (New York: William Morrow and Company, 1993), p. 14.
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Alan Bloom, in The Closing of the American Mind: How Higher Education Has Failed Democracy and Impoverished the Souls of Today's Students, remarked that American students "have lost the practice of and taste for reading. They have not learned how to read, nor do they have the expectation of delight or improvement from reading."28 Bloom ruminated at great length about the decline of reading and the concomitant decrease in the importance of classic texts. Neil Postman addressed some of these same issues in Amusing Ourselves to Death: Public Discourse in the Age of Show Business. Postman analyzed the im portance of public discourse in this nation and the primacy of the printed word, which he wrote was "insistent and powerful not merely because of the quantity of printed matter but because of its monopoly.... From the seventeenth century to the late nineteenth century, printed matter was virtually all that was available."29 There was, as he pointed out, no television, radio, film, cassettes, and so on, to dis tract Americans or to distort an American's understanding of the key issues sur rounding a major theme. When the electronic media achieved their present powerful position, public discourse, according to Postman, declined, perhaps be yond repair. "Even on news shows which provide us daily with fragments of trag edy and barbarism, we are urged by the newscasters to 'join them tomorrow.' What for?.... Because we know that the 'news' is not to be taken seriously, that it is all in fun, so to say."30 Robert Alter, in The Pleasures of Reading in an Ideological Age, blames aca demics for the decline of reading in this nation because they embraced "discourse studies." "The most central failure, I think, is that so many among a whole genera tion of professional students of literature have turned away from reading."31 Dis mayed about the rise of "discourse" based literary criticism, a theory also attacked by Harold Bloom in The Western Canon: The Books and the School of the Ages, Alter wonders why "for many of the new trends in literary studies, the ob ject of the preposition 'about' is often no longer literature. The great prefix of the day is meta: metalanguage, metatext, metadiscourse."32 The end result to Alter was that "discourse studies" achieved preeminent status in many of America's de partments of English, literature, and comparative literature. Now professors would be able to "teach Shakespeare, television scripts, government memoranda, 28 Allan Bloom, The Closing of the American Mind: How Higher Education Has Failed Democracy and Impoverished the Souls of Today's Students (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1987), p. 62; also see Allan Bloom, Giants and Dwarfs: Essays 1960–1990 (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1990), pp. 295-314, and S. Robert Lichter, Stanley Rothman, and Linda S. Lichter, The Media Elite: America's New Powerbrokers (Bethesda, MD: Adler & Adler, 1988), pp. 1-19. 29 Neil Postman, Amusing Ourselves to Death: Public Discourse in the Age of Show Business (New York: Penguin Books, 1985), pp. 41,1–9. 30Ibid,pp. 61–64. 31 Robert Alter, The Pleasures of Reading in an Ideological Age (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1989), pp. 10–11. Also see Harold Bloom, The Western Canon: The Books and the School of the Ages (New York: Harcourt Brace & Company, 1994). Bloom defends the literary canon (especially Shake speare and Dante) by drawing on the organizational theories of Giambattista Vico; he is highly critical of what he calls the "death of reading." 32 Robert Alter, The Pleasure of Reading, p. 10.
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comic books, and advertising copy in a single program as instances of the language of power."33 A Bookseller Syndrome?
With over 3.5 million titles listed in the 2002-2003 version of R. R. Bowker's Books In Print, and with an annual avalanche of new titles (topping 150,000 in 2003), Americans have an extraordinary array of books to select from for enter tainment, pleasure, or edification. However, all of the available statistical data re veals that most Americans read popular titles (mainly bestsellers) in clearly definable categories. Does this interest in bestsellers reinforce the "elitist" posi tions outlined earlier? Or should one argue that reading anything is important because it exposes the reader to ideas and knowledge? Alter pointed out, in The Pleasures of Reading in an Ideological Age, that "the language of literature abundantly draws on ordinary lan guage and achieves its coherence through operations that are sometimes instruc tively analogous to those of ordinary language, but it carries them to higher exponential power, transmits through them messages of a different order."34 Experts on children's literature have made compelling comments about the im portance of reading. Sam Sebesta, in Inspiring Literacy: Literature for Children and Young Adults, remarked, "Reading experts come close to agreeing that the more actual reading children do, the better they will do it," issues also raised by Su san B. Neuman, Donna C. Celano, Albeit N. Greco, and Pamela Shue in Access for All: Closing the Book Gap for Children in Early Education?35 Because of reading, "we generalize; we relate our thinking about alternatives to our lives; and the rest of the world. Thus we have reached a stage of reflective thinking. It is a thematic level, where literature significantly touches life."36 2001: A Record Year For Consumer Book Bestsellers
Consumer book sales records were abundant in 2001. Thirty-five titles sold more than 1 million copies (and Bruce Wilkinson's The Prayer of Jabez topped the 8.4 million threshold); 37 books were in the +500,000 category; and 32 exceeded the +100,000 level. 33Ibid., p. 13. Also see "At Leisure: Americans' Use of Down Time," New York Times, 9 May 1993, sec. 4. 34Robert Alter, The Pleasure of Reading, p. 48. 35 Sam Sebesta, "A Renewed View of Children's Literature," in Sam Sebesta and Ken Donelson (Eds.), Inspiring Literacy: Literature for Children and Young Adults (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers, 1993), p. 3; and Susan B. Neuman, Donna C. Celano, Albert N. Greco, and Pamela Shue, Ac cess for All: Closing the Book Gap for Children in Early Education (Newark, DE: International Reading Association, 2001), pp. 12–22. 36Ibid., p. 4; also see John Donovan, "Children's Book Publishing on the Ascent," Publishing Re search Quarterly 7(Fall 1991): pp. 7–14; Lindsey Fraser, The North American Children's Book Market: A Report for the Sir Stanley Unwin Foundation (London: Book House, 1989), pp. 17–28, 36–45.
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In addition, the top 6 bookstores posted $8.1 billion in total sales in 2001 (up 3.4% over 2000): Barnes & Noble, $3.68 billion, 896 stores; Borders Group, $3.39 billion, 1,212 stores; Books-A-Million, $442.9 million, 204 stores; Family Chris tian Stores, $325 million, 332 stores; Musicland, $162 million, 69 stores; Hastings, $118 million, 141 stores; and Tower, $32.4 million, 173 stores. "Brand name" authors dominated all sales categories in 2001. This was espe cially true in the fiction arena, where Grisham (with two books in the top fifteen), Steel, Clark (Mary Higgins Clark had one book and Mary Higgins Clark and her daughter Carol Higgins Clark posted another one), Cornwell, McMillan, Patterson (two books), Cussler, Grafton, Franzen, and King accounted for 12.4 million unit sales (out of a total of 16 million units), proving how difficult it is for new authors to make significant inroads in the fiction market. Table 5.1 outlines fiction sales for the top 15 bestsellers in 2001. Nonfiction sales results were equally impressive, and unit sales topped the 23.26 million plateau with a number of "stars" posting strong numbers. Television per sonalities Bill O'Reilly (FOX News) and Suze Orman (Public Broadcasting Sys tem; PBS) sold 1.45 million units; a book by golf star Tiger Woods reached the number nine spot with 770,286 units, and Jack Welch (the much admired, recently TABLE 5.1 Top Fifteen Fiction Bestsellers: 2002 Rank /Title
Author(s)
Copies sold
1. The Summons
John Grisham
2,625,000
2. Red Rabbit 3. Remnant
Tom Clancy Jerry B. Jenkins & Tim LaHaye
1,970,932 1,880,549
4. The Lovely Bones
Alice Seybold
1,841,825
5. Prey
Michael Chrichton
1,496,807
6. Skipping Christmas
John Grisham
1,225,000
7. The Shelters of Stone
Jean M. Auel
1,223,105
9. Everything's Eventual 10. The Nanny Diaries
Stephen King Emma McLaughlin & Nicola Kraus
925,000 852,021
11. From a Buick 12. The Beach House
Stephen King James Patterson & Peter de Jonge
840,000 835,723
13. Star Wars: Attack of the Clones
R.A. Salvatore
784,750
14. Nights in Rodanthe
Nicholas Sparks
744,543
15. Answered Prayers
Danielle Steel
725,000
8
Source: Publishers Weekly (New York).
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retired CEO of General Electric) topped 724,345 units. Table 5.2 outlines nonfic tion sales for 2001. In the trade paperback niche, sales were dominated by seven titles in the +1 mil lion range and eight titles all posting +800,000 unit sales (for a total of 15,855,164 units). These included Gates (1.5 million), Tolkien (3 books; 2,977,876 units), and Jenkins & LaHaye (4 books; 3,881,005), another indication of how difficult it is for new authors to make significant inroads in this market. Table 5.3 lists these top 15 bestsellers. The mass-market paperback list was completely dominated by well-established authors generating an intimidating 31,007,616 unit sales. While Grisham's 3,000,000 units topped the list, Nora Roberts dominated these bestsellers with 6 bestsellers (+12 million units), yet another gauge illustrating how a small number of brand-name authors dominate the mass-market paperback market. Table 5.4 lists these results. Because of the huge popularity of the Harry Potter series, children's books un derwent a renaissance in 1999 and 2000. Unfortunately, J. K. Rowling did not pub lish a hardcoverPotter book in 2001, and sales in that category lagged significantly. TABLE 5.2 Top Fifteen Nonfiction Bestsellers: 2002 Rank / Title
Author(s)
Copies sold
1. Self Matters
Phillip C. McGraw
1,350,000
2. A Life God Rewards
Bruce Wilkinson with David Kopp
1,186,000
3. Let's Roll!
Lisa Beamer with Ken Abraham
958,208
4. Guiness World Records 2003
Guiness World Records Ltd.
919,953
5. Who Moved My Cheese?
Spencer Johnson
850,000
6. Leadership
Rudolph W. Guiliani
801,470
7. Prayer of Jabez for Women
Darlene Wilkinson
704,626
8. Bush at War
Bob Woodward
690,000
9. Portrait of a Killer 10. Body for Life
Patricia Cornwell
683,340
Bill Phillips
676,464
11. I Hope You Dance
Mark D. Sanders & Tia Sillers
648,021
12. Stupid White Men
Michael Moore
634,711
13. Bringing Up Boys
James Dobson
612,109
14. Good to Great
Jim Collins
528,031
15. Get with the Program
Bob Greene
490,000
Source: Publishers Weekly (New York).
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TABLE 5.3 Top Fifteen Trade Paperbacks Bestsellers: 2002 Rank / Title
Author(s)
1. Fix-It and Forget-It Cookbook
Dawn J. Ranck & Phyllis Pellman Good
2. The Two Towers
J. R. R. Tolkien
Copies sold 1,806,379 966,869
3. The Lord of the Rings
J. R. R. Tolkien
871,276
4. The Return of the King
J. R. R. Tolkien
799,123
5. The Fellowship of the Rings
J. R. R. Tolkien
785,385
6. What to Expect When You 're Expecting
Heidi Murkoff, Arlene Eisenberg & Sandee Hathaway
769,416
7. Sula
Toni Morrison
720,000
8. Empire Falls
Richard Russo
677,063
9. Fast Food Nation
Eric Schlosser
676,464
10. The Last Time They Met
Anita Shreve
652,615
11. The Hobbit
J. R. R. Tolkien
650,885
12. A Common Life
Jan Karon
650,000
13. Suzanne's Diary for Nicholas
James Patterson
644,069
14. Chicken Soup for the Mother's Soul II
Edited by Canfield & Hansen et al.
631,000
15. Fix-it and Forget-it Recipes for Entertaining
Dawn J. Ranck & Phyllis Pellman Good
625,229
Source: Publishers Weekly (New York).
A review of BISG data covering the years 1982-2001 revealed conclusively that the juvenile or children's book business is essentially cyclical. A new series will emerge and dominate sales for a few years, sparking interest in these books and convincing marketers that children are now reading books. Then the series falters, and marketers bemoan the fact that children are not reading because they are watch ing too much television or using the Internet eight hours a day. The Goosebumps se ries in the mid-1990s is a perfect example of this phenomenon. In the late 1990s and 2000, the Potter series rekindled hope among experts that children were eschewing television and the Internet and were smitten by books. These hopes were dashed by the stark reality of 2001. No new Harry Potter hard cover book was released in 2001; and the Jabez books led the way, eclipsing the suc cessful Lemony Snicket series. Unfortunately, unit sales for these 5 books (1.966 million units) were significantly lower than the staggering results posted by the
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TABLE 5.4 Top Fifteen Mass Market Paperback Bestsellers: 2002 Rank /Title
Author(s)
Copies sold
1. The Summons
John Grisham
3,965,000
2. The Lord of the Rings: The Two Towers
J. R. R. Tolkien
2,828,087
3. Face the Fire
Nora Roberts
2,700,269
4. The Villa
Nora Roberts
2,204,755
5. Midnight Bayou
Nora Roberts
2,034,602
6. On the Street Where You Live
Mary Higgins Clark
1,796,342
7. The Lord of the Rings: The Fellowship of The Ring
J. R. R. Tolkien
1,718,720
8. The Hobbit
J. R. R. Tolkien
1,710,430
9. The Kiss
Danielle Steel
1,610,000
10. Isle of Dogs
Patricia Cornwell
1,601,026
11. Table for Two
Nora Roberts
1,600,000
12. The Lord of the Rings: The Return of the King 13. The Black House
J. R. R. Tolkien
1,584,587
Stephen King & Peter Straub
1,555,038
14. One Door Away from Heaven
Dean Koontz
1,535,000
15. Chosen Prey
John Sandford
1,500,936
Source: Publishers Weekly (New York).
frontlist Potter in 2000 (7.9 million units for Harry Potter and the Goblet of Fire) or 1999 (Harry Potter and the Prisoner of Azkaban, 3.6 million units; Harry Potter and the Chamber of Secrets, 3.4 million). This category remained rather flat until 2003 when the 5th Potter book was re leased, creating a groundswell. Table 5.5 outlines this trend. Children's paperback frontlist sales tallies revealed clearly the power and al lure of the Potter books, 2 of which dominated the top 3 spots on this list (account ing for slightly more than 4 million units). As usual, the ubiquitous Chicken Soup was on this list, and Mary Pope Osborne placed two titles in the top 15. Table 5.6 lists these trends. Among children's backlist titles, Harry Potter and the Chamber of Secrets came in first with 1,872,000 units with Harry Potter and the Prisoner of Azkaaban in sec ond (1,275,000 units) and Harry Potter and the Sorcerer's Stone third (990,000 units). Table 5.7 illustrates these trends.
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Rank /Title
Author(s)
Copies sold
1. The Carnivorous Carnival (A Series of Unfortunate Events #9)
Lemony Snicket
726,543
2. If You Take a Mouse to School
Laura Numeroff
526,008
3. America: A Patriotic Primer
Lynne Cheney
408,403
4. Double Fudge
Judy Blume
310,884
5. I'm Gonna Like Me: Letting Off a Little Self-Esteem
Jamie Lee Curtis
310,246
6. Lemony Snicket: The Unauthorized Autobiography (A Series of Unfortunated Events)
Lemony Snicket
302,176
7. Junie B. First Grader: Boss of Lunch
Barbara Park
298,257
8. Scholastic Children's Dictionary (revised edition) 9. Who's That Knocking on Christmas Eve?
Scholastic Reference
297,000
Jan Brett
284,743
10. Junie B. First Grader: Toothless Wonder
Barbara Park
284,444
11. Who Moved My Cheese? For Teens
Spencer Johnson
265,076
12. Artemis Fowl: The Arctic Incident
Eoin Colfer
258,602
13. The Night Before Christmas
Clement C. Moore
14. HarperCollins Treasury of Picture Book Classics
Harper Collins
255,269 254,292
15. Let's Count (Bob the Builder)
Kelli Chipponeri
234,107
Source: Publishers Weekly (New York).
The Bestseller List All of the major bestseller lists (The New York Times, Publishers Weekly, USA To day, The Wall Street Journal) and those maintained by wholesalers and bookstores (especially the innovative one developed by the American Booksellers Association; ABA) are closely scrutinized by consumers, agents, authors, editors, and librarians. How accurate are these lists? Could one of them be manipulated in a scam?
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Top Fifteen Children's Paperback Frontlist Bestsellers:2002 Rank /Title
Author(s)
Copies sold
1. Harry Potter and the Goblet of Fire 2. Harry Potter and the Chamber of Secrets (mass-market)
J. K. Rowling
2,810,000
J. K. Rowling
1,217,000
3. Chicken Soup for the Teenage Soul: On Tough Stuff
Jack Canfield et al.
584,978
4. The Adventures of Super Diaper Baby
Dav Pilkey
512,000
5. Good Morning Gorillas
Mary Pope Osbome
490,965
6. Gathering Blue 7. Princess in the Spotlight (The Princess Diaries #2)
Lois Lowry
469,292
Meg Cabot
423,122
8. Dora 's Backpack (Dora the Explorer)
Sarah Willson
378,922
9. Go, Stitch, Go! (Lilo & Stitch)
Random/Disney
373,386
Lois Lowry
347,540
11. Little Star (Dora the Explorer)
Sarah Willson
337,351
12. Spider-Man: I Am Spider Man
Acton Figueroa
321,559
13. Chicken Soup for the Teenage Soul: On Love and Friendship 14. Stage Fright on a Summer Night (MTH#25)
Jack Canfield et al.
317,426
Mary Pope Osborne
317,227
15. The All New Captain Underpants Extra-Crunchy Book O ' Fun #2
Dav Pilkey
317,000
10. The Giver
Source: Publishers Weekly (New York).
Bestselling lists compiled by wholesalers and bookstores represent actual sales (before returns). Key newspapers and periodicals tracking bestseller sales use dif ferent methodologies. The New York Times employs a statistical sampling tech nique. Each week staff members contact independent and chain bookstores (the precise list is not revealed to the public, although members of the book community have a general idea which stores are included in the sample), wholesalers, gift shops, newsstands, supermarkets, and price warehouse clubs. After the numbers are collected, the paper utilizes a statistically weighted evaluation of sales to deter
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CHAPTER 5 TABLE 5.7 Top Fifteen Children's Paperback Backlist Bestsellers: 2002
Rank /Title
Author(s)
Copies sold
1. Harry Potter and the Chamber of Secrets
J. K. Rowling
1,872,000
2. Harry Potter and the Prisoner of Azkaban
J. K. Rowling
1,275,000
3. Harry Potter and the Sorcerer's Stone
J. K. Rowling
990,000
4. When I Get Bigger
509,928
6. Tales of a Fourth Grade Nothing 7. Holes
Mercer Mayer S. E. Hinton Judy Blume Louis Sachar
8. Love You Forever
Robert Munsch
5. The Outsiders
506,171 442,299 439,993 431,420 382,796
9. Junie B. Jones Is a Graduation Girl 10. Number the Stars
Barbara Park Lois Lowry
357,898
11. A Wrinkle in Time
Madeleine L'Engle
339,000
12. Nate the Great
Marjorie Weinman
337,844
13. Dinosaurs Before Dark (MTH#1) 14. The Adventures of Captain Underpants
Mary Pope Osborne Dav Pilkey
337,844 313,000
15. Island of the Blue Dolphins
Scott O'Dell
309,762
Source: Publishers Weekly (New York).
mine bestsellers. It appears this paper favors sales data from independents over those generated by other components of the book-selling community. Publishers Weekly (PW) calls chain bookstores and independents; distributors to drugstores and other retail establishments are queried to determine mass-market bestsellers. fWeschews specialty stores, price clubs, and book clubs for the weekly hardcover list. They also employ a system of weighting to evaluate sales tallies. USA Today's bestseller lists (which are quite popular with many booksellers) draw on chain and independent stores and leave out of the equation price clubs, book clubs, and specialty bookstores. They also incorporate a weighting system to calculate bestsellers. The Wall StreetJournal only calls on the chains, leaving inde pendents, price clubs, specialty stores, and book clubs uncovered. Their procedure is rather simple; for example, they incorporate the sales of hardcover books and compute a "sales velocity index" relative to other hardcover titles.
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All of these publications employed protective features and devices to insure ac curacy, ranging from keeping the names of the stores confidential, routinely adding and deleting establishments on the polling list, monitoring bulk sales, and so on. Could an overly eager author arrange to have enough copies purchased in stores to artificially inflate sales figures in order to place the title on a bestseller list? For years, seasoned industry experts discounted this possibility. Starting in 1995, sub stantive allegations surfaced questioning this long-held belief. Apparently, 3 au thors in 1995 spent hundreds of thousands of dollars to buy tens of thousands of copies of their own book, even having them trucked to a giant warehouse for stor age, to drive up the sales figures and force the book onto bestseller lists. Additional rumors resurfaced in 2001 that other authors were employing the same tactics to push their books onto the bestseller lists. Why would anyone do this? The answer is quite simple: fame and fortune. Someone seeking status, trying to burnish a frayed reputation, or pursuing higher consulting fees (as was alleged in 1995 and again in 2001) might be swayed to in flate sales figures in order to become a celebrity. Anyone seeking a lucrative paper back contract, based on blockbuster hardcover sales, could be tempted to "buy" a spot on a bestseller list to drive up bids. The intrinsic integrity of the bestseller lists issued by The New York Times or Publishers Weekly, etc., has never been impinged by scandals, although it appears that individuals could manipulate a title's sales tallies. However, all of the publica tions releasing bestseller lists initiated major changes in book unit data collection and analysis procedures to minimize or negate bulk purchase manipulation. The lists of stores were kept confidential, new stores were added periodically and old stores deleted, and each bookstore in the sample was asked to filter out corporate sales that seem designed to influence a book's standing on the list. What is remarkable, however, is the fact that sales figures from nontraditional book outlets (price clubs, specialty stores, etc.) are frequently bypassed, when recent infor mation revealed that slightly more than half of all the books purchased in the United States are sold in these establishments. A more detailed evaluation of the weighting procedures might be prudent to ascertain with more precision bestselling patterns. Book Titles and Categories In 1999, sociology and economics dominated the total number of new titles issued in the United States with 14,579 (12.21% of all new books) out of 119 357, holding the number one spot since 1992. The fiction niche was second with 12,372 (10.37%); ju venile was third among new titles with 9, 438 (7.91%). By 2000, the rankings re mained the same, paced by sociology and economics (14,908, 12.21%), fiction (14,617, 11.97%), and juvenile (8,690,7.12%; and barely beating the surging tech nology category's 8,582, 7.03%). By 2001, there was a substantive shift in title output. Fiction emerged as the larg est book category with 17,349 titles (and a 12.24% share of the market), outpacing sociology and economies' 16,555 titles (11.68% market share). Juvenile books were in third place (9,582 titles; 6.76% share). Table 5.8 lists these totals.
TABLE 5.8 United States Book New Title Output: 1999–2001
Category
1999
Percent of total
2000
Percent of total
Agriculture Art Biography Business
1,037 4,795 51 3,789
3.17
1,073 4,980 3,899 4,068
Education
3,408
2.86
3,378
2.77
12,372 1,456
10.37
11.97
1.22
14,617 1,318
History
7,486
6.27
7,931
Home Economics Juvenile Language Law Literature
2,564
2.15
Medicine
Fiction General Works
0.87 4.02 0.04
0.88 4.08 3.19 3.33
2001
Percent of total
1,195 5,324
0.84
4,887 5,023 3,914
3.45 3.54
3.76
2.76 12.24
1.08
17,349 1,553
6.50
9,028
6.37
2,513
2.06
2,430 9,582 2,954 3,266
1.71
9,438 2,565 3,078
7.91 2.15 2.58
8,690 2,536 3,070
7.12
3,646
3.05
3,371
2.76
6,153
5.16
6,234
5.11
2.08 2.51
1.10
6.76 2.08 2.30 4.24
1,593
1.33
1,582
1.30
6,009 7,080 3,098
5,861
4.91
5,556
4.55
6,320
4.46
2,455 6,044 7,862
2.06 5.06 6.59
2,479 6,206 8,464
2.03 5.08 6.93
2,924 8,015 8,928
2.06 5.66 6.30
Sociology & Economics
14,579
12.21
14,908
12.21
16,555
11.68
Sports & Recreation
3,252
2.72
3,483
2.85
3,789
2.67
8,896 2,977 119,357
7.45
8,582
7.03
3,170
2.60
9,359 3,121 141,703
6.60
2.49
Music Philosophy & Psychology Poetry & Drama Religion Science
Technology Travel Total:
122,108
5.00 2.19
2.20
Source: The Bowker Annual Library and Book Trade Almanac, published by Information Today, Inc. 143 Old Marlton Road, Medford, NJ 08055.
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THE EDITORIAL PROCESS
The average price for hard cover books grew 12.4% between 1999 and 2001, topping the $70.05 mark. While general works paced the entire sector, with law books a distant second, books on technology, business, and sociology-economics approached the $100 plateau. Table 5.9 outlines these price trends. The price of adult trade paperbacks averaged $32.93 in 1999 and $38.20 in 2001, an increase of
TABLE 5.9 Hardcover Average Per-Volume Price: 1999-2001 Category
1999
2000
2007
Agriculture
55.40
66.52
61.03
Art
59.31
50.31
56.00
Biography
45.20
45.31
53.05
Business
131.50
93.84
95.61
Education
59.75
62.23
72.55
Fiction
27.95
25.75
28.84
153.98
165.39
167.40
52.25
54.01
61.21 51.45
General Works History Home Economics
38.52
39.76
Juvenile
23.06
22.71
23.85
Language
55.92
54.27
73.96
Law
100.13
101.50
89.70
Literature
73.92
55.17
62.99
Medicine
90.03
90.32
99.62
Music
55.55
42.91
112.31
Philosophy, Psychology
54.01
52.02
66.03
Poetry & Drama
46.11
39.90
43.79
Religion
44.68
41.61
41.93
Science
94.55
90.11
100.61
Sociology & Economics
62.24
66.79
94.80
Sports & Recreation
38.45
40.64
41.63
100.53
102.40
99.93
Technology Travel
40.31
40.27
67.88
Total:
$62.32
$60.84
$70.05
Source: The Bowker Annual Library and Book Trade Almanac, published by Information Today, Inc. 143 Old Marlton Road, Medford, NJ 08055.
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16%. In 2001, fiction titles averaged $17.98 while juvenile books stood at $18.27. Table 5.10 outlines these trends. The immensely popular mass-market paperback book is highly price sensitive, and average prices inched up from $5.64 in 1999 to $6.31 in 2001 (an increase of 11.88%). Juvenile titles had the lowest average price in 2001 at $5.49, with fiction at $6.29. Table 5.11 outlines these prices. TABLE 5.10 U.S. Adult Trade Paperbacks Per-Volume Price: 1999–2001 Category
1999
2000
2001
Agriculture Art
39.26 26.54
41.31
36.64 30.49
Biography Business Education
19.99 48.85 29.18
26.96 19.47
20.33
52.00 28.43
93.48 29.08
Fiction
16.09
15.90
17.98
General Works History Home Economics Juvenile
40.76 26.05 19.32
39.84 27.24
118.76 24.38
18.95
19.47
20.78
32.49 18.27
Language Law
30.17 49.52
26.52 51.87
27.49 48.92
Literature Medicine
20.52 44.41
20.53 35.72
34.36
Music Philosophy, Psychology Poetry & Drama Religion
23.49 16.04 20.40
22.49 21.60 16.26 18.38
Science Sociology & Economics
49.33 39.20
40.29
48.86 25.31 22.77 19.83 19.20 45.11
41.22
36.38
Sports & Recreation
22.62
Technology
59.82
20.76 56.22
100.59
21.56 $32.93
22.45 $31.07
Travel Total:
21.71
21.05 22.12
$38.20
Source: The Bowker Annual Library and Book Trade Almanac, published by Information Today, Inc. 143 Old Marlton Road, Medford, NJ 08055.
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TABLE 5.11 Mass-Market Paperbacks Per-Volume Price: 1999-2001 Category
1999
2000
2001
Agriculture
6.42
7.48
5.96
Art Biography
6.95 6.37
7.26 6.71
6.74 7.49
Business Education
7.61 7.39
8.41 7.30
9.51 6.85
Fiction General Works
5.58 7.01
5.78 6.57
6.29 6.92
History
6.65
7.36
7.01
Home Economics Juvenile
6.99 5.12
7.07 5.21
7.89 5.49
Language
7.13
6.92
6.36
Law
6.66
8.77
6.73
Literature
6.49
6.71
7.06
Medicine
6.32
6.70
8.15
Music
6.64
7.24
6.97
Philosophy, Psychology Poetry & Drama Religion Science
7.20 6.26 7.48 6.34
7.24 6.09 8.16 6.58
7.43 6.17 7.77 6.53
Sociology & Economics Sports & Recreation
6.53 6.73
6.99 6.66
7.73 7.79
Technology
6.89
6.71
7.74
Travel
8.35
8.65
7.57
Total:
$5.64
$5.77
$6.31
Source: The Bowker Annual Library and Book Trade Almanac, published by Information Today, Inc., 143 Old Marlton Road, Medford, NJ 08055.
Bestselling Books and American Culture Is the bestseller (either nonfiction or fiction) a negative influence on culture and reading? What forces drive the sales of popular, mass-market, bestselling books in the United States?
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Janice A. Radway explored these issues in "Reading Is Not Eating: Mass-Produced Literature and the Theoretical, Methodological, and Political Consequences of a Metaphor." Radway conducted a detailed analysis of romance novel readers, and she came to believe that, "Once I had analytically distinguished the acts of book purchases and reading from the context of the books that were read, it became pos sible to see that romance reading was infinitely more complex than the traditional picture of it as the ritual consumption of patriarchal cliches dispensed by others."37 Radway interviewed a large number of romance writers and readers, and she dis covered that romance readers, who were generally married, middle-class mothers, used these books in what she termed a "covertly and mildly subversive way ... as a form of escape."38 Once they became immersed in a novel, "family members were constrained to leave them alone.... Book reading became a 'declaration of indepen dence' ... This is my time, this is my space' ."39 So the act of reading developed into a "way of denying the psychological attitude of selfishness and self-abnegations demanded by the traditional female role."40 Radway concluded: The consumers of mass culture are apparently neither as passive nor as quiescent as the traditional theory would have it.... What we must learn to do first, then, is to listen more carefully to consumers of mass culture in order to detect the nature and source of their intense interaction with it.... We cannot attempt it, however, until we give up our easy sense that mass culture consumers are beyond hope and that the fantasies they love are impossible to transform.41
Elizabeth Long also tackled bestsellers in "The Book as Mass Commodity: The Audience Perspective." Long, a sociologist, insisted that, "The specter of 'massifi cation' in literature is essentially the fear that book production geared to large audi ences will result in standardized and degraded literary fare serving only the lowest common denominator of literary taste, thus suppressing cultural diversity, critical ideas, and even the free development of literature itself as effectively as any totali tarian state censorship."42 Long believed bestsellers have an intrinsic value. The "commercialization of lit erature has been linked to the expansion of the reading public since the eighteenth
Janice A. Radway, "Reading Is Not Eating: Mass-Produced Literature and the Theoretical, Meth odological, and Political Consequences of a Metaphor," Book Research Quarterly 2(Fall 1986): p. 13. 38 Ibid., p. 14. 39Ibid.,p. 14. 40Ibid., p. 14. 41 Ibid., p. 27. Also see Ian R. Willison, "Massmediatisation: Export of the American Model," in Les Mutations du Livre et de L'Edition dans Le Monde du XVIII e SieleA 'L'An 2000, Actes du Colloque In ternational, Sherbrooke 2000 (Quebec: Les presses de L'Universite Laval, L'Harmattan, 2001), pp. 55–67; James D. Hart, The Popular Book: A History of America's Literary Taste (New York: Oxford University Press, 1950), pp. 33–67; Richard Curtis, Beyond the Bestseller: A Literary Agent Takes You Inside the Book Business (New York: New American Library, 1989), pp. 36–59; Alice Payne Hackett and James Henry Burke, 80 Years of Bestsellers, 1985–1975 (New York: R. R. Bowker, 1975), pp. 2–98. 42 Elizabeth Long, "The Book as Mass Commodity: The Audience Perspective," Book Research Quarterly 3(Spring 1987): p. 9.
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century."43 In The American Dream and the Popular Novel, Long sought to study success in post-1945 America and how popular American novelists captured both this phenomenon and this extraordinary time period. Long stated that popular "nov els are an especially fruitful mode of access ... because they explore the meeting-places of self and society, of inner desires and external constraints."44 She took this approach because popular literature "is an institutionally mediated process of communication between authors and audiences, and [the idea] that knowledge of the entire process is necessary for understanding the relationship between textual content and the environing culture, has gained currency lately."45 Long realized that bestsellers are important cultural artifacts and share a signifi cant role with social critics in delineating important themes, such as motivation, the failure of the post-1945 entrepreneurial synthesis, and the decline of traditional conventions, a position echoed by Patrick O'Donnell in The Columbia History of the American Novel. O' Donnell outlined the impact pre-1945 authors (Leo Rosten) and post-1945 writers (Chaim Potok, Carson McCullers, and Betty Friedan) had on American society. "Late in the postwar period the generalized sense of female un rest received a name and a focus from the publication of Betty Friedan's The Femi nine Mystique."46 Clearly, it is imperative to understand bestsellers in order to evaluate modern America. These books influence society, help guide discourse, and present an in triguing portrait of the American landscape. They are a fundamental part of Americana and mirror the American mind and character.
43Ibid., p. 9; also see Michael Korda, Making the List: A Cultural History of the American Bestseller 1900–1999 (New York: Barnes & Noble, 2001), pp. Ix–xxviii. 44Elizabeth Long, The American Dream and the Popular Novel (Boston: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1985), p. 3. Also see Alberto Manguel, A History of Reading (New York: Penguin Books, 1997), pp. 11–8, 119–183; John W. Aldridge, The American Novel and the Way We Live Now (New York: Oxford University Press, 1983), p. 4. 45Ibid., pp. 17-18. 46 Patrick O'Donnell, The Columbia History of the American Novel, Emory Elliot, Ed., (New York: Columbia University Press, 1991), p. 505.
CHAPTER SIX
Editors, Book Acquisitions, and Production ACQUISITION Books are the lifeblood of publishing, and a demanding, sometimes fickle public requires a steady source of readily available frontlist and backlist titles. How does an editor acquire a manuscript in order to satisfy the diverse wants and needs of consumers? Although a variety of intriguing options exist, the vast majority of editors acquire books in a rather systematic manner drawing on well-established procedures and contacts. Over the Transom A small number of manuscripts get published each year because they were submit ted "over the transom" (i.e., sent unsolicited to a publishing firm with a "To Whom It May Concern" letter). This approach is done without the benefit of a sponsor (e.g., an agent, an author published by the firm, another editor, an academic advi sor, etc.). Whenever a book firm receives a manuscript over the transom, it is rele gated to the "slush" pile; in 2004, most large New York publishing firms receive well in excess of 100 over-the-transom manuscripts each week. How many of them ever get published? Although no one keeps tabs on this type of submission, The New York Times once commented that the odds of this type of a manuscript ever being published were 15,000 to 1. So the odds of a manuscript sent cold to a commercial publisher ever getting into print are, at best, remote. Among university presses, the rejection rate for over-the-transom manuscripts is almost certainly higher. Yet these manuscripts are not discarded out of hand. Young E.A.s (with months or perhaps only a few years experience) are asked periodically to read through these submissions to weed out the unacceptable and identify manuscripts worthy of a sec ond review. The goal is to stumble onto a sliver of gold amidst the hundreds of tons of "rocks," to identify an author in the rough who just might have an interesting 150
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manuscript that could fit the house's list. If such a manuscript is unearthed, it is routed within the editorial department to gather other opinions and, possibly, to as certain if the author should be contacted. A rejected manuscript is returned (assuming the author provided a self- ad dressed stamped envelope) along with a tactful though brief form rejection letter (often merely a form letter). Direct Referral A direct referral or recommendation is another method to find manuscripts, and this approach is generally successful. After all, any respectable author must have a col league or friend with connections who can write a strong, personal letter to an editor or publisher recommending that the house consider the enclosed manuscript or book outline. Many industry experts believe that it is best to submit only an outline for a non fiction title, followed, if requested, with a few sample chapters. Sending a com pleted nonfiction manuscript generally identifies the author as someone unfamiliar with the publishing business. On the other hand, complete fiction manuscripts are frequently submitted.1 Agents A third acquisition method involves the submission of a manuscript or an outline from an agent. Agents generate the largest number of usable trade and mass-market manuscripts annually in the United States, although they became active in the mid to late 1990s in textbook and religious publications. They eschew small to medium
Two excellent sources are The Chicago Manual of Style, 14th ed. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1993), pp. 3-104; and Bruce P. Squires, "The Ethical Responsibilities of the Editor," Journal of Scholarly Publishing 24, l(July 1993): pp. 214-218. Also see James M. Banner, Jr., "Guidelines for Peer Review of Sponsored Book Manuscripts," The Journal of Scholarly Publishing, 20, 2(January 1989): pp. 116–122; James M. Banner, Jr., "Preserving the Integrity of Peer Review," The Journal of Scholarly Publishing, 19,2(January 1988): pp. 109–115; Maxwell Perkins, Editor to Author (Ed.), John Hall Wheelock (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1950), 11-95; Robert A. Caro, "Sanctum Sanctorum for Writers," The New York Times, 19 May 1995, pp. C1, C25; Daniel L. Fischel, "Planning for Book Reprints," The Journal of Scholarly Publishing 19, l(July 1988): pp. 195-201; Roger Burlingham, Of Making Many Books: A Hundred Years of Reading, Writing, and Publishing (Univer sity Park, PA: Pennsylvania State University press, 1997), pp. 33–89; Joseph M. Williams, Style: To ward Clarity and Grace (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1990), pp. 67–82; Wendy Strothman, "On Moving from Campus to Commerce," The Journal of Scholarly Publishing 18, l(April 1987): pp. 144–150; Clarkson N. Potter, Who Does What and Why in Book Publishing (New York: Birch Lane Press, 1990), 14–31; Jim Haughey and Deborah Selsky, "The Economic Context of Book Publishing," Publishing Research Quarterly 6(Winter 1990/1991): pp. 62–65; Sara A. Finnegan, "The Art of Skillful Acquisition," Book Research Quarterly, 4(Spring 1988): pp. 20–25; Elizabeth A. Geiser, Arnold Dolin, and Gladys S. Topkis (Eds.), The Business of Book Publishing (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1985), 7-12; Larry Z. Leslie, "Peering Over the Editor's Shoulder," The Journal of Scholarly Publishing 23, l(April 1992): pp. 185-193; Beth Luey. Handbook for Academic Authors, Rev. ed. (New York: Cam bridge University Press, 1990), pp. 8-19.
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sized university presses because the majority of these houses rarely pay advances. The large university presses will pay an advance, and often get into a bidding war against fellow university presses and the major commercial academic houses. An agent is viewed within the book industry as an important participant in the gate-keeping function. Reputable agents will review a manuscript with great care, making suggestions to the author about possible revisions (frequently hiring a "manuscript doctor" to rework or polish the manuscript) and outlining strategies re garding submission to a house whose list matches the manuscript. Most agents will take on a new author only if convinced the author has something to say and can say it effectively. If not, negotiations end. Agents also receive manuscripts over the transom, and they review them (often utilizing a secretary or a young agent-in-training). Their procedures and results par allel those of the publishing house, especially regarding the acceptance of "tran som" manuscripts. Agents generally charge 15% of the author's advance (i.e., an advance against future royalties) as well as of all other earnings, which include subsidiary rights (e.g., a sale to a motion picture studio or producer or first serial rights to a newspa per or a magazine), foreign rights (e.g., a rights sale to a foreign book publisher al lows this publisher to release the book in a another country, often translated into another language), paperback rights, etc. This payment covers professional ser vices. Agents also collect advance and royalty checks from the publisher, make sure that the house complies with all contractual matters, and other details (contacting book reviewers, arranging the author's tour and publicity, etc.). Some agents offer to evaluate a manuscript for a fee, which is paid in advance; this practice is held in low esteem among most agents. Others request a retainer fee, also paid in advance. Once the decision has been made by an agent to take on a new author, and after the manuscript has been polished, contact is made with an editor at a house. The agent often has a working lunch with the editor to discuss this project. The agent handles all contractual negotiations, perhaps for a single or a multibook deal, U.S. rights, North American rights (i.e., U.S.-Canadian rights), English language rights, a hardback version, a paperback edition (or both), etc. Agents also negotiate elec tronic publishing issues, foreign and subsidiary rights, and other matters. Although an outline is generally presented at the luncheon, an oral presentation sometimes occurs, sparing the author and agent the hassle of preparing documents for a house that might show no interest in the book. The selection of the "correct" publisher for a specific project taxes the skills and knowledge of an agent. First, the agent seeks out the best publisher or editor to han dle editorial, marketing, advertising, and distribution concerns. Not every publisher has the resources, both human and administrative, to cope with a book likely to sell large quantities, especially in a short period of time. For example, in 2003 Scholas tic had an initial print run and orders for 5.5 million copies of Harry Potter and the Order of the Phoenix, which sold out in a matter of days (forcing Scholastic to order another 800,00 copies from the printer). Only a relatively small number of trade houses can handle this level of sales volume.
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One of the most interesting cases involved the small but highly prestigious Naval Institute Press, which averages 90 new titles annually and keeps approximately 825 books in print. In the 1980s, it issued a naval novel written by an unknown Mary land insurance salesman. The book was The Hunt for Red October, and Tom Clancy was the author. This title became a gigantic hit, almost drowning the Naval Institute Press because it was unable to keep pace with the demand for this blockbuster book. Eventually, Naval Institute sold this book's rights to a large New York publisher able to supply bookstores. The last thing an author wants to find out is that the pub lisher cannot print enough copies, publicize the book, or distribute them effectively. This eliminates many small and medium-sized houses from taking on "big" books (in the Grisham, King, or Mary Higgins Clark categories). Second, if a "big" (i.e., potentially blockbuster) book is being sold, perhaps one with an advance well into the seven figures, a small or even a medium-sized firm is unlikely to exhibit great interest if it averages "only" $100,000.00 advances. Al though stories abound about large advances, the truth is that the vast majority of all advances are quite small (as are royalties). In reality, most full-time writers rely ex tensively on second jobs, wages earned by a spouse, or perhaps from other types of income (e.g., retirement funds, inheritances, etc.). Robert Caro sold his house in or der to support himself and his family when he was writing The Power Broker. Third, the agent is always looking to the next deal. So there is a reluctance to go to a house in turmoil, transition, or one where there is a high turnover of editors. Any business uncertainty can pose problems if an editor leaves and the agent's book becomes an "orphan," a title sponsored by one editor who leaves the book to a new editor. This inheritance may not generate the same interest or devotion with the new editor; and the author or the project can suffer. This is a concern in an industry con stantly in a state of flux, especially in the trade book sector where editors frequently leave one house to join another to get more money or a better position. Stability is an important consideration for both the agent and the author. Fourth, the agent wants a guarantee from the publisher to take care of both the author and the book. This quest for commitment cannot be measured. It can only be felt. So it is quite common to see the same agents approaching the same editors and houses over an extended period of time. They develop firm relationships, belong to the same circles, and do business together. This rapport is important, especially if problems surface when an author falls behind on delivering a manuscript. The Association of Authors Representatives (AAR) is the not-for-profit organi zation of independent literary and dramatic agents with approximately 350 mem bers. This organization keeps agents and authors informed about developments in the publishing industry, and they created a canon of ethics for agents to insure that agents conform to the highest standards of conduct in the performance of their pro fessional responsibilities. Advisory Editors
The term "advisory editor" refers to an individual hired or appointed by a publisher to oversee a book series. This individual scouts around for authors and manuscripts,
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reviews and comments on manuscripts, and insures that the authors achieve the se ries mission and goals. The advisory editor works exclusively for the house and performs specified editorial services, which almost always exclude the right to sign an author or to negotiate advances or royalties, prerogatives tightly held by the house's editorial staff. Acquisition Editors Scout for Manuscripts Acquisition editors at publishing houses are always looking for new authors and manuscripts. They visit writer's conferences and academic meetings. They read popular and serious periodicals and titles in their area of interest published by com petitors. They respond to recommendations from colleagues, published authors, and reputable scholars, and they mine their circles for leads. Although informal, this is a carefully developed procedure that must, out of necessity, produce a major number of titles so the editor's quotas are reached each year. Direct Commission, Foreign, and Out-of-Print Editions Another acquisition method involves the direct commissioning of a book (or possi bly a series) on a specific topic(s). The editor approaches potential authors with the appropriate professional or writing background and asks them to write a title. This is often done with film, television, recording, and sports personalities. Some foreign books are acquired and published because an editor feels there is a U.S. market for a specific title. English language books from the United Kingdom, Ireland, Canada, or Australia often appeal to America's editors. Whereas foreign language titles from France, Italy, and Germany have been successful in the United States, Americans purchase very few books translated into English (foreign coun tries ingest U.S. titles in both English or translated into another language). A relatively large number of publishers acquire and issue out-of-copyright books (i.e., titles and authors no longer covered by the international copyright laws), which explains the proliferation of available works by Shakespeare, Greek and Latin classics, masterpieces of world literature (Chaucer, Dante, Milton), phi losophy (Marx, Kant, Mill), and others. Auctions Another method employed is the time-honored, much criticized auction procedure. The U.S. book industry is generally offered "U.S. and Canadian rights." In some in stances, "world English rights" are proposed. A publishing firm is rarely presented with "world rights" as the agent wants to sell them abroad to maximize revenues for the author. Starting in the 1980s, agents also held onto motion picture rights, and auc tions of these rights generated large sums of money for a cluster of successful authors. It was reported that film auctions generated John Grisham $7 million per book. Starting in the mid-1990s, many agents began holding onto (or at least trying to retain) electronic rights, multimedia rights, licensing rights, and so on. However,
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book publishers always want these rights, and many publishers (notably several of the largest ones) refused to offer a contract unless electronic-multimedia rights were included. Agents follow well-established procedures for auctions of hardback books. First, the author's agent prepares a list of prospective U.S. publishers and editors. Generally, this list contains between five and six editors. Second, if the book is a nonfiction title, a proposal (i.e., generally a 10-page out line, table of contents, etc.) is prepared and forwarded to the editors with a cover let ter outlining the terms and conditions covering the auction. Editors are often given 2 to 3 weeks to review the materials and then respond to the agent by a specific date. Any questions are referred to the agent. Quite often, the agent will call the editor a few days after mailing the proposal to arrange for a luncheon meeting to review the book's outline. If the manuscript is a work of fiction, an entire manuscript is generally submit ted. Of course, well-established fiction authors often sell an idea or a brief outline to an editor; this outline is often 3 to 6 pages in length. Third, on the appointed day the agent opens the sealed bids. Often, a publisher will request to become the "floor bid"; in essence, this means that a publisher wants the option to enter a second or subsequent bid in order to obtain rights to the book. First-time authors generally have a difficult time obtaining large advances. By 2003, advances in the $10,000.00-$80,000.00 range for first-time writers were re ported, with the majority of these advances well below the $25,000.00 mark. How ever, if the author is a celebrity, if film rights have been sold, if any extenuating circumstances exist, the sky is the limit. The second type of auction deals with paperback rights of an existing book. A publisher who issued a hardbound version of a book but is uninterested in proceed ing with a paperback version (or perhaps the author kept all paperback rights) can call for an auction of these rights. Again, the process operates in the same manner as the hardbound practice. A third type of auction centers on foreign or electronic rights, and essentially the same auction rules apply. Many industry observers castigate the auction process. They posit that it has driven up the costs of books, thereby allowing the emergence of a group of super agents and superstar authors and depriving many authors of advance money. In a publishing world with finite financial resources, auctions of big books take money off the table for midlist books and authors. Small books, especially serious literary fiction and poetry, become casualties, making it exceptionally difficult for books in these two categories to get published. These critics insist that a vicious circle is created; the majority of authors receive little or nothing for their creative efforts, and a small minority of commercial au thors receive the bulk of the available dollars and attention. This system undermines the very bedrock of publishing, the ability of the nation's book publishers to gener ate, support, and publish new authors. The end result is a scenario where only com mercially acceptable authors survive. However, this nation was built on the spirit of capitalism. If an agent or author can extract from the marketplace the best fee possible, so be it. Why deprive tal
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ented authors from earning the most they can? America is a meritocracy, after all. So those who have something to sell should be able to receive whatever the market will pay. Book Producers
Another way to acquire titles is from book producers (also called book packagers), who operate in many of the same ways that film producers do in Hollywood. Pack agers are autonomous entrepreneurs who perform professional services. They stay close to the market and monitor social, political, and publishing trends. They re spond quickly (often within 1 to 2 months) to fads or events. Many packagers often specialize in certain niches (food, gardening, humor, illustrated books, etc.), and they offer economical services to publishers (especially regarding overhead costs), which appeals to firms. A packager approaches a specific publisher with a title (or perhaps a series) that fits the house's list. They also fill out holes in an editor's list when authors fail to de liver manuscripts that the firm counted on for a particular season. Some publishers lack the commitment or resources to sponsor certain authors and books, and many hard-pressed editors with slim staffs cannot allocate the time needed to harvest enough titles each season. Also, magazine or newspaper publish ers interested in issuing a book version of their articles, photographs, or illustrations often utilize a packager's services because they lack real book publishing experi ence and knowledge, as do some consumer products companies (e.g., Jello or Crayola). Consequently, the "full service, one-stop shopping" approach has great appeal to many individuals. Generally, a packager "owns" the copyright for the manuscript (including illustra tions) because the producer paid an author a fee for a "work for hire" product; so the publisher does not have to worry about author–editor relationships (or contracts). Packagers stay in touch with the editor, deliver a hard copy along with one on a com puter disk, and, most importantly, a publishable manuscript (including the foreword, preface, and index) to the editor. The manuscript sometimes is in camera-ready form (that is, professionally typeset and ready to be photographed and printed); on other occasions, the production film is delivered (this means the printer only has to make printing plates to print the book). Some packagers will deliver completely finished, bound books to the publisher for distribution (including an ISBN). There are a number of typical publisher-packager contracts. First, the packager provides the completed manuscript (and possibly the film). In consideration, the packager receives an advance on signing a contract with the house. A traditional royalty clause appears in the agreement, however, the fee often exceeds the stan dard 10% to 15% rate. All subsidiary and foreign rights fees are split evenly be tween the publisher and the packager, who also pays all costs associated with producing the manuscript. Second, a copublication agreement can be arranged. The producer supplies the completed manuscript, film, and a finished bound book. The publisher and the packager share all of the costs, risks, and profits. Third, a standard "author" contract
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is issued to the packager, who provides only a publishable manuscript. In some in stances, the packager will insist on holding all foreign and subsidiary rights so they can be auctioned off at a later date. Packagers also work directly with nonpublishing corporations (perhaps an oil and gas company, a toy corporation, or a professional sports team) interested in is suing a book directly but lacking the expertise to handle such a project. A packager handles all aspects of the project for a set fee as many corporations give away the book to consumers (thereby negating the possibility of royalties). Prior to 1980 there were very few American book packagers (although quite a number operated in England). Book producers have grown in popularity within the book community; and the American Book Producers Association represents ap proximately 60 book producers. Some of the major titles produced by book producers include: The Encyclopedia of Modern Asia; The Producers (the book and lyrics from the hit Broadway show); Rolling Stones 40 x 20; and Hamptons Bohemia. The Imprint
An imprint is essentially a "publishing house within a publishing house" under the direct management of an imprint editor. Imprints exist for many different reasons. First, some publishers believe that certain economic and managerial guidelines ac tually work within a firm (primarily the "law of diminishing returns," "economies of scale and mass production," and "span of control"). This means that once an op erating unit reaches a certain level of title output, revenues, or employment (which varies from house to house), editorial effectiveness begins to be lost, additional rev enues cannot be extracted from the unit, the management of people and processes becomes difficult, and editors lack the time to work with their authors. One response is to create an imprint, a smaller, more manageable editorial unit. The imprint might specialize in a particular type of book (e.g., business books) or genre (serious literary fiction). Second, an imprint is a way to reward an outstanding editor who achieved great editorial (and financial) successes for the publishing firm. The imprint is named af ter this individual. Third, an existing book company (e.g., Scribner's) is sometimes acquired through a merger or acquisition, and the new owner decides to keep the Scribner name as an imprint rather than as a freestanding corporation. The imprint's editor, appointed by the unit's president, is generally given lati tude in handling acquisitions and other details (budgetary matters, title selection, marketing and promotion, personnel, etc.). All of this is done within specific guide lines established by the mother company. EDITORIAL PRACTICES AND PROCEDURES
What happens to a manuscript when an editor accepts it for publication? How is a manuscript turned into a book?
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This is a complicated process involving the editor and many different depart ments and individuals, and not all of them are in the traditional "editorial depart ment." The process of turning a manuscript into a book is illustrated in Fig. 6.1. THE AUTHOR'S CONTRACT
A contract (also known as an agreement) between an author and a publisher is pre pared by the editor with input from the publisher's staff attorney. This is a legal doc ument; it contains (or at least should contain) clear information about fundamental issues so that all parties understand fully their rights and obligations under the agreement. Authors sometimes worry about the agreement's language because the terms and conditions seem to favor the rights of the publisher over those of the author. Some authors delete (or "X" out) provisions because they do not want to assign cer tain rights (perhaps foreign, subsidiary, or electronic) to the publisher. The author is primarily concerned about the creative work, as well as crucial economic matters. The publisher is committed to protecting the house inasmuch as it takes all of the business risks involved in the publication, marketing, and distribution of the work. In reality, both sides have much to gain and lose whenever an agreement is exe cuted; each party needs the other. So both of them surrender some control, some semblance of "sovereignty," to the other in order to have a business relationship that will profit both sides. The following material provides some general (nonlegal) comments on distinct parts of a typical agreement; it should not be construed as providing legal advice.2 Typical Language in an Agreement
Contracts vary significantly between houses, especially between commercial and scholarly presses. A good contract should contain the following key elements. Generally, the first page of the agreement begins with standard information naming both the author and the publisher, listing the name of the book to be written (often nothing more than a "working title"), addressing the exclusive assignment by the author of the work to the publisher, designating the projected length of the book (another estimate), and outlining in rather specific language the publisher's royalty terms. Both the author and the publisher sign this document, often on the first page; subsequent paragraphs are initialed by the author (or authors). 2 William S. Strong, The Copyright Book: A Practical Guide, 5th ed. (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1999); pp. 4–217; Arthur R. Miller and Michael H. Davis, Intellectual Property: Patents, Trademarks, and Copyrights, 3rd ed. (St. Paul, MN: West Wadsworth, 2000), pp. 10–55; Gordon V. Smith, Valuation of Intellectual Property and Intangible Assets, 3rd ed., (New York: John Wiley & Sons, 2000), 1221–654; Alexander I. Poltorak and Paul J. Lerner, Essentialsof Intellectual Property (New York: John Wiley & Sons, 2002), 26–88; Deborah E. Bouchoux, Protecting Your Company's Intellectual Property: A Practical Guide to Trademarks, Copyrights, Patents, and Trade Secrets ( New York: AMACOM, 2001), 62–71; Jonathan Kirsch, Kirsch's Handbook of Publishing Law: For Authors, Publishers, Edi– tors, and Agents (Los Angeles: Acrobat Books, 1995), pp. 17-138; Richard Labunski, "The Evolution of Libel Laws: Complexity and Inconsistency," Book Research Quarterly 5(Spring 1989): pp. 59-95.
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FIG. 6.1 The editor and the manuscript.
One clause generally delineates how the manuscript must be submitted (a hard copy on81/2"x 11" paper, a copy on a computer disk in a specific language, etc.), and specifies that the timely delivery of the manuscript is a necessity. The author agrees to read all proofs, which are sent to the author in a three-part sequence including: (a) an edited version of the originally submitted manuscript; (b) the galleys, generally typeset pages that might not contain page numbers, statis tical tables, and other elements; and (c) the page proofs (a final version of the book with page numbers, tables, the bibliography, an index, etc.). These are sometimes called "blues" or "blueprints" because many houses actually send page proofs on blue-tinted paper. How should someone read or interpret these first three provisions? Do the con tractual words and phrases stand "as is"? Is there a possibility that a section could be interpreted in a slightly different way? Are there industry practices that are not in corporated into the agreement that both parties need to know? If a manuscript is to be delivered on July 1,2005, and the author tenders it on July 30,2005, was there a breach of contract because the agreement indicated clearly a July 1st submission date? What happens if an author signs an agreement to work with editor "Z," who then leaves the house? Can the author ask to be released from this contract in order to follow the editor? Can editor "Z" ask the house for permission to take this author to the new publishing firm? The list of possible issues is literally endless. Generally speaking, if an author asks for additional time to complete a manu script, most editors will honor this request, as long as the time extension is reason able. After all, they want the manuscript. Many editors might construe an extra year as an unreasonable request. Although publishers are reluctant to release an author from a contract in order to follow an editor to another house, this does happen, often to keep peace in the fam ily. There is some flexibility on certain terms and conditions, but not for all of them (for example, the manuscript must be written in standard English). The contract outlines the book's specific components that must be submitted by the author, which include: a table of contents, title page, preface, foreword, text, in
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dex, and so on. This is standard "boiler plate" language (i.e., traditional language found in most author-publisher contracts). This section often addresses the author's warranty regarding authorship, ownership of the manuscript, and legal right to assign the book to the publisher. The author affirms that the manuscript is free from any libelous material that could trigger a lawsuit. These warranties extend be yond the termination of the contract, in essence in perpetuity. The agreement will have very specific language regarding copyrighted material. This alerts the author that written permission is needed to use certain materials. What precisely can an author use in the manuscript? Are there limits on the length of a quotation? Can another author or publisher demand that a fee be paid before copyrighted material can be included in another work? Can unpublished materials be incorporated into the book? These issues are complex, and the editor and author should discuss these matters. The publisher is provided with the legal authority to publish and market the book. Obviously, every editor seeks advice on these issues from the author. The total num ber of free copies supplied by the publisher to the author is listed. Other elements ad dressed in this section include the publisher's offer to allow an author to purchase copies at the publisher's net price. No royalty payment is made on these sales. The publisher has the right to accept or refuse a manuscript if it deemed by the publisher to be unpublishable, and the author has an obligation to make any neces sary, reasonable revisions requested by the publisher. If needed, the publisher can hire an outsider to perform this service and can recover these costs from the author (generally from a royalty payment). Subsidiary (or "sub") and foreign rights are an important source of additional rev enue to the house and the author. This section of the contract outlines in specific terms how the publisher might sell the sub rights. In this contract, "new media" (often called "multimedia" or "electronic publishing") forms of publishing are included. In addition, the contract contains detailed information about the royalty percent age as well as special sale terms, the minimum threshold for royalty payments, and any sums owed by the author to the publisher. Before a contract is signed, royalty percentages are subject to negotiation. Some small houses and some small and me dium sized university presses insist that a minimum number of copies must be sold before any royalty is paid (a "hard trigger" mechanism). Other firms provide a slid ing royalty scale (a "soft trigger"), again based on sales. This means, for example that a 5% royalty might be paid on the first 500 copies 8% on the next 500 copies, and so on. Many of the nation's star authors have sliding royalty terms. A royalty is quite often paid on "net cash received" by the publisher; this is not to be confused with the book's retail sale price. For example, a 10% royalty based on "net publishers' receipts" is not a 10% royalty on the book's retail price (e.g., $35.00) but on the actual net price paid to the publisher by the bookstore or distribu tor (i.e., the fee paid after the discount and all returns have been calculated). For ex ample, if one copy of a $35.00 book is sold to a bookstore at a 48% discount (generally bookstore discounts rates range between 42% and 48%, although some times discount rates top the 50% mark), the net cash price paid to the publisher by the bookseller is $18.20 (a discount totaling $16.80). This single $18.20 sale trans
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action triggers a 10% royalty of $1.82 to the author (assuming the advance has been earned back by the author). However, once a book is sold to this bookstore and payment is made to the pub lisher under the publisher's sale agreement, that store has a legal right to return it for full credit to the publisher, as long as the publisher's terms of sale are fulfilled by the bookstore. Six months after the sale (and payment was been made to the publisher), the book could be returned to the publisher. What happens to the author's $1.82 royalty? It must be subtracted from total sales revenues, producing the "net cash received" by the publisher. A sizable num ber of publishers hold part of an author's royalties in an escrow account to compen sate for future returns. Others will deduct the $1.82 in royalty payment from the author's future payments. The agreement states that the publisher determines when and if a title goes out of print. Publishers want to keep a title in print as long as possible to stimulate sales, so taking a book out of print is done reluctantly. This section of the contract contains specific language that limits the right of an author to publish a competing work while the original one is in print. In addition, this section lists any amendments and waivers, and outlines the fact that any legal suits will occur in a specific geograph ical location where the publisher is either incorporated or conducts its business (perhaps New York State). The advance fee schedule is defined in the agreement. An advance is a draw against future royalties; and it assumes future royalties. This clause obligates the house to put up money to help defray some or all of the author's expenses related to the writing (and/or preparation) of the manuscript. Advances can vary. Stars are able to command six- and seven-figure advances. Stephen King is reportedly to have received advances of $25 million per book from one large publisher; when he left that house, his new contract reportedly called for an advance of $5 million per book and 50% of all profits from that book. So the large commercial houses have tens of millions (if not hundreds of mil lions of) dollars tied up in advances every year, a fact that places a financial burden on publishers and editors alike. Most advances are small, however; some houses (especially university presses) refuse to pay any advance. Lastly, the transfer of electronic rights from the author to the publisher is required (in most agreements). A typical book contract is several pages long, and it is dense but important read ing for the author. THE AUTHOR AND MANUSCRIPT INQUIRY FORM
Once an editor accepts a manuscript, the author is asked to supply the house with pertinent information about the manuscript, the author's background, and ideas or suggestions for potential marketing plans. The form is used to gather pertinent in formation to assist editors when preparing marketing materials, flap copy, and sales pitches for sales representatives. The promotion and marketing departments rely on this document (as well as the author's resume) to identify possible strategies, from
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author's tours to radio talk shows, that might be employed to generate interest in both the title and the author. Most houses use a simple form that the author completes and returns to his or her editor. Basic questions are asked about the themes and issues addressed in the books; this is an important document to the editor. Unfortunately, far too many au thors, in a hurry to send in the manuscript, rush through this form. Fig. 6.2 is a typi cal author's inquiry form used by many houses.
