THE MYTHOLOGY OF KINGSHIP IN NEO-ASSYRIAN ART
MEHMET-ALI ATA<;: Bryn Mllwr College
~ CAMBRIDGE ~ UNIVERSITY PRESS
CONTENTS
CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS
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2010
Acknowledgments
no reproduction of any part may take place without the written permission of Cambridge University Press.
List ofAbbreviations
First published
page vii
List of flIustrations
"lhl5 publication is in copyright. Subject to statutory exceptioll and to the provisions of relevant collective licensing agreements,
xiii
xv
Prologue
xvii
'1.0 10
PART I: HUMAN AND ANIMAL ONTOLOGY IN THE NEO-ASSYRIAN Printed in rhe United SLates of America
PALACE RELIEFS
Introduction
A caw/og record for this publicatioll iJ (I/J(/ilab/l'ji'Olli till' British U/;I"fll)'UlmllY OfCol/gn'Ss Cataloging in Publication drlf{/
J.
Ala\" Mehmet-AIi, 1972'(he mythology of kingship in Neo-Assyrian art I Mehmet-Ali Atao;:. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-0-521-5179°-4 (hbk.) Relief (Sculpture), AncielH - Assyria. 2. Kings and rulers in an. .1. Art and mythology. 4. Animals in an. ). An, Assyro-Babylonian. 6. Palaces - Assyria. 7. Assyria - Anriquides. 8. Assyria - Kings and rulers. 9. Mytho1ot-,'y, Assyro·Babyloniall. I. Title. NllRo.AS} 2010 7 }2'. 5-dc22 2009026766
2
ISBN 978-0-521-5179°-4 Hardhack
Cambridge University Press has no responsibility CO!' the persistence or accuracy of llJ(L~ for external or third-parry Internct Web siLe~ referred to in this publication and does not guarantee that any COIHelH on such Web siteS is, or will remain, accurate or appropriate.
)
Ashurnasirpal II lhe Anatomy of Death Librllion dnd Prostnuion River CmfSing: Human Bodies, lnjlttted Animrt/ Skins lhe Animal tiS lNbute lhe Uminrtlity o//he Tributary Congenial Contrtcl with Animals
)
20
22 28
)2
Tiglath- Pileser III
)9
lhe Anrltomy o/Hflule Uminalily rmd Animal5'kins On Camelbflck 0lG/ttle find Men Proximil)~ O[Julrlp, fllfd Amtiogy in tht' Art o/l'iglflliJ-Pi/cJt'r f11
40
Sargon II
42 44 45 48 50 51
Sacrijz'ce? Horse Leg or HUflJflll Leg? Animflls mltl Gender HUn! OJ'
4
14 15 18
53 58
Sennacherib
61
Hody find Booty
62 6) 66
The MllSsacres ofLflchish lhe Cflrnivort, lind the Herbivore Publication of this book has been aided by a gram from dlC Millard Mdss Publication hlJld of the College An Association.
v
CONTENTS
vi
Ashurbanipal
The Hounds ofAshurbanipal
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
Animal, Vegetable, Mineral
Conclusion to Part I PART II: KINGSHIP AND PRIESTHOOD IN THE ART OF A$HVRNASIRPAL II
Introduction
The King, Nanking 2
"La salle dire 'G'))
)
1he Mixta Persona
I I )
4
The King and the "Sacred Tree"
12 5
5
The Encounter
1)0
Conclusion to Part II
144
I.
PART III: THE SEMANTICS OF SAGES AND MISCHWESEN IN NED-ASSYRIAN ART AND THOUGHT
145
2.
3.
Before the Flood
147 15 0
4.
2
Fertilization and Purification
159
5.
)
King the Man, The King-Man
16 7
4
"Tiamat's Brood"
17 2
The Ancient Mesopotamian Flood Traditions
18 4
Introduction
6
201
9.
Epilogue
20)
Notes
20 5
Bibliography
7.
8.
Lord of the Netherworld Conclusion to Part III
6.
10.
I I.
Index 12.
(3.
I4. 1 5.
l6, 17.
18.
Human-headed apkal!u holding a wild goat, Panel Z aI, Room T, transition
to
Room Z, Northwest Palace of Ashurnasirpal II at Nimrud. Detail of Fig. 1 showing the wild goat. Assyrian chariot attacking the enemy, Panel 8a, Room B, Northwest Palace of Ashurnasirpal II at Nimrud. Detail of Fig. 3 showing fallen enemy. Assyrian soldiers crossing a river, Pancillb, Room B, Northwest Palace of Ashurnasirpal II at Nimrlld. Scene from the transport of the colossal winged human-headed bull, Panel 6r, COlirt VI, Southwest Palace of Sennacherib at Nineveh. Detail of Fig. 6 showing sow and its young. Ashllrnasirpalll hunting wild bulls, Panel 20a, Room H, Northwest Palace of A~hurnasirpaill at Nimrud. Ashurnasirpalll hunting lions, Panel 19a, Room H, Northwest Palace of Ashurnasirpal II at Nimrud. Reconstruction drawing of Panels 18-20, Room H, Northwest Palace of Ashurnasirpal II at Nimrud. Colossal winged human-headed lion, Northwest Palace of Ashurnasirpal [J at Nimrud. Detail of colossal winged human-headed hull, Northwest Palace of Ashurnasirpal II at Nimrud, Ashurnasirpal Illioating over dead bull, Panel 20b, Room 13, Northwest Palace of As hurna sir pal II at Nimrud. Ashurnasirpallllibating over dead lion, Panel [9b, Room 13, Nonhwest Palace of Ashurnasirpal II at Nimrud. Defeated enemy prostrating himself before Ashurnasirpal II, Panel 180, Room 13, Nonhwest Palace ofAshurnasirpalll at Nimrud. Assyrian soldiers crossing a river, Panel IOb, Room B, Northwest Palace of Ashumasirpal [J at Nimrud, Reconstruction drawing of Panels 9-1 1, Room B, Northwest Palace of Ashurnasirpal II at Nimrud, Detail of Fig. 16, Assyrian soldiers crossing a river. vii
page 4 5
5 6 6
8 9
16 16
18 I9
19 20
20
21 21
viii
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
19· Tributaries with gifts, Panel 7, Courtyard 0, Northwest Palace of Ashurnasirpal II at Nimrud. 20. Reconstruction drawing of the Panels 1-8, Courtyard 0, Northwest Palace of Ashurnasirpal II at Nimrud. 21. One of the faces of the Black Obelisk of Shalmaneset III showing Banrian camels, an elephant, apes, and tributaries. 22. Detail of Fig. 21 showing the elephant and apes. 23· One of the faces of the Black Obelisk of Shaimaneset III showing tributaries and two human-headed quadrupeds. 24- Detail of Fig. 23 showing the human-headed quadrupeds. 25· One of the faces of the Black Obelisk of Shalmaneser III showing scenes of submission, two Bactrian camels, a wildlife scene, and tributaries. 26. Detail of Fig. 25 showing the submission of Jehu, two Bactrian camels, and the wildlife scene. 27· One of the faces of the Black Obelisk of Shalmaneser III showing tributaries and horned animals. 28. Detail of Fig. 27 showing the horned animals and some of the tributaries. Human-headed apkallu holding deer and twig of flowers, Panel 30, Room B, 29· Northwest Palace of Ashurnasirpal II at Nimrud. 30. Detail of Fig. 29 showing the upper part of the apkallu and the deer. )1. The "Sacred Tree," Panel 23, Room B, Northwest Palace of Ashurnasirpal II at Nimrud. )2. Assault of the City U[pa?], Series B, Panel I 5a, Central Palace of Tiglath-Pileser II1 at Nimrud. 33· Assyrian cavalrymen charging with bird of prey, Panel 3, Wall n, Southwest Palace at Nimrud. )4- Assyrian military camp scene showing soldiers playing catch with decapitated heads and a victory celebration, or "mummery," Panel 7a, Room B, Northwest Palace of Ashurnasirpal [I at Nimrud. 35· Detail of Fig. }4 showing two men wearing lion skins performing a " mummery. " )6. Captured Babylonians, Panel 8, Room XXVIll, Southwest Palace of Sennacherib at Nineveh. )7· Assyrian cavalry pursuing an Arab on a camel, Series A, Panel lb, Room IU, Central Palace ofTiglath-Pileser III at Nimflld. ) 8. Assyrian officer leadil-lg Bedouin captives, Series A, Panel 6b, Room XIII, Central Palace ofTiglath-Pileser III at Nimrlld. 39. Ashurnasirpal II and his soldiers attacking a fortified city and deporting its inhabitants, Panel 5b, Room B, Northwest Palace of Ashurnasirpal II at Nimrud. 4 0 . Deportation scene, Series A, Panel 8a, Room XV, Central Palace of Tiglath-Pileser III at Nimrud. 41. Urartian(?) rider escaping Assyrian horsemen, Panel loa, Wall a, Southwest Palace at Nimrud. 42. Tiglath-Pilescr III in his chariot, Southwest Palace at Nimrud.
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
23
43· A wingless genius carrying a flower and a wild goat, Panel 4, Fa~ade m, Palace of Sargon II at Khorsabad.
29
44· lbree Assyrians in a forest hunting small animals and birds, panel from the room in the detached building," Palace of Sargon II at Khorsabad. 45· Scene from the assalllt and capture of the Elamite dty of Hamanu, Panel 8, Room C, North Palace of Ashurbanipal at Nineveh. 46. The king's horses brought to be harnessed, the Royal Lion Hunt, Panels 7-8, Room C, North Palace of Ashurbanipal at Nineveh. 47· Horses and grooms, Panels 28-30, Sloping Passage U, Southwest Palace of Sennacherib at Nineveh. 48. Attendants with hounds, Panel 13(?), Room E, North Palace of Ashurbanipal at Nineveh.
30
49· Musicians and lions, Panel 5, Room E, North Palace of Ashurbanipal at Nineveh.
24 25 26 27 28
3I
33
50. Horses and attendants, Panel 12, Room S, North Palace of Ashurbanipal at Nineveh. 51. "Lion Combat," Panel 13, Room S, North Palace of Ashurbanipal at Nineveh.
IX
52 53 54 54 55 56 57 57 59
52· Doorway guardian figures, an ugallu (left) and a "hollse God," West jamb of 34 35 35 4' 4'
42 43 44 44 45
46 46 47
49
door 0, Room XXXI, Southwest Palace of Sel1nacherib at Nineveh. 5 ). Assyrians recording booty, Panels IO and II, Room XXVHI, Southwest Palace of Sennacherib at Nincvch. 54· Sennacherib enthroned reviewing the booty of Lachish, Panels 12 and I}, Room XXXVI, Southwest Palace of Sennacherib at Nineveh. 55. Detail from the Siege of Lachish, Panels 9-1 I, Room XXXVI, Southwest Palace of Sennacherib at Nineveh. 56. Detail from the Siege of Lachish, Panels 9 and lO, Room XXXVI, Southwest Palace of Sennacherib at Nineveh. 57. Assyrian military camp in the mountains. Drawing of Panel 20, Room XLVlII, Somhwest Palace of Sennacherib at Nineveh. 58. Drawings of scenes from Assyrian military campaigns, Panels 5--7, Room XLV, Southwest Palace of Sennacherib at Nineveh. 59. Captives and cattie advancing toward the right along a row of palm trees, Panels 5 and 6, Room XXVIlI, Southwest Palace of Sennacherib at Nineveh. 60. Doorway guardian figures, Room B, North l)~tlace of Ashur bani pal at Nineveh. 61. Doorway guardian figures, Room B, Nonh Palace of Ashurbanipal at Nineveh. 62. Huntsmen and atrendanrs with hounds and nets going to the hUllt, Panel?, Room R, North Palace of Ashurbanipal at Nineveh. 63. Detail from rhe return from the royal lion hum, Panel IO, Room C, North Palace of Ashurbanipal at Nineveh. 6+ Attendants carrying home dead lions, Panel 10, Room C, North Palace of Ashurbanipal at' Nineveh. 65. Scene fro.m the Batrle of Til Tuba on the River Ulai, Panel }, Room XXXlII, Southwest Palace of Sennacherib at Nineveh. 66. Ashurnasirpal II assaulting a ciry, Panel }a, Room B, Northwest Palace of
Ashurnasirpal II at' Nimrud.
62 6) 64 64 65 65 67 69 72 72 73 74 75
77 78
x
93. Monllmemal door frame of King Amenemhat-Sobekhorep from Medamud, Thirteenth DynasC)'.
"5
79
94. Reconstruction draWing of Panels 6-8, Room C, Northwest Palace of AshurnasirpallI at Nimrud.
,,6
79
95. Reconstruction draWings orPands 4-7, Room N, Northwest Palace of Ashurnasirpal II at Nimrud.
[[7
96. Reconstruction drawings of Panels 18~3 3, Room H, Northwest Palace at Nimrud.
[[8
97· Reconstruction drawing of Panels 1-17, Room L, Northwest Palace of Ashurnasirpal II at Nimrud.
Il9
93
98. Reconstruction drawing of Panels 5-17, Room F; Northwest Palace of Ashurnasirpal II at Nimrud.
[2[
97
99· Reconstruction drawing of Panels 2-5, Room S, Northwest Palace of Ashul'l1asirpal II at Nimrud.
[22
67. Assyrian archers in chariots attacking the enemy, Panel 4a, Room B, Nonhwest
Palace of Ashurnasirpai II at Nimrud. 68. Reconstruction drawing of Panels 3-5, Room B, Northwest Palace of
Ashurnasirpal II at Nimrud. 69. Hunting stags with nets, Panel 22(?), Room 5, North Palace of Ashurnasirpai II at Nineveh. 70. Rows of captives advancing toward the right along a row of palm trees,
Panels 4 and 5, Room XXVIII, Southwest Palace ofSennacherib at Nineveh. 7 I. Plan of the Northwest Palace of Ashurnasirpal II at Nimrud. 72. Drawing of the Stela of Esarhaddon from Zincirli.
73.
Detail showing sword handle with lion protome, Panel 4, Room G, Northwest Palace of Ashurnasirpal II at Nimrud.
74. Reconstruction drawings of Panels 1-5, Room G, Northwest Palace of Ashurnasirpal II at Nimrud.
75. Ashurnasirpal II seated in ceremonial activity, Panels 2-4, Room G, Norchwest Palace of Ashurnasirpal II at Nimrud. 76. Detail ofPane!s 2-3, Room G, Northwest Palace of Ashurnasirpal II at Nimrud. 77. Detail of Panel
100.
Room G, Northwest Palace of Ashurnasirpal II at Nimrud.
78. Reconstruction drawings of Panels 7-20, Room I, Northwest Palace of Ashurnasirpal II at Nimrud. 79. Detail of Panel 3, Room G, Northwest Palace of Ashllrnasirpa! II at Nimrud. 80. Detail showing protome on human-headed rlpkallu, Panel 2, Room G, Northwest Palace of Ashurnasirpaill at Nimrud. 81. Detail showing proto me on hllman-flpkrdlu, Panel 4, Room G, Northwest Palace of Ashurnasirpa! II at Nimrud. 82. Detail of apkallu in Figs. I and 2 and decorated garment. 83. Detail showing protolUe on the left arm of Ashurnasirpalll, Panel 3, Room G, Northwest Palace at Nimrud. 84. Reconstruction drawings of Room G, Panels 1-16. 85. Detail showing proton1e on the right arm of AshurnasirpallI, Panel 6, Room G, Northwest Palace of Ashurnasirpal II at Nimrud. 86. Detail with figure of the king at left, the "Sacred Tree" scene, Panel 23, Room B, Northwest Palace of Ashllrnasirpal II at Nimrud. 87. Detail showing lion pro rome, Panel 3b, Room B, Northwest Palace of Ashurnasirpal II at Nimrud. 88. Apkallu figure on Panel 12, Room G, Northwest Palace of Ashurnasirpalll at Nimrud. 89. Detail of Fig. 88 shoWing prorome on the apkallu figure, Panel 12, Room G, Northwest Palace of Ashurnasirpal II at Nimrud. 90. Derail ofhllman-l1pkallu at left, the "Sacred Tree" scene, Panel 23, Room B, Northwest Palace of Ashurnasirpal II at Nimrud. 91. Reconstruction drawings of Panels 1-17, Room H, Northwest Palace of Ashllrnasirpal II at Nimrud. 92. Lintel of Amen em hat I from his pyramid temple at Lisht, Twelfth Dynasry.
Reconstruction drawing of the "Sacred Tree," Panel Palace of Ashlll'l1asirpal II at Nimrud.
13,
Room B, Nordrwesr [22
101.
AshlirnasirpallI hunting lion, Panel WFL J 4, Room WG, Northwest Palace of Ashllrnasirpal II at Nimrud.
[ 23
[00
102.
Reconsrrllcrion drawing of Panels Ashurnasirpalll at Nimrud.
[24
[00
103.
Detail of the figure of the king at right of the "Sacred Tree" scene, Panel 23, Room B, Northwest Palace of Ashurnasirpal [J at Niml'ud.
104·
Derail showing winged disk and index fingers of the two figures of the king,
99 2,
xi
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
[O[
2-I2,
Room B, Northwest Palace of
[03
"Sacred Tree" scene, Panel 23, Room B, Northwcst Palace of Ashurnasirpalll at Nimrud.
[03
105. Detail of human-headed rlpkrlllu at right of the "Sacred 'I i'ce" scene, Panel 23, Room B, Northwest Palace of Ashurnasirpal II at Ninll'ud. 106. Encounter between the king and the "crown prince," Panel 7a, Room B,
[04
[05
106
[07
Nonhwest Palace of Ashurnasirpal II at Nimrud. (07. Nco-Assyrian cylinder seal impression depicting Gilgamesh and Ellkidu menacing the Bull of Heaven. 108. Neo-A'Isyrian cylinder seal impression with tWo logograms, "Dingir," and
"Ll!." 10<).
lOS
110. The Purification of Ramesses II, relief from the 'lemple of Scty I at Abydos, Nineteellth Dynasty.'
[09
I I I.
Ashurnasirpal II Hanked by bird-headed genii, Room H Northwest Palace, Nirnrud.
[[0
112.
Coronadoll of Ramesses II from the sOllth wall of the Great Hyposryle Hall of Karnak, Nineteenth Dynasty.
lIO
r 13. Fish-tlpkldlu on a wall panel from the Temple of Ninuna at Niml'ud.
[[I
114. Ritual basin with figures of a bearded god holding flowing vase Hanked by flsh-Ilpkallus, eiglHh and seventh centuries BCr,:.
[[ 5
I I
r erecting the djed pillar, 'lemplc of Sety I,
128 12 9
[J [ [ 35 Il7
Pharaoh making an offering in front of seated Osiris and standing l"Iol'lls, 'lemple of'Scty I at Abydos, NincteelHh Dynasty.
[07
5. Sety
[27
Abydos, Nineteenth Dynasty
[4[
[43 [ 5[
xii
LIST OF ILLUSTRATfONS
116.
The Egyprian djed pillar surmounted by the solar disk as represented on an
117.
amulet. The Egyptian djed pillar surmounted by the solar disk as represented on an
118.
amulet. Fragment of panel depicting a scorpion man, girtablilu, Central Building of 173
119.
Ashurnasirpal II at Nimrud. Detail of scorpion man, girtablilu, showing mufbuHu phallus, Central Building of Ashurnasirpal II at Nimrud.
174
120.
Detail of the mufbuffu bracelet from a slab depicting a wingless genius holding
121.
lion, Panel 46, Fas:ade n, Palace of Sargon II at Khorsabad, Lrtbmu holding lion, Panel 2, Fas:ade a, Palace of Sargon II at Khorsabad. Detail from a scene of transport of wood showing a lamassu amid the ships,
J 22,
Panel 123.
2,
174 175
Fas:ade n, Palace of Sargon II at Khorsabad.
Detail from a scene of transport of wood showing a winged bull amid the ships, Panel
2,
Fac;ade n, Palace of Sargon II at Khorsabad.
This study originated as part of my doctoral dissertation submined to the Deparrment of His-
124,
DoOtway guardian figure, Labmu holding spear, lower part of Panel
125,
VI, Southwest Palace of Sennachedb at Nineveh. Panel depicting an ugallu with a raised dagger from Gallery XLIX, Southwest
126.
Palace of Sennacherib at Nineveh. Chiastic ugrtllu pairs holding raised daggers and maces (upper register); lion-centaur (urmrtb1u1ftt) (lower register), Panel
2,
entrance
2 I,
Court
tory of Art and Architecture at Harvard University in 177
128. Babylonian stone kudurru showing the lion-staff of NcrgaL 129.
Drawing of the Nco-Assyrian rock-cut relief in Maltai, reign of Sennacherib.
J 30.
Relief panel depicting Ninurta chasing Anzu or Asakku from the Ninurta Temple of Ashurnasirpal II at Nimrud.
My greatest intellectual debt is to
in it and its offshoots has extended to my professional career, and I am most grateful for her sustained advice and support in my continuing endeavors to understand and interpret aspects of the visual language of the ancient Ncar East.
179
Slab showing three gods, perhaps part of a group of seven known as the Sibittu, Court 0, North Palace of Ashurbanipal at Nineveh.
2003.
my advisor Irene]. Winter, who observed and guided the development of the project from its beginning in the form of a seminar paper to its completion as a doctoral thesis. Her interest
b, Room T, North
Palace of Ashurbanipal at Nineveh, 127.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I am also grateful to Gloria Ferrari Pinney and Paul-Alain Beaulieu, both of whom advised the dissertation at variolls stages, and both of whose scholarship has opened up new avenues of
179 181 181
perception and thinking in my research. Special thanks go to A. A. Donohue who read substantial parts of this study during the revision of the dissertation and offered incisive criticism and feedback.
I am grateful
195
to
Paul Collins, curator of Later Mesopotamian Art in the British Museum, for
facilitating my access to parts of the museum palace relids there in Novemher
2008
(0
take pllotographs of many of the Nco-Assyrian
and for providing digital images of some of the reliefs;
many of these have been included as illustrarions in this boolc I am further grateful for generous funding from Harvard University and [he I-Ietty Goldman Fund from the Department of Classical and Ncar Eastern Archaeology at Bryn Mawr College that enabled me to travel
to
London, Paris, and Berlin a number of times over the last decade to study and photograph the Neo-Assyrian reliefs at the British Museum, the Louvre, and the Vorderasiatisches Museum.
am further indebted
to
r
the Lucy Shoe Meritt Fund From the Department of Classical and Near
Eastern Archaeology fc)J' support in obtaining a number of the illustrations, and to Bryn Mawr College fc)J' a junior faculty research leave fCl[' the academic year
2007-8
during which the final
f()fJn of the book manuscript was produced, I am especially grateful
[(l
a grant from the
Millard Meiss Publication Fund awarded by College Art Associadon fc)l' supporting (he cost of the iHlIsnarion program of the book.
I would like to thank Samuel Paley and Richard Sobolewski fc)r their generosity in giving me permission to reproduce (heir reconstruction drawings of the reliefs from the Northwest Palace of Ashurnasirpal II at Nimrud, still unparalleled in quality and comprehensiveness, in this puhlicarion as well as in others. For many stimulating discllssions and criticism on occasions when I had the opportunity to share [he results of my research with mentors and colleagues, I would like to thank Tzvi Abusch, xiii
xiv
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
Filide Aker, Andrew Cohen, ElifDenel, Amy GanseH, HoHy Pittman, Beate Pongrarz-Leisteo, John Russell, Piotr Steinkeller, Benjamin Studevent-Hickman, and Tugba Tanyeri-Erdemir. Last but nor (east, I thank my family for their continuing interest in my scholarly activities and for their emotional support over the years in which this study was carried au( and
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
finalized.
AS CAD
The Art Bulletin. 7he Assyrian Dictionary o/the Oriental Institute o/the University o/Chicago.
CANE
Chicago: Oriental Institute, 1956-. Sasson, Jack M., ed. Civilizations a/the Ancient Near East. 4 vols. New York: Scribner, [995.
]CS ]NES KAR
LdA
OEAE RIMAz
RIMA)
RIA SIlV
Journal of Cuneiform Studies. Journal o/Near h'(utern Studies. Ebeling, Erich. Keilschrifttexte aus Assur religiiisen Inhalts.
2 vols. Wissenschafdiche Veroffentlichung der Deurschen Orient Gesellschaft 28
('919) and J4 (1923). Leipzig:]. C. Hinrichs. '9'5-Z3. Lexikon deriigyptologie. Wiesbaden: O. Harrassowitz, 1972-93. Redford, Donald B., cd. Oxjord Encyclopedia ofAncient Egypt. J vols. New York: Oxford University Press, 2001. Grayson, Albert Kirk. Assyrian Rulers o/the /:'rll'ly First Millennium Be I ([[ 14-859 HC). 'lhe Royal Inscriptions of Mesopotamia: Assyrian Periods. Vol. 2. F[oronto, Buffil(o, London: University of Toronto Press, [99 [. Grayson, Alben Kirk. Assyrian Rulen ofth{~ Early Fint Millennium BC !I (858-74S Be). The Royal Inscriptions of Mesopmamia: Assyrian Periods. Vol. 3. Toronto, Buffalo, London: University of TOfOlltO Press, 1996. Rerdlexikon del' As~yriologit, und vordemsiatischen Archfiologie. Berlin: Wa([cr de Gruyter, 1932. Standard Babylonian Version (of '/he Epic ofGilgrlmesh)
xv
PROLOGUE
111is study is as much about ancient Mesopotamian philosophy as it is about ancient Mesopotamian art. It is also as much concerned with ancient Mesopotamian iconography in a broad sense as it is morc specifically concerned with the iconography of one particular period of the ancient Mesopotamian civilization, the Neo-Assyrian Empire (88 )-6 12
BeE).
111e prin-
cipal objective is to layout and attempt to interpret a visual, and in essence sacral, language encoded in the art of the Nco-Assyrian palace reliefs and hypothesize the involvement of a scribal-sacerdotal elite, especially in their rapport with master craftsmen who would have been in a supervisory position, in the design and production of thi,~ corpus of sculpture. In this respen, this is an attempt toward a particular method of iconographic interpretalion that may have thc potcntial to be applied to other periods and cultures of the ancient Near East and to a certain extent its ancient Egyptian counterpart as well. Inasmuch as such an interpretation depends on contemporary textual sources, and inasmuch as an encoded language is also at stake in the case of ancient Mesopotamian texts, this s(Udy also encompasses a degree of textual analysis and intcrpretation. In the scholarship of the past several decades, both Assyrian and earlier Mesopotamian iconography have been examined almost exclusively in sociopolitical terms, with the emphasis placed on what one might refer to as the "outward" meaning of this art. Not enough emphasis has been devoted to its "inward" essence, the underlying levels of meaning embodied by this visual corpus. Here, without denying the clements of time and change within the three centuries that witnessed thc development of the Nco-Assyrian palace rdiefs, I attempt to approach rhis material as a tradition grounded in certain principlcs of a fundamental nature and propose to analyze it within paradigms of traditional an, bringing to the f()re those aspects that til' together rhe various phases of its dcvelopment. Although the sociopolitical approaches of the
I 970S
and I 980s addressed a gap in the prior
scholarship that attempted solely to explain the religious meaning of anciem Mesopotamian an, it is now time to turn back to d1at perspective in a more up-to-date man ncr with rhe added benefit of' rhe vastly increased amount and precision of textual and cross-cultural data now at our disposal. I In carrying out such an ;l[[empt, in addition to ancient Mesopotamian and Neo-Assyrian works of art and written sources, [ draw on a body of comparative cui[Urai data from a number of othcr ancicJl( and latcr traditions comprising Egyptian, Indic, Greek, and Cnostic. (n this regard, this s[Udy represents a preliminary (lneml)[
xvii
to
decipher rhe art,
xix
PROLOGUE
PROLOGUE
iconography, and, to a certain extent, the texts of the Neo-Assyrian Empire. Thus, it is hoped that it will fill a long-standing gap in the study of the art and culture of the ancient Near East. There are three thematically focused but conceptually interrelated principal parts to this study. Part I, "Human and Animal Ontology in the Neo-Assyrian Palace Reliefs," examines a series of visual configurations in which human and animal anatomy are juxtaposed and blended into one another in the relief programs of the five principal Neo-Assyrian kings who built palaces of their own in the three consecutive capital cities of the Neo-Assyrian Empire, Ashurnasirpalll (88)-859 BeE), Tiglath-Pileser 1II (744-727 BCE), Sargon 11 (721-7°5 BCE), Sennacherib (704-68 I BCE), and Ashurbanipal (668-627 BeE). It is intended both as an introduction and an orientation to the Neo-Assyrian palace relief corpus examined throughout the study and as an initiation into the method of interpretation adopted therein. This part of the study is the only section in this work in which the entire range of the Neo-Assyrian palace reliefs is analyzed, albeit selectively, by moving vertically in the chronology. In this respect, it is also meant to provide a basic historical overview of some of the major developments in the
one first needs to understand rhoroughly what this emblematic-hieratic mode entails before attempting to analyze the historical narrative present in the relief programs. Given that this study does not attempt to be a comprehensive history of the Neo-Assyrian Empire and its an, its specific focus and emphasis are the emblematic-hieratic mode of relief representation and the implications of its contelH. Future work, however, should investigate more closely how the reliefs depicting the contemporary military events and thus playing into the long-standing Assyrian historical tradition, which reaches back to the Middle Assyrian period (ca. 13501000 BCE) and beyond, rclate to the mythical and philosophical paradigms presented by the emblematic-hieratic mode. Among other themes, the visual analysis carried out in Part II is primarily organized around configurations of duality and union, understood as the duality and the union of the regnum and the sacerdotium, the royal and the priestly, treated as fundamental philosophical concepts found in traditional societies, regardless of whether one can talk about the presence of a fulltime professional priesthood in anciem Mesopotamia or the Nco-Assyrian Empire. I argue that the art of Ashurnasirpal II is richly and continuously emblematic in the expression of these concepts, with many details, themes, and variations offering an extremely rich ground for visual analysis. Important changes take place in the art of the Nco-Assyrian Empire during the eighth and seventh centuries, which witness the growth of Assyria into a cosmopolitan superpower in the Near East. Within this line of development, although the said historical mode acquires a much more expansive and panoramic quality with greater specificity in the depiction of contemporary military affairs, the emblematic-hieratic mode that is our focus here becomes less continuous and more discrete, especially ill the palaces of the Sargonids of the seventh century in Nineveh, Sennacherib, and Ashurbanipal. In other words, whereas the art of Ashurnasirpal II may be thought of as continuously and consistently emblematic, the art of Sennacherib and Ashurbanipal arc only discretely so, and hence much less susceptible w the kind of rigorous visual analysis conducted on the reliefs of Ashurnasirpal II. And yet the semantic aspects of this later emblematic componem, especially inasmuch as they relate to the ancient Mesopotamian intellectual tradition and its relevance to art, arc so important that [hey deserve a lengthy concepwal (featmcnt. It is hence in this conceptual and semantic direction that the last pan of this study is orientated, because the discrete figures of the A1ischwesen, a Cerman term meaning "mixed being," fi:.Htlld especially in the palaces of Sennacherib and Ashurbanipal by no stretch of imagination parallel the almost endlessly continuous and rich variations in detail displayed by rhe emblematic reliefs of Ashurnasirpal II. A thorough inventory of all these 6gures that appear in various parts of lhe palaces, primarily doorways, to search fi:.lr principles and pancrns of organization in their placement is a vast and difficult project, especially given that the North Palace of Ashurbanipal at Nineveh is still nm well understood, and such a rask lies beyond [he scope of the present project. Future work, when the archaeological record is more complete, perhaps with the help of computerized technology as well, would shed more IiglH on principles and patterns of placement of rhe figures of Mischwesell in the Neo-Assyrial) palaces. Part Ill, ""Ihe Semantics of Sages and MiJchwesen in Nco-Assyrian An and 'Thought," hence probes the levels of meaning behind ['his most directly mythological and emblematic vocabulary of Nco-Assyrian iconography: represem
XVIII
establishment, growth, and collapse of the Neo-Assyrian Empire. Part I in essence posits that certain elements of human and animal anatomy found on the reliefs run in the form of a visual discourse throughout the scenes of Neo-Assyrian palace decoration, possibly revealing an understanding of the ontological kinship of man and animal likely prevalent among the designers and carvers of the sculpture, if not generalizable to the broader Neo-Assyrian public. The presence of this mode of visual discourse in a variety of forms throughout the reliefs that belong to the entire three centuries of the Nco-Assyrian period discloses to what extent common threads of morphology and visual rhetoric underlie an artistic tradition that also reHects significant elements of diversity and change. further, the disclosure of this mode of visual discourse is the first step here toward laying Ollt the subtle philosophical contents of the Neo-Assyrian reliefs - contents that surely transcend a visual documentation of contemporary military and political event's. Following this broad visual survey, Part II, "Kingship and Priesthood in the Art of Ashurnasirpal II," focuses on the art of one particular king, the first in the series of five examined in Part I, Ashurnasirpal II, the founder of the Nco-Assyrian Empire, who reigned in the first half of the ninth century BeE. r[his part argues that the relief decoration of this king's palace, the Northwest Palace on the cicadel of Nimrud, ancient Kalhu, is a highly emblematic and "hieratic" art woven with philosophical, mythological, and cosmological symbolisl'l'l that constituted the conceptual backdrop to the sense of history present in this decorative program. rnlis symbolism primarily entails lWO sources: the ancient Mesopotamian antediluvian tradition expressed through the winged figures of the antediluvian sages and what one may understand as the dialectics of the military and the sacral in the traditional philosophy of kingship, expressed here in a distinctively Assyrian idiom. rlllc historical element in the art' of Ashurnasirpalll manifests itself through representations of what must have been the chief milicary events of this king's reign, primarily in the throne room of the Northwest Palace. It would be misleading, however, to think of the historical and emblematic-hieratic components in the an of Ashurnasirpal II and his successors as two conceptually separate modes of thinking, achieving two different things but regardless placed side by side in the decorative programs of the palaces. Rather, what we sce especially in the art of Ashurnasirpal II is to what extent the Neo-Assyrian historical tradition was not an afFair independent from the sacral and philosophical paradigms that were expressed primarily through the emblemacic-hieratic mode of representation, but one fully integrated with it. In this respect,
xx
PROLOGUE
and rulers of the cosmos according to the mythological saga related by rhe Babylonian poem of cosmogony, in the palaces of rhe Sargonids in the seventh century BeE. To date, in iconographic studies, these representations have been thought of as primarily apotropaic, without much investigation inca their deep philosophical and cosmological allusions that also include the ancient Mesopotamian flood traditions. Part III presents a basic survey of major extant figures of the Mischwesen in the Neo-Assyrian palaces, identifying the figural types and indicating their locacions. An important argument this part of the study makes is that these mythical beings stand for a former generation of suppressed or bound gods who are now the concealed agents ofinitiatic knowledge, or "gnosis," and with whom the scribal~sacerdotal elite of the Assyrian court must have associated themselves. lhus, the presence in art of representations of these mythical beings should be understood as selfreferendal on the part of the court scholars elite and master craftsmen who were involved in the design and execution of this iconography. Part III hence attempts to contexrualize further the entire effort undertaken in this study within the ancient Mesopotamian jmellectual tradition, which the Assyrians traced back to a mythological proto-history that entailed the handing over of the arts and crafts of civilization from spirits and demigods to the humanity of the present time. In sum, the principal common denominator among the three main parts of this study is the analysis of visual discourses that underlie and transcend what have received attention so far as the external and the most obvious aspects of the Neo-Assyrian palace reliefs. On this common ground, however, each of these three parts has also its own distinctive agenda and Havor. In the case of Part I, the material is a vast array of scenes that include battles, deportations, tributary processions, and hunts - in a way the building blocks of the "historical narrative" that NeoAssyrian art is known for. The target here, however, is not "historical narrative" per se but a putative discourse in human and animal ontology that on the one hand transcends the subject matter of the scenes in which it is found, but on the other renders the deeper messages of those scenes more complex and meaningful. In Part II, the material is the vast array of emblematic scenes that depict Ashurnasirpal Il in what has been understood as a variety of his roles in the company of eunuch officials and antediluvian sages, and the target is a proposed discourse in the fundamental dialectics of kingship and priesthood that again transcends the historical career of Ashurnasirpal II at Nimrud. Finally, the material of Part III is the body of highly emblematic representations of the supernatural beings of the Neo-Assyrian palaces, and the target is their semantics that on the one hand transcend their obviolls apotropaic function and on the other render that function more efficacious and meaningful. In all three parts of the study, each of the three underlying visual discourses speaks to the fact that this art is the creation of the minds and skills of exceptional master craftsmen, or master supervisors, who would have been very much part of the scholarly and intellectual milieu of the Neo-Assyrian cou('e
THE MYTHOLOGY OF KINGSHIP IN NEO-ASSYRIAN ART
PART I
HUMAN AND ANIMAL ONTOLOGY IN THE NEO-ASSYRIAN PALACE RELIEFS
I will not tell yOli about irrational animals, because I have never learned any of their measurements. Draw (hem from nature, and in this respect YOli will achieve a good style. Cennino Ccnnini' 111(' Assyrian animal figures of the seventh century rank among rhe finest achicvcmclHs that exist in the visual arts.
Ekrcm AkurgaP
INTRODUCTION
N
EO~ASSYRIAN
PALACE RELIEFS DISPLAY AN INTEREST IN DEPICTING A VARIETY OF
animals. 'These animal figures are often so effective in conveying the physical nature of
their subjects that they dearly reflect their artists' keen observation of and familiarity with animal anatomy. Commenting on the rendition of horses on these reliefs, H. A. GroenewegenFrankfon writes: "The draughtsman must have known and lived with them as no Egyptian artist ever did, and with a delicate observation ~ completely absent in their human figures could render shades of mood and temperament in sensitive horses' heads, beautifully coordinated movement of neck and body in horses starting to pull up, horses swimming, horses straining up a mountain slope when the rider slackens his rcin. ") Representations of animal bodies are not alone on Nco-Assyrian relie(~, however, and are in fact often depicted in association with or juxtaposition to human bodies. Contrary to Grocnewegen-Frankfort's statement, the human figure too can be considered to have constituted a focus of anatomical attention for the Assyrian anise Although the human body is infrequently shown completely in the nude in Nco-Assyrian art, there is often a considerable degree of bodily exposure in human figures, composite creatures, and genii that incorporate human body pans shown on the reliefs. 'There are two general categories of exposed human bodies: the first is the partial anatomical exposure of certain body pans, especially legs and arms, belonging to the large-scale human figures, especially the anthropomorphic genii, and always rendered in a distinctively stylized manner (Figs. I and 2), and the second, the full or panial nudity of captives and slain enemies (Figs. 3 and 4), sometimes shown in smaller scale, or the Assyrians themselves in certain special si[Uations such as warfare (Fig. 5). In the case of both human and animal figures, the artists seem to have taken the opportunity to exploit, and almost revel in, their capability to render human and animal musculature in a stylized albeit naturalistically viviclmanner. The result reHects a consistent and systematic endeavor on their part in creating the visual fabric of human and animal anaromy with which rhe reliefs arc woven. This part of the present study examines the extent to which the NeD-Assyrian artist may have had a conscious intention not only to juxtapose the human body to the animal on rhe reliefs, but also to blend their respective anatomies with one another, although rather pararacticaHy, so that the two may be undersrood as onrologically cognate. It also investigates the possible intellectual ramifications rhat such configurations may have embodied, especially with regard
THE MYTHOLOGY OF KINGSHIP IN NEG-ASSYRIAN ART
4
INTRODUCTION
FIGURE 2.
Detail of Fig.
I
showing the upper body of che (lpkrtllu and the wild goaL I'hO[o: author.
and content of the an and architecture as well, even though the participation of the king in the design process may have been much more limited than that of the relevant scholarly experts. A reconstrllction of the creative process in Nco-Assyrian architectural and artistic output is not attempted here, although certain scholars have already drawn anemion to the involvement ofbmh the king and the court intellectuals in the Nco-Assyrian artistic production:l Detailed discussions ofsllch "mechanisms of cn:ative process" have also been carried out in the study of the artistic program at Persepolis in the Achacmenid Persian period (550'""33 [ BCE). S Within the present framework, sufTice it to emphasize the close involvement of a body of scholars, especially in their capacity ofincluding exceptional master craftsmen among them, in the design
Human-headed f,pkttflu holJjng a wild goat, Panel Z a I, Room 'J; transidon to Room Z, Northwest Palace of Ashurnasirpal II at Nimrud. London, British MuseulH, ANE 12456 I. Photo! amhoc
PIGURE I.
to a metaphysics of corporeality and essence that can be thought to have been shared and
unciers(Qod among the designers and carvers of the reliefs. From this sGlndpoint, we should assume, as is maintained throughom this study, that artistic production in (he Nco-Assyrian cOlin was an illlcllecruai endeavor, carried out under the supervision of an informed body Qt-'scholarly experts.
'To what cxtellt such scholars would have
been involved in the actual carving of the rdids would he difflcult to gauge. However, it would be reasonable
(0
assume that there would have been master artists or master craftsmen who
would have belonged
(0,
or have at least been closely aHiliated with, such coun intellectuals,
with a group oflower-ranking craftsmen working under their dose supervision. It would also be plausible to postulate a significant degree of involvemelH on the pan of the ruler in the design
FICURE .,. Assyrian chariot ;!n<)cking the enemy, Panel Sa, Room 13, Northwest Palace of Ashurnasirpal II at Nimrud. London, British Museum, ANF 124546. Photo: author.
INTRODUCTION
THE MYTHOLOGY OF KINGSHIP IN NEG-ASSYRIAN ART
6
7
The emphasis on anatomy in Nco-Assyrian representations has been noted time and again by scholars. For instance, regarding the way aspects of human anatomy are rendered in the Nco-Assyrian palace reliefs, Samuel M. Paley writes: "Other lines added to the character of the figures: the profile of the face, the rendering of the arms and legs, showing the muscles of the arm from two angles on a single plane, and the cutaneous vein running down the side of the shin below the bundle of the muscle of the leg. The conventions adopted were those of a robust, warlike people accustomed to hard work and exercise, and perhaps very proud of their own musculature."6 Yet the deployment of this anatomical emphasis on the Neo~Assyrian palace reliefs in constructing a continuous visual discourse of a potentially philosophical character has not received enough attention'? This part of the study hence attempts to layout the mechanics and semantics of such a visual discourse. Before laying out the basic grammar of the visual language of human and animal anatomy in the Neo-Assyrian palace reHefs, however, it is important to discllss ancient views of man and his relationship with animals to establish a more enhanced conceptual background for the putative philosophical rhetoric on the ontology of man and beast found in Nco-Assyrian art and traced with examples in this text. ~This attempt would help place this visual discourse within the context of ancient Mesopotamian literature and draw comparisons between the ancient Near East and certain other ancient religious traditions. P(GURE
4. Detail of Fig. 3 showing fallen enemy under chariot. Photo: author.
In addition to a brief discussion of notions of kinship between man and animals in this regard, what follows is especially concerned with the one inscance in ancient Mesopotamian
and production of the Neo-Assyrian anistic programs and the impact of this intcllcccuai elite on
poetry in which the relationship between man and animals is crucial, the creation and
the way the iconography was codified and understood. For the sake ofbrcviry and convenience,
"civilization" of Enkidu in the Standard Babylonian Version (SHV) of lhe t'pie o/Gi{lpmesh 88~98). This particular redaction of the epic is known primarily from tablets fCHllld in the
however, I usc the phrase the ''Assyrian artist" in referring to the "authors" of the art here under
(I
examination, assuming dut this designation carries with it aU the complexity of the variolls
so-called Library of Ashurbanipal in Nineveh. H ~rhe poem would thus have been a widespread
levels of experts and craftsmen involved bmh in the design process and its execution, A detailed
intellectual source and period ethos among the Neo-Assyrian clite, including the designers of
study of the nature, role, and identity of the Assyrian artists and their intersection with the
the art thcmselves.
intellectual elite is undertaken in Part III in rclation to this elite's edological connection with the sages and demigods of ancient Mesopotamian mytholOf..,ry.
I
One of Sennacherib's reliefs from COlirt VI of the Southwest Palace at Nineveh depicts the king and the royal entourage traversing a marsh area (Figs. 6-7). 'fhe Assyrian procession occupies the lower two registers of the composition, whereas, separated fi'om them, a glimpse of the fauna of the area is shown in the upper two registers. In contrast to many Assyrian scenes traced below that bring human and animal bodies together, in this instance the animals arc segregated from the Assyrians as the latter pass along. The human intrusion to the animals' habitat is perhaps best expressed by the sow and its YOllng, seell on the second register fi'orn the top, that seem to be making their way into the marshes away from the king and his entourage (Hgs. 6-7). "Ihe absence of horses from the king's chariot further sharpens the distinction drawn between nature and the human intrusion to if shown in the lower registers.') One can take this composition as a cue
to
introduce some of the ideas regarding the bond and distance between
man and animal to be explored in greater derail in the foUowing visual survey. 'The incorporation of an animal into human communities depends on the nature of the animal. To be domesricable, animals must possess certain behavioral characteristics such as '\he toughness to survive in man-made cnvironments, the temper to live in gregariolls situa[ions and to accept the herder as master, the absence of an instiner
[0
Aee at the slightest danger, and a
disposition of placid acceptance."IO As much as human-animal closeness is cOlHingent on the namre of the animal, it is also Assyrian soldiICrs crossing a river on inflated skins, Panel I I b, Room B, Northwest Palace of Ashurnasirpal II at Nimrud. London, British Museum, ANI': 124541. Photo: <1UdlOr. FIGURE 'i.
directly related to how dose man views himself to the animal world. Modern man's relationship with animals in general is more one of alienation [hall bonding. Albert de Pury argues [hat
8
THE MYTHOLOGY OF KINGSHIP IN NEO-ASSYRIAN ART
INTRODUCTION
FIGURE 7,
FIGURE 6. Scene from the transport of the colossal winged human-headed bull, Pand 6 J, Court VI, Southwest Pabcc of Sennachcrib at Nineveh. London, British Museum, ANE 124824. Photo: author.
this is because of the three current "degenerate" relations between humans and animals, "la chosification de I'animal, I'infantilisation de l'animai, ct la reduction de I'animal a !'exotiquc, au bizarre ou au l11onstrcux," I I In the first case the animals arc treated as a material product at
the disposal and service of man; in the second they arc "what the Anglo-Saxons cal! 'pets,' the petits etres ronronnrmt whose raison d'crre is consumed in [he caresses they receive from their owners"; and in the third animals are seen as mani fcstacions of the exodc and the other. 1 2 Animals may be thought to have been in genuinely closer terms with human beings in ancient times when people could nO( have avoided interacting with them, given also the lack
9
Detail of Pig. 6 showing sow and its young. Pharo: author.
He did not know people and land He was dressed like Shakkan With gazelles he ate grass With cattle he frequented the drinking place With wild animals he was good with water (11.9'-5) He constantly goes on the:: moumains C{Hl,~tandy with catde he eats grass
Constantly he places his feet in the watering hole
(II. '09-' J) Gilgamcsh spoke to him
('0
the rrappe::r
Co trapper lead with you the harlot Shamhar When the canle approach the drinking place
of the constraims of modern technology and modern urbanism on man's natural ellviron-
Let her strip ofF her clothing and open her .~exual appeal He will sec her, he will approach her
ment. Animals would have been everywhere, and humans and animals would have shared a
His cattle rhat grow in rhe wilderness will
limited amoulH of space. I.! Perhaps Olltologica!ly man would also have been considered close
rrhe most salient suppOrt for the existence of sllch an idea in the ancient Near East is Enkidu:" relationship with animals as depicted in the S13V of The Epic of in formation to animals.
C;ilgamesh. Despite the multiple layers of meaning that may underlie the themes in the poem, at a basic reading, the creation of Enkidu, and his inidation to "civilization" in 'l~\blet I are emphatically described in association with animals as well as sex. Here are the relevant sections hom Tablet I in translation:
he strange
(0
him
(II. "14-49) A firsr day, a second day they sal at the watering hole '1 he cattle re,\ched the watering hole and drank 'Jhe wild animals arrived and their heans were good with water And Enkidu, rhe oHspring of the mountain Who a(e grass with gazelles Drank with c(lule at the watering hole With wild animals his heart was good with water
(II. • 54-GO) When Aruru heard this She made in her hean the word (zikru) of Anu Aruru washed her hands She pinched clay and threw it in the wilderness He created (he man Enkidu the warrior. (II. 82--G)
hH six days and seven nights Enkidu was aroused, he impregnated Sham hat Until he was sated with pleasure He turned his EKe (() the:: wilderness, (() his cartle When they saw Enkidu, the gazelles ran away "I1e carrie of t he wilderness distanced themselves from his body,
(1I.17G- 8 .)"
10
THE J\WTHOLOGY OF KINGSHIP IN NEO~ASSYRIAN ART
After his creation by Aruru and before his initiadon into "setded life," Enkidu is in a liminal
INTRODUCTION
I I
state, bernreen man and animal. In this state, he has a natural affinicy with animals; he spends
regarding his atcirude to animals come only from later stories and conjectures.l! The explanation offered for Pythagoras's sparing animals is (he idea of man's kinship with (hem. Man
time with them, eats and drinks with them, and wears an animal skin. It is noteworthy that his ultimate estrangement from animals is the result of his intercourse with the harlot. This sexual union causes the animals to distance themselves from his body. Once he moves over into the
and animal are made of the same elements, one breath permeates them all, and animals may be reincarnated humans. 1j Pythagoras is also credited with the argument that cruelty to animals leads to cruelty to fellow humans. q 1his "indirect duty" concerning animals is also recog-
"civilized" human realm, Enkidu's affiliation with animals is destroyed. ~Ihe interpretation of these passages has often been carried our with the modern bias that ani-
nized by Clement of Alexandria and pursued in later periods by philosophers ranging from Maimonides and Thomas Aquinas to Kant. 25
mals do not belong to human "civilization," and if they do, they are part ant in Albert de Pury's model outlined earlier. Moreover, some important concepts implanted in the epic are generally overlooked or not given due prominence in the service of an emphasis on Enkidu's humanization and initiation to "civilization," and Gilgamesh's facing the truth, becoming "normal," "growing up," and in turn becoming "socialized" to rule as king over Uruk. One of the central problems in the epic may not be that Enkidu's separation from animals places him in the human realm but rather that this separation is not enough to place him in the realm to which Gilgamesh belongs, even though Enkidu has the divine determinative dingir before his name, and Gilgamesh is one-third man. In other words, Enkidu's initial state is somewhat of an "edenic" position, but one that is difficult to sustain once mingled with the circumstances of civilization. It may still be possible to see Enkidu as a primitive or natural man, lulltl, whatever this Akkadian word precisely signifies, and Gilgamesh as the civilized or cultural man.IS Nevertheless, onc can well take Enkidu as man in the biological sense of the
If one takes Enkidu as man in the biological sense of the word, as opposed to Gilgamesh, who is more than a semi-divine hero, eventually to become a ruler reigning over the dead in the netherworld,1(' Enkidu's initial closeness to animals may signify an analogous understanding of a biological affinity or equality between man and beast in ancicnt Mesopotamia as well. What I attempt to show here is that sllch an understanding may well have existed in Assyria in the Neo-Assyrian period as a conceptual background to the artistic output that dearly reRects a preoccupation, if not a fascination, with the animal world. A mind-set among Assyrian craftsmen and their supervisors regarding these matters may hcnce be thought to explain the artistic practice of juxtaposing and blending human and animal anatomy to one another. One could also postulate that through this anatomical interest, coupled with all the scenes of battle and carnage that constitute the backdrop to its visual manifestation, dlC artists and the literati behind the dcsign and production of the Neo-Assyrian palace relief:~ used this decOl'a-
word, and Gilgamesh as a demigod in distinct opposition and yet in complement to the latter,
rive domain in an unobtrusive way to contemplate the body, life, and death. 1his cndeavor on their part would certainly not have been mutually exclusivc with the predominantly "heroic"
as discussed furthcr in the following parts of this study. In the SBV of the poem at least, Enkidu was meant to be Gilgamesh's equal, but it is as if that
or "historical" message of the Nco-Assyrian palace rclief:~ that highlights the suprcmacy of the Nco-Assyrian impcrial authority. {n this respect, one should talk abollt a complexity of intel-
equality were disturbed with tbc transformations that the fonner underwent, cransformations
lectual content in this an, olle that not only drew on the long-standing Assyrian historical tradition but was also embedded in a distinctive oral philosophy shared among the master
that instead resulted in his early death, perhaps understood as an indirect outcome of these circumstances in addition to ()[hcr factors. From this standpoint, Enkidu's "humanization» may not be thc festive affair that most scholars seem to celebrate, just as rhcy almost always chide Gilgamesh for "not growing Up."l(, "lhe problem is rather a metaphysical one: man, situated between animal and god, is a problematic bcing; it is hettcr ofFeither to remain among animals in a quasi-edenic stare or to become a full dcmigod, alheit morral in the flesh, like Gilgamesh. A similar understanding can be detectable in the Book of Genesis of rhe Old Tesrament in which there are also twO phases (-or man. The first is when Adam is naked and close to animals, and the second is whcn he becomes "humain, c'cst-a-dire vetu, fruscrc, souffranr, separe dll monde animal," 17 with his new partner, whether or not she can be considered a substitute for the intended partnership of man with animals, which apparently did not work. The idea of man's ontological kinship to animals is fCHlnd in mosr ancielH or traditional cultures long before one encounters rhe relevant passagc in Ecclesiastes, I H or Darwin, who demonstrated that rhe human species descended from the species of animals and that it belonged directly to the animal world. 1') "Perhaps in no mher civilization in human history has the association between humans and animals been as intimate or imense as in pharaonic Eb1'PL"lo In the ancielH Egyptian view, humankind did not command a superior position in creation over the animal kingdom. Instead, there existed a partnership betwecn man and animal. Both were created by the gods, and bOlh were bearers of' life. Therefore, animals were entitled to respect and carc. ~I As {-()r early Greek philosophy, Pythagoras and his followers were known to have becn strictly against animal sacrifice and meat-eating. Pythagoras lefl no writings, and our information
craftsmen and scholars of the society and directly or indirectly expressed in its poctic and artistic olltpm. Laying out this visual discourse in human and animal anatomy and lhe construction of most of the related arguments here depend on the visual material itself, and therefore a basic survey of the represelll
I3
THE MYTHOLOGY OF KINGSHIP IN NEO-ASSYRIAN ART
INTRODUCTION
Even though the scenes examined here arc not selected in relation to a single overriding subject matter or theme, banle and deportation scenes have some dominance over the rest of
one another, This proximity can be either actual or virtual within the picture plane. In other
I2
the themes. Animals are the main focus, bur this is not a species-oriented study investigating the [;mna of the reliefs.17 "Ihere still is an attempt, nevertheless, to extrapolate from the visual material the way the nature and ontology of particular animals belonging to particular species may have been perceived and distinguished by the Assyrian artist, especially in reladon to the human figure. Nor is it the case that animals are here seen as symbols or metaphors for concepts other than themselves. On the contrary, they are examined in their full corporeality and with regard to what that corporeality signifies within the context of the visual and intellectual vocabulary of the reliefs. The present study treats animals almost for their own sake, taking them as con~ crete animated objects populating the reliefs, and tben moves on to their discursive role in art. Perhaps the approach adopted here might eventually and inevitably lead to questions of sym~ bolism and metaphor, but this particular endeavor by no means ventures to reach that stage. 28
words, two flgures can be in actual proximity and depicted as such or two objects or figures that are far apart in space may have been depicted close to or overlapping one another in an image because of "perspectival" necessity and thus represented close (0 each other even though they would not have been so in actuality, Nevertheless, the artist may have made lise of this virtual proximity to establish a correspondence or juxtaposition among the objects depicted. The second parameter is analogy, that is, the artist's situating certain animal and human bodies in similar or comparable positions, either in one particular scene or in different but related scenes. Analogy thus establishes a simultaneollsly visual and conceptual relationship between the human and the animal depicted in comparable positions. Apart from these two visual parameters, two other auxiliary concepts arc deployed in articulating this relationship between the human and the anima!. The flrst is liminality, which is
The ancient Mesopotamian cultural and intellectual nadition may be thought to be char-
understood here as a body's being in some transitional or marginal state or situation, such as between life and death, slavery and freedom, human and animal, human and divine, earth and water, as well as in a ritual state. 111e term is further discussed within the context of specific
acterized by a significant degtee of concreteness. Metaphor in the abstract, Western sense of the word may not have existed in ancient Mesopotamia. All of this civilization's major cultural
examples. "TI1e second auxiliary concept is decorum, a term employed to refer to ways in which par-
apparatllses, including its writing system, seem to have drawn on tangible realities with no room for vagueness and free association,29 This sense of concreteness and physicality is clearly sug-
ticular animal species and their bodies are depicted with regard to their nature, ontology, and
gested by the ways in which animal figures are rendered in the reliefs; in turn, we would be well justified to approach the visual discourse created by these represemarions hom primarily the same concretc angle. It is through an analysis of the implications of this concreteness and physicality, however, that a metdphysicrtlit)l of the human and animal anatomy in the Nco-Assyrian
their positional relationship to other human and animal bodies in proximity or analogy with them, that may be argued to be following appropriate protocols deduced from both internal and external evidence. There may have been in the minds of the master artists prescribed visual patterns according to which they may have rendered difFerent animals in a way that is
palace reliefs can be probed, Insofar as species dn' concerned, howevcr, some emphasis is placed here on the appearance
appropriate to both the ontological understanding of that animal by the artist and (he particular situation within which the animal is located) I The value and relevance of this understanding of decorum with regard to my inquiry is best visible in the various modes of rendition that seem
of the domesticated livestock on the reliefs, especially cattle, and their relationship to man, from both agricultural and ontological point.~ of view, Undomesticated, or wild, animals also
subjects that the compositions comain, as documented in the visual survey that follows.
constitute a significant part of the focus of analysi,~, particularly in dealing with Ashurnasirpal II's royal hunt scenes that involve the slaying of lions and wild bulls, and in drawing attention to the distinction berween herbivorous and carnivorous animals in relation to animal ontology.
In the long
rull, this inquiry is meant to be a first step in widening some of our notions of
the religious-philosophical aspects of the still largely obscure Nco-Assyrian culture that may not always be fully accomplished through an examination of texts alone. What is hoped for is the contribution of the visual material to a fuller understanding of a culture's philosophy of corporeality and ontology, as well as the emphasis on the relevance of such an inquiry to the broader discipline 01" the lUlIllanitit:s, because many of the COI1(:CptS disclissed here have parallels and resonances in the cultural and religiOUS domains olltside ancient Mesopotamia, One should hence entertain the possibility thal there may be a fundamental visual "subtext" in the relieE carried out through rhe most basic and common means, ['hat of animal and human anatomy, inevitably undcrlying but quite illdcpendclH of whatever other messages may have been embedded in the imagery of thc rclief.1i through historical narrative. 10 In other words, the attempt here is to read between the lines. Two principal parameters are lIsed to analyze the particular visual conflgurations within which animal and human bodies are brought together in the survey
[0
f()lIow. The flrst is
proximit)l, which can be defined as the physical or visual closcness of animal and human bodies to one another in relief scenes. Bodies can be in physical contact or simply in proximity to
to follow certain rules depending on the nature and circumstances of the human and animal
ASHURNASIRPAL II
I
I
5
ASHURNASIRPAL II
"ICURE
A
s
INDICATED IN THE PROLOGUE, ASHURNASIRPAL II IS IN MANY WAYS THE FOUNDER
8. Ashurnasirpal II hunting wild bulls, Panel2o'l, Room B, Northwest Palace of As hurnasir pal II
at Nimrud. London, Bricish Museum, ANE 124532. Photo: author.
of the Neo-Assyrian Empire. The Assyrian presence in Mesopotamia and Anatolia is in when the Assyrians,
the Ncar East, generated in great likelihood by a combination of factors, including climatic
then based in their traditional capital Assur on the Tigris River in Upper Mesopotamia, had established trading colonies in central Anatolia, with an interest in the trade of metals and tex-
changes and the movement of peoples. Unlike the Hittite state, however, the A~syrian state did
documented extensively by
it had shrunk considerably with its imperialistic ambitions now dormant. Ashurnasirpal II
fact ancient, going back to the beginning of the second millennium
tiles. This is the so-caHed Old Assyrian period (ca.
1920- I 740 BCE),
BCE,
not disappear altogether from the political sccne at the end of the Late Bronze Age, although
means of archaeological discoveries at Anatolian sites where the Assyrians lived in local housing
started his rcign at the end of a process of recovery that witnessed the restoration of the terri-
and lIsed local utensils but left written records in their native Akkadian and seal impressions in
tories, especially those in Upper Mesopotamia, of the Middle Assyrian period in the tenth and
Mesopotamian styles.
nillth centuries IKE, thanks
Assyria gradually grew into an imperial establishment in the second half of the second millennium
BCE,
displacing the Kingdom of the Mitanni (ca. r 500-r 3 50
BCE)
that had held sway
in northern Mesopotamia and Syria, slowly taking its place among the superpowers of the Late Bronze Age, especially the Hittites and the Egyptians. 1 This initial phase of Assyrian expansion and imperialism is known as the Middle Assyrian period (ca.
I} 50-1000 BCE),
a period
nirari II (9 r 1-891
BCE),
(0
the military campaigns of Ashur-dan II (934-9 [2 BeE), Adad-
and Tukulti-Ninurta I [ (890-884
Ashurnasirpal himsclfconrributed
(Q
BCE),
the father of Ashurnasirpal II.
this process of consolidation through campaigns to north-
ern Syria and southeastern Anarolia and beyond, bringing much wealth to the A~syrian monarchy by means of tribUl'c. A.~hurnasirpal II moved the capital city of the empire from Assur to Nimrud (Kalhu) to
for which thc culture is poorly understood, although it dearly constituted the bedrock for the
the north, an ancient site with history dating back to the Early Dynastic period of ancient
Neo-Assyrian Empire and its civilization. Both the Neo-Assyrian visual and textual-annalistic
Mesopotamia (ca. 2900-2} 34
traditions go back to the Middle Assyrian period, during which royal historiography was syn-
bur Asslit' "lay at the sOllthern boundary of rain fcd agricultural land and a mort: central location
BCf':)'
In his inscriptions, the king gives no reason for the move,
thesized with poetic forms, as exemplified best in the Tukulti-Ninurttl Epic, a text that com-
would have been both strategically and economically desirable."·J Ashurnasirpal's construction
memorates the ultimate victory of Tukulti-Ninurta I (1243-[207
over Babylonia.! In
and inauguration of rhe new city and its palace arc commemorated in the inscription found
distinccive Assyrian ethos while also drawing on
on his so-called Banquet Stela, the imagery of which is briefly touched on in Part II. Both the
the meantime, the visual arts manifested
<1
nCE)
iconographic sources from Babylonia, Syria, the Levant, and Egypr. The maximum territorial extcnt of this initial phase of Assyrian imperialism encompassed
architecmral and til(' decorative programs of Ashurnasirpal U at Nimrud reflect a cultural and intellectual high point, with a royal ideology that is siIllulraneously novd and traditional, the
Upper Mesopotamia and reached the Euphrates, always the natural border of Assyria in the
visual manifestatioll of which is treated in dctail in Parr ll. As for thc present
West. The two formidable kings who were responsible for major terriwrial expansion and the
human and animal anatomy, the reliel~ from the Northwest Palace of Ashurnasirpal II, whh
forging of the principles of an Assyrian mOllarchy were Tukulti-Ninurta I and Tiglath-PHeser I
their systematic and pararanic arrangement of figures in the scenes, and of the scenes in relation
(1 I
14-1076
BCE),
the latter of whom also brieHy carried the A<;syrian military presence to the
shores of rhe Mediterranean ..l ~nle fanner of these kings founded a new city named aftcr him,
[{)CllS
on the
to one another, ofFer one of til(' most fi'uitfu! terrains for examining the visual discourse created
through (he use of human and animal bodies on the Neo~Assyrian palace relief's.
Kar Tukulti-Ninun(l, at a short distance from Assur across the Tigris, where he built a new temple to the god Ashur as well as a palace, rhe wall paintings of which feature forerunners to THE ANATOMY OF DEATH
some of the most fundarncmal iconographic elements of the art of Ashurnasirpal II, such as the bird-headed winged genius and the so-called sacred (fee. By the beginning of tbe rwelfrh century
BCE,
however, a recession had also begun in Assyrian
prospects in parallel with the global upheaval that marked the end of the Late Bronze Age in
On Panel B 20a, located in [he southeast corner of the throne room (Room B) of Ashurnasirpal II's palace, the hUIHing of wild bulls is depined (Fig. 8). Onallother scene (B 19a) immediately adjacent
to
(he bull hunt, the king is shown hunting lions (Fig. 9). Finally, on a third slab
THE MYTHOLOGY OF KINGSHIP IN NEO-ASSYRIAN ART
ASHURNAsrRPAL II
17
PIGUR£:: 9. Ashurnasirpaill hunting lions, Panel 19<1, Room B, Northwest Palace of Ashurnasirpal II at Nimrud. London, British Museum, ANE 124534. Phoro: author.
adjacent to the latter (13
I
8a), he is shown attacking an enemy cicadel in a military campaign
(Fig. 10). In both of the hunt scenes and several battle scenes from the throne room (Figs. 3 and 10), the dying or the dead body, animal and human, is placed beneath the helly of a galloping horse. Placing the fallen enemy under the horse or another animal is a frequent topos in NeoAssyrian reliefs, although the motif also occurs in Egyptian and Nco-Hittite an.) Ultimately, the motif goes back to rhe third millennium
BeE
in Mesopotamia as depicted on the Standard of
Ur,6 This configuration represents an instance of analogy; the human and animal are evidently interchangeable in that position. What is more, in some of these hunt and battle scenes, the dying or the dead body, or the body under attack, is an
I'IGURE II.
Colos.~a[ winged human-headed lion, N()rdl'we,~L Pabce of Ashurna~irpal II at Nimrud. 118802. Photo; author.
London, British Museum, ANE
As far as the bull hum is concerned (Fig. 8), there arc two bulls in the scene, one underneath the chariot, the other {-{)([owing close
Oil
its heels, the fi.mller dead or dying, the latter still alive,
'lhe dead or dying buH is visually distinguished from the live One by means of its rib cage Ill
LO
parallel the ribs themselves. As for the livl' bull in the scene, even though
its body is panially obscured by the overlapping chariot wheel, one can sec in the segments of the body [hat appear between the spokes of the wheel that no bone S(J'ucture is jnci.~ed, and the throat is simply covered with hair. rf11e rendition, however, is noticeably diflerent in the case of the lion hUll[ (Panel B 19<1, Fig. 9). 11lC touch of-' the bone structure showing through the skin as well as the treatment Room 13, Northwest Palace of Ashurnasirpal 1I at
of the throat observable in the dead bull as opposed to its live counterpart are completely
Nilllrud. Photo: J. Meuszynski. Die Rekolll11'l1ktiofl del' Re/iejdmste/lungm und ihrer Anordlltlllg im Nordwestpa/{(Jt IJon Kil/IJ/I (Nimrud) (Mainz am Rhein: [~ von Zabern, 1981-92): 'Elfd I. Reproduced by
lacking here. This difference may be thought to set rhe lion
permission.
leg anatomy further paralleling that of the horse in each scene is comparable. Notwithstanding
FIGURE 10.
Reconstruction drawing of Pands
18-20,
to One anmher. Nevenhcles.~, the positioning of both animals underne;uh the horse and their
18
ASHURNASIRPAL II
THE Iv{YTHOLOGY OF KINGSHIP IN NEG-ASSYRIAN ART
r 3. Ashllrnasirpal I11ibating over dead bull, Panel lOb, Room B, Northwest Palace of Ashurnasirpal [J at Nimrlld. London, British Museum, ANE 124533. Photo: author.
FIGURE
of one of the four sides of this monument, Jehu, the king of Judah, is represented prosn;lte before Shalmaneser. (0 In anmher instance of analogy, Ashurnasirpal's two libations, one over the slain bull and the other over the lion, are horizontally aligned with the prostration scene in the southeast Detail of colossal winged human-headed bull. Northwest Palace of Ashurnasitpal II at Nimrud. London, British Museum, ANE 118872. Phow: author.
FIGURE 12,
corner of thc throne room. Along the vertical axis, the libation scenes arc placed directly under their respective royal hunt scenes, with the prostrate enemy placed underneath a battle scene (Panels B ISb-2ob, Fig. 10). This positioning of the scenes dearly reveals not only how rhe royal hunt may be seen as analogolls to the royal battle but also how the prostrate enem}, is
both the lion's and the hull's being ferociolls royal animals, sometimes equated with the king
placed in a position analogous to that of the slain animals subject to the libation (Fig. IS).
himself ill royal inscripdons,7 we sec here a manifcs[ation of the Assyrian understanding of
Even though no libation is poured over the prostrate enemy, he is situated between the king
visual decorum whereby
and a high-ranking Assyrian official in a position comparable ro that of the animal in the royal
d1C
herbivorous bull at death is represented in a distinctly different
way from the manner in which the carnivorous lion is shown. On the most basic level, it is perhaps the case that lhis understanding of decorum is
libation scenes. The only diHcrence between the animal libation scenes and the prostration OIlC
scene is that the posicion of the head of the victim is reversed in each case such that the enemy's
determined by the nature of the animal - one fcline and the other bovine. "Ihe moment of
head touches the king's foot in one, whereas the dead animal's head is hlCing the oHlcial in the
death may hence have been dccrncd appropriatt: by the sculptor to depict the bull in greater
other. In both libation scenes, the feet of the animals overlap those of the humans standing
anatomical articulation, whereas the dead lion was excluded or eXl.'mpt from this mode of depiction. rrhe sal11l.' notion of visual decorum Gill also he f(Hllld in the rendition of the pro-
closest to them (Figs. 13 and (4).
tective human-headed lions and bulls dcpicced as gate guardians in monumental proportions
in the Northwest Palace. Whereas the human-headed lions are shown with no bone structure visible (Fig. I I), the human-headed hltll.~ I~arun.: highly schematic ribs incised on their bodies
(Fig. 12).
LIBATION AND PROSTRATION
After the lion and the bull hUIll, shown on the uppn registers of this rcliefseries, there follow, on the corresponding lower registers, scenes that depict the libation poured over the dead animal (Panels B 20b and 19b, Pigs.
J
3 and 14), which clearly point to rhe ritual aspects of the royal
hunt. H If the aftermath of the royal hunt is libation, one possible afrerm,uh of the victorious bartle is die hdlen enemy prostrating himself bef()!'e his vanquisher, another common wpm in Nco-Assyrian relief sculpture (Fig.
I
S)." For instance, the same conl-lguration can also be seen
on the Black Obelisk ofShalrnaneser lIt (SSS-H24 neE). On the second register from the top
FIGURE 14. Ashurnasirpal If libadngoverdead lion, Panel 19b, Room B, Northwest Palace of As hurna sirpal I I at Nimrud. London, British Museum, ANE 124535. Pho[O:
20
ASHURNASIRPAL II
THE MYTHOLOGY OF KINGSHIP IN NED-ASSYRIAN ART
[7. Reconstruction drawing of Panels 9-[ Nimrud. Photo: MClISzynski, Rekonstruktion, Tafel
FIGURE
I, 2.
21
Room 13, Northwest Palace of Ashurnasirpal I! at Reproduced by permission.
are in conract with the mouths and genitalia of their riders as well. One of the men is still on Defeated enemy prostrating himself before Ashurnasirpai II, Panel Isb, Room B, Northwest Palace of As hurnasir pal II at Nimrud. London, British Museum, ANE 124537· Photo: ;tmhor. FIGURE 15.
the shore, fully naked, blowing into his goatskin, and preparing to swim (Fig. 5), whereas the swimmers arc also shown blowing into the skins as they proceed along their way (Fig. 18). Most of the men's rib cages arc also visible at the sides of their bodies. These human bodies are also in proximity with other animal bodies around them in the
RIVER CROSSING: HUMAN BODIES, INFLATED
scene, such as the horses and even fish. TIle kind of overlap we see here between the horse and
ANIMAL SKINS
the human body (Figs. 16-18) is hence an example of "virtual proximity," a visual parameter
Crossing rivers on inflated goatskins during military campaigns seems to have been a sufficiently
introduced earlier, an elusive but common device used by the Assyrian artist, possibly aimed
common pracdce in the Assyrian world for it to have infiltrated rhe iconography of the palace
at juxtaposing animal and human anatomy. rl1lere certainly is an echo of the exaggerated curve
reliefs and become another of the visual topai. Ashurnasirpal II mentions in his Ninurta rremple
of the swimmer's right shoulder in the bulbolls jaw muscles of one of the horses swimming in
lnscription how "moving on from the land Bit-Adini" he "crossed the Euphrates, which was in
proximity to him. A~ also seen in MCllszynski's recollstruction drawings (Fig. 17), the river-
Hood, in rafts (made ofinHarcd) goatskins (and) approached the land ofCarchemish."(J Some
crossing scene continues along three slabs, occupying a prominent position and an unusually
scenes from Ashurnasirpal Ii's throne room depict the human bodies crossing the river entirely
large space on the south wall of the throne room, depicting many human figures in full nudity
in the nude, even with their sex exposed, in total contact with the dead and uansformed animal
except for the headbands and helmets.
bodies (Panels B 1 I b-9b, Figs. 5, 16, and 17). In addition to this full surface contact between human and now-transformed animal torsos, the two end points of the inHated animal bodies
Assyrian soldiers crossing a river on inHated skins, Panel 1 Db, Room B, Northwest Palace of Ashurnasirpalil at Nimrud. London, British Museum, ANE [2454.:\. Phoro: au tho!". FIGURE 16.
FIGURE 18. Derail of Panel lOb, Assyrian soldiers crossing a river on inHated skins, Northwest Palace of Ashurnasirpa] II ar Nimrud. Photo: author.
ASHURNASIRPAL 11
THE MYTHOLOGY OF KINGSHIP IN NED-ASSYRIAN ART
22
2)
Probably Assyrians, for the ray;:tl charim of Ashurnasirpalii is also be placed in a boat, the men who are crossing the river are undergoing a transitional event. (! Given the circumstances of bar de, they may be under some threat from either side of the water, and they are certainly at risk whae swimming in passage. These figures can thus be thought to possess a certain state of liminality, between twO shores, between safety and danger, and perhaps even between life and
death. They are temporarily stripped of their military garb and manly pride and depicted in a rather ridiculous state. I ,\ The nudity of these Assyrian soldiers is also shared by the horses that arc swimming across the
river with them. Horses, like their Assyrian human masters, are always depicted in a controlled demeanor even in violent warfare and are always clad in harness ornaments, tassels, and the like. However, here they arc shown only with reins, without the usual harness ornaments, perhaps closer to their natural state. 1he fact that these men are in a liminal posicion may be thought to have constituted for the Assyrian artist a further appropriate setting within which to show them in such intimate contact with animals and animal skins. We can again see here an element of the subtle but pervasive sense of decorum in accordance with which the Nco-Assyrian artist established this most immediate visual fabric of figural represelHation throughout the palace reliefs.
THE ANIMAL AS TRIBUTE
Not unlike the soldiers crossing the river, the (fibute bearers that often appt:ar on Assyrian reliefs carved before the reign ofTiglath-Pilt:ser Ill, especially on the monuments or AshurnasirpallI and Shalmant:scr HI, can also bt: thought lO embody a state of liminality in that they are not fully free, nor afC lheir lands fully and permanently absorbed into Assyrian territory. They are rather kept semi-independent or autonomous to a certain degree, yet subordinate to the king,
Tributaries with gifts. Panel 7. Courtyard D, Northwest Palacc of As hurnasir pal I ! at Nimrud. l.om/on, British Muscum, ANI'~ 124562. Photo: author.
FIGURE 19.
to whom they owe regular tribute. In Neo-Assyrian imperialism, there were two zones within
is attached, the latter curving the opposite way toward the tributary. This animal is placed in a
the Assyrian administrative territory. The first was the so-called Land of Assur that comprised the provinces belonging to Assyria proper; this 'M)ne did not include client states or "other marginally aLJt'onOIllOUS areas" that paid regular tribute to the Assyrian king without being
chiastic position directly bef
fully subject to him. As for the "Yoke of Assur," the second zone, it comprised lands from which the Assyrian king exacted annual tribute payments, which were different from the Assur
When examined among the rest of the tributaries in procession toward the right, the man leading the ape,\ is depicted in a distinctive way (Fig. 20). rlhe only tributary shown leading
temple offerings. I 'I '1l1e ultimate institutionalized divisioll between conquered and vassal states came wid1 the
animals, he is depicted in the scene without the headgear that lhe others wear. Instead, he wears a simple band around his head as if [0 accommodate the physical illlimacy between him
reign ofTiglath-Pileser [II. 'Ihis king annexed the territories between Arpad and the coast near Antioch and Hamath. All the others western states, including Sam'al, Carchemish, Damasclls,
and one of the apes carried on his shoulder. Meanwhile, the ape that he is shown carrying holds 011 with both hands [0 its bean:r's head. M. Wiifler identifies thest: figures as tributaries
Samaria, and the Phoenician cities, were leFt autonomous, although obliged to pay (fib ute. In short, Tiglath-Pileser [U "annexed the nearest conquered territories, enabling him to cut off
from Carchemish on account of lhcir headdresses, with long hair 011 the !leck tucked under a headband or undernealh a conical cap.l(, iL is .~igl1ificant that in the scene there is only one
possible future enemies, whereas he imposed his authority on more remote sovereigns without deposing them.» 1 \ 'The tributary figures th;H appear on d1e reliefs of Ashurnasirpal II are hence
triblHary with the headhand version of the Carchemisb coiffure, and he is the one who is shown carrying the ape, whereas rhe rest of the nibutaries all wear fhe conical cap. Hence, (he artist
the visual testimony to the payment of tribute to the Assyrian center by the states under (he
here may again have taken the liberty to represent the ape-beart'!' with a headband to underscore lhe latter's involvemcnt with animals.
"Yoke of Assur." A detail from the throne-room Cl):ade facing Courtyard D of the Nonhwest Palace of Ashurnasirpal II in Nimrud shows twO tributaries in procession, one bringing with him two apes (Panel D 7, Fig. 19). '[he proximity and positioning of the two animals in relation to their bearer's body afe noteworthy. One of the apes is carried on the tributary's left shoulder, and
What is further sniking is how the garment of this tributary diHers from those of the others in thal it is shoner, exposing rhe lower parr of his right leg againsl which rhe ape is placed in rhe chiastic arrangement. One can almost be certain that the anist here did consider exposed
its body almost forms a continuatioll of the latter's left arm as it curves over his head. In the
human anatomy [() be all appropriate background fClr thc represem
other direction, the same arm extends downward holding the rope to which the second animal
special than the others depicted in the same tributary procession.
24
THE MYTHOLOGY OF KINGSHIP IN
NEO~ASSYRIAN
ART
ASHURNASIRPAL II
25
d"
dO
FIGURE 21. One of the faces of the Black Obelisk of Shalmaneser III showing Bactrian camels, an dephant, apes, and tributaries. London, British Museum, ANE 118885. Photo: author.
RCCOOSULlctio[l drawing of (he Pands I·_oR, (:ounyard [), Northwest Palace of Ashurnasirpal 1I at Nimrud. Photo: MCllszynski, Rekonstruktio", 'bl-c] s. Reproduced by permission.
FIGURE 20.
The same physical intimacy call be observed between a Babylonian captive and a small child whom he carries on his shoulders shown in a scent from a series of rei ids depicting Ashurba-
nipaJ's Babylonian campaign f(Hllld in COllrt XIX of his grandfather Scnnachcrib:<; Southwest Palace at Nineveh. 17 Edith Porada, commcming on "the protective gesture of the brher and the intimate one of the son," ill this scene writes: "'Ihe man in our fragment grasps his son firmly below the boy's knee, as the child, siuing on his Enher's shoulder, holds on to rhe man's head with both hands."!x There are other examples ohmall boys carried on the shoulders of cap rive adults on the relief-I; of Ashurbanipal, which Porada takes as a sign of "the intensification of a tendency to stress individual details in the relationship of figures."!') As seen here, bodily intimacy between man and animal can mime that among human figures themselves, sometimes placing animals in a not-inhuman reiarionship with human beings or vice versa. Both [he ape and the boy in these sCCncs also have their hands placed on their
Further evidence that this similarity in scheme among the examples discussed here is nor
respective bearers' heads with headbands in analogous {-()finaL 'I his detail miglu also be thought
coincidental but may be read as indicating the interchangeability of man and ape in rhis par-
to reveal how the artists were working with estahlished visual formulas utilized not randomly
ticular visual pattern can be found on the (hird regiMer from [he top of the Black Obelisk
but consciollsly, applying the formula to configurations that may be thought
havc semantic
of Shalmaneser III. Two tributaries wearing headbands are shown in rhe act of leading apes
affinities. Such unifying visual {-(lfIl1uias and their implications need not be considered mutually
that look slighrly more humanoid and somewhat disproportionate compared with the apes
exclusive ro the ethnographic or historical authenticity of the representations.
shown on the fa~ade of Ashurnasirpal's throne room (Figs.
to
21
and
22).
Along the same register
THE MYTHOLOGY OF KINGSHIP IN NEO-ASSYRIAN ART
ASHURNASIRPAL IJ
27
FIGURE 23. One of the bce~ of rhe Black Obelisk of Shalmaneser III showing tributaries and two humanheaded quadrupeds. London, British Museulll, ANI', 118885. Photo: author. FIGURE 22.
Dcrail of Fig. 2 r showing rhc elephant and apes. Photo: author.
level but on the other EKes of the obelisk are represented more horned animals and what look like humanoid quadrupeds (Figs. 2} and 24). In the epigraph that accompanies this scene, Shalmaneser III declares: "I received tribute from Egypt: two-humped camels, a water buffalo (lit. "a river ox"), a rhinoceros, an antelope, female elephams, female monkeys, (and) apes."w Even though the animals mentioned in the caption are all natural animals and match those shown on the other faces of this register (Figs. 25-"28), an element of the Emtastic may nevertheless have crept into this representation. Catherine Breniquet suggests that "no artistic stereotype" existed in ancient Mesopotamia for such unusual animals and that "artists caught sight of them at a specific event. The image they tried to reconstruct from memory is far from nature, as these animals appear as more monstrous than natural."21 It is perhaps the case that [his register of the Black Obelisk was meant to make an allusion to the idea of the fauna of distant lands, and hence to a quasi-fantastic domain, given how sllch animals are lacking in [he rest of the registers, with the exception of the two doublehumped camels that appear on the first register (Fig. 21). In other words, the third register from rhe top as a whole is the only one on the obelisk [hat is devoted exclusively to the theme of "exo[ic" animals. Purther, taking a careful look at the tributary with the two apes shown on this register, one would realize [hat this is an almost verbatim quotation of Ashurnasirpal Irs ape-bearing tributary, complete with the postures, snaps, and the back turned head of the beast on foot (Figs. 21 and 22). Perhaps the special visual treatment of the ape-bearing tributary of Ashurnasirpal's slab is on aCCOlint of the quasi-fantascic connotations of such exotic animals as well. In Shalmaneser's case, the animals seem to have been given slightly more humanoid heads, as if to reveal [he suitability of this scheme for the depiction of apes and small-scale human
beings alike. I I l[ has been noted [hat the humanoid character of these figures of apes may have been due to the artist's inability to render the anirnals in their proper morphologies and proportions or his not having seen them in reality. Rather than anistic incompetence or naivete, however, such hybrid figures may have been deliberately created by the artist in the service of
ASHURNAS[RPAL
THE MYTHOLOGY OF KINGSHIP IN NEG-ASSYRIAN ART
FIGURF, 14.
I ktaii
or Fig.
1 ,I ~h()willg
f[
29
the human-headed quadrupeds. Photo: author.
the expression of notions su(h as those dis(ussed earlier. Aller all, if the anist of the Black Obelisk, which was fiJUlH.I in Nirnrud, was in nccd or anisti( models It)]' the representations of his apes, all he had [() do was (() take a look at Panel I) 7 (I :ig. [9)
011
the 1~I<;ade of the throne
room of the Northwest Pala(e of Ashurnasiq)al II.
THE I.IMINAUTY OF TIlE TRIBUTARY
Marginal personages brought low slIch as war prisoners and tributaries may have been seen as appropriate subjects to whom tht' Neo-A~syrian artist would dirt'c[ his oh~t'rvalion of human anatomy in tht' medium of relief sculpturt'. Depicting animals in proximity [() such persons may have served as a further convenient mcans fl)1' the ani.~t to prescnt animal and human
FI(;lJIW 25. ()Ile of the face~ ofdlt' Black ()hdisk of.sltalJllanc~l'r III ,~howitlg scenes ofsubmissioll, two Bactrian camds, a wildljfe se<:J1t:, and tributaries. l,nndon, Brithh Museum, AN t·: I t SXS 5. Phmo: author.
anaLOmy to the viewt'r in juxtaposition and analogy to onc another. Also conrribuLivc to the marginal disposition of these persons arc their crouching and
non-Assyrian tributaries that approach the king from the right arc pitched forward, their necks
stooped poslllres, as has bcen ohserved by CiElrel!i in rdation to lht' tribute scene from the
bent. 'Iheir ovcrall POSturt' is somewhat crouched, and the pronounced bend at their hips,
fayade of the throne room of Ashurnasirpal (J (Fig. 20): "'lht' Assyrian king and his atten-
waists, and knt'cs gives
dants arc without t'xception depielcd with an ereel posturc and a measured gaiL Their backs,
sentations of Assyrians."!-l According [() Cibrelli, the postures and gestures of non-Assyrians
waists, and legs are perfecdy straight - eVen rigid - and their ht'ads arc held high. -nlcir feet
in such scenes, "ranging from their crouching posture to hand gestures and the disposition
are evenly spact'd and {-irmly plantt'd on the ground. III sharp visual comrast, the heads of rhe
of their weapons, made thcm appear - especially to the eyes of rhe Assyrians viewing this
loose S shape
lO
their bodit:s (hat is vinually unparalleled in repre-
)0
THE MYTHOLOGY OF KINGSHIP IN NEO-ASSYRIAN ART
FIGURE 26. I )etai! ofHg.
2. 5 .~howing
ASHURNASIRI'AL II
) I
the suhlllis.~i()!l of jehu, two Bactrian camels, and the wildlife scene.
Pho(O; 'Iuthol".
art ~ strange, cOlHcmptiblc, and out of step with Assyri,ul values. ""'I In Cibrdli's view, one has here "a negative conception of alleriey,
or the otherness
Of
cultural difference ascribed to Foreign-
ers. In this system, [he leatun.'s [h~t[ distinguish non-Assyrians from Assyriam wen..' undcfsLOod to be inherently sinister and abnormal."!) NO( aU figures (kpicted with certain dt:viations
f-l'OIll
[he bodily "norm" arc non-Assyrians,
however. "Eunuch" figun:.'> also display slightly "deviant" curvalUrcs in [heir bodies, wid1 bulging abdomens. Within Assyrian visual COIlVt.'lHiotls, these figures are idemif-ied as eunuchs on account of [heir beardlts.~ "eH~l1linale" fearure.~, even though this maner i.~ still controver~ sialY; Unlike non-Assyrians, eunuchs wert: ahle [() hold high positions in the hierarchy at the court, alld beardless men, if tlleY are indeed n:presentations ofeunllch.~, can frequently be seen on reliefs in the king's entourage, I-()J' instance, as weapon bearers. !·7 In this case, lhe Ilurginal disposition that
Gill
be ascribed to these personages is not on accoullt of their erhniciry or status
but rather their liminal (de-)sexualized identity. Several scholars have apdy noted the emphasis
011
the male sex in Neo~Assyrian relief pro-
grams, Cifarelli, I-()r instance, remark~ that Assyrian narrative an focuses on a purely masculine domainY She also designates rhe audience of these narrative images as "an elite male body whose power appears on occasion to equal and even sllrpa.~s fhal of the Assyrian king,"l') In the
FIGURE 27, On;: of (he CKes or (ill' Black Obelisk of Shalmaneser III showing lributaries and horned animals. I.ondon, Bridsh Museum, ANE ((8885, Photo: author.
