The Glenbuchat Ballads

Th e G l e n b uc h at Bal l ads

The

Glenbuchat Ballads C om p i l e d b y

t h e R e v. R ob e rt S c o t t Edited by

Davi d Buc h a n

and

Ja m e s M ore i ra

University Press of Mississippi in association with the Elphinstone Institute, University of Aberdeen, Scotland

www.upress.state.ms.us The University Press of Mississippi is a member of the Association of American University Presses. Illustration on page ii courtesy of The University of Aberdeen. Copyright © 2007 by University Press of Mississippi All rights reserved Manufactured in the United States of America



First edition 2007 ∞ Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data The Glenbuchat ballads / edited by David Buchan and James Moreira. — 1st ed. p. cm. Preface and annotations in English; ballad texts in Scots and English. Original compilation circa 1818 ascribed to Rev. Robert Scott. Includes bibliographical references and indexes. ISBN-13: 978-1-57806-972-9 (alk. paper) ISBN-10: 1-57806-972-6 (alk. paper) 1. Ballads, Scots—Scotland—Texts. 2. Ballads, English—Scotland—Texts. I. Scott, Robert, 1788–1855. II. Buchan, David, 1939– III. Moreira, James, 1956– PR1181.G56 2007 821’.04408—dc22 2006039434 British Library Cataloging-in-Publication Data available

For Sandy Iv e s

C on t e n t s

Preface and Acknowledgments ix Abbreviations xiii Map of Glenbuchat xvi Introduction xvii

The Ballads 1 Vol. I 3 Vol. II 73 Vol. III 129 Vol. IV 187

Notes to the Ballads 225 Glossary 251 Works Cited 255 Index of Titles and First Lines 263 Index of Child and Laws Types 267 Index of Names and Places 271

P re fac e a n d Ac k n ow led gment s

This volume brings to light one of the very few Romantic revival collections not included in Francis James Child’s The English and Scottish Popular Ballads. Though the manuscripts date to the early nineteenth century, little was known about them until after World War II, when they were donated to the King’s College Library, Aberdeen, by one of the compiler’s descendants. Plans to publish them have been underway since the 1960s, when David Buchan first encountered them during his days as a graduate student at the University of Aberdeen. Preparing the edition was, however, a complicated process. Transcription proved to be an exacting and at times uncertain task. Moreover, the collection lacked a clear provenance, and given current trends in folkloristic theory, it was necessary to provide an ethnographic context for the ballads, as well as to research the history of the collection and its compiler. David’s professional duties provided only a limited amount of time to work on the manuscripts, and even then only at periodic intervals. Prior to his death in 1994, he had finished the transcriptions and undertaken some of the background research. Thereafter, I took over the project, completing work on the introduction and annotations. In the course of our research, both editors have received enthusiastic assistance from many quarters. James Porter and Ian Russell, former and current directors of the Elphinstone Institute, provided essential support for both research and publication. Without their involvement, the Glenbuchat manuscripts would still be sitting in a box. For permission to publish the collection, the editors are grateful to the Library and Historic Collections of the University of Aberdeen, and especially to the former librarian, the late W. Douglas Simpson. Much of David’s editorial work and preliminary research was undertaken during sabbatical leaves from Memorial University of Newfoundland in 1985–86 and 1992–93. On his behalf, I would like to thank the many colleagues who contributed to his work: Flemming Andersen, Mary Ellen Brown, George Davidson, ix



Preface and Ac knowl e d g m e n t s

Alexander Fenton, David Hewitt, Ken Cruickshank, Colin McLaren, David Murison, Bill Nicolaisen, and Ian Olson. Thanks also to Sharon Cochrane for creating computer files from the initial transcripts. During the fall of 1997, I was a visiting fellow at the Elphinstone Institute, University of Aberdeen, and I would like to extend my warmest thanks to the staff for their assistance and hospitality, particularly to Gwen Smith for her help with local housing. The research term was made possible by a grant from the Institute for Social and Economic Research (ISER) at Memorial University of Newfoundland, and by a leave of absence from the Faculty of Environmental Studies at York University, Toronto. The following research facilities provided access to key materials: the Queen Mother Library, University of Aberdeen; the Grampian Regional Archives, Aberdeen; the Angus Archives, Montrose; Special Collections Division, University of Edinburgh; the National Library of Scotland; the National Register of Archives (Scotland); the National Archives of Scotland; the Ferriss Hodgett Library, Sir Wilfred Grenfell College, Corner Brook, Newfoundland; the Houghton and Widener Libraries, Harvard University; the Fogler Library, Orono, Maine; and the Family History Center, Bangor, Maine. My sincerest thanks to all. I am especially grateful to Myrtle Anderson-Smith and her staff in Special Libraries and Archives, University of Aberdeen, who not only endured two and a half months of steady requests, but also pointed out valuable resources that I might otherwise have missed. Important leads and insights on Northeast history, ethnography, and ballad matters were supplied by Valentina Bold, Sandy Ives, Bill McCarthy, Tom McKean, Bill Nicolaisen, Roger Renwick, Sigrid Rieuwerts, and Murray Shoolbraid. During trips to the glen, I benefitted greatly from conversations with Mr. Charlie Anderson, Alford; Mr. Willie Farquharson, Mill of Glenbuchat; and Mr. and Mrs. Charles Ogg, Buchaam. Steve Bicknell very kindly provided the map of the glen. I would like to offer collective thanks to the members of the Ballad-L listserv, who do so much to keep the discussion of old songs not only alive but vibrant. I am especially grateful to the late W. Bruce Olson, who generously shared his incredible knowledge of early broadsides. Special thanks to Diane Goldstein for giving me access to David Buchan’s papers, which contain many items relevant to his work on the Glenbuchat manuscripts. David’s lifelong friend, Ian Olson, has been an energetic supporter of the project from the beginning, and his encouragement and advice have been indispensable to its completion. Thanks also to Craig Gill, Valerie Jones, and the rest of the editorial staff at the University Press of Mississippi. Publication support was generously provided by Ian Campbell, Prof. Graham Catto, Fred Holliday, the Hon. Charles Pearson of Dunecht Estates,

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and Jean Sole and the residents of Glenbuchat. Special thanks to Andrew Noble for leading the fund-raising effort. My gratitude to David Buchan is beyond words. He was a true mentor. Finally, my wife, Melissa, and sons, Andrew and Alexander, have patiently endured my quiet obsession with this project. I can at last say with a clear conscience: yes, it’s done!

A b b re v i at i ons

AT

Aarne, Antti, and Stith Thompson. The Types of the Folktale: A Classification and Bibliography. Folklore Fellows Communications, No. 184. 1961; rpt. Helsinki: Suomalianen Tiedeakatemia, 1981.

Bodleian

Heaney, Mike, et al. Bodleian Library Broadside Ballads: The allegro Catalogue of Ballads. http://www.bodley.ox.ac.uk/ballads/ballads.htm. 1999–2005.

BTBNA

Coffin, Tristram P. The British Traditional Ballad in North America. Rev. ed. with Supplement by Roger DeV. Renwick. 1963; rpt. Austin: University of Texas Press, 1977.

Child

Child, Francis James. The English and Scottish Popular Ballads. 5 vols. 1872–1898; rpt. New York: Dover, 1965.

DSL

Jamieson’s Dictionary of the Scottish Language. 1808. Abr. John Johnstone. John Longmuir, ed. Rev. ed. 1887. Introd. W. M. Metcalfe. Paisley: Alexander Gardner, 1927.

DHP

Papers of Duff family, Earls of Fife, known as Duff House (Montcoffer) papers, 1500–1960. Special Libraries and Archives of the University of Aberdeen, MS 3175. Citations include volume and, where applicable, folder numbers.

GDFSC

Greig, Gavin, and James B. Duncan. The Greig-Duncan Folk Song Collection. 8 vols. Ed. Patrick Shuldham-Shaw, Emily B. Lyle, Peter Hall, Andrew Hunter, Adam McNaughtan, Elaine xiii

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Abbre viation s

Petrie, Sheila Douglas, and Katherine Campbell. Aberdeen: University of Aberdeen Press (vols. 1–4); Edinburgh: Mercat (vols. 5–8), 1981–2002. GRO

General Register Office for Scotland.

Laws

Laws, G. Malcolm. American Balladry from British Broadsides: A Guide for Students and Collectors of Traditional Song. Publications of the American Folklore Society, Bibliographical and Special Series, vol. 8. Philadelphia: American Folklore Society, 1957.

Motif Index

Thompson, Stith. Motif Index of Folk Literature. 6 vols. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1955–58.

NSA

Society for the Benefit of the Sons and Daughters of the Clergy. The New Statistical Account of Scotland. 15 vols. Edinburgh: Blackwood, 1845; available on-line at http://edina. ac.uk/StatAcc/. [The New Statistical Account]

Olson

Olson, W. Bruce. Broadside Ballad Index: Contents Listing of Most 16th and 17th Century Broadside Ballad Collections, with a Few Ballads and Garlands of the 18th Century. 12 September 2003. http://users.erols.com/olsonw (defunct); archived http://www.mudcat.org/olson/BRDNDRD.html.

OED

Oxford English Dictionary. Ed. J.A. Simpson and E.S.C. Weiner. 2nd ed. 20 vols. Oxford: Clarendon, and New York: Oxford University Press, 1989.

OSA

Sinclair, John, ed. The Statistical Account of Scotland. 21 vols. 1791–99; rpt. Wakefield: EP Publishing, 1982; available on-line at http://edina.ac.uk/StatAcc/. [The Old Statistical Account]

RBI

Roud, Steve. The Broadside Index. CD-ROM. Maresfield, UK: The Author. May 2004.

Roud

Roud, Steve. Folk Song Index. CD-ROM Databases. Maresfield, UK: The Author, May 2004.

Abbre viations

SND

The Scottish National Dictionary. Ed. William Grant and David D. Murison. 10 vols. Edinburgh: Scottish National Dictionary Association, 1929–76.

TSB

Jonsson, Bengt R., Svale Solheim and Eva Danielson, eds. The Types of the Scandinavian Medieval Ballad: A Descriptive Catalogue. Instituttet for Sammenlignende Kulturforskning, Series B, Vol. 59. Oslo : Universitetsforlaget, 1978.

TTCB

Bronson, Bertrand. Traditional Tunes of the Child Ballads. 4 vols. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1959–72.

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The Parish of Glenbuchat, showing principal farms and topographical features (drawn by Steve Bicknell).

I n t r od uc t i on

The Glenbuchat manuscripts have hovered on the edge of ballad scholarship for nearly two centuries. They were known to at least two Scottish antiquarians in the 1820s, but from there the collection lapses into obscurity for more than a century and a quarter. It was one of the few Romantic era collections not included in Francis James Child’s The English and Scottish Popular Ballads. Child did, in fact, reprint two Glenbuchat texts that had appeared earlier in print (Child 203A and 225K), and while he noted the source of one text, he apparently was not aware that it came from a substantial collection. Perhaps he regarded it as an isolated submission from a “correspondent,” one of the largely invisible contributors to the work of established antiquarians. The manuscripts surfaced again in 1949, at which time they were deposited in the King’s College Library, Aberdeen, by one of the university’s curators, George “Taffy” Davidson, a noted antiquarian and collector. The only concrete description of the collection is found in a handwritten note that he or a member of the library’s staff added to the contents page of the first volume: “M.S. Ballads collected in Glenbuchat prior to 1818. Ex T. D. 6-12-49.”1 As received, the volumes were in fair condition and required only minor repair and rebinding.2 The manuscripts attracted little attention until David Buchan took an interest in them while he was a graduate student at Aberdeen in the early 1960s. Plans to incorporate them in his doctoral research were hampered by library restrictions (not only to the Glenbuchat material but also to the Greig-Duncan collection), forcing him to rely on established ballad sources. His work on Northeast balladry, however, deeply impressed University Librarian, Douglas Simpson, and in 1965 Buchan was given permission to edit the manuscripts for publication (Simpson, Letter to Buchan, 25 October 1965, Buchan Papers; see also I. Olson, 33–34). Unfortunately, academic responsibilities and other research projects sidelined any plan to publish them right away. Judging by his research notes, he did most of his work on the collection in three concentrated xvii

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periods, first, in the autumn of 1972 and then during sabbaticals in 1985–86 and 1993–94 (see file “Editing Issues,” Buchan Papers). At the time of his death in 1994, he had completed work on the ballad texts, but background research on the compiler and the community had barely begun. As one of his graduate students, I was asked to see the project through to completion. The following introduction attempts to situate the Glenbuchat ballads within an appropriate historical and ethnographic framework. There are layers to the problem, however, as the collection is both a record of tradition and a cultural artifact of the Scottish Romantic Revival. On the one hand, there is the context of the ballads, which speaks to the relationship between the texts and the cultural world of singers and their audiences. Buchan felt that the Glenbuchat material offered an ideal opportunity to examine the relationship between text and context, because he regarded it as one of the few collections from the Romantic era to represent a community repertoire. On the other hand, there is the more immediate context of the collection, which speaks to the circumstances that surround the actual recording of a specific set of performances. What were the compiler’s general and specific motivations for creating the manuscripts, and what may have informed his decisions about what to collect? Trying to keep both perspectives before us, we shall begin with a description of the collection and a discussion of its provenance—in so far as it can be determined—followed by a biography of the compiler. Lastly, we shall take a look at the community itself to assess the historical and ethnographic conditions that gave rise to the collection. The ballad texts, as examples of community-based folk expression, are shown to belong to what Buchan described as the “transitional” phase of tradition between oral and literate stages of culture (Ballad and the Folk 205–43). The collection itself, which stems generally from the intellectual influences of the Scottish Romantic Revival, may also have been a response to specific local events or to circumstances in the life of the compiler. The latter motivations highlight aspects of the politics of revivals that may not have been examined elsewhere.

The Manuscripts The Glenbuchat manuscripts consist of four slim folio volumes, measuring roughly 320mm x 195mm (volume III is slightly oversized at 340mm x 210mm). They contain sixty-eight ballad texts and the title alone for a sixty-ninth. There are twenty ballads in volume I, seventeen in volume II, eighteen in volume III, and thirteen in volume IV; the final twelve pages of the last volume are blank. Two brief lyric items are appended in the compiler’s commentaries (see

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“Moncey Grey,” I: no. 15, and “Lady of Gight,” III: no. 17). Most texts are reasonably complete, though two are clearly fragments (“Shouly Linkum,” II: no. 4;3 Child 12; and “Willie MacIntosh,” IV: insert; Child 183) and several contain gaps that indicate missing material. In all, fifty-eight Child types4 are represented, three of them in duplicate versions or variant forms, and five others have connections to Child’s work. “Craigston’s Growing” (I: no. 13; Laws O35) is routinely cited as a ballad that should have been included in The English and Scottish Popular Ballads. “The Battle of Glenlivet” (II: no. 1) and “The Haughs of Cromdale” (II: no. 2) were included as appended items in Child’s 1857–58 collection, The English and Scottish Ballads, but omitted from the later and better known anthology. A fourth ballad, “The Laird of Woodhouslie” (II: no. 3) appears to be a literary adaptation of Child 194, “The Laird of Wariston.” One of the rarer items in the collection, “Lady Mary” (II: no. 9), is a traditionalized variant of an old broadside and has many characteristics of classical ballad style—dramatic interaction, “leaping and lingering,” commonplaces, and incremental repetition. It would be a mistake, though, to take the strong showing of “Child ballads” as an indicator of generic uniformity. The compiler’s approach is less comprehensive than is found, say, in Johnson’s Scots Musical Museum or the Crawfurd Mss (Lyle), and given that there are no lyric or descriptive songs, or songs of a purely functional nature, it is unlikely that the manuscripts reflect an entire community repertoire. There is nonetheless a stylistic mix of oral and print balladry, as well as a linguistic mix of Scots and standard English. On the whole, the compiler appears to have been guided by a general antiquarian preference for narrative material (Hustvedt 160–61; Freidman 229–30), and for such concerns as regional significance and apparent age. Certain English ballads, such as “King John and the Bishop” (IV: no. 4; Child 45), “Queen Eleanor’s Confession” (IV: no. 5; Child 156), and “Allan a Dale” (IV: no. 12; Child 138), may have been recorded for their putative medieval connections, while the blackletter broadside, “Young Baithman” (I: no. 17), may have struck the compiler as “old” or “traditional” because of its supernatural motifs. Yet despite the compiler’s relatively conservative approach, the content and style of his ballads are consistent with what one would expect to find in a collection made in rural Aberdeenshire in the early nineteenth century. The compiler’s handwriting can be difficult at times, but his texts are laid out in orderly fashion, with occasional corrections or additions.5 Variant stanzas or alternate lines are sometimes added in the margins or at the end of a ballad, but in some cases they are incorporated in the regular flow of the text, showing that the compiler had access to multiple performances at the time of writing. It further indicates, as Ian Olson has suggested (34), that the manuscripts are

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not field transcripts. Yet the collection is far from a finished document; rather, it is a work in progress, a draft. Several features support this assertion. The layout of stanzas is inconsistent: some have the second and fourth lines indented, while others are left-aligned; sometimes both formats are used in a single text. Some texts have numbered stanzas, most do not. Uncrossed “t’s” and undotted “i’s” occur frequently, and punctuation and capitalization are used irregularly. Apostrophes are often omitted or put in the wrong place.6 Occasionally, the compiler resorts to shorthand notation. In “Moncey Grey” (I: no. 15; Child 81), Lord Burnesburg’s name is shortened to “Lord Bs,” “Lord B:,” or “L:B:” By the middle of the text, “Mons Grey” is shortened to “M:G:” In “The Earl of Errol” (II: no. 10; Child 231), the non-varying parts of the burden are rendered “The rantin’ &c” and the refrains in “Arrat, an Marrat, an Fair Masrie” (II: no. 12; Child 14) are treated in a similar fashion. Whether such shortcuts point to direct dictation is not clear. “Arrat, an Marrat” is written out so neatly as to suggest otherwise. Some ballads have had lines or stanzas added to them, and in at least one instance a “fragment” has been turned into a complete text (“Archerdale,” II: no. 13; Child 47). Texts are given without introduction or commentary for the most part, though brief asides on some aspect of tradition are scattered throughout the collection. Two ballads, “Lord John and Rothiemay” (I: no. 3; Child 196) and “The Battle of Glenlivet” (II: no. 1), are accompanied by lengthy historical notes copied from published sources.7 These notes, along with a ballad fragment inserted at the beginning of volume IV, appear to have been added later as they break the sequence of pagination in the volumes as currently bound. The only reference to music or singing is a note following stanza 14 of “Rob Roy” (I: no. 12; Child 225) indicating that the “tune changes.” The most frustrating lack, however, is the absence of information regarding the sources of the ballads. Apart from Davidson’s description of the collection, there is nothing in the manuscripts to substantiate their provenance: not the place(s) or date(s) the ballads were collected, not even the name of the compiler and presumed collector. Since Davidson’s account is based on oral testimony communicated 130 years after the ballads were written down, and given recent critiques of the sources and approaches used by early collectors (Harker; Whisnant; McKay; and Boyes), there is reason to wonder whether the manuscripts actually do contain “ballads collected in Glenbuchat prior to 1818.”8 From the indirect evidence available—and there is a fair bit of it—a lot can be inferred but little concluded. With respect to date, for example, toward the end of volume III there is a reference to “the present celebrated Lord Byron” (III: no. 17), which may imply that the poet was still living, hence before 1824. Such details, equivocal evidence at best, are characteristic of the clues available. Taken

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cumulatively, though, they indicate that the information jotted down in the first volume is correct, or reasonably so. In a letter to David Buchan, Davidson said he received the manuscripts from a neighbor, Margaret Pirie (1884–1963), who told him that the ballads had been collected by her great-grandfather, the parish minister at Glenbuchat (26 June 1965, Buchan Papers). This identified the collection as the work of the Rev. Robert Scott (1778–1855), who was minister of the western Aberdeenshire parish from 1808 until his death. A comparison of the handwriting in the manuscripts with other samples of Scott’s writing9 leaves no doubt that he is the author. Other information that Davidson provided is more problematic. He contradicted the date he had given earlier (“before 1810” instead of 1818) but admitted that his memory may be faulty, and his inability to recall specifics in 1965 should not discredit the information he provided sixteen years earlier.10 He also claimed that Scott was assisted by a daughter, which seems unlikely. Scott’s older daughter was born in 1813, the younger in 1814; neither would have been old enough to help if the ballads were collected “prior to 1818.” Moreover, the manuscripts are written in one hand, which begs the question of what role an assistant might have played. It is conceivable that someone else made minor additions to the collection, as there are occasional words, lines, or comments that may be in a different hand—the script is slightly more angular than the rest. The fragment of “Willie MacIntosh,” (IV: insert; Child 183) is the most notable example. It may just as well represent Scott’s writing at a later stage in his life. At the present time, he is the only person who can be attached to the manuscripts with any confidence. Contemporary references show that at least some of the ballads had been collected by the early 1820s. The Aberdeen chapman and printer, Alexander “Saunders” Laing (1778–1838), drew on Glenbuchat texts for two of his song collections. Laing was an enigmatic character whose passion for antiquities was “betimes tiresome” according to one account (W. Walker 650). Largely selfeducated, he traveled the Northeast exhaustively, visiting historical sites and rooting out antiquarian lore. He died penniless at a country inn; oddly enough, within a stone’s throw of Glenbuchat. In Thistle of Scotland (1823), he published a collated version of “Rob Roy” (Child 225), of which he writes: “I had the first copy from Miss Harper, Kildrummy; but fearing imperfections, I made application, and by chance got another copy from the Rev. R. Scott, Glenbucket. These I blended to together and formed a very good copy . . .” (97). In the same volume, he acknowledges an earlier contribution from the Glenbuchat collection: “In 1822, I published another copy of [“The Baron of Brackley” (Child 203)], which in many respects I think preferable to this presented. I got the manuscript from Mrs. Scott,11 spouse to the Rev. Robert Scott, Glenbucket, Aberdeenshire”

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(50). The earlier collection, Scarce Ancient Ballads, which contains no notes or references, also includes a version of “The Battle of Glenlivet” (29–36) that may have come in part from the Glenbuchat manuscripts, as the first half of the respective texts are nearly identical. Laing’s first version of “Andrew Lammie” is also very close to the Glenbuchat text (Thistle 55–62.; Child 233C). In both cases, common broadsides may explain the similarities. While there is no telling when Laing had access to Scott’s collection, the two men may have met as early as 1819. Scott is listed as a subscriber (as is Miss Harper) to the first of Laing’s Northeast travelogues (Caledonian Itinerary 2: 198), which was published that year. Scott’s work was also known to the Edinburgh antiquarian, William Stenhouse (1773–1827), who compiled annotations for the revised edition of James Johnson’s The Scots Musical Museum. Commenting on the song “Lady Mary Ann,” he writes: It was modelled by Burns from a fragment of an ancient ballad, entitled “Craigton’s [sic] Growing,” still preserved in a manuscript collection of Ancient Scottish Ballads, in the possession of the Rev. Robert Scott, minister of the parish of Glenbucket. Several old ballads, which hitherto have been considered as lost, appear in this collection. (2: 349)

Any suggestion of a direct link between Burns and the Glenbuchat manuscripts, which would push back the date of the manuscripts by a considerable margin, is unintended.12 David Laing, who helped complete Stenhouse’s work, may deliberately have clarified that point when he noted that Burns collected the fragment himself from a female singer in the North in 1787.13 Perhaps Scott responded to Stenhouse’s article regarding his work on the Museum, which appeared in Blackwood’s Magazine in the summer of 1817. Even though the revised edition was not published until 1839, twelve years after Stenhouse’s death, he is thought to have completed the “illustrations” by 1820, and thus within two years of the date ascribed to the manuscripts.14 His final comment suggests that a sizeable number of ballads, possibly all of them, had been collected by that time. The assertion that the manuscripts were “in the possession” of Scott could be taken to mean that he was the owner but not necessarily the author of the collection, but the handwriting dispels that argument. Watermarks on the manuscript paper itself offer some of the best support for the date given by Davidson. The bulk of the collection is written on three separate folio stocks: two are watermarked 1814 and the other 1815 (so the manuscripts themselves cannot be earlier than those dates). The same watermarks are found on dated correspondence that Scott sent to Duff House, and a survey of

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about sixty letters and reports, ranging in date from 1815 to 1822, suggests that he was using those particular stocks during a relatively brief period between the winter of 1817 and the winter of 1818.15 The watermarks are not found on letters and documents written by him in preceding or subsequent years. We therefore have good reason to believe that each of the four volumes was started within that one year time frame. Editorial work and even some collection may have continued for a slightly longer period. As to who or what Scott’s sources were, there is even less to go on. Additions to several texts and revisions in others support the idea that he was working primarily with oral sources. Two ballads, “Shouly Linkum” (II: no. 4; Child 12) and “Willie MacIntosh” (IV: insert; Child 183), started out as fragments and remain so, but others were built up over time through repeat performances. “Archerdale” (II: no. 13; Child 47) offers the clearest example, and its gradual reconstruction probably indicates that it was part of a singer’s inactive repertoire (Goldstein). Scott initially titled the song “Fragment,” but eventually he was able to cross that out and provide a proper title (the ballad is still listed as “Fragment” in the index to volume II). What initially appear to be dashed lines drawn through stanzas 11 and 15 turn out on closer inspection to be text written over a series of lines inserted originally to indicate a missing section. This method of marking omissions occurs in “Adam Gordon” (I: no. 2, between stanzas 22 and 23; Child 178), “Lord Ingram and Gil Fyat” (IV: no. 1, stanzas 19–22; Child 66), and “Yarrow” (IV: no. 8, after stanzas 9 and 12; Child 214). Several ballads in the collection have stanzas written in small script to fit in a gap that had been left for them. These additions also show that the manuscripts are working transcripts, not finished copies. Periodically, Scott refers to “tradition” as a source for commentary on the ballads. Of “Shouly Linkum” he writes: “Tradition says that the ballads of Lord Ronald My Son, and the Little Wee Crooden Dou were taken from this old fragment . . .” and in “Lord Thomas” (II: no. 14; Child 260) a missing segment of the ballad is supplied in prose from “tradition.” Given that Romantic usage of the term normally implied “oral tradition” (as in Motherwell’s distinction between “traditionary” and “modern” ballads: v-vi), we can take this as further evidence that he was working with oral sources. Scott may have drawn some material from broadsides or chapbooks, but there are no indications that he drew from published collections or manuscript sources. Having given due credit to the authors of his historical extracts, he would presumably have done the same for other collectors had he borrowed from their work. More concretely, a comparison of Scott’s texts with those in Child shows that they owe little if anything to other collections. The Glenbuchat ballads are characteristically Northeast, in that they correspond generally to variants col-

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lected from Northeast singers: Anna Brown, Mary Barr, James Nicol, and “the old lady.” Yet there are very few instances where Glenbuchat texts approach word-for-word equivalence with other known versions. In fact, only four ballads stand out. Scott’s “Young Waters” (II: no. 7; Child 94) is virtually identical to Percy’s, which itself derives from a Glasgow broadside published in 1755. Scott’s retention of unusual spellings in that text may indicate direct derivation from print (details are given below in the annotation). His text for “Andrew Lammie” (III: no. 15; Child 233) is somewhat shorter than the “modern” (i.e. broadside) versions printed separately by Alexander Laing and Peter Buchan (Child 233C), but it has almost identical wording where the texts overlap. “The Haughs of Cromdale” (vol II, no. 2) is a nearly verbatim repetition of a Glasgow broadside (Hopkins and Bold, Mu23-y1:070), and “King John” (IV: no. 4) is very close to Child 45B, “printed for P. Brooksby, at the Golden Ball in Pye-corner” (ESPB 1: 413). Evidently, broadsides account for textual similarities, not the work of other collectors, and we should not rule out the possibility that it was Scott’s informants who owned the ballad sheets. So far, the evidence points to a collection of ballads made predominantly from oral sources sometime around 1818 by the Rev. Robert Scott, minister of the parish of Glenbuchat. Whether it needs to be pinned down more precisely than that will depend on the research demands of different disciplines. Given its collage of ballad styles and the uniqueness of some motifs, the collection is bound to be of interest regardless of its exact date and place of origin. Ethnographic approaches, however, require reasonable confirmation of the manuscripts’ cultural origins, as is clear from the priority that David Buchan gave to context: The first requirement is to establish the context of the manuscript itself. When one is dealing with a collection of folk literature this is doubly important, for a knowledge of [the texts’] socio-cultural context is essential for an understanding of their functioning in culture, which is the ultimate goal of the ethnologist. (“Editing the Glenbuchat MS” 4, Buchan Papers)

Details of place, performer, and performance, which are essential to contextual approaches, are not easily established for the Glenbuchat material. As of the winter of 1818, Scott had been minister of Glenbuchat for nearly ten years, but he had close ties to other places. His native parish of Rothiemay was only a short distance away, and he was sufficiently close to his family to be implicated in a brother’s financial troubles in 1816. He also made frequent trips to Belhelvie, just north of Aberdeen, where his wife’s family lived. Were he casting a broad net as a collector, then his collection would have to be considered regional rather

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than local. A note beside the last stanza of “Airly” (IV: no. 10; Child 199) appears to imply broader connections. It reads: “The conclusion of this ballad to be sent if it can be found.” Unfortunately, nothing can be settled by the comment. It is in writing that may or may not be Scott’s, and it is impossible to tell whether the material will be sent to Scott, indicating a wide collection area, or by Scott, leaving us closer to home. Suggesting a narrower frame, there is a reference to “the tradition in the neighbourhood” in Scott’s note to “Willie MacIntosh” (IV: insert; Child 183). It grounds things in a particular place, but we are left to presume that “the neighbourhood” refers to Glenbuchat. Textual evidence lends some support for the idea of a localized collection. A few texts, for example, show particular correspondence to versions collected in nearby parishes. The affinity between the Glenbuchat and Kildrummy versions of “Rob Roy” has already been noted, and three other texts have their closest analogues in versions collected by Dr. Joseph Robertson in nearby LeochelCushnie (“Sir Hugh,” I: no. 14; Child 158; “Moncey Grey,” I: no. 15; Child 158; and “Laird o Drum,” III, no. 18; Child 236). Placenames in the ballads provide a somewhat larger sample. Even though they cover a large geographic area, there is, as Ian Olson has pointed out (40), a discernible emphasis on western Aberdeenshire and adjacent districts in what was then Banffshire: Corgarff, Frendraught, Rothiemay, Auchanachie, Auchindoun, Glenlivet, Cromdale, Aboyne, and Glentannar. Even some non-historical ballads have local connections. According to Alexander Keith, the hero of “Glenlogie” (III: no. 5; Child 238) was a Glenbuchat Gordon (“John o’ Badenyon” 131). In “Baby Livingston” (III: no. 14; Child 222), the antagonist is changed from the usual Glenlyon to Glenlivet, and he and the kidnapped bride pass through Glenbuchat on their way through the high country: When they cam’ to Glenbucket’s hills An’ near Glenbuckets town Then Baby coudna’ shed a tear She was like to fa down (III: no. 14, stanza 5)

Qualification, however, is necessary. Bell Robertson, who lived much nearer the coast in Buchan, also set her version of “Bonnie Baby Livingston” at Glenlivet, though she does not include the ride through Glenbuchat (GDFSC 6: 527–28). In a similar vein, there are two basic variants of Child 239. One associates the hero with “Auchanachie,” which is near Keith in central Banffshire, and the other with “Annachie,” a farm near Peterhead in Buchan. There is, however,

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no necessary correlation between where texts were collected and the preferred name of the hero. Versions collected in the early nineteenth century, such as the those published by Peter Buchan and James Maidment (Child 239A) as well as the Glenbuchat text, give Auchanachie; later versions—Christie and the Murison Ms (Child 239B), and two of the three versions in Greig-Duncan (GDFSC 5: 321–22)—favor Annachie. In this instance, different placenames appear to underscore change over time rather than regional variation. A specific place of origin for Robert Scott’s ballads cannot be identified from the evidence available, even though all roads appear to lead to western Aberdeenshire, if not to the glen itself. We should note, though, that none of the evidence refutes Taffy Davidson’s claim that the manuscripts contain ballads “collected in Glenbuchat.” The diversity of themes and the multiple versions of some types may indicate that the ballads were drawn from more than one singer. If so, who were they? If they were from the glen, did they belong to a particular segment of the population? The minister of neighboring Towie, Adam Smith, reported in 1840 that “vocal and instrumental music” were the chief amusements of his parishioners (NSA 12: 418), and it stands to reason that the same would hold for Glenbuchat. Yet it may not follow that ballad singers were evenly distributed among the population. Scott tended to associate with more affluent tenants in the lower part of the glen. Were they his informants, or did he follow the Romantic trend and head for the “poor folk” in the “fermtouns,” the upper glen, or adjacent Glen Nochty? Scottish antiquarians tended to favor female singers: might there be a gender bias in the Glenbuchat collection? Unfortunately, none of these questions can be answered at present. If Scott’s papers or those of a correspondent could be located, they might shed light on who sang the ballads.16 If Glenbuchat names could be attached to the ballads, given the information that could be gleaned about them from the Duff House papers, they might tell us a great deal about the ethnography of ballad singing in early nineteenth-century Scotland. Assuming that Scott did collect the ballads from oral sources, we are left to wonder how accurately his texts reflect what his informant(s) actually sang. Manuscript records of oral tradition are at best representations of actual performances, and even then they are only partial representations. In the present instance, not even tunes are recorded, although that is true of most collections from the Scottish Romantic Revival. We have some ability to assess Scott’s work as a transcriber by comparing his notes to “Lord John and Rothiemay” (I: no. 3; Child 196) and “The Battle of Glenlivet” (II: no. 1) with the published originals. On the whole, he stays true to the source text, even to the point of

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replicating mistakes, obscure spellings, and odd turns of phrase in the originals. Errors and omissions are few, and deviations from the originals consist largely of abbreviated names, the use of ampersands, and occasional lapses in punctuation and capitalization. These are the same shortcuts and deficiencies found in the ballad texts. A small number of changes may represent editorial improvements. Only one, however, stands out as more literary than oral. In “Hey Rose Malindey” (I: no. 8; Child 20), “She ty’d him up baith stiff an sair” is changed to “She ty’d him up in her dispair [sic]” (stanza 52). The latter, with its stress on internal emotion, seems out of place in a classical ballad, and it may reflect a borrowing from a broadside version of the same type (cf. the last line of the Roxburghe version, Chappel and Ebsworth 8: liv; the alternate opening to this text can be traced to this broadside). Whether Scott is responsible for giving the line this particular shape is anyone’s guess. In a recent assessment of the Glenbuchat version of “James Harris” (“Lady Jane,” III: no. 1; Child 243), Clinton Heylin found other evidence of editorialization (76–81). However, his examples include instances of patterned repetition (see stanzas 12–16) as well as possible borrowings from late broadsides.17 Such additions represent both oral and literary influences, raising the question as to whether they can be attributed to a single source. There are some indications of bowdlerization. Most versions of “Lord Saltoun and Auchanachie” (Child 239) give the second stanza as follows: In cam her father, tripping on the floor, Says, Jeanie, ye’re trying the tricks o a whore;

(Child 239A)

The same stanza in the Glenbuchat version reads: Ben came her father, cam steppin’ the floor, Said what’s this my daughter what’s this I hear

(I: no. 6; Child 239)

Likewise, compare the following stanza in Anna Brown’s “Lady Maisry” O whare is a’ my merry young men Whom I gi meat an fee To pu the thistle and the thorn To burn this wile whore wi?

(Child 65A, stanza 17)

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with the Glenbuchat equivalent: Where is the wale o my wighty men That I pay meat an fee Gae pu the thistle an the hawthorn An burned she shall be

(I: no. 11, stanza 17; Child 65)

Again, who is to say whether the minister or someone singing for the minister introduced these changes. Overall, Scott appears to have taken a hands-off approach to ballad editing. In the process of transposing oral ballads to written texts, however, he did leave an imprint. The problem, as David Buchan notes, . . . derives from the orthography employed by Robert Scott—the orthography employed because, basically, it was what was available to him. . . . The ballads were performed in Scots. But, nearly all reading material available to the scribe was in English and so his basic orthographic sense is of the English language. Some of the reading material available to him (Burns, Scott, for example) is in Scots but normally a standardised “central” Scots, and so his, limited, orthographic sense of Scots is conditioned by a Scots that may not be phonologically appropriate for the actual Scots used. . . . (“Editing Folk Literature” 1–2)

As evidence, he points to mismatched rhyming patterns. In “The Mother’s Malison” (II: no. 16, stanza 13; Child 216), Scott wrote the English non-rhymes, “good” and “head,” instead of the rhyming Northeast Scots equivalents, “gweed” and “heid.” Similarly, note “grows” and “ewes” (Scots growes/yowes) in stanza 20 of “Lady Mary” (II: no. 9), and “green” and “nane” (Northeast Scots green/ neen) in “Bonny Baby Livingston” (III: no. 14, stanza 30; Child 222). Scott was aware of the tension between local speech and standard English, and he often edited his texts correcting “and” to “an’,” “have” to “hae,” “in” to “i’,” “with” to “wi’,” and so on. Transcriber error may not account for all the anglicisms in the manuscripts, however. The ballads are predominantly in Scots, but not entirely. Some texts of broadside origin are purely English, and others contain the kinds of linguistic and sub-literary influences that Buchan found in the ballads of James Nicol (Ballad and the Folk 231–35). These linguistic overlays are an important feature of the collection, since they indicate the growing influence of written English on oral Scots culture, which in turn shows the transitional nature of tradition at the time the manuscripts were compiled. Unfortunately, there is no way of

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knowing for certain which elements were introduced by the compiler and which by the singers. Conceivably, some of the mismatched rhymes may faithfully reflect what the informant sang. Hybrid language is an ethnographic fact of the collection, and any attempt to “correct mistakes” at this late date would only add further distortions. As Buchan put it, the process of “stripping the varnish . . . to show some of the original grain of the wood” can have the unintended effect of “introducing more varnish” (“Editing Folk Literature” 6). Like ballads, manuscripts are awkward things. As Child himself recognized, they are the primary documents of antiquarian research, our nearest touchstone to the original sources. But uncertainty surrounding the origin of a collection can compromise its ethnographic value for folklorists of the present day. What we know about the Glenbuchat manuscripts allows us to identify the compiler with certainty, as well as the general time frame during which they were written. The evidence also indicates that the texts were collected primarily if not exclusively from oral sources, and that in itself strongly favors Glenbuchat as the place of origin, since it was where Robert Scott resided while he worked on the manuscripts. All things considered, there appears to be no compelling reason to reject or modify Davidson’s account of the provenance. Still, there are things we should like to know about the collection, but at this late date the facts are simply not accessible. If it is a collection of Glenbuchat songs, how much of the community song corpus is represented? We know for certain that at least one ballad was known to the compiler but not recorded. Were there others? Where are the lyrics, play songs, or functional songs? We have suggested that Scott took down broadsides if they had medieval or magical motifs, but were there other broadsides in the glen that he chose not to record because of Romantic or nationalist biases? To what extent had contemporary broadsides entered the local repertoire? What seems to be clear is that even if we take such omissions into account, the manuscript texts point to a “transitional” repertoire, which is consistent with the time of collection. In the section on “The Community,” we shall have a closer look at the modern, external influences that were shaping these transitions in Glenbuchat. First, we shall have a closer look at the man responsible for the collection.

The Compiler Robert Scott was born in 1778 at Woodfold in the parish of Rothiemay, the seventh of ten children born to William Scott and Jannet Coul. Despite his own nostalgic recollections of his childhood,18 it was a beginning that offered few

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prospects. His education and advancement were secured through a Patronage system, which at that time ordered much of Northeast society—including the appointment of Kirk ministers. Though inherently conservative and controlling, Patronage opened doors for those it found deserving, and as Scott said of his own situation, “[I] otherwise would have remaind all my days a poor Rothiemay ploughman” (Letter to William Bruce, 16 December 1804, DHP 1307). Fortunately for Scott, Rothiemay had been the seat of William Duff, the first Earl Fife, during the latter years of his life. Even though he died in 1763, his widow lived in the parish until her death in 1788, and one of his nephews was the parish minister during Scott’s childhood. A Braco Burse, a scholarship established and administered by the Duff family, supported Scott’s education at King’s College, Aberdeen, and his association with the family would continue almost uninterrupted for the remainder of his life. After graduating in 1800 with the degree of Master of Arts, he was offered a position as schoolmaster on one of the Fife estates, but the idea of teaching in a parochial school did not appeal to him. One of his professors, the Rev. Roderick MacLeod, had just been appointed Principal of King’s College, and through his influence, Scott became a tutor to the family of a Major Innes of Keiss. The job paid more and allowed more time for the study of divinity, but it had its drawbacks as well. Scott later confided to a friend: I have had no reason, as yet to repent of my choice, unless in that it has put me entirely out of the view of His Lordship [Earl Fife]. . . . The only thing, in this place, I have to regret, is that altho’ Major Innes be a very respectable Gentleman, yet his interest is not such as that I can soon expect a settlement in a Church by it. (Letter to Bruce, 16 December 1804, DHP 1307).

Scott received his license to preach in the fall of 1804 and became assistant to the minister of Kirkwall in the Orkney Islands the following March. By the spring of 1807, he was again soliciting the Earl’s influence for an appointment to the parish of Orphir, where the incumbent had been deposed by the Presbytery. Scott remained at Kirkwall, however, until the following spring when he succeeded the Rev. William Spence as minister of Glenbuchat. There are hints of difficulty surrounding the appointment. One of his letters to Duff House factor, George Wilson (24 February 1808, DHP 1450/2), mentions possible interference from Lord Aboyne, and the Earl’s private secretary, Alexander Williamson, also complained that the matter had given him “a good deal of trouble ” (Letter to Wilson, 22 February 1808, DHP 1448/1). If there was friction, nothing came of it, and Scott was ordained minister of Glenbuchat on 9 June 1808.

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His first years at Glenbuchat were relatively uneventful. The Session Minutes for 1809 record nothing more significant than a celebration for the King’s Jubilee, the purchase of a new strong-box for the church, and some minor changes to a late summer festival of Thanksgiving (G. D. Henderson 107, 112, and 114). The following year, he was preoccupied with minor renovations to the church and manse (Scott, Letter to James Stuart, 26 November 1810, DHP Z235/3). Nothing else of note entered the record of either Duff House or the Kirk Session. On 15 April 1812, Scott married Mary Margaret Forsyth (1776–1830), the youngest daughter of the Rev. James Forsyth of Belhelvie. Her father had died in 1790 and was succeeded, at the parishioners’ request, by her brother, the Rev. Alexander John Forsyth (1768–1843), who was something of a Renaissance man. Particular interests in mechanics and chemistry, combined with a passion for fowling, led him to invent what many regard as the first percussion-lock firing system, which he patented in 1807 (Reid 22). Through the Forsyths, Scott made other important contacts, most notably the parliamentarian and reformer Henry Brougham (1778–1863). Glenbuchat in the second decade of the nineteenth century was not an especially desirable post. Even the Earl’s secretary had commented wryly, “What a luckey fellow Scott is in getting such a good living” (Williamson, Letter to George Wilson, 4 May 1808, DHP 1449/1). It was particularly undesirable for a young man about to start a family and looking, perhaps, to impress his new inlaws. Eleven of Scott’s predecessors had been translated to other parishes and given the chance, he would gladly have made it an even dozen. He was not at all shy about declaring his readiness to move on. He made determined applications for new parishes in 1812 and 1813, the first of them coming within weeks of his marriage.19 The first opportunity was occasioned by the death of a friend, the Rev. Marshall of Tullynessle, who had been fatally injured in a fall from his carriage. Scott was with his friend when he died, and his letter informing Duff House of Marshall’s death—and asking for his job—was written as he sat with the body. Ultimately, he was passed over in favor of a junior minister with better ties to the Duff family. A year later, he eagerly applied for the parish of Echt; so eagerly, in fact, that he submitted his request before the incumbent had actually died. Despite the influential support of “English friends” (i.e. Brougham20), that bid was also unsuccessful. Robert and Mary Scott settled into life in Glenbuchat as best as they could. Their first daughter, Isabella Elizabeth, was born on 27 May 1813 and their second, Elizabeth Mary, on Christmas day, 1814. In the long run, Mrs. Scott does not appear to have adapted well to her upland surroundings. She and the children are often described in Scott’s letters as “at Belhelvie,” and even the family

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genealogist states that the children “with their mother were frequent visitors to Rev. A. J. Forsyth” (Pirie and Rankine 25). Mary Scott was not the only spouse to hold a dim view of Glenbuchat. At least one applicant for a farm in the parish had to withdraw the offer because he “could not prevail on his wife to go so far up the country” (George Wilson to John Williams, 8 April 1816, DHP 1672). Although Scott nursed his desire for translation for decades, he emerged from his ambivalent beginnings to become an active parish leader. In his letters to Duff House, which frequently end with chatty asides and postscripts, he appears at times to aspire to the life a rural gentleman, hobnobbing with local gentry, and shooting and riding in the surrounding hills. Forsyth often and Brougham occasionally joined him in these sports. He was active in church and local affairs, serving as clerk for the Presbytery of Alford in 1813, and in 1819 he tried unsuccessfully to have himself named a Justice of the Peace. When a turnpike pushed through to Strathdon in the 1820s, he served as a collector of road monies for Glenbuchat. As he became more entrenched in the life of the glen, his involvement in tenant affairs also strengthened. This may have been the natural sympathy of a minister for his congregation, but events in his personal life may also have played a role. In January of 1816, his brother John went bankrupt, and Scott, as cautioner, was held responsible for part of the debt. His personal belongings were poinded and rouped,21 and he was forced to relinquish his tack on a small farm that he rented near the manse. He might have been ruined had Forsyth not intervened and purchased his effects at auction and, with the Earl’s approval, taken over his lease. To the creditors’ surprise, Scott carried on much as before though no doubt humbled, if not humiliated, and deeply obliged to his brother-in-law.22 Like many parts of Britain, Glenbuchat suffered during the deep economic depression in the years that followed the Napoleonic Wars. Poor markets, coupled with back-to-back crop failures in 1816 and 1817, brought many farmers to the brink of ruin. Whether through empathy or sympathy, Scott became an active supporter of the tenants’ interests during this difficult period. He authored a petition for rent reductions signed by virtually every resident of the glen (29 March 1816, DHP 1672), and when the local ground officer, John Forbes, was directed to seize the possessions of a bankrupt Upperton family, Scott sharply criticized him for auctioning nearly £20 worth of goods to cover debts amounting to only £9 (Letter to George Wilson, 9 May 1817, DHP 1672). When excise officers became active in the area, he was quick to complain of their abuses and launched appeals on behalf of tenants who were victimized by them.23 His immediate neighbors and closest friends, the Reids, were among the glen’s most respected and prosperous farmers, but even his support for them could reach a breaking point:

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Wm. Reid in Dockington . . . having the command of a little money, has lately done some cruel things. He has turned out the people of the Kirkton, his own near relations. They were a years rent in arrears, owing to a bad crop. This hard hearted misery promised to be surety for this Rent, & went to McDuff upon that pretence, but shamefully betrayed this trust, took the Kirkton for himself, & turned out these people. Several other cases of equal hardship, & worse have occurred to poor people by these hard, scandalous misers. (Letter to Earl Fife, 29 December 1828, DHP 2268)

On at least one occasion, Scott offered £4 from his own resources to help a tenant in debt (Letter to Wilson, 18 April 1825, DHP 1674/1). As a product of the Patronage system, Scott owed a great deal to the encouragement and influence of others, and he in turn assisted those who tried to move up in the world. He supported James Begg Jr. in his application for the farm at Blackhillock, a significant move from his family’s tack at Badenyon in the uppermost part of the glen (Letter to George Wilson, 5 December 1817, DHP 1670). Harder to comprehend is Scott’s support of Adam Hay, one of Glenbuchat’s more quixotic characters. Hay’s family rented part of Upperton, a holding in the center of the estate. If his evenly penned and well-written letters are any indication, he appears to have had a decent education, despite his family circumstances. During some difficult years, he tried to make improvements to his farm but fell behind, and his troubles were compounded by repeated arrests and fines for smuggling. In some of these difficulties, Hay’s own letters are supported by letters from Scott. The minister even helped Hay convince a prominent Strathdon resident to stand as security for him. Unfortunately for all concerned, the arrangement did not end happily.24 Although Scott actively defended and promoted his parishioners’ interests, it would be inaccurate to describe him as a man of the people. As with small communities everywhere, Glenbuchat had its internal factions and social divisions. Scott tended to align himself with the interests of the more affluent farmers, which was not necessarily a bad thing. During a famine in Ireland, he and members of the Reid family devised a scheme to supply meal to people on the glen’s Poor Roll, allowing the heritor to make additional contributions toward Irish relief efforts. But when divisions came to a head, he was capable of dismissing the other factions—which included some notable glen residents—as “low drunken whisky people.” He also sided with the Reids and other prosperous farmers against the miller, John MacKenzie, in a multure dispute. At the time, MacKenzie was facing severe financial difficulty and subsequently lost the mill.25 Ultimately, Robert Scott is not an easy character to sort out. Granted, most of what we know about him and his life in Glenbuchat comes from Duff House

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correspondence, which, as the business correspondence of a major landholder, is a magnet for both controversy and sycophancy. People wrote because they had complaints to levy, problems that needed solving, or favors to ask, and so the image left to us is necessarily skewed. Moreover, references are often fragmentary, context is difficult to sort out, and the observers are not always neutral. One of the key contributors, the Glenbuchat ground officer, John Forbes, rarely sided with Scott on an issue; in fact the two men did not get on well at all. There is a particular episode that highlights the dynamics of Scott’s situation in the glen, and it also indicates that by the 1820s more pressing concerns than ballads were occupying his attention. In the grand scheme of things, it was a small matter, one that had few consequences for anyone else. Yet the correspondence it generated shows him trying to juggle family concerns against both the interests of the heritor and the critical judgment of his parishioners.26 Since his prior relationship with Duff House had been cordial and open, the dispute must have strained him in many directions simultaneously. What began as an exchange of letters in the fall of 1820 over repairs to the church, soon descended into a squabble with the heritor’s staff that dragged on for the entire decade. Within months of the initial correspondence, Scott was writing directly to the Earl with plans for renovations to church and manse amounting to £135. He did not waste the opportunity to add that if translation were imminent, less substantial repairs would suffice. The factors were willing to approve work on the church but baulked at improvements to the minister’s home. Scott, however, insisted on renovations to the manse, and we can assume that his first thought was for his wife, whose discontent appears to have been growing.27 Work approved for the summer of 1822 began late and then ran into trouble because of complaints that it encroached on the graveyard. On 27 August, Forbes informed George Wilson that “The Minister was obliged to cause the pinns be removed after set or I believe the People would [have] broken all his windows” (DHP 1677). “The People” turned out to consist of John MacKenzie and his wife, though Forbes would have enjoyed leaving the impression that Scott was the target of wider antagonism. The “mill MacKenzies,” as they were known, were a common source of friction in the glen, but in this instance their position is understandable. They no doubt harbored resentment over Scott’s support of the well-to-do farmers in the mill action, which was on-going, and in the summer of 1822 they were grieving the loss of their two-year-old son and John’s sister, Jane, both of whom had died that spring ( J. A. Henderson 480). Construction that interfered with the graveyard would have opened fresh wounds for them. Scott’s response was mixed. By way of compromise, he adjusted the plan of work—which angered Wilson, who felt sure the builders would exploit the situation—but he was surprisingly curt in his remarks about

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the MacKenzies: “if they were buried or banished,” he wrote, “it would be no loss to Society in Glenbucket” (Letter to Wilson, 16 September 1822, DHP Z125). The project was delayed for two years, by which time financial problems at Duff House made it difficult for the work to proceed at all, and in May of 1825, Wilson wrote to say that no further work could be authorized. From there the matter descended into acrimony and ultimately litigation, which the Presbytery of Alford pursued on Scott’s behalf. To bolster their position, the Earl’s factors solicited reports from Forbes about Scott’s behavior and character, which the ground officer was only too happy to supply. On one occasion, Forbes and Mar Lodge factor James Findlater accused Scott of abusing his shooting privileges by riding through stands of young trees, and they further claimed that the minister had arrogantly threatened to call on influential friends “to get the matter quashed” (Findlater, Letter to Stewart Souter, 20 November 1827, DHP M/D13). As the dispute moved closer to the courts, the Earl’s staff balanced the cost of litigation against the cost of the repairs and backed down, but their capitulation was hardly graceful. One Duff House officer grumbled that “Mr. Scott during his short incumbency has certainly contrived to put his Heritor to more trouble and expense comparatively speaking than any other Clergyman in any other Parish with which his [Lordship] is connected . . . ” (Souter, Letter to Findlater, 7 June 1828, DHP M/D13). To recover some of the expense, they raised Scott’s rent, but since he had been spared earlier increases he was no worse off than his neighbors. The episode shows Scott in many lights. He is resolved, assertive, committed to his family and their well-being; yet he is also testy, imperious, and struggling awkwardly to build a comfortable life in a place he would rather leave. His altercations with Forbes and MacKenzie show him to some degree at odds with a particular segment of the immediate community. At the heart of the episode, however, is Scott confronting the likelihood that he would spend the rest of his life in Glenbuchat. Within the context of Patronage, he had hit what today would be called a glass ceiling. His victory was therefore somewhat hollow, if not exactly pyrrhic. It was also short lived. An exasperated appeal for translation in 1829 came to nought (Scott, Letter to Earl Fife, 5 February 1829, DHP 2304), and on 23 October 1830, Mary Scott died at the age of fifty-four, leaving her husband to care for their teenage daughters. In 1833, there was further disappointment. He was presented to the parish of Forgue in November, “but finding himself unacceptable to the majority of the parishioners there he withdrew his acceptance 18th Jan. following” (Hew Scott 3: 555). The remaining years of Scott’s life appear to have been spent quietly. Even the social changes that percolated through the Northeast in the 1840s had little

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impact on the glen. As one regional historian noted, “It is somewhat remarkable that nothing in the Glenbuchat [Kirk Session] records gives the faintest indication that a Disruption occurred in Scotland in 1843” (G. D. Henderson, 122). Both of Scott’s daughters married. Isabella married the Rev. Charles McCombie in 1835 but died three years later. In 1842, Scott’s younger daughter, Elizabeth, married William Reid, the son of his longtime friend and neighbor, John Reid. His grandchildren would include military leaders, scholars, and physicians.28 The following year, his brother-in-law, Alexander Forsyth, died. During his lifetime, Forsyth received no government remuneration for his firing mechanism, despite its military significance. The French, according to family legend, were willing to pay £20,000 for the design, but the offer was “patriotically refused.” Soon after his death, his surviving relatives were awarded £1000 by the British government, which included £250 to the Rev. Robert Scott of Glenbuchat (Reid 32–33). In the fall of 1840, Scott authored the brief survey of Glenbuchat that later appeared in The New Statistical Account of Scotland (NSA 12: 436–39). Though his observations are brief compared to many other NSA entries, the overall tone is positive and forward looking. He praised the local residents for advancements they had made in education, health, and industry, improvements he attributed to a decline in practices that had been rife two decades earlier: Population has increased in this parish, in consequence of the increasing cleanliness of the people, greater attention to children in extreme infancy, vaccination, but, above all, the annihilation of smuggling. The improvements in every respect, since illicit distillation has been happily put down, are truly astonishing. Falsehood, swearing, drunkenness, and other immoral practices, although they linger with a few of the old and hardened, are fast disappearing; and in their place are progressing, good manners, cleanliness, sobriety, exemplary attention to their moral and religious duties, and diligence at their different avocations. (437–38)

He claimed universal literacy for the glen (a significant statistic from the perspective of balladry) and noted that a public library had recently opened. Under his ministry, the parish had come a long way. Further improvements were still needed, and he asserted that a lack of encouragement from the heritor was the chief obstacle. “It is to be wished,” he wrote, “that the Noble proprietor may soon turn his attention to the improvement of this beautiful but still much neglected part of his princely estates.” By then, surely, Scott had little reason to bank his hopes on Patronage, either for himself or the glen. All the same, he noted graciously, and perhaps even a little impertinently, that the manse was “in excellent condition.”

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Scott died in his manse on 16 June 1855, and was buried in the churchyard at Glenbuchat. All his possessions went to his surviving daughter, among them four bundles of ballad transcripts, which there began their long, quiet journey into the hands of Taffy Davidson.