FIG. 6.2 Author and manuscript inquiry form.
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THE PROFIT AND LOSS (P & L) ESTIMATE The editor has to prepare a profit-and-loss analysis or document (called a "P & L" by accountants) for all manuscripts under review and every accepted book. Although only an estimate, the P & L provides the editor and publisher with preliminary information about the book's length, production costs, and its po tential price. This is an accounting tool that relies on certain assumptions, many of which are subject to revision. It is common for an editor to prepare several P & Ls. The first part of the standard P & L statement requires the editor to determine (or estimate) the following: 1. print run; 2. gross sales (that is, the print run minus any copies supplied to the author, sales representatives, editorial personnel, the publisher, etc.); 3. the project return rate (i.e., copies "sold" but returned by vendors for full credit; while historical data on returns is readily available from BISG, a specific book's returns can vary significantly); 4. net sales (gross sales minus returns equals net sales); 5. the suggested retail price (a bookstore is free to charge any price for a book, more or less than the suggested retail price); 6. the average discount rate (i.e., a publisher sells books at a discount; the dif ferential between the retail price and the discount price is the book store's pretax profit); 7. the unit manufacturing costs for paper, printing, and binding (PPB); 8. plant costs (which includes costs associated with copy-editing, setting type, proofs, and proofreading); 9. direct marketing; 10. the royalty advance (if any); 11. any sub or foreign rights revenues. Once these numbers are determined, a series of calculations are made to de termine if the book will generate a net profit. Table 6.1 outlines in detail a sam ple P & L calculation for an adult trade paperback. On this P & L, certain assumptions were made: (1) gross sales minus returns generated net sales of $317,100; (2) the return rate of 38.78% mark, and a sell-through rate of'61.22%. Both percentages were "standard" industry averages for an adult trade paper back book in 2004. Plant, PPB, and royalties cost $116,710, providing the pub lisher with a gross margin of $200,390. Once other publishing income and the inventory write-off were determined, the final gross margin is ascertained. Sub tracted from that tally are direct marketing (the general rule at trade houses is to spend $1 for every unit printed) and the industry standard overhead of 30% (a fixed number determined on the presidential or group-vice presidential level), resulting in a net profit of $28,860 (9.10% of sales).
164
TABLE 6.1 Profit and Loss Analysis of Adult Trade Paperback
ASSUMPTIONS: 1. Print Run:
50,000 copies
2. 3. 4. 5. 6.
49,000 copies
Gross Sales: Returns:
19,000 copies
38.78% return rate
Net Sales:
30,000 copies
61.22% sell through rate
Suggested Retail Price:
$19.95
Average Discount:
47%
7. UnitPPB:
$1.50@
8. Plant:
$10,000.00
9. Direct Marketing:
$50,000.00
10. Royalty Advance:
Royalty:
$0
10% Net
Sub Rights: Gross
Author%
Reprints
0
0
Book Club
$3,000
50%
1st Serial
$600
90%
2nd Serial
$3,000
30%
Total
$6,300
44.5%
$10.57 Net to Publisher
ASSUMPTIONS:
65
1. Gross Sales
$517,690.00
[49,000 x $10.57]
2. Returns
$200,830.00
[19,000 x $10.57] [#1 #2]
3. Net Sales
$317,100.00
4. Plant
$10,000.00
5.PPB
$75,000.00
[50,000 x$ 1.50]
6. Royalty
$31,710.00
[10% Net Sales]
7. Total Cost
$116,710.00
[#4 + #5 + #6]
[$317,000– $116,710]
8. Gross Margin
$200,390.00
9. Other Publishing Income
$2,100.00
10. Inventory w/o
$28,500.00
[$1.50@ x 19,000 returns]
11. Royalty w/o
$0.00
[Difference between advance and earned royalty]
12. Gross Margin
$173,990.00
[#8 + #9 –#10 –#11]
13. Direct Marketing
$50,000.00
14. Overhead 30%
$95,130.00
[30% of net sales]
15. Net Profit
$28,860.001
[9.10% of net sales]
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So this book appears to be a good investment for a publisher, providing a steady cash flow and a net profit. Unfortunately, many books do not generate a profit. The P & L in Table 6.2 indicates a net loss of $31,454 even though the return rate was well within the industry average. This title just was unable to generate enough sales to cover its total costs. Lithography (often called litho, offset, or photo-offset) is the most commonly used printing technology for books. The average "signature" is 32 pages long. A signature length can be 8,16,24,32, or 64 pages in length (in even multiplies of 8).3 However, a signature must be folded in the book manufacturing process, and the majority of commercial book binders prefer 32-page signatures because of the ease in folding this number of sheets; signatures longer than 32 pages often pose techni cal difficulties, especially if the paper's weight is heavy. The estimated print run decision is based on a number of complex issues: the po tential domestic and foreign market, backlist sales, and spoilage. In spite of sophis ticated printing presses and procedures, some spoilage (damaged copies; books with inverted or missing signatures, etc.) is inevitable. Ironically, it is quite com mon for a print run to exceed the order. Printers will often quote an "under-over" al lowance of 10%. Assuming a print run of 50,000 copies for the book described in Fig. 6.1, this under–over allowance permits the printer to deliver up to 10% below the agreed on total (in this instance 45,000 copies) and up to 10% above the 50,000 mark (55,000). The customer's bill is adjusted accordingly. The cost of printing, paper, and binding (PPB) are also estimated, especially as many large publishers purchase paper directly from paper mills instead of from the printer. These relate specifically to the projected press run (i.e., the total num ber of printed copies). A modern commercial book printing company provides an intriguing example of how economies of scale and mass production operate. Lon ger press runs have lower unit manufacturing costs. So a press run of 1,500 copies will have a higher unit cost than a book with 3,000 copies. This means that the printing cost differential between a 1,500 and a 2,000 press run is remarkably small, often only a few hundred dollars. This is due to the high costs of setting up a press (called "make ready"). For example, once a typical sheet-fed litho press is set up (i.e., the correct ink has been put into the ink fountains, plates affixed to the press, etc.), it can print between 1,000 and 10,000 sheets per hour. Unit costs de cline as more units are produced. A book publisher's average cost for plant will vary significantly depending on a number of variables, including the type of book being printed (hardback or paper back), the printer handling the job, the paper stock utilized, the number of units proMarshall Lee, Bookmaking: The Illustrated Guide to Design/Production/Editing (New York: R. R. Bowker, 1979), pp. 7–119; S. H. Steinberg, Five Hundred Years of Printing (New York: Penguin, 1974), pp. 34–193; Elizabeth L. Eisenstein, The Printing Press as an Agent of Change, Vol. 1 (New York: Cam bridge University Press, 1979), pp. 25–189; Rose Marie Bratland and William S. Lofquist, "Economic Outlook for the U.S. Printing and Publishing Industry," Publishing Research Quarterly 11(Summer 1995): pp. 29–35; Rosalind Remer, Printers and Men of Capital: Philadelphia Book Publishers in the New Republic (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1996), 17–45; Charles Rosner, The Growth of the Book Jacket (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1954), pp. 11–23.
TABLE 6.2 Profit and Loss Analysis of Adult Trade Hardcover ASSUMPTIONS: 11. Print Run:
25 ,000 copies
12. Gross Sales:
24,000 copies
13. Returns:
8,640 copies
14. Net Sales:
15,360 copies 64% sell through rate
15. Suggested Retail Price:
$25.00
16. Average Discount:
47%
17. Unit PPB + Plant:
$84,000.00
18. Direct Marketing:
$25,000.00
19. Royalty Advance:
$25,000.00
Royalty:
36% return rate
$11.75 Net to Publisher
10% Net
Sub Rights:
167
Gross
Author%
Reprints
0
0
Book Club
$3,000
50%
1st Serial
$600
90%
2nd Serial
$3,000
30%
Total
$6,300
44.5% (continued)
168
TABLE 6.2
(continued)
ASSUMPTIONS: 1. Gross Sales
$282,000.00
[24,000 x$l1.75]
2. Returns
$101,520.00
[8,640 x$l 1.75]
3. Net Sales
$180,480.00
[# – #2]
4. PPB + Plant:
$84,000.00
5. Royalty
$18,048.00
[10% Net Sales]
6. Total Cost
$102,048.00
[#4 + #5 + #6]
7. Gross Margin
$78,432.00
[$180,480 – $102,048]
8. Other Publishing Income
$2,100.00
9. Inventory w/o
$25,920.00
[$3.00@ x 8,640 returns]
10. Royalty w/o
$6,952.00
[Difference between advance and earned royalty]
11 . Gross Margin
$47,660.00
[#8 + #9 – #10 – #11]
12. Direct Marketing 13. Overhead 30%
$25,000.00 $54,114.00
[30% of net sales]
14. Net Loss
–$31,454.00
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duced, and so on. The P & Ls for Table 6.1 and Table 6.2 assumed that the average costs for PPB for a trade paperback book was $1.50 per copy and $3.00 for an adult trade hardcover book. PPB costs for juvenile books are significantly lower because of the quality of the paper and the binding. These averages are useful barometers because they provide general ballpark fig ures a publisher can utilize to gauge the estimates submitted by printers. Most book companies guard their P & Ls (as well as their standard operating costs and overheads) as if they were the secret formula for Coca-Cola. James B. Stewart, in "Moby Dick in Manhattan," profiled James Wilcox, a young author of serious literary fiction.4 Stewart revealed the calculations HarperCollins employed for Wilcox's novel Guest. Plant costs were calculated at $10,000; its press run of 6,000 copies generated $9,000 for PPB. Advertising expenditures added another $5,000.00 (including a l/5th page advertisement in The New York Times Book Re view). An author's tour took place, and expenses for the tour and posters slightly ex ceeded $10,000. Wilcox's advance was $20,000. As for corporate overhead, HarperCollins charged 25% of total gross sales to cover these expenses, and they sought a 15% return on their investment (i.e., above the recovery of all of these costs and charges). Many of the large consumer book publishers try to achieve a 15% re turn on their investment (i.e., an ROI). Guest was a midlist book retailing at $20.00, and it posted sales of 4,000 copies (for a potential gross of $80,000). Due to the standard discount offered to book stores, chains, superstores, distributors, and others, HarperCollins netted $38,000 (not $80,000; this meant that a 52% discount was utilized, thereby generating a 48% share for the publisher). Stewart reported "retailers and middlemen kept just over half the cover price."5 HarperCollins's general overhead (25%) tacked on an additional $14,400, and total costs associated with Guest hovered in the $68,400 range (although Stewart used the figure "approximately $63,000" in his article). Guest had no subsidiary or foreign rights, and HarperCollins calculated costs asso ciated with the paperback rights separately. According to Stewart's calculations, "Guest produced about $38,000 in revenue to HarperCollins, leaving a deficit of $25,000."6 In order to recoup fully all costs and have a 15% return, "Guest would have had to sell more than 7,000 copies to generate the roughly $73,000 necessary to meet that standard."7 BOOK MANUFACTURING PROCEDURES
Once the author submits a manuscript, the editor is ready to begin the editorial pro cess. The editor prepares a book transmittal form listing the various stages the manuscript must go through (the "traffic" process). These include: assigning a con 4
James B. Stewart, "Moby Dick in Manhattan," The New Yorker, 27 June & 4 July 1994, p. 46. 5Ibid., p. 60. 6 Ibid., p. 60. 7Ibid., p. 60.
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tract number, manuscript editing, rights and permissions, design and production, and marketing. Although mundane, this traffic procedure is critically important; errors can delay (if not "misplace") a manuscript. The traffic office (often using a computerized system) monitors each book, often twice each month. If a book's progress falls behind schedule, steps are taken to expedite it. Preproduction meetings are held in the house (generally every 1 to 4 weeks) to monitor progress and to make decisions. At the first preproduction meeting, key elements are examined and discussed, including: the book's title (does it work?), the length of the manuscript (is it too long?), publication date (will the sales representatives have enough time to sell it?), the market (bookstore sales or direct marketing?), the jacket, trim size, tables or illustrations, elements missing in the manuscript, press run, suggested price and discount, editorial problems, and so on. Line (or manuscript) editing then commences, generally using a hard copy of the manuscript submitted by the author. Many editors just feel more comfortable editing with printed pages in front of them because they can go back and forth quickly and get a better feel for the book. To many people, it is exceptionally diffi cult to edit long documents on a screen. Computers are slow, the screen never (or rarely) includes the entire page, and going backward and forward on the computer is hardly easy. The placement of comments by the line editor onto the manuscript and Post-it notes onto the page just seems to work, a process that was followed during the line editing of this book. A senior editor might perform editing, but an editorial assistant or assistant ed itor generally does it. In many houses, experienced freelancers are hired. Freelancers are often paid a set fee to edit a manuscript; the average fee in 2004 in New York City was between $45 and $70 per hour (but more for a rush or compli cated manuscript). Top freelancers can obtain a sizable amount of work during a year, but they do not receive any benefits (e.g., medical, dental, or life insurance, paid vacations, etc.). The use of freelancers burgeoned in the early 1990s when many houses were forced to decrease expenses; departing editors were replaced with freelancers. While this practice minimized overhead costs, some industry observers have questioned the efficiency of this approach. Line editing is a critically important function. The first goal is to read the manuscript for errors, inconsistencies, themes or issues that need additional ex planation or elaboration, extraneous material that could be deleted, unclear sen tences, missing illustrations, errors in footnotes or appendices, and so on. The editor to the manuscript adds standard editorial marks. Some comments are writ ten on the page of the manuscript (often with a blue editor's pencil), and tags (i.e., Post-its) are also attached to the sides of pages asking the author to review a point or to consider making a change in a word, sentence, or paragraph. A second and equally important aim is to determine whether the manuscript is clear, readable, and stylistically acceptable. An editor generally asks a series of questions: Was the tone consistent in the manuscript? Was the work overwrit ten? Was material repetitious? Were technical terms or phrases defined? Was the thesis clear?
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This process must be done carefully, and line editing can take a number of weeks. A "reader's report" and a "style sheet" are also prepared by the line editor or freelancer. The reader's report addresses substantive issues. A typical reader's report might contain the following: Aside from a need to highlight the atmosphere of medieval England and the king's castle, there is also a logical problem in the ms. [manuscript] in that it is difficult to develop sixteen characters in any depth. But they have to be since the reader devel ops an emotional stake in the story. Since this novel is a quest for the Holy Grail, the reader needs to see and understand all of the characters, from King Arthur to the lowest knight. The easiest way to approach this dilemma is to concentrate on only six characters so the reader becomes attached to a small, more manageable number of people.
The style sheet highlights problems that the author needs to address immedi ately. A typical style sheet might contain the following: P[age], 8 line 3: several technical problems. Why is Merlin monitoring astronomical anomalies? P. 37 lines 1–14: What did the typical castle room contain regarding] fur– niture, candles, carpets, etc.? P. 127 lines 7–18: How much rain falls in England in March? Are there rainfall records for medieval England? Also, were wagons com– monly used then?
While this is going on, the production and marketing departments are making decisions about the book's future. Once the manuscript is edited, it is returned to the editor, along with the reader's report and the style sheet, who reviews them before they are forwarded to the author. The author then has an opportunity to respond to the line (or manuscript) editor's questions and suggestions. A letter from the editor is always included with the manuscript outlining the author's obligations to review the manuscript and respond to all of the queries and recommendations. THE AUTHOR'S MANUSCRIPT REVISIONS
Once the edited manuscript and the author's inquiry form are returned, the editor checks the manuscript to make sure that there is a response to every query and sug gestion. Assuming no problems, the manuscript (or the disk version of the book) is sent out for composition (although some houses perform this task in-house), the promotion and marketing departments finalize their plans, and design and produc tion make sure the book is processed.8 The author will eventually receive a galley proof of the book and, ultimately, page proofs. He or she will proof them, looking for "printer's errors" (also called PEs), typesetting errors) and "author's alterations" (also called AAs; an error made The Chicago Manual of Style, 14th ed. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1993), pp. 126–154.
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by the author, a point that needs clarification, etc.). He or she will make any changes or pose questions to the editor. If the type was set using the author's computer disks, the total number of PEs and AAs should be minimal. In many contracts, authors are penalized financially if they make too many AAs in the page proofs. Again assuming no problems, the book will be printed, bound, sent to a ware house, reviewed, distributed, and sold; but there are always problems. Both the edi tor and the author must be patient, especially as authors are often the cause of some of these complications if galleys or page proofs are not returned in a timely fashion, if queries are not addressed, and so on. BOOK DESIGN AND PRODUCTION
The company's design department is responsible for the "look" of the book. This is a complex process, and a number of major decisions have to be made. Designers select the book's typefaces to achieve certain aesthetic goals. Type must be determined with great care, especially regarding readability and legibility. The type "families" include light, light italic, regular, regular italic, medium, me dium italic, bold, bold italic, regular condensed, and regular condensed italic. Any one familiar with a computer quickly becomes aware of these terms. However, various printing organizations (notably the Graphic Arts Technical Foundation) have published extensive studies on these and related printing issues, and their works should be consulted to see the various type families. Type is based on old letterpress configurations, and comes in a variety of sizes (from 6 point to 72 point. A "point" measures approximately l/72nd of an inch); and typefaces include old style, modern, square serif, sans serif, script, text, and decora– tive styles. Spacing is also a consideration, that is, the amount of space used be– tween letters. Type was originally set by hand; a typesetter selected type from bins and placed them on a stick one line at a time, under the then-prevalent letterpress procedures. This was a slow, error-prone process because the line was set "reading left" (i.e., backwards; this was done because the line of type "kissed" or touched the page, transforming the "reading left" line into one the reader could comprehend). Modern lithography employs a "reading right" process, which is the way you are reading this line on this page. Eventually, a variety of commercially acceptable "hot lead" machines were de veloped to expedite this prepress operation. In the hot lead method, a matrix (a mold for each type character) was released from a magazine (i.e., a storage case). All of the matrices were assembled into a line with space-bands separating words. The line of type was moved into the hot lead casting mechanism, and a line of type was cast. Because lead was used, many typesetters fell ill because they were exposed to hot, molten lead fumes. Although hot lead type produced a beautiful final product, this procedure was fraught with human errors, primarily spelling errors, spacing problems, and miss ing words (printer's errors; PEs). Frequently, the lead typeface would split while printing a page, causing problems for the reader.
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Later on "cold type" emerged. In this process, a typewriter type of machine (e.g., a VariTyper) used a strike-on procedure to set type directly onto paper or a paper tape. This process was refined in the 1950s, eventually opening the door for computer-generated type and imaging systems. This cold type process allowed for the introduction of digital machines and the utilization of digital photographic equipment. The type used for most books in the 21st century (including this one) is set on a computer. This procedure became commercially acceptable when the cost of hard ware declined in price and authors began using computers to write books. Many publishers require an author to submit a manuscript's first draft and final version in both hard (paper) and electronic (disk) formats. The editor uses the disk containing the final version of the manuscript and then forwards it to the production depart ment. The disk is used to generate the type for the book, thereby expediting this en tire process, reducing typesetting errors, and cutting both typesetting costs and the time needed to set the book. The designer also selects the book's cloth cover, dust cover (type faces, illustra tions, layout, etc.), and pages (generally offset opaque, a closed level surface with superb ink holdout). Decisions are also made about the paper's tint (white, offwhite, etc.) and weight. Paper (called "fine paper" by printers) is an important element of a book, and pa pers vary in size and weight. Most people are familiar with copier paper, purchased by the ream in stationery stores. A single piece of copier paper is called "20 pound" paper, and it is sold in 500-page reams. When copier paper is manufactured, the original dimensions of the produced sheets are 17" x 44"; and a 500-page ream of this paper weights 20 pounds, thus the name "20 pound paper." These large sheets are cut into four smaller sections (each81/2"x 11") and packaged in 500-page reams (this ream weighs 5 pounds) and wrapped with a heavy-duty outer paper cover and labeled. Book publishers use a variety of paperweights, ranging from "bible paper" (used in bibles) to lighter weight papers (for catalogs) and heavier papers (for art books, textbooks, etc.). The next phase deals with art preparation and the book's layout using mock (i.e., dummy) pages. If needed, the artwork is selected, assembled, scaled (i.e., changed in size to fit on the page), and cropped (i.e., reduced in size) on a computer. Once the finished book page is assembled, it is sent off to be photographed. A book's page assembly is a bit unusual because pages are organized to maximize the available space on a printing plate and the paper as well as to accommodate the binding process. For example, in order to produce a 16-page signature with printing on the front and back of the paper, two printing plates (illustrated as Printing Plate "A" and Printing Plate "B" in Fig. 6.3) are prepared. The "A" plate would be used on the front page, and it would contain page numbers 4, 13, 16, 1,5, 12,9, and 8. The "B" would print on the back of the sheet, and it has page numbers 2,15,14, 3,7,10,11, and 6. In these layouts, pages 5,12,9, and 8 on plate "A" and 7,10,11, and 6 on plate "B" are inverted so they can be folded and bound in the correct order. Light-sensitive photographic film is used to prepare negatives and positives. If photographs or illustrations are used, continuous tones or halftones are prepared. Lithographic printing relies on a system of printing dots. A photograph is converted
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Printing Plate " A" Front of Sheet
Printing Plate "B" Back of Sheet
FIG. 6.3 Printing Plate "A" and Printing Plate "B."
to a series of thousands of dots using a grid pattern of a halftone screen so it can be reproduced. If the photo contains color, then a color separator works on the image to insure that all colors are reproduced accurately. This is a complex process whereby filters are placed over the photographs; these filters match the printing inks: cyan (blue and green); magenta; yellow (these three are the "subtractive pri maries"); and black. The colors are corrected to generate the correct shade through dot etching, masking, or electronic scanning (a computer system); then color proof ing occurs. These steps produce the finished film, from which a printing plate is generated; litho plates are lightweight metal, although "quick print" shops often use paper plates to reduce costs and expedite their work. The make-ready process then begins. This in volves placing the plates and ink receptive "blankets" (a carefully manufactured piece of rubber that fits the dimensions of the press) onto the press, cleaning and fill ing the ink fountains (containers on a press where the inks are kept during the printing process), bringing in the correct paper and placing it onto the press's lift, and so on. There are a number of different printing processes used in book manufacturing in the United States. The first one is letterpress, the process developed by Gutenberg. Letterpress uses a hot lead system to generate a piece of raised type (similar to the type used on a typewriter), which is assembled onto a letterpress press. There are three types of presses: (1) platen, a flat type of press used, for exam ple, by Ben Franklin (on display and still functioning in the Franklin print shop in Philadelphia and the Farmer's Museum in Cooperstown, New York) in which a
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piece of paper is pressed between the type and the press's bed (frame); (2) a flatbed cylinder, where a flat bed of type is attached to a revolving cylinder that applies the pressure to make an impression on a piece of paper; and (3) rotary, in which the type is affixed to a cylinder that rotates to generate impressions onto paper. Letterpress was used extensively in this nation for several centuries; it was slow, costly, and cumbersome to operate (especially if a piece of raised type face broke and had to be repaired or replaced because of an error). Although it produced an ele gant printed page, it slipped out of general usage in the 1970s because of the eco nomic advantages of lithography. Lithography (often called litho, off-set, or photo-offset) is a planeographic print ing process whereby a photosensitive plate is created with type and illustrations that are neither raised (letterpress) nor recessed (gravure). This process is exceptionally fast, cleaner than letterpress, and economical. Different types of litho presses are used to print books. A sheet-fed press is capa ble of printing between 1,000 and 10,000 "impressions" per hour (an impression is one standard sheet of litho paper, generally 25" x 38" on a sheet-fed press), al though some litho presses reached the +15,000 mark. This press uses precut pieces of paper. A single piece of paper is pulled through the press, using a series of suction cups, to receive the "impression" (or image) from the lithographic rubber blanket. In litho, the press's metal plate (which contains the page's text, illustrations, etc.) is inked by rolling it through the ink fountain; it then "kisses" (or touches) the blanket. The blanket "kisses" the paper, hence the name "offset." A typical four-color 38" litho press (commonly used to print books) is approximately the length of 3 to 5 standard four-door automobiles; a six-color press (another book press) can be be tween 5 and 8 car lengths. A "web" press prints from a roll of paper. Webs often have attachments that en able the printer to cut the roll into sheets, glue, fold, and so on. Webs operate at rapid speeds, frequently in excess of 25,000 impressions per hour, and they often have gas-driven heaters to dry the ink before one piece of paper touches another one. The typical web press can be the length of a city block. How many books can be printed in one day at one plant? The Offset Paperback Manufacturing Company (owned by Bertelsmann AG), for example, is the world's third largest paperback printer. On an average day, it produces between 1.1 million and 1.2 million paperback books (+375 million books annually). Their press opera tions generally work 24 hours per day 6 to 7 days per week in a 231,000-square-foot operation (plus an additional 200,000- square-foot warehouse). They have 10 web presses running 72,000 64-page sections per hour, 4 sheet-fed presses, and 4 bind ing machines.9 Almost all books, magazines, and newspapers are printed using the litho method. However, for many years litho plates were able to make only 100,000 im pressions; then they had to be replaced. Developments have increased this number. Gary Porter, "One Million Paperbacks A Day? No Problem," Printing News East, 4 July 1994, pp. 9-10. Also see Donald Carlson, "Strength of a Book's Binding is Found in the Adhesive," Printing News East, 11 July 1994, p. 12.
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For decades, long press runs of a +100,000 or more impressions (e.g., catalogs) were printed using gravure (often called rotogravure), which used a "recessed" type and illustration system. Instead of plates, gravure adopted a cylinder; letters and il lustrations were etched into a brass-plated or chromium-plated cylinder. Originally, this was done by hand; eventually a machine and later a laser-etching system came onto the market. Gravure presses can be sheet-fed or web. While the quality of the impression is exceptionally high, costs associated with gravure have limited its ac ceptance in the printing industry. There are two other types of printing processes, but they are not used for book printing: screen printing (e.g., used for tee-shirts), and flexographic printing (a rub ber plate variation of letterpress used for milk containers, bread wrappers, etc.). Copiers and laser-printing machines are too small to be used for the mass pro duction of books. However, print-on-demand (POD) printing systems (often utiliz ing a Xerox "DocuTech" system, as well as others) print exceptionally acceptable books. Print-on-demand is economically viable for short print runs, and it became widely used in the late 1990s by many book publishers, from large trade houses (Random House) to small university presses (Northwestern). POD allows a pub lisher to maintain a small inventory, curb production costs, and reduce unwanted re turns. In addition, POD allows a book to remain in print, theoretically, in perpetuity. For some publishers, it is an exceptionally attractive alternative to large litho print runs and costly warehouse expenditures. Once pages have been printed, they are sent to a binder. Hardbound books are bound using the edition (often called the hardbound or casebook) method. Once the signatures have been collected, four-page endleaves are pasted onto the outside of the first and last signatures. The remaining signatures are gathered together mechani cally and then sewn together using special machines and durable threads. Once sewn, the sewn side is glued while the remaining parts of the book are trimmed (top, side, and bottom). The book is then passed through a rounding machine, which completes the shaping part of the casebook process. A thin piece of gauze is glued to the sewn area, and the pre-printed or embossed cloth covers (the case) are attached to the book. Each book is allowed to dry; it is then inspected, jackets are affixed, and either wrapped in thin plastic or packed in cartons for shipment. Perfect binding is used for paperback books. After the book is collated, a glue (and not a case or hardbound) binding system is used before a heavy weight "card" stock is attached. Mechanical binding is also available for workbooks, cookbooks, and so on. A plastic or metal spiral is inserted into prepunched holes, allowing the book to sit flat on a table. Sometimes, paperback covers are embossed (letters or im ages are raised to highlight the cover) or die-cut (a piece of the cover is cut-out for dramatic purposes). These prepress, printing, and binding procedures are complex and take years to master, especially with the introduction of computerized systems (i.e., the "direct to plate" method). This allows a book printer to use electronic disks to bypass many of the prepress procedures.
CHAPTER SEVEN
Marketing Books
How are books marketed? How are sales, marketing, and promotions departments structured? How is the sales force organized? In essence, how are books placed into channels of distribution and how successful are these efforts? As could be expected, every book firm handles marketing in a slightly different way because of internal and external exigencies. A paradigm was constructed based on organizational and marketing configurations employed by many of the largest U.S. book publishers. Most large book publishers utilize a multifaceted organizational structure with a president of marketing and sales and individual vice presidents who handle, respec tively, retail, wholesale, jobber, and "other" sales. Fig. 7.1 outlines this organiza tional structure. RETAIL SALES OPERATIONS Adult consumer book sale patterns changed dramatically between 1972 and 2002. The proliferation of superstores, as well as the emergence of nonbookstore estab lishments (notably supermarkets, specialty stores, warehouse or discount clubs, etc.), triggered a deep, debilitating decline in the role independent bookstores played in the retail sector. In 1972, the chains accounted for 11% of all book sales, and independent stores held a commanding 58% share. Only 31% went through nontraditional channels. By 1983 the total share of the market held by chains grew to 18%; independents, on the other hand, dipped to 44%, still a formidable presence; the nontraditional sector held a 38% market share. In 1994 retailing patterns changed again. The chains burgeoned to 27%; inde pendents slumped to 19%. Nontraditional retail establishments held a commanding 54% market share. In 2001, the chains declined somewhat to a 23% market share, while the inde pendents sustained yet another dramatic decline, ending up with only a 15% share. As for the rest of the market: book clubs, 20% share; wholesale-price clubs, 7%; 177
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FIG. 7.1 Organizational chart of sales and marketing.
mass merchandisers, 6%; mail order, 3%; food and drug stores, 3%; discount stores, 3%; used bookstores, 3%; the Internet, 8%; and all other, 10%.1 This meant that chains surged from 11% to 23% between 1972 and 2001, inde pendents suffered through a debilitating decline from a commanding 58% share to a paltry 15%, and the prognosis through 2006 was equally depressing for the inde pendents. Because of this massive shift in the marketplace, book companies adjusted their sales and marketing strategies to take advantage of the opportunities offered by the superstores (far fewer book buyers to call on). In addition, far more attention was paid to nontraditional channels of distribution. The organizational chart in Fig. 7.2 illustrates the retail sales and marketing op eration of a typical large publisher. Retail operations are divided into two main components: retail operations in the eastern, western, and central regions; and na tional sales' sectors: frontlist; backlist; and special sales. The Sales Representative and Independent Bookstores The retail sales operations force (i.e., field sales representatives or "reps") tradition ally sold frontlist books to America's independent bookstores. With the emergence of superstores, some of the large book publishers assigned backlist duties to retail salespersons because they were already in the field and had close access to independ ent bookstores. Some of the very largest publishers eschewed a "frontlist–backlist" strategy in favor of using reps to sell specific imprints. The itinerant sales representative covers a geographical district as small as New York City's Manhattan sales district between Wall Street and 59th Street, an entire state (Florida), or several states. One large company assigned Kentucky, Indiana, Michigan, Minnesota, and western Ontario to a rep. Book Industry Study Group, Inc., The 2001 Consumer Research Study on Book Purchasing (New York: Book Industry Study Group, Inc. 2002), pp. 20–28. Also see Victor Aguirregabiria, "The Dy namic Markups and Inventories in Retailing Firms," Review of Economic Studies, 66, 2(April 1999): pp. 275-308; David A. Aaker, "Measuring Brand Equity Across Products and Markets," California Man agement Review, 38, 2(1996): pp. 102–120; John F. Baker, "Publishers Concerned by Superstore-Indie Struggle," Publishers Weekly, 18 September 1995, pp. 10–11, 19; Robert A. Carter (Ed.), Trade Book Marketing: A Practical Guide (New York: R. R. Bowker, 1983), pp. 9-23.
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FIG. 7.2 Organizational chart of retail sales.
The rep has a myriad of duties, all of which are carried out using the trunk of his or her car and spare space in an apartment or home. Regional sales offices are al most nonexistent. Reps receive a free car (all costs associated with gas, insurance, and repairs are paid for by the company), a computer with a modem for e-mail from the home of fice, a printer, a FAX machine, and an expense account for entertaining customers, travel, telephone costs, and so on. The typical rep (officially known as a "district sales manager" in many of the largest companies) reports to a regional sales man ager. Most companies are divided into at least three regions (generally eastern, cen tral, and western), although a variety of configurations exist. The rep is the publisher's frontline sales and marketing contact with retail booksellers, generally independents or small chains. In the past, sales reps handled all of the publisher's title output. By 2004, some large book publishers (generally those ranked in the top 5 or 10) split these diverse responsibilities into at least two disparate areas, adult and children's. Some reps working for the very largest publishers handle only adult hardcover or trade whereas other reps concentrate solely on mass-market paperbacks. A representative's total compensation package is impressive. By 2004, base sal aries generally started in the $40,000 range (although the large trade houses fre quently paid higher salaries), plus a commission (which can vary rather dramatically from one house to another) and a sales bonus. In addition, a pension plan plus medical and dental (but ironically not vision care for employees working in a reading-intensive profession) are provided by the publisher, as is a term life in surance policy. Some small houses have a probationary period, generally lasting 3 months, and benefits are not provided to probationary employees, although this practice has fallen out of favor among the largest trade houses. A rep's work duties are diverse. He or she begins preparing for a new sales sea son and the 2 or 3 annual national sales conferences. Some firms prepare sales vid eos. Each tape is generally 2 to 3 hours in length and narrated by key sales and marketing personnel and editors who handled the titles; most segments run between 3 and 10 minutes. On occasion, an author might discuss his or her book to provide insight into and excitement about the themes or issues raised in the title. Often, companies use television footage, especially if the author appeared on one of the
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national morning shows or an afternoon talk show, or news footage (if a prominent personality or event is covered in the book). Some firms use audiotapes; some of the largest houses moved toward large group video presentations at the publisher's home office to minimize expenses. The purpose of the video is to provide the rep with a brief but concise over view of the title's content and importance to the company. Large publishers might release more than 100 new titles every month, so it is impossible for the typical rep to read through all the titles. The video "primes the pump" and allows the representative to understand the salient selling and editorial issues related to every title. Some of the largest trade houses also use teleconferencing with or in stead of videos. In addition, the rep receives a binder filled with "title information" sheets (of ten called a "tip" sheet) on every new title. The tip sheet contains practical sales and marketing data compressed into workable units. A typical tip sheet lists the following: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13.
14. 15. 16. 17. 18.
imprint; publication date; format (e.g., adult trade paperback); title; subtitle; ISBN number; author; subject category (important information because the rep wants the book placed in the correct section of the bookstore); the title's history ("originally published in hardcover in July 2004 at $29.95 with 189,717 copies sold"); suggested retail price in United States and Canada; page count; trim size; spine size; carton pack (usually 24 copies per carton); author's residence (useful for planning a local author tour); a brief description and some keynote points ("This author won two major book prizes in 2004; a superb analysis of economic theories related to globalization; special emphasis on Africa and Latin America"); key selling points (hardcover book was a national bestseller on The New York Times and The Wall Street Journal; went through 12 printings; we bought paperback rights; author will appear on various U.S. news shows. This book is considered superior to Brown's book on the same topic); the publisher's marketing plans (major national print advertising cam paign planned; college lecture tour in New York City, Boston, Chicago, Florida, Alabama, and Texas); marketing goals; recent information about the author; comparative titles in same book category; names and telephone, FAX, and e-mail addresses of the book's editor, publicist, and marketing contact.
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The representative then attends the national sales conference, generally held ev ery 4 months (often in April, August, and December). Most conferences last be tween 3 and 5 days, with August in the 4- to 5-day range. The sales meeting is all business. Aside from field sales and marketing person nel, the house traditionally sends a large number of key corporate executives from sales, marketing, promotion, and editorial (generally on the vice president–director levels and often lower down the organizational chart), as well as corporate officers (presidents, group vice presidents, etc.). If the company is owned by another corpo ration, either domestic or foreign, representatives from the mother company fre quently attend. Prominent authors are also invited to talk about their upcoming books. However, the actual number of individuals attending varies somewhat: Au gust attracts the largest contingent; April and December tend to have smaller turn outs. If any of these meetings are held in or near the corporate office, many firms send junior-level employees to attend (i.e., editorial assistants, assistant editors, as sistants in the sales and promotion departments, etc.). Every sales conference has a strong "revival camp" atmosphere. The real pur pose is to spark interest in new frontlist books. Premium presents are often given to those attending, including corporate buttons, tee-shirts, gym bags, baseball caps, canvas tote bags (this industry literally drowns in a sea of canvas tote bags), and so on. There are athletic events, especially tennis and golf (the "link that binds"), al though younger employees tend to play racquetball and basketball; there are a plethora of social events to galvanize the employees. The locales often change, with a midwestern city (perhaps Chicago or St. Louis) in December, a warm-weather location (Dallas, Florida, or Arizona) in April, and a country-club style retreat in August (Westchester outside New York City). Some publishers hold one (or perhaps all of these meetings) at the company's headquarters. A typical sales conference agenda opens with a breakfast, followed by a general "state of the company" presentation made by the firm's president (perhaps 30 min utes in good years; somewhat longer in disappointing ones). This presidential ad dress informs everyone about the last quarter or fiscal year's goals regarding unit and dollar sales, bestsellers, and total performance, including some mention of profits or losses. These preliminary events are followed by actual business sessions: "closed" and rather candid divisional meetings (e.g., retail, jobbers, telemarketing, special mar kets); only those working in a specific division can attend. Quite often the editors, sales, and promotion specialists discuss a specific imprint's progress or problems. Additional divisional meetings are then held, allowing sales reps to discuss book campaigns and covers that worked last season and those that failed to live up to ex pectations. They also converse (if not sermonize) about the next season's title out put; jeremiads are often heard at these meetings. Lunch follows; often an author will talk or entertain those present. After lunch another imprint is evaluated, followed by another divisional meet ing. The traditional hospitality suite will be open before cocktails and dinner. Cus tomarily, a major topic or concern (sales quotas, commissions, and the impact of
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superstores on their independent customers) dominates discourse in and out of divi sional meetings. This pattern is followed for 3 or 4 days, interspersed with tennis, golf, basketball, and numerous sidebar discussions about the company, book pub lishing, and general business conditions. Another important part of the sales conference is the job interview. Up-andcoming employees are identified for new jobs, and the appropriate sales, editorial, or corporate people interview them. Maxwell Perkins (the great editor of Fitzgerald and Hemingway) followed a somewhat different tactic at Scribner's. He called the half dozen or so traveling sales reps into his office, and he alone informed them, in rather candid tones, about the next season's list; no fancy videos, luncheons, or motivational speeches perme ated his approach. Of course, it helped that Scribner's published some of the great est authors of his time. The rep returns to his or her sales district rejuvenated and excited about the com pany and its next line of books. Somehow this convoluted, antediluvian process, fraught with distractions, seems to work, and the representative has a better grasp of the books he or she will present to booksellers. The next major assignments deal with planning for the trade bookselling season. He or she compiles all of the pertinent sales material (including the publisher's cata log and sample covers) into a useful kit. Sales visits are scheduled, and the critically important business review of each store's past performance occurs. This allows the rep to ascertain what titles succeeded and failed in a specific store and what types of promotions (author's signing; advance reading copies, etc.) should be considered. The rep then calls on the independent bookstore's book buyer (often the owner or co-owner) and tries to sell the list. He or she also outlines any advertising and promotion techniques that should be considered, what author's requests (for signings or readings) the store has, various point of sale (the ubiquitous sales bins, called "dumps") and merchandising and marketing techniques that might be useful, and ideas regarding space allocation of titles (hopefully on a well-lit table near the front door) and display materials (banners, signs, or bookmarks inserted into a book). "Stripped books" and returns are discussed. A stripped book is a paperback whose cover has been removed. The cover (and not the entire paperback) is returned to the publisher as a return for full credit. The cost to print a paperback is quite small (actual costs vary depending on the print run, use of illustrations, paper, etc.; the typical mass-market paperback with a + 100,000 press run could cost as little as 500 to 700 to fabricate), so it is just not economical to return paperback books. The re maining portion of the paperback book is supposed to be destroyed by the book seller, although stripped copies frequently appear for sale by sidewalk vendors. The entire hardcover book is returned for a complete credit (hopefully resold or placed into a remaindered or sale channel of distribution by the publisher), assuming of course that all of the publisher's terms and conditions are fulfilled. Mass-market selling differs somewhat from trade book practices. Generally a sales call is made every 3 months to discuss backlist specials, any television or film tie-ins, and any recent trade additions. Reps or the corporate office often prepare
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quick delivery lists. These lists contain information about ISBN numbers, titles, au thors, selling prices, package-carton minimums, and comments ("available 8-15," "NY Times #11," "CBS This Morning July 28th"). In addition, inventories are dis cussed because the rep often does a physical inventory of his or her publisher's books in stock at the bookstore. The paperwork associated with all of these activities is prodigious. Special mail ings about new titles are prepared and mailed; often a rep prepares a newsletter for his or her accounts to highlight new releases. In addition, a galley will be dropped off for a bookseller to read. A galley is an exceptionally durable but dull-looking paperback copy of the com plete book. Heavy cardboard stock is used; standard colors are blue, red, green, and yellow. A galley is issued about 3 months before a book's official release date. They are sent to book reviewers, and, quite often, they are often given to bookstore person nel. In addition, copies of chapters of a new book and advanced reading copies (ARCs) are also dispensed to bookstore salespeople. Although similar to a galley, an advanced reading copy has an attractive cover, often the same as the real book. Brief editorial flap copy is always included. The following is an example of copy: A gripping novel of love, revenge, and redemption spanning three generations and three continents, Truth Dies Slowly is a work of stunning intensity and riveting sus pense. With this novel, Angelica Hersey will be recognized as a major writer and an exciting new name in contemporary fiction.
Sales and marketing data can also be found on the back cover: A Simon & Schuster hardcover; 100,000 copy first printing; $100,000 marketing campaign; national consumer advertising; point-of-sale materials; eligible for co-op advertising; free freight; publication date: October 1, 2004.
Yet this is a critically important part of an elaborate sales, marketing, and promo tion network. The vast majority of sales reps are often recruited from bookstores be cause they worked in and know that part of the business. Interestingly enough, many sales and marketing people in the home office never worked as a rep, so their understanding of this type of marketing is sketchy. Of course pirating reps from competitors is an old, trusted tradition in book publishing. An exceptionally small number of trade houses select reps from the ranks of the corporation's sales and marketing staff. These individuals are identified as potential managers and publishers, yet they need some seasoning and field experience. They are sent to the field for at least 2 to 4 years before they return to the company, nor mally to assume a leadership position in a major operation or department. The Sales Representative: National Accounts Every major book company maintains a national sales force. This group services the large national or regional superstores, chain bookstores, companies supplying books to warehouse-price clubs, etc. Superstores emerged in the late 1980s as a
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powerful retailing forum. The majority of superstores are large and well stocked with titles. For example, a typical Barnes & Noble or Borders superstore is in a 60,000- to 70,000-square-foot freestanding building. Offering more than 150,000 titles (often reaching the 160,000 range) plus access to Barnes & Noble's or Bor ders massive title network, consumers browse through over 74 departments (rang ing from taxes to pets), a large electronic and audio book collection, a cafe (serving a variety of coffees and beverages and food items), and a sizable music and video department. An abundant inventory of magazines, newspapers, maps, and sidelines round out the store's inventory. Some superstores also house a used book annex (generally about 7,500 square feet). Most superstores offer 20% discounts on every hardcover book and current New York Times Book Review paperback bestsellers every day; hardcover bestsellers are often sold at a 30% discount. Chain stores (Barnes & Noble's B. Dalton stores or Borders' Waldenbooks stores) are located primarily in well-established shopping malls or in strip (small, stand-alone) malls. Chains are smaller in size and offer for sale a reduced number of available titles. Barnes & Noble and Borders are in the process of closing unprofit able chain stores. The national sales force calls on the superstore or chain book buyers, located at the company's corporate office, to discuss an upcoming list and make recommen dations on the number of copies the superstore could take. The publishers utilize a highly trained sales force to sell frontlist and backlist books and special titles. They follow many of the same procedures utilized by sales reps in the field. However, buyers for the superstores and chains are specialists in specific categories (e.g., cooking or juvenile). Barnes & Noble's adult trade fiction buyer is considered one of the best in the business. In addition, these buyers have computer data outlining in great detail how a specific title or book category per formed in a specific store at precise times; information about sales in clearly de fined geographical regions also exists. In reality, these buyers have access to the best sales and marketing dataset (i.e., detailed cash register output) in the industry, and they guard this data as if it were golden (because it really is). In 2000, Nielsen's Book Scan, the equivalent of Sound Scan (Nielsen developed both sales data analysis systems), was launched. Initially, many book publishers (including some of the largest ones) were indifferent to Book Scan, deciding not to participate in the program. Some publishers argued the mid-six-figure fees were too high (this is an industry, after all, that has never spent much money on applied consumer research). Others insisted the number of bookstores reporting sales data to Book Scan was too small to be meaningful in certain book categories (especially as books on home improvement, crafts, and such were often sold in home improve ment centers, hardware stores, etc. not surveyed by Book Scan). Still others were concerned that Book Scan tracked only about 10,000 titles when the nation had about 3.5 million titles in print. The bottom line is that superstore book buyers dictate how many copies they will buy for certain stores based on their exceptionally reliable datasets, and these individ uals are exceptionally important participants (and perhaps the most important ones) in the entire bookselling value chain. Their decision can make or break a book.
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CASE STUDY: SELLING TEXTBOOKS The College Sales Representative Sales reps in a college textbook division perform different tasks. They call on instruc tors (or in some instances departmental textbook review boards) to market new prod ucts. In addition to the standard textbook, publishers active in the large adoption academic areas (e.g., freshman English composition, psychology, sociology, ac counting, management, nursing, etc.) also provide instructors with free collateral documents and services, namely an annotated version of the text, instructor's man ual, a test booklet, transparencies, accounting or chemistry or mathematics or statis tics problems or readings on a computer disk, or a videocassette. Competition in 2002 was intense; net publishers' revenues in this market topped the $3.9 billion mark that year. BISG estimates this dollar volume will reach about $5.6 billion by 2007.2 So each house is forced to distribute massive numbers of free copies of textbooks to college instructors, although some publishers try to maintain an illusory 30-day examination policy. Many houses bill professors if payment is not received or un less at least 10 copies of the text are not ordered for class use. This policy was adopted because some professors built sizable personal libraries with free copies; others sold them back to college bookstores, used bookstores, or directly to stu dents. Some very large publishers now issue specially stamped or printed copies ("This is a free book; not for resale") to professors to minimize their sales to book stores, but some used textbook firms remove these covers and replace them with new ones devoid of warning labels. Some professors are "antitext" and refuse to or der them even if a department insists all students purchase them for a section. As rough as these problems may be, they pale when compared to the ultimate threat undermining the entire college textbook industry in the United States: the used textbook market among college students. Generally, textbook publishers and acquisition editors and marketers use a "90–45–10" ratio when they do a profit and loss statement. If the real market de mand for a new marketing textbook on "advertising management" is projected to be 15,000 copies annually (theoretically totaling 45,000 over the three-year life of the textbook), it is quite common to run a P & L using the following: 1. potential first-year sales of 15,000; projected first-year sales of 13,500 (90% of 15,000); 2. potential second-year sales of 15,000; projected second-year sales of 6,750 (45% of 15,000); and 3. potential third-year sales of 15,000; projected second-year sales of 1,500 (10% of 15,000). 2 Book Industry Study Group, Inc. Book Industry Trends 2003 (New York: Book Industry Study Group, Inc. 2003), p. 32.
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Textbook marketers assume that in the first year, 10% of the potential market (i.e., students) will not purchase the book. Some students will not buy the book and hope to pass the course; a group of students (perhaps 3 or 4) will buy and share 1 copy of the book or make copies of the chapters and share the copies. Textbook ex ecutives also assume that the used textbook market for this book will materialize immediately after the first semester the book is introduced into the market. In some instances, used books are available in the first semester the book is available be cause some professors sell the copies they received from a sales rep prior to the offi cial publication date of the text. So the potential market of 45,000 units over a 3-year period of time is in reality an actual market of 21,750 units. What is the advantage of buying a used textbook? In 2004, a new copy of Kotler's Marketing Management has a suggested retail price of $105.00, a steep price for many college students. Used copies are available anywhere from $60.00 to $82.00 at college bookstores or from on-line book-selling sites. This used price compels some students to purchase the used book and save between $23.00 and $45.00, sizable sums especially if this student has to buy 5 textbooks in a single semester. At the end of each semester in the first year, a large number of students will sell the Kotler text back to the college bookstore, a firm visiting the college, or a large commercial bookstore specializing in textbooks. The student might be paid $20.00-$30.00 for this textbook. If the college bookstore purchases the book, it could be resold to another student at that college; perhaps one of the national firms specializing in the used textbook market will purchase it from the book store, inven tory and warehouse it, and then sell it to a college looking for used copies of that textbook. Eventually, this used book appears somewhere in the distribution channel, most often at the college bookstore for a vastly reduced price. Students are happy be cause they saved money; the college bookstore also profits because used books sat isfy the wants and needs of the customer and generated a higher profit margin than new textbooks. According to data released by the National Association of College Stores (NACS; the college bookstore association), the average profit margin on a new textbook is 25%; the average profit margin for a used textbook is 33%. Every one is satisfied and happy. Everyone, that is, except the publisher, the sales rep, and the author because they receive nothing in these resale transactions. The sale of used texts cuts deeply into unit and dollar sales for the publisher (as they know unit sales will decline, they are compelled to absorb their extensive and expensive developmental-productions costs upfront in the first year), royalties to the author, and sales commissions to the rep. By the start of the third year, new sales of this textbook are at best marginal, and everyone on the publisher side is looking forward to a new edition from the author, which triggers the repetition of this chain of events. Ironically, a student who purchases this text in the second year is rarely able to sell the book back to the college bookstore because the supply of these books now exceeds the demand, and a new edition will be on the market within a year. Used textbook companies monitor forthcoming book lists to ascertain when a new edi
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tion will be released. This is one of the few instances where economic laws (in this case the law of supply and demand) actually work. In spite of the jeremiads emanating from textbook publishing firms, it appears unlikely that publishers can make any inroads into the used text system unless a new, revised text were issued annually. Some textbook marketers developed elabo rate scenarios to issue new editions annually; still others posited that print-ondemand technologies could cut into the used textbook market as the book could be easily updated. So far, these strategies have failed. Printing and selling new text books annually was impractical, and authors balked at having to rewrite their books every year. Some textbook leaders investigated selling or distributing texts via elec tronic publishing platforms, but the computer-literate student market was not yet ready to read long texts on a computer screen. Of course, many publishers worried privately that electronic copies could suffer the same fate as recorded music when "Napsterization" (i.e., file sharing) undermined sales and profits. In addition, pho tocopies and the shared use of texts would not disappear, and student indifference toward purchasing books would almost certainly undermine even sophisticated strategic plans directed toward this phenomenon. Students are pretty smart; sooner or later, they will develop a way to beat the system. The Elhi Sales Representative Elementary and secondary school (Elhi) textbook reps confront other challenges, including local boards (comprised of the principal and a few teachers or, quite of ten, members of the board of education) that select texts. In some instances, state boards review and recommend textbooks. Approximately 21 states follow the state adoption process (including Alabama, Florida, Texas, California, North Carolina, and Indiana); all of the local school boards in that state must select titles only from the approved list if they want to receive state aid to purchase textbooks and supple mental materials. Net publishers' revenues reached $4.1 billion in 2002. BISG estimates this total will reach $5.2 billion by 2007.3 The 21 adoption states account for slightly half of that total, so they are a formidable force in the Elhi adoption business, paced by the big three: California, Texas, and Florida. The developmental costs associated with launching a new Elhi series are quite high, running into the millions of dollars to put together a social studies textbook se ries, which generally includes the teacher's edition, the test booklet (often on a computer disk), overhead transparencies or Power Point materials, and other re lated support services. All book reps wander the landscape making contacts at annual national associa tion meetings, regional meetings, and in colleges and schools. It is an exceptionally difficult job with some sizable rewards for those who succeed. For those who fail, for publishers who sank millions into developing a series that is not selected as an 3Ibid., p. 32.
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approved series in California, Texas, and Florida, the outcome is at best unpleasant: red ink and books that have to be peddled in the nonadoption states, (often called open adoption states) who will question why none of the big three adopted them. WHOLESALE OPERATIONS
The term wholesale refers specifically to the channel of distribution made up of re gional or local companies (i.e., merchant wholesalers, brokers and agents, manu facturers' and retailers' branches and offices, and miscellaneous wholesalers) who sell to other businesses rather than directly to the consumer. Although some of these functions appear to be similar to tasks performed by jobbers, in book publish ing wholesalers generally distribute other products, including newspapers, periodi cals, and so on. Wholesale sales operations are an important linchpin in the entire marketing strategy of book firms. The vice president of wholesale operations deals with a large number of essentially small firms called independent distributors (I.D.s) servicing literally tens of thousands of retail establishments. This type of opera tion requires a staff able to respond quickly to new retail marketing trends and es tablish and maintain good working relations with a diverse number of small entrepreneurs. Many of the wholesalers have developed rather large distribution-warehousing operations, especially those servicing major urban and/or sub urban regions (i.e., New York City and northern New Jersey, Chicago, Los Angeles, etc.). The organizational chart in Fig. 7.3 illustrates how wholesaling is handled by book publishers. This distribution process emerged initially because many manufacturing com panies lacked the physical merchandising network, warehousing, distribution, transportation, and general risk-bearing obligations necessary to penetrate and ser vice the tens of thousands of retail establishments interested in selling specific products. Wholesalers developed intricate contacts with small retail establishments and the ability and resources to handle this complex but lucrative task. In the book industry, wholesalers operate as "rack jobbers," literally distributing books by inserting them into bookracks, onto shelves, or into display cases or stands. The fight for rack space between publishers can become fierce because a prominent position on a rack can help spark sales.
FIG. 7.3
Organizational chart of wholesale sales.
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Wholesalers buy books at a steep discount, distribute them, undertake invento ries, refill the racks when necessary, reorder popular titles, and withdraw from cir culation books that fail to find a niche (books that do not sell can be removed from this channel rather quickly, often within 2 to 4 weeks). In essence they deliver, shelve, monitor, finance the inventory, and service their customers, the storeowners. They do not get involved in promotions or advertising because this is the job of the publisher. Customarily, they handle high-volume sales outlets at airports, bus and train terminals, and subway stations. In addition they supply books to small, independent, and often obscure newsstands, grocery stores, drugstores, and convenience stores. This is an exceptionally large market, and the wholesaler division generates a sizable number of unit and dollar sales for book publishers, as long as publishers continue to provide the type of titles the public wants. This is a supply-and-demand operation sensitive to customers' needs and interests, and many sophisticated wholesalers use handheld computer to monitor inventories (and in essence sales), thereby enabling them to oversee their stock and keep pace with new trends. The modern book publisher cannot afford to have his or her titles or backlist dropped by a major wholesaler because of lackluster sales or strained business relations. JOBBERS
The book publisher's jobber unit is also a highly significant component of the mar keting strategy. They service large national and regional book distributors who stock and maintain warehouses filled with books (some companies have invento ries that exceed 200,000 titles and 1,000,000 copies). The organizational chart in Fig. 7.4 (which lists the representative types of distributors) outlines how the jobber function is handled within the typical large book house. Many distributors sell books directly to libraries. They provide generous dis counts, critically important collection development advice and services, and one consolidated bill to the library covering all of its services, an especially attractive service for hard-pressed librarians working with slim staffs. In addition, they pro-
FIG. 7.4
Organizational chart of jobbers.
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vide independent bookstores, some of the smaller to medium-size chains, other re tail stores, and Internet bookselling sites with frontlist and backlist titles. Successful distributors created fast, efficient, cost-effective delivery services (us ing their own fleet or land or air package services); they can provide a needed title within 1 to 2 days. Some firms promise same-day delivery. Book publishers, often plagued with ineffectual warehousing and distribution systems, in spite of invest ing countless millions of dollars in computer systems, offer better discounts than jobbers; but they can take up to 7 to 10 days to deliver the same title. Some publish ers established dollar minimums for orders, forcing many stores to consolidate or ders or use the services of jobbers. The laws of supply and demand indicate that distributors will continue to exist and profit handsomely from some publishers' inability to improve their delivery services and rigid ordering procedures. Price clubs emerged as a powerful force in the U.S. book industry in the earlyto-mid 1990s. These clubs generally charge members an annual fee, which allows members to purchase items at rock-bottom prices. Although their inventories are substantial, they generally do not offer the enormous variety of a giant supermarket or a home improvement center. They follow the same strategy regarding books. A limited number of titles are of fered for sale, but what they have are delivered in the hundreds (if not the thousands) on skids. Titles are stacked on tables, the floor, or, occasionally, on delivery skids. Purchased at a steep discount from the publisher, books are offered at tremendously reduced prices, often only pennies above their wholesale cost. This retailing strat egy seems to work because the book is positioned as a commodity, along with bulk purchases of peanut butter, cereals, and automobile oil. Some independent book store owners can purchase books at a price club cheaper than they can get them from the publisher or distributor (a fact that became rather public in June 2003 when cer tain independents, unable to obtain copies of the fifth Harry Potter book, shopped at price clubs). These clubs offer reading for the millions, and they sell tremendous numbers of units annually. However, the titles they stock are almost always in the bestseller or blockbuster categories, along with cook books, children's books, map books, and inexpensive reference books. In the late 1990s, many of the major children's toy store chains opened "book centers." These stores provide effective, convenient one-stop shopping for people looking for toys, baby supplies, swing sets, and other products. Their book opera tions proved to be immensely successful, so much so that many independent book stores (and even some of the national book superstores) worried about sales siphoned off by the toy stores. As retailing continues to change dramatically in this nation, as new sources of book outlets open, it is easy to speculate that the bookselling "pie" is getting bigger with a sharp increase in retail outlets selling books, convincing more people to read. It is also easy to imagine that independents (and some chains) will come under tre mendous economic pressure, compelling many of them to discount, broaden their inventories (which is usually not easy to do in a small store), or confront what some industry experts see is the inevitable, slow death of independent bookstore opera tions in this nation.