THE MYTHOLOGY OF KINGSHIP IN NEG-ASSYRIAN ART
J2
ASHURNASIRPAL II
J)
same vein, Michelle Marcus talks about the immediate community around the king as "officials and dignitaries, both local and foreign, who were probably male." In this regard, "the idea of a male-centered discourse (by men, for men) raises the possibility that rhe historical relief<; served as a vehicle for the engendering of an Assyrian ideal of masculinity, as wet! as demonstrating that power was inexnicably tied to gender." 10 [r may thus be clear why an alrcriry in the depiction of the eunuchs was necessary. However, on the reliefs, eunuchs are hardly shown with exposed body parts or in any proximity to animals. They strictly maintain the lIslial mainstream Assyrian comportment. Within the conservative stiffness and controlled demeanor of the Assyrian king and his royal enwurage, the human body was almost treated as taboo in Nco-Assyrian art, with little or no nudity at all. Subordinate and liminal figures such as war prisoners, tributaries, and eunuchs may thus have provided the artist with an excellent opponuniry to exercise his interest in contemplating the human body. For one thing, deformities and exaggerations, sllch as crouching and stooped postures, may be thought to constitute a subtle and almost tricky device to draw attention to the body per se, which the artist could not have achieved in the case of a dignified royal figure. Despite their bodily alrerity, these liminal figures may not necessarily have been perceived by their original audience as "contemptible" and "subhuman," as Cifarelli has argued. Regardless of the bet that they are comparable to animals in contemporary texts, a close look at animal figures themselves reveals the delight and respect the animal body may have evoked among the artists. Furthennore, a greater freedom in naturalistic representation may have been possible in the depiction of animals and the enemy in inverse relation to the official demeanor of the Assyrian king and his entourage that may not have permitted such modes of representation, JI In sum, the idea that tributaries and slaves are contemptible to Assyrians and in this regard like animaL~ docs not seem to find full justification and support from the realm of the visual arts, "Ihe relationship of the ape and its bearer examined earlier perhaps evokes sympathy and intimacy rather [han contempt. 'The oft-cited association of enemy with animal in discllssions of Neo-Assyrian rdids should perhaps be reconsidered within a subtler and less black-andwhire fiamcwork, As already posited, representations of animals on the Nco-Assyrian palace reliefs can be thought to bear meaning in their own right, because they are probably not solely subservient
[0
the purpose of conveying messages that proclaim Assyrian supremacy over the
enemy.
p[(;lIIm 28, De(ail of' Pig. 2.7 showing rhe horned animals and some of [he rribmaries, Photo: author.
type illustrated here (Figs,
f,
2, 29, and }o), A few examples of this type hold a goat or a deer.
The second is the type wearing the horned crown of the divinity. 'Ihe genii belonging to this type may be represented in a variety of ways, holding a bucket, making a gesture of greeting or blessing, holding a stalk of Howers or pomegranates, or carrying a mace in (he lowered left hand, but never an animal. 'lhe third is the winged human figure with ['he head of a bird, 'Ihis type always holds a buckec 11 A study of the genii and Ivlischwesen (see p, xix) that appear in Neo-Assyrian art with regard to their semantics is undertaken in Parts II and III of this study, Suffice it to posit here thar genii, not unlike other liminal personages that populate rhe NeoAssyrian palace relids, may have been deemed by the artist lO constilUte another appropriate
CONGENIAL CONTACT WITH ANIMALS
Not all bodies reflecting nudity and exposure and shown in proximity or contact with animals are fClreigners or tributaries, Semi-divine beings that [-lank certain doorways ill palaces arc also shown carrying small horned animals, sllch as the two pairs of genii, the first flanking entrance d
of the throne room (Panel B }O, Figs,
29 and 30), and the second flanking entrance
Rooms Z and "I' (Panel Z a I, Figs, (and 2) of the Northwest Palace, I)·
between Often winged and (f
horned on their helmets, these genii themselves in a way partake of animal elements in their {-()nnatioll, On Nco-Assyrian palace reiiefs, such genii occur in three primary categories, 'Ihe first is the "winged anthropomorphic figure wearing a headband decorated with rosettes," which is the
terrain on which and the animal.
LO
explore the physicaJ contact and semantic association benvcen the human
In the case of' the animal-bearing genii, a visual correspondence can again be observed between the musculature of their forearms and the torsos, particularly the abdominal sections, of the animals rhey are shown holding (Figs, I, 2, 29, and 30), H Furthermore, rhe rosettes Oil the bracelets of the genii seem to be in proximity with the thoracic-abdominal areas and the momhs of the animals, perhaps further drawing attention to rhe breath of life embodied by the animal. The rosettes hence create a triangular space within which the allimal figure is placed (Figs. 2 and )0).
ASHURNASIRPAL II
THE MYTHOLOGY OF KINGSHIP IN NED-ASSYRIAN ART
34
FIGURE 30.
Detail of hg,
2')
35
showing the upper part of the ({pkftllu and the deer.
of the best images to illustratl' this characteristic is the well-known "sacred tree" slab, located on the somh wall across entrance (' (Panel B r 3), as well as hehind where the throne would have been
011
the east wall of the throne room of Ashurn
Fig. 3 I). '[he
[WO
genii standing behind the images of rhe king arc distincdy more revealed
hodily, with Olll' of their legs exposed,
dUll
any of the members of the A.ssyrian court shown in
rhe representations, Again, the artist here may have been guidcd by a scnse ofdccorul11 whereby
FIGURE 29. Hum~lIl-he:tded
ap/','{dlu holding deer and twig of flowers, Panel
Palace of As hurnasir pal [I
Nirnrud. London, British
As a symbol, the
al
rOSC{l(.:
is
ofu..'11
(hought
lO
MUSCUIll
JO, Room B, Northwes[ ANi': [14S60. PhOlO: author.
evoke the goddess inanna/lshrar.l\ Civen its
pervasiveness in Nco-Assyrian iconography, especially in association with figures and the king, there
lIlay
he a
mOl"(.'
or the genii
universal symbolism behind thl' mora: sLlch as regeneration,
rebirth, or initiation, all of which may af-ter all be rhouglu
to
be cncol1lpa,\.~cd by Inanna/!sluar's
religious symbolism in ancient Mesopotamia. 1(' If the roscnt' in this case is indeed associated with Inanlla/bhtar and all the relevant concepls that this goddess evokes, this visual reference to her especially throughoUl the relief program of Ashurnasirpal II may also be thouglH to go along with the imporlance of this goddess in the Assyrian stale religion. 17 In addition
[0
their occasional proximity
(0
and as,~ociation with animais, genii in Neo-
Assyrian reliefsculplUrt.' also havl' morl' hodily exposure than thl' king and his dignitaries. One
FIGURE J I, 'lhe "Sacred Tree," Panel 21, Room B, Northwest Palace or Ashurnasirpal 11 at Nimrud, l.ondon, British Mmeulll, ANF [2'1 S J!, Photo: author.
)6
)7
THE MYTHOLOGY OF KINGSHIP IN NEG-ASSYRIAN ART
ASHURNASfRPAL II
it was not appropriate to depict the king even with this much partial nudity, whereas the genii must have constituted suitable subjects for rhis panial anatomical exposure, The standard way to distinguish genii from the king or a regular court dignitary bodily seems to have been to depict the genius wearing a short skirt underneath an overgarment, exposing the calf of the forward leg and hiding the backward leg to the ankle. Interestingly enough, this is approximately how rhe ape-bearer discussed in rhe previous section is also depicted (Figs. 19 and 20). Furthermore, like the genii, the tributary wears a headband, IS It is as if on account of the congenial coman between the tributary and his animals there were in him an increase in numen so that his overall disposition was perhaps meam to echo that of a genius. By the same token, one can perhaps understand the greater bodily exposure that characterizes the figures of genii in the art of Ashurnasirpal II as a visual device used by the Assyrian artist to denote the supernatural ethos of these beings. This device would havc been especially effective in distinguishing beings of an ethereal character such as the genii, from ordinary human beings, albeit of royal and courdy rank, such as the king and his entourage. Genii can thus be considered to be located olltologically between human and anima\, (lnd between human and divine. Their liminality is at home in the transitional spaces where they are located. We do not know for certain the fUllction or nature of the animals held in their hands, bm it is likely that they are meant to be For ritual slaughter. For instance, in the Sumerian poem Bilgarnes (lnd Huwdwa, Bilgames offers kids to the sun-god Utu before calling upon his support to enter the Cedar Mountain area "where dwelt the Living One," the guardian spirit of the land, Huwawa. 1,) 1his episode reprcscnts yct another liminal situation of entrance and exit. In his analysis of the supernawral heings that appear in the Northwest Palace, John Russell indicates that following R. D. Barnett, Barbara Parkcr-Mallowan identified the goat here as a mfl_tm/tupptl, or "scapegoat," used in Assyrian rituals to avert evil, presumably by serving as a host for wandering demons that might otherwise possess the human inhabitants of the palace. Max MaUowan also (-"c)lInd the skeleton of a similar small quadruped, tentatively identified as a gazelle, under til<.: pavement of the Hoor in corridor P of the Northwest Palace ill Nimrud, which, according to Russell, may also have served as a "scapegoat. "'1 0 Given the likelihood that these animals were used ill the aversion of evil or distase, perhaps olle could funhtr cOlllment on the idea of congenial cOlHact with them. "'[ he practice of touching an anima! or bird, then releasing it to carry away disease or sin has bten practiced around the world in a wide range of contexts."'11 Magical theorit:s about such instances 01" animals healing humans usually take one of the following two «)fIns. One is homeopathic: living animals remove il!ncss by means of direct contact or by resembling aspects of the iIlne.~s; the other is pharmaceutical: animals are thought to contain '\:ssences" that arc by no means psychological, "let alone symbolic, projections of human values, but arc distilled physical substances, produC(s ora natural alchemy, and profoundly healing. EX[r;lCting sllch pharmacelHical essences often demands the life of the animal."·11
is that on the Nco-Assyrian palace reliefs, conraC( with animals as exemplified by the rivercrossers, tributaries, and genii imparts some kind of special status, as it were, to the human being involved in this contact, be it liminal or numinous. From a pragmatic as well as theoretical standpoint, a Mesopotamian science that makes use of the "physical substance" of animals is extispicy, "the prediction of the future from the appcarances, and other peculiarities of the viscera of animals."45 The examination of the physical appearance of the entrails of a lamb was the Babylonian divinatory technique par excellence. 46 Even though t'he animals held by the two genii discussed earlier (Figs. 1,2,29, and 30) are not lambs, they are anatomically delineated in their abdominal areas, where the organs most useful for the purposes of extispicy, usually the liver, would have been located, Hence, there may in this case be an implic;uion ora potential usc of the animal in extispicy, with the external divisions of rhe body suggestive of the relevant ingredients.'ll In addition to the examination of the internal viscera, extispicy also pertained to the outer aspects of the animal to be slaughtered, such as the observation of certain muscular contractions.
[0
tbe same social milieu as such priests and diviners. Commenting on the
anatomical observations of the Creek artist in relation (() animal sacrifice, Jean-Louis Durand writcs:
The painters know their sacrifice as well as [he scholar. '{heir images arc of an anatomical precision that on [he whole is rather advanced. Since sacrifice lay at thc hean of daily experience, it is not surprLsing to find the knowledge that it presupposes translated into artistic representations. It is ),et more interesting to see thcori'/jng ahollt this knowledge in the erudition or [he anatomist and stillmore so to bring it out into the open as the model f(lJ' the Aristotelian logic of the body. A practitioner of dissection, Aristotle is also an obscrvt'r 01" sacrificial tcchniqut's, and the note,~ ohtaillt'd in hieroscopy arc precious to him hecause they arc based on healthy animals slaughtered shorrl), bd(He rhey were observcd. \0
'I here should be no re<\,~ol1 why a similar experience would not have been the case
f(H" the
Assyrian artist, because anima! and even human slaughters mllsl have been a usual part or the daily lil-c of an agrarian and military sock-ty. Givcn the Etel that til(' genii shown holding animaLs on the Nco-Assyrian palace reliefs are primarily flpk(f//us, "antediluvian sages," who arc the mythical ancestors
of historical scholars
and priestly position holders, they may here have been pre.~el1led in their identity of origin a! or archetypal priests or diviners. \ I 'I he ,~paces that such genii or MiJchw{,Jert guarded may hence be
In ancient Mesopm:tmia, "animals could be llsed as absorbing pads ror evils that might mh-
understood as highly ritualized in their (ullction and semalllics. If the genii, along with the ani-
erwise have killed a person or at least caused him grie["41 'Ihe animal was in a way a carrier
mals and plams held b)' [helll, signified healing and well-being, they Illay further have signified
designed to get the evil whtrever it was going, usually rhe netherworld, and one way of causing
norions of rejuvenation, rebirth, and immortality. In this regard, any progression through the
the animal
absorb the evil was to have the patiellt handle it, again reminiscent of "the cere-
spaces of the palaces fhal eotailed encounters with and passages between such representations
mony of laying hands on the biblical scapegoat and then taking it out into the desen (Ltv 16:
on (he part of the inhabitant of or visitor to the palace would not have been a neutral afEdr,
to
20-22)."+1 Whether or nO[ the theriophorous genii and the animals [hey hold have anything
but would have entailed somewhat of a ritual ilincrary or circuit. Because ricual activities such
do with exorcism, healing, and disease, what is again clear from a rather physical standpoint
as healing and extispicy would have been within the prol-essional domain of the scholars, the
[0
THE MYTHOLOGY OF KINGSHIP IN NEO-ASSYRIAN ART
2
animal- and plant-bearing genii in the Northwest Palace of Ashurnasirpal II could be thought of as idealized representations of the sacerdotal functions and duties that may have been per-
TIGLATH-PILESER III
formed in the palaces not only in association with the safety of the king and the royal court but also with the re-creation or the reenactmenc of an ideal and perfect cosmos, as discllssed further in Parts II and III of this study.
T
HE SUCCESSORS OF ASHURNASIRI'AL II -
SHALMANESER Ill, SHAMSHI-ADAD V (823~
8 I I BeE), and Adad-nirari III (810-783 IKE) - continued with military campaigns, especially against the states to the West of Assyria, Babylonia in the South, Iran in the East, and
Urartu, a powerful kingdom in eastern Anatolia threatening the inAucnce of Assyria on the wealthy northcrn Syrian and Anatolian states. These kings also contributed building projects to the citadel of Nimrud. 1hree rather weak kings followed them, and during their reigns, there was an increase in the power of local officials and governors at thc expense of central royal authority. I Following a revolution to counteract this silU::ttion, 'T'iglath-Pilcser [[I, who is sometimes rd-erred to as the true founder of the NeD-Assyrian Empire, came to the throne and reshaped Assyrian administration. As discussed in the previous chapter, the phenomena of conquest and annexation became fully established during this king's reign, with northern Syria/southeastern Anatolia and the Lcvantinc coast becoming vassal states paying tribute. Even though local rulers were still appointed to the administration of variolls provinces, they wcre not allowed full control in governance, and hence their chances for "self-aggrandizcment" were significantly reduced, I In the meantime, Babylonia, with its age-old culcure that the Assyrians always looked up constituted a significant political territory dut the Assyrians w
(0,
occasional atrempts to seize the throne of Babylon with Elamitc help and so formed a recurrent destabilizing Elctor locally, which allowed Assyria to imervene in defence of its southern frontier.") Nco-Assyrian kings had to cope with this reality, trying ({) counteract Babylonian challenges sometimes by diplomacy and sometimes by military intervention. Assyrian strategies in dealing with this problem ranged From appointing local Babylonian rulers in the region with loyalty to Assyria to destruction and conquest. I-laving conquered Babylonia, '1 'iglath-Pileser III "wok the hand of Marduk," a reference to the king's ascertained legitimacy and ritual renewal as a result of his participation in the annual New Year's Festival at Babylon. He thus began an important Babylonian policy, assuming the throne of Babylonia in addition to that of Assyria.
THE IvlYTHOLOGY OF KINGSHIP IN NEG-ASSYRIAN ART
TlGLATH-PIlESER III
41
and the sculptured slabs were found "stacked in some sort of order, ready for a remounting and annexation by Esarhaddon (680-669 BeE) in his unfinished palace.") Only part of the reliefs meant
[0
be reused by Esarhaddon \vas actually transponed
[0
the so-called Southwest
Palace of this king, again on the citadel of Nimrud. We do know, however, that like many of the reliefs of Ashurnasirpal II, Tiglath-Pileser III's slabs originaUy had two registers separated by a band of the version of the king's royal annals inscribed in the Neo-Assyrian cuneiform.1> In addition to the actual slabs carried
to
the British Museum, more than one hundred in number,
Austen Henry Layard also drew twenty of Tiglath-Pilcser Ill's reliefs, the two sources hence constituting our primary understanding of the an of this king. A tentative arrangement of these disjoimed slabs was <1nempted by R. D. Barnet( and M. ~alkner through comparison of the military scenes depicted with the accounts of Tiglath- Pileser's exploits as related in his annals. 7
THE ANATOMY OF BATTLE
In societies characterized by frequent wars, diseases, and ritual slaughter, what may seem to us specialized dissective or anatomical pursuits must have been rather commonplace leading to common knowledge. Nco-Assyrian royal annals are replete with passages describing the
massacres carried out by the conquering king slIch as the following well-known passage from Ashurnasirpal II's Ninllrta Temple Inscription: "I flayed as many nobles as had rebelled against me and draped their skins over the pile; some I spread out within the pile, some I erected on stakes upon the pile, (and) some I placed on stakes around about the pile. I flayed many right through my land (and) draped their skins over the walls. 1 slashed the Hesh of lhe eunuchs and of the royal eunuchs who were guihy. "H Likewise, there are many scenes in Nco-Assyrian reliefs that show dismembered human body parts. A relief from Tiglath-Pileser's Central Palace at Nimrud, f()r instance, shows a dead and decapitated body underneath the royal charior.'} Obviollsly, the artist here again took the liberty to show this body in complete nudity and delineated anatomy, not only because it belongs to the enemy or the "other" but probably also hecause it is now dead and unidentified.
FIGURE 32. Assault of thc City U[pa?], Series B, Panel I p, Cel1(ral Palace ofTigLHh-f'i!cser III at Nimrud. 1.onoon, British Museum, ANt-: ! 156-,"!. Photo: ({;) The Trustces of the British Museum.
Moreover, just as the royal hunt has its connections with ritual slaughter, warfare may to a certain extent be thought to involve human sacrifice. II According to Walter Burkert, in the ancient world, hUllting, sacriflce, and war were symbolically interchangeable: "111e pharaoh and Heracles could be lord of the hunt, lord ofthl' sacrifice, and warrior."L) Burkert also comments on the resemblance of animal
10
man when it is slaughtered:
Hunting concentrated on the great mammals, which compicuously resemhled men in their hody structure and movements, their eyes and their "EKes," their hreath and voices, in Aeeing and fear, in aHacking and ill rage. Most of all, this similarity with man was to be recognized in killing and slaughtering: rhe flesh was like flesh, bOlles like hones, phallus like phallus, and hean like hean, and most important oral!, the warm running blood was (he same. One could, perhaps, most clearly grasp the animal's resemhlance to man when it died. l )
Within the proposed system or an Assyrian sense of visual decorum, it is as if decapitation removed the taboo on the human body so as [() yield t(1 anatomical detail. IL is also as if the body here is almost posed for artistic anaLOmy. 'I he abdominal area again receives prominence, and there may even be a deliberate alignment or rhe human genitalia with those of the horse underneath which the hody is placed. If this is the case, perhaps the human body was further meant to be assimilated to the animal li'om a sexual standpoint. A siege scene frolll the Central Paiac(' at Nimrud also has similar anatomical details shown on rhe bodies of slain, decapitaled, and E,llen warriors (Fig. J 2). 10 One can again note the
incised lines representing the rib cage on the upside-down decapitated figure to the right, and the pronounced abdominal area on the nak('d figure whose rhroat is being
Cllt
by an Assyrian
soldier. Sometimes the anatomy of rhe hatrldield is even more dissective and gruesome. On
a relief of Tiglath-Pileser III from the Southwest Palace of Esarhaddoll that depicts Assyrian horsemen pursuing the enemy, there appeac\ a bird of prey nying in the field above with the entrails ora ddeared soldier (Fig. JJ}.!! Warfare itself was seen as a religiolls activity in the Assyrian world, as one can tell from divine standards carried by the Assyrians in scenes of military campaign from rhe throne room of Ashurnasirpal II as well as incense stands and altars in milirary camps depided, for example, in a scene from the 1,achish series of Room XXXVI ofSennachcrih's Southwest Palace in Nineveh. !2
J J. Assyrian cavalrymell charging with hird of prey, Panel J, Wall n, Southwest Palace at Nimrud. London, British Muscum, ANF !! !l907. Photo:
I'!GlJRE
T[GLATH-PfLESER III
THE MYTHOLOGY OF KINGSHIP IN NEO-ASSYRIAN ART
l'IGURE 34. Assyrian military camp scene showing soldiers playing catch with decapitated heads and a victory celebration, or "mummery," Panel7a, Rooll1 B, Northwest Palace ofAshurnasirpalli at Nirnrud. London, British Museum, ANE 124548. Photo: author.
!'lGURE 35. Detail of
Fig.
43
34 .~howing two men wearing lion skim perf-orming a "mummery.
Photo: author.
We have already dr;Iwn anentian to the fact that on the throne-room rdids of Ashurnasirpal II, the prostrate enelllY figure is set in analogy to the humed animal figures, as are the hunt scenes
in a temporary Iiminality within the context of the ritual, perhaps of exorcism, in which they
to the banlc scene. Burkert further indicates thal among the ancient Greeks, a military expe-
are engaged.
II
For instance, in the SHV of 'l/Je Epic O/Gi{f!;fllllesh, the hero Gilgamesh mourns
dition was prepared and ended by sacrificial ritual. I (, Representations of animal slaughter also
for his dcad companion Enkidu roaming rhe desert clad in what might be a lion's skin. U While
accompany Assyrian hatlk and mili(ary camp SCl'IH':S, .~omelilllcs in unmistakable proximity
mourning, Cilgamcsh is in a liminal state as well, and in addition
and analogy to human slaughtcrs, as demonstrated further subsequently.
also "lets a filthy mat of hair grow over his body." In this guise, Gilgamesh is not only closer (0
lO
wearing a lion skin, he
an animal with the skin and the bail', but also assimilated in concept to Enkidu himself
who is hairy and who has always been in a liminal state throughout the epic, owing to his L1MINALITY AND ANIMAL SKINS
complicated ontology that is initially more at home in the animal world before he makes a full
Another banle-rclated scene from Tiglath-Pileser Ill's Central Palace depicts a ritual "mum-
transition to the human domain through the contact with (he harlot and the companionship ofGilgamesh. 11
mery" in which Olle of thl' participants in a procession wears a lion skin. I? Similar scenes also appear in the relids of Ashurnasirpal II (Panel B 7a, J.'igs . .34 and J '») and Esarhaddon. This
'[he rimal or even the practical usc of the animal skin in the ancient world may be understood
scene type has been understood by J. E. (\mis and J. E. Readc as pan of a viGory ccldmuion:
as a continuation in some [()fill of the contact between man and beast after the death of the animal. "lhe instance of crossing rivers on man-inAatcd goatskins, a practical use of skins of dead
'I he lion-skin mumme!,), was perhaps a traditional act, immediately after ba(de, that did not fi( comfortahly into f-(mnal Assyrian an. It honored Ldnar, the goddess of fertility and of human passion as expressed bmh in love and war. Her animal was the lion, and various documems rder to people wearing lion skins or lion masks at islnar festivals in different pans of (he ancient Milldle Fast.ll{
animals, could also be (hought to constitute:.: one of the select subtle devices on rhe part of the Assyrian artist to incorporate into the relief imagery allusive themes regarding human-animal closeness. Another comparable example is from Room XXVIII of Sennacherib's Southwest Palace at Nineveh, which depicts captives in an environment characterized by palm trees!··! (Fig. 36). One sees here a woman giving wall'r to a child to drink from a comainer made
life and
The flgure, howewr, could also he associated with Nergal, (he god of the ne(herworld and
of animal skin. Water skins were, and still are, among the common aspects of daily
of war and plagul', the lion being one of his symbols. I') 'the figures in the scenes from both
the climatic conJi(ion,~ in rhe ancient Near East and ill Egypt. Their occurrence on relids
Ashurnasirpal's and 'l'iglath-Pileser Ill's reliefs arc probably snapping their fingers two-handed,
may nO( necl'ssarily he marked as Llf1l1SLla1. 1 ' However, at times they do playa visual role in
as is still donc by dancers in the Middle Fast today. W
revealing how the congenial human-animal COlHact is so consistently and sometimes rather
It is notewonhy that in rhe ((wmat of their clothing, these figures precisely parallel genii as
unobtrusively carried out in the rdic/s. Comparable to the case of (he rivet-crossers, (he child
well as the ape-bearing lrilHllary, with olle leg showing underneath the knee-length tunics and
here also has oral cOlHact with the water container. cfhe container is more or less the size of his
the other concealed by the long overgarment, in this case, (he lion skin (Figs. 34 and 3'»). In both
torso, and the left forearm and biceps of the woman offering (he water to him seem to have
cases, this style of clothing can again be thought of as a visual denotation of the
been delibera(ely rhickl'ned and rounded (compare the proportions of the right arm) to go
flUfnt'fl,
mythical or ritual, possl's.~l'd by the flgure wearing it. CivC[l [his Assyrian predilection
[0
be it
express
identity or ontology through costume, the men in (he lion-skin garments can be thought to be
together with the animal (Orso containing (he water visually and perhap.~ conceptually. Clearly, here as well, the child is in implicitly sympathetic terms wirh tile rransf(mned animal body.
44
THE MYTHOLOGY OF KINGSHIP IN NEQ-ASSYRIAN ART
TlGLATH-i'ILESER III
45
}6. Captured Babylonians, Panel 8, Room XXVIII, Southwest Palace ofSennacherib at Nineveh. London, British Museum, ANE 124954. Photo; author.
FlGURE
ON CAMELBACK
FIGURE 38, Assyrian o/Ticer leading Bedouin captives, Series A, Panel 6b, Room XIII, Cemral Palace of Tiglath-Pileser J(J a( Nimrud. London, British Museum, ANF IIRR80. PhoLO: author.
A slab frol11 Tiglath-Pileser IIr~ Central Palace that represclHs a scene from the king's Arab campaign shows a Bedouin on camelback chased by Assyrian cavalry (Fig. 37)Yi Compared
with rhe rest of the figures in the scene, both the camel and its rider are anatomically more pronounced. ~rhc rider himself is partially in the Bude, and his pectoral area is highlighted. As
for the camel, the bOIlt's of his rib cage are chisded in deep lines and placed in the midst of the curves outlining rill: camel's body, Again, ill contrast
to
rhe Assyrian cavalry following them,
the camel and its rider are anatomically more accentuated. 'Ihe artist here may have wanted to set off the objects of attack, and rhe.:rdcm~ of potential death, as the.: fc)(us of the scene through several means. The first is through "otherness," in that the camel is an animal evoking rhe desert and bedouin life, in contrast to the "Assyrianized" horse, which is the animal par excellence that appears in relids in association with the Assyrians. rihe second is through putting the camel and its rider in a vigorous dynamic posicion at the center of the sccne as focus. Finally, the third is through imparting anatomy and vitality w both the.: Arab and his camel, as if [() draw a(tention to the critical life-death struggle in which they are found.
OF CATTLE AND MEN
According to Barnett and Falkner, "even though the execlltion of the reliefs is somctimes not very skillful, the artists under Tiglath-Pileser III seem to have aimed at a certain naturalism."'-7 Such an imerest in representing the human body in anatomical detail can be observed in another scene hom the king's Arab campaign from the Cel1[ral Palace in which war prisoners are brought before the king (Fig. 38). "Their arms arc bound behind their backs. rlhe artist has tried
(0
represent the strain that rhis attitude causes by indicating their projecting ribs (Or
are they to be considered a sign of srarvation?). "211 rIlle scene is reminiscel1[ of an Akkadian I'IGIIHE 37. Assyrian cavalry pursuing an Arab on a camel, Series A, Panel Ib, Room III, Central Palace ofTiglath-Pikscr III at Nimrud. London, British Museum, ANE 118878. Phow: «;) '[he Trustees of the British iVluseum.
stela from Nasiriyya on which war prisoners are shown not only naked with their ribs showing through, but also under the yoke, just like cattle. 2') Likewise, nudity and [he.: rib cage may point to the imminence of death /-ix these flgures.
TIGLATH-P[LESER II!
THE MYTHOLOGY OF KINGSHIP IN NEG-ASSYRIAN ART
47
39. Ashurnasirpal II and his soldiers attacking a fortified ciry and deporting its inhabitants, Panel 5b, Room S, Northwest Palace of Ashurnasirpal II at Nimrud. London, British Museum, ANE 124552. Photo: author. FIGURE
The analogy of captured people to curle and their association with ox-drawn wagons are fi'cquent topoi in the Nco-Assyrian rdie[~. A deportation scene from the throne room of Ashurnasirpal Ii's Northwest Palace at Nimrud (Panel B 5, Fig. 39), for instancc, depicts a row of women and a child driven by an Assyrian soldier. 'Ihe captives are shown in analogy with their catrle moving toward
the same direction. As fCJr the Central Palace ofTiglath-Pileser III, it also
features a deportation scene (Fig. 40) that depicts "vanquished inhabitants quitting their horne, to be counted, like their cattle, by the Assyrian scribes." \0 Some of the deponed women and children are shown being carried in a chariot drawn hy oxen, ptobably their ownY Cifarelli lllelHions the yoke as an ancient metaphor for the king's complete dominance and control over non-Assyrians, one that connotes the dehumanization
of the lion-Assyrian captives
by the anaiogy of their Slatus with that ofanimak l.~ Even dlOugh (:iEuclli's point concerning the metaphor of yoke is weilmade, her approach to "dehumanization" alld "status" may again
FIGURE 4 I. Uranian(?) rider eSClping Assyrian 1I0005I.;'l11e[1, Pand loa, \'\Iall a, Southwest Palace at Nimrud. !.ondon, British Museum, ANE I ISl)05. Photo: author.
be problematic. Regardless of the fact that the people depicted dead, nude, and yoked or harnessed arc enemies and non-Assyrians, tht:re is no visual due in the rdicf-s (() suggest that either they or their animals arc hateful to the Assyrians or of "lower .~tatu.~" than 1l1t:1l, at least from
of view. 'I he dignity in which the adversary is sometimes shown in Assyrian anotht:r relief pand hom the reign orTig!ath-Pilc.~er Ill, this time found in the Southwest Palace of barhaddol] at Nilllrud, depicting an Urartian (?) commander in the artist's poilH
art can be seell
011
escape (Fig. 41).1 \ A reconsideration
of the state of rhe deportees alld animals within a theory of liminality
may hring a more lluallu.:d pcrspective to an interpretation of rheir alteriry in rhe reliefs. Even though Arthur van Ccnnep's notion "rite or passage" rc/ers to specific ritual siruations, some of the conditions those Silll
or individuals' change in social SlaWS; it includes
of things, relationships, and processes, which represent the detachment of
the subjects from their previolls social statuses. H During this intervening phase of transition, called by van Cellllep "margin" or limen, meaning "threshold" in Latin, the subjects pass through a period and area of ambiguity, a sort of social limbo. 1\ "In ell(.: else Deportation scene, Series A, Pand Sa, Room XV, Central Palace of Tighuh-Pileser III at Nimrud. London, British Museum, ANE I ISflfl2. Photo: author.
FIGUIU, 40.
of the members ofa society, it implies collectively moving from all
that is socially and culturally involved in all agricultural season, or from a period of peace as against one
of war." ;(, Iniliations humble people,
regardlc.~,~
of whether [hey eventually elevate
THE MYTHOLOGY OF KINGSHIP IN NEO-ASSYRIAN ART
TIGLATH-PILESER II!
49
them. In many socieries the liminal iniriands are "stripped of names and clothing, smeared with the common earth, rendered indistinguishable from animals. They are associated with such general oppositions as life and death, male and female, food and excrement etc."}? However, what perhaps prevents [hem from being truly despicable is the special kind of freedom, a "sacred power" of the weak and debased that they acquire. As noted in relation to genii and the notion of nurnen, liminality places subjects in a close connection with nonsocial or asocial powers of life and death as well. "Hence tbe frequent comparison of novices with, on the one hand, ghosts, gods, or ancestors, and, on the other, with animals or birds."-IH if we consider a basic theory of liminality in rclation to the Neo-Assyrian deportation and massacre scenes, the idea that the enemy and animal are understood and depicted in art as hateful and despicable may be seen as rather restrictive. With regard to animals as well, there is no visual clue lhat cattle were set in analogy with man to make either of them look contemptible. On the contrary, for instance, the ox, frequently depicted on the Assyrian reliefs, has been a helper to man since the earliest phases of domestication. 19 Surely, the rclie(~ were meant to glorify Assyrian supremacy over conquered nations, but regardless of the putative
FIGURE 42.
propagandistic aspecls of' this art, the scenes dealt with here may have provided the artist with
ANE
the actual human condition through which he could show man in a quasi-ritual situation and by this means not only display his expertise in '\mistic anatomy" but also embed in the rclie[~ a subtle rhetoric that speaks a subdued sacral language underneath what has so far seemed to the cOlltcmponlry Western audience a predominantly historical and propagandistic rhetoric.
II
Tiglach-Pi!eser ((( in his chariot, Southwcsc Palace ac Nimrud. London, British Museum, R90R. Phow: author.
echoed by the triangles f()J"]ned by the radial spokes of the chariot wheels:!! Ihis scheme may again be thought to reveal the artist's ef1(H"t to create not only a stylized geometric, but also a morphological continuity between the legs belonging to the animals and those belonging to the humans. As already observed in the art of Ashurnasirpal II, such compositions, with their clear and
PROXIMITY, OVERI.AP, AND ANALOGY IN THE ART OF TIGLATH-PILESER III
Certain relids from Tiglath-Pile.ser Ill's Central Palace at Nimrud display a pronounced juxtaposition or paralleli.sm between human Iimb.s and those manner. An analysis
or animals
rendered in a stylized
or the details of these scenes would help reveal the geometric arrangement
underlying the composilions, pointing to the likelihood thal in addition to imparting a sense of order and organization to the compositions, the artist used this geometry to enhance these correspondences between hurnall alld aninlal body pans.
In the case of a slab depicting an A'I.'Iyrian ofFicial receiving the decapitated heads of slain enemies, then: arc no animals, hut a relation is set bel ween the decapitated heads and the arms of the soldiers holding lhen1.'lo 'I he arms seem almost independent objects separated from their torsos by sharply curved shoulders, echoing lhe dismemherment of the heads themselves. On the relief panel that depicts Assyrian cavalrymen charging, dealt with above under the heading "'I he Anatomy of Hanle" (Hg. ,n), we see a dynamic and diagonal juxtaposition between human and animal limbs. In the af()ITmentioned scene depicting the pUlarive Urartian (Fig. 4I), (he right leg of the lead figure is paralleled by the right fl:Heleg of the horse, accelltuated by the stylized linear rendition of bones and muscles. 'Ihe raised and bem left f(xclcg of the horse is an unusual feature given the standard Assyrian way.'I of showing the horses striding with all four legs on the ground Of galloping, and hence clearly meant by the anist to correspond to rhe rider's leg. 'lhe man and hi.~ horse arc further unif-Ied into a single visual whole through the continuation of the horse's manc il1m [he fringes of the rider's garment. Finally, we can nOle a rdief pand from I':sarhaddon's Southwest Palace at Nimrud depicting 'T'iglath-Pileser III in his royal chariot (Hg. 42) 011 which the niangles cre,ueel by the horses' legs arc carried along hy those of rhc legs of the attendants drawing the horses, and further
legible gcometry, point to the artist's use ofhulllan and animal anatomy as the comtituem parts, or building blocks, of certain visual paltcrns crealed in variou.~ relief scenes. 'Ihese c()nfigura~
lions reveal how the human and animal anatomy were regarded as parts of the same reposiwfy of body imagery, although with sufficient distinctions between them to cre;l['e no room for any real confusion.
SARGON II
3
5I
are liminal personages in thar rhey are in essence subjects, and they fight in front ranks. Thus, in addition to their ethnic battle garb and helmets, this partial nudity would also have been at
SARGON II
home with their foreignness and vulnerability in battle.
HUNT OR SACRIFICE?
'Two human figures from the palace in Khorsabad holding animals can be shown as Sargonic examples of conger/itt! contact with animals. The first of (hese figures, originally on Fayade m, is probably a wingless genius, especially because his forward leg is exposed underneath a knee-length kilt, in the typical fashion in which all genii in Neo-Assyrian palace reliefs are represented. Like some of the genii in Ashurnasirpal's reliefs, the Sargonic figure is depicted with both a plant and a horned animal, whose thoracic area is highlighted (Fig. 43):' 'This anaromically articulated part of the animal's body may be thought to parallel that of its bearer's forearms. The question of whether the animal and the plant are ritual offerings, posed in relation
T
IGLATH-PILESER III WAS SUCCEEDED BY HIS SON SHALMANESER V
(726-722
BCE),
who reigned for only five years. He was followed on the throne by Sargon II whose records
to the theriophorolls genii of Ashurnasirpal II, would still be valid in this case as well.
'[he second scene is a detail of a hum fro111 the "room in the detached building" of the royal
indicate that Shalmaneser V's reign came to an end as a result of a revolution in reaction to
palace at Khorsabad (Fig. 44), depicting a figure carrying a horned animal on the far right. 5
his taxation policies. I Sargon II docs nO( provide a genealogy in his extant royal inscriptions,
Whatever the practical function of this manner of holding the animal may he, such as keeping it
and his name, which means "the king is legitimate," is often taken as an indication that he was
under control without hurting it, man and beast arc here again in a distinctive physical contact
unrelated to the royal line and perhaps a usurper. Sargon was a sliccessful ruler from a military
with one another. There are also visual and proportional correspondences between the animals
standpoint. Campaigning widely, he defeated the powerful kingdom of Urartu, and extended
and the hody of their bearer, of the kind we have already discussed. For instance, the dead hare
Assyrian imperial territory from the Persian Gulf to the Mediterranean, Like 'Tiglath-Pileser [I I,
held by its bearer's right hand proportionally and morphologically corresponds to the forearm
he also "took the hand of Marduk" after defeating the Babylonian ruler Marduk-apla-iddina II,
and the right calf of the bearer. By the same token, rhe muscle f()I'Illatioll of the other animal's
biblical Merodach-Baladan, who had Red
front right thigh and neck can be thought to parallel in reversed symmetry tbe biceps and
(0
Elam and conspired against Assyrian rule.
Hence, like Tiglath-Pileser Ill, Sargoll U claimed the Babylonian throne in addition
(0
the
Assyrian, assuming the age-old Babylonian tide of sovereignty "King of Sumer and Akkad."
forearm of the human figure (Fig. 44). It is further noteworthy that, perhaps again as an indication of the presence of an Assyrian
Sargon initially lived in Nimrud, in fact at the Northwest Palace of Ashurnasirpal II, but
sense of dccorum in figural represcntation, the tallest figure here is the one who holds the
shortly after his accession to the throne also starred building a ncw capital namcd after himself,
animals. 'Ihe next tallest figure, who is probably a eunuch, is engaged in hunting, and finally
Dur-Sharrukin (Khorsabad). Both Sargon's new palace and the extant elements onts decoracive
the third and smallcst figurc is distinctly subordinate to both of thelll. The animal bearer is
program display monumental proportions. 'lhe nature of thc relief representations from this
further distinguished by his headband. His physical contact and perhaps bonding with animals
palace arc especia!ly in line with the art of Ashurnasirpal II, with crnblematic-hieratic scenes
may be thought to go hand in hand with his si'/,e and mature virility, establishing a contrast
featuring the king, formulaic dignitaries, genii, and the "sacred (rec," in addition to scenes of
with the figure,~ of the eunuch and the smaller man.
tributarics and bat tic.
It has bcen suggested that the dif-Ierence in the sizes of the human figures as well as those of
Not many relief panels from Sargon II's palace in Khorsabad, however, open new subject
thc trees in the hunt reliefs of Sargon II is on account of the prescnce of a kind of perspeccive,
headings f-(lf the present analysis. Nevertheless, recurrent themes are substantial enough to be
wich the shorter ligures presumably standing f()]' subjcns locatcd farther in the distance. 6 In
worth noting, demonstrating the pcrvasiveness of the blend of human and animal anatomy as a
"perspectival" depictions, however, especially as scell in the art ofTiglath-Pileser III (Fig. 40),
gencral Nco-Assyrian artistic phenomenon continuing mutatis rnutrlflt!iJ through (he reigns of
it would make more sense !()J" figures with varying sizes (() be shown on di{ferelH ground lines
several kings. For instance, f()reigners fighting in the Assyrian army as auxiliaries can be distin-
rather than all on (he same level. 'I he an of Tiglath-Pileser III precedes that of Sargon, and it
guished by their helmets or headbands bO(h ill the reliefs of Tiglath-Pileser III and Sargon II.!
would have been unlikely f{u' the Assyrian artist to have abandoned this quite eflenive manner
In the reliefs of the f()J"Iner they are almost always clothed (Pig. J 2). However, in the relief" of
of spatial rendition for a less persuasive one. In [lcr, the scene from Khorsabad discllssed earlier
lhe laner, there are several instances in which non-Assyrian soldiers fighting {-(}r the Assyrians
(Fig. 43) may dari/)! f'unher how diHcrellce in the sizes of (he human figures does not neces-
are shown with bare torsos with their ribs showing through, such as those on the reliefs from
sarily suggest distance, because this is a standard and fC.mnulaic scene of procession showing
of the Palace in Khorsabad. l 'The Elct that these archers may have fought in
wingless genii in which any suggestion of space or "perspective" would have been meaningless.
partial nudity may have constituted another opportunity f(}r the artists observing battles to
Here as well, the figure holding both a twig of flowers and (he animal is larger than the figure
exercise furrher their anatomical pursuits in art. Even though in the service of the empire and
following him, not illustrated here, holding only a twig of pomegranatesJ One can thus make
not under any imminem threat of execution or imprisonment, foreigners in the Assyrian army
the observation (hat human flgures of various degrees of tallness all shown on the same ground
Rooms
2
and
14
50
THE MYTHOLOGY OF KINGSHIP IN NED-ASSYRIAN ART
SARGON II
53
FIGIIRE 44. Three Assyrians in a forest hunting small animals and hirds, panel from the "room in the detached building," Palace o(Sargoll If at Khorsabad. London, British Musellm ! 18829. Photo: author.
the art of Sargon 1I can also be f()und in the appearance of a columned portico or pavilion on one of his relief slab.s from Khorsabad. This architectural clement, also encountered on the rclief:~ of Ashurbanipal, is somedme,~ tentatively matched with the term blt~Jilrini, a phrase
mendoned in Neo-A.s.syri
the Hiuite manner. 10 'I he archilecLUral and artistic traditions of NonherTl Syria/Solltheastern Anatolia and the Late Hittite world had a significalll impact on Nco-Assyrian palace design both in supplying the orthostat slab as an architectural clement and the practice of decorating it with relief sculpture. I I [n turn, the mature Nco-Assyrian modes of visual represelHatioll in relicf constituted a source of inspiration for the royal iconography of the wealthy North
of Ashurnasirpal 1I
Syrian states, during the lime
and later in which these states had relations
of uade and trihute with Assyria. 'I his intt.:resl on the pan of the Nco-Assyrian artistic practice in incorporating demt.:nts
of Syria and the l.ate Hittite lands may be thought to be in accord with of tht.: empire, which rcached its zt.:nith during rhe Sargonids,
the growing cosmopolitanism
Scnnacht.:rib and Ashurhanipal. F[(;URE 4-'1. A wingless genius carrying a flower alld a wild goal, Panei4, Fa<;ad(: Khorsabad. Paris, (,ouvre A() 19872, Phow! author.
lll,
Palace ofSargon II at HORSE LEG OR I-IUMAN LEG?
Two dt.:tails from (he reliefs of Sargoll II showing horses and men may be purposely assimiline is an inwresting charactcrisdc of the reliefs of Sargoll fl. 'I his characteristic may not havc
lating the human and the horst.: leg
necessarily sllgges[(xi a perspenival rendition in the scenes, and whatever its purpose, it may
procession from Room
10
to
one another. [n the first example, part of a tributary
of Sargon II's palace in Khor.~abad, the thigh of the left hind leg
of
also have enabled [hc Assyrian artist in establishing a viwal hierarchy among a group ofhuillan
the horse coincides with lhe right It.:g of the ;luendanl standing behind it. 11 Even the curve of
figures prioritizing rhe figun: holding the animals.
the transition (() the calf in rhe lllall is paralleled by the curve of [he transition to the lower leg
rnle theme of the "huHter with a gazelle over the shoulder," seen on the hUllting scene from Khorsabad discLissed earlier (hg. 44)' is also a f-igural type that can be found in the arts of
in (he horse. A similar case can he (-cHlIld in two relief sequences hom Ashurbanipal's North Palace at
Syria both cOlHcmporary with rhe Neo-A~syrian Empire and earlier in [he Late Bronze Age.
Nineveh. '111e flrst is in Room F, "'[he Susian
The [ype appears on carved orthostat rdids that decorated public buildings in the Neo-Hittite
registers; rhe upper register show,~ rhe
states such as Carchemish and Karatepc. H Earlier, it can also bc seen on a set oCivory panels from
the exodus of prisoners from it: the lower register shows the countermarch of prisoners and
Ugarit ii'om the second millennium
counting ofrhe booty" (Fig. 4S).11 An inslance belonging to the lattcr group is illustrated here,
HeE,')
An interest in matters Nco-Hittite and/or Syrian in
54
SARGON II
THE MYTHOLOGY OF KINGSHIP IN NED-ASSYRIAN ART
45. Scene from the assault and capture of the Elamitc city of Hamallu, Panel 8, Room C, North Palace of Ashurbanipal at Nineveh. London, Bridsh Museum, ANE 120861. Photo:
FIGURE
55
FIGURE 47. Horses and grooms, Panels 28-3°, Sloping Passage LI, Southwest Palace of Sennacherib at Nineveh. London, British Museum, ANE I 24797a-b and ANE 124796<1. Photo: author.
and in it the assimilation of the horse leg to the human seems ro have been carried oU( in an
triangular manner, but the hind legs are both pushed back in stretch as ifche horse were about to
even more accentuated manner, for it docs look at first glance as if th<: overlapping human and
gallop, whereas the front legs calmly stand in position. I \ '111c space created in between, however,
horse legs wen.: complctely merged. 'lhc second relevant relief sequence from Ashurbanipal's
accommodates two human Jeg,~, the one behind also coinciding with the animal's genitalia just
North Palace comes from the great lion hunt series of Room C and shows in its middle register
as the horse's own leg would, were it depicted in the regular striding pose. "Ihe horse's legs also
"the Icing's horses brought to be harnessed."1.! One ofthc groom figures shown in overlap with
look unusually humanized ill thi.~ case, their joints and muscles almost paralleling the knees
a horse reveals a configuration thai is more or less idclllical to our first Ashurbanipal example
and muscles of the human legs. One cannot here help but think that [he artists at times truly
(Fig. 46). We can now come back (() the Sargonic examples and look at a second slab From Khorsabad,
play with what is human and what is animal in the reliefs, as is detectable in such details, and
Room 5, which is most unusual in that the legs of tbe striding horse are not depicted in rhe usual
well.
perhaps at times assimilating the masculinity of the animals to dlat of the human figures as An analogous example can be found
Oil
a series of slabs from "Sloping Passage U" of Sen-
nacherib's Southwest Palace in Nineveh (Fig. 47). W[ he northwestern side of this passage shows a procession of servants ascending towards the riglu, while rhe southeastern wall is decorated with a file ofled horses without trappings, and grooms descending, again towards the right."!6 In this series of slabs, the grooms are again shown somewhat in assimilation with the bodies of the horses they arc shown leading. '[he figure
011
the left-hand side of the illustradon dut
shows a part of the procession, for instance, overlaps the horse in slich a way that if extended downward, the contours of the horse's mane would go along diagonally across the groom's upper body, the lower conlOur of the mane coinciding with the lower curved edge of d1e figure's hemmed garment (Fig. 47). As f()(· the figure on the right, both his legs and feet are in direct overlap and analogy with the hind legs of the horse behind which he is shown walking.!7 Other figures in this procession reflect similar de mils [hat establish such relations of overlap and correspondence between body parts of horses and those of humans. In this connection, we can again move farther ahead in rime
to
look
a relief from Room E of Ashur bani pal's North Palace at Nineveh that shows attendants leading mastiffs (Fig. 48}.JH Although the hounds of Ashur bani pal are the suhjeC[ ofa separate section, 46. "1hc king's horse.~ broughr ro be harnessed, rhe Royal Lion Hunr, Panels 7-8, Room C, North Palace of Ashurhanipal ar Nineveh. London, Bridsh Museum, ANI". [20860- (. Photo: author.
FIGURE
the relationship of overlap, repetition, and alignment betwecn man and beast is nmewonhy here with regard
to
the discussion concerning rhe horse Jeg and the human leg, In the casc of
SARGON 11
THE MYTHOLOGY OF KINGSHIP IN NEO-ASSYRIAN ART
57
VIGURE 48. Al(endant~
with hounds, Panel 1.3(?)' Room E, North Palace of Ashurhanipal at Nineveh. Londoll, British Museum, ANI-: 11!l9! s. Photo: audlOr. 49. Musicians and lions, Pand 5, Room E, North Palace of Ashurbanipal at Nineveh. London, British Museum, ANI~ I I R91 6. Photo: author. FIGURE
both of the figures depicted, the hind legs of the hound and [he legs of dle man arc dearly placed in a relationship or overlap and analogy, with the stylized vertical features of anatomy, bones, mllscit:s, or sinews accentuating the parallelism. In the meancime, animal and human feet seem to be arranged in such a way that heels and (Oes touch one another in alternation along the ground line. Further, as we have observed in the case of the horse figure on one of the slabs from Sargon's palace in Khorsabad discussed earlier, here, too, the dogs' hind legs are shown placed together and stretched toward the back, and nor in a plausible position for movement. Finally, in the Ashurbanipal scene, the right thigh of each animal seems to be aligned with that of each of the human figures, almost constitming a virtual second thigh fi:.lr the attendants right underneath the actual one (Fig. 48). "[his {-catun..: may be thought to be responded to by the protruding buttock, shoulder, and chest areas of rhe attendants, who, on lhe basis of their profiles and lack of beards, may be eunuchs. 'fhe phallus of each of the hounds is also placed in a relation of overlap with respect to human legs, almost spanning the dislance between the two legs in the case of the figure Oil the left and overlapping fully the left calf muscle of the f-lgme on rhe right. Again, an assimilation of animal anatomy and masculinity to human form may have been one of the less obvious intemions of the artists, particularly ironic ifindeed rhe attendants depicted were meam to be eunuchs. [n the an of Ashurbanipal, we can cite two more examples that operate in the same vein. In the first, which is another slab from Room E (Fig. 49), we can again see the blending of a eunuch musician's upper body with the neck of a male lion walking in front of him, 1<) In the second, a detail from the mulciregister hunt scenes of Room S (Fig. 50), an (lnendam figure
FIGURE 50. Hor~e~
and attendants, Pand 12, Room S, North Palace of Ashur bani pal at Nineveh. Londoll, British Museum, ANE 124876. Photo: author.
THE il-IYTHOLOGY OF KINGSHIP IN NEO-ASSYRIAN ART
SARGON II
59
standing behind cwo overlapping horse figures is shown wearing a garment in which the hem unmistakably paral!e1s the curve of the hind legs of the horse shown scanding behind. W Further, the two groups of genitalia belonging co the horses almost constitute a "framing device" for the location of the human figure in the midst of the horses. In both instances, one cannot help but think that the combination results in a chimera-like Mischwesen with a full animal body bU[ a human head and Heck also incorporated. As a general observation at the end of this discussion, we should also note that certain aspects of generic human anacomy are so pervasive in the Neo-Assyrian palace reliefs that in looking at the forearm of certain attendant figures (Fig. 48), one cannot avoid noticing how that very morphology occurs at times in the body of a tributary or a eunuch and at times in the body of the ruler. Generic body parts of this sort may be thought to have a degree of autonomy and ubiquity, constituting the unchanging eiemcms of a visual fabric of external human anatomy, one of the most essential building blocks of the texture of the palace reliefs. It is rather the overall stance, garb, and posture of the human figure that dictate the character and identification of the figure, say, as king, or COlirt eunuch, whereas certain individual body units such as forearms and calves create a pervasive impartiality in the way the human being is depicted, regardless of social and imperial rank and hierarchy.
FIGURE 5J. "Uon Combat," Panel 13, Room 5, North Palace of Ashurbanipal at Nineveh. London, British Museum, ANE [24H75. Photo: author.
ANIMALS AND GENDER
A philosophical discourse on the nature and meaning of masculinity is very much part of A number of ideas concerning the male audience of the Nco-Assyrian palace rdiefs as well
Assyrian culture, as manifest in both the royal inscriptions and the Epic o/Gilgrlmesh. In their
as the correspondence between human and animal figures from the perspective of virility have
royal inscriptions, Assyrian kings often lise epithets that emphasize the king's maleness and
already been nmed in this visual survey. 'lhc nmion dut "the historical relic[~ served as a vehicle
valiance, ft)l' example, zikllru qmr;/u, heroic male, or ('.tlu l/lIrclu, heroic (male) youth, terms that,
for the engendering of an Assyrian ideal of masculinity, as well as demonstrating that power
according to Winter, "carry with thelll both a gender marker and also a sense of associative
was inextricably tied to gender"l' may Ix thought
potency."!) One of the phrases encountered in (he Assyrian royal inscriptions, f(H example,
to
be paralleled by the argument dut in the
ancient Near East, "sexuality was inextricably linked to potency, potency to male vigor, and
is zikflrdku, which can be translated a.~ "I am warrior, virile, or manly," from tile Akkadian
male vigor
word zikllnt, meaning man and male. In one couplet fl·om the texts of Adad-Nirari U (9 I
to
authority and dominance, hence rule."ll We sec not only a mostly male human
world in Nco-Assyrian reliefs but also a mostly male animal population. l l Hardly any female
H9! liCE), for installce, the king announces
I-
"lflbbdku u zikarti/w," "I am a lion and I am a
horses can be seen in Assyrian cavalry and royal chariot scenes, and canle, too, are mostly
(potent) male. "l(' Rather than a symptom of "heLCrosexual anxieties" harbored by Assyrian
male in the relief-so Nevertheless, the majority of male animals arc not confined to the king's
kings, such statements lllay again be thought to play into a philosophical concepeion of what '(()m Hare has described as "hypervirility" epitomized in ancient Mesopotamia by heroes such
presence and identity, for as a Ill.atter of decorum he is overall estranged from them, except f()r the horse and perhaps the lion. Even ill these cases, the king is never shown in full physical
as Cilgamesh, a masculinity that exists on an ideal plane, rather than an ordinary conception
contact or analogy with them, with the exception perhaps of the design of the so-called Assyrian
of masculinity defined exclusively in relation
royal seal (Fig. 5 f) on which the king is shown stabbing a lion he confronts. Returning to the question of animals and gender, we can note that almost aU human figures
to
social norms.17
'I lIe phrase zikttr/ikll is also cognate with the Akkadian word Zil
to
in the SHV of '{he 1:/)/·(, ()/(,'i~e;lIm('sh (194-6); "'(he great ones called out to Aruru /
shown naked, attacked, and massacnxl arc alw male and that they an: oFten in proximity to
Arum,
or analogy with male animals sLlch as oxen, male camels, and horscs. We have also noted the
was ordered, commanded' or 'reply, response;' neither sense really gives a clear meaning."lll
emphasis
YOll
created
Illatl /
Now create his zikru." ""Iile Akkadian zikru normally means 'what
the masculine contact of the rivcr-crosscrs with the inflated skins. Women were
In his recent translation Andrew George rellder.~ [his passage a,~ follows: "You, Aruru, created
certainly not in dIe Assyrian army, and their abstnce fi·om such ,~cenes involving Assyrian men
[man:] / now creaLe what he suggests!"l') 'Ihere may nevertheless be an understanding of mas-
011
or Enkidu. After
is understandable. Even though non-Assyrian women are shown in depictions of deportation
culini[y inherent ill the de.~ignatioll zilau as olle of rhe attributes or qualities
throughoLit dIe Nco-Assyrian period, except ftH very few instances, their bodies are never fully
all, as already discussed at (he beginning of this parr, in (he epic, Enkidu is the epitome of
or partially eXf)osed. As Marcus has stressed, tile Assyriall palace reliefs primarily present a world
the created Illall in all almost biological sense of the word, and his initial closelless
[0
animals,
of men meant ftlf contemplation by a primarily male audiellce. However, cOlHrary to Marcus's
his sexual relations with the harlot, and his companionship with Cilgamesh may alt again be
argument, this overriding concern widl the male sex in (he relids can hardly be confined to
thought of as clements [hat play into the said philosophical discourse on masculinity among
royal pOWtr and "heterosexual anxieties. "1.1
the Assyrian intellectual elite.
60
THE !v!YTHOLOGY OF KINGSHIP IN NEO-ASSYRIAN ART
4
On the most basic level, however, and from a toully visual poim of view, the Neo-Assyrian palace reliefs may be seen as pertinent to man - and the male human being in general- before
SENNACHERIB
one reaches messages regarding the king and kingship. TIlLIS, \-vhat we encounter in rhe reliefs are scenes woven with generic human and animal anaromy, animals as vessels ofHfe and breath visually accentuating and reinforcing the vigor and the virility of the human body. As observed below in some of Sennacherib's scenes as well, it is also within an overarching dead1-survival theme that most of these scenes are depicted. Hence, the themes of life power and potential may have been thought to be epitomized best by the male sex, human and animal, and reHected as such in the visual language of the reliefs.
ARGON II WAS KILLED IN 705 IKE IN Tl-IE BATTLEFlELD, AND I-lIS CORPSE WAS NEVER
S
recovered, a grave situation given how in the Assyrian royal ritual the appropriate burial of
the king was essential. 1he anomalous death and lack of burial ofSargon colored the manner in which his successors went about dealing with the so-caUed Babylonian problem. An enigmatic text known as the ,,'in ofSargon presents the cause of Sargon's anomalous death as Sargon's having both violated the will of the Assyrian national god Ashur before whom a treaty with the Babylonians was signed and neglecting the Babylonian gods. I Sargon's son and successor Sennacherib, having to deal with the difficulties surrounding his father's death as well as the continuing challenges from Babylonia, finally resorted
to
the drastic anion of invading and
destroying Babyloll. This move was also accompanied by a theological revolurion in which the principal cultural and religious institutions of the Babylonians were appropriated by the Assyrians. Hence, the city of Assur was to be rhe new scat of the traditional Babylonian cult, and the cult starue of Marduk was also taken to this city, among other things. Sellnacherib further began a new building program in Assur, constructing a New Year's Festival House with its garden outside the city walls, to paraUd and replace the Akitu HOllse of' the Babylonian New Year's celebrations, also located oLitside the city walls of Babylon. L Perhaps a sign of Sennachcrib's decision to distance hirmclf frolll the inauspicious circLlIllstances of his EIther's death, this king also abandoned Khorsabad and est'ablished a new capital city for the Neo-Assyrian Empire, converting the ancient settlement of Nineveh into a bigger city as the new seat' of government. 1-1e built his own palace at Nineveh, the Southwest Palace, naming it the "palace without rival" (chz! fdniJlflid ild). 'Ihis palace and irs decorative program brought many innovations to Assyrian palace design and relief sculpture. ~ The palace and its state apanmenrs were the most comprehensive in plan among the Assyrian palaces built up [() that point. Its decorative program featured continuous, panoramic, and spatially complex representations ofconremporary military campaigns, deponations, and construcdon activities, all supplemented with inscriptions in the Nco-Assyrian cuneiform glossing [he identity of the scenes depicted. -n1e reliefs in Sennacherib's Southwest Palace at Nineveh feat'Ure a variety of scenes of battle and captivity that bring animal and human bodies together. Before their brief analysis, we can also note another innovation in the palace, gate guardians of Babylonian figural types, discussed in detail in Part [[I, shown on a panel that may have come from ennance () connecting rooms
THE MYTHOLOGY OF KINGSHIP IN NEO-ASSYRIAN ART
SENNACHERfB
FIGURE 53. Assyrians recording booty, Panels 10 and! ! , Room XXVIII, Southwest Palace ofSennacherib at Nineveh. London, British Museum, ANE 124956 and 124957. Photo: author.
Litaary MiJcellanerl.7 Some of these texts make reference to some of the "dead gods" of ancient l'IGURE 52. Doorway guardian figures, an tlgt/Utl (Icft) and a "house Cod," Wcst jamb of door 0, Room XXXI, SouthwcH Palace of Sennacherib at Nincveh. London, British Museum, ANE I !8932. Photo: author.
Mesopotamian religion by means of "analogy." One such dead god is Kingu, the leader of the primordial femak monster Tiamat's army in her battle against Marduk, the ruler god of the Babylonian pantheon, as related in the Babylonian poem of cosmogony, Entima Elif.H After Thu11
XXXI and XXXlf'I (Fig. 52). These figures again demonstrate the artist's interest in rendering
gods, and his blood is used ill the creation of man who will thencef()l'th take over the laboring
the anatomy of the human body in the representation of supernatural beings that are conceived
of the gods,') For instance, A C'1l/tic Commentruy, say~: "and the sheep which they throw on the
of as pardy animal and pardy human. In the pair illustrated here, the human torso of the genius
brazier and which the fire burns is Qingu, when he burns in the fire."lo As f()l' the (ext KAR
th,-H of the lion demon on the left. In bct, the two bodies arc overall
307, which is among what Livingscolle designates as Nlystiml Misce/!rmerl, we read: "The singed
almost identical save the head and the feet - a lion's head and a hiI'll's claws, respectively, in the
ox and sheep which they throw alive to the ground, are Qingu and [his] seven sons, when they were smitten."]]
on the right is identical
(0
case of the Mirchwesen.
An important hallmark ofslIch texts is their me of concrete analogies. Livingstone states that "the ancient philosophers endeavored to find ways of making existing theology accord more BODY AND BOOTY
precisely with the f~lcts of the natural world."11 According to Livingstone, "one of these was
We have already noted the frequent occurrence of decapitated heads on Nco-Assyrian reliefs
by working on analogy with existing identities between deities and pans of the world."l J ~nlis
that depict battle scenes. Soldiers sometimes hold these heads in their hands as if to proclaim
understanding of philosophy conceivcd of in concrete and physical terms, especially inasmuch
their viclOry, sometimes present them [() a senior dignitary, and sometimes pile them up within enclosures. s An instance of analogy in such a context is the decapitated ram's head shown in a
as it also includes analogies to animals, is very much representative of the ancient Mesopotamian
camp scene next
is also closely akin to the !latun: of the intellectual discourse proposed here
[0
the trunk ofa palm tree in the middle register ora series of slabs from Room
XXVIII, while in the lower registc:r Assyrian soldiers hring decapitated human heads to an area
fondness for understanding and documenting the universe in physical and tangible terms. It to
permeate the
imagery of the Nco-Assyrian palace relids.
fiUed with boor/' (Fig. 53). Meanwhile on the upper register, righl next to dle ram's head, other Assyrian soldiers are shown roasting meat, perhaps that of the very ram whose head appears in the scene. 'Itl the left of the roasting scene
011
THE MASSACRES OF LACHISI-I
the same register is also a pile of decapitated
heads shown being recorded by the scribes. It is again the case that the results of human and
One or the highlights of the art of Sennacherib in the Southwest Palace at Nineveh is rhe
animal slaughters are here set in apposition to each other.
series of reliefs representing the siege of the Israelite city of Lachish, identified by the epigraph
Interestingly enough, this scene appears as an illustrarion in a publication that contains
inscribed on the scenes. 'lhis military campaign is curiously absent from Sennacherib's extant
certain Nco-Assyrian texts of an esoreric character, Alasdair Livingslone's Courl Poetry rmd
royal annals, and [he testimonia we have ttlr it come frolll these reliefs and their captions, the
THE l'vlYTHOLOGY OF KINGSHIP IN NEO-ASSYRIAN ART
FIGURE 54. Sennacherib enthroned reviewing the booty of Lachish, Pands 12 and 13, Room XXXVI, Southwest Palace ofSennacherib at Nineveh. London, British Muscum, ANE 1249 I 1-12. Photo: author.
account in the Bible, and the archaeological evidence on the site of Lachish that features the siege ramp built by the Assyrians outside the city walls. The three bodies of evidence corroborate one another. !4 111e relief scenes that depict the fall of Lachish constitute the decoration of Room XXXVI at Sennacherib's Southwest Palace, where there is a procession of captives and booty toward the enthroned king (Fig. 54). (\ Within this procession are shown tWO naked men being tortured by Assyrian soldiers (Hgs. 55). (n proximity to these figures, in the upper register, right above them, is a pair of oxen with their rib cages showing through the skin, corresponding to the two human figures shown in a similar manner. Furthcr ahead ill thc same scene is the decapitation of another man by all Assyrian soldier (Fig. 56), the position of the two figures, the execLHor and the victim, almost reminiscc[l( of animal slaughter.
5'). Detail fimn the Siege of Lachish, Panels Sennacherib ar Nineveh. London, British Museulll, ANi': FIGURE
Room XXXVI, SOllthwest Palace of [24,-)08-10. Phow: author.
9-1 I,
SENNACHERIB
FIGURE 56. Detail from the Siege of Lachish, Panels 9 and 10, Room XXXVI, Southwest Palace of Scnn<\chcrib at Nineveh. London, British Museum, ANE I 24908~9. Photo: allthor.
One can compare a military camp scene from Room XLVlll in which what looks like a ram is being slaughtered (Fig. 57)[(, along with another scene from Room XLV that shows an Assyrian soldier cutting the leg of an animal with similar gestures (Fig. 58).!7 Both of these configurations can be compared further with the scene of human massacre from the Lachish series. rlhcse parallels can be thought to strengthen (he suggestion that the artists of [he Lachish
FIGURE 57. Assyrian milirary camp in rhe moulHains. Drawing of Panel 20, Room XlVIII, Southwest Palace ofSennacherih at Nineveh. London, British Museulll, Or. Dr. IV 61. Photo: Archibald Paterson, As~yr;(UI Smlplllrn: I}dlll'(, OI)'l'tIl/fUiJ{'I'ii; (London: Harrison and Sons, 191 S): pI. 8,).
66
THE i\'IYTHOLOGY OF KINGSHIP IN NEO-ASSYRIAN ART
reliefs may well have intended
to
SENNACHERIB
show the massacre of the human victim in analogy to animal
slaughter. Comparable animal slaughter scenes abound in ancient Greek and Egypdan art. In ancient Egypt, "the actual killing of the beast is shown in many tombs. Irs legs are tied tightly wgether, the head is upward and backward, and its throat is then cut.
-nIl'
animal is then carved up
in a most sciclHific way beginning with the forclcgs."IH Slicing off the right foreleg of the beast, "the prized khepesh cut," was customary in ancient Egypt. '9 In the case of ancient Mesopotamian extispicy, based on descriptions in omen texes, one can "assume with a considerable degree of probability that the victim was lying on its back, i.e. that the ventral side was up; that it was slaughtered by cutting the jugular vein; that the skin was then cut along the mid-ventral line; that the cartilages which connen the ribs (() the sternum were cut; that the skin and ribs were folded backwards so that the internal viscera could be seen."2Q We can again note the importance of the rib cage in its fUllction of containing the viscera necessary for divination. On Sennacherib's slabs that depict military campaigns are further scenes of animal slaughter, also paralleled by tree and fish slaughters (Fig. 5R).!.! As f~u as the tree slaughters are concerned, as depicted in the drawing of a scene, tree cutting is clearly placed in conceptual analogy with the animal and human slaughters shown around it. 2l One wonders whether this time one might talk about an underlying idea as to the ontology to one another as well. It is also the case that in the
or plant and animal life in reladon
SBY of "fife F:pic o/Gi{q;ameJh, the catas-
trophic f..1ctors that lead to the death of Enkidu arc both the cuttillg of the cedar tree (Y 293) and the killing
or the Bull of Heaven
mythical. In other words, allusions
(0
(VI
!
[9~46) - plant and animal, respectively, albeit
mythical 110lions of sanctified or primordial killing may
have been embedded in thesl' seemingly ordinary military scenes of destruction and massacre. 111is mode of communicuion would again have been eXlremely subdued and meant to be perceived by the designers of this an as well as rhe inlier scholarly elite resident or active in the palaces.
THE CARNIVORE AND THE HERBIVORE
Meat is fi::>r beasts to feed 011, yet not all Are carnivores, /()[" horses, sheep, and cattle Subsist on grass, but those whme disposition Is fierce and CfUel, ligers, raging lions, And bears and wolves delight in bloody feasting Ovid, Mt'ftwlOtp/JoJeJ, Book XV, "'[ he Teachings of Pythagoras": H4·_H.1l
or
FlGURE 58. DrawjJlg,~ scenes from Assyrian military campaigns. Pancis 5~7, Room XIV, Southwest Palace of ~en!lacherih at Nineveh. London, British Museum, Or.Dr.IV, 25, 26, and 27, respectivciy. Source: Paterson, /lrt/(/(l' (~(S['mlflcbl'/"ib. pI. 80.
one of thl' hallmarks of all Ncar Eastl'rIl icollogral)hy L~ the theme of the feline attacking the bovinc. Even though man also sbughters the herbivore f()J" l1K'al and fcn rilLlat purpose, be ir f(lI" propitiating divinity or
to
examine its entrails, hI.' is perhaps closer to the herbivore, because
he may be thouglu of as not a meal caler by nature. If one examines the passages describing the "humanizalion" of Enkidu in the SBV of 'Iz,e hjJic 0I(,'i{q;tlltle.I'I" one will sec that Enkidu is initially a vegetarian ealing grass with caulc belelre his encounter with the harlot. !·I As already discllssed, in thl' ancient world, rhl' Pylhagorean notions of avoiding meal and sparing animals can also be understood withill a relevant fl·amework. 2\
Behind what is perhaps the most common occurrence of'analogy in rhe Neo-A),syrian palace
'1he role of the herbivorous animal ~lS potential victim C;ln be further probed in light ofrhe
rdiefs, that between deponed and massacred people and oxen, one could pmbe reasons beyond
scholarly discllssion concerning lhe wild animals [hat the Assyrian king is depicted hunting,
the straighr/-e)rward observation that oxen would have constituted a semantically potent rep-
such as (he wild hull and the lion, in Ashurnasirpal II's Standard Inscription as well as in the
resentative of lhe livelihood of an agrarian sodety. One additional dimension may again have
king's Ninurra 'fempll' Inscriplion, the king is called "arremive prince, worshipper of rhe Great
been the sense of Assyrian decorum, perhaps in referl'nce to an understanding of the herbivo-
Gods, ferodou,~ predator, conqueror of dtil'S and the entire highlands."26 ~Ihe royal epilhet
rous anima\, and especially the ox, as an animal that has rhe inherelH potemial to be victimizcd
"fierce predaml"," with the Assyrian adjective f(u "fierce," cltrlu, orherwise used only fell" lions
either by man or by predarors. 'Ihis norion of lhe herbivorous animal need not bl' an absn
and bulls, Illay demonstrate that the king is as fierce as, or eVI'i1 more so than, the animals he
or metaphorical one, because the herbivore is hy nature the /()oc\ source of the carnivore, and
overpowers. 27 'Ihe
tact rhallhc king is set in ilpposirion [0
the wild bull and the lion may have
68
SENNACHERIB
THE MYTHOLOGY OF KINGSHIP IN NED-ASSYRIAN ART
been due to an emphasis on the virility of the king strengthened by the inherent virility of the animals he is shown hunting, paralleled by the instances in which he says zikardku, "I am virile, or manly."ls Within the symbolism of the royal hunt, it may seemingly be the case that no distinction exists between the herbivorous wild bull and the carnivorous lion as victim, for in texts both animals arc characterized by the adjective ekdu, and as seen in art both are subject to victimization through royal power. Nevertheless, we have seen clearly how the dead bull is rendered very differently from the way the dead lion is shown in the hunt reliefs of Ashurnasirpaill. What the images may be taking nQ(e of, something that the texts do not convey, is an understanding of physical character, or ontology, among artists regarding each animal, one a predator, the other an herb eater. Outside the royal cirde, if the animals depicted in analogy with the massacred enemy and the deportees are oxen, an added emphasis is that the ox is a castrated and domesticated bull. 1hus, the analogy between the ox and the deportee would also be one of emasculation, which would further be the antithesis of the relationship between the virile wild
bull and the king. 1here is indeed a line of scholarly thought that both the domestication and the castration of cattle had religious before economic motives, reversing the popular Marxist axiom that religion and science are superstructures, An ardent supporter of this idea, Erich Isaac, indicates that
VIGURE 59, Captives and cattle advancing toward the right along a row of palm trees, lower registers of Panels 5 and 6, Room XXVIII, Southwest Palace of Sennacherib at Nineveh, London, British Museum, ANE 124774d~e. Photo: author.
neither the docility of oxen nor improved meat texture could have been foreseen as a result of castration and therefore neither can be cited a.~ a reason for the practice, ~') Isaac argues that the strong association of a dying god with cattlc as his primary manifestation would explain castration as a ritual reenactment of the death or castration of a divine being: "The myth of the dying fertility god, whatever the cycle in which it appears, essentially involves the murder or brutal maiming of a deity whose death and/or resurrection result in the emergence of plant life,"Jo In some myths, the deity was not slain but lost his sexual organs, which gave rise
(Q
the first plantsY Inevitably, these ideas directly remind one of Frazer's Golden Bough and the Cambridge Ritualists, Before one embarks on that tradition, however, one should not overlook the fact that both an understanding of divine embodiment in the bull and the notion ofa dying god are very much at hOl11e in ancient Mesopotamian religion. In a text designated as Giittertypcntl'xt of Middle Babylonian (1595-1157 IKE) origin, the names of a number of gods arc equated or spelled with the logogram gut! (bull), and most of them arc rdated to death or the netherworld, P As for the dying god, in rhe Old Babylonian Flood story Atrrl{JtIJiJ (I 206~30), mankind is created from a mixture of clay and the flesh and blood of a 8lain god, II '(his god:.;; name is We-ilu, similar in sound to the word {-e:H man ill Akkadian, (/lviltt, H Likewise, as already observed, in the Babylonian poem of cosmogony
EJllima Eld (VI
4~7) man
(luI/d) is created by Marduk duough the killing of the god Kingu:
"lmpaning the plan [which] he had conceived in his heart: / 'Blood' willI form and cause bone to be; / rll 1en will I set up 1!tIM, 'Man' sh:'lH be his name! / Yes, I will create lullt): Man!"lI Regarding the theme ofrhe moral inferiority of the enemy and the animal, discussed earlier, there is again no legible visual clue as (() the inferiority of the ox to the wild bull or to the lion that would go rogether with an understanding of a "coJl(emplible otherness" [hat the enemy and deportees might be thought to possess, On lhe cOIHrary, countless oxen arc depicted in remarkable dignity both in Sennacherib's and Ashurbanipal's relief programs. As an example of the respect paid to the ox in human societies that maimain a traditional relationship with animals, similar
to
one that may have existed among the ancient peoples such as the Assyrians,
one can Illemion the Nucr as reponed by Evans-Pritchard, and how they admire the ox for its beauty and grandeur: 'I he animal rcpn:sent.~ the 1110ral constraint of sexual inhibition and the llnil-ying concept of agnatic solidarity, rille intact domestic bull, on the other hand, which is regarded as closer to the wild species in its value, is associated with the concepts of ambition, divisive selF-interest and uninhibited sexuality, when.'as the wild animals are non-meaning and the inessential exterior of the sdfand the social group, III short, oxen are the supcl'ic)f form of the domestic animal, and thc), represcnt the significance of the llniv(,J'se, society and true, inner self. j(l In sum, the distinctioJl betw('ell til(' berbivor(' and carnivore, or rathcr the bovine and the feline, as visually expressed in the reliefs of Ashurn:;\'~irpal II, Illay be ind('pendem of the political messag('s that the reliefs convey. Rather, ('his distinction may be olle of essence, nature, and ontology, rIh(' royal chariot hunt SCenes of Ashurn
COIl-
sciouslle.~,~, with rhe rib cage and tlie throat accentuated in the dead bull's body and not empha-
sized in a similar manner in the lion's, distinctly dr'-Iwing atlelHion to the diHcrent anatomical and ontological 1e:H"malioll of"rhe herbivorol1.'i bull, understood here in its larger bovine context rather than in its opposition tion scenes such a.~ [hose
lO
the ox, from that of the carnivorous lion, In certain deporta-
or Sennacherib (Fig,
59), the way the oxen arc shown with stylized
rib cages parallels the way Ashurnasirpal's dead wild bull is shown (Fig, 8), confirming that the two versions of this sptcies were seen as olltologically cognate by the Assyrian artist after aiL Within the reprcserllations of the bovine in Nco-Assyrian art, however, the wild bull was certainty deemed more appropriate lelr scene.~ of rhe royal hunt, and the domesticated ox more so for scenes of captivity and deportation,
ASHURBANIPAL
5
71
of King Sinsharrishkun (ca. 626-6 I 2 BeE), bringing about the demise of this first cosmopolitan empire of the history of the Near East. Even though the archaeological documelHation of the palace that Ashurbanipal builr at
ASHURBANIPAL
Nineveh, the North Palace, is incomplete, sculptures from this palace are considered to be among the "finest and most imaginative surviving examples of Assyrian art." \ 1he art of Ashurbanipal is best known for its lion-hunt scenes from Rooms C, S, and SI ofhls palace. However, neither Ashurbanipal's lion hunts nor his other hunts for gazelles, onagers, and ostriches provides the appropriate background for the kind of visual rhetoric constituted by the relationship between the human and animal anatomy examined here. As we have seen, it is rather in the analogy hetween animals and humble populations, or men brought low; more amicable relationships between man and beast; the deportees and their Hocks and herds led with them; and the comparative anatomy of the human and animal bodies shown in proximity and analogy
A
FTER HAVING RULED OVER THE "MOST EXTENSIVE EMPIRE THE WORLD HAD THEN
seen" and having "built one of the greatest of ancient cities," Nineveh, Sennacherib was murdered in 68 I BeE, probably by one or morc of his sons, in a Elilcd attempt for royal succession. I He was succeeded on the throne by his son Esarhaddon whose major contribution co this high point of the empire was the conquest of Egypt. In Babylonia, Esarhaddon reversed his father's policy of "Assyrianizing" the Babylonians and initiated a recovery program, especially in the city of Babylon, whereby the damage caused by Sennacherib's sack was repaired. At Nimrud, Esarhaddon also began the COllSlrllC([On of a new residence, the aforementioned Southwest Palace, and it has been suggested that he had intended [() return to Nimrud, although there is no evidence [() support this view.! After Esarhaddoll's dealh en route on a final campaign
lO
Egypt, his son Ashurbanipal SllC-
ceeded him as king of Assyria. Given how Esarhaddon had (0 fight for his own succession under the turbulent circumstances that surrounded the death of his father Sennacherib, early on he wanted to ensure a safe SUCO:SSiOll fl:)r Ashurbanipal by means of a number of loyalty treaties th:H he imposed on vassal kings. ~ Al the same time that he appointed Ashurbanipal as the crown prince designate of Assyria, he also appointed Ashurbanipal's brother, Sham ashshum-ukin, as that of Babylonia, commemorating this dual appointlllelH in a monumental stela erecrcd in Zincirli, the imagery of which is discussed in Part II in relation (0 identifying the "crown prince" {-Igure in the Neo-As.~yrian visual record. Ashurbanipal is perhaps best known f()I' his claiming literacy and erudition as well as fl:)r the library he collected in Nineveh. Like his Etther Esarhaddon, he, too, campaigned against Egypt, and also against the Elamites and Babylonians, who had Forilled an anti-Assyrian coalidon with
that reveal better some of the subtleties that characterize the craft of the Assyrian artist. Assyrian dignitaries, and especially the king, afe rather "estranged" from such cohorts. "Illey can hence only constinlte a point of contrast. Even their proximity to their horses is generally an indiff-erellt one. "T11e human figures whose anatomy mingles with that of the horses arc generally the attendants and the grooms. Manifestations of many of the configurations we have traced to demonstrate the human and animal anatomy of the reliefs can be found in the relids of Ashurbanipal as well. To avoid repetition, in what follows I resume the discussion of how animals of different species were depicted and whether there were particular ways to do so that were deemed appropriate, and hence again I consider the question of decorum. We can also note at the outset the interest in the display oranamfllY in Ashurbanipal's doorway guardian figures, the same ones as Sennacherib's, each group occupying a panel symmetrically arranged inside entrance fl that connects Rooms P and B in the North Palace in Nineveh. 6 It is noteworthy that two of Ash urban ipal's guardian figures, the human figure wearing the horned helmet and the lion~hcaded demon, arc shown from the front on one of the panels (Fig. 60) and from the back on the counterpart panel across the doorway (Fig. 61), with a visual emphasis on the shoulder blades and dle spinal area. 7 '[ be spinal area in both of these two figures shown on both slabs is flanked on the bottom by ribs showing lhrough. As (-1:)1' the figure Oil the f:tr left and the Ell' right, the six-curled hero figure, in both cases, he is shown in a somewhat thn.'c~quartcrs view, with only the frontal part of rhl' [Orso visible, As Ctr as the /-I:mner two figures are concerned, the incorporation of ('he back or the torso, in addition to the frontal view, into their representations again shows how the artists consciously play with body forms and consider the sLlpernaUJral and mythical vocabulary of the reliefs a.~ a further appropriate domain in which to carryon this kind of visual rhetoric.
Shamash-shulll-ukin as the leader of the Babylonians. Although Ashurbanipal was sllccessful in these campaigns, it is often thought that the di.\appearance of (he Flamile stale, as a result THE HOUNDS OF ASHURBANli'AI.
of the Assyrian attacks against it, caused the east(Tn frontier or the empire ro grow vulnerable to lhe contemporary Median expansion.'1 Sources and documents arc too scarce (() shed light on the precise f~lC[Ors behind [he final collapse of the Nco-Assyrian Empire, bUl matters that
A scene from Ashurbanipal's Room R shows huntsmen and attendants with hounds and nelS going to rhe hum (Fig. 62).8 'through (he dogs' fully charged bodies depicted with rib cages
penained (0 the diHiculty of maintaining celltral authority against lhe challenges posed by an empire expanded roo Ell' and wide probably played a pan. ']he Assyrian illlperial existence
visible, the artist here may have wished to emphasize the active role that the hounds have in (he hunt, including perhaps a reference to the quick panting of rhe dog, as is generally associated
certainly lived on beyond Ashurbanipal, perhaps ((H' another twenty years, until in 6 I 2 neE
with this animal even today. 'There arc other depictions of dogs with visible rib cages among Ashurbanipal'.\ reliefS, such as the {-(nil' dogs held by attendants shown within a bird's-cyc-view
what was probably a joint Babylonian-Median attack caused the f~dl of Nineveh and the death
perspective, as it were,
70
011
top orolle another, next
to
the dying lions within (he large panoramic
72
ASHURBANIPAL
THE MYTHOLOGY OF KINGSHIP IN NEO-ASSYRIAN ART
7J
FIGURE 62.. HUlHsmcn and attcndants with hounds and nets going to the hullt, Panel?, Room !{, North
Palace of Asluu-b;U1ipal at Nineveh. London, British Museum, ANE 124893. Photo: ambo!". FIGURE 60, Doorway guardian !igur{',~ frOlll the door jamhs of Room B, North Palace of Ashurbanipal at Nineveh, London, British MLl~CUIl1, ANI~ 118917. Photo: «,:) 'The Trustees of the British Museum.
scene from Room C thal depicts what might be a royal hunt in the Nineveh arena," Dogs arc aLso shown depicted in the act of being led by aucildants on slabs from Room E, already examined earlier with regard to their relation to the human body (Fig. 4R).I() As intimated in the previous chapter on the art of Sennacherib ("The Carnivore and (he Herbivore"), showing animals with visibk rib cages may have something to do with the ontology of the animal specie,~ involved in the representation, In the Nco-Assyrian palace reliefs, it is generally cattle, camcis, and other horned herbivorous game or domesticated animals chat arc rendered in this way (Fig.~ . .17 and 59), By contrast, again a.~ a matter or decorum, on palace rc!ief." lions, hor.~es, and equids other than horses arc almost new!' shown with bones showing through. One should further nOle that these putative guidelines of'decorum do not apply to the arts of related earlier periods and mher geographic areas in the ancient Near East. For insmflce, during the Late Bronze Age in the Ncar East, hunt sceiles that appear on objects and
artifacts of prestige decorated in the so-called International Style feature not only herbivorous animals but also dogs and lions all shown with delineated rib cages. I! Such a wider perspective might help us appreciatc bencr to what extent the Assyrian anist ill the Nco-Assyrian period may have developed his own set of codes and parameters in the rendition of the animal body, In this respect, the general absence of the visible rib cage from representations of Nco-Assyrian lions and equids, especially the horse, could be understood as a reflection o( difI-ereflt ways in which cenain animal species may have been perceived and depicted accordingly in visual form, As a Illaner orract, however, the way of showing [he body sllch that the rib cage is visible is never consiS[(:ndy allocHed among [he various animal species that appear on rhe reliefs in dif~ fl~rent
FIGURE 61,
{)oofway guardian flgures hom the door jambs of Itoom H, North Palace of A~hurhanipa[ at
Nineveh. London, British MuseLlIll, ANE
!
189 (H. Phow: author.
cases. For instance, one cannot scare that even camels and cattle are illf}{friahly depicted with visible rib cages; camels are 11m shown in that manner in Ashurbanipal's Arab campaigns, I I nor are cattle in one of Tiglarh-Pileser III's deponarion scenes (Fig, 40), ftlr example. Nevertheless, it would be diHlculr to dispute the observation that lllhm [hL~ manner of rendering [ite animal body occurs, (he emphasis i.~ on [he herbivore, particularly carrie, and invariably on
THE MYTHOLOGY OF KINGSHIP IN NED-ASSYRIAN ART
74
63. Detail from the return from the royal lion hunt, Pand 10, Room C, North Palace of Ashurbanipal at Nineveh. London, British Museum, ANE 124863. Photo: author.
FIGURE
ASHURBANIPAL
75
FIGURE 64. Attendants carrying home dead lions, Pand 10, Room C, Noreh Palace of Ashurbanipal at Nineveh. London, British Museum, ANE 124863. Photo: author.
employment did have connocarions relevant to the nature and ontology of the animal depicted. As is dear fi·om the foregoing discllssion, I am sympathetic to the latter alternative. In the case
the dogs of Ashurbanipal. In this respect, one can also take notice of the way the hunted hare (Fig. 63), essentially an herbivore, is depicted on the sequence of slabs from Room R that shows the return from the hUIll, in contrast (() rhe hunted dead lions (Fig. 64) carried by anendants in the same relief series. I I Ashurbanipal's relle(') show a greater variety of hunt animals, including gazelle and {magers,
of cattle, these connotations have been discussed, As for the dog, there may be factors that are not directly clear [() us at the moment but would perhaps have been understood by the designers and the carvers of the reliLJs. One may not easily speculate on what those factors may be. Howevcr, we can observe that the dog is the only domesticated carnivore that appears in the rclic(~. Moreover, it was probably
than those of Ashurnasirpalll, although the latter indicates in his inscriptions that he collected
one of the first animals domesticated by man. 171he original purpose of the dog's domestication
and hunccd other animals in addition to wild bulls and lions. J.j ·nlcre seems to be a greater
may have been for partnership with man in the hunt, and this is the role in which it appears
freedom, as well as naturalism, in the depiction and the variety of animals in the reliefs of
in Ashurbanipal's royal hullt scenes as wcll. lH AlthOllgh domestication of animals would have
Ashurbanipal whcn compared wirh those of Ashurnasirpal II. Many animals other than lions
been achieved millennia before the date the reliefs were carved, related conceptions might still
and bulls seem gradually to have infiltrated the f:llIna of the Nco-Assyrian palace reliefs and
have been fi-esh in the minds of the people of an ancient society cOlHinuing to be traditional
found their final expression in the relief program of Ashurbanipal. Of these, almost all of the
such as rhe Assyrians. '[here may thus have been a notion prevalent in the minds of the Assyrian
herbivorous ca~)!·ids are male and shown with rib cages along with other anatomical distinctions. I have argued that the ideas of ritual slaughter and imminelll death attached to the bovine
artist concerning rhe omology of the dog as an animal dose to man and a partner in his once vital struggle for food.
and ocher herbivores may have been one of the factors behind the visible rib cage with which
Another important piece of evidence pointing to the special way in which the dog may
most of these animals are shown. Equids, although herbivores, were probably not common
have been seen by the artists and the literati of this time Illay be the Fact that the dog is the
animals fiJr ritual slaughter. I \ 'Iheir meat may not have been a coveted {-()()d, and they were
only carnivore among rhe specific animals from which omens are derived in the series summa
probably harnessed to ploughs much less commonly than was the ox. IIi ·lilus, we can narrow
izbu. 19 'lhe other animals hom which omens arc derived arc goats, cattle, horses, pigs, gazelles,
down the spectrum of potential animals used in ritual slaughter primarily to horned edible
and sheep. Other than dogs, all of these animals arc herbivores, which all appear in the Neo-
herbivores. However, the case of the dog, an ordinarily inedible carnivore with no pracrical
Assyrian palace reliefs, with the excepcioll, perhaps, of the pig, which in the presem visual survey
agricultural fiJllcrion, although always a protc<..:tor of rhe herds, cannot be accounted f()f' within
of the available material turns lip only once, and in a wild rather than domesticated context, as
this logic. One can hence suggest two alternative ways in which this question may be approached. 'fhe
seen on the panel f)'om Sennacherib's palace introduced at {he beginning of this part (Figs. 6 and 7).
first is that depicdng the animal body with visible ribs was not a consistent artistic device on
In the visual contexts of Middle Babylonian (Kassite) kuc/urrus, stela-like commemorative
the part of the Nco-Assyrian sculpror and did not have conceptual connorarions; its use was
monuments recording land grants, {he dog is a symbol of Gula, the goddess of healing. 'Ille
more or less arbitrary and possibly based on observation in nature. After all, dogs and cattle
idea of healing in the anciem Greek cult of A~depius also illvolves dogs, which, along with
were perhaps unded-t.~d compared with the horse and the lion. '1l1e second is (hat although
snakes, consriwte the two most common animals through which cures were procured. lO In
there may not be a rigid and mechanical consistency in the use of this mode of depiction, its
fact, one wonders if there may have beell connections between Gub and the Greek cult of
THE MYTHOLOGY OF KINGSHIP IN NED-ASSYRIAN ART
ASHURBANIPAL
77
Asclepius insofar as the relevance of the dog to the healing gods of both ancient civilizations is concerned.21 I have already discussed the healing pQ(ential of animals in connection with what I have designated congenial contact with animals. There clearly is no suggestion of concepts or processes of healing in any of the representations of Ashurbanipal's dogs. Yet, as would have been the case with all the animal species shown on the reliefs, symbolic and ontological aspects and capacities of the dog would certainly have colored the manner in which the animal was shown in the art of Ashurbanipal. The elemem of healing, if truly associated with the dog in ancient Mesopotamia and Assyria as well, may be wken as further testimony to an understanding of closeness between this animal and the human being.