The Community Folksong, if understood as community-based expression, needs to be assessed in dynamic relation to the social world of the singers. As a “traditional community,” Glenbuchat lends itself to stereotype: an isolated, upland district, sparsely populated by hardy rural folk—“pure Aberdeenshire stock,” as Margaret Pirie described her great-grandparents, John and Charlotte Reid who leased the farm at Milton (Pirie and Rankine 25). Academic generalizations also enter the picture, of peripheral cultures and folk societies, and, with direct reference to ballads, of Entwistle’s view (1–7)—readily echoed by Housman (41–50) and Hodgart (131ff )—of remote, mountainous districts as the natural home to the genre. While the models should not be rejected entirely, none of them adequately describes Glenbuchat in the early decades of the nineteenth century. Communities are complex. They consist of intricate and pliant relationships structured around kin, friendship, interest, occupation, debt and obligation, allegiances, hopes, fears, beliefs, moral and aesthetic values, and many other intangibles. At the same time, the bonds of community are informal, more so perhaps than for any other kind of social structure. Moreover, community actions and reactions are shaped by external pressures and opportunities. At the end of the eighteenth century, Glenbuchat was in the midst of a long period of simmering changes brought on by political, economic, social, and educational developments. What is often thought of as the “traditional” agricultural society of the Northeast, the world of the chaumer and bothy and the “horseman’s word,” belongs to a later time.29 It is the remains of this more recent agricultural system that one finds in the glen today: rubble-walled, “but and ben” cottages, many abandoned and falling into disrepair; a patchwork of enclosed fields contrasting sharply with the mottled greens, purples, and browns of the hillsides; stone dykes, long collapsed and replaced by wire fences; the narrow roads that wind through the glen; the old schoolhouses near Balnacraig and Dulax, and their now ruined counterpart across the road from Backies; the shooting lodge nearby. All of them were yet-to-be when Robert Scott first came to Glenbuchat in 1808. For Scott’s parishioners, the emergence of a new built environment and the agrarian economy that created it were modern develop-

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ments, just as the steady deterioration of Glenbuchat Castle during the same period marked the passing of an era. The developments that transformed rural society affected ballad tradition directly and indirectly. In The Ballad and the Folk, David Buchan shows that literacy and the availability of cheap printed matter did more than provide singers with new song forms and themes; they radically altered traditional modes of performance, composition, transmission, and recollection (177–201). The presence of blackletter ballad types in the Glenbuchat repertoire suggests that literate culture had a relatively early influence on local tradition, while more general aesthetic developments within the tradition grew from and in turn reflected broader changes in rural society. Modern conditions redefined social structure and the interdependency of residents, as people developed stronger ties to outside interests, ideas, and economies. Regional arts were affected by the same socio-cultural networks that influenced the regional economy. Glenbuchat in the early decades of the nineteenth century offers a concrete example of these processes at work. But if neither the community nor the ballad collection can be said to represent “pure” tradition, it would be equally wrong to suggest there was a blanket erosion of tradition in the face of modern influence. Rather, new ideas, practices, and items were partially or equivocally accepted, or they were acquired, adapted, and applied in ways that dovetailed with traditional practices, expectations, and values. Gerald Pocius has found similar fusions in his study of contemporary folklife in Calvert, Newfoundland, and on a more theoretical level, Bausinger applies the notion of a “Pygmalion effect” to describe this sort of blurring or commingling of instituted and folk forms. While it is currently fashionable to see tradition as something invented or re-invented to suit the conditions and interests of the present (Hobsbawm and Ranger; Handler and Linnekin), it may be equally true that among small groups modernity is re-invented to suit the conditions and interests of tradition. Ultimately, the Glenbuchat ballad collection represents a syncretic merger of the old and the new. The following account of the parish stresses the “transitional” nature of local culture in the latter part of the eighteenth century and the early decades of the next. Sources of relevant data, however, are meager, and without an exhaustive search of regional archive holdings, which has not been feasible during the present research, it has been difficult to get at the intricacies of local tradition at this late date. Consequently, it has not been possible to discuss the details of folk custom, language, housing, and occupational practice, as Fenton does in Scottish Country Life, Wirds an’ Wark ’e Seasons Roon’ on an Aberdeenshire Farm, and similar regional ethnographies. Some essentials can be garnered from existing writings on local folklife, notably James Barclay’s “The Glen and Its Folk” (see

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also W. D. Simpson, “Glenbuchat and Its Castle” 1–20; and I. Olson). None of them, however, offers a contemporary perspective. Barclay’s account was written in the first decade of the twentieth century, although it does emphasize conditions a hundred years earlier and was based on the author’s familiarity with people who had grown up during Robert Scott’s tenure as minister. The image left by the surveys can be refined by turning to a rather unconventional ethnographic source: the business papers of the Duff family, who owned the estate of Glenbuchat from 1737 to 1883. Duff House correspondence includes numerous items written by or about glen residents. We see them as actors grappling with the immediate problems that affected their lives, not simply as romantic abstractions. The end result, hopefully, is to arrive at a more comprehensive account of how they were affected by and responded to the dual forces of tradition and modernity. Glenbuchat lies between the Don River and the Ladder Hills, roughly fiftyfive kilometers west of Aberdeen. Though it takes its name from the Water of Buchat,30 a stream that runs the length of the parish, its borders are defined by a cluster of hills that encircle most of its 11,083 acres, typifying the old western Aberdeenshire custom of using summits to establish boundaries.31 Creag an Sgor (634m), with its distinctively notched peak, and Creag an Eunan (633m) are the tallest in an unbroken crest of hills that form the northeastern boundary with the parish of Towie (and in Scott’s day, a segment of Strathdon); at the head of the glen, the land rises in the north up Allt Sughain Hill, which borders the parish of Cabrach; to the northwest, the glen is linked to Glenlivet in Inveraven by a network of trails leading over the Ladder Hills, which rise to over 750 meters; a chain of lower hills, beginning with Hill of Rhinstock and Ladylea Hill and ending with the conical peak of Ben Newe, forms the southwestern boundary with Strathdon. There is a narrow opening at the mouth of the glen where the Buchat empties into the Don. The parish is roughly eleven kilometers long running southeast to northwest and a little more than five kilometers wide at its broadest point. Little is known about its early history. By the end of the middle ages, a castle of some description had been built near Badenyon, and historical references to settlements in the lower part of the glen appear by the middle of the fifteenth century. The district was made an independent parish in 1473 (W. D. Simpson, “Glenbuchat and Its Castle” 8–20). Local placenames show that the early inhabitants were Gaelic speakers, but by Robert Scott’s day, that language had all but disappeared from the area.32 Toward the end of the sixteenth century, the estate of Glenbuchat, comprising the entire parish and the adjacent community of Glen Nochty in Strathdon, was acquired by John Gordon of

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Cairnburrow. In 1590 he built the Z-plan castle overlooking the Don as a wedding present for his bride. Gordon had a hand in a number of key events in the Northeast, including the murder of the Bonny Earl of Murray and the Battle of Glenlivet ( J. A. Henderson 446). The estate passed down through his direct heirs until 1701, when his great, great-grandson, Adam, sold it to a relative. The last Gordon to occupy the castle was the Jacobite general, “Old Glenbucket.” According to legend, George II used to have nightmares about the general and would wake up screaming “De great Glenbucket be coming” (NSA 12: 437). Some have assumed that Gordon forfeited the glen for his role in the Jacobite rebellions. As late as 1826, rumors circulated that his descendants were taking legal measures to have their property restored.33 The rumors were baseless, however. The estate had been purchased in 1737 by William Duff (1697– 1763), who was then Lord Braco and later Earl Fife.34 For the next century and a half, the Duffs were the sole heritors of Glenbuchat and Glen Nochty. The new laird, though his family had deep roots in the Northeast, was no Jacobite. His father, William Duff of Dipple, straddled the fence in 1715, and when questioned afterwards he supposedly replied that “William Duff would have gone out, but Dipple would behold the event” (Tayler and Tayler 49). Thirty years later, Lord Braco openly sided with the Government and personally offered his services to the Duke of Cumberland on the eve of Culloden. In Glenbuchat, where tenants perhaps found themselves caught between old allegiance and present circumstance, the winter of 1746 must have passed slowly. In Scott’s day, nearly all the glen’s residents, with the exception of a handful of artisans, depended on agriculture for their livelihood. Most of the better farms lay in a broad open bowl in the lower part of the glen between Craig an Eunan and Ben Newe. There was another cluster of farms at the glen’s midpoint, where it winds through a narrow valley between White and Hiller Hills to the northeast and Stony, Coulick, and Ladylea Hills opposite. The glen opens up again at its head, and some notable farms were situated there. Glenbuchat had a mixed reputation as a farming district. Its soils were (and still are) regarded highly, but hills limited the amount of arable land, while the upland climate meant late planting, early frosts, and severe winter storms that played havoc with animals and kept farmers from their fields much longer than those who lived in milder lowland communities (G. S. Keith 22–24; see also Heslop and Brown). Access to markets was difficult. Until a proper road was built after the Napoleonic Wars, only a crude military road connected the glen to larger centers (G. D. Henderson 106). Scott’s predecessor, William Spence, complained that “None but those who have felt it can imagine how inconvenient it is to be at such a distance from a post-office and market-town, when, for six or eight weeks, sometimes all communication is stopped” (OSA 14: 500). As late as 1823,

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by which time a turnpike had been built, Scott himself declared that “remoteness” was the glen’s greatest shortcoming (Letter to Earl Fife, 24 March 1823, DHP Z125). Yet the area was not entirely isolated. Before the advent of railways, drove roads over the Ladder Hills were the principal means of travel from Speyside to the Don and points south (Barclay 40). Due to its agricultural limitations, the glen never supported a large population. In fact, it was one of the more sparsely settled areas of Aberdeenshire (NSA 12: 1132–1136). In 1800, there were 420 residents, whereas Scott’s home parish of Rothiemay, nearly two thousand acres smaller, supported two and a half times as many people (NSA 13: 201). Yet Glenbuchat’s population had grown steadily during the eighteenth century and continued to do so in the next. The Poll Book of 1696, the earliest account of the adult population, names 179 men and women (W. D. Simpson 141–46), whereas the 1841 census identifies 270 adults. In the first two decades of the nineteenth century, the total population rose by a shade more than 14 percent to 479, which was slightly better than the growth rate for Towie, which went from 528 in 1801 to 578 in 1821, a 9.5 percent increase. Larger parishes in the area fared better: Strathdon and Alford increased by 25.4 percent and 28.3 percent respectively during the same period (NSA 12: 415, 437, 500, and 547). Although Glenbuchat leaves a first-glance impression of a remote, bounded, self-contained, “little community” (Redfield 4), and although it remained a traditional culture in many respects, its residents were not heavily insulated from the world beyond their borders. External contacts became more frequent and more important as the eighteenth century progressed, through the gradual but inevitable influences of literacy, education, modern bureaucracies, and legal mechanisms, as well as through the general effects of the Agrarian Revolution (although the latter were felt rather equivocally in Glenbuchat). Economically, local farmers became more dependent on external markets, and they enjoyed and suffered the vicissitudes of those markets. As tenants, they were bound not simply to an absentee laird but to one of the largest landholders in Scotland. The Duffs built their fortune on land acquisition, and by the end of the eighteenth century, they epitomized a growing trend in the Northeast, where landownership became concentrated in the hands of fewer and fewer people (Callander). An 1825 enumeration of their estates ran to over thirty pages (Aberdeen Journal, 23 March 1825, 3), and by the middle of the century, they owned a quarter of a million acres in Aberdeen, Banff, and Moray (Carter 25). Glenbuchat was a minor entry in the long list of their holdings, and whereas the castle had been the seat of all the Gordon lairds, the Duffs kept no residence in the glen. (When Glenbuchat Lodge was built about 1840, it was let primarily to shooting parties.) The Earl’s interests there were managed by the factor at Mar

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Lodge (situated some 35 km to the southwest), and above him, the factors at Duff House (approximately 55 km to the north). The only local retainers were a ground officer and a gamekeeper.35 The pivotal developments in Glenbuchat were those that affected agriculture. Some traditional farming practices survived well into the nineteenth century, but fundamental changes had occurred early on, especially with respect to tenancy. To a certain degree, Aberdeenshire as a whole operated under a rudimentary agricultural system, but hill districts were especially slow to adopt new practices.36 At Glenbuchat, little was done to further agricultural improvement by either the heritor or the tenants. In 1763, the first Earl Fife was succeeded by his son, James (1729–1809), by reputation a conscientious agricultural reformer (Dixon, et al. 9). Yet in Glenbuchat, although he kept himself informed about the glen and occasionally gave orders regarding its management, he introduced few improvements. A 1784 letter from the Earl’s secretary, William Rose, comments that a tenant’s proposal to introduce new crops and methods would be “exemplary to the neighbours” (Letter to Earl Fife, 23 June 1784, DHP 1508), but few other documents from the same period refer to farm improvements. With the exception of William Walker’s initial lease on the Mains, signed in 1786, rental documents signed at Duff House rarely demanded an improved system of agriculture prior to 1825 when the management of Fife estates was taken over by an Edinburgh accounting firm.37 Much could have been done to promote soil improvement, since the glen was considered an “inexhaustible” source of limestone. The factors, fearing that tenants would sell most of what they quarried, limited access to the resource, a stance the minister of nearby Kildrummy criticized as “an ill directed policy of the landlord.”38 Tenants were slow to adopt improvements on their own. In the mid-1790s, William Spence, wrote: Artificial grasses are beginning, and only beginning, to be sown, and the advantages of them to be known. As there are . . . hardly any inclosures, and every farmer, almost every cottager, keeps some sheep, they are with difficulty guarded in the winter. (OSA 14: 499–500)

Referring directly to agriculture in Glenbuchat, the Kildrummy minister notes that “cattle are supported during the summer, on widely extended mountain pasturage inaccessible to the plough,” which points to a traditional reliance on low quality upland grasses to support flocks and possibly to the use of sheilings by herders (OSA 18: 412–13; Barclay 47). Soil improvement is almost never mentioned by tenants in their correspondence with Duff House until well into the second decade of the century. Adam Hay’s 1818 account of dwell-

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ing improvements, drainage, and liming on his farm at Upperton is an early example (Petition, 28 February 1818, DHP 1670). The low level of agricultural improvement is significant, because it indicates that locals were unaware of or unreceptive to current ideas affecting their principal means of livelihood. Similarly, crops sown at Glenbuchat changed little, as Ian Olson recently speculated (38). Seed purchased from Duff House in 1817 and 1818 consisted almost entirely of bear and early oats, the standard corn crops in the region (“Seed lists, Glenbucket,” 1817 and 1818, DHP 1670). A reliance on traditional crops is also reflected in foodways of the time. The local diet was almost entirely vegetarian—even though glen farmers earned most of their money by raising and selling cattle—but foods representing new crops, such as turnips and potatoes, were considered “luxury” items (Barclay 45–46). Still, outside influences were felt, some of them deeply. In the latter part of the eighteenth century, as farmers in southern Scotland shifted away from herding to more lucrative grain production, the north became a stronghold for beef and sheep farming, especially in the hill country where grain was not feasible on a large scale.39 Through these developments, the livelihood of tenants in remote glens became tied more directly to the national economy. By 1800, as a wartime conditions settled over Europe, cattle districts like Glenbuchat benefited from the military demand for beef, mutton, leather, and wool. Markets and prices remained strong throughout the Napoleonic Wars, allowing many farmers to feel they were making economic strides without significantly altering their agricultural methods. Unfortunately, it was a fragile prosperity, because additional revenues were not tied to a genuine increase in production, and inevitably, farmers were hard hit by the severe postwar depression. In Glenbuchat, its effects were exacerbated, first, by sharp rises in rent that the heritor had instigated in 1808/09 and again in 1813/14 in an effort to capitalize on the improved circumstances of the tenants,40 and, second, by the effects of back-to-back crop failures in 1816 and 1817. Few tenants were ruined by the depression but all were affected by it. Even the heritor, who had borrowed heavily against overvalued properties only to be jammed by the inability of tenants to pay their rent, was brought to the verge of bankruptcy by the early 1820s. Economic conditions did not fully recover for nearly a decade and a half.41 Although agricultural methods changed little, the system of landholding underwent considerable reorganization, and the changes had social consequences. Under the Gordon lairds, most Glenbuchat farms operated on a runrig basis, whereby leases, or “tacks,” were held in common by several households clustered together in a “fermtoun” or “clachan.” It was a system that emphasized collaborative production and equitable access to resources, with families pooling labor, implements, and animals, and sharing fields and other resources.42 The

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Poll Book shows joint tenancy to have been the norm in Glenbuchat in 1696. Only “Milntoun,” “Dulaks,” and “Torrentoule” were farmed by individual families. Milton was the second most substantial farm in the glen, after the Mains, and the latter two were in the middle section of the glen and may have been relatively new holdings at the time. Other farms were held by between four and ten tenants. Under Duff House management, the run-rig system gradually disappeared. By 1800, joint occupancy remained somewhat common but not joint cultivation. It may well have happened that joint cultivation continued on an informal basis on some farms, but tacks allocated set parcels of land to individual tenants, and the rules governing tacks specifically reserved for the factor “full power to exchange discontinuous parts” (“Minutes of Sederunt,” 3 March 1796, DHP Z235/3). Several farms were subdivided into separate lots or assigned to fewer tenants. In 1696, the farms at Beltimore and Blackhillock had ten and nine tenants respectively (W. D. Simpson 145–46); by 1801, the former had been consolidated into three tacks, and the latter into just one.43 Only a small number of fermtouns, chiefly Belnaboth and Belnacraig, continued to be let to a large number of households, and even then there was a tendency for one or two tenants to control a large share of the property. Four of Belnacraig’s sixteen oxgates were sectioned off and added to Sunnybrae, creating a single farm that was four times larger than any other tack in the neighborhood. Clusters of smaller tacks, particularly at Belnaboth, became enclaves of poorer tenants and sub-tenants. The physical layout of “touns” at Easterbuchat, Belnaboth, Belnacraig, Upperton, and Badenyon is still evident on the Ordnance Survey map of 1869.44 In fact, counter to the general trend, the fermtoun at Upperton actually expanded during (and probably as a result of ) the postwar depression. Between 1801 and 1813, the farm was let to four households each controlling four oxgates. In 1814, one of the tacks was split between a principal tenant and two minor tenants, and two of the remaining tacks had been similarly divided by 1838. Run-rig farming was more than a method of agriculture; it also implied a certain understanding of community relations and neighborly obligations. According to Barclay, families within a fermtoun were often related (43). Some tenants may have lamented or resisted the breakup of the old collaborative system, and there were inevitable complaints about the fairness of the new divisions.45 Others welcomed the change. In July of 1788, Alex Michie of Upperton petitioned the factor to reassign the outfields on the farm, “as it not only makes it inconvenient but in a manner good for nothing to have these Lands or any part of them run-rigged or interjected with their neighbour” (DHP 1669). His comment reflects a modern attitude toward control of property and resource management, one that puts the individual ahead of the community. A grow-

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ing sense of individualism is also apparent in Duff House records relating to competitions for tacks. Leases were awarded through an open bidding process, and the successful applicant occupied his or her farm at the negotiated annual rent for a term ranging from six to nineteen years (the longer term was preferred). In Glenbuchat, nine-year terms were the norm. The amount of rent paid necessarily affected the farm’s profitability, and access to a better farm, if desired, usually meant displacing someone else. Minimal rent increases were sometimes levied mid term, but tenants were most vulnerable at the expiration of a lease when their tenure was open to direct competition from other bidders. A simple overbid might not result in a farm changing hands, but the process encouraged defensive bids from incumbents, a tactic the heritor could exploit to his advantage. On 3 November 1813, when most Glenbuchat tacks were up for renewal, Duff House took out a two-column advertisement on the front page of the Aberdeen Journal soliciting offers for the available farms. That year, nineteen Glenbuchat and Glen Nochty tenants saw their rents more than double, six rents tripled, and others paid increases of 60 to 90 percent. Not many farms changed hands, but with little more than a few strokes of a pen, the total valuation of rents in Glenbuchat went from £680 in 1813 to £1026 the following year. It is worth noting that when Glenbuchat emerged from the postwar depression in the 1830s, tenants paid on average 30 percent less for rent than when the economic problems began. Within limits, tenants could and did influence the bidding process, although they had to be circumspect, as they were walking a fine line with both the factors and their neighbors. There was a residual uneasiness about competing openly against another tenant, especially early on. When James and Peter Dawson made a bid for Dalfrankie in 1801, they added the postscript, “If our offer be not accepted I hope you will conceil it.” Others cautioned that it was not their intent to displace a viable, or even a vulnerable, tenant. An offer for part of Milton in 1808 concludes, “if it is your . . . Lordships Goodness to let [the current tenants] remain with their Posession as they are Poor men I do not want it but if not I will take it before any [indifferent ?] person.” Yet examples of head-to-head competition are not uncommon. Duff House received petitions from existing tenants warning against opposing bidders, usually on the grounds that he or she was “a bade neighbour,” and applicants, not surprisingly, sent petitions in their own defense. Tenants occasionally bid for no other reason than to prevent someone else from getting a farm. In 1817, James Farquharson and John Brody of Belnaglack bid on a neighboring farm to prevent a “turbulent and fractious” tenant from getting it. Jonathan Stuart of Newtown in Glen Nochty made a similar bid after his neighbor, John Kellas, failed. He later renewed the offer upon learning that two other families were vying for the farm, and

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he hedged his bets by stating his preference among the other applicants. Most of these disputes are grounded in a clash of personalities, and from an ethnographic standpoint these early letters reflect a primary concern for community cohesiveness. Yet competitions could have adverse financial consequences. When Alex Dunbar of Rhinstock fell in arrears, he complained that his troubles began when his rent was driven up by a counter offer from another tenant.46 The new system of landholding, with its emphasis on individual control of property, aggravated disparities in the division of local resources, which in turn became the basis of social divisions as certain farmers and certain families rose to the top. As early as 1788, the Reids, who held relatively minor tacks in 1696, were identified as the dominant farmers in the glen, and by the first decade of the 1800s they controlled a significant portion of the best farmland.47 Scott would later say of John Reid that he “knows all men and all things here” and even the fourth Earl Fife had apparently nicknamed him “the King” of Glenbuchat.48 A degree of social stratification had no doubt always existed, but more and more Glenbuchat became structured by a “hierarchy of the soil” (Bitterman; see also Buchan, Ballad and the Folk 182–86). Due to differences in access to quantity or quality of land, economic and by extension social differences became natural features of life in small, rural, and supposedly homogeneous communities. The run-rig system, for all its shortcomings, had been a leveler for such inequalities. At the time Scott was working on his ballad collection, there were at least four perceptible divisions in Glenbuchat, determined on the one hand by the amount of land one farmed, which separated the tenants in the fermtouns from the individual holders of large properties, and on the other by topography, which separated the more prosperous farmers in the lower glen from those in the mid section and yet again from those at the head. This is not to say that a large holding in the lower part of the glen guaranteed success. If Blackhillock was notable as a farm that went from nine run-rig tenants to a single tack, it was also the site of one of the glen’s more dramatic failures. The new regimen demanded that farmers possess a certain degree of business aptitude, and in this case, poor tack management was a key issue. In 1813, the tenant, Robert Moir, had offered a 125 percent rent increase over and above the 85 percent increase that his father had paid in 1808, turning what had been a moderately priced farm into the second most expensive tack in the glen.49 The decades immediately before and after the turn of the century saw the gradual introduction of a modern system of agriculture in Glenbuchat, but it was by no means a smooth transition. Other aspects of life in the parish reveal a similar, equivocal engagement with modernity. The growth of an artisan class and access to manufactured goods imply both regular access to external markets and an agrarian class with expendable income. The Poll Book records only three

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weavers, a wa[u]lker, a shoemaker, a smith, and a miller in Glenbuchat in 1696, and a century later, William Spence reported that “There are few [tenants] that do not make their own ploughs or carts, and also their brogues or shoes” (OSA 14: 500), suggesting that little had changed in the interim. By 1841, the glen supported four weavers, three each of wrights, masons, blacksmiths, and tailors, two shoemakers, two “wood manufacturers,” and a miller (GRO, Census; see also Barclay 44–45), but even these numbers are inconsequential compared to a list of Rothiemay artisans in the Old Statistical Account, which shows nearly a hundred individuals engaged in fifteen separate trades (19: 390). What effect, if any, artisans had on domestic production in Glenbuchat is an open question. Yarns continued to be spun locally from both wool and “lint” (flax), and Barclay notes that dyes were also made locally, presumably from crottle (45). Local peat remained the primary source of fuel, and in lieu of lamps or wax candles, poorer tenants used to dig resinous roots and trunks out of peat bogs, cut them into strips and dry them to make “fir candles” (W. D. Simpson, “Glenbuchat and Its Castle” 7; Barclay 42). These examples show that tenants continued to draw upon many of the glen’s natural resources. As for goods purchased outside the glen, there is not much on which to base an assessment. An 1818 list of articles available for rouping from two indebted tenants contains no items that stand out as purchased; a plough valued at 7/ shillings was presumably homemade.50 Since neither man was a substantial farmer and both were in financial straits, an inventory of their belongings cannot reflect the full range of articles owned in the glen. It is possible that manufactured goods became more common among those who had the financial resources to purchase them. Living accommodations in Glenbuchat saw only modest improvements by the end of the eighteenth century. According to a precise account of dwellings prepared by Mar Lodge factor James Stuart, there were only twelve stone houses in Glenbuchat in 1788, and one tenant had ordered the wooden components for a house that he planned to build soon. “The rest,” Stuart wrote, “are generally very bad composed of feal & thatched with divott” (“Answer to the Memoir Sent by The Earl of Fife,” 10 July 1788, DHP 1669). Though few in number, stone houses had been built by a broad cross-section of Glenbuchat residents. Affluent farmers, such as the Reids in Milton and Kirkton, had built stone houses, but so had tenants on relatively modest farms, like Dalfrankie, Auchavaich, and Upperton. Conversely, some prominent farms are conspicuously absent: Easterbuchat and Blackhillock, for example. On farms held jointly, such as Beltimore, Upperton, and Ballachduie, some tenants had invested in better accommodations while their immediate neighbors had not. Moreover, tenants met with varying degrees of success with stone construction. Stuart notes cases where the houses had “gone to ruin,” “failed,” or the “lime had worn

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off.” Some apparently were drawn to the ideal of improvement even though they lacked the technical knowledge and skill to do the work properly. Tenants at Netherton and Ballachduie capped stone walls with a few rows of turf, a building technique also found in the Highlands (I. F. Grant 149), which may reflect a combination of traditional and more contemporary construction methods. In its details, Stuart’s report shows the emergent stage of new building technologies in Glenbuchat in the late eighteenth century. Early stone houses retained many traditional features. The turf houses that preceded them were single-storey structures with earthen floors, measuring ten to twelve meters in length by four to five meters in width. The interior consisted of two separate areas: a sleeping area (“but”) and a kitchen (“ben”), which doubled as general living area. Furniture was all that separated one space from the other. Roof framing consisted of several pairs of long, curved pieces of wood called “couples,” which were anchored deeply into the walls and arched up to the peak where they joined to support the main beam or “tree.” As Barclay put it, the interior appeared “framed like a ship, but upside down” (43). Slats strung laterally across the couples provided a bed for the outer roofing material, which consisted of thin slices of turf called “divots.” There were no chimneys; instead smoke escaped through a small boxed opening in the roof, called a “lum.” By some accounts, even these crude dwellings were fairly comfortable (Fenton and Walker 196–204; James Grant 8–11; and B. Walker 5–10). Fireplaces and chimneys were introduced in the earliest stone cottages, which were popularly known as “fire houses” as a result. Even then, Barclay claims, the interiors were “blackened by the smoke that not infrequently filled the house to an extent that made the unaccustomed eyes smart.” They remained single-storey structures, with heather-thatched rooves supported by couples. Earthen floors remained common. The chief furniture still included of “a ‘breast of plenishing,’ a sort of framed wooden partition across the house” and a “bed-closet usually intervened between the kitchen and the room at the other end of the house. . . .”51 Within the basic form, there were variations in quality and size. In 1827, William and John Chree of Sunnybrae both lived in fire houses, but there were significant differences in their respective dwellings: William’s boasted a wooden floor and may have been as much as 50 percent larger than John’s, judging by the number of pairs of couples that each had (W. D. Simpson, Book of Glenbuchat 160–61). Even among brothers, a general style of construction did not mean uniformity in the glen’s vernacular architecture, although it is instructive to note that even affluent farmers like William Chree lived in fire houses at the time. Further developments in regional architecture followed as the agrarian revolution progressed. Uncoursed and later coursed rubble-walls, “sneck-pinned”

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(mortared) with lime, became the norm; but and ben became self-contained rooms, usually separated by a small central hall, in typical Georgian style; wooden floors became standard; hearths and chimneys eventually allowed for the addition of an upper floor; and heather thatch gave way to slate as the preferred roofing material.52 These developments can be seen in the oldest houses still extant in the glen today, such as the characteristic one-and-a-half storey farmhouses at Badenyon and Dulax, which date from the early to mid nineteenth century (B. Walker 43–46). When these more modern houses were first built in Glenbuchat is not known. The house built by John Grassick at the Mains places an elaborate example of this style of architecture in the glen by 1826.53 Bruce Walker has shown that these developments happened gradually and incrementally. In addition to new construction techniques, there were also small but culturally significant changes in the conceptual function of some interior spaces. The kitchen remained the social center of the household, but the room opposite became, as Barclay puts it, what “might be called the sitting room, although people very rarely sat in it.” Bausinger, commenting on domestic changes elsewhere in Europe, argues that these ersatz parlors were “a tepid imitation of upper-class culture” (95). Nor is this the only suggestion of tenants aspiring to grander circumstances. Fenton and Walker note that especially large fireplaces in houses at Badenyon and Dulax are “of a scale more suitable for the great hall of a tower house or castle” (201–2). Folk imitations of elaborate styles were no doubt intended as “a playful demonstration of one’s wealth and fortune” (Bausinger 95), which points to a consciously individuated use of objects. But it also shows that folk were reaching beyond their immediate community, whether defined by geography or class, for examples to imitate. In effect, developments in house construction, style, and refinement were markers of relative affluence, and therefore of internal differences within the community, and at the same time they underscore the influence of external ideas and fashions.54 By the second decade of the nineteenth century, a variety of events and circumstances brought a small but steady flow of outsiders through the glen. Excise officers, for example, maintained a routine presence in Glenbuchat, as the government stepped up efforts to suppress the illicit whisky trade, which, according to Barclay, was “the most extensive and profitable occupation in the Glen” after farming.55 One raid in the spring of 1821 led to the seizure of seven stills and the arrest of thirty glen residents (Forbes, Letters to Wilson, 25 March and 10 April 1821, DHP 1677). The practice of distilling even cut across social lines, from Mar Lodge factor James Findlater and Glenbuchat ground officer John Forbes to Widow Davidson of Ballachduie.56 Few accounts of the glen fail to mention the “unsettling tendency” that the whisky trade had on agricultural improvement ( J. Grant 5), and despite the romanticism that attaches to smug-



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gling, it could be a brutal business. In January of 1824, excise officers assaulted the invalid son of Arthur Fraser of Easterbuchat, believing the boy to be an accomplice of a man they were chasing. The youth was severely beaten and his horse confiscated. Perhaps a similar encounter is implied in John Forbes’s oblique comment that “There was a sade Deficulty Last time with Brody in getting upp some spirits to the Lodge and taking a Extre price also on account of the Excise being so plenty on the Road.” Smuggling also strained relationships within the community. John Reid tried to back out of a partnership with John Hay of Upperton because he was afraid of an association with smugglers, and a Glen Nochty tenant appealed for a farm in another parish on behalf of his sons, “as they have no employment but Farming, as they were never practised with the employment the young men of Nochty side employ themselves with.” Archibald Reid angered several of his Beltimore neighbors, John Forbes among them, by subletting a cottage on his farm to an excise officer. Still, these were minor concerns compared to the difficulties faced by some of the smugglers’ families. When William Brodie and Adam Hay were jailed for an extended period in 1819, their families became so destitute that the parish elders had to petition the Earl to intercede for their release.57 Small wonder that Scott counted the end of smuggling as the most positive development in Glenbuchat during his ministry (NSA 12: 438). All the same, neither distilling nor smuggling were clear cut issues of right and wrong. John Forbes, William Brodie, and other glen residents openly sold whisky to the factors at Duff House and Mar Lodge, sometimes in lieu of rent.58 What the government opposed, the heritor implicitly supported, underscoring an ambiguity between what was legal and what was culturally appropriate or at least accepted. Other visitors to the glen included tourists and especially sport hunters. As early as 1725, Macfarlane’s Geographical Collections had listed “Venison and Wild Fowl” among the chief products of the glen (qtd. in W. D. Simpson, “Glenbuchat and Its Castle” 9), but it is not clear how hunting was carried out at that time or for whose benefit. It seems too early for organized sport hunting to have existed on a large scale, and too late for tenants to have openly engaged in subsistence or market hunting on their own behalf. Scottish game laws had demanded property qualifications since 1621 (Munsche 1–3, 188n). When Duff House took over the estate, it actively enforced game laws and reserved all game for the heritor,59 but it waited until the 1820s to develop the glen as a hunting and shooting retreat for those who could afford it. In 1828, the shootings were let for £300 per annum, two and a half times the amount charged for rent on the Mains, and almost nine times the amount charged for a substantial farm.60 Not surprisingly, poaching becomes a frequent topic of discussion in Duff House correspondence during the same period.61 As with excise laws, game regula-

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tions affected tenants in different ways and to different degrees, and enforcement, a difficult task to begin with, could be further complicated by factional divisions within the glen. When the gamekeeper, James Shand, reported none other than John Forbes for moor-burning,62 it led to a dispute that cost Shand his job, causing him to complain, “I think Glenbucket is a hell upon earth to live in. . . . [T]here is nothing but backbiting thieving & and potching goes on here” (Shand to Wilson, 26 April 1818, DHP 1670). Even his successor, William Brodie, by all appearances one of the more respected men in the parish, met with trouble periodically (see for example, Letter to Wilson, 2 March 1824, DHP 1677). Virtually any new enterprise brought new spheres of interest that inevitably collided with existing interests. The forces that influenced the pragmatics of living—the methods of landholding and work, accommodation, and social networks—also affected cultural life in Glenbuchat: its language, its political and ideological attachments to the outside world, and its arts, including of course its ballads. The rise of literacy and literate culture was tied to developments in education, language, and expressive culture, and to the entrenchment of bureaucratic and legal culture, which had come to dominate vernacular life in Scotland during the eighteenth century (Houston; see also Graff; and Vincent). Literacy, at least at a basic level, was the norm in Glenbuchat by 1800. In Duff House documents, one rarely encounters someone signing with his or her “mark,” although not everyone signed with the same degree of skill. Some feebly scrawled their signatures on documents written by more capable hands.63 Others could handle a pen with ease. Among Glenbuchat tenants, there appears to be little correlation between social circumstance and the ability to write well. Adam Hay, Jonathan Stuart, and the John Grassick who lived at Newtown in Glen Nochty stand out as men from modest backgrounds who could express themselves well in standard written English. On the other hand, the venerable John Reid wrote as he probably spoke. Signs of his orderliness remain etched in his letters, which still bear traces of lines scored with a dull knife to make rules. His characters, however, are boxy and waver slightly as though slowly and deliberately penned. His manner is businesslike, but his phrasing and orthography are imprinted by local speech: I hear bay offer what I possed last year of the Mains fore the Seson till the first of Novembr Eleven pound Sterling which I am to pay at . . . martinmas first and likeways I have agried to Crop the fallow of the Achmoir fore this Crop and I have agreed to Refare the Rent To Mr George Wilson which it is at his Determonation what I have to pay of Rent fore this Crop at Martinmas first and I must sow it out in Grass Clover and Riges Seed and the Expence to be alowed

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ane of the Grass seed when I pay the Rent and no Bests to Be alowed to paster on the Achmoir after the Crop is taken of it and this Crop is to Be sold to the incomin tanent at the contry faris at what it sells in the Country or Eten on the farm bay may self.64

As the “language of literacy” in Scotland (Buchan, Ballad and the Folk 231), standard English affected almost all areas of local culture. Even the name of the glen was shaped by it. Historically, spellings tried to approximate the guttural “ch” of the original Gaelic: Glenbuchart, Glenbuchoth, Glenbouchat, and various forms of Inverbuchat, but as Douglas Simpson notes, “With the full opening of the glen to English influences after the Hanoverian conquest in the eighteenth century, the name became anglicised into Glenbucket, a spelling that had been gradually creeping in during the preceding hundred years” (“Glenbuchat and Its Castle” 3). It was one of the more subtle overlays of English culture that took hold in the region. The current spelling was reintroduced by the Royal Mail Service in 1902 to better reflect the glen’s Gaelic origins. Ironically, the Hanoverian spelling is nowadays used only to refer to the Jacobite general, “Old Glenbucket.” One area where the broad impact of literacy shows is in the growing importance attached to documents. The correspondence on which this study is based is an artifact of a relationship between an absentee laird and his tenants, a relationship that increasingly had to be inscribed to be realized. By 1825, the Earl’s tenants were formally bound as individual signatories to written conditions that governed their tenure on the land. Forty years earlier, the factors had simply read “rules and regulations” out loud to a general gathering of tenants.65 Similarly, there is a marked difference between the detailed terms described in John Grassick’s three-page offer for the Mains of Glenbuchat in 1824 and the scrap of paper on which William Walker had scribbled his offer for “the Mens” four decades earlier.66 The ability to represent oneself effectively and formally in writing had become a requisite skill, and it is probably no accident that the earliest references by tenants to farm improvement are in contexts that are rhetorical rather than applied. They reflect tenants using the ideal of improvement to bolster an argument for rent reduction or to justify a low tack bid, rather than describing an actual plan of cropping that they hope to implement. Adam Hay’s description of farm improvements, noted earlier, is contained in a petition for rent relief.67 This is not to suggest that tenants were preaching something they failed to practice. We can suppose that Hay gave a faithful account of improvements to his farm, especially since the minister helped him prepare his petition. But in this light, the Agrarian Revolution can be seen to have had discursive as well as practical implications, with the language of reform becoming a per-

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suasive element in negotiations with the laird. Tenants had to become adept at representing themselves, their actions, their objectives, and their interests on paper, even to factors who were relatively familiar with the properties under their control. Documents also entered tenant’s lives in the form of writs, summonses, and other legal instruments. Local forms of authority did not disappear entirely: the Kirk Session remained the principal arbiter for minor offenses, especially those of a moral nature, and the heritor and his factors were still petitioned to intervene in personal disagreements. Yet as economic conditions deteriorated after 1815, legal processes became a routine part of life in Glenbuchat. Even the tenants themselves turned to the law to protect their interests. Duff House was often advised of warrants taken out by one tenant against another over such diverse problems as “country debt” (the most frequent issue), quarrels over property and inheritance, multure disputes, and paternity actions. Forbes once noted that tenants at Auchavaich had seven judgments rendered against them in a single day (Letter to Wilson, 22 January 1817, DHP 1677). There are even cases of tenants trying to legally protect themselves against actions taken by the heritor, prompting George Wilson to complain that “we do not want for Lawyers.”68 For these tenants, the law had become more than something to be feared or an arcane and uncertain means of redressing a wrong. Still, there is an awkwardness in the application of legal processes in Glenbuchat. On at least one occasion, the ground officer auctioned property well in excess of the debt owed, and on another he expressed surprise when the warrant laid down the correct process explicitly.69 Adam Hay showed more naivete than cunning when he asked the Earl’s solicitor to sequester his effects, hoping it would prevent other creditors from executing actions against him.70 It was a bold move and a rare example of an ordinary tenant trying to hide behind the law, but the plan failed to proceed beyond the first step. Appreciating the full impact of literacy would require an accurate account of all literature in the glen, but the evidence available does not allow a proper assessment. Scott’s entry in the New Statistical Account (12: 438) mentions a library in the glen in 1840, but he does not say when it was established; his wording implies that it was fairly new. For earlier decades, we know that chapmen and subscription sellers were active in the area, and they appealed to a broad audience. The list of subscribers in Alexander Laing’s Caledonian Itinerary (2: 198) includes William Brodie and John Hay of Glenbuchat as well as Robert Scott. Unfortunately, there are few other insights into of the state of reading materials in the glen. There is more to the impact of literary culture, however, than just content, for by the end of the eighteenth century the Romantic ideal of tradition had given

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rise to a self-conscious understanding of regional and rural culture. Without it, there would have been little impetus for Robert Scott to make his collection; it was this ideal that gave value to his labor. In addition to valorizing things like ballads and other traditional arts, it also shaped the way that the outside world looked at places like Glenbuchat. For many, no doubt, the glen was little more than a plot of isolated, backward, hill country. The ballads themselves contain a direct reflection of an outsiders’ negative stereotype of the region: When they cam to Glenbucket’s hills An near Glenbuckets town Then Baby coudna shed a tear She was like to fa down ..................... She lookit north she lookit wast Up thro that dowie den An mony a hill did Baby see An mony Highlan men Why do you look so sad Baby So sad an sour on me I’ll mak you Lady o Glenlivit An mony a town so free Then sighin said her fair Baby Thy lady I’ll never be But if you woud my favour win Take me to bonny Dundee

(“Baby Livingston,” III: no. 14, 5–9; Child 222)

By the middle of the eighteenth century, a popular fascination with antiquities and the quaintness of country life, which ultimately became formalized in the Romantic movement, offered a dialectic response to the image of the “dowie den” that appears in “Baby Livingston.” In John Skinner’s “John o’ Badenyon,” written in the 1770s, a farm at the head of Glenbuchat evokes constancy and rootedness in contrast to the uncertainty of the narrator’s worldly pursuits: Methought I should be wiser next And would a patriot turn,

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Began to doat on Johnny Wilkes And cry up Parson Horne. Their manly spirit I admir’d And prais’d their noble zeal, Who had with flaming tongue and pen Maintain’d the public weal; But e’r a month or two had pass’d I found myself betray’d, ’Twas self and party after all, For a’ the stir they made; At last I saw the fractious knaves Insult the very throne, I curs’d them a’, and tun’d my pipe To John o’ Badenyon.

(reprinted in A. Keith 136–37)

There is no person or character named “John o’ Badenyon.” It is merely the name of a tune, but the name alone carried strong associations. According to legend, the medieval stronghold at Badenyon had been the site of a battle fought about 1410 to avenge the murder of Sir Henry Cameron of Brux. The murderer, a man named Mouat (or Mowat), died in the fight and for centuries a stone marked the spot where he fell. Cameron’s daughter, Kate, who instigated the duel, is said to have watched from a nearby hillside, which was thereafter known as “Ladylea Hill.”71 This “most picturesque among old-time Donside legends,” as Douglas Simpson calls it, was itself subject to a kind of Ossian-esque revitalization only a few decades before Skinner wrote “John o’ Badenyon.” It was retold in a poem in heroic meter, almost assuredly written shortly prior to the date of its first publication in 1742, but attributed by the anonymous author to the preceding century.72 With its storied past, Badenyon was more than a remote farm in a remote glen. Its local legendry, elevated in Romantic discourse to national mythology, made it well suited to the moral theme of Skinner’s song. His imagery faltered only in his use of standard English. Some later printings were rewritten in Scots (A. Keith 133). During the same period, regional poets created unusual hybrids of folk and elite culture. About 1796, a poet with an obscure connection to Glenbuchat published a long ghost story in rhyme that became “a chapbook classic” in the Northeast.73 John Burness, a soldier turned baker turned subscription seller, is scarcely remembered today, but his poem “Thrummy Cap” remained in print throughout the nineteenth century and was often committed to memory by rural folk. From the perspective of a discourse about culture, one of the poem’s

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notable features is its conclusion, which invokes a Scots burlesque of the neoClassical “Muse”: An’ sae my tale I here do end, I hope no one it will offend; My muse will nae assist me langer, The dorty jade does sometimes anger! I thought her ance a gay smart lass, But now she’s come till sic a pass, That a’ my cudgelling an’ whipping, Will hardly wake her out o’ sleeping; To plague her mair I winna try, But dight my pen an’ lay it by.

(reprinted in Bulloch, 19–20)

Reduced from demi-goddess to dour guidwife, Burness’s Muse effaces youth, beauty, and passion, and pits an earthier aesthetic of Scottish rural culture against what was then the pinnacle of English letters, or perhaps of more direct relevance here, against the broadside poet’s appeal to a Muse of any kind. In either frame, it is a comic union of the rustic and the urbane, the familiar and the foreign. The motif proved immensely popular with Burness’s audience. He re-used it in his later poem, “The Ghaist o’ Garron Ha’,” where he moved it from conclusion to introduction, expanded it to thirty-eight lines, and made greater use of Doric (Burness 21–22). From our vantage point, it personifies the awkwardness of the region’s flirtations with modernity, as well as its increasingly self-conscious awareness of its own regional character. Both the Romantic imagery of “John of Badenyon” and the acerbic comedy of Burness’s Muse highlight a tendency for the region to construct its identity in relation to the dominant, Anglo-centered culture. Though imaginative, they were responses to the same developments represented by absentee lairds, scientific advances, national markets, and the growing reach of bureaucratic institutions and processes.

Discussion It would have been difficult to live in Glenbuchat in the early decades of the nineteenth century and feel unaffected by outside events and conditions. It would have been equally difficult to erase both the fact and feeling of distance from those events. Even the trivial example of Rev. Spence fretting about wintertime interruptions to his mail—his primary link to the outside world—

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shows both the expectations of the times and the imperfect realization of those expectations in Glenbuchat (isolation and remoteness were among the effects of modernity). Yet it is hard to say where the glen fits on a continuum between traditional and modern agrarian. We must bear in mind that we have been able to see very little of the day-to-day interactions in which the more traditional aspects of life would have been exchanged. Perhaps modern influences are most apparent where they reflect the kind of “disembeddedness” that Anthony Giddens isolates as a core characteristic of modernity (17–54). Under modern conditions, social relations and processes tend to get “lifted out” of face-to-face, community contexts, and much of what is “modern” bridges the local with the national and the global, or it intertwines the “here and now” with other places and other times, past and future. The Agrarian Revolution, which transformed local production systems into a national agricultural industry and established systematized approaches to agriculture that could be applied anywhere, may have had a modest beginning in Glenbuchat, but its influence was certainly felt. Tenant farmers recognized that their livelihoods were directly affected by events transpiring many hundreds of miles away, as their circumstances rose and fell in sync with the national economy. Closer to home, the new system of land tenure restructured their properties, their agricultural methods, and their relationships with their neighbors. Under the old collective system, “rent” consisted of tithes of produce and other fealties owed to a resident laird. The modern tack demanded that an individual make a nine- to nineteen-year commitment to pay a set cash amount at specified intervals to a major landholding enterprise. That required, or at least should have required, an abstract, standardized view of the farm and what it was capable of producing, irrespective of price fluctuations or the vagaries of the weather. On the domestic front, glen residents gradually accepted new building technologies from outside, and the fact that their new homes included sitting rooms that no one sat in and cottage hearths built on the scale of a great hall—thereby becoming display items in the social center of the home—shows that ideas about living were becoming detached from the immediacies of community life. Glenbuchat itself, quite apart from its physical topography, became an idealized landscape that held different meanings and values for different observers. For regional writers like John Skinner, Alexander Laing, and no doubt many others, it was part of the Northeast’s storied past where history and legend merged almost seamlessly; for Skinner, in particular, the glen was a metaphor for the moral rootedness of rural society; Aberdeenshire gaugers and excise officers would have had a different view of the parish; and it was becoming a recreational landscape for those who could afford the privilege of shooting the Earl’s deer and grouse.

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These are just a few of the ways the glen had become tied to the larger world beyond its borders. Ultimately, Robert Scott’s manuscripts reflect similar cultural and social influences. The ballads are a hybrid of oral and literate styles, of oral and print sources, of traditional and modern subject matter, and of Scots and English diction. There is at least one “new” ballad fabricated to appear old and traditional. The repertoire as a whole, taken at face value, is a concrete record of tradition, but it is also an abstract idealization of that tradition. At the outset, we identified two frameworks for the Glenbuchat ballad collection, one focusing on the ballads in relation to socio-cultural conditions in the glen, the other emphasizing Robert Scott’s motivations for compiling the manuscripts and the ideas that informed his decisions about what to include. First, we shall address the content of the collection, then conclude with comments on Scott’s antiquarian work. Parts of the repertoire are firmly traditional. Notably, there are a handful of domestic ballads that are strongly oral in cast, both in content and structure, and that appear grounded in a pre-modern worldview. “Arrat an Marrat an Fair Mazrie” (II: no. 12; Child 14), though sometimes labeled an incest ballad, deals more directly with the adverse consequences of outsidedness; its lessons speak more to kinship than to sexuality. “William o Douglassdale” (I: nos. 19 and 20; Child 101) also deals with outsidedness, in this case the outsidedness of a young couple struggling to establish their own identity as a family, which they achieve with the birth of their children. The couple’s journey in the wilderness, more than simply a narrative complication, is rather a metaphor for the liminality of their new position in the social life of the community.74 “Young Aikin” (IV: no. 7; Child 41) and even “Prince Heathen” (III: no. 9; Child 104), though its origins are more uncertain, also deal with the struggles of young couples to establish common ground on which to build a family. The concerns of these ballads would have been felt more intensely in an older, clan-based culture than in a modern context. In fact, they appear to have been losing their relevance for modern rural singers. Even in Child, such ballads are relatively rare and their importance diminishes in late nineteenth- and twentieth-century collections. Greig and Duncan recovered only single versions of “Young Aikin” and “Prince Heathen” and only fragments of Child 14 and Child 101. To these more traditional elements, we can compare ballads like “Young Bonwell” (III: no. 3; Child 53), “Moncey Grey” (I: no. 15; Child 81), and “Lady Jane” (III: no. 1; Child 243), which occupy a more uncertain position on the oral/print continuum. Regional ballads like “Andrew Lammie” (III: no. 15; Child 233) and “Young Waters” (II: no. 7; Child 94) present us with the same problem. Many folklorists would count “Hey a Rose Malindey” (I: no. 8; Child 20) among

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the more traditional items in the collection, and yet the alternate opening to this text derives from a blackletter broadside. Language offers further examples of local and external influences coming together in the repertoire, especially in the linguistic merger of English and Scots diction, which occasionally happens even within a single text (see for example, “Lady Dysmond,” I: no. 10; Child 269). In the literary imitation, “The Laird of Woodhouslie” (II: no. 3), language plays a conspicuous role through the deliberate use of archaic words. This suggests a different kind of “disembeddedness,” in that certain words have developed exotic or antiquated associations precisely because they have fallen out of everyday usage. Susan Stewart applies the label “distressed genres” to imitations of older poetic forms, borrowing a term used to describe artificially antiqued furniture: in ballad imitations, language is one of the acids poured over the new wood to make it look old. Yet fabricators are not the only ones playing with language for textural effect. In the more traditional “Earl of Aboyne” (III: no. 13; Child 235), apparently meaningless words create a sense of exoticism, a desirable foreignness (see stanzas 10–12). Semantics become secondary to tone and color. Critics have long held that modernity forced a rationalization of supernatural motifs in later tradition. By and large, folk belief plays a minor role in Glenbuchat ballads, and what is there offers a mixed view of the supernatural. “Hinde Chiel” (I: no. 16; Child 256) engages witchcraft without even mentioning the term, suggesting that an understanding of that belief system was still very much taken for granted. (And it is worth noting that as late as 1808, the factors at Duff House had no qualms about consulting a wise woman regarding a sick animal: see John Pyper, Letter to George Wilson, 4 March 1808, DHP 1450/3.) Ballads of this sort are among those that become much less common later on. Other areas of the repertoire reflect a more modern interpretation of the supernatural. The vengeful specter in “Young Baithman” (I: no. 17) typifies the ghost of the popular horror story, not the more empathetic revenant of classical balladry (cf. Buchan, “Taleroles and Revenants” 145–46). Many historical ballads in the collection are rooted in Scotland’s feudal past—which was not long past in 1818; the laws that imposed more or less unlimited customary obligations on Scottish tenants were not rescinded until 1747 (Allan and Cormack 22). The perpetuation of historical ballads, however, was not solely through oral transmission. Many circulated on broadsides, and a few, like “The Battle of Glenlivet” (II: no. 1) and “The Haughs of Cromdale” (II: no. 2), probably originated in print. More significantly, the ballads differ in their treatment of historical topics. “The Baron of Brackely” (I: no. 1; Child 203), which has an uncertain connection to actual events, is altogether different from “The Haughs of Cromdale” and “Airly” (IV: no. 10; Child 199), in which

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there are rather flagrant distortions of history. The latter point to a propagandistic use of tradition, which is a highly self-conscience and motivated form of historical discourse. Even though all but eight Glenbuchat texts are “Child” types, broadside influence is surprisingly strong in the collection. Nearly a quarter of the ballads can be linked textually to known broadside versions, and over half have broadside analogs. Contemporary stall ballads are not much in evidence, and we have no way of knowing whether Scott’s sources already possessed such ballads and he ignored them, or whether the glen had what was for the time a relatively old repertoire. Whatever the case, the omission is significant. The social divisions that were becoming apparent in the glen would ultimately stimulate a demand for forms of expression that gave voice to the new conditions and concerns. Such themes were not usually reflected in the older classical ballads: “Earl Patrick” (III: no. 12; Child 257) is an exception to the general rule. Social themes were much more common in broadsides and bothy ballads. These more recent forms of balladry, which rode the coattails of working class literacy in the late eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, dramatically expanded and modernized the fictional landscape of the ballad, and their impact on Northeast rural tradition is solidly reflected in the work of later collectors, like Gavin Greig, James Duncan, and John Ord.75 Several ballads in the Glenbuchat collection have print analogs dating to the “blackletter” period, that is prior to 1700: “Young Baithman,” (I: no. 17), “Lady Mary” (II: no. 9), “The Cruel Stepmother,” (III: no. 6), “Lord Essex” (III: no. 8; Child 288), “King John” (IV: no. 4; Child 45), “Queen Eleanor’s Confession” (IV: no. 5; Child 156), “Allan a Dale” (IV: no. 12; Child 138), and even “The Battle of Glenlivet.” While these texts might indicate that print had an early influence on Scottish oral culture, it isn’t always possible to determine when and how they entered the regional tradition. Many were reissued as “whiteletter” broadsides well into the nineteenth century, and several appeared in literary anthologies and revival collections during the eighteenth century. “Allan a Dale,” for example, may have been a fairly recent addition to the Glenbuchat repertoire. Though issued occasionally in blackletter, it gained wider circulation in garlands published after 1750 (Dobson and Taylor 52–53). On the other hand, key words and phrases in “Young Baithman”76 show close correspondences to the text of a blackletter version included in first volume of the Roxburghe Ballads, which Chappell thought to be the oldest extant copy of the ballad (Chappell and Ebsworth 3: 193). According to Olson, the Crawford collection includes eighteenth-century imprints of the same variant (W. B. Olson ZN3003). Thus, local tradition may have been drawing on print sources since at least the early 1700s.