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OTHER SALES OPERATIONS
Book companies also operate a variety of other units involved in sales and market ing. This is the one area where unique business patterns determine a specific orga nizational structure. Fig. 7.5 is a composite illustration outlining these functions in a typically large house. "E & L" (the educational, library, and institutional segment of the sales effort) services schools (massive consumers of books: $4.6 billion in 2002; 17.57% of all sales), libraries and institutions (collectively they purchase approximately 8.69% of all books in 2002; $2.3 billion), and "other" institutions.4 This operating unit works under rather rigid constraints because many school districts are slow to pay, select books from approved lists, and often are subject to local political pressure re garding sensitive issues. In addition, competition is keen in this niche, and it can take a long period of time before a new text or a series is accepted or adopted. Special sales handles bulk sales for a variety of customers, including mail-order sales (e.g., to a catalog company); books used for in-house or proprietary manage ment training programs; special sales (i.e., to gift, gourmet, or sporting goods
FIG. 7.5 Organizational chart of "other" sales.
4Ibid.,pp. 32,212.
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stores); premium sales to organizations (e.g., a biography or the autobiography of a hotel tycoon might be purchased by the hotel chain and given away free to individu als who stay in these hotels, placed in every nightstand in every hotel room in the chain, etc.); or professional trade associations (a title on printing might be pur chased at a steep discount and then resold by a national graphic arts association to its members, etc.). Customer service operations handle inbound and outbound telemarketing func tions. Most of the large publishers maintain "800" lines, fax, and e-mail addresses for this purpose. At the larger houses and at many of the small to medium firms, it is not cost-efficient to have a sales rep call on or service small, independent book stores ordering books under a specified dollar amount. These accounts are asked to rely on an "800" line, fax, and e-mail to place their orders directly with an inbound telemarketer. Other firms draw on outbound telemarketers to replace field reps. These salespeo ple have their own bookstore accounts (often in the 250–350 range), providing a per sonal touch when an order is placed, negating the need for sales reps. These telephone reps send out galleys, ARCs, and newsletters. They often attend regional bookseller association meetings, and some large trade houses use this function to train individu als who will be transferred into other sales positions. This highly efficient, profitable operation provides a valuable service and turns a profit for the publisher. Bookstores equipped with electronic data interchange (EDI) equipment can or der titles electronically, an innovation that also saves the publisher money. One of the more successful online customer self-service systems is "Pub Easy." By 2003, Pub Easy had over 10,000 firms participating (it is free for booksellers). Firms can place orders, check prices, and determine the availability of titles, improving ser vice while removing inefficiencies in the supply chain. Another important component of the "other" sales operation is foreign sales. In 1996, exports stood at $1.45 billion and represented 7.20% of all net publishers' revenues. By 2002, the export total grew 24.14% from 1996 to $1.8 billion (but dropping to 6.9% of net publishers' revenues). The BISG projects export tallies to reach the $2.2 billion plateau in 2007 (+20.96% since 2001, inching up slightly to 7.06% of all revenues).5 Books are a positive balance of trade product. More books are exported than for eign titles are imported into this nation, thereby helping the sagging balance of trade. OTHER MARKETING SERVICES: BOOK SHOWS
All of the major book publishers operate corporate marketing and promotion de partments servicing a variety of needs. Their business is to create "buzz" for a book, not an easy task in any house. The marketing department generally handles all as pects of the industry's annual Promethean (and often ostentatious) "Book Expo America" as well as many regional trade shows. 5
lbid., p. 212.
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Book Expo America Formerly known as the ABA show (American Booksellers Association; the ABA ran this operation for decades), it is now called Book Expo America (or BEA). In the United States book community, this event has a mythic reputation: over 300,000 square feet of exhibits; 2,000 or more exhibitors; sidelines; multimedia (music, videos, DVDs, etc.); an extensive educational program; a rights center ex clusively focusing on the business of rights; and numerous special events. Publishers vie for the biggest and best booth in prime locations, sponsor elabo rate parties (in the late 1990s, costs for these one-night extravaganzas exceeded $400,000, although they were toned down somewhat by 2004), premium gifts (the ubiquitous canvas tote bags), literally stacks of free books (in 2004 most book pub lishers refused to allow bookstore personnel to load up shopping carts of free books at BEA), and other educational and social events highlight BEA. Although New York City is the logical place for this event, BEA eschewed this location for over 10 years. Finally realizing their error, BEA rotates between New York City, Los An geles, and Chicago between 2004 and 2010. Traditionally, the large publishers brought hundreds of editors, sales personnel, marketers, and promotion people to BEA; starting in the late 1990s, many firms cut back on their entourages to trim costs and, in a few instances, to deflect criticism about their ostentatious spending at the BEA. A small number of large consumer publishers do not have any presence at BEA. The overt purpose of BEA is to reach bookstore personnel who are there ostensi bly to look over the next season's list of titles. Is it worth the time and money to mount these lavish booths? BEA is the largest, most important book show in the United States; to some individuals it surpasses the Frankfurt Book Fair. Regional Shows In addition, regional booksellers' meetings are held throughout the United States, and they are planned and staffed by the marketing department. In many ways these meet ings tend to be more useful than BEA. They are smaller in size and scope, allowing sales reps more time to discuss rationally the merits of a new title with bookstore rep resentatives who want to talk about and buy books. These shows also allow marketers an opportunity to ferret out data on the state of business conditions in a specific re gion, to catch up on store openings and closings, and to gauge the pulse of bookstore owners about new trends. These shows have less glitz and far more substance. Usually held in the Fall and on weekends, the more prominent ones include the Mid-South Booksellers Association Trade Show, the Upper Midwest Booksellers Association Trade Show, the Pacific Northwest Booksellers Association Trade Shows, the Southeastern Booksellers Association Trade Show, the Mountains and Plains Booksellers Association Trade Show, the Northern California Booksellers Association Trade Show, the New England Booksellers Association Trade Show, and the New York/New Jersey Booksellers Association Trade Show.
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One of the best regional shows is the annual Upper Midwest Booksellers Associ ation Trade Show (UMBA). UMBA's focused program addresses the immediate concerns of independent booksellers in the upper Midwest region. Talks generally focus on "Your Store's Financial Health," "Promoting Children's Books in Your Community," "Taking Charge of Change in Your Bookstore," "Solving Customers' Nightmares' and Soothing Nightmare Customers," and "How to Know Your Cus tomers Better and Persuade Them to Buy More Books from You." A children's book and author breakfast always occurs, and prominent authors attend the Book and Author Dinner to speak and sign copies of their books. Bookstore tours are ar ranged (often sponsored by a publisher, perhaps Random House), and a large book exhibition is mounted (again with authors signing books for booksellers). The fee to attend is reasonable for UMBA members, talk centers on books, and sales are made. This forum promotes books and creates buzz for forthcoming titles, a promotion manager's dream. Other Marketing Opportunities and Projects During the span of a year, marketing will also handle special book projects. These include "Banned Book Week" and "New York Is Book Country" in September, "National Book Week" in January, "Black History Month" in February, and "Women's History Month" in March. These special "months" allow a publisher to encourage people to read books about a specific topic and, hopefully, to find a mar ket for backlist titles. Some industry critics insist that these events are not publi cized enough by publishers. Marketing departments also handle liaison efforts with literacy organizations (e.g., Reading is Fundamental or the American Library Association) or other indus try associations. These activities do not generate sales revenues, but they are an in valuable function that must be maintained. Other promotions include campaigns with corporate sponsors ("Buy a package of 'X' and receive a $4.00 rebate off of 'Y' book"). Not enough of these promotions have been undertaken to ascertain their effectiveness in selling books, although they generally tend to generate attention in the popular and trade press. THE PROMOTION DEPARTMENT Although the promotion department handles high profile events, the scope of its activi ties is rarely known or understood outside book houses. Their goal is simple: create buzz (called the information cascade by economists) for an author's new book. Sending an author out on the road to sign books and talk on radio and television shows is costly and time consuming, yet everyone in the industry recognizes the overarching importance of these endeavors. It is not, clearly, a vacation for the author. The Author Tour: Readings and Signings
This department arranges all aspects of an author's tour. Although the author is not paid to go on tour, a fact many authors constantly bemoan, all of his or her expenses
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(airfare, hotel, food, transportation, etc.) are arranged for and paid by the company. The purpose is to have the author meet and talk with consumers, generating favor able publicity for the author and his or her book, and it works. For example, Janet Evanovich went on the road in July 2003 to publicize her lat est novel To The Nines. She visited Australia, New Zealand, the United Kingdom, and Commonwealth territories. She returned to the United States for a major tour, with stops in Virginia, New Jersey, New York City, Indiana, Illinois, Minnesota, Texas, California, and New Hampshire. She has ground rules for book signings. Evanovich will sign all books bought at the signing; all hardcover books; and one paperback from home. She will personal ize a book for special occasions (birthdays, anniversaries, graduations, etc.). She urges everyone to bring a camera and take pictures; and "Remember, you must have fun." Evanovich has an immense following of readers, and, aside from signings, she also did some readings from her new book in New York City and in Minnesota. The local sales rep made sure all of the needed preparations were made to insure a pleasant experience for the author, the bookstore personnel, and those attending the reading or signing. One significant task is to make sure enough copies of the author's book are available in every store the author visits. This is unquestionably a once-in-a lifetime opportunity for small, independent bookstores and their patrons, and it sells books. The Barnes & Noble and Borders superstores emerged as prime exponents of this type of activity. All of their superstores sponsor events designed to bring people into the store: cafe music sessions (e.g., contemporary folk rock, new age and clas sical guitar, good old tunes, etc.); featured events ("Sign up for your local library card"); art exhibits; sessions about securities and investments; an open mike poetry and prose night ("Read five minutes of your original works or those of a favorite au thor"); how to write and produce your own newsletter; singles events (sessions on understanding your motivations and aspirations; how to attract anyone, anytime, anyplace; the bimonthly singles game night); book groups; story times and special events designed for children (international Cinderella stories, books in both Eng lish and Spanish, back-to-school stories from around the world, a special ballet class, and stories from the Pacific Rim and Native Americans); join a new novelwriting group; and, of course, numerous author signings. The Author Tour: Radio and Television In addition, the promotion department arranges for the author's radio and television interviews. While radio is still influential, television has the power to make an au thor almost overnight. So this type of author's tour is a tested way to generate sub stantial buzz about a book. A promotion director constructs a highly structured tour (a prominent massmarket fiction author might cover 8 cities in about 10 days) to minimize problems and maximize the author's exposure to the media. In addition, great care is also taken to "manage" the tour. The goal is to get the author on the best radio or televi sion shows with responsive hosts, exposing the author to potential readers in key
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geographical regions of this nation. If Murphy were correct, "If it can go wrong it will," a promotion manager in New York City can expect to hear from the author about uneven hotel accommodations, late flights to distant cities, and enchanted ra dio and television personalities eager to book her the next time she writes a new book. Hope springs eternal. The following is a typical memo from the promotion department outlining the start of an eight-city tour: 1. August 30: • Leave JFK airport in New York City on the 5:45 p.m. flight #213 Ameri can Airlines. • Arrive in Pittsburgh at 7:09 p.m. • Hotel reservations at the William Penn Hotel (530 William Penn Way), hotel confirmation #147-895-3A. • Local sales rep is Monica Durso (Cell telephone number: 412-555-7100). 2. August 31: • 8:30 a.m. Monica meets you in the lobby of the William Penn Hotel and pays the bill; take your suitcases with you since you will not return to the hotel. • Take cab; arrive at 8:45 a.m. at radio station KDKA-AM (One Gateway Center; the number one radio station in Pittsburgh since November 1920); 9:00–10:00 a.m.: live interview on the "Mike Pintek Show;" radio contact is Dan Hurwitz (412-555-2300, ext. 11); Pintek loves Gothic novels, west erns, and anything about ethnic minorities; Pintek will read your book and ask leading question about plots and character development; but he will be very supportive and not press you. • Take cab to television station WPXI-TV (11 Television Hill) for a taped interview (11:00-11:30 a.m.) for "Talking Pittsburgh" with Ralph Martino; TV contact is May Marshall (412-555-1189, ext. 27); Martino relies heavily on "notes" about books; they are prepared by his assistant; he rarely reads an entire book before the interview; he will read through the notes and a list of questions while you are talking; do not be distracted by this. • Take cab at 11:45 to radio station WLTJ-FM (7 Parkway Center, room #789) for a taped interview for "Weekwatch" with Laura Forbes; starts at Noon; 60 minutes; radio contact is Rich Lee (412-555-9290, ext. 2); Forbes is an excellent interviewer; she reads books, prepares her own notes and questions; and is able to probe deeply into the heart of a book; she tends to talk a bit too much, often wandering off; Forbes is very influ ential in the Pittsburgh literary community; do not interrupt her; if she likes your book, she will praise it, and this generates sales. (continued,
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• Take cab at 1:15 p.m. to radio station WDUQ-FM (corner of Forbes and Park) for a taped 30-minute interview for "Between the Lines" with Harry Bennack; radio station contact is Kevin Murphy (412-555-6030, ext. 19); Bennack used to write book reviews for one of the local Pittsburgh news papers; has an advanced degree in American literature; very interested in poetry; Bennack will let you discuss key elements of your novel; but be prepared for detailed, probing questions; Bennack and Forbes are the two key people you need to impress. • Lunch with Monica Durso between 2:15–3:30 p.m. • Take cab at 3:45 to airport; American Airline flight #518 departs at 6:05 p.m.; arrives in Cleveland at 6:45 p.m. • Take cab to Cleveland Stouffer Tower Plaza Hotel (24 Public Square; 216-555-5600; hotel reservation # 9950-214-51). Local sales rep is Ann Townsend (cell phone: 216-555-9585). It starts all over in Cleveland, followed by Detroit, Chicago, etc. Book Reviews The promotion manager also sends a galley or an advanced reading copy (ARC) and a carefully crafted letter to reviewers at the major book review outlets in the United States. These powerful publications, which can make or break a book, in clude The New York Times Book Review, Publishers Weekly, The New York Re view of Books, The New Yorker, Time, Business Week, Newsweek, etc. Specialized publications are also utilized: scholarly journals (The Journal of Me dia Economics); journals of opinion (Foreign Affairs, The Nation, The New Re public, and The National Review); and major newspapers (especially in New York, San Francisco, Chicago, Boston, Miami, etc.). Whereas most publications review books when they are first published (for ex ample, The New York Times Book Review), Publishers Weekly does only prepubli cation reviews (i.e., they appear about 2 to 3 months before the official publication date), which makes these reviews rather influential to booksellers, librarians, and distributors eager to find out what books will be in demand in the coming months. Getting reviewed is an arduous task. Title output is so expansive that only a small portion of all new titles will ever be reviewed; PW reviews over 5,000 titles annually; The New York Times reviews one book each day (from Monday through Saturday; only 313 annually) plus a substantial number of reviews in the Sunday Times Book Review. Compounding the problem is the dramatic cutbacks in book review pages at some papers and the cancellation of book reviews at other publi cations. Failure to get reviewed can easily doom a book. Many of these publications create and publicize "bestseller lists," and the most important one is The New York Times Book Review bestseller lists; other publica
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tions with significant bestseller lists include Publishers Weekly, The Wall Street Journal, USA Today, and Business Week. How do they determine what books are selling enough copies to make these lists? No single methodology is employed by these publications, so making com parisons between the number 3-bestselling hardbound fiction books on various lists is completely a waste of time. The New York Times Book Review's bestseller lists use the following methodology: Rankings reflect sales, for the week ended [previous week], at almost 4,000 bookstores plus wholesalers serving 60,000 other retailers (gift shops, department stores, newsstands, supermarkets), statistically weighted to represent all such out lets nationwide. An asterisk indicates that a book's sales are barely distinguishable from those of the book above. A dagger indicates that some bookstores report re ceiving bulk orders.6 The Wall Street Journal's approach is somewhat different: The Wall Street Journal's [bestseller] list reflects nationwide sales of hardcover books during the week ended last Saturday at more than 2,500 Barnes & Noble, B. Dalton, Bookland, Books-A-Million, Books & Co., Bookstar, Bookstop, Borders, Brentano's, Coles, Coopersmith, Doubleday, Scribner's, and Waldenbooks stores, as well as sales from online retailers Amazon.com and barnesandnoble.com. A sales index 100 is equivalent to the median number of copies of the No. 1 fiction bestsell ing titles sold each week during [the previous year]. The business sales index is adjusted to reflect median sales of [previous year's] No. 1 fiction bestsellers, calculated using sales only from these booksellers (Barnes & Noble, Books-A-Million, Amazon.com and barnesandnoble.com) that contribute to the business bestseller list.7 Business Week's approach is a bit less convoluted: Business Week's Best-Seller List is based on a survey of chain and Independent book sellers that carry a broad selection of books on economics, management, sales and marketing, small business, investing, personal finance, and careers. Well over 1,000 retail outlets nationwide are represented. Current rankings are based on a weighted analysis of unit sales in [month].8 Can bestseller lists be manipulated, especially by bulk sales? This question sur faced in 1995 and again in 2001-2002. Apparently, bulk sales in 1995 perpetrated by several authors pushed their titles onto a few bestseller lists, including The New York Times. The goals were to stimulate sales and to create reputations for the auThe New York Times Book Review, 8 February 2004, p. 26; also see Lynette Felber, "The Book Re view: Scholarly and Editorial Responsibility," The Journal of Scholarly Publishing 33, 3(April 2002): pp. 166–172; Gerald Howard, 'The Cultural Ecology of Book Reviewing," Media Studies Journal 6(Summer 1992): pp. 90–110. 7 The Wall Street Journal, 6 February 2004, p. B8. 8Business Week, 9 February 2004, p. 26.
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thors, allowing them to charge higher fees for their consulting work. Similar allega tions appeared in 2001 and 2002. All of the reputable publications maintaining bestseller lists take extraordinary measures to insure fair and accurate counting of unit sales. It appears that a few peo ple devised strategies to beat the system in a few, and only a few, instances. Overall, the validity of the major bestseller lists has never been questioned; and they are an invaluable source of information about sales. CASE STUDY: THE MARKETING OF AN UNKNOWN AUTHOR
For most of his life, John Grisham was an obscure attorney, a former state legislator in Mississippi, and a youth baseball coach. How did he become the darling of the book world with a series of immensely popular novels dealing with ordinary people confronting extraordinary events (in an "Alfred Hitchcockian" manner)? It did not just happen; it was planned. In February 1991, Doubleday (then part of Bantam Doubleday Dell and now part of Random House) released hardcover copies of The Firm. The Pelican Brief appeared in February 1992; The Client followed one year later. Dell later issued these books in paperback in 1992 (The Firm in February and A Time to Kill in July) and 1993 (The Pelican Brief in February). From the start, Doubleday's strategy was to create a strong market demand for what was then an unknown author. They utilized the "hand selling" technique in prominent independent bookstores (sometimes referred to as the "major national influential independents" because of their influence and visibility). "Hand selling" generally does not work in chains and superstores. Doubleday's sales representatives read and enjoyed Grisham, and they person ally talked up the book's themes, plots, characters, and locales with independent bookstore sales personnel at the major stores (primarily in New York City, San Francisco, Chicago, Denver, Los Angeles, Boston, etc.). Bookstore personnel were provided with advance reading copies and reviews. Special attention was paid to each book's cover by Doubleday's production department, a fact that also seemed to please the booksellers. The goal was to get the word out from the sales force to bookstore clerks to potential buyers (who would become satisfied customers) and to their friends. This tactic worked, and a veritable groundswell of positive word-of-mouth emerged. As soon as the chains and superstores realized a hot new property was on the market, they ordered more copies and provided the book with prominent positions in their bookstores, that is, with the cover facing outward on book shelves, in the window displays, and on tables near the front door. Their efforts propelled Grisham's sales into the millions in hard and soft units, and his reputa tion skyrocketed. Grisham became known, and his books caught the attention of Hollywood pro ducers, who optioned the books for possible film use. The Firm, starring Tom Cruise, was a big success. This movie tie-in, with a new paperback book cover with
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Cruise on it, sold a significant number of copies. When The Pelican Brief and The Client were released (each film had major stars, Julia Roberts and Denzel Washing ton in the former and Susan Sarandon and Tommy Lee Jones in the latter), large posters in theater lobbies and advertisements in newspapers and magazines helped to push sales of these two titles into the millions. John Grisham became a "brand name," a lofty status reserved only for the popu lar pantheon of King, Steele, Clancy, Clark, and a few others. Yet the real impetus behind his rise was a committed force of sales reps who believed in Grisham as an author (they also liked his books). They "made" Grisham, a fact that he has not for gotten. How often does this happen? In reality, this is a rare occurrence. In spite of tacti cal campaigns, the support of field reps, and positive word of mouth, the vast major ity of new authors remain as unknown as Grisham was in December 1990. There are clear limits to the influence even the largest, most powerful publishing houses can exert on the public, issues clearly raised by De Vany and Walls and addressed in chapter 1. Book publishing is, at times, a bitter mystery. CRITICS OF THE BOOK MARKETING SYSTEM
Are current marketing systems undermining the book industry in this nation? Are flimsy, intellectually empty books being sold aggressively to consumers while de serving titles wither and ultimately die on the vine because they lack the glitz and buzz associated with bestsellers? Have books become commodities? Is the bestseller list a depressing collection of third-rate or fourth-rate products (many of which are not even "books"), while authors of serious literary fiction and nonfiction are unable to get their works published? Some critics contend that publishing has been taken over by nonbook people un interested (and in some instances downright hostile) to books, reading, or culture. In essence, "barbarians" with M.B.A.s pierced the sacred veil, breached the pro tected gates, and are now in the boardrooms controlling what we read and think. One such group is the "literary-industrial complex" school, represented by Ted Solotaroff, Thomas Whiteside, Jacob Weisberg, and Michael Norman. Ted Solotaroff carefully staked out his theses in "The Literary-Industrial Com plex," which appeared in The New Republic.9 He outlined his early years in book publishing, heavily seasoned with romanticism: "I came from the world of letters, a vague but real place that has given me my standards and shaped my skills." He wrote about the world of ideas, prized literary houses (Knopf, Scribner's, Harper Brothers, Farrar Straus, etc.), and the genteel, patrician atmosphere that seemed to surround the houses and all those who toiled in the vineyards. "The 'houses' were, like the homes of the gentry, distinctive, stable, guided by tradition or at least prece dent, inner-directed in their values."10 9
Ted Solotaroff, "The Literary-Industrial Complex," New Republic, 8 June 1987, p. 28. 10lbid., p. 28.
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This world was framed, according to Solotaroff, by the house's prized back lists (legacies supporting current endeavors), a commitment to literature, the known tradition and character of each major house, the behavior of the publishers-owners (very few were publicly held corporations), a firm emphasis on "good reading for the millions" (i.e., publishing serious highbrow works along side commercially appealing books), and the almost religious commitment to excel lence at mendicant wages. It was a quaint but secure world where Alfred Knopf once said, "he did not care to publish any author whom he would not want to invite to dinner."11 Conglomerates purchased book houses in the 1960s as if book publishing firms were the same as factories, restaurants, or military defense suppliers. These events shattered his sense of tradition and tranquility. Ted Solotaroff was appalled because "they worked like a pincer movement to narrow the scope and prospects of literary and intellectual publishing.... [Publishing] has largely sold out its cultural purpose to its commercial one, thereby losing the vision and the energy and the realism that guided and empowered publishers."12 To some, the end result was a disaster. In the 1970s and 1980s, the houses ac quired by outsiders (i.e., media companies, newspaper firms, electronics corpora tions, etc.) were managed by what Solotaroff termed "procurement executives" who "climbed the magic beanstalk of increased operating capital, shares of stock, and reassuring promises, only to end up in the land of the hungry giants."13 Solotaroff admitted that in the old days budgetary controls were almost non existent, costly returns existed, and cash flow was always a monumental prob lem. Yet he seemed to prefer these anemic conditions that threatened to under mine operations to what the conglomerates wrought, a "proliferation of cook books and dieting books; physical, mental, and spiritual self-help books; fad and celebrity books.... With few exceptions, the major houses today are virtu ally indistinguishable."14 All of this, according to Solotaroff, left a weakened and debilitated industry populated with "merchandising" executives selling products (i.e., books), follow ing strategic plans, utilizing the chains, and all the while sapping the blood and spirit out of the industry. "The conglomerateer has bred an atmosphere of fear, cynicism, rapaciousness, and ignorance that has been destructive to serious pub lishing.... Its cost can be reckoned in the number of sagacious and dedicated pub lishers, editors, and marketing executives who ... were driven out or demoralized or corrupted."15 Where have these "demoralized" publishers gone? According to Solotaroff, they escaped to small houses still clinging to standards and to university presses. "The literary and intellectual culture is finding in the university presses a home 11Ibid., p. 28 12Ibid., p. 33. 13Ibid., p. 34. 14Ibid., p. 38. 15Ibid., p. 45.
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away from home. The campus-based publishers have been widely occupying terri tory that the trade houses have retreated from."16 Thomas Whiteside, in The Blockbuster Complex: Conglomerates, Show Business, and Book Publishing, argued that book publishing, as late as the 1950s, was believed to offer its practitioners a rather select and gentlemanly way of life. It may not have been considered a particularly profitable business, or a notably efficient one, but it was a business in which publishers and editors could feel sustained not only by their love of books but also by their sense of pro fessional independence.17 Whiteside reviewed the impact of conglomerates on book publishing, which he insisted was distasteful and debilitating, triggering a feeling of uneasiness in the literary community. He railed against the rise of chain stores (a development that has been paralleled by a decline in prosperity, and even the numbers, of inde pendent booksellers), agents, the Hollywood mindset, the "unacceptable influ ence television talk shows have on the sale of books, and book tie-ins (the gruesome hype and publicity encircling books that become films or television shows)."18 All of these events, portrayed as mayhem and disarray by Whiteside, saw the rise of managerial and budgetary controls imposed on publishing by their new owners seeking to maximize the return on their investment while paring down steep debt. "One general effect of such changes has been to polarize the people in the business into groups that might be roughly characterized as the corporate en trepreneurs and the litterateurs."19 This new managerial elite sought to reach out into the heartland and sell more books to more people, and to draw on their reser voir of "modern merchandising, publicity, and multimedia market saturation."20 The litterateurs were frustrated because they were subjected to unreasonable "cost-accounting and cost-benefit calculations, on the one hand, and, on the other, to an ominous emphasis on editors' 'performance.'"21 This malaise prompted many editors to move from company to company to escape from the worst curse of all: the end of editing and the rise of acquiring editors who do not edit. These noneditors "devote far less time than ever before to the actual literary, or even the grammatical, details of their author's manuscript."22 Other concerns that bothered Whiteside in cluded the demise of the midlist book (i.e., serious fiction and nonfiction books with limited press runs and sales, often in the 5,000–15,000 range), the rise of "star" authors, stratospheric advances, the consolidation of book publishing into the "haves" (mainly the top 15 or so publishers) and the "have-nots" (everybody else), 16 Ibid., p. 45; for additional material on "The Literary Campus and the Person of Letters," see Ted Solotaroff, A Few Good Voices in My Head: Occasional Pieces on Writing, Editing, and Reading My Contemporaries (New York: Harper & Row, 1987), pp. 241-256. 17 Thomas Whiteside, The Blockbuster Complex: Conglomerates, Show Business, and Book Pub lishing (Middletown, CT: Wesleyan University Press, 1981), p. 1. 18 Ibid., p. 39. ]9 Ibid., p. 93. 20 Ibid., p. 93. 2l lbid., p. 93. 22 Ibid., p. 100.
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and the pervasive influence of "show business" ("this appetite for vulgarity which seems limitless.... And if you are not in show business, you are really offBroadway."23 Jacob Weisberg, in "Rough Trade," was also alarmed about the sad state of edit ing: "Most editors don't do much editing if they can help it."24 He posited that edi tors were frustrated because their endeavors were not properly rewarded, aside from "a heartfelt thanks from an author on his acknowledgments page."25 To rectify this inequality, line editors want to become acquiring editors because they have such nifty perks: lunch at the Four Seasons, $200,000 and up annual sala ries, and trips to the West Coast, London, Paris, and Frankfurt. In reality these ac quisition editors migrate from house to house, one step ahead of shoddy books with big advances and no editorial direction. Although serious fiction continues to be published, Weisberg insisted literature plays second fiddle to what he termed "schlock," a pattern found even at the most prestigious houses: Today even the serious books that Random House produces are, like those of its in terchangeable competitors, filled with ungainly and ungrammatical sentences, er rors of spelling, typography, and fact. They are badly organized, long winded, and repetitive to the point of unreadability. Like most books from the major publishing houses these days, they are edited haphazardly, if at all.26 The cause of this malaise is money and the rise of conglomerates in the book in dustry, according to Weisberg. The owners are more concerned, he alleges, with profit and loss statements than with literary merit. The end result is books "rushed to judgment" before they are ready, and Weisberg recounts a litany of prominent au thors and their books filled with gaffes. "Editors have largely abandoned the task of finding the slim book in the unwieldy manuscript, of discovering the sculpture in the raw stone,"27 Weisberg also castigates authors for allowing these practices to occur; he insists these writers are reluctant to discuss or criticize these instances for fear their careers will be undermined by editors or publishers seeking revenge. Another symptom is the insistence of many editors to mark manuscripts manu ally rather than using computers; this practice adds insurmountable delays and re flects the publishers' heartfelt belief that markets "for their products will always exist and see no reason to waste money on bettering them.... There's no Japanese competition to force American publishers to beef up their quality control."28 23Ibid., p. 198. 24Jacob Weisberg, "Rough Trade: The Sad Decline of American Publishing," The New Republic, 17 June 1991, p. 16. 25Ibid., p. 16. 26Ibid.,p. 17. 27 Ibid., p. 17. 28Ibid., p. 21; also see "Book Publishing: The Diseconomies of Scale," The Economist, 7 April 1990, p. 25; Mary Curtis, "Planning and Budgeting in Publishing: The Link with Marketing," Book Research Quarterly, 4(Summer 1988): pp. 3-9.
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Michael Norman tackled book marketing in a two-part article in The New York Times Book Review. "A Book in Search of a Buzz: The Marketing of a First Novel" and "Reader by Reader and Town by Town, A New Novelist Buildsa Following." Norman, clearly influenced by Whiteside's ideas, studied the marketing of a specific book, Mark Richard's first novel Fishboy. This work, as Norman described it, "is a story, a myth, really, about a young grotesque, looking for redemption, who goes to sea on a trawler crewed by misfits and murderers. The plot is oblique, the characters bizarre, the language so rich it is sometimes impenetrable. Such a book is a tough sell, and not just to a general readership."29 Clearly, anyone who knows anything about the book industry realized that Fishboy, an exceptionally complex experimental first novel, is difficult to read and difficult to sell to book buyers at the superstores and the independents. It falls squarely into the midlist category. Midlist books generate total sales in the range of 5,000 copies; tallies beyond 7,500 copies are a cause for jubilation. Norman described in detail the tireless efforts of Nan Talese (Richard's publisher who issued the novel under her imprint at Doubleday) and Marly Rusoff (Doubleday's vice president and associate publisher). Talese prodded Richard to submit his manuscript on time and provided him with sagacious editorial guidance. Rusoff con tacted book reviewers across the nation to make sure Fishboy was reviewed (no easy task in a market flooded with first fiction); she also worked the marketing channels to plan author tours and appearances on public radio. Talese and Rusoff devised strate gies to place this novel on the shelves of America's bookstores. The end result was a novel with three printings, an initial press run of 8,000 (high for a first novel), and two additional editions (each 3,000); there were 14,000 copies in print. Total sales hovered at 12,700 (for an exceptionally modest return rate of 1,300 copies; 9%). As Richard had a 3-book deal with Talese (in the "$120,000 range") and garnered positive reviews, his future as a novelist appeared bright. In fact, first novelists rarely achieve these successes, another fact industry experts clearly understand. Yet Norman was deeply concerned about the state of publishing. He castigated marketing because "sales people, of course, speak the language of commerce, not culture."30 Publishers were portrayed by Norman as bean counters and anti-intellectual "Babbitts." Norman insisted that whereas American publishers maintain they support liter ary fiction, their record suggests something else. "Today the big conglomerates that have spent the last thirty years buying up most of the country's major publishing houses want big books with big sales to justify their investments."31 If this were true, Fishboy would never have been published by publishing "con glomerate" Bantam Doubleday Dell (then owned by the international publisher Bertelsmann AG and in 2004 part of Random House); it never would have received 29 Michael Norman, "A Book in Search of a Buzz: The Marketing of a First Novel," The New York Times Book Review, 30 January 1994, p. 3. 30Ibid., p. 22. 31Ibid., p. 22.
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the attention of Talese and Rusoff; and it would not have received a sizable amount of corporate support and financing from Doubleday. Over $12,000 was spent publi cizing this book, in addition to Richard's advance. One could only wonder about Doubleday's other direct and indirect expenses (including the costs to print, ware house, and distribute the book; the expenses associated with Bantam's accounts billable and payable departments, sales rep commissions, etc.), items well known to industry insiders familiar with P & Ls. Unfortunately, Norman glossed over or failed to address these facts. Instead, he concentrated on Richard's efforts, as if he alone built his own following. Norman's final words expose his naivete about book publishing. "Is he [Richard] still as bold, as adventurous when turning out his sentences [of his second novel]? Or has a hard summer hustling his book persuaded him to stick his nose in the wind before he sits down to write?"32 If the cold conglomerates Norman castigated were as greedy and anti-intellectual as he insisted, Richard would not have a three-book deal, $120,000 in guaranteed money, and the opportunity to see his name in print; but he did. Either Norman failed to understand anything about publishing, the sales force (on this count he was inaccu rate, if not mean-spirited), and the intricate author–editor–publicist relationship, or else his use of the English language was dreadfully imprecise. Or perhaps he merely selected the wrong book to "prove" his theses. In any case, this article and his argu ments, although clearly stimulating, fall flat and do not mesh with the facts or reality. Houghton Mifflin published Leonard Shatzkin's In Cold Type: Overcoming the Book Crisis, an intelligent critique of the marketing and distribution of books in the United States. This book was so contentious it contained a disclaimer from the pub lisher, an exceptionally rare event in the world of publishing; even Mein Kampf (also issued by Houghton Mifflin) does not contain a disclaimer from the publisher. Shatzkin's candid observations and allegations clearly aroused significant attention within the book publishing industry. He was concerned about what he viewed as the useless flood of new titles each year that confused consumers. "No other consumer industry produces 20,000 dif ferent, relatively low-priced products each year, each with its own personality, re quiring individual recognition in the market."33 In the book industry, the retailer may buy some copies directly from the pub lisher and other copies of exactly the same title from a wholesaler. The publisher sells to the wholesaler and then competes with him (and, as we shall see, must com pete with him), offering favorable discounts to entice the bookseller's business.34 How does publishing survive with this archaic, redundant system? Shatzkin in sisted that the constant churning of books within the system provided the illusion that the system was indeed functioning in an efficient manner. In reality the opposite was the case, according to Shatzkin, because of its acceptance of what he viewed as "meMichael Norman, "Reader by Reader and Town by Town, A New Novelist Builds a Following," The New York Times Book Review, 6 February 1994, p. 30. "Leonard Shatzkin, In Cold Type: Overcoming the Book Crisis (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1982), p. 3. 34Ibid., p. 3.
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thodically created confusion. Publishers are so sensitive to the possibility of federal antitrust suits that they go to exaggerated lengths to avoid any possible accusation of collusion in setting retail prices or establishing discount schedules or conditions of sale.... The result is a nightmarish obstacle course for the retailer."35 So how does a title become known in this sea of confusion? Shatzkin posits that this abundance of books, with a remarkably short shelf life, undermines all attempts to advertise and publicize them, especially as there is no broad market or a "hard-core book buyer" in this nation. This frustrated Shatzkin, and he was essentially pessimis tic about prospects to reform a system with no drive shaft. Shatzkin also addressed the issue of the permanence of the book. He insisted that books would endure because they are a convenient way to read and learn and be entertained. "They are portable, easy to store, inviting to pick up for a moment or for hours.... Books are the most practical way for anyone to communicate with a small group."36 Shatzkin adopted the classical view of book publishing as a sacred calling. "The tiny book publishing industry is like a trust held by those who print and publish and sell books for those who love books.... So book publishing is more than a matter of making money. It has a very strong element of service."37 Shatzkin was deeply concerned that this trust has not always been handled in a prudent manner, a belief that alarmed him. As for the channels of distribution, Shatzkin was totally disenchanted and an noyed. In fact, he accused editors and publishers of failing themselves, authors, and the reading public. "Books still struggle under the burden of a costly and wasteful distribution system made even more costly and more wasteful by the heightened de mands made on it by the growth of publishing, the greater discrimination of a more affluent and better educated public, and by the growth in the number of eager and talented writers pleading to be published."38 The bottom line was disheartening. Consumers looking for specific titles cannot find them; so they exit from bookstores dissatisfied. Authors are unable to reach po tential readers; and the cost of new books is too expensive, even though publishers insist prices are too low. Is there any hope that book publishing will survive? Shatzkin is pessimistic, es pecially because of the growth of chains (fueled, he posits, because of the steep dis counts offered by publishers). "Publishers give the higher discounts, even though these cut their margins severely, because the chains seem to provide relief from the frustration of dealing with the inefficient, recalcitrant, incomprehensible distribu tion network of independent stores. And dealing with chains seems so much sim pler and less expensive."39 Andre Schiffrin, in The Business of Books: How International Conglomerates Took Over Publishing and Changed the Way We Read, echoed many of the ideas de veloped by Whiteside:
35Ibid., p. 4. 35IbuL, p. 5. 37Ibid., p. 6. 38IbuL, p. 7. 39Ibid., p. 7.
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Until quite recently, publishing houses were for the most part family owned and small, content with modest profits that came from a business that still saw itself as linked to intellectual and cultural life. In recent years [the 1990s], publishers have been put on a procrustean bed and made to fit into one of two patterns: as purveyors of entertain ment or of hard information ...40
To Schiffrin, entertainment prevailed at the expense of ideas, culture, and, ulti mately, democracy. "Caught up in this financial machinery, editors are perceptibly—and understandably—less willing to take a gamble on a challenging book or a new author."41 As for the impact book conglomerates had democracy, Schiffrin was rather pointed. "The resulting control on the spread of ideas is stricter than anyone would have thought possible in a free society."42 OBSERVATIONS Certain facts are known about the marketing function. Book houses spend an inor dinate amount of time and money marketing books to a variety of channels. Yet it appears that marketers know very little about book purchasing patterns; their ef forts are often haphazard and undercapitalized, far too many titles are issued each year (strangling the chance many good books have to become successful), and sales reps are asked to count the number of angels on the head of a pin while touting the latest experimental novel and romance novel, heady responsibilities for individuals working out of the trunk of a car. Although critics of the existing marketing system raised important issues, one must wonder about their highly romantic depiction of the "good old days" of book publishing. One should not forget that this industry, during the time period they found so endearing, was essentially a white male WASP province. African Ameri cans, Hispanic Americans, and Asian Americans were rarely found in the corridors of power or in editorial or sales meetings; and the serious literature Solotaroff and others lavishly praised concentrated primarily on their white male world, which was not filled with multicultural or feminist themes and issues. Perhaps the critics are right; perhaps their world was better, filled with individu als reading Camus, Proust, and Dickens; but perhaps their lost firmament was not so grand. In any case, their universe hardly reflected modern American society; and the idea that large corporations are suffocating democracy is, at best, difficult to ac cept since no one has yet provided empirical data to substantiate this allegation. The United States has 3.5 million books in print, and 150,000 new titles were released in 2003, hardly indicators that free speech, open discussions, and the marketplace of ideas were in peril. 40 Andre Schiffrin, The Business of Books: How International Conglomerates Took OverPublishing and Changed the Way We Read (London and New York: Verso, 2000), p. 7. 4l lbid., p. 107. 42 Ibid., p. 153; also see Jason Epstein, Book Business (New York: W. W. Norton, 2001), pp. xi, 1–4, 11-29.
CHAPTER EIGHT
Consumer Book Purchasing Trends Who buys books in the United States? What types of titles are selected? Where are these purchases made? Why was a specific book purchased? What foreign coun tries purchase American books? Has there been a substantive shift in export sales? What impact did the emergence and development of chain bookstores, book super stores, and on-line book selling sites have on retail sales? Did these shifts in book retailing increase the number of people reading books? INTRODUCTION Marketers in the United States developed exceptionally sophisticated technologi cal procedures to track consumer marketing trends.1 Computerized registers in su permarkets and retail stores capture data regarding unit and dollar sales (along with information related to the date and time of a purchase) for a wide variety of prod ucts, ranging from coffee to blue jeans.2 Inventory and ordering control systems 1George F. Lowenstein, "Out of Control: Visceral Influences on Behavior," Organizational Behavior and Human Decision Processes 3(March 1996): pp. 272-292. Also see Demetrios Vakratsas and Tim Ambler, "How Advertising Works: What Do We Really Know?" Journal of Marketing 61,1(1999): pp. 26–43; James R. Bettman, Mary Frances Luce, and John W. Payne. "Constructive Consumer Choice Processes," Journal of Consumer Research 25(December 1998): pp. 187–217; Rajiy Lal and J. Miguel Villas Boras, "Price Promotions and Trade Deals with Multi-product Retailers," Management Science 44(1998): pp. 935–949; Sang Yong Kim and Richard Staelin, "Manufacturer Allowances and Retail Pass-Through Rates in a Competitive Environment," Marketing Science 18(1999): pp. 59-76; Susan Foumier, "Consumers and Their Brands: Developing Relationship Theory in Consumer Research," Journal of Consumer Research 24(December 1997): pp. 343–373. 2 Margaret Campbell, "Perceptions of Price Unfairness: Antecedents and Consequences," Journal of Marketing Research 26(1999): pp. 187-199. Also see Drazen Prelac and Duncan Simester, "Always Leave Home Without It: A Further Investigation of the Credit-Card Effect on Willingness to Pay," Mar keting Letters 72(February 2001): pp. 5-12; K. Lancaster, "The Economics of Product Variety: A Sur vey," Marketing Science 9( 1990): pp. 189–206; Ludger Linnemann, 'The Price Index Effect, Entry, and Endogenous Markups in a Macroeconomic Model of Monopolistic Competition,"Journal of Macroeco nomics 23, 3(Summer 2001): pp. 441–458; Martin A. Koschat and William P. Putsis, Jr., "Who Wants You When You're Old and Poor? Exploring the Economics of Media Pricing," (continued)
208
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benefited from the utilization of these systems, as did programs generating discount coupons along with a sales receipt for customers.3 Many of these techniques were adopted by segments of the book-selling com munity. In the United States, independent bookstores have the best overview of who purchases what books and why; the chains and superstores amassed superb data bases on store and category sales; and on-line sites captured the imagination and discretionary dollars from consumers. Unfortunately, much of this information is not analyzed by publishers because they do not have access to these datasets (retailers generally shield their data and re fuse to release very much information about unit and dollars sales), compelling far too many book marketing executives to rely on anecdotal remembrances of suc cessful book campaigns and reports from sales reps and bookstore personnel for their information, hardly effective consumer marketing procedures. There are some notable exceptions. Many small press publishers and university presses developed close working re lationships with their readers and customers, providing editors with insight into what consumers want. A few trade houses launched "focus groups" among key in dependent bookstore personnel, who report weekly on business trends; at least one of the major book clubs also conducted focus group interviews among current and prospective members. Editors and publishers in highly specialized or well-defined niches, notably the scientific-technical-medical area (STM), textbooks, and ro mance novels, crafted exceptionally effective procedures to monitor and under stand the inevitable vagaries in the marketplace. For example, STM editors attend scholarly conferences, comb through scientific papers (including databases), and have a keen grasp of the market. Because academics write (and select) most text books, textbook editors have a discernible understanding of both the subject matter and the specific needs of instructors and students. Many romance authors stay in contact with their customers through fan clubs, newsletters, and appearances at bookstore and romance organizations. Concerned about the general lack of information, the Book Industry Study Group (BISG) launched a number of innovative research projects on consumer book purchasing patterns among adults in the United States. Other book categories Journal of Media Economics 13, 4(2000): pp. 215-232; Andre Gabor and C. W. J. Granger, "Price as an Indicator of Quality: Report on an Enquiry," Economica 33(February 1966): pp. 43-70; Klaus Wertenbroch and Bernd Skiera, "Measuring Consumers' Willingness to Pay at the Point of Purchase," Journal of Marketing Research XXXIX (May 2002): pp. 228–241; Bridget Kinsella with Joy Parisi and David Sidrane, "Tactics That Work: More and Meatier Than Ever, Panels Focus on How Booksellers Can Become Better at What They Do," Publishers Weekly, 20 June 1994, pp. 41–42. 3 Sanjar Dhar and Stephen J. Hoch, "Why Store Brand Penetration Varies by Retailer," Marketing Science 16, 3(1997): pp. 208–227. Also see Robert F. Hurley, "Putting People Back Into Organizational Learning," Journal of Business and Industrial Marketing 77,4(2002): pp. 270–281; Gerald J. Tellis and Fred S. Zufryden, "Tackling the Retailer Decision Maze: Which Brands to Discount, How Much, When, and Why?" Marketing Science 14(1995): pp. 271-299; Margaret Slade, "Optimal Pricing with Costly Adjustment: Evidence From Retail Grocery Prices," Review of Economic Studies 65(January 1998): pp. 87-107; Martin A. Lariviere and P. Padmanabhan, "Slotting Allowances and New Product Introduc tion," Marketing Science 16(1997): pp. 112–128.
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(textbooks, professional, etc.) were excluded. They hired the Ipsos-NPD (a market ing research company) to ascertain who, what, where, and why books were pur chased in the United States. Ipsos-NPD utilized a panel of approximately 12,000 households representative of the U.S. census population, consisting of both single member and family households; the years studied were 1997 through 2001.4 All geographical areas of the country, and most segments of the population (but clearly not all segments) are represented in proportion to their frequency in the overall pop ulation. Much of the material in this chapter is based on various reports published by BISG. BOOK PURCHASING TRENDS: ADULT TRADE BOOKS Selling Seasons
When do people purchase books? Has there been a shift in seasonal book pur chases? In many industries, the broadly defined Christmas season (specifically the last quarter of the year; October, November, and December) accounts for between one third and one half of all annual revenues. For a number of years, Christmas was the most important selling season (as evident in the data for 1997), accounting for about 28% of all sales. Starting in 1998, an important shift was discernable in the marketplace. Table 8.1 illustrates this. An upswing in sales in the Spring (April, May, and June) and the Summer (June, July, and August) months resulted in a par tial "flattening" of sales in 1998, 1999, and 2000. By 2001, sales in all four seasons were equal at the 25% mark. Is this good for the bookselling business? In all likelihood, it is. Some industries are plagued with dynamic downward shifts in sales and revenues in the first quarter, prompting them to conserve cash to get them through lean months. Now, with a bal anced selling season, publishers can feel confident releasing new titles in January or March; they avoid February because John Grisham traditionally releases his new novel in that month. Booksellers can now rely on a more balanced cash flow throughout the year. Book Sales by Format
Do consumers prefer the more durable (and more expensive) hardback version of a book versus the less durable (and inexpensive) paperback version of the same book? Consumer books are, by definition, items purchased with discretionary dollars (one really does not have to have the latest novel from Stephen King). Thus one might assume that economic forces compel the majority of consumers to pur chase book in the less expensive paperback format. Admittedly, books are almost always published first in hardcover; then, after about nine to twelve months, de 4 The Book Industry Study Group, Inc., 2007 Consumer Research Study on Book Purchasing (New York: The Book Industry Study Group, Inc., 2002), pp. 5-159. Also see Leonard A. Wood, "Demo graphics of Mass Market Consumers," Book Research Quarterly 3(Spring 1987): p. 31.
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TABLE 8.1 Seasonal Trends: 1997-2001 (Percentage of Total Annual Units) Winter
Spring
Summer
Fall
Year
(JFM)
(AMJ)
(JAS)
(OND)
1997 1998 1999 2000 2001
23% 26% 26% 25% 25%
24% 24% 24% 24% 25%
24% 23% 24% 24% 25%
28% 27% 26% 26% 25%
Source: 2001 Consumer Research Study of Book Purchasing (New York: Book Industry Study Group). All numbers were rounded off and may not add up to 100%.
pending on sales, a title might appear in paperback (a process knows as "window ing" to economists). The BISG data reveals clearly that consumer's prefer paperbacks to hardbacks by a 2-to-l ratio. However, between 1997 and 2001, there was a shift away from mass-market paperbacks; its market share fell from 35.3% to 34% even though books in this category are inexpensive (often with suggested retail prices between $4.99 and $6.99 and occasionally up to $8.99). Hardbound books, on the other hand, increased slightly from 31% in 1997 to 31.9% in 2001. Trade paperbacks inched upward. Table 8.2 outlines these trends. This modest increase in hardbound sales was due to a decline in average retail prices (see Table 8.5 below); and it is pos sible this trend is likely to continue through 2003 and possibly through 2004 be cause of the lingering effects of the recession of 2001-2002. Even though some industry consultants predicted a surge in the sale of electronic books (e-books), the much-touted e-book remained a dismal selling failure in the opening years of the 21st century, accounting for less than 1% of all sales. Audio books, although rather popular, also generated weak sales, barely in the 1% range. The preferred format in 2001 was the bound book (with a 99% market share). Table 8.3 outlines this trend. Retail Book Prices and Consumer Expenditures How expensive are books? How much will consumers pay for books? There are, unquestionably, price points for books, a fact book editors and marketers need to evaluate when they run a P & L on a book. More than half (55%) of all new books purchased at retail establishments in 2001 cost less than $15.00; and about 7% were at the +$25 mark. The actual break down of sales reveals consumer preferences for books with "reasonable" process: (1) slightly more than one fifth of all new books
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TABLE 8.2 Books by Classification: 1997–2001 (Percentage of Total Annual Units) Book classification Year
Hard cover
Trade paper
Mass market
1997 1998 1999
31.0% 31.2% 31.3% 32.0% 31.9%
33.7% 34.0% 34.2% 34.2% 34.1%
35.3% 34.8% 34.5% 33.8% 34.0%
2000 2001
Source: 2001 Consumer Research Study of Book Purchasing (New York: Book Industry Study Group). All numbers were rounded off and may not add up to 100%.
TABLE 8.3 Binding/Format Type: 2001 Type
% of Total units sold
ebook Audio Hardcover Mass Market Trade Paper
<1% 1% 31% 33% 35%
Source: 2001 Consumer Research Study of Book Purchasing (New York: Book Industry Study Group). All numbers were rounded off and may not add up to 100%.
purchased at retail establishments in 2001 sold for less that $4.99; (2) about one third of these titles were in the $5.00-$7.99 range; and (3) 25% of sales between $8 and $14.99. Table 8.4 illustrates these trends. Comparing average prices in Book Industry Trends 2002 with the averages de veloped by IPSOS-NPD revealed an intriguing trend (see Table 8.5). Prices in all three formats were below the typical suggested retail price for each category, re vealing that a large percentage of consumers purchased their books at a discount. This reinforces the concept that consumers have identified price points for hard bound, mass market, and trade paperbacks and establishments where they can buy these books at acceptable prices.
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TABLE 8.4 Total Price Paid for New Books Bought at Retail: 2001 Price Range
% of Total units sold
<$3.00
2%
$3–4.99
19%
$5-7.99
28%
$8-9.99
6%
$10–14.99
19%
$15-24.99
19%
$25+
7%
Source: 2001 Consumer Research Study of Book Purchasing (New York: Book Industry Study Group). All numbers were rounded off and may not add up to 100%.
TABLE 8.5 Dollars Spent per Print Book Purchased: 1997-2001 Binding/fc format type Year
Total
Mass market
Trade paper
Hard cover
1997
$9.51
$4.42
$10.39
$14.37
1998
$9.54
$4.55
$10.46
$14.10
1999
$9.61
$4.47
$10.76
$14.00
2000
$9.58
$4.53
$10.55
$13.87
2001
$9.54
$4.56
$10.73
$13.56
Source: 2001 Consumer ResearchStudy of Book Purchasing (New York: Book Industry Study Group).
In addition, the average total for all books barely increased between 1997 and 2001, up a token 30 (+0.32%), well below increases in the Consumer Price Index (CPI) during those years; the CPI increased 10.34% between 1997 and 2001. Mass-market books were up 3.17% (+140); trade paperback books inched up 3.27% (+340), and hardcover prices were down 5.64%, dropping from $14.37 to $13.56. What did audio books and e-books cost? "Audio books" (also called "spoken word" books) are in reality audio versions of a book available; they were originally on records and later on cassettes and eventually on CDs. "E-books" are the elec
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tronic version of a book, available online or on electronic readers ("e-book read ers")- Both of these book products are portable, but neither is inexpensive. The average price paid for audio books ($12.29) and e-books ($14.02) far ex ceeded expenditures recorded for most printed books. While the laws of supply and demand are obviously at work (both formats are produced in limited quantities, driving up unit costs), unless prices come down, both will remain marginal formats through 2010. Table 8.6 outlines this trend. CONSUMER MOTIVATION, BOOK PURCHASING PATTERNS, AND BOOK BUYER DEMOGRAPHICS: ADULT TRADE BOOKS Motivation What motivates an individual to select one book over another? Although price is unquestionably a key issue in the decision-making process, there are other factors. A review of the data revealed that the most important factor was the book's cover art, accounting for almost 15% of all purchases, eclipsing the impact of reviews (print or word of mouth; about 12%) and price (about 9.7%). However, if one reconfigured the results and created an "information cascade" category (and calculated the percentage), ultimately testing the De Vany and Walls hypothesis, a radically different picture emerges. An "information cascade" cate gory of reviews and "recommended by some I Know" generated a 19% response; if one adds advertisements (about 6.5%) and "recommended by sales person" (about 1%), the total "information cascade" tops the 26.5% mark. The vast majority (85% in 2001) of all book were "purchased for self," rather than as a gift. Ironically, slightly more than half of all books are planned purchases, although the percent of impulse buying has been inching up slowly between 1997 and 2001. Efforts by booksellers to convince consumers to give book as presents seemed to have failed; and the impulse-planned data needs additional research
TABLE 8.6 Dollars Spent per Book Purchased: 2001 Binding/format type
Dollars spent
Mass Market
$4.56
Trade Paper Hard Cover Audio Books
$10.73 $13.56 $12.29
eBooks
$14.02
Source: 2001 Consumer Research Study of Book Purchasing (New York: Book Industry Study Group).
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215
since the term "planned" is inconclusive. Does this mean the individual planned to buy "a book" or "a specific book"? The data is silent on this important question. Ta ble 8.7 outlines these trends. Book Categories What type of book categories do consumer purchase? The vast majority (55%) of all books purchased are in the popular fiction category. This seems quite odd since the Bowker data indicates sociology-economics leads the nation in total title out put. One might wonder why publishers release so many titles in sociologyeconomics when consumers clearly want popular fiction. Nonfiction religious books were second place (10%), generating slight better re sults that cooking-crafts (9%). General nonfiction was fourth (7%). Table 8.8 high lights this trend. Location Where did consumers purchase books? What impact has the Internet had on book sales? Is the mail order channel of distribution declining rapidly? Large chains accounted for 23% of all sales by channel of distribution. Book clubs were second with a 20% market share. Small chains and independents (15%) and price clubs (7%) rounded out the top five. The independents sustained deep losses in market share since 1992, and their prognosis is somewhat insecure. Some industry experts believe the independents had "bottomed out," that the remaining cluster were strong enough to withstand intense competition from super stores, etc., However, the number of independents declined in 2000, 2001, and again in 2002; it is likely this trend will continue, with additional shrinkage in their numbers antici pated through 2007. Mail order, food-drug stores, discount stores, and used book stores were all in the 3% range. TABLE 8.7
Importance of Customer Motivation: 1997-2001 (Percentage of Total Annual Units) 7997
7998
7999
2000
2007
As Gift
18%
16%
17%
16%
15%
Impulse
45%
46%
46%
47%
48%
Planned
55%
54%
54%
53%
52%
For Self
83%
84%
83%
84%
85%
Motivation
Source: 2001 Consumer Research Study of Book Purchasing (New York: Book Industry Study Group). All numbers were, rounded off and mav not add up to 100%
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TABLE 8.8 Subject Category Performance: 2001 Subject category
% Total units sold
Popular Fiction
55%
Nonfiction Religious Cooking/Crafts
10% 9%
General Nonfiction
7%
Psychology/Recovery Technology/Science/Education
4% 4%
Children's Ait/Literature/Poetry Reference
4% 3% 2%
Travel/Regional
1%
All Other
1%
Source: 2001 Consumer Research Study of Book Purchasing (New York: Book Industry Study Group). All numbers were rounded off and may not add up to 100%.
The Internet accounted for 8%, apparently negating some of the projections in the late 1990s that Internet sales would account for upwards of 25% of all book sales between 2005 and 2010. Internet sales have increased, albeit modestly: 1% in 1997; 2% in 1998; 5% in 1999; and about 6% in 2000 and 2001. If one assumes this rate of growth, and if one assumes that economic conditions will improve steadily through 2007, Internet sales could theoretically reach about 11% to 12% by 2007. Some industry experts believe that Internet sales will plateau at about the 15% mark by 2008–2012. Sales via the telephone and fax services are marginal at best. Table 8.9 outlines these trends.
Age The "average" book purchaser is a graying Baby Boomer. Adults in the 55-64 age cohort purchased the most books (20%), with individuals in the over-65-year-old category a close second (19%). The third largest cluster was in the 50–54 (13%) are range. This meant that people above the age of 50 buy more than half of all books. This is both good and bad news for the book industry. On the positive side, these are devoted readers with disposable income and the time to read. Yet there is a downside. Younger consumers just do not read as much. Individuals under the age of 34 account for only 17% of sales while the 35–44 groups hover near 20%. The 45–49s are in the 13% range. Will individuals cur
CONSUMER BOOK PURCHASING TRENDS
217
TABLE 8.9 Outlet Channel: 2001 Outlet channel
% of Total unit sales
Large Chain Bookstore
23%
Book Club
20%
Small Chain/Independent Bookstore
15%
Wholesaler/Price Club
7%
Mass Merchandiser
6%
Mail Order
3%
Food/Drug
3%
Discount
3%
Used Bookstore
3%
Internet
8%
Multimedia
1%
All Other
9%
Source: 2001 Consumer Research Study of Book Purchasing (New York: Book Industry Study Group). All numbers were rounded off and may not add up to 100%.
rently between 45 and 49 increase their book purchasing levels? If not, then as the over-65s begin to buy and read less, their numbers might not be replaced with the 45–49s when they enter the 50–54 age cohort. Table 8.10 outlines this trend. Households Household income is an important demographic indicator of book purchasing, but its importance must not be overstated. Households with incomes in the +$75,000 category accounted for one out of every three books purchased, outdistancing pur chases by households in the $60,000–74,999 (11%) or the $50,000–59,999 (9%) categories. Yet households in the two lowest income brackets accounted for 47% of all sales: (1) $30,000–49,999, 21%; and (2) under $30,000, 26%.5 Household size is also an indicator. While one-member households accounted for 16% of all book sales, larger units (2 members, 44%; and 3 or more, 40%) domi nated sales. The educational level of the "household head" (a category not defined in the data) influenced book purchasing patterns. College graduates (21%) and individu 5
Book Industry Study Group, 2007 Consumer Research Study on Book Purchasing, p. 65.
