The Second Part of King Henry VI: The Cambridge Dover Wilson Shakespeare (Cambridge Library Collection - Literary Studies)

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The Second Part of King Henry VI The Cambridge Dover Wilson Shakespeare Volume 12 William Shakespeare E di ted by John D over Wilson

C A m B R I D g E U N I V E R SI T y P R E S S Cambridge New york melbourne madrid Cape Town Singapore São Paolo Delhi Published in the United States of America by Cambridge University Press, New york www.cambridge.org Information on this title: www.cambridge.org/9781108005845 © in this compilation Cambridge University Press 2009 This edition first published 1952 This digitally printed version 2009 ISBN 978-1-108-00584-5 This book reproduces the text of the original edition. The content and language reflect the beliefs, practices and terminology of their time, and have not been updated.

THE WORKS OF SHAKESPEARE EDITED FOR THE SYNDICS OF THE CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS BY JOHN DOVER WILSON

II KING HENRY VI

THE SECOND PART OF

KING HENRY VI

CAMBRIDGE AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS

CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS Cambridge, New York, Melbourne, Madrid, Cape Town, Singapore, Sao Paulo, Delhi Cambridge University Press The Edinburgh Building, Cambridge CB2 8RU, UK Published in the United States of America by Cambridge University Press, New York www.cambridge.org Information on this title: www.cambridge.org/9780521094795 © Cambridge University Press 1952, 2008 This publication is in copyright. Subject to statutory exception and to the provisions of relevant collective licensing agreements, no reproduction of any part may take place without the written permission of Cambridge University Press. First published 1952 Reprinted 1965 First paperback edition 1968 Re-issued in this digitally printed version 2009 A catalogue record for this publication is available from the British Library ISBN 978-0-521-07536-7 hardback ISBN 978-0-521-09479-5 paperback

CONTENTS INTRODUCTION TO HENRY VI, PARTS II AND HI

I. THEATRICAL ORIGINS

PAGEVH

n . LITERARY ORIGINS (a) Back to Malone

xiv

(i) The hand of Shakespeare

xix

(c) The four candidates

xxv

(d) The hand of Greene

xxviii

(e) Nashe and the Jack Cade scenes

xxxvii

(/) Dramatic inconsistencies (a) Classical learning in HENRY VI

TO THE READER THE SECOND PART OF KING HENRY VI

xliv 1

liv i

NOTES

116

GLOSSARY

204

See Part III, p. xxxix, for the Stage-History, and p. 117 for the Note on the Copy.

INTRODUCTION T O HENRY

VIy P A R T S I I A N D I I I

I. THEATRICAL ORIGINS

In the Introduction to 1 Henry VII attempted to prove, what has long been suspected, that that play was first performed several months or more after the production of its historical sequel.1 It follows that the Second and Third Parts of Henry VI, as they are called in the Folio of 1623, which furnished the earliest authentic texts of all three plays, must originally have passed under other names. What these names were may be gathered from the title-pages of two editions, published in 1594 and 1595, almost a generation before Jaggard printed the folio versions. They are 'bad' texts, that is to say they represent what Professor Alexander* has shown to be memorial reconstructions of the genuine plays, almost certainly set down by members of a company which had performed the latter. But since such 'pirates' would be anxious to pass their fakes off as the real article we can feel confident that they made use of the names already familiar to the theatre-going public. Here then are the titlepages, which I fancy may have been taken directly from the playbills exhibited in the streets of London $ T H E I Firft part of the Con- | tention betwixt the two famous Houfes of Yorke | and Lancafter, with the death of 1 3

See Introduction to 1 Henry VI, pp. xi-xiii.

P . Alexander, Shakespeare's 'Henry VV and 'Richard IIP, 1929. 3 The 1595 title, for instance, with its odd reference to 'the whole contention' might have been taken from a bill advertising performances of both parts together, and

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the good | Duke Humphrey: | And the banifiiment and death of the Duke of | Suffolh, and the Tragicall end of the proud Cardinall | of Winchejier, with the notable Rebellion | of Iacke Cade: | And the Duke of Torhs firft claime vnto the | Crowne. | [device] | LONDON | Printed by Thomas Creed for Thomas Millington, | and are to be fold at his fhop vnder Saint Peters J Church in Cornwall. | 1594. The true Tragedie of Richard | Duke ofTorke, and the death of | good King Henrie the Sixt, | 'with the txhole contention bettveene | the two Houfes Lancafter | and Yorke, as it was fundrie times | acted by the Right Honoura- | ble the Earle of Pern- | brooke his fervants. | [device] | Printed at London by P. S. for Thomas Milling- | ton, and are to befoldat hisfhotye
Our Second" and Third Parts of Henry VI were, therefore, once called the First and Second Parts of the Contention. But three or four years lie between their first productions and the publications which, give us this information. Shortly before his death on 3 September 1592, Robert Greene alluded in print to a line from S Henry VI in his well-known attack upon Shakespeare discussed below. Thus a Shakespearian 2 and 3 Henry VI were in existence at that date; and, inasmuch as all the London theatres had been closed since 22 June, they must actually have been seen on the stage before midsummer. Indeed, one can be even more definite. Greene does not quote the line, he adapts or parodies it; nor does he mention Henry VI01 give any indication where the line comes from. In other words, the allusion would have been quite unintelligible except to readers emphasizing as attractive novelties to members of the public who had so far seen the first part only, the two chief 'tragical' scenes of its successor. But if this supposition be correct, the bill must date from the spring of

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who had the play fresh in memory. While 5 Henry VI must then have been acted before 23 June, frequent performances of it were in all probability being seen not long before that. In short we may surmise that it was originally produced early in 15 9 2, if not towards the end of 1591, and that it had figured prominently in some company's repertory during the spring. And though, no doubt, once 2 Contention appeared on the stage, I Contention was played along with it, the production of this earlier part probably dates from some time in the first half of 1591. These deductions are, moreover, strengthened and supplemented by what we know for certain of the circumstances attending the production of 1 Henry VI. This, the last written of the three, was, we are informed by Henslowe's Diary, given its first performance at his theatre, the Rose, on 3 March 1592, a date which fits in very well with the. dates just proposed for the other two. On the other hand, while Henslowe records fourteen performances of 1 Henry VI at the Rose between 19 February and 22 June, the other two Henry VI plays find no mention at all in the Diary, although this is the very period, as we have just inferred from Greene's allusion, when Londoners must have been flocking to see them. And even if we set that inference aside and allow ourselves to imagine all three Parts in the possession of the company at the Rose, can we conceive of them excluding Parts II and III from their repertory when they were making large profits out of Part I? Clearly, while they played 1 Henry VI another company was playing 2 and 3 Henry VI at another theatre. As a matter of fact we know the names of both companies. For Henslowe, once again, tells us his was the Lord Strange's men, led by Edward Alleyn, a Lord Admiral's man, while the title-page of the 1595 text claims the Earl of Pembroke's servants as the former

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I I AND I I I HENRY VI

possessors of The Whole Contention which includes, I take it, both plays. Yet this does not carry us far, since unfortunately we know very little about the Pembroke company. In the summer of 1592 a plague of quite unusual severity set in and continued to rage during most of 1593. All the London theatres, originally closed on 23 June on account of some disorder, remained in consequence closed for sixteen months, though a brief season of some five weeks was allowed round about January. Thus the companies, forced to travel, were often reduced to extreme shifts, while changes in personnel, disintegration and reshaping were frequent. The year 1594, indeed, which saw the formation of the Lord Chamberlain's men with Shakespeare, Richard Burbage and Kempe as their leaders, was virtually a fresh starting-point for the acting profession. Little wonder then that the stagehistory of this period is difficult to follow. Of the Pembroke men in particular nothing is recorded before the period begins, and only three facts while it lasts: that they were playing at Leicester late in 1592, that they gave two plays at Court during the following Christmas festivities, and that in August 1593 they returned from another tour in a bankrupt condition. This catastrophe, no doubt, explains the appearance of their name on the title-pages of four plays published soon afterwards: two good texts, Titus Andronicus and Marlowe's Edward II, and two bad ones, the 2 Contention of 1595 and The Taming of a Shrezo. Beyond these meagre details and a few later references, which suggest that the company may have survived the crisis of 1593, we have one important inference, drawn by scholars from the names ofactors who can be traced as Pembroke men, namely that the company was related to two other companies, Strange's and the Admiral's, those in fact which, were, as it seems, playing together at the Rose.

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The problem this raises as regards Henry F/has not, I think, been squarely faced hitherto. Sir Edward Chambers, for example, while admitting as a 'tenable theory' that Part I 'was put together in 1592, to exploit an earlier theme which had been successful' in Parts II and III, 1 propounds another and I think inconsistent theory, which still holds the field, to account for the origin of the Pembroke men.* They were, he conjectures, a section of a combination of the Strange's and Admiral's companies just mentioned, which split off for touring purposes in the summer or autumn of 1592, since the double company would be far too large for the provinces, where only troupes strictly limited in size could hope to subsist. One objection to the theory is that the formation of a fresh company was unnecessary, since it was always open to the combination to divide into its original parts, one using the Admiral's and the other the Lord Strange's licence, and that this in point of fact is what actually took place, as Sir Edmund elsewhere shows.3 On the other hand, the date he proposes for the formation of the Pembroke company cannot possibly be fitted in with those we have worked out for the early performances of 2 and 3 Henry VI, inasmuch as it would involve the absurdity of supposing plays produced before 3 March by a company which did not come into existence until some six months later. Yet by going back 1 William Shakespeare, i. 292-3. * Chambers's hypothesis and the details about the Pembroke men may be found in, his Elizabethan Stage, ii. 128-31, while for the facts of the amalgamation between Strange's and the Admiral's see ibid. ii. 119-26. 3 I owe this point to Sir Walter Greg, who has been good enough to read through this section and give me the benefit of his criticism, without necessarily subscribing to my conclusions.

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a little we may find a way round these difficulties. The alliance between the Strange's and Admiral's men was no new thing in 1592. Its story begins towards the end of 1590 or before, when Alleyn, the chief tragedian of the day was probably principal player in the Admiral's company, and Will Kempe, the chief comedian of the day, may already have become a player in Strange's company, though this is less certain. The purpose of the merger was, one may surmise, to dominate the London stage by beating all rivals out of the field. Anyhow, the scheme probably involved the possession of two theatres, since the combine engaged the Theatre in Shoreditch, built and owned by James Burbage, and Chambers is almost certainly right in his conjecture that with the Theatre went its 'easer' the Curtain, also controlled by Burbage. The scheme lasted, however, little over twelve months, for in May 1591 a violent quarrel broke out between Alleyn and the Burbages,1 with the result that Alleyn went off to the opposition playhouse, the Rose on Bankside, built and owned by Philip Henslowe, with whom he entered into close association, marrying his stepdaughter and heiress in October 1592. And there his company continued to act down to the end of the century. It was this quarrel in May 1591 and not the plague sixteen months later which led, I suggest, to the formation of Pembroke's men. That Alleyn induced all the players in the double company to cross the Thames with him seems unlikely. Chambers himself admits that Richard Burbage, who had been a member of it, almost certainly remained behind.* Moreover, Alleyn took out a licence from the Privy Council in January 1593 to help him with local authorities while on tour, and this licence names six sharers belonging to the 1 a

Elizabethan Stage, ii. 392, 394. Ibid. ii. 125, 307.

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company at the Rose including Kempe and four other Strange's men, but of the Admiral's one only, Alleyn himself.1 Where were the rest of the Admiral's? Had Alleyn monopolized all the shares in his own person? Or were the other sharers left at the Theatre? The Burbages were not men to be put down easily.2 Is it not possible, even probable, that Richard, at this date about 24 years old and already, no doubt, aspiring to Alleyn's crown, persuaded a number of players to stay with him? If so, it would be necessary for him to find a fresh patron. For, as the records make clear, Alleyn had carried off the warrants both of Lord Strange and the Admiral.3 I suggest that the second earl of Pembroke consented to lend his name and badge to the newly formed company, and that this was perhaps the beginning of a friendship between Burbage and. the family at Wilton which lasted until the third earl was mourning 'the loss of his old acquaintance' in 1619,* and is perhaps still reflected in the dedication of the Shakespeare Folio in 1623 to the 'incomparable pair of brethren*. Guesswork, of course, but then so is the explanation given by Sir Edmund Chambers, and I think this guess covers more of the facts and possibilities. In particular it offers a plausible solution of the problem before us. For Shakespeare's 2 and 8 Henry VI, I conclude, originated at Burbage's Theatre, and were being played in I591-2 by a company calling itself Lord Pembroke's men and including Richard Burbage. The summons to Court at the end of 1592 is a sufficient testimony to their success, while 1

Ibid. ii. 123. Ibid.ii.391-2give'savividpictureofthefamilyinaction. 3 Between 1592 and 1594 the Admiral's and Strange's appear in provincial documents as playing not only in combination but also separately. Cf. ibid. ii. 120. 4 Ibid. ii. 308. 8

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we may note that Marlowe appears to have written for them as well as Shakespeare, since Edward II was certainly theirs, and Sir Walter Greg has recently suggested that a recorded, though undated, performance of Dr Fausius at the Theatre was theirs also.1 II. T H E LITERARY ORIGINS

(a) Back to Malone One thing is certain, that some way or other Shakespeare had a hand in all three Parts. His fellows, Heminge and Condell, attest this by including them in the Folio. Yet the degree of his responsibility has long been and still remains in doubt. As against the testimony of Heminge and Condell Francis Meres does not mention Henry VI in his list of Shakespeare's plays published in 1598, which suggests that the trilogy was not thought of as his at that date. And the style seems as contradictory as the external evidence; for, while 'many traits of Shakespeare are clearly discernible in' all three plays, 'the inferior parts are not merely unequal to the rest.. .but of quite a different complexion from the inferior parts of our author's undoubted performances'.* The words are taken from the opening paragraph of A Dissertation on the Three Parts of 1 Henry FP, 1790,3 by Edmond Malone, who accounted for the incongruity by conjecturing that the plays were first composed by Greene and Peele* and 1

Marlowe's 'DrFaustus', 1604-1616 (1950), pp. 61-2; •which assumes that the Pembroke men date from 1592. 3 Cf. ' I a m . . . aware of jolts, of a kind of geological "fault" in the strata, that make it hard for me to suppose that the whole play was written by one writer' (M. R. Ridley, 3 Henry FI, p. x, 'NewTemple Shakespeare', 1936). 3 Reprinted in Malone's Shakespeare, ed. by James Boswell,.i8zi, vol. xviii. 4 Ibid. p. 571.

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then touched up, in places indeed completely rewritten, by Shakespeare. But Malone knew that impressions of style, which he confessed first led him to this conclusion, afforded a very insecure basis for the persuasion of others. He therefore felt himself fortunate in being able to bring forward two pieces of external evidence; and by these he secured a favourable verdict from his contemporaries which was not seriously challenged until our own day. The first of these was the passage already alluded to in which the dying Greene warned three 'fellow scholars about the city', two of them being certainly Peele and Marlowe, and the third in all probability Nashe, not to put their trust in the players: For there is an vpstart Crow, beautified with our feathers, that with his Tygers hart torapt in a Players hyde, supposes he is as well able to bombast out a blanke verse as the best of you; and beeing an absolute Johannesfac totum, is in his owne conceit the onely Shake-scene in a Countrey.1

No one doubts that Greene meant Shakespeare by 'Shake-scene', or that he was not merely alluding to, or parodying, the line, O tiger's heart wrapped in a woman's hide, which the dying York addresses to his tormentor Margaret at 8 Henry FI, I. 4. 137,* but was pointing to that play as in some way connected with the said Shake-scene. But Malone went further: he took the taunt 'upstart crow beautified with our feathers' as a charge of plagiarism, and supposed 8 Henry FI cited as an instance of the theft. And the second piece of external evidence he brought forward seemed to 1

Groatsworth of Wit, ed. G. B. Harrison, pp. 45-6; Greene's Works, ed. Grosart, xii. 144.

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supplement and corroborate the first in a very striking manner. For he convinced himself that in the texts of 1594 and 1595 we have the very originals by Greene and Peele which through Shakespeare's transforming genius became the 2 and 3 Henry VI of the Folio. Moreover, as this last contention lent itself to detailed illustration by way of parallel passages, much of his Dissertation and of his notes on the plays themselves were taken up with it. But we must not call this the 'foundation of his argument'.1 On the contrary, it was Greene's attack upon Shake-scene which he expressly described as 'the chief hinge' of the theory and declared 'first suggested' it to him.* Thus Professor Alexander's brilliant demonstration that the texts of 1594 and 1595, so far from being the originals of 2 and 3 Henry VI, are merely very imperfect memories of them, though it makes rubbish of a good many of Malone's notes, does not touch his main position at all. And what Alexander has to say upon that head is the weakest part of his reply. A full defence of Malone would ask too much space in the course of a general introduction. But Professor Allardyce Nicoll was good enough to find room for one in his Shakespeare Survey, 1951, so that I need not do more here than briefly recapitulate its principal points. The crucial question is, of course, what Greene meant by 'an upstart Crow beautified with our feathers'. Alexander shows that allusions to 'Aesop's crow' are frequent in Greene; quotes examples in which he contemptuously applies the fable to actors; and contends that so far from imputing plagiarism in the passage before us Greene is merely railing at the actor Shakespeare who, 'not content to masquerade in the 1 8

Alexander, Shakespeare** Life and Art, p . 79. Malone's Shakespeare, xviii. 570.

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borrowed plumage which all his kind enjoy', has had the impudence 'to imitate the very voice of his betters' and to compete with them in the writing of plays.1 As against this I argue: (i) That all Greene's contemporaries whose opinions on the matter are either on record or can be inferred from the testimony of others appear to have interpreted the Upstart Crow passage as a charge of plagiarism; the most striking instance being a certain apologist for Greene, calling himself R.B., who asserted two years after his death: Greene gave the ground to all that wrote upon him; Nay more, the men that so eclipsed his fame Purloyned his plumes, can they deny the same?—a lines which are a patent echo of Greene's own words, as Sir Edmund Chambers himself observed before Professor Alexander bewitched him;3 (ii) that all renaissance writers, even those who themselves published versions of'Aesop', identified the crow of the fable with the 'cornicula' decked out 'furtivis coloribus' in the Third Epistle of Horace, who instances it as a warning to his friend Celsus not to pilfer from other poets; (iii) that Greene undoubtedly intended to recall Horace's lines, inasmuch as not only do his words, 'beautified with our feathers', echo 'furtivis coloribus', but what he writes about bombasting out blank verse in the tragic scene of York's death echoes no less clearly Horace's inquiry, a few lines earlier, whether Titius, another poetaster, 'is still 1 8

Alexander, op. cit. pp. 43-4.

Greene's Newoes and Greeners Funeralls, ed. R. B. McKerro'w, p . 81. 3 Elizabethan Stage, iii. 326.

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storming and swelling in the bombastic style of tragedy'— An tragica desaevit et ampullatur in arte.* Greene, in short, is sneering at Shakespeare as a Celsus and a Titius in one; (iv) that the crow fable always suggests dishonest appropriation in Greene, and when related to actors, implies that they flourish on the wits of the poets whom they starve; or, as he put it in so many words (after being himself convicted of selling the same play twice over to different companies!), actors were 'men that measure honesty by profit, and that regard their authors not by desert but by necessity of time'. 3 But the clearest- instance of what 'Aesop's crow* meant to Greene is a passage I only hit upon recently. In the following passage from his dedication to A Myrrour for Modestie, 1584, he apologises to his patroness for re-telling the story of Susanna in the Apocrypha, and at the same time forestalls a charge of plagiarism against himself: But your honor may thinke I play like Ezops Crowe, which deckt hir selfe with others feathers, or like the proud Poet Batyllus, which subscribed his name to Virgils verses, and yet presented them to Augustus. In the behalfe therefore of this my offence, I excuse my selfe with the answere that Varro made, when he offered Ennius workes to the Emperour: I giue, quoth he, another mans picture, but freshlie flourished with mine owne colours.5

The parallel is close: though Aesop is named, it is Horace's bird Greene is thinking of, while, be it noted, the question is not one of stealing a line or two, which 1

'Ampullari', a coinage of Horace's, is glossed, 'to make use of a bombastic style of discourse' by Lewis and 2 Short (ed. 1933). See Elizabethan Stage, iii. 325. 3 Greene's Worfo,>ed. Grosart, iii. 7-8.

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'feathers' might suggest, but of rewriting a whole literary work, as he accuses Shakespeare of doing. That Shakespeare's perfectly legitimate work on Henry VI was not plagiarism, and that Greene knew this well enough, is beside the point. He was an angry and desperate man, determined to do as much harm as he could to the players, who (because of his dishonest dealing) had refused to employ him, and he realized that the accusation would be accepted without question by readers ignorant of what went on inside the theatre. (&) The hand of Shakespeare I believe, then, that Malone's 'chief hinge' holds; that his interpretation of the Upstart Crow passage is correct after all; and that in Henry VI, Parts II and III, Shakespeare without any question took 'another man's picture' and 'freshly flourished' it with his 'own colours'. But whose picture was it? Greene 'gave the ground' to those 'that wrote upon him' said R.B. in 1594, and in 1790 Malone suggested Greene and Peele.1 But Malone made no attempt to prove this theory; not did he long entertain it, for he presently came round to Farmer's belief in Marlowe's authorship.2 If I now endeavour to reach a more positive conclusion I am not blind to the risks I run. Yet I take courage from two considerations. First of all, it seems legitimate to look for the supposed injured party or parties among the three 'fellow scholars' Greene was addressing, always remembering that he is himself likely, one might even say most likely, to be the party himself. And the second is that, though the evidence upon which I must perforce rely consists in the main of parallels in diction, sentence-structure, allusion, and 1

Malone's Shakespeare, xviii. 571. Malone is writing of the 1594-5 texts, which were to him 'the ground'. * Ibid, ii. 311-14.

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so forth, there survives a sufficient body of the authentic writings of each of the four possible originators to bring the matter to a fairly comprehensive test. Thus, I am not without hope of being able to persuade some, at least, of my readers to accept the candidates I now put forward. On the other hand to go further still and attempt to distinguish between what is and what is not Shakespeare's in each scene of the two Parts, as I also propose to do, is an undertaking from which only tentative results can be expected, if any at all. Yet this experiment too is, I think, worth trying out, if only because it may lead to a reconsideration of those notions about Shakespeare's early style which under the influence of the fundamentalists have become generally accepted among modern scholars. I have already said something on this last head in the previous Introduction, and shall add more in the one that follows. Here then I need only set down a brief statement of those features which I confidently look for in Shakespeare's style, whether late, middle, or early. These are: a prose lively with humour, especially in dialogue between persons unlearned or of humble birth; a verse that, even when end-stopped, sweeps forward on a pulsing tide, both of thought and rhythm; a diction easy, rich, and varied; and, above all, imagery, vividly conceived, consistently carried through, and often, especially in early plays, embroidered with wordplay, quibble or other forms of conceit. On the other hand, prose dialogue devoid of humour, especially in situations themselves ludicrous or comic; verse that is empty, prosaic, monotonous; imagery confused, incongruous, or tawdry, are to me indications of a nonShakespearian hand. All I ask is that my readers assume this for the time being, and watch how it works out in the notes that follow, especially in those labelled 'Authorship' at the head of each scene. If in the end

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there be any who find themselves on the whole agreeing with the conclusions, they will perhaps also be ready to receive for truth the assumptions just noted from which the conclusions flow. By way of preliminary, one or two scenes in the play below may here be glanced at. Put to the tests proposed, Acts i and 2 reveal little enough of the genuine Shakespeare, though there are brief passages now and then in the verse, particularly in Salisbury's speech and York's soliloquy at the end of scene 1, which suggest that he read the acts through pen in hand. As for the prose, in which five episodes are composed, except for a rather crude jest at 1. 3.19 and some of the speeches of Simpcox's wife (a character, I suspect, added during revision),1 there is not a spark of humour from beginning to end of this section. Where else in his plays does Shakespeare ever bring simple folk upon the stage without giving them life or without engaging our smiles, our indulgent smiles ? He excelled, too, in the representation of drunken men, as he did in that of poltroons reluctantly forced to fight. What an opportunity then did Grafton or Hall offer him in the trial by battle in Act 2, scene 3, between the cowardly prentice and the tipsy armourer! The players no doubt managed to get a laugh out of the stage-situation, but the dramatist afforded them no help whatever. Shakespeare! I find it almost unbelievable that anyone can credit him with it. And to those who cry: But he was only a timid apprentice himself, learning his job, feeling his way,3 I reply: This tyro of 27 years must have matured very rapidly, considering what he was already capable of in the prose of Act 4. For, though Shakespearian verse had far to travel on the road between Henry VI and The Tempest, 1

See notes on 2. 1. 58 S.D., 84-94, 104-6, 129-31. * Cf. E. M. W. Tillyard, Shakespeare's Historical Plays, p. 161. H.VI - II—2

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in comic prose there are few scenes in the canon to better those which exhibit Jack Cade in all his entrancing self-importance, to say nothing of the political wisdom behind the fun, astonishing from a man under thirty.1 That Shakespeare did not compose them for some later revival is proved by the full reports of them in the 1594 text. Yet, even these scenes, we shall find, were probably only his by adoption. Jack Cade shows us what Shakespeare could do in prose in 1591. His full strength as a dramatic poet at this date first appears in Act 3. After the simpering, creaking puppets which have been boring us for some 1500 lines we suddenly find ourselves in a world of living people. Scene 3. 1 is crucial; for it depicts the Parliament at Bury St Edmunds to which Gloucester, all unconscious of doom, has been summoned, that he may be arrested and afterwards sent to his death. Take as a specimen the opening twenty lines, and note the power and the pulse of them as compared with anything in the play hitherto. Though the verse is end-stopped, so close-knit is it in sense and syntax and so strong a current bears us onwards that we are barely conscious of the metrical limits that bank it in. Mind and hand move swiftly together; an artist's hand guided by a master-mind. Who but Shakespeare could think verse so vigorous and so forthright in 1591? I say 'think'; but this verse clearly wells freely from some apparently inexhaustible source. Even Marlowe's seems mannered and over-deliberated beside it, while most of that in the preceding acts is manifestly hammered out. Furthermore, though the lines are without ornament, they are full of life. What brilliant pictures they give us, for instance, of the meetings between Gloucester and the Queen; first, when she catches sight of him in the 1

See for this Julius Caesar, Introduction, pp. xxix-xxx.

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distance, and next when he passes by one morning without seeing her because plunged in thought—the melancholy (as we know) of a man who has just watched a beloved wife condemned for witchcraft, and carried off to banishment. Both pictures, too, by the Queen's malicious misinterpretation, reveal as much about the speaker as about the man she speaks of. The whole relationship between them is there; and we are already, in 1591, face to face with our supreme dramatic poet, and glimpsing those unfathomed and unfathomable depths which it is his special art to convey. Margaret's speech, save for a touch of euphuism here and there, is, I say, bare of imagery, as becomes the utterance of a ruthless, practical nature in a mood of cold contempt. But Shakespeare would not be Shakespeare had he r tt imagery at command, and there is plenty of it a little further on, e.g. in Gloucester's address to the King immediately after his arrest. It is elementary, no doubt, when compared with that in Hamlet and the tragedies, consisting as it does, for the most part, of personification, and simple metaphor. Yet how fresh and masterly! and, once again, what pictures it calls up! Beaufort, Suffolk, Buckingham, and York— they all stand out clear-cut in the pellucid air of Shakespeare's vision. Now this quality of clarity is, I have hinted, our surest test in any attempt at analysing the style of these early revised plays. At line 81 in the scene before us, for example, Somerset enters to report that all is lost in France, upon which Henry exclaims, 'Cold news, Lord Somerset: but God's will be done', and York mutters aside: Cold news for me; for I had hope of France As firmly as I hope for fertile England. Thus are my blossoms blasted in the bud, And caterpillars eat my leaves away.

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Apart from the fact that the first two lines are virtually identical with lines already spoken by York at i. i . 235-6, the image in the two that follow, of a human tree crawling with larvae, is enough to convince me at least that we have here a link-passage, which Shakespeare did not trouble to revise, between two sections of the scene. Or consider the speech of the young King overcome with grief as Gloucester goes out under guard to prison and death. It concludes with a picture of the dam lowing after the calf borne away to the slaughter-house, a picture in which the mind and hand of the man of Stratford are both visible; if you like, the hand of the butcher-boy who, 'when he kill'd acalfe,hewoulddoeit in a high sty/e',1 and the mind of the poet who like Burns would weep as he slew—the poet who wrote tenderly of 'poor Wat' and of the stricken deer in the forest of Arden. But if the last part of the speech is very Shakespeare, what of this opening: Ay, Margaret; my heart is drowned with grief, Whose flood begins toflowwithin mine eyesj My body round engirt with misery: For what's more miserable than discontent? As. Laertes might say, 'Too much of water hast thou, poor King Henry!' For one has only to try and see that ridiculous and blurred image, of a grief first drowning the heart, then rising to the eyes, and last encircling the whole body, to realize that it is not Shakespeare's. Indeed, I am pretty sure that the butcher-passage is all we owe to his pen in this speech? Thus, as in the best of the prose-scenes, so here in the finest of the verse1 See Aubrey, cited .in Chambers, William Shakespeare, ii. 253. Haxt (cf. my note on Part III, 1. i. 71) observes the frequency of 'butcher metaphors' in the early plays. * See note on 11. 197-208.

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scenes we have, I claim, to envisage a Shakespeare who 'wrote upon' the work of others. Let us then turn and inquire who these others may have been. (c) The four candidates The 'fellow scholars' whom Greene addressed in his attack upon the players were Marlowe, Peele, and Nashe;1 so that, counting Greene himself, we have four to choose from. Marlowe has been favoured by many as part-author, and that the style in places recalls him is undeniable. But such passages are either good enough for Shakespeare, whose presence nobody disputes, or unworthy of Marlowe himself and therefore best explained as written by another member of the group, aping him as they all three did. Yet a number of parallels with Edward II are to be found in Henry VI which cannot be so accounted for, and must therefore, if Marlowe had no share in the latter, be either echoes of him or passages echoed by him. Long the subject of speculation, they were indeed what induced Farmer, and after him Malone, to regard Marlowe as the originator of Parts II and III. Once, however, the parallels are studied in relation to the sources of Henry FI, Marlowe is revealed as unquestionably the borrower, since, in three cases, the passages in Edward II are neither guaranteed by history nor required by the dramatic context, while those in Henry FI&XQ obviously taken from the chronicles.3 It follows that Parts II and x

I do not hesitate to identify Nashe with Greene's 'young Juvenal, that biting satirist, that lastly with me together writ a comedy', though some have doubts 5 see my article in Shakespeare Survey, 4 (1951). * See notes Pt. II, 1. 3. 44-55 1. 3. 48-9; 2. 3. 28-9} Pt. Ill, 1. 1. 2395 and (for other parallels with Marlowe's plays) Pt. II, 3. 2. 82, .351; Pt. I l l , 2. 1. 68-95 2. 5.1145 5. 2. 11-155 5- 3- 2 5 5- 6 - 6 l " 2 » 5* 7 14-

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III, in which most of these parallels occur, were written before Edward II, a conclusion in line with the suggestion of Sir Edward Chambers that the latter was first produced at court by the Pembroke men during the Christmas festival, 1592-3. There are also, however, one or two parallels between Part I and Edward II, and the following in particular is so close that one must derive from the other: J Henry VI, 1. 1. 35-6: None do you like but an effeminate prince, Whom, like a school-boy, you may over-awe Edward II, 3. 2. 3 0 - 1 : As though your highness were a school-boy still, And must be awed and governed like a child. Yet these are themselves paralleled in passages of Part II (1. 3. 44-5; 2. 3. 28-9) which clearly go back to the chronicles as my notes below indicate.1 If then Part I is here merely echoing Part II, as it does immediately after,* Edward II must have been written after Part I, in which case the date Chambers conjectures for it would be too early. On the other hand, if Edward II is echoing Part II as in the other parallels noted above, then Part I would in this instance be imitating Edward II, i.e. Nashe would be imitating Marlowe, which is likely enough.3 Anyhow, Marlowe is out pf the running for the Contention plays, as I believe most would agree. We are left therefore with Peele, Greene and Nashe. In the Introduction to Part I, I argued for Greene as the drafter and principal author of that play, with Nashe 1

v. Grafton, cited on pp. 144-5. * v. Pt. 1,1.1. 39. 3 Cf. Edward II, ed. by H. B. Charlton, Introduction, p. 15, n., 2 Henry VI, 1. 3.44-5* n., and Woodstock, ed. by A. P. Rossiter, pp. 54-5.

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and possibly Veele as collaborators. But I did so in the belief that the evidence for a similar verdict as regards Parts II and III was strong enough to stand on its own base, and to lend support to the other. Yet it is not, of course, without its special dangers and perplexities. Previous investigators, including Hart himself, have for example leaned too heavily upon merely verbal parallels, which are now admitted to be of small value by themselves.1 The dramatic diction of the early 1590's was indeed more or less a common stock, mostly traceable to one or other of two sources: the first three books oiThe Faery Qgeene and the two parts olTamburlaine\ both these masterpieces being published in 1590. Moreover, since it would be difficult to say whether Peele or Greene imitated or stole from Spenser and Marlowe the more slavishly, the diction of" these two dramatists is often indistinguishable, the more so that Greene never hesitates to borrow from Peele. Now Hart,2 who speaks with authority, is all for Peele as the dramatist chiefly responsible for the original of Parts II and III, and at first (fresh, be it noted, from editing Titus Andronicus, where I found Peele in almost every scene) I was inclined to agree with him. But once I came to give the same attention to Greene's plays and prose writings as I had given two years earlier to the works of Peele, the evidence in favour of Greene's authorship seemed to me far stronger, and I believe will seem so also to most readers of the parallels here collected. Verbal parallels will not be excluded from my notes, since as supplementary evidence they are not without significance. But most of the parallels that immediately follow are of a different kind: syntactical 1

Cf. M. St Clare Byrne in The Library (4th ser.), xiii, a1-48. 8 See his Introductions to the three texts in the 'Arden Shakespeare*.

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peculiarities, little mannerisms and tricks of style, proverbial phrases (sometimes used incorrectly or with. a special twist), classical or other allusions, and cliches of various types. Nor was Greene, I became convinced as I went deeper, the sole originator. As in 1 Henry VI> I found his 'sweet boy' and 'young Juvenal', Thomas Nashe, collaborating with him in certain scenes, while once again I could not entirely rid myself of the impression that Peele may also be involved to some extent, in Part III at any rate. (/) The hand of Greene Parts II and III contain a number of constructions and mannerisms commonly found in Greene but not for the most part in Peele, and found either not at all or very rarely elsewhere in the Shakespearian canon. Thoroughly characteristic of him, for instance, is the slovenly sequence of 'as' the conjunction and 'as' the adverb, both initial, two lines from each other at the opening of Part II. 1 Here too, the conjunctive 'as' is followed in line 5 by a correlative 'so', again initial, which is another construction to which Greene is very prone, as he and Peele are to 'such' without a correlative (found for example at 2. 1. 25, 26 and 4. 1. 52 of Part II, but hardly ever, I think, in Shakespeare's undisputed plays), and to 'such a' or 'such' followed by 'as' with a verb (found at Part I, 3.1.14-16; 5. 5. 8 4 6; Part II, 2 . 4 . 4 4 - 5 ; Part III, 1. 1. 99-100, and six times in Alphonsus, King of Arragon). Or turn back to the opening scene of Part II. This, I argued above on negative grounds, can hardly be Shakespeare's, though he seems to have put some stuffing into York's soliloquy with which it closes. Yet in so doing he was far, I think, 1

E.g. initial *as' occurs three times in five consecutive lines in James IV, 2422-6.

INTRODUCTION from eliminating the basic text of that speech, since the following lines (246-8): Then, York, be still awhile, till time do serve: Watch thou and wake when others be asleep, To pry into the secrets of the state— reveal no fewer than five marks of Greene's hand: (i) 'Then', to open a reflection, argument, etc., and generally initial, occurs nine times in Alphonsus and almost as often in Friar Bacon (v. 11. 450, 678, 970, 1026, etc.). Note too the awkward second 'then.' in

I.247. (ii) Sitting and watching is a common attitude of his characters. It is spoken of again in connexion with the Duchess at 1. 4. 21, and at least five times in Friar Bacon (v. U. 630, 663, 724, 747, 1807). (iii) 'Watch and wake', repeating the same meaning in two different words in order to secure a cheap piece of alliteration, is much in his manner. (iv) The peculiar co-ordinate infinite ( ' W a t c h . . . To p r y . . . ' ) is at once non-Shakespearian and found again seven times in Friar Bacon (11. 891, 893, 941, 1381,1745, J74^> 19°6)> as it is below at 1. 1. 255; 1.2.48; 1. 3. 54, to name no further instances. (v) ' T o pry into the secrets' recurs in James IF (11. 2032-3), while 'pry' is a favourite verb of Greene's.1 A number of other clues of a similar character are cited in the notes. Some of them, like the ejaculatory *What!'2 or phrases like ' I tell thee' and 'believe me', are, of course, by no means peculiar to Greene, though so common with him that their frequency in Henry VI suggests his presence. On the other hand, it is surprising 1

For yet another parallel in 1. 241, see below p. xxxi. Cf. also 1. 1. 235-7, n. * Found 16 times in each of Parts II and III.

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not to find 'for to' before an infinitive anywhere in the trilogy since it is repeated ad nauseam in that hurriedly written play, Alphonsus. As I have, however, come upon only one example of it in his Friar Bacon-, Greene may have felt it to be a weakness, and perhaps avoided it when writing carefully; while if he did fall into it occasionally in his draft of Henry VI Shakespeare may have removed such examples as he found.1 I pass on to more elaborate parallels, some of them proverbial phrases such as might be expected in Greene, who relies very largely upon proverbs, mostly culled from Heywood, for his quasi-gnomic passages, when he is not drawing upon the Bible, twenty-six echoes from which may be found in Part II alone. Among the quotations in the following list, it will be observed, are included a few from plays outside the Greene canon (if a Greene canon can be said to exist), such as Selimus, Locrine, and even, now and then, the pre-Shakespearian King Leir and The Troublesome Raigne of King John. Most scholars will, I think, agree that Selimus is Greene's. Parallels from the others, which cannot, of course, claim much value as evidence, are recorded by way of suggesting that these texts must be taken into account by the scholar who will one day undertake an investigation into the whole problem of Greene's contribution to Elizabethan drama. That of course lies far beyond the scope of a general editor of Shakespeare. At present we even lack a reliable edition of his works, and it is still convenient to refer to Churton Collins (The Plays and Poems of Robert Greene, 2 vols. 1905) for the plays and poems, and to Grosart {The Life and Works of Robert Greene, 15 vols. 1886) for the prose writings. 1

Seven examples are found in James IV, while it occurs in Titus (4. 2.44; 4. 3. 51), mHamlet(3.1.170), in Winters Tale (1. 2. 42.7), and occasionally in Peele.

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2 Henry VI 1.1. 54. Some sudden qualm hath struck me at the heart. James IV, 11. 1895-6, 'a suddaine qualme Assayles my heart'. Friar Bacon, I. 15, *a qualme did crosse his stomacke*. Second Part of Coney-Catching, 1592 (Grosart, x. 116), 'his sodaine qualme'. The word 'qualm' or 'qualmish' occurs three times elsewhere in Shakespeare {Ado, 3. 4. 70; Love's Labour's Lost, 5. 2. 279; Henry VK5.1. 21), all comic. x. 1.107. rules the roast. Carde ofFancie, 1587 (Grosart, iv. 133), 'to rule the roast after their owne diet'. Mamilia, 1583 (Grosart, n , 285), 'as the common prouerbe saith, to rule the roast after her owne diet'. Not again in Shakespeare. Cf. Oxford Diet. Proverbs, 551; Tilley's Diet, of Proverbs, R 144. X. 1. 240-1. the crown For that's the golden mark I seek to hit. Orlando Furioso, 1. 287, 'And to the crowne, for thats the golden marke', etc. The expression 'golden mark' is not found again in Shakespeare. X. 2.100. They say ' A crafty knave does need no broker'. Third Part of Coney-Catching, 1591 (Grosart, x. 185): 'It hath beene vsed as a common by-word, a craftie knaue needeth no Broker.' The normal and probably original form of the proverb runs in Heywood1 'Two false knaves need no broker', i.e. need no middle man, alias another false 1

See Oxford Diet. Proverbs, p. 117} Tilley, K147.

I I AND I I I HENRY V I knave, to make a profit out of them; and Greene has this form in A Qgip for an Upstart Courtier (Grosart, xi, 263). With only one knave half the point has gone. But Greene seems to have started the single-knave version in 1591; it was repeated next year by Peele or possibly himself in A Knack to know a Knave \ and again by Jonson, who must have known the Coneycatching pamphlets well, in 1601. 1. 3. 75-6. She sweeps it through the court...like an empress. Friar Bacon, 1. 75: 'Whenas she swept like Venus through the house.* Never too late, 1590 (Grosart, viii. 70)—apropos of Venus: 'When as she sweeps through heuens brasse paued way.' Orlando Furioso, 1. 945—of Mercury: * You that can sweep it through the milke white path That leads vnto the Senate house of Mars.' x. 3.135. Would make thee quickly hop without a head. James IF, 1. 1028: 'Unlesse you headlesse mean to hoppe away.* King heir, 1. 1187 (Malone Society Reprint): 'Or I will make him hop without a head.* Ibid. 1. 1803: 'But she is like to hop without her hope.* Selimus, 1. 100 (Malone Society Reprint): 'Then let their Selim hop without the Crowne.* z. 3. 140. I'd set my ten commandments in your face. Locrine, 1. 1617 (Malone Society Reprint): 'would set her ten commandements in her face.* Selimus, 1. 1881 (Malone Society Reprint): 'liue in daily feare of my wiues ten-commandements.* Cf. Tilley, C 553, citing Heywood, Four P P , ' T h y wyfes x. commandements'.

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i . 3. 144. Though in this place most master wear no breeches. Pandosto, 1588 (Grosart, iv. 267): 'his wife.. .taking vp a cudgel (for the most maister went breechles).' A Quip for an Upstart Courtier, 1592 (Grosart, xi. 219):

'women vsing high ixordes to their husbandes: some striuing for the breeches.' The Oxford Diet. Prov. (697*) cites from Songs and Carols of the xc,th Cent.'. 'The most mayster of the hows weryth no brych.*

Cf. Tilley, M 727, and 3 Henry VI, 5. 5. 23-4. 1. 3. 188. By these ten bones. James IF, 1.1289: 'by my ten bones.* 3.1. 140. clear yourself from all suspense. Friar Bacon, 11. 1289-90: 'I accept thee heere / Without suspence, as my adopted sonne.' O.E.D. glosses 'suspense' (3d) as 'doubt as to a person's character', citing this and Nashe {Works, ii. 309) only. Capell emended to 'suspect' (cf. 1. 3. 134; 3. 2. 139) and all edd. followed until Hart. 3.1. 179. words.. .clerkly couched. A Disputation between a He-Coneycatcher and a sheConey-catcher, 1592 (Grosart, x. 257): 'he courted with many sweet words...and so subtilly couched his arguments....' Menaphon, 1589 (Grosart, vi. 124): 'Few words well coucht do most content the wise.* Cf. also Never too late (Grosart, viii, 143); 2 Troublesome Raigne of King John, iii. 98-9, ' I cannot couch my speeches with the needfull words of arte'; and O.E.D. (15 b) ' T o express in an obscure and veiled

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way, to cover up (an idea, meaning, etc.)', citing Nashe (Works, m, 321), 'which lies couched most closely vnder darke fables profunditie'. 3. 1. 182. But I can give the loser leave to chide. Selimus, 1. 2133: 'Nay we can glue such loosers leaue to speak.' The Art of Coney Catching, 1591 (Grosart, x. 26): 'Ah sir.. .giue loosers leaue to speak.' Cf. also Titus Andronlcus, 3. 1. 2 3 3 - 4 , Losers will have leave T o ease their stomachs with their bitter tongues;

Tilley, L458, and Oxford Diet. Prop. 386, which shows that the saying derives from card-play, as the context of the quotation from The Art of Coney Catching makes clear. 3 . 1 . 226-7. Beguiles him as the mournful crocodile With sorrow snares relenting passengers. A Disputation etc., 1592 (Grosart, x. 199): *The Crocodile hath no more teares...to entrap the passengers.* Selimus, 11. 444-7: 'the great ^Egyptian Crocodile, Wanting his praie, with artificiall teares, And fained plaints, his subtill tongue doth file, T'entrap the silly wandring traueller.*

* Greene revels in the crocodile', remarks Hart (cf. Grosart, xi, 35) and points to The Faerie Qyeene, 1. v, 18, as the main source. ?. 1. 100-1. like to Achilles' spear, Is able with the change to kill and cure. Tullfs Love, 1589 (Grosart, vii. 100): 'Like to Achilles launce that did wound and heal.* Francesco's Fortunes, 1590 (Grosart, viii. 182): 'They which were wounded with Achilles* Launce could not be healed but by the same truncheon.'

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Never too late, 1590 (Grosart, viii. 'Achilles sword to cut and recure. Orlando Furioso, 11. 483-4: 'Where I took hurt, there haue I heald my selfe As those that with Achilles lance were wounded.* Cf. Tilley, S731, which cites Euphues (Bond, i. 247), Pettie's Civil Conversation and Edward III, 2. 1. 392. See below p. 1, and G. 'Achilles' Spear'. 5. 1. 200. And that I'll write upon thy burgonet. Selimus, 1. 2421: 'Engraue our prowesse on their burganets.' Orlando Furioso, 1. 124: 'He register upon his helme', etc.; 11. 370-1: 'on this Castle wall / He write my resolution with my blood.' Greene's Metamorphosis, c. 1588 (Grosart, ix. 5): 'Achilles...registered his valour on the helme of his enemie.' Philomela, 1592 (Grosart, xi. 187): 'with my blood to paint reuenge vpon the gates of Venice.' Cf. Peele, Edward I, ii. 352, And with your swords write in the Book of Time Your British names in characters of blood. See also the next item.

S Henry VI 1. 1. 168-9. And o'er the chair of state, where now he sits, Write up his title with usurping blood. 2.. 1. 163-4. Or shall we on the helmets of our foes Tell our devotion with revengeful arms. See 2 Henry VI, 5. 1. 200 above. 1. 2. 2j 2. 2. 43; 3. 2. 188. play the orator.

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See also 1 Henry VI, 4. 1. 175 and Richard III, 3. 5. 95. Frequent in Greene, e.g. Grosart, vii. 121, 174; viii. 85. From 1 Tamburlaine, 1. 2. 129. 3.1. 64. my crown is called Content. Farewell to Folly, 1591 (Grosart, ix. 280): 'A minde content both crowne and kingdome is.' For contentment as a theme of Greene's, see note Part III, 2. 5. 1-54. 2.2. 97. Or any he the proudest of thy sort. Alphonsus, 1. 1513:

'Or any he, the proudest of you all.' Cf. 'the proudest he that' (1.1.46), found again at Shrew, 3. 2. 232; Henry VIII, 5. 3. 130, 131; in Greene, James IV, 600 (as 'the proudest she that') and in Peele, Edward I, xv, 2. 2. 2. 121-3. the wound that bred tha meeting here Cannot be cured with words: therefore be still. Then, executioner, unsheathe thy sword. Alphonsus, 11.1570-2: 'Leaue off these wofull tunes! It is not words can cure and ease this wound But warlike swords.' 2. 2. 168-9. We'll never leave till we have hewn thee down, Or bathed thy growing with our heated bloods. 2. 2. 174.

And either victory, or else a grave.

2. 3. 31-2. Till either death hath closed these eyes of mine Or fortune give me measure of revenge. This sort of do-or-die resolve or threat is one of Greene's commonest tricks; Alphonsus contains four examples (i.e. 11.158,182, 378-80,1366). 3.1.23.

the quondam king.

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3. 3. 153. our quondam queen. Farewell to Folly, 1591 (Grosart, he. a8i): 'the quondam king.* A Looking Glass, 1. 128: cYe quondam king.' King Leir, 1. 34: 'our quondam Queene.' 'Quondam ting' (or 'queen') not found again in Shakespeare; 'quondam' four times, always in ironical or comical sense (e.g. 'the quondam Quickly', Henry V, 2. 1. 78). Greene often uses 'quondam' in serious passages. 3. 2. 170-1. head.. .impaled with a glorious crown. 3. 3. 189. Did I impale him with the regal crown? Cf. 1. 4. 103: 'pale your head in Henry's glory*; 2. 2. 2 - 3 : 'the head.. .That sought to be encompassed with your crown.' Penelope's Web, 1587 (Grosart, v, 184): 'The head that is impalled with a Crowne.* See also Grosart, vi. 145, 215, 247; ix. 260, etc. Frequent in Greene. Also in Peele at Edward / , xxiv, 29. 5. 5. 23-4. That you might still have worn the petticoat, And ne'er have stol'n the breech from Lancaster. See 2 Henry VI, 1. 3.144 above. (e) Nash and the Jack Cade scenes In the Introduction to 1 Henry VI I furnished evidence in favour of attributing the first act of that play to Thomas Nashe. I suggest that he was Greene's collaborator in 2 Henry VI also and wrote the Jack Cade scenes in their original draft. Some time after August 1596, angling it seems for a little financial assistance, Nashe wrote a letter to a gentleman called William Cotton, which begins as follows: 'Sir, this tedious

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vacation is to me as unfortunate a s . . .Jack Cade's rebellion to the lawyers, wherein they hanged up the Lord Chief Justice.' 1 Accuracy was not a strong point with Elizabethan writers, least of all with Nashe, and he is here mixing up the peasant rebellion of 13 80 with that of 1450, since it was Wat Tyler and Jack Straw, not Jack Cade, who attacked the lawyers and beheaded, not hanged, a Lord Chief Justice.* The error was natural enough, it may be said. Yet it is interesting to note that the Jack Cade scenes in 2 Henry VI are also a blend of the two rebellions, not only supplementing the representation of the events of 1450 with facts and hints drawn" from the account in the chronicles of the events of 1380,.but echoing at times another play called Jack Straw written a little before Henry VI on the Wat Tyler rising. 'Why not?', it may be asked again. 'Is not this the likely source of Nashe's error? By 1596 he must have seen 2 Henry VI on the stage; seen it more than once, indeed, if we may credit his enthusiasm for plays "borrowed out of our English Chronicles".3 What he wrote to Cotton is simply a hazy recollection of visits to the theatre.' So far as his reference to the rebels' hostility to the lawyers goes, that explanation would serve, but there is nothing about the murder of a Lord Chief Justice in the Jack Cade scenes, or, one may add, in Jack Straw either. For that detail Nashe must at some time or other have gone to the chronicles. In other words, he, like the man who drafted Act 4 of 2 Henry VI, had read the chroniclers' accounts of both rebellions and had fused the two into one. No doubt with the dramatist of 1591-2 the fusion was conscious; with Nashe in 1596 or later, unconscious. 1

The Works of Thomas Nashe, ed. R. B. McKerrow,

V. 192-4. a v. Holinshed's Chronicles, 1587, iii. 434/2 margin. 3 Fierce Penilesse, 1592 (McKerrow's Nashe, i. 212).

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Yet a conscious process might easily become unconscious after the lapse of four orfiveyears. A mere coincidence! our objector will persist. But there are other coincidences to be reckoned with; and when coincidences accumulate they become pesuasive. Turn to 4. 2, the first of the seven Cade scenes. We are prepared for Cade's entry by a dialogue between Bevis and Holland, two handicraftsmen, who argue the business of the rebellion out in Shakespeare's best homespun; reminding us, as R. W. Chambers pointed out, of the insurrection scene in The Book of Sir Thomas More on the one hand, and of the Grave-diggers in Hamlet on the other.1 Yet, unless I am mistaken, the original painting shows in places through Shakespeare's brilliant conversation piece. ' I tell thee', says Bevis, 'Jack Cade, the clothier, means to dress the commonwealth, and turn it, and set a new nap upon it'; to which Holland replies, 'So he had need, for 'tis threadbare'. The word 'nap' is never again found in Shakespeare with this technical meaning; yet the whole phrase 'set a new nap on (or " o f " ) ' occurs three times in Nashe, and once as 'set a new nappe of an old threed-bare Cloake' which echoes Holland's reply as well.2 This, I think it will be allowed, is verbal parallelism of so high a quality that borrowing, one way or other, is pretty certain. Did Shakespeare turn and 'set a new nap upon' an old jest of Nashe's, or did Nashe jot down these sentences at the play for later use, as he confesses was his habit at the theatre?3 T h e reader must decide for himself, bearing, however, two facts in mind: (i) that if Shakespeare be the debtor he cannot have taken the expression from any of the three 1

R. W. Chambers, Marts Unconquerable Mind, p . 218. See also note 4. 2. 30, below. * Nashe, op. cit. i. 199. 28} 306.17; 364. 5. 3 Nashe, op. cit. i. 271-2.

