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EDUCATIONAL FUTURES RETHINKING THEORY AND PRACTICE Volume 5 Series Editors Michael A. Peters University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, USA J. Freeman-Moir University of Canterbury, Christchurch, New Zealand Editorial Board Michael Apple, University of Wisconsin-Madison, USA Miriam David, Department of Education, Keele University, UK Cushla Kapitzke, The University of Queensland, Australia Elizabeth Kelly, DePaul University, USA Simon Marginson, Monash University, Australia Mark Olssen, University of Surrey, UK Fazal Rizvi, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, USA Susan Robertson, University of Bristol, UK Linda Smith, University of Auckland, New Zealand Arun Kumar Tripathi, Dresden University of Technology, Germany Scope This series maps the emergent ?ield o? educational ?utures. It Cill commission books on the ?utures o? education in relation to the Fuestion o? globalisation and knoCledge economy. It seeks authors Cho can demonstrate their understanding o? discourses o? the knoCledge and learning economies. It aspires to build a consistent approach to educational ?utures in terms o? traditional methods, including scenario planning and ?oresight, as Cell as imaginative narratives, and it Cill eJamine eJamples o? ?utures research in education, pedagogical eJperiments, neC utopian thinking, and educational policy ?utures Cith a strong accent on actual policies and eJamples.
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ISBN 90-77874-16-X Published by: Sense Publishers, P.O. Box 21858, 3001 AW Rotterdam, The Netherlands http://www.sensepublishers.com
Gerard Macdonald is Visiting Fellow at the Centre for Research in Innovation Management, University of Brighton, UK. David Hursh is at the Warner Graduate School of Education and Human Development, University of Rochester, USA.
Cover photo: Ornan Rotem
Printed on acid-free paper
All Rights Reserved © 2006 Sense Publishers No part of this work may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, microfilming, recording or otherwise, without written permission from the Publisher, with the exception of any material supplied specifically for the purpose of being entered and executed on a computer system, for exclusive use by the purchaser of the work.
Many people have influenced my thinking about schools, networks and new economies. Among them are Richard Aldrich, Sandy Campbell-Smith, Vincent Carpentier, Anne Casey, Ivor Goodson, Celia Hoyles, David Hursh, Raphie Kaplinsky, Diana Laurillard, Richard Noss, Seymour Papert, John Parry, Mitch Resnick, Marlene Scardamalia, John Schostak, Roger Wassell-Smith, Chris Watkins, Peter Weiss, Michael White and Michael Young. Errors and omissions are of course my own. GM Over the last several decades many people have pushed me in my political thinking and academic research. Some of the many people who deserve thanks include: Pauline Lipman, Michael Peters, Angela Valenzuela, Michael Apple, Susan Robertson, Roger Dale, Linda McNeil, E. Wayne Ross, Gloria Ladson-Billings, and Dave Hill. In Rochester, public school administrators William Cala and Dan Drmacich have been both inspirational in their reform efforts and helpful in providing memos, articles and other artifacts regarding local and state education policies. I also thank the students in my courses who have read more versions of my different papers than either I or they care to remember. Lastly, I cannot thank enough my wife, Camille Martina, who supports my work in more ways than I can say. DH
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13
Ways of seeing, ways of knowing
137
14
How will we work?
147
15
Creativity, innovation, enterprise
157
V RESHAPING THE SCHOOL SYSTEM: RESISTING CHANGE 16
Teachers
167
17
Parents
171
18
Business
175
19
Politicians
181
20
The disruptive technology that didn’t
185
VI SCHOOLS FOR THE FUTURE 21
Schools for the twenty-first century
BIBLIOGRAPHY
viii
195 203
In the old story Rip van Winkle wakes and stumbles, bleary, to the street. He tries to cross. A nice young woman called Clara yanks him back to the kerb. ‘My god,’ she says, ‘that car could’ve killed you.’ Catching his breath, clutching Clara’s hand, van Winkle asks, ‘What is a car, exactly?’ So Clara – once she’s established that the man has been asleep for three hundred years – educates van Winkle by showing him around the city. It’s a tiring business. Everything is new: cars, trains, planes, radios, phones, mobiles, television, factories, computers. It’s all too much. The old man stares, uncomprehending. He can’t understand how so much could have changed while he slept. He can’t understand what he is seeing. By the end of the day, both exhausted, they’re passing an institutional building. Van Winkle peers in a window to see a teacher, shouting at her class. For the first time he relaxes, and smiles. Clara registers the change of expression. ‘Why are you smiling?’ she asks. ‘Do you know what that is?’ ‘Sure,’ says van Winkle. ‘I went to one of those. It’s a school.’
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CHAPTER 1
WHAT THIS BOOK IS ABOUT
!"et &or all o+r re,ere-ce &or ed+catio-1 2e 3a,e paid little e-o+53 atte-tio- to its co-te-t7 a ,a5+e re&ere-ce to !t3e t3ree 89s9 3as o&te- see:ed s+&&icie-t;9 <ero:e Br+-er !"o+ teac3 a c3ild to read a-d 3e or 3er 2ill >e a>le to pass a literac? test;9 @eor5e A B+s31 Be--essee1 Ce>r+ar? DE1 DFFE This book is about school systems ! mainly British and American ! in the first years of this century, and about what happens to people who come, as most of us do, through such systems. It takes schooling to be primarily a political and economic project, not an educational enterprise. EIf the main aim of state schooling were education we should have a very different system.) The book’s American section deals with state and charter schools; the British chapters deal mainly with state schools. But not all state schools. We are not particularly concerned with outstanding schools Eand there are many of them) which give a good education to a minority: those schools from which young people leave with a curious and critical cast of mind. Rather, we are interested in the mass of schools which fail to educate the majority. No one knows precisely the proportions of each group, but our guess is that it is somewhere around the 80:20 mark. British governments have always cosseted a minority of pupils P through fee-charging E‘public’) schools, grammar schools, city technology colleges, academies, and so on P rather than aiming for a universally high standard of schooling. Providing good schools for a minority of pupils is easier, perhaps more congenial to politicians, and might have made economic sense in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. But for the new economies of the twenty-first, that may no longer be the case. Poor schooling is of course bad for those compelled to undergo it. It may also be bad for the country. Our second assumption is that state school systems are controlled by politicians; and that Ewhatever they may say in public) politicians’ first interest is not education. They are, understandably, primarily interested in schools as a means of support for the national economy. In this view, schools’ first function is to train a productive workforce, and to look after children while their parents labour in that workforce. There is a problem though. In the nature of things, schools deal with the future; school pupils will be joining some future workforce, in which they may spend the 3
CHAPTER 1
next half century. But politicians are commonly unclear about what that workforce will be like. It follows that they will be unclear as to how schools should train or educate young people for this dimly foreseen future. But lack of clarity has rarely been a political impediment. We note that politicians now set rules for the future of schooling with the unshakeable confidence they have shown over the past century P which may explain, among other things, why schools are still preparing pupils for a vanishing industrial economy. This book’s third assumption is that schools will continue in some physical form not too different from what we know now. This is not because schools do what they do particularly well. It is because contemporary economies cannot function without the work of both men and women.1 Of course parents will not go out to work unless they know their children are kept safe and P in the best of all worlds P are being educated. So schools need to contain pupils and, to some extent, separate them from the surrounding community, even though this seclusion may hinder their education. Our fourth assumption is that we shall, in a future economy, need to distinguish more clearly between education and training; and to limit the role of training in schools. What we now call ‘education’ is, very often, training Efor example, learning to decipher print, learning to write, or learning the basic functions of a computer). We also assume that the state will continue to be the main financier of school systems, since both liberals and conservatives commonly agree Efor different reasons) that schooling young people is worth doing, and that most families cannot P or will not P pay for it. The state will, therefore, continue to finance most schooling and will retain a large degree of control over schools. A further assumption is that globalisation and economic change will alter education in different ways in different countries; but it will significantly shift patterns of schooling in all of them. It is just possible that this shift will result in school systems that are more equitable, and more friendly to learning. B2e-t?G&irst He-t+r? Sc3ools looks critically at educational myth-making. One constituent of our current educational myth is that schools can be ‘improved’ so that real learning will happen in classrooms with one teacher and thirty or so pupils. A second myth Eperpetuated by many politicians) is that good education occurs only in selective schools. A third constituent of the scholastic belief system is that schools are shaped by educators; a fourth is that systemic change stems from teachers’ initiatives P that the system evolves when teachers decide to do things differently. This book questions those beliefs. A change in teaching patterns is certainly part of any systemic change. Inspiring, innovative instances of teaching are not uncommon but, individually or collectively, they do not transform school systems. Educational innovations rapidly reach limits. There are geographical boundaries Ethey are confined to a school, or a group of schools) or there are political limits: innovations clash with government policies. In 2006, for example, a teacher in England may well have better ways of encouraging children to read than by