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TABLE 8.10 Age of Purchaser: 2001 Age range
% of Total unit sales
<25
4%
25-29
5%
30–34
8%
35–39
8%
40–44
12%
45– 9
11%
50–54
13%
55–64
20%
65+
19%
Source: 2001 Consumer Research Study of Book Purchasing (New York: Book Industry Study Group). All numbers were rounded off and may not add up to 100%.
als with graduate studies (17%) posted impressive results. Individuals with a high school degree were the most important group, buying slightly more than half (56%) of all books. Individuals without a high school degree hovered near the 6% mark.6 Occupation While the data revealed that older individuals read more and purchased more books, the dataset lumped together "retired" and "unemployed" individuals into one category, making meaningful comparisons difficult. It is likely that this group (accounting for 32% of all sales) is dominated by retirees and not the unemployed. As for the other classes, household heads in the professional-managerial group bought 38% of all titles; all of the other groupings lagged: (1) sales-clerical, 9%; (2) craftsman, 14%; (3) unskilled laborer, 5%; and (4) "other," 2%.7 Geographical Issues Are there regional differences in book purchasing patterns? Using the BISG data, the Pacific region generated the largest sales, accounting for 20% of all sales. The totals for the other regions were: (1) New England, 6% of all adult book sales; (2) the Middle Atlantic, 16%; (3) East North Central, 17%; (4) West North Central, 6Ibid, pp. 66–68. 7Ibid., pp. 69–71.
CONSUMER BOOK PURCHASING TRENDS
219
6%; (5) East South Central, 4%; (6) South Atlantic, 16%; (7) West South Central, 8%; and (8) the Mountain states, 7%. Marketers could use this information when they select advertising plans to posi tion a book in the marketplace. For example, college-educated individuals in high-income brackets are prime candidates to buy books, and one way to reach them is through college alumni periodicals, upscale publications, and newspapers and magazines with strong regional demographics. Military personnel (heavy book readers since World War II) can be reached through service publications and book displays in base "BX" exchanges.8 BOOK PURCHASING TRENDS: THE JUVENILE BOOK MARKET Book Purchasing Patterns
Book purchasing trends for juvenile titles were considerably different from adult book patterns. In 2001, book clubs (an exceptionally important channel of distri bution for books in this category), mail order, and book fairs (another significant channel) accounted for 28% of all sales. Bookstores were a distant second (17%), followed by mass merchandisers (14%), dollar stores (12%), and food-drug stores (7%). Ironically, the Internet was not an important channel, hovering near the 1% mark.9 Gift purchases hovered at the 41% mark; and most books were impulse buys (72%; a higher tally than those accumulated by adult books). Juvenile titles are an "in person" sales category (for an impressive 72%). The other methods included mail (15% of all titles), the Internet and telephone (each at 2%), and Fax/other (9%). Seasonally, the Fall (Christmas/Chanukah) period dominated all sales (38%); results for the other three quarters were: Winter (19%); Spring (22%), and Summer (21%).10 The most popular format was the paperback book, accounting for 60% of all ju venile sales. Hardcover books came in second (25% share of the market). The re maining market was shared by board books (13%; up slightly between 1997 and 2001) and box sets (3%; box sets, a format that never captured much attention among purchasers). Book categories were dominated by picture-storybooks with a 27% share; however, coloring-activity titles were a close second with 26%. Nonfiction (11%), series-chapter books (9%), and novelty and religious (each at 6%) rounded out the top selling categories. A few other interesting categories included educational workbooks (5%) and classic literature (2%). Audio books lagged (1%), as did reference (also 1%).M 8Ibid., pp. 73–76. 9Ibid., pp. 78–82. 10lbid., pp. 85–86. 11Ibid.,p.88.
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Prices As might be anticipated, juvenile books are extremely price sensitive, and sug gested retail prices are rather modest; 39% of all sales in 2001 were for books retail ing under $2.00, with an additional 13% in the $2.00-$2.99 range. The remaining sales tallies were: (1) $3.00–$3.99, 15% (2) $4.00–$4.99, 10%; (3) $5.00–$7.99, 13%; and (4) +$8.00, 10%). The average price paid for specific book formats in 2001 were: (1) hardcover, $5.97; (2) paperbacks, $3.06; (3) board books, $4.32; (4) boxed sets, $5.67; (5) all juvenile books, $4.07.12 Ironically, a comparison of annual price changes with the CPI creates the errone ous illusion of sharp percentage increases (a situation which reinforces the need among marketers to understand the numbers and what they mean). For example, be tween 1997 and 2001, the price of hardcover books increased 990 (1997, $4.98; 1998, $5.06; 1999, $5.16; 2000, $5.27; and 2001, $5.97); yet the total percentage change was +19.88% (the CPI grew 10.34%). Paperbacks were +420 (but +15.91%); board books inched up 480 (+12.5%); boxed sets actually declined 890 (1997, $6.56; 2001, $5.67; -13.57%). Influences How did retailers capture the attention of potential book buyers? Does advertising work in this market niche? The data revealed store displays were the most effective way to reach consum ers, generally accounting for about 70% of all sales. Advertisements (about 10%) and newspaper flyer-inserts (8%) proved interesting but not very effective way to reach individuals. As for the impact of the information cascade, it importance was minimal. Recommendations (9%) and "individual specifically asked for a title" (also in the 9% range) paled in comparison with the impact of store displays. The Internet barely reached the 1% plateau in 2001. Consumers were clearly influenced by a book's "educational developmental" attributes (slightly more than 25% between 1997 and 2001), with price a close sec ond (23%). As for the other issues, "child likes this type of book" (18%), "book adds to the child's collection" (14%), and "specific character in the book" (11%) round out the top five reasons. The book's durability and manufacturer's (i.e., pub lisher) reputation were barely factors (hovering near the 2% mark).13 Demographics Young parents comprise the largest segment of book buyers, dominated by individ uals less than 25 years old (13%), 25–29 (9%), 30–34 (16%), and 35–39 (15%). However, older parents, and the pivotally important grandparent cluster, are signif icant book buyers: 40–44, 28%; 45–49, 8%; 50–54, 8%; 55–64, 10%; +65, 9%. 2
Ibid., pp. 89–91. 13Ibid., pp. 93–94.
CONSUMER BOOK PURCHASING TRENDS
221
Households with annual earnings less than $30,000 purchase 40% of all titles, an intriguing finding. As for the rest, they share the market: the largest number of books: $30,000–59,000, 31%; $60,000–74,999, 11%; and +$75,000, 18%. House holds with +3 members dominated sales (66%); 2 members (24%) and 1 member (10%) rounded out sales in this category. Educational level is an important predictor of sales. Purchases by college gradu ates (23%) and those with graduate studies (14%) eclipse individuals without a high school degree (10%). Yet college grads and people with grad studies lag behind high school graduates (53%); perhaps a sign these individuals want their children to attain higher goals than they achieved with a high school degree). This pattern was also evident when occupational levels were determined. Pro fessionals and managers posted a strong 37% market share; however, individuals on the lower rungs of the salary-chain posted strong tallies: sales-clerical (10%); craftsman (12%); unskilled-laborers (16%); and other (4%). Again the odd mix of "retired-unemployed" has a 21% share.14 Regionally, the South Atlantic region led the nation (18%), with the Pacific (17%) and the East North Central (16%) close behind; the Middle Atlantic region stood at 13%. New England's results were only 5%; the remaining regions had the following tallies: Mountain (8%); West North Central (6%); East South Central (6%); and the West South Central (11%). Libraries and Institutions Until the early 1980s, libraries and institutions (topping the 85% market-share mark in 1985) dominated the juvenile market. The dramatic expansion of the retail market (especially warehouse-price clubs, and children's book sections in large toy store chains) and the emergence of baby boomers with children transformed what had been a rather traditional, leisurely market niche into a dynamic one dependent on the latest trends (and often whims). Other factors stimulating growth in juvenile titles include the educational reform movement and the quest to increase literacy in this nation. By 1996, libraries and institutions accounted for only 11.88% of total juvenile domestic net publishers' revenues ($166.7 million out of $1.403 billion). This per centage inched upward, reaching a 12.34% share ($217.2 million out of $1.759 bil lion) in 2001. BISG estimates that total juvenile dollars in the library and institutional sector will top $226.3 million in 2006 (but decline slightly to a 12.2% share). The overall market leader was the general retailer cluster.15 While the library market declined in total market share, this niche cannot be dis missed. Librarians purchase titles that are circulated for decades, creating new readers with each passing year. In addition, librarians are a source of book recom mendations. Lastly, once parents become familiar with a library's juvenile title 14
Ibid., pp. 100–109. Book Industry Study Group, Book Industry Trends 2002 (New York: The Book Industry Study Group, Inc., 2002), pp. 73-75. 15
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holdings (because of the reading patterns of their children), they are often influ enced to purchase books for their children, as gifts for relatives, and so on. Book Categories
Juvenile books are available in several different formats. Young adult ("YA") books are written specifically for the young teenager market (i.e., about ages 12-14). Certain well-entrenched patterns and characteristics are found in the vast majority of YA titles. They are "real" books (not "watered" down adult tomes) dealing with traditional genres (mystery, romance, adventure, fantasy, westerns, science fiction, etc.). While most are contemporary works (addressing themes and issues found in the daily newspapers or the news weeklies), there has long been an interest in historical works. Typically, the YA hardbound or paperback book has between 40,000 to 70,000 words. Trim sizes (i.e., the dimensions of the printed book) are almost always in the 51/2" x81/4"or the 6" x 9" size. A sizable number of YA titles are issued in paper back. The cover is attractive, and some illustrations are found in the work, but gen erally no more than six or eight. Frequently, YA books have no illustrations (e.g., Where the Red Fern Grows by Wilson Rawls). Trim sizes reduce illustrations to the 31/4" x51/2"or33/4"x 51/2" range, a challenge for both illustrators and designers. Authors of YA books emphasize the following: character development, plots, and symbolism. Authors frequently watch television programs geared for this mar ket (Saturday morning and afternoon shows); others attend events populated by YA readers (athletic events; rock concerts; the mall). The goal is to capture the YA's au thentic world so that the author's prose is real and not condescending. Concrete is sues, realistic characters and settings, and "sellable" prose are the end result. Historical YA titles often center on substantive periods of U.S. history (perhaps the urbanization in the 20th century). This type of novel relies extensively on rich details, an accurate depiction of (perhaps) Boston in the 1990s, compelling plots, and meticulously developed characters. Contemporary novels address modern issues (racism, coming of age). This is done to capture the attention of potential readers. After all, modern American soci ety has an overabundance of activities that distract readers; and there is an insidious attitude that reading "does not count," reading is not cool, that permeates many seg ments of this nation. Teenage boys traditionally are indifferent to reading for fun (in fact teachers complain about getting boys to read classroom assignments). In addi tion, the Internet and the appeal of computer games siphoned off attention and time. The Harry Potter phenomenon clearly captured the interest of hundreds of thou sands of boys; it remains to be seen whether a real interest in reading develops be cause of this riveting book series. Girls, on the other hand, form the clear majority of all readers in this nation. They start reading at an early age; they develop interest in book series, progress ing into the YA category. While many young girls spend time on the Internet and playing games, these activities have not become as dominant in this population as it is with boys.
CONSUMER BOOK PURCHASING TRENDS
223
So the goal for authors, editors, publishers, librarians, and parents is to convince all children that reading is fun and important. In essence, the task is to transform in different readers into passionate readers, a difficult challenge even for highly expe rienced writers. However, all YA novels develop a viewpoint(s) and an intimacy with the reader. This allows the author to craft a work populated with characters that the reader can identify with, feel close to. Hopefully, this relationship will prompt the reader to purchase the next novel penned by the author. Quite often, the novel's primary character(s) are older than the reader, pushing the reader to "read up." So characters in the midteen or upper teen group are com monly found in YA novels. The "young reader" market segment covers a broad spectrum of readers mea sured in ages (e.g., 8-12) or in rather precise grade reading levels (e.g., RL; reading level 6.3; the sixth grade's third month). At the upper reading level (the RL 4.0 to 8.9), these books address pithy issues. For example in Cynthia Rylant's Missing May (RL 5.8; winner of the Newbery Award; an American Library Association no table book for children, etc.), the plot centers on the fears of a young girl and her quest to ease the sorrows associated with the death of her aunt and her deep con cerns about her future life. Works for very young readers focus on real issues appropriate to that age group. For example, Sharon Dennis Wyeth's Always My Dad (ages 4–8) addresses the plight of an African American father forced to move from job to job and the impact these dislocations have on a young girl. Young reader books appear in hardback and paperback versions, although libraries prefer to purchase only hardbound titles. At the upper reading range, books are frequently published in the traditional paperback format (trim sizes 51/2" x 81/4" or 6" x 9" or 51/8" x 76/8"). Books for the very young reader (ages 4–8) generally have larger trim sizes (81/2" x101/2")and brightly colored illustrations (hence the term "children's illustrated book"). The illustrated (or "picture") book has a reduced text (in terms of the total number of words) and a heavily illustrated format. This type of book appeals to the very young reader because the pictures tell the story. Care must be exercised so that the illustrations convey what the author has in mind, always a difficult task. However, illustrated books for RL 5–8 or the YA market are quite popular. These titles rely on detailed illustrations and texts. One example is a work edited by Ron Preiss and Robert Silverberg called The Ultimate Dinosaur. This particular book has two col umns of detailed (and sophisticated) text augmented by dozens of illustrations. As for book and chapter lengths, editors continue to stress standard formats. For example, titles for the younger set (ages 7-10) often have short chapters (between five and ten typeset printed pages with 15 to 20 lines; about 7 to 10 words per line and often 150 words per page). Books often have between 6 and 12 chapters (ap proximately 48 to 72 pages). Word counts range from 6,000 to perhaps 15,000, cer tainly shorter than the typical YA book. Characters are appealing, and the plots are fresh. Writing for this age group is immensely difficult because brevity is inevitable, vocabulary lists are somewhat
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limited, and chapters have to be compelling to capture and hold the attention of the reader. Older readers often encounter larger books, generally in the 88- to 214-page range. Word counts range from 20,000 to 53,000, again shorter than the typical YA book but nevertheless a sizable work. The "pace" of the novel is brisk, and readers tend to be more "sophisticated" than those of an earlier generation, illustrating the pervasive influence of television. CASE STUDY: BOOK CLUBS
Book clubs were created and flourished at a time when publishers primarily issued hardbound titles and the United States had very few bookstores or retail establishments selling books.16 Yet as the United States was transformed and shopping malls emerged as a potent force in retailing, clubs began to slip in im portance and influence. For decades, a book club's procedures remained rather simple. The club's edito rial board selected a number of titles each month that it felt had literary merit and popular appeal. For decades, membership on these editorial boards was considered a rather prestigious appointment because these individuals played a pivotal role in the development and encouragement of new authors and the advancement of estab lished writers. In the first decade of the 21st century, well-known writers, editors, or social critics did not staff most editorial boards. The club then prepares a letter and a heavily illustrated brochure listing the main selection (plus alternates) and other available titles; this is mailed each month (or perhaps every five or six weeks). Many of these brochures have a stylish, literary magazine "look." The club generally offers a variety of services (a telephone or e-mail ordering service, a FAX option, etc.). By the 1970s, clubs were offering re cords and cassettes; in the 1980s and 1990s this product line was expanded to in clude videos, audios (i.e., spoken word books), and CDs. Always included in the envelope is a "negative option card" (officially called the "member reply form"). The individual member had to mail back the card in a timely fashion (often within 10 to 20 days) to notify the club if he or she does not want the recommended title or, perhaps, was interested in selecting one or more optional (al ternate) selections. This is a "negative option" since the member has to take the ini tiative to inform the club he or she does not want a selection that month. This system was criticized over the years, but the clubs refused to delete it since it helped purge the membership rolls of individuals who just liked to receive free mail. Eventually most clubs adopted a stated policy announcing if a member reply form was delayed
'6Cathy N. Davidson (Ed.), Reading in America: Literature and Social History (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1989), pp. 12–51. Also see Cathy N. Davidson, "Books in the 'Good Old Days': A Portrait of the Early American Book Industry," Book Research Quarterly 2(Winter 1986–1987): pp. 32–64; and Cathy N. Davidson, Revolution and the Word: The Rise of the Novel in America (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1986), pp. 65-98.
CONSUMER BOOK PURCHASING TRENDS
225
in the mail, an unordered book could be returned directly to the club at the club's ex pense. Some clubs considered dropping the negative option card altogether. Clubs offer high quality first edition works of fiction, nonfiction, reference titles, and so on, at reasonable retail prices (plus a shipping and handling fee). Eventually, the general interest clubs were joined by specialized clubs (e.g., children's, romance, African-American, military history, business, history, mystery, etc.) that divided the market into clearly recognized segments. These clubs also prospered since they satisfied the wants and needs of their members with genre and hard-to-find titles. How do clubs obtain members? Generally speaking, clubs rely extensively on four marketing tools. First, they advertise heavily in The New York Times Book Re view and popular periodicals with full-page (sometimes with two adjacent) adver tisements. These ads contain both the basic offer (the conditions of membership) as well as copies of covers. A coupon is always included, allowing the reader to clip it and mail it in. Second, the clubs utilize sophisticated computer databases (i.e., mail ing lists) to identify potential members. A large mailing is sent out, and a strong re sponse rate will be in the 1-3% range. Direct marketing costs are reasonable enough to support this "hit or miss" targeting method. Third, word-of-mouth brings in some members. Fourth, the Internet opened up a new, expanding universe of po tential members and attracted new members. A new member is generally required to purchase a minimum number of titles (frequently 4 books) in a specific time period (most often 1 year). In order to com pete effectively with the superstores and price clubs, the clubs developed rather en ticing offers to new members. One club allows any new member to "Select 4 books for $4.00." Another offers "Take 5 books for $1.00.... Less than the price of the Sunday Times.... You always save up to 40% off publishers' edition prices." Terms are attractive. The new member sends in his or her coupon or e-mail; the club mails out the books with a bill, covering mailing and handling charges (and sales tax where applicable). Once the minimum membership tally is reached, divi dend credits are issued on subsequent purchases. Most clubs issue one credit for each book purchased. Because the themes and language of some books might offend certain readers, most clubs indicate (generally with an asterisk) in their brochures or ads works that contain "explicit sex, language, and/or violence." This cozy book club world changed with the "mailing" of America and the rapid rise of chain bookstores that discounted bestsellers (usually between 10% and 25%; sometimes 30%) and, quite frequently, reduced-price books, remainders, and so on. The rise of the superstore had a dramatic impact on book clubs, as did the emer gence of home shopping television networks. A few book clubs responded to these business threats with new campaigns: "4 books for $4" plus a postage and handling fee; no minimum number of titles ("membership is completely risk-free. You never have an obligation to buy"). Also, the clubs did not forget old members who dropped their affiliation. They mailed out direct marketing letters ("Call us romantic, but we think you were one of the best things that ever happened to us. Come home"). These lapsed "souls" also were given the "4 books for $4 with no obligation" offer.
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By the late 1990s, book clubs regained their lost momentum. Utilizing innova tive, sophisticated direct marketing campaigns; and, modifying membership poli cies, they competed successfully against all types of competition, emerging in the early years of the 21st century as leaner, more focused companies. In 1996, net pub lishers' revenues stood at $1.09 billion; by 2002, revenues surged a dramatic 33.94% (topping $1.46 billion). BISG estimates revenues will reach $1.66 billion in 2007 (+9.56% between 2003-2007). CASE STUDY: BOOK EXPORTS AND IMPORTS
What is the dollar value of book imports and exports? What nations purchased U.S. books abroad? What book categories generated increases between 1996 and 2002? The Department of Commerce has established a sizable import–export data base, and the book industry is well represented. As could be expected, Commerce's statistical material on imports is rather complete because the Government is eager to track shipments that could generate possible revenues. Exports, regrettably, are not monitored with the same vigilance. Commerce does not keep track of book ex ports with a declared value under $2,500; so the Department relies on statistical es timates for total exports below the $2,500 mark. Apparently, these estimates are based on ratios determined in the 1970s (and updated periodically), and it is impos sible to determine whether they were valid then, much less now. Many book publishing industry experts, especially those at the Book Industry Study Group, questioned the accurateness of Commerce's export numbers because of estimated shipments. Although attempts were initiated to measure more pre cisely the total unit and dollar volume of exports, these initiatives floundered when only small numbers of firms agreed to participate in the studies. So the book indus try, convinced that Commerce is undercounting export data, has yet to produce sub stantive export figures to challenge Commerce's tallies. Accordingly, Commerce's export calculations will have to be utilized in this study. General Trends
While other components of the American economic fabric sustained deep declines in exports starting in the 1970s, the book industry is a positive balance of trade in dustry. Between 1977 and 1989, book imports grew 341.42%, jumping from $169 million to more than $746 million. In the last decade of the 20th century and into 2002, the pace of imports slowed somewhat with +96.57% growth rate. While export data was impressive, the growth rates fell behind imports. Between 1977 and 1989, exports were up 250.94%. Yet the years 1990-2002 were lacklus ter, inching up only 17.72%. If these ratios continue, imports will exceed exports by 2004. Table 8.11 outlines the growth in book imports and exports. All annual per centage changes listed in this table are positive numbers unless otherwise indicated. Data for 1983 and 1995 was not available from the Department of Commerce, ap parently due to concerns about data-gathering techniques.
TABLE 8.11
Total U.S. Book Industry Exports and Imports: 1977-2002 (Millions of Dollars) Percent change from previous year
Year
Book imports
Percent change from previous year
Book exports
1977
$169
23.36
$320
83.91
1980
$307
81.66
$519
62.19
1981
$295
-3.91
$612
17.92
1982
$315
6.78
$650
6.21
1983 1984
n/a
n/a
$492
1985
n/a
$564
n/a 14.63
$649
$591
n/a n/a -8.94
1986
$701
24.29
$604
2.20
1987
$735
4.85
$680
12.58
1988
$775
5.44
$750
10.29
1989
$746
-3.74
$1,123
49.73
1990
$845
13.27
$1,428
27.16
1991
$878
3.91
$1,498
4.90
1992
$990
1993
$1,020
12.76 3.03
$1,636 $1,690
9.21 3.30
1994
$1,075
5.39
$1,775
5.03
1995
n/a
n/a
n/a
n/a
1996
$1,240
n/a
$1,776
n/a
1997
$1,298
4.68
$1,896
6.76
1998
$1,384
6.63
$1,842
-2.85
1999
$1,441 $1,590
4.12 10.34
$1,871
2000
$1,877
1.57 0.32
2001
$1,628
2.39
$1,712
-8.79
2002
$1,661
2.03
$1,681
-1.81
Source: U.S. Department of Commerce, International Trade Administration. All numbers were rounded off and may not add up to 100%.
227
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Exports Canada is the leading destination for U.S. books, accounting for 44.17% of total ex ports in 2002. The United Kingdom was a distant second with a 16.1% share of the market. Japan was third (6%) and Australia was fourth (4.21%). These four nations were the dominant trading partners with the United States between 1996 and 2002. Ta ble 8.12 outlines these trends and list export totals for twenty other nations between 1996 and 2002. In terms of regions, the vast preponderance of United States exports remain in the Western Hemisphere, mainly in Canada, Mexico, Brazil, and Venezuela. In 2002, these 4 nations accounted for slightly under half of all exports. The European Union was a distant second (21.01 %). Other major trading part ners include nations in The Pacific Rim (Australia; Singapore; Korea; Hong Kong; Taiwan; the Philippines; Malaysia; and New Zealand). China's totals were modest; India posted slightly stronger results. Very little was exported to Africa, with South Africa and Nigeria generating the largest totals. Table 8.13 outlines these developments. Clearly, exporting titles remains a major area of interest and growth potential for U.S. publishers, especially with the flood of new titles and the large number of re turned titles. The track record in East Asia, Japan, and Latin America indicates clearly that additional exports could and probably should be targeted to those regions. As for specific book formats, the popular mass market paperback sustained deep declines (-20.57%) between 1998 and 2002, indicative of some instability in inter national currency exchanges rather than any fundamental weaknesses in titles. While Canada, the United Kingdom, and Australia were the top export destination nations during those years, Australia's sharp decline (-80.35%) might be a harbin ger of a significant shift in that market. Canada's totals in 1996 were $87.3 million, declining to $81.9 million in 2002. Table 8.14 outlines these trends. Another key export category is the eclectic technological, scientific and profes sional book cluster. This group traditionally posted robust export revenue streams. Yet, between 1996 and 2002, there was a 25.65% decline in revenues, and the steepest declines appeared after 1998. Canada's share of the market dropped precipitously (–91.49%; 1996, $171.4 million; 2002, $14.5 million). The United Kingdom (–5.57%) and Japan (–34.7%) also posted downward trends. It appears that currency fluctuations impacted revenues in this category. Table 8.15 outlines these trends. Fortunately there were some bright signs. The religious category (see Table 8.16) posted impressive gains between 1996 and 2002 (+42.53%), paced by a strong performance by the United Kingdom (+67.19%). While the growth rated generated by Canada was impressive (+25.67%; 1996, $6.7 million; 2002, $8.5 million), the results of Nigeria (+564.14%) and Kenya (+556.62%) were sterling, the overall gains in Africa and Latin America indicated these markets were posi tioned as major trading partners for the foreseeable future. Textbooks traditionally had strong export tallies. While revenues were up (+20.11%) between 1996 and 2002, and Singapore (+149.65%) and Hong Kong (+303.89%) maintained their importance as export destinations, softness was
TABLE 8.12 Top U.S. Export Destinations for Top 10 Countries for Books: 1996–2002 (Thousands of Dollars)
229
Country
7996
1997
1998
7999
2000
2007
2002
Canada
740,393
823,614
807,583
807,541
756,667
727,698
742,619
United Kingdom
226,309
254,441
237,062
253,646
264,230
250,031
270,622
Japan
129,515
120,262
133,281
101,146
123,100
129,316
100,804
Australia
118,076
138,070
157,928
139,588
116,302
66,010
70,806
Mexico
62,011
58,239
58,770
65,599
73,886
63,804
64,938
Singapore
36,024
35,851
26,536
41,135
60,669
48,985
49,570
Korea
33,978
29,196
16,106
24,627
36,793
35,499
29,131
Netherlands
27,366
31,389
45,398
68,139
58,777
35,199
22,901
Germany
42,365
48,847
40,671
43,134
34,341
34,007
29,081
Hong Kong
21,949
23,923
91,292
20,667
32,492
29,409
31,559
Taiwan
27,409
28,658
23,702
25,066
35,726
28,878
24,662
Brazil
28,931
26,403
18,196
16,955
16,552
19,096
10,259
Philippines
26,657
19,718
10,361
13,990
18,267
18,984
15,331
India
14,599
17,838
12,286
11,954
14,430
15,992
19,513
South Africa
17,670
18,212
15,377
18,111
15,437
14,915
12,187
Nigeria
1,551
2,036
2,867
2,856
5,637
12,461
8,242
Belgium
8.305
8.392
16.038
24.660
17.603
11,477
12,826 (continued)
TABLE 8.12 Country
7996
Switzerland
12,238
1997 8,826
(continued)
1998
7999 7,529 12,414
7,534
10,737
9,727
2000
2001
2002
China
5,360
6,588
9,080 17,224
12,019
10,711
11,739
France
17,472
18,054
11,429
14,794
11,292
10,543
12,370
Italy
11,068
9,926
9,372
10,270
16,592
7,823
6,448
Malaysia
5,682
5,259
2,821
4,320
7,515
7,240
7,709
Venezuela
3,289
5,363
6,493
4,102
7,032
n/a
14,643
18,615
21,320
22,571
7,569 15,022
6,210
6,775
1,632,860
1,757,720
1,791,193
1,754,814
1,758,452
1,602,057
1,569,819
135,615
133,749
114,594
111,080
113,902
101,805
101,718
1,775,638
1,896,636
1,841,821
1,871,068
1,875,985
1,712,335
1,681,229
New Zealand Subtotal All Other Grand Total of All U.S. Ex ports
Source: U.S. Department of Commerce, International Trade Administration.
TABLE 8.13 U.S. Hardbound Book Exports for Top 10 Countries: 1996-2002
Country
2002
2001 YTD
2002 YTD
80,868
75,062
80,868
75,062
-12.92
22,675
21,352
11,225
21,352
11,225
–60.89
4,716
9,172
7,031
6,919
7,031
6,919
-15.14
1,410
1,306
2,351
3,929
2,351
3,929
–45.32
885
1,491
2,006
1,491
2,006
400.25
1996
1997
1998
7999
2000
Canada
86,195
79,887
88,759
74,481
77,391
United Kingdom
28,699
20,150
19,835
15,756
Australia
8,153
6,222
3,993
Japan
7,186
2,961
2,128
2001
New Zealand
401
332
Taiwan
1,292
1,157
774
957
871
1,142
1,539
1,142
1,539
19.12
Mexico
1,273
1,332
1,367
2,937
1,909
1,898
1,381
1,898
1,381
8.48
987
1,303
356
386
1,385
2,006
1,025
2,006
1,025
3.85
Korea
552
1,381
Switzerland
1,295
1,000
785
685
267
318
668
315
668
–48.42
Netherlands
560
945
809
1,264
5,067
756
638
753
638
13.93
Grant Total of all U.S. Exports
184,583
146,475
141,677
129,737
136,801
110,390
132,381
110,390
132,381
Source: U.S. Department of Commerce, International Trade Administration. All numbers were rounded off and may not add up to 100%. 232
% Change 1996-2002
–40.19%
232
TABLE 8.14 U.S. Rack Size Paper bound Book Exports for Top 10 Countries: 1996–2002 (Thousands of Dollars)
Country
2002
% Change 1996–2002
85,874
81,851
–6.31%
36,763
21,225
7.71%
6,976 1,926
-80.35% -34.78%
2,445 4,907
459.50%
1996
1997
1998
7999
2000
Canada United Kingdom
87,362 19,704
96,675
91,891 12,914
92,750
90,965
Australia Germany
35,502
21,991 53,005
34,070 43,521
8,807
2,953
1,907
533
19,308 59,966 1,512
508
7,014
437
609
501
1,717
4,600
6,775
8,390 6,844 7,604
9,502
7,691
7,840
5,523
6,114
5,948 2,482
6,515
5,776 5,421
3,725
5,296
6,053 5,732
5,878 1,274
2,776
5,696 4,246 2,614 2,961
1,628 4,567
4,886 4,477
2,807
459
2,409
-53.63% -57.97%
208,067
233,132
239,261
232,363
220,875
191,757
165,273
-20.57%
Korea South Africa Netherlands Singapore Brazil Philippines Grand Total of all U.S. Exports
5,217
76,102
2001
3,326 4,936
Source: U.S. Department of Commerce, International Trade Administration. All numbers were rounded off and may not add up to 100%.
–41.51% -51.41% -35.09%
TABLE 8.15
U.S. Technological, Scientific, and Professional Book Exports for Top 10 Countries: 1996–2002 (Thousands of Dollars)
2007
2002
% Change 1996–2002
139,884
126,992
14,580
-91.49%
64,977
71,565
73,204
49,202
-34.70%
62,521
54,256
35,323
31,207
54,603
-5.57%
16,353
28,308
47,795
38,228
21,834
8,148
–42.69%
21,333
28,788
29,886
31,871
14,584
16,204
14,879
-30.25%
18,298
25,449
18,732
19,650
14,962
16,039
14,071
-23.10%
7,633
8,780
6,386
9,317
24,658
13,503
15,377
101.45%
Country
7996
7997
Canada
171,407
199,341
168,554
152,368
75,346
81,134
99,144
United Kingdom
57,821
53,972
Netherlands
14,217
Australia Germany Singapore
Japan
7998
7999
2000
Mexico
13,910
8,678
7,717
10,378
18,002
12,783
12,491
-10.20%
Hong Kong
10,304
13,655
9,955
10,184
12,952
10,684
7,898
-23.35%
3,503
3,707
9,486
17,143
15,273
9,627
10,759
207.14%
506,512
549,431
541,743
509,945
502,558
415,692
376,576
-25.65%
Belgium Grand Total of all U.S. Exports
Source: U.S. Department of Commerce, International Trade Administration. All numbers were rounded off and may not add up to 100%.
233
TABLE 8.16
234
U.S. Bible, Testament, Prayer Book, and Other Religious Book Exports for Top 10 Countries: 1996–2002 (Thousands of Dollars)
Country
1996
1997
1998
1999
2000
2001
2002
% Change 1996-2002
United Kingdom
5,961
8,630
4,312
6,007
8,290
10,578
9,966
67.19%
Canada
6,749
5,537
6,355
7,089
7,910
8,016
8,475
25.67%
Mexico
2,030
3,775
3,557
4,415
5,555
7,659
6,829
236.40%
Nigeria
923
1,596
2,040
2,299
4,180
7,023
6,130
564.14%
Australia
6,310
5,757
6,101
7,821
7,969
5,283
6,323
0.21%
Brazil
2,168
3,306
2,623
2,088
3,148
2,424
11.81%
South Africa
1,559
1,312
1,610
1,499
1,852 2,014
3,043
1,716
10.07%
Kenya
272
964
848
739
2,021
2,376
1,786
556.62%
Venezuela
840
953
1,013
1,685
2,334
779
-7.26%
Colombia
2,659
2,845
1,663 1,582
1,691
1,571
1,978
2,497
-6.09%
51,845
53,546
50,559
56,355
67,789
80,273
73,893
42.53%
Grand Total of all U.S. Exports
Source: U.S. Department of Commerce, International Trade Administration. All numbers were rounded off and may not add up to 100%.
CONSUMER BOOK PURCHASING TRENDS
235
readily evident in this segment by 1998. Canada was off 11.8% during those years, dropping from $75.3 million to $66 million. Table 8.17 outlines these trends. Two other market segments exhibited deep declines, almost certainly due to the impact of the wide acceptance of computers. Encyclopedias (see Table 8.18) and dictionaries (including thesauruses; see Table 8.19) are used by everyone. How ever, the wide acceptance of reliable, inexpensive (often less than $10.00) comput erized versions of these products decimated sales. Compounding the problem was the fact that many computer manufacturers bundled software, including spell-check, grammar-check, and thesauruses, effectively cutting off the need to purchase book versions of these products. Canada sustained a sharp drop of 64.68% (1996, $4.5 million; 2001, $1.6 million). So it is highly unlikely that today's com puter literate population will purchase the printed versions. Imports For over 300 years, the majority of book imports came from Europe, primarily from the United Kingdom; and this pattern has remained, although the ratios have changed somewhat. In 1996, the United Kingdom's share of the import market stood at 22.54%; by 2002 a shift took place, dropping that nation to an 18.26% share. In the 1980s, and especially in the 1990s, Canada held the second place position among importers (with an 11.77% share in 1996 and a dramatic 14.4% in 2000). All of this changed by 2001-2002. While Canada's percentage increased to 14.6, China emerged that year as the second largest source of books (jumping to 16.05%; up from only 4.63% in 1996), and it is likely that this nation will maintain its position of influence through 2007. Hong Kong maintained its fourth place position be tween 1996 and 2002. Table 8.20 outlines these trends. In terms of geographical regions, the important Pacific Rim-East Asian-Newly Industrialized Countries (NICs) generated impressive results, notably Singapore, Japan, Korea, Thailand, Australia, Malaysia, Taiwan, and India. These nations of fered high quality printed books (especially four-color work) at exceptionally rea sonable prices. The biggest problem centered on shipping costs (airplanes were phenomenally more expensive container boats) and the amount of time it took to ship books via boats. Titles that are not time sensitive and especially children's books are ideal products produced in the Asian sector. Clearly, Europe remained a major source of books. Aside from the United King dom, other major nations sending titles to the U.S. included: Italy; Germany; Spain; Switzerland; Belgium; France; the Netherlands; and Russia. These first four na tions were a major source of exceptionally high quality, four-color books. While exports posted some declining tallies, imports were up in nine categories. Hardbound books surged 29.6% between 1996 and 2002, and China emerged in 2002 as the primary source of these titles, displacing both the United Kingdom and Hong Kong as the principal sources of these books. Canada posted impressive gains in this category; and Spain exhibited great growth rates between 1996 and 2002, as did Japan. Table 8.21 outlines these trends.
TABLE 8.17
236
U.S. Textbook Book Exports for Top 10 Countries: 1996–2002 (Thousands of Dollars)
Country
1996
1997
1998
1999
2000
2001
2002
% Change 1996–2002
United Kingdom
76,323 75,280
113,483
92,606 86,390 18,644
105,550
93,342
121,283
58.91%
26,975
66,256 16,970 19,534
67,483 25,305 24,266
106,060 65,117
66,389 12,748 26,508
-11.81% –45.98% -2.49% -8.62%
Canada Japan Australia Taiwan Mexico Singapore Korea Hong Kong Philippines Grand Total of all U.S. Exports
23,600 27,186
82,439 20,629 27,011
11,401 19,668
14,745 22,544
9,523 19,921
9,461 24,470
6,536 8,486 4,468
6,826 5,362
3,755 3,345 5,118
3,671
19,619 9,447 4,898
5,277
12,716
14,057 13,456 12,937
2,686
1,205
1,459
331,820
323,140
326,855
2,116
5,703 3,121
316,898
370,482
8,466
14,873
22,510 19,784 15,261 14,403
10,418 24,829 16,317
26.24%
15,308 18,046
149.65% 80.39% 303.89%
4,723
6,248
195.27%
341,525
380,637
20.11%
Source: U.S. Department of Commerce, International Trade Administration. All numbers were rounded off and may not add up to 100%.
TABLE 8.18 U.S. Encyclopedia and Serial Installments Exports for Top 10 Countries: 1996–2002 (Thousands of Dollars)
1996
7997
1998
7999
Mexico
2,765
3,229
2,725
2,271
3,520
3,505
26.76%
Canada
4,504
2,589
4,313 2,064
2,880
4,038
2,721
1,591
–64.68%
Japan
1,853
835
1,572
1,868
2,959
1,430
1,445
-22.02%
26
25
11
15
32
1,324
935
3496.15%
4,620
2,458
3,823
2,258
2,012
892
0
0
0
0
832
1,980 271
-57.14%
0
Philippines
5,151
2,324
865
913
750
773
532
-89.67%
Australia
3,370
2,061
840
366
641
499
1,326
–60.65%
South Africa
1,350
328 4,162
157
464
342
343
325
-75.93%
1,255
1,125
488
300
133
-96.07%
16,098
17,372
15,567
14,759
–61.52%
Venezuela United Kingdom Argentina
India Grand Total for all U.S. Exports
3,380 38,354
25,611
18,615
2000
2001
2002
Source: U.S. Department of Commerce, International Trade Administration. All numbers were rounded off and may not add up to 100%.
237
% Change 1996–2002
Country
N/A
TABLE 8.19
238
U.S. Dictionary Exports For Top 10 Countries Including Thesauruses: 1996–2002 (Thousands of Dollars) % Change 1996–2002
Country
1996
7997
1998
1999
2000
2001
Canada
2,146
13,663
2,677
1,407
1,100
1,745
836
–61.04%
Nigeria
0
0
4
0
0
667
N/A
N/A
2002
52
1,435
608
28
81
614
220
323.03%
1,233
835
531
663
111
465
593
-51.91%
Philippines
484
338
17
54
15
201
28
-94.21%
Thailand
0 293
8
0
28
21
148
N/A
N/A
Japan
476
175
5
16
78
233
20.48%
Spain
0
36
7
0
12
51
0
0
0
28
21
47
10 N/A
N/A
United Arab Emirates
29
199
53
54
25
47
48
65.52%
5,390
19,036
7,450
2,727
2,930
4,284
2,493
-53.75%
Australia Mexico
Netherlands Grand Total for all U.S. Exports
Source: U.S. Department of Commerce, International Trade Administration. All numbers were rounded off and may not add up to 100%.
N/A
TABLE 8.20 Top 25 Import Sources of Books to the United States: 1996–2002 (Thousands of Dollars) Country United Kingdom
7997
1998
7999
279,532
283,380
314,290
278,252
2000
2007
2002
317,660
303,897
267,853
57,402
73,310
101,012
142,459
220,895
267,582
338,489
Canada
146,009
189,413
215,825
221,462
229,045
243,689
251,085
Hong Kong
221,894
203,243
200,242
229,293
224,834
229,719
223,452
Singapore
96,124
92,134
94,672
89,000
86,630
96,625
100,610
Italy
91,268
85,514
102,525
100,475
94,983
87,779
83,360
Germany
54,147
57,536
63,066
57,082
57,345
53,092
55,993
Spain
31,375
36,673
37,596
46,590
55,506
50,474
50,994
Japan
66,034
66,281
58,755
55,087
59,268
49,956
47,198
China
239
7996
Korea
21,229
17,544
25,816
29,728
29,430
35,559
40,459
Belgium
14,341
14,955
19,426
19,886
27,088
28,664
24,359
France
33,285
4,093
23,948
25,158
25,345
24,796
22,878
Netherlands
13,958
13,986
17,551
20,538
20,214
19,316
14,930
Mexico
15,645
19,041
17,404
22,748
24,656
19,272
18,627
Israel
8,530
8,305
9,929
10,648
10,609
12,926
11,833
Thailand
5,821
5,585
4,649
6,789
8,563
10,924
10,395
TABLE 8.20 Country
7996
7997
1998
(continued) 7999
2000
2007
2002
Australia
9,586
8,518
7,722
9,750
8,674
7,666
6,981
6,327
10,060 7,602
9,155
Colombia
11,878
9,217
12,930
Malaysia
3,715
4,087
4,522
9,019
10,443
7,736
11,591
12,198
11,796
9,930
9,427
8,226
6,242
9,943
United Arab Emirates
2,146
2,423
2,214
2,490
3,708
5,940
5,900
Switzerland
8,078
7,919
9,579
5,454
4,967
5,098
Sweden
6,385
4,836
5,047
4,717
5,500
4,190
Russia India
779 2,290
3,720
1,227 2,754
2,228
4,857
4,025
2,663
2,460
1,905
3,275
3,857
4,339
1,209,437
1,223,733
1,356,028
1,408,097
1,554,080
1,590,325
1,622,213
30,636
36,896
27,717
33,299
36,405
37,458
33,653
1,240,073
1,297,517
1,383,746
1,441,398
1,590,487
1,627,782
1,655,866
Taiwan
Subtotal All Other Grand Total of all U.S. Imports
Source: U.S. Department of Commerce, International Trade Administration.
3,658
TABLE 8.21 U.S. Hardbound Book Imports for Top 10 Countries: 1996-2002 (Thousands of Dollars)
Country
1996
1997
1998
7999
2000
2001
2002
% Change 1996–2002
30,059
40,428
53,132
74,570
111,907
143,199
145,657
384.57%
119,533
97,285
111,975
131,161
130,280
138,533
95,618
-20.01%
Hong Kong
94,796
77,986
72,631
94,234
106,795
118,519
117,543
24.00%
Italy
57,657
45,233
53,969
62,776
59,266
48,179
42,195
-26.82%
Singapore
58,940
39,883
38,787
44,459
43,959
47,344
52,787
-10.44%
China United Kingdom
9,033
12,263
16,566
22,612
30,371
29,620
33,824
274.45%
Spain
10,310
12,744
12,118
19,457
19,494
20,698
21,411
107.67%
Japan
10,926
10,927
18,032
17,028
19,268
17,330
18,112
65.77%
Germany
9,710
9,255
14,710
15,426
11,623
11,121
8,193
-15.62%
Belgium
2,046
2,763
3,733
4,089
7,329
7,920
6,166
201.37%
450,806
411,708
438,095
525,822
583,557
629,823
584,255
29.60%
Canada
Grand Total of all U.S. Imports
241 Source: U.S. Department of Commerce, International Trade Administration. All numbers were rounded off and may not add up to 100%.
242
CHAPTER 8
Rack sized paperbacks have never been a major import category, reaching only $70 million in 2002. Traditionally, Hong Kong was the largest source of these books, but the strong results of the United Kingdom in 2002 changed the dynamics of this market. The United Kingdom emerged as the leader, with Hong Kong and Canada al most tied for second. Canada increased its output significantly, growing from about $8 million in 1996 to slightly more than $9.8 million in 2002 (+23.43%). China's per formance (+1,280.17%) was remarkable, and that nation is poised to assume the top spot in this niche by around 2007. Table 8.22 outlines these trends. Canada dominated the technological, scientific, and professional book cate gory; and Canada's overall performance in this niche (1996, $42.5 million; 2002, $56.1 million) indicates great strength in this category. China again posted superb results in this category, +407.89%, and yet another major indicator of the emer gence of China as an international player. Table 8.23 outlines these trends. Religious publishing, a small but active niche, has long been dominated by Eu ropean nations, especially Belgium and the United Kingdom. Yet stiff competition emerged in the late 1990s from Korea, Israel, and, ironically, China (+204.74%). Canada's growth rate was rather impressive. Table 8.24 indicates these trends. Textbooks are a big business in any nation, and the United States imported $ 162 mil lion worth of them in 2002. The United Kingdom has dominated this niche for decades. Canada, a distant second, exhibited strength in this niche, growing from only $10 mil lion in 1996 to $15.8 million in 2002 (+56%). Table 8.25 outlines these trends. Imports of encyclopedias grew between 1996 and 2002, but the dollar volume is small (only about $7.7 million in 2002), and the long-range future of this category is seriously in doubt. Canada's track record is small, unlike Italy's or Hong Kong's. Table 8.26 outlines these trends. Dictionaries, on the other hand, have a more solid future. Foreign language in struction is rather active in the U.S., and students need foreign language dictionar ies. Long dominated by the United Kingdom, France, and Germany, China's position in this niche is noteworthy ($32,000 in 1996; $1.7 million in 2002; +5,434.38%), and a harbinger of additional growth in a stable niche. Other major players include Hong Kong, Spain, Canada, and Mexico (which should also be po sitioned for growth in the coming years because of the burgeoning HispanicAmerican population in the U.S.). Table 8.27 outlines these trends. PUBLISHING BOOKS ABROAD
While U.S. book exports provide an important entry into the global publishing mar ket, American firms have not maximized their opportunities by launching more ag gressive operations overseas.17 Specifically, U.S. publishers have not, for the most Albert N. Greco, The Book Publishing Industry (Boston: Allyn & Bacon, 1997), pp. 231–235. Also see Benjamin M. Compaine and Douglas Gomery, Who Owns the Media? (Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 2000), pp. 61–146; WA. Carlin, A. Glyn, and J. Van Reenen, "Export Market Per formance of OECD Countries: An Empirical Examination of the Role of Cost Competitiveness," The Economic Journal 111, 468(January 2001): pp. 128-162; and U.S. Department of Commerce, Interna tional Trade Administration, at www.ita.doc.gov/td/ocg/books.htm.
TABLE 8.22
U.S. Rack Size Paperback Book Imports For Top 10 Countries: 1996-2002 (Thousands of Dollars)
Country
1996
1997
1998
7999
2000
2001
2002
% Change 1996-2002
United Kingdom
3,132
12,892
17,613
9,358
8,422
12,006
12,668
304.47%
14,909
22,320
21,413
21,359
15,088
10,370
10,927
-26.71%
Hong Kong Canada China
7,955
10,343
13,605
14,274
13,016
10,005
9,819
23.43%
948
2,163
4,514
7,600
10,482
8,561
13,084
1280.17%
Singapore
2,768
7,639
7,478
6,063
5,037
3,710
4,911
77.42%
Germany
2,180
5,086
2,658
1,049
3,292
3,103
33.81%
Italy
1,769
6,987
4,368
3,239
2,276
2,647
2,917 4,814
172.13%
Spain
600
523
1,358
4,329
2,308
284.67%
278
885
651
767
1,108 342
1,859
France
523
88.13%
2,559
1,667
1,949
182
1,682
1,635 1,364
1,708
-33.26%
41,198
75,244
81,880
75,812
65,966
61,512
70,012
69.94%
Japan Grand Total for all U.S. Imports
243 Source: U.S. Department of Commerce, International Trade Administration. All numbers were rounded off and may not add up to 100%.
TABLE 8.23 U.S. Technological, Scientific and Professional Book Imports For Top 10 Countries: 1996–2002 (Thousands of Dollars)
Country
7996
1997
United Kingdom
22,054
Canada Germany Japan
42,499 23,504
28,060 53,794
Netherlands France China Hong Kong Mexico Singapore Grand Total of all U.S. Imports
23,685 8,879 7,082 1,888
22,103 21,991 9,374 7,152 1,252
2000
2001
2002
38,385
37,421
50,048 48,335 22,100
94.95%
50,561 24,025 13,474
50,156 46,481 25,837
42,994
54,756 25,408 18,505 10,622
56,156 20,386
32.13% -13.27%
11,582 11,609
11,310
9,762
10,703 6,801 6,584
9,625 3,355
-58.78% 8.40% -52.63%
12,523
4,217
5,628
1,690
3,317 4,784
8,475 5,427 6,171
5,031
4,719
2,354 4,562
2,548 3,090
3,364
3,749
2,180
4,838 3,247
3,271
9,589 7,260 4,316 2,564
165,699
182,559
188,732
183,300
202,467
193,507
189,124
5,960 2,554
% Change 1996–2002
7999
1998
5,682 3,277
Source: U.S. Department of Commerce, International Trade Administration. All numbers were rounded off and may not add up to 100%.
407.89% 21.81%
14.14%
68.99% -31.61%
TABLE 8.24 U.S. Bible, Testament, Prayer Book and Other Religious Book Imports For Top 10 Countries: 1996–2002 (Thousands of Dollars) % Change 1996–2002
Country
1996
1997
1998
1999
2000
2001
2002
Belgium Korea
7,549 7,344
7,995 5,522
11,466 7,698
Israel China
5,912
6,151
7,718
9,480 11,279 8,618
11,911 12,715 8,655
12,789 12,410 9,441
11,543 14,759 9,427
1,603
1,257
4,771
7,275
7,443
6,702
4,885
United Kingdom
7,568 2,582
5,959 3,056
5,111
7,111
3,671
3,365
3,393 2,554
3,027
3,207
1,695
2,071
2,087
2,786 3,540 1,953
5,525 2,483 2,412
3,834
3,176
4,539 3,983
4,616 3,421
5,529 5,847 3,664
-26.94%
3,560
6,516 3,858
5,824
3,093
1,901
2,571
2,117
1,954
2,848 1,633
0.98% 85.18% -21.75%
52,185
50,643
62,679
72,389
75,470
76,510
79,08
351.54%
Colombia Hong Kong Spain Canada Singapore Grand Total for all U.S. Imports
1,538
245 Source: U.S. Department of Commerce, International Trade Administration. All numbers were rounded off and may not add up to 100%.
52.91% 100.97% 59.46% 204.74% 126.45% –0.19%
TABLE 8.25 U.S. Textbook Imports For Top 10 Countries: 1996–2002 (Thousands of Dollars)
Country
1996
1997
7995
7999
2000
2001
2002
% Change 1996-2002
United Kingdom
51,136
50,563
62,773
54,849
85,385
67,525
79,230
54.94%
Canada
10,161
11,465
13,490
12,023
14,161
16,719
15,851
56.00%
Hong Kong
14,510
10,164
8,794
9,246
12,449
15,731
15,716
8.31%
China
4,459
4,310
4,603
4,754
12,923
189.82%
4,667
7,194
5,385
4,868
8,191 7,814
10,162
Mexico
4,903
6,104
30.79%
Singapore
5,032
5,196
4,141
3,521
3,896
4,190
4,329
-13.97%
Spain
3,596
3,855
3,902
4,879
7,867
3,531
4,783
33.01%
Italy
2,213
2,111
4,974
6,203
3,783
3,235
3,549
60.37%
Germany
3,368
3,146
3,188
1,919
1,472
1,978
2,658
Japan
1,510
1,304
1,291
1,175
1,292
1,691
837
118,724
111,644
123,335
114,796
160,132
145,342
162,733
Grand Total for all U.S. Imports
Source: U.S. Department of Commerce, International Trade Administration. All numbers were rounded off and may not add up to 100%.
-21.08% –4.57% 37.07%
TABLE 8.26 U.S. Encyclopedia and Serial Installment Imports For Top 10 Countries: 1996-2002 (Thousands of Dollars)
Country
1996
7997
Italy
2,357
7999
1998
2007
2000
2002
% Change 1996-2002
628
1,001
1,229
2,906
805
-65.85%
271
879
778
1,405
1,189
61.33%
Hong Kong
737
939 647
Spain
528
690
438
591
663
25.57%
388
830
258
845
1,401 774
945
United Kingdom
550
1,511
289.43%
Germany
58
111
80
83
794.83%
274
411
481
457
66.79%
Colombia
59
44
96
67
335 162
406 280
519
Singapore
740 594
236
15
-74.56%
Slovakia Canada Thailand Grand Total for all U.S. Imports
0
0
0
0
0
211
159
N/A
177
167
228
171
413
211
281
58.76%
0
0
0
0
0
178
N/A
6,593
5,394
4,063
5,355
6,766
8,180
7,703
244 Source: U.S. Department of Commerce, International Trade Administration. All numbers were rounded off and may not add up to 100%.
16.84%
248
TABLE 8.27 U.S. Dictionary Imports For Top 10 Countries (Including Thesauruses): 1996–2002 (Thousands of Dollars)
Country United Kingdom
1996
1997
1998
1999
2000
2001
2002
2,609
2,144
2,994
923
1,320
Germany
748
1,020
1,052
61
1,510
2,464 1,344
Hong Kong Spain
425 827
1,429 657
561
1,343 514
455
906
343
1,157
671
961 853
Canada
224
102
162
264
473
615
517
Australia Italy China Mexico France Grand Total for all U.S. Imports
% Change 1996–2002
1,034
–60.37%
2,130
184.76% 126.12% 3.14%
10
16
21
0
13
45
345
108
25 182
508
1,010
323
603
130.80% 30.00% –40.30%
32
110
133
206
256
311
1,771
5434.38%
395 11
464
352
315
170
275
818
346
1,854
82
200
101 2,007
-74.43% 18145.45%
7,046
7,437
7,652
6,994
7,348
8,393
11,557
64.02%
Source: U.S. Department of Commerce, International Trade Administration. All numbers were rounded off and may not add up to 100%.
CONSUMER BOOK PURCHASING TRENDS
249
part, made significant investments in European, Asian, or African, Latin American book firms. The large global publishers with home bases in the United Kingdom, the Netherlands, Germany, etc., have, on the other hand, been exceptionally ag gressive buying publishing houses in North America and in other parts of the world. This is rather curious because United States publishers have certain competitive advantages over their foreign counterparts. First, English emerged as the language of choice in many parts of the world. This was due to the wide acceptance of English in business, finance, aviation, mathematics, science, medicine, and technology. Books in English have a ready-made global audience in regions where English is not the primary language. Second, the creation of a totally integrated European Union (EU) opened up a market with over 320 million consumers, stretching from the United Kingdom and Spain in the west to Greece in the east and from the northern corridor of Denmark and West Germany to the southern tip of Italy. It is now one of the largest consumer and industrial markets in the world, and a prime market for U.S. books. Third, the Pacific Rim region, comprised of dynamic economic units including South Korea, Taiwan, Singapore, Hong Kong, Australia, and China experienced a dramatic period of prosperity. Clearly, there are economic problems indigenous to this region. While per capita income for the entire Rim lags significantly behind both the United States and the EU nations, the Rim became the third largest export market for U.S. publishing products, trailing only Canada and the European Union countries. While hardly as economically integrated as the EU, discussions have taken place among diplomats, economists, and business leaders to create an East Asian version of the EU, including the need to establish "trade guidelines" to stimu late economic growth. Unfortunately, crafting workable, realistic economic units will not be an easy task. However, many academics and business observers believe that these problems can be addressed effectively, leading ultimately to the estab lishment of workable "common market" type units in East Asia. The compelling force behind this metamorphosis is the impact of technology and the need for content. Publishers began to ponder these marketing possibilities as early as the 1970s. Some of the more astute ones realized that there were inter esting opportunities and potential pitfalls associated with purchasing or creating units abroad.18 The pitfalls included: (1) insufficient research on a product line and a country's ability to absorb it or pay for it; (2) certain themes or content in some books negate a title's importance or acceptance in certain nations; (3) poor managerial and financial planning and related follow-up; (4) "marketing myo pia," i.e., a narrow vision of the product and the country; and (5) the rigid imple mentation of U.S. style managerial, marketing, and financial management controls. Michael E. Porter and many other strategic planning experts have warned about these potential problems. 18Raymond Vernon, "Can the U.S. Negotiate for Trade Equality?" Harvard Business Review 67(May-June 1989): pp. 96–103. Other useful works include Thomas M. Hout, Michael Porter, and Eileen Rudden, "How Global Companies Win Out," in Richard G. Hamermesh (Ed.), Strategic Manage ment (New York: John Wiley & Sons, 1983), pp. 35–49; and William S. Lofquist, "Printing and Pub lishing," U.S. Industrial Outlook 1994 (Washington, DC: GPO, 1994), pp. 24-12-24-13.
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Developing a Strategic Global Publishing Scenario What must be done to craft an effective strategic global publishing plan? First, management must decide whether it is prudent to purchase an existing company or build one from scratch. The best advantage garnered from purchasing is the acqui sition of a viable operating unit, market share, and good will. The biggest disadvan tage is the inheritance of problems (most are unseen even during the due diligence phase of the evaluation), old technologies and products, and potential problems as sociated with integrating a new company into a well-entrenched one with a defined, operating corporate culture.19 Second, they must unravel the knotty question re lated to what product(s) are needed in specific nations. Third, they must conclude what marketing opportunities exist for a publisher in specific nations. All of these steps require that the publisher initiate a detailed, realistic research campaign to gather data and discern realistic answers to these questions. Unfortu nately, some United States firms entered foreign publishing markets and lived to re gret it. Their problems included: lack of concrete experiences with bureaucratic and convoluted governmental regulatory agencies; inadequate distribution or financial service systems; currency fluctuations; a poor understanding of local cultural pat terns; and an inability to understand the sometimes subtle configurations of the unique publishing market in a nation. The end results were often dramatic financial or market reversals. This occurred because they did not follow generally accepted strategic and marketing ideas, including: setting clear marketing objectives; choos ing target markets; analyzing the local legal business framework; developing de fined market positions; and carrying out effective marketing controls. In order to accomplish this, must a U.S.-based publisher interested in entering a complex international publishing market must create a strategic plan. First, conduct a market and profit analysis by reviewing both the published liter ature and the experiences of other publishers active in the nation(s) under review. Second, describe actual and projected markets. Third, monitor any substantive 19
Michael E. Porter, Competitive Strategy: Techniques for Analyzing Industries and Competitors (New York: Free Press, 1980), pp. 3-33, 275-299; Michael E. Porter, "How Competitive Forces Shape Strategy," Harvard Business Review 57(March–April 1979): pp. 137-145; Kenichi Ohmae, The Mind of the Strategist (New York: Penguin, 1988), pp. 163-278; Kamran Kashani, "Beware the Pitfalls of Global Marketing," Harvard Business Review 67(September–October 1989): pp. 91, 92-98; Felix Rohatyn, "America's Economic Dependence," Foreign Affairs 69(1989): p. 54. Also see Theodore Levitt, The Marketing Imagination (New York: Free Press, 1983), p. 20; W. Michael Blumenthal, "The World Econ omy and Technological Change," Foreign Affairs 66(1988): pp. 535, 545; also see Roger B. Smith, "Global Competition: A Strategy for Success," in The Global Marketplace, James M. Rosow (Ed.), (New York: Facts on File, 1988), and James E. Olson, "Toward a Global Information Age," in Jerome M. Rosow (Ed.), The Global Marketplace (New York: Facts on File, 1988), pp. 93–110; Walter B. Wriston, "Technology and Sovereignty," Foreign Affairs 67(1987): p. 67. Also see his "The State of American Management," Harvard Business Review 68(January–February 1990): p. 80; Robert A. Scalapino, "Asia's Future," Foreign Affairs 66(1988): pp. 85-89. Also see Robert A. Scalapino and Hongkoo Lee (Eds.), Korea–U.S. Relations: The Politics of Trade and Security (Berkeley, CA.: Institute of East Asian Studies, University of California, 1989), pp. 1–49, and Robert A. Scalapino et al. (Eds.), Pacific-Asian Economic Policies and Regional Interdependence (Berkeley, CA.: Institute of East Asian Studies, Uni versity of California, 1989), pp. 1–8, 54–89.