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examples in Nashe's pamphlets, since they were all published between 1592 and 1594, that is after the Jack Cade scenes were first performed on the stage;1 (ii) that the verse of 4. 2 is the same prosaic staccato we find in the first act of Part I which I assign to Nashe. In any case it is utterly unlike Shakespeare's. Take, for instance, 4. 2. 119-22: Rebellious hinds, the filth and scum of Kent, Marked for the gallows, lay your weapons downj Home to your cottages, forsake this groom: The king is merciful, if you revolt. And compare these decasyllabic sausages with those Nashe was turning out about a year later: What pleasure alway lasts? no joy endures: Summer I was, I am not as I was; Harvest and age have whitened my green head: On. Autumn now and Winter must I lean'.* Most of the other parallels with Nashe which I have observed in the prose of these scenes will be found in the notes. A few, however, may be added here, not as the most cogent, but because they invite special discussion. 4. 2.16-17. It k sa ^» labour in thy vocation; which is as much to say as, let the magistrates be labouring men. 'Labour in thy vocation* comes from Latimer's Sermons* (cf. 1 Cor. vii. 20 'Let every man abide in the same vocation wherein he was called' [Genevan version]). Falstaff, it will be recollected, avails himself ofthe inj unction in order to claim authority for labouring 1

It is worth noting that the 'bad' text of 1594 reports the jest fairly well. It must therefore have been spoken at the original productions. 8

Summer's last
3 Sermon 12, cited Tilley, op. cit. C23.

INTRODUCTION

xli

at his vocation of highway robbery.1 Could anything be more indubitably Shakespearian, than this twicecracked jest? Yet Nashe was making in 1593* exactly the same joke as FalstafF, which means, it may be said, that Shakespeare took it from there for his 1 Henry IF. But what then about this other jest written a couple of years or more earlier? If it be Shakespeare's own, we are driven to conclude that a jest first devised by him in 1591, was then improved upon by Nashe in 1593, and lastly borrowed back again in this improved state by Shakespeare in 1597-8. I do not say that this is impossible. But it is perhaps relevant that Falstaff's joke is only one of twenty passages in Henry IF which seem to echo phrases in Nashe's pamphlets.3 4. 2. 32-4. John Cade, so termed.. .of stealing a cade of herrings. In 'cade of herrings' we have a term which occurs nowhere else in Shakespeare but several times in Nashe. The pun, it will be said again, was almost inevitable in a play dealing with a rebel of this name, while all but one instance in Nashe come, as is also natural, from his Prayse of the Red Herring or Lenten Stuffe, published in 1599. Yet it is interesting to find him writing in the same pamphlet, 'The rebel Iacke Cade was the first that deuised to putredde herrings in cades, and from this they haue their name.'4 A derivation which served one way in 1591-2, would seem to serve another way in 1598-9. 4. 2. 154-5. Henry the fifth, in whose time boys went to span-counter for French crowns. Span-counter, a popular boys' game, is not alluded to elsewhere in Shakespeare and is mentioned three 1

J Henry IV, 1. 2. 102-3. Christes Teares over Jerusalem {Nashe, ii. 64. 6-12). 3 See the table at the end of mys edition of 1 Henry IV. 4 Nashe, iii. 221. 25.

8

H.VI-II—3

xlii

II AND III HENRY VI

times in Nashe's Summers Last Will? probably acted before the archbishop in the autumn of 1592. Incidentally, 'go to' (=set about) also occurs in the same Nashe play,3 and is only paralleled, I believe, in Shakespeare at I Henry IV, 2. 3. 33 ('go to buffets') and Hamlet, 2. 2. 358-9 ('went to cuffs'), neither of which is very close. 4. 2. 162-3. Lord Say hath gelded the commonwealth, and made it a eunuch. This reflects Cicero De Oratore, iii. 41, 'Nolo did morte Africani castratam esse rem publicam', which is quoted in Talaeus's Rhetorica, a sixteenth-century text-book for schools,3 to which Nashe twice refers. The same passage is also reflected in his Unfortunate Traveller, published in 1593, where he charges Wolsey with making Religion a 'eunuch' inasmuch as he was the first that 'gelt religion or Church-liuings'.4 On the other hand, while 'geld' (by itself an inoffensive word, current in polite speech and meaning 'deprive of) often occurs in Shakespeare, it is never again linked with the word 'eunuch' as in 2 Henry VI. The final example I select for quotation here is one which, like that under 4.2.16-17, links 2 Henry VI with 1 Henry IV. It also illustrates the fact that parallels with Nashe are to be found in the last as in the first of the Jack Cade scenes. Cade threatens Iden: 4. 10. 27-9. I'll make thee eat iron like an ostrich, and swallow my sword like a great pin, ere thou and I-part. 1 3

Nashe, iii. 258. 796; 279. 1467; 295. 1950.

Ibid. 272. 1233. 3 Shakespeare's booh, by H. R. D. Anders, p. 38. 4 Nashe, ii. 238. 18 ff. Cf. Spenser, Mother Hubbard's Tale, 520.

INTRODUCTION

xliii

In his Unfortunate Traveller, 1593, Nashe describes the Earl of Surrey riding to tilt with his horse decked out 'in full proportion and shape of an Estrich',1 and the description is obviously related in some way with that which Vernon gives of Prince Hal and his train riding to battle 'all plumed like estridges'.3 And the following sentence from the same passage in The Unfortunate Traveller: 'the estrich will eate yron, swallow anie hard metall whatsoeuer', seems similarly related to Cade's ostrich if we may judge by the occurrence of the same verbal sequence, 'eat iron' and 'swallow', in each. Nashe, indeed, is fond of the ironeating ostrich and has yet another reference to it in his account of the dream of Darius cited in Pt. 1,1.6.25-7, n.3 But Cade's 'great pin', as Hart notes, also recalls Lyly's jibe at Martin Marprelate for possessing a conscience that would 'digest a Cathedral Church as easilie as an Estrich a two penie nail'.4 Yet this only leads us back to Nashe again, since it occurs in Pappe with an Hatchet, a pamphlet Nashe knew very well.5 Observe also that apart from Antony and Cleopatra, 3. 13. 197, 'the dove will peck the estridge', which merely gives an African colouring to So doves do peck the Falcon's piercing talons in 3 Henry VI, 1. 4. 41, the ostrich is only mentioned by Shakespeare here and in Vernon's speech from I Henry IV just referred to, and that both allusions appear to be connected with the same passage of The Unfortunate Traveller. 1

Nashe, ii. pp. 272-3. v. 1 Henry IV, 4. 1. 98-9, n. 3 Nashe, i. 359. 5 fF. 4 Works ofLyly, ed. by R. W. Bond, iii. 399. 29. 5 See the index to Nashe's Works. aa

adir

I I AND I I I HENRY VI

( / ) Dramatic Inconsistencies Some of my readers may still harbour doubts as to the identity of the dramatists responsible for 2 and 3 Henry VI in their first form. Many however, at this stage of the general argument will, I hope, be ready to agree that these plays were not originated but revised by Shakespeare. And if so, they will also by now have formed some idea of his procedure. Clearly the revision was something far less high-handed than the untrammelled reconstruction we seem tofindwhen we compare King John with The Troublesome Raigne of King John. In fact it must sometimes have been in the nature of that 'stylistic revision*, that 'systematic line-by-line correction or rewriting of old dialogue' which Sir Edmund Chambers characterizes as a practice in the highest degree improbable.1 But only sometimes, and in the main for theatrical reasons. Why, for instance, does Shakespeare, while seeming to leave the first scene of Part II untouched show his hand here and there in the last hundred lines and especially in York's speech at the end? Partly, no doubt, because of the importance of the speech for the plot, but surely chiefly because the part of York was taken by one of the leading players in the company; the way the 'tragedy' of his death is emphasized in the title of the 1595 text testifies to that. And a similar reason may be found for the special attention paid to the Jack Cade scenes. For Cade, we can hardly doubt, was taken by the chief Clown, so that the scenes in which he appeared would naturally be for him the high-light of the play and therefore claim special attention from the company's writer. I feel sure too that theatrical causes might be found for Shakespeare's interference at other places, if we knew * William Shakespeare, i. 213-14

INTRODUCTION

xlv

more about the company and the general circumstances of the production. Not that he was moved by such considerations alone. Modern actors tell us that his lines act themselves, and it seems likely enough that his own 'fellows' preferred his blank verse to Greene's or Peele's or Nashe's. We must remember too that once his interest was aroused in character or incident or play he often forgot, or ignored, the requirements of the theatre. Witness the length of Hamlet or of Richard III, the next play in the present series. Witness also the words of critic Ben: H e c . h a d an excellent Phantsie; brave notions, and gentle expressions: wherein hee flow'd with that facility, that sometime it was necessary he should be stop'd.1 In any case, despite Sir Edmund's authority, I can see no alternative to the type of revision he thinks unlikely when I contemplate the inconsistencies and contradictions in the text now to be brought forward. This, for example, seems the best explanation of the confusion between Dame Eleanor, Duchess of Gloucester, and her mortal enemy Queen Margaret, who is suddenly addressed as 'Nell' by her husband at 3. 2. 26 and actually calls herself 'Dame Eleanor' fifty-three lines later, while the error is twice repeated again in the same scene. As all textual students are aware, Shakespeare was 'notoriously careless about the names of his minor characters'.2 But Margaret! If, as we have every reason to believe, the folio text was printed from the manuscript as he left it,3 how can he have fallen into so strange an error, an error, be it noted, which must have been corrected in the promptbook? If we assume a process of revision such as I have 1

Discoveries, v. Chambers, William Shakespeare, ii. 210. See Note on the Copy, Pt. I l l , pp. 119 ff. 3 Ibid. pp. 117 ff.

8

xlvi

II A N D I I I HENRY VI

envisaged above and have worked out in detail in the notes below, it is not difficult to find an answer. Remember that as he had not previously handled a Henry VI play, the names, even of the principal characters, would not at the outset be firmly fixed in his mind, and imagine him setting to work upon Greene's draft, which we can follow pretty closely in the folio for the first two acts, since if I am right these were little altered. Including speech-prefixes and stagedirections, the name 'Margaret' occurs only six times in these two acts, though its owner is frequently spoken of and indicated as 'Queen'. On the other hand, 'Nell' or 'Eleanor' appears for the Duchess of Gloucester no less than forty times in the same portion of the text. Thus, by a law of psychology well known to modern advertisers, the second name would more readily come to mind than the first, especially to a mind preoccupied with the process of poetic creation. The substitution of'Eleanor' for 'Margaret' in 3. 2, a scene which I claim as pretty thoroughly revised, was therefore natural enough. Yet two puzzles remain. First, the name 'Margaret' is twice correctly used in 3. 1, which is another revised scene according to my findings; how are we to account for these ? We do so in the same way as we accounted for the previous six 'Margarets' in Acts 1 and 2: though they belong to a rewritten scene, they actually occur in 11. 198-208, which is one of the two brief passages therein that, on the evidence of the imagery, we decided Shakespeare had left untouched.1 Of course the slips in 3. 2 were unconscious—the unconsciousness of the poet is the point of my explanation, and Margaret becomes 'Margaret' for the rest of the play, to say nothing of Part III and Richard III. But their presence in 3.. 2, after eight 'Margarets' and 1

See p. xxiv.

INTRODUCTION

xlvii

some forty 'Eleanors' or 'Nells' correctly assigned, gives an interesting glimpse of Shakespeare's mind leading his hand astray. But our second puzzle remains; and it is a formidable one. Surely, it will be objected, before undertaking this revision of two chronicle plays, Shakespeare would have read through the relevant passages in Holinshed, Hall or Grafton; and there he must have learnt not to mix up the names of important characters. One cannot imagine any modern dramatist not doing this. Nor can one prove that Shakespeare did not. But there is no evidence that he did.; indeed, such evidence as we possess suggests the contrary. The confusion and repetition, for example, in the charges brought against Gloucester, which Hart set down, I think rightly, 'to a divided or distributed authorship',1 seem partly due also to one of the authors turning, not to. the chronicles, but to earlier scenes for the supply of material he needed in the creation or re-creation of later ones. In any case, what obviously primarily concerned Shakespeare was dramatic force and theatrical efficiency, not historical accuracy—he could rely upon Greene, past-master in plotting,* to provide that, as he could rely upon the ignorance of his audience to overlook small departures from it or inconsistencies on his own account. One of his chief objects, as I have already hinted, was to give more prominence to the part of Richard, Duke of York. He may be seen contriving this, at times 1

Introduction to the 'Arden* 2 Henry VI, p. xxx,

commenting on i. 3.127-8. Cf. his notes on 1. 3. 2 1 0 - n ; 3.1. 61—2, 83, 108 ('Arden' line-numbering). See also 3 . 1 . 312, n. below. •* As Nashe called him, v. Nashe, iii 132. 21-3. By 'plotting' he meant, I take it, the extraction of suitable dramatic material from novels, chronicles, etc., as^well as planning the framework of a play.

xlviii

II AND I I I HENRY VI

ignoring minor points of dramatic consistency in the process, right from the beginning. Not only, for example, does he revise and I fancy .greatly enlarge, York's soliloquy at the end of the opening scene of Part II; but he brings him in with Buckingham for the arrest of the Duchess in I. 4, though it is evident that this entry belonged to Suffolk in the original version.1 On the other hand, it is strange to find York in 2. 3 acting as a kind of marshal at a trial by battle in which the issue at stake is a question of his own treason. Is this another case of substitution, or does the inconsistency mean that it was Shakespeare and not Greene who linked the treason of York with the Armourer's duel, a link not found in the chronicles ? But the most striking example of the kind concerns York's relation with the Cliffords, which belongs to both Parts. In the chronicles 'John, Lord Clifford' is mentioned with Lord Stafford among those slain at the second battle of St Albans. In the play, he is shown falling in a handto-hand fight with York; and upon this fact, several times reiterated, turns the cruel vengeance of Young Clifford and the' tragedy' in the fourth scene of Part III, when York stands at bay and is baited by Young Clifford and Margaret before being stabbed. Yet in the opening lines of this very act we are told (by York himself!) that 'Lord Clifford and Lord Stafford' Were by the swords of common soldiers slain. Other names mentioned in the same context, taken with theirs, prove that the passage was based directly upon Grafton or Hall. On the other hand, the style of 5. 2 in Part II, which gives us the fight between York and Old Clifford, the discovery of his father's body by Young Clifford, and the terrible oath of vengeance he utters, is palpably Shakespearian. I infer therefore that 1

See note, 1. 4. 40, S.D.

INTRODUCTION

xlix

Greene followed the chronicles in his draft of these scenes, and that the vengeance motive, its cause and its effects culminating in i . 4 of Part III, were introduced at the time of revision, in which however one tell-tale reference to the chronicle version of Old Clifford's death was overlooked. This oversight suggests rapid revision, an impression that is strengthened by a curious slip in Part III, 1. 1, which reminds us of the misnaming of Margaret in Part II, 3. 2. Two of the Yorkist nobles who enter with York himself in this opening scene of Part III are Warwick, already familiar as a character in Part II, and Montague whom we have not seen or heard of hitherto. He is of course Warwick's brother; but, if we do not know the chronicles, there is nothing in the play before 2.1 to make us realize the fact. Nor, strangely enough, did the dramatist responsible for Act 1 in its present form realize it until he reached that point, seeing that he makes Montague address York as 'brother' at 1.1.14 and 1. 1. 116 and the error is four times repeated in 1.2. Assume revision and all is clear. Led astray perhaps in the first instance by a speech of Montague's in the draft of 1. 1, really addressed to 'brother' Warwick, but taken in the haste or preoccupation of the moment as addressed to York, Shakespeare rewrote the speech with this supposition in mind, repeated the error in line 116, and even introduced Montague as the uncle of Edward and Richard in the little family discussion with which 1. 2 opens. The circumstances of 2.1, however, put the matter right, and Warwick and Montague are brothers from then onwards. Yet, as in the case of Margaret in Part II, there was no turning back to correct the errors of the earlier scenes. If mind and hand went together, the mind, it seems, passed ever onwards; towards Richard III, one may guess. But the mind was probably unconscious that any mistake had

1

II AND I I I HENRY VI

been made. Montague, after all, was dramatically very small fry; and the prompter could be relied upon to tidy up a little slip like this. He did so, as the substitution of 'cousin' for 'brother' in the reported text proves. For yet another slip see Part III, 4. 8 50, S.D. (g) Classical learning in 'Henry FP My last line of evidence opens up a fresh field of inquiry, and its validity is in no way dependent upon the arguments hitherto advanced. T o a modern reader one of the strangest features of these strange plays on the Wars of the Roses is the quantity of classical allusions or quotations they contain. And when it is observed that while Part I has twentythree of them, Part II twenty-four, and Part III twenty-eight, only seven (three of which are commonplace allusions to Julius Caesar) are to be found in Richard III and another seven (hardly less commonplace) in King John, one begins to realize that there is something peculiar, even for Shakespeare, about Henry VI. Moreover, the allusions are as unusual in character as they are in quantity. Without parallel, for example, in the dramas of unquestioned authenticity are the allusions to the story of Medea and Absyrtus, to the brazen caves of Aeolus, to the incident of Telephus wounded and cured by the spear of Achilles, to the tale of Daedalus and Icarus escaping from the labyrinth of the Minotaur, to the Olympian games, to Bargulus the Illyrian pirate, to Caesar's Commentaries, to Aesop, Sulla, Calydon, Rhesus, Ascanius. Then there are quotations in Latin from Cicero's De Divinatione and I)e Officiis, from the first book of the Aeneid, together with an adaptation of Lucan, book 1, 246, from Ovid's Heroides and Ars Amatoria, none of which are cited elsewhere in the canon. Note also that the story of

INTRODUCTION

H

Althaea's brand is correctly alluded to here, though confused with Hecuba's in 2 Henry IV, and that Ajax is correctly styled Ajax Telamonius, though the patronymic does not occur again in Shakespeare, who incorrectly identifies him with his father Telamon in Antony and Cleopatra. Finally, most remarkable of all, is the contrast between erudition and sheer ignorance in these Henry VI plays. A couple of instances will make the point clear. Warwick, the king-maker, who is not, as far as I am aware, celebrated in history for his scholarship, nevertheless thus describes his plan for the capture of the sleeping Edward IV in his tent :l That as Ulysses and stout Diomede With sleight and manhood stole to Rhesus' tents, And brought from thence the Thracian fatal steeds, So we, -well covered with the night's black mantle, At unawares may beat down Edward's guard And seize himself. The episode here referred to goes back to the Iliad, book x, and is also alluded to in the Aeneid, book i, and Ovid's Metamorphoses, book xm. None of these, however, furnishes a clue to Warwick's use of the word 'fatal'. According to a post-Homeric legend the Thracian steeds were 'fatal' (i.e. fraught with destiny) because an oracle had declared that once they began browsing upon the plains of Troy, the city could never be taken, and it was to prevent this contingency that Ulysses and Diomede stole them directly they arrived from Thrace. Now only someone familiar with the commentary of Servius upon the Aeneid could have known this in Shakespeare's day unless he had enough Greek to read the Euripidean Rhesus, which is most 1

S Henry VI, 4. 2. 19-24 (v. note)

lii

II AND III HENRY VI

unlikely. Warwick may not have been a scholar, but a modicum of scholarship at any rate had gone to the writing of his speech. On the other hand, consider this passage1 from one of Queen Margaret's speeches in Part I I : How often have I tempted Suffolk's tongue... To sit and witch me as Ascanius did When he to madding Dido would unfold His father's acts commenced in burning Troy! No one with the slightest knowledge of the first two books of the Aeneid, either in the original or translation, could have written these lines, seeing that in Virgil it is Cupid disguised as Ascanius and not the boy Ascanius himself who lies in Dido's bosom, and it is Aeneas and not his son who tells her the tale of burning Troy. The passage cannot therefore belong to the dramatist who had studied the Latin commentary on the Aeneid and could quote Virgil in the original. Yet the poet responsible might have cited authority for his allusion, since it clearly derives from a not unnatural misreading of the Dido story in Chaucer's Legend of Good Women. After brushing aside the Cupid version ('I make of hit no cure'), Chaucer relates that Aeneas sends Ascanius with presents to Dido, and then a line or two later continues as follows: And of the dedes hath she more enquered Of Eneas, and al the story lered Of Troye; and al the longe day they tweye Entendeden to speken and to pleye, Of which ther gan to breden swich a fyr, That sely Dido hath now swich desyr With Eneas, her newe gest to dele, That she hath lost her he we, and eek her hele.* 1

2 Henry VI, 3. 2. 114-18. * Legend of Dido, 11. 229-36 (Skeat's text, Oxford, 1906).

INTRODUCTION

2111

We who know our Virgil can see what Chaucer means. But he does not express himself at all clearly, and one who did not know Virgil might well have gathered from these lines that Dido 'enquered' about 'the dedes' of Aeneas from the 'child' Ascanius, mentioned just before, and that 'they tweye' were the child and herself. Now there is other evidence to show that the Legend of Good Women was, after Golding's translation of Ovid's Metamorphoses, one of the chief sources of Shakespeare's classical learning at this early date; and, though he came to know more about Dido after reading Marlowe's play on the subject, this was not printed until 1594. I assume, therefore, that he was the unlearned author of Margaret's allusion, while I ascribe the 'fatal steeds' of Rhesus, the Latin quotations and all the other ostentatious displays of classical scholarship in Henry FI to Robert Greene, 'in artibus magister', as he styled himself, and to his colleague Thomas Nashe,graduate of the University of Cambridge.

J. D. W. March 1951 P.S. The utmost possible brevity being a necessity of this edition, readers of the Notes are asked to pardon the frequent abbreviations, the bare references to Greene's works in Grosart and Collins, and the inevitable dogmatism of the sections on 'Authorship'.

liv

TO THE READER The following is a brief description of the punctuation and other typographical devices employed in the text, which have been more fully explained in the Note on Punctuation and the Textual Introduction to be found in The Tempest volume: An obelisk (f) implies corruption or emendation, and suggests a reference to the Notes. A single bracket at the beginning of a speech signifies an 'aside.' Four dots represent a fullstop in the original, except when it occurs at the end of a speech, and they mark a long pause. Original colons or semicolons, which denote a somewhat shorter pause, are retained, or represented as three dots when they appear to possess special dramatic significance. Similarly, significant commas have been given as dashes. Round brackets are taken from the original, and mark a significant change of voice; when the original brackets seem to imply little more than the drop in tone accompanying parenthesis, they are conveyed by commas or dashes., Single inverted commas (' ') are editorial; double ones (" ") derive from the original, where they are used to draw attention to maxims, quotations, etc. The reference number for the first line is given at the head of each page. Numerals in square brackets are placed at the beginning of the traditional acts and scenes.

THE SECOND PART OF

KING HENRY THE SIXTH

The scene: England CHARACTERS IN T H E PLAY KING HENRY

the Sixth

HUMPHREY, DUKE OF GLOUCESTER,

uncle to the King,

and Protector CARDINAL BEAUFORT, BISHOP OF WINCHESTER, great-uncle

to the King RICHARD PLANTAGENET, DUKE OF YORK EDWARD

and RICHARD, his sons

DUKE OF SOMERSET WILLIAM DE LA POLE, DUKE OF SUFFOLK HUMPHREY, DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM LORD CLIFFORD

Young CLIFFORD, his son EARL OF SALISBURY EARL OF WARWICK LORD SCALES LORD SAY SIR HUMPHREY STAFFORD, and WILLIAM STAFFORD,

his brother SIR JOHN STANLEY VAUX SIR MATTHEW GOUGH

A Lieutenant, Master, and Master's-Mate, and WALTER WHITMORE

Two Gentlemen, prisoners with Suffolk and JOHN SOUTHWELL, priests BOLINGBROKE, a conjuror A Spirit THOMAS HORNER, an armourer. PETER, his man JOHN HUM

Clerk of Chatham. Mayor of Saint Albany SIMPCOX, an impostor ALEXANDER IDEN* a Kentish gentleman JACK CADE, a rebel GEORGE BEVIS, JOHN HOLLAND, DICK the butcher, SMITH the weaver; MICHAEL, etc., followers of Cade Two Murderers Queen to King Henry ELEANOR, Duchess of Gloucester MARGERY JOURDAIN, a witch Wife to Simpcox MARGARET,

Lords, Ladies, and Attendants, Petitioners, Aldermen, a Herald, a Beadle, Sheriff, and Officers, Citizens, Prentices, Falconers, Guards, Soldiers, Messengers, etc.

THE SECOND PART OF

KING HENRY THE SIXTH WITH THE DEATH OF THE GOOD DUKE HUMPHREY:

earlier called THE FIRST PART OF THE CONTENTION BETWIXT THE HOUSES OF YORK AND LANCASTER [i. I.]

London. The palace

Flourish oftrumpets: then hoboys. Enter the KING, HUMPHRET, Duke of Gloucester, SALISBVRT, WARWICK, and CARDINAL BEAUFORT, on the one side; the QUEEN, SUFFOLK, TORK, SOMERSET, and BUCKINGHAM, on the other Suffolk, [kneels] As by your high imperial majesty I had in charge at my depart for France, As procurator to your excellence, To marry Princess Margaret for your grace, So, in the famous ancient city Tours, In presence of the Kings of France and Sicil, The Dukes of Orleans, Calaber, Bretagne and Alencon, Seven earls, twelve barons and twenty reverend bishops, I have performed my task and was espoused, And humbly now upon my bended knee, 10 In sight of England and her lordly peers, Deliver up my title in the queen To your most gracious hands, that are the substance Of that great shadow I did represent;

6

T H E SECOND P A R T OF

x.1.15

The happiest gift that ever marquess gave, The fairest queen that ever king received. King. Suffolk, arise. Welcome, Queen Margaret! I can express no kinder sign of love Than this kind kiss. O Lord, that lends me life, 20 Lend me a heart replete with thankfulness! For Thou hast given me in this beauteous face A world of earthly blessings to my soul, If sympathy of love unite our thoughts. Qjeen. Great King of England and my gracious lord, The mutual conference that my mind hath had, By day, by night,, waking and in my dreams, In courtly company or at my beads, With you, mine alder-liefest sovereign, Makes me the bolder to salute my king 30 With ruder terms, such as my wit affords And over-joy of heart doth minister. King. Her sight did ravish, but her grace in speech, Her words y-clad with wisdom's majesty, Makes me from wond'ring fall to weeping joys, Such is the fulness of my heart's content. Lords, with one cheerful voice welcome my love. All [kneeling']. Long live Queen Margaret, England's happiness! Qyeen. We thank you all. \fiourish Suffolk. My Lord Protector, so it please your grace, 40 Here are the articles of contracted peace Between our sovereign and the French king Charles, For eighteen months concluded by consent. Gloucester, [reads] 'Imprimis, It is agreed between the French king Charles, and William de la Pole, Marquess of Suffolk, ambassador for Henry King of England, that the said Henry shall espouse the Lady Margaret, daughter unto Reignier King of Naples, Sicilia and

KING HENRY VI

I.I. 4 8

7

Jerusalem, and crown her Queen of England ere the thirtieth of May next ensuing....Item, That the duchy of Anjou and the county of Maine shall be released 50 and delivered to the king her father'— [lets the paper fall King. Uncle, how now? Gloucester. Pardon me, gracious lord; Some sudden qualm hath struck me at the heart, And dimmed mine eyes, that I can read no further. King. Uncle of Winchester, I pray, read on. Cardinal, [reads] ' Item, It is further agreed between them, that the duchies of Anjou and Maine shall be released and delivered over to the king her father, and she sent over of the King of England's own proper cost 60 and charges, without having any dowry.' King. They please us well. Lord marquess, kneel down: We here create thee the first duke of Suffolk, And girt thee with the sword. Cousin of York, We here discharge your grace from being regent I'th'parts of France, till term of eighteen months Be full expired. Thanks, uncle Winchester, Gloucester, York, Buckingham, Somerset, Salisbury, and Warwick; We thank you all for this great favour done, 70 In entertainment to my princely queen. Come, let us in, and with all speed provide T o see her coronation be performed. [the King departs with the Qyeen and Suffolk; Gloucester stays the rest Gloucester. Brave peers of England, pillars of the state, To you Duke Humphrey must unload his grief— Your grief, the common grief of all the land. What! did my brother Henry spend his youth, H.VI- II

4

8

T H E SECOND P A R T

OF

1.1.77

His valour, coin, and people, in the wars? Did he so often lodge in open field, In winter's cold and summer's parching heat, 80 To conquer France, his true inheritance ? And did my brother Bedford toil his wits, To keep by policy what Henry got? Have you yourselves, Somerset, Buckingham, Brave York, Salisbury, and victorious Warwick, Received deep scars in France and Normandy? Or hath mine uncle Beaufort and myself,. With all the learned council of the realm, Studied so long, sat in the council-house Early and late, debating to and fro 90 How France and Frenchmen might be kept in awe, And had his highness in his infancy Crowned in Paris in despite of foes? And shall these labours and these honours die? Shall Henry's conquest, Bedford's vigilance, Your deeds of war and all our counsel die ? O peers of England, shameful is this league! Fatal this marriage, cancelling your fame, Blotting your names from books of memory, Razing the characters of your renown, 100 Defacing monuments of conquered France, Undoing all, as all had never been! Cardinal. Nephew, what means this passionate discourse, This peroration with such circumstance? For France, 'tis ours; and we will keep it still. Gloucester. Ay, uncle, we will keep it, if we can; But now it is impossible we should: Suffolk, the new-made duke that rules the roast, Hath given the duchy of Anjou and Maine Unto the poor King Reignier, whose large style

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Agrees not with the leanness of his purse. no Salisbury. Now, by the death of Him that died for all, These counties were the keys of Normandy. But wherefore weeps Warwick, my valiant son ? Warwick. For grief that they are past recovery: For, were there hope to conquer them again, My sword should shed hot blood, mine eyes no tears. Anjou and Maine! myself did win them both; Those provinces these arms of mine did conquer: And are the cities, that I got with wounds, Delivered up again with peaceful words? 120 Mort Dieu! York. For Suffolk's duke, may he be suffocate, That dims the honour of this warlike isle! France should have torn and rent my very heart, Before I would have yielded to this league. I never read but England's kings have had Large sums of gold and dowries with their wives; And our King Henry gives away his own, To match with her that brings no vantages. Gloucester. A proper jest, and never heard before, 130 That Suffolk should demand a whole fifteenth For costs and charges in transporting her! She should have stayed in France and starved in France, Before— Cardinal. My lord of Gloucester, now ye grow too hot, It was the pleasure of my lord the king. Gloucester. My lord of Winchester, I know your mind; 'Tis not my speeches that you do mislike, But 'tis my presence that doth trouble ye. Rancour will out: proud prelate, in thy face 140 I see thy fury: if I longer stay, We shall begin our ancient bickerings. Lordings, farewell, and say when I am gone,

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I prophesied France will be lost ere long. [goes Cardinal. So, there goes our Protector in a rage. 'Tis known to you he is mine enemy, Nay, more, an enemy unto you all, And no great friend, I fear me, to the king. Consider, lords, he is the next of blood, 150 And heir apparent to the English crown: Had Henry got an empire by his marriage, And all the wealthy kingdoms of the west, There's reason he should be displeased at it. Look to it, lords, let not his smoothing words Bewitch your hearts, be wise and circumspect. What though the common people favour him, Calling him 'Humphrey, the good Duke of Gloucester,' Clapping their hands, and crying with loud voice, 'Jesu maintain your royal excellence!' 160 With 'God preserve the good Duke Humphrey!' I fear me, lords, for all this flattering gloss, He will be found a dangerous Protector. Buckingham. Why should he, then, protect our sovereign, He being of age to govern of himself? Cousin of Somerset, join you with me, And all together, with the Duke of Suffolk, We'll quickly hoise Duke Humphrey from his seat. Cardinal. This weighty business will not brook delay; [goes I'll to the Duke of Suffolk presently. 170 Somerset. Cousin of Buckingham, though. Humphrey's pride And greatness of his place be grief to us, Yet let us watch the haughty cardinal. His insolence is more intolerable Than all the princes in the land beside. If Gloucester be displaced, he'll be Protector.

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Buckingham. Or thou or I, Somerset, will be Protector, Despite Duke Humphrey or the cardinal. [Buckingham and Somerset go out together

Salisbury. Pride went before, Ambition follows him. While these do labour for their own preferment, Behoves it us to labour for the realm. 180 I never saw but Humphrey Duke of Gloucester Did bear him like a noble gentleman. Oft have I seen the haughty cardinal, More like a soldier than a man o'th'church, As stout and proud as he were lord of all, Swear like a ruffian and demean himself Unlike the ruler of a commonweal. Warwick, my son, the comfort of my age, Thy deeds, thy plainness, and thy housekeeping, Hath won the greatest favour of the commons, 190 Excepting none but good Duke Humphrey: And, brother York, thy acts in Ireland, In bringing them to civil discipline, Thy late exploits done in the heart of France, When thou wert regent for our sovereign, Have made thee feared and honoured of the people: Join we together, for the public good, In what we can, to bridle and suppress The pride of Suffolk and the cardinal, With Somerset's and Buckingham's ambition; 200 And, as we may, cherish Duke Humphrey's deeds, While they do tend the profit of the land. Warwick. So God help Warwick, as he loves the land, And common profit of his country! (Tbrk. And so says York, for he hath greatest cause.

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Salisbury.- Then let's make haste away, and look unto the main. Warwick. Unto the main! O father, Maine is lost, That Maine which by main force Warwick did win, And would have kept so long as breath did last! 210 Main chance, father, you meant; but I meant Maine, Which I will win from France, or else be slain. [Warwick and Salisbury go, leaving York alone York. Anjou and Maine are given to the French; Paris is lost; the state of Normandy Stands on a tickle point now they are gone. Suffolk concluded on the articles, The peers agreed, and Henry was well pleased T o change two dukedoms for a duke's fair daughter. I cannot blame them all—what is't to them? 'Tis thine they give away, and not their own. 220 Pirates may make cheap penn'orths of their pillage, And purchase friends and give to courtezans, Still revelling like lords till all be gone; While as the silly owner of the goods Weeps over them and wrings his hapless hands And shakes his head and trembling stands aloof, While all is shared and all is borne away, Ready to starve and dare not touch his own: So York must sit, and fret, and bite his tongue, While his own lands are bargained for and sold. 230 Methinks the realms of England, France and Ireland Bear that proportion to my flesh and blood As did the fatal brand Althaea burned Unto the prince's heart of Calydon. Anjou and Maine both given unto the French! Cold news for me, for I had hope of France, Even as I have of fertile England's soil. A day will come when York shall claim his own;

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And therefore I will talce the Nevils' parts And make a show of love to proud Duke Humphrey, 240 And, when I spy advantage, claim the crown, For that's the golden mark I seek to hit: Nor shall proud Lancaster usurp my right, Nor hold the sceptre in his childish fist, Nor wear the diadem upon his head, Whose church-like humours fits not for a crown. Then, York, be still awhile, till time do serve: Watch thou and wake when others be asleep, To pry into the secrets of the state; Till Henry, surfeiting in joys of love, With his new bride and England's dear-bought queen, 250 And Humphrey with the peers be fall'n at jars: Then will I raise aloft the milk-white rose, With whose sweet smell the air shall be perfumed; And in my standard bear the arms of York, To grapple with the house of Lancaster; And, force perforce, I'll make him yield the crown, Whose bookish rule hath pulled fair England down. [goes

[1.2.]

The Duke ofGloucester's house

Enter DUKE HUMPHRET and Ms wife ELEANOR Duchess. Why droops my lord, like over-ripened corn, Hanging the head at Ceres' plenteous load ? Why doth the great Duke Humphrey knit his brows, As frowning at the favours of the world? Why are thine eyes fixed to the sullen earth, Gazing on that which seems to dim thy sight? What seest thou there? King Henry's diadem,

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Enchased with all the honours of the world? If so, gaze on, and grovel on thy face, 10 Until thy head be circled with the same. Put forth thy hand, reach at the glorious gold. What! is't too short? I'll lengthen it with mine; And, having both together heaved it up, We'll both together lift our heads to heaven, And never more abase our sight so low As to vouchsafe one glance unto the ground. Gloucester. O Nell, sweet Nell, if thou dost love thy lord, Banish the canker of ambitious thoughts: And may that thought, when I imagine ill 20 Against my king and nephew, virtuous Henry, Be my last breathing in this mortal world! My troublous dreams this night doth make me sad. Duchess. What dreamed my lord? tell me, and I'll requite it With sweet rehearsal of my morning's dream. Gloucester. Methought this staff, mine office-badge in court, Was broke in twain; by whom I have forgot, But, as I think, it was by th'cardinal; And on the pieces of the broken wand Were placed the heads of Edmund Duke of Somerset, 30 And William de la Pole, first Duke of Suffolk. This was my dream: what it doth bode, God knows. Duchess. Tut, this was nothing but an argument That he that breaks a stick of Gloucester's grove Shall lose his head for his presumption. But list to me, my Humphrey, my sweet duke: Methought I sat in seat of majesty In the cathedral church of Westminster,

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And in that chair where kings and queens were crowned; Where Henry and Dame Margaret kneeled to me And on my head did set the diadem. 40 Gloucester. Nay, Eleanor, then must I chide outright: Presumptuous dame, ill-nurtured Eleanor, Art thou not second woman in the realm, And the Protector's wife, beloved of him? Hast thou not worldly pleasure at command, Above the reach or compass of thy thought? And wilt thou still be hammering treachery, To tumble down thy husband and thyself From top of honour to disgrace's feet? Away from me, and let me hear no more! 50 Duchess. What, what, my lord! are you so choleric With Eleanor, for telling but her dream? Next time I'll keep my dreams unto myself, And not be checked. Gloucester. Nay, be not angry; I am pleased again. Enter a Messenger

Messenger, My Lord Protector, 'tis his highness' pleasure You do prepare to ride unto Saint Albans, Where as the king and queen do mean to hawk. Gloucester. I go. Come, Nell, thou wilt ride with us ? Duchess. Yes, my good lord, I'll follow presently. 60 [Gloucester and Messenger hurry away

Follow I must; I cannot go before, While Gloucester bears this base and humble mind. Were I a man, a duke, and next of blood, .1 would remove these tedious stumbling-blocks And smooth my way upon their headless necks; And, being a woman, I will not be slack

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To play my part in Fortune's pageant. Where are you there? Sir John! nay, fear not, man, We are alone; here's none but thee and I. Enter HUM 70

Hum. Jesus preserve your royal majesty! Duchess. What say'st thou ? majesty! I am but grace. Hum. But, by the grace of God, and Hum's advice, Your grace's title shall be multiplied. Duchess. What say'st thou, man ? hast thou as yet conferred With Margery Jourdain, the cunning witch, With Roger Bolingbroke, the conjuror? And will they undertake to do me good ? Hum. This they have promised, to show your highness A spirit raised from depth of underground, 80 That shall make answer to such questions As by your grace shall be propounded him. Duchess. It is enough. I'll think upon the questions: When from Saint Albans we do make return, We'll see these things effected to the full. Here, Hum, take this reward; make merry, man, With thy confederates in this weighty cause. [goes Hum. Hum must make merry with the duchess' gold; Marry, and shall. But, how now, Sir John Hum! Seal up your lips, and give no words but mum: 90 The business asketh silent secrecy. Dame Eleanor gives gold to bring the witch: Gold cannot come amiss, were she a devil. Yet have I gold flies from another coast; I dare not say, from the rich cardinal And from the great and new-made Duke of Suffolk,

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Yet I do find it so; for, to be plain, They, knowing Dame Eleanor's aspiring humour, Have hired me to undermine the duchess And buzz these conjurations in her brain. They say 'A crafty knave does need no broker'; 100 Yet am I Suffolk and the cardinal's broker. Hum, if you take not heed, you shall go near To call them both a pair of crafty knaves. Well, so it stands; and thus, I fear, at last Hum's knavery will be the duchess' wrack, And her attainture will be Humphrey's fall: Sort how it will, I shall have gold for all. [goes

[1.3.]

The palace Enter three or four Petitioners; PETER, the Armourer's man, being one

1 Petitioner. My masters, let's stand close: my Lord Protector will come this way by and by, and then we may deliver our supplications in the quill. 2 Petitioner. Marry, the Lord protect him, for he's a good man! Jesu bless him! Enter SUFFOLK and §>JJEEN Peter. Here a' comes, methinks, and the queen with, him. I'll be the first, sure. 2 Petitioner. Come back, fool; this is the Duke of Suffolk, and not my Lord Protector. Suffolk. How now, fellow! wouldst any thing with me ? I Petitioner. I pray, my lord, pardon me; I took ye for my Lord Protector.

10

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Queen [reading], ' T o my Lord Protector!' Are your supplications to his lordship? Let me see them: what is thine ? 1 Petitioner. Mine is, an't please your grace, against John Goodman, my Lord Cardinal's man, for keeping my house, and lands, and wife and all, from me. Suffolk. Thy wife too! that's some wrong, indeed. 20 What's yours? What's here? [reads] 'Against the Duke of Suffolk, for enclosing the commons of Melford.' How now, sir knave! 2 Petitioner. Alas, sir, I am but a poor petitioner of our whole township. Peter[giving his petition]. Against my master, Thomas Homer, for saying that the Duke of York was rightful heir to the crown. Qyeen. What say'st thou ? did the Duke of York say he was rightful heir to the crown ? 30 Peter. That my master was? no, forsooth: my master said that he was, and that the king was an usurper. Suffolk. Who is there? [enterservant] Take this fellow in, and send for his master with a pursuivant presently: we'll hear more of your matter before the king. [servant departs with Peter Queen. And as for you, that love to be protected Under the wings of our Protector's grace, Begin your suits anew, and sue to him. [tears the supplications Away, base cullions! Suffolk, let them go. All. Come, let's be gone. [the Petitioners go 40 Queen. My Lord of Suffolk, say, is this the guise. Is this the fashion in the court of England ? Is this the government of Britain's isle, And this the royalty of Albion's king ? What! shall King Henry be a pupil still

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Under the surly Gloucester's governance? Am I a queen in title and in style, And must be made a subject to a duke? I tell thee, Pole, when in the city Tours Thou ran'st a tilt in honour of my love And stol'st away the ladies' hearts of France, 50 I thought King Henry had resembled thee In courage, courtship, and proportion: But all his mind is bent to holiness, T o number Ave-Maries on his beads; His champions are the prophets and apostles, His weapons holy saws of sacred writ, His study is his tilt-yard, and his loves Are brazen images of canonized saints. I would the college of the cardinals Would, choose him pope and carry him to Rome, 60 And set the triple crown upon his head: That were a state fit for his holiness. Suffolk. Madam, be patient: as I was cause Your highness came to England, so will I In England work your grace's full content. Qgeen. Beside the haughty Protector, have we Beaufort, The imperious churchman, Somerset, Buckingham, And grumbling York; and not the least of these But can do more in England than the king-. Suffolk. And he of these that can do most of all 70 Cannot do more in England than the Nevils: Salisbury and Warwick are no simple peers. Qyeen. Not all these lords do vex me half so much As that proud dame, the Lord Protector's wife. She sweeps it through the court with troops of ladies, More like an empress than Duke Humphrey's wife: Strangers in court do take her for the queen:

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She bears a duke's revenues on her back, And in her heart she scorns our poverty: 80 Shall I not live to be avenged on her ? Contemptuous base-born callet as she is, She vaunted 'mongst her minions t'other day, The very train of her worst wearing gown Was better worth than all my father's lands, Till Suffolk gave two dukedoms for his daughter. Suffolk. Madam, myself have limed a bush for her, And placed a choir of such enticing birds, That she will light to listen to the lays, And never mount to trouble you again. 90 So, let her rest: and, madam, list to me; For I am bold to counsel you in this. Although we fancy not the cardinal, Yet must we join with him and with the lords, Till we have brought Duke Humphrey in disgrace. As for the Duke of York, this late complaint Will make but little for his benefit. So, one by one, we'll weed them all at last, And you yourself shall steer the happy helm. Sound a Sennet. Enter the KING with TORK. and SOMERSET on both sides, whispering to him; after them enter DUKE HUMPHRET OF GLOUCESTER, CARDINAL BEAUFORT, BUCKINGHAM, TORK, SOMERSET, SALISBURT, WARWICK, and the DUCHESS OF GLOUCESTER

King. For my part, noble lords, I care not which; 100 Or Somerset or York, all's one to me. Tork. If York have ill demeaned himself in France, Then let him be denayed the regentship. Somerset. If Somerset be unworthy of the place, Let York be regent; I will yield to him.

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Warwick. Whether your grace be worthy, yea or no, Dispute not that: York is the worthier. Cardinal. Ambitious Warwick, let thy betters speak. Warwick. The cardinal's not my better in the field. Buckingham. All in this presence are thy betters, Warwick. no Warwick. Warwick may live to be the best of all. Salisbury. Peace, son! and show some reason, Buckingham, Why Somerset should be preferred in this. Qyeen. Because the king, forsooth, will have it so. Gloucester. Madam, the king is old enough himself T o give his censure: these are no women's matters. ^jfeen. If he be old enough, what needs your grace To be Protector of his excellence ? Gloucester. Madam, I am Protector of the realm, And at his pleasure will resign my place. 120 Suffolk. Resign it then and leave thine insolence. Since thou wert king—as who is king but thou ?— The commonwealth hath daily run to wrack, The Dauphin hath prevailed beyond the seas, And all the peers and nobles of the realm Have been as bondmen to thy sovereignty. Cardinal. The commons hast thou racked; the clergy's bags Are lank and lean with thy extortions. Somerset. Thy sumptuous buildings and thy wife's attire Have cost a mass of public treasury. 130 Buckingham. Thy cruelty in execution Upon offenders hath exceeded law, And left thee to the mercy of the law. Qyeen. Thy sale of offices and towns in France,

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If they were known, as the suspect is great, Would make thee quickly hop without thy head. [Gloucester goes out. The Qyeen drops her fan Give me my fan: what, minion! can ye not? [she gives the Duchess a box on the ear I cry you mercy, madam; was it you? Duchess. Was't I! yea, I it was, proud Frenchwoman: Could I come near your beauty with my nails, 140 I'ld set my ten commandments in your face. King. Sweet aunt, be quiet; 'twas against her will. Duchess. Against her will! good king, look to't in time; She'll hamper thee, and dandle thee like a baby: Though in this place most master wear no breeches, She shall not strike Dame Eleanor unrevenged. [sweeps out

Buckingham. Lord Cardinal, I will follow Eleanor, And listen after Humphrey, how he proceeds: She's tickled now; her fury needs no spurs, She'll gallop far enough to her destruction. \_follows Re-enter GLOUCESTER 150

Gloucester. Now, lords, my choler being over-blown With walking once about the quadrangle, I come to talk of commonwealth affairs. As for your spiteful false objections, Prove them, and I lie open to the law: But God in mercy so deal with my soul, As I in duty love my king and country! But to the matter that we have in hand: I say, my sovereign, York is meetest man T o be your regent in the realm of France.

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Suffolk. Before we make election, give me leave To show some reason, of no little force, That York is most unmeet of any man. York. I'll tell thee, Suffolk, why I am unmeet: First, for I cannot flatter thee in pride; Next, if I be appointed for the place, My Lord of Somerset will keep me here, Without discharge, money, or furniture, Till France be won into the Dauphin's hands: Last time, I danced attendance on his will Till Paris was besieged, famished, and lost. Warwick. That can I witness, and a fouler fact Did never traitor in the land commit. Suffolk. Peace, headstrong Warwick! Warwick. Image of pride, why should I hold my peace ?

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Enter HORNER, the Armourer, and his man PETER, guarded Suffolk. Because here is a man accused of treason: Pray God the Duke of York excuse himself! York. Doth any one accuse York for a traitor ? King. What mean'st thou, Suffolk? tell me, what are these ? Suffolk. Please it your majesty, this is the man That doth accuse his master of high treason: 180 His words were these: that Richard Duke of York Was rightful heir unto the English crown And that your majesty was an usurper. King. Say, man, were these thy words ? Horner. An't shall please your majesty, I never said nor thought any such matter: God is my witness, I am falsely accused by the villain. Peter. By these ten bones, my lords, he did speak

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them to me in the garret one night, as we were scouring 190 my Lord of York's armour. York. Base dunghill villain and mechanical, I'll have thy head for this thy traitor's speech. I do beseech your royal majesty, Let him have all the rigour of the law. Homer. Alas, my lord, hang me, if ever I spake the words. My accuser is my prentice; and when I did correct him for his fault the other day, he did vow upon his knees he would be even with me: I have good witness of this; therefore I beseech your majesty, do not cast 200 away an honest man for a villain's accusation. King. Uncle, what shall we say to this in law? Gloucester. This doom, my lord, if I may judge: Let Somerset be regent o'er the French, Because in York this breeds suspicion: And let these have a day appointed them For single combat in convenient place, For he hath witness of his servant's malice: This is the law, and this Duke Humphrey's doom. Somerset. I humbly thank your royal majesty. 210 Homer. And I accept the combat willingly. Peter. Alas, my lord, I cannot fight: for God's sake, pity my case. The spite of man prevaileth against me. O Lord, have mercy upon me! I shall never be able to fight a blow. O Lord, my heart! Gloucester. Sirrah, or you must fight, or else be hanged. King. Away with them to prison; and the day of combat shall be the last of the next month. Come, Somerset, we'll see thee sent away, {flourish; they go

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[1.4.] A room with a gallery in Gloucester's house Enter the witch MARGERT JOURDAIN, and the two friests, HUM and SOUTHWELL, with BOLINGBROKE the conjuror Hum. Come, my masters; the duchess, I tell you, expects performance of your promises. Bolingbroke. Master Hum, we are therefore provided: will her ladyship behold and hear our exorcisms ? Hum. Ay, what else ? fear you not her courage. Bolingbroke. I have heard her reported to be a woman of an invincible spirit: but it shall be convenient, Master Hum, that you be by her aloft, while we be busy below; and so, I pray you, go, in God's name, and leave us. [Hum goes] Mother Jourdain, be you 10 prostrate and grovel on the earth; John Southwell, read you; and let us to our work. Enter DUCHESS aloft, HUM following Duchess. Well said, my masters; and welcome all. To this gear, the sooner the better. Bolingbroke. Patience, good lady, wizards know their times. Deep night, dark night, the silence of the night, The time of night when Troy was set on fire, The time when screech-owls cry and ban-dogs howl And spirits walk and ghosts break up their graves, That time best fits the work we have in hand. 20 Madam, sit you and fear not: whom we raise, We will make fast within a hallowed verge. [here they do the ceremonies be longing}and make the circle; Southwell reads, 'Conjuro te,' etc. It thunders and lightens terribly; then the spirit riseth

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Spirit. Adsum. Margery jFourdain. Asmath, By the eternal God, whose name and power Thou tremblest at, answer that I shall ask; For, till thou speak, thou shalt not pass from hence. Spirit. Ask what thou wilt. That I had said and done! Bolingbroke. 'First of the king: what shall of [reading out of a paper him become ?' 30 Spirit. The duke yet lives that Henry shall depose; But him outlive, and die a violent death. [as the spirit speaks, Southwell writes the answer Bolingbroke. 'What fates await the Duke of Suffolk ?' Spirit. By water shall he die, and take his end. Bolingbroke. 'What shall befall the Duke of Somerset?' Spirit. Let him shun castles; Safer shall he be upon the sandy plains Than where castles mounted stand. Have done, for more I hardly can endure. Bolingbroke. Descend to darkness and the burning lake! 40 False fiend, avoid! [thunder and lightning; spirit descends The DUKE OF YORK and the DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM

with their guard break in York. Lay hands upon these traitors and their trash. Beldam, I think we watched you at an inch. What! madam, are you there? the king and commonweal Are deeply indebted for this piece of pains: My Lord Protector will, I doubt it not, See you well guerdoned for these good deserts.

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Duchess. Not half so bad as thine to England's king, Injurious duke, that threatest where's no cause. Buckingham. True, madam, none at all: what call you this? Away with them! let them be clapped up close, 50 And kept asunder. You, madam, shall with us. Stafford, take her to thee. [Duchess and Hum are led off, guarded' We'll see your trinkets here all forthcoming. All, away! [Jourdain, Southwell, etc., also led off, guarded York. Lord Buckingham, methinks, you watched her well: A pretty plot, well chosen to build upon! Now, pray, my lord, let's see the devil's writ. What have we here? [reads ' T h e duke yet lives that Henry shall depose; But him outlive, and die a violent death.' 60 Why, this is just 'Aio te, Aeacida, Romanos vincere posse.' Well, to the rest: 'Tell me what fate awaits the Duke of Suffolk? By water shall he die, and take his end.' What shall betide the Duke of Somerset? ' Let him shun castles; Safer shall he be upon the sandy plains Than where castles mounted stand.' Come, come, my lords; 70 These oracles are hardly attained, And hardly understood. The king is now in progress towards Saint Albans, With him the husband of this lovely lady: Thither go these news, as fast as horse can carry them: A sorry breakfast for my Lord Protector. H.VI-II—5

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Buckingham. Your grace shall give me leave, my Lord of York, T o be the post, in hope of his reward. York. At your pleasure, my good lord. Who's within there, ho! Enter a Servingman 80 Invite my Lords of Salisbury and Warwick To sup with me to-morrow night. Away!

