.,
, , 'TOWARDS A SOCIOLOGY OF INDIAN LAW y
I 1,JPIlNDRA UAXI
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Dedicated 10 the Memory or Profeuor luilul Stone
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, Towlrds a SociololY of Indian Law
UPENDRA DAXI F/rJt Edl,lon @ 1986
Publlshtd by SllYllhan llubliutlons Nt ... Delhi 110 OGS CompDud by
Amll! Composing Ageocy Nanen Shllbadra, Deihl 110032 Printed It GlllRXY Printers Delhi 1100]2
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Preface
The orilia:!.1 of the prcsent monoarnpb wits commiuioned by tbe Indilln Council or Social Science Research, its a contribution to thdr SUfI'cy of Rmorch III Sociology and Soc(ol Anfhropology, /969-/979 (Salvahnn. 1986). The text of lhis SUfl'cy. reproduced here in In augmented rorm. goes mueb rurther back than 1969 : I record here my appreciation or Ibe ICSSR rOt their indulgence on thl. Icorc. Since the lut was 5ubmitted to tbe ICSSR in eilrly 1980, it explored tbemes, iuut.5 and literature emcrglng till then . Since the Surrey is being publilbed only now (1986), 1 reo,ue.sted tbe ICSSR to permit n separate monogra.pbio publication witb II. pOStscripl aDd supplementary bibliography. since to revisc lhe tI:j30Uleript would not merely bave added to the dela)' in the publicntioo of their series but also disrupted tbeir time· 'pan ror the Survey series, J rcmllia appreciative of the ICSSR'. ready agreement to tlli. 5ug,"tioo. ' The period 1980-l985 h11l produced a f4Scinating corpus or literature rcle'ollllll to sociologicnl exploration of the Illw. Tbls literature rnnges from work 00 clauieallndian jurisprudence to the contemporary pr06lo of the lodiao legal profession. It i. not ponlble to provide a detailed thtmatle rC'oIkw of 1111 the~e woru, but interested reatlers will, we hope, nnd the supplementary bibliography useful. 10 tbe Postscript we rocus on three significant domaios: compensatory di~erimination policies, the emergent subaltero studies and socinl action litigation (stili miscalled 'publio i.. tere5t litigation'). The publication of the Survey, witb ",ddilionnl materials. is perhll.ps. jUltified by the hope tbilt Ihi. format will mll.kc It easHy ncceuiblc 10 students lind scholan eonccrned with;ociol08Y or Jaw. In p:!.rticuhu, we hope thllt this format will help irntruction in courln like 'Ll1w lind Society', 'Law and Social Change', 'LeaRI Hbtory' and 'Legal System', I am deeply graterul to Spri Satilh CUander aDd his eoliellSlles at the Delhi University Law Library rOt their warm-hearted co.operation. Shti H,C. l~in apd Silri Pramod Sinab of Ibc Illdiao Law Illstitute Librl1ry
(\i) aui5ted me ttt irrillltillsly Ihort nOliers 10 complete detllil5 of the bIblio-
graphy. , Sbri KJ. Kapoor. now with the lodlan Society of Inlernlltionlll Law, assisted IDC in prcpsfillioo of bibliogrnphy Iud lOurtes ou cU5l0mary law; !.lod Silri D. Sud, Ihel1 It studcnt In Master of Law's progrtlmme at Dclui University, SGvec,l me from mao)' errors of commission nnd omlssiOG. Sbri 5 .5. Narull! aDd Sal'laltllD Publications IOOr, the initiative for this
I Contents
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publication. The argus· eyed editing by SbTi N!.lrula bas contributed immeasurably to mll!dog prcleotable o.n otherwise musty manuscript. It is II rare experience (or 110 Indian aUlhor 10 bave a publi.her who is ao dtmandioB of the author as Suri Narula.
Prefo.ce Introductioo Classical l-liodu Law 1. Law and Social Chlloge: The Colonial Experiencc 3. Law and Sodal Change in Contemporary Indi" 4. People's 1~L\w. D~vclopnlC:nt and Justice S. Tribal LIIW IIDd Justice 6. The NYllya Panchayats 7. Ltlwand Social Control 8. Adjudication under State Legal S),stem 9. Cooc\uiion Po&tltript Bibliography Supplemcnto.ry Blbllograpby Subject Index Name Indu
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NeW' Ddbi
Upendra Do'Xl
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6, 82
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95 10' 118 119 \37 154 IS7
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1NTRODUCTION The French Sociological jurist ?>-ftlurice Har/ol! ob~eryed (using sociology 10 11 generic scn'e) that "too little !ociolo~y Itll.d~ sway from [nw, bUl much sociology lends back to it." And George Gurvilch rlghlly lupplc:mcnlcd this statement by saying IhM "II little law [cada alva)' from loclolog)' bul much law lead, back to it" (Qurviteh, 19-17: 2) Jfane lOOKS at the history of Wulcrn lotiology, it is cltar that 'much socloloS)" did indeed lead itl founders back to law. The ,truclUflil sianificaoce of law, in the broadest .cns.c. WIS masl dearly m:oaniud by the foundcrs of modern sociology like Outkhcinl, Weber and Mat.l, Theh conceptual e1llborali~llavc: lome: kiod tI( [lrimac! 10 law III • lociat variable. DUI unrortun~ldy, since flus early 1920s, /I gradual dillUlociBt/on bcrwccn ,0CiOIO!) and law beaan. Ic.... iog criminology as the only meetioj! Braund betwec:n awyers Bnd loc!nlo,i,u. In many partt of the world. but C:Jpecinlly in the United Sl.lles Rnd Europe:. we now witness the emergenc:e or an autonomous discipline: c~lhd the 'lOclology of law', It would also be true to $tly of the: Western experience thal much law led buck to .ociology. One ho~ only to think of name! like Eugen Ehrlich (1962), Roscoe Pound (19591. Karllewellyn (962). Julius StODC (1946. 1966) and 1. Willard Hunt 0960. 1964) (to mention only the pioneers) to underscore the fact Utat understand In!; of lawyefl' law (that il legal proc;essc:. as relevant 10 dedsion·makers or lawmen.judges. !nwyen. law reformer., and jurists) is alma,' impossible without n sensltlye .c:raJp q( thc'impUtatlons of lllw IS It locial proceS!, or course, many central ouest ions cool/nue: to remain 11111 debated, It Is ,till beiog .. Iced whether lociolol!lY of law can really exist as nn .~Ionomoua dlsclpllnc (see Stone, 1966: )I·J5: Auerbach, 1~66; 91),
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SOCIOlOGV 01' LAW
Ir thinker5 who tlonc~de Ihis possibility, Ihe importolnt questions Concern e m~tbod ~\ld Ihl! ,scope or sodolOIlY of Inw. Inc~tlnbly, Ihe tiresomc mlrovtr'SY reCarding Iht ,(lIe of \'ahJe~ (or value neutmlity) has als.o :curred In debates (tn sl,CiolollY Qr' luw (sec, c.,., Uhll;k, 1972; NOllet, }16). There is much d!~cuuion whether the prOper tasks of ,sodoloGY r Jaw should be policy or ;lelioll oriented or w'helher they ought 10 be lore e:-:rlidl!y thtor~llcal seeking 10 f"tmulste normative theories about :!aliolls of forms of !lnv with rorms of sodll! order nnd their evolulion. 1tete lisa i$ growing n mass of c:mpiric.arnter:lture concerninaleg.i! rocuses nnd jll$liIUlinn" e~prci,'lIy focus\inG On de\'c!optd ,oeiclies but cc:nionlllly concerning III~o the de\·t!Qpln& ~ocieties. The roll: of law I development h05 been It focu. of mllny impurlllnl Jludies. Of III Ie odleDI Marlliit critlqllu of IlIw hllve :tpJ'le11red dlalleog.ing tho princip,,; nICs of the older, and maUl cstllblishetiwn),5 of dolo!! ~otioloSY of !IlW Ihether lit Iheoretlcnl or C'mpirica! l~vcl5. ' Comp~red wUh 1111 this, illlodill neither social s.clenrists nor 1111'.' persons ro upUclily concerned .... llh the tmer~ence of II disdplintl of SocioJoay flaw. Although there is much tllik of Illw lIod socilll chaoge III nround !left Itrpet'lf 10 be no sustained IIttempts It examining lhl1 potcnliai ad :lcw:tl role which the leJ;al proccss burs 10 IQllratlon nod .!lainmeDt of social dumge. With 11 few notable ueeptions. 'vilJalc ludiu' continue 10 focus on caste (nod recenLly dIU) :timon totally fnoring tqe handling of Ihe •dlspules and coonicts through Indigenous mmunity ioslitution.s (hereafier called the Don·slato Jesnl 'yltems: SLS) or through ngtncie, or the sule luch II Nyayn Panchl1yatl (NP) r trlbunl'lls lind courll. VllIllgc studies pillce litlle cmpluub 011 the the institulioUJ of lite ,111 Ie legal sySlems (SLS) in relation hllvlour connlcta Ilnd di~putes. And even 'iep!' II.nthropololY hu ytt to win recognition in India 115 n InteGrated discipline. Dispute inuitution. and prnceiSes figure but nly incidentally, in clhnolfaphlc accounts. Thelr significance (0 s~citll lability and ch3nge is perceived only ocwsionally. Tribal ethnograpby u abo geotrally OYN looked the si,nifieance or dispute institutions and rOCC5ses (ICSSR. 1!l12 : 2S8·61, 1914 : 30·87 ; Veena Das, 1974). Even ben ~o~epreoccupation with these is vilible. opporlunilies for.ylteDlatic ny~'tlgaIIOn appear to h.ave been surrendered (see part IV of tb.is survey). ndla docs nOIIt:tve nny 'Iudiu of the Iype presented by E. AdaOison -Iotbel (1954) Max Gluckmlln (l!l55; 1965), Pn.ul Bohannan (1957), A.L, puc1n (\969) 10 tlI~nlinn only II few landmarks in legal anthropology. he fllel Ihat !I::\dtng Indlnn unh'crlities continue to hili b:\ek IlPO' s· 1M " . Ir . cnlY ~Inc. lenllnlll \vorki for poU·gradu:tle lepi educalion il not Ult I IUlimony to obSOlete leill'll curricula but it iSlllto. Slid cowmentllry n the ltala of arl.
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r~!e~rc:her~ ~afJ 'HO heavily pteQ~cupie~
with DOtUllltlvo law
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Nl1l0l)UCTIO!'l
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research. The ImHan IlQdtmic I;lwl'~r "f'lerulet only at tbe cybernetic control point of the .n.l?rmalJ~~ leg:!1 a~~tem. nll.melY,..!he IIppe!inlc courl~y~tem. No doubt, Ihat $YSICtn' rc\'cals- the key pointl of strcss lind stntin enus~d moinl)' by rhll need ,10 Accommodate within A brO:lI.1 and stable nOfnliltive/cu!turo! fwmclYork. the impulses for, And resistancc 10, oormalive chnnge and grnwth. And undoubt· ed!y 100 the normatlYe output of that Iystem elln be 1l11ributed Il dtgru of imp:!el on the entire normalivefcultuu.1 s)'st~n1 of Illw. On the other hand, howevcr, the appellate cOurt·system i~ only tbe tiP of the icebug of the form:tl lee>!1 ,yucm; and the normative oulp:ut of Ibis system i,-merely 11 dot on Ihe.!i.p.Q.f'.tll's-'cebc.rg. Accordingly. a ratlonlll comprchenslon of Ihe role of le"allYitems in ,mdul Jtubflhy lind growth demand. II more \lide.ranSlng Iwarencu oftllW:lt II lociill Iystem. -Thls must be the first major point of departure for IIny - pro8ram~e;r ,ooio. logal research in India IBu1, 1!l7Sn). In this Slnlc of Itrt, It Iw lomc..what presumptuous 10 nl\empt a review of lit~rnlurc und~r Ihe rubric 'sociolollY of Inw'. nUl there IIrc lome speel. fie advantage. in tbls endu\·our. PirsUy, wc \\anl 10 raise I question OJ to wbether (here ought 10 exitt II discipline culled the '50ciology of Indian law' 7 And were it to emerge, what should be its method (lnd .!cope 7 In olher words, may thero be not very distinct;"e ~tyles, themes and problems with which thit discipline might bt concerned in contrast to the AmerlcaD lind European developments? How can sociology of Itlw be rtluled to Ihat of development'? Sceondly. mAY onc nOl attempl to clllcgorizo research Olltput in terms of the probable directions into which thought nnd re~enrch might IIIVIC moved hud we emerged with ruch n dlsdpline nJrelldy 7 In other word" rnny it not bo worth\\"bHo to remind socln! scientlsts and lawpeuons Ihnt what ther hap~n to do unselfconscloualy (like Moliere's h~ro who splke prOJe without knowing it) rniAhi be done bttler self·consclously under the framework of an emerGent 10doiolY Indian law 7 And finally, whatever may be nur onswen and approo~bel 10 the foreloing. may one \lot Cltpcct through the present en(!Cll.vour some points of converge nco In concern between law and other adences 7 Already, at least 00 tbe 'ide of law teaching and research, thtre are clear indications or growing appreciation of Ihe social roles of legal proceues and institutions. May we not find in the pres~nt euay II pica for 5imilar responsivcnc5$ nmonA social scientists? Orgnnilntion of dlspatl'lle materIals for the prBent survey has posed mOS5ive problems. For the sake of convenience, rather thlln frum any compelling Identilie necenity, the survey of themes and liternture is divided iuto following catc,orles : .I. StUdies on Classical Hindu Law. ~. Law lind S~iul Cbllnge : Tbo Colonial Experience,
or
!lOCIOLOO,(
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• Law aad Social ChInle: SOUle: AspcelJ of CootcnI(K'rnry experience. I. Peapl"'" Law or Non-Slale LeBI' Systems.
I. Trlblll uw and JUltlce. i. NYIl,,1l P:lnch;tyuls. I, Law DDd Sodlll Control. I. Adjudication under Stale Lcpl Systems. t alilhe available literature has been examined, or even mentioned Ibe luI, thOUGh an auemp! has betD made to make the bibliography :ompletc possible. A variety of methods has been used to clIiamlne
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lent themel lind Iltcrllurc, including the r~(hcr uQconvgnlional one of r the prescnt farmlu) father detniled cxamiullon of lOme: warka which crye !ulh:r uposilioQ. The result Is not IUlhctically pleasant; but : hopu that the untidiness is jorntwhot compensated by the issues led QvcrDIl by the lurve)'.
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••• 1 CLASSICAL HINDU LAW Vtcoa Dal Doted. in the prevIous lurvey. !.be: eomrlc.lities of Ihe diQlc:ctic between the law in the: booh and tbe law in lIe.ioll with regllrd to dhar",D-.raslrQ$. She complaIned rigb!!y, :md witbout at all belilllioS the maguitudc of achievement. Ibat Kane', "mODUllIcntal.lx volume work" docs DOt, afler all, "give ont any iosight iolO the Ilructurc orleeai rules." She preferred to such exegetical and doctrinal method the more {explicit ethnographiul Wlllk., But 00 the whole we Ilmented the hu:k of II "'ingle locioiolicil compilalioo of UJ,pllS Juris for. aoy ~cilll group io
lodia" (035. 1974: 368·15). A major publfclltion Since then has been Robert LingllCs (1973) ClaSJKaf u,w oj Illd/a (Iran~lnted by J.O.M. Derrett,to;whom all studcDtl of Indian law and lodety stllnd now further indebted). Lingat" Inaly';! rtlatu to many perplailies which wailed Veelll DIIS aad is generally pertinent to any account of sociallhouaht OD Indian (Iod Dot jusl the Hindu) law. Ling~I'J cootrlbutloa merits an eXlended aonly.ls in this Icction. Lioglll formulates with envlablc clcallnee of style. certain bllsic questions; How Is one 10 distinguish (prior 10 the ad\'cnt of the Western conceptions of IIW IIDd aUlhority) between dharma and law, between dharma, law, custom, 30d royal powcr? What kinds of relatioDsbip.! exist nmong these? Whll nrc tbe relationships ~ll'.'ecn tllC law·in·books lind the Jaw·in-actlon 7 Wbat are the distinctive reatures or the Hindu Jurisprudence 7 These, lind related questiODS, have no doubt preoccupied eminent 5cbohars in tbe field: but Linpt offen, a systematic array of answers to them, Qnd subsequent work: in the area will h/we 10 u!.ke t hua. as ~tWDS. ~\nts fl.' { lbouPt. »~lITml.l, e'i'flh.\1\s lib£J.". 11 00\ mt'r"t:\J J. ~ tu:nnl \n.1,-. mhtran. in the na ture of thiDiS but Is al50 a. "mon&1ity addressed to men in •• ocie!))" a morality which speci6c. the ::'!olaljly or duUu whjch bep.rs
or
CI."'SSICAI.II!NDU LAW
I II the individual neeordin I II lit ru, (rama) and the .Iage of hi, fe (0,,011/11 " (Ling1li 1973: )·4). The IUQrn1il)' of dl,armn (.upcrior to hot of welllth. Interest nnd,klllllll-pleniure) is both soci:!! nnd
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'f:lillioU5 : Jharmfl "/, em:nlinUy n 'rule of i/lltrr1l'p~lld~I"t, founded on the tlt::tfchy corrcipond.illg to Ihc..nlltuTc . of, things nod Ilccesury for lhe
ml1nlena1\CC of socI3i ordtr.
5~lvation" aUlh~~ity
To DelliMe rrOrn ill requirements "is I
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nolnte QDC" (ibid., 211). Dhof1llo is tNinscendc.nt nnd imm ',blt; its dedv,c. rrom the onturnl ordu of things, nlthOu;, f ,ornra b;ls no eOltstnmuog pOlVer by itself" (ibid., 258). ThUJ , . " 1 • ay, ""to&I!, \1 Ie IU C 0 r dlmrm(l \1'1' 1\ rcm:tin tilte(l,,! the vcry foundntion of the cOllcepl or law" (IbM, 5·6). lience the problem: enn we :analyt!c::dl, disen .. ;ge the rul" or dl ~ . 'd' i 0 lOrII/o ,rom JUri len rul~$ 1 The !:alter, quile prominent In dJlOrmososmu "eo~unue ~,o bt tncorpC'flltcd wilh rules of II purely religious nnd rhulIl Th~ rule of p:,escription (through ad'leue posstuion) (Dsplrntlon, rO~lIIulijted by YII}u,lYl1lk}'D, I, vlrlually of the "me nature 8' that whieh :n)om1 upon Q drl}o a duty or nOI m:anying a woman ofvamo hI"helth . !lh owo," Dolh the1e precept' • , "exprt» or rather determine Ih. tequ J'" remenU neCtSS3ry 10 mnmtaln Ihe cosmic and tbe moral order" ('b'd I3S). Fulfilment of bOlh the precepts reprtsent no ""q",," " b I" r'd d' .. uonlte Ie 1&IOU5 . uly. an :l.ceordlngly confer "mtfil", DUI Dre the legnl r I :xprtsttd 10 d/tormo.soHras direct souTenor law 0' U t57 e I,'In,.HtCI ones In UngBI's 'sharpr formulation: Do they have the "qual It, or I.,' I I' . lSI 100, burs directl, "pon the ""',e 1" 0 I are tiC.)' I "Ot e IUt h onty rl 0 whIch ' 10unC$ 0 ;aw ooly !~ the seO$e that religion and momHty IIrc arnonpt Ille lources o,~ Ill.w to Europe?,,' In Ungltt's Inillysis! the Inuer will AD tonUliute I sOllfe,'" of law. _ 11 oberl Unj;at'slnlwcr to this qu'ditlon i. neceSSArily compleJ:, D/larm _ ostros e, vlousl not ,odes "in Euro an .enstl of Ihllt wo;'r ,eClluie, prior to ~hc ~titish period, "ihere never WIlS III In In , •• a power to pau legIslation, in our seole:"of thnt word. lit leut in mllUeri of r Vile IW. 11, t e tlwrfe precepts were not entIre y witho t IInuclIee: apart from the IUlllodty they bad by virtue of their . bey 11,'0 olTered (pulicularly "in thcjudges' eyC$") "lome r JUTldlcal reasooing" (ibid" 141), The precepl$, however, were ~exposed to tht ~Yll:a of custom ::Iud the Chlrybdis of royal power aod llover~mentnl poIJ~!e5, The vOY~Be from Dharma to IIIW, Lin&llt emphatzU, eenme poSSIble bec;au'e of the Ill.boun of eommenlnton Oil .sa.sI,le , , reeeph: ooly with the Mimallia Icch' " " .it 1 WllS ' , Otquco r 'tnterprell1110n that a t ru~ JUflr,>lcnl SClellce be&:l1) in India" (11M., (43), IlC ~U'I turn, to the MI or interpretation (Ibid, 143·I7S) t ully Ipprcculte Ute vUluOIity or , , 0 nd tonluls of the stUlric in' ,commentalors in ulterpreling the tUtl
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Cll\bouying an injunction) IIonu an arllJlll'!ldll (lidullion:!.1 v;trbi,lGe orTering dClenptions, claboutions or ruson' for injunctions) or of runlli?ulllliag the rulel for resolving dirTtrenccs betw~cn twO .sas/ric: le:m of equ~1 authority (see the diccuuion or Vijnancs~af'll, 's exeg1is O,n Ildvers.: pones· silln and Jlr~criptiotl at pp, \61-167 Ibid.), It should ullice to not.: here lhat the juristic concern with lOttlprCllllion, o\'erlly analytical aod cxegetical though it may appear, .:onllnually made Stu/(;t: precepts responsive to social ru.litics, within which they had 10 runctlnn as rules for conduct, Somelimes, such interpretation leglliluixed local cusloms ~ the lIIosl dramatio exnmplc being .. rurnished by Ml1dhllvn'. interpretation of Manu (ibfd., IX: 112.11l1 which prohibits the marrh'ge of II boy "ith his maternal unde's or pale.roal nUDt', daugbler-tommoo "mong South judilln5. In a IIlUr de/arc/! of exegcsil. Mndhavn reinterprets thc veOe to unction what it exprcssly prohihill! (ibid,. 169-11). It is the same type or cre3t(ve ability which enables both Vijn;anesvara aod Jimulanballl; to derive from the Smrititexl • "violently opposed theses" rnulliog into now wcll.known 'Icllools' (respectivey) of Milllk,nril and D.lyabagD.
(Ibid., 172-75).
tingat warns us, rightly. not to assume liial the comment310rs' role or function WllS to "canoni1.e" custom. Customary rulc~ nrc "often imprecise aod incomplete." Interpretation "offel'5 Ihem a rramework which dem;aods adjust"u:ntJ Ind correctives in eouncillion, at the same time it allo ...s gaps to be filled:' It is this framework throuj,b which interpretation could exercise iaflucnce upon cuSlom "even when eu'tom has nOldlrccted itt choice" (Ibid., 112). We see conl!nuinG eXlimples of this kind of interAction in Llnsal" absorbin& anlliytil of contrOlSts and (lon!l\a' between d/larmo nnd cUllom. The rcce 15 of dharma and of law staod in sitar Ctlll tfaSl to Ihose o cuslom. SOJtrfc law (rell&ioUs Ind juridlcll) is didactic, religlou, in conception and consequences, Rule of CUltOm, in princi[lie, "is different \0 Ille religions t:olllicquenceJ of an act": custom lOlly be consonanl wilh .sllSlrlt: Ilw, or m::ly be in acute eoonict with them, So.slrlc IIIW, as etcronloalurltllaw Is independent or human volilioo : "the culet sovern the activity of men: Ihey arc OCI influeoced by mlln" whereas custom ill II. "purely human devcJopmenL" While dhllrlJlCJ, and law related to ii, hns It "tran5ceodent duracter," custom is. "social phenomenon." Dharma is immuln'ole Bud unlvernl : custom is territorilllly limited and variable (Ibid., 116-11). Lingnt ,bolVs, 110wever, thaI these ideal-typIcal canUUII drawn in literature can millead us : indeed, he demOnSlrlllCS II\:lt delphe these contnslS, the fllj(rlc te~tl diJdolO "I pillce for custom in tbe aenesis or dltarmo" (ibid., 177), lIow doel this CODle about? [ir.slly, tnc ,umrns explicitly reco&o\:z.c jDd.ocora, tile cU5tom of the good or siS/a-acara, the custom of the initiated, instrucled nnd virtuous liS II 50urce or dharmCJ. In II 5ente, tbe good
8
custom
ClASStCAL HINDU
WC\OI-O(iY 01 L}o. W
11.1
a Jouree of ,lImrllltl, "amounlS 10 saylnc IInH the cOllduct of
everyone ,bould be ruled by Ibllt of IJrnhmlns," u only they would but
underuood hOIl' 10 ItCI 10 II dl,lntere$tcd WilY, with 11 belief thai the behaviour is uquircd by "obedience fot the divine I~w" (ibM" 179.80). EYen thouJ;h some conllllt'JUators endta~ourcd 10 enlarge thil conc.eption
sinful? Line,!t Ihows Ihu ':'10)t commcnl:!.ton wed creatively the doctrine or sood eustonl to legitimilte wholc bodies of cu~IOml'lt)' rules uilltnl in difJ'crent re;ions. Moreover, the rDyALdJ.U.i,;s extepded to tbe pre.ervAlinn of customt. conventions anUS-lIges nOl merely of the people in n conguen;d tcrriUlQ'_j)Ut al'o with f!:~Dcct 10 Groupt of hi! own 5ubjeeu. The. king h advised that dharmo can "ooly prosper in 'order": if, the/erore, abrogation cUcustom, contrary to dlrarm:l, is likely 10 cause dilnrder, wisdom requIres continuaace of $uch custom (Ibid.,
"
r
to indude hchl1\'iour of those IIO( IClIrncd in !'he Vedas, the custom ..... bieh w(luld COUO! :1S II rule of dharmQ "must not ooly be immemorial but also frcc from oIl apparent worldly moll\'c, ioterest, or utilitarian consideration" (ibid, tHO).
'~~"''')O' ~ woman yet
I
rules for
Il
199,200; 224·32).
Ihare of
paternal CIl;!lC 100 of Brllhmln. lesOfriJ Q or l"alnaytJ born of (emnlc sudra I) It may be 11Ilit tue IDcorporation of custom IIno sasufe injunc. lions may be ld~o.::tive. Dud may transrorm the rula of cwtom: bur neather lUe (ael or illcorporalion nor the fC5ultlUIi nexUi between dharma !loll custom can be gainslud. "... Thirdly, tbe tbeory of )'ugfU, efpec!lly as developed by ParlUllra, would ieem to mllke dharma (nnd law) more responsIve 10 social realities, oflen exprused througb custom:; and uuges of tbe group. Hindu cosmogyny divlde5 eacb epocb into four perIods (rugal) : krta (the fIrst golden age) is followed by 'retal dvopora and finally tbe kaf/ (Ihe prelicnt, decadent ale). Each period hu its owo characteristics and ill own d/Jaw!a, Wbat vanes, lI"ording to Lingat, arc not tbe "moral imperativ«" or dharma but nuber man't enpacilies "to obey the moral Illw" lIbld. , IH9). <' Dc thllt as it may, Lloillt coocedes that tbc Ibeory or )'IIgU h.. "led UI little by little to the idea "tbat raltbou;h the Joslric rulet or conduct "rewln eternlllly their redemptivc Quality, lhey IIrc 001 always good 10 folldW" llbjd., 189,. The commeotators arrived II this rClult by anert· I jn, thllt the rule of dltamw iI DOt to be rollowed ir it is loktJoPfd,tsra , (olhous to the wotld) or loka-vfktuslo (reproved by the world). A large number oC aCti, IIl1hougll enjoined by tho sos/ors. thm became ko/,·var}yas i.e., nelS prohibited in the kat! YUla. Tbe local custom Lbus ulumphs over tbe Jasltic Dorms: tllough the intellectual activity or r.ho comment:1I0fS ntlclOpIS to iegitlmo.le thl, triumpb WiUlla tho rramework of ~DSlffc I:l.w. Liagat, however, fecl.lhat tbe /t.aU.vllri)'os theory bd merel), a negative cturllcter or abrogllUag old eu'toms. The task IS to t.hscover bow Dew custOms, eootributiog to tbo birth of "aew ioslilutiool" emc:ge. How dId new eustomlry rulel and Jnstitutioo. llrl,c dupite Ihe artbo. dOl: positions Ihat a pr:1Cliec eontrary to slUlrlc prtcepu Is evil Dlld
9
LA\~·
'I
Liogat concedes that the rule of dharma thus did nOI become a juridi' cal rult \Jntil "it entered ioto bl:haviouf and was Accepted b), the popull'lion IS :a cLI$toml!.[~ rule" (Ibid. 202). Out he mllinlllin' thnt thil "lIdmitted prcrlonlinance" of CUJlOIn did not render the sfmrlc rulCillII)' oJ the less authoritative. The stulrle rules provided the fn:r.mework ror juristic activity; juriUlc activity. in turn. provided the framework for more predle arllcuhuioQ, adoption nnd limitlltion or the rules orcustom, Jurlltlc activity pulllu$(om in its owo place al it were. A customary rule ill contradiction with dharma "iJ Dot capable of extension": the ullorthodolt rule of CUllom h" no chaoce of exteoding its domain." LingiH insim : Tbe ,ule or dharma b:ts an unlimited power of radiation. It( orren iuelr as a model to every group. It fills gap5 in custom and insiou· ates itselr inlo the (!\l;tomDry Itructurc. And ooce it is esto.blilhed there ills fi.ced tbeteafter; it is nnd remaills dharma, tbe group', la ......
llbid., 203)
j'
i _ I i
~
Llnglt concludes by ","yillg lbtt lite crucial difference hetMeo the Western legil.l/YJtem alld the c1usielll Hindu legal system. i, that while tbe former lire founded upon the notion of l,salifY, tho laller fUti upon the notion or authority. In the (orlller "the primac)' belon,s to the po5hive law and in parti~ular to the ,Iatute", the otber "sources, by 00 m~anl inconsiderable IIrc only subsidiary to it": wberelll in the Hindu clauial law tbe s(JJtrlc preceplJ were. seen to be law "in thc tense that the word it Uied in nalullli Iciences, a law which rules human acitivit)'." To whal Ulenl can we say with Lingat thnt the classical Hindu Jaw based itself upon the notion or authority 115 distinct from the: notion of IrxalilY? According 10 Liogat. the Hindu kiDS had no true legislathe power. tbe power to IOlIke ordinnnces "on his OWII intltintlve nnd pleulure." Thl, can be .een from tbe fact that the "ro),nllcgishllion which is forei;n 10 dharma relnllins largely unknowo 10 UI" (IbM, 231). Largely but IIUI wholly: ror, Liolal does recognite some initancea (in South IndIa) or n lIuulber of royal orditlllnccs whleh clearly eon,titute "infractIons" of sas/rle rules (Ibid., 221: lee ¢Iso Oerrelt. 1968 :75.91). This, l10wever, does nOI lead him to the conolu.doo thaI the kina must
10
J
$OCIOLOOY 0' LAW
be: "undeTllood to be Je/ar:fl1 qUlIHfitrJ to IcaislillC: without bdng bound by Ille prc.c:cllt. of the JaJ"a," (UDAll!, 1'}73, : 277), Lioga! docs not fed thol tbe foye1 recogoltioD of custom conslitute' Any cleftlSt of legislative power: lu~h rcco&l1ition il 1101 nn act of the lcai5halor but rllther one of the admlo\stmlor "concerned 10 keep ptilCC between the subjects," Unpl even lU8,cSIS (here (oJlowiog YlljoavalkYII) tbat ClVtO wben thus rO),III1), recognized. aD individual to whom cuUom applies rna)' disobey it on the ground Ihat it ('~nflicis wilh Ihe precepts of dharma (ibrd.,228.229). Nor, linally. do!;s the elI:crcisc of judicial power by tbe killg result in 110)' positive law: "c\lcn though his judgcmcnu are IBw· in-action tbey rtmain sinsulnr nnd unrelated, atneeuto, without any future" (Ibid" 2S9). ThUS, by and large. we have, bere II denialth~1 the clauicnl Hindu law knew any 'posillve' law, eDleted by n. 'sovereigo' and, emiTled to obedidenee on Ihat very ground olone. The authority which sUltained law WlIS dhorma, trao5cendeotand immutable, nn cteroal morllilaw of intcrdependence wbich 00 ODe could coo~ienliously dl~obcy. LlngnL's eontlu$ion, as 1\ historian of ideal, mny well be peuua.ivc, IlIJI would historian$ of events, in IIncient and medieval India, be ablo 10 accept or .uppor! Lingn!'1 tbesis? Indeed, eVCD IIllbe levt! of hl1;1ory of ideas, one might rellte 10 Lingllt his own criticism or tbe clau-ical commenllltoN : like tbem. be too pays very little allentinn to A,rf/lCuastra. The lauer contllilU, at lillY rale nnrmali\"c1y, tbe science of positive law. Cnnveuely, bow far is it eOrleet 10 .ay 111nt Western legal5ystcms are based on Ihe notion of l~gtJIH>, IS ducribed by Llnaal 'I What is just he says, is Ibat which IJ Irlal (lilat wbich (lonforms to law): "Iaw·in· action, which effectively loyerns relations between people. II deduced directly from Ihe law" (Ib(d" 2S1). Surely, the dOle interaction of relilinus and natural law thought 10 evolution of 'We.lern' law and ilS inlitilutlonl unlil later Middle Agts does not rully ,upport the idea lhllt leglllilY (in the tense here used) was the buls (sole or even prominent) of 'Western' legal syltems. Nor, despite t he rise of oaiiOD ItlllC:S and of legal positivllm, is the concept of '\eSllhy' either wbolly devoid of, or 10 fully identified witb 'justice', Indeed, is it ponible to articulate adequately lhe notioDs on which "Wutem juridiCl\\ fYltenll are based" through anyone eenlral notion, whether it be 'lel:,aliy' or any olher 'I (if.. Jlu;:kion, 1975: 4)
2 LAW ANDSOC1ALCHANGE, THE COLONIAL EXPERIENCE
'High,CIl/ture' lAw and Social Mobilfy
The relation between.custom and dharma, between people's Inw and stafc law, underwent fundamental chnnge during tbe colonial petiod, Both administrative exiaeoeitJ and hiah colonial policy made non-intcrference with religiously hued Ill'wa desideratum. But such a policy could not immuniU! the txitti'na lawl from rundllmentai Chlflae, upecially when colonial authorIty had to create I oational legal Syslcm ror the goyero· ance of the counlry. Such a ,)'Stem, naturilly, "affected the balance between divergent indisenous leglll traditions" (Rudolph & Rudolph, 1967: 269), The Itory of how tbose changes occurred bll becn met,icu101.151y told by many, but pcrhaps mo.t lIuthorillldvely by DunC1l1l Derrett (1968; 22S.320; see also Rudolph & Rudolpb, 1961: Jilin, 1966; Gaillnler, 1964). 11 sbould",Gffice herc to streSS bricfty a few dlstinctiyc aspects of the l(3.nsition. During the initiill perind of administration. dual sy5tcm of courts Were Cllabli.bed with jurisdiction over all mailers-civil. criminal lind commcrcial. The Prbidcncy 10WO courts includcd royally cstnhlished Supreme Courts. witb English judge, nnd lawyer. : thc mofunil (or 'back·country') courts included sudtr (chief) coum, manned by judges drawn frnm the civilletvicc nnd had Indlao pleaders. There wlla ';!eu rormal procedure and leu Englisb law" in tbese 'back-country' courlS (GahllUcr, 196>1: Jain, 1966: 81-192). Tbe applicable law al50 VAried. Notewortby ror
11
50CIOLOOY 01' l.... W
Ib~tins$' Ju
our puq'lOttl$ is Sc:clioQ 23 or Wnrren
I
IJ
Tile COLONIAL. l!ICrCRUlNCe
law ..... ould h;we emerged" (IbM.• 311), Tho result W~~ "thcslU'lrn unde:r the Urhllh made 4dvnnces OVer cllstom, despite Ihe llJ,1l.ici1. protection or Ihe IUller ; aad custom hili been forced 10 strUGgle !lllain't whllt might be cn!kd Anglo-sas/rie Inw" (ibid., '293). The "explicit protenl[on" of custom, to which Derrell rcrer~ here. is pcrhal)S the pOl!ibility still left open, of silu(!lions when custom mlly derog~te from the peuof\!lllaw or the tOo rcody reliance. in tert>!in Clues (palticularly in reh\lion 10 Ihe 5ubsl:'Inlivc autonomy or ctl5te-l'anchayatd on local, communit)' customs. But custom slHi needed to be prln'cci, through Cllien proc~durts nntl alien institutions. JuS! as the wrillen leXIS of rolislous laws anti proccsses of WC5ttrn.st~lt interprCl:ltion Bnd euges!, ltd to hngJic:i7.ll.tion of Hindu Law, so did the neglcct of custom lead to tile Slognlltlon of Hindu Law 1,\1Iring the British periot/. Tilt cus10mllry rulel' were 5ubjected, more or le~s, to the fequirenleot of the tomnton-/llw burden of proof: CU$IO(ll 10 be :1 sourctl or law mllS! be pro\'cd to be "immemorial or Il!l£icnt, unlrnrm, invariable, CQMiouous, cerlain, notorious, reasonnble (or no~ unreasoollblt). pellcenble.obliga_ lory nnd it mu.~t nol he immoral oor opposed to an express enactment ... Of to publie policy" (Kane, 1950: 44). Allhough nOI invo\vtd in every case, thele requirements made (whenever involved) proof of CuslOm difficult. Whenever custom was judicially cogni1.td, illVa$ IIlso trllns_ formed: From a body or oral!y-trnnsmiued preceptS and precedents, subject 10 "ariable interprctBtion-and quasi·!esisIOlive innovation :ltthe discretion of vil!:age noto.bles or elders, it becomes II body of fixed law to be. cOnSltU~bY a profeuloniol court. Judicial enforcement of custOm rigidifi ,it and strip! Il of qUlISi-legi~la!ive ehclTaeter: officIal CourlS ILre re elan! to petmil the. creation uf new binding CUlt om, • Marr. Go/mlll'r (964) The elevation of the bigh-cuhure. Brahminic, Jus/ric low has led 10 elaboration of Ihe claim tltnt "for Some lime in n variety of ways. indi· genous high-culture Iu.w aided In establishing a natlonn.l kgal framework" (Rudolph & Rudolph. 1967). 13y "high-culture law" the Rudolphl menn the "literary law in~Clribed in classic leltts" (the saslra ror Hindus. the Koran, for Muslims) all expounded to the Enl!lish judges by mClIIM, ~nd pundits. This "high.culture la\\l" nourished and developed duriog 17721864, al the "urensc of the populnr law of the pcasllnt socicty" (ibirf., 269). The "popular" or "(!U5toma!y" Inw was difficult 10 ascert~in and il ....'15 "parochial" whereas the high-cuI lure Brahminic Inw w,u "commo. polit:1n" lind "unirorm" based nn relldily utJcrllllnll.ble wriUen tulS, nnd developed Ihrouah interpretation by !cglll notables. Bulthe moderaity of the bigh eulture lnw did nOI lie in ils substantive norm.. Doth parocbhtl cU$lom !lnd cosmopolitan high-culture Jaw rclle~l~d ~D~ ~mbcdi~d "fot mO~l pan" HllutS tbU were "antith~tjcallo
•
I
.
n SOCIOLOO't or W. w
(hole in Western 111\1'." tra511 ptf(ei\ti"tl~', Fi~t, they nNe,
The Rud('llphs brine ou~ Ihe snllent value can·
Ih:1I, whefe3~ En,l ish I.....· vDlued the Individu:al over ":trtilicilll" g,fOUI"', Ihe tr,u!ili
r
Tilt COLONIAL
\
/
I, \
IS
Finlllly, Wc.stern !egill 'y'tcmll1rc distlnJ1,ui5hed byad\'cfury proccell· 101e~ lind the other wins. Trmd ltional Indi:tn ,(tribunllls, according 10 the limited ClhnoJ1,raphie31 evidence wc hllve, I ~uanirellt a concern for di$pute.telliemcnl through cn n.c::n5U~, They do Inot isolate the dispulc rrom Its overall lochl conteal. Rather, in !lnd 'Ithrough Ih= contcal the iodigenous tribunals l eck a solution which mllximil.ts ~ocia l harmony or ab:He~ group connict or tensioo, Reconcllilltlon or parties through compromise aod consensus character· Ilel decision, of those tribunals, whereas (to borrow J. E, Coon's slrik· ing phue) thc :tdversary system manifests a "\.\inner,take·all" nUitude (Coon, 1963·64 = 181). The imperlal'lon of Itdvernry process ror doing juslice hid important con$equenctl, both endudns aod transitional hhe lauer illustrated by the prevalence of falie wilnessCland the rise in litiaioulDeu, Ihe c~lent of which still continUe' 10 be debated). The enduring consequene!:s lay in the crutlon (whil;h Itill pC'uitlS) or Ii duallepl system , the Western and indigenous. According to Ibe Rudolphs, thuc two systems tooay exhibit tllree legal culcures. namely, the pllrochial, the Brabminic and the natlonnl. Soc:lnl ehangc through the law receivC! impetus liS well as , eocountetl rormidable obstac1d owing 10 this multiplicity or leglll cultures und the plurality of [egal 'system1'. Indeed, Rud.,lrhs sUBie,t tbat thc prOtuses of ,ocial mobility described liS Sanskrili:::lliion and WeSter· nlzlllioo find their Jur!,! p:1tallel in Brahminizo,lion and Anglicization or Ihe law. It is clear thllthc mordernity of Brabminic high-culture 'lIw did not IIri50 (rom ils 5ubsul.ntf"c norms, nor in lIt procedurcs (or dlfpute.ettlement. Hotb in norm. of .ubno.nce and procedure the Brahmini(' Illw in operlltion had more In common with the parochlll.l customAry Illw rlltber thBn utliveru.liltic Eoglish law. How then can it be said that the Ilrnhminic law became a "vehicle of moderni7.4tion 'I" The Rudolphs nowhere IqUItC!y confront this quution. But a hand· fbi of very lcneral obJervationiluggc51 their approach to it. Compared to customary law, the hlgh.cul!ure law was morc "uniform" aDd "cosmo· politan", Uolike customary law, hig~.culture law WlU written and ils "relative Itccrtainability, certainty, and consistency" eommeoded it to 1111, "Indian and Britilh alike. concerned Ibout order Ind re8ularlty" (Rudoph and Rudolph, 1961 = 274), Thesc features or "form aDd structurc", the Rudolphl mainlain . mllde the hiSh-<:ulture law ":tn amenable if somewhat delusive instrument ror Britonl wishing 10 fiod lind "pplya uniform law to Indians" (ibid., 279) . No less an authority on Anslo-Hindu Inw Ihan J ,D.M. Oerrelt has malotained Ibllt the law, during the Above period, "for all ill many .nomalles became much morc certain and much more unirorm" (Derrel, 196& : 316), And to \ho 0*1\1 Ihep IUllf "~erlplnly" end "uniformity"
ingl where one pilrty
I
r
Ul'llkl[tIlC!
,
l'HIi COt.ON'At.
SOC10LO(;Y 01' !.,\W
"
IJrc IIttrihuICI of \I. modern kin! s~slem. the Rudolphs' observations Ihnt Ihe hlgh-cullure law len·cd 1'IS 1'1 "vehicle or modernizntion" must be 8cceplCd. DUI this Ilccl:fllIInCe nlust stnnd limited in ~lcw of the f:r.cl Ih:lt for II.I1Y !rllli sY5,teOl in which the decisional IllW of courlS r Y'1'I major role, o\crnll judgments oboUI ccrillint)', corulsttnc)' lind 13 ul'Iiformily, even when mo.' circum'pecily nJ':i,dc :nc impossible to verify. This is.o not just because these l1t1ributes IIrt hord 10 define lind mUsure both o\'cr time-sClile ond over rathtr hClI!rogcneoUJ casc' mltl rills bul also becluse 'cerlaitlly-consiuem:y-uniformity arc matters of deltce. mallCrs of more or ItS', father than all or nothing. Pockets or 11'\:loU "ilhln a ltgn! order nre lUore umeDable 10 luch judsmellts Ihlo " leSl1 order con51l1ercd III a whole. .
!'lor /He Ihe llbovelllt'ntioned "Uributes Ihe sole or mOil salient ;Htributel of modern legal ordert genenlily. In rllet. il miahl be more cortect , to say thnt a ~1If'Jr for (rather ~hlll~ Attainment ?f) certL1.ioIY. consistency , Ind uni(orMlly. lIod o.cce\$lblltty chnro.elerlte modern Icpl Iyltems. LCllllrowth lind leBal chan!:e are very often IIccomp:anled by. and require. dep:ntuTe, from eertllinty, consistency lind uoiformity. Thc hiph. culture law served 85 nn IIgent of moderniution just as mut'h or not more) because the sastrle tet.ts were open to dlveraent Ilnd eonnic:ting Interpretations: bee3u$e the integrity of il5 authoritAtive eXponents (the pundits) WIlS on en in doubt: bcCllUSc mllny sa$lffc norms were impracticable to ranow or were obsolete: o.nd hecllule the courU did not (nl ind~ed Ibey could nol nlwn:<5) adhere lelr-derentin~'y to the canon t1Hl.t previous decisions QUihl to be rollowed (Derrett. 1968: 294-3151_ Indeed. when we thullook nt the sy$lem of c~e law microscopiClllly, the Aeule controt drAwn between cu.tom Ind the superior high-c:ulture law, In lerms of eonsist~ncy. neec-nlbility. uniformity and cerlAinl)" aJsuredly bccomc.s bIni. Another IUmps.e into the Rudolplu' rel\Sons rc.gltrdinlt [he Bnhminie law at a modernizing alent ;~ flrnvidcd by the reiteration or Ihe view till! the hlah-culture IlIw nourished althe expense or loeal euslom. [.tgnl processes were coloured by Sllnslcritlst pcnpective nol just by the adoption of Brahminie law on the part of the British. lind this reinforceed Its ori~lnlll authorilY. Nol to be overlooked was the riel Ihat the "'O\l,er level judg~ lind e:\rly incumbents of the modern legal prorc:s· . slon were uuwn from the upper caltes" (Rudolph lind Rudolph. 1967 : 274). Thu', the Rudolphs sugllesl . Ihoulth not quite explicitly. thnl the Drahminit.lltlon or law !:eoel1llly h=lped the proceSlel of Sl!nlkrili:.tltion in tbeareD of Joclal mobility. If Indeed Drllltminif.ation of the IIIW a!fteled proecllU of joc;illl mobllit~ ("lower Callt- assimilation 10 hlp.her cute norms") then thl, remllln! to be dt mer-Illllft!. Tru~. I I .he R ucolrhs point out. !he coull, dftermined Itga! rolo.lion, .mol\8 groUps by referentc 10 tho hilhfr cultUtC S~7.Strlc.1
j
t \
j1
ll.l;rl!RI~ce
luts prD~ldinG .Ibe four·\'Qrna model or eve!! 5imple twlee·born model where;u III realIty Ibere was "n multitude or cn~te Groups." But did what I.he ."auru sa)' in CIl!e~ "oming before them dret! this reality In aay ti1golliellDI 'Illy 1 Thll question is too important to be ignored· but to answer it will require the compilation of social profi\u of p~ I" who brought their disputes before the courts during the erll of h~ 8I~ ('ullu.re law. In considering the que~tion whether the introduction r En81.I~h system increased liligiouUIC5! nnd wbether this contributed ~o ~obillty, .the .~udolph~.ravour an affirmath·e answer on the ground tbat mere:!le In IIIIgaHoD may aho mean that the litiSlnl1 ure senTChing ~ a meaD5 to eseo.pe the dl""bilUies and coercions or Ir4d;t1001l1 villar loolety" and thai lueh inJ:rel\$e "relleeu ... :an eITorl to uOtllVe! th:g~ scI.ves ream the traditiO[lIll nlorlll Ind social order" (ibid.• 267), nut I~e eVIdence IS 100 slender and varied to ttDoform thil "~teme,' r hy Ih . . h.. roOl II. po. e~ls loto a IItoflelll concludon. Ifin DreW t'n$CJ; Anglo-Hindu IlIw d.d 10 racl.provlde leverage ror socinl mobHlty, in other cnses it !lIsa lliwlltled II us demon5Uat~tf by tbe reru.al of the cour~. Including tbe PrJvy Coundl, 10 permll temple entry to the ShODlloS, wblcb Rudolph, eI~boflllely nole and crllicizt- (IbId •• 42-4). • Cetl~ioly: mOte.lbll~ loclal biographies of disputant& in typical aod strategic dlspute'StlUllltOna will be nece"ary to sustain lhe above hyp~thesC!. It wIIIlIlso be necessary to describe. onBlyse aad evalua te the Imp-act of the ju.dgmeotl of ~urt.s upon Ihe "multitude or cUle sro~~. .POt, fidelity to pruJ:nptions of bigb-culture law io court deel,Ioru II one thiog: adherence, in belie( Bod behaviour. by perSoDS ond Croups affected by tbese prescription. througb the courts is Inothe ~erhIlPI. pioD.~erln.B legal sOc:lolo~11i\ Bugen Ehrlich'. distinction betwce~ "d "n ornll 'lor deleaal •. norms .. h· hwbtch lire coostltutivc or social eillon ~ Ie are notm. employed by judidl\1 agencies i, m051 relevant here (Ehrhch. 1962: 38·60, 120-36).
.'."P'
'!s!am!:alfo,," Low awl Social ClIQn.~ III Colo/rla/fndla
:ne posilion regarding Mus1!m 111\1/ is !Irildngly different. Althougb in ~ Its early pbi1$e. J:UstOm functioned as IIlouree of law in Islam "the I theory of tlilllm, 00 the whole doCi not reeogoiz.c eU$loDl as ~n Imfcr;:~. dtnl or formal 'OUrce or law_" Cusfc.:..! could only be II mino . . r conSlltutenl_.or la wa ltb eoptlon of the jurist." BUI ilhad "no fuoctlon or validllY as an opponent of law, as It did hllve under Hindu leglll Iysleru" (Mllhmo.oo' 1965: (02). If this be thc correct view orthc role of custom In blamle theory, it would follow Ihal British adminillrltors and 1 lalora d by t be position of custom ~fs-a-vlJ egis. wue. .omewhal , "mil&u Id e··· Hmdu cehgous law , rOt I~e entire period 1781-1901 (Ibid 2021) Th rcfercoC6lo ·usaae.' of MUJi1ml may have bun parll)' i~!~!;Cfi 'bY tb:
I
,
I
"
5OCiOLOQY OF LA W
nts COLttNIAl. Ut'I!AIIlNCU
19.
position and praclicu of Hindu COllvert, 10 Isllull (~I(llnb:lr, I'unj~b and
Cennal Provinces) who continued to foUuw cerlui" fUptC'I' uf Hindu hlW II wdllll the ndherence to cerlai" regimu of customary law by "the Mupilll of South Indil. the f.lomons of Western India lind in particular rc,;olU t fot example, Puojab lind the adjOIning territories." Fundamentill
lod wide-ranging diITerc:nccs existed in re.pett of succc:uion 10 lite Marumllkkalilyam or AIiYillnntall customary laws r... Howed in SOUlh Kanara and North Malabar. The juristic advertence to CUilom amongst Muslim! led to 3. whole V1Iricl), of responses by Muslim leadeu'at the beginning of this Ctorury. IlIhough lVe do not lm~c "udic. concern ins the actu:!l interplilY of "1»1001' and 'Jaw' in Ishull during; the intervening period. The Ulema
bt.an erroriS Cor a complete supeUtisiOIl, Imonsthc MUIlims of all,roups aad religion', oC the non·ishlmic customary llw, IJld for the compulsory eDforccm~nt of the !llamic ICJJ:!I 'Ylttm. They explllined to their people that their relialon did not permit Ihel\1 to follow any nOD' hllun;e customs. AI the ~mc time they demanded from the Government stalulory enforcement of Ihe Shari'! law. Thue elTorts or th.:. Ulcml'l brought to the Indian st:Uute book Q number ofsectnr. ian, iocaland central enactments abrogating Ihe non·Jslamic customs followed by the Mu.slims and replaein, them by the laws of Islam. Taltll Mahmood (J971 : 21) The movcment culminnled in the Shan'al Act, 1935, whieh comprehen. sively lilted aUarclU whcre the Mu~hm perHlnllllnw (Shnri'al) WIIS to apply "notwitllu.nding :'Iny eU5tom or usnae 10 contrary." The rnull looks to be the same as wilh the Hindu law, JU$t as tbe hi,b.culture scriptural law virtuilly prevlliled over the 'low-culture' eUltomary law, $0 did the Muslim high-culture law Ulflm~tely triumpbed Over the realmn of 'un·hhunic' customary law, Or ooe milh! vlry the mellphor and IllY that the Grell Tradition In blun (the "clite.baud, urbln, rcOeetive aod formatlzed") triumphed over the Unle Tradition (which is "rural b:\5ed, coollsting of the unlettered and ieu formalised" (lee Yogendra Sinah, 1913: 84; Bul. 1915b: 40·52). Bullhe procmes by whieh this WIl5 brought about were qui'" dirrerent. The Anglicization p~oceSICs were at work In the triumph oC SllJlrr1 over euslom : the Shad's triumphed over custom bec
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processes in the period 1900-1950, Abrocallon of uD·(shlmic CUllom Wll$ the bads of new identity·formatlon for II whole community of people, divided in themsC'lves by It rich heterogeneity of cultum! and soclnl Ira· dillotll, Dut to what Ulent hlt\'e un·lllamlc I:ustoms be~n Denihilnlc:d 1. IIlhe aoclal heterogeneity or legol pluralism Dmon&st the Indian Muslims (often given 1tS:t ground fur impos~ibililY of arriving III a uniform civil code) only bucd on the conflicting doctrines concerning the law nmclIS the Swmls (adherlllg to Haellfi IlIw) 011 the ooc baed aed minority Silafil school, Sbia IIbll8 Ashar! School and sub·grou(1.s of the hmalli school DC Illwon the other? Or is it rcnllyalldbutnble, bcsidu differences II! to the scope and nature of the revealed laW, 10 actual nnd significant varianceJ io custom or people'a law from tbe Ore:tt Tradition 111lhe 'trlump'" of 1.lamie hlwover un-hJlmie custom merely II Dormali."e victory 1 h tbe distinction betwten state or revealed Ia.w and people'. low 11 univcrul a prlotl or can one pnslt s!tuntlon. or total convergence belwecll former aod tho laller 1 These Ilre-Iarge releueh questions. Dut hoth the theses -one prod.imiag Ihe rise DC tbe SaJllikrilizing. higb·eullu!e Hindu law and the other vaulitinSlslamiulion-merit much d~er examination. Another interest ill. aspect. of Muslim law during the colonial perIod relates to the j~Utullon of Kazis-lIlamie runctionnrlc~ having the powers oC judicial admInistration. This institution was a typical featUre of administration of justice during the Mughu! rule in India (Ahmad, 1941; Humin. 1934). - The Kllzis performed judicis! as well as extra· 'UdlciQJ runctions 6uch lIS neting lIB nolary pUblic, nlllrriQge ('Ifficcr~. etc. The HutiojS Plan of 1712,induded Klzis in ml\!lcu involv;n. Musllm ); law; tbis arransement continued uDtil IS64. The Kuis continued 10 perrorm tbe cXlrn-judicial functions dudng this period, under rejlull\lion. Inued by the colonial II.dmlniSlratori from time to time. Wlth the leoraanization of the jutticial system, Act XI or 1864 comnltl1l1v lI\.mlished the position of KaZil, The system of Kuis was revived by an Act of 1880 in deference to the coosistent demand by the Muslim~ but the law did not really relpond to their dtsire that ·'judicia.11l.lI well as nonjudicial matters to he regulated by blamlc law 5hnuld be tried fly Katis, nnd not by non-Muslim jud~es" (Mahmood, 1977: 63), Rather, the Acl mertly empowered provincii\l go\'emments to enact laws to recOR"TIiu K"zis' performing non·judlcial, private fuoclioM (Mahmood, 1911: 64·66). The community's disappointment at t!ill lelli,latlon led to a recoufllc by the laily to the Ulem,. Tabir Mllhmood hIS provided a vlliullble aecount or I number of well·known reHlrioui in~litu'lonl estahli~hed durin, 1861·1911 -period to w~ieh Musllml refured Ihelr dr,pules Inval .. ln; !uccC'!islon, marThlge, divorc,.,. family rl"l,tiou$. Functionarie" knowo al IOGIll mu(lis, usiilled Ihac ;oh~ of eonnlel_rctolution. emerped in relpoose to the arowing deDland Cor Isillmio instjtuliotl~ r(lr the
,0
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tile COLf)NI"L nXI'f.IIInNC[
SOCIQI.OO\' 01' LA W
Ddnlini,lrUlion of the hll1mic Jaw. Literally, thoutlluus of fnmil)' tll.pules were (and I,illllrc in some p.ms of Indi:1) refcrred to thele 1I0n·lll1te institutions. Religious hllde,fs'viewed reCOUl1t \0 11JIC COIlf" wilh disdain, especially at it meant administrallon of Muslinl law by non(JJamie judlU. The 18s0 Knzis Act, empowering lioNcrnl11Cnl~ 10 mppOlnl Kazis is virwmU.I" n dead !emr (M~hmood 1977' 67.(9). An empiric"l study of llu:sc 'people's courls' shoulJ be. of critical importance in It 5c:\Tch for ansllIers to Ihe Iheorclien! questioDs raised tllrlier, concerning 'blnmiZlltion' nnd,the heGenony of higlHlIlture law. A wider &spect, of COUUt, touches on the ruiliencc of people's law o"tt the ,{(lie law nnli the nRture: of rcll1lion between Ihe IWI) (whether Ihe; relation be hcgenloninl, nnillsonis\ie or complementary in nlltule). There l! promise aho of interClcinn c:orrclnticlOs between Autonomous ca5le inltitution$ of thc Ilindus liS well at similar in$lilutionc of connict· mlln3semcnt alllonest Hiba! groupl in Indi~. Peoplc', IlIw often uprel$cs iuel( mote throua h lIS dispute handling In.titutions Ihan through eu~to~n IS a malC~ri31 $Ource or In\l'.