ANIMAL, VEGETABLE, MINERAL
In the relief programs of both Sennacherib and Ashurbanipal, and in that of Ashurnasirpal II before them, there are battle scenes that show dead human and somecimes animal bodies in some sort of assimilation into the environment within which they are depicted. Especially in Ashurbanipal's relief series depicting the Battle of Til Tuba on the River Ulai, one of the series of battles fought against the Elamites, carved to decorate Room XXXIII of his grandfather Sennacherib's Southwest Palace at Nineveh, dead and mutilated human and animal bodies arc sometimes shown in the water, surrounded by sea creatures, mostly fish (Fig. 65).1l Fish sometimes appear with open mouths very dose to de
FIGURE 65. Scenc from the Batlle or Til Tilba on the Rivcr Ubi, Pand J, Room XXXIIl, Southwest Palace of Scnnacherib at Nineveh. London, Brirish Museum, ANE 12480 I c. Photo: (i) The Trustees of ('he British Museuill.
on them, perhaps with some hint toward the dependence of the herbivore on flora (Panel B J;I, Fig. 66), In (he same scene, there arc two human slaughters carried out by Assyrian soldiers each under a tree. The victim in each case is in closer relation to the tree than he is to his attacker. In allother scene from Ashurnasirpal Irs relief program, three decapitated naked human bodies are almost PUI1ccu
ASHURBANIPAL
THE MYTHOLOGY OF KINGSHIP IN NEO-ASSYR(AN ART
79
4 FI~;[JRE 68. Reconstruction drawing of Panels 3"-5, Room B, Northwest Palace of Ashurn,lsirpal II at
NltlUud. Photo: MeLlszynski, Rekonstmktion, Tafel 8. Rl.'produced by permission.
FIGURE
66. Ashurnasirpal II ,lssaulting a city, Panel
3<1,
Room B, Northwest Palace of Ashurnasirpal II al
Nimrud. London, British Museum, ANE J 24555· Photo: author.
in the air. According to Meuszynski's reconstruction drawings, these [wo scenes arc adjacent, and their rightward direction culminates in the "sacred tree" motif that continues along [wo registers (Fig. 68). Thus, even those emblematic or ritual aspects of the relict.. may sometimes be responding to some of the cosmological implications of the action scenes. One may find an echo of such configurations even in the scene shown on the Stela ofNaral11Sin, one of the few examples of monumental art to have survived from the Akkadian period (2334- 21 54 BeE). On the stela, the dead soldiers with curved body parts are in proximity with the trees, the trunks of which swirl, in thickness and morpholob'Y not unlike the legs of the slain soldiers. The symbiotic association of the herbivore with Hom may also have been what the artist had in mind when he depicted the two deer with antlers each overlapping a tree of similar size at their cemcrs on a slab from Room Sin Ashurhanipal's palace (Hg. 69)·L4 FinaUy, we can note instances in which the bottoms of palm tree trunks ;lre merged with the
FIGURE 69. Hunting stags with nets, Pand H(?), Room S, Nonh Palace ofAsilurnasirpal1!
feet and legs of animals marching in a row in an almost calculated manner. 'This configuration is especially prominent in twO examples, the first being the dogs of Ashurbanipal shown in Room
Row,S of captives adva~l~ing (oward the right along a row of palm Trees, Pands 4 and 5, Room XXVIII, Southwest Palace 0/ Sennacherib ,H Nineveh. London, British Museum, AN E I 24774c-d. Photo: amhor. FIGURE 70.
67. Assyrian archers in chariots attacking the enemy, Panel 4a, Room g, NOl'lhwl.'s{ Palace of Ashum,lsirpalll at Nilllrud. London, British Museum, ANE 124553. Photo: author.
FIGURE
80
THE MYTHOLOGY OF KINGSHIP IN NED-ASSYRIAN ART
E of the North Palace (Fig. 48), and the second a scene from Room XXVlll of Sennacherib's Southwest Palace at Nineveh that shows "rows of captives advancing wward the right along a ww of palm-trees,"l.5 with their oxen rendered in exactly the same manner (Fig. 70). In both of these examples, not only do we see the extent to which the flora of the reliefs is also ~ albeit much more occasionally - made pan of the correspondences among the human and animal body parts but also observe again the possible conceptual analogy established by the Assyrian artist berwecn the ox and the dog through placing them within similar visual formulas. l11c Assyrian artist's sensitivity to incorporate elements of the flora of the reliefs to such formulaic constellations can also be seen in the aforementioned scene that depicts a woman giving water to a child from a water skin from Room XXVIII ofSennacherib's Southwest Palace in Nineveh (Fig. 36). The palm tree on the background clearly coincides with the contact point bctween thc child and the water skin. A similar formula, complete with the tree and the woman and the child, with the main difference of the reversal in the positions of the human figures, can be seen in a scene from Coun J of the palace of Ashurbanipal at Nineveh as well, once again making it dear that the artists had at their disposal a repository of visual formulas with which they wove the figural texture of the reliefs. ~6
CONCLUSION TO PART I
A
l:fHOUGH WE MAY LACK THE DETAILS or THE INTERNAL PRINCIPLES OF THE NEO-
Assyrian representational systems, it would be fair to think that no animal was shown in a neutral way in the palace reliefs and that a body of knowledge, through which each species
was classified and understood in accordance with certain ideas and properties it evoked, illuminated the way in which Assyrian fauna were represented in an. An encyclopedic compendium that classifies animals under basic categories of earth, air, and water, called HAR-ra jJUbullu, is pan of the ancient Mesopotamian lexical tradition. r Commenting on the properties of this compendiulll, Benjamin Foster writes: Terrestrial animals were subdivided into those used for domestic production and all others. Animals used in domestic production included sheep, goats, cattle, and donkeys. Each of these was listed ill the order of words for male, femak, and young. Interspersed were terms for age, color, maturity, variety, and domestic lIses, as well as terms for diseases, characteristic behavior, and human-imposed states, wch as being castrated or shorn, and natural states, such as references [0 losses or death. The productive animals were arranged in the list in descending order according to how many words were included f()r each type of animal; perhaps this was also an indicator of their perceived imponance to the human beings and their economy.l An interest in classifying animals according to their nature and characreristics is hence dearly at home in ancient Mesopotamian culture. Although the Assyrian sense of decorum proposed here may not have been the visual offshoot of and consistent with any such texmal corpus, a consciollsness as to distinguishing certain species of animals from Olhers is legible in the visual record. This awareness may not have been an outcome of a rigid system of classification and may have been more ora natural reflection of ways to look at and understand the animal world, supplemented with an important component of oral discourse, at home in the minds of the supervising craftsmen and [he literati involved in rhe design and carving of the reliefs. As Foster putS it sllccincriy ill relation to Mesopmamian writers: As Mesopotamian writers observed animals, they appreciated their fascinating variety in appearance and behavior and worked out systematic means to record these. 111ey heard and documented their sounds and described dlCir habitats. 'Illey saw too the will ofrhe gods writ
THE MYTHOLOGY OF KINGSHIP IN NEO-ASSYRIAN ART
large and animate in them. They saw them as sources of sustenance and support, prestige and entertainment. They reflected on the complex relationship between animals and humans. Using animals, they expressed in literature what they saw in themselves. J The case of the Assyrian artist could not have been any different. The question may nevertheless be posed if correspondences among human, animal, and plant forms as traced here are merely the manifestations of compositional devices that imparted a degree of geometry, order, and visual liaison to the scenes. One may in turn suggest, however, that in addition to these fully valid compositional and organizational effects, these correspondences also constituted a medium of expression of a philosophy of human and animal ontology that would have primarily drawn on a shared oral knowledge among the crea(Qrs of this art. If, as argued, an understanding as (Q the cosmology or ontology of plant, animal, and human in relation to one another and to matter in general existed in the mind of the Assyrian artist, many of the visual configurations examined here should be thought of as the building blocks and mechanics of the manifestation of such an awareness. The following parts of this study continue exploring further dimensions of this connection between the Nco-Assyrian palace reliefs and the ancient Mesopotamian intellectual tradition.
PART II
KINGSHIP AND PRIESTHOOD IN THE ART OF ASHURNASIRPAL II
Sovereignty aligns itself on two planes, at once antithetical and complementary, necessary to cach other and consequcntly without hostility, with lIO mythology of conAict. Georges Dumczil'
8)
INTRODUCTION
T reliefs
HE RHETORIC OF HUMAN AND ANIMAL ANATOMY TRACED IN THE NEG-ASSYRIAN PALACE
in rhe previolls pan of this study can be considered OIlC of dlC most basic designs
through which one can notice the presence of a visual language embedded in the art of the NcoAssyrian Empire. Despite its visual immediacy, however, this putative discourse in human and animal anatomy in the relicE.. is difficult to correlate fully with a distinct textual or mythological tradition in ancient Mesopotamia. In this respect, interpretation is often independent of ('he established iconographic indices pertaining to gods, other mythological beings, and signs and symbols that arc usually corroborated by texts. 111<: visual language of the Nco-Assyrian palace reliefs, however, operates on further levels as well, especially those that are more direcdy derived from the written sources. "Ihe remainder of this study gradually moves toward these latter Icvels thal arc more closely tied to ancient Mewpotamian texts. As is the case with all iconographic interpretations that privilege the lifi: and inner dynamic o/" images themselves over a rigid dependence on texts in understanding the images, however, this approach,
[00,
is much guided by an attempt to read bcrween the
lines. A good cX
I
and
2, 29
and 30, and 4.3).
Many of Magen's points arc extremely sound, and her lise of texts in proposing a connection between rhe illlagcs and the purification rituals is impressive. Yet the images themselves arc often too cmblcmatic and conceptual to be literal represelltations of such rituals per se. In mher words, there is something distinctively timeless and "ideal" aboul the representations of Ashurnasirpalll rhat goes beyond the mechanics of the ril"ual processes with which they wou!d have been associated.
86
THE MYTHOLOGY OF KINGSHIP IN NED-ASSYRIAN ART
INTRODUCTION
l'he defiance on the parr of these representations against dovetailing fully with any particular
.,:=~
_
.....
textual corpus may mean chac they conscitute a system of communication in their own right. If this is the case, they need to be studied in their own right, rather than as an appendage to other cultural paradigms. In other words, the representations may have contained special knowledge never put into writing, and the meaning of many aspects of this art may have been
supplied by oral transmission,l One certainly needs to do all one can in trying (0 shed light on the iconography afall ancient society such as Assyria by examining its relevant written sources. For the questions that cannot be thoroughly answered in this way, however, one should be justified in looking beyond Assyria and Mesopotamia, within reasonable limits, for ideas that may resonate with or evoke the concepts possibly expressed in the reliefs.
My imerpretive endeavor here draws either on a tightly woven network of visual correspondences as traced in Part I and continued in the present pan or on particular conceptual parameters suggested and defined by the religiolls and philosophical traditions of anciem Mesopotamia as pursued in this part and perhaps more fully in Part III. l11foughout this study, I refer to these aspects of the ancient Mesopotamian philosophical tradition as "mystical-mythological," after a phrase invented and used by Alasdair Livingstone. 4 As touched on briefly in Part I, the main idea behind the designation as put forward by Livingstone is that among the cuneiform writings from ancient Mesopotamia, there are certain works in which Babylonian and Assyrian scholars used their own intellectual tradition to explain parts of their culture. 5 According to Livingstone, one aspect these works have in
common is the supposition that primeval events repeat themselves at intervals in the normal functioning of the world,6 Again as already pointed out in the previolls part, some of these texts - those that are most relevant to my agenda - operate on rhe level of analogy, citing pairs of associated items, gods, objects, or animals, arranged in columns.? 1here are also texts that "correlate ritual practice and mythological events," such as KAR 307, where a ritual is described in which tbe Assyrian king reenacts some of the exploits of the god Ninurta as rdated in the Sumerian poem Lugal-e,8 Some of d1ese texts are also marked by a colophon in Akkadian" mfldtl rnttdd Iikrlllim Id mt/da !d immar ikkib DN," translated as "the initiate may show the initiate, the uninitiated may not see. l~lboo of (such and such) god."'} At times, rhe colophon marks the text as the "taboo" or "secret lore" of the great gods, piriftu fa i1tini mblit;,IO Texts with such colophons generally comprise "compendia explaining parts of riwals, lists of gods with their sacred attributes, star catalogues, astrological explanatory lists, descriptions of gods and other mythical beings,") I "[he texts also include prescriptive accounts of rituals sllch as those dealing with the opening of the momh of the divine image, the covering of the culric kenledrum (lilissu), as well as the rituals of the kaltl, the lamentation priesL I I
FIGURE
7 J, Plan
or the Nort!lwest Palace of Ashunwsirpa! !! at
Nimrud, Phow: S. M. Paley and R. E
Sobolewski, lhe ReCOIIJ//'I/ction oIthl' fMie/RepreJerJtrltioflJ find thdr ['o:;itiOflS in the Northwl'Jt P,ilflCt, (It [(,,11m (Niw/'I/d) /I: (RoolII /,s. 1.'7. \-i!ht- W'i'ng) (Mainz am Rhein: Evon Zabern, [987): plan 2. Rcpro~ duccd by permission,
To date, a lhorough analysis of these underlying aspeCts of the iconography of Ashurnasirpal 1I in the Northwest Palace at Nimrud (Fig. 71) has not beell carried Out. In rhe scholarship on
My usc of the term "mystical-mythological" is also ill reference to the hidden or esoteric
Assyrian palace reliefs of the past two decades, lhe emphasis has been Oil narrative representation, royal agency, and the putative political agenda behind the reliefs. 'The primary audience
aspects of ancient Mesopotamian religion, philosophy, and mythology [hat may have {-(Hind expression in the iconographic programs of the Nco-Assyrian palaces, These eiemems ofandem
of the Nco-Assyrian palace reliefs has of-len been taken as the foreign dignitaries and tributaries who surrendered and paid homage to the king. IJ These visitors to the palace have been thought
Mesopotamian religion arc those that pertain to kingship, cosmology, ddeated or slain gods, Mischwesen, and especially rhe Mesopotamian antediluvian tradition, I hence use the phrase
to have been presented with a visual statement of the king's prowess and dominion over the lands incorporated into Assyria.
primarily in reference (() elements of the arcane found in the visual and intellectual traditions of ancient Mesopotamia, In laying out this mystical-mythological vocabulary in the Neo-Assyrian
Whereas visual narrative is readable in the reliefs on a large scale sometimes through series of multiple slabs, the visual language that is my f;xlIs here may be thought (() operate in a difFerent
palace reliefs, my first step is
manner. Like the visual language pertaining to human and animal anatomy presented in Part I, this one also comprises the relationships and correspondences among certain select' individual
(0
disentangle a semanric system, reminiscent of the one explored
in Part I, but one that is more in line with notions of a philosophy of kingship rhat particularly characterizes the relief program of Ashurnasirpal II.
motifs, themes, objects, signs, symbols, and the positioning of these items in relation to the
88
THE MYTHOLOGY OF KINGSHIP IN NEG-ASSYRIAN ART
INTRODUCTION
human figures depicted in the reliefs, as well as the positioning of the human figures in relation
as the possible "overt" meaning of this visual corpus, perhaps truly directed toward an omside
It is my argument that the contem of this putative language is a philosophically
audience, while proposing to probe its "coven" meanings, likely encoded by an artistic and
to one another.
complex and specifically sacerdotal understanding of royalty underneath what might appear as royal propaganda or straightforward representations of the king in his various administrative
intellectual elite well versed in the philosophy of kingship. In order not to create too much of a polarization between oven and covert, however, I should
and (ulric roles. I argue further that rhis philosophical complexity is again the product of an
like to point out that what is examined here as covert may not at all havc been so to the
inner scholarly elite in collaboration with master craftsmen in supervisory positions resident in
original audience of the Neo-Assyrian palace reliefs, and that what is tentatively accepted here
the NeD-Assyrian court. 14
as overt - namely, the putative political messages of the reliefs, may not have existed at all in the
I submit that especially the art of Ashurnasirpal II is literally woven with the expression of this
minds of the creators and audience of this art, this mode of reading the present visual corpus
ideology, the dialectics and union of the sacerdotium and the regnum, to use two classical Latin
perhaps being a sincere but inevitably misguided contemporary phenomenon. Nevertheless, in
words referring to "priesthood" and "kingship" respectively, the latter's subordination to the
the absence of full certainty, I shall accommodate and maintain this distinction, more as an
former, and in turn the projection of this union onto the king. This conccpt has been master-
artificial construct to help make salient the analysis pursued here and juxtapose it with other
fully dealt with in relation to India in a comparative framework by Ananda K. Coomaraswamy in his work !:>piritual Authority and Temporal Power in the Indian Theory of Government. [) I
current approaches, rather than a device through which ro propose a literal polarization and srratificacion of layers of meaning in Assyrian art.
have made considerable use of this source from a theoretical angle, with its contribution oftcn
I stress, in any event, that my analyses prioritize the said covert meaning as the primary and
documented in the footnotes. The many fundamental conceptions pertaining to kingship and
most important message of the Neo-Assyrian palace rdiefs. The possible layers at which this art can be read can hence be summarized as follows:
priesthood traced in Coomaraswamy's work cranscend the Indian case and may be considered of relevance to the traditions of kingship in ancient western Asia and Egypt as well.
Nature of Visual
In my reading of these concepts in the reliefs from the Northwest Palace, in addition to some of the throne-room slabs, particular emphasis is placed on the large-scale compositions, especially those from Room G. I have already referred to these large-scale relief scenes that have a
Type of Visual Rhetoric
Rhetoric
Political-Propagandistic
Overt, exoteric,
Possibly for the king and his court,
historical
as well as his foreign or local visitors from the outside
distinctively emblematic and ceremonial character as "hieratic," a word derived from the Greek
hieros, "sacred," used here again in reference to a sacral language thought to be embedded in the art of Ashurnasirpal II. Although my argument is that Ashurnasirpal's relief program in Nimrud as a whole is essen-
Metaphysical
Audience
Covert,
For informed insiders, the scholars
esoteric
of the Assyrian court, master
tially a hieratic art, I nevertheless maintain a distinction here betwecn directly hieratic scenes
craftsmen, and the king himself
and those that are indirectly so, or "narrative" at first look, such as the battle scenes from the
inasmuch as he may have been
throne room. l(i My principal objective is at least to layout and survey in the art of As hurnasir pal
informed about or initiated into
II the visual configurations that might be considered to encompass messages pertaining to the
Assyrian sacerdotal lore by his
dialectics of the regnum and thc saccrdotium, whether or not at this stage a full identification
advisors; this perhaps depends on
and interpretation of these messages are possible.
the personal qualities of the killg lO
Not that there havc not becn attempts to bring alternative explanations to the purpose and meaning of the Nco-Assyrian palace reliefs beyond the political. Luc Bachelor, for instance, questioned the accessibility of the royal palace and the presence of a regular external audience in it and proposed to understand the purpose of the reliefs as primarily serving the "megalomania" of the Assyrian king. [7 Bachelot, however, did not undertake a derailed novel analysis of rhe iconography per se and its consrituent clemems. One particular scholar who engaged in an interpretive endeavor as proposed here is M. A. Brandes, on whose 1970 work I draw significantly in this study. If! Even though Brandes pinpoints the duality in the representation of the king and kingship in Ashurnasirpal's Room G, he does not further his observations with the relevam theocratic concepts and instead gravitates toward an understanding of the relevant imagery as an emblematized representation of what was going on in the il1lerior of the palace, a putative ceremony that involves ablmions and the cleansing of weapons, J<) My attempt here is to fill this gap through a close analysis of the component parts and details of Ashurnasirpal's relief program to acquire a stronger and more f(}Cused sense of the semantic system embedded in this king's reliefs. In doing so, I do not completely reject the probable prcsence of a political-propagandistic rhewric in the reliefs. Rather, I see rhe f()[mer
THE KING, NONKING
I
9r
THE KING, NONKING
I
NOW CONDUCT A NEW VISUAL SURVEY TO LAY OUT THIS PUTATIVE VISUAL LANGUAGE
pertaining to kingship and priesthood in the art of Ashurnasirpal II, beginning with the
throne-room slabs of Ashurnasirpal II. The two pairs of slabs, those depicting the hunt of a
bull (B-20a) and a lion (8-19a) (Figs. 8-9) and the libation poured over their carcasses by the king (B-20b and B-I9b, Figs. 13 and 14, respectively), familiar from Part I, can now introduce the framework for the kind of analysis ( undertake in rhis part of the study. My focus this time is on the libation scenes rather than the hunt. The composition of both libation scenes can be thought to be divided into two wnes, the left-hand side of the viewer, which is marked by
FIGURE 72. Drawing of' the Stela of Esarhaddon {I'om Zincirli. Berlin, Vorderasiatische,~ Mll.~eum, VA
the king and the dead animal over which tht; libation is about [() bt; pourt;d, and the right-hand
2708. Photo: Felix von Lusch an, J1/1.1gmhllllgen ill Sendschirli I: /:,inleitullg /llId Mi!J(",.~It('f/, Mittcilungcll
side, which is marked by a group of courtiers including a bearded figure wcaring a headband.
OlliS den orientalischen Sammlungen I' (Berlin: W. Spemann, 1893): Abb. J.
1his bearded figure with the headband is a discinctive type-rcprescnration that occurs in other phases of the Nco-Assyrian palace reliefs as well. It is often thought (() rcpresent the Assyrian
not the lurtdnu, who faces Ashur-nasir-pal II on the reliefs."! Even though I am not in a stale
crown prince. ~Jhe evidence for this identification is thought to be a letter from a scholar to King Esarhad-
to gauge who exactly the figure with the headband that appears in the an of Ashurnasirpalll
represents, 1 am sympathetic to the idea that it is a represenration of a princely pt;rsonage, if
don that refers [() this king's appointing his two sons, Ashurbanipal and Shamash-shum-ukin,
not the crown prince himself: I propose the probability that such a f-igun: is lIot necessarily
as crown prince designates of Assyria and Babylonia, respectively: "What has not bcen dont; in
a textually identifiabk official but perhaps a l1gurc of emblrmatic or conceptual character, as
heaven, the king, my lord, has done upon eanh and shown us:
explained further subsequently. 'lhroughollt this swdy, ( then:fore refer to [he figure with the headband as rhe "crown prince."
YOLi
have girded a son of yours
with headbtlfldand entrusted him the kingship of Assyria; your eldest
SOil
you have put (up) to
the kingship in Babylon. You have placed tht; first on your riglH, (he second on your left side!'"
For the sake of convenience in analy.~is, the division of rhe two libation scenes from the throne
This incident seems to be referred (() visually on the Illonurncntal stela of Esarhaddon from
room ofAshum<\sirpal II can be I'd-erred lO as the "king side" on the Olle hand and the "nonking
Zincirli on which the two sons of Esarhaddon, Ashurbanipal, thr crown prince designatr of
side" on the miter. 'I hroughollt this analysis, I see similar binary divisions as an illlegral semalllic
Assyria, and Shamash-shum-ukin, that of Babylonia, arc depicted in association with the dom-
aspen of the compositions in question. 'Ihese divisions, however, are not necessarily always
inating figurr of Esarhaddon shown in (he ace of holding in captivity two ffHeign figurrs. Thr
dictated by a rigid hilateral symmetry, and in this respect thcir latcral dimensions, or widths if
figure to the viewer's right, thought to represent Ashurhanipal, wears a headband that is iden-
you will, in most cases arc not cqual. Nevertheless, sometimes this axis of sem
that worn by Esarhaddon around his mitcr, a possible iconographic indication of the
a certain composition do('s coincide with the composition's axis of bilateral symmetry, as is the
tical
(0
case with the sacred-tree slab (Panels B-1 3 and B-23, Fig. 3 I), al.~() from the throne room of
Assyrian crown prince figure (Pig. 72). Controversy exists, however, in understanding all occurrences of the bearded f-igure with a hcadband in Nco-Assyrian art as the crown prince, because visual evidence to that eHect cannot be adduced prior (() the time of Esarhaddon. Furthermore, some scholars have identificd this l
figure as the turtdnu, a high-ranking military oH-icial. Samuel Paley, retrojecting this identification oflhe crown prince on (he Stela of Esarhaddon to rhe art ofAshurnasirpailI, writes: "if the crown prince worc the same fillet as King Ashur-nasir-pal II, it must be the crown prince and
Ashurnasirpal II. I-knee, in each of the libation scenes under consideration (Figs.
1J
and 14),
the nooking side is longcr than the king side, perhaps owing ro the necessiry to accommodate [he longimdinallyres and their players on [he hI' right. '11lC king side consists of armed t;Llnuchs and men Oil thc lion rclit;( and only eUlluchs, three in number, on thc hut! relief: two of thcm archcrs and the third rhe king's parasol-bearer. In each easc, the nonking side, even though its members can still bc thought of as an extCIlsion of the royal entourage, seems
to
have a diHerent Function and nature. Its mcmbers appear
92
THE MYTHOLOGY OF KINGSHIP IN NEG-ASSYRIAN ART
THE KING, NON KING
93
to be the receivers of rhe sacrifice, whereas the king side can perhaps be credited with its delivery. It is rhe king who is about to pour the libation over the animal that he has hunted, but it is clearly the other side that seems to receive and "bless" the affair, with the whisk-bearer lifting
the whisk above the libation vessel and the musicians perhaps playing a ceremonial tune. It is also some of the members of the nonking side who clasp their hands in a ritual gesture. It may be the case [hat the nanking side of the composition in each image has a more priesriy appearance to it in contrast (0 the predominantly military character of the king side. The rest of the correspondences can be analyzed through a dose comparison of the other constituent elements of the two libation scenes. These two scenes are by no means identical in composition. The differences between them should again be examined in relation to a system of visual decorum rather than artistic [Ouches introduced for the sake of variety. When we look at the king sides of both compositions, we see that the lion relief has two eunuchs with bows, quivers, and swords and two bearded men with the same weapons. The two bearded men behind the eunuchs are the only two figures who are shown with knee-length tunics, just as some archers are depicted in the relief program of Sargon n. The presence of such men on the king side of the reliefs in the lion libation scene hence enhances the martial overtones of this compositional division. By contrast, rhe king side of the bull relief has a less martial character, with the elimination of rhe two bearded archers and the introduction of a eunuch parasolbearer. 1111S difference may again be thought to go hand in hand with the nature of the animal
FIGURE 73· Derail showing sword handle with lion proromc, Panel 4, Room C;, Northwest Palace of Ashurnasirpal fl ar Nimfud. London, British Museum, ANE 12458,. Photo: author.
hunted. As discussed in Part J, despite both the lion's and the bull's being royal animals sometimes
standing next to the officiating cunuch, whereas in the lion scene, he has taken his place among the other couniers and musicians at the back.
equated with the king himself, the ontology of the feline and the bovine may have been perceived as different in the relief-5' system of decorum, and dms the two scenes involving the two animals may have been visually codified accordingly. Again, on account of the bovine's suitability as a sacrificial animal or victim over the feline, notwithstanding the former's ferociousness owing to its being a wild bull rather than a domesticated farm animal, the king side of rhe bull scene is perhaps rendered with less martial overtones than is the lion scene. Even further, the emphasis on the eunuchs in the royal entourage of the king side of the bull scene may again be thought to resonate with the idea of victimization penaining to both the bovine and the castrated man. 'fhe martial associations of the lion can be further demonsmued in general by the consistent occurrence of this animal as sword prowl1les on the members of the royal entourage depicted in the reliefs (Fig. 73). The idea that there is a sense of decorum based on the hunted animal in the composition of the two libation slabs can be funher pointed out through a comparison of the nonking sides of both of the reliefs (Figs. I 3 and 14). 'rhe principal difference between the two is the crown prince depicted in a f()rward position in the bull scene, and shown positioned behind rhe officiating eunuch who holds the whisk in the lion scene. Whatever the precise identity of the crown prince figure may be, and de.~pite the f~lCt that he is armed. by raking his place in the receptive side of the libation scene, he stands in some kind of opposidon to rhe king and perhaps acts as his counterpart on the nonmilitary, musical, or even priestly side of matters. A preliminary hypothesis regarding the identity of this figure may hence be that this individual is rhe visual denoration of the priestly aspect of Assyrian kingship. 4 For one thing, some genii have a closer visual resemblance in headdress to this figure than to the king (Figs. 1~2).
It is as if the lion belonged
[0
rhe king's domain only, because it is Oil the Assyrian "royal seal,"
whereas the bull necessitated the participation and affiliation of the figure with the headband. If, according to my hypothesis, this figure is an embodiment or a visual representative of the princcly/priesdy counterpart of the Assyrian king, then the bovine as a natural victim can be thought to have an affinity with him. ~nlis affinity of the priestly figure to dle bovine can be further explained from a philosophical
standpoint ['hat penains to the duality of dle regllum and the sacerdotium. If there is a direct corollary between the king as the possessor of supreme administrative and military power and rhe feline, an analogous corollary may be [hought to exist between rhe non king and the bovine. In a realistic world, the possessor of secular power is the victor, whereas rhe possessor of sacerdotal amhority is in a way the victim. 'I In Part [, the idea of' virility and victimization has been introduced in relation to herbivorous animals, panicuiarly the oxen. Even though bulls arc not castrated, they w~re nevertheless prestigious and appropriate sacrificial animals in ccnain ancient cultures of the Ncar East and the Mediterranean. A sacrificed bull is seen in ancient Mesopotamian an a.~ early as the Stela of Eannatlllll, known also as rhe Stela of the Vultures, and the Stela of Ur-Namma, on the reverse sides ofborh of the monuments. In mythology and literature as well, the Bull of Heaven, f(>r example, is a celestial mythical victim, the immolation of which described in the SHY of the EI)ie ofGilgarnesh (VI I r 5~57) ushers in Enkidu's death and Gilgamesh's toilsome quest fiJI' eternallife. 6 "lhe distinctive difference in rhe treatment of the tWO libation scenes may again havc been on account of the dillerent semantic and ontological values of each animal, as discussed in detail in Part I.
Furthermore, one can remember thar the animal-bearing genii who appear in the reliefs of
Coming back to the visual analysis of the two libation scenes, we can look at the eunuch figure that stands between the musicians and rhe officiating eunuch in the Bonking side of
Ashurnasirpai II always bear herbivorous animals rather than carnivores. Thus, it is in the bull scene that rhe figure wearing the headband is shown in greater proximity to the dead animal,
each composition. fn contrast to (he bearded figure with the headband, this eunuch stays put in each of the libation scenes. One detail, however, marks an important difference. Whereas
THE MYTHOLOGY OF KINGSHIP IN NED-ASSYRIAN ART
THE KING, NONKING
he is shown with a sword in the lion scene (Fig. 14), holding the weapon in exactly the same manner as does the figure wearing the headband, in the bull scene, he is shown without it (Fig. I3).1he absence of the sword from this figure in the buH scene can nO[ be fortuitous and
and courtly personages in each scene. On the next level, these constellations may be thought to express messages regarding the duality of the regnum and the sacerdotium through the for-
94
can hence be taken as further support for the deliberately less emphatic military character of this scene in comparison to the lion scene. With his distinctive cap-like headdress absent from the other eunuch figures on the king side, this figure further stands oU[ among the members of the nanking side of the scenes, leading one to consider him as the representation of one who holds a special position, perhaps another figure of priestly characrerJ 1he bull scene is further demilitarized by the appearance of the royal parasol, perhaps making the scene more courtly than martial. The presence of the two archers on the Elf lefr of the lion scene creates the opposite efFect. Ie is as if on the lion slab a tip of the Assyrian army were also included among the royal and courtly personages depicted in the scene. In other words, it is as jf the libation over the lion were a more administratively inclusive affair, covering a greater range of the aspects of the Assyrian state, in which the crown prince is paired with the central eunuch rather unobtrusively, whereas the libation over the bull were a iTIore introvert event, invoking a more exclusive courtly presence in which the crown prince and the central eunuch stand out in greater individuality. In each case, however, the lung appears in full military paraphernalia, including his sword and bow. Nevertheless, he does not wear the bow as do the eunuchs and the two archers in the lion scene but holds it in what might be a ceremonial way of handling this weapon. R One should also note that on the nanking side in each case, none of the figures is shown holding a bow at all, this element being exclusively an aspect of the more distinctively military king side. In sum, both scenes, including their hunt coulHerpans, stand out as eXlremely dense emblematic compositions among the rest of the narrative scenes of the throne room, in a way standing midway between the fully emblematic "sacred uee" slab to which they are located in great proximity and the sequence of battle scenes of distinctive narrative character that follows toward the west along the south waH of the throne room." Not much is known abollt the full identity of the official figures that appear in the royal entourage on the reliefs. It is perhaps virtually impossible to identifY the individual figures as representations of distinct position holders in the Neo-Assyrian cabinet. Even though the specific status or posicion tides of the members of the Nco-Assyrian court, be they administrative or sacerdotal, are known from texts, as Sima Parpola has documented, it is difficult to imagine that any of the images could be singled out' as the representation of a specific official or scholar.!() Therefore, in the absence of a coherent and consistent correspondence between text and image, it may again be wiser to consider the appearance of official figures in the reliefs first in a framework of visual language. It may even be the case that some of these figures are more conceptual than real, primarily meant to function within this proposed system of visual language, l{)fming constellacions of courtly personages to help conveyor suggest messages regarding the philosophical aspects of Assyrian royal ideology, as opposed to the messages that pertain to military conquest and royal supremacy readily available throughout the relief's. -[he initial example chosen here, the pair of libation scenes, can thus act as a model for how figures can act as concepts and compose a semantic statemem that, to be understood, requires more than the immediate perception of the action represented. In the case of the images examined, on the first level, it is perhaps the nature and rhe ontology of the animal that dictate the slighdy different arrangement of the constellation of royal
95
mulaic placement of certain figures with respect to one another and with respect to the dead animal. As would be clear from the foregoing analysis, the dual configuration of the regnum and the sacerdotium may even have been conveyed on the macro scale in this part of the throne room of Ashurnasirpa! II by means of the symbolism of the two royal animals, the lion and the bull, standing for differem but complementary aspects of kingship.! [ In other words, the twO pairs of slabs that depict the hunt of these twO royal animals and the ritual conducted thereafter, with their pride of place, in immediate proximity to the throne and the "sacred tree" composition, may be thought of as a highly condensed and symbolic group of representations that expresses the conceptual heart of kingship among the two-register panels along the south wall of the throne room. 1he method by which rhis group of images has been analyzed is maintained in the following pages in examining a select number of other scenes from Ashurnasirpal Irs relief program in Nimrud.
"LA SALLE DITE 'G'"
2
97
"LA SALLE OITE 'G'"
,a"
Reconstruction drawings of Panels 1-5, Room G, Nonhwest Palace of Ashurnasirpal II at Nimrud. Photo: Mcuszynski, Rekonstruktion, Tafel 8. Reproduced by permission.
FIGURE 74·
arc thus, apart, we shall be unable ro bring fonh offspring; let us twain become single form. "l Nevertheless, in the system outlined by Coomaraswamy, even in this union the sacerdotium is
R
OOM G IN THE NORTHWEST PALACE OF ASHURNASIRPAL II IN NIMRUD (FIG. 71) IS
characterized by a series of hieratic reliefs depicting the king in audience or ritual in the
givcn precedence. 1hus, Varuna the rcgnum says ro Mitra the sacerdotium: "Turn thou unro me that wc may unite; I assign to you the prccedence; quickened by thee I shall do deeds.'"
accompaniment of eunuch officials and genii. 1he main composition of the room, Panels 2-
From this standpoint, kingship in essence belongs to the sacerdotium: "the only Brahma is the
4, depicts the king seated, holding a bowl in ceremonial bshion (Figs. 74 and 75), The most
source of the bmhmrl and the k!tura, Agni is both Mitra and Varuna."4
widespread understanding of the bowl-holding theme in the art of AshurnasirpallJ is that the king is here shown engaged in a ritual of libation. I
In ancient Near Eastern and Egyptian art, the dilemma abollt (he king depictcd in the act of performing religious ceremonies can also be seen from an analogous perspective. The king's
Like the libation scenes from the thronc room, this composition can also be thought to
represcruation in these guises may be ideological rathcr than real. The Egyptian king's depiction
have a bipartite arrangement, the king side and the Bonking side. Unlike the throne-room
as the one and only priest on temple walls probably does not reflect practical reality, for it was
libation scenes, however, the king is here facing left of the viewer. Again, the eunuchs standing
the prit:sts
behind the seatcd king are armcd with swords, bows, and arrows, whereas the officiating eunuch
of the king. "i Again according (() Coomaraswamy, "that the king is the sacrificer and Lord of
facing the king is completely devoid of any weapons, even though he is esseIHialiy idcntical in
the Sacrifice docs not mean ('hat he normally performs or conducts the rite, but tbat he is the
appearance and dress to the eunuchs behind the king. As a further significant diA-'erence from
patron who insrinnes, pays for and tid-ends the Sacrifice on behalf orilis people."(i By the same
of Egypt who would have carried out all the cuits throughout the land in the name
the throne-room scenes, the king himself is here shown without weapons, and the duality
token, the king is assimilated to and identified with the priest for the duration of the "sacrifict:,"
between the two sides is on the olle hand subdued by the rough similarity but, on the other,
but when the rite is relinquished, he thus returns from divinity [() humanity?
expressed by the subtle difference between the two eunuchs flanking the king on each side.
It is the cunuch on the left without the bow and sword who apparently is responsible for
In light ofrhis discussion, in the Room G scene, the king is shown as priest, but perhap.~ only in deference [() a sao.:rdo(iuIll th:'H he symbolizes and reenacts
f<'H the duration of whichever rite
cooperating with the king in whatever cercmonial or symbolic act may herc bc shown. Within
he is shown conducting. What makes the (hronc-room libation slabs dif-ferem from the Room
our conceptual mode of understanding the figural characters, this figure may be thought to stand for the Assyrian sacerdotium, whereas his armed cOllnterpan behind tht: king may
C configuration is primarily the bCl thal the hunt has martial aspects, and thcrd()re the king is not stripped of his sword and bow there, whereas the Room C scene has a rather indoors
be thought to stand f(H" the regnum. Further di.~tinction between the two eunuch figures is
charactt:r, making il. more appropriate f()I' the king [() be shown seated without weapons in a
expressed through the long, tasseled scarf worn by lhe officiating eunuch, absent from the garbs
morc overtly sacerdotal guise.
of the other eunuchs behind the king, both otherwise identical wilh the ofFiciating eunuch. As for rhe king himself, in this instance, he appears to be (he epi(Ome
of the
In my visual analysis, I of course blatantly distinguish the royal from the priestly as an ana-
union or the
lytical constrllct to approach this proposed visual grammar of kingship, rather than suggesting
of rhe regnum and the sacerdotium, because he is located in the midst of the
a split or conHicl bctween kingship and priesthood. I do, however, assume that the king as a
representations of the two domains. Whereas his orientation conforms (() that of the king side,
human being would t:sscntially have belonged to a military and administrative elite rather than
intersection
his engagemelH and unarmed disposition conform to rhe appearance of the nonking side. He
to a priestly one. '"[his is also rhe Gl.~e in t'he original conception of the Indian caste system that
is, however, clearly shown in a priestly act and is in this case perhaps more of a priest [han a
places the king in tht: second caste, that nfthe warrior, the k!tltra, and not in the first caste, that
king.
of the
In his analysis of the Indian theory of government, Coomaraswamy conceives of the union
prieM, the bmhma. H By the same token, in both (he ancient Near East and Egypt, what-
ever priestly identity the king possessed should be thought to have been projected Onto the king
of the regnum and (he sacerdotiul1l as a "marriage" that rakes place on the ideal plane, resulting
by the ac(Ual priestly elite, and hence an ideological and acquired privilege rather than an inher-
in the reconciliation of mutually anragonistic principles. Translatcd ioto Vedic mythology, Agni
ent quality. Further, as .~ignaled in rhe Prologue, I consider the concepts "royal" and "priestly"
the sacerdorium (bmhmfl) and Indra the regnuIl'l (lt~'f1tm) say
as fundamenul principles {hat underlie the philosophy of government' in traditional societies,
to
one another: "So long as we
THE MYTHOLOGY OF KINGSHIP IN NEO-ASSYRIAN ART
FIGURE 75. Ashurnasirpal II seated in ceremonial activity, Pands 2-4, Room G, Northwest Palace Ashurnasirpal II ,\( Nimrud, London, British Museum ANE 124564-124566, Photo: author.
"LA SALLE OITE 'G'"
99
or
regardless of the presence of a standing professional "priesthood" in ancient Mesopotamia and Egypt. As discllssed in Pan III as well, my use of the term "sacerdotal" refers to the domain of the "sacral" and to court intellectuals whose schobrly professions and knowledge would have drawn on a sacral tradition, Returning to the visual analysis of the Room G composition, we can note that the whole group under consideration is Ranked by human-headed genii at the far ends (Fig.~. 74 and 75). Owing to this symmetry, olle would thillk that there might not be a distinct division of royal and priestly sides in the scene, However, a closer look at some of the details reveals that an overriding bipartite distinction similar to that {-clUnd in the throne-room libation slabs may exist in these slabs as well, '[here are two main compositional axes in the scene (Figs. 74 and 75), The first can be thouglll to pass through the wne where the officiating figure's whisk bends over the king's howL and where the hands and arms of rhis figure and (hose of the king together demarcate an area of focus (Fig, 76), As fC)f dle second, it is where the scene is actually bisected along the midpoint of Pand 3, right along the left shoulder of the king and the right-hand side of the stool 011 which he is seated, the left: being the side of the sacerdotiul1l, which this cime encompasses the king himself in his priestly manifestadon, and the right that of the regnulll undersLOod in its military manifestation. On these panels, although the two genii on both sides of this imaginary linc of division seem to be identical, one minute dNailmay be marking a difFerence, This minute detail is an aspect of
the buckct each genius is shown holding. rille bucket on the left h,L~ two bird protomes forming loops through which the handle of the buckct is attached (Fig. 77), whereas the bucket on the right is plain, without any sllch decorative element (Fig. 73). Unless rhis is a fortuitous detail introduced fcw the sake of variety, rhe presence of the bird protomes on the bucket held by the genius on rhe left may be thought to help identi(y this side of the scene further as representing the sacerdotiulll, 'lhe royal side, by comrast, lacks this bird-protomed bucket. The morphology of these birds is very similar to that of the bird-rlpkrtllu, the antediluvian sage, dlat appears fhnking "sacred trees" and doorways in Ashurnasirpal's Northwest Palace at
FIGURE 76. Detail oC Panels 2-.1, Room C, NonhweS[ Palace of Ashurnasirpalll at Nimrud, London, British Museum AN I': I 24 )64~ 124)6), Phow: author.
Nimrud,'J ~[he bird-headed gellii are definitively identified as apkal1f1s, because, like their fishcloaked counterpans, figurines of them were fCHlnd in groups of seven as deposits underneath Hoors of palaces along with in.scriptions specifying their attributes, 10 'rhese septenary burials are clearly in reference to the Babylonian tradition of the "Seven Sages" of the antediluvian till1e.s, represelltatives or l!/IOJiJ in ancient Mesopotamian mystical-myt'hological thought, as discussed in grea[(.:r derail in Part [II. Because the bird-apkal1us themselves often appear with the buckel, the /;aut/uddd, 011 the Neo-Assyrian palace relids (Fig, 78), the bird prowmes here can be thought of a,~ an abbreviated reFerence to these antediluvian sages. "{he idea of an antediluvian ,~age is more in line with priestly notions than military or royal concepts, hence the probable rationale behind its positioning in the scene, Other represen~ tations of buckels on rhe reliefs of Ashurnasirpal also incorporate similar aspects of Assyrian mythological iconography. A bucket held by a human-apkrdlu, represented on Panel 9 from Room Z, has on it as incised decoration two bird-rtpkrrllus Banking the "sacred tree" surmounted by (he winged disk. II What is 1110n.:, rhe two loops that receive the handle of the bucket are this time articulaled by winged disks, represented in a somewhat fClreshortened manner, with the
100
I'IGUHE
THE MYTHOLOGY OF KINGSHIP IN NEG-ASSYRIAN ART
LA SALLE DIrE
77. Detail afrant! 2, Room G, Northwest Palace of Ashurnasirpaf II at Nimrud, London, British
F!GORE
79. Detail oFPanel
3>
'c n,
!OI
Room G, Northwest Palace of Ashurnasirpai II at Nimfud. I.ondon, British
Mll~CLlIll ANI~ 124565. Photo: author.
Museum ANE 124564. Photo: author.
visual impression that they arc wrning along the curvature of the bucket. rn1cse schemes can be taken as further support to the idea that the bird protomcs here are abbreviated apka!!us, because aspects of this mydlOlogical icollography arc clearly at home in such miniature contexts as well.
A further distinction in the depiction ofbmh buckets is created by overlap. On the Ief-I:-hand side of the compositioll, the hucket overlaps the pendant straps of the officiating eunuch's robe (Figs. 74, 75, and 77), the only dress elemenr thal sets him apart from the military eunuchs
J
behind the king, whereas on the right, the bucket overlaps the Iion-proromed .~word end of one
of the military eunuchs (Fig. 73). As already indicated, the lion is clearly more appropriate for military connotations than the bovine, stressing a martial character associated with the king, whereas the hird protollles, hy evoking the flpkrdlus, may be thought ({) enhance the side that has the ofliciating eunuch, who acts as a priest. 'Ihe king is at the center, seeming to belong more to the priestly side than to the military. 'Jhe bull protomes that terminate the "saddle" of his scat (Fig. 79) call be further taken as an indication of the king's association here with a more indoors sacerdotal aniviry, in line with the ideas expressed earlier n:garding the sacerdotal nature of [he Iibalion over the bull depicted in the throne room. Finally, a further diHerence between the renditions of the two buckets is the cOlUinuation
of Ashurnasirpal's so-called Standard inscripri()fl, a synoptic lext outlining the major military aClivities of the king and repealed along the onhostat .~Iab.~ with only minor variations, along rhe body of the bucket overlapping the lion prorome, and the way the bucket overlapping the shoulder towel is "spared" frolll this incision (Figs. 7J and 77). f f my perception of-- the vari,uions in the renditions of the two huckets as devices to enhance the semantic distinction bel weell the FIGURE 78. RccoJlstnlccjO!l drawings or Pands 7~20, Room I, NonhweSl Palace of Ashurnasirpal II at
Nimrud. Photo: Paley and Soholewski, /?c('ofIJtrucliofJ /I, plare
I,
Reproduced by permission.
two sides of this composition has validity, and if all such details are meaningful rather than random or f(>rluitollS, olle could see [he presence of a text of' a primarily military content as more appropriate on rhe bucket on rhe left.
011
the right and [he absence thereof more appropriate on that
The numerousness and pervasiveness ofrhe animal protomes, and their punctuating effect on the figures and the garments of rhe king, the officials, both men and eunuchs, as well as the genii
102
THE MYTHOLOGY OF KINGSHIP IN NED-ASSYRIAN ART
"LA SALLE DITE 'G'"
10)
in [he art of Ashurnasirpal II, naturally lead one to consider a system of decorum behind their placement as well. These animated details arc not unlike the incised designs on the garments of the figures sometimes depicting designs evoking the older or more archaic phases of Assyrian art - not immediately salient, but perceivable upon closer inspection. I ~ If the artists intended such animated decails to be viewed, at least by an informed indoors audience, there is no reason a set of correspondences and meanings was not intended through their placement either. Far from being randomly placed, animated protomcs of the art of Ashurnasirpalll may be thought to punctuate, enhance, and aniculate the grammar of the composition of the reliefs. Given the compartmentalized na(Ure of Ashurnasirpal II's palace and its decorative program, some caution is needed, however, in suggesting patterns in the placement of protomes throughout the relief program. Whether or not there was a chronological sequence to the execution of the reliefs on a room-by-room basis, it is certainly the case that the decorative program of each room has a distinctive character and appearance of its own.!) 1his character is dictated by style and/or the nature of the iconography. Perhaps, this compartmemalized distribution of style and iconography in the Northwest Palace was an intentional scheme, with each room more or less conceived of as unique.)4 Hence, it makes more sense not to generalize certain observations pertaining to the Assyrian sense of visual decorum in the use of protomes and to focus instead on specific aspects of this proposed system on a room-by-room basis. Cenain over-
FIGURE
Ro. Detail showing protomc
011
human-headed
apkalltt, Panel
2,
Room G, Northwest Palace of
Ashurnasirpal II at Nimrud. London, British Museum ANE 124564. Photo: author.
arching principles do emerge as valid, nevertheless, for the tOlality of the relief program. As is the case with many facets of ancient Mesopotamian iconography, the lack of rigidly consistent
in proximity and morphology to the head of the wild goat that the genius is shown holding;
rules governing the design of compositions does nor entail complete randomness, and many
only tbe protomes do not have horns (Fig. 82). What is more, the very same goat held in
patterns art in fact embedded within a distincdy Mesopotamian sense of order characterized
the genius' arms appears incised on the sleeve of the latter in miniature scale, perched on a
by an overall denial and avoidance of order in the strictly mechanical sense.
palmene, with the same anatomy delineated on its body. Further, it is as if the protoIlle.~ on the
Within the extant corpus of the relief program of Ashurnasirpal, Room G has a special phtce with its large scale, more
two armbands worn by the genius, along with the wrist and forehead rosettes, acted as nodal
less unified iconography and design, and technical and artistic
fi·aming dements, one armband in the front and the other at the back of the goat, delimiting
refinement, suggesting almost a sense of the "classical" with its proportions and plastic quality. It
the zone in which the animal f-igure is placed (Fig. (). l-he artist here seems to have placed the armbands in well-calculated locations.
01'
is as if an already existing artistic tradition were here summed LIp, taken to its optimal perfection, and presel1(ed as final fruition. 'Ihis is perhaps the case with both Room G and Room H, the throne room. Rooms C and B arc hence the principal and nuclear spaces where the main iconographic threads and rhis most refined styk of the art of Ashurnasirpaill are conccnrr,ned.
It is as if the rest of the decorative program, except the so-called West Wing, consisted either of a piecemeal emanation of this concentratcd iconography to other spaces or of rather repetitive and formulaic slabs of sons highlighting, almost like a visllallitany, some of the fundamental hieratic messages of the art of the Northwest Palace. Room G may be thought
LO
bc charactcri:lJ:d by an intcrnal set
of rules in the use and place-
ment of animal protomes. We have already seen how the lioll protomes are more at home on sword ends. In contrast, herbivorous animal pl'Owmes tend to be
It is also the case that in Room G animal protome handles in waistbands occur only on genii sllch as those depicted on Panels C
2
(Figs. 74,
75, and 80) and C 4 (Figs. 74 and 81). 'lhis scheme is (nline with the previously suggested semantics of the herbivore and its ontology as an animal somehow associated with priesdy and nonmilitary concepts. Examples (hat demonstrate this affinity exisl outside Room C as well. For instance, the protomes of the armbands seen on the genius depicted on Panel Z a I (Figs.
I
and
2)
correspond
FIGURE
8!. Detail showing protollle on human-rlj!k"lIlt, Panel
Ashurnasirpal
(J
4, Room C, Northwesl Pabce of al Nimrud. London, British Museum ANE 12456(-). Photo:
10 4
LA SALLE OITE 'G'"
THE MYTHOLOGY OF KINGSHIP IN NED-ASSYRIAN ART
10 5
FIGURE 83. Detail showing prowme on the left arm of As hurna sir pal II, Pane! 3, Room G, Northwest Palace at Nimrud. London, Bridsh Museum ANE 124565. Photo: author.
the main determinant, or arlnature if YOll will, in the military symbolism of the alternating images of the king can be thought
(0
be rhe absence or presence of the sword. From rhis stand-
point, the depiction of the killg on Panel 6 from Room G may nO( be a fuHy military image, in contrast to Pane!.s 8 and
10
wherc the king is shown with both the bow and the sword, and
without the protomcs (Fig. 84). Somc of the aspects of this proposed system of decorum in the usc of protomes can be summarized as follows: I.
Detail of tlpkallll ANE J 2456 I. Photo: author.
FIGURE 82.
ill
Gigs.
!
and
2
Both waisdxlIld alld bracelet protomes occur only on the large-scale reliefs
of Ashurnasir-
pal U with a cen:monial or ritual character, those that show full-height figures, as opposed
and decorated garment. London, Bricish Museum,
w tilt: two-register throne-room scenes. In rhe duone room (Room B), they occur only on the sacred tree slah (Panel B-23, Figs. 3 J and 86), which is taller than each register of
Armband protomes tend not to be congruent with swords, especially in Room G and on the
the two-tiered reliefs of the throne room hur ,~h()rter than the Room G slab5, Thu5, the
"sacred tree" panel from the throne room. Figures of genii on which many protomes appear do
"sacrcd-trec" slab is in a Sense an extcnsion of As hurna sir pal's hieratic vocabulary into the seemingly more secular throne-room relief-s.
not wear any weapons in the first place. In the large-scale audience scene from this space (Panels C-2-4), the only armband with animal protomes appears around the left arm of Ashurnasirpal
2.
'lluoughout the relief program, all the protomes, excluding (hose on the swords, are either
1I who is shown without a sword in this panicuiar instance (Figs. 74, 75, and 83). On Panel 6
those of herbivorous animals, such as rhe ram (Fig. 85), the bovine, or the horse, or those
from Room G, Ashurnasirpal II is again shown with an armband with ram prommes, hue this
of the tlJldtlld{u dragon, stich as depicted on the left arm of (he genius on Panel Z 9. IH
time he is holding the bow and two arrows in front of him in ceremonial t~lshion, even though
3. Throughout the palace, hoth armband and waistband proromes appear only on genii and
he does not wear a sword (Figs. 84 and 85). One could well arguc thar rather than the bow, which is often held in such standard ceremonial fashion, it is the sword that imparts a complete military emphasis on its wearer.!7 Further, we have already seen, for instance, how the cemral eunuch of the nanking side on the libation
the king. In this respect, the), may be congruent with rhe occurrence of wrist rosettes, agaill an element that one Gilds primarily on the figures of the genii and the king.
4- Sword pommels always terminate in lion protolllCS. Some shields are also depicted with lion protomes attached
011
them, sllch as the one shown on Panel B )b from the throne
14·). In the Room G reliefs, on Panels 5 through 8, as well as on 9 through 16, the bow is rhe
room (Fig. 87). 5. [n accordance with the suggested oll(Ological symbolism of certain animals, lions are
unchanging visual elemem on rhe alternating images of the king between genii and eunuch
clearly more appropriate prowmcs tt:H military objects, whereas herbivores and the myth-
slabs wears a sword only in the lion libation scene and not in its bull countcrpart (Figs. 13 and
officials and is hence a passive or neutral parameter as [1f as the visual expression of the dialec-
ical ltIul!nu's'lI ()r objccL~ more intimately worn on the body such as armbands or what
tics of kingship and priesdlOod that I propose in the arc of Ashurnasirpal II is concerned. 1hus,
may be whetstones tucked ill waistbands.
106
THE MYTHOLOGY OF KINGSHIP IN NED-ASSYRIAN ART
"LA SALLE DITE 'e'"
10 7
FIGURE 85. Detail showing protome on the right arm of Ashur nasir pal II, Panel 6, Room G, Nonhwest PalaceofAshllrnasirpal II at Nit1ltud. London, British Museum ANE £24567. Photo: author.
I-laving laid our some select aspects of the mechanics in which animal protomes an: distributed on the human figures in the Northwcst Palace, we can now recapitulate. As outlined here, it is gelll'raUy rhe case that animal proromes arc attached to dlOse bodie.~ that do not hear swords. Perhaps onc
or the best examples of this observation is the royal figure on the left-hand
side of the "sacred tree" panel fwm d1e throne room, which appears wilh no weapons and
I'IGURE 8+ Reconslruction drawings of Room C, Panels '[tid 8. Reproduced by permission.
1-[6.
Photo:
MCllS'l.YIlSki, RekoIlJ/mktiof},
6. In Room C and on rhe "sacred tfce" slabs in the throne room, the king has only armband protomcs (Room G, Panels 2-4, Figs. 74, 75, 8)-85; throne room/Room B Panel 23, Fig. 86), whereas some genii have either waistband proromes (Panel (;-2, Figs. 74, 75, and 80; Panel (;-12, Figs. 84, 88, and 89) or both waistband and armband promll1cs at [he same time (duonc room/Room H, Fig. 90). In sum, in Room G and dH: throne room, thc waistband prommes are more ~H home on genii, whereas the general tendency is to depict rhe king wi('h armband prolOmes alone.
86. Derail with figure of the king at left, the "Sacred Tree" scene, Panel 2J, Room B, Northwest Palace of Ashurnasirpal 11 at Nimrud. lDnlion, British Museum ANE 1245 J I. Photo: audlOl". FIGURE
IDS
LA SALLE DITE 'G'"
THE MYTHOLOGY OF KINGSHIP IN NEG-ASSYRIAN ART
1'1GlJIUi 87. Detail showing lion proWIlI(', Pand .3h, Room B, Northwest Palace of Ashut'JI:\sirpaJ II at Nimrud. London, British Museum ANE t 24 5 56. Photo: author.
10 9
88, Apktlllu figurc, Panel! 2, Room G, Northwest Palacc of'Ashurnasirpalli at Nimrud. London, British Museum ANE 1'24568. Photo: author.
FlGUIU':
with prominent armband protomcs (Fig. H6). Herbivorous proromcs arc generally not associ-
a lion-protome handle, with a bovine protome in the waistband, in addition to holding the
ated with major weapons, especially swords, and may perhaps be considered as priestly accou-
ceremonial bowl. 'ihest: images
trements accompanying the genii as supcrnamral beings and rhe king in his priestly guise. The
Panels G 8 and
attachment of lion protomcs to sword ends, and that of rhe herbivorous protomcs to objcC(s
the king not only wears lhe sword and holds the bow but also holds the bowl (Figs. (3 and
10
afC
in principle identical to the represelHations of the king on
(hg. 84), and to those in the libation scenes from tilt: throne room where
held or pressed closer to the human body, may be thought to go along with the idea that there
[4), The diH<':rellce between the Room C; and Room H reliefs is that in the latter the space
is some affinity of (he human body to the herbivore. !-lenee, the lion is distanced from rhe
reserved for the king is doubled, and the king has the proromes, Otherwise, in Room G, Room
human body, whereas the herbivorous animal is frequently ill conract with iL
H, and the throne room, one could think of the coexistence of the sword and the bow with the
Further, what brings rhe herbivorous animal protome in proximity and contact with the
libation bowl held by the king as an indication that these figures show the king in his martial
priestly or supernatural body may be these animals' implications of sanctification through ri(~
and sacerdotal aspt:cts at rhe same time. On account of the doubled space and the protomes,
ual activities such as sacrifice and divinadon. One can thus posmlate that the herbivorous
it is perhap,~ Panels') and r6 from Room H that best epitomize this quality (Fig, 91), 'Ihese
animal details may be thought w denol(' a sacerdoral identity in tht: figures to which they arc
representations may be the more unified images of the king showing him in his full identity
attached.
as warrior and priest merged into one, a visual expression of the union of the regnum and the
Nevertheless, there are distinctly hybrid conflgurations, especially outside Room G, in which the king is represented with both military and priestly paraphernalia ~H the same time as in the
sacerdmium, the mix/Il perJontl. I borrow the term mixtfl penon" from Coomaraswamy, where it refers
case of Panels 9 and 16 from Room H (Fig.
tit)' of Conjoint Principles, [he Mixr
l)
I). On tht:st: slabs, the king wears a sword with
to
the "Supreme Iden-
LA SALLE DITE 'G'"
THE MYTHOLOGY OF KINGSHIP IN NEG-ASSYRIAN ART
110
I I I
...
."
"
H-'
89. Detail of Fig. 88 showing protomc on the apkallu figure, Panel (2, Room G, Northwest Palace of Ashurnasirpal II at Nimrud. London, British Museum ANE 124568. Photo: author. l'IGURE
of the "Counsel" and the "Power," the equivalents of Plato's essentials of good government, philosophia and dunamis. 19 In this regard, Mitra is the Counsel and Varuna the Power, Mitra the Saccrcioriul11 (brahmfl) and Varuna the Regnum (kFltJ'(./), Mitra the Knower (([bhigrtntr) and Varuna the Executive (kartr). W This dual ideology of sovereignty is one that has been examined on the thcoreticallevel for ancient India not only by Coomaraswamy, but also by Georges
Dumezil.
21
Reconstruction drawings or Pands 1-17, Room H, Northwest Palace of Ashurnasiqul II at Nimrud. Phow: Mellszynski, Re/wmlruktio}/, 'bId II. IkproduCt::d by permission.
PIGlJln: ')1.
An analogous dual understanding clearly exists in both ancient Mesopotamia and Egypr. For example, in the Mesopmamian tradition, the "Counsel" is represented by such figures as tbe antediluvian sages, or the seven counselors (seven mum/tiki) mentioned in the SHY of 7he Ein'c 0/ Gi(Wltlu'j'/; (I I H-2. I) as having laid the {-()LUldations of the walls of Uruk. H On FIGURE 90. Detail ofhulllaJHlpkffllu at lefr, the "Sacred Tree" scene, Panel 2 j, Room 13, Nonhwesr Palace of Ashurnasirpal [I at Nimrud. I'ondon, Brirish Museum AN E 1245 j I. Photo: author.
the level of the gods, whereas head deities or hero gods such as Marduk, Ashur, and, to a certain exreJU, Ninurt
112
THE MYTHOLOGY OF KINGSHIP IN NEG-ASSYRIAN ART
3
of as divinities more closely associated with gnoris and "counsel." As custodians of counsel, the sages are clearly in conceptual dichowrny with the agent of temporal power, the king. Their occurrence in the Neo-Assyrian palace reliefs in such close association with the king, in addition
THE MIXTA PERSONA
to the king's assuming the sacerdotal character, provides further justification for considering aspects of ancient Mesopotamian kingship against the backdrop of the priestly concepts that Coomaraswamy (faces in ludic sources.
T
HE PRINCIPAL COMPOSITION
or ROOM G (SLABS G 2-4) MAY BE EXAMINED AGAIN
in light of the "decorum of the protomc" (figs. 74 and 75). In this scene, the seated king himself does not wear any protomes, bur, as already noted, the stool on which he is seated
has two bovine protomes, both functioning as visual armatures in the composition. 111<: protome on the left, for instance, is noticeably highlighted through its perfect fit into the curve of the king's pleat band (Fig. 79). It is as if this pleat band were deliberately curved this way by the artist to inscribe the breadth of the calfs head. As for the protomc 011 thc right, it can be thought LO mark the imaginary line by which the scene is bisected (Fig. 74). This protome marks the end of the priestly side of the scene and filees wward dle military side. Along rhe vertical, rhe bovine protome on the right-hand side of the royal s(Ool is perfectly aligned with the ram protome of tbe whisk held by the ellllllch with the bow on the military side. Bmh of these proromes can be thought to be liminal protomes. Alrhough geometrically in the f-ield of the military side, they can he thought to mark the culmination of the priestly field to the left of the viewer and demarcate the beginning of the military fleld to (he right. An analogous bipanirc division charaGerizes the rest of lhe Room C slabs as well. For instance, on Pands 6,--R, located bctween the nonhe1sr corner of rile room and door e, the composition is again divided into two, where the king, sword less, fbnked by genii on rhe leh, is shown holding the bow and arrows in ceremonial h1shion (Pigs. 7 I and H4). As fiJI' rhe righthand side, (he king is Hanked by eunuch oHlcials, he wears a sword, and again holds the bow in ceremonial bshiol1; bUl inslead of lhe arrows, he is shown holding a .\hallow howl. After the analysis of the audience panels (C 2~4), one would he inclined (0 designate the left-hand side or the composition on Pands 6-H as the priestly, and rhe right-hand side as the military. 'The main determinants in dividing rhe units are the pair of genii flanking the king on rhe proposed pricstly side and the pair of eunuch oHlcials flanking him on the military. We have already seen the presence of a sword in the king's attire as the sign f·()!" his military involvernelll, perhaps even more so than the bow and arrows, which the king often holds in a ffH"ll1ulaic ceremonial [lshion. Hence, the king is shown without the sword on rhe priestly side of the G 6-g composition. Moreover, the king here wears an armband with ram protomes, which he does not on [he other side of (he composition. l11 the latter side, rhe eunuch officials flanking the king, as well as the king himself all wear swords with lion-prowrned pOlllmels. In this division, il is the lion pro(()llle
or the sword pOlllmel on the Ell' left thar can be thoughr of I I
J
THE MYTHOLOGY OF KINGSHIP IN NEO-ASSYRIAN ART
rHE MtXTA PERSONA
115
as the dividing armature, as do the bull protomes on the king's seat in the C 2-4 composition (Figs. 74, 75, and 84)· This lion protome is located on the venical axis that bisects the composition. The same axis is also suggested by the venicallines of the lower wing of the genius on the right. Hence, on the left-hand side of Panels 6-8, the king is shown in a more numinous and supernatural context, in a clearly more enhanced hieratic framework dictated by the presence of genii and the protomes. On the right-hand side, by contrast, the king is rather the administrative and military leader placeJ in the midst of armed officials, bm what, then, to make of the ceremonial howl that the king is shown holding in the latter division? "Ibe overall picture can be analyzed as follows: the right-hand side of the G 6-8 series is mainly military with a reference to the sacerdotal through the element of the bowl. As for the left-hand side, it is mainly sacerdotal with a reference to the military through the bow and arrows. Hence, what has been expressed on Panels G 2-4 (Figs. 74 and 75) in a more or less divided manner is expressed on P<wels G 6-8 in an intcrmeshed format (Fig. 84). In othcr words, what the main sccne with the seatcd king achieves in two distinct segments, the composition on Panels 6-8 accomplishes by blending aspects of these two parts in each division. Whereas the main scene conveys the mixta persona of the king by placing a single image or the king in the midst of the two opposites, Panels 6-R convey it by establishing an alternation in the king's image and intertwining the proposed parameters of the regntlrn~sacerdotillm dialectics,
PIGURE 92. Lintel of Amenemila[ I fi'oll1 his pyramid temple a[ Lisht, with representation of the enthroned king at the Sed festival, Twelfth Dynasty. Drawing by Barry Girsh. Photo: Byron Shafer, cd., Thnplt's ojAncimt Ep:.ypl (Ithaca, New York: Cornell University Press, (997): 77, fig. JJ.
such that the result is a chiastic composition in the yin-yang principle. 1his ambivalence that blends clements of the regnurn and the sacerdotium has been duly noted by Brandes.! Despite certain minor differences, my approach to the Room G composi-
It is important to notc that instances of chiasmas such as
r have
poillled ou[ in the art of
Ashurnasirpal l[ seem to occur in the ancien( Egyptian visual record in association with the
tions here is extremdy similar lO that of Brandes, who designates the two units of composition
dU
in Room G as terrestrial and celestial, the f(HIner entailing the king flanked by eunuch offi-
from his pyramid temple in Lisht (Fig. 92) shows two figures of the king seated back
of
[Q
back
cials, and the latter showing him Ranked by genii. Brandes puts Forward the af-()l'emeHtioned
under Set/ festival pavilions, with the figure to the left wearing the crown
ambivalence as the king's showing his most terrestrial aspect in the midst of genii, and showing
and that to the right wearing the crown of Lower Egypt. Facing the latter is the Seth animal,
Upper Egypt,
his most celestial aspect in the midst of the eunuch officials. l He takes the bow and arrows as
and facing the fonner was in alllikclihood a Horus falcon, as shown restored in the drawing,
the Assyrian military insignia par excellence, and the bowl as a sign of the transcendent. He
because that pan of the lintel is missing. In other configurations of similar design, the Horus
argues that a balanceJ opposition has been created in the reliefs through the manifestation of
Ellcon faces the king wearing dle crown of Lmol'r Egypt, and the Seth animal the king wearing
Upper Egypt, as is the case with the representation on the door frame of King
the king's immanent aspect in the transcendent unit, and his transcendent aspect in the imma-
the crown of
nent unit. 'Thus, according to Brandes, the military sphere is not completely excluded hom a
Amenernhat-Sobekhorep from Medaillud Clhirteenth DynaslY) (Fig. 93).6
"sacral" appearance.'\ By the same token, Coomaraswamy writes: "that the King docs assume the Sacerdotal character, howt:ver temporarily and in whatcver mannt:r, makes it impossible to say that 'the connection of royalty with priestly rank had long dis(lppeareJ."'4 One panicular matter that renders my analysi.~ slightly different from Brandes's is the sword whose presence anJ absence Brandes docs nor rake into account ill tht: sel1St: that I do here. \ As my key military armature, the sword appears in rhe terrestrial segmelll flanked by the eunuch officials. It is, however, absent from the celestial segment marked by the genii. I argue, therefore, that there is after ali still a distinct division between the military and sacerdotal in these slabs, despite the chiastic arrangement of- the
of panels
examined, 2-4 (Figs. 74 and 75) and 6-8 (Fig. 84),
the "opposition" berween the rcgnum and the saccrdorium takes a slightly lIppt:r hand over a full expression of mingling or union. As far as the usc of the sword in this configuration is concerned, one should also note how tht: ofllciaring eunuch depicted in cooperation with the king with his whisk in the military segment of the Room G Panels 6~8 also wears a sword, whereas his counterpan in the main audience scene of Room G is shown without it (Figs. 74, 75,and 84).
FIGURE <) J. Monumental door hame of King Amenemhat-SohekholeJl from Medamud showing the enthroned king at the Sui festival, Clhirtccnrh Dynasty. Phow: Rem), Cotlt'vidile-Giraudc[, Rapport sItr It's jiJl/il/e's {It- Mldtlll/olld ((9} (). I.l'S MOl/ummts till lv/oYl'fl Empire, FIAI''AO 91 [ (Cairo: I FAO, 19 ]3): pI. 5.
116
THE M[XTA PERSONA
THE MYTHOLOGY OF KINGSHIP IN NED-ASSYRIAN ART
. e ..
"
117
b"
2 9+ Reconstruction drawing of Panels 6-8, Room C, Northwest Palace of Ashurnasirpal II at Nimrud. Photo: Meuszynski, Rekonstruktion, Tafe! 4. Reproduced by permission.
FIGURE
95· Reconstruction drawings of Panels 4~7, Room N, Northwest Palace of Ashurnasirpal II at Nimrud. Photo: Meuszynski, Rekonstruktion, Tafel 16. Reproduced by permission.
FIGURE
In this regard, one can note the parallel conceptual visual devices exploited by both the Assyrian and Egyptian artistic idioms in rendering certain hieratic designs that pertain to a
philosophy and metaphysics of royalty, to be discussed in greater detail later. In such chiastic compositions reminiscent of the yin-yang principle, the ultimate message may again be a fundamental notion regarding the overlap or reconciliation of essentially opposed dual principles, with a kernel of the one embedded in the body of the other. As far as these proposed Nco-Assyrian schemes of a duality and union of the two royal domains are concerned, one in general cannot help but be reminded of dle fundamental ancient Egyptian visual formulas pertaining to the dual kingdoms, expressed in Egyptian visual arts and hieroglyphs by means of royal crowns and other insignia, as well as the "union" scheme, the serna tawy, in which hieroglyphic elements belonging to Upper and Lower Egypt are merged within a unified image. Perhaps in ancient Egypt too, the underlying idea behind two "Egypts" pertains to the duality of power and counsel, execution andgnosis, the regnum and the
(Pigs. 74 and 75), with double-spaced Format. R
lWO
eunuch officials used as framing e1emems but here cast in the
Room H seems to draw on the hieratic language of Room G, but furthers it through the complete absence of the eunuch official groups. Instead, only genius groups occur, those with regular spacing (H 18-20, Fig. 96) in addition to the expanded version (H 8-IO and 15-17, Fig. 91). 'Ihese regularly spaced genius groups from Room H constitute yet a third variant by flanking the swordless king holding the bowl and bow (H 19, Pig. 96). In other words, the figural type of thc king flanked by eunuch officials in Room G (G 6-R, Fig. 84), minus rhe sword, is here flankcd by genii, Helice, the yin-yang scheme of Room C; here leaves its place to a match between the frame and its content, both transcendental, ('() use Brandes's terminology. In a way, Room H almost functions like a gloss on Room G, presenting the cards in order
sacerdocium. 7 As already imroduced, a clearer visual expression of the union of the regnum and the sac-
before Room C shuffks them. NO[ only docs Room H fully illustrate the mixta persona in
erdotium in the image of the king in the Northwest Palace of Ashurnasirpaill can be seen in
double-spaced fc)rmat (H 8-10 and r 5-17, Fig. 91), it also provides the viewer with the kernel
Room H (H 9 and H 16, Fig. 9I) and Room C (C 7, Fig. 94), rather than Room C. As pointed
of the visual expression
out earlier, in Room H, the figure of the king, holding both the bow and rhe bowl as well as
Fig. 96), which in Room C is added a sword and placed between armed eunuchs fc>r the yin-
wearing the sword (Panels H 9, 16, and 26; Pigs. 9! and 96), occupies a full slab all by himself
yang effect.
in a space twice as large as that used up by each division in the G 6--8 series (Fig. 84)· On Panels H 8-JO and
1 5-17,
two genii flank him (Fig. 91), each on a separate slab, wearing distinctive
or the sacerdotium, thc king holding the bowl and bow (H
18-20,
Finally, a f(Hmh variam can be seen in Room N, Panel N 6 (Fig. 95). 'fhe Room G variant depicted with the bow and arrows is here added a sword. Hence, we view here the king in his
headbands rather than horned crowns. '[his composition is the unified version of the series G
utmost military identity. 'lhis variant is in a way the counterpal'l of the unified image depicted
6~8 (Fig. 8,:1.) bw depicted between genii as opposed to eunuch officials. [".fence, the nanking
on H 9, H
of the mixra persona by genii rather [hall armed officials, as well as the doubled space allowed
space. Its difftrence consists of the arrows, which have replaced the bowl, and the lack of bovine
5~17, Fig. 91) may be indications that this,
rather than the Room G groups, is tbe fully imegrared representation of the dual aspects of
protomes on the king's armbands, perhaps constituting the king's ulcimate military appearance, albeit shown in the midst of genii.
kingship, a highly sacral phenomenon. FI11e same double-spaced group occurs in Room N (N 5-7) as well, with the genii wearing
through (he genii, in addition to hosting the most pronounced represenr
for the composition in Room H (11:
8-(0
and H
I
J 6,
:tnd presumably H 26 (Figs. 91 and 96), in that it also occupics a doubled
Room H seems to have greater emphasis on the sacerdotal in its iconography, especially
horned crowns rather than headbands (Fig. 95). As for the composition in Room C (Fig. 94),
mixta perwna. In this respect, its illward, or backward, positioning on dle palace plan may be
the same unified king is this time placed in the framework of the Room C audience panel
thought
to
enhance [his increased hitratic emphasis (Fig. 71), especially because the innermost
Il8
THE MYTHOLOGY OF KINGSHIP IN NED-ASSYRIAN ART
THE MIXTA PERSONA
d"
e"
"
"
"
119
d" 2
.1
3 L
4 FIGURE 97. Reconstructioll drawing of !lands 1-17, Room L, NorthwcSl Palace of Ashurnasirpal I I al Nimrud. PhOlO: Meuszynsld, Rt'kotHtruktiof), Tafel 14. Reproduced by pcrlllis.~i()n. FIGURE ')6. Reconstruction drawings or Pands 18-.1 J > Room H, Northwest Palace al NimJ"ud. MClIszynski, /?l'kowtmktiou, 'Eifel [2. Rcproduu:d by perrni,~sioll.
rooms, Room L (Fig. 97}, Room I (Fig. 78), and Room F (Fig. 98), aj"c decor:ued solely with slabs depicting difFerent kinds orgenii Ranking rhe "sacred tree," These fl.!prCsclltariom have an iconographically less complex disposition
[0
[hem, btH they
the sp;lces gradually lake [hose purely sacerdotal aspects, Illulriply them, and present an entire array of rhe one and the same message, like a visuailitany, in a highly emblematic fe:>nnat. It is as if a dissipation of iconographic complexity took place as one moved away from the twO nudear spaces, Rooms Band C. Within this decrease in complexity, even [hough there is a disimegration of semalltic tellsion, one call hardly talk about any "loss of meaning," because what is depicred ill Rooms E t, and L is perhaps the kernel ofAshurn;1.~irpal's ,~acerdotal message.
arc purely sacerdotal in message. "lhus, whereas Room C and Room B act as nuclear spaces
From lhis standpoint, I separate myself from theories that see dues in the reliefs regarding
and present the tension and relationship between the regnum and the sacerdotiUIll, rhe fest of
rhe fUl1ccioll of the spaces that they decorate, promoted particularly by Brandes, Paley, and
THE MYTHOLOGY OF KINGSHIP IN NED-ASSYRIAN ART
120
THE MIXTA PERSONA
RusseH.9 Given the highly formulaic character of Ashurnasirpal's art, my tendency is to see
..
121
L
most aspects of this visual program primarily as the component parts of a visual language that were meant to be viewed and contemplated, perhaps enhanced by ritual action associated with the spaces as well, rather than to take iconographic features as literal pointers to the activities carried out in the rooms of the palaces. Nevertheless, special credit should be given to Brandes's work in laying out the terrestrial versus celestial pattern so crucial to the art of Ashurnasirpai,
•8"
which has nO( been emphasized sufficiently in past and current literature. We can thus see how the designers of the relief program of Ashurnasirpal II have woven themes and variacions throughout the palace with each visual attribute of the king's figure acting as a semiotic element in the communication of messages regarding the complex philosophy of kingship. We can further see how, far from being fuHy in the service of historical narrative, the an of Ashurnasirpal II is deeply rooted in cenain conveIHions and rules of pactern and variation, with its primary strength lying in an almost architectonic body of formulaic principles. The emblematic or hieratic reliefs of Ashurnasirpal II are also meaningful to observe and analyze within their architectural context in the Northwest Palace in Nirnrud. For instance,
"
'"
it has been noted time and again that when one enters the throne room from the principal courtyard of the palace, one not only comes face to face with one of the principal hieratic reliefs of the palace on the opposite wall, the "sacred tree" slah (rig. 3 I), one also needs to make a right-angle turn to the left to face the throne and another panel behind it that depicts the
2
same scene (Fig. 71). [Q '1l1is right-angle turn has been characterized by scholars as a deliberate evocation of the age-old Sumerian bent-axis temple plan. j j
A similar spatial configuration can be seen in Room G as well (Fig. 7I). When onc cnters the room from the secondary courtyard of the palace, even though no outstanding emblematic image placed right on the axis of the entrance greets the beholder from the opposite wall, one needs to make a right-~lngle turn [() the left to see the main scene in which rhe king is depicted
'"
"
enthroned (Figs. 74 and 75). Whereas in thc thronc room, it is likely that the viewer faced the living king seated on his throne upon the lUrn to the left, in Room C;, he or she rather came
3
across with his image dcpicted in the samc enthroned po,~itiol1. 'n1e spatial relationship among the hieratic reliefs of Ashurnasirpal condnucs heyond rhe right-angle turn. As Rita Dolce has noted, in both the throne room and Room G, the main emblematic composition of the room is along thc samc longitudinal axis with another hieratic composition that appcars on the rear wall of a subsidiary room all thc way across from dH.:se main rooms. In the case of Room C, (his subsidiary space is Room N (Fig. 7 (), and the
"
[1
b"
representation that faces the Room G audience scenc i!l the af()[cmemioned composition in which the king is depicted in his full military incarnadon, holding the arrows and wcaring the sword (N 6, Fig. 95). '] he same correspondence betwecn a main room and a subsidiary one can also be seen in the throne room suitc. In this case, the auxiliary room that opens up ro rhe main !lpace is Room C (Fig. 71), with its celHerpiece located aU the way across from the "sacred tree" slab in the throne room on the !lame axis (C 6-H, Figs. 7 rand 94). Further, one of rhe representations in Room H that preselH the unified king shown holding the ritual bowl and wearing the sword (H 9, Fig. 91) is again piaced prominently on one of'the shon walls ofrhis space such (hat it can be viewed at a right-angle turn [() the Ide when one enters rhe room from Room G through doorwaye. Finally, in Room S, one again sees a hieratic representation placed on the shon wall of the longitudinal space on a right-angle turn to the left as one enters the room from [he counyal'd
4 Reconstruction drawing of Panels 5-17, Room F, Norrhwesl Palace of Ashurnasirpal II at Nimrud. Paley and Sobolewski, RcconstructioN If, Platc 6, Reproduced by permission.
FIGURE 98.
through doorway t' (Fig. 71). As is rhc case in Rooms C, H, and N, this image also depiers the king in the double-spaced f(mnat this timc with a difI-ercllt aHribute. As a change from the other rooms that display hieratic rei ids, the king, wearing the sword and flanked by eunuch officials, here appears holding a long srafFagainst the ground line (Fig. 99). 'lhe king evidently also appears in thL~ guise on the panels that Hank one of the "sacred-uce" slabs in the thronc room, the onc that bees the viewer directly on the oppositc wall upon e11lry from rhe main
122
THE MYTHOLOGY OF KINGSHIP IN NEG-ASSYRIAN ART
THE MIXTA PERSONA
12 3
99. Reconstruction drawing of Panels 2-5, Room 5, Northwest Palace of Ashurnasirpal II at Nimrud. Photo: Mellszynski, Rekonstruktion, Tafel 7. Reproduced by permission.
FIGURE
courtyard (Fig. roo). Whatever the precise connotations of the staff may be, along with the bowl, arrows, and the sword, it is clearly among the visual attributes that constitute the semiotic of the art of Ashurnasirp~ll II in the Northwest Palace. 1 j Finally in Room 5, Dolce has drawn attention to how the composition on the rear wall of Room T that opens lip to Room S is again in axial correspondence with the hieratic scene located on the short wall of the latter (Fig. 71).14 The Room T composition is a rather generic
one, however, one of the many slabs that depict the "sacred tree" flanked by genii. It is nevertheless located on the axis directed wward the king's image on the Room S panel, the line of symmetry that bisects the tree coinciding with the same axis. One can see from the foregoing visual survey how the an of Ashurnasirpal II is densely but paratactically woven wilh themes and variations that pertain to what might be understood as different facets of kingship, especially ahernating between, as well as reversing and blending, the military and the sacerdotal, with each attribute of the king acting as a semiotic device in the expression of this complexity. What is more, the function of these images is enhanced and even dictated by the spaces within which they arc placed. When one looks at a plan of the portion of the Northwest Palace dealt with here (Fig. 7I), one miglu indeed think that the geometric statement is as important as whatever practical fUllction may have been accommodated in each space. ~r he entire "stateapartment" section of the palace is designed on a quadrilateral basis, with each of the four "blocks" comaining its own main longitudinal space, enriched and inscribed with the hieratic
Reconstruction drawing of the "Sacred Tree," Panel 13, Room B, Northwest Palace of Ashurnasirpal II at Nimrud. Photo: Meuszynski, Rekorl.ftruktion, -rufd 2. Reproduced by permission.
FIGURE 100.
FIGURE IOJ. AshurnasirpallI hunting lion, Panel WFL 14, Room WG, Northwest Palace of Ashllrnasirpal II at Nimrud. London, British Museum ANE 124579. Pholo: author.
iconography here traced in a basic fashion. [ have in fact dealt with only three of these four quadrants, because the so-called West Wing did not yield many extant reliefs that would lend themselves lO detailed analysis.!) Nevertheless, the little that remains of this wing, with its emphasis on the royal lion and bull hunt (Fig. 101), also speaks for a hieraric content that may have furthered and complemented the messages of what is extant from the other wings. As for the geometry and cosmology of the Northwest Palace as a whole, the palace is oriented coward the cardinal directions, further betraying its cosmographic scheme (Fig. 7')' [t is noteworthy that Assyrian astrologists considered the cosmos as comprising four main regions, which they aswciared with the four countries that f"(mned the four segments of the world: Akkad or Babylonia to the SOllth, Subartll or Assyria to the North, Elam to the East, and Amurru co the West. l(i Indeed, olle of the epithets of the Assyrian king is Sill' ki!n'fit ",·ba'im, the "King of the Four Quarters," an epithet that goes back to the Akbdian period (2334-2 154 BeE). [7 Further, in the throne room of rhe Northwest Palace, the throne is located to rhe r:lr east, and most of the anion on the south wall Bows from the east to the west (Figs. 7' and I02). [8 This directionality is further enhanced by the god inscribed in the winged disk who is shown shoming arrows toward the same direction. Whether tbe god inside the disk is the Assyrian national god Ashur or the sun-god Shamash, [he solar connotations of the winged disk as a design would have been clear [0 the original audience of the relief-s. The entire configuration would hence betray a solar scheme, almost making a sun-king out of the enthroned Ashurnasirpal II. 'I11e Assyrian winged disk was in great likelihood derived from rhe E61J'FHian winged disk, which is a solar symbol signaling the path of the sun, mostly on door lintels, along the cast-west axis in Egyptian temples. I ') [11 sum, the Assyrian palace is as much a physical model of the cosmos and Assyrian theocracy as it is a utilitarian and ceremonial edifice. Given the complex grammar of the reliefs, it is in any event more likely that dlese so-called state apartments were meant as spaces of display and contemplation, likely enhanced by ritual and ceremony as well, for an "initiated" audience who knew how to look at this art. Given also the highly sophisticated system of messages inherent in
124
THE MYTHOLOGY OF KINGSHIP IN NED-ASSYRIAN ART
4 THE KING AND THE "SACRED TREE"
I
N ROOM G, THE ALTERNATING IMAGES OJ! THE KING BETWEEN EUNUCH OHICIALS AND
genii further continue along the east wall, south of door e, on Panels 9-16, in the same
fashion as displayed by Panels 6-8 themselves (Figs. 71 and 84). However, these scenes arc not as punc(U;tred and articulated with animal protomes as is the core compositions constituted by Panels 1-8 lip to door e. If we label the eunuch groups "a" and the genius groups "b," the pattern on Panels 9 through 16 is "ababa" (Fig. 84), a symmetrical design. ~rhe only lise of the waistband protomes in this scheme is on the genius to the right in the first "b" (G 12) and the genius to rhe left in the second (G 14), again a symmetrical configuration. Nevertheless, these protomes may not be the kind of armatures that distinguish one particular side from the other. Looking at the first "b" from the left, Panels
I I
and
I 2,
one would think that the
waistband proto me is placed on the genius whom the king faces. However, the second "b," Panels '4 and Reconstruction drawing of Panels l~! 2, Room B, NonhwcH Palace Nimrud. Photo: MeuszYllski, Rt'kotl.l'truktiorJ, 'Ed-d].. Reproduced hy permission.