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In their style and diction, the broadsides were literary, not oral, and in most cases English, not Scots. The manuscript versions tend to follow the print versions fairly closely, and in some cases even stilted broadside phrasing remains in tact, as in the following stanza: Now if I brake my vow quoth she While I remain alive Let never aught I take in hand Be seen at all to thrive

(“Young Baithman,” I: no. 17, stanza 9)

Yet the effects of oral transmission are apparent in many texts. As often happens, there is a tendency toward compression: superfluous stanzas, episodes, or characters are often dropped. Six expository stanzas at the beginning of “The Cruel Stepmother,” for example, are reduced to just two (compare stanzas 1–2 of the Glenbuchat version with Bodleian, “Lady Isabella’s Tragedy,” Douce Ballads 1[111a], stanzas 1–6). The many instances where prosaic broadside diction gives way to typically oral phrasing and patterning reinforce the truly hybrid nature of Scott’s collection. A preference for static repetition77 is common: “At which, such sorrow pierc’d her heart, And troubled sore her mind”

This pierced sore her heart, her heart And grieved sore her mind”

(“A Warning for Maidens,” Chappell

(“Young Baithman,” I: no. 17,

and Ebsworth 3: 196, lines 73–74.)

stanza 18)

Go home sweet daughter I thee pray

Go home, go home my daughter dear

(Bodleian, “Lady Isabella’s Tragedy,”

(“The Cruel Stepmother” III: no. 6,

Douce Ballads 1(111a), stanza 7)

stanza 3)

The Glenbuchat version of the latter ballad introduces recurrent repetition where the stepmother’s instructions to the unsuspecting girl are repeated to the master cook. In the original the heroine is told: And bid him dress to dinner strait That fair and milk white doe, That in the park doth shine so bright There’s none so fair to show

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She in turn uses different phrasing to relay the instructions to the cook: Now master cook it must be so Do that which I thee tell You needs must dress the milk white doe And that you know full well

(Bodleian, “Lady Isabella’s Tragedy,” stanzas 8 and 11)

The more oral text, however, utilizes direct repetition for this sequence. There are only the smallest of differences between the stepmother’s instructions, Ye’ll bid him dress for dinner straight The fair an milk white doe Which in the park shineth so bright There’s none so fair to shew and the stepdaughter’s reiteration of the instructions: Ye’re biddin dress for dinner straight The fair an milk white doe Which in the park shineth so bright There’s none so fair to shew

(III: no. 6, stanzas 4 and 6)

The most extreme example of adaptation is found in “Lady Mary” (II: no. 9), which derives from a broadside called “The Lady’s Fall”or “The Gallant Lady’s Fall.” The Glenbuchat version retains very little of the original text. Stanza 9 of the broadside provides most of the verbal material used for the opening stanza of the manuscript text, but it is re-worded using progressive repetition: Disguised like some pretty page I’ll meet thee in the dark And all alone I’ll come to thee Hard by my father’s park of the Lady’s Fall,” Douce Ballads

O meet me when ’tis night dear love O meet me when tis dark O meet me when ’tis night dear love Beside your father’s park

3(62b), stanza 95–8)

(II: no. 9, stanza 1)

(Bodleian, “A Lamentable Ballad

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The result is a “medias res” opening, typical of classical ballads, as opposed to the leisurely and detailed opening of the broadside. Stanzas 2–13 of the broadside are compressed to just three, though verbal traces of the original are apparent in all of them. Stanzas 5–7 in the Glenbuchat version also rely on the original, but they utilize repetition and formula in a characteristically oral manner. Examples of causative repetition are found in stanzas 8/9, 11/12, and 13/14. Stanzas 15–30 introduce a narrative episode that is not in the original, but it is traditional within the regional repertoire. It is loosely modeled on the well-known “messenger” sequence that begins, “Where will I get a bonny boy,” a formulaic “run” found in at least five other ballads in the Glenbuchat repertoire. A good deal of the specific wording for stanzas 16–20 is paralleled in “The Gay Goshawk” (Child 96), a version of which is also in the Glenbuchat collection (IV: no. 9). Parts of these stanzas are reiterated in 21–23. The knight’s reaction in stanza 24 and the sister’s retort are both formulaic. This leads to the “What news, what news” formula and further examples of emphatic repetition in stanzas 29–30. The remaining four stanzas return to the narrative line of the original, but they too have traditional models, such as the “Ye’ll deal, ye’ll deal” formula in stanza 33, and the commonplace of the hero’s suicide (stanza 34), which is certainly more traditional than the line, “And he for sorrow slew himself,” found in the original. The extensive re-organization of the Glenbuchat version suggests that the broadside narrative was re-created through a roughly oral-formulaic process, giving the ballad a very traditional cast, and further showing that singers did not immediately abandon oral performance techniques with the arrival of broadside texts. Something similar, perhaps, shaped the text that Scott simply labels “Ballad” (IV: no. 11; Child 263, “The New-Slain Knight”). It is a characteristically broadside narrative—a hero returns in disguise to test the fidelity of his lover—but it is set in the pseudo-medieval world of the classical ballad and is structurally grounded in ballad commonplaces. Peter Buchan’s version of the ballad, the only other known example, has an opening that is more suggestive of broadside origins—it “twaddles in the first person,” as Child puts it (ESPB 4: 434), and the setting in the heroine’s father’s garden is also a broadside convention. After the fourth stanza, it parallels the Glenbuchat text, though the commonplace elements vary slightly. The ballad appears to result from a deliberate attempt to create an antiqued variant of a stock broadside scenario, and yet the existence of two independent versions in different parts of Aberdeenshire shows that it did have traditional currency. The ballads in Robert Scott’s manuscripts are a complex amalgam of traditional and modern influences. While that description might apply to the ballads

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in any collection, the make-up of the Glenbuchat repertoire affords a view of tradition at a particular—and probably very particular—point in time. On the one hand, we see the on-going influence of oral poetics, and themes that reflect a traditional emphasis on such concerns as kinship, belonging, feudal conflict, and to a lesser extent, folk belief. Modern influences, on the other hand, are apparent but they reveal stronger ties to older print ballads than to the broadsides that would form the core of nineteenth-century ballad tradition. This is the collection as we have it. To properly contextualize it, however, we need to assess how it may have been shaped by the man who compiled it, since the making of a collection is not a benign process. Working in the second decade of the nineteenth century, Scott could draw upon fifty years of antiquarian research and writing (if one takes Percy and Herd as a starting point). Apart from two snippets of lyric appended to “Moncey Grey” (I: no. 15) and “The Lady o’ Gight” (III: no. 17), his manuscripts consist entirely of narrative material, which shows that he adhered to the model preferred among literary antiquarians. A bias toward narrative material is apparent in Percy and Herd and it became central in the work of Ritson and Sir Walter Scott (Freidman 216–20 and 237–41). Most of Robert Scott’s immediate contemporaries—Alexander Laing, Peter Buchan, James Maidment, George Kinloch, and William Motherwell, among others—also gave priority to the ballad. Some populist works, such as Johnson’s Scots Musical Museum, are far more inclusive in their approach. Scott’s work was clearly informed by the Romantic consensus on the ballad as the principal object of interest. But even within that framework, there was diversity in what the antiquarians rooted out and squirreled away in their collections. Ritson favored blackletter broadsides over more recent varieties of print ballads. He also acknowledged, but did not value, a “singular style” of Scottish balladry “preserved by tradition among the country people” (Scottish Songs 1: 56, 77–78). According to Freidman, the young Walter Scott held similar views, but his regionally focused collection inevitably drew texts from local tradition (even if some key texts had come from the Northeast, not the Borders). Thus, the so-called “traditionary” ballad was somewhat inadvertently given prominence in the Minstrelsy of the Scottish Borders (Freidman 241–44). In his general approach, Robert Scott appears to have struck a middle ground between the two. He stressed regional material but included other items if he perceived them to be of significant age. Peter Buchan’s anthologies suggest a similar collection strategy. Unfortunately, neither collector allows us to see what influence contemporary broadsides were having on regional tradition. Nationalism may have played a role in Scott’s work, but it did not severely limit his choices about what to collect, as he included at least four undeniably English ballads: “Lord Essex” (III: no. 8; Child 288), “King John,” (IV: no. 4;

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Child 45), “The Queen’s Confession” (IV: no. 5; Child 156), and “Allan a Dale” (IV: no. 12; Child 138). The presence of a single Robin Hood ballad speaks volumes. Among Scottish antiquarians of the Romantic era, only Buchan and Kinloch collected Robin Hood ballads and there is some doubt as to whether the solitary example collected by Buchan actually belongs to the Robin Hood cycle (ESPB 2: 412).78 Overall, given the intellectual context in which the Glenbuchat collection was made, Scott’s approach is relatively broad though by no means groundbreaking. The apparent limitations of the collection, however, show that the Romantic Revival itself offers a further example of the “disembeddedness” that characterizes modern culture.79 Antiquarian work extracted various forms of traditional expression from situated, face-to-face performances, emptied them—for the most part—of their specific contextual meanings, and re-framed them as abstract “folk” or “national” culture. In so doing, the revival fundamentally altered what it sought to preserve, and there is more to this than editorial fidelity. Connections, sometimes imagined, more often exaggerated, and sometimes actual, were forged with other contexts and other performances of similar songs. By singling out the ballad as worthy of preservation, Romantic critics erased or at the very least distorted the genre’s linkages to other forms in the native context. This points to an inescapable weakness in Scott’s collection. While the Romantic Revival conditioned what Scott chose to collect, other factors may have influenced his basic decision to make the collection. Undoubtedly, there was an impulse to record what he would have seen as a vanishing way of life, his own small contribution to the great salvage work of the Scottish antiquarians. Yet it seems unlikely that Glenbuchat, in and of itself, inspired that decision. Scott was not overwhelmed by a love of place, and he as well as anyone would have recognized the difference between Romantic rhetoric and the actualities of life in an upland parish. Nor can his antiquarian interests be attributed to youthful fancy, as was often the case among collectors. Scott’s ballad contemporaries—Buchan, Kinloch, Maidment, and Motherwell—were twelve to nineteen years his junior; he himself was approaching forty when he made his collection. If he had literary ambitions, again a common motivation for early folklorists, he did not vigorously pursue them. So while the Romantic movement had a shaping influence on Scott’s work, there is less certainty that it provided the underlying motivation. The only pieces that connect—and this seems too great a coincidence to be merely a coincidence—are the dates during which Scott apparently compiled the manuscripts, which were also the two worst years of the postwar depression. Almost half the families of Glenbuchat needed assistance from the heritor to survive the very winter in which Scott appears to have begun work on the

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manuscript, and his report on conditions in the glen, along with the Poor Roll accounts, were written on the same stock of paper from which he compiled the second volume of the collection. Dave Harker, along with other recent critics, has stressed the need to understand how antiquarian work “related to the wider cultural, historical and political issues and tendencies in any given period” (xv). For Harker, it is not simply the literary likes and dislikes of antiquarians which are at issue. Rather, it is the fundamental ideology that underpins the relationship between the collector and his informants, and the mediated image of tradition that emerges from that interaction, coupled with the potential for politically charged uses of such imagery. If there was an “ideological tendency,” to use Harker’s term (2), underlying Scott’s work, it remains for us to take a stab at what that ideology might have been. Harker identifies ideology through the active political engagements of ballad collectors and editors, or through functions or status that may have political implications or imply political leanings. Robert Scott, as the minister of the parish, was in a position of authority over those who presumably were his informants, and he was therefore set apart from them socially. Yet he came from a similar background and seems to have identified with many of their ambitions, problems, and concerns from personal experience. We have noted Scott’s readiness to act in the interest of his parishioners, and it is worth noting that the glen had a long tradition of favoring moderation in its religious leaders (G. D. Henderson 114–16 and 121). While Scott’s strong ties to the glen’s more affluent farmers and members of the local gentry may suggest conservative leanings, we also need to consider his close connection to Alexander Forsyth, who is described politically as a liberal (Reid 8), and to Henry Brougham, a man at the epicenter of the Reform Movement. All in all, Scott’s politics are simply not transparent enough for us to understand how they influenced his antiquarian involvements. If there were social motivations behind his collecting activities, they probably lay elsewhere. Realistically, Scott may have wanted to flesh out his resumé in preparation for another bid at translation, especially at a time when Glenbuchat would have been a desirable place to leave. Or his reasons may have been domestic, an attempt to involve his wife in the cultural life of the glen. Alexander Laing received one of his texts from Mrs. Scott, so she was part of the project at some level. Conversely, ballad collecting may have helped fill the hours during her absences. More affirmatively, he may have used ballad collecting as a way of engaging himself more directly in the lives of his parishioners. At a very difficult time in the history of the glen, the ballads may have provided common ground between the minister and his congregation, or they may have bolstered

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the spirits of those he wanted to help. The latter motivations draw the most support from other quarters. For one thing, they are consistent with Scott’s activities on other fronts. This was not a time when he appears to have been soliciting a move to another parish. It was a time when he was actively writing appeals, petitions, and letters of support for destitute tenants. It might also help to explain the strong showing of historical ballads in the collection; Scott may have been drawn to that sub-genre as a way to promote self-esteem through his parishioners’ natural involvement with place and history. Perhaps many or all of these reasons played a role at some level. The key thing is that if they did influence Scott’s collecting activities, they show a correspondence between the concerns of the collector and those of his informants, as opposed to the cultural distance that separates them, which is stressed by Harker, Whisnant, McKay, and similar critics. Tying Scott’s collecting to a particular moment in the life of the glen may also explain why the manuscripts were never published. It would be unfair to see in his failure to publish, “a fitful sense of devotion and lack of application, an inability to see a project successfully through to its completion,” as may have been the case with the English collector, Janet Blunt (Pickering 6). For Scott, ways simply led on to difficult ways, from the protracted financial distress of the glen’s farmers, to his own lingering dispute with the laird and disappointments in his appeals for translation, followed by the deaths of his wife and daughter. By the time an opportunity presented itself to do more with the collection, the moment had long past. He and his descendants at least saw the virtue of preserving the manuscripts, and now, after an unduly long wait, we are fortunate that his remarkable collection is at last coming to light. As an ethnographic document, the Glenbuchat collection needs, on the one hand, to be treated cautiously, because we lack a proper understanding of its relationship to the district’s complete song repertoire, both narrative and non-narrative. Moreover, as long as there are gaps in the provenance of the manuscripts, we cannot be absolutely certain that we are dealing with a community repertoire, though the assessment offered above tends to uphold Taffy Davidson’s claim that the ballads were “collected in Glenbuchat prior to 1818.” Even so, as a straight record of tradition, the manuscripts present us with some difficulties. On the other hand, the collection is a remarkable reflection of the on-going tension between tradition and modernity that emerges in many areas of social and cultural life in the parish. We are dealing with neither the “spirit of the folk” nor an idle fancy of the elite. Rather, there is a symbiosis of print and oral traditions, of folk, elite, and popular views of history and tradition, of Anglo and Scots culture, and of the work of the collector and the tradition he

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is striving to represent. The collection, very much a record of its own time and place, properly belongs to a multi-layered discourse about many cultural transitions and movements that were underway in the Northeast around the turn of the nineteenth century. —Jame s Moreira Halifax, Nova Scotia

Notes 1. In the library’s catalogue, the Glenbuchat manuscripts are identified as a “‘Collection of ballads from Glenbuchat, Aberdeenshire,’ 4v., MS 2181/1–4; Historical papers, Undated, early 19th cent.” “T.D.” is Taffy Davidson. A pamphlet regarding his work as a collector and curator of regional culture was prepared by the Marischal Museum in 1987 (“Taffy” Davidson). 2. A conservator’s note on the last page of volume I states: “Condition when received: Binding very soft and damaged paper folder : single section with some inserts sewn and pinned together : paper in good condition. Book mended and resewn as a single section : handmade paper ends : linen joins : spine covered with red native niger morocco : marbled paper sides : vellum tips : gold lettering” (AUL MS 2181/1, inside back cover). The note is initialed “SMC, D. C. & Son” and dated October 1954. There are no similar entries in the other volumes. 3. For clarity, items in the Glenbuchat manuscripts are cited by volume number in capital roman numerals, followed by item number in arabic numerals. “Shouly Linkum” is the fourth ballad in the second volume. 4. The count includes Child 237, “The Duke of Gordon’s Daughters,” for which a title alone is given. 5. In the present edition, the compiler’s corrections and additions to the manuscript are indicated in the notes immediately following the texts. 6. The general state of the Glenbuchat Mss is consistent with Emily Lyle’s description of William Orr’s contributions to the Crawfurd Mss (1: xxvi-xxvii). 7. The notes to “Lord John and Rothiemay” were copied from Spalding’s History of the Troubles and Memorable Transactions in Scotland (1: 8–10). The manuscript excerpt follows the modern spelling and phrasing found in the edition published at Aberdeen by T. Evans in 1792, which is replicated in the G. King edition, published in 1829 also at Aberdeen. Notes for “The Battle of Glenlivet” are from Grant and Leslie’s Survey of the Province of Moray (282–83). 8. At least one Northeast ballad authority has questioned the manuscripts’ provenance (Ian Olson, pers. comm.), but he has not proposed an alternative theory of its origins. Sigrid Rieuwerts (349), noting that several volumes of Peter Buchan’s manuscripts are not accounted for, has speculated whether the Glenbuchat collection may represent part of the missing material. The Glenbuchat manuscripts are contemporaneous with Buchan’s earliest collection efforts, and many ballad types, even some very rare ballads, are common to both collections. No text, however, indicates a direct connection. Nothing in Buchan’s writing suggests he was familiar with the Glenbuchat ballads. In an 1821 letter to David Laing concerning the difficulty of locating early broadsides printed in Aberdeen, he mentions an “old itinerant Ballad & Bookseller who . . . had found several Old Ballads

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in his travels thro’ the Country, but would not be prevailed on to part with them on any account, as he said he was going to print them . . .” (P. Buchan, “1818–1850: Letters to David Laing,” item 11, dated 9 June 1821). This sounds suspiciously like Alexander Laing (though he was only forty-three at the time), who published his first ballad collection the following year and who did have access to the Glenbuchat Mss. If Laing is the man, and presuming he was equally territorial about all his ballad material, then the letter would appear to distance Buchan from the Glenbuchat ballads. 9. Numerous samples are contained in the Papers of Duff Family, Earls of Fife (Duff House [Montcoffer] Papers; hereafter DHP). Throughout most of the nineteenth century, the Duff family owned the estate of Glenbuchat. Scott, as parish minister, corresponded regularly with the factors at Duff House and other members of the Earl’s staff. 10. In his letter, Davidson mentioned that his property backed onto Margaret Pirie’s. (Buchan later wrote that he had “a fantasy image of these invaluable manuscripts being casually passed over this garden wall one summer evening”—“Editing the Glenbuchat MS” 3). If Davidson was simply handed the manuscripts (by whatever means) with instructions to deposit them in the library, his familiarity with the collection may have been minimal. 11. Mrs. Scott may only have been an intermediary in this exchange. She and her children spent the winter of 1822 at Aberdeen and Belhelvie, because the manse at Glenbuchat was in such poor condition that she refused to live in it (Robert Scott, Letter to George Wilson, 14 February 1822, DHP Z125). 12. Confusion on this point may account for David Fowler’s description of the Glenbuchat collection as a “mid-eighteenth-century MS” (272n). 13. Johnson, et al., 2: 388*; the asterisk indicates a page reference to the “additional illustrations” compiled by Laing and C. K. Sharpe, as opposed to Stenhouse’s annotations. 14. David Laing, in Johnson et al, 1: xviii; and Farmer, in the same volume, viii. Note that Stenhouse makes no reference to the version of Craigston that Maidment published in 1824 (22–24); see also Buchan, Ballad and the Folk 225–26, and Scottish Ballad Book 223n. 15. The watermark in volumes I and IV appears on several papers in a bundle of requests for seed written in March and April of 1817 by various Glenbuchat tenants. Scott presumably helped compile the requests, as they were tied to parish relief, for which he was responsible. See also Scott, Letters to George Wilson, 27 January, 9 February, and 28 February 1818. For the volume II watermark see “Distributed [sic] of the Meal given by the Earl of Fife for this Parish,” dated 17 March 1817, and Scott, Letter to Wilson, 18 January 1818. All the preceding documents are in DHP 1670. For the volume III watermark, see Scott, Letter to Wilson, 14 March 1817, DHP F55/9. 16. Sources for further investigation include the papers of Scott’s brother-in-law, Alexander John Forsyth, a noted inventor; the personal papers of Henry Brougham, the parliamentarian, who was a cousin of the Forsyth’s and a hunting companion of Scott’s; and William Stenhouse’s papers, which surprisingly are not to be found in any of the major repositories in Edinburgh. As for possible singers, there are few leads to follow. In Scott’s day, Glenbuchat’s most celebrated musician was James Strachan, better known as “Drumnagarrow,” the name of the farm where he lived (Lawrance, “Drumnagarrow”). He was noted primarily as a piper and fiddler, however, and there is little that connects him with ballads. At least three contributors to the Greig-Duncan collection had ties to Glenbuchat: Robert Chree (b. 1831, Sunnybrae), John Davidson (b. 1850, Ballachduie), and Jonathan Gauld (dob unknown; Gaulds in later years are associated primarily with the farm at Crofts. This may be the same Jonathan Gauld who contributed to John Ord’s collection as well—see Bothy Ballads 303, 324, and 351). Chree learned his version of “The Dowie Dens of Yarrow” (Child 214) about 1870 from Maggie Fraser (b. 1790, Belnaboth), and he credits other songs to Margaret Kellas (b. 1815, Belnaboth, the daughter of a weaver), and an aunt on his father’s side, probably Jean Chree of Tullocharich (b. 1785). (Dates and residences from GRO, Census Returns, Glenbucket, and

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Parochial Registers, Glenbucket). All were members of long established glen families, and they represent a broad cross-section of the glen’s population. Chree and his sources were near neighbors in the lower part of the glen; Gauld (probably) was from the mid-section and Davidson from the very head of the glen. Sunnybrae and Crofts were relatively substantial farms; the rest suggest less affluent households. 17. He compares the lines “He gart her gae wethershins about / An’ sunk her in the deep” (stanza 183–4) with “My love then and his bonny ship turn’d withershins about” from “The Lowlands of Holland” (Roud 484; example drawn from Herd 2: 2). 18. Rothiemay, he wrote to a friend in service at Duff House, was “a Paradise I shall ever call to remembrance with a sorrowful pleasure, where I spent my young and thoughtless years, in the most happy and cheerful manner free from every anxious worldly care” (Scott, Letter to William Bruce, 16 December 1804, DHP 1307). 19. Correspondence relating to the vacancies is contained in DHP M/F72–77. 20. Brougham was from Edinburgh but practiced law in London and represented an English riding in Parliament. 21. These and other Scottish legal terms are defined in the glossary. 22. DHP 863/3 contains several items of correspondence relating to this matter, dated between 13 January and 11 November 1816. 23. See for example, Scott to Lord Fife, 3 May 1819, DHP 2268; Petition of Scott, et al, re. incarceration of William Brodie and Adam Hay, 3 May 1819, DHP 2273; Scott to Earl Fife, 21 April 1821, DHP 2305; and Scott to Wilson, 9 January 1824, DHP Z125. 24. Scott defends Hay in a letter to George Wilson (14 March 1817, DHP F55/9) and proposes the deal with Alexander Anderson of Strathdon in a petition written on Hay’s behalf (28 February 1818, DHP 1670). There are several letters from Anderson to Wilson initially agreeing to the arrangement in March of 1819, and three years later trying to get out of it (DHP F45/12). 25. See Scott’s letters to Wilson, 27 July 1822, DHP Z125; 25 April 1825, DHP 1674/1; and 16 November 1820, DHP 1677. 26. The relevant materials include: Wilson, Letter to John Forbes (copy), 20 September 1820, DHP 1670; Scott, Letter to Earl Fife, 21 April 1821, DHP 2305; Forbes, Letter to Wilson, 27 August 1822, DHP 1677; as well as two folders of letters specifically relating to the dispute: DHP Z125 covers the years 1821 to 1825, and DHP M/D13 covers 1828 and 1829. Regional ethnographers will be interested in an item in the first folder, which includes a detailed description of the repairs, and an explanation of materials and techniques used to effect them. 27. In the winter of 1822, Scott wrote from Aberdeen to say that his wife and children were moving to Belhelvie until the manse could be made habitable (Letters to Wilson, 14 February 1822, and 8 April 1822, DHP Z125). 28. J. A. Henderson 476; see also Pirie and Rankine, who provide a complete genealogy of Scott’s descendants up to the 1960s. 29. There is an extensive literature on this period in the cultural and social history of the Northeast. The writings of William Alexander are an important contemporary source. For general histories see Carter; and Allan and Cormack. Many of Alexander Fenton’s writings discuss Northeast agriculture from the standpoint of regional ethnography. For materials specifically connected to Glenbuchat see Fenton and Walker; B. Walker; and Cruickshank’s two volumes of Glenbuchat Yesterdays. 30. The ultimate source of the name is uncertain. “Glen of the deer” (from the Gaelic boc; deer) is one possibility, but others include buaidh, meaning “victory” (W. D. Simpson, “Glenbuchat and Its Castle” 3n) or buidhe meaning “yellow” and also “agreeable” (NSA 12: 436).

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31. G. S. Keith (15–16) notes that, traditionally, competitors in land disputes sought “the sky of the hill” and the term “country” meant an area bounded by the horizon. One often finds references to Glenbuchat as “this country” in Duff House correspondence. For a detailed topography, see the 1901 edition of The Ordnance Gazetteer of Scotland, quoted in W. D. Simpson, “Glenbuchat and Its Castle” 1. 32. While there is no direct evidence that Gaelic was spoken in Glenbuchat in Robert Scott’s day, highland surnames—MacKenzie, Farquharson, Ogg, and others—do appear on the rent rolls. Barclay claims that Gaelic died out in the middle of the nineteenth century (43). 33. John Grassick, Letter to George Wilson, 16 October 1826, DHP 970. The only indication of later dealings between Duff and Gordon’s family is a letter from Old Glenbucket’s daughter claiming to be destitute in Edinburgh and asking for assistance (DHP 1680/3; the letter is undated, but everything else in the bundle is from the 1760s). 34. Titles held by the Duffs were not ancient. William Duff was named Lord Braco in 1735. In 1759 he was given the Irish title, Earl Fife, and his son was elevated to the British peerage as Baron Fife in 1790. Officially, he was Earl Fife of Braco and Dipple, and “Earl Fife” is the correct form of address (Burke’s Genealogical and Heraldic History 1007). Contemporary writings, however, including letters written by Duff House staff, invariably refer to him as the “Earl of Fife.” 35. The various holders of these positions are the principal informants for this study, which draws heavily on the correspondence they wrote and received. James Stuart was the factor at Mar Lodge during the latter decades of the eighteenth century and up until his death in 1815. He was succeeded by James Findlater. George Wilson, the factor at Duff House, is perhaps the most central figure. Appeals and complaints were submitted directly to him, and he negotiated leases and oversaw rent collection on the Earl’s estates in the Northeast. Stewart Souter of Melrose was another high ranking member of the Duff House staff. The Glenbuchat ground officer was a somewhat questionable character by the name of John Forbes. Until 1818, James Shand was the gamekeeper in the glen, followed by William Brodie. 36. G. S. Keith offers a thorough contemporary account of farming and farm life in Aberdeenshire. See also Allan and Cormack; and James Grant. 37. Walker’s tack on the Mains, signed 27 March 1786 (DHP 1696/4), set down a specific system of cropping, but it appears to be an exception that proves the rule. Comprehensive procedures for all were finally laid down in “Rules and Conditions . . . of the Earl of Fife’s Estates,” 1825–1845, DHP v250. Barclay asserts that “the policy of [the Duffs] in the management of the estate was to leave the tenants very much alone” (43). 38. For Duff House restrictions, see Fife, Letter to William Rose, 23 October 1783, DHP 1508, and “Minutes of Sederunt at McDuff,” 3 March 1796, DHP Z235/3. The minister’s objection was stated in the OSA (18: 412–13). The quarries were eventually let to John Forbes and James Shand in 1814, and later to the Michie family, who worked them until the late 1830s. See “Rental, Crop Year 1814,” and Forbes, Letter to George Wilson, 15 February 1817, DHP 1677; “List of Tenants . . . of Glenbucket,” ca. 1824, DHP 1696/4; and “Statement of Accounts, November 1838,” DHP Z108. 39. General accounts of this trend are offered in James Grant 5–6; Hobsbawm 257–63; Houston 143; and Jones 9–11. 40. The 1808/09 increases primarily affected tenants in Glen Nochty and the upper part of Glenbuchat, and they were less severe than the 1813/14 increases. Except where noted, all data regarding Glenbuchat tacks and rents are compiled from the following documents: “Minutes of Sederunt at McDuff, 3 March 1796,” and “Glenbucket Tacks,” 2 November 1801, DHP Z235/3; “Rental of Glenbucket, 1804,” “Rental Abstracts, Glenbucket, 1809;” “Rental of Lands of Glenbucket for Crop & Year 1813 with Additional Rents;” “Rental of the Lands of Glenbucket for Crop & Year 1813;” and

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“List of Leases on Glenbucket-Noughty Side, 1813,” DHP 2000; “Rental Abstracts, Glenbucket, 1808,” DHP 1571/1; “Rental, Crop Year 1814,” DHP 1677; “Rental of the Lands of Mar Lodge, Invernettie, Aldachuie, Glenbucket, &ct for Crop 1814,”and “List of Tenants . . . of Glenbucket and Noughtyside whose leases expire at Whitsunday 1824,” DHP 1696/4; and “Statement of Accounts, November 1838,” DHP Z108. 41. There are several folders of documents in the Duff House collection that show the immediate impact of the depression on Glenbuchat and other parishes (DHP 1670–1674, 1677, and F45/12). They include petitions for rent relief, appeals for protection from the law, summonses of removal, reports from the ground officer regarding the financial affairs and legal battles of tenants, as well as general accounts of adverse weather and hardship. Correspondence relating to the Earl’s insolvency is contained in DHP 1293, 1294/1–4, and 1295. 42. The “run-rig” system is too well described elsewhere to warrant a detailed discussion here. See for example James Grant; I. F. Grant 35–62; and Buchan, Ballad and the Folk 17–27. 43. Blackhillock may have included Dalfrankie and Easterbuchat, which are not listed in the Poll Book. Easterbuchat, though, was an older name for a section of the glen that included the castle ( J. A. Henderson 465–66), in which case the two lower farms would have been subdivided from the Mains. 44. Aberdeenshire (Glenbucket); B. Walker 13; W. D. Simpson (“Glenbuchat and Its Castle” 20) quotes an Aberdeen Free Press article from 1902 concerning “the existence since feudal times of a number of ‘clachans’ throughout the glen” and comments on the traces that remained of them even in the twentieth century. 45. See for example James Stuart, “Memoir Regarding Matters in Glenbucket,” 2 July 1788, DHP 1669. 46. These incidents are recorded in J. and P. Dawson, Letter to James Stuart, 22 October 1801, DHP 1508; John Riach to Stewart Souter, 7 September 1808, DHP 1508; Petition of Peter Clark, et al, March 1819, DHP 1677; Petition of James Ross, 1816, DHP 1672; Farquharson and Brody, Letter to George Wilson, 18 June 1817, DHP 1670; Jonathan Stuart, Letters to George Wilson, 29 March 1816, DHP F45/12 and 8 June 1816, DHP 1677; and Dunbar, Letter to George Wilson, 26 September 1822, DHP 0970. 47. The Poll Book notes only four Reids in Glenbuchat in 1696: the tenant at Dulax, what appears to be a father and son at Beltimb, and a servant at Tarntoul (W. D. Simpson 143–44). For their status in the late eighteenth century, see James Stuart, “Answer to the Memoir Sent by the Earl of Fife,” 10 July 1788, DHP 1669. In the early 1800s, John Reid leased nearly all of Milton; William Reid held all of Dockington; Archibald Reid farmed five of the eight oxgates at Kirkton; another Archibald Reid held nine oxgates at Beltimore; and Arthur Reid two of the four oxgates at Beltimb. 48. Scott, Letter to Wilson, 17 March 1817, DHP F55/9, and Scott, Letter to Earl Fife, 29 December 1828, DHP 2268. 49. In addition to rental documents, see John Forbes, Letter to George Wilson, 31 January 1818, DHP 1677, and “Petition of Thomas Moir,” with appended letter of support from Robert Scott, 9 February 1818, DHP 1670. 50. John Forbes, Letter to George Wilson, 16 January 1818, DHP 1677. James Grant (12) puts the cost of a homemade plough during this period at roughly 10/ shillings. 51. Barclay (43–44); his account is based on his familiarity with the oldest houses extant in the glen in 1906. Only the one such cottage, at Beltimb, was inhabited at the time. The dwellings shown in plates 39 and 41 in Cruickshank’s Glenbuchat Yesterdays (1: 43–45) may give some indication of the appearance of early stone houses. Cruickshank provides no information as to when the cottages were built, but the photographs are contemporaneous with Barclay’s account.

Intr od uction

lxxiii

52. Fig. 4 in B. Walker 8, depicts a single-storey version of this form. 53. Initially, he proposed a two-storey Georgian farmhouse, forty-two feet by twenty-two feet (12.8m by 6.7m), with mortared walls and a slate roof. It was a grander version of the one-and-a-half storey form, with a kitchen added on the back (Grassick, Letter to George Wilson, 17 October 1823, DHP 970). The design is similar to the house shown in fig. 18, in B. Walker 34. 54. Pocius closely examines the tension between traditional and modern influences in vernacular architecture in outport Newfoundland (213–23). Ultimately, he finds the dichotomy misleading, because in his study area new designs and furnishings are seamlessly adapted to traditional patterns of use. For Glenbuchat, it would be difficult to ignore the significance of new architectural features, because, as we have seen, they accompanied other developments that did affect the social structure of the glen. 55. Barclay 43; for a summary of legislation that accounts for an increase in excise activity at this particular time, see Daiches 29–55, and I. Olson 38–39. 56. Findlater announces his intention to give up distilling in a letter to George Wilson on 28 February 1831, DHP 1313, and Forbes often alludes to his distilling activities (see for example Forbes to Wilson, 25 March, 10 April, 5 July, and 18 August 1821, DHP 1677; and 16 September 1825, DHP 1674/1); see also Widow Davidson, “Petition to Lord Fife,” 3 November 1820, DHP 1671. 57. These incidents are reported in Robert Scott, Letters to George Wilson, 9 January 1824, and 24 January 1824, DHP Z125; John Forbes, Letter to Wilson, 27 August 1822, DHP 1677; John Reid, Letter to Wilson, 25 January 1825, DHP 1677; Alex Brebner to Wilson, 3 April 1826, DHP 1674/1; Forbes, Letter to Wilson, 24 October 1817, DHP 1672.; and Robert Scott, et al. “Petition to Lord Fife,” 3 May 1919, DHP 2273. 58. See for example “Balance Sheet Glenbucket Collections,” 14 September 1820, DHP 1670, and “Note of Cattle sent to D[uff ]house and Whisky to Mar Lodge,” 1823, DHP 1673. 59. “Rules and Regulations re. Game on the Earl of Fife’s Estates,” 1785, DHP 1508. The document refers to the Earl’s tenants in Mar. It is not clear whether Glenbuchat tenants were included, though they were under the supervision of the factor at Mar Lodge. The regulations went so far as to inform tenants that taking deer could be “punished capitally” according to the provisions of a 1551 Act. 60. See G. Cadleyer [?], Letter to George Wilson, 3 August 1828, DHP F7/2. In 1835, John Reid took out a nineteen-year lease on Milton for £34–15s per annum, which included sublets on parcels of land at the Mains and Belnaboth (“Statement of Accounts,” November 1838, DHP Z108). At one time, Duff House had hoped to ask £500 to £600 for the shootings (Wilson, Letter to Earl Fife (copy), 4 August 1825, DHP F7/2). 61. See for example Alex Dunbar, Letters to George Wilson, 9 November 1818, DHP 1677, and 26 September 1822, DHP 970; William Brody, Letters to Wilson, 4 August 1821, and 2 March 1824, DHP 1677; two notes in Wilson’s handwriting include information on poachers supplied by tenants, one dated December 1817, DHP 1670, the other 10 May 1823, DHP 1673. 62. Moor-burning was commonly done to eradicate heather in order to encourage grasses that were more beneficial to sheep, but since it destroyed grouse habitat, it was prohibited by the regulations of the estate. It was one of a small number of practices that put the interests of the farmer in direct conflict with those of the hunter. 63. See for example Mary Kellas, Letter to George Wilson, undated (circa 1 June 1816), DHP 1672; the letter was probably written by Adam Hay. Glenbuchat seed lists, which contain the signatures of all the buyers, show considerable difference in the writing skills of the tenants (April 1817 and March 1818, DHP 1670). 64. Reid, Letter to George Wilson, 25 March 1823, DHP 1673; see also a letter of reference written by Alexander Grant of Edinglassie, near Corgarff, who wrote that a petitioner for the Mains

lxxiv

Intr od uction

“has the charcter of a werrie onest man and geed abilitys for the farm if your Lordship dou not mak the ples our dier” (Letter to Wilson, 10 August 1821 DHP 970). 65. “Rules and Regulations re. Game on the Earl of Fife’s Estates,” 1785, DHP 1508. 66. Grassick, Letter to Earl Fife, 1 April 1824, DHP 0967/2. Walker’s offer is in DHP 1508; the offer is undated but is addressed to William Rose, who was the Earl’s secretary until about 1790. The earliest known tack agreement between Walker and the Earl is dated 1786 (DHP 1696/4). 67. Petition, 28 February 1818, DHP 1670; see also John Reid’s offers for the Mains, 17 November 1820 and 13 March 1823, DHP 970, John Grassick’s offer for same, 1 April 1824, DHP 0967/2, and J. Anderson to George Wilson, 7 November 1825, DHP 983. 68. Wilson, Letter to J. Gibson-Craig, 20 August 1825, DHP 1295. Most of these actions were taken in response to problems related to the Earl’s financial difficulties. It is not clear whether Glenbuchat tenants were participants, although they were among the tenants pursued by the Earl’s creditors. 69. Robert Scott, Letter to Wilson, 9 May 1817, DHP 1672; and John Forbes, Letter to Wilson, 3 March 1824, DHP 1677. 70. Hay, Letters to Wilson, 18 March 1817, and to Francis Gordon, 29 April 1817, DHP F55/9. 71. J. A. Henderson 482–83; Phillips 29–30. Henderson reports that “Mouat’s stone” was broken up by a mason for building material early in the nineteenth century, an ironic clash of modernity and tradition. 72. W. D. Simpson, “Glenbuchat and Its Castle” 15–19. 73. Bulloch 6; Burness is linked to a croft near Badenyon, but it is unclear whether the poet himself lived there, or whether it had some association with the character “Thrummy Cap.” In addition to Bulloch’s account, see Lawrance, Two North-East Studies 5; and Phillips 31. 74. Scandinavian criticism, in particular, has stressed the potential for this kind of ritual symbolism in ballads; see Sørensen; Jacobsen and Leavy 54–98; and Syndergaard. 75. Alexander Fenton stresses this point in his introduction to Ord, xiv–xvii. 76. Blackletter and whiteletter versions of “Young Baithman” can be distinguished by their opening lines and other minor textual differences. The Glenbuchat text generally follows the blackletter wording but is sufficiently different to show that it was not copied directly from print. 77. The classes of repetition are outlined in Andersen, Commonplace 68–78. 78. ESPB 3: 172–73 and 184–85; Elizabeth Cochrane had also included a Robin Hood ballad in her song manuscript, which she compiled about 1730. 79. Giddens’s notion provides a more accurate, more comprehensive, and more sympathetic accounting of the utilizations of folklore in modern contexts that have been described as “invented” (Hobsbawm and Ranger) or “spurious” (Handler and Linnekin) or “fake” (Dorson; Harker). It de-emphasizes the idea of the outright fabrication of folk-like genres, which rarely happens successfully, and re-focuses the problem on what James Clifford recently called the “articulation of tradition” in modern cultural settings (158–59).

The

Ballads

In the following transcripts, every effort has been made to reproduce Scott’s work “as is.” We have not attempted to correct or regularize the texts, with the following exceptions: all stanzas are left aligned, and capitalization and the use of apostrophes adhere to current conventions. This editorial approach seemed unavoidable, as there are simply too many instances in the manuscripts where the compiler’s intentions are unclear. The tables of contents at the beginning of each volume are reproduced as they appear in the manuscripts. The numbers in square brackets indicate the page number in the present volume. Notes on Scott’s emendations, uncertain spellings or wording, and any other comments or instructions necessary to the proper interpretation of the manuscripts are given immediately after each text. Notes to the ballads are provided in a separate section beginning on page 225.



Contents Vol : I

No. 1 Baron of Brackley 2 Adam Gordon 3 Lord John & Rothiemay 4 Sir James de Ross—Balethen 5 Water of Gamery 6 Auchanachy Gordon 7 Queen’s Mary 8 Hey a Rose Malinda 9 Lochinvar 10 Lady Dysmond 11 Lady Mazrey 12 Rob: Roy 13 Craigston’s Growing 14 Sir Hugh 15 Moncey Grey 16 Hynd Chiel 17 Young Baithman 18 Hyn Horn 19 Dame Oliphant 20 William O’ Douglassdale

Page 1 3 7 11 13 15 17 19 20 21 22 24 25 26 28 30 31 33 37 38(2)

[4] [7] [11] [19] [22] [25] [27] [29] [31] [35] [37] [42] [45] [47] [50] [54] [55] [59] [63] [67]

At the bottom of the contents page, the following is written in a different hand, probably George Davidson’s: M.S. Ballads Collected in Glenbuchat prior to 1818 Ex T. D. 6 - 12 - 49





Volume I

The Baron of Brackly. Old Ballad Vol . I : 1 , p p. 1 – 2 (Child 203, The Baron of Brackley; Roud 4017)

1

Inverey came down the get whistlin an’ crawin He was at brave Breckley’s yetes or it was dawin

2

‘Are ye sleepin Breckley or are ye waukin ‘There’s sharp swords at your yetes will gar your blood spin

3

“’Gin ye be gentlemen light & come in “Gin ye drink of my wine ye’ll nae gar my blood spin

4

“Gin ye be herd widdifus ye may gae by “Ye may gang to the Lawlands & steal their fat ky

5

“Gin ye be gentlemen light & come in “There’s meat an drink in my house for many a man

6

“Gin ye be herd widdifus ye may gae by “Ye may gang to the Lawlands & steal their fat ky

7

Up spake his lady at his back where she lay Get up Baron Brackley & turn back your ky

8

Get up Baron Brackley & turn back your ky For they’re but herd widdifus, ye’ll them defy

9

O had you still Peggie & makna sic din For yon same herd widdifus ’ill prove themselves men

10

O fy get up Brackly & turn back your ky Or me & my women we will them defy

11

She called for her women they came to her han’ Said get your rocks lasses we will them command

12

But ’gin I had a man as I hae nane He woudna ly in his bed see his ky tane

Volume I



13 * There’s four an twenty milk white calves, twelve o’ them ky In the woods o’ Glentanner, its there that they ly If ye search all the Highlands there’s no such a dey 14

O had your tongue Peggy & gie me my gun For ye’se see me gae out, but never come in

15

O call my brother William, my uncle also My cousin James Gordon we’ll mount & will go

16 17

When Brackly was ready & stood i’ the close He was the bravest baron that e’re mounted horse

18

‘Strike dog says Inverey, fight till ye’re slain ‘For we are four hundred & ye’re but four men

19

Turn back brother William ye are a bridegroom — — —

20

Wi bonny Jean Gordon that lives at the mill O’ sig[h]ing an’ sobbin she will get her fill

21

I’ll no turn back brother, it’s kent I’m a man I’ll fight in your quarrel as lang’s I can stan

22

But turn ye back Brackly an dinna langer stay What’ll come of your lady if Brackly they slay

23

What’ll come o’ your lady an’ bonny young son O’ what will come o’ them when Brackly is slain

24

I will never turn an’ I will never fly But here I will fight an here I will die

25

At the head of the Etnach the battle began At little Aucholzie they killed the first man

When Brackly was mounted & sat on the green He was the bravest baron that ever was seen

/page: 2



Volume I

26

First they kill’d ane of them syne they killd twa They killed the bravest baron that ever ye saw

27

O’ came ye by Tarland, Tarland town O saw ye his mither rivin her gowan

28

Came ye by Brackly or gied ye in there An’ saw ye his lady rivin her hair

29

I came by Tarland, Tarland town His mither Kate Fraser was rivin her gown

30

I came by Breckly I gied in there I saw his lady ’braidin her hair

31

An’ rantin an’ dancin an singin for joy An vowin that night she would feast Inverey

32

She eat wi him, drank wi him, welcomed him in An’ was kin’ to the man that had slain her baron

33

Up spake his young son frae the nourse’s knee An’ I live to be a man revenged I will be

34

There’s dole in the kitchen, an’ mirth in the ha The brave gallant Brackly is dead an’ awa

No stanza divisions; verses left aligned; couplets not numbered. 11: & cr...in[?] to an’ crawing. 12: gates to yetes. 42: Lowlands to Lawlands. 52, 202, 231, 241: & to an’. 161: in to i. 211: known to kent. 212: lang as to lang’s. 311: & dancin to an’ dancin. Stanza 13 added at the end of the ballad; insertion point marked with an asterisk.

Volume I

Adam Gordon, or The Burning of Cargarff Vol . I : 2 , p p. 3 – 6 (Child 178, Captain Car, Or, Edom O Gordon; Roud 80)

1

It fell about the Martinmas When win blaws loud an caul Adam Gordon said to his young men We will draw to a haul

2

A haul, a haul, says Adam Gordon For my young men an’ me A haul, a haul, says Adam Gordon A haul wi will draw ti’

3

They watered there steeds at yon mill dam Set their heads to the north An’ well kent they baith far an near The bonny House of Cargarff

4

The lady look’d o’er her castle wa Beheld the day gae down An there she spied him Adam Gordon Come ridin to the town

5

O I will wad my head she said My head an’ my right han That yonder comes the proud Gordon Or than the gypsey ban

6

Gie o’er your house ye Lady Cargarff Gie o’er your house to me An’ as lang’s my side my sword can bide Your well warrant I’ll be

7

I winna gie o’er my house she said To you nor nae ither ane I winna gie o’er my house she said When my good lord’s from home





Volume I

8

O I would gi my house in charge To Gight, or yet Lesmore Or to the Tutor of fair Fyvie Or any o’ the four

9

But I winna gie oer my bonny house To laird nor yet to loun Nor yet will I to nae witch geet That comes frae Auchindoun

10

O wae betide you Adam Gordon An ill death may ye die Ye’ll be hangit o’er a cadger’s creel As your father did die

11

For a’ the words that ye hae said Ye s’all repent them sair For I’se set a fire to your castle An blaw ye in the air

12

He’se called for his merry men a’ There were thirty o’ them an’ three An’ he has called for George Gordon Come here my man to me An’ well kent he the quenzie stane An’ the fire was pitten ti’

13

O wae betide you George Gordon An’ ill death may ye die Will ye tak out the quenzie stane An’ burn my bairns an’ me For seven years ye was my man An’ I paid you well your fee

14

O seven year I was your man Ye paid me well my fee Now I’m Adam Gordon’s man I maun either do or drie

/page: 4

Volume I

15

O out it spake her eldest son O’ the stair head stood he Gi o’er your house my lady mither The reek will gar us di

16

O had ye still my eldest son Ye sanna die alone For I’ll take ane on every side The third on my breast bone

17

I would gi a’ my lands she said As they ly out an’ in To be on the hill of bonny Cargarff To get ae blast i’ the win

18

I would gi a’ my robes o’ silk As they ly well in faul To be o’ the hill o’ bonny Cargarff To get ae blast i’ the caul

19

O! out it spak the bonny bairn Upo’ the nourse’s knee An O! gi o’er your house mither For the reek it smothers me

20

I would gi a’ my goud my bairn Sae wou’d I a’ my fee For ae blast o’ the westlin win To blaw the reek fae thee

21

O! out it spake him Adam Gordon An’ a bloody man was he O! loup O! loup ye Lady Jean O! loup an’ come to me I’ll kep you in my arms twa An let ye go sae free

22

Then sig[h]ing said fair Lady Jean She was baith jimp an’ sma’



/page: 5

10

Volume I

23

Ye’ll row me in a pair of sheets An tow me o’er the wa — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — —

24

O bonny, bonny was her mouth An cherry were her cheeks An clear, clear was her yellow hair Thro’ which the red blood drips

25

Get up, get up my merry men a’ Bad tidings I do guess I likna’ to see that bonny face As it lys on the grass

26

O then out spak his foremost man



It ill, ill sets the gallant Gordon To be daunted by a dame

27

Out him then spake George Gordon As he stood on the green I’m sorry for the bonny nourse To burn her in a flame

28

O loup, O loup ye bonny nourse O loup an come to me An’ I’ll kep you in my arms twa Tho’ my back shoud gae in three

29

Fu can I loup, fu sal I loup Fu may I loup to thee My bowels are boiling me within An my tongue lakin you wi

They row’d her in a pair o’ sheets An tow’d her oer the wa But on the point of Gordon’s spear She met a deadly fa

/page: 6

Volume I

Two-inch gap between stanzas 29 and 30 30

O! out it spak her ain good lord As he cam o’er the lee The House o’ Cargarff is a’ in flame God save my family

2nd

What haul, what haul now good my lord Said Adam Gordon’s men We’ll to the House of bonny Cargarff The good lord’s on the feam

31

O merry was the morning That was at Auchindown But dowie was the afternoon That was at the Castleton

Stanzas not numbered; second and fourth lines of each stanza indented. 12 & 4: “d” deleted from cauld and hauld 2: Numeral 2 written in left column between stanzas 1 and 2. 154: “e” deleted from die. 294: lakin: the “l” is prob. an uncrossed “t”. 302: alt. sailed on the sea, written abv. orig. 303: “a” deleted from “in a flame.” alt. 2nd 4: init. not at home, scored out. 31: written in darker ink. “Last verse” written in the left margin.

Lord John and Rothiemay Vol . I : 3 , p p. 7 – 1 0 (Child 196, The Fire of Frendraught; Roud 336)

1

It fell about the Michaelmas When corn was on the ley O wha’ was brunt in fause Frendraught But good Lord John an’ Rothiemay

2

When they were saddled an’ well bridled An’ ready for to ride Out comes the Lady of fause Frendraught Said bid Lord John O bide

11

12

Volume I

3

O stay this night O good Lord John An’ gallant Rothiemay ’Twill be a token of good ’greement ’Tween Lady Frendraught an’ thee

4

How shall I stay, how can I stay How shall I stay wi’ thee Perhaps my Ladys in travelling Can neither fight, nor flee

5

You shall stay this night wi’ me ’Till the morn that ye dine You shall eat the good wheat bread ’An’ drink the claret wine

6

Sweet was their supping sad was their sleeping I’m sure their sheets were spread in wae They lock’d the doors of the dolefu’ tower An’ ay they flang the keys away

7

When bells were rung an’ mass was sung An’ a man fast asleep The weary reek began to rise But an’ the flamin’ heat

8

Up out wakes the good Lord John Out of his dreary dream The bed was burnin roun’ about An’ the curtains fa’in’ down

9

He cried O wauken Rothiemay God waukin you wi win’ For the beds the[y]’re burnin’ us about An’ the curtains fa’in’ down

10

O’ he went to the east window He thought for to win out Fou’ll fa’ the han’s that made the ban’s The stauncheons were sae stout

/page: 8

Volume I

11

His head being fast ’tween twa stauncheons He made a heavy mean An’ there he spied the fause Frendraught Was wakin’ on the green

12

Open the doors o’ fause Frendraught Open the doors an’ let us out Ye’se get a’ the lan’s o’ Strathbogie An a’ the laigh lan’s roun’ about

13

The keys are in the deep draw well I’m sure they’se never win out for me O pity, pity for good Lord John But there’s nane for Rothiemay

14

He’s ta’en a prayer book in his han An’ he read prayers three An’ ay at ilka sentence end He said God end our misery

15 *

13

Rothiemay’s man was heavy an tall He coudna win awa But Lord John’s man was little an tight He lap the castle wa’

16

Then out speaks his own foot groom At the stair foot stood he O loup to me my good master I pray you loup an’ come to me I’ll kep you in my arms twa An’ a foot I winna flee

17

O how can I win out he said How can I loup an’ come to thee My head is fast ’tween twa stencheons It’s but my spirit that speaks to thee

18

The baulest gleed that ever burned Shall nae’ twin me an Rothiemay The tokens that I give to thee I’m sure they’ll last for ay

/page: 9

14

Volume I

19

My cases kembs, my gay goud rings The blessings of my fair body Ye may gi that to my lady She’ll ne’er get mair fae me

20

But word is gane to Rothiemay’s mither In cares bed where she lay O fa’ was brunt in fause Frendraught But good Lord John an Rothiemay

21

At first she kill’d my day starn An’ now I’m sure she’s brunt my sky I thoughtna sae meikle o’ my good lord When I saw him laid in clay

22

O an’ I were a swallow swift An syne had wings to flee I would flee o’er to fause Frendraught An’ cry out vengeance ’till I die

23

O then out wakens Lord John’s lady As she lay in her lanely bed I dream’d a dream now sin’ yestreen I wish God send a dreams to good That a Frendraught was in a fire An my good lord in the gleed

24

But in then came her father dear Neither horse nor man him wi’ Ohon! alas! my father dear It’s nae for nought that I see thee

25

O had ye still my daughter dear An’ I will try to comfort thee I’ll double your tocher o’er again An’ your lord come no to thee

26

Awa’ wi’ your goud an’ warl’s wrack I wis’ ’twere a flung in the sea For what care I for a’ the warl’ If my good lord come no to me

/page: 10

Volume I

27

The chamber maid put on her clothes But the lady rave them aff again So suddenly she’s taen the gate Without her stockins or her sheen They followed her wi’ men an’ horse But couldna’ get her o’er taen

28

She came to the head of yon high hill An looked low down in yon den The fiery ba’s they met her there That lady’s heart was almost gone The first en man that ever she met It was her loves foot groom

29

O wae mat worth you woman’s son An ay some ill death may ye die For hae ye win sae well awa’ An’ my good lord burnt was he

30

Tho’ fifty feet an’ three I lap Out o’er yon castle wa I promised to stan’ at yon stair foot An kep him in my arms twa But the bauldest gleed that ever burnt Coud never twin him an’ Rothiemay

31

The tokens that I got to thee I’m sure they’ll last for ay His cases kembs, his gay goud rings The blessings of his fair body I was biddin’ gi that to his fair lady To carry the[e] safely to the Boyne

32

Her bed was made her sheets were spread The covering laid wi care Her hands were bound behind her back A full long month & mair For wounding o her fair body—& tearing o her hair

At the end of the ballad a line is drawn, and there follow these two stanzas, crossed out:

15

16

Volume I



O wae’s me said Sophia Hay A sair heart’s ill to win I wan a sair heart when I wedded was An now so sair it’s on me come



On Saturday she took travelling On Sunday she brought home a son An Monday was her dying day Sophia Hay is dead an gone

Title and first stanza in darker ink and offset from the others; possibly they were taken down at one session and the remainder of the text added later. Stanzas not numbered; second and fourth lines of each stanza indented. 13: What to wha’. 21: & to an’. 63: woefu’ to dolefu’. 104: was to were; sae inserted after were. 121: Lady written above fause; both are underscored. 141: He’se to He’s. 15: Added in darker ink in the right margin. Initially, Scott wrote “or thus” before the stanza, marking it as an alternate to 16. “Thus” is scored out and the insertion point after 14 is marked with an asterisk. 201: Lord John’s to Rothiemay’s. 222: fly to flee. 232: init. Out o her sad an dreary dream. 275: with to wi. 302: the to yon. 32ff: After 31, a line beginning O Waes me is blotted and scored out. The present 32, which has “last verse” beside it in the left margin, appears to have been added later. The two crossed out stanzas at the bottom of the page appear to have been taken down at the same time as the bulk of the text.

The following excerpt from Spalding’s History of the Troubles is inserted on four pages between pages 10 and 11 of the manuscript. Anno 1630. Upon the 1st Janu 1630, the Laird of Frendraught & his complices fell in a trouble with Wm Gordon of Rothemay & his complices, where the said Will: was unhappily slain, being a gallant gentleman, & on Frendraught’s side was slain George Gordon, Brother to James Gordon of Lesmoir, & divers other were hurt on both sides. The Marquis of Huntly, & some well set friends settled this feud, & ordained to pay to the Lady relict of Rothemay & the Bairns, 50,000 merks in composition of the slaughter, whilk as was said was truly paid. Upon the 27th Sept. 1630 Frendraught having in his company Robert Creighton of Candlan, & Jas. Lesly, son to John Lesly of Pitcaple, with some other servants, the said Robt. after some speeches shoots the said Jas. Leslie thro’ the arm. They

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were parted & he convoyed to Pitcaple—& the other Frendraught shot out of his company. Likeas Frendraught the 5th Oct held conference with the Earl of Murray in Elgin, & upon the morn he came to the Bog of Gight where the Marquis made him welcome. Pitcaple loups on about 30 horse in jack and speir (hearing of Frendraught’s being at the Bog) upon Thursday 7th Oct. & came to the Marquis who before his coming has discreetly directed Frendraught to confer with his Lady. Pitcaple heavily complains of the hurt his son had got in Frendraught’s company, & rashly vowed to be revenged before he went home. The Marquis alleged Frendraught had done no wrong & dissuaded him from any trouble[.] Pitcaple displeased with the Marquis suddenly went to horse, & the same day rides his own ways leaving Frendraught behind him in the Bog, to whom the marquis revealed what conference was betwixt him & Pitcaple & held him all that night & would not let him go. Upon the morn being Friday the marquis caused Frendraught to breakfast lovingly & kindly[;] after breakfast the marquis directed his son, the Vis: Aboyne with some servants to convoy Frendraught home to his own house, if Pitcaple was laid for him by the way John Gordon Eldest son to the late slain Rothiemay happened to be in the Bog who would go with Aboyne. They ride without interruption or without seeing Pitcaple to the place of Frendraught. Aboyne took his leave from the Laird. But upon no condition would he & his Lady suffer him to go nor none that was with him that night, but urged him against his will to bide. They were well entertained supped merrily & went to bed joyfully. The Vis: was laid in a bed in the old Tower going off the hall, and standing upon a vault wherein there was a round hole devised of old just under Aboyne’s bed. Robt Gordon born born in Suthd his servitor & English Will his Page were laid beside him in the same chamber. The Laird of Rothemay with some servants beside him was laid in an upper ch: just above Aboyne’s chamber—& in another Room above that chamber was laid George Chalmers of Noth & G: Gordon another of the Viscounts servants[;] with them also was laid Capt. Rollock, then in Frendraughts own company. Thus all being at rest about midnight that dolorous Tower took fire in so sudden & furious a manner yea in an clap that the noble Vis: the Laird of Rothiemay, English Will, Col: Ivat another of Aboyne’s servants, and other 2, being six in number were cruelly burned & tormented unto the death without help or relief. The Laird of Frend: his Lady & hale household lookt on without moving or striving to relieve them. Robt Gordon, Suthrd, Robt. being in the Vis: cham: escped this fire with the life[.] George Chalmers & Capt. Rollock being in the 3rd Room escaped also & it was said Aboyne might have saved himself if he would have gone out of doors which he would not do but suddenly ran up stairs to Rothemay’s chamber, & wakened him to rise; & as he is wakening him the Timber passage & lofting of the Cham: hastily takes fire, so that

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none of them could win down stairs again, so they turned to a window looking to the close, where they piteously cryed, many time, help, help! for God’s cause! The Laird & Lady with their servants all seeing & hearing the woeful crying, made no help or manner of helping, which they perceiving, cried oftentimes mercy at God’s hands for their sins, syne clasped in others arms, & cheerfully suffered their martyrdom. Thus died this noble Vis: of singular expectation, Rothemay a brave youth, & the rest, by this doleful fire never enough to be deplored, to the great grief & sorrow of their kin, parents, & haill com: people, especially to the Noble Marquis, who for his good will got this reward. No man can express the dolor of him & his Lady, nor yet the grief of the Viscounts own good Lady, when it came to her ears, which she kept to her dying day, disdaining the company of man in her life time. How soon the Marquis gets word, he directs some friends to take up their ashes, & burnt bones, which they could get, & as they could be kent, to put ilk one’s ashes & bones in an chest, being six chests in the haill, which with great sorrow & care was had to the kirk of Garntullie, & there buried. In the meantime the Marquis writes to the Lord Gordon then dwelling in Inverness, of the accident. It is reported on the morn after this woeful fire, the Lady Frendraught, daughter to the Earl of Sutherland, & near cousin to the marquis, busked in a white plaid, & riding on a small nag, having a boy leading the horse, without any more in her company, in this pitiful manner she came weeping & mourning to the Bog, desiring to speak with my Lord, but this was refused, so she returned back to her own house the same gate she came, comfortless. The Lord Gordon upon the receipt of the marquis’ letter, came hastily to the Bog conveened Will:, with whose sister the Viscount was married, & many other friends, who after serious consideration, concluded this fearful fire could not come by chance sloth or accident, but that it was plotted & devised of set purpose, as ye may hereafter see, whereof Frendt:, his Lady & servants & friends, one or other was upon the knowledge—so thir friends dissolves, & the marquis would not revenge himself by way of deed, but seek the laws with all diligence, whereunto he had more than reason. “Vide Spalding’s Chronicle” N.B. The key of this Tower was found in the bottom of an old draw well at great depth some years ago at Frendraught Aberdeenshire.

Volume I

Sir James the Ross, the Young Laird of Balethen Vol . I : 4 , p p. 1 1 – 1 3 (Child 213, Sir James the Rose; Roud 2274)

1

O heard ye of Sir James de Ross The young laird of Balethen For he has kill’d a gallant knight An’ we’re sent out to take him

2

He’s done him to the House of Marr The nourise was his leman To see his dear he did repair Thinkin she would befriend him

3

Where are you going Sir James she says Or where away are ye ridin O I have kill’d a gallant knight An’ now I’m under hidin’

4

Where shall I go, where shall I run Or where shall I convey me For I have slain a gallant knight An’ they are seekin’ to slay me

5

Ye’ll di you down to yon ale house An’ I will pay the lawin’ An’ as I am a woman true I’ll meet you at the dawin

6

I’ll no gae down to yon ale house For you to pay the lawin There’s fifty pounds in my pocket An’ I’ll sleep till it be dawin

7

He turned his high horse head about or He turned him right an’ round about An’ rowd him in his breechin An’ he’s lyin’ down to take a sleep In the lowlands of Balethen

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8

He wasna’ well gane out of sight Nor was he by Mill Strathan Till four an’ twenty belted knights Came ridin’ oer the Lethen

9

O did ye see Sir James the Ross The younger of Balethen For he has kill’d a gallant knight An’ we’re sent out to take him

10

I did not see Sir James she says Since he went past on Monday If the steed be swift that he rides on He’se past the yetes of London

11

But they werena sooner gane awa’ Then she called up behind them O if ye want Sir James de Ross I’ll tell you where to find him

12

Ye’ll search the banks above the mills An’ the lowlands of Balethen An’ there ye’ll find Sir James the Ross An’ sleepin’ in his brechan

13

Ye’ll no awake him out o’ sleep Nor yet will ye affright hiim But run a dart into his heart An thro’ his body pierce him

14

They search’d the banks above the mills An’ the lowlands of Balethen An there they found Sir James de Ross As sleepin’ in his breichin

15

Then up it spoke Sir John de Grome He had the charge of keepin’ Let it never be said ye gentlemen We would kill him when he’ss sleepin’

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16

They seizd his broad sword an’ his targe An closely him surrounded An’ when he waken’d out of sleep His senses were confounded

17

O mercy, mercy gentlemen O mercy will ye grant me Just as ye gave, so shall ye have There is no mercy for thee

18

There’s fifty pound in my pocket Besides my trews an’ brachen Ye’ll get my watch an’ diamond rings An’ ye’ll bear me to Loch Lochan

19

But out they have taen his bloody heart An’ stuck it on a spear An’ had it to the House of Marr An’ gi’en it to his dear

20

But when she saw his bloody heart She run like one distracted She beat her breast, an’ tore her hair An’ cry’d what have I acted

21

Sir James de Ross now for your sake My wretched heart’s a breakin’ Curs’d be the day I did you betray The brave knight of Balethen

22

Then up she rose an’ out she goes All in the fatal hour An’ bodily was born away An’ never was seen more

Stanzas not numbered; second and fourth lines of each stanza indented. 71: best reading written next to the alternate line, but scored out. 184: laggan written in right margin after Lochan.

21

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The Water of Gamery Vol . I : 5 , p p. 1 3 – 15 (Child 215, Rare Willie Drowned in Yarrow, or the Water of Gamery; Roud 206)

1

O ye’s get James or ye’s get George Or ye’s get bonny Johnny Ye’s get the wale of a my sons If ye’ll forsake your Willie

2

O what needs ye min’ Willie’s words For they are a’ but slidin’ They fa’ awa like frost an sna’ There’s nane o them hae bidin

3

O I’ll no hae James, ill no hae George I’ll no hae bonny Johnny For it is Willie I will hae If ever I get ony

4

O’ Thursday was a bonny day When Willie’s folk conven O Some from the east some from the west An’ some frae Aberdeen, O

5

Ride up, ride up my merry men a’ I’ve forgot something behind me My mother’s blessing I’ve forgot To take to bridestool wi me

6

O I’ll gi you my blessin Willie An’ God’s blessin gae wi you An’ I’ll gi you my blessin Willie If ye’ll forsake your Meggie

7

I winna forsake my Meggie he said For father or mither that bore me He turned his high horse head about An’ straight awa to Gamery

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8

An’ some rode back an some rode fore An some rede wi’ young Willie But I fear his mither’s mallison It gae’d wi him to Gamery

9

As they gaed on yon high, high hill An’ down yon dowie den O The rush that was in that water ’Twould fear’d a hundred men O

10

What’s made this water wax sae wide This night no’ bein rainy Gi’ me a spear into my han An’ wi’ God’s help I’ll thro’ Gamery

11

But there stood twa fish in that water Like ony yird fest stane The one of them sweet Willie kill’d The other took him down

12

His brother John thought him to save Who on his stirrup leaned But e’re even he coud win at him Young William’s saddle toomed

13

His steed he turned home again A wight steed an’ an able He looked never him behind Till he’s in his ain stable

14

O then out spoke William’s mither (O woe come on her body) Willie’s either hurt or slain Or than he’s drown’d in Gamery

15

The bride was in the bridestool set An’ O she looked bonny But lang, lang will she look this day Or in come her young Willie

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16

An ilka ane said ’till anither O doesna our bride look bonny But O! lang will she look I fear Or she see her dear Willie

17

Then out it spak the bonny bride What means a’ this laigh speakin Where is the man amo’ you a’ That shoud gi’ me for weddin’

18

Then out it spoke her ain brother Said I will tell you plainly The man ye shoud a’ been wedded wi’ Is drowned this day in Gamery

19

The ribbons red were on her head An O but they were bonny She tore them a’ an let them fa’ An’ she’s awa to Gamery

20

She sought it up, she sought it down She was a wearie woman An’ in the deepest pot o’it There she found her dear leman

21

She took his head frae the water An O! she kissed him sweetly If my mither shoud be as wae as thine We’se sleep this night in Gamery

/page: 15

Stanzas not numbered; second and fourth lines indented, except 154 and 162 & 4. 2nd and 3rd stanzas bracketed and numbered in inverse order to show they should be exchanged. Given above in corrected order. 31: have to hae. 42: conven’d to conven O. 123: even possibly ever. 134: final “e” deleted from he’se.