I
COlllprlillg
Idcolo8i~., for
IIII' Modmli:al/all 0/ hldiQII Loll'
10 c~'ntrlst to the colonial anitudes toward. orcas or per50nal IllW8, tbe colonial political mind was much cxerei5ed over the Introduction of principlell, proctlses nnd institutions of modern (thnt is, English) low 1010 lodil. The sizeable number or books on legal hiitory in India. lncludins the be$t among them (Jain. 1966). provide u. merely wilh delcriptlYe Iccounts of the evolution of courts lind judicature in Dritish India. These details. of eourse, rornl nn important datum. Dut workl on leglll hlltory merely remllin Il mass of inrormlilion relevllnt only 10 ,tudealS or Inw in • Darrow leMC (tbal;1 concerned with normntive or 'technical' Ilw). They do not include nny linkage, between the IdtoloJlclll. economic and sochtl fncton and rOtCe, providing the con· texts orlelal stlbilitYluld cbange. Simogdy enough, lodian books on legal hillory do not tnke nccount or tbe role. of IDW in areRS such as Illnd IcGlllatioD, economic regulation (such lit compulsory lule of land. rcveoue laws. debt lawI) 01 social legislation (such IS s3ti abolitloo. abolition of female infanticide, and related mailers) or the growtb or legal profeuioD. 1n otber word •• Ie,~t bistory is typically conceived io lodil u a histor), of ,TOwth of judicature; and Ihnt too at Ihe level of normative law mioutile, hlvlna no redeeming locial lisnificance. Thi, eatire p:lrl of the .urvey iI. In a way. ImeDded to pUlsuade IndinD lepl historlan' to eonllder linkages belwe~D the nlready available, aod rather rich. lociological and hbtorlul lileratuTe on colooiAI Indta Ind ICIal dcvelopm~nts. A 50clal history of Indhtn IA"" is indlspenuble Cor '»~ 9l,tu!atioo oC cooccrn with sociology of law 10 Indi:a.
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TIltec importaol wOlks de'~rve bcre parti~urar attention. TIle5e lirc ErIc Stok~. (I9j9), I{anjil Gubll (I 96J) aud Vllludlln Obagamwllr (I974}. The fint providC$ II systematic Ind in some respeclS ev~n comprchen.o;lve ACCOunt of tile compeling, ideologies or the role of Jaw j~ coloniallndiu ; the second ,pecine3l1y focu!lt~ on Ihe role of Ideologies in sh3ping the notion of pcrmanent 5ctliclUcnt4nd of property riShls: lind the third wOlk l()oks ul the ideoloJ;:ical aspects of law reform, npecillily in the area or the j)rnollaw. TI~se worb remaio importnnt ror the COlllem· pomry htslotilln and the lociologist of Indino IlIw because they direct altenlion 10 the fairly close conlinuitie. in the underlying ideologies of law And 50da! ehange through IlIw between colonial and post.colonial India. Eric StukeSlraccs in ,reill detail th~ prinCipal ideolo.ciel wbich were embuttled in the fint hntf of the Orhlsh adminlstrution of iodill. He t~lI. the Itory, with exuberant detail, of bow mlljor COnnIC!! betwcen the utiliulTtan' and liberal, nrose ,ad wert' hllDdled. Stokcs' :lDalysis ret milia. important for Indlnn) not juS! til the mtre level of history Df idetls. Rlther. it has preuiull signilic3nce for us because it illustrates tlull the ideM lind ideals of liberal coostltutloDnli.m which Ihe notionDI· ist movement :lod IUbscquellIly tbe constitution makers inh~rited and optralionalized for Independent India -3rc, far rrom being a/l:iomatic . truths. open to greal deal of controversy and contention; Indeed they werc thus so prone ror well o~'er 11 century in British India. And the ~!e of law' in extension of power and social innov(Uion Wtl!I eentral to thl! sreat deb:lle1n the eiahtcenth IDd nineteenth c:enturict. The three main curren" of thought were 'whiggism' represented by Cornwal. lis. "Iibernlism" repre5Cnled by Munro nnd Elpbinstone. and utilitarian· Ism upouoded by Jamcs Mill and Macnulll),. Cornw:allis slarted witb the premias thllt the po""~t5 of Ihe government muS! be limited; tbi' w~1 the enrl)' anticipntlon of the "rul~ of Inw" model. Cornwallis opera· tlonallud th~ components or this model through "'ecuriIY of proptl1y, and tlte Idminisltlltion of justice. criminal and civil. by rule. which were 10 disregard all condJtiolu of persons. lind In their operation. by frec influence or conlrol ftom the lovernmeol itself." The Whig conception thu5 stressed secunt')' of properly righu. a ,oyernmeot under b.w, inde· pelldet judiciary ond separation of powen. The ideology behilld pet· manent 5(UleOleut Wa5 Ihu5 11 Whig idcololY. which provided above III "dcfinition !lnd enror~menl of privlte properly riShlS In thO' Wc/SWn s/.'I1I(," j this ccrtainly Y1'IIS "gO InnovllI[on that ultimately WIl5 to pIll)' the mOil decisive role io the OVerthrow DOd trll.nsrormntion or tbe old .oeiel)'" {Slokes. 1959 : 8). Oppc»eOIO CornW1Il1,'1 thought '11'11$ Ibe $Chool or thought led by t.'lunro. 1-I!lleom, Elphlnltone nod Metcalfe. A. I,.insl Ihe "Ilb:nractioal or the rule of law, and tbe blind. 1\lIOOU11lc operntion or lin imper,anlll
SOClOLOOY 01' LAW
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b\lre:llu~rIlCY" they looked for "a continulltian of tbe Indian tradition of
per50nn\ goyernment," This approleh WIIS II. mix of "beneyolcnt pliler· olltlsm" lind "romllolitism", This led to 1\ vision where Ihc lndian society would nOll>e sWlImped wilh alien W$:slern notions bllt the genhu or the peoplelu terms of tbcir projections of law, ,o~icty and stilte I','ill be respected and encouf1lged, The Munro group therefore eneourllged ryolwari &y~!cm, rejected the idea of division af powers nnd with it, Ihe nolioD of nn imperJOnll1 goyernmeQl (Ibid" 8.2S). The potentilll of law as an Ingredient nf IOClal change process thus clearly varied wilh the. ideo\ogical emphasis. Wilh the utilitarians, however, It assumed pre·eminence. The BeOibamltu had Ihtle .ymplthy with Ihe re~iVlllistJ or paternllUsu; and they blamed the Cornwallil IChool for III "flltal national prejudi!:e of esteeming Ihe unreJal med jUlIiee 10 tlle acme of perfection," They uIIgDed II central importance to the role of law AS instrument of plRnned socil,1 ehange, Bcnlhllm. in his ClI.rly years, explained "Ihe source of misgovernment nod pa\'erIY" with reference 10 the "lad:: of effident SY$tem of l:tw founded on Ihe ,cicnet of jurisprudence" (Ibid., 67), Similuly, James Mill thou8ht tllIU a complete deliveranee from the "degtructive anardlY" of judicial proeess was to be found through "an accumte code, ~n adequate judid:lI establishment Ilnd ralional code of procedure" (ibid" 141), Doth for their critique of existing legal S)'5I1:m IIDd proposed innovations (such as on multiplieity of appeals, Ihe notion of omnicompetent local ctlum) utilitarians Ihought cootinues to be of compelli08 tlgnilieance not jUJit for undentanding of lellal SY5tem of fndependenl India but abo for lome much needed renovation of it. Ranjit Gubm'. work (1963) is more clase.!y focussed ~n Ihe , arcbltec~s r Ihe policy of permanent Iclliement. The two Intere,tJn8 find'Dgs of thui detailed ano.lYII, lire that tbere is no "pattern of COOlman interuts" "which can eomfortably explnin "the pllttern of common I'd cas" r 0 the kaden of the Sroup of permanent.ettlement and secondly. "the reeognition of property II' II basic principle of government was the greaten common measure" of agreemenl, at the leyel of ideM, n010nj then, men. While they all broadl)' agreed Ihat the raj wuuld rtlp the benefits of Ihe 10),lltie. of the Dew landlord elliS!, the~r other ideas . concernin~ the benefits of pnrnancnt sclliemcnt, in locml and economic tcrms, did not quite eome true. On Gllha's analysis, whal is striking il tbat mo.n like Dow, Pa.tullat', Francis, Low and Cornwallis proceeded not merely from "diverlent, and ev~o oppoling, intellectulil affiliations" but abo that their overall "intellectual l),mpathiu .. ·CUI across their partislln alliance. \.n,('lh
"n
"'hi'
(eM,,,.
11W CtllONto\!. ft);r[lueNCC
2J
Ihree importaot, thoulb Inoocuous-Iookina, quenions! "What did the rnlddle elnn edueAted Englishman know about lndlll 7 AI home, in EnglAnd, whal sort or problems interesled him 1 What were his notions Ibnul Ihe niLturc !lnU (ul1ctlon of IRw 1" 11111 sense, Ihe.work by Stokes rind Gllha is more adequately Ilircctcu 10 :lnswerlns Ihis third qllC5tlol1 Ihan Ohag3mwu·,. But there is as yct no work which plIralldl hers in rel!lmito the Bnt two qucltioDI. She cODclusively dcmODSlf3te$, in reg3td 10 these thaI tile "BritiSh did not know much about Iodin" aod Ihllt tlley "tended Co make laws for Ibe countr), 00 tbe basis orlhelr experience aDd general ideM gathered in England," But these Ideas wcre "drawn rrom their limited upper middle class background rather Ihan from the cndre oltlon"; this, 'he demonstrates, "was AS true or the philosopher recluse Bentham III it was of men of action." The ianornnce as welt III alien chus composition of thinkers lind admioi5lratar. bcC'ame yividly mmoife" 10 Iwo ateu or eriminal low. One Will the arell of "offences Baaios! tbe penoo, especially where they In"'olve concepts of flroily honour" and the I)ther wal the arell of muter·slave relalioDS. In both these, the IlIwmilkers and the III ..... followed the English middlc cllw Altitudes, aiviDg rbe to an important "gap between Hritisb altitudes lind Indian 50clal structure," 1011 richly deta!!ed :lOalysis of BriCish experience and auitudtS (on olfcDceS such as Iddnappio:, abduction and rape), Dhagamwar concludes that the framcrs of the Penal Code were Oil "morc familiar ground when dea\ina with offence, GglLlnst property than they were when dealing with the offences against the human bodv." They provided more elaborate distinctions (or offeneer against propertv than against bumln body (22 tections defil'lc varieties of Ireupou lind 16 de:!1 wilh the olreoce of misehicf, ItS ag"in~t the (ew, for eumple, coneeroloJ; IIsaull). Threats to life nnd property were serious conceroS of the makert and administl1llon of the Pefilll Code; hence the very concerted and effective lllw enforeement "piott Thuggee, tfl~t in other equ.llily vital mailers like Ihe Illti, child mll.rrlage and alnyery "Ihey either couosc-lled plilienee until tbe public opinion dlllog.ed or pointed to the PeDal Code which they assured, would 'soon' introdUCe! the provisions demaoded." Dbagtlmwar HiuslratCi poignantly' with the help of colonial ellies how "Victorian nOlions. of morality were fully recognized" in the drafting, and subsequcllt operation of Ihi Penal Code profisions on rapc. There is nn "unmiullhble preferem:e" in tbese proYlsions "for the rights of the husband o~er bis wire ' against the wife's rl&h" 10 herself." Dh8samwar mulntains thllt 81i this scyerely beliu Macaulny's claim Ihal "he blld not adopted Brhdh \:LWS me1t\y "'CClUSt. thc), were British and thai \l11501e concern was to draft n pc~al bw wlliclt wou\d entirely be 1II1ionili and utilitllrian" (Dbllsnmwar, 1974: I2S). /I similRr process of trnnJference or En,Ulb notioos and attitlldes is wril huge on the tllw coneernlos .Io.yery (Ibll~"
24
115·'04). DbagilmWllt'1 contribution il. dislinctive in yet lIlolbcr wily. Sbo dClI10lulr:lles lome "riklng (Clnlinu/tics between the Brhilh lod130 leg:!.1 .pl~m and Independent India', lecal ')lIolem. The cODlcmpornncous nllItcriai5 do not mncly include thOle ,on the-Judicial altitudel in the impicmenllllion of Ihe Penal Code but 111$0 the existence of $lIe agree. menll (or lVomen ill MlldhyB Pradesh, }:ugc·scale ,lIm!ry in Maharastllra u typical of other pllrls Df Iht country Ilnd tbe upcrimclIl concerning tbe Chllmbrtl Vailey dtu;oitl. She ;dec\( tben: rllIher dispuatc themes with n view to illustratiol close Iinkagu between law, power and jUJlice
In Indepcndenl Jndill. She conclude. thnl Ihe "indifference of civil $((VIlIII, to Iho ,"[erinas of the weale" is DOl an uclusive chltacleri11ic ef lOY one. loverorncnl in Ihe SuD-COnlir..e.nt IIDd that the "east Indill Company,lhe DriliJh Indi." aovctome.nl,and lndependeollndia'. 10\'eI0, menl have been allauillY of such conducl," Their "chief COncern has often been to prescr\'e an appeltaoce of peace, 10 rctnln tIlt approval of llnd the .upport of the more po..."erful Irnups, rlther Iban to leek genuine peace by implcmcnlingjuu laws" (Ibid., 261). Such II condulioD may wcl1 nppcnr 10 many as II forcgone conclusion. But whnt is often r~aarded II a. foregone conclu5ion become. 1 dogma. ralher than a subject of painslaltiog anal),sls aod !;rill!!I,ue. Opporlunllies for syucmlllic overview of Inw and social !;hange relations IfC thus ,urrcodcred. It it the mtrit of Dhagnmwu's study, which is the veryJ firlt attempt by an Indian kga' leholll1 at IOcial history of law, that i redeems for us the. concret~n~ss of the context ot Interaction between Jaw. 'culture', and poWtr in the dynamics otaoclal chaDgc. 10 Ihi, context, one must ~dd the semioal work of l.O.M. Derr~lt, to which we have already turned frequently in the preceding p01ges. It is indeed difficult 10 tlltegorizc. and ,um up the eharllcterialiCi of fhe principal works of oertett, clpedaUy In tcrrns of the daniflcation of Ihls survey. His very close attcntion to the pattern. of interaction of Englllh IIW and institutions with fndiacnous kllal culture nnd institullons, especially of Hindu lind Muslim Jaw, i, unrivalled, in de!Bit ODd deptb. Not merely hilS he highlighted coD\ributions of mlny English adminisIrator~ lind pollty·makcn, but he hu allo .made many fuodamentlll theoretical cooribullons to the undetslllnding of HIndu conccpts of law, property and juuice. lie hn made rdevllnt tb«e cooceptions aod m~ny of It ••crlplurlll bllles, by eXesesis in the mllnner of a laller·day r(shi, In volume two of hil EuaYJ In ClaJslcal nlld Modt'" J/Indu lAw (1976)a four·volume compllBtion of over 200 of hil artides-he focunes 00 tbe "conlequencel of Ihe intellectual exchange with the foreiSD powers." The explicitness of this theme itlelf make. II study of Ihis work of conlldcrl1ble Importlln!;c. But the monner in which Derrett llBS formula.tc:d the major quellions .I~o provides sufficicntly Important direction) for
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7111! CoLOl'ltAL 1!,(I'ElttCI'lCI.!
ik)CIOLOCY Of LAW
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furtber resCllrch io Ibe field. lie nsks nOI merely a. 10 '.'IbM wns tile impact of thi. il'lterllc:lioo on lodlllo MlClely but lllio, which II very unusual, the qucstlon as to what did the Wesl gain from the 5tlJdy of Indian laws llnd CuSlOJD? To thi. second qUCJlion, his anSwc:r 10 (at is too genernl, If not di.couraging. ",Ulhal be hIlS to s'ny il thaI n "compcreheo.sive student may, phlciog India beside what we know of Bocient aod primitive peoples, use her (Il;!iievemellt to np\i)in au llSpcCI of Ihe $101'0' upward climb of man." Even so, Dcwm bemoans the fil!;l Ibat Weslern scholan, iDCludiDg JurlsprudentJ. h:lve failed to develop beller their undc:utaodinj of Hindu law io thele tcrml and formuhues an interesting checklist of leveo gCDeral areas for (unber thougbt Ilad rellCnrch. But It il in IlD$Wer to the nnl queulOo, concernlo8 tbe impact of I!ngli.h (and to lome Ulcnl European) laws on India, that we fiod Derrett lell tut.dve. lie insists that" prime conscquence of this inteta.etion ha .• been the inc;lclulllbJe "{ou of belief in Ilw. thc loss in lerms of con",et.ion of the reGular courts and the SYltem they IIppUed into a mere maehioe for mlinpuJation lind IIpplicatJon of pressure." Derrett mainulns Ibat the "distinction betwceo search for Justice and the IIppli. calioD of law, f4mililr to Eastern people. Wll$ abhorrent to the British; and the result was a di51lnc! 1055 for a country not yct sufficiently mature, if that is the lerm, to profit from tbe iotellectU:lJ trauma which ensucd" (Derretu, 1976: XII). Soclolo&y of law in India hon to engnlle selfconsciously in II vtfilicatioD of this hypothesis. Tlte 'Motlcrttl:atlott' of LOI~: u1IId. POfilicJ mId Socinl
•
•
S((UClllr~
As diuinct from thc competing ideologic. for law nod government, • some sludie. of colonial bistory outline the letul1l dynamics; of law aDd economk Ind .oelal de"elopment, These lI.re iev:arillbl)' wicro .tudiu of how le&!ll ideology alld polkyehanled their contours, and very onen their bUes, when confronted with local conditions of society and ' economy (see, (I.g., Ravindcr KUmar, 1968; Whitcombe, 1912; Gholh &; Dutt, 1971; Stoke.s, 1978: Siddique, 1978), Out of a l:arge number of Silch studies we focus hete 00 the area of land rC\'coue and reform measures IU demonsltaung tbe complex linkages between autonomous 5phere of l~chnology. soclal structure aod the legal order. From thele also we select only two 5tudle~ ror ~J(teDdcd comment rrom leaDI sociology penpeclives. Thcse are Elizabeth Wbitcombc', Airarfa/l C(mfillf(lIl1 In NOrlllt:", Indio In Laft !lint/cenlh CtnlufjJ (1972)
and Rllvioder Kumar', IYtSli!m [!Idle in tlI~ Nlllttl!cl1I11 Qllfllry (1968). Thc former deals with an arca which fell under permanenl sc:ulemeot lind tbe latter witp .. n arc!! which rell under ryollvllri settlement, In bOl.h , these nreas. reqardless of the ultimate idcologicalnpproitchu, the law
,
I ,t
rue COLONIALII,(PI:RII::.:cr
lIocrOLOOY O~ LA W
WI_ U$ed inllu .. \tempt to !nsriturioollize lile \\ estern conception of property rights In hind nnd moderniud leglll 'Yltem was created to rnllintllin lad $1.1511110 these rlghu. 10 both uperitnces, the iniril1l utllltllr!:tn I~eologl~' had to be .evertly n,odified. In bOlh, Ihe Icpl I),stem WIS Illcremcnla~ly mOdjfic~ in the light of locial IClirninl arising from at. tempts lit directed SOCial chanGei In pllrt, the mlloner in which the law in both ilS' normative lind institutionnl lU;x:ct!, was UJcd delerminell barh' the Dlture of problems which became cUler.cut and methods of handling lind Kllvlog new problenu. Both experienceS'. however, also demonstrate tbe process of creation of oc.w classes of prosperous peasants nnd the colonilll unconcern al the rt.!iUllanl uprootiol of Ihe moue.. In retrospcct, II Clnergn thlltthe coioniailOVcrnlTlCnl WII apt at learninG from c.r.pcr!. CDee IIDd 'proper' (within the frDUlcwork of colanid logic) pt:.nnina of kaal norms and institutions. Thl. unfortunDtely hllJ rarely been the case with Independent Indln, since the cOD,iderllt!on of Ilwas II Slructurul property of pl:mned change is l;QllsplcUOUI by It. absence.
Tit,
DtC(OII
Exptl1rmee
Ra,vinder Kumar traces in rich detllillbe manner in which tbe ryotwari syswm of land fe.vcnue was introduced in Mahlra$btrl and i~ immediate. imp2ct on hs society Dnd ecnnomy, He dcmonlllrates that the ryotwari .ystem nol mtre1y "wcakellcd tbe sentiment of solidllrity In rural soclely through abolition of enllective mponslbility" which lho kllllhis (Iariculturi,ts) had "boreo for Ihe fiscal obl1Clltions of villages" but tbal it was ,al'~, rfSponlible for the teorpDiution or "the I'llral credit alon& novel hDes (Kumar, 1968: 152). UDder the Mllrathl regime, tbe VIlIII (IBents of soweDrs, moneylenders) relidtd In the ... 1II11£C, Being numerl. cally rewer, rOllis were "obliged to acquiuce ... in tlte judicial and." u.etutlve autbority" of the village. The SQWCOl' a110 used to txcrcife power and Influence indirectly through the villoge pollfs under the old ,),.tem or corporate respooslbililiel oC the village for revenue to the Mlralhll kloas. Aveuion, culturally sanetioned, 10 Ilgrlcultural work and the overall profitability of workins in citie. enabled the SOWeDrJ to opcCllte through pOllls Ilnd .'On/s, the- latter being shopkeepers and IIgellU of SOll/rDI'S in Ihe vitlag~, The ryotwati system however brougbt an end to 10)l'CO:S' Iinkagc.s through PDlils by milking the cullivator direclly re. lponSlblCl ror land revenue, While soweDrs preferred 10 work Ihrouab Ibeir caste fellows, the wmls, the new system meant much greliler net. work or contacts belwcen sowea,." and l'OIlis Ihlln berore, To thllt utcnt de$pite Ihclr numeriul infniority, l'IM/,r bc-&lIn 10 aSSUnle tlte form of economic: domlnaDce over tile klmOls, Thus the Icedl or t'onfllcl bet\1rt'(n I'IlIIls tInd klillbi~ were 10wn, Th~)'
I.
f
wtre nouriihed 10 full'GrOWD proportiODJ by lnodern legal mQchlnqry, both normatlvCl aad inJtilulional. The newly iosliluted courtS "not only wre5led Ihe jUdichtl aUlhority from Ihe kU'lblJ bllt their IIward.lwerc bllscd upon Ihe conccrn of equilY lind leg:lIlty which fitvoun:LI the ranll u.tRer thlln the kll'lbis" (Ibid., IS]), The pn:,cRi~tiol p:tnchaynt 1)'5tCm Ilssurrd runctional protection to krmbis : it Wit$ II.. syuem ..... ilh traditional notlonl of social equit)' with which 11Iey were familia.r and with trtld!· tional authority structures which the), could nl3nipulatc. BI'I tbe Briti'h IYitem of courts and law, disrupted the 50cial relatiODs uoder the trllditlonlll ndjudiclltion. Tlli, hllPpencd bet'ausc of the introduction of tbe prlot'ipl~s lied techniquu of Englllh contrllet jurl~pruden('e. "The ..aniJ DOW inveigled the ryot into leaal coelrac!S or dubious equity, lind ir II ryot failed 10 fulfil such a conlllle!, the l'OllrS iniliWled II civil luit against him," Tbe ftioUlt of $uch ,uits was oneo lule of properly, a drnlic innontion in the way of life of kunbis, who were 10 comp!lI..iD Ibat even durinG Ihe M(HIIUIII n:gime, Ihouah enctions 1\'J::re severe, ullric1.11· lurists were not deprived of propriclllr), intereJI in hind ror deb! obligll~ tions. The ttew leaal norms aDd institutioDs however crellted thc prOlpt(;t of hllbl.r becoming laD(i1es~ labourerl, The doctrine of freedom of t'olltrllct, and of sanctit)' nf conlrllcts, ingrained ill tht judicial procCls favoured the increasing hegemony of ranis over kUflbls. Ravind~r Kumar describes the constant dcavage5 aDd frictions wbich kr.l, withio about fift)' yean of BriUsh rule In Mabllrubtra, 10 the Dcccan Riots of 1875, whiCh, (ntrT 0/10,. led to tack of access by tbe klmbis to tlte only major .ource of agricultural credil provided 10 fat by the I'llilis. Kumar ideDlifitl the IInlllgonism between the lumbis aud the vanis o.s "the most important reuoo" behin<\ tbc DecClio Riotl or 1875. The Detelln Riou led to It considerable rcapprailll or the i . approlichCl to the In' lind &OVCrnmenl. Protection of pr\vtlte property tbrough the device, aDlon, otiters, of tht IlInclity of cgntrncU, led to un· forcu:en conscqueDCCI of discobesloD and connict in the rund soclel)', Moreover, it led to IIccumulation ofw(l1lth in the bands of rDnls, a len· trally parasitical dlSs and to lade of lIC:ceU to the productivc resources by lhe .gricullutll~, Ra\'inder Kumar traces in some dtili/ille impact 00 British Administrators of Sir Henry Maille's t'volutionist approach , funllamentally opposed to tbe utilitarian lcal for tbe use of !IIW to social trans· formation and provides a vallUlblc Rccount of Sir Rllymond West'. lAnd and lAw (n Ttldia (1872 . 198·203). This retlppraiSllI nlso led to a Dumber of proposals for law reform, incluuing reform of courts lind :lttempt& lit mllldn,lhe luw more aCl;essible to people, In the offidlilliteralure lhere emcrae mAny frank crillcl.ms of haw and courls which had produced this, .ltullion ort;tnloitntlon of kunbls nnd crcnted nn m:u/ll problem of SlITv.tion. The flcLS ohen mentiontd arc: i&nOrlinCe of Ihe IIW, I.c~ effective aCQ:ss to courts, the diSiant locntion of courts, lind the fonn,!!i
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SOC10LO(IY 0' LA. W
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bilS of judges (owlI.rds the sanetlty of wrillcD documenll. SOrne of Ibc.sc bllters remain releviiol CYCID loday. In Iny eye nt, the reappraisal led to Ihe usclrocnl of DccC:IHI Allritultur~1 Debt Rc:lief hel, 1879. The Act lIl~de. in II
y;uiclY or ways, of cunlraelS.
b
cnce Qr disputes to formal courts of hlW." " " , r Ihe ACI wtlS 1'101. as vaInlY cxpected, \0 undermIne Th endenee 0 , I ' •. Th ' .. 01 to "lIimub.te lIe . . Ihe progrcss 10 fUt1l Il'Il;lety. •. e I power 0 r yams Act, no doubt, limited Ihe explOitatIOn oC kUllbls , bUI by the umc to ..en II "dcpri\·ed them or Ihilt cfedit, which was necew~ rO.f the pragceu of ,," ,,',-" lIe suggtstS ' that the soclullmpttct of tIC . . the . law I rora SOCIC.""" r min, tile Inw "in conrorm!ly WIth the pnoclplelof ' " rca II y IClYlOreof ·"(b" l) 'I equi',wl',I' in Mahar-ublra bcfllrc 1818 b/ /... , n . SOCJI Y 11, h,d nrevJliled t· . . ,fler Ihe resolution or Ihe I.,gh tenSIOn elween the \u lalla-term 1m PIt • b ' , I " "'0 comnc.l the aUention or the gO\'Hnmtnt to Ihe pro· IOCltI group', w. · t . bl" h lern nfrural credit. Spurning the sug,e5l1on of soWtor.1 for fila 15 menl 'II ur,I hllniu in whicb the '!ale would .dlsehtlrgc the burden o.r t IIe 1I1r1eu of indebledneu of the kunb/s, tbe iovernmen~ uitlmlltcly favoured t.be Idell or etedil co.opcrntives,. lind emerged ..... Ith 0 IIIW Dr Co.orx:rlll.'ve to Iclurorl:e ' ' , ,,0' . Th, ,[ect of co_operative, w... .the• positIon S0(;Iel1U In of kurtbl, vIs (I,,·Is the v3nis. BUI lit the lame IIm~ these ,oel.etles served ••. ,. of the plo.perou~ peasants and mcreued difference of th e mteres.. . h·' r d I wu.lth in rural society," failing altogether Itl tbe 0 Jcctlve 0 ~e etm ag Ihe proverty of Ihc masses of kunbi:s assuming or coune Ihal thIS was important avowed objective (sec also Catanach, 1971),
In derogution fronl fhe freedom of eonlrncl principle the Act oblJgcd indebted-
lieU: this rcquln~:D1elll abo ulldcrmilH:d 1\11: notion of the snncut)' of c;on· UJct sin.!c the liability cn:ntcd by ao lIgre.cmcol bel ween Il kwlbi nnd (1 rlJfll WI' 00 longer to be lakeD IS dClermin:ativc of the feal liability as IIOW to be adjudged by the coUrIS. The courts were to proceed on the buis tbll "'he passing of. bood by a Ol(l\·e or India is ortcn or DO more VIIlIe as n proor or debt Ihan ... tbe eoofellion of man under loriure IIf. crime be is charged wilh." Tue Act Ihull had a cleat !lnti·vani bias I.dllil which they protested mOit -vi,orouI1y. But Rnvindct Kumar delUOtl5trllU thllt the Act did nol hllve Illy structur:ll impact, Iince tbe need for IIgricultural credit persilled and I'iMU wero the only source. or I,rieultural credit, the government belDG un ..... iIIina to go $(I far a, to lulst the creation of agricultural banh proposed by the sawea". Sheer economic facton thus conspired ala ins! lilly worthwhile impact in the caUIe of amelior-ulon of klll/bis. The only clau of klllJbls which was able to utr3ct beneficial chansa in their position was the uppermost ten pu cCIlI strata, which hAd both the legnl knowh:dgc and ability to activale reoouue to courlS through 1"oI
brin Inc '\:l'Il'1rt5 HI tMit dl,lor$tc.p~" nnd by .Iho ellmlnlllill& "tbit Ineviulbly 1\111
r~Clioli :elween the ,'anls :and Jwnb/:s which
inronds iniO the doctrine of sanctity
Ihe courls 10 invCJtiSlllC the history of Irnllsaclions le/lIJlue to
29
111H ~Ot.ONI"'t. f.II:~r.\tI[NCI!
Legal/sm, Cap/ral/sm, Colonialism ill tilt! V.P. ExperIellce
SO,:?7
The North..Weslern Provinces coveted, in IIrea, about I~uarc mile. "nearly equlIl to EnSlnnd, Wales, and Irelltnd together, Wllh population (on 1S65 ceosus estimate) of 31,110,000 penons, I I "rule empire." The Eut ladill Com PlOY, whOle process utwuea I ., .. , I acquiring control over the N.W,P. commenced \1IIt I acquISItion
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Denar.. in 1793 (followfd by the Upper DOllb in 1803, OUII,ld,,':I::k,!h~',o~':::',~ 18H, and formal anne;lation of Oudh In 185ti), had alread.y policies and rrognamme1 directed to improve the IIsnman by conltructlon "of roads, ra\lwll)'s Ilnd the first great c:'nalsYl1ems of Doab" besides utablbh;ng "fllcal s~te.m. OD which the llrucluro routine admioi5tratloa. based 00 dlstnet coUectorates, (Whitcombe, 1972 : J ; lee 111;0 S.C. GUptll: .1963)." ' The 1B~7 'Mutiny', as is well koown, flcIlIlated Ih~ Crown' ..,'''','" of its undbputed suprem:lcy." The new government l~nJ~"t"~ uprillng. limed nol at replllciog "Ihe eXisl,ins loelal ':;"~,!~':O'''':~"I souaht 10 superimpose :I framework of locldenu tbey wtre underitoGd to be, upon the world ove_,'.:~~~~~ poae wu not "to provoke the ehlol of:a focial .:~~~,~. upon IOcloty II. new and bii1hly de,i~ble (" 1972; A),
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Ai
SOCIOI.UClY OF LAW
(through Act' XIV;:,ud XVIII or [H7J IIlld /\ct XII of [Sin) I'cm3illtd llw_ln·bOob. In practice. rcm!»iQIlS of revenue were not gmnled eYen 10 such eventualitie, OD the specious grounds thai "the rcli,r would not W\ch the cultivator" and lhn,l thi~ would prOniote. "thuushtless uoclrifl" (ibld.• 147.48J , TIle N o rtl~crn india 00\11 and Drninage Act of 1873 n:llly denied compenslltion, illrrr olio, . for My dnnlllBC c;J:uscd by "$lOPpJilc or diminulion of percolation, by lloods or delerio(ntion of cllmDte or soil-Ihe priucil)alllfl:iIJ of trouble created by the cngioecring works" (Ibid.• 90). Revenue law did not eVen mllke lin Iluempt to provide incentives fOr cultivation of grove~ .necessary \0 Dvercome at least rutin!!}' the ceoloa1ca1 imbllltinec. crc~tcd by hellV! deforeslntian. The socia--Iegal eompleJL:itie$ /lucllding Ihls m~,siYe Icc:hniclll llssislllDCC afose mainly through the continuing preoccupation of Lhe GOYernment with the rnisin!; of p,deqUnlc land revenUe. Land reveOl.le \VIIS not jU$t e"colinll!) meetlllc com of tile GOYernment of British Indin, but it 11150 suppotied \l ranec of "upenses incidentnllo imperial pow~r lit home llnd .brOrld-whether it b~ fOt the Offidal 01111 for the Sultan of Turkey in London in 18~8. or:t Iunlltlc: :t,)'lum in Elllinc or the e~pcnses ofsi~ulltl neous wau in Chinll and Abyssinia" Ubi/I., 120), In luse.~5mtDt and colleclion of the revenue, Ihe Governmeot rollowed the Compllny precedent of $ettlemenu In Ihe Hght of "modern prlnciptes." Thc renew"l of the Company·created revenue settlements tGok. nurly three decades in NWP. The realons for this EHC iodeed complex: these include use of nell' :lnd changing principles and procedUres for the II$scumcnt or the demand, bureaucratic conseientiousnen. 1be dlmculties in applying "scientific" itnndl1rds of nsscssment 10 richly varied 10c.1 sitllillions, nnd lI.dminilll'1lLivc delays involvilll:! changing personnel. A Iypical Ie!rlement slluntion was presenled by t-llltJlff.r· nagu district where the iovutiglltory process~s initil1tcd in 1860 were It ill In progress in 1873. Additionll.lly, thero were Iha problems of cstlmDtill8 the muhlplicllIlon of "the ,enllli uscts" ttl II relull of increased irrigation 'fadlit!es, "Dy 1876", Whitcombe,n},s, "the fiscal r~nli6cotion of the ClBal$ wus u wide'ranging aI any medievol lord'$ charges over his ciBmain ... ". She describes u many 1$ t\velve broad dlff&mnl head. of ' .tCount thus adsinG' Furthermore, aod this is crucial Wbitcombe notes; Fir from being controlled by the cQnditions of hntV~st, the realit-lItion (If rrvenue demand dep~nded on the z:lmindafs' eapaeilY 10 mobilize , their resource. and p~y it. Theie ruourees were Srst, the elltent of , cultiYllted lind cultivable "reas uoder the control of II l.Dmind:ar or 4 umindari group; second, the characs levt:lled under the lIuthority ora big rnmindar! on all who lived or farmed within the limits of the IIJllblll ; and. third. the amount which eould bo nised by borrowioB. E. WJrllcom/H (/972 : ISO)
'.
TlIH COLOl'lr",t.
exrl!Rll!.."ICII
Jl
The lJIll1indor. rnc.:d with lnc rea~cd rcvenue demands unJer the reviscd revellue procedures,.coutdscllredy jind:\ solution in the expansion of cult/mtion dnce thf, inevitlthly let! him huo It vjdou~ spirol or enhunced tevMue, Hence, the zltmind:lr$. throllgh further intcflnediarlcs, p3$$ed on the cost of the Government's re"enue demands to (lIe euli/Vlllora. The cultiVator ~ould only meel these exactions by concen1rlltinc on thl: "vnlunble" croPl. but ullimntcly nl! his operlltions, Including e:
.0
tlrllf:e all hiJ .ru(l~rIQrs CQuld I"
no 'my hI' rt./irl'cd b)' IJII fnCND!e ilt
'I'alllab/e' crops (emphasis added). (!bid.. 172) AI Whitcombe uemonstrates. through dose analysis of indigo, sugllrcane und eOl\on farming, the ~'a5t majority or cu\r;vllton requlred cash advancc.s for Iheir crop' to pay their dues in prescribed time to tbe :znmindars who could in turo thus meet their revenue obJignlioos. The C11sh IIdvnnce offered.against crops yet to be planted was "irreslstible"_ On Ihe other hand, tbe yield from the produce had to be devoted to meeting both the Cllpi!ai ad\lance nnd very bigh ratcs of in!err:Sl thereOD, The cultivator (onen ala'o a zamindar) WII$ thus caught betwecn the creditor on the CIne nllnd lind the zllmindar on the other. But the zamin. dar acted not mer~Jy In his own interests in nanling dun from tllC culliv;ltors: he also acted lIS un ngent or the Government. And while the "work.in. of tlte British reYenue- Iystem created further inctntivC! to borrow ... tnt Government tuppHed no. alternative agency of any significance 10 provide credit" (Ibid., /61). This situation inevitllbly led 10 continuing and Subllanlial e\ploilat;on of the "need ror credit" bv 1\ CJII~S of moneylenders who found:t "comprehensive clientele." Ban debts. poor harvesr8, Or rccalcitranl debtot$. prc$ented some risks but. a$ Whitcombe notes. "the prevision or agriculturnllonm was tht mcafl5 pDr t~cd/enu of corning" rapid nnd silcable return on capitai, as compared With other punuilS" ({bid•• ltf6). The mUlllllrude of the problem of pc:as:mt indebtednc" is hard to measure aceurntel)'. but one tontcmpor;lry account placed it nc.arer to £15.000.000. rlsin!! in 11 year or "seYere diures." to "between £20.000.000 and £)O,O{)O,OOO." As -against tbis. the revc:m,lC' "slaod at some '£20.000,000 for Brlti~h Indln," itephlcemenl ~r prl'lU!C rin:lllcitt
br
I Till! CQLO:->IAL e.o:rl!kl11Nen
(j c~C!lIl1tCnL. 11 "r;lli:lUal" I1ltnrutl\'C, IYjlS ccrtalllly:\ "flldiC;\I" muvc, Incon.iJ'~J\1 wllh rhe Ideology of lulnr:/uir(' which in auy event did not
countenance unrilvollr.lblc di$crimin3lioll npinsl the moneylender while il rrotcClcd the 1IIIIIIIorJ in hil rrcr ....lllivC8 ollcr the cuhiva.lof5 (,Md., 1!l.1.9J ).
fhe J,.lmindoHS thcnuch'u, martlner, Wtrc in the llgbt Grip of tl1l,l ~rtdilor5
"
or monc),knders, chiefly due 10 UIC
r;,C\
that the GOI'crnment
"continued \0 ~[lccl its revenue 00 the basis of the Ihcoreiiclll distri. bution of IUselS" rcgnrdlts, or "the IOronas of regular. let alone irrcgu!nr. (hlTgn on umind;H$.' Incomu" (i6id., 19?). ThtorctiC.1l1y, the nmind:m' pfcdlclmcnt WII1 "I!sranted by what Whitcombc culls "the modernization orlhc le£31 rmlchinery." By 1111s laun notiOn she refeu not merely 10 Ihe l1I~ulye codi(lcil,ion of $UbUllll1ive lind procedur31 Inw (Ie:\Ying for the triOS! pHt thc personal law of the Hindus Ind Muslims untouched) lind ,lit crutlon of civil courts WIth o\'erlappinl jurisdiction wilh the revenue ~um, but also more pointedly to the Inw rel:!tini to debt, tllientllion . nd tran.fc.T of l1ropri~tary Interests in land. AllenMion lind trallsftr came aboul initi;lUy through provision concerning mortgalin, of Innd . nd the exercise of the powers of eminent domllio, together ..... ith the , overnmentol power or compulsQry sule of Innd in enle of der~ult in revenue p:l.ymellU, The principle of clJmpulsory sale in default of revenue payments wns, importunIty, c:uendel.l in 1859 to such Ulle for satisraction of debt by civlll~n moneylenders, thuJ ndding "0 further dimension of the ron; 511nd iD e antA,onism belween zamindnr and moneylender" (iblt!., 217). By Ibl, proctss, Whiteorubc notes. "Ihe xnmindllr', tiUe •.. {already) Hable 10 pan to Government" nod lo,a Ihe nuetloR purc:hllll:r lit revenue sal~.·1, eould now past "In addition 10 his credhor, who mlgln in turo be the u ttlon purchaser" (ibid .. 201). The repeal of the usury laws In 18S'. Ind Ihe crosion of leeurity entlliled in the dilTer1n. judicial approac:hn 10 Ihe HIndu tnw ruk or DamrfllpCII, "which preventcd the creditor from rtcovcfing as interest :II IIny one tinlGD Sum more Ibao equll to tbe Jldnclp~I" (Ibid•• 219) elllllribulcd further 10 the yulnel1lbllityof :r:amin. dara ~/NHb the 1II0lleriendctJ. Wh~teombc'S' obsorbiog accounl of the Mlua! opl:ration of thl: lrans(u luu Yleld. lOme evidence of a "consioenlble" transfer of unlindari titles. Bllt abc coofcsse& Ih~t !Ueh a conclusion must remain imprusioniJlic, : Ivr:n "the nOlorious unreliability of stolislics." 00 fhe: otber h!lnd, she ?CU~eDIt I n\lmbcr of proce"CI which support the viow Ibat "ph)licnl dLlPOSleu;on" did not result from "the IncUJIlnl Ictivit)' of the eouru" (Ib~d:, 227). The cOlII['llu llindu jolnl.f~ml1y low worlccd 10 Il number of Wiya 10 oburuet "Ihe 1III00lh proceu of lhe frlln.rer law." And very one? tbe e:rediror-rurdlnser nllowed, liner tille, lome lallli 10 the CItt:. mllldllr :lnd h;5 ramily. Stiltulel in 187) conrerred uron the t.;I:.
I I,
Jj
rro['lrktary -zarniudllrs nn "equItable rillhlllf occupancy" in desilelotlled londs. Compromise in order 10 nvoid II sale or .,('er a ute resulted in aUilmentalion o( "c.>ncurrent inlercsls in the same soil." Moreover, tbe conlplexity of vllri~ble interesu pomssed by the HIndu jC'!inl-ramily in land beselllttell1pts 10 physieallY!lcquire or rr:l1t!ze the Interests tmnli' ferred by Ihe legal processes. Finally,lhe "1(X':lli m~nns of t'oercioo" Ifo.diticn31ly available to Zllmindar-s, who were leg.:tlly diseluillcd to their l~nd, prevented cfi'eelive accompliuh ro~nt or the salient objectives of tbe trRnlfer lawi. The c.wermtl in~curily (Ihus I1rislng) of Ihe purchaser of Ihe IlInd \\0115 decrened by the notiolimactic intervenlionin policies adopted by the Government fllvourinll the insolvent 1.amindllu. The reyenue authorities pJnceedcd to restore."(onfiSClIted lands" 10 7.amindar\ who were tempor· Irily deprived of them. In Idl.lition to luch rntortl1ion a/It' laic, Seclion 244 oflhe Civil Procedure Code 1859 empowered the CQllc(.lor "10 lnlttl/ene in the course of contpullory $~le :\nd 10 seck to compromise lhe IronS
36
SOCIOLOOY 01' 1,.Aw
Mandel (1972) thai "the [cglll system Ind property re\oHions inlr~ducc.d by the British In India actu;lUy hindered the development of capllt\tI'!I~.
production relations Itl msriculluTC. giftl! 111/1 COli/txt III colonlQl/sm (UlSa Palnaik, 1972 ~ A 146),· Whitcombc's anlllYJjs yields two kinds or elCplanalions for Ihis {ailure of Ihe [e£al s)'Stem. Fial, as alrc.ldy indlt"lIlcd. 5he points to the natural reluctance of the colooial government to joiliale and channel Inrgc-scall:, Icvolulionllry changes in hlnd-owncrship patterns, I\nd through it io the
locl. 1structure. This rcluclnncc i, 'nalural' only on the assumption ((or v;hich there 15 sufficient basis) that 'lhe Government', own vil1bilily dcpcadcd 10 large m(/Uurc on the combined coolrol over rillvenuc eXIt·
•
tioollbrough llllllind:m lind BtGCn 10 thcir political powcr bue. The second txplnnalion lies, for Whitcombe, io the ollcrll\pping juris. dictions of the elvil and rillvenuc courl, which muimized all proc;cduml and Jubitanlive complexities to tlu: bcnefil of the liligioul zamindllu : Appelll~, enTlicr eJ!haulted in rCVtnue cour", where the commissioner - of each division was the finn] authority, could then be transferred 10 Ihe civil courtl in the fOTm or n newly ["diluted ,uit involving, wil!! per hips minor mutalioos, thc ume P;lflies. Within bolh revenue :ltId civil jurisdictions, deciJions on points of 13w might dilfer from court to court and bench 10 bench. E. Whitcomb/! (1972 : /8) O"l5ioollly. 6I3tutory provisions conniCled with peElonallaw "assiduously adminj~lered uDdcr civil jurisdiction." ADd Iho "meeting points of tbe IIIW with locol rolitici ndded fuel to the name. of liligiousneu'" In (.ct, thel!ligious lIminda.r was Ihe "unlcknowledged aUy" of Ihe OoveromCDI .inte in combating wilh hll comprJilors who 10ujilU 10 replace him "he nCled I'll the pOliticu! intereSlS of Government" ({bid., 204). The re5ultllnl cU\lnlities were the eultivating populace, concept. of "ewnomie developmcnf'. nnd modernized 1e,*1 mlChinery which lufTerred "lIrou distorlious" in the proce". Thele di5tinct explanallons ore indeed peuuasive, perlwps 100 much 10. Generalizations It CI high Icvel collcerning "\egal system" and "modcrnized le!:at marhinery" affecting the: growth of capitolistic relations or AgriculIUfal production nre worthwhile (on the prescnt view) only if they !lrt (ul1y lubst!lntiatcd or if they dircct aitention 10 problem-arc!!, hilherlO In5ufficient!y cxplored. In thc preleDti"te of knowledge, Whitcombc', or Mandd'i gcnerallVitions arl~ worlhwhile only in the second 5ense. even 10, Ihey CUide: UI rlIther uncertainly to the Dl!!in problem IrCU. There II, first , the quell ion 'of whll! one means by "capilililm" (sec, t.g., thc recenl dialogue In Ihll conlnt between l'atnnik, 1972nnd Chnl!orndhnYlI, . 1972 : A.14S nDd A-J9 rupcclivcly). SecontJly, the preciJc ambil of ~lpreuioDI such III "m(ldcmiztd le&1I1 machinery" or "Itlll Iystem" have to be fUcci, Thirdly, h)'po'heti~llInhies bc\"Yeel"\ t~~ t.....o nolions, !~~! clarificd, hllv~ to be suggested.
tHO COLON tAl. EXl't!"ICNClt
lJ
Let us look here only !l\ tbe sccond .aspeet. The reference to "Icglil ~y.' tem" or "modernized leGal mllchincry" is ItnnlYllcally uDproducllve bec:1U1e Ihe~e nollons att: encomplluins or .,lob31. !lnu shelter WltliiD Ih~m tI \·,ulety of rcfereocl:S 10 ineonsiSlcnt Ilnd e'/en cCJnlr30ictory norm~, techniques, :lod inSlltutioo:l1 n1ethods for The !113nagemeat of con!liet and ollniament of developmental goals. Tilis ber:ames nbundaatly clear wben oo.e re~ll, in the present eon!ext the repeat of the usury laws on the one hand lIod Ihc inlroduction of the me35uro for circumventing Ihe consequenees of Ihe compulsory ule of land for satisfaction of dcbtIillbJlity on tbe olber. The relevant ilSVel conccrnin& [aw's role in development become pointedlY clear when we raj,e sub'5y~tcmic rather IhaD holistic type. qUCltlons. Flom lucb perspective. one has 10 rlli~e specific related (and hopefully much leu intraclAble) qucitlOn5 such :t.s Ihe 101i0 wiD 8 (0) Oio the letLlcmenl proce-5$tS under revenue Illw. combined ""ith the repelll of tbe usury laws create II dislnccntl\'c for In\·estment of sur· plus monies into Improvement of agricultural technology lind enhancemeDt of agricultural productivity? (b) Wu there a lIck of 'fit" betwcrn the 'ncwly' introduced Englisb legal conceptions of property rclations and the actually exilling re.lations of appropriations of surplus capital 'I If Ihere WIIS non-corrcs?ondence, whllt was the eJ!tcol of it. and what were the cffeus of tillS 011 the 'climate' for produclive investment in aariculre 1 (cf_ Chanopadhyay:t., 1972: A 39). •• (e.) To wh(lt extent the dill tory liligalion process and lhe varlatioll in tbe detlils of the lubltantive law (both in the civil Ind revenue law seeton) .rreci 'climate' for luch investment 'I And to whllt uteDt tbe monelJr§ and loclal COIU of Iiliglltion IIggravllte Ihe alre.ndy parloUJ lituation or the highly Indebled "cultivator" and the litigious z.amindar 1 How did over-recourse to courll ,ffect the fiDanei.1 ruource! of Ihe moneylendel"1 'I Evell as we attend dosely to Whitcombe's nnalysis of Ibc "gfOU dIs· tortions",of the "modernized \egll mnchine.ry", we ougbt to remember thllt the "moderniled" legal system, like the irrigation 'yslems, rcprcseots a developmental measure (a social structural chaDge) of great slgnlficunce ove.r a time-dimcluion. The mlluive codlficntion of pr~duT1lI, civil, commerc:llli and ctiwinal1aw, together \,.. itn the reOtBlinizatlon of lhe Judicill.ystem fot British India during the reriod 1859·1882, cnn be rcgarded u an attempt 10 consolidate aod extend at'rlbules of '·Ie.gallsm" in altruclural sense (Trubek, 1912) . It is equlIUy interening to u·.ntpolC: (with perhBps !I. degree of poelle IIceoce:) Wcber', conclu,jons concerning the relalion bctween legalism and Slate authority IIrudure. Max' Weber IIreucd that while ICBal!sm "sullranteed formal equnlity, it also Ic&itimated c1us dominlltlon"
,
,.