FIGURE 102.
or Ashurnasirpal II at
f
5, does not confcmn to the samc pattern, because the protome is on the genius
behind the king. Perhaps one should take the second "b" as a mere mirror image of the first "b," in which case the whole composition is strictly symmetrical with respect to the central "a." [n light of these observatiollS,
011C
may be inclined (() postulate that it is rather on Panels (-4
this art, especially in that of AshurnasirpallI, the main audience of the rdid!> were probably [he
(Figs. 74 and 75), and Panels 6-8 (Fig. 84) that rhe themes and messages arc set up and that
royal rcsidcms of the palace as wdl as the Assyrian intellectual or scholarly dire who constituted
rhe repetitive colltilluity of these themes along the rest of the wall surfaces of Room G takes on
the king's inner circle. 'Ihe representations thus imbued the spaces with a hicralic
that
a rather neutrally emblematic quality. It is noteworthy that there is no repetition whatsoever
directly pertained to the theology of kingship developed and studied by this vcry dite.
in either of the slab groups 1-4 (Figs. 74"""75) and 6-8 (Fig. 84). 'lilus, these compositions can
rI11c idea that the king combines in himsdfbmh the administrativdmilitary and the religious functions of the state and mcdhucs between the divine and human domains is oftcll cited in
be considered as those in which meaning is concemr;;ll"ed, bd(He meaning in a way dissipates or becomes slightly mon: immalerial, not in any negative or pejorative sense, along the more
the scholarship on bmh ancient Mesopotamian and Egyptian kingship. What the f(lregoing
repetitive slabs in the room.
aUfa
visual survey discloses, however, is a rhetoric that goes lx:yond the thought that the king is a
One call reiterale the Elet [hat Room G and the throne mom are especially unique spaces
bridge between gods and humanity and one that rather points toward a fundalllelHal dualiry,
in the Northwest Palace. In both, [here is a tightly interwoven composition to some of the
or a split between complementary opposites on the one hand and a mutual imerdependencc
reliefs, unlike most of rhe other rooms where certain themes take
and reconciliation of these opposites on the other within a cosmological fi·amework. From (his
character. With their proximity
standpoinr, what the images may be telling us, with their hieratic grammar and geometry, is
well as their paratacric composition with significant use of empty spaces to balance the figures
to
011
a repetitive and f()fInulaic
the location of lhe throne and the "sacred tree" panel, as
that this dialectic does not neces,~arily operate 011 any pragmatic or even ordinary religiolls level,
themselves, the libation scenes and their hunt counterparts in the throne room (B 20 and B I9,
stich as the king's day-to-day administr:.uive and cui tic duties, bw rather in an emphatically
Figs.
philosophical, and, if YOLl will, metaphysical dimension.
they are to the rest of the throne-room reliefs.
10
and 7') are especially dose in character to the Room G panels, perhaps more so than
'Jhe location of these .~Iabs in the thronc room may reflect a sense of decorum in placement so that they would have been closer to rhe hieratic focus of the throne room, the throne itself I 25
THE MYTHOLOGY OF KINGSHIP IN NEO-ASSYRIAN ART
MEHMET-ALI ATA<;: Bryn Mflwr
College
~-m CAMBRIDGE ~ UNIVERSITY PRESS
124
THE MYTHOLOGY OF KINGSHIP IN NED-ASSYRIAN ART
4 THE KING AND THE "SACRED TREE"
I
N ROOM G, THE AU'ERNATING IMAGES Of! THE KING BETWEEN EUNUCH OFFICIALS AND
genii further continue along the e
fashion as displayed by Panels 6-8 themselves (figs. 71 and 84). However, these scenes are not as punctuated and articulated with animal protomes as is the core compositions constituted by Panels I-R lip to door e. [[we label the eunuch groups "a" and the genius groups "b," the pattern on Panels 9 through J6 is "ababa" (Fig. 84), a symmetrical design. The only usc of the waistband protomes in this scheme is on the genius to the right in the first "b" (G 12) and the genius to the left in the second (G 14), again a symmetrical configuration. Nevertheless, these protomes may not be the kind of armatures that distinguish one particular side from the other. Looking at the first "b" from the left, Panels
I I
and
12,
one would think that the
waistband protome is placed on the genius whom the king f~tces. However, the second "b,"
,- ,
,- ,
, -,
,- 3
Reconstruction drawing oFPanc1s 2~!2, Room B, Northwest Palace of Ashurll,\sirpal II at Nimrud. Photo: Meuszynski, Rl'k(){l.I'trukriolJ, Tafel 2. Rt~prodllCCJ hy permissioJl,
FIGURE f02.
Panels
14
and
I
5, docs not conform to the same panel"ll, because the protome is on the genius
behind the king, Perhaps one should take the second "b" as a mere mirror image of the first "b," in which case ('he whole composition is strictly symmetrical with respect ro the central "a," In light of these observations, one may he inclined to postulate that it is nuher on Panels 1-4
this art, especially in that of Ashurl1
(Figs. 74 and 75), and Panels 6-8 (Fig. 84) that tht: themes and messages are set lip and that
royal residents of the palace as wdl as the Assyrian intdkctual or scholarly dite who constituted
the repetitive continuity of these themes along the rest of the wall surElces of Room G wkes on
the king's inner circle. 'The representations thus imbued the spaces wilh a hieratic aura that
a rather neLltwlly emhlematic quality. It is noteworthy that there is no repetition whatsoever
directly pertained to the theology of kingship developed and studied by this vcry elite.
in either of the slab groups I~4 (Figs. 74~75) and 6-8 (Fig. 84.). 'Ihm, thest: compositions can
The idea chat the king combines in himselfbolh the administrative/mjlitary and rhe religious
be considered as those in which meaning is cOllceluratt:d, bd
functions of the state and I11cdi:ucs between the divine and human domains is often citcd in
or becomes slightly more immaterial, not in any negative or pejorative sense, along the more
the scholarship on both ancient Mesopotamian and Egyptian kingship. What the foregoing
repetitive slabs in the room,
visual survey discloses, however, is a rhetoric that goes beyond the thought that thc king is a bridge between gods and humanity and one rh;H rather points toward
One can reiterate the
(-;ICl
['hat Room C and rhe throne room arc especially unique spaces
fundamemal duality,
in the Northwest Palace. In borh, there is a tightly inrerwoven composition (() some of the
or a split between complementary opposites on the one hand and a mutual interdependence
reliefs, unlike most of the other rooms where certain themes take on a repetitive and formulaic
and reconciliation of these opposites
011
the other within a cosmological ti-amework, From this
character. With their proximity to the location of the dHone and rhe "sacred tree" p,mel, as
standpoint, what the images may be telling us, with their hieratic grarnmar and geometry, is
well as (heir p~lratactic composition with significant usc of empty spaces
that this dialeccic docs not neces,~arily operate on any pragm,aic or even ordinary religioLls level,
themselves, the libation scenes and their hUll( counterparts in the throne room (B
such as the king's day-to-day administrative and culric duties, but rather in an erllphatically
Figs.
philosophical, and,
if you will, memphysical dimension.
10
to
balance the flgures 20
and B f9,
and 71) arc especially close in character (() the Room G panels, perhaps more so than
they are to the rest of the throne-room reliefs. The location of these slabs in the throne room may rdlect a sense of decorum in placement so that they would have been closer to the hieratic focus of the throne roOl11, (he throne itself '25
126
THE MYTHOLOGY OF KINGSHIP IN
NEO~ASSYRIAN
THE KING AND THE "SACRED TREE"
ART
12 7
with rhe "sacred-tree" slab behind it. Moreover, these reliefs are further set apart from rhe rest of the slabs in the throne room by door b, just as the more thematic compositions of Room
G, Panels 1-4 and 6-8, are placed in [he nonheast corner of the room, delimited by rhe doors a and e (Figs. 7I, 74-75, and 84). In each case, (he visibility of these particular groups of reliefs becomes possible upon a right angle turn to the lefr on the part of the viewer entering from the main courtyard doors. Thus, it is not just the throne and the "sacred tree" slab, or images that have a centerpiece qualiry (0 them, that arc located in accordance with the age-old Mesopotamian bent-axis scheme, but also these two groups of reliefs from the throne room and Room G both positioned in a corner location. Each room in the Northwest Palace has a distinctive identity to it, with Room I's repetitiveness (Fig. 78), for instance, not being the same as that of Room F's (Fig. 98). The whole scheme may be tbought to betray a purposely piecemeal understanding of planning and distribution, very much in accordance with a Mesopotamian idiom of order, rather than merely indicative of a discrepancy in style and theme caused by difFerent chronological phases of execution or different teams of sculptors. 1he "sacred tree" slab (B 13 and B 23, Fig. 3 () placed on the south wall, opposite the main dootway, doorway e, into the throne room, as well as behind the throne base on the cast wall, can now be examined in light of the foregoing discussion. Perhaps no other Assyrian design has generated so much controversy and debate in terms of its interpretation. I Given the present approach and a metaphysics of Neo-Assyrian art, it would he natural for me to address the meaning of the "sacred tree," although while doing so, I wish to avoid an extensive review of the voluminous past scholarship on this matter, which has already been undertaken by Ciovino. In the relevant scholarly literature, the "sacred tree" scene from the throne room of Ashurnasirpal II bas been read as bilateral, or even mirror, symmetry with respect to the vertical axis defined by the tree/ However, a careful look reveals that although the overall composition is symmetrical, there are variations on both sides that deviate from perfect symmetry.l First of aU, the king is shown in significantly cliffcrelH ways on each side. On the left-hand side of the viewer, the king's raised right hand covers his breast (Fig. 86), whereas 011 the right, the right band of the king stTct'ches away from his torso, exposing the pe:ctoral of divine: symbols on his chest (Fig. I03). 'lhe right hand of the king on the Ide slightly poilHs down toward the tree: with tbe index finger, while thc king on the: left points upward to rhe winged disk within which a god is inscribed, facing and ge:sticulating toward the king (Fig. I04).'1 'The king on the Ide by no mcans lacks divine symbols; most simply are not visible be:hind the raised right arm, and one of the astral medallions actually does appear above: it (Fig. 86). \ However, when one looks at the armbands with ram protomes worn by [he king on thc left, they are nowhc:re visible on thc other side (Fig. I 0 .~). The left ann of the king 011 the right is rigidly wrapped by a shawl, but one would expeC[ the other armband to appear on (hc right arm, if these were indee:d the two symmetrical images of the same figure. There is one other major difl-erence in rhe way the two kings are shown flanking the sacred tree. Both kings are depicted holding a mace:. -111e: king on the left, while pointing down to the rre:e, also rouche:s it with his mace, which he holds almost horizonral to the ground line (Fig. 86). 'Ihe king on the right, in contrast, whilc pointing to the celestial disk above the tree, holds the mace away from the tree and almost vertically against his waist and legs (Fig. 10 3)." 111c difFcrenccs betwcen the two sides also continue beyond the Ilgures of the king. We have seen how in Room G the positioning of the waistband protomes mighr be thought (0 act as the armatures of a notational system in helping convey messages regarding the dual nature of
Detail of the f-igure o{'the king at right, "Sacred 'Ji·ee" scene, Panel'll, Room B, Nonhwes( Palace oCAshurnasirpal II at Nimrud. I.out/on, British Museulll ANI-: [2453 I. Pl~oto: author.
FIGURE !O).
kingship. Hen:, mo, I would suggest that the protomes have a similar semiotic value. '1 ht: genius on the Icft~hand side of [he viewer, in harmony with tht: figure of the king .~tanding beforc him, wears an instrlllllelH with a calfs head tucked in his waistband (Figs. J I and 90), whereas the genius 011 the right dot:s not wear anything with a prowille and has only tucked in his wai.~thand (Fig. (05). Enough difFerences e:xist hetwecn the: two Ilgun:s or thc king to lead one
(WO
[0
insrrumeIHs
think that these
actually depict two diHlTe:nr images of the king, and perhaps two diffCrclll images of kingship. With rhe herbivorous animal protomes and a physical as well as visual assochuion with the [rt:e:, thc king on rhe Idi: secms to bt: mort: earthbound, whe:reas the king on rhe right, with his visiblc pectoral of cciestial symbols, his poiming ["() thc winged disk above, and in return the winged god's facing and gt:sticuladng toward him, and his lack of physical contact with the trt;'c, is more celestially oril'mt:d. 7 Brande:s would designate the king on the Ide the terrestrial and the one: on the right (he ceieslial. He: would fun-her ascribe immanence (0 the: terrestrial and transcendence to the celestial. Maintaining the de:signarions introduced in rhe chart at [he beginning of this part of the study, "exotcric" and "esoteric," I, howcver, would likt: to designate (he terre:srrial
128
THE MYTHOLOGY OF KINGSHIP IN NED-ASSYRIAN ART
FIGURE 104. Detail showing winged disk and index fingers of the twO figures of the king, "Sacred Tree" scene, Panel 23, Room B, Northwest Palace of Ashurnasirpal II at Nimrud. London, British Museum
THE KING AND THE "SACRED TREE"
12 9
ANE 12453[. Photo: author.
Detail of human-headed apkallu at right of the "Sacred 'Ike" scene, Panel 23, Room B, Nonhwcst Palace ofAshurnasirpa! II a(, Nimrud. London, British Museum ANE 124531. Photo: author.
segment as the side of esoteric kingship (the sacerdotium) aod the celestial segment as the side
Ashurnasirpal II, this bipolar formula, too, is more of an artificial construct to highlight the
of exoteric kingship (the rcgnum),H "111c anciclll Mesopotamian bipolar formula for the terrestrial-celestial, Sumerian an and ki,
different domains lhat may be thought to pertain to the formulation of kingship in ancient
and its Akkadian equivalent smlll; and er!etu, in addition to meaning literally "heaven" and
world, even though they arc csscmially celestial deities and patrons of royal power. 15 'lhe for-
"earth" also refers to the cosmological duality of heaven and the netherworidY It is perhaps the
mer, for inS[,lIlCe, appears on the stela of Halllmurapi, and the latter in the so-called Investiture
l'IGURE 10).
stated at the beginning of this pan in relation to the oven verSUS coven meaning in the art of
Mesopotamia alld Assyria. Aher all, gods such as Shamash and Isl1('ar both travel in the nether-
subterranean realm and its affiliated gods, the Anullnaki of the netherworld 10 and EnkilEa of
painting from the palace at Mari, bmh shown in the act of extending insignia of authority,
the Apsll, that arc associated with "esOlcrica" rather than the warrior rulcr gods of the upper
toward the king. 16 What is meant by the exoteric in the present framework is the domain
realm such as Enlil, Marduk, and Ashur, who may be considered to maintain a more exo-
characterized by the manifest, military, and executive matters, whereas the esoteric refers to
teric cbaracrer. Enki, whose name literally means "lord," en, of the ki, lord of the earth, and
wisdom, philosophy, the mysteries, and the hidden sidc of religion. 1he visual expression of
who is also the patron deity of the apka!lus, is particularly to be seen ;:IS the god of gnosh in
an intersection of thcse twO domains in rhe king is not because the king is or has both, but
Mesopotamian religion. I I The senulHics of the netherworld, the god Enld/Ea and his subterranean aquatic abode
of an ideal or primordial union of these two sources.
because the twO are ideologically merged in rhe ji'gure of the king in imitation or reenactment
called the ApSll, and their role in Mesopotamian cosmology arc dealt with in detail in Part Ill.
In tbe "sacred tree" composition from the ('hronc room of As hurna sir pal U, what we see may
Here, sufllce it to point out that the "sacred rfl:e" may hence be a visual entity associ;:ucd with
be a highly schematic representation of the ideal king laying claim over thcse two domains that
esotcric kingship in its terrestrial ~ or !"ather, sul)[erranean ~ aspccts, in contrast to the winged
constitutc a philosophical unity of kingship, the exotcric and the esoteric, the regnul11 and the
disk, which may be considered to be an cmbodimeIH of cxoteric kingship governed by man-
sacerdmium, Unlike the schemes of the mixta persona analyzed eariier, in which singular figures
iI-est gods sllch as the sun-god Sham ash, gods who are heads of pantheons such as Ashur, or
of the king arc utilized as the medium of expression of the intersection or the conjunction of
hero gods sllch as Ninuna. 12 One should note that the primary royal dtlliary in many royal
the two domains, in the "sacred nce" slab, we now sec thc mixta persona almost dissected,
imcriprions, especially (he Standard Inscription ofAshurnasirpallI, make no reference to sllch
broken up into its constituent elements, and presented in its open form, albeit still in a highly
behind-tile-scenes divinities whatsoever, and those texts thac mention Enki/Ea always do so in
tight and emblematic f(ulllat.
association with the wisdom impancd on the king by this god, I) whereas the royal prowess itself is always presel1led under the aegis of deities stich as Ashur, Shamash, and Ninuna, LI These texts primarily emphasize an undersranding of exoteric kingship through allying the king with warrior, hero, or ruler gods. My inrention here, however, is again nO( [() suggest a polariza(ion of [he gods of Assyria and ancient Mesopotamia at large along the lines of the exoteric versus the esoteric. As already
THE ENCOUNTER
5
I
JI
THE ENCOUNTER
A
NOTHER VISUAL FORMULA flREQUENTLY FOUND IN ASHURNASIRPAL II'S RELIEFS THAT
may be thought to pertain to the same philosophical understanding of royal unity
expressed in a dissected format is what I would like to call the "encounter" scene. The examples of this formula depict the king standing face to LIce with the crown prince figure on some of the throne-room slabs, such as (he two libation scenes that we have already looked at. In
FIGURE IOG. Encounter betweell the king and the "crown prince," Panel 7a, Room B, Northwest Palace of Ashurnasirpa! I! at Nimrud. London, British Museum ANE [24549. Photo: :tuthor.
examining these scenes, Panels B 19b and B 20b (Figs. 13 and 14.), I have hypothesized that the crown prince, in addition to being the depiction of a disdnct position holder in the Assyrian court, may be an emblematic figure standing f()I" the princely-priestly counterpart of the
king. On a conceptual level, ('he crown princc, who is visually almost idcmical to the king savc the headdress, may be thought of as the alrer ego of the king, the saccrdotal aspect of royal unity dcpicted in its own right, notwithstanding the military equipmcnt that hc carrics, severed from the royal component. 'lhus, as already suggested in relmion to the "sacred tree" panel, whereas in Rooms C and H the conjunction of the dual aspects of kingship is expressed through alternations in the king's singular image (Fig. 84) and through one single image of the king (Panels I-I 15-17, Pigs. 9 I and 96), in the throne room, the dialectics
or
dlC
regnulll and the
sacerdotiulll is expressed in a fully divided plural Elshion. Beyond those f(JlHld on the libation scenes, [here are two encounter sccnes ill thc throne room of Ashurnasirpal II. In the first (B 7b-Gb, Figs. 102 and 106), belween thc figures of the king and the crown prince, above, is the winged disk widl lhe anthropomorphic god inside. 'The crown princc is depicted ahead of a few other Assyrian of-Ilcials with captives in tow. 'I his correge is mer by the king and his entourage, consisting of a parasol bt.'arer, a chariot with its rider, and another flgure leading the chariot, a configuration nO( drastically different from (hat of the libation scenes. The second encounter is depicted on Panels B I 8b-I7b (Figs.
10
and r 5) wht.'rt.' a prostrate
enemy is placed belween the king and the crown prince, who again leads captives depiCled on the adjacent slab. On this slab, rhe royal side is shown in maximum capacity, pushing the
In the prostration scene, the crown prince is not depicted with clasped hands; instead, he is shown gesticulating LOward the king (Fig. I S). In lhe other encounter scene depicted on Panels R 7b-6b (Figs. 102 and lOG), the crown prince is shown with a silllilar gesture. Further, in both of these cncounter scenes, the king is shown holding the bow and arrows rather than the bow and bowl as on the libation slabs. Hence, elements belonging to the alternating mode we have seen in Room (; in a highly formulaic manner are also subtly integrated into these throne-room slabs th;l[ have greater suggestiveness of visual narrative. One can thus conclude that, in the throne room, as a ma[(cr of visual dccorum, the crown prince is depicted with clasped hands in libation SCl'nes, whereas in the enCOlinlers that take place in the aftermath of war contexts, he is shown in a gesticulating pose, with the king EKing him and holding the bow and arrows. Panels D 2--3 decorating the j-;I<;ade of the throne room also feature an encounter scene in which the crown prince is shown with clasped hands (Fig. 20). "his scene is a procession of tributaries, presumably hom dH.' wealthy stales west of Assyria, such as Carchcmish, and not really (he aftermath of a batde. "hus, the clasped hands may have b(x:n deemed more appropriate for this context than the geslicularing pose. On the most obviolls Icvel, the military vcrsions of the encounter scene from the interior of tbe throne room depict war prisoners brought bef-i:Hc the king uodcr the leadcrship of thc crown prince figure (Figs. 10, J 5, 102, and 106). Perhaps, it was the crown princc, or the high-ranking military officer represellted by this figure, who supervised a particular campaign, and he is now
prosnate figure w rhe f:u right and leaving just enough space for only one other figure to appear,
presenting his accomplishment to the king. On a funher level, however, this encounter may again be considered to have fi:Hfllulaic dimensions independcnt of the historical action that it
the crown prince himself As in the scene depicting the libation over the dead bull (Fig. 13), this personage is in proximity to the victim in COIltI'(lS[ to the lion libation scene in which he
may repreSCIH. h can hence be an encounter bctween (he king and the nonking, the regnum and the sacerdotium, tucked in here to a scene of a seemingly ordinary military character.
stands at the back (Fig. 14). Again, what we sec in bOl'h instances is perhaps the ciost.'1' affinity of (he crown prince at Ollce to the captive human and the captive bovine.
Whethcr the crown princc or not, this Ilgure is clearly an underling of the king insofar as
1.1 0
temporal power is concerned, and hence, perhaps, part of the etiology behind his association
IJ2
THE ]\-[YTHOLOGY OF KINGSHIP IN NED-ASSYRIAN ART
THE ENCOUNTER
with the captives. If this figure is truly the crown prince, his intermediate status in the Assyrian
I
JJ
Clearly, the royal lion hum or combat was deemed by the Assyrian artist as an appropriate
royal hierarchy may be tbought to justifY further his liminality. The status of crown prince may
context within which [() show rhe king in his princely appearance, perhaps owing to the princely
eveo have had a formulaic priestly significance in Assyrian state theology. Whereas the king
or sacerdotal notions attached [() the royal hunt itself. In fact, one of the formulaic phrases
may have been seen primarily as the embodiment of administrative and military power, the
regarding the hunt in the Assyrian royal inscriptions is the following: "1he gods Ninurta and
crown prince may have been thought of as representing a degree of priesdy notions, although,
Nergal, who love my priesthood, gave to me the wild beasrs (and) commanded me to hunt."lo
admincdly, there is no direct evidence in contemporary ritual texts or correspondence to dut
This phrase is perhaps tbe most explicit indicator for tbe primarily sacerdotal connotations of [he Assyrian royal hunt.
effect. In ancient Mesopotamian thought, the dichotomy king versus prince may be as tangible
So far, the appearance of the king himself with thc headband on Assyrian palace reliefs has
a philosophical reality as is the dichotomy king versus priest. For instance, in the UI" III (ca.
nor been fully accounted for by scholars. Rather than a random instance of variety or a sportive
21 12~2004
periods in ancicnt Mesopotamia, the title of
headdress suitable for the dynamic activity of the hunt, it is more likely that the usc of this
[he high priest of the city of Uruk, en dInanna, who was also understood as the spouse of the
m.o~if in relation to the king as well was again in accordance with an Assyrian understanding
BCE)
and Isin (ca. 2017-I793
BeE)
city-goddess Inanna, was separate from that of the ruler ofUruk, en Unugki . Thus, whereas the Ur III ruler himself assumed the ritle ruler ofUruk (en Unugki ), he appointed one of his sons as the spouse of the goddess Jnanna, and in a way as the high priest of Uruk (en dInanna). J
of Visual decorum. Another formulaic phrase in Assyrian hunting texts emphasizes a "princely" aspect in rhe activity of the lion hunt, especially again with the use of the word mba' urn: ina melulti rU/JlltjYfl, "while I was carrying out my princely Sport. "II
One way to approach the semancics of this rather enigmatic figure characterized by the head-
As a wholt:, in [he art of Ashurnasirpal II, it is temptillg to sec the encounter formula as
band may be through examining more closely thc concept of the "prince" in Assyrian culture
an expression of the extraction of the prince, the rubft um, so integral a componcnt of early
and theocracy, because this figure clearly has a "princely" character. In fact, the notion of a
Assyrian kingship, from the now all-powerful and unified Assyrian king, the Srlrmm (Figs, 13,
prince, rubd'um (or rubll) , or "princehood," rubri'llturn is crucial
the archaic phase of Assyr-
14, and r 06). I! What rhe anist has perhaps done is place tbe part face ro face with the whole,
ian sovereignty. 1he ruler in the Old Assyrian period was referred to as rubd'um, prince, as
with the intention of emphasizing what the part all by itself stands for: the princely, and perhaps
to
opposed to the "standard tirle of the south," that is, southern Mesopotamia or Babylonia,
priestly, aspect of Assyrian kingship, in addition to the all-powerful "ideal" king. Within this
lugal!stlrrurn, king.! 1he tctm rubd' urn "constituted the gcncral, newral Old Assyrian word for a human ruler, irrespective of his natiollality or the size and importance of his rcalm.") 1hc
setup, however, it is as if the part itself had a weight equal to that of the whole against which it is juxtaposed, rather than the two constituting an imbalance,
Sumerian counterpart of this word is "nun," a term nevcr used as a royal titlc. 4 Evcn though
Pinally, although not dircctly a prince, thert: exists in anciefH Mesopotamian thought, as
mbd' urn remained the general tidc of [he kings of Assur only down to the end of the Middle
well as in certain other traditions, the idea of a wise "vizier," again a figure inferior in tem-
Assyrian period (ca. 1350-IOOO BeE), one might think that the concept of a princely ruler was
poral rank to the king, but superior ill wisdom and learning.! I As we shall sec in Part III as
not eradicated from Assyrian royal rht:lOric and th,n traces of it, both visual and textual, can
well, the Akkadian term ummrinu designated a "master craftsman, often referring to scribes, authors or copyists of literary texts. "J'1 In late tt:xts, the term also refers to a high official. I)
be found in the Nco-Assyrian period as well. Indeed, one of the epithets of rhe Nco-Assyrian kings in royal inscriptions is still
nllll,
By tilt: same token, the scribal god Nabii was known as the head Babylonian dt:ity Marduk's
"prince," or NUN-Ii nfl-fl-du, "attentive prince."5 rrhe Assyrian king also invariably held the
vizier ullfil the end of the second millenniulll, from which period onward his relation-
title i{{flkku Alluf", the vice-regent of the god Ashur, another "princely" tide, which was his prin-
ship to Marduk was understood as one of [-;lther and
cipal sacerdotal epithet through the Nco-Assyrian period. 6 'Ihe ridc iJYflkkulJanp,'li (SANGA) in
mythological charactt:r defines a priest-and-king relationship between Nabu and Marduk (K
a way tied the Assyrian king with the political structure of the early city-states of Sumer, where
34760ilv 10): ""lilt: king, who with dlt: sangu[-priesr) tosses a pancake: 'Ihey an: Marduk and Nalnl." 17
the term may have referred
[0
the ruler's special relation and closeness (() the principal god of
his city-stare.? It is as if the Assyrian kings, cven in their full imperial capacity, always maintained a persistent modesty in relation
SOil.
J('
Moreover, a text of mystical-
In IiglH of these conct:ptual dara, we sec that in ancient Mesopotamia, a princely andlor
('he gods, always emphasizing the insuperable distance
high-ranking oHicial figure appears as the king's counterpart in a hkratic sense. I have tried
It is further noteworthy that even in the Nco-Assyrian visual record, we do sec the king
the king's occasional appearance in the guist: of this figure in Assyrian art, might be seen as formulaic visual allusions to or manifestations of this understanding.
LO
bctween the human and the divine.
to argue that scenes of enCOlliHer between the king and his princely counterpart, as well as
himself depicted in the very princely guise in which [he high-ranking official wearing the headband is depicted. R Such representations of the king are confined to sct:nes of the royal
'[his iconographic duality of rhe king and the crown prince seen on the palace reliefs can
hunt in both [he arts of Ashurnasirpaill and Ashurbanipal (Fig. lOr).') In the North Palace
also he fCHHld on Assyrian glnnic. Particularly revealing is the appropriation of this formula hy
of Ashurbanipal in Nineveh, in addition
reprcsemations thac presumably dt:pict Gilgarnesh and Ellkidu, the two counterpart heroes of
to
hunting lions on horseback, the king appears in
this guise within another formulaic framework modeled after the design that characterizes rhe
7he /'I)/'C o/G;{(flmeJh, in formats [hat are similar or identical to those in which the Assyrian
Assyrian royal seal (l~ig. 5 r). However, whereas
the oflicial royal seal the king is shown
king and his princely coulHerpan are shown on the reliefs of As hurna sir pal [I. 'The relationship
with the full regal headdress, in Ashurbanipal's relief scene, the king appears wearing only the
between the two heroes of rhe poem may hence be considered as a supplementary paradigm f()f Assyrian rt:presentation as f;u as the dual rheroric of kingship is concerned.
headband.
Oil
'14
THE MYTHOLOGY OF KINGSHIP IN
NEO~ASSYRIAN
ART
IJ5
THE ENCOUNTER
Two particular episodes from the SBV of The Epic ofGilgamesh have more or less securely been identified in Mesopotamian cylinder-seal iconography beginning with the Old Babylonian Period (1894-1595 BCE), the slaying of Humbaba, and that of the Bull of Heaven, the two mythical arch-opponents of the heroes in the poem, by Gilgamesh and Enkidu. [8 These themes appear in late Assyrian glyptic in almost canonized format. On a Neo-Assyrian cylinder seal in the collection of the Museum of Fine Arts in Boston (Fig. 107), [\vo figures are shown menacing a winged bull, which can almost certainly be identified as Gilgamesh and Enkidu attacking the Bull of Heaven, the main event of Tablct VI of the SBY. 'lhe figure on the right-hand side has a headdress typical of some representations of the Assyrian king, whereas the figure on the left wears a headband typical of the crown prince figure that appears on the reliefs. On an altar between the backs of these two figures are the nUlI'm, the spade/spear symbol of Marduk, and the stylus sign of Nabu side by side, the former behind the royal and the latter behind the princely figure. Again, it is noteworthy that a visual as well as conceptual affinity has been established between the symbol of the Babylonian head deity Marduk and the royal figure on the seal and between the stylus symbol of the Babylonian scribal god and the princely figure, providing further support from another visual medium to the philosophical dichotomy proposed here for the encounter between the royal and the princely figures seen on the reliefs. Further, one can note how both figures are shown in a martial act, perhaps an indication that the military attire of the figure with the headband shown on the reliefs is not an impediment to this figure's possible sacerdotal semantics. In the depictions of Gilgamesh and Enkidu on Nco-Assyrian seals, a distinction is always
FIGURE I07.
Nco-Assyrian cylinder sea! impression depicting Gilgamesh and Enkidu menacing the Bul!
of Heaven. Boston, Museum afFine Ans, 65. (41 5. Gift of Mrs. Ode Bates, Mrs. F. Carrington Weems and Horace L. Mayer, plus restricted funds (William Francis Warden Fund). Phoro: CO Fine Ans, Bostoll.
2010
Museum of
embodiment of spiritual authority, as well as a good poetic example of the mixta persona combining in himself the qualities of a priest-king, l.J As for Enkidu, there is a strong "tem-
made between the way in which the two figures are rendered. Gilgamesh is generally shown in a royal dress with a royal or divine crown, whereas Enkidu appears withol!( a headdress and
ponti" aspect to his ontology highlighted in the poem through his early death that takes place
sometimes even barc-chestcd. In gencral, Gilgamesh can be rccognized as thc better dressed of
Enkidu is also the protector and guardian of the sacerdotiuITI as represemed by Gilgamesh, especially in his role as the carctaker to whom GUgamesh is entrusted by the Assembly of Elders at the outset of t'he two heroes' expedition to the Cedar Forest in 'Elblet lfI of the SBy' L4 In
the two ht.Toes depicted in combat with the monster Humbaba. The Boston seal can hence be understood as a gloss on the palace relief configuration; what Gilgamesh and Enkidu are to one another may in turn be what the king and the crown prince figure arc to one al1ochcr. In other words, the kind of philosophical relationship that exists between the divine hero and his alter ego may also be thought to translate the kernel of the duality ofkingship,J9 Nevertheless, matters are not this simple, especiaUy in the realm oficollography. IfGilgamesh were king and Enkidu the alter cgo who appears as the crown princc in rdiefs, would Cilgamesh thcn stand ~j)r the regnum and Enkidu for the sacerdoti1l11l? Ihis would be unlikely, given how Cilgamesh is two-rhirds god lO and how Enkidu is essemially a creamre of day, a "primitive"
lullli. L J If we then reverse the matching and assign the sacerdotiul1l
in 'lableI VII of the SHY.
an ideal political system, just as a warrior caste's main duty is to tend to the well-being of the sacerdotiul11, Enkidu, as a more temporally oriented counterpart of the priest-king Gilgamcsh, is ideally responsible fr)]' rhe huter's safety, and hence a mufezib ibri, "savior of the friend."25 It is perhaps in thi", framework that Gilgamesh represents the sacerdotium and Enkidu represents the regnum, the {-cumer encompassing both, and the latter partaking rather of the temporal aspects of power. !_ll In light ofa more nuanced relationship between Gilgamesh and Enkidu in terms of spiritual
Gilgamesh, how could one assign the regnum to Enkidu if Gilgamesh is always mcmioned as the king of Uruk?H
authority and temporal power, we can now probe the possible multiple levels of meaning in rhe "encounter" configurations. On the first level, as I have already (faced, the figure of the king
Furthermore, how can one on this basis designate in rdiefs thc sidc with the king as the side of
may be thought to stand for the regllum and tbat of the crown prince f()I· rhe sacerdocium. rnlis may be rhouglu [() be the case in all Ashurnasirpal II's palace reliefs. On another level,
t'O
the rcgnum and the sidc with thc alter ego as that of the sacerdodum? The explanation may be that even though this visual configuration in great likelihood refers [() the said philosophical duality, in accordance with the dialectical nawre of what it signifies, it is purposely ambivalent. In additioll, one perhaps nccds to nuance furthcr the definition of the relationship between the regnum and the sacerdotium, especially in reference to Gilgamcsh and Enkidu. It would hence be of value to analyze the complex dialectics constitutcd by (he two heroes ft.)r a better understanding of its relevance to the iconographic formula in question. As already argued, the said duality can primarily be understood as one between temporal power and spiritual authority. From this standpoint, Gilgamesh l11
however, the flgure of the king could be understood as the mixta persona, dle priest-king; whereas the COUJ1(erparr, be he a bare-headed and bare-chested Enkidu or an official wearing a headband, stands for a more temporal and lesser emiry inasmuch as the regnum without the sacerdotiul11 is inferior to the sacerdorium. ~7 rnms, strangely enough, the princely figure could hence stand for two almost diametrically opposed idemicies in the two different readings of the encounter. 'fhis phenomenon once again reveals the complexity and ambivalent semantic quality of this iconographic formula and an iconography that operates through sllch formulas at large,
1j6
THE MYTHOLOGY OF KINGSHIP IN NED-ASSYRIAN ART
THE ENCOUNTER
'17
One panicuiar Neo-Assyrian cylinder may be thought to display rhe layer of meaning in the "encounccr" whereby the royal figure stands for the mixta persona and the princely figure a lesser entity (Fig. I08),!8 1he seal depicts a long vessel placed on a rable. To the left of rhe table is a royal figure with a divine crown holding a bowl and wearing a sword. To the right of the table, a figure without weapons and without a distinctive headdress is shown holding a fan, similar to the fan-bearer of Ashurnasirpal's Room G reliefs. A taU mttrru is placed in front of the
be a stylus consriuacd by two superimposed wedge-shaped clements afC two Sumerian logograms in the field, one above rhe marru in front of the king, the sign dingir, "god," and the other above the fanking, and what seems
(Q
is visible in front of the figure holding the fan. There
bearer, the sign 1t'1, "man."l9 Unless this is a chiastic arrangement, which seems unlikely, the "divine" is here associated with the royal man and the "human" with the other man. One can again remember the two-thirds divine nature of Gilgamesh and rhe clay formation of the lulb2
Enkidu. Even the nature ofEnkidu, however, is not as straightforwardly "human" as one might think, because there exist certain subdued dues in The fpic
0/ Gi{f1.;amesh as to a sacerdotal character
attached to Enkidu as well. A basic overview of these dues would further show the complexity of the dialectical relation between the royal man and the princely man as well as that of the iconographic formula llsed in their visual expression. First of all, Enkidu's name, as is Gilgamesh's, is written with the divine determinative dingir. Furthermore, the name Enkidu d+EN.KI.DU in Sumerian may mean EnId created him.lo An association with the Mesopotamian god of wisdom may be thought to poim to a "gnostic" side in Enkidu's rok in the epic as well. Also noteworthy is Humbaba's overbearing address to Enkidu in the SBV of the poem: "Come, Enkidu, (you) spawn of a fish, who knew not
his father, I hatchling of terrapin and tunic, who sucked not the milk of his mother!" II '[he bizarre attributes used by Humbaba here may simply be insults, but they might also be thought to point to a connection with the god Enki/Ea, inasmuch as both the fish and the turtle are
animals that arc part of EnId's iconography and symbolism. lI. Enid is [he supervisor of [he flpkrd/us, the antediluvian sages, some of whom wear fish skins. In the ritual text bit meseri, the flpkfll/us arc charaCler17.cd as follows:
\
In the Babylonian Poem O/EiTfI, fC:)f instanCl:, as a result of Marduk's resignation from power, a cosmic catastrophe takes place, and regretling having dispatched to the Apsli the sages who were the only ones who could infusc lif~ inlO a divine statue, Marduk exclaims: "Where arc rhe sevell
[rlplkttlltl of the APSlI, pure purridu (-fishes) who, like Ea, their lord, distinguish themselves by their sapiental skill, (and who) arc appoinled with sublime wisdorn?"14
to
[he cleansing off my] body have been endowed
Another symbol of Enki is a MiJc/JweJfII, rhe slftmrmris'ti, which is pardy goat and partly (-ish. I \ "Ihe turtle is also a symbol of Enid. [n the Sumerian poem Nit/ltrta:, Pride and Punishment, Ninuna
or
Another due as to a sacerdotal natlll'e attached to Enkidu may be thought to be an understanding whereby he may be compared to the "fallen angels" of the Jewish Enochic tradition. His initial prefiguration in lht' hj)ic o/Gi/gameJh, as related by Gilgamesh's dream and Ninsun's interpretation thereof: presellts Enkidu as a meteor Ctllen from heavens. J7 In Jewish lore, the "Elllen angels" are celestial men who Cdl from the sky, and, upon inrercourse with mortal women, they become "dcf-ilcd" and assimihued to the way of the mortals. Jll In Ihe
They arc the seven shining apkallus, purddll-f-ish from the st:a, st:ven apkallus "grown" in the river, who insure the corn.:c£ functioning of the plans of heaven and earth. l
Nco-Assyrian cylinder seal impression with two logograms. "Dingir," and "L.ll." London, British Museum ANE 892.3 2. Photo: (c) '111e 'fl'us[ees the British Museum.
FIGURE 108.
Epic o/Gi"f!,rlflU'sh, after Enkidu's arrival to the scene, his intercourse with (he harlot Shamhar, through which he is initiated into bmh humanity and civilization, may be thought to make rhis comparison [enable. I')
It is also Enkidu who has the capacity [0 have a dream vision that pertains to the Beyond in dle SBV of lhe l~j)ic r~/C;i(f1.;allleJh (VII 165-251),,10 or to have a direct experience of the netherworld, which he then relates to Gilgamesh, in the Sumerian poem Bilg(trla's rwd the Nethl't'world (245-303):1' Although lhe nature and meaning of these visions arc very much obscure, olle could still consider them as further suppOrt for the idea that Enkidu is
llO
simple
mortal man but [hat his nature is as complex and connected with the divine realm as thar of Gilgamesh. hll'ther, in contemplating the satvific function of Enkidu in 'the fj)ic r!/Gilgamesh in comparison to larer Near Eastern traditions, Stephanie Dalley draws a parallel between the lanel' and Enoch: What has happened to Babylonian Enkidu, the wild mall who was created by rhe gods to become rhe counsellor and equal of Gilgamesh? His parr is taken in the Arabian Nights by 'AI-Ew, wise man of Jerusalem, who bears no trace of wild origins, but whose role parallels that of Enkidu in that he travels with BuluqiY
THE !v{YTHOLOGY OF KINGSHIP IN NEG-ASSYRIAN ART
THE ENCOUNTER
circle, and dies as a result of brave endeavor. Enoch himself shares certain aspens of character with Enkidu as well as a superficial similarity in name (Hebrew Hanoch, Arabic Ukhnukh): both come (0 save mankind from lustful abuse, and Enkidu's dream vision of entering the Underworld is comparable to Enoch's vision in I Enoch 14. {I
format, the regnum, represented by (he royal figure, versus (he sacerdotium, represented by
1j8
139
the princely, and perhaps priestly, figure; or, in semi-unified format, the king-man, the whole, versus just the man, the half: again expressed by the figures of tbe king and the crown prince respectively. Both layers of reading are in a way coextensive and not necessarily conAicting. When this iconographic formula is used to depict Gilgamesh and Enkidu, or the dingir and
Thus, any visual or conceptual polarization of divine versus human in the strict sense may
the Itl formula on cylinder seals, one can see how the symbolism that I have proposed for d1e
be thought nor to accommodate the complexity of the relationship between Gilgamesh and
throne-room "encounter" scenes is almost reversed, and the very image of the king can now be
Enkidu. Ie is also from this standpoint that the relationship of the two heroes in cenns of one another's saviors, or as the salvatorand salvandus, is hard to come to grips with in a nutshell. Even though it is invariably Enkidu who is presemed as the salvator, the "savior of the friend" {mufezib ibri),·n it is Gilgamesh who incorporates the "flesh of the gods" in his body. 44 With a greater divine nature, perhaps the latter would qualify better as a "savior." Yet Enkidu is the one who
thought [() stand for the privileges of the sacerdotium over those of the regnum. There is one final iconographic feature that needs to be considered within this framework: the headdress of the king and that of the crown prince figure, A careful look at the king's headdress on the palace reliefs would reveal that this headdrcss
leads the way on the journey to the Cedar Forest to confront :Humbab;l: "He who goes in
the formulaic character of Ashurnasirpal's art, it is plausible that even the structure of the royal
front save (his) comrade, I he who knows the road should [protect] his friend;"'!S "[He who]
headdress can be "read." According to Paley, the "fez" or mitcr stands for the identity of the king
went first protected his person, let him bring the companion to safery!"4(, By the same token,
as an official, the cone for the martial qualities, and finally the fillet for "status and lineage. "\2
Coomaraswamy quotes from the Rigvedrl: "10 him the people of themselves pay homage, in
Paley further suggests that the "wearing of the fillet meant that the wearer was chosen by the
whose realm the Brahma goes first. "47 Coomaraswamy further demonscra(es chis aspect of the
gods or designated by his Elther, the king, as the crown prince.") 1 Thus, if Pale), is right in
relationship between the regnum and tbe sacerdotium; the latter says to the former: "I in person
his attributions of mcaning to thc component parts of the royal headdress, this visual element
go before thee. , . and if thou givest me my share (or due), then shalt tholl through me, 0 Imira,
shows the king as a unified "monarch-administrator, warrior, and hallowed scion of the ancient
perform heroic deeds. "4
royal f~lmily, desigllated by his father and his father's godS."H
8
of The f)ir alGi/gamesh make it clear that Enkidu
'I his understanding of an ideal unified king is analogous to the notion of the rnixta persona
has prior knowledge of, or even acquaintance with, Humbaba in the latter's capacity as the
as a unified priest-king. In that event, whether or not the opposite flgure of the encounter
guardian of the Cedar Fores(,'!9 Even though at first sight aile might think [hat this Elmiliariry
formula is the crown prince, within rhe colltext of the aft of Ashurnasirpal II, he may also
is on account ofEnkidu's having spent a long time in the "wilderness" before his initiation into
be thought to represent, again in an emblematic manner, the sacerdotiull1 as loner. As already
"civilization," furtber thinking may suggest that the Cedar Forest has a s(r()J1g affinity
pointed out, the paradox is that in these configurations the royal figure, in addition to standing
Finally, the Yale Old Babylonian tablets
(0
the
idea of the edges of the earth, or a realm of blessedness that remain outside ordinary human
f(u d1e regnulll, may also stand f()l' the mixta persona, but still in antithesis to an understanding
reach such as the domain in which Utnapisluim is placed after the Flood, \() Enkidll's inilial
of the sacerdotium as loner, embodied by the crown prince. In other words, when analyzed, the
warnings to Gilgarnesh about the challenges of the journey to the Cedar Forest, the Elders'
particular iconographic pattern in que.~tjon deliberately blurs the distinction bcrween the two
appointing Enkidu as the guide and prolector of Gilgamesh on that journey, and Enkidll's
counterparts of rhe dual unity, in perf-ect parallelism with the paradoxical "consubstantiality"
own declarations that he knew Humbaba may all be dlOught to point to a special status and
of the divine hero and his {titer (go, ['he salvatoI' and the salvandus of the Gnostic model. 'Ihe
level of knowledge th,H Enkidu possessed n:garding certain "e(knic" or magical locales L1lat lie out of the ordinary human consciousness.
All these {(lewrs may again be thought
to show that
Enkidu is no ordinary "primitive" or monal man but a creation of the gods endowed with a degree of special knowledge and experience. '[his paradoxical relation that we see between Gilgamesh and Enkidu in
'lhe l~i)i('o/Gi"(!,flmeJh
resonates with that of [he "Redeemed Redeeiller" of Gnosticism where "the redeemer (Ja/lIIltor) and the one [() be redeemed (JfdvrllJdus) belong closely together and are sometimes bard ({) keep apart, since rhe point of view may swiftly change, (rom 'savior' to 'saved' (sa/vtltw) or 'to be saved' (S{!/vtltltius) and vice versa, Behind this stands the conception, fundamental to Gnostic
['hree possible modes of reading this visual formula in order of discussion Illa), be summarized as f()lIows:
Level of Reading
King
"Crown Prince" S({Ctrr/otilftti
2
Regnuttl '1 he tvli.X.:ttl PerJOna "dingir"
"Ill" Siu'Odotillm as "loner"
Regnllttl with attributes ofsrlcerdotillm
"lui/,;"
ideologically incorporated
soteriology, that both parmers, salvator and salvandus, are of one nature, Le. from parts of the
or
world of light. In the process of redemption rhey represent two poles which must indeed be kept
'Jhc visual expression of the duality of kingship is an even more organic and salielH
apart, but through their consubstantiality they have from rhe beginning removed or 'unyoked'
ancient Egyptian art, conveyed through a number of iconographic and hieroglyphic features
the distinction between the two which otherwise is lIsual in the history ofreiigiol1,"1l
such as the plants and royal crowns of Upper and Lower Egypt. I have already lOuched on
Let us recapitulate tile analyses conducted so far. '[he encounter scenes traced in the palace
aspects of this fundamental visual formula in comparison ({) [he Assyrian designs analyzed in
reliefs of Ashurnasirpalll are primarily expressions of the [llixta persona, whether in divided
Chapter J "'Ihe tvlixtil Pel'Joflrf." 'Ihroughout Egyptian art, there are instances in which the
THE lvrYTHOLOGY OF KINGSHIP IN NEO-ASSYRIAN ART
king is depicted wearing either of the two crowns, or wearing them barh in a superimposed manner at the same time. Duality further exists in many aspects of ancient Egyptian an and thought, including the writing of part of the royal titulary in the form of two oval name rings or "cartouches."1 'i 1he kind of visual language that I have ttied to decipher in the Neo-Assyrian visual record may in fact be thought w be more immediately visible in the ancient Egyptian one, partly on account of the more blatantly juxtaposed elements of ancient Egyptian visual language, such as the royal crowns, floral elements, and insignia held by the king. It may hence be fruitful to look at the ancient Egyptian representational systems from this perspective to see the Assyrian case in greater clarity. At one level, the strucUlre of these Egyptian visual formulas shows the presence of a visual semiotic that contains elements analogous to those embedded in certain Assyrian representations, in which this phenomenon is more subtly and elusively deployed. At another level, in turn, certain glosses and interptetations obtaincd from a study of Neo-Assyrian visual formulas from this standpoint may be of use in easing the sometimes almost opaque and frozen perceptions we might have of Egyptian visual formulas insofar as their potential for underly~ ing meaning is concerned. Hence, it is from this standpoint that it is of use to compare and juxtapose aspects of Egyptian and Assyrian art, as is done here and in Part III. Comparative methods need not always be justificd through a demonstration of historical contact.l(i Evcn in cultural situations in which historical contact is undisputable, such as ancient Greece and the Near East, the nature of parallelisms may still be of the "systemic" and "typological" kind, which should not, howevcr, entail any disregard for or neglect of the probahility that certain parallelisms tire on account of that historical contact. As Gregory Nagy indicates in relation to parallelisms between Hesiod and the ancient Near East, "[ilt is worth noting ... that such Near Eastern parallelisms may in any given insc:tnce be a matter of typology rather than of direct borrowing. Given the pervasiveness of cross-cultural parallelisms in patterns of myth~ making, even the most striking convergences in detail may turn out to be nothing more than a typological analogue: I cite for cxample the Inca parallels to the Pandora myth, which seem closer to the }"!esiodic version than do some of thc Near Eastcrn parallels generally cited as Hesiod's 'sources.' "'17 In ancient Egyptian schemes of unification, the split bctween the two complcmelHary principles is as emphasized as unity itself There arc always two sides to the composition, legible through the depictions of the papyrus plant and the lotus of Lower and Upper Egypt, respec~ tively, shown tied in a knO( around the sign for the actual word "unification."sH In addition, figures of Horus and Clhoth (or Seth), again standing for Lower and Upper Egypt respectively, often Hank such composidons. I') Hence, one wonders wherher the argument that J have devcl~ oped in terms of seeing the two counterparts of a philosophical understanding of royally, the regnum and the sacerdotillm, could be seen in the metaphysics of Egyptian kingship as well.°o cfhis is no simple matter, since the mythical and historical bases of (he Egyptian concept of the lInif-ic(l(ion of two lands are nor very clear at all. A basic attempt can nevertheless be made here in consideration of a particular clue provided by rhe identity of Horlls and 'Ihoth, the laner of whom is morc frequent in the visual record than Seth in such bipolar schemes, as each other's counterparts in "union" schemcs. rn1e ibisheaded '1hoth is rhe moon-god and the scribal god, and he is also responsible f(H conducting the interrogation of the deceased in the afterlife, as well as recording the results of the weighing oFthe heart against fltflrlf in [he netherworld. 6 ! k for the falcon-headed Horus, he is in a way
THE ENCOUNTER
FIGURE 109. Pharaoh making an oficring ill front of seated Osiris and standing Horus. Temple of Sety I at Abydos, Nineleenth Dynasty. Photo: author.
the "savior" or caretaker of Osiris, as well as the model divine king to whom all Egyptian rulers are ideologically assimiiated.oJ. Within this formula, 11lOth can be thought to bc the epitome of the vitti contemplatitJt{, whereas Horus (hat of the viM ftc/iva. In this respect, the laner is perhaps the regnum, and the former the saccrdotium. Just as thc Assyrian king is shown wearing both the mitcr and the filiet, Horus, as the "UniteI' of the Two Lands," is also shown frequently in Eb'Yptian art wearing the double crown (Fig. 109)' Hence, one can perhaps see in Egypt as well the understanding of decorum that favors the figure of tht: regnum for the visual expression of the conjunction of the opposites, the mixta persona. [n other words, in accordancc with this proposed formulaic visual system, Thoth is what we have referred to as thc sacerdotium as loner whereas Horus is the conjunction of the rcgnllm and the sacerdorilll11, the ideal king, who nevenheless also stands in antithesis to what 1110th alone stands f()l".61 Another Egyptian visual formula incorporating r'Iorus and 'n1Oth that can be compared [0 an analogous Assyrian f<mnula is the type of reprcsentation that depicts the Egyptian king being "purified" by 1110th and Horus Oil each side (Fig. 110). 1his scheme may be thought to parallel rhe Assyrian representation depicred on Panels F 3 and 4 from the Northwest Palace in Nirnrud in which the winged genii, the apkallus, flank and "purify" the king, in the same way in which they appear flanking the sacred tree in scveral rooms of the palace (Fig, I [I). This parallel is examined in greater detail in Pan III. Suffice it here to point out that the Egyptian representation can again be understood as the dissected version of the l1'lixta persona, with the exoteric and esoteric components of kingship perhaps represented by Horus and Thoth respectively, just as in the primary "sacred tree" panels from the throne room thc two figures of the king may be thought to represem these two domains of royal unity. Last but nor least, one can compare the main composition of Room G that depicts khurnasirpal II seared (C 2~'4, Figs. 74 and 75) flanked by eunuch officials and the mythical tlpkftllus with Egyptian enthronement or coronation scenes from the New Kingdom, such as the coronation ofRamesses II (Nineteenth l)ynasry) from rhe Hypostyle I-Jail of the Temple of Amun-Re
THE ENCOUNTER
THE MYTHOLOGY OF KINGSHIP IN NEO-ASSYRIAN ART
FIGUR!'. [10. The Purification of Ramesscs II, relief from the Temple of Sety I a[ Abydos, Nine[eenth Dynasty. Photo: V. de Mestral-Combremolll, in Gustave jcquicr, L rlrchitedure el ill dl'comtioll dllJiS Ir1l1cienne ~r,.ypte: Les temples mmeJJides et sllites de Itl XfXe {11ft )().Xe dYlIllJlie (Paris: A Morancc, [922).
FIGURE I I 2.
143
Coronation of Rarnesses II from the .muth wall of the Great Hypostylc Hall of Karnak,
Nineteenth Dynasty. Photo: ,lud1OL
of Lower Egypt. In both cases, the triad is Ranked by Horus and 'Ihoth, again perhaps standing in Karnak (Fig.
I I 2)
or the enthroned Sety I (Nineleemh Dynasty) from his funerary tem-
ple in Abydos.("! In both Egyptian representations, the king is scared between personified and hieroglyphic represemarions of the two political counterparts, Upper and l.ower Egypt. The female flgures seen in the composition are (he goddesses Nekhbet of Upper Egypt and Wad jet
for unified royal power and sacerdotal authority respectively. As already suggested, whereas the semiotic ~L~pect of such compositions is clear in the Egyp~ tian representations, it is more subtle and elusive in rhe Nco-Assyrian ViSll,t! record. However, a close examination of (he rclic[~ of Ashurnasirpal I ( reveals the presence of an analogous semiotic in this early phase of Nco-Assyrian art as well. 'lhis semiotic can be understood as one that pertains to the complcmelltariness of opposites, or principles, which may be thought to find expression in the visual rhetoric of kingship in hoth ancient Egypt and Assyria. Because this sllH.ly (-(xuses on [he an and dlOUght of Assyria, I leave a more thorough inves~ tigation of duality in Egyptian kingship to Egypwlogists. Civen rhe wt:alth of tht: visual and written record in ancien( Egypt as well as the voluminous scholarship in Egyptoloh'Y' it would be uIlrt:alistic at this point to undertake a detailed survey and analysis of Egyptian visual configurations of dual kingship and (heir metaphysical connotations. However, it is imponam to point out here the raw material found in ancielH Egyptian culture {-t.)r the gt:fleratioll of a discllssion in royal philosophy and rhe visual arlS a.~ wcll.(,\ Even more important ft.)r my objeccive is to poim om the potential usc of looking at the Egyptian cullural domain ill reaching a better understandillg of the Assyrian represenrarional formulas and their utilization in the expression of messages pertaining to ~I philosophy of kingship.
FIGURE 111.
Ashurnasirpal
(J
Ranked by bird-headed genii, Room
F. Nonhwest Palace, Nimrud. Photo:
PART III
CONCLUSION TO PART II
T
HE ART OF ASHURNASlRPAL II IS ONE THAT NEEDS TO BE EXAMINED FOR LAYERS
of meaning that go beyond the political and pertain to a metaphysics of kingship and
cosmological unity and duality. In addition to a significant narrative element through scenes of battle and siege, especially from the throne room of rhe Northwest Palace, a close semiotic reading of a variety of visual configurations and their details may be thought to reveal a network
THE SEMANTICS OF SAGES AND MISCHWESEN IN NEO-ASSYRIAN ART AND THOUGHT
(They) were not simply scribes, but hilosophical poets, in whose oratory and writing the king found pleasure. Walter Andrae'
of hieratic language deeply embedded in the structure of this art. This art was clearly meant for contemplation on the pan of the residents of and possible visitors to the palace. As scholars have suggested, it was perhaps further enhanced and made efficaciolls by means of rites and ceremonies that may be thought (() have taken place in the interior spaces, not unlike the way ancient Egyptian images were activated and rendered potent by means of ritual.! It is noteworthy that when one considers the extant spaces of the Northwest Palace and the kind of themes found 011 the sculptural rclief-s that these rooms yielded, one realizes that the emblematic mode h
145
INTRODUCTION
T
HE MOST SALIENT MYTHICAL DIMENSION OF TI-IE NED-ASSYRIAN PALACE RELIEFS IS
the host of genii and MiJchwesen that combine human and animal body parts in their fig-
ures and appear primarily at or near doorways. These figures are ccnainiy "apotropaic" from a pragmatic standpoint; however, they represent far more than the merely protective. They should also be considered an integral component of a cosmology that refers to notions of initiation and gnosis, deeply embedded in the minds of Assyrian scholars, and drawing on a long-standing ancient Mesopotamian intellectual tradition. Another important aspect of this conception is an understanding of kingship seen from this perspective, one in which the spiritual privileges of the king and kingship may be thought to be governed and regulated by the same scholarly elite. Most of the mythical beings that I examine here and their forms are no invention of the NeoAssyrian period. Rather, many have their pedigree in the older phases and cultures of the ancient Mesopotamian civilization. Chronologically, Nco-Assyrian art is privileged to be able to look back and have at its disposal the cumulative mythical vocabulary of the entire chronological sequence of ancient Mesopotamia, filtered through the expertise and erudition of its designers.
It was no doubt as a result of Assyria's emergence as an empire with considerable dominion over southern Mesopotamia ~ that is, Babylonia, or Slimer and Akkad, as well as the Assyrian homeland in the north .- that Nco-Assyrian an synthesized within its artistic repertoire such diverse aspects of earlier Mesopotamian mystical-mythological visual vocabulary.! The cumulative repertoire of Assyrian Nlischwesen is one that may be compared [() dle scribal endeavor of lile period in its compilation and preservation of literary works, past and currenr, in royal libraries. 'I he very represeJl(atioll of these mythical beings in an may be considered an activiry directly related
to
rhe scribal profession because these beings come right out of the
Mesopmamian antediluvian tradition and mythological poems, parcicularly the Babylonian poem of cosmogony. Em/nUl Eli!. Lists and visual descriptions of these beings are included in magical texts prescribing apotropaic riwals in which figurines of these beings were fashioned out of appropriate materials and in appropriate numbers to be buried as foundation deposits. l 1he production of such texts is again in rhe professional territory of the scribe-scholar, and the laner cannot be thought of as divorced from the visual aspects of the relevant figurines. 111e same involvement on the part of the scribe-scholar in rituals pertaining to production oLut and artiElcts can also be seen in activities such as the consecration of a divine statue and the covering of a lilism drum. Both of these rituals are recorded textually, and they contain
147
THE MYTHOLOGY OF KINGSHIP IN NEO-ASSYRIAN ART
INTRODUCTION
magical incantations, also products of the scribal profession. As already emphasized, in all such instances, a degree of ritual transformation, if not "transubstantiation," may be thought to
could nO( surpass in wisdom,"12 Even though Parpola's Introduction is illustrated with images
characterize the efficacy of the object, an activity clearly in the expertise of the relevant scribalsacerdotal personnel, just as, according to the Poem ofErra, the purification, or enlivening, of a divine starue, that of Marduk, along with the materials necessary for irs construction, were originally among the capabilities of the Ilpkllllus, the antediluvian sages. 4 Finally, these myrhical beings are also an inseparable aspect of the iconography of ancient Mesopocamian cylinder seals, the carving of which is again to be directly or indirectly located within the expertise of the scribe. j F[his involvement of the scribal-sacerdotal tradition of ancient Mesopotamia in the production ofNeo-A'isyrian art may also be thought to have been referenced in the iconography, and what better allusion to this agency than figures that represent rhe wisdom and magical skills of a vanished cosmos? Detailed typologies oEche representations of Mesopotamian mythical beings have been conducted by Dieter Kolbe and F. A. M. Wiggermann. 6 Here, rather than offering such a typology, I provide a basic overview of the occurrences of these beings on the reliefs and concentrate on their semantics, or semiotics, in art. I should nevertheless stress that despite the cumulative repository of the mythical beings that the Assyrians had at their disposal, not every member of this vast repertoire of mythological characters is shown on the extant reliefs of anyone reign in late Assyrian times. Conversely, not every being that appears in Neo-Assyrian art is extensively glossed over or accounted for in cuneiform literature'? A selective approach must have been adopted by the designers of the relief programs in their deployment of figures of mythical beings in the decoration of palaces, and the nature of this selectivity clearly changes from king to king. Further, we should distinguish visually and semantically between representations ofapkllllus, primeval sages thought to have lived before the mythical phenomenon of the flood and to have transmitted knowledge of a special and secret charactcr to thc cosmos established after this cosmic cataclysm (Pigs. 7R and 9I)1l and those Mischwesen that belong (0 the army ofTiamat (Figs. 60 and 61) in hcr battle against Marduk f()f rule over the cosmos.') Marduk overcomes Tiamat and hcr army before hc reorganizes the universe in h,ll/mtl Hif ('[lblct IV). Thcre is nevertheless a degree of conceptual overlap between these [\vo distinct groups of mythological characters, as discllssed further subsequently. Both of these groups of beings, the rlpkftllus and Tiamar's Misc/nvcsen, have generally been understood as primarily apotropaic. rll1eir images in Nco-Assyrian palaces are thought to guard the palace against evil influcnces, demons, and diseases. 10 'I heir counterparts in figurine format, f(HlIld with relevant protective texts as foundation deposits, certainly speak fCH an apotropaic function. 'Jlteir depiction on palace reliefs, however, should also be thought to encompass semantic, or again semiotic, dimensions that pertain to the metaphysical and cosmological concepts evoked by the presence of these mydlOlogical characters, sometimes in monumelltal proportions, duoughout the Nco-Assyrian palaces. As Anthony Green observes, one common aspect (hat ties together the rlpklllius and members ofTiamat's army is their affiliation with a cosmic prow-hiswry, an understanding of the "first days" of the world. It Ti) date, only 5imo l\upola and, recently Michael Roafhave discussed the flpkill/us and their appearance in art in relation to their referencing the Assyrian scholars. In his fmroduction to
thc State Archives of Assyria, Volume 10: Letters ji'om Assyritlfl rlfld Babylonian ScholflrJ, Parpola writes: "the role of the scholars can be defined as that of the transmi([ers of receilJed wisdom; rhey were the human sllccessors of semi-divine sages, whom (hey emulated but would and
of the apkal/us, he docs not carry out a thorough interpretation of the visual record in the limited format of an imroduction. Here, I attempt w locate representations of both rhe apkallu and the non-dpkrdl" Mischwe)·en on the Neo-Assyrian palace reliefs within their philosophical context, in addition to discussing their role in the formulation of an idea of the beyond in ancient Mesopotamia.
BEFORE THE FLOOD
I
I
5I
BEFORE THE FLOOD
T
FIGURE I 13.
HE APKALLU IS THE MAIN SUPERNATURAL CREATURE THAT APPEARS IN THE ART OF
Ashurnasirpal II. As already stressed, in the Neo-Assyrian palace reliefs, the apka/lu occurs
Fish-apkltllu on a wall panel from (he Tem-
ple of Ninuft
in three principal guises: human-headed (Fig. 91),1 bird-headed (Figs. 78 and I I I), land cloaked in fish skin (Fig. I I 3}.·1 In Ashurnasirpal's relief program, the winged human apkflllu is the most common type, foHowed by the bird-apkallu. As for the fish-apkallu, its only extant example from the reign of Ashurnasirpal is on a slab from the Ninurta Temple on the citadel of Nimrud (Fig.
1I
3). Elsewhere, it appears in the art of Sennacherib as exemplified by Layard's
drawing of a slab from the Southwest Palace in Nineveh as well as the rirual basin found in Assur (Fig. 114):' The fish-apkallu is more freljuent in other artistic media than on palace relief... in addition to foundation deposit figurines, he appears on protective plaques and cylinder seals on which
he is shown engaged in a variety of activities, such as flanking the "sacred tree" or "healing the sick. "\ One wonders if as a matter of decorum the supervisors of Ashurnasirpal's relief program deemed the human- and bird-headed IIpkallu more appropriate for the representation of the supernatural presence in the palace, whereas the fish-apka!!us were more at home in cenain other media, such as seals, plaqucs, and basins, and presumably in ccnain riwal contexts such as healing and exorcism. rIlle fish-apk(dlu perhaps evokes Babylonian associations along with the lion-headed demons, Uglz/!IIS (Figs. 52, 60, and 6 [), both figural types being of Babylonian origin.
'Thc term ummdnu essentially meant "master" or "expert," designating any possessor of a specialized knowledge or craf( - scribe, surveyor, artist, or artisan. I! According to Parpola, for example, dle "Chief Scribe" of the Assyrian court was an ummdfJu, "a highly pn:srigious court rhe legendary apka!!us of thc antediluvian times. "!! Parpola further sug-
concepts associated with a particular kind of wisdom and knowledge [houglH to havc been pos-
official, comparable
sessed by a vanished generation of antediluvian sages and handcd on to postdiluvian ummdnus ~
gests that rhe rlpk"!!lIs that Hank the Assyrian "sacred tree" are the "mythical elJuivalcllts ofcoLlrt
masters or scholars.? In Sumerian, the possessor of knowledge of a special kind was called an
scholars (ummdnu), whose primary function was to protect rhe king and ;mcnd to his moral
[0
ABGAL or UM.ME.A. Akkadian borrowed these terms in the form of (Ipka/lu and ummdnu
integrity, i.e. 'purifY' his souL"IJ Hence, what made the ummdnu special, in addition to cenain
respectively. H In thc Mesoporamian king list tradition, each antediluvian king was matched
literary, technical, or artistic skills, was a kind of restrictcd or ,~pecial knowledge thought (()
with a spiriULal advisor, an ttp/w!lll. For example, rhe WflJ'ktt King List cites ;tnrediluvian kings
have been taken over from the
with their apkallus, followed by a list of hisrorical kings with their ummdnus.') According to
of the Hood should be understood as a benchmark in man's proto-history constituting a divi-
Helge Kvanvig, there may originally have been two separate traditions, one dealing with ante-
sion between a spiritually inFormed early age, represented by the flpkrdlus, and a later age in
diluvian kings and the other with primeval sages. The (wo were later merged "ill what can be
which this spiritual information is lcss available and hence in (hc cusrody of a restricted elite,
regarded as a comprehensive view of the primeval antediluvian period." 10
the lmmUlnus who have access flpkrd!lIs. ! \
[\0
to at least a portion of the inFormation formerly held by the
152
BEFORE THE FLOOD
THE MYTHOLOGY OF KINGSHIP IN NED-ASSYRIAN ART
153
As is the case with the Iodic ideas of cosmic cycles of time, and Hesiod's "Myth of the Ages" described in Works and Days
(110-201),
in Mesopotamia as well, there may have existed a
notion regarding "a succession of world eras of progressively deteriorating quality.",G In this regard, a brief overview of the Iodie and Greek traditions might help to create a background against which to analyze the ancient Mesopotamian antediluvian tradition as well as to enhance an understanding of the ancient Mesopotamian notions of cosmic time. The theory of the great cosmic cycles can be seen best in the Indian tradition. The periodic
destruction and creation of the universe is found in the Atharva- Veda (X 8, 39-40). The smallest unit of cosmic cycle is called a yuga, age. A complete cycle, or mahdyuga, is composed of four ages of unequal duration, the longest appearing at the beginning of the cycle and the shortest at its end. [n chronological order, the four yugas of the Vedic tradition comprise Krta Yuga, Treta
rtlgri, Dvdpara }llga, and Kali Y/,Iga, that in which we are today. As the last cycle of the mahiiyuga, the Kali Ytlga is considered to be the "age of darkness," revealing the underscanding that there is a decline in human spirituality throughout the duration of one mahiiyuga that is terminated by a "dissolution," a pretlaytl. l ? Further, a total of just over 71 mahdyugas constitutes a larger cycle of time known as the manvantdrrt. A more extensive dissolution of the worlds (naimittika
pretlaya), occurs
at the end of 14
manvantdras. A cycle of I4 manvantiiras is caHed a kalpa, a
day ofBrahma. The dissolution of each kalpa in turn ushers in a Night of Brahma, followed by another Day of Brahma, a new kalpa. I H The decline in the spiritual quality of progressing cycles of time is also clear in the "Myth of the Ages" of Hesiod, whose connections and parallels with the ancient Near East are often acknowledged by classicists. 19 Unlike the quadri-partite {ndic tradition of cycles of time, how-
FIGURE 1 14. Ritual hasin with figures of a bearded god holding flowing V;lse flanked by fish-ttpkallus, eighth and seventh centuries IKE. Berlin, Vorderasiatischcs Museum. Photo: Olaf M. TeEner, Bildarchiv PreLlssischer Kllltlirhesitzi Art Resource, NY.
ever, Hesiod has five ages, and he assigns the time in which he himself lives to lhe fifth. 'The first cycle is represented by the golden race, the time of Krol1os, perhaps the Greek equiva-
1he idea of progressively deteriorating cycles of time per se, however, is not a readily
When this age was "covered," its inhabitants
detectable concept in ancient Mesopmarnia. Given the arcane nature of such matters, it is per-
became "pure" spirits (daimones hagnoi, 122) dwelling on earth invisibly. "IllC second cycle is
haps the case that the ancient Mesopotamian mind did not favor its direct wriuen expression
represented by the silver race, not as noble as the firsL 111is generation was also "covered" by
in its scribal output, and one could perhaps glean its existence in the ancient Mesopotamian
and its humanity is referred to in Works (lfld Da}s as the blessed residents of the nether-
mind from implicit clues and allusions in certain texts. 1wo such texts are 1he S'umerian King List and the SBV of the hj)ic o/Gil,(jrlml'Jh. In lhf Sumerian King List, a text that acquired its final form during the Isin Dynasty (ca.
lent of Enld/Ea, in which men lived like gods.
ZClIS,
IO
world (hupochthollioi mrlktlres, I4I). As for dle third cycle, it is the time of the bronze racc, which was destroyed on account of the wars its humanity inflicted on themselves. No epithet is given {-i:.)r this generation by Hesiod, except that rhey go down (() the house of Hades with no
2017- (793 BeE) of ancient Mesopotamia, there is a noticeable decrease in the number of reign
llame (153-4). "Ihe fi:.)urrh race is reported to have been nobler than the previous (I 58). It is in
years of kings that starts with thousands of years in the case of the antediluvian kings, falls down
this age that I-Iesiod locares the heroes of the '1 heban and Trojan wars, as well as those heroes
to hundreds of years afrer rhe flood when kingship is lowered again from heavell, and reaches
who wcre placed at the ends of the earth (peimta gaM's, 169), on the "islands of the blessed"
"normal" human reigns with the end of the era represented by Enmerkar, Lugalbanda, and
(en rlltlkr{J'{Jn ne.wisi, 170). Just as it is the case with the golden race, it is also Krollos who rules
Gilgamesh, the legendary kings of Uruk. 1he two main noticeahle jUflclUrcs in this sequence
over these happy heroes (olbioi haoes, 172). Finally, tbe fifth generation is the equivalent of the
are hence the Flood and the age to which belongs Gilgamesh, himself in a way the hallmark of
[ndic f(rtli Yttgfl in which Hesiod deplores to place himself (174). Even though a one-to-one correspondence could not exist between the Hesiodic and
the human-divine intersection, if not dichotomy. l.! This juncture may be thought to parallel the two-phase configuration of the "primeval history" as put fi:.Hward by Kvanvig whereby the first
Mesopotamian tradition of the "ages," two possible parallels are noreworrhy. First, rhe apkallus
phase is characterized by the sages before the Flood and the second by another group of experts
as the circle of Enki/Ea are also referred to as "pure" (ebbu) in literary texts,11 just as Hesiod
who ate their immediate followers coming after the Flood: "the primeval history is 'rhe history
designates the generation of his golden race as pure spirits who lived under the aegis of Kro-
of revelation,' and [he history which /-i:.}llows is the time when this revelation is transmitted and
nos. Also, just as (he pure spirits of l-Iesiod arc covered, the apkallus, too, descend to the Apsu,
lI11folded."lj
Second, one can note (he I-ollrth
As fi:.)f the SHV of lhe fj)ic o/Gi{(tlmesh, known from the Nco-Assyrian period, one indica-
age of Hesiod, the age of heroes, as having a strong affinity to the state of Urnapishtim, "the
tion in the poem toward the idea that the age in which Gilgamesh lives is spiritually inferior
distant one," of the SHV of the Epic o/Gilgmnesh, the survivor of the flood. 'The latter is also an immortal who lives by dle shore of thc sea Ell' from gods and men, in a blessed state. 11
to a preceding era is rhe Elet that Gilgamesh is deprived of the secret of immortality, whereas
the realm of Enld/Ea, as a result of a cosmic c;ltaciysm.
ll
his foreEtther Umapishtim has f()lll1d eternal life. Likewise, in the Babylonian Poem o/ErJ'll,
THE MYTHOLOGY OF KINGSHIP IN NEO-ASSYRIAN ART
a text likely with an eighth-century
BCE
BEFORE THE FLOOD
date, the idea chat a vanished generation of apkaflus
were wiped off from the visible world, resulting in Marduk's incapability of having his divine
later ordered to go
(0
I
55
Sippar and dig up the writings and distribute them to mankind. F This
event can again be unciers[()od as a rather limited redistribution of restricted knowledge among
statue processed and purified without their magical powers, are clear indications that Marduk's
the postdiluvian adept. There also existed in Babylonian scribal circles the idea that literary
age is one that is in certain ways inferior to that in which the apkaflus held sway. Nonetheless,
compositions date back
no Mesopotamian text provides as clear and structured a statement of decline in the quality
sometimes thought to be Adapa. 3.l
of cycles of time as presented by the Indic and Greek sources. Further, whereas both the Indic
[Q
antediluvian sages, above aU the primary sage U-An or Oannes,
An important role in the transmission of esoteric knowledge from man's proto-history to the
and Greek ideas of cosmic time are based on the phenomenon that is sometimes referred to as
ummdnus may also be thought to be played by the netherworld, which, in addition to its gloomy
the "eternal return" (i.e., that after a dissolution that marks the end of the final age, a golden
characteristics, may be thought to have a more complex symbolism in ancient Mesopotamia,
age comes back, and an emire process oftime starts all over again), there are no distinct dues
Gilgamesh's quest for immortality, which may be understood as a path of initiation, takes him
to that effect in the ancient Mesopocamian tradition.
16
to the ends of the earth and the "twin mountains," Mount Mashu, where the sun goes into and
The ancienc Mesopotamian phenomenon of the flood may nevertheless be thought of as
comes out of the netherworld every day and where his journey that culminates in his meeting
thc formulation of a great cosmic shift from a spiritually superior age to an inferior one. 1he
with Utnapishtim starts. 14 In other words, it is by means of a nocturnal journey on the path of
humanity of the latter ages is hence less informed, especially in the "mysteries" that constitute
the sun, and hencc the netherworld, that Gilgamesh ultimately reaches the Flood hero in his
the "secrets of the gods" than that of the former periods. In Plato's Timaeus, for instance, the Egyptian priest whom Solon encounters in the Egyptian delta tells him that the Greeks are chil-
domain of edenic permanence. IS There arc other instances in ancient Mesopotamian myth that point toward the function
dren, because they do not possess, as the Egyptians do in their temples, written records pertain-
of the netherworld as a locus that guards the mysteries such as the Descent of InannaIIshtar,;6
ing to the lore of this most ancient human
proto-history.2 7
'TIle visit of Solon to Egypt to speak
to the netherworld and the Neo-Assyrian text known as the Underworld Vision afan Assyritm
with the priests is not unlike Gilgamesh's visit to Urnapishtim, the survivor of the Flood, at the
Prince. 17 In ancient Mesopotamian sources, the netherworld may be thought
ends of the earth. Gilgarnesh's quest is for antediluvian knowledge as much as for eternal life,
the uninitiated, whereas the initiated would be able to enter and exit this domain without
and Umapishtim is here comparable, or cven identical to, an amcdiluvian sage who informs
being harmed. [n the Dfscmt oflnannalhhtar, the two beings, kur-gar-ra and gala-tur-fa, the
Gilgamesh of the myth of the
Rood.
to be hostile to
latter perhaps the etiological ancestor of the ancient Mesopotamian "lamentation priest," both
From this episode in the Gilgamesh story, one can infer that knowledge of a former pcriod
specially crafted by Enki/Ea to withstand the conditions underground, arc unharmed in the
that comes to an end with the Flood is by no means completely inaccessible to the less-informed
netherworld on their mission to save InannalIslHar, who is captured in the netherworld as a
age that follows. 'lhis knowledge may hence be thought co be in a state of hiddenness, or
result of her ambition to extend her power from the upper world to the lower. Jll
"occultation," rather than complcte disappearance, and bonds between thc two realms exist
In essence, with their possible link to one of the most important priesthoods of ancient
in a restricted way. Indeed, Utnapishtim himself may bc thought to have entered a scate of
Mesopotamian religion, thc insritution of the lamentation priest, the kith2tn, these beings cre-
occultation following the exhortations ofEnkilEa. In the "Flood Story" contained in Tablet XI
ated by Enld/Ea may be thought to constitute an etiology for the "salvinc" function of the
of the SHY of the h:pic ofGilgttmesh, jt is EnkilEa, thc patron deity of the antediluvian s,lges,
Mesopotamian sacerdotal elite in t'heir role as initiators and possessors of gnosis. As for the
who urges Utnapis\Him to build a boat and enter into the "Ocean Below," the Apsll, Enki/Ea's
Undenoorld Visioll offill AJsyrilln Prince, in this [ext, too, tbc prince who undergoes a nocturnal
own abode, when
dre;ul1 vision of the netherworld and its residents is also able to survive this descent, and his
dlC
Plood is about to destroy one world order and usher in the
(lCX£:
wisdom and understanding seem broadened as a result of his "nocturnal" dream experience. For Enlil has conceived a hatred or me! t cannor dwdl in your city! I cannot tread [on! Enlil'.~ ground! [I shall! go to the Apsll, to live with Ea, my masrer lH
"lhis tcxt is discussed later in greatcr dctail. Transmission of--knowledge from a "covered" antediluvian world [() the currelH world order can be assumed to rake place through means that are not directly visible or available. In l-Iesiod's Wt"'ks tint! lJrlys (I 24), for instance, the members or the golden race who have had direct
'fhc Flood thus clearly marks the concealmenr ora particular kind of knowledge possessed by
access to the knowledge of the divine and lived like gods continue populating the earth, albeit
sages stich as Utnapishtilll and their master Enid/Ea. In rhe epic, as a seeker after rhis s()['t of
in occultation, even after their generation has been obliterated. rlhey are simply concealed, as
infc)J"Jl1:.Hion, Gilgamesh is able
l-Iesiod phrases it, but "roam everywhere on earth wrapped in air," invisible bm still effective in
[0
reach Umapisluirn through the mediation of certain agents
who also seem to belong [() a domain beyond, the Scorpion Men, the barmaid Siduri, and the
that they guide mortal rnell toward true judgment and wisdom. 'lhe function of the rlpkallus in
ferryman Urshanabi.lfUmapishrim is here rhe tlpkrtllu, Gilgamesh is in a way rhe ummrfllU, the
Assyria may be comparable. In the
potential receiver of esoteric knowledge. ~<) '[he hero is emphatically mentioned at the beginning
where in Ashurnasirpal II's palace. As actual elHities, however, rhey are presumably invisible
1o
{-()fill
of figural representations, they certainly appear everyto
of the epic as having brought back news from befi:.ll"e the Aood. As a further testimony to the occultation of the knowledge of a vanished era, and its restricted
the real human figures with which they mingle (Fig. 84)· The relationship between rhe apkflllus and the ummdnus is hence such that it is as if the
transmission to the next in ancient Mesopotamian thought, one can also think of an account'
fonner initiated the latter into their respcctive expertises and professions, and in turn, the
in the works of Berossos, a priest of Bcl/Marduk in Babylon writing in Greek in the third
lauer became the "masters of [ruth" in their own generations and perhaps even guided kings
century nCE, indicating that Utnapisluim, or Ziusudra
his Sumerian incarnation, buried the
along the path of wisdom and moral conduct. It is no surprise, then, that wisdom literature is
beginnings, middles, and ends of all writings in Sippar. \l Those who survived the Rood were
often addressed (() the ruling class in the ancient world. I') In this respect, the poet as wise man,
in
THE MYTHOLOGY OF KINGSHIP IN NEO-ASSYRIAN ART
BEFORE THE FLOOD
master of truth, or ummdnu, is also a crucial notion. In both Homer and Hesiod as well, the poet is seen as a vessel through which information of a sactal character is transmitted to men. 40 On account of this sacerdotal function of the written word, and especially poetry, the kalutu, the institution of the lamentation priest and liturgicallcultic poetry, in ancient Mesopotamia, should be regarded as one of the primary means through which knowledge of a mysticalmythological character was transmitted to posterity through generations of scribe-scholars. The composition and compilation of the Epic of Gilgmnesh, a repository of such lore, is also attributed to this very institution through the authorship tradition associated with one SinU~qi-Unnini and his descendantsY The kaltitu, of course, does not stand by itself in the Assyrian scribal culture. It is one of the five main scholarly disciplines, the other four of which are tupsarrt2tu (astrology), dfiputu (exorcism), btlrtltu (divination), and rlSlltll (medicine and healing).4 1
"magic" of poetry and that of incantation, and hence the kernel of esoteric sciences. The scribal milieu of Uruk that associated itself with Sin-leqi-unninni, for instance, held the scribal an and the kaltltu as their preferred occupations from the Neo-Babylonian (625-539 BeE) until the Seleucid period (3 I 2-1 38 BCE).)! They probably conceived of themselves as an "aristocracy of the mind" and guardians of the "mysteries impenetrable to men, "\"2 No catalogue of the lamentation priest's corpus survived, and much must have been transmitted orally.).! Yet aspects of the repository of knowledge belonging to this class of scholars may nonetheless be thought to have infiltrated the extant poetic literature of ancient Mesopotamia. Transcending pragmatic apotropaic purposes, the appearance of the apkallus in Nco-Assyrian palace reliefs may be thought of as a direcr visual reminder of the special and secret knowledge held and controlled by these spirits. 1he designers and the supervisors of iconographic programs would hence have been mindful of, or even preoccupied with, what the apkallus stood for - not only knowledge or scribal culture in the ordinary sense of thc word but also the primordial phases of the cosmos to which these sages belonged. Just as the colophons terminate certain rexts stressing the wisdom ofEnkilEa and his Ilpkallus, the art also presents an analogous emphasis, perhaps by showing the apkallus liter::dly in the act of performing the transmission of knowledge onto the current world order or to the king himself (Fig. 1 I I) or the maintenance of a primordial cosmos to which they belonged within the conditions of a present (Fig. 3 I). As far as the involvement of a scholarly elite in the design and production of art and architecture is concerned, the picture is perhaps somewhat clearer in ancient E61'F}{, where represemational art and the hieroglyphic writing system overlap and texts from funerary contexts often give extensive information concerning the identity of the deceased and the afterlife. In rhe Egyptian language, the word "painter" was the same as "scribe," rhe most prestigious of all professions in ancient Egypt. S'! Curiously, however, the craftsmen who actually carved rhe hieroglyphs could rarely read what they wrote.)) Complete knowledge of texts and hieroglyphs belonged to a smaller literate elite such as lector prieslsY; 1he texts lhat dlC sculptors carved on the walls of the temples were prepared by the scribes of the "House of Life," the Egyptian equivalent of the Mesopotamian c-dub-ba (Akkadian bit tupp;), the tablet house. 17 In this respect, one would certainly expect the supervisors, or "overseers" of works of art to have been literate and well versed in literature and philosophy. In Egypt', the highest prestige among both artists and craftsmen was attached lO those who possessed the status of "overseer" or "controller" over their colleagues. IN On a stela (Louvn: C 14) dated to 2025 iKE, the owner, a sculptor, painter, and overSl'cr ofcrafrslllen, laid claim to secret knowledge, bef-1:H"e he listed in detail his accomplishments. I') Another overSl'er of works and sculptor named Userhat-Hatiay also claimed access to esoteric knowledge, "implying a role for them in the praccice of his profession, which included the ma!HIf~\cture of cuir images {-()r rhe temples of the gods."(,o Many ocher higher-ranking anists in Egypt simultaneollsly held positions in priesthoods,(i'
In ancient Mesopotamia, scribal education was the primary requiremelH for advanced training in priestly occupations. 4_1 It would hence be fair to postulate that all the members of such priesthoods had certain educational aspects in common through familiarity with the scribal profession. However, not every scribe, diviner, or exorcist deserved the designation "scholar," ummdnu. According to Parpola, only those individuals who excelled in their trade to the extent that they were in command of more than one branch, if not the entire extent of the wisdom, had this privilege. 44 Perhaps, some practitioners of these disciplines were no more than "technicians" in the exeClition, say, of certain divinatory or healing processes, whereas some were more theoretically oriented and had status above the fonner. 4 > In any evem, it was probably the case that within the Assyrian intellectual community, there was an even smaller group of scholars who excelled in philosophy, poetry, and theosophy, Parpola draws a disdnction between two kinds of Ninevite scholars, an "ourer circle" composed of "lesser scholars" and an "inner circle" ofsevenreen men who were the closest advisors of the kingY' Whether the scholars were this structured and specified in number, one would expect rhe kind of philosophically oriented scholars to have constituted a true "inner circle." 'I1lese scholars may have been the ones who were in full command of the exegesis of the traditional literary texts of ancient Mesopotamian culture, as well as the composition and redaccion of new ones. From this standpoint, it would also be important to point out that when one talks about a scribal-sacerdotal dite such as 1a[tempt to do here, one need not understand this group of people as a body of "ordained" priests exclusively attached to sanctuaries or temples. As already underscored in Part II, any kind of learning that draws 011 a sacral tradition may be called "sacerdotal," without the implication that sllch activity was driven exclusively by priestly service and religious vocation: 17 In this respect, the kilitilu again stands OUl as rhe most relevant discipline in the study, preservation, and production of litcrary texts of a religious and philosophical namre. 'Ihe institution of the /{{IMIIi was considered an especially esoteric art by its practitioners. One of the colophons (-ound on Ashurbanipal's tablets talks about the king as having assembled "the wisdom of Ea (nen1l'q }.'a), the kaMlu, restricted knowledge of ['he {{pkrdills, which is perfect for the appeasemelH of the great gods. "·IH Mesopocamian scripmres were ascribed in part [0 Enki/Ea, and in pan to the rlpkfl/lus guided by him. 4<J Again, however, the notions of secrecy and esoteric knowledge were nO( unique to the ka"2111, for the dlipiitu and the "rmlfu were also considered esoteric arts. so Nevertheless, given their first-hand involvement with the privilege of dle logos, as well as texts such as 7ht' Epic oj G'ilgmnesh and Em/nUl f;fil, members of the kfl"2lu must have possessed in their expertise the
I57
or
As a significant difh.'rence from ancient Mesopotamia, in ancient Egypt, some rhe overseers of art and architecture are known by name and commemorated. First and j-()!'emost, one can cite Imhorep, credited by third-century BCE Egyptian historian Manedlo with the design of l )joscr's (ca. 2630-261 I IKE, Third Dynasty) Step Pyramid Complex in Saqqara.(': Imhotep was also said to have been a physician, magician, and sage. His veneration through the centuries led to his deification in the Egyptian Late Period (ca. 7 I 2-3 32 nCE). (n fact, Imhotep is a figure quire comparable to the Mesopotamian nodon of a scholar, Ummrlllll: pan a legendary sage and part an UOIflO ftllioerstlle, combining a variery of skills such as magic, healing, literatulT, and the arts.
