Theoretical Issues in the Grammar of Kikamba: A Bantu Language

Theoretical Issues in the Grammar of Kikamba A Bantu Language

Angelina Nduku Kioko

fuillexl research abstracts of all titles monlhly updales

2005 LlNCOM EUROPA

Published by lINCOM GmbH 2005.

This book II dedlc.,ft! to my busband Dlruti K1oko lad 10 our tbUdren J\fwndwi lind MWfndt, wbo't bdp Ind taduma moral support have eoabled mt 10 mlkt slrides i.D the ludtmlc neld.

Printed in E.C. Printed on chlorine-free paper Die Deutsche Bibliothek - CIP Cataloguing-in-Publication-Oata A catalogue record for this publication is available from Die Deutsche Bibliothek (http://www.ddb.de)

AdlQowledgemenh This book is a modified version of my PhD. thesis submitted at Monash University in April 1994. 1 would like to express my gratitude to my supervisor Dr. Heather 1. Bowe for the patient but critical guidance through out the course of my study at Monash and for continuing to be my friend and model in the academic field. lowe a great deal to the Auslralian Government for the financial support and to Kenyatta University for granting me study leave to undertake the PhD. studies. Finally I thank my fami ly and friends for their prayerful support at the various stages of this work. I appreciate the input of my fellow Kikamba speakers, who provided second opinion when I was in doubt and also challenged some of my analyses prompting me to rethink and rerUle the conclusions. Hope Wamaitha, my friend and 'daughter', deserves special mention for helping me rework on the diagrams during the revision.

iii

ABBREVIATIONS AND SYMBOLS

,• Ipi

I,.

2pl

2,. 3,. 3pl

AP

ASP

d. CONS CONT.

eC FOC FlIT FV

GB HAB

Ungrammatical sentence or phrase Sentence or phrase of questionable grammatica1iry Firs! person plural First person singular Se<:ond person plural Second person singular Third person plural Third person sing\Jlar Applied

Mp""

a~

Consecutive tense Continuant Empty category F~

F."", Final vowel Government and Binding Hsbimal

IMP

Imperfect

LF

Logical form Lexical Functional Grammar Locative

LFG LOC N NP pp PRG PRT PST RG S So,. STV

,TNS V

VA

N~

Noun phrase Prepositional phrase

-=.Progressive

Pasltense Relational Grammar Sentence Sonoranl Stative Tm~

T_

V""

Verb agreement

Absluct

This book is a revised version ofa PhD. thesis submitted at Monash University in 1994. It describes SOffie .key aspects of Kikamba grammar in the context of advances in theoretical linguistics. As a preliminary to the main discussion, the phonology, morpbology and syntax orlhe language are outlined in chapter 2. The book then describes in detaillhe agreement system, chapter 3; the pronominal system, chapter 4; the passive conslruction, chapter S; and the applicative construction, chapter 6; in the light of theoretical literature falling within the Government and Binding, Relational Grammar and Lexical Functional Grammar, The application of the teoets of these theories to the description of the Kikamba datli luves some varieties of structures unaccounted for. In particular it is argued that, to account for aU the varieties of the passive construction observed in Kikamba, we need to look al the basic features ofme passive verb. The passive verb Deeds to be one that has an inherent argument and one that can lake an expletive subject. Similarly, the analysis of the applicative construction points to the need to recognize two functions of the applied affix: a transitivizing function and a cross· referenCing function. Object creation is shown to be a consequence and not a function of the cross·referencing use of the app lied affIX.

Table ofConttnts Title Page ... ... ........................ ... ... ... .......... ... .. .... . Dedication.. ....... ..... ... .. .. .. .. ... ... ... ...... ...... .... .. ...

Acknowledgements ...... ...... ..... . ... .. .. ..... . ...... .............. ...... List of Abbreviations and Symbols .... .. ....... ....... .......... ......... Abstract .... .. ...................................................... .. ......... Table of Contents ........... ........ ............................. ............

ii iii

iv v

iy

Chapter I

Preliminaries . ... ............ ........ .. .. ......... .

Chapter 2

Introduction to the Language ..... .... .... . .

8

Chapter)

The Agreement System .. ...... .............. .... .

4S

Chapter 4

The Pronominal System...... .................... .

69

Chapter S

The Passive Construction ... .. .... .. .. .

96

Chapter 6

The Applicatiye Construction ... .. ...... .. .. .... .

133

Chapter 7

Cooclusion .... .. ....................... ......... ... .

'170"

References. ... .. .....................................

yii

Chapter I Pretln:tfnaries

1.0 lotroduction The purpose of this chapter is to briefly outline the concerns of this study, its organisation and

theoretical orientation. In section 1.1 we discuss the topic and the scope and limitations of the study; the methods of data collection, analysis and presentation are discussed in 1.2. In 1.3, the main modem approaches to the srudy oflanguage are outlined and in section 1.4 the theoretical bases of the study are discussed.

1.1 The Topic, Scope and LlmltaUoD. This study looks at some of the major issues in the structure of K.ikamba, (a Bantu language spoken in Kenya), in the light of the m;:ent advances in linguistiC. The two main aims are; first,

to provide a delliia! description of the chosen aspects of Kikamba syntax and secood to discuss how the Kikamba data fits with the analyses proposed in various theoretical models for similar

aspects in other languages. Put as one, our aim is to integnlte the syntax of Kikamba into the general ftamework of CWTenI syntactic theory and point OUI those areas where the structure of Kikamba calls into question some of the generalisations established iargely on the basis of work on English, (or other Bantu languages in the case of the applicative construction), and make proposals, where possible, for analyses which seem more !ldequate for describing languages with phenomena similar to those observed in Kikamba The four-line examples will, we hope, make Kikamba data accessible to researchers both in linguistic theory formulation approaches and in typological approaches. It has not been possible to examine all the interesting issues ofKikamba syntax. Some of the important aspects of Kikamba syntax not covered in this study include, Relative clause formation, Question fOl1Illltion, Complementation and the internal structure of the Noun phrase' . The issues chosen for discussion in this study have been determined by use of several criteria: i) The general linguistic interest in the particular construction. For example, the passive construction has played a prominent role in the development of Transformational Generative Grammar and Relational Grammar and has been researched OIl by various typologists. The passive is discussed in chapter 5.

'The structure oftbe OOWI pIrase is discussed iD det&il in Mwove (1 937) IIId these och« processes an: brieflyouiliDed iD cbapter 2. 1

ii) Current inlCreSt in the particular COOSlJuCtion, either in the fonnulation of formal linguistic

or in the application of the formal theories to languages other than those used in the formulation of the theories. The applicative consttucbon, in chapcr 6, is chosen mainly on this basis. theory, in the devdopment of linguistic Wlivc:rsals,

iii) The inherent importance 01' ce!lU1llity of the ))flticular aspect in the syntax of Kikamba. The pronominal and the agreement systems arc chosen on this critcrioo. (iv) An attempt to keep a running thread in the book.. T1le thesis is organised as follows:

Chapter I provides the gcneraI overvjew of the study; Cbaptcr 2 provides a general introduction to the language, giving a bricf introduction to the pbooology, morphology and

syntax of the language. The section on VCfb morphology in this chapter is given some ~hasis ba::ause it foons a basic background to the chapten that foUow. This chapter could have been included in the phonology section of chapter 2 but we thought it was rather lengthy. Olaptcr 3 examines the agrc:cmcnt phenomena in the Jansuage, noting the difference in the realisation of agreement features on different word classes. This carries over to chapter 4 which eXlIIJ\incs the pronominal system in the language. Chaptcn 5 and 6 examine two constructions, passive Md applicative respectively, that have been of ClllTCllt inlCreSt lO linguistic theory and in chapter 7 we swnmarisc the majOl' flDdings of!he study. 1.2 Tbt Dlta. The main data is drawn from Kikamba and is based on the rc::scan:hets native speaker intuition and is counter chocked with four otbtt native speakcn espccia11y when in doubt. AD attempt is made to relate the discussions 10 otbcr Bantu languages and when this is done the main source of data is written text OIl these languages and the appropr181e sourt:eS have been ciled. The tir5t step in analysing the data has been 10 KlcntiJY the underlying forms of the

This is cssential because of the many Once the fonns are identified, we: !hen observe the structural changes associated with the prcscnceIabsence of these morphemes in KiIwnba and provide adequate Cllcmplification of the phenomena. The Kikarnba orthography ~flects the spoken form of the language in which pbonoIogicaI PfOCC$SCS resulting from the juxtapOSed morphemc:s obscure cenain important geoera1isarions. The c:nmplcs are, tbmJore, presented in four lines. The first line represents the spokm'orthography form, the second line is the underlying morpheme fonnfstructure, the third is morpbemc for morpbcmc &loss and the fourth line is a free translation. In this way the data is made available for studies that may touch on aspects other than those discussed in this study. We have basically marked phonetic tone particular morphemes and their functions.

morpbophonologica1 processes operating on the surface fonns.

2

thus; low tone is unmarked. high tone is marked as in (6), exu. high tone marked as in ['1, falling tone as in [i), and u.u.low tone as in [~].

Once the particular fonn has been exemplified it is discussed in relation to the predictions of particular theorids. Finally, an alternative view is provided where possible. 1.3 ModfTd. Approafbl'! to tb e Study or Llnguige. For quite some time modem linguistics has been characterised by a sharp division between those inlCreSted in the detailed descriptioo of individual languages (descriptive Grammars) and those intcresled in the fonnulatioD and development of linguistic theories. Rcscatth in recent years, bowcvc', has reflected the truth that both the study of geoeral theory and the description of individua1ianguages can greatly bcoefit from mutual Cllchange of ideas. Coocepts from general theory IIl'C often essential in solving language specific problems and analyses arrived at on the basis of descriptive work on 1 given language frequently quc:stioo and

force refincrncnt of theorctical postulates. The other approach characterising modem linguistics is the search for UDgulsde universals. Research on this theme has again seen II split between linguists within the formal theories, wbo go about this by developing general frameworl:s for specifying what languages have in common and bow they can vary, (eg Chomsky (198 1, 1982), and the llOD'aligncd typologist who study II cross-SCCIiOD of clara from dilTcrmt languages in order 10 detenninc the absolute uniVCl$als, Wliversa1 tcndcncics and typical universal. The hypothesis behind the search fOl' 1inguistic Wlivcrsals is that there is II s~tcm8ric similarity and at most • systcm8ric variation in natural languages. The typologists look at a cross-section of languages to see how these similarities and differences arc: expressed whereas the formal theorists observe particular phenomena in a language and then design formal mechanism to predict and explain the expected similarities and differences cross-linguistically. Tbc:refore researchers examining a language within a particular thooreticaJ fiamework will have as their main focus the objective of examining the applicability

of the developed formal mechanisms to constructions and/or languages other than those used in developing these mechanisms. Now, a pure descriptive grammar is important to both approecbcs because, while to the typologist it provides another language 10 be classified, 10 the forma1 linguislS it is a source of

data to prove or improve the formulation of their principles on similarity and pararnctcrs of variation among natura1languagcs. 3

To the researcher investigating an individual language on the other hand, !be fUldiogs in are imponant beeausc the I;Wl'tflt issues in language research will be highlighted in both, and, most importanl for the descriptive researcher, the research of the typologists and the fonnal theorists provides the refmement of tenninoJogy. In other word the building blocu in the dc::scriptioo of languages can be found in tenninologies developed in formal theory andIor typological studies. both approaches

term may not refer to exactly the same pbeoomcooD in all1anguages or in aU oc:cwreoces in a particular language. For example there has not been uniform answers to the questions about what coostitules a subject 01' object univenally. MuitiJeveilinguistic theories have seen the need to distinguish between structural and logical subjcctlobject (initial and final terms in RG). I will brieny discuss some of the means used as basis for identifying the Il'1IImmatkai rrladons, u madtic roles and pragmade ru nctions.

IA Theoredcal Bases. The main asswnprion underlying this sfUdy is that natural languages are systematically structured and that this structw"e is evident at all levels of language study. At the JOOJpbosyntactic and semant;c level this structure is associated with the valency of the verb (the number of arguments a partjeular vcrbIpredicale requires to express I complete meaning). There are three aspectS of language 5tructure: i) The semantic structure; the thematic roles of the argumctIts thaI the verbs takes.

ii) The syntactic or grammatical Slructure, representing the grammatical relations these argwnents bold with regard 10 the verb. iii) The pragmatic structure, representing !be manner in which the informatioo is packaged in the elause to provide the desired meaning and effix:l The intCfaClion of these aspectS of SII'UctuI'es, in a single argument of a verb, in a language bas been !be basis fel' the formulation of particular priocipl~. Current inlCreSt is also focused 00 !be morpho-syntactic categories that are useful in identifying the relation I particular argumenl holds to the predicate in tenns of these three aspects of strocture. These categories include word order, verb agreemenl and morphological case. The interaction of word order issues and the grammatical relations has yic lded a classification of languages into configurational and non«:Oflfigurational and the interaction of morphological case, grammatical re lations and semantic roles has also been useful in the classification of world languages (see Co~ (1985).

I) Grammatical Relations

Gnunmatical relalions are the syntactic (struc1uraVconfigurational) relations that hold between arguments and the verb. The basic grammatical relations are subject and object with the relation of object splitting into direct object and fDdiftd: object. Typically grammatical relation correlate with semantic roles bul languages do have granunatical relations which cannot be reduced to semantic or pragmatic primitives. Theories which have grammatical relations as !be central focus, (for example Relational Grammar). take it thaI particular grammatical relations exisl as primitives and ~fore the challenge of the linguist is 10 work out which particular arguments hold these relations at particular levels. Valency changing process are thus viewed as grammatical relation revaluations. Thus the multilevel analysis of sentences is meant to capture !be relationship between 5I:fItences which nave been affected by revaluation and abstmct levels where initial grammatical relations are transparent For example. agents are expected to be subjects and patients 10 be objects and, thaefore. given a surface structure where this is not the ease. Relational Gmmmar posits an abstract level at which this relationship held. The investigation of the processes that may alter the prototype com:latlons. (e.g passive. causative and applicative constructions). fann an interesting area of study in syntax. Agreement is expected 10 typically COIlVCfBe with grammatical re lations and languages that present apparent counter evidence to this prediction have a\tnICtcd interest, (e.g OIoctlw (Davies 1989». Grammatical relations in nafw'll languages are expressed by usc of one O£ more of !be following: I. Word order 2. Case marking

The terminology developed with regard to thc IMc aspects of structure is lUCful in !be investigation inlO the syntax of I langu&gil. However, ODe of !be difficulties one fmds is thai even where tben:l is slaDdard tenninoJogy like in the case of grammatical relations. a particular 'The Uni>wuI AlignmmI H)'])(ICbttiI io ~ on tbr cxpccIcd coo~ oflbe ~ ",LItiOa

"'*""

and tbr role 18m!; tbr pmmaIicaI ",tatiorl dift>Ct ot;ca. ODd !be role p8Iient ODd tbr grammatical ",latioa iDc.Iireo;c objtd and tbr role ll!Cipimt.

•

3. Agreement 6) Sema.otk Rola: The meaning $!J'tICIUn: in a 5l:fltencc is discussed in tem1S of semantic roles. These include. agent, tbeme, patient, goal etc. Though ptOlOtypicaUy there will be a correlation between grammatical relations and semantic roles, in English (and in many languages), there is a loose

correlation between semantic roles and various grammatical relations. The Relation subject can 5

for example have different semantic roles as in; Jobn opened the door. (agent) De door opened (patient) TIle key opened the door. (instnunent) and the semantic role patient can correlate to either subject or object. It is DOt always easy 10 justify the set of semantic roles or 10 justify the assignment of the roles to particular a.gwnents. Comrie (1989) prefers to see semantic roles as a continuum of control with the agent being the higbe:sl Thus it is possible to add more semantic roles based on this CQIItinuum if there is "at least one possible 1angu.age with some grammatical correlation of that semantic distinction" (Comrie 1989:59). Morphological case can also reflect semantic distinctions. In some languages there is a distinction between the case marking of subjects oftransitives and those of intrensitives. This distinctions correlate with the semantic notion of control.

Where subsequent literature is used the source is given in the text.

For Relational Grammar the main sources are the papers in three volumes . Studies in Relational Gmmmar'; Perlmutter (1983), Perbnutter and Rosen (1 9S4) and Postal and Joseph (1990), Blake (1990) and various papers in the linguistic joomaJs by the key proponents of the

iliOO'}'. The primary source for the fonnalism of Lexical Functional Grammar is Bresnan (ed) (1982) but recent papers by Bresnan, Alsina, Kemeva, Kaplan, Moshi, Mchombo etc, have

introduced fundamental changes. Again the claims of the theory used in this study are outlined in the relevant chapter.

ill) Pragmatic Roles 1bese, also called discoW"Se roles, refer 10 the ways in which infonnation can be structured differently to renect the now of new and given information. The terminology on this subj~t is not standard but distinctions have been made between focused and non-focused infonnation and

between topic and comment Rclations in terms of pragmatic roles are typically renected in word order but some languages have morphological means for signalling these relations such as focus particles, topic rnwkers etc. Languages make use of word order, morphological case and agreement pbenornena as means of defining all or one of the three aspects of structure, differently. For example in English

word order is the main determinant of granunatical relations, while in Russian word order signals pragmatic structure and grammatical relation are coded by morphological case (Comrie (1981).

We will not employ one panicular theoretical approach in this study, rather we will make use of the advances in modem linguistics in a general way. The frrst task we aim to achieve is to

provide a detailed description of the chosen aspects of Kikamba syntax in a theory neutral way. To achieve this task, the research within the typological approach 10 language study will be useful. Forspocific constructions particular theoretical approaches will be considered. 'The main fonnal theories used here are; Government and Binding Theory, Relational Grammar and Lc.tical-FlUlctionai Grammar. We will not allempl to discuss the general claims of the theories ncre, specific claims concerning particular constructions are given in the relcvant chapters. The following are the primary sources of our infonnation for the three main fannal theories used in this study. 'The version of GB be used is mainly that outlined in Olomsky (1981, 1982, 1986).

6

,

Clupctr 2 hllTOdlfCdoa to tbe Laagua&e 2.0 IDlroductiou

It gives a brief cross-section description of the language. The inventory of speecb sound given in this chapter is that of the "Standard Kikamba" the variety spoken ia most of the Macbakos district and used in the tRmiatiOll of the Bible and ia the ",Tiring of scbool litenture materials. We will establish an This chapter is a general introduction to Kikamba.

inventory of the phonemes of the language and examine processes affecting them when they are juxtaposed in words and sentences. The word SlruCture of the main word classes in the laaguage will be discussed and an overview of the synlU outlined

This chaptCf therefore provides the non-Bantuist with a brief grammatical sketch and will be useful for reference tbroogb oot the study. Our aim is 10 provide a bricfand simplified sketch of the IDOSI relevant aspects of IGkamba g:nunmar. It is hoped that this will facilitate co~ion

No major dialectology study of the language bas been done, bul people that have written on

Kikamba have made observations on regional variatiOlis.

lJ}u

Lindblom (1926) recognised two dialects: the Thaisu, spoken ia Kitui district and the DOW Macbakos district. MAundu (1980) recognised four

spoken in the then Vlu area,

regional varieties one spoken ia Kitui North, another spoken in the rest of Kitui, a third in Kilungu bills, and a fourth spoken in the rest ofMachakos district We re(:ognise four regional varieties of the language but our branching is different from that of Maundu (1980). We begin with two main varieties: Kimasaku spoken in Machakos district, and Kithaisu.. spoken in Kitui

There: are tooal diffc:reoces between tbe:se two dialects but the: most prooounced

district.

difference ill the pboooJogical substitution of the cluster sound (nzJ for [00] by the Kithaisu speakers. For example:

2.

Kikamba is spoken natively in four districts in the Eastern Province of Kenya. According 10 the 1989 National Census there are more !ban 2.S million Kikamba speakers. Kikamba is one of the Central Kenya Bantu Languages and was categorised as ES5 by Guthrie (1967) that is, it is language unit j of Kikuyu-Kamba group SO, situated in BAN11J zone E. In most written literature the morpheme ··kamba' has been used 10 refer 10 the people, 10 the language, or to !be land. However.this morpheme bas roo other semantic value eJ[cepI that of being a root morpbcmc. It can ooly be considered as a word ifil bas a noun ellIS.! prelU affaxed to it. This is exemplified below.

lilim

(a) [n&!] (b) [maOOl]

[""'J [""""I [- I

look for. alloftbem.

"""

Within Kithaisu !here arc two main regional sub-dialcd:$. The Kitui North dialect and the dialect spoken in the rest of Kitui. The Kilui Nonh is marked by the presence ofsowxls such

u,

3.

h], [IS] and (rr.

which are absent from the other Klkamba dialects. but like the rest of the KIthaisu it has the [nz1 duster in place of the (00] ofKImasaku.

(.). a+kAmbi (cI.2) !he people. (b) mii+ kimbi(cI. l) a person from the group.

(c) Id+ k~d .7) the language. (d) ii+ kimbi(cl.ll )their land.'

'Thit ;, abo dltc..ssed in Maundu(1980).

•

KithaiS!l

(c) [00&:]

1.1 The uallll&e I Dd (be Pe-opk

l.

Kjrru!ykil

of data IlSed in later chapters.

Within Kimasaku there is the Kikilungu dialect spokcn in most of the western division of Machakos district. ~ an: a few lexical differences between this dialect and the one spoken in the rest of Machakos but the most remarkable difference is the absence of ll:;. an al lomorpb of the noun class cight prefIX. Thus KikiIWlgu does not segmentally differentiate class seven and lSounds such • hi IDd IyI ..... also IOwId ., oGItr cauraI KftI)'1I Banlu ~ IUCb as KiJn>yu. KimmlIDd Kiembu. The K.ibInbJo dialect II\a)' bave horrowI!d IIaete tI.lUDds form IbtIe IItnguaps or it II\a)' be !hal thtse were part of KikamI;,.. NId that !Ix dialectI IIckiDa tbem have lost daem as pan of h.i$toricalclwJ&e. We will DOIcoocemoursetve with which oflbe$c ~ is ~

,

class eight nouns in the environments where the distinction involves the This is shown in the examples below. 4.

KWIWl'N.

k:iLti differentiation.

Rest ofMacbakos.

Ca) kyU (e1.?) kyU (e1.7)

(b) kyU (e1.8i syU (eI.8) (e)ky04(eI.7) l:yoi(e l.7)

(d) k}U (el.S) syoi (e1.8)

finger. fwgers.

.... .....

Within what this study calls "rest of Kitui dialoct" there are also noted variations but detailc:d dialectal variation is beyond the scope of this study.

2.2.0

n ePboootogy

(5).

Simple Pbooemes'.

~

Bilabials

M~

SI Nasals Fricatives

'--'"

""''''

Alvcolu

V.,.,

N

•

T m



•

, •I

J

W

Glides

Palatal

2.2.1. Cooso...nQ.

We fccl that the best way of rept'e$CDting the coosonants in Kikamba is by listing the 'simple" phonemes in a manner and place of articulation chart and then discussing the 'coJl1)OUnd' phonemes separately.

The chart below therefore represents only the simple

"""""'".

The compound phonemes can be divided into three groups. I. Prenasalised compounds. 2. Palatalised compounds. 3. Labialisod compounds.

Among the compound phonemes the prenasaJised phonemes have received a wider coverage in Bmtu litenl.ture than the other two'. The prenasalised compounds have been given various names. Omondi (1980) calls them "nasal compounds" while Welroers (1973) refen to them as pre-nasaJised c<msonants. Whatever name they are given, there is agreement that they constitute a single phoneme in the: 11IIlgUIge5 in which they occur. What is interesting in Kikamba is that there is DO /gi to match tbe l'yJ. DO I~ to match the J&d/ e.le. This leads to the conclusion that these surface realisations have underlying forms with voiceless COOSODants. Many of the nasal ~

in word initial position derive from the combination of the noun class prefix (n-)

and the initial COIlSOO8DI of the root morpbeme IS shown below.

'ClasieI1 aDd. in Kikihmgu are difftranloled by use oCm. coao;ord affiuI used OQ m. ~ IIIId OQ 0Iber modificrt, in IhiI CODIe2.t.

'we ~~ to thae pboDtmeI u tiqlle becau;sem. IDIIUII:r and pAce ofarticulation is limilN'1O tbat of ~1Od IOI.IIldI in 0Iber IanguaJG. The term ~ bowever. is used bo<:ause ofllclr.ofl bettertmn aDd IlIo bcca.ae iI bas bee!! used in !be literann to ~fft' 10 I soctioo of !be IOI.IIldI di$awed UDder IhiI JUb.beading (DISII~Hd IOUDdI;J.

'It is possible 10 pcMillpI • the IIbMrat1 pbooeme UIIdefIyioa !be 00050IIIII1 ~ • 1411. if we propose that !be fpI..-eWat 10 I4IJ IIIId fuJtber 10 [PI inI1ervocItically. The only t\II'fxe cvidmoe of \be exWace of bilabial MOpS is the ~ ClCIqIOUlId "'b. wbkb CIIII IIill ~ sbowu to derive 6um an underIyiDg 1""41 1thro\Igb sevum t.SIirnilatioa proo!:IRS. We wiD thus ImIt t
using pboookIg;c.:t . . - " oppoJed 10 !be wide

10

tall.,

11

(6).

(I). fn + sa) - - _ a [nza] outside.

(b).[o + ko]

- -.t

~_~

___ a t"ana

[ngoJfirewood.

(c).[n +ua]--~ [mbuaJ

(d).(a +tao] - -•• [1KIao]

rain.

(chiltken)

However, like the other two discussed above, there are many for which there is no transparent motivation for positing 1 gliding process such as those givt'l1 below.

a kind of a tn:c. (10)

k"ala

"catch"

N we have said ahoY'C since Kikamba does DOl attest IlISII compounds involving I nasa] and a

voiceless ronsonant, it is plausible to argue that the nasal compounds are underiyiogly of the form involving only the attested simple pOODClllC consonants given above e.i ~ resu lts from ~ ~ from ~ ~ from ~ etc. One wonders therefore, whether these can be considered as separatc phonemes or they are better analysed as fusion. Perhaps we do not at present have a comprehensive answer but on !he basis of !he syllable structure of Kikamha (where such c:cmpounds are considered single consonants) and on !he basis of!he cross-linguistic: treatment oflhis pheoomena we will analyse these compounds as pbooernes. The underlined compounds

in ~lc (7) below will therefore be 5eaI as having the underlying fomJSlJ/. for ~J in (a), I'j/ for ['gJ in (b), ,....../ for [mb] in (c) and~ for ['\I] in (d). (7).

It is possible that all the compound phonemes discussed here could he IInIIlysed as having an abstract underlying form in which the features of the two simple phonemes involved are

distinct. Even if this is possible the nwnber of !he surface nwlifestations of this phcnorneoon is signifJC8tlt eoough to motivate I scpaIlIte treattnent ofthc compound consonants. The list of the Kikamba consonant phonemes showing !he related simple and compound segments is given below.'

(a).rnfmi.

(b)_, , - 6_ (e).~

(<1)-_ The palatalised oompotmds involve a complex combination ofa simple phoneme and the glide IY. A great deal ofthcsc result from the phonological process of gliding as in (8) below.

(8)

kl-ondo

mi-""

--.~ [.tondo1 "baskeJ" -~. [";""1"""·

HowcY'Cf, most of the palatalised pbcmemes cannot be derived synchronically from the combination of a simple phoneme and the palatal glide. The articulation of the resulting consonant can be best described by the term 'coanicuJation'.

(II).

It.,

ma-

/9i, is Tq)I'tSCDkd ill !be ortbograpby by 'Jl.. POI c ..... wbetbn we ibcuId to ;\ as • poJ.wiaed,.,' co". labWited 1jI. Tbl, ~ becI ..... tbe derived 'Jl. IICeID5 10 muIt from &lidJn1l processes iovolvins' series of!be vowels. i+u+I, as ill;

A good nwnber of the labialiscd compounds rcsuJt from gliding too as in (9).

(9)

mil·aka _ __ kil-aka

11

~

m"w

• kWaka

(y=)

(to build)

Sinte!be ~ve 1n(lrJlbeme ... COII1ef between the verb .... mel !be ver\).finI] _~ '" would !lave apeckd .1IbiaIis«I 01 but we 1ft. pllaIaliIed [wI. I'mIaps there ., metaIbcsi:& invoNed but what we set 00 the JUrfiIce is • palatalised ,.".

13

Simple Phoneme

palata liscd

I

T k

, ,

-~'"

'm"

nI

,"

.I

~

w

,

.

j

•

Labialiscd

Prenasaliscd

,"k"

"d -g

.,•

,"

," ","

."

m"

· · · ·

,"

," . j"

times as just a single vowel. However, every occwrencc of two or three similar vowels cannot be taken as a case of a long vowel at times these ~ Is represent syllables bearing distinct tones as will be shown below. Kikamba can have a sequcnoc ofup to eighl vowels'. This feature has riscn from a historical cOIlSOlWll loss. According 10 Maundu (1980) Kikamba has historically lost two consonants as is seen when we compare lexical items wi!h vowel scqUCJll;CS in Kikarnba with the same Iex.ica.I items in the related languages..

·

,"

"d

As is phonologically expected Ihcrc are no compound phooemcs comprising the features of a

glide followed by !hose of a nasal but there are compounds which seem 10 combine palatisatioo and nasalisatioD or nasalisation and labialiwion. The product of these processes is one consonant at the syllable struclUre levcland for the reasons given above. 0Dt pbooemc.

Not all of the compound phonemes can be explained by appealing 10 phonological. processes and it is for this reason and 011 the basis of the syllable sttucture of the language (there are basically two rypcs of syllable8' CV(V) and V(V)-) that we base our analysis of the compounds as phonemes.

(l3) Cross·linguistic evidence of consonant loss in Kikarnba.

I~ IN,

I~

Is

This COIlSOJ\IIJIt loss is important in accounting for the contemporary siruation where all vowels have been identified as belonging non-predictably to one of two series: "mutable " and ~immutable~ Ford (1976). Immutable vowels can be sbown 011 comparative evidence 10 have derived historically from "CV" syllables by initial consonant loss. Thc immutable vowels block particular phonological processes. For e.xample: (14). Undertying form Surface Fonn gloss.

2.2.2 Vowtb (12).

mm'~ '

(a)./ko +t:ndaI (b)./ko + !e:ndaf

[kw<'""'1

(c)Jko + a:6aI

[''''''''''1 [kw<'''1

________- r_______NOL~ u: u

high

(d)Jko+ ldiral

-.-.

to love.

[kilt::ndal 10 go.

....

The [e:1 in (1 4b) and the (a:1 in (14<1) are immutable vowels, thus they block the gliding process

0: 0

which occurs in (14a) and (14c). The [!I preceding the immutable vowels in the underlying form lakes !he place oflhe (historically lost) consonant and thus blocks the gliding process. :J ! :I

,~.

KiIcamba has seven distinctive vowels which may be long or sbort, again distinctively. Leog vowc ls are sometimes represented in the onhograpby as a scrie8 of similar vowels, but other

2.2.3. The Ortbography

'An eumple of this it: ~ "be~)' I!Id babituallyo!f·1ootdiDg for."

H

15

The Kikamba orthography basically rdates 10 the spoken form (swface structure) and because of the many phonological processes operating in the language the orthograpby does noc always renec1 the morphemic strocture of a WOI'dIplnse/elause. For example lI&22Y W I will come~ has the morpheme structure ~ (l.rururtXOme). F()f this reason mosI of the examples used in this thesis will have two line! Kikamba glosses; the first representing the onhograpbyfspoken form and the other the morpheme structure.

In Kikamba ort/logJ1Iphy, a symbol bas the same prOIIunciation in all its OO;:urTeIICC$. Below we give the pbooctie S)'ltIbols for the vowels and eoosooants in the language with the COfTeSpODding ortbograpItie representations. (1 5) a.

YolW

I. 1<1 I" 10/

1'1 10/ IW

Qnbgaraoh:i :imll!!!!

T

, ,• 0

,

(b). Consonants,

0rth0RraDh:i svrnboI.,

11/

M 1m!

k

t.

ooh

/01 W

oy

101 1"<>1 t ol I'i1 /91

I. N

m

0

o(

mb ~.

o.

• oh

•

/wI

w

I>fI

w

fjI

y

/'01

""

2.1.4 Some Pbooological Processes

m this section we are going to examine some of the processes that affect the surface realisation of vowels and consonants in Kikamba. The surface phonetic structw-e does not always have a one 10 one relation with the underlying phonemic structure. F()f example when morpbeme:s are combined to fonn words the segments of nclgbbouring morphemes become juxtaposed and sometimes Wldergo change or arc lost. Segments may also change in word initial andfor word fi.naI positions. Phonological processes can be considered in four categories-: assimilation. syllable structure and strengthening and weakening (Hyman (1975:1S3- 169). We are going to examine a few cases of assimilation, and syllable structure processes.

'The ~ ~ ~ ~ iD !be onbopaphy as die s~ phorIeme foUoooI"Cd by Yo fur HaqlIc kx fur palaIaliKd N , !be Iabialised lvove !be simple pbonome in queItioG foI.Iowai by:w,1IDd !be ~ are ~ted ;,. !he <JI1boarapby by !be vom ~ of !be ~ pbooerno ~by. naso.J.. We wiU QOI ~ JiYe . full list f>ftbe ~ t:OQIOIIIIlt fJIIonemes.oo tbrir ortIIograpby symboll ill this e~le. 16

17

2.2.4.1

Assimilitioo

In a';similarion processes a segment takes on features from a neighbouring segment. These can be features ofmanncrorofplace of articulation. This process is ellemplified below. (16). In + k':l mtl _ ' I}g:)m&i (can) I sleep? ImbulPfj (can) I blow? In + 41u4)d _ In Ihe firs! example InI assimilates to the point of artiCulation of the following IkJ then the /kj assimilates 10 the voicing value of IIJI. In the second e:umple In assimilates to the lace of . "'atlon . 0f ICf)I then l ib! assimilales to the manner of articulation and voicing valuePof 1m!. artIe The changes in the cxamples above can be captured by the 1W0 phonological rules below.

(17).

N _---=:::::::::=_~

k

[+nasal'rI----.''Ii~:t::J/-

0+

GJ~ 'd

(a)l

n +larJ --+ [nda&] (can)lbekind?

(b).

In + tarJ --+[ndael (can) I advise?

(c).

In +lat&' --+[ndate] (can)Iny?

(d).

[:J

A nasal assimilates to the place of articulation of the follOwing consonant. (18).

(20).

(21)

m/_ '" •

In certain envirorunents a combination of two assimilation processes produces neutraILsation. Neutralisation typically results from other processes thai reduce phonological distinctions in particular environments. Segments which contrast in one environment have th<: same representation in the environment of neutralisation. In Kikamba the distinction between III and N is neutralised after [nJ lIS th<: following examples show.

In + lat rJ --+[odaI£] (can) I press?

The changes above can be accounted for by two rules; rule (18) above and (22) below.

t-&n

k_,-[·sonorantJ -

(22)

[4 voicey-

A consonant acquires the VOicing value of the nasal preceding it

The change involving manner features can be captured by the rule below.

(19).

{·son; +cont] - [-cont.Y (+sonorant)(-cont.]

l--+dlD_ (+Iatcml] --+[-coot.) /

l::~tJ -

A lateral becomes a stop before a nasal. In (18) a [I] is voiced after a nasal and in (22) a lateral ~omes a Slop after a nasal. Both these two rules are assimilation rules but they result in neutralisation.

2.2.4.2 SyUabk Structu re PrOCHSeS Syllable structure processes affect the distribution of consonants and vowels within a word. They may involve. deletion, insertion, coalescence and gliding. In Kikamba two types of syUables are possible..: V(V) and CV(V). We will exempliry some of the processes that openltc to maintain these syUable types below.

A oontinUllllt consonant assimilates to the manner of articulation of the pnx:cding nasal. (23).

18

19

(a) In +m6mmfi - + Ioem6mmtJ (can) I hale himIber1 (b) In + ID£n£I - + Ir:nmrJ bate me. (e) In + nmgtl - + 1n00gd give me. To avoid the cluster IDID! in (23a), the vowcl /r:i is inserted; in (23b) and (23c) the In! is deleted to avoid CCV. There are two questioos of interest in these examples;

I. What is involved in the chotee oftbe vowel to be insened? Why is it lei and not any of the other vowels? 2. The second question eoncerns the choice of inserting a vowel in (a) as opposed

to deleting the InJ as in (b) and (c).

The answer to the fir.;t question can be found in the place of articulation fcalure$ and in the lypical tendencies in the language to insert the front vowel lei after the nasal In! (a front nasal too). The other choice is based on IllOfPhosynlaCtic issues. The deletion of In! in (a) would have led to tbe 105$ of important infonnation. The In! in this example is the subject while the Im6I is the object, deletion of the InI would have led to change ofmeaning because the structure would

become an imperative wilh an object, meaning ' hate him' and wilh an iqI1ied second penon subject. On the other hand the deletion of In! in 2J (.) and 2J (b) leaves the verb root nasal and

together with the imperative tone pattern and the verb liMI vowel the morphsyntatit infonnation of the deleted In! is retained.

_•.

In the foUowing examples the Sliding process is motivated by • desire to avoid • series of

(b).

(c).

S)'tIUlCCte point of view. a noun class can be defmed as a se! of oouns which share a ~ pattern of adjective, prooouD and vnb pn:ro;cs. The basis of noun cla!;sifieation in Bantu IS. however, not purely S)'tIlaCtiC. Many propose that there is strong semantic criterion in .the grouping of nouns in Bantu and that, though the noun classes are primarily syntactic categones, they do have some semantic properties. Denny and Creider ( 1986) have attempted to reconstruct the proto- Bantu nominal prefix system where each prefo; wu in general associated with a particular charaderistic meaning. The idea that noun classes are constituted on the basis of a characteristic semantic conlent has been proposed by many Bantuists, but faced with the synchronic gnurunaticalised system, somc scholan; have suggested historical ehange which obscured the oocc clear cut conceptual taxonomy of Proto-Bantu nominal classification (see Richardson (1967». Ikcause of these discrtpancies most modem scholars have mainly relied on the noun prefix and the concord systems to explain membership of oominals to particular classes

e.g Bennett (1986) and this is the approach we will adopt here. In this study we will provide the noon prefixes and the concordial alTlxes assoc iated with each elass and discuss semantic grouping only where the class prefix system aodIor the concordial system are not traosparenL Another area in which there has not been agreement concerns the system of breaking

(24).

(a).

c..,.

l.3.l.Ilbe Noun SysteDl Every noon in Kikamba belongs 10 a noun class as is typical in Banlu languages. From a

!to+:lttl _ _ /tw:J lri o Ict us bask. !to+tnd&'_ _ ltwtnd£/ letuslovc. Ito + inrJ _ _ It~ let us sing.

down of the noun classes. Some studies have treated singular and plllllll pairs as one class while othcB have considered the singular as a class different from the pllmll counterpart e.g Weimers (1973:162) Each singular and each plunll prefix IIJJd concord set has .1O be indivldually described (...] there is no formal similarity running through all smgulars or all plurals. We will adopt Weimer's system and discuss singulars and plurals separately because we feel that this approach caplU!'CS the noun class system and the dWllcteristic fcarures better.

2.3.&

''The &lidinll proceu will

Morpbolo&Y

oaIy like place if !be rooc vowd ill mutable. AIoDgside!be euIq)Ie cMn

we. have: flo 'J uJ fI«nW

' 1e!1It dream. ·Iet 11110'.

In wbicl! !be rooc vowel is iounutable and Ibmofou camoI uaderio !be glidiDll process.

20

Kikamba uses 17 oflbe 23 noun classes proposed by Welmers for Proto-Bantu. Below is a list ofthesc classes showing their nominal prefixes.

(25). Nominal Prefixn.

fu",

"'"' ,

101

6 7

'""-I r..-/

1 2 3 4

• 9

10

" 12 13

14

"" 17

lmol 1,4 1<00-1

'-'

fo-I

"'4

"'-I 1<>-1 "'-I IU>I

1<>-1 ik<>-l 1iko-/

Derived DOU!\5 in Kikamba can be divided into throe groups according 10 their source:

"'-" Imo-rnD' -person 1-_

"people"

Imo-tel "tree" """," Ie-lot "leaf' Jrna·to/"Iea ...es"

""'"'

lke-vetil -woman" /i· ...etif "womm" /n-ombaf "bouse" /n-ombai "houses" Io-Jiil "thread" fka·na{ "chi ld" leo-anal "children" lo-atU/-farming"

I . Those derived from verbs. 2.1bose deri ...ed from adjecti ... es. 3. Those deri ... ed from OIhefnouns. Nominal derivation is mainly from ...erbs. From this

Deri...ed !19\lfl.

(28). Ym!

mQ...1mi (cl!.) "oue who digs"

irni "dig" ..... "mod"

/ko-crrW "fanning" 141 •• ndo/ "place" /ko-ndcV "places"

mQ...imi1e (el3) "manner of digging"

mil-s6mele (el3) "manner of reading" Il-Iml (cl I4) "the art of digging"

in terms of the other two criteria of classification. For example elass I and 3 can be ditrereorialOd on semantic aDd coocordial grounds. Nouns in class I in Kikamba share the most of !hose

we get nouns of agency, process,

deriving DOWIS. Below are ~Ies of DOUDS derived from verbs.

In terms of the class prefIX there are several duplications abo ...e but this can be explained

feature [+Human] while

soun;e

state, instrument aDd resull SlrUCtlllB.lly, prefixalion aOOtor suffixaliou are used in the process of

ii-SOml(cJ 14) "the art of reading"

in class 3 are names of trees. Classes 9 and III are

ditrcrenrialOd 00 concord grounds as sho ....n below. Though the ootm elass prefIXes are the same.

The noun class of the derived nominal depends on the class prefIX used for deriving it. from the

in (26) the su~ect-verb agreement mader is X. class 9, and in (27) subject·vab agreement is marked by a class 10.

above enmples it is clear lhat the deri...ation processes conforms 10 the noun cl!l'lS system. AU the derived nouns are fitted into the classes of the deri ... ing prefix.

(26).

(27).

NyUmba yakw! niyli.vatUk!. N.ilmbi _T-aIcwii ni-T-li·v8hlk·1i.. 9-house 9- o(mine F()c'9-lNS-faU·FV. (my bouse fell.)

Nyilmb6 sy&kwa ni syi...A1iikl. N-ilmbil T·ikwa ni-j:i-...'lilk-A. IO-houses IO-ofminc fOC- 10-TN5-fall-f V. (my houses feU.)

Issues related to agreement will be dealt with in detai l in cbapler 3.

There is only one process in Kikarnba for deri...ing nootlS from adjecti ... es. This involves the prefixation of class 14 (the class with most abstract nouns) nominal prefix 10 the adjecti ... aI

root (sec the table below.) (29) NOWlS derived from adjecti ... es. Adjective

-n'" _ninl

-""

-lhCkf

Derived noun

""" ,-""

il·nW il·\h8;.f

GI"" big/ness ~I""'" goodI~u

~"""'"

2.3.1 .2 Derived No uns

22

23

The classes S and 6 prcflllcs are used to derive pejorative DOWlS from other DOUDS classes

2.3.1.0 Verb Forms. The vabal morphology in Kikamba is complcx.

and classes 12 and 13 prefllles are used IOdcrive diminutive nouns from other nouns (see below.)

(30),

t!O!!!! mU-ndii "person"

derived DOWl. i-mli-Pdil d.S~. big bad person"

The verb comprises a verb root, (usually called the verb radkaJ in Bantu studies), one or more prefues and one or more sufflXcs. The imperative fonn of the vetb is the simplest vemal fOnD in Kikamba. Below we give the

various forms the imperati ve can lake.

ma-mil-odil cL6 "big bad people" m-mli-ndii cl.12 ~a small person~ ru-mll-ndll d . 13 · smal l peoplc"

Such derived nominats have two clus prefixes bw in ICfTIlS of concord the forms of the initial prefix (the latC$! derivation) are used.

2.3.2.1 The Impendn I . (a) The posldn Imperadve Iddressed to ope persao. This consists o f the vcro radical a particu!af lOne panern and !he verb fina l vowell I. Eltamples of this are given below.

(32)

(a) Jlk-a. ~come!~ (b) S6m-a - relll!(c) End.-a

Nouns deno!:ing location have the suffix III.

~go! .

I. (b) Negadve Impendve Iddrnsed 10 Doe penoo.

This consist of the secoDd person subjCCl concord, the: negative prefix The future lense marker (31).

and the verb radical (see examples below). mCi-1i "tree"

mil-tini "00 the Iree"

mil-iilKla "fllflll"

mil-ilDd!\·ni -Watton the farm" li-kiltj-ni "OIl the wall"

i)·kiila wall

Nouns that are inherently place names do not need the suffur.. For example nsIiinxU 'market', or proper names. In some Bantu languages location/position 1lOWl$ are marked by a profix (eg Shona). A DOtm with the locative suffix triggers elus 1601" 17 agreemtDt coocords OIl the verb and modifiQ"S. The locative suffix is tbefefore eoosidered as part of the noun class system. The effocts of the locative suffu will be discussed furtbc:r in later chapters.

(33)

i)

DdUk6kl!. -

li-ti·b-

k~.

Il lsg-neg-TNS -come-FV. Don't come.

ii)

Ndilka..sOmC.

N_

u-ri-ka·~.

2sg-neg-TNS-read-FV. ~ Don'tread~

iii)

ii-ti-ka~

lsg.oeg-go-FV "Don~

go"

2.(a) Posirtn Impenlive Idd~ 10 DllPY peoplt.

"This vowel is realiJo:I .. fIJ or lei dI:pcncIma on 1M mood.ooror aspect. Tho finIl vat. voo.'CI ill aoinalO be glossed Jxn .. FV.

2.3.2 The Verb 24

''The opecificatioGl about whi<:b _ is mar1r.cd will only be providod for 1M teIIW _lion. For !be rest of !be \eXt. where 1M IUbjfo:t of m>dy is noc _ !be tense mar1r.cr wiU only be iiJoued .. ~ IS

This consists of the verb radical, the verb final vowel and the imperative plural suffix as ilIuslmted in the sentences below. (34) i) Ok-fi-i come-FV-imp pl. Come (many people). il)

End-a-i "Go! (many people)

iii)

S6m-a-i "Read! (many people)

2. (b) Ntptlve imperad"e plural This form ditTers from the negative imperative singuJar only in as far as it incorporates a second person plurol subject marker nlther than the singular second person subject marker, we will therefore give only one exwnple. (35)

Don't take us! (b)

3. (D) Addressed to many peeple. This differs from the fOfllljust discussed in that it has the imperative plural suffIX. The positive and negative forms of this are given in (38) below. (38)

(a)

kyOsti.

Id.os-e-i

7-take-FV-pl Take it! (an object from class 7)

MilikaendC Mil-ti-ka-tnd-c

2pl-ncg-TNS-go-FV Don't go (many people.)

NdUkamOsC: il-ri-ka-ma-6-sC lsg-neg-TNS-3pl-take-FV Don't take them!

(b)

Tw6sCi tii-6s-b-i

Ipl-take-FV-pl.