[2.1.]

[they go

Saint Alb am

Enter the KING, S>JJEEN, GLOUCESTER, CARDINAL, ana1 SUFFOLK, with falconers halloing Queen. Believe me, lords, for flying at the brook, I saw not better sport these seven years' day: Yet, by your leave, the wind was very high; And, ten to one, old Joan had not gone out. King. But what a point, my lord, your falcon made, And what a pitch she flew above the rest! T o see how God in all his creatures works! Yea, man and birds are fain of climbing high. Suffolk. No marvel, an it like your majesty, 10 My Lord Protector's hawks do tower so well; They know their master loves to be aloft And bears his thoughts above his falcon's pitch. Gloucester. My lord, 'tis but a base ignoble mind That mounts no higher than a bird can soar. Cardinal. I thought as much; he would be above the clouds. Gloucester. Ay, my Lord Cardinal?.how think you by that!

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Were it not good your grace could fly to heaven? King. The treasury of everlasting joy. Cardinal. Thy heaven is on earth; thine eyes and thoughts Beat on a crown, the treasure of thy heart, 20 Pernicious Protector, dangerous peer, That smooth'st it so with king and commonweal! Gloucester. What! Cardinal, is your priesthood grown peremptory? Tantaene animis coelestibus irae? Churchmen so hot? good uncle, hide such malice; With such holiness can you do it? Suffolk. No malice, sir; no more than well becomes So good a quarrel and so bad a peer. Gloucester. As who, my lord? Suffolk. Why, as you, my lord, An't like your lordly Lord-Protectorship. 30 Gloucester. Why, Suffolk, England knows thine insolence. Qjfeen. And thy ambition, Gloucester. King. I prithee, peace, good queen, And whet not on these furious peers, For blessed are the peacemakers on earth. Cardinal. Let me be blessed for the peace I make, Against this proud Protector, with my sword! {Gloucester. Faith, holy uncle, would 'twere come to that! {Cardinal. Marry, when thou dar'st. {Gloucester. Make up no factious numbers for the matter; 40 In thine own person answer thy abuse. {Cardinal. Ay, where thou dar'st not peep: an if thou dar'st, This evening, on the east side of the grove.

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King. How now, my lords! Cardinal. Believe me, cousin Gloucester, Had not your man put up the fowl so suddenly, We had had more sport. [aside] Come with, thy two-hand sword. Gloucester. True, uncle. {Cardinal. Are ye advised? the east side of the grove? {Gloucester. Cardinal, I am with you. King. Why, how now, uncle Gloucester! 50 Gloucester. Talking of hawking; nothing else, my lord. [aside] Now, by God's mother, priest, I'll shave your crown for this. Or all my fence shall fail. (Cardinal. Medice, teipsum— Protector, see to't well, protect yourself. King. The winds grow high, so do your stomachs, lords. How irksome is this music to my heart! When such strings jar, what hope of harmony? I pray, my lords, let me compound this strife; Enter a Townsman of Saint Allans, crying 'A miracle I' Gloucester. What means this noise? 60 Fellow, what miracle dost thou proclaim? Townsman. A miracle! a miracle! Suffolk. Come to the king and tell him what miracle. Townsman. Forsooth, a blind man at Saint Alban's shrine, Within this half-hour, hath received his sight; A man that ne'er saw in his life before.

2.1.66

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3*

King. Now, God be praised, that to believing souls Gives light in. darkness, comfort in despair! Enter the Mayor of Saint Albans and his brethren, bearing SIMPCOX between two in a chair, Simpcox*s Wife following Cardinal. Here comes the townsmen on procession, To present your highness with the man. King. Great is his comfort in this earthly vale, 70 Although by sight his sin. be multiplied. Gloucester. Stand by, my masters: bring him near the king; His highness' pleasure is to talk with him. King. Good fellow, tell us here the circumstance, That we for thee may glorify the Lord. What! hast thou been long blind and now restored? Simpcox. Born blind, an't please your grace. Wife. Ay, indeed, was he. Suffolk. What woman is this? Wife. His wife, an't like your worship. 80 Gloucester. Hadst thou been his mother, thou couldst have better told. King. Where wert thou born? Simpcox. At Berwick in the north, an't like your grace. King. Poor soul, God's goodness hath been great to thee: Let never day nor night unhallowed pass, But still remember what the Lord hath done. Qyeen. Tell me, good fellow, cam'st thou here by chance, Or of devotion, to this holy shrine ? Simpcox. God knows, of pure devotion; being called A hundred times and oftener, in my sleep, 90

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2.1.91

By good Saint Alban; who said, 'Simpcox, come, Come, offer at my shrine, and I will help thee.' Wife. Most true, forsooth; and many time and oft Myself have heard a voice to call him so. Cardinal. What, art thou lame? Simpcox. Ay, God Almighty help me! Suffolk. Howcam'st thou so? Sim•}
2.I.H4

KING

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33

Gloucester. But cloaks and gowns, before this day, a many. Wife. Never, before this day, in all his life. Gloucester. Tell me, sirrah, what's my name? Simpcox. Alas, master, I know not. Gloucester. What's his name? Simpcox. I know not. Gloucester. Nor his? 120 Simpcox. No, indeed, master. Gloucester. What's thine own name? Simpcox. Saunder Simpcox, an if it please you, master. Gloucester. Then, Saunder, sit there, the lyingest knave in Christendom. If thou hadst been born blind, thou mightst as well have known all our names as thus to name the several colours we do wear. Sight may distinguish of colours, but suddenly to nominate them all, it is impossible. My lords, Saint Alban here hath done a miracle; and would ye not think his cunning to 13° be great, that could restore this cripple to his legs again? Simpcox. O master, that you could! Gloucester. My masters of Saint Albans, have you not beadles in your town, and things called whips ? Mayor. Yes, my lord, if it please your grace. Gloucester. Then send for one presently. Mayor. Sirrah, go fetch the beadle hither straight. [an attendant obeys

Gloucester. Now fetch me a stool hither by and by. [they bring one] Now, sirrah, if you mean to save yourself from whipping, leap me over this stool and 140 run away. Simpcox. Alas, master, I am not able to stand alone: You go about to torture me in vain. Enter a Beadle with whips

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Gloucester. Well, sir, we must have you find your legs. Sirrah beadle, whip him till he leap over that same stool. Beadle. I will, my lord. Come on, sirrah; off with your doublet quickly. Simpcox. Alas, master, what shall I do? I am not able 150 to stand. [after the Beadle hath hit him once, he leaps over the stool and runs away; and they follow and cry, ''A miracle!' King. O God, seest Thou this, and bearest so long? Queen. It made me laugh to see the villain run. Gloucester. Follow the knave, and take this drab away. Wife. Alas, sir, we did it for pure need. Gloucester. Let them be whipped through every market-town, till they come to Berwick, from whence they came. [the Mayor etc. depart, followed by the Beadle haling off Simpcox's Wife Cardinal. Duke Humphrey has done a miracle to-day. Suffolk. True; made the lame to leap and fly away. 160 Gloucester. But you have done more miracles than I; You made in a day, my lord, whole towns to fly. Enter BUCKINGHAM King. What tidings with our cousin Buckingham? Buckingham. Such as my heart doth tremble to unfold. A sort of naughty persons, lewdly bent, Under the countenance and confederacy Of Lady Eleanor, the Protector's wife, The ringleader and head of all this rout, Have practised dangerously against your state, Dealing with witches and with conjurors:

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35

Whom we. have apprehended in the fact; 170 Raising up wicked spirits from under ground, Demanding of King Henry's life and death, And other of your highness' Privy Council; As more at large your grace shall understand. {Cardinal \to Gloucester}. And so, my Lord Protector, by this means Your lady is forthcoming yet at London. This news, I think, hath turned your weapon's edgej 'Tis like, my lord, you will not keep your hour. (Gloucester. Ambitious churchman, leave to afflict my heart: Sorrow and grief have vanquished all my powers; 180 And, vanquished as I am, I yield to thee, Or to the meanest groom. King. O God, what mischiefs work the wicked ones, Heaping confusion on their own heads thereby! Qyeen. Gloucester, see here the tainture of thy nest, And look thyself be faultless, thou wert best. Gloucester. Madam, for myself, to heaven I do appeal, How I have loved my king and commonweal: And, for my wife, I know not how it stands; Sorry I am to hear what I have heard: 190 Noble she is, but if she have forgot Honour and virtue and conversed with such As, like to pitch, defile nobility, I banish her my bed and company And give her as a prey to law and shame, That hath dishonoured Gloucester's honest name. King. Well, for this night we will repose us here: To-morrow toward London back again, To look into this business thoroughly

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200 And call these foul offenders to their answers, And poise the cause in justice' equal scales, Whose beam stands sure, whose rightful cause prevails. [flourish; they go

[2.2.]

London. The Duke of York's garden Enter YORK, SALISBURT, and WARWICK.

York. Now, my good Lords of Salisbury and Warwick, Our simple supper ended, give me leave In this close walk to satisfy myself, In craving your opinion of my title, Which is infallible, to England's crown. Salisbury. My lord, I long to hear it at full. Warwick. Sweet York, begin: and if thy claim be good, The Nevils are thy subjects to command. York. Then thus: 10 Edward the Third, my lords, had seven sons: The first, Edward the Black Prince, Prince of Wales; The second, William of Hatfield; and the third, Lionel Duke of Clarence; next to whom Was John of Gaunt, the Duke of Lancaster; The fifth was Edmund Langley, Duke of York; The sixth was Thomas of Woodstock, Duke of Gloucester; William of Windsor was the seventh and last. Edward the Black Prince died before his fathei And left behind him Richard, his only son, 20 Who after Edward the Third's death reigned as king; Till Henry Bolingbroke, Duke of Lancaster,

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KING

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37

The eldest son and heir of John of Gaunt, Crowned by the name of Henry the Fourth, Seized on the realm, deposed the rightful king, Sent his poor queen to France, from whence she came, And him to Pomfret; where, as all you know, Harmless Richard was murdered traitorously. Warwick. Father, the duke hath told the truth; Thus got the house of Lancaster the crown. York. Which now they hold by force and not by right; For Richard, the first son's heir, being dead, The issue of the next son should have reigned. Salisbury. But William of Hatfield died without an heir. York. The third son, Duke of Clarence, from whose line I claim the crown, had issue, Philippa, a daughter, Who married Edmund Mortimer, Earl of March: Edmund had issue, Roger Earl of March; Roger had issue, Edmund, Anne and Eleanor. Salisbury. This Edmund, in the reign of Bolingbroke, As I have read, laid claim unto the crown; And, but for Owen Glendower, had been king, Who kept him in captivity till he died. But to the rest. York. His eldest sister, Anne, My mother, being heir unto the crown, Married Richard Earl of Cambridge; who was son To Edmund Langley, Edward the Third's fifth son. By her I claim the kingdom: she was heir To Roger Earl of March, who was the son Of Edmund Mortimer, who married Philippa,

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50 Sole daughter unto Lionel Duke of Clarence: So, if the issue of the elder son Succeed before the younger, I am king. Warwick. What plain proceeding is more plain than this ? Henry doth claim the crown from John of Gaunt, The fourth son; York claims it from the third. Till Lionel's issue fails, his should not reign: It fails not yet, but flourishes in thee And in thy sons, fair slips of such a stock. Then, father Salisbury, kneel we together? 60 And in this private plot be we the first That shall salute our rightful sovereign With honour of his birthright to the crown. Both. Long live our sovereign Richard, England's king! York. We thank you, lords. But I am not your king Till I be crowned and that my sword be stained With heart-blood of the house of Lancaster; And that's not suddenly to be performed, But with advice and silent secrecy. Do you as I do in these dangerous days: 70 Wink at the Duke of Suffolk's insolence, At Beaufort's pride, at Somerset's ambition, At Buckingham and all the crew of them, Till they have snared the shepherd of the flock, That virtuous prince, the good Duke Humphrey: 'Tis that they seek, and they in seeking that Shall find their deaths, if York can prophesy. Salisbury. My lord, break we off; we know your mind at full. Warwick. My heart assures me that the Earl of Warwick Shall one day make the Duke of York a king.

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York. And, Nevil, this I do assure myself: 80 Richard shall live to make the Earl of Warwick The greatest man in England but the king. [they go

[2.3.]

A hall of justice

Sound trumpets. Enter the KING, the QJJEEN, GLOUCESTER, YORK, SUFFOLK, andSALiseuRr,- the DUCHESS OF GLOUCESTER, MARGERT JOURDAIN, HUM, and BOLINGBROKE, under guard

SOUTHWELL,

King. Stand forth, Dame Eleanor Cobham, Gloucester's wife: In sight of God and us, your guilt is great: Receive the sentence of the law for sins Such as by God's book are adjudged to death. You four, from hence to prison back again; From thence unto the place of execution: The witch in Smithfield shall be burnt to ashes, And you three shall be strangled on the gallows. You, madam, for you are more nobly born, Despoiled of your honour in your life, Shall, after three days' open penance done, Live in your country here in banishment, With Sir John Stanley, in the Isle of Man. Duchess. Welcome is banishment, welcome were my death. Gloucester. Eleanor, the law thou seest hath, judged thee: I cannot justify whom the law condemns. [the Duchess and other prisoners are led azoay, guarded

Mine eyes are full of tears, my heart of grief.

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Ah, Humphrey, this dishonour in thine age Will bring thy head with sorrow to the ground! 20 I beseech your majesty, give me leave to go; Sorrow would solace and mine age would ease. King. Stay, Humphrey Duke of Gloucester: ere thou go, Give up thy staff: Henry will to himself Protector be; and God shall be my hope, My stay, my guide and lantern to my feet: And go in peace, Humphrey, no less beloved Than when thou wert Protector to thy king. Qyeen. I see no reason why a king of years Should be to be protected like a child. 30 God and King Henry govern England's realm. Give up your staff, sir, and the king his realm. Gloucester. My staff? here, noble Henry, is my staff: As willingly do I the same resign As e'er thy father Henry made it mine; And even as willingly at thy feet I leave it As others would ambitiously receive it. Farewell, good king: when I am dead and gone, May honourable peace attend thy throne! [he goes §>j/een. Why, now is Henry king, and Margaret queen; 40 And Humphrey Duke of Gloucester scarce himself, That bears so shrewd a maim; two pulls at once: His lady banished, and a limb lopped off— This staff of honour raught. There let it stand Where it best fits to be, in Henry's hand. Suffolk. Thus droops this lofty pine and hangs his sprays; Thus Eleanor's pride dies in her youngest days. Tork. Lords, let him go. Please it your majesty, This is the day appointed for the combat,

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And ready are the appellant and defendant, The armourer and his man, to enter the lists, 50 So please your highness to behold the fight. Queen. Ay, good my lord; for purposely therefore Left I the court, to see this quarrel tried. King. O'God's name, see the lists and all things fits Here let them end it; and God defend the rightl York. I never saw a fellow worse bested, Or more afraid to fight, than is the appellant, The servant of this armourer, my lords. Enter at one door the Armourer, and his neighbours, drinking to him so much that he is drunk} and he enters with a drum before him and his staff with a sand-bag fastened to it; and at the other door his man, with a drum and sand-bag, and Prentices drinking to him 1 Neighbour. Here, neighbour Homer, I drink to you in a cup of sack: and fear not, neighbour, you shall do 60 well enough. 2 Neighbour. And here, neighbour, here's a cup of charneco. 3 Neighbour. And here's a pot of good double beer, neighbour: drink, and fear not your man. Homer. Let it come, i'faith, and I'll pledge you all, and a fig for Peter! 1 Prentice. Here, Peter, I drink to thee, and be not afraid. 2 Prentice. Be merry, Peter, and fear not thy master: 70 fight for credit of the prentices. Peter. I thank you all: drink, and pray for me, I pray you; for I think I have taken my last draught in this world. Here, Robin, an if I die, I give thee my apron? and, Will, thou shalt have my hammer: and here, Tom, take all the money that I have. O Lord bless me! I pray

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2.3.77

God! for I am never able to deal with my master, he hath learnt so much fence already. Salisbury. Come, leave your drinking, and fall to blows. 80 Sirrah, what's thy name? Peter. Peter, forsooth. Salisbury. Peter! what more? Peter. Thump. Salisbury. Thump! then see thou thump thy master Well. Homer. Masters, I am come hither, as it were upon my man's instigation, to prove him a knave and myself an honest man: and touching the Duke of York, I will take my death, I never meant him any ill, nor the king, 90 nor the queen: and therefore, Peter, have at thee with a downright blow! York. Dispatch: this knave's tongue begins to double. Sound, trumpets, alarum to the combatants! [alarum; they fight, and Peter strikes him down Homer. Hold, Peter, hold! I confess, I confess treason. [dies York. Take away his weapon. Fellow, thank God, and the good wine in thy master's way. Peter. O God, have I overcome mine enemy in this presence? O Peter, thou hast prevailed in right! King. Go, take hence that traitor from our sight; 100 For by his death we do perceive his guilt; And God in justice hath revealed to us The truth and innocence of this poor fellow, Which he had thought to have murdered wrongfully. Come, fellow, follow us for thy reward. [sound a flourish; they go

3.4.1

KING HENRY VI

[2.4.]

A street

43

Enter DUKE HUMPHRET and Ms men, in mourning cloaks Gloucester. Thus sometimes hath the brightest day a cloud; And after summer evermore succeeds Barren winter with his wrathful nipping cold: So cares and joys abound, as seasons fleet. Sirs, what's o'clock? Servant. Ten, my lord. Gloucester. Ten is the hour that was appointed me T o watch the coming of my punished duchess % Uneath may she endure the flinty streets, To tread them with her tender-feeling feet. Sweet Nell, ill can thy noble mind abrook 10 The abject people gazing on thy face, With envious looks, laughing at thy shame, That erst did follow thy proud chariot-wheels When thou didst ride in triumph through the streets. But, soft! I think she comes, and I'll prepare My tear-stained eyes to see her miseries. Enter the DUCHESS in a white sheet, and a taper burning in her hand; with the Sheriff, and officers; thereafter, SIR JOHN STAN LET and a guard with bills and halberds Servant. So please your grace, we'll take her from the sheriff". Gloucester. No, stir not for your lives, let her pass by. Duchess. Come you, my lord, to see my open shame ? Now thou dost penance too. Look how they gaze! 20 See how the giddy multitude do point,

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And nod their heads, and throw their eyes on thee! Ah, Gloucester, hide thee from their hateful looks, And, in thy closet pent up, rue my shame, And ban thine enemies, both mine and thine! Gloucester. Be patient, gentle Nell; forget this grief. Duchess. Ah, Gloucester, teach me to forget myself! For whilst I think I am thy married wife And thou a prince, Protector of this land, 30 Methinks I should not thus be led along, Mailed up in shame, with papers on my back, And followed with a rabble that rejoice T o see my tears and hear my deep-fet groans. The ruthless flint doth cut my tender feet, And when I start, the envious people laugh And bid me be advised how I tread. Ah, Humphrey, can I bear this shameful yoke? Trow'st thou that e'er I'll look upon the world Or count them happy that enjoy the sun? 40 No; dark shall be my light and night my day; T o think upon my pomp shall be my hell. Sometime I'll say, I am Duke Humphrey's wife, And he a prince and ruler of the land: Yet so he ruled and such a prince he was As he stood by whilst I, his forlorn duchess, Was made a wonder and a pointing-stock T o every idle rascal follower. But be thou mild and blush not at my shame, Nor stir at nothing till the axe of death 50 Hang over thee, as, sure, it shortly will; For Suffolk—he that can do all in all With her that hateth thee and hates us all— And York and impious Beaufort, that false priest, Have all limed bushes to betray thy wings, And, fly thou how thou canst, they'll tangle thee:

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45

But fear not thou, until thy foot be snared, Nor never seek prevention of thy foes. Gloucester. Ah, Nell, forbear! thou aimest all awry; I must offend before I be attainted; 60 And had I twenty times so many foes, And each of them had twenty times their power, All these could not procure me any scathe, So long as I am loyal, true and crimeless. Wouldst have me rescue thee from this reproach ? Why, yet thy scandal were not wiped away, But I in danger for the breach of law. Thy greatest help is quiet, gentle Nell: I pray thee, sort thy heart to patience; These few days' wonder will be quickly worn. Enter a Herald Herald. I summon your grace to his majesty's parliament, 70 Holden at Bury the first of this next month. Gloucester. And my consent ne'er asked herein before! This is close dealing. Well, I will be there. [Herald goes

My Nell, I take my leave: and, master sheriff, Let not her penance exceed the king's commission. Sheriff. An't please your grace, here my commission stays, And Sir John Stanley is appointed now To take her with him to the Isle of Man. Gloucester. Must you, Sir John, protect my lady here ? Stanley. So am I given in charge, may't please 80 your grace. Gloucester. Entreat her not the worse in that I pray You use her well: the world may laugh again; And I may live to do you kindness if

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You do it her: and so, Sir John, farewell! Duchess. What! gone, my lord, and bid me not farewell! Gloucester. Witness my tears, I cannot stay to speak. [Gloucester and serving-men depart

Duchess. Art thou gone too? all comfort go with thee! For none abides with me: my joy is death— Death, at whose name I oft have been afeared, 90 Because I wished this world's eternity. Stanley, I prithee, go, and take me hence; I care not whither, for I beg no favour; Only convey me where thou art commanded. Stanley. Why, madam, that is to the Isle of Man j There to be used according to your state. Duchess. That's bad enough, for I am but reproach: And shall I then be used reproachfully? Stanley. Like to a duchess, and Duke Humphrey's lady; According to that state you shall be used. 100 Duchess. Sheriff, farewell, and better than I fare, Although thou hast been conduct of my shame. Sheriff. It is my office; and, madam, pardon me. Duchess. Ay, ay, farewell; thy office is discharged. Come, Stanley, shall we go? Stanley. Madam, your penance done, throw off this sheet, And go we to attire you for our journey. Duchess. My shame will not be shifted with. my sheet: No, it will hang upon my richest robes, And show itself, attire me how I can. n o Go, lead the way; I long to see my prison. [they go

3 .i.i

KING HENRY VI

[3.1.]

47

The Abbey at Bury St Edmunds

Sound a Sennet. Enter KING, §>J7EEN, CARDINAL, SUFFOLK, YORK, BUCKINGHAM, SALISBURT and WARWICK to the Parliament King. I muse my Lord of Gloucester is not come: 'Tis not his wont to be the hindmost man, Whate'er occasion keeps him from us now. • Qjieen. Can you not see ? or will ye not observe The strangeness of his altered countenance ? With what a majesty he bears himself, How insolent of late he is become, How proud, how peremptory, and unlike himself? We know the time since he was mild and affable, And if we did but glance a far-off look, Immediately he was upon his knee, That all the court admired him for submission: But meet him now, and, be it in the morn, When every one will give the time of day, He knits his brow and shows an angry eye And passeth by with stiff unbowed knee, Disdaining duty that to us belongs. Small curs are not regarded when they grin; But great men tremble when the lion roars; And Humphrey is no little man in England. First note that he is near you in descent, And should you fall, he is the next will mount. Me seemeth then it is no policy, Respecting what a rancorous mind he bears And his advantage following your decease, That he should come about your royal person Or be admitted to your highness' council. By flattery hath he won the commoas' hearts, H.VI-II

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And when he please to make commotion, 'Tis to be feared they all will follow him. Now 'tis the spring, and weeds are shallow-rooted; Suffer them now, and they'll o'ergrow the gardea And choke the herbs for want of husbandry. The reverent care I bear unto my lord Made me collect these dangers in the duke. If it be fond, call it a woman's fear; Which fear if better reasons can supplant, I will subscribe and say I wronged the duke. My Lord of Suffolk, Buckingham, and York, Reprove my allegation, if you can; Or else conclude my words effectual. Suffolk. Well hath your highness seen into this duke; And, had I first been put to speak my mind, I think I should have told your grace's tale. The duchess by his subornation, Upon my life, began her devilish practices: Or, if he were not privy to those faults, Yet, by reputing of his high descent, As next the king he was successive heir, And such high vaunts of his nobility, Did instigate the bedlam brain-sick duchess By wicked means to frame our sovereign's fall. Smooth runs the water where the brook is deep; And in his simple show he harbours treason. The fox barks not when he would steal the lamb. No, no, my sovereign; Gloucester is a man Unsounded yet and full of deep deceit. Cardinal. Did he not, contrary to form of law, Devise strange deaths for small offences done? York. And did he not, in his protectorship, Levy great sums of money through the realm

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For soldiers' pay in France, and never sent it ? By means whereof the towns each day revolted. Buckingham. Tut, these are petty faults to faults unknown, Which time will bring to light in smooth Duke Humphrey. King. My lords, at once: the care you have of us, To mow down thorns that would annoy our foot, Is worthy praise: but, shall I speak my conscience, Our kinsman Gloucester is as innocent From meaning treason to our royal person As is the sucking lamb or harmless dove: The duke is virtuous, mild, and too well given T o dream on evil or to work my downfall. Sfjieen. Ah, what's more dangerous than this fond affiance! Seems he a dove ? his feathers are but borrowed, For he's disposed as the hateful raven: Is he a lamb ? his skin is surely lent him, For he's inclined as is the ravenous wolf. Who cannot steal a shape that means deceit ? Take heed, my lord; the welfare of us all Hangs on the cutting short that fraudful man. Enter SOMERSET Somerset. All health unto my gracious sovereign! King. Welcome, Lord Somerset. What news from France? Somerset. That all your interest in those territories Is utterly bereft you; all is lost. King. Cold news, Lord Somerset: but God's will be done! {York. Cold news for me; for I had hope of France

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As firmly as I hope for fertile England. Thus are my blossoms blasted in the bud 90 And caterpillars eat my leaves away; But I will remedy this gear ere long, Or sell my title for a glorious grave. Enter GLOUCESTER Gloucester. All happiness unto my lord the king! Pardon, my liege, that I have stayed so long. Suffolk. Nay, Gloucester, know that thou art come too soon, Unless thou wert more loyal than thou art: I do arrest thee of high treason here. Gloucester. Well, Suffolk, thou shalt not see me blush Nor change my countenance for this arrest: 100 A heart unspotted is not easily daunted. The purest spring is not so free from mud As I am clear from treason to my sovereign. Who can accuse me? wherein am I guilty? York. 'Tis thought, my lord, that you took bribes of France, And, being Protector, stayed the soldiers' pay; By means whereof his highness hath lost France. Gloucester. Is it but thought so? what are they that think it? I never robbed the soldiers of their pay, Nor ever had one penny bribe from France. n o So help me God, as I have watched the night, Ay, night by night, in studying good for England! That doit that e'er I wrested from the king, Or any groat I hoarded to my use, Be brought against me at my trial-day! No; many a pound of mine own proper store,

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51

Because I would not tax the needy commons, Have I dispursed to the garrisons, And never asked for restitution. Cardinal. It serves you well, my lord, to say so much. Gloucester. I say no more than truth, so help me God! York. In your protectorship you did devise Strange tortures for offenders never heard of, That England was defamed by tyranny. Gloucester. Why, 'tis well known that, whiles I was Protector, Pity was all the fault that was in me; For I should melt at an offender's tears, And lowly words were ransom for their fault. Unless it were a bloody murderer^ Or foul felonious thief that fleeced poor passengers, I never gave them condign punishment: Murder indeed, that bloody sin, I tortured Above the felon or what trespass else. Suffolk. My lord, these faults are easy, quickly answered: But mightier crimes are laid unto your charge, Whereof you cannot easily purge yourself. I do arrest you in his highness' name; And here commit you to my Lord Cardinal To keep, until your further time of trial. King. My lord of Gloucester, 'tis my special hope That you will clear yourself from all suspense. My conscience tells me you are innocent. Gloucester. Ah, gracious lord, these days are dangerous: Virtue is choked with foul ambition, And charity chased hence by rancour's hand;

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Foul subornation is predominant, And equity exiled your highness' land. I know their complot is to have my life, And if my death might make this island happy, And prove the period of their tyranny, 150 I would expend it with all willingness: But mine is made the prologue to their play; For thousands more, that yet suspect no peril, Will not conclude their plotted tragedy. Beaufort's red sparkling eyes blab his heart's malice And Suffolk's cloudy brow his stormy hate; Sharp Buckingham unburthens with his tongue The envious load that lies upon his heart; And dogged York, that reaches at the moon, Whose overweening arm I have plucked back, 160 By false accuse doth level at my life: And you, my sovereign lady, with the rest, Causeless have laid disgraces on my head And with your best endeavour have stirred up My liefest liege to be mine enemy: Ay, all of you have laid your heads together— Myself had notice of your conventicles— And all to make away my guiltless life. I shall not want false witness to condemn me, Nor store of treasons to augment my guilt; 170 The ancient proverb will be well effected: 'A staff is quickly found to beat a dog.' Cardinal. My liege, his railing is intolerable. If those that care to keep your royal person From treason's secret knife and traitors' rage Be thus upbraided, chid, and rated at, And the offender granted scope of speech, 'Twill make them cool in zeal unto your grace. Suffolk. Hath he not twit our sovereign lady here

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With ignominious words, though clerkly couched, 180 As if she had suborned some to swear False allegations to o'erthrow his state? Queen. But I can give the loser leave to chide. Gloucester. Far truer spoke than meant: I lose, indeed; Beshrew the winners, for they played me false! And well such losers may have leave to speak. Buckingham. He'll wrest the sense and hold us here all day: Lord Cardinal, he is your prisoner. Cardinal. Sirs, take away the duke, and guard him sure. Gloucester. Ah! thus King Henry throws away his crutch Before his legs be firm to bear his body. 190 Thus is the shepherd beaten from thy side And wolves are gnarling who shall gnaw thee first. Ah, that my fear were false! ah, that it were! For, good King Henry, thy decay I fear. \ke goes under guard King. My lords, what to your wisdoms seemeth best, Do or undo, as if ourself were here. §lyeen.. What, will your highness leave the" parliament ? King. Ay, Margaret; my heart is drowned with grief, Whose flood begins to flow within mine eyes; My body round engirt with misery: 200 For what's more miserable than discontent? Ah, uncle Humphrey! in thy face I see The map of honour, truth, and loyalty: And yet, good Humphrey, is the hour to come

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That e'er I proved thee false or feared thy faith. What louring star now envies thy estate, That these great lords and Margaret our queen Do seek subversion of thy harmless life? Thou never didst them wrong nor no man wrong; 210 And as the butcher takes away the calf And binds the wretch and beats it when it strays, Bearing it to the bloody slaughter-house, Even so remorseless have they borne him hence; And as the dam runs lowing up and down, Looking the way her harmless young one went, And can do nought but wail her darling's loss, Even so myself bewails good Gloucester's case With sad unhelpful tears, and with dimmed eyes Look after him and cannot do him good, 220 So mighty are his vowed enemies. His fortunes I will weep and 'twixt each groan Say 'Who's a traitor? Gloucester he is none.' [he goes out and all follow but Qjfeen, Cardinal Beaufort, Suffolk, and York, together with Somerset, who remains apart Queen. Free lords, cold snow melts with the sun's, hot beams. Henry my lord is cold in great affairs, Too full of foolish pity; and Gloucester's show Beguiles him as the mournful crocodile With sorrow snares relenting passengers, Or as the snake rolled in a flow'ring bank, With shining checkered slough, doth sting a child 230 That for the beauty thinks it excellent. Believe me, lords, were none more wise than I— And yet herein I judge mine own wit good— This Gloucester should be quickly rid the world, T o rid us from the fear we have of him.

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Cardinal. That he should die is worthy policy; But yet we want a colour for his death: 'Tis meet he be condemned by course of law. Suffolk. But, in my mind, that were no policy r The king will labour still to save his life, 240 The commons haply rise, to save his life; And yet we have but trivial argument, More than mistrust, that shows him worthy death. York. So that, by this, you would not have him die. Suffolk. Ah, York, no man alive so fain as I! York. 'Tis York that hath more reason for his death. But, my Lord Cardinal, and you, my Lord of Suffolk, Say as you think, and speak it from your souls: Were't not all one, an empty eagle were set To guard the chicken from a hungry kite, 250 As place Duke Humphrey for the king's Protector? Queen. So the poor chicken should be sure of death. Suffolk. Madam, 'tis true; and were't not madness, then, To make the fox surveyor of the fold? Who being accused a crafty murderer, His guilt should be but idly posted over, Because his purpose is not executed. No; let him die, in that he is a fox, By nature proved an enemy to the flock, Before his chaps be stained with crimson blood, As Humphrey's, proved by reasons, to my liege. 2 6o And do not stand on quillets how to slay him: Be it by gins, by snares, by subtlety, Sleeping or waking, 'tis no matter how, So he be dead; for that is good deceit Which mates him first that first intends deceit. Queen. Thrice-noble Suffolk, 'tis resolutely spoke.

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Suffolk. Not resolute, except so much were done; For things are often spoke and seldom meant: But that my heart accordeth with my tongue, 270 Seeing the deed is meritorious, And to preserve my sovereign from his foe, Say but the word, and I will be his priest. Cardinal. But I would have him dead, my Lord of Suffolk, Ere you can take due orders for a priest: Say you consent and censure well the deed, And I'll provide his executioner, I tender so the safety of my liege. Suffolk. Here is my hand, the deed is worthy doing. Qyeen. And so say I. 280 York. And I: and now we three have spoke it, It skills not greatly who impugns our doom. Enter a Post Post. Great lords, from Ireland am I come amain, T o signify that rebels there are up And put the Englishmen unto the sword: Send succours, lords, and stop the rage betime, Before the wound do grow uncurable; For, being green, there is great hope of help. Cardinal. A breach that craves a quick expedient stop! What counsel give you in this weighty cause? 290 York. That Somerset be sent as regent thither: 'Tis meet that lucky ruler be employed; Witness the fortune he hath had in France. Somerset. If York, with all his far-fet policy, Had been the regent there instead of me, He never would have stayed in France so long. York. No, not to lose it all, as thou hast done:

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I rather would have lost my life betimes Than bring a burden of dishonour homeBy staying there so long till all were lost. Show me one scar charactered on thy skin: 300 Men's flesh preserved so whole do seldom win. Qyeen. Nay, then, this spark will prove a raging fire, If wind and fuel be brought to feed it with: No more, good York; sweet Somerset, be still: Thy fortune, York, hadst thou been regent there, Might happily have proved far worse than his. York. What! worse than nought? nay, then, a shame take all! Somerset. And, in the number, thee that wishest shame! Cardinal. My Lord of York, try what your fortune is. Th'uncivil kerns of Ireland are in arms 3,1a And temper clay with blood of Englishmen: T o Ireland will you lead a band of men, Collected choicely, from each county some, And try your hap against the Irishmen? York. I will, my lord, so please his majesty. Suffolk. Why, our authority is his consent, And what we do establish he confirms: Then, noble York, take thou this task in hand. York. I am content: provide me soldiers, lords, Whiles I take order for mine own affairs. 320 Suffolk. A charge, Lord York, that I will see performed. But now return we to the false Duke Humphrey. Cardinal. No more of him; for I will deal with him That henceforth he shall trouble us no more. And so break off; the day is almost spent: Lord SufFolk, you and I must talk of that event.

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York. My Lord of Suffolk, within fourteen days At Bristow I expect my soldiers; For there I'll ship them all for Ireland. 330 Suffolk. I'll see it truly done, my Lord of York. {they go forth, leaving York behind York. Now, York, or never, steel thy fearful thoughts, And change misdoubt to resolution: Be that thou hop'st to be, or what thou art Resign to death; it is not worth th'enjoying: Let pale-faced fear keep with the mean-born man, And find no harbour in a royal heart. Faster than spring-time showers comes thought on thought, And not a thought but thinks on dignity. My brain more busy than the labouring spider 340 Weaves tedious snares to trap mine enemies. Well, nobles, well, 'tis politicly done, T o send me packing with an host of men: I fear me you but warm the starved snake, Who, cherished in your breasts, will sting your hearts. 'Twas men I lacked, and you will give them me: I take it kindly; yet be well assured You put sharp weapons in a madman's hands. Whiles I in Ireland nourish a mighty band, I will stir up in England some black storm 350 Shall blow ten thousand souls to heaven or hell; And this fell tempest shall not cease to rage Until the golden circuit on my head, Like to the glorious sun's transparent beams, Do calm the fury of this mad-bred flaw. And, for a minister of my intent, I have seduced a headstrong Kentishman, John Cade of Ashford,

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T o make commotion, as full well he can. Under the title of John Mortimer. In Ireland have I seen this stubborn Cade 360 Oppose himself against a troop of kerns, And fought so long, till that his thighs with darts Were almost like a sharp-quilled porpentine; And, in the end being rescued, I have seen Him caper upright like a wild Morisco, Shaking the bloody darts as he his bells. Full often, like a shag-haired crafty kern, Hath he conversed with the enemy, And undiscovered come to me again And given me notice of their villanies. 370 This devil here shall be my substitute; For that John Mortimer, which now is dead, In face, in gait, in speech, he doth resemble: By this I shall perceive the commons' mind, How they affect the house and claim of York. Say he be taken, racked, and tortured, I know no pain they can inflict upon him Will make him say I moved him to those arms. Say that he thrive, as 'tis great like he will, Why, then from Ireland come I with my strength 380 And reap the harvest which that rascal sowed. For Humphrey being dead, as he shall be, [he goes And Henry put apart, the next for me.

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[3.2.] Bury St "Edmunds. A room of state, with curtains at the back concealing a room beyond Enter certain Murderers, hastily, from behind the curtains 1 Murderer. Run to my Lord of Suffolk; let him know We have dispatched the duke, as he commanded. 2 Murderer. O that it were to do! What have we done? Didst ever hear a man so penitent? Enter SUFFOLK. I Murderer. Here comes my lord. Suffolk. Now, sirs, have you dispatched this thing? I Murderer. Ay, my good lord, he's dead. Suffolk. Why, that's well said. Go, get you to my house; I will reward you for this venturous deed. 10 The king and all the peers are here at hand. Have you laid fair the bed? Is all things well, According as I gave directions ? 1 Murderer. 'Tis, my good lord. Suffolk. Away! be gone. [Murderers go Sound trumpets. Enter the KING, the QJJEEN, CARDINAL, SOMERSET, with attendants King. Go, call our uncle to our presence straight; Say we intend to try his grace to-day, If he be guilty, as 'tis published. Suffolk. I'll call him presently, my noble lord. [goes within

King. Lords, take your places; and, I pray you all, 20 Proceed no straiter 'gainst our uncle Gloucester

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Than from true evidence of good esteem He be approved in practice culpable. Qyeen. God forbid any malice should prevail, That faultless may condemn a nobleman! Pray God he may acquit him of suspicion! King. I thank thee, fNell; these words content me much. Re-enter SUFFOLK How now! why look'st thou pale? why tremblest thou? Where is our uncle? what's the matter, Suffolk? Suffolk. Dead in his bed, my lord; Gloucester is dead. Qyeen. Marry, God forfend! 30 Cardinal. God's secret judgement: I did dream to-night The duke was dumb and could not speak a word. [the King swoons Queen. How fares my lord? Help, lords! the king is dead. Somerset. Rear up his body; wring him by the nose. Queen. Run, go, help, help! O Henry, ope thine eyes! Suffolk. He doth revive again: madam, be patient. King. O heavenly God! Queen. How fares my gracious lord? Suffolk. Comfort, my sovereign! gracious Henry, comfort! King. What! doth my Lord of Suffolk comfort me? Came he right now to sing a raven's note, 40 Whose dismal tune bereft my vital powers; And thinks he that the chirping of a wren, By crying comfort from a hollow breast, Can chase away the first-conceived sound ? Hide not thy poison with such sugared words;

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Lay not thy hands on me; forbear, I say; Their touch affrights me as a serpent's sting. Thou baleful messenger, out of my sighti Upon thy eye-balls murderous tyranny 50 Sits in grim majesty, to fright the world. Look not upon me, for thine eyes are wounding? Yet do not go away: come, basilisk, And kill the innocent gazer with thy sight; For in the shade of death I shall find joy; In life but double death, now Gloucester's dead. £>j/een. Why do you rate my Lord of Suffolk thus? Although the duke was enemy to him, Yet he most Christian-like laments his deaths And for myself, foe as he was to me, 60 Might liquid tears or heart-offending groans Or blood-consuming sighs recall his life, I would be blind with weeping, sick with groans, Look pale as primrose with blood-drinking sighs, And all to have the noble duke alive. What know I how the world may deem of me? For it is known we were but hollow friends: It may be judged I made the duke away; So shall my name with slander's tongue be wounded, And princes' courts be filled with my reproach. 70 This get I by his death: ay me, unhappy! T o be a queen, and crowned with infamy! King. Ah, woe is me for Gloucester, wretched man! Qgeea. Be woe for me, more wretched than he is. What! dost thou turn away and hide thy face? I am no loathsome leper; look on me. What! art thou, like the adder, waxen deaf? Be poisonous too and kill thy forlorn queen. Is all thy comfort shut in Gloucester's tomb?

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Why, then, Dame f Eleanor was ne'er thy joy. Erect his statua and worship it, And make my image but an alehouse sign. Was I for this nigh wrecked upon the sea And twice by awkward wind from England's bank Drove back again unto my native clime? What boded this, but well forewarning wind Did seem to say 'Seek not a scorpion's nest, Nor set no footing on this unkind shore?' What did I then, but cursed the gentle gusts And he that loosed them forth their brazen caves; And bid them blow towards England's blessed shore, Or turn our stern upon a dreadful rock? Yet Aeolus would not be a murderer, But left that hateful office unto thee: The pretty vaulting sea refused to drown me, Knowing that thou wouldst have me drowned on shore, With tears as salt as sea, through thy unkindness; The splitting rocks cowered in the sinking sands And would not dash me with their ragged sides, Because thy flinty heart, more hard than they, Might in thy palace perish t Eleanor. As far as I could ken thy chalky cliffs, When from thy shore the tempest beat us back, I stood upon the hatches in the storm, And when the dusky sky began to rob My earnest-gaping sight of thy land's view, I took a costly jewel from my neck— A heart it was, bound in with diamonds— And threw it towards thy land: the sea received it, And so I wished thy body might my heart: And even with this I lost fair England's view And bid mine eyes be packing with, my heart

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And called them blind and dusky spectacles, For losing ken of Albion's wished coast. How often have I tempted Suffolk's tongue, The agent of thy foul inconstancy, To sit and witch me, as Ascanius did When he to madding Dido would unfold His father's acts commenced in burning Troy! Am I not witched like her ? or thou not false like him ? 120 Ay me, I can no more! die, fEleanor! For Henry weeps that thou dost live so long. Noise without. Enter WARWICK, SALISBURT and many Commons following to the door Warwick. It is reported, mighty sovereign, That good Duke Humphrey traitorously is murdered By Suffolk and the Cardinal Beaufort's means. The commons, like an angry hive of bees That want their leader, scatter up and down, And care not who they sting in his revenge. Myself have calmed their spleenful mutiny, Until they hear the order of his death. 130 King. That he is dead, good Warwick, 'tis too true; But how he died God knows, not Henry:. Enter his chamber, view his breathless corpse, Aad comment then upon his sudden death. Warwick. That shall I do, my liege, [at the door] Stay, Salisbury, With the rude multitude till I return [he goes tvithin King. O Thou that judgest all things, stay my thoughts, My thoughts, that labour to persuade my soul Some violent hands were laid on Humphrey's life! If my suspect be false, forgive me, God, 140 For judgement only doth belong to Thee. Fain would I go to chafe his paly lips

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With twenty thousand kisses, and to drain Upon his face an ocean of salt tears, To tell my love unto his dumb deaf trunk, And with my fingers feel his hand unfeeling? But all in vain are these mean obsequies; And to survey his dead and earthy image, What were it but to make my sorrow greater? Re-enter WARWICK, and draws aside the curtains, revealing Gloucester's body on a bed Warwick. Come hither, gracious sovereign, view this body. King. That is to see how deep my grave is made; 150 For with his soul fled all my worldly solace, For seeing him I see my life in death. Warwick. As surely as my soul intends to live With that dread King that took our state upon him To free us from his Father's wrathful curse, I do believe that violent hands were laid Upon the life of this thrice-famed duke. Suffolk. A dreadful oath, sworn with a solemn tongue! What instance gives Lord Warwick for his vow? Warwick. See how the blood is settled in his face. 160 Oft have I seen a timely-parted ghost, Of ashy semblance, meagre, pale and bloodless, Being all descended to the labouring heart; Who, in the conflict that it holds with death, Attracts the same for aidance 'gainst the enemy; Which with the heart there cools and ne'er returneth, To blush and beautify the cheek again. But see, his face is black and full of blood, His eye-balls further out than when he lived, Staring full ghastly like a strangled manj 17°

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His hair upreared, his nostrils stretched with struggling; His hands abroad displayed, as one that grasped And tugged for life and was by strength subdued; Look, on the sheets his hair, you see, is sticking; His well-proportioned beard made rough and rugged, Like to the summer's corn by tempest lodge'do It cannot be but he was murdered here; The least of all these signs were probable. Suffolk. Why, Warwick, who should do the duke to death? 180 Myself and Beaufort had him in protection j And we, I hope, sir, are no murderers. Warwick. But both of you were vowed Duke Humphrey's foes, And you, forsooth, had the good duke to keep; 'Tis like you would not feast him like a friend; And 'tis well seen he found an enemy. Queen. Then you, belike, suspect these noblemea As guilty of Duke Humphrey's timeless death. Warwick. Who finds the heifer dead and bleeding fresh And sees fast by a butcher with an axe, 190 But will suspect 'twas he that made the slaughter? Who finds the partridge in the puttock's nest, But may imagine how the bird was dead, Although the kite soar with unbloodied beak? Even so suspicious is this tragedy. Queen. Are you the butcher, Suffolk? Where's your knife? Is Beaufort termed a kite? Where are his talons? Suffolk. I wear no knife to slaughter sleeping men; But here's a vengeful sword, rusted with ease, That shall be scoured in, his rancorous heart

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That slanders me with murder's crimson badge. Say, if thou dar'st, proud Lord of Warwickshire, That I am faulty in Duke Humphrey's death.

aoo

[the Cardinal closes the curtains and goes out

Warwick. What dares not Warwick, if false Suffolk dare him? S>geen. He dares not calm his contumelious spirit Nor cease to be an arrogant controller, Though Suffolk dare him twenty thousand times. Warwick. Madam, be still; with reverence may I say; For every word you speak in his behalf Is slander to your royal dignity. Suffolk. Blunt-witted lord, ignoble in demeanour! 210 If ever lady wronged her lord so much, Thy mother took into her blameful bed Some stern untutored churl, and noble stock Was graft with crab-tree slip, whose fruit thou art And never of the Nevils' noble race. Warwick. But that the guilt of murder bucklers thee And I should rob the deathsman of his fee, Quitting thee thereby of ten thousand shames, And that my sovereign's presence makes me mild, I would, false murd'rous coward, on thy knee 220 Make thee beg pardon for thy passed speech And say it was thy mother that thou meant'st, That thou thyself wast born in bastardy; And after all this fearful homage done, Give thee thy hire and send thy soul to hell, Pernicious blood-sucker of sleeping men! Suffolk. Thou shalt be waking while I shed thy blood, If from this presence thou dar'st go with me. Warwick. Away even now, or I will drag thee hence: H.VI - II—7

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230 Unworthy though thou art, I'll cope with thee And do some service to Duke Humphrey's ghost. [Suffolk and Warwick go out followed by all but the King and Qjeex King. What stronger breastplate than a heart untainted! Thrice is he armed that h-ath his quarrel just, And he but naked, though locked up in steel, Whose conscience with injustice is corrupted. [a noise without

Qjeen. What noise is this? Re-enter SUFFOLK and WARWICK, with their weapons drawn King. Why, how now, lords! your wrathful weapons drawn Here in our presence! dare you be so bold? Why, what tumultuous clamour have we here ? Suffolk. The traitorous Warwick with the men 240 of Bury Set all upon me, mighty sovereign. Enter SALISBURT Salisbury, [at the door, to the Commons without] Sirs, stand apart; the king shall know your mind. [they retire

Dread Lord, the commons send you word by me, Unless Lord Suffolk straight be done to death, Or banished fair England's territories, They will by violence tear him from your palace And torture him with grievous ling'ring death. They say, by him the good Duke Humphrey died; They say, in him they fear your highness' death; 250 And mere instinct of love and loyalty,

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Free from a stubborn opposite intent, As being thought to contradict your liking, Makes them thus forward in his banishment. They say, in care of your most royal person, That if your highness should intend to sleep, And charge that no man should disturb your rest In pain of your dislike or pain of death, Yet, notwithstanding such a strait edict, Were there a serpent seen, with forked tongue, That slyly glided towards your majesty, It were but necessary you were waked, Lest, being suffered in that harmful slumber, The mortal worm might make the sleep eternal. And therefore do they cry, though you forbid, That they will guard you, whe'r you will or no, From such fell serpents as false Suffolk is, With whose envenomed and fatal sting, Your loving uncle, twenty times his worth, They say, is shamefully bereft of life. Commons \without\. An answer from the king, my Lord of Salisbury! Suffolk. 'Tis like the commons, rude unpolished hinds, Could send such, message to their sovereign: But you, my lord, were glad to be employed, T o show how quaint an orator you are. But all the honour Salisbury hath won. Is, that he was the lord ambassador Sent from a sort of tinkers to the king. Commons [without]. An answer from the king, or we will all break in! King. Go, Salisbury, and tell them all from me, I thank them for their tender loving care; And had I not been cited so by them,

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Yet did I purpose as they do entreat; For, sure, my thoughts do hourly prophesy Mischance unto my state by Suffolk's means: And therefore, by His majesty I swear, Whose far unworthy deputy I am, He shall not breathe infection in this air But three days longer, on the pain of death. [Salisbury goes Qyeen. O Henry, let me plead for gentle Suffolk! 290 King. Ungentle queen, to call him gentle Suffolk!No more, I say: if thou dost plead for him, Thou wilt but add increase utito my wrath. Had I but said, I would have kept my word; But when I swear, it is irrevocable. [to Suffolk] If, after three days' space, thou here be'st found On any ground that I am ruler of, The world shall not be ransom for thy life. Come, Warwick, come, good Warwick, go with me; I have great matters to impart to thee. [they go, leaving the Qyeen and Suffolk behind 300 §>geen. Mischance and sorrow go along with you! Heart's discontent and sour affliction Be playfellows to keep you company! There's two of you; the devil make a third! And threefold vengeance tend upon your steps! Suffolk. Cease, gentle queen, these execrations, And let thy Suffolk take his heavy leave. £>yeen. Fie, coward woman and soft-hearted wretch! Hast thou not spirit to curse thine enemy? Suffolk. A plague upon them! wherefore should I curse them ? 310 Would curses kill, as doth the mandrake's groan, I would invent as bitter-searching terms,

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As curst, as harsh, and horrible to hear, Delivered strongly through my fixed teeth, With full as many signs of deadly hate, As lean-faced Envy in her loathsome cave: My tongue should stumble in mine earnest words; Mine eyes should sparkle like the beaten flint; Mine hair be fixed an end, as one distract; Ay, every joint should seem to curse and ban: And even now my burdened heart would break, 320 Should I not curse them. Poison be their drink! Gall, worse than gall, the daintiest that they taste! Their sweetest shade a grove of cypress trees! Their chiefest prospect murdering basilisks! Their softest touch as smart as lizards' stings! Their music frightful as the serpent's hiss, And boding screech-owls make the consort full! All the foul terrors in dark-seated h e l i u m * . Enough, sweet Suffolk; thou torment'st thyself; And these dread curses, like the sun 'gainst glass, 330 Or like an overcharged gun, recoil, And turn the force of them upon thyself. Suffolk. You bade me ban, and will you bid me leave ? Now, by the ground that I am banished from, Well could I curse away a winter's night, Though standing naked on a mountain top, Where biting cold would never let grass grow, And think it but a minute spent in sport. Qyeen. O, let me entreat thee cease. Give me thy hand, That I may dew it with my mournful tears; 340 Nor let the rain of heaven wet this place, T o wash away my woeful monuments. O, could this kiss be printed in thy hand,

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That thou mightst think upon these by the seal, Through whom a thousand sighs are breathed for thee! So, get thee gone, that I may know my grief; 'Tis but surmised whiles thou art standing by, As one that surfeits thinking on a want. I will repeal thee, or, be well assured, 350 Adventure to be banished myself: And banished I am, if but from thee. Go, speak not to me; even now be gone. O, go not yet! Even thus two friends condemned Embrace and kiss and take ten thousand leaves, Loather a hundred times to part than die. Yet now farewell, and farewell life with thee! Suffolk. Thus is poor Suffolk ten times banished; Once by the king, and three times thrice by thee. 'Tis not the land I care for, wert thou thence j 360 A wilderness is populous enough, So Suffolk had thy heavenly company: For where thou art, there is the world itself, With every several pleasure in the world, And where thou art not, desolation. I can no more: live thou to joy thy life; Myself no joy in nought but that thou liv'st. Enter FAUX Queen. Whither goes Vaux so fast? what news, I prithee? Faux. T o signify unto his majesty That Cardinal Beaufort is at point of death; 370 For suddenly a grievous sickness took him, That makes him gasp and stare and catch the air, Blaspheming God and cursing men on earth. Sometime he talks as if Duke Humphrey's ghost

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Were by his side; sometime he calls the king And whispers to his pillow as to him The secrets of his overcharged soul: And I am sent to tell his majesty That even now he cries aloud for him. Qgeen. Go tell this heavy message to the king. \Vaux departs Ay me! what is this world! what news are these! 380 But wherefore grieve I at an hour's poor loss, Omitting Suffolk's exile, my soul's treasure? Why only, Suffolk, mourn I not for thee, And with the southern clouds contend in tears, Theirs for the earth's increase, mine for my sorrows? Now get thee hence: the king, thou know'st, is coming; If thou be found by me, thou art but dead. Suffolk. If I depart from thee, I cannot live; And in thy sight to die, what were it else But like a pleasant slumber in thy lap ? 390 Here could I breathe my soul into the air, As mild and gentle as the cradle-babe Dying with mother's dug between its lips: Where, from thy sight, I should be raging mad And cry out for thee to close up mine eyes, T o have thee with thy lips to stop my mouth; So shouldst thou either turn my flying soul, Or I should breathe it so into thy body, And then it lived in sweet Elysium. T o die by thee were but to die in jest; 400 From thee to die were torture more than death: O, let me stay, befall what may befall! Qyeen. Away! though parting be a fretful corrosive, It is applied to a deathful wound. To France, sweet Suffolk: let me hear from thee;

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For wheresoe'er thou art in this world's globe, I'll have an Iris that shall find thee out. Suffolk. I go. Qjeen. And take my heart with thee. [she kisses him 410 Suffolk. A jewel, locked into the wofull'st cask That ever did contain a thing of worth. Even as a splitted bark, so sunder we: This way fall I to death. Qyeen. This way for me. [they part

[3.3.]