4
WHAT THIS BOOK IS ABOUT
implementing the government’s ‘literacy hour’. But this innovative teacher’s methods cannot be generalised, because the state has decreed that its literacy hour embodies the best possible method of teaching reading. Teachers are, therefore, obliged to use it. And when the current literacy hour goes out of fashion Eas indeed it did, at the time of writing2) there will undoubtedly be some other centrally imposed solution P at least so long as the state believes that its methods of centralised control produce the kind of school system we need and deserve. Innovations which encourage collaborative learning, originality, knowledge building, and creativity Eall among the preconditions of a knowledge-based economy) have become marginal in British schools. But that is unsurprising: our present regime is not built on research, creativity, or even on deep knowledge of how people learn. Rather, it is founded on the fact that, these days, ‘everyman has become his own education expert Eparticularly every politician or businessman) and the practice of education has become increasingly open to critique, reform and 3 experiment from all sides.’ At the other extreme are certain unquestioned facts which seem not to be open to reform or experiment. Among these is the fact that education is best carried on in a classroom with one teacher transmitting information to many pupils. While this may be true of teaching, it is not true of learning. A pervasive theme of the book is the interaction of school systems with national economies and national politics. Perennially optimistic, educators continue to believe Ein the absence of evidence) that governments pay for mass schooling in order to advance education; and that, presented with better ways of educating, politicians will rapidly adopt them. Neither of these propositions is true. But it does not follow that education can ignore politics. Politics will certainly not ignore education. Though teachers commonly believe that schooling should be Eand is) outside politics, school systems are, in practice, one of the most politicised areas of contemporary society. An obvious, often overlooked, truth about school systems is that while they are principally financed by politicians, not by educators, those who pay the piper will call the tune. Of course this does not mean that school systems are shaped solely by political imperatives or economic needs. Many other factors produce particular school formations at particular moments in history. But it is still true that politicians dispense public funds; and politicians are not primarily interested in education; at least not in the context of mass schooling. They have other interests, which are not always made clear. Government ministers do talk constantly about education and, at times, about education for our future. Campaigning for election in 1997, Mr Blair asserted that ‘in today’s world there is no more valuable asset than knowledge. The more you learn, the more you earn. It’s as simple as that.’ Neither knowledge nor learning has turned out, for Mr Blair, to be as simple as that; or, indeed, to be simple at all. One of the difficulties for the post-1997 Labour government, as for others, is that Ministers use the word ‘education’ in a different sense from those who are interested in learning. Mr Blair added to the statement quoted above that ‘education
5
CHAPTER 1
is an economic imperative’. Ministers are interested in education as an economic 4 adjunct. They are interested in productivity: in better ways of training a future workforce. E‘A nation’s standard of living is determined by the productivity of its economy, which is measured by the value of goods and services produced per unit of the nation’s human, capital and natural resources’ but ‘the levels of productivity and prosperity in the UK still lag behind many other advanced economies. With labour force utilisation already at a high level, only further catch-up in labour 5 productivity will be able to reduce the gap’. ) Yet even when Ministers are dealing with questions of educational productivity, rather than with education per se, they do, as we shall see, often get things wrong. They are right, though, in thinking that our school system could make a more significant contribution to the nation’s productivity if it focused on the present and future, rather than the past. School systems are inescapably a part of our political and economic process; but, since they are products of an industrial age, they are now a dysfunctional part. It is worth noting that other Whitehall ministries than Education mistake the outcomes of schooling. The most powerful department in British government, the Treasury, ‘has for a long time nurtured a close interest... in the field of education’ particularly ‘in its potential linkages with questions of employment’ but, understandably in this context, ‘the Treasury has had a detachment from education 6 as a process of teaching and learning’. That detachment Ereflected also in research 7 on ‘the economics of education’ ) may be one reason why the UK Treasury is so often disappointed in school systems’ performance, and in its absence of a desired economic effect. These politico-economic concerns are not of much interest to most people working in schools. Teachers and educators shy away from such issues. Reasonably enough, they concentrate on the domestic affairs of their school, and on the everyday business of classroom discipline, satisfying parents, fighting for better salaries, minimising bureaucracy, reducing contact time, having roofs that don’t leak, and lightening workloads. Battling with such problems, who has time to worry about the economics and politics of schooling? Yet, in the last analysis, these decide the shape of school systems, and shape their daily business. School systems do what governments think they should do. That is part of the political process. And behind the politics are economic constraints. Our political system is increasingly ruled by international economics, as Britain, kicking and screaming, becomes an integral part of the European Union, and recognises that, individually, it has become a middleweight player in a globalising economy, soon to be overtaken in economic leagues by China. EDUCATION FOR INDUSTRIAL DECLINE
A Nobel laureate recently noted that economics is now a more powerful agent of 8 change than politics. More accurately perhaps, societal and educational changes occur when economic shifts are articulated – often tangentially – through politics, and thus they change other social sectors, school systems among them. As we shall 6
WHAT THIS BOOK IS ABOUT
see, these politico-economic changes may be slow, and consequent social changes even tardier; but they cannot be indefinitely postponed. The orientation of Anglo-American school systems toward a vanishing industrial economy reflects this lethargic pace of change. Both the UK and US have had long experience in training for industry. Britain did, after all, have the world’s first industrial economy. Training for industry started there in the late eighteenth century, was refined in the nineteenth, and elaborated in the twentieth. But in the twenty-first century we have difficulties. Britain’s industrial economy is declining. It is estimated that Britain lost 12e of its manufacturing jobs in the five years between 1998 and 2003; and in the slightly longer period 1995P2002 thirty-one million manufacturing jobs Eout of about 164 million) were lost in the twenty largest manufacturing nations.9 Traditional industry now accounts for a quite small fraction of UK gross domestic product. Even in good times, thousands of jobs still vanish every month. We are training young people for types of work which are disappearing now, and will have pretty much gone in the span of their working lives. This is a waste of time, an expense of spirit, and a misuse of money. So a central question P which this book tries to answer P is, why do we still train and educate for a past age? Why do school systems change so little? And how might we do things differently? A moment’s pause here. Surely there is frequent change in schools? In England, at least, there seems to be a new schooling initiative every week. There are Green Papers and White Papers Etwelve under the post-1997 Labour government) and programmes with catchy titles which, these days, often incorporate the word ‘learning’, and sometimes even ‘e-learning’. But those have little to do with learning; and nothing to do with significant change. Over the past half-century, the only real shift in British school systems has been a measure of financial and management devolution Efrom central government to school administrations, often with the aim of bypassing local government) and an increase in central control of school knowledge and teaching method. If we take change to include negative movement, we should also include those governmental initiatives which P intentionally or not P have increased the inequality of schools, and hence inequality of opportunity for pupils. In short, adaptation to a new economy, and to twentyfirst century society, is something politicians may talk about but undertake in only token ways. To cite a single example, this twenty-first century quotation from a British government paper says many of the right things: People who generate bright ideas and have the practical abilities to turn them into successful products and services are vital not just to the creative industries but to every sector of business. Our whole approach to what and how we learn, from the earliest stages of learning, needs to adapt and change in response to this need. Academic achievement remains essential, but it must increasingly be delivered through a rounded education which fosters creativity, enterprise and innovation [which] depends on the very highest standards of teaching and learning and on the ability of teachers and lecturers to enhance the way young people learn so as to develop those capabilities … We will foster creativity and 10 enterprise through radical new approaches to teaching and learning. 7