3. Imperadve with object. i) Addrtssed to ODe person. This form has the verb radical, the verb final vowel changes 10 ~ and the object prefix is added. This is iUuslmted below. (36) (a) kyOst.

Takeusl (0)

3pl-take-FV-pl. Take them.

kl"",~

7-take-FV Take it! (an object from class 7) (b)

(dl

tU.os-e

(c)

m6se

IM.os-e

Mil·ikatw6s!. Mu-ti-ka-t -6s..e

2pl-neg-TNS-l pl-take-FV Don't take us!

Tw6se

lpl-take-FV. Take us!

mOO" m3..os.e-i

(,)

Mil-ikamOst Mil-ti-ka-rn.a.-6-sc

2pl-neg-TNS-3pl-take-FV Don't take them!

3pt-take-FV Take them. The negarive has in addirion the subject marker and the negative marker as in (7)below.

(37)

16

(a)

Ndiikatw6se. ii-ri-b-t il-6s-e 2sg-neg-TNS- Ipl-take-FV

2.3.2.2 The Inflnldve This form is marked by the invariable prefix !U:. The infinitive fonns ofoome of the verbs used above are given below.

11

(39)

(I)

(situation) 10 any other time point. but rather with the internal temporal eonstitueocy of the one situation. (Comrie (1915). Though we will discus! tense and aspect separately. many of the forms used for IISpoct also relate to tense inlelJlretatioos WId vice versa. (b)

Kilenda "togo"

«)

Comrie (1985) represents tense

IS

a shight line with past represented to left and the

future to righL The present or coding time is represented by a point in that line. He explains his representation thus:

2.3.2.3 The Indka tl ve. The indicative fonn, used for general statements WId questions. is the fonn of Kikamba vab that takes the most pre-vabial affixes. The JXl5Sible . ffixes. in order of occum:nce are: The focus marker; the subject marir;er; the negative marker; tense affix and the ol:!ject marter. There lilt

co-ocaureoce rcslrictions, of course. The focus marker for eJUIIll'le does tl(l( co-occur with

the negative maker and whi le the subject marker is obligatory the object markds presence will

be determined by the interaction of syntactic and pragmatic factors (see chapler 4.) The focus marter, the subject marker and the object marker will be discussed clsewhere in this thesis and there isn~ much to be said about the negative marker, its fonn was given in the discussion of irrperative negatives above. lbe eXll11'lcs below show. vab in the indicative form. In (4Oa) the verb has !he focus marker a.:. a subject prefix L a tense marlr.er L. and an object marker iI· (4Ob) has the negative marker li bctwoen the subjttt prefix and the tense marker. (40) (a) KIveti ni1dkilUkiina kana KI-vetl nr·kJ·k(I·ka-kiin·a Ita·ana 7-woman FOC·7·TNS-12-bea!·FV 12-child The woman is beating the child. (b)

KIveti kJtlkQkaJd1 na kInII KI-veti kJ.lf.kil·ld.kiln-a Ita·ana 7·wOtnaD 7·NEG-TNS·I2-beat·FV 12-child The woman isn~ beating !he child

2.J~4 Tense.

Tense is defined as the grammaticalised expression of location in time, Comrie (1985). Tense forms express a relation between coding time (dcictie centre), reference time and event time. Aspoct on the other hand is not primarily concerned with re lating the lime of the event

"

To say that an event occurmi in thc past is to locate it diagrammatically to Icft of '0' [the present moment point]; to say that onc event occurred after anothct is to say that it is located diagrammatically to the risht of the other event; to say that one event occum:d dwing some other process is to say that the location of the first event is diagrammarica1ly inside the rime-span allocated to the second proce;ss. Comrie( I985:2). Where reference time coincides with the coding lime. (also refemd to as !he present moment or !he deictic centre), we get what is traditionally known as absolute tense. Thus, with the absolute tense fonns the reference point from whieh the temporal semantic interpretations arc:

made is the time of speaking. Situations coinciding with the speaking time are coded using the present tense form (or the DOIl-past where the binary distinction is beno.ttn past and IlOrl-past), situatiom prior to !he speaking time by use of the past the speaking time by use of the futun:: form.

IeIlSe

form and situations subsequent to

Where reference time hinges on point other than the present moment, we get relative tenses. Tbese arc: fonns which express a relation between situation rime, reference time and coding or speaking time.

This section diSCUS9CS !he absolute ImSe forms. Wc will adopt Convie's (1985) representation of ICf\SC (as a straighl line) 00( just because Comrie elaims thai "this diagrammatic representation of time is adequate for an account of time in hwnan languages" (. claim we fUJd true), but also because thi s is the only way we ean adequately describe the various tense forms in Kikamba and !heir time reference. We will adopt a procedure which involves the identification of the forms, and OIl the buill of their position in the vetb IOOtpboIogy and their typical usage in the language distinguisb which forms are tense foons and wltieh are aspect fonns. TIle secondary uses of. form will also be given.

"

On the basis of the consistent pattern in the vern morphology, we have drawn the conclus ion that in K.ikambe. tense forms are prefixes in relation to the vern root whi le aspect

FOClsg-PRT-come now I will come Dow/ l will come shortly.

fonns are suffixes. (b)

2..3.2-4.1 Pruentit Dst It is rare for a situation to colDcide with the present moment (Cormie 1985:37). A

characteristic use of present tense is in refening to situatioos which occupy a much lODger period thaD tbc present moment, but which oooetheless iDclude the present lOOmcol within them.

(0)

-".

Since .J.klI: has a very reslIicted use we will devote lIle rest of the discussion of the present tense form to :C1)il:. Considering the uses of =kil: it is rather difficult to decide which usage is primary. When it is used wilb an action verb there are two possible interpretations: an immediate future and a progressive aspect meaning. However when the fonn is used with a stali ve vern the only available interpretation is inuncdiate futwe interpretation. Tbe fonn therefore, seems to designate an action or a swe coming into being. The progressive interpretation seems to derive from the natwe of the vern 011 which the form is suffixed. If it is a verb that for example describes an activity involving the repetition of similar actions e.g Jlli "dig" and XI ~cal· , the immediate future meaning is encoded for each one of the series of actions thus producin& a progressive meaning. Literally, each of the compooeol actiom will be viewed in the immediate future time and since they follow each other in progression the resull is given a

"........

Ni-n-kaJrn-d

In Kikamba two forms can be identified wbose fimctioo is Iocaring situations within the present

moment These forms, .:1))1; aDd .:!k.lI:. are mutually exclusive. :kil; is used in main clauses (clauses which can take the pre-verbal

"mgiilmi Ni-n-kiii-mi F()C.lsg-PRT -dig. I am digging! 1 will dig shortly.

FQC-.lsg-PRT-~.

I was digging.

III terms of Comrie's time line

iii therefore seems to cover immediate past continuing

to !he

present, and pn::sent continuing to immediate future.

2..3.2.4.2 Past tense Pasl tense locates a situation prior to speaking time. Kikamba distinguishes four past tenses related to the distance in time a particular situation is from the moment of spe:aldng. The forms of these are: ± for inunediate pasl (pst.), 01' for the near past form (PS1b), ~ for the distant past rime (pst.:) and .I.ISfor the mnoIe past lime {pst,J.

(42)

(.)

Tw66kJI Iii-i-ilk'"

Ipl-PST.-come.-FV We camt:Jwe have come.

progres.sive interpretation. (b)

ruk.i~ tii-0-ilk-~

We can therefore conclude thal:fk)1: is a present tense form which is used for actions

Ipl_paslt.-comc-per!_FV. w,~

and states just beginning. II also combines with the continuous form .:! to form progressive aspc:ct in the immediate and near past time (see the sentences below.)

(41)

(a)

Nln.... ,. NT·n-kll-ka yO

asscnod propoIilioaa.

"

TIlD66lci~

-.

Til-Di-ilk-~

'~

\lay depeDderII clauset we ~fer 10 . expres.siDa • ooq>lete tbou&bt.

(0)

retricted class of clauses ill Kibmba thai are not _idmld IS

Sucb clauses lllcli: \be ~verbal fows particle, lllaud Ihen:fI:R bave __

is

DO

form

tnarki:ns pas! _

but

!lUI" pul

tirM is implied by tbo: perfective marl
''The inunediaIc put form .00 !be distaDt past form lire ditmmti.lted ill tenn:s of lODe aud on tbe basis of ~ Of I.,t or ~ witb the pcrfcctive upecI form:.i. While !be distant pasl i$ ICX:OIIIpI'Pied by tbe aspect maker the immediate puc a.nd!: aJoDe. 31

Ipl.PSTc
-

We came.

""""-

Tw66ki~

(d)

""'. ""'. """ "'"

TIt-i-_iik·l~

Ipi-PST,..eome-perf-FV. w,_

122 ' yesterday'

2.3.2.4.3 Future TeDse

U2 .day before yesterday'

",,"

The future tense locates a time subsequent to the present moment TIle future time therefore begins inunediately after !he present momctIt. The difference between !he future and

O.!!l·tOlJlO(f(lw'

!he present has typically been said to eooccrn mood rather !han tense (Conuie 1985), the future being more speculative.

!iiM .day after tomorroW'

fut=. fu_ fu_

""""The future tense forms in Kikamba are: .:.kl:: (43a), used for siruations located in !be -later 1Oday" time span (ful.). Then there is .:kI: (43b), which covers the time period belWeeD and including tomorrow and the day after IOmorrow (fult.). The Ihird form is .:kit:: (4)c), which covers the unknown or I"CrnoIe future (futJ. In addition to these Ihree forms !he progressive aspect form:f1 and !he present tense form are used w ith immediate future intelpl"Ctation.

w...:

(43)

(a)

NUil_k66ld

As !he table shows there is a 101 or overlap in the use of the different past and future tenses.. The past.:. is further used ror past time further back !han ~ •day before yeslefday' for which the other

past tense forms are not acttpl8ble. The same can be said or !he futurec fonn, it is also used for the W1icnown future rime.

This overlap can be presented in a straight line diagram as in (45) below.

NC-tit-ki-uJd FOC-Ipl-AJT.-comc. we will come (shortly, within today).

(45).

I

present

J

T(Lk66ki

(b)

Til_- kII-_ilki

Ipl-Fl!T<-come We will come. (tomorrow or later) (e)

Past.d

Pn.c

I

pst.bl Put.a

Fut·jFut .bl Fut .e

I

Nitilk6k8 Ni-ffikj·QkA

FOC-I pi-FlIT..-come We will comc

The reference oflbc different tense forms dUcussed above bocomes clear when we observe their

inlenclion with the temporal adverbiab as shown in table (44) below. (44). The interaction ofthe tensQ with temporal adverbs.

ADVERBIAL

TENSE

.!DlI. ' 001'1

p'"''''

OmUn1bL ' today' 12

.

""

present

2.3.2.4.4 TeDse Neutralbat\on. Within a sequence of verbs with the same time reference in Kikamba, there occurs what Comrie ( 1985) calls '"Tense Neutralisation-. Only the fiBt verb shows the expected tense. and the 5Ubsequent vetbs are in a single tense. Kikamba has two ways of nc:utralising tense: If the expected tense is one of the past tenses, the fiBt verb will be fully marked w ith the relevant tensc and the subsequent verbs are marked w ith the past" form and liven perfective interpretations as 3l

in (46) below. In Kiswahili, a related language, the consecutive fonn ka is used (P6lome (1967) in such circumstances, (47).

(46)

(47)

Twahldie tw8ill na twat li Tll-a-rod-ff til-li-ill na nl-li-til-j Ipi-PSTb-go-perf 1pi-PST.-build and I pi-PST,-settle-FV We went, built and settled.

Tll-oi-iik-I-t Ipl-PST.-come-ASP-FV. We came. (oj

Tu-li-eoda tu-ka-jcoga na tu-ka-ishi. (Kiswahili) Ipl-PST-go Ipl-CONS-buildand lpl-CONS-scttled We went, built and scnled

w,_

(dJ If on the other hand the expected tense is a future foon, the subsequent verbs will not be marked for tense. This is also the same in Kiswahili.

(48)

(49)

TIikienda twake na tiltile Til-k4-enda til-!\ke na til-m-e Ipl-FtJT-go Ipl-build and Ipl-settlc-FV. Tu-ta-enda tu-jmge na tu-ishi (Kikswahili) Ipl-FlIT-go lpl-buitdand lpl-settle.

Tw60kit TIl-i-Uk-l-f I pi-PSTcr-eome-ASP-FV. Tiik60ki Tll-ka-iik-0-A Ipl-FUTe-come-ASP-FV We will come.

The imperfective aspe<:t is marked by two fonns: ±

and~.

:J: is the habitual form and is used with habitual meaning in the past, present and in the future as in the sentences in (51) below. (51). (a) Nlliikaa

M-m-iik-.-' FOC-lpl
2.3.2.5 Aspect

The vcro morphology in Kikamba makes a distinction between perfective and imperfective aspe<:1S16. As we said above the fonus marking aspect arc positioned between the verb rool and the verb final vowel. The perfective aspect in Kikanlba is signalled in two ways: When the tense fonn or intctpretation is past, the perfective aspect is marked with the suffix :i (SOa-<:). If on the other hand the expected (absolute) tense is non-past, (present and future). no aspcctuaJ marker is used, (5Od). Thus the perfective aspect could be said 10 have two fonus whose distributioo is detennined by the tense of the verb concerned; the ± form used with past tenses and a zero form used with the non-past tenses. See examples below. (SO).

(a)

Tiiki~

rii-iik-I-e Ipl-come-ASP-FV. We came.

(b)

Nltw60kaa Nl-tU-A-ilk-I-' FOC-Ipl-PST-come-HAB-FV We used to come.

(c)

Nitiik6W Nl-tiika·ilk-.-i FOC-I pl-FtJT-come-HAB-FV We will be coming.

The :Tlet- is the progressive fonn. It indicates that the action or state described by the verb is in progression during the reference time.

11

"The habim.l form, ~ is also used widl progressive iIlle!preWioD for situatiotM fallioa betwero !be and the mnote pB$L This mage, bowever. is ooly available for _ ..wive verbs. For veTbI that Idmit both !be:l: IIIld the VsJ:. with a progressive meaning, !be ~ ~ to be that !be .:Il.cl: form IU~IS • _-in\cmlplability ~ For example, if a tdcpbooe rings mel IIOItJe people wOO m: praying slOp the prayer to answer the telephone, they can give (a) as ~Iy if asked what !bey were doing and <.me of !be possible meanings is that they will go back to !be praying. SenIt1>Ce (b) bowevtT, will only be given ill !be cin:umstanoe that !be people delayed answering !he telepbooe ill order ~I

(b)

Tiin66kie

''The tenns perfectivity and impernctivity are used here with the ~ given ill Conrie ( 19g5: 16) "perf«tivity iDdir.ates the view of a situatiou as a siDgle wbole, witboot distinction of !be various separate phases that make up that situation; while impcm<;tive pays ~tiaI anention to !be internal sttuclUR' of the situation"

10 finish !be p"'yet.

(a)

l4

NitiInlv6yd

NT_tn.lliv6y....

lS

(52)

(e) tJWnb.a "bathe~

NiIilkl. Ni-tilkJ-l-I FOC-lpl-oome-PRG-FV. We are coming.

(a)

2. CWC: For example: (54)

(b)

NI<w66"'"

Ni-til-'-kIt-l FOC lpl-PST.-comc-PGR-FV. We were coming.

(e) Itifto3 "touch"

3. C: As in;

Ni·ti!k6nWt..c FOC2sg-sleep-PGR-FV. We are sleeping.

(0)

(55)

(a) t·a "sen(b) k-a "take"

Nitil-'-kOm-it..c FOC lpl.PSTc-sIeep-PRG-FV. We were sleeping.

(d)

a) taUk·a "tear (b) Ih!iik-a "play"

4.VC: Fe.- example; ('6)

(a) ik-a "build" (b) iim-a "bite" (e) 6s-a "take-

In addition to these fonns the prCSCllt ICDse fonn usually has a progressive interprelation with 5.VVC: For example;

most DOn·stalive verbs.

('7)

(a) illo3 "treat"

(b) aAt-a

"become sour

(e) ufun-a

2.3.2.6 The Vtrb Root The verbal rool is what remains when a vefb has been stripped of all inflcctiooal and derivaliooal 6. VV: As in;

affIXes. As was said above, the posilive imperative form addressed 10 one person is the verb fonn closest to the root (il contains only one affix, the (mal vowel). The majority ofverb roots in

(58)

(a) ail-a"ofT-load"

(b) eil-a

Kikamba have the structure ofCVC, but examples of other structures are DOl rare (see examples

(c)

"remove the to layer"

ila-a"kill~

below). 7. V; As in;

I. evC: forex.ample; (53)

(59)

(a> t6n-a -cut(b) vAnd-a -planl"

(a) e-a "rear" (b) T·a "cry" (c) il-a "buy"

FOC- lpl-PST.-pny-IMP-FV.

~)

.......,..

we were pnyiDa:.

When these forms are ~ with similar fonDS from other Bantu Languages in the same

NiI:\ID"'~"

family most of the VVC, CYVC, VV and V types are seen to have derived from a historical consooant loss in the language. See examples form Gikikuyu below.

FOC I pI-PST.-pn.y.IMP-FV. we wmi pnyiDa:.

36

(<0).

37

IOkllllb_

Gl.kJkuyu


uum-a

Orng-a

kill

,.,

(64)

Ii

tID

"be sold~

buy 3.

2.1_2..7 Post Vtf'bal AlIIJes The post-root vCfbal affIXes in Kikamba include the aspect affixes discussed in section 2..32.4, the mood affix and the imperative plural affix given in secbOO 2.32.1 and I group of

~k-l-1k-

This derives a stative verb which denotes the poIentialily for the subject to

undergo I particular process.

(65)

~ka

"be takeable.

suffixes known as vabtI extensions. In Kikamba the vCfbal root can be followed by one or fD(lIe of the derivational suffIXes

generally known IS verbal extensions. We will give the derivationaJ affixes forms below and

bricny discuss their uses.

4. -#bY1- "by-; This is the causative morpheme and it can attach to virtually any verb that has at least one argument.

(66)

0set....J!!a

~make take"

ftmake read (teach)" I.

f4...&I!1l This fonn

has

been given the name _pplkadve or beoeflcdve verbal

extension. The essential function of this affix is to signal the presence of an NP whH:h is 001 part of the basic suocalegorisation of the verb. The NP indicates 10 whom the verbal process applies. or in whose favour or on whose behall7in which place/for what reason l ' the action takes place. Some exwnples are given below.

ilaitl!Ya"make kill" 5. U.i. This is usuall y referred to Il!I the coDverslve or reverslve morpheme. It CQIlveys the meaning opposite to that eonunonJy ellpt"eSsed by the root. Consider the words below. (67)

(61)

(a) ita k4nI.

"call the ehild"

(b) Ilia kina fiu "CIIl the child for food" "call child while OUlSide" (c)ilia klnI nzI (62)

(I) 6sa kInI

(b)

6sv. kInI nu

"take the child" "take food for the child"

2. :!!: This fonD occurs immediately ~ the vero-fillal vowel. This is the pBS$ivc

v...... 6. -ID-; This is the associative morpheme aDd expresses eoncepts such IS reciprocity. coooened action, interdepeodcnoe and it suppresses one of the posl-vet"ba! NPs. (68)

morpheme and it is typicilly present in aU vCfbs that are in the passive voice. In mooosyIlabic roots the passive fIlOfJIheme requires the

vlnga "close" vlngfia "open" viDga ~ammge"

6siDa

_m""

presence of I vowel. homopbooous with the appllcalive

"take each other! take unrwncd object" "bite each otberlbite unnamed object"

extension forwe ll-fonntdDcss as in (64) below). (63)

6sa

~takcr

6sl!8

~be lakcn"

'.",., 6et.ailt 0II1be 38

7. g&; This has several uses: (a) Attenuative use as in:

'*' oflbe appLicative . ffur. wiU be gi\'ftl in chapler 7.

(69)

(i) ola "reduce" 19

(ii) olma "reduce a bil~ (iii) tUma "sew" (iv) tUrnWa "sew a little longer"

(72)

rou-odii_ u-row!! rou·ni!ni!

(a)

I-person l-one J-big big penon

ODC

(b) Distributive use: This means that 5C\lemJ actions are involved in the event For

CUIlllle; (70)

i-iii_ yi-mw!!J-ni!ni!

(b)

S-banana 5-ooe S-big big banana

ODC

(i) lilA "cut" (ii) ti l!D&a "cui seveml times/cut into many pieces"

(iii) iima

ka-vyii_ Ita-row!! ka-Di!ni! l2-knife 12-one 12·big One big knife

(oj

"bite"

(iv) ilmII...!!&I "bite sevaal times" In summary the morpboIogy of the verb in Kikamba can be ~tcd as below. 71).

Adjectives an: furthtt inflected for degJtt. The degree morpheme: is infu.ed between the final vowe l and the rest of the root. "This is the ooly infIX morpheme in Kikamba and it is illustrated below.

2

I

Pw-root affIXes

Roo<

3 Derivational

4 Post-srem affixes

.ffix~

(73)

Mi

-DCne

Il
"big"

-nini "smaW -500

"good"

-nen-ang-e "bigger" -nin-ang-j "smaller" _se-ang-o "better"

The prc-root affIXes in 1 include: the Focus marker, the subject agreement, the negative mar\c:er,

the tense marker and the object agreement. A list of the derivational affixes in 3 is given and Cltemplificd above, and the affixes in 4 lncludes: the aspect marker, the verb final vowel and the imperative PIUBlamx. The possible syUabk structure of verb roots is given above. Most of the verbal. Clttensions discussed above can eo-occur and wbco this happens the passive morpbeme always comes last.

1-4 Syotl:l KiJuunba like many Banru languages is a right branching language with • SVO word order. NOlal modifiers as a rule follow the bead in the order: demonstrative-numera1-adjective (see Mwove 1987).

Variation in word order in the clause, motivaed by factors such as focus and In the nou section we wiU briefly examine the morphology of adjectives and other

functioo words in KikAmba.

topicalizatioo, may alter the basic word order of the NPI but the vern morphology will clearly

indicate which NP fimctioos as subject and wltich functions u the object as the sentences in (74)" show.

1.J.J Adjectives I nd the FUnctioaal Clau Words

Adjectives, numerals and demonstratives comprise a root and a ooooord morpbemc agreeing with the head nominal Adjrx:tives in Kikamba take the nominal coooord (the same pefu with the noun) while demonstratives and nwncrals take the pronorninaI. concord (sec chapter 4.) The examples given below show Ibis agrocment phenomenoo.

1'Thne ~ sbouId 1101 be ~ with prooesaeI sucb .. passive ",biclI involve ~ of the grammatical n:1atioI» IIld tbu!. I>OUII which triaen ob:ied apemmt in the ave romes 10 !rigger IIlIbjcct apemml in !be pMSive. In lid • dttailod uaftnation of 1Ine ~Jes would show ibat the frooted object is 1101 !be gramrnatiaol llUbject IIld !be riglrl di.!lor;ate
1_

41

(74)

(a)

(b)

(c)

KIvell nikyatam mTtT Ki·veti nI-kT-a-tbn4 mi-Il 7-woman FOC 7-TNS-cut-FV 4-trees the woman cut the trees

MIll kIved nIky4mItcmA MI.tC Id-'IC(! nI·U4·mI-tem-i 3-tree 7-woman FOC7-TNS-4-cut-FV 'the trtts, the woman cut them'

prepositions intervening between these nouns, it is usually possible to hypolhesise triple objects in such SIl'UCtUreS. This issue will be discussed in more detail in subseql.lCDt chaptet'S but we will give ODe sentence here to exemplify the pbeoomenon. (75)

Kivetl. nikyin&lgc:a mwalJmU kInI ngfml.

KJ-ved ni-Id-a-neng-e-a mil-aIJmil kJ·nII n-gfml. 7·woman FOC-7-lNS-give-AP-fV I-teacher II-c:hild 9-porridgc "The woman gIIvc the child porridge on behalfof(for the benefit 01) the teacber.~

Miti nIkyimilem4 kIveti. MI-ti nl-kI4-mI-tcm-i kI-vetl. 3-tI'ee FOC-7-TNS-4
In three place pttdic:ates such as nm&!I 'give' and l:ml!. 'rob' the unmarked construction

has the recipient preceding the patient. Certain affixes like the applicative scan to expand the

(d)

Niky4mItemA miff, kJveti. Ni·Id·'·ml-tem-i ml·1i kI -ved. FOC.7.lNS-4-c:ut-FV 4~-7-woman. 'she cut it, the tree, the woman'

Exanlple (74 a) is taken as the basic, the object is in its unmarked position and the NP immediately preceding the verb complex COIIlrols subject-verb agreement, (the basic word order will be handled in more detai l in chapter 4). (74 b,c and d) show that change: of this basic order is obligatorily foUowed by the marking of the object on the verb (the object pref" slot is the position immediately proceding the verb root). This slot is filled in the following cimunstances; 1. When the object is marked for de finiteness or for emphasis. 2. After left..disloc:ation of the object 3.Afierprooominalisation and subscquc:ot deletion of the object proooun.. 2CI (74 d) above is a case of I aDd (74 b) aDd (c) exemplify 2. We will ooooan ourselves bert with cases of dislocation. In (74 b) aDd (c) for example, the NP miti appears pre-veJbally 001 the class 4 object prefix gives the information that the class 4 NP in the senlenCe is the object. Example (14 d) has two nouns in post-verba] position, again we tum 10 the verb ltlOfPboklgy for an answer as to whclber this is • CIISe of double object The verb morphology again gives the infonnation that the class 7 noun is the subject and the class 3 noun is the: object Apart from cases like (74 d) where the subject noun comes after the verb, in Kikamba a

series of up to thn:e nouns can follow the: verb. In the: absence of morphological case or

~ Ill.... bem variout ' UU"'lioas on the ~ motivaliag the pracllo;:e of the object pnfi.\ in Banl\l; AUan (1982) &rpcd that objecc mating in Kiswahili i!I dc!cmtiQcd by focus. Tho: <:OIUlOCtion ia Ihiol focusina; in Bmw typically inVOlvCII left-dislocation which ;., • (baDge in tile buic word ordtr.

argwneot structure oftbe verb by introducing another argument as in (76) below. (76).

Kived kyMen~ mwlilimii_ kanIl ngfmll nyOm"'. KJ-vetl U4·neng-t-t-' miI-lIimil_ ka·1nl n·gfmA n·ilmbj. 1-woman 7-lNS-give.AP. AP-FV I-teacher 12-c:hild 9·porridge 9·house. The woman gave the child porridge on behalf of the teacher while she was in the house.

When this is done the order of the post.vetbal NF's is determined by the interaction of various factors which will be represented in terms of particulat universal hierarchies discussed in

detail in subsequent chapters. As will be shown in liter chlplers this pbenomena makes the issue of determining the objectls an interesting one in the language. The examples given above are sufficient as an introduction to Kikamba syntax. issue of subjects .and objects and their agreement morphemes will be talr:en up in cbapter 4.

The

2..5 Coaduskla, In this chapter we have given a geoeraI introduction 10 Kikamba phonology. morphology and syntax. The inventor)' of the phonemes in the language was establisbed IUId some of the pbooologica1 processes affecting their surface realisation were discussed. We ~amincd the morphology of the verb complex and paid particular attention to the identification of the various tense and aspect forms and their interaction with the temporal adverbs. This Chapter will serve a basis on which further description of constructions in the language will be done.

Chapter 3 The Agreement System 3.0 Introduction In this chapter we will discuss the agreement system in Kikamba. This will involve a (c)C losc examination of the ooun class system and the corresponding concord morphemes. We saw in chapter 2 that nouns in Kikamba fall into 17 noun classes (a classification based on noun class prefixes, concord morphemes and semantic considerations.) In this chapter we will address two main issues. Firstly, we will list the fonns of the concord morphemes associated with each class, and secondly, we: will examine the re lationship between the concord morphemes and the ooun prefIX of the head noun. Special attention will be paid 10 feature computation in cases where a compound noun plu"ase involves nouns from different classes. 3.2 Noun Clan and Concord 3.2. J The Class Prefb. System NOUll$ in Kikamba were analysed in chapter 2 as falling into 17 noun classes. typically marked by the presence of a class prefIX and distinguished on the basis of morphological, syntactic and semantic features. Nouns in the language are therefore analysed into a stem and a prefix. Consider the examples below. ( I).

Prefix-stern (.) KI-ndu_ (cl.7) (h) SyJ-ndu_(cl.8) (0) Mil-ndiUc\.I ) (d) A-ndil (d.2) (,) Va-ndil(c l.16) (Q Kil.ndiUcI.l7) (g) ii-rulii (c1.l4)

Qlw thing.

"""'.. things.

people. place. places. event.

One general observation abouttbe examples given above is that the noun prefixes also mark number contrast. Classes 9 and 10, however, share the same noun prefix and ~ only distinguished by concordia! features (see examples (2) and (3». (2).

(a) (h) (0)

(d) (3)

(a)

n+t!tlI. l (d.9) 'star/stick' n+tAtlI. (el. 10) ·stars/sticks'. n+vill (d.9) ·eat'. n+vili (d.lO) 'cats'.

NdAtli yakwa. N-t!lt!I_i-a-akwa. 9-star 9-of-mine. (my star.)

1n+1a1a mel n+Yab, (n+<JIabJ, UDdert!o tho pboDologjcal ~ ofa.uimilation IIOd beoome 'OOat.' and '1!1bUa' mpectively.

(b)

NdAt! sytkwa. N-tAl! si·a·akwa.

Io.stars IO·of·minc. (my stars.) (e)

(d)

(b)

MbW. yakwa. N·vill T·I·akw •. 9-eat 9-of·mine. (my eat)

Veva MilsM nlw6n~. vcva Mil·seQ ni·il..a·neen·a. spiritl.good F<JC.. I.TNS·speak·FV. (The good spirit spoke) (oj

MbtU syakwa.

N·vill si·'·akwa. IO-eats lo.of·mine. (my eats.) The examples above show that the noon in isolation does 001 give enough information for one

to draw a distinction between nouns that belong to class 9 and those thai belong 10 class 10. However, the concord morpbemes provide this distinction (in (3 a and c) the subject.verb Igreement is.:J while in (3 b and d) it is:ii:).

The second thing we observe from example (l) above is that the noun d ass prefix seems to be carrying !DOSt of the semantic oonlent required for !be classification of the nouns. The stem is invariable and different prefIXes produce different meanings. The hypothesis that noun clllSs prefixes in Bantu have characteristic semantic content has been considered by many linguisti and !be typical conclusion reached is that, while all or most members of certain natunll c\asses of entity may be placed in the same dass (for example most animal names in Kikamba fall in classes 9 and \0 aDd most human nouns are in classes I and 2), the classes themselves have DO intrinsic semantic conten(. Some BantuislS have suggested that there could have been a historical change which obscured the once clear cut cooceptualw.ooomy of ProtoBantu nominal classification (Denny and Creidc:r 1976). We will take the view that noun class prefues have some semantic content but we wi ll not venture to explain the discrepancies that may be found in a noun class. We will rather explore bow the semantic content of the 00UIl class prefixes is evident in the agreement feature CODlpJlatioo in SIrUCtUreS involving conjoined II is important to mention that in Kikamba there is a small number of nouns that cannot be analyted into a stem and a noon class prefiX. The majority of tbesc are borrowed words. The eumples below show bow tbesc noons arc fined into ooun class and COJlCOId systetm. (4).

(I>

.

'ntis

Lili mils66 nlwttiki. I1ti mu·siO nl-i1-i·irik·a. food 3-good FOC-3-TN5-pour·FV. (The good food poured>

is 80 ptrbtps btause faeb dw .. ill, in .dditicm to !bole DOUZIIS which hive • semanric OIlIer !IOlIDI ... boIe scmaotic MJ.tioo&bip wUb tho ~ JIOOP .. nat II""ImpImIt.

rt"~, hI~e

Vcva mnsM niw~" veva mQ-s66 ru·il·..·nttn·i. spiril 3·g00d FOC.3.TNS·speak·FV. (The good spiril spoke.)

(d)

Saa nzfO niyivilUkA. saa D·st(! ni.Y·Ii.·v61ilk·a. watch 9.goOO FOC-9·TNs.faJl·FV. A good watch fell.

«)

tub 0ZA!6 nIyav'lilkA..

luta n-~ ru_I_6_viIUk-A. ruler 9-good FOC9-W5-rall-FV. A good ruler fell. Sitovu rrz.i6 niyivililkA.. sitoW n-sM nJ_t4_vilUk_l stove 9-goOO FQC-9_TNS·rall_FV. A good stove fell.

In (4 b) and (c) the nouns used are indigenous Kikamba words, (d) is

~ed from

.1:_ ."" '"and\1lI'" 'Ia and oit""" in (e) and (f) respect ively, are phonological modificatlOlls of,the IY'>W",,, I ~ . . .L . ... _. flXless oouns arc fined mlo

English ' ruler' and 'stove'. Tbe genenU observation IS illiIl u......... pre tha . ' ted into the concordial systettL Most borrowed nouns I the noun classes by being mcorpora . 9 and 10 (e 4 e and f) In example (4.) are not assigned class prefixes are fitted ~nlo classes ,8 . This is not bow Jiy 'food' a prc(tdcss noun,' IS treated as a noun With class J prefix. e~, since c~ 3 is semanticaUy associated with treeS and plants (most food stuffs come with class 4 laking the plurals. In (4 b) ~ 'spirit' is assigned clast I concords thus it is treated as a human noun, while in example (4 c) it is Imlled as part of~C h~ ' : . like a part of the bwnan body and tbettfon: falls in class 3. These elWllp d ~. ~atioos in Qlapter 2 that all DOUDS in Kikamba fit into 17 classeS and that mt'Ill ~ ~ particular class is determined by either semantic featureS, or \lOUD class prom. or a TIIOfllDetne5 Of all of these.

:::"trt!)

J.l.l Grammallcal Agrffment The nouns spread class features to all the words associated with them. for example the vcm obligatorily agrees with its subject and adjectives typically consist of a roo( and a prefu: agreeing with the noun the adjective modifies as shown in the examples below. KAna k~ nik66U. Ka·6na ka-oem nI-kj-j-il_ k-i.

(5) (a)

12-child 12-bigFOC-12-lNS-comc-fV The big ehild came. (b)

milndii milnent! niw66k1.

mil-ndil mil-nfnI! ni-il-j-iIk-l. l-pcrsoo l-big FOC- I-TN&-<:ome-FV. The big peronImao came. (e)

KIvetl kInene nlky06ld KI-veti kr-nen!! ni-k_T-j-nk-1 7-woman 7-big Foe7-TNS-oome-FV. The big woman eame.

Craig (1986: 1(6) has observed that in African languages "If a noun indicates elass by an affIX on itself, then this affIX will also apply eoncort1ially to some other words in the SCIltence". We have shown above thaI in Kikamba noun elass is typically marked by affixal ion on the noun. The noun elass fealures are then spread onlo all the noun modifiers and on 10 the vern associated with the noun, obligatorily when the noun in question is the subject and (syntactically) optionally when the noun is an object.s On the vern and noun modifiers the class features are represented by affIXes which have been referred to by various names. Polo~ (1967) eaUs them concords, Bolwnba (1985) refers to them as verb agreement (VA) and Adjective Agreement (AA) while other linguists have simply referred to them as simply class markers. It has been the tradition in Bantu linguistics to distinguish between two typeS of agreement patterns-

Bantu languages differ with regard to the fomu and distribution of the concord mOIpbcmcs. As we have said above, in K.iswahili, nouns,. adj.ectives and nwne.mts take the oominal conoord. In Kikarnba however, only nouns and adJCCI1vtS take the ~ma! eoncor.d nwncrals and otbc£ noun modifiers take the pronominal affix. Each noun class m Kikamba ':I' therefore. associated with this distnbutionally complimentary pair ofconoord morphemes. It IS therefore proper to give a list of these morphemes in Kikamba.. (6).

PTooominaVvcmal. I-sing. I-pi

on·

2-s~

Il-

Polo~

bowcver, grouped agrectnCllI morpbcmes in K.i$W8.hili into three; Nominal, verbal and This grouping is done on the basis of form and distribution. However, the distinction in form between the verbal and the pronominal COlK:Ords in the list given in Polorne (1967:94) is minor, in fact the only distinclion in form between the verbal and the prooomi.naI affixes is in class I. The nominal concord in K.i$W8.hi1i is the agreemenl form used on the nouns. adjectives and nwncrals6. The pronominal COI1COJd is used on the rest of the noun modifiers whi le the verbal concord goes on the verb. In discussing the agreement pbcnomenon in Kikamba we need to dislinguish only between two forms of agreement morphemes: the nominal and the pronominaVverbai affIX. prooominal.

&loio. I

2 3 4 5 6

7

!be ~ po$l vct"baJ poIilioll, ~itber because of left or righl disl<xa!ion or because of de~ioo.

,.m'·

m' · mi·

iI-,w- t a-,mail-,wl-,y-

t-.y-

T-,y-

~.

~.

Id-,ky-

Id-,ky-

8

i-,sy-

i-,sy-

9 10 11 12 13

o· o·

T-,y-

IS 16 17

iI-,w-

i-,sy iI-,w-

",.

",.

til· il-,wkii-,.kw-

tiI-,twil-,wkil-,tw-

w·

". kil-,tw-

The usc of these coocords is cxcmpliflCd in example (7).

lWhen an -.ijecti ..... it assoc:ialed willi tile penooal ptOI"IOlInS. tbe dasa I and 2 nomiDaI c:onmnis it used 00 !be 1Idjective. When tho CODoXIfdanl poODDUIlI are 1-.1 tbe n:1evaPl.1IOIJlinII pn:fu will be used 00 !be -.ijecti ..... (_ (.bapIIer s).

'The foom 'The «IOCOIlIiaI IIlCII"JW;I[II\ of !be obj«:I will appear obIigaIoriIy 00 !be vtril when !be object it DOt in

m'·

2-pl

14

I. Nominal or Adjectival Agreement and 2. VCfbal Agreement.

.~

for ibird pen!I.lIIliDgular are l imil. 10 !bote for class I nouns and !bose of plural are \be

class 2 funns.

"rbe KiIUi oorth dialee!. (see Chapter 2), of K.ikamba does 1IOI1u.~ two o.llomorphs of the prooomlno.l aIfu of class 2. II mak~ use of the form 011-.

(7)

(a).

(b)

Milnd(l iIm~ mUntne waJcwt oIwbilUU. Mil-ndu a-mw/! mQ-~ il-akwa ni-il-i-vililk-i.. J-perscml-one I-big l -of-miDe AX:' I-fall-FV. One big person of mine bas falb.

MTtTTmwi! mJnenI! yakwj niytvtJUkA MI·1i i-mwe mJ-~ t-.-Ai oi-i.j-viI11J::4 4-1rees 4-some 4-big 4-of·minc F0C-4-TNS-fall-FV. Some of my big trees felL

(c)

"II the noun ciasscs, that is, there is a singular prefix used on all adjectives that modify singular ""uns and a pJUJ1l1 prefix used on adjectives chat modity plural nouns regardless of the class I'reflx orthe particular nouns. Consider the following eumpies.

KMla ktmwe kyAlcwa

~

4")

Ca)

DikyivalUki.

KJ-vn. ItT-mwe Id-A·kwa Id-nenl! ni-Id-l-vililk-i. 7-<:ilair7-ooc 7-of-mine 7-big FOC-7-TN5-fall- FV. One ormy big chain fe ll. In (7 a) the prefix :mil is used with the noun and with the adjective while the pll:fix ~ still associated with the same noun is used with the po$SeSSive pbnLsc: and with the verb. The same can be said of (7 b), :.mi is used with the noun and the adjective while :l is used with the possessive and the verb. Example (7 c) iUustrates instances where a noun has only one class

prefix used for all agreement purposes. From these ellamples it is elear that the noWl spreads its class featmes to the modifien and to the verb associated with it. Sentences in which one of the modifien agrees with a noun of a class different to that of the head noun are ilI-fonned (see (8) below).

J.l.J Noun-Adjective AJretmtol Adjectival coocord is \he type of agreement in which an adjective a~ in morphological fOIlD with the noun it modifies. Kikamba e:dlibilS this type of agreement and u we said above, the adjective takes the nominal coocord form in agrttmenl with the head noun. This feature is seen clearly in the examples above; mu~ mii~ "big person~ in (7a), mI:lI ~ "big trees- in (7 b) and kl·vj1a ki-oene "big chair" in (7 C). Lapointe (198S) proposed that the facts of adjective agreement can be analysed by Cannulating rules based OD the morphological features of the bead noun in the NP wIDcb the adjective modifies. An adjective is said to agree with the noun when the adjective is marked for morpoological features with certain values for which the noun is also marlr.ed. In Kikamba adjectives can be divided into three on the basis of concord.

(b)

A-Ddil i-tonga 2-pcople pl-ricb

(e)

Kma Idtongt b-b Id-tong' 12-child sing-rich

(d)

Twina itong{! tii-!l.oa i-tongA l3-children pi-rich

(e)

*Mii-ndii mii-tong{! I_person I-rich

(8)· MT-tiil-mwo! kJ-n~ne y-a-kwa nI-w-avalruc.-a. 4-trees 3-one 7-big 4~f·mine FOC-3-fall-FY.

(I)

3. Non-concordant adjectives. Fully concordant adjectives fonn \he largest group and they take the nominal concord in agreement with nouns as is c:o:emplified in (7) above. The panially concordant adjectives differ from fully concordant adjectives in inflection. They show invariant singular and plural pairs for

'"TU-lma til-tongA 13-children l3-rieh.

Under oonnaI circwmlanCCS the class prefIX on the adjective:lmli! 'rich' would have been Ihe same with that of the head noWl i.e mil: for (9 a), 1: for (9 b), k!: for (9 c) and IiI: for (9 d).

EwnpIes (9 e) and (91) show that Ibis would result in WUJCCeptable phraseS.

This group of adjectives then seems to piek only the nwnber features of the now in question in their agreement form. The iII-formednc:ss of(9 c) and (91) shows that the prefix?" the adjective 00es DOl take into account all the DOOIl class featwt:s. These examples ~Ise !he fact that the noun class Jnfixes and their corresponding concord morphemes, ~ an indivisible OOIl1'lex of number and class. The partially eoncordant adjectives exemplify an anempt to display ODe of tbese features in operation. Non-concordant adjectives show no morphological mark relating to the number or class of the noun they modify. See example (10).

I. Fully coDCOrdant acljectivcs. 2. Partially concordant adjectives.

50

Mil-ndil kI-IOIlp

I_person sing-rich A rich person

(10)

(a)

KI-vcti n-tbilkl 7-woman 11°_ugly (an ugly woman)

,.",. f.:t IhIt the 1IOII..:oooonbnt ~cdivel oecm _tysoble into • Item ODd. class WIO nominal I'ODCOId is DOC lUll'risilll since thes8 d _ <;OIltain I>OWII which do not diltiJlguish nlUl"lber by di/femlce ill 00Wl clus pn:fix.

"

(b)

mw-lin!kc! n-thilkl I-youth ?-ugly (an ugly youth)

(d)

I-veti n-giiogil 8-women ?-barren (barren women)

(e)

Mil-Ii n-gil.ngil 3-troe ?-barren (a barren!ree)

(t)

·K1-veti kJ-thilkl 7-woman 7-ugly

(g)

·Mil-ti mil-kiLngil 3-trcc 3-bam:n

One interesting thing about these adjectives is that they can still be analysed into a prefix and a root. Derivation facts show that:!hUb and.:kilJl&ij form the adjective stem in (10); only these are considered by rules that derive vabs and nDWllI from adjectives. For example ..:!hilkll ·uglines.s', ki1=1l!liY '10 become ugly'. We have called these adjectives lIO!KODCOr"dant because their prelUes have 00 relationship with the concordiaI fcatures of the noun they modify either mophosyntactically or semantically. The prefix on these adjectives can possibly be analysed as that of the Noun class 9 or 10 prefIX, i.e. the prefIXes that do oot show number distinction. However, the only evidence available for us to dmw this conclusion is the form of the invariant prefIX, we will therefoce, not advance the proposaJ any furtbcrll . We need to emphasise that the partially concordant and llOIKOtlCO£Iiant constitute only I small nwnbcr of adjectives in the language.

(c)

(d)

Tw&na

IIlI16mI

til-ina mil6nzj I 3-cltildrm seven

(seven cbildren) There is a possibility of arguing that examples (I I) (c) and (I I d) are partially concordant since number is irrelcvant being already marked by thc numeml, however
The a-link modifiers get their name from the ' a' link thai joins the noun with its modifier. Perez (1986) saw the a- link as a means of generating noun modifier to supplement the small nWllber of adjectives in Bantu. The a-link modifiers include a big group of possessives and adjectives. In Kikamba the a- link joins two nouns in a construction and the resulting siring will be interpreted as adjectival or possessive on the basis of the semantic features of the second noun in this construction. For example:(12)

4.2,4 Agl"fl'mtDl1n Other NP M odififn In this group of modifiers we consider the definite marker, the demonstrative, nWDCrllis, the relativiser and the a- link modifiers. All the5e modifiers take the pronominal concord (see (6) above). The nwnerals are fully concordant from numbers one 10 five, numbers six 10 ten are non-eoncordant. The examples below show Ihils.

A-ndil mi16nza

2-people seven (seven peoplc)


(b)

Yilmba ya mwliru T-ilmba T-a m(l-Iitu S-clay SoOf I-girl A girl's clay

Mwntu wa yilmb! mil-litu n-a T-limb!

( II )


An
a-ndila-m l-people I-two (Two people) (b)

twAna rwm til4na tiI-m l3-children l3-two (two chiktren)

"II may be poISiIIe 10 up 1bII!be classes 9 and 10 fonD.!be default ooooord and Iince ~ &bould have I class preM. wbere this does DOt fXiJt in 1be ~ form tbea !be defaull form S\.Ir&cc$. It ill DOt dear bow far this poMibility CIIl be lakeD.

l-girll oOfS-clay A clay girl

Kikamba. the possessed noun precedes the possessing noun (a feature of bead initial languages). Typically only IIOW\S with the fcaJun: [+animate] can possess, buJ when the possessed is inanimate there is a pos.sibility of the possessor being an inanimate with restricted meaning such as ' tbt It'g of a ( hair', It is therefore the semantic fcatures of the second noun that prompt a possessive rather than an adjectival interpretation of the a-link construction. In (12 a) for flUIlllPk, the construction is a possessive one because the second noun in the CODstruction. nm:i.i!Y. is {+animate] and tbc:refore can possess the first noun. In (12 b) however, the second noun is [-animate) while the flfSt one is [+animate] and. thererore, the construction is adjectival. The link itself comprises the vowel.:.Ji and the pronominal prl:fix orthe preceding noun as can be seen in (12) above. In a possessive construction in

"

There are a nwnbcr of a-1inIc constructions wbich have a preposition like function. These differ from those already discussed in that the: preposition-like a-link takes an invariable fonn of concord wbicb is not even the: locative pronominal coocord In IemJS of agoemenl feature we wiD refer to this group of a-link as partiaDy concordant. Examples ofthcse are given below. (13)

(a)

(c)

2. The second is the clitic or weak pronoun form which is attached to the verb.

lUlu wa ml!sA

up/top (b)

(c) -He like Mary_ (d)-They likea Mary.