15 8
THE MYTHOLOGY OF KINGSHIP IN NED-ASSYRIAN ART
2
From Egypt, one can also especially think of Amenhotep son of Hapu, again a scholar-priest, the overseer of Amenhotep Ill's building program. lil
FERTILIZATION AND PURIFICATION
There are in Egypt maoy other preeminenc scribes and priests known by name who can be idclHified through the informadon and iconography available in their tombs such as Hesy-Re from the Old Kingdom, and Rekhmire and Ramose from the New. 64 The scribal profession was further commemorated in ancient Egypt through the scribal statue type. This type of statue depincd (he human figure seated, often with folds of flesh on the abdominal area, and sometimes in the accompaniment of a figure of a baboon, the animal ofThoth, the moon-god and the god of scribes. Such statues were deposited in tombs during the Old Kingdom and dedicated in temples during the New, at times pointing to the literacy of the deceased, and perhaps to the "importance of writing in the afterlife."6\
By contrast, in ancient Mesopotamia, no important historical sagelike priest or scribe is commemorated nor is any priestly overseer of important works of art and architecture known by name.6<, It is rather cenain ancient Mesopotamian kings who claim sagelike qualities, as 1 dispatched those (renowned) ummal/u(-sages) down into the Apslt: I did not ordain their coming lip again I changed the place of the mew tree (and) of the elmefu(-amber): I did not reveal (the new place) to anybody
declared by Shulgi and Ashurbanipal, both through their claims to literacy. Despite some priestly personages, legendary or historical, sllch as Enheduanna and Sin-Ieqi-unninni, known by name, there still is a gap in our knowledge of the sacerdotal supervision of royal arts in Assyria as well as in ancient Mesopotamia at large. As a whole, it seems that the most learned men of
7he Poem of EmI, Marduk speaking {'() Erra (Nergal), I 147-8'
their time were ofi:en known and commemorated in ancient Egypt, in contrast to Mesopotamia where sllch individuals are usually completely anonymous. Perhaps, ani tudes toward expressing notions regarding the afterlife were effective in the formation of these preferences. In ancient
A
SHURNASlRPAL'S APKALLUS ARE OFTEN SHOWN WITH A CONELIKE OBJECT, IDENTIFIED
mcmoration and evcn scmi-deification of such learned men might make morc sense, whereas
in certain riwal tens as a purifier, the multi/tt, and a hucket, similarly identified as the banduddll/ Ranking the "sacred tree," and occasionally the king himself as seen on Panels F 3
in ancient Mcsopotamia, a lack of such conccpts or an cmphasis on [Otal secrecy thercof may
and 4 (Fig.
naturally have led to an intentional anonymity attached to these personages.
as to the nature and meaning of this act, purification and/or fertilization seem to be the most
Egypt where lifc after death and immortality were the primary conccrns of religion, thc com-
"[hat a scribal-sacerdotal agency in artistic production no doubt existed in ancient Mesopmamia may nevcrtheless be gleaned from the art itself. Given the likelihood dut any
I I
r) and G 6 and 7 (Fig. 84) from the Northwest Palace. Although opinions vary
commonly expressed plausiblc suggestions. Summing up and reviewing the literature
011
this
matter, Barbara Nevling Porter favors the idea that the scene most probably depicts an act of
by the tlpkrd/us resembling the male date Rower
communication among the Assyrian elite regarding thc production of hieratic iconography
pollination with the cone-shaped objcct held
took place solely on the oral level, the key to the demonstration of this agency may be none
cluster and pinecones.! The tree itself appears in a variety of configurations, and hence it is
other than to decipher and interpret aspens of thc iconography itself. Attempts to fulfill this
not entirely dear to what extcnt it is actually a date palm. 4 It is nevertheless likely that the tree
objective have already been carried out in Parts I and II. We can now retllrn to this endeavor
at least incorporates elements of the date palm, without necessarily being a full represcntation
r would consider it more likely that rhe tree is a visual design
and revisit the meaning of the "sacred tree" panel behind the throne of As hurna sir pal I I, already
thereof \
discussed in Part II, especially in light of the foregoing disclission on the apkallus, Enld/Ea, and
mythical and metaphysical entity by combining certain natural forms in a stylized and eclectic
primarily connoting a
the ancient Mesopotamian antediluvian tradition.
manner than the probability that the trec is the figural representation of an actual ritually constructed objecr. 6 In this regard, Porter aptly observes: "Clearly, the scene is not intended to depict a real pollination but depicts instead an act of pollination occurring in the divine
sphere."7 Without dismissing the pollination theory, I would again emphasize rhe lireral meaning of the word flJullitu, purifier. Clearly, there must have been some purificatory function attached to the cone-shaped object, although the precise nature of this phenomenon may lack as concrete an explanarion as that provided by the date palm pollination process. [n fact, Magen has also argued that the selllanrics of both rhe plants held by the tlpkfillus and the "sacred tree" must have penained [() rituals of purification such as the bit rimki, Impu, and mtlqM rather than concepts of fertility. H Magcl1 sees the entire hieratic imagery of Ashurnasirpal II as representing on the divine level elements pertaining to the essence ofsllch rituals of purification that, in real life, would have belonged to the professional activity of the exorcist, the fWpU. 9 She makes a
I59
THE MYTHOLOGY OF KINGSHIP IN NED-ASSYRIAN ART
160
FERTILIZATION AND PURIFICATION
rather convincing case for the parallels between the imagery of Ashurnasirpal II and the culric activities ccmcred on the ritual purity of the king and the royal palace.
of vessels held by these rwo gods (Fig.
110),
161
introduced in Part II. In ancient Egypt, the scene
is understood as a depiction of a "Iusrration rituaL" which would have been normally executed
I would reiterate, in any event, my argument that even though the imagery may have taken
over the royal corpse by priests but which was also thought co be simultaneously performed
some of its cues from such rituals known from texts, it has transformed them into the com-
by the divinities, whom the priests impersonated, in tbe "other world."lll However, the for-
ponent pans of a dmeless visual rhetoric that pertains to the spiritual privileges of the Assyr-
mula "was intended as much more than a purification. As evidenced by the Old Kingdom
ian intellectual tradition represented on a thoroughly ideal plane and expressed through the
Pyramid Textr, as well as later scenes from tombs and temples, it also provided the recipient
medium of the image of the king. As already mentioned in Part II, the extanc passages from bit
with Iife."19 In other words, "after tbe ablutions the deceased was endowed with an unearthly
rimki that outline procedures for the rimal purification of the Assyrian king are pragmatically
and indestructible body, i.e., was reborn as the result of his iustrarion."!O It is also in a sim-
geared toward protecting the king against known or unknown curses and witchcraft rather
ilar sense that the apkttllus, when they flank the Assyrian king with their cone-shaped puri-
than ensuring a more fundamental and permanent spiritual purity, of which culric or ritual
fiers, may be thought to be shown in the act of rendering the king ritually pure and immortal
purity would have been a reenactment, that would pertain to the king's oJl(ological relation to
(Fig.
the domain of divinity. 10 It must be the latter kind of purity that is addressed in the images,
II I}.2!
As for the more common Assyrian configuration, dlat which depicts the apkallus Ranking
which would once again speak to the almost unique system of signification and information
the sacred nee (Fig. 78), the former are shown tcnding to tbe latter, maintaining its existence
belonging to Assyrian representations as distinct from the textual record. I would further suggest that one particular due that would speak for a process of an ideal and
and well-being. The "sacred tree" panel from Ashurnasirpal's throne room, Pancl13
fundamental "purification" in addition to "fertilization" may again be the "pure" nature of both
resulting in a condensed hieratic composition. On this panel, the ilp/U1l1us are on the one hand
the apkallus and the domain in which they reside, the Apsu. Because the flpkallus themselves
purifying andlor fenili'ling the king, and on the other tending to their primordial world order
as "pure" in texts and because the realm of EnkilEa, which is ,llso their abode,
represemcd by the central tree. In the incantation series bit mesai, the function of the ap/udlus is explained as their "insuring
are referred
(0
is a pure place,! I the fact that one of the accoutremeJl(S that the apkallus are shown holding
2}
(Fig. } I),
is in a way a synoptic conflation of these two separate but conceptually rdated configurations
the correct functioning of the plans of heaven and earth [or netherworld!," which "means
should he referred to as the "purifier" would be fitting. I1. Perhaps, the most basic statements recently pronounced so far by scholars in their attempts
accordingly to have responsibility for the cosmic order as it was prefigured by the gods when
to explain what the tree stands for have validity, and what i.~ missing is simply a more enhanced
they created the world. "lL 'Ihus, this world order, far from the way in which the current cosmos
metaphysical framework to place all tbese in comext. "rhree of these statements also reviewed
is set lip, is a f(lrIner order that may be thought to have vanished with the Hood and continue
by PoneI' are as follows. Irene Winter in her 1981 study of Ashurnasirpal's throne room sees
its existence now in occultation. Because the concealed existence of this order is rather delicate,
the scene as an "emblem of the provisioning of the land and the role of the king in relation
it has to be taken care of coostandy.
[0
it."IJ Julian Reade describes the tree as "a symbol offertiliry and the cosmic order upheld
'I he Egyptian Ilotion
nUl 'at
is also comparable. It is usually superficially understood as simply
by the king."I'1 Finally, Sirno Parpola writes: "lhus jf the Tl'ee symbolized the divine world
truth, justice, and order, bm in essence it is nothing but the originillorder of the cosmos, which
order, then the king himself represented the realization of that order in man, in other words a
is long endangered and needs to be upheld. 'lhe Egyptian temple ritual is hence geared toward
true image of God, the Perfect Man. "I) It remains to explain what exactly fertility, the divine
preserving and maimaining the phase or part of the cosmos that is characterized by the active
world order, and the king might represent in light of the foregoing discussion on the ancient
presence and rule of ffla'at. 11 As Erik Hornung puts it, "mlllll resembled (he eye of Horus,
Mesopotamian amediluvian tradition, which, I would argue, is crucial to an understanding of
wounded time and again and subsequently healed. Both symbolized a constantly endangered
the Assyrian "sacred tree" composition. The key to the interpreration of the act of "fertilization" or "purification" is the very identity
order thar IllllSl repeatedly be established anew."14 The eye of Horus was heakd by 'lhoth, an embodiment, as I have suggested, of the scribal-sacerdotal alllhoriry in Egypt, who is closely
of the flpkit/lus engaged in the afElir. As already suggested, these figures may be shown in the
associated with ffla lIt. ~j In the Egyptian afterlife, it is further against
act of transmitting their restricted knowledge to rhe present world order, while preserving rheir
weighed, an indication that the fClrIller is not a material order of cosmos and justice in the
own primordial cosmos through invisible means. When the tlp/adlus Hank rhe king and "puriFy"
literal sense of the word.
him, they may be thought to be shown in the act of passing on their knowledge on to the king, or whoever the king stands for in rhis situation. In other words, they may here be thought to be
initiating thc king inasmuch as initiation imo rhe mysteries enables the candidate
'[t)
tnd
ill thar dle heart is
recapitulatc, Lhe conception of the nmion of order and judgmelH in this cross-cultllral
cOlHext may be understood as initiatic knowledge or gnosis, which signifies awareness of the
to be reborn
true nature of the cosmic system, with a previous order behind [he curtain or in the foundations
and immortal. Hence, they arc also "fertilizing" the king, because iniriarion may be rhought of
of the present. As already posited, this true order now exists in occultation, and one particular location whither ir may be thought ro have been withdrawn is the grearer netherworld -' in
as spiritual rather than physical fertility.16 When one is thus initiated into the mysteries, one in a way reproduces, in the Platonic sense, generating another superior self 17
this case understood nor in its grim, infernal aspects but in its more complex capacity thal
a strucmrally close anciem Egyptian analogy for greater conceptual
encomp;:lsses certain pure or "blessed" lands located around (he "edges of the earth" as well. It
insight and clarification. 'This is rhe ancient Egyptian visual formula that depicts the king
is by (he same token thar the apkllllus were also withdrawn to the ApSll - nor the netherworld
Here one may refer
[0
Banked and "purified" by [he gods Horus and Thoth, or in a few instances by Horus and
per se but still a spatial and remporal domain that is located underground, under the aegis of
Seth, by means of streams of water, made up of the hieroglyphic sign ankh (life), gushing out
their master Enid/Ea.
THE MYTHOLOGY OF KINGSHIP IN NEO-ASSYRIAN ART
In Mesopocamian cosmography, this body of water is located underneath the surface of the earth, and yet it is a place distinct from the netherworld proper, the realm of the dead. l6 In contrast to the netherworld, which had rather grim associations in ancient Mesopotamia, the Apsu was a region of primeval purity and perfection, although located OUt of sight, in some hidden part of the cosmos, especially in relation to the surface of the earth that the ordinary humanity inhabited. Familiar counterparts of, or patallels to, the realm of the Apsll in the ancient Greek tradition include the Elysian Fields, or the Islands of the Blessed, both of which were located in proximity not only to the Okeanos, a cosmic body of water like the Apsll, but also to the infernal regions of Hades in Graeco-Roman cosmology.!7 In fact, one might go so far as thinking of the Apsl' as some sort of a "terrestrial paradise" located "in some normally inaccessible part of the earth, which might become the goal of man's search and, in a literal as well as metaphotical way, the object of his dreams."2H After all, the hero Gilgamesh too, in search for eternal life, dives in great likelihood into the Apsu to fetch the plant of immortality. 29 [ have already analyzed the configuration of the "sacred tree" surmounted by the winged disk as a visual expression of the bipolar pair an and ki, the heavens and the netherworld, the exoteric and the esoteric. 111 this instance, the netherworld represented by ki may be understood more specifically as the Apsll.lo On the reliefs of Ashurnasirpal II, then, the apkallus arc shown tending to the very image of their own withdrawn order, the sacerdotium, or sacred kingship embodied by the Apsl' and its subterranean god Enid/Ea. In an attempt to understand the semantics of the Assyrian "sacred tree," one may further refer to an analogy from ancicnt Egypt for a wider framework, and that is the motif of the djed pillar. The djed was originally associated with the chief Memphite god of creation, Prah, who was himself termed the "Noble Djed." 111rough assimilation and syncretism, the god Ptah came to be equated Wilh the deities of the netherworld, Sokar and Osiris. By the beginning of the New Kingdom, the djedwas the established symbol of Osiris and thought to be a represemative of that deity's backbone.,'1 Just as the Assyrian "sacred tree" is takcn care of by the tlpkflllus and the king, the djed pillar, too, is erected by the king (Fig. lIS) (although in the Egyptian compositions, the king is not duplicated, and there is no symmetry in the designs), mourned or shown attention to by Isis and Nephthys, or Ranked by Horus and "[hoth. rlhe Ebryptian royal ritual of "raising the t(jul pillar" was perf()fmed as a culminating act in rhe rituals for the deceased king and at the new king's jubilee festival (Fig. I ! S). "By llleans of ropes and with the assistance of priests, the king erected a large djed pillar in a symbolic act which may have represented both the rebirth of the deceased monarch and the establishmellt of stability for his own reign and f()( the cosmos itsclC'I! Furthermore, just as the Assyrian "sacred tree" is sometimes surmollnted by the winged solar disk, in the Egyptian visual record the djed pillar figures are also sometimcs surmountcd by the Egyptian solar disk (Figs. I 16 and l 17). In the djed pillar scheme, although the solar disk may be thought to stand for the solar and the manifest, the worldly rule, Horus or Re, the pillar itself stands f()J· Osiris and the nethelworld. In ancient Egypt, where Osiris represelHs sacral kingship, Horus, as the earthly sllccessor of Osiris, is in charge of taking care of and providing support for Osiris. \ \ Thus, just as rhe existence of the Assyrian tree is maintained by the king and [he (lpkrdlus, the tijed pillar is also sustained and kept erect by the Egyptian king in association with concepts of royalty, stability, and rebirth. One, however, needs to nuance the kind of kingship that the tree stands for; it is sacerdotal kingship, the Assyrian equivalent of a somewhat "Osirian" understanding of kingship, one that is somehow damaged and withdrawn, handed over to the present world order from the previous and guarded by the initiated elite.
FERTILIZATION AND PURIFICATION
FIGURE I 15.
Sety I ercC('ing the
4il,d pillar, ·remple of Sety I, Abydos,
16)
Nineteenth Dynasty. Photo: author.
In ancient Egyptian religion, especially in the New Kingdom books of the afterlife, the descent of the Sllll-god Re (0 the netherworld and his "union" with Osiris at night is clearly another model for this soteriological process. In ancient Egyptiall solar theology, the main purpose of the sun-god's descent to the netherworld is caring for Osiris and sending his enemies to slauglHer. H As the king of a primordial cosmos, and now the king of (he dead or the nerherwodd, Osiris is thus in the hands of the king and the inf(1rI11ed sacerdotal elite f(lr survival. In the djed pillar scheme, too, the solar disk perhaps stands for the visible, the exotcric, whereas the pillar itself stands for the netherworld, the esoteric. I '; The union ofRe and Osiris takes place arollnd the middle of the twelve-hour journey through the night as described in the New Kingdom books of the afterlife such as the Amdlfal and the Book 0/ Gates. 1(' In representations of the Amdu({t, immediately past the midnight hour, the time of unioll, the crowns of Upper and Lower Egypt arc depicted in conjullction on lhe three divine "brt" birds that appear in the sevench hour.)7 In the Hook ri'GrucJ, arollnd the midpoint of the twelve hours of rhe night is also depicted Osiris's chamber of judgment in which Osiris is shown wearing the double crown of Upper and Lower Egyp(.lX Here the meeting of the two gods, one alive, the other dead, one exoteric, the other esoteric, around the midnight hour in the netherworld can be understood as the union of the regnum and the sacerdorium, represented by Re and Osiris, respectively. "Ihroughout the duration of this union, it is as if the ruler of the netherworld temporarily but rightfully assumed (he mixta persona and, as rhe complete king, presided over ('he judgment of rhe dead. 111is idea may hence have found visual expression in the conjunction of the crowns of (he norch and south in the Amduflt and the figure of Osiris wearing the double crown in the Book o/GatcJ. l11ese configurations may be taken a,~ further icollographic support For the idea that the two kingdoms of Egypt might be thought to stand for the philosophical (Orality constitutcd by the regnum and rhe sacerdotium. In light of the proposed signiflcance of (he "sacred tree" as an imagc of esoteric kingship, it would be of valuc to hearken to Parpola's "esoteric" reading of the name Gilgamesh, logo graphicaliy spelled gis.gin.mas, and the hero's affinity to (he Assyrian "sacred tree," also suggested by Parpola. It) Parpola notes [hat the Sumerian prototype name for the hero, "Bilgames," may mean "offshoot of the mcs-tree" and establishes a link between the way thc two names for the hero is
THE MYTHOLOGY OF KINGSHIP IN
NEO~ASSYRIAN
165
FERTILIZATION AND PURIFICATION
ART
1(1111111
r6. The Egyptian r(ir'r/ pillar surmounted hy [he solar disk as rcprcscnccd on an amulet. Phow: Erika Feucht, Pektomle lIicblkiinig/iscbcr P('tsotlm, Agyptologische Abhandlungen 22 (Wicsbaden: Otto Harrassowi[z, 197 I): Fig. 99ft Reproduced by permission.
FIGURE J
djed pillar surmounted by rhe solar disk as represented on an amulet. Photo: FeLlcht, Pektorrl/e, Fig. 99C Reproduced by permission. FIGURE I 17. '(he Egyptian
logographically constructed:10 This proposed affinity, if accurate, may again be thought of as analogous to that of Osiris to the
djed-pillar, and in hlct Gilgamesh, like Osiris, is "appointed
judge over men's fates in the afterlife."'p As stressed time and again, the net'ilcrworld in this case need not refer to an infernal realm but rather
(0
a zone of occultation where aspects of the antediluvian world order have with-
drawn. Further, the point regarding Gilgamesh and his tenure as judge in the netherworld would not conflict widl our main focus on the tlpkallus, EnkilEa, and the Apsll. Clearly the ancient Mesopotamian formulation of the mythical proto-history of man is complex and multihlCeted, entailing many lines of mythical characters, episodes, and texts, all of which, nevertheless, may be thought to have one basic common denominator: the idea ofa rupture or break bef\.veen a distant past and a present that is characterized by institutions of rule and kingship. As for the mes-tree, argued by Parpola to have been (he etymological basis of the Sumerian name Bilgames, in rhe Ponrl ojFJ'rtl, a cosmic mesu-trce is described as reaching from the lowest earth, the netherworld, to the Heaven of Anu in close association with the lines that mention rhe tlpk/t1!us: I dispatched those (renowned) lImmdnd (-sages) down into rhe Apsu: I did nor ordain their coming up again. I changed rhe place of the mesll (ree (and) of the elmdll (-amber): I did not reveal the new place) to anybody. Now, hero Ert;l, as to that work you spoke abollt, Where is rhe mesJ.t-free, the flesh of rhe gods, the emblem of the King of the
Univ[crsel (si-mllt sllrgim-[ri]) the pure tree [is-su e!-!u], august hero [d-Iul si-i-ru, which is becoming to lordship, whose roms reach
100
leagues through the vast sea to the depth of the undedworldJ
whose crown, in the heavens, leans on the Heaven of [Anu]?'P. ~nle speaker is again Marduk, and it is again dear that along with the
I1pkallus, the god has also
displaced and hidden a sacred tree of cosmological significance as a result of the cacastrophic Aood that he has caused. One could think of the disappearance of both the sages and the tree in the Poem ofc. .r1'll as rhe disappearance from this new postdiluvian world order of the magical qualities of an antediluvian domain that is now hidden. In this regard, in the poem, just as the god iamems the absence of the tlplwllus and their skills from the postdiluvian state of the world, he deplores the absence of this sacred tree from the new cosmic system in a similar fashion. I would not, however, insist on equating the Assyrian tree with the mesu-tree, even though as cosmic trees that may be thought' to establish a link between a subterranean world and the heavens, rhe two trees could be conceptually comparable, if not related.
It may now be worthwhile [0 review the meaning of the "sacred tree" panel again as proposed within rhe foregoing context. In Part II, I drew attention to the differences between the two figures of the king, the one on the lefi: clearly touching the tree with his mace (Fig. 86) and pointing obliquely downward to it with his index finger, and the one on the right pointing
166
THE MYTHOLOGY OF KINGSHIP IN
NEO~ASSYRIAN
ART
3
upward to [he winged disk (Fig. 104) and wearingceiesriai symbols around his breast (Fig. 103). The ideal king, a combination of the regnum and the saccrciorium, is hence shown laying claim
KING THE MAN, THE KING-MAN
over both rhe esoteric (ki) and the exoteric (an) aspects of the scare religion. The ki is embodied
by the terrestrial, eanhbound tree, whereas the an is represented by [he winged disk. l11c terrestrial in this case may be unders(Ood as the ncrhc!world in alt its complexity, the esoteric, whereas the celestial may be understood as the heavens, the exoteric, where gods ruling
over the current cosmos hold power.
pnlC
entire system is in the custody of the antediluvian
sages, shown Ranking both rhe "sacred tree" and rhe Room G scenes, who in a way keep alive and guard their own kingship by imparting and projeccing it onto the ideal king. In this way, the scribal-sacerdotal elite or the innermost circle of the Assyrian court may be thought
(0
present their authority, as possessors and governors of sacra! kingship.
I
NA WORLD ORDER CHARACTERIZED IW THE GREATER AVAILABILITY OF THE DIVINE SOURCE
on earth such as the Mesopotamian antediluvian period, or any other manifestation of a
golden age in other traditions in which a closeness between men and gods is the case, both royal power and priestly gnosis may be thought to have been possessed by the same authority, and the eventual dissolution of this unity may be thought to have marked a split. I The concept's of union and the mixta persona traced in Part II may be thought
[0
bc drawing on this ideology
of primeval integrity and its dissolution. Even though there arc two aspects to the ancient Mesopotamian antediluvian tradition in the form of antediluvian sages and antediluvian kings as distinct from one another, cenain qualities of the antcdiluvian kings arc sllspiciollsly sagelikc. For example, the antcdiluvian king Enmeduranki is not only king but also the oil diviner par excellence from whom Mesoporamian diviner-priests claim desccnL l As indicated at the beginning of this pan, the merging of the antediluvian king list and the sage list such that each anrediluvain king was matched with a sage may have been a latcr development in the ancient Mesopotamian tradition. 1 Perhaps it was the case that during the formulation of the ancient Mcsopotamian antediluvian tradition, the postdiluvian and, later, the his(Orical system in which each king was complemented by a spiritual advisor, a sage, was retrojected to the antediluvian period as well. In short, in the ideal system, the king was also the sage, when:as after the split, rhe royalty had
(0
depend
011
a sekc[
priesthood in all spiritual matters. I ;lnempted to trace the iconography of this split in Part II. Another split (hat I introduced is one in the nature and ofl(ology of man - namely, one berween dle initiated and the uninitiated man. Cercain ancienr Mesopotamian texts dearly distinguish between two kinds of men. r[he SHV of Ihe hJJI'c oIC;i~~mnesh presents Gilgamesh as dle perf-ect man, e!lu gitmalu, and twothirds god, whereas Enkidu is presemed at the beginning as
IIIIM, "primitive man," even though
we have seen that this dichotomy had great complexiry. "lhc same duality can be f(>Llnd in a text written in the Nco-Babylonian script VAT 17019, pertaining to the crcation of "kings" and "men. ""1 According to rhe text, there arc two creations perfc)rmed by the goddess Beier-iii, one is that of the "man," lullr1, and the other mdliku rlmtlu, translated as the "circumspect man" by Livingstone: S "Bclet-ili, you are the lady/mistress of the great gods. You have creared [he luIM-man: create now the King, the 'circlimspecc man!'" {t! Be~
Iet-DlNCIR. MES NIN DINGIR.MES CAL.MES at-ti-mllillt-ti-ma tllb-ni-maI.U.UI.U'''-a rI-me-lu/ pi-it-qi-nut LUGAL mfl-li-Im rI-me-lu).('
I68
KING THE MAN, THE KING-MAN
THE MYTHOLOGY OF KINGSHIP IN NEO-ASSYRIAN ART
The commentary on (his text by \Verner R. Mayer seems to deal with the surface meaning of the text rather than a possible deeper level of semantics. Mayer scates that on
aCCOUJ1(
of
the important role played by the king in Mesopotamian culture, he is seen as a special crcation of the gods.? Within the parameters proposed here, however, mdliku amelu should be understood more specifically as the initiated mao, the King-Man, and hence not king the man.
'The King-Man is indeed the supreme ummdnu, whose mind is broadened by invisible divine agents, the apkallus, rather than the human being who holds the position of "king," not unlike the "Buddhist disdncdon," presented by Coomaraswamy, "of the Brahman by birth (bmhmabandhu) from the Brahman by knowledge, Brahman as bmhmavit."s In the SBY of The Epic ofGi/gamesh as well, Gilgamesh, whose mind is broadened by the gods, is like the "Brahman by birth,"9 whereas Enkidu who acquires his knowledge along the way is like the "Brahman by knowledge."lo Another text, a Nco-Assyrian work known as the Coronation Hymn ofAshurbtlnipa/, also refers to the former crown prince and now the new king Ashurbanipal as mii/iku tlme/u. 11 Alasdair Livingstone takes due note of this instance of"intertextuality," although, surprisingly, he argues that the connection is artificial, and the two texrs are in effect' unrelated. 12 On the contrary, I would suggest that rhere is a very close connection between the two texts in that just as a learned ummdnu-like persona was projected onto Ashurbanipal through declarations ascribing literacy and antediluvian knowledge to him, the designation mdliku ame/u, which may essentially be thought to characterize the initiated ummdnu, is also a perfect indication of the sacerdotal identity ascribed to this king by his "inner circle." Livingstonc further argues that given the later date of the Babylonian text describing the creation of "kings" and "men," this text borrowed the phrase mriliku mne/u from Ashurbanipa!'s Coronation Hymn, "an unusllal example of transmission of Iirenuure from Assyria to Babylonia."!J Regardless of the chronological sequence of thc two texts, from a conceptual standpoint, both reflect the same fundamental undersranding of kingship, one that gives priority to the kingship of the sacerdotium but expresses it within the mold and guise of the actual reigning king. What these texts refer to as mdliku rlmeiu may in f~\Ct be thought to refer [() an idea of thc King-Man, as I have already proposed, or the "magus man," to pur it in Hermetic Renaissance terms, "who was created divine, with divine powers, and is in thc process of again becoming divine, wirh divine powers."!'! 'Ihe distinction drawn between this kind of man, and just "man" is reminiscent of the "ontological c1assism" that also characterizes thc Indian castc system that places rhe bmhmll above the kFltm.! \ On the divine level, this is in f~lCt the pattern in certain Gnostic systerns as well. In Christian Gnosticism, for instance, there exists dH~ understanding of rhe f-irst man, who directly emanates from Cod himself, whereas a demiurge,
world, has been duly noted, especial!y by Mario Liverani.!7 What has not been emphasized enough, however, is again the authentic voice behind this rhetoric, which clearly belongs to the scholarly elite, responsible for the formulation and expression of these accounts, who may again be thought ro have projected their own positive and divine qualities and privileges onto the king through these to poi. 1he so-called Sargon legend, a birth legend in Akkadian from the first millennium BCE written as if told by Sargon himself~ is a classic example of this phenomenon: Sargon, the strong king, the king of Akkad, am 1. My mother was a high priestess, my father I do not know. My paternal kin inhabit the moumain region (and) my home city is Azupiranu ("Saffron City"), which lies on the bank of the Euphrates River. My mother, a high priestess, conceived me (and) bore me in secret. She placed me in a reed basket and caulked my hatch with pitch, (then) she abandoned me to the river, from which I could not escape. The river carried me along (and) brought me to Aqqi, the water drawer.!8 The themes of growing up without parents ill the wilderness, being taken care of by wild beasts, or being brought up by kind strangers are all literary copoi that may be [bought to stand for the spiritual development of thc candidate. 19 Through means that are outside the ordinary world, the candidate thus receives a special kind of instruction sometimes in the hands of divinities. In ancient Greek culture, for instance, in the first four books of the Oc(yssey known also as the 7etemtlchia, Odysseus's son T;demachus, in the absence of his father, receives this special guidance from the disguised Athena. In the Hymn to Demeter, the goddess comes to Metaneira's hOllse disguised as an old woman, stays there as the caretaker of the Eunily's child, and secn:dy attempts to make the child immortal through extraordinary means such as placing it in fire. In Assyria itself: in certain royal hymns, Ashurbanipal is described as siuing in the lap.~ of goddesses as a child. In his Hymn to thi' fs'tars of Ninelleh {{nd Arbe/a, the king declares: "I knew no huher or mother, I grew up in the lap of my goddesses. As a child the great gods guided me, going with me on the right and the left. 'fhey est'ablished at my side a good gt:nie and a good angel, assigned my lif-e to guardians orwell-being and health."w 'I his elect n~Hure ofthl' potential adept is expressed not only in tenus of upbringing but also in terms of divine imervention at birth, resulting in the perfection of the candidate spiritually as well as somatically. 1n a royal inscription from thc reign ofAdad-nirari [J (9J 1~"-891 lICE), the king declares thaI the great gods assigned him a "royal birth," perfecting his physical f{>rIn and imparting wisdom to his lordly body.... ! Parpola rakes due note of this special rhetoric as well and st;l[es that rhesl' assertions have to be taken seriously: WIhey imply that he [thl' king] was more than a normal man: a semidivine being selected and called by gods and miraculously perfected flJr his oHlcl' ill rhe womb of his mother ~ a creature 'two-thirds god and one-third man,' like Gilgaml'sh, thl' prototype of the perfect king."u One may again take this a step further and consider all thesl' topoi as self:'rderelHial on the pan of (he philosophical poets who composed them; the latter are in filet describing their own development as spiritual adepts, just as when Ashurbanipal declares that he can read very difficult texts of amcdiluvian origin, it is again as if thl' scribes made this dedaradon from the mouth of {he klng.1J In mher words, mose of [hese aCCOUlHS describc the man the king if flot, and reAexively rder to thcir composers and the creators of ideology.
[7 0
KING THE l\{AN, THE KING-MAN
THE MYTHOLOGY OF KINGSHIP IN NED-ASSYRIAN ART
In light of this discussion, we can then review the meaning of rhe formulaic scene as represented by Ashurnasirpal's Panels F 3 and 4 (Fig. "fenilized"
II
r), which show the king Ranked and
[7'
going down to realistic ones. I submit that it is precisely this final stage in the gradation of the sages with which Assyrian scholars would have associated themselves most closely and that
The Epic ofGilgamesh would then have had a special place in their literary repertoire precisely
by the apktdlus. One can suggest two levels of meaning:
on account of these factors.
Level
Level
I
2
Activity Depicted
lbe instruction and perhaps
head of the State
Apkallus Members of the king's inner circle, the umrndnus, heirs
of Assyria
to the amcciiluvian wisdom
mysteries and mancrs of the
of the apka/lus under whose
sacerdotium guarded by the
are often apt to think of the hieratic reliefs of Ashurnasirpal II as reflecting a realistic worldly
guise they are shown
tlmmanus and to which the
domain that feature the king in his various military and cuJcic roles along with a number of his
king himself does not have
officials. If one looked carefully, however, one would notice that except for the king himself,
King
Figure
King the man,
initiation of the king
Finally, if one were to wonder why it is the sages rather than the scholars themselves who CO
the
arc shown especially in the palace reliefs of Ashurnasirpal II, a plausible response might lie in the nature and identicy of rhe domain, or dimension, that is depicted in the reliefs. Because of the undisputable presence of the narrative, or the "historical," component in the reliefs, we
full access
whose image is highly formulaic and idealized in any event, we arc left exclusively with eunuchs and winged sages. Even though eunuch officials were a realicy in the Assyrian bureaucracy, the
The King-Man,
11le antediluvian sages, the
1he "alchemical" processing
the Magus man,
spirits of a golden age, who
of the soul of the candidate;
fact that the relief scenes are populated solely with such non-mainstream male figures should
the perfect
are invisible and exist in
the initiation of the
also point toward an environment that is to a great extent removed from the mundane. In other
ummdnu
occultation
ummdnu by invisible
words, the hieratic reliefs of Ashurnasirpal II present an extraordinary or ideal plane in which
antediluvian spirits
the royal figure should be understood as representing the perfect man, or the King-Man, in the company of figures who operate at the same cosmic plane as the mythical apka//us, pointing
'Ia
sum up this discussion, two principal points can be highlighted. 1he first is that the
image of the Assyrian king as it appears in visual formulas as addressed in the foregoing chart is primarily a self-referential apparatus penaining to the spiritual privileges of a scribal-sacerdotal elitc. 1his idea docs not mean, however, that there is no autonomy to roy~ll rhetoric from the point of view of the king himself or that the king is a mere puppet in tbe hands of a group of scholars. 1-his image and royal rhctoric in general are produced by the elite for the expression of both their own and the king's authority, with the priority, however, possessed by the former. 'The second point is that as far as the transmission of antediluvian lore to the humanity of the current cosmos is concerned, a multistep process seems to emerge from the relevant sources. Knowledge is first imparted by beings or spirits belonging to a divine realm, sllch as the apkallus, to personages or beings of an intermediate character, intermediate in that they in a sense become increasingly humanlike as time progresses, who then pass it on to a full-fledged humanity. T() quote Kvanvig: "fhe list in Bit Meseri seems in Elct to have a three stage 1l1odd. "[he fln;t seven sages have their origin in the sea, the abode of Ea. rIlley are accordingly semi-divine beings sent to mankind to reveal the wisdom of the gods. 'The next srage is the group of four, who are characterized as "tour apkallus' ofhulllan descellt whom the lord Ea endowed with broad undemanding." 'Iht' fourth sage seems [() be in a stage of transition bel ween the period afterwards: he is only "two third apkallu."!·l 'lhis final contact point, or juncture, in the gradation between the divine
to
converge. rIllis understanding of Gilgamesh
is also congruent with the position of this hero in the ,S'umerifln King List, emphatically within the postdiluvian period, bur at a point when the still superhuman reign periods of kings start
on the one hand to the immaterialicy of the domain in which they are represented and on the other to the reality of the antediluvian cosmos.
4 "TIAMAT'S BROOD"
T
HE APKALLUS GRADUALLY DISAPPEAR FROM TI-IE NEO-ASSYRIAN PALACE RELIEFS ESPE-
cially after Sargon II, and their place is ceded to reprcscmations of the beings that Marduk
defeats in his struggle for power against the forces of chaos as related in the Babylonian poem of cosmogony Eniimfl Eli5~ which celebrates Marduk's rise to supremacy in the universe. In [he poem, these beings, cleven in number, arc created by an archaic female diviniry, Tiamar, the arch-opponem of Marduk, in her struggle with the god for cosmic supremacy related in
Tablet IV. Tiamat herself is the spoLise of another archaic deity, ApSl\ who is overthrown by his son Enki/Ea because of lhc former's plans to destroy the gencradon of younger gods (l 37~7 r). After overthrowing his father, EnkilEa makes the lauer's physical substance his own abode in the cosmos (I 71), rhe very ApSl' that constitutes the realm of purity located underneath the earth as a result of Marduk's rearrangemellt of the cosmos after his defeat ofTiamat and her army (V t-VI 65). Ihe figures of the members ofTiarnar's army as (hey appear in (he Neo~Assyriall palace reliefs are invariably MirchweJert that incorporate parts of different animals or those of animals and the human body. I Tiamat's Misc/Jwest'tl comprise musma!J!HI, usumgrdlu, brlfmu (duee types of horned snake), multmssu (snake-dragon), !abrimu (possibly identical to !a!mJU, the hero figure with six curls ill his hair), uga!!u ("great storm-beast," the lion-demon), uridimmu ("raging lion," the upright lion-humanoid), girtaMilu (scorpion being), (imu dabnUu (fierce storms),
kulu!!ti (the fish-man, or the merman), and kusarikku (the upright bull-man) (Em/mil tiis'I 111-42,1120-9).' Members of (his army arc minimally represented on Ashurnasirpal II's reliefs. '1 here seems to be only one extant slab that shows a scorpion-mao, girtaMilu (Fig.
I I
R), \ with an animated
mlHrtmNu" phallus (Fig. I I 9). This slab, wday in rhe Louvre, is one of a pair d1:lt Ranked doorway b in the so-called Cenrral Building of Ashurnasirpal II at Nimrud. Only the feet of its counterpart are preserved Oil the opposite door jamb. S IvlultmNu details abound, however, especially on the armbands of Ashurnasirpal II's genii and harness ornaments. (, No emphasis can be seen on MiJchweJen in Tiglath-Pileser III's ex(am rdids from the Central Palace at Nimrud either. However, in Sargon II's relief program at Khorsabad, there is a resurgence of the birdheaded IIpka!lus, perhaps in reference w rhe past glory of Ashurnasirpal II's relief program, which Sargon knew well, having lived in that palace.? R. Fragmt.'nt of pand depicting a scorpion man, girtrtblilu, CClHral Building II at Nimrud. P:tris, Louvre, AO 19R. 5!). Phow; author.
!'IGURE II
17 2
or Ashurnasirpal
174
TlAMAT'S BROOD"
THE j'v!YTHOLOGY OF KINGSHIP IN NED-ASSYRIAN ART
175
FIGURE I 19. Detail of scorpion man, girtilb/f/lI, showing muf!JUHu phallus, Central Building of Ashurnasirpal II at Nimrud. Paris, Louvre, AO [98.50. Photo: author.
Further in Sargoll's relief program, in addition to the bird-headed apkallus, one can observe the limited entrance of T'iamat's brood into relief iconography. The mul{mf.{u is again present in the {-arm of animated detaits on bracelets (Fig.
120).
What is new is the la!Jnlll, probably
identical to IIl!Jdmll,)) depicted in monulllental proportions on Khorsabad's courtyard facades holding "pe[ lions" (Fig. 121).<) 'I he /a{m1U, along with the bull man kltJarikku,lO is one of the favorite figures of Akkadian cylinder seals, II and Sargon's usc of this mythical being in his art may be seen as a deliberate reference to that period, Other than the !{I!;rmu, another member of Tiamat's brood, the fish-man, kU!II1112, I l not to be confused with the fish-flpkallu, also appears in holding lion, Panel 19861. Photo: amhof.
FIGURE 121, Ltl!JtHU
2,
Fac;ade a, Palace of Sargon II ae Khorsabad, Paris, Louvre AO
Sargon's reliefs. In a scene that depicts the transport of timber by ships, the "merman" is shown rather casually swimming amid the ships (Fayade n, Panel
I).ll
Along with this merman, two
creatures not affiliated with Tiamat, a !amllssu (Fig. 122) and a winged bull (Fig. I 23), perhaps (he "Bull of Heaven," also Hoar in the field, As for Sennachcrib's and Ashurbanipal's relief programs, in [hem the emphasis definitively shifts from the llpktlllus to ocher cosmogonic beings, the most notable of which arc the !a[mlU and the ugllllu, I., both among Tiamat's creatures. Both of these beings are represented in Sennacherib's Southwest Palace at Nineveh, as we have already seen in Part I (Figs. 52 and 124-5), We have also seen in Part I a group of three from Ashurbanipal's Nonh Palace in Nineveh that appears on two symmetrically arranged slabs inside entrance {[ that connects Rooms P and B. 111e group depicts the !{[[mill, the Ugill/tt, and the so-called HOllse god, or Ninurta genius,1
j
side by side (Figs. 60 and 61), in parallel with a magical text dictating the burial of this very trio together as foundation deposits. 16
Ugttl!us are also prominently depicted in chiastic pairs on Ashurbanipa('s relief.~.17 One mul[}.O, Detail of the JII/I:;tmjj'u bracelet from a slab depicting a wingless genius holding lion, Panel 46, Fa<;ade 11, Palace of Sargon II at Khorsahad. Paris, Louvre AU 19862. Photo: audlOr.
FIGURE
tiregis(er slab from a doorway context found in this king's North Palace in Nineveh also shows a lion centaur, an urmil[J!ul/t2, underneath such a pair of chiastic ugallus (Fig. (26).IR An
THE MYTHOLOGY OF KINGSHIP IN NEO-ASSYR[AN ART
FIGURE 122, Detail from a scene of transport of wood showing a Fa~ade
11,
Illm{1SS1l amid the ships, Pane!
TIAMA'r'S BROOD"
177
2,
Palace of Sargon II at Khorsabad, Photo: author.
llrmr.lMulM further appears in Room F,I9 the so-called Susiana Room, on one of the two side walls of the recess in the northwest wall of this room.2O The same subject, although reversed, would have appeared on the opposite side wall of the samc recess, Like the Illmassu, the
llrma{Jlullti is not among Tiamat's creatures either. However, the upright lion-humanoid, the uridimmu, I I which is also known to have been depicted on (WO of Ashur bani pal's slabs based on drawings by Layard, is in bct' one ofTiamat's creatures, One of the drawings shows this being
Doorway guardian figure, I.dfll!lIl holding spear, lower pan of' Pane! 2! > Coun VI, Southwest Palace of Sennacherib al Nineveh, ! AHlcioll, British Museum ANI,: [24797., Photo: author.
FI(;URE 124.
alone/'· whereas anorhe::r de::picts him side by side with <1n upright lfIuS{mifu, now appearing in full-scale humanoid (-i:)J'Jn
not to
be:: confused with the Seven Sages, the
flpkrdlus. 1 '1 As a whole, one can sec the eclectic quality of thc mythical vocabulary of these later Assyrian palaces in comras[ to Ashurnasirpal Ii's homogeneous emphasis all the apkallus. Panicularly characteristic of bmh Sennacherib's and Ashurbanipal's relief programs is the FIGURE 123. Detail from a scene of' transport of wood showing a winged bull amid the ships, Pane! 2, Fa~ade n, Palace of' Sargon II at
Khorsahad, Photo: author,
uga!!u, the lion-headed being with cars of a donkey, and claws of a bird of prey (Figs. 60-6 I and 125_6),1 5 For sure, (he ffgrtllus are:: rhe most fearsome in appearance of all Nco-Assyrian palace Misc/Jw('sen. 'lhe::sc beings arc also invariably de::picrcd with raised daggers, Perhaps they
THE MYTHOLOGY OF KINGSHIP IN NEO-ASSYRIAN ART
FIGURE 126. Chiasdc lIgrll/u pairs holding raised daggers and maces (upper register); lion-centaur (umlllf;llll!ti) (lower register), Panel 2, entrance b, Room "I: North Palace of Ashurbanipal at Nineveh. London, British Must'um, ANI-: 118912. Photo: is:) -Ihe Trustees of the British Museum.
FIGURE 125. Panel depicting an ugtlllu widl a raised daggcr from Gallery XLIX, Southwest I)alacc Scnnachcrih at Nincveh. Londoll, British Museum ANE 124826. Photo: author.
or
demonstrate best the SargoniJ kings' predilection of representing characters from Tiamat's creatures in the Nco-Assyrian palaces. In this respect, Sargon's relief program conscirutes a transitional or incermediatc ,~tagc between Ashurnasirpal's rlpktlllu-oricnted mythical iconography and the Sargonids' penchant f(Jr certain members ofTiamar's brood. At the same time, as TaBay Oman has observed, we also see in the reliefs of the Sargonids the elimination of the royal figure from panels that depicr these new mythical creatures, or in () rnan 's perspective, ' It 1e "expu IslOn ' " 0 {'- [le I "d emolls " f'rom scenes t IJat (eplcr I 'I t 1e royaI fi gure.·,6 Whereas in the art of Ashurnasirpal (I the royal figure freely mingles with the rlpkftllu figures, nowhere in the palaces of the Sargonids can one see rhe king in the company of the cosmogonic MischweJerJ. Further, whereas in the Northwest Palace of Ashurnasirpal II the ilpktdlu figures are virtually aJl around the walls of certain rooms, in the latter palaces, the !vlischwesen llsually appear inside or arollnd doorways.
Slah showing thn:c gods, perhaps pan ofa group of seven known as the Sibiuu, Court 0, Nonh Pabce of Ashurhallipal al Nineveh. l.ondon, British Museum, ANE 124918. Photo: author.
i'IGURE 127.
ISO
THE MYTHOLOGY OF KINGSHIP IN NED-ASSYRIAN ART
Ie is no doubt the case that this shift in visual emphasis from apkallu figures to Tiamar's Miscbwesen is on accounc of the intense Babylonian politics of bach Sennacherib and Ashurbanipal and, more importane, the arrival and assimilation of rhe Babylonian poem of cosmogony Enuma Elis"to Neo-Assyrian culcure, especially through the replacement of Marduk with Assur, the national state god of Assyria, as the hero of the poem during the reign ofSennacherib. 27 fu a result of mounting rebellions against the Assyrian imperial authority in Babylonia, Sennacherib had sieged and destroyed Babylon around 689 BCE, Following his reign, however, both Esarhaddon and Ashurbanipal sought (Q reconstruct the ruined ciey and its monuments as well as co reconcile Assyrian political power with Babylonian cultural authority. zH The Assyrian involvement in Babylonia had a significant cultural, in addition co military and political, dimension. "Assyria was co be the new center of Mesopotamian culture, built literally upon the ruins of the old center in Babylonia,"z9 with the problem, however, of "neutralizing and appropriating what the Assyrian ruling elites evidently felt was a Babylonian cultural superioriey."10 As asserted at the beginning, just as Ashurbanipal's library collections in Nineveh intended to bring together "the bulk of Babylonian literature with the bulk of Assyrian in one setting,"}! dle visual repertoire of Nco-Assyrian iconography hence encompassed elements of both the Assyrian North and the Babylonian South. The ugallu, for instance, is a figural type of Babylonian origin as it frequencly occurs on Babylonian kudurru reliefsY Moreover, early forms of this lion-demon with open mouth and sharp upright ears appears in small scale as early as rhe Old Babylonian period (r894-1 595 BeE) on cylinder seals. H Lion protomes of the same morphology also characterize the standard-staff of the Babylonian netherworld god Nergal (Fig. 128). As for the tlmf{JUffu, curiously enough, not even during the reigns of the Sargonid kings call one enCOUJl(er many depictions of this mythical beast on extant palace reliefs. In addition to the one occurrence of the upright musb-uffu in the North Palace of Ashurbanipal at Nineveh mentioned earlier, this being continues its existence as protomes on instruments worn by Ashurbanipal's other mythical beings such as the !{l{mlU (Figs. 60-6 d. '[he only other extant context in which this mythical dragon is depicted in its own riglH is on the rock-cut reliefs of Malrai and Bavian. 14 Here, however, the beast is shown in the form ora quadruped with horns. The horned dragon is in tac[ more properly identified as the brt{mu rather than the
BahyloJljan stone klldurru showing the lion-stafF of NNgal. London, British Museum, ANE 102485. Photo:
FIGURE 128.
mu{{mis'u.'5 Nevertheless, there is a strong connection between these two types of dragons. After Marduk's adoption of the muf{mffu as his animal, for example, (he bttSrnu became the symbolic animal of gods formerly associated with the muI{JUis'u. 16 As an attribute of divinities, the two dragons may be thought ({) be interchangeable in a variety of iconographic contexts. On the rock-cut reliefs in Maltai, the muf{mHulbtdmu occurs twice, as the cognate animal of the deity leading the procession, Ashur, and as that of the fourth deity from the !cft, identified by Thureau-Dangin as Sin, but as Nabtt by Green (Fig. 129).17 Despite its initial netherworldly connections, possibly after Hammurapi's cOllquest of ESnunna, the mushuffu became the animal symbol of Marduk par excellence, and was appropriated by the Assyrians as the symbol of their supreme god Ashur, Marduk's Assyrian counterpart. JI! Norwithstanding the gradual infiltration into Neo-Assyriall iconography of all these figural types of Babylonian origin, one can by no means obmin a glimpse of Tiamat's brood in its entirety depicted in an organized and systematic fashion 011 the palace relief", Similarly, [he iconography of the reliefs also does not provide one with the entire repertoire of Mesopotamian mystical-mythological iconography. For instance, one of the most distinctive A-'fischwt'Jen of Mesopotamian iconography, the goat-fish, JU!lUrrniHII, one of the symbols of EnkilEa, is
FIGURE 129. Drawing of the Nco-Assyrian rock-cut relief' in Maltai. reign of Sennacherib. Photo: F. TIlUreau-Dangin, "Les sculptures fupestres de Malta'i," Rt'IJI/(' d'AJ.~yriologie et d'Arrht/ologie orientale 21 (1924): ,Xl·
THE MYTHOLOGY OF KINGSHIP IN NEG-ASSYRIAN ART
completely missing from the extant Neo-Assyrian palace reliefs, whereas it is often visible on Neo- Babylonian cylinder seals. 19
It is rather through the complement provided by the iconography of cylinder seals, kudurrus, and rock-cut rdiefs that one is able to grasp as a whole the cumulative mythical vocabulary of Mesopotamian civilization that Nco-Assyrian iconography had the privilege CO draw upon. This vocabulary is almost a visual counterpan of the compilation of northern and southern lore, a scribal as much as a visual repository that has direct references to important literary texts sllch as The Epic of Gilgamesh and Enllma Eli;' Ie is often the literary contexts or origins of such iconographic clements and figural types that enable one co locate the art in its philosophical framework. 'The antediluvian tradition and its infiltration to art have been dealt with in some detail; it is now time for the cosmogonic face of the medallion to receive some attention. It is imponant to noee that after all, the apkallus and Tiamat's Nlischwesen belong to two separate lines of mythical and literary tradition. Nevertheless, there is also a semantic affinity and convergence between these two traditions in that both groups of beings belong to vanished primordial phases of the history of the cosmos. 'The intersection between the two traditions can further be seen in the presence of a fish-derived Mischwesen, the kululltJ, the merman, a symbol of Enki/Ea, among the creatures that constitute Tiamat's army. 1he la[Jmu, too, is associated with the god Enki/Ea, in addition to being a member of the army of Tiamat. 40 Take also the case of the Apstl, depicted in the making in Entlma Eli!, whereas it is already the established abode of EnkilEa in the antediluvian traditionY In the visual domain as well, it was perhaps the case dut the potential of the antediluvian tradition was so fully exploited and exhausted by Ashurnasirpal II and Sargon II that the Sargonids, with the Assyrian Empire now grown into a major cosmopolitan superpower in the ancient Ncar East, opted for a novel visual mold for the expression in the palaces of the Assyrian emphasis on this mythical proto-history with which the scholarly presence in the Neo-Assyrian palace was clearly preoccupied. In total, at least six members of Tiamat's eleven creatures appear on Neo-Assyrian palace reliefs: rhe kulluld (merman), the l(/pmu (the hero figure with six curls), the muJ[JUffu (snakedragon), the girttlbiilu (scorpion-being), the ugallu (lion-demon), and the uridimmu (upright lion-humanoid). Some members of Tiamal's army such as the kusarikku (upright bull-man) and the girtab/ilu also occur on cylinder seals as atlas figures supporting the winged disk. What further lies all these figures wgether is also their relegated disposition in the cosmos, because most of them are stationed in peripheral or liminal zones such as the Apsll, or rhe netherworld. In the Nco-Assyrian palaces, most of dlese figures, especially those that are of monumental proportions, are located at doorways:F In myths as well, these beings are often placed at cosmic gateways. Por instance in Em/mrl flH(V 73-76), after Marduk defeats Tiamat's creatures, he sets up their images on the gates of the ApsLI as a monument to his victory, an indication that the Apsll as a locus of occultation is not only associated with Enki/Ea and his rlp/utllus but also with some of the defeated Mischwesen of'T'iamat. 4l Another Iiminaliy located member ofTiamat's brood is the scorpion being, the gir/dbiilu, who guards rhe twin mountains Mfl.fhu where the sun rises every day, the entrance to the netherworld, in the SHY of the Epic o/Gilgllfnt:sh (IX 38~I 3 5). Here, not only do the scorpion beings function as guardians a[ the mouth of the netherworld, they also act almost as sages, disbursing advice (() Gilgamesh on his quest that leads him to Urnapishtim, as discussed later. Hence, the liminal zones that can be conceived of as [he ends of the earth or the erHrance to the netherworld, in addition to the netherworld proper, have the unusual status of being protected places of occultation or immortal retreat on the one hand and dark gloomy areas
fIAMAT'S BROGO"
where bound and captive gods are stationed on the other. More specifically, there seem (0 be different zones that are nevertheless associated with one another as well as with each of these two seemingly opposite characteristics of the netherworld. In ancient Mesopotamian lore, there are times when these zones are merged or confused, as already discussed. By and large, it is not easy (0 fathom [his almost "forgotten cosmography,"44 It would again be of value to point out a cultural parallel found in Greek mythology, especially in the works of Hesiod. A comparable polarity and proximity between a grim netherworld and a blessed zone of occultation can be found here as well. I have already mentioned how Hesiod's fourth generation of men in the "Myth of the Ages" was located at the ends of the earth, the so-called Isles of the Blessed, and compared this domain (0 the Mesopotamian Apsll.4s The Hesiodic ends of the earth are also where Atlas is under a cosmic burden, as perhaps are thc scorpion beings at the ancient Mesopotamian equivalcnt of such a liminallocation:!fi Similar necessity also binds another captive god of ancient Greek mythology, Prometheus. '!7 One could also think of thc Titans, who, like the ancient Mesopotamian gods of the netherworld, the Allullnaki,4 8 are placed and bound (-or good in d1e Tartarus, the Hesiodic netherworld. 49 One should distinguish, however, between mythical beings who are stationed at liminal zones with some task such as tbe Mesopotamian scorpion being and the Greek Atlas and those who are permanently imprisoned in the depths of the netherworld such as the Mesopotamian Anunnaki and the Greek Titans, even though this distinction should not detract from the broad conceptual affinity that exists among sllch beings relegated to the extremes of the cosmos. Last but not least, the Greek god Herades, the model initiate, also performs some of his labors in these liminal lands, such as the Gardens of the Hespcrides, and the netherworld itself He is also associated with both Atlas and Prometheus, brieRy substituting the fonner in his task of upholding the eanh and in his role as the savior of the latter from his imprisonment. Heracles' very entrance to the netherworld to fetch the monstcr-dog Cerberus as one of his labors may again be among rhe indications of his status as an initiate. Finally, having completed his great work, Utl1apishtim-like, he lives unaging and immonal. lo
THE ANCIENT MESOPOTAMIAN FLOOD TRADITIONS
5
18 5
thought to betray a state of sanctified victimization on the part of these slain creatures. It is
THE ANCIENT MESOPOTAMIAN FLOOD TRADITIONS
as if within a primarily esoteric rhewric these heroes were placed, through "annihilation," in a permanently blessed situation. 1he theme of being snatched or victimized prematurely before marriage may further be thought to betray connotations of ini tiation. Analogous connotations of initiation can also be thought w be attached to the text known as the Underworld Vision ofml
Assyrian Prince and the myths pertaining to the kidnapping of Dumuzi to the netherworld. 10 Gudea, ruler of Lagash (ca.
2100 BeE),
is known to have honored these heroes slain by
Ningirsu/Ninurta, raising their status to equality with that of the gods. He is further known to have arranged for an ofFering place, a ki-a-nag, for them in the E-ninnu, the Temple of Ningirsu in Girsll, which he rebuilt. [[ Just as Marduk decorates the gates of the ApSlt with images ofTiamat's monsters in Em/tria Elis: Gudea hence integrates Ningirsu/Ninurta's banle trophies in the architecture of the E~ninnll.
[l.
Clearly, although the Slain I-feroes are presented
as adversaries of Ningirsu/Ninurra on the surface, they are hinted at as venerable and blessed souls. 1here is no canonical list of Ninurta's Slain Heroes, but these beings include creatures
I
N ADDITION TO AND IN CLOSE CONCEPTUAL ASSOCIATION WITH THE BABYLONIAN
known as the Six-headed Wild Ram, the Sevell~headed Snake, the Dragon, the Palm-Tree King,
cosmogony in which Tiamat's army is defeated by Marduk is a Sumerian tradition of
the Gypsum, the Strong Copper, the Kuli~ana, the lilt/gillum-boat, Lord Saman-ana, the Bison-
heroic saga that features a "bizarre group of dead monsters," the "Slain Heroes," subdued by
bull, and the Imdugud/Anzll Bird.
Ningirsu/Ninurta, again during a cataclysmic phase of cosmic history characterized by a Hood. I
It is noteworthy that Ninurta's Slain Heroes are a hybrid group of beings including cer-
Ninurta is known in ancient Mesopotamian mythology for his exploits in the leur, the moun-
tain objectified, or object~likc entities such as the Magillum boat, in addition to animals and
tain, foreign lands, or the netherworld, and in the synonymous ki-baL the "rcbcllands."2 The
Mischwesen. In Lugal~e, the adversaries of Ninurta are again a monster, Asakku/Azag, and cer-
two poetic texts that foclls on Ninurta's activities in these fantastic lands are Lugal-e and Angim,
tain objectified emities. the stones. Wc can thell perhaps conclude that in Mesopotamia, the
which arc also atuibuted to Enki/Ea along with certain other corpora of ancient Mesopotamian
mythical rhetoric of the adver.sarial or rebellious entities that a warrior hero god defeats at the
religious literature. 3 1hese texts all go back in date co the Old Babylonian period, and by the
close of an expircd cosmic era arc visualizcd cithcr in the form of Ivfischwesen or as concrete, at times inanimate, objects.
Neo~Assyrian times, they were pan of the established literary tradition inherited by [he Library
of A<;hurbanipal. Lug{"~(' relates Ninurta's conquest of the scones and the monster Asakku,
111ere seem5
[0
be an elaboratc and codified vocabulary, both verbal and viwal, regarding
whereas Angim describes his triumphal return to his city Nippur with his war trophies attached
these sanctified adversariai bdngs in ancient Mesopotamian culturc. Such primordial beings,
to his chariot. In these texts as well, the opponents, as is the case in Enttma I:'fif, arc understood
be they sages, Ivlischwesen, or slain herocs, Illay in a way be considered IiteraHy as the founda-
as
tions of the new cosmic order established upon their relegation and defeat. Their location in
Marduk's reorganizing the cosmos in the Babylonian cosmogony.
temple or palace f{lUndations can further he thought [() speak to lheir fundamental presence
There are clear parallels in this regard berwecll Enttma nil and the earlier works in Sumerian
in the cosmos. '[he f(llllldations of ccnain sacred stniCtures arc rct"erred to in texts as wuching
c!e
the APSll, or the netherworld. II 'IIms, it is as if the amiquity of a sanc(Uary wcre analogous to
which is attached a war trophy, a conquered or slain hero, are paralleled by the cleven creatures
the ~Hltiqllity of the cosmos ir5e1f-; it L~ as ifboth were establL~hed on the foundations of an older establishment with which a degree of contacr was to be maimained.
constituting Tiamat's army.5 Van Dijk observes that in cosmological terms, even though boch Enlima EIH and the exploits of Ninurta take place ill mythical times, Enlima EIH precedes the
1he usual scholarly opinion regarding rhe prophylactic nature of Misc!Jwesen such as the
Nillurta myths because the femner narrates lhe evell[S of the "first creation," whereas the epics
creatures ofTiamat is that after they are defeated, these entides become "devalued from being
of Ninurta take place during the mythical" notwell!' cretaion," the "second" crenion right before
frightening and monstrous to being minor demons and ultimately benign spirits, whose pres~
and after a cataclysmic Aood. 6 In this regard, a further affinity may be thought to exist between
enee could be harnessed to advantage, and lIsed to ward off demons less f-avorable to men."[4
the Ninurta saga and the antediluvian tradition. Both naditions are characrerized by the Flood,
At times, they become trophies of the def-eater's victory and [alce on a beneficial character. '[he
and they bmh consti tute a simulcancously Gtl'Jsrrophic and reconstructive benchmark within a
Anzll bird is also often regarded in a similar perspective, in posicive a&~ocia[ion Wilh Ninurta,
Cosmos that is already in existence. in this regard, it is perhaps more appropriate to talk about
after having beell conquered by the god. Like (he Gorgon often seen on representations of
ancient Mesopocamian flood traditions, rather than a singular Flood in ancient Mesopotamian
ancient Greek shields, the {-emller rebel thence becomes a vicrory trophy of the god Ninurta
mythology.
and takes on a positive protective na(Ure. [5
[n Lugtd~e, each one of the Slain Heroes are referred to as ur-sag, meaning both hero and warrior, and originally denoting an age-class referring
'Te) underswnd fully the theological connotations of Tiam~H's MischweJen as well as the
a man who had reached maturity but
Slain l"Ieroes of Nillllrta, however, one again should adopt a more complex hermeneutics in
had not yet marriedJ lnteresdngly enough, these Slain Heroes are also designated as "captured
approaching texts and myths. In both Em/nUl Eliland Ninuna's exploits, we f-ind rebellion on
wild bulls" and "captured cows,"8 in addition
rhe parr of archaic divine beings, or certain mysterious entities and objects, as a reaction to an
to
(0
"captured kings. ''') These deSignations may be
r86
THE MYTHOLOGY OF KINGSHIP IN NED-ASSYRIAN ART
THE ANCIENT MESOPOTAMIAN FLOOD TRADITIONS
aggressive and coercive new order imposed on the cosmos by a heroic or royal god. On the
En!il's prerogative ro NAMTAR, He is defeated by Enlil and incarcerated in the netherworld
most basic level of interpretation, the rebels are presented and considered as agents of chaos threatening the safety of the cosmos. As for the conqueror, he is either presented as a valianc hero, such as Ninurra, or as a supreme royal divinity, the case of Marduk and his Assyrian counterpart Ashur. In Eniima Elif, it is Tiamat and her creatures, in Niourta's exploits it is the Slain Heroes including Anzu, as well as Asakku and the stones, and in Hesiod's 7heogany, it is the Titans, siblings of Kronos, who first rebel and are then suppressed.!6
for good,"~6 Van Binsbergen and Wiggermann further point ou[ that the structure of the universe before
One particular matter hardly noted in the study of these myths is the idea chat the time
way in which the 'un-captured' elements appear in the symbolic system reveals their continuing existence as a feared anti-social force and a threat to the hegemonic order."~7 Both the apkallus and the Mischwesen, be they members of Tiamat's creation or Ninurta's
in which these beings were active is closely associated with a superior phase of the cosmos, as I have discussed in relation to the anciem Mesopotamian amediluvian tradition, Just as the grim and idyllic aspects of a subterranean domain have a mysterious degree of spatial proximity to one another, this superior phase of the cosmos and a rebellion or bank among certain factions of divine beings have a temporal proximity, Analogous ideas can again be found in Hesiod's 7heog01~y (485-506), in which Zeus overthrows Kronos and usurps the latter's kingship, According to Hesiod, the golden race existed in the time when Kronos was king,I7
the coercive divine rule of deities such as Marduk and Enlil and the realm outside "divine rule," the "demonic," share a tendency to rise against rhe prerogatives of the gods of "order. " Although in each case the rebellion is suppressed, its very occurrence shows that such an "order" is not beyond question and that order in this sense is not completely secured: "In other words, the
Slain Heroes, should hence be thought of within this complex cosmological system, They may in fact be considered the foundations of anything sacerdotal in the present world order, They certainly are equJled and mingled with chaos and offense owing to the tumult caused by the change of cosmic phases that they mark, but they themselves are not evil demons, In no known
Despite their rebellious character, the Titans of Greek mythology may also be thought of as the divinities of a former order implicitly associated, through Kronos, with the golden race. J 8 In
exorcism text or ritual are they the ones to be dispelled, Their semantics entail much more than apotropaic notions, These beings may after aU be understood as the transmitters of a special kind of knowledge from their "netherworld" ro the humanity of the visible realm, In a way, it is
their lineage, for instance, is Prometheus, the helper and friend of man, not unlike the apkallus who teach aspects of civilization to the humanity of a later cosmos,[9 Prometheus's cheating
their presence in the structure of the cosmos and religion that constitutes esoteric knowledge, Thus, their notation in script and art is part of the craft of the initiated artist-scribe-scholar,
Zeus and stealing the fire described in the 7heogony (565-7) can in essence be understood as an attempt to bring back some sort of accessibility to the vanished former order of which he was parr. 'The state of relegation and marginalization to which the Mischwesen of Tiamat arc
As themselves transmitters and guardians of this special knowledge of a restricted character, the scholars must have seen an affinity between themselves ;:md this host of agents that represent
subject also characteri:t.e Titans sllch as Arias and Prometheus, the former placed at the ends of the earth with his burdcn, and the latter banished and bound. All these mythological instances may be understood as cryptic expressions of the binding and suppression of ancediluvian gnosis by an aggressive demiurgic and moralistic god. By the same token, in ancienc Mesopotamian myth, the stealing of the tablet of destinies, a potent magical object whose possessor rules the cosmos, by AnZLI from EnliJ or EnkilEa, again on the Ninurta side ofrhe mcdallion rather than the Hniima Elif, mayalso be seen as an example of the fonner order trying to win back its privilegcs from the new systcm, W The so~called tablet of destinies does cxist in Fmlfntl Fjif as well, however, and here it is Tiamat who is initially in the possession of this potent objecr. She then hands it on to [he leader of her army, Kingu, U bef(HC Marduk takcs possession of iLl! Marduk in a way usurps the tablet of destinies from its former, and perhaps legitimate, owner, seals it with his own seal to legalize his possession of it, and bSfens it on his breasr. 11 \'\Iim van Binsbergen and Frans Wiggerrnann draw attemion to an analogous thought through juxraposing two Sumerian concepts, nallltar (Akkadian fimtu) and me (Akkadian P(lf~·lf). Whereas nanHar connOles governmental decisions made by the SUlTlerian head deity Enlil, me refers to an impersonal and timeless order, the stare of equilibrium to which the uni~ verse and its constituent parts are subjected, perhaps the equivalent of the Egyptian notion ma ilt:~4 "The ME arc at home in the old religiolls center Eridu, and guarded by its god EnkilEa,"I\ Van Binsbergen and Wiggermann also distinguish between a later governmen(al order that rhey refer to as "theistic," and gnosis, the fonner original order, which they refer
their own crucial role in the Assyrian court, and subsidiary rank in relation to the king, It is perhaps from this standpoint that Gudea, along with promoting the cult of Ningirsu in Girsu/Lagash by rebuilding his temple, also arranged for the Slain Heroes to receive offerings in the new temple, displaying his acknowledgment of the latter's venerability. Another related uadition that demonsuates the complex semantics of certain ancient Mesopotamian Mischwesen can be found in an account of Berossos. Berossos's work is known only from law I' writers quoting him, l1rst Alexander Polyhistor, then by the historian Eusebius of Caeseria,111 Nevertheless, there is scholarly consensus on the idea that as a priest, he would have had firsthand exposure to the sacerdotal lore of andenr Mesopotamia and probably have had access to original sources that are now lost to lIS, l') Berossos's work is referred to as Babylonitlctl, and in it can be f()Und not only rhe antediluvian tradition but also a version of the creation story. As 1:1r as the antediluvian period is concerned, Berossos writes about "men" who were born with twO wings and some with four wings and two faces. ~fhe.se had one body
to as "holistic": "Before being permanently subjected, the primordial universe rebels; its repre-
This account of Berossos resonates, albeit in a disparate fashion, with both iconographic and literary aspects nor only of Emlmll h'liI and Tiamat's creatures but also those of rhe apkalill
sentative, a member of the older generation of gods, Enmdarra, 'Lord All ME' tries to usurp
tradition, Rather than preseming these beings as antagonistic f()rces of chaos, Berossos presents
188
THE MYTHOLOGY OF KINGSHIP IN NED-ASSYRIAN ART
THE ANCIENT MESOPOTAMIAN FLOOD TRADITIONS
them almost as the humanity of a former period. "Berossos follows his list of creatures with the comment that (he hybrid creatures were ruled by a woman named Omorka, whose Chaldean name was Thaiarh, which translated into Greek means 7halassa, Sea."_ll The Omorka of Berossos is no doubt Tiamar, and among Omorka's creatures is the fish-man Oaones, who stands in strong connection both with Tiamar's creatures and the antediluvian apkallus. F As already indicated, U-an or Oannes is thought to be the Mesopotamian sage Adapa . .l3 In Berossos's account, he emerges from the sea and tcaches postdiluvian humanity the arts of civilization including the knowledge of letters and sciences, and how to fouod cities, establish temples, introduce laws, and measure land. 34 On another level, one could again understand this instruction as the teaching of antediluvian mysteries and gnosis to humanity. According to Berossos, Oannes' "entire body was that of a fish, but a human head had grown beneath the head of the fish and human feet likewise had grown from the fish's tail." ,j j The morphology of Oannes parallels the fish-cloaked apkallus represented in Babylonian and Assyrian art. It also parallels the form of the merman, the kulullu, a member of Tiamat's army, as well as the goat-fish, su/;urmdfu, the associate of EnkilEa. Finally, some of the lamassus "decorating the eastern side of the southern fayade of main courtyard ED" at the Northwest Palace of Ashurnasirpal II are also rendered with fish-scales . .l 6 This treatment places these creatures, which are not ordinarily part of any of the Mesopotamian mythical narratives that we have been discussing, within the same antediluvian milieu as well. Hence, on the basis of the late but important knowledge that Berossos provides, one can postulate that the time and creation ofTiamat have a strong affinity to the Mesopotamian antediluvian times or the Hesiodic formulation of a golden age. Nevertheless, the poem of Eniirfitt Eli! Illay be thought to be cryptic about these matters. lhis is not surprising, because as a text primarily in the service of the state religion of Babylonia, the premier object of rhis poem is no doubt to promote the supreme lcingship of Marduk, Babylonia's principal deity. .l7 To complement the complexity of the semantics of sages and MiJchwCJetl, it is important to note here that there also appears to be some kind of hubris attached to this older period of the cosmos and its humanity reflected in all the cultures and traditions examined here. It is on account of this hubris that the vanquisher of the former order, be he Zeus, Marduk, or Ninurra, is somehow justified in building a new cosmic structure, whereas the former order is presented as an embodiment of chaos. The Titans, for example, in Hesiod's Theogony, are guilty of castrating Ouranos, referred to in the lhcogonyas a "great deed in wickedness" (rttdJtha/ie mega ... ergon) fOl' which vengeance is said to come afterwards.'!!:! Likewise, there are traces in Mesopotamian literary texts regarding how certain apklli/us angered the gods.)') In return, Wil
which was based on an older version of the epic," indicates that the reason for Enkidu's death is the two heroes' having slain the Bull of Heaven and Humbaba: "The gods Anu, EnUI, and Ea and celestial Sham ash [held assembly] and Anu spoke to Enlil: 'These, because they slew the Bull of Heaven, and slew Humbaba that [guarded] the mountains dense-[wooded] with cedar,' so said Anu, 'between these two [let one of them die!}' And Enlil said: 'Let Enkidu die, but let not Gilgamesh die!'''4 0 In sum, one finds in liminal characters such as Gilgamesh and Ninuna, on the one hand, a predilection toward gnosis, but on the other hand, an aggressive royal aspect that ties them with the new cosmic order. In Greek myths, we find Heracles in an analogous situation; he is on rhe one hand the model initiate of the Eleusinian mysteries but on the other the slayer or capturer of certain mythical beings of mysterious character, perhaps former gods here as well, such as the Nemean lion, the Hydra, the Cretan Bull, and the Stymphalian birds.4! One should perhaps consider a genuine degeneration in the structure of the said archaic cosmos that causes it to collapse and become the object ofanack of the agents ofa new creation. In a way, the "evil" that causes the collapse, or occurs as a result of the vacuum created by the collapse, can be thought to be held in check by the marginalized members of this very former cosmic order, such as the apkallus and Tiamat's Ivlischwesetl. A~ is rhe case in Greek mythology as well, these are gods who bind and repel evil bue who
are themselves also bound, because they are constantly responsible for holding together the cosmos. Like Atlas and Prometheus, these are laboring gods who are closest to evil but are not necessarily engulfed by it. As far as the ancient Mesopotamian visual record is concerned, their somewhat "demonic" look is perhaps on account of their proximity to this evil, bur in essence it is as if they carried the load of the cosmos on their shoulders and helped prevent it from collapsing while making sure that gnosis became transmitted through appropriate channels to the new cosmos. Such meta-cosmic loci as the netherworld and the ends of the earth can thus be thought of as areas where traces of the former cosmos are concentrated, perhaps along with the residue of the sheer evil released by the demise of this system. 42 The candidate has to travel to the,~e zones, as do Gilgamesh in Mesopotamian and Heracles in Greek mythology, and face
both sides of the medallion.
LORD OF THE NETHERWORLD
6
that a study that examines the Mesopotamian antediluvian tradition as thoroughly as Kvanvig's
LORD OF THE NETHERWORLD
also (reats these two visions of the netherworld within the same broad context, because the relation between these two domains of inquiry directly contributes to an underscanding of ancient Mesopotamian metaphysics. My goal here is not to provide a literary analysis of these two passages bur rather to highlight further their importance in the formulation of an ancient Mesopotamian sense of a world beyond - not merely in the sense of an afterlife but
among sad Shades, in impious 1anarus;
rian and Akkadian? "[he netherworld in ancient Mesopotamian texts is further governed by an
my home is in Elysium, among the graciolls gatherings of the pious ones. Virgil, Aeneid V: 963-81
"y
If the Assyrian understanding of a netherworld was merely onc ofa grim and dark residence
Yct first draw near the lower halls of Dis and through the lands of deep Avcrnus seek, my son, a meeting with me. I am not
himself, as the judge in the afterlife, present in the netherworld according to sources in SUHlCcntire divine personnel consisting of a queen, Ercshkigal; her husband, Nergal; an administrator, Pabilsag; a gatekeeper, Neti; and a scribc, Belet-~eri.9 In her work, the Imdge o/the Netherworld in the ~)'umerirm Sources, Dina Katz timc and again
ou SLEEP THAT VOU MAY WAKE; YOU DIE THAT YOU MAY LIVE" SAY THE PYRAMID TEXTS
asserts that officials and offices existing in the Sumerian netherworld constirute a reflection of
formulating the Egyptian hope of regeneration in "archaic breyity."l As Peter Kingsley
those of the stale administration of the contemporary Sumerian and Babylonian city-state. 10
puts it as weI! in discussing ricual death and descent and immortalization and ascent in early
·[hroughout her work, Kat'/, has thc tendcncy to rationalize many of the mythical aspecL~ of the
Greek philosophy, "one dies to be reborn; one descends into the depths in order [() ascend,"}
Mesopotamian netherworld through reference to the actual sociopolitical matters of ancient
In the Golden Ass or Metam011)hoses of Apuleius, for example, "the initiation of Lucius into the
Mesopotamia. lkspite the important parallels belween ancient Mesopotamian daily institu-
mysteries of [sis at Kenchreai involves a fi-ee-will death, a dying of the old life, and a rebirth
tions and the structure of the netherworld, the semantics of the netherworld can be thought
culminating in his emergence in the likeness of the sun god."4 In this state of free-will death,
not to end there. ·'he nctherworld should be considered as more than a straightf()rward reflec-
the candidate is confromcd by invisible powers of the netherworld in the shape of good and
tion of the society and social institudol1S of ancient Mcsopotamia, and due
evil genii. He identifies himself with them, which is the best method of getting to know them
be placed on it as a mediulll through which knowledge of a restricted charactcr is conveyed
and gaining power over them. s rrhe Egyptian New Kingdom royal funerary text known as the
to the one who experiences it, as [ have already argued. No doubt, in (he relcvalll texts, all
Arnduttt, for instance, contains formulaic sentences [hat emphasize a familiarity with thc beings
rhese notions arc
in the netherworld f(H a safe nocturnal jourHey.(i
deliberately Im:ant to prevcnt their direct expression and disscmination.
In ancient Mesopotamia, the netherworld is usually described as a gloomy land of the
expre,~scd
in a stylizcd, f()rmuiaic, and cryptic mold that might have been
·lhe Nco-Assyrian text known as the Untierworltl Vision (~r(/n AH)'rirlll Princc " is a case
dead. It is referred to in texts as the land of no return, er.set lti tarU '[here are many dues
in point, f(n it may be thought to relate
in Mesopotamian literature, however, poilHing toward the idea that the netherworld is a more
lier. It de,\cribes the night vision of ol1e Kurnma, who may be Ashurhanipal, although this is
to
a metaphysical domain of the son outlined ear-
complex domain. In addition to being a grim hell, it is also the locus of a difhTent state of
lIot cerrain. I I In [he dream, {()r reasons that are not clear, the prince descends to the nether-
existence, possibly of a tnlnscendenral character.
world and acquires there a f-JrsLhalld sight of some of its denizens, and the text is as graphic in
rrhe best testimony to the complexity of the netherworld in
their descri priol1 as visual representations of Mischwcsen in the Nco-Assyrian palace reliefs.! 1
or the ruler of (he Ilether~
consists of written accounts of "dream visions" that describe encounters with residents and
Funher, after viewing these denizens, the prince has a dirt:ct sight
conditions of the netherworld. Two such accounts come from the Nco-Assyrian period, the
world, the god Ncrgal, as he srands in his presence. Nergal is aboU[ to "kill" the prince, q
dream vision of Enkidu related in the SBV of the Epic ofGilg(lmesh (VlI r65-2lO) and the
bur tbe god's illlt:rcessor asks the god to spare the prince's lift:. Nergal tbt:n admonisht:s the
Underworld Vision afan Assyrirtn Prince, both examined by Kvanvig in relation to "visions" in general, and more specifically as a background for Daniell. Kvanvig analyzes these two passages
prince to acknowledge him: «Do not f<:)rger or neglect me!
-lllCll
I will not pass a verdict of
annihilation on you. (But) on (he command of Shamash, may distress, acts of violence and
in her chapter "Akkadian Dream Visions," with focus on each text under the subtitles "11lC
rcbdlion togetht:r blow you down so that, by their oppressivt: damour, slet:p lllay not come to
Death-Dream of Enkidu» and "'The Vision of the Nether World" respectively. H It is meaningful
YOLl."!\
THE !v[YTHOLOGY OF KINGSHIP IN NEO-ASSYRIAN ART
Nergal continues his speech with the mention of an enigmatic "corpse" of a "proud shepherd," who is actually the prince's father and who lies in rhe netherworld. 16 Nergal further states that the body of this king is protecced and his progeny is kept healthy by "Yabru, Humban, and Naprusu."\7 One could here think of the Egyptian netherworld and how there exists in it a corpse with which the sun god Re unites every night, just as he unites with Osiris, again a king \vhose progeny is kept healthy by the divine world order. IR This maintenance of the corpse could again be considered not unlike the maintenance of the Assyrian "sacred tree," which divine officials, the apkllllus, constantly keep fertile and alive. Nergal further indicates in his speech of epiphany that this dead king "scanned the plans (giS.hur.meS) of the mainstay of the earth (gi~ u!umfnd fd mar-krlS qaq-qa-ri [Ji-i-.tu)." 19 Kvanvig draws an apt parallel between this statement and the way the apkallus are described in the bilingual incantation text bit meseri:
ll1CY are the seven brilliant apkallu's, purddu-fish of the sea, [sevlen apkallu's "grown" in the river, who insure the correct functioning of the plans of heaven and earth (ufltrllt AN-e l, KI-tim).lO
LORD OF THE NETHERWORLD
193
'nle prince wakes up, and the whole experience has created a complete tumult in him: I woke up, and like a man who has let blood, who roams alone in a reed thicket, whom a runner catches up with, so that his heart pounds, or like a just matured young boar, who has mounted on his mate, and whose inwards inflate so that he gives out wind from his mouth and backside, he became inflamed with lamentation and called out, "Woe, my heart!" He flew into the road like an arrow, scooped up into his mouth the dust from the street and square, continually letting out a terrified shriek, "Woe is me!" !-..Ie cried "Why have you decreed this for mc?, and in his pain he praised before the peoples of Assyria the mighty deeds of Nergal and Ereshkigal, who had come to the aid of the prince. 24
Owing to what he has learned from Nergal, and experienced in general, the prince is transformed. The simile of the just matured young boar mounting on his mate, perhaps evoking coming of age, is further indicative of this initiatic experience. The prince perhaps undergoes the most perilolls step in mystical descent, the danger of annihilation, but is ultimately saved and rendered more powerful than his former state. Further, it is as if the prince were also subject here to the state of vidal! Deum, Nergal's epiphany:zs "[ looked at him and my bones shivered!
I-ience, Kvallvig writes: -nle wi,~dom of the king has a nearly verbatim parallel in a bilingual text (Sumerian/ Akkadian) which is published under the name The Edological Myth of the 'Seven Sages'. The text describes the activity of the seven semi-divine apkallu's (sages) who lived in Sumer in primeval time. 21 •••
His grimly luminescent splendor overwhelmed me, I kissed the feet of his great divinity and knelt down."l6
It is noteworthy that Nergal's epiphany in the netherworld is accompanied by a luminescence oFa fearful sort (melrlmmulu ezzttti). In one of his inscriptions, rhe Assyrian king, Esarhaddon, declares that when he was coronated as king, he was bestowed the crown (agu) by Anu, the throne (kUSSll) by Enlil, the weapons (kflkkej by Ninurta, and last but not (east the "awesome splendor" (falummatu) by the very lord of the netherworld, Nergal. 17 Although the most tan-
We do not claim that the scribe of our text [Underworld Vision) has quoted from this aClUal tablet, bur the similarities .~hould show that the king in our text is "modelled" after the tradition abollt the sages.
another indication of the complexity of the nethelworld and irs ruler, and a possible indica-
This is even more convincing since at least certain A'isyrian kings were described as sages. t2
celestial domain. In fact, based on Old Babylonian and later sources, in addition to being a god
This merging of a theme pertaining to the sages and the amediluvian tradicion with a dark
of rhe netherworld, Nergal was at the same time very much a god fire. l .s
image of the netherworld in the Underworld Vision seems to be in line with the confusion that existed in (he Neo-Assyrian times between the Apsl) and the netherworld. The confusion,
gible regalia arc bestowed on the king by hero or royal gods, the "splendor" is the giFt ofNergal,
don ['hat divine radiance or light might be as much at home in the netherworld as it is in the
of light, radiance, and even
A comparable awe-inspiring radiance also characterizes the scorpion beings of the SHV of
'{he hiJic o/Gilgdmesh who stand guard at the entrance to the Netherworld:
however, could not have existed without any semandc affinity between the two domains, and what we see in the Ulldaworld Vision is perhaps the role of rhe Assyrian netherworld in the transmission of a version, or equivalent, of antediluvian knowledge to what would correspond [0
a postdiluvian world order. Given the possible connections that I have drawn among concepts such as gis.hur, me,
and antediluvian gnosis, olle Inay infer from the Underworld Vision that this royal personage depicted as a corpse in the netherworld is again the equivalent of a sacerdOl'al king who is
'1 here were scorpion-men guarding its gate, whose terror (pulu!Jtu) was dread and glance was death, whose radiance (melmnmu) was terrifying, enveloping ('he highlands ~ at both sunrise and sunset they guard the sun ~ Gilgamd saw them and covered his [Ke with fear and dread; he collected his wits and drew nearer their presence. 2 ')
now passive and one who exists in occultacion, guarded by divine agents. Nergal admonishes
As Cassin poims om, the fearful radiance of these solar creatures need not be understood in
the prince to be mindful of this truth: "'Who(ever of you) may have closed his ear to speech,
negative terms. \0 According to Cassin, the meaning of the Akkadian word pulu{Jtu is nO[ nec-
tasted the fCJrbiJden, trampled on the consecrated ~ the luminolls splendour of his terrifying
essarily fear or terror in the "hostile" sense of the word, since the word is rather an attribute of
majesty will throw you down instantly, until (you arc but) wind! May this word be set like a
divinity, referring to an awe-inspiring and superhuman manifestation of powerY The experi-
thorn in your heart! Go forth to the upper world until I think of you!' he said [to me.]"2J
ence is challenging in many respects, because Gilgamesh also reaCts by closing his eyes, but he
194
THE MYTHOLOGY OF KINGSHIP IN NED-ASSYRIAN ART
LORD OF THE NETHERWORLD
195
ultimately survives this ordeal and approaches rhe scorpion beings. Cassin also draws attention to the favorable as well as dangerous aspects of the pulubtu, which causes a mixmre of fear and
admiration in the one who experiences i C 32 She further understands Gilgamesh's taking initiative to approach the solar scorpion beings,3J notwithstanding the glare they cause in him, as a sign of the hero's qualities as an initiate, a testimony for the divine blood that flows in his veins. 34
There can thus be little doubt regarding the transcendental capacity of the ancient Mesopotamian netherworld such as these texts reveal. In the Underworld Vision, the prince can be taken to stand for the candidate, and when [he time has come, he is snatched by invisible agents to another realm, where he is instructed in the mysteries and eventually sent back to the upper world in a transformed, albeit traumatized, state . .lS As for the basic information that he acquires below, it is more or less the suppression of a king in possession of the "divine plan," gis.hur, which may again be understood as gnosis. In the Underworld Vision as well, it is again the Assyrian scholars who are projecting their own spiritual sagas to royal characters, serving, on the one hand, exoteric royal ideology with aU its historical and political concerns, and, on the other, their own purposes of preserving an internal dialogue regarding the mysteries. Ashurbanipal's court must have been a particularly sophisticated milieu in this respect, as the presence of the "library" also testifies. Not only were older venerable texts preserved there (the cumulative erudition of ancient Mesopotamian civilizacion), but new texts, such as the Coronation Hymn and the Underworld Vision, were also composed there. The description of certain residents of the netherworld encountered by the Assyrian prince in the Underworld Vision paralic! the representations of the ugallus on Sennacherib's and Ashurbanipal's reliefs (Figs. 52,60 and 6r, and 125): W[he Evil Spirit (utukku lemnu) had a lion's head, (his) hand and feet were those of Anzu. "36 "Nedu, the porter of the Underworld, had a lion's head, and human hands, his feet were those ora bird."17 In some ofchese descriptions, the Anzlt bird is clearly incorporated to the bodily formation of these denizens of the netherworld, 18 lhe description of the ulukku lemnu is particularly interesting in that the Anzll morphology is combined with that of a lion. Even though shown not to have been identified with the evil demon utukku, the lion-demon depicted on Sennacherib's and Ashurbanipal's reliefs perfectly fits this description with a lion's head, human hands and legs, and the claws of a bird of prey as feet, as also noted by the ediwrs of the State Archives of A'isyria 3, in which representations of the ugallus illustrate rhe text of the Underworld Vision.)9 A }jon-headed eagle figure that may be understood as the Anzl' is a common demellt of Early Dynastic Mesopotamian iconography, bur such a figure does not tend to occur in later periods. Perhaps, the bird or bird-man figures thar sometimes appear on Akkadian cylinder seals, if they actually depict Anzll, are among rhe final examples of the iconographic tradition that did depict An1.l1. 4 0 There are, however, relief panels from [he entrance of Ashurnasirpal's Temple of Ninuna at Nimrud on which appear a divine figure, possibly Ninuna, in combat with a monster identified as either Asakku or An1.ll (Fig. 130),41 If rhe Ninurta lemple Mischwesen is indeed Anzll, the figure again combines leonine and aquiline morphologies, quite in line with rhe morphology of the ugallu, [n rhis respect, as a maner of visual decorum in late Assyrian times, rather than direct representations of Anz.ll, cenain indirect visual allusions, especially in f()[ms that combine body parts of the lion and a bird of prey, may have been deemed more appropriate by the designers of the art for the representacions of this mythological birdY Moreover, in the Early Dynastic period, what may be considered to be representations of the Anzl' invariably combine a lion's
FIGUHE I )0: Relief panel depicting Ninurca chasing Anzu or Asakku from the Ninuna Temple of AshurnasirpaJ II at Nimrud. London, British Museum, Nimrud Gallery Nos. 28-29, Photo: author.
head with the body of a hiI'd of prey, and the morphology of the ugallu also conforms to this formula. In sum, there may be on Nco-Assyrian reiiefsculprure a deliberate bm implicit visual aUusion to the Anzl' through the depictions of the ugalill. l11e ugflllu as a member ofTiamat's creatures is certainly at home in the netherworld. Anzll, too, according (0 texts, is also affiliated with this realm. For instance, in Enkidu's dream-vision before his death in the SHV of the Epic ofGilgtlmesh, Enkidu is carried off to the netherworld by "one man" (Hlen e.t/u) incorporating both lion and Anzll morphology: Quite something, my friend, (was) the dream I saw during the course of this night! the heavens thundered, the earth responded with me standing (there) berween them. There was a man, his expression was grim, his face was like that oran Anz12-bird. His hands were a lion's paws, his claws an cagle's talons, he rook hold of my hair, he was too strong for me. I struck him so he sprang back like a skipping-rope, he struck me and capsized me like a raft.4-1 [He bound! my arms like (the wings of) a bird, to lead me caprive to the house of darkness, the seat of lrkalla: to the house which those who enter cannot leave, on the journey whose way cannot be retraced. +I 'The Anz.ll-Iike being here is ostensibly responsible for conveying Enkidu to the netherworld, and hence an agenr thereof. A similar "one man," again designated in Ald{adian as Hten e!iu,45 is mentioned in the Underworld Vision as well, right before the prince's encounter with Nergal:
LORD OF THE NETHERWORLD
THE MYTHOLOGY OF KINGSHIP IN NEO-ASSYRIAN ART
197
"There was a man (iften erlum), his body black as pitch, his face resembling that of Anzll; he
As further support for this complexity of Enkidu's dream vision, one can note a parallel
was dad in red armour. In his left hand he carried a bow, in his right hand he wielded a dagger,
between rhis episode and Gilgamesh's dream in Tablet I (246-3°0) of the SBV prefiguring the coming of Enkidu. In both instances, the dream image is "too strong" or "too much" for the subject of [he dream. Gilgamesh describes his dream as follows:
while he trampled on a snake with his left foot. "4 6 Kvanvig again aptly considers this element of "one man" as one that ties the two accounts of dream visions to one another: "The designation iften erlu which is used about the man has
o
mother, the dream that I saw in the course of this nightthe stars of the heavens appeared before me, like lumps of rock from (he sky they kept f.··tlling towards me. I picked one up but it was roo much for me, ! kept trying to roll it but I could not dislodge itY
no parallels in other underworld texts, except the Vision of the Nether World. The parallels to this phrase are found in other dreams, which shows that the phrase belongs to the style in certain dream reports."47 In her detailed analysis of the semantics of [his phrase, Kvanvig points out the "standard" imagery of written accounts of dream visions in Mesopotamian literature in relation to the dream visions of Enkidu and the Assyrian prince: On the literary level the language of the dream experiences has undergone a standardization. The main figure of the vision is emphasized as "unique" (iften) and most commonly designated as "a young man" (erlll). Since the favourable dreams are in clear majority, it seems most likely that this standardization has developed within this type of dreams. The textual indications ftom the Death-Dream ofEnkidu give suppon for this assumption. The designation e.tlu is then also transferred to unfavourable dreams as an extension of the Gattungpanern. If this observation is correct, the designation erlll originally corresponded to the beauty of the dream figure: It was a young man at the peak of his physical deveiopmellt. ~8
1he phrase "it was too much for me" (titl-an e-li-ifl) in Gilgamesh's dream is quite similar to the phrase "he was roo strong for me" (d-dan-ni-J/tl-rlll-lli hf-a-li) in Enkidu's dream vision in reference {"O the "one man." Given that the meteor f~lllen from the sky is interpreted by Gilgamesh's mother Ninslill as a favorable sign prefiguring the coming of Enkidu, Il. it would not be unreasonable to think that the strength of the figure who conveys Enkidu to the netherworld is of a related nature. In light of the similarity in tone between the two accounts, it would be rather simplistic to polarize Cilgamesh's dream and Enkidu's vision of rhe netherworld along the ElVorable-unEJ.Vorable axis. What again seems to be persistenr in both Enkidu's dream vision and the Underworld Vision
But there are some indications that may support a conneClion between erlu in the dreams and the dead. This is certainly the case in the Death-Dream and in the Vision of the Nether
World." In light of the complex semantics of these two dream visions of the netherworld, one again wonders whether the polarity favorable-unfavorable might do justice to the nature and consequences of the experience related, especially in the case of the Underworld Vision. To draw attention to the grim and unfavorable nature of both of these dream visions, those of the
o/an Assyrian Prince, especially in light of Kvanvig's emphasis on the image of the young mall that is attached
to
both "favorable" and "unClVorable" dreams, is the complex rhetoric that
perhaps blends aspects ofa grim netherworld with those or an intdkclual speculatioJl regarding a cOJlception of the beyond. In the aron..'lllentiolled two texts, this conceptioll of the beyond can he thought of as deliberately using the image of a primarily dark and gloomy netherworld and afterlife to neutralize, ifnot to veil, a deeper and codified speculation on the beyond among dle Assyrian scholars. In viewing the so-called apotropaic figures represented in the Nco-Assyrian palace reliefs,
Assyrian prince and Enkidu, Kvanvig further highlights the involvement of the Anzu bird in their imagery:
one is {iKe to EKe with all array of morphologies lIsed to depict antediluvian and netherwordly heing.~. 'Ihese heings arc seemingly dead, but in the mythopodc imagination, they arc alive alld aC(ive in the COSillOS in an invisible mallner. Despite their proximity LO evil and hubris,
The dark face in the Death-Dream symbolized ill fortune, as docs also the black colour generally in Akkadian texts. Pille first part of the description of the man which concerns his body, seems then to be formed on the basis of the Anzu-bird symbolism and the intention to present the man as "a bringer of misfortune". In the COIl[ext this means that the vision of the man is frightening and powerful. 'lhe lise of rhe Anzu-bird symbolism will in general underline that the man is frightening and powerful. "Ihis symbolism is not necessarily dependent upon the underworld framework which gives the context here. In several reports from Assyrian kings we find AIlZu-bird comparisons when they describe banlesY'
these beings Illay also be thought of as initiators - in other words as guides and agelHs of a metaphysical domain in the inslTuction of the candidate.