CONSUMER BOOK PURCHASING TRENDS
251
shifts in the financial or market stability of the nation(s) under review. Fourth, eval uate economic issues (trade barriers or quotas), the nation's basic economic envi ronment, the Gross National Product (G.N.P.), per capita income, inflation rate, the prime interest rate, short- term interest rates, and the local accounting system. Fifth, analyze the transportation system, the political and legal environment in the nation, the nation's existing publishing and mass communications industry, any important "freedom of the press" issues, and the nation's cultural and educational traditions and institutions. Answers to these questions will provide, hopefully, a workable framework to make reasonable decisions about start-up costs, break-even points, and whether an operating unit should be established.20 CASE STUDY: BOOK SELLING COMPANIES THAT CHANGED THE BUSINESS
For several centuries, books were sold in a rather small number of independent bookstores, department stores, small regional chains, and a few specialty shops. The emergence of the paperback after World War II opened up new venues for book sales in terminals, newsstands, discount stores, etc. Yet even as late as the 1970s, this was the world of bookselling. In the last 20 years of the 20th century, and the first decade of this century, there was a paradigm shift in book selling, changing the landscape, opening up new markets, and allow ing consumers access to literally millions of titles in print and out of print. The busi ness changed; independents were hard pressed to keep up with this metamorphosis; and consumers loved it. Three companies, sloughing it out for market share and headlines, transformed the bookselling business: Barnes & Noble; Borders; and the ubiquitous Amazon.com. Barnes & Noble
Barnes & Noble (B & N) is an enormous force in the bookselling business. Its statis tics dazzle analysts and book lovers alike. It changed the face of retailing books, it enlarged the pool of readers, and it provides books for the millions. The following data (based on publicly available information in annual reports, etc.) was accurate as of July of 2003.21 B & N operates 886 bookstores (as well as 1,231 videogame and entertainment software stores). Of the 886 stores, 628 operate under the banner of Barnes & Noble Booksellers, Bookstop, and Bookstar. An additional 258 use the B. Dalton Book 20David A. Ricks, Big Business Blunders: Mistakes in Multinational Marketing (Homewood, IL: Dow Jones-Irwin, 1982). Also see Roger E. Axtell, Do's and Taboos around the World: A Guide to Inter national Behavior (New York: John Wiley & Sons, 1986); Gavin Kennedy, Doing Business Abroad (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1985); Michael R. Czinkota and George Tasar, Export Development Strategies: U.S. Promotion Policy (New York: Praeger, 1982), and Nigel Percy, Export Strategies: Mar kets and Competition (Winchester, MA: Allen & Unwin, 1982). 21 Barnes & Noble Annual Report, 2002; The Wall Street Journal's briefing Book; and various finan cial reports.
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seller name as well as Doubleday Book Shops and Scribner's Bookstore; the com pany has been phasing out these mall stores in favor of superstores. In late 2003, B & N purchased stock in BN.com, becoming the largest shareholder. The company has 39,000 employees, and sales in 2002 reached $5.27 billion (+8.19% over 2001). The cost of sales is generally near the $3.85 billion mark (about 73% of sales; and selling and administration costs are in the $965 million range (about 18% of sales). Its operating income is $264 million; and income be fore taxes are slightly more than $199 million (and $119 million after taxes). It is capitalized at $1.56 billion; and its price to earnings (P/E) ratio is 14.48 (rather low by traditional Wall Street standards). About 66% of its stockholders are institutions. Wall Street favorably views its stock (BKS), and it generally has a mean buy recommendation of 1.9 (1 = strong buy; 5 = strong sell). Merrill Lynch as signs the company a "volatility risk" of "medium." Wall Street analysts anticipate a steady, substantial growth in sales. The founder and leading force in its history is the legendary Leonard Riggio. He started in the business working in a college bookstore, opening his own "alternative college bookstore" when anything "alternative" had panache. Amassing enough capital, he purchased the original Barnes & Noble bookstore and launched a media blitz ("If you paid retail, you did not buy it at Barnes & Noble") that captivated con sumers. Eventually he opened a Sales Annex, selling books by the basket. He pur chased the B. Dalton chain (small mall based stores with 12,000–18,000 titles), which was a very successful move. Realizing a shift in the retail market with the opening of "big box" stores, he launched the first Barnes & Noble superstore, which revolutionized bookselling and consumer shopping patterns in the U.S. The company's superstores are attrac tive, comfortable, contain about 150,000 to 170,000 unique titles, and sell a myriad of other products (coffee, tea, magazines, music, videos, etc.). These freestanding stores are destination spots for consumers. Borders The Borders Group, Inc, is a major bookstore operation. The following data (based on publicly available information in annual reports, etc.) was accurate as of the July of 2003.22 Borders, through its subsidiaries (Borders, Inc., Walden Book Company, Inc., Borders U.K. Limited, and Borders Australia PTY), operates 434 superstores (pri marily under the Borders name), including 17 in the United Kingdom, 9 in Austra lia, 2 in Puerto Rico, and 1 each in Singapore and New Zealand. The company also operates 778 mall-based chain stores (primarily under the Waldenbooks name) and 36 stores under the Books etc. name in the United Kingdom. Borders is also phasing out mall stores in favor of the more popular superstores.
22 Borders Annual Report, 2002; The Wall Street Journal's briefing Book; and various financial reports.
CONSUMER BOOK PURCHASING TRENDS
253
The company has 15,500 employees, and its sales topped $3.53 billion in 2002 (+2.92% over 2001). The Borders stores accounted for $2.33 billion (66.01% of all sales), easily outdistancing sales generated at the Waldenbooks ($852 million; 24.26%) or the international division ($314.9 million; 8.96%). The cost of merchandise reached slightly above $2.55 billion (72.6% of sales), total expenses hovered at $3.32 billion, and operating income topped $193 million. Income before taxes stood at $181.3 million; after tax income was $111.7. Borders has a market cap of $1.43 billion and a P/E 14.48 (rather low by traditional Wall Street standards). Institutions own over 92% of the company, and insiders hold a small 0.54%. Wall Street gives Borders a mean 2.0 rating (with a 1.0 a "strong buy"). The firm's superstores are quite similar to the Barnes & Noble superstores: at tractive, filled with books, sidelines, coffee, etc. In 2002, Borders launched an innovative campaign designed to strength its un derstanding of consumer tastes. Incorporating fairly standard marketing techniques (focus groups, exit interviews, and polling), the company created a "category man agement" strategy (utilized extensively in super markets) with book publishers to "co-manage" about 250 book categories, helping Borders' store managers to decide which titles are stocked, how many copies are ordered, and how these books are dis played. The goal is to find out quickly which books are purchased on impulse, which books sell better if displayed face (cover) out versus spine out, and which ti tles should be grouped together. Clearly, book retailers have a great deal of statistical data on sales patterns; yet category management is a new marketing approach that has shown great promise. The rest of the book-retailing world, especially Barnes & Noble, will watch this ex periment with great interest. Amazon.com For most people, Amazon.com is synonymous with online book selling; but the company had a humble beginning. Launched quietly on February 9, 1995 and reg istered in Delaware, Amazon.com's founder Jeff Bezos decided that selling books on the Internet directly to consumers (called disintermediation by economists) could be profitable if the firm had first-rate computer programs (and programmers), kept inventory to a minimal, and "got big fast." The following data (based on pub licly available information in annual reports, etc.) was accurate as of July of 2003.23 Ironically, Bezos knew little about the business of book selling. So he enrolled in one of the American Booksellers Association's courses on how to sell books; and he learned fast. Starting in a small "400 square-foot basement warehouse ... [with] some shelves (which could hold a few hundred books), a couple of tables with packing supplies, a metered scale, and a Bowes mailing instrument," the company unwrapped its web site and opened for business on July 16, 1995.24 The rest, as they say, is history. Amazon.com Annual Report, 2002; The Wall Street Journal's briefing Book; and various financial reports. 24 Robert Spector, Amazon.com: Get Big Fast (New York: HarperCollins, 2000), pp. 43–45.
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By 2002, Amazon.com had a market cap of $4.8 billion (about nine times larger than Barnes & Noble). Slightly more than 61% of the company's stock was held by institutions (and almost 30.5% held by insiders). It employed 7,500 individuals and had sales of $3.93 billion in 2002 (+25.96% over 2001). It has no P/E because it has never made a real profit (it did generate a pro-forma profit in late 2001, due primarily to favorable currency exchange rates). Yet Wall Street gives it a 2.1 rating (slightly below both Borders and Barnes & No ble) because of its brand name recognition and it emphasis on trimming costs in 2001 and again in 2002. As of December 31, 2002, Amazon.com had total revenues of $3.93 billion. Its cost of sales reached $2.9 billion (74.76% of revenues). Other expenses included: fulfillment ($392 million; 9.98%); selling and general administration ($204 mil lion; 5.2%); and research and development ($215 million; 5.48%). Operating income was a negative $64.1 million. Interest expenses tackled on an other $143 million (they pay $16,315.64 in interest expenses every hour of the day, every day of the year). Income before taxes exceeded –$145.7 million. Between January 1998 and December 2002, Amazon.com had income after taxes of negative $2.54 billion. This company, the darling of Wall Street with a mar ket cap slightly more than nine times that of Barnes & Noble (which generates an annual profit), lost an average of $58,043.72 every hour of the day, every day of the week since January 1, 1998. Unlike Barnes & Noble or Borders, Amazon.com relies on "pro forma" and net income metrics rather than Generally Accepted Accounting Principles (GAAP) be cause they insist "free cash flow" is a far more meaningful metric. "Free cash flow" includes cash from operations after capital expenditures and interest payments, but it excludes certain charges or credits (including currency fluctuations), an issue of some concern with some accountants, economists, and finance professors.25 Its leader, creator, and public spokesperson is Jeff Bezos. He created a "con sumer centric company" that provides exceptional service and high quality prod ucts for the millions.26 Can this company survive in what is a "pick and pack" business model? In reality, it is exceptionally difficult to predict its fate. One thing is certain, however, it changed bookselling and electronic retailing. CASE STUDY: ROMANCE NOVELS
While long regarded as "inferior" literature, romance novels comprise a vibrant, growing, and diverse book category, dominated to a substantial degree by Canada's Harlequin book line. In fact, romance novels are frequently called "harlequins" in the industry and among bookstore managers. The Romance Writers of America (RWA; the association in this field) released data that outlines in great detail the strength and growth potential of romance 25 Nick Wingfield, "Options Move May Be At Expense of Accounting Purists," The Wall Street Jour nal, 14 July 2003, pp. Cl, C3. 26 Spector, Amazon.com: Get Big Fast, pp. 43–45.
CONSUMER BOOK PURCHASING TRENDS
255
novels. This is one niche where exceptionally reliable data exists because of the ef forts of RWA to track sales and monitor readers through surveys and clubs.27 Romance novels generated $1.52 billion in cloth and paperback sales in 2001 (the last year statistics were available from RWA); and 2,143 new romance titles were re leased that year. Some of the major publishers of romance novels include: Harlequin (1,067); Kenningston (204); Pearson (138); and Random House (107). Over 51.1 mil lion individuals read romances in 2002, up from 41 million in 1998. These books ac count for a staggering 54.5% of all paperback titles sold in the U.S. As a point of comparison in the paperback field, mystery/thrillers held a 26.6% share of the market; other genres include science fiction (6.6%); general fiction (17%), and religiousoccult-male adventure, and movie tie-ins (14%).28 Romance titles are a big business. The RWA has more than 8,400 members, and, while these writers are found throughout the world, the largest concentration can be found in the U.S. and Canada. The average RWA member writes 1l/2 romance books each year.29 Reader statistics are intriguing. 1. 49.5% of romance readers are married, 33.3% are single, 6% are wid owed, 10.7% are divorced, and 0.5% are separated. 2. As for age: 1% under 14; 3%, 14–16; 4%, 17–19; 8%, 20–24; 21%, 25–34, 25%, 35–4; 17%, 45–54; 10%, 55–64; 8%, 65–74 (perhaps the fastest growing romance novel age cohort); and 3%, +75.71 % read their first ro mance novel at age 16. 3. 32% of all readers are high school graduates; 21% are college graduates; and 10% have postgraduate degrees. 4. 75% are white; 11% are African Americans; another 11% are Hispanic Americans; and 3% are Asian Americans. 5. 16% of the readers live in the Northeast, 32% in the Midwest, 26% in the West, and 20% in the South. 6. 33% purchased romance books at mall stores, with 20% relying on mass merchandisers, 18% on grocery stores, 9% on book clubs, 7% at super stores, and only 4% on the Internet. 7. 12% read between 21 and 50 romances annually; 4% read between 51 and 100 titles annually; and 2% in the +100 title category. 8. 23% earn between $50,000 and $75,000.30 Romance titles are a very big business. Although many intellectuals and literary critics frown on these books as cheap exploitive puffs, they certainly help keep peo ple reading while generating revenues and jobs for a sizable portion of the book publishing industry. 27
Ibid., pp. 65–70. Romance Writers of America, "2002 Romance-Fiction sales Statistics, reader Demographics, and Book-Buying Habits," p. 1. 29 Ibid., pp. 2–8. 30Ibid., pp. 2–8. 28
CHAPTER NINE
The First Amendment, Copyrights, and Libel
THE FIRST AMENDMENT, FREEDOM OF THE PRESS, AND THE ISSUE OF "HARM"
For decades scholars, attorneys, jurists, writers, editors, and publishers in the United States wrestled with a complex query related to the First Amendment and the issue of "harm." "The First Amendment to the U.S. Constitution protects free speech and free dom of the press. What is the value of a legal system [or for that matter Constitu tionally guaranteed rights] that turns a 'blind eye' to the suffering of its innocent subjects in order to preserve the logical purity of abstract principles?"1 This conundrum dominated public discourse about the First Amendment and freedom of the press from the 1990s onward, fueled primarily by highly publi cized statements and writings of three individuals. Nadine Strossen (a Professor of Law at New York Law School) insisted that the First Amendment protects freedom of the press, including pornography, and any attempts to apply federal or local laws to censor written materials would fail and ultimately harm women. Andrea Dworkin (an author) and Catharine A. MacKinnon (a Professor of Law at the University of Michigan) castigated all forms of pornography because of the dangerous and direct impact it has on women and society.2 Calvin Woodward, "Speak No Evil: Should We Gag the First Amendment? Three Legal Scholars Think Maybe the Time Has Come," New York Times Book Review, 2 January 1994, pp. 11–12. Also see Daniel R. Mandelker and Rebecca L. Rubin (Eds.), Protecting Free Speech and Expression: The First Amendment (Chicago: American Bar Association, 2001), pp. 3–12. 2 Andrea Dworkin and Catharine A. MacKinnon, Pornography and Civil Rights: A New Day for Women's Equality (Minneapolis, MN: Organizing Against Pornography, 1988), and Nadine Strossen, De fending Pornography: Free Speech. Sex, and the Fightfor Women's Rights (New York: Scribners, 1995). Also see Robert M. O'Neil, The First Amendment and Civil Liability (Bloomington, IN: Indiana Univer sity Press, 2001), pp. 18–57.
256
THE FIRST AMENDMENT, COPYRIGHTS, AND LIBEL
257
Key Issues This vocal debate over the First Amendment, a complex matter for many citizens, generated confusion and animosity. Defenders of the First Amendment insist that unrestrained free speech and freedom of the press achieved an elevated, well-deserved place in society. Freedom of the press enabled this republic to weather acrimonious and at times debilitating domestic problems in this century along with military confrontations and wars abroad that taxed the resources and moral fiber of citizens and this nation's legal and social institutions. Accordingly, these First Amendment rights played a paramount role in the daily lives of U.S. citizens, and any attempts to undermine or minimize these Constitu tional guarantees would weaken seriously the democratic foundations of the United States, something most citizens eschew. The salient issue, clearly, is the need to have an informed citizenry. First Amendment scholars and experts (as well as individuals) insist that only knowl edgeable individuals can make intelligent judgments on a wide array of substan tive issues, ranging from local school board elections to casting a vote for the president of the United States. This meant that citizens required free, unfettered access to all forms of information, and not just what the U.S. Government, a Con gressional committee, a regulatory agency, or a local governmental unit insists is "truth" or "right." Because of the First Amendment, this nation has a functioning, vibrant market place of ideas, a public forum where competing ideas and theories are presented in oral or published formats in the open for all to hear, read, ponder, dissect, discuss, and evaluate. This marketplace of ideas, often distinguished by a uniquely Ameri can mixture of discourse and diatribes, allows citizens to search for the "truth" about a myriad of issues. Starting in the 1990s and extending through the early years of the 21st century, many individuals expressed concern about the nature of these strong and passionate debates in the United States, especially with the proliferation and growth in influ ence of the Internet as well as political talk radio and news programs. After all, per fectly reasonable ideas are often subjected to unpleasant, harsh, messy debating procedures, a veritable Darwinian "survival of the fittest" confrontation. Another concern centered on the need to have adequate financial resources to purchase airtime on television and radio or advertising space in newspapers and magazines. A free press becomes useless if one is unable to get the message out in what has become an expensive marketplace of ideas. Ideas count, but money fre quently counts for more in this marketplace. Yet this circumstance, even with its flaws, allows individuals to express the unpopular ideas of a minority in order to prod a dialogue about positions held by the majority. In the final analysis, this rugged system allows clashing ideas to see the light of day, and, if they are convincing to fellow citizens, to influence the people and the course of U.S. history, thereby insuring the viability of the marketplace of ideas concept. This is, after all, the spirit behind the First Amendment.
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The First Amendment Unlike many recent laws or regulatory commission guidelines, the First Amend ment is brief and to the point: Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press, or the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the Government for a re dress of grievances. These 45 words have been examined, analyzed, and probed by Supreme Court justices, attorneys, jurists, and scholars for decades. Traditionally, the issues that sparked debates, and frequently divided experts and citizens, centered on two tan gled questions: Are free speech and freedom of the press absolute? What precisely did the framers of the Constitution have in mind when they agreed on the words in the First Amendment? D wight L. Teeter, Jr., Don R. Le Duc, and Bill Loving, in The Law of Mass Com munications: Freedom and Control of Print and Broadcast Media, pointed out that the men who framed the Constitution "met in secret, behind closed doors.... The body of the Constitution [produced in 1787] mentioned nothing at all about the rights guaranteed by the First Amendment.... The Bill of Rights was not adopted by the states until the end of 1791 ."3 Teeter, Le Duc, and Loving insisted that the politi cal compromise that led to the adoption of the Bill of Rights (including the First Amendment) was due to efforts to address recalcitrant Anti-Federalists who al leged that various freedoms (including freedom of the press) would be undermined by the new Federalist administration.4 Leonard Levy wrote that the nation's early travails did little to encourage sup port for the First Amendment, which he termed the "chance products of political expediency."5 Anthony Lewis maintained that attempts to estimate what the framers meant with the First Amendment is a Herculean task because there is no concrete legislative record of their thoughts.6 David A. Anderson observed that the framers "perceived, however dimly, naively, or incompletely, that freedom of the press was
3 Dwight L. Teeter, Jr., Don R. Le Duc, and Bill Loving, The Law of Mass Communications: Freedom and Control of Print and Broadcast Media, 9th ed. (Westbury, NY: Foundation Press, Inc., 1998), p. 11. 4 Ibid., pp. 12–14. Also see Sotirios A. Barber and Robert P. George (Eds.), Constitutional Politics: Essays on Constitution Making, Maintenance, and Change (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2001), pp. 89–109. 5 Leonard W. Levy, Legacy of Suppression (Cambridge, MA: Belknap/Harvard University Press, 1960), p. 182. Also see Matthew D. Bunker. Critiquing Free Speech: First Amendment Theory and the Challenge of Interdisciplinarity (Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 2001), pp. 5–61. 6 Anthony Lewis, review of Original Intent and the Framers' Constitution, by Leonard W. Levy, New York Times Book Review, 6 November 1988, p. 11. Also see John F. Wirenius, First Amendment, First Principles: Verbal Acts and Freedom of Speech (New York: Holmes & Meier, 2000), pp. 19-34.
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inextricably related to the new republican form of government and would have to be protected if their vision of government by the people was to succeed."7 "Absolutist" defenders of the First Amendment have been vociferous. Lucas A. Powe, Jr., in The Fourth Estate and the Constitution, insisted "the First Amendment meant exactly what its plain language would suggest to an ordinary reader: Con gress was completely without power to pass laws that would abridge either freedom of speech or freedom of the press."8 Dcnna Demac, in Liberty Denied: The Current Rise of Censorship in America, remarked, "attempts to control free expression and deny access to information have placed the cherished rights of the citizens of this country in jeopardy."9 Demac in sisted that the First Amendment is at the very cornerstone of American democracy. She posits that this right, along with others guaranteed in the Constitution and the Bill of Rights, acted as a magnet attracting countless millions of individuals to this nation, and free speech and freedom of the press must be preserved.10 The end result has been a quest for a reasonable and sane balance between con flicting theories and groups of individuals, especially between the rights of the citi zens and the responsibilities of writers and journalists (who represent the "press" in this nation).11 More than 200 years of American history have revealed that certain categories of "speech" can (and at times must) be restricted, thereby weakening (or at least ques tioning) the absolutist argument. These include speech related to: prior restraint, morals, national security, libel and personal reputation, copyrights, invasion of pri vacy, and the rights of children.12 Since 1789, U.S. political and constitutional history has been filled with at tempts to control the free exercise of speech, ranging from, for example, the Alien and Sedition Acts (1798-1800), the antianarchist state laws (passed by New York, New Jersey, and Wisconsin), the Espionage Act of 1917, and the Smith Act of 1940 (aimed specifically at subversive Communist activity in this nation).13 Congress and the U.S. Supreme Court also addressed other issues related to prior restraint (i.e., preventing communication from taking place), forcing communication to David A. Anderson, "The Origins of the Press Clause," UCLA Law Review 30(February 1983): p. 531. Also see Ian Loveland (Ed.), Importing the First Amendment: Freedom of Expression in American, English, and European Law (Oxford: Hart, 1998), pp. 22-87. Lucas A. Powe, Jr., The Fourth Estate and the Constitution: Freedom of the Press in America (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991), p. 41. Also see Deckle McLean, Essays on the First Amendment (Littleton, CO: F.B. Rothman, 2000), pp. 8-34. Donna A. Demac, Liberty Denied: The Current Rise of Censorship in America (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1990), p. 183. 10Ibid., p. 183. Also see Howard H. Schweber, Speech, Conduct, and the First Amendment (New York: P. Lang, 2003), pp. 23–42. Sandra F. VanBurkleo, Kermit L. Hall, and Robert J. Kaczorowski (Eds.), Constitutionalism and American Culture: Writing the New Constitutional History (Lawrence, KS: University Press of Kansas, 2002), pp. 24–39. Also see: Richard Stengel, "Sex Busters," In Censorship, Robert Emmet Long (Ed.). (New York: H. W. Wilson Company, 1990), p. 46. Lee C. Bollinger and Geoffrey R. Stone (Eds.), Eternally Vigilent: Free Speech in the Modem Era (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2002), pp. 7–25, 63–79, 125–133. Teeter, Le Duc, and Loving, Law of Mass Communications, pp. 14–24
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occur, and libel.14 Nevertheless, this quest for an absolutist environment has created an inevitable (and in many instances a positive) tension between protected and un protected speech.15 One issue involves the long-standing tradition of presidential "executive privi lege." Presidents have used their numerous powers (specifically the "separation of powers" and the powers attributed to the Commander-in-Chief sections of the Con stitution) to classify documents, prohibit the publication of records, and insist that certain Federal employees need prior clearance (a possible form of "prior re straint") before they can deliver speeches.16 Still another factor is the historic American tradition of minorities exercis ing their right to be heard in order to influence public discourse. Quite often this meant an attempt to impose the views of a minority group (regardless of political orientation) on their fellow citizens. Examples include efforts to limit what can be read or viewed on broadcast television during certain hours of the day or heard on the radio before a certain time, the content of public school or college curricula, or what book titles or serials can be made available in a public library. What is of concern to some scholars is the level of influence exerted by minorities or majorities in the creation and implementation of pub lic policies that infringe, curtail, or harm fundamental rights outlined in the First Amendment.17 One vexing issue centers on "hate," "harmful," or "false" speech. Some indi viduals assert certain types of hate speech should be outlawed because of the harm it exerts on individuals and society. In Speaking of Race, Speaking of Sex: Hate Speech, Civil Rights, and Civil Liberties, Henry Lewis Gates, Jr. argued that "in the case of racial invective, a balancing approach may be especially tempting because the class expression to be restricted seems so confined, while the harms with which it is associated can be vividly evoked."18 Strossen, in this same work, sought to "balance the equities" between supporters of racial equal ity and freedom of speech, at best a difficult task. She insisted, "Because civil libertarians are fully committed to securing constitutional values of equality, as well as those of free speech, it is especially imperative for us thoughtfully to consider, and respond to, the arguments made by ... advocates of restricting hate speech."19 14Ibid., pp. 26–34. l5 William W. Van Alstyne, The American First Amendment in the Twenty-First Century: Cases and Materials (New York: Foundation Press, 2002), 101-156. 16Russell L. Weaver and Donald E. Lively, Understanding the First Amendment (Newark, NJ: Lexis Nexis, 2003), pp. 21–34. 17 David A. Yalof and Kenneth Dautrich, The First Amendment and the Media in the Court of Public Opinion (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2002), pp. 15–54. 18 Henry Lewis Gates, Jr. "War of Words: Critical Race Theory and the First Amendment," in Speaking of Race, Speaking of Sex: Hate Speech, Civil Rights, and Civil Liberties, Gates et al. (Eds.). (New York: New York University Press, 1994), p. 31. 19 Nadine Strossen, "Regulating Racist Speech on Campus: A Modest Proposal?" in Speaking of Race, Speaking of Sex: Hate Speech. Civil Rights, and Civil Liberties Gates et al. (Eds.). (New York: New York University Press), p. 183.
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Defenders of the First Amendment insist that the only way to address hate speech (or any controversial issue, for that matter) is with more speech, not less.20 They argue that debates trigger discourse, allowing the truth to emerge. One could argue that truth does not always prevail. Yet the basic notion that "less speech is good" or that "only our ideas should be promulgated" runs counter to the essential ideas espoused in the First Amendment.21 Controversial Speech and Images The discussion of sexually explicit words or images in books, periodicals, televi sion, the Internet, cable and satellite television, films, videos, and recorded music has become the nexus dominating the free speech-freedom of the press debate in the United States. The U.S. Supreme Court has handed down decisions that crafted a framework to evaluate obscenity in this nation. In the landmark 1957 Roth case, the Supreme Court ruled that a work could not be considered obscene unless it met all of three separate and distinct tests.22 The work in question had to go substantially beyond customary limits of candor in the description or representation of matters pertaining to sex or nudity; the work had to appeal to the prurient interest of the average adult; and the work had to be without redeeming social importance.23 In Roth, the Supreme Court wrote that states and the U.S. Government could construct antiobscenity laws. In 1973 the Supreme Court, in a pivotal five to four vote, augmented the Roth standard in the Miller v. California decision. In Miller the Court ascertained that to be stripped of Constitutional protection, and therefore subjected to criminal suit, a "work" (book, article, film, painting, etc.) must be found (1) under contemporary community standards, and taken as a whole, to ap peal to the prurient interests, (2) to describe in a patently offensive manner sexual conduct specifically defined by the applicable state law, and (3) taken as a whole, to lack serious literary artistic, political, or scientific value.24 The specific reference to "community standards" is a striking component of Miller as national standards would not be imposed on local jurisdictions. One result was a plethora of conflicting local decisions.25 The Supreme Court in 1974 augmented its position in the CarnalKnowledge de cision. This film contained no frontal nudity or depictions of sexual acts, yet it was attacked in Georgia under that state's obscenity statue. The Supreme Court ruled that "local juries did not have 'unbridled discretion' in deciding what was obscene, 20
Daniel A. Father. The First Amendment (New York: Foundation press, 1998), pp. 11–68. William Cohen and David J. Danelski. Constitutional Law: Civil Liberty and Individual Rights (New York: Foundation Press, 2002), pp. 64–47. 22 Teeter, Le Duc, and Loving, Law of Mass Communications, pp. 96–102. 23Ibid., pp. 103–113. Also see Robert B. Downs and Ralph E. McCoy, (Eds.), The First Freedom To day: Critical Issues Relating to Censorship and to Intellectual Freedom (Chicago: American Library Association, 1984), pp. 15–25. 24 Teeter, Le Duc, and Loving, Law of Mass Communications, pp. 96–102. 25 lbid. 21
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and such a determination could be applied only to material depicting 'patently of fensive hard-core sexual conduct' ,"26 Child pornography, on the other hand, never generated general public support among the American people. Various states and the U.S. Senate drafted legislation outlawing the use of minors in child pornographic books, films, and videos. On February 6, 1978, President Jimmy Carter signed into law the "Protection of Children Against Sexual Exploitation Act of 1977." New York State passed a simi lar law prohibiting using a child under the age of 16 in any type of sexual perfor mance (the "Kidporn" law), which was upheld in New York v. Ferber. This meant that child pornography was placed in a distinctly separate category outside the pro tection of the First Amendment.27 The Response Clearly, Roth, Miller, and Carnal Knowledge did not end the censorship debate sim ply because many Americans could not accept what they perceived to be "narrow" interpretations of pornography. Since the late 1990s, many feminist writers and ac tivists railed against the pernicious impact of pornography. Susan Brownmiller, in Against Our Will, provided an analysis of this issue: Pornography, like rape, is a male invention, designed to dehumanize women, to reduce the female to an object of sexual access, not to free sensuality from moralistic or paren tal inhibition. The staple of porn will always be the naked female body, breasts and geni tals exposed. Pornography is the undiluted essence of anti-female propaganda.28
Kathleen Barry's Female Sexual Slavery addressed Brownmiller's jeremiads. "Pornography ... is the principal medium through which cultural sadism becomes part of the sexual practices of individuals. The most prevalent theme in pornogra phy is one of utter contempt for women ... and sexual degradation its theme."29 Helen Longino, in "Pornography, Oppression, and Freedom: A Closer Look," remarked that "pornography, then, is verbal or pictorial material which represents or describes sexual behavior that is degrading or abusive to one or more of the par ticipants in such a way as to endorse the degradation."30 26
Demac, Liberty Denied, p. 44. Teeter, Le Duc, and Loving, Law of Mass Communications, pp. 364–365. 28 Susan Brownmiller, Against Our Will: Men, Women, and Rape (New York: Macmillan, 1975), p. 201. Also see Susan Averett and Sanders Korenman, "The Economic Reality of The Beauty Myth," NBER Working Paper No. 4521 (November 1993); and Gloria Bowles, '"Feminist Scholarship" and 'Women's Studies': Implications for University Presses," The Journal of Scholarly Publishing 19(April 1988): pp. 163–168. 29 Kathleen Barry, Female Sexual Slavery (New York: Avon Books, 1979), p. 206. Also see Charles Millard, "Stop the Porn Explosion," The New York Times, 29 January 1994, p. A27; Marjorie Garber, "Maximum Exposure," The New York Times, 4 December 1993, p. A21; Leanne Katz, "Censors' Helpers," The New York Times, 4 December 1993, p. A21. °Helen Longino, "Pornography, Oppression, and Freedom: A Closer Look," In Take Back the Night: Women on Pornography, Laura Lederer (Ed.). (New York: William Morrow, 1980), p. 42. 27
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Marilyn French, in The War Against Women, insisted "feminist analysis has taught us that even mild pornography degrades women and teaches men to see them through a distorted, deforming lens."31 Andrea Dworkin and Catharine A. MacKinnon expounded on this theory in Por nography & Civil Rights: A New Day for Women's Equality. They wrote, "Pornography is sex discrimination ... a practice of civil inequality on the basis of gender posing the threats to its target population."32 In their framework, there is no distinction between what has been commonly called "hard porn" and "soft porn." They insist that all types of pornography harm women and prevent them from exercising their full citizenship and participation in the public life of this nation. "Pornography is a systematic practice of exploitation and subordination based on sex.... The harm of pornography includes dehumanization, sexual exploitation, forced sex, forced prostitution, physical injury ... [it undermines] women's equal exercise of rights to speech and action guaranteed to all citizens under the Constitution and the laws of the United States ... ,"33 Dworkin and MacKinnon insist that there is no difference between "hard core" porno snuff films (that depict the dehumanization and death of a female) or Playboy or Penthouse magazines (even though they are generally perceived to be "soft porn" periodicals): When Penthouse hangs Asian women from trees, it is speech.... 'Soft core' is a mis nomer because both magazines [Playboy and Penthouse] show violent and violating uses of women's bodies; both magazines include overtly violent material; both mag azines have material that promotes rape and child sexual abuse.34 Dworkin and MacKinnon attacked Playboy as "a bona fide part of the trade in women." Underlying all of Playboy's pictorials, they argued, is the basic theme of all pornography: "That all women are whores by nature, born wanting to be sexu ally accessible to all men at all times.... Playboy in both text and pictures pro motes both rape and child sexual abuse."35 Dworkin and MacKinnon assert that women are victims of all forms of pornography, regardless of attempts to shield it Marilyn French, The War Against Women (New York: Summit Books, 1992), p. 166. Also see Su san P. Phillips and Margaret S. Schneider, "Sexual Harassment of Female Doctors by Patients," New England Journal of Medicine, 329(December 23, 1993): pp. 1936–1939. 32 Andrea Dworkin and Catharine A. MacKinnon, Pornography & Civil Rights: A New Day for Women's Equality (Minneapolis, MN: Organizing Against Pornography, 1988), p. 31. Also see Tamar Lewin, "Furor on Exhibit at Law School Splits Feminists," The New York Times, 13 November 1992, p. B16. 33Dworkin and MacKinnon,Pornography & Civil Rights, pp. 34–35. The ideas of Andrea Dworkin and Catharine A. MacKinnon have influenced many individuals in Washington and elsewhere, and a sig nificant number of authors have joined their campaign against all forms of pornography and sexual dis crimination. Notable examples include Susan Griffin's Pornography and Silence (New York: Harper & Row, 1981) and Margaret Jean Intons-Peterson and Beverly Roskos-Ewoldsen's "Mitigating The Ef fects of Violent Pornography," in For Adult Users Only: The Dilemma of Violent Pornography; Susan Gubar and Joan Hoff (Eds.). (Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 1989). 34 Dworkin and MacKinnon, Pornography & Civil Rights, pp. 63, 67. Also see Lynn Hunt, (Ed.), The Invention of Pornography: Obscenity and the Origins of Pornography, 1500–1800 (Cambridge, MA: M.I.T. Press, 1993). 35Dworkin and MacKinnon, Pornography & Civil Rights, p. 68.
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behind "artistic" or "literary" facades. Yet many individuals rejected their theses inasmuch as the First Amendment and various Supreme Court decisions pro tected most forms of "soft porn."36 In response to these issues, the two authors crafted a strategy focusing on the is sue of "harm" that became the center of a maelstrom engulfing the entire feminist movement. They argued that all types of pornography create harm and violate the public good and the civil rights of all citizens, regardless of gender. Pornography is, consequently, a direct violation of the Fourteenth Amendment and is not protected by the First Amendment. The Fourteenth Amendment reads as follows: Section 1: All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the juris diction thereof, are citizens of the United States and of the State wherein they reside. No state shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or immuni ties of citizens of the United States; nor shall any State deprive any person of life, lib erty, or property, without due process of law; nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws.
Section 5: The Congress shall have power to enforce, by appropriate legislation, the provisions of this article. Their approach was crystal clear: Attack and outlaw all forms of pornography under the Fourteenth Amendment. To achieve this goal, Dworkin and MacKinnon wrote the "Anti-Pornography Civil Rights Ordinance," which stated, "pornography is sex discrimination." Their ordinance sought damages for "any person who has a cause of action under this law ... ,"37 The Dworkin-MacKinnon ordinance was adopted by several cities (including Minneapolis, Indianapolis, and Cambridge). This ordinance defined pornography as: The graphic sex–sexually explicit subordination of women, whether in pictures or in words, that also includes one or more of the following: (1) women who are presented as sexual objects or who enjoy pain or humiliation; or (2) women who are presented as sex ual objects who experience sexual pleasure in being raped; or (3) women who are pre sented as sexual objects tied up or cut or mutilated or bruised or physically hurt, or as dismembered or truncated or fragmented or severed into body parts; or (4) women who are presented being penetrated by objects or animals; or (5) women who are presented in scenarios of degradation, injury, abasement, torture, shown as filthy or inferior, bleeding, bruised, or hurt in a context that makes these conditions sexual; and (6) women who are presented as sexual objects for domination, conquest, violation, exploi tation, possession, or use, or through postures or positions of servility or submission or display. The use of men, children, or transsexuals in the place of women in paragraphs (1) through (6) above shall also constitute pornography through this section.38
36Ibid. 37Ibid.,p. 31. Also see Harvey L. Zuckerman, Robert L. Corn-Revere, Robert M. Frieden, and Charles H. Kennedy (Eds.), Modern Communications Law (St. Paul, MN: West Group, 1999), pp. 1047-1052; Bill Carter, "Advertisers Less Skittish About Explicit Programs," The New York Times, 1 December 1992, pp. Dl, D8. 38"TheAnti-Pornography Civil Rights Ordinance," 598 F.Supp. at 1320 (S.D. Ind. 1984), 11 Med.L.Rptr. at 1106.
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The ordinance also outlawed the trafficking of pornographic materials, defined to include the production, sale, exhibition, or distribution of pornographic products. As could be expected, this ordinance triggered a debate within American society and the book community. The American Booksellers Association (ABA), the Asso ciation of American Publishers (AAP), and the Freedom To Read Foundation of the American Library Association (ALA) went to court to challenge the legality of the ordinance. Their arguments were based on both the First and Fourteenth Amend ments to the U.S. Constitution, as well as statements regarding the ordinance's sweeping characteristics and vagueness. A District Judge declared the ordinance unconstitutional, as did the U.S. Court of Appeals in the Seventh Circuit.39 MacKinnon addressed this setback in Only Words: [P]rotecting pornography means protecting sexual abuse as speech, at the same time that both pornography and its protection have deprived women of speech, especially speech against sexual abuse. There is a connection between the silence enforced on women ... and the noise of pornography that surrounds us, passing for discourse (ours, even) and parading under constitutional protection.40
Strossen's Response The Dworkin-MacKinnon approach triggered an intense dialogue. Long recog nized as one of the most cogent critics of the antipornography movement, Nadine Strossen argued that "an essential aspect of women's right to equal opportunity in employment and education is the right to be free from sexual harassment."41 Yet she dismisses the jeremiads of the Dworkin-MacKinnon camp. Her thesis is that "censorship would in fact undermine important women's rights goals."42 Insisting that more speech is better than less speech, a well-established principle among civil libertarians, Strossen wrote that "a restriction on speech can be justi fied only when necessary to prevent actual or imminent harm to an interest of 'com pelling' importance, such as violence or injury to others" (known as the "bad tendency argument" in law schools and courts).43 Yet curtailing speech or publica tions would not prevent actual or potential harm (to women or society) because at tacking the format (i.e., a book or the Internet) is simplistic and does not get at the root cause of violence and discrimination toward women. In addition, censorship is 39Teeter, Le Duc, and Loving, Law of Mass Communications, p. 129. Catharine A. MacKinnon, Only Words (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1993), pp. 9–10. Also see Catharine A. MacKinnon, Toward a Feminist Theory of the State (Cambridge, MA: Har vard University Press, 1989), pp. 195-214. Only Words generated an intriguing response from book re viewers; see Richard A. Posner, "Obsession," New Republic, 18 October 1993, pp. 31–32, 34–36; Michiko Katutani, "Pornography, the Constitution and a Fight Thereof," The New York Times, 29 Octo ber 1993, p. C26; and the controversial "rape review" by Carlin Romano, "Between the Motion and the Act," Nation, 15 November 1993, pp. 563–564, 566–568, 570. Also see Charles Scribner, Jr., In the Company of Writers: A Life in Publishing (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1990), p. 114. 41Strossen, Defending Pornography, pp. 23–24. 42 Ibid., p. 35. 43 Ibid, pp. 41–42. 40
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nothing more than a dead end to Strossen. "For without free speech, where can we go but backward along our hard-forged path?"44 The Response in Washington, DC Clearly, the mood in Washington, DC has always been mixed over this matter. Yet many individuals remember the activities of a highly visible coalition created by Tipper Gore (the wife of the former Vice President of the United States) and other prominent Washington women (including the wife of former Secretary of State James Baker) to have warning labels placed on the covers of records and CDs that contained songs with suggestive lyrics; the record industry has complied volun tarily with this request, as did the video game industry. The debate over the issue of harm, along with other related matters, continued to spark heated discussions. In 1985 President Ronald Reagan appointed the Meese Commission to investi gate the impact of pornography in America. Public hearings were held in six cities (Washington, Los Angeles, Miami, Houston, Chicago, and New York). The com mission heard testimony from 208 individuals, including 68 police and F.B.I, offi cers, Dr. C. Everett Koop (then the U.S. Surgeon General), 14 representatives from antipornography organizations (including Andrea Dworkin), representa tives from the U.S. Postal Service, and 30 victims of pornography and the sex in dustry (including former prostitutes and abused women). Almost all of these people blamed pornography for triggering problems that were undermining val ues and morals, abusing women and children, and contributing to the growth of the sex industry in this nation. In July 1986 the Meese Commission's report was made public. The Commission's majority report maintained there was a direct relationship between pornography and harm inflicted on women, specifically the degradation of women and violent attacks on them in America. Ninety-two recommendations were listed, including passing legislation to regulate the trafficking of obscene actions and materials, enacting on the state level obscenity statutes, and attacking child pornography.45 This report's conclusions generated significant responses among business ob servers and scholars. John F. Baker, Editorial Director at Publishers Weekly, re marked that no citizen should support pornography involving children. "It is only when material that has not been found to be legally obscene becomes the center of pressure tactics, harassment and intimidation that a line must be drawn ... ,"46 Be cause citizens will always disagree about certain matters, he is concerned when censorship enters the picture because the suppression of ideas or pictures is "the 44Ibid, p. 279. 45
Paul C. Weiler, Entertainment, Media, and the Law: Text, Cases, Problems (St. Paul, MN: West Publishing Co., 1997), pp. 72–74,78–81. Also see Margaret E. Thompson, Steven H. Chaffee, and Hayg H. Oshagan, "Regulating Pornography: A Public Dilemma," Journal of Communication, 40(Summer 1990): pp. 73-83; Robert W. Henry, Comstockery in America: Patterns of Censorship and Control (Boston: Beacon Press, 1960), pp. 3–26. 46 John F. Baker, "Censorship: An American Dilemma," In Censorship, Robert Emmet Long (Ed.). (New York: H. W. Wilson Company, 1990), p. 66.
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first step on a very slippery slope, one that can ultimately lead to the erosion of free doms much more precious than the freedom to be titillated."47 Christie Hefner, president and chief executive officer of Playboy Enterprises, viewed the Meese Commission and censorship as dangerous signs on the American landscape. She remarked, "I deeply resent people being manipulated by others who disapprove of sexually explicit material because I care about the quality of life in this society, and because I think a part of that quality comes from tolerating a variety of life-styles and mindsets."48 She admitted that "We all find certain things objec tionable, but not the same things.... I fervently hope that we will cling to the histori cal assessment of the importance of that First Amendment."49 Lee Burress addressed this pressing issue in Battle of the Books: Literary Cen sorship in the Public Schools, 1950–1985. "Book burning illustrates the profoundly negative nature of censorship. It has actually occurred in the U.S. Slaughterhouse-Five was burned at Drake, North Dakota ... Of Mice and Men at Oil City, Pennsylvania.... In Omaha, Nebraska, a pile of books was burned, including the National Geographic and Daffy Duck comic books."50 Henry Reichman, in Censorship and Selection: Issues and Answers for Schools, outlined the American Library Association's "Library Bill of Rights," originally adopted in June 1948: 1. Books and other library resources should be provided for the interest, infor mation, and enlightenment of all people of the community the library serves. Mate rials should not be excluded because of the origin, background, or views of those contributing to their creation. 2. Libraries should provide materials and information presenting all points of view.... Materials should not be proscribed or removed because of partisan or doc trinal disapproval. 3. Libraries should challenge censorship in the fulfillment of their responsibil ity to provide information and enlightenment.51 Morris L. Ernest (a defense counsel in the landmark Ulysses case) argued that "The First Amendment, which is probably the greatest contribution of our nation to the history of government, was inserted only because the States wanted to make sure that the new Federal Government would keep its hands off the censorship busi 47Ibid., p. 66. Also see Alexander I. Poltorak and Paul J. Lerner, Essentials of Intellectual Property (New York: John Wiley & Sons, 2002), pp. 23–41; Martin Pedersen, "They Censor, I Select," Publishers Weekly, 10 January 1994, pp. 34–36. Christie Hefner, "The Meese Commission: Sex, Violence, and Censorship," in Censorship, Robert Emmet Long (Ed.). (New York: H. W. Wilson Company, 1990), p. 73. Also see James A. Autry, "Who's Afraid of the Religious Right?" Folio, 15 November 1993, p. 51. 49 Hefner, "The Meese Commission," p. 76. 50 Lee Burress, The Battle of the Books: Library Censorship in the Public Schools, 1950–1985 (Metuchen, NJ: Scarecrow Press, 1989), pp. 10–11. Also see Richard A. Posner Public Intellectuals: A Study of Decline (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2001), pp. 22–35, 41–58, 71–111. 51Henry Reichman, Censorship and Selection: Issues and Answers for Schools (Chicago: American Library Association and the American Association of School Administrators, 1988), p. 19.
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ness and would leave the entire control over the minds of the people in the hands of the state governments."52 Stephen King, the novelist, remarked, "I think censorship is always a power trip. What censorship is at bottom is about who's on top. The is sue behind censorship is always somebody saying, 'My point of view is more valid than your point of view.'"53 Mill and Harm John Stuart Mill, in "Of the Liberty of Thought and Discussion," which appeared in 1859 in On Liberty, wrote that "The time, it is hoped, is gone by when any defense would be necessary of the 'liberty of the press' as one of the securities against cor rupt or tyrannical government."54 What then of the issue of "harm"? Dworkin and MacKinnon argue that pornographic works harm women, men, and all of society. Mill insisted, on the other hand, that "strange it is that men should admit the validity of the arguments for free discussion, but object to their being 'pushed to an ex treme,' not seeing that unless the reasons are good for an extreme case, they are not good for any case."55 Mill also focused on the issue of "diversity of opinion," which he felt was needed until "mankind shall have entered a stage of intellectual advancement which at present seems at an incalculable distance."56 Drawing on numerous examples, Mill posited that "only through diversity of opinion is there, in the existing state of hu man intellect, a chance of fair play to all sides of the truth."57 Yet Mill maintained that ideas, images, or words that hurt more people than were helped by them cannot be supported because harm was inflicted on individuals, a tricky, slippery philosophical slope, that, nevertheless, had to be confronted. This compelled Mill to believe that there are, after all, some rational limits in any reason able defense of a free press. The problem is, unquestionably, ascertaining whether that thin line separating acceptable and unacceptable behavior has been crossed. Almost a century and a half later, Ellen Frankel Paul, obviously influenced by Mill, touched on some of these same concerns. Paul wrote in Society that "a dis tinction must be restored between morally offensive behavior and behavior that causes serious harm. Only the latter should fall under the jurisdiction of criminal or tort law."58 So in spite of the ideas of Mill and others, spirited defenses of the First Amend ment, and passionate analyses of the impact of pornography on society, many Americans in the early part of the 21st century continued to ask again and again the 52 Morris L. Ernest, "On Banned Books," in War of Words: The Censorship Debate, George Beahm (Ed.). (Kansas City, MO: Andrews and McMeel, 1993), pp. 18–19. 53Stephen King, "Stephen King on Censorship," in War of Words, p. 31. S4 John Stuart Mill, On Liberty (New York: Penguin Books, 1974), p. 75. 55 Ibid., p. 81. 56Ibid., p. 81. 57Ibid., pp. 108–111. 58 Ellen Frankel Paul, "Bared Buttocks and Federal Cases," in Philosophy of Law, Joel Feinberg and Hyman Gross (Eds.). (Belmont, CA: Wadsworth Publishing Company, 1995), p. 473.
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same questions: What exactly is pornography? Why does it exist in America? What impact does it have on society? How can we defend the First Amendment while not allowing harm to be inflicted on any segment of our population? Regardless of one's personal opinions on these matters, one thing is clear. These queries will dominate public discourse and debates within both American society and the U.S. publishing industry well into the 21st century. COPYRIGHT PROTECTION
Authors write for many different reasons. Yet every writer wants to insure that his or her ideas, books, articles, and so on are protected from infringement. Fortu nately, the United States affords authors substantial protection in relation to copy right protection. A copyright is, in essence, a legal right granted to the author or originator of a lit erary or artistic work. "Copyright law provides a financial incentive for creativity while ensuring that the public will eventually gain full access to the copyrighted work."59 The U.S. Constitution becomes the basis for any discussion of copyrights in this nation. According to the Constitution's Article I, Section 8: The Congress shall have power... to promote the progress of science and useful arts by securing for limited times to authors and inventors the exclusive right to their re spective writings and discoveries.
Americans labored under an archaic copyright law until the most recent one was passed in 1976.60 This nation's current statute (specifically the Copyright Act of 1976; Public Law 94-553) went into effect on January 1,1978. Some of the key pro visions of this law, from Section 102 (a), include: Copyright protection subsists, in accordance with this title, in original works of au thorship fixed in any tangible medium of expression, now known or later developed, from which they can be perceived, reproduced, or otherwise communicated, either di rectly or with the aid of a machine or device. Works of authorship include the follow ing categories: (1) literary works ...
The code outlines the subject matter of copyright, including compilations and de rivative works (Section 103) as well as unpublished works (a critically important pro tection afforded to authors involved in a "work in progress") and published works (Section 104 [a] and [b]). In addition, exclusive rights are addressed (Section 106). The owner of copyright under this title has the exclusive right to do and to autho rize any of the following: (1) to reproduce the copyrighted work in copies or phonorecords; (2) to prepare derivative works based on the copyrighted work; (3) to 59 Teeter, Le Duc, and Loving, Law of Mass Communications, p. 721. 60Roger E. Schechter. Intellectual Property: The Law of Copyrights, Patents, and Trademarks (St. Paul, MN: Thomson/West, 2003), pp. 67–127.
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distribute copies or phonorecords of the copyrighted work to the public by sale or other transfer of ownership.61 While exclusive ownership is conveyed to the author, or the publisher, Section 107 limits exclusive rights. This means that the "fair use" of the work(s) is pro tected. The code's language is remarkably clear on this point. Notwithstanding the provisions of sections 106 and 106A, the fair use of a copyrighted work, including such use by reproduction in copies or phonorecords or by any other means specified by that section, for purposes such as criticism, comment, news reporting, teaching (including multiple copies for classroom use), scholarship, or research, is not an in fringement of copyright.62 The drafters of the code sought to create a system that was equitable to the holder of the copyright as well as the average citizen (in essence, there had to be reasonable usage of "fair use"). The following fair use ideas and stipulations were incorporated into Section 107: (a) whether the purpose of making a copy (or copies) was commercial, non profit, or educational; (b) the nature of the copyright work; (c) the amount of the work utilized (e.g., the number of words used in the reproduction in relation to the total number of words in the document); (d) the impact of this usage on the market for and/or the value of the work. For example, Section 108 afforded libraries and ar chives the right to make copies; other pertinent sections (Section 110) dealt with performances, displays, (Section 111) secondary transmissions, and so on. The code also provided detailed information about the ownership of a copyright (Section 201). Specific substantive issues in this section dealt with initial owner ship (the original author or authors who penned the work); "a work made for hire" ("the employer or other person for whom the work was prepared is considered the author for purposes of this title"); contributions to collective works ("copyright in each separate contribution to a collective work is distinct from copyright in the col lective work as a whole, and vests initially in the author of the contribution"); and the transfer of ownership through a contract or a bequeathal. Involuntary transfer is also defined and addressed.63 How long can an individual hold a copyright? Sections 301-304 addressed this matter. Any work created on or after January 1,1978 shall "endure" (i.e., be copy righted) for the life of the author plus 50 years. However, there are many exceptions to this rule, especially for work copyrighted prior to the effective date of the new law. In addition, the U.S. Congress passed legislation extending the period of time from "life of the author plus 50 years" to "life of the author plus 70 years." While some legal experts cast doubt about the legality of this extension, the U.S. Supreme Court, in a landmark decision, rejected the challenges and upheld the Congress' 61Mark A. Glick. Intellectual Property Damages: Guidelines and Analysis (Hoboken, NJ: Wiley, 2003); pp. 20–48, 83–95. 62 Sheldon W. Halpern. Copyright Law:Protection of Original Expression (Durham, NC: Carolina Academic Press, 2002), pp. 18–29, 81–102. 63 Lucie M. C. R. Guibault. Copyright Limitations and Contracts: An Analysis of the Contractual Overridability of Limitations on Copyright (Boston: Kluwer Law International, 2002), pp. 113–125, 333–366.
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right to extent copyright to life of the author plus 70 years, which brought U.S. copyright law into conformity with the major international copyright laws and con ventions. Other issues addressed in the law include: the public domain, transferring copy right ownership, rules concerning copyright notice, U.S. Government documents and materials, and the requirements that must be followed to deposit and register a work for copyright protection. As with any new law, there were numerous clauses concerning infringements and remedies, actual damages, profits, unfair competition, and criminal penalties (Section 506) including up to a "$10,000 fine or imprisonment for not more than one year."64 one year."64 Registration of a Copyright How is a book copyrighted? The primary purpose of obtaining copyright protection is to make the public aware of an individual's ownership. Under the existing code, the registration of a book with the copyright office (officially the Register of Copy rights, Library of Congress, Washington, DC 20559) is not a condition for copy right protection. However, because this is a litigious society, any author is well advised to consider registering his or her book by following a rather streamlined process. This is prudent because a public record of ownership is made, this record is generally necessary before an infringement suit can be initiated, and the copyright becomes prima facie evidence in a court. To register a work, a properly completed application form must be submitted to the Register of Copyrights (available from the Register). There are a number of dif ferent application forms, depending on whether it is (1) a published or unpublished dramatic literary work, (2) a performance piece (musical and dramatic works or other audiovisual works), (3) to be renewed, (4) a supplementary registration, or (5) an adjunct application. In addition, a small fee must accompany the application along with a deposit copy of the manuscript or book. The author(s), the copyright claimant, the owner of the exclusive right(s), or the authorized agent of the author, copyright claimant, or the owner of the exclusive right(s) may file an application with the Register of Copyrights. Generally speak ing, a publishing house's editor, working with the firm's legal counsel, will prepare 64Ibid.; also see Jeffrey M. Samuels (Ed.). Patent Trademark and Copyright Laws (Washington, DC: Bureau of National Affairs, 1991), p. 229; Jeffrey M. Samuels, (Ed.), Patent Trademark and Copyright Laws: 1992 Supplement to the 1991 Edition (Washington, DC: Bureau of National Affairs, 1992), p. iii; Deborah E. Bouchoux, Protecting Your Company's Intellectual Property: A Practical Guide to Trade marks, Copyrights, Patents, and Trade Secrets (New York: AMACOM, 2001), pp. 12–44; Benjamin Klein, Andres V. Lerner, and Kevin Murphy, 'The Economics of Copyright 'Fair Use' in a Networked World," The American Economic Review, 92, 2(May 2002): pp. 205–208; Kenneth D. Crews, Copyright, Fair Use, and the Challenge for Universities: Promoting the Progress of Higher Education (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1993), pp. 36–46,78–92; Katherina Czarnecki, "Enforcing Copyright Law Within and Between Nations," Publishing Research Quarterly, 8(Summer 1992): pp. 27–29; Ashley Packard, "Copyright or Copy Wrong: An Analysis of University Claims to Faculty Work," Communica tion and Law Policy, 7(Summer 2002): pp. 275–316.
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and submit the form(s), fee(s), including any and all renewal fee(s), and deposit copy, although an author's agent might handle this matter.65 The Berne Convention The Berne Convention (officially the "Convention for the Protection of Literary and Artistic Works," including any and all acts, protocols, and revisions) was signed in Berne, Switzerland on September 9, 1886; the United States is a signatory of the Berne Convention. A book is covered under the Berne Convention if: (1) the author(s) of an unpublished or published work is a citizen of a country adhering to the Berne Convention; and (2) the work was first published in a nation adhering to the Convention. There are rather elaborate provisions regarding audio or visual works, heirs, country of origin, and so forth. Copyright protection under Berne is the life of the author plus 70 years, paralleling coverage under the current U.S. copyright law. The United States also signed the Universal Copyright Convention (UCC), which extends copyright protection to authors of signatory nations. The UCC stipu lates that in addition to the author's national origin, a work to be covered must con tain a copyright symbol (the letter "c" placed within a circle ©, the name of the copyright's owner, and the year of first publication. In essence, this means that if an author or individual listed in the classifications named above has a work published and copyrighted in the United States, then this work has copyright protection in all of the nations that are signatories of Berne and/or UCC. Although this pool of nations is quite large, not all countries have signed one or both of these treaties. Parameters of the Copyright Law Because the notion of copyright has a long history in this nation, there are many un usual features, traditions, and legal cases that have molded copyright practices and laws. Although beyond the scope of this work, several examples are discussed to il lustrate the law's intricacies. One intriguing case centered on ownership of a character in a literary work. Wil liam S. Strong, in The Copyright Book: A Practical Guide, analyzed the famous Maltese Falcon case.66 Dashiell Hammett wrote the mystery novel The Maltese 65
These procedures are covered in a number of practical guidebooks. They include: Elizabeth Pres ton and the staff of The Writer Magazine, A Writer's Guide to Copyright (Boston: The Writer Inc., 1982), pp. 9-12; Robert B. Chickering and Susan Hartman, How To Register a Copyright and Protect Your Creative Work: A Basic Guide to the New Copyright Law and How It Affects Anyone Who Wants to Protect Creative Work (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1980), pp. 13-106; Ronald L. Goldfarb and Gail E. Ross, The Writer's Lawyer: Essential Legal Advice for Writers and Editors in All Media (New York: Times Books, 1989), pp. 45-82; H. P. Killough, The Beginning Creator's Copyright Manual (De troit, MI: Harlo Press, 1988), pp. 55–63; and Mark Warda, How To Register a United States Copyright: With Forms (Clearwater, FL: Sphinx Publishing, 1992), pp. 27–-30. 66William S. Strong, The Copyright Book: A Practical Guide, 5th ed. (Cambridge, MA: M.I.T Press, 1999), p. 23.