3. The third form is characterised by subject and object markers appearing on the verb. Such markers frequently provide overt information oonceming the gender/class to which the subject and object belong. This is the type of agrcemeut found in Bantu

of table (on top oftbe table)

nthInl WI kivat! inside of cupboard (inside the: cupboacd) ltina WI Ndutil

,-"",. In this section we will discuss verb agreement in Kikamba and suggest analysis of the data.

I

preferred

behind ofNdukil (behind Ndukil) In these examplcs the a-1inIc fann is invariable <.wi). It is not affected by the changcs of the inilial nominal IllS was the case in (12) above.

In tenns of modifier agreement it, therefore, seems plausible 10 generalise and $IIY that in each elass of noun modifim there is typically a fully concordant, a partiaUy cooconlant and a oon~1 group, and !hen add thai the partially and DOII-cooeon1ant groups constitute a nam)W

clllS$.

3.2.5 Verb Agreement

Verbal agreeIl1Cllt in Kikarnba is not straight forward like the typeS of agreemenl discussed above. Each tensed verb in Kikambe obligatorily agrees with its subject in person and class by copying the relevant semantic and morphological specifications of that ooun. While adjectival concord markm can typically be traced 10 the ID(I(J'hoJogical fann of the DOWl class prefix, the verbal agreement takes into account more than the fonn of the prefix. Two types of verbal agreement rnlrltm can be distinguished in Kikamba.: Subject Agreement Marker and Object Agreement Marker. The Subject marker is an indispensable component of the tensed verb complcll but the presenee or absenee of the object marker depends partly on the presence or absence ora subcategorised object NP in the sentence (Muchina 1981), and partly on pragmatic features. There are three main questions that need 10 be dealt with in any analysis of agreement features. First there is the problem of ascertaining the level (of grammatieal analysis) at which agreement applies, secondly there is the problem of selecting the NP which triggm agreement and finalty there is the issuc of detemtining which properties of the selected noun wilt control agreement. FOlTlls of verb agreement in the world's languages can be grouped into three: I. Persoofnwnber agreemenl This is the commonest form of agreement and can be exetll'liftcd from English.

(14)

(a) He likea Mary.

(b)They like Mary.

3.2.5.1 Subject-Verb Agreement

.

With regard to subject-verb agreement, we will fll'St elWtline the ~ ~t dcl~C which noun will 00Il1r01 agreement in a structure with more !han one: possIble candIdates. ThIs calls for distinction between logical (semantic) and structural (grammatical) subject on the ODe hand and between bead and modifier nominal on \be other. Lawkr (1917) argued that in Aehnese (an Indonesian language) verb agreement is conlrOlkd by the logical subject regardless of whether or not it has been demoted I~ In Kikamba however, there is ple.nry ~f evidence pointing 10 conclusion that the grtII1UIllItical subject CODIrOIs. ~greemenl ~IS WIll become clear as we, step by step examinc the examples below. The positIon of the subject-vern agreement marker in Kikamba is immediatcly after the focus marker nI in the verb oomplcll. Having this in mind let us consider the following examples. (IS)

(I)

Kiveti nikyikfmi kInJ. Ki-vetl ni-kl'-.·kiln-.6 ka·!In1. 7-woman FOC-1-TNS-beat-FV 12-cbild. The woman beat the child.

(b)

KAnJI nikikllnw.6 nT kJveti. Ka-lnl oI_U_a_kl1 n_w-a ni ld-vetl. 12-child FOC_12.TN'5-bcat_PA5-FV by 1-woman. 1be ehild was beaten by the woman.

(0)

-f(a-lnll nT-kJ-a-kQn-w-a nT \d-vet!.

12-child FOC 7_TNS_beat_PAS_FV by '-woman. Passive structures have been analysed in Generative Grammar as sentences which have the logical subject suppressed (demoted) and the logical object promoted to the: struetural subj~ position. (We wilt not go into the theoretical issues arising from this claim here, but ~ WIll be dealt with in chapter 6). In the two well-formed examplcs above, the noun occupymg the II~ or in current 08 t~ .~ men 10 !lie f ... that the subje<:t 1181 been I'lIduoed to .., oblique CASe or """ been left out aU together.

"

senlCDCe initial position is the one cootrollins subject-verb agreement. From the ill-formed example, (15 c). we realise WIthe logical subject cannot control verb agrecmr:ut when there is anothcf NP occ.:upying subject position. It is interesting however, to sec what happens in inverted subject coostructions. (16)(a)

(b)

Kiveti nlky!vAlilkA. Ki-veri ni-kJ-A-vaJilk-A. 7-woman FOC7-TNS-fall-FV. 'The woman fell.

(c)

*KJ.-na kA mw-llImil nT-il-ivtl_k-i.

12-child of I-teacher FOCI-fall-FV. (18)

(I)

Example (16 C) where a class I NP controls agreement is ill-formed in the desired meaning. II woold onJy be meaningful in a restricted context wbcn:: the NP kiveti ' woman' is an after thought recipient of the information that "somebody fell" in which case the verbal. concord will be analysed as Igreeing with a deleted prooominal or as a pronominal itsel[ The above examples point to the conclusion that the logical subject will control verb agreement even from a post-verbal position (except where revaluation of granuDB.tkal relations has taken place like in passive construction). Now we tum to the issue of identifying tbc nominal controlling subject-verb agreement in a complex noun phrase. In a complex noun phrase and in modified NPs, it is tbc bead noun which controls subjCC1 verb ag:recmcnt. Consider the following examples. (17) (I) Kana kl mwilrmu nIkivllliki. Ka-Iina b-i mll-ilImil Di-kA-A-....1ilk_'12-child l2-of I-teacher FOCI2-TNS-faJl-FV. The teacher's child fell.

Kina kila mwt.IImil i1nin6Igft masUngwl nfikivilUk1. Ka-Iina ki-lI mO-iltmil il-n4-n6igft ma-sQngwi nT-ka-lv'lilk-L

12-child 12-that I-teacher I-TNS-give 6-onmge FOC-12-fall-FV. The child who tbe teacher gave oranges fe ll.

*Ni-u-ti-vtililk-a Id-vet!. FOC- I-TNS-fill-FV 7-woman.

Example (16 a) is stnUght forward, the verb agrees with the 1ogica1. which is also !be structural subject. Example (16 b) however requires some explanation. In this example the verb agrees with I class 7 noun, thus the agreement marlr:cr belongs to the same class as the post vcrbal NP. It therefore. seems plausible to argue that the verb agrees with the posrposed NP. The other possible explanation is to argue that the function of the verbal coooord in (16 b) is different from the function of the same form in example (16 a). This argument will be based on Pronominalisation procedures in Bantu. In Kikamba, and in Bantu in general, in the absente of the SUbject and object NPs the agreement morphemes assume prooominal functions (we will leave the argwncnlS on the process ofpronominalisation until ehapten 5.) If we argue that the verbal COIlCOfd in example (16b) is a prooominal, we will no looger be dealing with Igreement between an NP and the verb. For reason which will become clear in later ehaplcrS, I will analyse the subject marlr:er in (16 h) as an agreement morpbeme. This example then shows that the post-verbal NP behaves like an NP in pre-verbal position. The agreement fl'lOfpbeme docs oot occupy the object marlr:er position (immediately prcec:ding the verb root) and therefore this is a ease oftbe subje<:t controlling agreement from a post-verbal position.

"

Tvuku y! mw!IImil nTyivalUkA. T-vuku i-A mil-AlTmil nT-i-A-valilk-A. 5-book 5-of I_teacher FOC-5-TNS-fall-FV. The leacher's book fe ll.

Nlkyivllilka kIveti

Ni-ki-i-vililk-l ki-vetl. FOC-7-faU-FV 7-WomaD. (c)

(b)

(b)

*ki-na kti-II mw-ilImil il-nAnengft ma-sllngwl nT-w-avalilk-i. 12-child 12-wl I-teacher I-gavc 6-oranges FOCI-fall-FV.

(0)

*KJ.-na Ja\-II mw-AlImil ii-nintngill: ma-sOngwi nJ-ma-valilk-A.

l2-child 12-thatl-teacbCr I-gave 6-onmgcs FOC-6-fa1I-FV. 'The examples in (17) show that proximity to the verb is not relevanl for the control of subject-verb agreement. Although ~il 'teacher' is the noun nearest to the verb ~n (17 a) and (17 b), it is the bead nouns ~ 'child' and i~ 'book' which control subject-verb agreement in (17a and b). to a-link modifter1 the bead of the NP controls agreement even across another NP. (17 c) is iIIformed because verb agrccmcnt takes the features of the NP closest to the verb.

In the examples in (18) the head NP controls Igreement across a relative clause containing two nouns. EXlUll'le (18 b) is illfonned because ~ "teacher" the subject of an embedded clause controls agreement in the main clause and (18 c) is ungrammatical becausc masWlm ·orangcs" the object. of the embedded clause controls main clause subject.verb

.""""'"

There are several issues cooceming the examples in (16). (17) and (18) that have been left unexplained for the time being, but we believe that we have illustrated that the Head noun (in a complex NP structure), in the stnK:\Ul'8.1subject position, is the one which triggers subjectverb agreement. When the subject has been dislocated for pragmatic pwposes, which do not involve revaluation of grammatical relations, the subject nominal can control subject-verb agreement from a posilion other than the basic subject position. Subject-verb agreement rules in Kikamba therefore need to make reference to the surface sttucture subject (the structural subject).

Now we tum our attention to the features of a particular NP that are relevant to verb agreement. Before examining Kilwnba examples we will sidetnlClc to some interesting issues in a related language, OIl this same: question. In KiswahJli,(a Bantu language), in addition 10 the 16 noun classes, nouns are furtbcr categorised into animates versus inanimates. This latter categorisation is apparent in agreement features. Verbs and modifiers take the prefues of noun

"

classes I and 2 ( the hwnan dasses) in agmemcnt with animate nouns. while each inanimate ~ has the agreement prerIXes appropriate 10 its noun class (i.e though every animate DOUJI has lIS own class prerIX, for agreement ptUpOSe this prefix is igoorod). The following CXllJl1lles from Bokamha (1985) CJlemplify this phenomenon. (19)

(.)

(b)

Vi-jana wa-mcanguk.a.. 8-young men 2-have fallen. The young men have fallen.

(,)

M-bwa a-mcanguka. !>-dog I-has fallen. The dog has fallen.

(d)

M-bw. wa-meanguka.. JO-dogs 2-bave fallen. The dogs have fallen.

(0)

·Ki-jana Id-meanguka. 7-yoWig man 7-has fallen.

(Q

"M-bwa ~-meanguk.a. 10000gs IO-have fallen.

(a)

Ki-kombe k.j .mcanguka. 7-eup 7-has fallen. The cup has fal len.

(b)

Vi-kombe vi-meanguka.. 8-cups 8-have fallen. The cups have fallen.

(c)

M-ti u-meanguka. 3-tree 3-has fallen.

"[tanima!e) IIOW\S will m:ruim ooIy wmbc:r cIisti:octioo:.lO \bat !be phn/ will like ~Ius 2 CODOJrd mel !be singular ~tass t tOtICOrIII.

"

(d)

Ki-jana a-meanguka 7-young man I-has fallen. The young man has fallen.

In Kiswahili therefore, verb agreement takes into account three features of the noun controlling agreement- animacy, number and class.1) The feature animacy seems 10 override the other features; when its value is decided for a particular ooun, then one of two routes will be taken in choosing other relevant features for verb a~ment. The animate nouns will be treated as ~ in class I and 2 in tcmu of agreement featun;s; the singular animates fall in class I while the plural animates in class 2. With the inanimate nouns the relevant concord forms of the panicular noun classes are used in agreement as it illustrated in (20) below. (20)

The tree has fallen. Mi-ti i-meanguka. 4-trees 4-have fallen. The trees have fallen.

In K.ikamba bowever, agreement rypieally takes into account elass features without distinguishing animate and inanimate nouns but this general tendency is interfered with when NPs with different class features are eonjoined. Agreement with conjoined NPs is a particularly interesting feature in all languages. In some languages the verb agrees with one of the conjuncts and the choke is made on the basis of proximity to the vern or on the basis of panieular universal hierarchies (Givon 1975). For example, in some languages the vern may agree with the noun with the highest value in the human hierarchy or, the animacy hierarchy. In Kiswahili, for example, as long as the two nouns are animate they will take the class 2 concord (Plural hwnan) in line with what was said above. However, when inanimate nouns from different classes or an inanimate and an animate nouns are conjoined there arises the questioo of what coooord 10 use 011 the vern. I. Consider the sentences below. ?Ki-jana na mi-nazi yake wa-mcw;wa. 7-young man and 4_palms his 2-have been sold. The YOWig man and his palm trees were sold.

(2 1) (a)

(b)

?K.j-jana III mi-nazi yake a-meuzwa. 7-young man and 4-pa1ms his I-has been sold.

(c)

· Ki-jana na mi-nazi yake i-meuzwa. 7-young man and 4.patms his 4-have been sold.

(d)

Ki-su na n-azi vi_mechulruliwa. 7-knife and 9-coconut 8·have been taken. The knife and the COCOIIut have been taken.

(0)

?Ki-su III n·azi zi-mechukuliwa. 7-knife and 9-coconut IO-have been taken.

It is clear that there are several resolutions that seem to be taking p\acc in the Kiswahili sentences in (2 1). The feature animacy again overrides class prefIX forms. If one of the conjuncts is animate then !he compound NP requires an animate concord (class 112); examples (21 a & b). My judgement about (2 1) (a) and (21 b) (which is supported by the 4 other Kiswahili speakers available) is that they are acceptable in restricted cootexU. Ifso, then in (2 1 a) the verb agrees with the compound NP as if it was a plural hwnan, whi le in (21 b) the verb agrees with one of the conjuncts; the human noun. This resolution can be attributed to the

'"The teDdeocy,lIowever. illO avoid ~ IIOW\S Iiom different classel oreven Iiom different Ininw;y grt.l\IpI. 59

human noun being considered higher than the inanimate. In (21 d) where both nouns lITC inanimate, the verb takes class 8 concord. The compoWld seems 10 fonn a single plural noun for agreement pwposes and this pl ural noun is placed in class 8, the class for Yi!!! ·things'. In raet the conjunct is treated like the noun l:ilY .things' as (22) below illustrates. (22)

u 3. A compound of two animate but DOD·human DOUDS takes class 10 prcflX (see (25) below). 4. Two inanimate nouns form a NP which requires elass g concords. This is illustrated in example (26) below.

Vi-ru vi-meanguk.a. 8-things 8-have fallen. The things have fal len.

The above patterns are exemplilied in the sentences below.

Example (2 1 e) also shows that in marumllle compounds, the proxi.maJ:e noun may trigger agreement. In Kiswahili, therefore, the two features involved in determining the form of the concord morpheme in conjoined NP slrUCtufes are animacy and proximiry. Animale NPs can conrrol agreement even wbcn they are DO( proximate to the verb but when two inanimate NPs an: conjoined proximiry may be considered (22 e).

125)

(23).

(24)

60

(26)

(b)

*Mu-nylmbil DB kt-ng'8ng'l nJ·i1·a-4th-w-A 3-lion and 7-crocodile FQC..3-TNS-shoot·PAS-FV.

(0)

*MU-DyAmbil na kI-ng'Ang'l ni-kt-a-!tb-w-i.. 3-lion and 7-crocodile FQC..7-TNS-shoot· PAS·FV. Mlldl. na kallimu nlsyiv4l.Uk4. l-v(\[dl na ka-limu nl-I-4·valilk-!. 5-book and 12-pen F0C-8-TNS·fall. The book and the pen fell.

(a)

2. Compounds in volving a human and a DOD-human require a hwnan plural concord (class 2) cxample(24)

(b)

(.)

(0)

KJvcti na kina nimivililki. KI-vetl na b-1nI nI·m!-a-vililll:.l 7·woman and 12-child FOC-2·TNS-faIl·FV. The woman and the ehi ld fell

(b)

*KJ-vetl III ka-In! ni·ka-a-v6lilll:-t. 7· woman and 12-child FOCTNS-12-faU-FY.

(0)

*KJ·ved oa ka-lnl ni·kJ-a-v6lilll:-i. 7-woman and 12-chlld FOC-7-fall-FV.

,.)

Kivetl na miblyambU nimUlhwt. K-veli na mil-nyllmbO. ni·mA-a-A!h-w-a. 7-woman and 3· lion FOC2-TNS-shoot-PAS-FV. The woman and the lion were sbot.

(b)

*K1-vetl na mil-nylmbil ni·wA-a-4th-w-i.. 7-woman and 3-lion FOC-3-shOOl-PAS_FV.

(0)

*K1-vctl na mil-nylmbil nI-Id-a-t\th.w-4. 7-woman and 3-lion FOC-7-shoot-PAS-FV.

Miinylmbii ria king'tng'1nI_syUthwt..

Mii-ny!mbil ria ki-ng'Ang'i ni· i-!-!th-w-i. 3-lion and 7-crocodile FQC.. IO-TNS-sboot-PAS-FV. the lion and the crocodile were sbot.

Compound NPs in Kikamba present a more complex agreement phenomenon than in Kiswahili. This is because, as we said above, in terms of agreement forms Kikamba nouns are not categorised into animate versus inanimate as is the case in Kiswallili. Compound NP structures in Kikamba show the following patterns ofagrcemcnt features . I. Compounds involving two human nouns yield class 2 verbal concord (the human plural class) regardless of the variation in the nominal prefix morphemes of the individual nouns (example (23) below).

(.)

"'i-vuIru na ka· lamu nl-T-a-valilk-a. 5-book and 12-pen FQC..5-faJl·FV.

-I-vuIru na ka-lamu nl-\r:a·valilk-L S-book and 12-pen FQC.. 12-fall· FV.

We need to add that the examples above are not exhaustive but they are representative of the phenomenon being discussed. For example, we may have nccdcd 10 show that sentences that take the plural conconl form ofone of the conjuncts arc iIIfonncd. too. To explain why, for example, in (24) a human and a non-human take the human plutal concord we need 10 say something about feature computation and about the wUversa1 hieran:hies with rrfcrcocc 10 agreement features. We wi ll begin with the former. Corbett (1983) examined the problem. ofagrttment involved in coordinated NP sll\lClUfes and outlined rules which determine the forms 10 he used in this situation. 1lICse rules are termed as "resolution rules" or "feature computation rules". TIle fealures of the conjoined NPs whlch may require reso lution are: person, number and gender (class). Corbett points out that person and number show little variation across languages in their resolved fomu. while gender resolution ''II is pot.Sible 10 argue !bat • cvqxlUDd of two .,.;mate !IOUIIS taka d ... 10 ~ whiJe • a.mopowd of two inanimatts ~ clQf 8 concords; but \be difforu/ly we ","ve c:omo across is tballbe ym.aJ alDCOIds for the two el_ in J(ibmb. are the wne ~tally and IOIIlUy. However 011 \be basis of tile Kilwahi~ exI"l'le 21. where • cvqxlUDd or two inanimate _ is treated as 0IIe class 8 IIOUIl, "'" will _animate ~ utlus lOan
"

shows great diversi ty.,

So~e .languages have gender reso lution rules that an: basically syntactic,

others ~Iy ~ ~tJC ptUlClpies, yet others show iolClesting combination of !he syntactic and semantlC prtOClples. Gender resolution ruJa are thus 001: universal. In penon resolution, typically the rust person takes precedeoce over !be second person and !be ~ .person takes precedence over lbe third person. Person resolution is required w~ the conjoined NPs are prDDOUIlS. The sentences given below show that Kikamba follows thiS gcncml tendency. 27.

Nyit nakU DitwivAJUkL Nyit na-kU Di-til-a-vjIUk-A. I and-you FOC-Ipl-TNS-fall_FV. You and I feU.


(b)

TypicaUy Bantu languages adopt !be semantic principle. In most of these languages the tllust important issue is wbetbcr a noun refers 10 a human or oon-hwtw!; to an animate or

Nyit nue nitwAvahlki. na-ke ni-til-a-valiik-i. J aod-]sing FOC-lpl-TNS-faIl_FV. He/she and I fell.

Itlilnirnate, in-espective of the form of!be class prefIX. This feature is exemplified in Kikamba ttl examplc (23 a) above. In this sentence !be two nouns ~ 'woman' and k!!:l! 'child', are trum different classes and though they arc both buman, DODt of them belongs to the human d:lss ( 112) yet because both of them have the semantic feature {+bumanJ, the resolved form is a dan 2 concord. (The assumption here is that number resolution precede gender resolution, If gender resolution prcce
N~

(c)

W~ nake nimw.lvtlUkL W~ na-ke ni.mtl-a-vilU1:--a. You IIIld-himlher FOC-2pl-TNS-faU_FV. He/she and you fell .

(d)

Wi! nake nImav!lilkA. Wi! na-ke ni-ma-Av4Iilk_A. He/She and-birwbcr FOC-]pl_TNS-falI-FV.

Example (24) gives anochcr inslallCe where geodcr resolUlioo can be seen 10 have taken place. In this sentence a compound NP comprising a buman and a non-human lakes the h~n

In (27 a) a compound Subject of first person singular and second person singular attmcls fi t person plural concord, in (27 b) the verb takcs .fllSt person plural coocord and in (27 c) the v: takes ~ person plwal concord. FollOWIng Corbcn we can adop( the follOwing ............ resolution rules for Kikamba. ..... ~ L tfthe tonjuncts include farst person the farst person agrccmcnt fonns will be used 2. If the conjuncts include a second person the 5C(:0Dd

'""'.

Gender resolution is complex even in languages where conjunction of nouns from ,Iillcrcnt gender classes is acceptable. It is usually possible for agreement to occur with one of th,- conjuncts thus avoiding the resolution rules (for details on this see Gazar 1983:176f1). When gender resolulioo takes place it may follow two distinct principles: n.e semantic l'tlnciple or lbe synlaCtic principle. Resolution by the semantic principle involves reference ~ lh,: meaning of the conjoined elements and disregard for their l)'Iltac1ic gender. The synlaCUc I'fltlCiple refen to the syntac:tic gendttofthe conjoinc
person agncmenl forms will be

Condition: Rule I applies farst (Gaulac 198]:176)

COl\COrd (class 2) in agreement with the verb. Wc want to propose that some form ofrcsolUlion has taken place. Fint there is the number resolution which comes up with a plural NP. After this the gender resolution nmks the semantic feature [-+human) higher than noo-buman and thus the buman concord is chosen for agreement. In cases where two noa-buman animate or two inanimate nouns arc conjoined, the resolution rules plaCCl the conjWJCI into the appropriate semantic superordinatc fann: 'animals' or ·things' respectively as cxan:aples (25 a) and (26) above sbow, The agreement pattern in (25) is similar to the agreement panem in (28) where the NP is m::!m.. ' animals' while the agreement features in (26) oorrespond to !hose in (29) whose subject NP is IXiosL ·things'.

(28)

Nyamil nisyMthwA. N-yarnil nJ·l-a-!th·w-l l-animals FOC-IO-TNS-shoot-PAS-FV. The animals were shot.

(29)

Syindil nisyAvAJilIc1. SyT-ndil ni-i-!-vaIUk-A. 8-things FOC-8· TNS-fall-FV. The things feU.

~ above resolution rules can be replaced by the (allowing statement: Agreement rules take the person features of the bighest conjunct in the hierarchy. Ist > 2nd > ]rd .

~iS

means that the third perwn agreement forms will only surface when both eonjuncts are u.ird person e.g. (27 d). Nwnber. resolution is complex only in languages whicb distinguish more that two

n~bcr categones. KiJcamba distinguishes only between plural and singular and the examples gtvcu snow that a compound NP is treated like a plUJ1ll by agreement rules. 62

Thc gender resolution rules for Kikamba thus, are: I. tfall conjunCIS arc human then use class 2 concords. 2. tfone of!be conjuncts is human use class 2 concords.

"

3. If the conjuncts are non-human but animalC usc class JO concords. 4. (fboth the conjuncts are inanimate use class 8 concords." Again the above rulcs can be replaced by a Slalement that states that: Subject.verb agreement rules in a ~ NP are sensitive to the highest nominal in the hierarchy: Hwnan > Animate >inanima1C.

Thcse examples point to the oonclusioo that the noun cannot govern adjective agreement ~ " coojtmction. In the well formed NPs (30 a) and (31 a) the adjective a~t ~es Ulto Ill:oount the features of the ooun closest to it. In example (32) only ~ IS big. The sctltence does DOt share the ambiguity ofits English IranSlation ~ a big cup and a spoon~.

Following Crubett we propose that the forms used for gender resolutions are those which have semantic justification and that in all the instances observed in Kibmba, the moti vation favoured by resolution rulcs is semantic. The sub-divisioll of resoIutilln rules into person, number and gender was ollly for explanatory purposes. III IGkamba the class prefuc: is a complex of semantk and syntactic features.

The other agreement pbenolllCOOtl which presents an intcm;ting picture in Kikarnba is the one between adjectives and DOWlS in conjoined NPs. As we have shown above for the purpose of subjocl·vab agreemetlt, a compound NP is treated as a plural, thai is , whateVer other features are considered the cboice of the VCfbaI coocord needs of necessity to be drawn from a plural DOUD. class. With adjective concord however, the proximity 10 the modifM:d noun plays an importanl rolc in selecting which of the conjoined nouns will determine the adjectival concord form. Consider the sentences below.

(30).

(31)

(a)

MWilro na Idveti kIthOkU Mil-liro na ki-veti ki-thOkU I-girl and 7-woman 7-bad A girl and a bad woman

b)

-Mil-TIro na Jd·veti mil-thiIkU I-girl and 7-woman l-bad

c)

7MiI-J1tiI lUI kI-veti a-thilkU I-girl and 7-woman 2-bed

(a)

K1k6m~nakislko ~17

Irboth k1k2m1!!; 'cup' and kllik2 'spoon' are big the NP will be thus: (32)

(b)

KI-k6m~ kJ·~ na kJ-slko 0 kJ-nene 7-cup 7-big and 1-spoon also 1-big A big cup and a big spoon

1llesc NPs will however be considered

IS ODe

unit for subject-verb ag;reemtnt at clause

level. We hope that the discussion given above has been representative of the issu~ we raised in the beginning of this sub-SectiOIl concernillg the feahUeS of a noW! that arc taken UltO ac<:Olillt by agreement rulcs. 3.2.!.2 ObjKt Agreemtlll In the section above we dealt with agreement between the subject NP and the verb. We now tum to the ag;reemtnt between the object NP and the verb. In Bantu languages where the basic position of the object can be occupied by a series ofnominal, and in ~ a~ of.overt case marking or elaborate adpositions the need to define wba! counts as an object ~ a parnc~lar language becomes impentive. Research in Bantu languages has focused OIl dcfmmg the obJecl properties a particuIar nominal should po$SCSs to count lS.a direct object. What has 00( been clear is whether any generalisation can be stated ~g the fate of ~ other ~tverbal nominals when one has been chosen as the direct object . We are not gomg to consIder the issue of whether Kikamba count! as a double object language, or not, in this section. For the purpose of agreement we will dcfme objKI in terms of basic word order as a postverbal nominal which can be cross-referenced on the verb by an affix coming between the tense morpheme and the verb stem". 1be q\lC$tiOll of which ora series o~postverbal ~Ps bas access to these properties will be COrlSidered in subsequent chapters. We Will now Consider the factors SUfJ'OIIIlding the occurrence of an affix on the verb morphology which cross-references an object (object-verb ag;reemtnt).

K1-k6m~ lUI kl-slko kI-n/!nt! 7-cup and 1-spoon 7-big A cup and a big spoon

b)

(32) a) K1·k~ kJ·nene na kJ·slko 1-cup 7·big and 7-spoon

7KI-k6mbC na kI-slko i-ner,e 7-cup and 7-spoon 8·big

'"w~ MVC deliben!cly avoided.. ~ iDvolvinl .. animare ( __ bwnan) ..... an inmimIIIe IKIWI bocIuie Ibm il no .....y oh.'!ina whicb ooncord is UKd ..... .. we sm..rove cllU clau 10 w.WJ 030C0rd0 ohare the _ form.

'"Jumeuyi ( 1m) propoKd IbII ~ _ . ck:d>Ie....;..:t ........ ~ ~_ ..... 1'06UI ( 1984) ~ argue that (laC of!be teIIIaICeI 11M a direct object ....... indirt>d ....;..:t ole ibI: o1IM:r bao a okrivedot;ectand. cboiDeur(_ Blab: 1990:$1-53 for _dn<;u5sioa ohhillOlutioa).

''The fact thai the two DOUDS in the coqjunccioa btloag 10 ooc noun class Ie4Ids 10 the cxpcctatioa thai 11M: modiflel' can be IlSOd for boIh (Ii:oce il -area willi boIh) but this is nolibe case in Kikamba.

"This ruIcs DIll • poIlpOIed sut;ect becauae in suclI a case the croawfm'lleinl tlealenl will precede !he IttIIt maker in !be vab tnOTpboIOII)'.

a .....

"

In some Bantu languages object agreement occurs both when the object is overt and when it is not, (Makua Stucky ( 1985», in other languages the object prtflX cannot co-occur with the overt object IlOWl ( Sbooa), while in others object agreement may be syntactically oplional bul obligatory in certain semantic environments (lGswahili). The object preflX in Kikamba is present in the following circwnstanccs: I. ProDOmlDaliudon: When the object DOlIn is replaced by a pronoun in the appropriate discowsc: context, the feature of number and gender/class are copied 011 the verb in terms ofa prefix and the proooun is obligalOrily dclctcd.lO 2. Left-dlsklutkln: When the object NP is prcposed. its number and geoderlclass features are obligatorily marked on the verb in the object prefix slot as in (33) below.

(33)

(a)

(b)

It is interesting to note that sentcncc:s with the overt full .pronoun form ~ object .NP musl of necessity havc the object marker for well·fOfTDCdness. While, sent~es wIth ~ object prefIX and lacking the pronoun object NP will be well·formed, the ~~ IS nol. possIble ~c.g 35 c). When !be object NP is a fun lexical NP there is the syntactic ophon of leavmg the object prefor:. oul (see cumple (34 a). Coosidcr the examples below. (34)

K!nI, kIveti n1kyik0n!. b.·AnI kJ·veti nI·kJ·'·]d-6n..a J2-child 7-woman f"OC..7-TN5- l2·see-FV The child, the woman saw il.

a)

IGveti nI ky66n6 ldIoI. !{j·ved nI·Jd..'-6n·' b.·Ina. 7.womao FQC..7-TN5-sec>FV 12-clUld. The woman saw a child.

(b)

Kivetl nIky&kbni kInI. !(j·veU ni-kH·]d..oo-6 ka-lnl. 7.woman FOC-7·TNS-12-sec>FV 12-child. The woman saw the child.

(0)

Kivetl n1kyAk6ml.. Ki·vetl ni·Id·A·kA-6n-6. 7.woman FOC_7_TNS_ 12·see-FV. The woman saw hcr/him'it (cI.1 2)

(a)

Kivetl nlkyitw€m! Ithyi. Kl· ved ni·kj·'-tUOn·llthyi. 7-woman FQC..7.TNS·2pI-see·FV us. The woman saw us.( wi th emphasis on the object.)

(b)

KIveti nikyt.1w0ni. KI-veti ni· kJ..a·tiI-6n·&. 7-woman FQC.7-TNS.2pl-soe-FV. 1be WomaD saw us.

(c)

·lGveti nIky66nllthyi.

• ka-tnJI Ia·vetl ni·kJ·a..(m·'

l2-child 7-woman fOC.7-TNS·see·FV Example (33a) where the fronled object is Cl"05s·rcfcrenccd on the verb is wcll formed while (33b) without the object affix turns out iIl· fonned.

3. Object AiJ"ftmtot: This is usually used to cover the cases where an ohj cct NP still in its base position is accompanied by an object prefix.. In languages like Kiswahili the object prefix is obligatory when the object NP is animate but in K.ikamba the factors determining the C(H)C(:WTe!ICt of a non-dislocated object and the object prefix ~ main ly pragmatic. Givon (1975) argued that the presence or absence of the object prefix in Bantu is dctcnnincd by the topicality value of the objec1 NP. Topicality in tum is dctcrminc:d by the interaction of semantic and pnlgmatic hierarchies. Givon's tbesis is that agn:emeol, whether subject·verb or object·verb, is agreement with an NP which has the potential of being a topic. This then means that object NPs that present giveo information 01" that ~ de finite will of necessity attract the agreement prefix. A dcfmite NP has very high topicality features and human nouns h.J,ve more poteotial of being ' giveo information', dcfmite, beocfICiaries and topics. Therefore. this anaI)'5is predicts !hat there will be a correlation between hwnan objects and the presence of the object preflX. This prediction is seen 10 be true in that (as we have saki above) there are Bantu Ia~ges that have obligatOf)' object agreement when the object is hurnan(seealsoAllan 1982) '.

(35)

Kl·veti nI-W..(m-l fthyi. 7-woman fOC..7-TN5-see-FV us As was said above, (35 c) is iIl·formed because the etl\'hatic pronoun form is used without the accornpI1l1ying object prefix.. Thus prooorninal object must be cross-~ferenced on the verb when they do occur. This seems to support Givon's cLaim since: pronominals have the feature of being giveo or shared information and are therefore likely topics.

"Allan takes !be arJIIIIlleII' funber and atgUeI thaI !be Kiswahili object prefix is. prDOOUII signall.iDa: !be objecI NP u foaIsed tOjlK. What is ~t for us ~ is !be uniform treatmeDt of !be faclln deCnminilll !be presence of tbe objoo:t pAlm. Issues on the calegorial mIllS of !be object pR"fi~ will ~ taken up in a..pter S.

"

67

3.3 CODclusion

Cblpler 4 Tbt Prooominal System In this chapter we have examined a~t reatures in Kikamba. The fonns ofvarious agreement morphemes were giVCD and their relationship with the semantic and morpbosyntactic features of the NP that triggers a~t was discussed. The account given on this sub;ject strongly suppons Treece's proposal that ftagreement panems and lexical noun classes must be treated Scpan!tely 10 allow rules controlling agreement morphology to refer to scma.tltics, syn~ , morphology and lexieal CBtegories thus avoiding missing generalisation and significant semantic distinc:tioos (freece ( 1986: 165). The faetQf5 determining the presence Of absence of the object marker in the verb COfl1Ilex were discussed and exemplified, ft

In the next chapter we will describe the pronominal system in Kikamba taking up some of !he issues that were raised in this chapter concerning pronominal objects,

4,1 latrodadion The pictwe presented by the pronominal system of a typical Bantu language is I1ltcrosting, Consider the Kikamba examples below.

"'

~ ninakoml.

(.J

Nyie ni-n-t·ko-m-i.. I FOCIp-TNS-s1eep-FV. I have slept, (b)

NiJlikomA Ni-n·J·kom-t FQC-Ips-sleep-FV I have slept,

(oj

Kl:! nlkyAkcnni

(dJ

- """'"

K ~ D -k ....·kom-i 7-TtI F6c.:j.TN5-skep-FV II is sleeping.

it has slept (c l 7)

ml; nIwik0rn4

('J

il~ nJ·il-A·kom-A

3·il FOC3-TN5-sleep-FV,

(0

Ni!!iJ«xnl. it has slept (ci 3)

(g)

Mwno nllD6tnM nakwl Mwno nJ·ij·n6en!..a na-Uwl Mwno FOCI- talk-FY with·me Mwno talks with me

l

The underlined in (a). (e) and (e) are what is known 85 'emphatic' ,pronouns while in (b). (d) and (I) we bave subject.vetb Igreement forms which are also present,? (I). (c). ~ ~e), We, ~ that when the persooal prooouns an: used following the par11c1cs f!! With and 11. like', I form is used as in (g). In (1g) the particle D!! "with" is ~ and the form of the first person pronoun used is . . rather than the fuJI independent form IOO£,

:::erent

I'lbil p!I.lIICI'IIIan~ tbebumID DOUIIID JI(lIaId. . 7.

"'This may I«IIl 10 Jll&&e!ol cue distioo;:tioos but e:wniIIatioo of 0Iber Ianguag~ data rules case out of

..

tbeIe VIriItionI D foon.

"

The Literatw'e on prooornioaI systems in Bantu languages is filled with inconsistencies especially on the distinction of pronouns and agreement morphemes. This is partly be<:ause of the characteristic fealure of the languages (that the languages have a distinct prefIX, on the verb, identifiable with a particular nominal and that they further allow the deletion of proOOWlS) and partly because oftbe upproachcs employed by early scholars on the subject. Most earlier studies in Bantu were concerned with word identification in their approach to Bantu prooominaIs. 11le sbortcoming of a word identification approacb in Bantu bowever, is that where the pronoun subjects and'or objects have been omitted a problem of distinguishing between agrc:c:mc:nl morphemes and pronouns arises. Most analyses therefore, coded with dual acccunts fOl" certain fonN. Doke (1964) for CXllJtlIle' classified the qualificarive4 as pronoun when it does 001 cooccur with a referential NP and as a mere qualificative when it co-occurs with a referential NP. Wilkes (1976)' oppnses the view that nominal modifiers may substitute for nouns and function as heads of NPs. He argues that these elcments obtain pronominal status through the application of a pronominalisatioo lransfonnation. The general approach in Wilkes however, accords verbal concords the status of pronominal- referential foons, on the basis of the historical developments oftbe f()[JJl!l arguod for in Giv60 (1972). The question of distinguishing berwem the verbal concords and pronouns bas confronted several. Bantu linguists. Though, there has not been much controversy over the status of the noun class agreement prefixes on other noun modifiers. (they are oormally analysed as agreement/cross-referencing morphemes), the suhject and object marlr:ers are sometimes analysed as agreement preflXcs and at other times as clitic pronouns. They are comidered agreement prefixes when the subject andIor object NPs are overt, but pronouns when the 5Ubjectlobject NPs are missing. This approach is typical of the object-verb agreement prefix which rarely c:o-occun with the object nominal in most Bantu languages. Gregerson (1967) like Wilkes does DOl see the need and does not propose a procedure: for distinguishing pronouns from certain coocordia.I morphemes;

The distinction between pronouns and concordial clements is often hard to draw in Bantu Languages. and one must conclude, I think that they constitute a morphological ContinUlUD not only historically, but synchronically as well. For this reason I sometimes call cenain concordial cleme:ots pronouns. Gregerson (1967:25) Ziervogel (1973), however sees the need for distinguishing the two and gives !be following as the difference. The difference between a concord or a pronominal prefix and a proooun is: The fOfYll is a prefixal formative whose pronominal intent lies in its derivation &om. the corresponding class prefix but can never be a word or the root ofa word; the Proooun on the other hand also derives from the class prefix and hence also has a pronominal intent, but its prooominal element forms the radical elcment to which prefixes or sufflXCIi or both are affixed to distinguish various pronouns. Ziervogel (1973:65)

-

If. however, verbal prefixes are analysed as ag:reemtDt markers f~ every ~, the question will then arise of whet they agree with in cases where Ihe subject and or Ihe object NP are missing. Visser (1987), worldng within the GB theory, tries to address the question o~ what agreement markers agree with in ~ absence o~ the argumenl NPs. He argues a~1/lS1 an analysis that classifies subject and object markers m BanIU as pronouDS. He anaIyset. subJect and object markers as agreementaffues in all tbeir oo;urrences and ~ts for the arguments agree with in structures lacking oven subject Of object NPs by po5ltmg the empty category pro m these suucrures., thad)y proposing that Xhosa (and Bantu in general) to be PrO-dl"(lP or DUDl ubJ«tl.anguage in the sense ofGB.

ttx:Y

In this chapter we are going to di~s the ~minal . system in ~ba within .the context of the general studies on prooommab. We will outline. the fonns. ~th pronominal func-tion in K.ikamba, discuss Ihcir relation to one IUlOIher and exammc the ~Iltons they ~ in !he syntax of!be language. V>!e will finall~ ~ the rele-:'ance of the Itt~ture emanalmg from !be Government and Binding Theory's mteTeSl m pronominal forms, (speclfically the prodrop parameter) to the Kikambl facts. 4.2 ProDomiDaJ formt In Kikamba . . On the basis offonn, linguists distinguish the follOWIng pronoun types In Bantu:

I. l...elI.ical or full pronouns. 2. Bound pronouns. ~ 3. affixes aOO'or clitic pronouns. Lexical or full Pronouns are known by. variety of names. Some scbolan refer to Ibem as independent pronouns (BenneU 1986) while others, .f~us~g on their usage: cal~ these forms emphatic pronouns. This group of pronouns further dI VIdes mto two groups'. m Kikamba. The CGDCGrdial full pronouns and the D(lD-CGuCGrdiaJ full ~. Tbe concordial orclass-marked pronoWlS comprise an invariant root and !be concordial morpheme of !be cross refen.:nced nominal. In !be Bantu languages with bound pronouns, the lauer may have a morphological relationship with the full prooouns or they may be totally unrelated. The bound ~ forms are used in particular syntactic environment in which the full pronouns are excluded. Kikamba has bound pronoun forms for only the oon-concordial full pronouns. The third group of forms usually classified as Prooouns comprises forms whic~ 00. not exist independeDt of a bost. Amoo& these ~II be !he verbal agreement afiixes which m a semantic approach may be analysed as prooommais.

'Citul in Viaerjl981:I6)

'Dote usa !be

......

ICrm

'10 Vissa"( 1981:20).

70

quaIificaI:i~ 10 ~ !be

(au... of. 8djectives. relatives. CIIWI1n"I.li_ MOt

w:we

~e II5e \be optioo ltIdIor beause $OI!le Imgwtl hIve.nalyted agrmnem ~ at ditics otben .still bokIiDg to !be r.ct !bII these fmnativct are apemmI ~ ..x«d them a ]X1XlOIl1inaI

-

71

Where demonstratives, delemlincrs, quantifiers, qualifiers, relativisers. ... , are classified as prODOUIlS they wiD be grouped. em the basis of form. in the sub-elass of indepeDcicnl coocordial pronouns in Bantu languages. Below we examine and exemplify these types as !bey occur in KWmbo.

4.1.1 NOIM:ODcordJaJ ProIlOUO. Distinctions have been made between prooouns that show agreement with the crossreferenced DOminaI and tbo5e that show DO agreement It all. In the group of the DOII-«InCOrdiaI prooouns in Ki.kamba. we have basically the pasonai prooouns. The forms of these prooouns are given below. (2).

(3). CoocordiaJ pronouns.

N~"""

p"fu-roo<

1 2

"'yw!

J

mO(ma-o)

1
C OIKOrd.laI ProDOUDI

Eacb of the 17 noun classes in Kikamba bas a fuU prooouo associated with il. We will refer 10 this group IS the impersooal prooouns (Ihough they can be used 10 refer to human nouns which fall in classes otbc:r than 112). This makes the system ~Icx, for example if one wishes to cross-reference the human DOUIl "woman" in Kibmba ~ there are two optlOll5 open: I. usc the class 7 concontial pronouns form .k.I!! (kJ-o); 2. usc the third person linguJarpfOOOWl form Option (I) will be used if reference to the noun is oon-specific that is 10 an indefinite member of tha! class of nouns (a generic use). Thus if a mechanism for recovering the DOUIl rcfc:rrOO to was to be employed the features of a class 7 noun would be recovcn:d and then the semantic and pragmatic context would lead to the choice ofliiY£ti.

m.

Pronoon

I' 2

~oo

m<>

J

0-0

w',

1-0

y<>

1-0

y'

=-0

m<>

_

This group of pronouns prcsenlll a Sd of substitutional. words which have a relationship with demonSlJlrivcs in thc language. 7 The first person is the speaker, the second person the listener, and the third person is the non-participant. The first and the second person forms are, as il were, more ccnlJll to the personal pronoun system than thc third person fonn. In Kitamba, the fIrSt and second person fonns are complctely independent of noun class. The third person fonn however, falls in between the coocordial and oon-concordial pronouns. While the third penon singular fonn falls in the non-concordial group, i.e it is an indivisible fann, the plural fann comprises the invariable root (-o) used wi th the concordia] pronouns and a class 2 pronominal coocord MI-. 1bis split characteristic of the third person pronoun form is not peculiar to Kikamba but is found in many languages. For example EngIisb pronouns cany the fealW'CS, person, number, case and gender and while the third person singular shows gender distinctions, the third person plural tacks this gender distinctioos.

4~1

Option (2) is taken if the pronoun is used to refer to I specific woman (one who the listener is assumed to know by name). A recovery mechanism would recover fearures ofa class one noun (the class with most hwnan nouns and all proper name: DOtIlIS) and the semantic and pragmatic ~ts would point to the specific name. . The iropersonal prooouns ~ an invariable root [-0) and the prooommal concord of the noun class of the cross-refereoced noun. The following is I list of the fOlTllS from all the classes.

, , 6 7

ldoO

ky'

8

si-o

9

1-0

'"

iO

si-o

.y<>

y'

12

....

13

ruoo

.w,

I'

0-0

w',

l'

....

16

WoO

17

"-0

kG

kw',

"

kw"

The list gives nine distinct class marked pronouns in Kikambll as iIIustrnted in (4) below.

'DmloNtrJotiva ill Kikarrtt.. _ three dimensional.; proximaIe II> !be speaker. prorimale II> tbo Listener and -..pro:
73

The 9 distinct concordiaI. pronouns.

(4)

NOUNCLASS

PRONOUN

2,'

m
3, 14

W.

4,5,9

yO

7

kyO

S,IO

12

.

'Y'

J3

OW,

15, 17

kw'.

I'

""

the verb rool, a position reserved (or the object agrocment prefix. This seems to suggest a pronominal slalUs (or the reflexive aff~ An.analysis in this line will, bowever, need to explain why the reflexive aflix does DOl mcodc noun class features like the other pronominal affixes. One possible explanation for this wouJd be that the foml bas undergone historical changes. This would suggest that at a particuJar slase in the development of the language every cLassfpcrsoo lIad a distinct form to mark reflexivity but these were generalised to the invariable class 5 or 9 form. If this claim were 10 hold true, the reflexive marker would be treated as an object prerlX whose pronominal object has been •dropped' as is the case with prooominaI NPs in Kikambe (we will deal with this phenomena in detail in the following section). We can use three tests to determine wether this form is pronominal and therefore an argument of the verb, or it is a verbal extension and therefore part of the derivational morphology affecting the verb. lbeselm:: i)Positioo in the verbal morpbology. ii)lts effect OIl the imperative verb fonD. Hi)lts co-
4.l.3 RtOeJive ProDOUns In a Pf1;gmarica1ly DCUtraI sentcnee in Kikamba, reflex.ivity is marked oot by a lexical Item but by an affix ± prefur.ed to the verb root as in (S).