CHAPTER 1
Unfortunately P though this is a paper produced by two influential Whitehall departments P none of these admirable sentiments has been translated into government policy for schools. There are no ‘radical new approaches to teaching and learning’. The test of policy commitment is action. In Britain, there has been very little. As for real education, there is a venerable British tradition that those who need it P the people who will run businesses, go into the professions, become scientists, or run the country P will be educated either outside the state school system, or after they leave it. Their education will start when they go somewhere more promising than school. This book’s later chapters argue that Britain’s time-honoured separation of sheep from goats will not sustain an economy which depends on new knowledge. Our expensively educated elite has many sterling qualities, but innovation and inventiveness are not the first which come to mind. The British tradition of schooling was functional, if not particularly equitable, when the kingdom had an industrial economy and an empire; when its ruling classes were running benighted parts of the world, and most homeland workers were employed in factories, or in associated enterprises. As Burton-Jones says, our current publicly funded infrastructure of schools ‘was built to satisfy a model of educational needs derived from an industrial era, in which an educated and wealthy elite employed the less-educated masses.’11 Basic training was of course all that those less-educated masses needed in order to join the workforce. But that is no longer the case as we move to some sort of ‘new’ or ‘postindustrial’ economy. There is of course energetic debate about what this postindustrial economy is, and what it will become. The current consensus is that we are in the early stages of a globalised knowledge-driven economy; that ‘globalisation is a force reorganising the world’s economy, and the main resources 12 for that economy are knowledge and information’. We look more closely at this issue later in the book Esee chapters 12 and 14). Amid the arguments over the shape of a new economy, one thing is clear. Schools cannot prepare learners properly for life and work in a new economy while they are educating for an old one. At some stage schools will have to change what they do, and what they are. When they come, these changes will be radical; but they do not imply a new national plan for education. Rather, the reverse: government departments will need to moderate their addiction to centralised planning; they will need to stop imposing twentieth-century regimes on a twenty-first century school system. Such changes will not happen just to make labour more productive and workers more innovative, though that may be the proximate cause. There is a wider planetary imperative. Growing populations, the pressures of global capitalism, raised expectations, increased demand for diminishing reserves of fossil fuels, wars over water, and increasing pollution will combine to make the world humanly intolerable if our present industrial-economic patterns continue. Planetary malaise will not always exempt the rich. Altering those global trends – as we shall have to – demands a variety of technological, social, economic and political innovations. Our societies will either become more innovative or they will regress to a 8
WHAT THIS BOOK IS ABOUT 13
Hobbesian state of nature. Schooling will be part of the process of change; but clearly it will not be schooling as we know it now. If our school system is not working well for most pupils, or adequately preparing them for the economy and society in which they will live and labour, how does the system now survive without significant change? A large part of the answer has to do with the way schools are evaluated. Evaluation is done almost entirely by those who have a vested interest in avoiding systemic change. Curricula are designed by bureaucrats; exams and tests are set by those within the system; school inspections are organised by educational quangos. Pupils can fail; from time to time schools are classed as ‘failing’; the system itself P being its own judge and jury P cannot fail. But if its main function is to support the contemporary economy it will, at some point, be seen to be failing. Then we are likely to witness radical and systemic changes to schooling. The following chapters, then, are not simply an analysis of how schools came to be as they are, and the impossibility of their being otherwise. Rather, they suggest that school systems have been shaped by the politics and economics of their time; and that, as the economy changes, they will be otherwise. That must mean a new focus on learning and knowledge; and very different uses of digital technologies. The book’s later chapters suggest that new economies, since they are based around new knowledge, may well increase school systems’ attention to education and ‘learning to learn’. We are beginning to see degrees of political and economic change which, when they coalesce, may offer us school systems which more actively encourage learning. For all of us, this is difficult terrain. We find it hard to foresee a different future for schooling. We take it for granted that school, certainly in the secondary years, is mainly a training ground for an industrial workforce. But, in the early years of this century, there are other futures for schooling. Our conclusion is that knowledge-based economies may bring us school systems which not only serve those economies, but might also serve those who must spend time at school.
1
This may Ewith the emphasis on may) change if the long-heralded replacement of people by machines Eat least for some types of work) becomes a significant reality Esee chapter 14) 2 From 2006, reading teachers in England were instructed to abandon formerly mandated methods in favour of synthetic phonics, an instructional method widely used in the nineteen-fifties. The methodological change was made on the basis of a report from Ofsted, one of the British government’s educational proxies Esee chapter 7) 3 Hoskin, KW in Messer-Davidow et al 1993 4 Ministers are aware that, though British productivity is increasing, others are increasing faster. ‘What was a modest productivity gap, vis-<-vis the US in the 1980s, has since ‘widened into a yawning chasm. American productivity has shot ahead while the eurozone’s has stagnated.’ (McRae 2004) The ‘Europe of innovation and knowledge’, confidently predicted in the EC Lisbon summit of 2000, has not yet arrived 5 Porter and Ketel 2003 6 Deakin and Parry 2000 7 See Chapter 12
9
CHAPTER 1 8
Stiglitz 2003 Rifkin 2004 10 DTI and DfEE 2001 11 Burton-Jones 1999 12 Carnoy 2000 13 For a particularly depressing view of an oil-starved future see Kunstler 2005 9
10
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?@)@A%$%)& ‘The shift to a knowledge-based economy demands that traditional relationships between education, learning and work are fundamentally reappraised. The longrunning debate over whether and to what extent education should be a preparation for work as well as life, is being overtaken by events, with work and learning becoming increasingly interrelated and interdependent.’ Alan Burton-Jones ‘Today, in industrial countries, most people are doing jobs that did not exist when they were born. The most important skill determining a person’s life pattern has already become the ability to learn new skills, to take in new concepts, to assess new situations, to deal with the unexpected. This will be increasingly true in the future. The competitive ability is the ability to learn.’ Seymour Papert "1$,$ P5W$, I+*$)3' $%35+W$ 2% ,2M$ 2) &1$ 5,,.MP&*2%, #1*01 #$+$ %2&$6 $5+3*$+\ 5%6 #1*01 5+$ &1$M5&*0 *% )2332#*%W 015P&$+,_ A) #$ ,$$J ,',&$M*0 015%W$ *% ,01223*%W\ &1$,$ 5+$ &1$ *,,.$, #$ %$$6 &2 566+$,,_ 7C<;F D<8 -C<"BC@
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CHAPTER 2
Political control of school systems goes some way to explaining why the efforts of teachers and educators to improve schools are likely to be short-term, localised, or finally fruitless. Schools will not become better places for learning until educators understand that systemic change is essentially a political process; and politicians, in turn, understand that a fundamental reshaping of our school system may serve education, as well as serving a new economy. CONTROL AND CREATIVITY