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Auchynachy Gordon Vol . I : 6, p p. 15 – 1 6 (Child 239, Lord Saltoun and Auchanachie; Roud 102)

1

Auchanachy Gordon is gone to the sea Lord Salton cam courtin’ his bonny Jeannie O! haud awa Salton, had far far frae me For I’ll never forget my love Auchananachie

2

Ben came her father, cam steppin’ the floor Said what’s this my daughter whats this that I hear Ye’re carin’ for ane that cares little for thee Ye’ll marry Lord Salton, leave Auchanachie

3

Auchanachy Gordon is a handsome young man Altho’ he be bonny, he ha’sna free lan’ His lan’s they are wide an his towers they are high I’ll never forget my love Auchanachie

4

Ben came her mither, cam steppin’ the floor What’s this my dear daughter whats this that I hear Ye’re carin’ for ane that cares little for thee O marry Lord Salton, leave Auchanachie

5

O bonny Jean Gordon will ye accord To leave young Auchanachie marry a lord Ye’se wear silk to your heel, an’ red gold to your knee Ye’ll ne’er go so gallant, wi Auchanachie

6

Or I marry’d Lord Salton, an wear gold so red I’d marry Auchanachie, an’ beg my bread His lans nor his titles shall never tempt me I’ll never love Salton, leave Auchanachie

7

Auchanachie Gordon so gallant an’ free He wou’d tempt any woman so has he done thee But ye’se marry Lord Salton, an’ then we will see That ye’ll quickly forget your love Auchanachie

/page: 16

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8

They have forced her to church an’ now she’s come home An’ weary an’ dreary she sits in her room From among her companions, where she shou’d a merry been Shes gane to her chamber an weep’d her lane

9

Then out spoke Lord Salton, ye’ll draw my love’s gown An’ I’ll mend her jointure wi’ ten thousand crowns Shes wear silk to her heel, an red gold to her toe She’l ne’er go so gallant wi’ Auchanachie

10

She said to her maids ye may cast aff my gown But wi’ him Lord Salton I’ll never ly down Nor daughter nor son to him shall I e’er hae For I’ll never forget my love Auchynanie

11

They have married sweet Jeannie, an’ now she is dead An’ home cam Auchynanie home frae the flood Her parents they met him wi’ sorrow an’ wae Said alas! for your stayin’ sae lang at the sea

12

They saidna a word o’ what they had done But led him to the chamber that Jeannie was in He kiss’d her cold lips—they were colder than clay They were colder than clay, they were bluer than lead Alas! for my stayin’ so long at the flood

Stanza numbers written between each quatrain; stanzas left aligned. Title: Auchanachy to Auchynachy. 53: your inserted before heel. 63: money to titles. The number 13 is written under the final stanza, though there are no other indications of something missing.

Volume I

The Queen’s Mary Vol . I : 7, p p. 1 7–1 8 (Child 173, Mary Hamilton; Roud 79)

1

My father was the Duke of My mother a lady of high degree Mysell a dainty damisel An the queen shes sent for me

2

The queen’s clothing it was so fine An’ her spices were sae rare I did me to a young man’s bed An’ I’ll rue’t for ever mare

3

She’s taen her young son in her arms An flung him in the sea An bad him swim, if he might swim Or drown if he maun die

4

The queen stood into her boer door She stood on hewn stone She thought she heard a bairn greet An a sick woman’s moan

5

O wae met worth you Lady Mary Some ill death may ye die Ye might a keepit your bonny young son He would a shortsome’t thee

6

Ye lie, ye lie ye dame the queen So loud’s I hear you lie It’s but a fit of sair sickness This day that’s troubled me

7

But buckle ye, buckle ye Lady Mary O buckle an go wi me I’ll gar you confess to the high justice An’ ye winna confess to me

8

She putna on the dowie black Nor yet the dowie brown

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But she put on a robe of red scarlet To shine thro’ mony a town

9

As she gaed up thro’ Edinbro town Sae blythly blinkit her e’e But mony a burgess wife was there Said ohon! for this lady

10

As she gaed up the Towbith stair A light laughter, leugh she But lang or she came down again She was condemned to die

11

As she came down the Towbith stair She leugh loud laughings three But ere she came to the Netherbow port The tear blinded her e’e

12

Yestreen the queen had four Marys The night she has but three There was Mary Seton, an Mary Beaton An Mary Carmichael an’ me

13

O! Mary Seton an’ Mary Beaton An we were Marys a’ But I fear we’ll never mare a drink wine Within Queen Mary’s ha’

14

But o ye mariners, mariners A sailing on the sea O bear nae word to my father or mither The death that I maun die

15

But o what will my brother say When he sails on the faem When he sees his sister Lady Mary Hang on the gallows pin

16

An o what will my true love say When he comes to my grave

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He’ll say this lady died for me God’s mercy I do crave

17

Now out it spoke the dame the queen A sorry woman was she O hold you still now Lady Mary This day ye saunna die

18

O hold ye still ye dame the queen An’ mock na me to scorn For I hope to sup wi my Saviour An’ dine wi him the morn

2” gap between title and 1st stanza. Stanza numbers written in between quatrains; second and fourth lines indented, except 12 & 4. 3–4: Written in left margin beside these stanzas: read the verse 4 here & then verse 3. Stanzas are given here in the corrected order.

Hey a Rose Malindey Vol . I : 8, p p. 1 9–2 0 (Child 20, The Cruel Mother; Roud 9)

1

There was a lady lov’d a man Hey a Rose Malindey An’ now she gaes wi a bonny young son Down by the green wide side O

2

O it fell once on a summer’s morn Hey &ce This lady’s gane to the greenwood alone Down &ce

3

She leant her back to yon bonny tree — Hey &ce She thought her bonny back woud gang in three — Down &ce

4

She leant her back to yon hathorn == Hey &ce An ay ’till her bonny boy was born == Down &ce

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5

She loos’d the laces frae her hair == Hey &ce She ty’d him up in her dispair == Down &ce

6

She took out a little penknife Hey &ce An frae the bonny boy she took the sweet life == Down &ce

7

She took the apron for her sae meet == Hey &ce Twas a’ he got for a windin’ sheet == Down &ce

8

She took the shoon frae aff her feet == Hey &ce She scrapit his grave tho’ it wasna deep == Down &ce

9

It was upon a simmer’s e’en == &ce When seven long years were past an gane == &ce

10

This lady went to the wood alane == &ce She saw a bonny boy clad in green &ce

11

This bonny boy did on her smile &ce Down &ce

12

O bonny boy if ye were mine &ce I woud clothe you in scarlets so fine &ce

13

Ye shoud drink nought but ferrow cow milk &ce Ah wear nought but grass green silk &ce

14

O mither when I was thine &ce I wore none o’ your scarlet so fine &ce

15

I drank none of your ferrow cow milk &ce An’ I wore none o your grass green silk &ce

16

But O mither ye lov’d a man &ce An ye gaed wi me your bonnny young son &ce

17

Ye laid your back to yon hathorn &ce An well may ye min’ sin’ I was born &ce

18

O bonny boy woud ye tell me &ce What woud bring my soul to thee &ce

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19

O ye’ll fall down upon your knee &ce An’ pray to God to sen’ thee to me &ce

20

For now I am in heaven so high &ce Prayin for mercy to pity thee &ce

Written lengthwise against the opening stanzas is an alternative beginning:

There livd a Duke’s daughter in York An she fell in love wi her father’s clerk



They lovd it late an at early morn Till this fair lady she gid wi bairn

Stanzas not clearly divided; no numbering; chorus lines indented in stanza 1. 53: baith stiff an sair to in her dispair. Current stanzas 7 and 8 are inverted in the Mss. The stanzas are bracketed and numbered in inverse order to show they should be exchanged. Couplet crossed out after stanza 8: When seven long years were past an gane This lady went to the woods alane (These lines become 92 and 101.) 123: so inserted. 141, 181: But scored out at the start of each line. 191: knees to knee.

Lochinvar Vol . I : 9, p p. 2 0– 2 1 (Child 221, Katharine Jaffray; Roud 93)

1

There livd a young man in the West Likewise a seemly may An’ he has courted her sae lang ’Till he’s stowin her heart awa

2

But o’er it cam brave Amusdale Out of the South Country He’s courted her from her friends a An’ set the weddin’ day

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3

The weddin day now being set The bridal for to stan’ An she sent to brave Lochnavar An’ bade him be at han’

4

His father an’ his mither both Forbade to be away But they cam’ a’ but he cam not Upon the weddin’ day

5

He’s putten out an officer The calmest o’ them a For a hundred o’ brave gentlemen To be ready at his ca’

6

A hundred o’ brave gentlemen Wi milk white steeds an’ grey A hundred o’ brave gentlemen Upo’ the weddin’ day

7

Ye’ll eat ye’ll drink brave gentlemen The white bread, wine an beer Till I go to the bridal house An see what’s doin’ there

8

But when ye hear my horn blaw Be ready at my ca’ For if your captain he be slain Ye’ll surely lose the day

9

When they were a’ at dinner set An dinner was set down They began to cast some words But few o’ them did ken

10

It’s ye are a’ brave Englishes Ye’re English bred an’ born Ye’re come to Scotlan’ to court a wife But we’ll gi’ you the scorn

Volume I

11

We will gi you the scorn he says An play you foul play We’ll gi you frogs instead o’ fish An steal your brides away

12

The Englishes dared him to fight His words they were so free It’s no to fight that I cam here But for good company To drink wi’ your bridegroom he says An I’ll boun hame my way

13

There cam a cup o’ good red wine Went quickly thro’ the ha’ The bride she glanc’d at Lochnavar An’ let the tears down fa’

14

O’ one word o’ your bride he says An I’ll boun hame my wa Her maiden stood a little wi’ by So quickly she said na’

15

It is my due to keep the bride Until the sun go ti’ Deliver her to the bridegroom This is my duty

16

This is my due to do she says Upon the weddin day The lassie try’d to do the same But she got foul play

17

O one word o’ your bride maiden How can you this decline I’m sure lang or her weddin’ day With her I’ve spoken ten

18

For I gi you my promise maiden My promise an my han’

33

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That thro’ her father’s yetes this day Wi’ me she sanna gang

19

He leant him o’er his saddle bow To kiss her cheek an chin He graspd her closely by the waist Set her on him behin

20

Put the spurs to his grey steed Went quickly up the street They woudna seen his yellow hair For the dust o’ his horse feet

21

Brave Amusdale he drew his sword A fiery blade was he At my request brave Lochnavar Ye cam’ but ye’ll let be

22

Turn back, turn back brave Amusdale For you theirs nae remeid Its but the losing o’ your men An’ spillin’ o’ their bleed

23

For I have your shoes upo’ my feet An’ your gloves upo’ my han’ An a’ the gifts I got frae you I’ll sen’ them hame again

24

He’s put his horn to his mouth He blew baith loud & shrill Till a hundred o’ brave gentlemen Was ready at his will

25

A hundred o’ brave gentlemen With milk white steeds an grey A hundred o’ brave gentlemen Upon the weddin day

26

He made the priest to break the banns That was between them twa

Volume I



An’ Lochnavar he’se married her An they’re boun’ hame there wa’

Text is written in two columns on p. 20, and in the left column of p. 21; no numbering; second and fourth lines indented. 52: all to a. 62: with to wi.

Lady Dysmond Vol . I : 1 0, p. 2 1 (Child 269, Lady Diamond; Roud 112)

1

There was a king an’ a noble king An a king of might an’ fame He had but only one daughter Lady Dysmond was her name

2

There came knights an bold barons This lady’s favour to win But shes in love with her father’s groom An’ shes bid them all begone

3 *

She lovd him well an wondrous well Till the grass grew o’er the corn O if my father get word o’ this I wish I had never been born

4

Her fathers to her chamber gone Where she made silent moan What ails you my dear daughter That of lovers you’ll have none

5

Fool as I am you must let me alone He is my only joy For I love none of your high high men So wells your stable boy

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6

He called on his merry young men By one, by two, by three Says call in now the bonny stable boy An’ bid him speak to me

7

O when he came the presence near He fell upon his knee What now, what now, my liege the king What is your will wi me Then in atween twa feather beds He smoored him quietly

8

O he’s taen out the bonny boy’s heart An put it in a cup o’ gold An’ he sent it to his daughter An’ biddin’ her behold

9

O she wash’d it wi’ the tears o’ her eyes An dry’d it wi’ the hairs o’ her head An lang or the midnight bell did toll Lady Dysmond she was dead

10

O’ waes me said the sad sad king An’ a sorry man was he I thought I had ta’en but ae sweet life But alas! I ha’e ta’en three Lady Dysmond an’ her young son An bonny Lockerbee

Written in right column of p. 21; no numbering; second and fourth lines indented. Stanza 3 added at the bottom of the page, insertion point indicated with an “x.” 105–6 are in the same ink as stanza 3 and are probably later additions.

Volume I

Lady Mazrey Vol . I : 1 1, p p. 22 –2 3 (Child 65, Lady Maisry; Roud 45)

1

The lady stood in her boer door So fair was she to see An’ knights an’ barons on her wait For ae blink o’ her e’e

2

Had aff your han’s ye Scottish lords To English blood I’m boun’ For I have vow’d to Earl William But he is far frae home

3

Her mother’s page he heard a’ this Some ill death may he die Says I will tell your proud brother An’ rich will be my fee

4

O fast he ran o’er moss an’ moor Till he came to that tower so high Make haste an’ speak ye proud baron I come frae Lady Mazrey

5

O hows my father, an’ how’s my mother An hows my bold brother John An how is my sister Lady Mazrey The pride o’ a our kin

6

Your fathers well, your mither’s well Sae is the young Lord John But your sister’s provd false wi’ an English lord Dishonoured her Scottish kin

7

O ’gin the tale be true my boy Baith gowd an lan ye’se hae But ’gin it be a lie he says High hangit shall ye be

8

Up then starts his bonny lady Baith fair an’ wise was she

37

Volume I

38



O liars will lie on very good women And liars wou’d lie on thee But the very best o’ woman kind Fause liars wou’d on them lie

9

But he’s taen out a trusty brand An strippit it on a strae An thro’ his ain true lady’s heart He gart cauld iron gae

10

What ails thee at me ye cruel lord What aileth thee at me O gotna ye a very good wife / The day ye wedded me



— — — — —

11

Its true I got a fair true lady The day I wedded thee But when a man is in a rage ’Tis best to let him be

12

Gae saddle to me the black the black Gae saddle to me the brown Be quick an’ saddle the swiftest steed That knight rode ever on

13

He hailsed his father, he hails’d his mither An he hails’d his brother John Lady Mazrey had won’t to be the first But now he’se let her alone

14

What aileth you at me my lord What aileth thee at me I won’t to be the first ye hail’d But now ye let me be

15

O wha has made your girdle so narrow That wont to be o’er wide O who has made your petticoat short That wont to be so side

Volume I

16

O he that made my gown so narrow He’ll maybe mak it wide I needna be ashamed o’ my true love When I’m a Earl’s bride

17

Where is the wale o’ my wighty men That I pay meat an fee Gae pou the thistle an’ the hawthorn An’ burned she shall be

18

Lady Mazrey sat in her boer door Beheld his ire so red An sighing says that sad lady He surely means my dead

19

Where will I get a bonny boy Will rin my erran’ soon Will high him on to Earl William An haste him back again

20

Up then starts a bonny boy Gowd yellow was his hair I wish his mither grace o’ him An his true love meikle mair

21

O I will rin your errand lady An’ nae regarding fee An your love be atween waters He soon shall be with thee

22

O bid him come an pray him to come An’ forbid him to tarry lang O tell him that his ain true lady For him this day does burn

23

O when he cam to brigs broken He bent his bow an swam An when he cam to grass growin He put on his shoes an’ ran

39

/page: 23

40

Volume I

24

An’ when he cam to Strawberry Castle Be’d neither to chap nor ca He put his bent bow to his breast An lightly leapt the wa

25

O are my biggins brunt he says Or are my towers won Or is my lady lighter to me O’ a dear daughter or son

26

O ye’re biddin come, an’ prayd to come An forbidden to tarry lang The bonniest lady in fair Scotlan For you this day does burn

27

O ye’ll saddle to me the dapple grey The milk white an’ the brown But lang afore his steeds were out He was twa mile frae the town

28 *

So nimbly as he turnit him roun’ An mounted on his steed His golden buttons they did fly An his nose began to bleed

29

O twa lang mile or he cam near She heard his horse foot rinnin An’ half a mile or he cam near She heard his bridle ringin’

30

He lighted aff his high horse back An’ fast sprang thro’ them a’ But e’er he kiss’d her bonny mouth Her body fell in twa

31

O wha could be so bauld he says As put the bonfire on O wha durst be so bauld he says As put my lady in

Volume I

32

O’ I’m the man that was so bauld Gart put the bonfire on An’ this right han’ for Scotlan’s pride Put my fause sister in

33

O where was ye her cruel father That didna haud his han’ An’ where was ye her worse mither That try’dna to withstan’

34

But I’ll kindle a fire into your ha’s That water canna quench And the blood that this han’ shall gar flow Even pity saunna staunch

35

O I will burn for my love’s sake Her father an’ her mother An’ I will burn for my love’s sake Her proud an’ cruel brother

36

He kindled a fire in Linkum Shire It burnt a’ down to Lin Made mony a bairn fatherless An’ mony a table thin

41

Stanzas in two columns on p. 22, in left column of p. 23; no numbering; second and fourth lines indented. 171: mighty to wighty. 241: poss. Shawberry. 242: He did to Be’d. 28: Written in next column beside stanzas 27 and 29; insertion point marked with asterisk.

Volume I

42

Rob Roy Vol . I : 1 2, p p. 2 4– 2 5 (Child 225, Rob Roy; Roud 340)

1

Rob Roy frae the Highlands came Down to the lowlan border It was to steal a lady fair To keep his house in order

2

With four & twenty Highlandmen His arms for to carry He came to steal Blackhill’s daughter That lady for to marry

3

They lighted down at B:hill’s yetes Sent nae message before them Or else the lady had been away For she did still abhor him

4

They guarded doors & windows both For fear she woud win out O Rob: Roy went into the house An’ quickly found her out O

5

You’ll go with me my dearest dear You’ll go with me my honey An’ you shall be my wedded bride I love you best of ony

6

I’ll never be your dearest dear I’ll never be your honey I’ll never be your wedded bride Ye love me for my money

7

They woudna stay ’till she was drest As ladys when there brides O But hurried her awa’ in haste An’ row’d her in their plaids O

Volume I

8

He brought her out among his crew She holding by her mother With piercing cries & watery eyes He parted them from other

9

With many a heavy sob & wail They saw who did stand by her She was so guarded roun’ about Her friends coud not come nigh her

10

He mounted her upon a steed Went up himself behind her He bore her to the highland hills Where her parents coudna find her

11

Over hills, & over dens This lady ofttimes fainted O woe be to my cursed gold It has these roads invented

12

As they went down yon bony burn side They at Buchanan tarried He bought to her baith cloak & gown But she woud not be married

13

Without consent they joined their hands Which law ought not to carry With mony a heavy sigh & sob They forced her to marry

14

Four held her up before the priest Four laid her to her bed then With piercing cries & tearful eyes When she was laid beside him

Tune changes — 15

Now thour’t come to the highland hills Frae thy native clan lady

43

Volume I

44



Never think of going back Take it for thy home lady

16

Now I’ll be kin’, I’ll be kin’ I’ll be kin’ to thee lady All thy country for thy sake Shall surely favor’d be lady

17

Rob: Roy was my father calld McGregor was his name lady An’ all the country where he dwelt He did exceed for fame lady

18

Do not think, do not think Do not think I lie lady Ye may know the truth by what Was done in your countrie lady

19

He was a guard to his friends A heckle to his foes lady An every one that did him wrong He took him by the nose lady

20

My fathers delight was horse & cows An’ likewise goats & sheep lady An’ you an 30,000 mark Makes me a man complete lady

21

Be content, be content Be content to stay lady For now you are my wedded wife Unto your dying day lady

22

Your friends will follow after me But I’ll gi’ them the scorn lady Afore dragoons come o’er by Forth We shall be down by Lorn lady

23

I’m as bold, I’m as bold Im as bolds a bore lady

/page: 25

Volume I



An every ane that does thee wrong Shall feel my good claymore lady

24

We shall go, we shall go We shall go to France lady We shall gar the piper play An we shall have a dance lady

25

Shake a foot, shake a foot Shake a foot wi me lady You shall be my wedded wife Until the day wi die lady

Stanzas in two columns; no numbering; stanzas left aligned. 72: there possibly these [they’s?]. 104: An’ scored out; Where inserted. 201: cow & ewes to horse & cows. 232: bore: in the Mss. this looks more like boe. The rhyme in 234 suggests bore.

Craigston’s Growing Vol . I : 1 3, p p. 2 5–2 6 (Laws O35, A-Growing (He’s Young but He’s Daily A-growing); Roud 31)

1

The trees they are high and the leaves they are green The days are awa that I hae seen But better days I thought wou’d come again An’ my bonny, bonny boy was growin

2

I’ve been climbing a tree thats too high for me I’ve been seeking fruit thats nae growin I’ve been seeking hot water beneath the cold ice An’ against the stream I’ve been rowin

3

Father she said you’ve done me much wrong You’ve wedded me to a young, young man I’d have wedded ane wi a staff in his han ’Afore I had wedded a boy

45

46

Volume I

4

O daughter I did you no wrong For the wedding you to o’er young a man You’ve your tocher in your ain han’ An’ your bonny love daily growin

5

O father if ye think it fit We’ll send him a year to the College yet We’ll tie a green ribbon around his hat To let them ken that he’s married Four & twenty cambric bans she had plait An’ sent to College wi him

6

She lookit o’er her father’s castle wa’ Saw four & twenty bonny boys playing at the ba’ But her ain love was foremost amang them a’ Young Craigston’s daily growin

7

In’s fourteenth year he was a married man In’s fifteenth year he had a young son In’s sixteenth year his grave grew green Alas! for Craigston’s growing

8

The trees are high & the leaves are green The days are awa that I hae seen An’ anither may be welcome where I hae happy been Tak up young Craigston’s growin

/page: 26

Text written in right column of page 25, full page on 26; no numbering; stanzas left aligned. 23: cold water to hot water. 55–6: Begin as separate stanza; tied to preceding stanza with bracket and line drawn between 56 and 61. In right margin beside stanza 8: For an Acct of this Ballad see Spadlings Chronicle. [See pp. 36–37 in the 1792 edition.]

Volume I

Sir Hugh Vol . I : 1 4, p p. 2 6–2 7 (Child 158, Hugh Spencer’s Feats in France; Roud 3997)

1

It fell about the Martinmas The wind blew loud & cauld An’ a’ the lords in fair Scotlan’ Have drawn them to some haul

2

Except it was him young Sir Hugh An’ he maun sail the sea An’ ay betwixt the kings twa Wi leisome letters three

3

O Monday, Monday he took gate An’ o’ Tuesday shippit he An’ lang or Fridays afternoon In fair France landed he

4

O when he cam before the king He fell upon his knee Stand up, stand up now young Sir Hugh What is your will wi me

5

I am come to your Grace he says Wi leisome letters three To see if ye’ll lay down your wars Or leave or let us be

6

Ye know I am an aged man An’ the truth ye do well see But I will not lay down my wars Nor leave nor let them be

7

O then out spake the queen hersel As in her bower stood she I know well by thy lang lang shanks An that knap on thy knee

47

48

Volume I

8

That I have a shepherd swain in France Will joust an hour with thee O by my sooth said young Sir Hugh That sight fain would I see

9

But yet I take my word again I’m new come from the sea My blood lance knives & harnassed steed I left them behind me

10

O then out spak an eldron knight A Scots born man was he I have three steeds in my stable As good as runs on ground

11

The worst an’ steed in my stable He cost me fifty pounds An’ you shall have the best of them To joust an hour wi him

12

I have three brands into my hall That cost me lands three An’ you shall have the best o’ them To joust an hour him wi

13

The first an steed that they drew out An’ he was penny grey He wouda run oer moss or mold The lang lang simmer’s day

14

The next an steed that they drew out An he was berry brown He wouda’ run o’er hill or mold Until the day gaed down

15

The next an steed that they drew out An he was jet jet black His e’en were rolling in his head Like wild fire in a slack A boy, a boy said young Sir Hugh Put on the saddle on that

/page: 27

Volume I

16

The first an course of their meeting Between Sir Hugh & he The brands they brak, & the wight steeds lap But still sat he & he

17

A brand, a brand said young Sir H: A brand for charity Cheer up thy heart said the Scottish knight A brand soon shalt thou see

18

The next an course of their meeting Between Sir Hugh & he The bridles brak, & the wight steeds lap But still sat he and he

19

A bridle, a bridle said young Sir H: A bridle for charity Cheer up thy heart said the Scottish knight A bridle soon shalt thou see

20

The third an course of their meeting Between Sir H: & he He struck that good lord to the heart An o’er the steed fell he

21

O have ye any more whelps to kill Or any more shepherds to die Or have ye any more scuddler boys Go bring them here to me

22

Light down light down now young Sir Hugh O ill mat be thy chance For thou hast slain to me this day A shield but an a lance The Duke of Darbois ae dear son An the best jouster in France

23

I wou’d I had gi’en thee lands & rents An’ ha’s & towers so high That thou had jousted wi him an hour An left an let him be

49

Volume I

50

24

O never scorn a Scottish knight Tho’ new come frae the sea For if he hae a drap o Scots blood He’ll no be scorned wi thee

Stanzas in two columns; no numbering; stanzas left aligned. 43: young inserted above the line. 81: son scored out, swain inserted. 231: gaen to gi’en.

Moncey Grey Vol . I : 15 , p p. 2 8– 29 (Child 81, Little Musgrave and Lady Barnard; Roud 52)

1

Four & twenty bony boys Were playin at the ba And four & twenty fair ladies Look’t o’er the castle wa And by cam little Moncey Grey An’ he puttit it o’er them a’

2

Down the stair came Lord Burnesburg’s lady She steppit ay wi’ pride She laid her love upon little Mons Grey As he stood her beside

3

An askin an askin little Mons Grey An askin ye’ll grant me This night ye’ll sleep in my arms twa At the Castle of Beilsberry

4

O no, O no ye fair lady I darna for my life I know by the rings on your white fingers That ye are Lord Burnesburg’s wife

5

Lord Burnesburg goes no more in my heart Than he does in my heel

Volume I



I would see as much o’ Lord Bs blood As would fill a trampin skeel

6

Lord B– goes no more in my heart Than he does in my toe I would see as much o Lord B:s blood As water would run in a day

7

They werena very well lyin down Nor yet well fa’n asleep When up it starts Lord Bs boy Straight up at their bed feet

8

O what wou’d ye give ye fair lady This deed for to conceal O what wou’d ye give ye fair lady This deed now for to heel

9

O lands shall be thy hire boy An’ gou’d shall be thy fee An’ ay the first Munanday o’ the Raith Thy claes well chang’d shall be

10

But where he came to brigs broken He straitit his bow & he swam An where he cam to grass growin He slackit his bow & he ran

11

An when he cam to Lord Bs gates He fell upon his knee What news, what news ye little boy What news bring ye to me

12

Bad news, bad news Lord B: Bad news have I to thee For little Mons Grey & your fair lady Are sleepin at Beilsberry

13

Thou lies, thou lies, thou little boy Thou does my lady wrong

51

Volume I

52



My lady is as good a woman As is in Christendom

14

But if the tale be true boy Thou shalt have gou’d & fee But if it prove to be a lie High hangit shalt thou be

15

He’s put a horn to his mouth An he blew wondrous sh[r]ill At every turnin o’ the draught Mak awa Mons Grey an ye will

16

I think I hear a horn lady That blows baith loud & shrill An’ at every turnin o’ the draught Mak awa Mons Grey an ye will

17

Ly still, ly still now little M: G: An’ keep me frae the cold It’s but my father’s shepherd boy Gathrin his sheep to the fold

18

They hadna the word well spoken Nor yet well turned about When up it stans L: B: Even up at their bed feet

19

O is it for love of my blankets M: G: Or is it for love o’ my sheets Or is it for love o’ my fair lady In thy arms where she sleeps

20

O well love I your blankets good lord An’ sae do I your sheets But wae be to your fair lady In my arms where she sleeps

21

Rise up, rise up now little M: G: Put on baith hose an’ shoon It shall never be said o’ Lord B: That he struck at a naked man

/page: 29

Volume I



Now by my sooth, says little M: G: My weapons are all at home

22

O I’ve two swords in one scabbard They are both graun’ & yare Take you the best an leave me the worst An’ we’ll fight but word nae mair

23

The first an stroke L: B: gave Was a deep wound an’ a sair The next an stroke Lord B: gave Mons Grey spak never mair

24

Up he’s ta’en his trusty brand An strippit on a straw An through an thro’ his lady’s heart He’s gart the cauld iron gae

25

Mony ane mourn’d for that twa lovers In boor where they lay dead But far more for Lord Burnesburgh In bower where he went mad

26

O what will ye leave to the bonny boy Who brought the tidings home O every Saturday afternoon His mother’s sad mallison

53

After the last stanza, Scott writes: Moncey Grey must have been of small stature for there is a very ancient ballad which begins thus— In came Moncey Grey Loupin like a nacket Half an ell o claith Woud make him coat an jacket But this ballad seems lost. Stanzas in two columns; no numbering; stanzas left aligned. 132: So loud as I h scored out. 224: word poss. wad. Final fragment in a darker ink and a slightly sharper hand.

Volume I

54

Hynde Chiel Vol . I : 1 6, p p. 30

(Child 256, Alison and Willie; Roud 245) 1

The Hynde Chiel lys in good green wood The grass grows o’er his yellow hair His friends may sigh an say alas! That ever he lo’ed a lady fair

2

He lookit up an farther up An ay out oer yon bents so brown He saw a hare come from a herd An low she laid his colour down

3

Why dost thou mourn thou jelly Hynde Chiel The thrustle cock cannot help thee But tell me where thy true love lies I’ll gar her come and rue on thee

4

In waste muir lands my lady wons Her colour’s neither black nor brown Her hair is like the threads of gold Her skin is white as swan’s down

5

Thou’l hy thee hame thou jelly Hynde Chiel An thou’ll let a’ thy mournin’ be She is another man’s promised bride An O soon wedded will she be

6

O hare thou’ll draw thee to some herd An I s’all draw me to a town There’s mare herds quoth he than twa or three Theres more mays quoth she than fair Helen

7

O down came hail & down came rain An brak the branches frae the tree An gentle death cam wi his dart An dang the Hynde Chiel’s heart in three

8

The Hynde Chiel lys in good green wood The grass grows o’er his yellow hair

Volume I



His friends may sigh an say alas! That ever he lo’ed a lady fair

Stanza numbers written between each quatrain; stanzas left aligned. 54: will she wedded indicating reverse order. 2 1

Young Baithman Vol . I : 1 7, p p. 3 1– 32

1

Ye dainty dames so finely framd In beauties finest mould As ye go triping up & down Like lambs in Cupid’s fold

2

Near by to Nottingham of old In Clifton as I hear There livd a fair & comely may Whose beauty had no peer

3

Her cheeks were like the crimson rose So well ye may perceive The fairset face, the falsest heart And soonest will deceive

4

She was beloved by many one Both far & in that place And many sought her marriage bed Her body to embrace

5

At length one proper comely youth Young Baithman called by name Who thought to have a wedded wife Unto the maiden came

6

Such love & favor soon he found More favor than the rest That among all her suitors there She lov’d Young Baithman best

55

56

Volume I

7

A plighted promise secretly Did pass betwixt this two That nothing else but death e’re could This true loves knot undo

8

A piece of gold he brake in two The half to her he gave The other for a pledge quoth he Sweet heart myself shall have

9

Now if I brake my vow quoth she While I remain alive Let never aught I take in hand Be seen at all to thrive

10

This passed on for two months space And then the maid began To settle love and liking both Upon another man

11

One Germain who a widower was Her husband needs must be Because he was of much more means And higher of degree

12

Her plighted promise lately passed To Baithman she deny’d And in despight of him & his Shes utterly defied

13

Well then quoth he if it be so That thou wilt me forsake And like a false mis:sworn wretch Another husband take

14

Thou shalt not live one quiet day When surely I’ll the have For either now alive or dead Or when I’m laid in grave

Volume I

15

Thy faithless mind thou shalt repent Of that well be assured When thou dost hear what torment I For thy sake have endured

16

But mark how B: died for love He finished up his life The very day she wedded was And made old Germain’s wife

17

O with a strangling cord the deed Before the bride’s own door In desperate sort he hang’d himself Much moan was made therefore

18

This pierced sore her heart, her heart And grieved sore her mind That she could never afterwards An hour of comfort find

19

For go she up or go she down Her fancy did surmise Young Bs pale & ghostly face Ever before her eyes

20

At night when she went to her bed Betwixt her husband’s arms Thinking all night to rest & sleep In safety from alarms

21

Great cries & grievous groans she heard A voice that often said O here lies she whom I must have And will not be denied

22

The lady now being with child Was for the infant’s sake Preserved from the spirit’s power No mischief could it take

57

/page: 32

58

Volume I

23

The babe unborn did safely shield (As God appointed so) Its mother’s body from the fiend That sought her overthrow

24

She being of her burden eased An safely brought to bed Her griefs & cares began anew And fresh her sorrows bred

25

She called upon her friends all This night ye’ll stay with me This night quoth she out of the bed I shall be born away

26

Here comes the spirit of my love With pale & ghostly face Until he get me home with him Will not depart this place

27

Dead or alive I am his right And surely he will have Despite of me & all the world To whom I promise gave

28

O wake with me dear friends this night I pray you do not sleep No longer than ye keep awake Can ye my body keep

29

They promised all to do their best But nothing could suffice In middle of the night to keep Sad slumbering from their eyes

30

The child bed wife, that weary wight Was hencely born away But to what where or in what place None ever yet could say

Volume I Stanzas in two columns; no numbering; stanzas left aligned. 142: the probably thee. 203: in to &.

Hyn Horn Vol . I : 1 8, p p. 3 3– 3 6 (Child 17, Hind Horn; Roud 28)

1

O seven years I served the king For one sight of his daughter young I kiss’d her thro’ an evis bore I maist hae lost my life therefore I kissd her thro’ an evis gin I maist a lost my life therein

2

O words gaen on unti the king His daughter lov’d him Hyn Horn If this be true ye tell to me In a’ this lan’ he saunna be

3

He’s din him to this fair lady O I must leave this lan’ for thee O a’ for me this canna be O a’ for me this sanna be

4

But I’ll gi thee a sark o’ silk An’ I will sew it wi my han’ An’ as langs that sarks on thy body A drap o’ thy blood shall never be drawn

5

O I’ll gi thee a gay gold ring An’ a’ to put on thy left han’ An’ when thy ring doth change the hue To thy true love thou’ll bid adieu

6

O I’ll gi thee a branch o’ gowd An’ a’ to set in thy right han’ An’ I’ll gi thee three bonny birds An’ a to set thy branch upon

59

60

Volume I



An’ if thy birds do tak the flight To thy true love thou’ll bid good night

7

He hadna saild upon the sea Only a reith but barely three When he look’t his ring unto His gay gold ring had chang’t the hue

8

He lookit to his bonny birds His bonny birds had ta’en the flight Betide me well, betide me wae In Scotlan’ I maun be this night

9

The first an fool that he met wi It was a beggar bold & free What news, what news ye bold beggar Now tell me what news ye do hear

10

No news, no news brave gentleman An’ O no news have I to thee But the brawest bridal that ever was seen Is at the castle ayont yon wood so green Atween the King of Scotlan’s fair daughter An’ the King of Englands eldest son

11

O thou’lt gi me thy pock in han An’ I’ll gi thee my trusty bran’ O I’ll win mair wi my pock in han’ Than thou’ll do wi thy noble bran’

12

O thou’lt gi me thy clooty cloak An’ I’ll gi thee my robes so red O I’ll win mair wi my clooty cloak Than thou’ll do wi thy robes so red

13

O thou’lt gi me thy good pickestaff An’ I’ll gi thee my noble steed O I’ll win mair wi my good pike staff Than thou’ll do wi thy noble steed

/page: 34

Volume I



But happen well or happen wight I’ll make a niffer wi thee this night

14

The milk white steed rede o’er the hill The beggar took him to the mill The milk white steed rede o’er the down The beggar took him to the town

15

The first an fool that he met wi An’ O’ it was the proud porter What news, what news ye proud porter An’ O what news hae ye to me

16

No news, no news ye bold beggar An’ O no news hae I to thee But the brawest bridal I e’er did see In this castle it is this day Atween the fair daughter of Scotlan’s King An’ the King of England’s eldest son

17

Only ae poor sixpence hae I An’ I will gi it unto thee An’ promise nae I’ll sall the[e] betide If ye’ll carry this message to the bride

18

Bid her eat her meat an’ drink her drink An’ then upon the poor folk think Bid her deal for Peter & deal for Paul An’ deal for poor Hyn Horn’s saul

19

He’s taen the money frae his han’ An’ fest up that stair did he gang The bravest beggar I e’er did see O he is at your gates this day

20

He bids ye eat your meat an drink your drink An’ then upon the poor folk think He bids ye deal for Peter an deal for Paul An’ deal for poor Hyn Horn’s saul

61

/page: 35

62

Volume I

21

Up she’s ta’en a glass o’ wine I’ll serve that beggar wi my ain han’ Up she’s ta’en a loaf sae fine An’ fest fast down the stair did gang

22

O she gave him a glass o’ wine An’ he gave her a gay gold ring O she gave him a good white loaf An’ he gave her a branch o’ gold

23

O got ye this by slight or might Or got ye’t frae a dead man’s han’ I gotna that by slight nor might Nor did I frae a dead man’s han’ But lady white, an lady free Isna’ that the tokens thou gae me

24

If this be true that ye tell me An’ O this day an’ well is me For I’ll cast off my robes o’ red An’ follow thee an’ beg my bread O’ I’ll cast aff my robes o’ brown An’ follow thee frae town to town

25

He’s put a horn to his mouth An’ O he blew it loud & shrill Four & twenty bold barons Did a come brave Hyn Horn until

26

O the king’s son he has her wedded Good Hyn Horn has with her bedded O the king’s son he has her married Good Hyn Horn with her tarried

Only first stanza numbered in the Mss. Stanzas left aligned. 103 & 163: brawest poss. bravest. 104: beyond to ayont. 122: me thy to thee my.

/page: 36

Volume I

63

136: charge to make. 151: mett to met 173: Should be Promise nae ill. 174: I’ve to if. Stanzas 19/20 and 21/22 are written closely together; short underscores inserted between them to indicate breaks.

Dame Oliphant Vol . I : 1 9, p p. 3 7– 39 , 3 8(2 ) 1 (Child 101, Willie O Douglas Dale; Roud 65)

1

O Willy was a widow’s son A squire of high degree He’se to the King o’ England’s court To win baith meat & fee

2

The King he had but ae daughter An fair was she to see Her name was fair Dame Oliphant A maid of great beautie

3

O it fell once upon a day Dame Oliphant thought long And she is on to good green wood To hear the lint white’s sang Sweet William he has followed her As fast as he coud gang

4

O when he saw Dame Oliphant He fell down on his knee Rise up, rise up ye brave Scots lord That’s too great courtesie

5

O wae met worth you young Scots men That e’re ye crossed the sea For ye beguiled our young lady A



Scott misnumbered page 40 as 38, hence the skewed sequence of the remaining pages in this volume. 1

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64

6

But it fell once upon a night On his bed where he lay

7

He dreamt that fair Dame Oliphant Gave him a comely flower All busked up with lilies fair Just like the paramour

8

It fell upon another day Dame Oliphant thought lang And she has on to William’s bower But weary did she gang

9

What shall become o’ me William What shall become o’ me For o’ the aprons short for me For me ’twas made too (side)

10

The gown is narrow for my waist For me was made too wide Pale, pale’s now grown my red rose An sair fae’n is my pride

11

O if my father get word o’ this I’m sure he’ll ne’er drink wine An if my mother get word o’ this To green wood she’ll go hin’

12

A peck o’ gowd, a gown o’ silk Out o’er the castle wa My ain sell an ye like Willy Ye needna let me fa

13

A peck o’ gowd a gown o silk She threw out o’er the wa An Willy was liel o’ limb & lith He didna let her fa

14

When cocks had crawen & horns had blawn An lions had ta’en the hill

/page: 38

Volume I



O she has follow’d sweet Willie An lettin the tears down fall

15

They hadna travelled a mile, a mile A mile but scarcely three When sair, sair grew that lady’s side An travailing took she

16

O want ye ribbons to your hair Or roses to your shoon Or want you as much dear bought love As your heart can contain

17

I wantna ribbons to my hair Nor roses to my shoon And I have as much dear bought love As my heart can contain

18

I rather had one fire me behind Another me beforn Than a’ the roses red and white That sprang since man was born An a skilly midwife me beside To row my bonny bairn

19

Ye’ll take your bow your arm o’er Your gun into your han’ An ye’ll gae down thro’ good green wood An kill some venison

20

He’se ta’en his bow out o’er his arm His gun into his han’ An’ he has down thro’ good green wood To kill some venison An’ lang e’re he came back agen His lady brought a son

21

O he has made a bed to her O’ oaken spell an’ leaves An covered her wi his good green cloak They hadna better claes

65

/page: 39

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66

22

He’se ta’en the flint frae his pocket An’ kindled to her a fire An’ biggit it roun’ wi oaken spells Made it burn wi ire

23

He milkt the milk frae the wild goats An’ fed his lady on An’ gave her a drink o wall water Out o’ a blowin horn

24

O it fell ance upon a day Dame Oliphant thought long An’ they have down thro’ good green wood To hear the lint whites song O then they spied a bonny may She fed her goats alone

25

O when she saw Dame Oliphant She fell down on her knee The lady raised her up agen To shew her courtesie

26

O will ye go wi’ me fair may To Scotland I am boun’ O will ye go along wi’ me To carry my young son

27

The robes that ye do see me wear They shall be worn by thine Besides an more I’ll give to thee I’ll give the a good Scots man

28

O I will leave my father & mother An leave my goats alone An’ I will go to fair Scotlan’ An carry your bonny young son

29

O they ha’e shipp’d at Boreybrough An’ lan’t in Scotlan’ fair He made her Lady o’ Douglasdale An’ her young son his heir

/page: 38(2)

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Only first stanza numbered in Mss. Second and fourth lines indented. 73: busked written over cov 94: (wide) (side); the first is scored out. 114: hin’ poss. kin’. 233: wall poss. well or wale.

William O’ Douglassdale Vol . I : 2 0, p p. 3 8(2) , 39 (2) , 40 – 4 2 (Child 101, Willie O Douglas Dale; Roud 65)

1

There liv’d a knight in fair Scotland In fair Scotlan livd he He thought his father lacked love To his mother of high degree An’ he wou’d on to fair England To live so brave an’ free

2

He hadna been in fair England A twelve month an a day ’Till the King’s daughter is as deep in love As ae lady could be

3

What shall become o me William What shall become o’ me For my father will surely take your life If he hear o’ my love for thee

4

O lady wou’d ye loup this wa An’ come along with me I’ve as much gold in fair Scotlan’ As would sair baith thee & me I’ve as much lan’ in fair Scotlan As would make you a lady free

5

A hundred pounds in pennys roun’ Tied up in a napkin sma’ O shes gaen them to her true love Out o’er the castle wa

6

O pale, pale grew that ladys cheek When she tried to loup the wa

/page: 39(2)

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But Willie’s wight an weel willin’ An he keepit her fae a fa’

7

He’se taen his bow his arm oer His gun into his han’ An hese gaen to the good green wood As fast as he cou’d gang An’ ay his lady by his side Sae tird she scarce cou’d gang

8

O’ want ye ribbons to your hair Or roses to your shoon Or any more of my deep dear love That your heart can contain

9

I wantna ribbons to my hair Or roses to my shoon An’ I have as much o’ your deep dear love As one heart can contain

10

I have more need o’ a bush o’ yon red berries Aff a yon bonny thorn Than a the roses red and white That sprang sin man was born Or than a drink o’ Mary well water Out o’ your grass green horn

11

He ga’e her a bunch o’ red berries Aff ’ o’ the bonny hawthorn Also a drink o’ Mary well water Out o’ his grass green horn

12

He pu’d the roses red and white An’ made to her a bed An he’se ta’en aff his green mantle An o’er her he has spread

13

He’se ta’en the flint fae his pocket An’ kindled to her a fire An set it roun wi’ the barks o’ oak An it burnt like linkum shire

/page: 40

Volume I

14

Says sleep ye there my dear lady O sleep ’till it be day For were I King o’ fair Scotland A better bed ye’d hae

15

He’se ta’en his bow his arm oer His gun into his han’ An he’se gane hunting thro’ the wood To bring her some venison

16

O see na ye young Douglasdale Takin aff the harts skin An se’na ye the King’s daughter Dressin the venison

17

O cauld, cauld was the lang winter But its bonny in April Its warm in June in the merry forrest An’ love does their griefs beguile

18

Simmers gane awa Willie An winter’s comin on I wish we were awa frae the good green wood An’ safe lodged in a town For wha’ will dress your venison When I carry your young son

19

O bonny is the July flowers An’ the pinks that spring in May But bonnier is the little wi boy That lies in the green wood gay An bonnier far is the fair lady That sings his lullaby

20

O William has milkt the wild goats An fed his young son on An’ he has brought to his lady The white bread & the wine

21

He’se ta’en his gun into his han’ An’ thro’ the green wood gone

69

/page: 41

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An’ there he saw a pretty maid Milkin her goats alone

22

Now Christ save thee thou pretty maid Now Christ thee save & see Now sae fa you ye gallant knight What would ye say to me

23

If you would go along wi’ me An’ carry my little boy That gowns thats shaped for my lady Should a’ be sewed for thee

24

O’ an ye saw that sweet lady Alone beneath the tree Ye woudna need another word But ae blink o her e’e

25

O word come frae our noble King Frae Stirling town so free O who will bring young Douglasdale Hame to his ain countrie

26

O I would gie mickle o’ my carse lan’s An meikle o’ my lee To see him at my roun’ table Where he’se been mony a day

27

The maid she carried the bony boy The knight led his lady An’ they are on to fair Scotlan’ As tentie as they may

28

Gae up, gae up ye beauty bright An’ wear scarlet so gay For ye’re hailsed Lady o’ Douglassdale An’ William your Earl to be

29

Mony ane speaks o’ grass growin An mony ane speaks a corn

/page: 42

Volume I



An’ mony ane speaks o’ her young son Wha little ken whare he was born

“Another” written above title and scored out. No numbering; second and fourth lines indented. 10/11: Underscore between 106 and 111 to indicate stanza break. 111: bush to bunch. After 15, the following couplet is scored out (see 17): O cauld, cauld, was the lang winter But its bonny in April. 183: Court of England to good green wood.

End of Volume I

71

Contents Vol : I I

No. 1 The Battle of Glenlivat, or Altichalichan 2 Haughs O Cromdale 3 Laird of Woodhouslie 4 Shouly Linkum 5 Maid of Coldingham 6 Lady o’ Livingstone 7 Young Waters 8 Kathrine Jaffrey 9 Lady Mary 10 Lord Errol 11 Burd Isobel 12 Arrat and Marrat and Fair Masrie 13 Fragment [Archerdale] 14 Lord Thomas 15 Gil: Ingram 16 Sweet William 17 Lord Lovel

73

Page 1 9 13 16 17 19 23 25 29 34 37 40 43 45(2) 48 52 54

[74] [83] [85] [88] [89] [90] [95] [97] [101] [106] [109] [112] [115] [119] [121] [125] [127]

Volume II

74

The Battle of Glenlivit or The Battle of Altichallichan Vol . I I : 1 , p p. 1 – 8 Roud 8182

1

Frae Dinnideer to Aberdeen I rose an’ took my way Believing well it had not been Full half an hour ’till day

2

The lift was clad with clouds so grey And masked was the moon Which me deceived where I lay And made me rise too soon

3

At Cowie mouth I met a man Well graithed in his gear What news quoth I then he began To tell of a feat of war

4

Saying the ministers I fear A bloody brewest hath brewn For yesterday without an mair On a hill of Strathdown

5

I saw three lords in battle fight Right furious a while Huntly an’ Errol as the height Were both against Argyle

6

Turn back with me an’ ride a mile An’ I shall make it kent How they began to form in style An’ of the battles end

7

Then I as any one would be Right curious was to know More of the tale he told to me The which he said he saw

8

But then the day began to dawn An’ back with him I rode

/page: 2

Volume II



Then he began the sooth to shaw An’ on this wise he said

9

Macallin Moir came from the west With many a bow an brand To win and waste as he thought best The Earl of Huntlys land

10

He swore that none should him withstand Unless that they were fey But all should be at his command That dwelt benorthside Tay

11

Then Huntly to prevent that peril Directed hastily Unto the noble Earl of Errol Besought him for supply

12

Who said it is my duty To give Huntly support For if he lose Strathbogie lan’s My Slains they will be hurt

13 14

Therefore I hold the subjects vain Would ’rave us of our right First shall the one of us be slain The other put to flight

15

Therefore my merry men be blyth Argyle shall have the worse If he into this country kyth I hope him sure to cross

16

This lord lap on at afternoon A warlike troop at Turriff

75

Suppose Argyle has meikle might By force of Highlandmen We’ll be a mote unto his sight E’re he come again

/page: 3

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To meet with Huntly and his force They rode to Elgin of Moray

17

That same night these lords met For others who thought long To tell you all I have forgot What mirth was them among

18

But players played and singers sang To glad the merry host Who feared not their foes so strong Not yet Argyles’es boast

19

They for two days would not remove But blythly drank the wine Some drank their glass some to their loves Some to their ladies fine

20

And some that thought not fair to tine Their mistress token takes They kissed it first, & set it syne On the breast o’ their jacks

21

They passed the time right merrily While word came at the last That Argyle with a great army Approached wondrous fast

22

Then frae this town these warmen past And Huntly to them said Good gentlemen we will us cast For Strathbogie to bed

23

When they unto Strathbogie came To council soon they gied For to see how things might frame For they had mukle need

24

They voted there to do a deed As kirkmen do advise

/page: 4

Volume II



And prayed that they might find good speed In that great enterprise

25

Then every man himself can arm To meet Macallain Moir Who in Strathdown hath done great harm The Wednesday before

26

As lions do poor lambs devour With bloody teeth and nails They burnt the biggin’ took the store An’ slew the people’s selves

27

Besides all this his cruelty He said ere he should cease The stanin’ stanes of Strathbogie Should be spalzions place

28

But Huntly said when I him face First we shall fight him ance Perchance that he may take the chase Or he come to the Stanes

29

These lords lap on at afternoon With all their war men wight An’ rode to Cairnborrow soon Where there they bed all night

30

An’ on the morrow when day was light They rose and did them boun’ Unto an house that stans on height They call it Auchindown

31

Where is a castle an a croft They stented palzion there Then spoke a man who had been oft In jeopardy of war

32

My lord your foes they are to fear Tho’ you be ne’er so stout

77

/page: 5

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Therefore command some men of war To watch the rest about

33

When this was done some gentlemen Of noble kin and blood To council with these lords are gone Of matters to conclude

34

For well enough they understood The matters were of weight They had too many men and good In battle for to fight

35

The first man that in council spoke Good Errol it was he Who says the vanguard I will take And leading upon me

36

My Lord Huntly come support me When you see me opprest For frae the field I’ll never flee So long as I may last

37

Thereat the Gordon waxed wroth And said he did them wrong To let this lord for they were laith First to the battle gang

38

The mutiny was them among Therefore was no more heard But Huntly and a troop more strong Staid in the rearguard

39

Then Errol hasted to the height Where he did battle bide With him then Auchindown an’ Gight And Bonniton by his side

40

More gentlemen did with him ride Whose praise should not be smoored

/page: 6

Volume II



But Captain Kerr who was their guide Rode ay before his lord

41

While they so near each other were come That ilk man saw his fae Go to and sey the game said some But Captain Kerr said nay

42

First let the guns before us gae That we may break their order Quoth baith the lords let it be sae Or ever wi’ go farther

43

Then Andrew Grey upon a horse Betwixt the battle rode Making the sign of Holy Cross And so some words he said

44

He lighted, there the guns he laid While they came to a rest Then Captan Kerr unto him spake And bade him shoot on haste

45

I will not shoot says Andrew Grey ’Till they come o’er yon hill We have owr good a cause this day Thro’ misguiding to spill

46

Shoot up, shoot up says Captain Kerr Shoot up for our comfort The first that shot they were so far It lighted far too short

47

The second shot their foes did hurt And lighted wondrous well Quoth Andrew Grey I see a sport When they began to reel

48

Go to it is not time to stay An’ for my bennison

79

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Save none this day we can gar die ’Till we the field have won

49

Then Errol hasted to the height Where he did battle bid With him then Auchindown an’ Gight An’ Bonniton by his side

50

Huntly made haste to succour him And charged furiously While many a one their sight grew dim The shot so thick did flee

51

Which made right many doughty die Of some on either side Argyle with his whole host did flee But yet McLean did bide

52

McLean had on a habergeon Ilk lord had on a jack Together they did fiercely run While many guns did crack

53

Alas! I see a sorry sight Now says the Lord McLean Yon feeble folks has taen the flight An’ left me now alane

54

Now I maun flee or else be taen Sith they will not return With that he lap and owr a den Along a little burn

55

Go to go to said Huntly then And take them man and horse Go to for we are men anew To bear them down by force

56

Noble Errol had remorse And said it is not best

/page: 8

Volume II



For tho’ Argyle has got the worst Let him go with the rest

57

What greater honour could we wish In deeds of chivalry Or braver victory than this When one has chased thrice three

58

Made Captain Kerr a knight And bade among the dead bodies ’Till they were out o’ sight

59

This was the number of the force These lords to battle had A thousand gentlemen on horse An’ some footmen they had

60

Four hundred that shot arrows broad Four score that halberts bore This was the number that they had Of footmen with them sure

61

Whereas Argyle had thousands ten Were they that took the chase And tho’ that they were nine to ane They caused them take the chase

62

Auchindown in that battle With fourteen mair were slain So was the laird of Lochymeil With fourteen hundred Highlandmen

Stanzas numbered and left aligned. 33–4: Then he began initially written on line 4, crossed out and added to 3. 234: Possibly meikle, with undotted “i”. Stanza 52 comes after 53 in Mss; renumbered and asterisked by Scott. 543: lap out to lap and 574: one inserted above the line

81

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The following account of “The Battle of Glenlivit” is inserted between pp. 8 and 9 of the Mss. The extremely imbecile administration of James 6th had at that time involved the nation in the complicated misfortunes of the most inveterate anarchy. The Church weakly interposed in the affairs of state, which were at the same time embroiled by the contending interests of discordant nobles, & the imperious but selfish politics of the English Queen. Three noblemen, the Earls of Huntly, Errol, & Angus, from causes unnecessary to be stated here, had persisted in the religion of their ancestors. By the incredible calumny of a conspiracy with the Spanish monarch, the King, obliged to submit to the necessity of the times, reluctantly decreed their banishment & forfeiture; & excommunication, for the good of their souls, was added by the sentence of the Church. From a previous enmity to Huntly, the Earl of Argyle is appointed his majesty’s Lieutenant to execute this mild correction, & his preparations for this holy war are aided & spurred on by the pious endeavours of Bruce of Kinnaird, a clergyman of Edinbro. By their united influence, & the hope of the plunder of the north, almost 10,000 rapacious warriors from the Western Isles, & all the coast from Cantyre to Lochaber, take the field. Elated with their own numbers, & gaping for the spoil, they hasten on thro’ Badenoch towards the richer region of Strathbogie. In the vale of Glenlivet their march is intercepted by a little band of scarce 1200 horse which Huntly & Errol were only able to muster on the spur of the occasion. The field of battle was the southern declivity of the valley, thro’ which the brook of Aultcholinachan winds its course, at the bottom of a heathy precipice almost perpendicular, upon the margin of which the forces of Argyle were marshalled, having the advantage of their enemy on the sloping ground below, which was however compensated by the effect of two small field pieces, almost equally unknown among the forces of Argyle as among the powers of Montezuma, or the armies of Peru. The disorder which these occasioned was completed by the van, of 400 of the most gallant horsemen, led round the end of the precipice by Errol, charging the footmen furiously with the spear. The left wing had been without consideration entrusted to the command of a chief among the Grants, yet the vassal & friend of Huntly, who by a previous concert, turned at this crisis of the engagement, against the centre, which was led on by Argyle himself. The centre at last gave way under the vigour of Huntly’s attack: their rout left the van or right wing, which had commenced the fight[,] unsupported, which retreated unbroken, & in order[,] tho’ their leader, the chieftain of the McLeans of Mull, was slain. [/page] The attempt of Argyle to rally was in vain; & the whole of their baggage, the greater part of their arms, & more than 700 slain were left upon the field, while twelve only of the opposing party fell.

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The carnage of the pursuit was prevented by the roughness of the ground. This battle took place in the year 1594.—Grant’s History of the County of Moray.

Haughs O Cromdale Vol . I I : 2 , p p. 9– 1 1 (Roud 5147)

1

As I came in by Auchindown A little wi bit frae the town Unto the Highlands I was boun’ To view the Haughs o’ Cromdale

2

I met a man wi tartan trews I spier’d at him what was his news He says the Highland army rues That ever they saw Cromdale

3 4

Lord Livingston rode frae Inverness Our Highland lads for to distress And has brought us into disgrace Upon the Haughs o’ Cromdale

5

Says Livingston I hold it best To catch them lurking in their nest We will the Highland lads distress And hew them down at Cromdale

6

They were in bed sin every one When the English army on them came A bloody battle soon began Upon the Haughs o’ Cromdale

7

The English horse they were so rude They bathed their hoofs in Highland blood

An’ English general he did say We’ll give the Highland lads fair play We’ll blow our trumpets give hurra An’ wauken them up at Cromdale

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Our noble clans most firmly stood Upon the Haughs o’ Cromdale

8

Our noble clans they could not stay Out o’er the hills they ran away An’ sae they do lament the day That ever they came to Cromdale

9

Says great Montrose I will not stay So direct to me the nearest way For owr the hill I’ll go this day An’ see the Haughs o’ Cromdale

10

Alas! my lord you are not strong You scarce have got two thousand men There is twenty thousand on the plain Lys rank and file at Cromdale

11

Says great Montrose I will not stay Direct to me the nearest way For oer the hill I’ll go this day An’ see the Haughs o’ Cromdale

12

They were at dinner every man When great Montrose upon them came A second battle soon began Upon the Haughs o’ Cromdale

13

The Grants, McKenzies and McKai As soon’s Montrose they did espy They stood and fought most manfully Upon the Haughs o’ Cromdale

14

The McDonalds they returned again The Camerons did their standard join The McIntoshes played a bonny game Upon the Haughs o’ Cromdale

15

McPhersons fought like lions bold McGregors none could them control

/page: 10

Volume II



McLachlans fought with valiant souls Upon the Haughs o’ Cromdale

16

McLean, McDouglas and McNeil So boldly as they took the field And made their enemies to yield Upon the Haughs o’ Cromdale

17

The Gordons boldly did advance The Frasers fought with sword and lance The Grahams they made their heads to dance Upon the Haughs o’ Cromdale

18

The royal Stewarts and Montrose So boldly as they faced their foes And brought them down with handy blows Upon the Haughs o’ Cromdale

19

Out of twenty thousand Englishmen Five hundred fled to Aberdeen The rest of them they were all slain Upon the Haughs o’ Cromdale

Stanzas numbered and left aligned.

Page 12 blank

The Laird of Woodhouslie Vol . I I : 3 , p p. 1 3–15 (Cf. Child 194, The Laird of Wariston; Roud 3876)

1 Shinin’ was the painted ha Wi’ gladsome torches bright Full twenty gowden dames sat there An’ ilk ane by a knight Wi music cheer To please the ear When beauty pleased the sight

85

/page: 11

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Volume II

2 Wi cunning skill this gentle meid To chant, a warlike fame Ilk damsel to the ministrel geed Some favourite chieftain’s name “Sing Salton’s praise” The lady says An sooth she was to blame 3 By my renown you wrong me fair Quoth haughty Woodhouslie To praise that youth of sma’ reput An’ never deem on me When ilka dame Her fere could name In a’ this companie 4 The morn she to her nourice gied O meikle do I fear My lord will slay me syne yestreen I praised my Salton dear I’ll hae nae ease Till heaven it please That I ly on my bier 5 Mair would I lay him on his bier The crafty nourice said My saw gin ye will heed but ance That sall nae be delayed O nourice say And by my fay Ye sall be well appaid 6 Take ye this drap o’ deadly drug And put it in his cup When ye gang to the gladsome ha’ An’ sit you down to sup When he has gied To bed bot dreed He’ll never mair rise up

/page: 14

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87

7 An’ she has taen the deadly drug An’ put it in his cup When they gied to the gladsome ha An’ sat them down to sup An’ wi’ ill speed To bed he gied And never mair raise up 8 The word came to his father auld Neist day by hour of dine That Woodhouslie had died yestreen And his dame had held the wine Quoth he I vow “By Mary now” “She shall meet sure propine” 9 Syne he has flown to our guid king An’ at his feet him layne O justice! justice! royal liege My worthy son is slain His ladys feid Has wrought the deed Let her receive the pain 10 Sair meived was our worthy king An’ an angry man was he Gar bind her to the deadly stake An’ burn her on the lee That after her Nae bliudy fiere Her reckless lord may slee 11 O wae be to you nourice An’ ill death may ye die For ye prepared the deadly drug That gard my dearie die May a’ the pain That I darraine Ane ill time light on thee

/page: 15

Volume II

88

12 O bring to me my gown o’ black My mantle an’ my pall And gie five merks to the friars gray To pray for my poor saul An’ ilka dame O gentle name Beware o’ my sair fall Stanzas numbered. 31: fair possibly sair. 43: the deleted between syne and yestreen. 96: wrote to wrought

Shouly Linkum Old Fragment Vol . I I : 4, p p. 1 6 (Child 12, Lord Randal; Roud 10)

1

Where hae ye been a’ day Shouly Linkum, Shouly Linkum Whare hae ye been a day Shouly Linkum Twin I hae been at my stepmothers, stepmothers, stepmothers Sair, sair she sought me in wi her to dine

2

What gat ye at your stepmothers, Shouly Linkum, Shouly Linkum What gat ye at your stepmothers Shouly Linkum Twine O I got a piece o’ a speckled face, speckled face Fry’d in a dead man’s harn pan

3

What makes you so pale & wan Sho: Lin: Sho: Lin: What makes you so pale an’ wan Sho: Link: Twine O make my bed lay me down, lay me down, lay me down Mak: my bed lay me down I maun die soon

After a three inch gap, the following is written: Tradition says that the ballads of Lord Ronald My Son, & the Little Wee Crooden Dou were taken from this old fragment—which is said to have been originally written in consequence of a person of note having eaten of an adder instead of an eel by which he or she was poisoned. Stanzas numbered. 12: Whaire scored out at beginning of the line.