It was pointed out in Chapter 2 above that pronominaJ affixes in Kikamba typically precede the verb rootIstem with those reJaring to subject coming before the tense and those related to the object following the tense mart:er and therefore laking the position inunediately before the verb root/stem. (5) above shows that the reflexive marker takes the position typically taken by the object afJiJl;es in the language. Thus in tenns of this test the reflexive marker is structunllly a prooomind, The second test ooneems the form the imperative verb form will take in the presence of the reflexive affix. In the presence of a pronominalafJiJl; the imperative takes $' instead of!!. as the final vowel This is: the result of a change to subjunctive mood. Consider the exaJlllles below:

(5)

(6),

In terms of usage the full pronouns, (both the coooordial and the non-concordial) have been caUed emphatic pronouns because they normally occur ovenly in emphatic structures.

.

(a)

(b)

(c)

NgftlniyffiUnA.

(.)

N-gfti ni-i-a-i-ilm-l..

(bJ

9-dog FOC-IO-TNS--refl-bite.FV.

(,)

The dog bit himse lf.

(dJ

KAnA nik6CfunA. ka-AnI ni-ka-a-i-ilm-A. 12-child FOC- 12-TNS-refl-bite.FV. The child bit himlherself.

MutUa niw6eilml. MutUa ni-u-i-l-ilm-L MutUa FOC-I-TNS--refl-bite-FV. MutUa bit himscli

The reflexive marker in Kikamba, .:b stwes some features with the verbal extensions in the languag? in that its presence seems to derive a verb with one ~tlcss than the base verb. Thus this affil[ seems to decrease: the IIfglUTICIlIS of the verb like the reciprocal and the passive verbal extensions. Without the reflexive affIX the sentences in (5) above will be iII-fonned

(oj (Q

Kim!

' Boo' ' beat (rcciprocalY ' beat (passiveY Miikiin~ 'beatllim'ber' MAlu1nwe ' let them be beaten' 'beat yountl!'

""""" Kiln"

""'"'

The di fference between (lI,b ,c) on one hand and (d and e) on the other is that the Latter have

pronominal prefixes on the verb and these have the effect of changing the final vowel. Example (f) shows that the reflexive affix bas the same effect as the pronominal affIXes while the veIDaJ. extensions. passive and reciproea~ in (b) and (c) do DOt have this effoct Thus this lest shows that the reflexive Iffllt is a pronominal. The third test concerns the presence or absence of a fuJ I pronoun with a reflexive meanirJg. ru we will show below, the full pronouns obligatorily surface in sentences marked for emphasis. thus co-occurring with the pronominal affIXes. This IIJCIIM that if the reflexive affix is analysed

as pronominal we would then expect that the full form of the reflexive will surface in emphatic sentences. Consider the examples below.

be<:.ause a lrlInsitive verb will be lacking IUl objcct. However, unlike the other verbal el[tcnsions, whICh come after the vem root, the reflexive affIX occupies the position immediately preceding

"

75

(7 i)

(a)

N-gTti niyCeUmA yO mbml. N-gTti ni-T-li.-i-llm-I i-O II~. 9-dog FOC-9-TNS-refl-bite-FV 9-it 9-self. The dog bit bimself(DOI anything/one else.)

(b)

K!nI nik~ kO~. Ka-lnl nT-lUi·a-T-i1m-I ka~ ka~ 12-ebild FOC-12-TNS-refl-bite-FV 12-seJ[ The child bit benelf. (DOl anyone else)

(c)

Mwilrmil nTwO&mI wf mwme. Mii-AnmO nJ-(l.j-l-llm-a wf mU~. 1-leaCher FOC-I-TNS-refl-bitc-FV be l -self. The teacher bit bimself(not anyone else).

(8) . Bound pronouns. p-

singular

I 2 3

(9)

(I)

P1=1 -itO

We withailkli. nakwl.

We ii-i-tbIi.ilk.j na-akwl. you 2 sg-TN5-play-FV with-me. You(sg) are playing with me.

The senteoces in (7 i) show that the phenomenon is DOt as simple as it appears initially. In these senlcDCeS the language employs a fnl:(:hanism which makes use of the full concordial pronoun corresponding 10 the subject NP and the corresponding fonn of ~ the root of the form

analysed to mean ·self. Sentences with:m£. bUl without the full pronoun fonn are iU-fonncd, (7 ii) below).

(10)

(b)

-We wi-thli.Uk.j nail nyie. you 2sg-TN5-play-FV with me.

(a)

!tina kli.kf. KA-tna kII.-li.-kt. 12-child l2-of-m. hislber cbild

(b)

. ka-Ii.na kA-a· wl! 12-child 12-ofher.

(7 iil. (.) (b) «)

- N-gTtJ niyt!C{jrn! mbeM. - MwAIIm(l niwtcUma mwmt. - KIna nikUilmII

k~m!.

The coocordial pronoun without the ~ fonn is iU-fonned in the intended meanini. This Mlows that the whole phrase 'X-....:i:D&' forms the emphatic refleJ(ive pronotm and the presence of this form points again 10 I pronominal analysis of the Kikamba reflexive affix. The other interesting feature of the reflexive affix is that it allows the full pronoun to be omitted even though this Iffix does DOt eocode the pc:rsoWcla.ss features said to pennit proooon drop. We wiU diSCU5S the Ittention given to this fearure in a later sectioo.

4.2." Bouad l'nIoOUJIS The bound prooouns are used with the particles 11: and lIil: and with the I -link consttuctioos lO . In Kikamba there is DO regular pbonetic relationship between the bound pronouns and the conespooding full pronouns. A list of the bound prooouns in JUkamba is given in (8) and their use is exemplified in (9) below.

The (b) enmples are ilI-fonned because the full pronoun instead of the bound fonn is used with !he particle ~ (9 b), or with the a-link (10 b). . the For the concordial prooouns tbcre are no bound fonns. Tbr:y occur III same orm

r.

with the particles and in a-link coostructions (see ~Ie I I below. (II)

N~ ninankni naky6. NyiC ni-n-t-~Ii. na-kJ-6.

J FOC-2sg-TNS-talk-FV with·7- iL I talked .....ith iIIber. 4.2.5 The Agrtemeot Aftlus

. Subject and object prefixes have been analysed. in many studies, as pronouns m .the abseoce of the NP which triggers agreement. Thill has been generally ~ ~ f~ ~ ob~ fix beca the: object NP and the object marker rarely~. This atttrudc: IS evident m : : use of such lIS Bennett's (1986) .independent Pronouns' ~h ~ggests that tbere are depeDdcnt prooouns in Bantu. The dependent pronouns in some Studies mclude more

:moolog)'

~ is possible with !be meaniog 'as for !be dog, it bil ~Jf. In IhiI ioterprelltioD!be fuUproooon fmn is not pN1 of!be ~fkxive but l post poeecI focusing device.

.-

10A.link 00Il$II'\Idi0II1M modifier phmeI whiclJ

"

set Ibeir _

from the .:l: thallioks !be IIlOdifin IIXI

77

than the bound pronouns discussed above. There arc theoretical issues underlying the status accorded the agreement afflltes. What is undisputed is that the affu.es pmvidc cross-reference infonnalion; infonnation about nwnbcr. gender and person, a functioo nonnaUy lIS$OCialed with pmDOUDS. The fonns of the subject and object agreement morpbcmes for all the classes arc

given in chapter 3 above. 4.2.6 ReclpfOdly LD Kikamba The common practice in Genentive theoretical lilenltl= grouped reciprocal and rdlcx.ive prooouns together. This is bocause the two prooominals are said 10 IICCC$5 their antccedeDt in similar manners (Chomsky 198 1; Bosch 1983). In most Bantu languages reciprocity and reflexivity tcod to be more of a feature of the verb than sepanttc pronominal dements. Howeva, we have ehosen 10 discuss reciproca1s separate from refkltive bm close to the agreement affue:es because, while Ihe reneltive affix. is associated with a full pronoun. Ihe reciprocal affue: is. verbal elttension in . manner similar 10 that oftbc passive morpheme and is not related 10 any full pronominal fann in Kikamba. As the IICCOUIlt below will show reciprocals in Kikamba have lost their pronominal nature (if they bad any).

Here again as with the reflexive .tIU, the cp.icstion is whether the reciprocal affue: is pronominal and therefore an argwntnt of the verb, or it is a derivational affue: (a verbal exteMion) which deri ves a verb with a different argwnent structure from that of the simple verb. In tenns oflhe tests used for the reflexive affut above, the reciprocal bas no pronominal claim in Kikamba. It is invariable i.e. it does 001 refleet the peroon/IIOUD class features associated with pronominals in the language; it comes after the verb root and before tbe verb final vowel, a position reserved for derivational morphemes; it does not bring about the change in the final vowel which is expected of an impenuive associated with pronominal affix.es (see (1ii) above); there is no full pronoun with a reciprocal function, and finally the function of the reciprocal affu seems 10 be purely derivational, (see (16) below). In Kikamba. !be reciprocal affut,.::I!Il is sutlUod 10 the verb root ll and it has the effect of reducing the arguments of the verb by one. ( 16)

(a)

NgninIsyfiilmHIDI. N-gni oJ-i-i_ilm-i k-InL

I().dogs FOC-IO-TNS-bite-FV 12-clilld. The dogs bit the child.

(b)

NgIl'' ' ' ' ' ' '

N-gni nJ·i·/i-1lm-an-t.

l().dogs FOC- I0- TN'S-bite-REC-FV. The dogs bit each other ll .

''This ItIltmoe al$o bas !be inIeqnwioo \hal ·the doss bit an ot.;ect wbi<:h the speIker cbooIeI D(lIIO mm!im'. There _ _ 10 be two vnt>.l affIXes with the WDC funn:lll. One has • rt:cipnx:It 11M IIId ....." oo-occur with • plunJ ~ !be oIher 1:$ usod ill what KmlIII ( 1980)
.....

(0)

*Ngni nIsyailmL N-gni oJ-i-a-bA.

I().dogs FOC-I 0-TNS-bite-FV. What the reciprocal suffu scans 10 do is 10 suppress one of the verb's objects thus detnmsitivising. m;)Il(JIrBnsirive vern. (16 c) is ill-formed because. verb that subcategorises for an object is lacking one but in ( 16b) the pre:sencc of the rt:ci~.ffut makes. the diffc:rcoce. It is an inlCZ'CSting theoretical q uestion 10 find 001 whK:h objecI m • sentence WIth more than one post·verlJal NPs is ' suppressed' or ' absorbed' by the reciprocal .ffi.x. We will come back 10 this question in Chapter 1 when we look .t the features of the primaIy object in Kikamba. The major question conc:eming us bere, however, is whether the afflX:!Yl.. in its reciprocal usc ~ ~ analysed as a pronominal affu in a manner similar 10 that of agreement marlr:ers.. If It IS analysed as a pronominal affu, then the lISSwnption will be that it bas the function of the object of the vtrb. As we have indicated above. there are five reasons why this affix. will not be accorded a pronominal status in this study. First:!ll does nol occupy the object slot in the verbal lllOfJlbology. Secoodly, it is invariable (is not affected by the IlOWl class system like the other pronominal atfues in the language). Thirdly, there is no full pronoun associated with the reciprocaJ affut. The fourth reason is thai this affIX does not ~ffect the .~ti ve in the.~ predicted of pronominal aflix.es. Finally, though there 15 a POSSlblhty of anal)'llmg ~s morpheme as an argument of the verb in a manner similar to that adopted for the passIVe morpheme in recent OB based studies l\ the argument status so established would be theory specific. 5.2.1 Otber ' Prooouns' We mentioned above tbat many approaches 10 pronominal analysis include most forms of cross-referencing. By the term . other pronouns" we mean other word elasses that are aI times grouped in the class of pronouns. Acconting to Greenberg, ~a1 . pronouns are the .bas~c fotmS of that class. When the word pronoun is used without quallficallon the understanding ts thai il refers 10 personal pronouns. The othc:r fonns will have 10 be accompanied by a descriptive term, for e:u.mpk; deDJOlUtradn pronouns. The word elasses that fit in this wider group of cross-refermcing words in Kikamba are of. uniform IIIOfPhological Structure. They comprise \he pronominal morpheme of the ooun eross-refcreoced and the root of the word in cpestion.(see chapter 4 for eumples). In terms of the C1assiflCltion of pronouns given above, Ihese will be considered full eoneordial pronouns.

4.3 Functions or ProDOuns LD Klkambl Full pronouns can be left out in KIkamba and the basic meaning of the sentence retained. Below we are going 10 show how this phenomenon is manifested in Kikamba in sentences with prooominal subject, objects and bead of ooun phrase and then discuss the syntacti<: function of the full pronouns when they ocxur.

"See JcaggIi (1986), Roberts ( 1981), Saker ( 1988) and Af'arli ( 1989).

"

4.3.1 PronoUDS La Subj ect Posidoo Typically when the subject NP is a pronoun, it does DOt overtly appear in the sentence WlJess the sentence is marked for emphasis or unless the subject is contrastively focused on. This feature has led linguists to refer to the ful l pronouns in Bantu as t mphatk prODOUO!because their presence marks emphasis 0 0 the sentence. This is exemplified below.

(17)


(b)

(18)

(a)

Nyie niendA IdWil" Nyie n-i-eod-j 1d-w'U. J IsS·1NS-waot-FV 7·water. I want water. Mend! kIwu. N-l-cnd-i kJ-w'iI. Iss-want-FV 7-water. I want water.

1,,11 pronoun is left out. Thus this is the other environment in which the pronoun subja.:t h,.-~omes obligatory. This is iIlustnited in (20). I ~()) (a) Ninyie ngwends. kI-w'il. NInyie n-ktl-cnd-a kJ·w'U. foc I lsg_TNS_wanl_FV 7_water I want water. (It is I who wants water. (b)

Our examples of subject omission only COVei' instanec:s where !he subject is a pronoun. In the lileratu£C.. however. examples like (2 lb) and (22b) bavc been quoted as phenomena of snbjeoc1 omission. 121)

(19)

(a)

(a)

TWTend! ldw'ii. TU-T-cnd-i ki·w'iI. Ipl-TNS-want-FV 7·water. We want water. We wkDda!dw'tl. Wl. u-i-end-' ld-w'U. You 2sg·TNS-want-FV 7-water. You want water.

MwiIImu eendikIw'il. Mu-liltmil a·l-end-a ki-w'ii.

I-teacher I_TNS-want_FV 7-water. 1lic teacher wants water.

lthyftwiend.1kIwil. Ithyf !U·T-end-' kI-w'il.

We IpI-TNS-want.FV 7·water. We wanI water. (b)

-Nin.genda ki_w'O.16

(22)

(b)

Eeodi Idw'il. A-j-end-! kI-w'tl. I_TNS_wllllt· FV 7·water. He/she wants water.

(a)

MaoT oer& Idvlil. MO.-Oj a-l-eod-' !d.w'ii. l-eook I·TN5-wanl-FV 7-water. 1be cook wants water.

(b)

EendA kJ-w'il. A-l-cnd-' kl·w'il

(b)

Wiend6 !dw'ii. il-T-cod-i Id-w'il.

2sS·1NS-want.FV 7·water. You want water. TypicaUy, in Banru, srruetures such as the (a) sentences in (17,18 and 19) above have been used to demonstrate the fact that pronominal subjects occur overtly only in sentences marked for emphasis and subjtCI focus while the (b) sentences are said to be ·neutral'. This conclusioa is however, only totally true for Bantu languages in which focus marking docs DO( involve the use of particles, for example Kiswahili, but for languages with focus panieles like Kikamba, these sentences are only nwked for emphasis.

Sentences in which the pronomi.nal subject is contrastively focused are ill·formed iftbc '~ _ _ inalqlb 17_ ISl_foa.tsDOUl;nll ~IOMoibi (1988) \ben_tine b:us SIa1eS ill BaDIu; wtrtive OOIlttutive mel lid. C>ffocul. KikaaB marb foc\II by useoftbe ~IL IDd. its .t>smce in Ibete setlIebOeI sugge&lS lack C>ffocul.

80

I_ThlS-want_FV 7-water. We propose that Ibe (a) and (b) sentenceS in (21) and (22) are differenti~od.on diff~t pammetCB from those discussed above (17 (a) and (b». (18 (a) and (b» . While m our earher examples (17, 18 and 19) the difference was marked by the presence or ~~ of an overt proooun subject, and therefore the presence or absence of focus and or ~hI:'l~ ~ (21 a) .and (22 a) the subject is a full NP and the (b) sentences are ana1~ as hav:m~ a .\lllSSmg' sub~ 1lic iJll)licatiOD in studies that give these pairs as cvidcPec of R1h)Cd onllSSlOD 15 thai the subject of the (b) sentences is !be same as that of the (a~ sen~. We however, propose that the missing subjects oflbe (b) sentences is a pronoun, Gust like m the (b) sen~ .of examples (17, 18 and 19), anaphorK: with the subject of the (a) sentences at the appropnate dIscourse level: In other words what is missing in the (b) sentences of (21) and (22) is no~ the nouns mw~unil .teacbcf' and miiiii 'cook' but the oorrespoodin& ~~. ThIS s~ggcsts that m the absenee of an overt subject only I proDOWI subject mtcrpretatlOD IS called for (m I sentence level

"""""'). 81

4.3.1 Pronount ill O bject Poorion Given that sentcncc:s with overt proOOWl subjc:ct are more likely to occur than sentences with overt pronoun objects. the object prefix has been analysed as a clhic pronoun. However. as the examples below show, sentences with ovm pronouns in object posiliOO5 are possible in Kikamba. In line with the analysis of subject pronouns developed above and following Allan (1982) we will propose tbat the pronoun object is present when the object is emphasised Of focused. Consider the eumples below. (23)

(a)

(b)

(24)

KJveti nlkyikw6DA wf. KJ-veti oJ·kJ-&-kIl-0n4 ~ 7-woman FOC-7-lNS-2sg.see-FV you. Tbc woman saw you. KJveti nIkyikw6nL KI-vcri nJ·kJ....·kiI-6n_1. 7·womao FOC-7-lNS-2sg-see-FV. Tbc woman saw you.

(a)

KJveli nIky4tw6n! Ithyl. KJ·vcd oJ-kJ-A·til-6n-i IIhyi. 7-woman FOC-7-lNS. !pl.see-FV us. The woman saw us.

(b)

KIved nJJeyitwOn!. KJ·ved Dl·!d·A·tIl-60·A. 7·woman FOC-ky-lNS.lpl·see-FV. The woman saw us.

(27)

(a)

NitwAnOena !lake. Ni-til-ll-neen-A Da·kf. FOC2pI-TNS·ta1ked-FV with·bimlher. We lalked with her.

(b)

-Nitv.in6enl\ na. Ni-tu...-nCtn-lI na. FOC2pl-1NS-3sg-talked-FV with.

TflIllSformational Grammar explained this jIJ·fonnedncss lI5 resulting from preposition stranding. In line with the facts established above, the explanation, that a pronoun. object of a preposition cannot be omitted because the preposition 00es not encode the agreement features useful in retaining the necessary information at\er the prooouD it omitted, seems more appropriate. 4.J.J ProOOUQS iD Head NP Positklo

In our discussion of agreement in chapter 4, we showed thaI the bead NP spreads its class features 10 its modifiers and these are realised in the form of agreement morphemes. In the presence of these agreement morphemes, the head of an NP can be omitted. The basic question is whether we can establish the missing head 10 be a pronominal. In languages which have only the pcrsooaI pronoun set and one form ofimpersonaJ pronouns it may appear far fetched to claim that a pronoun can be head of an NP with other modifiers. Bul foUowing the discussion presented above about the characteristics surrounding the overt and oon-overt occurrence of pronouns in Kikamba, we have grounds 10 establish thaI, Bt leaslll cuncordial pronoun can head a modified NP as long as it is emphatic as in (28b) and (29b) below.

(28)

(a)

Kina kill! kaasa nikknd!. KA·na kA·1J ka.asa nJ·kA-a-end·.L l2~hild 12-lbaI 12·tall FOC-12·lNS-go-FV. 1bc tal l child went.

(b)

KG kAl! kaasa nlkkndL

in (23 a) and (24a) where the pronoun object occurs the structure is lDI1rlr:ed for emphasis on the object. When CODtrastiVC contrast falls on the object, the proooun is obligatory and it is also moved to the focus position, (&CDtc:oce initial position) as in examples (25) and (26). (25)

(26)

Niwf !dvcd k:yAkwOnI. Nl·fwe !d·vetl !d-'-kfi-6n-t. foc you 7·woman 7-lNS-2sg-see-FV. II is you tbe woman saw. Nithyl !dved kyitwOoi. Nl-lthylkJ.vet! !d-i·til-6n-.L foc·us 7·woman 7·1NS-lpl.see-FV. It is us tbe woman saw.

Pronouns used as objecl5 of peposition an:: obligatoI)' in all SlJUCfUreS i.e whether they are emphasised, focused on or not The omission of such a pronoun object produces ill-formodness. Consider (27) below.

"

Ka-<1 kA-li ka-asa nJ_kA·a-end-.L 12.jt 12-tbat 12-ull FOC- I2-lNS-go-FV. Shefrt (cJ. 12) went.

(29)

(c)

KAll kBasa nik.iendA. KA-Ill ka-asa nJ·kA-a..end-.L 12-tbat 12-tal1 FOC I2-lNS-go-FV. 1bc tall onell went.

(a)

KJvcli kill kyliki nikJk6metf. ki_veti ki·1lI ki·lI-ki nJ·ki· k6m-tt-L

7-woman"7.tbat 7-of-bis FOC-7-lNS-slcep-ASP-FV. I'lboo,p the mtaningful uw.\aIiorI inIo Eri&1l$b mcludel .0De' Irus

""""" .....

moanioa

is not marked ill the

83

His wife is sleeping. (b)

KyO kIllkyike DiklkOInCtE. KJ.(j Id-l! Id-a-kc nJ·ld-k6m-et-e. 7-itlsbe 7-that 7-of-3$g FOC-7-lNS-sleep-ASP-FV. The onc:(cl7)ofhis is sleeping.

(c)

K1tI ~ niklk6mCt!.

Ja-l! ld-i-ke Di·ld-k6m-et~. 7-wl 7-of-his FOC-7-TNS-sleep-ASP.FV. His (cI.7)is sleepin8. The: main difference between the (b) and (e) sentences is that the (b) sentences contain the tuU pronouns and are therefore marked forefl1lbasis. It is tbrn:fore possible to argue that the process by whicb!he bead NP is omitted moves from the (a) sentences at the discourse level. through the (b) sentences at the sentence: level to the (c) in a manner similar to that discussed ofsubjoci NPs above. The relationship between the (a) sentences and the (b) sentences can only be established at discourse level whi le the relationship between the (b) and the (c) sentences can be established al sentence level In the nexl section we will eoosider this pbeoomen& further within the fi"amtwork oflbe ' Empty Head Parameter'. 4.4.0 Empty artUmtDI poslooa.1D OB lbeory In this seclion we are going to examine the analysis GB Theory provides for empty argument posilion in relat ion to the Kikamba pbenomcna observed above. In particular, we will

explore !he pro-drop Parameter and its re levance to the Kikamba sentences with omitla:l pronouns. Section 4.1 explores the prHrop parameter in general; in section 42 nu ll subjects in Kikamba are discussed; section 4.3 relates the pro-drop parameter to the objcc1 positim; in section 4.4 pro as the head NP is examined and section 4.S gives a SUllUlllU)' of the discussion.

4.4. llbe pro-drop Parameter pro is the mIPty category posited to occupy the subject position of tensed sentcoces in languages which have the option of leaving \his position empty. In Jaeggli and Safir (1989: I S) pro is dermed as "the null entity found in Null Subject Languages (NSLs){...1the null subject of tensed sentences. II is an empty category different in character from the null subjecl of infUli tives, (PROt. According to Chomsky's (1981,82) typOlogy of Empty Categories (ECs) this EC is a "prooominal non-anaphor", and it mirrors the features of overt "non-anaphoric pronomirut.ls~ . The initial interest in pro aimed at establishing !be features (mainly sttuctural) wbicb cbaracterise languages whicb permit subject positions of teIlSed clauses 10 be empty (not occupied by overt NF). The main result of this line of approacb was tbe grouping of world languages into pro-drop (those which allow missing subject in tensed clauses and DOQ-prodrop !bose whicb do not allow missing subjoc\s oftenscd clauses. pro-drop languages, whicb later came to be known as Null SubJK1 untuages (NSL) were initiany kkntiflCd in temJS of "rkb morpboloa;y". This roughly referm:i to the regular subject-verb agreement whicb was

"

seen as necessary for the identification of the missing subject. However, the continued ~h on the phenomenon shows a development in !be characterisation oftbe fea~ swroundmg the occurrence of pro, and a continuing extension in terms of the sentence po5lllons that pro can OCCupy19. We will brieny explore the main line of deve lopment. The two main claims surrounding the oc:c:urrence of this empty catepy is that it must ~ Ik:enJed to appear and when it appeaB it must be IdtDtifkd. In {l)omsky (1981,82) and Jac:ggIi

(1982) licensing require; Case and lack of proper Government, i.e pro is licensed to 0CC\If ~ a position which is governed by a non-lexical category and which for ~ reason does not rccc.lve ease20. In Rizzi (1982, 86) licensing requires government by a deSIgnated set of ~ categon~. In Safl! (198S) licensing is determined by wbether or DOt Nominative Case could be dropped- If Nominative Case is dropped !ben we have pro if on the other band a Ian~ge ~ not .allow ~ Nominative Case to be dropped then this language does not a1low pro eIther. Fmally m JaeggIi and Safl! (1989) the crucial property that detcrmioes when null subjects in tensed sentences l\Ie licensod is Morphological Uniformity. "Null subjecl5 are ~ttc:d in all and only languages wilh morphological uniformity" (Jacggli and sarI! 1989:29) I

MorpboJogical Uniformity is dermed thus: "An inflectional paradigm P in ~ ~ge .L is morpboIogicalIy I.ttliform IffP bas either underived innectional forms or only derived inflecrional

forms"'. (JaeggIi and Safir 1989:29). . ' This means that languages wilh pure complex Of pure simple morphology WIn have the optIon of allowing pros while languages wilh a mUed system wiD not anow null subjects. Now we tum to ideDtHkadoD. Identification is responsible for recovering the referential va/ue and hence the argument status of the empty subject. Chomsky ( 198 1) and Jacggli (1982) claimed that identification requires agreement wilh PHI-fearures in INFL (i.e INFL must ~v~ the features of person, number and gender necessary for the identiflC8tion of pro). In ~ (1982,86) identification requires coindexation with either rich agreemen~ or ~ ~t~ noh~ of Binding. In SarI! (1985) identification relies on the presence of a subject clitu; and ill Jaeggh and Safu (1989) a nun subjecl is identified by agreement. Licensing and ldentificalioa l\Ie meanl to predict the occurrence of pros. All the languages that have uniform IOOfPbology l\Ie expected (in Jaeggli ~ Sa~ 1989) 10 ~ I~ Empty Subjects bul only languages with rich agreement can allow thematiC su~JCCI t~ go ~ssmg because the latter need, in addition to Iicensing, to be identified Agreement WIll not IdentIfy pro if it is 001 rich enough (unless il inherits features from a higher category) bul "rich enough" '~ ICnIl Null StqecI ~ ~ !bit !bit <*qpy (:II) oaIy OOI:\IPY the..to;«t ~ buI ..

we wilI_ JbonIy this iI DOlI ,mmlIy !beaM.

"'cbormky proposed • Nle R. whlcb II'I(Wef !be Case asigning !lOde of !NFl. in the l yuWl of.the ~ lmauagt* tlIUI Ieoving the subjed p""ilion C_kss. In tbe .......,.......... ~ ~ Nle IS orcIIemtlD IIJIPIy afta- CUe _iPiDa ruIet Ihua \be C-1IIIIrke
O\'e!tNP for~~

l'noe ~ unifonnily iI ~ 10 ~ the Ienll ricb. 1IQIlbaIocy -wbicb ~ chat Ianp&etI without rido in1IecDoaaJ paUma would DOlI penni! NuB S\IJ:I:i«t. COIIInry 10 \be evideDoe ftom CIlioeso and odlef sucb WlguaFt· 85

agreement may fai l 10 identify pro if it is not accessible to the Null Subjecl ll • Agreement can identify an empty category as thematic pro. iff the category containing the Agreement CaseGovcms the empty Category". Jaeggli and Safir (1989;35)

On the above basis, world languages fall into three groups with regards

10 the

pro-drop

para meter ;

I. Those with non-uniform mo.phology. whicb do DOt allow missing $lIbj ect of tensed clauses (e... English).

In the area of identification we saw in chapters 4 and in section 4.2 above that the tensed vem in Kikamba must obligatorily encode class/person features in agreement with the subject NP as in the sentences below. U I)

2. Those with uniform morphology but poor ag:rec:mcnl. whicb allow 0IlIy missing nontbc:matic lU~ects (expletives) e... German.

L

K.InI nik66ki Ka-1nlI. ni-U-a-Jr...! 12-child FOCI2-TNS-come-FV. The child came.

(b)

IGveti niky66k! Id-veti oI-ld-....iik-A 7-woman F()C. 7-Thl5-eome-FV. The woman came.

(c)

Miindii nUwMki Mu-ndii ni-tl-a·iik-a I-person FOC I-ThlS-come-FV. The person came.

3. Those with uniform morphology and ri<:b agreement whicb al low both expletives and tbemati<: non-oven subjects e.g. Italian and Spanish. In the sub-sections below we will examine: Kikamba data in order to dctennine the appli<:ation of these claims. We will mainly make use of !be lIlIaIysis presented in Jacggli and

Safu( 1989). 4.4.2 Null Subj ects In Kikamba As the brief literature review above has shown the main emphasis has been the characteristics of pr o in subject position. We will therefore begin by examining this position. As regards the licen.sing of pro, Kikamba passes the test of IIlOlphological uniformity expected. It was shown in. chapter 2, that even the simplest form of Ihe verb has at least one 2J innoctional morphemc • Kikamba can therefore be said to be uniformly complcx and therefore is predicted 10 allow al least empty expletives ifnotbing else. The examples below show this prediction to be true.

(30)

(a)

In (31a) the sUbject-vero agreement shows class 12 features, in (3Ib) class 7 features and in (3Ic) class I features. These agreement features further predict that Kikamba will also allow empty thematic subjects (unless of courn: the agreement is found to be inDccessiblc 10 the subject position). In sections 4.2 and 4.3 above it was further observed that prooouDs in Kikamba are typically left out unless the sentence is marked for emphasis. See examples (32) and (33) below. (32)

Nlkru
(b)

nMvikwlo ni-va..J-vik-w-6 fOC I6-TNS-anive-PAS-FV. Arriving has been dooe_

(33)

a.

~ niky66k!

(b)

lr:i-G ni-lr:i-i-Uk-! 7-sMJit FOC-7-TN5-oomc-FV. sbelit came.(subject emphasised) Niky66ki. Nl-lr:i-....illr:-i. f OC-7-Thl5-eome-FV. Sbefrt earne.

(a)

12-it FOC- 12-TNS-come-FV. It came. (subject emphasised)

In both ex~1es the verb shows ag:rccment with a subject. In (30a) the verb agrc:cs with a class

17 subject while in (3Ob) the verb agrees with a class 16 $Ilbject. In both cases there is DO overt $Ilbject. Since classes 16 and 17 are the ones used u ex.pleti~ in the 1anguage Ibese two sentences exemplify eqIty expletive subjects. ~ ~ life iDo::orporIIed 10 deal wiIh IIlMdy obsav«I ~~ approximation oflbe pro--<Wp parameter whkb bIsical.Iy hinged QQ ric:b morpboIogy. lJn.c qmenlally limpiest

"

10

1be firs!

n.nn orlhe vero, !be impcnIive linguJu, stiU c&rries !be fin.aI vowd suff.....

KO nik66lr:A b-G ni-U-i-illr:4

(b)

Nik66ki. ni-kfi..a-ilk.-i. It came.

Therefore in view of wbat we have already observed in section 4.2 and 4.3 above. we will 001 go into the arguments on whether the agreement in Kikamba is access ible to the EC or not. Our proposa1 is that the above C1\amples identify Kikamba as a typical Null Subject Latiguage (NSL). The Unifonnity of the IIlOlphology and the consistent rich agreement are predicted, and have 87

been shown to allow both thematic and non-thematic Null subjects. Visser (1987) made similar conclusions about Xhosa a southern Africa Dantu language. The thematie pros are expected to occupy the subject positions where prooouDS other than the classes 16 and 17 arc 'understood' as subjects. The oon-lbematic pros wiD co-occur with the locative agreement morpbemes (class 16 and 17) on the verb. as in (30) above.

So far it seems that the Kikamba data confirms the predictions of the GD theory as to the conditions surrounding the oc:.cwreooe of pro in subject position. An important question however, is v.iletber the subject of structures such as (32 b) and (33 b) above could be an~ else other than pro. The answer to this question depends heavily 011 the analysis of prooominal forms adopted within a particular study. If as we said above. the agreement affIXes are analysed as pronouns in the absence of the full pl'ODOWl subjects then there will be DO motivation to posit an EC in these positions. In such analyses then the (32b) and (33b) example3 have oven pronomina1 subjects rather than pro subjects. Our approach in 4.2 and 4.3, however, has been to analyse these affIXes as ag:rocmcnt morphemes. If then these affixes are agreement morphemes and following the general claim that clauses must have subjects, (e.g the Subjtd Stipulation (Schl~ (1989». su.ch sentences need a subject and the open candidate is an empty t.IItqory. At thIS pomt the quesliOll on whether this EC can be anything otber than pro will be left open.

"lItlie object NP. In (b) the full pronoun has been left oot but the meaning that the object is a class 12 ooun is maintained because of the object affu. (34 c) without the object afftx is ill

romlCd. This is because a pronominal object requires the object affu for well fonncdness (see chapter 4 for JIl(tt details).

It was mentioned above that pro was originally restricted to the subject position. The pro-drop PUllIIIeter has however been extended to oIher NP positions in the sentence in which the requirement of identification is met. We ~Il ~ address ourselv~ to the f~ determining when the EC pro will occur in the obJCCI POSlhon. The assumptKIOS are that smce we have already establisbed that KikambII has a uniformly complex morphology. the EC pro will be licensed and will occur in any NP position as long as this pro can be identified (in the case of thematic: pro). We will examine more examples before we draw conclusions cooceming

this aspect in Kikamba. (35)

Asikali

(b)

AsikaJi ni':rn3kwAtA kAna. A-sikali ni-roj-i-kw6t-A boW. 2-soldiers FOC-2_TNS_lIlTCSt_FV 12-<:hild. The soldiers am:sted afthc child.

4.4.3 pro-drop and Objtd-or·Verb POs.itioD W e pointed oot in chapter 4 that object verb agreement in Kikamba is not regular and

tha.t when it co-occurs with the object NP it may have other functions in addition to marking object-verb agreement. The conditions goveming the 0CCUlTctlCe of the object affIX were given in chapter 4, one of which i! Ihat pronominal objects must obligatorily CCHlCCUl' with the object affix. Consider the foJlowing examples. (34)

(a)

(c)

KIvetlllikyiUkilM kO

(d)

AsikalI

oirnrukw'' .

A-sikafi Pi_mi.fi_k6_kw8t_1.

2-soldiers FOC-2-TNS-12-arrest-FV.

KIvetl nTkyillkilni Kl-vetl ru-kJ-!-k6-kilrH

(e)

·K1-~11 Pi-Id.fi·k n-' k6-O 7-woman FQC..7-TNS-beat-FV 12-il.

(36)

(a)

KNisl nIkyA_thce14 KI-visi ni-kJ·A-ii-thcel-l.

7-boy FOC7-TN5-3-ldck-FV The boy kH:ked it. (b)

• KJ-visl Pi-Id--i-thc:el-&

7-boy FOC7-TN5-kick·FV

"As we said above __1COCe wid! !be overt full pnlDOUII is IIlIlbd fur eq>basis.

''nus is !be DCUtnoI .......ma. ;t am be bt:r or tum depeoding 011 the ~Ievaot pngaIIIIic COIIleAl

· AsikaliPirnikwati

A-sikafi ni-mi.fi-kwlit.! 2-soldiers FOC2-TNS-arrest-FV.

The verb in (34 a) is marked for agreement with a class 7 subject and a class 12 object. (34 a) where the fu n pronoun co-oceurs with the object affIX is well-fonned and is marked for emphasis

"

ni'mik8kw'" kO.

The soldiers arrested illhimlber.

7-woman FQC..7-TIlS-12-beat-FV. The woman beat it. (,)

Asikali

A-sikaIi nJ·roj-i-klI-kw6t4 ka-O. 2-soldicrs FOC2-TNS-12-anest-FV 12-it. The soldiers arrested itlbim'her.

Kl-vetl nJ.kT4.1aI.kUn-6 1aI-01• 7·woman FQC..7-TNS- 12-beat-FV 12-irs. The woman beat it. (b)

nirn§kikw'"

kAnI. A_SikaliDi_roj_A_ki_kw6t-A b-lnll. 2-soldiers FOC-2-TNS-12-arrest-FV 12-<:hild. The soldiers arrested the child.

(a)

(,)

KIvisi n'ikyitheclA mi'lvm. KI-visi ni-kJ-!l.-theeJ·& mi'l-viliI.

"

1-boy FOC-7-TNS-kick-FV Hall The boy kicked Ntbe baIl.

The SCIltences in (35) have I class 2 subject and I class 12 object The objecIlffix occurs in ( 351, c, and. d). In (3~ the subject is a class 7 noun and the object is class 3. Object verb a~t IS marked In (36a). These examplcs show that only in those cases wbere there is obJect-~ agreement « 35 d) and (36 a» is the object NP omitted with I well formed result. (see ~ ill-formed cx.ampl:s (35e~ and (36b). The examples further suggest that only pronominal NPs caD be ocruttod. SIDCC full OOUD object can occur witboul the object marker ~es ~35 b) and (36 e~, if they are omitted we will gCl structures such as (35 e) and (36 b) which are 111 f~. This strengthens the elaim tha! only pronominal NPs are omitted.. Jacggli and Safll" (1989) confumcd that pro can occupy object positiooas 10ng IS it can be identified. ~ are bowcver ~o object posilions which requin: special attention. These an:; the object position ofa verb With the rencx.ive affix and the objCCt position ofa reciprocal verb. 4.4.3_1 pro I nd RcDnhu F(lI" reflexive p.1OOOWl$ in object of verb positioo GS posits a rcquiremmt that tbcsc pronouns ~ find their .antecedents withio the same 5~le clausen. pre on !be other band is I JlUfC. p1)OOmIDaI and this means thai if pro bas an anlClCedcot tbOl this anlOcedcnt must be OUtside ~ sma.n~t ~ontain~g clausc..Having $lid above that Kikamba allows pro in object of ~ ~Ihon, It. IS wtercstmg to consider slIuetures in which an object renexive pronoun is "oosslog". The idea behind identification is that the identifying agreement will have the features of ptfSOTl, number and geoder oeeded to provide the reference (class) or pro. We earlier cs~blished in .SCl::tions 4.2 and 4.3 above that the affix used ror reflexives is invariable in ~ ~ m most Bantu Languages (see also Visser (1987» . In the examples below an Invariable object Ifflx 'r is used with both a class 7 and a class 12 DOUII$. (37) (I ) KJvetl ~kilnl k.yG kyt'm. KJ-vetl nI-kJ"-T-kUo_i ki-G ki~ 7-woman FOC-7-TNS-REFLE-beat_FV 7-shc 7-self. The woman beat herself.

!Otn Baolu Li1cntun: and <$p(ICially with mereDOl! 10 \be IUbjccl po6ition, it ill DOl alway!! dew wbeIber !be daim is that \be ricb inf\er;(iooaIlySIeIn IIllows all Nfl to be omitted or only proDOGliDaIlUbjo::ts can be Idlout. EunlpIes sut:b • \be fOIIowiaa: an: CUI¥I1OII ill !be 1ittn!uR:: (i)

(li)

~_"iId:Qo ....... ARQ..W: IIXIOtiD& The II:IaIlIgn asb for IIDtIeIing

U«la imbi7.o AGR-Mk mcetina: beasts for I meding (Visscr(l!nl7:112-113)

The ~ 11m -... 10 be IbtI. 1be AGR IIllows !be NP .IIIWbiIbi 10 be omitted. Howevu !be ~ ~ CIII only _ ! b e information 1hM!be IUbjad is • dill I -.inaJ... ItQ ~ \be third person siQauIw prorICQI. The inbmIQoa abolI: Ihe IriemIl oflbil pn.mooa CIII (Q\y be ftIOOOaai ~ \be ~ Ieod This _ dIat ~ !be _ pm1DIIr Ievd 0DIy pnXIWnI CIII be ideoti6ed and ~ ooIy proIIOUIII CIII be kfl DIll withio !be ideotifieItim pril:ql1es.

l1SpocifiuUy within its Governing Category (see Cbom:!.ky ( 1981, (1!nI2and t986). 90

(b)

Kana nIkUkiin! kG kent.

n...ene

Ka-AnD. nI-kA·'·T·kUn·1 b -tl l2-child FOC-12·TNS-REfL-.beat-FV 12-it 12-self The child beat itself. (38)

(a)

Kivcti DikyUkOnl . KI-veti nI-Id-il-l-kiin-i 7-WOOlIlD FOC7-TNS-ren-beat-FV. The woman beal herself.

(b)

Kanll nikUldlnd. b-AnD. nI-U,4-T-k\ln-A 12-child FOC- 12-TN5-refl-beat-FV 1he ehild beat itself.

In section 4.3 we concluded that, !bough the invariability of this form suggcsts I gnmmatiealization, making il I verbal ClItension rather than I pronominal affix. il bas a pronominal function similar to that ofthc variable Object affIXCS. This conclusion WIll arrived at on the basis of the prt#IX)C of full re nexive proDOWlS which can, in the appropriate pragmatic context, eo--oeeur with the ~nexive affIX (example (37» and also in consideration of the position of the reflexive affIX in the verb ITIOI"phology- a position reserved ror the objecl afflxcs. The iotcrtsting thing about the reflCllive Iffl.Ko in connection with pro-drop is that the is DOl "rich cnoogh- to ideDtify pre in object positioo (ie the agreement does 00( have person. nwnber and gendtt features). There ace throe possible ways or dcalina with this agreemenl

phenomcnoo within Go. I. Thc~ is no empty category in this object positiOll

l

.

OR 2. The etl1''Y category is pro but identification here involves a mechanism different from that oonsidcred abo,~.

!l!!

3. Tbcrc is an empty category in this position but it is 12! pro.

The first option is the one likely to be taken by those who analyse reflexivity as a feature of the yeti) in Bantu. In fact Visser ( 1987) took this view and proposed that a renexive verb assigns the tbeta· role or "self-docr" to its subject. In other words, feflcxive verbs in Xhosa, (I Southern Africa Bantu Language), do not subeategorise for objects and therefore have no object position, "Litc:ntm-e..ithi:D LFO _1bII. Ibc oIl;«t prmx illbe oIl;«t ill Ihe tb$eace oflbe oij«:I NP. t1Us t.sio: wvrd 0Id0n ill Bantu: SVO...-bal bodIlbe d;a:t and !be oij«:I an: oval and SOV MIm die ollject is • .IIOII-ftq)baric pro!IO'JIL. The probm with Ibis claim. comiderio8 die poWx! of \be oIl;«t Iftfix iD tbc om, morpboIogy. is \bat tM objccl does DOl SIrictIy precede tbc WTb N I _ witbio \be om, sinoe it sc:pmteI \be _1Ild tM roo! (unlc$t ~ iI aI!IIysed as beJoo&in.3 ouWde die va). TbuI fur the pre5ftIt we wiU .rilt tnaiDIIin that tM ~ prefu: is 10 ~ ma:ker. ~ two

"

in which case they would not have a pro object. This analysis strips the reOexive affIX of any prooorninal features and treats it III a derivational morpheme. It is an analysis which goes well with Xhosa which according 10 Visser does DOt have rdlexive pronouns. It will, however, fa« problems with Kikamba which has been shown 10 have reflexive pronouns surfacing in anphatic structures (see enmple (37) abovef9. If !here is a structural object position in Kikarnba reflexives and it is noI occupied by an overt NP OB posits an empty category because of the projection PrincipleJO •

I \'I)

(a)

KJ-DI-A-Uk-l 7_FOC-TIlS
(b)

K.6-ni-A-iik-i. 12-FOC-TIlS
The sccood explanation follows the proposa.I by Jaeggli and Safir (1989) that agreement which is not "rich enough" can identify pro ifit inherits features from a higher NP or agreement. This means that the reOexive affix 'r will be able 10 identify pro in object position if it inherits the identifying features from a higher NP. The only possible source of these features in the examples considered above is !he subject or the subject-verb agreement. If, however, the reOcxive affix is co-indexed with the subject or with the subject-verb agreement and Ihco with the object, the pro in object position will be bound within its Governing Category III is the case with the oven pronoun in this position. An EC thus bound is an anapboc and the only CII1'ty anapbor in !he srandard OB typology is NP trace, which is created by the Rule Move a. Thus the feature inheritance approach for the identification of this particular pro creates problems in relation to Chomsky's typology of empty categories and this leads 10 the third option- that the EC in the object position in examples (]8) is not a pro.

If then this EC is not pro what else can it be within Chomsky's (1981, 1982) typology? It is not a variable because it is oot bowxi from a noo-argwnent positioo like the wh-traces; It is not PRO because it is governed by tbe verb and PRO must be wtgOvemed; it is apparently not NP trace because no movement seems to be involved and as we have said above, it seems not to be pro because of the identification facts. This then. seems to be an EC that does not fit into Chomsky's (1981,82) typology, There are two possible approaches in the dassification of this

EC, I. Analyse it as NP trace, 2. Treat this EC as a special ease of pro.

The first analysis will involve the treatment of the reflexive affix as a elitie and propose clitic raising. Once the reflexive affIX ill established to be an object elitie, then it ill expected 10 occupy the object position in D-structure and its position in the verb ~Iex will be as a result of raising whieh leaves behind a co-indexcd EC (trice) as is expected The problem with this analysis i$ that, once acx:ep!ed it will need 10 be geoenli5ed 10 object positioos other than the reOexive pronoun positions and perhaps to the subject positXxis. Thus exampll:J such as (32 b and]] b) considered above will be analysed as having an underlying structure in the lines or(]9) below.

"'tJnI,.., Ibne prmotIIIJ we.nalyMd II ~ 10 !be Imtem:e, We boweva-, _ thlo Ilne or arzummI.

no poD ill pursuiIoa

n ...,.. the rule Move a will obligatorily move the subject Melitie" to the ~ilion inunediately IlIl'i:OOing the tense affix in the verb morphology. Apart from the problems With !he trace crea~ hy such a movement (if posited), ifaffixes in the subjcct-verb agreement slot are. ~cd as chile 1>f'1IlOWIS rather than agreement moq:tbemes, we will have cases of.double ~ m ~tences with non-pronominal subjects and in sentences with overt ~~ subjects (see se<:tIon 4.] I.ho.we) since as we saKI. in ehapter 4, subject verb agreement IS obligatory. If these.affixes are rrr,nouns, Ihco there is always an overt subject/object in Kikamba (and .Ban~ UI .general) SI.'Itcnces and !herefore Bantu languages are not pro-drop as has been elaiIneIIrn~ in English have been the two overt anaphors' widely re flCXtve lWU 0/• .....-. r ' - ' - . . . Kikamba ' discussed in GB literature. It was observed in section 4.3 above that reciprocity In IS a

feature of the verb. This means that there are no reciprocal ~ in the language ~Iher '~ I .. ~ derived by wifum. the vabal extension:m.. to 1a "verb stem.1 ._~ Visser teel.............. ~a ..... are .. (1987) took the view that in Xhosa the reciprocal verbs assign the 9-ro e rec.'proca .......... their $Ubjcc:ts. One of the consequeoees of this ~ is ~t rec~ affix IS DOl related 10 UI object position and therefore we cannot posit an EC.'l nils anal~ ~tcl~ accounts for the facts obsaved of Kikamba reciprocal.s and therefore we Will adopt " Without further

--

"_ visser (t987) ODd Pm:>: ( t936).