In the mid-twentieth century the management writer Peter Drucker argued that organisations should have a clear direction, but that control should be decentralised, and those in control should refrain from micro-management. Otherwise, Drucker wrote, those who work in the organisation are reduced to cogs in a machine, and this manifest lack of trust in workpeople will mean that creativity 2 is devalued or eliminated. Some years later the UK government, in managing England’s state school system, turned these ideas on their head. For decades the system has had no clear educational direction; control is increasingly centralised; teachers are distrusted to the extent that their performance is constantly monitored by agents of central government and their pupils are repeatedly performance-tested. Unsurprisingly, creativity is stifled. The British government persuades us, in a phrase made famous by Mrs Thatcher, that there is no alternative to its draconian policies. This ignores – to take one example – the practice of the Finnish school system which has, for many years, led the OECD’s rankings of school-system performance in the industrialised world. There, ‘no selection [of pupils] is involved at any stage … all students are taught in the same class, and there is no streaming whatsoever. Moreover, the private sector is extremely small, which means that almost everyone attends a state school.’3 There is, in the Finnish system, an absence of external testing. There are no school league tables, and there is a high degree of trust in teachers. While the Finnish board of education lays down a national core curriculum ‘schools and teachers are able to timetable and teach it in whatever way they think best. Creativity in pedagogy is encouraged rather than suppressed.’4 In the early years of the twenty-first century the UK government, perhaps belatedly, concluded that, in Mr Drucker’s words, we are moving from ‘an 5 economy of goods’ to ‘an economy of knowledge’ and, in such economies, ‘politicians had to realise that knowledge, and hence education, was the single 6 most important resource for any advanced society’. But not just any education: creativity was central (see chapter 14). Therefore, Downing Street has concluded, schooling should foster this now valuable attribute. Following that logic, the British Prime Minister has promised that, from 2006 (if he can get the necessary legislation through Parliament), previous policies will be reversed. Rather than government’s centralising control and suppressing creativity in schools, they will in future ‘be accountable not to government at the centre or
12
PARAMETERS
locally but to parents, with the creativity and enterprise of the teachers and school 7 leaders set free’. We must hope that this Pauline conversion is all that it seems and, drawing another biblical parallel, that creativity in schools can, like Lazarus, be swiftly resurrected. SCHOOLING AS INDOCTRINATION
Schools have always been seen as an opportunity to indoctrinate. In Britain, churches began a tradition of using schools literally to indoctrinate: to immerse children in the doctrine of whatever church controlled the school. As we see in chapter 3, churches’ influence over the UK school system slowly declined in the twentieth century; and in the US there has always been a constitutional separation between church and state – and hence between church and state schooling. In the twenty-first century, Britain’s Labour government – without making clear its reasons – has reversed the secular trend by inviting traditional churches (and others, both Muslim and Christian, with an interest in indoctrination) to run state schools. Indoctrination may of course be exactly what young people need. But, if we see education as the cultivation of curious and critical minds, indoctrination should not be confused with education. EDUCATION AND TRAINING
These are terms that have something in common (both involve learning) and are commonly confused. But they denote different things. Education is concerned ‘with the acquisition of knowledge, skills and values which are generally considered to be worthwhile’. It is a process that is always incomplete: it makes sense to say ‘she is now trained in that specific thing’ but it makes no sense to say ‘she is now educated; she should stop learning’. Training is preparation for what is known; education prepares us for what we don’t yet know. Education implies participation by all involved. Despite current talk of ‘defining educational outcomes’, education does not have precisely defined outcomes. A process of learning with precisely defined outcomes (‘at the end of this session she will be competent in the use of a chainsaw’) implies a training activity. Central to training is ‘the transmission of knowledge, skills and values from one person to another’ without implying that transmission is intrinsically valuable, or that it needs the active participation of the trainee. Training does have (or should have) precisely delineated outcomes. For that reason, private companies often run training programmes very well, while they perform poorly with the slow, ill defined and complex process of education. On the principle that if all you have is a hammer everything looks like a nail, private firms (and some politicians) commonly try to reduce the multifaceted educational process to series of simpler training exercises. 13
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special category of ‘legitimate school knowledge’ which means that, even where pupils are learning something with the same name as something in the world outside (‘mathematics’, for instance, or ‘biology’) the two activities are likely to be quite different. Most discussion and writing about schools has a hermetic quality. Openly or otherwise it reflects the system’s assumptions, and is commonly couched in a sublanguage of semi-scholastic discourse. This explains the astonishing dullness and claustrophobic quality of most educational debates. Since they are inward-looking, and since they are not carried on in the English most of us speak, it is difficult for outsiders to assess the issues. Evaluation of schools, teachers and pupils also reflects the closure of the system. Evaluative instruments are designed by educators or put in hand by the political administrators of education. As with any hermetic system, there are no reality checks: we know only what the school system wants us to know about pupils, about teachers, about schools, or about the system itself. With non-monopolistic businesses, customers can go elsewhere. With democratic governments, we can, if we wish, vote for change on polling day. Some of us can leave our country – or try to leave it – if we dislike what is happening and (as with East Germany under Ulbricht and Honecker) this may be a reality check for the ruling class. In normal times, school systems have no such reality checks. With schools, those outside the education system (or learners within it) have no recognised means of implementing significant change. Parents can move their children to a new school; schools may be classed as ‘failing’; but the system continues, largely unaltered. (This issue is considered more fully in chapter 7.) Closure also affects research and development in school systems. Collectively, educators resemble other closed and introverted congeries – trainspotters, twitchers, bellringers and the like – in having a language which is comprehensible within the group, but only partially understood by those in the real world. For similar reasons, most research, established within system assumptions, is flawed: vitiated by failure to recognise that schooling is primarily a politico-economic project, not an educational one. Conversely, work on the economics of school systems – which does set them in political and economic context – treats schooling itself as a black box.8 The research measures the relationships and effects of various inputs and outputs but, since there is no serious examination of what actually happens within schools, we have no sense of how different types of schooling might affect ambient economies, or how those economies might affect the business of schooling. THE PRACTICE OF SCHOOLING DOES NOT ACCUMULATE WISDOM
Everyone has been to school. Everyone knows about schools. We habitually deny that there is anything to be known about schools that is not common knowledge, or common sense. Schools do not build up a store of wisdom that would improve their practice, and the practice of schools in the future. ‘Curiously enough, teachers at 15
CHAPTER 2
the elementary and secondary level … do not fit the template of the modern knowledge-based communities, even though they make intensive use of knowledge. There may be a massive amount of innovation going on as individual instructors strive to find solutions to their teaching problems, but, perhaps because those problems involve working with “unstandardised materials”, i.e. their students, relatively few of those pedagogical innovations are passed on to, and shared by the rest of the community.’9 SCHOOLS AS THINGS
There is a centuries-old dissenting tradition of education outside the classroom. Last century, deschoolers brought new energy to the argument and, more recently, networked technologies have made it possible (at least in theory) to bring education to learners, rather than bringing pupils together in a place called school.10 In this view schools as physical things are unnecessary for the process of education. Most politicians, who pay for state schools, do not agree, for they do not see schools as primarily educational. In the accepted political vision, schools’ primary function is to keep children safe, enabling both parents (whether or not they are together) to be part of the national workforce. At the time of writing, there are plans to lengthen school days in Britain, to make it possible for parents to work longer hours, unimpeded by children. Clearly, if child-minding is a central function of schooling, we need schools as physical places – as buildings more or less insulated from the community around them. Doubtless some schools will be built in new configurations: at the time of writing British architects are putting forward novel and interesting designs. But these are still schools as built environments. Even if (as is likely) increasing numbers of young people are educated outside the scholastic system, schools will continue, for the foreseeable future, to be physical things. A NETWORKED WORLD
A vignette. Not long ago, an English school, in a traditional Victorian building, became the proud possessor of six new desktop computers. But the teacher in charge of the equipment had a problem: the school still had only one phone, which was in the headmaster’s office. The problem was solved when the teacher found that she could call her computer helpline and, when asked the content of current error message, could run upstairs, read the message, and run down again to the phone. It made her evening step class unnecessary. New economies will be networked economies. Twenty-first century societies, in most of the world, will be networked societies. Schools cannot prepare students for a networked world by ‘teaching computing’, or by adding static computers to a print-based, industrially-oriented organisation. School systems will prepare for a networked world when they are, themselves, a functioning and integrated part of that world.