Volume II

The Maid of Coldingham Vol . I I : 5 , p p. 1 7– 1 8 (Child 21, The Maid and the Palmer; Roud 2335)

1

The may’s to the well to wash & to wring The primrose o’ the wood wants a name An’ ay so sweetly did she sing I am the fair maid of Coldingham

2

O by there cam’ an eldren man The primrose o’ the wood wants a name O gie me a drink o’ your cauld stream An’ ye be the fair maiden of Coldingham

3

My golden cup is down the strand The primrose &ce Of my cold water ye sall drink nane Tho’ I be the fair maiden &ce

4

O fair may bethink ye again The primrose &ce Gie a drink o’ cauld water to an auld man If ye be the fair &ce

5

O she sware by the sun & the moon The primrose &ce That all her cups were flown to Rome Yet she was the fair maid of &ce

6

O seven bairns hae ye born The primrose &ce An’ as many lives hae ye forlorn An’ ye’re nae the fair maiden &ce

7

There’s three o’ them in your bower floor The primrose &ce It gars ye fear when ye woudna fear An’ ye’re nae the fair maiden &ce

8

There’s ane o’ them in yon well stripe The primrose &ce

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An’ twa o’ them in the garden dyke An’ yere nae the fair maiden &ce

9

There’s ane o’ them in your bed feet The primrose &ce It gars you wake when ye should sleep An’ yere nae the fair &ce

10

Ye’ll be seven year a cocky to craw The primrose &ce An’ seven years a cattie to maiw An’ ye’re nae the fair maiden &ce

11

Ye’ll be seven lang years a stane in a cairn The primrose &ce An’ seven years ye’ll go wi’ bairn An’ ye’re nae the fair maiden of Coldingham

12

Ye’ll be seven years a sacran bell The primrose &ce An’ ither seven the cook in hell An ye’re nae the fair &ce

Stanzas numbered and left aligned. 31: Of my scored out at beginning of the line. 53: frae or fare scored out, were inserted above. 81: well poss. changed from wall. 101: craw written above a deleted word, poss. crow.

The Lady o’ Livingstone Vol . I I : 6 , p p. 1 9– 22 (Child 91, Fair Mary of Wallington; Roud 59)

1

We were sisters, sisters seven An’ five o’ us died wi child There’s nane but you an’ me Mazrey An’ we’ll gae maidens mild

/page: 18

Volume II

2

We will big a bonny bower An’ strew it o’er wi san’ An’ we ll gae maidens mild Mazrey As longs there’s ony in the lan’

3

They hadna been in their bonny bower A’ twelve month an’ a day ’Till the lusty Laird of Livingstone Has stowen Margret’s heart away

4

There was na a year o’er Margret’s head ’Till Margret broke her vow When the lusty Laird o Livingstone Cam fair Margret to woo

5

The first an steed that he rode on Drank out o’ the Water o’ Tay An’ he woo’d her even, an’ he wooed her morn An’ he woo’d her night an’ day

6

The next an steed that he rode on Drank out o’ the River Don An’ he courted her even, & he courted her morn Till at length he brought her home

7

She had not been at Livingstone A twelve month an a day Until she was as big wi bairn As ae lady could gae

8

O it fell ance upon a day That she took travellin’ An’ grievous were that ladys pains An’ heavy was her moan

9

Where will I get a bonny boy Will rin my erran’ soon That will rin on to bonny Snowdown To my mother the Queen

91

/page: 20

92

Volume II

10

O here am I a bonny boy Will rin your erran soon An’ I will rin to bonny Snowdown To your mother the Queen

11

O hae run your erran Lady In waur weather than wet An’ now I’ll rin your erran lady Wi’ saut tears on my cheek

12

I hae run your erran lady In waur weather than rain An’ I will rin your erran’ lady Tho’ I come never again

13

Tak here, tak here this sark o’ silk Her ain han sewed the sleeve Ye’ll bid her come to Livingstone O Margret tak her leave

14

Take here, tak here my bridal gown It’s a’ gowd but the hem Ye’ll gi it to my ae sister An’ bid her ly her leen

15

Ye’ll bid them both come, an ye’ll pray them both come If they’ll do it for my sake If they dinna come to see me die That they come to my lyk wake

16

When he cam to brigs broken He slackit his bow & swam An’ when he cam to grass growin He straitit his shoes an’ ran

17

An’ when he cam to bonny Snawdown Bed neither to chap nor ca’ Afore the porter was at the yete The boy was in the ha’

/page: 21

Volume II

18

God mak ye safe ye gay ladies Fer ye sit at your dine Ye min’ little o’ the Lady o’ Livingstone She comes never in your min’

19

Wash ye, wash ye bonny boy Wash ye an’ go an’ dine We think ay o the Lady o Livingstone She gaes never frae our min’

20

It woudna set a bonny may Her erran’ for to let Nor yet would it a bonny boy His erran’ for to eat For ’gin he had eaten an’ well drunken His erran’ he might forget

21

O here it is a sark o silk Your ain han sewed the sleeve Ye’re biddin come to Livingstone O’ Margret tak your leave

22

An’ here you have her weddin’ gown It’s a’ gowd but the hem Ye’re biddin gi that to her ae sister An’ bid her ly her lane

23

Then out it spak the bonny Mazrey Thro’ wae as wells thro’ pride That man was never o’ woman born That sall ly by my side

24

Gae saddle to me the black black steed Gae saddle to me the brown Gae saddle now the swiftest steed That ever rode oer the down

25

But when they cam’ to Livingstone There met them meikle care

93

94

Volume II



The knight was snapping his white fingers The ladies rivin’ their hair An’ maids that never bairns bare Were falling a swooning there

26

The knight was snapping his white fingers Till the gowd rings flew in three Let ha’s an’ towers, an’ a gae waste There’s never be biggit for me Let ha’s an’ towers an’ a gae waste Since my lady maun die

27

O haud you still brave Livingstone Makna’ sae meikle din For ye may get anither lady But sisters I’ll get nane

28

O when they went to her chamber There’s little comfort there For cauld, cauld, is the bonny mother O’ Livingstone’s young heir

29

Six bonny oys now hae I An’ nane o’ them was born But out o’ my dear daughters’ sides These bonny boys were shorn

/page: 22

For the fate of this unfortunate lady’s sister see in vol: 3rd 10 page the ballad named Elphinston.

Stanzas numbered and left aligned. 43: An scored out at the beginning of the line. 101 and 102 written on one line; they are underscored and separated by a slash. 132: shewed to sewed. 182: Fer. Word uncertain; poss. for or else Fhair (the Northeast pronunciation of “where”). See also, vol. II, no. 8, 73, 101, and 103.

Volume II

Young Waters Vol . I I : 7 , p p. 2 3– 2 4 (Child 94, Young Waters; Roud 2860)

1

About Yule, when the wind blew caul An’ the roun’ tables began O there’s com to our king’s court Mony a well favour’d man

2

The queen luickit oure the castle wa Beheld baith dale an’ down An’ then she saw Young Waters Cum ridin’ to the town

3

His footmen they did rin before His horsemen rade behind And mantle o’ the burnin gowd Did keep him frae the wind

4

Wi gowd was graithed his horse before An’ siller shod behind The horse Young Waters rade upon Was fleeter than the wind

5

Out then spake a wylie lord Unto the queen said he O tell me whas the fairest face Rides in the companie

6

I’ve seen lord, an’ I’ve seen laird An’ knights o’ high degree But a fairer face than Young Waters Mine e’en did never see

7

Out then spake the jealous king (And an angry man was he) O if he had been twice as fair You might have excepted me

95

Volume II

96

8

You’re neither laird nor lord, she says But the king that wears the crown There’s nae a knight in fair Scotland But to thee maun bow down

9

For a that she could do or say Appeased he wadna be But for the words which she had said Young Waters he maun die

10

O they hae ta’en Young Waters, and Put fetters on his feet They hae ta’en Young Waters, and Thrown him in dungeon deep

11

Aft I hae ridin’ thro’ Stirlin’ town In the wind but an’ the weet But ne’er rade thro Stirling town Wi fetters at my feet

12

Aft I hae riddin thro Stirling town In the wind but an’ the rain But I ne’er rade thro’ Stirling town Ne’er to return again

13

They hae taen to the heiding hill His young son in his cradle An’ they hae ta’en to the heiding hill His horse but an’ his saddle

14

An’ they hae ta’en to the heiding hill His lady fair to see And for the words the queen did speak Young Waters he did die

Stanzas numbered and left aligned. 111: Oft hae I to Aft I hae. 113: never to ne’er.

/page: 24

Volume II

Kathrine Jaffrey Vol . I I : 8, p p. 2 5–2 8 (Child 221, Katharine Jaffray; Roud 93)

1

There lives a maid in Yarrow’s Banks An’ she lived there her lane Her name is Kathrine Jaffrey She’s loved by many one

2

There’s come a knight frae the South Sea Banks I mean from foreign land He’s lighted at Lord Jaffrey’s yetes He’s styled Lord Lammington

3

He’s courted her frae father and mother From her kins folk ane an a’ But he never tauld the lady hersel ’Till they set the weddin day

4 *

What she thought she said nae thing But sorry was her min’ She wishd she had a bonny boy To run her errand soon

5

Whare will I get a bonny boy That will rin my erran’ soon It will rin on to Lochinvar An haste him soon again

6

O here am I a bonny boy It will run your erran seen It will rin on to Lochnavar An’ haste me soon again

7

Whare ye find the brigs broken Ye’ll bend your bow & swim An fer ye find the grass grow green Slack your shoes an’ rin

97

98

Volume II

8

An’ when ye come to Lochnavar’s yetes Bid neither to chap nor ca’ But set a bent bow to your breast An’ lightly loup the wa’

9

O bid him min’ the last partin’ We partit o’ the lee An’ bid him horse & ride wi force An’ he hae ony min’ for me

10

But fer he found the brigs broken He bent his bow an’ swam An’ fer he found the grass growin He slackit his shoes an he ran

11

An’ when he cam to Lochnavar They were a’ playin’ at the ba God mak you safe young Lochnavar God mak you safe said he An how is Kathrine Jaffrey For I long think her to see

12

But theres come a knight frae the South Sea Banks I mean from foreign lan’ An’ he’se lighted at Lord Jaffrey’s yetes He’se styled Lord Lammington

13

He’se courted her frae father and mother From her kins folk ane an’ a’ But he never tauld the lady herself Till he’d set the weddin day

14

He’se taen his leave now frae the rest An’ fast awa rede he He’se warned a hundr’d wight men an’ horse To bear him companie

15

When he cam to Lord Jaffrey’s yetes They were a’ set at the dine Aff wi cap an’ on wi hat They were kindly welcomed in

/page: 26

Volume II

16

Out it spak the bride’s brother An’ angry man was he Are ye come here to fight he said Or for good companie An’ ye be come here to fight he said Ye’se get fighting till ye die

17

I’m no come here to fight he said But for good companie It’s a’ to drink your bonny bride’s health An’ syne I’ll boun’ my way

18

They fill’d the cups wi good red wine Gied tossin thro’ the ha’ An’ the bride she drank young Blakney’s health But she let the tears down fa

19

One word o’ your bride maiden I pray you grant me ane Before her weddin day was set I would hae gotten ten

20

I’ll keep my bride mysel’ she said Until the sun gae ti’ An’ deliver her o’er to her bonny bridegroom It’s all my dutie

21

One word o’ your bride, bridegroom One word ye’ll grant me Before her weddin day was set I would hae gotten three

22

They filled the cups o’ good red wine Gied tossin thro’ the ha’ The bridegroom drank young Blakney’s health Ye may even take twa

23

He’se taen her by the milk white han’ An’ by the middle sma An’ mounted her on high horse back An’ fast they rade awa

99

/page: 27

Volume II

100

24

But out it spak the bride’s maiden An’ loud called on them a’ An’ out it spak the bride’s maiden Our bonny bride’s awa

25

He put the spurs to his horse sides An’ fast rade down the street You woudna hae seen his yellow hair For the dust frae his horse feet

26 * 27

As they gied in by Culscan Banks An up by Coolin brae He gart the trumpets loudly soun’ To the tune of foul play

He’se put a horn to his mouth An’ he blew loud an shrill Till four an twenty gentle knights Cam’ ridin’ oer the hill

28 *

There’s fifty frae the bridal house gone All wight young men in array To bring the bonny bride back again By strength if that they may

29 *

The spears hae flown in splinters nine The blades high in the sky But for a’ the riders that there were He’s gien them foul play

30

/page: 28

O all ye that are English knights An’ are in England born Come never to Scotland to wed a wife For they’ll gie you the scorn

Stanzas numbered and left aligned. 33: lady written over lass. 34: they’d written over he’d. 4: Added in right margin, probably at a later date as it is not numbered; insertion point asterisked. 165–6 (155–6 in Mss): Initially numbered as a new stanza; number scored out. 261: Coolin to Culscan or poss. Culacan. Current stanzas 26, 28, and 29 are written in, without numbers, at the end of the text; insertion points asterisked.

Volume II

1 01

Lady Mary Vol . I I : 9 , p p. 29 –3 3

1

O meet me when ’tis night dear love O meet me when tis dark O meet me when ’tis night dear love Beside your father’s park

2

Lang was she wooed e’re she was won To be this young knight’s bride But folly, folly brought her low Before she was a wife

3

She’s kept it frae her father an’ mother So did she frae all her kin An’ she’s loose casten on a robe o’ silk That nane might her swellin’ ken

4

Ye ll marry me wi haste true love Ye ll marry me wi speed Let not my babe be bastard born Nor yet my shame proceed

5

O haud you still my lady fair Let a’ your folly be For ye are of a high high kin An’ I of low degree

6

O ye are o’ a high station An’ I o’ low estate I hae nae way to bear you hence But o’er your father’s yete

7

O haud you still my first fore love Let a your folly be Atween twa rapiers I wou’d climb My father’s yetts to thee Atween twa swords I’d come to you Tho’ the skaith on me should come

8

Gang to your bower my lilly flower An’ lay gowd o’ your seam

/page: 30

Volume II

102



Afore a month be come an’ gen I sall be your bridegroom

9

She’s to her bower that lilly flower To lay gowd on her seam But when a month was com an’ gen He wasna her bridegroom

10

O it fell ance upon a day Strong travelling took shee She loot the needle fa’ to her foot The seam fa to her knee

11

Then out it spak her bower woman Stood up at her bed feet O shall I call your mother lady O’ help ye hae great need

12

Call not my mother for your life Call no good woman here For woman’s help comes a’ o’er late My life I dinna fear

13

O ye will close my shot windows Ye’ll close them in an out Let no one hear my wofa’ cries Upo the street without

14

O then they closed their shot windows They closed them in an’ out But well were heard her wofa cries Upo’ the street without

15

Ye’ll do you to my ae sister I never had mair but she O she gied for her ae sister An’ fast cam’ she her tie

16

God gie you grace my ae sister Wha are sae dear to me

/page: 31

Volume II



Ye’ll do you to my first fore love I never lov’d ane but he

17

Ye’ll do ye to the Cowden Knows They are nae far awa Ye’ll see four an twenty gentle knights A playin at the ba

18

Ye’ll bid him com’ an ye’ll pray him to come An’ bid him come wi speed Bring comfort to a weary wight O’ comfort she has need

19

But how will I your true love ken An’ how will I him know For my tongue never wi him spak My een never him saw

20

Where my love’s red he is as red As rose in garden grows An’ where he’se white he is as white As milk, milkt frae the ewes



1 03

or thus –



The things thats white o my true love Is like ony swan or dow The things thats red o my true love Is like blood drapt in the snow

21

She did her to the Cowden Knows They werena far awa Four an twenty gentle knights Were playin at the ba An’ well kent she her sister’s love He was flower among them a

22

O yere bidin come an’ yere prayd to come Ye’re biddin come awa Bring comfort till a weary wight Has nae comfort awa

/page: 32

10 4

Volume II

23

Ye’ll mount, ye’ll mount ye gallant knight Ye’ll mount an go wi me Bring comfort ’till a weary wight That has nae comfort but thee

24

He turned him right an round about A light, light laugh leugh he Bid her dree on her weary pains She’ll never get mair frae me

25

O wae be ti you for a knight Some ill death will ye die Yere like to leave me sisterless I never had mair but she

26

She kiltit up her green clothin An’ fast, fast did she rin She dighted up her wet, wet cheeks An’ smilin’ came she in

27

What news, what news my ae sister What news bring ye to me Good news, good news my sister dear Good news bring I to thee

28

Afore an hour an something less He’ll be in bower wi thee But sighing said that sad lady That sight I’ll never see

29

O never a knight or baron bright Cam ridin’ o’er the plain But she thought it was her ain true love But he came never again

30

Never a knight or baron bright Came ridin’ o’er the lee But she thought it was her ain true love But never again cam he

/page: 33

Volume II

31

She travelled but she travelld ben Till the flesh came frae the bone An’ bonny was the knight bairn At that lady has born An’ wi a sigh an heavy moan That dainty dame is gone

32

At ear’ mornin’ her true love came But he came never in time He found his lady lyin dead An’ his young son on her arm

33

Ye’ll deal, ye’ll deal at my loves lyke The white bread an the wine Afore the morn at this same time Ye’ll deal as much at mine

34

Up he’se ta’en a trusty bran’ Was low down by his gare An’ he has struck into his heart A deep wound an’ a sair An’ wi a sigh his heart did break An’ a word he never spake mair

Stanzas numbered and left aligned. 21: win to won. 64: yett to yete. 75–6: initially labeled 8; number blotted. 81: ye to my. 102: cam written and scored out above line after travelling; took she written over her to. 104: knee written over something else; poss. toe. 171 and 211: knolls to knows. Alt. 204: the written in above the line. 221: & to an. 344: mare to mair.

1 05

Volume II

10 6

Lord Errol Vol . I I : 1 0, p p. 3 4– 3 6 (Child 231, The Earl of Errol; Roud 96)

1

O Errol is a bonny place Into the summers time The roses they grow red an’ white The apples red an’ green The rantin o’t, the dauntin o’t The rantin as ye ken The lady lost the rights o’it The first night she lay down

2

Her father he cried o’er the stair Kate is your tocher won O ye may ask the Earl o’ Errol For he is your gude son The rantin o’t the dauntin o’t The rantin as ye ken An what they ca’ the rantin o’t Lord Errol’s nae a man

3 4

As sure’s they ca you Kate Carnegie An’ I Sir Gilbert Hay I’ll gar your father sell Kinnaird Your tocher for to pay The rantin &ce — — — — — An what they ca the dauntin o’t Lord Errol lys him lane

5

Southesk is on to Edinbro For to plea out the law

To gar my father sell Kinnaird I think would be a sin To gi’e to sic a naughty lord That coudna tocher win The rantin &ce (as last stanza)

Volume II



Lord Errol fast has followed him His manhood for to shaw (Chorus as last stanza)

6

As he gied in beneath Kinnaird An’ thro’ the bowling green He might a sairt the best Carnegie That ever bear the name The rantin &ce

7

Then out it spak her ae sister It was bonny Lady Jane O dinna gaung to Edinbro’ To shame your ain gudeman The rantin &ce

8

O haud your tongue now Lady Jane Nor greet an’ mak’ a din For what care I for Lord Errol He’se no like other men The rantin &ce

9

When Errol gied to Edinbro’ Amo’ the nobles a’ He might hae sairt the best Carneg That ever yet ye saw The rantin &ce

10

He stood up into the court Amo’ the noblemen His lady stands upo’ the stair Like ony servant groom

11

But Errol’s got it in his will To chuse a maid himsel’ An’ he has chose a country may Cam’ in wi milk to sell The rantin &ce

12

O will ye go wi me fair may An’ bear to me a son An’ ye shall get five hundred pounds Before that it be won The rantin &ce

The rantin &ce

1 07

/page: 35

Volume II

10 8

13 He took her by the milk white han’ An’ led her up an’ down An twenty times he kissed her mouth Afore his lady’s e’en The rantin &ce Lord Errols nae him lane /page: 36 14

But they hae kept that country may Close lockt up in a bower An’ lang afore the twelvemonths end A bonny young son she bore The rantin &ce

15

Each day at Errol’s table are set Plate, knife, fork, an spoon An’ three times he cries o’er the yetes Lady Errol come an’ dine The rantin o’t the dauntin o t &ce An’ what they ca’ the rantin o’t Fair Errol lys her lane

16

She took the curtches frae her head An’ threw them to the wa Says I’ll gae maiden a’ my days Awa Errol awa The rantin o’t the dauntin o t The rantin as ye ken An’ what they ca’ the rantin o’t Fair Errol lys her lane

Written in the right margin beside stanza 7 is this stanza, also numbered 7:

An ye had been a gude woman As ye was never nane Ye wouldna gane to Edinbro To shame your ain gude man

Stanzas numbered and left aligned. 37: ye to they and thy to the. 62: best possibly least.

Volume II

Burd Isbell Vol . I I : 1 1, p p. 3 7–39 (Child 261, Lady Isabel; Roud 3884)

1

Burd Isbell stans in her bower door Clinkin her keys o’ gold By comes her cruel step mother Most furious to behold

2

‘What now, what now fair Burd Isbell ‘How can ye think to thrive ‘When ye have lyen wi your ain father ‘Your stepmother alive

3

“Whaever says that on me mother “I wish they may never drink wine “That I would be such an ill woman “Or such an unchristian quean

4

“Them that says that on me mother “I wish they may never drink ale “If I were such an ill woman “I wou’d bear the pains o’ hell

5

‘On thee it is well seen Isbell ‘On thee it is well seen ‘He gives to thee the robes o’ red ‘To me the simple green He gie’s to me the rings o’ gold An’ yours all diamonds shine

6

I hae a true love o’ my ain So far ayont the sea For every gown my father gi’es me My true love gi’es me three

7

I hae a true love o’ my ain So far ayont the main For every ring my father gi’es me My true love gi’es me ten

1 09

11 0

Volume II

8

O ye maun either leave the lan’ Or ye maun sail the sea Or ye maun drink the dowie drink A drink sall gar ye die

9

O spare me, spare me step mother O spare me but a while ’Till I rin on to Mary Kirk It’s no frae me a mile

10

O spare me, spare me step mother Spare me but one short hour ’Till I run on to Mary Kirk There to say my last prayer

11

As she went in thro’ Mary Kirk An’ in thro’ Mary quire She saw the courteous Queen of Heaven Was sittin in a chair

12

An’ when she saw the Queen of Heaven She fell down on her knee Come near, come near, now bonny Burd Bell What brings ye hear to me

13

O sal I leave the lan’ she said Or sal I sail the sea Or sal I drink the dowie drink A drink to gar me die It is my cruel stepmother Gars me these evils drie

14

Ye winna leave the lan Burd Bell Nor will ye sail the sea But ye may drink her dowie drink Its nae dowie to thee

15

For your bed’s made in Heaven high Beside your Saviour’s knee

/page: 38

Volume II



With red roses an white lillies An a’ to welcome thee

16

But her beds made behind Hell’s door Wi mony a bitter ban Wi pitch an’ tar to be her meat Even until doom’s day come

17

She took her mantle her about An’ trippit thro’ the heather Then out it spak her step mother Isbell’s been wi her father

18

I’m nae to leave the lan she said Not yet to sail the sea But I’m to drink your dowie drink It’s nae dowie to me

19

O out she’s taen a silver cup Her ain han’ fill’d the wine An’ wae be to the deadly drug That ill woman put in

20

Burd Bell was full o’ courtesy She said mother begin She put it to her cheek, her cheek She put it to her chin She put it to her foul fause lips But never a drap gied in

21

She took it in her milk white han An’ thought to do the same She put it to her ruby lips An the rank poison gied in

22

O’ a’ the bells o’ Mary Kirk Without men’s han’s were rung An’ holy psalms in Mary Kirk Were sung without a tongue

111

/page: 39

11 2



Volume II

An’ a’ for joy o bonny Burd Bell That she came maiden home

Stanzas numbered and left aligned. 51, 174: Isobell corrected to Isbell Stanzas 21 & 22 misnumbered as 22 & 23. 222: a’n scored out; men’s written in above line.

Arrat, an Marrat, an Fair Mazrie Vol . I I : 1 2, p p. 40 – 4 2 (Child 14, Babylon; or the Bonnie Banks O Fordie; Roud 27)

1

There were three ladies lived in ae bour Arrat, an Marrat, an fair Mazrie Each as fair as a summer flower An’ the dew draps frae the wood fair lady

2

The eldest she was a stately one Arrat &ce Her e’en like a craw, an’ her skin like a swan An the dew &ce

3

The second she was a comely flower Arrat, &ce An seldom sought to leave her bower An’ the dew &ce

4

The youngest she was a lovely thing Arrat &ce An wi her songs made the woods to ring An the dew &ce

5

These ladies in an evil hour Arrat &ce Went to the wood to pu’ a flower An’ the dew &ce

6

They went on an’ farther on Arrat &ce

Volume II



An farer than Marrat wished them to gaing An the dew &ce

7

They hadna pu d a flower but ane Arrat &ce Till up there starts a banished man An the dew &ce

8

He’se ta’en the eldest by the han Alas! an’ ohon! for Arrat so free An’ up on her feet he made her to stan’ An’ the dew &ce

9

Will ye gi me your maiden head Alas! an ohon! &ce Or will ye lose your sweet life indeed An’ the dew &ce

10

I’ll no gi you my maiden head Alas! &ce I’ll rather lose my sweet life indeed An’ the dew &ce

11

He’se ta’en out his little penknife Alas! &ce An’ he’se twined the lady o’ her sweet life An the dew &ce

12

He’se taen the second by the han’ Alas! & ohon! for Marrat so free Up on her feet he made her to stan An the dew &ce Here repeat again the 9, 10, & 11 verses

16

He’se taen the youngest by the han Arrat, an Marrat, an fair Maizrie Up on her feet he made her to stan’ An’ the dew &ce

17

Will ye gi’ me your maiden head Arrat &ce

113

/page: 41

114

Volume II



Or will ye lose your sweet life indeed An’ the dew &ce

18

I winna gi you my maiden head Arrat &ce Nor will I lose my sweet life indeed An’ the dew &ce

19

But O’ an’ I had my twa brithers here Arrat &ce I would gar you pay for my twa sisters dear An the dew &ce

20

O what will your brother’s fair lady Arrat &ce One of them is a lord so free An the dew &ce

21

The other he was a banished man Arrat &ce An’ he was banished frae Christendom An’ the dew &ce

22

O was he banished frae Christendom Arrat &ce Then dear dear sister I am him An the dew

23

Mak: haste sister make haste an gae hame Arrat &ce Afore ye meet wi’ mair banished men Or the dew drap frae the wood fair Maizrie

24

An when to your mothers bower ye are gone Arrat &ce Bid her weep nae mair for her banished son An the dew &ce

25

I’ll tear my flesh till the sun gae down Arrat &ce

/page: 42

Volume II



An’ lang e’re midnight my life will be gone Now haste thee frae the wood fair Maizrie

Stanzas numbered and left aligned. 1 inch gap after stanza 12. 16: Here ag written after stanza and blotted out. 234: A to Or.

Archerdale Vol . I I : 1 3, p p. 4 3–4 5 (2 ) 1 (Child 47, Proud Lady Margaret; Roud 37)

1

The lady walks in the garden green By the light o’ the moon An she beheld a gallant knight Who had rade o’er the down

2

O where are a’ your maids lady That ye walk here alone An’ where are a’ your steeds lady That ye walk in the green ground

3

O I’m come hither in my sport An sportin’ does me good O would ye that a gentle knight Should ly down by your side

4

There’s few o’ you thats gentle knights For as high a horse as ye ride There’s few o’ you thats good women Tho’ ye trail your silks so side

5

For lady wi your leave he said An’ a’ your craft ye ken An’ he jumped of his milk white steed Afore the lady’s e’en



1

Scott misnumbered page 46 as a second page 45.

115

Volume II

116

6

O an’ ye had been a gentle knight You would have blawn your horn An’ ye had been a good woman Ye would hae gien me the scorn

7

O gentle knight where was ye born Ye gelly hynd chiel tell me O I was born in good green wood At the foot o’ a’ green wood tree An’ my mother sent me to Archerdale To foster an to fee

8

Now lady by your leave he said An’ a your craft ye ken An’ he mounted on his milk white steed Afore the ladeis e’en

9

Stay still, stay still, ye gentle knight Stay still wi me a while An’ tell me now what kind o’ learning Ye got at Archerdale

10

We learned how to live on Earth To keep us free frae sin An when we come to heaven’s yates The way we may get in



— — — — —

11

Now lady by your leave he said An a’ your craft ye ken An he mounted on his milk white steed Afore the lady’s e’en

12

Stay still, stay still, ye gallant knight O stay but one short while What was your meat what was your drink Ye got at Archerdale

/page: 44

Volume II

13

O black, black was our bread lady An brown, brown was our ale An’ red, red was the wine lady Wi drank at Archerdale

14

But lady by your leave he said &ce — — — — —

15

O tell me what the ladies wear At bonny Archerdale O green green is their gay clothing An milk white is their caul

16

Now lady by your leave &ce

17

Stay still, stay still ye gallant knight Your talking is most sweet For if I talk awhile to you We’ll baith ly on ae sheet

18

O no, O no ye lady fair O no, it canna be For I’m your brother Lord William Come frae the dead for thee

19

I coudna get rest in the high heavens An’ a’ for scorn o’ thee An’ I sought leave frae my Saviour To come an’ talk you wi

20

Tak diamonds frae your hair lady An’ gold cauls frae your crown Afore ye come where I hae been Ye’ll wear them lower down

21

Put rubeis frae your hair sister When ye gae to the mass Makes simple people gaze at them When they should seek God’s grace

117

/page: 45

118

Volume II

22

O pride lady, o pride lady, O pride maun hae a fa Afore ye come where I hae been O pride maun wear awa

23

Ye’ll fall upon your bended knees An’ seek frae Christ a boon That ye never may wish to meet a knight By the ae light o the moon

24

O cocks hae crawn in merry Midlert An’ wild fowls boding day The bells o’ heaven will be rung An’ I’ll be mist away

25

O he has wavd his lilly han’ An soon he was away An he left the lady in garden green A watering wi her e’e

/page: 45(2)

Fragment written above title, crossed out. No numbering. Margins are irregular, and the gaps between stanzas are inconsistent, as are the size and slant of the handwriting. 73: at to in. 10: Faint dashed lines visible under line 2; dashed line after the stanza presumably indicates that material is still missing. 111: &c initially written after leave; he said written in over it. 11: Dashes visible under line 3. 14: Below this line, Stay still stay is written, blotted out, and scored with dashes. Dashes visible under 15 3–4 154: milk white written in over gold [?]. 16: Now lady by your leave &c; remaining lines not given. 214: Word scored out before When. 224: will to maun. 241: Middlet to Midlert. 243: A second be scored out

Volume II

119

Lord Thomas a Fragment Vol . I I : 1 4, p p. 4 5(2) -47 (Child 260, Lord Thomas and Lady Margaret; Roud 109)

1

Lord Thomas loved fair Annie well As Sarah did her son But now he hates the very ground That fair Annie walks on

2

O it fell ance upon a day That fair Annie thought lang An she went to Lord Thomases bower As fast as she could gang

3

He looked o’er his castle wa’ Beholding dale an’ down An’ he beheld her fair Annie Come slowly to the town

4

O where are a’ my merry young men That I pay meat an’ fee To loose a leish o my good grey hounds To hunt Annie frae me

5

O a’ the hounds this lady knew Nane o’ them would her steer Except it was ae hungry hound An’ they ca’d him Belawire

6

O wae met worth thee Belawiere Some ill death may ye die For ae loaf that I gave the rest I gave to thee full three

7

They hunted her up they hunted her down Like a deer hunted was she ’Til she had nae place to biel upon But a rock in the sea

/page: 46

120

Volume II

Here a great part of the ballad is wanting. But the tradition is this—that after remaining on this rock—subsisting on shell-fish &ce fair Annie was released from her perilous situation by a passing ship which landed her in a distant part of the country where she was married to a great man. Lord Thomas rapidly squandered his fortune, & becoming a beggar had recourse to his forsaken mistress. 8

O she looked o’er her castle wa’ Beholding dale an’ down An she beheld him fause Thomas Come walking to the town

9

O where are a’ my merry young men That I pay meat an’ fee To open my yetes baith wide & broad Let this good lord in to me

10

O how is my father an how is my mother Afar in your countrie O a’ the better fair Annie That ye would go an see

11

Forbid it heaven fair Annie said That ever the like betide That I should leave my ain good lord Wi you to beg my bread

12

O ye will spread my table she said Wi white bread an wi wine An’ ye’ll bring up my silver cups That this good lord may dine

13

Shes filled a cup wi good red wine Shes filled it to the brim An’ ay she bade Lord Thomas eat When she put the poison in

14

Then up shes ta’en the silver cup An she sairt him wi her han’

/page: 47

Volume II



Yese no gae thristy frae my gates As I gied last frae thine

15

Take the cup frae my han Annie For I think I’m like to die O sae was I for you Thomas When wi dogs ye hunted me

16

Tak the cup frae my han Annie I think I’m like to tine O sae was I for you Thomas On a rock in the sea days nine

17

But I’se gar as mony gallant lords Come a’ to bury thee As ye sent o’ your good grey hounds An a’ to worry me

No numbering; stanzas left aligned. In note btw. stanzas 7 and 8: carried her to to landed her in. 142 han’ is given, though the actual word in the mss. is difficult to make out; maybe hain.

Gil: Ingram Vol . I I : 15 , p p. 48 –5 1 (Child 90, Jellon Grame; Roud 58)

1

Sleep ye wake ye Lilly Flower Or are ye no within I sleepna aft I wake right aft Wha are ye kens my name

2

Ye’re bidden come to good green wood An haste thee there wi’ speed To mak to your love Gil: Ingram A sark o’ summer weed

3

Ye lie ye lie ye bonny boy So loud’s I hear ye lie

1 21

122

Volume II



For its nae a month, nor yet a week Nor days but barely three Since I made to my love Gil Ingram Sarks for summers three

4

But ye’re pray’d to come wi me lady O dinna tarry lang But come wi me to good green wood An speak wi Gil: Ingram

5

She’s ta’en her mantle her about To green wood fast shes gone An sair she called for Gil: Ingram But answer she got nane

6

She lookit east, she lookit west If she her love could see An’ she saw but fause Gillom Graham Beneath a green wood tree

7

Cast aff, cast aff, fair Lilly Flower That gown that ye have on It is o’er good an’ o’er costly To ly amo’ the feam

8

Aff she has cast her robes o’ silk An’ laid them on a stone She was a woman fair enough Tho’ she stood coat alone

9

O mercy, mercy Gillom Graham Have mercy upon me Such as ye gave, such shall ye have No mercy lady for thee

10

O mindna ye fair Lilly Flower When your rich bridal stood For hunger we were gard eat men’s flesh For thirst to drink men’s blood

/page: 49

Volume II

11

Cast aff, cast aff fair Lilly Flower That coats that ye have on They are oer good to be stained wi blood O’ that they shall get none

12

O mercy, mercy Gillom Graham When I’m your brother’s wife Hae mercy on your brother’s bairn Altho’ ye wish my life For I hae nae langer to go wi bairn But days barely five

13

Out has he ta’en a thristy bran An’ strippit o’er a straw An’ thro’ an’ thro’ her fair body He gart cauld iron ga

14

O bonny was that Lilly Flower Was slain in the green wood An’ bonny was the knight bairnie Lay weltering in her blood

15

Up has he ta’en that bonny boy An’ rowed him in his sleeve Altho’ I have slain your fair mother Your father to me was leave

16

Up has he taen the bonny boy An’ rowed him in his han’ Your mother was ance far dearer to me Than houses or than land

17

He’s taen him to his mother’s bower As fast as he could gang Nurse well, nurse well this bairn mother Until he be a man His mother put foot in a Flander’s ship An’ to Flanders did she gang

1 23

/page: 50

12 4

Volume II

18

Nurse well, nurse well, this bairn mother Gi’ him to nurses three An’ if I live an’ brook my life Well paid shall be their fee

19

Nurse well, nurse well this bairn mother Gi him to nurses nine Three to sleep, an three to wake An’ three to go between

20

O it fell ance upon a day That Gillom Graham thought lang An’ he has gane to good green wood An’ took the boy wi him

21

It wonders me said the bonny boy The Flander’s ships ne’er tak’ the sea The woman that ye ca’ my mither Thinks never lang for me

22

It wonders me says the bonny boy The Flanders ships taksna the faem The lady ye ca my mither Thinks never lang for hame

23

O see na ye yon tree my boy — — — — — Your father was ance . . . — — — — —

24

O see na ye yon rose my boy An’ the lilly by its side Your mother was a fairer flower When she was your father’s pride

Stanzas numbered, except 22 to 24; second and fourth lines indented. 54: he made to she got. 74: foam to feam. 125–6: Initially numbered as a new stanza; number blotted out.

/page: 51

Volume II

Sweet William Vol . I I : 1 6, p p. 5 2– 5 4 (Child 216, The Mother’s Malison, or, Clyde’s Water; Roud 91)

1

Gi corn, gi corn to the brown foal’s mother An meat to my merry young men ’Till I go on to my love Margaret To see how she is fairing

2

O stay at home Sweet William she said O stay this one night wi me An’ the best wedder in all my flock Shall be dressed for thee an’ me

3

What care I for your wedder mother I value him not a pin For I am going to my love Margaret To see how she is fairing

4

O stay at home Lord William she said Stay but this one night with me For if Clyde be wide and full of tide My malison will drown thee

5

He went over yon high high hill An’ she went down yon den An’ the roarin’ that was in Clyde’s water Woud have frightened a thousand men

6

Give me my spear Sweet William said An’ I’ll be the foremost man An’ wi the help o’ my Maker I will bring you all to dry lan’

7

Lord William he has got his spear An he was the foremost man By the help o’ his Maker He brought them all to dry lan’

8

But when he came to Margaret’s gates O dear she was sleepin’ soun’

1 25

12 6

Volume II



Ye’ll open, ye’ll open, Margaret my love Ye’ll open, & let me in For my boots they are full of Clyde’s water An’ I’m shivering cheek an’ chin

9

A bower, a bower my love Margaret A bower ’till it be full day For the water rins from my gay cloathing Let me in before I die

10

No lovers have I without No lover will I let in For my love he is in my arms twa An’ O but he’s sleepin soun

11

No bower, no bower Sweet William she said No bower ’till it be full day One of my bowers is full of corn Another full of hay An’ the third is full of good gentlemen An’ I have no bower for thee

12

Sweet William was not from the gate Nor yet gone from the town When Margaret awaken’d out o’ her sleep An’ out o’ her dreary dream

13

I dreamed a dream this night mother An’ I fear its nae for good I dreamt that my love Sweet William Was here wanting the head

14

O I will read your dream daughter I fear it is no for good For it is not an hour nor half an hour Since Sweet William went from your gate

15

She’s drawn to her, her gay cloathing Her stockings an her shoon An’ she is after Sweet William As fast as she could gang

/page: 53

/page: 54

Volume II

16

O stay, O stay Sweet William she said O stay an speak wi me O no, O no fair lady he said O no that must not be

17

For the last night I was at your gate An’ ye woudna let me in An now I maun cross the Clyde’s water again Altho’ its fu’ baith bank & brim

18

The first step that his steed steppit It struck him to the chin The next step his steed steppit An’ it sundert her an him

19

There was nothing to be seen of Sweet William But his hat in his han An’ nothing to be seen of this fair may But her mantle, an’ her gay gowd ring

Stanzas numbered; second and fourth lines indented. 191: this young man to Sweet William.

Lord Lovell Vol . I I : 1 7, p p. 5 4– 5 5 (Child 75, Lord Lovel; Roud 48)

1

Lord Lovell he stands in his stable door Combing down his berry brown steed Lady Nansibal stands in her bower door Wishing Lord Lovel good speed

2

O where are ye going Lord Lovel she said O where are ye going frae me O I’m going over the raging main Strange countries for to see

3

When will ye back Lord Lovel she said When will ye back to me

1 27

Volume II

12 8



When seven long years are gone an’ past Lady Nansibal I’ll come an’ see

4

He hadna sail’d upon the sea A league but barely three Till a dreary dream cam in his mind Lady Nansibal I’ll go see

5

As he came in by Chappleton house An’ in by Chappleton ha’ There he heard the dead bells ringing An the lady’s were weepin’ a’

6

O who is dead Lord Lovel he said O quickly now me tell Lady Nansibal’s dead for her own true love An’ his name it was Lord Lovel

7

O open your grave o’ open it wide An’ her cold sheet fold it down An’ he has kiss’d her clay cold lips Till the tears came trick-ling down

8

O I will kiss your clay cold lips But ye will never kiss mine But hear I swear an make a vow That I’ll never kiss lips after thine

9

The one was buried in Mary kirk The other in Mary quire Over Lord Lovel there grew a red rose An’ o’er Lady Nansibal a brier

10

An’ ay they grew an ay they threw Till they reached the chapel top An’ ay they grew an’ ay they threw Till they’ve casten the true love’s knot

Stanzas numbered and left aligned.

End of Volume II

/page: 55

Contents Vol : I I I

No. 1 Lady Jane 2 Wise William and Reddesdale 3 Young Bonwell 4 Elphinston 5 Glenlogie 6 Cruel Step Mother 7 Young Huntly 8 Lord Essex 9 Prince Heathen 10 Patrick Spence 11 Lord at the Bakin 12 Earl Patrick 13 Earl of Aboyne 14 Baby Livingston 15 Andrew Lammie 16 Major Middleton 17 Lady of Gight 18 Laird of Drum

Page 1 3 6 10 13 14 16 20 21 23 26 27 31 35 39 43 45 47

129

[130] [132] [136] [140] [144] [145] [147] [151] [153] [155] [158] [160] [164] [168] [173] [178] [180] [183]

Volume III

13 0

Lady Jane Vol . I I I : 1, p p. 1– 2 (Child 243, James Harris (The Daemon Lover); Roud 14)

1

Good morrow, good morrow Lady Jane Good morrow unto thee I am come to claim my former vows The vows ye made to me

2

O speak not of your former vows For that wou’d be but strife Ye’ll speak no more of our former vows For I’m become a wife

3

I’m married to a gallant lord An’ a good husband is he O go & seek another love An’ think no more o’ me

4

O [I] might a married a king’s daughter So far ayont the sea But I left behind the robes o’ gowd An’ cam’ for love an’ thee

5

O what wou’d we ha’e to live on Tho’ I wou’d wi you gang O I hae seven bonny ships An’ the eight brought me to lan’

6

O’ I ha’e seven bonny ships An’ the eight brought me to lan’ Of merchandise and mariners And mirth on ilka han’

7

She took up her bonny young son An’ gae him a single kiss I wadna for a thousand crowns My good lord kent o’ this

Volume III

8

She lookit again to her bonny young son The tear maist blint her e’e Dear ha’e I lov’d & dearly agen E’re I’d leave thy father & thee

9

The robes that lady put on Were gallant to behold The belt that was roun’ her fair middle jimp Was o’ the beaten gold

10

As she gaed down to yon shore side An down by yon sea strand She set her foot on good ship board An nimbly took the faem

11

She hadna been upon the sea A day but barely three Till chang’d grew her love’s countenance An stormy grew the sea

12

O if I were at hame again My good husband wi me Theres no a man upon the earth Should see my face at sea

13

O what ails thee dear love he said To look so sour on me I’ll shew you how the red gowd grows O’ the braes of Italy

14

But o if I were at hame again My young son on my knee There is no man upon the earth Should gar me take the sea

15

O what ails you my love he said To sit so sad in min’ Ye never shall drink the wan water But the good Malaga wine

131

/page: 2

13 2

Volume III

16

But o if I were at hame again My young son on my knee And my good husband me beside I never shoud take the sea

17

If ye winna be pleased wi’ the red gowd grown On the braes o’ Italy I’ll shew you how the white fish swims In the bottom o’ the sea

18

Then he stood up a black black man The ship nae miths did keep He gart her gae wethershins about An’ sunk her in the deep

No numbering; second and fourth lines indented. A binding repair partially obscures the beginning of some lines in stanzas 7 and 11, and the end of the second and third lines in stanza 18. The words affected are faint but legible.

Wise William and Redesdale Vol . I I I : 2 , p p. 3– 5 (Child 246, Wise William and Redesdale; Roud 243)

1

Four and twenty merry young men As they sat at the wine They fell arousing them among In ae unhappy time

2 3

Some they roused their hawks their hawks An’ some they roused their hounds An some they roused their berry brown steeds That they did ride upon Some they roused their berry brown steeds Their castles an’ their lan’ An’ some they roused the fair ladies That they had left at home

Volume III

4 5

Out it then spak’ him Wise William An ae wise word said he I hae the fairest woman to my sister That ever mine eyes did see

6

I’ll wad my head against your lands What more wou’d ye o’ me That ye’ll not win my sisters love For a’ your blithsome e’e

7

Up they have ta’en him Wise William Laid him in prison fast Says lie ye there now Wise William ’Till wi try out the jest

8

He has written a broad letter ’Atween the night and day An’ he has sent it to his sister Wi faich feathers and grey

9

When she lookit the letter on A blyth, blythe laugh leugh she But or she read it ’till an end The tear blinded her e’e What aileth thee my ae brither To roose so meikle at me

10

The lady sat in her lanely bower Look’t over water & lee When to the yetes cam Reddesdale Wi thirty men and three

11

Come down come down ye well fard maid Come down and speak wi me

133

A wad, a wad said Reddesdale What would ye wad wi me That I’ll no gain your sisters love Wi ae blink o’ my e’e

/page: 4

134

Volume III



For bonny are the gowns o’ silk I hae to wed you wi

12

An yours be o’ the silk she says An’ mine are a’ the same Gae fae my yetes now Reddesdale For down I winna come

13

Come down come down ye bonny may Come down and speak to me For bonny are the rings o’ gowd I hae to wed you wi

14

If yours be o’ the gowd she says An’ mine are o’ the same Gae fae my yetes now Reddesdale For down I winna come

15

Come down, come down ye lady fair Come down an’ speak wi me For costly are the girdles o’ gowd I hae to wed you wi

16

Tho’ yours were o’ the gowd she says An mine o’ the Linkum twine Gae fae my yetes Lord Reddesdale For down I wou’dna come

17

Come down, come down ye proud lady Come down & speak to me Or I’ll set your bour a’ in a flame An’ burn ye speedily

18

O if ye set my bour on fire As I doutna but ye’ll di There will come a sharp shower frae the east Will quench it speedily

19

First he kindled ae chamber The next began to burn

Volume III



He turned his high horse head about Says down she’s never come

20

She’s done her to a shot window To see what she could see And there she spied Lord Reddesdale Was galloping o’er the lee

21

She’s ta’en her mantle her about Her coffer by the ban An’ thro’ the reek an’ thro’ the smoke Down the lady came

22

O she’s gaen to the prison door To hear her brothers mean Win up, win up my ae brother Win up an’ heir your lan’

23

O fair fa you my bonny sister An’ ay well may you be For every merk ye had before An’ now ye sall hae three

24

O fair fa you my ae sister An’ ay well may ye thrive For ae farthing ye had afore An’ now ye sall hae five

25

O well fells me o’ my sister She is a lady gude She’s won the lands o’ Reddesdale An’ savd her brother’s head

135

/page: 5

No numbering; second and fourth lines indented. 8: Initially begins The lady sat in. This is crossed out and the current first line is inserted below it.

Volume III

136

Young Bonwell Vol . I I I : 3, p p. 6– 9 (Child 53, Young Beichan; Roud 40)

1

Young Bonwell was a Scottish knight Of birth an high degree An’ he is on to fair London To live at liberty

2

He hadna been in London town A twelvemonth an’ a day ’Till he was cast in prison strong For loving a lady gay

3

But it fell once upon a day Burd Helen walked alone An’ she walked by the prison house An’ heard the prisoner’s moan

4

O’ if a widow wou’d borrow me I would become her son Or if a lady wou’d borrow me At her bridle I would rin

5

But if a maiden wou’d borrow me I wou’d wed her with a ring An’ cause her to walk thro’ the ha’s & the towers An’ the bonny, bonny bowers of Lin

6

Sing on sing on ye prisoner The sang ye sang just now I wish I cou’d sing a sang lady That wou’d find favor wi you

7

O if a widow wou’d borrow me I would become her son Or if a lady wou’d borrow me At her bridle I wou’d rin

8

An’ if a maid wou’d borrow me I wou’d wed her wi’ a ring

Volume III



An’ make her lady o’ the ha’s & the towers An’ the bonny bowers o’ Lin

9

O she put off her high heild shoes On her stockings went in She stole the keys frae her father An’ let the prisoner gang

10

She gave him a steed was good in need A saddle of royal ben A hundred pounds in his pocket Bad him gae roar an spen

11

She gave him a pair of hawks Well fit for sport an’ game An she gave him a leesh of hounds An Cain was their name

12

But it fell once upon a night Burd Helen fell asleep An there starts up a fair maiden Even at Burd Helen’s feet

13

O wauken, wauken Burd Helen This night ye sleepit lang This is the young squires weddin’ day O’ the bonny bonny towers of Lin

14

Then up she rose, put on her clothes Called water to her han’s An’ ay she washd an ay she weept An’ fast the tears down ran

15

O want ye fish out o’ the flood Or gowd frae o’er the sea Or is there a man in a’ this court That has wronged thee

16

I wantna fish out o’ the flood Nor gowd frae oer the sea

137

/page: 7

138

Volume III



But the man that lay long in the jailor’s house This day has wronged me

17

He turned him right & round about An’ a solemn vow made he That e’re the morn or ten o clock High hanged he shall be

18

O no O no my proud father O no that canna be For he has cross’d the roarin main An’ is far far frae thee

19

But she has biggit a bony ship An’ she has ta’en the sea Wi’ God to be her mariner Of death nae fear had she

20

She sailed on & farther on ’Till she cam to the water o’ Tay An’ there she saw a bonny boy Watering his steeds so grey

21

O is there a wedding in this place Or is there one to be O is there a wedding in this place Ye bony boy tell to me

22

O this is the young knights wedding day In the bony bony towers o’ Linn This is the young knights wedding day An’ he is wi’ his bride within

23

O she went on an’ further on ’Till she cam to the yetes o’ Linn An’ busy was the proud porter To let that lady in

24

O is there a weddin’ in this place Or is there one to be

/page: 8

Volume III



O is there a weddin’ in this place Ye proud porter tell me

25

O this is the young knights weddin’ day I’ the bony bony towers o’ Linn This is the young knights weddin’ day An’ he is wi’ his bride within

26 *

139

She put her han’ in her pocket An’ gave him guineas three Says take ye that ye proud porter An’ bid him speak wi me

27

The porter’s done him up the stair An’ fell down on his knee Win up, win up ye proud porter What do ye want wi’ me

28

I hae been porter at these yetes These thirty years an’ three But three bonnier ladies than stand at your yetes My eyes did never see An the bonniest lady amang them a’ She wants to speak wi thee

29

He’se turnd him right an’ roun’ about His back unto the sea An’ he has sworn by an aith It is Burd Helen come to me

30

O fest has he gane down the stair Made fifteen steps but three Now here I swear upon the rood Thy face I ne’er did see

31

O fy on you Bonwell she said How can you swear a lie I relieved you frae the prison house When ye was condemnd to die

/page: 9

Volume III

14 0

32

I gave you a steed was good in need A saddle o’ royal ben’ A hundred pound in your pocket Bad you gae roar an spen

33

I gave you a pair o’ hawks To perch upo’ your han’ And I gave you a leesh o’ hounds An’ Cain was their name

34

Come hither to me Cain she said Come hither an’ go hame O these two hounds cam’ down the stair Like to two armed men An’ they stood at each side o’ that lady As if to save her frae harm

35

Take hame tak’ hame your bony brown bride For me she shall be free An’ I will marry Burd Helen She has done most for me

No numbering; second and fourth lines indented but not consistently. 134: In to O’ 161: Word crossed out after I wantna fish. 191: has written in above the line. 283: the or she after But; crossed out. The division between the 28th and 29th stanzas is indicated with a short line. Stanza 26 is added at the end of the ballad; insertion point marked with an asterisk.

Elphinston Vol . I I I : 4 , p p. 1 0–1 2 (Child 91, Fair Mary of Wallington; Roud 59)

1

The lady sat in her fair chamber An’ Mazrey by her side O will ye vow now Lady Mazrey That ye will never be a bride

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2

For I may be as sad a mither As ever brake warld’s bread For I had seven bony daughters An’ six o’ them are dead

3

O I had seven fair daughters An’ now I hae but one There’s nane but you my bony Mazrey An’ we maun never twin

4

O I will vow to you mother That I’ll live maiden free Theres nae a man o’ earthly mold Sall sinder you an me

5

They hadna the word well spoken Not yet the word well said Till four & twenty milk white steeds Drank in the water o Clyde

6

There cam’ lords an’ barons bold An’ knights o’ high degree It was to court the Lady Mazrey For a fair lady was she

7

But ay she kept the godly aith An’ ay she kept it firm an’ true Till in cam’ gallant Elphinston An’ he has gar’d her brak her vow

8

But my blessins gang wi you Mazrey Tho’ ye forget your vow But I fear ye’ll wet your mither’s cheek An you yersell fu’ sadly rue

9

For he that marrys my daughters I fear is but a fool If he’s bridegroom at Candlemas He is ay a widow or Yule

141

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10

She hadna been at Elphinston A reth but barely three Until she was as big wi’ bairn As ae lady could be

11

Lady Mazrey she’s ta’en travillin For nights an’ lang days three An’ every lady that cam’ to her Said ay ohon for she maun die

12

O saddle, o saddle a swift, swift steed So fast ye’ll ride o’er dale an’ down Till ye go on to Snawdown Castle An’ bid my mither quickly come

13

Here is a ring frae my finger Its gold set wi’ rubies red If she canna come to my dyin’ day Ye’ll bid her hast here when I’m dead

14

O fast fast rode that gallant steed ’Till he cam to bony Snowdown An there he saw that good lady Walk wi her maidens on the sand

15

O have I any lan’s lost Or have I ony towers won Or is my daughter Lady Mazrey Lighter o’ daughter or son

16

O ye have lost no lan’s lady Nor have ye ony towers won Nor is your daughter Lady Mazrey Lighter o’ daughter or son

17

Here is a ring frae her finger Of gold set wi rubies red If ye come not to her dying day She bad you haste ye when she’s dead

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18

She’s mountit her on a milk white steed That rode as fast[’s] a bird could flee She never slackit her bridle rein Tho’ her back was like to gang in three

19

O she rode on an’ further on Till she met wi’ a san’ blin man O was ye at yon proud castle Or was ye in yon tower within Or heard ye a young bairn greet Or a young woman makin’ din

20

I was in yon proud castle An’ I was in yon tower within I heard nae young bairn greet Nor a young woman makin’ din

21

But the knight was wringin’ his lily white han’s An’ the ladies tearin out their hair It was a’ for a fair lady That was new dead in travellin’ there

22

O I have run the seven dowiest errands That ever a woman ran in time It was to see my seven daughters They were ay dead or I wan in

23

O when she lightit on the green I wot in her there was na pride The tuck was in Mazreys bonny mouth The razor in her milk white side To heir the lands of Elphinston Alas! they were baith broad an wide

143

/page: 12

For the fate of the former sister see Vol. II, page 19th Lady o Livingston.

No numbering; second and fourth lines indented. 151–2: or have initially written at end of line 1; blotted out.

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144

Glenlogie Vol . I I I : 5 , p p. 1 3 (Child 238, Glenlogie, or Jean O Bethelnie; Roud 101)

1

Twice twenty nobles sat in the king’s ha’ But bonny Glenlogie was flower o’ them a

2

Six an’ six nobles sat at the king’s dine But bonny Glenlogie was flower o’ thrice nine

3

Down came Jean Gordon, trippin’ down the stair She lov’d him Glenlogie above all that was there

4

She ask’d at the noble who sat by his side What is this young lords style or where does he bide

5

His style is Glenlogie when he is at hame He’s of the grand Gordons Lord George is his name

6

O bonny Glenlogie be constant an’ kind I’ve laid my love on you an’ tauld you my min’

7

He’s turnit him so proud as the Gordons do a’ O thanks Lady Jean but my love is awa

8

She’s called on her maidens to make down a bed So soft for a sick heart ye will it down spread

9

O down cam her father slow down the stair Get up Lady Jean what makes you ly there

10

O had you still father for all that I crave Is linnen, & trappin, a coffin, an grave

11

Bonny Jean Gordon your ambition’s but sma To die for Glenlogie an his love awa

12

She call’d her father’s chaplain a man o great skill He wrote a broad letter, & penned it right well

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13

When Glenlogie received it he was amongst men I wonder, says he, what this lady can mean

14

But ye’ll saddle my horse an’ bring him to the green For bonny Jean Gordon she’ll be dead or I win

15

They saddled his horse & brought him to the green But or his horse was saddled he was twa mile him ’lane

16

O pale & wan was she when Glenlogie cam in But red & ruddy grew she when Glenlogie cam’ ben

17

Get up, Lady Jean, O get up frae your side For I’se be the bridgeroom an’ ye’se be the bride

18

Her age it was counted when her tocher was taul’ An bonny Jean Gordon was but sixteen years aul’

Couplets not clearly divided; no numbering; verses left aligned.

The Cruel Stepmother Vol . I I I : 6, p p. 1 4– 15 (Roud 3853)

1

There was a lord of wealth an’ fame A hunting he did ride Attended by a noble train Of gentry by his side

2

He left his wife and daughter fair Who went to church to pray The lady was her stepmother Who wished her life away

3

Go home go home my daughter dear An’ make no more delay An’ ye will tell the master cook These words I tell to thee

145

146

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4

Ye’ll bid him dress for dinner straight The fair an’ milk white doe Which in the park shineth so bright Theres none so fair to shew

5

The maid doing her parents will Straight to the kitchen went To speak unto the master cook Dreading no foul intent

6

Ye’re biddin dress for dinner straight The fair an’ milk white doe Which in the park shineth so bright There’s none so fair to shew

7

You are the doe which I must dress Here is my bloody knife I am appointed presently To rid you of your life

8

Out then spak the scuddler boy With a loud voice and an high O spare her life now master cook And make your pies of me

9

I will not spare her life he says To make my pies of thee And if you do this deed reveal Your butcher I shall be

10

But when the good lord he came home An’ sat him down to eat He called for his daughter dear To come and carve his meat

11

Sit down, sit down my own good lord Sit down and take your meat Your daughter’s to a nunnery gone And her you must forget

12

But he has sworn by an oath Amongst the company

/page: 15

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That he would neither eat nor drink Till his daughter he should see

13

Out then spoke the scuddler boy With a loud voice and an high O if ye would your daughter see Good lord cut up the py

14

For here her flesh is minced small And scorched with the fire Commanded by her stepmother Who did her death desire

15

An’ woe be to the master cook An’ cursed may he be I offered him my own hearts blood From death to set her free

16

O all in black that lord did go All for his daughter’s sake And he has caused her stepmother To be burnt at a stake

17

An’ he has made the master cook In boiling lead to stand An’ made the poor and scuddler boy Heir over all his land

No numbering; second and fourth lines indented. 31: Second go home inserted above the line.