A bedchamber

Enter the KING, SALISBVRT, and

WARWICK,

to the CARDINAL in bed

King. How fares my lord? speak, Beaufort, to thy sovereign. Cardinal. If thou be'st Death, I'll give thee England's treasure, Enough to purchase such another island, So thou wilt let me live, and feel no pain. King. Ah, what a sign it is of evil life, Where death's approach is seen so terrible! Warwick. Beaufort, it is thy sovereign speaks to thee. Cardinal. Bring me unto my trial when you will. Died he not in his bed? where should he die? 10 Can I make men live, whe'r they will or no? O, torture me no more! I will confess. Alive again? then show me where he is: I'll give a thousand pound to look upon him. He hath no eyes, the dust hath blinded them. Comb down his hair; look, look! it stands upright, Like lime-twigs set to catch my winged soul.

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75

Give me some drink, and bid the apothecary Bring the strong poison that I bought of him. King. O thou eternal Mover of the heavens, 20 Look with a gentle eye upon this wretch! O, beat away the busy meddling fiend That lays strong siege unto this wretch's soul And from his bosom purge this black despair! Warwick. See, how the pangs of death do make him grin! Salisbury. Disturb him not, let him pass peaceably. King. Peace to his soul, if God's good pleasure be! Lord Cardinal, if thou think'st on heaven's bliss, Hold up thy hand, make signal of thy hope. He dies, and makes no sign. O God, forgive him! Warwick. So bad a death argues a monstrous life. 30 King. Forbear to judge, for we are sinners all. Close up his eyes and draw the curtain close; [they go And let us all to meditation.

[4.1.]

The coast of Kent

Alarum. Fight at sea. Ordnance goes off. Enter a Lieutenant, a Master, a Master's-Mate, WALTER WHITMORE and soldiers; with them SUFFOLK disguised and other gentlemen prisoners Lieutenant. The gaudy, blabbing and remorseful day Is crept into the bosom of the sea; And now loud-howling wolves arouse the jades That drag the tragic melancholy night; Who, with their drowsy, slow and flagging wings,

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4.1.6

Clip dead men's graves and from their misty jaws Breathe foul contagious darkness in the air. Therefore bring forth the soldiers of our prize; For, whilst our pinnace anchors in the Downs, 10 Here shall they make their ransom on the sand, Or with their blood stain this discoloure'd shore. Master, this prisoner freely give I thee; And thou that art his mate, make boot of this; The other, Walter Whitmore, is thy share. I Gentleman. What is my ransom, master? let me know. Master. A thousand crowns, or else lay down your head. Mate. And so much shall you give, or off goes yours. Lieutenant. What! think you much to pay two thousand crowns, And bear the name and port of gentlemen? 20 Cut both the villains' throats; for die you shall: The lives of those which we have lost in fight Be counterpoised with such a petty sum! 1 Gentleman. I'll give it, sir; and therefore spare my life. 2 Gentleman. And so will I, and write home for it straight. Whitmore [to Suffolk]. I lost mine eye in laying the prize aboard, And therefore to revenge it shalt thou die; And so should these, if I might have my will. Lieutenant. Be not so rash; take ransom, let him live. Suffolk. Look on my George; I am a gentleman: 30 Rate me at what thou wilt, thou shalt be paid.

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Whitmore. And so am I; my name is Walter Whitmore. How now! why starts thou ? what, doth death affright? Suffolk. Thy name affrights me, in whose sound is death. A cunning man did calculate my birth And told me that by 'water' I should die: Yet let not this make thee be bloody-minded; Thy name is Gaultier, being rightly sounded. Whitmore. Gaultier or Walter, which it is I care not: Never yet did base dishonour blur our name, But with our sword we wiped away the blot; 40 Therefore, when merchant-like I sell revenge, Broke be my sword, my arms torn and defaced, And I proclaimed a coward through the world! Suffolk. Stay, Whitmore, for thy prisoner is a prince, The Duke of Suffolk, William de la Pole. Whitmore. The Duke of Suffolk, muffled up in rags! Suffolk. Ay, but these rags are no part of the duke: Jove sometime went disguised, and why not I ? Lieutenant. But Jove was never slain, as thou shalt be. Suffolk. Obscure and lousy swain, King Henry's blood, 50 The honourable blood of Lancaster, Must not be shed by such a jaded groom. Hast thou not kissed thy hand and held my stirrup? Bare-headed plodded by my foot-cloth mule. And thought thee happy when I shook my head? How often hast thou waited at my cup, Fed from my trencher, kneeled down at the board, When I have feasted with Queen Margaret? Remember it and let it make thee crest-fall'n, Ay, and allay this thy abortive pride; 60

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4.1.61

How in our voiding lobby hast thou stood And duly waited for my coming forth? This hand of mine hath writ in thy behalf And therefore shall it charm thy riotous tongue. Whitmore. Speak, captain, shall I stab the forlorn swain ? Lieutenant. First let my words stab him, as he hath me. Suffolk. Base slave, thy words are blunt and so art thou. Lieutenant. Convey him hence and on our long-boat's side Strike off his head. Suffolk. Thou dar'st not, for thy own. Lieutenant. Yes, poll! Suffolk. Pole! 70 Lieutenant. Sir Pool! Lord Pool! Ay, kennel, puddle, sink, whose filth and dirt Troubles the silver spring where England drinks. Now will I dam up this thy yawning mouth For swallowing the treasure of the realm: Thy lips that kissed the queen shall sweep the ground; And thou that smil'dst at good Duke Humphrey's death Against the senseless winds shalt grin in vain, Who in contempt shall hiss at thee again: And wedded be thou to the hags of hell, 80 For daring to affy a mighty lord Unto the daughter of a worthless king, Having neither subject, wealth, nor diadem. By devilish policy art thou grown great And, like ambitious Sylla, overgorged With gobbets of thy mother's bleeding heart.

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79

By thee Anjou and Maine were sold to France, The false revolting Normans thorough thee Disdain to call us lord, and Picardy Hath slain their governors, surprised our forts And sent the ragged soldiers wounded home. 90 The princely Warwick, and the Nevils all, Whose dreadful swords were never drawn in vain, As hating thee, are rising up in arms: And now the house of York, thrust from the crown By shameful murder of a guiltless king And lofty proud encroaching tyranny, Burns with revenging fire; whose hopeful colours Advance our half-faced sun, striving to shine, Under the which is writ 'Invitis nubibus.' The commons here in Kent are up in arms: 100 And, to conclude, reproach and beggary Is crept into the palace of our king, And all by thee. Away! convey him hence. Suffolk. O that I were a god, to shoot forth thunder Upon these paltry, servile, abject drudges! Small things make base men proud: this villain here, Being captain of a pinnace, threatens more Than Bargulus the strong Illyrian pirate. Drones suck not eagles' blood but rob bee-hives: It is impossible that I should die no By such a lowly vassal as thyself. Thy words move rage and not remorse in me: I go of message from the queen to France; I charge thee waft me safely cross the Channel. Lieutenant. Walter,— Whitmore. Come, Suffolk, I must waft thee to thy death. Suffolk. fPro! Gelidus timor occupat artus: it is thee I fear.

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4.1.118

Whitmore. Thou shalt have cause to fear before I leave thee. What! are ye daunted now? now will ye stoop? 120 1 Gentleman. My gracious lord, entreat him, speak him fair. Suffolk. Suffolk's imperial tongue is stern and rough, Used to command, untaught to plead for favour. Far be it we should honour such as these With humble suit: no, rather let my head Stoop to the block than these knees bow to any Save to the God of heaven and to my king; And sooner dance upon a bloody pole Than stand uncovered to the vulgar groom. True nobility is exempt from fear: 130 More can I bear than you dare execute. Lieutenant. Hale him away, and let him talk no more. Suffolk. Come, soldiers, show what cruelty ye can, That this my death may never be forgot! Great men oft die by vile besonians: A Roman sworder and bandetto slave Murdered sweet Tully; Brutus' bastard hand Stabbed Julius Caesar; savage islanders Pompey the Great; and Suffolk dies by pirates. [Whitmore and others hale him away Lieutenant. And as for these whose ransom we have set, 140 It is our pleasure one of them depart: Therefore come you with us and let him go. [all depart but 1 Gentleman Re-enter WHITMORE with Suffolk's body Whitmore. There let his head and lifeless body lie, Until the queen his mistress bury it. [he goes

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I Gentleman. O barbarous and bloody spectacle! His body will I bear unto the king: If lie revenge it not, yet will his friends; So will the queen, that living held him dear. [he hears off the body

[4.2.]

Blackheatk Enter BEVIS and JOHN

HOLLAND

Bevls. Come, and get thee a sword, though made of a lath: they have been up these two days. Holland. They have the more need to sleep now, then. Bevis. I tell thee, Jack Cade the clothier means to dress the commonwealth, and turn it, and set a new nap upon it. Holland. So he had need, for 'tis threadbare. Well, I say, it was never merry world in England since gentlemen came up. Bevis. O miserable age! virtue is not regarded in 10 handicrafts-men. Holland. The nobility think scorn to go in leather aprons. Bevis. Nay, more,, the king's council are no good workmen. Holland. True; and yet it is said, labour in thy vocation; which is as much to say as, let the magistrates be labouring men; and therefore'should we be magistrates. Bevis. Thou hast'hit it; for there's no better sign of a 20 brave mind than a hard hand. \a dr&m heard approaching Holland. I see them! I see them! There's Best's son, the tanner of Wingham,—

82

T H E SECOND P A R T OF

4.2.2+

Bevh. He shall have the skins of our enemies, to make dog?s-leather of. Holland. And Dick the butcher,— Bevh. Then is sin struck down like an ox, and iniquity's throat cut like a calf. Holland. And Smith the weaver,— 30 Bevh. Argo, their thread of life is spun. Holland. Come, come, let's fall in with them. Drum. Enter CADE, DICK the Butcher, SMITH the Weaver, and a Sawyer, with infinite numbers. Cade mounts a tub; the throng gathers round. As he speaks, Dick and Smith comment aside Cade. We John Cade, so termed of our supposed father,— {Dick. Or rather, of stealing a cade of herrings. Cade. For our enemies shall fall before us, inspired •with the spirit of putting down kings and princesCommand silence. Dick. Silence! Cade. My father was a Mortimer,— 40 {Dick. He was an honest man, and a good bricklayers Cade. My mother a Plantagenet,— {Dick. I knew her well; she was a midwife. Cade. My wife descended of the Lacies,— {Dick. She was, indeed, a pedlar's daughter, and sold many laces. {Smith. But now of late, not able to travel with her furred pack, she washes bucks here at home. Cade. Therefore am I of an honourable house. {Dick. Ay, by my faith, the field is honourable; and 50 there was he born, under a hedge; for his father had never a house but the cage. Cade. Valiant I am.

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83

{Smith. A' must needs, for beggary is valiant. Cade. I am able to endure much. {Dick. No question of that; for I have seen him whipped three market-days together. Cade. I fear neither sword nor fire. {Smith. He need not fear the sword, for his coat is of proof. {Dick. But methinks he should stand in fear of fire, 60 being burnt i'th'hand for stealing of sheep. Cade. Be brave, then; for your captain is brave, and vows reformation. There shall be in England sever* halfpenny loaves sold for a penny: the three-hooped pot shall have ten hoops; and I will make it felony to drink small beer: all the realm shall be in common; and in Cheapside shall my palfry go to grass: and when I am king, as king I will be,— All. God save your majesty! Cade. I thank you, good people,—there shall be no 70 money; all shall eat and drink on my score; and I will apparel them all in one livery, that they may agree like brothers, and worship me their lord. Dick [shouts]. The first thing we do, let's kill all the lawyers. Cade. Nay, that I mean to do. Is not this a lamentable thing, that of the skin of an innocent lamb should be made parchment? that parchment, being scribbled o'er, should undo a man ? Some say the bee stings: but I say, 'tis the bee's wax; for I did but seal once to a thing, and 80 I was never mine own man since. How nowl who's there? Enter some, bringingforward the Clerk of Chatham Smith. The clerk of Chatham: he can write and read and cast accompt.

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4-2-85

Cade. O monstrous! Smith. We took him setting of boys' copies. Cade. Here's a villain! Smith. Has a book in his pocket with red letters in't. Cade. Nay, then, he is a conjuror. 90 Dick. Nay, he can make obligations, and write court-hand. Cade. I am sorry for't: the man is a proper man, of mine honour; unless I find him guilty, he shall not die. Come hither, sirrah, I must examine thee: what is thy name? Clerk. Emmanuel. Dick. They use to write it on the top of letters: 'twill go hard with you. Cade. Let me alone. Dost thou use to write thy 100 name? or hast thou a mark to thyself, like an honest plain-dealing man? Clerk. Sir, I thank God, I have been so well brought up that I can write my name. All. He hath confessed: away with him! he's a villain and a traitor. Cade. Away with him, I say! hang him with his pen and ink-horn about his neck. [the Clerk is led azvay to death Enter MICHAEL Michael. Where's our general? Cade. Here I am, thou particular fellow. n o Michael. Fly, fly, fly! Sir Humphrey Stafford and his brother are hard by, with the king's forces. Cade. Stand, villain, stand, or I'll fell thee down. He shall be encount'red with a man as good as himself: He is but a knight, is a'? Michael. No.

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85

Cade. To equal him, I will make myself a knight presently, [kneels] Rise up Sir John Mortimer. Irises] Now have at him! Enter

and his Brother, with a herald, drum and soldiers

SIR HVMPHRET STAFFORD

Stafford. Rebellious hinds, the filth and scum of Kent, Marked for the gallows, lay your weapons down; 120 Home to your cottages, forsake this groom: The king is merciful, if you revolt. Brother. But angry, wrathful, and inclined to blood, If you go forward; therefore yield, or die. Cade. As for these silken-coated slaves, I pass not: It is to you, good people, that I speak, Over whom, in time to come, I hope to reign j For I am rightful heir unto the crown. Stafford. Villain, thy father was a plasterer; And. thou thyself a shearman, art thou not? 130 Cade. And Adam was a gardener. Brother. And what of that? Cade. Marry, this: Edmund Mortimer, Earl of March, Married the Duke of Clarence' daughter, did he not? Stafford. Ay, sir. Cade. By her he had two children at one birth. Brother. That's false. Cade. Ay, there's the question; but I say, 'tis true: The elder of them, being put to nurse, Was by a beggar-woman stol'n away; And, ignorant of his birth and parentage, Became a bricklayer when he came to age: His son am I; deny it, if you can. Dick. Nay, 'tis too true; therefore he shall be king. Smith. Sir, he made a chimney in my father's house,

86

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4.2.146

and the bricks are alive at this day to testify it; therefore deny it not. Stafford. And will you credit this base drudge's words, That speaks he knows not what? 150 All. Ay, marry, will we; therefore get ye gone. Brother. Jack Cade, the Duke of York hath taught you this. {Cade. He lies, for I invented it myself. [aloud] Go to, sirrah, tell the king from me, that, for his father's sake, Henry the fifth, in whose time boys went to span-counter for French crowns, I am content he shall reign; but I'll be Protector over him. Dick. And furthermore, we'll have the Lord Say's head for selling the dukedom of Maine. Cade. And good reason; for thereby is England 160 mained, and fain to go with a staff, but that my puissance holds it up. Fellow kings, I tell you that that Lord Say hath gelded the commonwealth, and made it an eunuch: and more than that, he can speak French, and therefore he is a traitor. Stafford. O gross and miserable ignorance! Cade. Nay, answer, if you can: the Frenchmen are our enemies; go to, then, I ask but this: can he that speaks with the tongueof an enemy be a good counsellor, or no? 170 All. No, no, and therefore we'll have his head. Brother. Well, seeing gentle words will not prevail, Assail them with the army of the king. Stafford. Herald, away; and throughout every town Proclaim them traitors that are up with Cade; That those which fly before the battle ends May, even in their wives' and children's sight, Be hanged up for example at their doors:

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87

And you that be the king's friends, follow me. [the Staffords and their guard retire Cade. And you that love the commons, follow me. Now show yourselves men; 'tis for liberty. 180 We will not leave one lord, one gentleman: Spare none but such as go in clouted shoon; For they are thrifty honest men and such As would, but that they dare not, take our parts. Dick. They are all in order and march toward us. Cade. But then are we in order when we are most out of order. Come, march forward. The rebels encounter the Staffords returning at the head of the King's army. Alarums to the fight wherein both the Staffords are slain [4. 3.]

CADE

comes forward

Cade. Where's Dick, the butcher of Ashford? Dick. Here, sir. Cade. They fell before thee like sheep and oxen, and thou behav'dst thyself as if thou hadst been in thine own slaughter-house: therefore thus will I reward thee, the Lent shall be as long again as it is; and thou shalt have a license to kill for a hundred lacking one a week. Dick. I desire no more. Cade. And, to speak truth, thou deserv'st no less. This monument of the victory will I bear [putting on Sir 10 Humphrey's coat of mail]. And the bodies shall be dragged at my horse heels till I do come to London, where we will have the mayor's sword borne before us. Dick. If we mean to thrive and do good, break open the gaols and let out the prisoners. Cade. Fear not that, I warrant thee. Come, let's [they go forward march towards London. H.VI - II—8

88

T H E S E C O N D P A R T OF

[4.4.]

4.4.1

London. The palace

Enter the KlNG with a supplication, and the QVEEN with Suffolk's head, the DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM and the LORD

SAT

Oft have I heard that grief softens the mind And makes it fearful and degenerate; Think therefore on revenge and cease to weep. But who can cease to weep and look on this ? Here may his head lie on my throbbing breast: But where's the body that I should embrace ? Buckingham. What answer makes your grace to the rebels' supplication? King. I'll send some holy bishop to entreat; 10 For God forbid so many simple souls Should perish by the sword! And I myself, Rather than bloody war shall cut them short, Will parley with Jack Cade their general: But stay, I'll read it over once again. (Queen. Ah, barbarous villains! hath this lovely face Ruled, like a wandering planet, over me, And could it not enforce them to relent, That were unworthy to behold the same? King. Lord Say, Jack Cade hath sworn to have thy head. 20 Say. Ay, but I hope your highness shall have his. King. How now, madam! Still lamenting and mourning for Suffolk's death? I fear me, love, if that I had been dead, Thou wouldest not have mourned so much for me. Slyeen. No, my love, I should not mourn, but die for thee. Enter a Messenger

4.4.26

KING

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89

King. How now! what news? why com'st thou in such haste ? Messenger. The rebels are in Southwark; fly, my lord! Jack Cade proclaims himself Lord Mortimer, Descended from the Duke of Clarence' house, And calls your grace usurper openly, 30 And vows to crown himself in Westminster. His army is a ragged multitude Of hinds and peasants, rude and merciless: Sir Humphrey Stafford and his brother's death Hath given them heart and courage to proceed: All scholars, lawyers, courtiers, gentlemen, They call false caterpillars and intend their death. King. O graceless men! they know not what they do. Buckingham. My gracious lord, retire to Killingworth, Until a power be raised to put them down. 40 Queen. Ah, were the Duke of Suffolk now alive, These Kentish rebels would be soon appeased 1 King. Lord Say, the traitors hateth thee; Therefore away with us to Killingworth. Say. So might your grace's person be in danger. The sight of me is odious in their eyes; And therefore in this city will I stay And live alone as secret as I may. Enter another Messenger

2 Messenger. Jack Cade hath gotten London Bridge: The citizens fly and forsake their houses: 50 The rascal people, thirsting after prey, Join with the traitor, and they jointly swear T o spoil the city and your royal court. Buckingham. Then linger not, my lord; away, take horse.

90

T H E SECOND P A R T OF

4.4.55

King. Come, Margaret; God, our hope, will succour us. (Jlyeen. My hope is gone, now Suffolk is deceased. King. Farewell, my lord: trust not the Kentish rebels. Buckingham. Trust nobody, for fear you be betrayed. Say. The trust I have is in mine innocence, 60 And therefore am I bold and resolute. [they go

[4. 5.]

London. The Tower

Enter LORD SCALES upon the Tower, walking. Then enter two or three Citizens below Scales. How now! is Jack Cade slain? 1 Citizen. No, my lord, nor likely to be slain; for they have won the bridge, killing all those that withstand them: the Lord Mayor craves aid of your honour from the Tower to defend the city from the rebels. Scales. Such aid as I can spare you shall command; But I am troubled here with them myself; The rebels have assayed to win the Tower. But get you to Smithfield and gather head, 10 And thither I will send you Matthew Goughj Fight for your king, your country and your lives; And so, farewell, for I must hence again. [he goes within; the Citizens hurry away

4.6.1

KING HENRY VI

[4.6.]

London. Cannon Street

Enter JACK. CADE and the rest, and strikes his sword on London Stone Cade. Now is Mortimer lord of this city. And here, sitting upon London Stone, I charge and command that, of the city's cost, the pissing-conduit run nothing but claret wine this first year of our reign. And now henceforward it shall be treason for any that calls me other than Lord Mortimer. Enter a Soldier, running Soldier. Jack Cade! Jack Cade! Cade. Knock him down there. [they kill him Smith. If this fellow be wise, he'll never call ye Jack 10 Cade more: I think he hath a very fair warning. Dick. My lord, there's an army gathered, together in Smithfield. Cade. Come, then, let's go fight with them: but first, go and set London Bridge on fire; and, if you can, burn down the Tower too. Come, let's away. [they go Alarums. Citizens, led by Sir Matthew Cough, give battle to the rebelss Matthew Gough is slain^ and all the rest [4.7.] Then enter JACK. CADE, with his company Cade. So, sirs: now go some and pull down the Savoy; others to th'Inns of Court; down with them all. Dick. I have a suit unto your lordship. Cade. Be it a lordship, thou shalt have it for that Word.

9*

T H E SECOND P A R T OF

4.7.5

Dick. Only that the laws of England may come out of your mouth. {Holland. Mass, 'twill be sore law, then; for he was thrust in the mouth with a spear, and 'tis not whole yet. {Smith. Nay, John, it will be stinking law; for his 10 breath stinks with eating toasted cheese. Cade. I have thought upon it, it shall be so. Away, burn all the records of the realm: my mouth shall be the parliament of England. {Holland. Then we are like to have biting statutes, unless his teeth be pulled out. Cade. And henceforward all things shall be in common. Enter a Messenger

Messenger. My lord, a prize, a prize! here's the Lord Say, which sold the towns in France; he that made us pay one and twenty fifteens, and one shilling to the 20 pound, the last subsidy. Enter GEORGE, with the LORD SAT Cade. Well, he shall be beheaded for it ten times. Ah, thou say, thou serge, nay, thou buckram lord! now art thou within point-blank of our jurisdiction regal. What canst thou answer to my majesty for giving up of Normandy unto Mounsieur Basimecu, the Dauphin of France ? Be it known unto thee by these presence, even the presence of Lord Mortimer, that I am the besom that must sweep the court clean of such filth as thou art. Thou hast most traitorously corrupted the youth of the 30 realm in erecting a grammar school: and whereas, before, our forefathers had no other books but the score arid the tally, thou hast caused printing to be used, and, contrary to the king, his crown and dignity, thou hast built a paper-mill. It will be proved to thy face that thou

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93

hast men about thee that usually talk of a noun and a verb, and such abominable words as no Christian ear can endure to hear. Thou hast appointed justices of peace, to call poor men before them about matters they were not able to answer. Moreover, thou hast put them in prison, and because they could not read thou hast 40 hanged them, when, indeed, only for that cause they have been most worthy to live. Thou dost ride on. foot-cloth, dost thou not? Say. What of that? Cade. Marry, thou ought'st not to let thy horse wear a cloak, when honester men than thou go in their hose and doublets. Dick. And work in their shirt too; as myself, for example, that am a butcher. Say. You men of Kent,— 50 Dick. What say you of Kent? Say. Nothing but this; 'tis 'bona terra, mala gens.* Cade. Away with him, away with him! he speaks Latin. Say. Hear me but speak, and bear me where you will. Kent, in the Commentaries Caesar writ, Is termed the civil'st place of all this isle: Sweet is the country, because full of riches; The people liberal, valiant, active, wealthy; 60 Which makes me hope you are not void of pity. I sold not Maine, I lost not Normandy, Yet to recover them would lose my life. Justice with favour have I always done; Prayers.and tears have moved me, gifts could never. When have I aught exacted at your hands, But to maintain the king, the realm and you ? Large gifts have I bestowed on learned clerks, Because my book preferred me to the king,

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T H E S E C O N D P A R T OF

4.7.69

And seeing ignorance is the curse of God, 70 Knowledge the wing wherewith we fly to heaven, Unless you be possessed with devilish spirits, You cannot but forbear to murder me: This tongue hath parleyed unto foreign kings For your behoof,— Cade. Tut, when struck'st thou one blow in thefield? Say. Great men have reaching hands: oft have I struck Those that I never saw and struck them dead. George. O monstrous coward! what, to come behind folks? 80 Say. These cheeks are pale for watching for your good. Cade. Give him a box o'th'ear and that will make 'em red again. Say. Long sitting to determine poor men's causes Hath made me full of sickness and diseases. Cade. Ye shall have a hempen caudle then and the help of hatchet. Dick. Why dost thou quiver, man? Say. The palsy, and not fear, provokes me. Cade. Nay, he nods at us, as who should say, I'll be 90 even with you: I'll see if his head will stand steadier on a pole, or no. Take him away, and behead him. Say. Tell me: wherein have I offended most? Have I affected wealth or honour? speak. Are my chests filled up with extorted gold ? Is my apparel sumptuous to behold ? Whom have I injured, that ye seek my death? These hands are free from guiltless blood-shedding, This breast from harbouring foul deceitful thoughts. O, let me live! 100 {Cade. I feel remorse in myself with his words; but I'll bridle it: he shall die, an it be but for pleading so

4.7.IO2

KING

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well for his life. [aloud] Away with him! he has a familiar under his tongue; he speaks not o' God's name. Go, take him away, I say, and strike off his head presently; and then break into his son-in-law's house, Sir James Cromer, and strike off his head, and bring them both upon two poles hither. All. It shall be done. Say. Ah, countrymen! if when you make your prayers, God should be so obdurate as yourselves, no How would it fare with your departed souls ? And therefore yet relent, and save my life. Cade. Away with him! and do as I command ye. [they lead him away

The proudest peer in the realm shall not wear a head on his shoulders, unless he pay me tribute; there shall not a maid be married, but she shall pay to me her maidenhead ere they have it: men shall hold of me in capite; and we charge and command that their wives be as free as heart can wish or tongue can tell. Dick. My lord, when shall we go to Cheapside and 120 take up commodities upon our bills ? Cade. Marry, presently. AIL O, brave! Enter one with the heads

Cade. But is not this braver? Let them kiss one another, for they loved well when they were alive. Now part them again, lest they consult about the giving up of some more towns in France. Soldiers, defer the spoil of the city until night: for with these borne before us, instead of maces, will we ride through the streets; and at every corner have them kiss. Away! 130 [the rebels move on

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Alarum and retreat [4. 8.] Enter again CADE and all his rabblement Cade. Up Fish Street! down Saint Magnus' Corner! till and knock down! throw them into Thames! [sound a parley"] What noise is this I hear? Dare any be so bold to sound retreat or parley, when I command them kill? Enter BUCKINGHAM and old CLIFFORD, attended Buckingham. Ay, here they be that dare and will disturb thee: Know, Cade, we come ambassadors from the king Unto the commons whom thou hast misled, And here pronounce free pardon to them all 10 That will forsake thee and go home in peace. Clifford. What say ye, countrymen ? will ye relent, And yield to mercy whilst 'tis offered you; Or let a rebel lead you to your deaths? Who loves the king and will embrace his pardon, Fling up his cap, and say 'God save his majesty!' Who hateth him and honours not his father, Henry the Fifth, that made all France to quake, Shake he his weapon at us and pass by. All. God save the king! God save the king! 20 Cade. What, Buckingham and Clifford, are ye so brave ? And you, base peasants, do ye believe him ? will you needs be hanged with your pardons about your necks ? Hath my sword therefore broke through London gates, that you should leave me at the White Hart in Southwark ? I thought ye would never have given out these arms till you had recovered your ancient freedom: but you are all recreants and dastards, and delight to

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live in slavery to the nobility. Let them break your backs with burdens, take your houses over your heads, ravish your wives and daughters before your faces: for me, I will make shift for one; and so, God's curse light upon you all! All. We'll follow Cade, we'll follow Cade! Clifford. Is Cade the son of Henry the Fifth, That thus you do exclaim you'll go with him? Will he conduct you through the heart of France, And make the meanest of you earls and dukes? Alas, he hath no home, no place to fly to; Nor knows he how to live but by the spoil, Unless by robbing of your friends and us. Were't not a shame, that whilst you live at jar, The fearful French, whom you late vanquished, Should make a start o'er seas and vanquish you? Methinks already in this civil broil I see them lording it in London streets, Crying 'Villiago!' unto all they meet. Better ten thousand base-bom Cades miscarry Than you should stoop unto a Frenchman's mercy. T o France, to France, and get what you have lost; Spare England, for it is your native coast: Henry hath money, you are strong and manly; God on our side, doubt not of victory. All. A Clifford! a Clifford! we'll follow the king and Clifford. Cade. Was ever feather so lightly blown to and fro as this multitude ? The name of Henry the Fifth hales them to an hundred mischiefs and makes them leave me desolate. I see them lay their heads together to surprise me. My sword make way for me, for here is no staying. In despite of the devils and hell, have through the very middest of you! and heavens and honour be witness that

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no want of resolution in me, but only my followers* base and ignominious treasons, makes me betake me to my heels, [he clears a path with his sword, and away Buckingham. What, is he fled ? Go some, and follow him; And he that brings his head unto the Icing Shall have a thousand crowns for his reward. [some of them follow Follow me, soldiers: we'll devise a mean [they go To reconcile you all unto the king. [4.9.]

Kenilworth Castle Sound trumpets. Enter KING, QUEEN, and SOMERSET, on the wall

King. Was ever king that joyed an earthly throne, And could command no more content than I? No sooner was I crept out of my cradle But I was made a king, at nine months old. Was never subject longed to be a king As I do long and wish to be a subject. Enter BUCKINGHAM and old

CLIFFORD

Buckingham. Health and glad tidings to your majesty! King. Why, Buckingham, is the traitor Cade surprised? Or is he but retired to make him strong? Enter, below, multitudes, with halters about their necks 10

Clifford. He is fled, my lord, and all his powers do yield, And humbly thus, with halters on their necks,

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Expect your highness' doom, oflife or death. King. Then, heaven, set ope thy everlasting gates, To entertain my vows of thanks and praise! Soldiers, this day have you redeemed your lives And showed how well you love your prince and country: Continue still in this so good a mind, And Henry, though he be infortunate, Assure yourselves, will never be unkind: And so, with thanks and pardon to you all, I do dismiss you to your several countries. All. God save the king! God save the king!

20

Enter a Messenger Messenger. Please it your grace to be advertised The Duke of York is newly come from Ireland, And with a puissant and a mighty power Of gallowglasses and stout kerns Is marching hitherward in proud array, And still proclaimeth, as he comes along, His arms are only to remove from thee The Duke of Somerset, whom he terms a traitor. King. Thus stands my state, 'twixt Cade and York distressed, Like to a ship that, having 'scaped a tempest Is straightway calmed and boarded with a pirate. But now is Cade driven back, his men dispersed; And now is York in arms to second him. I pray thee, Buckingham, go and meet him, And ask him what's the reason of these arms. Tell him I'll send Duke Edmund to the Tower And, Somerset, we will commit thee thither, Until his army be dismissed from him. Somerset. My lord,

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I'll yield myself to prison willingly, Or unto death, to do my country good. King. In any case, be not too rough in terms; For he is fierce and cannot brook hard language. Buckingham. I will, my lord; and doubt not so to deal As all things shall redound unto your good. King. Come, wife, let's in, and learn to govern better; For yet may England curse my wretched reign. \Jiourish as they go

[4.10.]

Kent. Iden's garden Enter CADE

Cade. Fie on ambitions! fie on myself, that have a sword, and yet am ready to famish! These five days, have I hid me in these woods and durst not peep out, for all the country is laid for me; but now am I so hungry that if I might have a lease of my life for a thousand years I could stay no longer. Wherefore, on a. brick wall have I climbed into this garden, to see if I can eat grass, or pick a sallet another while, which.is not amiss to cool a man's stomach this hot weather. And I 10 think this word 'sallet' was born to do me good: for many a time, but for a sallet, my brainpan had been cleft with a brown bill; and many a time, when I have been dry and bravely marching, it hath served me instead of a quart pot to drink in; and now the word 'sallet' must serve me to feed on. Enter IDEN Iden. Lord, who would live turmoiled in the court, And may enjoy such quiet walks as these?

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This small inheritance my father left me Contenteth me, and worth a monarchy. 20 I seek not to wax great by others' waning, Or gather wealth, I care not with what envy: Sufficeth that I have maintains my state And sends the poor well pleased from my gate. Cade. Here's the lord of the soil come to seize me for a stray, for entering his fee-simple without leave. Ah, villain, thou wilt betray me, and get a thousand crowns of the king by carrying my head to him: but I'll make thee eat iron like an ostrich, and swallow my sword like a great pin, ere thou and I part. Iden. Why, rude companion, whatsoe'er thou be, 30 I know thee not; why then should I betray thee? Is't not enough to break into my garden, And, like a thief, to come to rob my grounds, Climbing my walls in spite of me the owner, But thou wilt brave me with these saucy terms ? Cade. Brave thee! ay, by the best blood that ever was broached, and beard thee too. Look on me well: I have eat no meat these five days; yet, come thou and thy five men, and if I do not leave you all as dead as a door-nail, 40 I pray God I may never eat grass more. Iden. Nay, it shall ne'er be said, while England stands, That Alexander Iden, an esquire of Kent, Took odds to combat a poor famished man. Oppose thy steadfast-gazing eyes to mine, See if thou canst outface me with thy looks: Set limb to limb, and thou art far the lesser; Thy hand is but a finger to my fist, Thy leg a stick compared with this truncheon; My foot shall fight with all the strength thou hast; 50 And if mine arm be heaved in the air,

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Thy grave is digged already in the earth. As for words, whose greatness answers words, Let this my sword report what speech forbears. Cade. By my valour, the most complete champion that ever I heard! Steel, if thou turn the edge, or cut not out the burly-boned clown in chines of beef ere thou sleep in thy sheath, I beseech God on my knees thou mayst [here they fight; Cade falls be turned to hobnails. O, I am slain! famine and no other hath slain me: let 60 ten thousand devils come against me, and give me but the ten meals I have lost, and I'ld defy them all. Wither, garden; and be henceforth a burying-place to all that do dwell in this house, because the unconquerecl soul of Cade is fled. Iden. Is't Cade that I have slain, that monstrous traitor? Sword, I will hallow thee for this thy deed, And hang thee o'er my tomb when I am dead: Ne'er shall this blood be wiped from thy point? But thou shalt wear it as a herald's coat, 70 T o emblaze the honour that thy master got. Cade. Iden, farewell, and be proud of thy victory. Tell Kent from me, she hath lost her best man, and exhort all the world to be cowards; for I, that never feared any, am vanquished by famine, not by valour. [dies

Iden. How much thou wrong'st me, heaven be my judge. Die, damned wretch, the curse of her that bare thee; And as I thrust thy body in with my sword, So wish I, I might thrust thy soul to hell. Hence will I drag thee headlong by the heels 80 Unto a dunghill which shall be thy grave, And there cut off thy most ungracious head;

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Which I will bear in triumph to the king, Leaving thy trunk for crows to feed upon. [he hales the body away

[ 5 . 1 . ] Open country on the road between London and Saint Albans; an ale-house near by; in the distance an army encamped, the royal standard floating above one of the tents Enter YORK, and his army of Irish, with drum and colours

York. From Ireland thus comes York to claim his right, And pluck the crown from feeble Henry's head. Ring, bells, aloud; burn, bonfires, clear and bright, To entertain great England's lawful king. Ah! sancta majestas, who would n'ot buy thee dear? Let them obey that know not how to rule; This hand was made to handle nought but gold. I cannot give due action to my words, Except a sword or sceptre balance it: A sceptre shall it have, have I a soul, 10 On which I'll toss the flower-de-luce of France. Enter

BUCKINGHAM

Whom have we here? Buckingham, to disturb me? The king hath sent him, sure: I must dissemble. Buckingham. York, if thou meanest well, I greet thee well. York. Humphrey of Buckingham, I accept thy greeting. Art thou a messenger, or come of pleasure? Buckingham. A messenger from Henry, our dread liege,

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To know the reason of these arms in peace; Or why thou, being a subject as I am, Against thy oath and true allegiance sworn, Should raise so great a power without his leave, Or dare to bring thy force so near the court. {York. Scarce can I speak, my choler is so great. O, I could hew up rocks and fight with flint, I am so angry at these abject terms; And now, like Ajax Telamonius, On sheep or oxen could I spend my fury. I am far better born than is the king, More like a king, more kingly in my thoughts: But I must make fair weather yet awhile, Till Henry be more weak and I more strong.... \aloud~\ Buckingham, I prithee, pardon me, That I have given no answer all this while; My mind was troubled with deep melancholy. The cause why I have brought this army hither Is to remove proud Somerset from the king, Seditious to his grace and to the state. Buckingham. That is too much presumption on thy part: But if thy arms be to no other end, The king hath yielded unto thy demand: The Duke of Somerset is in the Tower. York. Upon thine honour, is he prisoner ? Buckingham. Upon mine honour, he is prisoner. York. Then, Buckingham, I do dismiss my powers. Soldiers, I thank you all; disperse yourselves; Meet me to-morrow in Saint George's Field, You shall have pay and every thing you wish. And let my sovereign, virtuous Henry, Command my eldest son, nay, all my sons, As pledges of my fealty and love;

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I'll send them all as willing as I live: Lands, goods, horse, armour, any thing I have, Is his to use, so Somerset may die. Buckingham. York, I commend this kind'submission: We twain will go into his highness' tent. As they draw near the royal tent, the KING comes forth to meet them King. Buckingham, doth York intend no harm to us, That thus he marcheth with thee arm in arm? York. In all submission and humility York doth present himself unto your highness. King. Then what intends these forces thou 60 dost bring? York. To heave the traitor Somerset from hence, And fight against that monstrous rebel Cade, Who since I heard to be discomfited. Enter IDEN, with Cade's head Iden. If one so rude and of so mean condition May pass into the presence of a king, Lo, I present your grace a traitor's head, The head of Cade, whom I in combat slew. King. The head of Cade!.. Great God, how just art Thou! O, let me view his visage, being dead, 70 That living wrought me such exceeding trouble. Tell me, my friend, art thou the man that slew him ? Iden. I was, an't like your majesty. King. How art thou called? and what is thy degree? Iden. Alexander Iden, that's my name; A poor esquire of Kent, that loves his king. Buckingham. So please it you, my lord, 'twere not amiss

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He were created knight for his good service. King. Iden, kneel down, [he kneels] Rise up a knight. We give thee for reward a thousand marks, 80 And will that thou henceforth attend on us. Iden. May Iden live to merit such a bounty, [rises And never live but true unto his liege! Enter §>UEEN and SOMERSET King. See, Buckingham, Somerset comes with the queen: Go, bid her hide him quickly from the duke. Queen. For thousand Yorks he shall not hide his head, But boldly stand and front him to his face. York. How now! is Somerset at liberty? Then, York, unloose thy long-imprisoned thoughts, And let thy tongue be equal with thy heart. 90 Shall I endure the sight of Somerset? False king! why hast thou broken faith with me, Knowing how hardly I can brook abuse ? King did I call thee? no, thou art not king, Not fit to govern and rule multitudes, Which dar'st not, no, nor canst not rule a traitor. That head of thine doth not become a crown; Thy hand is made to grasp a palmer's staff, And not to grace an awful princely sceptre. That gold must round engirt these brows of mine, 100 Whose smile and frown, like to Achilles' spear, Is able with the change to kill and cure. Here is a hand to hold a sceptre up And with the same to act controlling laws. Give place: by heaven, thou shalt rule no more O'er him whom heaven created for thy ruler. Somerset. O monstrous traitor! I arrest thee, York,

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Of capital treason 'gainst the king and crown: Obey, audacious traitor; kneel for grace. York. Wouldst have me kneel? first let me ask of these, no If they can brook I bow a knee to man. Sirrah, call in my sons to be my bail: [a Yorkist soldier goes I know ere they will have me go to ward, They'll pawn their swords for my enfranchisement. Queen. Call hither Clifford; bid him come amain, To say if that the bastard boys of York Shall be the surety for their traitor father. [a Lancastrian soldier goes York. O blood-bespotted Neapolitan, Outcast of Naples, England's bloody scourge! The sons of York, thy betters in their birth, 120 Shall be their father's bail; and bane to those That for my surety will refuse the boys! Enter EDWARD and RICHARD See where they come: I'll warrant they'll make it good. Enter old CLIFFORD and his Son Queen. And here comes Clifford to deny their bail. Clifford. Health and all happiness to my lord [kneels the king! York. I thank thee, Clifford: say, what news with thee ? Nay, do not fright us with an angry look: We are thy sovereign, Clifford, kneel again; For thy mistaking so, we pardon thee. Clifford. This is my king, York, I do not mistake; 130 But thou mistakes me much to think I do: To Bedlam with him! is the man grown mad? H.VI

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King. Ay, Clifford; a bedlam and ambitious humour Makes him oppose himself against his king. Clifford. He is a traitor; let him to the Tower, And chop away that factious pate of his. Queen. He is arrested, but will not obey; His sons, he says, shall give their words for him. York. Will you not, sons ? Edward. Ay, noble father, if our words will serve. Richard. And if words will not, then our 140 weapons shall. Clifford. Why, what a brood of traitors have we here! York. Look in a glass, and call thy image so: I am thy king, and thou a false-heart traitor. Call hither to the stake my two brave bears, That with the very shaking of their chains They may astonish-these fell-lurking curs: Bid Salisbury and Warwick come to me. Enter the Earls of WARWICK, and SALISBURY Clifford. Are these thy bears? we'll bait thy bears to death* And manacle the bear'ard in their chains, 150 If thou dar'st bring them to the baiting place. Richard. Oft have I seen a hot o'erweening cur Run back and bite, because he was withheld; Who, being suffered with the bear's fell paw, Hath clapped his tail between his legs and cried: And such a piece of service will you do, If you oppose yourselves to match Lord Warwick. Clifford. Hence, heap of wrath, foul indigested lump, As crooked in thy manners as thy shape! York. Nay, we shall heat you thoroughly anon.

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Clifford. Take heed, lest by your heat you burn yourselves. King. Why, Warwick, hath thy knee forgot to bow? Old Salisbury, shame to thy silver hair, Thou mad misleader of thy brain-sick son! What! wilt thou on thy death-bed play the ruffian, And seek for sorrow with thy spectacles? O, where is faith? O, where is loyalty? If it be banished from the frosty head, Where shall it find a harbour in the earth? Wilt thou go dig a grave to find out war, And shame thine honourable age with blood? WThy art thou old, and want'st experience ? Or wherefore dost abuse it, if thou hast it? For shame! in duty bend thy knee to me That bows unto the grave with mickle age. Salisbury. My lord, I have considered with myself The title of this most renowned duke; And in my conscience do repute his grace The rightful heir to England's royal seat. King. Hast thou not sworn allegiance unto me? Salisbury. I have. King. Canst thou dispense with heaven for such, an oath? Salisbury. It is great sin to swear unto a sin, But greater sin to keep a sinful oath. Who can be bound by any solemn vow To do a murderous deed, to rob a man, To force a spotless virgin's chastity, To reave the orphan of his patrimony, T o wring the widow from her customed right, And have no other reason for this wrong But that he was bound by a solemn oath? Qjeen. A subtle traitor needs no sophister.

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King. Call Buckingham, and bid him arm himself. York. Call Buckingham, and all the friends thou hast, I am resolved for death or dignity. Clifford. The first I warrant thee, if dreams prove true. Warwick. You were best to go to bed and dream again, To keep thee from the tempest of the field. Clifford. I am resolved to bear a greater storm Than any thou canst conjure up to-day; 200 And that I'll write upon thy burgonet, Might I but know thee by thy house's badge. Warwick. Now, by my father's badge, old Nevil's crest, The rampant bear chained to the ragged staff, This day I'll wear aloft my burgonet, As on a mountain top the cedar shows That keeps his leaves in spite of any storm, Even to affright thee with the view thereof. Clifford. And from thy burgonet I'll rend thy bear And tread it under foot with all contempt, 210 Despite the bear'ard that protects the bear. Young Clifford. And so to arms, victorious father, T o quell the rebels and their complices. Richard. Fie! charity, for shame! speak not in spite, For you shall sup with Jesu Christ to-night. Young Clifford. Foul stigmatic, that's more than thou canst tell. 'Richard. If not in heaven, you'll surely sup in hell. [they go They withdraw -with their armies to prepare for battle and after a short pause are heardfightingin the distance,The alarums grow louder

5.2.1 [5.2.]

KING HENRY VI

"i

Enter WARWICK

Warwick. Clifford of Cumberland, 'tis Warwick calls: And if thou dost not hide thee from the bear, Now, when the angry trumpet sounds alarum And dead men's cries do fill the empty air, Clifford, I say, come forth and fight with me: Proud northern lord, Clifford of Cumberland, Warwick is hoarse with calling thee to arms. Enter YORK. How now, my noble lord! what, all a-foot? York. The deadly-handed Clifford slew my steed, But match to match I have encount'red him And made a prey for carrion kites and crows Even of the bonny beast he loved so well.

Io

Enter CLIFFORD Warwick. Of one or both of us the time is come. York. Hold, Warwick, seek thee out some other chase, For I myself must hunt this deer to death. Warwick. Then, nobly, York; 'tis for a crown thou fight'st. As I intend, Clifford, to thrive to-day, It grieves my soul to leave thee unassailed. [he leaves them

Clifford. What seest thou in me, York? why dost thou pause? York. With thy brave bearing should I be in love, But that thou art so fast mine enemy. Clifford. Nor should thy prowess want praise and esteem, But that 'tis shown ignobly and in treason.

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York. So let it help me now against thy sword As I in justice and true right express it. Clifford. My soul and body on the action both! York. A dreadful lay! Address thee instantly. [they fight, and Clifford falls [dies Clifford. La fin couronne les ceuvres. York. Thus war hath given thee peace, for thou art still. 30 Peace with his soul, heaven, if it be thy will! [he goes forward Enter young CLIFFORD Young Clifford. Shame and confusion! all is on the rout; Fear frames disorder, and disorder wounds Where it should guard. O war, thou son of hell, Whom angry heavens do make their minister, Throw in the frozen bosoms of our part Hot coals of vengeance! Let no soldier fly. He that is truly dedicate to war Hath no self-love, nor he that loves himself Hath not essentially but by circumstance 40 The name of valour, [sees his deadfather] O, let the vile world end, And the premised flames of the Last Day Knit earth and heaven together! Now let the general trumpet blow his blast, Particularities and petty sounds To cease! Wast thou ordained, dear father, To lose thy youth in peace, and to achieve The silver livery of advised age, And, in thy reverence and thy chair-days, thus To die in ruffian battle? Even at this sight 50 My heart is turned to stone: and while 'tis mine,

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It shall be stony.. York not our old men spares; No more will I their babes: tears virginal Shall be to me even as the dew to fire, And beauty that the tyrant oft reclaims Shall to my flaming wrath be oil and flax. Henceforth I will not have to do with pity: Meet I an infant of the house of York, Into as many gobbets will I cut it As wild Medea young Absyrtus did: In cruelty will I seek out my fame. 60 Come, thou new ruin of old Clifford's house: As did Aeneas old Anchises bear, So bear I thee upon my manly shoulders; But then Aeneas bare a living load, Nothing so heavy as these woes of mine. [he bears away the body Enter RICHARD and SOMERSET to fight. Somerset is killed 'Richard. So, lie thou there; For underneath an alehouse' paltry sign, 'The Castle in Saint Albans', Somerset Hath made the wizard famous in his death. Sword, hold thy temper; heart, be wrathful still: 70 [passes on Priests pray for enemies, but princes kill. Fight: excursions. Enter KING, §>jJEENt and others

§lneen. Away, my lord! you are slow; for shame, away! King. Can we outrun the heavens ? good Margaret, stay. Queen. What are you made of? you'll nor fight nor fly:

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Now is it manhood, wisdom, and defence, To give the enemy way, and to secure us By what we can, which can no more but fly.