$OC:IOt..OO'{
be\;,
\97:! : SJ).
or LAW
Weber QlllilllllillCd tbat tbe ~)'StC:1II of fl)rmJI
(T~ce " lcG~hlU" tile uncqulIl distribution of economic power by ~~I Dtllnlcclog mDJIimurn freedom for the inlcrUlcd pnrtics 10 n:prC5cII1 tbl~~f formllllc&~1 intcmts" (WC:bcr. 1968 :..(12). In this light. Eliwbclh Whilcombc'S ChllUCICtil.aliOll of Ihe litigious umintl:tr:11 the "unllcknow1 IIgtd lilly"' of the Government n.;ling (0 protect himself by protccting ~lilj(,111 inlcte$!s of the GoVtrnmCnl, provide. jU51 nn ndditionl1l. instance
ofWcbu's seminal insight. eveo if in 0. canlellt not iOlcglallo Ius !lna!),sil of cor(e1ations between "legalism" lind "capitalism"
JDdccd. in this Ycr)' ume mood, one tcaches II. starliing thought, perbilJ'll worthy hert only of passing uneu.nce. This Is that Ihe IndJaIj SLtUallon hClc diJc::uSi~d ~tnJlhll,ilCS the need to spel,;uli1te concerning f()JSib/c
onalYIit:ol (llId soc/olo,{(D1 IInko,ts bllll'ttll itgolisnI ami prt.capltollilic rnlldtb or I'm/IS 0/ de'tlopllltlli. Such sptcuiluion i. indeed poSSIble on lhe usumptioo lh:ll the SHUItUOn Is righll)' to bc chllIficlerizcd nl "prc_ clpitlllltlc." Such spccul:ttion is furthermore , permilSlble til$ profllobUilY a.llde) in view of one's 'lut.!ious awareness of Weber's "(elr-imposed jinlill of bis analYlls of capitalism" (Trubck, 1912: 7S). In terms of relutions bctween law lnd deve\opmc(II, a number of further Intercsting themes nnd problems emcrge. A threshold i~sue concerns !.he JdenlifiC(ltion of development goals. A statement of sueli goals, eYen (or NWP under the British Rule, and cvcn for I period of thirty years. is ao easy Of simple mIller, despite Whitcombc's minute study. All thai (:3n be u[ely IBid i. rathet obyious: the nri hsh Indlnn aovernmcnt of the. Ullle was M 301biYAIent OIoderD;ter. On the DOC hand, il $ought (through 'lIari.o betterment) 10 maximize wcalth: on Ihe other, such deyelopment b.d 10 be eOQl.On3nl with tbe maintenance of coloDial authority. Thne (wo 'gomb' were eooeurrently punued. but they did not coincide except on onc dcfiullioo of them whiCh would equa te lomey,ilal cyniclllly the fint mertly with colonllllll&iraadilement (throuah Increased IBnd revenue to meel the cxpeDSu of the Empire in JndiB aDd oyeness). BUI .uth a "-debit;oo would be oveniLnple ill the liaht of ntateriahi cnnvillued in the ·Whilc.ombc 'tudy, preseLlted rather lielect\Yely in this Icelion. Be thlltlls it may. in 50 far .. agricultural beltermen t Will one !'rlntipal de'tc\opmental goal. il is interestina to sJ)«ulate concerning. thc laws role lzI its attainment. The prc·uist]na system of private rights in land Plo~ld(d a Ycry «udal cootext impeding the desired deyelopment, The British ladian ioYernment Inbelited a yery comple ... syste m of te nurial rights, . mOlt of which \\ere hereditary and subject to pa rtit ion process under the fWtomsry Hindu Law, The system of paramtll,lnt, superior, and subordi&lste rl,hts corresponded dOStly to the patterns of dominll.nce in local pawu. Thc compluity of intercsil in land is mo.nifest, for example, in Ole l utlo:now dIstrict where " whll'! righ ts 10 sOlOe 601 mali"l. (estlltes) Were held by n mere 2,832 tumindars, a rurther 501 mnh:lls altgreC:ltinll
trIll COt.OI'lIAl orurl!Nd
329.8$5 3cru hlltl nu leu til:ln II.S7J rccordcd $h;!re~" (Whitcombe, 197:2: 1<13). No wonde r thl1t the processes of reycnue 'settlemcnt' wc:re uttemled by u !luge number of 5uilJ in revenue cuuns. giving lOUIe 5ubst>lnce to Ihe oft-repeated hypothesis of the ludian pcncltnnl fot litignlion and abu'ic of the judicial prace" (see for statistics on litig!llion. Ibid., 213-14). Additional c:ompluuics in this regaro tHOse rrom lack of reliable record of righll, which 51111 contioLJu to frustrate agrarian rtform meuutc:s. Such was. parl of thc operative contcAI of dt\·elopmeat. We ha\'e: to :uk next u 10 how, if 111 all, Will tbe law used Ll$ a (t5Ol,lrce for developnlent. And bere the legal picture ii as confusing a' the policies underlylni the law are ambivalent. Cllrtll.ioly, lite a.lienation anti transfer l:lws. lind proVision. of temporary governmental O1:lnaJ;tmellt of certain eS!lUCS Ilrc me.uurel facililuinB Ihe denlopmentai (or directed change) process. Bul, III we have ieen, the allc.nation And tf!lO$rer ItlWl (together with Ihe balic principle of compulsory SlIle of indebted propettles) were to operale in I leverely iobibiling eontCllt, so inbibiting In fnet that this body of law served primarily to deepen tbe multi·layered 5y~tcm of teaurlal interests in Ilgricu!turallaod. The rc:peal of the U5Ury luws in IUS presents l\ fascinating problem of characleriz.alion or the role of law in deyelopment. 00 the contemporary elite yiew, thislegidation was indeed a parllnd parcel or "Iegsl modernitallon." Statutory e9ntrols on interesl rates interfered with freedom of eontraet and efficient \uc of capitili. tr luch an interference WllS ilI·luited 10 fuactioning of cLlpitalistic system in England , il mu~1 be limllarly a.n obsta.cle deseryiog elimination in colODial Indin. So, in contemporaneous terms, the repcallaw was both a symbolic nnd iOllrumeotll1 mCll.Sure (Ousfcld. 1967). II wal symbolio in the unle \hllt it lought 10 persuade thOle with surplul money to Invest it, al prolltably as they can, in agricultu ral development. ADd the repeAl law was instrumental In tbe se05C that such inycstmeol WI) legitimated by the values, norms lind ac tual optralioD of the lea.1 process. Thc close connection between the repenl of usury I!lWS tlnd the indebtednen is 4ultc obvious. But the further linkage between the repe;t! (lnd the vicissitudes of the alienllt10n and t ran~rer laws ml\y nOI be quite so obylow. To make iuo, wc need a hypothesis suggesting thaI the rtpeal tnw was an iodepcndent Yari;tble in relation to the "break.down" of alienation nnd transfcr IlIws. To subltllntia te this hypothesis we will necd detailed inYClllglltion, focuulna specially on (a) Ibe effie,'Lcy (both symbolic o.nd ipstrumentll l) of the repellied usury laws, (/1\ thc supplementary, rcinforcive effect of tho Hindu law rule of dcllHal/pal, (d the aetunl dirrere.nccs in t he bchtlylQur of the creditorS in rcJatinn to inlueU ntu :after the repe:l\and (d) the COOlponenl ofu5uriou5 LILltrest in the Qytrnll debt liabilities lellding to compulsory lAic under the releY(lnt
I·
.sOCIOLOOY Of LA IV
k :ll r rol'isions. ~cYCrling 10 the prindp:tlthemc, how is one to clwrllcteritl.l the repeal o( \IIllf1 I:lWi'/ Clearly, H represented dcwlopmcntal mcnsure for con~e~. rl f >' poli~"),.m~l:crs. For the .contcn,porary 'cnlla, thc repcnllJw 5lglil~d ~n c~tCllSiOD of an Englisll principle 10 1J milieu wlJich did not rquirc II. To UI, Cronl the VAntage point of timo Itnd distllnce, the repeal r 'tolll,of" dillinctively anli·devellJpmCQIIiI use of thl; II1IY as a resource, :11 Ihe rcpclll 0 ~cvelopmental mearure which miscarried io tbe lotlll cootelt or \\'J!O illl dysfunctional mealurli from the very starl, which could oot b\lt misclIrry 1 Wben we t:llk abOut development ~t it mllcro·level, tueh problems perhnps, do not nrisc. But at the middle· level or microlevel they nrc dauntingly reol. lind clamoer (or au nnswer. Attention to luth problems is a pre· rcquisite (or the h.lcntitieBtion of Ihe bucs of judlle~c at, Ippraiul or eyaillation of ph:1lCl of development aChievement . The repeal, alienation and transfer laws can alao bc uled ItS providing ilhllllitions of the role of tllC: legal process in mutalion, denection, arrest or I baDdollmenl of devclopmeDlal goal5. The UJe of the lepltecbn~q'ue (or the implemenlatioo of soeial decisions eouai1, definition, Interpretation u d (oot(nlion. These (generally speakioS) enable pOlicY'makers 10 sec tbe uofolding of polldes sharply and clearly. And thil in lutn inBuences tbelt purluit or goals. ThuI, for example, the full tange of tonsequcnecs tH ulllng Cram thc extension of (ompilisory sal~ principle to private (as (!iltlnet from Ilnvernmenlal) creditors mny nOI have been perceived III c1urly at the time. of Icgl'llIt[ng the principle. But liti,ation and court dtchlonl enne.retiud the high politioal costl involved (In the form, we r«a ll, of Ihe (l'ee.uivc yulnerabilihtl of Ulmindars, an appcrce.i ... ed mainltay o( political support for the colonial regime), and led to remedial inCIS ures, whether political or leglil (1.'.,., rC$tonltion of forfeited land.). Jamel Willard Hunt (1960) hili told the Story of thll fllnctloo of tho lc,a' process in terml of ".harpening" of perception, nfiling from the pl.y n( the lene~1 and p:trtieular in law_ COrlninly Ihll function of the legl l ptOCW is of utmost imporlllnte 10 the undenlanding of mutations of developmeDllil goals espou.ed and pursued by Iny body of ~~:ision·m3kcrs.
Low and So
.-------' r/ocw' throygh the /..Dw in Colo","1 (m{/ll\
J Chan t : Saci
_ mplred with the lubllantlal allention given by lome aocial and econnmie hbtonanJ In thIToTcorlegill procc5Ses- and- InStitutions. we find fe..... (or
Infan·
'tue COLQNIAI.a.:rCkLIlNCIJ
41
lic:idc. The underlyioG impuJleJ, (orcel lIod ldeologies III wcll ill t~c IIdrninisln,livc slratc&ics for Icpl action varied from ODe arc~ to IInothcr; Ihe fWD interesting coninsis IIrc provided by snli ubolllJoQ Dnd Ihe crlldi· catioll of fcmnlc infllllth:idc:. A dct~ilcd $Iudy of wily IIml how legal protes.cs and institution, wen: employed to initiale lind imp[cmclli social reform in coloaJollndill is bound to yield rich hllrvest of In,tgbu in the rcnlm of plnnncd welal chunge throllgh the I~w. This is n Illsk which still
awuits sociological and juristic Inbours. Dut there exill !cvcral IIceounls of movemcnu for social reform in coloni31 Indio;. or these, the wor~ hy S. Naillfajan ([959) lind C.If. Helmuth (1964) provide richly dctlllJed o"'eryiewl of the principal measure of loelltl reform through the law In colonial IndiD , They uamlne factors which f:lvoured, and impeded, planned loeial reform through legal InelUuru. They identify painlJ III which the IrlldlllODDI and nlttionllliSl ideotOiie. diverged and hiGhlight Ihe roles playcd by religious and loelal movements in ahapi'ng public opinion on the relcvant issues. They al.o rdleet the dialogue bctween colonial ideologues and adminisIrators wllh the indigenous social entrepreoeu"':'I!:'!~ff~~~:u~W-_" with nolablo works by Ravinder KUm!r 91 and Gane~h Prashad (1916), these two works provide us I unders tandiog io concrete contut of nlliooa1 movemcots and social rerorms of Ihe growlh of nationalist ideoloiY, which was an amalgam of many components, . lIcirnJalh and Nllarajan also provide us with a more detailed graap of tho telldlng locla l rdormen IlDd moYements. Those who till lodllY 'pea ~ glibly ahout relition between law and public opinion have much to learn from their aceOUUlJ. Bul both in addition provide detailed Dutration of the method. used by reformbt movements and their ICllrleTl, A principal and quite effeetive method WItS tbat of aubm1llioi petition' to the Legishl' Ii ..." Council or to the aovernment. Petitionl provided scope for reuont
•
I
~OCIOLO(jY
'l
or tAW
Till!
.1
txpe~trNcn
of I:ldditlonal mllnrower wett to he recoycred by a levy from I~C &comlly, Ihe very Acl of proclaimlns sro..u.ps aD~_ c~.e!..3s Criminal h(ld symbolic s:LlictioninM imJ'l:llc:.t~ Soeial sanctions were Ihus cO-optcd 10 lhe anenal of !l:g;l.! unctions. TIti,dfy: Ija~~Lu~ ..... ~I_eJ!!!: posed on midwives and chowkidllq, the two ~\JnE:t!oMfies mOlll vtl~llY conncctt'd with the villnge group.s. They were conspicuously punishet! for deflLults; this enhanced the coercivennd pcrsuasive Impact of Ihe ~ the miods of iaiget populations. Fourtlrf)', post-mOrltlllS of dec-e,ned "emaie children were compulsory; ibb meanlthe irksome and humiliating pro«dure .... hereby pannu and rehatlves had to carry dead children to
ptt.. ,w,u I'Tos<:cutcd (oncdilioUl writin, in comtcclion with tho Bill, ~rsh"'O' !lJfllCked 1)cngali !,Bud;!!: My:!. Samnjim qUilrtcllc:.d wllh the Ikll~nl o,lhod,U:y; sc:holiu rotl~ht scholar III WClicru India" (Ilcims:tlh, 1964: 160). Sllch serious inrcllcc[Unl illtcrclt III lad;,l r~rorm thmuSh "W I,as not eh;1raclcrizcd the recent history of Independent India. The pnllern Q( sccial reform under the'auspices o( the 11IW is hud 10 di$Ccrn. A1moi! c... cry legislation hlld 3. ICIng gesllliion period. Tbis mlyindicalc the w::&rinc$1 of a colonial power 10 intrude in sensitive arent of ,roUp morality. It :l1.~o betoken! the strength or rubtanec, bolh (ronl IIle JIOUp of admininrniors nnd tocin! groups disrllvouring the chllnge. In terms imp_lcmCElatlo~._ Iho_ pIlUt:.rn V~fJes .lr~m ULC cXlrt:mc:ly thrOLlghgoing Dn~ efficient admInistration of th~ Infanticide Act to the IrcblllLlSLiial ~rnelemcntlltlon in areas like the widow relllll.rrin~e.Rn;.lIti. ~ry, the n"lurc of Ihe legIslation omJ the largel Ylilues. bellav· lo~r and groups explain partly this Yllriallon. On the other hand, the Inr.lllleLdc: Idmlnltlnllion law Indicates that there were oeC8liiOll5 wben the colonial pOlVe~ pOlScued bolh of political nod Ddminj"ratlve will io Irllucend 1'111 obsw.c:les. and mcet alJ resistance, in the enforcemcnt of II 1'111 policy, - Lalita Panigrllhi's Iludy (1972) of the law aDd administr::uloll of the InIantitide Act is among the best works available 10 US cooermjng...the role of !,'lUn social change and refo.l!!1:. The Act of 1870 was a "measure of gigantic proportions, which touched directly the pri\·ate IIYes of Individultls:' Thc Aet "did nol aim nl revolutionizing the H.indu lIOCicty nor did il contemplale shakina it 10 its rooll." Yet it enviuged I prOlramme of soti,,1 rClcoHAlioD lind incidentally It helped 10 uying the round.tion. of II newer And healthier lllndu society in lome puts Ihe North·Western Provlnccs" (Panlgr.hi, 1972 : 158)•...Plloigrllhi alves " very detailed aecount of the. various .llIgCl ill im. plemeolltlon of the law. The task of locatiO' the practiee of infanticide Imonllrollp5 WI! of treat compluity, liven the .UUe of social ,lltt!,IJc:, a' Ihat period, After two yeats of effor" it was deeided that if "0 clan uving a juvenile population of over 25% hod len than "40% of girls ..m0ltl children" the whole troup had 10 be declared guilty under the' Act.. }'he onu. of proof of innoeence WIIS transferred to the individual ramllies. Powers to uempt families in cases where they were able to pNlve that they did not praclile infanticide were liven 10 the admlni,. lrIUon. Detailed registers of population., pregnllneiea, birth. and dl:
COWNI"t.
"Ylliagu.
m
?!
e~:'1"~'i!'"f'~'i~O~"~'~f~;~i;~'~~~i~~~~
~"S kept on the m.Q!Sment!....of
I
of
I
or
I
I
long disillnees for pO$t-mortem menu-trnn5portntlon fOf lifu-nd where there wu rCll50nubie lml1idii"iiiij1hl:~e movemenll. Sixthl}', prosl:cutionl under the Act were vlaorouliy pUfused. Scvtnlhly, Inccllli~itLJhLJhi.p.e_oLexemptiorl' ~ provided. A dctn.i~~ adminlurative in this beh:!!f. ThiS"biend of positive nod nC./I,utive saoctions, coupled with vigilant administration, l«fIo'-n ~ub$tao.tilll deeflne in the practice oIJem.llje ·inranticide. But iiietlte- of cbange. ohviously, varied with Ipc:ci6.c g;;;ps people ood the relative strength and lenllcit:f Ilf cuslom in eac:.h IIlTected group. Certain huent c[ecls of lbe Act also emerged to the fore. One W:1S transfcr DC {email: children from ~te to another iii order 10 'hea!' 'he .eCn!UI, The other latcnt effect was 'deferred' infanticide tluough Indifferl:Jlce durinl InfaMY Bnd growtb ; tbe lack of health care IIthlevcd fDr some people what infautlelde otherwise achieved ror them. Thirdly, utleast for the time being, cxcelS of girl populltioO rC5ultl:d in the "ato\ll'th of immoral practiCe!" lueh D.S sale and traffic in gitl! III well as increuc in erimes like kidnilppinl' .. Paoigrahi', study highlights the importa.nce '?.f wise nllln~e~ent of l3.nclion$ in a coercive prO&rlmmc; or loeial change through tbe 11l~. She aIsounderscores the v;tal importance of addteuing ac.tlons not Just to the victim groups whose behaviour and attitude arc lought to be ehanged but also of the chanle. managers or th05C who have t" actually implement the law. The 'Iudy also indicllet thai often hroadly illiberal means may have to be used to achieve liberal lind human nlues, i
II
11~
I
Arlsina nceW mllde monifeal by experience became 11n /Iecepled routine, words, ~o.Jhe.progrnmme of I1ctioo there was roo,!, r.L!,~~l!!!£!'!!!!~
...,oitorioJ lad where Dc~csnry (or c\'co constant inaovlltlon. "fhe law jjd . dmioiJlrlltion were CODICioully tbougbt out exercistJO Dot Jutl III ,.-tj(\;O& duircd choDge bullllsb in acquiring sel('coDlc!OIlS ,odnl learn~ far chl1n&c IIscn l s and manager! nt well. ).IOSI of these aspects remain irnpartllflt botb (at plaoninG :mu CVllhj" ,J;i plaooed social chaoge througb the ~aw in modern India. Panigrahi's ~1 is of tTucialsignificancc DOl just for hirtorical undet6tllodillg or ,odoloy of law in colonial lodia but also rpr ways in whicb tbe law could ., ilu!ovativcly aDd Imasinatively used to dcal with obstinate 50clnl realIti;s. rhe conlcmporlty decision-maker aod lOCioioSisl of law in India '" alice to IC(lrD (ronl a examination DC thil, and · rdated cxpcr1~ ~oLplionea locial chaoce, in relation to intrllollaeot.lookfoa ~IS ,~ch U u~touchll~ility, ~:iblll cltploiultion, nnd low,tatlll ~n (particularly ID casc of matrlmonilll cruelty ;lOtI bride burnin, CDtlIeclcd with dowry; scc VerghOJc, 1980).
elm
I
3 LAW AND SOCIAL CHANGE IN CONTEMPORARY INDIA The Travolls of iAlIl as lin Instrllment of Dlru"d Social CltanJ:!: : Tlit $101, of Lolld Reform Leglslotion 111 Conurnporol, (nala. Introduction
At first lilht, mndern India offers sharp contrllSts and dilcontinuities in the Ditat!;an rcolm.to tile eondllionl in Ille nineteenth century United Provinces. Economic develnpment Ind jUJt redistribution nf wealth and community ~source., Ire avowed nnd cnnscinus gnals pur,ued by the 'oooderni:t:in political-bureaucratic ellte-ot1ndependcnt Iodin. SignifiCAnt ottempt. nrc mllda lit plonned economic develnpment-India. i. now on the eve nf its Seventh Five Year Plan. The Plunnina Commluionl of Indln and of iu cotutltueDI sLUtes vigorously (urmulate ,dc.welnpmeDIIlI gnlls and Jelf·critically eumine implementatioDal problems, The puuuit nf thcse Hnllis occur. within the constitutional fr3mework, which requirC$ rupeet ror the federal structure of tbe Republic and for the constitutionally gUllrllntecd Bill of Righl$, GnvcrnmentQI action is subjcctlo callstraints or legality. A.nd an independent judiciar), (Which can be acliV:lted with rell!.liveeasc by the rl'snufcefu!l has 50 far, rightly insisted nn playing its rnle as II eo-ordinate branch or government. Planned econnmlc devc:\opment hal 10 occur concurrently wilh iOltitutinoulitatlon of democritic processu. Indill's contemporary condition is unique in thc rca! sense COulli, (967). Yel, bulc coatinuitiu or agrarian conditio", do persllt. Close linkage" of It nUlure not dinimilll( to those DC colonial Indi:a, persist In modcm India between socia! stcaillieation !lnd u£uHIlI.n hIerarchy (Beleille. 1972: 1).26). rr9liftrlltio~ Qf intermcdillrkli contlnuea dcspllc aOOlltio" of ~OIT\r;
.
-
• IUC
ol-oor OP tAW
I~
of thcm. Lnwi aSilins! luuriOUJ inlcrc~t nl.tound but thue hllVIl PI Dot\ccnbly llmeliorntcd the situltiun of pe~t:lnt indebtedness (R;un. ~111 IUS: 4445; Thorner &. Thorner. 1962: 21 IT). No tloubt. eI,lbi:lr· II~ 11~'s edll regulating both the ~etjv[t;es ·of moneylenders antllhe ,Ie pe or indebtedncss relation, the i:ltter in,the form of debt relief laws, '""Oomprehcnsivc: study of the opcr.uion of such laws aWllit the labours ~~1iUbelh Whilcombe (the projected second lind third volumes of her ao, y). The revenue la.wl continue 10 v~ry from state to Slate, and per· ~plevtn within thc sUte units, uS berore., And the muitilllyered '.}lItem' or proprietary intercSls in land,compounded by the Intimidilling absencc "reliable tenancy records, conlmues 10 dominate the legul landlcKpe of I"'fl~n development, Atpiritlonilly the continuities in aarllnan condltioD! were to be liqui' Ui«l throuah huae,scllie land reform prOlrimmu. These, broadly 'P'Ikh" ajm~d at Il) the abolition of intermetli3rlCi, (ii) provilion of tcdItity fOf ~1!r1cultunal \e"MII, (HI) imposition of ceilings (\n landholoJ-, lip. (Iv) consolldatioo of landholding!, (v) ImelioralloD of agricultural labonr, (vi) provision of effidenl rurnl credit nnd (vii) debt relief measures, ACOlUiderable body of !iternture (sec Jha, 1971; Joshi. 1975) sUACnts a VO.lol betwecn the word and the deed, a record of 'f3ilure' .. the iHued objectives of reformis t (or developmental) wor thy of nole that this growing body 'of lilcralure i. almost I product of economisl, :lnd lodololius; academic lllW)'er. arc ''''''PI''''',I,o.bsenl f(pm resenrch te31\\1 invc.sllgnttng (jlll emelley of
; ::~:~:~.;~I:'::B~iIIIlIlOD'
What il woue. by aoy criterion, il the lotal inin the Jlldlan Inw schools to this litcrllture bOlh at arndUlile levd, IIllhoUlh there Ire some encouragin. sians of rfdrcu thi. silunlion (ue Sinahvl t'f QI .. 1973: vee, 1979), ""ould be lurfJrI.ing if iuding law librarles In India held even ; &lI"'.'lh, .. work" And yct Indhln constllulionollnw)'eu continue to
$~:~;i:~::~:: allention to Ihc judiciB] handling of the compenSi1tion in the cOl\§litutional Bill of Rights In the vcr)' contc1tt of
~
legislation. rollowi. we oUlline and uamine the 111)' and specialist verdicts 14IIIIt'(.!II",' of land reform llIeasurea, It iI. gencr3U)' speaking, truc that ,,"A (!ro. the elimination of zaroindnri, other meaJurn of lind reform , ach1eve their policy Ind economic objectives. The eliminllion ~~~::~:I~,: tenure i. now "mNe or or lcu complete" Ind nellri), 10 have been "broullhl into dire.;t conl:\ct with the State" Ind Ralh. 1971: 189), And even with reaard to umindnrl , re:ma'n, truc (thou.h uncompllnlentnry) 10 II)' thlll while ...1,,'1100 (If bi, feudnllandlorJJ by purllunentnry me:lnJ is no achievcfirst deellde of indeJKf1dencc", the abolition of the "the inter·
lnedi;\fiCS Wal not intended in India ... to live land to th\J~C: who actually till It." Tilt! beocficinritl of this Illellsure h3\'C bten identified 05 memo bers or Ihe "culth':lIinll" clan and of "their hisher caJle fllmiliel , who had been ,ranted the rishts of privileged len3nts by !'\)loolal tenllncy IBWS" (/'.I),rdal, 1968: 1309·10). Indeed. it has be:eo bniclillyu"reformof revenue administrlltion ralher than ~ mellsure: of redistributioo" (DilnJc. kar :lnd R;lIh, 1971). Simillirly, the Drar[ OUlline of Ihe Fourth five Ycnr Plan (InoJia : Planning Commission, 1966: 127) concedes that thc JltincipJI objeet;\'e of ctlJ1ng low "which is to redistribute land to the l~nd!¢ss .. has." been larld)' defcatcd." And II recent study under thc .u~pic"s of the Government of India acknowled£cs thnt "the Imposilion of ceiling on a£ricultural holding' in lodill is a case of incohale pt>lic)'. imperrcct kgill~tion Dnd Inefficient aominil'lraUiOtl: (App». 1971: 60). Similarly, consolidation mensures have ruulted itl larae.lale e\'iction of tenanls; nnd it hu been l!.cknowledaod thllt conlolidation "has oflen turned out [0 be tbe coup de G,ace for thc sharecropper" (lndin. Planning Com. minion, 1973), Tcnancy studies Iikewi5e yield a railure rcporl. Security of tenant requi. res Jegtsilltivc guarantees of lenant's occupancy and legislnlive reslriClion on muimum rents charged by thc landowners. Both thele t}'PU or measures are wential to \llIain sccurilY of the tCOMts (cf. MYldal, 1968: 1:Q4), With regard 10 the security of ten~ot occup;jncy, most tndian laws allow-with lome re.\trietion!- rc.sumption of the: lused land for "personal cultivation." Despite the ~econd Five Year Phln', criteria for defining the notion or "personal cUltiv3tion", stautory definitiOn! remain loose and nuiblc. en.hling Jubllanri.l rC!umption or land by landowncra (Menllat, 1970:1 12: Up:adhyaya, 1970; 461.62, 5S8·66; ror pioneering lIudies lee Khulto, 1958: 39·53. Dandehr and Khudonpur, IYS7: 26-48: Dcmi, 1968: 53·64), The statutory dc6nitions now on the wane also ,lYe 5ufficienl ,ymbolic .upport to the. alre.ady uronS bllrgaioins position of the landowners. 'Voluntnr),' surrenders or land by tenanlS al50 negative security of occupane)' and the cxtant Jaudics di~losc 11 substantial Irend townrd. thil. Similarl)" provillons rcstrieting the rental payments to ooe·,i!l;\h or less of the. gron produce ate more honoured in breoch th~n observance (sec Dandekar and Rath, 1971: 109·13), 'Faclars' COIII,(b~lfl/' 10 tltt Fa(/urt of Land Rtfa,m Laws
The litero.turc il'" replete with diaanoses of 'fpilure' ofland rdorms as It i. with e!l;plnnlltion.of these 'foilure$' and with future therapeutic aClion., The factof1; respon.ible for Ihis (;ailure can be prolitllbly Grouped :IS legal, ndmini'lr'Rlivc, politicAl, sooial, economic ond eulturnl. Pronouncements pf '(3i1Ure' to ntlaln legislative objectives tHe made in the r('search eontOf(t
SOCIOLOGY
4J
or LAW
. 1 but the.c acneralitlltions arc: ute:ndcd to a 1I11110UIi olfCJl0na.15tun~~' Ills wenn IchoJllrly 'ludic •. Let UI now i50llltC tholo l in most 0 Itnt brieny,
: orl'
vt ll /'fll ((Of1'
,
.,.'
. :ally strcued sroup of r~ctors comprises neltlbllllle5, unLvers I• The most holu ' nd t'Xemplions in land rdorm Ill .....'. 'IoOr ~ plexit, And cost procctdlngs under land reform .. Dilatoriness. com d' I d • . h ,roup of fK('tol'1.genenLJly IIrelSe In an re or it... fu rnIsh anal er 'I'd I • ti.1 cmplllUis is often placed on the "WI e aYl , . .cudles. Spt I.h R,pofl of the Tnk Foree on Agraril!.n Relations .. I of l · More recent '/, II e'faHure' or land rdo,m mCllsurCI to tile na ure 'butu the overll , I f ' II U I tIlodl.n , ,,. leg. 1 syltem. "In D. society in which the entlfe we ght 0. I elv ~, . I I w, )'udic.inl administrlltlon and preccdL.:nl!, ndmm $tl'll' lAd erimlnll U , ' 'd f '11 IIlI order d' 'on and practice isthruwn on the SI eo U:IJ ng soc lin Ira ~I;he Inviolability of pri\'nte property, 1111 holated htw aime~ at wed ( I . pro""fl, rellltions In the: rurlll arus hilS hllrdly any ehonce • rullllelUrmg '''. • . ) dIIlC"U" (IlIdi!! Plnnnmi CommIssion, 1913 .
of
'tn
Aimln lslrlltIr~ 'Fllc/ors'
• The inefficiency or inadequaey of the Revtnue Admi?istratio~ to eomple1{ tllS\( of implemenHIIg land reform Ic:glSlul~n IS aU 100 often reiterated, e"en if nol laid bare, by emplr1~1 atudle" Tile m&loitude of the problem WlU appreciated, '" early 11 In 1961, ~y tlte Pluniol Commission which h:!s conceded (In the Thltd Plnn) that there hu been insuffielent attention 10 the administrative aspeel or land rtrOrm," The administration has ortCn failed "to e~lil t the support and suction of the viliise communitY in fnvour of e:fT'eetLye enforcement or Jepl provisions" (Indil\: Planoin, Commiuion, 1962: 221), 1. Th ll incnlc1cney or inlldequaey iJ in turn allribuud to (a) over· burdenIng of revenue administraTion whieh h~a II InrGe ~umber of other tub lo perform aside from oveneeing :Jnd ImplementInG land reform \"'" (b) the underestimntion of the need for requisite personnel at the Illltial ltasCi (Dilntwlla alld Shah, 1971: 184·96), Cel the ,budgetary p,ro. bieN in staff Cl(pansion, with the usociated problems of IImely nnehon fot tbe ItafT and proper recruitment lind (d) the Vlut "moun t Df preparn· tOI)' work enlalled In propcr implementation of Iny reform mClllurc. 3, Re lilble Ind up,to,dale Il,lnd record, Are a vital pre.requl.lle for rO'cClivc Idm;ni,lr:U\
~dle the
tAW "NO SOCI"!. CUANGIl IN CONTIlMI'ORARY INDIA
d'
I.
49
Bomb3Y reMn,y Act pllu('d ill J9SS nnd proclnimcd in 19H invoh"cd the re"rlling (If Uboul "84 iakhs of lel'olos foccupancy fCcords) in about 28,0(10 villl1les" of the then Domb:1Y SlUe (including whnt lire now /l.lolhiHiI.shlrll and GujuaT), This work continued for IWO or tbree yenrs .ner the proclamation of the legislation (Dantwllia &. Sb~h, 1911 ; 185, 195).
•
4. The problem of "corruption" leading 10 "collusion and evasion" fru51rlliing reformist objectivc.s nnd procedures I! often Doted both in eommiuioncd lind ,cholarl), flublielltions, Soriol' Foclvu'
•
I. Gunnar Myrd"l m:llnl!!in. thnl Ihe "llelerO&encity or inTeruI5 of the village populllion" Is /I .Ignifiennt faelor affecting the enaelntenl and Implemenlatlon oflanu re-form bIWS, He elauifie. the "vIllage" groups III terml ('If occupational groupings into tbe "I~ndowners" (further sub. dl~ide.:llnto "r..::udul", ~'absentec" h!ndowners lind "owner·cultlvalorl", the laller in turn coml'risina:"peuant landlords" and "ordinllry pClllants")' "pflvilegt'd" t~llantl, sharecroppers, and labourers, He rurther trace~ Ih~ rel:uioD of occupation classificalion to rank log socil1l hierarchy rbased on "a pte.eupllnli" scale" of values strening owocnhip rather IIian work its a bulsor ellteOl} lind 10 the ';CUle sY5ltm", Each group of villllgC5 leads 10 have ils dislinclive idterctlS lind a majority (If these inlcrell, miJj(lIte a&:lin$l errective land reform., To Ihe oumerous peullnt landlords, leMocy reforms a"p~;\r as \Iltlmatcly wenken!na their p06ltlon. Thcy "as a 'fOUp lend no support to the ifllplcmenlation of lenuDey legiSlation and fO\'our lln admilli5lr3tion that Is wellk or unwlllln, to enrotethe law," The tell:lnl croup, On tho Other hind, Is "too heterogeneous" and divided by "casto dIJtin":lions" to "protest 10. mass agaln51 eVluionJ of tbe law," For tlte IllUdlcu worken reform mU5ure "bill no meaning uulen it redistributes I.:Ind to the worker," (Myrdal, 1968: 1052.64, Illl;sccal5o TIlorner, [956, 4.1J), 2, A numb~r or $tudeatli of land reform measures ha\'c ~trcssed the "51atusgulf" bet .....een landlord'llLod tC'nanl5, lind its impac.t on the adroinj. "r:Hive aud judicial deci.lon·m:tkeri handling disputes between teDllots aDd landlords. Some official repOr\l 00 implementation of land laws can. didly 'IlIlc 111:11 in eue of "contlictilLg.tvidenee, there I,ll greater tendency to believe Ihe landlord tltlln the' tcnnr!!, lhe prc:sumption beins tbat a JlOOt man bllkely 10 spCClk un tr uth \vlt~ Il view to oblllining 'Ollle Innd Lhlln the rich Iilndlord who • • , may lIot be: under immcdille preuurc to do So" (Jndll: Planning Commiulon, 1959: J81, J. AI/('e and Daniel Thorner (\962) have h1ahlighted thnt Ihe "primary aim of.1l classes in aStar/aD strucluro" hIlS been wilh "rise In soeinl prcstl8~ byabslaining as fat IlJ ponible from ~hr5!yal [ab'!ur l" Tbeld
SOCIOLOOY Of LAW
l.AW Al'ID SOCIAL CIIANGn II" COI"TJ!MI'OllAIW 1I"0lA
f nccrn with efficient cullivation by penonll uertion derivinl [.,k 0 I COd n...erslo n to phy'ic~1 Inbour hIlS obltructed fbt nUll in men I of ~m~ue . . ' r dcrlying ec.onomlo objC.CIlVCI of hlnd re orm menlurcs, , " "of of economio objcctivCl cnlls for changc of lIU1tudes and 4 Atll lDme d ' . Although thcre is III me official llwarencu of the nee to 1II01lYilrons. r " r . d" " • d .. ,·vational and other impcdieneots IU Siol roen!fa luon n rtmo~e mal , " 2 5 ) b "b ",ance" (India: PlanolDg Comrn!ulOD, I 73: I ,I e approllch r·dlllcn ' I " (KN I.nners and polley·mokers hili b=cn I\lrgely a tee lRO~r1!.tlc one ,. p 38) Tbe limits of aueo Q =hange nrcl 11110 tbt hmlts or effective R..J, I . . hllplemeollilion or land rerorm meuuru.
.r
,'6"
Cul/urcl 'Faclors' "0' Comm;lS;on study focusses on I dllUnctlve cultural factor I. A PI annl , . h ' t 't nene!l the (Ict thlt the very ideal about tcnantl rig IS aSIlI1i ~:~~~rd:' lire or "conlp3.rluively recent origio." In I cultu.ral milieu whcre ",'D of Ilind 81 properly Ind rCfpecl for the pnvl1cael of Itnd· tbe coocep ,. • I I d " "d"pl" rooted" the Ilberul Ideas lbout teoanls r IllS In ' e1l'oerl II ~.. I ' • dvllegu find only srlldll\\! comprehension. At onc POlOt the com~eou , b ,aU'" rraok lind worth quotlog, "We find the acccptaoce (of Ideas .,cru , r".who bo t teMIIIS' rlgh") lomewhat difficult even among po UIClln ~O~ld ordinarily have more l1berll ideal than I, reve~ue officer. Tbe " " .... •• Istlnce oftbe revenUe officer to hberallde .. Cln, there· 1IIIeODICIOU . )8) lore, be catily comprehended" (India: Plaunlng CommllSlon, 1959: 1 • 2. The culturally foaled deference toward. landowners by.• tenll.n" Ind workers would teem to pOIC another problem ror tbe leglllmtltion of Dew egaliltulan IdeAl. ) . The u.ttitudellowards manual libour, and their vit~1 relalioo .to IOCIII rlnkiol {llready referred to In Ihe precediol lub·.eellOo) Ilia fllte pr~bleml of cultural cbange,
"'
Ihe attainment of redislribulive loals. 2. Thc wide divenity of opinions 00 the cenlrnl problems of rdation· ship "Jistributivc equity VCrlUI producti~·ity" or betwce.n "Inoial justice Ilnd growth" poses another lfmitnlion. Is extreme inequulilyof Innd ownership (fOught to be remedied through eeilrng and tenancy tefurms) B "lefious bottlcneck 10 the improvement" of higher levels of ugricultural production? Would redressing of this inequality, ir Ih31 were poslible. necessnrfly create conditioDs (or gre3.ter agric:ulturnl IIrowlh (Jha. 1971: 98·100) 'I Will efrcClivc tenancy legislation ne.:eullrily Iud to morc emdenl resource ule'l Doc. conferment of ownership rigbl' create "the 'masie' for cconomlc Incentive Ind enterpri.ins venture in a fllrm openllion" (JhR, 1971: II)? Unicli rc\e'·3nl economic policy luidltncc IlrisIng froRl n Iystcmatic thicklo. lIod rClIscarch on these IUld I1IUed questions Is forthcominll. lInd reform mcn5urcs will continue to be eitulcteriZcd by confused mixture of Ideology aad chlinginB vOlues of economic thouahL . J. The Conecrn (or We volume of marketable foodstuffs is 31so influ· ential in letting liniils 10 elfeclivc implemelltatioD of Innd law!. 10 11 lenSl:, in lhe Iradltiooal agrarian structure the moneylender and the landlord nearly monopolized dlscrelion about Ihe ml1rkel allocation of the oUlput, a~IYI variable in any event due 10 Ductultlioos in crop sIze. Effective implemcDtllion of land rerorm meBlures could rcsult ioto Il dIlfusion of Ihis discretion Ind could probably "!;ltuse deliveries to market In 'hrink. even if aallregille farm output rose. Even though this concorn for mnrkelllbic ,roodllulTl I, both approprintc aod lelltimnle. long term lolutlonl dcrnand It hard look 31 inifitutioool reorianizolioo in 8iriculturc" (MyrJal. 1968: 1369.70, 1255.59). PDIUfeal 'FaClors'
!tonomlc 'Faciors'
1. The reCetH Task Force Report 00 Allrarian Relatioos shurply biGhHahls Ihe lack of "political will" alII buie facwr (or the "railure" of
I. Severe economic lir::talionl also make lOme of the grandiose obJecllvcs of land reform menurel virtually impossible. to Ichieve. TbU~, 'he ,logan "Lllnd 10 the Tille," or Ihe paramount I,m of land rC~,lslrl. bulloD through cemna law, l[ld aWed measures 10.. 10 1I11,ry laod bUDger" of l.ndleli.ll.bourcrII1SIume thai tbere I. enoulh land Iv.nllble to .... tbfy these policies. This is limply not tbe ClSe (Subrlmanlan, 1'59; 14: Jh., 1911: 14). Simllarly.lhe aUempled U8ulilion or rent 10 tile OOC'lillh or Ihe gron prodUce b Ihwftrled .ubslllntlally by the lUKe IIId rapidly growing labour force and acute demaod (or land (Myr~III, 1969: 1)31 ). No amount o( le8111111ive perrecllolt aod IIdmlnlatrutlvc ,rIU_»c~ f.II9 cornbnJ ftre~tivcly the economic limitation Ihus pOled on
lind reform rneasuret. The Report laYs, rightly. Ihat tbe "hard political decisions" coupled with "effcclive political supporl. direction lind conlrol" lire t$sentlftl to cnaclment and effective implementation of land reform laws, Such "political will" call1lot be expect cd, in the prcscot "political ~wer ,Iruclure Qf the country" (India: Plannllll Commi$Sion, 1913). 2. It iJ doubted whether "radicul" m~alure' luch III complete elimina. tlon of ownenhip riahls in land fot the oon.culliViting ct:mel (Thorner. 19S6: 82) or "radical" land consolidalion (MyrdBI. 1968: 1315·11) or "collc(ltivlzallon" or selr·con.dou. promotion or "CI1pitali'lic farmin," At Ihe COSI of .odnl!lt rhelorlc Ihough perhaps not or Ihe soolnllJI polieicl (Myrdill. 1!l6S: 1830) II..rc alall politically r~:I,lble, Iheir ~onstilutronality npllrt.
SOClOLO(n' Of I.... W
LA \\' "NO IOCI"l CII"NCIl IN eON1I1~lrOR.AR Y INOI ...
II $cnttt' !,IIIlI<)IVnCfs \tnu "non,CUllivlltinl 'cultivJluu'" ) Urb~n I b " (' • '" ,',~ n~\\' fich in the rurn! nreas lbenc:llcllHle5 0 Il~ itcen we 35 ~ on I' ",,',~Id n:Jlilicnl rOwe( '"lind patronllgc, 1hey III uence 10 II \'Illuu('!n~, ("f 'e let' nolic)' plunnins and impkmentotlon 0 ;In re orm (Olllu.!tr~ e l l "
".
b'
b"'I · , T
e is II dose rc!alil'n betweeu the:inlmediate contern for mllrktt·
\I in . ImpIemenlln ". r ,trd\tUrrS and Ihe lack of "political w'" '"" Ib;< OOmelJure. A Ihrillbse or foodstuff deliveries 10 markets neces· 3
,tI I~IU arm I'tlclll[lI,I .. dmilli~lnllive manllgemcnl of jovernn1enl;lIIBkeover po 0 nlan 111111: of footlgrains or cffeCllvc food tnllonmg or a roco • :0 1~:melll'li(1n or p,:n~l ~lIncllons aa:ninu 'hoarding' nnd 'prClflt~erlng. !
,
"
"
m, '" 10 Ihue lIetlons (w~ iell arc politically more 'vlSlble' Ihan M-" . , tlnc non·il1lrlc01entllllon of land Idorm measures) ml)' be apperceive
:u trodin. eilher the 'oiui. of leade.rship or p:ulicllhlt poOlu:lIll1lcn or Iblt:t,niIiC tltctaulllrj,)~pe~t' of p3rlles In power.. . O iv~n Ihis cluster of flclors. OunnM Myrtl:tls' dlSCOUrl\&lug forcc;'t makes Grcllt scnu'. lie prcJiciJ tllill the "nloU problblc deveJapmenl ... It undoublcdly n co"linu~tion or the prcsenl course," Allhough under Ihe vubJI IInJ ~heluricil nusllices or social rev~lutiou "Ch3ng~.s of a rld lul Chllf~cter will be talked :tbou! ~nd Occ1I510n3\1y cnl1c~ed vc.ry IIIUe rerorm "wlll be IIclunll1 aceomplishcd lind c\'cn Cfeatcr Incqunhty m.pe'ult ... ··(MI'rdlll. 1968 : 18l4),
TuwordJ
,
tI
JllriJpnrll'U(itil Crirrqllt 0/ Lollrl RI!/nrm 5Iu.1;(,J : SOIll~ GtllltrQr Prnbll'lUJ
Thil GellcrillizeJ picture or thc IIlciuiwues of lind rerorm meaJurcs may (ollll1in clerllenll of trulh, At the 5flrlle time Ihe OVcrll\l conclUlions tbu. emerllin, are inlpe:u:hable both in terms of mctbod ond substilnce. The empirical rep.iou;!! stuuiel yield 10Clll!y relevllnt conclusions which JUlt unnot limply be uddcd up to formulMe Il nationlll ovcrviewof the eIJiColC), or bnd refilrm measure,. Tile datll·ba5e Ilv311able III the DlIianl!. anll ellen $ub·n~lion;\\ level. Is fllr too wenk to ,uppen GeQer;1\ eondUiions (Jhl. 1911 : 16364.95; Joshi, 1975: 101), Ther~ prc\'uH .... ri.tions in tht lI&fllri:1.I\ context, both in lerms or tenurial pallcrn, Ind ofl,niu!lon of Plouuction and in terms or .oelat ,truelu/e. economy .ud polilieal culture (see the insightful study by Hlft lind Herring. \977: 113). Slale laws wele enacted (and n~ beina enacted) II different periods Ind vary. al)lT\ctilllcs subttLlnlill!ly. in (IInll\! nod eontcJlt. Nor IJ the qUlllty or Implcmenllllion of thcse meuur~l. through rt\'enue adln!nl,. tnli ioll. inv;uiable. In Olher words, the rdorm mcasutes hl\ve been Implemented I','illl \'\uylng ucgrc.: of 'iuccess', Gluba1 Stnernli:r.aliilns cooternio, ',ueceu' or 'failute' o( hUIII rcrorm mtuurcs arc heurlsli· gUy r~l~valll on'r 31 orielltalioRS for research in the ruture. In 50 far u
.~
.'
they arc Inken as .dent/tic concluslun •• they rcUrd resenrch. The e~illing rorpus or C'lIIpirie:t.t Ilternturc must be fcgarucd as the mnuive cnde.1VO~lr to cumine tlic Ielation bctween IllIV nnu dc\'elapmcnl in Indi:l. even if the Pllticip.1lion of law}'l'u in IIlls rescllreh entlt':I"'our is l'onspicuou~!y minImal. ClOSe advcrtence 10 this bod)' of Ihe work by acadcmlc lawycu in India should provide II mueh·nceuet! inccnlh'e 10 buildinG II vioblt 10eioiolY of Indian IIIII'. Dy Ihe lame loken, an under . stntluins of the role or '1\ II' In the proctss of soellil ch:lnl;e should help economist. considcrably ill tllelr td~k of liP praising the 'iUCI:CU' or 'fllilule' or IBnd rerorm mtllsurel. or CourSc. lome or thele sludics IItn'c tended to rCGllrd the IlIW as an important varllbl~ (t.g" PDrlhasarthy antl Rllo. 19b9; DoIlltw.lla &. Shah. 1911 ), Dut many crucial Ihorlcoming! (If Iheir unJcmllndina of the IcS~1 protc!I obscure the Icientific al\nly~i. or problcms ~I hnnd Thull'. (or tXlIlllplc, il j, ,enerally luu.med Ihat Ihe lesi'I~llve mtcnlion is mOlc or len identical with the. prt!u",d ceonomic objeclivl!. But thiS mlly mislcad. LelltslDllvtl intentiollS hill'e 10 be ellrefully GlIrllerell from fbe IIrueture of the illIlute. Tbe complexities ,urrounding Implllati"n or ascription of Icgisla,live intention and purpose. fMnilli\r to jurlspru, dents (sec. If_g,. MacCallum Jr,. 1968 ; Hllrt !lod Sacks, 1959 i Aubert. 1966 ; Bui. 1!l7l ; Stone, 1966) secm 1I0t to be "eot'rally llppre. ciilted illlhcst sludie,. What IItesotnewhnt facilely identified liS 'loopholes' or 'fIe:a.!bililies· in a stiliule IIrc such in reality only ir the (lJcriplifJll of purpose or intention to legiSlature is ju~tin\lbli' made. Provisions lIuthari7iog ICiumplion of IlInd (or 'personill cultilli1lion' or 'volunl:lry' Jurrendtr or le;ued Itlnds or exemptions in ceilins Icgj~I'llonJ for ·orchMds'. plolntlllionJ lind 'effielently' managed rnnUI aro 'loophOles' only jf lome u priQrI polley goal is IlScrilnd' 10 the stntute. On the Olher hand. i( Ihe purpose 01' the inteolioo or t.!Je leGislature i. 10 bc g!lthercd from the !anauagc and 5truclure of the lesblation luelr. one might lind ill these lo.called 'loopholC5' important legislative alld pollc), determinalions limilin, the ambit or Us overall aspiratioQ, Different 5!DoullrJs or evaluution then become necessary. Similarly, evalulilion of" law orlen mergei in these )ludie5 wilh tbe the legnl eVllluation or lIlt' IClla! 'y$tem til such. The effcetlvcneu s),stem undoubtedly Itnlcturcs the efficiency of a particulnr law within. It, but Illln'ytically II is quire eSSen till to diuinsuhh between these two aspecIs. Thus, ror example, tbe definitional problemt of the 110tion !;If 'perlonal culti.... tion' in II la~· (Of for II Ict of laws) is one thins: the inability of the Icnlnt·bc.nclkh.ries to hne cffeetive recourse to the protecllve provisions of II law is nlloiller. 1'he laLler is a systtlnl·wid~ pr\)blem, nat ne';~SJ,ltjly peculiar 10 the IIf(!ll,I, of land reform. The lame SY$tem-widc problem i~ rlli$ed by thc economists' complnint or
or
LAw AND SOCIAL CItANOB IN CONn!J'C'OMA~Y Il'mlA
SaCIOLOOY Of' LAW
5'
'comrlt.t lind voluminous' enactments. execulive rultJ 3nd udminjslrll' li~e pro(l~dures. It mtty be true: tbllt lecurity of tenure "probably is not cohpnced by changinG t~'cVJ ~nd rulu" lWunderl!th, 19M : lJ). bul compluity of IllW is II. struclU(1l1 properl)' of the k&,,1 l)'stem ;IS II noW (.lim Dnd is not by any means lI. distinctive problem (or the agrarian rc:i1lm alone. The causcs, consequences and CUfCS (or S}5lCmic
.~
,
maladiel of the 11:1:'\ .ystc:m pose: geoel'Al problems of grut complclity and of II: differenl kind flom tho~e of erlicnt)' of ' 'Provilion or provhions
of Jaw (lec: Balli, 1982). . Tho leBnl syltem contains IIruelurnl propc:rliu which innutllce Dnd limit tbe progren towarth the atlninmont of developmental flail Is. Tile legll .yslcrn. consIdered 115 a loclllllYllem. provide, al once I ttsaurce and a lin!!! far plan oed locial chloge ushertd under ill au.pict'S. It contaiol within itself clementi whicb mile II bolh an nlset IIod liability. The lay and Kholllrly dIscussions aD fhe 'fnl1l1re' of laud rdorm measures, nnd the contribution of the law to thll Ippercei'l:ed flilure, revul only a partial (and onen distorted) understanr.lina or this vitalltutb, The law, as n loeial system, provides a diJcrete let of institutions, roles, qualified decision·makiag personod. procedures for leghimalc end conclusive decision.mllking, and techniquu Illroll,h which developmental goall could be enunciated and purslled. These arc the basic Dnd important 'Iuel' elemcnts, At the SIImc t1ll1C, the hlenm:hic Itructuru for decision·makina, the cumbetlome procedures. the 'de[ay' and u:penle Invol\'ed in the making, interpretotion, lind enforcement or IlIW' meh the leSl1 5yJttm somcwlllt oC. liability siveo the nud Cor rapid .tructural cblnGu in society, or n iectnr thercor. In IIny CIISe: Ihe 1111,11 (lIS II. locinl .yileml hl5 Illwa)'. been cbllrllcteriz.cd by whot Roscoe Pound (1959) called "the limits or effectivc ... acllou", specluliy io IlfC:U requiring both behllviourlll lind attitudinal cba.ngc$ in the lubjecu of leSll1 order. Futthermure, it is analytically 81lndilpcnuble 10 view the low RS lin autnnomoullociDlly~tcm a.\ it i. to ,Ifeu its orsnnic linkages with other major I.,)dul 'ynems, like the polity and economy. Legis[atlve. judicial, and enCoreement aetions within Ihe legal Iy~tcm very often depend on this ml.llual interaction belween and among locial Iystems. The pace, direction and viability of ,ocilll change InItiated through tbc lelllsYltem is to a considerable extent affected by thi, Inter-sy'temic inleracllon. I,nrmd Prob/elllS
1)/ ulor Impact AnaryJfs
Studentslor aifarlan reforml, due to lack of interdisciplinary awareneu, have shown equIII inditrerence 10 lIudlcl of compli~nce wilh III\\-I
I' i
55
(provided mainly by political Ident).,,) II well II to the emerging field or lepl .oclology cODeerned with legal impact, The latter Inadvertence i. indeed Ilriking when we rcalize Ih11t Ihe economist,' appraisal of land reforms in fact I. n ,peciC! of impact nnalysis, Thul, lome rundamental methodological and conceptual question, plaguing analysts of legal impacl, and more receDtly of impact of judi. cioll deci.lolls, arc nlso encountered, Covcn when not consciously handled. in impact-nnalyses of land rerorm leaislation. Theftr,, , group of questions call (or the elucidation of the notIon of Impact. The zerond group of'lucationl rocunes alleatJon on cornple:dtiel of problems lurrounding meuuremcnt of impact. A third aroup of queslionl pose tbe imponderables oC Isola ling Impact of onc specific key or .tt:lteglc 'VAriable from other of a limilar nalure. A jourth gttJup of prOblems pertain. to Ihe ",licction af ,cientinc dati, In area we lCllve outilltoaetber in the prelent paper, except notina that a whole .tudy has been reccntly devoted to Ihi... pet.!. of lind re(orm Iludies (Jha, 1971). A fifth group o( problems pertain ins to 'pre.requiJUcl' (or Impact raile distinctive prob· lcm, or identifying th~ 'requlsitel' o( the efficacy of lcslslatiye meaJurCl, in itsclC a VlSt JLlriaprudentlll1 queltion. We attend brieOy to Ihree of above five qLlcstion-areu. • Norfon of Impact
In
Conceptual clarity operationalization of 'impact' is basic to impact aanl)'ll.. The field or invutlaltion would be VI!I, for example. iC tbo nOllon o( impici I. defined .. Inclusive oC "ocial' impacl of land reform law.; it will be rell!.l/vely minuscule if Ihe notioD is rilorou.ly limited to .peclllc implemcntatioD or ceriain meuurt!, ThUJ, crCllUOn of . hurellucrntia machinery and preparatIon of land records display a IpeeiOc type of Implementation oC legislation. 00 the other hllnd, Ibe question wbether .ueh legl,llItioD has or hllJl not mlllt:imlzed equality or effie1ency or both directs attention to a vcry wide flnge oC consequences (ICC, e.g., A, Chakrllvarty, 1975). A legislalion may be successful' III ooe [evel: it may be.]adjudged III baving 'failed' at other [evels. Levels oC Impaet ob\'io1.l5ly depeod -on operatioDaliution of Impact. A typolOiY cC impact il of Jome help in layine bare the different nOlion, or [eYels of impact. One scholar (LevIne. 1970: 587) h;u identified rour major kinds of appellate juridical implcl' ("outcomes") : "specific InlplemeotaIJon", "hierarchical ooolrol" (by the Supreme Court of lowar Judiciary), "politLcal impaet" (re.pon,iveaeu of Governmental authorhlu to "new Ie,al obUllltioDS" entailed in judicial decillons) and "soellil cODsequences," The IOller Ofe Idcntlfied in five lub-type.: (I) regulation of behaviOUr, (ii) a!locatinD of benefits, (iii) ,ymbolic
,
l ... w AND
SOCtOLO(lY OF LAW
S6
dfceU. (iv) second·order con$cquencu (unrehHed nod lometime incon· Irlleo1 IOCIIlI c:h:tngCJ), (vJ feedback (that i5 "communkillioni which ca,blc Ilecision-makers to constantly 'correcl cnd mmMy their \.lcllnviour 10 that g01l11 mi.llhl be achieved more efficiently"). This Iypolory i,
rou&hly baled on "causal distance" of an instant decision und the Qvcr· aU consequences. Implicit in this typological effort, III Indeed in the vcry nolion of 'Impact', II lime dimension. H is obVious, once 'Iat~d, that impact cOilld be direel (almon imlnedlate) ,or indirect, nod th~1 the indirect Impact may be "sreater or clearer" than the direct impncl tWosb)', 1970 ; 51.52). The uilting literature on \Iod rdorm meuures stems merely \0 raOUl pre.emiMotly on direct impact, nnd to thllt utent is Incomplete. This judgment mUll remain uoa/reeted by Iny problems (Ind there /lrll miny) Ill\end!og the uotion of indirect impact. A relaled question i, whether one is 10 ULke account of only the impact io lerms of the l1Ianifest functioos of rt course of legislalive policy or '1110 in tbose of itl latcnt and uotontemplucd impact (Merton, 1968: 114.38). The uncontemplilled impact of these land reform meusurc. is not discretely identified io the avuilable Iitcrature. Such imp~el, be it re~lIed, mny in turn be bolh direct and long term-Anand ChnkrrtvllrlY!s Inal),sis (1915) pmvidcs very mllny intercsting uamples of this, MeaSllr~melll
,
INOlA
S7
impact 1 The problC'm I. rou,hly .uullar witb reg"rd to those who mllkc genuine voluntary lurrenders or those whose land it 'resumed' prior to the pUfchue becoming 'effective' . Their exclusion from the Dumbu of people affected by the regime of the statute m~y nol give Il correct picture of impact. A relaled problem of measurement calls Itlenion 10 the timedimension over which impaci is to be llSC~TtainC'd. There mlly b.' significant timc-Iaa between promulgalion ofa $tatuteand ia'erreclivc communicl1liotl to ~ffecltd pemlOl_ Tlme,l~g mDy aho be involved if new or supple mtntary bureaucratic itructurcs and deviees hue 10 be created (e,g" the Tiller', Day amendment 10 Ihe Bombay Tenllncy lind AirieulluraJ Amendment Act, 1957 menlioned earlier). More importlllltly, eveo when eJlpanlion or bureaucratic devices Ind mllchin~ry is not clten,lve, tbe imp"ct orlegi.l.tive scheme may conti· nue over a long period or lime, which mllY be muluilly relnforclve or cllnetllalive S C. Jhlt, (1971) in the fint syslemillc critique 00 land reform IIUdiC'l, findJ thltt the prevllient paltern hu been 10 Itudy tbe chllnge for two lime periods, I,t" before lind Arter the reform and tbi. tendency Iljl:graVl\tes the problem of studyln, economic change "because .hort term ractors 5uch as price changes or other market (lr technological ehllnges. also oecur simultaneously." Whetber or not the sirnultiloielY problt'm will arrect IhorHerm as well as long-term ,tudies of ecoflomic changea, Jha is certainly right to insist Ihlt implemllntation of reform 10lion is "grildulll" and itl "net effect" takes "coosider,ble time" and Ihat isolation of tne impact of tenure reform from other fBCtOTl is less likely of aehievelDent i~ the shortlerm Ohll, 1911 : 97-981. . 4
t
0/ Impact
Another group of questions lIerlain to mellurtment of impact. Suppose ltat one preferred objective of ten .. ncy refornl laws is to re.strict the eJ.tel1l of UHIIlOCY by enBbling the tenants 10 become owner-cultintors, Do we me&lure the impact nf tCDlnc), laws by Ihe percenllae or the IUlIlI1I who have become owner-(lu\livotors sioce the passllc of tho "atules, or in terms of proceedings seeklnll a review or alleged UIesal evictloos, or in terml of the percentale of voluntary nnd genuine lurreoder of lands duly acquired under Ihe .tatutory IUlpices, or in terms of ehaoges in the appro:lch, style, aDd subltllnee of decision· milking by the concerned revenue authorities, or in terms nf aU the~ or a comb!DltioD of lome of these methodl ? If lhe Dumber of those affected is tUed AI II 'measure' of the impact III is routinely the ase with a majority of Ilind reform studies, this rlli5($ runher quulio05. As with the lehool dc.e8U&lIlon decisions in Ihe Uohed Stllies "the pereenlllie involved b qui Ie srnllil aDd is often dted with tllsm.,), by IhOJ,e who see It" (WlI.Jby, 1970: 54). But this in Iud! may mislud, Some tenants may oot 5imply wish 10 "e owner·cultivators fur I variety of rellsonl-Joclal Ilnd economic. Arc Ihey 10 be includ~d or ueluded rrom thOie who arc counted In Ihe number of pe.rsons to be IIff~eted 7 If tbe.y arc Included, is it It III pouible to achieve Itn Itec:ur"te mApping of
soct ... t. CIlM.:oe IN CONTI!MtOIit.\lI,V
iSCI/at/Oll
• ,,
0/ Dfsere,., 'Causal Rt!olfofU'
Thl. problem ;1 flf COUtiel central to ,II 10cl,,1 $Cience fC'learch, where wt' ore III Ihe l~ve1 of 'pre.theorics' rather 'hart 'hot 0/ a 'IIrcory'. Wben eeonomlm ask whether lenancy leablalion ha, broullht I'IbOUl changes in Ihe "exlent of lenancy" or changes in "agricultural production" or changes in inve1tment thty are apioring ecooomic litUllliODs which arc inftllenced bv many more factorl Ihan the provi.ion, of stcurity or tenJl.Ocy \egislation. But Ihey often seem to presuppose thBllllnd reform mell\Ures h!lve n direct impact on the organiz.ation and functlonin, of .&ricultural eeonomy (Jha, 1971 : 11). The fundamenlal melhodololieal qutltion, howcver, is how to legrtlate analytically Ihe impllct or a leglll nlelt,ure f,om the plethora of surrounding variable.. "If sc~eral rll~tor. nrc oP!,T'1Illng in the same direction, how dOe5 one ,epllrllre the impact the COllf". decision h., by comparison with othtr clementi in the situation '" (Wasby, 1970 : 49)_ A linll!~r question hal at long IIIJl been railed in n peneUltilli
$OCIOL.OOY OF LAW
critique of Innd reform, whicb lamcnts the Inl:k o( "on)' aClidernic tbinthll to i50101(' the cffec.u of lennnc), re(orm from dfeclS of olhcr d~~rloplllenial programme", dimcult and perllll.siye thou,h such II tlllTmnti:.t,on might be (Jha, 1971 : 97). holation of kgI'll impact is of eourte (\ notoriously e:omplex t:uk ; b~1 there exists considelablc body of thought to fllcililate it somewhal (r.t, Lempert, 1966*61; Ball, 1960: Becker, 1969: Campbell alld Ross, "65; Scbw,IItz. and Orlean., 1961 j Levine, 1910; WII~b)', 1910). The 6ingle region "Iudies of Innd reforms, utldc:r the Il.u'pkes of the Illdian PI~nnillS Commisslun, and most other related Iludiu by illdilidu~l scholan, have 10Uibi to invuliSl1t~ leGal Impact throug.h tWO time per10di ('before' reform und 'nfle,' reform), II notorioully UDldiGbl~ method. One ,imple, and formidable, difficulty with such 'before-afln' sludlCl of lel31 impact is limply tha.I the choice of two potntJ or Ume "mny nOl be typical pe:rlods at which to IntMUre the IDddcnce erthat behaviour which is lupposed 10 be affccted by law" (Lempcrt, 1966·61' 125). Many tenaocy law., ror example, com~iDIO fOrce at dUrercnt periods of tfme lind arc in tbe prO~C:S5 of IImendment In the U,btefupedeoce (d. Joa, 1911: 65). This process In itsclfauravales the ineK1lpable: arbitrariness in lOCAtion of points of time inherent in 'befote·arter' "udies, It is also clear that Ibe: 'before·afler' It udiel ..rtlJtivcly work in controlling plausible rival bYPolhelu" which mun be controlled by relearch-deslgos aimed at the: analytically isola ling kpl lmpact(Lcmperl, 1966·61: 112,124; Levine, 1910: 503). The c.listing b lld reform literalure would haye bee:n more produclive of Ic/entlfie UJllmiollion through time lories or mulliplo time le:riCi relea.reh 4«1101, Consideration of Il wholc dimeasioa of tho law-law lIS culture-I. Ilmoll completely mls!lng in Ihe anillysl, of land reform measuru. As a cullur:" SYIlem, h.w enshrioes, and perhaps legitin,ate, and reinforces, lh& basic locietal values. The legal 'Yltems as cultural systems ""otribute 10 Ibe attainmenlof culturd liability as welllU to cultural cllU ie. An Imporlaot p:1ft of the difficulties Gurroundlng the implementalIoa of land reform Inw5 ,terns pRcisely becaule law is used as an J,tnl of cultural chanse, as a vehicle: of new values, ideas Bnd symbols. StOlllu of the t.l.teot 10 which the Ipread of new value, (and IIUilUdu) bit be tl1 generllted by reformisilegilialion are IlIckin •. :me present attitude of the Itudents of land reform meuuru towards the 'lymbolic' aspects of the law II ODe of denigration. Typical of Ihe ~noOllsh' Impatience of the: .ymbolic impllot (arbina perhaps from Ilmplc neglect of things that Cllllnot be counted) II ,""yrda", curt COlllmtat regardina Ihe hand ceillna laws: "It is difficult to lee how It purely Iymbolic gesture can Golve lIny reol problelll." (Myrdal. 1968: 1)11). But eyen law. wbich lIIay be called merc .ymbolic lutures
LAw Al'lD SOCI AI.. clI ... ~(;a IN CO~lI!!'II'OP .... nY INDIA
serl'e imporlant loeial runctions (Gusrcld. 1961: 1751. One nch function is the generatlnn of ehaoSe e.lpccllIncic$ and of atlltudu. Thi~ bas been limply overlooked by mOltlludies of bnd re(orRl lIIellSuru. They hale: "only noticed Ihe resiSillnee: by landowners 10 any c1I:1nge In Ihe: pattern of landownership and conlrol but ovcrlonke.u Ihe SrolVlOg awareness a.mong the deprivt'd seclions of the rurlll soclcty and the Ilow :lnd Iteady erosion of the unquestioned domin3nce of Ihe landed c1anes," In other words, the poulble impact even ofsyml:tolic legisla* tion bilS been missed. There il II danger that onc begins 10 sec "chol,ge!essllrJJ" in " .ocial.'tualion where "some ebange has ~urred but nOI on thc dctired scale" (Joshi, 1975 : 92). The nced for perceptive Iludiel al pioneered by Aaaad Chakravarll (197~), rum~inl insistent if we are to understand more: ful\y the links between \law, political eClJnom), llnd loc\talstrueture, And agrarian reform laws are: not wholly Iymbolic ,eHurlnp; impa~t studieJ must take loto account both tile. Iymbolic And instrumental effect of legal action over II time-dimension. Foule. de. IIlIrux, the ra!'1ge of problems $0 flit raised h~ve becn overlooked by most studies of land reforms in India. Alld 1111~ fletd lor o setj-eollscioUJ law (JIld tk~dopltlf!"r ,tstorcil 111 ,lib fitld puslw. t,\ proper jurisprudentl,,1 c.ritique of tbe euaM empirkal literature is probably a fundamental threshold task. Toward. Ihis lask the foregoing thoullhll aspire 10 ma.ke a tentative: begInning.