Even though Kvanvig's caution against a one-to-one connection between the netherworld and rhe Anzll bird is well made, where I would separate myself from her thoughts is in seeing all these dream visions as signs or omens of misfortune. Just as neither mel(lmmu nor pulut}tu is to be understood in the negative sense, and just as both are in fact attributes of divine manifestation inspiring awe and fear, the Anzll image here, too, could be perceived in the same capacity. Rather than a sign of irs being an unfavorable portent or a "bringer of misfortune," the intimidation caused by [he Anzu image may well be on account of its power and unfamiliarity to the ordinary human experience.
SOllIe of these figures art: shown in an with daggers in their hands, such as the IIgalfu (Figs. 52, 60-61, and 125), and some with both daggers and axes, sllch as the trio thought to be a fragment
from a represem
THE MYTHOLOGY OF KINGSHIP IN NEO-ASSYRIAN ART
LORD OF THE NETHERWORLD
199
Nergal, are also depicted in Mesopotamian glyptic with raised axes. ')6 They were thought to
Insofar as the grim ideas attached to the Mesopotamian netherworld are concerned, one
stand guard at the entrance of the netherworld ready "co tear out the heart and compress the
could also consider the possibility of a rhetoric that deliberately draws a negative image of this realm without necessarily fully meaning it. In its grim aspens, the netherworld is gloomy
kidneys." 17 Rather than a priori destrllctive, the underlying idea behind the mission of these twins may
and still, its food is dirt, its drink is filthy water, its inhabitants are covered with dust, and
also be their function as initiators, guarding the path against the inept. 1he scorpion beings
the normal human emotions - especially love, tenderness, and pity - are not expressed. 6 ) Part
guarding the entrance to the netherworld are also of an analogous nature. 1heir initial cyni-
of the purpose of this rhetoric may be further concealment, so that the unqualified would be
cal attitude wward Gilgamesh may be taken as a sign of their examining disposition directed
prevented from understanding the true meaning of certain literary texts and the netherworld
toward the candidate who seeks admission to the mysteries. 58 Even though the SBV of the poem
itself. As already discussed, this rhetoric may be an artificial and highly laconic mnemonic
describing this episode is fragmentary, Gilgamesh ultimately seems allowed to pass through the
device for a more eiaborare speculation on the ideas of the beyond and the afterlife about
gateway of the sun. 19
which the ancient Mesopotamian civilization is in general quiet.
Finally, even the seven gods, the Sibitti, close ~lssociates of the god Erra (Nergal) may also
~rhere are other negative qualities attached to the netherworld and its residents in ancient
be thought to fit into this group of beings that inspire awe and terror in their beholder. ~nleir
Mesopotamian literature. For instance, the Sumerian poem describing Inanna's descent to the
description in the Poem o/Erm, for instance, is parallel to that of Humbaba and the Scor-
netherworld indicates that the demons of the netherworld "know no food, know no drink,
pion Beings in The Epic o/Gilgamesh. 60 Even though they are completely anthropomorphic in
eat no grain offering, drink no libation, accept no gifts, never enjoy the pleasure of sexual
appearance, their presence on the Neo-Assyrian palace reliefs with daggers in an "apotropaic"
intercourse, never have any sweet children to kiss." Furthermore, they "rear the wife away from
stance would further place them within the same milieu of the Mischwesen (Fig. 127).
the husband during intercourse, carry off children from their fathers' knees, and remove the
One can again think of the depictions of these guardian figures as directly referencing the
bride from her marriage chamber."64 "Sexual intercourse is especial!y hated by the demons not
initiated scholarly dite of ancient Mesopotamia in the latter's role as the guardians of the mys-
only because it is fUll, but because it creates life which is the antithesis of the Netherworld."(jj
teries. In a parallel instance, 1110th, the scribal god of ancient E6ryPt, is also present in the
Interestingly enough, some of Gilgamesh's acts before the creation of Enkidu in the SBV of
Egyptian representations of the netherworld in both of his animal manifestations, the ibis and
7he J;,'pic o/Giig(tmeJh may be considered comparable:
the baboon, presiding over the weighing of the heart in the chamber of judgment of Osiris. The
The young man of Uruk are wrongfully vexed, Gilgarnd lets no son go free to his Euher. By day and night he behaves with fierce arrogance,61i
presence ofll1Oth points to the role and influence of the sage in the procedure of judgment in the Egyptian netherworld.
1111.' Assyrian netherworld is
not without its antediluvian kings and its priesthood either. In
Enkidu's dream vision of the netherworld, this rC.llm is further described as follows:
hc who is shepherd of Uruk-the-Sheepfold! [Gilgamdllets no [daughter go free to her] mother ll7
On the "'"louse of Dust that I entered, I looked and (saw) the crowns stowed away: there sat [kings], the crowned heads who had ruled the land since days of yore, who used [0 serve roasled meat [at thclltlbles of Anu and Enlil, who uscd (0 serve baked (bread), to pour chilled water from skins. In the House of Dust that I entered, there sat eJI priests and lrlgrlt' priests, there sat purification priests and lumflMm priests, there sat the gwldjJstl priests of the great gods, ('here sat Etana, there sat Sakkan, [rhere sat thel quecn of the Netherworld, ErcSkigal. Before her was squatting [BclcrJ-~eri, the scribe of rhe Netherworld, holding [a t·ablet] ,md reading aloud in her presence.('1
'[Powerful, pre-eminent,! expen, ! ... ,I [Gilgamdllets [no! girl go fn:e to [her bride-groom.!' 'Ihe warrior's daughtcr, the [young man's bridc,) 'I he goddesses were listening to their complaint. 6x Just like the demons, Gilgamcsh is also a violator of marriages, albeit in rhe ritual context of the illS prim(/(' lloctiJ:
hH the king of Uruk-Main-Srrect, [he "people's l1et" will be open for the one who has first pick. For Gilgamd, the king of Uruk-M;tin-Street, the "people's ncr" will be open for the one who has first pick. He will couple with [he wife-to-be: he f-lrsr of all, the bridegroom afterwards. By divine consent it is ordained: when his navel-cord was cut she was destined for hirn. 6')
'lhe purificatory and illitiatic funcrions of the netherworld may once again be thought to be dear from this passagc. 'Ihe crowned [heads! who ruled in the land since days of yore evokes the tradition of the antediluvian king-sages. ~rhe statement that they served the gods' tables could
'Ihis shared negative rhetoric that pcnains to beings of the netherworld on the one hand and
be considered analogous to the Hesiodic understanding that the "humanity" of the golden race
to cenain culture heroes such as Gilgamesh on the other could again be understood as a device
lived like and fi.:astcd among gods. 6 1.
to
veil the spiritual privileges of a scribal-saccrdmal elire, of whom Gilgamesh can be thought
200
THE MYTHOLOGY OF KINGSHIP IN NED-ASSYRIAN ART
of as a paradigmJo The same negative screen exists in the visual realm as well, in the "demonic" appearance of the Mischwesen, which are usually thought to be apotropaic and protective in mission. Within this encoded system of signification pertaining to the primordial cosmos, it is as if the former "masters" of truth came to later times concealed as "monsters," Their location at doorways can be further justified by thei( role as initiators, and guardians of"acrs of passage," as both the Egyptian and the Mesopotamian netherworld are thought to be composed of gateways leading from section to section. All this does not necessarily mean that the NeD-Assyrian palace was a setting for ceremonies of initiation or rites of passage. What matters here is rather the semantics of these notions visually evoked through art. "This semantic is primarily addressed to the scholarly elite leading their lives and activities in the royal court, inasmuch as they possess the power of the written word as weI! as that of the image. The members of this circle surround themselves with the "hieroglyphs" of this otherworldly or antediluvian realm to which they are heirs. In this manner, they create an internal dialogue, what they also do by means of texts. 1he variety of the mythical beings that populate Neo-Assyrian representations, be they apka/lus or members ofTiamat's army, thus constitutes a self-referential notation for the presence of this elite. When these beings arc not depicted full size on the reliefs, they continue their existence in protomes and details such as the muiJ;usYus attached to whetstones, or the ku/u//us, mermen, floating amid Assyrian ships carrying logs of wood for construction. This rather more indirect and at times playful mode of representation is perhaps some son of scribal graffiti, a way for the scholarly elite to say "we are here."
CONCLUSION TO PART III
I
HAVE ARGUED THAT A FAMILIARITY WITH THE LITERARY TEXTS OF ANCIENT MESOPOTAMIA
is crucial to understanding the semantic system embedded in the reliefs. Like the images and events of rhe texts, this iconographic script also functions as a mnemonic device, evoking the desired meanings only in the fuUy informed viewer. Just as some "mystical-mythological" texts are marked by the colophon "mt.7dtl nUldti likal/im!d mudtJ. /d immar ikkib ON ('The initiate may show the initiate. The uninitiated may not sec. Taboo of [such and suchJ god),") aspects of NeoAssyrian palace rclieficonography traced in this study can also only be followed by the educated eye. Such iconography was clearly produced by the initiate for the initiate. In other words, however literally some viewers may have "read" the overt content of the imagery disclissed here, the producers of this iconography were mainly the audience for its covert message. Z In both art and texts, (he self-referential dimension of this rhetoric is not confined to rhe mythical beings of the Mesopotamian visual heritage. As we have seen, rhe king himself, when understood as rhe perfect man or a special creation of the gods, is also a self-referential concept onto which the scholars projected their own place in the cosmos and the structure of Assyrian royal ideoloh'Y' The king as an individual was perhaps only partially included in the innermost inrellectuallife of the scholarly elite, whereas the latter maintained full power over spiritual authority, which they often presented in the very guise of a king and his relationship to the divine.
201
EPILOGUE
T
HE FOREGOING STUDY HAS EXPLORED WAYS OF LOOKING AT THE NEO-ASSYRIAN PALACE
relief corpus that cIHailcd probing levels of meaning that went beyond the immediate
actions or subject') represented in the compositions analyzed. 'fhe objcctiVt: has been twofllld: first, to suggest the presence of semantic systems embedded in the imagery of the relicfs that have so far not nxcivcd sufficient attention in the scholarly literature on rhe art of the anciem Ncar East and, second, to approach more closely the identity and thought processes of the creative intellects behind the design and execution of the relief programs. 'I Ill' important "historical" clement in this body of visual material has so Elr conditioned
mallY of the scholar... who have studied it to approach it within thl: limits of a by and large Western sensc of history, rl:sulting in a neglect of thc dl:l:pl:r ml:
or rhe
relief programs: represemations of a variety of animals and thcir role in estahlishing a visual discourse on essence and ontology. In many respects, the building blocks of rhe analysis in Pan I - animal bodies - have continued to resonate throughout the study: in the analysis and interpretation of the animal protomcs and the disclIssion on the lion and the bull in rdation to
the dual aspects of kingship in Part II and in rhe analysis of the k/iJe/JI/H'Jt'1i that invariably
comhine human and animal bodies in their figures in Pan 111. Pan 1 also provided an introduction
LO
the Mise/JI{J('st'Il figures depicted in the palaces orSennacherib and Ashurbanipal, as well
as a basic and general orientation to the Nco-Assyrian palaces, their decorative programs, and some of the major developments in the history of rhe Nco-Assyrian Empire. 'Ihe philosophical discourse on human and animal anatomy proposed to be preselH in the rdids examined in Pan I h,\s also constiLUled our initial window ro rhe mind of the Neo-Assyrian artist in his rappon with the scholarly milieu of the Neo-As.\yrian court. Pan II left the domain of nature and natural crea(Ures and embarked on the domain of cosmology and myth in which the first step was to lay our a complex philosophy or rule and 20)
204
THE MYTHOLOGY OF KINGSHIP IN
NEO~ASSYRIAN
ART
government in the hieratic reliefs of Ashurnasirpal II. This densely emblematic art has here been examined with respccr (Q ccnain putative compositional and geometric relations inherent in d1C large-scale reliefs of this king. These compositional principles and their implications have
NOTES
been discussed in light of the traditional philosophy of kingship oudined by the 1942 work of Coomaraswamy, and further in light of the relevant notions found in the Standard Babylonian Version of the Epic ofGilgamesh. Comparative perspectives have explored conceptual parallels in Gnosticism and the ancient Egyptian visual schemes of duality and union. Parr III took a further step in the direction of cosmology and myth and discussed in detail and in a comparative framework the ancient Mesopotamian flood traditions, their relevance to the figures of antediluvian sages that especially populate the reliefs of Ashurnasirpal II, and the semantics of the MiJc/;wesen figures whose monumental representations primarily appear as guardian figures at doorways in the palaces of Sennacherib and Ashurbanipal at Nineveh. To that end, in addition to looking at the reliefs themselves, Part III also concentrated on the relevant textual and mythological corpora more closely than the previous two pans, always, however, returning to the reliefs and attempting to tie the discussion back to the contribution of the textual analysis to understanding the images better. '111e main argument in this regard has been the potential of the images of lvlischwesen to reference not only an archaic phase
PROLOCUE I.
of the cosmos in its connections with initiation and gnosis but also ancient Mesopotamian formulations of a domain beyond death and the implications of such notions for the role of the intellectuals of the Neo-Assyrian court. Side by side with the attempt to demonstrate the three aforementioned lines of visual discourse of a philosophical character in the three parts of this study, the principal hypothesis of the entire project has been that a crucial overlap must have existed between the most skillful anists, or master cra{-(smen, who were involved with the design and rhe carving of the reliefs and the scholars of the Neo~Assyrian court. Although rhe study has not ;]ncmpted to reconstruct a scenario in which the design and execution of the reliefs could be outlined step by step, it has nevertheless operated on the prcmise that craftsmen who carved the reliefs would have been working under the supervision of masters who would also have been among the leading court intcllectuals of their time. 1t is hoped that the approach and method explored here in a preliminary fashion will bc extcnded in the future to the study and analysis of aspects of the art of the Nco-Assyrian Empire that go beyond the scope of this project as well as to the swdy and analysis of the arts of other periods and cultures of ancicrH Mesopotamia and the Near East.
Sec, for instance, the reaction of Irene J. Winter to the older school as expressed in a 1986 article: "Henri Frankfort in 1939 devO[ed only four pages to the tylinder seals of (he entire Neo~Sumerian period, Iamcming rhe passing of (he 'rich variety of Akkadian themes' .... His perspenive is understandable once one noees that the subtitle of Cylinder Serds is: A Documentary Essay on the Art and Religion of the Ancient Near East (emphasis mine). Interest in the rehuionship between the visual arts and rhe political and economic systems from which they derive has developed more recencly, and markedly so over the past fifteen years" ("lhe King and the Cup: Iconography of the Royal Presenta~ lion Scene on Ur III Seals," in Marilyn Kdly~Buccellati, ed., Insight through images: Studies in Honor oIEf/ith Portfdtl (Malibu, CA: Undena, 1986]: 253-68, csp. 254).
PART J: INTRODUCTION
I. Kenneth Clark, 71le Nllde: A Study in idettl Form (Garden City, NY: Doubleday Anchor Books, 195 6 ): 12-1 J, where no reference to the original source has been provided. Sec, therefore, 7hf' Book a/the AI" (~rCermin{) Cl'lllIini: A COJltempomr.y Pmctit,t! '/I'e(ltis(' on QU(/ttroCl'tlto Ptlinting, trans. Christiana J, Herringham (London: George Allen and Unwin, 1922): 64~~, Chapter 70 - "Of the proponions of' the human flgure:" "I shall not speak of irrational animals, because they appear to have no certain proportions. Draw them as frequently as YOll can from nature and you will sec. And this requires much practice."
lilt' Birth oIGn'ek Art: lhf' M('ditaf(lne(OJ (lnd the Nettr him, trans. Wayne Dynes (l.ondon: Methuen, 1968): 44. J, Arrest (Ind MfJlJentt'flt: SINICe Itnd Time in the Art o/the Ancient Nero· Em: An bsay on Space {/fltl 7i'rru' in tht' RllJresenlrllimwl Art (4'the Andl'tlt Nettr East (Cambridge and London: "Ihe BeUmap Press of Harvard University Pres,~, 1987): 173. + Sec, f()r insLance, Simo Parpola, ""Jhe Construction of DlIr~Sarrukin in rhe Assyrian Royal Correspondence," in Annie Cauber, cd., Kho/'S({blld, It p"lflts de Sargon 1/, roi d'Assyrie: flctes du col/oqlle orgrllli.fl (1/1 mw'le dll LOlllln' pllr Ie SallieI' culturellt's 21 et 22 jafwier 1994 (Paris: La Documentation rran~aise, 199 5): 47~77; and Irene J. Winter, "Art in Empire: 'J he Royal Image and the Visual Dimensions of Assyrian Ideology," in Simo Parpola and R. M. Whiting, cds., As.!yritt [995: Proceeding.' of the loth AUllilJt'J)'my 4thl' Neo-Anyri(lIl 7ext Corpus Project (Helsinki: '111e Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project, U)97): 359-81, t'sp. 367~8. 5· Set' Margaret Cool Root, King and Kingship in AchaemenidArt: Emiys on thf' CrMtion o/tm /conogmphy ofEmpirt" Acta iranica 19 (I..dden: E.]. Brill, 1979): 16~23; eadem, "Circles of Artistic Programming: Strategies for Studying Creative Process at Persepolls," in Ann C. Gunter, cd., invt'stigruing Artistic h'Wif'fJlllllt'lItS in thl' Ancient Nutr }:'ilJ! (Washington, DC: Arthur M. Sadder Gallery, Smithsonian Institution, 1990): 127-33, esp. [28. 2.
206
NOTES TO PAGES
NOTES TO PAGES I 0- 12
7~IO
6. King ofthe World: Ashur-nash'-pallf ofAssyria 883-859 B.C. (New York: The Brooklyn Museum: The Hagap Kevorkian Fund, 1976): 13. 7. The emphasis on musculature in earlier anciem Near Eastern art as a meaningful iconographic device in signifying power, however, has been argued by Irene J. Wimer, "The Body of the Able Ruler: Toward an Understanding of the Statues of Guclea," in Hermann Behrens et aI., cds., DUMU-EJ DUB-BA-A: Studies ill HOllor of/ike W. Sjijberg (Philadelphia: Occasional Publications of the Samuel Noah Kramer Fund II, 1989): 573-83; eadem, "Sex, Rhetoric, and the Public Monument: TheAlluriog Body ofNaram-Sin," in Natalie Boymel Kampen, ed., Sexuality in Ancient Art (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996): 11-26; and eadem, "The Affective Properties of Styles: An Inquiry into Analytical Process and the Inscription of Meaning in Art History," in Caroline A. Jones and Peter Galison, cds., Picturing Science, Producing Art (New York and London: Routledge, 1998): 55-77, esp.67. 8. See Andrew George, the Epic Gilgamesh: The Babylonian Epic Poem rmd Other Texts in Akkadian and Sumerian (London: Penguin Books, 1999): xxi-xxiii; idem, the Babylonian Gi{i!,amesh Epic: Introduction, Critical Edition and Cuneiform 7exts, 2 vols. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003):
0/
vol. 1,30-1,37. 9. See Richard D. Barnett et aI., Sculptures from the Southwest PalaCt' o/Sennacherib ta Nineveh (London: 1he British Museum Press, 1998): 66, no. 148. 10. Brian Hesse, "Animal Husbandry and Human Diee in the Anciem Near East," ill CANE I, 203~22, esp. 206, 1 I. "Animalite de I'homme et humanite de I'animal dans la pensee israelite: Comment I'homme se definit-il par rapport it l'animal?" in Philippe Borgeaud, ed., L 'animal, l'homme, Ie dieu dans Ie Pro(-he-Orient ancien, Anes du Colloque de Cartigny J 98 I (Leuven: Edition Peeters, 198 t): 47-70, esp.4 8. 12. Ibid. For a view of the ancient Egyptians as "great pet-fanciers," however, see Patrick F. Houlihan, 7he Animrtl WorM o/the ?hartlohs (Cairo: l11e American University in Cairo Press, 1996): 7). Scc also idem, "Animals in Egyptian Art and Hieroglyphs," in Billie-Jean Collins, ed., A Hislo~y ofthe Animal World in the Ancient Netlr East (Lciden, Boston, Kaln: E. J. Brill, 2002): 97-1 J 3, esp. 1 16-17. 13. Arid Glucklich, the End o/Magic (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997): 18), 14. Translated by the author after Simo Parpola, nJe Strtndllrd Babylonian Epk of Gilgmnesh: (.'uneijtJrJn Text, T!,msliteration, Glossary, Indices and Sign List, State Archives of Assyria Cuneiform '[exts 1 (Helsinki: The Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project, 1997). 15. In Tablet I of the SBV of ?he Ej)ic o/G'ilgamesh Enkidu is referrcd to as a IIIIM amelu, which Parpola and George render as "primitive man" and "man-savage," respectively. 'lhe passagc that describes the creation of man by Marduk in consultation with Enki/Ea in the Babylonian poem of cosmogony Ent/ma Eli! also lIses the word Itlllt; to describe man (Entlmrl hlifVI 6-7)' 16. Sec, for instance, the conclusion of "rhorkild Jacobscn, Yi·ertsum of Dtlrkness: A History !Yfesopotamian Religion (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1976): 2 (8~ 19. See also Benjamin I~oster, "Gilgamesh: Sex, Love and the AscelH of Knowledge, " in John H. Marks and Robert
0/
M, Good, eds., Love and Dellth in the Andent Nertr ftlS!: EsSrtJ.l in Honouroj'iYlarvin II. Pope (Guilford, CT: Four Quarters Publishing Company, 1984): 21-42, esp. 2(-2; and Tzvi Abusch, "Gilgamesh's Request and Siduri's Denial," in Mark E. Cohen et aI., cds., the 7t/Met rind the Scroll: N{'ar DtJtern S'tudies in Honor o/Willimn W Hill/O (Bethesda, MD: COL Press, 1993): 1-'4, esp. 7 and 14. See further Jerrold S. Cooper, "Buddies in Babylonia: Gilgamcsh, Enkidu, and Mesopotamian Homosexuality," in Tzvi Abusch, cd., Riches Hidden in Seaet Plrlces: Andent Nettl' Fastern StudieJ in Melll()JJ of 7horkild Jacobsen (Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns, 2002): 73~85, esp. 8 1~2; Aage Wes[enholz and Ulla Koch-Westenholz, "Enkidu - the Noble Savage?" in A. R. George and I. L. Hnkel, cds., Wisdom, Gods rind Literature: Studies in Assyriology in HOllour o/W G. Lrtmhert (Winona Lake, IN: Eiscnbrauns, '.woo); 4 J 7-4+ f7. See de Pury, "Animalire de I'homme," 52. 18. "For rhe fate of humans and the fate of animals is the same; as onc dics, so dies the other. '[hey all have the same breath, and humans have no advantage over the animals; for all is vanity" (Ecclesiastes 3· 19)· 19. See de Pury, "Anirnalite de l'homme," 49.
207
20. See Erik Hornung, "Die Bedeutung des Tieres im alten Agypten," Studium Generale 20 (1967): 6984, esp. 69-72; Houlihan, Animal World, !OJ and Ingvild S;elid Gilhus, Animals, Gods and Humans: Chllnging Attitudes to Animals in Greek, RomaJl and Early Christian Ideas (London and New York, Routledge, 2006): 99. 21. Houlihan, Animal World, 9. 22. On the sources for Pythagoras's thoughts all animals, see Richard Sorabji, Animal Minds lind Human
Morals: ?he Origins o/the Western Debate (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1995): 172-4. On Pythagorean and Indian notions of abstinence from meat, see also M. L. West, Early Greek Philosophy and the Orient (Oxford: 1he Clarendon Press, 197 r); 61-2. 23· Sorabji, Animal Minds, 173. See also Gilhus, Animals, 38,6). 2+ 1he maxims of Pythagoras regarding animals arc reproduced in the final book, Book xv, of Ovid's Metamorphoses under the title "lhe Teachings of Pythagoras": "Do not do this, I I pray you, but remember: when you taste I The flesh of slaughtered c
27· Although a study of the flora of the Nco-Assyrian palace rc!ie£~ exists, no up-la-date comprehensive analysis of the fauna of the reliefs has been carried out in the Assyriological scholarship. See, however, most recently, Pauline Alhcnda, ''Assyrian Royal HUlHs: Antlered and Horned Animals from Distant Lands," Bulletin oflhe Americtln SchoolJ o/Orientttl Research 349 (2008): 6 (-78, On the Rora of the relic£~, sec Erika Bleilmeu, Oil' flom derlleu-ass)'rischen Reliefi: eilll' UntersuchungzlI den Orthostatcnreliefs tits 9.-7. Jahruhunderts If. Chi: (Wien: Verlag des Institutes fUr Orientalistik der Universirat Wien, 1980). On the natural f;ulna of the ancicn( Ncar East as a geographic area, see Allan S. Gilbert, "lhe Nadve Fauna of the Ancient' Ncar East," in Collins, cd., History the Animal World, 3-47. 28. Sec Philippe Borgcaud, "L'animal comme operaceur symbolique," in Borgeaud, ed., L'rmimal, I'homme, Ie dielt, [3. See also Sorabji, Animtt/ Minds, to3; and Gilhus, Animals, J7-40' 99. On the symbolic aspects of animals in ancicnt Mesopotamia, see Chikako E. Watanabe, Animal Symbolism in MeJOpotamiil: A Contt'xtl/al Appmllch, Wiener Offenc Orientalistik I (Wien: Instinn Orienralistik der Ulliversil~it Wien, 2002). Earlier scholarship includes E, Douglas van Buren, '[he Pil/lr/l/ o/Andem Mesopotami({ rLJ Repn'sented hi Art, Analecta Orienralia 18 (Roma: Ponrificum Instinltum Biblicum, 19 J9), More recently, a volume devoted only to animals in the art of the ancient Ncar East, Collins, cd., A Hist01:y the Animlfl World in the Andent Near East, has ,llso appcared, cOlHaining essays 011 aspects of representations and meaning of animals in the art' of rhe ancielH Near East and Egypt. From this volume, on the symbolic and metaphorical aspens of animals in ancient Mesopotamian an, see Catherine Breniquer, "Animals in Mesopotamian Art," 145-68, esp. 1)7-6). 'lhe Ne()~Assyrian componcnt of this essay is only two pages long.
0/
0/
29· On the "concrete and realistic" charactcr of the ancient Mesopotamian writing systcm, see Jean Borrero Me.wpotdmid: Writing. Reasoning, tlJul the Cods, (rans. Zainab Bahrani and Marc Van De Mieroop (Chicago and London: "{he University of Chicago Press, 1995}: 99. Henri Frankfort, roo, cautioned against an understanding of the relation between animals and the divine in Egypt as metaphorical (Ancient I.>-gyptitm Religion [New York: Harper and Row, 1948J: 9). JO. Literature on "historical narrative" in Assyrian art is by now rather substamial. Rcpresentative sUldies are Julian Edgeworth Reade, "Narrative Composition in Assyrian Sculpture," Btlghruuler Mitteilungen 10 (1979): 52-110; Irene J. WitHer, "Royal Rhewric and the Development of Historical Narrative in Neo-Assyrian Reliefs," Studies in Visual Communication 7 (198I): 2-39; eadem, "The Program of the "Ihrone-room of Ashurnasirpal II," in Prudence O. Harper and Holly Pittman, eds., Essays on Near ":astern Art Imd Archlleolog)' in Honor o/Charles Kyrle Wilkinsol/ (New York: "I11e Mctropolitan Museum orAn, 1983): 15-3 I; John Malcolm Russcll, "Bulls forrhe Palace and Order in the Empire:
NOTES TO PAGES 12-22
NOTES TO PAGES 22-32
The Sculptural Program of Sennacherib's Coun VI in Nineveh," AB 69 (I 987): 520-39; idem, "Sennacherib's Lachish Narratives," in P. J. Holliday, ed., Narrative fwd Event in Ancient Art (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993): 55-7; Michelle Marcus, "Geography as an Organizing Prindpl~ in the Imperial An ofShalmaneser III," Iraq 49 (1987): 77-90; Holly Pinman, "1he White Obelisk and the Problem of Historical Narrative in the An of Assyria," AB 78 (1996): 334-55. 31. 1he concept of decorum has been used to good efleet by John Baines in articulating (he rules by which certain kinds of scenes are found in ccreain prescribed parts of an Egyptian temple Clempie Symbolism," ROYft! Anthropological Institute News 15 [1976]: 1O-} 5). A discussion of decorum that reveals the sense in which the concept is employed in this inquiry can also be found in John Onians's work on the orders in classical architecture, Bearers a/Meaning: The Classical Orc/ers in Antiquity, the Middle Ages, alld the Renaissance (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1988):
15. Paul Garelli, "'!lle Achievement of Tiglath-Piber Ill," in Mordechai Cogan and Israel [ph'a!, eds.,
208
20 9
Ah As~yri(l . . Stutlil's in AH)'rifln HistOl), flntl Presented to Htt)'im Titdmor (Jerusalem: Magrwss Press, Hebrew University, 1991): 46-5 1, esp. 49. On Tiglath-Pileser Ill's introducing the practices ofannexation and deportation to Assyrian imperial adminismuion, see also Hayim Tldmnr, "Assyria and the West: "The Ninth Cemury and Its Aftermath," in Hans Goedicke and j. j. M. Roberts, cds., Unif)' and Dju£'/'sily: EH{~yJ /JI the History, Litemture, ((nd Religion ({fhl' Ancient Nerlr ftlst (Baltimore and London: "lhe Johns Hopkins University Press, 1975): 36-48, esp. J7 and 39. 16. Nicbt-As~}'l'{'r lIeIt(w),riJchcr Dtmtellungnz, Alter Orient und Altes Testament 26 (Neukirchen-Vluyn,
1975): 226. 17. Set' Barnett et aI., SndptilreJj7wn theSollthll!est falacl', 8:3, nn. 2RSh. 18. "Problems of Late Assyrian Reliefs," in Alben Leonard, J r. et al., eds., bSllYS in AI/eimt CiviliztltiO!l
Presmted to Hell'IIe I KtlflfOr, Studies in Ancient Orienta! Civilization 47 (Chicago:
esp. 36-40.
'111t'
OrielHa!
Institute oFthe University of Chicago, 19R9): 233-48, esp. 2JR and 243. CHAPTER 1: ASHURNASIRPAL Il I.
On the phases of Assyrian expansion and imperialism in rhe Near East, see Amelie Kuhrt, The Ancient
Near Ellst: c. 3000-330
BC,
19· Ihid., 24:l. 20. Cray.~on, RIMA }, Shalmaneser III A.O.I02.89. 21. "Animals in Mt'sopotamian An," 167. In this regard, see also Brigine Lion, "La circulation des <1nimaux exotiques au proche-orielH antique," in D. Charpin and E .1oanncs, cds., La cirCII{fltioll des bietH, des pl'l'SOlllleS l'l des idil's dtlllS Ie proche-orimt (lI/den: ActeJ de 1(( XXXV!!!'" RCllcontl'f' As~}'ri "Iogiqu(' {nterJwtionale (Paris: Editions Recherche sur lcs Civilisations, 1992): 357-505, esp. 360,
2 vols., Routledge History of the Ancient World (Loudon and New York:
Routledge, 1998): vol. 2,473; andJ. N. Postgate, "The Land of Assur and the Yoke of As sur," World
Archaeology 23 (1992): 247-63. See Peter Machinist, "Literature as Politics: The Tukulti-Ninllrttl fpic and the Bible," Catholic Bib/ietd Quarterly}8 (1976): 455-82. 3. Sec Joan and David Oates, Nimrud· An AssyriillJ Imperial Gty Revealed (London: The British School of Archaeology in Iraq, lOOI): 15; Kuhrt, Ancient Nettr EtlSf, vol. I, }60. 4. Oates and Oates, Nimrlld, 16. 5. As far as Egyptian art is concerned, see, for instance, the reliefs ofSety I from Karnak or the so-called Tmankhamun's Box, ill Gay Robins, Thl' Art ojAncient Egypt (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University
where the discrepancy between the animals cited in the inscriptions and tho.~e shown on the monu-
2.
Press, 1997): 178 and 160, respectively. l~or Neo-Hinite examples of this design, see Henri Frankfort, The Art fllld Al'chitl'ctIJI'l' o/the Ancient Oritnt (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1970): 29 8. 6. 'sec Irene J. Wimer, "Art as Evidence for Interaction: Reladons between rhe Assyrian Empire alld North Syria," in Hans-J6rg Nissen and Johannes Renger, cds., Ml'sopotrlmien lind stinl' Nachbflnt:
22.
Hopkins Press, 19.18): IR-20. Sec H(>rker-Kbhll, AlflJOIdemsitftiJchl' Bildfll'lm, [52 B
brauns, 19R9): 36. See also J. M. Aynard, "Animals ill Mesopotamia," ill A. Houghton Brodrick, cd.,
2.1. "Gesture and Alterity," ].14~' 5·
Ll. Ihid., 210.
tion Scene of Ashurbanipal," in H. L H. Prince Ti.lkahito Mikasa, ed., Clllt and Ritltdl ill thl' Ancient
Nefu' !itlst (Wiesbaden: OtlO Harrassowitz): 91- [04, esp. 93; and eadem, Anirrwl Symbolism, 7R. ro. See below Figs. 25 and '26. For the identification of (his prostrate figure
;IS
Jehu, sec GraysoJl, WMA
3, Shalmaneser!II A.O.102.88. On the appearance of Jehu on the Black Ohelisk, sec also Marcus, "Geography as an Organizing Principle," 87. For drawings of all f{)ur sides of the Black Obelisk, sec Jutta Bi.'Irker-KHihn, Altvol't!mlSifltische lJildftelt'fl lind vl'l'gleich/Jtlrt, Felsl'di~fi: (MainI'. am Rhein: Verlag Philipp von Zabern, 1982): (90-1, no. 1)2. Grayson, RIMA 2, ANP II A.O.IOl.I, 11. 64"-5. 12. "I here arc actually twO scenes of river crossing in dIe throne room (Room H), the first, Panel 17a, and I J.
the second, the horizomal sequence 9- f 1, examined here. In the !{)rrner, the river (Tossers anc draped, [0
be non-Assyrians, because Assyrian archers on the shore aim at [hem, and one of
the fugitives has been shot by
tWO
25. Ibid., 2!!. 26. See, Ii)!' instance, Julia M. Asher-Creve and Cehhard Sdz, (;mim lIlld /(ri(xl'J' M'/l(lS,~)'rifd/{'
Hclhi': AJSllrfUlS;'!I(/{S If. lind
'/~f!,1(11 Pi/(,Jd/'J
III. (/.i.irich:
(/I/.\'
Nill/rut!:
Arch;i(llo~ische Sammlung der
Universil:it, (l)Ro); 37 and 43. Julian Reade indicau.'s, however, that even though dlC traditional distinction bClwecn "men" and "eulluchs" on Assyrian rclid~, primarily hased on the presence oC lht'
9. See Winter, "Royal Rhetoric," 14.
and they seem
On exmic animals as fauna or distanr or
AlliultllJ· ill ;/rciJflCO{OrJ' (London: Barrie and Jenkins, 1972): '-12-6R, ('sp. )" I; Breniqu("t, "/\nilllais ill Mesopotamian An," I 67; and Benjamin R. Foster, "Animals in Mesopotamian I .iterature," ill C:o!!ins, cd., I-lis/(II:V a/the Anilliitl W1orld, '27 I-J06, esp. 2R6. 'lhe rhetoric of the ,~tr;Jnge and wondrous plants anti beaS[s hrought by Assyrian kings, such as Sennacherih, from their campaigns also "included trees that bore wool ft)r making clothing instead or f(lOd LO cat (OIP2 tl (: 50, I (0: 0'1) and ptlgli and pagitll 'male and kmalc monkeys,' which arc depicted in Nco-Assyrian rdiefs with almost-human heads, hands, and leet, but animal hodies" (Horowitz, Mcsopo{(lIf1iflll CO.l'll/ic (,'('(Igmp{~y, 330).
365; and eadem, "Royal Rhetoric,"
(l.
,j.
tlIythic.:allan(k sec Wayne Horowitz, !l1esopottlmitlll Cosmic (;{,(Jgraph)' (Winona I .ake, Indiana: Eisen-
Politische Itnd klllturelle Wechsl'lbl'z;e/JUngen im Alten Vordems/en 110m 4. Vis I. jrlhrtrltlsend IJ. Un: XXv. Rencontl'e AssYl'iologique {mentat/of/rtle, Berlin (Berlin: Dietrich Reimer Verlag, 1982) 35S-R2, esp. 7. Winter, "Royal Rhetoric," 2 I; and eadem, "Art in Empire," 361. 8. On the possible sacrificial aspects of the royal hunt, see Chikako Watanabe, "A Problem in [he Liba-
arrows.
13. On the negative implications of the lack
1+
ment is noted. Sec further William Coffman McDermott, Ibc Ape in ;/Iltiqlli~y (Baltimore: ., he Johns
of clothing
in human figures on [he Neo-Assyrian palace
heard, is supported by Layard, A. T. Olmstcad, and Tllally Ol'her scholars, "the pictorial evidence is by itself /:11' li·om condusive, bccause the.~e 'eunuchoid' ({'atmes could simply be a sty!i.~tic cOllvention" ("'Ihe Nco-Assyrian C:oun and Army: Evidence frolllihe Sndpturt's," Imq H [1972.\: R7-[ [2, esp.9[-2). 27. Oil eUlluchs in Assyria, see also A. Kirk Grayson, "Eullllchs in Power: 'Iheir Role in the Assyrian Bureaucracy," ill .Ii!'; Prosed,)" cd., Itltdlectltft/ 14;' oj'lhl' Al/cinJ! NedI' /:'flJl: {}'jleH /'1'I'St'flll't! rlllh,. 4Pt! RCliconlrl' dJ.lyriologiquc illtal/Iltiowde, Prtlf!,UC, ./u(y 1-,),1996 (Prague: Academy or Ih(' (:z('ch Repuhlic, ()rielHallnstirute, 199R): X5-98; and Ha)'im 'EKirnor, "'I he Role or tilt' (:hid· Eunuch alld lhc Place of EUIlLH:hs ill lhe Assyrian Empire," in Simo Parpola and R. M. Whiting, ('ds., Sex 1/1/(1 (,'t'II(/tr /n tlJt' Anc/l'I/t Netll' !:'rut, Proceedings of the Xl.VII'· ReLlCOlllrc Assyriologique imernatiollak, Helsinki, Pan 2 (l"'lclsinki: 'Ihe Neo-A~syrian 'li:x( Corpus Project, 2002): 60.1-11.
rdiefs, see Megan CiEtrd!i, "Gesture and Alrerity in the Art of Ashurnasirpal II," AU Ro (1998):
2R. "( ;esture and Alterity," 220.
210-28, esp. 219. See Postgate, "Land of Assur,"
29. Ibid., 212. JO. Michelle Marcus, "Geography as VisLlalldeology: Landscape, Knowledge, and Power in Nco-Assyrian
2
5 1-5; and Julian Reade, "Ideology and Propaganda in Assyrian Art,"
in Mogens "rolle Larsen, ed., Pow£,/, (tnd Pmptlg(lfItlil: A ~~ymposillm on Ancient Empires (Copenhagen:
An," in Mario Liverani, cd., N('o-AsJyri(lJ/ Geogl'ilplry (Rom;!: Universit;l tli Roma, DipartimenlO dl
Akademisk Forlag, 1979): 329-43, esp. 334.
scienze storiche, archeologiche e aIHropologiche ddl'Antichita, 19(5): 19.,-}.01, esp. 19 J.
210
NOTES TO PAGES
NOTES TO PAGES 32-36
3 r. The conservative mode in (he representation of the A~syrian king can be thought [0 be in line with the understanding of rhe ruler image (falmll), whether two-or three-dimensional, as the depiction of the king in his kingly office or "self." Winter has underlined the fact thar the term .salmlt ("image") is often put together with rhe Akkadian word for king, s'arJ'll, to form the expression, "image of the king" or "image of (my) kingship," !idmn farnltiya, which itself must have adhered to very strict fules of decorum and hence allowed less freedom of representation ("Art in Empire," 364). }2. The animal illustrated in Figs. 29 and 30 has been identified by Albenda as an example offallow deer ("Assyrian Royal HUlHs," 65). As for rhe animal that appears in Figs, I and 2, Albenda identifies it as a species of wild goat "known to inhabit the western Caucasus Mountains," the Kuban tur (Capra C{luCllsia) (ibid" 72), 33, For this basic typology, see John Malcolm Russell, "1he Program of the Palace of Assurnasirpal II at Nimrud: Isslles in the Research and Presentation of Assyrian Art," American Jour/wi o.fArchaeology [02 (1998): 655-71 5, esp, 674, 34, Among the Greeks, one of the important stages in animal sacrifice was the extraction of the noble viscera, Jplallklwfl, from the thoracic and abdominal cavities of the carcass to be dressed. See JeanLouis Durand, "Greek Animals: Toward a ·typology of Edible Bodies," in Marcel Detienne and JeanPierre Vernam, eds., Thl' Cuisine 0/ Sacr{fice among thl' Cree"J, trans. Paula Wissing (Chicago and London: -'he University of Chicago Press, 1989): 92. 35, See Donald P. Hansen, "Rearing goat with a Aowering plant," in Joan Arm, with Ronald Wallenfels, cds., Art o/thefirst Cities: The ThiJd Millennium D.c./Tom the Ml'ditermnefw to the Indus (New York: rIlle Metropolitan Museum of Art, New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 2003): 121-2, esp. 122; Jeremy Black and Anthony Green, Godr, DemollS alld S.ymbo/s ojMeJopotamitl: An !lll/Stl'tited DictiOllfll), (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1997): s.y. "rosene." .'16. A "salvific" role ill the symbolism of Ishtar has especially been argued by Simo Parpola, Assyrian Proph(,cit's, State Archive~ of A~syria 9 (Helsinki: "Ille Neo-Assyrian 'Iext Corpus Project, 1997): xxxixxxvi. ,37. ()n the role of the goddess Ishtar in the Assyrian state religion, sec ibid., xlvii-xlviii; Elnalhall Weissert, "I{oyal Hunt and Royal Triumph in a Prism Fragment of Ashurballipal (8 )~5~22,2)," in Parpola and Whiting, cds., As~yri(/ [99), 339--58, esp . .'146-49; and W. G. Lambert, "!Star of Nineveh," ill Dominique Collnn and Andrew George, cds., Ninel!eh: PaperJ o/the XL/Xl' Rencontre Assyriologiqlle Interl/ationale. /.Ollfioll, 7-11 jilly 200J (London: "lhe British School of Archaeology in Iraq, 2OOS):
41. 42. 43.
44. 45.
.'15-9· \8. 'Ihis type of headgear seems to be highly characteristk: of many foreigners represented on the rdief~, especially those identified by W~iHer as originating from western provinces sLlch ;lS Damascus, I-Lunar, Bir-Adini, Carchcmish, ett. (Nich/-As.~yrer, 125 [Abh. 661, 143 [Abb. 73), 21 s [Abh. ! 22-1241, 231
IAhh. [161). 39. "Bilgames lOok a white kid in hand, / as all animal ofFering he held a brown kid to his heart," Gi(l(fllllfSIJ and Hlfwawtl, Version A 1,1'-14; George, l:jJic of Gi/gffltlt'Jh, 15 I; also ciwd in Claudia Suter, "A Shulgi Stattlene hom 'tello," jC~' 43-4 S (1991-3): 6.'1-70, esp. 67. 40. "Program of lhe Palace," 70'1, Even though Kolbe assigns these animal-bearing genii [0 the category ripkallll, "antediluvian sage," he assens rhat they arc ill certain ways different from the sages and that we do not know the specific Nco-Assyrian names !(H them. I-Ie further points out dla( although we do not know ft>r certain the full idem it)' and role of the animals held hy the genii, the animals lila), he scapegoats (Die Relit:fpmgrmnml> rdigiiis-m)'tI}()logh'chen C/Jllrtltfl'r.l ill )J('II-Ilss)'rischm PrdiiJtl'll: Oil' Figllrt'lJt),pm,ilm' Bet/ennul/g IItld Hnleutltng [Bern and Frankfurl am Main: Peter I), Lang, 1'-)8 I): JO4 I). According to E A. M. Wiggerman, the identification o( the goat as f)utf!I/I!tUp/J/I, "goat hi((ing evil" or the apotropak rituals, is plausible, hut deserves further etJhoratioll (lv/eJopotfllnit/n ProtectilJe Spirit:;: flit' Riflltllfi'_'(/s, Cuneiform Monographs I [Groningen: Styx and PI' Publications, 1992]: 77). C';If) defines mftl!JIII~ltfpti as "go,~t (used in rituals) to aven evil." On the fllt/f!JII/tlljJjJl( riwal, see also A. Cavigneaux, "MAS-I:IUL-DUB-BA," in U. Finkbeiner et aI., cds., Bei/riige zlIr Klllturypchithte Vordl'J'tHims: h'slJrhr~li pir Railler 1I1ic/)(lel HoclHIleI' (Mainz: Verlag Philipp von Zabern, ! 99 5): 5367; and Joann Scurlock, "Animals in Ancient Mesopotamian Religion," in Collins, cd., History o/the AniNial Wlorld, 361-87, esp., 37,-)-80. On apkalllls, see also Wiggermann, Me'sol)(J/tlmilU/ Protectflle .\jJiritJ, 73, and Parts II and III of the present study. On anciem Mesopotamian rituals of aversioll or evil that include Ille manubcture of figurines as well as the ritual slaughter of certain animals as
46.
36- 3 7
211
substitutes for "evil," see also Irene Huber, Ritlutie der Sellchen-und SchadmJabwe/;r im lIOrderm Orimt und Griechmland, Oriens et Occidens IO (Wieshaden: Franz Steiner Verlag, 2005): 30-45. Another crucial point to be noted about Ashurnasirpal Irs animal-bearing genii is that some also hold plants, in addition to the genius that holds only plants. The twigs or branches the apkallus are shown holding can be understood as belonging to mythical "sacred" trees or plants. The "Seven Wise Men," or the "Seven Sages" ~ in other words the IIp)~ftilus - are known from ritual texts to have carried "em-twigs" or shoots of the date-palm, as an incantation text indicates: "The lIflll'tu of Ea is in my hand I The ent-tree, the elevate weapon of Anu, 1 hold in my hand. 11he palm-twig of the great oracles I hold in my hand" (CT 16 PI. 6: 209-213, quoted in Geo Widengren, The King and tIJe Tret' of Life in Ancient Nmr Ftwern Religion (King ({lid S({viour IV), Uppsala Universites Arsskrift 4 [Uppsala: A.-B. Lundequis(ska Bokhandeln, 19511: 20-21). For a comprehensive treatment of the phenomenon of sacred trees, plants, and date palms in ancient Near Eastern art and thought, see Mariana Giovino, Thl' AJ~}lri,U/ 5ilcred Tree: A History ofInterpretation.!' (Fribourg, Switzerland: Academic Press Fribourg; Goningen: Vandenhoeck and Ruprec1u, 2007). Glucklich, Elldo/lvIagic, 190. Ibid., 194Scurlock, "Animals in Ancient Mesopotamian Religion," 360. See also Walter Burkert, The Orien/alizing Refl()/lition: Nellr Emtem IlIjlllmcc Oil Gn'ek Cultllre in the Eml)' Archaic Age, trans. Margaret E. Pinder and Walter Burkert (Cambridge, MA and l.ondon: Harvard University Press, 1992): 58, for the memion of a bilingual ritual text hom the collection Asttkki nlm;riiti ("Evil Demons of Illness") that prescribes the slaughter of a suckling pig and the use of its dismemhered physical pans for the healing of a sick man. Scurlock, "Animals in Ancient Mesopotamian Religion," _372 . See Leo Oppenheim, Andent Ml'sopottlmia: Portmit O/tl Dt'tld CilJiliztltioti (Chicago and London: 1he University of Chicago Press, 1977): 207. -Iltere were also omens derived from abnormal births of anima!5 colllpiled in the corpus fUJIlma iZ/J/I ("If a Monstrous Birth "); sec [<,ric I,eichty, nit' Omen Sail'S ,~r'llll!JllIlzIJ/l, Texts from Cuneiform Sources 4 (Locust Valley, New York: ].J. Augustin Publisher, 1970): 7. 'fhe largest single group of animal omens, however, is "found in the great series of terrestrial omens known a.~ fummtl dIll hw 1IIi'l{' sakin ("If a Cit)' I.~ Situated on an Elevation"). -Ihese omens "were based on human reactions, such as fear, to an encounter with an animal; distinctive appearance of the animal; its hehavior, including its motion or position; different sounds it could make; or the animal's reaction to the human observer, such as baring its El1lgs or rubbing aHectionately" (I:os(er, "Animals in Mesopotamian Lit(T
or
47. Ihid., 14, n. 448. Sec Mary I. Hussey, "Anatomical Nomenclatl[l'e in an Akkadian ()men 'Icxt," .!C~· 2 (1'-)48): 2[-32, esp. 21. On observations of muscle conlractions during bull sacri/-ices in predynastic Egypt, see Lise Wilkinson, AniJl/(t/s fwd f)iJe(IJe: An IntroductiON to thl' HistOl:V o/CONlprmlti{J(' 1I1ulicillc (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 19,-)2): 4- ()o "divination by means or animals" among the Romans (hat entailed both "the inspection or the internal parts of the victim" and "syslematic observalion of the movement and behaviour of living animals," sec again Cilhus, AI/ill/ft/s, 26--8, 118--19. 49. Hussey, "Anatomical Nomenclature," 32. A priestly interest ill animal anatomy can be thouglu to be corrohorated hy a cosmological reference to the rib cage and rhe liver in the Babylonian poem or cosmogony, Fill/mil Bif V 9- [ [, where Marduk creates the features of heaven from Tiamat's corpse.
II2
NOTES TO PAGES ~t2-46
NOTES TO PAGES 37-42
Afrer roofing heaven wilh one-half of Ihe monster's dead body, Marduk then "opens g,lleways in both rib cages Villi) and t;lstens bolts right and left, establishing the zenith in her liver" (Wolfgang Heimpd, WIle Sun at Night and the Doors of Heaven in Babylonian Texts," jCS 39 [1987J: 127-51, esp. 134). So. "Creek An'lmals: 'I'oward a Typology of Edible Bodies," in Detienne and Vernallt. cds., Cuisine (}j
Srlcr{/ice, 99. 5 I. On this understanding of the represt'ntations of tbe llpA,tllllls in Assyrian pai:Jct's, st'e Sima Parpola, Lettersjimn AJ.ly";(/ti (wd Htd~)lloJJi((n Scholar:;, Stare Archives of Assyria I 0 (Helsinki: 'I he Nco-Assyrian
20.
Text Corpus Project, 199 J): XVIII. "I he craft of the diviner priest (bdrti) in ancient Mesopotamia went hack to an antediluvian sage-king Ellll1eduranki, on whom sec W. C. Lambert, "On Enmeduranki and Related Matters," jC5' 21 (1967): 126-38; Wimer, "King and the Cup," 262; and Hdge Kvanvig, Root., o/Apoctl{ypti(; JIH' Iv/eso/'o/(lmiflll Backgroulld o/the blOch FiguJ'e {{nd o/tll(' Son ofMflll (Neukircheller Verlag" I <)88): 184-90.
CHAPTER 2: n(;Ll\T11-PILESEIt lIt I.
2.
J.
4. ).
6. 7.
R. 9. 10. II. [2.
13.
[415.
16. 17.
18.
It).
Oates and Oatl.:'s, Nif!lrttr/, t9"-20; Kuhrt, Ancient Nettl' FaJt, vol. 2,490. Oatcs and O;nl.:'s, Nimruel, t9-"20. Kuhn, I1ncimt Near /;rtJt, vol. 2,496. Oates and O;l[es, Nimrut/, 19-20. R. D. Barnett and M. Falkner, Jbe .SCltiPllll'£'J ojAHur-lIfljir-ap/i 1I (SSj-SS9 lI.e.) Til/rttb-Pi!(,,\'(,,. III (74 ')-727 H.C.) b;aJ'btlddofl (6S1-669 I1.C.) jim!/ tbe ('mlm/ fIIlfl SOlltb- 'Vb'! f}t!tlces {ll Niml'lld (London: 'Ihe 'Ii'ustct's of tht' British Museum, 19(2): xiv-xv. Barnett and I:alknel', ,';clllptun'J ojAHur-J/a;,ir-flpli II, xv. Ibid .. xvi. Craysnll, RIMA 2, ANP" A.O.IOI.I, II. 90-2. Sec Barnett and Falkner, Smlpture., ojA.i1'uHIIl,rir"II/,1i /I, Pis. XI .Ill-XLI V. Sec ihid .. 14-15. Sec ibid., 26-7. For illustrations, st:e Barnetl el aI., Southwest PalaC(' (lS('fIJlflc/}('rih, pIs. 346-7. On lhe religious componelll in A.~.\yrian warbre as represellled in the relids, sec julian Reade, "Rciigiou~ Ritual in Assyrian Sculpture," in Barhara Nevling Porter. cd., Nitlwl (fil(l Politio illl1Jlcimt Mesopotdfllid (New I"'laven, CT: American ()rielltal Society, was): 7-6 I, e.~p. [J-27. For an untlerSlanding o( lIlally of tht' camag(' scenes shown Oil the reliefs ,IS human sacrifice, sec Luc BachdoL "La {{lllcLlon polidque des relids nco-assyricns," in D. Charpin and F. joanncs, cds., Mmd){(lIds, dipioltlfltl's {'t cNlpeJ'mrs: t't1ltft.S JIll' Itl d"ili.Wlioti mti.mpolilmit't/!u' rdfl'J'/{'J (I l'llIt! (;ilJdli (Paris: (':diliollS Recherche sur ks Civilisatiolls, [99 I): 109-2~1, esp. I 18. Homo NC{(IflJ: J/Jc Anthropology ojAlll'iml (;J'('d· SdlT{fo'titll Ritllti/ ilfld I'v!ylh, trans. Peter Bing (BerkeIe)" Los Angeles, London: University ofCalil{lrnia Pres~, 19H.l): '17. Ihid., 217. r;or a SLlllJmary and a rather li.tvorahle aSS('ssmenl or Burkert's ;Ul
21.
22.
21.
24.
2S.
2(1.
2I
J
Sourccs from the Ancient Ncar bst [II (IVlalibu, CA: Un dena Publicatiolls, 1977). On the presence of the sacred standards representing the gods AdaJ and Nngal in scenes or warfare, sce Rcade, "Religious Ritual," 14. On Nergal's association with the lion, sec F. A. M. Wiggermann, "Nergal. B. Archaologisch," RIA 9, 223 and 22). On thc god Nergal in his various roles, scc Egbert von Weiher, lJ('I' Bil/~)'I(}llische Got! Nngtll (Neukirchen- Vluyn: Verlag RlitZOIl and Rercker Kevelaer, 197 I), esp. 15-20, 29-}O, 70-7 J, fix his role <1.\ god of war. E!lis, "Lion-Mcn," 68. "fhe exact significance of the flgures in lion skins that appear Oil the Assyrian rdie(~ is not vcr)' well understood in general. One should, nevertheless, distinguish benveen MischlU('J('1l incorporating actual animal body pans and figures that arc .~imply dad in animal skins. 'Ihe per(()J'mers or Ihe "mummcry" arc no doubt human beings in EUlcy dres.\ rathcr than composite crcatures. However, the god known as Litar~l.k, who is sometimes equated or paired with another god, Lulal, Illay also have been represented in Nco-Assyrian tillles as "a lion~hcaded human-bodied figure cloaked ill a lion's pelt and carrying a wh'lp" (Black and Crccn, Gods, f)('!flOIIJ dfldSym/Jols, 116, s.v. "La-tarak alld l,ulal"). ()n I.ula! and 1.;Itar;lk, sec also Wilfrcd (;. I.amhert, "1.ulaI/Ultarik," RiA 7, 163-4, csp. r 64, where a conncction with Nergal is also melltioned: WI he view thaI they were distinct deities is clearest ill astrological texts where l.ulal and l.;itar;lk appear as a pair and art' explained as 'Sin and Nergal' (V R 46: 22)." In ancicnt Mesopotamia,.1 whip wa.~ one of the paraphernalia Llsed by the exorcist in his profession. References in written sources to thaI dlccl might he thought to shed light on Ihe function of the whips held in the hands of the lion-cloakcd Illt'll (Ellis, "Lioll-Mcn," 75). "I shall make weep for you the people [orUruk, I shall make them soh I{lr you:) I the people so bonny [I shall fll! full ofgrierfor you,J I And I, after you arc gone [I .~hal! have) !lly.~clf[hear Ihe malted hair of mllurning,) I 1 shall don dlt' skill of a {lion) and [go roaming the wild.[" (VIII 88~"1)1; Gcorge, Hft!~),I(J"i(1II GiZt!,flllles[; l!iJic, vol. I, 6s6-7). It is noteworthy thaI in ancient I~gypt a high-ranking clas.~ of priests, thc s(,JIl~priests, were depicted wearing panther-skin robes, especi,llly ill Ihe Ramcsside pcriod in the New Kingdom. '(he st'lI/-pricsts played all imponalll role in fUllcral ceremonies, taking on the idcmity of Horus while thc deceased was ca~t in the role of Osiris. Froll1 the Old Kingdom, san-priests were also associated with the Opening of' the Mouth cerell\ony. Even though J{'Itl-prieSls wcre the first priests to wear pallther-skin robes, by the New Kingdolll, robes of this type were worn hy high-ranking prie~l.~ (lAIllUtl and others as well (Denise D. Doxey, "Priesthood," OI;';lF J, 6H~Il). "Arum washed her hands, I she took a pinch of day, she Ihrew it down the wild. I In the wild she created Enkidu, Ihe hero, I an offspring oj" silence, knit strong by Nillurta. I All his hody is matted with hair, I he is adorned with tresses like a woman: I dlt' locks of his hair grow 'I.~ lhickly as Nissaba's, I he knows not at all a people nor even a COli lltry. I He was dad in a pmw:llI like Sakkan's, I feeding 01\ gr;:lss with dle vcr)' gazdles. I Jostling at the water-hole wilh the herd, I he enjoyed tile WaleI' with the animals" (I 101-12; Ceorge, Bllbylollitlll (;i~'«IIf/('Jj, hiJi(', vol. I, S'H-5). Barnett et al., SotlthwCJt Pa/tII'l' rd'Sclllltlc/J{'}'i/;, H9, 110. J4'! ,~(1. III the ancient Ncar East, goat.~kins made very scrvicelhlc walcr cOllwiners. In this regard, sce I-I. W. F. Sagg.~, lhl'Might lINt! WIts AHyrifl (London: Sidgewick and jacksoll, I,)H'l): I (q. On lh(· lISC orgoalskins in ancient Egypt, sce Frederick F. Zeuner, A IIiJlfJI)'4Dof!ll'.I,ti((lfallllliIJIfIIJ (London: Iluichinson, 196,): [38. Sec Barnell and Falkner, Smlpturn olAlJ'ur-wl,rir-tlpli I I, xvii and 8. -I he annals ofTig];uh-Pi!eser ! II lhat descrihe tht' king's Arab c<\mpaign.\ art' nOI very well preserved, 011 which Sl'e Hayilll -fildmOl', lhc ItlJcriPliollJ 4'"/(i!,lllth-Pi/tJ('f' III [(jllg olAJjyrii/ (Jerusalem: '1 hl' Ilchrew LJniversil y PublicatiollS, 1t)64): HO-'j.
27. Smlptur(J ojA'<s'{fr-flil!;r-dpli II, ,\'l. 2N. Ibid., 10 . 29. For an illustration, sec Antoll Moongat, J!J(' Art olAf/ciml 1v/t'JO/J{)/(lflli({ (l.ondon and New York: Phaidoll, 1961)): pI. [36. 30. Barnett and Falkner, SmlptllH'J f!lAHllr-JJd.sir-rljlli II, xv and 1[. J I. In Egyptian an, the llse of'oxen to draw whecied vehicle~ is also generally lllore oflen associated with ()reign peoples. On a pylon oflhe '1 (:rnple of Ramesses III (ca. 119+-lt6, BCE, ']\vcntieth {}Yllasry) at Medinet Hahu, in the midst ofa great banle composition against the "Sea Peoples," the womcn and children of these j(Hcigncrs appear in wagons drawn hy oxen (Houlihan, Alliltllli W'r)}lr/, 19).
NOTES TO PAGES 46~5
214
3
NOTES TO PAGES
]2. Citarelli, "Gesture and AJreriry," 220.
34. Victor Turner, fiwn RitlUi/ to Thetlter: 7l;e Humdll SerioUJne;;s a/PIll), (New York: PAj Publications, 1982): 24. Many of Turner's ideas concerning "liminaljty" are indebted [0 rhe seminal work by Anhur van Gennep, Rites of Pmsage, trans. Monika B. Vizcdom and Gabrielle L. Cafre (Chicago: "Iht University of Chicago Press, 1960), which is not directly citcd in this study.
35. Ibid. }6. Ibid. 37. Ibid,,25· 38. Ibid" 27. 39. An understanding of the closeness of cattle, especially the ox, to man can be dcrccccd in many ancient cultures as belief or metaphor. I;or example,
I. Oates and Oates, Nimmd, 20. 2. 'lhe depictions of some of these soldiers of (c)feign origin who fCmght in thc Assyrian army on the reliefs of Tiglath-Pilescr III arc discussed in Asher-Greve and Scll" Getliw IIlId Krieger, 36-8. 'Ihc archers with uncovered heads and short garments shown in the reliefs or Tiglath-Pileser III arc identified here ;lS Aramaeans (ibid., .l8). See also Davide Nadali, wlhe Representation of Foreign Soldiers and their Employmem in the Assyrian Army," W. H. van Soklt, ed., FthlJici~J' in Anciw( 2()()2
(Leidcn: Nederlands instituut yoor het Nabije Oosten, 2(05): 221-44. 3. See Pauline Albenda, ihc Prt/a('(' r{StflgoJ/, KinK o/A.I'j)'l'ia (Paris: I\litions Recherche sur Ies (:ivilisafions, 1986): 1"18-50, under pis. J 28 and [_,6, respectively. Indeed, Wiifler identifies (hese figures as originally from Carchemish (Nicht-A1'.I)'I't'r, 2)1, Ahh. 145). 4. See Alhenda Paldel' O/SlllgOI/, 159, under AO ll)li71. See ,llsu eadem, "Assyrian Royal Hunts,"
1 I.
of Babylon Resolved," Garr/£'" HiJtOl)' 21 (199.3): 1-13, figs. I and 2 respectively. On Assyrian-Northern Syrian interconnections, see Winter, "Art as Evidence (-or Interaction"; Allison Kannel 'Thomason, "Representations of the North Syrian Landscape in Neo-Assyrian An," Rul/cti/l oftbl' American Scbools of Orimltt! Rl'Jt'rlrclJ 323 (2001): 3-16; and (')Il1i.ir Harman~ah, "Eski Yaktn Dogu'da Ortosrarlt Yapdann Tektonik Estetigi ve Kiiltiirel Baglanll: Bolgeler-Arasl Payla~dan Mimari Bir Pratigin Olll~llmll," in Lale Ozgend, ed., EJki{'ag'ltI klekdnlttrl I ZllJ}llll1lilJ'f I illSf{Jl/rlrf: OlJU)
Mirrltlrllk Tarihi YiikJek Lisan.> vc Doklonl Pmgmnll DtJktora Am~tmllfllrln Sempozyllflllllll, 2--.1 Httz;mn 2003, (JDTU, Ank({J'([ (Istanbul: HomeI' Kitabevi, 200')): 110-32. 12. For an illustl'ation, see Albenda, Pa/ace o/Sargon, PI. 29. For a description, sec ibid., 162, under AO 19 88 7. 13. Barnett, Sculptures/rom the North Pfi/({Ce, .39, pI. XIX.
14. Ibid., 37, pi. Vi. 15. See Albenda, Palace oISmgotl, 179, under 1M 60980. 16. Barnett ct aI., Southwest Pa/(l('{' (!/,c')mll({('baih, £23; no. 5 S7b-9b, 17. Ibid., I25· l8. Barnett, Nortb Prdtlcc o/AJ/JltriJllllip(t/, 38-"9,
e.~p. 57') b-7h.
pI. XlV.
Ihid., 39, pI. XIV. Ibid., 51~2, pI. LII. Marcus, "Geography
ANI' 11.1..11. 26. Winter, "Sex, Rhetoric, and the Public MOllumefll," n. J6. On this relationship or parity henvcell the lion and the king, as well as the royal lion hunt in S('lJlilti(}lIftl.~'y.l'fl'ttlJ (Swtl()f(i, (:A: St
28. Maurecn Calkry Kovacs, ilil' I~j)i( of(;i{f!.fllf,nh (Stan/em!, CA: S[an/(lI'd UniversilY Press, [9H9): 'i,
n.4-
72 . S. See Albentia, P({lflcet!/,Srllgot/, (69, under IHv1 118H29. 6. See MOOrtgal, Art o/AJJcjmt kh-sopofrlmitl, 1 So, citing Sidney Smith, AJJyri(/1I .\'('IIlp(lIre., ill tiN' British MW'('flltJ j1-tJltJ Sh({llIIfuu'ser III to Sf'wllle/m'ih (i.oIH\on: '/ he British Museum, 1938): 14. 7. For an illuslr:ll'ion of both f-igures, see Albenda 11(t/tl(foj'.I..,'d1l,on, 1 S9, under AC) 19872. 8. See, fClI' instance, Kurt Bittel, Die HaMler: I)i(' f(fllI.lt {(IItlto/im.!' [!om Fllrk de.!' 3. his zum Af~f;lfIg tkr I. jflhrlllllJenth
2 I)'
relevant slabs from the palace of Sargon at Khorsabad and (h,l( of Ashurbanipa! at Nineveh, see Stephanie Dalley, "Ancient Mesopotamian Cardens and the Identification of the Hanging Gardens
J 3· See Barnett and Falkner, Sculptures ofAHItI'~l/{lfir-({pli fl, xxiv and 24-
Mesopo{({mitl: /}lpe}'f R{'(ld rtf the 4Sth Rt'llcolltrl' As.lyri%giquc II/lcma/iol/Nk, I.dden, [-4 jll{y
5 3~6I
{IO},
C1JI'LrtlfS (MLinchen: Verlag (:. /-1. Beck, 1(76): 2')4, lig. l.HH f(H Carchemish; Ekrem
Akurgal, Die f(l/lIJ! der Hethirer (Mi.inchell: I-iirmer Vcrlga, [96!): pl. [+8 Ic)]' Karatepe. 9. For an illustration, see Marian H. Feldman, /)ijJ/o/t/{((y /~y /){'sigll: l.uxlII:y Art flnd {/II "llItl'rwltiowt/ Style" ill the Al/cil'llt Nt'lfr FflJt, '400-1200 HCE (Chicago and London: 'Ihe University of Chicago Press, 20(6): fig ,36a. 10. See, f{)l' instance, David Daniel Luckenbill, AnciO/t Rl'{'(Jrr/s (~/,AJj)'ri(/ (wd Babylonia 2: Historiml Nel'Orr/J OfA,(~yri({ (I.ondon: Historb and Mysteries oC Man, 1989): no. ,)66. For drawings of the
29. (;eorge, IJll/~VI()lIi(1tI (;iZ
CltAI'TER
4:
'sENNAC![!W[l\
On this text, see H. 'Eldl1lor, B. i.andsbergcr, and S. Jlarpola, "'/he Sin o(Sargoll and St'llllachnih's Last Will," Sltut' ArthilJt'.( o/AJ'J)!}'itl 81l11etin .3/2 (1989); and Ann M. Weaver, "'I he 'Sin of Sargoll' and Esarhaddon's reconception oCScnnacherib: A Study in Divine Will, I--hunan Politics :Ind Royal Ideology," in Collon and C;eorge, eds., Nif/{'II{'/;, 61~6. 2. Luckenbill, ;/Ilcimt Nl'corc/J, tlos. 4.\4-5 [; Julian Reade, "S(udies in Assyrian Ceography. Pan I: Senllacherih and the Waters of Nineveh," RelJUc cI'A.\'J]'ri%gic 71 ([978): 47-72; Dalley, "Ancient Mesopotamian Gardens," 6; and eadem, "Nineveh, Babylon and tite Hanging C;trdells: CUneif(lI'Ill and Classical SOL!l'ces Reconciled," [/'iff] 56 (199tl): 4,)-'·5l{, esp. ')0. I.
J. On Sennacherih 's innovations in palace design and rdiefsculprure, see Russell, "Bulls for the Palace," and idcm, 5)"enn{u·/terib~· Palace {{'ithollt Rillal at Ninelll'h. Chicago: -Ihc University of Chicago Press, [99 1 . 4. Sec Barnett et aI., Sout/JI{JCSl Pa/a('(' oj'St'flllrlcherib, 9[-2,110. }62-J. 5. 6. 7. 8.
See ihid., 8J, no. 284"-5. See ibid., 90, no. 347"-'9. State Archives of Assyria .{ (Helsinki: 'Ihe Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project, 1989): Fig. JJ. For translations of this poell), sec Rene l.abat, I.e pohfl(' bdky/ouien de !rl Cl'M/ioll (Paris: Librairic d'Amcrique et d'Oritnt, 19 .l 5); Alcxander Heidel, fhc lJrd~y/o"ir1!l Genesis: fIJe ,')'lory oj' CrMtiO/l (Chicago and London: -Ihe University of Chicago Press, 1951); and Stephanie Dalley, N(yt/lJjlWf} Me.wpol({fnitl: CrMlioJ/, fhf' Hood, Gi~'
9. "As for Kingu, who had hecome chief among tbem, / He hound him and counted him among the deld gods" (IV I '9-20; Heide!, Htlby!oflirlfl Gmesi)', 41); "'Kingu it was who created the strife, / And caused Ti'[Ullat to revolt and prepare f()I' hattie.' I 'fhey bound him and held him before Ea; / Punishment they inf-licted upon him by cUlling (the arteries of) his blood. I With his hlood they created mankind; / He imposed the services of the gods (upon thelll) and set rhe gods free" (VI 29-34; Heidel, Brr/~Y!()fli{/!I G('Iu'sis, 47). [0. Livingstonc, COllrt PO('l!y, 9,), II. Ihid., 102. [2. I'v{ystiad ami A1ytho!ogicrt/ !;~\p/{ll/{{/(J}y \\J(J}.J<,s (ifAH:Wirll/ tlI/{18r1/~})/olli{{fl Sr/)()!dlJ (OxfIHll: Clarendon Press, (986): 71. [3. [bid. 14· [I Kings 19: lJ-ILj, 17; Isaiah .16: 1-2, J7:8; Russell, S(,lIl/rlciJl'ribU'rt/({ct, [(\1,207. I
NOTES TO PAGES 68~76
NOTES TO PAGES 6 I~68
216
5. See Barnett et at, S(JIlr/ml('.1f
PtI/flCf'
({S('III/{{c/lCri/;, 101 ~5, no. '128-".\9.
16. Set: ibid., [19,110.)29,PI.412.
See Barnet[ cl aI., SoutillI'CJI PtI/dl'{' (if'S{'JII/(/(/J{'I'i/J, 11.\-14, no. 489, pI. ,82. Zellner, /-liJto~}) 41)011/(,.11 imta/llniJlw/s, 2'15. Sec Houlihan, Anill/a/ Vlmlr!, 14. Sec also idem., "Animals in Fgyptian An," 106. Hussey, "AnalOmical Nomenclaturc," 22. Sec Barnett et aI., SOllthwl'St l'rli(I('('(if'Smf/rlchcrib, 1 [J-I4, DO. 488, pI. .l81; and no. 490, pI. .l8.\. 22. On the Assyrian lexts 1llt:l1tioning the cutling or enemy's orchard.~ as a military laclic 10 {()fCC (he eoelllY to Rlrrender with parallel representatiollS from rc!icrsclilpture, sec Steven Cole, "'I he Destruction ofOrcilards in Assyrian Warbre," ill Parpola and Whitin!4' cds., As.lyria 199), ].9-.19. 2,). I-Iumphrcys, Oeirl: Me(fWI01!ilJoJcJ, 68. "2,!. "He was dad ill a garment like Sakkan's, / /Ceding Oil gra~s with the very gazelles. / jOJt/ing itt the water-hole with the herd, / he enjoyed the watcr with the animals" (I 109-12; Ccorge, HtI/~Y!(/Jli(/!1 (,';!grIlJlcJh hille, vol. I, 5'14-')-). In hiblical thought, 100, the human heing may he lllldcrHood to he initially a vegetarian. Meal consumption is introduced aller the Hood ,ll1d restriCled by certain rules ()f decorum. In thi~ reganl, ~et' I-Iallo, "( )rigins of tile Sacrificial (:ult," ). 17. 18. 19. 20. 21.
25. Sorahji, Animal k/i"tis, J 01. 26. Crayson, RIMA 2, ANP II A.O.[o[.I, I. 126; A.O.IOt.[7, II. [2-13; A.O.IOI.2J, I. 12 (Standard inscription); quoted in Wimer, "Art ill bllpire," \6[. 27. See Wimer, "Art ill Fmpire," 36[; and cadem, "Sex, RhelOric, and the Public MOlllltHelll," 21. 28. See Wimer, "Sex, RheLOric, and thc Public MOnUlllCtll," 17, n . .16. 2.9· G-ogrtfph} (I//)oflll'Jti((ftioll (Englewood (:Jill's, N.J.: Prenlkc-J-1all, I lie., 1970): 109. 10. "Myth~, Cults, and Livestock Breeding," j);ogw/'J 41 ([ 90\): 70""'9 ,j, esp. 8 J. 3 [. Ibid., 88. \2. Wal
2I7
3+ See T7vi Abusch, "Eremmu," in Karel van def TClOrn er al., eds., Dictionmy ofDeiticJ tttld Dernons in the Bible (Leiden, Boston, K61n: E.]. Brill): 309-3l2. See also J. Bouero, "La creation de I'homme et sa nature dans Ie poeme d'Atralyasis," in Societies dnd Lrmguflges o/the Ancient NedI' f.ast: Studin in Honour o/f. M. Difikonoff(Warminstet, England: Ads and Phillips, 1982): 24-J2; and Bendt AJster, "i!ll {fIol/urn: We-f' i-!rl, 'Gods: Men' versus 'Man: God' Punning and the Reversal of Patterns in the Atrahasis Epic," in Tzvi Abusch, ed., Riches Hiddm in Secret P!tlces: Ancient NedI' Emtern StudieJ in Memmy Thorkild jflcobJl'II (Winona Lake, Indiana: Eisenbrauns, 2002): 3 )-39. J 5· Heidel, Brlby!onirln Gl'IIesis, 46. On an analysis of the ancient Mesopotamian accounts of the creation of man in Akkadian, see Giovanni Pettinato, Das rl!loril'lllrdischc Nlenschenbild lind die sumerischen lind ttk/utdischl'll Schdpfilllgmlythen (Heidelberg: Carl Winter, Universitiitverlag, 197r): 41-7. 36. E. E. Evans-Pritchard, Nller Rcligion (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1956): 254, cited in \'\fatanabe, Animal !:>)>mbo!ism, (48. On the symbolism and meaning of cattle in ancient Egypt, see Frankfort, Kingship {tnd the Gods, r62-8.
0/
CI-IAI'TER 5: ASI-IURHANII'AL
I. Oates and Oates, Nimmd, '13; Cunis and Reade, Artrwd Empirc, 30. 2. Oates and Oates, Nimmd, 2.4. J. Sec S. Parpoia and K. \'(Iatanabe, Neo-As.~yri(ltI 7i'erffies tlnd Lo}rt/ty ()rlthJ, State Archives of Assyria (Helsinki: The Nco-Assyrian Text Corpus Project, 1988). 4. Curti.~ and Reade, Art [{fld Empil~', }o.
2
5. Ibid. 6. Barnett, North Fa!ace o/AsfJllr/J(lIlip(li, }6, pI. IV. For similar dyads and triads of guardian figures located at gateways, see ibiel., pis. XXI, XXXI, and XXXVII. 7. See Pauline Albenda, "Symmetry in the An of the Assyrian Empire," in Charpin and Joannes, cds., Cirmltltioll ric.\' bicw, 297-J09, csp . .30.:1. 8. See Barnett, North Pa!([cc (if'AJ/Jllr/J{lIIiprt/,48. 9. Sec ihid., .P, pI. ViI. 10. On representations or dogs in A~syrian and Mher Mesopotamian an, sec also Aynard, "Animals in Mcsopotamia," 50-7. 1 I. Sec, for example, the gold repoussc howl from Ugarit illuslrated ill Feldman,
Fig.J5. 12. hH
Dip!()!1Iruy by Design,
pI. XXXfIl.
15. Sec, however, A. Finet, "I.e sacrifice de J'£me ell l'v'lesopotamic," in Quaegeheur, cd., Ritual ({nd StU'~ rifiCt', 135-'12, which discLlsses the sacrifice of the donkcy among Amorite nomads in rillials that celebrarc alliances on account of tbe vallie this animal had among nomads who did nen yct know the horse or Ihe dromedary. 16. See Aynard, "Animals in Mcsopotamia," )4. 17. Zcuner, Hhto!y o/f)omesticrlud Aniw(lll', 77. On the process of domestication 0(' animals, sce Sonia Cole, "Animals oCthe New Srone Agc," in Brodrick, ed., Anim(/A ill Archtlc%g)', 1')-41, esp. 25-32. 18. In Egypt as well, from its earliest appcarance ill the Nile Valley, rhe domeslicared dog was used for the hunt. "It is in this capacity that the dog is ubiquitollsly encountered in scenes on tomb chapel walls and elsewhere, running down and dispatching desert game f()]' their owners" (Houlihan, "Animals in Egyptian Art," 117). 19. Leichry, .1..,~lImm(llzl)//,). Sec E. Edelstein and L. Edelstein, Ji.ldepiw: A CO/!l'Cli(J}! illld itlterpretrltion o/thc fhtimo!/i"s, 2 vols. (Baltimore: '[he Johns Hopkins University Press, 1945) vol. I, }60-9 . .)ee also Cilhus, Anillitt/J, 93. 2 [. On the dog as symbol of both Gula and Asdepius, and the connections berween ancient Greece and (he Near East in this regard, see Burkert, Orietltrt/izillg Rt'I)O!lItio)J, 75-7. Sce also Stephanie Dalley t't aI., llJe Llgruy (if'Ml'J()potamiil (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 199H): 98 and 100. 12. See Barnelt et al., S(Juthwl'.if Prt/fllY' o/Sctllltlc/m'ib, 94-95, no. J81-8J, PIs. 286-}20. 20.
NOTES TO PAGES
76-86
2). For the idea (hat representarions of plants in battle scenes, such as Ashurnasirpall!'s Slabs B-) and B-4 discussed earlier and the SIeJa of Naram-Sln from the Akkadian period, denote rhe .~pedf1c Hora of the lands conquered or subdued by Jvlcsopotamian kings, see Irene ]. \'\finter, "Treds) on the Mountain: Landscape and 'Icrritor), Oil the Victory Stele Naram-Sin of Agade," in L. Ivlilano et aI., eds., ClIldsmpes: 7i.Trilories, Fro!!tie})" {{II(I l/oriZ()fJ'," ill the Allcimt Neilr Ft/)"t: PllpeH presl'!ltcd to Ihe XLIV RC1J(()JJtrc AJ.l)'rlo/(}giqlfC IntematioNalt'. \!{'IIt'zi({, 7~11 jll~v 1997 (Padova: Sargo!), (999) 63-7 2,
or
esp, 61}. 24. See Barnett, North Pa/({(('o/Ashllrb(/fllj)(t/, 'i0. Sec ;11so Alhenda, "Assyrian Royal Hunts," (i~~9· 2). See Barnet[, SOlllhwl'SI Pa/acc ojS('fIlltic/wrib, 89, no. 341, pl. 24 2,
NOTES TO PAGES 86-90
Mesopotamia," in I. L. Finkd and :\1.
tUtl\llI Biblicum, (962). 2. Fo.~ter, "Animals in Mesopotamian Literature," 272. l. "Animals in Mesopotamian Literature," 288.
l'i\RT
tl:
Cdler, eds .. Stlllleriafl Gods tlml their Rl'pn'smtrltiofls,
27-55, esp, JI. 14. On the Assyrian king\ spiritual advisors and the "inner circle" of" the Assyrian COLlrt, see Parpoia, LeIters/rom Assyri{lIl {wd i3f1/Jy/onirllJ SChO/flrs, xiii--xxxv; idem, ""lhe Assyrian Cabinet," in IVlallf"ried Dietrich and Oswald Loretz, cds., VrIflZ fI/t('J} OriWI Zl/m rt/ten lhtrllll('J}t: Fl'JlJe/Jri/t fir \·Volji'(J!I Freihcrm VOl! Sod('/} ZUNI 8). Gcbllrtstdg filii [9. jun; [99} (Nellkin.:hen- Vluyn: Verlag Butwn und Hercker KeyeIan, J 99 5): 3 79~40 t. On the Assyrian "Chief Scrihe," who "certainly was atHong the most learned individuals orbis tillle, and as the king's personal counselor (llIlmUtllu) was an inAuential and highly prestigiolls cnun oHidal comparable to the Iegelldary sages (flpkdl/U) or the 'antediluvian' times," sec also idem, ""Ihe h1riorn Scholar," in Francesca Rochberg-Haltoll, cd., I,{mglltlgc, l.il('}"tlllln!, (lIId !-fiJt"')': Phi/%giw/ {wd !-fLrtoriml Sludit's PrcJ('Ifter/ (0 bicfI Rein('/' (New Haven, CT: American Orit'lHal
CONCl.USION TO FART I
Sec Foster, "Animals ill Mesopotamian Literature," 272~J. On the text itself: .\ee B. Landsherger, "/hc F{Il/!!d (/Ancil'lll Mr:SOPOldWi({, Fin! Pdrt, MS[, VI III [ (lZome: Polltif1ciul1l r nstitll(UIlI Hihliculll, 1960); idem., lhe [<{lItll(t oj"Allcil'Jlf MCSOPOlrllllirl, Secolld Part, MSL VIlli2 (Rome: Pomificiu!Il Insti-
9
Cuneiform Monographs 7 (C["()lIingm: STYX Puhlications, 1997): 167~213· 1.1. See especially Irene J. Winter, "Seat of Kingship / 'A Wonder to Behold:' 'lhe Palace as Construct in lhe Ancient Near East," An Orient(tiis: A Speci(i/ IJHll' Of} Pre-lvlodnll MrlIuic Pttlac('J 2:> ([ 99)):
26. See Barnet(, North Pa/a(c ojAshllrb{flliprf/, 44, pI. XXX.
!.