"Otber usc ofthls form .no givm So II«tim s.l.6. "'Perbap. in tennII oflbtt&-Tbeory reflexive vabI n.y be sUI 1O..sign one doaI Tbou-roIo {Jelf-doer ill tbe WOIda ofViuer (t987)) which in ~ ~ is QSiped 10 Ibe sut;ectpositioo (e.ll XIIou) but whido iI Ip~I between IIIe JUbjocI poe.ition and Ibe object poe.itioo in languages which m.ve reflexive

"""""'"

"At least not in !be sense ill wbicb tbe rdlniYli WN aoa/yJ«I. TIIere it howe..,.., tbe optioo. of ~ tbe reciprocal affix .. In argument of tbe vm. in • ma!lI'IeI' similar .10 ~ passive ~ u claim thai Ibe reciprocal affix suppmoeI !be direct object role orllle vm ~ Links II W !be subject.

93

4.4.4 pro as Head of NP Visser (1981) extended the prlHlrop plrameter 10 cover instaDces in Xhosa (and in Bantu in general) where heads of NPs are left out. We further observed in section 4.3 that pronouns, particularly concordial pronouns, can be heads ofNPs with modifiers and that in the absc:nee of emphasis these pro!.'IOUN can be left out Consider the examples below. (40)

(a)

(b)

Kana kill basi Dik.ithi Ka-6na kj·14 kid nJ-Idi-i-thi 12-ehild 12-that 12-tall FOC- 12-TNS-go The tall child went.

3. The agreement affixes which assU1l1C pronominal role in panicu1arenvironments. In our discussion forms in 3 were given the status of agreement affIXes.

12·it 12-that 12·ta.ll FOC-12-lNS-go

In soetioo 4.4 the pbenomenon of the absence of overt subjects. objects and head .NPs in the surface sttucturos of sentences in Kikamha was examined in the light of the: OB c~. It was shown that the uniformly complex morphology in Kikamha allows NPs 10 be OnlJn~ ~d \he regular agreement phenomena provide the identification requirement for Ihese rrussmg argumenl5. The following observations were made. \. Only prooominaI NP can be omitted. . .. . 2. In the case of renexive pronouns the EC in object POSition IS better analysed as a ",Derive pro. . 3. The option for BD NP to be omitted in Kikarnba correlates With the presence of overt

kill kaasA nlkithi 12-that 12-tall FOC- 12-TNS·go The tall one: went.

(a)

""""""". 2. Bound foons, which are in complementary distribution with the free noneoocordial pronouns.

IoIlli kaas! nlk!thi KU kIo·14 kid ni·U-i-thi

kIo-11 b·as.f, n1-ki·i-thi

(41)

1. Free pronouns which fall into two groups; oolKordlal and oon-conoordil1

1(0

The tal l one went. (c)

In summary the pronominal system in Kikamha comprises :

Kivell kll! kiasA nlkyithi Ki·veti ki-l! ki·as.f, n1-ki·lI·thi

1-WQIllIIlI1·thaI1·tall FOC-1·TNS-go The tall WOftWl went. (b)

KyO kill ldad. nlkyilhi Ki~ 1d·1! kT-as! ni·k·i·thi 1-sbe 1-that 1·tall FOC-1-TNS·go

(c)

KIlA klasi nlkytthi kI·14 kJ-asi nJ·kI-!-thi

'."""""

4. In line with what was observed in Visser (1981) Kikambe was shown to allow 001 only subjeclS but also objects and bead NP pronouns to be dropped (where the idcnlificatioo condition is JDeI).

Finally, the problems we enOOW\tercd with the classification oft~ em~ category objed of clauses with renexive aiflxes !ilJ&geslS that the position of the renexl'le object needs further investigation in relation to \be Theta and Binding Theories ofOB.

1-tbat 1-taIl FOC-1-TNS.go The proposal is that sentences such as (40 c) and (41 c) have pro as their subjed and thai this pro can be identified by the features of the agreement morpllemes on !be modifiers.

4.5 CondusioD In this chapter we have discussed the pronominal system in Kikamba. We gave the various forms of pronouns in the Language. A distinction was made between full and bound pronouns on the one hand and between CODCon!iaI and ~ pronouns on the ocher. The subject and object full pronouns were observed to surface only in structures marked for emphasis or where the pronoun subjectlobject is focused OIl. Pronouns in object of preposition position<; were shown to be obligatory.

..

"

Claapler 5 Tbe Passi ve Constnlctioo S.O latrodudioa In this chapter we are going to provide a description of Ihc passive construetion in Kikamba. We wiD examine Ihc variety of clauses possible when the VCJb bas passive morphology and detcnninc the resuictions, if any, on Ihc occurrence of the passive morpheme. We wi ll then examine two theoretical approaches to the eharacterisation of passives in natural Janguages and determine the relevance of Ihcir prcdiclions to !he Kikamba data. Finally we will make suggestions on !he direction an adequate analysis of the passive ronstruction in Kikamba sbouId take. To do this we will first attempt to build on the fiDdings of researcb within !he Governmenl and Binding and Relatiooal Grammar Ihcories and then we will ancmpt a theory

nculnll explanation. 5.1 Passives in Klk.ambl We will approach the grouping of passive StniCtW'eS from the poinl ofview of verb types. This is because Kikamba forms passives by the use ofwhnt KeeJlWl (1985) calls a suict morphological device. This invol ves the suffIXation of the morpbemc ~ whicb comes between the verb stem and the fmal vowel. Verbs ha~'C traditionaUy been categorised in terms of the complement NPs into transitive and intransitive verbs. This classification is based on a verb's ability 10 subcategorise for an object (internal argwnctlt in G9). Other sub-typing of verbs is based on their ability 10 require a thematic subject. This distinguishes two subtypes of the one place predicates: those that allow expletive subjects and those that do not. The distinctions are characterised differently in different thcof'CticaI frameworks but the underlying distinction is that in one type of intransitive verbs the subject has characteristics similar to !bose of transitive subjects while in the other subtype the subject behaves more like the object of transitives. A fourth class of verbs ccnsists of those verbs that DCCd not have any themaJ:ic argument Weatbcr verbs are a typical example of this ~Iass.

We wi ll examine the possible constructions using passive IDOIphology. for each of the four types of verbs given below. I . Trlnsltive: two place predicates (for example kYD:I'beat', .2H 'take'). 2. lotranskive I: the intrausitives whose subjQClS have the properties of subjecr (for example .Il!:m! 'talk').

I

3. Intnnddve 1: intranSitives whose subjects behave like tranSitive objects (for example 'go'). These verbs allow expletive subjects in non-passive senlellCCS.

m

4. Wealbu Verbs: the class of verbs that require no thematic argument (for exllJl1lle!Uk! ·getdark'). The syntactic characteristies of these verbs, as fill' as !he passive ~~ is concemed, can be summarised as follows: The tnVISitives do nol allow e~letl~ m subject position in theirOOll-passive form (ie without the ~ive ~). In tbcir. passIV~ form they have the option of having a referential NP in the subject posltlon and they readily admit the agent

"""",

The intranSitive.1 differ from the transirives in that they have no option of hav.mg.8 n::fert1ltial NP in subject position in their passive form (unless in a mu1ricla~1 constructto:"-. m which the argument of an embc:dded verb is raised to the matrix subject). Neither the II'IIlSlllve nor the inll'lllSitive.1 vabs admit an expktive subjeel in their non-passive form. Both the intransirive.1 and the weather verbs allow an expletive subjcd in their 00IIpassive form. The intransirive-1 verbs cannol occur with ~ expletive subject in their ~­ passive fonn without a following NP (see example (17 d». while the weather verbs can occur In the non-passive fonn without a following NP and with an expletive subject. (SQC examples (19) and (20) below). In the passive fonn the intransitive.1 verbs are better With an agent phrase. These clwactaisrics will become clearerwbeo we have gone through the examples beiCNI. 5.1. 1 Pusives of Trandth'e Verbs Kik.amba tIas a passive construction similar to the typical passive involving I tranSi~ve verb and the presentation of the patient argument as the subject while the agent argument IS left OUI or introduced in a ' by phrase' (see examples (1-4) below). ( I) KIvetl nIky!ldlnHIn!. KJ-veti ni_Id_I_Itiln_Ii. ka-lnl. 7-woman FOC-7·1NS-beat-FV 12-ehild. The WOl!llIl beat althe child.

tnm5itive

'11 ill possible 1h111be UDdo:rlying funn ofll:tit ~ ;'.::101:. wbX:b bocoIneI. &lido: boca;sc of1be However boca;sc I!. pus;"" morpbcmo ill't!S1ricIed 10 I!. pooilioa becwc>m I!. ~ .tem and 1be final \IOWcl,lhlII underlyio.g funn doeJ no! occur 00 1be surr.ce in KilwnbIIII.tl. We will Ibmofufe rqxaeot 1be pwNe morpbeme as:!l:. ~ final ~.

'10 JaIt&uageI widI_lIlO1J1bo1ogylhiadisriDctioll iI WI outcloaty ill oem of tIIe_ matia&0II1bc that of traIISitive a.bjecII wbile odIcf intr-m.e tut;..:ta ...cti.e 1be cue IIIIrDI& DOnIIIIly I&alciaIed ....ith .... olljoct of~ Y«bI. In IC.ik:aInbl ~!lIe di&IiDctioD is DOt ~ DWt.:ed aad tbMf(n it is DOl easy 10 DDIioe. Ourclwificatioo his I>oo:o! in/Iucnood by !be OB ~ of1be diffcrmce in Imns of lb:ta 1'lI«oy. In one I)'lle of !be imrfIrIsiliv1: verbl1be verb will ..lea • tbematic suiject and tberefon: cLaU$el willi In expletive IUb:iocI wilb JUCb • vert> in ;15 underived funn wiD be iU-rooned. hi !be 0Ibcr 1ype (intrar:lliive 1). !be verb ICIccts DO mc.n.cic ""'iccl aad ~fun, I!. tubja:I pooilioa can be

(2)

K!nl niUkilnwli. (nI Idvctl.) Ka-!nl nT-U-I·kUn-w-a (ni ki-vetit.

II-ehild FQC-ll-TNS-beat-PAS-FV (by 7-woman. The child was beaten by afthc woman.

___ boIdiaa tbee pooitions, i.e .me intrIIIIitiw: tubjeda ..-rve tile sam. cue IDIrDIa: as

"

'This pncticaUy nofen 10. ~....t;cd oven or(Overt. 'The III pbrtic CUI be kft out. We hive only included it for !be C(lQvcnieoce of tncing !be relltioosbip between !be ave aad !be pwNe tenleDCe.

~Ie
IS

(3)""'(4). (3)

(4)

r r0).

Asikali nim4kwjta kJvetli a-sikali nl·mi-l1-kwAt·A kJ.vetl 2·soldiers FOC-2-TNS-anest_FV 7 woman The soldiers arresled aftbe woman. Kiveti nikyAkwAtwt (iii asikafi) KI-veri lIi-kI·A·kwAt-w-a (ni a-sikaIi). ?-woman FOC 7· TNS-arrest.pAS-FV (by 2.soldiers). The woman was arrested by the soldiers

~ object NPs.in ( I) and (J), without passive morphology, are the subject NP in (2) and (4), which have passive morphology and verb agreement with the patient subject

U~ many .other ~ Kikarnb.- also has a passive construction in which the patient remams an obJOCI. and m which the subj¢ct is an Qplctive. This means transitive vems allow at least two possibilities in the passive form, one with the patient as subject and the other with an expletive subject as in (5) and (6) below.

Lit.

Nikw!nengwj KIn! milk!te Nf-kil-A·nmg-w-a Ka.Jlnll mt1-k4te. f"OC.I7·TNS·give·PAS-FV 12-child 3·bread. ~ was given a child bread..

The same pattcm is ob5crvod with the verbs !hat subcategorise for direet objects and Iocal:ive NPs in (II). Each of the post verbal NPs has aceess to the subjOCl. position when the verb has the ('8S5ive morpheme, and there is the option of retaining these NPs in their posilions and using the non·referential class., 16 and 17, pronouns as in (14). (I I) Milfila nlvandaa mbembl miiUndWii MiltUa nl·Q·vanda·a m-bembl mil-(lndA·nI. MGtUa FOC- I-plant-FV IO-maize 3·farm-LOC. MQfila plants maize in the fann. (12)

MMmbl nivandawt mUilndanI M-banbl nT-i·vanda;·w·a mii-lindi·1Ii IO-maize FOCIO-plant·PAS-FV 3·farm-LOC. Maize is planted in the farm

(5).

Nikwllilnw! kanA NI·lrii-A·kiln, w-a ka·aoa FOCI7-TNS·bcat·PAS·FV J2·dilld Lit. Tbefe was beaten a child

(13)

MGiind!n1 niwvandawa mbl!mbl. MG-iiDdi·ni niva·vanda·w-a mbi!mbl. 3-garden-LOC FOC- I6-panted·PAS.FV maize. The farm is planted maize in~.

(6).

Nikwikwitwt kl"veti Nf-kU-a·kwlU-w"", kT-vetl. FOC-17-TNS-alTCSt.PAS-FV 7·woman. Lil lbere was arrested a woman.

(14)

Nikiivandaw! mbeTml muundAni.

and"

Verbs like ~ "s!ve' 'rob', which subcategQtjse for two obje<:ts bave three possible structures With passive morphology. Either of the objcc;:ts can become the subject, «8) and (9» or they can have an expletive subject with both objects remaining in their base positions (10). (7) Maria nlwtntnga kInI mUkAtt. Maria ni.Il.A·oeng.a ka-lnll rrnl.ldte. MUlia FOC-I.TN5-give-FV 12-duld J.bread. Mulia gave the child bread. (8)

(')

..

KAna n1kAn6lgw' mOkAtf Ka-4nll nT.ka.A·neng.w-a rrnl-Idtf. II-child FOC-12.TNS-give-PAS.FV 3.btead. The child was giVeD bread. Millaire nlwinmgwi K!nI Mtl·kAre nT.ij.fi·nmg.w-a Ka·lIn!.

3-bread FOC-J.TNS-give-PAS_FV 12-child. The bread was given to the child.

Ni-kii.·vanda·w-a m-bembA mil-ilDdto·nl FOC-I7-plant-PAS-FV maize 3-gardcn.LOC" There is planted maize in the garden. 1()Qe tbiDr; we beIld tel IIIIkt: de... here is chat we ccnsidI!r the ~ rnarker II. II(UI cla.u man:er.

en:- ~ ~ .. defM:d bm tbe fad IbIt ill IIOIIIt BmW IquaaeI the ~ marl«< is • prdU like tbe atber -.n c:IaII prdixcs. There is Iqua&e inIemaI evicImce _

Ibis mner is •

!lOUD

derivma morpbeme. it lIN Ibe dfect of clerivimc • locative NP &om the _ _ it affiuIlO.

In ~ with our obscrwIionI ill 0IIpt.cr 2, the In !lOUD cluI affilr. illbe ODe c:oosicIered for . - - and thus ben: tbe Yftb Wei cla.u 16 cmc:mI radJer dim cIaIa ) ill ~ with tbe NP .lllil!lDdlD[farm'.

Another ~ issue, for GB tbrory, ill !his e.uq.1e ill to comider wllll lllligtll "fbeII.role 10 tile ~ NP~ "farm". The assumpIioa we have mIde 11m is tbot this NP ~ iII"fbeII. role &om the..n. This IIIUIl'4'Iion bowever bas 110 ~ rOf tbe a.u::1u&iom IftWII ill IhiI chapter boealse we hI~ fOIIDd DO ~ ill K&:ao:a of. VCItl wbote ooly II"£II"II2l' is 11ocIri~ NP. If this _1YaiIIbIe we would hI~ eumiDed. wb
....",

99

5.1.2 Pasdvtsoflatnnsidve-I Verbs In addition 10 passives of transitive YeIb:s, Kikamba foons passives from intransitive verbs too. WIlen the passive morpheme is affixed on these verbs. the only ~OD opeD is 10 usc the aplecive pronouns as subject. As is expeclOd in simple sentences the passive 1nOfPhology produces a typical example ofwbat bas been known as impersooaI passive (IS b) and (16 b) ( I S)

(a)

(b).

Klveri nIkyivoyl. Kl-vetl Di-ki-i-voy-l. 7-woman FOC-7-TN5-pray-FV. lbc woman prayed.

(a)

· NikwivikJ. Ni-kii-!-vik.-! FOC-17-TNS-arrive-FV

(el

Nikwivikwi Ni-ldi-!-vik-w-!

FOC-17-TN5-arrive-PA8-FV Arriving was done

Nlkwli.voywli..

Ni-kU-i-voy-w-!. FOC-17-TNS-pray-PAS-FV. Lit. Praying was dooc. (16)

(d)

KJnI n_kIi.ini Ka-tnll o_-kli.-!-in-'

12-cltild FOC-I2-TNS-sing-FV. The child sang.

( 18)

(a)

kanJ nikAend! ka-anl nl-kli.-!-end-J 12-child FQC- 12-TN5-go- FV The dild went.

(b)

Nlkwkndli. k&nII NI·kii-!-end·Ii. Iu.-W

FQC-17-TNS-go-FV 12-child "There went a child.

(b)

Nikwilnwi Ni-lrii-!-In-w-i FOC-17-TNS-sing-PAS-fV. Lit. Singing was done.

5.1.3 Passives of latnllsltive-2 Now we tum to passives ofverbs that can have Cltplecive subjects even when they ICe DOC in the passive form.

Nikwiendwli.(nTkIi.nll) Nt-kil-A-end·w" (nJ ka-W) FOC.17-TNS-go-PAS-FV (by 12-child) There was gone by the child (going was done by the child)

(c)

(d)

FQC- 17-TN5-go-FV

(,) (17)

(a)

Kiveti nIkyiviki Ki-veti lIi-kl-i-vik-! 7-woman FOC-7·TNS-arrive-FV The woman arrived..

(b)

Nikwivikli. kivctl m·kU·a·vik-a ki-ved FOC-17-lNs-arrive-FV 7-woman There arrived a woman.

Nlkwivikw. (ni kived) NT-kii-.l.-vik-w-a (iii kJ..vetl) FOC-17-TN5-arrive-PAS-FV (by 7·woman) There was arrived by a wOftlllBl'arriving was done by a woman)

(c)

"to ~ ~ !be subject or object of III mhdded clause can boccme !be l ub:jecI of !be maiD ,...... 100

' Nikwknd! Nt-kii-A-end-'

Nikwkndwt NT-kU-!-end-w,& FOC-17-TNS-go-PAS.FV LiL Going was done

In (1711) and (1811) these verbs appear indistinguishable from the intransitive- J bul (17b) and (l8b) set them off from the latter since intransitivc-I do not IIl10w expletive subjccts in their 7 underivcd form. The (e) sentences show a passive construction from these verbs . The difference between (b) and (c) is that in (c) the phrase containing the noun H "child" (1 8) or klmi "woman" (17), can be left OIIt without the sentence becoming ill-formed when the verb has passive IDOfphoIogy (e), while these NPs are obligatory in the (b) sentc:ncc:s (witboul passive morphology) as shown by the ilI·fonnedness of (d). The passive morpheme therefore seems to take the place of the NPs ~ "woman" and GDi! "child" in examples (17 e) and (18 e). We will come to this later. ' If !be Icx::Itive PO!IIiDaI ill 0Ym it CUI OCQIP')' !be Ujeet posilioll sivin& • COIIIII"IICtioo Iimibr 10 penonal passi_ as in ( Il} In tile diaper 011 ~ we will pre5tOl III Irp1CllI 011 tile possibility that the presm;e of the loo:ative lips. diff_ \IIIe of!be verb IDd gi_ !be verb rc.twcs typiW of ~veva"bs.

101

5.1.4 Passlvt and th e Weather Ver!), With the weather type verbs. we rmd an expletive subject even when there is 00 following NP as in (19 and 20). (19) NllcwAUl Ni-kU4-u-l FOC_17_TNS_rain_FV Jt rained (20)

uamples below. (a) Kivetl niky60nHAnli Ki-ved nI-kJ·i..6n-!I. ka-In! 7-woman FOC-7-TN5-see-FV 12-<:hild 1lIc woman saw the child.

1m

[b)

KAnl nIk660eU (nT Idved) K1I-Inl nI·kiI·&-6o.ck.a (nT kJ-vetl) 12-<:hild FOC-IZ-TN5-sec-STV·FV' (by 7-woman) 1lIc child was seen by the woman.

(c)

Nikw600ekA kInl (nlldvctl)

Nikwl,11i.kJ.

Ni-kii-l -nik-& FOC- 17· TNS-darken-FV II became daJk.

Typically Ibis group ofvcrbs does not take the passive Il1OfJIbcme. However, some verbs in this group also have an intransitive 2 usc and in this usage they will take passive IlXIIpbology. One example oftbesc is the verb ill "rain" as used in (21) below. (21)

(a)

NikwiUA mbUa nenf NJ-k\l-i-u..a n-bUs. n-nfr!e FOC-17-TNS·rain-FV 9-rain 9-big There rained a big (heavy) rain

NtkwAUwi (nl mooa nene) NJ-kQ-l-u-w..a (nl n-bUs. n-nene) FOC· 17-TNS-rain-PAS-FV (by 9-min 9-big) Lil There was mined by a big min We need 10 asswne that there are two verbs in the lexicon with the form H. one is a weather type of verb and the olber is an intransitivc-2. (b)

The above examples give the following informalion about Kikamba passive:

Ni_kii-t-6n
(23)

.Nikw66nckwa kAnA NI_kii-i..()o..ck_w.!I. ka-lnA FOC- 17_lNs-see-STV-PA5-FV 12-<:hild Thcrc was seen a child (by the woman)

(24)

Miklmo nIwavingik! Mil-omo nI_ii-i·ving-ik-! 3-door FOC-3-TNS-<:Iosc-STV·FV

1. Passive morphology gives basically transitive and intransitivc-l verbs the propcny or allowing non-referential subjects. 2. In verbs with rtl()I'e than ODC argwncnt (transitive) Ibis can. (bul need 001:) result in lID IIfgumc:nt olber than !be agent becoming the SUb:jCCl

3. Each of the olber arguments (the DOIHgcDlS) of the verb can he a candidate fOf the subject creating process, who:! the option of having a thematic subjecl is taken. 4. Weather verbs do not Iypically admit passive morphology.

~U.5

Ent pdon. to Passive MorpbokIIY There is a restricted group of verbs in Kikantba that have passive intCfpfe1ation and can in fae! take the agent phrase yec they do 001 cany the morpheme~. We refer 10 these verbs here as "passive verbs without the passive morpbcmc :::JI..:.". Tbcsc verbs usc the stative morpheme ~ and in Ibis fonn !hey are ambiguous between a passive and stative meaning. Consider the 102

The door closed (2S)

Kwivfngikwa nIkytu.7 Kil..a-ving-ilr::-w-a ni kylU7 17_TN5-dose.STV-PAS-FV by what. Tbere got closed by what?

tw bave IMd !he Bloss lOr stmYe morp/lrDIe beo;aIK IbiI it 1M poenl U5lI" fOl' !his funn. H~ as it ~ &em the ~ it it..:oonSed ~ive o.wgc bfte. 'OIbn' Yftbs tbIt lake Ihe form:U with I'U'ive iDtcrJftUtion an:: (b)lw'a "bo:w" (c) DWl)1I "I<now" (d) ekwa "undmlll:>d"

Tw'.'Ib "is biwd". JJWIY''Ib "is kDown" tlew-eka "be understood".

103

S.2 Approacbes 10 tbe Analysis of Passives PlISSive as a phenomenon in world languages has rettived a 101 of attention in the past twu decades. Most of the studies on this construction have focused on amving at I unifietl description and characterisation of passive construction in the world languages. This theme is prcvaIent in studies sucb u Comrie (1977). Perlmutter and Postal (1978) SiewieJska (1984), Koenan ( 1985) and Postal ( 1986). Most of the initial search for univmal characteristics in passive OODCttItratod on SInICtura1 features. In this approacb passives are set span from actives in terms of word order/grammatical relations. case roatking and verbal morpbology. All ilM:sc features are not found in every language and the main sean:h has centred around which one or these features subswnes the others. It has even been geoetally claimed that the constructions commonly known loS passives may not constitute: a natural class either within ODe language or across languages. The: nmge of pheuomcna that faU within this category in some sense appear 10 be heterogeneous in charlcter (Chomsky 1981: 121). The passive has been 1lnIIysc:d from the: poinI of view of the clause (Transfonnational Grammar, Government and Binding (GB), Re lational Grammar (RG), from the point ofview of the phrase (Gcnemli.sod Phrase StJU(:ture Grammar, Kc:c:nan (1985) and from the point of view of !he lexicon (Lexica-Functional Grammar and later literature within GB). In the: approaches that centre on the clause, passive clauses are defined in reference to the act ive clauses. Under this characterisation passive clauses differ from active causes in tenm of; l. Word order. 2. Case marking, 3. Verb morphology. 4, Grammatical Relations.

The characterisation of passives in tcnns of word order, which was the initial transfonnational approaeh (Chomsky ( 1965). would require: diffcn:nt passive rules for languages with different basic word orders or with relatively free word order (perlmutter and Postal (1978). Characterisation in terms of case finds basis in the f'acI that the case mamng of NPs in active elauses diffen from Iha1 of the corresponding passive clauses but as Perlmutter and Postal (1983) have pointed out this cbaraclc:risation is not univcrsal either. While some languages Cas.c-marIr. the logical subject in the correspooding passive with an Ablative e.g Larin, odIcn mark it instrumental e.g. Russian. In additioo to this there are languages whicb do not mark 111 cases morpbologiea1ly (e.g. Kikamba) and others in which the case marking of oorrespooding nominal in active and passive elauses is exactly the same, for example Basque (Lafitte 1962 as quotod in Pc:rtroouer and Postal 1983).

..

';"~h_ fthe ""qsive...em .L _ ther concc:nttates more on the charectcristlC ........... ~ 0 .-dause (RG), whi!e UI« 0 IUB).

5.1.1 Pusives III Rd.donal Grammlf . .' (RG) deve\opc:d in the 19705 mainly as I reac:bon to the direction Rela~onal Grammar . Perlmutter and Postal (1974), Perlmutter (197S). The TransformatlOll3l ~ ~~~ted in multi-level Relational Networks or stratal SI1UClUre of clauses m .' initial stratum represents the semantic roles dia~ of .the form we ~Uor:: :!:"..,!Yf~nOf the verb. Revaluations, which nil! in'lO~ve lISS()I;Iated With the ~ . , ,_ differences between clauses WIth acnve asttnSlOflS or demotiOnS a.cooun ..... initial 2 oovanc;ements, with derived vetbs. ~ the RG analysis of passive for example, aD ~~~ to final I (subject) and the uutial I (agent) is demoted 10 chomc:ur. .

·th

an! to the passive construction is thai in

~ ~ic Claim! ' ofRe=~ =1~: the 2.relalion in a particulllJ sttatumand

every passIVe m any an~ge the I-relation in successive sttatwn. . I N thai bears the 2.relation in a stnItum in If (i) the RN for a clause Q bas a nonuna. •__..1 ( " 'f N bears the I-relation in the ,h nominal N bears the I-relation ...... II I • ;~I~ttatum, the Q i s a passive clause. p!;1'bnutter and Postal (1983: 19). .

ti

thus is that the object of an active clause becomeS

~ :Sive clause. (26)

~e subject of the

Consider the followin8 Kikamba personal passIVe;

IavetJ. nDcyikw!twt (01 asikalT) Ia-vttl. oI_ld·i_kwit_w4 (oJ a-sikaIT). . 7-WQmIll f'QC..7_TNs-anest_PAS_f'V (by 2-soldicrs). The woman was arrested by the soldiers

RG woold have the fol lowing stnltal diagram;

(27) 1 1

Owacterisation of passives in tcnns of verbal morpboIogy presupposes thaI the ...em in a passive clause will sianilicanuy differ from the vetb in the corresponding active clause. This difference may be in terms of I passive marker of some sort (prefix. suffh:, or infix), a paniciple or other non-fUlite fonn of the verb plus auxiliary verb. The problem with this approach is thai a language independenl notion of .passive morphology' has not been established and that some languages do not display oven differences between actives and passives in temlS of passive morphology; verb forms are identical in corresponding active and passive (for example in Mandarin Chinese as shown in Cunlrnim (\976). Below we examine two approaches to the analysis of passives. One centres on the granunaticaJ reJations evident in a passive clause and their relation 10 the: proposed basic active 10.

kiveti

S,:

~ ~~~ u,e 5CU>'' ' .

k ....at .... a

aalkali

~ 'soldiers.' bean a I relation and kimi .woman' bean a 2 relation ?"! in

the initial I is a ch6mcur while the initial 2 now bearS !he I re\ati~. ThIs I~ a ttatum has no nominal bearing the 2 relatton plSSl:e typical pasSIVC clause and!!beca.~~~ ~~itive clauses in the fmal sttatum in the RG analYSIS. clauses have been Senera Ysal 105

The general RG prediction is that in the absence of another rule penninin. """ """'" . nommal to be direct object (advancement 10 2) f the intransitive clausc. This means that . 0 ~Iause~ a passiV(l clause is superficially an fmal Is in passive clauses RG In cases W. ~s ~I were DOt initial 2s end up as Kiltamba sentence below h the ~ a pnor. obh:p1ory objcctivizalion. For example the as stra.... wagram glVl:n m (29)' 0

(28).

Kln!nlk!nmgwa~{nJldVCIi) ~ ni.ka.&-nmg-w.' mi'i-k.IIU!

(nJ kJveti) l l-child FOCI2-TN5-give-PAS-FY 3·bread (b ,. ) The YllIU _'-"" was gIVen . Y woman bf"ead by the woman.

Impersonal passive docs DOt contain a non- I correspoDding to the superficial I of the impenona\ passive contrary to Ihc case in personal passives. In theory neutral language. Blake ( 1990) defines impersonal passive clauses 115 clauses with passive marking/inteqntation but witbout referential subjectll. The genend assumption bas botn that impenonal passives 1Il"C formed from basic inlranSitive verbs.

RG cbaracterises impersooal passives like penooal passives lIS involving 2-to-l advancement. This is done by postulating a dwnmy 2 in lIIl earlier stratum which then advances from 2 to I fotting the initial 1 into cb&nage. The: fact thaI the Dummy 2 advances 10 I from a transitive stratum justifies the passive interpretation of such clauses (because il fits it into the analysis proposed for personal passives within RG). The dwnmy however, never occurs in the initial stratum. This analysis would propose the stratal diagram in (3 1) for sent~ (30). (30)

NIkwAlnw! (ot iveri) NT-kil4-ln-w-i (nJ iveti)

FOC- 17-lNS-sing- PAS-FV (by WOOleD). Singing was done (by women).

(29)

Lit

(3 1)

go'

nengwa

Hukate

klveti

Thus the nominal_ 'child' is said 10 advance to 2 before it adYllllCeS to I. . The RG account of the personal passive does not face much we can show that in ~ like (29) above the: nominal ~ "bread' ~Iroversy as~g that shall see shonIy the: extension of this analysis 10 ;_ _ . 1 ....~~~. [~,2 __ ~t as~ challenges. 11 . ....... . . . . . . - . . - - . . . . . . . a~-.:u sev""u 00 .

impersooal ~l~~ are c~~ which are in some sense passive, but in which 00 inherent

mmal .0._ occurs as mIlIa! I . Wllhm "". . '... ""'""""~I ....... . the RG analysi~~ ;-........... U"y __ -_. WII .-SIVes 5,~-.... " Wlul .--IVes ..... property that a nom.inal. which would be !Cd to ':'"""':""not visible at all

Of

occurs in some obl .... ~ fuocf "'"1-

~_ (I(lC\lf ~ I does not and IS either . "'" closest acnve correspondent of an

lOlL

p

ivet

,

inwa

One of tile apparent implications oflhis analysis is that impersonal passives will only be formed from intransitive verbs otberwise the inll"Oduction and subsequent promotion of tile dummy would seem unmotivated. However as we shall see below this does not seem to be so cross-linguistically. ImperSOnal passives of transitive verbs are attested in many languages . In SUIllIlIIIJ)' the RG eharacterisation of passive predicllll the following: I. There can be no double passive. That is, no passi ve clause is itself subject to

PllSSivizarion.. 2. No PllSSive clause can be based on an unaccusative predicate. 3. There can be no passive ofan invenion clause. 4. There can be no passive ofm independently impersonal clause. (postal 1986:27)

'06

These predictions are made by use of the well-formedness conditions and especially by the I AdvaDcetPtDi Eldllslve uw (I AEX) which states that there can be no twO advlocernents to I ' 07

in one clause. I will flnt consider restriction (2) beIe and then tum to impersonal passives of lranSitive vems. Unaccusative predicates are predicates thal have an initial 2 but no initial I. Clauses with unaccusative predicates ~ analysed as baving at least two strata: an initial one with • nominal holding the direct object relation, and a second one in which Ihc object has advance to I (fulfilling the Floal I Law). The 1 AdvaoCfmeoc Elcluslve Law (IAEX) predicts that then: can be no impersonal passives of unaccusative predicates (because this would occessill.le rwo advancements to I i.e the advancement of the initial 2 10 I in the unaccusative advancetnall and the advancemenl of the dwnmy 2 in the passivization). Nijmegen (1990). proposes to derive Ibis restriclioo by incorporating I CbOmnar InJdaJ Law to replace the 1 Advao«meol Elclusive Law. The I Cb6meur wilial Law states thaI DOn-initial Is caooot be detnoted to cMmeurs. thus predicting the impossibility of impersonal passives of initiaUy unaccusative clauses. Perbnuner and Zaenen (1984) presented Dutch examples whlch would seem as contradiction 10 Nijmegen's I CbOmeu:r Initial Law but Nijmegeo uses the same ~Ies to argue !hat there is OIlly one advancemeol in tho5e instances. Whichever law is adopted the swn prediction is thaI there will be no passives of unaccusative predicates. This prediction is borne out by a wide range of data from OIUllCIl)l.lS languages but apparenl counter examples are reported in scven.Ilanguages e.g Lithuaniao, Sanskrit, Turkisb and German (sec Blake 1990). If the RG predictions about passives and \II1aCI;\ISative predicates is to be upheld, the counle!' examples can be handled by supporting one of !he following proposilions: I. The predicateS quoted in these languages are not unaccusatives; 2. The SIJUCtUl'CS in question are DO{ passives; 3. Th.esc clauses do nol involve two advancements 10 I.

l2 Tbcrc is ada:Juate reason 10 believe thallhc predicates in questioo are unaccusarives . Blake (1990) suggests two possibilities of lllXommodating the counter examples within the RG analysis and slill avoiding the violatioo of the: lAEX: 1. 1)1ntroduce the Dummy 2 in a stratwn pm:eding Ihc passive stratwn i.e allow the Dummy 2 10 render the initi.al2 a cb6meur before the latter is advanced 10 I. then advance !be Dummy to I in a subsequent stratwn as in (3Z). (32)

Advance the initial 2 10 I, demote to cbOmeur in !he subscq~1 stratum. and tben 2. introduce the Dummy as a I in the following stratum as shown In (33).

1m

(ibid) y

x

z

U;: ~

from those f impcnODal passives because the latter involve the co~t del1lOliOll of I 10 cbOmeur but the two . _,, __'" .,,_ ~ of a non-referentialsubject. Blake argues that the scpamle constructions ....... UK' _ _ •• _ . _ . . . UnpenonaIs above seems to create SCVt:l1ll I"VV~"_' treatment of ~~= a gcncnlisatioo 10 account for the distribution of passive marking l in those languages;

:cse=:~~a

fti

.. _ . ~ .

2) How to distinguish !he genuine imperSOnal passives from such constructions. As we have shown above, Kikamba ean fonn ~ives: both ~I and impersonal. from verbs thaI have no initial I, (inll'llDsitive-Z in our classli'icatJoa) as ilIustnlled below. (34)

(a)

KlI.nI nlk!codi tJdUUni b-W ni·ki!.-i-end-l ndUki-ni 12-child FOC-12-TNS-go-FV sbop-LOC The child wcnllO the shop

(b)

Nikwiendi kIInI Dllliki!.ni Ni-k\l.I-end-' b·W ndUki-nI FOC-17-TNS-go-FV 12-cbildshop-LOC There WCDt a child 10 the shop.

(,)

NikwAendwi!. ndUldni (ni kDnl) Ni_kil-A-end_w-il odUkA-nJ (ni boW) FOC-I7-TNS-go-PAS-FV sbop-LOC (by 12-cbild) 1hcrt; was gone to the shop (by the child).

(,)

NdUki!.nI nJvAendw! (rn kAnJ) NdUkII.-rn nJ-va-t-end-w-i (nlka-W) sbop-LOC FOC-I6-TNS-go-PAS-FV (by child) The shop was gone 10 (by !he child)

p

p

2 1

(Blake 1990:82)

x ''s« BIaU (1990:82).

y

2

. ---........ in the language and Ihcreforc we We are not aware of any oilier use of the passive " ..... "'_... 1 GrenmlllT consider examples (34 c) and (34 e) 10 be passive. To this effect we find the ReianOll8 109

108

account of passive inadequate in the analysis of this pbeoomenon in Kikamba. Examples given in section (6. 1) above show that Kikamba fOflllS impenonaI passives from tnmsitive verbs. Coruida" (5) and (6) repeaied here as (3 5 I) and (35 b) (3S).

(I>

NikwlkOnwt kiln! NT-ku....-k\ln-w-, b-W

FOC- 17-TNS-beot-PAS-FV 12-child Lit. 1bm: was beaten I child. (b)

~ldvcd

Mal sis would face given the Kikamba data is in relation to the insis~ that the ~P .p.romoted Y ." t be a 2 (a dire<:t objoct). asswning grammatical relations are pruruh ves (not III pa5S1V1ZI1Km mus . NP be ted 10 subject oc rmable». We have seen above.that in.Kikamba a locative can promo [IOSition even in the presence of I dire::t object.

f_

We will tum to Government and Binding Theofy and the researcb within that ~'":"­ lind cxpkxc wbdher an analysis adcquaie ror Kibmbll passive can be constructed Wlthm this

Ni-ki-i-kw'I-w4 ki-vcd. FOC- 17-ll'/5-am:st-PAS-FV 7-woman. Lit. 1bm: was arrested I woman. lmpersooal passives have becu a challcn~ to the RG analysis of passive and particularly the analysis of impersonal passives of rransitive verbs (postal 1986:9). The application of the dwnmyadvancement analysis of the impersonal passive to passives of transitive verbs results in two ~h6meurs. The introdUC1ion of the dummy in the second stratum forces the inilial 2 into cbOmage, then the dummy advllDCCl to I forcing the initial ) into ~Mmage. The dwnmy advancement fulfils tbe Motivated CMrucur Law and the Final 1 Law. This analysis has however, not been uni versa lly accepted as is evidenced by the spoDIIDeGUS demotions analys is of Comrie (1977). Comrie (1977) suggested that the basic feature of passive is the demotion of the initial Qogieal) subject and thai advancement of the object is a consequence which need not necessarily follow. The spontaneous demotion and the dummy advancemenl analyses make different predictions aboul the status of the initial 2. Under the spontaneous dellXMion analysis the initial 2 should remain a 2 in impersonal passives, while in the RG analysis, the initial 2 should be pushed into ehOmage by the dummy adVIlDCClDCtlt. One way of delCnDining which of these analyses is adequate is to examine the status of the initial 2 in the: final stratum.. Within the RO dummy advanccrncnt analysis it should be unemployed (DOl a final 2). Siewierska (1984) argues against the RG analysis by poinling: out that in a nwuber of1anguages the initial 2 shows I range of final 2 characteristics (Siewlerska 1984:117-123). Blake (1990:85) gives examples showing thai in Welsb the initial 2 retains at least one object property, (it can be rcprc::smted by I proclitic on the verb in I manner similar to that of dinIct objects in an active verb in the language). This would seem to provide evidence in favour of spontaneous demotion but RG does DOl make explicit elaiJm on which properties of a tenn are lost when it is demoted to a cb6meur. 1'berefore the fact that the initial 2 does behave in certain respectS like I fina.I 2 may not qualify it as I final 2 in RO. However, as Blake 1990 puIS il: There is 110 positive evideoce for the dtttnmy advancement analysis {in transitive verbs]. There are many eases where an RO analysis that is well motivated in some languages can apply in otben Ihough there is no internal evidcoce, but in this instance tbc:re is DOli lot of evidence to establisb the analysis of impersonal passives of intransitive verbs in the firstp\ace. (Blake 199O:86).

The outline of the RG analysis of passives given above has shown that the theory face9 problems in accounling for the variety of passive clauses observed in Kikamba and particularly passives of UlllICCUSllive clauses and passives of transilive verbs. Another difficulty an RO

no

5.2.2 Tbe Pw ln ill GD' . . diffiemICC between the OB analysis and that of early Tnmsformauonal The mam tber . Cfbs Grammar is that in GB, passive clauses are nol derived from active clauses, ra passl~ ~ are ted al the D-Structure. Passive clauses art. theref~ de~ by ~ ~haractenst:J.~s of the ~verb. The main observation is that the subject NP m pass'v~ ex.h'~'1S the selec~ lion properties of a post-vetbal NP in the corresponding ~hve clause. TIus IS accounted~proposing that this NP is generated in a post verbal (assummg SVO word order) position at D-Structure. Thus (36) below is related to the D-Structure (37).

and:Sbca .

(36) John was arresled.

(37) _ was arrested John. In . between (37) and the Surface StruCture (36) is the Rule Move 0. which moves the NP JOt: : : g behind a coindexed NP tmee as shown in (38) below. (38) John; was arnsted 1;

In GB the passive verb is claimed to have two essential properties. I. It bas DO 9-Role to assign to ilS sub;ject. 2. II does 001 assign Case to ils objoct.

Thus ive JnOq)bology is said to suppress the external 9-RoJe of the ~ and. ~ _L_ ...........L _ ~veTbaI case. lbe eonsequence of property I is that I verb Wlth passl~.e """"' .... n" pos .. bj ' k.- This means that this morphology does 001 place reslrictiOO5 on the NP m lIS su CCI posl."",. . itioo can be empty al D-Structu:re (37), and can therefore be oecupi.~ "y. a promoted ~ect 01" : ;the non-referential e1emenlS. A !be\a1ess position ICIVeS IS a landing Slle for NPs subject 10 Move (L The consequence of property 2 is thai the NP genmted in !be object position of a passive

'''1I11his ~ 127).

we will mainly oonaidtr the l landard anal~ prexn~ in Cbomoky (198 1:11 7.

verb is analysed as having not received case and therefore must be moved to a posilion where il will receive case or the senlence wiU be iII-fonned (because of the Case Filter which l't.(juiIes thai overt NPs must have Case).

The derivation of passive e1ausc:s therefore involves an obligatory NP movemCDl The NP Jl)bn in (37), for example cannot surface in a post-VCJbaI positioo because of the Case Filter and tbc oon-thcmalic subject position provides a landing: position for this NP (here it wiU get the case assigned by Agreement in JNFL). The initial impression one acts from this is !hat this analysis is designed 10 handle pcrsooal passives, and its appamu weaImcsses of the analysis is Iio.Ud with the reliance 00 Case. The requirement that a post·vc:rbaI. NP must move (an object must become a subject) leaves the impersonal passives found in many languages unaccota:ltcd for. CbomsI:y (1981:33 1) proposes 10 deal with impmonaI passives through the procedure of oo-supcrscripting. The crucia..I idea in his proposal is that an expletive docs DOl require case and therefore the case assigned 10 an expletive in subject position can be InInsmined through 00superscripting 10 • post_vcrbal NP io languages !hal allow impcrsonaI passives of transilive verbs. This wi ll, of course, be followed by stalements restricting Ibis option to some languages since il is clearly not available to English. Thus io GB the passive construction is not given a special treatmenl but is handled wilhin the general principles of the sub-theories. Developments subsequent to the standard GB analysis (Chomsky 1981) have centred around analysing the passive mOlpbcmc as an argument of the vero and differed in !heir solulions on 9-role and Case assignment features associated with the passive moiphology. Studies within this approach include, (JaeggJi ( 1986), Roberts (1 987), Baker (1988) and Marli (1 989). We will briefly discuss three of these below.

5.1.1.1 The Passive Morpb eme as an Arguwent oftbe Verb What these approacbes have in common is that they analyse !he pas:sive motpbcmc as an wgumeut of the vCTb. They also agree thai the pas:sive morpheme must invariably receive the elttcmal. 9-Role assigned by the vCTb (the role typicaUy received by the logical subject). bul they differ in the methods each one proposes 10 ensure that this rnorpbcmc receives the elttemal 9rnIe and DOl any other role. Roberts' (1987) proposal is that the passive morpbemc is generated as a c::iitic, (en). in INFL. This clitic is then oo-indexed 81 D-Structure with the Empty Category (EC) in subject position. The external theta·Role assigned to the EC in suiject position can therefore be received by the passive morpbeme which is part o(the chain (C;,CD;). Roberts then proposes that, 10 get to ils surface position, the pwive morpbcmc bas 10 wxleJgo "Affix. Hopping". He claims that the EC in subject position will foUow l4 the passive morpheme in this movC1DCDl thus creating a tbcta-frcc subjccl positioo IS expected. This analysis creates two problems. The fust is the unusual movemenl of the EC category and the secood. is to do with the ProjcctKln Principle (the subject position starts as a thcla positKln at D-structurc and ends up as a theta Iiee posilioo at surface structure). Robens' proposal is to modify the Projection Principle so as to exclude the

'"The 1nI)_ ofrbe wbole chaiD it abo _il8teo;l by Govtmmenl isslIe$.