Othe, Art'os (If lAy,! and Sodol Change As in thc area of agrlfia~ reform policy I\nd legi511.1lion, in mOli! other nren! where the Illw has beeD used III ltn instrumenl of chaoge, thtro is not much emplrica' literature fOCUiliog on legal Impact. ror example, while lawyerr have produced c:onlidefllble lopbi"icllted litHillure on the normative aspects of employment lind educational rcserv:uions ror the lcheduled eastCi and Icheduled tribe. under the CODlljlution, they llave remained Inadvertent 10 luch empiril:al !ilenllure as is aVBllubJc on these tbemet and iuuet, especially io tbe area of educational ruetyations. And luch empirical literature: os tbere i. Oil reservluioDS lakes, geQerally, iCldequate account or law and its proc~sts. Similarly, while tilcre is .ome literature on chansh:g attitudes aod practietf towards untoucbabilhy, tbere is not much Ibat direclly focusses on the Imp3ct or constitutlonlll ~nd legal provisions, The most compreht'nsho and reliable work in the area of implementation of untouchability llbolition IIIW remains thll of Marc Galanter 0969, 1912), though lome Jndillo legal lehollrt have ol.owritten In the field (Ilarah:, 1969 : Kmgzi, 1911; Sh:Uma, 1916). The merit of Gataoter', Itudy Uet in Ihe ImDljnoliv~ InlllYld of available enforce men I dBta Ind in relatln, Ille queslion of enrorcement of Untouc.habillty Offences Act, 19S~, to the wider rramework ~f lily.'
LAW Al'lO SOC'AI.. CHANoe IN cor-'TOlrOIt"RY 1f'lI)I"
6'
SQCIOLQOV 0' LAw
pOlitiCS in Indill. Galanter reminds us that the Act i, only one of ... u \'er~I mcDJure, In the baltic IIgnin.t untouch3bllhy (educational. ... O)lllenl lind lei:1I111t1~e rererYlltionl ttnd the Ilcnernl penni ht ..... beiDa r~rl , others) lind therefore 100 cxclUJive foeu. on IrnplemC'ut~tlon :;:, ACt by itself may mislead. He also poinu out the inherent ~CI!lI of logillics of cnfofC:emclli of such a IllW, p3(ticularly con'l~ttng .. II,dr: of :ldcquate legll ,erviee., Iilck of elite fond itllelligclIlsi3) N'Ort, I.cl:. of intere$! in legal fCCOUf5e by. the B$soeiations of uOloueh~ ,nd rd;\lcd volunt"'ry Igcnc!u and reeble political and SOciAl d,lbili11 of the I:..w cnforctmenl rrOCt$5U. SolPt of lhe tlormlUivc denclencie5 of the 1955 Act IIl1ve been rtmedied \It \u .mcodmenl in 1976, siving Ihe Act Ibo;\ new tille: "The Proltep of Civil Right. Att, 1976." An attempt hili .Iso been nlRde to dball" the penllties and streamline Ihe procones or Clnforcement. This ~udcHummllry proceedlllS', and prov\,\on. for collective fine. The AQ . 150 provIdes for Ihe rOlher unusual device of empowering Ih, ;edlrillon of certain aleas where untouchability il practised at ilS W1lC41 wor~I, as areu of disability enabling vigorous administrlllive Idlolt. Needless to say, that despite the vigoroul easle wlI.I'fllte in mJ.79. inyolviog atrocities 00 untouchables, tbis power was !lOt a.ctdscd and that it is ulllihly to be cxerchcd in the futurc as well. A. : .,~" ",,,,,,, of approaches to the reform of the law hl5 been pro\ided nul (I979c) who ulso dellis in his poper Wittl the problem . .. , ." mor:l1ilies in enforcement" of the Act. This problem arises the COllIe'" of access to waler fltcillliu 10 untouchables in IS hightiShtcd by the pioneering ;Iudy by I.P. Dcsl\l (976).
or
~
~f.~~:~~:::;[~haVe laken tht desperate decision to provide sepuate to untoucbablel, thus condoolna and IIcquiucln8 in the of Ihc Act which forbids dllcrimlnllory IIccen to Renecting 00 the Deni study, Bu.1 raisu some queiliont the conflict between the provision for ""li.racllon of basic DOC hand aDd tbe inabilily of the 'tatCl to enforce its own ylolation of the underlying values of Ihe lesal and
;.oOll I\"i";' order. problem of political
(I.e. legislative) rcseryations have received
...H~ attention than that of edueationnlllnd employment resetvation.s. (972) nud Owen Lynch (1969), in tbeir studies of cute politics, have generally examined legislative re.ervation of the gloWlh political cnulC.iousntls and otglllliZlltion .cheduled castes. Oushkin'. view thlt .uch rcservllliOn5 of eompcu5t1tory diKtimln.tiou), mDY lurll out "wdal control" OVct untouchllblc., rltber thin of genuine redl,tributloo~ finds support In 13ter hten;ture, among the works of SllchchidlUll!.ndll (1971), V. Otlhpllnde
or
~.~pid""
(1918), S. Verba tl of- (1971). DUI these "udiu do 1.101 dire!.':ll), fotus on the deslr3bilily of conllnu3110n or legislative reSClrvltions us Illch. Recently, Marc Gal",nter (1979) Bod Upendrll \lax! (l979cl 11I1ve more directly dealt with Ihe Issue. Giliantu', study hiaillights.lhe fathef limited role of the Ichtduled C:isle kllillators in IILe decision· making prOCtuC$ wllhin Ihe Lok Sobha. a point L1I!'.O underscored by nUl with refucncc \0 their role in the wider political processes Rnd contuts. G~lanler offers an Clcellent framework. for evalulLllon or COStS and benefits o( tc.servlllions in general ond political reservations in partieul3t. tlali', annh!;s, based on a hislorieal anllysis of developments since tI:e Poona Pacl, and In assessment of empirical literllture. leads him 10 5ul8e,1 B prop.rumme or phued withdrawal of fe!ervations. The reltfvalioo. have now been utended by another decnde. One hope, thllt IYJtemillic studies or reservlLlionl at work, at aJlle\Jels (federal, Slate nnd panchllynl( raj inSiitullonl) would emerge io lhe eiahtle •. Alain, in the allied field of ItbOHtion of bonded Inbour, there [j not much Iitcnture on Ihe workln, and Ihe impncl of the rectnt Ilw savc the important monograph by A.K.. Lal (1980) and the empirical work dono by Maharaj and his ouocimtC1 at the Nalionallouitute of Labour (1976. 1971) and Lal Bahndur Shastri Nalional Academy or Administralion (1975). Nor do we have ml'lIly ltudies dealing ..... ilh access 10 inform:l.tioD, and knowledge about la ..... IS well 3S altitudes towards law. An early. bUI not very riaoroui attempt in this direction was made by O.S. Sbarma (l9691-sce :1.150 S.N. Jain (1975). A slgnlficllnl cO\ltribUtlon in this rcgllld il made by B.B. Chatterjee (911) who hIlS sought to study the impaCt or eerla!n soelal leai,lallona 00 altitudinal changes. Ulillg informRlion, communication about law (whh taUe, education. economic' IImuencc) Ind social kal.l,tion (in relation 10 Hindu marriaac and lnhcrllllnee lawl and untouchabilily leglllMion) "independenl \,Ir!ablu, the study eltlmincs their impact on allilude, behaviour bnd material changes whioh. Drc 'realed as dependenl variableJ. Tbi, is Ihe fit'll rigorouJ ilUdy concerning lourees or, or aceen to, ICilal informa.tion as providing I crilical variable 10 the attainment of desired altiludinal and hc:haviournl transformations. One of il$ most impartlnl findings concerns the lource of communication of lesa! informal ion in the four Vmalu' in DonafliS district, carcfully cholen from the standpoint of accessibility of communication. Olher \'nrilLblel rehned 10 Ihis were "facility of cont~cl pnd communication with the chief ccnlre or mOdernltlng inl1uence", clISte group membership, educational le\'cl, and level of "economic amuence.:' It WIlS round thlll the "accutllcy of judgcmtnll of the rpprqpria"nelS of tbc .Ourcer of communicption is far ml'lTe Innutneed by .• r;tdUtics ('\f cornmuDiuliQc .... p!J edutllltjoo, than by CUll! hierarchy or tcollolllir;
~OCIOLOOY
or
uw
" Econonlic amuencc becomes relaled 10 communication ()f
~; rmS ()f aeceuibilhy () raul() ,nd newspapers. 10 lerms of ornl
.... lI\o.penon communication of legol informlilion, it WIIS f"und ., "~dlll conncelcd with Paneh3jlti Raj ha ... e come OUI "'elY well in I»l~Ofour ~il13gcS consistently", wbtrcll! sucb contacts ()r communieOl·
II by "le,isiDtots, [ike M.L-A:. or M.P:s. determined more by . . ibllity of the vUlage tban aoy otbet factor." At the ume lime, ~tlldY notel Ihllt of all the . relevllot ~reas of informlll~on .lInd .1I1I1C11100 Ihrouch these sources (o!.g., -lIgncu[tural, htnd, Irrlgllllon). "ucluslvely perlllining to 'law tcnded to tllke b. back ....... In lums of P
:tm
".,,,;0,
!
LAW "folD SOCI .... L CIiANOn IN CONTfMrOItAllY l/o4l)lA
••
6J
68 pcr cent rC5!'Ondents, bcJonginglo hiaher c.utes and rel:1Iivcly '\l.muc;u' <alll flrmly opposed the provision (ICC also Luehinsky, 1963). The situation conectning leSlI1 information In such a vil,1\ arell as \ibralilalion ()f aboftion i~ not much different. Studies reveal that the concerned groups ha'·e little or DO I!warcness of the 1972 ACI (sec Kelkar, 1974: r-,·Ieoon. 1974; MankcJ,:.ar, 1913). A very interestin, aspect of the 51udy is Ihat io Ihooe very a~!ll io which the rcspondents had no .. nowledge concerning tbe law, they elpleued attitudes and desircs fllvouring Ihllt thtre should bt such law5 I Lawpeuons in Indin gUbly talking about law and .oclal eh:!n,e or relation b~tween law nnd publio opinion, re-ecnolng outmoded Victorian pllltltude5, mny sOmc day want to I\l.ko note of lneie findings. Altiludu loward. the uniform civil code with spccial reference 10 marrioge hnvc been the focus oflhe study (1918) by Raj Kun\lUi Agor. wala. An ImpOllnnl find!nl of Ihil .tudy (located in Ihe city of Poona) . Ih1l1 the degree of "Icgalawareneu docs not siglliflcllnt ly nff"cC"t re!· "ondenb' altitude Iowa rd. mnrriLtge, marital problellls and their ~lulion5." Marrlngc, by and lorge, i! conSidered. by m~jo.rity os, a "relia ious act." InterUlingly, most groups (perh~p5 bawng Ihe blgb SOCIO' economic group") rcgard marriage as a "personal" maUer, bc~ond the "pale of governmental jurisdietion" which they consider jUlllfied ()nly ~Il .ltuation. of lociallnjullice. On Ihe otber hand, Ihe 'ludy reveals that Ln many IfCH, e.pc.eially In reglrd to tbe Italu, of women pro~lem!_ there can to be a flrong desire for governmental help and In\(tVCOlJoa, app • Agarwal a's 60dinp indiCfte a " love·hate rdat Ionl h·· tp In '01' b"IC II governmeDlll1 ICiitimllcy, ablllly lind tuponsibmty to i"terveoc lIod regulnte rrlage Is botb trusted Ind r(Jeoted." She finds thaI tbe respondents prepared for rerorm but 001 for lub"ltut!on of their penoonl maniaae law. 1he stLidy urgcl eultiv:t.tlon ofadequlte public opinion ~I,a sine qUI! nOli for II .utce'uful movement for Ittainment of a uniform CIVil code. Vasudha DhaSlffiwal; (919), also focuuinll on Pooaa, probe~ aceeSI 10 legal information, legal knowledge and attitudes towards mft:Tl
:r:
tAW ANI) SOCIA ..
64
CII~I'IOIlIN CO~tt!MrOR ... kY
It'o/OJA
!OCIVLOCV til' U. W
ntll home nnd the 11I31rimonilli home, as well lit the reflectiolll all CdlJclIlional 'ystem, In this 'Iudy are thousht-provokinl! . ., i. tht'trnng :tbiCII c\,lIlunlion or tompclin,g worldview$ (through Ihe pn.tn of 'rellgi. osity') in RRjkumari AgarWl!.ia" 51udy. In tbe IIrc:r. of famny law generally. and io relation to Ihe problcm of f.shionin& Ii uniform civil codc, there is II profusion of worthwhile Iilcnature, although only very brosdly, em~iricallY oriented. IIcre one mUil mention the pioneering work dQnc by A.A.A. Fyzce (1970) nnd Tlllm MahmOod (\9721, 197.5, 1976)as 110',.11 as Paru Oiwlln (1913, 19,77/.
1,D,/'.!. Oerrelt has prodlJtcd a trenchant critique of the nile of nmlnal!: \a"'" rerorm titled Dealh 0/ (J Mtur/a,t LAw: All Epflol'lt lar lilt RfsMs (1978). An Indil\l'\ critiqu~, no leu trenchon.t is 10 be found. in ~. SivuammQya (15119) who hll! himsdf made nn Imporlnnt contnbutlon 10 the unrlerslnnding of the Hindu law of Inheritan~e in hls w~ll·rClcarched monog'Hph (19;3). There nrc two handy antholoalCi on Ihe probleml of dev;llng n uni form clyll code: one b~ Narmada Khodl~ (191S) and, the other by Tahir Mahmood (l916)-leeallo Indian Law Institute (1978b). Thele rencci Ihe som~what acute diveu!tkl of slyief of Ihoughland con!lielS of v3lues l1monG a cross-seclion of lhe academic elile. Polilici:lns who rem;!.ln generally lukewarm towards Ihe idea of the uniform civil code really need no alibi for doing nothing; bUllbould there be felt nerd. Ihe dive",ity of Icholarly views would provide a rupectable alibI. Out in terms or the nced f('lf minimum provision of well-lx'in,. whether looked II from the standpoint of material or digaltary interestl. thc cue for rerorm In pc~onal law system. especially Mu~llm penonal law. rcnlain. very (onl\'lel\1n,. Ouuide tile Ireas of ramily law and crimloololY (fllr Ihe lallcr Ice lectioa VIII) there hilS oot been much empirical resealeh. Currently. three ICSSR projects arc nearing completion_ One perla Ins to tilt area of untOUChability (by lK. Mittal of ranjab University Law Seh~lIa~d two otherl relate to labour law. P G. Krishaan. or Deihl UnlverSlly h~1 foeuued on Ihe problem of dc.1ay in lodultrlaladjudlcation; K.L; Bhatia crammu University) Is u8mining Ihe administration of wor~men I compcolllion law. Aiso. considerable commiulolled r(Surch In Ihe area of women'l 6Iatus, both nl normative nnd cmpirienlle\'eI5. was done under tbe leadership of 0. task. force led by Lollka So.l\cl~ for l~te Commillte on tbe StatUI of Women lome of which was reltccted In Ihelr rt'port TtJ.MrJJ £f/lJQllly (1916) Ilnd I~me of which will find a place in the .ccond volume Oflbc lCSSR monograph entitled Tire 1,wlt/b/e Gap CLotl~n Snrkur, (990). In addition lomc work on the interaction bcween trIbal leall 5y5lenl' and the all· india lillIe kaallYllcm has already beaun. The In?!an L~W lnsthute study on cU1tomuy IlIW in Assam. conducted by KUlum I' oellTing cotnplcllonj she attempts 10 disclose the 'Sup'. both in term.s of C?" 011100 llDd lochd Cffi~I1~YI petwC1lO thc decisions of state courll IDvol\'ln,
tribal family l:tw SYIlcms ;ond Ihc 'lcady evolutiun of thue Iystems nelltl), autonomouS fashion. The .. rCll of impac: of the ~{lI{e criminal system hal "bo been a ulbject malltr ¢f montlarllphic liludiu. T: ineludc notably hy S.C. Vllrma (918). V.C. Simhlldrl (1919) IlDi Deb tt al. (910). We lake 8 closcr look at these studies in chaplci but htre it would lufHCe to note Ihat the ,tatc of art is not 11 hnppy , JI is surprising Ih:1I this arCD should have rcceived sucb scant and Y.lri alfention. compared wIth the literature on the scheduled tastcs. Much tbe lamc can be sliid concerning Ibe study or kgisJalivc pro as such. Doth loCietlUy Ilnd lociological1y. the usc of hlW 1l! an 1m meat ohociftl change be,ina with the making Ilnd eD\l.ctmelll of IllW. manner. and the COnTut. of formulation of a pnlitical, t'conol!)ic. SQclllll'0111:Y into law is lIS importltll fot il3 emeacy DS its imp!er lotion. Vrry often, Ihe InwmaldnS variables have eau~al bellring on plementation nnd overllll emcilcy. And yet legal ns well as other at Ic/coU,I' hnve pnid 5c~nl Ilttemion 10 the pre·hl,1ory of lawmllkibG • ceuel: whenever tho gellillion period of law is lIudied, this is 1I1!0 ra dODe formaUy at the Breh/vlII level (thllt is through study ¢f joint SI commitler reporu or parliamentary debates) where3S what is really n ed is inclullon of larger socinl, political nnd economi!" CObtl Enmples of thisllltter kind of study. though much neglccted, !lre prov by Robert Stcrn's 711t' Procuso/ OppoSitiOn ill Inrlia (1910) aod D. BllY study on preventive detention (1962). Stern', study is pllfliculuty able for the arcas on which it focusscs: one is the reorganiZlltlon of. and the olher ilthe vicinitudCl orthe Gold Control Act. There it nCCl ,Iudies of Ihil kind in vital areal whert' legislalion ;, lougbt to be Ult a menns or' loc/al chanse. elpecllllly in .relll of economic regull throu," Io.w and of leglll infusion of rolitical morality througb corruption le,isIIII10n. One mlaht 1l1so recall with lome jUJllfic:uion the studics of colonial change Inlerlletion noillbly by Lalitn Paniafllh! on infanticide. revi· in carlier part of thh paper. Such plin51aking a!lention 10 legisl process, in the wider sense is encnl!n! for a ptoper grasp of the of law I I a gradient for social change in modern Indin (sea also fu elaboration of role of direct action in modula~io~ legisliltive COllle,,1 behaviour in Bad. 1975a).
67
4 PEOPLE'S LAW, DEVELOPMENT AND JUSTICE Introdltc/ioll There has been 1\ gcncral recognition, both in loeiolng), and io jurisprudence. of Ihe hct thtH moSllocictiu arc multi· legal, th't is, in IIddi-
tiOIl to the mle la ..... tbey~ leindlcd reaut.tory lystcm5 of Dorms, Jru.titutiOrlt lod culture p~rrOI'min& fuocliuDS sil!ill!'rfOr..!9dals'oups ihR! ~~ law ispireJi to performlor lile'tnllr~·,ol;Icty.: BUI neither juri.: prudents nor sociologlsU characterize the aloup reBulatory .yslem, IlS 'law' or 'legal sYltem" owina to 101ltli and Ideological fl:IIS0IlS which
cannot be uplored here (sec Bui 1979b. 1982). Field·studies, celtminly IUpport the hypothesis of multiple levelJ of Ihc 1e&/ll system In India. The)' .Iro support the atcusllIion Ibnt "the concentration on formal nnd wrIucn tRW has distorted penpeetlve of Indlan In.wyen tl.nd intellectuals, It has led to eYen pretending Ihlll tbe law enforced In tnc unofficial p;mchaYlis i~ not lllw" (SriniYtts, 1962: 118), UndoubtedlY, tbere eJ.in more than two broad complues of norm', institutions, and processes in Indian .oclely by whloh dispute. art' 'lett· Itd'-the Inherited and Indilcnized officinl nIllional and regional It'gal l)'Item •• nd the traditional "Yltem,' or locallribunall operating wilh CIIIIOIl'llr), law norms. Equall)' indubHably, thete Iystemssuppon and complement ellch other in v~riety of ways (I,warln, 1964: 241·43), Dut we $Ii11 need to know the u.tenl of reciprocnl relltions of exchange Iud support umona Ihest '),ltems lind the elltent of their autonomy, Tg ~n~'jI' ti,ls we J1eed 10 move awny from the "pure" !ypc.\: of YiUage
and Custom!lly hlW, We need .tudle! focuuing on the interaction betwcen thu .'!..!!.ffi..e.I2.!!sJocnund....n.t[ooaLs}'$I~ and Ihe mutuality or crosNYltemic innuenee/imp
Cue studies foe,pS>ing pre·emincntly i:m dispute processcs ate infrequent. Typically, the focus of attention i. Ihe castt aUlhollly·stnll::ture lind the overall prOCCU~5 Df &trlbility and chango in a villll&e. Dispute 'settlement' analysi. nAturally form5 • put, ~rh.ps In important rart, of such studies. Out such IIccounts contain scaoty Information concerniog ,cvefill crutinl "peel' or the dil[lute procease.. The following categories of information arc ~uentlaJ : I. Dispute proccuing structurcs. 2. Types of dis puttS Inyolved. 3. Processes by which 't:ttlement st(uetures were aetivlI.ted, -4. Way. in which disputed mailer. were eon,lder.:-d, S. Decillon·maJdng processes: by which substantive outcomes were reaci)ed. ..t:'Types of uoclioos BlIachiog to 5ubllaDli~e outcomes, 7, W8)'5 of hnndling iotrllmigent IlInctionee5, g. Reilltionship of the 'local' J)'uem (If dispute resolution with tbo wider olltlonal lelal '),lIem. 9. Function. of local di~pule settlement processes as perceived by lhe community studied Rod appm:elved by the elhnolnpher. 10. Identification of recurrently applic:d rules, sundards, Inti prccepl.l dUru~ely called '1.'1l~lomIlrY' or 'local'low. II . Clnuificnlion of flll.'lOrS, in terms of saliency Qr Q~h.er~i~Cj, affect..
frona's LAW. OI!Vt!.LOhIIlNT AND IU:n'ICIl SOCIOLOGV OP LAW .ubstllntiYe outcl)mcs. 1',1:-' customary notm., cUle dominance, ItI, ional alignments, . 'bl" pu It ortn Ion,' maDlIgemen , .ID .II,...... " r,tt . of ,upcrn~turo.l sanctlOtU, l Ite flOU Ib'l' Illy 0 r recourse to IIIe ' ou , er ' olllcilli MllonaJ legal sY,stem, the role·structures of decision·
"..,..,,'0"
tII. kelS .
, ' . !.Vllilable sluJ.liel emph:tslze aspects of dispute ,eUlemen! cogn::tt~ 10 ',,,,al Ibemes of the resellrcber (Cobo, 1965: 83-108). The resulting ~ , ndaDce ofiosights, however. lellves a number ofimporUnt quc~hon. •b• , II aeerninB dispute proceu~1 unanlw,ercJ.l. The literature If VlrtUII y =bollY dcOcil:nt in'reM n:prer;enlcd in categories (3). (7), (8) and (10), rlther variable io relation 10 cllegories (2). (6) lind (11). whereas it is tIICS t lubstlntililin nre:t' n) and (9), The informltion~l shor\flllls impedc aecelS not just to carcful desctiption of dilpute.h".nrJling proceUts but IIlso eompliClI~ the tllk.of uphln,tlon lind eVllluUlon. One way to remedy the lituatton, sbort of renewal of lield.elfort, is to institute a kind of loformation.retrievnJ fr,om tbe community of l:holaf'1 who have, by their eodellVOUAIO rar, made tbe field Its,'ntractable for u~. I hlllll! htre In mind circulpting compreheO!ive quulionMirc on the line$ of the above checklist among thc:se "bolus, If ihey have preserverJ their fieldwork DotcS. it might be possIble for them 10 rerpond to tllele ioquiries. It is conceivable Ihal the releyant informalion which they may hllve considered exeessive or reduodant to their pubUshed work may 51ill be occeuible to us in tbe praeot conteKt. , , . A mo" genernl picture of dispute illltitUtlODSIO rU1'II1 arellS may 51111 DOL VMY from,the outlines provided by M.N. Srinivil. Wrido& In 196~. Ind reflecting upon tield researches dllting back to the early fift!cs, SrlntVII urted ",ystematie 51udy of diJPuttJ in rurlll areas and thdr settlemcnt by non-omdnl ponrhffj'(/Is" IU being "e.l! tr~me~y i~port.1I~t" for tb~ development of ",ocioIOIY or law and lepllOstltuuons (SnnIYaS, 1962, 118-19). In a brief 30111),115, SrloivU' reeulled anecdotlllly lind Hither at • general le\'cI his nwn impressions of dls\"IUle-Selllemenl procedures Itudied over n. period o(two ye:H5 (see also SrinivlIs. 1952, 1976), BUI Srlnivu's s:ener:ll conclu$ions Bre l»I:lIIced aod guarded. aod well grounded on a characteristically candid lind refreshing acknowledgement of tbe diffieultiC$ of n leSRI ethnographer (Sriniv!s. 1961: 116:11,7). Sriniv.. ·, 6nding, were: (i) "something like case law edits. though II IS DOl .s~$ tem .tlzed" (IbM .• 112); (ii) lome dlsputnnts, Ipedally al rela.r~J part.III~11 of family properticltend to "draa on" for weeks Ob/r,I" 113); ~ltl) tbe mlllnale knowledge of the dispute nod the dlspulnnli by parllc, aDd vIlIlIle eldcrs provided I!. "pre-existin; image" 10 thlll "eyen the 'lime' (actl are filled iota dIfferent conngurtltiotu". nltongh the pre-eKilting image is seldom uncblloaett.ble; (Iv) rudimenlary indices or prob2tiYe v.lue of wimeSlcs-lhroush leputatlQR p.od l,oll'r,itlc-n rules I1Dalogoul to tbe hearsay rule-toable II
69
nDHowing of eompetlD& versions of "true rlcts"; (v) ulterior influences Ind fleton-Iuch IS favouritism or nepotilm-occ,uioually inlluence tbe outcome (ibM.. li S) lind tinnily (Yi) the vmllge tribunnls nre orientated to the Ideal or justice (,,>"a),I1, dltllrllla), morlliistic aod religious eOllJidera' tions and influenccd by "pUblic opinion" to n degree. A mora detailed cODspectus would, bowever. hive to acknowledse a wide v;uiety or dispute institutions nnd prorcsscs in India. There tcem to be three main types of NSLS in rural Indill. Very gcnerally, these Ire caste-based NSlS, community-based NSLS, innoYatiye. reformil! NSLS. The eli.tinction betweeo cllSte and community NSLS is (:u we will.honly see) relaliye. It is ba~ed on the view Illnt "most indlvidUlIls in rural India hQve two lell of predomiollnl IOt.:iIl\ reliltions, oDe tbat tics them to. villa,e commuDlty whieb mll.Y be viewed a~ a Ycrtie.1 Ict or tiel and one ChlLt connects them itorilonllllly to their blradarland JaIl (sub-caste)," Eacb set of specilll n:laliom hilS "norms thlll cao be considered leglll aDd io:.lh'idu~15 and Groups possessing the 50ei:'lily recognized" authority to apply physical force It) enfolce them within tbe loenl communities" (Cobn, 1965: 82), The community NSLS extend beyond the C:Ule to tbe villaae unit ilSelr, though palletnS of t.lIJle domi. o.nce, or of power distribulion here Intrude. InmetimC.$ to II point thol a village paDchlyal becomes tbo ... ery extension of dominant group govern_ menl. The innoyatiyc/reformi"sl NSLS arc dispute institutions IJke the 'People', Court' (Lok Adalal ) at Rangpur whkh are sponsorerJ byateultur.ting IIgents or-agencies. with the idcologiCi which centre upon tbe principle of generation nf LokJllaktr or people'~ {'Jower for social Ir1l05formation, and which, deny, or circumscribe, the IIate power (Bui, 1976b), In additioo, there aistl In some plltts of Inditl, an interesting nCJlU! between ta.te panehoyallllnd reHgious illliitutions, The vllriou. Hindu matltas especially in the Soutb seem to bave an overarebing jurisdiction over .ome upec" or cute paochayall. Dut their role 1$ IlIrgely .dvisory aod in discbarging it tbe marhas generally rcsptct the autbority of caue paoehayat. The palterns of ioterletiOIl between cute 1)llocbaynt lad various religiou! institutiollS bavc n:centl)' becn Itudied by K" Gnanambal (1913); on the whole. this area bas beeo neglected. It is thererore difficult to USUI the spread or lite iDteraclioa of religious in'titutionJ io their adjudicative role with otber type. of NSLS, The domloant f(!frn of the organiUltion in ear;h (lse is set of dispute iostltutlool (cr, Abel, 197]) called panehayats. Pancltllyats. normally' are. sroup of Bye people who hear and decide disputes mOltly when they .re summoned to do .0 but frequently on their owo. Howevu, in neh type or NSt.s. the subject mallel'll vary, Very Generally. caste (Jotl) paneh~yau dc~1 with, con6iclS of intcrcsLS .nd .... Iues within jail Gr~upl,' Induchng rnettonal all18l1ee$ withIn those groups, Vitlaae or territQriJd
"
SOCIOL()QV Of' LAW
p'~chIYDIl delll willi cantliel. of 1011:'rel\ cUllinl l\llt051 casle
facton, bou,h Ihose vcry fllctars m!ly .1'111), often II truch,\ role In the 'ruolution' , 1 rarticuillf con n"11:1. (If PIIlC '.yalS vnry cnornll)ullyin Structure IInti Icope. llcrnurd Cohn
,,,,1
bit losighlfully grouped the sirLiClure lIod~cope of j4ft
p30thll)'illI
in
termJ of Icrrlturilli units liS lIIelllll pnlletn' ,of (ilSIC sharp as some wrsh it to be. The breach of
N:orU'Sl.AW, DFlVI!LO,.,I!NT AND JUSTiCe
,
pre-exiiling 'cusloml'Lry' law h ;\IWllYS;\ lU~jor gradient In the con\'ening of jQII p4ebaYlltl: iodeed,jotfNSLSsomelime make law priOI to occuiool of IIdjudleiltioo. For Clt.ample, it hIlS been frequenl\y noted tbat untouchable)I,,1 groupJ. in their dMperale bid ror fodal uplif', lU'lVe adopled regulationl "for whole lections of a cUle forbidding practices believed 10 be responsible for their low Itatll5. " Cbamar1l1re prohibited from removing dead caltJe" (Colm, 1965: 108 !lnd the Hteralu:c ciled thtre~. There is general agreement tbat the proce$sCJ of dlsput~ bJ.odhog, howsoever complex, in jUfi and vil138e paochayalS share commoo features of informality. flutbllity. democ~atieity in dec!!ion-mo.lilO&.cIl.t least IlwlYI io $lyle ir oot in lululanc·e) by conseDSUS The state law SttlVC5 to atlmin justke inter porfu III rough 'imp;utial' judles aod elabOHlle pro· cedure. for ascertaining 'truth'. lodlgerlous dispute inSlIlutiuos promote juitiee with notorioul informality Ibroulh ",illal;e notablCl wbo koow dispullntt personilly. The adyenlry systeml (broildl y IpeakillS) ot: .. u.te law teek to 1lldividullhz~ justice: ",illag~ IllW llnd Justice leek collecllvlled ju~tlcc, Village 11\\1 and jusilce'lcek social group harmony wherells illite law, rollowed to itt end, rests 00 "wioner-takc·i!-all" priociple. The flexibility of Jail nnd vilblle pDBeh:ayntJ eoolisl$ in n wider SCOle of r.el~. vance, not the 'trlit-jacket nOtloo of rc\evance. The village elders. I~ I~ often observed, assembled to bear ODe dispute wilt "dlsclW aoother whIch lies behind it" (Cohn. 1959; Rudolph and Rudolph, 1967). Thb is p.artl~ II functlnn of demneratlcity-that is free-wbeeling public particlpallon io the hearina proc:w-of the proceedings, ao clement fast disappeariog in Itllle Iu.w lyllcmS, Indeed, the democraticily has oot pte:o confined. tQ ,andom p~bllc 'say' but it bas Il dininotly egnlitunlll character oblerves David Mandelblum. at 1easl in relation to jotl panchllyats: The egahtarilln aspect of the traditional panchayat .. ecms 10 po,e a parlldol. The need for un.nlmous consent .and t,he ril~t of every mao to be beard appear diUooanl to tbe leitmotIf of hleflleby ... The Inswer leems to be that molt deline Ii joti councUftS .. council or peeu ... eveD n poor man will.peak if be fceh moved to do '0. David G. J,{alldciblJum (/966: 191) While the iubstnncc of Ibis accouot is correct, it remains ideal·t)·pical. too. The prevlI!ence of the 50·called traditioo of consenrus in Inditt need. "ery critical examination. 00 malt vital Issues, lbe appc:trllnee of consenJUS may well be a mulc for dominatioo, The conscDsualllyle of dedsion in sub,tancc, oft~n ,ervCl dominnot InlerellS. One may lU5ume that in most situations con5Cn5US would be "pre-fabricated", ".:outrivcd" or "manipulated" (Sui, 1967). Yet, all in all, indigenoul justice, iu structure nnd process arc tbus al fundamentlll variance with tb05e of tbe IllY jUltice. The jUfl lind village plinchnYlIlJ bave II repertoire or $Qnclionl whicb include flne, public een,ure, civil boycott, ostracism. aod varied publi...
•
I II
llQttOI,OOV 0' !..Aw
l'I!Orl.!!"I.AW. ocvtl.OI"MI!NT AND HUrlCH
opinion prusufcs 8y vHl:agt' notables anc! sometime by prctlominmnl &1l.!upJ in the: Irca. The jail pa.ndlllYDtl, additionally. howe the vu)'
pOlcllI sanclion of "outcastIDS" and "tJ!:communkation" bee nl.a Andre Delcine, 1965: 6).64). One ,!riling unsnplc of \I nolV killd of unction is pro\'ided by the uk Adalol III Rnngpur. Wbeo tll~pptllnlS ate lent an invitation 10 join Ihe mecting of the Ada/ai, the 1:1.11 pi:lfa~ph of the notice
rClds: "You surely know (apprccialc) that expensive' lind frequent vilits to law cnutl!i are Dot in the intereSlI"o( us poor formers." One may cODccplUllhzc Ihis kind of aqnlonilloo as a lanclionlng device Jlnlr. Indeed. In tlte intcr·subjcciivltic.s of the villa8cu. such II statement lI1ilhl imply that if n paTly doCJ nol cven appear be:fore the i.ok Adafat the. Adafat it,elf may CDeOUrIIse court octlon or, lit IlOY tlllc, il may not discoutll,ge. such oetiOD. Conceptually, thea the tlm'at 0/ rreoursc to thll (/UtrumI'll/DillY o/tht Slott 11',01 system Is i/.IC/f Jlft/sed alUl apl'truircd as ,sanCaO/I, W/lOStll'Cr)' probafii/{I), gl'.lIllfotes compliollc~.
This i5 II lalhe:( unique phenomenon wherein the: non-stole Ic:ga\ syste:m appropriatcs the: laliDlidatlna paraphernalia of Ihe Itate legal!) Ilem to JUJuin and cnhanee lis continual efficacy. \·iabiIiIY. Ie:citimacy lind e:ven bege:mony. Of course. paralld processes may be: perceived in connicl tCJolution through out·of· (ourt selt1eme:nt, private arbitration and olher fotms of mediation. But the. striking peculiarity of the Lok Malal is invocation or formal Iili· plion as a selr·consdous sanctioning process to an ulent lh:\t the range or choices for a)teroallve muns of re50lutioo i$ endeavoured to be effec· ti~e1y diroinRled or at leut tniaimiled. TIll. indeed is the very definition oC'Corcc', To the Cltenlthe threat to recourse 10 IitisatioD oe/llul/y opuatt! to reduce parllu' choice ofnction, we hnve lurely an operilion of unction (Ilnxi, 1976b: 83·86). Tbe effectiveness of "Detions i. AO empirical question, which has not been closely unmined in relatioo to NSLS. Racalcitranee il both con· ceivable and likely: its incidence il however unknown, bolated cumple. &lJO IUlleS! that the domin:ml grOllp member. or fuourceful pelion. elln by .cll of defillnce occasiotl chnnces or bypusing or IlVcn momentary collapse of sanctioning proccucs. But overall. the streogth of collective conscience or sentiment in the vilJage (and caste) contexts cannot be pinsaid. Explanaffa/l
'" ~
:1
Thcre Is considerable evid~nce of multi.lca_lIlm or autODomOUJ uittencc or two or more dispute resoluhon systeml-at level. of norm. bahllviour. lAd cullure. How J. thillo be c:a:plaioed 7 Before referring 10 pouible lell oflllfWers in Ihl.section.let us recall that the answert arc dIrected in tbe !ttt place 10 the uolveno of Itudy. Even in select universe. the answers
I
I )
may not rurnish rull cxplllDnlions. as disllact from pointing to factou relevolnl 10 ,ucb c:tplanlHion. And further, Ihtre is the con~14nt problenl of gene:flililalion on lin India·wide scale. n. g. Cohn (19.59) mltlntnin$. rightly, Ihnt "I he wily 1\ people settles dis. pUles 19 part or il5 lociaillructure ami vulue s)steru."· The mdlsenoul and the "orfl.cial" leg3l systems d!:Ter rather drastically on both these aspects. The constitutionally desired social order leeks to foster (in plrt) Ihrough the legal sY'tem the value of equality: wheren "the North Indian society operate! on lhe reverJe value hypothcsis: men are not btI'n cqulIl and they hltve widely differing inherent worth." Cohn COmmcntJ: The ndvcrSBry 'yslem hIlS developed to equlllize perSOnS in courl. To no Indian peasant Ihl' is an impossiblc 5;tuallon to understand. The Chama! knows he is nOI equal to Thakur. , . The Th~kur canDol be con"ioced in any wlay thai Ihe Challl4r is equal, but Ihe «,Urt aCI. as If the partiu 10 the dispute were equlIl. S. Cohn (J9J9) Moreover. Indian villages nrc "multiplu" societies: nnd the "nelwork of rtilliionshlp'" Ihll, iovolvcd ~annot be "Iummnrily CUt by a deciiion of the eourt." Cohn nota: Two Thakurs disputing over II piece of land are not only buyer nod seller wllh a contraetull! til:, bUI in classificalory kinship terms arc brolhe:fS or unele and nephew ... So decisions of the courts based on idells of contrnct do 110t 6t in tho value system and social 51ructure of the Indian village. B. S. Cahn (l9J9) Nor do tbo notions oFre1evlincy eogendered by law of procedure And evidence Ilnd the winncr-tukc-il·aU principle or the adversary system rhymc witb Ihe 'Iraditional' prefFronu fot seltling dispules tbrougb COlUenlUS lad with liberalism io the nol10ns of relevl\ot matters shown by the indigenous Irlbunill., Andre Detcillc 10me ..... !J:1I limilarly finds (l965; I64-65) that in the Tanjore village the village panellayat. under .tntutory protection and political patrODJge, is leu effective than the do IOClIJ ehal plll1cbayat, wltbout til her, The vill:lge paDehaY:H is rdatively wcaker bealuse II il an attempt involvIng "imposition of a democratic formal structure on a soclnl sub· stratum which is segmeotal and blerarchieal in naturo." In contrast, the effectiveness of the cheri panebllyat is due to "iu: social homogelleity and tbe pervasive nature of tile moral bond' whieh uoite itl members," The "vitality" of these panchayntl lie! 10 their "correspondencc" with tbe Gtruc!ure of tbe "community which it represents." As agalnu Ihis type of distinctively cultural uplanatioD, Robert L. Kidder (1973) proposes ltD uplllnll.tlon which stresses the limiulIio!)! of Ihe formlll legul provision. as IIriling from "the social structure or tho judicllli IYltem rather Ihlln In their Incon,ruity with indiaenollS YlIlu(J." Kidder anlllY'Clln some conliderllble delai] tbe bureaueratlz. alion of the sYjtemof judielpl jUUicc leading 10 a delano U1RlIirnizaUOD of
n.
/ &oclOl.OOY OF LAw
·l.Idicilll pur5uh or f;'QnllJronlise Ihrough n lit jllre. adveri:IfY sy.tem. ceRUlli (aCtor Is u~lay in juJicilll dilp:u:t1. Kidder finds thu "in M),S('IfC ItMe ... the 'llvcr:lgc durntion uf cllnksteJ Ilriainal 11.1115' dis· po,~d of durins 1966·67 lJy jUdicill1 decree Will ~liShU)' ovcr leventcen yenn." In some Inuanee,. dc:hlYI extend OYer 11 littk over two decades. Sui this dday. und (ru~lrl1tions lHteudllnt upon 11, seenl to be re~nrdcd by most IitlganlS "as being Ihe intentionlll product of 11 shrewd" adversary; for other litigants. delaying. proc:edure$ were a pan of a war of attrition nimed to termil1ille in II.. compromise. NM does the uHimaJe resolution favourttble to the pl:tintifJ' (who 5hunl co,mpromise)mcan Il "flnlll yiclory" ror him. Kiddtr nolts: Ooe I3ndlord 'pent fIve years seuing an eviction decree on his Icnaul, only to have the 'uc!CI1ted' tenant disappear lYith the kcy. IIc thcn karncd flom the police that the tenllnt could tnil), keep him aU! of the houIo for ~t lensl tWQ yens just by lDanipul~tln& police cVlction pro~cdures. Me~l\while, tbe IlIndlord eould 001 evcn . collect lent on the propefiy. RobliN L, Kirlrler (J9~J) Over-recourse lind non· recourse to courl$ is thu, rdated 10 whnl Kidder caUs "the railure of the .dJudieative idcnl." In his view Ihis failure is beller uplalned by referenec to the .trueture of "adversarial rel:atioosbips" ralher Ihan through v.lue·incompatibillty ~ypothesl. lik.e Cohn's, This is so because the pattern of tOnlpromisc lind delay IJ eeither "expected" nor .....alued.. by the court·useu lind because ,ucl1 a pattern is fllr from unknown in practice to American and BrlU5b lilillloli. The opposilion belween 'culluml' and 'Jochal structural' approaches hn been a f3n1l1iar theme In le&1I1 anthropology (Moore: 1966). In the present COOtut, Kidder', analYIl1 does oot quite join ilSue with Cohn',. A, Kiddcr hilllseJf lIatei. his research was conductcd ",n tbe courll of B:II~Blllore My.orc ,late, with lupp1cmenlary olncrVltllona made ill kSl(~r couns in ~utlYlnB dl&u/cls." How much the "outlying dIstrict," opprollilIlate Coho', Senlpur "illale remains II mllUer of conJeloturc. De that , m., It mU$! be emphuiud thllt recourte, non-recoune 10 courll a• I , • del mu,1 be affected by II myriad of factou, some of which Kidder In OJ In nOle. The language of the law, phy,ical distance from court·sites, ecouomics or litigation, the nature of contention Illlu-partl!J arc a.lso 'ome of the relevant vuiablel bere. Kidder is ce:tl!.inly correct 10 question Cohn', "sertion thaI io a. cultureeoonieUituation the "Iudi:r.ns in response thought ooly of maoipulatin& the Dew ,ilu:ttlon Aod diu net \1$e eourll to settle. dilputu but to further them" (Cohn. 1959: 155). Such a vieW, IccordlllS to Kidder (with whom Ihi' writer agrees) miljuug.eJ "the imporlUnee of cOamel.,. cnnitrucu ... e fOlce in IO~III laterlction" ud allo ignores "the opportunity ,tructure wbleh il crcl1t(u by 'yllem, of formnl ndjudlcll.tion" (Kidder, 1973: 31). The. lIuportance of confllct as a "conltructivc forec in locil!.l
~ne
I'I!OPLe'S LAW, OeV[lOr~II!Sr ... NO JUSTICl!
J
IIcllon" Ilin been ImagillJttil'ely eltl'loreu io IwO rtcent worh by Ananu Chakrnvuty (1975) nnd Miriam Sharma (1979). TIIl:se 'tudlC! depIct Ihe celiltion between tile nllture o( dispute and their procCl$iOIl witb rden:nce to power r~lntlons anu trllnsfarml1tions of power relation! and structure In rural India. Growtb of new patterns tif leAdership and authority becomes signlfitllnlly related ta dispute behaviour lind ..... Ilys of ch:mnelling and eontrolling it. Ability of II faction leader 10 delh'er 'justice', by atUlcking bial or Inertia or hostility on the pan of other ludcrs (who 1c3d or influence communilY IIdjudication) seems an importlint source of legitimnlion of lelldenhip IInu Illlihority (Chllkt3Vtltty, 1975). This i. what ,eems to bc happening when we: look at dispute from II $oeil11 slructure Itandpalot. Whtll we look at dispute process from the IIctor's point of vlcw we lind .omc tendfQcies towards '(orul11 ,hopping'. In other words, di.putaoll in m05t cases do teelll to retllin till:: finlll Option whethfr they will resort to II third puty intervention nod if they 50 do whetber the third party agency would be 11 cUle pnnc.hayat or a village one or nYll1tJ panchD),Qts or offici31 eourlJ (Sbarmn, 1979). Of course, Ihe choice is cjrcum5crib~d 1301 only by lhe 'cultural' or 'pollticnl' factors but also by 'cconomic' ones. For vcry often, recourse 10 any third parly intervention cosis moaey (even calling of b,;otlori or panehayal is in same cases expen$ive); and recoursc to SLS agenclestriblll police ud courlS-oftcn requires subSlantial Investment for al1 Ihc parties involved (Sharma. !97f1; Chakravuty, 1975 mention at mlloy places the example. or bribery and extortion by agenls of NSLS).
E,o/liotion The ul,leQec of mulli·leaaHlm in dispute letllemenl i, a problem caliing for expllanlltion only becaule of lomt undedylnK value prem i!e, not very often made uplidl. The relationship between fbe "loclIl law-wnys" lind "lawyer's law" (Cohn, 1965) can be (j) marked by contplemclltllrlty lind reciprocally reinfotch'c co·existence and (ii, characterizcd by eonftlct lad tension. resu!tlna in a millcl!.rlrage of justicc·yalues embodied in ehher or both. One', unaflieulated perception of this rellllionship (which inevitable must be a mixed rather tban a pure type) lod the bedrina of it to the nttninmcnl 01 vnlues of the eODslituhoosl1y desired 'ocial order, is cutain 10 inDuenee Ihe evaluatiOD process. AI the Ihruhold of evaluaflve procclS. ooe is certainly confrOtlled by Coho's thoughtful observation that "Ihe greatest PI' in Ihe study of haw in relation to lociety in iudia Is, gencrally .peaking. in the area of the relation of local law-ways to tbe all Indill lellli t'ulture lad Ihe sludy of tllb cuI/loire by nothropologlus and ~odoloilst!" (Coho, 1965: 118). In the face of such a gnp, how is one to formulaic 511tlsfilCtodly II picture of the relationship between ·'/Oc.,llaw-ways" find
• SOCIOLOOY QP L...
..v
"tbe c:vnlunlh'll process is {",be conslucnt
the "Inwyu'slnw" in Indil! 7, Oul prcci~dy luch n picture b requited if wilh the minim!!1 (:osnilion of the subject of cv;duation.