J.
21
Society, 1987): 257-"7H, esp. 257· 15. New {-'-laven, CT: AmericlIl Oriental Society, [9<12. 16. In thi.~ regard, sec W'lnter in "Royal Rhetoric," 10~1
I.
17. "Fonction poJitiqUl':," 117~1 X. 18. "La salle dite 'C' dLi palais d'Assurnasirpal I[ Kalakh, lieu de c('rellloilic rituclle," in Andre Pi net, cd .. ;lctl's dc /fl XVlll' R('I!('olltn, tlSJ),rirl/op/qlfc IlltCrtl(ltiolltl/C: Ulliwn;r/ fibre ric 8ruxclleJ, }O jllin4 juil/e!, li)Oi) (Ham-sur-Heurc, Belgium: Cornice beIge dt recherches Cil i\IIi'sopotamic, J 970):
a
lNTROJHICTION 147~')4-
[. lbe LJl'Stil~y (I/the \rlrlrrior, trans. Alf Hiltebeitd (Chicago and London: '(he Uiliver.~ity oj" Chicago Press, [9(9): 55. 2. Ursula M,lgell, Assyri:;c/Jl' /(iilligdtfrJ/ellllllgm, Asptkte da /-IC/"nc/!ttji: einc ~jJP%gi(', Baghd;Kkr Forshu ligen 9 (Maim. am Rhein: P. von !.ahcrIl, 1989) esp. 7(i~-XI. hll" !ransbtioll.\ oCthe three aforementioned incalHation texts, see Jorgen Ll'SS('j(', ,)"tl/dicJ on (he As.~vritlll RIll/iii t{lul Series bit rimki (Kohenhavn: I~jtlar Munl<sgaard, [9') S); Erica Reiner, ,'-,tIIff!U: II Col/cclioll (d"SlItIIl'I"irll' rllld A/.:ktldidf/ InCflllttllion:;, Archiv fiir Orielllfo["schung I r (Cra1.: 1m Selhstverlage des Herallsgehers, 1958); and
19. Insobr as the connections hetwecil represclltatioll and function of space are conccrned, Ru~sell's work "Program of the Palace," al.~o to a certain extclH draws on Brandes's work, espedally rcgarding the ceremollial lise or Room G ("Program of'the Pal;lCe," esp. (i(i1-5, alld (i7[--~7). In this regard, sec ,dso Magell, ;/sJydlche [(ijIJigdt/rstCI/Il11,f!,I'fl, 8J-4 and 87, On the {raditioll of weapon plirifiCition of"anciellt Mesopolarnian rulers, sec J. van l)ijk, "Un riwel de purillcation de.'. al'mes t'l de I'arrnee: essai de traduction de YBC 4184," ill M. A. Beck et aI., cds., '\)'If,bo/r/(' Hi/;/ictlc c{ MCJOpoltfillictle FIIl!/ciJ((I Milrio 'jj,eot/o/"() & /.irq(rc IhiM /)('(Iimftfl' (I.eiden: E. J. Brill, 1(73):
Meier, Mtlqhi. 3. In this regard, see SilllO Parpola, "'Ihe Assyrian' liTe or Life: 'Il'a(ing the (higins of Jewish Monothe-
20.
ism and Creek Philosophy," jNhS 52 (I 99.1): 168. 4. MYJfim/ {{wI Mytb%giCtl/ b:p/tlfltlIOly wrn'ks (//A.I".~yri{{/J fllld /Jd/~)'/(/lIirlll Schola/".\ « )x!()rd: (:bn'nd()n Pre.\.\, 198(i). 5. 6. 7. 8. 9.
Ihid" [. Ibid. Ihid.,2. Sec Horowitz, 1v1l':mp(I({(/IJ;t/IJ Cosmic C;t"O
JilrA.(~)Jri(J/(lgkHJ. (191}2): 98-111, esp. 98. 10. Ihid., <)8. See also Kvanvig, RootJ ({Apo(({(jjltic, I HH. II. Beaulieu, "New Light," 107-8. 12. Ihid., 108. On esoteric knowledge ill Me.'.opOlamia, sec also Joan Coodnick Wt''<'lenholz, "'Ihollghts on Esoteric Knowledge and Secret Lore," ill Prosed:}I, ed., 11I!c/ll'I"tfl{t/ l.~fl', 'IS 1-""16.\. On the induction of the diville statuc in Mesopot~llllia sc'e Sidney Smith, ""Ihe Babylonian Ritual f(lr the COll.\ecration and Induction o/" a Divinc Statue," jOlll"llitlO/IlH' Roy(t/Ilsit(fic Socidy (1"(,"/,l'dl 8ritdin flIId Irdtllld 1 I (192)) J7-t'lO; Irene]. Winter, "'Idols oCthe King:' Royal Images as Recipiel\is 0(" Ritual Auion in Ancient Mesopotamia," jour/w/ (/ Niflf(d Slur/in 6 (1992) J .l~42; and more recendy (:hristopher Walkn and Mich;lCl I)ick, If,{' Indlfctioll ({IIJI' (.'ull l/lJage ill Anciml Mt'sopo/(lIl1itl: II)£' I\1C.WPOltlflJ!(1II MiJ Pi Nit/wi, State Archives or As.\}'ria Literary TeXIS I (Helsinki: 'Ihe NeoAssyrian 'Jext Corpus Project, 2001). ()n lhe rilual.'. oj" lhe IMhi, see F 'Ihureall-Dangin, "Le riltd
bitt," Nt/Nfl' d'As.~J'ri()I()
till
10 7- 17. Certain Mesopotamian kings, {()r instancc, claimed cOlllmand of' esoteric knowledge, partiullady Lince kings, Shulgi (2094-'20,P lIu:), l.ipi(-Isht~\f ([,)H-t9L;1 liCE), and A~htlrbanipal «(i(i8·627 liCE). On this matter, sec, for instance, Eric Leichty, "Ashurbanipal's Lihrary at Nineveh," /JI/I-
Irtin ({Ihe S(/cit.'~Y.fiJ/·IvI('.\"()P()ftlt)Jitlll Stllr1icJ 1 'i (198X): J 1-18, esp. 14. For Ashurhanipal's declarations regarding his literacy and his understanding esoteric lore, see Kvanvig, Nl/o/J t{ApOCil(Vpfil" [89 and ],10, where colophons indicating Ashurhanipal's knowing the lIi. l"il"flf, secret, 01" tile wise Ilpkd/ills, antediluvian sages, arc Jllcntioned. Ashurbanipal himselfdeciares: "I stud), stone imcriptiolls from hel!:)!'e dle flood, which are difficult, obscure and colllplicatcd!" (quoted in I .ivingstone, COllr! Pom)" XIX). ()Il Ashurhanipal\ claims to literacy and "antediluvian knowledge," sec also \'\filfred (;.l.
ClIAI'TEJ{ J:
TIlE KtNC, NONKINC
t. SilllO Parpoh, I.cttl'!"J jiwlI As.~J'ri'"1 S(/I(J/tllJ 10 Ihe Kings FSilr//(/rido/l flud A.Hllr/JrI!/iprt/ ([(evdaer: But1.on and Berker, 11}70): I02~'i, no, 12.l), II. )-12. 2. 'Ihe proposition that the figure wearing the headband reprcsellls the CroWll prince was fimned in F. UngL'l", "Die Darsrellullg Assurbanipals, des Kriinprin:rcn VOll A~sLlr, UIH.I dcs Schaillaschschlllllllkin,
NOTES TO PAGES 90-94
220
des Kronprimen von Babylon, auf der Stele des Assarhddon aus Sendschirli," 7.eitschrift fii?" ASJyrialagie 3 I (19 I 8): 236-9, esp. 237. Unger suggested dut the headband with pendant bands with which Ashurbanipal is depicted on Esarhaddon's stela fi'om Zincirli may be indicative of his rank as crown prince. Building f"unher on this suggestion, Julian Reade proposed that this distinctive diadem may generally be thought w identif)r images of the crown prince in late Assyrian an ("Two Slabs from Sennacherib's Palace," Iraq 29 [1967]: 42-8, esp. 47). In this regard, see ,liso Magen, As~yrische Kiinigdarsteilullgen, 25-6. Other scholars have idemified the individual wearing the headband as the rurt,inu, such as O,l\'id Oates, "The Excavations at Nimrud (Kalhu), 1962" Imq 25 (1963): 6-.37, esp. I s; and T A. Madhloom, 7h" ClmmoloJ!J' ofNeo-As~yrirln Art (London: Athlone Press, 1970): 67,76. "l11e basis for this interpretation is from A. Olmstead, who suggested that the officials portrayed in procession on Assyriall reliefs were arranged ill the same ranked succession as they were on the eponym lists (HistOl), OfASjyrirt [New York: Charles Scribner and Sons, 192.3]: 105, 108). 111c turta!!u appears second on these lists following the king. On the t/frtdllll, sec also Raija Mattila, The King;' fl;frlgnrlft': A Stltc(y of the Hight'st q(ficirtls of the Nm-AH),rian Empire, State Archives of' Assyria Studies II (Helsinki: '111e Neo-Assyrian 1cxt Corpus Project, 2000): esp. 107-23. 3. King of tbe lifoI'M, 30. An emphasis 011 the clement of the diadem among the insignia of kingship can also be found in the Assyrian coronation ritual. In this regard, sec Fr,mkl(>r(, Kingship {{nd the Gods, 247; and Kvanvig, Roots oJApocrt(yptic, 425-6. The text was puhlished by Karl Friedrkh MOller, Das Ass)'riscbe Ritl/{t/ f: Text(' zum Ass)'riscbell K;fnigJritllrt/, Mitteilungen der VorderasiatischAq,,)'ptischel1 Gescllschaft 4 [/.3 (Leipzig: J. C. Hinrichs Verlag, [937): [3. On the depiction of'Ashurbanipal as crown prince design;ne on Esarhaddon's stela, see also Biirkcr-Kliihn, Altllorc/t'rtlJifuisc/;e Hl!clrtelen, 212-13, no. 217, 2 [8, 219; and more recently Barhara Nevlillg Porter, "'1 he Importance of Place: Esarhaddon's Stelae at Til Barsip and Sam'al," in Tzvi Abllsch et aI., eds., Historiogmph), in the Cuneiform World, Proceedings of the XIV'" Rencontre Assyriologiqlle Internatiollaie, Pan 2 (Bethesda, MD: CDL Press, 200!): 373-90, esp. 376. 4. Magell (AsJ)'riJtbl' Kiilligd{IlJtc/lllngl'll, 25-6 and 35) suggests that there may be ,\ collllectioll between the headband
An Introdllctioll to AJ/cient Iranian Rdigion: Rl'rtdings /rOlf} till' AI!{'stll find /lc/Jtu'IfI('nid Inscriptiofls [Millneapolis: University of" Minnesota Press, t')831: 30). Abbie f(lund in Hesiod's IHults ({lid Days (202-12) descrihes a hawk threatening a nightingale. As (;regory Nag), points out, "the tone is pessimistic, at least in the immediate CO!Hext: dlC hawk seizes the niglllingale, descrihed as all (wit/ds, 'singer', that is, 'poet' (208), simply heGlllse he i.~ m{)["e powerful (20el, 207, 210), and he boasts 0(" having the ultimate [lower of either releasing or devouring hi.\ victim (20'))" ((;rak k~Yfholo.ey (lnd POl·tics [Ithaca and [.Dnllon: (:orncll University Press, 19901: (5). 6. For an interpretation tklt sees [he bull hunt relieL" of Ashurnasirpal II as alluding to Cilgamesh's slaying the Bull of I-Ieavcll, see Chikako Esther Watanahe, "Mythological Assm.:iations Implied in the Assyrian Royal Bull HUllI," in Simonelta Craziani, cd., Sludi .wl pieillO (JriCfl/(' (wtico (It-dicdti III/II memori" rli Luigi Glg"i, ISlitu[o Universitario (hkntale, I)ipertimento tli Studi Asiatici, Series Minor ell (Napoli: Istituto Universitario Orientale, woo): 1 (,f9-elt. 7. In [let, Magen also wonders whelher this eunuch figure might he a priest (AJJ)'ri.ithl' /((i"tligr/({l)"ldlufl,!!,m,6R).
R. I~or a discussion of' this ceremonial manner oCholding the bow ill the art or Ashurnasiq1a1 in comparison [0 Achaemenid represt'ntations, see Root, King ({nd Kingship, 107-8; Richard Wilkinson, '''Iht' Representation of the Bow ill the Art of'EgYPI and [lIe Ancient Ncar I':ast," jourNal oftill' AI/tim! Nedr 1:i/Sfl'J"1/ So{"it.,~J' 20 (I ')') I): R.3-99, esp. R4-6; and idem, ,~'}'tJ/bol IIlId Magic in r;i!,)'ptir/!/ Art (London: 'Ihames and I-Iudson, 1')94): 211-j 2. 9. In this regard, see Bachdo(, "hmctiol1 polilique," III. (0. For a list the seventeen members of the sacerdotal inner circle of the Assyri;U\ COUrt, see Parpola, /.l'fh'!:rjrom A.(ryrif/!/ dful Hil/~y/()t/itlll Sd;O/llf"J, XXV -XXVI; fl.)]" a list of the seven oHicials or the Assyrian cahinet, the "magnates," see idem, "Assyrian Cabinet," .l79-lio. For a study of' (he highest officials ill rhe Neo-Assyrian Fmpire based on written sources, see, most recently, Manila, Kinii fI;/agt/f/t(·.l.
or
NOTES TO PAGES 95-I04
221
11. For a discussion of the symbolism of (he lion and the bull and their conjunction in ancient [ranian art, see Margaret Cool Root, "Anima!s in the Art of" Ancient Iran," in Collins, ed., HiJtOl), oftlit, Animal Wforld, 192-203. further on the conjunction of the lion and the bull as a representation of the relationship between the constellations Leo and "ElUrus in the mid-third and mid-first millennium skies at (he spring equinox, sec Willy Hartner and Richard Ettinghausel1, "1he Conquerillg Lion, the Life Cycle of a Symbol," Oriens: jouma! of the Intenlf{{iowd Society Jar OrieJ/tfd Rt'smrd; [7 (1964): 1() [-71. Within ancieIH Mesoporamia, it is l1meworthy that the god Nergal is associated with both the lion and the bull. In the Poem o/En"ll, Nergal's self-introductory statement: "In the skies I am the wild bull, on earth I am the lion" (1109; Cagni, PO('fti ofEr/"il, .10) "may serve as a guide to his iconography" (Wiggermann, "Nergal. B. Arch:-iologisch," 223).
CHAPTER 2:
LA SAL!.!". OITE \;'"
r. Sec Brandes, "La salle dite 'e,'" [')2; and Rus.~dl, "Program of the Palace," 661. Sj)irittlrl! Allthority fwd 7emportd Power, [6. 3. Ibid., 8. 4. Ibid., 7, n. 7· 5. Sec Serge Sauneron, 7h" PrieJIJ" ofAf/eil'll! (e;)'p(, trans. David l.onon {Ithaca: (:orndl University Press, 2000): 32; and Doxey, "Priesthood," 68. For a di.~cussion of the priesthood of ancient Mesopotamian king, especially ill rdation to the New Year's fe.~tiV<11, see also Ivan Enp;ndl, Studies ill Di/!ille King.d;ip ill th(' Allci£'flt N('(lr /;"r15t (Oxt{mi: Basil Blackwell, [')el7): 3 t-7· 6. ,)j!iritlla! AI/J/JOri~J' rind 7en/poml fitJllICf", [7. 7. Ibid., IS. 8. Ibid., 2. '). Por basic and synoptic inf()J"[lI;Hion Oil the myth and 1l,liUfe of" the tip/Millis, sec especially l~rica Reiner, "'Ihe Ftiological Myth ofthe 'Seven Sages,'" Orientaliil 30 (1')61): 1-··t I. 10. Green, "Beneficent Spirits and Malevolellt Demons," 82. As {-{l\" the humall p;enii, it seems reasonable that they may be equated with the prescription f{lr wooden figurines of apparently human rlpkrlllllS, whkh, however, did not .\urvive owing to the perishability of wood (ihid.). Both Dietel" Kolhe and F. A. M. Wiggerm:lnll examille all three types ofgellii melltioned carlit"!" under the Illain title apkallll (Kolbe, Reliejj;rogrrmlrtu', l'I~I7, where the human ajlka!!11 is "Variante A," tbe hird-he,llled ajlka!l" "Variante g," and the fish-cloaked flpk(//III "Variante C"). Sec also Wiggermann, MeJoj!olfllfli(lfI h'ot('(lille ,)/)irits, 7.1-7, in which the anduop0ll](lI"phic ({j!/~f,JII/ is designated UflllI-flpkrtl!lI, lhe hird-headed flpkd/III "Bird-flpkal/u," alld the fish-cloaked tlpkfd!If" l;ish-flp/utllll."·1 he tnmt expallsive text prescrihing the rypes oUigurines is rhe Assur ritual KAR, no 2')B, prescribing [lot only wooden fip;urines of" seven ffpkfllills hom seven Babylonian dties, but also tlpkrtl/u figurines with the filces and winp;., of birds ((;reen, "Nco-Assyrian Apotropaic J:igures," Rli). See fun her (;ret'n, "1.ioJI-IkmoJ\," ['Il). [I. For illustrations, see Paley, King oItI;t V(/orkl, figs. 28a and 28b. 12. For a study of As hurna sir pal II's decorated garment iconography, sec Jeanny Vnry." (:anby, "l )ecoratcd Carlllents in Asilurnasirpal's Sculpture," 1m" .1.1 ([ 97 I): {[ ······5 {. I.). Paley suggested that rhe program of the Northwest Palace 0[" Ashllrnasirpal II in Nimrlld was carexecution among the ried out throughout (he entire tenure of dIe king and that a chronology diHcrent spatial segments of the palace was hencc the case (King oflhl' V;lor/d, I, 1.1). Palc}' is to he commended Ii.>!" all his detections about st}'Ii.~tic variatiom within the relief program, bll! 1101 ('very stylistic diHcrence may reveal a separate chronological ph'lse. '4. According to Paley himself, for example, [he apparenr lack of organizatioll and thematic unit)' amoog the relids seems [() have been an accepted method in Assyrian an, at least fi"Olll (he titl\e or Ashur· nasirpal I (1050-1032 BCE) (ibid., 20). 15. Por a h;lsic discllssion of knives, whets((lnes, bracelets worn by the genii, as well as the prolOmes attached to them in (he art ofAshurnasirpalll, see Paley, ibid., .lR··-'). 2.
or
10. Ibid. 17. The widespread attention among scholars regarding the visual expre~sioll of the king's as wei! cer" tain gods' llIilitary might has been centered around the bow. Brandes, fllr example, wkes the bow and arrows as (he attribUles of supreme military /"unuion among the As~yriaIlS ("[
222
NOTES TO PAGES 104-123
NOTES TO PAGES 123-126
l)" l). Russell also sees the bmv and arrows as "the supreme rnanifestarion of terrestrial royal might" ("Program of the Palace," 686). In this regard, sec also Joan Coodnick Westenholz, "-[11e King, the Emperor, and the Empire: Continuity and Discontinuity of Royal Representation in Text and Image," ill Sanna Aro and R.M. \Vhiting, cds., fhe Hein of Assyria, Mclammu Symposia I, Proceedings of the Opening Symposium of' the Assyrian and Babylonian Intellectual Heritage Project held ill Tv;irminnc, Finland, Octobcr H~I I, 199)) (Helsinki: "Ihc Nco-Assyrian Text Corpus Project. 2000): 99- l2 5,esp.115- 1 7· IR. For an illustration, sec Paley, King oIthe i'(/orld, plate 25b. Paley also notes that the only mythical being that appears on the armbands and whetstones on rhe rclicf~ of the Northwest Palace is rhe fIlw!JlIHIf, "the dragon of Marduk": "'Ihe beast is depicted with a rolled-up snout n:miniscent of central Asian styles of'depicting animals. 'Ihe bcial fC'atmes especially the folds of flesh Oil dH': bridge of the Ilose, arc leonine with a mixture ofsllakc" (ibid., 38).
16. See Rene Labat, Le camcte,'f l'digit'llx de !a rO),(Wle {fJ~ym-bilb)'Lolliennc (Paris: Librairie d' Amerique et d'Orient, 1939): 3]0; and Horowitz, lvfcJopOlamiall Cosmic Geogmph)', 7, 90-91. 17. See Labat, Camclere re!igieux, 6, where it is indica red thar the epithet itself goes back to rhe Presargonic period during which only rhe gods Enlil, the god of the earth; Utu, the sun-god; and An, father of the gods, bore it. The Akkadian kings adopted this tirie as a royal epithet. [8. One should nNe after Winter, however, (hat "in only one instance do the king and the action reverse direction. That is in the sequence of slabs B5a to B7a, where the king is shown walking his chariot ro the lefr. It is significant that this is nor a battle/action scene, but rather an aftermath, and one sees from slab B7a that the destination of this procession is the king's own camp. He is clearly returning to it, with prisoners in tow" ("Program of the lhrone-room," 21). 19. 1he winged disk passed from Egypt to Mesopotamia probably via the Syrians and the Hittites. In this regard, see W. G. Lambert, ""n'ees, Snakes and Gods in Ancient Syria and Anatolia," Buffetin oI the School of Oricnta! ({nd African Studics, Unit,ersity of London 48 (1985): 435-5 I, esp. 438, n. 25; and "Iallay Oman, "A Complex System ofRdigious Symhols: The Case of the Winged Disc in Ncar Easrern Imagery of the First Millennium BeE," in Claudia E. Suter and Christoph Uehlingcr, cds., Cmfis {{lId [mages in Contact: Studies on EaJtem lvledit('fJ'llnC(fn Art oftht' Fint Mi!Iennium BeE (hihourg, Switzerland: Academic Press Fribollrg, 2(05): 207-41, esp. 207-10. See also Black and Green, "Gods, Demons, and Symbols," s.v. "winged disc."
[9. ,\jJirill(({1 Alffhori~)'({nd l;'lJIpof'{/1 P()Il'('r, 6.
20. Ibid. 2!. Sec, ()1' imtaon:, C;eorges DUlllczil, /vIitf'{/- Vrtrltllil; All EJJr~J' Oil liuo /"do-h'lIropCitJ/ R(I,,·c.I'CllttltioJlJ ({ SO/Jl""cigll~J" trans. Derek Collman (New York: Zone Books, (988). 22. C;eorge, IJlIl~J'I()lIi({I/ Gi{'f,flltlesh h/J/c, vol. !, 538-9.
22)
CHAPTER _,: TilE r"vltXTA PERSONA
"I.asalkdite'C,'" 151. 2. Ihid. Sec aho Russell, "Program of the Palacl"" 686. .I. "La _\allc dite 'C,'" 151.
CHAPTER
I.
,~. ,V,,'ritwi/ A!ltI/{}ri~J'
I.
(flld hmpol(l/ [)ower, 19.
). Sec again Brandes, "I.a salle ditl' 'C,'" I S I. 6. "[~)'f'{/Iflid li'xts 20,[ a speaks or Seth a.'> 'the one who dwdb at Nuhe[, the I.ord or Upper F.gypt'" (VilKellt Adeh "j(lhin, "I )ivine C:onflict in the Pyramid Texts," jO!ll'lwl 4il;(' Amaimll R{'sCtlrch CCNler if} Egypt W [199.1): 9J-1 10, esp. 1(0). On the idel that Horus illessellCt.' helongs to Lower I'~gypt, sec Alan H. (;ardiner, "Horus the Behdetilc," jO/lmal (II Fg)'Pliflll Archaeology JO (19'14): 23-,60, esp. 2'). 7· On the conceptual hases or Egypt as IWO lands, sec Harry Kemp, ANdm( hy]!": An{{(owy (~('rl C'illilizlItioll (I.ondoll and New York: ROlltb.lge, 199 [): 27-5 _,; idem, "Unif-icatioll and Urhaniz:lIion oC Ancient FgYJlr," CAN!:' 2, 679-,)0, esp. 679; John Baines, "Origins of Fgyptian Kingship," in David O'Connor and David E Silverman, cds" Ant;l'lIt t:;f(yplir/JI [(illphil! (l.cideJl, New York, [({illl: I·:. J. Bril!, 19(5): 95-1 ,)6, esp. ! 10; and (;ay Rohins, 'II/(' Art {{AI/rim/ Fgypl ((:amhridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1(97): J7. H. (}n this relatiomhip betwecil Rooms (: and (; as wei! as problems in lIle reconstruction of this rather the '1Ilroo('"wO!ll," 24. fragmelltary SCl'!I!:, sec Winter, "Ilrograill 9· See Russell, "Program oCrhe Palace," 7[ ,\'-[4; and Brande_~, "I.a salle dite 'C,'" I SJ. to. See f(1f instance Winter, "Program or (he' I hrolH.'-!'Oo!ll," [7. I [. See (}ppenheim, AI/timl Mc.wpotrllllid, J 2H; and Winler, "Program 0(' the '[ hrone-roo!))," ! 7. [2. "j)ualit;i e realti. vinuale!lel P;lla1.1.o Nord-Ovest di AshlHnasirpalli a Nimrud," in Paolo iVlalthiae, cd., COll/filmli {' !IIdleriali di {{}'{'hat'%gid oriCl/tri/t' VI/ (11)97): Studi in mClJ/o}'i" rli /-Jt'J/rf ['iwII11iHI (181)7-19)4) (Roma: lJniversit;i degli SUH.li tli ROill;\ "La Sapienza," J,)97): 141-61. 1 3. A~hllrnasirpa! II 1.\ also shown holding mch a stafron the relief panel carved into his so~called "Banquet Stell'," Oil which see D . .1. Wiscman, "A New Stele of' Assur-nasir-pal II," I}'((q 1'1 (195H): 2'1-'H; and M. E. l.. Mallowan, Nimmd tlllt! It.\' ROlliliuJ (I.ondon: Collins, 19(6): 62. A similar motif' also occurs Oil [he glan:d-brick panels of' Sargon located at temple entrances in the king's city Khorsabad/l)ur-Slwrrukin; sec Irving L. Finkel and Julian Reade, "Assyrian Hinoglyphs," /.citJe/Jf'ijr jill' As.~yri()l{)gi{' H5 ([995-6): 244-69, esp. 2'17. It is a human figure holding a staff in exactly the saille way as Ashurnasirpalll in his reliefs. 'Jill' difference, however, is that the f-igure on Sargon's glal.ed-hrick panels does no( wear lile royal headdress, and in this respect, he is probably not the king. 1:1. Dolce, "Uualitil e realt:.," 149. [5. 011 Ihl: so-called West Wing or the West Suite, .'>ee IZussell, "Program of' the Palace," 665-71.
or
4:
THE KING AND THE "SACRED TREE
'Iwo works that have concentrated on this matter arc Barbara Nevling Porter, "Sacred 'liTes, Date Palms, and the Royal Persona of Ashurnasirpal II," JNES )2 (1993): 129-39; and Simo Parpola, "Assyrian Tree ofLif't~." Discussions oft-he semantics of the "sacred tree" can also be found in the works of Irene Winter, "Royal Rhetoric," esp. 10; "Program of the Throneroom," esp. 16; and "Ornamellt and the 'Rhetoric of Abundance' in Assyria," Eretz-f.rmel: Arc/}(te%gicrt/, Hh-{(Jriert/ and Ccogmphiml Siudin 27 (2003): 2)2-64, esp. 25,j. On the formal development, variarions and interpretations of the "sacred tree" in the eastern Medirerranean and the Ncar East, sec Helene Danthine, Le l!illmier-d(lftier {'I Ics ill'bl't'J mereJ dam l'ico}Jogmphic de I'Ask occidmttllc allcienne (Paris: Librairie Orklllalisle Paul Cemhner, 1937); Banhel i"Irouda, "Zur Herkunft des Assyrischen Lebensbaumes," Har,hd(lda Mitldlllllr,m J (1964): 41~5 I; H. York, "Heiliger Ihum," RIA 4, 269-82; Kolbe, Re!i~r progmmme, 21; (:hristine Kepinski. L 'arlm' styl;s£! m Asie ()ccidmtale /lll 2" mi!lell(f;re /lvtllli /-C (Paris: (':ditiolls Rechercht' sur Ics civilisations, 1(82); Magen, AJJp'iJche [(onigdrtrJtc!!lIngen, 78-81; and W. C. Lambert, "'Ihe Background of the Nco-Assyrian Sacred Tree," in Parpola and Whiting, eds., S('X rlfld G"lIdl'l', 32(-6. A critical ovt'rview of the scholarly works on the "sacred tree" from tht' laiC nineteenth and early twentiedl centuries onward has been undertaken by Ciovino, AJsyri(fIi
Sacred 1i'fC. Sec, Cor example, Wintl:r, "Royal Rhetoric," [0; Magen, Ib:yrisc/Jt' /(iilligdtlJ'Jtdiungen, 78. J. A number of these variations have been pointed out by Burchard Brentjes, "Sdhslverherrlichung odeI' l,egitimitiitsansprllch? (;edanken zu delll 'Ihrnnreliervoll Nimrud-Kalab," A!toril'fllrl!isc/Jt' FOJ'JclulIIgm 21 (J994): 50-04, esp. 50-'1. + Opinion.\ vary as to the identity of rhis god. Magen is persuaded that till' god is Shamasb on account or the importance and role of rhis god in the Assyrian tradirion ofincanrarion and purification rituals, such as the ritual of bil rimk;, with which she associates rhe entire religious imager), of the Northwest Palace of As hurnasir pal II (AJJyriJ"c/;e Kiinigdl!n;le!!ulIgm, 7R and 11, 3 [). According to Black and Green, lhe disk in Assyria was a symbol of Sham ash, though it has also been atrributed to Ashur or Ninurta (Gods, ,~'y",/JoIJ, dtld f)('I!/(Jf/S, S.\'. "winged disc"). Russcll indicates that "the god ill the disk, mosr probably Assur or Shamash, extends a ring towards the king" ("Program of the Palace," 710). Oman concludes rhat the design often representcd "heads or pamheolls" ill andent western Asia ("Complex System of Religious Symbols," 234). 5. Similar divine sYJllbols also appear in greater prominence around rhe chest of the f-igure of the king shown 011 Panel 4 in Room F (Hg. III). 6. rl11Cse twO renditions of the king are not unique to this design. Each of [hese rwo modes o('showing the royal f1gure is a standard f<.mnuiaic representation thar can he found on Assyrian roY'll srelae and rockrcarved reliefs on which (he king is either righr- or left-facing, each type paralleling fully rhe visual 2.
NOTES TO PAGES 126-132
224
NOTES TO PAGES 132-134
2. Mogcl1S TroUe Larsen, Ihl' Old IlJ.lytiilJl Ci~)'-,)'ttltC afld its Colorlin, Mesopotamia: Copenhagen Studies in Assyriology 4 (Copenhagen: Akademisk h)riag, 1976): t 10; and Magen, /l<"JyriSc/H'
characteristics of the right- and left-EKing royal figures of the "sacred trce" design. In this regard, sec Ann Tty[or Shafer, wrhe Carving of an Empire: Nco-Assyrian Monuments on the Periphery" (ph.D.
Konigrl{trStdI1l1lgm,
diss., Harvard University, 1998): 72-Ro. 7. -111e orientation of the god ill the winged disk seemS (() be reversed, however, on the rather poorly preserved COUJlterpart of thi.~ composition on B 13, locHed across entrance c on the south wall of the
("Sdbst vcrherrlichung," ) -i). 9. 'Ihe word Cl~rt'tll in Akkadian is the name both f(H earth and earth's surf;\Ce, and f{}r the netherworld. '1 he SUlllerian ki Illainl), means "eanh," because another logogram, kur, corresponds more directly to the concept "netherworld" (Horowitz, MeJO/'olilmi({JI Cosmic C;eogrrljll~y, 272). Nevenhcles.\, examples of ki=Clfetll as the underworld occur in bilingual texts (ibid.). For a detailed disClission of these matters, see Dina Kac(, lhe /nlllgc o/the Netherworld ;,/ the Sumerirln SourceJ, (Bethesda, M D: CD!. Press, 2003): esp. 12-t4 and 60. Sec further, Amar Atltlus, lhe God Nillllrtrl in the IvlytholoKYrllld Ro),al U('ology o/AfI('imt MemjJolrlmia, State Archives of Assyria Studies 14 (Helsinki: 'Ihe Nco-Assyrian Text Corpus Project, 2002), 42; Magell, ASJyriJclw K(jfligdttl'JlclluflgCll, 79; and D. O. Edzard, "DeepR(}(}ted Sky,\cral)ers and Bricks: Ancient Mes()potanlian Architectlll'e and its Illlagery," in M. Mindlill et aI., elk, Fitl,uf'{ftio(' L{/!Igt/ttge in the Alltif'llt N('(o' Fllst (London: School of' Oriental and African Studies, University ofLondot1, 1987): t). [0. From the Kassite times (ca. 1595-1 157 nn:) onward, the Anunnaki, whose name is derived from Anulla, possibly meaning "princely offspring," were understood as the gods o( dte earth (td) and [he netherworld. III Fmtlllrt /:Ih', the multitude or gods are called dte "AlIllllllaku orheavcll alld e;trth" rather than those or the netherworld (VI 3 X-44; Lahat, Poi'fIll' iJrliJyloll;('J), 147). On the Anullnaki as gods of'the netherworld and the !gigi ~IS those ofheavt'[l from the Kassite period on, see also Horowitz,
His/ory (London and New York: Rmn[edge, 2002): 146. 5. Part or the tiwlary of Asitul'Ilasirpal U's Ninuna Temple illScription reads: "Ashurnasirpal, attentive prince (NUN-Ii !/d-If-dll), wor~hipper the great gods, /-CroCiOllS dragon" ((;ra),soll, RIMA 2, AN!> II A.O.IO!'[, 1. [~b). 6. Larsen, ()Id AssyriaN City-Sttl/l', t 10; and Magen, liH:vri.l'(ht f(rj'lIlgd{(I'JlcllulIgCII, 10- [ I. AJI greal kings of' thc Ne()~Assyriall times with the exception of'Tig[ath-Jlilescr "I ,lIld S('[\nacherih ruled under their titk of iHftkku/.{rllIgli (SANCA) Ashur (M:lgen, !ls~yriJ(h(' f(iht;gr/tlr.,ldllfllgCII, 10). 7. Sec Sielnkclkr, "On Priests, Kings, and the .'iacrcd Marriagc," [12. '[he logogram SANCA replaces
or
lvll'Jo/W/ifJllillJl COJflJic (;('(),~j'{/p/~y, I 4"1'
II. ()n l':nki and his associ,ltion with esoteric knowledge and the "secrets," sec Westenhnlz, "'!h(Hlghts on F.s
I
lht' lands ,md tn'lghty highlands." 14. SCt:, /()r instance the royaltitlilary intht' version oCthe Stalldard [osniplion tramlated in I\dey, King oflhe V(/orlrl, 12'): "Ashur-nasir-pa[, chieC·prkst of Ashur, (hc chmen olle of Enlil and Ninuna, the Lvorite or Anu aod Dagan, the divinc weapon or the Crl"u Cods, the pOlellt king, the king of Ihe world, the king ofAssyr1a." the journey of the Mesopotamian sun-god ,'ihamash in the netherworld, .~ee Heimpel. "Sun at Night." ()n the descen( of {nanll;\/lshtar to the netherworld, see Wiltiam It Slalkk. It/tll/llil j. / )eJ(l'fIt
I). ()I\
to the Ni'lhcrwor!t/ (University Micro/illm, 1974)' as well ,IS Katz, IlIltlgt' ({the N('lhl'rtl!or!t/, esp. 9 I~H. [c1. For illusu',lIiollS, sec Moortg,at, 111'1 ojAf}cil'flt Mf'wpottlmirl, pl. 2.09 and /ig,. 49a, rcspectively.
I I.
3. Larsen, Old A'iSyriilll City-Stale, 121. 4. Ibid., 122. 'Ihe word nUll, prince, also characterizes gods (hat are in somewhat antithesis to gods who arc lugals, kings. 'I hese princely divinitit·s are gods sllch a.~ Enki/Ea, the god ofwisdnm and the underground sweet waters, and the Anunnaki. On this maner, see]. V. Kinnier Wilson, with the assistance of Herman Vanstiphollt, lhe Rebl'l Lands: An hllJ('stigruioll into tiJe Origins of/;rtr/y MCJojlottlttli{(II Mythology (Camhridge: Cambridge University Press, (976): J4 and particularly j 5 where the etiolog), of the Anunnaki's designation as "princes" is understood as all "opposition to the towering figure of their lugal, or 'king,' a lenn reserved only /(If the greatest and most powerful among them - such as was Ninurta, the classicil 'Iugalud mclambi flcrgal."'"1 he word en may also have originally slood in antithcsis to the word lugal. In i(.\ original sense en is ddllled as a political and priestly figure. On this matter, see Kramer and Maier, Myths ojLllh, 19; and especially Steinkcller, "On Priests, Kings, and the Sacred Marriage," esp. 112"-16. For alternative ideas that sec the design,ltions en, ensik, and [uga[ as more or less co-extensive or equivalent, sec Dietl. Olto Edzard, "Prohlemes de la J'Oy
throlH.: room. Sec Meuszynski, RckoIlStJ'llI,tio!l, TJfd 2. 8. Brentjes, who has poillted out the major dif-ferences in the ways in which the twO kings were depicted, has argued that the (WO royal figures stand ftH the ....vo ancestors of Ashurnasirpal II, his EHher and grandfather, Tukulti-Ninurta II and Adad-nirari II. respectively, Illentioned in his royal titulary
85-101, esp. 8'); Oman, "Complex Systelll of Religious Symbols," esp. 207-X and 2.34-5; and Kramer
225
or
FNSi (i/itlklm) ill Assyrian ro),al titks hom Ashur-lihallit I (1.16i""'1 \28 liCE) Oil and is proh'lhly to he re:ld iHrtkku (e/IIJ S.V.ltIlIgtltlf). H. See Paky, King ({the \'(/orld, 30. '(his !igUIT occurs Oil some or (he s1ab.~ o/" Ashufnasirpal II from the \'\Iest Wing or the Northwest Palace ill Nilllrlld, as well a~ in I{oom S in Ashurbanipal's North Palace in Nineveh. 9. Magel1, A.r.ryriJthl' f(d!ll~~drtr.(tcllll!lg{'//, 'Hi. 10. CraysolI, IUMA 1, ANJl (] A.a. J 0 1.1, [I. :lO-tp.. I I. See Weissert, "RoynIHull! and Royal'li'iUlllph," \42 and II. [0. Il. On the epirhcts of (he Nco-Assyrian kings thaI signa! their universal power :lJId supremacy, sce, /()1' instance, Paul Carelli, "L'l'tat el ]a legitimiti' royalc sou.'. l'empire assyricn," in Larscn, cd., POW('!' (wd Projltlgtl/trlll, ,J t 9-2l'l, csp., ,i 19~20. On roy:1I (ides in ancien I l'vlesopotamia in general, eSjleci;lil), {()r Iht' ,hiI'd and second millennia lin:, see Wi[liam W. J-iaUo, I:'rlr()1 Mt·.w/lotrllJlirtlt R(~J'fd tid!';;: A NJi/ologic (f)f(llfistoric(t! AlIrt()IJiJ (New Haven, C:'[': American (>rlental Society, 19,)7); set' further M.
J. Scux, f:j)/'thi'!c.r n~y,t!f (/kkrtdiI'JI)/{'J l't .\lI!IIhiollu'J (Paris:
I .dOlll'.q e( Ane, 19(17)·
t ,t. Sec Reincr, "Etiological Mylh," ~. t4. Ibid. 5. [hid., 9. 16. [.ivingstone, lv{YJtiat! t/!/{I Myth%gi(tt/ F\p/i1l1altJIy \.IJ(!/·'(,s, t 5). J
CllAI'Tl'.lt S: TIlE ENCOUNTElt
or
I. Sec Piotr S(einkeller, "On Rlllers, Priests and Sacred Marriage: 'Ii'acing Ihe Evolution Farly SUJllerian Kingship," ill Ka'l.uko Watanabe, cd., flril'.l"/.( (lilt! (Y/icia/r in the Ilncil'flt Nl'tlr Fflst, Papers of the Second ColloquiullI 00 the Andel\( Ncar Fast 'Ihe Cit)' and Its Uk, held at till' Middle Eastern Culture Ccnter in Japan (Mitaka, 'jclkyo) (Heidelberg: Uniyersitiitsvcrlag C. Wimer, (999): 10 I~J 7, esp. 1[7.
17. Ihid., U 1 (text), q4 (collllJlcntary). [8. Sec Wilhed C. Lambert, "Gi!gamesh
ill
Literature and Art: 'Ihe Second ~Uld [;irst Millennia," in
Ann E. Farkas et a1., eds., MOJl.f/tn dnd /)('!ff(mr ill Ih(' Allell'IIl tlml MedinN" W1orlds: Pajlen Pn'" .(('!/I('t! in Hot/at oj' Fdlth POf'lldtl (Mainz Oll Rhine: Verlag Philipp yon Zahern, l<)l'l7): 17"'")2., esp. 5 I .
226
NOTES TO PAGES J 34-137
19. The no cion of the "alter ego," with which some of the themes of the Epic aIGi/gallles/; are woven, is also found in the metaphysics of kingship analyzed by Coomaraswamy in the Iodic tradition. Another personification of rhe Brahman Priest in rhis tradition, the Purohita, literally meaning "one put in front," or "one who takes precedence," is "the half of the self of the K~atri)'a) and is the man of rhe woman, and neither is complete without the orher" (Coomaraswamy, Spirit/wi Authority and 7empoml Powa, 7). "It is thus literatly true that 'the Purohit;! was in religion and civil alhits the alter ego of the king,' or as we should rather say. the king the {lIter ego of the Purohi[;1" (ibid.). 20. SBV I 48; George, Babylonian Gilgrt!lll'sh Epic, 54o~1. 21. SBV 1101-4, I7R, 185, ,lnd [92 (ihid., 54-4-9). 22. SBV I 45-6 (ibid., 540-I). 23. In analyzing the notion ofa "divine pastor and ofa1l analogous hUlllan pastorate" which is "one of the very many fl.)J'llIulae common to Platonic and Indic philosophy," Coomaraswamy states that by "royal" and "king," Plato always means pricsr- or philosopher-king. By the same wken, in Chri.~ tianity, the Good Shepherd is "both king and priest" (S/Iiritllal Authority tlnd Trmpoml Power, 46, n . .14). 'rhe theme of' the shepherd also exists in Mesopotamian royal inscriptions, sllch as those of Gudea (e.g., Statue B ii 8-11; Dietz Otto Edzard, Gudea alld His DYf}{/sty, The Royal Inscriptions of Mesopotamia: Early Periods, Volume .1/ J [liJrollto: Universiry of 'ri)l'Onro Press, 19971: 3 I), as well as i1l nle Epic o/Gitf!,(/}/1eJh, as Gilgamesh i.~ also the shepherd of Uruk-the-Sheepf()ld (SHV J 71;
George, Babylonian Gilg(lJllesh Epic, 542-3). 24. "He who goes ill front saves (his) comrade, I he who knows the road should [protect] (his) friend [and keep safe (his) comr::\(le!]" (Ill 218- r 9, George, 1Mb),/OlliflJ} Gi~l/,rlmesh /:jlic, 5X4-S); "Let Enkidu [protect! (his) friend [and keep safe (his) comrade!] / [let him hring his person 1 back to his willes! / In this our assemhly {we hereby give the king inm your care:] / you will ensure (his) return and give [the king into our care,]" (III 7.16-7, ibid.). 25. "A mighty companion will come to YOll, the saviour of(his) friend" (I 268,291; ibid., )54-'), 556-7); "he, heing mighty, [will] often save you." (I 272; ihid., 5)4·-5). 26. Sec CoomaraSWmjJoml POI{ler, 7: "For this docs not mean that the two halves arc reciprocally equat; on the COlltrary, the relation (lfOlle (0 the other is that of pan to whole." In this regard, rhe spirittd authority, Plato's hicIYJn, is abo tile ruler, PIa(() 's flfd}(J!!, just as the Imdmw is bOlh rhe ImdJ/}/(f and the kldt/"((, the Sanskrit equivalents or hierofl and (/rchdn ('(:.~pectively. '[he ideal supreme power is a royal as well as a prie.~tly powe!', which doe.~ lIot mean, however, that "the k;rtlfl'fl considered apart li'om the ImdJt//(/ is itself' the supreme authority or anything more than its agellt and sc]"vam" (ibid., 2, n. 2). 27· Ihid., 19· 28. Henri Frankf()l'(, (ylindN S{'tlI5: A !JO(l/Il/CllliIl:y bs(/)' on Ihc Art fIIlfl Rdigioll ({I/;C Allcimt NCfll' Frlsl (London: Macmillan, [939): no. XXXI IIi. 29. Ibid., 195. ,10. Sec Sil1lo Parpola, "'I he l~soteric Meaning of (he Name or (;ilgamesh," in Proseck)" cd., /Ilte/lf'tll/fil
Lift" 315-30, esp. J I R. J I. SBV V 87~R; (;eorge, B(d~y/ollirll/ (;i(l/,lIfflI'Jh /:/)ie, vol. [,606-,'1. F. Sec Erich Ebeling, "Enid," RIA I, .l74,-RI, esp. J7,). 33. II. 5~9, dted in Kvanvig, Uoo/J O/APO(,(I(Vplic, 197; see also Reiner, "Ftiology," 2-'5. 1:01' the complete text of the series bil mtiscri, sec Wiggermann, AII'.wpot(//JIidfJ Protccti/!(' Sjll'dts, J 05-17, 14. I [62-3; Cagni, PO(,HI ({Frf'tl, ,:14~-'). ~ee also Reiner, "Etiology," '); and Kvanvig, Rools OJApOCillyplic, 18 3. 35. See again Ebeling, "Enki," 379; Dietrich Sahrhage, FiJcI~/iIllP, IIml Fhl'Ml/lf im ,i/ft'li MesopOftUfJim (Frankfurt am Main; Pe[('I' Lang, 1,),)9): [HI; and Black and Crecll, (,'od\', /)('fIw/1.I' IInrl ,~'ymb(jlr, S.\'. "goar-f-ish. " 36. For a sunllnary and u:lIdation or this [ext, sec Kramer and Maier, /V~)'thJ rdFnki, 84'-7. See further Ben(h Alster, '''Ninuna and rhe Tunle', LJET 6/, 2," JC\' '24 (1972) I20-S; S. N. Kramer, "Nilluna's Pride and Punishmem," All/II O/'il'fIl,"is , (1984): 23 J~4; and Black and Green, GorlJ, DmlOflJ, (ltId ,~yltlb()l\', S.V. "turtle." 37. SHV 1247-,)0; George, H(//~)'lollitUl Ci(f!,tlme.l'h /:/)ic, vol. I, S52-3·
NOTES TO PAGES
r 37- I 40
227
38. Genesis 6:1-4, and I Enoch 6~1); and sec Ivlatthew Black, 1/;e Book (~tEJ/och O/'! Enoch: A Ncw English Edition (Lciden: E. J. Brill, (985); John C. Reeves, Jewish Lore ill Manic/;aCflll Cosmogony: Studit"; in the Book GillllfS Ji-flditioJl.( (Cincinnati, OH: Hebrew Union College Press, [992): 26,6R. 39. SBV I 18R-94; George, Bab),loniall GilgflnU'Jh Epic, vol. [, 548-9. 40. Ibid., 642~7. 4 I. Sec George, Epic oj GilgmJ/csh, 187-9. For an analysis of Enkidu's "death-dream" in the SHV of the poem, see Kvanvig, Roots ()/Af!oCi(~)'ptit, 35 5-8R. 42. "Gilgamesh in the Arahian Nights," jOllrlltll ofthe RO),f" Asiatic S()cie~y ! (199 T): [- 1 7, esp. I 5. 43. SBV I '268. On Enkidll's salvinc role in nN' Epic ojGilgtlfflesh, and his designation as fJllIsezib ifni, see Parpola, "Esoteric Name," 3 I 9, n. 14.
0/
44. ,BY, IX 49· 45. SBV, III 218-19; Ceorge, Ba/~)'/olJia" Gi(f!,ilmesh I:/);e, vol. I, SH4-5· 46. SBV IV 247; ibid., 600-1. 47. IV ,)0.7-9; ,~/)irill/fd AUlhority fllld 7(''''poml Power, 3. 48. ,\/)iritl/ft/ AUfhoril), fwd 7(:mpo/"{{1 Power, ). 49. "Enkidu opened his mouth, saying to Gilgamd: / '} knew (him), Illy friend, in the uplands, I whcn I roamed here and there with the herd. / For sixty leagues in each direction the forest is a wilderness, / who is there can venture inside it? / Ullwawa, his voice is the Deluge, / his speech is 11re and his breath is death. I Why do you desire to do this thing?" (col. iii 104-13; George, !Jti/~J'lol/i((l1 Gi({(,fllt/CS/; hiliI', vol. I, 198-9). Further, as pointed out earlier, I-Iumb:lha, too, refers to this prior mutual familiarity ill the SHY: "When you [Enkidu] wefe young I would watch you but I would lH)( go ncaf you" (V 89; George, rJti/~vlolli(fl1 Gi(f!,(/fllt'sh /;j)it, 606-7). 50. 'lhe location of Urnapislltim is thought to lie to the bs{ of Mesopotamia. 'Ihis eaS[Crll residence of the Hood hero is con/lrmcd by materials in the SUlllerian flood story wht'!'t' Zlusudra, the Sumerian name for Utnapishtim, is settled in the direction the rising sun (casi) in the land or Dilmun (Horowitz, kfc.wPOf({lIIirUl ("(}.1mit' G('(}gmp/~y, (04; and /(vanvig, Hoot., ({I1P()Ctf~VPfi(, 176-7). On rhe wextellsivelless of Dilll1ull and the "I.and or the l.iving," or the (:edar I:ores[, of the SUlllerian poem HilgaNles (Illd HllfI!tII/!iI, both understood as a )u!1lerian and Babylonian Flysiunl, sec S. N. Kramer, "Dilmun, [he I.and the I.iving," Blllltti!! ({thl' Awaitttll Schoof., o/Ori('!lfdl H('.I'{'((rch l)cl (1944): 18·-'2R; and Gerald K. Gresseth, "'Ihe (;ilgalllesh Epic.: and Horner," /h(' U{(Hi((i/./oUI'!I1l170 (197S): (·-1 R, esp. 1 J. h)r an argument [hat I()cate.~ l)lllllutl on Lite island nfBahrein, as opposed to Kramer's placing it on die eastern coast of the Persian (;ulf'in mut!nve.\[ern Iran, sec P. B. (:orllwall, "On the l.ocation of' DHllluJI," HI/lklill ({ the AII/criolll Schoo/J ({ Oricntrd Hf'Jmrc/J [0 \ (( (46): 3-[ 1. 51. Kurt Rudolph, GflOJiJ: 7hi' N(I/II/'{' ({lid l-Jh:tOl:y ({(;"OJtif"iW', (ram. and cd. Robert McLahlall \'\filsoll (~all Francisco: Harper and Row, I ,)R .1); 122-3 [. 5'2. Paley, Killg o/fhe Vlorld, J (. In this regard, see also KV:lnvig, HOOf., 4ApO((f(J'Pfic, 'I 2S~6; and Magell A,I"J)'rh:che Kiinigdtlr:;tcllllllgm, 26, where the headband is dlOUglH to refer 10 the king's roll' ;1.\ high prieM, and the "f(,7," to his idelltit), as the king tht' wlalit)' VtI/' Ids'ldri).
or
or
or
5 .1. Paley, King o/fhl' W'rn-/d, .lO. 54. Ihid., .l. ')5. See Peter Kaplony, "Kiinigstitulatur," IJj .1, 641-),9; and RonaldJ. Reploholl, "Tirulary," ()F/I/:, \,
40,)-[1. 56. In this regard, see Irene]. Will(er, "Opening the F.yes
NOTES TO PAGES I 40~I
NOTES TO PAGES 148- 15 I
48
'i8. Sec Erika Feucht, "VcrcinigulIg beider Linder," rdA 6,974--'), esp. 975; Kemp, "Unihcarion and Urbanization," 679. 59. On the problem of the intCTchangeability of 'fhoth and Seth as counterpart of Horus, especially in scenes of lustration or purihcation, sec Sir Alan Cardiner, "11K Ihptism of Pharaoh," jOU/"lw/ of Ey,Ypti{{JlAn'hamlogy 36 (1950): J·--12. 60. In ElCt, in the myth of Horus and Seth, when the aggn:.~.~ion between the two gods is overcome, Seth is set up as "flHut" king in Upper Egypt, and Horus as "/;it" king in Lower f~gypt. "Nswt" means both "south" and "political," whereas" In/' means "north" and "religious." In this regard, sec Jan Assrnallll, lhe Milld ojLgypl: HiJto/)' tllld MMnillg ill tilt' Time ({,hI' Phtlrtlohs (New York: Metropolitan Books, Henry Hold and Company, 2002.): 40. 61. On 'Ihoth, sec Dieter Kurth, "'lhOl," LdA 6,498-,)23; and Denise Doxey, "'Ihoth," OEAE 3,398400, esp. 399· 62. Sec Henri Frankfort, Awil'lll 1:1')1)litill Rc/igion: An fJlM/n'dtllioli (New York: Harper and Row, Publishel".\, 1948/[9(1): esp. 'i2 alld [04; Wolfgang Schenkel, "Horus," LdA -', f4-25, esp. [4-1,); Edmund S. Meltzer, "Horus," OEAF I, [ ! 9-22, esp. 119. 63. "According to early royal theology, every king is an incarnation of both gods, Horus and Seth; thus the king bears two titk's, WlVt and bit, referring to the dual character of the Egyptian state" (Assmann, klint! ({FgypI, 42). Sec also Schenkel, "Horus." 64· For an illustration, sec Robins, Art 0/ Alltimt h~f!,)'PI, 124. 65. Sec, for instance, Gerhard Hacny, "New Kingdom 'Mortuary '/cmples' and 'Mansions of Millions of Years, ", in Byron F. Shafer, ed., "lhllpleJ o/Ancicllt Egypt (ithaca, New York: Cornell University Pr<:ss, 1997): 86-126, esp. 124, where the author poims 0[[[ the gap in the do.~e study of ancient Fgyptian relkf" sCltlpture and ils illla{!;ery.
CONU.liSION TO PAin [[
I. Richardson, "A C;ardell
(If"
Ances[(lr~," esp. [79-92.
PART 111; INTltO[HJCTI()N
[. I )tlS
w;crl('l"('fJI{(lIdf'lll' AJ.wr (Mlinch("J): Beck, ! 977): [9, quoted in Livings(()ne, Courl J!rJl'(I)', XX. ()o the Late Bronze Age (ca. 1')00-1000 [ICE) background of" the rise of Assyria a~ an imperial power, especia!!y during the so~callcd Middle Assyrian period (Cl. 1 J ')O~IOOO BCI), in the Ncar l':a.~t, as seen dll"ough Ihe Jell.'i of anibcts and iconography, see Feldman, Ihp/illt/f/I)' by O('S/~f!,!I, esp. IJ-H, and eadem, "ASSllr Tomh 45 and the Birth of" the Assyria[l Empire," Hill/elin o.///;e AIIlt'J"ic(u/ S(·/;O()/!· 0./ Oril'lIltl/ kf'JI'tlrej, ,I'll (2006): 1. [-43. \. For publications of" such ritual texts, ~ee O. R. Cumcy, "Babylonian Prophybctic r:i~LlI"t's ;llld their Riwals," lIfI;ll('rsi~J' o.//.wl?jJ()//1 AIIII({/.> oj"Are/JtU'olog,), ilJlt! Allt/;mp%gy 22 (19 J ')): J [-97; and especially \'\figgermanll, kl{,JoPOfrlllliflJJ Pl"Ofectillc ,\jliril.l, 1992. On represelH:llion.~ of sages and fl4iJc/;Wl'J('1I in Assyrian art, sec also 1kssa Ritti~, A.\·~)!riJdJ-/;({/;Y/()lIiJe/J(, J(1l'illpliIJ"fik mlfgise/I{'r lhlm{IIJ/,f!, lmfll II. n. .Ih. V Un: (Mi.indlCll: Verlag Ulli-l)ruck, 1977); Burkhard J. Engel, Odntri-
2.
IlIfI,f!,l'fI
IIO)}
f),/Jllonm /flld flal'fl ill 1f.(~)!ri.\'(h("11 fltddJ/m I/mlli.'wpdfJ
J/({t/!
den Jchr{/ilichm Qudlm
(M{)lld1('ngladhach: (;iilltcr Hackbarth Verlag, J 9R7); and Curtis and Reade, Ar' {tlld /;'mpin', [ [217. I{ecellt stutiiL'.'i of Ihe magical connotations of" tile Assyrian !()undarion figurines depicting ({pk({I/lis and other flifiJ"c/;wI'JI'fI are (:aroIYll Nalcunur;l, "Nco-Assyrian Apotrop;,ic Figurines and the Protection of Assuf," WorM Arc/Jrll'olog), .\6 (.1.004): J 1''"1); and eadelll, "Mastering Matlers: Magical Sense and Apotropaic Fi~urine Worlds of Neo-Assyria," in I.ynn Meskell, cd., Arc/IfIl'%giI'J o./Mfll('J"i(//;~y (Ox/{Hd: Blackwell, .1.00'): J H-4'i.
+
I [4H·-·6'1 (Cagni, II//cm 4'/!"rm, .ll-"".l ,), t".~p. n. 40, 48, 5 J); Reiner, "Etiology," 9; and Kvanvig, /lootJ ({Ap()((I{)'/Jtil" [H.I. 5. Sec W. (;, l.ambert, Review of I, lenri ! .imet, rl'J llgmt/('J' rles .\·C{'{I/(X ("({.oilc.l (Bruxelles: Academic royal
de Belgique, [97]), Hlb/iolh('((f Oricnta/h' .\1 (J 97 ')): 119~'1.\, esp. 120. 6. Kolhe, Rcli{:li)}"(),f!,mmtllc; Wiggermann, Me.ropOltfmitlti ProlalilN' .\j)irir.l.
229
7. In this regard, see E A. M. Wiggermann, "Mischwesen. A. Philologisch. Mesoporamien," RiA 8, 222-44, esp. 225 and 2)2-3); and Wi!!iam A. P. Childs, "The Human Animal: The Near East and Greece," in J. Michael Padgett, cd., lhe Centaurs Smile: The Humall Animal in Etriy Greek Art, Princeton University Art Museum (New Haven, CT, and London: Yale University Press, 2(03): 4970, esp. 50-3. 8. On the apkallus and the ancient Mesopotamian antediluvian tradition, see especially Kvanvig, Roots ofApom/yptic,201.-2. 9. See Wiggermann, "Mischwesen. A.," 225. See, f()J" instance, Green, "Beneficent Spirits," 82; and Russel!, "Program of the Palace," 674. Green, "Beneficent Spirits," R5. 12. XVIII. As for Michael Roafs contribution, see "111e Decor of the Throne Room of the Palace of AshurnasirpaL" in D. Collon, H. Mcea!!, and J, E, Curtis, cds., New Light on Nimrud: ProceedingJ of tiN' Nimrud Conference [[th~I3th lv/arch 2002 (London; British School of Archaeology in Iraq, 2(08): 10. I I.
209-13·
CHAPTER I: BEf'ORE TIlE PLOOD
Kolbe, Rdiefprogmmme, "Variante A," 14-1 s; Wiggermann, MesopotlflnillJl Prot('ctiIJc Spirits, "umu"pktlllll," 73-5. 2. Kolbe, RdidimJgmtllme, "Variante fl," r '); \'\figgermann, Idcsopotamiall Protectioe Spirits, "Birdil/Jkallll," 7 '). 3, Kolbe, Relitfj)rogrtlllltJ/c, "Variante c," 15; Wiggerrnanll, MeJojJof({miftn Proteai1Je Spirits, "Fishtlpkttllu," 76. 4- For l.ayard's drawing, sec Barnett et aI., Soltthwe.rt PaltlC{' ojSenJlflciJerib, 106-7, nos. 44, 47<1-C (Room XXVIII), pis. 360 and 36 [. On the occurrences of the fish-tlpkallil in the art of Sennacherih, sec also Kolbe, Relitjj)/"ogrtWUIIl', 16; and Reade, "Assyrian Architectural Decoration," 37. 5. Kolbe, Relit:lj)ro~~mIllJt/(" 29· 6. Wiggeonann, Ml'J()jl()ftlmit/}l Protcct;l)£' ,~j)iri(J, 75; idem, "Mischwesen. A.," 224; and Black and Creen, Cods, Deli/OIlS, (wdSYIll/;ois, s,v. "fish-garbed figure." I.
7. Our knowledge of the ancient Mesopotamian antediluvian tradition comes from a variety of ancient sources including the StllfJ('I";tlllf(jtlK UJI and the Hellenistic writer Berossos. In this regard, sec especially Kvanvig, Roots o./Apo("({(yptic, 159-213, esp. 20 ['-'1, On related maners, sec also Rylde Borger, "Die Beschw()rungsseric Bit Me.w!"i lind die f"'Ummelfahn Henochs," jNhS .n (f974): I R}-96; and Parpola, Ll'I/mjh)//1 A.l)jrirlJJ tllld Hllbylo"irllJ Scholars, XVII. 8. Jcan-Jacques Cbssncr, "'I he Usc of Knowledge ill Ancient Mesopotamia," CANF 3, ! 81 5-23, esp. [HI 5. On the vocahulary in Akkadian associated with wisdom, see Ronald F. G. Sweet, "'[he Sage in Akkadian l.iterature: A Philological Study," in C,ullmic and Perdue, cds., Sage In Ismel, 45-65, csp. 47--50, On the IImnUillll, sec Further ihid., 57·-H; Samuel Noah Kramer, ""Ihe Sage in Sumerian Literature," in Cammie and Perdue, cds., Sage in ISI"f{t'I, 3 [-43, esp. J 1-,1; and Lauric E. Pearce, "'I"he Scribes and Scholars of Ancient Mesopotamia," in Sasson et aI., cds., CAN!:' 4, 2265-7R, esp. 2275. 9. Borger," Beschwi')J"lltlgsserie Bit Jvles£'I"i," [84; Parpola, "Forlorll Scholar," 2 57, n, I, On (he matching of antediluvian king.~ with primeval sages, see also Reiner, "Etiological Myth," 6-7. 1 O. Roo/J oj"Apo(({/yptic, 159. See also WiUiam W. Hallo, "Antediluvian Cities," jC~' 23 ([ 97 I): 57"""67, esp. 62; and Wiggermann, kft.wpotttmitm Protective Sf)i,-il.l, 77. I I. Glassner, "Usc of Knowledge," 1 8 [ 5. UWmrlllll is also olle of" the epithets o( the ttpkalills (Reiner, "F.tiological M ytb," 6). Reiner also memions the "usual acceptation" of the term ummtltlu as "master craftsman, often referring to scribes, authors or copyiS[s of literary texts." 12. Parpola, "Forlorn Scholar," 2')7. Similarly, Reiner ("Etiological Myth," H) indicates that the term Utl/tndlllf serves not only as the designation of" a learlled man or crafisillan but also refers, although in late texts, to a high official. Parpola, "Assyrian Tree of Ufe," 167, n, .1 I. 14. Henri timet, "Le secret et les ecrils: aspects de !' esoterisme en Mesopotamie ancienne," in Julien Ries, cd., Homo /?ellgioJIIJ" 13: LC.l rill';; d'illitif/tiOJJ: f{cln dll Colloqli<' de Li(:gt, ('I de I.oll{l({ill-lfl-Nm/I(',
I."
2)0
NOTES TO PAGES r)"
I~I
54
NOTE.s TO ['AGES 1) )-1)6
20-21 J1ovemlm' 1984 (LoLivain-Ja-Ncuve: CeIHfe d'Hiswire des Religions, I9B6): 243-Q, esp. 247 on the scribes' possessing restricled knowledge.
On this understanding of the Flood as marking a Jivision between eras, with ancient Creek parallels, see West, EaJt Fat'(', J 14, and 377""'X. 16. See Parpala, reiten/rom AJ.lyritlfl alld H(/~)!!ollitltl Scholars, XV!!!. In EKt, West indicates that the "Myth of the Ages" is "alien to the gCIlt'raJ Creek view or the past as rdkctcd in the whole corpus of epi<.: and genealogical pocery," He considers Fastcrn sources, Iranian, Indian, MC.\OpOlamian, and Urartian, as a more likely hackground against which the Hcsiodic myth should be understood (EtlJt "'1("(" J12, .:\19). In this regard, SCI: also J. Cwyn CriH1ths, "Archaeology and Hesiod's Five Ages," jOllrlwl of the Hi;;I()I)' olUms 17 (1956): 109-19; and idem, "Atlantis and Fgypt," in At/flnti;; {{nd Egypt: With OtherSt/atcd FSJ({Ys (Cardiff: University ofWaks Prt'ss, 199'): )-".10. '7. For a synoptic description of thc Indic theory of time, sec Mircea Eliade, lhe 1I1)1th o/the [-;'teJ'lwl Return or, COSII/05 dud lfisto~y, trans. Willard R. Trask, Bollingen Series 46 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1974): I 1 2-14. (n this regard, sec also West, [-;{{j'( "ilC!', J '3. [H. Sec John E. Mitchiner, '1j·tlr/itiOlHoft/JcSc/!{'!I Rfis(Ddhi, Varanasi, I\una: Motilal Banarsidass, 19H2):
I 'j.
4 X-7 X.
19. Sec, for instance Penglase, Crcek k{)ltiJJ ({lid t\I[('SOjJOUllllill: Para/Ids alld Ii!jlu{'ffc{' ill Ihe /-Iolllcric Hynmr 1l1ll11-k.liod(Londo!) and New York: Routledge, 1994): 2; M. L. West, J/'c Frlst F{f('cojHclicolI: W,(>st Ih{(l{/c nCII/Cllts ill Cree/.: Poetry alld illyth (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1997): e.~p. 276-333; Walter Burkert, BabY/Oil, MemphiJ, 1'£nepolis: E;{Htcl'lJ COIlI('XIS oI(,"rec/,: Cu/tllre (C:alllbridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2004): 54. 20. On the aHinity bcrween tbe Creek god Kronos and l':!lki/Fa as gods presiding over a perfect or purc age or domain, .\ee Kramer and Maier, Myths oIFlIki, 170; and West, /:rlJl F{f(c, 2X2. 21. Poem 0Ib.,,! I 16'2 (Cagni, PONti r{Frm, )4); Reiner, "Etiological Myth," 9; and Kvanvig, "Roots of" Apocalyptic," ! 9!:L 22. PO('II/ oJFrm I 162 (Cagni, POOtl ({Frm, \4); and KV;lllVig, Root<; (~/Ih,. Apo("(!b'ptic, 200. 21. "[I (1l1I Jet/dllg] the [rOtldl of Ill)' I(lrcf~lther, (Jla-napi~li, I I--Ie who stood in the assemhly of the g()ds, and [/{)l.lnd liIC. ,I" (SBV IX 75-6; (;eorgl', HrI/J),/Ofli{11I (;i
or
Menclaos's transportation to the ends the earth in parallelism to Utilapishtilll's removalll'otll the ordinary human domain, sec West, F(/sl Fflce, -120. 2+ "I hese two junctu]"('s arc depicted in I J') and III 17, respectively; Set: 'Ihorkild Jacohsen, lhcSllIflcri{/!/ King lJl/, 'fhe Oriental Institute of the University of' Chicago, As.\yriological Studies I I (Chicago: '(he University of (:hicago Press, I') )9): 77 and H'}. In [his regard, sn: also West, !:llJ( Frll'e, 'I! 4. 25. RootJ ojApo('(f(yplil', 20 I ~"2. 26, West nevertheless Glutions against seeing Hcsiod's .~chcme as nne that is char;l(!eril'.ed hy the "ctcrnal re[LJr!]," poinling out that this inference is nO! [H'cessary, beGHlse the text presents the .~cheme as "finite and compit:!e" (f:{tJt F({('c, J 19).
B 4-), 22 () S~"2J A 5; Ie C. Bury, Nato ;/1 li{l('/Ilc \10/1/1111'., 9: nll/tll'II.\". C/,;titl.l. C/eilop/JolJ. Ml'IIl'xt'l/lis. h/li;;t/c:;, Loeh C1assica! l.ibrary (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 19H9): .1.1~5. lH. XI .)9"-42; Ceorge, Hll/~y/(JlIidfl GiZ~{II!,c.d) h/lil', vol. I, 7o/f~"'o'). 'l'}. According to Ceorgc, tilt' epic bears Wllle resemblance 10 the well-estah!isht'tllilerary genre "royal counsel" in which a sagacious killg distribules advice to his son or successor. In ancient Mesopotamia, thi~ genre is repr(,,~elHed by the /w"frll(fiol/."i o/ShllmNHi/.:, a SUlHeri;]ll work frolH ,lboLJI tile twelHy27· u
or
sixth celllury liCE. In this leX[, lht' sage Shuruppak, son of" Uhar-"/illu, gives ;ldvin: to hi~ SOIl ZiltMldra, Lhnapishtim. It is hence this Ziusudra who has survived Ihe Flood and now dispenses cOllnsel to Cilgamesh at tht' ends of the eanh (Ceorg,e, Fpico/{,'j'Z,I,lIlIlI'Jh, xxxv). 10. I 7-H: "J-!e saw the secrel and uncovered the hidden, I he hrought hack a lllessage from the antediluvian age" (C;eorgc, Httl~V/()"{fl!l (;i
2JI
J 2. Kvanvig, Roots ojApo('({b'pti(, [7R. JJ. Ibid., (79. On the aUlbor~hip tradition oi"lherlpktl/lus, see Further ibid., 209-[ _1. ()n Adapa, sec also Parpola, LettcnjJwll Ass)'rirlll {{}}{IBd/Jy/ofli(ltI ,"lcbo/tln, XIX; and Shloillo Izre'eJ, Ada/,d tlnd the SOllth Wind: /.rllIgl{{fge H{lS the Power ofUJI' {/Jul Dnu/; (Winona Lake, IN: I~isenbrauns, 200'). 3+ "\XIhen [he] arrived at MouJlt M,-\~u, / which daily guards rhe rising [of till' sun,11 their tops [ti/JIltl the Elbric of the heavens, I their bases reach down to Hades -" (SBY IX 38-4!; Ceorge, B{//~),/{) ulan GiZ'I,tlnmh Epic, vol. 1, 668-9). On rhl' jllumey of Cilgamesh as a path of initiation, sec also Dominique Prevot, "L'cpopc de Gilgamesh: un scenario initiatique?" in Ries, cd .. Rites d'illititltiol/, 225-4 1. .35· Sec SHV X '207~XI 286; Ceorge, Brlb)'/oni{lII GiZf!,flllU,.,fJ f))/'c, 691-721. 36 . Sladek, /WIIlW!S lJesC('fIt; t()]' (he transliteration and translation of' the SUlllerian version, see 10JXI; for the Akkadian version, sec 2) [-62. For English tr,udatiolls oj" the Sumerian poem, sec also '[horkild Jacohsen, flIt Htllps that Owl' ... Sllfllcri(1/1 Poctl)' ill fl-dl/s/{{fio/l (New Haven, cr, and London: Yale University Press, 1987): 205-J2; and JerelllY Black et aI., lhc Utcl'lltltn' (JIAlicil'flt Suttla (Oxford: Ox/i:.mi University Press, 2004): 65-76. 37· Sec LivingsiOlle, Court /)o('!I:r, (,X-76. For an
JH. Sladek, !W{JU/(! S /)escl'fIl, 22-.1. 39. For ancient Grecce and the Ncar East, sec West, hr/st l'iICC, )06-7· 40. Sec Marcel Detienne, //;(' N/rlJttf)" 0I/i'lfth in Archaic Gr('('ce, Janet I.loyd,
\r;lIlS.
(New York: Zone
Books, 1999): _)9-"52. 41. On the authorship aurihuled 10 Sin-leqi-uIlIlinni, and the tradition ofkallitlf that associatnl itself with this ancestral l-igure, sec Paul-Alain Beaulieu, W( he [kscendants of'Sin-lcqi-llllllinni," in Joachim Marzahn and Hans NeLllllann, cds., IJ;;~)'riologi("tl ('I Scwitim: F(,JIJchr{/i pir Jo{/chim ()C/SlltT, Alter Orient und Aires "Ic:stame!\t 251, (Miinster: Ugaril- Verlag, 2000): 1-16" ()11 Ii\(' krl!I; and rhe ktd/ftu, sec also Joachim Krccher, S'lIIU'risc/H' /(ultl),ril' (Wie.~baden: 0110 Harras~owiv, 1966), esp. 26-4 I; 1..1. Ceih, "llnnw l.udells in Farly Meso'potamia," Stl/did Oril'llttl/irl 46 (197')): ·'13-7), esp. 57X; Samuel Noah Kramer, wlhe Fashioning of the gtlld," /leftl SlIlfIl'rologiCtl 3 (I,}H!) 1-1 I; Mark E. C:ohen, Jhc C(lf/ouie{d /.tlnll'lIltllioJ/j" (1Ancil'lIf IIjl'W/)()((ltllitl, in 2 volullles (Potomac, MD: Capital Ikcisions Limitcd, 19RX): vol. I, IJ; A, <:aviglleaux, "Ml'sopotanlian [,<\IlIl'lltatiol1s,"jolll"ll([I({thc AfJll'I'i('(lJ/ Or/mttd Socier}' I IJ (! 9,) J): 15 I ""7; Richard A. I knshaw, l'i'lI/tI/c ([/I({ Altlle: 1h(' Cllftic l)a:;()Jl!lcl: 'III{' Bibk find ;/;c Rest oj'thc /lnci(,lIt Ner/r !:flJt (Allison Park, PA: Pickwick. 1994): tLj; and Yitschak St'fati, /.O/J{' Songs ill SlIlIIcrirlll UII'Il/tllre, Ibr-lI
'14. /'l'ttt'IJ li'()fn A.uvri{1J/ rOlfl Hr"~)'/oJ/itln Sdl()/{/n, XIV 4'). A, Let; Oppen"heilll indicllcs thai the scribes aLied ill ~evcral distinn capacilio that ought
to be differenliated and for which he USl'S "such modertl teflllS as the scrihe as bureaucrat, the scrihe as poet, and lhe scrilw as scholar" (""I he PositiOll or the Illldk'Ctual in Mesopotamian Sockty,"
O{Ier/tlIIIS: jO/lflla/ (it!;1' AJlIt'I'icali Ilmr/elll)' (dAr!.i {{1It1 S{"iOIl"t'J 10"f, no. }. [1,}75 I: 17-46, c~p. J,\l9, ;tnd -1 I). III thi.~ regard, sec also II. \XI. E Saggs, l:'1'(,'ydt~}' Up ill If!t!~y/{Jfli(/ {{fit! A.H)'ritl (New York: I )orset Press, [96')): 79: "Not all scrihe.\, or course, acquired the same degree or competence. Some 1II'lgh! hl' able LO do no more lhan write OUI Oliliracts or letters, whkh normally employed largely .\yllabic writings and would be relatively eas), for a Jbhylolli
or the elllploYlllclIl or a difficult .\Iyle or rare words, have not
)'L'I
been full), dudti,ued hy modern
experts .
46. /.('tll''''·./i'Otti ASJyri{lti (/1/(1 R(//~)'/(ltlirlfl Sc/W/tll)", XXV. 47. On til(' primarily "secular" nature (l,lIldelH Mesopol;lmian scribal culture, in that scribal activi!), was not "tl priori connected with S:lllClu;]ries or other rdi!!,ious '1I1sr'ltutiollS," sec Oppenheim, "Position
2)2
NOTES TO PAGES I
56-r 57
of the Intellectual," 4.3. In rhis regard, see also W. Sallabergcr and F. Huber Vullic[, "Priester. A. L Mesoporamien," RIA 10, 6I7-640, esp. 620.
48. See Wilfred C. Lambert, "A Catalogue of Tex(s and Auchors," JCS J 6 (1962); 59-77, esp. 72: CJ:ID s.v. katz/til; and Beaulieu, "Descendams," 14- r 5. 49. Sec again Lambert, "Catalogue ofTcxrs," 72; and F. A. M. Wiggcrmann, "'Iheoiogies, Priests, and Worship in Ancient Mesopotamia," in Sasson ct aI., cds., CANt: 3, [857-70, esp. [865. So. See Kvanvig, Roots ojApoca(Vptic, 188; and Beaulieu, "Descendants," I S. For instance, a [abler found
5 I. 52. 5}. 54. 55.
56.
57.
58.
in Nineveh emphasizes rhe esoteric character of the divine wisdom revealed to Enmcduranki, describing the diviner king as lIlIIlt/dnl/ tIll/dl/, "!earned scholar," and IItt;rirpirdti ilrlll; m/nlti, "the guardian of the secrets of the great gods" (Lambert, "Enmeduranki and Relatcd Matters," 126-} 8; Kvallvig, Roots ojApo((l/yptic, 188). Secret knowledge was also included in texts such as the lists of the namcs of thc gods, thc lists of the statues of the gods and liturgical requisitc.~, the ritual books, omen-collections, and incantations. Colophons classified sllch texts as i/~kilJll "taboo" of the great gods, or as lIifil'tu and pirHtll "mystery" and "secret" of "heaven and earth" (Kvanvig, Roots oj Apo('(t/yptic, [88). For a discussion of scribes, scholars, and csoteric knowledge in anciel)t Mesopotamia, especially in rdation to celestial divination, see also Francesca Rochberg, 'I/Je Hc(wl'Jl(Y W'riring: Ditlifldtioll, HoJ'Oscopy, and AstJ'(}noll~Y in Mesopotrtmi({)l Clfltlll'c (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 20(4): esp. 2[0-19· Beaulieu, "Descendants," 15'-16. Ibid. Ibid.; and l.ambert, "Catalogue," (j8. Marianne Eaton-Krauss, "Arristsand Artisans," Of';IF I, 1}7. Patrizia Piacentini, "Scribes," OEA[;',:I, 187-92, esp. 189. By the same token, in Mesopo[;lmia, according to John L. l"Iayes, "ill the case of 'monumental' inscriptions in general, it is sometimes necessary to distinguish betweell 'scrihe' and 'engraver.' 'lhe latter were the persons who actually chiseled the inscriptions onto the SlOne. 'lhe), were not always literate, but copied a design or plan, which may have heen drawn onto the stone. Presumably, the engrawr worked under the supervision of a scribe. In other case,~, the scribe and the engraver were ooe and the same person; this is most likely the ca,~e with the royal inscriptions" (A At/rll/udlo/SlUllaittn (;r{fll/llIllr {fI1t1 "[('XU: Semnd Rczliscd (Iud Expandt'fl Editioll [Malibu, CA: Undena, 20001: 279). Piacentini, "Scrihes," 189. On the ancient Egyptian scribal profession, its development, and its relation to bureaucracy, see Adc!heid Schlott, SchriJi uflrl Schrl'iba;m Altm ;(v,yptm (MLinchen: Verlag C 1-1. Beck, 1989): 129-244. Sec S:lllneron, Prjests ({Fgypr, I J4. On the Mesopotamian "whitt house," .~ee A. W. Sji)berg, "'1 he Old Babylonian Edubha," in Stephen J. l.ieberman, cd., SlIlIItro/()giml Stlle/h'.' ill NOllor (~(ll}(}rki/d jtlco/Ul't/ ot/ his SCf}{'!Irictb Hirlhdtl)I, jllJ/l' 7, 1974, 'I he Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago, Assyriologic.:al Studies 20 (C :hicago and l.ondon: 'lhe University of'Chicago Prt'SS, 1975): [59-79; and Pearce, "Scrihes and Scholars," 2270. On the anciem F,gyptian "hollse oflift:," see Alan H. Cardiller, "'[he House of l,ife," Jour/lffl I{ (!!,J'Ptiflfl ArchtlmloJ!.)' 1-4 (1 <) 38): I )7-79; and Ronald J. Williams, "'Ihe Sage in Egyptian I.iterarure," io (;ammie and Perdue, eds., Sflgt' i!lIJrtU'/, [9~29, esp. 27. Eaton-Krauss, "Artists and Artisans," 1.17.
59· Ibid., 1.18. 60. Ibid. 61. Ibid. ()n the relation between .mistic prodLlction and the elite in ancient Egypt, sce also John Ihines, "Oil the SWlllS and Purposes of Anci('IH Egyptian An," {,(lffl/Jrit{f!,{' Al'(hdl'O/ogiml jO/ll'llrl/ 4 (1994): 67-94; and Ragnhild Bjerre Finne,\tad, "Tempks of [he Ptolemaic and Roman Periods: AncieLH Traditions in New Contexts," in Shafer, cd., j{'mplcJ olAf/cim! h:!!.ypt, 18,)-238, esp. 228. 62. On Imholep, see Dietrich Wildung, Imho{('p Itllt! Ammho!tj)-(;(JftwcrduIIg im "Ill'll Agy/,tm (MLinchen: Deutscher KLlns(verlag, 1977); idem, Fg/pthln Stlif/I.\',· J)djil'flti()n in Pilt/rtlonic Egypt (New York: New York University Press, 1977): esp . .11-.18; idelll, "llllhmep," I. Ii' .1, !4,)-8. For a discussion of historicall), recorded (':gyptian sages including SenelUllllt, "chier stcward and most valuahle courtier of Hatshepsllt" (147.1-[458 liCE, Eighteenth {)ynasty); Rekhmire, vil'.ier of'lhutll1ose III ([479-1425 BCE, EighteelHh Dynasty); and Amenhotep Fgyptian (jteraLUre," 1 5-7.
SOil
of Hapu, see also Williams, "Sage in
NOTES TO PAGES 158-160
2JJ
6.1. Sec Arielle KozloWer al.. ~Egypt's Dazzling Sun: AW('!Ih()/(jJ dlld His ~\'Iorld (Cleveland. 01-1: Cleveland Museum of Art, 1992): 45-6. 64. On Hesy-Re, see Wendy Wood, "A Reconstruction of the Reliefs of Hes),-re," jour//{t/ (~(thc AlIlerialll RCJCllrch C{'lIter if! Egypt 15 (1978): 9-24, esp. IS: and Schlott, SchrJft IIl1d Sc/Jrei/Jm, 133-6. On Ramose, sec Norman de Garis Davies, the Tomb of the Vizi{'/' R(wIOJe (London: E!:''Ypt Exploralion Socicty, (94 I): esp. introduction; and Kozloff et aI., ('lJ'prs Dazzling SUfi, 275-80. 65. Piacentini. "Scribes," 191. 66. See Oppenheim, "Position of the Inrcllcc(UaL" 41.
CHAPTER 2: FERTILIZATION AND PURIFICATION I. Cagni, Pocm oIErm, }2. 2. "Seven statues ofsage.~ of clay YOLI shall mak(c,] J clad in white pastc over their uniform; YOll shall draw fish scales on them J with black paste; in their right hands they shall hold / a c/mllet, and in their left hands a bucket" (Text I 174-7; Wiggennann, NI{,JO/,ot({fll;fltl Protl'ctil!c5j)irit.l', 14-[ 5). 3. Poner, "Sacred 'Ii'ees," I}}. 4. Ibid. For an approach that challenges the idea that the Assyrian '\acrcd tree" is a date palm, sec Ciovino, Assyritlll Sa(l'l'd n·Cl', esp. 61-14 L 5. In this regard, sec Wintcr, "Ornament and lhe 'Rhctoric of Abundance,'" 2 5}. 6. See esp. Giovino, Assyrif/rl Sacred hce, thc gist of which has also appeared in the form of all anicIe, "Assyrian Ti'Ces as Cult Objects," in Paul 'Elylor, cd., "Ihc kot/()gmp/~y oJC.l'/illd(')' SCrfls, cd. Paul Taylor, Warburg Institute Colloquia 9 (London and 'Illrin: "lile Warhurg Institute and Nino Aragno Editore): f 10-25. Sec also Ursula Seidl and Walther Sallaberger, "Del' 'Heilige Baulll,''' ArdJi/JpiJ'
Orim~/;JI'JclJ/tllg 5! (2005/2006): 54~74· 7. PoneI', "Sacred Trees," IJ?
8. AssyriJr!H' Kiinigd{{J'Jlel/ullgcn, 76-8. 9· Ihid" 77· 10. For lranslittCrations and translations of the relevant texts, sec LeSS('le, AJ.~yri(11I Riflw/ ({lid Serie.1" hit rirnki, t~sp. 29'-.1 [, .14-47, and 52-(j). 1 I. Sec, [(lr instance, Gudea, (ylint!£'I' A xxiv 20 and xxix 1'-4 (Edzard, (;/ftlCtl fllltl His [~yl/IIJ~Y, 84 and 87,ITspectivcly). 12. I submit this idea notwithstanding thtC difkrelll Akkadian words, although with parallel or identical meaning, uscd in each case, rrlu/lilu ("purifier," from diu, "cultically pure" or "holy") in reference 10 the cone-shaped object, and cMIt ("cultically clean," "pure") in rderellce to the tfpkal/lls (C/IIJ, s.v. "eMm," "eill/," "wlIllillt"). I}. "Royal Rhetoric," [0. 1'1. Porter, "Sacred Trecs," citing LivingstoJle, Court PoctlY, f'rolllispiece caption, as well as Julian Reade, A.nyri,'" Sw/pllfJ'e (CambridgtC, MA: Harvard University Press, 19H1): 27-8. I s. "Assyrian Tree of t.ile," 167. For an early discussion of the idea that ass{)ciate.~ the kin~ with a "tree of tile," sec Engncll, IJilJill{' Kingship, 24-.10. [(j. In recent publica[ions, hmh (;iovillO and Paul (:ollins find the idea or lllL\ ;Kl \ hein~ one of fertilization less plausible dWIl its being Ollt' of purihcatioll (C;iovil1{), "Assyriall 'li't'Cs," 113-1(,; ;Iud Paul Cullins, "Trees and Cender in Assyrian An," Imq 6H (2006): <)9-107, esp. Io.j). 'Iile ancient Ncar Eastern and Egyptian mythical and represemalional modes or thinking, however, ('!Henained polyvalence, and if the sages are responsible itlr keeping their antediluvian order alivt', ft.nilization would cenainly be one way of achieving this objective, especially given thaI this order is t·xIHe.~sed in the visual record in a primarily vegetal rorm. I therefOlT do not find til(' aCL~ of purification and fertilization conHining or lllutually exclusive in the imerprelalioll or visual schemc!. thai Ji:alllre lhe sages and their aclivilies. 17. See the speech of Diotima to Socrates Oil the m)'~lel'ies of love in Plato's S)"lIpo.liltlll W9 A-B: "Bw pregnancy of soul - {(l\' rhere are persons,' she declared, 'who in rltt'ir souls still more than in their bodies conceive those things which arc proper f()l' souls to conceive and hring ftlrlh: and what ;lfC (hose things? Prudence, and virtue ill general; and of rhese the hegettcrs are all the poets and (hose craftsmen who are sryled iup{'!/trJl'J. Now by br the highest and birest pari of prudence is that which
NOTES TO PAGES 162-164
NOTES TO PAGES r60-162
2)4
DilYS, the zone in which the fC)Urth generation of humanity, the heroes who fought a( lllebes ,\!ld Troy, are placed, is referred to as "Islands of the Blessed," located by rhe banks of the Okemos (17°)· For a basic analysiS of classical literary references to such idyllic terrestrial domains, sec A. Bardett Giammani, 'fhe J-:(trthly Pamdise tlnt! the Renaissance Epic (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press,
concerns the regulation of cities and habitations; it is called sobriety and justice. So when" man's soul is so far divine that it is made pregnant with these from his youth, and on attaining, m,mhood immediately desires to bring forth and beger, he too, [ imagine, goes about seeking rhe beautiful object whereon he (my Jo his hcgcning, sillce he wi!! never heget upon rhe ugly" (W. R. M. Lamb, pftuo: Lysis, ,\jmpmilf1!1, (/OJgil{J, "I he Loeb (:lassieal Library [Camhridge, MA, and 1.ondon, England: Harvard University Press, 1925; reprint, 1996/: 199-200). 18. Fischer, ".some Emblematic Uses," 34; Alyward M. Blackman, "SacramcmaJ Ideas and Usages in Ancient Egypt," in Alan B. [,loyd, cd., G(){:lI, Pri(,.,tJ tint! kIm: Studies ill the ReligioN ojPhart{ollic Egypt
196 6 ): [5-33. On the coexistence of the "contradiclory notions of Hades and Elsyium" in ancicnt Greek thought, see Erwin Cook, "Ferrymen of Elysium and the Homeric Phaecians," Thl' jOUr1l(!/ of
fndo-EuJ'Opeiln Studies 20 (1992); 239-67. Giammatti, Em'fhly Paradise, 14-15. "When Gilgamd heard this, / he opened a [channel ..... ] / Heavy stones he tied [on his feet,] I they dragged him down to the A/w! [ ... 1I He, he took rhe plallt and pulled [jt up ... ,1 / he cUt' loose the heavy stones {from his feet. I / 'Ihe Jell cast him up on its shore (SBv' XI 287-93; George, Bilby/onian
b)' A(yw({fd ivl. BIt/e/mulJ/ (London and New York; Kegan Pau! Inrern~ltiona!, 1998); 1113-96, esp.