[alarum afar off If you be ta'en, we then should see the bottom Of all our fortunes: but if we haply scape, 80 As well we may, if not through your neglect, We shall to London get, where you are loved And where this breach now in our fortunes made May readily be stopped. Re-enter young CLIFFORD Young Clifford. But that my heart's on future mischief set, I would speak blasphemy ere bid you fly: But fly you must; uncurable discomfit Reigns in the hearts of all our present parts. Away, for your relief! and we will live To see their day and them our fortune give: 90 Away, my lord, away! [they hurry away [5.3.] Alarum. Retreat. Enter YORK, RICHARD, WARWICK, and soldiers, with drum and colours York. Of Salisbury, who can report of him, That winter lion, who in rage forgets Aged contusions and all brush of time, And, like a gallant in the brow of youth, Repairs him with occasion ? This happy day Is not itself, nor have we won one foot, If Salisbury be lost. Richard. My noble father, Three times to-day I holp him to his horse, Three times bestrid him: thrice I led him off, 10 Persuaded him from any further act:

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"5

But still, where danger was, still there I met him; And like rich hangings in a homely house, So was his will in his old feeble body. But, nefole as he is, look where he comes. Enter SALISBURT Now, by my sword, well hast thou fought to-day. -\Salisbury. By th'mass, so did we all. I thank you, Richard: God knows how long it is I have to live; And it hath pleased him that three times to-day You have defended me from imminent death. Well, lords, we have not got that which we have: 20 'Tis not enough our foes are this time fled, Being opposites of such repairing nature. York. I know our safety is to follow them; For, as I hear, the king is fled to London, To call a present court of parliament. Let us pursue him ere the writs go forth. What says Lord Warwick? shall we after them? Warwick. After them! nay, before them, if we can. Now, by my hand, lords, 'twas a glorious day: Saint Albans battle won by famous York 30 Shall be eternized in all age to come. Sound drums and trumpets, and to London all: And more such days as these to us befall! [thy march

NOTES For Note on the Copy see Part III, p. 117. All significant departures from F. are recorded; the name of the text or edition in which the accepted reading first appeared being placed in brackets. Linenumeration for references to plays not yet issued in this edition is that found in Bartlett's Concordance, 1894, and the Globe Shakespeare. F. stands for the First Folio (1623), F2J 3 and 4 for the later Folios (1632, 1663, 1685); Q. for The First Part of the Contention, 1594 [v. Introd. pp. vii-viii]; Camb. for The Cambridge Sh., 2nd ed. 1887; S.D. for stage-direction; Sh. for Shakespeare and Shakespearian; non-Sh. for not found elsewhere in the canon; Sp. for Spenser; O.E.D. for the Oxford English Dictionary; O.D.P. for Oxford Dictionary of Proverbs (ed. ii), 1948 [cf. Tilley, inf.]; G. for glossary. Common words (e.g. freq.=frequent, frequently; prob.=probably; sp. = spelling) together with names of characters are also abbreviated when convenient. The following is a list of abridged titles for other books cited: Alph. v. Greene, Plays; Anders = Sh.'s Books, by H. R. D. Anders, 1904; h.-pipe:rson=English Proverbs and Proverbial Phrases, by G. L. Apperson, 1929; B.C.P. — The Book of Common Prayer; Bacon, v. Greene, Plays; Bond^The Works of John Lyly, ed. by R. W. Bond, 1902; Cheyney=History of England, 1588-1603, by E. P. Cheyney, 2 vols., 1914; Dido = Tragedie of Dido, by Christopher Marlowe and Thomas Nashe, 1594; Dodsley \=A Select Collection of Old Plays, 4th ed. by W. C. Hazlitt, 15 vols., 1874-6; F.Q. = The Faerie Queene; F.V. = The Famous Victories of Henry the fifth, 1598 [cited from Furnivall's fac-

NOTES

"7

simile, 1887]; Fabyan — The New Chronicles of England and France, by R. Fabyan, 1516 (ed. by H. Ellis, 181 r ) ; Franz=Die Sprache Shakespeares (4th ed.), by W. Franz, 1939; French—Shakespeareana Genealogica, by G. R. French, 1869; Golding = Golding's trans, of The Metamorphoses of Ovid, 1567 [cited from the 1904. reprint in 'The King's Library']; Grafton=J f Chronicle at Large, 1569, by Richard Grafton [cited from the reprint in 2 vols. 1809]; Greene [Individual plays cited from Plays and Poems of Robert Greene, ed. J. C. Collins, 2 vols., 1905 (Contents: Alphonsus, King of Arragon; A Looking Glasse for London; Orlando Furioso; Frier Bacon and Frier Bongay; "James the Fourth); his prose from The Works of Robert Greene (The Huth Library), ed. A. B. Grosart, 15 vols., 1881-3]; Greg, Ed. Prob.-=The Editorial Problem in Shakespeare, by W. W. Greg, 1942; Hall = 2 % Union of the Two Noble and Illustre Famelies ofLancastre and Torke, by Edward Hall, 1548-50 [cited from the 1809 reprint]; Hanmer=the ed. by Sir Thomas Hanmer, 1743; Hardyng == Chronicle of England, by John Hardyng, 1543 [cited from ed. by H. Ellis, 1812]; Hart=the ed. by H . C. Hart {Arden Sh.), 2nd ed. 1931; Herford=ed. in The Eversley Sh. by C. H. Herford, 1900; Ho\. = TAe Chronicles of Englande, Scotlande, and Irelande by Raphael Holinshed, cited from vol. iii, and unless otherwise stated, from 2nd ed. 1587; J.=the ed. by Samuel Johnson, 1765; Jas.IF, v. Greene; John of Bordeaux (c. 1590), a MS. play, printed 1936 by the Malone Society, with, an introduction by W. L. Renwick; L. Glass, v. Greene; Leir=The Chronicle History of King Leir ( < 1594 [cited from the Malone Soc. Reprint]); Locrine — The Tragedy of Locrine, 1595 (Malone Soc. Rep. 1908); Lyly=:ra
"8

NOTES

Master William Silence by D. H . Madden, 1907; Mal.=Boswell's Variorum ed. of Malone's Sh. 1821; M.L.R. = The Modern Language Review; MSU. = The MS. of Sh.'s ''Hamlet', by J. Dover Wilson, 1934; More—Sir Thomas More, printed in The Sh. Apocrypha ed.by C.F.Tucker Brooke, 1908 ['Sh.'s addition to' = Act. 11, scene iv, 11. 1-172, attributed to Sh.; v. Sh.'s Hand pp. 228ff., from which I quote]; Nashe= The Works of Thomas Nashe, 5 vols., ed. by R. B. McKerrow, 1904-10; Noble=Sh.'s Biblical Knowledge, by Richmond Noble, 1935; Orl. Fur. v. Greene; Peele, Works=The Works of George Peek, ed. by A. H. Bullen, 1888 [Single works: Chastity = The Praise of Chastity, 1593; David= David and Bethsabe, 1599; Desc. Ast.—Descensus Astraeae; Ed. I=Edward I, 1593; Garter—The Honour of the Garter, 1593; Theobalds'=Speeches at Theobalds, 1591]; Pope=ed. of Sh. by Alexander Pope, 1725; Root=Classical Mythology in Sh. by R. K. Root, 1903; Rowe=ed. of Sh. by Nicholas Rowe, 1709; Scott-Giles = Sh.'s Heraldry, by C. W. Scott-Giles, 1950; Schmidt=.5'/$. Lexicon, by Alexander Schmidt, 3rd ed., by G. Sarrazin, 1902; Selimus=Tragical Raigne of Selimus, 1594 [Malone Soc. Reprint, 1909]; Sh. Eng. = Shakespeare's England, 1916; Sh.'s Hand'=Shakespeare's Hand in 'Sir Thomas More', by A. W. Pollard, etc., 1923; Stone=5i.V Holinshed, by W. G. BoswellStone, 1896; Straw=jfack Straw, 1593 [cited from Dodsley 4, vol. v]; Sugden=^ Topographical Diet, to Sh. by E. H . Sugden, 1925; Theob.=ed. by Lewis Theobald, 1734; Tilley=DzV/. of Proverbs, by M. P. Tilley, 1950; T.R.=The Troublesome Raigne of King John, 1591 [cited from Furnivall's facsimile, 1888]. Acts and Scenes. None marked in F. Traditional act-divisions first introduced by Pope; scene-divisions

I.I.

NOTES

119

by Capell, together with most of the locality directions, some of which are unnecessary or wrong. Punctuation. Even better than in Pt. I; two serious mistakes detected (v. notes 3. 1. 333-4; 4. 2. 133). Stage-directions. Most in F. are authorial (though some appear to be influenced by those in Q.; v. Greg, Ed. Prob. pp. 55, 162). Note, e.g. the purposive 'Enter the K i n g . . . to banish the Duchess' (2. 3, head), the retrospective 'Enter two or three running ouer the Stage from the Murther of Duke Humfrey' (3. 2, head), and the vague 'Enter Cade...with infinite numbers' (4.2.31) and 'Enter Multitudes with Halters about their Neckes' (4. 9. 9). v. Note on the Copy, Pt. I l l , p. 117. Noteworthy departures from F. are recorded. Lineation. Unlike that of Pt. I this F. text contains a large amount of incorrect lineation, often including the printing of prose as if verse, the amount being so great that Aldis Wright found it impossible to record it all (v. Camb. Sh. v, note iv). Neither have I attempted to do so, while for the most part I have been content to accept Wright's lineation. Names of the Characters. List first (imperfectly) given by Rowe. For John Hum v. 1. 2. 69, n., and for Faux v. 3. 2. 366, n. Homer, Peter, Simpcox, and Walter Whitmore appear to be invented names, while George Bevis and John Holland are the names of the actors who played the parts (v. Note on the Copy, Pt. Ill, pp. 120-22). For the principal characters v. the genealogical table at end. I. I . Authorship. Prob. a basic text by Greene rehandled by Sh. LI. 1-129 are non-Sh. (=a leaf of foolscap -written on both, sides), after which I conj. Sh. took a clean leaf and partly copied and partly rewrote the rest. E.g. the Card.'s

i2o

NOTES

I.I.

speech (11. 145-62) may be Sh.; Sal.'s (11. 178-202) reads like Greene touched up; while York's (1. 212 to the end) is mostly Sh., though exhibiting clear signs of an original draft by Greene (v. Introd. p . xxix). N.B. Duke Humphrey's speeches are prefixed 'Glo.' in F . down to 1. 129, but 'Hum.' from 1. 131 onwards. For poss. Peele clues v. notes on 11. 78-9, 98, 126, 176. Material. Mostly from Grafton (i. 623—5; Hall, 203-6), but Fabyan drawn upon at one point (v. 1.112, n.) while the negotiations are much simplified. Actually Suffolk repaired to Tours in 1443, hoping to conclude 'a final concord' with France, but after a protracted 'diet' he had to content himself with 'a truce.. .for xviii monethes*. It was then he mooted the project of a royal marriage in the hope of securing peace that way, but here he was met by the question of Anjou and Maine and these he agreed to surrender. In fact he was completely fooled. For Grafton (rather than Hall) v. Introd. to Pt. I l l , p . xx. S.D. Locality (Theob.) Entry (Rowe, after F.). For 'hoboys' v. G. 1-16. As by.. .received A report of the mission entrusted him at end of Pt. I. But there he received no instruction to marry as 'procurator'. For other inconsistencies v. notes 11.7 3ff.,1.131-2 ('a whole fifteenth.'). Grafton is verbally followed in much of 11. 1-9. 1-3. As.. .As Cf. Introd. p. xxviii. at my depart Again Pt. I l l , 2. 1. n o . Common in Greene, e.g. Jas. IF, 124, 1441, 1446. 1-2. As.. .in charge Cf. Straw, p . 412, 'As gaue your grace in charge', etc. 10. humbly.. .knee Com. in Greene, e.g. yas. IF, 2316, Bacon, 2028, 2043, L. Glass, 2036. 13-14. substance...shadow Cf. Greene, x. 197, Bacon, 745, etc. 15-16. The happiest... that ever, etc. A Sp. cliche* freq. in Peele and Greene. 20. replete with Again Pt. I, 1. 1. 12$ 1. 6. 15;

I.I.

NOTES

"i

5. 5. 17; Pt. Ill, 3. 2. 84. Freq. in Peele and Greene; in Sh. elsewhere only at L.L.L. 5. 2. 839, Son. (twice). 28. alder-liefest An archaism. Non-Sh. Cf. 3. 1. 164, n., Greene, ix. 143, 'the Alderleefest swaine', Jas. IF, 2403, 'mine alder-truest loue'. 29-34. Makes me.. .Makes me Freq. opening in Greene, e.g. Jas. IF, 307. 31. over-joy (Camb.) F. 'ouer 107'. Several times in OrI. Fur. [Hart]. 32-3. Her sight., .majesty With this pretentious tribute cf. that to Lady Grey in Pt. I l l , 3. 2. 84-6. 36-7. Lords.. .happiness! For a like command and response v. Jas. IF, 11. 138-41, and Peele, Ed. / , iii. 54-5. 37. S.D. F . 'All kneel'. 38. S.D. (F.). 40-2. the articles.. .consent v. Material 'Concluded by consent' is line-filling. 49-50. the duchy.. .father Grafton (i. 625; Hall, 204) says Suffolk, eyther corrupted •with bribes or to [=too] much affectionate to thisvnprofitablemarriage.. .agreed.. .thattheDuchie of Aniofw, and the Countie ofMayne, should be released and deliuered to the King her father.

50. S.D. Q. 'Duke Humphrey lets it fall' F.none. 53. sudden qualm.. .heart For Greene parallels v. Introd. p. xxxi. 56. S.D. (Camb.). 57. duchies (Rowe) F. 'Dutchefle'. 59. of.. .cost Again at 4. 6. 3. Not elsew. in Sh. Cf. 2 Sam. xix. 42. 60. without.. .dozory Cf. Grafton, i. 625, 'the King had with her not one penie'. Note: 'having' is both awkward and unnecessary. 61. kneel down Cf. 5 . 1 . 78, n. Suff. actually made Duke in 1445 (v. Grafton, i. 627; Hall, 207). 63. girt (F.) Cf. Pt. I, 3. 1. 171, n.

123

NOTES

2.1.

64. discharge.. .regent Cf. Grafton, i. 626. 70. entertainment...princely Common, words in. Greene and Peele. 71-2. provide To see.. .Be Not a Sh. construction. Cf. Introd. p. xxix (iv). 72. S.D. (J.D.W.), combining F. and Q. 73 ff. Brave peers, etc. Grafton (i. 624-5; Hall, 204) bases Glou.'s opposition on a preference for a match with Armagnac's daughter, a point made much of in Pt. I (5. 1. 15-20; 5. 5. 25-45), but here suppressed or forgotten. 73-4. pillars.. .unload Incongruous imagery. 76. What! Initial ejaculation, occasional in Marlowe, Peele, Sh.; almost an obsession with Greene, e.g. Bacon, 309, 322, 684, 703, etc. See Introd. p. xxix, n. 2. 78-9. in open field.. .heat Cf. Peele, David, iii. 226, 'in the fields, | Suffering the wrath of winter and the sun'. 89. debating to and fro Cf. Greene, x. 206, 'disputing pro and contra'. 91. And had (Grant White). F.'And hath'. 92. Crowned in Paris Cf. Pt. I, 4. 1. 98. names.. .books of memory Cf. Pt. I, 2. 4. 101, n., Peele, Chastity, 11. 32, 91, 'name(s) in books of memory', and Garter, 11. 333, 338. For 11. 98-9, cf. Son. 25, 'from the book of honour razed quite'. 99. Razing (edd.) F . 'Racing'. 103. peroration (F 2)1?. 'preroration'v. G. Non-Sh. 107. rules the roast v. G. 'roast', and Introd. p. xxxi. roast (Pope) F. 'roft'. 109-10. large style.. .purse Cf. Grafton (i. 625; Hall, 205), 'For king Reyner her father, for all his long stile, had to short a pursse'. 112. the keys of Normandy From Fabyan (617, top); not in Grafton, Hall or Hoi.

I.I.

NOTES

123

117. myself. ..both Actually Maine had been conquered 20 years earlier by his father-in-law, Richard Beauchamp, another Warwick. Cf. Grafton, i. 571 (Hall, 138); Hoi. 596. 121. Mart Dieu! Cf. Hen. F, 3. 5.. 11; 4. 5. 3. 122. suffocate Quibble on'Suffolk*. 124-5. should have.. .Before I would Cf. Pt. I l l , I. 1. 244-5. 126-9. / never read.. .vantages Poor in sense and metre. 126. I never read. ..kings, etc. Cf. Peele, Ed. I, 1. 212, ' I neuer read but Englishmen excelled*. See below 11.130, 'never heard before'; 181, ' I never saw'; 2. 2. 40, 'As I have read', and 'never heard of* 3. 1. 122 and Pt. Ill, 2. 1. 33. The same exp. occurs in Peek's and/or Greene's Straw (p. 395), ' I haue not heard, nor read of any king', etc.; cf. ibid. p. 406, and Greene, Jlph. 59. 131-2. a whole fifteenth.. .her Cf. Grafton, i. 625 (Hall, 205); 'for the fetchyng of her, the Marques of Suffolke demaunded a whole fiftene in open Parliament'. Called 'a tenth' in Pt. I, 5. 5. 93 (see note). 140. Rancour will out Cf. Grafton, 622 (Hall,. 202), 'But venime will once breake out, and inwarde grudge will sone appere'. out: (edd.) F. 'out,'. 142. our ancient bickerings See Introd. to Pt. I, p. xiii. Supposed by some to refer to the bickerings in Pt. I, but sufficiently explained as a reflection of Grafton, i. 622 (Hall, 197) also echoed in 1. 140: You haue heard before, howe the Duke of Gloucester sore grudged at the prowde doynges of the Cardinall of Winchester, and howe the Cardinall likewise, sore enuied and disdayned at the rule of the Duke of Gloucester, and howe by the meanes of the Duke of Bedford, their malice Was appeased, & eche was reconciled to other, in perfit loue & amitie, to al mens outward iudgements.

124

NOTES

I.I.

143. Lor dings Non-SL, except in ref. to boys {Wint. 1. 2. 62); common in Greene and Peele. 148-62. And no great friend'.. .protector For the plot against Glouc. and the cooked up charges see 1. 3. 122-35, n. 154. Look to it, lords 'Characteristic of Sh.' (Hart). smoothing words Againini?. Ill, 1.2.169. 'Smooth' a common vb. in Greene. Cf. 1. 2. 65; 2. 1. 22. 156—7. the common.. .good Duke Cf. Grafton, i. 630: 'he was both loued of the commons, and well spoken of of all m e n . . . being called the good Duke of Gloucester*. This title ('good Duke') is not found in Hoi. while Hall (209) says nothing here about 'the common people'. See Introd. to Pt. Ill, p. xxi. 163. protect.. .sovereign Cf. 1. 3. 118, n. 166. all together (Rowe) F.'altogether'. 167. hoise.. .from (=remove), a sense not again in Sh. The sp., only again in Sh. at R. Ill, 4. 4. 529* ('hoised sail'), v. often occurs in Greene, e.g. vi, 9 3 ; ix. 45, 113. Cf. 'heave from' (5. 1. 61, n.). 168. brook Again at 4. 9. 45; 5. i . 92, n o ; four times in Pt. I l l , and very freq. in Greene. 170-75. Cousin.. .Protector Style unlike Sh. 176. Or thou or I Cf. Tit. Introd. p. xxix, and ibid. 1.1. 294, n. 178-202. Pride.. .land Its plain directness marks this speech out as Sh.'s though the cliche1 'as we may' (1. 201) suggests the basic text. 178. Pride...him Cf. Tilley, P576, 'Pride goes before and shame comes after'. 183. Oft have I seen Prob. a Greene gambit (4. 4. 1, n.). Repeated at 3. 2. 161; 5. 1. 151. Also occurs in Kyd, Cornelia, 5. 1. 4 [Hart]. Cf. Pt. I l l , 2. 1. 149. 189-90. thy housekeeping... commons Cf. G. 'house-

I.I.

NOTES

125

keeping'and Grafton, 1.652 (Hall, 231-2) on Richard of York: among all sortes of people, he obteyned great loue, fauour, and credence... by his abundant liberalitie, and plentifull house keeping. 191. Excepting... Humphrey Ace. to Fabyan (619), Glouc.'s 'honourable housholde & lyberalite.. .passyd all other before his tyme'. 192-3. thy acts.. .discipline At 3. I. 283, 312, we learn of the rebellion in Ireland (1448) and of York being sent to quell it. Both here and at 3. 1. 360 he is represented as having also suppressed an earlier rising, for which the chron. give no authority; but v. 3. 1. 360, n. Note that 1. 193 directly reflects Grafton, 1. 640, cited 3. 1. 35S-7,n. as does 3. 1. 310-11. The word 'civil', not found in Hol.'s version (629), shows this. 205. Marked 'aside' by Theob. 206-10. look unto the.. .Main chance Cf. Tilley, E235, 'Have an eye to the main chance'; and G. 'main'. 212-57. Jnjou.. .down Once again the direct style and simple imagery show Sh.'s hand. But v. notes, 11. 235-6, 241, 251. 214. Stands.. .point Again in Kyd, Sp. Trag. 2. 4. 78 [Hart]. 216. well pleased Only at 4. 10. 23 again in. Sh. 218. I cannot blame etc. Common opening in Sh. (v. Bartlett, 'blame'). 220. penn'orths (Pope) F. 'pennyworths'. 223-9. While as.. .sold Cf. the conduct of this image with that in 3. 1. 210—19. While <w=while. Not again in Sh. N.B. initial 'While' repeated in 11. 223, 226—not like Sh.

NOTES

I.I.

232-3. As did.. .Calydon Cf. Ovid, Met. vm, 451 ff. (Golding, 593 ff.) Far-fetched, and inept, v. G. 'Althaea'. 'Calydon' does not recur in Sh. and 'Althaea' once only (2 H. IF, 2. 2. 85) and there inaccurately. Cf. Introd. pp. 1-li. 235-6. Cold news.. .soil Virtually repeated in the patently non-Sh. lines at 3.1.86-7. For'Cold news', v. R. Ill, 4. 4. 536. Not again in Sh. but v. Greene, iv. 145. 241. For that's., .mark For Greene parallel v. Introd. p. xxxi. 245. fits not Non-Sh. exp. Freq. in Greene. 246-8. Then, York.. .secrets Cf. Introd. p. xxix. 251, faWn at jars Cf. 4. 8. 40 'at jar' and Greene vi. 104 'at mortall iarres, ibid. 253 'fell to iarre in wordes'. Not again in Sh. 252—4. raise aloft.. .of York Both the white rose badge and the falcon or eagle figured in the Yorkist standard (Scott-Giles, 127). 254. in (F2) F. 'in in'. I. 2. Authorship. No certain clues to Sh.'s presence, and many passages he could not possibly have written, most of which remind me of Greene. Material. The story of Eleanor, Duchess of Glouc, belongs to 1441, three years before Margaret comes to England, and is told by Grafton (i. 622; Hall, 202) as an example of a secret attempt on the part of the Cardinal to discredit her husband. Cf. Material, 1. 4.

S.D. Locality (Theob.) Entry (F.). 1-2. Why...load? Cf. Greene, Bacon, 1, 'Why lookes my lord like to a troubled skie', etc.; 323 'Looke how he droops'; 1424 'lands that waue with Ceres golden sheues'. Cf. also 2. 3. 45; 3. 2. 176 below; Pt. I, 2. 5. 12; and Tit. 4. 4. 71-2.

1.3.

NOTES

127

2. Hanging the head Cf. Greene, Alph. 40 S.D., 47, n o . 3. knit his brows Only again in Sh. at 3. 1. 15; Pt. Ill, 2. 2. 20; 3. 2. 82; and Lucr. 709; but often in Greene, e.g. v. 49 'knitting their browes and looking downe to the ground'. 8. Enchased with... honours Not an image of Sh.'s; nor does 'enchased' occur again in his plays, though common with Greene [Hart], and Marlowe. 9-10. grovel'.. .the same Ridiculous image, grovel Only again in Sh., at 1. 4. 11, and K. John, 2. 1. 305. But 'grovel on the ground' occurs twice in Greene's Jlph. (900, 1255), perhaps .). 42. Presumptuous dame Cf. Pt. 1,2. 3.70, n., 3.1.8; Bacon, 1320. 51. What, what Cf. 1. 1. 76, n. 57. Albans F. and Grafton 'Albons'. 59. Where as Cf. 'While as' (1. 1. 223). 60. follow presently Cf. 1. 83. She does not ride to St* Albans, presumably because she is arrested in 1.4. But the point is left obscure. S.D. F. 'Ex.Hum.'. 61. Follow.. .before Cf. Tilley, G156 'They that cannot go before must come behind'. H.VI - II

IO

«8

NOTES

1.2.

64. remove.. .stumbling-blocks Cf. Peele, Ed. I, ii. 129 [Hart], 65. smooth.. .necks Very like Greene; cf. 1. 1. 154, n. 68. Sir John v. G. 'sir'. 69. S.D. (F. sp. 'Hume') ' H u m ' in Grafton and Hall; and 'Hun' alias ' H u m ' in Hoi. (623/1) (cf. the rhyme in 11. 88-9). Perhaps the ' e ' was added in F. to avoid confusion with the 'Hum' (=Humphrey) prefixes. 72-3. But.,.multiplied Quibble on 1 Pet. i. 2 [Noble]. 77. do me good v. G. 'good' (i). 83. When.. .return Cf. 1. 60, n. 87 ff. Hum must etc. Hum's treachery is deduced from the pardon which he alone of the gang receives ace. to Grafton, who however says nothing of his being bribed by Suff. and the Card. 89. no words but mum Cf. Looking Glass 1. 1255

'no words but mum', Alph. 1. 116 'ne'er a word but mum', and Tilley, W767. 93. Yet Cf. 11. 96, 101. For Greene's use of initial 'Yet' in soliloquies v. Jas. IF, 195, 201. flies.. .coast Cf. Bacon, 1719, 'flies through the English coast'. 99. buzz.. .brain Cf. Peele, Troy, 38, 'Buzzed in, the brain' [Hart]. 100. A crafty...broker For Greene parallel v. Introd. p. xxxi. 106. attainture v. G.; cf. 'tainture', 2. 1. 185.

3 Authorship. Sh. seems to have touched up the verse In places to add dignity to Glouc. (v. 11. 150-9, n.) and the jest about the wife at 1. 19 may conceivably be his. But the rest of the scene is full of clues pointing to Greene. Note, too, the link between 1.28 and 1.2.71,- 74 suggesting common authorship.

1.3.

NOTES

129

Material. The petitioners, the intimacy between Marg. and Suff., and the box on the ear are invented. On the other hand, the bearing of Glouc, the hostility to him of Suff., Somerset, and the Card., and the rivalry between York and Somerset for the regency, are all reflexions of Grafton (Hall), though Hoi. is also drawn upon at one point (v. 11. 166-70, n.). Grafton too furnished smaller details noted below. For his account of the Armourer and his prentice v. head-note 2. 3. He gives no authority for their appearance at courtj nor does he connect them with York.

S.D. Locality (Hanmer) Entry (F. but adding 'Peter'). 5. S.D.. (F.) Q>. adds 'and they take him for Duke Humphrey, and giues him their writings'. 6. Here a1 comes etc. F 4 gives this to ' 1 . Pet.', prob.. rightly. 13. S.D. (Rowe) As she says' Let me see them' later, I suspect Rowe is wrong here. Perhaps ' T o ' should be •For'. 20. S.D. (Rowe). 21. enclosing.. .MeIford i.e. Long Melford, Suffolk. 25. S.D. (Cap.) Against my master etc. See 11.17 5 ff. below and 2. 3. 59 ff. 28. What safst thouf Cf. I . 2. 71, 74; Pt. I, I. 1. 62. Looks like a writer's trick. Found 6 times in. Bacon.

30. master so as (Warb.) F. 'MiftrelTe was.'. 32. S.D. (F.) 34. S.D. (Camb.) F.'Exit*. 36. Under the wings of Cf. Pt. I, 5. 3. 56-7, n. Often in Greene, who is fond of Biblical cliches; cf. Introd. p. xxx. 37. S.D. (Rowe) F. c Teare the supplication*.

39. S.D. (J.D.W.) F. 'Exit'.

130

NOTES

1.3.

41. fashions (F. + Al.). Rowe + mostedd. 'fashion'. 44. What! v. 1. 1. 76, n. 44-5. a pupil.. .governance Cf. 2. 3. 28-9. Both passages are reflected in Marlowe Ed. II, 3. 2. 3 0 - 1 : 'As though your highness were a schoolboy still, | And must be awed and governed like a child', as they reflect Grafton i. 628-9 (v. 2. 3 Material, ii). But Pt. I, I. I. 35-6, seems to echo Marlowe. Cf. also 1. 1. 163—4; 1. 3. 116—17 and Introd. p. xxvi. 48. / tell thee Cf. 1. 163. A Greene cliche; nine lines begin thus in Bacon; eight in Jas. IF. 48-9. in the city...a tilt Echoed in Marlowe, Ed. II, 5. 5. 6 7 - 9 : Tell Isabel, the queen, I looked not thus When for her sake I ran at tilt in France, And there unhorsed the Duke of Cleremont. Describing Marg.'s marriage by proxy at Tours, Grafton (i. 625; Hall, 205) mentions 'triumphant Iustes, costly feastes, and delicate banquets', a tilt (F 3) F. 'a-tilt'. 49. my love Cf. Pt. I, 5. 3. 60S., n. Actually Suff. was 34 years her senior and took his wife with him to Tours, as Grafton (i. 625) duly notes. 53ff. But all his mind etc. See Pt. I l l , Introd. p. xxxiii fE, for Henry's character. 54. To number.. .beads Virtually repeated at Pt. I l l , 2. 1. 162. For construction v- Introd. p. xxix (iv). 56. His weapons.. .writ Cf. Eph. vi. 17 [Noble]. 58. Are.. .saints Like 11. 66-j difficult to scan. 72. are no simple peers Cf. 3. 1. 20 'is no little man', and Peele, Garter, 185, 'They were no common men'. 75. sweeps it through For Greene parallels v. Introd. p. xxxii.

i. 3 .

NOTES

131

78. She...hack Common sentiment in Eliz. lit. But taken with, 11. 83-4, is strikingly paralleled in Leir, 495-6: Sheele lay her husbands Benefice on her back, Euen ia one gowne. 81. Contemptuous v. G. (non-Sh. sense) callet Cf. Pt. Ill, 2. 2. 145; Wint. 2. 3. 91. Freq. in Greene. 85. two.. .daughter Virtually repeats 1. I. 217. 86. myself'etc. Agrees with 1. 2. 95, not with 1.4. 40 S.D. et seq. limed a bush v. G. and Sh. Eng. ii. 371-2. Common Eliz. image, recurring 2. 4. 54; 3. 3. 16; Pt. Ill, 5. 6. 13, 17. Freq. in Greene (v. 3. 3. 16, n.). 87. choir F. 'Quier'. 90. So, let her rest Cliche with Kyd, Peele, Greene, etc.; cf. Tit. 2. 3. 8, n. 92-3. Although. ,.TetC£. 1. 1.170-2 'though. • . Yet'. Very common constr. in Greene. 98. steer the helm Incorrect (v. Sh. Eng. i. 162). Cf. Pt. I, 1. 1. 177, n. S.D. 'Sound a Sennet' (F.); the rest after Q. v. G. 'sennet'. 100. Or Somerset or York Their rivalry for the regentship of France is based on Grafton, i. 606 and Hoi. 625/2 (v. 11. 166-70, n.). 102. denayed A Spenserism found in Greene (e.g. Alph. 1066, Plays (ed. Collins), ii, p. 230,1. 200). In Sh. elsew. only at Tw. Nt. 2. 4. 124 (for the rhyme). 118. Protector of the realm Glouc. was never 'protector' or governor of Henry, a post entrusted to Winchester and Exeter, as the chron. clearly state under the first year of the reign. 122-35. The commonwealth etc. These accusations are based on (i) those 'layde to hys charge in open counsayle' (Grafton, i. 629; Hall, 209), and (ii) those brought later in the commons against the Duke of

13*

NOTES

1.3.

Suffolk (Grafton, i. 637-9; Hall, 217-18), including the betrayal of the towns in France, taking bribes from the French King, robbing the treasury and enriching himself and his kin by monopolies and extortions. Cf. 3. I. head (Material, ii). 128. wife's F. 'Wiues'. 134. suspect As subs. freq. in Greene; but v. also V.A. 1010. 135. make thee hop...head For Greene parallels v. Introd. p. xxxii. S.D. F. 'Exit Humphrey' J. supplies ' T h e . . . f a n ' . N.B. £>. gives 'lets fall her glove'—imperfect recollection. 136. minion v. G. Freq. in Greene. S.D. (F.) 'This incident recalls' Peele's Ed. I, vi. 117 [Hart] or Greene's Jas. IF, 314 S.D. 140. /7
i.3.

NOTES

133

163. Vlltellthee See 1. 48, n. 166-70. Somerset.. .lost Hart takes 'last time' as an allusion to Pt. I, 4. 3, but, as Stone (253) saw, the passage is based partly on Grafton (i. 606; Hall, 179) under 1435: Althoughe the Duke of Yorke, both for birth and courage, was worthy of this honour and preferment [the Regentship], yet he was so disdayned of Edmonde Duke of Somerset beyng Cosyn to the king, that he was promoted to so high an office (which he in very deede gaped and looked for) that by all wayes and meanes possible he both hindered and detracted him, glad of his losse, and sorie of his well doing, causing him to linger in England without dispatch, tillParys and the Flower ofFraunce were gotten by the French king.

and partly on Hoi. (625, b) under 1446: But the duke of Summerset still maligning the duke of Yorkes aduancement, as he had sought to hinder his dispatch at the first when he was sent ouer to be regent, as before yee haue heard: he likewise now wrought so, that the King reuoked his grant made to the duke of Yorke for enioieing of that office the terme of other fiue yeares, and with helpe of William marquesse of Suffolke obtained that grant for himself.

Thus 'last time' is merely one of those retrospective notes which any competent dramatic chronicler will strike from time to time, in order to deepen the historical perspective. Cf. 1. 1. 142, n. and Introd. to Pt. I, p. xiii. 169. danced attendance.. .will Cf. Greene, Mourning Garment (Grosart, ix. 135) 'Fortune daunceth attendance on thy will', and Tilley, A 392. 171. That.. .witness Cf. above 1. 1. 114. No basis in fact. 174. Image of pride Cf. 1 Tamb. 5. 2.12 'Image of honour'.

134

NOTES

1.3.

S.D. ' T h e Palace' (Hanmer) F . 'Enter Armorer and his Man.' For source v. 2.3. Material. This appearance at court is invented, as is connexion with the D . of York. 188. By these ten bones Non-Sh. For Greene parallel v. Introd. p. xxxiii. 204. Because.. .suspicion No basis in the chron.; v. 11. 166-70, n. breeds suspicion Com. in Greene. 208. doom After this speech of Humphrey's Q. gives to the king one of 6 lines, addressed to Somerset. Camb. suggests that 'some such line as' King. Thus be it so: this is King Henry's doom may have dropped out of F . I. 4. Authorship. LI. 15-22 suggest touching up by Sh. (v. parallels in notes). Perhaps he worked over the first half of the scene; but the rest, poor stuff which I assign to Greene, I think he merely touched up in order to introduce York in place of Suffolk (v. 1. 4. 40 S.D., n.), adding 11. 80-1 to link the sc. with 2. 2. Material. Grafton (i. 622), agreeing with other chrons., states that Eleanor; Hum, Southwell, Bolingbroke and Margery Jourdain 'deuised an Image of waxe, representing the king.. .entendyng thereby. ..to wast, and destroy the kings person'—'to the entent to aduaunce and promote her husbande to the crowne'. The conjuring and questioning of the spirits is invented, prob. in order (a) to pander to the popular taste for such things (cf. Dr Faustus, Friar Bacon, etc.), and (b) to link up with the prophecy of the death of Somerset (v. 1. 35, n. 55.2.66-9^.). S.D. Locality (J.D.W.) Cap.+mod. edd. 'Gloucester's garden' (
1.4.

NOTES

135

7. an Invincible spirit Cf. Pt. I, 4. 2. 32. 11. grovel Cf. 1. 2. 9, n. In Q. the witch bids Bolingbroke 'frame a cirkle here upon the earth, | Whilst I thereon all prostrate on my face, | Do talke and whisper with the diuels below'. John 'Thomas' in the chron. S.D. ( F . ) + ' H u m following' (Camb.). 13. Well said v. G. 14. the sooner the better Cf. Tilley, 8641. 15-22. Patience.. .verge Note the verbal parallels with Peele and Greene and the style of Sh. Cf. also Ham. 3. 2. 391 ff. 16. silence (£>., Collier) F. 'filent' Prob.<MS. *silenc' (cf. MSH. 111). See also Ham. I. 2. 198, n., Alcazar; 2 Pres. 4, and Selimus, 2244, 'Now in the quiet silence of the night'. F. 'silent' may be right. 17. The time.. .fire Cf. Tit. 5.3.8 3-4, and Peek's Troy, 418-21 [Hart]. 19. break.. .graves Cf. H. V, 4. 1. 22. 21. sit you Cf. Introd. p. xxix. 22. S.D. (F.) adding 'they' after 'here* and omitting 'Bullingbrooke or' after 'circle'; v.U. 11-12. Cf. Greene, Alph. 859, S.D. 'Medea do ceremonies belonging to coniuring'; and for S.D.'s beginning 'here' v. Bacon, 11. 1568, 1604 and Note on the Copy, Pt. I, p. 105. 24. Asmath Looks like a third sp. of 'Asmenoth* and 'Astmeroth', the 'ruler of the north' in Bacon, 11. 1232, 1635. The devil 'Asteroth' in John of Bordeaux is prob. a corruption of this. Poss.<'Asmodeus the evil spirit' in Tobit iii. 8—17. 27. That...done! 'Spirits, who were raised by incantations, remained above . ground and answered questions with reluctance' (Steev.). Cf. Macb. 4. I. 72 'Dismiss me. Enough'. 29. S.D.(Cap.)

136

NOTES

1.4.

30-1. The duke...death An invented prophecy. S.D. (Cap.). 33. By water etc. Cf. 4. 1. 31-5. Another invention. 35. Let.. .castles The only prophecy from the source (v. 5. 2. 66-9, n.). 36. sandy plains A Peele cliche [Hart, pp. xxv, xxviij. 38. Have.. .endure Cf. 1. 27, n. 39. the burning lake Again Tit. 4. 3. 43. 40. avoid v. G. and Err. 4. 3. 46. S.D. (i) From F. but reading 'descends' for 'exit', (ii) From F. but omitting 'Enter' and 'and' (before 'break in'). Here York has obviously been substituted for Suf. That Suf. was originally intended to be the chief agent in the downfall of the Duchess is shown by (a) 1. 2. 95-6, where Hum confesses he has been bribed by him, and (b) 1. 3. 86-9, where he himself hints to Margaret at the plot against Eleanor. Moreover, while Hum's part in the affair was no doubt suggested to the drafter by the chronicles, which relate that he 'had his pardon' (v. 2. 3, Material)—a clear indication of treachery on his part, the reviser unconscious of this has him executed with the rest (2. 3. 8). Lastly, no hint before this has been given that York is privy to Hum's plot, while it is very odd to find him actively promoting the schemes of Suffolk, a man he hates (v. 1. 1. 122ff.). Cf. Introd. p. xlviii. For Buckingham, v. 1. 3'. 146. 42. at an inch Non-Sh. Cf. Greene x, 180 'following.. .at an inch', Bacon, 501, 1536 and Tilley, I 58, and v. G. 'inch'. 43. What! Cf. 1. 1. 76, n. 44. piece of pains i.e. masterpiece of public service. 46. guerdoned Again Pt. Ill, 3. 3. 191. Cf. Pt. I, 3. I. 170, n. 'Guerdon' very com. in Greene.

1.4.

NOTES

137

48. Injurious Com. epithet in apostrophes at beg. of a line in Greene, e.g. Bacon, 947, Jas. IF, 1147, 2300, Locrine, 836, 1853. Cf. 1 Tamb. 3. 3. 225, i? Tamb. 4. 3. 77; and Peele, Ed. 1,'ix. 331. 50. clapped up Com. in Greene. 52. Stafford i.e. Buckingham. S.D. (J.D.W.) 53. trinkets Only at /Fi»/. 4. 4. 597-8. Cf. Greene, xi. 49, 'Triuiall trinkets and threedbare trash', V. G., and see 'trash' in 1. 41 above [Hart]. forthcoming v. G. Here, 2. 1. 176 below, and Shrew, 5. 1. 90 only in Sh. In Greene, x. 220. 54. S.D. (J.D.W.) F. 'Exit'. 58. S.D. (F.) 62. Aio.. .posse v. G. From Cicero, De Divinatione, ii. 56 (citing Ennius). Cf. the oracular ambiguity in Marlowe, Ed. II, 5. 4. 8-12. Aio te (Warb.) F . omits 'te'. See In trod. p. 1. 71. hardly v. G. 75 go (Rowe) F. 'goes'. 76. A sorry breakfast Both Peele {Ed. I, x. n o ; xviii. 7) and Greene (v. 284) use 'breakfast' in this sense; Sh. never. See also Ed. Ill, 3. 1. 1—2, and cf. Pt. Ill, 5. 5. 85 'To make a bloody supper'. 79. S.D. (F.) This and 11. 80-1 read like an afterthought (v. head-note on Authorship). 2. I . Authorship. Basic text by Greene, slightly touched up here and there by Sh. E.g. those portions of the miracle section that concern the lameness of Simpcox, and his whipping, seem introduced to add liveliness, while I should ascribe the opening dozen or more lines to Sh. Material. The only portion of this sc. based on the chron. is that dealing with the false miracle at St Albans, which is taken, not from Sir Thomas More who first relates it, having the story from his father {Dialogue of the 'veneration of images, 1529), but from Grafton (i. 630). Neither Hall nor Hoi. have it. See Introd. Pt. I l l , p. xx.

i$

NOTES

2.1.

S.D. Locality (Pope) Entry (F., but reading 'Protector' for 'Gloucester'). 1. fiyingat the brook v. G. Both Peele and Greene are fond of hunting scenes, but hawking is seldom alluded to by Peele, often by- Greene (e.g. iv. 42-4). Cf. Dray ton's description 'of a Flight at brook {Polyolbion, xx. 203) and Sh. Eng. ii. 359-61. 2. seven years'1 day v. G. Expression found in Heywood's Proverbs, 1546 (ed. Sharman, p . 124) [Hart]. Poss. 'these' should be 'this'. 4. ten.. .out i.e. the wind being so high it was odds the old hawk would not be released for flight. Cf. Madden, pp. 191-2. 5. point...made 'gained a secure position to windward, from whence she could await the fowl' (Hart). Cf. Madden, 196. 6. pitch v. G. 10. tower v. G. and Macb. 2. 4 . 1 2 . 12. his thoughts.. .pitch Cf. R. II, 1. I . 109. 15. he would (F.) Pope 'Jie'd' Mod. edd. 'he'ld'. 18. The treasury etc. Cf. Matt. vi. 19-21 [Noble]. 19. Thy.. .earth Cf. Jas. IF, 2113, 'your hoord your heauen'. 22. smoothest it Cf. I. I . 154, n. With 'smooth it' (non-SL), cf. Tit. 2. 1. 91 'court it'; 4. 1. 122 'brave it'; Pt.1,3. 3.23 'boastit'; Pt. I l l , 3.3.225 'revelit'; and 1. 3. 75, n. above, 4. 8. 44 below. 23. What! Cf. I. 1. 76, n. 24. Tantaene...irae? Jeneid i. I I , quoted in Peek's Theobalds (v. Works, ii. 310). Cf. Introd.

p. 1. 25-6. such...such Awkward repetition and omission of relative after 'such' both characteristic Greene, e.g. Bacon, 1324, ' T o twit vs with such a pittance of such price', and 1868. Cf. Introd. p . xxviii.

2.1.

NOTES

139

26. With...do it Singer conj. 'For with such holiness you can do it'. 30. lordly Cf. Pt. I, 3. 1. 43, n. Com. in Greene. Lord-Protectorshif (Cap.) F. 'Lords Protectorfhip'. 29-31. Why... Why Cf. 11. 25-6, n. 34. peers Q. adds'to wrath'and F 2 reads'too-too furious' to fill out the line. 35-7. For blessid.. .sword Cf. Matt. v. 9, x. 34, and Tilley, P i 5 3 , ' T o make peace with a sword in hand'. 38-53. 'Asides' first in Rowe. 40. factious v. G. 41. answer v. G. 42. dar'st not peep A Sh. idiom. Cf. 4. 10. 3; Bam. 4. 5. 124; Ant. 1. 4. 53; 2 H. IF, 1. 2. 208-9. 45. put up Exactly as in a modern 'shoot'. 46. two-hand sword Non-Sh. Prob. mentioned to lend an archaic touch. 47-9. True...you F . gives all this to 'Gloft'. Theob. corrected. 48. Are ye advised? Do you understand? Another Sh. idiom. 49. / am with you I understand (cf. 'take me with, you', I H. IF, 2. 4. 451; Rom. 3. 5. 142), but with a menacing second meaning, i.e. 'I'll be at you' (cf. M.N.D. 3. 2. 403; Shrew, 4. 1. 157, etc.). 52. fence swordsmanship. 53. Me dice, tetpsum Luke iv. 23 (Vulgate) and Erasmus Adagia. Cf. fas. IF, 2103, 'Phisitian, mend thy selfe'. For Sh.'s supposed ignorance of the Vulgate v. Noble pp. 81, 87. 55. stomachs v. G., and R. II, 1. I. 18. 56-7. How...harmony? A Sh. touch; cf. H. Vt

I. 2. 180-3. 5 8. compound... strife Again Shrew, R. Ill, Peele's

£d. I, iii. 11-12 [Hart].

Ho

NOTES

2.1.

S.D. (Camb.) F. 'Enter one crying a Miracle.' F. heads speeches at 11. 61, 63 'One'. This episode (v. head-note), was prob; dramatized to feed Protestant prejudice, since it bears no relation to the plot. The wife, the fall from the plum-tree, and some (not all) of Henry's verse suggest Sh.'s hand, and since all the liveliness of the sc. turns upon Simpcox's lameness that may be an addition (v. 11. 84-94, n.; -129-31, n.), as it is to the orig. story and seems to be textually. 63. Albarfs (Rowe) F. and Grafton 'Albones'. 66-7. Now.. .despair Too direct, I think, for Greene, as are 11. 7 0 - 1 . Cf. Luke i. 79, Isa. xlii. 16 [Noble]. 67. S.D. (F.+Rowe, who reads 'Simpcox' for F. 'the man' and adds 'Simpcox's wife following'). 68. on procession Elsew. in Sh. 'in procession'. 71. by sight (Lloyd) F. 'by his light'. 76. What Cf. 1. 1. 76, n. 83. Berwick (Rowe) F. 'Barwick'. 84-94. Poor... him so (arr. Pope) The F. comp. clearly had no clue to the line-division. The verse (I think Sh.'s) was perhaps written in the margin to replace deleted orig. N.B. it all concerns the lameness. 91. Simpcox (Theob.) Cf. 1. 123. F. 'Symon'— perhaps MS. 'Sym.' (for 'Sympcox') expanded bycompositor. 95. What See I. I. 76, n. 97. A plum-tree tic. A touch worthy of Quickly. 98. What! Cf. 1. 1. 76, n. 99. But.. .life i.e. I liked nothing better in life. 101. Mass.. .so Another Sh. touch. 104-6. The verse returns to the blindness and correct division. 107. Alban (F2) F. 'Albones'. H i . coal-black Com. in Greene and Peele; six

2.i.

NOTES

141

times in F.Q. Again at Pt. Ill, 5. 1. 54; Tit. (three times); and R. II, 5. 1. 49. 124-31. Then.. .again? F. prints in short lines. 124-5. the lyingest... Christendom Again at Shrew, Ind. ii, 23-4. Cf. Pt. Ill, 3. 2. 83; Arden ofFeversham, 4. 4. 54; Soliman £ff Perseda, 1. 4. 211. 125-29. thou.. .impossible Clumsy prose, as unlike Sh.'s as 11. 104-6 are unlike his verse; but v. next note, suddenly v. G. Again 2. 2. 67. 127-8. Sight.. .colours Cf. Erasmus, Adagia, 'Caecum disputare de coloribus' [Tilley, M80]. 129-31. My lords.. .again? F. prints this as a separate paragraph. Was it added in the MS. ? It brings us back to lameness. Cf. notes, 11. 58 S.D. (end), 84-94. 130. his cunning (Cap.
H3

NOTES

2.1.

185-6. see...best Not like Sh. Cf. 'attainture', I. 2. 106 and G. 'tainture'. The prov. "Tis a foul bird that defiles its own nest* com. in Greene. 187-202. Madam etc. Style mostly simple and direct, except the pretentious concluding couplet, with which cf. Greene, viii. 144, 'the Iustice of him that poyseth the deedes of such impenitent persons in his ballance'; and Peele, Desc. Ast. 8-9, ' T o underbear.. .Unpartial Justice'beam'. S.D. (F.) 2. 2.

Authorship. LI. 1-53 basic text, but after that, I think, touched up (?and cut down) by Sh. Material. York's statement of his claims is derived from Hoi. ed. ii. (655-59) which under 1460 prints (1) 'The duke of Yorks oration, made to the lords of the parlement' (taken from Hall, pp. 245-48), and (2) 'The articles betwixt King Henrie and the duke of Yorke' (taken from Stow's Chronicles, 1580, pp. 700-1; not in Hall or Grafton or Hoi., ed. 1577). But the influence of Grafton or Hall is also clear at 11. 41-2 (v. note). N.B. the corresponding pedigree in Q. (1594) is evidently based upon an independent reference to Hol.'s account under the reigns of Ed. I l l (412/1; ed. ii), and Ric. II (448/1-2), which it seems were also consulted for Q. (1619)5 v - McKerrow in R.E.S. ix, 1630°., who wrongly insists upon Hoi. (1577) as the source. The sc. should be compared with Pt. 1,2. 5, which seems based upon a recollection of this supplemented by a passage given in the chron. under 1424. Cf. also Gen. Table at end of book. S.D. Locality (Cap.) Cf. 1. 3 'close walk'. Entry 5. Infallible Hoi. 655 speaks of Edward III as 'the true and infallible heire' of Hen. III. 6. atfull t Again at 1. 77. We should pern, read 'all t at full'.

2.2.

NOTES

143

17 William of Windsor From Hoi. 657/2 (overlooked by McKerrow, R.E.S. ix. 161, n. 5). 21-4. Till Henry.. .king Directly echoes Hol.'s words, 656/1 [Stone, 256]. 23. Henry A trisyllable; cf. Pt. I, 2. 5. 82, n. 26. as all you know Perh. echoing Hoi. 655, 'For you all know (or should know)'—from York's oration. 27. Harmless etc. What a line! traitorously Again at 3. 2.123; 4.7. 29, and in All's Well, but not elsew. in Sh. 34-5. The...daughter (arr. Pope) As three lines in F. But anyhow difficult to scan. Philippa (Collier) F. 'Phillip'. 41-2. And but.. .died This conflicts with Pt. I, 2. 5 (by Sh.), where we find the said Mortimer dying as a prisoner in the Tower. The lines blend a passage from Hoi. with two from Hall or Grafton. In Hoi. (656) York speaks of 'Edmund earle of March, my. most welbeloued vncle', being at the time of Henry IV 'in captiuitie with Owen Glendouer'; and these words seem to have reminded the dramatist of the account of Glendower's capture in 1399 °^ ^ i s Mortimer (Grafton, i. 485; Hall, 23), whom he cast into 'a deepe and miserable Dungeon', since 1. 42 ('kept him in captivity till he died') echoes words four lines above on the same page of Grafton or Hall, though they actually refer to Glendower's treatment of another sonin-law, Ruthven. Apart from this the two Edmund Mortimers, uncle and nephew, are here confused as usual (v. Gen. Table, p. 223). 43-50. His.. .Clarence (arr. Cap.+Mai.) As ten lines in F. This and the misprints suggest careless copying. 45-6. was son To (Rowe) F. 'was to'. fifth son (Theob.) F . 'fift sonnes sonne'.

144

NOTES

49. PMlippa (Collier) F.'Phillip* 5 3 fF. What plain etc. The pedigree ended, the rest of the sc. runs so easily that I suspect a thorough rewriting by Sh. Cf. Merch. 4. 1. 354, 'manifest proceeding', proceeding (F2) F. 'proceedings'. 58. slips Com. in Sh. (v. Bartlett). Cf. also R. II, I . 2. 13 'seven fair branches springing from one root'. 67. suddenly v. G. 68. advice v. G. 75. 'JVJ- />$«/.. ./>$** Hart thinks this 'Peek's style', but admits it is Sidney's and Spenser's too. Why notSh.'s? 77. break we off Sh. idiom (v. Bartlett 'break off'). Cf. Ham. 1. 1. 168 'Break we our watch u p ' . 79-82. a king.. .the king This kind of repetition com. in Greene and Peele. S.D. F. 'Exeunt'. 2.3. Authorship. I can see no evidence of Sh.'s hand at all in this sc. The verse is mainly prose chopped up into more or less decasyllabic lines, and the prose altogether lacks humour. He might easily, however, have added the brief prose reference to York at 11. 88-90. Cf. Introd. pp. xliv-xlv. Material, (i) ' T h e sentence' is based on the account in Grafton (i. 622; Hall, 202; v. 1. 4, Material) -which however ends 'Iohn Hum had his pardo and Southwell died in the towre before execution: the Duke of Gloucester toke all things paciently, and sayde little'. _ (ii) For the degradation of Gloucester v. Grafton (i. 628-9); or Hall (208-9): '[The Queen] determined wyth her selfe, to take vppon her the rule and regiment.. .and to depriue and remoue out of all rule and aucthoritie the sayde Duke, then called the Lord Protectour of the realme: least men should say and report, that she had neyther wyt nor stomack, which would permit and suffer her husband, being of perfite age and mans estate, like a yong Scholer or

s.3.