Young Huntly Vol . I I I : 7 , p p. 1 6– 1 9 (Child 68, Young Hunting; Roud 47)

1

The lady look’d o’er her castle wa’ To see the fields so green An’ there she spied him Young Huntly Was ridin’ wi’ the king

147

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148

2

Come up to me now Young Huntly Come up to me an’ dine Ye’se get the pickins o’ the hare An’ the gamons o’ the swine An’ the nine hides o’ the bonny cow Was killed in season fine

3

I canna come up, I winna come up I’ll never come up to thee There lives a lady in Calix Wells I love far better than thee

4

An no to anger thee lady Nor to offend your grace The vera’ soles o’ my loves feet Are whiter than your face

5

But wi her saft an’ flattering words She drew the young lord in An’ set before him dainty meat White bread an’ claret wine

6

O will ye be for cards or dice Or birling at the wine Or for a bed so pleasant spread To sleep ’till ye think time

7

I’m neither for the cards nor dice Nor birlin’ at the wine But for a bed so pleasant spread To sleep ’till fair morning

8 * 9

O she has birled on Young Huntly The strong beer an the wine Till she has gar’d him ly & sleep Like ony wallowing swine

But she was aware o’ a little pen knife Hung low down by her gare Wi’ it she gae Young Huntly’s heart A deep wound an’ a sair

/page: 17

Volume III

10

O lang, lang is the dreary night An’ slowly dawns the day A dead corpse lies within my bower O if it were away

11

Than out it spoke her may Kathrine As if it had been thro’ spite If there’s a dead corpse in your bower Nane but you has the wyte

12

Heil well this deed on me Kathrine Heil well this deed on me For every mark ye had before An’ now ye sall hae three

13

If I would heil it never so well Heiled it wou’dna be The little bird aboon your head Would tell the verity

14

Flee down flee down ye bonny bird Flee down an’ speak to me Your cage shall be o’ good red gold Where now it is but tree

15

I winna flee down to you lady I’ll never come down to thee You wou’d only do to your poor parrot As ye did to Young Huntly

16

But they hae booted him an’ spurred him As he were gaun to rid[e] They hung a bugle round his neck An’ his sharp sword by his side An’ by his bonny yellow hair They have born him to the Clyde

17

In the deepest pot o’ Clydes water They pat Young Huntly in They put a stone upon his head For fear that the body would swim

149

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18

Upon the morn at twelve oclock The king was bound to ride He said he woudna stir a foot Till Huntlys by his side Some said he’se hurt some said he’se slain Some said he’se drowned in Clyde

19

O they got duckers frae Stirling town To duck baith pot & stream They ducked in at ae pot mu An’ out at anither pot end

20

Even in at ae pot mu An’ even out at anither Till they said they’d duck nae mair for him Altho’ he were their brither

21

Then out it spak a bonny bird Aboon their heads flew it Now quit your duckin in the day An’ duck when it is night An’ ay aboon where Huntly lies The candles will burn bright

22

They quat their duckin in the day An’ duckit when ’twas night An’ ay aboon where Huntly lay The candles did burn bright

23

The deepest pot o’ Clyde’s water They found Young Huntly in The stone was laid upon his head For fear that the body would swim

24

Come down, come down ye bonny bird An’ speak wi’ me again Tell me wha did the bloody deed But an’ that cruel sin

25

O see na ye yon lofty tower Like red gold it doth shine

/page: 19

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The bonniest lady that lives therein Was guilty o’ the sin

26

But when they cam to that lady The tear cam’ till her e’e It surely was my may Kathrine He ne’er could a been harmed by me

27

O they pat on a great bonfire An’ threw fair Kathrine in It tookna on her cheek, her cheek It tookna on her chin But just the points o’ her bonny yellow hair For healing the deadly sin

28

O they took out the may Kathrine An’ threw her lady in It took upon her cheek, her cheek It took upon her chin It took upon her bonny brown hair An’ she brunt like heckle pin

151

No numbering; stanzas left aligned. 31: canna win up to canna come up. Stanza 8 added at the end of the ballad; insertion point asterisked. Stanza division(s) in 27 and 28 not clear. Format used here makes most sense from a structural standpoint.

Lord Essex Vol . I I I : 8 , p p. 2 0– 2 1 (Child 288, The Young Earl of Essex’s Victory over the Emperor of Germany; Roud 123)

1

The queen she biggit a fleet o’ braw vessels An’ she has fitted them out for the sea Wi’ top an’ top gallant mast, riggin’ an’ all aright Joy be in their company Wi top an top gallant captains an’ lieutenants Some fifty some sixty fine pieces an three

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15 2

2

O she’s gein them the bread an’ the wine With every thing fit for the lower degree An gein them in charge to her ain lieutenant She kent he might fa but he never would flee

3

O they sailed up so did they down Thro’ mony a stormy strait o’ the sea Till he fell in wi’ the proud emperor The emperor of high Germanie

4

O who is this said the proud emperor That sails so proudly up to me I’m sure tho’ he be the son o’ a king I am a far better fellow than he

5

I’m no son o’ a king Young Essex replied Nor am I come of so high a degree But I’m Young Essex the queens lieutenant I never feart man an’ I winna fear thee

6

O they fought up so did they down Till it fell into the cool o’ the day It happened to be Young Essex’s lot To bear the proud emperors son away

7

O give me my son the proud emperor said An’ rich are the gifts I will give unto thee O I will give you the three keys o’ gold One of them would open high Germanie

8

I’ll not give you your son Young Essex replied For all the rich gifts you could give unto me He must go with me to fair England To appear before her majesty

No numbering; stanzas left aligned. 11: vessls to vessels. 62: Begins Thru mony; crossed out.

/page: 21

Volume III

Prince Heathen Vol . I I I : 9, p p. 2 1– 22

(Child 104, Prince Heathen; Roud 3336) 1

The lady sits in her bower door Sewing a silver seam An by it came him Prince Heathen An’ gave that lady a gay gold ring

2

He gave to her a gay gold ring She laugh’d at him but said naething An’ three locks o’ his yellow hair She smil’d at him but said nae mare

3

He sware by the sword hang by his gare That he wou’d mak her weep fu sair An’ she sware by her milk white han’ For him she ne’er wou’d weep nor moan

4

I’ll lock thee in a bower o’ stone Wi’ five an’ fifty bolts thereon None of thy kin shall thee come nigh For I will take the keys away

5

He put her in a bower o’ stone Wi’ five an’ fifty bolts thereon None o’ her kin cou’d her come nigh Prince Heathen carried the keys away

6

When many a month was come an’ gone Prince Heathen from his hunting came O merry may are ye weepin’ now Ye heathenish dog nae yet for you

7

He led her forth upo’ the green Thou’s ne’er see women wi’ thy e’en Until thou bear daughter or son Merry may will ye weep now Ye heathenish dog nae yet for you

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8

He led her forth upo’ the green She ne’er saw women wi’ her e’en She ne’er saw women wi’ her een Until she bore a bonny young son Merry may will ye weep now Ye heathenish dog nae yet for you

9

O for a drink o’ yon well stream I wou’d drink it frae Prince Heathen’s men But of water ye shall drink nane Until ye swaith my bonny young son

10

O then the tears came raining down I’ve naething here to row him in I’ll bring to thee my big horse sheet That will row him head an’ feet

11

She’s ta’en the horse sheet in her han’ An’ ay the tears cam’ rainin’ down Merry may do you weep now Ye heathenish dog nae yet for you But it is for my bonny young son This is nae cloth to row him in

12

My lady now, my lady now So well’s I love my lady now When we are angry ye maun bow But well love I my lady now

13

Ye ll wash my young son in the milk An’ row my lady in the silk Make her a bed baith saft an’ fine So tenderly I’ll kiss her syne

/page: 22

No numbering; stanzas 1 through 5 have second and fourth lines indented, the remainder, for the most part, are left aligned. 11: her inserted above the line. 13: him inserted above the line.

Volume III

Patrick Spence Vol . I I I : 1 0, p p. 2 3–2 6 (Child 58, Sir Patrick Spens; Roud 41)

1

The king sits in Dumfermling town Drinking the blood red wine They fell a rousing them among In an unhappy time

2

Some they roosed their hawks an’ hounds And some their steeds so free An’ some they roosed their bonny ships That saild upo’ the sea

3

Then out it speaks a gallant lord Sat on the kings right han’ Sir Patrick Spence is the best skipper That ever sail’d to dry lan’

4

Then by my sooth said the noble king He shall bring my queen frae Nore’lan O he has written a broad letter An’ sealed it wi’ his han’ An’ sent it to Sir Patrick Spence As fast [as] it cou’d gang

5

O wha is this said Patrick Spence That’s tauld the king o’ me I’m sure had it been my ae brother I’d see him hangit high

6

Prepare, prepare my sailors rare To cross the raging main For wi’ maun bring the king a wife Far frae the coast o’ Spain

7

O silks will be our sailing weed An’ linnen for our clook O cambric fine for our small twin

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8

The cabin shall be floored wi brass An’ silver clear our helm Mahogany rare our riggins fair As wi’ sail thro’ the faem

9

For blow it wet or blow it win’ My good ship sails the morn Ohon alas! Sir Patrick Spence Wi’ might a ta’en good beforn

10

Late, late yestreen I saw the new moon Wi’ the auld moon in her arms O sighin’ said Sir Patrick Spence It bodes a deadly storm

11

The day was fair the win’ was calm Sir Patrick took the faem An’ or that day month was come an’ gone They landed safe in Spain

12

O they hae brought the queen herself Upon the raging sea Wi’ mony a sigh, an’ mony a wish All for her safety

13

They sailed east, they sailed west They sailed thro’ the faem But the win’ did blow thro’ frost an snow An’ broke their silver helm

14

O where will I get a gallant sailor To take this helm in han’ ’Till I gae up to yon top mast To look for some dry lan’

15

O here am I a good sailor Will take your helm in han’ Till ye gang up to your top mast But ye’ll never see dry lan’

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Volume III

16

For I see neither moon nor stars Nor taken o’ the day But thro’ and thro’ your bonny ship I see the green salt sea

17

O pitch her well, an spare her not Ye’ll pitch her out an in Throw feather beds an’ braw blankets Till ye come to the bonny ship’s wound

18

They pitched her well an spared her not They pitched her out an’ in Wi’ feather beds an braw blankets But the roarin’ sea came in

19

Then out it spake the foremast man As loud as he could cry Gar beat the drums an’ fire the guns For there is no safety

20

The lords they wrang their white fingers The ladys rave their hair Twas a’ to win to fair Scotlan’ But they wan never there

21

Loth, loth were our Scottish lords To wet the walts o’ their shoon But lang or a’ the play was played They wet their coats aboon

22

Loth, loth were our Scottish lords To wet their scarlet coats But lang or a’ this play was play’d They wet their yellow locks

23

Then out it spak Sir Patrick Spence An’ a sorry man was he Alas! for my lady an’ four bairns You’re faces I’ll ne’er see

157

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158

24

Lang will that lady stan’ Her young son in her arms Afore she see her ain good lord Safe frae the sea’s alarms

25

Four an twenty Scottish lords Stood a’ upo’ the shore It was to welcome Patrick Spence Assoon’s he came afore

26

Between Leith an There’s mony a craig an’ heugh An’ there does ly Sir Patrick Spence An’ lady’s sons eneugh

27

Gaung o’er gaung o’er by Aberdour It’s fifty fathoms deep An’ there does ly Sir Patrick Spence Takin’ his last long sleep

No numbering; stanzas left aligned. 42: Spain to Nore’lan. 43–4: and seal’d it initially written at the end of line 3, but crossed out. 173 & 183: braw poss. brave. 261: First word initially Gaung; crossed out. 271: by A initially written after first instance of Gaung o’er; crossed out.

The Lord at the Bakin Vol . I I I : 1 1, p p. 2 6– 2 7 (Child 212, The Duke of Athole’s Nurse; Roud 3393)

1

O yonder I see my own true love Yonder I see him comin’ Yestreen I woud a gi’en my gay gowd rings For ae word o’ my leman

2

He lean’d him oer his saddle bow To kiss his bonny Nancy

/page: 26

Volume III



But another lady has my hand An’ alas I darna love thee

3

But ye’ll do you down to yon ale house An’ drink ’till it be dawin At every cup drink the bonnie lassies health Thats comin to clear your lawin

4

Ye’ll no spare the wine tho’ ever so fine The brandy tho’ ever so costly The malaga an’ sack, ye may deal them wondrous thick For I’ll clear for you the lawin’

5

He’s done him down to yon ale house An’ drank ’till it was dawin At every cup drank the bony lassies health Was comin’ to clear the lawin’

6

He lookit out at a shot window To see if it was dawin An’ there he saw her seven bold brothers Were comin’ to clear his lawin

7

O landlady, landlady the young lord said Landlady where shall I hide me For yonder are her seven bold brothers I fear they are comin’ to slay me

8

Now wasna she a witty, wily wife So cannily to protect him She dressed him in woman’s clothes An’ set him to the bakin’

9

O had ye a lodger here late yestreen That meant to stay ’till dawin O shew us the room where your lodger lay An’ so clearly’s we’ll pay you the lawin

10

I had no strangers here late yestreen Left lawins to clear till the mornin’

159

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16 0



They drank but a pint an’ they paid or they went Theres no lawins left here till the mornin’

11

They stabb’d all the fine feather beds O’ the curtains they spared no the rivin’ But for as narrow a search as they all did make The[y] left the young lord at the bakin

No numbering; stanzas left aligned. 82: disguise written in above protect; appears to be an alternate.

Earl Patrick Vol . I I I : 1 2, p p. 2 7– 3 1 (Child 257, Burd Isabel and Earl Patrick; Roud 107)

1

I would advise you gentlemen Of low station or high Ne’er fall in love wi’ young women Below your own degree

2

I’ll tell the[e] of Bird Isobel She was a bonny may She’s fallen in love wi’ Earl Patrick She’ll rue it till she die

3

An’ I’ll tell thee of Earl Patrick He was his fathers heir He’s fallen in love wi’ Bird Isobel He’ll ru’t for ever mare

4

Bird Isobel was but fifteen years When she’s to service gone Bird Isobel she was scarce seventeen When she brought hame a son

5

Earl Patrick has ta’en her by the han’ An’ led her thro’ the ha’ But a that he could do or say She let the tears down fa’

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6

Earl Patrick took her by the han’ An’ led her till a bower But a’ that he could do or say She let the tears down pour

7

Wi’ twa began a wark Patrick Wi’ winna end’t our lane But ye’ll do you to yon stair head An’ call some women in

8

O he’s done him to yon stair head Whiles Isobel’s tears did fall There wasna a lady in a the court But answered at his call

9

O ye’ll take care o’ Bird Isobel An’ guide her as your life Before you all I make this vow That she shall be my wife

10

An’ ye’ll take care o’ my young son An’ row him saft an’ fair Before ye all I make this vow That he shall be my heir

11

O they took care o’ Bird Isobel As she had been their own An’ bonny, bonny was the boy That Bird Isobel brought home

12

O he’s gone to his old father An’ fell upon his knee O I maun marry Bird Isobel She is so dear to me

13

Ye have your lands an’ rents Patrick My oldest son ye be Consent to marry that low woman Is what I’ll never gi

161

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14

Earl Patrick turned him round about The saut tear blint his e’e Ye canna hinder me father To love her ’till I die

15

Ye may build a bower to Bird Isobel An’ strew it o’er wi san’ There’ll be mair mirth in Isobel’s bower Than will be in a’ the lan’

16

Ye may get a nurse to your young son An’ pay her well her fee An’ ye may wed a Earl’s daughter A fitter match for thee

17

He’s built a bower for Bird Isobel An’ strew’t it oer wi san There was nae mirth in Isobel’s bower But ay her tears fell down

18

O it fell ance upon a day He to the bower has gane O if my old father were dead An’ my mother the same It shou’dna be a day Isobel ’Till I should bring you hame

19

It fell upon another day That they met o’ the green Your father is now dead Patrick An’ I am no ta’en hame

20

When mournin’ time is past Isobel An’ years are past an’ gane An’ my young son can follow me It’s time to tak’ you hame

21

He has courted a Duke’s daughter So far ayont the sea Wi’ gold an’ jewels shining bright For to be wedded wi’

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22

O he has called for his aunt A great lady was she Says who will go to Isobel’s bower An’ bring my son to me

23

O here am I the lady said I’ll to Bird Isobel gang An’ I’ll not leave the good green wood Without that woman’s son

24

O she is on to Isobel’s bower She went wi’ meikle pride Give me your son to Earl Patrick I will not be denied

25

Then sighin’ said her Bird Isobel The tears blinding her e’e I’d fain, fain see the woman or man Of high or low degree Durst take the bairn frae my foot That ance sat on my knee

26

The lady’s on to Earl Patrick An’ an angry woman was she Bird Isobel is the boldest woman That ever my eyes did see

27

Earl Patrick turned him round about What could she say to thee She might a been bauld to whom she willd She was never bold to me

28

O he is on to Bird Isobel Says what is this yo’ve done I said naething to your aunt Patrick But what I’ll say agen

29

Did you not promise to marry me Wi’ the truth o’ your right han’ An’ sae did ye that my young son Shou’d be heir o’ a’ your lan’

163

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164

30

O I’m to wed a Duke’s daughter So far ayont the sea Wi’ gold an’ jewels shining bright Ye have na’ that to gi

31

I cou’d gar you stan’ at high kirk door For a your noble train But ye’ll maybe stan’ at heaven’s gates An’ ne’er win farer ben

32

But ye may set your wedding day An’ ye may set it soon An’ I may sit as wae a woman As ony in a the lan’

After an inch and a half gap, there follows this stanza:

But she has wedded bold Robin Hood Her son’s called little John Earl Patrick he has hanged himsel An’ her son heired his lan’

No numbering; second and fourth lines indented.

The Earl of Aboyne Vol . I I I : 1 3, p p. 3 1–3 4 (Child 235, The Earl of Aboyne; Roud 99)

1

The Earl of Aboyne he is courteous an’ kin’ To every man an’ woman But O’ he has proved a bad husband To a beautiful virtuous woman

2

The Earl of Aboyne is to London gone It was to shew his folly He has shod his horses wi’ silver afore And proved a rantin laddie

/page: 31

Volume III

3

Long did he stay in merry London And all his nobles with him And long did his lady look for him agen And longer for his returning

4

The lady stood at an east window Beheld his grooms a coming She knew by their dress, an’ their raiment so rare It was her lord returned frae London

5

O my grooms all be well in call Have all your stables shining With the finest of drags, ye’ll trim my nags Since my lord is just a coming

6

My cooks all be well in call My butler have your tankards foaming Want no drink or meat that can be a treat Since my own dear lord is a coming

7

My chambermaids trim up my beds Have every room well shining With dansicle water ye ll sprinkle the floors Have beauty an’ comfort combining

8

My minstrels all be well in call Have your instruments well sounding With the finest of music ye’ll try your strings An’ have mirth an’ good humour abounding

9

She called upon her waiting maid By Jean her gentlewoman Come dress me in the finest array Since my good lord is just a coming

10

Her shoes were of the fine carouden [?] Her stockings the silken twisting Her smoke was of the cambric so fine Her body the broidered buskin

165

/page: 32

166

Volume III

11

Her petticoat was sewed wi the balls o’ red gold With the silver cyper quilting Her gown was of the damask rare Bound wi’ the red gold walting

12

Her fingers so white, and the gold rings so bright In silver chassings shining Her hair was bound wi’ the bands of gold Inset with rubies shining

13

She called for John her gentleman An’ Jean her gentlewoman Ye’ll bring to me the finest of wine ’Till I drink his health that’s a coming

14

She’s ta’en the bottle in her hand The basket on her arm So lovely she stepp’d to yon stair head And so sweetly’s she smild when she met him

15

Your welcome, your welcome my own dear lord Your welcome home from London O if I be welcome home he says Come kiss me for my coming For the lady was fairer by far than thee That I kiss’d and left weeping in London

16

She turned her about with a sorrowful look Appeared an angry woman Then the news are true I have heard of you Of you and your light ones in London

17

He turned him about with a brisk merry smile His comely court was with him O is na this a rare welcome That we have got for coming

18

To horse, to horse my merry men all And we ll go back so quickly But will go first to the Bog of Gight And speak wi the Marquis of Huntly

/page: 33

Volume III

19

She called for John her gentleman By Jean her gentlewoman O follow him, follow him down the stair And say that I’ll gladly go with him

20

But he went out with a false untruth And soon came back with a leesin I was biddin tell you lady he said That you never again shall see him

21

She called upon her chamber maid And Jean her gentlewoman Go make me a bed for a sick, sick heart I need look no more for his coming

22

The lady liv’d a year in care And doctors wi’ her dealing Then wi’ grief and wrack, her kind heart did brake And the letters were sent to London

23

When he saw the letters sealed with black O then he fell a weeping O I have lost her whom I loved best She had my heart in keeping

24

He gave the table such a rap Set a the house a ringing I’d far rather lost the lands of Aboyne Or I’d lost my bonny Margret Irvine

25

Go dress yoursels my nobles all And your steeds in the deepest o’ mourning From the hose to the hat, you must all go in black For the fairest lady in Scotland

26

He got fifteen of the very best lords That London could afford him And they are on to bonny Aboyne In deep and in heavy mourning

167

/page: 34

Volume III

168

27

The faster he rode the sorer he wept Alas! for this dolorous journey I little thought that my next return Wou’d have been to bury you my Margt Irvine

28

But soon he returned to London again His gallant court all with him And he hadna been a month in fair London Town Till he wedded Elisabeth Lyon

No numbering; second and fourth lines indented up to stanza 21; the remainder are left aligned. 242: a written in over the.

Baby Livingston Vol . I I I : 1 4, p p. 3 5– 3 8 (Child 222, Bonny Baby Livingston; Roud 100)

1

Bonny Baby Livingston Went out to view the hay An’ by it came Glenlivit An’ sta’ Baby away

2

He staidna for her green mantle Nor yet her scarlet gown An’ he never let her look back again ’Till she’s mony mile frae the town

3

When they cam’ to yon dowie hough Besides the woods so green He tied a napkin o’er her mouth Another o’er her e’en

4

When they cam’ to yon dowie den An crossed the water wan Her back was like to gang in twa An fast the tears down ran

5

When they cam’ to Glenbucket’s hills An’ near Glenbuckets town

Volume III



Then Baby coudna’ shed a tear She was like to fa down

6

He turned his high horse head about An’ lightit on the green He loosed the napkin frae her mouth The napkin frae her e’en

7

She lookit north she lookit wast Up thro’ that dowie den An’ mony a hill did Baby see An’ mony highlan’ men

8

Why do you look so sad Baby So sad an’ sour on me I’ll mak’ you Lady o’ Glenlivit An’ mony a town so free

9

Then sighin said her fair Baby Thy lady I’ll never be But if you wou’d my favour win Take me to bonny Dundee

10

Dundee Baby, Dundee Baby Dundee ye’s never see There’s mony a hill an’ high mountain Between you an’ Dundee

11

He mounted on his high horse back An’ set her him before But ay she sobb’d an ay she grat An’ fest the tears did pour

12

O dinna greet so sair Baby Nor be so unkind to me O if ye wou’d my favour win’ Take me to bonny Dundee

13

O speakna o’ Dundee Baby An’ thinkna’ o’ Dundee

169

/page: 36

17 0

Volume III



For tho’ your vera heart shou’d break Ye never shou’d see Dundee

14

Now when they cam’ to Glenlivit An’ lighted on the green There a’ the ladies spak black Irse But Baby cou’d speak nane

15

Four an twenty ladies fair Led Baby to the ha’ But bonny Baby Livingston Was fairest o’ them a’

16

Ladies fair an gentle knights To dinner a’ sat down Baby the fairest o’ them a’ Alas! she cou’d eat none

17

When bells were rung an’ mass was sung An’ a’ man boun’ to sleep Baby was laid wi Glenlivit But ay sair did she weep

18

O day she said, O day she said O if it were but day If it were day, an’ I away But I can never see day

19

O if I had a bonny boy Who wou’d win meat an fee To carry this letter to Geordy Hay He soon would come for me

20

Here am I a bonny boy Will rin your errand soon So fast I’ll run to your true love An’ haste me back agen

21

An’ ay she wrat, an an’ ay she grat ’Till the tears blinded her e’e

/page: 37

Volume III



My heart will shortly brak’ in twa An’ ye dinna haste to me

22

O when he cam’ to that lord’s yetes He bed neither to chap nor ca’ For or the porter was at the yete The boy was in the ha’

23

From whence come ye bonny [boy] From whence come ye to me From Glenlivit the boy replied Wi’ letters unto thee

24

There’s no a knight in Glenlivit That ever my eyes did see I comna from a knight he said But from a fair lady

25

A fair lady in Glenlivit My eyes did never see O if ye doubt my word good lord Brak’ open the letter an see

26

When he look’t that letter on A loud laughter leugh he But e’re he read it to an end The saut tear blind his e’e

27

The first an steed they saddled to him It was the dowie black He spurred him well an’ he spared him not An’ he tired at yonder slack

28

The next an’ steed they saddled to him It was the dowie brown He spurred him well an’ he spared him not An’ he tired at yonder town

29

The next an steed they saddled to him It was the bonny milk white

171

/page: 38

17 2

Volume III



He spurred him well, an’ he spared him not An’ he bore him to his loves like

30

But when he came to Glenlivit An’ lightit on the green There a’ the knights spak out black Irse But Geordy cou’d speak nane

31

O speak to me ye Highland maids An’ do ye favour me An’ shew me where the lady lys Who cam’ here yesterday

32

Ye’re biddin wi’ will do young knight If it can favour thee We’ll shew thee where that lady lys At midnight she did die

33

They led him in thro ae chamber They led him in thro’ nine Till they cam’ to the dowie chamber Where Baby’s corpse was lying

34

He lookit on her bonny face A dowie sight to see Rosy red were her bonny lips But the glazing’s on her e’e

35

O I will comb your hair Baby An’ I will deck it down An’ I will kiss your bonny lips An’ I’ll never kiss woman’s but thine

36

Ye’ll deal, ye’ll deal at my love’s like The white bread an’ the wine An e’re the morn at this same time They’ll deal as much at mine

No numbering; stanzas mainly left aligned, but several have second and fourth lines indented. 62: set fair Baby down crossed out; lightit on the green written underneath. 183: I appears to be written in over it.

Volume III

Andrew Lammie Vol . I I I : 15 , p p. 39 – 4 3 (Child 233, Andrew Lammie; Roud 98)

1

At Mill o’ Tiftie liv’d a man Near to the Castle o’ Fyvie He had a lovely daughter fair Was called bonny Annie

2

Her bloom was like the springing flower That salutes the early morning With innocence an’ graceful mein Her beautyous form adorning

3

Lord Fyvie had a trumpeter Whose name was Andrew Lammie He had the airt to win the heart Of Mill o’ Tiftie’s Annie

4

Proper he was both young an’ gay His like was not in Fyvie No one was there that cou’d compare With this same Andrew Lammie

5

Her mother called her to the door Come here to me my Annie Did you ever see a braver youth Than the trumpeter o’ Fyvie

6

Nothing she said but sighed full sore Alas! for bonny Annie She durst not own her heart was won By the trumpeter o’ Fyvie

7

At night when they went all to bed All slept full sound but Annie Love so oppressed her tender heart Thinking on Andrew Lammie

8

Love comes in at my bed feet An’ love lys down beyond me

173

174

Volume III



Love has possessed my vera heart An’ love will waste my body

9

Its up an’ down thro’ Tifties den Where the burn runs clear an’ bonny Oft have I gone to meet my love My own dear Andrew Lammie

10

But now alas! her father heard That the trumpeter o’ Fyvie Had had the airt to win the heart Of his bonny daughter Annie

11

To Lord Fyvie he a letter wrote An sent it on to Fyvie To tell his daughter was bewitched By his man Andrew Lammie

12

Then up the stair the trumpeter He called soon an’ shortly Says tell me loun whats this yove done To Tiftie’s bonny Annie

13

Woe betide Mill o’ Tifties pride For it has ruined many He’d not have it said that she shou’d wed The trumpeter o’ Fyvie

14

In wicked art I had no part Nor therein am I canny True love alone the heart has won Of Tiftie’s bonny Annie

15

Tiftie he has daughters three They all are wondrous bonny But I will write the bonniest far I’ll write to bonny Annie

16

Thou mayst come to the Brig of Sheuch An’ there I’ll come an’ meet thee

/page: 40

Volume III



For I must go to Edinburgh An’ I a while must leave thee She sighed sore but said no more But I wish that I were with thee

17

I’ll buy to thee a bridal gown My love I’ll buy it bonny But I’ll be dead or ye come back My bonny Andrew Lammie

18

If youll be true an constant too As I am Andrew Lammie I will thee wed when I come back To see the lands o’ Fyvie

19

O I’ll be true an’ constant too To you my Andrew Lammie But my bridal bed will then be made In the green church yard o’ Fyvie

20

He highed him to the high house top O’ the brave Castle o’ Fyvie He blew his trumpet loud an shill It was heard at Mill o’ Tiftie

21

Her father lock’d the door at night Laid by the key fu’ canny An’ when he heard the trumpet sound Said your cow is lowin’ Annie

22

My father dear I pray forbear And reproach no more your Annie For I’d rather hear that trumpet sound Than a’ the ky in Fyvie

23

I’d rather give my braw new gown An’ a’ your gifts so many Than it were told in Fyvie’s Lands How cruel you treat Annie

175

/page: 41

176

Volume III

24

But if you strike me I will cry An’ gentlemen will hear me Lord Fyvie will be ridin by An’ he’ll come in an’ see me

25

They struck her sore an’ she did cry An’ gentlemen did hear her Lord Fyvie he was riding by An’ he came in to see her

26

O Mill o’ Tiftie gi consent An’ let your lassie marry It will be with some higher match Than the trumpeter o’ Fyvie

27

O were she come o’ as high kin As she is full o’ beauty I wou’d take her unto myself An’ make her my own lady

28

Fyvie’s lands are fair an’ wide An’ they are rich an’ bonny But I woudna leave my own true love For a’ the lan’s o’ Fyvie

29

Her father struck her wondrous sore An’ also did her mother Her sisters always did her scorn But woe be to her brother

30

Her brother struck her wondrous sore With cruel strokes an’ many He broke her back at the ha’ door For loving Andrew Lammie

31

Mother dear make me a bed An’ lay my face to Fyvie Thus will I ly, an’ thus will die For bonny Andrew Lammie

/page: 42

Volume III

32

But word went up an word went down Thro’ all the lands o’ Fyvie That the bonniest lass in Fyvie’s lands Had died for Andrew Lammie

33

Lord Fyvie he did wring his hands Said alas! for bonny Annie The fairest flower is now cut down That ever sprang in Fyvie

34

Her father sorely now laments The loss o’ his dear Annie An’ wishes he had given consent To wed with Andrew Lammie

35

When Andrew hame frae Edinburgh came With meikle grief an sorrow O she is dead whom I lov’d best O were I dead to morrow

36 37

Now I will on to Fyvie’s den Where the burn runs clear an bonny With tears I’ll view the Bridge of Sheuch Where I parted last wi Annie Then I will speed to the church yard The green kirk yard o’ Fyvie With tears I’ll water my love’s grave Till I follow bonny Annie

No numbering; stanzas left aligned. 63: Word crossed out after She; poss. dar’d. 91: thru initially written after an; crossed out. 211: lockit to locked. 371: the initially thee.

177

/page: 43

Volume III

178

Major Middleton Vol . I I I : 1 6, p p. 4 3– 4 4 (Child 198, Bonny John Seton; Roud 3908)

1

It fell upon a spring morning On Tuesday as ye may see The Southland lords they pitched their tents Ayont the Brig o’ Dee

2

Sir John Seton o’ Pitmedden A baron bold an’ free He made his testament afore he gaed out The wiser a man was he

3

He left his lands to his little young son To his lady her dowry free A thousand crowns to bonny Lady Jane Sat on the nourse’s knee But nae word was there o’ bonny Bessy Seton An’ her mither wae was she

4

He wasna far by bonny Aberdeen Nor at the Twa Mile Cross Till the Covenanters wi’ their cannon balls They have blown him frae his horse

5

Up it cam’ him Earl Marischall Says wha’ is this lys here It surely must be the Earl of Aboyne For Huntly came na here

6

Spolzie him, spulzie him, said Earl Marischall Spulzie him as here lys he Spulzie him, spulzie him said Earl Marishall For he never befriended me

7

They ta’en the watch frae his pocket An’ the boots frae aff his knee They ta’en frae him his gay gowd rings An’ they left him never a flee

/page: 44

Volume III

8

Up it came him brave Montrose An’ gallant Pitnameen It was well in Earl Marishall’s min’ To burn up bonny Aberdeen

9

But out it spake him brave Montrose An’ a wiser man was he We’ll stay ae night in this bonny bonny brugh An’ we’ll even let it be

10

What pleasure it is to see the women An’ the bonny bairns at their knee Besides to burn their bonny bonny brugh An’ gar them a’ to die

11

Up it spak him Earl Marishall As he sat at Dunnottar I will awa’ to bonny Aberdeen Tho’ I shou’d wide the water

12

Tho’ I shou’d wide the water he says An’ tho’ I shou’d swim the sea To speak wi’ Major Middleton That mann’d the Brig o Dee

13

His lady she went but an’ ben Said husband stay wi’ me For good news is come, the guise is won Ayont the Brig o’ Dee

14

Some said it was one o’ the Southland lords That stood the camp for thee But it was Major Middleton That mann’d the Brig o Dee For he opened the buttons o’ his coat An’ gard the Gordons flee

179

No numbering; some stanzas have second and fourth lines indented, but most are left aligned. 10: The significance of the underscore beneath the last line is unclear. As the 11th stanza follows immediately after, it does not appear to indicate missing material. The text may initially have ended at stanza 10, with the final four added later. 132: wi’ inserted above the line.

Volume III

18 0

The Lady O Gight Vol . I I I : 1 7, p p. 4 5 – 46 (Child 209, Geordie; Roud 90)

1

Gight he minds na me as his wife Nor owns me as his lady Day by day he saddles the grey An’ awa’ to Babegna’s lady

2

When Babegna got word o this That Gight did lo’e his lady He’s cast him in prison strong An’ that was soon an’ shortly

3

Where will I get a bonny boy Will rin my errand shortly That will rin on to the bonny House o Gight Wi’ letters to the lady

4

O when she look’d the letter on O dear but she was sorry But when she read it to an end O dear but she laugh’d hearty

5

Ye’ll saddle to me my steed she says Ye’ll saddle him soon an’ shortly ’Till I rid[e] on to Einburgh Town An’ see how it fares wi’ my Geordy

6

Whan she gaed down yon bonny water side The boatmen were all ready She gave them the good red gold Says row quickly o’er the ferry

7

When she came to the Pier o’ Leith The poor folk they stood hungry She dealt the money them among Bade them pray for the life o her Geordy

8

When she gaed up the Tolbooth stair The noblemen stood many

Volume III



Hat on head stood every man But hat in han’ stood Geordy

9

In it came the first lord judge Says Gight I m sorry for you Ye may prepare yousel to die For there is no mercy for you

10

In it came the second lord judge Says Gight, I’m sorry for you Ye may prepare yours’el to die For there is nae mercy for you

11

In it came the king himsel’ Says, Gight, I’m sorry for you Ye must prepare yoursel’ to die For there is nae mercy for you

12

But out it spake one of the noblemen O who owes this fair lady An’ out spake one o’ the high judges In faith it is Gight’s own lady

13

Ye’ll take from me lands an take from me rents An take from me jewels so many An’ leave me nothing but the smoke But spare me the life o’ Geordy

14

Up it spak the king himsel’ Said fair mat fa your body Tell down tell down ten thousand crowns An tak’ up the life o’ Geordy

15

Some gave her guineas an some gave her crowns An’ some gave her ducats many An’ she told down a thousand crowns Put on your hat now Geordy

16

But out it spak’ an English lord Said wae be on his body

181

/page: 46

Volume III

18 2



I wish Gight had been hang’d last night An’ I had got this fair lady

17

But she look’d o’er her left shoulder Wi’ a proud look and an haughty Said wae be on your thrawin face Wou’d I hae niffered you wi’ my Geordy

18

When she was on her saddle set She lookit so blyth an’ sae comely The birds ne’er sang blyther on the bush Than she sang o’ her Geordy

19

I was a young lady in Edinburgh Town Next I was Lady o’ Gartly But now I am the Lady o’ Gight An’ my good lords name is Geordy

In the margin opposite stanza 19 is the direction “See a note on the 49 page,” where one reads: The ancient & respectable family of Gight in Aberdeenshire is now extinct,—the last of that family was a lady, the mother of the present celebrated Lord Byron. The estates having been sold on her marriage [one inch gap] on the lady’s (Miss Gordon of Gight) going to England, the following verses were composed—

Whare ye gaun Miss Gordon Whare ye gaun so bonny an’ braw I’m gain on to fair England To sell the lands o’ Gight awa



O stay at home Miss Gordon An ye wou’d be advised by me If ye sell the lands o’ Gight awa Ye’ll never hae the like a do

This prediction was verified for the lands were sold soon after her marriage “An she never had the like a do.” No numbering; indentation is inconsistent. 11: for to as.

Volume III

The Laird o’ Drum Vol . I I I : 1 8, p p. 47 – 48 (Child 236, The Laird O Drum; Roud 247)

1

The Laird o’ Drum went out to ride Upon a morning early An’ there he saw bonny Meggy Coutts Was shearing at her barley

2

O will ye leave your bear shearing An’ go along with me O will ye be the Lady o’ Drum An’ let your shearing be

3

O I winna leave my bear shearing To go along wi thee I am o’er lack to be your wife An’ your loun I would scorn to be

4

But ye’ll cast aff your gowns o’ grey An’ put on the silk an’ scarlet An’ here I make to you a vow That ye’s neither be my loun nor harlot

5

My father is an old shepherd Keeps flocks upo’ yon hill An’ every thing he bids me do I ever obey his will

6

O Drums done him to the auld shepherd Keep flocks upon the hill Ye have a bonny lass to your daughter I love her wondrous well

7

My daughter can neither read nor write She was never at a school But every other thing she can do well I learned the lassie myself

8

She canna handle your china cups Nor make a dish o’ tea

183

184

Volume III



But well can she milk cows and ewes Upon a summers day

9

I can thresh in your barn an winnow your corn An’ gang to mill an kiln I can saddle a steed in the time o’ need An’ draw your boots mysel’

10

When ye gae to the tavern house Your pence ye needna spare For sober sal’ I sit at hame An’ work to win you mair

11

He has married the shepherd’s daughter An’ wedded her wi’ a ring He has married the shepherds daughter Altho’ he was Laird o’ Drum

12

Four an’ twenty gentle knights Stood at the yetes o’ Drum Not one of them did lift his hat To welcome the Lady home

13

Out it speaks his proud brother You have done us much wrong You have married a mean, mean wife An’ dishonoured your noble kin

14

O no, o no brother he said I have done no wrong I have married a wife to work an’ win An’ ye have married one to spend

15

The first lady I married Was far above my degree I durstna come in her presence But my hat below my knee

16

The next lady that I did wed Was far above my kind

/page: 48

Volume III



I durstna come in her presence But my hat in my han’

17

But he’s ta’en her by the milk white han An’ led her thro the room As langs my head the hat does wear Ye sall be Lady o’ Drum

18

When supper was done an’ wine drunken An a’ man boun’ to bed The Laird o’ Drum an bonny Meggie Coutts In ae chamber were laid

19

An ye had been come o’ gentle blood An’ been equal to me Wi’ might a walked on the street Afore good company

20

I taul ye afore ye married me I was below your degree But now I am your wedded wife An’ I’ll scorn to be slightit by thee

21

For if we were dead an’ in ae grave An’ were ta’en up agen I would say they had clear e’en That would ken your mould amo’ mine

No numbering; most stanzas left aligned. 32: with to wi. 42: Gown crossed out before silk.

End of Volume II I

185

Contents Vol : I V

No. [Willie Macintosh] 1 Lord Ingram an’ Gil Fyet 2 Lord Ogilvie 3 Earl Richard 4 King John 5 Queen’s Confession 6 Gaberlunzie Laddie 7 Young Aikin 8 Yarrow 9 Goss Hawk 10 Airly 11 Ballad 12 Allan Adale [The Duke of Gordon’s Daughters (title only)]

Page Insert 1 4 6 11 14 17 19 23 26 31 33 34 37

187

[188] [188] [192] [193] [198] [200] [203] [205] [210] [212] [217] [218] [220] [223]

Volume IV

188

[Willie Macintosh] Vol . I V: i n s e rt (Child 183, Willie Macintosh; Roud 4010)

The tradition in the neighbourhood of the verses of the Castle of Cargarff is—that Campbell of Corgarff who had been abroad at the time of his Castle being burnt by Adam Gordon of Auchindown burnt Auchendown in revenge of the cruel murder of his Lady & family—& that the Ballad of Auchindown begins by some of Campbells friends dissuading him from attempting the sack of Auchendown in consideration of the power of [the] Gordon family who would revenge the destruction of Auchendown—his answer is—

Hied me or hary me—that sanna fear me I’ll burn Auchendown in a May morning I’ll burn Auchendown ere the cock crawin It’s be a in a low ere the day dawin



— — — — — — — — — —

Written on a half sheet of paper, inserted at the front of volume IV; the handwriting is sharper than in the rest of the Mss. Note, line 2: its to his Castle

Lord Ingram an’ Gil Fyat Vol . I V: 1, p p. 1– 3 (Child 66, Lord Ingram and Chiel Wyet; Roud 46)

1

Lord Ingram an’ Gil Fyat Were baith born in ae bower They laid their love upon ae lady In an unhappy hour

2

Lord Ingram an Gil Fyat Were baith bred in ae ha They laid their love upon ae lady Sine good o’t coudna fa

Volume IV

3

Lord Ingram he has courted her Frae father an’ frae mother An’ Lord Ingram he courted her Frae sister an’ frae brither

4

Lord Ingram he courted her Frae kinsfolk ane an’ a’ An’ Gil: Fyat he courted her Amang the sheets sae sma

5

Lord Ingram he gae to her A knife hafted wi steel She wished that it was in his heart Sae Gil: Fyet were well

6

Lord Ingram he gae to her A steed cost mony a pound She wished that he might brake his neck Sae Gil. Fyets were sound

7

O winna ye let alane brither O winna ye let alane For ye see my rings on her fingers My broach on her breast bane An’ if ye kent what were under that Your love would soon be done

8

I see your rings on her fingers Your broach on her breast bane But naething cou’d ever be under that Would gar my love be done

9

Get up, get up my daughter dear Put on your wedding gown For mony a knight an’ bold baron Are waiting you the down

10

My shoes are on my feet father My glove is on my han

189

/page: 2

19 0

Volume IV



But if it were your will father I’d rather bide than gang

11

I’d rather marry Gil: Fyet The white fish for to sell Afore I marry Lord Ingram The red gold for to tell

12

I’d rather marry Gil: Fyet Wi him to beg my bread Afore I’d marry Lord Ingram An’ wear the robes o’ red

13

O woudna’t be a sin father An’ a shame to a our kin Gin ’ I wou’d marry ae brither When I carry anither’s bairn

14

O ye maun gaing to Mary Kirk Gi Lord Ingram wedding O ye maun gang to Mary Kirk Tho’ ye shou’d never come hame

15

When bells were rung an mass was sung An’ a man boun’ to bed Lord Ingram an his bonny bride Into ae bed were laid

16

He put his han o’er his lady He meant to hap her back The bonny bairn in her twa sides I wat it lightly lap

17

Father that bairn on me lady O father that bairn on me Whaever be the father o’ it O father it on me

18

I’ll no father it on thee Ingram I’ll no father’t on thee

/page: 3

Volume IV



Whaever be the father o’t I’ll never father’t on thee

19

She hadna the word well spoken Nor the tear dried frae her e’e Till iron bars an’ double doors Did a’ in flinders flee An’ up it stans him Gil: Fyet At their bed feet stood he

20

Get up, get up now Lord Ingram Put on — — — — — Get up, get up now Lord Ingram Put on your hose an’ shoon Its never be said that Gil: Fyet Fought wi a naked man

21

The first an stroke Lord Ingram struck It wounded Gil: Fyet sore The next an’ stroke Gil: Fyet struck These two spoke never more

22

Then out it spoke that fair lady A wae woman was she O I’ll put on a pilgrim’s weed An’ travel till I die Each foot I go for Lord Ingram For Gil: Fyet I’ll go three

23

Nae maen was made for that two brothers In bower where they lay dead The moan’s a’ made for that lady In bower where she went mad

191

Stanzas numbered; second and fourth lines indented. 54: Fyat to Fyet. 19: This stanza is written in over four rows of dashes, indicating that it was initially omitted. 196: Line begins Stood up; crossed out. 21–22: Stanza 21 and the first four lines of 22 are in small script and appear to have been added after the main part of the text was taken down. 225: Current line written in over another, blotted out.

Volume IV

19 2

Lord Ogilvie Vol . I V: 2, p p. 4– 5 (Roud 5530)

1 I sat low an the moon shone high Lookin for ane an’ twa cam by Lookin for ane an’ twa cam by An’ my bonny love never comes near me 2 What ill hae I done love, what ill hae I said Or what offence hae I to the[e] played What offence hae I to the[e] playd That ye hae disowned me fairly 3 No ill have ye done, no ill have ye said Nor any offence to me hae ye playd But I ha’e chosen another fair maid An’ I can never more love thee 4 Ye might a had six joes, ye might a had seven Ye might a had ten joes, ye might a had eleven An’ so might ye a roun’ dozen even An’ been true to your ain love for a that 5 But I’ll sit down on my love’s bedside I’ll wait upon him an I’ll be his guide An’ wi a soft napkin I’ll ty up his head Tho’ the laird an’ the lady shou’d see me 6 But ye saunna sit on my bedside Ye never sa’ll wait on me nor yet be my guide Nor ever wi your kindness draw me aside For I can never more love thee 7 Up has she risen, an straight did she stan Says I hae my heart an the truth o’ my right han An’ now I’ll leave thee an’ I’ll go home For more I never can love thee 8

Stay still fair lady, stay an dinna go I said but to try if ye wou’d believe or no

Volume IV

I never chose another joe As long as I live I must love thee 9 Ly still Ogilvie, ly still an dinna rise For seven long years I hinna been wise The loving o’ thee was a foolish guise Now try wha will love thee as I did 10 But he’s torn the hair out o’ his head Till down it cam the draps o’ blood An’ lang or midnight this young knight was dead The maid goes maiden clearly 11 But I’ll gar write on my loves grave stone Here lys a brave an’ a gallant one Twas for a fair lady he died too soon There’s few young knights love as he did

No numbering; stanza format varies considerably.

Earl Richard Vol . I V: 3, p p. 6– 1 0 (Child 110, the Knight and Shepherd’s Daughter; Roud 67)

1a

Earl Richard an’ his merry young men Went to the woods to play May Mazrie an’ her maidens a’ Went to the wood so gay



or thus

1b

Earl Richard on a May mornin’ Went to the wood alone May Mazrie in her gay clothin’ Walked these woods among

2

O he been forrester o’ this wood A twelve month an a day

193

/page: 5

194

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Your mantle or your maidenhead One o’ them I must hae

3

She turned her right an’ roun’ about An’ she swore by the mould I winna be your light leman For yon kirk fu o’ gold

4

But he has turned him roun’ about An’ he swore by the mass I gar ye be my ain leman For the half o’ that an’ less

5

He’s taen her by the milk white han’ An’ by the grass green sleeve An what there past between this twa Was without her high kins leave

6

O’ if ye be a courteous knight Pray tell me whats your name O some they call me Jack he says An’ others call me John

7

He’s mounted on a milk white steed An’ fast he rode away She kilted up her green cloathing An’ quickly followed she

8

O when she cam before the queen She fell low on her knee Get up, get up ye bonny may What is your will we me

9

There is a man into your court This day has robbed me Has he robb’d you o’ your gold Or of your white monie

10

He hasna robb’d me o’ my gold Nor o’ my white monie

/page: 7

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But of a jewel fairer far The flower of my fair bodie

11

O if he be a married man High hanged shall he be But if he’s a young English knight Be sure he’s marry thee

12

Out it spoke the queen hersel An’ a wise woman was she Tell us which of the two ye wish For ye shall avenged be

13

O they laid down before her then A bran an’ a gay gold ring She minted thrice unto the bran But at length she took the ring An’ a the nobles o’ the court Said she was a wise woman

14

She put a horn to her mouth An’ blew it loud an’ shrill There was not a knight at all the court But was at the queen’s call

15

Earl Richard won’t to be the first The hindmost man was he An’ he cam cripple on a foot An’ gley’d upon an e’e Now by my sooth said that lady Ye’re the man that deceived me

16

O ye maun gae to Mary Kirk An’ wed this bonny may Or else upon the gallows tree High hangit shall ye be

17

He’s set her on a milk white steed Himsel’ upon another An’ they are on to Mary Kirk Like sister an’ like brother

195

/page: 8

196

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18

O an’ I had drank the wan water Last night when I drank wine That ever a carles ae daughter Should be called love o’ mine

19

May be I’m a carle’s daughter An’ maybe I am nane For when we were in good green wood Ye might hae let alane

20

As they cam by yon nettle dyke She said well may I grow For mony a days my mother & I Been pluckin at your pow

21

My old mother would pluck them clean An’ meal them wi’ the lue Then wi her caup an’ wooden spoon She would sup ’till she was fu

22

Yestreen, yestreen I was stringin my pocks Wi four an twenty strings But the morn when I look on my white fingers I’ll have as many gay gow’d rings

23

If thou be a carle’s daughter As I trust well thou be Where gat ye that gay cloathin’ So well becometh thee

24

My mother was a willy nourice Won many a nourice fee An’ she laid it all out on robes like this To beguile such knights as thee

25

My father was a rank robber An’ many lives has ta’en An’ a’ that he could rob or steal To me was ever gein

/page: 9

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26

O an I had drank the wan water Last night when I drank wine That ever a carles ae daughter Should be ca’d love o mine

27

When Bells were rung an’ mass was sung An’ a man boun’ to bed Earl Richard an’ this bonny may In ae chamber were laid

28

She turned her face unto the wa An’ she began to sleep He turned his face the other way An’ he began to greet Then up it stands the Billy blin Just up at their bed feet

29

I think this is a meet marriage Atween the t’ane an the t’ither The Earl of Hyndford’s ae daughter An’ the Queen o’ England’s brother

30

If the tale be true thou tells me As I trust well it be Mony a mares foal hae I tired Beggin the love o’ thee

31

Foul mat fa thee Billy blin Some ill death may ye die I sud a been seven years his married wife E’re he’d been so wise for me

32

He’se ta’en her in his arms twa An’ gin her kisses nine My blessin’ o’ your bonny face For we twa ne’er shall twin

197

/page: 10

No numbering; second and fourth lines indented. 21: Unclear how this line should begin. Initially written She been; an “O” appears to have been written in over the “S”

Volume IV

198 81: King to Queen. 94: Or written over A. 103: of a written over robb’d. 152: second he crossed out. After 29, the couplet O foul mat fa ye Billy Blin Some ill death may ye die is inserted and crossed out (see stanza 31). 313: Begins I sud’ve; crossed out.

King John Vol . I V: 4 , p p. 1 1–1 3 (Child 45, King John and the Bishop; Roud 302)

1

I’ll tell you a story, a story of one Concerning an old prince whose name is King John He was a man an’ a man o’ great might He holds up the wrong an’ pulls down the right

2

I will tell you to hold you merry About the Bishop of Canterberry For his good living his house, and good cheer Before King John he was made to appear

3

What now Master Bishop it is told me That you keep a far better house than I But you must tell me questions three Or your head shall be taken from your bodie

4

You must tell me on my steed My crown of gold upon my head Among all my nobility joy an’ mirth All to a penny what I am worth

5

You must tell me without a doubt How long I’ll be ridin’ the world about Then the last question you must not sink You must tell me what I do think

6

And if ye do not answer them all three aright Your head shall be taken from your body straight

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O no my liege you will let me live If I right answer to your question give Or if you’ll allow me three days space I think I’ll do much to answer your grace

7

Then the Bishop with sorrow was full He went to the shepherd for to get his skill What now Master Bishop are ye come home Or have ye got pardon from good King John

8

I must tell him questions three Or then my head will be taken from me I must tell him on his steed The crown of gold upon his head ’Mong all his nobility joy an’ mirth All to a penny what he is worth

9

I must tell him without any doubt How long he’ll be ridin’ the world about Then the last question I must not sink I must tell him what he does think

10

You thats a man of so high learning Cannot you tell him such a small thing Lend me your steed your gown an’ your ’parel An’ I’ll go out an rid the quarrel

11

He mounted his steed, his gown an his ’parrel An’ he is along to rid the quarrel An’ as the poor shepherd was riding along How should he meet but the old King John

12

Now Mr Bishop the King did say Can ye answer me questions three If you do not answer them all three aright Your head shall be ta’en from your body straight

13

O no my liege you will let me live If right answers I to your questions give For thirty pieces of silver Christ was sold To the Jews both cruel and bold

199

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200



I’m sure twenty nine is the price of thee For thou art a penny worse than he

14

I must tell you without any doubt How long ye’ll be ridin’ the world about You’ll rise by the sun an’ ride by the same An’ rise the next mornin ’an turn thee agen

15

Then the next question I must not sink I must tell you what I do think I will tell you to hold you merry You think me the Bishop of Canterberry I am but the shepherd ye may come an’ see I came to get pardon for him an’ for me

16

O art thou the shepherd the King did reply A Bishop I vow an’ swear thou shalt be O no my liege that is not fit For I can neither read nor write

17

Five pounds a week I will thee give An’ that will maintain thee as long as ye live Tell the good Bishop when ye go home That ye have got pardon from good King John

/page: 13

No numbering; stanzas left aligned. 152: As given; it should be what you do think. Note that in the broadside, Child B, the King re-asks the questions, which may account for the error.

The Queen’s Confession Vol . I V: 5 , p p. 1 4– 1 6 (Child 156, Queen Eleanor’s Confession; Roud 74)

1

The queen was sick an’ vera vera sick An’ sick just like to die An’ she has sent for friars frae France For to confess her wi

Volume IV

2

The king call’d a his merry men By one by two by three Earl Marshall won’t to be the first But the hindmost man was he

3

O you’ll put on a friars gown An’ I’ll put on another An’ we’ll go down thro’ land and town Like two old friars together

4

O no, o no says Earl Marshall O no that canna be For if the queen got word o’ that She wou’d gar me be hangit hie

5

Then out spak the king himsel’ An’ angry man was he I swear by my sceptre an’ my crown Earl Marshall shall not hanged be

6

The king put on a friars gown Earl Marshall put on another An’ they are down thro’ land & town Like two old friars together

7

As they came down by yon white house An’ down by yon white ha They thought ’twas twa friars come frae France An’ they lighted their candles a’

8

But when they came before the queen They fell upon their knee O if ye be twa friars frae France Ye’re dear welcome to me

9

O we are twa friars frae France As ye see well we be An’ we havena said a mass but one Since wi cam’ frae the sea

2 01

/page: 15

202

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10

The firstan sin that ever I sinned A sair truth I tell thee Earl Marshall got my maiden head When he brought me o’er the sea

11

O that was a sin an’ a vera great sin An’ I wish I may forgiven be Amen, amen said the Earl Marshall But a heavy heart had he

12

The next an’ sin was a vera great sin An’ a sair truth I tell thee I poison’d Lady Rosamond or Rosabell An’ a good woman was she

13

O that was a sin an’ a vera great sin I wish it may forgiven be Amen, amen said the Earl Marshall But a heavy, heavy heart had he

14

The next an’ sin was a vera great sin The truth I tell to thee I kept the poison box seven years in my breast To poison King Henry wi

15

O that was a sin an a vera great sin I wish it may forgiven be Amen, amen, said the Earl Marshall But a heavy heart had he

16

O seena ye yon bonny boys A playin’ at the ba The youngest o’ them is King Henry’s An’ I like him warst awa

17

For his neck is like a bull, a bull His head is like a boar O by my faith says King Henry I like him best therefore

/page: 16

Volume IV

18

Seena ye the other bonny boys That are so stately a’ O they are a’ the Earl Marshall’s An’ I like them best awa’

19

O that was a sin, an’ a vera great sin I wish I may forgiven be Amen, amen said the Earl Marishall But a heavy heavy heart had he

20

The king threw off his friar’s gown An’ in red gold shone he If I hadna sworn by my sceptre an my crown Earl Marishall shou’d a hangit be

No numbering; second and fourth lines indents in most stanzas. 33: London to land and. 123: Given as in the Ms; Rosabell is presumably an alternate for Rosamund.

The Gaberlunzie Laddie Vol . I V: 6, p p. 1 7– 1 8 (Child 280, The Beggar Laddie; Roud 119)

1

It was a shepherd, a shepherd swain Wi his sheep’s club into his hand Drivin’ his ewes out owr the knows Says lassie could ye love me

2

O I could love you many fold As Jacob did Rachel of old As Jessse did his flocks an gold My dear if ye’ll go wi me

3

Will ye put off your robes o red An’ then put on my clooty cloak An’ follow me hard at the back Your gaberlunzie laddie

2 03

20 4

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4

O she put aff her robes o’ red An’ she’s put on a clooty cloak An’ she has fallow’d him at the back An’ she was his ain lassie

5

O what way will ye win your bread What way will ye supply our need By spindles and whorles I’ll win our bread When I the club give over

6

As they gi’d down thro’ Edinbro’ town They bought a loaf, an they both sat down An’ ay the bonny lassie lookit down As she sat wi her dearie

7

I wish I were on yonder hill I wou’d sit down an’ weep my fill I would sit down an’ weep my fill Where none shou’d hear or see me

8

O ye’ll put aff my clouty cloak Put on again your robes o red I’ll hae you back where I you got For I canna bear your weepin’

9

Betide me well betide me woe ’Tis wi you my love I’ll go To beg my bread if it were so An’ I’ll lay by my weepin’

10

O seena ye yon castle high It’s yonder you an I maun ly Win up my love ’till wi draw nigh It will be too late to enter

11

When he cam’ to that castle gate So loudly as he rapped at it I fear she said, ye’ll be reprov’d For rapping there so loudly

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12

But four an twenty gentlemen Cam’ a to welcome the beggar ben An’ full as many ladies gay Cam to welcome that fair lady

13

As they gied both down thro’ the ha’ O then out spak his brothers a’ I wish brother wi had begged a For sic a bonny lady

14

The ’yestreen she was the young knight’s bride Tonight she is the young knight’s wife She cam to grace by her ain misguide An she is the young knights lady

No numbering; second and fourth lines indented. 14: Second line inserted in small script between first and third.