190. Other scholars have recognized in the scene "Baptism of Pharaoh," iJ). 19· r;ischer, "Some Flllblcnutic USl'S," ]4.
,HI
episode in the coronation (eremonies (Gardiner,
w. Blackman/Lloyd, "Sacramenta! Ideas," [89, citing P)'rrlfllit! 'kxts 142.1-8. C;lf(liIH:r goes w fu' as drawing an ana!ogy with thls ritua! and Christian "baptism" (" Baptism of Pharaoh ," 6). In this regard, Gardiner a!so qLHHes from a text in Karnak horn "the time of Sety I (1,3 S/), where we read: I puriJj! thee If'ilh /iP flnd domilliolJ, thai thou JI/{~yst grow Y(Jl{f/g like 1I~}'filfhcr Re Ifllt! make Sed:/i'stiwd lik" (IJ prillce (}J)t~l (ihid., 7-8). It is further noteworthy that the water with which this ;lblution or lustration purified both the Egyptian Slln god and the king is ;lssociated with the stream of NUll, the anciellt Egyptian primordial waters from which everything arose, and out of' which the sun comes daily anew, "rehorn through the mediulll of its waters" (Blackmanl Lloyd, "S;lcra1l1('Jltai Ideas," 18:L 192). In bct, Nun may be thought to have an af/lllit}' to the ancient Mesopotamian ApSLl. On Nun as the primordial waters, sec Morenz, [::r::'yplillf' Rell~f{ion, 167--72; on the .~igniflcance of' Nun in Fgypdall temple symbolism, sec especially Erik Hornung, idM itlfo Inlflg('; EJ.'(~)'J mllllleimt I:Xyptirfll fho/lghl, trall.\., Elizabeth Bredeck (New York: Timken):
Atlllll. bt'iJlg lfrism gloriouJ(J'
119· 2 f. It 11;1.\ been suggested by J. vall [)ijk thaI purification rituals ofandellt Me.~opotallli;l, although quite rational and pr;rglllatic in the way.\ in which they arc presented ill texts, [nay h:1Y(' h;J(1 all esotericisrn linkcd to "illumination," "purificatioll," and "sanctification" that goes kick to the ~age Acbpa and ex[ends funher ill(o lIluch later csoteril' alld "gllostic" tradi[ iOll s that nouri,~hcd ill Mesopotamia such ;IS l'vbndaeism ("Riwd de purification," J 15-16). 22. Sec I< vallvig, ROOfS oJ'AP0Cf{(}'f'1ie, f 9')'''':W 1; Parpola, l.etlNS fWIII IIs~yrit{)1 rlntl Nldl)'lot/iilll SeholMS, XX; idcm, "Assyrian 'Ii'cl' of ure," r (17, 11. 29; and Izrc'd, AddPd rlfld till' SOUtil \.\Iilld, 2. 'lhe phrasc "correct functioning of the plan.\ of heaven and earth" in Akkadian is 1II11/!8ini IIJllrlif AN-I' /, KIlim. Since hit lIle:,cri is bilillgU;d, [he Sumerian cquivaicm d this phrasc is hence C; H UR AN .1<1.1\ SI.skNF. ">/hc SUIlleri
IS.
2).
'!'j. 2').
Sec Frank((Hl, !If/riml 1:,~)'pli(/11 Religiol/, 'i'I; Morcm., (f!,),ptiatlIMigirm, 1 J .1-.10; Hornung, !rim ill!O InJt{g(', I J 1-'1'); and Jan Asslllallll, 1/11' ,\'('(fr(lJj/JI' Gor! in A!lcil'!l/ l:;r!,yPI, trans. David LOrloll (Ithaca ;md I.oodon: (:of!]cll Univcrsily Prcss, 200[): .1--4. HnrllLlIlg, I&d illto lll/flKI', 1'12. Ibid., [32.
1,)1-"',),
e,\p. [94.
or the clearest depictions o/"!his spatial proximity ill :lociclH literawfe is in Book VI of'Virgil's
Am('it/, where Aelleas l'llters the Ilclhl'rwodd undcr the guidancc or the Sibyl, and passes f-Im through thL' grim pan (his ~uhlerranean reaim, whencc he makes;) tr;J(lsirioll w the "Land ofCbdlless," or tht' "Croves or Bbsedness" (8H). III the "Myrh (I/' the Ages" depicted in Hcsiod's Wink, ({lid
or
antediluvian tradition. See Richard H. Wilkinson, Rmding Egyptian Arl: A Hieroglyphic Gllidl' to Andt'll! /-;'gyptian Painting 3" (lIId ,Smlptlll'e (l.ondon: Th,ulles and Hudson, 1992): 165. Sec ;11.\0 Hans Goedecke, "A Dcincalion of a Privatc Person in the Old Kingdom," jmtrJwl of Egyptian Arc/}rle(Jlog)' 41 (1955): 31-,3, esp. ,3 I; Hartwig Altellllliiller, "Djed-Pfeiler," LrlA t, [099- TOG; and Erik HOfllung, Val/I')' o/fht' f(ingr:
)2.
Horizon ofE/emity (New York: Timken, 1990): 1 r 8. Wilkinson, Rl'ading fl..f!,Yptirm Arl, .65; sec also Eric Uphill, "111e [;.gyprian Sed-Festival Rites," jNE)
'1.4 (19G5): ,365-8,3, esp. 380; and Ahenmiillcr, "Djcd-PI-Ciler." JJ. ,)ee Frankfort, Ancient h<~yptian Religion, 104. Sec Alexandre Piankoff and N. Ramhov;!, Ihe '/i)}n/; of R(lNlf'sm VI; TeX/5, Bollingen Series 40. J (New 34· York: I', trans. David LortOll (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1999): 89. III Mesopotamia ;l,~ well, the sun-god's descent to the netherworld involves the illumination of the dead gods located therein. An incantation to Sham
emit/ie C'l'ogmp/~I!, H 2.; and !
30 .
Gilgilrlmh Epic, vol. [,720-,3). An understanding of the Assyrian "s,lCred tree" as a sY111hol of the domain of Enki/Ea, the ApsLl goes hack to the nineteenth-century research on ancient Mesopotamia. Sec Giovino, /byrirm Slfacd Tree, 9.-20. Tb my knowledge, none of these early approaches to the Assyrian "sacred [ree" from rhe point of view of EnkilEa and the ApsLI, however, integrated an analysis of the ancient Mesopotamian
On the sources and represellt,l!ions of the AII/dll(/! and ,he 800ft 4'(,'Il/f'J, sce Hornung, H(lok;; (lthl'
}.6. Sec l'.~p. Ilorowiu_, klc.wpolflWi(1Il ctJJlllic (,('og",p/~)', 1 7. In ancielH Mesopotamian cosmology, evell thOllgh the Ap.~CI and the nedwrworkl arc distinn cndtics, (here were instances in which {he [wo locales were equated or confused with olle another. Sec (,'iJ/), s.v. "ApSll;" Horowitz, lvlc.iof'ottfllliflll
17. C)ne
235
A/il'J'I[/e, 26-77. l7. For an illustratioll, sec ibid., 49· j8. Foran illustration, sec ibid., 70. 3<.). ''Esoteric Name," J24·
40. Ihid., .324-)' 41. Ibid., JIG, and Jl. 42, wh'rch quotes from "J-laupt NF SJ: [""'9 and its duplicnes f(AR 227 i~ 6 1 I and /J(A 89 ii 14-'1 [: 'Cilgarnesh, perft·C[ king, judge of the Anllllnaki, ... admini.\(ralOr of the N
nerherworkl, lord of rhe dwelIeLd)Clow: You arc a judge and have vision like (;od; YOll stalld ill the ncrherworld and pronoLlnce final judgment. Your judgment is not altered, your word ~s nO! despised; you question, you inquire, you judge, you watch, and you give the correct decision. Sam:!;; h,IS elHrustcd verdict and decision in your hands. In your presence kings, regents and princes how down'" (ibid.).
2)6
NOTES TO PAGES 16,)-I69
42. [ 1)0-3, Cagni, Poem of Erm, 32; sec also \'V'es(,
Nfesopotttmiall COJfnie Geography,
CHAPTER
farb' Greek Philosophy,
NOTES TO PAGES 169-175
56; and Horowitz,
24').
J:
KING THE MAN, THE KING-MAN
I. It may be possible [0 observe repercllssions of this split in a historical framework as well- fix instance, the putative spli[ between the en and the 1ugal in tbe Early Dynastic period, especially as hypothesized by S(cinkellcr ("On Rulers, Priests, and Sacred Marriage," I [0), In rhis regard, sec also Joan Goodnkk Westcnholz, "Enheduanna, En-Priestess, Hen or Nanna, Spouse of Nann"," in Behrens et aI., cds., lJUMU-t;-/}UB-BA-A, 539-56, esp. 541. 2. Sec again Wimer, "King and the Cup," 262; KV3llyig, Roots ojApoCtl9,/)lic, 186. 3· Kvanvig, Roots o/ApocrI(yptic, 159. 4. Sec Werner R. Mayer, "Ein Mythos von del' Erschaffung des Menschcn und des Konigs," Oriel/fit/ill 56 (19H7): 55-68. 5· Sec I.ivingstone, COUrt Poelly, XXIV; and the COl'()nlltioll Hymn o/As/;urbaniptd, ill ibid., 27. 6. Mayer," Mythos von der Erschaf-fullg," 56~7. Compare the Standard Babylonian Epic o/Gilgamesh 1 95-6: "You, 0 Arum, created [man:j/now create what he suggests!" (George, Babylonian Gilgames/; Epic, vol. I, 542~.l).
Narrarive in the Art of the Ancient Ncar East," ill Herbert E. Kessler and Marianna Shreve Simpson, eds., Pictori,ti NillTdtiIH' ill Alltiquity and the Ivliddle Ages, Studies in the History of Art 16 (Washington, DC: National Gallery of An, 1985): II~32, esp. 22; and Cylinder A, iii 6~8 (Edzard, Gud{'fl tlud His D)'llast)', 70). 21. Elena Cassin, La splendcur divine: il/troduction ri l'itllde de la menttlli{(; misopotmnie!Jlle (Paris, I.e Ha),e: Mouton & Co., 1968): 72, citing L. Messerschmidt and O. Schroder, Keilschrifttexte al/J As.liIl' historischm fJJhft/U, yol. 2 (Osnahriick: O. Zeller, 1970~2): no. 84, II 5~6. 22. As~)'rirlll Propbecies, XL. 23· In a text translated under the tide "Lipit-dtar's Praise" as well, the king is dearly prese!\('ed as laying daim not only over the "sacred marriage," but also over the scribal profession: "Lipit-eStar, you arc granted princely power; I (Your) name, a sound as SWeet as honey, is perfect /'or speaking; / Longed-for husband ofInanna, I Whom Enki gave broad wisdom as a gifLI Nisaba, the woman radiant with joy, I The true woman scribe, the lady of all knowledge, / Guided your fingers on the day, I Embellished the writing on the tablets, I Made the hand resplendent with a golden stylus" (II. [6-22, H. L J. Vanstiphour, "Lipit-Estar's Praise,"ICS' 30 [19781: 3S~39, esp. 37). 2+ Roots ofApomlyptit, 202. In relation to comparable Indic notions or transmitted wisdom, see Anamh K. Coomaraswatlly, "The Flood in Hindu Tradition," in Roger Lipsey, cd., COO/Jl(trflJw((n~)' 2: Selected
Papen: Met((physiCJ, Bollingen Series 89 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1977): 398-407,
7· Mayer, "Mythos von der Erschaftung," 63~5. 8. Coomaraswamy, Spiritual Allthorit)' and 7empoml Po/Ut'!', 17, ll. 16. 9. "0 Enkidu, get rid of your sinFul intention, I as For GilgatlleS ,~amas loves him. I Anu, Enlil and Ea broadened his wi.~d()!ll" (I 240~2; Cenrge, B({/~ylollian (,'i{r,dllll'sh /<);c, vol. I, 552-3). {O. "Enkidu was diminished, his running was not as bef-{Jre, / but he had remon, he {was] wide of understanding" (I 201~2; George, Brtl~)'loni{(fI Gi{r,tfltlesh Epic, vol. [, S50~J). [I. I.ivingstotle, COllrt Poco)" XXIV. 12. Ihid. ~ee, however, Ceorge, hi,ie o/Gi('l,({fIIt'sh, xli. I J. Livingstone, COllrt POI'fI)" XXIV.
J99: "In each kft/ptt there are t{}Urteen IIlttIWflJ/lttrflS, each presided over by an individual Manu as progenitor and lawgiver; so also the nis, and lndra and other (kttrllw-) cil'II{[J, arc individual to each mtlfWflr/ltll'tl. -I he first Manu the presellt ktl/ptl was Sv:t),amhhuv;t, 'child ofSvayambhll;' the seventh and present Manu, V~livasvata, 'child or the SUlI.' Each manu is a determined and consciOllS survivor from the previolls UUlr/IJilJ/trlrrl, and through him the sacred uadition is pre,~ervcd and transmittcd."
or
CHAPTER 4: 'j'[AMA'J"S flROOO I.
14. Frances A. Yates, (;iorr/f(JIo HruJ/o (wd the fil'l'ml'lic '/iwdi/ioll (Chicago and London: -Ille University of Chicago Pre,~.~, !()~Jl): [HI. r 5. From this standpoint, an initiate is 10 be addressed as a Brahman, regardless of the actual caste to which he helongs in the social strllcture (Coomar;\swamy, ,\/,iriftllfl Authority foullhnpo/"ft! Power, 16,11. 16). 10. Sec Kurt Rudolph, (,'Ilosh', \)2. 17. Sec especially "Model and Actualization: 'Ihe Kings ofAkkad iothe J-listorical Tradiriorl," in Mario l.iverani, cd., Akk({t/: lhc Fint V(1nld Dnpin>: StJ'lIctll},(', Idcoloi!,Y' li'(ulitionJ (Padova: Tipografia Poligraflca Moderna, 199_,): 4r~67, esp. 46; idem, wfhe {keds o(Ancient Mesopotamian Kings," CANI:' 4, 235.1-66, esp. 2 JO 1- 3; and most recendy, idem, Ritltrl/ llIul Politics ill AI/eimt Mt'JOj)()lllmifll/ t-liJ/OI)', cd. and trans., Zainab Bahrani and Marc van de Micronp (Ithaca: Cornell Univeristy Press, 2(0 4). 18. Sabina Franke, "Kings of Akkad: Sargon and Naram~Sin," (jlNF 2, BlI~4[' esp. 8J6. For rhe
2.
J. 4. 5· 6. 7. H.
20.
"Birth of Kings," 47~-8. For testimonia from the Early Dynastic period and the period ofCudea, sec Jerrold S. (:ooper, Rcc()m1/'1fttillg His/ofY from Autitllt /l/JcriptiOllJ: lhl' LtlgtlJh-Ultlltltl Border Conflict, Sources and Monographs, Sources from the Anciell1' Ncar East 2/1 (Malibu, (:A: Undena, 1983): 45; Irene J. Winter, "After the Baule Is Over: '(he Stek of the Vultures and the Beginning or Historical
For an overview of the conceptual and visual ramifications of ancieJl{ Mesopotamian IvliJclJ//I/'st'I/, sec Wiggermann, "Mischwesell. A,"; and A. Creen, "Miscilwesell. B. Archiiologie. MeSOpOlallliell," RIA 8, 246~64. ~ce I,ahat, Poi'llle vtl/J),lo)Jim, <)O~ [, 98'-9; Black and Green, Gods, lJl'Inons 'lJId ,~)'JIII)(IlJ, S.V. "Tiamat \ (:relJlJJJ-JJA-A, 121'-35. Lamben, "Labmu-LalYlIIlu," 1\)1. Sec Wiggermann, IvltJOPOttlfll;flJ/ Protl'ctitlt' SpiriIJ, 182; W. G. Lamben, "Kulullu," RIA 0, J24; Eckhart! Unger, "Fischkentaur (Fischmensch)," RIA 3, 7o~71. See Alhcnda, Plllllct' oj'Sargoll, [22, pI. 21.
m
transliteration and a translation or this leXI, sec also Westenholz, I.ql,l'IIr6 o/the Kings o/Akktltit' (Winona I.ake, IN: Eisenhrauns, 1\)89): J6-49. [9· Livcrani also deals with the inscripIion of Idrimi, ruler o/' Alalakh, as an initiatic scenario and compares i[ 10 the slOries of Sargol\ ofAkkad and [)avid (Ritwt! fwd Politics, HS-96). One sees the same IOpOS in the Old Clcstament as well ill Moses' deliverance and upbringing by the Egyptian king's daugh[er ;lS descrihed in EWu/IIJ 2: !~II. In this regard, see also William Hallo, "'(he Binh oFKings," in Juhn H. Marks and Rohert M. (;ood, cds., LOIJt, (lliri Detlth ill fht' At/timt Nnlr h'mt: liSSdYS ill HOllO/'
(!/,!v/(/f'/Jiu /-I. Pope (Cuilford, CT: Four Quarters, 1987): '15-52, esp. 47. For all earlier discussion of this matter in scholarship, see again Engndl, Di/J;ne Killg"iJ;p, 10-17. ll. 13 and 16, I.ivingstone, Court POt'tIY, 10. See also Frankfort, Kingship /llld the GotiJ, 300; and HaHn,
2)7
9. 10.
II. Il.
[3.
NOTES TO PAGES 175~I82
14· Even though Kolbe, as well as some others, have identified (his creature with the evil demon utukkll (Relie/progrmmn{', 108; Wiggermann, Mesopotamian Protective SpiritJ, 169), the lion-demon definitively became (he ugallll after its inclusion in Marduk's army, sometime in rhe Middle Bahylonian period. For the refutation of the identification orthe lion-demon with the utukku, sec Rinig, AssyrischbabyfolliJc/J1' Kleinpl(lJlik, 153. . 15· Kolbe calls this figure the "Ninurta Cenius," whereas Green refers to it as the "House Cod" (Kolbe, Reli,jj)rogrflmmc, I [6; Green, "Nco-Assytian Aporropaic Figures," 92). 16. Green, "Nco-Assyrian Apotropaic Figures," 92. 17· Sec Barnen, ,S'wlptum fiwlI tbe North PIIllla', 50, pI. XLV (Room S). 18. Ihid., 53, pI. LV (Room "C entrance b). On the Ifrma{Jlulbl, see Kolbe, Reliejj)roc'l,mmme, 121; Wiggermallll, Alcsopotami{llI Protccti/!{' ,'j'pirits, 181. 19· Sec Barnell, Smlpturl'JjiwfI thc No/'th l~t/({ce, '1-0, pI. XX. 20. Sec ibid., 39. 21. Wiggermann, MCSOpotfllllitw Prot('('tivc ~\IJirits, 172. 22. Barnell, Sculplllrl'.lIrotn tbc North Ptt/tICC, 43, pI. XXVI (Room I). 2J. Ihid., 52, pI. LlV (Room S). What may be an upright, although not humanoid, mllsf)l{Nu may also be seen on a drawing by Layard of a slab belonging to Esarhaddon located behind a ImlltlsJII figure from "Entrance h" of the Southwest Palace at Nimrud (Barnett and Falkner, Sculp/lm:s ofilssur-Nasir-Ap/i II, 2J, pI. CXIl). 24· Kolbe, RelicjjJrogmmme, 27. On these relief panels, see Barnett, Sculptllresfrom thc North Prllflce, 48, pI. XXXVIII (Court 0). 25· "I here is, however, a vari~lIH of (he [ion-demon with human feet instead of the claws of a bird of" prey, on which see Green, "Uon-Demon," [50; and Anthony Green, "/\ Notelln the 'Lion-Demon,'" /mq 50 (1988): 167-8. 26. "Expel[ing Demons at Nineveh: On thc Visibility of' BellevolclH Delllons in the Palaces of"Nineveh," in Colloll and Gcorge, ed~., Nilll'lJeh, 8j-92. 27· See Wilfred George Lalllbert, "'lhe Assyrian Recension of EnlJlll
35. Green, "Mischwesen. n.," 15H~9. .l(,. Wiggcrmann, MCjOpotllllli(lfI Prolt'ttiI!('S/,iritJ, 167; and Creen "Mischwcsell. n.," 25H. 37· 'Ihureau-lhllgin, "Sculptures rupestres," 19'1; and (;reen, "Misdlwesen. n.," 259. I H. See E /\. M. Wiggermal\[\, "Tispak, his seal, and dIe dragon IlIWibUSSll," in O. M. C. f-lacx et aI., eds., io the Hllphmtl's {wd Hqolltl: Arc/}{u'%gil'ftl Studit'J ifl HOI/our o/Alllltrtij N. /lflfI Loom (Rotterdam, Brookf-ield: A.A. Ba[kema, 19H9): 117-n; and Wilfred C. Lambert, "'Ihe History ofth!.: rn u.\ - b II Ii ill Ancient Mesopotamia," in Borge
NOTES TO PAGES r82-185
40. 41. 42.
4.1. 44.
239
association of these monsters with Tiamat in Ee [bltill/a EIHl seems to be a secondary combination to explain how they came into Marduk's power, and there is reason to suspect that Matduk inheriled them from his father Ea" ("Kulullu," .324), In this regatd, see also Wiggermann, "Mischwcscn. A.," 228. On fish-derived IvliSl'hwl'wl, see also Sahrhage, hschjilllg tlnd Fischkult, 182. See Wiggermann, "Mischwesen. A.," 228; and Lambert, "Labmu-Labamu in Cosmo[ogy," 191. For the historical background of the Babylonian poem of cosmogony and the rise of Marduk as the supteme god, see Wiggermann, "Mischwesen. A.," 229. Both apkalllt and nOIHlpkallu Mischwcsl'll also appear on Nco-Assyrian cylinder seals. Especia[[y noteworthy arc certain eunuch officials' seals that depict these MiJe/II.(){'sm Aanking sanctuaries in which a human figure, in great likelihood (he owner of the seal, is depicted EKing a divine f-igurc. for examples, see K. Watanabe, "Seals of Neo-Assyrian Officials," ill Watanabe, cd., Priests (lfId Off/cia Is, J 13-66; and Irene j. Winter, "Ll' /,al{/iJ imagilllii/'c: scale and meanillg in the iconography of Nco-Assyrian cylinder seals," in Chriscoph Uehlinger, cd., ill/(lges (IS Media: SOllm'sfo/" the Cultuml HiJto}y ofthc Near Ellst fllld t/;(' Eastern Meditermlll'{/f/ (ut Millmllium [\CE) (University Press Fribourg Switzerland, 20(0): 51-87, esp. 69-70. "Ihis sectioll is absent rrom Labat's and Heidel's translations. See, however, Dalley, M.vths fimll McsopOfllmitl, 2.57. Sec also Horowitz, Iv/csopoltllJlilln Cosmic C;mgmp/~y, lOR. See Wese, t:ar{y Greck Philosophy, 59.
45. Wo"kJ ({fir! D{~ys 170-1. 46. 7h"OgOflY 517-19. 47. Ibid., 615. 4H, "lhe six hundted Anunnaki arc shut in the netherworld by Bel according to K/\R .W7: 37, cited in Horowitz, Mesopotrlmiall Cosmic G('ogmphy, 18. On the parallel between the Mewpofamian Annunaki and the Greek Titans, set' West, hiut F({cc, 299. 49· 'fhmgony 729-})· 50. Ibid. 954-5. One should note as a difference here, however, that Utu:tpishtim lives aparl from the
gods, rather than among them, even though he, roo, i.~ Llnaging.
CHAPTER
s:
THE ANCIENT MESOPOTAMIAN FLOOll TRAIlITlON,s
[. See J. van l)ijk, U}(,'AI. UI) M F-I AM-bi NIR-(;;lr.- /.{' ddt (jlique ('I rlir/I/c#ql/(' de., 7i-d/!lIIIX de NiJJ/lrtd, dll IMlllge ct dc III NOUI!l'l1t Crilllio}} (Leidell: E. j. Brill, 198 J): esp. l)~! 9;
NOTES TO PAGES 185-188
NOTES TO PAGES 188-190
12. Cylinder A, n . vi 1-16 (Echard, Gudca and His DYJlasty, 8')). See also Wolfgang Heimpe!, "The Gates of the Eninnu," jCS 48 (1996): 17-29. 13. See Cylinder A, x 15-16: "I founded the Tira'as shrine as deep as the Abzu" (Edzard, Gudea and His Dynasty, 75); and Cylinder A, xxii I I - I 3 (ibid., 83). See also Horowitz, Jv[esopofamiar/ Cosmic Geogmp/~)i, 124. 14. Black, "Slain Heroes," 2 5. According to Green as well, the beings that are represented in art in a seemingly "monstrous" form, particularly the Mischwl'sen ofTiamat, are not themselves the evil demons (Green, "Beneficent Spirits," 86). 1 'i. See \,{/illter, "After the Barrie Is Over," 14. 16. For discllssions of parallels in this regard between Hesiod and the ancient Near East, see Penglase, Greek Myths (a/(/ Mesopotmnid, 189; \'{/est, East Face, 282-83, though with no treatmem ofTiamat's army in relation to rhe Titans of the Thcogony; and Burkert, Babylon, Memphis, Persepolis, 32-34· 17. Works fwd [)tlys 1 10- I I. On Kronos and his kingship in the Golden Age, as well as Kronos' affinity [0 Enki/b, see again Kramer and Maier, Myths oft'nti, 170 and 178. See also West, East 282. 18. Kronos himself is in ElCt one of the Titans (lheogollY 134-9). On the connection between Kronos and the Titans, referred to in the Theogonyas the former gods (424, 486), see West, East Fa£'(', 276-7, 28 9. 19. Rather than the sages, West compares Prometheus to EnkilEa in the former's efforts to help "makind to gain advantages and avoid hardships against Zeus' will" (East Face, 295). 20. '[here arc two versions of this myth. In the Sumerian poem "Ninurta's Pride ,Illd Punishment," the posses.~or of the tablet of destinies seems to have been Enki from whom Anztl steals it (Kramer and Maier, Myths oft:nki, 120; and Kramer, "Ninuna's Pride and Punishment," 231-4). As for the Akkadian "Myth of Anztl," the tablet has been stolen from Enli! by Anzll (Kramer and Maier, Myths of Enki, 140; Dalley, kfytlJ5frolJl Mesopotamia, 207). 21. "[She galve him the tablet of destinies, she Edsten]cd (it) upon his breast, (saying:) / '[As for thee], thy command shall nOI be changed, the word of thy mourh shall be dependable!" (II 43-4; Heidel, Brlby/olliflll C;('Jmis, 27). 22. "I-Ie [MardukJ took from himlKingul the tablet of destinies, which was not his rightful possession. / He scaled (it) with (his) seal and ElStened (it) on his breast" (IV 121-2,; ibid., 41). 2}. !\llllUS also raise.~ the question how it is the case that Tiamat already happens to be in possession of the tablet of destinies when she first appears in the poem of cosmogony because dlC story demands that the tablet be stokn by all enemy to legitimize Marduk "to establish justke in tbe world by retrieving il" Uhe God Ninltrt{{, 149). 2.01. Wim vall BinsbtTgen and Frans Wiggcrmann, "Magic in History: A "he(Hctical Perspe<.:tive, and Its Application to Ande1H Mesopotamia," in Tzvi Abus<.:h and Karel van del' 'I(:)orn, cds., Ancient M({gic (tllrl [)il!ill({tirm/: Jvft>sojJo/flJnirlll !liftlgic: '[ex/ltdl, HiJtoriml, (tilt:! [ntClprFtrltitJl' Pl'l'5pectil)eJ (Groningen: Styx, (999): 1-.15, esp. 20. 25. Ihid, 26. Ihid., '21. 27. Ibid., 22. 2/{. On Berossos and his writings, sec espedally Stanley Mayer Burstein, Ihe Ihbyloniaca of BeroHos, Sources and Monographs, Sources limn the Ancient Ncar East lIs (Malibu, CA: Undena, (978): esp. 4-12; and (;era!d I~ Verhrugghe and john M. Wickersham, 8eroHos (mel Mfluetho: [ntroduad (II/(I 'JhIllJlflt('(I (Ann Arhor: University of Michigan Press, 2000). 29. Sec Burstein, H(d~}'/Ofli(/(({, 6 and 8-12; Dalley et aI., Leg{/{), ofk[esopotlltnirl, 11.1; Verbrugghe and Wickersham, /!eI'OHOJ flnd MtlIll'hto, 16- [7. lO. Burstein, Bllby/ollide(l, 14; sec also Kramer and Maier, N{}'ths (~lFllki, 124. Also compare the speech ofAristophanes from PhiLO'S .~}'mposillm (189 D-Il)o A; Lamb, Pillto: Ly.ris, 1.14-5). _I t. Burstdn, /Ja/Jy/ouirl(,({, 14. J 2. Ihid. Kramer and Mder indicate that the Omorka is "no doubt a hellenizing of her epithet IImYrUl Ill/bur (mother ':iuber)" (My/h.\" o/Fnki, 167). J.I. Sec Borger, "Bes<.:hwilrungsserie IUt M{'seri," l H6; Kramer and Maier, Myths I{ l:.'lIki, I2 5; !zre'd,
35· Ib;d., 14· 36. See Samuel M. Paley and Richard P. Sobolewski, The Reconstruction of the Re/;efRepnst'lltrltioJJJ anr!
rare,
Adaprl (wd the South Wiind, 2. H. Burstein, Btlby/onill((/, [_1-14.
their Positions in the Northwest-P(/lace at [(allm (Nimnit:!) If!: (The Principal Ellt},{IllCeJ ({lid COIl"~}'flJ'[:l» (Mainz am Rhein: Verlag Philipp von Zabern, 1992): flg. 6 and pI. }. 37. In discussing the "sins" of supreme hero gods in the Vedic tradition, Dumczil also draws attention to the f;lCt that Vedic hymns themselves oHcr but little information regarding these "guilts," because these poems are essentially invocations and songs of praise where such allusions would have been om of place (Destiny ofthe Wrlrriof', 67), }8. Theogony 209-1O. See also West, t'r/5t Face, 280. 39. In this regard, sec Reiner, "Etiological Myth," I I; llorger, "Beschwi1rungsserie Bit Miseri," 192; Kv:\nvig, Roots o/Apocalyptic, 205-7; Burkhart Kienast, "Die Weisheit des AJapa von Eridu," in Beek ct al., eds" Symbolfle BibDcal', 2}4-9; and Izre'd, Add/HI mlfl the South Wind, 129~30. 40. George, tjJic ofGi/gmllcJh, 55. 41. On parallels between Nillllrta and Herades, see van I)jjk, rUGAl., ((, 15, 17~-19; Walter Burkert, "Oriental and Greek Mythology: 'Ihe Meeting of Parallels," in Jan Bremmer, cd., fnteljJJ'etfltiol1s of Grl'ck Nfyl/;ology ('nJtowa, NJ: Barnes and Noble Books, 1986): 10-40, esp. 14-19; idem, 'Er'lc1e e gli altri eroi culturali del Vicino Oriente," in CorinIJe Bonnet and l.oe[[e jourdain-Annequin, eds., Hemdes: d'lInl' ril)l' (1 tal/Ire de 1(1 Mlditerrfllll: JJi/all et pmperli{!(,J, Anes de fa Tlblc Ronde de Rome, Academia Belgiaca-Ecolc fran~aise de Rome, 15-16 septembre 1989 l'occasiOll du Cinquantaire de l'Academia Bdgica, en Hommage Franz C:UMON'I: .~()Jl premier President (Bruxdlcs, Brussels, Rome, (992): 1 I 1,·-'27, esp. 121-7; West, DIJI Ff/('(', 467-9; and Daile)' et aI., f.egrlCY oj'McJOjJo(rlmia, 10[. In addition to acknowledging the close aHiuity between the myths of Ninuna alld I-ieracles, Burkert, however, also points out the significant diflcrences, especially in the nature of the <.:haracters victimized by both hero-gods, primarily animals in the case of I-Itrades, and hizarre lIonanimal, often ohjectiike, beings in tile GiSt of Ninuna. 42. III (his regard, sec james S. Romlll, {he Fr('!,I'J ({fhe h,rtl; in AI/rim' ,[houghl: Ge()grap/~)', FV!/oratioll, ({ut! FictiON (Princetoll, Nj: Princeton University Pres.~, 19\)2): 24, where this paradoxical situatiOll is discllssed in relalion to the andellt Greek Okeanos, which "could ... he seen as a repository f{lr the cosmic confusion that prevailed before the ()IYlllpiall efa, in just the same way that Zeus (according to Hesiod's 'IheogoIlY) uses the pdmtrl gtlil;J lO imprison the Giants, Titans, alld other prilllordial rebels who had challenged his reign." "In the H7rn-kJ ({fir! IJr~y.~, Hesiod alw places the generation heroes at [he pdmtrl g({ies, although in a IllllCh more pk'as
a
a
or
CI1AI'TF.Jt I.
.).
). (l.
7.
8.
LOltll 01' TIlE NE'J'ttEltWOIU.1l
Allen Mandelhaum, l/;I' A{'!Il'id ({Virgil (New York: B
COII(,f/lf/OIlJ 0I(,'ot! in AI/cit'lll Fgypl: 'Ihl' (Jill' (Illd ,ht' MIII~JI, trailS. John Ihines (lihaca and New York: C:ornell University Press, 1996): 160. lillcient Philo.l'()p/~y, 1v~)iJtt'ly, fwd MaRil' (Chf{Jr(\: (hf()]'(.! University Press, (995): 25 t -2. Apulcills, Metl"'lfJrphoJl'J XI 2.1;.J. Arthur 1--lallSon, trans. Apt/lei/l:;: Ml'/fltnmjlhoJcJ, vol. 2, l.oeb (:lassical Library (Cambridge, MA, and l.ondon: Harvard UniversilY Pres.~, 1\)8\)): 340-1. See also Edward H Wente, "Mysticism in Pharaonic Egypt?"jNI:S41 (1\)8'2): 161-79, esp. 177. See Wente, "Mysticism," 177. Sec PiankofTand Rambova, '[(Huh o/R(wll'JJt'J VI, 262. Sec, for instance, Enkidu's vision of the netherworld described in the SHV o( 'III{' 1:/)11' o/(;i~e:,mJ('Jh (VII dl}-6): "[He boundl Illy arms like (the wings of')
2. Quoted in Erik 1-"iofllllJlg,
4.
6:
NOTES TO PAGES I 94~ I
NOTES TO PAGES 190- r 94
9. 10. [ (. 12.
13. 14. I 5. 16.
17.
[8. [9. 20.
21.
96
243
Kulturgt'schichtl'des jj'flumi'JlJ, Alter Orienr LInd Altes Testamem 333 (MOnster: Ugaritverlag, 2006):
B. The solar nature of the scorpion beings ls also suggested by Wiggermann, who posits that "the
273-5· For the presence of Etana, Shakkan, and Bele[~~eri in the netherworld, see EnkidLl's "dream vision" in n,e fl)ie ofGi/gmnesh (V!I 202), quoted further brer. See, for instance, ! ! 3 and 170. For a documetll,nion of the editions and translations of this text, sec Kvanvig, Roots o/ApoCttlyptic. For the most recent edition and translation, sec Livingstone, Court POl'try, 68-76. Sec Kvanvig, Roots ofApo{'{I/yptic, 430-7, where the message of the poem is discLissed in relation to tbe complex dynastic and political dynamics of the Sargonids, Sennacherib, Esarhaddon, and Ashurbanipal. See also Livingstone, Court POl'fly, XXVIII. Wiggennanl1 warns, however, that both the GO'ttl'l"ryPl'lltl'xf and the Underwor!cl ViJioti "are atypical and can he used only with extreme caution" (Me.wpotamirm Profl'rtiv!' Sj)irits, xi). Rev. 15; Livingstone, Courl Poetly, 74. Rev. 20, ihid. Rev. 22-26, ihid. According to Kvanvig's reading of the text, the prince's tuher does not refer to the figure designated as the "proud shepherd," but to a second figure, whom Kvanvig takes as a "rebellious king" set in jllxtaposirion to an "ideal king" whom the "proud shepherd" represents (Roots ()fApoca~vptic, 402). l~ol1owing the latest edition and translation of the poem by Livingstolle, I take the "proud shepherd" to be the prince's father. "'/he three gods mentioned as the protectors of the king arc Elamite gods" (Kvanvig, Roots oj Apow(yptic, 431-2). On this matter, set' also W. von Soden, "Die Unterweltvisioll cines assyrischen Kronprinzen," 7.eitscbr{f/ jil}" AS.fy}"j%git' 9 (19 .16): 1-3 I, esp. 30, note to I. 65. See Hornung, \1rd/q o/thl' Kings, '22; Assmann, Search God, J 10. Rev. 26, Livingstone, Court POl'lIy, 76.
scorpion(-man) is in origin a simple mythological scotpion fulfilling, like the E~,,'yptian IlP'-'-, 'beede,' a cosmic task (watching ovcr the rising and sening of the sun) with its pincers" (lvlesopotamir{fl Protective Spirits, 148). 34. Cassin, Splauleur divine, 60.
Jor
Lt. 5--9, Reiner, "Etiological Myth," 2-5; Kvanvig, Roots O/APO("(Ii:Vptic, 197 and 426. Kvanvig, Roofs rdApo('(l/yptic, 426.
22. Ibid., 427. 23. Rev. 27; Livingstone, COI/}"' fJOt'lIy, 76. 2'1-. Rev. 29~32, ibid. 25. I:j)()pl£'ia, .~eeing, was the highest level of initiation in the Fleusinian Mysteries {sec I;oley, HymN to [)t'ItIl'fc}", 39). "'I hc term u;sio /Jl'(lt~lim (heatiflc vision) W;IS coined to designate the supreme goal, the Ie/os, of" Christian existence, III medieval usage it signifies the immediate sight of Cod, llidac [)cum; those who ohtain this vision art..' transported into a state of" elt'rnal heatitude. In this ca.~e the word vision, 1)IJio, must hc taken as a real seeing, not ;IS a suhjective illusion" (Carl Kercllyi, F/cllsis: Art/H'(Y/NI/ Image aflvlat/m' ({lid nt/ughla, trails. Ralph Manheim [Princeton, NJ: Princeton Univer.~ity Press, 1994]: (5). 2r,. Rev. 14, Livingstone, Court Foeti}, 72. 27. Cassin, Sj>!tllr!cur diIJiJlc, 7, citing R. Borger, Die IIIJdn4im AJtlrh"ddolls, 8 1, r. I, J. 51, Further, in II. JO~7 of the sallie text, harhaddo[} s[;ltes that Nerg,ll, "the ])lost powerful of the gods," be.\tCJwed on him dazzling hrightness and a luminous radiance (ibid., 7, rl. J2). 'lhe connection between luminescence and the netherworld may also he seell illtilc illl;lge oC the Anullnaki bearing torches ill the flood story containcd in '}:Iblet XI (t02-5) or Ihe SBV of Ih" l~i)ir (}/(;i~Socralic Creek philosophy the Source of celestial light allt! life is in hKt (he netherworld, and its ancielH Ncar Eascern parallels, see Kingsley, Ancient Phi/wopby, ') 1"-6. Hfl/~y/oJ/itiJ/ Gilgffll/{'.I"/l N)i(, vol. J, 668-9.
1.9. IX 42-7, George,
30. ,\j)I(')I{/tIl/" di/lim', )-4.
3 I. Ihid., 4- ()n horh the pII/U!111I and the
see also I.eo Oppenheim, "Akkadian pU/{II)!;(t)U and me/aft/mil," ./Olff'f/(// oflhe AN/almll Orieuffi/ Sol"i('~Y 64 (194 .~): 31-4. Jl.. Cassin, Splt'fldt'llrdil!illt', 7. "'c/{IIlI)JIIf,
35. Not all descetHs to the netherv-:orld may result in an ascent. 'Ihe "death dream" of Enkidu in the SBV or the Epic of Gi~'l,rtI)JeJ!J, for instance, is a harbinger of his death: "1he day he saw the dream [his 5trmgth] was exhausted, / Enkidu was cast down and (lay) sick for one day, [a second day]" (V!I 254-67; George, Babylonian Gilgamesh Epic, 646-7). In the Undl'l"world Vision, even though the fate of the prince after the vision is undear, the final statement that he praised the deeds of Nergal and Ereshkigal to the Assyrians may be taken as an indication that he is able to survive this ordeal successfully. According to Kvanvig, in both dream visions, "the visionary sees his own future death" (Roots OjAPOCfl/yPlic, 3(4). )6. Rev. 6, Livingstone, Cou}"t Poetl:v, 72. 37. Rev. 7, ibid. 38. In this regard, see also Kvanvig, Roots ofApOCfl/yptic, 374. For a discussion of the description of the denizens seen by the prince in the Ulldawor/d Vision, sec Wiggennann, "Mischwesell. A.," 224. 39. Livingstone, Court Po(,tly, 73, fig. 25. Sec, however, Wiggermann, "Mischwesen. A.," 224: "llws the prince understands most of what he sees, although the images described arc not preserved ill the Assyrian an we know." Sec also ibid., 232. 40. According to Wiggermann, not AnZli but the lion i~' the symbolic aninul of NillgirHl (Mesopottlmiflfl Protecfi!Jl' ..\j)iritJ, 160). "1he Anzil then is lIot Ningirsu's symbol, nor that of all)' of the other gods with whose symbolic animal it is combined. It represents another, more general power, undcr whose supervision they all operatc" (ihid., 16 [). Wiggermann further notes that the composite emblem of lions and the Anztl is extremely fare outside Lagash: "It appears in the hand or Ningirsu on lhe stele of the vultures, on his chariot Oil the sallle mOIHUllCIl!, and on a siele fragmellt of Cudea" (ibid., [(0). See also idem, "Mischwesell. A.," 226. 41. St'e Watanabe, "Symbolism o((ile Lioni-hlllt," .322. In the past, however, this representation, which also occurs on Nco-Assyrian cylinder seals, was tbought \0 show the srru&.r;le hetweell Marcluk and Tiamat. Sec, for instance, I.abat, Fohul' /Jflby/oJlim, 3r,. 42. Sec especially Kvanvig, Roots o/Apocrli:yptic, J 74-5: "'( he Anzu-mrd concept is under discllssion hoth with respect to the COITeCt rendering and pronullciation of the word, the interpretation o( the depictions of rhe figure, and the understanding of the mythological ~peclilations associated with it. ... One oCthe prohlems concerning rhe interpretation oC the lioll-headed eagle is that although tht..'l"e are many indicadons that the beast was associated with the AIl'l.lI-hird, we cannot always presuppose stich an interpretation. And certainly it would he arbitrary \0 ilHerpret each representation of" dlt' beast ill an against the background or the myths abollt Anzu. Another problem is that IlO example of" the lion-headed cagle (with the traditional Sumerian features) is «-lund ill Assyrian an. '1 Ills is evellillore confusing since Allw-hirds are mentioned in several Assyrianlexts." Along thest' lines, see also E. A. Braun-Hol'l.ingt..'l", "Uiwenadler," RIA 7, 94-7, esp. 96. ()n the depiction of the lion-headed cagle in ancieIH Mesopotamian an, sec I. Fuhr-Jaeppclt, kffltcrirt/m zlIr Iko//ogmphh' tics Uil/J('I/adlt'l"s AIIZIIImdI/gud (Mlinchen, 1977.). 43. VII 165-17J; George, H(//~v/(Jtlill!l ('"i~~rlttll'sh hjlic, vol. I, 641-43. 44. VII 183~-6; ibid., 644-5· 45. "{'!III means literally 'young man' or just 'man'. Used ahout an ordinary human being it refers to the grown up man. '(he word can also he IIsed ahout kings and gods" (Kv
244
NOTES TO PAGES
NOTES TO PAGES 197-199
51. I 246-50: Ccorge, RfI/Jylonitlll Gilglll!lCJh Epic, vol. I, ') 52-3. 52. "A mighty companion will come to you, the saviour of (his) friend: I he is the mightiest in the land, he has strength, I his strength is as mighty as a lump of rock from the sky" (I 268-70; ibid., 554-5). 5). For an illustration, sec Hornung, Vallc), a/the Kings, 73. 54. Sec Hornung, Rook.• a/the I!/ier/ifi·, 73. In the Book a/Gatt's, such gate guardians also bear threatening names and attributes: "widl sharp fire," ''the unapproachable," "blood-sucker," "he whose eyes spew fire" (ibid., 72-3). 55. Ibid., 72. ')6. For an illustration of an Old Babylonian period depicting the twins, see Black and Green, Gods, Deli/OIlS ({ud .~Ylllb(}!J, 124. )7. Sec W. C. Lambert, "Lugal-irra and Mcslamta-ca," RLA 7, 143-5. In llU1qlti, (he pair is described as "guard-gods, who tear om the heart and compress lhe kidneys. '{his function belongs to gods who stand at the el1lrano: 10 the netherworld waiting to pounce on new arrivals to dismember them" (ibid., (4)). Astronomical texts also explain the constellation "Great Twins" as Lugal-irra and Meslamta-ea (ibid., (44). Meslamta-t.'nnat, as crowned slafL~ holding daggers: "Only here, at this most critical juncture, arc the Kings of Upper and Lower Egypt emphasized, along with the symbols their might: their scepters, crowns and uraei. 'Ihey arc here to he present at the resurrection o( the deceased pharaoh" (Hornung, Hooks (!I·the JljicrliP, .17). 61.. WrJ!k, ([fltl f)t~yJ, 1 [o-! s. 6 J. Sec Sladek, If/am/(( S /Jescl'll/, 04-5. (q. L1. 295-10,); J59-07; ihid., 05-6. os. Ibid., 66. 00. 167-'); George, Htt!~yl()tli{/ll C;i(l!,tlHm-/1 I:i,it, 542-.1. 07. 171-2., ibid. 08. 17)-7, ibid. 69. OB II 154-62, ibid., 178~9. In this respect, it is also noteworrhy (hal lhe SUIIIl'rillll King Ust ref(ers 10 Cilgamesh as the son ora lil!ll~delllon: "divine Cilgamcs / his bther (was) a lilltl demon I a high priest of" Kullah I reigned 126 years" ("Critical Edition of" tbe ·lext," col. iii 17-10, Jacohsen, SIIIIIt'titm King UJ"t, 8')). '{his passage combines Cilgamesh's divine nature with a "demonic" affiliation. Onc can also note lhat the hegetter of Gilgamesh is referred to as a "high priest." Jacobsen, af"ter R. Camphell, lllell(ions finn demons of rhe Iillil type, one of which, the idluMi "visits women and begets offspring by them, just as demigods arc created" (ihid., ')0-1). Jacoh.~e[J compares the statement that Cilgalllesh was tW(Hhirds god and ol\e~thinl mona!.
or
or
200~20
I
245
70. Even notions of immortality may have been deliberarely concealed in Mesopotamian literature. 'I here are cenain clues in the Epic ofCilgmnesh itself, known for its pessimism at the face of death, dIal arc quite suggestive regarding the "undying" nature of Gilgamesh, such as Utnapishtim's address 10 the hero: "Uta-napiSti spoke to him, to (Gilgamd:] / 'Why, Gilgames, do you constantly [chase I sorrow? / You, who are [built} from the Aesh of gods and men, / whom they (made I like your father and your mother!" (SBV X 266-9; George, Babylonilln GilgmneJh epic, 694-5). ·Ihen follows remarks regarding the futility of [oil at the inevitable face of death and the frailty of man in this regard. Nevertheless, Utnapishtim's address to Cilgamesh almost implies that the hero does not have much to worry about. "ll1Us olle who is forearmed by initiation and sacrifice Illay be called 'undying' (mnrtll) 'even though he has no hope of never dying at all,' a hope that he could not have, because 'no one becomes immortal in the Aesh '" (Coomaraswamy, Spiritwl/ Authority flJJd "lempoml POllia, 48, n. 35).
CONCLUSION TO PART II! I.
2.
See again Beaulieu, "New Light," 9R. For a discussion of this internal audience ofthe Nco-Assyrian palace reliefS, see Russell, "Bulls for the Palace," 536, citing Reade, "Ideology and Propaganda," 3.19.
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E2-DUB-BA-A,539-5 6. "1houglus on Esoteric Knowledge and Secret Lore." In ed. Prosecky, Intellectllld Life, 451"The King, the Emperor, and rhe Empire: Continuity and Discontinuity of Royal Representation in 'iext and Image." In eds. Sanna Am and R. M. Whiting, The Heino/Assyria, 99-125. Melammu Symposia I. Proceedings of the Opening Symposium of the Assyrian and B:lbylonian Intellectual Heritage Project held in Tvarminne, Finland, October 8- I I, 1998. Helsinki: 'The Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project, 2000. Widengren, Geo. 7he King and the Ti-ee of Life in Ancient Near Eastern Religion (King tlnd S(wiollr IV). Uppsala Universites Arsskrift 4. Uppsala: A.-B. Lundequistska Bokhandeln, 195 I. Wiggerman, E A. M. "T'iSpak, his seal, and the dragon Il1LlSbuSSll." in O. M. C. Haex et al., To the Euphrtltes tlnd Beyond: Archaeologlertl Studies in Honour ojMallrtls N. 1JtU/ l.oom. Rouerdam, Brookfield: A. A. Balkema, 1989. _ _ _ . "Nergal. B. Arch~iologisch." RlA 9, 22J-6.
___ . Mesopottlmiall Protective Spirits: the Ritual lexts. Cuneiform Monographs
I
Groningcn: Styx
and PP Publications, 1992. _ _ _ . "Mischwesen. A. Philologisch. Mesopotamien." RlA 8, 222-4· ____ . "Theologies, Priests, and Worship in Ancient Mesopotamia." CANE 3,1857-70. Wildung, Dietrich. Imhotep lind Amenhotep-Gotfwerdung im aiten Agypten. Mtinchen: Deutscher KUllsrverlag, 1977.
___. }.gyptian Saints: Deification in Pharaonic Egypt. New York: New York University Press, 1977· ___ , "Imhotep." LdA' 3, 145-S8. Wilkinson, Lise. Animals and Disetue: An Introduction to the' History o/Comptlriltive Medicine. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992.
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INDEX
Achacmenid Persian pcriod (550-331 BCE), 5 Adad-nirari II (9II-891 BeE), 15 Adad~nirari III (810-783 BCE), 39 afterlife, 191. See d/sO netherworld
Agni, 96-7. See (1/sO bmhma Amduat, 163, [90 Amcnemhat I, Lintel of: 115 Amcnemhat-Sobekhotcp, 115f analogy, in art, 13, 16, 19, 48-9, 62 common occurrence of: 66 rehltionship of overlap and, 56 usc of; 6) Anatolia, 14,)9 anatomy, xviii, 7,
/1,20).
Sl'e (1/sO animal
anatomy; hUlllan ana(Omy of bat tic, 40-2
natural affinity with,
!O
nature of, IS, 94-5 oll(ology of, 94-5 as pharmaceutical, 36 as tribute, 22-8 animal anatomy, xviii, 49, 203,
2111149.
See (/Iso
im/ividua/ animtl/s familiarity with, 3 human anatomy and, 3-'4, 56 rhetoric or, 85 anim,li lore, 76 animal protomes, 101-2, 107 animal skins inflated, 2(}--2 Iiminality and, 42-4 ritllaluse or, 43
of camel, 44"-5
animal slaughter, human massacre v., 66
of death, 15-18 decorum and, 7J
annihilation, danger of, anrediluvian kings, 198
ofhounJs,7 1
antediluvian lore, transmission
llluscubwre emphasis 01; 206n7
antcdiluvian sages, xviii, xix, 37, 98-9,144,
Allgirll, 184
of, 170
2101140
animal(.~), [, 3, 92, 203.
See Il/so intiillidlllll
(/lIim(//J
as custodians of counsel, idea
as analogous to deponees, 7 I a.~ artistic focus, J 2 as carricr, )6 chiastic placcmcIH of; 23 classification or, 81-2 congenial conraCi with, ) 2-H cruelty to, I I Egyptian view oC
19.1
10
gendcr and, 58-60 genii proximity to, 34 as homeopathic, )6 horned, 31f, 33f humans and, 7-S, 10, 51
of.
I 12
99'- I 00
anrediluvial1 uaditiol1, i(l7, 191'-2 ArlU, 8,164-5,189,193, /9H Anunnaki, 128, 183 AIlZli-bird, 195-6, 24jIl40' 2431142
ape, 23, 26,
2M
humanoid character o~~ 27
apkallll(s), xix, 37, 104f: 109C 150, 152, 168,200, 2101140, 2391142. See t/!Jo :tmcdiluviall sagcs; genii bird-headed, 98"-9, I S0, '72 capabilitics of: 148 evoking, 101 fish-cloaked, 150, 151 r, 153 f
INDEX
apkallu(s) (continued) function of, 161
human/human-headed, 4f, Hf. 99, 103f, lIof~ 129f, ISO king and, 170 knowledge held by, I s 7 Mischwesen v., 148 mythical and literary tradition of, 182 proto me on, I lof as purifiers, 141 supervisor of. 136 ummiinu(s) and, 155-6 upper body of, sf, 3 sf apotropaic representations, xx, 147, 150, 197 appropriateness, in art, 13 Apsll, 128, 136, 152, 154, 159-62, 164, 172, 182-}, r 8 5, 192 architectural output crealive process of, 5 overseers of, 157 architectural uaclitions, 53 Aristotle, 37 armband protomes, r03-'J., 106 art. See also hieratic art analob'Y in, 13,48-9 appropriateness in, 1} of Ashurbanipal. 7! as emblematic, 204 history in, 203 as intellectual ende:lvor, 4 male emphasis in, 30-2, 58 metaphysics of, 126 nudity in, 3 outward meaning v. inner essence, xvii overseers of, 157 proximity in, 12-1}
Assyrian archers, 78f Assyrian astrologists, 123 Assyrian chariot, sf Assyrian horsemen, 47f Assyrian imperialism, 14,70-1 Assyrian national god. Set' Ashur Assyrian scholarly disciplines, 155--7, 159 Assyrian supremacy, glorification of, 48 Assyrian values, 29~30 astral medallions, [26
Atlas, 183 Atm!JrlSis (Old Babylonian l~lood story), 68 attcndants, with horses, 57f attendants, with hounds, s6f rlwi/II (man), 68 Babylon, 70, [51 destruction oC 61, 180
creative process of~ 5 styles/subjects of: 3 artistic idioms, 116
kingship in, 90
Asakku, 184-6, [95f Ashur (Assyrian nation:d god), [13, 128, 1)2,
,80 (668--627 BCE), xviii-xix, 90, [69 on esoteric knowledge, 219n2o hounds of: 55, 71-6 library of: 7, 70 palace of: 71 Ashur-dan II (934-912 BCE), IS
Ashurnasirpalll (883-859 BCE), wiii-xx, I I, 7S[' 79f, 120, 142f ape-bearing tributary of, 26 in ceremonial activity, 98f hunting wild bulls, 1 sf libating over dead bull, 19f libating over dead lion, 19f lion hunting, I23f as Neo-Assyrian Empire founder, xviii, 14 Northwest Palace of, 1M, 21 f, S7f, 96 reign of: I ~ soldiers of~ 4M Standard Inscription ()t~ 67, 128 throne room of, 28-30 iisiplltll (exorcism), 156, 159 Assur, building program in, 61 Assyria Babylonia and, 18o growth of, xix, 14 natural border of, 14 rise of, 228n2
astrology, 123 rlS/itlf (medicinc and healing), 156
scholars and, 4, 157 of'Sennacherib, 61-'9 wriring and, 157 artist(s}, 6 lInimal focus of, 12
A~hurbanipal
INDEX
I I,
7 I,
throne oC }9 BabyloJlia Assyria and, 180 culturc of; 39 destrllction of: 61 Babylonian captive, 44f child and, 24 Babylonian poem of cosmogony. Sel' Em/Ina Flit Babylonian StollC klldlll'l'II, 18 I r IhchclOl, Luc, 88 bmuluddti (bucket), ')9, 159 Barnen, R.
n.,
36,4°,45
bani/II (divination),
I S6 Battle of Til Tuba, 77f battle scenes, 16 anatomy of, 40--2 with dead human bodies, 76
Bedouin, 44 captives, 45 f bent-axis temple plan, 120, 126 Berossos, IS7-8 Bi/games rwd Hllwawa (Sumerian poem), 36, 188-9 binary divisions, 91 van Binsbcrgen, Wim, 186-7 bipartite arrangement, 96, 98 of slabs in Room G, I 13 bird morphology, 98-9 bird-rtpkallu, 98-9, I So, 172 bird-headed genii, I42f
bit-!Jildui, S3 Black Obelisk allusion in, 26 ofShalmaneser Ill, IS, 25-6, 25f, 27f, 29f, 31f lribucaries on, 25-6 bodily exposurc, 3 bodily intimacy, 24 71J/' Hook o/G{lfeS, 163 booty of Lachisb, 64f' records of, 63f bovine fdine v., 69 as natUral victim, 93 nonking and, 93 prOlOl1le, 109, 113 bow, 113,2.211117 sword v., 104 as unchanging clement, J04 brrlhmrl, 96-7, 110, 138, IS 2, 168. See also Agni Brandes, M. A., 88, 114, 117, II,), 127 on terrcstrial v. celestial, 120 Breniquct, Catherine, 26 Bull of Heaven attack on, 1}4, 13 sf kiJ\jng of, 66 bulls, wild, 2O} depiction of, 17 hunting of, 15-17, I5f king v., 67-8 lib,ltions over, 19f as royal animal, 92 symbolism of, 69 winged/human-headed, I Sf burials, septenary, 99 Burken, Walter, 41-'2
camel(s) anatomy of, 44-S riding of, 44-5 capital city, move of; 15 captives, 24, 44f; 45f, So Carchemish, 20, 22-3, 52 carnivore domesticated,75 herbivore v., 66-9 caste system, 97 cattle, 21 4n 39 advancement of, 69f domestication and the castration of, 68 humans as analogous to, 46 cavalrymen,4 If celestial pattern, 120 terrestrial v., 128 Ccntral Palace, ofTiglath-Pileser II( at Nimrud, 39
chariot, sf, 22, 49f, 69,184 chirlSmos, I I 5 Chief Scribe, 151, 219n14 Christian Gnosticism, 168,204 Cifardli, Megan, 28-30, )2,46 classification system, for animals, 81-2 coming of age, 193 conquered states, 22 controlled demeanor, depiction of, 22 Coomaraswamy, Ananda K., 88,168, 226nI9, 226n2 3 on Indian theory ofgovcrtlmcnt, ,)6-7 on mixtrlpcrsoutl, 109-10
cosmic cycles, theory of, 152-3 eternal return and, 154 cosmogony, xix-xx, 144, IS4 cosmography, 162 COSl11olob'Y, 82, 147,203-4 duality in, 128 of Northwest Palace, [23 costume, 42 Courtyard D of Northwest Palace of Ashurnasirpall! at Nimrud, 22, 'l3f covert, oven v., 89 creation, 68 crown prince, 130, 2201\2, 220n4 identification of: 90-1 king and, ljff: 133, 139 liminalityof; 1)2 cuneiform writing, 86 cylinder-seal iconography, 1)4, 20snl Dalley, Stephanie, 137-8 Damascus, 22
death
analogy of, 16 anatomy ot: 15-18 imminence of, 45, 74 motif of, 16 decorum, in art, 13, 35-6, 8T, 92, 1OS031, lIOn},
amtomy and, 7J guidelines of: 7J placement and, 125-6 of protomcs, 105.-6, I I 3 system of, 102, (05-6 visual, 18, f02 deer,
INDEX
INDEX
27 0
He J sf
in liminal state, IO
fish, symbolism ot: 76
as man,
fish-apkallll, 1)0, 151f, 153f
11
flood, phenomenon of, 151, r 54
mourning for, 43
traditions and, 184
nature of: 136-7
Rora,209n22
netherworld vision of, 195
herbivore and, 78
regnum and, 134 sflardotillm and, 134
Foster, Benjamin, 8 [
as savior, [38 warnings of, 138 as zikrtl, 59 EnkilEa (god of wisdom and learning), 85,
II I,
128,
demons, with daggers, 197-8 deportation scene, 46, 48
Emlma ElH(Babylonian poem of cosmogony), 63,
Descent of /fItlllrialfsiJtar, r 5 5
7he Epic ofGi/garnesh, 7-9, 43, 66, 93, 111, 133, (88-9, 199, 227n49, Set' (i/S() Enkidu;
dignity, of adversary, 47
68,144,147-8,156,182,184-6,188
assault and capture of, 54f Hare, Tom, 59 headband, appearance of, 14-5, 133, 220n4 healing, goddess of, 75-6 Herades, 41,183,189 herbivore carnivore v., 66-9 flora and, 78
gazelle, with hunter, 51-3
rib cage visibility of; 73~5
gender, 21 5n23 genii, 51, 144. See a/so apkallu(s) anatomical exposure of, )6
Enlil, 186-7, 189, 193
Hamanu (EJamite city), 53
garments, of tributaries, 2)
animals and, 58-60
152,189,24onI9 symbol of, 136, 180-2
27 I
role of, 67 slaughter of, 66-7 herbivorous protomes, 108 heroic saga, 184
animal proximity with, 34
heterosexual anxieties, 58
animal-bearing, 33,92, 210n40
hieratic art, 88, 117
bird-headed, 142f categories 0[,32-3
spatial relationships in, 120 historical narrative, xx
Gilgamesh
as guardians, 37
Hittite state, 15
animals in, 8
liminality ot; 36
homeopathic, 36
divine, human and, IJ8, 170-1
central problem in, IO
in Room G, 98
horned dragon, t80
divine rule of deities, 187 divine symbols, 126
composition and compilation of; 156
theriophorous, 36
horse(s), 3, 54f
tljct/pillar, 162, r63c' r64f; 16Sf dogs. See hounds Dolce, Rita, 120 doorway guardian figures, G2e 71, 72(, '47,
immortality in, 245n70
genitalia, S8. See a/so phallus
m:lsculinity in, 59
van Gennep, Arthur, 47
disease, 40 aversion of: )6
I77 f dream experience, J 96 duality, in cosmology, 128
DU!11czil, Georges, 83,
E 10
Durand, Jean-Louis, 37 Dur-Sharrukill, 50-I, 6 J • See (liso Khofsahad
Early Dynastic period (ca. 2900-2334 BeE), ! 5 ekdu (fierce), 67-8 elephant,
2M
Enkidu's creation in, 8-10,
2J
3n23
wingless, 52f
attendants and, 57f grooms and, S5f
Erdkigal, 191, 193, 198
geometry, of Northwest Palace, 12)
horse leg, human leg v.. 53-8 horsemen,47 f
l'1:setu, 128
Gilg:lmesh, 59, 133, 16)-4, 193-4, 199, 2)5n41,
Horus (falcon),
Erm, Poem oj See Poem
()f Erm
Esarhaddon (680-669 BeE), 40, 48-9,193 death of; 70 Sn:laof; 90-1, 91f
1451170. St'e a/so Enkidu; 7ht' Epic (IGilglllflt'sh Bull of Heaven attack by, 134, l)5f dream of, 137, 197 Enkiduand, 10, 135, 1)8 iconography of, 139
I
1),143, 128n60
identity of, 140-1 purification by, 160-1 hounds, 217n18 anatomy of: 71 of Ashurbanipal, 55, 71-6
esoteric kingship, 127-8, 162 "sacred tree" and, 163
as liminal, 189
attendants with,
esoteric knowledge, 155-7, 219n20
as mixtrl persona, 135
as domesticated carnivore, 75 hunt scenes and, 73f
Etana, 191, 198
mourning by, 4)
eternal return, concept of, 154
naturc of; 244n69
t'!11I gitm,dll,
s6f
representations of, 76
huhris, 188
emblematic scenes, xx
eunuchs, 30, 5 I, 96, 171
qucst of, 93 rl'gflum and, 134
emblematic-hieratic lllode, in art, xix
evil, 'Ivcrsion of, 36
stl(erdotium and, IJ4
as analogous to animals, 46, 71
encoUllterscene, 1.11, 133, 138-9
exotcric kingship, 127-8, 16''/'
as savior, 138
enemy, porrrayal or: 6f
exrispicy, 37,66
warnings to, 1}8
animal contact with, ) 2-8, 5 I animal kinship with, 7-8, 10
1('1
gil'ttlblilu (scorpion man), 173C 174C
enemy prostration, 20f Enkidu,7, lJ3, lJ5, 188,,)'fl'lliw lheEI)ic(~r (/i~e:il})Jesh; Gilgamesh
Falkner, M., 40, 45
,S,
human(s}
decapitation of, 77-8 depiction of, 58
faunal representations, 8 [,1091121
gi'uwr, 191, 194 gnosis, xx, 116, 189, 192
Jivine and, 138, 170-1
animal rdariomhips of; 8 arrival of, 137
feet, overlapping of, 19-10
Gnosticism. St'e Christian Gnosticism
as intrusion, 7
Bull of Heaven artack by, 1,l4, 1351'
kline bovinc v., 69
goatskins, inflated, 20 Green, Anthony, 148
king :IS, 97 marginalization of: 28
creation of~ H-I 0, 2 I 31123 crime of: 188-9
dC:Hh of: 66, 93, [H9
family, lack of: 169
king and, 93 fertility, "sacred trec" and, 160
dream of; 197, 243n3S Gilgameshand, 10, 135, IJ8
fertilization, 159, [70
humanization of: 67
figural representation, 5 I
iconography of. [39
conceptual v. real, 94
interpretation of, 160
Ef,'Yptian view oC
iO
Groenewegen-FrankfclJ't, H. A., 3
nudity of, 77-8
grooms, horses and, S sf growth, [hemcs nf~ 169
onwlogical kinship of, 10
guardian figurcs. See doorway guardian figures
rivcr crossing by, 20-2
Gudea, 185, 187
sizes of~ 5 1
Gula (goddcss of healing), 75-6
spirintality decline in, 152
positioning/posturing of: 28, 88
27 2
INDEX
human anatomy, xviii,
21, 49,203 animal anatomy and, 3-4, 56 in battle scenes, 76 generic, )8 nudity and, 21
Paley on, 7
rhetoric of, 85 rib cage visibility and, 21,73-5 as taboo, 32 human body, virility of, 60
human leg, horse leg Y., 53-8
human-headed bull, sf human~headed quadrupeds,
l8f
human/hum:tn-headcd apka/III, 4[, 34r, 99, !OlE; I lOr, 129f~ 150
humanoid quadrupeds, 26 Humbaba, 134, 138
hunt scenes, '5-17, 15f, 51, 79f hounds and, nf sacrifice v., 5 1- 3 hunter, with gazelle, 52-3 hybrid figures, 27, 108-9, 188 in Slain Heroes, 185 hypervirility, 59
iconography, xvii, 85-6, 180-1, 20 I cylinder-seal, duality of~
J
I
J4
3 3-4
of the Epic O/Gi/gllltlesh, 139 of kudurrus, 182 of musculature,
10607
mythological and cmblcm;ltic vocabulary of, xix-xx
idcmity
idcology, of sovcreignty,
Kalhu, xviii. See also Nimrud, citadel of
kalpa, 152 kaltitu, 155-7 Kar Tukulti-Ninurta, 14 Karatepe, 52 Kassice Period (ca. 1595-1 J 57 BeE), 68 Katz, Dina, 191 Khotsabad, 50. See also Dur-Sharrukin abandonment of, 61 palace in, 51 king(s),92, 101, 114, 125, Il7, IF, 170, HOn)I, 123n6 antediluvian, 198 apkallus and, 170 bull v., 67-8 contributions of, )9 creation of, 168-9 crown prince and, I3If, IB, 139 feline and, 93 headband of, I) 3 as human, 97 ideal, 139, 166 immediate community around, 32 as incarnation of gods, 228n63 Livingstone on, 168 with military paraphernalia, 94 nudity and, ) 5-6 Palcyon, 139 priest and, 91, 97, 226n2] ritual burial of: 61 ritual purity of, 161 roles of: 124, 168,201 "sacrcd trce" and, 125-9 assagc, '58, 167 as superhuman, 169-7 I
costume and, 42 sexuality and, )0
as union of regnum ;md thc sacerdotium, 96 10, 194
273
INDEX
mtl itt (rfLlth, jusdce, and order), 140, 161, 186
knowledge, 82 of tlpkalllls, I 57 concealment of, 154-5
Magen, Ursula, 85
esoteric, 1)5-7,1191120
magical theories, 36
on purificacion, 159-60
Kolbe, Dieter, 148, 238n14
mahdYlIga, 151
kptra, 96-7,
male sex, emphasis on, 30~2, 58
IlO,
168
kudllrru(s), J 8 I f
male-centered discourse, 32
iconography of: 181 klliullti(merman), 172, 174, 182, 188,100
mdliku amelll, 167-8 Mallowan, Max, 36
kusllrikku (upright bull-man), 174, 182
In,
man, nature and ontology of, 167
li/iHII drum, 86,147-"8
manvantiira, I 52 Marcus, Michelle, 32, 58 Marduk, 133, 154, r64-5, 182, 2061115 hubris of: 188 power of, 139n39 resignation of, 136 rise of: 172 Marduk-apla-iddina II, 50 margin, of van Gennep, 47-8 masculinity, 32, 57-8 in the Epic ofGilgllltlt'Sh, 59 nature of; 59 lfl(tft;ultuppJi (scapegoat), 36 massacres, of Lachish, 63-5 animal slaughter v., 66 Mayer, Werner, R., [68 ME, namtar v., [86
liminality, state oC 13,22
mellwlmlt, [93, 196
animal skins and, 42~4
Mcs!amckea, 197-8 Mcsopota!11i:L
Kvanvig, Hdge, 150,
170, 190-2, 196-7
Lachish,6Sf booty of; 64f
fall of: 64 mas.~acrcs oC 63-6
!abmll, 172, 174-5, 177t: J 80, 181 /llm(/ssu, 175-6, 188 lamentation priest, institution of: 155 Land of Assur,
22
Late Bronze Age, 14--15 l.ayard, Austen Henry, 40 Iib;uion, prostration and, 18-20 libation scenes, 19, 19f: 90 visual analysis of: 9 ]-4 Library of Ashur bani pal, 7, 70
of crown prince, 132 of genii, 36
Assyrian presence in, 14
of Gilgame,~h, 189
iconography of: xvii
theory or, 47, 48 of tributary, 28·-.1 2
religion of, 86 traditions of; 12
lion(s), 75t: 17SC 20.1 comb:tt with, 59f
mesu-tree, 164-5 metaphor, 12
ofUruk, 153
as domain of king, 93
vassal, 70
huntingoC 16C 17-18,71,741: 12·3f: 1.l3
honoring of: 41
virility of: 68
libations over, 191'
metaphysics, of art, 126
nctherworld descent of: 199
wisdom of; 192
Illllsicians and, 57r
Middle Assyrian period (ca. 1350-1000 BeE), xix,
protome, 'nf; 105, 108C 113-J4 as royal animal, 91
Middle Babylonian period (1595-1 I 57 BeE), 68
skin of; 43
military camp, 42C 65
as symbol, 143n40
military campaigns, 39 MisciJWl'Sl'lI (mixed being), xix, 33, 62, 147, 17H,
I
Inllnna/lshtar(goddcss), 34, 129, 132
Indian theory, of government, 96-7 Indra (kFura), 96-7, I 10, 16H inidation, connotations of; 185 imel[ectual endeavor, Mt as, 4 ill[ellecmal tradition, 12
king side intcrprc(;nion ot~ 91 nonking side v., 9 I Kingdom of the Mitanni
(C\. I SOO~\ 3
50 BeE),
'4
winged/human-headcd, 171'
yoke as, 46-7 meta physicality, 11, t 44
'4
imernal viscera, examination oC 37
King-Man, 167-71
lion skin figures, 213n20
intimacy, 14 Isaac, Erich, 68
kingship
literacy, 70
(lpktlllllJ v., 14H
liver, 37 Livingstone, Alasdair, 62-3, 86
dcmonic appearance of~ 200
Ishtar. See Inanna/lshtar
dual naturc of: 126~7, 139, 14),20) exoteric and esoteric, 127-8, 161
hin Dynasty (ca. 1017-1793 BeE), 153
metaphysics oC 144, 226n19
iSsakku sangtl (SANCA), 131
theology of, I 24 Kingsley, Pcter, 190
on kings, 168
204,2391l42
as guardians, 37 mythical and literary tradition of: I!h
L/lgld-I" 86, 184-5
nature of: 185 survey of; xx
Jehu, submission of; Jof
Kingu (dead god), 63
Lugal-irr;\, 197-8 IlIlbi, 10,68, 1.14, 136, (39, 167
judgment, conccprion of; 161
kinship, of animals and humans, 7
lustration ritual, 161
ofTiamat, 172 Mitra, 97. 109-10
INDEX
274 mixed being. See A1ischwesen, figures of
Ninurra, 86,
mixta persona Coomaraswamy on, I09~IO
193-4,19,f Ninurta Temple, 20, 194, 195f
I l I,
l28, 133, 136, 184-6, 188-9,
Gilgamesh as, 135
overseers, of art and architecture, 157
armband, 104, 106
overt, coven v., 89
bovine, 109, I I 3 decorum in, 105-6, IIJ
ox/oxen, 66, 80, 2l4n39
inscription in, 40, 67 Ninurta/Ningirsu, 19,f
expressions of; 138-9
inferiority of, 68-9
placement of, ram, 113
chariot of, 184 exploits of, 188
symbolism of, 48, 69 temperament of, 68
moral inferiority, 68-9
presentation of, 186
use of, 213n3l
morphology, of birds in relief, 98-9 mummery, 42, 43f musculature, emphasis on,
slaying by, I 8 5
20607
musicians, lions and, 57f
nanking side bovine and, 93 interpretation of,
91-2
mystical-mythological tradition, 86, 144
king side v., 91 North Palace, Nineveh, 53-6, 54f, S7[ 59f, 71, 72(,
NabCI,
73(, 74f, 7Sf, 79f, 80, 132, [75-6, 179f, 180 Northwest Palace, of Ashurn;lsirpal H at Nimrud,
III,
1)3-4, 180
Nagy, Gregory,
140
1M, 21 f, 87f, 96. See also indilJidurtl rooms
namtar, ME v., 186 narrative representation, 87 naturalism, 45 negative rhetoric, of ncthclworld, 199-200
cosmoloh'Y of, I 23 geomctry ot; 123
Neo-Assyrian an. See art
as model o( cosmos, [23-4 notational system, of protome placement,
Nco-Assyrian deportation, 48 Neo-Assyrian Empire (883-6 I 2 BeE), xvii-xviii, 14 Neo-Assyrian iconography. See iconography
nudity in an, J human anatomy and, 2 I
Neo-Assyrian imperialism,
22
king and, .1 ~~6 the other and, 40
Neo~Hittite
ofsoldicrs, 22
states, 52
Nergal (god of the nctherworld ,ll1d of war and plague), 42, 191 epiphany of, 193 servants of, 197-H speech of, 192 netherworld, 164, 190, 19H, 224n9, 2J5nJ4. St'etl/sO afterlife
I
26~7
of humans in relief, 77-8
Nco-Assyrian scheme, of duality/union, 116
Nco-Assyrian representational systems, 8 [
nllmen, 36
palace reliefs, J Paley, Samuel M" 221nIJ, 221nl4 on crown prince identification,
90 - 1 on human anatomy, 7 on king identity, 139 Parker-Mallowan, Barbara, 36 Parpola, Sima, 94, 148-9 onChicfScribe, lSI on scholars, 156 Perscpolis, artistic program at, 5 perspective, in art, 5 I. See (l/sO vimal hierarchy phallus, 56, See IIbo genitalia physical intimacy, 24 placement of arm hands, 10) decorum and, 125~6 meaning of; 102 of protomes, 126-7 Plato'S essentials of good government,
"0
norion of, 48 vimal denotation oC 42
Pot'rllo/Erm, 1.16, 148, 153-4, '59, [64-5, 198
poet, ;\s V('ssel, 156 Oannes, morphology
of, 188
political-propagandistic rhetoric, 88--9
Old Assyrian period (C'l. [92.0~1740 BeE), 14
politics, 39
Old Bahylonian Flood story, 6H
pollination, 159 Porada, Edith, 24
Old Babylonian period ([894-[595 BeE), ,80
Enkidu in, 195 function of; 1,5
omens, 21 !n45 ontological kinship, of man/anill\,t1, xviii, [ 0
pml"yll, ! 52
guardians oC 182
ontology, 82
priesL Sl'e Ilbo san-priests 94~S
of animals,
negative rhetoric of: 199-200
of man, 167
residents of, 194-5, 199 visions of, 195-6 netherworld semantics, 128 knowledge transmission and, 1,5 Nimrud, citadel of; xviii, xx, 15, 28, 39, 4ft; 88, See
G, of Nonhwest Palace of Ashurnasirpal ((
IIbo Room
Nineveh, 61, 67f, 70, '--12, 175 fall of: 70 rdiefs at, 6 I
26-7
waistband, 105-6, I26-7 proximity, in art, 12-1 3
costume and, 42
purification rituals, 85, 159, See also ritual purification of Horus and Thoth, 160-1 interpretation of, 160-1 Magen on, 159-60 de Pury, AJbeft, 7-8, 10 Pymmid Texts, 161, 190 Pythagoras, 10-1 I , 207n24 quadrupeds, human-headed, 28f fam proto me,
3
I I
Ramcsses II coronation of, 143f purification of, 142f Re (sun god) descent of; 163 Osiris' union with, 16.1 rebellion, 185-6 recession,
14~1
5
I'egflllln (royal), xix, 88, [2R, 139
duality ot; 95 Enkidu and, 1]4 Gilgamesh and,
1]4
king and, 96 s(fcl'rdotium and, 93, 114
relief program, of king,
capacity of; 194 complexity of; 190-1
[nanna in, 199 luminescence and, 242n27
I
pulubtu, 193-4, 196
symbol of, 243n40 non-Assyrian figures, poslUres/geswres of, 29-JO
muf{J/dfu, 105, [72, '74, 177, r80, llh, 200
herbivorous, 108
respect for, 68-9
royal figure as, I 36 model initiate, 183
mlilli/ll (purifier), 159
275
INDEX
Po ncr, Barbara Ncvling, 159 postdiluvian world, 165
king and, 92, 97, 226n23 training f;)f, 156
audience
oC
f
>02
narrative of, J 7' semantics of; 201, 2o.j religion, war and, 40- [ rhinoceros, 26
rib cage visibility, 2 I, 73-5 R~f!;Ved(/, 138
oral knowledge, 82 order, conception 01; 161
primordial cosmos, 200
rite of passage, 47, 200
PrOlnetheus, 183, 186, 189
organic matter, 76
proportion, importance of; 7
ritual, [47-8 ritual basin, 15 3f
Oman, Tallay, 178
prostration of enemies, 20t'
Re's union with, 163 the other, nudity and, 40 overlap, 204 ofhucketS,101 relationship of analogy and, 56
libation and, l8-20 scenes
oC
I
3I
prorome(s), 102-3, 103f, 105C 107f
ritual purillcHion, 160. See {ilm purification rituals of king, 161 rim',tl slaughter, 40-I, 74, 2101140 rimal transformation, 148 river crossing, 20-2, 208n 12
77f
animal, 101"-2, 107
River Vial,
on flpk"IIu,
Roaf, Michael, 148
1 [ of
74-5
grammar of the composition of,
primeval eveIHS, repetition of; 86
Osiris, [41 t; ,62
I [, !
24
Room B, of Nonhwesr Palace of Ashurnasirpal II, sf, 1M; T02, 107, 129f, lO8nl2 as nuclear space, I ! 8 panel 23 in, 127f pands 2-12 in, 124f "sacred uee" in, 122f Room C, of Northwest Palace of Ashurnasirpalll, 120-1 panels 6-8 in, 11 6f Room F, of Norrhwest Palace of AshurnasirpalII, 14 2[,144 panels 5-17 in, 121f Room G, of Northwest Palace of Ashurnasirpal II, 96, 106, 109f bipartite division of slabs in, 113 characterization of, 102 composition of: 98, I I 3, 126, 141-2 genii in, 98 hieratic language of, I I 7 king images in, 97,125 as nuclear space, I I 8 panel 2 detail in, 100f pand 4 of, 103f panel 6, 104 panels 2-3 in, 99f panels 5-16, 10M panels 7-20 in, lOof Room H v., 109 spatial configuration or: 120 Rooill H, of Northwest Palace of Ashurn:lsirpalll, 121 hieratic language of, 1J 7 panels 18-)3 in, 1I8f panels H 1-18 in, I I I f Room C V., 109 sacerdotal emphasis of, 117 "18 Roolll l., of Nortllwest Palace ()f Ashurnasirpal II, 119,144 panels 1-17 in, JI91' Room N, of Northwest Palace of'AshurnasirpallI,
'" panels 4-7 in, I 171' Room S, or Northwest ])alace of As hurna sir pal II, 12.0-2 panels 2"-5 in, 122f Roo!1\ '1', or Northwest Palace of Ashlirnasirpalll, composition of: 122 rme((e, as symbol, 14 royal animals, 92 royal chariot, 22, 69 royal entourage, 91 royal figure, as mixl({ perJ()fI(/, 136 royal hunl ritualsoC 18-19 symbolism oC 68
royal ideology, 194 royal parasol, 94 royal person, creation of, 168-9 royailinity, philosophy of, I}O royalty, understanding o~~ 88 rubii'um (princehood), 132-3 Russell, John, 36
s((cerdOfilim (priestly), xix, 88, 110, 128, 139 duality of, 95 Enkidu and, 134 Gilgamesh and, 134 king and, 96 precedence of, 97 regnum and, 93, 114 in Room H, 117-18 sacred language, 88 sacred power, 48 "sacred tree," 35, 78, 85, 99, 235f130 composition or, 129 esoteric kingship and, r63 fertility and, [60 king and, 125-9 meaning ot~ 165-6 repetitions or, 144 in Room B, 107, I l l f in Room C, 106 sacrifice,210n34 hunt v., 51-3 sage, king as, 158, I ('7. See ,"so antediluvian sages Sam'al (Zindrli), 22 Samaria, 22 i({nlli, 128 SANCA. See issakku bngLI iar kiln'at (lr/;(( 1m (King of the Four Quarters), 123 Sargol1 II (721-705 BeE), xviii, II, 50-6, 174 death of, 61 palace of: 5) f Sargon legend, J fi9 Sargonids, xix, 178 SBV. SrI'Standard Babylonian Version scapegoat, 36 scholars, 4, 156-7 scorpion man, In£: 174f: 243nB scribe(s), 158, 231n45 education of: 156 engraver v., 23 :W5 5 secret lore, 86 sed festiv:11, I 15, I I 51' semantics of netherworld, 128, 155 of relief programs, 20 I, 203 semi-divine beings, 32 semiorics,143-4
277
INDEX
INDEX
sern-prieStS,2131122 Sennacherib (704-681 BCE), xviii, xix, 67f, 79 f enthronement of, 64f murder of, 70 reign of, 181f Soutbwest Palace at Nineveh, 24 septenary hurials, 99 Seth. See 'Inoth and Seth seven counselors, I I I seven mllllltdki, 1 I I
II,
61-9,
seven sages, ! 77 sexuality, identity and, 30 Shakkan, 191, 198 Shalmaneser III (858-824 BCE), 39 Black Obelisk of; 18, 25-6, 25f: 27f, 29f,
l' r Shalmaneser V (726-722 BCE), 50 Shamash (sun-god), 123, 129 Shamash-shum-ukin, 70, 90 Shamshi-adad V (823-81 I BCE), 39 sibitti (seven deities), 177, 179f, 197-8 Siege of Lachish, 64f, 65f siege scene, 40 Sill OIS(ITgo/l, 6 I Sippar, 154-5 Slain Heroes, 184, 187 hybrid beings ot; J 8 5 slaughter, ritual, 40-1, 74 slaves, 32. Sloping Passage LI, 55 soldiers, M; 214112 of Ashurnasirpal II, 4M nudity of; I I river crossing of; lOf trophy heads of; 62 Southwest i\llace, Nimrud, 40, 4 [r, 47-9, 49 f Somhwesr Palace, Nineveh, 7, 8f; 24, 40, 4.1, 44f, 55,61"-4, 64f; 65C 67f, 69f, 76, 771", 79 f; 80, 1So, 175, 177C 178f sovereignty, 8,1 sow,9 f space, function of, 119-20 staff: connotations of; 121-2 Standard Babylonian Version (SHV), 7, 43 Standard of Ur, 16 Steh of Eannatum, 93 Steb of the Vultures, 93 Stela of Ur-Namma, 93 submission, scenes oC 29f SlI!J/i/,mrifll, 136, 180, 188 7711' Sumerian King List, 1 S3 lllmmtl izbll (omen series), 75
sword bow v., 104 pommels of, lOS presence and absence of,
I
14
as sign of military, 1 I 3 symmetrical design, 125 tablet of destinies, 186, 240n23 terrestrial pattern, 120, 127-8 celestial v., 128 Teumman (Elamite king), decapitation of, 76 thematic dominance, 12 theocracy, 123 theological revolution, 61 theology, of kingship, 124 Thoth and Seth (moon god), 115, 140-1, 141f, 143, 198,2281159 purification by, 160-1 throne room, of Northwest Palace of Ashurnasirpalll, 120, 125, 129-}0 Winter OIl, [60 Tlamat (female monster), 63,188,200 army of, 172 creatures of, 176, 182, 18S, 2.17n8 Mischwesen of, 172 Tigl:uh-Pileser I (1114-W76 BCE), 14 Tigbth-Pileser III (745-727 BCE), xviii, 1 t, 40-9 art of, 5 I chariot oC 49f palace of, 39 reign of, 22 time. See world era succession Titans, of Creek mytholob'Y' 183, 186, 188 transitional events, significance of, 22. transubstantiation, 148 tree, sacred. See "sacred tree" tree slaughters, 66 tribuwryltributaries, 3 If; 32 on Black ObeliskofShalmancser III, 2S-6 garments of; 23 with gifts, 23f horned animals and, nf liminality of, 28-.12 marginality of, 28 in procession, 22-3 tribute animal as, 22-8 bearers of; 22 Titkulti-Ninurt(/ Epic, 14 Tukuld-Ninuna I (1243-1207 BCE), 14 T'ukulti-Ninuna II (890-884 BCE), 15 fllpia/'/'11111 (astrology), 156
furtanll,
90-1
turtle, 1.16
INDEX
ugal/II, 62f, 150, 175-6, I78f, 179f, 195
appearance of, 177-8 IImmliflll(s), 1}3, 150-1, 154, 1)7, 159, 164, 168, 170
dpkdllus and, 155-6 Underworld Vision ojan Asryrilfll Prince, (55, 185, 190- 2,194-7 unification, schemes of; r 40 Ur III period (ca. 21 U-2004 BeE), lJ2 Urartian, 48 Uranu, kingdom of, 50 llridimmu (upright lion-humanoid), 172, 176, 182
IImltlblulltl, 175-6, 179 ur-sag, 184 Uruk,I}2 kings of, 153 Utnapishtim, 152-3, 182, 183 location of, 227n50 Utu (sun-god), .16 utukkll kmnu, 194 Varuna, 97, I09-1O vassal kings, 70 vassal states, 22 virility. See also hypervirility of human anatomy, 60 of king, 68 pcrspectivc of; 58 virtual proximity, 21 viscera, examinatinn of; 37 visual decorum, 18, 102 visual discourse, xx, II visual formulas, 24, 140
visual hierarchy, 52. See also perspective visual language, 7, 85, 90,140 nature of, 89 visual narrative, 87-8 WiiAer, M., 23 waistband procomes, 105-6 positioning of: 126-7 wac
prisoners of, 28, I} I as religious activity, 40-1 water skins, 43, 80
We-illl,68 whip, 21 3 n21 whisk-bearer, 92 Wiggermann, F. A. M., 148, 186-7 on scorpion man, 243n}3 winged disk, 85, 99, 123, I26-8, u8f, 130, 162, 166, 182 Winter, Irene, 160 wisdom Iitcrature, 155-6 world em succcssion, 152, 186 Gilgamcsh and, 1,- 3-4 writing, art and, 157 yoke, as metaphor, 46-7 "Yoke of As sur," 22
yugtt{age),15 2
zikllru (man/male), 59 zikllru qardu (heroic man/male), 59 zikru (command, inherently masculine), 8, 59 zone of occuirarion, 164, I H3