16
PARAMETERS
EDUCATION AND ECONOMIC CHANGE If politicians finance school systems mainly to support the national economy, there will come a point, in the process of economic change, when schools – for various reasons – are manifestly not offering that support. When this lack of support for new economies becomes clear to politicians, there will be pressure (as there has been at times in the past) for significant change across the school system. Since politicians have the power to make such changes, they will probably happen, as they have in the past. Which leads to other questions: are economies changing? Will they change significantly? For Britain and the US, the answer is clearly yes. There will be internally and technologically driven changes; but there will also be shifts brought about by external factors. There is widespread consensus that the former are leading economically developed nations (and some which are now less developed) toward economies in which the principal dynamic of growth is knowledge, rather than land, labour or capital (see chapter 14). Of external factors, the most publicised are global competition, climate change and oil depletion. Those three issues, together with economic shifts, mean that, in the working lifetime of those now at school, the world will be a very different place; and of course schools too will need commensurate alteration.
1
Reich 1992 Drucker 1996 3 The Guardian 16.9.2003 4 Ibid 5 Quoted in The Economist 19.11.2005 6 Ibid 7 Mr Blair, speech in Downing Street, 24.10.2005 8 See, for instance, the interesting collection of essays edited by Machin and Vignoles 2004 9 David and Foray 2003 10 See for example Bentley 1998 2
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CHAPTER 3
This training in ‘professional skills’ was offered to a small number of older children. For the young, schooling was a moral and religious experience, or at least it was so intended. What we would now call primary schooling began in Britain with the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge in 1698. Its method was, as ever, didactic. Education consisted of learning the catechism by heart. In subsequent decades ‘Sunday schools’ continued this tradition. Young people, who had often spent the week in underpaid employment, were lectured on Sundays by men of the church, or they worked from carefully chosen texts. This mode of parttime instruction was extended in 1802, when the British Parliament passed a ‘Health and Morals of Apprentices Act’. The Act obliged all apprentices to attend religious education classes each Sunday, as well as having some instruction in reading, writing and arithmetic. It is not clear where health came in. If some church schools were, in a limited sense, vocational, most were characterised by academic – which is to say bookish and backward-looking – curricula. Traces of this tradition continued long after school systems became predominantly secular and, ostensibly, servants of industry. ‘One way of viewing … characteristics of the academic curriculum is to see them as the historical outcome of how mass education was established on a model of bookish learning for priests which was extended first to lawyers and doctors but which increasingly 4 has come to dominate the curricula of all older age groups in industrial societies.’ In the early eighteenth century there was, across Britain, a scattering of religious schools which took in poor children. Beyond that there was no formal schooling for those who could not pay (a nostalgic state for some deschoolers). The family home was likely to be both adult workplace and, at times, school for the children of the family. But adults’ going out to work – as that became more common in the eighteenth century and later – was matched by an increase in children’s ‘going out to school’; and in schools for them to go to. For the poor, these were likely to be church schools, charity, or ‘ragged’ schools. In ethos, such schools reflected their ecclesiastical or monastic origins. Centuries later, some still do. Charity schools were funded by the rich for the deserving poor; church schools were financed by one or other religious institution. In the early nineteenth century Sunday schools and ragged schools had spread more widely across the land. What these schools did was called education, but education was seldom a main concern. As in earlier centuries, schools’ mission was, usually, indoctrination. Church-controlled schooling for the poor initiated traditions which continue, less explicitly, to the present day. The first is a belief in schools as a force for gentling young people, in particular young people of the lower orders: a domestic mission civilisatrice. Religious studies in schools were not mainly intended to deepen understanding of God and His works. Religion was seen, often explicitly, as a way of subduing poor children. ‘In the hymns they sang, the prayers they recited, and the sermons they had to listen to, charity children were constantly reminded of 5 their low estate and the duty and respect they owed to their betters.’ Still further down the social scale – at the bottom, in fact – workhouse schools also invoked God, in the hope that ‘children of the poor, instead of being bred up in ignorance