NOTES

145

innocent Pupile, to be gouerned by the disposition of an other man' (cf. 1. 3. 44-5; Introd. p. xxvi). (iii) For the Armourer's duel v. Grafton (i. 628) or Hall (207-8): 'This yere an Armorers seruaunt of London, appeled his Master of treason, which offered to be tried by battaile. At the day assigned, the frends of the master, brought him Malmesye and Aqua vite, to comfort him with all, but it was the cause of his and their discomfort: for he poured in so much, that when he came into the place in Smithfelde, where he should fight, both his witte and strength fayled him: and so hee being a tall and hardie personage, overladed with hote drinkes, was vanquished of his seruaunt, being but a cowarde and a wretch, whose body was drawen to Tiborne and there hanged and behedded.' This is a confused version of Fabyan's account (618) "which makes it clear that the Armourer 'was slayne without gylt' and that it was the 'false seruant' who 'was after hanged for felony'. Hoi. (626/2) follows Fabyan more closely: but that conclusion would not have suited the dramatist, who used the story to underline York's ambitious designs. Cf. Introd. p. xlviii. S.D. Locality (Cap.) Entry (Theob.+Cap.) F . 'Sound Trumpets. Enter the King and State, with. Guard to banifh the Duchefle'. Here 'state'=chair of state; cf. Pt. Ill, I . ' I . 51. 3. sins (Theob.) F. 'fmne'. 4. Such.. .death It is sinners, not'sins*, which are 'adjudged to death'. Echoes 'adiudged to dye' (Grafton i. 629), and the whole line refers to Exod. xxii. 18, 'Thou shalt not suffer a witch to live'. 5-8. N . B . You four followed by you three; from hence by From thence \ and shall be by shall be. Cf. the four 'in's' in 11. 10-13. 10. DespoiUd.. .life Awkwardly placed clause. 13. Sir John Thus Hall, Grafton and Hoi. (1587), 623/1; Stow and Fabyan read 'Sir Thomas'. Cf. Introd. Pt. I l l , p. xx, n. 1.

H&

NOTES

2.3.

15-16. the law...condemns Cf. Rom. ii. 12-13, 'As many as have sinned in the law shall be judged by the l a w . . . but the doers of the law shall be justified'. S.D. (Theob.) F. none. 19. bring.. .ground Echoes Gen. xlii. 38. A.V. Bible alone has 'gray hairs', all earlier versions 'gray head', as here. Greene is fond of this reference, but reads 'hairs' in all instances I have observed. 22-5. Stay.. .feet (arr. Pope) As five lines in F. 24-5. God.. .My stay Cf. Ps. xviii. 18. lantern... feet Cf. Ps. cxix. 105 [B.C.P.]. Note the awkward repetition of'stay' in 11. 22, 25. 28-9. / see.. .a child Cf. 1. 3. 44-5, n., and 2. 3. Material (ii). For 'of years' (non-Sh.) v. G. 'years'. 37. dead and gone A phrase found again at Pt. I, I. 4. 93, and Ham. 4. 5. 29, 30 (Ophelia's mad song). 38. S.D. F. 'Exit Glofter'. 41. fulls v. G. To pull plumes (=dishonour) is a cliche with Greene (prob.
2.3.

NOTES

H7

64. good double beer Non-Sh. In Greene, xl. 265; v. G. 'double beer'. 66. Let it come i.e. round again. Cf. 2 H. IF, 5- 3- 5589. take my deati=dle. Again Pt. Ill, 1. 3. 35. Non-Sh. 91. downright blow Again Pt. Ill, 1. 1. 12. NonSh. £). adds after these words 'as Beuys of Southhampton fell vpon Askapart'; and Chambers comments {Wm. Sh. i. 288): 'Surely Bevis played the Armourer as well as a rebel, and this is a bit of his gag', [v. 4. 2. S.D. (head) and Note on the Copy, Pt. Ill, p. 121]. 92. double v. G. Non-Sh. vb. In Peele (Alcazar, 2 Pres. 13) and Greene (iii. 252). 93. S.D. 'Alarum'(Cap.); the rest F . 94. S.D. (Theob.) 97. enemy (F 2) F.'Enemies'. 104. follow.. .reward Cf. 1 H. IF, 5. 4. 161, n. S.D. (F.)

2.4. Authorship. The verse is better than that in 2. 3, but the diction seems to proclaim Greene. Material. All Grafton (i. 622) says of Dame El.'s punishment is that she was 'conuict and iudged to doe open penaunce, in three open places, within the Citie of London, and after that adiudged to perpetuall prison in the Isle of Man, under the keeping of Sir Iohn Stanley Knight'. The 'taper.. .in her hand' (r. 16 S.D.) comes from Hoi. (623) who, though copying Hall, takes this point from Polychronicon and adds it in his 2nd ed. McKerrow (R.E.S. ix. 162) overlooks this.

S.D. Locality (Theob.) Entry (F.
n—11

148

NOTES

2-3. after summer...cold 12-3:

2.4.

Echo of Sp. Trag. 1. 1.

But in the harvest of my summer joys Death's winter nipped the blossoms of my bliss. [Hart.] 8. Uneath v. G. Non-Sh. Spenserism; cf. F.Q. 1. ix. 38; Selimus, 371. 8-9. endure.. .feet Echo of Sp. Trag. 3. 7. 71, 'Wearing the flints with these my withered feet'. Cf. below 1. 34, and Rom. 2. 6. 16-17. 10. abrook Not found elsewhere. Prob. a metreinspired coinage. 'Brook' very com. in Greene. 11. abject people Cf. 4. 1. 105. 12. envious.. .laughing Cf. 1. 35 'the envious people laugh'. 13. erst Very com. in Greene and Peele. 15-16. But, soft Com. in Sh., as elsewhere, but the rest of the line is imposs. for him. Cf. Greene, vi. 7 r 'prepare his eye.. .for.. .an object'; Alph. 203, 'readie make thy brest / T o entertaine t h y . . .death'; and Peele, Troy, 127. 16. S.D. 'Enter.. .officers' (F.); the rest after Q. 22. throw.. .eyes Again Pt. I l l (three times). 31. Mailed up A term of falconry; v. G. The Q. S.D. at 1. 16 gives 'verses written on her backe and pind on' Mailed... back A line borrowed by Dray ton in Her. Epist. 1598 [Hart]. 33. deep-fet Cf. 'far-fet', 3. 1. 293. 34. ruthless flint Cf. Peele, David, viii. 18, 'ruthless stones' [Hart]. Cf. 11. 8-9, n., above. 35. start v. G. 36. bid me be advisid Again R. Ill, 2. I. 107. C£.?as. IF, $7S. 38. Trow'st Again at Pt. I l l , 5. 1. 85 only, look upon i.e. face. 39. enjoy (Rowe) F. 'enioyes*.

2.4.

NOTES

H9

44-5. such a. * .As Favourite Greene construction. Cf. Introd. p. xxviii. 46. wonder Repeated 1. 69. pointing-stock Non-Sh. Found in Nashe, i. 308. 12. 51. do all in all Again at R. Ill, 3. 1. 168 only. 54-5. limed.. .tangle thee Cf. 1. 3. 86, n.; 3. 3. 16, n.; and Pt. I, 4. 2. 22. 57. seek prevention try to forestall. 58-63. thou aimest.. .crimeless Reflects Grafton, L 629 (Hall, 209): he thought neyther cf death, nor of condempnation to die: such affiaunce had he in his strong truth, and suche confidence had he in indifferent iustice. 69. wonder., .worn Cf. Pt. I l l , 3. 2. 113 and Tilley, W728. S.D. (F.) 70-3. / summon...there Cf. Grafton, i. 629 (Hall, 209): So for the furtheraunce of their purpose, a parliament •was summoned to be kept at Bury, whether resorted all the peeres of the realme, and amongst them the Duke Gloucester. 71. Holden A ppl. not elsew. in Sh. 73. close underhand. 79. here Poss. 'there' (S. Walker). 83-4. And.. .farewell (arr. Pope) F . divides 'her. / And fo\ 85. What! Cf. 1. 1. 76, n. 86. S.D. (after Cap.) F. 'Exit Glofler'. 87. gone too? (F2) F. 'gone to?'. 105. F. prints in two lines.

n o . S.D. F.'Exeunt'.

Authorship. Sh.'s hand manifest throughout the scene, though traces of Greene's orig. also unmistakable, -while 11. 82-92, 197-208, 383-330 and perhaps 355-75 appear to be left unrevised.

*5°

NOTES

3-i.

Material, (i) Grafton (i. 629; Hall, 209) and Hoi. (627) merely note that Glouc. was 'on the second daye of the parliamente of Bury (1447) 'arrested, apprehended, and put in warde...to ye great admiration of the people'. 'His altered countenance' attributed to insolence (11. 7-8) is naturally explained by Hardyng (400) as sorrow at his wife's disgrace (v. Stone, 262): 'He waxed then straunge eche day unto the kyng For cause she was foriudged for sossery... And to the kyng had greate heuynesse.' (ii) The charges against Glouc. (11. 104-23) are based partly on Grafton (i. 629; Hall, 209): 'Dyuers articles both heynous and odious were layde to hys charge in open counsayle [before the Bury parliament], and in especiall one, that he had caused men adiudged to dye, to be put to other execution, then the law of the land had ordered or assigned: for surely the Duke being very well learned in the law duill, detesting malefactors, and punishyng their offences, gat great malice and hatred of such as feared to haue condigne reward for. their vngratious actes'—and partly on the suspicious conduct of Somerset in France, 1449 (Grafton, i. 636-7; Hall, 215-16). (iii) The loss of France (11. 83-5) by Somerset and the rebellion in Ireland (11. 282ff.)with the dispatch of York thither are recorded by Grafton (i. 634fF.j Hall, 2i4ff.) under the years 1448 and 1449. (iv) York's soliloquy (11. 331-83) is based on the account of Yorkist plots in Grafton (i. 640) and a passage in Hoi. (632/1); v. notes. S.D. Locality (edd.) Entry (F.) I. I muse A favourite opening with Sh. [Hart]. 10. a far-off look How this reveals her bearing! 19. the lion i.e. the king. 20. is no little man Cf. 1. 3. 72, n. •29. to make commotion Again at 1. 358 and in Straw (Dodsley, 4. v. 390). Cf. 11. 357 ffl, n. 33. choke the herbs Cf. Matt. xiii. 7 'thorns sprang up and choked them'.

3.x.

NOTES

151

35-7. collect.. .supplant v. G. 'Sh.'s thoughts are still on the garden' [Hart]. 40. Reprove v. G. allegation Cf.l. 181 (notelsew. in Sh.) and Greene, xi. 226. 41. conclude.,. effectual i.e. agree that I'm speaking the truth. 53. Smooth...deep Cf. L7I7, Euphues (Bond, ii. 65), 'Where the streame runneth smoothest, the water is deepest' [Tille/, W123]. 54. simple show appearance of sincerity. 55. The fox.. Jamb Cf. Greene, ii. 27, 'the Foze wins the fauour of the lambes by pla/ and then deuoures them' [Hart], 58-9. contrary.. .done Cf. head-note (Material, ii). 61-3. Levy.. .revolted Cf. Grafton, i. 636-7, which relates how all the English towns and forts in France were lost owing, as some said, to the treachery of the Duke of Somerset who 'for his owne peculiar profite, kept not halfe his number of Souldiors, and put their wages in his purse*. 66. My lords, at once'. Again at R. Ill, 3. 4. T. 71. sucking Iamb.. .dove Cf. 1 Sam. vii. 9; Matt. x. 16 [Hart]; 1 Pet. i. 19, Sp.'s F.Q. 1. i. 5, 'So pure an innocent, as that same lambe*. 74. affiance Cf. 2. 4. 58-63, n. 75. feathers.. .borrowed The 'upstartcrow' motif. Cf. Introd. pp. xv if. 77-8. lamb.. .wolf Cf. Pt. I, I. 3. 55; Matt. vii. 15; Greene, ii. 187-8: 'Couering.. .the heart of a Tigre with thefleeceof a Lambe', and Pt. Ill, 1.4. 137, n. wolf (Rowe) F.'wolues'. 81. S.D. (F.) 82-92. All... grave I do not thinlc Sh. troubled to rewrite this brief detached passage. Certainly 'had hope.. .firmly' (87-8) is Greene's diction, while for the ridiculous images that follow, cf. Greene, ix. 21,8,

15*

NOTES

3.1.

'suffered the Caterpillers of time to consume the blossomes of his young thoughts', and Peele, Ed. I, xxv. 33, 'To glean the latest blossom of my life'. The do-or-die alternative in 11. 91-2 is, too, a stock mannerism of Greene (e.g. Alph. 158, 182, 379, 1366). Textual rehandling here also seems evident from the fact that after 1. 85 Somerset remains mute for over 200 lines! 87. Cold.. .France Already at 1. 1. 235, see note.

87-8. had hope.. .firmly Cf. Jas. IF, 23, 69, 'firmly.. .sigh'. 92. S.D. (F.) 98. Suffolk, thou (F.) F 2 'Suffolk, yet thou\ 100. heart unspotted Again in Pt. I, 5. 3. 182. 104-6. took bribes.. .France Cf. 11. 61-3, n. 122. Strange tortures etc. Cf. 11. 58-9 and headnote (Material, ii). tortures.. .never heard of Cf. Tit. 2. 3. 285. 123. defamed by tyranny notorious for cruelty. 126. melt Com. fig. with Sh. Cf. Pt. I l l , 2. 3.46;

2H. IF, 4.. 4.. 32. 127-30. Unless.. .punishment Echoes Grafton's (1. 629) use of'condign', v. Material (ii). 129. passengers v. G. Only the poor travelled on foot. 132. felon App.=felony. 140. suspense F. 'fufpence' v. G. Cap. and mod, edd. (exc. Hart) read 'suspect' (cf. 1. 3. 134; 3. 2. 139). See Introd. p. xxxiii for Greene's use. 143. choked with.. .ambition Again Pt. I, 2. 4. 112; 2. 5. 123 (Sh.'s scenes). Cf. Introd. to Pt. Ill, p. xii. 151-3. the prologue, .-.tragedy Cf. Selimus, 201-2. 157. The envious.. .heart Cf. Pt. I, 3. 1. 26, and Tit. Introd. p. xxii. 158. dogg/d v. G. and K. John, 4. 3. 149. reaches.. .moon Cf. Greene, Pandosto (Grosart, iv.

3.i.

NOTES

153

285), 'starres are to be looked a t . . .not reacht at with, the hand'; Tilley, S825; Gent. 3. 1. 156, and Per. 2. 2.

20.

160. accuse As sb. non-Sh., 'obs. rare' (O.E.D.). Prob. Greene's coinage; cf. 'depart', I. I. 1-3, n., 'suspect', 1. 3. 134. 164. my liefest liege Cf. 1. 1. 28, n. A non-Sh. Spenserism. Cf. Greene, is. 143, 151, 161; Jas. IF, 1999, 2225. 165. laid their heads together Cf. 4. 8. 57; Tilley, H280. 166. notice 'note' (Vaughan conj.) seems likely. •conventicles v. G. Freq. in the chron. e.g. Grafton, i. 663 [Hart]. 167. make away Cf. 3. 2. 67; F.A. 763; Jas. IF, 1950. 170-1. The ancient proverb etc. Cf. Pettie, Guazz.o's Civil Conversation (1586), p. 178, 'It is an old proverb. A staff is soon found to beat a dog' [O.D.P. 617/1]. effected Cf. Jas. IF, 378. 176. scope of speech Com. idea in Sh., e.g. K. John, 5. 2. 122; 1 H. IF, 3. 1. 169; Caes. 4. 3. 107. 178-9. twit... With Cf. Pt. I, 3. 2. 55, n.; P t . I l l , 5. 5. 40; Greene, vii. 167; Bacon, 1324. 179. clerkly couched cleverly framed. See Introd. p. xxxiii for Greene parallels. 182. give.. .chide Cf. Introd. p. xxxiv. 189-90. throws.. .body 'Crutch', elsew. in Sh. always associated with age or lameness, is here related to a child learning to walk. Such reckless use of imagery normal with Greene. 191-2. the shepherd.. .wolves Cf. 2. 2. 73; Matt, xxvi. 31; Pt. Ill, 5. 6. 7, n. gnarling Again R. II, I. 3. 292. O.E.D. cites Nashe, 1596 (iii. 87. 37): 'what will not a dogge doo that is angerd? bite and gnarle at anie bone or stone that is neere him.'

154

NOTES

3.1.

193. Ah, that...it were Typical Sh. Cf. Rom. 2. 1. 37. 194. S.D. (J.D.W.) F. 'Exit Glofter'. 197-208. What.. .life? Prob. an unrevised portion of basic text. Note 'what' (cf. 1. 1. 76, n.); the blurred imagery of 11. 198-200 (with which cf. Pt. I l l , 3. 3.14, n.); the cliche 'map of (203) commonly used as here of the face by Greene (e.g. vi. 44, 234; viii. 39; xii. 14), but applied to the whole person in R. II, 5 . 1 . 12 and Tit. 3. 2.12; and the word 'subversion' (208), V. G. Cf. Introd., p. xxiv. 206. louring star Cf. Rom. 4. 5. 94. Astrol. both; v. G.'envy (vb.)'. 208. subversion Non-Sh. Cf. 'subvert' Pt. I, G. Freq. in Greene, who prob. caught it from Grafton or HaU. 210—16. And as the butcher etc. Cf. Introd. p. xxiv, and 3. 2. 188-90. 218. dimmed eyes Cf. 1. 1. 54; Pt. I l l , 5. 2. 16; and F.Q. 1. 2. 45 [Hart]. 219. do.. .good v. G. 'good'. 222. S.D. (after Camb.) F. 'Exit*. 223. Free v. G. [r. 5. 16. 223-5. me?is' • -fity Cf. 1. 126, n., and Macb. 226. the mournful crocodile Cf. Introd. p. xxxiv. 228-30. the snake.. .excellent Cf. Tit. 2. 3. 13, 35; V.A. 878—9; Lucr. 362. Sh. backs Greene's crocodile with an English adder. 233-4 rid.. .rid A quibble; v. G. 245. more reason Cf. U. 382-3. [at 3. 2. 193 248. an empty eagle Cf. F.A. 11. 55-8, and the kite 253. the fox...the fold Cf. Erasmus, Adagia, 1 Ovem lupo commisisti'; Gent, 4. 4. 96, 'A fox to be shepherd of thy lambs' [Tilley, W 602]. 255. posted over v. G. Cf. 'posted of, Pt. I l l , 4. 8. 40; Verposting', 2 H. IF, 1. 2. 148.

3.x.

NOTES

155

260. Humphrey*s (Mason conj.+J.C.M.); F . 'Humphrey'. 261. stand on quillets Cf. Pt. I, 2. 4. 17 (Sh.'s). 264-5. deceit.. .deceit Cf. TiUey, D182, ' T o deceive the deceiver is no deceit'. 270. meritorious In its quasi-theological sense. Cf. K. John, 3. 1. 176. 272. / will.. .priest Cf. Sp. Trag. 3. 3. 38, 'Who first laies hand on me He be his priest' [Hart]; O.E.D. 'priest' 6; Tilley, P587; and the exp. 'make a short shrift' (R. Ill, 3. 4. 97). 276. / ' / / . . .executioner It is Suff. who 'provides' in 3.2, although in 3. 3 Beaufort seems to have been responsible. 281. It skills not Freq. in Greene. Cf. Shrew, 3. 2. 130; Tw. Nt. 5. 1. 287. impugns v. G. 282-330. Great lords.. .York I find no touch of Sh. here and much unlike him. Perhaps he left a whole MS. page {—c. 64 11.) unrevised, since the previous 16 lines'are also prosaic enough. 282. come amain Again at 5. I. 114. 'March amain' occurs six times in Pt. III. Very com. in Greene and Peele. Cf. V.A. 5. 286-7. Before...help Cf. Greene, Jlph. 977, 'Wounds must be cured when they be fresh and greene'; Tilley, W927; and O.D.P. 266-7. uncurable Again 5. 2. 86; 'incurable' elsew. in Sh. 292. Witness.. .France Cf. 11. 83-5. 293. far-Jet v. G. Not again in Sh. Cf. 'deep-fet', 2-4-33300. charactered.. .skin Cf. fas. IF, 44, 'engraued.. .on the skin-coate', Introd. p. xxxv for other Greene parallels, and 5. I. 200, n. 301. Men's...win Such slovenly construction is not Sh.'s. 302-3. this spark. ..with Cf. Apperson, 593% *A

i$6

NOTES

3.1.

small spark makes a great fire', and Straw (p. 389), 'A little spark hath kindled all this fire / Which must be quenched with circumspect regard'. 304. be still Again 3. 2. 207. 307. What! Cf. 1. 1. 76, n. 309. try.. .your fortune Virtually repeated 1. 314. 310-11. TK uncivil... Englishmen Repeating 11. 283-4. uncivil reflects Grafton, cited 11. 355-7, n., as does 1. 1. 193. 312. To Ireland will you etc. See 1. 1.192-3, n., and below 1.360, n. All three passages 'refer confusedly to the same rebellion' [Hart]. Cf. the 'confusion' noted in Introd. p. xlvii. 330. S.D. (J.D.W.) F . 'Exeunt. Manet Yorke.' 3 31 ff. York's soliloquy is full of Sh. turns of phrase and thought, though I suspect 11. 355-75 to be basic text in the main. 331. steel.. .thoughts Cf. H. V, 4. 1. 285-6. 333-4. art Resign to death', (F4) F . 'art; Refigne to death,' 335. pale-faced Four times elsew. in Sh. mean-born Again R. Ill, 4. 2. 54. 337-40. Faster.. .enemies This psychologizing, peculiar I think to Sh. at this period, is developed in the soliloquy of R. II, 5. 5. 338. Andnot.. .dignity Cf. Selimus, 453, 'Andnot a step but treads to maiestie' dignity Freq. stands for 'royal power' in Greene, eg. iv. 11, 39, ix. 278-9. Cf. 3. 2. 209; 4. 7. 335 5. 1. 194; Pt. I, 5. 4. 132. 343-4. the starvid snake etc. Allusions to this fable of Aesop's (v. Anders, 17) are com. in Greene, e.g. iv. 159. Cf. above 11. 228-30, n., and Tilley, V68. 347. put.. .madman's hands Cf. O.D.P. 442; Tilley, P669. 349-54. I will.. .flaw Note the extended metaphor. 352. circuit=crown. Again Pt. I l l , 1.2.30, not elsew.

3.i.

NOTES

157

353. transparent v. G. 354. flaw v. G. 355-7. for a minister.,.John Cade- Grafton (i. 6 4 0 ; Hall, 219-20) notes that while York was in Ireland his friends began secretly to urge his claims to the throne, 'affirmyng that he which had brought that rude and sauage nacion to ciuile fashion and. English maners, would (if he once ruled in the realme of England) depose euill Counsaylors' and reform abuses [the source of 1. 1. 192—3]. 'And to set open the floodgates of these deuises, it was thought necessary, to cause some great commotion'; Kent was selected as the best place for the rising to begin; 'and to the entqnt that it should not be knowen, that the Duke of Yorke or his friendes were the cause of the sodaine risyng: A certain yong man of a goodly stature and pregnant wit, was entysed to take upon him the name of Ioha Mortimer, although his name were Iohn Cade*.

Cf. Hoi. 632. 357 IF. The broken line, followed by commonplace verse, suggests that Sh. left untouched this description of Cade. It contains nothing to prepare us for the character in Act 4, which is indubitably Sh.'s. 358. make commotion Cf. 1. 29; Grafton, cited 11. 355-7, n., and Straw (p. 390), 'made commotioa late in Kent'. 360. In Ireland... Cade This point (not in Grafton or Hall) reflects Hoi. 632/1 'an Irishman as Polychronicon saith,' [added in 2nd ed.]. But the chron. say nothing of any personal relations between York and Cade, still less of York's having been earlier in Ireland as 1. 1.192-3 implies. 362. so long, till that Unlike Sh. 362-3. / / / / . . .porpentlne Cf. 2 Tamb. 1. 4. 25-6, 'hair.. .like the quills of porcupines'. The loan seems confirmed by 'caper' in 1.365 which echoes 'Their legs to dance and caper in the air' (2 Tamb. 1. 4. 31) [Hart]. Cf. Ham. 1. 5. 20.

15*

NOTES

s.t.

365. Morlsco v. G. Found in Greene and Nashe, but not again in Sh. who prefers the English, 'morris' 366. bells Attached to the dancer's legs. 367. shag-haired Almost synonymous with 'ruffian' (v. O.E.D. 'ruffian' 2). Cf. Mack 4. 2. 82, n. 374. perceive.', .mind The phrase recurs in Pt. I, 2. 2. 59; Pt. Ill, 3. 2. 66; but not elsew. in Sh. 376-9. Say he.. .Say that A Sh. turn of speech; e.g. Shrew, 2. 1.170-4; F.A. 439, 521. 383. put a$art Again Wint. 2. 2. 14. 3-2. Authorship. Clearly Sh., though the basic text shows here and there. A real passion breathes from 11. 300-413. Material. Grafton, i. 629 (Hall, 209; Hoi. 627): ' T h e Duke the night after his imprisonment, was found dead in his bed...but all indifferent persons well knewe, that he dyed of no naturall death, but of some violent force: some iudged him to be strangled...other write, that he was stiffeled or smoldered betwene two feather beds'. And at i. 633 (Hall, 212): 'William de la Poole, late created Duke of Suffolke, and diuers other, were the occasion of the death of the sayd Duke of Gloucester, which was the very father of the Countrie, and the shielde and defence of the poore Commonaltie.' Hoi., 629/2 omits this praise of Gloucester, which probably suggested the incursion of the angry Commons at 1. i a i S.D.

S.D. Locality (Camb.+'with curtains...beyond;' cf. notes at 11. 148 S.D., 202 S.D.). Entry (Cap.) F. 'Enter two or three running ouer the Stage from the Murther of Duke Humfrey.' Q. 'Then the Curtaines being drawne Duke Humphrey is difcouered in his bed and two men lying on his breft and fmothering him in his bed. And then enter the Duke of Suffolke to them.'

3-2.

NOTES

159

1. Suffolk At 3 . 1 . 276 the Card, offers to 'provide' the 'executioner', and in 3. 3 he repents. Yet here Suffolk does the 'providing'. Cf. 1. 14 S.D., n. 8. well said v. G. 14. S.D. F. 'Exeunt. | Sound... Attendants.' But F. includes 'Suffolke' among the entrants. LI. 1-14 look like a later insertion. Cf. 1. 1, n. 26. Nell For this error, repeated in 11. 79,100, and 120 v. Introd. p. xlv. S.D. F. 'Enter Suffolke.' 31-2. God's secret judgement etc. Prophetic of his own fate in 3. 3. S.D. F. 'King founds.' 34. wring.. .nose Cf. V.A. 475. 39. What! Cf. 1. 1. 76, n. 4 0 - 1 . a raven's note... powers Cf. Pt. Ill, 5. 6 . 4 5 ; Tille 7 ,R33. 43. hollow Cf. 1. 66. 44. first-conceived v. G. 'conceived'. 49-50. Upon thy eye-balls etc. Cf.Mmv?. 3.2.117, 'riding on the balls of mine'. 60. liquid tears Cf. R. Ill, 4. 4. 321. heart' offending bad for the heart. Cf. Tto. Nt. 1. 1. 29, 'eye-offending brine'. 61. blood-consuming Cf. 'blood-drinking' (1. 63); M.N.D. 3. 2. 97; and (for the physiol. notion) Caes. 2. 1. 289-90, n. 62. blind with weeping Cf. 77/. 3 . 1 . 270; 5. 3.49; Pt. I l l , 2. 5. 78; R. Ill, 1. 2. 167. 63. />
i6o

NOTES

3-2.

79. Dame Eleanor Cf. 'Dame Margaret' (1. 2. 39) and 1. 26, n. 80. statua (Camb.) F.'Statue'. Cf.Caes. 2.2.76, n. 81. alehouse sign Stands for crude art with Sh. Cf. 5. 2. 67; Tit. 4. 2. 98, n.; K. John, 2. 1. 288-9. 82 ff. Was I for this etc. Cf. Bacon, 448-50: But hearing of the fame of Edwards youth She [Eleanor] darde to brooke Neptunus haughtle pride, And bide the brunt of froward Eolus. 83 awkward wind With. 1. 102, prob. echoed by Marlowe in Ed. II, 4. 6. 34: With awkward winds and sore tempests driven To fall on shore. 89. loosed., .brazen caves Cf. Jen. i. 52f. Virgil says nothing of 'brazen'. Cf. Nashe, Summer's Last Will, 1592 {Nashe, iii. 289), 11. 1793-4, 'imprison h i m . . .with the windes in bellowing caues of brasse', and Marlowe's Dido (1594), r. 1. 62, 'Then gan the windes breake ope their brazen doors', being loosed by Aeolus at Juno's command. Root (34) refers to the wall of bronze about the isle of Aeolus (Odyssey, x. 2). 90. blessidshore Cf. R. II, 2. 1. 50, 'blessed plot'. 92. Aeolus. Not again in Sh. Cf. Introd. p. 1. 97. splitting i.e. ship-splitting. Cf. 1. 412. 100. perish As trans, not again in Sh. Eleanor v. 1. 26, n. 101. chalky cliffs Again Err. 3. 2. 126. Twice in Peele [Hart]. 103. upon the hatches Again R. Ill, 1. 4. 13. Cf. Sh. Eng. x. 154 and G. 'hatches'. 107. A heart.. .diamonds Cf. the jewel in L.L.L. 5. 2. 4, 'walled about with diamonds' 116. witch (Theob.) F . 'watch'. Cf. 1. 119 and MSH. pp. 106 ff. 116-19. as •As<:anius* • •&«* See Introd. p. Iii.

3-2.

NOTES

161

117. madding v. G. Elsew. in Sh.=making mad. 120. / can no more Again 1. 365. Freq. in Sh. (and Chaucer). 121. S.D. (Camb.)+'following.. .door' (J.D.W.). Cf. 1. 241 S.D. For the incursion of the Commons v. Material, above. 125. like...bees Cf. Straw (p. 395) 'troops of men / Like bees that swarm about a honey hiue', i.e. the rebels surging about the king [Hart]. Cf. also Tit. 5. 1. 14-15. 133. comment.. .upon v. G. and Gent 2. I. 38-9; V.A. 1. 714. 134. S.D. (J.D.W.). Seel. 121 S.D.,n. 135. S.D. None in F. 139. suspect See 1. 3. 134,11. 141. chafe his.. .lips Cf. V.A. 477. paly Again H. V, 4 Prol. 8; Rom. 4. 1. 100. 142-3. drain.. .tears Cf. G. 'drain', Sp. Trag. 2. 5. 23, 'drown thee, with an ocean of my tears', and Tit. 2. 4. 55; 3. I. 129; 3. 2. 18. For 'tears' as 'obsequies' cf. Pt. Ill, 1. 4. 147; Tit. 1. 1. 159-60; 5. 3. 152; # . / / / , I. 2. 3. 147. earthy Cf. Merch. 5. 1. 65, 'muddy vesture'. 148. S.D. (J.D.W., after £>.) F. 'Bed put forth'. Q. 'Warwicke drawes the curtaines and fliowes Duke Humphrey in his bed'. Cf. 1. 202, S.D., n. 152. life in death Again F.J. 413; cf. Lucr. 11. 402, 406. 154-5. that dread.. .curse The clearest, almost the sole, allusion to the Doctrine of Atonement in Sh. Cf. Meas. 2. 2. 73ff. 160. Hood.. .settled Again 2 H. IF, 4. 3. 101; Rom. 4. 5. 26. See G. 'settled*. 161. Oft...seen See 1. 1. 183, n. timely-parted v. G. and cf. Err. 1. 1. 138 with, 'timeless death' (1. 187 below).

i6z

NOTES

3-2.

162. ashy Again F.J.1. 76; Lucr. 1378, 1512. 163. Being Agrees with 'blood' understood. For what follows cf. Caes. 2. 1. 289-90, n. 172. abroad displayed v. G. for both words. 175. well-proportioned Again Vjl. 1. 290. In Greene 'proportion' gen.=bodily shape or figure. rough F. 'ruffe'. 176. corn.*.lodged Cf. R. II, 3. 3. 162; Macb. 4. 1. 55. 177. / / cannot.. .murdered A close parallel with, M.N.D. 3. 2. 56 [Hart]. 188. the heifer dead etc. Cf. 3. 1. 210-16, n. 198. jawv/.. .ease Cf. Pt. I l l , 1. 3. 50-2; # . / / , 3. 3. 116, etc. 199. scourid.. .i
3.2.

NOTES

163

224. fearful homage craven submission. 231. S.D. (J.D.W. after Hanmer) F. 'exeunt'. 232-5. What... corrupted The best-known lines in Henry VI. Cf. Ephes. vi. 14, 'the breastplate of righteousness '; Horace Ep. 1. i. 60,' Hie murus aeneus esto, / Nil conscire sibi, nulla pallescere culpa'; and Tilley, I 81, 'Innocence bears its defence with it'. Echoed in turn in Lust's Dominion (v. Dodsley 4, xiv. 154). 235. S.D. F.'A noife within'. 236. S.D. (after F.) 241. S.D. (F.) 242. S.D.'s (J.D.W. after Cap.+edd.). 243-69. Dread...life Though undoubtedly SL, this speech shows signs of rather hasty revision, e.g. the snake in the grass 'uncouthly dragged in here in the very heart of the uproar' [Hart]. 247. torture.*.death Cf. Grafton, i. 639 (Hall, 219): The commons.. .beseched the King that such...a4 assented to the releseof Angeow and.. .Maine might be extremely punished, and tormented.. .and.. .they accused, as principall, the Duke of Suffolke.. .Lord Say, and diuers other. Hol.'s version (632/1) reads 'dulie punished' only. 252. contradict v. G. and Locrine 217, ' T o contradict her aged fathers will' [Hart]. 253. thus forward in Again Tit. 1. 1. 56; v. G. 'forward'. 263. mortal v. G. 265. zahe'r F. 'where*. Com. Sh. contraction. 270. F. prefix 'Commons within*. 277. sort v. G. and 2. 1. 164. 278. F. prefix l Within'. 279-8 8. Go... death Basic text evident again. Note the line-fillers 'all' (279), 'loving' (280), 'so' (281), 'yet' (282), etc., and note 'far unworthy' (286), a very com. Spenserian cliche in Greene and Peele.

164

NOTES

3.2.

281. cited v. G. 288. S.D. (after Cap.) 293-4. Had.. .irrevocable A little touch of Tamburlaine in Harry V I ! Cf. 1 Tamb. 5. 2. 43-4. In Grafton (i. 639-40) he weakly tries 'to appease' and banishes Suff. for a term 'meaning to reuocate him to his olde estate' when the fury of the people had calmed down. 299. S.D. (after Camb.) F. 'Exit'. 303. the devil. . .third Cf. Merch. 3. 1. 71-2. 310. the mandrake's groan Cf. Rom. 4. 3. 47. 311. bitter-searching The hyphen is Steev.'s. 315. lean-faced... cave Reflects Golding's Ovid, \\. 949-67, 'Envies house, a foule and irksome cave, Replete with blacke and lothly filth.. .There saw she Envie.. .Her bodie leane as any Rake' [Hart]. 316. My tongue.. .stumble Cf. L.L.L. 2. 1. 236-7, 'His tongue.. .Did stumble with haste', earnest v. G. 317. eyes.. .sparkle Cf. 3. 1. 154; Pt. I, 1. 1. 12; Ado, 3. 1. 51. 318. hair.. .an end Cf. Tit. 2. 3. 34; Ham. 1. 5. 19; Macb. 1. 3. .134-7. an end (F.) Pope+edd. 'on end'. 323. grove.. .cypress trees Cf. Peele, Alcazar, 1.2. 81, 'some blasted grove Of deadly yew or dismal cypress-tree'. 324. basilisks Cf. 3. 2. 52. 325. lizards' stings Again Pt. I l l , 2. 2. 138. Lizards do not sting. 327. consort (F.) v. G. Theob.+edd. 'concert'. 328. dark-seated Cf. Lucr. 1144. F 3 supplies hyphen. 330-32. like.. .the force Cf. Kyd, Soliman, 1. 2. 69-70, 'as the glass That takes the sun-beams burning with his force'. 331. overcharge"d gun, recoil Cf. Macb. 1. 2. 37;

4. 3. 19-20, n.

3.2.

NOTES

165

332. turn (Rowe) F. 'turnes*. 335. curse away etc. Cf. Temp. T. 2. 296. 336. naked.. .mountain Again Wint. 3. 2.210—ir, Cf. 1 # . / r , 1. 3. 89. 340. dew... tears Common, e.g. Sp. Trag. 1.4.36; 2 2 ^ 3 . 4. 2. 8. 342. woeful monuments Cf. Z#rr. 797-8 'tears... Poor wasting monuments'. 343-4. this kiss.. .seal Cf. ^.^. 11. 511-12, and Meas. 4. 1.6. //kj(?=her lips. 347-8. 'Tis but.. .want Cf. the converse at R. II, I. 3. 294fF. 350. Adventure (F2) F.'Aduenrure'. 351. banishid. ..thee Elaborated in &W7. 3. 3. 12-60, and echoed by Marlowe at Ed. / / , 1.4.114-18: And long thou shalt not stay, or if thou dost, I'll come to thee... Thou from this land, I from myself am banished. 360-1. A wilderness.. .company Cf. Fitzgerald's Omar, 'Ah, wilderness were paradise enow!'. 365. / can no more Cf. 1.120, n. joy Com. vb. in Peele and Greene. 366. S.D. (F.) French (p. 167) identifies Vaux with a Sir William Vaux who fell at Tewkesbur/. But he is not mentioned in our chron. 368-78. To signify.. .for him I suspect basic text again, since 11. 368-9 are poor verse, and 11. 368, 377, 379 virtual repetitions. For source v. 3. 3, Material. 375-6. whispers.. .soul Cf. Macb. 5. 1. 71-2 [Mai.], idem 1. 52 ('The heart is sorely charged'); Greene, xii. 265, 'ask counsaile of your pillowe'; and Tilley, C696. 379. S.D. F. 'Exit'. 381. at an hour's... loss i.e. for one I shall miss for an hour or two. 382. Omitting v. G. In Greene, vi. 200j twice again in Sh.

166

NOTES

3.2.

384-5. And.. .sorrows See Tit. Introd. p. lii. the earttis increase Again V.A. 1695 V. G. 'increase'. 390. slumber.. Jap Cf. Pt. Ill, 3. 2. 148; 1 H. IF, 3. 1. 212-15; Ham. 3. 2. 110-12. 391. breathe.. .air Cf. Pt. I l l , 2 . 1 . 108; 5. 2. 40; 2?zY. / / , 2. 1. 1. 393. w//4.. .//^x A baby at the breast is a freq. image in SL, e.g. Tit. 2. 3. 145; Rom. I. 3. 68; Ant. 5. 2. 308. 402. befall...befall Again 27/. 5. 1. 57; i . Z . £ . 5.2.866. Cf.Tilley, C529. 403. corrosive Very com. in Greene, e.g. zv. 14, 'a fretting corasiue to my heart'. Cf. Pt. I, 3. 3. 3, n. 404. deathful Cf. Sp. Trag. 2. 5. 22. Not again in Sh. 407. Iris In ^//V Well r. 3.149; Trail. 1.3.380 = the rainbow only; in Temp. 4. 1. (the masque) = both, messenger (as here) and rainbow. 409. S.D. (after £).). 410. cask*= casket. In Nashe, iii. 330-6; not again inSh. 412. splitted bark Cf. 1. 97, n. 413. This way.. .This way Cf. F . conclusion to L.L.L. S.D. F . 'Exeunt'.

Authorship. Style indubitable Sh., though one or two details suggest a basic text. Material. Grafton (i. 631-2; Hall, 210-11) records Beaufort's death in 1447, the year after Glouc.'s murder and three years before the banishment of Suff.; declares that 'his couetousnes insaciable, and hope of long life, made him both to forget God, his Prince, and himselfe, in his latter daies'; and cites his chaplain who reported 'that he liyng on his death bed, sayd these wordes. Why should I die, hauyng so much ryches: if the whole realme

3.3.

NOTES

167

would saue my lyfe I am able either by pollicie to get it, or by riches to bie it. Fye, will not death be hyred, nor will money doe nothyng?' [cf. Introd. Pt. I l l , xxiv]. Hoi. (627/2) omits this report of the chaplain. The confession of guilt for Glouc.'s death (11. 8-16) is of course invented.

S.D. Locality (Camb.) Entry (F.) Q. 'Enter King and Salsbury, and then the Curtaines be drawne, and the Cardinall is difcouered in his bed and flaring as if he were madde.' 10. Can I...live Cf. K. John, 4. 2. 91-2 [Mai.], whe'r.. .no Already at 3. 2. 265 (see n.). zvhe'r F. 'where'. 14. He hath.. .them Cf. Macb. 3. 4. 95-6 [Mai.]. 16. lime-twigs.. .soul Cf. 1. 3. 86; 2. 4. 54; Pt. I, 4. 2. 22; and Ham. 3. 3. 68-9. A com. metaphor with Greene; e.g. x. 204, where the She-coney-catcher says 'mine eyes are stauls [=decoys] & my hands lime twigs'. 17-18. bid.. .of him Cf. Rom. 5. 3. 288. 19. eternal Mover Ace. to Aristotle {Physics viii; Metaph. xii. 4 fin. etc.) God was the eternal unmoved mover of the spheres. Cf. 1 Tamb. 4. 2. 8; Selimus, 1440. Not again in Sh. 20. Look.. .eye Cf. Peele, Garter, Prol. 2, 'behold with gentle eyes'. 22. lays.. .siege In F.Q. 11. xi. (st. 5 and 9) temptations 'lay strong siege' to Temperance. 24. grin Cf. R. II, 3. 2. 163 (of Death). 28. Hold.. .hand A sign .{as for an act of solemn attestation in a court of law) commonly asked of the dying at this time. John Knox gave it immediately before death (cf. J. Croft Dickinson; ed. of Knox's Hist, of the Reformation, i, p. lxvii). See also the death of K. John in 2 T.R. viii. 136, 146, and Greene, iv. 51, 'at the barre... I humblie holde vp my handes,'. 30. argues a.. .life Cf. Pt. I, 5.4.15-16. 'Argue' in this sense very com. in Greene. H.VI-II

12

i68

NOTES

4.1.

4. I. Authorship. Greene and Nashe clues, about equally distributed, suggest a composite basic text, though one certainly revised by Sh. Material. Hall (219) relates that the ship on which Suff. was being taken to France 'was encotered with a shippe of warre apperteynyng to the duke of Excester, the Constable of the Towre of London, called the Nicholas of the Towre. The capitayne of the same barke with small fight entered into the dukes shyppe, and perceyuyng his person, present, brought hym to Douere Rode, & there on the one syde of a cocke bote caused his head to be stryken of, and left his body with the head vpon the sandes of Douer, which corse was there founde by a chapelayne of his, and conueyed to Wyngfelde college in Suffolke, and there buried.' Hoi. (632) repeats this, as does Grafton (i. 640) though through a mistranscription and later miscorrection, Grafton reads as if the Constable of the Tower was captain of the vessel which captured Suff. However, the sc. might be based on any one of the three chroniclers. S.D. Locality (Pope). See 11. 9-11, 114. Entry 'Alarum... off' (F.); the rest after Q. ('Alarums within, and the chambers be difcharged, like as it were a.fight at fea. And then enter the Captaine of the fliip and the Maifter, and the maifters Mate & the Duke of Suffolke difguifed, and others with him, and Walter Whickmore' [prob\ a misprint for'Whitmore']). After *ofP F. reads 'Enter Lieutenant, Suffolke and others'. For the 'soldiers' v. 1. 132. A 'Lieutenant' (F.) or 'Capitain' (Q.), as he is called in 11. 65, 107, were commissioned officers (cf. Sh. Eng. i. 167), and Whitmore would be a 'gentleman volunteer' (v. H. V, 4 . 1 . 39, n.). 1-7. The gaudy.. .air 'Obviously additional lines, inartistically joined to the sc. by the word "therefore"'

4.i.

NOTES

169

(Hart). Poss. an early and rather crude ex. of Sh.'s atmospheric imagery. 1. gaudy...day Cf. V.A. 1. 1088 and Teele, Garter, 1. 422, 'gaudy morn', blabbing Cf. Lucr, 1. 806, 'the tell-tale day', and 747. remorseful v. G. and 1. 112 below. 2. Is crept.. .sea .'Is crept into' again 1. 102. 'Creep into th£ bosom' occurs in Heywood's Proverbs, Greene's Jas. IF, 337, .1 H. IF, 1. 3. 265 [Hart]. Cf. Tilley, B 546. 'Creep into' very com. in Sh. and Peele. For 'the bosom.. .sea' cf. L.L.L. 4. 3. 29. 3. loud.. .wolves Howling wolves freq. in Greene. 3—7. thejades.. .airThe 'jades'are clearly dragons. Cf. M.N.D. 3. 2. 379; Troll. 5. 8.17; Cymb. 2. 2.48, and Milton Penseroso, 59, 'Cynthia checks her dragon yoke'. Prob. suggested by the dragons of the chariot sent by Hecate (=Night) to fetch Medea. Cf. Root, p. 56; Golding's Ovid, vii. 2875"., and Sp.'s F.Q. r. v. 20, with (for 'flagging wings') 1. i. 10. See also D . Bush, Phil. Quart, vi. 296-7. 6. Clip (Theob.) F. 'Cleape' v. G . But poss. 'clepe' (=summon; v. O.E.D. 2); i.e. 'Night summons the dead from their graves, which already begin to yawn.' 6-j. foul.. .darkness Cf. Ham. 3. 2. 392-3, 'churchyards yawn and hell itself breathes out Contagion', misty jaws Cf. Tit. 2. 3. 236. 18. What! Cf. 1. 1.76, n. 25. laying.. .aboard v. G. 28. rash v. G . 29. George v. G. Cf. R. Ill, 4. 4. 366-9. 32. starts (F.) Cf. Franz, §152. 34. calculate v. G.; Caes. 1. 3. 65. Com. in Greene. 35. 'water* F. 'Water*. Cf. 1. 115, n., 138 S.D., n. and 'Wat' (F.J. 1. 697). The / in 'Walter' was then silent.

17°

NOTES

4.1.

42. arms.. .defaced Cf. R. II, 3. 1. 24 [Mai.]. 45. de la Pole Cf. 1. 70, n. 48. Jove...I? (Pope<£>.) Omitted in F. Cf. 1 Tamb. 1. 2. 198, 'Jove sometime masked in a shepherd's weed' [Hart]. 50. Obscure etc. F. continues this to Lieu. Pope (<£).) gives to Stiff. That Suff. addresses Cap. ( = Lieu.) and not Whit, is clear from 11. 66 if., as it is from 11. 53-62 that he has been a poor gentleman about court. lousy (F.) v. G. Pope+edd. (>£>.) 'lowly'. Cf. 'lows/ lynage' in 4. 6. 5-10, n. 51. blood of Lancaster Not true, but his grandson was the son of Eliz. Plantagenet and declared heir presumptive by Ric. Ill [French]. 52. such a A sneer in Greene a.nd Peele. jaded v. G. 53. thy hand (F.Q.) One is tempted to read 'my'; cf. R. II, 3. 3. 104. 54. Bare-headed In token of deep respect, plodded ...mule Cf. Tit. 5. 2. 55; Hen. F, 4. 1. 268-71. foot-cloth v. G. Again only 4. 7. 43; and R. Ill, 3. 4. 86. But four times in Nashe, once (ii. 317) with 'mule'. 55. shook my head Schmidt explains 'nod', but O.E.D. gives no support. The wretched groom is grateful for any sign of recognition, even disapproval. 56-7. waited.. .trencher Cf. Nashe, i. 289. 24; iii. 258. 795, 'waiting on my Lords trencher'. 60. abortive v. G. Twice in Nashe. 6r. voiding lobby v. G. 64. charm.. .tongue Cf. Pt. I l l , 5. 5. 31; Shrew, 4. 2. 58; Oth. 5. 2. 183. 65. forlorn swain Again Gent. 5. 4. 12; i.e. unhappy lover—alluding to Margaret, and a neat retort to 1. 50. 67. blunt v. G. A quibble. 70. Yes, poll! I .Pole! \ Sir Pool! \ Lord Pool! (J.D.W.). This combines 2 - 'Yes Poull. | Poull. |

4.i.

NOTES

*7*

I Poull', with F. 'Poole, Sir Poole?' and brings out the word-play on 'Pole', 'poll' ( = behead), and 'pool'. Sh. prob. wrote 'Poole' in all four instances, as he does in Pt. I, 2. 4. The sp. 'Pole' at 1. 1. 44, 1. 2. 30 and 1. 45 above, points, I suspect, to the basic MS. 71. kennel v. G. Twice in Nashe. In Sh. (exc. Shrew, 4. 3. 98)= dog-kennel, lair, sink v. G. 72. Troubles.. .spring Cf. 3. 1. 101, Shrew, 5. 2. 142. Freq. image with Sh. 73-88. Now., .lord Reflects Grafton, i. 637-8 (Hall, 217; Hoi. 631/1): [The commons exclayme against the Duke of Suffolk] affirmyng him, to be the onely cause of the deliuery of Aniow, and Main, the chiefe procurer of the death of the good duke of Glocester, the very occasion of the losse of Normandie, the most swallower vp & consumer of the kings treasure. 74. For=to prevent (or 'for fear o f ) Cf. Son. 52. 4; Gent. 1. 2. 136. Freq. in Greene (e.g.Jlph. 556, 1588), Peele, and Nashe. 77. senseless v. G. Cf. Veele, David, ii. 17, 'the senseless winds', shalt (F2) F . 'fhalT. grin Cf. 3. 3- 24, n. 79. hags of hell Cf. Greene, Jlph. 1505; Nashe, I. 193. 22. 80. affy Only two other instances in Sh.; one {Tit. 1.1.47)=' trust in', the other {Shrew, 4.4.49) = 'betroth', as here. 84. ambitious Sylla Cf. F.Q. 1. v. 49, 'Ambitious Sylla and sterne Marks'. Not mentioned again in Sh. overgorged Cf. Lucr. 694, 'gorged hawk'. m 85. gobbets Non-Sh. Cf. F.Q. 1. i. 20; Golding, vi. 815; and 5. 2. 58 below, mother's (Rowe) F . 'Mother-'.

172

NOTES

4-r.

86. Anjou and Maine Cf. I. i . 108 and 11. 73-88, n., above. 88-90. Picardy.. .home Source not traced. 91. princely Cliche with Greene and Peele. 93. are (Rowe) F. 'and'. Cf. MSH. 107 (d), 109 (iii). 95. a guiltless king Richard II. 96. encroaching Not again in Sh. But cf. Greene (xi. 251), 'a proud busie couetous and incroching humor'—a striking parallel. 98-9. Our half-faced.. .nubibus App. alludes to Ric. II's badge of the sun appearing from behind clouds, which seems to have suggested Ed. IV's of a sun in splendour. Cf. V. H . Galbraith in History, March 1942, pp. 238-9, and R. II (New Sh.), p. xii. The motto, not traced, ma/ be Ric.'s, if it be not Greene's invention. Cf. Jas. IF, 1492-3, 'A constant heart with burning flames befret / But underwritten this: O morte dura'', and Marlowe, Ed. II, 2. 2. 20, 28. half-faced Again, but with a diff. sense, in K. John, and 1 and 2 lien. IF. But cf. Nashe, i. 280. 7, where it='obscure', as here. 101. And, to conclude 'Thoroughly Sh.' (Hart). 105. drudges Cf. 4. 2. 148, and Nashe, i. 175. 13 ff. (very apt to this Captain). 108. Bargulus From Cicero, De officiis, 11. xi. 10, 'Bargulus Ulyrius latro' (ace. to the renaissance text—• 'Bardulis' ace. to the mod.). Farmer (Nichol Smith, Eighteenth Cent. Essays on Sh. p. 194) notes two 16th c. trans, of the Offices, but the orig. was prob. well known, even to moderate scholars like Nashe. N.B. Q. here reads 'Abradas, the great Masadonian pyrate'. These identical words, as Hart saw, occur twice in Greene's prose (v.i97;vi. 77). Where Greene got them fromis not known, but Q. almost certainly got them from Greene. 109. Drones.. .rob beehives Cf. Per. 2. Prol. 18; 2. I. 51; and Primaudaye, French Academie (trans.

4.i.