True, ODt! citn c:.nlt or dcnil!.r~tc 'loc31 l>lw.ways' in p~tliculnr in5t~nccs. The inddent of n cowherd who comnultcc.lthc motU.! ",in" of I~crclly tohu.billng whh the l}rnhmin's young third :-vife unt! who compounded it by teniag the landlord's hOUle by the /fO/l/ dnor (in)tc.1d of the usually permittcd bl1ckJoor entry nnd exit! ',csullins iu the youth', cllSlratioD lod murder, is II shocking iostance of the lynch·jOilicc of the IOCllI 'laww~)'$' tGoui". 1955: 40: Cohn, 1965: 90). Contrus( this, however, with tbe almost idyllic manner of dilpute settlement in 11 single cllte Imlln village of Maillna, iavol'ling n kind of pnrticlpa.lory democracy In teaching. substantive outcomcs in dispute ,itulllioni (Cohn, 1965; 83). Conttast thh, lon, with the oil· India legal Iystem demaDdioi almost heroic p:lIience and fortitude fot the jU11 plaintiff who is rewarded with 1I judllment which he: find. so diffie:ult to enforce:;u in the handlold'i ClUC delcribed by Kidder. But conflicts of value AD even deeper tban those contrast, between .tate and nOD-St:t!C law indicale. R. S. Freed (1912: 4:3.35) has presented onc aspect of such eonnlcts in her study .of village, Ii,f~ in North India Ihrough tbe case of Maya. Maya, II. mllmed bUl IlliCitly pregnant girl. WIlS killed by her father beclluse he believed tbat his Dharma u father oblit:ucd him to do $0 for the spi ritual well·heint of ber ,oul. The looner ber .,illful phase in the cycle of births and deaths wu terminated, the benef would her prospeeu he. in the. eodlelS cycle or birlh aDd rchilll!. He: rtasoned alia thai Maya, if allowed to live, will be ex_communicAted from the village society and eod up as a cheap urbllD proilitutc, II. life full of unmitiptcd misery. Every body in both her in-laws' aod village Igreed-so m.uch 10 that two or the kinsmen of MI.)'a', father who were poliee eonslgbles did not do anYlhing to aeti· Vita \egal process, The police visited the "jllalc twice but did nothing. Village law Wlls here in shllrp antithesis to state law: aod the Illlter, more or less yielded to the (ormer, D/lormo thus conccived, is tbe legi~lmatlD& principle of this NSLS which di'lerges sharply frnm tbe democratic belief . ystem sustaining the SLS. . ' . Not all experimcnl~ in local law and justice rlllse perplelllag pbilolophical eonnielS as the ease of Maya. Some: iJ!Uslrate merely unredr~ed forms of Iynch·justicc as the well·documented ease of tile cowherd 1,1Ius. tnttl. He WAS first ustraled nod thcn killed for this "sinrul" behaViour; no official uction followed (Gough, 19jj; 010 Cohn, 1965; 90), Eumples of lynch-justice abound. These indicate: tlte coun te rvlliling power of Ulle and locn! not.blu over the state It8111 .y~lem . On the other hand, \\'ctl.orpniled local legal sy'l~ms mllY often ~lmo~t altogether 'ousl' titt IInle legal ."tem' and provide An almost Idyllic
rtorul'$
'1w, Or:...t:I.0r~I£NT AND JUnlcr.
altcrn:tliv~ u is Iho~n loy l.ok AJ,s!at (l1curtc's COUll) in
77 R.-.nBPIJr,
North OUJllrot-o tnh~1 b~lt of nbout 10,000 villogcs mOstly irrndialed by the SamlliaJa (/il. uplift of 111) ideoloJ;y of bh"DJOfl and ,rQ/IIt/a" ("oluntary gifts of land nnd villllGes for redistribution for common lue). Almon ,II di~putes in Ihe region IIrt referred to the uk iMoll. In the lost 2S years, it has settled mOre than 2j,OOO disputes. The Vet\' factlhllt ~he: case Is brought before it is often enouth II Valid ,round fo; IIdjourn. 109 proceedtng~ in omeil\l courts. Adjudication is nltlrked by substantial public partl!;lp:uion ; ea!;b ,enion if IIttended by 300 to 400 villagers. The Court', decision! lire nre1y dIsobeyed, This Is because of their intrinsic fairness nnd community involvement. 1.0" Hne WllyS, Ihil Court I1chievcJ a quality of jUJtke ,till ~ought ror by the IIAle IClal system: for example, it more effectively protectl womcn's equal ri,hl~ of inhaitance, matr,imorUol properl,y, etc, The Court', criminal justice I)'$tem already pro\'Ides for effe(lIve com~n5.iltion for the vi(tinu of crime, which is still on the lellishllive anvil of lite "lite legliisyslem. lIS rehubilil31lve techniquCllre much more advanced in $om~ r~speclJ: a murdl':rer is ' punished' to look nfter the widow and minor ebildren of tbe victim for • term of yellrs under close iupen'ision of the 10(81 community ..... 1t~rc3s b:s impri5nnnlellt in Ille officialleglll syJlem would have rendered bOlh families dutitute. The !.ok Ada/al cxperiment also iIluslrates other dimensions of ~ela.tioDsbip between the 5131e and non·Sl.ate lepl systems, Often, dispute institution. ,eoeTine nnd 6u&tnill broad·bllled lender~hip pill/ernl whieb promole developmelltal IFti'itks-both economic and loda'. It WIl) through his ro le M n medilltor in ,'illnge disputes tltut the lender of Lok Adalal, Shri H. Parikh (nn eminent Sancodo)'o worker> Ilinined legltimncy, nnd II dcgreCl of eharl'ma. In turn, he uSed uk tlda/at to tranllale hir vision of loclo-economlc reforms by maklog it • vehkle of reform· oriented ndult education. He. made thc adjudicatory occasions inlo educlltional onel, both through fU;lual decisions lind plain preaching on many themes-fltmily planning, iII·cff~ts of overaonsump_ ~lon . of ~lcoholio drinks, honesty in credittrllnSAction., ch·jJ IibeTties, ~ rratlon~IIlY of belief in wllchcrllft. equality of women, I\griculturlll mnovalton, CIC. Today, the area of about 1,000 \'illagC'.!l ha$ wilnc5!icd re~n r.kable soclo·economie changes partly fOltered nnd sustained by tbl, kind of didllclic adjudicalion. In Ihis sen.e, perhaps more has been nehieved by mobilization of lay ju.tiee for development than by Insin. ence?n adoption of professional justice, III is illustrated by the stlltc', abort/vc a!tempts lit formalizinG "llllIge jUlti!;~ through the Slatutory IIYoyo pont},oyars. (.ce Uni, 1976:1, 19112). . The lAk Ada/at is not no isolated phenomenon, althoullh it may be in le~et.l respects, unique. On II ltlser scale, qulte:l few luch uperimenls eXISt. Moreover, oat too diuimilBr functions {of promotin8 welfar!!,
"
SOCIOLOOY 0' LAW
developnlcnt, II alII! mobility) have been nnd lin: being flerformed by Jail panc:haYMI 'caUe dispute ;n~tilUtinntlllS noled lIy Stvet:tl ItlciologiSlS :and anlhroftO'ogi1!i, When Ihe;; flcrrt~lm s\lch functionl, 111 they increllsingly do, both in 1l(\judiJ;4Iory llnd olher contcxts, lhe jail pJllchmyals supplement thc role of ,stale: in.bringing nbout soci~\ clltlngc, ~llhough they do so on Ihc blui. of calte loyalty .nd patronngc. It would be mislelldlng to aSSume that conflicts between Sill Ie and IOCR!
Ie,a' orders 3fe merely conflicts of ,:.luUi there nrc also contlicl' of
,
i
root'LC's L\W, Of VI LOI'M~1'IT AND Jun lell
.r
y
!;ell~:e~~~vye '~fc of ~nCiliotjon IIUnl$ the growth :lnd refinemenl u life; It dul1J Ih: :~i;~:~uA:r:~C too;uII;/n complex, communIty
illlerem. Adoption of conJlitutionni values naturally calls for J3crilkc of pCrlon:a1 or ,roup intere," which ,m: c\cllrly nOlllcccpt.blc 10 th05t 111 positions of higher dillS, status or power. Some would even lay Ihll.l wbltille spok~n of as viliutl art nothing mort than tlltionallxations of inlere.sll of vcsted interest groupS, We must al.o note that the limits of $llIle pow~r, aUlhoril), and law are 001 sctjusl by vlI.luts and lnleresLS but lI.l,o (and p~rhapJ no 1m decisively) b), Ihe level or organiutlon of efforts, Most'develupiIlB' tQuntriCli lire poor (appallingly so. lIS in the case of Inub. where :r large aurnbtr of people do not have menns of bare lubsistence); we immediltely perceive that the level of properly affects adveue1y the reich of ,laIc IIIW nnd Ihe quality of its justice. (nvcstnlcnl In Adminis· Iralion of law lind jU\lice is not (and probably C:lnnol be) a hiah priority item in nluiOllll1 budgets of poor lOc1etiu at the very time when they havc to resort to the m3chinery of Inw 10 fusler locial change in dcveloplng locieties, All this mcan., of course:. Ihal there arc not enough cOllrlJ, constable. Ind lawyen-cnrrien or offidal la\ll-In poor locielie" Thu,. ror uampie, In Indin (according to one estlmllle) Ihert IIrc only IS3 law· yen pct one million nr Ihe populalion III Oillinst 507 lawyers In the United Klnp,dom, 1.595 in Ihe U,S,A,. 947 In New Zealand. 638 in Auslralla. and 769 In Canada.. Indeed, lome ItTell1 In India h3ve no lawyers It .11; nnd /J1I~r I~ dislribullon of Illwy~n within India reveals even 'Iriking di.parities (Galanler, 1968·69: 201). As regard. pollce, in 1911 accordln! to the official estlmotes. there wllS one policeman for every 800 penons in India; bul the distribution is uneven belween the ruml and urban cenlr~I, The llveraac jurisdiction or a police. Ita lion is about 200 squ3re milcs covering 100 viHnlc5 and II. populallotl or appro:dmlleiy 1S,OOO peuona. It waf rslimlltcd io I'> 50s that pollee lIallons \litre, on Ihe IIvclage. about 8 miles from any viUlIge (Ollyley. 1969: 19·80). The ilate \cgal ,y~lem, pelvl\~;ve in urban lI.rtn. il only sltnderly present in rurailireu. The Inw Yi~lbilhy or ,late lellli ~yatem, and its 5lender prnenee rende,. officiall"w (ill vlillue, and proctlscs) inltCcouible ~nd even ifrtlev~nl for pcople. Olhcr facto •• huch III Inc I.nlua,e of Ihe law, which if :\Iiel\ 10 ahoul QS rercent of th~ 1,coplc) compound ..... ~ I...... n,1 neoole,
"
All these vndnhles make the relntionship bttw~cn SLS nd NSL.S very COn'f1r~X 3(f'Jir Palling cmpJriclllly informcd cnlu ~ rt recourse to nprioriuie or i~eDl08icnl b:15iA, IVhelher in l:rm~t~Ut' one ~,n .deal of Ram·Ro/J'o or In terOlS of Ilcnderson', an31' sll Gn.n.dhl 5 d,m ,', '" of Ir:ldltlC"r.~1 C'oncilintion and the .rowth o P . , . .. ')cra IC tga tly, • • Henderson Ii crlll4lUc or Ihe Japanese SI!UIJlory "oncUj~tio m (Chotal) may weU be extendcd mil/otis nIllland,S" to Ihc iOdige~ou n/ysle settlement proceSJes in Indin : s 'spllle-
of I , ahl . cuenlJlIl I to Ihe alii. t mny nl50 allow old rulel , , preJudiCes. which nelll ruin a.nd •11l I I . .l nnl 'Deial t(l nbolish. 10 innucnce the OU1C:: o/g;.llIl on , have _soughl .1I0w II new rClime to ignore Ihe law in rl~pules, . or I~ mny olhcts word" con.:ili:ation is fie'lh our of Its pollc)' .. In e prinCiple; it is simply Unptin~iP~~dcon,',crvativ , nor p ro 8 re nh'e In 'h' . may avour Ihe P'W Cu, o~er I e weak. In thc nlme or ba. ,. " " cr lilTs to discount their e\3ims' It TI:unlng, II ordltllltily rorces plain. mn)' opernte to com pro ' I vind1c:alion
IClIlc Rroup interests which migl'lt be mIle arge re-form legiJIarion In Ih,,, '.""1 ' b,eltcr h:lndled by forthright " . , I 11\lon I only an ad' " lubstltute for • II le.,1 ord~" Junet ' to, nOt " I re Ie upon u.c: ss'" merely nnn.legll-il hIlS IIntilegal I e I\e y, It Is not g work 10 protecllhe voluntary n le 31, nol volunIIlT),. conelliatlon will lik I t b . on and If 11 IS II. standllrdlcss ule or f~rce e y 0 ecomc In prllclice simply
,.d"r "d
charlc~~ru ~~"~~n:~~et~
fr~m~.
Hcudenon ouHinc.s live si,ua~ion' (lhI'd 2"~':j,/~t"dt,~o,, (}9JO: 141) "will produce quiek and' .." In which condliatioo Incxpenllve fC~Ulti" h . to secure through IdjudiClttion H' Ii p~r IIpl dlfficull clement, numely "Ihe ractu:tland I I~ ]Ve,Silu3lions have one common clear 10 Ihem dU~inllhe pr~cc$~," ela P051110ns of Ihe flJrtic.s become The above sott or ~flprai$lll can b
tOotl'llSlS between 'concililltion' and
'd~ 5:~n t~
be based on idelll.typo OT. between (in our emerging Ilre clcar Ilnd common he baSIC Ide3(-tYI"leal conll1lst$ thus settlement processes mllY ," enoug • namely, Ihlll indi{:cnou5 dl'JtUle· " . ow room for 'p 'd' d' pnncil"letl" .Ieterminuion Ihat', rCJU ICC Tilthcr thlln between pllrties. that In I~me ~II ~~r ib~ 5w~ycd ?y power cliff'm::nlilll, lypkallevlIl. the cnsc rorslructllrln }' Il S Ilnll!egal, And I1t lin ideal· the OIltionRlle&\l1 order is el , g nd co~finln8 locallnw.ways through
conle~.t) NSLS lind SLS orden, Thl JU ~en,llon'
o
car y II. compflhng tine ul ~uch a conclu.lon need5 to be ehcckcd II .
Icgal systcm IIccent"",' •• d'''' lIalnll a model tlf MlrOnnl luerenl n,pccU (b h ' , reill/ly rather thnn my",) A 'd" e ~V.tlUT (.!Iher that vlllue . • rc 11,1 c nl nnd! .,' ,. . enllnenlly grounded in 'prln . I . egiS :HIve deCISions prc· CIP e (lither than in 'prejudice' ? (Whnen
'0
SOCIOLO(;\' OF 1..0\ v.
,he Incollduslve but \Jnending cnnlroveny over 'rellioned clubQftatlon' Ilid 'llculr3.1 principles' In Amcrirnll CQn5tituliollni law Ii'crillurc). Ale the nlltion:'IIl.lw.W:t~S sub!llInliatly (rcc of 'old prcjudicn' c:lnccltinll the objcClivd of loci;!1 (It:!n.!;!: through lotIY? Do no power dirrerentials between advcfSnriu aWeet leg1\ initintions [Inti outcome)? Does nOI Ihe volume of Qut-or-court seuicrncn15' in civil CoUtS, lind of picabargaining in crimill,,1 mllners, (on trust sharply with the adjudicative
.dvc:rs:),ry ideal 'I And can one ignore the ,.rowing blilk of evidence. of 'lyoch.juSlkc' in lodino police ~ll1tion. Ilud jl\i15 ? Thul: arc bi, quulionl but sociological studies of natioollilegal ordefs hllH! beGun to point 10 the glent gnp between rhetoric nod re:llily, between Jlrocl:lirncd objectives and dysfunctional procenC:5 and fcsull1, The loson 10 be drliwn from Illesc parliallllld unaDilla tlploralioos is not Ihn! thert ore no 5isnificsnt dirreren~s between nalionallnw· w nys (lnd loc.I1aW'WIlYs f/lll Il1nt Iflue: dljfrftllCC1 em." p/ "tgrtlJ fallu" ,ftIJIl 1'1/ kflld, Moreover, the He~denon·t)'pe critique of indiaellous dispute·$cU!entcnt 'system,' demands $ubsllntlal nttcmpls at empirical veritication, resdrd· len or Ihe poulbllity thnt the contrllSl between SLS nod NSLS m.y hllve been OYerdrllwn. The relevant question, arc: 1. What features of communilY life nccount for, even if partinlly, the persistence of llnd chnoges within ind igenous legnl systems (NSLS) 7 2. To whnt ektent are tbe NSLS tied to p~tternl of loeal dom;n{lnce 7 To what eXlent do Ihey approximate 10 Weber's plllrimonifll lIod trndi· tiona\lJlic authority types 7 In otbcr words, whal is ~he diltance between these systems And the legal rAtional luthority ttructuru operative on the 'wider' community 1 3. What .orts of ehloget ocrur 1I'(,h/lI rhe5e indigenous legal sYltefllJ 'I Arc some of IhCl~ such as to IIttract the hypothuil thlt le",1 chlllil: doel no~ occur in reilltlvdv simple soelelle. (Posp1511, 195") 1 Wh(l.! typcs of ethnographical materials do we need toellp\ore the dlmenilons of quali. tative change. within such legal system.'! 4. Whllt is the r~I:1I1ve inciden«. on Il.Yailable data. or the ",I;lndard· leu use of force" (Ivnch·justicel II IIgaillll the incidence of the 3pptic~. tions of the stlndards of subllantive legal ntionillty (hdl.justice) '! s. Is there nny evidence_ in Ilvlliloble IitWllure, 10 support the view Ihat indigenous adminillration or justice lends to blunt the 'dghts· consclousneu' of the members of aiven communitiu. 6. Whll impact. ir nny, do the indlgeooul legnl ,ysttms hl'le on the developmental objcclivt5. resources and mCII.,ura of the 'wider' commu· nity (relion, Itale, Ilnd nalioo) 'I How do such .ysttlUI .rreet, ror example, (a) the communic.tion of national and 5talewide le,.1 valueS, stllndllrd" precepts. and norm. (sec Irvin Kaplan, 1965); (b) the intcirit~. morale nnd role structuring of the 'agent" of the
rr.ort.I!'s t.Aw, DI:\'I!t.OrMCNT AND lusuer!
81
'wider' le~n1 community including lawyers (sec Khl\re 1912)
~::Im:.als~;~)a~y lind
police (Dayley. 1969;
Cbakm~·lIrt~.
1975;
(c) 'wid the attainment or Ie 11 . . sa y pur5ue d dCYelopmenl~1' 80als of the er community say. HI rellilion to agrari(lll reforms I\. . welfare measures such 115 the abolition or 'unto!lchabIJiI,~r1 social s Importanl as the studvordisp I . I . study or fivoid3nce fl.v 'd' ~ ID5! lutlons and prOteS5C$ is thc • • 01 IInce 0 disputes nr reeou ,' d Inlc:rvc:nt;on in disputes' "fi rse to t tIT pany transrormation. A the~U I~nt bearing 011 the a
Ilr!
d,., •
,U
or
/ 'tluUAL
"
5 TRIDAL LAW AND JUSTICE India blls a lIubSl~nljal tribal population, According 10 196\ census, the population of the scheduled tribes (as these arc coostitutionally deslg· oated) was 30 million; the 1971 remus placts the population figure at 4l million. l'IaIC of the scheduled tribe (Sn popuhuion Is conecnlnllc:d in tbree sMU of Inui", namely, MudbYII Pradesh, OrlJ5!l, aod Bihar, A few fillies 111\.! Union tcrriloriu hlve:l predominant ST popullllion (e.g., Lakshadwccp Islands have 97.03 rer cenl ST popullilion; corre.pnnding Ogure for NlIialtlnd Is 9J.09 per cenl, lind for the previoully called NEFA .rea it il 88.59 por cent Ilnd ffJr Olldra and Nagar IIllvdi it i. 88.45 per ceDt). It i. beyond the scope of tllis survey to aUempt, even 10 bllre outline the eyo\utioo of tribal policies dumlS the ('oloDilil regime Ot in Independent India. It should suffice here to mention th;\l there are hardly ally tribal groupl I>hic:h have not been e",posed to coolact aod pcoetratloo of non-aib:!.1 people. The Counitutioll seeks to IDfegullfd the cultur:!.1 unity lind identity of tribal groups through provisioD' in fundamental rlgbtl. through aUlonOIlIUU$ "IHehood or self.goYl:toance IIrl1logcment5 lind in5till,ltiolls Jlnd through II. whole variety of limitations on the oefarioUi activities of the non·tribals, upecially mooeyleodeu (Hidlly.tuUllh, 1979). At the Illme lime, the Indian State h .. underl.ken II wide ranse of tribal development and wclf:lte pro&r.lmmes Includini hmd and agrarian reforms. It hal cOlIslstently rClOr1cd to strate,les (consli. tutiOllllUy sanctioned) o( reservaliona in edUcation, employment and legiSlatures and 1I!11ed tnpeC15 of comjleUSll1ory (or revene) discrimination and otber mtll_Utes, dcsigned to eHmhlll.te exploitation of ST population.
w.w Af'jD JUSTIa!
81
Thc o ... erall resull5 Ilrt dimcult to auest. 10 OIOtt 5itu
- --- -
i'IUbAl LAW AND JUJTlca soCt()1.OOY 01' lAW While there is no CClllrB1\'lcd lIuthorit)' for settlement of disputes 39)'both Ihe group', for Ihe tribes II!. L\ wbole, "severn! neighbourhood 1~\\ICnleOls form II sroup rind the elders of 11~c:se aeillemcl\ll meet to ~ 'Iute an ad Iwt: Council wh~ncver II ,erLOUS brcllch of eus~onuHY ~;'~~sturbS till: h:umony of Ihe Group" (lb'ld:, 44), Such COU~Clts are I IDd authoritative arbiterl of the coofllct but Iheyare IOformlll :::ies wbich Brri"'e III participator), dccitions in public meetings. • bment usually consists of finn (11. rdult of the advent of mone), J'IIIIlS '. r lod economy) but ostncilJng lind exeommuoic;ltlon are 0 ten emp y~ • Both these typts~r ~ribal &:ro~ps., Ih~ foo~Hlnlb~:erl.aodeuIUy~t:I:~: Iblre. a basic egol1tnrl;lnlSn1. Thelrl IS pnm:ml)' 11. locle~}' of eq Dol ooly"in resources." Only "one 5tandard of conduct IS urtct~d of them all. and there il notilln; to fo.vout thc crY.\Blli1;utiao or. conflicting moral au!tudes" (IbM, 551, enron:cment of conrormlty If not v~ry d!fr~rentm1t blemlltic ' nLit in $OCielbs I1cccptinS or .even ravourinl propower ' Iy "I eSJi simple! in and weallh such c:nforeeml:nt IS It relalive mlttet." This Is shown by Ihe situlllion of APll Tanis. on Indo· Tibetan borderIInds. The Apa Tnnis nrc sell led ngricuituro.lisil wbo have d~ve.loped ", blah1y cRicienl system of rice cultintion on parmancnt Itrlpled fields," The Ap:! Tanis reeoaolle privale property in land: and have • ria id straliflcatioo. with immutable barrier' be~wee3 ~he noblemen l",clIlthy pcople) and commoners, Their dispute InltItUUO~s arc ~ot uri hoc bodies but have a formal composition. The touncll. co~pr.lle tcpruentallVCJ of e:tch chin of the villll,se. There I~ ". clenr dlstmctlon bet ....·een 'public' ~Dd 'privl1lo' wronl' In ApI!. Tanl ;umprudeoc.e., Then Is eooside:red to be 1I wrong 1I&1I1nU lociety, nec.enih1.tJnll publh: Irl~ Ind puoishmeot wherelU for privllle dbpute~, lelr-help (al'tntOIl1I) 'pcrmilled. Vi11a,e councU. will activate thenlSelY~S only on suc.h occasions wherc priVlllC disputtl develop a leod~ncy to "fftct public peace. Tho ioterferencc by the council takes the form of pl:lleeful
I'
D~loliations Obill., 14.83).
. In his study of KOl1ynk N~g3S. Furer·l-laimendorf finds Iwo lyres of NaBIl vlllatCJ, nJm~ly. 'democralic' nnd 'chiefl)" vi~lages (Ib~~., S4.I,O~). Tb~re is a deaf recocnitiuo in buill types of vlUnQes of nulbonllC$ cmpowtred to ncrt control and impose $anclions" Ubill.. 90). .10 'demOCll1ltc' vl1lllges, villilge council. comprising hereditary o~ tlcc(ed head. or families stU Ie dlsputu In a dIstinctively judicial eapllcLly, Malt breacheJ of CUSlomary !Jw arc puoisbed by (inCl. 1IIIIIoull1 banl,bmeDt It otlen awarded u a punishment (in cues. for CJ.lImple, of repl:l1l(d Coune: of Ihe(ts). There is ~ellpe for self·help. paltieularly in (Uti where: ,; peraoo is Il ... ictim of deliberate physical inJury. The kintmen of the ~Ictim lire: colil1c:d to 11\'eO;e; bUI even la, village couDcillotl oneo ioterYene io "quarrel, whl~h hnvc not yet led to violence." Thc
8S
Konya!.; vil1age councils Iho enforCe! InllllY laboos IS "necessnry preeautiofl$ asainH mllny mllaicill dllnaers." The (uundlJor. lim at harmony, which oteen mc~nJ that the powerful clllns mly obtain OUlcomo:s Lhey prefer ngninS! the. relati\'c:ly weak ndveunry, But this billS towards the strons clnns is not through\;oing in 'democratic' vilhtges a5 II is In the: 'chien)" vl\lngu, There (lI(m a. "rund;\menll1l d!ff~rence in Ihe conduct C)l;ptcted from the commoners and those appropriale 10 membeR of n chiClny clnn," For eumj)le, monogamy il 'rnandllory' ror the commoDers. but the memDeri of 'Chiefly' dans are perml"ed to have many wives. The ,iluation of Raj Gond" who are lettled plou&:h t\.lltjvlltor~, o\'e.r tbe cenlre of peninSUlar Indin which is much larler tban the British IJles. Is mikingly different, One: re.non is IhM the Gonds "widely dispersed In .pace:" Arc consciOUI of 11 "unity inherent in IISOCill1 frame· work which IIIloe:attilO every Good a preei~e plnec in loeiety" (Furerlhimendorf, 1961; 111), D,llrlnll the f'ifleenlh to the leventeeotb ~(ln\Uries, (h~ Goods excrciled ,Ignifieanl polilical po ..... er ; nltltouah Ibe Gand rutiDS dynastiel Itnve: \011 their loverelan IlatUS, tbe Oond Rajn (King) hlU relained a Iraditiooal role or considerable: imporl1loce. Social control b excrclsed among the Gonds tbrouJh ylI\a&:e level pGndrtu Ca group of five men), drawn mainly from Ibe influential aDd Imporlant drcles of Ibe villl;e, The Ponchos may meet 00 their owe to preveot the cOlIscquences or In aetloo that is regarded III "polluling" or tbey may meet to seille 1I lpedfic dispute brought berore them by the p:utla. The mall inlerculng teBlure of the paltch mcetlngt whieh arc rtlRlively Informal Iud open to the public. i5 thllt "every mectlng ... tcnd. 10 elucidate, reilemte lind loterpret tbe uawril(en law of tbe tribe, and there nrc ilutontcs wben tbe IIIscmblcd meo 'pend \DOfe time Oil dlJOuulng the prioClipies involved Iban on inveatiantin&: tbo rigbta and wronp orlho tpedfic dlJputCl to be sclUed" ((bId., 122). or Course, the pGndtas try to Irrlvc at A SOIUlioo or di.put~s. which Is ac(eptllble to both parti~s but "Gonds consider it OClceSSllry to elucidate what tribal crutom prescribes, If the panch Is 10 strike It balllDce between tbe eooRicting elaims of two litigllnts" (ibid., 122; see also for the Khasi IYliem or etiminG.I justie:e, Deb ~t ai" 1970: 206) . In a recent study (1979). Furer·Haimendorf has elaborated r'lrtbcr on tbe Good coocepi of jUstice and related social "'nlues, 10 a plfticularly importBnt discussion of lanelinns. he identifies three rormJ or CAcommunlcalion, the mOltlevere bdna tG(lu, imposed on Iholc "who have lost their no:ma~ !iluG.1 stalus by luch 8 polluting act as Ihe shning of n m~al or bUlolle.llull1 lotercouuCl with n noo-Gond or II low,llItUI." The ',e:cond dearee 0' "elcommuniclltioD Is a form of outcalli"g: ond tbe thIrd. tlte least severe, amounts merely to e:xcluslon from worsbip It IDC~Jlf3J 'hrlnes. In Ihe 11&1 two forms, no purification GeremooiCJ
so
86
lOCIOLOOY 0' LAW
tre required: but the lint (orm condemn, Ihe t"communicant 10 II. ritually polluting Itlllll'. Be muSI undergo "1I.n cl3borl1te ruriliclItlon cefl;mon)" which Irnditioll.llly could only be conducted by A Taja," Elcommunicnlion of the Iir~,IIIV(l (orms rcnlly reinforces Ihe Idcnll\y of tht group and ils lIuthority lI(uclutts. A Gond rcfufing to comply ..... ith the decbion$ of the I'lwchol i$ "no louser a Good" (Furcr.HlIimcodorf. 1919: 165), Furer-1I3imcodorf (ultis thaI il dcci$ioo 10 elcommuni. cite "is binding on GOllds wbcrc\-cr they liye," This rnull dllTers from Ihlll of the NII,,'s : while "Nllga justice it concUllcd only wilh the comparatively smlll in-gToup of II •• illale village, Raj GOlld' ICO themselves 05 II. part of llluch wider ~odct)' cltlcodiog Ideally to the. far nung regions where sroupl of Iheir commuuity dwell" ({brd. , 1(6). Furer.1 \cr.imentlorf warnt 1IJ;lIinst reluding U(:omrnunicililon liS a nlcre punltbmeU!3inintl lUI offence. Rather, il is "an II.ct or ,elf derence on the part of society," In other words, e~commun1elttlnll doe. not take the form or phy,lcl\l bllni.hment ns in .ome other tribal locldiet ; "Oonds pl::ace onl>' social di1tllnce between tribal .ociety And those .who will not Jlbide by ilS lawI." He lugg~sts EI. "de~p (:ooceptu,,' difference" between tbis kiad of sanetloning process nlld those wbich entail innlctlon of physical p:!.in or territorial ouster or exile. ElComnluni<:.allo,o represents 11 "non·vlolent de-illl(!fJelUl"nf in those who nauol5OClcty s
rules" (ib{d .. 161). Thc.re are maoy interesting and distinctive features ofOontl cooceptions of justice, Flr&II),. aJ noted, unlik.e NaSas, the Gond ",ttOanlZCI the uiJtenee of lOCi.. 1 nnd 1II0rol order c:!ttending over the whole or Good lociety lIod in uo ""IIY limited by gcoarophical boundlriu." Scrondly. wbile .. limited n1noul'll of self· help is permitted, there il amon~ the Gooda a acneral dilllJ'lpoval of "ret.alillioo as II tDc~n' or ~bt.'~inl .1 " Amon8 Ihe Goods (here IS 'no room for ,DsthuUonahzc.d usuce, " Jtcprhnl of the type cutrent !lmOnl,lh.e. tlibel Of, Arunachal Prade,h, Tlllrdly. the importaoce of eounCII_1I00 and ~llln~~MOC~ of customa,r y norms is ofteo bulanced with tbe nced fot fe$torJIIg the dllturbed SOCIal ba1tnOny," Of teo, the ptlIH:lfns elldtavour 10 promote II. sClllemcot which y give to p3rties less thUD what, mig\1t bc due to them 00 11 strict ~:ndltd of cUltOnlmry law. Fourtllly, n "elulT:tctcrislic reature of justice Ildministettd by Goad panchaYllu is the absence of Any provision ror the o.w:ud of compenSbtioD fer injuries lufTered"; compcnSlltlo? II awltrded ouly for the nCluol upenditure incurred, Fines, wllcn leVied, ulually accrue 10 ptlilcililt and not to the vieillrious party, Fifthly. dIscussion on "generlll rulel appliuble a~d hYPolueliCiI C!\Itt involving .Imilar I~'AI problem1" occuu frequently 10 Qnod pancb.~at sessions. Thus, "the law a1 re~ugniled by tradition lind pubUn op.iOlon is pericxiicIUy rcatOlcd and reformul.lted, Ilnd IldjllslolcnlJ nccc,~~ltllled by cbooged conditions clln be veoulated and gradually evolved ({bid .•
'IIlIDAL LAW AND JUITICI!I
!7
169-11), Sixthly. the princ:iplct of Gond justice allow no joint responsibilityof kinsmen as prev,lIs amon,S! the most or the tribal societies of norlh'CIllI India, where Ihe mildeeds of one mIn may be twenged by :tn tUSilUit on any of hi, clole "nalie kinsmen. There i. no cu.s.tom or blood feud, COmmOD amoDgi' Ihe Nagu and Ibe Ni5uis, The Good "is ... tltptcted 10 break of all social contact with even the closest of kinsmen, oot excluding a full brolher, wbo bas falleo in a ,tate or pollutioo" (ibid .. 114), Fif!nlfy, the assumption IImongst Gonds Is thai the village council will always IIdmini5ler justice "according to the dictates of ptUdenu and cultomlfY IIIW, oud tbot force will never be IIl10wed 10 prcui\." No d>lubt, ,hi,ISoan ideal picllHt. Ncverlhclen, "in theory publicopinion don not allow indlviduob to fiahl out their quarrels by themselves, and any mAjor outbreak of violence normally resulu in proccedings before II competent panch" ({Md., 111). The Sanlhuls of nihar (notable for their 'lioo~' rebellion of 1885 uBainSl fraudulent moneylender., rapacious tux collc.c/ors, including police) hue been, during landlords. aod eruel lind corrupt lhe COllrse of long history, an "encapsulated" !libe, which bas been able to maintllin. dupite intensive tontllct, ils own culturel identiry and herilage. The headman, mostly hereditary, perrorm5 a key leadership role among theSanthal. Ilt the village level. The role of the hetldman is indeed very complex II he i. IIOt jUJl the key adjudicator of dispultt but he Is alJo an 'adminiSlrator among otben, of the vililgo and also an artieulatio& link bel ween Ihi. community lelr-regulation and lovernmental development prolramme: he in ract act. also .. a village pradhtJtI, II bUrellueralic ageot (Somers, 1918). !lut io terms of our prc~ent concerns the headmllo', role specifically requiru (i) protection or collective rights, (iI) protection or individual rigb!), (iii) eflSuring perrormllncc of collective dulies, and (iv) containinl devlllDce lIod eo.uHin, commitment 10 Santhn\ community and culture ({bid., 193). The headman workl tbrough villilge leaden and in collaboration with his counlerparu in olher village., The "Santal headman is 1\ reeogniz.ed catalys\ in the process of attoining conscnsus," He represents tbe "customs lind ex.pecl:ltlons or the IncellOTS whOle rule. of behaviour afe considcre(!- corrcct"; the customS of ancestors !lre considered "guiding principles." Htadmen hove often rcsianed their position when thoy ,cern to the "administrative ciders" or to the people unable 10 perform thIs role, In mllny way_, Santhnl cullure happily combines egalitarianism and participatory decisIon-milking. willi ddereoce for sse and soniority, and for the call1.lytic role orlhe he' lilian. Tbi. cur!ory overview prescnts a proBle of the rich vll.rlely or rejimc.t Ind illstitutions of lodigeDoUJ cu.tomuy [~w. Tho DIl.IUre and runction of dispulc inJtitutioo, "rc rehued 10 the variable of locial organiutioo,
,'
8B
1JI.1IlAL LAW ... ND IUSTtet
!OCIOLOC't OF YW
.!;uri.n enterprise, culluf,,1 values ,md even cosmogony. Anthropoloai-
jf nt all, the jail motleb or IIIW, adjudlclllivn and jU5liC"c influence $uett CJ[crdsCl in hJcn\lty realignment 1 Thc fo/eaclOa indiCJl.lionJ and qUCf,lions undcrscorc the need for. 5u5uincd IYllematic cxami[llllioo of Ille relation belwecn people's law nod stlltc Inw, and the under/yioi: v"lue Ind ideology conlideratioDs. No genuine understanding or the .otinl chlnge dynamics through Icgal pltualism is po5Sible without sueh clTorlt.
ca.t studies do nOI, by lind huee:, anAlylt the nature and scope of IDtcreclion between indigenous IriballoSlilulionJ And l.1w lind the 51:1.Ie law, We hive a few tidbil$ of Information concerning iOiCrlc:lion between the two legal IY$tCrril. Introduction or cluh flne, represents 001 just the moneliz!ltion of ulbnl economy bUI nt!o the 1mI'm::! of the stille legnl ,yuem 'sloek·ln trnde' rntituilvc nnction. The prevention of tbe practie-I: of hend·hunting aOlollg NagRs, Dod the actual disuse of Ihis sanclion, is I dirtct eonsequence or the imposition of ,tale law as on ioiti;ltOr of chllogc in the indigenous 1uw. The refercnce, in most situatioos. of murder to Ihe .[~I~ criminbl justice system by the ind!i~nolll .y.tem i. '" fair meuure of acceptllllce of the hegemony of the St..S in certain areu ovel NSLS. Out I' the Santhal situation I\lustrillu the Sl.S 1111$11 negative face for mo.1 tribal! perhllPJ not bCCl.UIie of tbe problem of differiog culturlll mode$ but due to the maDlfnl corruplioD ilnd cruelly of iI, Ilon-triblll ngtnll-the police , pro,eculor' lind In some CIlStJ even the COUIIS 'alto see Onxl, 1976b, 1982 on the R~lIllpur uperience; Elwin, 1943). We also Icarn from Ihese 51udies eoncerniDg the differences Ind simll.ritiesln conceptions of ju.tice nod its relatioo to power. The moral and jurnl double staodnTdl of Kooyak Nagu :lre pcrhDl'I1 atypical: but tbe SUi in iI, enforcenleo t of low aod ndministratlon of justice is not mucb removed from the Ittuified justice of KODyak Nagu. in 10)' calil:, the concern for harmony. favouring the resourceful over the underprivileged througb a careful elaboration of the law found amongst tbe Raj Goods olTers almolt a paradigmatic description of the Indian Ilnte Icgal,ystcm (SLS). H is doubtful If there u.isu for the enlire tribal popuilltioo or India lIny dillioctlve conception of jUllice ; there leelll to exist. however, dinlnetlve types of cooceptions of jultice among tbem (Furer·Haimendorf, 1967). These need 10 be examined in rclation to conception. of jUltice manifest in the vilh"ae Ica;aJ system. and those manifest in Ihe SlS. The impact of the constitutional .ollcltude ror tbe .cheduled trihea over the internal political and judicial procelle. of tbe tribal Iflitem, abo remalol to be uamined. Aothropoloaical studies h....e rdtcrated that tbe "clear aod expcctable" dire<:tion of tribal ehange is towards acceptance of JaIl (caste) characteristics (MandelbaulIl, 1966 : S93). To wbn extent tbe constitutional rights and privHelCf Support Ilnd arrest thil treod 1111 othcr word., bow do tribal groups m(lke conscious cboicc.t to identify themselvcs lIS member, of jatf ralber Iban tribe and What awarenesl of eonstltutional benefil5 goCl inlo the caieulul or their choice 1 There have beeD "ollblc eumplu IIrbetl.'l tri bal aroup! identified tbclDJelvc.J with Ilja/f onlytto revert to tbe origInal identifiCilion (t.g., the Bbumlj of Dcnllli studied by Surajit Sinha, 1959: 12· 30). To wbllt utcnt,
i
,
rill! NVI.'(1. I'I.NCJI"VATS
91
tulnll power, "Inker offers impn:!llve Jtatistieal evidence of the riJin&, volume of judicial work of r.tnchaYilu e:speci.:.Uy in U,P. ond Beneal (lbFd., W7) . But aput from this "!lluoble information, we have; nowbere io available literolUre aoy rlo!u lIuol)'1il of the nature of ditpUle.s, justice-qualIties of the decisions, or the impact of the' judicilll work of panchayat on Ihe SLS aDd NSLS, Studic$ 00 lCGalli'i$torydta\ only Witll 'SUPUslrUCll!re', ralher than 'graurools' for diJpeoulion of justice. A very important area of social history of Indian law awaits exploration, thirty yeari lifter Independeocc. Offic:io/ E"alualionJ of N},o)"a Pant/Illyats
6 THE NYAYA PANCHAYATS Introduction
or
Curiously, while there is much literllture on decentralization political power -that is lcai\\atiYe lod ueeutl ...!! ~owefi-there is vcry Ilnle direct
examinatioD of dcccoualiutioo of judicial pOlVer through village COurt. Ind lfyaJa pon,hD),DfS (NPJ. Although, villaae courts were establilhed. for u.lmplc, io Mlldras II early at the cnd of nineteen th century, we: do net have any descriptive, lei olone empirical, literature 00 their (uDelioD and rule, both in rdatiOD to the SLS and NSLS. SImilarly, tlle devolu_ tion of judicial powers, bclwccli 1920 IDd 1947, on p,lnChaYBtJ hu remained largely unexamined 10 thele tI:rms (Dui. 19761). The teodency, eveo (OT this period. is towards .u examination of the ,trudurt, function, Bod power of v1l1l1gl: bodies as D$pCCIS or units o f
IIWIII leU-&ovcrnmcnt. FortunD.tely. a few IIudiu elve a detailed IItentiOn , within Ibis cootexl, to specific dynamitll of the devo\utioo of jUdicial powers to local bodies. Of .ueh studies tbe mos t notablo 'Work is thaI of Hugh Tinktr (954)-5ee also S.C. Jain (1968). Tinker', authoritative analysis establishes: (i) t he BritIsh eltperlmeolallno in pllncbllyats wu "nowbere intended to reproduce the character· iuiG of old timepaD.ebIlY:l~" (Tinker, 1954: 197); (ij) panehayatl were only Intended to provide "a rudimentary l11unicip:!i fra!ncwork for IlIrge yjJIugei and 'mall lowns" and or to form I\. "simple jUdicial tribunal" (Iltltl., 197); (iii) in Ihis latter role "the princiPlil function of Ihe: panehaY:lI WIS to act . . .0. pettyeoun" ({bId., 197); (iy) lIt1gl1tion before pllncbayat Will a .ourc:e of reyenue-mostly through Ihe levy of flne.-.lncc: these bodlel had 00
I
I
AJ tloted. Sludies since Indepeodence ba... e: abo beeD neglectful of tbis lISped, But the Iteadily IIrowing literalllrc-bolh official nod Donomcial-dOel pro\'ide some informlltion 00 NP i)lltem. AmoDI tho oJllc:ia\ literature the fllmous Fourteenth Report of Ihe Law Commissloo of Iodia (1958) providu Iht! firlt anlllyli5 of ilS kind. The- Report i5 primarily concerned witb the Itructufal aspect of NP. It delli, with the controversyeonceroing the nomin;J.live \'euus the eleetiyc principles ill the con.titutioo and composition of N1? The LawComminion, a body of lawyers. did reject the oomioJ.tiYe principle, but it had some dIfficulties with Ibe idea of lin elected judiei3ry. It secml to hnve solved this probleol by rerU5ing to regard NP liS judie:illry in the proper .ense of tbil t term and by vie .... ioa them rather as popular tribunals (pp. 912-13). Tilt Law Commi1.5lon also fOllod the workload of NP quite lubstantial; It also found dislurbin, I)'ropt .... ms of delayed justice and arr!.'ars. The Commission thouaht Ih.d .Uthis Will partly due to Inck of e!eme.utary Itgal kno ..... ledge and reeommendc:d some kind of training programme! for Ihe IIJlaya parrc/ms. TIlcse nnd olher lDat\~rs recdved greater I1Ucol\OO in II filII It:IIlc Report of the Study Tum OD NyaYIl Panc:ha),ats (lndi. : Minim)' of Law. 1962), A mOil compreheoslve examioation of tbe working of NP In Jndia, thl. Rc:port allo reprCltn15 tbe: lIenern! offieirlo\ thinking 00 tho rIo'lllte nnd fUDetioo orNP. The Report, tbougb dated. is of c:ootiouina rdennce- becaUSe mOil of its rec:ommcodations ~til1 awail implementation. In fact, the Ashoka Mehta Committee 00 Pancbayati Raj (India: Miniiuy of ArllicullUte: .. nd Irrigatioo. 1978) in i15 all 100 brief chapler 00 NP Is content merely to reiterate Ihe Study Team's recommendatiODS. The Stud), Team favoured indirect eleclions to NP. and rejected the nomlnathe prioc:iple. 11 emphasized the aced for a comptebe05ivc ttlillinl of eyaya paochllliod doviled 1\ programme for !uell trllilling In conalderable detail. It agreed to propou.lf for euension of NP jurisdiction but deelined, unfortunately, to CAleod it to matrimoolal malter', TbeStudy Team .hared, more o r leIS, tbe same geneml vlc:w of NP (clilboratcd
91
SUCIOLOC\' 01' LAW
93
by Ihe Low CClll1l\li~li(l 1l or IlIdln) liS being ,\ 10IVer rung ('If judieitu)'. Yel the Siully 1 e~1I\ it~dt ~hllwet.l coasitlcrllbl( :J;nlbiv;l1cnt't' :151 to tile ,ole nnd runction of NP (,e.: lI.ui, 197(j,\; B;u.i &. Gnbntcr, (979). Allhe Illue levd, unit !'11 c\";\lul1\iol1$ of NI' occurred .. n r~rt of Ql!.miUl1lion of P.ludHlyall pij institutions boUI in MahlllllS\llrL'l (\971) and Rajaslh:tn (197)) IIIIOU811 hiph powcr~d comn,tuI;'C'. The M[lhi\tll.· ,hlra Commiltcc founu Ih:H only 123 ou\ of 1.4~6 NP in the slMe wert functioning etTeCILve!i: 11\111 about 70% of NP in the 5131c: were not hmcliQnal and ....'cre "moribund sod indfectivc" (Maharashtra, 1911; 202). In fact, the Commit!!:c W,I\5 hostile to Ihe very conception of NP. It felt IhH NP d':'lro~cd uilllng community dtspute in5li· ultiollS, th1,!5 Cllusing gnlYl~ l(leilll "dall1age". It rec=omlDcndcd that tbe whole concept of Nt> "needllo be droppcd Bod the bodies abollsbed." The Rajasthall Cl,'IllIllliHee nilo reported Ihc 'fllilurc' of NP, But it .,..U Inorc specific Ihgn ih coulllerp:ut In MlIhi1r1ubtra in ioc:!.Iing the rea,ons for tht 'fallurc'. Rcsour~'c narvlltion, lack of adequ~le powers and of pol\ul~r fuilll were the three {lrincipllJ reasonl. ~he Committee al~o found tll!!t the ideology of the scpllfation of judichuy from the executive, mllndi1led !ly the Direcllve Pcinclples of the Stale PoliCY, bad led to all the tlnee flCtofS weakenin& NP. Vnhke tbe Mahanuhtr. COlnmillee, the Raj3.sthan Committee rcconlmended II continuance or Ihc NP but in the form of sub-comminee of Gram Pancbaral. Thil, it felL, will overcome the problcro$ cllusnti ... e of their presenlSlld plight. So rllr only the Mahuashtru Committee's recomrnen· datioDs ha\'e been implemented, although thcy relted altogelher on .iloc;kingly dcploHlble m~lhods of da{a·eol\~ttiOll Ind more on prejudice utber than loclal scientific lele/Uch (JJalli. 1976a, Bul lind G~lanler, 1919).
NOlI,Official Eraluafiolls of Nya)'u PUllcl!ayats As noted CClrlicr, soci!)1 soientific IludicJ on the decentralization of judicial power through the NP h\l, ... e been very few, E...en the Itudenl$ of Panthaynli Rnj system 111vc, wllh a few notable exceptions, given .hort shllft \0 Ihe role and function of NP. (egal,chollus too have, by aDd Iluge, failed to devclo!, serious IlnlllysiJ of NP as grass-rooll institutions of justice, their focus being uJually on the lupcnlrueluro oppellalo inuilutiolU. The l\Vaihlble litll!ro.turc hM been e~len5ively sur ... eyed by Dn.li (197611) and 8:ui and Galanter {l979'. Tbi$ Includn the broadly empirical aOllY51:1 ofNP in action by M,V. Mlllhur tt al. (1966), Kaolow.ky (1968), and the book len8th study of NP in Vllar Pndl;1h by R. KusbaWaliA (\911). The descriptive legal account, by R,S. Itoblnl (1962) and
K.N.G. Pillni (1977~ 3150 prtlVide useful inforl11;1tlon. Ta the IIteratur! thus surveyed in papers of lh:ti (1976a) aaJ Bui &. Galanter (l979) . muH now be 3dded two ImporlAnt f~udk$ by ,\nand Chalc-avarty (]975) l10d Mtrlnm Shilrm:a ([979) Chakrllvurl~ ,tudleJ: the intruducl\gn of pllnchay~1 inuitutlon. In the conlu! o{ enlCfging pnt~crnl of authority and Ic::.:ler5hip il\ RnjM,than. Tho. study clearly tsr:tbllsi.lcs thllt dj~pUlc5 in\'oh'ing the landowOIIIGcasleJ (HI \hl.$~ast R~Jru,lS) 'o\hlch wcnl to state courlS before the ad ... ent of jogl, abohtlon t~SI~latlon, were mort rrequentl), referred to panchayat' Ll.fter the legisl3lion. In Olher words "the abolition of jnglrs v.'J.~ tbe major factor thlll pG\'ed way for n~n.Rajputs to use the panch~yat as OJ foruol for (tbtaining juslice" (Chllli:rn"'llrl)', 1915: 111). He ,,\50 finds tllal "AhhoL:gh the Rltjpuu could prevent them from resortina to it b)' mean, or coercion. ',hcy c(l~[d, o,ot do so legaUy." That is, to lome utenl the decelllrallz.:l.llOn .of JUdl.CUII power of the Itale Itt the grusrOOl$le ...el meant not Just~tI dCJure regime of equality in !Ieee" II) justice bUI al50 to the perceplloo,. llnd even conscioutneu, of Ihe riGht \0 access, regDrdles~ or the factu~llntqulllt~les in locial and economic lerml. Ch3knmllty rec::ounts a rew I:lI.Ia In wblcb tbe untouchables used the paneh:tyats cfrtcti\'cly in their struggle for cquality, specillcilly io terms of th!; claim Ihat Ibey bad ,11.$ mu~h right, to bul1d brick houles ;'lIthe higher c8slcs (ibid" 118·19), 11 IS also InlerestlDg to find that, upon the inJtltu\lonu!izli.tion of panchllynls, c ... en Ihe bboo'" min, who wielded coerci ... e power, n.w il fit instcad to in ... oke the jurisdiction of panchilya" (Ibid., 124.15). The 5tudy al.o focusses on some lilUltioOI where plrtrel, iDcluding the faetionallcadets, resorted to pllochayats In the .ame manner in which thcy pre ... lously ruorled. to Iltigillion iu courts, For Clomplt, on oecl110n$ deferments of deef'll)u were manipulated with II. vieW 10 ensuring that the heilile prcsenceofll ri ... al fllclioo leadcr In Ihe flnal dccbion W3S eliminated' similllrly, WhCD it WIU rclt nccess:ny recoursc to the court-Jystem was nOI shunncd. sometimQ In 1V3),' reinfurcing the authority and funetioning (If the plnchllyat and often In ways wukellinS it. BUI on the whole, Chakra ... :uty found Ihat ... illlltcrs were redeemcd (rom compulsions of IIR ... ing recour.e to courts in hipur to sol ... e their problcms upon the advent of paneha),at Ildjudio;uion. And the panchaya! introduced nOI jU$t "new nolions of luthority" hut also "new conceptions of justice," Miriam SharmA'S findings rar Arunpur in the Bansrn region iuUest II Iypieal ambivalcnce towllrd. NP. On the one hand, villaGe folk Icem to, rega.rd NP lI'an alternati ...e strlletllTe of aclion (in preferclce both to the cute blradar/J IIt,d ihe state courts): on the other, they ICC NP justic;:c IlJ In aspect of fllc::tion~1 politics In the "jlll,e. The elected ponehfu ~re percei ... ed primarily to pufiUC their own selr·lnterest And power lhrough ... il1nge ndjudlcAtiotl: Sharma finds Ihet d{musl "for elected loeal omeialJ has, IImons. other reasons, led people InereU1n8iy to prefer thc ,I!
9'
SOCIOLOOY 01'
L~W
! allcroative structure of thc tourt
,ynem." (Jut ihe finds that recourse 10 courts it by wly or "default", The fllli Ihllt the courlS are ne::If to tho Munpur also pMII)' eJ.[lI~in$ the choice of rCCQuue 10 Iinte I:\w. Pro,;-
im!l)' to law cOUrtS Stems n cdlien! v3rinbte for the acceptance lind usc or NP. The Yillage 1egnl cul/ufc is clemrly lurruStu with the tole of law and courtl ; and the village develops nOI JUS\ p3J'aprofcuiollllls bUI also some kind of iegallophistiealion among itl denizens. Even II considerabh:: num· ber of Chl1mlHl have initialed legal proceedings. Their reference Iroup,
ofcou[se, lilhe "big men" in MUDPU!. men with "time, cducntion and mooty." Sharma noles lilal they often hnve recourse to court" Dot in order to vindicuc Ih~k rights but 10 d~privll others of th~irl : It nCl;ns that fhe Ilronier ruty (In terms of money to bur legal upenlics aDd bribe omeen, ond power to occupy property by force while Ihe cue is loin~ on) hBS the most to 8B!n by initiluinl 1\ legal Ilruggle, judling by tile fl1ct thllt qua.rrels over IlInd mon often find thdr way into COUrt. Such strul!gles onen seck to Wftll JlfOpc.rly frolIi itJ rightful o ..... ner. M(riam Sharma (/979: .14) A large number of cales Damlled by Sharma reneCI this Icndency of '(oTum·shopping' aD the part of disputants; but they do not Hlultrlte or d~ml\n5trate (as Chnkravarty) the precise nature of linkages between vilillge factioonl power·struggle on the ooe hmnd and recourse 10 courls and NP 00 the olher,
•
7 •
LAW AND SOCIAL CONTROL Inlroduulol1
The understoodiog of law IU a meROS of social coolrol Is essential to aoy apprel:iatiooof law's pOleolinl for sodal change. The stllte law caD be used tbrough structured negathc (coercive) or positive (rewards) I8.nctions to change behaviour of men. The Ilw can al50 be used. without much emph .. " 00 Slncti~ns. purely u • pedago8ic device (or a didactic one) with a v\(w to lrlo,rorming, over time, the perceptions nnd Itti· IUdCl or the people concerned and bringing lbout II chllnge In vulues, In all these aspects, the law (r:oluidered as normative. behaviour:l1 Inti culturll systems) interactt (lidy closely wllh other .gcncies or ,0cl~1 control. which in the ultimate analysis is an Integral process (sec, e.g .. Stone, 1966: 743; Blockshield. 1966 j Dui 1915I). The mal/aaCl/limt of sanct(OI/I is a very Importlnt d(men$ion of the law liS In instrument of 50 cia I conlrol- Much IIttention hns been devoted in other locieties, by sociologists as well as lawyers, to agencies nnd instl· lutiolll or I;lW enforcement and custodial agencics Bod institutiollS. There has 1150 been a vigorous debate on the underlying ideolo;yof sodal control through law: the 'radical'lInd not so '.radical' criminologi5ll, now IlcCepl that in ,cdllty i{ may ~ dfJfi.:ufr to drs/mlallf social control /rompof(ticol rep,usloll. This is 10 because close empiricill rC$ttlrc11 inlo tbe behaviour of law cnrorcement authorities has brought home the phenomenon of 5e1ectlve and differen till incidence of law enforcement. Maoy Itudics or tpis type cover almost ail arell in tbe United States :lad in Uoiled Klnjldom ; t~ey raoge over exercise of discretion to prosecute,
LAW ANt> SOCIAL cosaOL
sententinl behllviour, the practice of plea-bargninl", (where the accused p!ddl Builly rather than r~ce fulllri41). orgrH1i~ed crime, jails und olher ~todiat instltutionl, police:. etc. The5t $ludic, lend to show that the 111l1n~'C:n1ent lind npplicalion or ~:\lIctietn$ lind the: working of the overall
apparatus
or the IlIw AS. means of social cC!ntrol
IS
far from neutral and
lmpartialnnd works very un~yeDI)' a$ amongst various seeton of popu·
lation.