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FB@$ *" ?"C($(!(@#& ?@, D")G ‘Western technological creativity [has] rested on two foundations: a materialistic pragmatism based on the belief that the manipulation of nature in the service of economic welfare was acceptable, indeed commendable behaviour, and the continuous competition between political units for political and economic hegemony.’ Joel Mokyr ‘Initial education alone can no longer satisfy the rising and changing demand for skills … However, the intensity of participation in non-formal job-related education and training is comparatively low in the United Kingdom and, like in most other countries, job-related education and training continues to be least common among those who need it most.’ ‘Education at a Glance’ OECD 2005 H15& 62 P23*&*0*5%, P5' )2+Q 72+$ P+$0*,$3'\ #1$% *& 02M$, &2 ,01223,\ #15& 62 P23*&*0*5%, &1*%J &1$' 5+$ P5'*%W )2+Q "2 5%,#$+ &15& Y.$,&*2% #$ %$$6 &2 J%2# #15& P23*&*0*5%, 159$ P5*6 )2+ 5%6 d5, )5+ 5, #$ 05% &$33e #1'_ >%&*3 &1$ 35&$ $*W1&$$%&1 0$%&.+' P23*&*0*5%, 156 3*&&3$ &2 62 #*&1 &1$ .PJ$$P 2) ,01223,_ /01223*%W *% ?+*&5*% #5, `32053 +5&1$+ &15% %5&*2%53\ 6*9$+,$ +5&1$+ &15% .%*)2+MU 5%6\ *% +.+53 5+$5, c &15& *,\ *% M2,& 2) &1$ 02.%&+' c ,.01 ,01223*%W 5, &1$+$ #5, `&22J )*+M 5002.%& 2) ,$5,2%\ 15+9$,&\ 6*,&5%0$\ #$5&1$+\ 5%6 $02%2M*0 %$0$,,*&'U_1 `;02%2M*0 %$0$,,*&'U 1$+$ M$5%, &15& M5%' P5+$%&, %$$6$6 &1$*+ 01*36+$% 5, #2+J$+, 5%6 #$+$ &22 P22+ &2 P5' )2+ &1$*+ ,01223*%W_ ?' &1$ 35,& 6$056$, 2) &1$ 0$%&.+'\ &12.W1\ `5 W+2#*%W P2P.35&*2%\ 5W+*0.3&.+53 015%W$\ &1$ W+2#&1 2) &2#%, 5%6 6*,,$M*%5&*2% 2) %$# *6$5,\ 156 W*9$% +*,$ &2 6$$P$+ .%0$+&5*%&*$, 5%6 5 ,$%,$ 2) P+$05+*2.,%$,, *% &1$ ,20*53 ,&+.0&.+$U_2 75%' #$+$ 6+*9$% 2)) &1$ 35%6_ "1$' &1$% 156 &2 I.' )226\ 5%6 #$+$ 1*& I' &5a5&*2% #1*01 d*% 2+6$+ %2& &2 6*,02MM26$ &1$ +*01e #5, 35+W$3' *%6*+$0&_ "1$+$ #5, 3*&&3$ 53&$+%5&*9$ $MP32'M$%& )2+ +.+53 #2+J$+, ,*%0$\ 5, '$&\ &1$+$ #$+$ )$# *%6.,&+*$, #1*01 $MP32'$6 35+W$ %.MI$+, 2) P$2P3$_ A& #5,\ *% ,12+&\ 5% .%.,.533' I56 &*M$ &2 I$ P22+_ D, M2+$ 35I2.+$+, #$+$ )2+0$6 2)) &1$ 35%6\ *& W2& #2+,$_ 8.+*%W &1*, `035,,*0 P$+*26 2) &1$ )*+,& *%6.,&+*53 +$923.&*2%U\ GVR](GXL]\ *%9$,&M$%& *% M501*%$+' 5%6 P35%& &22J P+$0$6$%0$ 29$+ $aP$%6*&.+$ 2% $6.05&*2%_ "1$ %$$6 )2+ M2+$ )2+M53 ,0*$%&*)*0 5%6 &$01%232W*053 $6.05&*2% #5, %2& 50J%2#3$6W$6_3 ?.& *% &1$ &.+I.3$%& '$5+, 2) &1$ $5+3' %*%$&$$%&1 0$%&.+'\ M5,, $6.05&*2% c M5,, ,01223*%W c 6*6 I$02M$\ )2+ &1$ )*+,& &*M$\ 5% *,,.$ 2) #*6$ P.I3*0 02%0$+%_ /20*53 .%+$,& I+2.W1& )2+&1 5 ,M533 W+2.P 2) +56*053 $6.05&2+,\ "2M =5*%$ 5M2%W &1$M_ =5*%$ #5, &15& .%.,.53 Y.5%&*&'\ 5% ;%W3*,1M5% #12 156 +56*053
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CHAPTER 4
plans for schooling the poor. Not surprisingly, given his inclination to dissidence, Paine found himself unwelcome in several English towns. Benjamin Franklin suggested emigration to America. That restless colony seemed likely to welcome a radical thinker and, in the event, did. Paine settled in Pennsylvania and influenced the colonial revolutionaries. After American independence he again found himself out of place, and returned to England. This was unwise. Having recently published The Rights of Man, Paine was charged with seditious libel. He moved to France before he could be imprisoned. Not fated to a peaceful life, Paine was imprisoned in France, and sentenced to death for opposing the execution of the king. Before these troubling events, Paine had turned his attention to schools. He argued that a remission of taxes on the poor (and, presumably, increased taxes on the rich) would allow the government of the day to grant families ten shillings a year, enabling parents to send children to school ‘to learn reading, writing and common arithmetic’. This ‘education grant’ would cost the state approximately two and a half million pounds. It would relieve parents’ poverty because (then as now) ‘it is from the expense of bringing up children that their poverty arises’. The grant would also, not incidentally, abolish ignorance. Paine believed that the school system should provide for children in inaccessible areas, where their education allowance of ten shillings a year would mean that they could be taught by local people: distressed clergymen’s widows, for instance. Since Paine’s plan was to pay the scholar, not the school, it has been hailed, usually by rightwing thinkers, as the first educational voucher scheme. Paine also believed, it now seems optimistically, that his decentralised scheme would avoid governments’ ‘despotism over the minds of the people’ and would frustrate their practice of retaining power by depending on ignorance. Clearly he failed to foresee governments’ control of school knowledge. Paine held that schooling should be widely extended among the children of the poor. A more general opinion among the affluent was that mass education would be a dangerous innovation which should be limited to the gentry and, perhaps, to the children of the emerging middle classes. The lower classes were, after all, known for ‘their irresponsibility, their openness to deception and their inevitable ignorance’,4 all of which made them a threat to the social order. To school the poor was to take a risk: it might well give boys, and men, ideas above their station. Would a ploughman who could read ‘be content to whistle up one furrow and down another from dawn in the morning to the setting of the sun?’ Probably not. Worse, education would turn the young man into a disaffected person ‘not satisfied with the station in which God has placed him’: a man who ‘forgetting the humility that belonged to his condition, was contriving to raise himself out of his proper place’.5 (Those potentially disaffected were male. Not even the radical followers of Rousseau imagined that girls would be offered sufficient education to make them restless.) When mass schooling reached Europe, it came first not to Britain but to Prussia. Its spread there, from 1810 onward, had more to do with nationalism – with reaction to Prussia’s recent defeat by Napoleonic France – than with any desire to elevate the Prussian poor. Britain, undefeated by France, had no such motivation, 30
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CHAPTER 4