The pusive rnorpbeme it i.o tile trw to 1/1 10 IJOVtnl the EC ill subjo::t position and Ibus fulfil the proper ~ 011 clilQ and tbeir IIISOciated eqlty category. Tberd"(R oooe!be p¥Sive lIlClrpbnne _ the EC will

112

subject position from the requirement thaI the thetII configurations remain the same through out the derivation ora sentence. Similar to the analysis in Roberts (1987) Baker (1988) proposes to ~e the.pass: . L bu be that the passive morpheme is an argument m Its own nghl not a chain in order to be theta-roIt: II is ted · [NFL because this is a VP elttemal position and Dl !hili POSltlOP II can receive ~ witbow bc:me is accounted for by proposmg a process moves . INFL : : : problems wi!h periphrastic passives in which an amiliary a~y occuptes the is "" ( Baker (1988·31 1) for details on bow be resoh-es Ibis). Another problem 11I0Il 1105 nnect" ·with Case: assignment Although the passive takes the theta role cncounl,;u:u m co I0Il . . .L _ normally assi.......... to the associated wi!h the lhematic 51.1bject, il is 001 allowed to receive "": case .. . 6"'"'" nominal in the subject position because this would \eave the subject po511lOD Wlthoul ~ and di ualify it as a landing site for NPs moved by Move Cl (the GB analysis ofperso~1 passIVes). '" proposes "" where the ....uive morpheme must have case, ibIS should ~ Baker "...-,.m '--OI'~_ UW .......... _ _ . - r . .dcring be !he Nominative Case (the case assigned by INFL). This again is a romp Icatlon conSI the proposed base position of the passive morpheme.

u:=

~ :.e ::; ~ d!t.-Role oompl~1ioDs-

assi~ ~ eIt~l. ~ vel:i~Of~ a:s~,:

The:;_

_se:.

r.

Afarti's (1989) analysis is similar to !he two analyses diseussed above thai ~ a;s!:,e · t of !he verb and as a resu ll it requires a theta· Role. He also 0"" I h morp ernc IS an argumcn .L _ RI "_M by "" ,ob . . 0f .ty that the passive morpheme gets the external "",Ia- 0 e assl&,"""" . verbs that do DOl assign external theta-Role (unaccusotive vcrns) not coP .•L • ........1- (""" a verb does not assign an external .. Ibela-role then It cannot occur WI", passive mo, ....", -...,. N "" occur with passive morphology'" (Afarti 1989: 142) and be shows that ibIS IS so m orwegum .

~;s ~~t

wi1~

The difference between the analysis in Afarli (1989) 00 the ODC ~ and that in Roberts (1987) and Baker (1988) is that Afarti proposes tobgencntte . the:::~~~ internally and ensure that it gets the eltternal theta-role y proposmg

in

theta~~=: be assigned inside words (.•.1if a theta-role is ~igned ins.ide a word il

is assigned in the opposite assi~t direction of theta·roIes assigned outside the word.

Afarti (1989:121) This means that word-intemal theta-role assi~t is directionaUy the rev~ of word-ex~1 1llerefore the verb will assign ilS external tbcla-role Clthcr to the NP 10 Its · theta- rol e asSlgnmcnt. . 0)16 H that this can be left or to a word-internal argument to its ri~t (~g SV . . e argues roI should be accommodated by the Projection Principle SUice ftnodUng requues ~t the. same e assigned 10 the same position 81 all levels. What is required is thaI 11 IS assigned to an argwncnt 81 an Icvel M Marti (1989: 131). UAtarli Ibcrws !hal ffP1ive

vm. (vm. ibII do oot ossigD 11\ memal ThrIa-RoIe) are iU·fonned with

gaImI!ed bigh

plUive morpbology.

111110 IDOve in onier 10 Iflain !be OoV«1lDlftll ~latioD.

''11is DOt cleer bow this directionIlily prillCipie would work !ban (SVO) and witb !be ptiSi~e morpheme sliD IIIlI • " ,If",.

in IAIIguqes with !;lui< word mIers od>er

AfarIi also addresses the issue of Case at some Icng1h. His analysis focused on Norwegian which has the phcnomcoon ofimpcrsonal passives, even in transitivcs, and therefore NP movement is not an essential part of passive clauses. Afarli (1989: 141) claims that • A verb has cxact.ly thc same inbcrc:nt Case assignment cap6City in activC5 and passivcs· and tbct1 proposes that the passive morpbcmc may or may DOl need Case. Case assignment 10 the passive morpheme is therefore a parIIIllCtcr which is set in different directions in different Languages. according 10 Afarti. In English (and languages in this group) tile passive morphr:me must m:ci~ Case and this forces NP movement while in Norwegian the passive morpheme need DOl receive Case. This means thai whik in English passive clauses must have an obligatory NP movemenl this need not be: so in languages in the Norwegian group". In this way Afarli accounts fot impcrsonaJ. passives of both transitive and intransitive I verbs in Norwegian.

The sum predictions of the analyses in Gbomsky (1981, 1982), Roberts (1987). Baker 11988) and Afarti (1989) arc twofold: That in aU languages the passive morphology will co-occur with verbs that assign an I. external theta.rok. This is becauSe the passive morpheme as an argument of the verb requires a tbetlI.rok and itlDUSI gel thc ulemal tbctI·ro1e assigned by the vttb. 2 . Case lISSignmcot 10 the passive morpheme is not a universal principle hut a parameter

that can be: set differently in different languageS:

Though the RG and GD analyses may on the 5UIface seem different they aeoount for the same: SCI of data as far as the passive construction is concerned: I. Both reqLlite that only verbs with exlernal theta roles 10 assign, (similar 10 RG's clauses with initial Is), can have passive. This covers the transitive verbs and the intnmsitive- I verbs in Kikamba.

2. There is a strong asswnption that only the direct object (the NP rocciving the Accusati ve (structul1Il) case) can become the subject in a passive eonslIUCtioo because this is the argument whieb becomes caseless after the passive morphology absortIsIrocc1ves the accusative case. As was said above the RG aeoount of passives hinges on the promotion ora 2 (a dinx:t object).

This leaves two aspectS of Kikamba passives unaceounted for: I. The passives of intransitive-2 verbs. The approaches based on GD analyse the passive moTphemc as requiring and rcoeiving the Clltemal tbcfa role and verbs with Clltcmallbcta role cannot have upletive subjOCl5 1iIcc intransitivc-2 verbs in Kikamba. We arc assuming these verbs are unaccusative in the scmc of RG. 2. The fact that when the cboice is made to move a postverbaI NPs 10 the subject position Kikamba does IIOt seem to have the case restrictions predicted in GD. Below we prcscnt our proposalJ 00 the diroctioo an ~e analysis of the passive construction in K.ikamba sbould take.

a. In some languages the passive morp~me m~t have Case. In such Janguages the passive morpbemc can only occur WIth transitive verbs. . b. In languages where the passive morpbemc "",occ:d. DOl ~~ the( .. ::'.t: morpheme can co-oceur wilh both. transitive mtranSltlve v there is an external theta role).

c:s

Thc RG analysis predicts that there will be: 110 passives ofllllaocusative clauses.

Before we make proposals of elltension of the theories, we wi1l first we will l.ook at the

Kikamba data that these theories fail to account for. The question we ask ourselves IS wh~ Ihcse QO!IStruCtions arc similar to !hose identified ~ GD as ~ving 110 utemal theta role 10 assign and by RG as dauses thai have 110 initial I. We Will dcal with GD fiBt . The test used in Afarli (1989) to determine which verbs have and which ~ not h~ve WI • • .. _ I obseJy"''' \he syntactk: behaviour of a verb m relallon to utcmal theta role 10 assIgn, mv ..... ves -'0 roI ted 10 \he insertion of subject CJq)ktives. Verbs which do DOIassi~ elltemal~· e are upcc take ellplctive subjOCl5 even without passive morphology while verbs With an ex~cmal ~- rok: 10 assign arc iJlformcd with ex pletive subjects in their underived fonn. Usmg thiS test the Kikamba verbs in eUlUples (17) and (18) above (repeated here as (39 and 40) ~ 10 ~ve no restrictions on the subject and ihen:fOfe are not Cllpocted to eo-occur With passive

-. (39). (a)

5.3 Towu'ds lUI Aaatysb oftbe Klkamba Pasdve Construction

s::

KIvcti Dlkyiviki

KJ.vdl ni-ki-i·vik4 7-woman FOC_7·TNS-arrivc-FV The woman arrived.

The need for an analysis of passives oIher than those discussed above is motivated by the fact that OOI1e ofthcse analyses seetm 10 adoqLi8.tcly account for \he passive varieties available in

(b)

NlkwAvik! kiveti NI.kiI4.vik-a ki·vcti FOC 17_lNs-arrivc-FV 7· ....'OD"IIID 1lIere arrived a woman.

(0)

NikwAvikwtI. (iii kveti) Ni.\dl-t.vik-w-a (ni kJ-veti) FOCI7-TNs-arrivc-PAS-FV (by 7·woman) There was arrived by a woman.(arriving was done by a woman)

I vat. IhiII do IlOl RIbcaIegorise for • ~ NP while languages like Norwegian allow thi$ option.

114

115

(d)

*Nikwliviki Nr-kU-li-vik-i FOC-17-TNS-arrive-f'V

(e)

Nikwavikwa Nr-kii-li-vik-w-i FOC-17-lNS-anivc-p AS-f'V 11lcre was rurivc.:d.

zs

he ill-formed because of the theta-Criterion .

(40)

(a)

Weather verbs on the other band do not CO-OCCUI with the passive mOipheme as example 441 b) shows.

(41)

""""-

(a)

Nikwititki Nr-kii-!-tUk-! FOC 17-TNS-darken-FV It blx:ame dark.

ka-W ni-Icl-!-cnd-a

(b)

(c)

(d)

(e)

. Ni"kwitUkw! Nr-kil-i-nik-wi

(b)

12-<:hild F()C..12-TNS-go-f'V

Nikwiend.i kanA Nr-ku-i-nd-a ka-lln! FOC- 17-TNS-go-f'V 12-c.hild There went a child.

The difference between the verb in (41) and Ihose in (39) and (40) is that the latter have at least one theta-role (an internal theta-role). It seems therefore, thai the presence of the passive morpheme in Kikaruba correlates with the presence of al least one verb argument regardless of whether it is an extcmal or internal argument. We will eome back to this shortly.

Nikw.iendwa (ni kina) Nr-kii-i-end-w_a (Ill ka-W) FOC- 17-TNS-go-PAS_f'V (by 12-<:hild) There was gone by the child (going was done by the child)

the

We will DOW nun to RG and find out whether the intrnositivc-2 verbs in Kikamba. fit in category of verbs analysed as unaccusatives in RG. A3 we said above unaccusative predicates

are associated with clauses that have no initial I. The question we ask ourselves is whether examples (39) and (40) above can be identific.:d with this feature. What we have observc.:d above is that the verb vika ' arrive' can have an expletive subject even without passive morphology and in that example, (39 b), the nominal Jdveti 'woman' is not II final I (it does not have thc characteristics of a final I in Kikamba- control of subject-verb agreement, precede the verb etc. If then.!>iYm 'woman' is oot a final I in (39 b) and the verb in question is not an unaccusative, (39 b) is a dcrivc.:d struclW"e and we will need to postulate a revaluation which makes kiveli "woman" a fInal non- I. The following are the two possibilities:

-Ni1r.w.iendii Nr-kii-li-end-i FOC-17-TNS-go-f'V NikwilendwA

Ni-ku-i-end_w-i FOCI7_TNS-go-PAS-FV There was gone

(42) (,)

T1Ie verbs .'ci!i! "arrive" and cnda "go" take ex let" . . . (examples (39 b) and .(40 b». (3~e) and (4Oc) shO:(~~ub~e: :,~c:;:s:t fonn vems can CO-Oce~ wnh the passIve morpheme.:ll:::: and (39d) and (4Od) indicat !ha th these verbs subeategonse for at leas! one argument in their non M~.·' T e t ese two phenomenon thcrefi .1._ GB ___ I . • ........ lve orm. 0 account for this ore WI' ....... ysls of passives presented above oceds modification. We will first briefly discuss the characteristies of these e I' assignmem, The examples in (39) and (40) show !hat the verb~ ~;::~ftheta~rol~ have at ICBSt one theta-role which must be assigned, as indicated b th ·u formcdn mda go The fact that these vems admit expletive further ~I ~s -theta I~ of (d). ~temal theta-role.in the ~ ofGB. The well-formcdncss of (e) therefore (wi~ .> suggests ~t I.fthe passz~e morpheme must re.;eive II theta role as the GB a hes hay claimed, then m this example It has received internal thCIII role, otherwise the ~ WOUl~

an

subject an

suggests

n::

-:n

3

p

kiveti

vika

kiveti

vika

1be demotion of I to 2 has been proposed for antipassive and I to 3 for inversion construction in RG but these are quite different from the phenomenon being observed here. Kikamba docs not differentiate between final 2s and 3$ and therefore the choice of(42 a) or (42 b) has no consequences in the language. If this analysis is accepted, rather if(39 a) is analysed as reflecting the basic structure, then the following is the analysis of examples (17139 a-<:).

''"The '16

(b) p

tbeta-Criteril SI3teS tIw

evft}"

ugumenl IIlUSt m:eive

ODe

mil only

ODe

lbefa.",1e and every

Theta-role Il'AlSI bee assigned.

'17

(43) (.)

(,)

(b)

kiveti

kiveti vika

That casc assignmenl 10 !he passive morpheme is not a Wliversal fea~ and 4. Ianguag . which the passive morpheme need not receive case have two opuoos of fiR ;;; ~eu subject positioos- move IIDOtbcr nominal 10 this position or fill the ~ with an expletive (dummy subject),

vika kiveti

vika

Example
I. FoUowinglaeggli ( 1986); Roberu (1987); Baker (1988) and Afarti (1989) that a verb with passive morphology bas the same argument structure as the COfTeSPOIlding verb without the passive morpheme19.

2. That in the lexicon verbs are listed in their simple forms and thai derivational morphemes arc listed 5q)&raIdy with spa:irlClltions on ~ resuictiOOS»,

3. That the passive morpbcme is trealOO 15 an argument of the verb with which it coOCCUB and Ihcrcfore requires a theta· role.

''In ~ witbouI O\'en paaive ~ Afarli (l989) &'ISlIIDOS • morpboIogicaUy II:oIcno;t element whIcII bas oven 'YD1II;Qo; riI'eo;tt similar 10 1boee of tile oven passive morpbeme. '"Thia in eft'ed _ thai die ~ve 1IlIlIpbcme .. inserted III d-s~ and it .. ~ in \bat die relation!hip betwmt passh'e and active cl.awes .. maiolliDed. They differ iD that !be verb in \be pu$ive clause reoeiVei' differtll1 arpncut 1\ cHUUI:t\I1'e. This line is preseo~ \bough differently orpnised. ill Afarli" aoaI)'Iit, 118

119

As we have said above, observation of the Kikamba data suggests that the passive

morpheme will co-occur with all verbs that have at [east one theta-role (argument) to assign regardless of whether it is an internal or extemaJ theta-role (initial l or initial 2). What we need to establish here is which thela-role the passive morpheme takes in structures where the verlI has more than one thell-roles to assignll. We will consider transitives and intransitivc-l verbs only. This is because in the case ofinlransilive-I only ODe theta-role, 8.11 external one, is assigned (thus passivizing according to the predictions) and weather verbs have no theta-role to assign and have

21 Next, we are going 10 exanllne inlTanSitive-l with two arguments.

(48).

(a)

Nikw8.vik! kJveti milUndW' Ni-kii-A-vik-' kI-veti mli-ilndlI-nT FOC-17-TNS-anive-FV 7-.....oman 3-fann-LOC There anived I woman I woman at the farm.

(,)

Nikwivikwi miliindMi Ni-kii-i-vik-w-i mil-ilndl\-ni FOC-17-TNS-anivc-PAS-FV 3-farm-LOC. There was anived It the fann (aniving at be farm was done)

(d)

.Nikw8,vikwlI. kIveti mitUndini Ni-kii-A-vik.-w-a kl-vetl mil-ilndl\-nJ FOCI7 -TNs-arrive-P AS-FV 7-woman 3-farm-LOC.

(,)

·NIkwavikwA kIvetl Ni-kil-!-vik-w-1 kI-vetl. FOC- 17-TNS-amve-PAS-FV 7-woman

been shown not to take: the passive morpheme. Consider the following sentences. (44)

lOved nlIcyikfuY kAnI.. KJ-veti ni-kI-l-kii D-' b-1oL

1-woman FOC-1-TNS-bcat-FY 12-ehild. The woman beat aItbe child

We assume that in this sentence the verlI kJ.mi "beat~ has two theta-roles, an atemal !bela-role (agent) assigned to the NP ~ "woman~ and an internal one assigned 10 the NP k!n!. 1be expletive test shows that the verb has an external theta-role because an expletive subj~t proWces iII-fonncdness as in (45) below. (45).

·Nlkwikiln6 kW.

Ni-kil-i-kWHi b-w. FOC-17-TNS-beat-FV 12-ehild. However, in the passive foml, an expletive can occupy the subject position (46). We tberefm, conclude that the theta-role assigned 10 the subject position has been "taken up~/absorbedIreceived by the passive morpheme. This COIlClusion is further supported by the fact that the subject of the corresponding active cannot occupy the subject position when the vcro is in passive form (see example (47» . (46).

(47).

Nikwikilnwt kInI Ni-kil-'-kiln-w-a b-lnlL FOCI7-TNS-beat-PAS-FV 12-ehild '"Thc:rc was beaten I child",

·k1vetl rUkytkilnwi IdInJI kJ-veti ni-kil-I-kiin-w-1 b-Jnl.

7-woman FOC-7-TNS-bcat-PAS-FV 12-child Example (46) shows !bat the internal theta-role of the verb ha$ not been affoclCd by the passive (the facl !bat the NP .kiwi ·ehild~ can still ocelli' in that position). 'The illformcdncss of (47) can be explained in terms of the !beta-Criterion. In this tIlIalysis (47) is an instance of a verb with two theta-roles 10 assign and three arguments lhlu need theta-roles and this explaimlthe ill-fonncdness. The passive morpheme takes the external them-role assigned by the verb and thus the NP ~ "woman" has DO theta-role. violating the thcta-Critcriott In these examples the passive mOlphcme selectively receives the external them role. rtlOf]Ihology

11 Afarlj ~ thalllIIo l*5ive ~ DIllS! take !be exlmlal ThN..-."Ie because it ia !his The\a.roIe lhal iI wxImIood ill pauive cJ- .

120

As we said above (48 a) identifies the verb !is "arrive" as a verb which does not assign an external theta-role_ 11Ie two NPs in (49 a) therefore receive internal theta-roles from the verb lik! ~arrive" _ to the passive form this verb seems to require only one NP. as is evidenced by ~48 e) and the illfonnedness of(48 d), and !be NP required is ofnccessity muWldanj "fann" (the 111formedness of(48 e). It seems therefore to be the case that the passive morpheme receives the theta-role assigned 10 the NP ~ "wonwl~ in the corrcspondina non-passive, and not any oIha. The two sets of examples considered here have shown instances where the passive morpheme must receive the extemal theta-role (46) and others where it receives a partjcular internal !beta-role (48). Can these two account.! be unified? We propose this can be done by use of the universal hietan:hiei', if !he passive lTIOfPbemc is Jmalysed as receiving the highest thetarole assigned by the verb in the following hierarchy_

Ca) External > Internal.

. '

This means that in a elause where boIh external and Internal theta-roles 1m) assigned. the passl~e morpheme must receive the extema1 theta-role (ef examples 47). The internal theta- roles will then be ranked according to the following hierarchy.

»We on: -..minB that !he vabo lhat subeatqOriM for fotlowma \oI;ati"" NPs _igJl TheIa-roIes 10 I:beoe NPs. AnoIber possibility is that \he 1ocMi"" morpbeme ..... Tbe\II.ro\e 10 lIUCll Nh but .. we D witII • locative ~ only lIIIkes lbe doc:ision, wllicbeva' way. 10 llave no ~ for \he analyai.t propot
121

(b) Theme > Gaol > Location. 24

If therefore, a verb docs DOl assign an extemal theta-role, !be passive rncxpbemc wi U scan through !be ioternal theta·roles and take the higbest according to the above hieratthy. If this is done the analysis wiD accotIIll for the variety of passive constructions observed in IUbmha in lenDS of tbeta role assignmcu~. The option of !he passive morpheme receiving an Internal theta role does DO( seem to be available in aU lapguages (espocially those considered in the formulation of !be GS Ihcory). While we do DOl propose to be able to explain Ibis fully, it is possible !hat in some Janguages syntaclie proec:ssc; recognise the hierarchy only in as far as the distinction between external and internal arguments is cooccmed while others tike Kikambe make finer distinctions. We will leave the development o(an analysis ofKikamba passives in GS at that and ttan

to a possible lhcory'flCutnll c.xplanarion.~

53.l. A Tbeory Neutral AnaJysLs or Kikamba Pusives An adequate aceOWlt of passives in IUbmba needs to relkel the: n:ality that Kikamba has

a very productive passivi7Ation process whereby it can have as subject o( a passive verb oommliis with virtually all the possible semantic relations to the verb (patient, dative, locative, benefactive) and that typically all verbs with at least one argument can take the passive morphology. The two theory-based approaches considered bere:n have been shown, (without the proposed extension for the GB analysis) to come short of Ibis goal. It would seem that Comrie',

(19n) Proposal 'Spontaneous Demotion' provides an c1egant theory neutral account of passive1'. We will briefly examine bow Comrie ( 19n) explains the Kikamba data. The passive varieties in Kikamba that have been shown to be problematic to both GS and '"If tbeIa-.........

III be ~ 10 IfItI>t
r.a GB has "'" beaI

RG are !be impersonal passive of transitive veJbs and the passive from an unaccusarive base ~ (i.e a verb like Y.ik! 'arrive' which can have an expletive subject with or without the passive morphology). GS ruIes the latter out because the base veJbs have no external theta roles and RG predk:t they will not oe<:UI" bocause the elauses have no initial I. The fllCl \hat they do occur suggests that eitbcr!he passive morpheme does not universally require an extemal tbe~ ~Ie ~as GS claims) or the: distinction between an initial and fmal I is not important to the passl~1OD. process in Kikamba. The suggestion tha! perbaps ~ pass~ve morpheme does not requtre !be external theta rok was considered above. The diJcusslon presented below looks at the possibility that il is not oeeessary to distinguish between an inilial and a ~I I (or ~ ~ o( passivi7.ation in Kikamba. In other \\I'Otds the disriroction between inlransrhvc-I and Ultransl~Ve2 veros has 00 consequence to !be passivization process in KiJcamba. In (IICI !be examples ~ven above have shown thai both the subjOCI of intranSitive- I and \hal of intransitive-2 are unaVlU1ab1e as core arguments in the corresponding passives. In terms of the subjOCI relation the Kikarnba pusive can be dise~ from two perspectives. The tim ODe is 10 examine the passive cla~ in relation ~ the aetlV~ clause. In other words derive tbe passive eonsrruction from the aetlve consrruetlOll.. In this a~h Comrie's notion of' spontaneous demotion' seems sufficient to derive the vanety of passives: Ul Kikamba. The statement would be that "given an active elause in Kikrunba ~ ~rteS~mg passive is formed by demoting the subjOCl", without specification as to whether It ~s an UlI~a1?," final subject, and with a condition that the clause in question is not already a pass.lve. Th.ls will derive all the passive variety observed in Kikamba but it will also derive conslructlons which we may not want to give the name passive in this study. Consider the examples below: (49) (a) KIveti nlkyAvingil mOomo Ki-vetl ni-kI.'·ving·' mil-omo 7-woman FOC-7-TNklose-FV J-door The woman closed the: door.

wry ciao- (10) !beD !be

~ biftwt:h

IW Kibn:IbIo would be: BeadiciIry '" Redpia:II: > PaUco:Il '" t.oc.IM.

(b)

NikwAvIngiU. mOomo Ni.kii-i-ving-ik-' mil-omo fOC.I7_TNS
(c)

Mllomo niw!vfngik6 Mil-omo oi"..u-i-ving.Ik.. J.door FOC-3-TN5-close-STV·FV The door closed.

1IAecordina 10 Afarti. ~ diAUowl pASSive """JIIIoIO&y ill copWc ttmsitivs. If ..... fu>diIIp be IcneOOs«I. P"fIIpa \bore ;" • pm$ibIe ~ of !be ~ dID or pemap. only !be distinctioa belweaI almllllDCl iDItrmoI..-,ummas opepIt$ uni-;a-saIIy.


'*rben: are ~ ~ 01 ~ in OS IhII bave- "'" beaI di5ruSIId litre.

Thill iaclude 1bc_..;gniDa ~oflho:~ vabwbida ..... memtlOforoe NP ~!be NP movcmaJI itJdf and 1bc ~ it aad Ibo oppIicIIioq of tbese DOtioos 10 tile IIIIIysiI or J*5i- ill co~1ex (iautel ~ KbmbIIlIows Ibe ot;eet or.u anbedcIod Im5ed verb 10 become Ibo sut;a;r 01. passive moau vtrb. TbeIe In tbII carl be IIba up in 01ber studies.

aowmmc u....

"Foley IDd VaI.in (1985:330) 1dopI. prI&IIlIIX IppfC*:lIIDd CODCIude "B.m1Ll (f~ pusi_ are [... J __ l1li probIftRIIic ill rIIIt !hey would be Ibe only mown o;aes of ~ .-.iva

The relationship between (49 b) IIOd (49 c) 011 the one hand and (49 a) on the other is that !be subject of (49 a) has been demoted and (49 b) makes use. of the dwnmy subject while (49 c) promotes the obj«:!. to subject. Now compare (49) above WIth (50) below;

operIIina in prp.1t:M 1Inguqn,.." '"The INIOQI why Ibis IppI"OIIdI bas retNioed in \be backgroood is because \be ..,..,...:beI wbleb hive bmI in !be fcn&ooi in !be anaI)1is of passive _ rbeory specific and while Rdali<mal Onmnu _ the basic rearu:e of plSSives .. \be proIIIO(ion of. ~ ob;ect, GB bas moved nom the IIDIly$is tbII daivod passi_ fiom ICtivt$ I<) In 1/laI)'IiI dlIIloob It tile propertXs of!be passive verl>.

(50)

(a)

KIveti nikylivin&' mtlomo KT-veti nl·kI-i-ving·' m(l~mo 7.woman FOC-7-TN5-close-FV 3-door 123

(b)

Nikwaving'Na mijomo

Lit.

Ni-k..a-vlng-w_a mii-omo FOC-17-TNS-close-PAS_FV 3-door 'There was closed a door

(e)

Muomoniwiivfngwli Mil-omo nl.ii-A.ving_w., 3-door FOC-J -1NS-close-PAS_FV

1be door was closed. :

:~(50"')=~ (49).and,(SO) is not only the use of differenl morphemes ~ and :.t: bllt

rc is an unp ed argument (agent) which is or tb • (9 subjects of(49) and (50) hav diff. . n e case m 4 ). In fact the Kikamba.. In Kikamba all o~ crent Slatus m terms of the que~tion formation COll'ltruction in

=

:::;=):~~OIlS:j'::t~tuln(~sthe

WQ~ occupi~ ~ J?OSition of tile

:;':=(~!.~)~gI~.~ ,closed' has this subject cbaraclcristic whilc the subjecl of ~ ac earure (see the examples below) IIIIS

(5 1)

(a)

KwavfngikAkyaii:? KU-a·ving-ik-a !d-IO 17-TNS-close-SlV -FY 7-what What closed?

(b)

Kwavmgikwhikyaii:? Kii-a-vfng_ik_w-4 ni H-IO 17-TNS-close-stv·PAS_FV by 7,what

(c)

questi: ' be

Nikyaii: kyivingika? Niki-aii: kI-i-vingi_k_a FOC 7-what 7-iNS-close-STV_FV What is it that closed

In (51a) the question word ~ ~what" OCI; • the ob ' .. derived subject. In (5Ib) the question oroUPI~ b ~ect posn~on, which suggests that this is a the ' . W IS 10 a y phrase typical of subjects and (Sic) show questIOn word 10 a cleft I:ODSll'uction which is possible with all arguments. S (52)

(a)

Kwiivlngwa kyail? Kil-a-ving-w_a Id-lli 17-TNS-close-PAS-FV 7-what What was closed?

(b)

• Kyilil?-a-ving-(w)-w-a Id-llil 17-lNS-close-(PAS)_PAS_FY 7-what

(c)

Nikylliikyivingw!? Nikylii 1d-a-vlng_w-4 foe what 7-TNS-closc-PAS_FV

~~!!::i~i~:= won:! is in object position and in (S2b), the typical way of questioning the 12<

Thus, the subject of a passive clause is treated as an object for the formation of the question construction in Kikarnba. Hence, though the relationship between (49 a) and (49 b) on the one hand and that between (50 a) and (50 b) on the other may at clause level be captured by the use of the 'enn 'subject demotion', (50) is passive because of the presence of the implied argument which is a function of the passive ITlOTphcme. The presence of implied argument seems to prevent the subject of a passive verb from attaining the properties associated with the subject in question formation. Thus demotion/suppression of the subject may not be the main feature that identifies IGkamba passives. The second approach is to find the generalisation in the passive verb itselfsince il seems to be the only feature shared by all the Kikamba passive varieties and excludes other subject demotion conslJul:tions. Passive clauses in Kikamba will therefore be I:haracterised by the following: I . The presence of invariable passive morphology on the verb 2. An implied 'other arguml;flt' whil:h is typil:ally bul need not be an agl;fll 3. A subject which is not an agem 4. A subject with the least possible subject propertics 5. The presen!:C of a correspondJng active the subject of which does not function as the subject of the passive (this property is shared with constructions like (49) above

The passive verb will be characterised by the properties: I . Invariable passive molPhology 2. The syntactic feature characteristic ofintrnnsitive-2 3. An inherent argwnent The variety of passive constructions observed in Kikamba can thus be accounted for in terms of the featum; of the passive verb. Since the presence of the passive morpheme signals a verb with the syntactic characteristics of lntrnnsitive-2 verbs, a passive verb has the option of the two clause types possible with intransitive-2 verbs; an impersonal clause or a clause with a derived subject. Further, the presence of Ihe inherent argument preVCl\ts the subject of passive verbs from inheriting all the subject properties. Thus the subject of the passive verb is diffl:rent from the subject ofintrnnsitive-2 verbs. The basic characteristic of passive clauses in Kikamba then can be explained in terms of the two basic properties of the passive verb: (1) that the verb has an inherent argument which corresponds to the subject of the corresponding active:!9 and (2); that the verb has the syntactic characteristics of intransitive-2 verbs (permits an ellplctive subject). Property (I) is a semantic

"Ia a passive vm

!be qJeStiotI <XIIlSlIlIC:OOb ..sed to

argument and in this way !be pa$$i~ verb oonespoodiDg 1Cti~ subject (lite be4ow): ~!

to ~ !be if it still bas .., subject !be IIOIl1inaJ

'f.II5Iioa subjects can be ..sed

behova

IS

KwaviDgwa nilO?

Kii--..ving-w. ni-W 17-tm--<:Jose.pass by-who.

wOO_ 125

characteristic and property (2) is a syntactic cbaracteristic and both are a function of the passivc morpbemc. The other featw"es of the passive clause can be seen as consequences of Ibese two prop
(0) The claim is thal penonal passives are possible because: of the cmpf)' subject position, in a sentence which has. for pragmatic reasons, failed to be filled by the non-referential elements. An empty subject position is present when a vero is nOI restricted to having thematic subjects, in the manner shown 10 be characteristic of mtransitive-2, weather verbs aDd in verbs with pessive morpboIogy. The necessity 10 fiU sucb a position is expressed in a grammatical principle requiring that clauses have subjects, which is accepted by most cootemporary generative theories (Schlonsky (1989). This principle appears under the name of ' Final I Law' in Relational Grammar, under the name SubjfCt Condfdon in LeJUcaI FWlClional Grammar, and 'Extended Projection Principle' in the Cbomskyan venion of GS. SchJonsky calls this principle "the Subject Stipulation'. II states that:

Every Clause must have. subject. Schlonsky (1989:12)

Mwoo nIw6kilnwa (ni mwltrmil) Mumo was beaten (by the teacher).

nominal that may be adVflI"lCed is defmite, the use of an expletive subject ~ a tkally awkward ~ as in (53b). The information ~veyed by a se:n~ wt~ a ::::::rercntial subject and a defmite object NP is inconsistent. wtth ~ pnagma~ mfonna~on . . personal CO!lStnlCtiOllS.JO In fact once an indcflmte nominal OCCUpies the subject pa~ ~t ~ a defmite reading.JI Thus the subtypiog into i.mpcrsooal and ~I pas . on, . Kibmba ' partly depeodent on the inherent pragmatic features of the oominals =~emfoc SlIhjectISpasition (definite nominals are typically not prec~ by .cxpletive ub ' IS) partly on the infonnation packaging ehosen for the clause (the pomt of view from ~J: ~ infonnation is presented), and partly on the argument struCture of the verb (whether !here is a oomina1lha1 can ~ subject). When the

The consequence of this stipulation is that clauses will have subjects regardless of wbether Ihe

verb has a thematic subject OfnoL When a verb does not assign an external 6-role. the subject position must still be filled by a thematically empty element_ an ellpletivc. The explctive may be null as in Italian or overt as in English. (ibid: 13)

Kikamba enmpJcs have shown that vCfbs with this chanlctcristic are opm to two options; (I) use a non-referential subject (class 16 aDd 17 prooominals) or advance another nominal as the subject. Our suggestion is that Ihe first option available is to fill this position with the pleonastic clements (expletives). This sugge:StiOl! is prompted first by the fact that these are the elements The

that are thematically null and thcrtfore it is natural thaI they occupy a thematically null position. SecoodIy, we have evidence from the language that ceJtai:n Plllgmaric/scmantiC factors can block the use of pleonastic elements in this position while on thc contnuy the advancement of another nominal to this posilion is always possiblc all we have shown abovc. Ifadvancement is given the first opIKln in Iilli.ns these positioDs then we would have no cases of impersonal passives of transitive verbs. As a result we propose the two JUles below for the derivalion of passive structw"e$ in the languagc.

5.4 Somc IInptludon. . ' oing discussion draws us towards recognising three .typeS .~f subject5lclauses In ~ The first group comprises clauses with transi~ive and. m~aNlIhve- 1 verbs. In ~ clauses the subject portmys all the properties ofa prototypical subject m the languagc namely.

The ~

(a) controls subject-verb agreement . (b) occupies position immI:dialcly precedmg the vetb (c) is !)'pieaUy an agent . . '. (d) cannot be questioned In . Itu or m object posmon. The second type of subjects are !hose of intransitive-l and derived stative verbs. These subjects are characterised by the follnwing properties: (a) subject verb agreement (b) occupy the position preceding the vetb (c) need not be agent . . . (d) can be questioned in object position and by use of the mccharusm for questlOmng subjects of underived tranSitivc vCfbs.

I. Fill a thematically and srruclUlally empty subject positioD with an expktive.

In the third group are subjects of passive vCfbs. Tbest have the following cbaracteristics:

2. Advancc a nominal to any subject position that has not been filled with an cKpletive.

(a) subject-verb agreemenl (b) occupy subject position (c) are not an agent . '" (d) can only be questiooed in object (as an object) POSition

Option 2 will apply when option I bas been blocked.. It is imponam therefore to examine factors which block expletive subjects. Consider the sentences below. (53)

(a)

MwAlfmil nlwAldina Mwno The teacha" beat Mwoo.

(b) 126

1NikwAkilnwa Mwno (oJ rnwilImil) There was beaten Murno (by the teacher)

127

1be main difference among the three seems to hinge on point (d) so perhaps before we discuss. way of representing this difference we need to briefly discuss question formation in relation to the verb arguments.

(b)

In Kikamba. as in most Bantu languages, question formation does DOt involvel1 what has come to be known as WH-movement, the question words occupy the position of the questioned argument. However when the nominal. questioned ill the subject the question word cannot occur in !he subject position. A subjIXt is questioned either by use of the pessive construction, the

17_lNS-go-FV who Wbowent?

(c)

question word being the object of !he agentive iii or by use of a cleft OOIISIruCtion with !he question word preceded by the focus particle nt. In onIer to draw the importance of the distinction between transitive, intransitive- I intransitive-llUld passive vctbs we will use one example from each group.

17.lNS.go-PAS-FV by who

(d) · ilil-ila-~-a1

who l.lNS-speak·FV

wbospoke? (b)

· Kwaneena OO?

Kw8endwaDilil? Kij..j-end.w·a nJ·uil

Whowm"

(54)

(a)

KwAenda uu? Ki\-a-end-a uil

Lit.

NOO w&enda1 Nj·w il4-eOO-L FOC-wbo-l-lNS·go-FV II is who that went?

On the other band, the SUbject or~ "be beaten' a passive ~erb, is questioned with the question word in object position (55 b) or by usc of the cleft constructton (55 c).

Kil·a·~iiil

17-lNS-speak-FV wbo

(c)

(55)

(a)

KIn! nIk6.kUnwl Ka-W nl_ka_l_kiln·w_i l2-<:hild FOC-12_TNS_beat_PAS_FV TIle child WlI$ beaten.

(b)

Kw!kiinwa uu? Kii_l_kiin_w-a ilu

KwAneenwa nilil? Kil-6.-nten-w-a nJ-ilil 17-lNS-speak.PAS-FV by-who

Lit. It was spoken by who? (d)

J7_TNS_beal_PAS·FV who Who was bealen?

Nilil wantena? nJ-ilil ii-a-~-a FOC-who 1.TN5-speak-FV Wbospoke?

The question in (S4) is about the subject of the clause and the ~Ies show that the question word is not allowed in subject position (S4 .) or in object position (S4 b). The subject of an intransitive- I verb therefore is questioned only by use of the passive construction (S4 c) or by use of the c left cons\nJCtion (54 d).

fnIII'go', an intransitive-l verb can bave its subject questioned as an object (the question word in object position) as in (54 b), as a subjOCl (using the passive eoostruction) as in (S4 c) or in cleft construction (54 d). (S4) (.) KAna nIkienda KB-1nIl nJ-ka-A-end-a 12-ehi ld FOC-12-TNS.go-FV The child wmt

~ Ibe GB Ibeo!y will P"'P'*' ~ in Ibe ~ Foon (Lf"). WbaI we ....., bore io lhaIlbe quettion word 00 1be IUI1'aee oc.:un in Ibe poIifion usually rcierVt
(0)

NilG wtkilnwa

Ni-w il"-Dln·w-a FOC-wbo l_lN5-beat·PAS-FV Lit. II is who that was beaten?

(d)

.KwAkiinwa nGil? Kii-6..knn-w-a ni-ilii 17-lNS-beat.PAS-FV by-whom

Thus in terms of question eoosttuction the subjects of transi~ve and i~~tive. 1 v~ have pure subject properties (cannot be questioned with the ~ 10Il word .m object POSI~). the subjects of intransitive-l verbs have both subject and object properties and tbe subjects of passives have only object properties.

These differences can be UDderstood with reference to !he interaction Of. the syn~, semantic and pragmatic properties surrounding the nomina1 taken to be subject, ~ (1981 '66) suggested that M many facets of subjecthood can be understood by regarding the protot~ of subject as the intersection of agent and topic". Fol low~g this .~ propose that the nominal controlling subject-verb agreement in a transitive or an mtnmsittve·' verb can be 129

characterised as having the highest syntactic relation (because the vero syntactically selects a thematic subject), !he highest semantic role (typically agent) and in the examples we have considered the highest pragmatic function (typically topic). In other words it is specified syntactic I (subject), Semantic 1 (typically agent) and pragmatic 1 (topic). Thus it is !he ~ prestigious oominaI in the clause in all three parametef$. The nominal controlling subject-verb agreement in an inttansitive-2 verb OIl the other hand is only specified lIS !be higbest semantic relation available in the clause and its syntactic and pragmatic properties I\l'e a function of the pasirioo it occupies in the surface structure ( it can foE" ~Ie be an object when the vm takes an expletive subject). In the intransitive-l COIlSlfUCtiom where NP frooting has taken place (eg (39 b) above) the subject wil l be 00 the surface like that of transitive vabs except that the difference will show up in question formation. Lastly the nominal controlling subject.vm agreement in passive verbs ill specified as the secood highest semantic re1atioo in the clause (the tim position having been taken up by the inherent argument) and again its syntactic and pnlgmatic features I\l'e a function of the position it occupies on the surface
\.

The passive constnICtion has a basic syntactic ~Iion in the language. It is the unmarked way of constructing quest1~ focused ~ the " Th us ,u,," .... _6"en ofKikamba need the passive construCtlOO to subjOCL _ . comprehend and produce qucsllOllS.

There are a set of relationship verbs for which the passive ~ 2. ill imponanL For c:nrnple in English the subject of the active form o:'f the vm . many' can be either a male or female ~UlllIIII ~ but m Kikamba only • male human noun can be the subJQC\ of active ~; 'many' Thus if one wants 10 talk aboul marriage from the pomt ~ view of female participant the passive form of the vm ~ 'be manied' is used

the

Passives are preferred when the agent is lower in ~ peBOIl and 3. animaCY hicran:by than the patient For example (58 b) IS preferred to

(S8 a). (S8)

(8)

KAnl nIkAngUni

KA.anA nI·ka-A·n·ldln-A 12-child FOC-12-TNS-Isg·beat-FV The child beat me.

(56)

Transitive & Intransitive - I Intransirivo-l & Derived Stative Passive ~

Semantic Status 1

S tactic Status 1

tic Status Unspecified

1

U""",",,"

Unspecified

2

U

U

(b)

N'"tnlliin\W nI kanA Ni-n-d-kiin-w.a n1 ka-llnA FOC-lsg-TNS-beat.PAS.FVby 12-child I was beaten by the child.

"fi
I denotes the higbe:st relation available.

Because the syntactic S\8IUS of !be subject of inttansitive-l and passive verbs ill unspecified for syntactic properties, Ibese vabs need not have referential subjects. The pnlgroatic role ill defined by the position the nominal ~ics at the surface structure. This means that the 5Ubject need DOt be the topic. 00 the surface other things being equal we get the following:

(57)

Transitive & Intransitive · I Intransitivo-l &: Derived Stative Passive

1

tie Status 1

1

1

1

2

1

1

SemantieStatus 1

S tactic Status

Finally one would want to ask why the passive construction is so popular in Klkamba and in Bantu in gCflCIlIi. 1bc following are some possible reasons:

'"

'"

s.s

CoDdUJtoDs,

In this chapter we have eMmincd passive clauses in Kikamba. The description showed dlIU Kikamba typically aUows !he passive morpbtme 10 co-occur with aU verbs, the oo.ly exception being weather verbs and already passive verbs)). Buildins 011 the analyses in Jaeggli (1986); Roberts (1981); Baker (1988) and Afarli (1989) a proposal was made on possible extensions of the OB passive account to embrace !he variety of passive clauses observed in Kikamba. This involved !he claim tbal!he morpbemc ro::eivcs the higbcst tbeta-role assigned by the V(P)}.I and tbe cooscqueoce of this in sentenceS with transitive and intranshivo.l verbs is that the subject positioo becomes theta-free (like the subject position of weather verbs and of intransiti ve-l verbs) and thus a possible landing position for an advanced nominal or for expletive inscrtioo. The conclusion was drawn that in Kikamba.. passives with expletive subjects lVe the pragmatically unmarked variety and that personal passives are only obligatory when tbe expletive insertion is blocked by pragmatic considerations. In movement terms we would say that a thcla·free subject position in Kikamba is typically filled by an expletive and that NP movement to this position is only obligatory when the expletive insenioo. is blocked. Finally the identifyins features of the passive construction in Kikarnba wcre discussod in a theory IlCUtral approach and !he subtyping of verbs identified in the discussion were shown to conespood 10 the oonvergeoce of $)'lltactic, semantic and pragmatic properties in the

gnunmatical relation Jubj«t

Cluptn' 6 The Applkld"e CoaslrUc:tion6.0 lDtroduc:UOD

,

The applicativc construction is characterised by thc presence of an invanablc verbal afflX, (the applied affIX) in the vern IDOqIhology and the typical increase of the argumenlS of the verb Ihrougb tbe eddition of the appliN argument. The applied affiX signals ~ ~ of an NP not contained within the basic argument structure of the verb to which It attaches. lbe construction is attested in langutlges other than B~lU lan~ges (sec 8a:ker 1 ~88a; Marantz. 1984; Austin 1993) but ffiI.lSt studies focusins on this oonstructlOll have rrwn1y dISCussed Bantu ""'gwog~

The main interest in this construction has focused on the search for an explanation for the variation between symmcnical and ~trical, ~ject properties ~~ ~ong the Bantu languages and 011 attemplS to explain vanabons WIthin the oonstructlOll Ul individual \angua~ (Gary and Keenan (1977), Baker (1988), Aisina and Mcbombo (1989), Bresnan and Moshi (1990).

In this chapter we will describe the applicative construction in ,Kikarnba.

W,e will

examine the typology of applicative constructioos in the \angua~ (semanllC and syntactlc) and discuss the implication of the analyses or the coostrucrion, ~ the litera~. to the patterns observed in Kikamba. Finally proposals will be made pcrtanung to the directIon an adequalC account of the construction in the language need to take. 6.1 ~ofApplialdvest , . Though the applied affix is associated with the introduction of NPs With dl~~t semantic roles. \be applied affIX itself is invariable in form. The typology o~ the apphcatlVc . . .... _ d.--.---" by use offeatureS oIhe:r than the form oflhe appltod affu:.. There constructlOll IS ""'" ~......... \. . true . are two ways used in the literature to distinguish .bc~ different,.BPP lcattv~ cons lIOns. The first and most popular is based on the semantiC function of the mtroduced m:gument (~ applied argument) and the other used in Baker (1988) is based on proposed tmderl~ ~taclJc structure (the presence 01' absence of a preposition in the D-Structure). The ~b-~g ~ termS of WKlerlying prepositions is theory specific and therefore we will leave It. until soctlOll. 6.3. Below we lire going to consider the semantic types found in .~ . [t Win ~e evident that , II the semantic roles associable with the posl_vefbaI POSItion U1 • clause can be 1Il.1rOduced by use of the appIicative affix.. Typicallr, all verbs in the language can take the applied affix. The applied affix was given in chapter 2. II bas the fonn~.

m-

''Ia !be Wftlher VftbI ptrIIIiviz:IQon ill bb:bd by !be fIct 1bII it DO argImmt fu !be fU'iYe morpbcmc 10 wbik ill ah-eady paniw vcrbI !be &iIure of pUlMzaOOa JnI)' be' as I ~ of • lalrictioo .pinst !WI> iobcrcm -xummu 011 <JOe vat, That is, since !be ~ivc VCIb ah-eady bq ... inbereDt IriUffieIII, it caMOt receive IDOIber wbidI woWd be !be case ill doobIe passivWOOIL

recm-e

ar.m.r

""rms it Iimilar 10 !be view hdd by LGaJ ~ S_1Ild MoIhi (l990:I69).y IbII "Ibe PUSM IIlI'J'I'5IeI ~ bighest role .,ofllle vab ... Suppresaioo eotaiJ:Ilbat IIle role ill)'IIIIItticaUy ~ iI !leVenbe1cu mn.ins (!be b.igbcIIt role] in !be ~ s~ of. pusj¥(: vab",

' Baker ( 1988&) comideml dau¥(: shift IOgeIber willi IlA>licative ~ in QUcbewa but here ~ use the term 1IfIIIIkati¥(: for senIeI'lCeS ",boee vab bas .. ovm applied Iffu:.