97
5OCLQt.OOY 0' LAW
,6
We cannot cnler this realm of deb ale here but inICrC5(ed rcaders
rnay find recourse 10 the (ollowing urdu'l: L. Taylor tt 0/ .• 1973, 1975; C.t. Relloo, &. R M. Rich (191$) ; R. ~rown ct al. 0978), G. Hawkin. (1978) ; 1. Radtinowicz &. J. King (1919); T, S. SlIlSZ, 1963. 1970; K. Mconiler (1968). II ;s in thi, conlcJ.t IhlU one docs hayc to lament the pant-ityor litcrature rc[lccllog scholarly indifTtrcllt;e 10 the Ttlliity of Ihe law nllI PleIn! of ,0001DI conlrol in In dill. Much or criminoloaieo.l literature is llon-empiric:J.\ and obul5cd with '1uc5tlon~ like Ihc 'cnusnlioo' of crimu Ind 'theories' of puoidlnlcnt. Eyco hcre tIle literature ~encnlly repro· duces Weslern wrhiogs wilh maraloal rderences to Indian situations. The r~suh is IhlH we Inck original or critiealthinkins concerning the fole of Illw in it& ordering and conltol RSpects as well of ongoing empirical e7iplOralion of Indilln socia-legal reality (sec, c_g., the 'stllodard' tutbooks on Indian criminology by Sethnn, 197t; Siddique, 1976). There has begun to emerge lome broadly empirical work in recent yenrs in India on some typical criminologlul c.oncerns, to which we now turn. PdsollJ
The literlture on prisonl is rather vlried. Some of it Is autobiographical eHber 00 Ihe lide of prison adminiuratorl (see Jor Asaodbo. 1975) or on that of penons dela;oed in jill (sce, r.,., Tyler, 1977; Na),ar, 1978; LewiS,197S). This body orUtcrature provide~ lome very worthwhile insiJ,hts of life in prisons from a tOI:11 pen;pectivc which, in the Dalure of tbings, empirical work cannot often provide. The other kinds of literalure is provided by du:criptivc accounts of prisoncr's \"crccpttons concern· iog prison resimes. NOl3ble works in this genre include S.P. Sriyutava (1977). N.H. Advani (l97SI and VidYIl Dhusnn (1910). To thil list miCht be added Ihe enrly work of n.K. Bhattacharya (l95S) aDd the molt recenl work by R,N. Datir (978). The third 'sroup of writings on jll;1 condition. are found in tbc Ihapc' of occllIionlllartic.lel lind nolel, moltly in PIlICS of lhe Economic ami Political Wctkly. Notable lImong thcle In m:enl years arc the uposc of .Iub·jail tSlraihla Jail. Slnlbhum dISlric\: SInha, 1977). and Seeml Gubll'. note on non·eriminallunll;t,I In Indian jail. (l97S). And the fourth catcgory of Htertllurc is provided by orocln! rcports, e.g .. Il huge number of repom of rfccnt eommluionJ of cnquiry, repom of jalllldministratioo and .tudy tenm! and gtoupll. The 1937
rcport of the: lIudy 1~;ITIl set up b~ the Centr.,1 Goyernment il or <::on:.i· dCrtlble interest; but it must be noted thnt neither that teport nor many other, illdudina nnnulli reports of [lrI.on ntimini51re.tion, fire at nil euHy acceuible being noo-priced publications and lome Rre not II.ccessjble:U all. Thc total picture emergio£- out of the rorc-going hall been $umm.niud alld cy... luatcd by Upentlra O:1';i 10 Tlu Crlsb of fhe It/diol/ ugol Sym:m (ell. VI. 1982). He also focusses. in particular. on the 'causes' or deviance among. pri$OlI adlllinimatl)rii. Tbe 'dcvinncc' conSil15 in following t}'pc, of behaviour : (I) self-conscious rulc-brc3king, (ii) custodial violeoce in jaib and (iii) corruption in tbe jail adDllni~tr:ltion. ~hc oYerall crimoaenic milieu of 10051 Indian jails needs further nn:J.!y515 Ilnd study. Hc also hiahlights Ihe nced to nudy tbe prison buret\ucr:lcy . at a s)'5temie leyel. lie allo Ilnnlyses (Ibid., eh. VII) Ihe meagte data IlYIlII"b!e on open prisonl for which the only source of inror~l1lion ~I the report of the Dureau ofCorrectionni Scrvic:e51197J) which 18 Ildmll!elily Incomplete. BaxllUliscSl1 the need for ~ sOtiolosieal invcstislltion or open prisons especially &ince, at one level and despite their sccurity orientation, they constitutc nn innovation in social control and custodIal ttelltlDenL Therc i, need to stuJy the impact of the open priSOIU on the rehabilitation J)fO$pecu u well. In thi! connection, [he rcmlltknblc sarYodaya CJCperimenl5 conducted in the Chamba! dntoit arclI need to be sclentifi· callyevllluated. For a severn! u~unt Ice T.C, Dhadurl, (1972), V. Nargolkllr 0979) IncJ Va~udha Dhngnmwar (l97~). . Comparet.l with the descriptiYe accounts of prISon condltlon.surycyed 10 far, there apJlclus 10 bc boly one major lIudy of the prison impact, II.S. Sandhu (1968) $Iudlcd the impact or iml'rbonmcnt on the pri~ollcrs of Faridkotl{PunjAb) on scwer:d dlmcMlon'. It woU found tnn! IOllacr inearce/ntion (for more tnlln three months) docs not lelld to deterioration of inmatu' \'l\lucl: rather. "Yllue. nllnln 5CYCrl!y during incnrccralion," That i. to lilY. lhat the "ill mate gell more eritic~1 in hi. YQlu"," ISnndhll, 1968: 69). Sueh imprisonment 11110· produt'u marked h('liltllitll tOlllllrds prosecution wilnelScs 3nd police informen. But the hOltility nlso extends 10 lhe wider social environment : indeed, it W:I\ found to be ":til peryasiyc" (Ibid., 74). Convicl~ who had served for more thiln Ihree Olontlu hold fut 10 Ih~ir defencc of innocentc; in other words. although the rC:J.seareher's hypothesis thaI raliot'lnli11ltion of the ofTence would rir.c- during the ineQ{t'el1ltioll period Wll5 nOI proyed. il became clear Ihlt tlte rlltiOnlllimlion protcn be~!\n much before c"nvjeliOD and indeed at the underlrilll It~fe. Sandhu'l ueellcnt' suuutl(ln lhal "the underlrill\ pcriod in the a convict's lire eln be lId YIIIIIIgeou11y lotudied to yield ,ignilicllnl inrorm:llion", on !his lind rclMt'd OSpet'tl, has '0 flIT fllllen on duf carl Ifllid., 76). An itnportnlltflndin{!. hllYing 1\ be~"ng on lenten'!ing flrocen Is th:1t the inm1lcs' "~clr-im.1I!c of il\lIhutionltl imp".ct
"'iII
$OCIOlOOV 01' LAW
99
LAw ANI) SOCtAL CONTROL
certainly uelcrilltlHtS h)' IS 1JenHkall\ I11CIIIII(C dllring the short term inltiluhonaliot."tdon." A(tt:r three monlh~ 'III)' in the prison "ltn inmllie thinks wOUe o( Ihe priton rro&rnmrne and ilUp~CI II,nn he dill on IIdOlls. sion to prison" (ibid., 80)_ II IVJS olso (~unt.lth:1t the "delinquenc), polen. tinl of p(j$onc~" ino:tellScd ItS II re$lIlt or irl,prlulOmcnl. The study IIbo focusses on Ihe dIfferential impacl amonl milrrieJ and unmarrIed conl·ictl. Tho IlIlter ("young priloncl'$ comin~ from joint r3mllics") join prison groups, telk ravourably of {he prison impact "whcrellS nuuded renons Icem 10 '\'\I\neh themselves much less 10 the prison grours and do not talk fnyourJp1i of the prison." The unmarried convicts "show detcrior;ttious 111 cl11otlonnl adjustment 3nd tend to grow pUlimillllbout their future life." The married onu while dllpi:\ying II "home sick rencliOI! in the pri'on" ~ecm to "prcpJre themselves for their rehnbiliulion oner release from prison" (Ibid., 123). The mnrrled prilOnctl '!em to be mOre "/lmenable 10 rebllbilitMiyc clTorU." Snndhu's IUllile5lion, nrisin, from n risorous ,crenlifle stud)' of prison impact. Ihat the "prison odministrlltors .hould be very generous in promotins prl,ooer~'communicl1tlon wilh tlleit fam/lief," deserve. reilemtion gi"'eD the snnil's pace change in the atlitudes af prison .dministratore lind tbe absotete atriJeture of Indian prison1lenernlly (Oni, 1982). JlwtHflr CIIJ/Odlallllsfi/llrioll.f Qrld Probatloll P,ogramlflt~
There is abo not much cmpirieallileralurc concerning the administration of juYenlle In'tiTutlons in Ind/I!. A general deseriptiye Ilccounl Will mado available by U.K. Dhlltt~ch:lrya (1962) whl) found that "cu~tody complu" was the"rul!ng fellture" of juvenile jalh. bOTStols Ilnd rcformll.torie$ (ibM.. .5Sl. He found Ihal in Ihe lIeneral JHOlrammel o( Ifeining. "vocational efficiency hIlS been Illcrineed in fayour of lireney without Iny corrnpondInlili/n" (IbM, 76). The regime of relYard, Ind puni,hments while in Clluody II well II the (lvcrull lack of nlanning: for IIrter-care have been elaborately and thoughrully di5Cussed hy the author. Sillyanshu Kumar Mukherjee (1974) siudied the Idministnation of juvenile institution. of Delhi And Maharoshtrn. The study devotes, rightly, much sllentlon \0 , .... organization of administrAtion and procedures for management of juvtDile instirution, nnd identifies severnl lDlldequades in bOlh these IHell5. It nbo hi,hlill!tU the tendency in "lotl1 institutions" for excesses of authority oYer Ihose in custody (Ibid., 189·91). Tht lIudy i. reple:te witb worlhwhile pollc), prescriptions for arranging better ond ell'cctlyC procedures all round to maAimite Ihe rehabilitative potential of these in.litulion.. It also nbounds In worthwhile luggtSli005 for empirical restartll. ButlYC 51111 ownit the type or rigoroul anll.l)'5Ci of Ihe inslitutlool1l Impact of Jqycnile insUtullons n.s Ih:'l\ of the prison lmp1lel provju~d b? Sandh~1 '
'.
1
I
I
),015anl1 Shah (1973) 1m.' pioneercd Ihe: study or prob;llion 'erykes in Indin. Conceptually Dnd opetntion.,lIy the Jystem of Nob:ttion markl lin imporlnnt breakthrough in Indian eriminal ju\tiee symm. The importance: of problltion Iie\ in il< ke:y (uture, nIlmcly. Ih(lt It il I noncustodial "method of trelllment of C1rrendtr~" (lhid.• 2J) and 15 a spcC'ificully rehnbilitntron-oriented melhod. Uut lIS Shl!h points "ut. the: rcsource investment hns not lH:en commensurate with tlJe felt nccds of mcaningful probation programme. Shc Inkes Ihe 0011 of prisons for offenders below twenty·onc yenrlund compnc5 it with the cOSt or pro· baHon s)lltem ~ the figures lipeak for Ihem'e\ves. On thc furmer Ibe I\nnu~1 elpenditure W(lS Rs. 219 Inkhl wherca$ on the latter the totol expenditure: Will about th. 80 Ilkhs (ibid., 63·64l. The: 'lildy iJlustretCl in diverse way. fnctors affe:ctlng Ihe administration of probation proSumma. Thue include: inadequacy of probltiQ" penonnt:!. e_ceuive workload, InAb1llty of probation lervjcu 10 illdividuntc treatment, and the problems truted hy Judicial HUiludcsnnd roles. It i5 rewarding 10 (oeul on the laller. The court-system i~ it<elf in trllve crisl). oDe symptom of which is the: el(te~siye arrellfl o( the: judici~1 work. Thl' excessive bacl.:log :lnd overload of the judiciary IItrec!s the probation programme. Ycr)' lubilllntio.\1y as the coum nrc UMble to give 51J,ti~fJCIOIY atleolion to the pre·sellienee re~rt which is the yery heart of the 5~lern of probation (Ibid., 86). While: nn aUitude !lnd opinion ~Iudy revealed a broldly appreci1Hiv~ concern by judges towards the processe:s and programmes or probntlon, ShalJ found that the Ihirteen criminal cnurU in Mllharashlrll raid Selnl relpect 10 Ihl'Se in their IIclu:tl deebion,. Figures ror 197J indiClucd Ihat but of a lotnl or 2.947 adult offende:TS convicled only 9 I'.'l:re relensed on probnlion with 5upervifilln : the slime Trcnd Will discernible in ('onvietlonl of people belolY 71 jel\1$ (out of 697 eonvielionl, only 9 were referreJ1 10 nrohllthm). Even if one c1luPJregatel the datI! 10 comf'lI.re more llrictly the rOlia of I'1roblllion 10 impri~onment Ibe story does nOllook different. Forty-three per cent o( the adult !;Ianylcts were imprisone:d while only 3 per cent I'.'ere giycn probJtion : slmllnrly, '20 per cent of the young offenrlt'r$ w('re impri'''ned c{'Iml'1ared with about les11han 9 per ce:nt who were ~fanted probation libld., 90·91). The .tl.ldy underscores the .. need for or;enillfion prop:fRmmn in the trllininp: nr judges and outlines II wllrtbwh/lc lIetlon prOAromme for courts (Ibfd, 93. tOO). These nJIl8e51ions hnve not receiYed (Uri her attention either on the part of policy. milkers or He.demic resenrchcrs. Sell/lne/IIR Sludlu
Sentencing altitudes lind behavIour 'orm~ I! crucial ~\Ill'ct of crlminologl. cal work in the common law orhit. But detailed sturlin' of sen len dna arc conspicuous in India by theit abUnet'. The IWQ 51\1~!C~ \'hi(~ r;\ilt,
LA.W ANn SOCIAt. CON1FlOL
100
101
SLK:10LuO" or L.\W
by S. Chhnbbrll (1970) t\l\d R.K. Ihizulla (J911) arc. both doctoralllu::ltl ,nd S\UHC the. ltren&lh, ~nd I'o'Cllkneuc. this genre of HlJ:rl1lure, Broadly. these ,Iudies nrc dOClfln~1 in the lenle thnt they deol with
or
.,
decisions nnd trendS In aenlcneinl: .\! '" norm.ulve, rllther Ihl1l1 empirical. h."ve1. RelyIng on gros~ :ll:sreg:tte dQ!~, Chhnbbra documentS iI trend towards "leniency" in scnlo!ncing. lie finds that "imprisonments up to ,jot months lulY!: conc up fr,"II 66% in 1911 to 87% in 1961" and the
percentage of imp050nments from 'IX months to n yent has gone down from 18 to 1, from ,) to SIn al5C of seolences (or five yenll Ilnd berond. Chhabbrll also fmdl that the Percentage of recidivism come down frolll 14.5 in 191410 5.6 io 1961. He fllld, furlh<:r thl\t "earlicr eonvi.:.tionl even where inJic:lteJ on rccord" h:lve not ""rreeted Ihe: dUration of imJ'lrisonmenlawarded"(Chhllbbrn, 1970: 146·55). A very importInt finding b IhM U tit 1961. 81 fler cent sentence, were for less than.1:I: months terml of priJoo (til eomparcd with 66 per cent in 1911) and that 14 per cent of thcic sentences had nOI c::r.ceeded onc month In dUriujon (Ibid., ISS·56). Chhllbbrn locntes many correll1tions between \'arinbles sueh as IIgc, guilty plea, r.:ddivislTI on the one hand Dnd Ihe sentcncing OP the other. He find' Ihat nge or the convici bns c significant bearing on sentencing! "particular age group predominales p;lrtic:u13r crimc." Tbis means nOI thai "punishm:nts werc parcelled-out generally .. ,on the balil of indivjdual agc" but rtIlher "on the basil nf gencralttcnd for the predominllnt age sroup" (Ibid., 168). Simil:uly, Chhabbra di~covered that although in strict law Ihe (3t·! that an accused plc;tded guilty or nol guilty is imma· terinl for the purposu of senlendng, "the courts attach much importancc ID the plen of ,u1Ity." It :lppenrs that pc:oplc who do not plead suilty receivc: itifJ'cr priSOD lententes upon convlclion. To Ihe exlcnt Ihll.l the Ondins is reHnbh:, it brln@, OUI B vllal aspect of sentcncing to light which ncc:ds Ilmeliorlltion in the interests of jUltlee. His further lind In&' include: the b"llrin, of Ihe terioumeu of erime on the severity of punishm<:nt (ibid., 1751, the negative corre1lltion between reeillivi,m and stllTsent.:ncing {Ibid., 170·71), and substnntial vari:llionlin Ihe nWQrd of punishment among individual juuices (Ibid., 176). From an this Chhtlbbru concludes: "There is no doubt Ihllt the crimInal court achieves greater suct:eU in fACt finding lind \Ilwapplying: than in II! scnlence illOieting fuoction" (Ibid., 111). He maku.lome thf'luahtful lupgeuions on more adequate nntcncin, procedures. RniZllda's study (1911) IIlu$(ratc, thc overlll wDywt\rdneu or sentencing by Indi3n courll. He nttributes in pari this nberrntlon in senlcncina trend. to defeetiv( syAlenH Of proee"e! of invcShGtttion. charging, pmleculion. mediC;11 cxan\inntlOllll.nd evidence. Indln'crent prosecut(If,nl ~rnctke~ II'~/'J conltibme to 5enlcnclng va8llriu. Por eXllmplc, the
nil
"
pro5ceutlon doCJ not Illways prefer lin ill'peal for enhancement of :I. .enlence although tho Illu:uion ",Ily Wllrtlll1t thi.; nod Ihe defence often overlooks to advocate the "m.ligst!ng ericumSIIIIlCC\ of the IGW favourinJ; the Iccu,ed." But the judiciary Is nl,f) not free fro!Yl blame. Rlit-ada finds thM ver,! ortcn subordinate (oum fail to rmy "due I1l1ention to the ubJerv:lliolU of the superior cnurt,." And cmlrts aften lI.wa.rd lentcllteS "in uiler dIsregard of Ihe prescribed limits." Furthermore, sentencing praetices SIll! do not require judgl's to explnill thc b:uis of an nward of sentencc In Icrms of del3ilcd Ilnd specific considrr.Hionl. Thi. deprives not just the ju.Jleiary in rartielilar but .lisa law~r~om and sociallcien· tisll of nn ndeqUl\le untlcrllll.ntlina of variilblet in seutencing fraDle. An ineomprehcnlible IIbnralion hn\'ing a profound bc;uina on li\le\ oC people arlsts ; ror cx3mp\e. under the Prevention of ~orruption Act where necuJed WIIO have io poS!nsion property worth tcns of Ihousllnd of rupeeS orll~n aet more lenient sentences than those guilty of a brib~ of even ltls than live hundred rupecs. R.iuda'. 'tudy further highlights the wayward Illld ratller cruel nalure of the mnnner In which capital punhhment operates u at presenl. He observes: Generally. the punishment of deuh has been chostn for murder, deseribi!d as 'brullll', 'cold·blooded', 'deliberate'. 'unprovoktd', 'Clllal', 'wicked', 'gruesome', 'c811ou5', 'heinous', 'CI1lculaltd nnd premedita· ted' or 'of extremely rc:volting Mluce' or whcn murder i, committed of 'def~llcelcss' or ' unarmed' perlon,. However, tbe Ule of thae Iymbols In considerina the gravit)' of Alleged murder depends on how the fact lituiltion i. presented in the (ourl aDd on the Judge's pc:rceplibilhy Ilnd rC1lciioo to it. R.K. Ral:odll (1971 ; 826) Also Ice Blacl5hleld (19'19). !'andc (1979), nui (l979u).
Slatfl Law, TrIbal Groups and Sorio/ Cantrar We have examined in chllpter 5 certllin feature, of tribal conceptionlor law and justice. The IntcllIction betwcen received western/indigcniud criminal lllw system I\nd triblll Iystems of Juslice, Il crucial aspecl of ethnog11\phy or law. is uOfortunately much ignored in sociological aOIl1)1i5 of tribal development u well (l5 of leiall)'Stety1~ of India in gcneral. Bro~dly, the field divides i15e\C I\t least 10 threc categorics. Flmly. there Isthc area of 'erimin.' Hibcs', lIod Bince Indepcndence of 'denoti6ed tribe,'. StconJly, there is the area of inlerlletion between conceptioos of crime. loolal eoutrollind justice typical of people'l Ilod tliblll13W (ffC chapters 4 and 5) on Ihe one hand, and those distinctiVe of the slatc !eg~l systems. Thirdly, there j~ need to understand how autonomous lnbal Ildminislrlltive IlreliS rece1'1e !lod reeoncile the nlllionalleglll norms in the c:ontut or Iheir own Ieglll t\ll!urcs {Ice for a genernl IIceoutlt, ,·Iidtlyu.
•
10>
5OCIOl.Q(lY
O~
LAW AND SOCIAL CONTII.O[.
LAW
lu\l:ll1, 1919:1). or these three nrt:!$. we h~rl'cn 10 have iome literature on Ihe IirS! ucn ; lhe Iwl,! Dlhen :lro in n Siale of relllli"'l: ncg1ccl.
Even liS fCa:I1dl the tribes. duiBnnled by colonial powers .1 'crimilllll' first Ihrous;h n RcSuhnlon in 1773. then \Hldcr the Aet 30 of 1816, we hid: ~omllreh"'l1si\"c und .. rstnndinj; of why were lndh·idllnlJ
"
or grou('I$ so dc.IIILlJtcd "ltd what precisely W;'!S their prellious 111I.\U5. Some lIulhorilies in~i~1 th:ll groups Ihus I.ksign,llcII \1Ierl': indeed the ori2in:11 inh:r.htlanl. nml 'owners" of I~C territory. We do nul him: any authorillllivc Ioocio·kaal anlllYSi$ of the pre.hislory and history of the legal contral o\'cr 'criminal' tribes or the o(IpctJ:llion of the 1836 Act. Nor,
lioee Independence do w~ b;\V~ liD)' sy'tc:nmtie studies ofihe imj»let of the I~w rcpeahng the s\Jtu, neribed to the tribe. by the 1$36 Ae!. ID whit follows, wc rcfcr 10 lomc 1l\'1Ii111b1c liter-Hulc. P.C. IhtWlt (19(.0) ullmined the Saulis of thc ex· Delhi 5!lIte. It is a rigorous cnlpiric:al mltly but does not discloJSe much dllll! concerning tile iml"llet of the Act. lis aUHislie,,1 profiles of crime by Silulis is an agarcanled one for the period 1935-1951 (IbM .• 9S], )JUI it docs c;obtllin some inform.1Lion on Ihe plluern of crimes nmon" the S~n,il U at 1960, One important findioB is that the frequcncy of "habitu31 offenders in the adult males of the whole Sonsi popullttiol1 is not very high" : it "comu dowo to only 3.06 p.:r et:nt". BUI we do nol know whethu Ihis represents II 'Dormal' stale of nOniu or it arises as a result of tht fact thai the police Irtalthe S:msis 115 a criminal trihe although they hnve Ix!eo denoli. 6.ed. Tbere is nlso 0 "ugsution that Ihc SlInlis arc becominG aware of tbeir new ~UUUI nnd have rrol~'iled, on oCClilions, ngaiost police bigb·handedness and corruption (ibId" 161), Oul lheEt l'I'peeU receive II. ranln; menlion aad it Is dlnicuit to work out.my genernl mellsura or legal impnet on Ihis kind of nlSertivto~u or indet:d on fhe overnll ch1tnge in lhe 51nlus of the SlInsi,. Sh~r Singh Slier', Ilud), of Ihe SnnslJ of Punj~b (1965) provides intercUinl mllillical inforn1:lll00 C()ncernina reh,hili. t:uion of denolified tribes In Punjab. OUI it conlains no rilorou.llnaly.11 of lbe impact or Ihelr new lUlU! upon tbe oyerall patterns of ·crimi. balilY' and 50daillrueture of the Sansil. In a 'tudy of Ihe Yerukuln tribe in Andhra Pradeah, Y.C, SimhOldrj (1919) finds that eonlrlny to "tradilional opinion. all Yeruxula famllles arc Dot cr1mlnoI5," Indeed out of 11 tOlal populaliou"of 1.426 above fourteen years of age "only rHtecn pet ccnt nrc engnged in crimina l aClivlry." Also, Ihe tnle of crimlnnlity "Iecms to be deelining in the lensc tlUlt Ihere ure small number of criminal. in the younger tI~e groups." lie further finds IhnlllJndowncrship '\Ioes not help explnin I::rim;nality" as aboul fixty per ccnt of Ihe 'criminll' II well as '000' criminal' fllmilics OWII Innd. On Ihe other hand, "Ihere Ire 00 toJlege cducaled youlh amona Ihe criminals" suggCllin,1 ro»Ible eorrelll.lioD
,
\OJ
bcl ....'een rehllbilita.lion throush education:sl opportunlllcs ~nd criminal bchllyiour smollllhe ex-Cflmin01llribcs (Simh;ldrl, 1979: ISO-51). Simh· adr;'1 Ilu..ly nl$n hlahlighl' lhe eurrcnl I:n,ion concerning $ocllli statu! amonG the Yerukulaa: "while on the one hana, culHln.1 nnd socinl !>fcuures cOl'llpcllhcm to rej!!ct Chrlulanily und become II Hindu Cristo group, on the oth!!r hnnd, the PQlltical and cconomic benditi incline thc Yerukuli1! 10 bccomo a Schedl,l\ed Tribe" (Ibid, 154). While th~ author do<s not Ice the lignificance of this very obiefY"I;On in n~gating Ro'ocrt Merton'. theory (1968) of deviance to Yerukulas, be docs Rceepl that Merton', analy,i, m~y be relCyaDt for the ruture 10 ease "tbe innicution:sl means ror social lind \'I:r\ical mobilHy Itre not comnlen5urate witb Ihe cultur41 g0411 or ..pirations as enunciated in Ibe COll5litutlon" (Simhadri, 1919: 159). 00 the impact of Ihe repeal or thc criminallribC! legiilation, ~imha. drl'. tlonclu.lons IIppear ambigu,)us. He lind! elenly II. decline In Iminllllty amnnli Iho '{efukulrls. But ho also find. that the denotln~ ~~tion of ctiminal tribes hns, IU (ar II' the patterns of crimin,,1 behaviour life concerned, led only to changt: of locale: "with the repeal ... Ibey as a group were no lon8~r r~quired 10 report to the ('Iollee. Consequently, it became C4sier for them to travel any dis III nee In sm:1ll groups npd ind\llge in any type of criminal ,aelLvity" (ibid" 155, lJ6-32). He abo finds that thcre is "some eollu~lon between tbe pohce aad eriminllb." The Yerukulu "commit erimes nOI only to cllrn tbeir livelihood butiliso 10 pay fine'S and bribes to Ihc PanchaYllt and the police and a good proportion of their boot)' in thefl and bUralary. go~' towards mlintenance or tl'ttse aaende," (ibM .. 161). tn elCpoJiug Ibli aspect. simhadri Ilclps U$ underm,nd that the impulse 10 lead a life of crime of len may IIrise e,loacnously, and indeed through the acttvities of tbO!lc very iO$litutionl suppose.d 10 promote [!Iv.: and order. . The mlllntt:nanec of social cootrol wllhlll che Irlbal groups (dcslgn8led 115 'criminal', 'ex·criminal' or 'denotified') i. an ASpect which bas allo Ix!en touched UpOtl rathcr descriptively io IInlillble li\ernlurC. B,S. Bharpv, (1949) ba. bi;hlighted in his monograph the s~c~ia~ p~ob!~mS or maintenancc of collective or group norms among cnal.l01l1 tr1bts. The tribal p:anehnyatJ playa pivotal role in mainlaioing cohesion and mlln.ging eonflicls, The pllnebayal, ulong wilh the "gang organiutioa" (tho two being so closely coonected thaI "the one would nOI be. possible withoullhe other") wields "praclic"l1~ unlimited power oyer Ihc~~ person and property," The triballaw5, admlO!sttred by pDnchaYllts, provide for .eltlcment of disputes upto seven gcnerllilon5 to Ihe saUsfGeuon of all concerned." Thus, no tale is "time barred" althouah this mlly work to thc dlsadYllotalc of Ihe lU«euors who may well be innOCcul or Ihe offences such as n "the maldi~lribution or Ihe booty, lC:.1iUltion of lo~n
'0'
SOCIOLOOY 01' LAw
LAW AND SOCI .... L CONTM.OL
mj~lIl1derMunding" (ibid., 4!)). It would scem Ilml the pandusYDt'l principal50urce of Ilulhorit\"/ies ill the way il handle. dispute's concerning 1n~ldbtrlbudoll of Ihl: booty. The ilngs who pcrfvrm dn.coity mlly have entered into n Iptcilllllgn:e.
or any other sud,,1
mCI\I[ClShnrc the ~poih: .... hel1 IhM i'lj;fCemcnt is nr'It tlb~uyccl, tile p:lnch3Y;uS exercise [hdf POWCI"£ to resolve the dispute before them not with ref... r~nl;c 10 illdhidunl eontracts hut rather IhrouBh DI"PC;lls 10 lite lang-standing lrib:!1 convention, allu C."stOlnS, of which they ore nccepleti u true: custudinn$. Thi,. it has been 5pccul;lled, tcnds to "streoglhen the gllna orgalliullion" and fw:tcrs ~me kind of equality of bargaining power Among the vuln(':r:t\,J1e sroups In relution to the puwerful and domimull afOUl"' within the Ilibe•. I'nnchnYQt$ also administ~rconwen. !lons relnfcreiwe of tribal aolitbrity, In "well regulated aangs" all members I1Te individually lind jOintl), rupor..iblc for mu!ul1l $Dfety," indeed to lhe extent Ihllt in lome eues there exists 11 tariff (u nmona the Dbanlus) or cOl1lp~nllllion for injuriCl 10 nltnlbcri of Ihe Gaug. The custom;uy 13w preKribcs detailed descriptIon of injury IInd'tht; amount of compcosalion due (ibid .. Sl), 10 IIddition, tht: pancbnYl111 also administer outonOIIIOU$ bodies of tribal CU$\orru and laws. Disputes often invol\le questions of inlr,Hrib31 morality, adultery, outcasting and recalcitrance in obeyIng a paDchiLyal deci,ioD. The range of socil11 sanetions, p~rticul:Hly ,acini humilintion aod c~o,ure , Items to play an imporlJlnt role in the mllintenan~ of the p~nchIlYllt', authority. Among the aroups I!udled by Bhargsva, convening of pancllaYlltJ ca.n be In ellpensiYe affllir as the p(lIrcllUS lI.'eli vcned in tribal eUli!oms chllrae fces aod often tbe prllctice of hiriog advocates or IIsentl competent in tribal law and CUllom 1110 prove e:cpeollvt. 8hllrga. va. concludes that one of the lourcCl tlf panchlyal lIutbtl!ilY liu in the fact that the proceedinll beJote it arc not c1reu.p: indeed , hl$ lrJbnl respondenl$ ellpreued a belief thlH "if Htiplion before the panebaYllls is made cheaper, the efficacy of the judgmentl will propor!lol,lalely be reduced" (Ibid., 59). Simbadri'. IIudy of the Yerukulns (1919) also supports the for~lloing generul deKription of the pre-eminence of tribal pnnchaynts. liowever, he finds that Ihere hu been ao emergence of 'polillcllleaders' among the tribe. who handle mll.llUj relating to the tribe _with go\'ernruent aod the outside pollticlIl lcadwihip, lellvias to the ku/~ panchayat Ihe more treditional dispute handliag jurisdiction, He 0110 notlees the IS$OClation of poitlh:alleader' with ku/~ puchay:HI, White panchllyat members ordlnarUy dilcourase eommiuloo of ednlcs, Simhlldri found occalioo' where ID the face of inability of members concerned 10 pay (lnes (to be &hared by patlehayal meruben) "Ihe raoehllyal IUSICSlt thai I eriminal could eUBase in thert in the eUluina dark J~ys ill order to CIUD money" (Sinlhadrl, 1979: 1:2.-11. This 100 alfords I\n IIIl/sWIIIOD
,
lOs
of 1I1I1;11:001,lic rdatiun bctwcen ~tule II',~I 5)'\lcm' an.1 non'5lale leg:!l sy&tems. Crlmf'
,
~lld
PUl/blmwlI /11 Triball/lllla
Crimintllog;Ils lind penolog.ists in Indi:! h;\Ye 81~'ell $cnnt nllention 10 the problem of internction hetween "nle law and L1gencies on social cOnlfol and tribal settlements, While In many reif'ccU tbis can be said 10 be an area of culture. conOicl, one may also see the ",lithology of the !ltntt: locinl control system m05t aculely ill iu dealings .... ilh tribal populalionJ, Verrier Elwin's clll5sie MQr/~ Murder Qml SuIcide (943) i5 rarely referred to by Indian criminologistl whell they deal whh general problem~ of social eontrol through the lllw luch lIS the 'ell.u5:1IIon' of crimes or juslIllealion or punisbment. This senoeidal neg led of a sianif!!:ant 'eclor of Indl"'n people 001 merely dwnrrs todal understanding of distioctive fI:r;tors of Indian legal uptllence, It !lbo makes po$siblc n Illrady irrelevant Itlldllion of EUlocentric leachinlllnd research inlo eriminololY and penology 10 continue to thrive. For el[3mple, Elwin identlfiu the 'causes' of crime among Marias nOI just beliefs in the supernatural Of in witchcraft disputes over property, familial relationships (e~pc.:iall)' selluat relations) and alcohel but alro tbe phenomenon of "fatigue", fie describes fltigue as an "important indio vidual and mcsoloiical caU$e of crime wbich Is: largely overlooked io dis. cussion of the subjtt:t in India ," Flltigue is Ihat condition which ariscs as a "result of environmental conditions, "'ork or other circumstances that ,train the working cllpal=it), or and wllilngneu of Ibe individual and Olay in lurn produce leriuut changes, ~ome!jmcs of it palhological kind," It is only Wllh rererence 10 fatigue as (I fllctor that he is able to explain "&OOle of the .ttppuently ino",plluble aborilinal crimes In Bular" (elwin.
1943: 244). Elwin's analYlis of why people concenl murdcn from police, althouih made in 1943, it mOit ccrtalnly VII lid today bolh tn rcilltion 10 tribal population in r:ltticular and village people In leneral. The factors wbicb in[luem:c tbe Marin behaviour may well be typic~1 of mllny tribal groupinss, e,g., the feat of B "supernatural danger" of it "polt·mortem" ~nm. ination" and in l\lowing a corpse to be "buried outside the propel terrilory of the clan" or Ibe unwillingness 10 Icsllfy ngainst "powerful priest or It mltgic:ian" who il pOS$CSsed of effective powers of aVellail)1 But Bside from luch typical cultural facton, the otber reasons b:l\'e I more geoeral rrlevance lo.n understllnding of justice in triual aod rUrll India, Ffmly, Ihere i. tbe fcelin, of nutonomy in couDict baodlinS: the fcelinl tbat the group "sbould settlc cvcr)'thinSlhemlelvCl." SUDlldly, thil senle tlf aulonomy includCJ Il.uumplion or respon,Ibilil)
106
sOCtOLOOY Of' LAw
•
(0 decide thnt n murl.!cr nI~)' ~c JUllified in the light of community norms; EJ\\in flott' Ih~t the Murin ore. quite unwillina 10 "Quillihe pollct when the)' believe Ih~t:\ murtler lin. been Jll\lificd." ThirJly, Ih~re is the communicatIon gnp nrl~illC r~tlly out of n ~enle of the priv:u:y of the collectivity as well ;If diU/u.i1 of "RIc CourU. The lirat Is uprused by Elwin thuJ: "'he real rcm;Ul' ror cdille il $~lmelhlng
which Ihe Maria dislike rc\'cI1UOS in court nnd which they dC5p;tir of making out.sidc.rs undentnnd," The ,econp-distrust of cDurLs-ticl in the perception Ihnl a "distOlnt courl" con nc\'cr find oUllhe "re31 factI"; Daly • tribal courl ciln n$cert~in "rul (IICU" (If n silu:ttion. Fourtlr/j'.there is rnnge of purdy economic considcrlHions nrrecllng recourse to police, Thcre i~ the upcnse. for ualllple, or Dvoidin& Il postmortem e:'IlImtoalil;ln of the viclim; 1I0d the clf'(n$C And "w;lJte or limc" iD\'oh'cd in goin, 10 courn I1l1d the npcn5e and o.nnoYl1nce 4t "ho.vinlJ police subordinate. quartered on them," The c)'!;le a,ricuhulal operlliion. is aliO tl rdevanl factor: ":at the more busy periotl. of the .,ncultunJ year" Maria would nat her deal with murders Ihlln call poli!!e Illd fllce len8th)' intcrrogation and judicial procen disloetl!LnS productive work Ichedule (Ibid" 192·93). Fiflhly, the quality of law enforcement ood judicial prOt;e$Ses often contributes to the justification for dealing with crimes, includinG murder, It the levcl of :I group. Wben people whom the tribal .roups have 1m reMonS of beina Guilly arc held innGCent by courll, or 'ice Velsa, the a[«ted group bcgin.$ to distrust the alien justice inUitulions. Police corruption lind high·handednclS, typical of pOlicing in lural areas, also contribuleato the belier thaI the indigenous s)'st~nI is superior to thc .tllte legal sy,tem. Elwin has nl.o made /I sludy of thc _aborigilJ~1 prisoner, Unfortunntely, Ibl, upect of his anlly.l. has abo been i,nored In correctional IIter-lIure. An Iboriginal pri050IJer, be "ya, "suffers in a~ule lind subtle ways" in jailS as compared ..... itb the non'l1boriglnnl prilonen, Inearecratlon ;, a punishment unknown 10 Ibeir laws and Ilfe; and thelr cullure Ind lif(. . tyle make prilon impact n truumatic experience. Elwin, recording thit in ~ome detail, also paiou to the need for ,e,reiution of auch prisoners aod providing them with Dccesfary education and .kills, rdeVllnt to their pOSI-,eotenee life. "What is really needed", he 5ayS. is It. "specilll prison for aboriginals" to be run as "ctImp" r"-ther tban as "ordinary prison." They .hould be taught crnft. useful upon their relellse ami nOI "oc~'U pltioDS like ~ellVina wbich lite tllbeO," Disclplinllry rulu "bieh ngiment luch prisoner.. 5llould be avoided: Dothina "should be done to mike tlu: ',borlSiDIlI iervlle end obsequious," His "Iplrit should be re.c:rcll.ted, nol broken. There is in him II 8relt fund of nMural ionoccnce on which to build" (/bld,,220-21, 208·2LS,) As rllr D$ we know, Ihi\ i. the only
101
LAW AND SOCI .... !. CONlI!.Qt .
or
I.
rleea of scholl"ly Ilnaly\il or abnriginal pris<1lfrfS Itnd yet it h;1I remilined Unduly Ignored. from the period 19,1] to 1980, SushJl Chllndta Varma', T"~ 01,,1 XliiI (978) il DOl In ethnographer's work, 3ul II conlainJ much inaccessible infurmation concerning crime and punishment in thl: Jh~bun ~nd Ohar dlmictJ of MadhYIi Pradesh. VlIrma brings fund nf adntinisttati\'e expel ienee of lriboll :lrea5. or p;ulieufar interesl tD feral sociolngiSts Is his detailed narrlltion of one hundnu ColiC! of homicide .tnd of tht' judicial re$pon~e (ibld_. 164·293), ahhougb it ;i unnccompanled by nny Ilitemp! :n criticlll evaluation of tbe datil. . AnalYSing Ihe datil one Onds Ihlll OU! of about ISO accused, only IS were sentenced 10 life impri50nment, which seems- to be the rule. Some received rigorous impri.onm~nt terms. The fl311ero orsentencing of Dhi] llccUJ~d underscores the obsef'\Oltion. or Verrier Elwin. In)J OUI of 100 cues tbe tIme tak.en for proctasin& the accused from the dllte of Ocr.urrenee of hf'miclde till di~pou.l of IflPea.1 by th~ Bilh Court was in excess of aile ),eIlT. In Oneen ehe., the timce:u:eeded two yUrt, in (wO it was IIlmle under four yurs I So Ihc adjrtui accust'd 1I1so aerv~ sisnUltllllt lerms M underlfials wilh other poor Ind deprived liectioe, of ,ociely, Tho Itudy nl$o sho<w.. UIII1 in these one hundred CIICI not II lingle capitll punishment was Ilwarded, One wi,heJ thai Varma bad specifkally isolated correlation. between 8se, ic..t, nature of mo(ivllion. nttture of weapon or implement u~ed, and tbe vuiables of law enforcement 8tid judicial procen in a more systematic WII)', But his study haa abundant dllta 00 all these ractors and in lin IHeli characteri'l,ed b)' continued draught of te,cuch his work makes II valullble eOntributJoo. A rilOtOUJ IIJInly.li of hb dlltn would be 1\ rcwllrding ucrci,o.. Tile I"Jirln Police
There: is a considerable body of official lind non·official literature on the hiSlor), and «)ntempofllry plight or tbe Indian police. We have execllellt Iccounts of the developmeol of Ihe police orgllnizatlon, during tbe coloolal period in the wor~5 of A.S. Gupla (974), N. M3jumdu (1960) lind othen (ICC bibliographies in Bayley, 1969: IIPA, 1978), Much ortbi, work. hilS been carefully examined by David Bayley in his PDlit~ Gnd PQI//fcal Dt!Vt/opmellt I" I"d/a (1969), II InDdmark study. It provides many empirie.lly grounded insights in diVerse areas or police orgllniz.atioo and operations including IIttLludes of the communit)' towarda Ihe police, $t~deut·poHce relallons lind rutltl police, P.O. Sharma (1917) eXlenul Lh~ Inalylls of Ibyley in lome rC5ptell. MIDY cODlriblllou 10 tbe ,ympo$iutll on lndlbo po!ict. under the auspices of the Indian lo.litule of Public Administration pro~ide examinallon, and In lome case. frClh pel1pectjvc:s, 00 diver!e 81p«I' of the IndilllJ Police. The fpte"" number of IlJ Jouronl (1918) contains a "Aluable lind comprehenaive blbiliogrnpb)'
108
SOCIOlooyor LJo .....
on Ihe: 1ubjeet (Jee :tllo Reddy nnd Sc,hadri. 1972). All IIlcse, and retried offiel.,lllnd llon.officinlliterl1lurc:, hns now been surveyed by Upendnl nn~i In eh'rterslV lImJ VofhlJ Crlrll o/thl! IlIIilorl Ltlal SYJftlll 98ZJ. 3;)11 lInl!lym the legal rranlcwork of the InJia.n
o
pollct orglinizlllion nnd 1111:
Sill IUS
or n colonl:'ll minority It crelltts (by,
or
inftr aI/a, nt!H-lotal depri\'~lion IlUO('iallOlllllliShlS) for Ihe subordinille Indian poliee. who constitute i15 buik. B~xi contrnSt11ilC c::d$\lng para· military model of polie:.. organiz:Uion wilh models of p:lrliclpatlvc nlnnllicmtn] and argues that police acCountability and efficiency can be mUimiud by the !:Iller model. A 'peda,l rC!lllIle of his analysil is Ihc e;ll.;1.min:stion of inuitutionJIlz:('d recourse 10 torture II :. wily or policing: he ullminu the divene political contcxu which crcate thi. 1(luat!t'lIt and examines lome or itl underlyina 'justification',
8 ADJUDICATION UNDER STATE LEGAL SYSTEM TIlt Supreme Court of India The Supreme COUll or India has, understandably gi\'en ilS summit posltion and also iol:!ullt hierarchic biases in scholarship. received preponderant alttntion from I~Ba.1 and politicallcienti5ls. The most important louree of periodic auuunenl or the WOrk of Inc SUpreme Court, lind 10 lome extent of the HIgh Courts. ore: the Joumnl 0/ IIrt Indlon Lall' Ills/lillie and the: Allmlol SlInt,~ (If tht Illdion '-ow, ifladdition, leading !fcatisu on eonuhutit'lnal law fllmn/n preoceuried wllh the deci,jonlll OUIPUI and deyelnpmcn!$ fman:'!in!! from the (;(lurt (see notably Sem·ai. 1980; Jain. 1978; Kagd,197S: Onsu, 19SO. 1973) leading Irellile' on .dmin;.trl\lve IlIw also remain preoccupied with normative developments in law inlpired by apJIClIate proeen. though m~inly by the Supreme Court (sec, t.g .. Jain &. Jain, 1979; S 1'. Sathe. 1981; KII!zi. 1973; FBZDI, 1959). Mosl university law journals remain heavily !lreoccupied with tile normative output or the Supreme Courl (the Itabler ones among thue are: Punjab Lall' RuleII', AIi~arh lAw Review, Ja/pur Law Journal,
an
&maras LOf<' Journal, DI!IItr LOlli R(rr~I'" !lnd Ihc Indian YtarblJok of Inrerna/fOllal Affalrr and recently Iht. Kuala Academy Loll' RC\·lew). 10 addition, work In .pedalis! areas of connitution and law (acune, On the normative IUp~cts of the appellate law. II would be tedious ns well II upernuoul to lisl aUttlesc. Oul by way of IlrOnlincnl examples one may mentiOn Im:ts like Ihe property right5 bee. 1'8 .. JIlin, 1968; t.'iCrillllt, 1970;
or
Sbelty,1961b: ShJTm;t, 1967b); the IImcndlng procus theconstitulioo io rellllian to Iho Supreme Court's review power' (S3Iite, 1968: Hari Chand
lIO
11\
SOCIOU)G\' Of'LAW
\972: Trip:uhi, 191J): implcnu:!lulion of Ditccci~c Pdnciplc:, (C' ,., Malbnllen, \966; B"kshj,h Sinl!h 1916: ~h:\ly. 19.9): f:unily 11111' (t .•.• Derrett, 1910. 1968. 1963. 1957; Diw;tn, 1973; SlvltrnmaYYiI, 1973: TAhir t-Iahm<,od. 1972:1, 1975, 1977-1, "nd secubrisnl (GhOUle, 197); Luther ... ,
1964; Smilh, 1963: Sharma, 1966; Bathal. ]97~). Some .ncmrt~ have nho been made to c\,tllu:ltc the lotal norm:ulve performsn,c of lhe Supreme COUrt. Thuc includes S,P.. Sharma's polnee-ring study of the role of Ihe Supreme Couri (1959), and Mohamm~d lmmam', Tire /l/d'D/I Supreme CQrl" aud Iht! COlllf(W(;/)/l (19611). In the early 5tvcntin the mauer of judicial :irpoinu1II:nts to Ihe Supreme ellUl1 (in the wnl.c or Ihe 1973 "Iuper,ieuion" or $cnjcH Justices of the SUIHcmc Court) produced for the flnt lime cflosidernble monOifOlphic litcr:ltUfC on the role or Ihe flpCJ: jmlicinry. The ideit of comrnilled juuldnry did l'Iot receive much SUflpert in Ihe littiftillre: which thus emcracd (t g" NaYll r, 1973: f'itlkhlyoht, 1973: liegde, 191J: but !ec allO I\l1lul:1)'. 1973; KUmllrnml\ni:\IRm, 1973!tnd V,,... Seyid Muhllmmnd, 1975). The flJolllems of the Independenl:t of judiciary and $eryice conditions of judlclory, ihclu· ding 1~IDdtl ~nd pcnsi(tn', rtceiycd some: attention in memoriallec~urel by di$ tloiluishcd I:\wyers aod ju(lges (eg,. Ste:rvai. 1970: Mllkhnrji, [967), But rnost of this literature:. including that lHiiing in the Wilke: of lhe dcba le over 'commilled judiciary'. failed to de31 with judici31 idcolo,ies or Ihe problem of 'judicinl pt'llitks'. It ~et!mt! d to haYe been generally .numen in le#,al discussions on the nsturt! !!nd function of Ihe Supreme Court thai there was some immAnent tole·modellhnt judge" indlyldually, and the court n. collectiyity, m\lsl nlwrlY. foUnw. On Ihe question when the toml'lonc:.nt' of thll role-model were, And frflm which .ourcCJ It derived its lef!:ltimalll)n or t!vt!n r
,I
Ilpp:trent rtliltinn~hip hehvt!t!n "the "uitu:[es of jUdg:h :lnd thtir lOllial and olher bad'ground variables"; the $c,uch for further ,J,lta in Ihis dire!:tion, fie concludes. mu\t be II high priolity un research agenda. lie IIlso urges rurther expct imenlation wloIl the •... alue. dlm~n'ionl', wUlllly cb.uified in jurimctric litcrRlure in tcrm, of political nn" cconomic conscrvi\ti~m and lI~ra'ism. 'clanicnl nnd 'modern', He further tuggcstJ th:ll perhaps wh:lI is now needed i, sy~tem3tic u.'lOtent 3n3IY$i. of opinions r.nhcr thnn tbeir quantitative Ilggreglltion !llld di~;lggrt!gatlon, And yet jurimctric IIn:!.l)'sis has enabled to undenl311d Ihe Suprt!mc Courl nt:l more sophilliealcd le ... el. For CJ:l1mple, Gadboi~' "udies disclosc Ih:ll "powerful e ... idence thai chief Justices hnd 11 major impact on the decilion·making r!foets'," eipecially through their unlrammelled di,cretion to form bt!nchcr (Olltlboi!. 197<1
ADJUOICAl"ION UNI)f)I. STAn I.I;Vtll.
112
lOCIOLOO'l' 01' L.l\W
.uands bUI lome mlly flnu In his conclusion! c:ol1tcmina the Court nol much more 111110 the: Urllnd IWlty of eclectic nnd olympiAn tcholnuhlp.
-,
Hi! concludinli remnrkt m:ly we,tJ tArry the navour of his 6111.: lind .pproac:h in dCAling with the Surrcmc Court: In the end we must regard the attitude Qf the: SUpreme Coull judGu u lypic:l1 of decision makinG h:luils of till! middle elliS. melfOj1Olitlin Indinn$: technically unpredictable, nol uninfluenced by imitiltive
cosmopolitllon hnbiu, conditioned by.nntiYc in~linct to a depth nOI )'C:I predictable by the: psychologllt or documented ev~n by Ii novelist. tllc drnmnlis! or the fiction writer, lind s'\.dfuing from nn over SCRsith'c opioion of their lonely and unpurtllleled position. RiJj"c:~ DI/U1al/ (l91?) Upendrlt tlaxi', Tilt {lldioll Suprtlllt elmri find Folilk.r (1980a) is 3 recent addition 10 this slender literature on judicial ideolo&iu, 11 Cl~nl!nes judicial politics in the emergency and rost·enlersency periods And fl1lnkly e$Sl\)S lin interpretallon of chllnging politic:'!! rolcs of Ihe Courl. 1'111 mil in thuis I. Iltill Supreme! Court is a ccntre of poliliC'1l1 power and 111~b n ctntre, ortcn, of oppositional politics, I-iii work on J~ISlicc Mathew constitutcs • lirlt aUempt 31 intellee!lulll and judicinl biollraphy of a Supreme! Courl Justice; Ihe prc.'v;ous attemptJ at judicial biGgraphiel bcinS those notab!}' by V.O, Mahnjan f!96fi, 1967). The only study which dealt with the Supreme Court of India in terms 01 mllnll@e1Ucnl ii Ihat of Rajee y Dhllynn and P. Knlpakam (1979). They focus on the problems of orrellrs, They find Ihtu eYer tincc ill inception "lhe court hnl alw~yl hild ItrI:;US" and Ihat thc "present structure lind jurisdiction iuuth thilt it has in·built into it An incipient i)"temorllmau" (Ibid., 59). In an inlercsting flltcmpt to C(lrre:\IHc the afrean With judgcs' luenlltb. they sUlllnl Ihat "even accordln, 10 1971 C5timRtcs, il would take]) judges 10 de·r Ihe CourL', 1970 arrenTS lind thc calCS in!litl1led in 1971." They describe the ntlempt to cleDr o.rreau :as a "hopeless exerdsc" (ibid, 45). The problems Qr workl03d lind arrenrs IIrC not III all di~lifll"lti~e 10 Supreme CourL They run through the adjudication Iystem and arrect High Courl$ ItS well, more importantly. subordinate judiciary. It is the laller which more fcgularly interacts wilh the common mall, III tragic eotlu:quences for Ihe common man lire by now well documented in tbe undertrllli CUf!1: before Ihe Supreme Court recently analysed by 3ul (1982). The problems in this repm have )'el 10 be rul1y Ilnalynd. Bu.i (1982) mlkcs In lIt/empt 10 uplGre the le&1I1 .y~lem variables which cause tile syndrome of arrears. OMtl'1 IHmly.is Bencl11l1y ~uGi~!f Ihal the Iytlt:m crealellhe problem of:meMI nnd thllt eyery lettor of Ihe tlatc lelal ')'item is responsible for erention Ilnd maintenance or IHTeUS. Deloys in judlcilll ~pr(llnlrllenl. arc I\oloriou~_ There ha, gro .... n within Ihe Indlao bar a fairly efficient system of mal'lipul:uiun of linlc Ihrollgh
~,
.. " .."
, ,
adjournment; in r.1et, the Ica!ll profession sees, .scncrnlly 111'1 inc:cnt;~c5 in U"pcv'lioul jUlliec lili£.~nllioo in vuriOli1 conlbliS _eeO! concerned with prulol1galion of iiligllion. which adds Iv b.ltilnintna ilrellSlh with their IId~efluiu. The itale conlrihlltcs to an thb by bcwa pnd remilining Ihe IIH~C:lt lillgan! and by overlcgisllliioll. Judact tGO, as l\ group hltVe nOllhoughl il III 10 re·eKllmlnc procedures or atgumenl .. t.un, flleading lind JudllcmCnl wnlinc. Ihus aggravating Ihe gencr:ll problem. In lome respeell, what rel\l1y IIflpenrs 10 lake place uodc.'f Ihe g..lrb or adminislrmlion (If jU51io;e is thus in tfuth, for IhOU5:lnds or ptople clIU!lht up in the web of law, lIdmini~tration of injustice, . UllJf PrQ/t'ss(on We refer to literature concern ina le&111 profession under the rubric of IIdjudi(lIIion under the Itllte lel1l1 'yllcm bec.auJe lile tole of I~""~'cr' in Indcflendcnt India hal not rcaily utended beyond the everyday jobs of adjudication. And even adjudication !las been tonGned, by and Itrge, to the tradilional areas of public lind priv.lte lillO.', nOI focuucd on usc of courlS and judicial proc.ess ror public in leI ell IIdvoelcy or for plOICctiou of rCloufJ;"clw ,rours who arc tl)nSlllnt vicliml of deepscalcd luei:!1 injulticn. Lawyer, only riu::toriclIlIy SIren outside aDd iniide coun rooms Iheir role obli&alionJ In the achieyement of the values of juStiee, equality, and dignity for the most depressed and exploited classC5 in modern India, But there Ilre plenty of semirulr and symposia documents in which lawyers continue to dwell upon. their rllvoulile self aod collective imllget as agents ur locial change, This souiolodcal imprenion hGWiCver needs 10 be checked ainiast tbe renJity of whulawyeu aCltully do in additioQ to Iheir role III techno· crall of law. Unfortunately, as in every sphne under this lurYey but perhapJ more so here, we haye yery rew Iccount. of social history of legal proreuion and It. profiles of development. We do nol ha\:&1J11sny accounts of the socilll hlltolY of leSll1 profUlion In India, For e"ample. apart from stray writing' we do not ha~e much Iitenlture on the question wlll:thl:"r d:mlcal Hindu IIIW hnd 11 place for 'profenionalliwyers' (L Rocher, 1968·69: 199. concllldu that it,dld CiOt) or whethtr t~ere were 1I0y lawyers during the Mo&hul period. althollah there cJ.i5led the inititulion or VQkflz (see Calkins. 1968·69: 40l), Compllrpth'ely. we have more material on legal profession during the colcnial pHiod. Aparl from court records. the bioaraphie! and memoirs of the eminenllawpersons durifll this period furnish fllsc:inillinsly rich malerial «(I".g., Setalvad, 1971: Chlli!a. 1973)_ All tbis hll5 been pUlto imagillQ.tiYc usc by Samuel Sdunitthencr in hi. 'A Sketch of Ihe Deyelopment or the 1.egltl Prorusjon in IndIa' (1968·69: 317), Of greltt contemp(lfl'ny interest is his 101llylii or Ibe change in role perception by lubstantial number or
I
I
•,..