In the years after 1833, Parliament made other education-related grants. C30,000 was allotted, in 1846, for salaries of teachers in workhouse schools. That action was prompted by a finding that over half of workhouse teachers were themselves illiterate, as well as being otherwise incompetent. Since this predated the educational research industry, outcomes of the additional funding were not recorded. Teacher training (as it was called) expanded thereafter, but was still largely financed and controlled by the established church, rather than the state. (The Church of England ran thirty-four out the forty training colleges existing in the mid-nineteenth century.) In status, however, teachers, whether trained or untrained, remained near the bottom of any social or professional hierarchy. At mid-century, various church societies continued to believe that education of the lower orders would widen the influence of religion. (Religion, in this context, meant of course their own brand of Christianity.) But the state was beginning to rival the church as a financial contributor to the cost of schooling. Annual Parliamentary expenditure under this heading rose from C125,000 in 1848 to over C800,000 in 1861.8 Legislators invested of necessity in religious schooling, but were inclined to see it more as a defence against child crime (converting ‘incipient criminals to Christianity’) than as a purely evangelical venture. Since established churches supported an established order, their schools were seen as an insurance against that radicalism which grew from then rapidly increasing social and economic inequality throughout Britain. Members of Parliament feared particularly and equally the ‘seductions of socialism’ and the ‘armed political monster’ of Chartism. Religious and other opponents of Parliamentary influence managed for decades to limit any significant extension of state funding – and hence control – of schooling. This changed with the 1870 Elementary Education Act. The Act funded School Boards and ‘board schools’ for (mainly working class) children ‘for whose elementary education efficient and suitable provision is not otherwise made’. Surprisingly, the Treasury – presumably with an eye to the training of future workers – put a case for universal and free schooling, something which would not be achieved for another half century. Speaking of the masses, W E Forster, author of the 1870 Act, argued that ‘now we have given them power, we must not wait any longer to give them education’. For some, this implied free schooling, paid for by the state. That, Forster went on to say, would be ‘not only unnecessary, but mischievous’. On this issue, as on others, Forster won the day. Despite the limitations on free education, and despite extensive concessions to religious educators, the 1870 Act was a major extension of state influence on elementary schooling. It marked a partial – a very partial – shift from primarily bible-based teaching to preparation of a future workforce. Some thirty years later, the National Union of Teachers could describe the ‘six million children’, in the public elementary schools of England and Wales, as ‘the children of the workers, 9 to be themselves England’s workers a few years hence’. The reluctant extension of state funding for schools in the late nineteenth century was prompted, in part, by increasing international industrial competition. Prussia’s technically oriented schooling had now become a pan-German system. It was 32
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KV
CHAPTER 4
That wisdom decreed, in the 1944 Education Act, a tier of secondary schools, leading on from what were now called primary schools. The secondary tier was to have Norwood’s tripartite (or, in the event, dual) division; and of course Britain’s fee-charging (‘public’) schools still stood outside the state system. By the end of World War Two, many thought, as Correlli Barnett later wrote, that the ‘public school ethos’ – which he describes as hierarchical, homosexual, games-playing, robust Christianity – was partly responsible for the debilitated condition of postwar Britain. Others (who proved more influential) believed that public schools were essential for the running of what has been termed England’s ‘oligarchy masquerading as democracy’. R A Butler, Britain’s wartime Minister of Education, noted that his Prime Minister, Winston Churchill, believed that ‘we must reinforce the ruling class’ by reinforcing public schools, which should begin to select not only by accident of birth or wealth, but also by ‘the accident of ability’. This seems not to have been Butler’s view; but, here and elsewhere, Churchill prevailed. Butler, engaged in a long-running battle to reduce religious influence in Britain’s schooling, decided not to fight on two fronts. As we have seen, he missed the only moment in the twentieth century when the public schools might have been made working a part of the society around them. Anthony Howard19 wrote of Butler, ‘the time was ripe, the public mood was propitious, the opportunity was there. And yet he contrived to throw it all away.’ Having survived the threat of modernisation, the country’s public schools flourished. They continued to educate most of Britain’s cabinet ministers, top civil servants and judges in the half century after the 1944 Act. (Until recently, fewer Labour Ministers came from public schools but, at least to the end of the twentieth century, Labour had fewer years in government; and many fewer Ministers of whatever educational provenance.) Within the state system, the 1944 Education Act instituted a tier of schools designed to educate children of the less affluent middle classes and to produce industry’s middle managers. These were traditional grammar schools, as well as some newer, ‘academically oriented’ state secondary schools. Such favoured institutions imitated grammar schools in curriculum, in pupil discipline, and in ethos. Both sets of schools were intended for those who had passed a newly instituted ‘eleven plus’ examination. The eleven plus was, as the name implies, taken by pupils around the age of eleven. It was intended to measure that degree of innate intelligence which was unaffected by class, wealth, poverty or learning style. Those who failed the exam were assigned to technical, or ‘modern’, schools, to prepare for a future of being managed by those who had passed the exam. This allotment of pupils to suitable strata was described as schooling appropriate to the needs of every young person: or as ‘appropriate to the needs of the child’. By fortunate chance, the arrangement fitted also with the perceived needs of contemporary industry. Training – rather than education – of teachers was now a further cost to the British state. After World War Two a political decision was taken to establish a central body to supervise the training process. The report on which this development was based insisted that ‘nothing but drastic reforms, involving the 38