NOTES

'73

T . Bowes, 1586), ch. 62, 'as Drones eate up the hony of Bees'—a book well plundered by Greene [Hart]. 113. go of message Cf. 5. 1. 16, and Nash, vol. v, Index 'of. 115. Walter (Rowe) F. 'Water', cf. 1. 3 5, n. 116. Whitmore. Come F. ' W . Come' as part of the Capt.'s speech. 117. Pro! (J.C.M.; F. 'Pine'); =Alas! Frequent in Terence and therefore prob. familiar to many in Sh.'s audience. Graphically plausible. Gelidus.. .artus Prob. a memory of 'gelidus pavor occupat artus' in Lucan, I, 246 (Anders, 31); v. G. and Introd. p. 1. 119. What! Cf. 1.1. 76, n. daunted Ararevb. in Sh. 120. entreat.. .fair 'Entreat fair' and 'speak fair* both com. in Sh. 123. Far be it An ellipt. use not again in Sh. 129. True.. .fear Very lax verse. 132. Come.,.can F. continues to Lieu. Rectified by Hanmer. 134. besonians v. G. Again at 2 H. IF, 5. 3. 116 (Pistol loqu.). Cf. Nashe, i. 210. 23 (1592), 'proud Lords "trodden" under foote of euery inferiour Besonian'—similar context. 135. A Roman.. .slave Actually, as recorded in North's Plutarch (vi. 365), 'Herennius a Centurion and Popilius Laena, Tribune of the souldiers'. But cf. Nashe (iii. 272, 1211), 'Tullie by one of his owne slaues was slaine'. bandetto Not again in Sh. Another Nashe word (e.g. ii. 281, 287, 321). For 'sworder' v. G. 136. Brutus* bastard hand Alluding to the legend that B. was the natural son of Julius by Servilia. Cf. Caes. 3. 1. 77, n. Brutus F. 'Brutm'.

174

NOTES

4.1.

137. savage islanders Slapdash, like 1.13,5. Pomp. was actually killed on the Egyptian coast by former centurions of his own (v. North's Plutarch, iv. 289-91). But Chapman (Caes. and Pomp. 5. 1) locates the murder in Lesbos, and if he was revising an old play (v. Greg, Henslowe's Diary, ii. 171) that may be the source of the present allusion. 138. S.D. (after Camb.) F . 'Exit Water with Suffolke'. 139. set v. G . Sense not again in Sh. Cf. Nashe, I.197. 31. 140. It is...depart A lame device for getting Suff.'s head to Margaret; but see Tl. 147 and 4 . 4 . 5-6. 141. S.D. (after Camb.) F. 'Exit.Lieutenant and the rest. Manet the firft Gent. Enter Walter with the body.' 142. lifeless {Cap.) F.'liueleffe'. 143. S.D. F. 'Exit Walter'. 147. S.D. (J.D.W.) None in F .

4 . 2 to 4 . 1 0 (Jack Cade scenes) Authorship. The comic genius of Sh. is evidently at "work throughout the^>?w of these scenes. Yet the hand of Nashe is no less visible therein, as the parallels in the Introd. (pp. xxxvii, ff.) and the notes below •will, I think, demonstrate, while I attribute the incidental verse in 4. 2 to him also. In a word, I believe that he was here responsible for the basic text, the prose of which Sh. afterwards revised. Material. Chiefly derived from the accounts of Cade's rebellion in Grafton (L 640-43; Hall, 219-22) and Hoi. (632-6), which though very similar present small differences, together with that of the Peasants' Revolt under Wat Tyler (temp. Richard II) in Grafton (L. 417-27) or Hoi. (429—38). But the scenes were clearly drafted by someone also familiar with the four-act play on the Peasants' Revolt, Jack Straw, which was printed in 1594, but prob. produced

4.2.

NOTES

175

in the winter of 1590-1 (v. Chambers, Eliz. Stage, iv. 22), about the time that 2 Hen. VI must have been first seen in London. The same author or authors, therefore, may well have been responsible for both. The reflexions of the rising under Wat Tyler and John Ball, whether caught from Jack Straw or the chronicles, will be noted below, as will the sources of minor details concerning Jack Cade. But as the following scenes make free with the main events of his career as recorded in Hoi. and Grafton, it will be useful to set these events down here in the order in which those sources give them. (i) Cade and the Kentish men advance to Blackheath and present their 'supplication'. This, as quoted at length in Hoi. (633-4), does n o t mention Lord Say, but he was one of the traitors that surrendered Maine, whose punishment Cade demands. Thus the King finds it politic to commit Say to the Tower, but answers the rest of Cade's supplication by marching towards Blackheath with a large army, (ii) Cade thereupon retreats to Sevenoaks, whither the Stafford brothers follow him and are defeated with great loss. Donning Humphrey Stafford's 'riche armure' and flushed with victory, Cade returns to Blackheath and is there joined by fresh numbers from Sussex, Surrey, etc. (iii) Henry now tries diplomacy, sending Canterbury and the Duke of Buckingham to 'common with' Cade 'of his greefes and requestes', but he refuses to disband his host 'except the King in person would come to him and assent to the things he would require' (Hoi. 634). (iv) Henry, however, finding his own troops none too reliable, takes refuge instead in Killingworth (Kenilworth) Castle, leaving Scales to guard the Tower, (v) Meanwhile, Cade advances to Southwark, whence, after cutting the ropes of the drawbridge at the entrance to London Bridge, he enters the City saying as he 'strooke his sword upon London Stone' . . . ' n o w is Mortimer Lorde of this citie', while he rides 'in every street lyke a Lordly Capitayne' (Grafton, i. 642). (vi) At first he maintains strict order among his rabble, but after beheading Say and his son-in-law Cromer—the two heads being carried in his progresses about the streets and made to kiss each other at every corner—the bonds of

176

NOTES

4-2.

discipline seem to relax and the city Is subject to 'open rapyne, and manifest robbery in dyuers houses', (vii) Alarmed at these events the city fathers appeal to Scales for help and, with Matthew Gough as their captain, set counter-measures on foot. There follows a long and bloody battle for the possession of the Bridge; sometimes the Londoners being driven back to St Magnus' Corner and 'suddenlie againe the rebels being repelled to *he stulpes [gate-posts] in Southwarke'. After thus swaying to and fro the battle is given over for a brief truce during •which Cade breaks open the prisons in the hope of securing fresh allies, (viii) But the rebel rank and file have had enough, as the royal party perceive, so that when the archbishop of Canterbury and the bishop of Winchester cross to Southwark and proclaim a pardon for all, Cade suddenly finds himself deserted by the bulk of his troops, who slink home, (ix) He flies in disguise; a thousand marks are put upon his head; and shortly after he is captured by Iden in his garden. As Stone (p. 283) shows, the drama relies for this final incident upon Hall (222) (=Grafton, i. 643) alone, but most of the rest might come' from either source, except 4. 2. 106-7, 180-1; 4. 7. 5-6 (v. notes). 4.2. S.D. Locality. (Cap.) Entry (F.) These are the names of actors. Cf. Note on the Copy, Pt. I l l , p. 120. 5. dress v. G. Cf. Ric. II, 3. 4. 56, 'dressed his land', set a new nap upon Cf. G. 'shearman', and Introd. p. xxxix. 8-21. it was never. v hard hand The sentiment isrepeated at 11. 66, "181-4. Cf. Grafton (i. 417): But sayde they, in the beginning of the worlde, there were no bond men: neyther ought there to be any nowe. And later, quoting John Wall [Ball] (i. 417-18): A [=Ah] good people, matters go not wel to passe in England in these dayes, nor shall not do vntill euery thing

4.2.

NOTES

177

be common, and there be no Villeynes nor gentlemen, but that we be all as one, and that the Lordes be no greater then we be. What haue we deserued, or why should we be thus kept in seruitude and bondage? We be all come from one father and one mother, Adam and Eue. Wherefore can they saye or shewe that they are greater Lordes then we be? sauying in that which we get and labour for, that doe they spend. They are clothed in Veluet and Chamlet furred richly, and we be clad with the poorest sorte of cloth.

A versified paraphrase of this is spoken by John Ball in Straw (pp. 381-2). See Hoi. (437, ad fin.) for a different account. 8. it was never merry world., .since Again Meas.

3. 2. 6; Tw. Nt. 3. 1. 99. 12-13. feather aprons Cf. Caes. I . I . 7. 16-17. labour. . .vocation Cf. Introd. pp. xl.—xli. 20. Thou hast hit it Again .1 H. IF, 2. 4 . 342;

Tit. 2.'i. 97; Shrew 2. I. 198. 21. S.D. (J.D.W.), cf. 1. 31, S.D. 23. Wingham A village 7 m. east of Canterbury (Sugden). 28. throat.. .calf Cf. 3. r. 210. 30. Argo For this perversion, found again in the crowd scene of Sh.'s Addition to Sir Thomas More (1. 5), and there also followed by a ref. to half-penny loaves (v. 4. 2. 64), see R. W. Chambers, Man's Unconquerable Mind, p. 218. Cf. too 'argal' in Ham. 5. 1. 12, 19. thread.. .spun Cf. Tilley, T249, O.D.P. 653, and Pt. I, 1. 1. 34, which I ascribe to Nashe. 31. S.D.'Drum.. .numbers'(F.);therest(J.D.W.) 'with infinite numbers' suggests a non-theatrical author. 34. Or rather etc. F. prefix 'But.'=Butcher. cade of herrings Cf. Introd. p. xli. 35. For.. .fall Alluding to Lat. 'cado' [J.]. fall (F4) F. 'faile'.

178

NOTES

4.2.

37. Command silence Cf. Pt. I, 4. 1. 117, and the More Addition, 11. 47, 52. 39. a Mortimer Cf. 3. 1. 355-7, n. 46-7. of late.. .at home i.e. because she is with child. For the reputation of laundresses v. Stubbes, Anatomy of Abuses, ii (New Sh. Soc. 1882), 35; Naske, Hi. 214. 23—4; and McKerrow's note thereon. furred pack v. G., and cf. Nashe, i. 166. 19, 'furd with cats skins'. lucks v. G., and cf. Nashe, i. i o r . 5, 'bucking-tub'. 49. the field Heraldic, v. G.; punning. 50. born.. .hedge Cf. Pt. I, 4. 1. 43-4, n. 51. the cage i.e. lock-up. Cf. A.T.L. 3. 2. 363, 'cage of rushes', Nashe, i. 208. 21, and McKerrow's note: 'There were cages in every ward of London for the punishment of vagabonds.' 5 3 • beggary is valiant Alluding to the term 'valiant' (or 'sturdy') beggars (v. O.E.D. 'valiant' 1 a, and cap. 65 of C. Agrippa's Vanity of the Arts, Sandford's trans., a book well known to Nashe; v. Introd. Pt. I. p. xxiii). Cf. also Nashe, iii. 243. 304-7. 58-9. his coat...proof Explained by Nashe, ii. 233- 34*As Sailers doo pitch their apparell to make it storm proofe, so had most of them [the rabble at Miinster, 1534] pitcht their patch clothes to make them impearceable: a neerer way than to be at the charges of armour by halfe.

61. burnt V iff hand i.e. branded with T for 'thief. 64-5. the three-hooped.. .hoops i.e. beer, like bread, shall be 3 ! times as cheap. By the 'assize of bread and ale' the price of these commodities was fixed from time to time by regulation of the local authorities in Sh.'s day (v. Sh. Eng. i. 317). Cf. Nashe, i. 206. 23, ' I beleeue hoopes in quart pots were inuented to that

4-2.

NOTES

179

ende, that euery man should take his hoope, and no more' [Hart], 66. all.. .in common Cf. 11. 8-21, n., and Straw (p. 3 8 2),' It were better to have this community / Than to have this difference in degrees'. 66-7. in Cheapside.. .grass i.e. London's chief shopping centre would stand empty and deserted. Cf. 4. 7. 120, and G. 'Cheapside'. 67-8. when I am king Conflicts with 1. 36. Cf. the inconsistency in Caes. 3. 2. 51, 'Let him be Caesar'. 74-5. kill all the lawyers This belongs to the 1380-1 revolt; cf. 4. 2 to 4. 10 (Material), 4. 7. 1— 16, notes, and Introd. pp. xxxvii ff. 76-7. Is.. .lamentable thing Again Rom. 2. 4. 32. 77-8. the skin.. .o'er Cf. Ham. 5.1.111; K. John, 5- 7- 3381. never. ..since Cf. Nashe, iii. 77. 2o.f. 'since which.. .he hath not one houre beene his own man', and Temp. 5. 1. 214, 'when no man was his own' (nearest parallel in Sh.). 82. S.D. (Cap.) F. 'Enter a Clearlce'. 83. Chatham (Rowe) F. 'Chartham'—prob. a 'literal' misp. of 'Chattam' (cf. 4. 4. 27, n.; 4. 8. 25, n.), though 'Chartham' is a village in Kent. 86. setting.. .copies The village clerk was often a schoolmaster. Cf. 11. 106-7, n. 88. with red letters Cf. Nashe, i. 256. 10 'registred in red letters', i.e. like saints' days in the almanac. 89. conjuror Or fortune-teller, since he consulted almanacs! Cf. Pinch the schoolmaster in Err. 4. 4. 39, and 5. 1. 238f. 90. obligations v. G. Cf. Nashe, i. 159. 1, 'a Scriuener.. .paid for an obligation', ii. 325. 32, 'write an absolute firme obligation of his soule to the dcuill'. 91. court-hand v. G. and Sk. Eng. i. 291.

180

NOTES

4.2.

97. write... letters A com. practice. Cf. Henslozve Papers (ed. Greg), p. 64. 100. an honest (F2) F. 'a honeft\ 106-7. hang.. .neck Cf. 4. 7. 30, n., and Hoi. 436/1 (1382): The rage of the commons was vmuersallie such, as It might seeme they had generallie conspired togither to doo what mischeefe they could deuise. As among sundrie other, what wickednesse was it, to compell teachers of children in grammer schooles to sweare neuer to instruct any in their art? Againe, could they haue a more mischeefous meaning, than to burne and destroie all old and ancient monuments [ = memorials], and to murther and dispatch out of the waie all such as were able to commit to memorie, either any new or old records? For it was dangerous among them to be knowne for one that was lerned, and more dangerous, if any men were found with a penner and inkhorne at his side: for such, seldome or neuer escaped from them with life.

Not in Grafton. S.D. (after F.) 'Michael' is poss. another actor's name; cf. Note on copy, Pt. Ill, p. 120. 109. particular v. G. Retort to 'general'. 110. Sir Humphrey Stafford etc. Cf. Material (ii) on p. 175, and Grafton, i. 641 (Hoi. iii. 634). 117. S.D. (i) Collier, (ii) Dyce. Cf. 5. 1. 78, n. 118. S.D. (F.) + ' a herald' (J.D.W., v. 1. 173). Clearly a small parly for parley before battle (cf. 1. 172). H9ff. Rebellious hinds etc. The prosaic verse for the rest of the sc. closely resembles that of Pt. I, act 1, which I ascribe to Nashe. Cf. Introd. Pt. I. p. xxvii; Pt. II, p. xl. 125. / pass not v. G. Not again in Sh. Freq. in Greene and Nashe. 131. Adam etc. Reflects John Ball's couplet (v. Hoi. 437/1): 'When Adam delu'd and Eue span, / Who

4.2.

NOTES

181

was then a gentleman?' Cf. Grafton., cited 11. 8-21, n. and Straw, p. 381. 133. this: Edmund (edd.) F . 'this Edmund*. 142. Became...came Ugly. 151. York...this Cf. Grafton (I. 640): 'to the entent that it should not be knowen that the Duke of Yorke or his friendes were the cause of the sodaine risyng,' Jack Cade 'was entysed to take vpo him the name of Iohn Mortimer... .This Capteine not only suborned by teachers, but also enforced by priuie Scholemaisters', etc.

152. Aside (Cap.) 153,167. Go to (Theob.) F . ' G o too*. Cf.Introd. p. xlii. 155. span-counter v. G., and Introd. p.xlii. 157-8. Lord Say's head...Maine Cf. Grafton, cited at 3. 2. 247, n., and on p. 175 Material (i). 160. mained v. G. 161. Fellow kings Cf. Straw (p. 383), 'We'll be lords, my masters, every one'. 162-3. gelded...eunuch Cf. Introd. p . xlii. 178. S.D. (J.D.W.) F.'Exit'. 179-80. And you that.. .follow me 'This line is a sort of standing dish', notes Hart, citing Pt. I l l , 4. 1. 123; JR. Ill, 3. 4. 81; Peek's Alcazar, 4. 2. 19, and 2 Tamb. 1. 4. 47 (prob. the source). 180-81. for liberty.. .gentleman Reflects John Ball's speech on Blackheath in 1381 (Hoi. 437/2) in which he urged the rebels to destroy the lords, judges and lawyers so that 'there should be an equan'tie in libertie, no difference in degrees of nobilitie, but a like dignitie and equall authoritie in all things brought in among them'. Not in Grafton. 182. clouted shoon v. G. Cf. Nashe, i. 202. 13, 'clouted shoone'; iii. 183. 36, 'clouted shoes' (both fig. for 'peasants'), and Greene (xi. 214, 237), etc See also Cymb. 4. 2. 214, 'clouted brogues'.

i8z

NOTES

4.2.

183. thrifty honest men Cf. Nashe, i. 200. 13, 'good thrifty men'. 186-7. out of order v. G. 'order', 1 H. IF, 3. 3. 19, and Sh.'s Addition to More, 1. 82. 187. S.D. See 4. 3. head-note. 4-3S.D. ' T h e . . . army' (J.D.W.)+'AIarums.. .slab' (F.). F. has no 'exeunt' at end of 4. 2, but reads 'Enter Cade and the reft' after 'ilaine'. Clearly the rebels are intended to 'march forward' (4. 2. 187) to meet Stafford's men who are seen approaching at 4. 2. 185. F.'s 'Alarums', etc. denotes the usual stagebattle, at the end of which Cade comes forward. 5. slaughter-house Cf. 3. 1. 210-16, n. 7. licence to kill Statutes (1549, 1563) forbad the sale of flesh in Lent in order to encourage the fisheries and so strengthen the navy. Cf. Sh. Eng. i. 319; 2 H. IF, 2. 4. 340-4, and 342, n. a hundred lacking one 'A com. term or period of duration in leases' (Mai.), a week (Mal.
4-3.

NOTES

183

[Cade's] seruice and apt for his enterprise' (Grafton, i. 643). do good v. G. 'good' (ii).

4.4. Authorship. Verse feeble, quite unlike Sh.'s in act 3; mostly a string of prosaic decasyllabic lines, interspersed •with quasi-poetic passages, such as 11. 1-6, 15-18, reminiscent of Peele, but written, I think, by Greene (cf. 1.1, n.), though hardly beyond the compass of Nashe. Material. Margaret's repulsive business with Suffolk's head is invented (cf. 1. 3.49, n., and Pt. I, 5. 3. 60ff., n.). For the refs. to Cade, Say, the capture of London Bridge, and Henry's flight to Killingworth, cf. Material, 4. z to 4.

10.

S.D. Locality (Camb.
iH

NOTES

4.4.

43. hateth{F) F2+edd.'hate'. Cf. Franz, §175. 48. S.D. (F.) 56. The aside is Collier's again. 58. A?(F2) F. om. 59-60. The trust.. .am I bold Cf. Kyd, S'oilman and Perseda, 'Innocence is bold', cited in Tilley, 182.

4.5. Authorship. Impossible to determine, since the F . text of this and the following scene was set up from a copy of Q. See Note on the Copy, Pt. I l l , p . 122.

S.D. Locality (edd.) Entry (F.) 'upon the Tower' =on the upper stage in Sh.'s theatre. 9. Smlthfield Cf. 4. 6. 12. The scene of the encounter between Richard II and the rebels and of the slaying of Wat Tyler (Hoi. 432/2); not mentioned by the chroniclers in connexion with Cade.

4.6. Authorship. See Note on the Copy, Pt. I l l , p . 122.

S.D. Locality (after Theob.)—where London Stone (1. 2) stands. Entry (F.), but reading 'ftaffe' which is prob. an error of Q.'s since in Hoi. (634/2) Cade 'strooke his sword on London Stone; saieng, Now is Mortimer lord of this citie'. 2, 3. London Stone.. .plssing-conduit

v. G .

Both

mentioned by Nashe, the former six times; neither again in Sh. 5-10. treason... Jack Cade more After the murder of Say (v. p. 175, §vi) Cade 'put to execucion in Southwar ke diuers... of his old acquaintaunce, least they should blase and declare his base birth, and lowsy lynage, disparagyng him from his vsurped surname of Mortimer' (Grafton i. 642). Also in Hall, 2215 Hoi. 634/2. 6, 8. S.D.s (F.)

4 .6.

NOTES

185

14. set...on fire An irrational order, since L.B. •Was Cade's only line of communication between Southwark and the City. But deduced from the fact that some of the houses on L.B. were set on fire during the battle for the Bridge (v. Grafton, i. 642; Hoi. 635/1). 15. S.D. (J.D.W)
4.7. Authorship. See 4. 2 to 4. 10 (p. 174).

S.D. Locality Theob.+edd. locate in Smithfield (v. 4. 6. 11-12). No change of sc. needed, since it is clear from the opening of 4. 8 that we are then still in the neighbourhood of L.B. Thus 4. 6, 4. 7, and 4. 8, with the intervening 'alarums', signify the battle for L.B. which swayed to and fro (v. 4.2 to 4.10 Material, vii). Entry (F.) 1. full... Savoy From 13 81, when the rebels burnt this palace of John of Gaunt whom they detested (v. Grafton, i. 421; Hoi. 431/1). 2-13. to th'Inns of Court.. .England Again from 1381. After burning the Savoy, they 'came vnto the Temple and other Innes of Court, and spoyled the Bookes of law, and the recordes of the Counter' (Grafton, i. 421). N.B. Hoi. (431/1) reads 'the men of lawes lodgings' for the 'Innes of Court', and does not mention 'records' (v. 1. 12). 4. a lordship v. G. Not again in Sh. In 1381 the rebels offer to make a man 'so great a Lorde that one quarter of Englande' should be his (Grafton, i. 424; not in Hoi.). 5-6. the laws.. .your mouth In 1381 Wat Tyler boasts 'that within foure daies all the lawes of England should come foorth of his mouth' (Hoi. 432/1; not in Grafton). Cf. Hitler's speech after the 'Blood-bath'.

186

NOTES

4.7.

7, 14. F. assigns to 'Iohn'; edd. to 'Holl.' 10. stinks The Mayor calls Tyler a 'false stinking knaue' before killing him in 1381 (Grafton, i. 425; not in Hoi.). 12. burn.. .records Cf. Grafton (cited 11. 2-13, n.), 'spoyled.. .the recordes', and Straw (p. 398), 'Burning u p . . .records'. 16. all things.. .in common Cf. 4. 2. 66, and Grafton cited 4. 2. 8-21, n. S.D. (F.) 18. sold the towns Cf. 3. 2. 247, n. 19. one and twenty fifteens, etc. Cade promises 'so sharpely' to 'handle' the King's 'Counsaylors, that neither fiftenes should hereafter be demaunded, nor once any imposicions or tax should be spoken of (Grafton, i. 640-1; Hoi. 632/2). The dramatist by associating this with Say links it up with 'a whole fifteenth' (1. 1. 131-2, n.). Cf. Pt. I, 5. 5. 93, n. 20. S.D. (F.) Steev. reads 'George Bevis', and if the analogy of'John' (=Holland) at 11. 7 and 14 holds, lie is prob. right. 22. say v. G. buckram lord Cf. Nashe, i. 242. 24: these buckram giants, that hauing an outwarde face of honor set vppon them by flatterers and parasites, haue their inward thoughtes stuft with strawe and feathers. serge (Rowe) F. 'Surge'. 23. within point-blank 'range'understood. 25. Basimecu v. G. Prob.'for centuries an abusive epithet for foreigners of Latin race' (v. M.L.R. v, 500; vi. 96; and Sh. Eng. ii. 572). 26. by these presence Blunder for 'by these presents' {per has literas presented). Repeated as a quibble in A.T.L. 1. 2. 114-15 (v. note). 27-8. besom.. .sweep Cf. Isa. xiv. 23; Tilley, B 682. 30. in.. .grammar school From 1382. Cf. 4. 2. 106-7, n. 31-2. score.. .tally v. G.

4-7.

NOTES

187

32-4. printing.. .paper-mill Printing actually introduced by Caxton, 1476 (temp. Ed. IV); the earliest English paper-mill recorded in 1495. Cf. McKerrow, Introd. to Bibliography, 1927, p. 98. 40-1. because.. .hanged them Persons who could read claimed 'benefit of clergy' and so escaped hanging

[J.]. CLSh.Eng.i.401. 42-3. on afoot-cloth (O., F2) F. 'in a foot-cloth'. Cf. 4 . 1 . 54, n., and Nashe, iii. 79.13, 'on his foot-cloth maiestically he would pace it'.

46-7. in.. .doublets Cf. M.W.W. 3. I. 44. 52. bona...gens Source not traced. Grafton (i. 640) says that Kentishmen 'be impacient in wronges, disdeynyng of to much oppression, and euer desirous of newe fanglenesse'. 56-7. Kent.. .isle Cf. DeBella Gallico,v.ch. 14, and Golding's trans, therefrom (1564), 'Of all the inhabitants of this isle the ciuilest are the Kentish folke', which is the prob. source [cited Steev.]. See Pt. I l l , 1. 2. 41-3. 58. because Hanmer's conj. 'beauteous' improves sense and metre, and is poss. graphically. 60. void of pity Cf. Merch. 4. I. 5. 65. aught (Theob.) F. 'ought'. 66. But (J.) F. 'Kent'. See Sh.'s ' k ' in Plate v of Maunde Thompson's Sh.'s Handwriting. 68. book learning. 72. forbear to Cf. 3. 3. 31. 76-7. Great...dead From Damon and Pithias (Dodsley 4, iv. 35): 'What then? An nescis longas regibus esse manus ? It is not safe talking of them that strikes afar off'. Cf. Setimus, 2231, 'Kings haue long hands' [Hart]. The Lat. is Ovid's (Heroid. 17. 166), v. O.D.P. 339*, Tiiley, K87. 80. watching i.e. working through the night. 81. a box.. .ear Cf. 1.3. 136, S.D., n. H.VI-II—13

188

NOTES

4.7.

85-6. hempen.. .hatchet i.e. 'be hanged first and beheaded, for the pole, afterwards' [Hart]. caudle (F4) F. 'Candle' v. G. Often in Nashe. Cf. Martin Marprelate's Epistle [Tracts, ed. Pierce, p. 43), 'caudle of hempseed'. 88. palsy v . G . 97. guiltless etc., i.e. the shedding of innocent blood. 101. bridle Fig. use again at 1. 1. 198; Pt. Ill, 4. 4. 19; Err. 2. 1. 13 (sb.), 14 (vb.), only in Sh. 103. a familiar.. .tongue Cf. Pt. I, 3. 2. 122, I Sam. xxviii. 7. 113. S.D. (after Hanmer) F. omits. 116-17. pay.. .maidenhead Sole allusion in Sh. to the droit du seigneur.

117-18. incapite v.G. Quibble upon 'maiden/^W. 119. free v. G. as heart.. .tell Not again in Sh. Cf. Nashe, iii. 33.14, 'as heart can thinke or tongue can tell'. See Ps. lxxiii. 7. 120. Cheapside v . G . 121. take.. .bills Cf. 4. 2 to 4. 10 (Material, vi). A double quibble (v. G.), found again Ado, 3.3.171—3. Cf. Meas. 4. 3. 5. 'Take up commodities' freq. in Nashe (v. McKerrow's Index 'commodity'). 123. S.D.(F ; ) 128-30. borne. ..kiss Cf. 4. 2 to 4. 10 (Material, vi), p. 175. borne.. .maces Cf. Nashe, i. 359. 10, 'carried before him euen as the Mace.. .is carried... before our Lord Chancellor'. No parallel in Sh., who only mentions the ceremoniarmace in H. V,\. 1. 257. Cf. Pt. I, 1. 6. 25-7, n. 4. 8. S.D. Locality Theob.+edd. 'Southward, suggested by 1. 24; but that refers to Cade's H.Q., while the sc. clearly opens to the N. of L.B. (v. G. 'Fish Street', 'Saint Magnus' Corner'). Entry (F.) 1. Magnus'QNz.xb. after Theob.) F.'Magnes'. Cf. Nashe, iii. 187. 34, 'S. Magnus corner*.

4.8.

NOTES

l»9

2-3. S.D. (F.) 5. S.D. (F.) +'attended' (Theob.) Buck, and Cliff, substituted for the two bishops (cf. 4. 2 to 4. 10, Material, viii) to keep down the players' 'parts'. N.B. The first appearance of the Cliffords who play so conspicuous a part in 3 H. VI. 13. rebel (mod. edd. except Hart) F . 'rabble'. Q. gives 'this monstrous Rebell' in close context. The sp. 'rebbell' {Son. 146. 2) poss. misread 'rabbelP. 15. Fling.. .cap Cf. Pt. I l l , 2.1.196; R. HI, 3.7. 35; Ant. 4. 12. 12; Cor. 4. 6. 135, and Peele, Garter, 436. 17. made.. .quake Cf. Pt. I, 1. 1. 156, 'make all Europe quake'. 20-1. are...brave? Cf. Tit. 2; 1. 45; Pt. I l l , 4. 1. 96. 22-3. hanged.. .necks Cf. 4. 2. 106-7. 24. the White Hart Where Cade 'lodged' (Grafton, i. 642; Hoi. 634/2). 25. given out=surrendered. Not in O.E.D. nor again in Sh. Walker conj. 'given over'. 26. freedom (F2) F. 'Fteedome'. 31. make shift for one Cf. Whetstone, Promos £f? Cassandra, 'Each shift for one' [Tilley, M112]. 39. by the spoil i.e. by robbery. Cf. Greene, x. 179, 'given to the spoyle'. L. 40 seems to contradict this. 41. live atjar Cf. 'fall'n at jars' (1.1. 251, and n.). 46. Villiago v. G. Cf. F.F. xvii. 2, 'vileaco'. 47. base-born At 1. 3. 81 and Pt. Ill, 2. 2.143 only in Sh. Com. in Greene, Peele, Tamb. etc. 55fF. Was ever feather... Developed in Pt. Ill, 3. 1. 84-9 [Hart]. 58. lay.. .together Cf. 3. 1. 165, n. 64. S.D. (J.D.W.) F. 'Exit'. 65. What! Cf. 1. 1. 76, n. 67. S.D. F. 'Exeunt fome of them'. 69. S.D. F. 'Exeunt omnes'.

19°

NOTES

4.9.

4.9. Authorship. The wretched verse of II. 1-22, 36-49 seems imposs. for Sh. and is even below Greene's usual level. The rest is nothing out of the way, but may have been touched up, perhaps to shorten the scene. Material. Grafton (i. 641 ff.) Hall (222 f.) and Hoi. (635E) relate that after Henry's precipitous retreat to Killingworth Castle he heard of Cade's death and 'came into Kent and there sat in iudgement vpon the offendors', mitigating 'iustice with rnercie and compassion' (G. 643). Next (G. 644-6) are recorded the events in France, leading up to the heroic death of Talbot (G. 649-51) upon which the well-known scenes of Pt. I are based; and it is between these episodes in France that we read of York's return and his march upon London (v. 5. 1, Material). There is no authority for the entrance of 'multitudes with halters about their necks', which seems to be borrowed from Act 5, 1. 7, S.D., of Ed. Ill ('Enter sixe Citizens.. .with halters about their necks') or the chroniclers' account of the surrender of Calais in 1346 (e.g. Grafton, i. 380-1) on which that scene is based. S.D. Locality (Theob.) Cf. 4.4. 44. But nothing in this scene (except 'Tarras', which suggests a castle wall) to confirm it. Entry From F., reading 'wall' for 'Tarras'. Rowe+edd. read 'terrace', but 'tarras' == the balcony before the curtains of the upper stage. The Queen is mute but present (v. 1. 48). 1-6. Was.. .a subject One of the main themes of Part III. Cf. Introd. thereto, p. xxxvi. 1-5. Was ever... Was never Favourite Spenserian figure [Hart], joyed Common vb. with Greene and Peele. 3. crept.. .cradle A clumsy way of saying 'able to crawl'. 4. nine months old Cf. Introd. to Pt. I, p. xii. 6. long and wish Unlike Sh. S.D. (F.)

4.9.

NOTES

191

9. S.D. (F.) + 'below' (edd.). Cf. Locality (head). 11. And humbly thus Cf. 1. 1. 10, n. 12. Expect...doom Cf. Peele, Ed. I, ill. 49, 'Expect 1117 doom'. 13. Then...gates Cf. Ps. xxiv. 7, 9 [Noble]. ope Com. in Sh. 14.. entertain v. G.; v. com. in Greene and Peele. 18. infortunate Here and Z'. Joiff, 2. 1. 178 only. A sp. of Greene's (e.g., ix. 79, n o ) . 21. countries v. G. 22. S.D. (F.) 23. advertised Accented on 2nd syll. as always in Sh. 28. as he...along Cf. Pt. I l l , 2. 1. 195; 2. 2. 70-1; 5 . 3 . 2 3 . 33. calmed (F4) F. 'calme'. An
192

NOTES

4.10.

sayde lack Cade, should haue for his paine a thousande Markes, many sought for hym, but few espied hym, till one Alexander lden Esquire of Kent, founde him in a garden, and there in his defence, manfully slue the caytife Cade, and brought his dead bodie to London, whose head •was set on London bridge'. Hoi. 1587 (635/2) speaks of 'a gentleman of Kent named Alexander Eden" ('Iden' in Hoi. 1577) who 'awaited so his time that he tooke the said Cade' (which suggests running him to earth), and says nothing about slaying him in his own defence. Thus Grafton or Hall is the source here. No chronicle states that the garden is Iden's.

S.D. Locality (Cap.) Entry (F.) Q. 'Enter Iacke Cade at one doore and at an other Mafter Alexander Eyden and his men, and Iacke Cade lies downe picking of hearbes and eating them.' (Cf. 11. 3 8-9, n.) I. ambitions (F.) F 2 +edd. 'ambition'. 3. durst not peep out A Sh. idiom, v. 2. 1. 42, n. 4. laid v. G. No parallel in Sh., though, 'lay' (a trap) common. Cf. Soliman and Perseda, 2. r. 332, 'that he may not scape Weele lay the ports' [Hart]. 8. another while Non-Sh. AgaininiVi7/y5(?iii.28,19. 10-12. this word l sallet'... bill Nashe (i. 200. 14) has the same quibble on 'sallet' and refers twice to 'brown bills' (cf. 4. 7. 121, n.). Hart thinks 'sallet' derived from Fabyan, who speaks (p. 623) of a 'salet' as part of the armour Cade took from Stafford (v. 4. 3. 10). 14. quart pot Non-Sh. Cf. Nashe, \. 206. 23 (cited 4. 2. 64-5, n.). 15. S.D. (F.) Steev. (after Q. v. head-note), 'Enter lden with Servants'. 16-22. Lord/.. .state Verse and sentiment like Sh.'s. But contentment is a constant theme with Greene; e.g. v. 185-6; vi. 52-3; vii. 11, 26, 58. Note

4.io.

NOTES

193

the contrast with. Henry's sentiments at 4. 9. 1-6 (v. note); 'worth, a monarchy' points it. See Introd. Pt. Ill, p. xxxvi. 16. turmoiUd The vb. non-Sh., the sb. 'turmoil' only found at Gent. 2. 7. 37. Cf. Greene, x. 215, 'mightily turmoyld'. 19. andworth (F.) Rowe 'and's worth'. 20. waning (Rowe) F . 'warning'. Minim misprint; cf. MSH. 107. 23. well pleasdd Cf. 1. 1. 216, n. 24. lord of the soil v. G. Non-Sh. 25. stray v. G. fee-simple v. G. Cf.2V<«vfe,i. 261. 23, 'indited for an incrocher vpon the fee-simple' (i.e. as a trespasser). Ah (F3) F. 'A'. 26. crowns In chron. 'marks'. The inconsistency with 5. 1.79 suggests different authors, v. G. 'crown', 'mark'. 28. eat iron.. .ostrich Cf. Introd. p. xliii and Tilley 197. 33. And.. .grounds N.B. The double inf., the tautology in 'like a thief and 'rob', and the cadence— all unlike Sh. 36-7. blood.. .broached Again in Pt. I and Pt. I l l but not elsew. in Sh. except M.N.D. 5 . 1 . 146 (comic). Cf. Nashe, ii. 54. 33. 38. meat=£ood. 3 8-9. and thy five men Intended, perhaps not to refer to persons present, since Iden certainly enters soliloquizing at 1. 15, but as an insulting suggestion that this petty squire had but five men on his estate (cf. the factotum Davy in 2 H. IF, 5. 3.11). Q.'s entry (v. head-note) and 'Sirrha fetch me weopons, and ftand you all afide', which it adds to the report of Iden's speech (11. 41-53) interpret 'five men' literally, as did the 18th c. edd., who after Steev. read 'Enter Iden, with Servants' at 1. 15. Camb. (Note xi, vol. v, p. 262) supposed that Sh. 'omitted to strike out the reference to the "five m e n " ' when revising.

194-

NOTES

4.10.

39. dead.. .door-nail Prov. exp. found twice in Nashe. See also the comic allusion in 2 H. IF, 5. 3. 124 and Tilley, D567. 42. Iden, an esquire v. Material, p. 192,1. 3. 43. Took odds v. G. 'odds', to combat Cf. Introd. p. xxix, (iv). 50. arm.. .heaved Cf. 1. 2. 13, n. and F.Q. 1. vii. 14, 'His heavie hand he heaved up on hye'—hence a cliche with Peek and Greene. 54. champion v. G., and Pt. I, 3. 4. 19; Tit. 1. 1. 65, 151. Elsew. in Sh.=defender of a cause. 56. burly-boned Non-Sh. In Nashe three times, all contemptuous as here. chines of beef Non-Sh. In Nashe (i. 269. 14); twice in Peele [Hart]. 57. God (Mal.< Q.) F . ' Ioue\ Prob. altered for F. in ace. with the blasphemy law of 1606. But cf. 5. 1. 68, 214. 58. hobnails Again only at 1 H. IF, 2. 4. 358. Several times in Nashe [Hart]. S.D. 'Here they fight' (F.) 'Cade falls' (Q.). For S.D.'s beginning 'Here', found in Greene and Nashe, v. 1. 4. 22, n., and Pt. I, Note on Copy, p. 105. 66. hallow v. G. 70. emblaze v. G. Non-Sh. Often in Greene [Hart]. 74. S.D. (F.) 76-83. Die...upon Hart thinks'this abominable speech' more like Marlowe than Sh. Also poss. for Peele or Greene. 77. And. . .sword Seems to echo 'thrust his sworde into Watte Tylers belly' (Grafton, i. 425). The line halts. 79. drag.. .headlong Cf. Pt. I, 1. 1. 149, n. 83. Leaving. . .upon Cf. 2 Tamb. 2. 3. 38, 'keep his trunk. . .for fowls to prey upon', echoed 2 T.R. i. 36; Tit. 5. 3. 198; and Peele, Ed. I, xiv. 43-4; Wives' Tale, 580.

5.i.

NOTES

195

5. I to 5. 3. Authorship. 5. 1. 1-55 recall the verse of Pt. I, 1. 1 (Nashe). After that clues to Greene occur, together with occasional clues to Sh. But certain evidence of Sh.'s hand begins with the entry of Crookback at 5. 1. 121, and Sh. seems to have revised pretty thoroughly from then on to the end of the play. Material. In passing from Act 4 to Act 5 we pass directly from the death of Cade (1450) to the First Battle of St Albans (1455). This leap was eased by the fact that, according to the chronicles, York twice marched upon London, with a Welsh army; being on both occasions met by emissaries of Henry (two bishops in 1450 and Buckingham in 1455); " was twice promised that Somerset should be imprisoned, a promise twice broken; in 1450 prob. because the Qu. released him without Henry's knowledge, and in 1455 certainly owing to her intervention. The play simply proceeds directly to the second of these series of similar events, while borrowing a detail or two from the first. 5.1. S.D. Locality (J.D.W.—a malce-shift.) Edd. head 5. 1, 'Fields between Dartford and Blackheath' (which agrees with the sources, v. Material), 5. 2, 'Saint Albans', and 5. 3, 'Fields near St Albans'. But Act 5 is clearly intended to be a continuous representation of a single engagement. The usual slanging-match that preceded an Eliz. stage-battle occupies 5. 1, while in H. 192-216 (N.B. 'to-day', 199; 'Tlxis day', 204; 'to-night', 214) the final insults are exchanged before the armies retire to equip themselves for battle, i.e. the First Battle of St Albans, as appears from 5. 3. 30. Entry (F.) I - 1 1 . From Ireland.. .France Imitation oiTamb.%

1. 3 echoing 1 Tamb. 3. 3. 237-8, as do I. 6. 11-12 of Pt. I.

i96

NOTES

5.1.

5. sancta majestas From Ovid, Ars Amatoria, iii. 407, where it means the honour in which poets were held in ancient times. [J. A. K. Thomson, privately.] 6. know (Rowe) F. 'knowes'. 8. give.. .words Alluding to the rhetorician's rules for the use of the hands. Cf. Ham. 3. 2. 17-18; Tit. 5. 2. 17-18. 11. tossv.G. S.D. (F.) Jlower-de-luce (edd.) F. 'Fleure-de-Luce'. 16. come of pleasure Cf. 4. 1. 113, n. 26. Ajax Telamonius v. G. Cf: Nash, I. 231, 28. 'Ajax' occurs six times in Sh. (outside Trail.), never again as 'Telamonius', though he is incorrectly called 'Telamon' at Ant. 4. 13. 2. Cf. p. li above. 27. On sheep...fury Cf. L.L.L. 4. 3. 7, and D. Bush, Phil. $jart. VI, 295-6. 30. make fair weather pretend amity. Cf. Ado 1.3. 22-3; Tilley, W221 and O.D.P. 187. 33. while Ugly after'awhile'(1. 30). C f . ' h a n d . . . handle' (1. 7), the four 'more's (11. 29, 31), and the weak 'The cause why.. .Is' (11. 35-6). 46. tomorrow.. .Field This reference does not conflict with the St Albans locality, as the meeting never comes off. See G. 'Saint George's Field'. 51. as willing as I live Non-Sh. 55. S.D. (J.D.W.) F. 'Enter King and Attendants'. 57. arm in arm Again Pt. I, 2. 2. 29 only. 61. heave.. .hence CLi. 1.167,n.; Temp.1.2.62; Peele, Alcazar, 1. 2. 84, 'heaves me hence', 3. 2. 8; Greene, Orl. Fur. 1241. 63. heard (F.) Cap. conj.'hear'(alikely ^.vmisp.). S.D. (F.) 68. The head of Cade! This catching-up by one speaker of a phrase just used by another speaker is one

5.i.

NOTES

197

of Greene's commonest tricks (< Marlowe's Tam£>.), occurring eight times in Alph. 72. / was Perhaps a misp. of'Iwis' (=certainly). Cf. Pt. I, 4. 1. 180, n. 74. Alexander... name An imposs. line for Sh. With 11. 74-5, cf. Grafton, i. 643, 'Alexander Iden Esquire of Kent' (Material, 4. 10). 78. kneel down.. .Rise up This knighting is borrowed from that of Walworth who slew Wat Tyler in 1382 (Grafton, i. 425-6), and Hart notes that in Straw (? by Greene) Walworth is bidden 'kneel down' and 'stand up' with similar abruptness. Cf. above 1.1.61; 4. 2. 116-17; Greene, Orl. Fur. 924, 'kneele downe, sir knight; rise up, sir knight'; and 1 T.R. i. 299, where K. John knights the Bastard with the same formula.

S.D. (J.) 79. a thousand marks Cf. 4. 2 to 4. Io (Material, ix, p. 176) and 4. 10. 26, n. 82. S.D. (i) Collier, (ii) F. 83. with the queen F. 'with th' Queene*. 88. Then, York Cf. Introd. p. xxix. 92. hardly.. .abuse Cf. Greene, Jas. IF, 359, 'may not brooke th' abuse'. 99. round engirt Already at 3. 1. 200. But cf. the Greene cliche 'round impaled with a . . .crown' in Pt. I l l , 3. 2. 171, and Introd. p. xxxvii. 100-1. Whose smile.. .cure Cf. 1 Tamh. 2. 1. 21-2; 5. 1. 57-9 like to Achilles' spear etc. A Greene cliche, v. Introd. pp. xxxiv-xxxv. 103. act v. G. 104-5. by heaven.. .ruler Characteristic Sh. wordplay. i n . sons-'(F 2) F. 'forme*. S.D. (Cap.) 112. go to ward Cf. Grafton, i. 647 (Hall, 226), 'The king., .caused the Duke of Somerset to be committed to warde'.

198

NOTES

5.1.

113. They'll pawn etc. A Sh. line. Cf. Gent. 2. 4. 88-9; M.W.W. 3. 1. 104-5. for (F2) F. 'of. 114. come amain Com. expr. in Greene and Peele. 116. S.D. (after Cap.) 117. blood-bespotted Cf. R. Ill, 1. 3. 283. 118. bloody scourge Cf. Pt. I, 4. 2. 16. 121. S.D. (F.) 122. S.D. (Camb.<£).) F . omits 'and his Son*. 124. S.D. (J.) 130. mistakes (F.) Cf. Franz, §152. 139-40. Ay... weapons shall Echoed in Marlowe's Ed. 11,1.2.22-3:' migeen. Forbear to levy arms against the king. Mortimer. Ay, if words will serve; if not, 1 must.' 141. Why, what a Freq. in Sh. Cf. I H. IF, 1. 3. 250; Tit. In trod. p. xxiv. 142. Look...so Cf.tfoff^.ij'Lookinthyglass'jetc. 144-54. to the stake.. .andcried Allusions to bearbaiting, com. in Sh., do not, I think, occur in Greene. 144. stake.. .bears Refers to the badges of the Bear and the Ragged Staff -which Richard Nevill inherited from his father-in-law Richard Beauchamp, the Warwick of Pt. I. They were never borne by his father, Salisbury, so that 'two' is incorrect. See French, pp. I28£F., 161-2, and Scott-Giles, p. 147. 146. astonish v. G. . fell-lurking Pointless and most inapt both to dogs at a baiting and to blustering Clifford. Roderick's conj. (apud Camb.) 'fell-barking' is attractive, and suits 11. 151—5. Cf. also Pt. Ill, 2. 1. 15-17 'Or as a bear encompassed round with, dogs, W h o . . .bark at him'; and 2 Tamb. 4. 1. 182. 147. S.D. (F.) 149. bear'ard (F. 'Berard') Either 'bear-ward' or 'bear-herd', which were used indiscriminately. Cf. 1. 2105 Ado 2. I. 37; Shrew, Ind. ii. 20; 2 H. IF, 1. 2. 167.

5.i.

NOTES

199

151. Oft havs I seen Prob. a Greene gambit. Cf. 4. 4. 1, n.; 1. 1. 183, n. 153. suffered v. G. 157. heap...lump Echoes Ovid's Metam. i. 7, 'Chaos, indigestaque moles', and Golding's trans., 'chaos.. .a huge rude heape... .A heavie lump and clottred clod', as do Pt. Ill, 3. 2. 161; 5. 6. 51; and K. John, 5. 7. 26. But 'rude and indigested chaos' is a phrase in common use; v. O.E.D. 'indigested'. 163. mad.. .brainsick Cf. 3. 1. 51; Pt. I, 4. I. i n . misleader cf. 1 H. IF, 2. 4. 453; 2 H. IF, 5. 5. 65, and Bartlett 'misled'. 164. What! Cf. 1. 1. 76, n. 165. seek.. .spectacles Unmistakably Sh. Cf. 3. 2. 112 and v. G. 'spetacles'. 167. frosty head Cf. J.T.L. 2. 3. 53, and Tit. 5. 3-77168. Where.. .earth? Cf. Sh.'s Addition to More, 11. 126-7, 'What Country.. .should gyve you harber [in banishment]?' 174. mickle age Again at Pt. I, 4. 6. 35. Greene often uses 'mickle', a Spenserism only found in Sh. elsew. at Err. 3. 1. 45; H. F, 2. 1. 66 (both comic). 179-80. Hast.. .me? \ I have For such abrupt replies, a trick of Greene's, v. Pt. I, 2. 1. 5, n. 181. dispense with v. G. i82ff. / / is great sin etc. Cf. Pandulph's casuistry in K. John, 3. 1. 263 ff, and v. Gent. 2. 6. 11; L.L.L. 2. 1. 105. 186. force...chastity Cf. Tit. 5. 2. 177-8. 187. reave...of 188. wring...from Both com. in Sh. wring.. .r/£i/=wring her right from the widow. Cf. Lear, 4. 3. 45. 191. sophister Non-Sh.; com. in Greene. 194. death or (Rowe) F. 'death and'. Cf. p. 152, 11. 4-6.

2oo

NOTES

5.1.

200. write... burgonet Cf. 3. I. 300; and, for parallels in Greene, Introd. p. xxxv. 201. house's (F2) F. 'houfed'. £>. 'houfhold'— which Mal.+all edd. read. 202. Now, by Com. Sh. gambit; v. Tit. Introd. p. xxiv. my father's badge Incorrect, v. 1. 144, n. 207. *?(F2) F. ' i o \ 210. bear'ard F. 'Bearard'. Cf. 1. 149, n. 213-14. Fie! charity.. .to-night Cf. R. Ill, 1. 3. 336-7, Luke xxiii. 43, and 'be in perfect charity with all men' (Exhortation in Communion Service, B.C.P.). For 'sup.. .to-night' cf. 3 H. VI, 5. 5. 85, n. 215. stigmatic v. G. Cf. Pt. Ill, 2. 2. 136. Com. in Greene and Nashe. more.. .tell Cf. the question 'canst tell?' {Tit. I. 1. 202, etc.). 216. S.D. (J.D.W.) F. 'Exeunt. / Enter Warwick'. Q. 'Exet. Alarme again, and enter Earle of Warwicke alone.' 5.2. S.D. 'Alarums to the battle' (Camb.
5.2.

NOTES

201

was bred in North'—one of many lines in Q. more explicit than F. and too good for any ordinary pirate. bonny Com. in Greene, rare in Sh. S.D. (Camb.) F. 'Enter Clifford'. 14-15. Hold.. .death Close parallel at Pt. I l l , 2. 4. 12-13. 18. S.D. F.'Exit War'. 27. S.D. (Cap.) None in F. 28. La.. .azuvres i.e. Finis coronat opus. But why French? Cf. Peele, Garter, 124, 'And rife was French those days with Englishmen'. couronne les ceuvres (edd.) F. 'corrone les eumenes'. Prob 'euueres' stood in the MS. S.D. (F 2) None in F. 30. S.D. (i) No exit in F.; (ii) From F. 31. ov..,rout v. G. 'rout'. Phrase not found elsew. 34. heavens.. .minister Cf. EzeL xiv. 21} Ham. 3. 4. 175; Ant. 3. 6. 88. 35-6. bosoms.. .coals Cf. Pt. I l l , 2. 1. 83. 39. Not essentially, etc., i.e. not naturally, but only by accident. Cf. 1 H. IF, 2. 4. 482. 40. S.D. (after Theob.) 4 0 - ; . O, let...cease How often Sh.'s characters litter such sentiments in the like circumstances (e.g. Ant. 4. 15. 9-11)! And how mature this diction and metre are! 47. The silver.. .age Sh.'s cadence, imagery, pregnancy. 48-9. reverence.. .chair-days venerable old age. See Pt. I, 4. 5. 5. Cf. the construction in 1. 44. 52-3. tears virginal, etc. Cf. the treatment of the virgins in 1 Tamb. 5. 1, 5. 2. 53. as the dew to fire Cf. Rom. 2. 3. 5-6. 54-5. And beauty.. .flax Cf. Nashe, Unfort. Trav. {Nashe, ii. 262), 'What temptations she had then, when fire and flax were put together, conceit with yourselves' [Tilley, F278].

2oa

NOTES

5.2.

59. wild v. G. Absyrtus (Theob.) F. 'Abfirtis* v. G. From Ovid's Tristia, in. ix. 25-8, a source wellknown to the Eliz.; Nashe quotes 18 times from it. 61. ruin Fig. again in K. John, 4. 3. 65; Caes. 3. 1. 257; Cymb. 4. 2. 354. 62-3. ^ J
5-3.

NOTES

203

5-3« S.D. (F.) 2. winter v. G. 3. brush v. G. 4. in the brow of v. G. 'brow', and 2 # . IV, 1. 2. 174, 'in the vaward of our youth'. 5. Repairs.. .occasion i.e. is restored by the opportunity of fighting. 9. bestrid him i.e. to protect him when wounded. Cf. 1 H. IF, 5. 1. 122. 14. noble as he is Cf. 4. 1. 129 on 'true nobility*. S.D. (F.) 15. Now, by my etc. F. assigns to 'Salisbury'. In 1921 Alfred Pollard suggested to me that it belongs to Richard (whom Sal. thanks in 1. 16), and he is clearly right. 20. we have.. .have i.e. though victors, we are not yet sure of final victory. 22. of.. .nature i.e. of such resilience. 29. by my hand (F.) Mal.+edd. (£>.) F. 'Drumme'.