D'

. 6.1.1 ~trKdvwMalf:rKClvt Applkadv~ . The ~phed affix can UlIrOducc: the DOminaI that is affected by the actionfstate of the predicate. ThIs effecl ranges from positive benefit through an 'on-behalf-or meaning 10 negative effect, i.e malefactivc. Consider the examples below. (I)

(2)

(3)

(a)

KJvedoikyanmgUlnl ngl'mll KJ·VCli oi-ki-i-omg_' ka.ana D-gimI 7·woman FOC-7.TNS-givc-FY 12-child 9--ponidge TIx: woman gave the child porridge.

(b)

Kivell nlkyanmgca mwilImii kInII nsl'ml KJ·VCli ni-Id-A-omg-e-a mil-i1Jmij ka-lnl n-gImI 7-woman FOC-7-TNS-givt--AP_FV ] ·lCa(:bcr 12-child 9--porridge TIx: woman gave porridge 10 the child for the teacher.

(a)

KAna riikimirui ngtma Ka-W ni-ka-A-min4 n·gImlI 12-child FQC.12-TNS-finisb-FV 9-ponidge The child finisbcd tbe porridge.

(b)

KAnII ni'kimini.i kivcd og[ma Ka-W ni-ka-a-min·T4 Id·vcti n-gTma 12-child FOC- 12-TNS·finish-AP· FV 7-woman 9-porridge The ehild finished the porridge for the woman. (The woman is advcrsc:ly affected by the rmishing oftbe~)

(a)

KAn:I nikiandiU.ivalill Ka-1nlJ ni-ka-i.-andi'k_' valiiA l2-child FOC I2-TNS-write-FV letter The child wrote a letter

(b)

KJnI nikbndik_T" kf-vetl vilil1 K.a-w nI-ka·a-andik_Y_Ii ki·veti vAllIA 12-child FQC.12·TNS-writc-AP-FV 7-woman letter. The child wrote a letter to/ror the woman.

h) and (2 b). and

In (I) Im\:'!limiI 'lCaChcr' is the applied argwnent and in (2) and (3) kIY!:ti ' woman' is the applied argument In the three cases the introduced argumenl comes invncdiatcly after the verb, II position pn::$(IVcd for !he prime objoct in Kikarnba. Though we wiD leave much of the discussion cooccming the syntactic analysis ofthc construction unlil sa;tion 6.3, il is impommt to show through exemplification !bat !he applied argument in these examples abo acquire the other properties associated with the prime object in the language. Tbcsc properties include: subJecdviudon and object 19rffmcnl. lbc examples below show thaI lhe applied argument has access 10 tbcse properties. In (4) the applied argument is marked for object-verb agrttmC!l1 and in (5) an applied argument is the subject ofa passive verb. (4)

(.)

KIn! nikillJandik14 ldvcti valill Ka·AnI ni-kl-kl-andik-i-4 kI·vcti va-till 12-child ,,' QC.12-lN5-7-write-AP-FV 7-woman lctter. The child wrote a letter toIfor the woman.

(b)

KAnIl niUklminili kIvcti n~ Ka-lna nI-ka-!·kJ..min-i-i. kI-vetl n-glmI 12-child FOC·12·TNS-7-fmish-AP-FV 7-wollWl9-porridge The ehild finishod the porridge ror the woman. (The woman is adversely affectod by the fmishing ofthc porridge)

«)

."

J(1vcti nIkylmlntngci mwilfmil k!n!I ngiml

Ku-vetl nI-ki-A-mikltng-0-6 mil-&/I'.mil ka-ana n-glml 7-woman FOC-7-TNS-l-givt--AP-FV I-teacher 12-child 9-porridge The woman gave porridge to the ehild for the teacher. In (4 a) and (4 b) ~ ' woman' the applied argwnetll is cross-refcrcoced on the verb by the object prefIX. the class 7 iI:. between the tense marker and the verb stem. In (4 e) again mwaJimil ' 1Ca(:hcr' the applied argument is the one marked by the object prefix.mY; (class I). (S)

(.)

Kivell nikylandildwfl vAllIA (ni KAna) I(j-vcti nJ-ki-!-andIk·i-w" vAlllA (01 KInI) 7-woman fOC..7-TNS-writc-AP-PAS-FV letter (by child) The woman was wriucn a letter forlto by the child.

(b)

Kivell nikylminIwiI ngimll (ni KInA) KJ-vctl nJ·kJ·A·min-i-w-4 n-glm! (nJ KanA) 7·woman FOC-7-1NS-finish-AP·pass-FV 9-ponidge (by child) The woman was finished for porridge by the child

The ~ inlcrptetatioD oftbe applicativc constructions given above «I b), (2 h) and (3 b» relies

bcavdy OIl conICXtuaI

malefaclive reading is the unmarked reading of(2 b).

faciOIT' but benefactive reading is one oftbe possible interprt:tation of(l

~"" """"'...tItre die upli beklntS to Ibe _ _ _ H _ ill die ~ ~ wbere!be ....,.........-!be upli finisbed !be <XlIISlI'uCticJ will ba~e a bmd~ _.un,. III (3 II). the WOIIIIO CUI benefit riIber ftom m:eivina !be It!!« (dative) or ill !be _ I where she it im_ and DCaIo • leiter ~ &rid !be child wm. !be IctIer for her

(c)

Mwillmii niwin6lgewa kAna ngIma (nJ kIveti. Mii-!Jrmu ni-w-A-n6lg-e-w-a m-1InA n-gIma (ni kIveti. 1-1e8cber FOCI-TNS-givc-AP_pass-FY J..ponidge (by WOOlaD) For !he tcacher food was given to the child (by the woman)

:rm: sent~ in (S),sbow!he ~Iied ~ts,!Imi ' woman' in Ca) and (b) and ~ teacber' m (c) as.summg the subJCCt relalKlo m!he passive form oflhe verb,

, 6.).2 ElperieOCfr Applkltlves 4 , ~ semanllC use of the applicative is for the addition of an t of the Illustrated m(6) and (7). We will can these type ofconstnlctions flperkOCf~lkatlVu.. r:ype (6)

(a)

Kana nlkik6m!

experience the action of the verb and thus they have a relationship of cxpcriencef to the predicate, These nominals have 1'10 Locative' reading in (6b) and (7b) above, To give them a Locative reading (in, on, against) we need 10 suffix the Locative amx on the NP and to crase: the applied affix from the verb, «6c) and (7c». We therefore fed thai if the classifICation of applicative eonstruclions is to be based on semantic: relationships this subgroup needs 10 be recognised, At; with benefactives it can be shown that the applied argumr.:nt bas the properties of a prime object in the language, In (Sa) bc:low we see that the verb ha5 a class 7 object prefIX agreeing with the nominal kIrllI 'chair' and in (gb) the same nominal is the subject of the passive. (8)

(.)

Ka-ln! ni-kl-i-k6m-l. 12-child FOC-12-sleep-FY The child slept. (b)

l2-cbild FQC..12-TNS-7-sit-AP-FV 7-chair The child sat on the chair,

Kana nikik6me6 milvUkO

(b)

Ka-1nIi ni-ka-A-k6m-e-' mil-vUkli

l2-child FOC- 12-TNS-slcep-AP_FV 3-OOg The child slept on the bag. (c)

(a)

fi.l.3 Locltlvf Applkltlves In Chapter 2 we saw that Locative nouns are derived &om nouns fJom other DOWl classes by use of the locative suffix -Df, In Kilwnba (perhaps in Bantu in general) there seems to be two typeS of Locative nominals with relation to the applicative construction. F~t there are thc Locative nominaIs which are not associated with an applied affix lIS in (9a-c). These are Locatives which modify the verbs with which dIey ocwr. They may be consKlen:d as complements of the verbs with which they occul, The ' prepositional' meaning in these constructions is part of the semantics of the predicate and thererore the verbal Locatives arc restricted to verbs with this sense. Some elWllplcs of these are given below.

Kana

!likem"

K.a-ana oi-kl4·ikaI-i 12-<:hild FOC I2-lNS-sit-FV The cbild sat (b)

KIna nikCkaIIU. kMI.a Ka·Anli ru·ka-lkal-TI-{j Id-Vlla

(9)

12-child FOC I2-TNS-sit·AP-FV 7-chair

(a)

KftnlI nikAcnd{i ndUktinT

Ka-!InI ni-ka-i-eod-' n-dUkA-ni 12-child FOC I2-TNS-go to-FV 9-shop-1oc The child went 10 !he sbop

The cbiJd sat on the chair. (e)

KJvia nlkyekalllwa (nJ kInI) KJ·vila nT-kI-a-tkal·U·w.a (nt kina) 7-chair FQC.7·TNS·sit-AP-PAS-FV (by child) The cbairwas sat on by the child.

KananikAk6rnimuvUk6ni Ka-lnll. ni·ka-A·k6m-' m(l-vUk6-nT

12-child FOCI2-TNS-s1eep.FV 3-bag-LOC The child slept on the bag. (7)

K!n! nikAkJkaIiIA kivTia Ka·AnI nT-ka·'·kI-1k.aJ-U·' kT-vila

K!nI nIkCkal, klvilani Ka-lnll. ni-ka4-ika.l_{j Id-vna-ni

12-cbild FQC. 12-.TNS-sil_FV 7-chait-LOC The child sat on the chair, The applied argumerus in (6 b)..mG.l::I.Ik.2 'bag' and in (7 b).kW11 'chair'

'We wiD \lie tbo knn ~ with upper

an: the oomina/s !hat

oaK

'L' fur die .native, ab/.IIive, k>catioo inro. Iocatiool

-~

~_ of places do DOt c:any this suffu. beo::aJIe !be IIIII'Ie alreacIy sipaals a place {lII&'" iDIInm pIaoe 1IIfIIIIIiog), A few otbtr _ in KikariIa do DOt take locative suffu. because !bey n oaoxs of places 01' IocaIiont. Some ~ of1bese are IIIIIXi 'boo:Ie', iIIhIIooI 'Jlllrbl',

'They will be leal • ~ mIy iflbe vat. we U!:Ued in • II1IIJDef limil.- 10 U IICCOfded vat. In !hit _!be vftb wiD be IIid 10 """" rwo - . OM in wbidt it

w! allow unspecified object dt\cIion 136

noquira a loea!i..e COII'ipltUkO! and a:ooIher in wbicb it doesn't.

137

(b)

(c)

KW nildk6mA mililodini Ka-1nII nT-ka-A-k6m-li mil-iInd!-Di' 12-<:hiid FOC- 12-TNS-sleep al-FV 3-gardcn-Ioc The: child slept inlat the garden. MbAki nlyAlib milvUkOnl M-bAk.6 nT-T-Alik-a m\l·v(aL1-nI

9-<:at FOC-9-TNS-aet into-FV 3-bag-loc The cat go( into the bag.


(b)

Kivetl ~eA ldn! ngTmI ngarmT Ki-veti ni.ld-A-ntrIg-e-a ka-W n-gImI n-gali-nT , 1-woman FOC-1-TNS-givo--AP-FV 12-child 9-porri~e 9-vehido--Ioc The woman gave tbe child porridge while in the vehicle.

(0)

We suggest that the verbs that can be used in this way have two senses, That is a verb like md.i! ' go' in Kilaunba has a purely one place pmdicaze use in whicb il requires one argwnenl ' the goer' and a ~itional use (wbicb translates to 'go to' in English) in whicb it must have a Locative argument , Thus the Locative oominals in (9) above are pan of the basic argument strucIW'C of the verbs, In fact Locatives of this type do not need to be introduced by a prepositioo or by an applical:ive 5Uffix on the verb, even with transitive verbs. Consider the examples giVCll below, (10)

KAnl nIkiandikili vilUll ngalinJ Ka-An! nJ_ka_li_andik_i_li vAIUII n-gaR-nJ , 12-child FOC-I 2-TNS-writo--AP-FV letter 9-vehlclo--loc 1be child wrote a letter while in the vehicle

(b)

KAnA nMyA ngImIl Ka-lnll nI-ka-A-y-' n-gfmII 12-child FOC- 12-TNS-eat-FV 9-porridge The child ate porridge.

me;

vehicle',

KJ1n!l nMy' ngima milka!l.w4nJ Ka-Inl nJ-ka-A-y-A n-gima mu· Wwli-ni 12-chi ld FOC- 12-TNS-eat-FV 9-porridge 3-botel-Ioc The child ate porridge in the hotel,

In (10 b) the nominal milkywani 'botel' is not introduced by a preposition or marked OIl the verb by an applied affix. As we pointed out above, this type of Locative is not possible with all verbs,

it is dependent on the semantics of the verb in question. For example verbs such as Dm&! 'give', .kUll!! 'beat' etc do DOt take these Locatives,

6.1 A Modve ll Ipplkath 'H , ' In this group the applied affIX cross references a typically abstract nonunal ~t gtves the reason\motive for the action/state denoted by the verb, Consider the examples below '

"There are c:weptionIlike; YesfinJ",-u;wmPID Yaii Di.ij..bt-l-~..&

(a)

.Ie:!us foo. l _TNS-di&-AP_AP-ASP~ people. le:!us lied fur people.

The socond type of Locative is less restricted. In fact this type can co-occur with typically aU verbs in the language and must be accompanied by the appl ied suffIX 00 the verb, Consider the examples below.

( II)

(a)

=

In ( II a) the verb is basically intranSiti ve, the verb in (b) is a ttansitive,verb and the verb a ditran'litive verb The Locative nominals in ( I I a, b and c) are outside the ~t ffu . of the verbs, are sentential Locatives. The Locatives introduc~ ~y app~led a ,es m Kikamba are of this type. Thus ( II a) cannot be used with the mcanmg the child slept m the

KAnIInikAk6meangalTnJ Ka-W nl-ka-A-k6m-e-a n-gali-nl 12-child FOC.J2-sIeep-AP.FV 9-vebicle-1oc 1bc child slept while in the vehicle'.

Mumo~ _ID::ya

Mumo ,",,",""I-.. _ilkya Mumo I_TNSdj&.AP_ASPpovmy. Mumo died beca>Ie of povmy

'I'«IIIJ>I !be uae witbouIlhe locative in Iht$c vert. can be captumi by tbi: same mtlCbanism IS that whlcb cloak wid! ,,~ objtcf 1I*doa in wtbIlUCb uu 'eat, 'sin&' e.u. that can be used bodI transitively and intnllli~vely, Thia would Jtrmg1haI the propooaI that !be locative DOminalI are ~Iemerus oftlle vert. and \bey only ~ 1M optional bc<:ause the ven:. can be used ill !be otber 1IoeMe,

m.

"For tile meaning '!be cblId . 1epI ill !be car' (1tiaDa kakoma Du'i@DOappliedaffixislleeded

'0'

0Mumo .......bt-l-l-.. Wcya Mwno I_TNNS-AP_AP_ASPp<.>Wrty,

The noo'IiBaI

Ukn 'povatY' in (a)