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Falcon. He sold the story to Warner Brothers, which eventually produced a film version. Hammett then wrote several other stories using the same central character, the private detective Sam Spade, who was pivotal in both his original novel and the Warner film. Warner Brothers sued for alleged copyright infringement; they in sisted they had purchased the film rights and claimed de facto ownership of the story and characters contained in it.67 A court ascertained that Hammett had sold the story, but that he retained rights to the characters, including Spade. In addition, the court addressed the issue of whether a character could be copyrighted; they reasoned and held that it could not unless "it constituted the story being told." (Emma in Jane Austen's novel might be an example of the latter case.) "Its opinion was that characters like Sam Spade are a writer's stock-in-trade."68 This meant that, although the words and story can be cov ered under U.S. Copyright Law, the actual characters are excluded from protection under this law. "The court characterized an author's ownership of a character as property of a different sort—property that is protected by ordinary legal rules, not by copyright law."69 Although this landmark decision resolved the issues related to Spade, many others were not specifically addressed by the court, including the precise time period of cov erage and the rights of the author's heirs. Strong wondered what would have hap pened if Hammett's estate had been left to the writer Lillian Hellman. Could she have written stories using the Spade character? What rights would Hammett's children and publishers have in this matter?70 Strong stated, "I would not venture to guess how a court might decide them in the future.... I should add that most of these issues do not
67
Ibid., pp. 23–24. 68Ibid., p. 25. 69Ibid., p. 25. Also see Edward E. Schlee, "The Value of Information in Efficient Risk-Sharing Arrangements," The American Economic Review, 91, 3(June 2001): pp. 509-524; Margaret J. M. Ezell, Social Authorship and the Advent of Print: The Editor's Advice to Writers (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2000), pp. 65-87; Steven Shavell and Tanque van Ypersele, "Rewards Ver sus Intellectual Property Rights,"Journal of Law and Economics, 44, 2(2001): pp. 525–547; Charles Clark, "Copyrights and the Publisher in a Market Economy," Publishing Research Quarterly, 8(Summer 1992): pp. 79-85; Murray J. Edelman, The Politics of Misinformation (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001), pp. 11–31; E. J. Josey and Kenneth D. Shearer, Politics and the Support of Li braries (New York: Neal-Schuman Publishers, 1990), pp. 54–59; Nat Hentoff, The First Freedom: The Tumultuous History of Free Speech in America (New York: Delacorte Press, 1980), pp. 55-106; Gordon V. Smith and Russell L. Parr, Valuation of Intellectual Property and Intangible Assets, 3rd ed. (New York: John Wiley & Sons, 2000), pp. 107-149; Arthur R. Miller and Michael H. Davis, Intellec tual Property: Patents, Trademarks, and Copyright (St. Paul, MN: West Wadsworth, 2000), pp. 133–138; Michel Boldrin and David Levine, "The Case Against Intellectual Property," The American Economic Review, 92, 2(May 2002): pp. 209–21. 70 Paul K. Saint-Amour, The Copyrights: Intellectual Property and the Literary Imagination (Ithaca: Cornell University press, 2003), pp. 41–54, 82–99, 235–268. Also see Samuel E. Trosow (Ed.). The Political Economy of Legal Information: The New Landscape (New York: Haworth Infor mation Press, 1999), pp. 1-23; Corynne McSherry, Who Owns Academic Work? Battling for Control of Intellectual Property (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2001), pp. 27-57; Ruth Towse (Ed.). Copyright in the Cultural Industries (Northampton, MA: Edward Elgar, 2002), pp. 43–61; Ruth Towse and Rudi Holzhauer (Eds.). The Economics of Intellectual Property (Northampton, MA: Ed ward Elgar, 2002), pp. 31–68.
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arise where cartoon or other visual characters are concerned. Mickey Mouse and his colleagues are clearly protected by copyright as works of visual art."71 Other substantive issues related to the evolving arena of copyright law involve complex computer software (including the "look and feel" of a program), and a work created with the aid of a computer. This is a fertile subject for discussion be cause changes will continue to occur. Any individual concerned about any issue re lated to the either copyright law or protection afforded under it is well advised to obtain professional advice from an attorney familiar with the interstices of this law. Pirating of Content Whereas books generate a substantial amount of net publishers' revenues and jobs, pirating of books (and other intellectual properties) is a big business. According to data collected and released by the International Intellectual Property Alliance (IIPA), 51 nations are monitored (in four distinct categories) for copyright infringement.72 As of 2004, one country (the Ukraine) is on the "priority foreign country" list (the most sensitive category of nations involved in blatant copyright violations). The People's Republic of China is on the "monitoring" list, a designation just below the top priority cohort. Twenty-one nations were on the "priority watch list," the third most sensitive cluster. Some of the countries placed into this group include Argentina, India, Indo nesia, the Philippines, Taiwan, and South Korea. The remaining countries are on the "watch list," the lowest of the 4 monitored categories, including 10 nations from the old Soviet Union (Belarus, Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, etc.), Saudi Arabia, South Af rica, Turkey, and Venezuela.73 According to IIPA, the U.S. lost an estimated $653.3 million dollars in pirated books in 2000, $637.9 million in 2001, and $514.5 million in 2002.74 However, data on book copyright violations were estimates. IIPA relied on data aggregated by the book industry's "local representatives and consultants to determine losses. These experts base their estimates on the availability of pirate books, especially those found near educational institutions, bookstores, and outdoor bookstalls. A limita tion here is that experts can only gauge losses based on the pirated books that are 7l Makeen Foaud Makeen, Copyright in a Global Information Society: The Scope of Copyright Pro tection Under International, U. S., U. K., and French Law (Boston: Kluwer Law International 2000), pp. 25–63, 319–352. Also see Christopher Heath and Anselem Kamperman Sanders (Eds.), Intellectual Property in the Digital Age: Challenges for Asia (Boston: Kluwer Law International 2001), pp. 11–41, 74–91. 72 The International Intellectual Property Alliance, The International Intellectual Property Alliance 2002 Special 301 Report on Global Copyright Protection and Enforcement; Special 301 Recommenda tions (Washington, DC: The International Intellectual Property Alliance, 2002), pp. 1–4; and IIPA 2003 'Special 301' Recommendations 14 February 2003, pp. 1–2. 73 The International Intellectual Property Alliance, The International Intellectual Property Alliance 2002 Special 301 Report on Global Copyright Protection and Enforcement; Appendix C (Washington, DC: The International Intellectual Property Alliance, 2002), pp. 1–2. 74 Ibid., pp. 3–4.
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sold."75 So it seems likely that the actual loss exceeded, and in all likelihood greatly exceeded, the official IIPA tallies for 2000, 2001, and 2002. As for the role the intellectual content industries play in the U.S. economy, the IIPA determined that these businesses "accounted for 5.24% of the U.S. Gross Do mestic Product (GDP), or $535.1 billion—an increase of over $75 billion from 1999 and exceeding 5 percent of the economy and one-half trillion dollars for the first time."76 However, Stephen E. Siwek's more extensive study on this issue highlights the important role intellectual property business plays in the U.S. economy.77 Siwek's data revealed that "in 2001, the total copyright industries contributed an estimated $791.2 billion to the U.S. economy for approximately 7.75% of GDP... The real annual growth rate of the core copyright industries (adjusted for inflation) has been more than double the growth rate of the economy as a whole."78 As for employment, it grew in the core copyright industries "from 1.6 percent (1.5 million workers) of the U.S. workforce in 1977 to 3.5% (4.7 million workers) in 2001."79 LIBEL
An oral statement can be construed as being slanderous, but only written words can be covered under the libel laws of the U.S. If an individual is libeled, it means that he or she sustained a "defamation." Teeter, Le Duc, and Loving define defamation to be a written expression that exposes an individual "to hatred, ridicule, or con tempt, lowers them in the esteem of others, causes them to be shunned, or injures them in their business or calling."80 So an author (or editor or publisher) must confront boldly and clearly the rights of an individual under existing libel laws as well as the author's guaranteed rights under the First Amendment. William L. Prosser confronted the knotty issue of bal ancing the rights of the author and the individual being written about in The Law of Torts (a tort is a legal wrong). Prosser wrote that "there is a great deal of the law of defamation which makes no sense. It contains anomalies and absurdities ... and it is a curious compound of a strict liability imposed upon innocent defendants."81 In reality, any person who is living can charge that he or she was defamed; some possible exceptions to this include: an individual who is a notorious criminal or a person or a company whose business practices and standards are impugned. Such entities might be viewed as being "libel proof." 75Ibid., pp. 5–6; and IIPA 2003 'Special 301 'Recommendations 14 February 2003, pp. 1–2. 76The International Intellectual Property Alliance, IIPA Economic Study Reveals Copyright Indus tries Remain a Driving Force in the U.S. Economy (Washington, DC: The International Intellectual Property Alliance, 2002), p. 1. 77Stephen E. Siwek, Copyright Industries in the U.S. Economy: The 2002 Report (Washington, DC: Economists Incorporated, 2002), p. 3. 78 Ibid., p. 4. 79 Ibid., p. 4. 8 °Teeter, Le Duc, and Loving, Law of Mass Communications, p. 140. 81 William L. Prosser, The Law of Torts (St. Paul, MN: West Publishing Company, 1964), p. 2
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For the average citizen clearly not in these categories, libel could occur if the plaintiff insists (and can prove in a court of law) that the five key elements of libel were present: (1) publication, (2) identification, (3) defamation, (4) fault, and (5) • • R7 injury. In general, libelous words or phrases are classified into five groups that damage (1) an individual's esteem or social standing, (2) a person through ridicule, (3) an individual through words imputing disease or mental illness, (4) a person in his trade, occupation, or profession, or (5) a corporation's integrity, credit, or ability to carry on business.83 All five conditions and types of words or phrases are subject to much analysis and debate, and the precise conditions applicable to each one have been subject to different interpretations by judges. What could trigger a libel suit? Some possible examples include: a critical book review, personal opinion, statements made un der emotional distress or mental anguish, "libel per se" (libelous at face value; for example, calling someone a whore who is not a whore), "libel per quod" (an inno cent word or phrase when used in a sentence creates a libelous situation), or what could be termed "rhetorical hyperbole."84 Some of these examples could be ex empt from coverage under libel laws, others might not. There are numerous cave ats related to libelous matters, including public figures, public issues, actual malice (reckless disregard), making up quotes, neutral reportage, and knowing "falsity" (falsehood). Are there defenses a defendant can employ in a libel suit? Some possible ones in clude: use and quotation from a public law or an official proceeding (known as qual ified privilege); opinion (a book review for example); or the truth as a defense.85 Who has to prove the defendant was guilty? Many courts place this burden squarely on the shoulders of the plaintiff because he or she alleges a tort occurred. At times the defendant is compelled to prove his or her innocence by providing in formation, data, and so forth, supporting the validity of the statement(s) in question. After all, privacy laws exist in this nation, and an individual has the right to be left alone; so "intrusion as an invasion of privacy" is merely one example where the de fendant could be propelled to launch a strong defense.86 Libel laws provide for damages. Since 1970, some of these damages have be come rather large, often exceeding the $1 million level. Overall, one must exert care and due diligence to avoid breaking any of these laws or guidelines, either directly or indirectly. However, this is not an easy task. For example, in the scope of writing 82
Teeter, Le Duc, and Loving, Law of Mass Communications, pp. 146–149. Rodney A. Smolla, Law of Defamation (St. Paul, MN: West Group, 1999), pp. 7–51, 63–78, 101–140. 84 Robert D. Sack, Libel, Slander, And Related Problems, 2nd ed. (New York: Practicing Law Insti tute, 1994), pp. 40–94, 126–163. 85 David Hooper, Reputations Under Fire: Winners and Losers in the Libel Business (London: Little, Brown, 2000), pp. 8–21, 529–532. 86 Roy L. Moore, Mass Communication Law and Ethics (Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associ ates, 1994), pp. 19–66, 75–111, 528–570. Also see Catherine Courtney, David Newell, and Santha Rasaiah, The Law of Journalism (London: Buttersworth, 1995), 25–69. 83
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a book or article, an author assimilates thousands of words, ideas, and theses, judg ments are reached, sentences are constructed, and a finished product emerges. This is a complex process and, undoubtedly, not a scientific one. The creative endeavor is hardly as neat and clean as a technical experiment, so it becomes increasingly dif ficult to avoid completely confronting these intellectual property matters, which is why courts and juries labor strenuously to balance the equities of the plaintiff and the defendant. Justice is sought, but justice is, after all, blind.87
87 Samuel Merrill, Newspaper Libel:A Handbook for the Press (Littleton, CO: F.B. Rothman, 1995), pp. 37–46. Also see David Pritchard, Holding the Media Accountable: Citizens, Ethics, and the Law (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2000), pp. 27-55; Lloyd J. Jassin, The Copyright Permission and Libel Handbook: A Step-by-Step Guide for Writers, Editors, and Publishers (New York: Wiley, 1998), pp. 16–47, 71–91.
CHAPTER TEN
Publishing Confronts the Twenty-First Century Is the book publishing "glass" half filled or half empty ? In reality, the book publish ing glass is not being replenished. Although it is easy to say that publishing is in a state of uncertainty because of the shifting patterns of readers, technological innovations, and the impact of intense competition for media usage (i.e., time) and media expenditures from other more seductive media formats, publishing has been in such a predicament since 1639 when the first book was published in what is now the United States. Yet the scope of the current sense of insecurity, or semichaos to our colleagues in economics, is wide-reaching and, clearly, disconcerting. A review of the major datasets released by Veronis Suhler Stevenson highlights the nature of the problem. People in the United States are just not reading as much as they used to. MEDIA CONSUMER SPENDING: 1996-2006 The average consumer spent $503.32 for all media goods and services in 1996. By 2001, that tally increased to $683.33 (+35.76%; +$180.01), easily outpacing the CPI (+12.87% during those years). Veronis Suhler Stevenson projects another round of increases for total expenditures (+29.56%; +$201.98) by 2006.1 Of the annual total, the share held by "total television" (i.e., the cost of cable and satellite TV; broadcast TV is free) was 27.89% in 1996, 32.98% in 2001, and a pro jected 31.87% in 2006. Paid admissions at movie theaters ("box office") accounted for $27.11 per per son (and a 5.39% market share) in 1996; expenditures for the sale and or rental of prerecorded videotapes or DVDs ("home video") were an impressive $87.14 (and a 17.31% share). By 2001, average box office expenditures topped $36.57 (dipping 1Veronis Suhler Stevenson, Communications Industry Forecast (New York: Veronis Suhler Stevenson, 2002), pp. 44–55.
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slightly to a 5.35% share); home video reached $109.60 (and a strong 16.04% share). The projected trends for 2006 are: (1) box office, $48.88, 5.52%; and (2) home video: $141.84, 16.02%. Table 10.1 outlines these trends. Consumer book purchases for most Americans represent a discretionary and not a fixed or mandated decision. Table 10.2 reveals the tallies for "total media." Clearly, reading's percentage of the total number of discretionary media dollars dropped steadily between 1996 ($70.94; 16.09%) and 2001 ($78.90; 12.6%) while other media categories increased their share. Compounding this problem was the fact that dollar increases in consumer book expenditures were up 11.22% during those years, lagging behind the CPFs 12.87% increase. The prognosis for consumer books through 2006 (10.59%) is unsettling. Veronis Suhler Stevenson anticipates consumers to spend $83.37 in 2006, up a paltry 5.67% since 2001, not keeping pace with the Congressional Budget Office's projected in creases in the CPI (which should average +2.3% annually through 2006). Data on newspapers and consumer magazines, the other 2 major print formats, for 1996–2001 are equally disconcerting. Consumer spending for newspapers was up only 2.25% between 1996–2001; and consumer magazines sustained a decline of 4.07%. The Veronis Suhler Stevenson estimates for newspapers and magazines for 2002–2006 are downright bleak. Table 10.2 illustrates these trends.
TABLE 10.1 Media Consumer Spending: 1996–2006 Consumer spending in dollars per person
Box
Home video
Year
Total media
Broadcast television
Cable & satellite
Total TV
Radio
1996
503.32
0.00
104.26
140.39
0.00
1997
530.44
0.00
115.40
154.76
0.00
28.88
87.02
1998
570.29
0.00
125.77
167.38
0.00
31.23
92.58
1999
622.32
0.00
135.61
181.71
0.00
33.11
97.33
office
27.11
87.14
2000
645.10
0.00
146.73
194.63
0.00
33.40
102.46
2001
683.33
0.00
158.94
210.58
0.00
36.57
109.60
2002
727.90
0.00
168.75
225.34
0.00
39.79
119.23
2003
774.52
0.00
178.64
241.30
0.00
41.86
127.80
2004
815.59
0.00
187.65
255.18
0.00
44.33
135.84
2005
852.93
0.00
195.62
269.18
0.00
45.82
141.35
2006
885.31
0.00
202.64
282.17
0.00
48.88
141.84
Source: Communication Industry Forecast 2002 (New York: Veronis Suhler Stevenson).
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CHAPTER 10 TABLE 10.2 Media Consumer Spending: 1995–2005 Consumer spending in dollars per person Video games
Newspapers
Consumer books
Consumer magazines
$8.46 13.24 20.87
$52.03
$70.94
$38.30
52.84
39.51
52.81
72.68 72.26
40.32
18.49
27.63
53.30
75.62
40.57
24.45 24.65 27.69 31.01
41.77
53.65 53.32
80.43 77.64 78.90 81.24
71.90
54.30 55.21 55.87
40.30 39.50 40.02
83.97
40.95
75.15 76.38
56.44 56.70
83.66 83.37
41.42
Total media
Recorded music
$465.49 496.87
$56.87
1996 1997
523.49
55.51
1998
564.43
61.67
1999
613.05 640.86 678.06 714.28
65.13
748.97
63.80
33.28
771.55 495.50
65.16
35.01
66.59
38.49
Year
1995
2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005
57.47
62.80 61.98 62.38
$10.53 11.47 16.45
Consumer Internet
50.63 57.37 64.90
40.48
42.50
Source: Communication Industry Forecast 2002 (New York: Veronis Suhler Stevenson).
Detailed information was also available for consumer media usage patterns (hours per person per year). Total media usage increased 6.6% between 1996 and 2001, with an additional 4.47% projected for the years 2002 through 2006. "Total television" (broadcast, cable, and satellite) held the largest share, ranging slightly from 46.7% in 1996 to 46.53% in 2001. Table 10.3 lists data for the years 1996-2001 and projections through 2006. Radio, long viewed as the "forgotten medium," posted exceptionally impressive results with a 27.54% market share in 2001. Box office hours will stagnate, averag ing only 13 hours annually. Home video will generate strong increases, as will video games. Recorded music, suffering because of the availability of free digital downloading, posted steep declines between 1996 and 2001, with additional de clines projected through 2006. Table 10.4 outlines these trends. On the print side, all three formats sustained declines, and, in some instances, a precipitous plummet in market share and total hours. Newspapers share of total hours stood at5.73% (192 hours) in 1996; consumer magazines held a smaller 3.73% share (125 hours); and consumer books were slightly smaller at 3.67% (123 hours). By 2001, newspapers declined to 4.96% (177 hours), magazines to 3.33% (119 hours), and consumer books to 3.05% (109 hours). In terms of total hours, newspapers fell 15 hours; magazines were off 6 hours; and consumer books dropped 14 hours.
TABLE 10.3 Annual Electronic Media Usage, Television: 1995-2005 Consumer media usage: Electronic format hours per year
Year
Total media hours per year
Total TV
Network affiliates
Independents
1996
3,349
1,563
811
177
1997
3,322
1,548
752
174
Premium cable & satellite
Total cable & satellite
487 521
88
575
101
622
1998
3,347
1,551
710
174
565
101
667
1999
3,469
1,588
706
162
617
103
720
2000
3,519
1,640
805
61
638
137
774
2001 2002
3,570
1,661
753
62
692
154
846
3,623
1,661
749
61
698
152
851
2003
3,661
1,656
736
61
706
153
858
2004
3,715
735
61
720
153
873
2005
3,750
1,669 1,672
729
61
729
152
2006
3,785
1,679
726
61
726
166
881 892
Source: Communication Industry Forecast 2002 (New York: Veronis Suhler Stevenson).
281
Basic cable & satellite networks
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TABLE 10.4 Annual Electronic Media Usage, Other Electronic Media: 1996-2006 Consumer media usage: Electronic format hours per year
Year
Total media hours per year
Radio
Box office
Home video
Recorded music
Video games
Consumer Internet
1995
3,306
970
12
49
288
22
5
1996
3,297
973
12
54
292
25
10
1997
3,279
964
13
53
270
36
34
1998
3,306
936
13
55
283
43
61
1999
3,434
967
13
55
289
61
99
2000
3,472
961
12
59
263
70
124
2001
3,519
981
12
62
250
79
149
2002
3,560
985
12
67
247
90
164
2003
3,583
990
12
70
246
97
182
2004
3,619
995
12
74
244
103
187
2005
3,649
998
12
81
243
115
194
Source: Communication Industry Forecast 2002 (New York: Veronis Suhler Stevenson).
The print outlook for the years 2002 through 2006 is dreadful. Newspapers will probably lose another 8 hours, with magazines off 7 hours and books down 6 hours. By 2006, market shares will hover near 4.46% for newspapers, 2.96% for maga zines, and 2.72% for consumer books. Table 10.5 outlines these trends. Television and the electronic media are able to present breaking news stories quickly, but the depth of coverage by these formats is generally a bit sparse. Print, on the other hand, has the time to delve deeply into issues, conflicting opinions, and the ories. Yet print is unquestionably in trouble, and its fortunes are sagging. Total broad casting and cable and satellite posted a sharp increase of 105 hours among consumers between 1996 and 2001, total entertainment (box office, home video, and recorded music) was up 25 hours), and consumer Internet usage surged 126 hours. Print lan guished, sustaining a decline of 36 hours. See Table 10.6 for the details. This meant that print's total market share dropped from a 13.2% share in 1996 to a paltry 11.3% in 2001, with a projected 10.2% in 2006. Table 10.7 outlines these trends. The data is unambiguous. Print usage is declining, and book usage is dropping at an alarming rate. What impact will these trends have on the widespread accep tance of electronic books, print on demand, and the electronic dissemination of book content?
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TABLE 10.5 Annual Media Usage: 1996-2006 Consumer media usage: Print formats hours per year Year
Total media hours per year
Daily newspapers
Consumer magazines
Consumer books
1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006
3,349 3,322 3,347 3,469 3,519 3,570 3,623 3,661 3,715 3,750 3,785
192 189 185 183 179 177 175 173 172 170 169
125 125 125 124 121 119 117 116 115 113 112
123 118 120 121 111 109 107 106 105 104 103
Source: Communication Industry Forecast 2002 (New York: Veronis Suhler Stevenson).
PUBLISHING AND THE DIGITAL INFORMATION AGE For the past 550 years, the printing press has been, as Elizabeth A. Eisenstein so aptly phrased it, "an agent of change."2 This machine enabled Martin Luther to spread his ideas (demonstrating for the first time the power of the press), played a substantive role in both the American and French Revolutions, triggered the trans mission of knowledge and literacy, and formed the modern mind.3 Print was supreme, at least until the computer, the Internet, and the electronic distribution of content came on the scene. By the late 1990s, computers and elec tronic products (including on-line services, electronic books, electronic book read ers, cable, wireless, FAX services, etc.) were ready to confront and displace printed 2 Elizabeth L. Eisenstein, The Printing Press as an Agent of Change, Vol. 1 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1979), pp. 7–20. Also see her book The Printing Revolution in Early Modern Europe (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1986). Robert Darnton and Daniel Roche (Eds.), Revolution in Print: The Press in France 1775–1800 (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1989), pp. 1–16. Also see Kathy Davidson, "Books in the 'Good Old Days': A Portrait of the Early American Book Industry," Book Research Quarterly 2(Winter 1986–1987): pp. 32–64, and her Revolution and the Word: The Rise of the Novel in America (New York: Oxford University Press, 1986); Neil Postman, Amusing Ourselves to Death: Public Discourse in the Age of Show Business (New York: Penguin Books, 1985), pp. 30–43.
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CHAPTER 10 TABLE 10.6 Hours Per Person Per Year Using Consumer Media: 1996-2006 Hours per person per year by media type
Year
Total broadcasting & cable media
Total entertainment media
Total consumer Internet medium
Total print media
1996
2,538
363
8
441
1997
2,511
352
433
1998
2,488
1999
2,554
375 404
26 54 82
2000
2,604
399
106
428 410
2001
2,643
388
134
405
2002
2,662
404
157
400
2003
2,670
422
174
395
2004
2,701
433
189
392
2005
2,721
442
2006
2,741
447
199 213
388 384
430
Source: Communication Industry Forecast 2002 (New York: Veronis Sublet Stevenson).
books. The key question, literally the multibillion dollar query, that engulfed and in some ways divided the entire book publishing industry was, "Will the printed book be replaced by electronic publishing versions or options?" Starting in the mid-1990s, and picking up momentum by the late 1990s, most people on the planet seemed immersed in a "wired information world," and elec tronic publishing technologies and opportunities (sometimes called the "new me dia") dominated the popular press. Week after week, articles appeared touting the end of the printed book and the "inevitable" acceptance of electronic books (e-books) and electronic readers (e-book readers). Publishers were warned to con vert to electronic products before convergence displaced them and their employees. Indeed, most book industry leaders found it difficult not to be aware of the tremen dous enthusiasm electronic publishing engendered. As recently as the early 1990s, electronic publishing did not exist as an industry. By the late 1990s this had changed, and writers and "futurists" outlined the "inevi table" swing toward electronic books because of the widespread acceptance of computers in both the workplace and the home. Malcolm Getz, in "Electronic Publishing: An Economic View," insisted elec tronic books and related items enhanced scholarship because they were readable, durable, and portable. "If electronic publications can provide a competitive edge,
285
PUBLISHING CONFRONTS THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY TABLE 10.7 Shares in Hours Per Person Per Year Using Consumer Media: 1996–2006 Shares in hours per person per year by media type
Year
Total broadcasting & cable media
Total entertainment media
Total consumer Internet medium
Total print media
1996
75.8%
10.8%
0.2%
13.2%
1997
75.6%
10.6%
0.8%
13.0%
1998
74.3%
11.2%
1.6%
12.8%
1999
73.6%
11.6%
2.4%
12.3%
2000 2001 2002
74.0%
11.4%
3.0%
11.7%
74.0%
3.8%
73.5%
10.9% 11.2%
4.3%
11.3% 11.0%
2003 2004
72.9%
11.5%
4.8%
10.8%
72.7%
11.6%
5.1%
10.5%
2005
72.6%
11.8%
5.3%
10.3%
2006
72.4%
11.8%
5.6%
10.2%
Source: Communication Industry Forecast 2002 (New York: Veronis Suhler Stevenson).
for example, by providing reliable access to new science [information] much more quickly than print, then electronic publications should thrive."4 George P. Landow, in Hypertext: The Convergence of Contemporary Critical Theory and Technology, outlined other advantages electronic formats offered writ ers and scholars. He defines hypertext as "nonsequential writing-text that branches and allows choices to the reader, best read at an interactive screen," and he insisted that it "permits the individual reader to choose his or her own center of investigation and experiences."5 Landow believed electronic texts provide writers, scholars, and society with a unique opportunity. It "marks the next major shift in information technology after the development of the printed book ... [it] produces an informa tion technology that combines fixity and flexibility, order and accessibility."6 4Malcolm Getz, "Electronic Publishing: An Economic View," Serials Review 18(1992): 29. George P. Landow, Hypertext: The Convergence of Contemporary Critical Theory and Technology (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1992), p. 13. 6 Ibid., p. 19. Also see Mary O'Hara-Devereaux and Robert Johnson, Globalwork: Bridging Dis tance, Culture, and Time (San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass Publishers, 1994), pp. 1–31.
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Stewart Brand, in The Media Lab: Inventing the Future at MIT, described the ef forts of Nicholas Negroponte and his associates. Starting with the basic premise that "all communications technologies are suffering a joint metamorphosis, which can only be understood properly if treated as a single subject,"7 Negroponte insisted that the nation's mass media were doomed, literally drowning "in a state of up heaval set in motion by major changes in its infrastructure technology."8 The con vergence of technologies (computers, fiber optics, telephone, cable, wireless, satellites, etc.) altered irrevocably the mass media landscape. The end result was a new communications environment receptive to a wide array of innovative formats, ranging from "paperback movies" to high definition television to "broadcatching" (i.e., the opposite of "broadcasting;" in essence, the development of opportunities for specific audiences).9 This new social environment, drawing extensively on fiber-optic telephone systems, would foster literacy, democracy, and writing. Brand viewed E-mail as a potent force liberating individuals from a fear of writing; and the rise of electronic publishing products would transform education and society. Negroponte expounded on these concepts in Being Digital. Assuming America was finally going digital (it had been analog), Negroponte insisted that information would no longer be "pushed" out to consumers via traditional broadcasting and publishing formats. Instead, it would be "pulled" in (that is, "broadcatching") by selective consumers who would decide what they read or viewed.10 A national fiber-optic telephone system, when coupled to a "telecomputer" (a unit containing a television set and computer along with other entertainment products connected to a printer, portrayed by Negroponte as a "knowledge navigator" or an "English butler" to serve the consumer) would unleash the information age, transforming all media (including book publishing).11 However, even in this enlightened age, consumers would have access to a small "notebook"-type computer allowing them to read in bed. Negroponte admitted that the book was immensely utilitarian and computers were not; so entrepreneurs had to create an electronic "book" to replicate what the book did (perhaps hope does spring eternal).12 Brand and Negroponte insisted that the global village was a reality, a world where individuals in New York City, Afghanistan, or Iraq would cease to accept "the traditional centralist view of life.... The nation-state itself is subject to tremen dous change.... A new generation is emerging from the digital landscape free from many of the old prejudices."13 This "harmonizing effect" was dependent on accept ing a global village mind-set where CNN or other programs would bridge the gap between nations, creating a "homogenized" world. Broadcatching, on the other hand, allowed for the emergence of hundreds (and possibly thousands) of media Stewart Brand, The Media Lab: Inventing the Future at M.I. T. (New York: Penguin Books, 1988), p. 11. 8Ibid.,p. 15. 9 Ibid., p. 42. 10 "Nicholas Negroponte, Being Digital (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1995), p. 170. 11 Ibid., p. 93. 12lbid.,pp. 103–117. 13Ibid., p. 230.
PUBLISHING CONFRONTS THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY
287
options, arguably not a catalyst forging a new world order of homogeneity, har mony, and unity. However, the Utopian theories of Brand and Negroponte failed to address how broadcasting and broadcatching would work in harmony in a world where some people just did not like some other people because of their national ori gin, religion, or color. ELECTRONIC PUBLISHING OPPORTUNITIES For many business executives, the seductive appeal of the online or electronic book was hard to resist. To these individuals, the appeal is money and time, valuable commodities in short supply. So many publishers entered the new (and at times murky) world of electronic publishing, creating new departments and units. The goal was to develop products to satisfy the wants and needs of consumers and gen erate a profit, lofty goals for a "new" industry that did not exist just a few years ago. Noted editor Jason Epstein viewed this changing landscape, and competing views of electronic publishing, with a certain degree of interest. In an influential, often quoted title (Book Business: Publishing Past, Present, and Future}, Epstein developed an intriguing theory based on his meticulous review of both the publish ing and technological environment.14 Publishing would be transformed in two dis tinct ways: (1) book publishing firms would cease to exist; and (2) printed books would "replaced" by (or at least have to coexist with) electronic books. Epstein argued "the book business as I have known it is already obsolete."15 This transformation, from a small family-oriented cottage industry where everyone knows everyone in the business, was due to a number of disparate events: changing market conditions; the emergence of what he termed "remote managers;" the creation of me dia conglomerations that require financial goals incompatible with what he called "the notorious vagaries of literary production" in a high-risk, low margin business; and finally a substantive change in attitude regarding editorial standards.16 Epstein analyzed the consumer book publishing landscape, and, when he looked to the future, he envisioned a very different business. Publishers, publishing houses, and traditional bookstores would no longer be needed because of the almost unlim ited potential of online distribution of books via an "on demand" system. Books would be sold at kiosks (where they can be printed on demand in about 20 minutes), supplemented by an online distribution system. "Online distribution of digitized texts sold to consumers on demand requires no investment by publishers in produc tion, inventory, storage and many of the other expenses incurred in conventional book publishing."17 Popular authors, via agents, would "offer their clients' work di rectly over independent Web sites, bypassing publishers entirely."18
' Jason Epstein, Book Business: Publishing Past, Present, Future (New York: W. W. Norton, 2001), pp. ix–xi. 15Ibid., p. xii.
16Ibid., p. 4. 17Ibid., p. 30. 18Ibid., p. 23.
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To Epstein, the question was not if this metamorphosis will occur but merely when. Is it possible that his view of a new world of publishing just might not materi alize as quickly as he assumed? Are there other factors at play, issues Epstein failed to add to his calculus, that might hinder or slow down the wide-scale acceptance of electronic books, print-on-demand, and this massive change in author-publisherbookselling relations? Others were not so sure. A number of cautious publishers took a wait-and-see at titude, a Missouri show-me stance. These executives were influenced by the rapid descent into the VCR market that plunged several companies into financial and marketing morasses, namely the Betamax and videodisk incidents in the 1970s and 1980s. Others observed with interest or shock the intense, debilitating technologi cal battles over industry standards in the computer and software industries. Still others saw electronic publications as a limited revenue stream, with only $7 million generated through electronic book sales in 2003 (representing approximately 0.02% of all book sales that year). Len Riggio from Barnes & Noble insisted that books would endure for the fore seeable future. Why We Shop and Buy Paco Underbill, in an important book entitled Why We Buy: The Science of Shopping, addressed important issues and themes related to consumer purchasing patterns.19 Underbill, a "retail analyst" (but actually an urban anthropologist by training; he was influenced by the work of William Whyte), analyzed thousands of hours of in-store videotapes of shoppers (looking at the shopping habits of between 50,000 and 70, 000 consumers annually) to develop theories regarding consumer retailing trends. His findings are important because they explore why and how we shop.20 Underbill posited that many people, not all people but a significant portion of the population, like to shop, and shop in person. First, people like to look and touch and feel products. That is why the GAP and Banana Republic and countless other stores have tables with clothing items on them and not behind glass doors. These stores create a warm, relaxing shopping atmosphere, and they allow the consumer to ob serve first hand the product's color, texture, etc. Second, most retail establishments are divided into four distinct zones; and su permarkets and other retail stores want to draw a large number of consumers (the goal is to get 91% of everyone who enters the store) into the deepest part of a store (which Underhill termed "zone 4"), passing by an eclectic mix of products. That is why milk and meat are always in the back of a supermarket (zone four) and impulse items (candy, mints, magazines, etc.) are placed in the checkout areas (zone one). Third, retailers want to convert "shoppers" into purchasers. Underhill discov ered that the average consumer purchaser spends 11 minutes and 27 seconds in a
9Paco Underhill, Why We Buy: the Science of Shopping (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1999), p. 34. 20Ibid., pp. 53–54.
PUBLISHING CONFRONTS THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY
289
store, examines 4.81 items, and purchases 1.33 items. Nonpurchasers, on the other hand, average only 2 minutes and 36 seconds and examine 3.42 items. Lastly, the Internet will not replace shopping because, as Underhill points out, "we are still a tribal animal. Movie theaters have not died because of cable TV.... The entire concept that the Web offers some terminal threat to retailers is bogus.... A computer mouse and a flashy Web site will never replace the joys of fondling a sweater or sniffing perfume."21 THE FUTURE IS NOT WHAT IT USED TO BE
The views of Hansen, Getz, Landow, Negroponte, Epstein, and Underhill reveal the basic dichotomy that sparked heated discussions, and a few rather harsh de bates, over the future of technology in publishing. As all of these authors presented reasonable analyses, how can one make sense out of this conflicting morass of opinions? One useful approach is to evaluate the actual consumer marketplace for media goods and services to ascertain the real or potential future of electronic books, Web-based distribution systems, and print-on-demand opportunities. Ironically, al most all of the authors listed above concentrated primarily on theory while eschew ing any econometric data. A careful review of basic consumer data indicates that widespread acceptance of electronic books and the widespread distribution of book content via Web-based sites will not occur before 2015 and possibly not before 2020. E-Book Readers
An electronic book (e-book) reader is, in reality, a consumer electronics device. Will consumers adopt e-books as the medium of choice? Households are filled with a variety of consumer electronic devices, ranging from televisions and radios to microwave ovens. Yet these devices have been in homes for decades, and their acceptance patterns, although intriguing, shed no light on the e-book issue. Perhaps the 2 best devices to evaluate are the relatively recently released, and ubiquitous, VCR and the DVD. Their initial suggested retail prices (+$750.00) were rather close to e-book readers (ranging from $300.00 for a black-and-white model to $600.00 for a color model). Both the VCR and the DVD experienced sharp increases in sales when prices fell, a pattern that is likely to be replicated by e-book readers. In addition, VCRs and DVDs are fundamentally hedonic devices. In 1980, 1.8 million households had a VCR; by 1985 that number jumped to 20.7 million households, reaching 61.5 million in 1990, 76.4 million in 1995, and 90.3 million in 2001. Household penetration topped 86.9% by 2001. Veronis Suhler 2l lbid., pp. 60–97. Also see Jennifer Siler, "From Gutenberg to Gateway: Electronic Publishing at University Presses," The Journal of Scholarly Publishing, 32, 1 (October 2000): pp. 9–23; Richard Rayner, "An Actual Internet Success Story," The New York Times Magazine, 9 June 2002, pp. 112–115.
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Stevenson projects that VCRs will be found in 97.6 million households in 2006 (for a penetration rate of 89.1%). DVDs are a newer product. In 1997, only 200,000 households had a DVD player. The growth rate in the following years was impressive: 1998, 1.6 million house holds; 1999, 5.4 million; 2000, 11.4 million; and 2001, 18.4 million. By 2001, DVDs had a household penetration mark of 17.71 %. Veronis Suhler Stevenson pro jected the following increases in DVDs: 2002, 26.4 million households; 2003, 33.4 million; 2004, 39.4 million; 2005, 44.4 million; and 2006, 49.4 million. If they are correct, the household penetration rate by 2006 should hover near 47.55%. Obviously, the DVD offered consumers a superb digital product, enhanced au dio capabilities, and other intriguing features. It is, however, an improved version of the VCR (albeit a superbly improved product). Run the Numbers The data in this chapter (and in the other chapters) revealed the following. First, it took 21 years for VCRs to achieve an 86.9% penetration of households, and, in all candor, the hedonic characteristics of a VCR exceed the hedonic characteristics of an e-book (one must admit that watching Saving Private Ryan on a VCR is pretty exciting). Second, consumer reading is declining, not increasing. Why would one assume that people who are reading fewer consumer books are likely to ask for books in an electronic format or purchase books from Web sites or buy print-on-demand books at a kiosk? Third, computers are ubiquitous on the Upper West Side of Manhattan, but not in every country in the world (and certainly not in developing countries; check out the sta tistics for People's Republic of China, India, or most of Africa; and then do the math). Why assume that all people everywhere will have access to electronic books on Web-based sites or have kiosks for a print-on-demand system in the foreseeable future? Fourth, exports are important to the lifeblood of publishers. If publishers stopped printing books and relied on a print-on-demand system, there would be a decline, and probably a catastrophic one, in publishing revenues inasmuch as far too many people do not have access to print-on-demand systems. Fifth, the Internet has changed (and will continue to impact) countless business models, but the Internet will not stop people from participating in that social activ ity: shopping. Sixth, computers are immensely useful. Yet they will not quickly displace printed books. The computer screen is painfully small, scrolling down the computer is a slow process, and it is immensely difficult to read long texts on any computer (try reading Aristotle's Ethics on one). Obviously, great strides have been made in the improvement of computers since 1998, and quantum leaps are anticipated. As for e-books, the costs are too high, the screen is too small, and the battery is puny. Yet we live in the "now" and not the long run (John Maynard Keynes once said that "In the long run, all of us will be dead"). The available technology in the first decade of the 21st century makes it a chore to read a book on a screen or an e-book.
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Some critics have disparaged electronic and multimedia products for other reasons. The well-known media critic Neil Postman remarked that at some point in the future, Americans will finally comprehend the fact that "the massive collec tion and speed-of-light retrieval of data have been of great value to large-scale or ganizations but have solved very little of importance to most people and have created at least as many problems for them as they may have solved."22 In a more pessimistic mood, Postman wrote, in Technopoly: The Surrender of Culture to Technology, that individuals are surrounded by "throngs of zealous Theuths, one-eyed prophets who see only what new technologies can do and are incapable of imagining what they will undo.... They are therefore dangerous and are to be approached cautiously."23 Lastly, there are the vocal defenders of the "book." It is, after all, an almost magi cal invention that can be used practically anywhere, sitting on the beach, riding on the subway line, and waiting for jury duty to end. All that is needed is an adequate source of light (the sun; a candle) and a finger to turn the pages. It is portable, inex pensive, and remarkably durable. It has no battery to be recharged, no plug to be connected to an outlet, and no small screen to dull the senses; and it can be used at the beach and outdoors even in the glare of the sun in the summer. Do we really face the "end of the book?" In "The End of the Book?" D. T. Max addressed this thorny question. He admitted correctly that interactive multimedia holds great promise for readers and publishers. Books are wonderful, but they can not "literally make you see and hear."24 Yet he insisted that many publishers have rushed into electronic publishing because of a "widespread feeling among those in conventional publishing that the industry is in dire, if ill-defined, trouble."25 The im pact of mergers and acquisitions, sharp reductions in title output, and the closing of imprints rocked the very foundations of this tradition-bound industry. Yet Max, hardly a disciple of Drucker and Kotler, zeroed in on substantive is sues. First, he pointed out that publishers have yet to ascertain whether consumers actually want and like e-books, whether they will feel comfortable or technically proficient with a book on a network, or whether e-books will sell. Second, comput ers are limited and will remain so for the foreseeable future. Third, computer tech nology changes rapidly, which means that new software and disks will not always work on older machines (making accessibility to electronic content somewhat problematic), a fate unlikely to befall printed books.
22
Neil Postman, Amusing Ourselves to Death: Public Discourse in the Age of Show Business (New York: Penguin Books, 1986), p. 161. Also see an editorial "Don't Believe the Cyperhype," The New York Times, 21 August 1994, p. E14. "As an invention, the book is close to perfect: cheap, durable, portable, and complete unto itself.... Certainly the art of reading has lost ground against the onslaught of video. But rumors about the death are greatly exaggerated;" "A Detour on Information Super Highway: Con sumers May Be Turned Off by High-Tech TV," The Record, 14 August 1994, p. B3. 23 Neil Postman, Technopoly: the Surrender of Culture to Technology (New York: Vintage Books, 1993), p. 5. 24 D. T. Max, "The End of the Book?" Atlantic Monthly, September 1994, p. 64. 25Ibid.,p. 67.
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Sven Birkets, in The Gutenberg Elegies: The Fate of Reading in an Electronic Age, praises the joy of reading and the impending threats posed by electronic and multimedia producers, Caught in a state of intellectual flux, these innovative, tempting, electronic formats could displace the printed page and reading, possi bilities that are unsettling to Birkets: "The 'feel' of the literary engagement is al tered.... The old act of slowly reading a serious book becomes an elegiac exercise. As we ponder that act, profound questions about our avowedly humanist values, about spiritual versus material concerns, about subjectivity itself must arise,"26 He accepts Postman's notion that modern Americans have entered into a Faustian pact with technology; but as with Faustus, the bill will come due, and the price will be the decline of reading and ultimately public discourse, an issue of great concern to Postman. In "Into the Electronic Millennium," Birkets outlined his concerns about the decline of the printed word, the erosion of language, and the flattening of historical perspectives. "It may turn out that language is a hardier thing than I have allowed, that it will flourish among the bleep and the click and the monitor as readily as it ever did on the printed page. I hope so, for language is the soul's ozone layer, and we thin it at our peril."27 Sarah Lyall, formerly a reporter for The New York Times covering the book industry, remarked that many industry experts believe publishing is in a state of flux, buffeted by harsh, unrelenting economic and technological forces that seem to tear at the industry's once-solid moorings. "At no time since 1450, when Johann Gutenberg introduced books to the masses ... has the book business been at such a confusing and potentially treacherous juncture."28 Baffled by consumer purchasing patterns and economic pressures, the industry has been compelled to confront a mysterious issue: "What is a book?" Now, publishers are trying to make sense out of the new technological processes and formats, as well as high-tech rhetoric about the inevitability of electronic prod ucts replacing printed ones. "If you're not part of the steamroller, you're part of the road."29 Clearly, some products are better suited to electronic formats, including all types of reference works (annuals, directories, dictionaries, the thesaurus, etc.). They are compact, useful, and fast. Children's books also fall into this category, as do many titles in the scientific, technical, and medical fields. Are we witnessing the death of the book? Lyall's blunt answer was, "Do not bet on it. Books are among our most sophisticated artifacts, and they have survived more than 500 years."30 Actually, September 30, 2004, marked the 552nd anniver sary of Gutenberg's printing of the Bible. 26 Sven Birkets, The Gutenberg Elegies: The Fate of Reading in an Electronic Age (Boston, MA: Faber & Faber, 1994), p. 5. 27 Sven Birkets, "Into the Electronic Millennium: What Will It Mean For Language?" Utne Reader, July/August 1993, p. 107. Also see Daniel Eisenberg, "Problems of the Paperless Book," The Journal of Scholarly Publishing, 21, l(October 1989): pp. 11-26. 28 Sarah Lyall, "Are These Books, or What? CD-ROM and the Literary Industry," New York Times Book Review, 14 August 1994, p. 3. 29 Ibid., p. 3. 30Ibid., p. 20.
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Jodi Daynard supported Lyall's laconic view about electronic disks and the per manence of the written word. "Texts have authors. Information is anonymous."31 Stephen Bates, in "Cyberspace: The Next Front in the Book Wars," remarked that some public schools are alarmed by the content on the Net. "You think your kid is mastering the Internet so he'll be ready for a technically sophisticated job; then you find he's got 'Popular Gynecology' on the screen."32 Students and teachers have raised alarms about some of the pornographic photographs and sex chatter; others are deeply concerned about racial and ethnic slurs on the net. Clifford Stoll, in Silicon Snake Oil: Second Thoughts on the Information High way, argued that computer networks and new media products had formidable draw backs. "They isolate us from one another and cheapen the meaning of actual experience. They work against literacy and creativity. They will undercut our schools and libraries."33 In Stoll's vision of a brave new world, humanity is lost as individuals become captives of the computer; individualism will be undermined, as will volunteerism and the American concept of community. "Our networks can be frustrating, expensive, unreliable connections that get in the way of useful work. It is an over-promoted, hollow world, devoid of warmth and human kindness."34 What of the advantages of living in the new "virtual" world? Stoll's response was blunt: get a life. "It's more important to live a real life in a real neighborhood."35 If one assumes that e-books, e-book readers, the electronic distribution of con tent, and print-on-demand kiosks could achieve the same market penetration results as VCRs or DVDs, then at best it would take 20 years for the e-book to displace printed books, hence the 2015-2020 projection. The economics of publishing are harsh and unforgiving if one miscalculates consumer market demand, if one assumes the law of supply and demand is super fluous, and if one believes that a nation of readers will emerge overnight. E-Books and Unresolved Intellectual Property and Public Policy Issues There are a myriad of other intellectual property issues. American publishers have crafted their own unique views on electronic rights, which differ significantly from their European counterparts. Another tricky issue relates to the collection of royalty fees when a book appears on an online system, as well as the editorial integrity of the material. The issue of "fair use" and wholesale copying is also a concern (wit
31Jodi Daynard, "Floppy Disks Are Only Knowledge, But Manuscripts Are Wisdom," The New York Times Book Review, 28 March 1993, p. 27. 32StephenBates, "Cyberspace: The Front in the Book Wars," The New York Times, 6 November 1994, "Education Life," p. 22. 33Clifford Stoll, Silicon Snake Oil: Second Thoughts on the Information Highway (New York: Doubleday, 1995), p. 3. 34Ibid., p. 233. 35Ibid., p. 233. Also see Robert E. Litan and Alice M. Rivlin, Beyond the Dot.coms: The Economic Promise of the Internet (Washington, DC: Brookings Institution Press, 2001), pp. 13-54, 78-86.
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ness the countless millions of dollars lost annually by U.S. software, music, motion picture, and book companies because of this problem). Can words or illustrations be censored on these systems? What is "libel" on an electronic system?36 Of course, every publisher worries about the potential impact of "Napsterization" if electronic content can be stored on computers and shared with individuals who did not buy the book or the book's electronic rights. A Solution Looking For A Problem? Persuasive arguments for the vitality and future of the book have been raised by critics, and there are technological, economic, and public policy issues or problems currently associated with electronic and multimedia publishing. However, electronic media, the most innovative format since Gutenberg, will transform most or specific portions of book publishing. Sooner or later, and it is likely to be later, consumers will appreciate the speed and delivery systems elec tronic publishing will give them, just as they now accept the computer as a viable re placement for the old Royal or Underwood manual typewriter or the IBM Selectric. The major difference, however, is that electronic publishing formats available to consumers in the first decade of the 21st century are a solution looking for a prob lem. The existing book works, and, until electronic publishing technology can com pletely replace the book, books will survive. Will electronic products replace the book by 2015 or perhaps by 2020? It is highly unlikely this will occur by 2015 or even 2020, but it will occur. Technology, the economics of the marketplace, and public policy decisions will have to catch up to the book, which supplies both information and entertainment efficiently and cheaply to hundreds of millions of people. SUBSTANTIVE PROBLEMS CONFRONTING THE BOOK PUBLISHING INDUSTRY Issues surrounding the electronic book–electronic distribution matter cannot be minimized. Yet, in many ways, the book publishing industry faces a series of more significant challenges, problems, and opportunities in the next few years.
Harvey L. Zuckerman, Robert 1. Corn-Revere, Robert M. Frieden, and Charles H. Kennedy,Mod ern Communications Law (St. Paul, MN: West Group, 1999), pp. 29–47, 72–117, 153–198, 829–851; T. Barton Carter, Juliet Lushbough Dee, and Harvey L. Zuckerman, Mass Communication Law in a Nut shell (St. Paul,.MN:West Group, 2000), pp. 81–118, 403–410, 574–602. Also see Dwight L. Teeter, Jr., Don R. Le Duc, and Bill Loving, Law of Mass Communications: Freedom and Control of Print and Broadcast Media, 9th ed., (New York: Foundation Press, 1998), pp. 576–582, pp. 584–590; John V. Pavlik, "Citizen Access, Involvement, and Freedom of Expression in an Electronic Environment," in The People's Right to Know: Media, Democracy, and the Information Highway, Frederick Williams and John V. Pavlik (Eds.). (Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 1994), pp. 157–160. Wilson P. Dizard, Jr., Old Media New Media: Mass Communications in the Information Age, 3rd ed., (New York: Longman, 2000), p. 72.
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Human Resources This industry has paid scant attention to human resources issues. The majority of new hires in the editorial (as editorial assistants or EAs) and marketing (as market ing assistants) areas have college degrees in the humanities and the social sciences, but rarely in business administration. The typical approach of book publishers is to place these individuals under the tutelage of a seasoned expert to learn about the business of publishing. This is, at best, a medieval system that sometimes works and sometimes does not work, depending on an individual's learning curve. The pay scale in publishing is embarrassing low. The average starting salary for an EA in 2002 was $29,333 for houses in the $1–9.9 million range and $31,125 for firms above the $500 million level. A marketing assistant earned $32,500 at the +$500 million company (data on smaller houses was not available).37 Few houses have in-house training programs designed to cycle individuals with potential through various operating units. Even fewer houses routinely utilize in terns to do serious work and to determine if these individuals might be candidates for full-time positions. Traditionally, publishing experienced high levels of "churn," individuals staying for a year or two and then leaving the company (often for much better paying positions outside publishing). Promotions are notoriously slow in publishing, and many people just see better prospects in other industries. Diversity is yet another concern. The majority of people working in publishing are white; there are very few African Americans, Hispanic Americans, or Asian Americans employed in this industry. Howard University's highly acclaimed sum mer publishing program for minorities closed because of funding problems, and al though the other summer programs sought out minority students, the influx into the industry has been anemic. The large publishing houses need to reevaluate their di versity strategies and, possibly, fund an initiative to make publishing more attrac tive to members of every ethnic community. The entire publishing community needs to review the human resources conun drum to attract and retain the best possible employees. Used Books The used book market is undermining the economic stability of the book publishing industry. For example, on July 15, 2003, St. Martin's Press published Janet Evanovich's novel To The Nines (suggested retail price of $25.95). Within 5 days this new book was ranked number 11 on the Amazon.com bestseller list (and dis counted by Amazon.com to $15.57 plus shipping and handling unless the order to taled at least $25.00), and used copies were also available on the same Amazon.com site touting Evanovich's novel. Used prices ranged from $12.94 ("immaculate dust jacket and brand new book") to $12.95, $14.80 ("totally new! Never opened"), and $14.99. Jim Milliot, "Salary Survey," Publishers Weekly, 1 July 2003; at http://publishersweekly.com.
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No one knows how big the used book market is in the United States because em pirical data on used books has never been collected. Some estimates range from $500 million to $1.5 billion for consumer books, with upwards of $1.5 billion for used textbooks. All anyone knows is that this is a big business, and authors and pub lishers are adversely affected by this system. The industry needs to come to grips with what is an immensely large and growing threat to their basic business model. Author Advances
An author is entitled to the largest advance he or she (or more likely the agent) can negotiate. Yet this is an advance against royalties, and the theory is fairly sound. Publishers want the best authors, and they all want to sell books. This is how our market economy works. However, many advances seem so large that they place a house in fiscal jeopardy if the advance is never earned back (thereby compelling the publisher to write off the advance on the P & L statement). Forbes magazine reported that some recent ad vances turned sour. For example, Stephen King's last two novels (From Buick 8 and Everything Is Eventual) fell 40% below the sales of his 2001 release Dreamcatcher. King was not alone. Tom Clancy, Michael Crichton, and others experienced high advances and low sales. Some recent book advances seem to stretch the ability of publishers to sell enough books to avoid costly write-offs on P & Ls. They include: Tim LaHaye ($42 million; number of books not revealed); Patricia Cornwell ($16 million for 2 books); Janet Evanovich ($10 million, up from $4 million, per book), Charles Frazier ($8 million plus $3 million for film rights for his next book), and Diana Gabaldon ($10 million for 3 books).38 Unless some semblance of reason returns to the marketplace, some publishers will price themselves out of the market with advances that cannot be earned back by some of these authors. Consumer Research
The book publishing industry must face the bald truth that it just do not know with any real precision why some people buy and read certain books. Irwyn Applebaum, one of the industry's most astute publishers (who pays substantial advances and makes a profit for Bantam and Dell), remarked, "The general consumer is not swayed by what a reviewer has to say. They are swayed by what their friends say."39 The questions is how do you find out, and possibly influence, what "friends say?" In general, the industry needs to develop rigorous, empirically sound consumer research on book purchasing interests and purchasing patterns. One area of re search that shows promise is comparing actual net sales, over a period of several 38 Tomas Kellner, "The Largest Book Deals of 2002," Forbes, 1 July 2003; at http:// www.forbes.com. 39 Lynn Hirschberg, "Nothing Random," The New York Times Magazine 20 July 2003, p. 65.
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297
years, with discretionary income data. We know, for example, that consumer books are purchased with discretionary dollars. A consumer does not have to buy a copy of Grisham or Clark. Yet a consumer buys a book because he or she has the money for a discretionary purchase. The Conference Board collected excellent data on discretionary income. When compared with empirical data on book purchasing patterns by age, we can deter mine that Americans between the ages of 50 and 54 (one of the most important book-buying cohorts) have an average pre-tax income of $98,163 and an after tax income of $73,650, the highest in the nation. Table 10.8 highlights these statistics. Those in the 45–49 group are second in both categories (pre- and posttax income), followed by 55–59, the other two major book purchasing cohorts. A review of the data on income proportions and relatives illustrates the significance of these 3 groups. Table 10.9 highlights these statistics. How do you reach these 3 cohorts with information about new books? How do you influence the "information cascade" that influences their decision to buy or not to buy a specific book? What newspapers or magazines do they read? Do they at tend author readings? Do they listen to National Public Radio or watch Charlie Rose on PBS? The industry needs to develop sophisticated consumer marketing research stud ies to determine who reads what and when. Economic Models and Issues
One must not assume that econometric models alone will answer any of the ques tions listed above. While models can shed light on chaotic events, an overreliance on models can trigger disaster. Clearly, mathematical models do not drive the book-buying market; people drive this market, and people are unpredictable. The hubris of the social scientist is to not realize this fundamental fact. Yet utilization of sophisticated economic theories shows promise in providing both publishers and researchers with a better understanding of this complex, semichaotic industry. We know that people want to read hit books, and the do not want to read flops. So book publishers essentially use a "portfolio theory" business model. They re lease far more books than the market can absorb because no one knows which books will sell and which titles will fail in the marketplace. This is at best a ques tionable strategy. To address this situation, publishers need reliable, empirically sound data on a number of key issues, including: probability distribution theories; price discrimina tion policies (i.e., selling the same book at different prices to different customers) and "reservations prices" (i.e., the highest price a consumer is willing to pay for a book); elasticity of demand; windowing (i.e., selling the same content in cloth, pa perback, audio, and electronic book formats); market segmentation and clustering; the changing export and import market (imports almost equal exports, a phenome non that threatens the industry's historical positive balance of trade numbers); and demand schedules and demand curves (i.e., the relationship between the price of a book and the quantity demanded).
TABLE 10.8 Households with Discretionary Income
298
Average income
Years old
Total households (thousands)
Proportion of households
Spendable discretionary income
Before taxes
After taxes
Aggregate (billions)
Average
Per capita
53,687
52.8%
$76,307
$58,969
$940.1
$17,512
$6,633
Sub–25
2,418
45.6%
$45,399
$36,743
22.8
9,438
3,817
25-29
4,004
46.8%
$64,834
$50,506
45.8
11,448
4,370
30–34
5,925
55.8%
$70,556
$54,372
90.3
15,240
5,027
35-39
6,302
52.4%
$84,112
$63,882
117.1
18,577
5,877
40–44
7,023
59.3%
$87,273
$66,602
146.8
20,897
6,451
45–49
5,830
55.7%
$94,292
$71,362
118.0
20,234
6,948
50–54
5,086
58.2%
$98,163
$73,650
120.1
23,613
8,811
Total:
55-59
4,036
59.8%
$90,178
$68,023
94.5
23,426
8,732
60–64
3,025
50.3%
$80,149
$62,107
57.4
18,977
8,506
65-69
3,020
51.5%
$63,703
$52,034
50.3
16,646
8,297
70–74
2,455
43.7%
$53,541
$45,398
30.6
12,474
6,942
75 +
4,562
45.7%
$40,184
$35,216
46.4
10,180
6,540
Source: A Marketer's Guide to Discretionary Income (The Conference Board, Inc.).