Young Aikin Vol . I V: 7, p p. 1 9– 2 3 (Child 41, Hind Etin; Roud 33)

1

The lady sits in her bowr door Sewing her seam so mete She spied a nut in Elmony Said O’ if I were there

2

She let the seam fa’ to her foot The needle to her knee An’ she is on to Elmony As fast as fast could be

3

She hadna pul’d a nut, a nut A nut but barely ane Till by it cam’ a gallant knight Said lady fair gang hame

2 05

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20 6

4

She hadna pu’d a nut, a nut A nut but barely twa Till by it came anither brave knight Said lady gang awa

5

She hadna pu’d a nut, a nut Or broken a branch but three When by it cam’ him young Aikin An’ he gar her let them be

6

He’s ta’en her by the milk white han’ An’ kiss’d her tenderly Says ye maun live an outlaws life In the good green wood wi me

7

An’ he has cut the highest tree Even over at the root An’ he has biggit a bowr for her Beneath the airess seat

8

An’ seven sons she bore to him Beneath a bush a broom But she got never high kirkin Nor got they Christendom



— — — — — — — — — — — — — — —

9

But it fell ance upon a day Ahunting he did gang An’ he took his eldest son him wi To keep him frae thinking lang

10

O I wou’d tell you a story father An’ ye woudna angry be Tell on, tell on, my bonny boy Ye saunna be crub’d by me

11

My mother’s cheeks are aft, aft weet An’ they are seldom dry

/page: 20

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Nae wonder, nae wonder my eldest son Tho’ your mother wou’d burst an’ die

12

For your mother was a Earl’s daughter A Earl’s daughter was she An’ she wou’d a gotten a Earl’s son Had she no been stolen by me

13

But we ll kill the buntin on the bush The bird upon the wand An’ we’ll take that to your mother To make her smile again

14

They kilt the bunting on the bush The bird upon the wand An’ they took that to his lady But she coudna smile again

15

But I wou’d tell you a story mother An’ ye wou’dna angry be Tell on, tell on my eldest son Ye’se never be crub’d by me

16

Yestreen when we were hunting mother We heard the sacran ring My blessin’ on you my eldest son If there ye wou’d me bring

17

He’s ta’en his mother by the han’ His six brothers him wi An’ he is on to the Earl’s castle As fast as gang could he

18

When she cam’ to the Earl’s castle An’ at the gate stood she She hadna a penny in her purse But royal gold rings three Says take ye that my eldest son An’ before the Earl ye’ll gae

2 07

/page: 21

20 8

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19

Ye’ll gi the first to the proud porter An’ he will let you in An’ ye’ll gi the next to the butler man An’ he will let you ben

20

Ye’ll gi the next to the minstrel man That plays An’ he will play a tune to the bonny boy That cam to the green wood alone

21

He gae the first to the proud porter An’ he did let him in He gae the next to the butler man An’ he did let him ben

22

He gae the next to the minstrel man That play’d so pleasantly He play’d a tune to the bonny boy That cam’ frae the green wood gay

23

But when he came the presence before He fell down on his knee Get up, get up, my bonny boy What wou’d ye say to me For ye are sae like to my ae daughter That my heart will go in three

24

Nae wonder tho’ I be like your ae daughter Tho’ I be like her some Nae wonder tho’ I be like your ae daughter When I’m her eldest son

25

O where hae ye my ae daughter I pray ye tell to me She’s standing yonder at your gates My six brothers her wi Cast open my doors, cast open my gates Let her come in to me

26

An’ when she came her father before She fell upon her knee

/page: 22

Volume IV



Get up, get up my dear daughter An’ come an dine wi me

27

I winna eat a bit she said Nor drink will I taste none ’Till my seven sons get Christendom An’ myself get high kirkin An’ my love be made an indweller He’s been without owr lang

28

Your seven sons shall get Christendom Yourself get high kirkin Your love be made an indweller Since ye crave his pardon

29

When she came her mother before She fell upon her knee Get up, get up my dear daughter An’ come an dine wi me

30

A bit I winna eat mother Of drink I will taste none Till my seven sons get Christendom Myself get high kirkin An my love be made an indweller He’s been without owr lang

31

Your seven sons shall get Christendom Yourself get high kirkin An’ your love be made an indweller Since ye crave his pardon

32

But they hae sought for Young Aikin Three quarters o’ a year An’ when they found him Young Aikin He was tearing out his hair

No numbering; stanza format variable. 2: Second line inserted in small script between first and third. 144: That to But. 162: bell deleted after sacran There is a three inch gap between this ballad and the next.

2 09

/page: 23

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21 0

Yarrow Vol . I V: 8 , p p. 2 3–2 5 (Child 214, The Braes O Yarrow; Roud 13)

1

O true love mine stay still an’ dine As ye hae done before O O lady mine I’ll be home in time Frae the bonny braes o’ Yarrow

2

She kiss’t his mouth, an’ she combd his hair As she had done before O An’ owr knowes an owr dens She followed him to Yarrow

3

In yonder den stood nine armed men By the bonny braes o Yarrow An’ seven o’ them lurkit an lay Among the heather o’ Yarrow

4

Come ye to drink the good red wine As we hae done before O Or come ye for good haughty war O the bonny braes o Yarrow

5

We comena for your good red wine We’ve drank that oft before O But we are come to try our swords With you this day in Yarrow

6

O nine for one this cannot stand It is an unmeet marrow But come man for man, an as langs I stand I’ll fight with you in Yarrow

7

Three he hurt an four he slew But O alas! the sorrow He lootit him down to take a drink Frae the bonny stream o Yarrow

8

An’ by it cam her brothers two Alas! it was wi sorrow

/page: 24

Volume IV



An’ wi’ a rapier they ran him thro’ While he took a drink frae Yarrow

9

Gae hame, gae hame my good brothers two I’m sure ye feel nae sorrow An’ tell my lady to come to me I’ll be sleepin’ sound in Yarrow

10

— — — — — — — — — —

11

I dreamed a dream now sin’ the ’streen I wish it may no bring sorrow I dreamt I was pu’ing the heather green On the bonny braes o Yarrow

12

O we will read your dream sister To your sad grief an’ sorrow You’re biddin gang to your ain true love He’ll be sleepin soun’ in Yarrow

13

— — — — — — — — — —

14

She kiss’d his mouth an’ she comb’d his hair As oft she had done before O She drank his blood which was her death On the waefu banks o Yarrow

15

Her hair it was three quarters long The colour o’ it was yellow She ty’d it roun’ the dead man’s weist An’ carried him down thro Yarrow

16

Tak hame your sons father she said Ye may take them hame wi sorrow May ye ne’er get mair good o’ them Than I got o’ my marrow

17

Haud your tongue my daughter dear An’ lay by a’ your sorrow

2 11

/page: 25

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21 2



I’ll wed you to as good a knight As ye’ve lost this day in Yarrow

18

But this lady being big wi bairn An’ full o’ grief an’ sorrow She died into her father’s arms In the dowie howe o’ Yarrow

Stanzas numbered and left alinged.

The Goss Hawk Vol . I V: 9, p p. 2 6– 30 (Child 96, The Gay Goshawk; Roud 61)

1

O well fells me o’ my goss hawk For he can speak an’ flee An’ he can carry the love letters Between my love an me

2

But how will I your true love ken An’ how will I her know I’ve the tongue that never wi her spake An’ the e’en that never her saw

3

O even before my love’s window There grows a bowin pine An ye may sit an sing on it As she goes out an in

4

O even afore my love’s window There grows a bowin birk An ye will sit an’ sing on it When she goes to the kirk

5

O even afore my love’s window There grows a bowin ash An’ ye will sit an’ sing on it When she goes to the mass

Volume IV

6

The way that ye’ll my true love know When she gangs to the kirk There’s nae a lady but hersel’ Has gowd upo’ their skirt

7

There are six maidens her before And six maidens behin’ An’ six maidens on every side To guard her frae the wind

8

Ye’ll bid her send her love a sen’ For he has sen’ her seven An’ he winna wait her love langer Tho’ she’s fairest under heaven

9

The bonny birdie flappit’s wings An’ he flew o’er the sea An’ even at this lady’s window Even down lightit he

10

An’ even at her bower window There grew a bowin pine An’ he did sit an’ sing on it As she gi’ed out an in

11

The first an’ song he sung it love The next he sung it low The next he sung was sair mournin’ By this she did him know

12

Stan’ by, stan’ by my maidens a’ The wine runs you among Till I go to yon shot window An’ hear that birdie’s song

13

Sing on, sing on my bonny bird The song ye sang just now I never sung a sang Lady But what I’d sing to you

2 13

/page: 27

214

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14

Ye’r biddin sen’ your love a sen For he has sen’ you seven An’ he winna wait your love langer Tho’ ye’re fairest under heaven

15

Here is the brooch frae my breast bone The garlands frae my hair Here is the rings frae my fingers What would my love ask mair

16

O ye do tell to my true love The thing I tell to thee At the fourth kirk in fair Scotland There he will meet wi me

17

The bonny birdie flappits wings An’ he flew o’er the sea An’ even on his master’s table Even down lightit he

18

An’ even on his master’s table Even down he flew An’ then he pickt his bonny breast An’ let the letters fa’

19

O she’s gone to her father dear Fell low down on her knee An’ askin, an askin my father An’ askin ye’ll grant me Ask on, ask on my dear daughter What may your askin be

20

O if I die in fair England In Scotland bury me You’re askin is but sma daughter An’ granted it shall be Had it been to marry the Scottish knight Granted it ne’er cou’d be

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Volume IV

21

O she’s gone to her mother’s bower Fell low down on her knee An askin, an askin my mother An askin ye’ll grant me

22

O if I die in fair England In Scotland bury me You’re askin is but sma daughter An granted it shall be Had it been to marry the Scottish knight Granted it coudna be

23

These words they werena well spoken Nor was she well sitten down Till wi a sigh fair Lady Ann Has fallen in a swoon

24

O then out speaks the Billy blin’ Sat at the table end Ye’ll drap the hot lead on her cheek Ye’ll drap it on her chin If there be life in her body She’ll gi a heavy moan

25

They drap’t the hot lead on her cheek They drapt it on her chin There was life in her fair body But she didna gi’ a moan

26

Ye’ll paire the nails on her fingers Ye’ll pare them to the bone If there be life in her body She’ll surely gi’ a moan

27

They pared the nails o’ her fingers They pared them to the bone There was life in her fair body But she gave not a moan

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Her mother an’ her seven maidens They made to her a sark The half o’ it was good saft silk The other was needle wark

29

Her father an’ her seven brothers They made to her a bier The half o’ it was good red gold An’ the other was silver clear

30

The first an’ kirk that they cam till They gar’t the mass be sung The next an kirk that they came till They gart the bells be rung

31

The third an’ kirk that they cam till The[y] dealt gowd for her sake The fourth an kirk that they came till She met her warld’s maek

32

Set down, set down the corps he said ’Till we look them upon When corps come frae a far country We may look them upon

33

He’s cuttit the windin’ sheet at her cheek He cuttit it at her chin Wi pale, pale lips, but azure eyes She lay an smil’d on him

34

A piece o’ your white loaf William A glass o’ your red wine For I hae fasted for your sake Its even lang days nine

35

Gang hame, gang hame my seven brothers An’ ye may blaw your horn An’ tell it into fair England Your sisters gane you the scorn

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If she gives us the scorn, they said We shall give her the waur She’s get nae mair for her tocher But the beir that brought her here

37

But then it spoke him out Lord William An’ a wise man was he The man that gets a good lady An’ little tocher needs she

2 17

Stanzas numbered and left aligned. 13–4: between my initially written on line 3. 205–6: Inserted in small script btw. 204 and 211. 314: maik to Maek or poss. Mack. 344: Several words are crossed out at the beginning of the line, but they appear to be close to what is currently given. 344: ten to nine. A page is cut out between this ballad and the next, though the page numbering is not affected.

Airly Vol . I V: 1 0, p p. 3 1 (Child 199, The Bonnie House O Airlie; Roud 794)

1

It fell on a day, on a bonny summer’s day When the flowers were springin’ rarely There fell out a great dispute Betwen Argyle an’ Airly

2

Argyle he has chosen a hundred o’ his men A hundred o’ his men an’ marely He’s led them down by the back o’ Dunkeld Bad them plunder the bonny house o’ Airly

3

The lady look’d over her bonny castle wa’ An’ O but her heart was sorry To see Argyle an’ the wyle o his men Come to plunder the bonny house o’ Airly

4

Come down the stair Madam Ogilvie he said Come down an’ kiss me Lady

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I winna kiss you cruel Argyle Tho’ you shoudna leave a steady stane in Airly

5

But o’ if my good lord were at hame As he is awa wi Charlie It sudna be Argyle nor a’ his men That should plunder the bonny house o’ Airly

6

But I have eleven bonny young sons An’ the twelfth never saw his daddy But if that I had as many more again They shou’d a’ be the servants o’ Charlie

No numbering; stanzas left aligned for the most part. After the title is written: See Spaldings Chron’ Vol 1st. See pp. 228–29 in the 1792 edition. 54: Written over another, blotted out line. 64: Airly to Charlie. In left margin beside stanza 6 is written: The conclusion of this ballad to be sent if it can be found.

Ballad Vol . I V: 1 1, p p. 3 3 (Child 263, The New-Slain Knight; Roud 3887)

1

As I went up yon high high hill As I went down yon bonny den O there I saw a fair lady O dear but she was sleepin’ soun’

2

Ye’ll waken waken lady fair For O this day ye sleep owr lang For down at the foot o’ your father’s castle An’ there there lys a new slain man

3

O what like, what like was his coat What like the cloathin’ he had on O Bruges black was his coat His stockin’s they were o’ the same

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4

The shirt on his fair body O dear but it was washin clean Alas! ohon said that fair lady It was my hindmost wark the streen

5

But wha will shoe my bonny foot An’ wha will glove my bonny han An’ wha will father my young son When my good lord is dead an’ gone

6

O I will shoe your bonny foot An’ I will glove your han’ An I will father your young son Since his ain father is dead an gone

7

I’ll father him upon a stock I’ll father him upon a stone I’ll father him on the Father in heaven For a father on earth he’ll never get one

8

O she said to her little young son As he sat on the nourice’ knee Young, young are ye fatherless An’ ye ll soon be motherless for me

9

O hold ye still my dear lady An’ ye ll let a’ your folly be For it is I your ain good lord This day that’s tried your love for me

No numbering; second and fourth lines indented, except in stanzas 7 and 8. 33: brudges to bruges.

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Allan Adale Vol . I V: 1 2, pp. 3 4– 3 6 (Child 138, Robin Hood and Allen a Dale; Roud 3298)

1

Ye gentlemen all I pray you draw near All you that love mirth to hear I’ll tell you of a bold outlaw Who livd in Nottinghamshire

2

As Robin Hood one morning stood All under the green wood tree An he was aware of a fine young man As fine as fine could be

3

The youngster was clothed in scarlet so fine In scarlet so fine an gay He came tramping over the plain An’ trippit out over the lee

4

As Robin Hood next morning stood All under the same green tree He was aware of this same young man Came trudging along the way

5

The coat he wore the day before It was quit[e] thrown away And at every step he fetched a sigh Says alas! for this wofu day

6

Out then steps bold Robin Hood And asked him right courteously Have you any money young man For my merry young men and me

7

I have no money the youngster replied But five shillings and a ring I’ve kept that this seven long years To have it at my wedding

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Yesterday I should have married a maid But she was from me ta’en And chosen to be an old knights bride Whereby my poor heart is slain

9

What would you give says Robin Hood In gold and white money To have your true love back again Delivered to thee

10

I have no money the youngster replied In gold nor white money But I will swear here by my hand Your servant I will be

11

What is your name says bold Robin Hood Come tell me without quail By the faith of my body the youngster replied My name it is Alan a dale

12

How far is it to your true love Come tell me without fail It is not far the youngster replied It is only five little miles

13

He’s ta’en his harp into his hand He harped and he sang And he’s away to the Bishop’s House Where the wedding was to stand

14

When he came the Bishop before He fell down on his knee I am a harper good he said I’m the best in the North Country You’re welcome the Bishop he said Your music pleases me

15

There is a wedding says bold Robin Hood A wedding to be here

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But since we are all come to the Church The bride shall have her own dear

16

It shall not be so the Bishop replied Thy word it shall not stand They shall be three times asked in the Church As it is by the laws of the land

17

He put a horn to his mouth And he blew loud an shrill Till four an twenty braw bold men Came all their master ’till

18

They came marching to the kirk All ranked in a row Brave Allan Adale was the foremost man To give bold Robin his bow

19

With that came in the grave bridegroom That was both grey and old And after him a fair young lass Did shine like glittering gold

20

Its not a fit match says bold Robin Hood That you are making here But since we are all come to the church Allan shall have his own dear

21

Then Robin pulld off the Bishops cloak An put it on little John But by the faith of my body says Robin Hood Its the coat that makes the man

22

Little wi John he went to the church The people began to laugh He askd them seven times in the church Lest three had not been enough

23

Who gives the maid says little John Quoth Robin that is I

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And he that takes her from Allan Adale Right dear he shall her buy

24

Now they have ended this merry wedding And the bride she look’d like a queen And they all returned to the merry green wood Among the leaves so green

Stanzas numbered and left aligned. 145–6: Initially numbered 15.

[The Duke of Gordon’s Daughters] Vol . I V: 1 3, p. 3 7 (Child 237, The Duke of Gordon’s Daughters; Roud 342)

The last page of the fourth volume contains this title (that of Child 237) but there follows a blank page. Originally of broadside derivation, the story was widely popular in the Northeast. End of Volume IV

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N o t e s t o t h e Ba l l ads

The following annotations are intended to be illustrative rather than exhaustive. The principal aim has been to place the Glenbuchat texts within the regional tradition, textually and historically. Those interested in alternate versions are referred to Steve Roud’s Folksong Index, which is the most comprehensive index to song versions in print. The format adopted here is as follows: Each text is identified by the manuscript volume and item number, followed by the title given by Robert Scott. Child’s title and other common titles, if applicable, are given in parentheses on the next line. Child number, Roud number, and/or Laws number, are given on the third line, along with references to other ballad indexes, if relevant. Most of the latter consist of digital broadside indexes, including Roud’s Broadside Index (RBI), W. Bruce Olson’s Broadside Ballad Page, and the Bodleian Library Broadside Ballads (Heaney, et al.). Items in Roud’s Broadside Index are not numbered, and items in the Bodleian catalogue are numbered individually rather than by type. In both cases, a title or keyword search is the most expedient means of locating relevant materials. For shorthand references to specific works, see List of Abbreviations.

I:1 BARON OF BRACKLEY (The Baron o Brackley) Child 203; Roud 4017 Two separate events, one in 1592, the other in 1666, may have been the basis for this ballad. In Child’s assessment, the song conflates the character of one Baron of Brackley (or Braikley) with the circumstances surrounding the murder of another. Most versions, though, put less emphasis on the conflict between Inverey and Gordon than on the wife’s readiness to see her husband march out to certain death. Accordingly, Child includes “The Baron of Brackley” among several “historical” ballads in which the central concerns are domestic rather than feudal. The Glenbuchat text is the source of Child’s Aa version, which was printed with some additions and changes by Alexander Laing in Scarce Ancient Ballads (1822). Peter Buchan’s version (Gleanings 68–70) varies little from Laing’s. Given that each text is missing the same line at stanza 19 (stanza 24 in Child A), the Glenbuchat text appears to be the basis for all of them. Greig-Duncan’s A text (GDFSC 2: 176–77), which comes from a western Aberdeenshire source, is an abbreviated version of Child A.

225

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The roughly 4–4 dactyl couplets, written without stanza divisions in the Glenbuchat Mss and in some other Romantic collections (Laing and Buchan among them), are atypical of classical ballad metrics, and may indicate adaptation from a nontraditional source. Child felt that the versions of 203A derived from broadsides.

I:2 ADAM GORDON, or THE BURNING OF CARGARFF (Captain Car, or Edom o’ Gordon) Child 178; Roud 80; Olson ZN3329 The Adam Gordon of the ballad was the brother of the 5th Earl of Huntly. As the dominant Catholic family in the Northeast, the Gordons supported Queen Mary during the power struggle that followed the assassination of the pro-English regent in 1570. Late in 1571, Gordon sent men to harry families loyal to the regency and/or Protestantism, and it was on his authority that Captain Thomas Car (Kerr) attempted to seize the lands of John Forbes of Towie. Forbes, however, was not at home, and when his wife, Margaret Campbell, refused to surrender the castle, Car ordered his men to burn it. Twenty-seven people died in the fire, including Campbell and several of her children. Even though Gordon had not taken part in the raid, he was widely blamed for the deaths, and several versions of the ballad put him at the scene. Ballad texts are also at odds as to whether Towie or Corgarff is the actual site. Research has shown that the event predates the building of Towie House, and so it appears that Corgarff is correct (Buchan, “History and Harlaw” 66). A variant set at Loudon Castle in Ayrshire is thought to be an adaptation of the Northeast ballad. “Adam Gordon” highlights the difficulty of tracing lines of transmission in ballad research. What Bronson says of the tunes applies well to the texts: they are “interestingly variant” but “clearly related” (TTCB 3: 156). The Glenbuchat text shows close correspondence to Kinloch’s fragmentary version (Child E), but it is also related to Child D, which was printed in a chapbook by “Robert and Andrew Foulis, Glasgow, 1755; ‘as preserved in the memory of a lady.’” It is an open question whether the Glenbuchat version derives from the chapbook or whether both texts belong to a common traditional variant. Yet the Foulis text did influence the history of the ballad, both in print and in tradition. Percy and Ritson reprinted the chapbook version (in Percy’s case, with minor changes), and Child notes the influence of their texts on Herd, Buchan, Pinkerton, and other revival editors (ESPB 3: 423–24). Greig-Duncan A (GDFSC 2: 166) also owes a good deal to the chapbook version, as does an Anglicized text published in a Dublin songbook about 1820, which in turn was the source for the only text collected in North America (Flanders 3: 173–84).

I:3 LORD JOHN AND ROTHIEMAY (The Fire of Frendraught) Child 196; Roud 336 The events recalled in this ballad took place about sixty years after the burning of Corgarff, and Adam Gordon’s grand-nephew was one the principals. Details are covered in Robert Scott’s note, which he copied from Spalding’s The History of the Troubles and Memorable Transactions in Scotland. At thirty-two stanzas, the Glenbuchat text is the longest recorded version, save for a forty-eight-stanza manuscript version in the Abbotsford library, which Child mentions but does not reprint (ESPB 4: 521–22). The Glenbuchat text contains most of the essential and peripheral details found in Child’s A, B, and C texts, as well as the single stanza given as Child E. All are contemporaneous Northeast versions; in fact the ballad has rarely been recorded elsewhere.

Note s to the Bal l ad s

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I:4 SIR JAMES THE ROSS, THE YOUNG LAIRD OF BALETHEN (Sir James the Rose) Child 213; Roud 2274 The Glenbuchat version matches Child’s in all but two stanzas (the sixteenth and the last), though it has more Scots diction than the original broadside, perhaps suggesting that the stall texts had been in oral circulation for some time. The ballad exists in two well-known variants, commonly distinguished by the name of the hero: “Sir James the Rose” versus “Sir James the Ross.” Child printed the former only, even though he acknowledged that both were derived from broadsides and that “Sir James the Ross” was better known. It was his opinion that the “Ross” variant was a later adaptation by an established author. The hero’s name, however, is not a completely reliable indicator. Glenbuchat’s “Sir James the Ross” follows the narrative pattern of Child’s variant; conversely, the hero is “Sir James the Rose” in all the Greig-Duncan versions, yet the texts conform to the verbal pattern of the later broadside. Only the “Ross” variant is found in North America, almost exclusively in the New England and Atlantic Canada (BTBNA). It is worth noting that the last three ballads (Child 178, 196, and 213) belong to a common tune family in Northeast Scotland, at least in late nineteenth-century tradition (TTCB 3: 188). Whether that connection applies to the Glenbuchat repertoire is, of course, impossible to say.

I:5 THE WATER OF GAMERY (Rare Willie Drowned in Yarrow, or The Water of Gamery) Child 215; Roud 206 The Skene version, collected in the Northeast around 1800 (Child D), and Buchan’s version (Child E) resemble the Glenbuchat text in many respects, though neither shows a direct correspondence. The motif of the hero’s steed returning riderless to its stable also appears in the Campbell version (Child H). The Glenbuchat version is somewhat unusual in its depth of detail, especially in the drowning scene and in its description of the grieving bride. The rather extraordinary motif of the hero being killed by two fish appears unique to this version. Scholars have gone back and forth over whether the northern (Gamrie) or southern (Yarrow) variant of this ballad is the original. Child and Bronson favor the latter. Greig argues that since the Yarrow versions tend to be brief and more lyric than narrative, they came later. Still, he admits that there is no “Water of Gamery” that could have provided a backdrop for the ballad. The parish of Gamrie lies on a particularly rugged stretch of coastline between Banff and Peterhead. Following Peter Buchan and William Christie, Greig suggests that “the sea might well have served the purpose in the original story, which could easily get corrupted” (GDFSC 6: 579). As often happens with ballads, speculation could (and probably will) go on endlessly.

I:6 AUCHYNACHY GORDON (Lord Saltoun and Auchanachie) Child 239; Roud 102 The hero of the ballad is alternately associated with Auchanachie, near Keith in central Banffshire, or with Annachie, a farm near St. Fergus, just north of Peterhead. Most versions from the Romantic Revival period give Auchanachie; the Annachie versions tend to be mid to late nineteenth century. The first three stanzas of the Glenbuchat text are similar to Child

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239 A (from Buchan and Maidment), but any direct correspondence ends there. See Coffin and Bronson for comments regarding the ballad’s possible relationship to late broadsides.

I:7 THE QUEEN’S MARY (Mary Hamilton) Child 173; Roud 79 As with the preceding ballad, the opening resembles other Northeast versions (Child E and F), but the remainder of the text differs. The heroine’s refusal of clemency occurs also in one of Motherwell’s texts (Child D). “Mary Hamilton” is common on both sides of the Atlantic. Child prints nearly thirty versions; Coffin notes seventeen to which Renwick adds another ten; Roud lists 119. The various theories regarding the possible origin of the ballad are well covered in Child’s headnote.

I:8 HEY A ROSE MALINDEY (The Cruel Mother) Child 20; Roud 9 Of the three ballads in the manuscript that deal with infanticide, this one is the most widely known. Roud lists over 250 citations, most of them from North America. With the exception of the text in the Findlay Mss, variations on the “Hey a rose malindey” chorus are found only in the Northeast (see Child 20 I and J and Greig-Duncan versions D and E, GDFSC 2: 32–33). These versions, however, all contain the penance stanzas, which the Glenbuchat text lacks. The alternate opening to the Glenbuchat text appears to derive from a blackletter version (Chappell and Ebsworth 8: liv), but not directly. The minutes of the Kirk Session record that “In 1790 the inhabitants in Glenbuchat were excited by the discovery of an infant’s body on a dunghill. This led to an examination of all the young women of the district in order that the midwives might attempt to trace whether any of them had recently borne a child” (G. D. Henderson 116). While the minutes do not say whether the midwives were successful, the event underscores the cultural immediacy of the ballad’s theme.

I:9 LOCHINVAR and KATHRINE JAFFREY (II:8) (Katharine Jaffray) Child 221; Roud 93 The Glenbuchat texts show closer correspondence to the Greig-Duncan versions than to those in Child. The first is related to Greig-Duncan A, collected from a western Aberdeenshire singer, and the second has much in common with Greig-Duncan B, from Bell Robertson. That said, there is a certain commingling of motifs and lines in all versions of the ballad yet little or no variation in the storyline. The Northeast versions have a significant number of commonplaces and formulaic sequences (for example, the “Where will I get a bonny boy” run in II: no. 8, 5–11). Such oral traits are not typical for this ballad. In Glenbuchat texts, the hero’s name is Lochnavar, a conflation of the standard “Lochinvar” and the regional placename, Lochnagar.

Note s to the Bal l ad s

2 29

I:10 LADY DYSMOND (Lady Diamond) Child 269; Roud 112 The ballad belongs to larger tale complex based on the motif of a woman who is presented with, and in some cases tricked into eating, the heart of her murdered lover (AT 992; motif Q478.1 and esp. Q478.1.1). Examples are found throughout Europe in traditional and literary settings, with further variants reported from India, Africa, and Native American tradition. The ballad itself has analogs in many parts of Europe, and although British versions have been collected only in Scotland, there is nothing especially Scots about the texts. Child accuses Buchan and Dixon of having “scotticized” their versions (ESPB 5: 38). Stanza 7 of the Glenbuchat text shows at close quarters the hybrid of English and Scots diction that can occur in this ballad type. As Child and others point out, the heroine’s name—Diamond, Dysmal, Dysie, Daisie, Dayese,—implies a connection with the heroine “Ghismonda” in Boccaccio’s version (Decameron, Day IV, No. 1), a connection reinforced by the name used in the Glenbuchat text. Although the ballad probably has chapbook origins, some traditional versions have absorbed elements of “Willie o’ Winsbury” (Child 100), as appears to be the case with stanza 6 of the Glenbuchat text.

I:11 LADY MASREY (Lady Maisry) Child 65; Roud 45 The opening sequence of the Glenbuchat version (up to stanza 7) roughly parallels Anna Brown’s text (Child A). The remainder comes closer to Buchan (Child H), and even then many of the correspondences are superficial. The brutal (and irrelevant) murder of the brother’s wife (stanzas 8–11) is unique to this version. Variants of stanza 28, traced by Child to “Lord Derewentwater,” are elsewhere found only in texts from southern Scotland. Although this ballad appears to have been common in Scotland in the early nineteenth century (Child printed eleven versions), it was not collected by Greig or Duncan a century later.

I:12 ROB ROY (Rob Roy) Child 225; Roud 340 This bride-stealing ballad is founded on actual events that took place in 1750. Evidently the bride, a young widow named Jean Key, was not reassured by the hero’s glowing account of himself; she was released, while her real-life abductor, Rob Oig, was tried and hanged in 1754. While Child’s versions have much in common, they do show that the ballad underwent considerable variation in the sixty years following its composition (given that most of Child’s versions were collected before 1820). The Glenbuchat text, which is considerably longer than others, was collated with a version from nearby Kildrummy and published by Alexander Laing in 1823 (Thistle 93–100). Laing’s text has two stanzas that are not in the Glenbuchat version (225 K: 11 and 20), and six stanzas are given in a different order. Roughly 30 percent of the individual lines differ conspicuously in their wording. Laing, by his own admission, may be responsible for many of the alterations.

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This is the only text in the Glenbuchat collection that alludes to singing. According to Bronson, the tune change noted between stanzas 14 and 15 is common in texts from the Romantic Revival era, though the specific tunes differ (TTCB 3: 363).

I:13 CRAIGSTON’S GROWING (A-Growing; He’s Young but He’s Daily A-Growing) Laws O35; Roud 31 The actual history behind this ballad reads like tawdry melodrama. In 1631, John Urquhart of Craigston’s grandfather and father died within a few weeks of each other. From his grandfather, the boy inherited a sizeable estate, including Craigston Castle; from his father, he inherited debts amounting to nearly £40,000. Still a minor, he was placed under the guardianship of his maternal uncle, Sir Robert Innes, who secured control of the Urquhart lands by arranging a quick marriage between his eldest daughter and the thirteen-year-old heir. To make matters worse, Innes refused to honor his brother-in-law’s debts, to which a number of family friends were legally bound as cautioners (co-signatories). Ultimately, the cautioners had to go good for the whole amount. Craigston, realizing the hardship and enmity this had caused among his father’s friends, fell into a depression from which he never recovered. He died on 30 November 1634, at the age of sixteen, leaving a wife and infant son. (See Spalding 1: 36–37; Maidment 21–22; and Milne 96.) The ballad, which recalls relatively little of the story, is perhaps the most famous of Child’s omissions. Later scholars almost universally agree that he should have included it. Yet even though field collection has shown the song’s traditional currency, one shouldn’t be too quick to second guess Child’s judgment. Most of the texts available to him derive from the predominantly lyric “Lady Mary Ann” version that Burns re-wrote for Johnson’s Scots Musical Museum, and which was reprinted verbatim by Finlay, Smith, Motherwell, and Aytoun. Maidment’s version was from tradition (probably from James Nicol), but it was not acknowledged as such in A North Country Garland, except perhaps by the editor’s claim in the introduction that he had received some ballads “of minor importance” from “an intelligent individual” in Aberdeenshire. A second copy of Nicol’s version was sent to C. K. Sharpe, who gave it to David Laing for inclusion in the “Additional Illustrations” for the Musical Museum, where it would have appeared suspiciously identical to Maidment’s, especially since the Sharpe claimed to have taken it “from a MS” ( Johnson 2: 388*–89*; see also Buchan, Ballad and the Folk, 225, and Scottish Ballad Book, 223n). Thomas Macqueen sent his sister Elizabeth’s version to Andrew Crawfurd (Lyle, Crawfurd 2: xxxviii), although its title, “The Lament of a Young Damsel for Her Marriage to a Young Boy,” almost certainly indicates broadside derivation. That text may have been brought to Motherwell’s attention, and while he didn’t bother to transcribe it for his personal collection, it could be the “traditional copy . . . as preserved in the west of Scotland” that he included in his edition of Burns (see Johnson 2: 389*). The only other texts possibly known to Child were from late eighteenthand nineteenth-century broadsides. So most of what he had to go on would have appeared literary, recent, or suspect. Weak narrative development is characteristic for the type and shows clearly in the Glenbuchat text. Semi-veiled sexual allusions, such as line 33 (and possibly the whole of stanza 2), are also common.

Note s to the Bal l ad s

2 31

I:14 SIR HUGH (Sir Hugh Spencer’s Feats in France) Child 158; Roud 3997 Only four versions of this ballad have been recovered; in two the hero is English, in the others, Scottish. The oldest (Child A) is from Percy’s manuscript, and his papers contain another text (Child B) that he received from a correspondent. Neither was printed in the Reliques. The Scottish versions include the Glenbuchat text and a version that Dr. Joseph Robertson collected in 1829 the parish of Leochel, which is a short distance from Glenbuchat. Not surprisingly, there is a great deal of overlap in the two texts, although the Glenbuchat version is much longer (twenty-four stanzas compared with fifteen). Child thought the ballad may celebrate the life of a Hugh Spencer who lived during the first quarter of the fourteenth century (ESPB 3: 276), but there is little indication that the ballad is especially old. For a detailed comparison of compositional style in Child 158 B and the Glenbuchat text, see Buchan, “Ballad Tradition and Hugh Spencer.”

I:15 MONCEY GREY (Little Musgrave and Lady Barnard) Child 81; Roud 52; RBI; Olson ZN286; Bodleian This ballad was well known to London theatre-goers early in the seventeenth century (Child, ESPB 2: 243) and has remained popular ever since. The current edition of Roud lists over 235 versions (and excludes Child’s and Bronson’s citations). That said, it is somewhat astonishing that neither Greig nor Duncan collected it. Perhaps because of the ballad’s literary associations and long history in print, Child felt that even the versions collected during the Scottish Romantic Revival derived primarily from broadsides. Neither Kinloch, Motherwell, nor Buchan bothered to publish the versions they collected. The Glenbuchat text belongs to a variant that was common in Scotland in the early nineteenth century (cf. Child 81 D, E, J, K, and L). Once again, there are particular correspondences with Robertson’s Leochel text. By virtue of its “Four an twenty . . .” opening and other distinctive motifs, this variant may be related to the versions represented by Bronson’s B tune family, which consists of eleven versions recorded mainly in New England and Atlantic Canada (TTCB 2: 267–69). For variants of the rhyme appended to this text, see “Wee Willy Gray” in Johnson’s Scots Musical Museum (1: 530 and 2: 455–56), and “Wee Totum Fogg” in Opie (514).

I:16 HYNDE CHIEL (Allison and Willie) Child 256; Roud 245 The most striking feature of Child’s version is the cryptic seventh stanza, which complicates an otherwise workaday tale of unrequited love: He saw a hart draw near a hare, And aye that hare draw near a toun, An that same hart did get a hare, But the gentle knight got neer a toun. Scholars have responded differently to the ambiguity of the stanza. Child left it to those interested in the prophesies of Thomas of Ercildoune (ESPB 4: 416); for Ruth Mortenson,

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it signified Otherworld abduction by fairies or witches (“Note on Allison and Willie,” 214). The Glenbuchat text, which dwells on an episode missing from Child 256 A, supports a connection with witchcraft. In British legendry, the hare is a common witch’s “familiar” (Hole 52–53; McNeill 1: 136–38; and Wimberly 54, 58, and 64; see also motif G211.2.7), and its magical powers are strongly suggested in lines 33–4 of the Glenbuchat version. In Child 256 A, 21, the heroine pulls a “black mask o’er her face,” which may be another allusion to witchcraft (cf. McNeill 1: 137–38).

I:17 YOUNG BAITHMAN (A Godly Warning for All Maidens; Bateman’s Tragedy; Young Bateman’s Ghost) RBI; Olson ZN3003; Bodleian “A Warning for Fayre Maides by the Example of Jarman’s Wife” was first registered with the Company of Stationers on 8 June 1603 (Chappell and Ebsworth 3: 679n). During its long print history in blackletter and whiteletter, the text of the ballad remained fairly stable, but earlier and later versions can be distinguished by minor verbal differences. At several points, particular wording in the Glenbuchat text corresponds to a blackletter version in the first volume of the Roxburghe Ballads (reprinted in Chappell and Ebsworth 3: 194–97). Olson cites two eighteenth-century imprints in the Crawford collection as the same variant (see refs. for ZN3003). “Bateman’s Tragedy” is rare in tradition, but a number of related ballads have been collected on both sides of the Atlantic. See, for example, “A Gentleman of Exeter,” Roud 997 (Laws P32), “Susannah Clargy,” Roud 998 (Laws P33), and a lengthy variant called “The London Lawyer’s Son” in Harold W. Thompson’s A Pioneer Songster (43–48).

I:18 HYN HORN (Hind Horn) Child 17; Roud 28 The quatrain form of the ballad is more common than the presumably older couplet form, which is found mainly in the south of Scotland. Northeast texts, including all but one of the twenty-two versions collected by Greig and Duncan, are predominantly AABB quatrains (and here we can infer the influence of melody). The same is true of North American versions, which have many similarities with Northeast Scottish variants. The Glenbuchat text is noteworthy for its length (it is half again as long as Buchan’s version), and for the motif of a protective gift (stanza 4), which appears in the English geste “King Horn” (Child, ESPB 1: 189) but in no other version of the ballad. Child’s headnote covers the relationship between the epic and the ballad, and also discusses the link between “Hind Horn” and “The Whummil Bore” (Child 27; cf. stanza 1 of the Glenbuchat text). Several sources note that the “evis bore,” a knot-hole in a piece of wood, had supernatural associations. Such associations, though apparently not favorable ones, may inform the connection between the hero kissing the girl “through an evis bore” and nearly losing his life.

I:19 DAME OLIPHANT and WILLIAM O DOUGLASSDALE (I:20) (Willie o Douglas Dale) Child 101; Roud 65 This ballad has rarely surfaced outside the Northeast (Motherwell’s version appears to have come from Buchan), and only fragmentary versions have been recovered from later periods

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in the regional tradition (GDFSC 5: 266). The Glenbuchat texts correspond at different points to all three of Child’s versions, especially to the Jamieson-Brown and Buchan texts.

II:1 THE BATTLE OF GLENLIVIT or THE BATTLE OF ALTICHALLICHAN (The Battle of Balrinnes) Roud 8182; See Child, ESB 7: 214–29 for examples and refs. The Battle of Glenlivet took place on 3 October 1594, between the Earl of Argyle and the Earls of Huntly and Errol. Argyle’s troops commanded a high ground overlooking the burn of Allt a’ Choileachain (just east of the present-day village of Glenlivet), and they outnumbered the opposing force by anywhere from three-to-one to nine-to-one, depending on which account one chooses to believe. Huntly’s men, however, were mounted and supported by cannon, which threw Argyle’s lines into disarray and resulted in a decisive victory. The essentials of the battle and its outcome are covered in Scott’s note, which he transcribed from Grant and Leslie’s Survey of the Province of Moray of 1798 (282–83). For a discussion of the broader political events leading up to the battle, see Child, ESB 7: 214–18, and Gordon 225–31. In some accounts, the battle is associated with Balrinnes and [Strath]Avon; both are in the general vicinity of Glenlivet. The Captain Kerr mentioned in the ballad is the same man who had ordered the burning of Corgarff Castle twenty-three years earlier (see I: no. 2 above). The ballad “Bonnie James Campbell” (Child 210) may be a lament for one of the men who died at Glenlivet (ESPB 4: 142). A manuscript text in the Advocates’ Library, Edinburgh, is thought to be the oldest extant copy of the ballad, though its precise age is uncertain. That version is included in John Dalyell’s Scottish Poems from the Sixteenth Century (1801), which Child copied for his first ballad anthology (ESB 7: 218–30). A broadside issued at Edinburgh in 1681 survives in the Pepys collection (not included in Rollins’s anthology but printed in Ree, “Gordon Ballads” 566–76). The text in Laing’s Scarce Ancient Ballads (29–36) follows the Pepys broadside with only minor differences, as does the Glenbuchat text up to stanza 38. Thereafter the wording is generally consistent with the broadside, but some stanzas are missing and others are given in a different order. In print versions, double stanzas are the norm, whereas Scott uses single stanzas. There are also minor aural lapses, such as mishearing “feat” for “fit” (stanza 34), “form in style” for “form and stile” (stanza 63), and “should be spalzion” for “should be his palzion” (stanza 274). These idiosyncrasies in the Glenbuchat text suggest an oral source.

II:2 HAUGHS O CROMDALE (Haws of Cromdale, Haughs of Crumdel) See Child ESB 7: 234–37; Roud 5147; Bodleian Authorities note that “The Haughs of Cromdale” distorts history to an unusual degree, even for a ballad. It refers (probably) to events that happened decades apart and in the reverse order: Sir Thomas Livingston’s raid on highland troops at Cromdale took place in 1690, forty-five years after Montrose’s rout of Covenant forces, not at Cromdale, but some thirty kilometers to the north at Auldearn (9 May 1645). Stenhouse suggests that a skirmish in advance of the battle may provide a link with Cromdale ( Johnson 2: 488). Of more direct relevance to the ballad plot, Spalding reports that a James Gordon of Rhynie had been badly wounded in such a skirmish and taken to a nearby farm to recover. A party of Convenanters, informed of his whereabouts, raided the farm and killed him in his bed. Outrage over the

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murder is said to have contributed to the large number of Covenant casualties at Auldearn (History of the Troubles 2: 298–99). At some point in popular tradition, the raid of 1690 appears to have become confused with the original murder of the wounded soldier. Then again, the ballad may be nothing more than Jacobite propaganda that capitalizes on vague recollections of English treachery and Scottish triumph. “The Haughs of Cromdale” circulated widely on broadsides, and collected texts tend to be fairly uniform as a result. The Glenbuchat version is nearly identical to a whiteletter broadside, “The Haughs of Crumdel,” copies of which can be found in the Bodleian collection (2806 c.11(102); 2806 c.11(103); and 2806 c.14(66)), and in the David Murray Collection in the Glasgow University Library (Hopkin and Bold, item Mu23-y1:070). The Bodleian collection also includes a related broadside called “The Hearts of Campbell” (Harding B 11(480)). As with the preceding ballad, “The Haughs of Cromdale” was included in an appendix in Child’s first collection but excluded from the later anthology. According to Roud’s citations, the ballad has been especially popular in revival publications and recordings right up to the present.

II:3 THE LAIRD OF WOODHOUSLIE Cf. Child 194; Roud 3876 This possibly is the song, “Duncan, The Laird of Woodhouselie,” which Burns includes in a list of “modern productions, which have been swallowed by many readers as ancient fragments of old poems.” It was apparently a “juvenile composition” by a contemporary poet (Burns 103–4). The Glenbuchat text, in addition to its atypical stanza structure and generally stilted diction, features a number of unusually obscure terms (my saw [my soul?], propine, f[i]ere, feid, darraine) and terms used in odd contexts (fay, dreed, deem). It also scans with complete regularity. The narrative vaguely resembles the “The Laird of Wariston” (Child 194) which recalls the murder of Thomas Kincaid of Warriston in 1600. His wife and two servants were ultimately tried and executed for the crime (ESPB 4: 28–30).

II:4 SHOULY LINKUM Old Fragment (Lord Randal; Wee Crood[l]in Doo) Child 12; Roud 10 Scott’s note distinguishes this text from both the “Lord Randal” and “Croodlin Doo” variants of Child 12, but the essential motifs—the hero dines with his stepmother and eats a piece of poisoned fish—are typical for the Croodlin Doo sub-type. There does not appear to be a word in either Scots or Gaelic that links “face” to a species of fish (or any other animal for that matter). It may simply be a mishearing of “fish.” With nearly 550 citations, “Lord Randal” is the fifth most common Child ballad in Roud’s database.

II:5 THE MAID OF COLDINGHAM (The Maid and the Palmer) Child 21; Roud 2335 This ballad type is rare in Britain but more common in other European traditions, especially in Scandinavia (see Häggman, Magdalena på Källebro). In different ways in different variants, it mixes three separate narrative strands: the New Testament tale of the “Woman of Samaria” ( John 4: 1–26), medieval traditions regarding Mary Magdalen, and the “The Cruel

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Mother” motif (Child 20). These relationships, noted by Child, are explored more deeply in David Buchan’s article, “The Maid, the Palmer, and the Cruel Mother.” The refrain of the Glenbuchat text suggests a close relationship with the fragment that Sir Walter Scott sent to C. K. Sharpe (Child 21B). The well-known American spiritual, “Jesus Met the Woman at the Well,” which is also based on the tale in John 4, appears to have no other connection with the ballad.

II:6 THE LADY O LIVINGSTONE and ELPHINSTON (III:4) (Fair Mary of Wallington) Child 91; Roud 59 Together, these variants tell a sequential tale of two sisters who die in childbirth, sharing the fate of five other sisters before them. The first Glenbuchat text resembles Herd’s (Child 91 B) and, to a lesser extent, other Northeast versions (Child 91 C, D, and F). Buchan’s text appears to mix the two storylines: two daughters are alive at the outset, but after the first dies the mother says “This night I go my lane” (Child 91 F, 143). Motherwell’s version (Child 91 E; see also Lyle, Crawfurd 2: 72–74) points to a separate textual tradition in the south of Scotland.

II:7 YOUNG WATERS Child 94; Roud 2860 There are only the smallest of differences between the Glenbuchat text and the one published by Percy, which came from a broadside printed at Glasgow in 1755. In fact, given that the spellings “luickit” (stanza 21) and “heiding” (stanzas 131 & 3 and 141) correspond with the broadside and occur nowhere else in the Glenbuchat Mss, Scott presumably took the ballad directly from print, although the possibility remains that the broadside was owned by an informant. Judging by Child’s headnote and Roud’s citations, there is no reason to expect that the ballad was common in tradition.

II:8 KATHRINE JAFFREY (Katherine Jaffray) Child 221; Roud 93 See I:9, “Lochinvar.”

II:9 LADY MARY (A Lamentable Ballad of the Lady[e]’s Fall; The Gallant Lady’s Fall) RBI; Olson ZN1753; Bodleian Despite its many oral features, the Glenbuchat text derives from a well-established broadside. Licensed in 1603, “A Lamentable Ballad of the Lady’s Fall” saw many printings over the course of that century, was issued by Dicey & Co. in the middle of the eighteenth century (Bodleian, Douce Ballads 3(62b)), and again by John Turner of Coventry in the early nineteenth century (Bodleian, Harding B 23(11)). The ballad also appeared in such popular anthologies as A Collection of Old Ballads (1, 244–48), Percy’s Reliques (3: 139–45; from the folio Ms.), and Ritson’s Ancient Songs (244–48). Ritson put “The Lady’s Fall” on the same plane of popularity as “The Children in the Wood” and “Fair Rosamond,” and at one time,

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it was sufficiently well known to be the recommended tune for numerous broadsides, including at least three other ballads in the Glenbuchat collection: “James Harris,” “The Cruel Stepmother,” and “Young Baithman” (Simpson, British Broadside 368–71). The Glenbuchat variant appears to have been remade in tradition, primarily through the use of oral ballad patterns. Stanzas 1–13 generally conform to the broadside narrative, but only a few direct verbal connections can be noted. In stanzas 29–34, which also follow the broadside narrative, there are even fewer verbal correspondences. The intervening messenger sequence, which is unique to the Glenbuchat text, follows a pattern found in “The Gay Goshawk” (Child 96, esp. versions C, E, and F; see also below, IV:9), though here with a human agent. Conceivably, “Lady Mary” might be an oral precursor to the broadside, but the evidence suggests otherwise. In addition to traces of broadside diction (see stanza 43–4), some motifs, such as the heroine’s concern that her cries will be heard in the “street” (stanzas 13 and 14), suggest modern touches. Note, too, that the hero of low degree in stanzas 5 and 6 suddenly becomes a gentle or gallant knight in the messenger sequence. Lastly and perhaps most significantly, the stanzaic architectonic, which would be an essential indicator of oral provenance, lacks cohesiveness. Even if the Glenbuchat ballad is derivative, as a traditionalized variant of a broadside it reopens the debate over re-creation in ballad composition and performance.

II:10 LORD ERROL (The Earl of Errol; The Countess of Errol; Errol’s Place; Errol on the Green) Child 231; Roud 96 “These are the meane emergents we are taken up with, whilst beyond sea empyres are overturning.” So a Keith of Benholm wrote to a friend in the winter of 1659, when gossip of the Earl of Errol’s impotence was current (quoted in Sharpe 89–90). The ballad itself appears to draw more from scuttlebutt than from history. The dispute over Catherine Carnegie’s tocher may well have come before a court, but the remedy described in the ballad would appear to be pure fiction. With reference to the ballad’s theme, Child and Greig-Duncan note the sardonic allusion the “great fertility” of the Carse of Gowrie, where Errol is located (ESPB 4: 283; GDFSC 7: 512; see stanza 1 of the Glenbuchat version). Greig-Duncan also discuss the Errol family’s longtime connection to the Northeast, where the ballad has been especially popular. The Glenbuchat text comes closest to Child 231 D, which covers versions found in Buchan’s Gleanings (158–60), Maidment’s North Country Garland (31–34), and Kinloch’s Ballad Book (31–36); see also Greig-Duncan’s D version (GDFSC 7: 512). But as Child’s editorial notes show, those texts vary considerably from each other, and the Glenbuchat text has its own distinctive features. “Southesk” in stanza 51 refers to the earldom held by Catherine Carnegie’s father. In another variant, the marriage is annulled after the heroine fails in an attempt to poison her husband (Child 213 E).

II:11 BURD ISBELL (Lady Isabel) Child 261; Roud 3884 Buchan is the only other source for this ballad, and while the two versions are clearly related, there are differences. The poisoning formula (stanzas 20–21) also appears in the secondary

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variant of “The Earl of Errol,” as does the motif of “coming a maiden home.” Perhaps Scott or his informant was aware of these connections. The motif of a daughter wrongly condemned for incest with her father occurs in other European ballad traditions, most notably in the Romancero “Delgadina” (Armistead CMP P2).

II:12 ARRAT, AN MARRAT, AN FAIR MASRIE (Babylon; The Bonnie Banks o Fordie) Child 14; Roud 27 The Glenbuchat text is closest to Child B, from Herd’s Mss, and Child D, which Motherwell collected from Agnes Lyle. The descriptive stanzas (2–4), which are not found in the other texts, represent the kind of unexpected addition that Child and others have criticized in Peter Buchan’s texts. “Babylon” appears to have lost much of its traditional currency in Britain during the nineteenth century. Greig-Duncan collected only a tune and a twostanza fragment, and the ballad rarely appears in later British collections, apart from academic and revival anthologies. It survived better in North America, where it was recorded from many singers in eastern states and provinces from the Carolinas to Newfoundland.

II:13 ARCHERDALE (Proud Lady Margaret) Child 47; Roud 37; motif E226.1 This revenant ballad rarely surfaces outside the Northeast, nor does it appear to have survived well in later tradition. Greig-Duncan give only two fragmentary versions (GDFSC 2: 493). Where Child sees the riddle sequence as an addition, David Buchan suggests that there is a natural link between witcombat and the supernatural (Buchan, “Affinities”). There is some correspondence between the Glenbuchat text and Child E (Harris Ms.; see also Lyle, et al, Song Repertoire 18–22), but in the verbal details, differences outweigh the similarities. In the Glenbuchat Mss., the ballad is titled “Fragment” initially, and additions to the text are clearly apparent, indicating that it was not taken down in one sitting. See the editorial notes following the text for details.

II:14 LORD THOMAS A Fragment (Lord Thomas and Lady Margaret; Clerk Tamas and Fair Annie) Child 260; Roud 109 The same variant as Child B (from Buchan’s Ancient Ballads 1: 42–45) but with many verbal differences. The prose episode is perhaps the most noteworthy feature of the text. For general comments on the traditional use of ancillary narratives to flesh out ballad stories, see Motherwell, xiv-xvii. In the prose segment, the textual change from “carried her to” to “landed her in” is curious. It seems so inconsequential as to suggest that it was made to correct a transcription error. But if so, what was Scott transcribing from? The ballad is far from common, and there were no versions of this particular variant in print or manuscript at the time Scott was writing, at least none that have survived.

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II:15 GIL INGRAM ( Jellon Grame) Child 90; Roud 58 This, too, may be a fragmentary text, since most other versions conclude with the son avenging his mother’s murder. Scott makes no comment one way or the other. It is not entirely clear whether “Gil: Ingram” and “Gillom Graham” are intended to be separate characters (cf. Child 90 B), or whether the transcriber at first misheard the name. Alternatively, he or the singer may have confused the hero of this ballad with another (it would be an easy mistake to conflate “Lord Ingram and Child Wyet” into “Gil Ingram”). Where Motherwell and Buchan’s texts give jealousy as the motive for the murder, the villain of the Glenbuchat version claims that the extravagance of the victim’s wedding had reduced others to cannibalism! Even as a metaphorical juxtaposition of wealth and poverty, or a comment on the outsidedness of those living in the (ironically named) “good green wood,” the motif is beyond the pale.

II:16 SWEET WILLIAM (The Mother’s Malison, or, Clyde’s Water) Child 216; Roud 91 Versions of the ballad rarely differ to any extent, and there is nothing especially remarkable about the Glenbuchat text. Child and others have noted that some versions include lines drawn from blackletter ballads (ESPB 4: 186), but the influences are minor and the ballad as a whole does not appear to have originated as a broadside. Although the Clyde is in the south of Scotland, most versions of the ballad have been collected in the north.

II:17 LORD LOVELL (Lord Lovel) Child 75; Roud 48; Bodleian “Lovell” is a surprisingly common ballad. Among Roud’s citations for Child types, it ranks in the top five percent, ahead of “The Cruel Mother,” “Little Musgrave,” and “Lamkin.” Imprints in the Bodleian collection show that it was frequently issued on broadside in the nineteenth century. American versions greatly outnumber British texts, though that may be due to the disproportionate amount of collecting that took place in the United States during the first half of the last century. Roud’s index shows that wherever British and American folksong collectors were at work, they found this ballad. Despite its popularity among singers, “Lord Lovell” has been less well received by scholars; Bronson felt that a good tune had compensated for an insipid narrative (TTCB 2: 189). Flemming Andersen, however, argues that the ballad’s theme—the tragic consequences of a prolonged absence—would have resonated strongly with traditional audiences (“Oral Tradition” 66). The beginning and ending of the Glenbuchat text are almost identical to Child 75 B, which Kinloch collected from Mary Barr in 1827; the center section comes closer to Child’s D version, which Kinloch collected in Roxburghshire.

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III:1 LADY JANE ( James Harris, or The Dæmon Lover) Child 243; Roud 14; cf. Laws P36 A and B (Roud 15) Only detailed analysis would begin to sort out the broadside and traditional variants of the “Dæmon Lover” complex, one of the most pervasive in Anglo-American tradition. The studies that have been made offer widely different assessments (in addition to Child’s headnote, see Burrison, Gardner-Medwin, and Heylin). There is general agreement, however, that the cloven-hoofed devil represents a later “rationalization” of the revenant that appears in the blackletter broadside (Child 243 A) and in some traditional versions (Child 243 C). Heylin (81) sees the “black, black man” of the Glenbuchat text as a middle ground between the two.

III:2 WISE WILLIAM AND REDESDALE (Redesdale and Wise William) Child 246; Roud 243 The Northeast accounts for all the versions in Child (Motherwell’s text came from James Nicol via Peter Buchan), and they appear to belong to a common variant, despite their minor verbal and structural differences. The ballad is related, albeit loosely, to the “The Twa Knights” (Child 268), which in turn is connected to the international tale type, “Wager on the Wife’s Chastity” (AT 882). A motif found in this and three other Glenbuchat texts (see also II: no. 9, stanzas 13–14; III: no. 11, stanza 6; and IV: no. 9, stanza 12) illustrates the hazards of assuming a medieval landscape for the classical ballad. The “shot window” in stanza 20, which immediately suggests a loophole in a castle wall, actually refers to a small, shuttered window in an ordinary house, used primarily to light small spaces such as entryways and stairwells (see “shot[t],” SND, sense n.3, and OED sb.1, 27; compare “loophole,” OED, senses n.1 and n.2). In balladry, the motif usually occurs, quite appropriately, where a character is trying to stay concealed or do something secretively.

III:3 YOUNG BONWELL (Young Beichan) Child 53; Roud 40 The Glenbuchat text belongs to the same variant as Child 53 C (Anna Brown), 53 D (Skene) and 53 M (Peter Buchan), all of them from the Northeast. Traces of the oicotype can be noted in Greig-Duncan’s R version (GDFSC 5: 355–56; see stanzas 5, 6, and 10), but their other texts tend to correspond to the “Lord Bateman” broadside, Child 53 L, even where the name “Beichan” is preserved. Perhaps the only distinctive feature of the Glenbuchat text is that the normally English hero is changed to a Scot who travels no farther than London.

III:4 ELPHINSTON (Fair Mary of Wallington) Child 91; Roud 59 See II:6, The Lady o Livingstone.

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III:5 GLENLOGIE (Glenlogie, or Jean o Bethelnie) Child 238; Roud 101 According to Alexander Keith, the hero of the ballad was a Glenbuchat Gordon, but unfortunately, he gives no details (“John o’ Badenyon” 131). Textually, there is a great deal of overlap in versions of this ballad. The Glenbuchat text shows close correspondence to Child 238 G, from Alexander Laing (of Brechan, not to be confused with the Aberdeen chapman who published two of Robert Scott’s texts) and 238 H from Kinloch. “Jean o Bethelnie” remained common in Northeast tradition; Greig-Duncan collected nearly twenty versions.

III:6 THE CRUEL STEPMOTHER (Lady Isabella’s Tragedy) Roud 3853; see also RBI; Olson ZN2517; Bodleian Child thought this “the silliest ballad that ever was made” (ESPB 5: 34n). It nonetheless had a steady print history in both blackletter and whiteletter. Copies can be found in the Pepys, Euing, Douce, Roxburghe, and Madden collections among others; the Bodleian Library’s online collection has five imprints ranging in date from 1643 to well into the second half of the eighteenth century: (Wood E 25(54); Douce Ballads 1(111a); Douce Ballads 2(142b); Douce Ballads 3(60a); and Harding B 5(6)). Another broadside published about 1685 refers directly to the heroine of “Fair Isabella’s Tragedy,” showing that the ballad was instantly recognizable to audiences of the day (“The Spanish Virgin,” Rollins 3: 196 and 198). Several versions have been recovered from traditional sources (see Child, ESPB 5: 34n, to which can be added Lyle, Crawfurd 1: 20–22). Both the Glenbuchat and Crawfurd texts retain much of the wording of the broadside, although they are shorter, offering a good example of the textual compression that can happen when broadsides pass into oral circulation. Traditional prose variants are, if anything, more common than the ballad. Briggs lists nine British variants, several of them cante fables, as well as a legend that ties the events to a prominent Lancashire family (see refs. for AT 720 in Briggs, part A, vol. 1, 45). There are few overt connections between the prose and verse traditions. The sung portions of the cante fable deal with a magical motif that does not occur in the ballad (the murdered heroine returns as a bird whose song exposes the stepmother’s guilt).

III:7 YOUNG HUNTLY (Young Hunting) Child 68; Roud 47 Herd and Buchan’s versions (Child 68 A and K), which resemble the Glenbuchat text, belong to a common variant, but they are poles apart in Child’s critical estimation. As is often the case, Buchan’s text is considerably longer than others, leading Child to suspect that it was edited heavily. He singled out the “cards and dice” stanzas for particular censure (Child 68 K, 8–9; ESPB 2: 143n), although similar stanzas also appear in the Glenbuchat version. Most later British versions are from England or Ireland. The ballad has been widely collected in America, especially in the southern United States. Most American versions end with the confrontation between the murderess and the bird; the recovery of the body and the exposure of the crime are omitted (see, for example, Davis A-E, 183–89; Sharp A-H and N, 101–14; Barry, et al, A-B, 122–28; and Creighton and Senior, A-B, 36–39).