has only a TeQOn

~~~ use of two opplied.ffues _

n-niDa

ODd !be use of two

10 . igna! the two

-rJJIied af6xca

in (b)

..--.iJIis wociatcd with (a), 139

(12)

(a)

Kana i116mea nzaa Ka·W ka·H6m-e-a n.zaA 12-child 12.s1eep-FV 9.hunger The child slepc because ofhUllger(bccause she was hUllgry)

(h)

12-child FOC-I2·TNS·rob-FV 7·woman !i-book. The child robbed the woman of the book. When the recipient meaning is 00( part oftbc semantic roles oflhc basic verb then an applied atru: is Deeded and depending on Ihc COQtexl, the construction can have • benefactive or malefactivc intcrpmation.

lOved ~ kInII ngJmiI ntbOoJ

Kl·veti ld.A·omg.w ka·ana n·gIma n-thOOi 7·woman 7·TNS-givc-AP.FV 12-child 9-porridge 9-shame The woman gave the child ponidgc because of shamelcmbanassmcnt. 6.J.5 The Instrument.. and the Dative

Ins~1llI applieativC$ have been discussed

Bantu languages such as Kkha and Chicbcwi (Bresnan and Mash; ( 1990) In Kikamba ho ' . ga introd cd b . . . 1 wever, lnStl'umcntal nominals are uc )' an tnvanable preposition .IHL: "with" and never by an .......lied Iffix. C -•.. example (13) below. ...,...... . OOSI
Kinlnikivl!nliklvcdTvOkQ JeII.1n! ni.ka-i·ven-io Id.vetl T·vOl:;O

KIna kAandiW valiU1 ~ Ka..ana ka..J.-andil1.j valill m-bbI 12-child 12·TNS-write-AP· FV Ientt 9.money The child WTOI:e a letter because oOshc wanted money

(c)

(14)

in

. K4nlI kAandikra valill kaJimu Ka-4nil ka-l-andik-T·Ii valOl ka./AmU 1 2-chi1~ J2·TNS-wrile·AP·FV Jetter 12-pen The child wrote a leiter with a pen.

}!:Johl~i~~a:!th an ins~taJ inlcrprctation but would be wellfCll'med if the nominal applieativcs in ~":" • Locative or n:asow'rnotive oominaJ. Thus there an: DO instrumental iea.I The term dative has ~ used 10 refer 10 the indirect obj ect in ditransitive verbs, ~ ~ by • prepo5lbon or associated with dative case morpbology and willi the scman~ relalJoo of ~~cnt. In .~ ~bcrc • recipient is part of the argument structure of the basIC verb,lhc fCCJpiCIlt nominal IS typically the prime ob'ect and there . .. ~=u (full 01' Iffix) associated with this role. This is eJ[~lified in (J :) :!'vc~h~

( I S)

MilnenI! niwAandikl! Id·vetl. valilJ MiinfnI! ni-Wll-t-andik-T-io Id-veti vlliUI Leader FOC-l-TNS-write-AP-FV 7-woman letter. The leader wrote a leiter onItoifor tbe woman.

The unmarked meaning of (IS) is that the ' Ieader wrote a letter 10 the woman'. If the letter is usefullimportanllO the woman then we get the benefactive rneanins ' for the woman'. However, if the leiter is a reprimand then the interpretation is malefactive. Most of the examples given Wldcr the sub-hcading benefactive and malefactive lbove can also be referred 10 as dative

applicarives. In fact it does seem that the benefactive and malcfactive interpretation are dependent OIl the context and can be imposed on the other types of applicative constructions and especially 011 the dative and possessive applicatives.

6.1.61be POflessor ApplkadvtS In Kikamba the applied affix. is not used with all constructions where _ possessor acquires object properties. A distinctioo is made between the possessive construction whcfe the possessed nominal is part of the possessing nominal and otbcT possessives. The: po5SCSsor in the part-ofIhc-whole possessive construction docs no! need lID applied affIX in order to assume objecl properties but the othtt possessors nced the applied affix. for this purpose. Consider (16) below: (16) (I) NgMniyiilm8. kilil twA kInI N-gIli nJ-i-!-Qm..A kili1 kwA ka-lol 9-dog 9-TNS-bite-FV leg of 12-child. The dog bit the leg of the child

typ

'in panic:uW lXIOrlImaIe CODSlructiom tlW pncie tramJaces illW F..ngJOO '1Dd'. MIIllIO", Mutua MIIllIO and MufWI.

1<,

fur ~Ie;

(b)

Nglli niytiimA kID! kUil N-glfi ni-1-6-ilm-t 1ea·1n! kilil

9-dog FOC-9-TNS-bite-FV l2-child leg. The dog bit the chikfs leg. In (16 a) the bead of lhc possessive phrase. kUil ' Ieg' is the object of the vetb but in (16 b) the possessor occurs in the immediate post vctbal position typical ofprimary object and!bere is no special marker on the verb to signal this. Now consider(17); ( 17)

(a)

NgJl1 nTyliOmA kin! lea Mumo N-gnT nJ·l-io·ilm·Alea-anA lea Mumo 9-dog FOC-9-TNS·bite-FV 12-child ofMwno. The dog bit the child ofMumo (Mumo's child)

1<'

(b)

NgitT niy'ilmJi Mwno kAnA N-gJIJ nT-T-A-ilm-T-i Mumo b-In! 9-dog FOC-9-TNS-bite-AP-FV Mumo 12-child. The dog bit Mumo's child

(c)

· NgItT nJyiUmi Mumo kAnI N·gJIJ nJ-i·'·mm-I. Mwno ka-In!

6,2.1 Intransitive We will use two veros as examples bett; mH .go' and ~ ·sleep'. (18) (a) K!nI nlkAcndhdukinJ Ka-IDII nl-ka-A-eod-' n-dUkJ·ni 12-child FOC-12-TNS-go to-FV 9·shop-loc The child wc:nl. 10 the shop (b)

(17 b) is ambigous between a possessive (a paraphrase of(17a», and a melefactive meaning (that Mwno was adversely affectod by the action). (17 c) shows that this meaning cannot be expressed without the applied affix as was the case in ( 16 b) above.

6.2 The Multiple Appl'uth'e The IitudiCS in the Iilcr1llure have only examiDed applic.tive constructions with only one applied affix and consequently one applied argumenl In filet there has been a claim thai multiple applicatives do not exist (Baker (19881». Ev1dence from Kikamba however, shows that it is possible for vetb5 in the language 10 have more than ODe applied affixes. Such coostructions will be coosidered muJdple applic:atives from the point of view of the applied affixes present on the verb and the presence of mott than one non-basic arguments.

In (18) the verb enda 'go' is used with the ~g ' so 10' and ~ this use it takes a Loca:: In tho use the applied affix can 1Il!roduce a benefactive argumenl (the penon . from ~ child's act of going 10 \he sbop). In (19) below ~ever, where =i1~S used withoUi the Locative reading, the applied affl)t and the benefactlve argument P -

::::l

f _. (19)

m

'>tbc wab . . it aIIo ' - ' witb tile mNIIiI!i ' laD;' buldle ~ 'Ialk II)' it DrVa"~ by I/Ie olllllppiicltive ~ !adler. ~ ~.IIl ·witb' is ' - ' wi1II!be verb. N_IIII!civeti IIlk IQIwitb d I e - .

Ka-An! nJ-ka-i-end-' Id-vetl

12-child FOC-12-TNS-go-FV 7-woman The child went ror the benefIl of the woman. the verb kQm;! 'sleep' seems to be wdl fonned in a construclion similar to (I ~ b) .L'.' ease of what we have called experienccr applicative. The oommal above. However, till:> ts a . '...... I . L--fic;~"' Thus ih:m 'woman' in (20 b) is !he object on which the subjec~ sl"... . .1 IS DOt a ~'" , I -;-r this seems 10 be a derived lrlII\Sitive and this restrictive use IS not available for go.

I

In (20 e) be ow

(20)


K.AnI nlkikOrn' roiiilndAni

(b)

K!nI nJkik6me6. kJveti I1II1iindW Ka-lnl nJ-ka·l-k6m« Id-veti ml1-Und'-nJ

lbcn: itt Iooweva- • verb IbM _ 10 derive &om IIII!IZII by die .,Jdilion of two IppIied Iffi:leIIIld die it oc:an ill has I malel1tcUve i:I~ &om !be poinI of view of J8III. 'Ibis verb .1III2I:III:5I .~ (1Ilk lleptively 1IbooI), ieeII1S 10 involve firSI !be dorivation of I trmIiti\>e vtfb by \lie of the fD1t IfIPliecIIffix mel tbea die additioo of the malefactive _ signalled by die ItIOODd tppIied Iffilt..

142

we

IIIUIlle

Ka-In! nl-ka-i-k6m-' mO-\ind6·ni 12-child FOC-12-TNS-slcep It-FV 3-gardcn-\oc Tbechild slept at the garden.

12-child FOC-12-TNS-sleep at-AP-FV 7-woman 3-garden-loc The child slept at the garden for !he benefIt oftbe woman. (0)

iIIII the ~ "I'I'Iicativcs ~ I derivation process that derives I traIlIitive vnb &om lin inlrln$itive (IDe by inilOducing \be experie:ocer. This is because as we b1"" tbo<wD Ibove !be procell ill vay re&mctc!d it doeIlIOt Ippty 10 all inIraositive verbs. Iruo if

.K!nI nikiendc' kTvetl

(b)

~

'''This it

KAnl nIkiendi

(a)

Ka-In! ni-ka-i-end-i 12-child fOC..I2-TNS-go-FV The child went.

II is necessary 10 distinguish among three typeS of one argument verb5 in Kikamba. In the fIrst group we have the verbs thai can be characterised by unspecllled object deletion. An elUllllple of these is.ioi ·sing'. Tbcse verbs have a transitive sense. Then there are those that have a Locative sense i.e. they can be used with and without a Locative argument. an example of 'go'. Finally there are those like Dli£IlIIJ 'speak' that in their underived fonn can these is _

only be used with one 1J8UlDCIlI. Whal we ootice is !hat in relatioo to the semantic function of the argument associated with the preseoce of the applied affix, verbs in the.ilm 'sing' group and verbs in the mil 'go' group used with a Locative argument tend to group with the two argument verbs. while 'go' used without. Locative argument is mott like!!!:9!! 'speak'. As we shall show below !be purely intransitive verbs do DOl have benefactive! malefactive,. recipient and possessor applied arguments. Thus they seem 10 be excluded from the object creating IUnetion of the appliCalive construction.'· TIle double applicative construetioos wiU therefORl be oonsidered in terms of this verb sub-twin&-

K!n! nikieode6 kJvctI ndUkinJ Ka-1InlI nJ.ka-i-eod-e-6Id·veti n-dUk6·nJ 12-chi1d FOC-12.TNS-go to-AP·FV 7-woman 9-shop-loc The child went 10 the shop for the woman

K!nI ni1<J1
l2-child FQC-I2-TNS-sleep at-AP-FV 7_woman The child slept on the woman.

In tc:ms, of the number of applied affixes possibilities the vero oomma can lake up to 3 affixes see (21) below:

m

'go' used with a Locative

K1nI k!cndeoej M(lIila kiveti ndUkan1 w'ia Ka-!nl ka-~ Miltila Id·veti ndUkaDiwla 12-(:hi~ 12-TNS.goto-AP·AP-AP·FVMutua 7-woman shop fear. Tbe child WetlllO the shop for Mutua's wife (WOIllllD) because or rear.

(21).

In (~ I ) there are three ~licd affixes following one another.oo these cortespond 10 the three nominaIs- ~iIJiIL kImi woman' and l!!lI 'fear' which are not part of tile undaivcd form fthe verb. m!k ~ 10', If ~ verb is used with each one of the Ihree applied argumentS _ ..~ applied affix IS needed ,see ( 18 b) above and (22) below. ......, ODe

oominals can occur in any order but the othen are fIXed in the order given in (23) above. I will look at another example with the verb m!k 'go' used without a Locative NP. As we said above in this use this verb can only have the Locative and the Motive applied arguments. A sentence can have both, in whicb case then: will be two applied affIXes (24) or one of them in which case one applied affIX is used (25). (24)

12-child 12_TN5-go-AP_AP_FY market fcar. The child went while at the market because orrear.

(25)

KInlldeodca ndUkini w'il Ka·lIla ka·a-eod-e-a ndUkan1 w'll

(22)

cmunxu

In tcnns of the semantic function of the . I ' uodw;:cd MiltiLa is a possessor umi benefi' OOI1llll.& Ul • by use of the applied affixes in (21), inl - '. a ICW}' and ~ a motive or reason. It is abo possible 10 roduce !he type of locatives we refclTCd 10 as sentential Locatives In fact aU o f tbe "bl applied arguments can oe<:ur together in a construction [ike (23) bel~. passl C

(23) KIna lWcndoeea MOliLa Idveti ooUk!nJ ndiinyii w7a Ka-1lnlI ka-i-cnd-c-c-e-a MOtUa Id-vcti odUkAnJ ndUnyii w7a 12-chi~ 12.TN5-go to-AP-AP-AP-I
'-woman

In such a case there are Ihn:e applied afrutes but four applied arguments, a u beneficiary_ .khni. a Locative, DlliID:6l and MO(ive ~ The Locati$::'SO~MM~V:

In (24) there are two applied affixes and two applied arguments, a Locative 'market') and a Motive ~ ·fear' . If the verb is used with the two nominals but with one appl ied affix it will have the reading ·the child went to the market because of fear' which is Ihc allative sense of the verb and oot a case of two applied argumt:nts.

6,1.1 T raruitlvfS The nWllber of applied affIXes and applied argwncnts possible wilh two argument verbs, (i.e moootransitive verbs), is the same IS that of the verb 'go to' used with !he non-applied

m

locative NP. One of tile significant differences is that since these verbs have a patient argument, it is possible to have any one of tile applied arguments. We will consider a few examples with the verb k!IDA ·beat' (26).

be~~~aIJI.IDleDt.~'*' IIOt be . . . ~";tb this I)'peofvat> ' - - it ~. 10

be.--..

n- the bcntficjay '*' OQ/y be . . . aIooe ~ the

~ tbi:I iI. _u b1naI 00DItnICti0a in KikamI. tbeR In' a/tcrQ;Itive ~ of . the IDI:aIlm& 1baI_ III be _ ~ For fIUDl>Ie (2) CIa be ~ in two otbt:c~ KiDt ~ Mwu. kJveti adUkMI' _!IdiinYU .,..,. child ~Murib _ sbop wbilc llmarm b .

(26) can be exp-essed using three applicatives and Ihereby getting rid of Q.pression such as k! 'l2oOf, ~ 'while we were at', and niln!liljU 'because of in a manner similar to that Q.emplified above, with the possessor preceding the patient, the patient prucding the LcK:ative and the Locative and Motive occurring in any order (though there is a preference for the Locative to ptttcde the Motive). (27) below illustrates !he applicative consttuttion wuespooding to (26)

(27). KiDt Ideaoba Miirill kIwti ocliUIIi me odUnyil Dilndil WlI w'Ia child wml~ Milrib WQITlIII tbop while III mamt bcoeaIse offear.

" W·tbm

applied ~ IocaIive rtfers 10 the .-.teOOaIlooative '*' ~tbe _!lillie AI'JIWllmlltructu1'e oftbe vat> WIIIOI oo::ur lfIer -WW.

only. The locative that

bQic

144

KIveti nikylliini KJInI lea MUtila twI ndQnyU nilndu wa w'ii Woman_beat-childoOf_Murila_while we were at-market-because-of-fcar. While _ were at the market the woman beat MutUa's child became offear.

"""~.

OR

ill

KInl kaendea ooQnyU Ka-lnl ka-t-end-e-a ndUnyii

l2-cbiki l2-lNS-go-AP-FV market. The: child went wbile at the market.

12-child 12-TNS-go IO-AP·FV shop fear. The child went 10 the shop because orfear.

tJmNave"!tqIOeDI or pIticIII

KJInI k8eodeea ndiinyil w'ia Ka-1Inl ka-t-eod-e-o-a ooQnyil w'ia

the ICIQO!I

Kivell kyakiini1a MutUa K4nI ndilnyil. WI! KI-veti ki-ii-kUn-l-1-i-a Miltila KIn! ndUny w'l! 7-woman 7_1NS_beat_AP_AP_AP_FV Mutua ehild man:etfear. 11 1be woman beat Mutila's child while at the nuuket because orfear. " The NP MlitiiI. in (27) can also be PVC'll. bcftefactive readin& ill whicb cue it 1nDS1atea 10 '1'be tbe cllild fur Milrila while in Ibe nwb:t because of ftar'.

wOlllaD bca1

145

nm.mnals

Each of .the applied MilIiiI. DIliqr6l'I"IlIIIket' and ~-'fear' can occur alon~ IICCOOlparucd by one applied affIX on !he vem. We will only exemplifY the benefactivcl

"""""". (28).

Klvetl nikyikilnia Mutila KJnI KJ-ved nJ·kJ-t-kiln-T-a Mutila Ka-In! 7-woman FOC-lNS-beal·AP_PV Mutiia 12-<:hild The woman beal Mutiia child! The woman beat the elUld for Mulila.

Still ~ three a~lied am.1(cs il b possible 10 have four applied arguments, a Possessor, • benefIClit)', a Localwe and. Motive as in (29).

(29)

lOved Icyikilntlia Mutila KJnI mbil.i odilnyil w'ia KJ·vetl kI-l·kiln-I-I-T_a MilriLa Ka-1nI mbili ndiinyil w'ia 7-woman 7-TSN-beat-AP-AP-AP_FV Mutila 12-<:hild goal I"IlIIIket fear. The woman beat the goal for Mutila's child while at the market because offcar.

I~ ~is case there is one applied argument that is not associated with an applied affl}l. This is slfllllar to what was observed orm!!i 'go to' in (23) above. The ,same pattern is observed with ditrllnsitive verb such as nm&i ·give'. A series of up to three apphed afflltcs Clll occur and one more applied i\rgU1llCIlt is possible in such. consttuction See (30) below. .

(30)

(a)

Number of applied

No. of applied

2

2

3 3 3

4 4 4

•ffi,,,,

KIvetl kyinblgeeea Mlltila kJnI ngIm4 ndilnyi:i w'il. KJ·veli ki-l-n61g-e-e-e-a Mutila kInD. ngYmll Ddilnyil w'ili. 7-woman 7· TNS·give-AP.AP-AP-FV Mutua child porridge marltct fear. The woman gave porridge 10 Millila's child while at the market because of fear.

(b)

lOved kyinblgcoea MiltUa k1nI mbaU ngfmI ndiinyii w'il. Ki-vetl kJ-t-otng-e.-o-e-a MUtila kInl mbak! ngimll ooilnyii w'iI. 7-woman 7-TNS-give:-AP-AP-AP-FV Mutila ehild cat porridge market fear, The woman gave porridge to Mutiia's child's cat wlUle at the market because of rear. Inp~)a) there are three applied affixes and three appfied arguments; Mu!iil. J!dUmil 'I"IlIIIket' and ~ f~ .. In (3Ob) there are four applied argumentS and three applied affixes . .Hm&i! 'give' is a dilnlnsltlve verb and the NPs 'milk' and 'cat' fonn the basic objects. The four applied ar~ts are a benefactive 'child of Miltiia', a possessor 'Mutiia', a Locative ' market' and a Mobve fear'.

Pure intransitive vedis lntnnsitive with Iocarive MoucHransitive Dj-tnnsitive

•

Possible non-subject I.~,~ •

2 S S 6

The intransitive veJbs used with. Locative NP m similar 10 the transitive veJbs in relation 10 the multiple applicative consttuctioD while the pure intransilive vobs such Mm! 'SJlC8:k' can take only two applied affixes and two applied II is iDteteSting 10 ~e thaI wtth the ~

argumen':S'

one argument verbs one applied affIX and two apphed arguments produces LU-fonnedoess. This suggests that in the cases where there are three applied affixes but four applied arguments, the limitation on the affixes is a constraint on !he nWllber of applied affutes possible ()II one verb, rather than a gcnenal feature that one applied argument above !he number of applied affu.es. is always possible. The IlUD1ber of arguments in !he fowth column is a sum of the apphed argwnents and the basic oon-subjcct arguments oftbe underived vab. The limitalion on the one argument verbs in terms of the number of applied .ffi}les and consequently the possible number of applied arguments seems to be dependent upon both the syntactic and Iwcal fcatures of the verb: syntactic in that the verb does not have ~thcr argument that could benefit from or be possessed by an applied argument of the bencfachv~ or possessor type, and lwcal in nUl! this is lIle group of verbs that does not al low the ~tLent applicative. This therefore means that the bcnefactivelmalelBctive, the dative, the cxpenenccr and !be possessive applicative are DOt available to these verbs. The fact that these verbs do not gel to the maximum nwnber of applied affl}leslarguments by doubling the Locative or !he Motive applicative presents another interesting question. Is it possible to have mme Ihan one applied argument of one type, i.e two benefactives etc, in one COOSlnletion? It seems possible that • person X could benefil ~ !he benefit of another person Y. Thus il 5CCmS logical 10 expect benefactive ~hons. from a~ benefactive constructions. However the expectation is that person X wtll relate wtth penon Y m some elose way in onier for this 10 be possible. Thus though, a eonstructioo like.{32~ ~Iow ~ have. double benefactive reading, (both JmIDl2 and MI!!! benefit), in !be underlying It IS a dabve applicative I"olIowcd by a possessor applieative.

(12)

KJvetl!likyiandikiia Mumo kin! valill Ki-veti ni-Id-i-andik-T·i-a Mumo ka-AnlI valill 7-womatJ FOC-7-TN5-write-AP·AP-FV Mwno 12-child letter. The woman wrote a letter tolfor Mwno's child.

Eltarnple (11) below can have three possible in!erpretations depending on the oonlCxL The observations made above are summarised in table (1 I) below.

(33) (31). Vt'rb 1'ypn and th e NUMber of Applied ajJixn rmd Arguments.

146

KIved n1ky8kiiniia M(ilila KAn! mbilr KJ-vetl ni-kT-i-kiin-i-i-l-a Miltila Ka-AnlI. mbilr 7-woman FOC-7-TSN-beat-AP-AP-AP-FV Mutila 12-<:hild goats The woman beat the goats for Mutila's child! The woman beat mutiia's clUld's goats. 147

Either the goats belong to lIl!IIll2's child in which case it is a double possessor IIpplicative, or beating the goats is the responsibility ofM.!!m2's child, in whicb case k!n!!. is a beneficiary and M!!m2 is a possessor, or a third option Mwno had commissioned the child to beat the goots in whicb case both MI.IlUQ and _ benefit from the action. This manoeuvrability only seems possible with the possessive and the benefactive applicatives. Though it is possible to have two Locative nominals in a sent~ it is oot possible to have two of the type that is introduced by the applied affix. The same thing applies to the Motive IIpplicatives, the experiencer applicative and the dative applicatives. In fact il seems to be the case that only the possessor applicative can be doubled. The cases where we have what seems to be a double benefactive are instances of either dative and possessor, or double possessor, whicb have in addition a benefactive reading. When more than one applied arguments OCCW' in one construction they observe the order.

Possessor > BenelMalefative > Recipient > Patient > Locative> MOlive. In a case wbere there is an applied and a non-applied Locative, the basic Locative precedes the applied Locative. In a basiC
.K!nII. kiikilnia ndiinyil mbil' Ka-tlnIl ka-a-kiln-I-a ndilnyil mbiiI 12-chiJd 12-TNS-beat-AP-FV markct goat The child beat the goat while at/in the market

In (34 a) the applied Locative argument Dl1i1nYil 'nwket' follows the basic argument of the verb 'goat' and (34 b) is iJlformcd because this order has been reversed. (35) (a) K!lnIl nikikilnIa Javetl mbUI Ka-l!n.'t Ill-b-a-kiln-i-' kivetl mbfii

nmui

12-child FOC-12-TNS-bcat-AP-FV woman goat The child beat the goat for the woman (b)

be reversed with the same interpretation. The two examples thus show that the applied arguments are fitted into the a1ready existing argwnent structure with strict o~ance ~f the order given above20. This means that a Motive applied argument will only come unmc(hately after the verb if the verb is an tmdcrived pure intransitive. 6.3 Approaches to the ADllys.b oftbe AppUCltlve As I said in the beginning of this chapter the interest in the applicative construction in Bantu has been centred around establishing the nature of the grammatical relation object in Bantu (Morolong and Hyman (19n) Kimenyi (1980), Marantz ( 1984), etc), exp1aining the observ~ symentries and asymentries in comparative Bantu Iiternture (Marantz (1984), Bresnan and .M~hi (1990) and in providing an explanation for the distinctions between the difTen:nt appl ~lI.~e constructions (Baker (1988a), (1988b). The applicative construction has been of mterest m thls search because as we bave seen it increases the non-subject (internal arguments of tile verb) and therefore provides double object constructions even with basically mono-transitive verbs. We are going to consider two of these approaches here: Baker (198811), (1988b) and Bresnan and Moshi (1988; 1990). 6.3.1 Baker (l988a) and (l988b) The approacb in Baker (198811) recognizes three main types or~~ons with the applied affix. The first type involves lexical derivational morphology and IS avaIlable to some verbs and not others. Thus the applied affix fonns a transitive verb out of an intransitive one (Baker (1988a:255-256). This is the most restricted of all the constructions with the applied affIX. The second type is a productive process and takes place in the ·syntax.2~. II involves. what Baker calls Preposition Incorporation. Baker only notes the presence of the ~ird group ~bt~h.he refers to as ·the peculiar Chichcwa Motive applicative'. He observes that this. construcll~n di~e:s ~m the normal applicatives in that it is gnunmatical even if the base v~ Is.strongly m~s'llve (Baker (198&: 470-471». Thus this is the leasl restricted of all the apphcat tve construclions. Baker (1988a) provides a structural characlerisation of the second typc ofth.e app1icati~e construction, (the one involving preposition incorporation), and draws the IUaJOflty ?f his examples from Chichewa, a Bantu language spoken in Central A~ean Stale of ~ala.WI. Hc views the applicative construction as a product of an incorporatton process whicb mvolves incorporating a preposition onto the governing vern. "lncorporali~ is the ~vemc~t of an category to adjoin 10 its X" governor" (Baker (l988:~~». Acc~mg to ~IS analys.1S therefore applicative constructions are formed when the prepostlion govemmg an obhque NP IS moved to adjoin the verb as illustrated below.

x.o

- KlInII nlllkiiniii mbill' kIvetl'9 Ka-ana ni-ka-a-kiln-i-a mbill' kivetl

(35 a) on the other hand shows that an applied argument with a benefactive role can precede the basic object and come inunediatcly after the verb and (35 b) shows that this order again cannol

'*ntis OOIISuuction is wellformed with !be Il>CaIliDg '!be child beat \be goal because of !be woman'. 10 this case !be nominal ~ 'woman' bas. """"""moIive ioterpmatioo.oo!be C
"'In Marantz's (1984) ooalysis \be apptied argwnmt is expected 10 o;o;one immediately after \be vm because of fealure peroobtion. excepI \!Ibm \be opptied argumont Os an instnunmtal \!Ibid! is IIIIIIy!cd as !lOt inwlving on ineorpontion of. 1ftPOStion 00 \be vm.. l'This ttnn is used in OR ~tcnture 10 ",fer 10 processes that mediate between D-s~ ODd S.~

149

(36).

~

.Il!cse characteristics follow from proposed differences in the D-sttucture. He assumes Ihat the prepositional element of the benefactive coosttuction is present al D-structun: while the (II"CPOSitional element in instrumentals is introduced at S-strueture. The instrumental argwnenl therefore depends solely on the verb for theta role (since theta roles are assigned in the Dstrucl~ configurations). The beneficiaries on die other hand are winged their thelll roles indirectly by the vetil since at INtructw"e diey are governed by a PP. The consequence of this is thai die instrumental nominal and !!2t die benefactive nominal can receive the inherent case nssigned by the verb because "inherent case is assigned under govemmcnt at D-structure and the I15signing bead must 9-~ the relevant NP" (Baker ( 1988b: 366). When the preposition incorpontes 10 the verb by S-structw"e both the benefactive and the instrumental NPs can roccive the structuntl case assigned by !he verb since this is "assigned under governmenl at Sstructure and there need DOt be any direct thematic relationship between the assigning bead and the NP" (ibid:366). Thus while the benefactive NP can redcve only the structumI case the instruJDCntal can m:eive either the 5tnIctwaI or the inbemlt case. The structural case is the case I15sociated wilh primary object properties and thus the NP that receives this case gets the primary object properties. Thus this analysis establishes the following asymmenbies:

/\

v/[ p \\ .----------------_.

t

I. The benefactive applied IIf8UlTlCIlI must precede a themelpatienl NP while the instrumental may either precede or follow.

He p~ thai there are .~o types of preposilions in Bantu: preposilions which are affixes prepos~t~ons that are root words, B~~ (l988b: 372). According 10 Balcer ob . ' prepClSlhons are Ibe standard preposlilons and so !bey surface precedin the Uq~~. ~ affix ptqlOSitioru., however, must move 10 attach 10 a verb root by 0 _ " 10 aVOid Vlolatmg Ibe Srray Affix Filter. Applicative """..... .,..,.;.,.... . ~u""'W"l' rather than a full preposition is inserted at the ..... _ ~~-~'"'> ~fore, anse when an affix ..,.."truetw"e .

=~)caI!:

:::

between two """'"" " COIISllUCtioos on the basis ofTheIllmarldn Baker b .L distinguishes _ • .~...- 0f app '"ICallve g Y Uthat K: verb and case assl""-' fac' _ ,.>___ . . . . observat" · . ':"'_~U ...... ~. ...... ..." oven ev"""..,., of Ilus dlSlmcbOll is the . Ion In some ,.,hC8l1ve OOIl5lniCtions the applied argument assumes the . ~ect",!:~.~ ~! ~Placeob. the palienl .argument while in other appIicative eonsrn: ...

InS we

prune

~ecl

properties

The former .

rti

applicatives and the ianer by instrumental appl" • t" . Of IS exemp I cd by benefactive this distinction in terms of an asytnmcnlly ': I~~, In . Icbcwa. Baker PfOPOS7' to explain instrumental theta role as follows: assignment of the benefactive and the (a) Instrume~lIals are wigoed their theta role as sisters of the verb (b) Benefacllves are assigned their !beta roles in a PP compI.erneo;ofthe vab.

2. In a benefactive applicative constructioo only the applied argument has access to the object prefix slot on the verb bul either argument in an instrumental applicative construction may be marked on the verb by use of the object affix.

3. The benefactive applied argument must be adjacent to the verb in order 10 receive case; either the instrumental applied argument or the patient can be itdjacml 10 the verb in an instrumental appIicative CODStructioa. An important eonscquence thaI 5lcmS out of this distinction between the underlying structure ofthc instromental and the benefactive applicativc is that verbs without structunll case 10 assign (intransitive verbs) are predicted not to have benefactive applieativC!! (since the appl ied argument would not have case). On the 0Ihef hand the instrumental applicativc can occur both with verbs that assign structural case (rransitivc verbs) and those thai don', (intransitive verbs). Baker's definition of intransitivity for this purpose encompasses three types of verbs. I. Unspecified object deletiOll. verbs such as n 'eat' 2. Intransitive Verbs with a LocaIive argument, like mda os!ukani .go to the shop.

3. Intransitive verbs without a Locative argument like DttIl!! ' speak' (sec: examples

""""

ISO

l"Witb !be bme&etiw IppIieaIives !be verb IbN marks • PP at D-«nIcture (iodired !beta role assigDement) while !be imaumental . assipod ita Ibm role directly !hut \beta mukal by the vab.

151

All and

'd

6.3.2 Baker (1988a,b) aad the Klk.amb. Applkadve

abo:_Baker COIK:entralCS on the applicative CODSlI'UCtions that iDllOduce benefact' .ms~ Since it was 5bown that ~ does . '1,'

w;: sal

apphcatl~

argumentS.

we can only test Baker's claims 011 the beoefactiveJ mak:~ .hav~_~~,' construchOOS since be seemed to imply that Locati ., ~~ ILIJU LocaIl W benefactive applicatives.2' ve applicatives have similar structure ." Tbcre is very link to say aboullhc Kikamba Loca . .. . analysis because as shown abov& .L_ ' "_-' I __ _ • nve a.wli.cab~e m relation to Bakcr\ , ... we app I<:u ..........hve construction In Kikamba ' . "Jar Motive applicative in that it occurs with all verbs Th . IS SIIDl to 1h~ constructions 001discussed in Baker (1988a,b). ' us It belongs to a category of applicatiw

Concerning the benefactive applicatives, the questions we want to ask ace: ;)

(b)

KAnl olkilni' kiveti Ka-IDI ni-ka-I-InI·i-' kl-vetI 12-child FOC-12-TNS-sing·AP-FV woman The child sang for the woman

The verb in! 'sing' can take an object, but in its use in (38.) and (38b) the indefinite object has been omitted and (b) sham that this verb does allow a benefactive applied construction. One argument verbs (intransitives without. Locative argument) in Kikamba do not fOlTIl benefactive applicativd 6 • The evidence in eumplcs (37) and (38) above indicates that:

II!!!m I. lbeta

Are ~ractivc ~licatiVCI only possible with transitive verbs?

the applied benefactivc argwtlCIll musI n:ccivc a srruclural case.)

theory and

consequently case theory does not detmninc the distributioo of

benefactive applicatives in Kibmba;

l!!!l

2.The applied benefactive argument oec:d not receive struCtUJal cue as Baker bas ii)

Does ~ . app!icd benefactive argument always have the prime ob' Kikamba? (an indication that it bas received the stnlCtunll !}eCI) .

propertIeS UI

""

. . The ans~ to the first question is that benefactive applicativcs are IIOt on! . . translllve WIth rbs .verbs (UI Bake(s definition of ..... u....-~·'· ..,1 lve) but .L ,ney can also occur with Y thpossIble · .. ve which have Locative NPs as in (18) repeatod h (37) ~_~ .... . e UI.D1IIlSltlVe deletion veros in Kikamba II . . . ere as IUJU Wlw all indefimte object a ow benefacllve apphcallvcs as illustrated in (38) below. (37)

(a)

K.InI nildcodi DdUkJni Ka-lnil ni-b·• .end-a n-dUkl·nl

claimed In chapter 6 above we proposed that Case theory does not seem to operate in Kilaunbe in the manner proposed in GB. For example the passive morphology is expected 10 absorb the

structural case assigned by a vern. This means that passive sentences with benefactive arguments that have not moved to object position would be i1\formcd, However, thls is not the case as the Kibmba sentence in (39) shows, (39)

Ni_til.kDd-e-w-' l:J·vetl n-dUkl·nl nJ I:InI FOCI7.TNS-go Io-AP-PSV-FV 9-sbop-klc by child There was gone 10 the shop fOl" the woman by the child

'.woman

12-child FOC-I2-lNS-go-FV 9-sbop-loc The child went 10 the shop (b)

K.InI oikiendei ldvetl ndUk&nJ Ka·AnI nJ·b-A-eD!J-o.j kl-veli n-dUkA.nJ 12-child FOC-12-TNS-go-AP.FV 7·woman 9-shop-loc TIle child went 10 the shop for the woman

In (37b) kIYru ' woman' benefits from the child's going 10 the shop. (38)

(a)

KJnI nIkilni Ka-4DI ni-ka-A·tn.t 12-child FOC-12-TNS-siog-FV The child sang

Nikwkndewa k'ivetl DdUkInJ nJ kJnIl

The passive verb here bas an expletive subject (the class 17 agreement) and the IIpPliod benefactive argwnentl5hni 'woman' remains in object position. Actually, even without the passive morphology, the verb £U.dD "So/go 10' is one of those verbs that do not assign structuIlll

case11 , " AbiM.l Mcborilo ( 1990) aM: e:uq!Iet with bmefactiva IJIPtic:ativtS fi:JnMd from OPe orgumeLlI "Jbejr~ an: from !be -.rftb II 'die' ODd IbImYIP ' I\ID' in CbicbewL TIle probIeIns with the coosuuctioot " " - - ill IhII die)' ... II!lbipwI betwceD • !aSOIL .ppIicaIiw ..... beDdXtive ~ radiD& .... it ill pouible 10 e:.pbin the objod propatieI of Ibc IOppIicId --..a in ...... of

..m...

anincy ~ if the COIlJUIL<:Iiga iI ~ ... ,...... ~oe. n.u io, the ~ k _ --'em _ objod ~ ifit it hip Ut the ~lIienrdLy. III atitioa IOtbil the~ consttutticJD ill ~ inYOlva the _ 01 __ .LLpp!ied.tlixts. It is ~ Ibmfi;Jre, 10 ........ tt..t ODe of the .rtUcs deriveI: • UWltitM: vab whicb Ibeu iDpIQ: 10 the ILJIIIIicaIive fonnatioa.

"H~ siDce the IIJLIlMI! bat bem ""...xed LhILt IocativtS ate NPa ODd NOT PP in Bantu. ~ verbs with Iocative ..-gummts do usiF IINCnnI c:ase. 11owe_ cvco iflhll_ to GB would predict that naD1pk (l'il) is iltformeocI bet&LH !be pusive ~ bat ~ the ItIUI;tural _ leavillg the applied oI:>ject_1esa.

152

153

Thus it seems that the distribution of the benefactive construction in Kikamba cannot h..' explained in terms of presence or abseocc of sltUclUl'al case on the verb, as argued by Baker, bill rather in terms of the prcscnce or absence of an internal argument (argument other than tho; subject). The bcnefllClive applicative will be possible in all and only in the verbs that have au intemal atgumenL

The other problems of using the anal~i5 in B&!,er .( 19888 and ~) fen: thethe~ba ~;: that it explains but a small portion of the posSIble ~~catlve coostru~m. B:~ as we r Locative, Motive and Experiencer apphcauve .are,not cons."", .... m . posscsso , ' .1.. the benefactive apphe::attvcs. Baker's fmdmgs e::annot be have shown above. evc::n WI ..,

geocnliscd to Kikamba. The other impoffant issue is to ftnd out whc::ther the applied benefactive argument a1wa)')' has the prime objOC::I properties in Kikamba and if it doesn~ 10 provide an ellplanalion. We will defer this issue tmtil we have discussed Bresnan and Moshi (1990).

Another prediction in Baker (1988&) is lIlal preposition incorporation (applicativc construction fonnatioo) will only lake place if the preposition to be incorporated is lID argument of the verb. Thill is because: Baker identifies the applicative construction with the dative shift consttuction in which the object of a preposition becomes the prime object of the verb. He thus postulates lID independent PP III some stage in the derivation of the applicative cousttuction11. Thus it is predicted that the applicative construction is fOffilCd in, and only in, the cases where the (PP) is a oomp1emeot of the verb i.e. prepositions wiD DOt be incorporaud out of an embedded or out of an adjunct position. In Kikamba however, where there are no prepositions that could express this same meaning the claim lIlal the applied a.t"fu[ beads a prqIOsitiona\ phrase at some level, verifiC
K.InI k&s6ma TvilkO ke ngalW

Lastly, it is diffie:: uh to oonceptualise how ~ ~Iysis ~ Baker would be e:otu:ndcd to handle the double applicative constructioos obserVed In Kikarnba

6.3.3 Bran i n a nd M oshl (11)88); (1990) th Bresnan and Moshi's studies on the:: aw1ic::ative construction are approac~ ~u! e:: . . ·th· the l....6ica1 Functional QrammaJ and most ofthelT data IS w"wn Lexical Mapping theory ~ ~ and Qtichewa. I have not found an CAplieit account of 110:-" from two B~tu ~guagcs, t ga [l()(e that the fonnatioo of applie::atives involves a e::hange m the oonstruct.OIl .s fon.ne<'}'u ,~_-' by W\dcrI' dlllllge in the leJdcal semantic structure a.rgument structure whie::h IS IDU"""" an ymg . ldin • derived [ 1 infomlBlly the Iction of the base v is applied to a new argument ,'" }'Ie .N~ Th the ~ brasableu ~do vfOf, to, withO\"atlt· (BremanandMoshi(1988.oJ . us g low process : cs the addition ofa new semantic role to the argument s~~ v~ the

~!~;~wi!:=~~ve~~~=h~~~~c~gein~sematic stJ\lttUJ':Bof the v:!:i Moshi c::onccntm!e on providing an explanation as to why the appl,ied reman jcuI beneficiary! makficiary and recipient, have more.access to the .obj«t ar~ts,:the ~ts of the basic verb in an appl~tive cons~on and use: e~

S!=I:==U;::I:;::: :f~r:~::;thc:oI':;~~i = i' .

applied

objoct properties 1 wiD veT'j briefly skttcb the relevant e::1aims of the

In Lex.ica1 Mapping theory. syntactiC functions are d«omposed into .[:I:r}

Ka·aoa ka·U6m·a ivWrll ka-T ngalW

12-child 12-TNS·read· FV book 12·be vehicle The ehild read the book while six: was in the vehic::1e

(the~atical1y

restricted Of unrestricted) and [±oj. (obj«tive ~ not). ~ eore.=t'~~:W: subject, primal)' object, second object and oblique and ......1 are t

features: Thus, in Kikamba it is only in the cases when: the applied nominal ill outside the argument proper of the verb that the applicalive coostruction is used.

Subject .. Primaty object .. secondary object ..

Oblique ..

[-r,-o]

[.r, +01 [+r.+o} [.r,-01

»to &eI his ~ jwllIplIe _ _ with 1be NO ptpOIitiorr. willi 1be ~..e 0CIIIIIruCti0IL Ho.oevcr in Kibmb. Ibcft iI DO ~ of m ~ bctw
momma

"'-

~( I 988a)..,... ibM the u/Iimalerolc
154

155

1bc thooIy assumes the existence of a Universal lbcmaf H' h ' the lCl(ical rolcsofa verb ~:_~ 10 ,L ' .L _ _ • • Ie 1= y whkh StruC1",,,, - , ""'6 ",CIT ""'"lIIlIe prommence as follows: > beoefieiary/malcficiary > r«ipienl " ocatlOn > Moti ve. lA~1

experienccr > instrumental > .....ien.'.L--r-

" "lCIlIl'

Morpho-lexical operations on semantic structure . applicative) Iheta roles. can suppress (eg passIVe) or add (q.: The mapping from argument struetutc to syntactic functi . . (undcrsp<x:ification) by universal lexical principles according to 1h:r::.=i~l~ spee;rt~" arguments' roles. IntemaJ. IlrgUmmts selected by the verb (patieotlthcmc meamngs 0 ~ .... Itf8\1IlICIIts). may be underspceified eilher (-r] 01" (+OJ. Only rol~ from instrumentalandand =~~) undc~ilication.. If an internal role is spcc;ified [-r) it is the primary object a~: object. een 511 ect and object functions. if specified (+0) it is the restricted (sccondaJy l

a::te
The Intrinsic elassifiClUion (Ie) is stated as follows:

OblmlC;

benlmaI> reci > ~tIth > Joe > mo~

'--

.......

HI

.

M ...

EJwybnej

i

(-
Ie applies. to the ~ta roles of ~ v~ root as well as to the theta roles inlrOduced b :OUCII ~tIOns, ~y inducing a cyclic interaction oflhe object and elsewhere I~ morpholCXlCaI derivation of the verb. There is a constraint, the Ob'ect Asymmetry :::-, OlI~cr'f:eobb.states that o~IY.one theta role can be intrinsically classified ~tricted. Thus o ~ecu can be mtrmsically specified (-rJ. . ~ ~ing of these lUldcrspeeified representations to full specification of tical funetl~ is achieved by use of two default syntactic classifications. One classiIies~h...­

role assigned as (-r,-o) and the SCCOJ.ld completes the ....,..;.,ly ' •• 0""_" ' . . '~....,t positive value to the iii . r- ...... CWI»UJCU functions by ISSlgrung a which will remain ~ .~:c feature.(except roles that are intrinsically classified [.r] the final well f~pecl . . may contmue to alternate between subject and object to all !he morp~ =ndi~ (Bresnan and Moshi (1990:171» . The defaults apply after featW'Cs. vatrons of the verb and can only add but not delcte or change

FinaUy !he FllnCtion-AIgument BiWllqueness well·formcducss condi . each expressed lexical role is associated with a unique IUrx:tion and the convcrse~on ensun:s that

Now w!"t ~ this theory say ahow the applicative construction? The: reco i ' f two types of obJccu m Bantll is significant. The claim is that the unrestricted ob ' ' 1'" 1" ~0lI 0 156 ~cct W1 nave Ihe

primary object properties: be adjacent to the verb, assume subject relation in passive and have access to the object prefix position on the verb. The object intrinsic classification (objC<:t IC) given above shows !hat though all objects could be classified [-rl, the bencfactivelmalefactive

and recipient must be classified [·r]. 1'bo!I whenever Beneficiary/makficiary and lttipienl NPs occur, they must have the primary object properties. In addiriOll to !his, the motpholcxica1 oper1Itions that target the object will only affect the unrestricted object/so Thus b«ause of the OAP, benefactives are predicted 110110 co-oa::m wilh operations thaI suppress object roles such as rtCiprocalizarion and theme suppression (unspecified object deletion) and when a bcncfactiary is !he subject ofa passive verb, it is expected thaI there will not be an object marker on the (indicating the presence of another [·r] object). The prediction is thaI if the un.restricted object is e~ressed as a subject in a passive. or suppressed. 110 other object will have the primary object properties. This prediction is correct in a nwnber of Bantu languages and Bresnan and Mosbi (1990:141) refer to these languages as the Asymmetrkal Obj«t Type. There are however, other Bantu languages sueh as Kichaga in whicb trI()re than one NP can ellhibit the properties associated with the unrestricted object. That is, with a ditransitive verb or applied ditransitive verb, eilher of the objects can become the object when the verb is in the passive form and when this happens the other object can be marked by object agm::ment, Of suppressed by theme suppression Of by the rocipnx:al affIX. Such languages are said to lack the AOP and thus allow more than one role to be unrestricted. Bresnan and Moshi (1990) refer to these languages as !be Symmetrklil Object Type. In these languages too, !be bc:neflCiaJ)'1 maleficiaJ)' and recipient must be wuestricted but there may be, in addition, another WlrCStricled object. However because of the wellformcdness condition of FW"lCtion-Argument BiuniqumessJ), in an active clause only one role will surface as unrestricted

vern

Kikamba fits the description of a symmetrical object languagc and except where asymmetries are motivated by animacy hierarchy or by pragmatic faclOt"S. the object features patlan in a lDIlIlntt similar 10 those of Kiehaga as described in Bresnan and Moshi (1988; 1990). 6.3.4 BraaD aad Mos bl (1988); (1990) aad the Kikamba Applkadve There is no dollbt that the research within the LFG has contributed significantly to an underslaDding of the complexities in Bantu syntax. The questions raised in this subsectiOll mainlyeoocern issues that, perhaps, need 10 be addressed in the development of the LFG theory. The.@.~ asswnption in Bresnan and Moshi is that aU verbs can have any one ofthc applied roles"'. However the Kikamba ClUIrnples given above show that purely ODe argwnenl verbs can form OlIly the Locative and Motive applicative (examples (19).

The other assumption is that all the applied arguments are objects, restricted or unrestricted". In Kikamba however, the applied Locative and the applied Motive have no '~1IIIeS

u.. e.dr ClpIWSOCIIe:U;-.iIOle if; ~ wiIh • unique fiIIIrooD m:I tbe CCJDVmI!..

~ oftbeir aiticism ofBW:r (198111 mel 19&8b) is that be claimed till! benefal;tive ~rives will fiom iDtraDsirive verb.

D:lI be formed

lltn !be

CMoes

wlIere !ben: are

c:codilloo would .... tho:

~

IrIOfe tbIO two object! I expcoct tho ~I ~ of two ra1ricud or two .....wlrictal objectt. If !he ~I

1 57

primary object properties even wilen they are !be only

DOn-SUbject arguments of the verb (sec (41) below). Since according 10 the object lntrinsic Classification given above as applied arguments they have the option of being classified (-r1 or (+01, perhaps the theory needs I" ensure that the (+oj option is ehosen always for mot ive and locativc applied arguments in languages of the Kikamba type.

(41)

K1vetl ~ odUkao1 Ki·vct! kJ-a-nctn-6-a ndUka-ni 7-woman 7- TNS-talk_AP_FV shop-Ioc. The woman Ialked while at the shop.

(a)

We thus feel thai the function of the applied affu in these constructions is distinct and very restricted and requires a different treatment.

-NdUkAnI~(nikiveti)

(c)

NdUU-ni va-i-D6tn-6-w-a (nikJvet1)

(4Ia) gives a Locative applicative and (b) shows that the Locative nominal cannot be marked for object agreement and (c) that the applied Locative cannot be the subjcct in Ibe corresponding passive. The noo-applied Locative tboogb can be subject in • passive comtruction (see chapter 6 above). The same pattern is observed with Ibe Motive appIica!ive. It therefCR seems that these two roles do not access objOCl properties in Kikamba and this distinction is not made in Bresnan and MosIli (1990). Still on the same topic of uniform treatment of the appIicative constructions, there is another oonstruction in K.ikambe that may need to be set apart. This is the coostruction we refcrrcd to as ' the experiencer applicative'. This construction OCCUJS with only. few intransitivc YCfbs in Kikamba, In fact I have only found three examples of these: k2mA ' lie down', ...GII·sit' and l:!MI!! ' faU' , AU these verbs involve the subjOCl's change of location. The action they describe can, but need not, affOCl an object. Thus they have the potential ofbeing transitive. The applied aftix is therefore used wilh these YCfbs to sipl the presence of the affected argument, in other words 10 signal the transitive use of the verb. The argument introduced by the applied affix is not a Locative (absence of the Locative class marker), it is not a bcnefactive/male£activcl
(.)

wiv81Ukila kindanda ii-i-vililk-ij-a kIndanda 3-TNS-fall.AP.FV bed l1

~

_

IDeal!

With respect to oovem~ work in LFG has discussed more typeS of appl~~ve . ' earlier lilCf8.ture. However the possessor apphcatlVC conStructIons than were considcred Ul . ~ __ .. . the LFG which was shown to be very productive in Kikamba has not been co~~"" Ul . literature havc looked so far. The reason!1l3y be that !he possessor ~1=~ ~~:::1SI in the languages they have considered In the Kikamba examples 0 up e I . ve consauctions considered above. it was seen that the appUed possessor ~ !be benefactlvc when they co-occur, and it has the primary object ~es. A~lIng!be. possessor applicative into the LFG analysis would involve the revISIOn. of the thCmatlC role hi~~y .~o [ace the applied possessor higher than the applied benefachvc ~ consequen~ly the UltnnslC ~Iassificatioa would be revised to !;IIS1IfC that Ibe applied possessor IS always classified (-r].

I

Utwo [+.-) .... will DOl be . . . . . .

oo;.m.

If !hit iIIlKI . .

II

LFG has not yet considered the phenomena of multiple applicatives though Bresnan and Moshi (1988) note their presence in K.ichaga; tnQfe than one applied NP ~ject. giving a tot:al of tlu"ee NPs with object properties. But we have left these cases which are ~ res~ed synlacticaUy than the double objcct case to future study" Bresnan and Moshl (1988.3).

the applied verb in Kichaga can take

Of 'a! importanCe is the question of bow a system which is designed to handle two objects by :C~ one [-rl and the other [+lJ woold be modified to account for Ibe presence of two basic internal arguments and three applied NPs as in example (30) above, repeated bere as (43). (43)

urwo I-i') tbecI lOIN CIDDOI bocb be rulised. oIIjocII" (Bmmn aDd Mc:1MlaiIo

t938:l4). I UIlderscaDo11hi11O

wliv81llka kJndand!-nJ_ lI-A-v81ilka \dndandI-nI 3-lNS-flil·FV bed-Ioc. It (elass 3) fell on the bed

I (428) (with the applied affu) kiI!!DdA ' bed' does not have alocatioo/position reading as it does ; (42b) (without the applied a~)..The same can be pki about the usc of the other two vabs <.ik!!!. '$it' and k2mJ ' Iie down') m thIS context.

-KJved kyavin6c!:nta ndUkaDi KI-vetl k1-A-vA-necn-e-a ndUka.-nJ

(b)

(b)

KIvell kyWngeeea Miltiia kAnl nglmI ndiinyil w1a K1-veti kI-i.n6lg-e-e-o-a Miirila k.IInI ngIml ndilnyil Will . 7_woman 7_lNS-give-AP.AP-AP-FV Mutua child porridge market fear.

~ ~

0IIGdiQ0Q boo KriouICUIIeCp_ for !be 1beory bo<:Iuae it_thai opptied atfucs will DOl oo«><:ur with an.dy di!nIruIiti~ ~ mil. tIw only OPe applied object is allowed fur !IlOIlOIJan!;;ti_ and two for mlrlDSitivm. We tIw !his is DOt !be case ill KibrmL

ba,.., ......

"Maidldi"".-..dirtc" pooMibk depeodirI&
is DOt •

~

~

':

the_~(=me~ ~m:;:~ ~

into) it _!be lppliod aIfur. with the!ipPlied aIfur. the positiocr.'IocI CIIlDOt be ~ ..... ~ iavo/ve ",.a:!iIiooII..,.,tied affiJ.
"Ia r.a !be preaoeoce ofmore 1hIn two objectI cIoeIlIOt depmd on the ~ of.rmre tbIa one IJIPIied .flUes. Wbcn. bMictUy dilraO$i\ive vftb takes WI IppLiod .ffix the reAtIt 1Ithr« ot.;ects.

1be woman pve porridge to Mutua's (:hild while at the market because offear. Lastly, il is DOl dear wbelher the absence of the AOP in II language meIIIlS !hal such II Ianguage.;an have jUSl two [or] arguments Of tbcn: is II possibilil)' ofmore than two intrinsically dassified (-r] arguments. SinI:e Bresnan and Moshi c:onsidered double object OOIlSlrUCIioIls only. the implicalion seem
Mw4li"mil niwamainIiWll acni nI syln! Mil-ilimil Di-u-a-ma-in-l_i_w-a a-enl nJ . ylnl. I-teacher FC- I-1NS-2-sing-AP-AP-PAS-FV 2-guests by the cllildrea Lil The teacher was sung (soogt) fOf for his guests by the (:hildmi.

The beneficiary NP is aeoi rna mwalimil ' the teachers gucsu'. This explains the prescoce of one of the applied affixes.. The possc;ssor mnIimIl is then 'raised' 10 object, (the preseoce of tbe second applied affix), and is suNequently passivised. Further, g 'guests' is marked for object agreement (the dass 2 affix between the tense and the verb roo(). In addition is an unspecified object deletioo verb, i.e there is the understood object mbathi '500gs'. Thus there are

.m

three arguments that Wldergo processes associated with WlfCStricted arguments. In summary the preceding diKussion has shown !hal, though, LFG is the most comprehensive theoty available on Bantu syntax, the account in the lilerllntre leaves some questions about the applicative omstruction in Kikamba unanswered or WlClear.

6.4 An Alterlladn Approacb to the Kikamba Appbdve An adequate accounl of the Kikarnba appli(:ative coostruction needs 10 include the

following observations: I . that the omstruction is quite widespread in the language and is prodm:tive; 2. thatlWo, perhaps three, types ofapplicalive constructions need 10 be distinguished; 3. that the object properties seem 10 apply cydically to the possible candidates; 4. that slri(:t1y one argwnent verbs can only fonn Loc:ative and Motive applicatives; 5. that applied NPs with the Locative and Motive functions typically have no objec:1 ~

.

To begin with, we lake Marantz's (1984:231) approach that "the applied .fflX (... ) signals the presence in the sentence of 10 NP 001 roolaioed within the argument strucfUrt: of the verb 10 which il anacbes". This makes DO rommitmenl as 10 wbelher the applied NP will he III argwncntlobject of the verb. SocondIy we need 10 distinguish belwecn ~ motpbolcxical fimctioo and the lII()rphosyn~c function of the appli ed affix in Kikamba. The morphnlcxical funclion is limited to a small nwnber of inlransitive verbs IIIld has Ihc property of transiti vising the verb on whi(:h it 160

atlaCbcs (see example (2Q) above). The applied affix with a. ~ynta~k fwlctioo ~ be realised 00 aU verbs and the: restrictions as 10 wbethcr the apphed NP ts realised as an object of the verb or DOl depeods 00 the argument structure of the ~Iied ~ 00 the ODe band ~ on the inbereot Ibilil)' of the applied NP to aocess object properbcs on the other. In Its morphosyotactic use the applied affix cross--refercoces an NP that is DOl oontained in the bask argument slrocture of the verb. In fact, Ihere are languages in which the applied affIx serves only Ihis function (see Austin 1993:5). ThIlS, we want to lllgUe that object creation is oota direct fUfl(:t1on of the applied affix but may be a ~uence of the cross-ref~cing ~ion of the applied affIX. This explains the distinction between Ihe Locative and Motive ~hcatlves .00 one hand and the other applicatives on the other. With the Locative and MOb:--e applicatlve cross_referencing is DOl followed by ' advancement' 10 object in the sense of R~lal1~1 ~ but in the possessor. benefactivelmalefac:tive and rttipienl cross-referenemg IS obhga1Ol1ly foll~ by objectivisatioo of the applied NP.

!he

TIle possessor, benefaetivdmalefactive and Ittipienl can only occur wilh vCtbs that an: purely single argument verbs. To this extend !be argument ~ of the verb plll)'!i a JlIl:rI in determining where objectivisation will lake place. Verbs wnh at least two arguments w1l1 admit the cross- referencing orNPs with the above roles, NP thaI mllSt5U~enll.y advaocc 10 object. Purely one argument vC'!bs will only have the ~.tive and the MOllve apphed NPs; NPs that need not be(:OIllC objel:ls. ~ means thaI ~Iy trlInSlb."'e ~an elltended meamng of the term) verbs will have applied NPs that will lISSume object properues .

DOl

However, the Ibilil)' of a parliruw appl ied NP 10 II(:(:CSS object properties ~~ override the generalisation made on the basis of the argument s~ of ~ ~'. ThaI IS, .11 ~y be possible for an applied Motive ror ell~le 10 ha~ object ~es If II ranb hIgh In the hiertll'!;:hie:s that determine whil;h NP will have object propemes . TIle three factors th~1 influeoce !be likelihood for an NP 10 be an object in IDOoa Bantu languages are: semantK: relations (semantic hiermchy), penon animacy hierarchy and deteml~·1 (Hyman 1982:225). Thus an NP!haI ranla high in the semantic hierarchy (sec sectlOl'l. 6.3.~), a~ least above applied Locative, will have objecl properties.. Similarly, oominals ~g h'~ ~ the person animacy hierarchy, at least from animate and above, have access 10 object propertlC5 . The typology of tbe oonslruCtions wilh the applied affix in Kikamba (:an be represented as

follows: " Aput &om !be di1fermce .. !be definitioa ofnnsitivily IIW is sirnillr 10 Bakel'. (\98&.). ""ll ;,; a difficuII issue 10 decide wbeIber. in !be <:.c where !be animote tDOtive ;,; aoa-ref<:rmoed (Ill . , iDIrmsitM oat>, trmsiriviDtioa ~ pIIoe. 1M obInvJboo _ are nbI& line is !bit it ;. pouibIe fu thiI NP 10 ~obje;t propenieI. "WIlen: .,..aga.oe bicrwdIieI -.e rdeYJIII it _dial .. Kik:aIID tbere ;. l1li bieIwth ;", !be wrj 1be ~. IaI*ltic. Jlldprl&llllk~oppIy.

I"nt;I:nItie Hiera:dly > ~ Himrdly > Pmoo-Animacy ~y.

.. ~ OOIISldcntiooIruch u ~ and coutrJostive fOCUl nw.y tho 0VC1ride !be semantic and the.nimacy IUenrchiet 1\ fi01elf.

161

(45), The fimctions of the Applied Affix.

APPLIED AFFIX

6.S Sunullary In this chapter we have discussed the applicative construction in Kikamba. A crosssection of the possible constructions was given, (section 6. 1), and two theoretical approaches to the analysis of the applicative construction were discussed. It was shown that the constructions analysed in Baker (1988a and b) exemplifY only a small seetiOli of the appJicative constructions in Kikamba and even then some of the predictions made in Baker( 1988a and 1988b) were shown oot to hold in Kikamba. Next the LFG approach as outlined in Bresnan and Moshi (1988,1990) was examined. Some of the assumptions of LFG were brought to question and a theory neutral approach to the Kikamba applicative construction was proposed. The proposals made here point 10 the need of differentiating between a derivational and a cross-referencing fimction of the applied affix. The fact that some of the cross-refereneed applied NP1I end up as objects while others do oot access object properties is explained by assuming that objectivisation is a consequence and not a function of the cross-referencing use of the applied affix.

1.U:O .V. 1 .U:O V.

1+ .U:O.V. PJ.'t/ TIl

...,

."'

The issue of lransitivity in Kikamba (perhaps in Banlu in general) comes up again in this chapter. It was observed that intransitive verbs with Locative arguments co-occurred with the applied arguments which end up as objects, a chamctcristic that is typically associated with the transitive verbs. This can be explained if we assume that:

Thou~ ~y one node ~ with applied NPs without object propenies, it is important to note that this IS the most unrestricted fonn of applied construction, It can occur with aU verbs. Once the cross-ref~ applied NPs have advanced to object it is difficult to teU the ~ ~tween the ~SillVl.smg and the cross-referencing function on the surface, except for ~ mtnulSlllv~ verbs WIth applied Locative and/or Motive NPs which do not, usually assume

diffi

object properties.

'

Once the ':J'Ptied arguments, which are possible objects, are cross-refcrenccd on the verb by usc ?fthe apphed ~ffix, they compete with the verb's basic arguments for the primary ob'ect propert~es. The nommal ranked highest in the semantic hierarchy gets the· ob~ ~les .. In case there .is do~Jbling, (eg two possessors etc) the highest in terms ~. ~ect ,;!-crarch ~I be ~ high~ .' It to be the case in Kikamba that this ranking is Cy~ , ~e ~ object IS ~lVlsed, rtClprocalised, theme suppressed or 8f1tipassivised the other ob.JCCIS ~ ~c ranking procedure and another primary object is selected. . . An mlerestmg question concems what becomes of the other 'objects' once the primary obJC(:t IS selected. We propose that they wiU surface as secondary objects.

sca.m

EmtER: The Locative is an argument of the verb and thus the relevant parameter here is the presence of an internal argwnetlt (in fact the non-applied Locative in Kikamba can takc some object properties such as being subject of the passive verb). Therefore these vcbs are two argwnent verbs as we claimed above. Since Locatives are NPs in Bantu rather than PPs (Bresnan and Moshi (1988», perilaps their presence SCDSitivizes the verb to thc processes that othCfWise affect transitive verbs even when these Locatives are not arguments of the verb·!. Whichever of these is the case is left for future research. The other important point made in this chapter is that the distinction between the derivational and the cross-rdcrencing function of the applied affIX is reflected in productivity. The fonner usage is restrkted both in terms of the transitivity of the verb, (occurs with intnmsitive verbs only), and the frequency of its occurrence within the class ofintransirive verbs (only three intransitive verbs have been identified so far that admit the applied affIX with this function). Cross-referencing makes the NPs transparent to the object ranking processes but eross-referenced Locatives and Motives do not enter the object ranking process wtless the Locative/Motive nominal is the only post verbal NP and it is high in the animacy hierarchy.

''This sensitivity will be only df~\"e when !he k>cative is .

-~

basic ood

001

a CfOI$$-rd"etmONI (appli
~ cross-referencing analysis is useful in explaining the mlJltiple applieative conslruction in Kikamba. It ~ more pla~.ib.l~ to claim that a cross-referencing process is recursive than it would be to ClalDl that II transl1iVlsmg process is recursive*. Chapter 7 CondlJding Remarks The other issue concerns the max.imwn nwnber of post-verl:lal NPs possible in ill. I~gc. It was shown tha.t II ditransitive ~erb can have up to 6 post verbal NPs; 2 basic and ~

apphcd NP.s and ~t II ~lDlwn of 3 apphed affixe$ are possible. lbis is a complex issue and once the prunary object IS selected, the Status of the other NPs is not clear. .

This study bas considered several aspeclS of Kikamba syntax. Chapters I and 2 serve mainly as introductory chapters. Chapter 2 gives a general in troduction to the phonology. morphology and syntax of Kikaruba. In this Chapter the inventory of Kikamba phonemes is established and some of the phonological processes affecting the surface realisation of these phonemes are discussed. The other importance issue that arises in Chapter 2 is to do with the phenomena of tense and aspect. The tense foons in Kikwnba are establish and their main uses exemplified. In Chapter 3 the phenomena of agreement is examined. Agreement in Kikamba is expressed by use ofan affix on the host word. lbis affIX corresponds to the class concords of the NP controlling agreement. It was established thaI subject-verb agreement and object-verb agreement are dctcnnined by the relations that hold at the surface SlnIcture (final stratum in RG terminology). That is, subject-verb agreement is detcnnined, for example, by the NP that occupies the subject position at the surface structure. We established that verbs with a compound subject or a compound object take the plural agreement of the NP with the highest value in the animacy hierarchy within the compound, while in NP-modifier agroement each of

scope of a modifier is limited to the nominal immediately preceding it. On the basis of agreement each class of modifiers was the norninals in a compound NP is considered separately and the

shown to have three types; I. fully concordant, 2. partially concordant and 3. non-concordanl Chapter 4 describes the pronominal system in Kilcamba. The typology of pronouns in the language was examined and the option of omitting independent proOOUJIS discussed in relation 10 the J>ro.drop parameter in 08. The pronominal status of the reciprocal and reflexive affixes was considered and it was argued that the reflexive affix has pronominal features whi le the reciprocal affix is a verbal extension (derivational morpheme). The reflexive affix, however, was shown to

necessitate recognition of an empty category not part of Chomsky's (1981) typology mainly because the reflexive aifuc: is not rich enough to identify a pro in object position, in the manner posrulated in GS. In ehapter 4 we also considered the question of whether there is pro-drop in Kikwnba or whether the agreement affIXes should be considered as the unmarlc:ed pronouns in the language

>6,

whi le the full independent pronouns are considered fonns marked for particular pragmatic usc. The main question was whether the affixes are agreement markers which assume pronominal status in the absence of the NPs controlling agreement, or they are proOOWlS which assume agreement morpbeme status when the NP they cross-reference is present in the clause. If they are analysed primarily as pronouns this will have consequence for the word order statement in

'"

the tallJUB8t'. We witt need 10 recognise two basic word orders in Kikamba and in Bantu iJi generat: SVO when the subject and object are independent words and SOY wben the object is 1I pronoun. Though. this is assWDOd in much of the literature OIl Bauru languages within LFG (Bresnan and Moshi (l990:JSO), it seems nubet compte ... and we have DO $)'DChronic Kikamba evidence 10 SUPPOM this cl.aim. We ~fore ~fCl" 10 treat these formatives as agreement marl:ers which are ricb eoou&b 10 allow the omission of the fuU proooun subjects and objects where the full pronouns are not needed rc.- particular PQgmatic purposes. In OIapIer S the passive eonslnlC1ioQ in Kikamba was discussed. II was cooeluded that the eonslructiollS fal ling WIder the lerm 'passive' in Kikamba cannot be adequately discussed in terms of the promotion of an object to subject. First, this is too inclusi~ (it includes the unaccusative OONUUClions), and second, the impersonaJ passives in the language are possible with virtually all vcros. In the same way, the notion of suppressiool demotion of an iniliall logical subjecl was shown to be too inclusive. (it includes the derived statives), and it was also seen to be complicated by the reference to subject The questioo of whether it is only logical subjects that can be demoted! supprcs$Cd was raised. It was argued that the passive construction in Kikamba is better discussed in tenm of the two properties of the passive verb. That the presence of the passive morpheme;

I . Creates the type ofverb that can have an expletive subject, like the unaccusative verbs in the language.

discussed in chapter S, (Relatiooal Grammar and the Government and Binding Theory). First, the assumption bas been that passive univenally involves promotion, (RG), and therefore, the search has been for an elIOplanation for the exception 10 Ibis general rule for the languages in which this promotion doesIl't seem to be obligatory. Rather than looking for explanations why promotion does not always take place in these languages. 8$ OB bas been doing, perhaps it is time for research to point the other way and find OUI what it is thaI makes prunotion obligat()[)' in languages like English. In other words the basic feature in passive clauses is wilb the verb, il is a verb tbat can take an expletive subjecr or have another NP promoIed 8$ subject. It then:fore, seems that the languages that allow both options rather freely need 10 be taken as the typical and those that have a tendency towards one of these chokes as the resrricted in as far as the passive conslnlctiOll is concerned. The other assumption in the theoretical literature has been that demotion/suppression

involves a subject, defined in RG as an initial I and in GB as the logical subject or the tlIOtemal role. The attemptS have therefore, been focused on searching for an explanation for the cases in some languages where a non-initial lor a oon-extemal role seems to be demoted/suppressed. Pemaps universally. the demotion/suppression is oot specialised to a particular grammatical relation or semantic role but rather targets the highest role available regardless of whetbcr it is a I or a 21, an external or an internal role. If this is taken to be the case, languages like English where the demoted/suppressed role needs to be an external role will be seen as the restricted

2. llnplies an inherent but lIIlCltpressed argument, wrucb is the highest argument tbat the COfTeSponding non-passive VCfb would express.

rather than the typical in as far as the passive construction is concerned. The above suggestions are made with caution. Since this was not a comparative study.

The olher features that cbaracterue the varieties of passive eJauses in Kikamba were shown to be

we are DOt in a position to present CODClusive fmdings 00 the universal applicability of our

a oonsc:quence of these two pupertics. The eonscquenc:es of prqIQ1y I is that a passive verb will have as subject either an expletive or an NP promoted from another position. Wbetber a

suggestions. It is however, an interesting subject for further study.

passive verb get! a thematic or an expletive subject, in Kibrnba, was shown 10 depend on the pragmatic faeton governing • particular construction.

Property 2 makes the subject of a passive verb, even when promotion bas taken place, not to access all the properties associated with subjects in the language. Thus, because of the inherent argument, the subject of passive verbs is not the most prestigious NP in the clause as was illustrated by use of the question construction in Kikamba.

0Iapter 6 describes the applicative construction in Kikamba.

The variety of

coostructions with an applied affIX were given. It was shown that the use of the applied affix c:orrelated with the absence of a preposition to express that meaning (ef the absence: of instrummtal appiicatives in Kikamba and !be presence of a preposition to express the imtrumeDtal meaning). The phenomenon of multiple applicatives was elUUllincd and it was seen that the intransitive verbs used with locative NPs pattcmed in a manner typical of transitive verbs, with regard to the nwnber of applied affu;es and applied argwnents possible.

This approach has in1piications for theoretical linguistics, specifically for the theories '66

'"

Two theoretical approaches 10 the analysis of applicative CODStruCtion were examined and it was shown that Baker's (1988a, 1988b) . Preposition lncorporarion' approacb is too narrow in coverage and that eYeD his claims, based on the beneficiary applicative in Chichewa, do not bold of the beneficiary applicative in Kikamba. Baka's prediction that the beneficiary appticative will only occur with transitive verbs was shown not to bold in Kikamba.. There, howevcl', does seem 10 be some transitivity issue involved in the distribution of the applied arguments that end up as objects. Perbaps if the definition of Ir3DSilivity in the language is extended to cover unspox:ilied object deletion verbs and inslaDOe:S of intransitive verbs with nonapplied locative arguments. then Baker's predictions will bold for Kikamba. However, whether (with this modification), the verbs in such clauses will be analysed as assigning strucruraI case is an issue: that research within Incorporation Theory may need to coosMier. Whichever way, the tmmitivity status of verbs with non-applied locative NPs forms an interesting area for further

"""""'.

The asswnpIion that the applied arguments will always have object status was shown not to bold oflhe Kikamba applied locative and motive arguments.

We coocluded that the applicative construction in Kikamba is better bandied if two

functions of the applied affix m m:ognisc:d; a transitivising function and across-referencing function. and that object creatioo be seen as a consequence rather than as a function of the applied affix in its cross-refcrencing use. Finally, for al l the aspects of KikambI comidered in this study, adequate examples have been given and care was taken to provide appropriate gJosses to make the examples available to

researchers wbo would wish 10 consider alternative approaches.

of applicative constructions within LFG was seen to be more comprehensive than that in Baker (I 988a, 1988b), but the avai lable LFG IilCnlture on the construction was found to be silent on the following issues: The

lrealment

I. lhough the distinction is made between languages that allow only one NP to access the primary object properties (Languages with the Asynunetrical Object Parameter (AOP»

and languages that allow more than ODe NP to have the primary object properties (languages without AOP), the issue of the nwnber of arguments that can have primary object propertjes (objects intrinsically classified [-R]) in the absence of AOP is DOl handled. One reason for this is, perhaps, because the accounts in the Iitel'8.ture have mainly deal! with double object constructions. Therefore, we feel that there needs 10 be a statement on the possibilities available in the languages that m said to lack the Asymmetrical Object Panuntter as 10 bow many objects in these languages can access the primary object properties.

2. Rtlated to I above is the

issue of possible number of restricted objects (objects

intrinsically classirled [-+0» both in languages with AOP and in those without AOP. That is, bow many objects can be intrinsically classified as restricted?

3. The phenomena of the possessor applicative is not discussed at all in LFG. Perhaps the construction doesn't exist in the languages considered within LFG 50 far but as established in this study, the possessor applicative is very productive in Kikamba. 4. The multiple applicative is only alluded to.

'"

'"

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In this series 01 Ngessimo M. Mutaka

The Tonology of Kinande

02 Edmond Biloa

Functional Categories and the Syntax of Focus in Tukl

03 Brian McHugh

Cyclicity in the Phrasal Phonology of KlVunJo Chaga

05 Laura J. Downing

The Tonal Phonology of Jita

06 Francis Katamba (ed.)

Bantu Phonology and Morphology

07 Raymond Boyd (ed.)

Le systeme verbal dans les langues Oubanguiennes

11 Pascale Piron

Classification interne du groupe banto"ide. Vol. I

12 Pascale Piron

Classification Interne du groupe banto"ide. Vol. II

WAU..ACE, L -Givcoess, CoolraStiveness, Subjects, Topics and Point orVicw'". In Li (1975) PP 2S-S6

13 Denis Creissels et al.

Tonal Morphology of the Setswana Verb

WELMERS, W. E. (1973). African Longuoge StmcI/lreS. Univcnity o(Califomia Press: Los Angeles.

14 John M. Keegan

A Reference Grammar of Mbay

15 Olanike-Ola Orie

Benue-Congo Prosodic Phonology and Morphology in Optimality Theory

16 Gloria Lex

Le dlalecte paul du Fouladou ASynchronlc and Diachronic Study

19 M. Lionel Bender

Comparative Morphology of the Omotlc Languages

22 Andre Mbula Paluku

Description grammatical du KitaJinga (Langue bantu du Nord-Est du Za"ire)

25 Kevin Bretonnel Cohen

Kuku

Sludie.r In Ton:anion I.onguagu; Bantu Linguistics Vol 2: Tokyo: Institute for the Study of Languages and Cultures of Asia and Africa (lLCAA): 1989. Studies In Zmnbion Longuoges; Bantu Linguistics Vol. I; Tokyo; Institute for the Study of Languages and Cultures of Asia and Africa (Il..CAA): (1981).

SVEDSTEDT, D. (1976). P03ition ofObjecttve Pronouns: A Study ofWwd Order in Modem Ruuiml. Almqvist and Wiksc ll intemational; Stockholm. TREECE. R. (1986).

~What

is in a Bantu Noon Class?~ In Studies In Linguistic Scimu Vol. 16

(J) ppJ49-166.

lIDO, E. (1977). ''To End Ambiguity in a Tone LanguageH. In Language and Linguistics Problems in Africa. (pp /J8-/80) VANEK, A.L. (1977). Aspects of Subject.Verb Agreement. Linguistics Research Inc.:

Edmonton. VISSER, M.W (1987). Univcnity ofStellcnbosch.

"Empty Pronominals in Xhosa Syntax" D. Lin. Dissertation:

VITALE, AJ. (198 1). Swahili SYnlac. Faris PublicatiOfl: Dordce<:ht-Holloand.

WHITELEY. W.H. and M.G. MUU ( 1962). University Press: London.

Proctit:oJ Imroduction to Kamba. Oxford

ZWICKY, A.M. (Ed) (1980). Clitksand Elllp.sis. OSV; WPL #24.

29 Fanda Cassimjee

30 Ross Jones 31 Paulette Roulon-Doko (~d . )

32 Daniel Franck Idiata

33 Jean Alain Blanchan

34 Daniel Franck Idiata

35 Ursula Orolc

39 Ronald Cosper

40 Maria Soukka

41 KnutJ. Olawsky 42 Kutumisa B. Kyota

44 Fallou Ngom

47 Petr Zima (ed.)

Isxhosa Tonology: An Optimal Domains Theory Analysis The BokoiBusa Language Cluster

48 D. F. Idiala, M. leitch, P. Ondo-Mebiame, J. P. Rekanga

Les classes nomina/es et leur Semantisme dans les langues bantu du nord~uest

les manleres d't( litre » et les mots pour Ie dire dans les langues d'AfriQue Centrale

49 PIerre Ondo-Mebiame

~ssai de description morphophonologiQue du Yisangu Langue bantu du Gabon

Ape~u sur la morphosyntaxe de [a langue lsangu (8antou, 842)

54 Socii! Kappel Schmidt,

A Grammar of Zina Kotoko

Douze ~tudes sur les langues du Gabon et du Congo-Brazzaville Universaux versus Specificites linguistiQues dans "acquisition du langage chez ,'enfant: Ie cas de la langue isangu (Bantou, 842)

David Odden, & Anders Holmberg

55 Sarah Rose, Christa Beaudoin-Lietz, Derek Nurse

A Glossary of Terms for Bantu Verbal Categories,With special Emphasis on Tense and Aspect

56 Gwenaelle Fabre

Le samba leko, langue Adamawa Du Cameroun

Swahili among the Maasai: On the fnterlanguage Swahili by Maa Speakers

57 Daniel Franck Idiata & Gabriel Mba (eds. )

Studies on voice through verbal extensions in nine Bantu languages spoken In Cameroon, Gabon, ORC And Rwanda

Barawa Lexicon: A Wordlist of Eight South Bauch! (West Chadic) languages: Boghom, Buli, Dott, Gaji, Jimi, Polci, Sayancl and Zul

58 Jan Daeleman, S.J.

Notes grammatica/es et Lexique du Klholu

59 Joost Zwarts

The Phonology of Endo

60 Roger Kamanda-Kola

Phonologle at morpho-syntaxe du mono - Langue oubanguienne du Congo R.D.

61 Jacky Manlacky

Tonologle du ngangela variet6 de Menongue (Angola)

62 Moussa D. Ndiaye

~Iements de morphologie du wolof

63 Rosmarie Moser

Kabba A Nilo-Saharan Language olthe Central African Republic

64Angelina Nduku Kioko

Theoretical Issues in the Grammar of Kikamba

65 Marcia Santos Duarte de Oliveira

Perguntas de constituente em Iblbio e a teorla de tipo oracional

A Descriptive Grammar of Noon

Aspects of Oagbani Grammar Elements morphofogiques at MorphotonologiQue dans la Construction d'un ~nonce yaka Phonetic and Phonological Description of Mandinkakan Phonemes as spoken in Kajor (Ziguinchor) Areal .and ~netic Factors In language Classification and DeSCription: Africa South of the Sahara