I 114
SOCIOLOOY 01' LAw
I~w)'er. during the freedom HrUlllk: and the high tt:uus IlIw)'cr, at II
SrOup o«;uried durins the period (sccolso Stili, 1968). or considerable c:onlcmpornry interesl is his IInnl),,;, o( ItS31 profcuion durint the nlltionl1llst ,\tuttle for freedom: Lawyers mo~e for the C3u'e o( J'ulIion:llism in .everlll wll)'S. They worktd through the coum ror rightl ud' equality be/ween Inllilll'1l and Englishmen; they g~illed mcmbenhip and po .... e!' in the proYinc:ill councils; lind lhty founded and built 'up the Indian NatiOnal COD. afeU. Only Ihe \:Iwyers had the knowledge of Ule indivldu31 righu to which an Indian W~$ tnlitlcd ; the mllStcry or English IlInguaSt, lind indcpcndeoce which enabled litem IO"tanJ lip to the bUtc:mucracyof Ihe d",>,. ' S. Sc/lllllttl".'IICI' (1968·69: 316) Gradually, It number of III wyers "who had been only pllrt time [elldcfI of the nnt ion\\1 movemtnt" begtln, under the influence of Gandhi, 10 give: "nil of Ihdr time nnd energy 10 this link." Out this had the errcct of redudlli the role of NOIctising lawyen in fhe potiljc~1 arena. The: lenderlhip or the nMIOMI movement comprlnd people Imincd in Il\w but they wcre no longer practlsing lawyer". And during the 19301 "Ihe nllional movemelH h:r.d nn Advcnt effect on Ihe h:gnJ profession' by discrediting courts nnd campeling for the intcrest of the young men of Ibe country" (Ibid., 381). The pOll· colonial piclure is captured in 1""'0 .entences : "No longer did the: mast talented men of tht country (tudy law. The prCltiSe of the profeuion has greil/ly diminished" (lbld,,381), In this way, tlte "monopoly it had on tbe leadership of the eountr), for over a century I, gone. In a WilY, the rest of the society has eauCht up with tbe profession" {tbid., 382). nul of course any Ccneralization cOllecrnin, thc decline of the rule of lawyer. in conlemporlr), Indit 11111 to be qualified by the contexts, both biltorlul Ind sociological. Thul, for example, the facl of dedining representation of former praetitioners or practillna lawyen in Union and Slate leaisll1uru mlty DOl necessarily mean a dedine: in the political in. nueoce or role or lllwyen I\J a group (•. g. , mallY lawyers mishl be enilged In promoting ioterem, nt lesislntive levels, of certain ptenure groups or lobbies of, say, busfneu and industry). Similarly, in the Irt:a or penonallaws of Hindus, il might have been the case that the "pa.I.19S2 drastic d'.::linc In the lnlluence of lawyers as lawyefl was signified b)' and directly related 10 the commensurate decline in the prominence of SlIns. kritie argument." II is also true tltlll liS "the legal ptormionl'li Sanskriliu f10udlhed under the British by .ucce~5funy cllLiminll ellpertlre aboUI the trl1dltion and the pllst, Ihe lawyer.politician thrived aHt:r Independence by lueceuful1y clalminll expertIse about modernity and (uturn" (Levy, 1968·1969: 31S: d. Onl~nler, 1912b). As an occllp~llonnl aTOUp, the IC8111 profession has ccrlnlnl), been mosl tealous and errective in comballng proP9slIj. for reform of tht rro((uion aDd reorgllnizatlon of available
ADIUD~CATtON
USO£R ITATD LtOAL SVSTBM
ju~!!Cilll
lIS
remedy SlrUClurCi whenever the~e Ihrc;lIen the mOlleri.l l inlacSl of the bar, Tlte errective rcsblanee to the re.udetion of the writ jurisdiction of the Iligh Courts e~cn during the ertlergcncy {If 1913·1917 il nn 3pl example af this phenomenon. Vct} few empirical sociological uudiu on leeal profession lite 1I\' aill1bl~ nnd wilh the 'olito.ry exception (Gandhi, 1984) mn!! of these ale produda of o~erseas (or exp"tri ••e) scholars. Of thcse most Ire to be found in n special symposium on hlwyers In developiDS societies publishcd in the Law al/d Soc/elY Rt~lt"' (1968·69). Of particular interest nrc the papers by Petct Rowe who e"ays tl description of Iliwyer~ in four dimicl towns and Charles Morrison who fOCU5!es on .oej~1 organil,.ll.lion and rc1l1liC:llllhips in n dimict bar. Mare Ol\lnnter provldu lin overview lind point' to the need (or resenrch. in se\'c!(:l.1 nrc .. of S0c10toSY of lelln1 pro(euiQn, l'In tll;eodunJ which stili remnin, III pressing in 1980s liS when it WIIS mnde. Robert Kidder's Jludles of Indian \cgal profession (1973, 1974a) contain many iotere:stlog ioslahli InlO the dyoamlcs of lawyer· client relation5hlps in Dangllore. A notable feature or this rclalloO$hip$ i1 whO\! he clIlIs "client ambivalence" 10 law and lawyers. "There were nlnlost no interviews wilh Iitiganl5 in which the respondent failed to roluntetr SIiW:ments maligning his lawyer" (Kidder, 1974a: 22). Indeed, the "Iawyer's routine ruponse to I client is .. ·one which regularly lIimulatcs hostility And suspicion on the part af the novi:e litigllnt," In Ihe client's perception that lawycr is lOad, and eYOKcl hilloy.liIY, who is a "good liar who will use his $kills on the client's beha.If" ((bid., 27). In ather wards, both lawyers and client! need neh Other; but their encounlers and relations 3rc mlrked by deep distrust nch olher. In effect, their relation is often bued on "co-operallve deception" 'nd the image of efficlentl(pJ serviccs and le,lltaleol depends on the lawyer', "demonstrated ..... illingness and ability to carr) on pubic deception" (IbId., 27.) Kidder maintains thlll leall pro(csdon in Indin hns to be viewed alainst the failure of the 'adJudico.live ideal' or 'adjudienlory norlTlleu_ oen'. Rational adjudication under third patty managemrnt should ordinarily provide "a firm base on which tbe lawyer clln rest his claim to expertise and 00 which the client clln rely for predictnble, conclusive aDd rule determined oUlcomu" (IbId., 30). Kidder nrgucs that the "rules and norms nrc ineffcetive" and it is beCAuse of this 1h:lt "Io.wyera become 'e~pHI5 in deluy', fun(;tioning primarily ItS unnppreci~ted midwives of compromi$c" (IbId .. 33). Uecnulie of tll!$ 100 "Ilnngalore lawycu life unabl", to find a true ba!jt or UAbic legnl knowh'cg..: wit~in which to fOOl their oJ,afm$ to uflC"i,e" !Ibid, 3S). Instend of orrering "the \clnd of either/or decision" which, on lome viev.'s or It, is "thc cnence of adjudIcation", the adjudicative .y.tem Qf Indill offen "bolh sides ..... ith nn inexhau,lible ;trSCOlll of delaying techniques." open to
or
,
IIG
SOCIOLOOY
or
LAw
"consltlnt iol1o"o.Jion by lawyer. who aprrc,tach the lelal i1rUC\lIre with:!. manipulatiYe athtude." Willu apillins ':ldjudiea,ory normtenoeu'1 Accordini If) Kidder one main C"lUIC of il is to be found ill II correct $Ol;int undcu,nndlO&
I j
of liligalion: "h1iglilion", he $8Y$, "is better undentotld a5 the expression of ongOing connicts within social £-roups," He subscribes 10 Costr', \'jew that "cOnniCIS IIrc: belttr understood 001 IS deviant cllSe disruptions of normal rdalloD!, bUI loS significant dimension by which normal relations are idenllliFd" (Coset. 1964), In this scnse, "lilia'llon don not 'disengllge' ,"onnic!" : mther. "litiGation bccome5 .nother area in which conflict devdops" (Kidder, 1974u; 34). The underlying focial relutions IIfC muUlplcx in character, Connlell In .uell relallon, involved "comple:a: inues" which "t;'Iolivllte the litlgaou: 10 fHolona !llilltl!On n. Olle item in no ongoing con"iolu:\1 reilitionship" (/~iII" 31). Naturally, "the nnrmatlve impact of lhe collrLl dlSiolvei under the prcJSurc of two vllrin!,)lc5." One Is tllC "relational charllcler· iSliu of Ihe ftotagouim" IlncJ the lecond II thc "balanac of re~ourcel belween them," It lilhe former which "determinellhe relative Ibi!lllc~ 10 susl:lin ~ ch05rn 51f1mgy" (ibid., 34). Kidder is aWare of the diffieulllcJ in gencralir.lng his find!ngs and vicws to al! 5cctors of Indian legal profeuioll. Tbe principal poinls he makes conceraing the failure of the 'adjudicative ideal' ilnd Ihe 'lI.djlldicltory normlusness' arc indet'd unimpeacbable. And In Ibc .reu of llti8lthm studied by him Ihe understandiog of Ihe nature of litigation may indeed be borne out But the unde~landlng of liliplion in lerms or conflicled multiplex relationship m.y uplo.in properly, ramily and other relutcd 'civil' lillgalion. Other treu or liliialion tueh u in the criminal IllWS proceedings or public law aod the helitlltlnJly emtrient 'pUblic interesl' litigation m!l.y not be opeolo .lmUIr Ir:iod or IIndentandlng Ot ClIplanatlon, Cllldu M )rri"n hllJ roeuSSed especially on Ihe role of panaprofessionDis (I972b, 1914). He finds Ih~1 one kind of ~raproreulonal-the munshi -contrlbutcs "significantly 10 the doily organilltion of a dlslrict law prnetice ;0 India ." LiLe Ihe lawyer-client relationShip of nlulual dlstrUSI which Kidder discovered in Blngalore, Mord!on 111'0 finds B pattern of mutuII sU'ploion and dial rust between lawyel1 and Iheir munshis in Norlh Indln . Munshls Ite suspected of prOl'iding information on Iheir lawyers' prnctice to their rivals in. the bar. There arc IIlso conOictl oyer the fccs (lr commil1iotl to be paid 10 munshia. Munshis undOubtedly act I. 'IOUIl'; orten IU 'underground counscls', \lIlorin& or coaching "wltncssu in the slYlng of biased or dellber.lely r.. brleated eyidenee." How often, nnd how .ucceufully, ate they able to perform thll runction is. nccordin. 10 Morrilon, II. matler of conjeclure. But he poln" to the (lI.elllllll "lnterOl~di41Ion is lin Imp0rlant clement in Indilln 10=!11 lire"
ADJUDtCATION UNOU STATS Li!OAL IYfTI!~
r'
"I
111
whcre opcn conrrontation with kinsmen il generlllly to be avoided; heoce 'loulllm'ls uQderstandable. It hili, howevcr, II detOI~IOry connOt3tioD because it is thai form of "interm~di"tlon" ~hich " IlSlUmcd I~ be "baled on pecuniary mOliv.:,," ignorins "such ~dctNS as I~~al pol~tleal p:l\ronasc or the ordinary utilization of loclai nelwor~s (M:lfrlson, 1974 . 47). BUI he poinll OUI thlt 'touts' in tbe sense 10 Viluch that Illbel . is used "by those who denounce them" are "har~IY IIce(55ary at " 1eve I" (Ibl' ••) . Hc IllfO drilWi our U.ticntlon to another th e d "IstnCl I. , .. 'H' kind of p:msprorrnlonals-the nlllktldol1lfl ba: o~ 'chro.lI~c hl.I,SIIOI. ~ IS II peUon who hilS acquired "the repult'llion of being 1IIIg',~UJ • and be~n~ involved "in the prosecution of eRIc, :H n.n end In H,elf. HII ,acc~ n or I"~ 'netnji' in I !'hrynM villase provide.t an In(efuting. Ulsliht 10tO Ihe nnturc lind role of this Iype of parllprorcnionnl, by, no means confined 10 India (Ibid., 55·58; leo Khnre, 1912 : 97 for II Ilmll"f study of 'se3 lalvyeu'),
,, ,
,.
9
I'QSTSCRlPT
CONCLUSION
CampensDlory
At almost c\'try l'Ioinl in this IUf'\'ty, we have lamented the paucity of ... lllciOltl,i"" tescart~iEIO~&!!.p'roee5J~ -;nd inllilulionJ. And yet we have been able to '"C'lIte considerable materilis 10 warrant an extended Survry OfUlcmU. problcllU lind Iiter:llure pertaining 10 sociology Dnd anthropology of law in Illdia, Thil conjuring trick. as it Wtrc, hilt
t:ccn partly attAined by rcrcttiol oul, Dod often even .upcrirnposing. le~lI[ JOt'iolo~iclIl thcmu lind frameworks on most studiu which were nOI directly or lelf·consciously concerned with .oclo·1I:&111 reality. 1M II we look b:tck upon the ground thu, lravened, it il clur Ihll\ in mllny arCH of locilll sciences there txiJt, even
ir
1lenderly. unacknowlc:da cd
Ilartin, points for sociotogy and anthropology of Indian Illw. Even u we fnvile the nUention of academic law~el'l tlnd legal researcher. 10 this rllelnaling bod~ or materl,ls we would be remiss Dot 10 pointedly dl!C~et Ihe attention of sociologists, economislI, anthropoloaisl5 and political Icienlills 10 Ihe faclth:st m:sny of their concern. do diltinctly involve I more sophiilieatcd grasp of legal procusCl and Inltitutions Ihan whllt the~ hllye so far displilycd io thcit work. Qne. hopes Ih:1I in the coming dccades thcfe will evolve in Indillalru(I f~lIolVshfp of sodol scl(',JCfI IctJrII/lfg where nlen of law will share the compleftlenlDr~ concerns of lhtir fellow 60ci.l Icicntlsl5 Ind the laucr regain the ceOlrl1 inli~hl' or the founding fllhers of lociolog~ concerning the importance of I11W In social lltructure Ind locial tranarormilion. Unlen a dose fctlow~hlp or this "Mute emergeS, neither lawperrons nor locinl scientists tin errcelh'ely lusiS! the search for .oclal development nod
wm
I !
justice.
"
Dlscr{mlnatlon Pollclu
The Uterature on the poliein and practices of compensatory diicrlmloatioo continues to grow. Indian law teachers hue beguo Clploring th~ roblematie of reservations olic wilh becoming 50dolosical IDII.lurity(Parmanan Singh, 1982; Anirudh Praud, (980); the junifie:Uion of these polide. at a philosophic or jurfsprudcntlnllc\'el hos 61so begun (Ice, fO., .. M.P. Sinah, 1981-B2)_ In add ilion, ofcouue, the well· known work or Andre Deldtle (19&2), continue. to txplore the eni,nll of equ3.llty at the level of social philosophy and practice Thert JS olso a notable ;rowth of Icholnrl), fCHIUi 00 vlolco~e a$lOclatcd with, mOstly, anti·
rc.serv:l.tlon movemcnts (Desai. 19B5 : Dul, 198~.). If, in ""hat folloWl, we hlahlight Mlrc Oidantcr'. Comptf(nr EquaNt/a (1984), the justification iI provided b~ the pouibilily thnt this importa.nt work will influence nol jutt further tb.:lugbt lIod research but more immedialely Iff(ct judicial policy-mlldng io the area or (e.lt/vations. 10 Comptlfllg Equalities, Mnre Galanter (1984) olrers a mooumental account or contemporary India's struggle against the n (rltage of dee.!. vatlon" (po 239). This work wi!! continuc to provide for ye/IrS to come ao authoritative louree book of ioformalion concerning the law, policyaod administration of compensatory discrimination progl'Rmme.s (CDP). Whallt more, a discerning readIng of lhe book yicldll)lternntive strale,ies for lillie and looinllclion. Il'Jth the prolalOnislJ aod aotAgonists of COP will find ;0 thil book ready rotuerlal for Iheir Clmpaignl. In this &ense, Marc Olllatllcr mo)' lind both rulfilment and frustration in the wanner in which tbe book it read lIod used, In thls seOlC, too, the very Itrength of the book con,tJluttJ ilJ central weal,;ness, It .eeks ~o prt$ellt a bafanctd e.apo'itlon or policies and progrnrnmes of compensatory diserimj4 4
1
I
12.
posne."r
SOCIOLOOY 0' LAW
nAtion. It docs not leek 10 n\uch to justify. phlloaophiaUy or iJcQ' \oClcail)', to"'I'I:IIJ;\IOI)' di!Crimi03lion: but rather explore. it I I . ',fling concern' In cont~IUJIJrII'y Jouu, Nor doc:s \I offer a critique (in Ihe ~13.rli::ln scn!d ll( tilt j.kulogy and inniluiions of compensatol), di\crirni· DaHon. It IIvolds "Jv"CJc), tiS well lIS critique. What II offen i.:I dininlly ruthless accuunl (21 points close 10 being value.free) of the IUCCCUe.s and failures of ""Iky and implcmClltillion. The book tbus provides an Inen31 of m11(11 .. 1 for both advDt:lcy and critique; and oITerl ~ fine illustution of the rCli]icnl but in the:. tradition or the liberal ,oclology of law. P~lh.l"J. the reason why Galante! avoids idcoloa1cIlI critique of com~nsalor)' dis(Tlnllnalltln i. Ihll he finds til Indil G 101 of Ipprolu;:btJ tow.ud1 n wllque but vcryil1tlc hu\!·bc.. de\! 1000i .. 1 Icienllfic annl)s!', liis work CUII\lllutes a comprehensive indIctment of the Indian soclill scicnce (includlnl loclo·leSIiIi rClelfch utilblishment, Time Ind a,ain he IlmenlisholtfJII. in scienti"c dlUll for policy; and urlel Siudiet in I whole \';lIi:ty or \!irectionl (lbfJ., 50,52,54.51,63. 64,69,90, 91, 105. 110, 113, 115·16. 229, 2).1), In contrlSt, opinioDs aod value·judgment. concern;nl compensatory polieiu abouod (Ibid., 12), Conrronled with this l;IUalil>n, the bonk ends up luue1ting a rtJearch aaendum Ihrouah I rairly illl1.S1DJtivc i!.l~nlincation or 'alleged· benefltJ Ind cosu or COP (ibId. 81·32) : uth rubric in Ibil identification offers wortbwbile arcoll ror soci:r.1 u:ienl;e reselfeh and anal}si •. Male G.hlDter overwhelmin,'y demonllratu the ract that compeou· tory pJliciel Ilml prolrllmmu hive not e.mer,ed II I priority fClcarch Irena in .oc.iAI IciencCl (a theme by Itlelr In the lOCiolol'l or IOl;illl lcieoce' io Indill In parlicular, Ind an Illdian 10ciolol1 of knowledle In teneral). l'nil,lps, onc reuon ror this II tbe flct tblt "too much" law accomp;anics the evolution of compensatory policieJ. ADd the Indian .ocial s,ientis" notably the lociololisu and economists-findinl the Illw somewhll arC'lne--have taken the euy path of Iinorln, it altoaethcr. Tbey blve, by and I'fle, ignored its relevance to .odal structure Ind trln.formallon, In the procCJs impoverish in; both law lod lociolo&'l, Galloter·' llUJy if an inlpirin, Icslimony to the .eope or mutuality of Ie,roioa between law lind other ,ocillscieoen, This constitutU a lecond levtl at whiC'b the bonk could be rewardlnaly "udied by lodal selentists III llldia, The third level II whkh this boole ml;ht be equally profitably rnd il tbe level or Inaly.is of authoritative dilcoune. A few hundred words of the lut of the Indi;\n Constitution flbld" 569.574) and a couple or hundred thous'lId word, in 113 judicill decisions (Ibid" 501) coratitute the realm or dikoune. Cindy. this is a di,course io which "COUtU are accorded. lead In, role"lInd a dilCC)uuc which is ·'eh ... ra~teril;cd by con.iduablc Ct"· pitive tllutuy" (ibM. 356). And )'el this "eo,nllive diUlrray'· is highly
,
I
III
functional: Ily permitting cltceptionl that blur bound"riel, by accrediting v.:ariations tha' disloeate hienarchic mar~ers, And. by rdusln,a lin&le lIouthoritGtive picllolro or the eroup C(lnl"un c,r Indio1n lockl}. the courts help to disestablish the traditional picturc or IIial 'OClety, a picture which provided ICliti~lacy for traditional relati.on~ or domina· tion and hierarchy, Mart: Gala"It:t (1984 : Jj7) It is notewotthy that Giltanlec is able to arrive al this dtep.llfUcture undentlodin, or aulhoril~li~e diicourle, without reCOU!1e to Iny explicit theary of power, ideolol1. insurrection aod I.nluale wbich are constitutive or discount (FouCllult. 1917, 1918, 1910; Ollbil, 198J). And this lut future provides us with a roureh level or rlC.1,din, this book. It is a notable uample of policy .cicnce analYIII. In thil,eore, the prlneipd rOi;UI is on a let or aUlhoritative dediionl term~d 'publio policiu' wbieh lenerlle (and leaitimllte) ·prolrammCl'. It dClclibtJ in fascinatinl detllil the com riCA Clrter or compeQ5alory discrimination policies aod prolrammtl. Itl prime conclulion tbat tbe plo,/eulon of policies-Ilttir enuoclation, elaboration, development-is, on the whole, commendable (c.,., Gallnter, 1984. 534·38, 352·59) but the implemen· u.tion or prolrammes is, on the whole, deplorable (ibid., 40·&3, 546-52, 522.33). Galanter providu many rtuons why tbil is 10, Perhaps, (ulde from mutability and ambivlleoee of policies themlel~CI) tbe mOltul(ent Is the d.IJa (twice'DoHI) explanation: be (;(Iostaolly rcllerates the ,ulr between IOphlltie:ated judicial policy.m.ktn and the ".dministrllon alld detkt" who hive 10 imrlement tbe prOlr.romtJ. These are reople with "Icu tduution and lophlstieltion, (ewer resourceS ror rllet·Bndiol, 1m time for delibcratloo" (lblJ., 5"5). The book celebrllte. the prinCipal !.hemn or policy sclencel. Polldu achlevc tbelr loall ooly if: Ibey arc based on ml1imum relevant 10dii knowledae, they Ire rormulated and dissemialled with elarltYlod cooslnency lind not liable to .bifu, tbey ,enerale ptoarammtJ wbich are oriented to loals or thc policy and oot just luks aDd tbero are oraanie linklau between policies and prOlram· meso Sucb Iinhlel, in turn, are possible only wheo "lldminiltralOn and clerk..' become worthy recipieots or policy.messases, Aod when the opti. mum mil, aenenlling sustaioed judicial intervention. of "orlaniulioD or I"lrtlu, supply of lelal ler.,lces, doctrinal inveotivcoell aod cbaDlu io io.titutionallncumbenu" (Ibid., 596) beeomu lvallable tu ovenee proIrammCl. Put another way, mIssive lrao,rormatioo or polic),.maldo, Ittu(.turCi. and or Implementiol.tructure. (iocludlol the lel.1 prorculon aad tho judidary) .ta oeWllry, If Dollufficient. condilioos for tho IUCCCU of eompenlltory dilcriminllloD policies and prolramme.. It lIel clearly ouUlde flolley lcienee approach to cUlyan ellmioation of tbe flrc.hiltory and history of relatlool or powcr, ideololY And conflict, wbicb alone nn furnish tbe mntive rorce or objective condltlollJ for .ucb tranl-
j
j
m
SOC[OLOO\' OF LAW
mentation .
Marc Galnntc:r orrers us an absorbinG account of agonized altempts by pOllcy-makcn, including courts, al the: i,denlificalion of "backwaulness (or the purpose: of determining the bc:nc:fic;i;uic.s or tbe COP" (Ibid" ISS-
domICile nod tehSI?n. Thc value. recited in the preamble Gre also fUDda. ~ental to BUy n:adlbg, and theory of reading. of the Indian ConStitu. tlon.
181). Articles IS(4) ~nd 16(4}o(tbe Consticutioo spellk respectively
. From all thb, it is clear thal the C(Hlltitution forbids recourse to 01111 In recoo5truetfns "bllckwlrdoelS" for the purposel of .Holt Qctlo". Wb e It commands Is recoune to "cll"" in reCllnstruel/,. b.ck'wllrd DeS). " Glliaoler orren an excellent account of how "clau" is conceptualIzed 'Dd r~eonceptulll1zed by the Ilale agenein, especinlly the Hiilh COUt15 Dnd b SupreDle Court. t e
doub15 whether tbat term rCOIlly clpreJSes Any eonelusive cOll5lihUionttl intent (Ibid., 209). , It it, pelbnps. necll-nary for Qaltlnler to m91nlllin Ihat the. ConsliulIioD neither "comm30ds" oor "forbid'" recourse 10 ClUte (Ibid. , 208) in tbe reconstruction of "backwardn«s" for Ihe purpose of mdioraliYc st"'( aeriol!. He asserlS Ihal Iho ConstitueDt Assembly debates do DOt mean "clau" in Mllu.illn or Marxist ,cose ; claues rather DlellO "communities", which m~y include all sorl, of JrDUps, including caste aud "caste·lS·clu,". But his analysis of the. dehat« In Chllptcr 6 of the book docs not compel Ibis conclusion ((bid.. Ch. 6: rp. 204, 1lote 69, 208). Tbose who deal with legallnlerprct:Hion and exegesis know that Il is difficult often to maintain the dislinction between 'discovery' Ind 'ImputJtioo' of inleot to the: ambou of A legillatlve text. TbiJ problem is, of eourle, eommon 10 hlw 111 wcll III hUffinnitie. and otbcr tocilll Icicnllts. But In InlV, lit lUll, there i. DO tueory of read Ina wblth could disclpliue exegctical elTort or chatteD interpretlltlon. We unnol PUClUO Ihls aspect any further here, But tbis much It tolernbly cltar. If ODe looks at tbe only two placet whcre the exprcsslon ;'uackwlHd clauu" occurs, namely, Artlele 15 (4) Iud 16 (4). Ihere would be at lellSt lome room for • ~yiDg, with Marc G.lanler, that tbe coostitutioo·ma.lr::eu used the term "cia.," gtElerically, inclusive of all loris or social groups including ClUte, communities and chl.u, However, one inclines to II radically opposed view WhCD ODe looki at the Constitution as a. wlwll. The Coostitution dcsilna.te. groups for which it sbow. spcclll solicitude in distlnclterms, Illpeaks of sehwuled castes and !tlbcs, educationallY lind socially backward eillucs, other backwnn.l clnses, religious aod Unguisnc minorities, unloucbabl~, those Ipeclally vuloer.ble to exploililtion aDd the we.ker ICctions of the peoplc.' The conllitutional text il elaborately written; the choice or phTltfCI is carefully mlde. These phmses have not been amended aWIY. And indeed uoy amendmenl to tbe Coot!jtulioo
I
I
I !
12.1
~,epluclol [be. wo~~ ."cl4I~" by "cute" io Articles IS (4) and 16l4) for weaker sectlops In Article 16 would be IJnblc to judicial iO\'illJdlltlon on Ihe gro~nd that II viui:JlcJ tbc essential features of the basic structure of Ihe lod!:!o .Con: titulion. This is so beeOluse the ConsliiulillD promulgJtt. jill e~a.llta.nan sO,el.i!l1 order, frec :>f distinctions arlsing from etute,lc:JI",
(ormation. It is Illus no ;u:cident Ihl1t a 62S pages book on law lind back,,'atd cJusc:s in Int,lin l1a$ not devoted even 1\ marlinlll Ipl.CC: 10 'casle IUtH,', 'llolrotiliu' nnd 'asilatlon(, 'if not on their own termS, trt'llII vnriables affecting the progression of policics and vidhitudes of imple-
of "sociallY nnd cductltioDnlly backward cianCI" and "l)lbcr bllckwllrd (Juses". Galanter IIcknowledges that the: cfuclaltcrm bere: is "chlss" but
I
•
Jl03lSCII.II'T
Allbc IIIme time, he offers a eootrlU, tbe!is . Because Ih' Co-' , . uSUlutlon I oellher commands Dor forbidl the recoune 10 casle it it all a" pOrc "('brd 20.tl h ' ' q u c i l on ,I, y '.. " '" w et ler, how much in what ways and for how long. caue may be taken to reconstruet bllekwardnen fa, ' w · purposts or stale aCIIOo. hOlt IS more, he finds tbat "C;ule UDlls" arc "useful" ; and tbey should not be cODdemn~d pl!r Stl (Ibid., 214). The argument gOel! furlhe r : oot merely iJ recourse [0 cl5te "useful" o[h . , r 'd . ' er compctm, crllerll' .or I enlllkation and mCaliuremeot of backward ' Dot good eoougb. . Deu 8rc limply
or
'b,
But whlll docs one mean by "cute" in this con"" 1 G.", nero d van· Cell n OnIlCCp[UIl IUlnt!\on' betwceo "calles" AI ",ommu -I OJ d " I I 0 " ('b d 199 nc Y In .J ,,' :I us Ir, u~~ , I ". ,222). J( cluses are (0 mean to Includc commumtle,' ,elll~ reLDClrnate themselves al 'classes' (ibId., 188,204) Once determlnatloDs arc rnnde that entain caste communi1ies lit "b !C. wllfd", the furtber determination Ibu the, arc also ",d"",' ' , , " d" "b' "IOnayan SOCIIl Y ac ward, oftcn requirCi reeourse to caSle III st"", n h f . " sroup . ut t" e concepl 0 ItalU. II quile problcmalic Ilnd even when it is sorted out, the qu~stlon of relation between 'low status' nod soc/a I backward. ness remBInS an unsettled, Rnd unscnliog, question (ibid., 229·240), Galan,ter, bowe\'et,lea~ us to Ibe conclusion that "Ihe trcod is to tblDk ~r,loclal batk,.'drd'!:u Hlterm! of bcrilllge of deprivL!.tioo", visualiud M tIe nccunIU alt e"eelJ of low position In n .oclal hierarchy" ('b'd
'd
239).
'.
I I
,
Why should 'ealtc' be used significantly 10 delermine back\l'lIrdneu r?r the pl~rposes 0/ statr Dcflon 7 May not income a.nd oecuplltfou P(OVIde " stgn!Oennl mtOlure of backwlltune55 7 O.ll1nter an!wcrs tbIs last que~tloo in tho DeGalive. The heart of hit objection to eeonomic lIS dillinct r'OIO ~mmunal c:ril~rill pulsAtes in Il curious p3rnsraph(lbid., 275). GlIl~nter maLOulnJ Iha.t ' when backward communities lire designated the liDO'S lhnle of bcndlt. would 10, or Course. to Ih,. ",nO".. ",.. II ",;.
I I
j
125
124
members of Julina,,'" c,utes."
SOCIOlOOY 0' LAW
Even
50,
there
i5
"sonIc fcuon to hope
for /I 'tric-klc·lIowl\' thltl will ,prel1d ltnd multiply the btllcnt~", since the rclD.1i1cly b~ucr·oiT mcmheu 5uch cutes "aro linked 10 11u:ir
or
Icss.r",rluMlc (.'Isle-fellows by tics of kinship. loynlty nuu mulut'll 'Uppolt." Onlotntcr instslI thill the well-olT recipients of benefit! "rniJlhl be cxpctlCU10 pll}' a rcprescnulivc funchon." On the olher hand, tl\l:fe Is "no 5clr·c"idcn\ reuon to Ihjnk Ihal the recipient' under AD c;conomic lest Will .;r~e tim \tind or rcprc5cntnt'ive rl,lflc\illn, tangible or synlbolic, for ,lIOit ;1'1 the lowell Sruups," And when an "incorne UII i5 usci.l. there l~ lillie fCiltOn to think thil\ those 3' the !>ottom will be indircelly b~ndilcd." As 10 this tnt point, (lnt would hnve thoughl thot the 101t: function of incomc/oC'tup:tllOn trHerin would be to benefit Ihose 9.1 the bollont of Ihe heap. Thai It hns IIn\ occurred for"h1ahcr eehtlon bcnclits" (like admissions to Ihe medical lind lechnolosy courses) is true flblJ., 274). But enn this f;tilure be cle ...:ued 10 nn onlol08ie:11 principle 1 It CllnrU)t be snid IS II mailer ('If firS! principle that im3sinnti\'c reseasting of COP 011 tbese criteria, ilnd a matching rectificatioll or administration, is to be o prior( ruled OUI. That \CIIVCS us with the "trickle·down" principle. Here Glanttr in4 vests cUlc with m),lhopoetic charllcteriStlcs. Caste sentiment, caste consciousness wil1l1omehow eDlure Ihat even those who pre·empt II lion's sbare will enllble them 10 be legitimate repruentatives of rcdimibulion. NOlhina in the book ,ubltnntiatcs this Clpect.tlon. Indeed, III the dati given prelellls grounds for contrar)' cXl'lett.tions. For CJ{ample, Gllhloter laments thc "liltleliliocu" of .dmlni'lrotioll, i!Jl "tl1oughlleuueU about ao. ls" concernini the COP. lie goes further lind indiclJ .11leli,lalors includiol the leheduled aroup [e,llilllors who hllve "paid little attention to the reportl of Ihe Commiuioner for the scheduled wles and tribes" (Ibid., 69). Other siudin (cited in Dad, 1984) haYc demonSlroted Ute cOllclu.ioll thaI legislative reseryation., Ille dcviees to co·opt, tontrol and depoUticize sr.hedliled castes and are, thererore, more nf an e)lereile in .social control than in redistribution, Even if we were 10 lIuume that ti,ySe who benefit substantially by COP perform. repre5entative function, it i. not cleu why they should .be performinl it in relation onty to the COP benefit.. Indeed, if the bcttef-olf caste members were lollcltous of "their len-fortumue Clute fellow''', the laUer would 1I0t have c:ontlnued to remain 10 less rorlunnte. Alld, iodeed, io dhL:h:arae of e.ither their symbolic or tansible "rcprcsenIlltive" functioD$, Ihey woulll have been the chief a.rlkuliltorl of policies .od prollrBmmcs which beoefit their" lell-fortunate brethren". Tbe. rejection of economic c:riterlD, lind the "IS
GIl/,mtcr, tll;lt the Cllnltilution does not rrl!~e.ribe or prv5"ri\)C C3~tC crlleriB, even when one is OUl of IYnlp:llh)' with the repreuive: upccts of CMtt: hierarchy lind ideol,,&),. one fiuds it difficult 10 e,l:plorc even the possibility of invokill8 other seculllr c:mceptiClO5 or eriter/II (like chm) (CIt the pllr(>rJJ" (If JIOft acfrrm, Even. Comptlfllg EtJrlll/Ir)' i~ unllble If.! traMC'end the tssenlinll), Hindu view of life. These difference. do not diminish the hilh IIchievement of GJI"tion towBrds ill; o\"cntll understanding. Above 411, Ihis study holds oul II p!ospcct Ihnt Indiao lOCi1l1 ~cienti1l1 would.begln 10 opptechlte the major role that law and COUtU hll\'e played, nnd hnve to ptrform. in the transformation of the Indian society. Jr, liS GIJnter dCrn~II$lflIt~ .. the "cootributlon of lhe judiciary to soclBI reCODSIfuctlon" illlrrected b), the "failure ..to eOIllt:' 10 grips wllh the immense Y;lriatlon nnd complelit)' of aroup structure of Indian ,o~iely" Vbid • 540), it becomes imperative, It leut for the conceroed social sdenll5lt in India, 10 devise \10'11)'$ in wbich to 8uist COUfll to Ilchieve muimal elarit)'. Socialltientius ought to remember Ihlll judiclal "tlioo has been '0 rllr the most crucinl sotilll force preventing the usc of coostitutional pruvisiollJ "as JUItiliclltion for I rClime of communal quotas" and In inhibitini "runway expln5ion of the c.teior)' of Other Backward CI15ses" (Ibid., SlS), GIlI.nler·~ book celebrates titis th~'arling of Ihe will to power: Jocial scienlisu ignnre titis achievement nt their 0\\-1) penl in a. traurnlltlcaUy chanaefullndla. Su/JtJl,eTfl SfudltJ Thc Indimo lilerlrY Itadillon, 111 law lind hi'IO'!}" hn as yet not witnessed Ihe emtrgcnte of tha t senre of historic;ll wriling which oan be called the social history or law, Q la C.P. Thompson (1963, 1977) or M Foucmulr (1977, 1978, 19801 or J,W. Hurl! (1964) or M. Horowitz (1977), To be sure, there ore prospects or excellent beginning'; the two volumes' of the Combrldgt' EconomiC HiSlOll of [n,fia (Dharma Kumar, 1982: Ra)'ehaudhri and Habib, 1982), Dharma Kumar', analys;, of propert)' (19U), DDVid Arnold's work on dacoity (1984), OliVer Mendcllohn',' study of pathology of land disputes in Rajaslhnn (1981), Ricllllfd Washbrook'i analysis on colotlinl legnl .oci~l for motion (198J-82) aDd 8h~vlln ~antlt's sm.1I oote on criminlltiution of the work-Ina dU5CS III India (1981-82) provide very cncouraciD, .ICn. of possible procrus toward. In Indian loci,l ~tor)' of law. • A marc 'Uslaln~d foeul on 50CUl! hiltlJry of Indian law ilaYilllablc in the' wnrk. of Rllnjlt Ouha (198]) nnd his Associates {GUh.l: 1982, 1983, 1984/; GuhD's Icnlinal work modestly eotitled :n Elemeillary Aspects 0/ Peasanl
126
WCIOLOOY 01' LAW
/n1urgt /lC)' (Ollha. 19SJ) c.hnrl$ sc.veli!1 unv 1'I.,.fls fur:t fresh ulIIJc:rlland Tha (cnlrnl 1nlithiS of this work do nlll rermit b::r.Id summutlon.; 51ill, II remAins ncecUliry 10 demOniU:l.IC how our u"
POSTSCRIPT
(ot open), or IVlrn! It irtdlvidu:tlistic (Of smull·grollp) 10 \VIIIlI i. corninullal (or mus) In chulcter. In olher \\'ords, crime lind InJu(i~ocy
f illg of hlsll:lfY And ,oeleloa)' of law In lnJill,
locial identity :lnll individual persona of the: dominnlcd,
The creation
of tlte idcn\il~' of a rul)altcrn 1$ lhu5 among. the prime functions of the llw ~, an org:lni1J:1tion rof hegemony. The crution of "ncgHivc ctau
f
consciousness" (ibid., 23- 28) and its maintenance requires uscrllon of do' minance tllroush lalY anti rO(C~. And Ihis luk is performed by ICI~I codes; Ouha dcmomtralel holY &it/'rl/wlIl/l, intcrpreted as a semloloaical I)'ltem of coding, 13.llctlfiu a r.lllge o( verbal and non·verb~1 .iens of deference lind di.lance, inlO wh1ch is embedded 1\ whole w~y of conmucllns IUld reconslruetlng 101:"11\1 reality of domlnntion .nd iub~Hetnity (Ibid,. 35,76). KautllYI1 identified verbJI vll)lenee (V1Jkporru!ryom) lIS 11 distinct form of "joleAce and the clllssical system' of punishment for .uch erim: of pClllution rBnged from cUlling of the tongue, or insertion of u red hot "iron nail, ten finlleJ'$ long" into lhe mouth or alternnlely pouring of "hot ad" into mouth and ears, The code here functions as "linguistic corltrol in an authoritarian lociety" (ibid., 461. Thl, control extcndJ nat just to "peech but also to whfll Foucault acutely describn as "adminislmlioll of silcnce" on the luhaln::ID. The chmlcal Hindu law, limihldy. reinforccd IhJD"'crb31 behflvlour conlrol,'whether throulh rigorous urtorilll norms, control ovcr facltl Ippcaranee,('Ir throu);h cnforcinJ norms of 50thl dlltance in public plileu. And insulGency, in sueh politlc31 economy contexts, consiSlI in "preseripU ... e rc~erSI1I" libiJ., 36) lind "mluive and .yllemltic violation of thuIl words, guturu lind symhoh which hAd the relutlons of pow~r In eolonlnl loeicty III their sign1fie:!tn" (ibfd.. 39), The proem of inver' aion limed at nppropriation or desrruclion of "Ihe ins jan ill of... enemy's power" lind hopefully Abolition of Ihe "mark, of"."ubalternity"; but in the colonial era even thi$ proeen of inversion. ultimately. used Ihe "bOlrowed language", Ihe "scmi·feual language of politic,," to whicb Ihe peuanl rebel "was born" ((blel" 75·76). Scrondly. the Iflw manipulates am~iguity in de-nHng Wilh insurgeocyand this proposition II true of all legnl systems. ancient nr modern. The ambiguity rel~les 10 the cntegorles: "ctillle" lind " (cbellion", Guhn demonstrates thnt these IwO ealcaories luve thdr di5tinctille codu of vioh~nce. But collecllve defianCe of nuthorlty h~ .. , unlike Individual erlmCJ, the char.cltr of beln, "nccc-Ilarily lind invuiably public and ~ommun1l1 even IS." Gulla ,enerAlites the proposition I. folio ..... ' : The criminlll mill' be Inid 10 Jtllnd in Ihe III me relation to the insur· 8cnl as dotJ Whfll is conlpiratorial (or secretive) 10 whmt is publi~
I
I t
117
derive fr\lm 1110'0 very (IItrereUI code. or violence,
Ra/ljil Gulso (/981 . 79) When .this dilf~rence in code' of violence Is nol perceivee,!, inJurg~ot'y or rebellion ls re;m.led lIS erimc, a conspiralOrial crime. Thil synan m often occurs because of "eonceplUal inkrtill" ; this often enuugh is IIfdc! and abetted by lhe notorious rutl that "milSsi\'e uprisings" In Indin nrc of teo preceded by a "sudden rise in the incidenCt or rural violence" (Ibid" 81). Guha analysts this strikingly well by reference to "5I.1I\'lItion crimes" (:Md.: 82.90~, and "jolence lIeainst moneyll:nder$ (Ibid.. 91-94). nut rebeltron In luch SltUUlons markslhe beginning "if no more thn !lut!, of I reeognrllon of Iheir Idelllily as ft clns·fOf·iuelf" 1'0 th rebels, crime in Ih,ls chin lied social conlut signUies "an intt';ral rp3r~ of II comprehcn"ve Iy~tem or delinnce '11 PQrtl/~ in a new /a"611118' : 10 shott, !t ehan8es cO(ltS," Thii ,code.swltching is pelfec;!ly (kilf to Ihe rebel. Gulla en3.ble~ u, to U?deTSland \lihy code !wltchlng on the pIIrl of the mllJtcrs-lumprng both lands of violence lIS crime-i, their relldy rC5ptJn!C aJ Ihe milnllien of the people' thil is the only "code wh' h tbey know how 10 hlndlc" (ibid" 89). Out a social historinn has a chO~c to make: he can think like a JQrega or a rebel. Colonia! hhloriogr3 ;ce P orceD makes historions think like a r!orega; it aha condemns Ihis kind ... Iolenee. The rebel hhtodan regards such violence ns "tfte hiJ!hest for: protcs;" and. would,,~e\ 010 ju§tify it. The "dupl~ chnr8cter" o( Violence II an mtra.nsl,ellt feature or realit),; it need nOI be such fot wn}'s of undentandlng Dod conceplualizing relillty ((bid, 107-108), Thirdly, this duplu chapa~let of violence perudcs the inner w(lrkin '!,r ins~rl~nty a! woll. The code of violence embedded in or conslltu~' tma ,Inlur~cncy extends not juS! out\\'l!;rds but Iho inwards, not just to' CDemle ...... rll.lo~~ but enem~CI Within. The insur.&enl uses force to "ilcne~ nUe folldanlY wilhln nil rnnks. Clearly, this use of physical force ilt criminal from Ihe standpoint of the dorago or I historian who thinks !ike a tlarD~Q. On the olher hand, it constitutu I\n inescapable. if bloody, neeeurly of In emergent clus stfUJ!gle. Passive or nctive col!4bonlt!01l wilh t.~,e ~nel(ly r.epre~ent$ a :'contradiction among the people Ihem) selves, to a Sltuallon of msurgc.ncy, it gets transformed into "n contradiction between people and Iheir enemiu" !tnd Ihe inlurgcot5 "ale remarkably qllick to recognize this" (ibM" 198), "Solidnrity/ belrllynl con1titute$ n well·dclined element of rebel consclousnes!" (Ibid., 109); II/td the Inlurgent conscIousness is nOI hillorically enabl~d to make "line disllnctions Ixtween ela.uilicarory foes and ~enl onu" ~/bld. 201), Coillboralion wilh the pOlico or the sy,tem is 'a repllenl10n of pellanl lubn.\ternily" at Ihe lIery historic momenl or .truule RSll/nit it (ibid,. 202). Rebel violence a81\1nsl ~lJch ' focs", •
Iff
a!
SOCIOLOGY 01' !.AW
POSTiClt'Pt
kind of "spiritu,ll fnuricide" in which "II hr(llher mU)1 be 5nt"rl(lc~d fot the IIIke of lolld~iity", in the uhlnlDtc IInal)':lll, "represenls the peasant· rebel', W/Ir on nlienatlcn whhin his own clnts find lIeninu hi, alta tgo" (Ihid., 2(9).
•
I
I
1
I
The ",lmhivlllcllI:C of Ihe deed" (IbM., 88) ari\a; because insurgent ,·iulencc is "\\t, dcf/fljr:tl\"~ nnd totu/" (ibid., 109) ah'nuld be of Interest to students of law Ind lo.:i~1 cha.nle since re,i,tnnee find reprclslon, defiance Bod dorni· nanee constilute In thcmsch'cs (oren for tltange. eyeD if the changc, for coioniollindia up to 1900 10 \.\hic:ll Guha', study I. dediclUed, is of Ihe type. which produces Ind reproduces "the rivlII purDdigms of landlord aulhorlty and pcasnnl rebdllon" (Ibid" 336). The f.sein:tllol'l or whal Rnnjll Gulla hiS achieyed Ihrough IlIsufBtnc),. of course, goel beyond meuat:es for historiography, colonial oc oll[er..... ise Clee Guha, 1982: 1-8) or new llpproachet to restructuring dllcourse (Ice Guhn, 1983: 1·43). Importnnt II.S Ihcse messagcs and method. ure for the development of loclal history of lalll in India, the cenlral mcnllge of Guha's a.chlevemenl for Ihe conlemporary lociolo,ist of the Indian law consists in a clII for an exploration of how the Indian law and "ate produce and reprodute sub3lternily and rcbellion Ind holV lhe subnltcrn violence produces l!.nd reproductS ,tate power and law. OecolonlZllioll h:u entailed II radknl change of Ihe normalive Itruelure of justification of stale power through cOnltitutional and leaal prelcriplioD', Allhe ,anle tlnlo. fOt Ihe Impoverished maues of Indill: I~gal procencs Ilnd illStHulioD' remain Insldlo\l~ly colonial. Clearly, the Itlucluratloo of lubalternlty II nat R1 oyert in contempora.ry India III comp;ued wilh the 'semi·(eudlll' and 'colonial' India depieled in }nSUfgtneJ'. The Itlltc lllw, at a normative level, does not folter negatlvCl class conl..:iousnnl. Indeed. the subaltern in his ,Iruigle (or "pr«cri: plivt revenal" of represlive local la'o\'.waYI (or non ·stlllC iegally'lem!) has now availablt a whole vadely of symbol. and idcoloiical represtolalion5 io the Constitution of Indill. ParLldoxically, the ideoloiY of the Constitution which legitimates 6tale pOliler is used in .ublhern slrugglu In Indc('Iendent Illdin. 3S 11 counter.ideolosy to dekgitlrnate thc dominant formllions of power. The model or legal reprcssloll in contemporary India . have, like tho IM.urgency of lubaltl:rn •• Llcquircd a duplex characler. The Itille powet i. moblliled both wIthin the law and ouulde Ihe luw fot reprelSlon. Tho wilt of legal nod uh:snl or IInti.\C&111 modes or lupprestion (the lauer 111
119
form of itllndardicsi ule of force through security pnd paflil.milllllry forces. fake 'cncounlers' by Ihe police with 'Naxalilcl', 'dllcoiu' or 'e:memiils') has tended ortcn (0 create 11 situation unmuking tbe criminogenic nature of Illite power, Violence directed agatOst the articulation of constitutionally justified demnnds of ,the people, by o r on behalf of l!:Ie state, Is increasingly secn 85 crimioat, at Icast by tlte victims and .olidary group., Police atrocitic, 4re, by definition, perceh·ed a, Uce5lcs or lawful power. NOlion1 of 'insurgency' Dnd 'counler·iosurgency' also become problemalic in ,uch coo texts. The UiC of (orco lind even tcrror to malntaia dominance i. ortcn conccplua1i:r.cd as antl.peoplc Insur.ilcncy against the Conltltulion; Ind • rebellion lagalrut thl. is articuhHtd as countcrinsur;ency. The so·caUed 111101 and order operalions under 'late aUlpice. in this .itu:llion tend, therefore, 10 set lusimilaled to tile original Insurgency 181linu the Constitution by the dominnnt classes; or ill other word •• the Ilate power Is seeo to reproduce the inJuraency, jUlt!fyin, rebellion in aid of constitutlonlll nluCllnd vision. We encounter here multiple inversions of'crime' and 'insurgencf . All Ihl, repre.ents Ihe tmltncipalory potential of the Indian Constitution. which II a product oC a bourgeois revolutLon at' a historical juncture where the bou.rgeoisie wish to deradicalilC the radical di$course or the Corulilution 10 sustain the present powcr/dominance configurations, There eml:r,cs thul a contradict/no between nl:ed for leghlmat., • pOwer (power justified :It con'I/lutiona! terml) Bnd tbe need to pnatise reprcsslon by dominant power blocs to prnerve tbeir dominance. Col\ccth'e political Yiolence in Independent India and Ihe modes of rcpression to counter' it refleet tonlradietory rcality or lIa!e aod hsw rather IIclllely (Uni, 1982). .., The !hree volume. of Suballe", SlIldftJ proyide UJ with WilY' of Iculp~ ting OUt undemanding of the present proccues by idenlifying the modea of appropriation of .ubaltern in.urgency by the natiODal indepeodeace mo ... ement (see 0 Pllndcy, 1.J82: 143: S. Amin, 1984:1; D. Hardiman. 1984 :1 96; S. Ucnnl,ham, 1983:130: A. Ou, 1983:1801. These studies h!ahllghl the dialectic bet,..een the autonomy of subaltern movements and their skilrul appropriafioa by the nationali&1 movement. The approptialion, often amouDting to their annihilation thrived on Dn appeal fot unity In II t:ommon struggle for anU.imperillllsm. 'nUl Itl the: end or the dlly.•inct such ge~erali%ed unity WaS in any cyent impoulble, lite .ppcals served the need, of "a particular kind 0/ tJfllanrr": and Ibi~ kind of IllIlnce .Imost .IwIYs amounted to I "&tuement in the rayour of slatus quO "nd .,ainslllny ndical chance in the .oeillliet-up when the Briti.h flnRlly handed over the power" (G, Pandey. 1982: 142 lind 181). 'rhQ Itudlu highllg,hl In rich detall thl: relative autonomy or the pelllllnt moyement., both in lerm' of their origi", 1111l, drnamicsj anil lileir
IJO
sociol.OOV or LAW
r05T.:5CP.lrT
handling or conuadictory clnims from the nlllioMli5t l(aden io collllbonile \\ilil Iheir imnlcdiJlIC clrJlioiters (htndlorJs, moneylenders) in the irHtrest of /lllli' imperialist Itrutsle. The colonial RdminiSlrlllo"s res· I'onse often perceived the &trUtlum! rools of discontent mort IihRrply; but their retipe \\"u :l Slnnd:lrd one. Amend the law here lind there, for· Gctting that bOlh the lnrldlord and the landless rcgludcd thue IIIWI merely 3S "paper IhrclIl:>", Ir Ihis fails. If): tnlluil'c rcprcuiOD. Thi, recipe is heavily utilized by independeDt India's admioiltntor•. Bul the. nco-colonial role of law. its proceuC! aod institutions, neting in sharp conlrndiclion to the value prcmlsel or the Indian CDostitulion i. 8n aspect which needs to be fully undtr5tood. Indeed, one wonden whether Jubailern studi!:', in relAtion to contemporary Indio. can bypass the centrality of law both to the structur,tion of lublaternity and of insurgency.
r ~\
Soclof Actio" U,fgaliolt
l• I I
1
Normatively, the lodilln Constitution .,snifiet a great auauh on lubailif' nity ; it Idenlme5 the marks of I!c,antive elaS! consc.iolllneu BI a part of tbe gcnetie material of Ihe IndiRD leglll sy.l!:'m lind 'Yltematically proceeds 10 delesitimnte these. Caste, creed, colour, ,ex and religion ore oot relevant to the status of a ciliten in n free 'OciDH!! dtmoeratic republic; locial blekwdrd~e5! is to be rccoDllructed 00 new "cular terms; the hilloric.lly disadvantascd sroups have to be helped by VlriouJ specific mCIlUUI. The in.ignln of lIarCltio 5erfdom (bonded labour) lind untouchability are 10 be vl.lorously discredited. The Conllitutlon is the source of le.ilimation of IIlUe power; snd tbe Itllte power m.y not be lOY more legilimated wholly on the Bround, which justify the lIructuring of subaltcrn 50elill identldet. The Constitution thWi selJ the ltate in cODtradlcllon wilh civil .oeiety Ind Ihe I.w (1owl08 from the Conltitution atlackl structure of subaltern reproduction. AI the same lime, there ariles a contradiction between IOciltl identity of the makers and implementer. of the I.w; if the lawmakers c.nnot continue 10 claim constitutional legitimacy by using law overU\' for the purposu of structuring subalternity. they can, as the next best, seck to $0 nlfect the working of the law IS 10 perpetuale aDd reproduce IUbalternity. The 'law' thul becomes II hl&hly contradictory r(ality and procen (Blixi: 1985c). In other words, Itllte law crt'ales ,rtat expectatloos which, in ju aclual Implt~entltioD. it does not onen enough seek 10 fulfil. People" move· ment, fOf the ful!llment of these expectatiol:\s create furthcr contradiclion$ ; the constitutlonallcgitmacy of such movemenls clnnot be openly denied, ytt to wholly conee.do ihese elain's would be to brina Ilb041 qualitalive chlln¥e~ in the struclure aod ml\nagemenl of dhlrlb\ltion or
!
.'lr
III
p(llitic;1I1 flower. Reprtuion has to be praetised aill.! al, o jUt! iOed. Out it Is not tnsy to justify stalldardlen use or f
••
132
soCIOl.OGY O' LAW POSTSCll.IP'r
1
I
bel'lts u chaUds): The SAL petilions urose Ihe IlI;wleSJcul or Ihe Indilln 113te. When allelntl~os :ue denied, .. Ihey U5Ulllty 3Te, Ihe prob· lem of fncHindlllB would hem: posed In~upcrable problems bUI for the i;"'o;inn!ivc dc~il!e of the ftppohunu:nl of socil>-Iegal commissions of Ictivj51S and upcrtJ. upon whine reporiS funller IIrgurncnls proceed. The Supreme Court docs not proceed 10 judgment in most eDsts ; ralhcr, thrOUGh a series of intcrim orders, it cnsu'res effectivc protcetion of rights (the "crce~io8 jurisdiction"). The Court has now begun orderioa bolh financial compcnsllllon (damages) and other compenSilory urangemenls in kind for proven viOlntionl of rig,hls. The Cour\ is not nlwilYs effective ; I~C intransigence or loul autbori· ties remains a problem in few sllu:uions (Agllrw;tla, \98.5): heilihy deve· lopment of con tempi jurhdlclil)n looms lArue on the SAL lIaendum. So fllf. the C",un hn "dopled II non'lIdvcnMiQI npprollch: SOC/III action liligntion is dHrcrenti~led 1I111lillllion Wilhoul winncn or losers. IS In act of pnrtnership bel ween social a.clivl~u. justices and tbe n:eeutivc to sol'le, as rar nI pouible, nmitllbl~, problems of IIIII/Jenneu of the Slate. To expect the SAL rroceS$e, to transform immcdlately the 5tructures which engcnder ,,~ie hmleuncn /, 10 upecl 100 nlueh of II fledgling innovlltion. But the process or accountability, n luk to which appellale JUdicial pro· cess j~ admirably suited, hu begun io right carncsl ; 105\ C3uses J1Rve been rccovered ond lire at the centre of constitutional adjudication io coni em· por;uy Indlll. Annlysu of SAL which condemn it for relalive inefficl\cy in ehllnain; sttuaturu or il)verllnce or focus on doctrinal probkms or queilion the inilitutionni compelente of court! raise important problems tequirlog lInnl),51S lind remedial mehures. l1ut they leem to filii to locate the overall .IBnilicance of Ihe poi1liclIl economy or SAL. We highlight this aspect, Qlb~lt briefly, In the concluding part of this lumrnllry reyiew. SAL htu, fir;t of all, done inyaluable function or exposinG Ihe contrldietory reality 01 Inw. Dnmely, the CQ'pulellce of rule of law whh tho fcian of terror. Whether it is the case of undertrLlllllanlui~hlDg in Blbllf pris1)n5 for an eternily without trinl or the bUnded men of Bhagnl; pllr or the tottlJrtd b(ldles in jails or women', remBnd or children's home, or fBlce poliee encounters with 'Nax:shteJ', dllcoi!s. utremists or rBpe by public officials of women in their custody or bonded l\Ild wage slavery"'! 11I1!lese 5i101l11on$ brou;ht beforc the Supreme Court of India by WlY of SAL demoostrate. II M:tu: used \0 call them, the "circumstances of reekless terrotism" lind the pollufllonlac chllr~cter of tbe lIate. EyeD the bare. fuelS of the reian of terror c;oexilling with thc rule of law 10 for unknown to (osmopelitAn lodian jUdscl, leldc" of the aar lind other. now eonhontcd Ihem with Ihe chllcnge of underllandlnl the conlrndic. lory reality of the Inw (Ill rule of law ~nd III reign of terror) and tq planipulille if In wa.\I~ ".'_hi~11 IYould anht the lubaltern people.
,,
,.