299
PUBLISHING CONFRONTS THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY TABLE 10.9 Proportions and Relatives Total:
Sub–25 25-29 30–34 35-39 40–44 45–49 50–54 55-59 60–64 65–69 70–74 75 +
100.0%
100.0%
100.0%
100.0%
100.0%
100.0%
100.0%
4.5%
86.5%
59.5%
62.3%
2.4%
53.9%
57.5%
7.5%
88.7%
85.0%
85.6%
4.9%
65.4%
65.9%
11.0%
105.8%
92.5%
92.2%
9.6%
87.0%
75.8%
11.7%
99.3%
110.2%
108.3%
12.5%
106.1%
88.6%
13.1%
112.4%
114.4%
112.9%
15.6%
119.3%
97.3%
10.9%
105.6%
124.4%
121.0%
12.5%
115.5%
104.7%
9.5%
110.4%
128.6%
124.9%
12.8%
134.8%
132.8%
7.5%
113.2%
118.2%
115.4%
10.1%
113.8%
146.7%
5.6%
95.3%
105.0%
105.3%
6.1%
108.4%
128.2%
5.6%
97.6%
83.5%
88.2%
5.3%
95.1%
125.1%
4.6%
82.9%
70.2%
77.0%
3.3%
71.2%
104.7%
8.5%
86.7%
52.7%
59.7%
4.9%
58.1%
98.6%
Source: A Marketer's Guide to Discretionary Income (The Conference Board, Inc.).
There are other concerns. Book net revenues were up, but net unit sales were just dismal in 2002 and 2003, triggering a number of well-publicized lay-offs. In addition, starting in 2002 there was a seismic shift by consumers away from independent book stores and superstores. Instead, more and more books were purchased at discount stores and price clubs, causing publishers to reevaluate their existing marketing strategies. Exactly how the industry will address these 2 events was the subject of intense discussions within most publishing houses in 2003 and 2004; yet no substantive an swers or solutions were forthcoming (a sign that the industry's ability to analyze shifts in the market place was somewhat disconcerting). Final Thoughts
The theme of Eugene O'Neill's "The Iceman Cometh" is the truth kills and the lie of illusion nourishes life. The same is true for publishing. This industry lives on the perception of what the public wants, the perception of why a book succeeded or failed in the marketplace, and the perception of what genres are hot. Those who rely on perceptions (or gut instinct) alone are standing on the wrong side of the tapestry. Somehow this industry survived wars and recessions, assignations and terrorist at tacks, and a flood of cat books and inane self-help titles. It will survive for decades to come in spite of a myriad of challenges and problems that threaten its business models and bottom line. It is, simply put, the greatest, most exciting business in the world.
Glossary of Book Industry Terms AAs Author's alterations, editorial changes made by the author on a manuscript, galley, page proofs, and so forth. ABA American Booksellers Association, the most prominent trade association representing bookstores in the United States. Accounts payable Funds a book company owes to an author (for royalties), a printer, a ship ping company, and so on. Adult trade books See trade books. Adoption Selection of a title for required class use. Advance Funds provided by the publisher to the author as an advance against royalties. Normally these monies help defray some of the author's expenses related to researching and writing a book. Advertising manager Person who handles diverse advertising responsibilities, such as work ing with promotions, advertising agencies, and regional or national conferences. Agent An individual representing an author in his or her negotiations with a publisher. Agents sometimes handle other matters, from renewing copyrights to collecting royalty payments from a book firm. ALA American Library Association, the nation's preeminent trade association representing librarians and libraries. Amazon. comStarting in 1995, this Internet-based retailing site started selling books, making the Internet a viable competitor to traditional bookstores. Eventually this site increased its offerings, adding music, videos, DVDs, etc. Antiquarian book A book more than 100 years old Art director Individual who supervises the entire art department of a publisher and handles the graphic design of the firm's books. Establishes artistic standards and goals. Assistant editor Individual who works with the associate editor and editor on manuscript ed iting, reviews slush pile submissions, writes flap copy, and handles correspondence with authors; often called an A.E. Associate editor Individual who assists the editor with various departmental responsibilities, reviews manuscripts, and does liaison work with authors and other departments. Association of Canadian Publishers The leading trade association representing presses in Canada. Auction A process whereby a book or a manuscript is auctioned off to the highest bidder. Author's reading An event, usually arranged by the promotion department, when an author reads selections from his or her book.
300
GLOSSARY
301
Autographing session See book signing. B & N See Barnes & Noble. BN.com Barnes & Noble's Internet book-selling designed to compete with Amazon.com and to position itself in both the world of "clicks" and "bricks." Backlist An old title that continues to sell. Balance sheet An accounting document that lists a firm's assets, liabilities, and shareholder's equity. Barnes & Noble The largest bookstore chain of mall-based stores and superstores in the United States. Behavioral Marketing A branch of marketing interested in the pricing behavioral character istics of customers (e.g., tracking sales to ascertain the behavioral marketing tendencies of consumers or businesses). Special emphasis is placed on evaluating issues related to "fairness," responses to offer and bids, purchasing goals, etc. Binding A process that gathers and folds and secures printed (or blank) pages or sheets. Vari ous types of binding include glue, spiral, perfect, case (hardcover), saddle-stitch (sta ples), and so on. Book clubs General or specialized clubs offering new and backlist titles at a discount plus a "bonus points" incentive plan. A high turnover rate among members prompts the clubs to use direct marketing to find replacements. Borders One of the leading book-selling firms with mall-based stores and superstores in the United States and in several foreign countries. BISG Book Industry Study Group, the nation's leading research organization. Publishes Book Industry Trends An annual publication with net publishers' unit and net publishers' dol lar projections. Blurb Favorable quote, generally from someone prominent, about a book or its author or a book series. Boldface A typeface highlighting a heavyweight look. Book review copy See review copy. Book signing An event, planned by the promotion department, when an author signs copies of his or her book. Case binding See binding. Children's trade books See trade books. Cold type See type. College textbooks See textbooks. Commerce Department See U.S. Department of Commerce. Continuity program Generally a direct mail program selling titles in a series to individuals who promise in advance to purchase them. Co-op or Cooperative advertising A program whereby a publisher allocates funds to a book store to advertise a specific title(s) issued by the publisher. Copy editor See editor. Copy editing See editor. Copyright A law that provides proof of ownership and the right to use or sell the material in a book, covered under the U.S. Copyright Act and other foreign copyright legal codes. Copyrights and permissions editor or manager Individual who supervises the copyrighting of a book and obtains permissions to use copyrighted material. Cost estimator See estimator. Cover Either a paperback book's outside front and back covers or a hardbound book's dust jacket; contains various information about the book's title, author, ISBN, and flap copy.
302
GLOSSARY
Desk copy A book provided by the publisher to an educator who adopts the book for required class use. Desktop publishing Sophisticated computer software that enables an individual to set type, graphics, illustrations, and so on that rivals traditionally generated and prepared materi als. District sales manager See sales manager. E-Book An electronic version of a traditional printed book read on a hand-held device (called an "e-book reader"), on a computer screen, or a Palm Pilot-type PDA. E-Book Reader A consumer electronic device created for the sole purpose of reading book content. An e-book can be read on a Palm Pilot-type PDA, but PDAs contain other fea tures (e.g., a date book, an address book, etc.) Editor An individual who reviews and performs editorial work on a manuscript; often called the line editor, copy editor, or manuscript editor. Editorial assistant The lowest job-entry position in the editorial department; reads manu scripts, reviews the slush pile, and performs secretarial duties. Often called the E.A. Editor-in-chief An individual who supervises the editorial department and carries out com pany policies regarding style, budgets and financial plans, and book acquisitions; often called the executive editor, and could hold the title of publisher or editorial director. ELHI See textbooks. Estimator Individual who supervises the cost estimates for all production work; often called the cost estimator. First serialization First rights to a book sold to a periodical; can be used once in a multipart series. Flap copy Editorial copy placed on the flap cover of a hardbound book cover or the outside cover of a paperback book; generally touts the book, author, or series. Foreign rights manager Individual who supervises the sale of a book's rights to foreign pub lishers. Galleys Typeset proofs of a manuscript, prepared before page proofs. However, the term is also used to refer to bound books (of page proofs) sent to reviewers. Gravure A sophisticated printing process using etched cylinders to print pages; ideally suited for exceptionally long press runs. Hardbound book A book of at least 64 pages with a hard-case exterior cover; the binding can be glued or sewn. Hot type See type. ID Independent distributor who handles mass-market paperbacks. Imprint A series or the name of a publisher's book line. Independent Bookstore A bookstore not owned by one of the regional or national bookstore chains. Instant book Any title released in a short period of time, often within a few weeks. ISBN International Standard Book Numbering (ISBN) system whereby a unique number is assigned to a publisher and each title issued by that firm. Jacket A hardbound book's dust cover. Juvenile trade books See trade books. K–S textbooks See textbooks. Letterpress A form of printing using raised letters (similar to a typewriter's type) known for its elegant style; rarely used today because it was replaced by lithography. Line editor See editor. Literary agent See agent. Litho See lithography.
GLOSSARY
303
Lithography A planeographic printing process using plates that are photochemically treated and are neither raised (letterpress) nor recessed (gravure); high-quality process used for almost all books printed in the United States. Sheetfed litho presses print from a precut stack of paper. Web presses utilize rolls of paper. Mail order books Titles sold through direct marketing campaigns; generally, titles are in the home improvement, science, or history fields. Managing editor Individual who supervises the myriad of editorial duties and responsibili ties in the editorial department, including the editorial processes; works with other major departments (art, design, production, promotion, etc.). Manuscript editor See editor. Marketing assistant Individual who aids the director in creating and launching marketing programs. Marketing director Person who plans and executes marketing campaigns, supervises promo tional and advertising activities, and develops marketing plans in consultation with other key department heads. Often holds the title of marketing vice president. Mass-market paperbacks Rack-size (generally 41/8" x 63/4")paperbacks appealing to a mass market; they generally have a short shelf life and a high return rate. Medical books See STM. Monograph A university press book on a highly specialized topic appealing to a fairly nar row, clearly defined academic or library market. Ms Manuscript. Mss Manuscripts. Multibook contract Contract between an author and editor for more than one book. NO An abbreviation standing for "not our publication." Offset See lithography. On-demand or print-on-demand printing A process that enables a publisher or a printer to print a specific number of titles (often short runs in the dozens or hundreds) using a Xerox-type process and efficient binding processes. OP An abbreviation for "out of print." Operating statement An accounting document listing a firm's income and expenditures. Option A contractual provision providing the publisher with the right of first refusal on a manuscript. Sometimes used to refer to the selling of a book's foreign rights or options. OS An abbreviation referring to "out of stock." Over the transom The time-honored method of sending a manuscript to an editor or an agent without prior contact, literally slipped "over the transom" for review and possible publi cation. Packager An individual or a firm handling part of or the entire "packaging" (from writing to editing to manufacturing) of a book. Quite similar to what a film producer does. Page proofs The final copy of a book's pages before printed. Bound page proofs (called gal leys) are sent to reviewers prior to the publication date. Paperback book A book of at least 64 pages with a "paper" (i.e., a paperboard) cover and bound with glue. PE A printer's typographical error on a galley or page proof. Permission A right granted by the copyright holder to another individual or a firm to print and distribute a legally protected work. Photo-offset See lithography. Plant costs Generally, an accounting system to account for costs associated with a variety of functions, including typesetting, film or negatives, printing plates, artwork, and editorial and development expenditures.
304
GLOSSARY
Plate A metal or bimetal plate used in the lithographic printing process. Quite durable, plates can make more than 100,000 impressions (printed sheets). Print-on-demand printing See on-demand printing; often called POD. Producer See packager. Production assistant or associate Individual who handles traffic of a manuscript through the production cycle, and does liaison work with typesetters, prep, printers, and binders. Production coordinator Petson who works with the production director and handles prepress and production and binding functions. Production director Person who supervises the entire art, design, prepress, printing, and binding functions for the book publisher, and does liaison work with the editorial, mar keting, and promotion departments. Can hold the title of vice president of production. Professional books See STM. Profit and Loss An accounting statement used to calculate costs associated with the produc tion of a title. Also used to ascertain whether a series, imprint, or operating unit showed a profit during a specified period of time. Promotion director Person who supervises the firm's promotion activities, from sending out galleys to reviews, arranging book tours for authors, and developing innovative cam paigns for a book or a series. Often holds the title vice president of promotions. Promotion manager See promotion director. Regional sales manager See sales manager. Religious books General books with religious or Biblical themes. Other books placed in this category include prayer books, hymnals, theological titles, histories of a church, religious leaders, and so forth. Remainder Unsold or returned books sold by the publisher at a steep discount to bookstores or distributors. Some books are actually manufactured to be sold only as "remaindered" titles. Reprint A second or subsequent new printing of a title. Return As long as a publisher's sale conditions are followed, a book returned by a bookseller or distributor for a full refund. The complete hardbound book is returned to the publisher; a paperback book's cover is removed ("stripped") and returned for full credit. The rest of the book is to be pulped or destroyed (but not sold) by the bookseller or distributor. Review copy A complete book or a bound galley sent out for review by the promotion depart ment or the author. Royalty The author's share of a book's net sales income. The author's contract specifies what the fixed royalty percentage of net sales will be. Sales representative See sales manager. Sales manager Individual who handles a company's selling function. A district sales man ager is a local sales representative servicing independent bookstores and sometimes local chains. A regional sales manager supervises a number of sales reps, generally in a large geographical area. Scholarly book See university press books. Senior editor Person who acquires and develops manuscripts and authors. Often called the acquisitions editor, project editor, series editor, or sponsoring editor, he or she is involved in key editorial, financial, and marketing decisions. Sheet-press See lithography. Shopbot A computerized Internet online book price searching service. Short discount Generally, a discount (about 20%) offered by a publisher that is less than the standard discount rate (of 42% to about 50%). Slush pile Unsolicited manuscripts received "over the transom."
GLOSSARY
305
Special order A bookstore will special order a title not in its inventory for a customer. Special sales Unusual (and often generous) sale terms allowed for bulk or special purchases of a book or books. Statscan The Canadian agency responsible for collecting, aggregating, and publishing data on Canadian businesses and industry. STMbooks Scientific (e.g., medical, dental, nursing, etc.), technical (physics, biology, chem istry, etc.), and professional (e.g., business, law, accounting, etc.) books, plus reference ti tles and often niche journals. Subscription reference books Generally multivolume encyclopedias and reference series sold individually through direct marketing or home visits. Subsidiary rights manager Person who supervises the sale of a book's subsidiary ("sub") rights to book clubs, periodicals, film, television, radio, collections, and so on. Superstore A bookstore of approximately 70,000 square feet with about 170,000 unique ti tles for sale. Technical books See STM. Textbooks Titles prepared for students in elementary (K-8), high school, college, and gradu ate or professional schools. Workbooks, study guides, question books, and so on often ac company them. Title The name of a book. Title page Page listing a book's title. TOP An abbreviation designating a book that is "temporarily out of print." Trade books Any hardbound or paperback title produced for general bookstore and public li brary sales. Adult trade books are generally in fiction and nonfiction (history, biography, etc.) categories. Juvenile trade books are written for children. Trade discount The "standard" discount given to booksellers and distributors, often in the 440 percent range. Trade list The list of trade titles issued by a publisher or imprint. Type Letters, numbers, and characters used to convey images and words. Cold type refers to a strike-on process or a typewriter- or computer-generated type. Hot type refers to type generated through a molten lead casting process. U.S. Department of Commerce The agency responsible for supervising the Bureau of the Census and the International Trade Administration, which releases statistical data on U.S. book industry. University press books Hardbound or paperback titles produced by a university or college press, often specialized monographs. Used Book A formerly read book sold at wholesale or retail generally below the suggested re tail price. However, antiquarian books (i.e., books more than 100 years old) are often rare titles, generally selling at a premium price. Web press See lithography.
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The Book Publishing Industry Historical Statistical Appendix
336
TABLE A.1
U.S. Book Title Output by Category: 1940–1960
Category
1940
Percent of total in 1940
1950
Percent of total in 1950
1960
Percent of total in 1960
139
1.17
152
Biography
647
5.44
603
5.47
879
5.86
Business
402
3.38
250
2.27
305
2.03
Education
349
2.93
256
2.32
348
2.32
1,736
14.59
1,907
17.30
2,440
16.26
222
1.87
357
3.24
470
3.13
Agriculture, gardening
Fiction Fine arts
1.38
156
1.04
Games, sports
182
1.53
188
1.71
286
1.90
General literature & criticism
536
4.50
591
5.36
726
4.83
Geography, travel
308
2.59
288
2.61
466
3.10
History
853 94
7.17
516
4.68
865
5.76
Home economics
0.79
193
1.75
197
1.31
Juvenile
984
8.27
1,059
9.61
1,725
11.49
Law
202
1.70
298
2.70
394
2.62
Medicine, hygiene
472
3.97
443
4.02
520
3.46
Music
124
1.04
113
1.03
98
0.65
Philology
319
2.68
148
1.34
228
1.52
Category
1940
Percent of total in 1940
1950
Percent of total in 1950
1960
Percent of total in 1960
Philosophy, ethics
110
0.92
340
3.08
480
3.20
Poetry, drama
738
6.20
531
4.82
492
3.28
Religion
843
7.08
727
6.60
1,104
7.35
Science
493
4.14
705
Sociology, economics
876
7.36
515
6.40 4.67
1,089 754
7.25 5.02
Technical, military
611
5.13
497
4.51
698
4.65
Misc.
422
3.55
345
3.13
282
1.88
Total
11,901
—
11,022
—
15,012
Source: F. Simora (Ed.), The Bowker Annual Library and Book Trade Almanac 1981 (New York: R. R. Bowker, 1981), pp. 327–328.
3 37
—
33 8
TABLE A.2 U.S. Book Title Output by Category: 1970–1990
1970 Agriculture
265
Percent of total in 1970
0.73 3.24
1980
Percent of total in 1980
1990
Percent of total in 1990
461
1.09
359
1.29
1691
2.72
1891
3.99 4.46
759
4.26 2.21
1337
4.79
1185
2.80
748
2.68
2640
7.32
2859
6.75
3675
13.16
1178
3.27 2.35
1011
562
2.01
1035
3.71
1995 321
5.53
2220
2.39 3.88 5.24
1450
5.19
0.89
879
2.07
357
1.28
Language
472
529 1102
1.25 2.60
1.12
604
1.31 1.67
312
Law
596
2.13
Art
1169
Biography
1536
Business
797
Juvenile Education General works History Home economics
846
1643
Literature General
3085
3.55
1686
3.98
1312
4.70
Fiction
3137
3.70
2835
6.69
1962
7.03
Poetry & drama
1474
4.09
1179
2.78
486
1.74
1476
4.09
3292
7.77
2215
7.93
Medicine
Percent of total in 1970
1980
Percent of total in 1980
1990
Percent of total in 1990
404
1.12
357
0.84
184
0.66
1280
3.55
1429
3.37
963
3.45
Religion
1788
4.96
2055
4.85
977
3.50
Science
2358
6.54
3109
7.34
2028
7.26
Sociology & economics
5912
16.39
7152
16.88
4505
16.13
1970 Music Philosophy & psychology
799
2.22
971
2.29
403
1.44
1141
3.16
5.51
1521
5.45
Travel
1394
3.86
2337 504
181
0.65
Total
36071
—
42377
Sports Technology
3 39
1.19 —
27926
—
Sources: P. Steckler (Ed.), The Bowker Annual Library and Book Trade Almanac 1963 (New York: R. R. Bowker, 1963), p. 96; P. Steckler (Ed.), The Bowker Annual Library and Book Trade Almanac 1967 (New York: R. R. Bowker, 1967), p. 91; J. O'Hare (Ed.), The Bowker Annual Library and Book Trade Almanac 1983 (New York: R. R. Bowker, 1983), pp. 372–373; F. Simora(Ed.), The Bowker Annual Library and Book Trade Almanac 1991 (New Providence, NJ: R. R. Bowker, 1991), p. 424; C. Barr (Ed.), The Bowker Annual Library and Book Trade Almanac 1993 (New Providence, NJ: R. R. Bowker, 1993), p. 481; C. Barr (Ed.), The Bowker Annual Library and Book Trade Almanac 1995 (New Providence, NJ: R. R. Bowker, 1995), p. 512; D. Bogart (Ed.), The Bowker Annual Library and Book Trade Almanac 1996 (New Providence, NJ: R. R. Bowker, 1996), p. 543; D. Bogart (Ed.), The Bowker Annual Library and Book Trade Almanac 1999 (New Providence, NJ: R. R. Bowker, 1999), p. 530.
TABLE A.3 U.S. Book Title Output by Category: 1970–1999
Agriculture Art Biography Business Juvenile Education General works History Home economics Language Law Literature General Fiction Poetry & drama Medicine Music
1991
1992
1993
1994
7995
1996
7997
1998
7999
371 717 1416 790 3705 556 1071 1442 341 240 753
565 1392 2007 1367 5144 1184 2153 2332 826 617 1066
535 1526 1982 1420 5019 1202 1809 2300 798 690 1143
532 1621 2197 1616 5321 1310 2208 2507 1004 700 1168
663 2156 2658 1843 5678 1526 2751 2999 1395 732 1230
675 2033 3007 1788 5353 1595 3027 3576 1447 898 1357
870 1892 3026 1635 3387 1428 3139 3688 1521 1035 1378
1303 4565 2993 4015 8631 3278 1561 9704 2481 3199 2452
1201 4934 3206 3844 9195 3391 1504 7346 2518 2862 3007
1265 2062 511 2078 173
2227 5690 899 3234 346
2143 3121 998 3069 375
2356 5415 1065 3147 364
2525 7605 1407 3510 479
3082 8573 1566 4223 461
2661 5013 1530 4037 426
3467 9312 2770 7117 1643
3784 11016 3018 6718 1398
Philosophy & psychology Religion Science Sociology & economics Sports Technology Travel Total
1991
1992
1993
1994
1995
1996
1997
1998
1999
945 958 1818 4306 440 1620 156 27,734
1806 2540 2729 7432 1113 2152 468 49,276
1675 2619 2668 7447 1002 2174 478 46,193
1741 2730 3021 8038 1161 2085 556 51,863
2068 3324 3323 9362 1591 2470 722 62,039
2333 3803 3725 10528 1751 2629 745 68,175
2188 3809 3917 9956 1616 2744 804 61,700
5622 5748 9304 14611 3664 9496 2326 119,262
5965 6347 8486 14645 3718 9103 3038 120,244
Sources; P. Steckler (Ed.), TheBowker Annual Library and Book Trade Almanac 1963 (New York: R. R. Bowker, 1963), p. 96; P. Steckler (Ed.), The Bowker Annual Library and Book Trade Almanac 1967 (New York: R. R. Bowker, 1967), p. 91; J. O'Hare (Ed.), The Bowker Annual Library and Book Trade Almanac 1983 (New York: R. R. Bowker, 1983), pp. 372-373; F. Simora (Ed.), The Bowker Annual Library and Book Trade Almanac 1991 (New Providence, NJ: R. R. Bowker, 1991), p. 424; C. Barr (Ed.), The Bowker Annual Library and Book Trade Almanac 1993 (New Providence, NJ: R. R. Bowker, 1993), p. 481; C. Barr (Ed.), The Bowker Annual Library and Book Trade Almanac 1995 (New Providence, NJ: R. R. Bowker, 1995), p. 512; D. Bogart (Ed.), The Bowker Annual Library and Book Trade Almanac 1996 (New Providence, NJ: R. R. Bowker, 1996), p. 543; D. Bogart (Ed.), The Bowker Annual Library and Book Trade Almanac 1997 (New Providence, NJ: R. R. Bowker, 1997), p. 506; D. Bogart (Ed.), The Bowker Annual Library and Book Trade Almanac 1998 (New Providence, NJ: R. R. Bowker, 1998), p. 522; D. Bogart (Ed.), The Bowker Annual Library and Book Trade Almanac 1999 (New Providence, NJ: R. R. Bowker, 1999), p. 530; D. Bogart (Ed.), The Bowker Annual Library and Book Trade Almanac 2000 (New Providence, NJ: R. R. Bowker, 2000), pp. 508–513. 341
TABLE A.4 New Adult Fiction: Hardcover and Paperbacks
342 Year 1945 1946 1947 1948 1949 1950 1951 1952 1953 1954 1955 1956 1957 1958
Number ofnew books
Year
Number ofnew books
Year
Number ofnew books
Year
860 1,134 1,307 1,102 1,019 1,211 1,329 1,354 1,495 1,512 1,459 1,500 1,433 1,592
1959 1960 1961 1962 1963 1964 1965 1966 1967 1968 1969 1970 1971 1972
1,675 1,642 1,645 1,787 1,859 1,703 1,615 1,699 1,981 989 901 1,139 1,364 1,151
1973 1974 1975 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986
1,097 1,180 1,398 1,500 1,363 1,238 951 917 653 406 5,470 5,413 5,105 5,578
1987 1988 1989 1990 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999
Number ofnew books 6,298 5,564 5,941 1,962 2,062 5,690 5,419 5,415 7,605 8,573 5,013 9,312 11,016
Sources: P. Stockier (Ed.), The Bowker Annual Library and Book Trade Almanac 1968 (New York: R. R. Bowker, 1968), p. 64; M. Miele (Ed.), The Bowker Annual Library and Book Trade Almanac 1974 (New York: R. R. Bowker, 1974), p. 194; M. Miele (Ed.), The Bowker Annual Library and Book Trade Almanac 1976 (New York: R. R Bowker, 1976), p. 179; F. Simora & N. B. Glick (Eds.), The Bowker Annual Library and Book Trade Almanac 1979 (New York: R. R. Bowker, 1979), p. 322; F. Simora & N. B. Glick (Eds.), The Bowker Annual Library and Book Trade Almanac 1980 (New York: R. R Bowker, 1980), p. 447; J. Ehrermann (Ed.), The Bowker Annual Library and Book Trade Almanac 1984 (New York: R. R. Bowker, 1984), p. 412; F. Simora (Ed.), The Bowker Annual Library and Book Trade Almanac 1991 (New Providence, NJ: R. R. Bowker, 1991), p. 424; C. Barr (Ed.), The Bowker Annual Library and Book Trade Almanac 1995 (New Providence, NJ: R. R Bowker, 1995), p. 512; D. Bogart (Ed.), The Bowker Annual Li brary and Book Trade Almanac 1996 (New Providence, NJ: R. R. Bowker, 1996), p. 543; D. Bogart (Ed.), The Bowker Annual Library and Book Trade Almanac 1999 (New Providence, NJ: R. R. Bowker, 1999), p. 530.
TABLE A.5 Average Hardcover Book Prices by Category 1947–1966 (in Dollars)
1947 to 1949
1956
1958
1960
1961
1962
1963
1964
1965
1966
Agriculture
3.23
5.09
6.95
—
7.66
6.39
7.60
7.69
8.04
8.37
Art
7.06
9.97
11.35
12.61
10.63
8.57
10.32
10.68
10.60
14.73
Biography
3.89
4.47
5.20
4.98
5.49
5.94
6.56
6.65
7.65
7.57
Business
4.72
6.30
7.98
6.83
7.36
8.70
9.47
9.74
9.68
9.47
Juvenile
2.11
2.50
2.73
2.74
2.77
2.77
2.94
3.06
3.11
3.46
Economics
4.03
5.97
6.16
6.19
6.75
6.59
8.70
7.63
8.43
9.08
Education
3.39
4.47
4.75
4.97
4.89
5.64
5.71
5.50
5.78
5.61
History
4.76
5.88
6.46
5.91
6.01
6.72
6.75
7.73
8.83
8.56
Law
4.84
7.17
8.12
8.01
7.59
10.60
9.09
9.96
10.64
10.95
Literature General
3.52
2.63
3.54
3.97
3.78
4.76
5.31
5.16
6.90
6.67
Fiction
2.66
3.49
3.52
3.40
3.59
3.97
4.17
4.14
4.34
4.52
Poetry
2.42
24.0
3.49
3.31
3.46
4.03
4.37
4.11
3.92
4.74
Drama
3.09
3.60
4.03
4.48
4.86
4.62
6.38
5.91
5.47
6.67
Medicine
6.39
7.73
7.97
8.41
9.40
9.87
10.98
11.22
11.88
12.37
Music
4.06
4.56
5.53
5.56
5.10
6.74
7.79
6.98
8.04
343
8.15 (continued)
TABLE A.5
(continued)
1947 to 1949
1956
1958
1960
1961
1962
1963
1964
1965
1966
Religion
2.84
3.74
3.69
4.05
3.98
4.42
4.48
4.63
6.72
Science
5.52
8.46
9.16
10.21
10.99
12.13
3.91
4.57
4.68
4.80
10.30 5.12
11.22
Sports & recreation
9.06 5.41
5.38 11.72
5.59
6.13
6.58
6.28
Technology
4.86
7.52
8.09
8.89
10.38
10.46
10.69
11.02
12.30
12.51
Total
3.59
4.61
5.12
5.24
5.81
5.90
6.55
6.93
7.64
7.94
Sources: P. Steckler (Ed.), The Bowker Annual Library and Book Trade Almanac 1963 (New York: R. R. Bowker, 1963), p. 96; P. Steckler (Ed.), The Bowker Annual Library and Book Trade Almanac 1967 (New York: R. R. Bowker, 1967), p. 91.
TABLE A.6 Average Hardcover Book Prices by Category 1967–1976 (in Dollars) 1967
Agriculture
Art
1968
1969
8.90
10.23
8.97
1970
1971
10.42
13.64
10.94
7972
1973
1974
1975
11.79
13.21
13.72
15.40
1976
12.32
12.00
12.65
16.16
16.41
14.94
15.42
14.46
17.90
20.29
Biography
8.52
9.03
10.63
11.49
11.64
12.80
12.70
12.65
14.09
15.05
Business
9.77
10.00
10.47
12.45
12.60
12.45
13.23
14.97
16.54
18.28
Juvenile
3.41
3.47
3.85
4.05
4.23
4.37
4.65
5.01
5.82
6.01
Economics
8.65
9.68
9.65
—
—
—
—
—
—
—
Education
5.61
6.22
6.99
10.75
7.81
10.26
9.67
10.33
10.81
12.91
9.02
9.03
10.64
14.75
12.97
14.92
15.56
15.69
15.85
16.74
12.52
12.79
13.39
16.41
18.37
17.15
16.78
18.24
23.22
20.65
Fiction
4.80
4.93
5.14
5.51
5.98
6.47
7.37
7.43
8.31
9.96
Poetry
5.49
5.97
7.26
—
—
—
—
—
—
—
Drama
6.49
8.14
9.13
—
—
—
—
—
—
—
— —
—
9.35
9.15
10.62
10.50
9.93
10.76
12.66
—
— —
24.96
25.77
25.19
18.42
23.02
21.60
26.21
— —
— —
— —
7.30
7.33
7.88
10.12
8.82
10.27
11.18
19.56
10.15
14.16
12.53
14.15
15.80
History
Law Literature
Poetry & drama General works Home economics 345 Language 345
16.62 (continued)
TABLE A.6
346
1967 Medicine Music Philosophy, psychology
1968
1969
1970
(continued)
1971
1972
1973
1974
1975
1976
12.78
12.55
13.89
18.05
17.58
16.19
15.92
18.92
22.15
24.04
8.69
8.65
9.03
11.44
11.73
12.68
14.43
14.83
16.38
—
— 6.75
10.72
10.77
13.53 10.44
10.89
11.57
12.75
14.27
Religion
5.66
— 6.02
8.51
8.48
9.80
9.35
9.70
11.16
12.44
Science
12.15
11.90
11.96
14.95
15.94
16.05
17.34
20.83
22.18
24.42
— 7.25
— 7.19
— 7.45
12.38
17.47
16.93
12.22
17.47
21.65
22.79
9.96
10.20
10.65
9.73
9.70
10.97
11.36
12.86
12.93
13.37
14.91
15.28
16.11
15.38
17.74
19.66
21.19
Sociology & economics Sports & recreation Technology Travel Total
—
—
—
12.39
19.15
12.78
13.19
13.57
15.43
18.40
7.99
8.47
9.37
11.66
13.25
12.99
12.20
14.09
16.19
17.39
Sources: C. Collins (Ed.), The Bowker Annual Library and Book Trade Almanac 1969 (New York: R. R. Bowker, 1969), p. 40; J. Johnson (Ed.), The Bowker Annual Library and Book Trade Almanac 1971 (New York: R.R. Bowker, 1971), p. 90; new categories were added in 1970 and a few older categories were consolidated into one in 1970; J. Johnson (Ed.), The Bowker Annual Library and Book Trade Almanac 1972 (New York: R. R. Bowker, 1972), p. 185; J. J. Henderson (Ed.), The Bowker Annual Library and Book Trade Almanac 1973 (New York: R. R. Bowker, 1973), p. 332; M. Miele (Ed.), The Bowker Annual Library and Book Trade Almanac 1976 (New York: R. R. Bowker, 1976), p. 183; N. B. Glick & S. L. Prakken (Eds.), The Bowker Annual Library and Book Trade Almanac 1978 (New York: R. R. Bowker, 1978), p. 320.
TABLE A.7 Average Hardcover Book Prices by Category 1977–1986 (in Dollars)
1977
1978
1979
1980
1981
1982
1983
1984
7955
1986
Agriculture
16.24
17.24
20.94
27.55
31.88
33.54
33.39
34.92
36.77
39.26
Art
21.24
21.11
21.95
27.70
31.87
31.68
33.79
33.03
35.15
35.41
Biography
15.34
15.76
17.52
19.77
21.85
22.27
22.40
22.53
22.20
22.96
Business
18.00
19.27
23.11
22.45
23.09
25.58
27.72
26.01
28.84
30.72
6.65
6.58
7.14
8.16
9.95
10.64
13.86
15.10
17.01
8.77 20.74
10.02
12.95
8.31 18.77
9.73
Education
21.56
24.47
27.28
26.11
History
17.12
17.20
19.79
22.78
23.15
26.25
24.96
27.53
27.02
28.44
Home economics
11.16
11.27
11.95
13.31
16.07
16.42
16.62
17.50
Language
14.96
16.67
18.25
22.16
22.95
22.85
23.80
15.70 22.97
28.68
18.97 32.80
Law
25.04
24.26
29.44
33.25
36.30
35.61
39.09
43.88
41.70
49.20
10.09
11.27
11.99
12.46
15.49
13.91
14.29
14.74
15.29
16.84
Juvenile
Literature Fiction
13.63
14.86
15.83
17.85
19.34
19.96
22.42
26.75
22.14
25.11
General works
30.99
25.51
28.56
29.84
35.02
37.29
35.61
37.91
38.97
Medicine
24.00 20.13
25.01
29.27
36.47 25.82
25.77
27.79
44.36 28.79
49.99
18.93
38.88 26.42
40.65
24.68
34.28 21.79
37.45 39.84
Poetry & drama
Music
347
32.59 (continued)
TABLE A.7
(continued)
1977
1978
1979
1980
1981
1982
1983
1984
1985
1986
Philosophy & psychology
14.43
14.75
17.98
21.70
22.41
23.28
25.72
29.70
28.11
29.65
Religion
12.26
13.04
14.83
17.61
18.54
17.89
17.22
17.76
19.13
21.60
Science
24.88
26.20
30.59
37.45
40.63
44.44
44.02
46.57
51.19
55.65
Sociology & economics
29.88
29.66
43.57
31.76
29.28
45.12
46.97
33.35
33.33
30.34
Sports & recreation
12.28
12.96
13.88
15.92
18.82
20.20
20.07
20.16
23.43
23.25
Technology
23.16
22.64
27.82
33.64
36.76
40.65
37.77
45.80
50.37
55.00
Travel
18.44
17.12
15.02
16.80
19.55
22.20
21.31
24.66
24.32
Total
19.22
19.30
23.96
24.64
26.63
30.34
23.25 30.84
29.99
31.46
32.43
Sources: F. Simora & N. B. Glick (Eds.), The Bowker Annual Library and Book Trade Almanac 1979 (New York: R. R. Bowker, 1979), p. 337; F. Simora (Ed.), The Bowker Annual Library and Book Trade Almanac 1980 (New York: R. R. Bowker, 1980), p. 450; F. Simora (Ed.), The Bowker Annual Library and Book Trade Almanac 1981 (New York: R. R. Bowker, 1981), p. 333; J. O'Hare & B. Sun (Eds.), The Bowker Annual Library and Book Trade Almanac 1982 (New York: R. R. Bowker, 1982), p. 388; J. O'Hare (Ed.), The Bowker Annual Library and Book Trade Almanac 1983 (New York: R. R. Bowker, 1983), p. 375; J. Ehrermann (Ed.), The Bowker Annual Library and Book Trade Almanac 1984 (New York: R. R. Bowker, 1984), p. 415; F. Simora (Ed.), The Bowker Annual Library and Book Trade Almanac 1986 (New York: R. R. Bowker, 1986), p. 424; F. Simora (Ed.), The Bowker Annual Library and Book Trade Almanac 1987 (New York: R. R. Bowker, 1987), p. 417; F. Simora & M. M. Spier (Eds.), The Bowker Annual Library and Book Trade Almanac 1988 (New York: R. R. Bowker, 1988), p. 408.
TABLE A.8 Average Hardcover Book Prices by Category 1987–1996 (in Dollars) 1987
1988
1989
1990
1991
1992
1993
1994
7995
7996
Agriculture
46.24
49.36
51.05
54.24
57.73
53.76
41.84
58.10
49.00
45.11
Art
37.71
39.96
50.30
42.18
44.99
44.59
39.99
39.97
41.23
53.40
Biography
25.04
25.99
27.34
29.58
27.52
30.41
28.37
30.43
30.01
31.67
Business
33.31
37.51
37.94
45.48
43.38
43.91
37.95
42.72
46.90
52.62
13.01 37.62
13.01 38.72
16.64
14.46
13.87
14.59
14.55
41.26
48.77
38.60
47.98
43.00
15.97 47.10
Juvenile
11.48
11.79
Education
31.58
33.55
General works
43.81
49.73
54.77
51.74
56.29
45.51
60.41
54.11
68.36
History
31.74
50.35 33.44
37.95
36.43
39.87
39.19
40.78
40.20
42.19
45.62
Home economics
20.13
22.17
24.23
24.88 49.68
52.09
22.53 54.89
23.39
51.71
20.55 34.02
20.49
47.35
23.80 42.98
58.62
60.78
64.89
76.21
53.94
72.32
73.09
88.51
Language
37.80
21.38 40.42
Law
49.65
50.85
58.81
Literature General fiction
18.19
17.63
18.69
19.83
21.30
20.39
19.50
20.95
21.47
22.89
Poetry, drama
28.46
28.02
31.12
32.19
36.76
31.06
31.56
34.96
34.15
57.68
66.59
69.87
72.24
32.29 71.44
75.22
76.30
75.80
81.48
47.37
49.78 41.44
39.27
43.27
39.21
46.85
39.44
44.71
45.26
48.40
Medicine
349
Music
35.82
36.95
41.73
41.86
41.04
Philosophy, psychology
33.32
34.75
36.55
40.58
49 74
(continued)
TABLE A.8
350
(continued)
1987
1988
1989
1990
1991
1992
1993
1994
1995
1996
24.51
26.73
28.12
31.31
32.33
29.16
30.73
34.27
36.62
Science
62.16
66.91
68.90
74.39
80.14
35.31 81.95
52.71
90.12
95.52
90.63
Sociology, economics
34.38
37.25
41.26
42.10
48.43
45.53
41.32
50.24
53.82
Sports & recreation
23.96
27.33
29.46
30.52
30.68
34.62
32.28
33.39
55.51 32.14
Technology
60.24
65.26
71.04
76.80
76.40
82.18
56.31
81.03
88.28
Travel
28.07
26.22
31.37
30.11
32.43
33.28
26.22
32.13
38.30
91.60 33.92
Total
36.28
39.00
40.61
42.12
44.17
45.05
34.98
44.65
47.15
50.00
Religion
34.71
Sources: F. Simora (Ed.), The Bowker Annual Library and Book Trade Almanac 1989 (New York: R. R. Bowker, 1989), p. 430; F. Simora (Ed.), The Bowker Annual Library and Book Trade Almanac 1991 (New Providence, NJ: R. R. Bowker, 1991), p. 429; C. Barr (Ed.), The Bowker Annual Library and Book Trade Almanac 1993 (New Providence, NJ: R. R. Bowker, 1993), p. 503; C. Barr (Ed.), The Bowker Annual Library and Book Trade Almanac 1995 (New Providence, NJ: R. R. Bowker, 1995), p. 515; D. Bogart (Ed.), The Bowker Annual Library and Book Trade Almanac 1996 (New Providence, NJ: R. R. Bowker, 1996), p. 546; D. Bogart (Ed.), The Bowker Annual Library and Book Trade Almanac 1999 (New Providence, NJ: R. R. Bowker, 1999), p. 533.
TABLE A.9 Average Hardcover Book Prices by Category 1997-2001 (in Dollars)
Agriculture
1997
1998
1999
2000
2001
63.70
61.99
55.40
66.52
61.03
59.31 45.20
50.31
56.00
45.31
53.05
93.84 62.23
95.61 23.85 72.55
52.25
165.39 54.01
167.40 61.21 51.45
Arts
55.99
55.43
Biography
54.78
46.40
99.34 19.25 85.74 108.87
93.43 21.10 60.52
Business Juvenile Education General works
131.50 23.06 59.75 153.98
22.71
History
62.81
110.66 62.27
Home economics Language Law
36.79 71.90
37.97 75.98
38.52 55.92
39.76 52.27
73.96
109.50
94.00
100.13
101.50
89.70
24.97 44.99 111.88
26.79 43.07 94.13
27.95 46.11 90.03
25.75 39.90 90.32
43.79 99.62
57.87 59.87
54.60 55.20
55.55 54.01
42.91
112.31
52.02
Literature Fiction Poetry, drama Medicine Music Philosophy, psychology Religion
28.84
54.32
45.38
44.68
41.61
66.03 41.93
Science
103.54
95.96
90.11
100.61
Sociology, economics Sports & recreation Technology Travel
79.32 46.97 133.58 44.87
65.97 44.15 111.86 38.55
94.55 62.24 38.45 100.53 40.31
94.80 41.63 99.93 67.88
72.67
63.53
62.32
66.79 40.64 102.40 40.27 60.84
Total
70.05
Sources: D. Bogart (Ed.), The Bowker Annual Library and Book Trade Almanac 2000 (New Providence, NJ: R. R. Bowker, 2000), pp. 508–513; D. Bogart (Ed.), The Bowker Annual Library and Book Trade Almanac 2002 (New Providence, NJ: R. R. Bowker, 2002), p. 531; D. Bogart (Ed.), The Bowker Annual Library and Book Trade Almanac 2003 (New Providence, NJ: R. R. Bowker, 2003), p. 513.
351
TABLE A.10 Net Publishers Total Hardcover and Paperback Book Unit Sales (in Millions): 1985–1989 1985
1986
1987
1988
1989
Trade (total)
576.6
586.0
600.2
633.6
710.8
Adult trade (total) Juvenile trade (total)
376.7
373.5
381.5
421.2
199.9
368.8 217.4
252.1
Mass-market paperbacks Mail order Religious (total)
429.8
430.5
226.7 441.4
472.7
289.6 497.5
125.2
128.4
132.6
142.4
141.5
141.2
135.5
128.0
157.2 131.7
Professional
125.7
132.6
135.9
142.0
145.3
16.1
16.0
14.7
14.8
15.4
245.0 120.3 1.0
238.2 121.0 1.1
216.2
211.0
129.6
142.0
1.1
1.1
222.9 148.4 1.1
1914.0
1924.0
1930.8
2002.7
2142.0
University press ELHI College Subscription reference Total all books
Sources: Book Industry Trends 1991 (New York: Book Industry Study Group, Inc., 1991), pp. 2-7; Book Industry Trends 1992 (New York: Book Industry Study Group, Inc., 1992), pp. 2-7. Book Industry Trends 1993 (New York: Book Industry Study Group, Inc., 1993), pp. 2-7; Book Industry Trends 1994 (New York: Book Industry Study Group, Inc., 1994), pp. 2–7; Book Industry Trends 1995 (New York: Book Industry Study Group, Inc., 1995), pp. 2–7.
352
TABLE A.11 Net Publishers Total Hardcover and Paperback Book Unit Sales (in Millions): 1990–1999 1991
1992
1993
1994
730.7 420.4
764.7 429.7
4661.6 3484.2
789.9 482.5
841.8
841.8
845.0
818.8
860.3
905.6
512.8
465.1
476.5
496.6
Juvenile trade Book clubs
310.3
355.0
110.6
307.4 113.8
363.7 141.6
114.2
105.1
95.5
379.9 135.5 96.4
342.3 137.4
142.6
329.0 118.7 98.8
498.76 406.9 142.2
Mail order
111.2 136.8
1177.4 108.7
484.7 357.1
85.7
78.1
65.5
Religious (total) Professional University press ELHI
137.7
143.4
148.3
147.2
151.0
156.5
162.8
166.6
170.5
173.7
148.6
147.0
152.9
155.9
161.7
165.4
165.2
170.3
15.8
16.6
17.0
17.1
17.9
17.7
163.9 17.4
17.8
18.5
175.6 18.9
218.7
215.2
217.5
290.8 168.2
175.9
183.8
1.1
1.1 2181.0
1.1
1.2 2221.9
1.2
1.2
1.2
1.2
2280.0
2335.5
256.9 162.6 1.2 2368.9
301.9
69.3
246.6 155.0 1.2
302.2
69.8
234.2 147.5
220.2
72.3
2324.9
2402.3
2401.9
Trade (total) Adult trade (total)
College Subscription reference Total all books
2144.3
2192.3
148.5
1995
125.9
1996
1997
1998
1999
1990
Sources: Book Industry Trends 1996 (New York: Book Industry Study Group, Inc., 1996), pp. 2-7; Book Industry Trends 1997 (New York: Book Industry Study Group, Inc., 1997), pp. 2-7. Book Industry Trends 1998 (New York: Book Study Group, Inc., 1998), pp. 2-7; Book Industry Trends 1999 (New York: Book Industry 353 Study Group, Inc., 1999), pp. 2-7; Book Industry Trends 2000 (New York: Book Industry Study Group, Inc. 2000), pp. 2-7.
TABLE A.12
U.S. Book Industry Total Net Publishers' Revenues ($ Million): 1947, 1952, 1954, and 1959
Category
1947
1952
1954
1958
Revenues
Revenues
Revenues
Revenues
75.9
100.7
n/a
131.38
Mass-market paperbacks
14.3
47.0
n/a
47.66
Book clubs
65.4
60.3
n/a
95.18
Religious
28.9
56.8
n/a
57.64
Scientific, technical, & medical
45.8
64.7
63.63
116.02
120.8
152.3
180.26
272.89
Trade books
Educational Subscription books
63.9
93.0
89.93
152.68
Other
20.1
27.7
38.81
75.66
Total
435.1
602.5
665.4
949.11
Sources: W. E. Wright (Ed.;, American Library Annual 1955-1956 (New York: R. R. Bowker, 1956), 83; this data was originally published in the 1947 Census of Manufacturers and the 1952 Annual Survey of Manufacturers, both issued by the U.S. Department of Commerce. "Educational" includes elementary and secondary textbooks and workbooks as well as college textbooks. W. E. Wright (Ed.), American Library Annual 1962 (New York: R. R. Bowker, 1961), pp. 37–39; this data was originally published in the 1958 Census of Manufacturers, issued by the U.S. Department of Commerce. In 1954 the Department of Commerce combined certain categories, failing to provide data for specific book categories indicated above as "n/a."
354
TABLE A.13 U.S. Book Industry Total Net Publishers' Revenues ($ Million): 1963–1988 1963
1967
1972
1977
1982
1985
1986
1987
229.48
353.0
1355.5
2210.9
2340.6
2712.8
3036.4
—
444.8 —
887.2
—
—
—
1735.3
1794.2
2077.7
2285.2
— 87.38
— 130.0
—
— 604.6
475.6
546.4
635.1
751.2
252.8
— 487.7
803.7
809.3
913.7
1006.9
Book clubs
143.42
180.0
240.5
406.7
590.0
598.0
608.2
678.7
690.2
Mail order
— 81.12
— 108.0
198.9
396.4
629.6
650.4
657.6
697.7
117.5
250.6
— 390.0
536.7
572.7
638.8
675.9
165.55
237.0
381.0
698.2
1230.5
1928.0
2076.5
2207.3
2411.9
Category Trade books Adult trade Juvenile trade Mass-market paperbacks
Religious Professional
1988
University press
18.27
31.0
41.4
56.1
92.4
146.8
159.4
170.9
198.1
ELHI
304.7
421.1
497.6
755.9
1051.5
1595.1
1695.8
1783.8
College
160.2
286.7
375.3
649.7
1142.4
1472.9 1358.4
1436.1
1549.5
1716.8
Subscription
380.9
500.7
278.9
294.4
396.6
390.2
410.9
437.6
473.9
Other
102.1
110.0
49.2
63.4
77.1
—
—
—
—
Total
1,685.7
2,379.1
2,901.6
4,946.3
7753.8
10075.2
10659.2
11766.7
12691.6
Sources: J. Johnson (Ed.), The Bowker Annual Library and Book Trade Almanac 1972 (New York: R. R. Bowker, 1972), p. 172; data from the Census of Manufacturers 1972, issued by the U.S. Department of Commerce; F. Simora (Ed.), The Bowker Annual Library and Book Trade Almanac 1980 (New York: R. R. Bowker, 1980), p. 437; J. Ehrermann (Ed.), The Bowker Annual Library and Book Trade Almanac 1984 (New York: R. R. Bowker, 1984), p. 421; Book Industry Study Group, Inc., Book Industry Trends 1991 (New York: Book Industry Study Group, Inc., 1991), pp. 2–4; Book Industry Study Group, Inc., Book Industry Trends 1992 (New York: Book Industry Study Group, Inc., 1992), pp. 2–4; Book Industry Study Group, Inc., Book Industry Trends 1993 (New York: Book Industry Study Group, Inc., 1993), pp. 2–4; Book Industry Study 355 Group, Inc., Book Industry Trends 1994 (New York: Book Industry Study Group, Inc., 1994), pp. 2–4; Book Industry Study Group, Inc., Book Industry Trends 1995 (New York: Book Industry Study Group, Inc., 1995), pp. 2–4.
TABLE A.14
356
U.S. Book Industry Total Net Publishers' Revenues ($ Million): 1987–1999 Category
1989
1990
1991
1992
1993
1994
1995
1996
7997
1998
1999
Trade (total)
3623.5 2722.0
3829.8 2871.7 1021.1
4252.6
4661.6
5540.6 4324.2 1216.4
5560.8 4234.1
5643.0 4195.4
6148.9
3484.2 1177.4
5023.3 3887.2
5774.1
3088.8 1163.8
4395.3
6513.9 4793.0
1326.7
1243.9 749.8 733.6
1263.8
1392.4
704.0 768.8
1148.6 725.1 731.4
1499.6 976.1
1447.7 1555.1
1378.8 1433.8 1143.1
4659.8 1489.1 1514.1 1209.4
521.0
470.5
412.8
737.1 2592.8 227.0
788.0
854.7
907.1
931.5
2765.9 245.9
3106.7
1178.0 4418.7 391.8
1216.9 4717.4
280.1 2080.9
1991.3 540.5
2001.3 552.4
2084.1 572.3
3320.5 292.9 2318.1 2140.4
1132.7 4156.4
2025.8
2860.7 265.5 2054.2
Adult (total) Juvenile (total) Mass-market paperbacks Book clubs Mail order Religious (total) Professional University press ELHI & secondary College Subscription Total
901.5
1094.5
1983.6 1842.1
509.4 14110.8 14982.8 15702.2
742.3 630.2
16469.5
1136.1 1359.8 804.7 601.2
873.9 557.3 979.4 3606.1 325.7 2155.8
559.5 1036.8 3869.3 339.7 2466.2
1091.8 579.5 1093.4 3985.0 349.3 2618.0
367.8 3005.4
3315.0
1720.9 1403.2 1254.4
411.7 3415.9
2485.8 2669.7 2888.6 3128.8 767.4 788.9 736.5 602.0 706.1 17541.2 18405.8 19470.9 20285.7 21131.9 22507.0 23482.6 2176.8 641.3
2324.8 670.8
Sources: Book Industry Trends 1995 (New York: Book Industry Study Group, Inc., 1995), pp. 2–4; Book Industry Trends 1996 (New York: Book Industry Study Group, Inc., 1996), pp. 2–4; Book Industry Trends 1997 (New York: Book Industry Study Group, Inc., 1997), pp. 2–4; Book Industry Trends 1998 (New York: Book Industry Study Group, Inc., 1998), pp. 2–4; Book Industry Trends 1999 (New York: Book Industry Study Group, Inc., 1999), pp. 2–4.