GLOSSARY Note. Where a pun or quibble is intended, the meanings are distinguished as (a) and (3) ABJECT, 'degraded, despicable* (O.E.D.), lit. outcast (cf. Ps.xxxv. 15)5 2.4.115 4. I . 105 ABORTIVE, at once untimely and monstrous (cf. K. John, 3.4. 158)54. 1.60 ABROAD (adv.), wide; 3. 2. 172 ABROOK, brook, endure (v. note); 2. 4. 10 ABSYRTUS, brother of Medea, murdered and cut into pieces by her to delay her father's pursuit, when she fled from Colchos with Jason; 5. 2. 59 ABUSE, (i) insult; 2. 1. 4 1 ;

(ii) deception; 5. 1. 92 ACCOMPT, account (both sps. in Sh. F. in almost equal numbers); 4. 2. 84 ACHILLES'

SPEAR.

Telephus,

Priam's son-in-law, wounded by Achilles, was cured by rust scraped from the spear (v. Introd. p. 1); 5. 1. 100 ACT, put into action, make operative; 5. 1. 103 ADDRESS, prepare, make ready} 5. 2. 27 ADMIRE, wonder at; 3. 1. 12

ADSUM (Lat.), I am here; 1. 4. 23 ADVANCE, uplift (a standard); 4. 1. 98 ADVANTAGE, favourable chance,

opportunity; 1.1. 240; 3 . 1 . 25 ADVERTISE, inform; 4. 9. 23

ADVICE, consideration, deliberation; 2. 2. 68 ADVISED, (i) apprised; 2. 1. 48;

(ii) careful; 2. 4. 36; (iii) deliberate, thoughtful; 5. 2. 47 AEOLUS, mythical ruler of the winds (v. Aen. i. 50-9)53.2. 92 AFFECT, (i) be disposed to-

wards; 3. 1. 375; (ii) aim at, aspire to; 4. 7. 93 AFFIANCE, confidence; 3. 1.74

AFFY, betroth (v. note); 4. 1. 80 AGAIN. Indicating intensity of action (cf. Merck. 3. 2. 204; 2H.IF, 3.2.178)54.1.78 AIM (vb.), guess, conjecture; 2. 4. 58 Aio TE, AEACIDA, ROMANOS VINCERE POSSE. The Delphic

oracle's ambiguous reply to Pyrrhus, a descendant of Aeacus (v. note). Translate: either ' I say that thou, A., canst conquer the Romans', or ' I say that the Romans can conquer thee, A.'; 1. 4. 62 AJAX TELAMONIUS, Ajax son

of Telamon, who in afitof madness at Odysseus' being

GLOSSARY

2OS

awarded the arms of Achilles, killed a flock of sheep, believing them his foes (v. note); 5. 1. 26 ALARUM, signal for, (or) noise of, battle (v. Caes. G.); 2. 3. 93, and S.D.; 4. 8 head S. D.; 5. 1. fin. S.D.; 5. 2. 3, 77 S.D.

ASMATH, name of spirit (v. note); 1. 4. 24

ALDER-LIEFEST, dearest of all

AVOID, begone; 1. 4. 40 AWKWARD, unfavourable, ad-

(v. note); 1. 1. 28 ALTHAEA, wife of the king of Calydon. Informed by the Fates at the birth of her son Meleager that he would die when a brand on thefirewas consumed, she snatched it from the hearth, but later burnt it after Meleager grew up and killed his brothers; 1. 1. 232 AMAIN, at full speed; 3.1.2825 5. 1. 114 ANCHISES, father of Aeneas, who carried him from burning Troy; 5. 2. 62 ANNOY, harm, injure; 3. 1. 67 ANON, in a short time; 5. r. 159 ANSWER, pay for, render an

account of; 2. 1.41; 4. 7. 39 APPELLANT, one who 'appeals'

or accuses another of treason, and challenges him to prove his innocence in a trial by battle; 2. 3. 49, 57 APPROVE, prove; 3. 2. 22

ARGO, corruption of 'ergo' (v. note); 4. 2. 30 ARGUMENT, 'proof' (Onions), 'reason offered in proof' (Schmidt); 1. 2. 32; 3. I. 241 ASCANIUS, son of Aeneas (v.

Introd. p. lii); 3. 2. 116

ASTONISH, dismay; 5. 1. 146

ATTAINT, convict (of treason); 2. 4. 59 ATTAINTURE, (a) disgrace, (b)

attainder, conviction for high treason (v. attaint); 1. 2. 106 verse; 3. 2. 83 BADGE, device or emblem to identify a knight or his followers; 5. 1. 201, 202; (fig.) 3. 2. 200 BAIL, surety for someone'* appearance in court; 5. I. i n , 120, 123 BANDETTO, the earliest Eng.

form of 'bandit' (v. O.E.D. < I t . 'bandito'=proscribed, outlawed); 4. 1. 135 BAN-DOG, fierce dog kept chained; 1. 4. 18 BANE, coast, shore (cf. 1 H. IV, 3. 1. 44; Son. 56. 11); 3. 2. BARGULUS, a pirate who fought against Philip of Macedoa (v. note); 4. 1. 108 BASILISK, fabulous reptile, said to kill by its look: 3. 2. 52, BASIMECC, contemptuous term for a Frenchman ( < F . 'baisez mon cul'; v. note); 4. 7. 25 BE WITH (someone), understand (v. note); 2. r. 49 BEADLE, parish officer, who did the whipping (esp. of rogues and whores) for the constable; 2. 1. 137 ff.

2o6

GLOSSARY

BEAR'ARD,

i.e.

bear-ward or

bear-herd (v. note); 5. 1. 149, 210

BEAT ON, harp on (cf. Naske, ii. 121 'the onlie string you beate on') or hammer (q.T.) on (cf. Gent. 1. 3. 18} Tit. 2. 3. 39; and see also Ham. 3. 1. 177; Temp. I. 2. 176); 2. 1. 20

BEDLAM, hospital of St Mary of Bethlehem in London, used as a mental asylum; 5. 1. 131; hence (adj.)=* mad; 3. 1.51; 5. 1. 132 BELDAM,

lit.

old

woman;

often = witch, hag; 1. 4. 42 BESONIAN, beggar, rascal ( < I t . 'bisogno' = need; comm. later in Eliz. Eng.); 4. 1. 134BESTED, in a plight; 2. 3. 56 BETIME, betimes; 3. 1. 285 BETRAY, ensnare; 2. 4. 54.

BILL, (a) bill of exchange, promissory note (O.E.D. 9); (b) weapon, used by constables, with a long, wooden handle and a blade or axe-shaped head, halberd (v. brown bill); 4. 7. 121 BITE TONGUE, be

silent

(cf.

Pt. I l l , 1. 4. 47; Tit. 3. 1. 131); 1. 1. 228 BLUNT, (a) not pointed, in-

effective; (b) dull, stupid; 4. 1. 67 BLUNT-WITTED,

coarse-mind-

ed, uncivil; 3. 2. 210 BONA TERRA, MALA GENS, a

good land but bad people; 4. 7. 52 BOOK, study, learning (cf.

M.W.W. 4. I. 13; Temp. 3. 1. 94); 4. 7. 68

BOOT, 'make boot of =profit by (cf. Ant. 4. 1. 9); 4. 1. 13 BRAVE (adj.), (i) vague epithet of praise; 'fine', 'excellent', 'noble'; 1. 1. 73, 84; 4. 2. 215 4. 7. 123, 124; (ii) bold, defiant; 4. 8. 20 BRAVE (vb.), challenge, defy; 4. 10. 35, 36 BRAZEN, i.e. extremely strong (cf. Son. 120. 4); 3. 2. 89 BREAKFAST, entertainment (ir-

onical); cf. note; 1. 4. 76 BROKER, agent, intermediary; I . 2. IOO, IOI

BROW. Meaning disputed: either ='front' (cf. Son. 102, 'Philomel in summer's front doth sing'), or 'height' 'climax', 'top' (cf. K. John, 5. 6. 17, 'in the black brow of night'); 5-3-4 BROWN BILL, halberd painted

brown, used by watchmen (O.E.D.); 4. 10. 12 BRUSH, lit. attack (cf. Troil. $. 3. 34, 'brushes of war'); here fig; 5. 3. 3 BUCKLER, (vb.), shield, defend; 3. 2. 216 BUCKS, clothes at the wash (v. note). Cf. mod. W. Country dial, 'bock' (or 'book') of wash; 4. 2. 47 BURGONET, kind of helmet (v. Ant. G.) 5. 1. 200, 204, 208 BURLY-BONED, big-boned, (v.

note); 4. 10. 56 Buzz, whisper; 1. 2. 99 BY AND BY, very soon; 1. 3. 2 CADE, barrel of six score herrings; 4. 2. 34

GLOSSARY CAGE, lock-up for petty offences; 4. 2. 51 CALCULATE, cast a horoscope to foretell the future (v. Caes. G.)> 4. I. 34

CHEAPSIDE,

207

or

Goldsmith's

CALYDON, district of Aetolia (v. Althaea); 1. 1. 233 CANKER, spreading ulcer, gangrene; 1. 2. 18

Row, the S. side of West Cheap which was 'the old Market Place of London, extending from the N.E. corner of St Paul's Churchyard to the Poultry* (Sugden); 4. 2. 66; 4. 7. 120 CHECK, rebuke, chide; I. 2. 54 CHERISH, encourage (O.E.D. 75 cf. R. II, 2. 3. 147)}

CARE, be careful; 3. 1. 173 CASE, casket; 3. 2. 410 CAST, reckon; 4. 2. 84. CAST AWAY, wreck (cf. Merck,

CHOICELY, with discrimination} 3-i-3*3 CHURL, boor, rustic; 3. 2. 213

CALLET, trull; 1. 3. 81 CALMED, becalmed; 4. 9. 33

1. 1. 201

3. 1. 93); 1. 3. 199-200 CATERPILLAR, rapacious fellow (cf. 1 H. IF, G. and iJ. II, G-)> 4- 4- 37 CAUDLE, a warm cordial of thin gruel mixed with wine or ale 4. 7. 85 CENSURE (sb.), opinion; 1. 3. 115; (vb.), think of, estimate; 3. 1. 275

CIRCUIT, circlet; 3. I. 352 CIRCUMSTANCE, (i) details; I .

CHAFE, warm; 3. 2. 141 CHAMPION, fighting man, man

CLERKLY (adv.), in a scholarly way} 3. 1. 179 CLIP, embrace (v. note); 4 . 1 . 6

of valour (v. note)} 1. 3. 55; 4. 10. 54 CHANGE (vb.), exchange} 1. 1. 217 CHARACTER (sb.), written letter (fig.); 1.1.99; (vb.), inscribe, engrave (fig.); 3. 1. 300 CHARITY, love; 3. x. 144

CHARM (the tongue), keep (it) silent (com. in 16th and 17th c ) ; 4. 1. 64 CHARNECO, a kind of port wine (SA. Eng. ii. 136), called after a village near Lisbon} z- 3- 6 3 CHASE, object of pursuit (lit. a hunted animal, cf. 3 H. FI, 2. 4. 12); 5. 2. 14 H.VI-1I

14

1. 103; 2. I.-745 (ii) accident, contingency (cf. Wint. 3. 2. 18); 5. 2. 39 CITE, incite, urge; 3. 2. 281 CIVIL, orderly, well-mannered} 1. 1. 1935 4. 7. 57 CLAP UP, put in prison} 1. 4.

CLOSE, (i) concealed; 1. 3. 1}

2. 2. 35 (ii) secret; 2. 4. 73 CLOSET, private room; 2 . 4 . 24 CLOUDY, gloomy, sullen} 3. 1. 155 CLOUTED, 'patched' (cf. note)} 4. 2. 182 CLOWN, rustic, churl; 4.10.56 COAST, country (O.E.D. 6), quarter; 1. 2. 93; 4. 8. 49 COLD, (i) 'chilling* (O.E.D. 10); 1. 1. 235; 3. 1. 86, 875 (ii) lacking in zeal; 3. I. 224 COLLECT, gather, infer} 3. 1. COLOUR, specious pretext} 3 . 1 . 236

GLOSSARY

2O3

COMMENT UPON, ponder

(cf.

R. 111,4.. 3- Si)i 3 - 2 - 133 COMMODITY,

(a) article

for

sale, (b) v. 'take up e.'; 4. 7. 121 COMMOTION,

insurrection

(O.E.D. 4); 3. 1. 29, 358 COMPANION, fellow (contemptuous); 4. 10. 30 COMPLICE, confederate; com-

rade, 5. 1. 212 C<5MPLOT, plot; 3. 1. 147

CONTROLLING, severe, rigorous; 5. 1. 103 CONVENTICLE,

CONCEIVED, admitted into the mind; 3. 2. 44

COUNTENANCE,

CONDIGN, i.e. the punishment

COUNTERPOISE,

they deserved; 3. 1. 130 CONDITION, rank; 5. 1. 64

CONDUCT, guide, conductor, (cf. Rom. 5. 3. 116); 2. 4. 101 CONFEDERACY,

conspiracy

(O.E.D. r b ) ; 2 . 1. 165 CONFUSION, ruin, destruction; 2. 1. 184; 5. 2. 31 CONJURATION, incantation; 1.

2.99 CONJURB UP, raise spirits by incantation; 5. 1. 199 CONJUROR, magician; 1. 2. 765

2. 1. 169; 4. 2. 89 CONSCIENCE, inmost conviction; 3 . 1 . 68,141; 5.1.178 CONSORT, company of musicians (cf. Rom. 3. 1. 52); 3. 2. 327 CONTAGIOUS, poisonous, nox-

ious; 4. r. 7

clandestine

meeting (O.E.D. 3)53.1.166 CORRECT, chastise, punish; I. 3- 197 CORROSIVE (sb.), Med., caustic; fig. 'fretting, wearing to the mind' (O.E.D.); 3. 2. 483 COUCH, frame (O.E.D. 15 a), express in veiled fashion (O.E.D. 15b); 3. 1. 179 favour,

sup-

port, patronage; 2. 1. 165 compensate

(freq. in Sh.); 4. 1. 22 COUNTRY, district (O.E.D. 1; interchangeable with 'county' in Hoi.; v. 1 H. FI, 5. 3. 155, 159, and G.); 4. 9. 2r COURT-HAND. 'A general term for the scripts employed in drawing up charters and other formal legal documents' (Sh. Eng. i. 291); 4.2.91 COURTSHIP, courtliness of man-

ners (orig. meaning); 1.3.52 CROWN, (i) v. 'French crown'; 4. 2. 155; (ii) coin=5*.; 4. 10. 26 CULLION, wretch, rascal; 1.3.38 CUNNING, 'knowing'; 1. 2. 75;

'cunning man', fortuneteller; 4. 1. 34 CURST, malignant, savage,; 3. 2. 312

CONTEMPTUOUS, contemptible

(O.E.D.3);r.3.8i CONTRADICT, oppose (often in Sh.); 3. 2. 252

DAY, (i) time (v. seven year? day); 2. 1. 2; (ii) victory; 5. 2.89

CONTROLLER, 'detractor, cen-

DEADLY-HANDED, murderous;

sorious critic' (O.E.D. 35 cf. 'controlling', Son. 66. 10) j 3. 2. 205

DEATHSMAN, executioner; 3.2.

5-2-9 217

GLOSSARY DEGREE, rank; 5. 1. 73

DEMAND (of), inquire (about); 2. 1. 172 DENAY, (obs. form of 'deny'), refuse; 1. 3. 102 DENY, refuse; 5. 1. 123 DESOLATE, deserted; 4. 8. 57

209

DOOM, judgement, sentence; 1. 3. 202, 208; 3. 1. 281; 4. 9. 12 DOUBLE (vb.), stutter (under the influence of drink), v. O.E.D. 'doubling' ppl. adj. 1. (1621); 2. 3. 92

DOUBLE BEER, extra strong ale DISCHARGE (sb.), payment (cf. Cymb. $. 4. 173); r. 3. 167 (v. O.E.D. 'doubling' vbl. sb. ib); 2. 3. 64 DISCOMFIT (vb. and sb.), DRAB, loose woman, strumpet; defeat, rout (cf. 'discom2. 1. 153 fiture', Pt. I, 1. 1. 59); 5. 1.63; 5.2. 86 DRAIN (vb.), 'let fall in drops strained out' (O.E.D. 'obs. DISMAL, ill-boding, sinister; 3. 2.4r rare'); 3. 2. 142 DRESS, (a) put in order (freq. DISPENSE WITH, 'compound with for an offence* (O.E.D. in Sh.), (&) put clothes on; 4.2.5 9 b); 5. 1. 181 DRUDGE, slave; 4. 1. 105 (v. DISPLAY, stretch out, spread note); 4. 2. 148 wide (cf. 'splay' =its aphetic DUTY, reverence, respect; 1. 3. form, F.Q. 3. 2. 47); 3. 2. 172 156; 3. 1. 17; 5. 1. 173 DISPURSE, disburse. The only other known inst. in a EARNEST, ardent, eager (v. Scottish Act of Parl. of 1^43 O.E.D. 1); 3. 2. 316 (v. Onions and O.E.D.); 3. EARNEST-GAPING, eagerly gaz1. 117 ing (or) longing intensely (v. DISTINGUISH OF, distinguish O.E.D. 'gape' 3, 4); 3. 2. between (cf. fetu of Malta, 105 1. 2. 152); 2. 1. 128 EFFECT (vb.), carry out, fulfil; DISTRACT, gone mad; 3. 2. 318 3. 1. 170

Do GOOD (v. good), 1. 2. 77}

EFFECTUAL, 'to the point, per-

3. 1. 219; 4. 3. 14 DOGGED, cruel, greedy, and sullen like a cur (cf. K, John, G. and Nashe, Index); 3. 1. 158

tinent, conclusive' (O.E.D. 6; cf. Tit. 5. 3. 43)5 3. 1. 4i

DOG'S LEATHER. Gloves were

often made of dog-skin (cf. Ttu. Nt. G. 'cheverii'); 4. 2. 25 DOIT, lit. a Dutch coin, worth half a farthing; typifies the smallest poss. sum of money; 3. 1. 112

EMBLAZE,

proclaim

as

by

heraldic device; 4. 10. 70 ENCHASE, adorn with gems; 1.2.8 ENFRANCHISEMENT,

release

from imprisonment; 5. 1. "3 ENTERTAIN, receive favourably, welcome; 4. 9. 14; 5. 1.

2IO

GLOSSARY

ENTERTAINMENT, welcome; i . 1.70

ENTREAT (i. trans.), treat (O.E.D. 1)5 2. 4. 81; (ii. intrans.), enter into negotiations (O.E.D. 4)5 4. 4. 9 ENVIOUS, malicious, 2. 4. 12,

355 3- i- 1S7 ENVY (sb.), malice; 3. 2. 3155 (vb.), regard with malevolence (cf. Cor. 3. 3. 95) j 3. 1. 206

ESSENTIALLY, by nature; 5. 2.

39

ESTABLISH, enact, ordain; 3. I . 317 ESTATE, high rank; 3. 1. 206 EVENT, business, matter in hand; 3. I. 326 EXCURSION, sally, sortie (theatr.; v. Chambers, Eliss, Stage, iii. 53); 5. 2. 71 S.D. EXORCISM, lit. ceremony for

expulsion of a spirit; here ('improperly', O.E.D.) » the raising up of a spirit (cf. Caes. 2. 1. 323); 1. 4. 4 EXPECT, wait for; 4. 9. 12

EXPEDIENT, speedy, expeditious (freq. in Sh.j rare elsew.)} 3. 1. 288 FACT, deed (esp. criminal deed); 1. 3. 171; 2. 1. 170 FACTIOUS, (i) belonging to one

party in a quarrel (cf. Caes. G.); 2. 1. 405 (ii) seditious; 5. 1. 135 FAIR, in good order; 3. 2. 11 FAR-FET, lit., far-fetched (cf.

deep-fet), cunningly devised; 3- i- 2 93 FAST (adv.), unchangeably; 5. 2. 21

FAULTY, guilty (O.E.D. 3a); 3. 2. 202

FAVOUR, lenience (cf. Merck. 4.1.3825^^.3.13.133)5 4- 7- 63 FEALTY, fidelity to an overlord; 5. 1. 50 FEE-SIMPLE (Anglo-Lat. 'feo-

dum simplex'), estate belonging to owner and his heirs without entail; 4. 10. 25 FENCE, art of fencing; 2 . 1 . 52;

2. 3. 78 FIELD, 'the surface of an es-

cutcheon' (O.E.D.); 4. 2.49 FIFTEEN, FIFTEENTH, tax

of

one-fifteenth on personal property; 1.1.131; 4. 7. 19 FIRST-CONCEIVED, first heard (v. conceived)} 3. 2. 44 FISH STREET, now Fish St Hill,

orig. the main approach to London Bridge; 4. 8. 1 FIXED (of teeth), clenched; 3. z - 313 FLAW, lit. sudden squall of wind, here fig. (cf. 2 H. IV, 4. 4. 35, n.); 3. 1. 354 FLOWER-DE-LUCE, fleur de lys;

5. 1. 11 FLYING AT THE BROOK, Tech-

nical term =hawking for waterfowl (v. note); 2. 1. 1 FOND, silly, foolish; 3. 1. 36, 74FOOT-CLOTH (sb.), large, richly ornamented cloth spread over the back of a horse so as to reach the ground. 'A mark of dignity and state' (O.E.D.); 4. 7. 4 3 ; (adj.), provided with a foot-cloth (again JR. Ill, 3. 4. 86); 4. I.54

GLOSSARY FORLORN, unhappy, wretched (ct.2H.IF, 3.2. 312)52. 4. 4 s ; 3. 2. 775 4. 1. 65 FORTHCOMING, in safe keeping or custody (for production in court); 1. 4. 53; 2. 1. 176 FORWARD IN, eager for (v.

note); 3. 2. 253 _ FRAME, fashion, bring about, contrive (cf. 1 H. VI, 2. 4. 9)5 3- i- 525 5- »• ¥• FREE, (i) honourable, noble; here a polite form of address; 3. 1. 223; (ii) accessible (cf. Wint. 2. 1. 194)} 4 . 7 . 119 FRENCH

CROWN, (a)

French

coin, ecu, (b) the French regalia; 4. 2. 155 FRETFUL,'gnawing' (Schmidt); 3- 2- 4°3 . FURNITURE, equipment; 1. 3.

167 FURRED PACK, bundle, borne

on the pedlar's back, and covered with skin with the hair outward; 4. 2. 47

211

(cf. Ham. 1. 4. 85; O.E.D. 'cf. Lat. manes')\ 3. 2. 161 GIDDY, inconstant, fickle; 2. 4.21 GNARL, snarl; 3. 1. 192

GOBBET, small lump of flesh; 4. I. 8S GOOD, 'do good' (i. trans.) bring prosperity to; 1. 2. 775 3. 1. 219; (ii. intrans.) prosper; 4. 3. 14 Go TOI come, come! (expressing disapprobation, protest, etc.); 4. 2. 153, 167 GRACE, (i) favour; 1. 3. 36;

(ii) mercy; 5. 1. 108 GRAFT (=p.pl. of 'graff'), grafted; 3. 2. 214 GRIN, bare the teeth; 3. I. 18; 3- 3- 2 4 GROAT, fourpenny-piece; 3. 1.

113 GROOM, low fellow; 2. 1.182; 4. 1. 128; 4. 2. 121 GUISE, style; 1. 3. 40

HAG, female demon (O.E.D. 1); 4. 1. 79 HALLOW, consecrate. Ref. to

GALLOWGLASS,

heavy-armed

foot-soldier from Ireland (cf. Mack G.); 4. 9. 26 GEAR, business, matter; 1. 4. 14; 3. 1. 91 GELIDUS TIMOR OCCUPAT ARTUS

'cold fear takes hold of (my) limbs' (v, note); 4. 1. 117 GENERAL, affecting the whole world ('universal', O.E.D. 1); 5. 2. 43 GEORGE, the jewelled figure of St George, part of the insignia of the Order of the Garter; 4. 1. 29 GHOST, dead person, corpse

an ancient custom, but cf. the model boats still hung in churches of Breton fishing villages; 4. 10. 66 HAMMER, devise, contrive, (O.E.D. 2a), cf. 'beat on'; 1. 2. 47 HAMPER, (a) clog, fetter (h) ?swaddle (v. note); 1. 3 H3 HAPPILY (=haply), perchanc Freq. in Sh.; 3. 1. 306 HARBOUR, refuge; 5. 1. 168

HARDLY, (a) with difficulty riskily; (b) scarcely; 1.4. 71

GLOSSARY

212

HATCHES, 'a movable planking, forming a kind of deck in ships' (O.E.D.); 3. 2. 103 HEAD, armed force (freq. in Sh.); 4- 5- 9 HEAP, mass. Contemptuous (v. note); 5. I. 157 HEART-OFFENDING,

heart-

harming; 3. 2. 60 HEAVY, sorrowful, sad; 3. 2.

306, 379; (quibbling) 5. 2.

6S HELP, cure; 4. 7. 86

HIND, boor, rustic; 3. 2. 271; 4.2. 11954.4. 33 HOBOY,

oboej

1.

1.

S.D.

(head) HOISE, remove, (v. note); 1. I. 167 HOMELY, humble; 5. 3. 12 HOUSEKEEPING, hospitality

(O.E.D. 2; cf. L.L.L. 2. 1. 103)51.1.189 HUMOUR, inclination, disposition; 1. 1. 2455 1. 2. 97 IDLY, carelessly, lightly; 3. 1. *SS IMAGE, 'embodiment' (O.E.D. 4c); 1. 3. 174 IMPERIAL, imperious (O.E.D. 5b); 4. 1. 121 IMPUGN, oppose; 3. 1. 281

IN CAPITE, held directly from the crown (lit. 'in chief, = as tenant in chief). A legal term; 4. 7. 117-18 INCH, smallest measure of length of space or time, hence 'at an inch'='in immediate readiness' (O.E.D.), or here, closely, narrowly (v. note); I. 4. 42 INCREASE (sb.), produce, crops (cf. Bible); 3. 2. 385

INDIGESTED,

shapeless,

un-

formed (cf. note; Son. 114.. 5;*T. John, $.7.26); 5. 1. 157 INFALLIBLE, certain, undoubted (cf. All's Well, 1. 1. 139); 2.2.5 INFINITE (numbers), very large; 4. 2. 31 S.D. INJURIOUS, insolent, insulting; 1. 4. 48 _ INKHORN, inkstand made of horn; 4. 2. 107 INSOLENCE, overbearing pride (cf. Cor. 1. 1. 266)5 2. 1. 31 INSTANCE, evidence, proof (O.E.D. 7); 3. 2. 159 INTEREST (in), right, title (to); 3. 1. 84 INVITIS NUBIBUS, despite

the

clouds; 4. 1. 99 JADE, ill-conditioned horse5 4-1-3 JADED, worn out (like an overworked horse; cf. Ant. 3. 1. 34); 4. 1. 52 JAR (sb.), 'fall at jars' =break out into quarrelling; 1. 1. 251; 'at j a r ' = a t discord, 4. 8. 41 JAR (vb.), be discordant, out of tune; 2. 1. 57 JOY, enjoy (as trans, not freq. in Sh.); 3. 2. 365; 4. 9. 1 KEN (sb.), sight (of a place);

3-2-"3 KEN (vb.), discern, descry; 3. 2. 101

KENNEL, street gutter (v. note); 4. 1. 71 KERN, light-armed Irish footsoldier; 3. 1. 310, 361, 3675 4. 9. 26

GLOSSARY KILLINGWORTH,

the

mod.

Kenilworth (v. note) 5 4. 4. 39»44

KIND, loving; 1. 1, 19; 5. 1.

54 LABOURING, in distress, pal-

pitating (O.E.D. 3)} 3. 2. 163

213

LISTEN (after), inquire, seek information (about); 1. 3. H7 LISTS, arena prepared for a contest; 2. 3. 50, 54 LODGS (intrans.), stay all nights 1. 1. 78; (trans.), beat down (cf. Mack 4. I. 55); 3. 2. 176

LA FIN COURONNE LES CEUVRES,

LONDON STONE, ancient stone

the end crowns the work(s); 5. 2. 28 LARGE, pompous (cf. Lear, 1. 1. 187, 'large speeches');

(prob. the Roman 'miliarium'), orig. standing on the S. side of Cannon Street5 4. 6. 2 LONG-BOAT, largest ship'sboat; 4. 1. 68

1. 1. 109 LAY (sb.) wager (cf. Oth. 2. 3. 330; Cym. 1. 4. 159)5 5. 2. 27 LAY (vb.) beset, fill with traps (O.E.D. 18 c); 4. 10.4 LAY • ABOARD, iplace one's ship alongside another for an attack (O.E.D. 'aboard', 2c); 4. 1. 25 LEAVE, abandon, cease; I . 3. 120} 2. I. I79; 3. 2. 333 LEVEL (vb.), aim. Shooting term; 3. 1. 160 LEWDLY, wickedly; 2. 1. 164 LIBERAL, 'of gentleman-like,

habits' (Onions); 4. 7. 59 LIEFEST, dearest (v. alderliefest); 3. 1. 164 LIGHT (vb.), alight; 1. 3. 88 LIME A BUSH, set a snare (lit.

smear the twigs with 'birdlime', used to catch small birds; cf. lime-twig)} I. 3. 8652.4.54 LIME-TWIG, twig smeared with 'bird-lime', a sticky substance made of holly-barkj 3. 3. 16

LORD OF THE SOIL, owner of the

estate (O.E.D. 'soil' 2C, 5a)5 4. 10. 24 LORDSHIP, a lord's domain (cf. O.E.D. 2)5 4. 7. 4 LOUSY (fig.), scurvy, contemptible5 4. 1. 50 LOWLY, of mean birth; 4. 1.

lit MACE, sceptre (cf. H. V^ 4.

1. 257; O.E.D. 2); 4. 7. 129 MAD (vb.), become frantic (with love); 3. 2. 117 MAD-BRED, produced by mad-

ness (here only Sh.); 3. 1.

354 MAIL UP. '"Mail a hawk" is

to wrap her up in a handkerchief or other cloth that she may not be able to stir her wings or to struggle' (R. Holmes, Academy of Armory, 1688); 2. 4. 31 MAIM, crippling disablement

(cf. IH.IF,^. 41

1. 42); 2. 3.

214

GLOSSARY

MAIN, or MAIN CHANCE, the

most important matter at stake; i. I. 206, 207, 210 MAIN (vb.), maim (older form; v. O.E.D. 'maim', vb.; with quibble on 'Maine'); 4. 2. 160 MANDRAKE, poisonous plant, fabled to shriek when uprooted; 3. 2. 310 MAP, epitome, embodiment; 3. 1. 203 MARK, (i) target; 1. 1. 2415

(ii) sum of money = 131. 4^5 5- 1. 79 MASS, large amount (of money); r. 3. 129 MASTER, navigator of a ship of war (v. O.E.D. 2b); 4. 1. S.D.; 4. 1. 12, 15

MORTAL, deadly (cf. Ant. 5. 2.

302)5 3. 2. 263 MORT

DIEU!

God's death!

(usually in Sh. "sdeath')} 1. 1. 121 MULTIPLY, 'increase, enlarge' (Schmidt), 1. 2. 73; 2. I. 7i MUTINY, rebellion, uproar; 3. 2. 128 NAKED, unarmed; 3. 2. 234 NAUGHTY, wicked; 2. 1. 164 NEAR, 'go near to' "=be on the

point of (freq. in Sh.); 1. 2. 102

NOTICE, information (O.E.D. 1); 3. 1. 370 NOURISH, maintain, support (O.E.D. 6b); 3 . 1 . 348

MATCH (sb. and vb.), meet(ing)

in single combat; 5. I. 156; 5. 2. 10 MATE (vb.), render senseless (cf. Macb. 5. 1. 77). Poss. quibble on orig. sense 'check-mate', i.e. kill; 3. 1. 265 MECHANICAL, belonging to the

working class; 1. 3. 191 MEDEA, (V. Abyrtsus); 5. a.

59 MICKLE, great; 5. 1. 174 MINION. Contemptuously =•

creature, hussy (cf. O.E.D. I e; Gent. 1. 2. 92); 1. 3. 82, 136 MINISTER (sb.), agent; 3. 1. 3555 5- 2- 34 MINISTER (vb.), supply; 1. I . 31 MONUMENT, memorial; 3. 2.

342; 4. 3. 10 MORISCO, morris-dancer; 3. 1.

365

OBJECTION, accusation (O.E.D. ib); 1. 3. 153 OBLIGATION, 'a written con-

tract or bond under seal containing a penalty with a condition annexed' (O.E.D. 2)5 4. 2. 90 OCCASION, favourable opportunity; 5. 3. 5 ODDS, advantage (cf. 'take the odds', 1 H. IF, $. 1. 97)$ 4. 10. 43 OMIT, forget, overlook (cf. Caes. G.); 3. 2. 382 ONCE, AT, without more adoj 3. 1. 66 OPPOSITE (adj.), hostile; 3. 2. 251 OPPOSITE (sb.), antagonist (O.E.D. 3 1 , 'very comm. in 17th c.'); 5. 3. 22 ORDER, (i) manner, way in

which something takes placej 3. 2. 129} (ii) 'out

GLOSSARY of order' = against 'public order' (O.E.D. 19); 4. 2. 186-7 OUTRUN, escape by running;

5- 2- 73

215

tain situated at the W. end of Cheapside near the junction of T eadneedle St and Cornhill; 4. 6. 3 PITCH, height to which a falcon soars; 2. 1. 6, 12

OVERBLOWN, (fig.) past (cf. R. II, 3. 2. 190)5 1. 3. 150 PLAINNESS, frankness, sincerity; 1. 1. 189 PAINS, 'efforts to secure a POINT, advantageous position good or satisfactory result' from which to swoop. Term of falconry; 2. 1. 5 (O.E.D. 6); 1. 4. 44 POINTING-STOCK, object of PALSY, paralysis agitans (5/4. derision; 2. 4. 46 Eng. i. 436); 4. 7. 88 PART or PARTS, party, faction,

side; 1. 1. 238; 5. 2. 35, 87 PARTICULAR, single; 4. 2. 109 PARTICULARITIES, individual

details (here of sound); 5. 2. 44 PASS, (i) utter (O.E.D. 52); 3. 2. 221; (ii) ' I pass not' = I care not; 4. 2. 125 PASSENGER, traveller on foot (O.E.D. ib); 3. 1. 129 PAWN, forfeit something of value (cf. Ant. 1. 4. 32, n.)} 5. 1. 113 PENN'ORTH, trifle; I. 1. 220 PEREMPTORY overbearing; 2.

1.235 3. 1.8 PERIOD, end; 3. 1. 149

PERISH, destroy (O.E.D. 3)5 3. 2. 100

PERNICIOUS, villainous (cf. R.

II, 1. 3. 82); 2. 1. 2 1 ; 3. 2. 226

PERORATION,

rhetorical

dis-

course (cf. O.E.D. 2)1 1. 1. 103

POISE, weigh; 2. 1. 2or POLICY (V. O.E.D. 3, 4),

(i) statecraft (cf. H. V, 1. i-45)5 i- i- 82; 3. 1. 293; (ii) prudent conduct of affairs; 3. 1. 23, 235, 238; (iii) crafty scheming; 4. 1. 83 POOR, insignificant, trifling; 3- *• 381 PORPENTINE, porcupine (agaia Ham. 1. 5. 20, Trail. 2. I. 2 7)> 3- *• 3 6 3 PORT, bearing; 4. I. 19

POST, courier, mounted messenger; 1. 4. 785 3. 1. 28r S.D. POST OVER (vb.), 'pass off* (O.E.D. 'post' 7 b; cf. 'o'erposf, 2 H. IF, G.)$ 3- i- *5S POWER, armed force, army; 4. 4 . 4 0 5 4 . 9 . 10,2555. 1. 21, 44 PRACTICE, plot, intrigue; 3. I. 46; 3. 2. 22

PERSUADE, dissuade; 5. 3. 10

PRACTISE, plot; 2. 1. 168

PINNACE, 'small, light vessel, generally two-masted' (O.E.D. ! ) ; 4. 1. 9

PREFER, recommend (cf. Caes. 5. 5. 62)5 4. 7. 68 PREMISED, sent before the time (cf. Lat. 'praemittere') j 5. 2. 41

PISSING-CONDUIT,

popular

name of a conduit or foun-

2l6

GLOSSARY

PRESENT, immediate; 5. 3. 25

PRESENTLY, at once, immediately; 1. 1. 169; 1. 2. 60; 1.3. 3353. 2. 18; 4. 2. 117} 4.7. 104-5, 122 PREVENTION, hindrance, forestalling; 2. 4. 57 PRIDE, prime, highest glory (O.E.D. 9; cf. Pt. I, 4. 7. 16); 2. 3. 46 PRIEST, father-confessor; 3. 1.

272, 274 PROBABLE, worthy of belief} 3. 2. 178 PROCURATOR, deputy (O.E.D. 2); 1. 1. 3 PROPER, (i) peculiar; 1. 1. 59;

3. 1. 115; (ii) fine, handsome, excellent; 1. I. 130 (ironical); 4. 2. 92 PROPORTION, (i) relation; 1. 1.

231; (ii) form, shape; 1. 3.

52

PROSPECT, what is seen; 3. 2. 324 PROTECT, look after} 2. 4. 795 5. 1. 210 PROVOKE, agitate; 4. 7. 88

PULL (sb.), wrench; 2. 3. 41 PURSUIVANT, 'royal messenger with power to execute warrants' (O.E.D.); 1. 3. 33 PUT APART, remove; 3. 1. 383

PUTTOCK, kite, 'basest' of the hawk kind (Madden); 3. 2. 191

QUIT, rid (O.E.D. i b ) ; 3. 2.

218 RACK, 'oppress by extortions' (O.E.D. 4c); r. 3. 126 RAGE, (a) fury of rebellion, (b) raging fever; 3. 1. 285 RAGGED, full of rough projections; 3. 2. 98; 5. 1. 203 RASH, hasty, peppery (cf. R. II, 2. 1. 33); 4. 1. 28 RAUGHT, seized, snatched from (v. O.E.D. 'reach' 4c); 2. 3. 43 REAVE, deprive; 5. I. 187

RECLAIM, subdue (O.E.D. 3)5 (cf. 1 H. FI, 3. 4. 5; Rom. 4 . 2 . 4 7 ) 5 5 . 2 . 54 RECREANT, craven; 4. 8. 26

REHEARSAL, recital, narration; 1. 2. 24 RELENT, 'yield, give tip a previous determination'' (O.E.D. 2b; cf. 1 H. VI, 3. 1. 108, etc.); 4. 8. 10 RELENTING, compassionate; 3.

1. 227 REMORSE, compunction; 4. 1.

112; 4. 7. ioo REMORSEFUL,

REPEAL, recall; 3. 2. 349

REPROACH, infamy, shame; 2 4. 96; 3. 2. 6954. 1. 101 REPROACHFULLY,

QUAINT, clever, fine; 3. 2. 274 QUILL, 'in the quill'='in a

body' (O.E.D.). Very rare and of doubtful etymology; J -3- 3 QUILLET, 'verbal nicety, subtle distinction' (O.E.D.); 3. 1. 261

conscience-

stricken; 4. 1. 1 REPAIR, restore, renew; 5. 3. 5,22

shamefully,

with infamy; 2. 4. 97 REPROVE, refute, disprove; 3. 1. 40 REPUTE, (i) think highly (O.E.D. 5); 3. 1. 48; (ii) reckon, regard; 5. 1. 177 RESPECTING, having regard to; 3. 1. 24

GLOSSARY REVERENCE, venerable age; $.

2.48 REVOLT, desert (freq. in Sh.)j 4. 2. 122

217

light, round headpiece; 4.10. 8-15 SAND-BAG, a weapon consisting of 'a bag of sand attached by a string to the end of a staff' (O.E.D. 2c, see quot. 1656); 2. 3. 58 S.D.

REWARD, portions of deer thrown to hounds at end of chase (v. 1 H. IF, 5. 4. 161, n.; here fig.); 2. 3. 104 SAUCY, insolent; 4. 10. 35 SAW, moral saying, maxim; 1. RID, 'kill, destroy' (O.E.D. 6 c), with a quibble on the 3-56 usual sense; 3. I. 233 SAY, cloth resembling serge; RIGHT NOW, just now; 3. 2. 40 4. 7. 22 SCATHE, harm; 2. 4. 62 RIOTOUS, wanton, rebellious j SCOPE, licence (cf. Meas. 1. 2. 4. 1. 64 123); 3. 1. 176 ROAST, 'rule the roast'=have undisputed sway (orig. ob- SCORE, (i) 'on my score'= scure); 1. r. 107 at my expense; 4. 2. 7 1 ; (ii) account kept by notches ROUT, 'disorderly or disreputable crowd' (O.E.D. sb.1 5)5 on a stick or marks on a door 2. 1. 167; 'on the rout', in (d.2H.IF,2. 1. 24)54. 7. disorderly flight; 5. 2. 31 3* RUDE, unpolished, coarse; 1. 1. SEAL, that which confirms 30; 3. 2. 135, 2715 4. 10. (here, the kiss that attests 305 5. 1. 64 love); 3. 2. 344 RUFFIAN (adj.), violent and SEARCHING, sharp, cutting, lawless (cf. Err. 2. 2. 133 piercing; 3. 2. 311 'ruffian lust'); 5. 2. 49 SECURE (refl.), gain safety; 5. RUGGED, shaggy (cf. Macb. 3. 2. 76 4. 100)5 3. 2. 175 SENNET, signal on a trumpet for the approach or deparSACK, a white wine (v. 1 H. IF, ture of a procession; 1. 3. 98 1. 2. 3-4, n.); 2. 3. 60 S.D.; 3. 1. S.D. (head) SAINT GEORGE'S FIELD, an SENSELESS, unfeeling, insensiopen space between Southtive; 4 : 1. 77 wark and Lambeth on the SERVICE, war-service, prowess Surrey side of the Thames (cf. Ado, 1. 1.45)55.1.155 (cf. 2 H. IF, 3. 2. 196); SET, (i) fix, determine; 4. 1. 5. 1. 46 139; (ii) oppose; 4. 10. 46 SAINT MAGNUS' CORNER. St SETTLED, congealed, 'coaguMagnus Church stood by lated' (O.E.D. 6); 3. 2. 160 the foot of Old London SEVEN YEARS' DAY (THESE), Bridge, at the bottom of this long time (O.E.D. Fish Street (q.v.); 4. 8. 1 'seven years'); cf. Lyly, SALLET, (
GLOSSARY

2l8

SHARP, bitter, 'acrimonious* (Schmidt); 3. 1. 156 SHEARMAN, one who cut

off

the superfluous nap in the process of cloth making; 4. 2. 130 SHIFT, 'make shift' =manage, contrive; 4. 8. 31 SHOON, old plur. of 'shoe'} 4. 2. 182 SHREWD, 'grievous, sore' (O.E.D. 6a); 2. 3. 41 SILLY, poor (term of pity); I. 1. 223 SIMPLE, (i) ordinary; x. 3. 72;

(ii) humble; 4. 4. 10 SINCE, when (after vbs. denoting recollection); 3. 1. 9 SINK (sb.), sewer, privy (v. Tit. G.); 4. 1. 7 r SIR, title prefixed to the name of a priest; 1. 2. 68 SIRRAH, form of address to inferiors; 2. 1. 116, etc. SKILL (vb.), 'it skills n o t ' = i t matters not; 3. 1. 281 SLANDER, disgrace, reproach; 3. 2. 209 SLIP,

(a)

shoot,

cut

for

grafting, (b) accidental piece of misconduct; 2. 2. 58 (a only); 3. 2. 214 SMART, painful (cf. Ham. 3. 1.

50); 3. 2. 325 SMOOTH (adj.), bland, plausible; 3. i. 65 SMOOTH (vb.), flatter; 1. x. 154; 'smooth it'=use flattery; 2. 1. 22 SOIL, V. Lord of the soil; 4. 10. 24 SOPHISTER,

'a

cunning,

cavilling disputer* grave); 5. 1. 191

or

(Cot-

SORT (sb.), a company (in a bad sense), set, crew; 2. 1. 164; 3. 2. 277 SORT (vb.), (i) fall out, happen; 1. 2. 107; (ii) adapt, make conformable; 2. 4. 68 SPAN-COUNTER. A boys' game: 'one throws a counter, or piece of money, which the other wins if he can throw another so as to hit it, or lie within a span of it' (Nares); 4. 2. 155 SPECTACLES, organs of sight; 3. 2. 112; 5. 1. 165 SPLEENFUL, angry; 3. 2. 128 SPOIL (vb. and sb.), plunder;

4-4-535 4-7- 12854.8.39 START (sb.), sudden journey, invasion (O.E.D., sb.* 2 c); 4. 8. 42 START (vb.), jump with pain; 2- 4- 3S STARVED, benumbed with cold; - > *• 343 STATE, dignity, high place, power; 2. 1. 168; 2. 4. 95; 3. 1. i 8 r , etc. STAY (trans.), keep back, restrain; 3. 1. 105; 3. 2. 136 STERN, merciless; 3. 2. 213

STIGMATIC, (lit.) a branded person, (hence) a criminal or one marked with a physical deformity (i.e. branded by God), deformed. O.E.D. cites Drayton, Her. Ep. 1597, 'Hospitals for the crook'd, the hault, the stigmatick'; 5. t. 215 STOMACH, angry temper; 2. 1.

55 STOUT, haughty, r. 1. 185

STRAIT (adv. and adj.), vigorously); 3. 2. 20; 3. 2. 258

GLOSSARY STRANGENESS,

coldness,

re-

serve; 3. 1. 5 STRAY, (a) animal wandering out of bounds (cf. H. V, 1. 2. 160); (i) (fig.; cf. 2 H. IF, 4. 2.120), fugitive, vagabond; 4. 10. 25 STRENGTH, armed force; 3. 1. 380 STUBBORN, rude, rough; 3. I. 360; 3. 2. 251 STUDY, take thought (for); I. t. 89; 3. 1. i n SUBORNATION,

procuring

or

inciting someone to crime (cf. 1 H. IF, 1. 3. 163)5 3. 1. 45, 145 SUBSCRIBE, admit, acknowledge (freq. in Sh.)j 3. i. 38 SUBSIDY, grant by Parliament (cf. Cheyney, ii. 224ff.); 4. 7. 20 SUBSTITUTE, deputy; 3. r. 371 SUBVERSION, destruction; 3. 1.

208 SUCCESSIVE, 'a. heir'=heir by

right of succession; 3. r. 49 SUDDENLY, without premeditation; 2. 1. 128; 2. 2. 6j SUFFER, (i) leave undisturbed; 3. 2. 262; (ii) inflict pain on (O.E.D. 11); 5. 1. 153 SULLEN, dark, dull; r. 2. 5 SUPPLANT, remove, uproot (O.E.D.4, S ) ; 3 . i . 37 SURE (adj.), firm, reliable; 2 . 1 . 202; (adv.), securely; 3. 1. 18S SURPRISE, seize; 4. S. 57; 4.9.8 SURVEYOR, overseer; 3. 1. 253 SUSPECT, suspicion} 1. 3. 1345

3- 2 - 139 SUSPENSE,

'doubt

as

to

a

person's character or conduct' (O.E.D. 2d)} 3.1.140

219

SWORDER, gladiator (again Ant. 3. 13. 31); 4. 1. 135 SYIXA. The Eliz. sp. for L.

Cornelius Sulla, the ruthless dictator of Rome, 81-78 B.C.; 4. 1. 84 SYMPATHY, conformity,

cor-

respondence (cf. M.W.W. 2. 1. 7; Tit. 3. 1. 148; Rom. 3. 3. 85)5 1. 1. 23 TAINTURE,

(a)

defilement,

(b) Paphetic form of attainture (q.v.); 2. 1. 185 TAKE UP, (a) arrest, (b) 'take up commodities upon someone's bill' =raise money from usurers who, in order to evade the law, pretended to sell rubbish at a high price which they entered up as a debt and upon which they advanced a small loan (v. Meas. G. 'commodity'); 4. 7. 121 TALLY, wooden stick marked with notches to record a score (q.v.) 5 4- 7- 3 2 TANTAENK ANIMIS CAELESTI-

BUS IRAK? (
i. 11).

Are such passions found in minds divine? (v. note); 2. 1.24 TEDIOUS, annoying, irksome, laborious; 1. 2. 64; 3. I.

34°

TEMPER (vb.), mix with a fluid; 3. I. 311 TEND, 'have a care for* (cf. K. John, 5.6. 32); 1. r. 202 TENDER, have regard for; 3. 1. 277 THOROUGH, through; 4. 1. 87

TICKLE (adj.), unstable, insecure; 1. I. 214.

GLOSSARY

22O

TICKLE (vb.), provoke, stir up; i. 3. 148 TIMELESS, untimely;

3.

2.

187

UP, 4. USE 4.

up in arms; 3. r. 283; 2. 2, 174 (TO), be in the habit (of); 2. 97, 99

TIMELY-PARTED, who has died

in the natural course of time; 3. 2. 161 TINKER, itinerant beggar, vagabond; 3. 2. 277 Toss, 'carry triumphantly on a pike' etc. [Schmidt]. Sense not recorded in O.E.D.; 5. 1. 11 TOWER (vb.), 'mount up, as a hawk, so as to be able to swoop' (O.E.D.); 2. 1. 10 TRANSPARENT, translucent, (v.

O.E.D. i c ) ; 3 . 1 . 353 TREASURY, treasure; 1. 3. 129

TRINKETS, conjuror's tackle (cf. O.E.D. sb.i 1, 3); 1. 4 . S3 TROUBLE (i.e. water), make muddy (cf. St. John, v. 4); 4 . 1 . 72 TRUNCHEON, cudgel (cf. 2 H.

I F , 2. 4. 137)54. 10.48 TURMOILED, harassed; 4. 10.

16 TURN, i.e. (a) upside down, (b) inside out; 4. 2. 5 TYRANNY, (i) cruelty, violence; 3. 2. 495 (ii) usurpation (cf. Macb. 4. 3. 67); 4. 1. 96 UNCIVIL, rude, barbarous; 3. 1. 310 UNCURABLE, incurable; 3. 1.

2865 5. 2. 86 UNEATH, with difficulty (v. note); 2. 4. 8 UNGRACIOUS, graceless; 4. 10.

81 UNHALLOWED, not kept holyj 2. 1. 85

VANTAGE, benefit, profit; 1. 1. 129

VASSAL, wretch, slave; 4. I. in VAULTING, bounding; 3. 2.

94 VERGE, circle, limit (of a crown in R. II, 2. 1. 102; R. Ill, 4. 1. 59); 1. 4. 22

VILE, base-born (cf. H. P, 4

3. 62); 4. 1. 134 VILLIAGO ( < I t . 'vigliacco* =

coward), 'vile or contemptible person' (O.E.D. 'viliaco'); 4. 8. 46 VIRGINAL, of a maiden (again Cor. 5. 2. 45); 5. 2. sz VOID (adj.), devoid; 4. 7. 60 VOIDING

LOBBY, corridor

or

passage in which suppliants waited in hope of being admitted to a lord's or monarch's presence chamber; 4. 1. 6r Vow, (i) oath, 3. 2. 159; (ii) prayer; 4. 9. 14 WAFT, convey by water (cf. K. John, 2. 1. m 8 H. PI, 3- 3- 2 53)>4- i- 114. " 6 W A N T , lack; 3. 1. 168; 3. 2.

126; 5. 1. 171 WARD, 'go to w.' =be taken in

custody; 5. 1. 112 WATCH, keep awake; 1. I . 2475 4. 7. 80 WEED, uproot; 1. 3. 97 WELL-GIVEN, well-disposed; 3.

1.72

GLOSSARY WELL SAID, well done, 1.4. 13;

3-2-8 WHERE, whereas (freq. in Sh.); 3. 2. 394 WHERE AS, where (cf. Per. 1.

4. 70); 1. 2. 58

221

Preserved (1682), 3. 2. 34, 'winter rogue'); 5. 3. 2 WOE, woeful; 3. 2. 73 WONDER, 'disgraceful exhibition' (Hart); 2. 4. 46, 69 WORM, snake; 3. 2. 263

WILD, savage; 5. 2. 59 WILL, (i) intention; 1..3. 1415

WORN, past (cf. 'worn-out', Lucr. 1350); 2. 4. 69

(ii) wish; I. 3. 142 WILLING (adv.), gladly (cf. R. II, 3. 3.206); 5. 1. 51 WINK, shut the eyes; 2. I. 105; 2. 2. 70 (fig.) WINTER, (adj.), (fig.) aged (O.E.D. cites Otway,. Venice

WORSHIP, pay reverence to; 4.

2.73 WRACK (sb.), ruin; 1. 2. 105; I. 3. X22 YEARS, 'of y.'=of

age (cf.

O.E.D. 'year' 5b); 2. 3. 28