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III:8 LORD ESSEX (The Young Earl of Essex’s Victory Over the Emperor of Germany) Child 288; Roud 123; see also RBI; Olson ZN698; Bodleian Even though the Glenbuchat text is half the length of the broadside, the narrative is more or less complete. No versions of the ballad are known prior to the eighteenth century, despite its (supposed) Elizabethan subject matter and Ebsworth’s claim that later texts were based on a 1597 broadside (Chappell and Ebsworth 6: 406). The earliest known text was published in 1723 in A Collection of Old Ballads (1: 195–98). It would be interesting to know whether the “Emperor of Germany” held any association with the House of Hanover in the popular imagination. A pro-English broadside on “The Duke of Cumberland’s Victory over the Scotch Rebels at Cullodon [sic] Moor,” printed at Sheffield in 1746, was sung to the tune of “The Earl of Essex” (Olson, ZN3106; Chappell and Ebsworth 6: 623–25).

III:9 PRINCE HEATHEN (Prince Heathen) Child 104; Roud 3336 No matter how one approaches it, this is an odd ballad. The central relationship is mutually antagonistic, and the happy ending comes unbelievably if not quite unexpectedly. Even as a “Taming of the Shrew” narrative, it is overly severe and lacks the clever reversals normally found in such tales. The prosody (AABB quatrains periodically extended to hexastichs) is unconventional though by no means unique. And then there is a fragmentary print version, which in Child’s view is “no doubt some stall-copy, reshaped from tradition” (104 A; ESPB 2: 424). One almost expects to find novelle analogs, but there are no direct parallels in either the tale type or motif indices. The ballad nonetheless seems genuine, from verbal, structural, and even thematic standpoints. The Glenbuchat text is similar to Buchan’s version (Child 104 B) and Bell Robertson’s (GDFSC 7: 461).

III:10 PATRICK SPENCE (Sir Patrick Spens) Child 58; Roud 41; cf. Child 245; Roud 242 Though “Patrick Spens” is one of the most celebrated ballads in the English language, its place in tradition may be easy to overstate, especially during the last hundred and fifty years when it was more likely to appear in literary anthologies than in field-based collections. Moreover, many traditional versions collected in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, including the few that have been collected in America, appear to own a great deal to the composite version that Sir Walter Scott published in the Minstrelsy. A Canadian informant, who grew up in Aberdeen, had been taught to recite (not sing) that version in school (Creighton, FSSNB, 8–9). Bronson has shown that the tune of Clara McCauley’s version (Tennessee) is so close to Mrs. Harris’s tune (Child 58 J; see also ESPB 5: 415) as to suggest a direct connection. If so, the most plausible link is the Child collection itself; McCauley’s text, though garbled, suggests the influence of more than one of Child’s versions (TTCB 2: 29 and 32). There is little doubt, however, that the ballad enjoyed widespread traditional currency in Scotland in the early decades of the nineteenth century. Child notes the tendency for “Patrick Spens” to fuse with “Young Allan” (Child 245); the Glebuchat text combines the two types in almost equal measure.

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III:11 THE LORD AT THE BAKIN (The Duke of Athol’s Nurse) Child 212; Roud 3393 Child includes this semi-comic ballad in a group of tragic types, no doubt because it shares some motifs with the ballad that follows it, “Sir James the Ross.” Burns and Scott knew fragments, but virtually all the complete texts have come from the Northeast. The Glenbuchat version overlaps with Skene’s text in several places. The ballad remained popular throughout the nineteenth century; Greig-Duncan collected ten versions, many of them having a strong resemblance to Buchan’s version (Child F).

III:12 EARL PATRICK (Burd Isabel and Earl Patrick) Child 257; Roud 107 This is the same variant as Child 257 B and C (Buchan and Motherwell), which may well have a broadside precursor. The fate of the hero varies considerably: in contrast to the suicide in the Glenbuchat text, he is carried away by demons in Child A, and in Child B he surrenders property and rights to the heroine’s child. In the manuscript, there is a two-inch gap between stanzas 32 and 33, and it is not clear whether the latter represents an alternate ending or if it belongs to the same version. There is a dash at the end of stanza 32, which may indicate that Scott initially considered the text complete at that point.

III:13 THE EARL OF ABOYNE (The Earl of Aboyne) Child 235; Roud 99 Although Northeast versions tend to be similar, the specific wording of the Glenbuchat text comes closest to Child A (Kinloch), with some stanzas overlapping with Child C (from Skene; see esp. stanzas 14–15). There are a few undecipherable words in the manuscript, all having to do with the lady’s exacting preparations for her husband’s return: perhaps incomprehensible and exotic were one and the same for Scott’s informant. If so, he or she wasn’t alone. For “dansicle” (73) compare “Dantzic” (Child 235 A 63); for “carouden” [?] (101) compare “cordain” (Child 235 A 71); “cyper” (112) has no parallel in other versions. Neither Child nor any other commentator has found an historical basis for the ballad.

III:14 BABY LIVINGSTON (Bonnie Baby Livingston) Child 222; Roud 100 The opening of the Glenbuchat version closely resembles Anna Brown’s and Kinloch’s texts (Child A and E), but direct correspondence ends there. There are also occasional similarities to Buchan’s text (Child B). The Glenbuchat text appears strongly localized, although Bell Robertson’s version also situates the events in Glenlivet (GDFSC 6: 527–28). Child’s headnote provides historical references on bride-stealing in Britain (ESPB 4: 231–32).

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III:15 ANDREW LAMMIE (Andrew Lammie; Mill o’ Tifty’s Annie) Child 233; Roud 98; Bodleian Though a dozen stanzas shorter than Child C (from Buchan’s Gleanings 98–105; see also Laing, Thistle, 55–62), the Glenbuchat text has similar wording where the texts overlap. As Child notes, antiquarian editors believed this to be the more modern of two common variants (ESPB 4: 300–301), indicating that it was a well-known broadside. A similar text can be found on an undated whiteletter sheet in the Bodleian collection (2806 c.11(1)), printed by Brander & Co. of Elgin. Little can be said regarding the ballad that has not already been covered by Child, other than to note that like many sentimental ballads, it remained popular in later tradition.

III:16 MAJOR MIDDLETON (Bonnie John Seton) Child 198; Roud 3908 Given the sketchiness of the narrative, this ballad requires more explanation than most. At the outset of the Civil War, the Earl of Montrose was a charismatic and idealistic young leader on the Covenant side (he would later switch allegiances). In the spring of 1639, he effectively negotiated the neutrality of the Marquis of Huntly, George Gordon, by getting him to support the Covenant on the (rather dodgy) condition that it would not require him to actively oppose either the Catholic Church or the king. The agreement should have secured Aberdeen for the Covenanters, allowing them to concentrate on campaigns in the south, but the tables turned abruptly when Huntly and his son were taken prisoner and sent to Edinburgh. The Gordons came down resolutely on the Royalist side, and Huntly’s second son, Lord Aboyne, quickly occupied Aberdeen and then pursued the Covenant army as it headed south. They were stopped near Cowie where Aboyne’s highland troops were scattered by cannon fire (which accounts for the last three stanzas of Child 198 A). Aboyne retreated, pursued by Covenant troops under Montrose and a Colonel Middleton. The Covenant general, Earl Marischal, was not with them, but Montrose was acting under his orders. Beginning on 18 June, a small and poorly equipped Royalist force held the Bridge of Dee for a day and a half, until the leader, Lieutenant-Colonel Johnston, was badly wounded in the leg. As he left the bridge, he ordered the remaining men to fend for themselves, and soon after Covenant forces entered the city. In the meantime, Aboyne’s horsemen had been drawn away from the bridge by the opposing cavalry, who had ridden along the bank of the river, threatening to cross. The manoeuver exposed Aboyne’s riders, and one of them, John Se[a]ton of Pitmedden, was killed instantly by a cannon ball. The Battle of the Brig o Dee, according to C. V. Wedgwood, was the first “serious encounter” of the Civil War (29; see also Spalding 1: 131–77). The spoliation of Seton’s body and arms is a key motif in all versions of the ballad, even though it is not mentioned in historical accounts and similar acts rarely occur in other ballads. Such depredations, however, were common during the Civil War. Spalding frequently comments on the extensive abuse of property that took place “in thir miserable days.” William Forbes of Craigievar, who gives the order to “spoil” Seton in Child 198 A and B, oversaw the plundering of arms and supplies in Old Aberdeen in May of 1639 and in turn had his own lands plundered by Royalists only weeks before the battle (Spalding 1: 157, 160–61, and 171). Montrose had orders from Marischal and the Committee of Estates

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to burn Aberdeen, orders he fortunately resisted (ESPB 4: 51–52). Indeed, it was during the onset of the Civil War that the word “plunder” entered the English language (Wedgwood 28; see also OED). The concept is central to this ballad and the one that follows it in Child (“The Bonnie House of Airlie”), which deals with events that happened the following year. The Glenbuchat text has many correspondences to Peter Buchan’s version (Child 198 B), but it may also be related to a variant that Buchan mentions but does not print, in which “Earl Marischal is made to take an active lead . . . ” (Ancient Ballads 2: 310). Perhaps the same motives that led ballad singers to place Adam Gordon at the burning of Corgarff (see note to I: no. 2, above) account for Marischal’s presence at the battle and his direct order to spulzie Seton. Still, it then remains unclear how stanzas 11 to 14 fit in. The awkward scene shift that inexplicably returns Marischal to Dunnotter clearly disrupts the narrative. In the manuscript, there is an underscore beneath part of the last line of stanza 10, which is often Scott’s way of marking the end of a ballad. Possibly his version initially ended there. Textually, the remaining stanzas echo elements that occur at an earlier point in Buchan’s version (compare Child 198 B, stanza 2, with stanzas 12 and 14, and 198 B, stanza 5, with stanza 13). It may be that the Glenbuchat text collates two separate versions of the ballad.

III:17 THE LADY O GIGHT (Geordie) Child 209; Roud 90 The Glenbuchat text comes closest to Child I, although the correspondence weakens in the latter part of the ballad (see also Greig-Duncan’s D version, GDFSC 2: 226–27). Child attributes this variant to broadsides (ESPB 4: 126). “Geordie” is a widely collected ballad (253 citations in Roud), and as with “James Harris,” it represents a broad complex of oral and broadside and Scottish and English variants. In different forms of the ballad, the hero is accused of murder, treason, poaching, or horse-thieving. The crime is adultery in the I variant, which seems marginally at odds with the wife’s heroic efforts to rescue her husband. Moreover, even though the ballad declares a coldness in the marriage at the outset (“Gight he minds na me as his wife / Nor owns me as his lady”), at the end the couple fits as naturally as birds that “fly together pair and pair” (Child I 283). There is a lightness of tone in the Glenbuchat version (note especially the inversion of the letter-reading formula in stanza 4) that softens the effect of these incongruities. Buchan goes so far as to attach the ballad to an affair between the Laird of Gight and a Lady Bignet (compare the Glenbuchat text’s “Babnega” and Greig-Duncan D, “Begnot”) during the reign of James VI. The real-life Laird of Gight inexplicably murdered his wife after his rescue, and Buchan appears to have rewritten his published version (Child J) to reflect the historical account (Ancient Ballads 1: 298–99). Although Motherwell mentions a similar ending (Minstrelsy lxxvi), no other known text contains the episode. Greig emphasizes that links between the ballad and history are merely conjectural (GDFSC 2: 549). In English variants, which account for nearly all the versions collected in America, the wife usually arrives too late to save her husband from the gallows (see Child’s appended versions, ESPB 4: 140–42). For a longer version of the lyric that accompanies this text, as well as the legend regarding the Gight estate, see Ord 390.

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III:18 THE LAIRD O DRUM (The Laird o Drum) Child 236; Roud 247 Unlike the last ballad, this one apparently has roots in fact. Margaret Coutts was the second wife of Alexander Irvine of Drum. By some accounts, including the ballad, she was the daughter of a local shepherd; by others, she was a maid in waiting to Drum’s first wife. The Glenbuchat text is the same variant as Child 236 E (Buchan) and 236 F (Dr. Joseph Robertson) and has particular correspondences with the latter text. The same variant accounts for most of the versions collected by Greig and Duncan. The conclusion of Margaret Gillespie’s version (Greig-Duncan A 29) has very similar phrasing to the Glenbuchat text. Greig describes this as one of the most popular ballads in the Northeast (GDFSC 4: 552).

IV:0 [WILLIE MACINTOSH] Child 183; Roud 4010 Although it has been collected from Scottish immigrants in America (BTBNA), this is not a common ballad, and versions tend to be sketchy. Scott’s informant ties this fragment to events following the burning of Corgarff (see note to I: no. 2, above), in which case the speaker should be John Forbes of Towie, or perhaps relatives of his wife, Margaret Campbell, rather than “Willie MacIntosh.” Given the uncertain history and genealogy that surrounds the burning of Corgarff Castle, it is difficult to comment further. Others, including Child, link the ballad to events following the murder of the Earl of Murray in 1592 (ESPB 3: 456). M. R. Taylor gives a local anecdote regarding the latter engagement, which took place in Cabrach immediately north of Glenbuchat: After a sharp encounter, the Gordons were forced to retreat, and making their way towards Huntly, stopped at the farm of Bogincloach for rest and refreshment. As the goodwife waited on them she heard what had happened, and in a surprised and indignant tone exclaimed to the Earl, “Oh! fie man, your father wadna hae turned his back on them.” Stung by the reproach, Huntly called on his men to mount and return, and meeting with his reinforcements, he again joined battle with the Macintoshes . . . and almost demolished them. (“The Cabrach” 51) Alexander Laing dates the ballad even earlier, to a 1550 plot against the Earl of Huntly, for which a William McIntosh was executed (Thistle 106–8).

IV:1 LORD INGRAM AN GIL FYAT (Lord Ingram and Chiel Wyet) Child 66; Roud 46 Only a handful of versions of this ballad are known, all of them collected in Scotland during the early decades of the nineteenth century. There is some overlap between the Glenbuchat version and Skene’s text (Child B). Several versions of the ballad show a marked tendency toward “emphatic repetition” as opposed to true incremental repetition (see for example the Glenbuchat text, stanzas 1–2, 3–4, 5–6, and 11–12; Child A, 1–2, 8–9, 16–17, 18–19, 22–23, and 28–29; see also Andersen, Commonplace 72–73). This appears to be less a compositional technique than a characteristic of the type.

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IV:2 LORD OGILVIE (Begone, Bonnie Laddie; The Days Are Awa That I Have Seen) Roud 5530 Variants of this song can be found in Christie (2: 230–31), GDFSC (6: 148–50) and Ord (179), and Roud gives three additional citations for recent revival versions. Of the texts available for comparison, Greig-Duncan’s E version comes closest to the Glenbuchat text, though these later versions, which tend to be more lyric than narrative, lack the episode in which the hero tries to convince the heroine that he still loves her. Many versions also contain echoes of “Craigston’s Growing,” particularly stanzas based on the “trees they are high” motif. Generally, the form and style of the ballad suggest a relatively modern composition. The Glenbuchat text is the only one to mention the name Ogilvie. According to Burke’s Peerage, no Lord Ogilvie died unmarried from the fifteenth century through the eighteenth, in either the Airlie or Findlater/Seafield branches of the family (though that hardly exhausts the name).

IV:3 EARL RICHARD (The Knight and the Shepherd’s Daughter) Child 110; Roud 67 All the elements of the manuscript text are contained in other contemporary versions of the ballad, with the exception of stanza 25. The arrangement of the motifs, however, varies considerably from version to version. This is one of the few cases where a Glenbuchat text does not show a close relationship to Dr. Robertson’s Leochel version of the same type (Child 110 J). According to Kinloch and Child, only Scottish variants feature the heroine trying to conceal her nobility through wistful celebrations of working class life. In the Glenbuchat text, “stringing . . . pocks” (stanza 221) refers to sewing up meal sacks. The “Billy Blin” (stanzas 28–31) is a common ancillary character in ballads; he often has supernatural associations (see Child, ESPB 5: 316 for other references).

IV:4 KING JOHN (King John and the Bishop) Child 45; Roud 302; RBI; Olson ZN1364; Bodleian The Glenbuchat version stems from the broadside given as Child B, with a small number of omissions and extensions, the latter based mainly on repetition. The broadside was “printed for P. Brooksby, at the Golden Ball in Pye-corner (1672–95)” (ESPB 1: 413; Olson narrows the publication date to between 1683 and 1685); it was reprinted with minor changes in D’Urfey in 1719 (Wit and Mirth 4: 28–31) and four years later in the anonymous Collection of Old Ballads (2: 49–54). Bell Roberston claimed that when her father was a boy (ca. 1810) he owned a chapbook that included a similar version (GDFSC 2: 566). Despite its relation to “The King and the Abbott” (AT 922), the ballad is not that common in tradition, or at least it is rarely reported. American texts account for over half of the citations in Roud (twothirds of them from a small cadre of singers in northern New England), while broadsides and chapbooks account for many of the rest. Bell Robertson’s fragment (GDFSC 2: 343) is the only other Scottish citation in Roud.

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IV:5 THE QUEEN’S CONFESSION (Queen Eleanor’s Confession) Child 156; Roud 74; RBI; Olson ZN2274; Bodleian Despite its twelfth-century subject matter, the ballad is probably based on a tale circulating long after the reign of Henry II and Eleanor of Aquitaine. Child cites a number of late medieval and Renaissance fabliaux from the continent that tell similar tales (ESPB 3: 258), but the scenario does not appear to have been common in tradition, as it was not assigned either a tale-type number or a motif designation. The ballad was printed in both blackletter and whiteletter, and anthologized in A Collection of Old Ballads (1: 195–98). There are fairly strong indications of broadside influence in many oral texts, such as the reference to the “white ha” (Whitehall) in the Glenbuchat version (cf. Child 156 A, 62 and F 82).

IV:6 THE GABERLUNZIE LADDIE (The Beggar-Laddie; The Beggar’s Dawtie) Child 280; Roud 119 This ballad is held to be a traditionalized variant of “The Gaberlunyie Man,” which was first published by Allan Ramsay in 1724 (Child, ESPB 5: 115–16), though the connection between them is not easily sorted out. Both have AAAB stanzas, but verbally, only one motif—the “spindles and whorls” bit (see lines 53–4 in the Glenbuchat text)—concretely links the ballads. Narratively, both involve a farmer’s daughter who elopes with a beggar, but where the Ramsay’s beggar turns out to be completely indigent, the hero of the traditional versions turns out to own a large estate (which echoes a third related ballad, “The Jolly Beggar,” Child 279). As well as showing the general influence of the pastorelle, Child 280 borrows specific elements from “Hind Horn” (Child 17; compare stanzas 12 and 24 in the Glenbuchat version—I: no. 18—with stanzas 3–4 in the present ballad). With five versions in Child and twenty in Greig-Duncan, “The Beggar Laddie” shows broad traditional currency. The Glenbuchat text overlaps at many points with Murison (Child 280 B) and to a lesser extent with Christie (Child 280 D). Its stanzaic progression is very close to Greig-Duncan E and F (GDFSC 2: 323–25), though with appreciable differences in wording.

IV:7 YOUNG AIKIN (Hind Etin) Child 41; Roud 33 The hero’s association with the Otherworld tends to be subdued in Scottish versions of the ballad. It is much more apparent in Scandinavian and German tradition, which Child covers in detail (ESPB 1: 361–66; see also TSB A47). The Glenbuchat text has many stanzas in common with the first version in Buchan’s Ancient Ballads (Child A), though it is almost half the length. Greig-Duncan’s B version belongs to the same variant (GDFSC 2: 488–89). Scott left a large gap in the manuscript between this ballad and the next, possibly to allow room for missing stanzas. Buchan’s text and others have an additional episode in which Aiken comes before the king and is reunited with his family.

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IV:8 YARROW (The Braes o Yarrow; The Dowie Dens o Yarrow) Child 214; Roud 13 Greig and Duncan collected more than thirty versions of this ballad, one of the best known in Scotland (GDFSC 2: 99–113). It has also been widely collected in America (BTBNA). Although the narrative tends to stay remarkably consistent, the wording and arrangement of stanzas vary from one version to the next, which results from and reflects the ballad’s broad distribution in tradition. Nearly all the individual stanzas of the Glenbuchat text can be found in other versions, but there is no direct parallel for the text as a whole. GreigDuncan’s C version was sung by Robert Chree, who grew up in Glenbuchat and claimed to have learned his version from Maggie Fraser, who lived at Belnaboth and would have been a young woman at the time Scott was collecting. Chree’s text shows a closer resemblance to other Greig-Duncan versions than to the manuscript version.

IV:9 THE GOSS HAWK (The Gay Goshawk) Child 96; Roud 61 The motif of feigning death to win a lover appears in the ballad “Willie’s Lyke Wake” (Child 25), as well as in various European tale traditions (cf. motifs K1325 and K1538). Child cites several French and Scandinavian examples (ESPB 2: 356) and in his notes on “John Thomson and the Turk” (Child 266) he draws further parallels with Russian tales and the Scandinavian ballad, “Kong David og Solfager” (TSB D392; ESPB 5: 3–8 and 280). A bird messenger also appears, somewhat gratuitously, in a version of “Sweet William and Lord Lundie” (Child 254 A, 5–11) and in several Scandinavian ballads (see TSB A26, A33–36). The Glenbuchat text parallels other Northeast versions, which include Anna Brown’s text (Child A), a copy that Peter Buchan sent to Motherwell (Child C), and Buchan’s own text (Child G), which appears to have been greatly expanded for publication in Ancient Ballads. Stanzas in the Glenbuchat version, however, do support the essential traditionality of some unique elements in Buchan’s text (compare stanzas 13, 15, 33, and 36 with Child 96 G 20, 24, 42, and 49 respectively). Vestiges of the ballad have been reported in the United States, but nothing approaching a complete text has been documented (BTBNA).

IV:10 AIRLY (The Bonnie House o Airly) Child 199; Roud 794; Bodleian The house of Airly was raided twice in the summer of 1640, first by the Earl of Montrose and later by the Earl of Argyle, who ransacked the castle and much of the surrounding countryside. During the first assault, the house was defended by the Earl’s eldest son, Lord Ogilvie. What transpired during the second attack is open to interpretation. Spalding’s account and other sources used by Child leave the impression that the entire family had fled the estate prior to the raid (Spalding 1: 228–29; ESPB 4: 55). On the basis of those accounts, one is inclined to be cynical about the origin and function of the ballad. Alexander Keith, however, relying on a source more favorable to the family (and to the ballad), argues that “. . . when Argyle approached Airlie Castle in force, Airlie’s eldest son, Lord Oglivie, retired for assistance, leaving his wife and child in charge of a small garrison. Before the Castle was

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carried, Lady Ogilvie and her family made their escape” (Greig and Keith, Last Leaves 123). The impression left by that account is not much better. The Glenbuchat text appears to be an abbreviated version of Child 199 A, which epitomizes several copies of a well-known broadside. One of Kinloch’s texts (Child 199 B) is a similarly condensed version of the same ballad. A note in the margin of the Glenbuchat manuscript suggests that there is more to the ballad. Child 199 D and several versions in Greig-Duncan have an additional episode, in which Lady Ogilvie demands to be killed or led away so she that does not have to witness the burning of her house (GDFSC 2: 170–75).

IV:11 BALLAD (The New-Slain Knight) Child 263; Roud 3887; cf. Laws N28 to N41 Despite the pseudo-chivalric setting, the narrative is pure broadside. There are over a thousand citations for disguised-lover broadsides in Roud. The Glenbuchat text has many parallels with Buchan’s version, the only one given in Child. Both are composed largely of stock commonplaces found in the regional tradition. The generic title used by Scott would seem to suggest that the ballad was not well established in Glenbuchat tradition, since it had no easily recognizable name. By the same token, it may reflect a title taken directly from a broadsheet.

IV:12 ALLAN A DALE (Allan a Dale) Child 138; Roud 3298; RBI; Olson RZN8; Bodleian Few texts underscore the impact of print on tradition so well as this “peculiarly English” ballad, as Greig called it (GDFSC 2: 558). Child published thirty-eight Robin Hood ballads, and while he maintained that the earliest were among the best ballads in the English language, he produced only one “traditional” type, which has since been shown to be a common whiteletter issue (“The Bold Pedlar and Robin Hood,” Child 132. Hopkin and Bold, item Mu23-y4:007 is a Catnach issue of this ballad; see also Child’s comments on the distribution of Robin Hood ballads, ESPB 3: 42). Scottish antiquarians ignored Robin Hood by and large. Apart from Elizabeth Cochrane’s manuscript version of “Robin Hood and the Bishop of Hereford” (Child 144 B; ca. 1730), there are two Robin Hood texts in Kinloch’s manuscript, both of them “Scotticized” (ESPB 3: 172–73, 178, and 184–85) and so presumably from recitation. His first text is “Allan a Dale,” and the second, “Robin Hood Rescuing Three Squires” (Child 140), has been collected many times from singers in Britain and America. Motherwell noted that Scottish singers knew fragments of unprinted Robin Hood ballads, but then disregarded his own suggestion that they would make an interesting study (xliii; see also, ESPB 3: 159). How the pervasive publication of Robin Hood broadsides and garlands translates to “popularity in tradition,” we will never know, but virtually all the texts that have been recovered from traditional singers can be traced to popular print. Perhaps the outlaw’s most sustainable boast is that he is the oldest mass-mediated hero in British popular culture, which is not an insignificant claim. Although blackletter copies of “Allan a Dale” exist, the ballad reached a broader audience in the latter part of the eighteenth century when it became a standard inclusion in Robin Hood garlands (see Child ESPB 3: 42n; Dobson and Taylor 52–53). Unfortunately, there are so few textual differences between broadside versions, regardless of when they were

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printed, that it is usually impossible to trace an oral text to a specific source. The most one can say is that the Glenbuchat text conforms closely to print examples. Two or three stanzas are eliminated and the confrontation between the Robin Hood and the bishop is slightly reordered. The lines, “He’s ta’en his harp into his hand / He harped and he sang” (131–2) are not found in the standard broadside version, but similar lines occur in Bell Roberston’s version (GDFSC 2: 292, stanza 11). It is difficult to say whether this element comes from a less common broadside or from local tradition. In all other respects, verbal similarities suggest that the manuscript text was not far removed from a print source.

IV:13 THE DUKE OF GORDON’S DAUGHTERS Child 237; Roud 342 Title only, no text. “The Duke of Gordon’s Daughter” was a common broadside issue.

G l o s s a ry

The glossary has been compiled from four main sources: The Scottish National Dictionary (SND), Jamieson’s Dictionary of the Scottish Language (DSL), The Oxford English Dictionary (OED), and Child’s glossary (ESPB 5: 309–96). Inevitably, there are a few words for which definitions could not be found or for which the definitions available do not seem to apply to the usage in the manuscript. Where appropriate, possible connections between terms are suggested, though I have tried to keep “guesses” to a minimum. Where variant spellings are used in the MS, the dictionary spelling is given in square brackets [] before the definition. [ J.M.]

aboon above ae one aff off ain own airess seat poss. rel. to airie amo among an if ane one aul old ay(e) always ba ball bade past. of ask and also of bide bairn infant, child baith both ban curse ban band baul(est) bold(est) bear an inferior but robust variety of barley bed bothered; cared beir noise; complaint; fuss ben [prep.] by; in ben [n.] a thick leather ben [n.] see but and ben

bennison blessing bent slope or hill; a hillock covered in coarse grass biel shelter birk birch birling drinking boer; boor bower borrow ransom; pay a pledge for someone’s release bot [prep. but] without boun bound, going brak broke bran(d) sword brechan [breechin] a Highland plaid bridestool a pew reserved for the bride and bridegroom brig bridge brook enjoy; make good use of brugh see SND broch, n.2, a burgh or town brunt burnt buckle dress burn stream busk prepare, ready, dress but an and also

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Gl ossary

but . . . ben principle rooms in a cottage; the parlor and the kitchen; hence to go but and ben; to go back and forth cadger’s creel peddlar’s pack canny clever carse alluvial land; low fertile land near a river caul a cap worn by women caup a wooden bowl claes clothes clooty; clouty ragged, patched coat alone half dressed; coat = petticoat coffer a box for valuables crub restrain; often used in ref. to strict discipline curtch kerchief worn over the head cyper a henna shrub noted for its white, fragrant flowers dansicle [Child 235A, 63: Dantzic] darraine [v. derene] to challenge or strive against (DSL), i.e. endure?; see also SND doren = curse; damn deal apportion; serve deem make judgement den a small valley or hollow dey dairy worker, male or female; term of respect for an older male, a father or grandfather di do; go dight wipe clean; dry dine [n.] dinner ding shoot, strike dole sorrow dowie dreary drags harrows dree; drie rue; regret dreed fear; suspicion duck(ers) dive(rs) dyke wall or fence ee eye een evening evis bore [avis-bore] knot hole; sometimes known as “elf-bore” and attributed with an apotropaic quality fae [prep.] from fae [n.] foe faen fallen faich poss. rel. to faugh? = pale; pale brown; yellow

fair fa you may fortune be with you faul fold fause false fay prob. fey = fate feam [faem] foam feck battle; argue; wear down feid enmity fere companion; comrade; spouse ferrow of a cow, not in calf; fig. barren fey fated to die fiere see fere frae from fu full gae go gar make; cause; past gart gare [gair] a vent at the neck or bottom of a tunic gelly [jelly] honest; honourable gi(e) give gied went gin if girdle belt gleed live coal or peat ember; a fire that burns red hot but without flame gleyd askew; in ref. to eyes, crossed goud / gowd gold graith equip; array; dress grat see greet graun an yare stout and ready greet cry guid good guise matter; situation habergeon sleeveless coat of mail had; haud keep; stay had hold halbert [halberd] spear and battle axe combined hap cover harn pan skull haul [n.] a great quantity heckle pin pin on a flax comb heiding hill gallows hill; place of execution heil well heal; cure; take care of herd widdifus scoundrel; theif; cattle reiver; heugh precipice; steep cliff hind; hynd young man; farm laborer hin[e] [hyne], away, far

Gl ossary hough [haugh] land beside a river ilka each Irse Erse; Gaelic ither other jack jacket of mail jimp close fitting garment; bodice joes lovers; sweethearts jointure dowry; property reserved for a wife on her husband’s death kemb comb ken(t) know (knew) kep catch knap (knee)-cap ky(e) cows kyth people in one’s home community laigh low laird lord lakin poss. takin w. uncrossed “t,” but cf. SND laig, to talk volubly; chatter lane self; your lane = by yourself lang long lap [past of loup] leapt lawin bill for food and drink leave dear lee [lea] slope; hillside leesin lie, falsehood leisome pleasant; agreeable leman lover; mistress; whore leugh laughed liel loyal; faithful; chaste lift sky like see lyk lint white linnet lith member; limb loot bend down loun a man without social rank; a woman of ill-repute loup leap low a fire, esp. one burning intensely but without much flame lue cf. Child, lufe = palm of the hand (?) luick look lyk(e) corpse; body maek mate; match malaga an sack Spanish wines malison curse; malediction marrow match; pairing maun must may maiden

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meal [v.] add or mix meal with dough meikle much meived peevish; querulous merk Scottish unit of currency minted feinted; moved towards mith landmark; distinguishing feature mony many mu mouth multure obligation for a tenant to have meal ground at a particular mill; the fee paid to the miller nae no nane; naen none; not niffer barter; deal; trade nourise; nourse nurse or before owr over[ly] oy grandson palzion pavilion park outlying field pitten put pock small pouch or purse poind seize; place a lien against s. pot pool in a river pow head propine present, gift; reward quail apprehension, fear, faltering (cf. OED v.2) quenzie stane quoin; cornerstone quire choir raith; reith; reth quarter of a year rave tear (off ) reek smoke remeid remedy roose, rouse brag about roup [v. & n.] auction rowd rolled sacran church bell sae so sair sore sairt served sal shall san blin half-blind sark shirt saul soul saunna shall not saut salt saw [n. salve]; by extension, my saw = my salvation? Or poss. a contr. of “my soul”?

254

Gl ossary

scuddler kitchen boy or maid security [to stand as s.] to promise to cover sen message; a communication set befit (SND sense 12) sey assay; try shaw thicket; a small wood shoon shoes shortsome [v.] enliven; cheer; from the idea that pleasure shortens time side long sith since, because skaith harm; injury skeel see trampin skeel skilly wise; knowing; can imply knowledge of magic slack [n.] hollow; a gap between hills; also, marsh slackit [v.] loosened slee rob or deceive by cunning slidin (of words) unfounded; exaggerated; fanciful sma small smoored smothered sna snow sooth truth spalzions poss. [hi]s palzions? spells wood shavings spier at ask; question spill spoil; despoil spolzie; spulzie rob; assault starn stars stented stretch out, make taut straitit stretched streen, the last night stripe a small stream strippit . . . strae drew [a sword] across a straw, to test the edge subject property and effects having sufficient value to be used to pay off debts syne then; since tack lease taken token; sign tane; taen taken

targe [target] buckler; a small round shield taul told tell down pay down tentie cautiously; warily thrawin contorted; crooked ti, ten to tocher dowry toomed emptied trampin skeel wash tub; from the process of tramping clothes in a tub trappin ribbon; tape trews trousers; pants tuck [touk] a fold of cloth twa two twin [n. twine] shift of coarse fabric twin [v.] separate wad wager; pledge; also aux. v. would wae woe wae mat worth may woe come wale the best of a selection of things or people walts; walting edges; edging warl’s wrack life’s hardships and troubles warned take as security; cf. Child, warn and waran wauken awaken waur worse weary sad; miserable; wretched wedder wether weed(s) clothes well fard handsome wi with widdifus rogue; unsavory character wight(y) bold; brisk; vigorous win (out / up) get or come (out / up) winna will not wofa woeful wrack strife; ruin wrat [past of wreath] writhe wyle var. of wale wyte blame yetes gates yird fest stane a stone embedded in the earth; yird = earth; ground

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I n de x of Ti t l e s a n d First Line s

First reference is to Vol:MS page; page numbers for the texts in this edition are in italics.

Bonny Baby Livingston, III:35, xxv, xxviii, liv, 168–72, 242 Burd Isbell, II:37, 109–12, 236–37 Burd Isbell stans in her bower door, II:37, 109–12, 236–37

About Yule, when the wind blew caul, II:23, xxiv, lviii, 95–96, 235 Adam Gordon, or The Burning of Cargarff, I:3, xxiii, 7–11, 226 Airly, IV:31, xxv, lix, 217–18, 248–49 Allan a Dale, IV:34, xix, lx, lxv, 220–23, 249–50 Andrew Lammie, III:39, xxii, xxiv, lviii, 173–77, 243 Archerdale, II:43, xx, xxii, 115–18, 237 Arrat, an Marrat, an Fair Masrie, II:40, xx, lviii, 112–15, 237 As I came in by Auchindown, II:9, xix, xxiv, xxv, lix, 83–85, 233–34 As I went up yon high high hill, IV:33, lxiii, 218–19, 249 At Mill o Tiftie livd a man, III:39, xxii, xxiv, lviii, 173–77, 243 Auchanachy Gordon is gone to the sea, I:15, xxvii, 25–26, 227–28 Auchynachy Gordon, I:15, xxvii, 25–26, 227–28

Craigston’s Growing, I:25, xix, xxii, lxix, 45–46, 230 Cruel Stepmother, The, III:14, lx–lxii, 145–47, 240 Dame Oliphant, I:37, 63–67, 232–33 Duke of Gordon’s Daughters, The [title only], IV:37, lxviii, 223, 250 Earl of Aboyne, The, III:31, xxv, lix, 164–68, 242 Earl Patrick, III:27, lx, 160–64, 242 Earl Richard, IV:6, 193–98, 246 Earl Richard an his merry young men, IV:6, 193–98, 246 Elphinston, III:10, 140–43, 235, 239 Four an twenty bony boys, I:28, xix, xx, xxv, lviii, lxiv, 50–53, 231 Four and twenty merry young men, III:3, 132–35, 239 Frae Dinnideer to Aberdeen, II:1, xix, xx, xxvi, lix, lx, lxviii, 74–83, 233

Baby Livingston, III:35, xxv, xxviii, liv, 168–72, 242 Ballad, IV:33, lxiii, 218–19, 249 Baron of Brackly, The Old Ballad, I:1, xxi, lix, 4–6, 225–26 Battle of Glenlivit, or The Battle of Altichallichan, The, II:1, xix, xx, xxvi, lix, lx, lxviii, 74–83, 233

Gaberlunzie Laddie, The, IV:17, 203–5, 247 Gi corn, gi corn to the brown foal’s mother, II:52, xxviii, 125–27, 238 Gight he minds na me as his wife, III:45, xix, lxiv, 180–82, 244

263

264

Index of Title s and Fi r st L i n e s

Gil Ingram, II:48, 121–24, 238 Glenlogie, III:13, xxv, 144–45, 240 Good morrow, good morrow Lady Jane, III:1, xxvii, lviii, 130–32, 239 Goss Hawk, The, IV:26, lxiii, 212–17, 248 Haughs O Cromdale, II:9, xix, xxiv, xxv, lix, 83–85, 233–34 Hey a Rose Malindey, I:19, xxvii, lviii–lix, 29–31, 228 Hied me or hary me—that sanna fear me, IV: insert, xix, xxi, xxiii, xxv, 188, 245 Hyn Horn, I:33, 55–59, 232 Hynde Chiel, I:30, lix, 54–55, 231–32 I sat low an the moon shone high, IV:4, 192–93, 246 I would advise you gentlemen, III:27, lx, 160–64, 242 I’ll tell you a story, a story of one, IV:11, xix, xxiv, lx, lxiv, 198–200, 246 Inverey came down the get whistlin an crawin, I:1, xxi, lix, 4–6, 225–26 It fell about the Martinmas, I:26, xxv, 47–50, 231 It fell about the Martinmas, I:3, xxiii, 7–11, 226 It fell about the Michaelmas, I:7, xxv, 11–18, 226 It fell on a day, on a bonny summer’s day, IV:31, xxv, lix, 217–18, 248–49 It fell upon a spring morning, III:43, 178–79, 243–44 It was a shepherd, a shepherd swain, IV:17, 203–5, 247 Kathrine Jaffrey, II:25, 97–100, 228, 235 King John, IV:11, xix, xxiv, lx, lxiv, 198–200, 246 Lady Dysmond, I:21, lix, 35–36, 229 Lady Jane, III:1, xxvii, lviii, 130–32, 239 Lady Mary, II:29, xix, xxviii, lx, lxii–lxiii, 101–5, 235–36 Lady Mazrey, I:22, xxvii, 37–41, 229 Lady O Gight, The, III:45, xix, lxiv, 180–82, 244 Lady O Livingstone, The, II:19, 90–94, 235 Laird O Drum, The, III:47, xxv, 183–85, 245

Laird of Woodhouslie, The, II:13, xix, lix, 85–88, 234 Lochinvar, I:20, 31–35, 228 Lord at the Bakin, The, III:26, 158–60, 242 Lord Errol, II:34, xx, 106–8, 236 Lord Essex, III:20, lx, lxiv, 151–52, 241 Lord Ingram an Gil Fyat, IV:1, xxiii, 188–91, 245 Lord Ingram an Gil Fyat, IV:1, xxiii, 188–91, 245 Lord John and Rothiemay, I:7, xxv, 11–18, 226 Lord Lovell, II:54, 127–28, 238 Lord Lovell he stands in his stable door, II:54, 127–28, 238 Lord Ogilvie, IV:4, 192–93, 246 Lord Thomas a Fragment, II:45(2), xxiii, 119–21, 237 Lord Thomas loved fair Annie well, II:45(2), xxiii, 119–21, 237 Maid of Coldingham, The, II:17, 89–90, 234–35 Major Middleton, III:43, 178–79, 243–44 Moncey Grey, I:28, xix, xx, xxv, lviii, lxiv, 50–53, 231 My father was the Duke of . . . , I:17, 27–29, 228 O Errol is a bonny place, II:34, xx, 106–8, 236 O heard ye of Sir James de Ross, I:11, 19–21, 227 O meet me when tis night dear love, II:29, xix, xxviii, lx, lxii–lxiii, 101–5, 235–36 O seven years I served the king, I:33, 59–63, 232 O true love mine stay still an dine, IV:23, xxiii, lxix, 210–12, 248 O well fells me o my goss hawk, IV:26, lxiii, 212–17, 248 O Willy was a widow’s son, I:37, 63–67, 232–33 O ye’s get James or ye’s get George, I:13, 22–24, 227 O yonder I see my own true love, III:26, 158–60, 242 Patrick Spence, III:23, 155–58, 241 Prince Heathen, III:21, lviii, 153–54, 241

Index of Title s and First L i n e s Queen’s Confession, The, IV:14, xix, lx, lxv, 200–3, 247 Queen’s Mary, The, I:17, 27–29, 228 Rob Roy, I:24, xx, xxi, xxv, 42–45, 229 Rob Roy frae the Highlands came, I:24, xx, xxi, xxv, 42–45, 229 Shinin was the painted ha, II:13, xix, lix, 85–88, 234 Shouly Linkum Old Fragment, II:16, xxiii, 88, 234 Sir Hugh, I:26, xxv, 47–50, 231 Sir James the Ross, the Young Laird of Balethen, I:11, 19–21, 227 Sleep ye wake ye Lilly Flower, II:48, 121–24, 238 Sweet William, II:52, xxviii, 125–27, 238 The Earl of Aboyne he is courteous an kin, III:31, xxv, lix, 164–68, 242 The hynde chiel lys in good green wood, I:30, lix, 54–55, 231–32 The king sits in Dumfermling town, III:23, 155–58, 241 The lady lookd oer her castle wa, III:16, 147–51, 240 The lady sat in her fair chamber, III:10, 140–43, 235, 239 The lady sits in her bower door, III:21, lviii, 153–54, 241 The lady sits in her bowr door, IV:19, lviii, 205–9, 247 The lady stood in her boer door, I:22, xxvii, 37–41, 229 The lady walks in the garden green, II:43, xx, xxii, 115–18, 237 The Laird o Drum went out to ride, III:47, xxv, 183–85, 245 The may’s to the well to wash an to wring, II:17, 89–90, 234–35 The queen she biggit a fleet o braw vessels, III:20, lx, lxiv, 151–52, 241 The queen was sick an vera vera sick, IV:14, xix, lx, lxv, 200–3, 247

2 65

The trees they are high and the leaves they are green, I:25, xix, xxii, lxix, 45–46, 230 There liv’d a knight in fair Scotland, I:38(2), lviii, 67–71, 232–33 There livd a young man in the West, I:20, 31–35, 228 There lives a maid in Yarrow’s Banks, II:25, 97–100, 228, 235 There was a king an a noble king, I:21, lix, 35–36, 229 There was a lady lovd a man, I:19, xxvii, lviii–lix, 29–31, 228 There was a lord of wealth an fame, III:14, lx–lxii, 145–47, 240 There were three ladies lived in ae bour, II:40, xx, lviii, 112–15, 237 Twice twenty nobles sat in the king’s ha, III:13, xxv, 144–45, 240 Water of Gamery, The, I:13, 22–24, 227 We were sisters, sisters seven, II:19, 90–94, 235 Where hae ye been aa day Shouly Linkum, Shouly Linkum, II:16, xxiii, 88, 234 William O Douglassdale, I:38(2), lviii, 67–71, 232–33 Willie Macintosh, IV:insert, xix, xxi, xxiii, xxv, 188, 245 Wise William and Redesdale, III:3, 132–35, 239 Yarrow, IV:23, xxiii, lxix, 210–12, 248 Ye dainty dames so finely framd, I:31, xix, lix, lx, lxi, lxxiv, 55–59, 232 Ye gentlemen all I pray you draw near, IV:34, xix, lx, lxv, 220–23, 249–50 Young Aikin, IV:19, lviii, 205–9, 247 Young Baithman, I:31, xix, lix, lx, lxi, lxxiv, 55–59, 232 Young Bonwell, III:6, lviii, 136–40, 239 Young Bonwell was a Scottish knight, III:6, lviii, 136–40, 239 Young Huntly, III:16, 147–51, 240 Young Waters, II:23, xxiv, lviii, 95–96, 235

I n de x of C h i l d a n d L aws Ty pe s

No.

Child / Laws Title

MS Title

Vol:MS page

12

Lord Randal

Shouly Linkum. Old Fragment

II:16

14

Babylon; Or The Bonnie Banks O Fordie

Arrat, an Marrat, an Fair Mazrie

II:40

17

Hind Horn

Hyn Horn

I:33

20

The Cruel Mother

Hey a Rose Malindey

I:19

21

The Maid and the Palmer

The Maid of Coldingham

II:17

41

Hind Etin

Young Aikin

IV:19

45

King John and the Bishop

King John

IV:11

47

Proud Lady Margaret

Archerdale

II:43

53

Young Beichan

Young Bonwell

III:6

58

Sir Patrick Spens

Patrick Spence

III:23

65

Lady Maisry

Lady Mazrey

I:22

66

Lord Ingram and Chiel Wyet

Lord Ingram an Gil Fyat

IV:1

68

Young Hunting

Young Huntly

III:16

75

Lord Lovel

Lord Lovell

II:54

81

Little Musgrave and Lady Barnard

Moncey Grey

I:28

90

Jellon Grame

Gil Ingram

II:48

91

Fair Mary of Wallington

The Lady O Livingstone

II:19

91

Fair Mary of Wallington

Elphinston

III:10

94

Young Waters

Young Waters

II:23

96

The Gay Goshawk

The Goss Hawk

IV:26

101

Willie O Douglas Dale

Dame Oliphant

I:37

101

Willie O Douglas Dale

William O Douglassdale

I:38(2)

267

Index of Child and L aw s Ty p e s

268 104

Prince Heathen

Prince Heathen

III:21

110

The Knight and Shepherd’s Daughter

Earl Richard

IV:6

138

Robin Hood and Allen A Dale

Allan a Dale

IV:34

156

Queen Eleanor’s Confession

The Queen’s Confession

IV:14

158

Hugh Spencer’s Feats in France

Sir Hugh

I:26

173

Mary Hamilton

The Queen’s Mary

I:17

178

Captain Car, or Edom O Gordon,

Adam Gordon, or The Burning of Cargarff

I:3

183

Willie Macintosh

Willie Macintosh

IV: insert

196

The Fire of Frendraught

Lord John and Rothiemay

I:7

198

Bonny John Seton

Major Middleton

III:43

199

The Bonnie House O Airlie

Airly

IV:31

203

The Baron of Brackley

The Baron of Brackly

I:1

209

Geordie

The Lady O Gight

III:45

212

The Duke of Athole’s Nurse

The Lord at the Bakin

III:26

213

Sir James the Rose

Sir James the Ross, The Young Laird of Balethen

I:11

214

The Braes O Yarrow

Yarrow

IV:23

215

Rare Willie Drowned in Yarrow, or The Water O Gamrie

The Water of Gamery

I:13

216

The Mother’s Malison, or Clyde’s Water

Sweet William

II:52

221

Katharine Jaffray

Lochinvar

I:20

221

Katharine Jaffray

Kathrine Jaffrey

II:25

222

Bonny Baby Livingston

Baby Livingston

III:35

225

Rob Roy

Rob Roy

I:24

231

The Earl of Errol

Lord Errol

II:34

233

Andrew Lammie

Andrew Lammie

III:39

235

The Earl of Aboyne

The Earl of Aboyne

III:31

236

The Laird O Drum

The Laird O Drum

III:47

237

The Duke of Gordon’s Daughters

The Duke of Gordon’s Daughters

IV:37

238

Glenlogie, Or Jean O Bethelnie

Glenlogie

III:13

Index of Child and Laws Ty p e s

2 69

239

Lord Saltoun and Auchanachie

Auchynachy Gordon

I:15

243

James Harris, The Daemon Lover

Lady Jane

III:1

246

Wise William and Redesdale

Wise William and Redesdale

III:3

256

Alison and Willie

Hynde Chiel

I:30

257

Burd Isabel and Earl Patrick

Earl Patrick

III:27

260

Lord Thomas and Lady Margaret

Lord Thomas A Fragment

II:45(2)

261

Lady Isabel

Burd Isbell

II:37

263

The New-Slain Knight

Ballad

IV:33

269

Lady Diamond

Lady Dysmond

I:21

280

The Beggar Laddie

The Gaberlunzie Laddie

IV:17

288

The Young Earl of Essex’s Victory over the Emperor of Germany

Lord Essex

III:20

Laws 035

The Trees They Do Grow High

Craigston’s Growing

I:25

I n de x of Na m e s a n d Pl ace s

Citations cover the introduction, endnotes, and notes to the ballads. Characters and historical figures dealt with in the ballads are not included. General references to the Duff family and their estate management staff are listed under “Duff House.” Aberdeen, xvii, xxx, lxix Alford, xli; Presbytery of, xxxii, xxxv Allt a’ Choileachain, 233 Andersen, Flemming, 238, 245 Annachie, xxv–xxvi, 227–28 Auchanachie, xxv–xxvi Auchavaich, xlvii, liii Auchindoun, xxv Auldearn (Battle of ), 233–34 Aytoun, William E., 230

Brander & Co. (Printers), 243 Briggs, Katharine, 240 Brodie, William, l, li, liii, lxxi Brody, John, xlv Bronson, Bertand H., 226, 227, 228, 230, 231, 238 Brooksby, P. (Printer), xxiv, 246 Brougham, Henry, xxxi, xxxii, lxvi, lxix, lxx Brown, Anna (Gordon), xxiv, xxvii, 229, 239, 242, 248 Buchan, David, xvii–xviii, xxiv, xxviii–xxix, xxxviii, lxix, 226, 229, 235, 237, 239 Buchan, Peter, xxiv, xxvi, lxiv, lxv, lxviii–lxix, 225–26, 227, 229, 231, 232, 236, 238, 240, 241, 242, 243, 244, 247, 248 Burness, John, lv–lvi, lxxiv Burns, Robert, xxii, xxviii, 230, 234, 242

Badenyon, xxxiii, xxxix, xliv, xlix, liv–lvi Ballachduie, xlvii, lxix Balnacraig, xxxvii Barclay, James, xxxviii, xliv, xlvii–xlix, lxxi, lxxii Barr, Mary, xxiv, 238 Bausinger, Hermann, xxxviii, xlix Begg, James, Jr., xxxiii Belhelvie, xxiv, xxxi, lxix Belnaboth, xliv, lxix, lxxiii, 248 Belnacraig, xliv Belnaglack, xlv Beltimb, lxxii Beltimore, xlvii, xliv, lxxii Bitterman, Rusty, xlvi Blackhillock, xxxiii, xliv, xlvi, xlvii, lxxii Braco, Lord. See Duff, William

Cabrach, xxxix, 245 Cameron, Kate, lv Cameron, Sir Henry, of Brux, lv Catnach, James (Printer), 249 Child, Francis James, xvii, xix, lviii, lxiii, 225–50 passim Chree, Jean, lxix Chree, John, xlviii–lxx Chree, Robert, lxix, 248 Chree, William, xlviii Christie, William, 227, 246, 247 Clifford, James, lxxiv Cochrane, Elizabeth, 249 Coffin, Tristram P., 228 Corgarff, xxv, 226, 245 Crawfurd, Andrew, xix, lxviii, 230, 240 Crofts, lxix

271

27 2

Index of Name s and P l ac e s

Cromdale, 233–34 Cumberland, Duke of, xl Dalfrankie, xlv, xlvii, lxxii Davidson, George “Taffy,” xx, xxi, xxvi, xvii, lxvii, lxviii, lxix Davidson, John, lxix–lxx Davidson, Widow, xlix Dawson, James and Peter, xlv Dicey, W. and C. (Printers), 235 Dixon, James Henry, 229 Dockington, xxxiii, lxxii Douce Ballads, 235, 240 Drumnagarrow, lxix Duff, James (2nd Earl Fife), xlii, lxxi, lxxix Duff, James (4th Earl Fife), xxxii, xliii, xlvi, l Duff, William (1st Earl Fife), xxx, xl, xlii, lxxi Duff, William (of Dipple), xl Duff House, xxii, xxx, xxxi, xxxiv–xxxv, xxxix, xli, xlii, xliv–xlv, l, lii, liii, lxix, lxxi Dulax, xxxvii, xliv, xlix, lxxii Dunbar, Alex, xlvi Duncan, James B., xvii, xxvi, lviii, 227, 229, 231, 232, 236, 237, 239, 240, 244, 245, 246, 247, 248, 249 Earl Fife. See individual names Easterbuchat, xliv, xlvii, lxxii Ebsworth, Joseph W., 241 Farquharson, James, xlv Fenton, Alexander, xxxviii, xlix, lxxiv Findlater, James, xxxv, xlix, lxxi, lxxiii Finlay, John, 230 Forbes, John, xxxii, xxxiv–xxxv, xlix, l, li, liii, lxxi Forgue, xxxv Forsyth, Alexander John, xxxi, xxxii, xxxvi, lxvi, lxix Forsyth, Rev. James, xxxi Foulis, Robert and Andrew (Printers), 226 Fowler, David, lxix Fraser, Arthur, l Fraser, Maggie, lxix, 248 Freidman, Albert B., lxiv

Gamrie, 227 Gauld, Jonathan, lxix–lxx George II, King, xl Giddens, Anthony, lvii, lxxiv Gillespie, Margaret, 245 Glen Nochty, xxvi, xxxix–xl, xlv, l, li, lxxi Glenbuchat: agriculture, xl–xliii; architecture, xl, xli, xlvii–xlix, lxx, lxxiii; ballad singers (late 19th century), lxix–lxx, 248; boundaries, xxxix; distilling and smuggling, xlix–l; effect of post-war depression on, xxxii, xliii; game, hunting, and poaching, l–li; lairds of, xxxix–xl, xli, lxxi; language, xxxix, li–lii, lxxi; in legend and literature, liii–lvi; literacy, li–liii; map, xvi; population, xli; remoteness, xl–xli; source of Robert Scott’s ballads, xx–xxi, xxiii–xxvi; tacks and rents, xliii–xlvi, lxxi; tradesmen and artisans, xlvi–xlvii. See also individual names Glenlivet (Inveraven), xxv, xxxix, xl, 233, 242 Glentannar, xxv Gordon, John (“Old Glenbucket”), xl, lxxi Gordon, John, of Cairnburrow, xxxix–xl Grassick, John (Mains), xlix, lii Grassick, John (Newtown), li Greig, Gavin, xvii, xxvi, lviii, 227, 229, 231, 232, 236, 237, 239, 240, 244, 245, 246, 247, 248, 249 Harker, Dave, lxvi–lxvii Harris, Amelia, 237, 241 Hay, Adam, xxxiii, xlii–xliii, l, li, lii, lxxiii Hay, John, l, liii Herd, David, lxiv, 226, 235, 237, 240 Heylin, Clinton, xxvii, 239 Johnson, James, xix, lxiv, 231 Keiss, xxx Keith, Alexander, xxv, 240, 248–49 Keith of Benholm, 236 Kellas, John, xlv Kellas, Margaret, lxix Kildrummy, xxi, xxv, xlii, 229 King’s College, Aberdeen, xvii, xxx

Index of Name s and Pl ac e s Kinloch, George, lxiv, lxv, 226, 231, 236, 240, 242, 246, 249 Kirkton, xxxiii, xlvii, lxxii Kirkwall (Orkney), xxx Laing, Alexander (Saunders), xxi–xxii, xxiv, lvii, lxiv, lxvi, lxviii–lxix, 225–26, 229, 233, 240, 243, 245 Laing, Alexander (of Brechin), 240 Laing, David, xxii, lxviii–lxix, 230 Leochel-Cushnie, xxv, 231 Lochnagar, 228 Lyle, Agnes, 237 Lyle, Emily, lxviii MacKenzie, John, xxxiii–xxxv MacLeod, Rev. Roderick, xxx Macqueen, Elizabeth, 230 Macqueen, Thomas, 230 Maidment, James, xxvi, lxiv, lxv, lxix, 230, 236 Mains of Glenbuchat, lii, lxxiii Mar Lodge, xxxv, xli–xlii, xlvii, xlix–l, lxxi McCauley, Clara, 241 McCombie, Rev. Charles, xxxvi Michie, Alex, xliv Milton, xliv, xlvii, lxxii, lxxiii Moir, Robert, xlvi Mortenson, Ruth, 231–32 Motherwell, William, xxiii, lxiv, lxv, 228, 230, 231, 232, 235, 237, 238, 239, 248, 249 Mouat’s (Mowat’s) stone, lv, lxxiv Murison, Mrs. A. F., xxvi, 247 Murray, Earl of, xl Netherton, xlviii Newtown (Glen Nochty), xlv, li Nicol, James, xxiv, xxviii, 230, 239 “old lady, the,” xxiv Olson, Ian, xix, xxv, xliii, lxviii Olson, W. Bruce, lx, 225, 232, 241, 246 Ord, John, lxix, 244, 246 Pepys, Samuel, 233, 240 Percy, Bishop Thomas, xxiv, lxiv, 226, 231, 235 Pinkerton, John, 226

2 73

Pirie, Margaret, xxi, xxxvii, lxix Pocius, Gerald, xxxviii, lxxiii Ramsay, Allan, 247 Reid, Archibald (Beltimore), l, lxxii Reid, Archibald (Kirkton), xxxiii, lxxii Reid, Arthur, lxxii Reid, Charlotte, xxxvii Reid, John, xxxvi, xxxvii, xlvi, l, li, lxxii, lxxiii Reid, William (Dockington), xxxii–xxxiii, lxxii Reid, William (Milton), xxxvi Renwick, Roger deV., 228 Rhinstock, xlvi Rieuwerts, Sigrid, lxviii Ritson, Joseph, lxiv, 226, 235 Robertson, Bell, xxv, 228, 241, 242, 246, 250 Robertson, Dr. Joseph, xxv, 231, 245, 246 Rose, William, xlii, lxxiv Rothiemay, xxiv, xxv, xxix–xxx, xli, xlvii, lxx Roud, Steve, 225, 228, 232, 234, 235, 238, 244, 246, 249 Roxburghe Ballads, xxvii, 232, 240 Scott, Elizabeth, xxi, xxxi, xxxvi Scott, Isabella, xxi, xxxi, xxxvi Scott, Jannet (Coul), xxix Scott, John, xxxii Scott, Mary (Forsyth), xxxi–xxxii, xxxv, lxvi, lxix Scott, Robert, xli, l, liv, lxiii–lxvii, lxix, lxx, 225, 226, 233, 234, 235, 237, 238, 242, 244, 245, 247, 248, 249; appointments, xxx–xxxii, xxxvi; childhood and education, xxix–xxx; compiler of the Glenbuchat Mss, xxi–xxvi; dispute with Duff House, xxxiv–xxxv; editorial practices, xxvi–xxix, lxiv–lxv; marriage, xxxi; relationships with parishioners, xxxii–xxxv Scott, Sir Walter, xxviii, lxiv, 235, 242 Scott, William, xxix Shand, James, li, lxxi Sharpe, Charles Kirkpartrick, lxix, 235 Simpson, Douglas, xvii, lii, lv Skene of Rubislaw, 227, 239, 242, 245

274

Index of Name s and P l ac e s

Skinner, John, liv–lvii Souter, Stewart, xxxv, lxxi Spalding, John, 16–18, 226, 243–44, 248 Spence, Rev. William, xxx, xl, xlii, xlvii, lvi Stenhouse, William, xxii, lxix Stewart, Susan, lix Strachan, James (“Drumnagarrow”), lxix Strathdon, xxxii, xxxiii, xxxix, xli Stuart, James, xlvii, lxxi Stuart, Jonathan, xlv, li Sunnybrae, xliv, lxix Taylor, M. R., 245 Torrentoule, xliv

Towie, xxvi, xxxix, xli, 226, 245 Tullocharich, lxix Turner, John (Printer), 235 Upperton, xxxii, xxxiii, xliii, xliv, xlvii, l Walker, Bruce, xlix Walker, William, xlii, lii, lxxi, lxxiv Wedgwood, C. V., 243–44 Williamson, Alexander, xxx, xxxi Wilson, George, xxx, xxxiv–xxxv, liii, lxxi Woodfold (Rothiemay), xxix