TABLE A.15 U.S. Book Title Output, the Consumer Price Index, and the Gross National Product: 1945–2002 Total U.S. Book title output
357
Percent change from previous year
CPI all terms
CPI percent Gross national GNP percent change from product change from previous year ($ billion) previous year
Percent change from Population (in thousands) previous year
1945
6,548
–6.05
53.9**
—
211.9
—
133434
–0.36
1946
7,735
18.13
58.5
8.53
210.6
–0.61
140686
5.43
1947
9,182
18.71
66.9
14.36
234.3
11.25
144083
2.41
1948
9,897
7.79
72.1
7.77
259.4
146730
1.84
1949
10,892
10.05
71.4
–0.97
258.1
10.71 –0.50
149304
1.75
1950
11,022
1.19
72.1
0.98
284.8
10.34
152271
1.99
1951
11,255
2.11
77.8
7.91
328.9
15.48
154878
1.71
1952
11,840
5.20
79.5
2.19
1.77
80.1
0.75
5.33
157553 160184
1.73
12,050
346.9 365.4
5.47
1953 1954
11,901
-1.24
80.5
0.50
363.1
0.63
163026
1.77
1955
12,589
–0.37
398.0
9.61
165931
1.78
81.4
1.50
418.1
5.05
168903
1957
12,538 13,142
5.78 –0.41
80.2
1956
4.82
84.3
3.56
442.8
5.91
171984
1.79 1.82
1958
13,462
2.43
86.6
2.73
447.8
1.02
174882
1.69
1959
14,876
10.50
87.3
0.81
482.7
7.91
177830
1.69
1960
15,012
0.91
88.7
1.60
503.7
4.35
180671
1.60
1.67
TABLE A.15
358 Total U.S. Book title output
Percent change from previous year
CPI all terms
CPI percent change from previous year
(continued) Gross national GNP percent product change from ($ billion) previous year
Population (in thousands)
Percent change from previous year
1961
18,060
20.30
89.6
1.01
526.1
4.45
183691
1.67
1962
21,904
21.28
90.6
1.12
560.3
6.50
186538
1.55
1963
25,784
17.71
91.7
1.21
590.5
5.39
189242
1.45
1964
28,451
10.34
92.9
1.31
632.4
7.10
191889
1.40
1965
28,595
0.51
95.4
2.69
684.9
8.30
194303
1.26
1966
30,050
5.09
97.2
1.89
749.9
9.49
196560
1.16
1967
28,762
–4.29
100
2.88
793.9
5.87
198712
1.09
1968
30,387
5.65
104.2
4.20
865.0
8.96
200706
1.00
1969
29,579
-2.66
109.8
5.37
930.3
7.55
202677
0.98
1970
36,071
21.95
116.3
5.92
977.1
5.03
205052
1.17
1971
37,692
4.49
121.3
4.30
1054.9
7.96
207661
1.27
1972
38,053
0.96
125.3
3.30
1171.1
11.02
209896
1.08
1973
39,951
4.99
133.1
6.23
1306.6
11.57
211909
0.96
1974
40,896
2.37
144.7
8.72
1412.9
8.14
213854
0.92
1975
39,372
-3.73
161.2
11.40
1528.8
8.20
215973
0.99
1976
41,698
170.5
5.77
1702.2
11.34
218035
0.95
5.91
Total U.S. Book title output
359
Percent change from previous year
CPI all terms
CPI percent Gross national GNP percent change from product change from previous year ($ billion) previous year
1977
42,780
2.59
181.5
6.45
1978
41,216
-3.66
195.4
7.66
1979
45,182
9.62
217.4
1980
42,377
–6.21
82.4***
1981
48,793
15.14
90.9
1982
46,935
-3.81
96.5
1983
53,380
13.73
99.6
1899.5
11.59
Population (in thousands)
Percent change from previous year
220239
1.01
2127.6
12.01
222585
1.06
2368.8
11.34
225055
1.11
2784.2
17.54
227726
1.19
10.32
2996.6
7.63
230138
1.06
6.16
3166.0
5.65
232188
0.97
3.21
3405.7
7.57
234307
0.91
11.26
236348
0.87
238466
0.90
5.78
240651
0.92 0.89
1984
51,058
–4.35
103.9
4.32
3902.4
1985
50,070
-1.94
107.6
3.60
4180.7
7.13
1986
52,637
5.13
109.6
1.90
4422.2
14.58
1987
56,027
6.44
113.6
3.60
4692.3
6.11
242804
1988
55,483
–0.97
118.3
4.10
5049.6
7.61
245021
0.91
1989
53,446
-3.67
124.0
4.80
5489.1
5.72
247342
0.95
1990
46,743
-12.54
130.7
5.40
5803.2
5.72
250132
1.13
1991
48,146
3.00
136.2
4.20
5986.2
8.89
253493
1.34
1992
49,276
2.35
140.3
3.00
6318.9
5.56
256894
1.34
1993
49,757
0.98
144.5
3.00
6642.3
5.12
260255
1.31 (continued)
TABLE A.15 Total U.S. Book title output
Percent change from previous year
CPI all terms
CPIpercent change from previous year
(continued) Gross national product ($ billion)
GNP percent change from previous year
Population (in thousands)
Percent change from previous year
1994
51,863
4.23
148.2
2.60
7054.3
6.20
263436
1.22
1995
62,039
19.62
152.4
2.80
7400.5
4.91
266557
1996
68,175
9.89
156.9
3.00
7813.2
5.58
269667
1.18 1.17
1997
119,262*
2.30
8319.4
6.48
272912
1.20
1998
120,244
— 0.82
160.5 163.0
1.60
8781.5
5.55
276115
1.17
1999
119,357
–0.74
166.6
2.20
9274.3
5.61
279295
1.15
2000
122,108
2.30
172.2
3.40
9824.6
5.93
282434
1.12
2001
141,703
16.05
177.1
2.80
10082.2
2.62
285545
1.10
2002
144,537
2.00
179.9
1.60
10446.2
3.61
28860
1.07
Sources: F. Simora (Ed.), The Bowker Annual Library and Book Trade Almanac 1981 (New York: R. R. Bowker, 1981), p. 326; J. O'Hare & B. Sun (Eds.), The Bowker Annual Library and Book Trade Almanac 1982 (New York: R. R Bowker, 1982), p. 385; J. Ehresman (Ed.), The Bowker Annual Library and Book Trade Almanac 1984 (New York: R R. Bowker, 1984), p. 412; J. Moore (Ed.), The Bowker Annual Library and Book Trade Almanac 1985 (New York: R. R. Bowker, 1985), pp. 460–461; F. Simora (Ed.), The Bowker Annual Library and Book Trade Almanac 1986 (New York: R. R. Bowker, 1986), p. 420; F. Simora (Ed.), The Bowker Annual Library and Book Trade Almanac 1987 (New York: R. R. Bowker, 1987), p. 412; F. Simora & M. M. Spier (Eds.), The Bowker Annual Library and Book Trade Almanac 1988 (New York: R. R. Bowker, 1988), p. 403; F. Simora (Ed.), The Bowker Annual Library and Book Trade Almanac 1989 (New York: R. R. Bowker, 1989), p. 425; F. Simora (Ed.), The Bowker Annual Library and Book Trade Almanac 1991 (New Providence, NJ: R R. Bowker, 1991), p. 424; C. Barr (Ed.), The Bowker Annual Library and Book Trade Almanac 1993 (New Providence, NJ: R. R Bowker, 1993), p. 500; C. Barr (Ed.), The Bowker Annual Library and Book Trade Almanac 1995 (New Providence, NJ: R. R Bowker, 1995), p. 512; D. Bogart (Ed.), The Bowker Annual Library and Book Trade Almanac 1996 (New Providence, NJ: R R. Bowker, l996),p.543;D.Bogart(Ed.), The Bowker Annual Library and Book Trade Almanac 1997 (New Providence, NJ: R R. Bowker, 1997), p. 506; D. Bogart (Ed.), The Bowker Annual Library and Book Trade Almanac 1998 (New Providence, NJ: R. R. Bowker, 1998), pp. 506,510,522; D. Bogart (Ed.), The Bowker Annual Library and Book Trade Almanac 1999 (New York: R R. Bowker, 1999), p. 530; D. Bogart (Ed.), The Bowker Annual Library and Book Trade Almanac 2000 (New Providence, NJ: R. R Bowker, 2000), pp. 508–513; U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Statistical Abstract of the United States 1959 (Washington, DC: GPO, 1959), p. 304; U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Statistical Abstract of the United
States I960 (Washington, DC: GPO, 1960), p. 305; U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Statistical Abstract of the United States 1961 (Washington, DC: GPO, 1961), p. 301; U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Statistical Abstract of the United States 1962 (Washington, DC: GPO, 1962), p. 312; U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Statistical Abstract of the United States 1963 (Washington, DC: GPO, 1963), p. 323; U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Statistical Abstract of the United States 1964 (Washington, DC: GPO, 1964), p. 323; U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Statistical Abstract of the United States 1965 (Washington, DC: GPO, 1965), p. 326; U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Statistical Abstract of the United States 1966 (Washington, DC: GPO, 1966), p. 322; U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Statistical Abstract of the United States 1967 (Washington, DC: GPO, 1967), p. 319; U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Statistical Abstract of the United States 1968 (Washington, DC: GPO, 1968), p. 312; U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, StatisticalAbstract of the United States 1969 (Washington, DC: GPO, 1969), p. 310; U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Statistical Abstract of the United States 1970 (Washington, DC: GPO, 1970), pp. 311,344; U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Statistical Abstract of the United States 1971 (Washington, DC: GPO, 1971), pp. 305, 339; U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Statistical Abstract of the United States 1972 (Washington, DC: GPO, 1972), pp. 312,349; U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Statistical Abstract of the United States 1973 (Washington, DC: GPO, 1973), pp. 313, 354; U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Statistical Abstract of the United States 1974 (Washington, DC: GPO, 1974), pp. 323, 411; U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Statistical Abstract of the United States 1975 (Washington, DC: GPO, 1975), pp. 380, 422; U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Statistical Abstract of the United States 1976 (Washington, DC: GPO, 1976), pp. 393, 439; U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Statistical Abstract of the United States 1977 (Washington, DC: GPO, 1977), pp. 429, 478; U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Statistical Abstract of the United States 1978 (Washington, DC: GPO, 1978), pp. 441, 439; U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Statistical Abstract of the United States 1979 (Washington, DC: GPO, 1979), p. 437; U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Statistical Abstract of the United States 1990 (Washington, DC: GPO, 1990), pp. 7, 425, 471; U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Statistical Abstract of the United States 1999 (Washington, DC: GPO, 1999), pp. 8, 495, 459; U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Statistical Abstract of the United States 2000 (Washington, DC: GPO, 2000), p. 451; U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Statistical Abstract of the United States 2003 (Washington, DC: GPO, 2003), pp. 438, 475. *For many years, R.R. Bowker utilized data extracted from Bowker's American Book Publishing Record supplemented by data generated from their Paperbovnd Books in Print. These figures reflected only those books catalogued by the Library of Congress, especially titles captured in the Cataloging in Publication (CIP) program. Bowker recognized that serious undercounting of titles occurred, primarily inexpensive books and much of the output generated by small publishers and self-publishers. On average, more than 10,000 new ISBN publishers' prefixes are assigned annually, an indicator of the extensive proliferation of both publishing establishments and titles. In 1999 Bowker revamped its existing cataloguing system to capture more reliable statistical data on total U.S. title output. The end result was a substantive recalculation of title output tallies for 1997 and 1998, which are listed above; it is possible that recalculations of the pre-1997 data might occur sometime in the future. As two different counting methodologies were employed, generating significantly larger totals for 1997 and 1998, no percentage changes for 1997 and 1998 were calculated. **The CPI used the year "1967" as equal to an index of "100." ***The CPI index was changed. The years "1982-1984" equaled "100." The percentage changes reflect the "1967" index up to the year 1979. As of 1980, the percentage changes reflect the new "1982-1984" index. 361
362
TABLE A.16
Total U.S. Personal Consumption Expenditures for Recreation and for Books and Maps: 1945–2001 ($ Billion)
Books and maps total
Percent change from previous year
Books & maps percentage of total recreation expenditures
13.22
$0.5
15.56
8.20
8.6
40.98
0.6
9.4
9.30
0.5
14.23 5.81
6.98 5.32
4.26
0.6
0.39
6.12
Year
Total recreation expenditures
Percent change from previous year
1945
$6.1
1946 1947 1948
9.8
1949
10.1
3.06
0.6
-3.91
5.94
1950
11.1
9.90
0.7
-3.66
6.31
1951
11.0
–0.90
0.5
6.75
4.55
1952
11.4
3.64
0.5
27.67
4.39
1953
12.9
13.16
0.8
13.62
6.20
1954
13.3 14.1
3.10
0.8
-1.36
6.02
1955
6.02
0.9
3.59
6.38
1956
15.2
7.80
1.0
8.80
6.58
1957
16.1
5.92
1.1
5.64
6.83
1958
16.8
4.35
1.2
9.09
7.14
1959
18.3
8.93
1.3
8.33
7.10
1.1
-15.88
6.15
1960
17.9
-2.19
Percent change from previous year
Books & maps percentage of total recreation expenditures
27.27
7.18
Year
Total recreation expenditures
Percent change from previous year
1961
19.5
8.94
1.4
1962
20.5
5.13
1.5
7.14
7.32
1963
22.2
8.29
1.6
6.67
7.21
1964
24.5
10.36
2.0
25.00
8.16
Books and maps total
1965
25.9
5.71
6.18
28.9
11.58
1.6 2.4
-20.00
1966
50.00
8.30
1967
30.6
5.88
2.7
12.50
8.82
1968
33.6
9.80
2.8
3.70
8.33
1969
36.9
9.82
10.71
8.40
1970
42.7
15.72
3.1 2.9
–6.45
6.79
1971
43.7
2.34
2.5
-13.79
5.72
1972
49.1
12.36
2.5
—
5.09
1973
55.2
12.42
5.07
60.9
10.33
2.8 3.0
12.00
1974
7.14
4.93
1975
70.2
15.27
3.6
20.00
5.13
1976
73.3
4.42
3.7
2.78
5.05
1977
79.4
8.32
4.5
21.62
5.67
363
(continued)
TABLE A.16
(continued)
Percent change from previous year
1978
89.5
12.72
5.4
20.00
6.03
1979
106.2
18.66
5.2
-3.70
4.90
Year
Books and maps total
Percent change from previous year
Books & maps percentage of total recreation expenditures
Total recreation expenditures
1980
115.0
8.29
5.6
7.69
4.87
1981
128.6
11.83
6.2
10.71
4.82
1982
138.3
7.54
6.6
6.45
4.77
1983
152.1
9.98
7.2
9.09
4.73
1984
168.3
10.65
7.8
8.33
4.63
1985
185.7
10.34
8.1
3.85
4.36
1986
201.2
8.35
8.6
6.17
4.27
1987
223.2
10.93
9.5
10.47
4.26
1988
245.1
9.81
10.5
10.53
4.28
1989
265.9
8.49
11.4
8.57
4.29
1990
281.6
5.90
16.5
44.74
5.86
1991
292.0
3.69
16.9
2.42
5.79
1992
310.8
6.44
17.7
4.73
5.69
1993
340.1
9.43
18.8
6.21
5.53
1994
368.7
8.41
20.8
10.64
5.64
Books and maps total
Percent change from previous year
Books & maps percentage of total recreation expenditures
8.54
23.1
11.06
5.75
6.67
24.9
7.79
5.81
457.8
6.81
26.6
6.83
5.81
Year
Total recreation expenditures
Percent change from previous year
1995
401.8
1996 1997
428.6
1998
489.1
6.84
28.2
6.02
5.77
1999
526.5
7.65
30.8
9.22
5.85
2000
564.7
7.26
33.2
7.79
5.88
593.9
5.17
35.1
5.72
5.91
2001
Sources: U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Statistical Abstract of the United States 1958 (Washington, DC: GPO, 1958), p. 195; U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Statistical Abstract of the United States 1959 (Washington, DC: GPO, 1959), p. 195; U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Statistical Abstract of the United States 1960 (Washington, DC: GPO, 1960), p. 197; U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Statistical Abstract of the United States 1961 (Washington, DC: GPO, 1961), p. 197; U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Statistical Abstract of the United States 1962 (Washington, DC: GPO, 1962), p. 209; U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Statistical Abstract of the United States 1963 (Washington, DC: GPO, 1963), p. 213; U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Statistical Abstract of the United States 1964 (Washington, DC: GPO, 1964), p. 208; U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Statistical Abstract of the United States 1965 (Washington, DC: GPO, 1965), p. 208; U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Statistical Abstract of the United States 1966 (Washington, DC: GPO, 1966), p. 209; U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Statistical Abstract of the United States 1967 (Washington, DC: GPO, 1967), p. 212; U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Statistical Abstract of the United States 1968 (Washington, DC: GPO, 1968), p. 206; U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Statistical Abstract of the United States 1969 (Washington, DC: GPO, 1969), p. 202; U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Statistical Abstract of the United States 1970 (Washington, DC: GPO, 1970), p. 204; U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Statistical Abstract of the United States 1971 (Washington, DC: GPO, 1971), p. 204; U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Statistical Abstract of the United States 1972 (Washington, DC. GPO, 1972), p. 206; U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Statistical Abstract of the United States 1973 (Washington, DC: GPO, 1973), p. 208; U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Statistical Abstract of the United States 1974 (Washington, DC: GPO, 1974), p. 210; U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, 365 (continued)
366 Statistical Abstract of the United States 1975 (Washington, DC: GPO, 1975), p. 216; U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Statistical Abstract of the United States 1976 (Washington, DC: GPO, 1976), p. 218; U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Statistical Abstract of the United States 1977 (Washington, DC: GPO, 1977), p. 235; U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Statistical Abstract of the United States 1978 (Washington, DC: GPO, 1978), p. 245; U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Statistical Abstract of the United States 1979 (Washington, DC: GPO, 1979), p. 242; U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Statistical Abstract of the United States 1980 (Washington, DC: GPO, 1980), p. 245; U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Statistical Abstract of the UnitedStates 1981 (Washington, DC: GPO, 1981), p. 232; U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Statistical Abstract of the UnitedStates 1982–1983 (Washington, DC: GPO, 1982), p. 233; U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Statistical Abstract of the UnitedStates 1984 (Washington, DC: GPO, 1984), p. 235; U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Statistical Abstract of the United States 1985 (Washington, DC: GPO, 1985), p. 224; U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Statistical Abstract of the UnitedStates 1986 (Washington, DC: GPO, 1986), p. 226; U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Statistical Abstract of the UnitedStates 1987 (Washington, DC: GPO, 1987), p. 211; U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Statistical Abstract of the UnitedStates 1988 (Washington, DC: GPO, 1988), p. 213; U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Statistical Abstract of the UnitedStates 1989 (Washington, DC: GPO, 1989), p. 221; U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Statistical Abstract of the UnitedStates 1990 (Washington, DC: GPO, 1990), p. 225; U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Statistical Abstract of the UnitedStates 1991 (Washington, DC: GPO, 1991), p. 231; U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Statistical Abstract of the United States 1999 (Washington, DC: GPO, 1999), p. 263; U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Statistical Abstract of the UnitedStates 2000 (Washington, DC: GPO, 2000), p. 453; U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Statistical Abstract of the UnitedStates 2003 (Washington, DC: GPO, 2003), p. 771. Note. The U.S. Department of Commerce did not provide specific totals for books. A review of data released by the Association of American Publishers and contained in Book Industry Trends 1999 (New York: Book Industry Study Group, Inc., 1999; pp. 2-4) indicated that books alone accounted for between 8.47% (in 1993) and 13.36% (in 1996) of the total for "books and maps."A review of the Census of Manufactures indicated that books alone accounted for 13.1 % of the total for "books and maps." It is likely that books account for approximately between 87% and 92% of the "books and maps" totals listed above.
TABLE A.17
The Number One Fiction and Nonfiction Hardcover Best Sellers (in terms of total sales): 1945-2002 Year
Fiction
Nonfiction
1945
Forever Amber (Winsor)
Brave Men (Pyle)
1946
The King 's General (du Maurier)
The Egg and I (MacDonald)
1947
The Miracle of the Bells (Janney)
Peace of Mind (Liebman)
1948
The Big Fisherman (Douglas)
Crusade in Europe (Eisenhower)
1949
The Egyptian (Waltari)
White Collar Zoo (Barnes)
1950
The Cardinal (Robinson)
Betty Crocker 's Picture Cook Book (Crocker)
1951
From Here to Eternity (Jones)
Look Younger, Live Longer (Hauser)
1952
The Silver Chalice (Costain)
The Caine Mutiny (Wouk)
1953
The Robe (Douglas)
The Holy Bible: Revised Standard Edition
1954
Not as a Stranger (Thompson)
The Holy Bible: Revised Standard Edition
1955
Marjorie Mornings tar (Wouk)
Gift from the Sea (Morrow Lindberg
1956
Don 't Go Near the Water (Brinkley)
Arthritis and Common Sense (Alexander)
1957
By Love Possessed (Cozzens)
Kid's Say the Darndest Things! (Linkletter)
1958
Doctor Zhivago (Pasternak)
Kid's Say the Darndest Things! (Linkletter)
1959
Exodus (Uris)
'Twixt Twelve and Twenty (Boone)
1960
Advice and Consent (Drury)
Folk Medicine (Jarvis)
1961
The Agony and the Ecstasy (Stone)
The New English Bible: The New Testament
1962
Ship of Fools (Porter)
Calories Don't Count (Taller)
1963
The Shoes of the Fisherman (West)
Happiness is a Warm Puppy (Schulz
1964
The Spy Who Came in from the Cold (Le Carre)
Four Days (American Heritage)
1965
The Source (Michener)
How to be a Jewish Mother (Greenberg)
1966
Valley of the Dolls (Susann)
How to Avoid Probate (Dacey)
1967
The Arrangement (Kazan)
Death of a President (Manchester) (continued)
367
TABLE A. 17 Year Fiction
(continued) Nonfiction
1968
Airport (.Hailey)
Better Homes and Gardens New Cook Book
1969
Portnoy 's Complaint (Roth)
The Money Game (Smith)
1970
Love Story (Segal)
Everything You Wanted to Know About Sex but Were Afraid to Ask (Reuben)
1971
Wheels (Hailey)
The Sensuous Man ("M")
1972
Jonathan Livingston Seagull (Bach)
The Living Bible (Taylor)
1973
Jonathan Livingston Seagull (Bach)
The Living Bible (Taylor)
1974
Centennial (Michener)
The Total Woman (Morgan)
1975
Ragtime (Doctorow)
Angels: God's Secret Agents (Graham)
1976
Trinity (Uris)
The Final Days (Woodward)
1977
The Silmarillion (Tolkien)
Roots (Haley)
1978
Chesapeake (Michener)
If Life Is a Bowl of Cherries— What Am I Doing in the Pits? (Bombeck)
1979
The Matarese Circle (Ludlum)
Aunt Erma's Cope Book (Bombeck)
1980
Princess Daisy (Krantz)
Free to Choose: A Personal Statement (Friedman & Friedman)
1981
Gorky Park (Smith)
Cosmos (Sagan)
1982
The Parsifal Mosaic (Ludlum)
Jane Fonda 's Workout Book (Fonda)
1983
The Little Drummer Girl (le Carre)
Megatrends (Naisbitt)
1984
The Aquitaine Progression (Ludlum)
Motherhood: The Second Oldest Profession (Bombeck)
1985
If Tomorrow Comes (Sheldon)
lacocca: An Autobiography (lacocca)
1986
The Mammoth Hunters (Auel)
Fit for Life (Diamond & Diamond)
1987
Windmills of the Gods (Sheldon)
A Day in the Life of America (Smolen & Cohen)
1988
The Bonfires of the Vanities (Wolfe)
The 8- Week Cholesterol Cure (Kowalski)
1989
The Joy Luck Club (Tan)
All I Really Need to Know I Learned in Kindergarten (Fulghum)
1990
Oh, The Places You '11 Go! (Seuss)
Wealth Without Risk (Givens)
1991
The Firm (Grisham)
Iron John: A Book About Men (Bly)
1992
The Pelican
How to Satisfy a Woman Every Time (Hayden)
368
Brief(Grisham)
Year
Fiction
Nonfiction
1993
The Bridges of Madison County (Waller)
Women Who Run with the Wolves (Estes)
1994
The Chamber (Grisham)
In the Kitchen With Rosie (Daley)
1995
The Celestine Prophecy (Redfield)
Men Are from Mars, Women Are from Venus (Gray)
1996
The Runaway Jury (Grisham)
Making the Connection (Winfrey & Green)
1997
The Partner (Grisham)
Angela's Ashes (McCourt)
1998
The Street Lawyer (Grisham)
The 9 Steps to Financial Freedom (Orman)
1999
The Testament (Grisham)
Tuesdays with Morrie (Albom)
2000
The Brethren (Grisham)
Who Loved My Cheese (Johnson)
2001
Desecration (Jenkins & LaHaye)
The Prayer ofJabez (Wilkinson)
2002
The Summons (Grisham)
Self Matters (McGraw)
Sources: Publishers Weekly, various issues; D. Maryles, "Jockeying for Position," Publishers Weekly, March 23,1998, p. 51; D. Maryles, "The Name Makes the Game," Publishers Weekly, March 29, 1999, p. 37; D. Maryles with L. Riippa, "So Far, Little Has Changed,"Publishers Weekly, April 10, 2000, p. 42.
369
TABLE A.18 Number of U.S. Book Publishing Establishments: 1947–1997
Year 1947 1954
Number of establishments 648 814
Percent change from previous censusyear
Number of employees
Percent change from previous censusyear
—
—
—
25.62
—
—
1958
818
0.49
—
—
1963
790
-3.42
—
—
1967
852
7.85
—
—
1972
1205
41.43
—
—
1977
1745
44.81
60,000
—
1982
2130
2298 2,644
67,000 70,000 80,000
11.67
1987 1992
22.06 7.89 15.06
1997 Total
2684 +2036
1.51 +314.20
89,898 +29898
12.37 +49.83
4.48 14.29
Sources: J. Johnson (Ed.), The Bowker Annual Library and Book Trade Almanac 1971 (New York: R. R. Bowker, 1971), p. 59; U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, 1977 Census of Manufac turers: Newspapers, Periodicals, Books, and Miscellaneous Publishing (Washington, DC: USGPO, 1978), p. 27A–5; U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, 1987 Census of Manufacturers: Newspapers, Periodicals, Books, and Miscellaneous Publishing (Washington, DC: USGPO, 1988), p. 27A-6; U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, 1997 Census of Manufacturers: Newspa pers, Periodicals, Books, and Miscellaneous Publishing (Washington, DC: USGPO, 1999), p. 7.
370
Author Index A Aaker,D., A., 178nl Abel, R., 8n7 Abernathy, W. J., 119n20, 119n21, 119n22 Abrahamson, R., F., 29n3 Aguirregabiria, V., 178nl Alba, J., 37n4 Albarran, A. B., 64n8 Alexander, A., 64n8 Alter, R., 134n31, 134n32, 135n33, 135n34 Ambler, T., 208nl Anderson, R. C., 29n3 Anglada, L., 37n4 Arbatskaya, M., 37n4 Ariely, D., 37n4 Arrese, A., 64n8 Asser, P. N., 64n8 Athill, D., 128n2
B Bagdikian, B. H., 3n2, 64n8, 64n9, 64nlO, 64nll Baker, Nicholas, 85n51, 86n52, 86n53, 86n54 Baker, Nicholson, 44n7 Bakos, Y., 37n4 Balkin, R., 128n2 Banerjee, A., 65nl3 Banner, J. M., Jr., 151nl Barr, C., 339, 341 Bass, T. A., 5n5 Bayus, B. L., 37n4
Beahm, G., 268n52, 268n53 Bell, B., 86n54 Bennett, S., 44n8 Benninga, S., 5n5 Bergman, B., 26nl Bettman, J. R., 208nl Birkets, S., 292n26 Biswas, T., 5n5 Bloom, A., 134n28, 134n31 Bogart, D., 339, 341 Boldrin, M., 273n69 Bonn, T. L., 52n2, 73n27, 73n28, 73n29, 74n30, 74n31, 74n32, 74n33 Boras, M. V., 208nl Bouchoux, D. E., 158n2, 271n64 Bowles, G., 262n28 Brand, S., 286n7, 286n8, 286n9 Bratland, R. M., 166n3 Brenner, R., 5n5 Bruck, C., 67nl7 Bryant, J., 44n8 Brynjolfsson, E., 42n6 Burke, J. H., 148n41 Burlingame, R., 151nl Burress, L., 267n50
C Campbell, M., 208n2 Caplette, M., 128nl Carlin, W., 242nl7 Carmon, Z., 37n4 Caro,R. A., 151nl Carrigan, D. P., 44n7 Carter, B., 29n3, 264n37
371
372
AUTHOR INDEX
Carter, R. A., 178nl Carveth, R., 64n8 Cerf,B., 133n25 Chaffee, S. H., 266n45 Champlin, D., 86n54 Chandler, A. D., 62n5, 114n3 Chan-Olmstead, S. M., 64n8 Chen, Y., 42n6 Chintagunta, P. K., 65nl3 Clark, C., 273n69 Clay, K., 42n6 Clurman, R. M., 67nl7 Comellas, N., 37n4 Commins, D., 128nl Compaine, B. M., 63n6, 242nl7 Connors, L. E., 63n6 Conway, J. N., 133n27 Cook, P.J., 64nll Coser, L. A., 3nl, 52n2, 128nl Crews, K. D., 271n64 Curtis, M. E., 203n28 Curtis, R., 148n41 Czarnecki, K., 271n64 D
Davidson, C. N., 3nl, 224nl6 Davis, K. C., 3nl, 52n2, 75n34, 75n35, 80n45 Davis, M. H., 158n2, 273n69 Demac, D. A., 259n9, 259nlO, 262n26 Dessauer, J. P., 26nl, 64n8 De Vany, A., 5n5 Dewan, R., 37n4 Dhar, R., 209n3 Dimmick, J., 64n8 Dizard, Jr., W. P., 294n36 Dolin, A., 151nl Donavan, J., 135n36 Downs, R. B., 261n23 Drucker, P., 114n4, 114n5, 114n6,115n9 Dworkin, A., 256n2, 263n32, 263n33, 263n34, 263n35, 264n36
E
Edelman, M. J., 273n69 Eisenberg, D., 292n27 Eisenstein, E. L., 166n3, 283n2 Epstein, J., 3n2, 68n20, 207n42, 287nl4, 287nl5, 287nl6, 287nl7, 287nl8
Ezell, M. J. M., 273n69 F
Fama, E., 5n5 Fielding, L. G., 29n3 Finnegan, S. A., 151nl Fiore, Q., 63n7 Fischel, D. L., 151nl Follett, R. J. R., 98nl Fournier, S., 208nl Francois, P., 86n54 Frank, R.H., 64n11 Fraser, L., 135n36 Friedland, M. L., Fruge, A., 82n46, 82n47, 133n25 G
Gabor, A., 209n2 Gates, H. L., Jr, 260nl8 Geiser, E. A., 151nl Germano, W., 128nl, 128n2 Gershon, R. A., 86n54 Getz, M., 44n7, 285n4 Glass, A. J., 86n54 Glyn, A., 242nl7 Goellner, J. G., 131nl8 Goldman, W., 7n6 Gomery, D., 63n6, 242nl7
Granger, C. W. J., 209n2
Graubard, S. R., 45n9
Greco, A. N., 63n6, 65nl2, 65nl5,67nl6,
242nl7
Gross, G., 128n2, 128n3, 129n4, 129n5,
129n6, 129n7, 129n8, 129n9
Grych, C. J., 44n8
Gunther, I., 131,131nl6,131nl7,131nl8
H
Hackett, A. P., 148n41 Harnum, B., 128n2 Hart, J. D., 148n41 Haughey,J., 151nl Hayes, R. H., 119n20, 119n21, 121n22 Henard, D.H., 65nl3 Henry, R. W., 266n45
Henry, S. L., 63n6
Hentoff, N., 273n69 Higham, A., 63n6
373
AUTHOR INDEX Hoch, S. J., 209n3 Hurley, R. F., 209n3 Hutchinson, A. M., 128n2 J
Janiszewski, C., 37n4 Janssen, M. C. W., 37n4 Jeanneret, M., 82n47 Jing., B., 37n4 Josey, E. J., 44n7, 273n69
K
Kadushin, C., 3nl, 52n2 Kanter, R.M., 67nl7, 116nl4 Kashani, K., 250nl9 Katz, L., 44n7 Kell, G. P., 84n48, 84n49, 85n50
Keller, M., 84n48, 84n49, 85n50
Kim, S. Y., 208nl
Kirsch, J., 158n2
Klein, B., 271n64 Knoedler, J., 86n54 Kobrak, F., 63n6 Korda, M., 149n43 Koschat, M. A., 208nl Kotler, P, 116nl3, 116nl4, 117nl5, 117nl6, 117nl7, 117nl8, 118nl9 Kranton, R. E., 37n4 Krishnan, R., 42n6 L
Labunski, R., 158n2 Lal, R., 42n6, 208nl Lancaster, K., 208n2 Landow, G. P., 285n5, 285n6 Lariviere, M. A., 209n3 LeClerc, P., 45n9 Lee, M., 166n3 Leeson, K., 133n26 Lerner, A. V., 271n64 Lerner, P.J., 158n2, 267n47 Leslie, L. Z., 151nl Levin, M. P., 121n22 Levine, D., 273n69 Levitt, T., 116nll, 250nl9 Levy, L. W., 258n5, 258n6 Lewin, T., 263n32 Lewis, A., 258n6
Lewis, F., 80n45 Lichter, L. S., 134n28 Lichter, S. R., 134n28 Linnemann, L., 208n2 Lipscombe, T., 80n45 Litan, R. E., 37n4, 293n35 Lofquist, W. S., 166n3 Long, E., 148n42, 149n43, 149n44 Long, R. E., 266n46, 267n47, 267n48 Lowenstein, G. F., 208nl Lowenstein, R., 5n5 Luce, M. F., 208nl Luey, B., 63n6, 151nl Lutz, R., 37n4 Lyall, S., 292n28, 292n29, 292n30 Lynch, J., 37n4 M
Machlup, F., 133n26 MacKinnon, C., 256n2, 263n32, 263n33, 263n34, 263n35, 264n36, 265n40 Maki, D., 27n2 Malkiel, B. G., 5n5 Manguel, A., 149n44 Max, D. T., 291n24, 291n25 McCoy, R.E., 261n23 McLuhan, E., 63n7 McLuhan, M., 63n7 Meredith, L., 27n2 Miller, A. R., 158n2, 273n69 Milliot, J., 99n2, 295n37 Minehart, D. F., 37n4 Murphy, K., 271n64 N
Negroponte, N., 286nlO, 286nl1, 286nl2,
286nl3
Neuman, S. B., 29n3 Newlin, L. W., 8n7 Niebauer, Jr., W. E., Noll, R. van der, 37n4 O
O'Hare, J., 339, 341 Oshagan, H. H., 266n45 Owers, J., 64n8
374
AUTHOR INDEX P
Packard, A., 271 n64 Padmanabhan, V., 209n3 Parr, R. L., 273n69 Parsons, P., 128nl Pavlik, J. V., 294n36 Payne, J. W., 208nl Pederson, M., 267n47 Peters, J., 26nl Peterson, C., 75n36, 77n38, 77n39, 78n40,
78n41, 78n42, 79n43, 79n44
Picard, R., 87n55, 87n56
Poltorak, A. L, 158n2, 267n47
Porter, M. E., 62n4, 62n5, 250nl9
Posner, R. A., 265n40, 267n50
Postman, N., 134n28, 134n29, 283n3,
291n22
Potter, C.N., 15Inl Powe, L. A., Jr., 259n8 Powell, W. W., 3nl, 52n2, 128nl, 132n23 Prelac, D., 208n2 Putsis, Jr., W. P., 37n4, 208n2 R
Radway, J. A., 148n37, 148n38, 148n39, 148n40, 148n41 Rayner, R., 289n21 Reader, J. W., 63n6 Reenen, J., Van, 242nl7 Reichman, H., 267n51 Remer, R., 166n3 Reskin, B. F, 4n3, 128nl Rivlin, A. M., 37n4, 293n35 Rosner, C., 166n3 Rothman, S., 134n28 Russell, B., 65n13
S Salvaggio, J. L., 44n7, 44n8 Sarvary, M., 42n6 Sawyer, A., 37n4 Schick, F. L., 73n27 Schiffrin, A., 3n2, 207n40, 207n41, 207n42 Schlee, E. E., 273n69 Scribner, C. Jr., 70n21, 70n22, 70n23, 70n24, 70n25, 70n26, 133n25, 265n40 Sebesta, S., 135n35
Seidmann, A., 37n4 Selsky, D., 151n1 Sharp, L.T., 131, 131nl6, 131nl7, 131nl8 Shatzkin, L., 40n5, 205n33, 205n34, 206n35, 206n36, 205n37, 205n38, 205n39 Shavell, S., 273n69 Shearer, K. D., 44n7, 273n69 Sibley, H., 42n6 Siler, J., 289n21 Simester, D., 208n2 Simora, S., 339, 341 Sisler, W. P., 85n50 Siwek, S., 275n77, 275n78, 278n79 Skiera, B., 209n2 Slade, M., 209n3 Smith, A., 4n4 Smith, G. V, 158n2, 273n69 Smith, M., 42n6 Smolla, R., 276n83 Solotaroff, T., 3n2, 4n3, 200n9, 200nl0, 201nll, 201nl2, 201nl3, 201nl4, 201nl5,202nl6 Spector, R., 253n24, 254n26, 255n27 Squires, B. P., 151nl Staelin, R., 208nl Steckler, P., 339, 341 Steinberg, S. H., 166n3 Stewart, J. B., 169n4, 169n5, 169n6, 169n7 Stoll, C., 293n33, 293n34, 293n35 Strong, W. S., 158n2, 272n66, 273n67, 273n68, 273n69 Strossen, N., 257n2, 260nl9, 265n41, 265n42n, 265n43, 266n44 Strothman, W., 131nl8, 151nl Sudhir, K., 42n6 Sutton, J., 5n5 Szymanski, D. M., 65nl3 T
Tebbel, J., 3nl, 40n5, 52n2, 133n24 Tellis, G. J., 209n3 Thompson, M. E., 266n45 Topkis, G. S., 151nl Tyagi, R. K., 27n2 U
Underhill, P., 288nl9, 288n20, 289n21
AUTHOR INDEX V Vakratsas, D., 208nl Vogel, H.L, 5n5
375 Williams,!. M., 15Inl Willison, I. R., 148n41 Wolff, E.,42n Wood, L. A., 210n4 Wood, S., 37n4
W Y
Walls, D., 5n5 Weiler, P. C., 266n45 Weisberg, J., 203n24, 203n25, 203n26, 203n27, 203n28 Weitz, B., 37n4 Wertenbroch, K., 209n2 Whiteside, T., 202nl7, 202nl8, 202nl9, 202n20, 202n21, 203n23 Williams, F., 294n36
Ypersele, T. van, 86n54, 273n69 7
Zboray, R. J., 40n5 Zinkhan, G. M., 131nl8 Zufryden, F. S., 209n3
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Subject Index A ABC, 53, 60 Abernathy, William L., 119–121 Academic community, 3 publishers, 13, 14–l5t, 15–16, 82, 84–86, 124, 152,185 Accidental profession, 127–128 Accounts payable, 91, 93, 300 Acquisition editor, 83–86, 106t, 123–124, 128n2, 133, 150, 154, 185, 203 method, 150–151, 154 trends, 64, 108 Adoption, 16, 35, 38, 40, 84, 116–119, 185, 187–188, 191, 209, 224, 289, 300, 302 Adult book sales, 36, 218–219 Advanced reading copy (ARC), 182, 183, 197 Advances, 15, 98, 122, 132, 152–156, 161, 163, 164t–l65t, 167t–168t, 169, 202–203, 205, 296, 300 Advertising agencies, 4 campaign, 74, 78, 180 concerns, 152, 220 co-op, 301 copy, 135 expenditures, 169 management, 185, 300 printed products, 65 space, 9, 257 techniques, 182–183, 219 Advisory editors, 153–154 Age, 118, 216–217, 218t, 221, 255, 262, 297
Agents, 8, 108, 123-124, 127, 129, 140, 150–155,188, 202, 271-272, 296, 300, 302, 303 Agnelli, Giovanni, 8 Alter, Robert, 134–135 Amazon.com, 7, 42, 105, 108, 198, 251, 253-254, 295, 300, 301 American Booksellers Association (ABA), 140, 193, 265, 300 Amercian Broadcasting Company (ABC), 53, 60 American Library Association (ALA), 265, 300 Anderson, David A., 258 Antiquarian books, 300, 305 Assistant editor (EA), 103f, 106t, 108, 123, 125, 170, 181, 300 Association of American Publishers (AAP), 6, 31, 37, 38, 265 industry net sales 2000, 69t monthly sales program, 39t Association of American University Presses (AAUP), 34, 82 Association of Author's Representatives (AAR), 153 Association of Research Libraries (ARL), 17 Atlantic Monthly, 126 Auctions, 154–157, 300 Author(s) (see also Writers) best selling, 7 goals of, 7, 223 manuscript responsibilities of, 159–160 new, 137, 150–151, 155, 208 reputation of, 8 romance, 209 scouting for, 86, 124, 153–154 star, 105, 120, 121f 121, 132, 160, 202 377
378
SUBJECT INDEX
tours, 194–197, 204 unknown, 199–200 well-known, 50–51, 77, 81, 181 Author-editor relationship, 125, 128–132, 205 Author's alterations (AAs), 171–172, 300 B
Baby boomers, 216, 221 Backlist titles, 6, 8, 26, 39, 77, 79, 84–86, 139, 142t, 150, 166, 178, 182, 184, 189–190, 194, 201, 301 Bagdikian, Ben H., 64–65 Balance sheet, 91–92, 92f, 93, 94f, 301 Ballantine, Betty, 75, 76 Ballantine, Ian, 30, 75–78, 82, 87 Banned Book Week, 194 Bantam Books, 52–53, 75–82, 205, 296 Bantam Doubleday Dell, 57t, 81–82, 199, 204 Barnes & Noble, 71t, 184, 195–196, 251–254, 301 Bergen County (New Jersey) Cooperative Library System (BCCLS or "buckles"), 50 Berne Convention, The, (see also Copyright), 272 Bestsellers, 27, 80, 126, 132–136, 136t, 137, 137t–140t, 140, 141t, 141, 142t, 142–143, 147–149, 180–181, 184, 190, 197–200, 225, 295 Binding (see also Case binding and Perfect bind ing) , 4 , 8, 163, 169, 301, 303, 304 costs, 17 machines, 175 operations, 125 process, 173 system, 176 Binding/Format type, 212t, 213t, 214t Black History Month, 194 Blockbuster books, 75, 80–81, 143, 153, 190 films, 75 Blockbuster Complex, The: Conglomerates, Show Business and Book Pub lishing, 202 Blues, 117, 125, 159 Board of directors, 79, 112–113 Board of Syndics, 85 Boiler plate language, 160 Book clubs, 5, 27, 29t, 30t, 30, 32t, 33t, 34t, 36t, 38, 39t, 59t, 142, 177, 209, 215, 217t, 224–226, 255, 301, 305, 354t
Book cover, 173, 176, 182-183, 199, 212t, 213t, 214, 214t, 220, 222, 253, 301, 302, 303, 304 Book design, 8, 76, 172–176 Book Expo America (BEA) conference, 126, 193 Book Industry Statistics From the R.R. Bowker Company, 26 Book Industry Study Group (BISG), 10–11, 16–17, 27–29, 31, 34–35, 41, 43–44, 47–8, 138, 163, 185, 187, 192, 209–211, 218, 221, 226, 301 Book Industry Trends, 27, 212, 301 Books in Print, 9, 26, 135 Book producers, 156 Book production, 70, 76, 78, 106t, 107t, 116–117, 124, 148, 172–176 Book publishing firms changes in, 87 delegation of responsibilities in, 88–89, 89f largest in the U.S., 69t organizational structure in, 76t Book reviewers, 8, 124, 152, 183, 204 Book reviews, 197–199, 204, 214, 276, 301 Booksellers, 6, 8, 26, 40, 70, 71t, 108, 115, 129, 131, 135, 142, 179, 182, 192–194, 198, 205, 210, 214 Book signing, 182, 194–195, 301 Bookstores, 16, 38–41, 65, 73, 89–91, 93, 136, 140–143, 153, 160–161, 163, 169–170, 177–178, 180, 182–186, 190, 192–195, 198–199, 204, 206, 208–209, 215, 217t, 219, 224, 251–252, 274, 287, 299, 302, 305 Borders, 71t, 110t, 136, 184, 195–196, 251–254, 301 Bose-Einstein distribution model, 5–6 Brain, 45 Broadcasting, 104, 282, 284t–285t, 286–287 Broadcatching, 286–287 Business operations, 61, 68, 74, 89–91 Business Week, 126, 196, 198
c Cable News Network (CNN), 61–62, 286 Case binding, 125, 301 Cash cow, 75, 120, 121f, 121, 132 Category management, 253 CBS, 52, 61, 183 Celebrity books, 28, 155, 201
379
SUBJECT INDEX Censorship, 78-79, 129, 148, 256, 259, 262, 265-268 Chandler, Alfred, 114 Channels of distribution, 4, 8, 26, 35, 40–44, 54, 118, 177–178, 206, 215, 219 Chief executive officer (CEO), 105, 106t, 109t–111t, 112 Chief financial officer (CFO), 91 Children's books (see also Juvenile titles), 117, 135, 137–139, 140t–142t, 179, 190, 194–195, 216t, 221, 223, 235, 292, 301, 305 Circulation, 9, 46 books, 189 budget, 50 Clark, Mary Higgins, 39, 136, 139t, 153, 200, 297 Clustering, 6–7, 10, 28, 65, 119, 154, 215–216, 220–221, 228, 274, 297 Cold type, 173, 301 College titles, 17, 27, 29t, 30t, 32t, 33t, 35, 36, 36t, 38, 39t, 41, 43t, 44, 45t, 59, 60t, 63, 128, 185, 301, 352t, 353t, 355t, 356t Colorado Alliance of Research Libraries (CARL UNDERCOVER), 49 Commission, 16, 154, 179, 181, 186, 205 Communications Act of 1934, 63 Consumer Price Index (CPI), 10, 65, 213, 220, 278–279, 357t–360t, 361 Content, 60–61 acquisition, 8 copying of, 38 development, 8 electronic distribution of, 38, 122, 282–283, 289, 291, 293–294 high quality, 56 need to expand, 55, 249 of school curricula, 260 pirating of, 274–275 Contract(s), 7, 38, 74, 112, 119, 125, 143, 152, 155, 158–161, 172, 270, 303 Copyediting, 161, 301 Copyright, 156, 160, 259, 272–274, 301, 303 books no longer covered by, 154 industries, 275 infringement, 112, 273–274 laws, 154, 269, 275 protection, 269–271 registration of, 271–272 symbol, 272 Copyright Book, The: A Practical Guide, 212
Costs, 93, 98, 114, 118, 125, 156, 160, 166–170, 251–254 binding, 17 of books, 155 of computerized circulation systems, 50 of damaged journals, 49 developmental, 187 direct marketing, 225 of failed books, 39 of production, 78, 163, 182, 186, 205 serials, 17 shipping, 235 training, 17 Cover, 301 costs, 50, 214 design, 8, 173 Crisis management, 112–113 Critics, 5, 35, 67, 133, 149, 155, 194, 200–207, 224, 255, 291, 294 Cultural mission theory, 4 Customer service, 8, 91, 192
D de Graff, Robert, 73–76, 87 Dell, 52, 54, 80–82, 199, 296 Demographics, 118, 214, 217, 219–221 Desktop publishing, 65, 302 De Vany, Arthur, 5–7, 200, 214 Development, 113, 115–116, 186, 254 advice, 189 of book, 127, 285 of book distribution firms, 41 of character, 196, 222 of content, 8 of corporate structure, 79 editor, 124–125 of electronic products, 42 of literature, 148 of marketing techniques, 42 of new authors, 224 of new products, 16, 80 of new titles, 40 of technology, 62, 119 Developmental costs, 187 Direct referral, 151 Discounts, 44, 91, 160, 163, 164t, 167t, 169–170, 177–178, 184, 189–190, 192, 205–206, 209, 212, 215, 217t, 299, 225, 251, 301, 304, 305 Discrimination price, 297
380
SUBJECT INDEX
sexual, 263-265 Distribution (see also Channels of distribu tion), 68, 70, 76–78, 82, 91, 98, 113, 116–117, 156, 158, 188, 205 dynamics, 5–7 electronic, 32–33, 38, 65, 283, 294 firms, 41 inadequate, 250 manager, 107t mass, 40 online, 287–289 of pornography, 265 regional, 11 system, 40–41, 55, 73, 119, 152, 190, 206 theories, 197 Dog, 121f, 121 Domestic consumer expenditures (DCEs), 34t, 35–36, 36t Doubleday, 52, 54, 57t, 80–82, 198–199, 204–205, 252 Drucker, Peter, 82, 87, 114–115, 120, 127, 291 Dunn & Bradstreet, 52 DVDs, 55–56, 193, 278, 289290, 293 Dystel, 79-80, 82, 87 E
Editorial assistant (EA), 70, 103, 124–125, 130, 170, 181, 295, 302 categories, 123–125 department, 70, 112, 151 director, 123 function, 68, 82, 86–87, 105, 105t independence, 64, 67, 86 integrity, 293–294 policies, 80 practices, 157–158 process, 8, 83, 122, 125, 168–169 theories, 130 skills, 132 writers, 32 Editors (see also Acquisition editor and As sistant editor and Line editor and Production editor), 4, 6, 8, 13, 38, 67, 86, 105, 114, 124–130, 153–154, 202–209, 302 Editors on Editing: What Writers Need to Know About What Editors Do, 128
Electronic books (e-books), 4, 32, 49, 113, 184, 187, 211, 286, 288, 290, 297, 302 distribution, 32–33, 38, 65, 283, 294 expenditures, 17, 21t–23t formats, 61, 173, 281t, 285, 290 loans, 50 media, 64, 134, 160, 282t, 282–284 ordering, 91 publishing opportunities, 287–288 publishing products, 35, 42, 113, 126, 283–284, 286, 291–293 readers, 284, 289–290 reserves, 38 retailing, 254 revolution, 41 rights, 55, 154–155, 161, 293 scanning, 174 Electronic Data Interchange (EDI), 192 Elhi titles, 27, 29t, 30t, 32t, 33t, 34, 34t, 35–36, 36t, 42, 187–188, 197, 302, 352t, 353t, 355t, 356t Establishments, 9–13, 41, 84–85, 90, 142–143, 177, 188, 211–212, 224, 249, 288, 361, 370t Evanovich, J., 7, 195, 295–296 Export sales, 192, 208, 226, 227t, 228, 229t-234t, 237t–238t, 242, 249, 290, 297 Exporters, 70 F
Fair use, 270, 294 Farewell to Arms, A, 68 Fiction, 33, 39, 40, 50, 74, 77, 80–81, 85, 123-126, 133, 136, 136t, 140, 144t, 145t, 146, 146t, 147, 151, 155, 157, 169, 183–184,195, 198, 200, 202-204, 215, 216t, 222, 225, 255, 336t, 338t, 340t, 348t First amendment, 63, 79, 129, 256, 258–261, 263–269 defenders of, 257, 259 key issues of, 257–258 Flap copy, 161, 183, 300 Foreign books, 154 language books, 80, 242 markets, 67, 166, 250
381
SUBJECT INDEX media, 63 publishing executives, 63 rights, 8, 152, 155–160, 163, 169, 302, 303 sales, 97, 192 Freedom of the press, 63, 251, 256–259, 261 Front-list book, 6 Fulfillment, 8, 89, 91, 1011, 254, 267
G Galleys, 125, 159, 171-172, 183, 192, 197, 300, 302, 303, 304 Gatekeeper, 4, 124, 133 General Learning, 52 Generally accepted accounting principles (GAAP), 31, 254 Getting Into Print: The Decision Making Process in Scholarly Publishing, 131 Globalization, 61–64, 67, 88, 113, 115, 126, 180, 242, 249–251, 286 Gravure, 175–176, 302 Grisham, J., 81, 124, 136, 136t, 137, 139t, 153–154, 199–200, 210, 297, 388t–369t Gross, Gerald, 128-129 Gulf & Western, 52-54
H Hardbound books, 6, 31, 37-38, 39t, 81, 97, 117, 125, 155, 176, 198, 211–212, 222–224, 231t, 235, 241t, 302, 305 Harm, 112, 131, 256, 260, 263–266, 268–269 Harper & Row, 54, 56, 577 Harvard University Press, 84–85 Hayes, Robert H., 119–121 Headhunters, 103 Herfindahl-Hirschman Index (HHI), 65 Hoeft,Jack, 81 Human resources, 72, 87, 89, 100, 103–104, 108–109, 295
I Importers, 70, 86 Import sales, 86, 226, 227t, 235, 239t–24U, 242, 243t–248t, 297 Imprints, 72, 81, 157, 178, 180–181, 204, 291, 302, 304, 305
Independent distributor (ID), 43, 188, 302 Index, 125, 156, 159 Indexing, 104 Industry trends, 10t, 11t, 11 Information age, 44, 62, 283, 286 Information cascade, 6, 194, 214, 220, 297 Instant books, 80–81, 302 International Standard Book Number (ISBN), 89, 156, 180, 183, 301, 302, 361 Internet, 41, 62, 65, 91,138, 178, 217f, 219–220, 222, 225, 253, 257, 265, 282–283, 289–290, 293, 300, 304 as marketing force, 42 bookselling sites, 37, 190 sales, 215–216 In the Web of Ideas: The Education of a Pub lisher, 68 Inventory, 40, 119, 163,165t, 168t, 183–184, 186, 189, 208–209, 253, 287, 305 Invoice, 89–90, 90f, 91 ITT, 52 J
Jacket, 30, 170, 176, 295, 301, 302 Jobbers, 43, 90, 115, 118, 177, 181, 188-190 Johnson, Samuel, 7 Journal canceled, 49 division, 93 page output, 44 price increases, 46 publishers, 45 Journalism programs, 104 Journalists, 259 Journals, 44–5, 84, 86, 125–126 niche, 305 of opinion, 197 scholarly, 16–17, 49, 197 subscriptions to, 49 J-Stor, 49 Juvenile titles, 28–29, 29t, 30t, 32t, 33t, 34t, 36, 36t, 38, 39t, 50, 81, 127, 128, 143, 144t, 145t, 146, 146t, 147t, 169, 184, 219–222, 302, 305, 336t, 338t, 340t, 343t, 345t, 347t, 349t, 351t, 352t, 353t, 355t, 356t
L Law books, 32, 145
382
SUBJECT INDEX
Law of Mass Communications, The: Freedom and Control of Print and Broad cast Media, 258 Lawsuits, 113, 160 Legal advice, 112, 158 documents, 108, 152, 158 issues, 88–89, 118 rights, 160–161, 269 staff, 113 system, 256 Letterpress, 172, 174–176, 302, 303 Levitt, Theodore, 115–116 Libel, 112, 160, 275–277, 294 Librarians, 300 and costs of published products, 45–46, 49 and electronic reserves, 38 as source of book recommendations, 221 Library budgets, 16–17, 18t–25t, 44 expenditures, 9, 46t, 47t, 50 market, 221 resources, 267 sales, 38 subscription rates, 44–45 system, 4, 41, 45 Library of Congress (LC), 13, 15 Line editor, 125, 170–171, 203, 302 Literary Market Place, The, 9 Lithograph, 125, 173 Lithography, 166, 172, 175, 302, 303, 304, 305 Litterature, Litton Industries, 52 Losses (see also Profits), 85, 118, 163, 164t, 166, 167t–168t, 181, 185, 203, 215, 274–275, 304 M
Magazines, 9, 40, 44, 61, 73, 79, 81, 104, 112, 117, 152, 156, 172, 175, 184, 200, 219, 224, 252, 257, 263, 279, 280t, 280, 282, 283t, 288, 296, 297 Mail order books, 27, 31, 303 Management, 104–105, 106t, 112, 117–118, 120–121, 126, 157, 191, 198, 250 of libraries, 50 of the production cycle, 8 Marketing, 82, 104–105, 112–115, 126, 152, 157–158, 161, 163, 164t, 165t, 167t–168t, 181 assistant, 103, 107t, 295, 303
campaigns, 80, 226 contact, 179, 180 coordinator, 106? critics of, 200-207 data, 183-184 director, 106t, 107t, 303 goals, 180 management, 106t, 116 operations, 80 plans, 180 services, 192–194 strategy, 116, 178, 188–189, 299 techniques, 113, 182, 225, 253 theory, 117 trends, 208 of unknown author, 199–200 Marketing Myopia, 115, 249 Marketing Management, 35, 186 Mass-market paperbacks, 5, 6, 38, 40, 117, 119, 137, 146, 147t, 179, 182, 211, 302, 303, 354t Mass media, 104, 286 McCormack, Thomas, 130–132 Media consumer spending, 278–283 control, 64 critics, 35 empires, 54 foreign, 63 formats, 126, 278 gateways, 55 monopoly, 64–65 opportunities, 122 products, 56, 61, 293 usage patterns, 56, 278 Media Lab, The: Inventing the Future at MIT, 286 Media Monopoly, The, 64 Medical titles, 16, 27, 31, 33, 44, 57t, 58t, 62–63, 117,124, 170, 209, 292, 303, 305, 354t Mergers, 1, 32, 50–52, 61, 63, 108, 113, 122, 157, 291 adverse impact of, 64 1960–1969, 52–53
1970–1979, 53–54?
1980–1989,54
1990–2003, 54-55
1990-2001, 56?
1990–1995, 56, 57t–58t 1996–2003, 59–60t Mill, John Stuart, 268–269
SUBJECT INDEX Monograph, 7, 17, 86, 303, 305 Murdoch, Rupert, 74
N National General, 52, 80 Newly industrializing countries (NICs), 4 New media, 56, 104, 284, 293 New Republic, The, 197, 200 Newspapers, 40, 51, 61, 64, 73, 104, 117, 141, 152, 156, 175, 184, 188, 197, 200–201, 219–220, 222, 257, 279, 280t, 280, 282, 283t, 297 New Yorker, The, 125, 126, 197 New York Times Book Review, The, 126, 169, 184, 197, 198, 204, 225 Nonfiction, 27, 33, 50, 77, 81, 127, 136–137, 137t, 146, 151, 155, 200, 202, 215, 216t, 219, 225
o O'Neill, Eugene, 299 Online bookselling services, 65, 110t, 192, 198, 253, 287, 304 journals, 49 marketing services sales of textbooks, 35 serials, 49 Operations, 10, 54, 56, 59, 61, 68, 82, 86 Options, 49–50, 56, 150, 155, 224–225, 284, 303 Orphan, 153 Out of print (OP), 89, 303 Out of stock (OS), 89, 303 Over the transom, 84–85, 150–152, 303, 304 Oxford University Press, 85–86 organizational structure, 86f. P
Packager, 124, 127, 156–157, 303 Page proofs, 125, 159, 163, 171–172, 300, 302, 303 Paper, printing, and binding (PPB), 163, I64t, I65t, 166, 167t, 168t, 169 Pareto distribution, 7 Pareto power law, 5, 7 Payroll, 9,10t, 13, 14t
383 Pension plans, 112, 179 Perfect binding, 125, 176 Perfect Film & Chemical, 52 Periodicals, 9, 17, 40, 45, 47t, 59, 51, 64, 75, 77, 79, 91, 93, 126, 141, 154, 188, 219, 225, 261, 263, 302, 305 Permissions, 160, 170, 301, 303 Photo-offset, 166, 175, 303 Pirating, 183, 274–275 Planners, 62, 113–114, 118–119 Plant costs, 163,169, 303 Plates, 156, 166, 173–176, 303, 304 Pocket Books, 52, 72–75, 82 Pornographic material, 79, 256, 262–269, 293 Porter, Michael, 62, 249 Prepress, 8, 125, 172, 176, 304 Print content, 55, 60 format, 32, 60, 283t journals, 49 market, 35 outlook, 282 revenues, 33 runs, 15, 38, 79, 152, 163, I64t, 166, 167f, 176, 182 unit sales, 33 Printers), 8, 38, 70, 84, 86, 125, 156, 166, 169,171, 300, 303 Printer's errors (PEs), 172, 303 Printing, 8, 38, 84, 125, 163, 166, 172–176, 187, 192, 290, 302, 303, 304 Printing plate, 173, 174f 174 Printing press, 84, 133, 283 Print-on-demand (POD), 38, 65, 176, 187, 282, 288–290, 293, 303, 304 Production editor, 125 Professional titles, 27, 29t, 30t, 31, 32t, 32–33, 33t, 34t, 36, 36t, 38, 39t, 52, 59, 63, 66n2, 72, 82, 210, 228, 233t, 242, 244t, 304, 305, 352t, 353t, 355t, 356t Profits (see also Losses), 6, 62, 67, 88, 98, 99t, 156, 161, 181, 186–187, 207, 271 from mailing lists, 9 maximizing, 64 of university presses, 16 Promotion(s), 77, 79, 112, 116, 126, 157, 182, 193–194, 295, 300, 301, 303 department, 161, 171, 177, 181, 192, 194–197 director/manager, 107t, 194, 304 effort, 117
384
SUBJECT INDEX
mail, 74 network, 183 specialists, 181 Proofreading, 163, 171 Publicist, 108, 180, 205 Publishers Weekly (PW), 1, 77, 98, 104, 140, 143,197–198, 266 Publishing cycle, 7–8 Publishing theories, 5–7 Purchasing patterns, 118, 207, 209, 214–219, 288, 292, 296–297
Q Question mark, 121/121 Quotas, 38, 124, 154, 181,245
R Random House, 52, 59, 59t, 60t, 65, 68, 75, 81–82, 99, 104, 176, 194, 199, 203–204 RCA, 52–53 Regional sales manager, 103, 179 offices, 179 Religious titles,5, 27, 215, 216t, 219, 228, 234t, 242, 245t, 255, 304, 352t, 352t, 354t, 355t, 356t Remainder, 6, 182, 225, 304 Reprints, 38, 75, 77,164t, 167t Resale transactions, 185–186 Returns, 6, 8, 26–27, 30, 36–38, 39t, 39–40, 78, 82, 96–97,100t, 141, 157, 160–163, 164–165t, 167–168t, 176, 182, 201, 296 Return-on-investment (ROI), 120, 169 Revenues, 5–11, 16, 27, 30–35, 38, 45, 49, 66t, 68, 69t, 74, 93–94, 96–98, 99t, 101t, 102t, 105, 106t, 107t, 121, 154, 157, 160–161, 163, 185, 187, 192, 194, 210, 221, 226, 228, 254, 274, 288, 290, 299, 354t, 355t, 356t Review of manuscript, 86, 123, 150, 152–155, 163, 170–172, 300, 302 Reviewers, 8, 83, 86, 124, 129, 183, 197-199, 204, 303, 304 Revisions, 152, 160, 171–172, 272 Romance novels, 77, 81, 119, 148, 207, 209, 222, 225, 254–255
Royalties, 9, 15-16, 93, 96, 98, 152-154, 157,161,163,186,296,300
s Scholarly books, 13,15,17,85,304 conferences, 16, 125,209 journals, 16-17,49 organizations, 82 publishing, 63, 83 Scientific-technical-medical (STM) titles, 31, 33, 44–45, 63, 117, 209, 303, 304, 305 Scouting, 86, 124, 153–154 Scribner, Charles, Jr., 68, 70 Scriber, Charles, Sr., 76 Scribner's, 53, 68–71, 121, 123, 157, 182, 198, 200, 252 Selling seasons, 210 Serials, 17, 24t–25t, 44–45, 48t, 49–50, 260 Shatzkin, Leonard, 205–206 Signature, 166, 171, 176 Simon & Schuster, 53, 57, 58t, 59, 61, 66t, 72–75 Slush pile, 150, 300, 302, 304 Strategic business units (SBUs), 120–121 Strossen, Nadine, 256, 260, 265–266 Stylesheet, 171 Subscription costs, 17 reference books, 21, 27, 305, 352t–356t rates, 44–46 ,49 revenues, 93 Subsidiary rights, 152, 157, 305 Superstores, 30–31, 36, 41, 44, 169, 177–178, 182–184, 190, 195, 199, 204, 208–209, 225, 252–253, 255, 299, 301, 302, 305
T Technical, scientific, and other (TSO), 33 Technology, 16, 35, 55–56, 65, 113, 166 Temporarily out of stock (TOS), 89, 305 Tenure, 15, 78 Textbooks, 27, 31, 34–35, 38, 52, 59t, 60t, 63, 67, 84, 96, 124–125, 127–128, 151, 185–187, 209–210, 228, 236t, 242, 246t, 296, 301, 302, 305
385
SUBJECT INDEX Title output, 9, 13, 16–17, 26, 37, 65, 78, 82, 86, 143, 144t, 150t, 157, 179, 181, 197, 215, 291 Trade books, 27, 29, 36, 38,41, 59t, 182, 210, 214, 300, 301, 305, 354t Trade circles, 127 Typesetter(s), 8, 125, 172, 304 Typesetting, 303 costs, 173 errors, 171, 173 U
United States book industry, 9-13 Universal Copyright Convention (UCC), 272 University of Chicago Press, The, 83–84 University presses, 13, 15–16, 27, 30t, 32t, 33–34, 38, 39t, 65, 82–86, 87f 123, 125, 150, 152, 160–161, 176, 201, 209, 303, 304, 305 University Press organizational structure, 83f USA Today, 140, 142, 198 Used books, 38, 42, 178, 184–186, 215, 217t, 295–296, 305 U.S. Society impact of consolidation of publishing firms on, 65–67 responsibility of publishing to, 88
V VCRs, 55–56, 288–290, 293 Viacom, 58t, 61,72
W
Wages in book publishing, 6, 9, 13, 103–104, 105t–107t, 108, 201 Waldenbooks, 184, 198, 253 Walls, David, 5–7, 200, 203, 206, 255, 256 Wall Street Journal, The, 140, 142, 180, 198 Web press, 175, 303, 305 Wholesalers, 40, 43, 73, 79, 90, 93, 115, 118, 140–141, 188–189, 198, 205 Williams, Alan D., 129 Women's History Month, 194 Work in progress, 269 Writers (see also Author[s]), 4, 123, 284–285 editorial, 32 experienced, 223–224 feminist, 262 first-time, 155 full-time, 153 novice, 8 post-1945, 49 responsibilities of, 259 romance, 148 Y
Yankee Book Peddler (YBP), 13