133
SrcoIIIII),. the appellate courll, and especially tbe Supreme Court, bas begun to appreciate the true menuing of the rehl.th·c autonomy of Ihe l:1w It adjudication. Althougllthc laW-liS ideology and enscmble of iosti· tution5-U leili~llllive. cxecutive and judicial po""er repre51:nts tbe "centrlll1l.ed unity" of Itllle: power (Pou\lIntzas. 1975J, adjudication mny be relatiyely lutoDomOUI of the u.ecullve CBnxi, 1985dl. The denlnl thnt judacs make Illw 11 In 3t1empt to perform an itieoloBicnl task of preyeo!· ing ndjudication as emcraing from an Irena of expreslioQ of clau tllrug· glu, of urticulatiOD and dynlmics of Inleraetion between the h:sislaturc and the e:ueutive. SAL iD Indln Illustrates this dyuamlcs 3111 crueilll juncture of millurlitioo of D boufacoJ. pOlitical order in Indi.l. Tbe prosrenioll or SA L Ihould be of Interest 10 IIny IIHious Itate theorlsl for this reason, IS 1110 for the many inyc:ulon. il entan,. Not the leut among then invenioDI i. the fact tbat the ideology of the wr{t/l!/I coo"jw Illlion is being used ., I counter.ideolog)' to thnt of the unw,If/ltn constitullon (lee, fot fuller analYlis, Dul, 1985d; 1·20). Titrrdly. Ihe dcvelopment of SAL calls for Ideologic-a! reorientation of adjudieation towards a jurisprudence of emaneip3lion. and legitimlllion of, struggle for liberation by (he opprC5sed groups in tbe IlIdilin society. The' SAL II, IIowly but perceptibly. restructuring the tnd!lln judicial discourse (Baxi, 1985d). Thi, is an unprecedeDted and remarkable deyelopmeDt' quite likely to survive the onllaulhls against il by those wbo were aecul", tamed to the usc of Judlclll power and prPtuli ooly by n pmilcged few 10 protect /lId, inlerClU aDd YIIJut,. . Four/hly, for thol~ in\'o!yed In strug81e against lubullernity the SAL' proce,"'c, create a new liiad of politicil .pace from reign of terror nod toften the rClprel5ive UleJ or the law lod illite power At mlcro·lcvcl.· where thuc IJlrugglea are ncceuarily was,ed on behalf of what BabllJaheb Arnbcdhr u.cd 10 cill the AlisudrQS (tbe real social and economic prolc-' terlad thi. I. I .1,0IfitIDI Dew lain; It help5 10 auaull oeglllive cia.. coolciouSllCJS fottered or forced by local power·eeotre$ and iotroduce:: chaoges io tbe po"'er relations and IilruCturC5 at Ihc local level. In lhis senle, it has been demODUrated tbat eveD wbeo courts \.<\nnot by. them·. se1vcI perform the tasb or liberation, given tbc will, they can make tbe.. tuks of those who IIrunle for emanCipation a little leu onerous. .'. . Of couuc. this new cournge in SOciI I action by justices lind courts m,ay be, in the eyes or bouraeoi. bi,Iary, no more Ihan I 1I111$$lve attcmpt at, creating stakes nnd loyaltie' to 1\ ly,lem of law and politics wbich is \ duiolegrltiogin 115 owo deadwcis,ht (Bui, 1982). II may allo reprcSent. 1 unbeknown to the principal drortlulls pCfJQntJll, n mliSlive attempt 10 co.. j' opt the iosurrcctiooary Impulse into tlte oaliooal mllinurcllm. Recou"e to !aw may be lecn, by 50rne aClion grqulU in stru"le, as a way .10 pepctunte titt hegemony of lhe system which promilc~ rule of law but reproduccs onl'l the rcillln "r ,.... ,.. r~ ...... .f.
lJ4
I
SOCIQLOOY 0' LAW
"ruute Ihro~gl! couttrr:>om it mny, It the end of the day, dcpohticiu: populir conscIOusness, create new dcpcndcnc:ic$ :;loll rob the movcrnerit$ of sdf-rdilnt, panicipaloty character. Such duo,scr& II~C always ~rc~cnlln an Inlln·s),stemic war ng~Jn5t subal.
ternlLy. ~'!1Stor) IS 3 conStlcnllOUI IlbJeclor to all predictions. Awnffncu oftllCSC pitfall, of SAL must (cmnin cYcrp[C!lco! : nnd tliere should be no CO~luSion Iha~ the drDlI/tis ~t!'JOIIOt do not write the ,trlp!. They artrculate, ultll'Date!y. the SCript; Ind the script is written by mcn as Igcnt, of ~\a5Sive scelnl (orCel aDd ItS' C(c:alor~ of fUch forces. At tbe present conjuncture, IIlIlh:1I tao be l:1.id conctloing tbe Ichiellcmen! of tue SAL pro.cesses is Ihal it leeks 10 inhibit produttion lind reproduction of ,u~a1teroll)' through tlte 1a~. by Iharpenin, the COlltradiction •• moOllhc ruling blots lind by d~prlvlnB them of the raUler tls,Y roroll oflcailimu, tlon or pOII'cr,
III Dhlrma Kllrnl',
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,,
,i'
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li~·~Ujl~'~U~"~"~'~O~'I~'~"~~~~~~~~~~~~V~I~'~U~'~ll1'~ Dul,
'PrI'I~tc
CaIlW~pO/iJ';' SIl(I~r)' 1I1t./
1.)-97.
,
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I
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California Press. 1919.
..
Wesl, R., lAnd and Law ill India, 1872, ~ Whitcombc. Eliubcth, Asraria" Cal/(bt/ons III Northl'rn IndIa in Latt Nilltlt!lntli Ctlntllry, Berkeley, UDiyersity or Colifornill PreiS, 1972. Wunderlich. G., LUlld R,/ofm in W llttm India: Allalysis 0/ £cOllamlc Impdct a/ Tmallc), Lells/ario" 1968.81, Wuhiogtoo, D.C. : U.S. Dept. of Agrlcullure, 1964, 12. YogeodlB SinSh, 'Social Structure and Village flanchaY1lts: A Cllse Study on CIIIS:> Relations in Rural Political Proteu' in M,V. Mathur and Iqbal Naian (ed •. ), PallcJld),af( Raj. Plonllin, 0/11/ Delllocracy, Bombay: Alii, 1969, 352·64. Yogendrn Slogh. T!t~ Modf:rnizatlon a/ ilidioll Trodllion: A SyJlrmo/ic ~..
. .....
-.
'
ISS
SUPPLEMENTARY BIBLIOGRAPHY
Uombay. POPUIIloT PrakBSbnn) i, IImong the few lociol08ical studies or agrllriaD reforms, whlcb !tislsn importance to te,"! 'y.~tem an4 proccn vllrlabtes. O( spetial lignifiCAnce is Oammen's' finding thllt Ihe introduction of clements of "public pattic:ipalion" tnrough I\grnrlao rdorm Icghll1lion had the effect. ptrhnpl unintended. of d~priving the "lJgrarian movemeot of its moblization vitality," Proponcnts of beneficinry participation have bere a striking example of bow it could be systematically den:uured by bureaucratic management. nlOAI.. I..A.W AND
NOTE: Addf,Jullal matcrillls reld''''8 10 ,/lrml"$ Qrld (SlUts diJl"llJstd 1/, ,Ms lIIonograpll (It I" hyf(l,( bdlM chapkrw(lt. Rr/l"rl"lICts /0 thl" POJtstrfp, I1fl" not rrptou_d IIt',e: IIIcJI" aha f.tftml to frirruI/I pub/irMiO/l! III thl! p('riml 19S0·85. Rr/trrllus to ptr/tII/{cal/juuTno/ IIUratuu orr n!)! provIded I" /lIiJ Stllter JlIpp(rmtlllary bfbliol(nphy. Tht "1"11' rtfl"\'OII' mn/ulnl.r lUI" also hrttd be/Ok! ; (ill adJu/t",o{ Ject/(m droltng wilh pMlosophy 0/1011! IS Q,/di'd Ullhe /'nil of rlils bibliogrophy. Cl.,\SSIC,l.L iUNOI) L,,\I-
(CII. J)
EXtf'lIcat textual aDd tle&l"tio:al mtllerinl5 on dassical Hindu law have been mlde IIY:lilable by Justice Rnm:l. lois in usnf 01/1/ COl/sliwllonal Hlstoryof I"diu {19M; Oomb"y, Trip3thn. I"rdbhnv:\li Sinha's Smrttl Pof/litel Dlld u!lol SysulII (1982. Delhi.
People" Publishitlg Uouse) pravidc.s Il much needed struetufllol critique (If prec;;ept. nnd Institutions of dusical Hindu l:!ow. Some conlributioulto the/l!slJcitriff for Professor Duoclln Derrett in ",dolol)' alld um' (1982 : He[dlcberg, Institute o( Soulh As/an Studil:): cdited by 0.0. Sonthcimcr lind P. K. Aithlll) pro\'ide frelh perspectives on dillS/cal Hindu law as well ftI AlIglo- li indu law developments. LAW At-ID
soc, ... t.
CHAI'lOE: THe. COt.ONt ... t. EXPERII!NCII
(CII. 2)
Justice A.M. Bbattacharjee" Hlndll LAw 011// COIIJ//Im/Oil (1983: Calcutta. Ea51ern Law Houscl criticaliy ~ur'·ey. the developmcnt.5 in AngloHiodu Jaw from tile standpoint of the lndil1D ConstituLlon. To tbis must be addcd the contributiooa in this nren In JlldoJor:Y a/1d UlW cited above. L ... w ... NI) 50CL",_ clI .... Noe TI'I CONTeMI'ORAIlY INDIA.
(C/!. 3)
Profcs.or T.K. Oommen's From AflJbllilolion to /JuIIWt/onoll:olton : J1le th.: 20tll Cvrfllry Ktrafa (1985;
Dynamics of ARror/all MOVl/lllllt III
....
JUSTtCll (Ch. J')
••
Kusum aDd P.M. ll11ksili, Customary Law alltl ""'tice itl tilt' Tribal Artas of Mtg/lolo)'o (1982: Delhi, Indian Law Institute) Dnd P. LcelnkrlshDilD (cd.) Trlbol IVll/afe (lIld III~ LA!I' (1985; University of Coeh/a) nrc welcome addhloos to Ih~ spoUfe literature in this field. ... "luotC,\110N UNO£k STAT!! l.CQAL S'YSTB~I (C/!.~)
Some fairly interestinl work bearing 011 Ihe actors aDd ideologiu of nationnllevel adjudicators has emerged in the last five years maioly from the pen of (ormer juS\iCC5 of the Supreme Court. Of special interest are works of M. Hidayn!ul!ah, JUrlgC.T Misullrncy : Fourth Series 1984; Dombll'l, Tripalhi)-nnd The R;gllt 10 Prapcrt)l Und" Ifte Indion ConstitutlOIl (1983; Delh., Arnold Heinemann) ; '·I.R. Khanna, TIle Making lJj tile indlorr C(}'IJtiM/on (19&1 : Lucknow. EBSlern Dook Co,) ; K.K. Mathew, Thrtr UCtu~f!'1 (1984; Lucknow. EasTern Book Co.); I). 1IIsan Mohau Reddy. We /lol'e a Rrpl1blic: Cd/! We Kerp /I? (1984: Tirupati. Sri Venkatnw:1rl University Itress): and his Libert)', alld Property Under Indloll CanSt/lUI/an (1982 : Calcuttl. Cal.:utlll UniversiTY) i Justice V.R. K.ri.hna. Iyer" lullclal Justictl : A Ntlll Focus IQIVords Social Justler (1985; Bombl1Y, Tripathlj : l1nd the Supreme Ceurt of Indio, Thrrll Ifftcrnatioll(ll Con/utllU (1/ Appeffote Jmfgts: C4n/trCIIU Pap"" and Procecdinr:s (1985: Delhi, Supreme Court of India). A full judicial biograpby of Justice V.P.. Krishana Iyer is made available in Justice Had Swaroop, For IV/10m tht Law Is Marie: TIt(! Mind and Forth of Julliu KrlshnQ lyer (1985 ; Delhi. Veeoa Publishers). K.L. Sharma's Sl}(iQiog)l 0/ Law and Ltjol Profession (1984 : Jnipur, Rawat Publications) is an excellent IInalysis or profile or legal profession in RlljaSlhlltt within the Hberlll rramcwork. coneerning which some questionl hayc been rahed by thit author in the introduction to the bOok. 1'IIILOSOPII'r' OP LAW
PhiiolOphiclll And theorclk'al works 01\ law by Indlao scholan have
----------------~
1
ngh, Law From Anarch... If' UtrJpfa (IP8S; Delhi, Q"rord); this rcpre. nts a major contribution tb kgul thc(,)J'}' withill lhe Fint World IIbcml idit!ons. U. Sui's Marx, Low IJlld J.mlc~ : SOl1lt ImJlo11 PtrJPtJ'f(~~S mllcoDllne; Ilombuy, Tripnlhi) i~' pcthup$ Ibe first attempt by an lndhll.l thor 10 tltpJore Mi\t:Jt's, Mnr.1lin(l und Marxist approaches to law, society d justice. V,S, 1.J~gde'li Ga"t/lr!':; PMItWlpfl)l nf £nUl (1983: Delhi, lIltept Publishing Companyl is the flrst &yslemlu]c endeavour to artj. IIHe O:lndhi's Lhou~ht on law ;lnd just;ce. R.S. Bhnl!ll, rile limlilif/o" p'(jP~rt)' (1984; LUcknolV, Eastern Book Co.) offers, wilhin the our of analytical philosophy. welcome' theoret/cnl IInnlysis o f nOlions property; Justice M,H. Beg Iraeea, from the stnndpoint of bl$lory ideas,lhe nr:!ticn of secularism In his Imflae! 0/ Sodallml 011 LIfe (liltl
SUBJECT t NDEX
... (I98S; Delhi, People" PUblishIng Bouse),
A b'~",ee Ilfldownert, 49,l2 Abyulnia. 32 Aet or S.tttcme"t, U AdJudIcation, 4, "'II, 74,1!}, a9, 109, 112. 113, ItS, \)3 ; Iyltem, III AdminIstrative- l.tw, 109 A~mlnr'lT.toU, 121 Advefauy System in adJudlcillon, ii, 73; .dveru.rilll relptionlhlp, 7<1, 80 A, r.du, betterment, JS: coaditiaQI,29. ,4j;ctononJY, M; reform, 39 , 54,8t, 82: reform lawI, 46, 49, 50, "' ~ IlIue· ture, 0, " Afrleuhure, 33, J', 31, $t : I.r(cukurlsl"
2~'28, ~,1 :
IlrJculrullll, \1.:1111("" 19:
crcdll, 17·29 ; dcyclopmcn!, 39: c~ono· mY, j1; .. roWlh, 51 ; Im~rOYcmenl, )5, 38; I.bourer., 46, <19: opor'llool, 106; II roduellon, 10, 51 , j7 1 produall. vl ty, J1: tcchnOlol~' 37; wo rk, 16 AICt/hol, 10' ; pleohDlk drinks, ?7 ;
Ashokl Mthill CDmm!llteon P"II~IIlV~!I RIJ,9! A\lunli;l.7I AUthority,U: notIon 0(, II llaelN·ard e!IIUU, Ill, 12.3, t25 :back. wardncu, 123, 125, 130 acnpl, sa Qjllalus, 104 CJJhlJ,107 DllumiJ,as Bihar, 82 Dill o( Rlailu ,45, 46, 111 nOlllb~y Ttnmncy Aet, 49, '7, 122 D;)nded libout, GI. 130, ill BOUfIlCO(!I rCYoh,lIioll, 129 Drlbu, IOl : brlb1;ry, 7$ Urahmlnl, 8, 76; IIrlllrmlnie, 11"", ll, 15, 16: hlah-cuhurc I.w, Il, IS; Buhmi' ni~tlon, U, 16 Btltidt, 16, 2J, 129; ~dnllniuratlon , 1 1;
IdminiS4r.rors, 17,27; mtli('Udcs, 1J; Uptrl ellce, 23 ; Intlil, Il, 21: Indian /loYcrnmcnl.2<1, 3It: Indlmn l el~l .YI' tern, 24: law, 14; le,iJialou, 17 : Anelkwuion , IS. 1/1. period, 6: lulg, ~7 ; aYllcm or courtl An .. to-Hlndll 1.IIw, 12,13, IS, t7 ~nd I.... , 27 Anll·!mperbll,m, 119: antl·lmperiallst Burea\l of Corrl'clioo~! S(r~lces, 97
Amcr!un" H
Alltq:tral 1O"0t$l1lp, 8S Alldaman "t.ndeu, 8) Alldhr. Pradesh, 8l
"rllull', 130 Aa.:& TlIlllt, 84
Arbllr.Uoo, 28, 12 Arlh(llIJ.{fIl, )0
Arun!l.cha!
An.m, 64
(>rld~lh,
86
canada. 7~ Can,1 SUtems. u-n, C.ph,t, n, 39, (.I.(1l1nLllm, J6, JS: capl· tali)! , 35: nrc,c~ph.1is 1I~lh, of d,,~e· lo~mcI\l3ll; CJI~ilAI!"lc rarnrlnS. 'I;
SUDII!CT plodUtllon rclal lonl. ] 6' Capital plI~llhmcnl, 101, 101 eale lal'r, 16.61 Ca.le,l, 12, 14, 11,69,70. II, IZl. I~(. 1l0: Imll~nce. iii: ~J;I1Atu::ms. Ill': .lrocillu. 112; Alllhorhy 5Uucturt, 67; (onJtiou5ncfl, U4, di~linclion'•• 49: domlnGl\cc, 68, 69, 10: ("elora. 70: rello....,.16: £roupl, 11. 61: hleral'(:lIy. 61. III : Inmlutlonl . !l); land. o"'nln£ nJIU, 93: 10)'~1I1· . 71; p~ncll.y~lf. ll, (i!).71, H, uppcr, 16: ,...r, 122. Ccl!lni, 'a",'" 47. ~O, $3. '5 ; landhnhJ. InlJl. '6,'7 eensu" n Celliral ProylacCJ, 12, la. 14 Ch.mHI.'1I, 7l,!)4 Chambat Valley. 24. 91 Ch,n£e.::D, '),$9. II: 'cenl, 44, 113. cultUlal. SO, 58, 81 : UrulllulIl. 54 Chlfilll'll.70 Chenchut, U Chief Junlcn. III Child mull'ac. U, 40
Chin:!. 31 Chrbll.nlly, 10J Civil Procedure Code ISS9, lS Civil, code. 6). 64; JUJlkc, 11 ; law. ) l ; IIbetllu,71: lull, 27 CI.n, 1. I'll, 12l: cOMdouJnUl, 116, domln'lion, 37; stru~,le. 117.
I
no: m
Clanlul Hlndul.w. 1, 4, 9, 10, 12. I), 14. U, 16, 19, III Colonl.lllm. 19, 36; colonl,l. admlnls. lulan.l1, 130: Iluhodty, II. 31: u.pt;rl~ncr,l. II : ~vcrnn\ent, 16, )6. 40; history, 1'; hiltorl,r~phy. 11718: Inala, 20, 39.41, Ill: law, 6' : legal inllilutlanl, 118; lepl proeCSJleJ, III ; Icpl IDCI.I formulon 115 ; period, II, 113: policy, II; power. 4Z ;re,lme, 81; IDC/el)" 126 ; Icnllno;y la..,.47 Comm~relaJ law, 37 Commlulonl of cnqulf)', 131 Committed Judlcllr),. liD Commltlee on Ihe SI.1U1 of Women, 6. Common IIW, 11,9\1 Compcnl4tJon . 46: o;omucnSllo.)' dr,crl. mlDl!loD, 60. 12, II!MI, 12.4
I Cclillmlmlc,"ion. 61, Call~t(n.
114
n.
]11; C'tInserv.hvc ttc:hl. vlou •• U Conllhucnl ..... uc"'bl~. In ConlliluUnn, 59, It 10J. 109, IlO, 112, Ill, Il}, lU-lI, Ill: eonllilutlanll, conlCl"u~neu. III ; democracy, Ill; I.w. 10?: lcalllm.cy, ])0: prcKrlplion'. 121: rro¥blon. 12.S; conltllu' tlon~Jllm, 21 Con lr • .!;II, 12,27, 28. 104: rreedom of. 27: pncllty or. 27, 11 Convention!.~, 104 Cnn.,jctlon. 91,~. 100; convict!, 97, 100 Cn-op<:r.mve/1, ctcdlt, 19: IOClctlu, 29
n
COtlll".30, lJ Couna. J, I I. 16, 17,2.$.11_19. )4-}6. ". 7M5. 88, 9l. 94,99, 100, 10li, 114, 116, ' Ill. 125, Ill, Ill; (rimlnol, 99. 100; trlb.l. 106 Courl ofW\udl, Credit. 3J. H ; co-opctllth'eI. 29 ; crcdl_
3'
'"
lon, ll, ]4 Crlmc. 4l. 71.96. 100J.l0), 10', 106. 12629: crlmln~I" !OI·IIB, 129: crimi. n:lot. .ell~Jty. 10\: beh~yj'ou., 10]: jUlllee. 21 ; la., 14, 2l. 11, 116; Irl. he., 101, 10] ; crllllln;11iI)" 102 ; cr!. n,lnlHza,tlon. 125
A,.
Cro~.lO. )1, J~
CulllvalofJ, JI, Jl,14,)7, U Culture,!iS. N : law .. cullllrr, 58; (III. IUI,1 .pproach, 1": (iul'uIII eh,nlf', SO,lI: tullli'al rmclou. 'tl; eulturGI hlelllli),. 81; cuhural lyUCml, '0: cultural 'Yllc," or law, 1: cullural unily.1l Qlllodll' Inllll",'lon •• 98 CUllom, '-I I. 11, 16-19, 11, 104 Cuuomary I,w/rulel. 7-9. 12, 13, IS- ", 3~, 64, 66, 61, B], a4 86.87, 104: la •• culture, 18; Mltumakkcllyam, 1& DJ~i!. :24, 91. 129,
UI. Ill: duolly.
11)4. J15
Dldr. and Nlpt I~avcll. t:z Da~lb.,. School, 7 Debt. 33, ,,,, )S ; la'.... :20: rdlcf laWi. ~6 DI:CCln "'lrlc:ullulil Debl Relief Ael
1119.21. '19
~.
I"
Oecnn rio It. 27 Fly, )'Ut rI~lI. ~,. 41 JkYelored l'telclieJ,l Food·,alh(/cu, 84 D~~dQllil'lll! 1"(lell", 2. 78, I I' Food ",\10111"11, SJ Developmenl, 2, 36-<10. 66: rrOlrllmmCI, Fncdorn SL/UAle. 114 17: tlibftl,IZ; dnd ormcnlll, .ctivj. Fund.am~I"I\~1 rilhls, Sl tlef.77 , l(Oall, 17, 38. ~O; obJective" &0 Cold Cont.o l Ael, 65 Dc.,I,"cc, 17. lU} : I~~ual , 70 Gonds. ", 86, 87 Dhlrm~, 5·10, ~9, 76 ; and law. , GUm r~lI(hayal s, 92 DharmlJllfullS, 6 Green revolutlon,.52 Dlnet/ve Prillclp1c1 or St;llc rollcy. 91. 110 Ii.lld law. 19 DJIlluttr, 2. 17, 19.6M9.12. 14,81, 83· H;1tYIUIl, 111 ".103.10' : OehlvJflUt, 14S; In.lhu. lililinas Plan nn, 12. 19 ttonl, 2, ~9, 18,11,13.14,17: handl. Hilh Counl, 107. 109, liZ, liS, 12.3 In8, (jJ; PI('C(I5(1, 61, 81: 8culemenl, lIi,h·culturc law, 11·11: Hln(lu, 18, 19: I', G7, 68. 16; ,ett]cmelll Ilroccuu, islamic, " 19; leLlicmenll)Ilrml. 80 Hindu, 3·1~: Idoptl!'n law, 6Z; CUle Dlylno I...... I .rOU(lI, IOl eludcal J.w, l·14, Jj.17, DIvorce, 19.62.63 19. eonctrll or law,24: COlmOCOtiy. Domln.occ, 126, 129: dominant elllles, I: (On'cIII, 18; Joint family, 34: jufilprudencc,': tlllll, 9: taw, 12, IJ. 0010'1),,62 18, ~4, 34, 39.64: le,ll t),ltem, 51, 11, mlld'te. 61, Mallras. 69. pC/$onnl Easl Jlldla Company, 2', 29 1'111'.34,114; loxia' ornnlutlon, 40: Economy. 1$, '2; ctooomlc, amUtUcc, 10CICl),. 42 ;., view of life. 1:2.l 61. 61; chao;.:.": devclopmcol. 25, HIndu Sutu$lion Act, 62 31. ]6. 83. moderalution. 3$: Hindu Wills 4.(1 1870. 14 obJcccivCJ. SO: !lolidu. 65. powers, !!islory, 134 ; leall, 20.11; Indian leaal 31: r(aUIAtion. 20: rclllionl.' 30: hillarilln" 20 ccooomim. 46, S),n, 118,12D HisIOry,lcial.20: Indr,n leial Muo. Education, 71. 106: hlaher, 62: rUelva. rlAn •• 20 11011. 60. 8~,t)'Jlcm. 63,64 Hoon rebellion, S1 e.aaUlarlaoilm, 14. 87 f! me f1 e(l(),.IU Ideolo,y, 111, 125. m Bnalaud,23; Cnalllh. 11110', I ~ , 15.21, 24; ltnlll=rlal power. 12 me"" 14. 2). notioll,,2) Imprl~lImcnt, 97, 98, 100 Equ,lLty, H, 7J. Ill, 119: Mforc law, 14 Indcbtcdneu. lI, 33, 39,.6 Equil). 12. 21 Jndepeodencc. A6, 91, 101. 114 Europe, 6; EuropC:;1n, 6, I. lodep
Con~I~~I'I,n.
Corn",~III"
1~'l)IIX
61
..
-
- -
-
-
.
16(1 Indj~o.
,UII/ECT IND(!x
la,
)J
IneqlUllily. U Inr~nllclde. 65 , rCI1'Dit, lO, .0, 41. 41
Infanticide Atl1170. 42, 4) 12,50, 6A, 11 IDJutliet, II) lruu'Icncy, lUi· DO: Inl\llirnt, Inhc!hlnc~.
(DUn1cr·iflJU'Ienc)'. 119
Land, ",21, 31, 14·~', 19, 41.'0, n.J6, 7.l ,U,94, 102: "illnll' on I.nd hold· if\~I,
46, 47; c.ornmon Clwncl.hlp tlf, a): tonJOUdltlon, 46,51 ; dl'PLlLU, 125 : ptjv~le ownctll!ip of. 14: In!:.! IqltllUoo, ~O, 49-JI: privale rl.hllln, 121; n : p,oprrelouhlp, 35: I(~Id., ~8, 5'; Ic~enu~, 25. 26,10.32, n, revenue 11\11•• 10 : lenure, 3D llIndlfU,17, 49 • .50, 1l0; land 10, 41, 4~.
Inlurrection. 121 Inltlnl, JJ !rd,ltion,32 hillm, 11, 18: 111311111: clulon,,::.ry 11"'.18: landlord., Zl, 46, 49, .SI, 76, 86, 110 hlamlc Inliliulionl, 19; I\I.mic [;aWl. Landowners, "7,49, 50. J9: Ib,entce. ('1, 11,19,10: 1"aml~llol\. 17, la, Z') '2: landowncuhip. 36. ", 102 bm.11I S:hool. 19 land ,cform,. 45.S9, 82: 11WI, 0·59: r~IlLIre or, -41: uudlu Clr, SS·" JQ~I'~, !1Il Law, Jdmln 1"l'IIt(III, 109: IJlJlClUI!t. 1;11(1, 96-98, 11)6. n\lmlnlWlllign, 97, 109: Civil, 31: eonIL/tLillonJI. 109 : conditlonl, 9~. Scrnlktl4. 96 crimInal, 14.1),37.116: Ind culture, }, 10CII, 76: nallonl', Ill: I'OII'C", 90, Ill, I)); proc(u, 1(1: neo-colonl,1 role tlr, 1)0: .nd 106.101: rcmedlu, Ill: 1),lItm, 31 ['olilleRI cCilnomy, S!>: lind power, 2. ; Judiciary, 91.92,99,101, 12S, III ; com· and public opinioll, "I. 63: r~rorm, 21. mliled, 110; indcllendcnce of, 110: 17: refOrmCff. I; ruelfch, 3; reve· IlIlarlu .nd pen.1Mu of, 110; Icn'lce ell:lo,c, ((I, nue, 14,37, <46; and condilion. of, 110; .uI:oOfdlnnle, Ill; 4), ~,6~: ond IOclll de\"clOllm~nl, Jurbprudence, 22, 66, .~, I3J, jutbptu· U; I t I sodal p/oeeu. 126: Ind denla, j1, 66 IOc lll ,dorm. <40, (I, Illd •.ocbl IlrLiC. lure, 59: tuehln, of,): uldltlonal JurlIU, I JUlllce,4, 10, 11, IS, 11, l~, 61,69, 71, Indiln, 14 : ... mllf. 74 16, '77, 71, n, 91, 100, 101, tOj, Ill; 1.1111' CIImminlon orJlldia, 91,91 Hindu eoneepl of, 11: uibunll, II , LawlcUIICSI of Stile. 112 tlwrerlon •• l,l, 61, ,01,111 vUble, '77 Juvea!!e, boutl", 91: J.II •• 91: 1nltilu. uwycrs, 1,11,18, II,!>S. tlO, liJ-lI8: t\OM, 98: rcfOllnllofie" 9t .. eltanlc a,enll, II) :jll'V)'er,cllent relllllml, 11'·17 Ludc:rI,93; IClldcflhlp. 52, 7S, 93 Kui', 19,10 (.clll, anthropolol)',2, 14,11: Chalice, Khul,85 XidnAppinl, 4J 80; COde, 126 ; culture, U, 14. 7', 101 : ~dLlcatioll, 2: hluory, 20: IdeoKinll. 9,10 locy, 25; Inr~lrmQtlon, '1,61: Inltilu_ X1nlllillp, '7], 124 Iltlnl, 3, 21, 6B, [II: kllowlcd,c, 1l5: KonYIl1c·Nu~lU, B4, 88 norm., 21: ordcr, :H,l!>, !O; po,hI; KOlin, Il vhm, 111: proccue, 3, liS: ploruKUIr!yl."I lion, 11),,17, 121: .tILlCtUreJ, 11$. Xu"IJIJ (~,rlcuIiUtbl'), 2G !9
"'.
,od.,
Ubour. mmnUQl, SO: mill/lnl, III : rh)'.I. al,O ui;lhldwup hl.nd., 11
Iy,'e/ll, 1, 22. ) I, H. 36, 5~. sa, ", n, 16,79,10.81, 101, 110, 130: .... lucl. 80 Le,I!!IIII,29,17 Le"lIly, 9, ]0,27
riJDJ£'Cr INDex LelltlllllOQ, 6.9,42, 4J. 046,~. 6', le,i" Murlil. 19 lalh"c, deciSions. 79: rollcy, 56; MLllh11 lUre, 19, 30 !'Ower,9. ]0: proc:cu, U : ruer"'''tlon, MLln.hl, 116 12; IClltllllLlIC, iJl. III Murofcra, 101. lOS, 106 Le,llili/ve Councll •• 1 Musllm/,. 11, 17-19: hlch-cLiIIUle Ilw Libcr:lII,21 18; I~w, 12, 11, 20. ~~; leader., IS; LIII,allon. 17, 37. 39. 40. 12, '4, 90, II], DClwn.1 law, 16. H, 64 1J2: IIti'~ntJ, 17,74, IU, 116: Amen. MUIIQ), 1831,29 u.,n 11I1,anls, 14; Drillsh lillplI~, 74,
IIII;;tlu$ocu. l6. J1 Lillie Tradilloll ill Isllm. IS tocllldf-lovernmelll,90 Lok Adalat, 69, 72, 11 1.01:: SQbIt4. 61
NI,I, 84. '6, 81,18 N."bnd,82 NatloD,lIlm, 114: nltlond Indepelld~lIce movement, 114, 129 ,nallOIl.lln Ideo101Y •• 1
Lok Shtlkll. 69 Lyoch.julllcc. 16, 80 M.L,A" Gl
M,P" 62 MldhYI Pr.dttb, 24, 82, 101 MI8kl.n. 10' Mlhludltra, 24, 26. 21, 19, 49. 92, 99 Miiabar,IS Maou,7: J,{Qf/u:mrl,t, 126 M.piIJl. lB MUalbi klo" , 16: M.da, lOS, 106 Murilae, 12, 62, 63 : bw, 64 MII''K. Karl, I ; Mlfllill critique. t MarK/In Kille. 120, 121 M.thew, }uJ!lec K,K •• 112 MILlMs,11, 13
Mcdlcvllindl., 10 MemoQI,I8 Mlddlccllu, :U MlllllUUm WIIICJ, 1)1 Minl.terl, III Mlnorltfc.J, 122
NUII!ttj, 119, In NEFA,n Ncw Ze~l.nd, 78 NeWJplptr,. 62 Nhhll,81 Noo-stUII telll'),$Icm, 2. 4, 67,~. 70, 71,12. '76.17,79,80, 88, 9fl, 91. 10"
121
•
Norlh Malabu, ]8 NOtlhtrll Indl. Caoll &; Dniu&c'
1813, 12
,"1
NYI),I PIQChlyll., 2, 'I. 71, 90, 9], Open pd.onl,'7 Orb.. , 82
P""c1laJ, IS. 86. SIl, 104 Puchly'u, 21. 21. 69, 70, 7l. 73.", ,~ !>D, 91, 93, 10J, 104 • Pull.menl.111 PJIIJI,16 ('ellUl, 26. 019. 116, 118 - Indebtedllt.U
" , • • ,' 121,4 : mOVemCIII •• 129; .ubaltetol .. -To
MJllltur. School, 7
Penal Code, 22, 23, 24; penlllAw. 21 MllbUhy. 14, 17,IO} Pellolo.llll. lOS Modcrllity, 8Z; mcdnll I...... 86: modern People', Courl, 6', n; people's lallI. ( Iccal prorculon, &J: modern ItIIlllf'II, 19, 20, 66. 81, 83, 89. 101: people', tern, 82, SI2; moVemcnll. 1)0: peoplc'~ power, 69 Modelnll\i11lo~, 1.5: A,ent of, 16; PermlnenL Settlemenl, 21, 22, 13 Indlaa hw, 20. 25 : of iC1l1l1 mlohlotlY, PCIIOnllllw. Il. 14, 20. 34, 36, 64, II.
or
]4-37 I PhYIICQlllbour,.' Mottcy eCOhomy,14: monollutlon, 18 P1lnnln, Commluion •• .i. $0. $I ~IOneYICl\dCfl,16, 27.18, 29. 33, 34,17,46, Police, 4~, 76, 78. 80. II, 87. 97, 102. .51,82;87,1)0 103, ]0',107,121, 129: corrup!lcn, MOl1o'lmy, U ]02; Ind crlmlnlls, IOJ: rlkc CDcoun. MOI.tlIY. '. 6; frIOra] law. 10: mo,.1 Icrl by. 12'1" IJ2· Informers.'7' ........ ~ , . . .oC ,
n.
dfnlt, 101 rollllcll, con,doulnc", W, culeufc,n; f~oomliU, :ll l e(onOnll', 19, UIi, 111: Ic • .Jtu, 106, lud~lJhll', HH: morllity, U, Pllllcy, 6J; power, J&. 52, III ; pown .Huclllfe, 51, rU(rva, : 'lionl, 60. 61 ; IClent!JI •• 10'1, 1/1; will, ~I, )2 Pollution, 126; polrurfon /lnl! purlll', 70 Poln,ml', 61, U rOlhlve IIW, 10 Power, 71, 14, 121, 126, nl, Ill, ":tle • PIIwer, 128·30, IJl Pf~.CIIlion ofColluption ACI, 101 PfCvclllive detenllon, U Prielt, lOS P"IIIO/I, 96.9S: IdminlutalOrJ, 97; buruutracy, 91; open, 97, pd,one",
'06 Prlv~
Council, 17 Plol;Ill;on,91, U; proMr~mnle, 98.99, , IC'VreU, 99 : 'nlcnl.!I' I'roducllon rd.tloqi, 35, 36 Pro.n:n, 31, 33 Propelly, 2].13, 62, 61, 11. i3, 9~, 101, IlS ; HIndu concept of, 24: mobility of, I~; prlvale, 21. 27, 4i,14: priv.,o rllhl. io, 38, rel.llool, 36.31, rishll, 21,26. 111 Prareeliao or Civil RI,h ... Act 1976,60 Public oplnlan, 41, 63, 68, 69 Pundlu, 12 Puntlhmeal, 97. U. 100, 101, lOS, 107, 116; caplt.l, 101, 101 PuQjlb, 17, 11
R.II...,., n, 31, J] Rlju'hln, 92, 91, IlS Raj Oond., U, loS, II, 1$1 Rlolde, 41 Rcbellloo, 125, 127, 129 It.ccidIYllm/recldlyl'II, 100 Reddt.,81 Reform., 41, 48 RcI,a,of.lcrtor, 132, I)J Relillion. 18, IJO; .nd nlorillty, 6: rell. alOli1 dUly, 6; reli,loul In,pinllon, ~ : rel/,lolII Institution •• 20, 69: rell. Ilou.IA ....., 10, rclilioli, leaden. 10 ; • rdi.lnll~ movementl, 41; rdlslout . ,UI"~" 12 ~tOrl.nlutlon O(Sllt~l",
Repre'ulon, Ill, III RClICrvationl. S9·61, U. 119, 114; Inri. re'nnllon, 119 ltc.~nllt, 32·lJ, 90: COUrtl, 34, 36, J?: 1~,,'1. JI, 31, .6 'Klct, 3J, 14 Ili,hu, 8T, 131 Rilual, in1lllr;rtion, 6: ""IlI,1Ii Roads"29. ]1, J}, Royal power, 6 Rule I~"', 21, lJ2. IJJ RUf.1 areu, 60,61,18,106: rural credit, 26, ~6; rll"'llndia, lOS, ruril m~lb. trac1. Bl; rurll Pllllu. 107; rural fac/el)" 21,:9, $9 RyotlOo,.ri. leU/ement, 2j; '),Ilem, 22, 16
or
San Iii. 102 S111lkrlr fpCinn, IS, IIi,
,"
19; San,krlllll"
S,nch,I" 83, n, U SuvOdYI, 11, 97 SUlr... 7, t, la, IJ, II: Ifll/r/c, precept., 6, 7. lawl, 7, 12, JJ ; norms, 16; rulu, 9: lex II, 6,1 Satl, '0. 2J, 4/ Scheduled e~J'e., $11, 60, 122, 124; le,b. 1'lIon,51 Scbcdlllcd trih«, S9. l2, IB, 10J, Ill, 124 SeCUlarism, 110 Scnlendol. 99, lDO, 101 Sepaltlloo or PIIWCIll, 21 Shalll School, 19 S~.,c erop~rI, 47, 49 Shlll'a, II, 111fI', 11 Sharl',t Act 19lJ, II Shllllbn. A.hul SchooL, 19 Shirtlnl culllVilion, 8J Sllvcry,2J; bonded, 132: Wlgt. 131 SodllaCllon 1111,11100, 1J().]4: Sacl~1 Chn,«, 2, J. " 10, lJ, 21 , 22, :24, 26,40,4,,44,53.51,6$,66,78,119,93 ; IICOIS of, In Sod~1 contrOl, 4, 60, Ill, 95.96, 91,101, 10J, 103, \24 Soelal developmelll, U Soda) equl1,. 11, 28 SocIa, hienrehy, IH Soel:!.1 hlalot)', 20, I JJ; of 1111',24, IU, 118: locl.1 hillor/an, 121 Sotlll knawledle, 121 Sod.llell.IIIIOI!, 20, iii. 126
So~I.1 Ju~lIcc, 51: loci.1 iojIlJt!~e, 63,
"'
SocII' mo\lUh)', II, IS, 16, 17, 103
SOCIIIIllOV~menIJ, 41
SOCIal order, 2, 11,29,61, 1J, 15, 14 Snel.1 Or&.lnj~llnu, 81, '1, lIS SocI,1 {)hllolophy, 119 Social plannen, 6) Soc;al p(ltie)" 6' Soci.1 rullt)', 1,44, U6 Soetal rcrorm/lerormeu, 40,41. 42, 127 Soclid rdauolIJ, 27, 30. 69, 116 Socl:tl rcvollllJon, 29, $I Soci~1 S:an~llonJ, 10<4 SoCIII.clcnce{.clcntbl, 2, J, 57, 10/, III, 120, m Sa~lalillbllhy, 2, 1 Social 'l'tUI, 10, 10J So~111 <ll.lllculon, 45.84
Soc:lllltruelUlc,13, 25, n, $2, '9, 7J, 15 So<:lallYllcm, J, S~ ; law .. 1,'4 Socill V.IUCI, " Sodal welflre," Sodel~,l~, 7S SO(lol081U., 21. 15, 1•• 9$. 107, IJO: 10CloloaieIIJ!l,tI,pruden~, I : IOC/O.
','.'
Thd;ur,1l Thu'~cc,
:u
Tllak, D.O., 41 Tillcr', D.ay Amendrm;nt, 48, 49,51 Torlure, IJ I Trldtllon. $0; ItldiU01l11 authority .lfuClure, 27, I~ ... U: ludilloo.1 will~,e 'O(;icly, 11 Tr~1Jk In Ilrhi, 43 Tnbel, l2·n. IOHO). crimlo.!l. 101, 103, dCIlOllfied, 101, IOJ: ex-crlml. n~ll, 10J; rOOd'lillheriol. 83: !ribll lIUJ, 107, lrlb.\1 cnnceptlon of Ill" ud jUillCl:, 101; IlIb:!1 COUIlI, 106: (UllOm., 104 : Iribal developmen., 182, 101; Irlb.!J economy, 88; tribal uplOillrlon, 44 i trib.1 fUllly la ..... 6S: utb.1 ,rouPI, 81, n, 101, 10l. IDS: t,lb.1 Indll, lOS; lribal lut/lu. 110'11, III; ulb.1 JUStice, 81; It/b.1 la ...s, 4, 81, 101, 10J ; 'rlba I leaal 1),1' lem, 6~: Irlbun,1 p.nth'Ylc~, J03, 10. : crlbal pollee, 75: crlbl' /lO{)ul •• I;on, 11, lOS: Iflhl UlticmeolJ' 105' 'r1b~J i?dtI Y, 16,'1: Ilnbal kllidarity: JIM; Irtb.l.y"enu, 81; Iribal S),slem of Ju~rlcc, 101
.
..
108Y of J,;na ..... lul~, 120 _ So.·cQn, 26.28, 29 SllIe II... , II, 20, 65, 76, 11, 18, 89, 101, Ulema, 18, 19 Undcllrllls.91 Stile lellillyllem, 2,
'"
T«hnolol1, 31; lec1inololllcal Innova. lion', 31 Temptc Enlry, 11 Telllocy,lllYJlle,llll!lon, 49, st, lG, n: c:nlonl.I, 47: rceord~ , 015; reform IIWI, 49.56: lerorm, 51 Ten.ot., "dc:ullutll, 41>. 47, 49, 56: cl'IClion of. 47; rl,hl. of, 50
V.I, .... yl, 8 1I,"'f(laenll), 26.29
Vnluc SYIltm, 11 Vlolenec,126,121, IU: rUllt ~Ialellc.c. 127 110""'0, 6 Vcdu, B vil".~,~ •• .,
'!J8111It INDIIJr: ViUue, 26, 4), 4.,61. 6~, 1.7. 6",70. n, Wllcherlrt, 77. 105 1J, lS. 76, 17, n, 84, n, 9J ; COIIIIl:ih, Women. 44. 131: dCllctldcncc ot women, I~, 17: ~ollrll. 9(1. d"I'UII:I. 71, 6) : eqUII !IJhta ot women, 62: eqU<1' eide", ,. ; JUIIf~e, 77; hf~ 76; 1,1,,,,. III)' o(wumclI, 62: ,I,hu or women, 11,16: and JUIlIc~, 7; 1:\:Ilablc-I, 71; WOIfl~n'J remand homC!. 1J2: 71,72: panchlyalS, 71, IUClcly, 76; 'tal~ ofwomcl'l. 44, 61, 6~ Iludlu, 2; CribuD"", I~, 6!> Worl-..ln" cllI~el. /25; unorUnl~cll ",or1-..1:", 131 Wuk~r Iccliolli. t:!2 Wotkm~n'a COmpcl'l~llon I~w, 64 WUI, 1.1 , WUlero ctlmlnDI law I}'tlcm, WO/ld ~Icw. 6d ,W,: WUICID conception at lilli', 5 : W,lI pelillo"" 1]1 .Western concepllOD ofpropcrly Tlahls, 26; WClICfO law. 10, 11; WtJlCln Y"Jnl~llk)'" 6, 10 ICI.I 'y,lclU, 9, HI, I.!; WCllerQ Yc/ukulm, 10}, 104 IIqllODl,12 : WUlern '<;Klolol)", I
I".
Wb~t,30, )l
W~'" ;lIcOI0I1,21
W~ow_rem.lIlaiC, 42
NAME INDEX
7.amlndarlZamibdul,lO, )2.)6, )8,
Adwanl, N,H., 96 Calklol, P.Il., 113 Allrwlll, Raj Kumarl. 6J Campbell, D,T .• $8 A,lrln!a. S.K, Ill. In CatAnlch. I.J .. 2J A,rlcuhurc Ind btl'ltlon, Mlnbtrl' of. ChAlIJI, M,e., til ChllrUVlrl)', Anand, !5. 56, 59, 6', 7(1, Ambedk:ar,lI.R., I)) 75, 80, 93. 94 Amln, S" 129 Chltterjee. B.B., 61.63 101111,111", A.R., 110 Ch"ttopadbl'I),I, P., 36 Appu, P.S •• 47 Chaudblrl. Nirld, 124 Arnold. D,,~ld. 12.5 Chh"bbra, S., 100 Aubeu. V., j ) Cohn. B.S" 67-71, 73.16 AlIcrblcb, C.,", .. I Colebrook. 11
"
Coon, J.e" U
,
s,.,•..
-
.
Bu:h;I, V.M., 110 Corn"',U", LcJrd, 21, 22 a,k,hl.h Sln,h. 110 COler, I.cwll A " 116 Dmll. limy V.,.I8 DI,U, 0.0" 109 O.ndelcu, V.M .. 47 aul. Ut\cndrl, 3. II, 0, n. 5~. 60, Olbtwala, t.lL.. 49, jJ 6'.66,69.11, n. 17, n,~. 9], 9J, 9!, Ou, A.. 129 97,91,101, 109, III, Ill. 119.1H. Ou, VeCII~. 2. " 13 D~tlr, R.N,. '6 Daylc,-, O"vld, 65, 11, 81. 107 Dlua GUpll, SobhJnl~l, 111 Deeku, T.z. • .5' Deb, R" tl5, U BCllth,m, Jeremy, n Derrett. J.0.M.,5,9, II. 12, 13, Belem~, AOdre, 4', 72, 73. 119 64. 110 Dhodufi. T.e" 91 Desai, I.P .. 60. 119 Dhlll" K.L., 64 Deni, M,8,,41 Bhllll~JlIrl'O, O.K., 96. 9. Duhplnlle. V.. 60 DJIWU, p.e" 1112 Dhapmw"r, Vuudhl, 21.1~. 63, 97 Dllck, D.}" 2 Dharmll Kumar. 115 BllcbhltJd, A.R,. 95, 101 Dhhan. R.Jccy. Ill, III Boraie. P,T" j9 Dillf.n, ParlJ, 64, 110 DUICIu ar Corr~elloll'l Senlee., 91 Dur~hcim. Ea:.Uc, I
'"
.--. ~~
ow
1j,2~,
W'
1\ 166
NAPR INnnX
Dull, K" 2' Ehrlich, E" I. 11 Ell'hinllone, 1.1 Eh.in, V~rrlcr.II. 10'. 106 lipltcln, A.L .. :2 FUAI. M.A" 109 F~lllclncf,
W.L F.o 81
HUlit J. Willud, 1,40, US BUluln, Wahed, 19
I'ltulbn,21
.
Lynch OWen. 60
Pill.i, K.I"<.G .• 9J PIR~nl~1l Commlnlon, 41. "S. SO, SI,.58
MlI!;IIulft~, 'ThnniU n" 21
hnmlm, Mohlr\lmcll, 110 'nd,an Countil at Socl., Sclencc RutllJl:h. 1,604 Ind lln llUtitul~ or Public A(lmintIUlllian,
101 b~rln,
Ie, (i5
~btOlllum.
Jllrhon, D.S., 10 Jain, lI,rl Mnh:m, 109 f'utct·HlIlmendorr, Cllriltoph·~on. 83·&8 Jnln, M.P•• II, 12, 1',20,109 Fyzu, ".,/1, ,A ,64 Jlln S.N .• 61, 10' Jh •• S,c., 46, ~O. $1, 57,51,90 Jane., 11 Oadboll, Ocora~ II.. 110. 111 a.lnltr, ,.,Iarc, 1I·Il, '!1, 60, 61, 78, 9~, Jar "undho, 96 JOlh!, P.C., 46, 59 114, 119·23. Oa!\dhi, J,S., lIS K~"i, M CJ., '9. 109 liudht, M 1( .• II" K'!p"klm. r., 112 aandhl. P.K., II I KIIM, P.V,, '. 12, IJ GlInClh Pla$h~d. H Klln!owskY,92 O,n,lIly. B.N .• 41 Klpln, 11~1n, SO Gholh. Ambie. Pnshad, l j K.lulilY1-, 126 GholUC, MohJ.mnlcd, 110 Kelkar, R.V., 6) Gluckman, Mu.l Khne, 1\.5,,67, '1, IIi' QaDII,mba!, K" 69 Khalilc, Numllda, 61\ Ooulh. Ka\hleen, 76 Khudanpur. OJ., 4i' Ouh., aanjit, 21, 22, 121, 115·2.1 Khulro, A.M .. 47 Ouha, Seem., 96 Kidder, Robell L., 73,74 16. Gupt., 1..5" 107 Kin., J "is G,Up'I, S.C., 29 KII,hnan, P.O., 64 Qllr~hch, G~or.c. I Kumar, Raviodcr, 1.5·29, 41 Oll,rtld, JOI(I'II R .. 39,!9 Kuma"rflUlllm. S.M., 110 KUlh ..... ~ha, R., n Habib, Irratl, ItS Klllunl,64 Hardiman. D., 129 Hul Chand, 109 Lal, "'.K.. 61 Hadou , Maurice, I Lal Blh.dul Shutrl NatloD.1 Ae,derny H.rt, H. C" n or Admini,'r.tlon. 61 Hlft, H,M.,.H la.... Col'Dmlulon,!H nut In", Warren, 12 loIw, Minillly of, 91 Hawkllll. G .. !Ui Lempert, R, n He.d~, K..S., I 10 Levine, J.P., SS, HdI1lJ,uh, C,H. 41, H Lu)'. H.L., \14 Henderson, O.P., 19 , Lewellyn, Karl. I lIeolll,hlm, 5" 129 Lewll. I'fimil •. 96 Hcrrial, I\,J .• ~2 l.lIIa.t. R.ober!. ,.10 IIIdlYllullllh, M., n 1.ow, 12 , 1, ~, 11I1J~h, HCf~rt, 111 Luch[nJky, M.S .,6) Hoebel, n. Adln\~n. 1 Luther.. Veil PI.kub, tlO HOlowl!z, M .. 12~
n.
5.
n
N., t07
M.IC'Olm, 21 Mandelbaum. D~vlll G., 70, 11, It "hndel, I!rnClI,l~ Mlnkehr, Kalnl •• .6) Mlnu, i' "hlkanG.nl, 110 Maton,O.L" III M.ncY,I, P., 1]1
Mllhr.w.
JUJ,llc~
K.K .• 112
M.lhur. ~,. V.. 92Menddtohn, Oliver, III Mennlatr, K.., 96 Menon. N,R.M., 63, 131 Meull\.I, H.C., 47. 109 Merton, Robelt, S6, IOJ Metc.lfe Cbules T., 11 Mill, J.mn. 21
Nll1olku, V., 97 NIlIl!lJan. S .. 4t I"<.yar, Kuh3lp, 96, 110
1-Ioncl,P.,l 0,11:1111, S.," I'lllkhlnl~, N~nl ,.., 110 PlnGe, B,D.. 101 P.ndey,O.. 119 PIIII.rlbl, Lalita, 42.044,65 Palua",' Parikh, 11 . 71 p.,thull/lhy, 0" n Patel. M t... 11 PalOllk. VIII. 16
.,
aldzlnowic:t. 1 .• 96 R.inGa. R.K., ]00, 101
aiJ. K.I"<., '0 RalUlhln, Govelnment of. 92 Rlm.mutt;, a.. 46 Ranftde,41 RIO, B.P.. S) "'11111, Nllk..nlt-~, 46, 47 Rtycllaudhrl, T" IlS Reuon" C.E., 96 Reddy, (hm 0.,108 Rich, R,M .. 96 Robilu, R.S , 92
Rochcr, L" III
sa
ROle, H.L .. Rowe.. Peler. 115 Rudolph, L.T .. 11, 12, D, IS, 16, 11, i'l Rudolph,S.H.,II,I2, 1),1S,16, Ii'. 71 Saehehidanud3, (iO
Mltt.I, J.K., 64 MOOIC, S.F., 74 Mordton, Charles, IU_Ii' Muh.mm.d, V.A .S., 110 Mukherjee. P.B .. 110 Mukherjee. S.K.., tI MUOIO, 11 M1rdll, Qunnu, 47, 49·S2,
PilipbU, 1•.1 . • 80 poubntu!.N.. III 1'9111111, R.~S«W:. I, rl"11,.II. "'nirudh, II'}
,J
M:l.hatuhlra. GO~Clnmenl of, 92 Mahmood, Tahlr,lZ, IH, 19, 64.110 Maine, Henry. 2.12.17 "bJumd~r.
Foucault, M., Ill. 125, 126 Fundi, 11 FHCd, R.S., 76
O.C. Jr,.
Madhava. i' Maha}:!.n. V.D.,112
Sae1n,I\..M., H Sandhll , Ii.S" 97, 95 Sarur, Lotlkl, 6~ Salhe, S.p .• 109 Schwartz, R.D" 51
sa
Se.I, .... , 114 SeerYII, H./'
Scth.drl. S., lOB Set,Ivad, M.C., IIJ Se.lhn., M.J .. 96 Sh~h, C.lt .. 49, 51 Shah, JyOllln~. 99 Sh.rml. 0.5.,59, 61. ]10 Shlrm., Miriam, 67,iS,." 91, 9'"' Shuml. P.O., 107 Shum., S .R., 110 Sh~r Sln,h Sher, 102 SII(lIy, K.f'.K., 109 SlddlQue, A .. 96 Siddiqui, M,JI.,lj 5Imh.dr', Y.C" 6S, 10l, ICl<'
Sln.h, M. P" 119 Sln.h. ParmaRllnd, 119. 131 Slo.hyl, I..M .. 46
.
168 SInhA, A., 96 SinhD, SUr:lJit, 88
SivarammllYl, n .64, 110 Smith, D. E., 110 Some!!, Oeor.c E., IU, 87 Sdni\'U. M N • 66, 6&, 70 Srivn!ilY~. 5,1'., 9ti Siern, Robert, 6S Slokc$, Eric, 11. Z2, 23 Slone, Julius. I. !il, 9~ Subrl1mclniAn, T,P., '0 Sum:, T.S., 96
Taylor, L .96 Thompson, E,P" 125 Thorner, Alice, 46, 49 Thorner, Dankl, 46, 49 Tilak, B.G., 41
Tinker, Hu~h. 90, 91 Tripathi, P.K., ti~ Trubek.D.,l8 Tyler. Mary. 96
University Grclnll Commhsion, 46 Upadhyayn, M .O" 47 Vuba, 5 .. 61 Ver;I":sc, J., 44 Verma.. Sushi! Chand":!., 6S, 107 Vidra Dhushan, 96 Vldyarthl, L.r.. 83 Vljnacsv(uIl, i
Wantn 1I:1$IIn;5. 1'2 \Yuhy, S.L. 36, 51
Wuhhrook.
R'.:h~rd,
115
Wcbc:r. Mill, I, 12,37, J8, 70. 80 WClt, Raymond, 17 Whitcomb1e, I:IIubeth, 2.S. '29·39 Wunderlh:h. G., !i4 Yajnavllkya, 10 Yosendn. Sin,h, 18
•