H:D" 8C =C@A"A-AD
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A% &1$ 6$056$, )2332#*%W &1$ GROO D0& 62.I& #5, 05,& 2% &1$ P+2P2,*&*2% &15& 1.M5%, #$+$ I2+% $*&1$+ &2 35I2.+ 2+ &2 +.3$\ 5%6 &15& ,01223*%W ,12.36 M5&01 &12,$ *MM.&5I3$ )5&$,_ "1$ *6$5 2) 2%$ &'P$ 2) ,01223 )2+ 533 d2+ 53M2,& 533e '2.%W P$2P3$ W5*%$6 )592.+_ 7+ -+2,35%6\ #12 I$05M$ /$0+$&5+' 2) /&5&$ )2+ ;6.05&*2% *% GRTS\ $%&1.,*5,&*0533' ,.PP2+&$6 02MP+$1$%,*9$ ,01223*%W_ "1$ ?+*&*,1 ,01223 ,',&$M\ -+2,35%6 I$3*$9$6\ `156 I$$% P+*M5+*3' W$5+$6 &2 $6.05&*%W &1$ M*663$ 035,,$,_ H2+J*%W(035,, 01*36+$%\ #*&1 +5+$ $a0$P&*2%\ #$+$ )50$6 #*&1 29$+0+2#6*%W\ 5 ,12+&5W$ 2) &$501$+,\ 6$&$+*2+5&*%W I.*36*%W,\ 5%6 #$+$ ,$W+$W5&$6 *%&2 6*))$+$%& ,01223,_ <5&.+$ 5,,.+$, &15& 5% $3*&$ *, 53#5', +*,*%W 5%6 5,,$+&*%W *&,$3) *% 5 6$M20+50'_ ?.& &1$ ,&5&$ ,12.36 62 *&, .&M2,& i &2 M5J$ *& P2,,*I3$ )2+ &12,$ #*&12.& M2%$' 2+ P2,*&*2% 2+ 5 3*&$+5&$ )5M*3' I50JW+2.%6 &2 159$ $Y.53 500$,, &2 22 &1$ 2PP2+&.%*&' &15& 5 6$0$%& $6.05&*2% I$,&2#,U_ ?.& -+2,35%6U, M*%*,&$+*53 &$%.+$ 322J,\ *% +$&+2,P$0&\ 3*J$ $Y.*&'U, 1*W1 &*6$_ N+2M &1$ GRV],\ 2PP2%$%&, 2) $Y.53 $6.05&*2%53 2PP2+&.%*&' c *% I2&1 2) ?+*&5*%U, M5*% P23*&*053 P5+&*$, c 159$ 1$36 M2,& 2) &1$ 05+6,_ C) 02.+,$ 2PP2,*&*2% &2 02MP+$1$%,*9$ ,01223*%W 6*6 %2& ,&5+& *% &1$ GRV],_ A& #5, 2PP2,$6 I2&1 I$)2+$ 5%6 5)&$+ *&, *MP3$M$%&5&*2%_ "1$ 02MP+$1$%,*9$ +$)2+M #5, 500.,$6 2) 6.MI*%W 62#% 5 ,01223 ,',&$M #1*01 156 1*&1$+&2 I$$% d5& 3$5,& *% P5+&e *%&$33$0&.533' +$,P$0&5I3$_ A& #5, 533$W$6 &15& 02MP+$1$%,*9$ ,01223, 32#$+$6 ,&5%65+6,Z P.P*3, 3$)& ,01223 *33*&$+5&$ 5%6 *%%.M$+5&$_ N.+&1$+M2+$\ &1$,$ ,01223, *%&+26.0$6 )+*9232., 5%6 %2%(&+56*&*2%53 ,.Ib$0&, &2 &1$*+ 0.++*0.35_ /2M$ 2) &1$ 0+*&*0*,M, 2) 02MP+$1$%,*9$, #$+$ b.,&*)*$6_ ?.& ,.I,$Y.$%&\ 2+ P5+533$3\ P+2P2,53, )2+ +$)2+M 2) ,&5&$ ,01223*%W *% ?+*&5*% #$+$ *%&$%6$6 &2 .%6$+M*%$\ %2& *MP+29$\ &1$ 02MP+$1$%,*9$ ,',&$M_ f$%%$&1 ?5J$+ c &1$ M2,& 50&*9$ ;6.05&*2% 7*%*,&$+ *% &1$ GRVR(GRRL "15&01$+ $+5 c 15, ,5*6 &15& &1$ +$53 &5+W$& 2) 1*, ,#$$P*%W ,01223 3$W*,35&*2% d%2&5I3' &1$ GRXX ;6.05&*2% D0&e #5, &1$ 02MP+$1$%,*9$ ,',&$M 2) ,01223*%W *&,$3)_ `A #2.36\U 1$ %2# 56M*&,\ `159$ 3*J$6 &2 23 I+*%W I50J ,$3$0&*2%_U /*%0$ &15& M*W1& 159$ I$$% 02%&+29$+,*53 5M2%W &12,$ #12 ,&*33 I$3*$9$6 *% $Y.53*&' 2) $6.05&*2%53 2PP2+&.%*&'\ 7+, "15&01$+U, -2%,$+95&*9$ W29$+%M$%& 6$0*6$6 &2 $+26$ &1$ 02MP+$1$%,*9$ ,',&$M I' ,&$53&1_ D ,$+*$, 2) 5%&*( $W53*&5+*5% M$5,.+$, #$+$\ &1$% 5%6 35&$+\ M5+J$&$6 .%6$+ ,.01 *%%20.2., 35I$3, 5, `M5*%&5*%*%W ,&5%65+6,U 2+ `*%0+$5,*%W P5+$%&53 012*0$U_ /*%0$ GRRV 5 @5I2.+ 56M*%*,&+5&*2% 15, 029$+&3' 02%&*%.$6 &2 +$6.0$ $Y.53*&' 2) $6.05&*2%53 2PP2+&.%*&'\ )*+,& I' 02%&*%.*%W *&, P+$6$0$,,2+,U P23*0*$, 2) 035,,*)'*%W ,01223, I' `3$5W.$ &5I3$,U 5%6\ ,$02%63'\ I' 0+$5&*%W 5 1*$+5+01' 2) ,01223 &'P$,\ 03$5+3' 5%&*&1$&*053 &2 &1$ 02MP+$1$%,*9$ P+*%0*P3$Z 5%6 )*%533' I' $aP5%6*%W &1$ %.MI$+ 2) +$3*W*2., d2+ `)5*&1Ue ,01223, c #1*01 5+$ I' 6$)*%*&*2% ,$3$0&*9$ c 5%6 0+$5&*%W 5 ,M533\ I.& $aP$%,*9$\ &*$+ 2) `0*&' 5056$M*$,U_ "1$,$\ #1*3$ P+*%0*P533' )*%5%0$6 I' &1$ ,&5&$\ 5+$ 02MM2%3' +.% I' +*01 $00$%&+*0, 2)&$% #*,1*%W &2 P+2,$3'&*,$ ,2M$ .%,0*$%&*)*0\ I.& 426(W*9$%\ *6$232W'\ 2) #1*01 0+$5&*2%*,M *, &1$ I$,& J%2#%_ @22J*%W I50J )+2M &1$ $5+3' &#$%&'()*+,& 0$%&.+'\ #$ ,$$ 5 ,&$56' W+2#&1 *% P.I3*0 $aP$%6*&.+$ 2% $6.05&*2%\ #*&1 2%3' 2005,*2%53 +$&+$%01M$%&_ "1$ *%*&*53 lL]\]]] $6.05&*2% W+5%& 2) GXKK +2,$ &2 29$+ &1+$$ P$+ 0$%& 2) &1$ >f W+2,, %5&*2%53 P+26.0& *% GRS]Z 5%6 156 62.I3$6 5W5*% I' GRVL_ A% GRVV\ ,$9$% P$+ 0$%& O]
H:D" 8C =C@A"A-AD
2) 4<= #5, ,P$%& 2% $6.05&*2%[ 29$+ lV I*33*2%_ ?' L]]L(L]]K &15& )*W.+$ 156 +*,$% d*% .%56b.,&$6 )*W.+$,e &2 5+2.%6 lSO I*33*2%\ 2) #1*01 &1$ 35+W$,& P+2P2+&*2% d5+2.%6 lKO I*33*2%e #$%& &2 ,01223,_ A% P5+&\ &1*, $aP$%6*&.+$ #5, 6.$ &2 *%0+$5,$6 $02%2M*0 $aP$0&5&*2%_ `D 02MM2% &1$M$ .%6$+3'*%W &1$ $6.05&*2%53 +$)2+M, g2) &1$ GRX], 5%6 GRR],h i #5, &15& &1$' &+$5&$6 P.I3*0 $6.05&*2% 5, 5% *%,&+.M$%& 2) $02%2M*0 P23*0'_ "1$ 5,,.MP&*2% #5, &15& &1$ +$)2+M, #2.36 3$56 &2 5 M2+$ 1*W13' ,J*33$6 #2+J)2+0$ Y.53*)*$6 5& 5 32#$+ 02,& P$+ P$+,2%\ 5%6 &15& &1*, #2.36 *MP+29$ %5&*2%53 P+26.0&*9*&' 5%6 M5J$ &1$ 02.%&+' I$&&$+ 5I3$ &2 P$+)2+M *% &1$ W32I53 M5+J$&P350$U_25 H1$&1$+ &1*, 15, I$$% &1$ 05,$ *, d5, #$ ,1533 ,$$e 2P$% &2 Y.$,&*2%_ A%$9*&5I3'\ #*&1 *%0+$5,$6 ,&5&$ $aP$%6*&.+$ 05M$ *%0+$5,$6 0$%&+53 02%&+23 2) ,01223 ,',&$M,_ A% &1$ 35,& &1+$$ 6$056$, 2) &1$ &#$%&*$&1 0$%&.+' ?+*&5*% 15, 156 -2%,$+95&*9$ 5%6 @5I2.+ 56M*%*,&+5&*2%, #1*01 &53J$6 6$0$%&+53*,5&*2%\ 5%6 $%$+W$&*0533' P+50&*,$6 0$%&+53*,5&*2%_ A% &1$ 02%&$a& 2) ;%W3*,1 5%6 H$3,1 ,01223 ,',&$M,\ &15& 15, M$5%& d5M2%W 2&1$+ &1*%W,e 5 0$%&+533' 6*0&5&$6 `%5&*2%53 0.++*0.3.MU_ "1*, ,15+P3' +$6.0$6 &1$ *%)3.$%0$ 2) 32053 $6.05&*2% 5.&12+*&*$,\ #1*01 156 )2+M$+3' I$$% +$,P2%,*I3$ )2+ 0.++*0.35\ 5%6 02++$,P2%6*%W3' $aP5%6$6 &1$ *%)3.$%0$ 5%6 02%&+23 2) 0$%&+53 W29$+%M$%&_ A% L]]S ?+*&5*%U, =+*M$ 7*%*,&$+ 5%%2.%0$6 P35%, &2 $%,.+$ &15& `,01223, 5+$ %2 32%W$+ &$%&503$, 2) &1$ ,&5&$\ I.& *%,&$56 2%$ 2) &1$ 0$%&+53 *%,&*&.&*2%, 2) &1$ 32053 02MM.%*&'U #*&1 `W+$5&$+ 0.++*0.3.M )+$$62MU_26 /*%0$ &1*, 2,&$%,*I3' 5&&+50&*9$ P+2P2,53 *, 6*+$0&3' 2PP2,$6 &2 &1$ @5I2.+ W29$+%M$%&U, 0$%&+53*,*%W $&12,\ 5%6 ,*%0$ 7+ ?35*+ *,\ 5& &1$ &*M$ 2) #+*&*%W\ *%0+$5,*%W3' P+$200.P*$6 #*&1 P5+533$3 +$53*&*$,\ &1*, P+2P2,$6 3*I$+5&*2% )+2M 0$%&+53 02%&+23 15, 156 5 M.&$6 +$0$P&*2% )+2M &12,$ #12 W$%.*%$3' #*,1 )2+ 5 )+$$+\ M2+$ *%%295&*9$ 5%6 $W53*&5+*5% ,01223 ,',&$M_ A% $,,$%0$\ ?+*&5*%U, P+2I3$M\ 5% 56b.6*05&2+ 2) 56M*,,*2%, 15, ,5*6\ `*, %2& &15& ,01223, 5+$ +*WW*%W &1$*+ *%&5J$ &2 W$& &1$ I$,& ,&.6$%&,\ 2+ &15& M*663$(035,, P5+$%&, 5+$ .,*%W &1$*+ 032.& &2 W$& *%&2 &1$ I$,& ,01223,\ &12.W1 I2&1 5+$ &+.$_ A& *, &15& &1$+$ 5+$ b.,& &22 )$# W226 ,01223, &2 W2 +2.%6U_27 C9$+ &1$ P5,& 0$%&.+'\ &1$ ?+*&*,1 ,01223 ,',&$M 15, )5*3$6 &2 M$$& M2,& $02%2M*0 $aP$0&5&*2%,Z 5, 6*6 2&1$+, 5I+256_ `"1$ 6*,,5&*,)50&*2% )$3& I' M5%' H$,&$+% W29$+%M$%&, #*&1 &1$ P$+)2+M5%0$ 2) &1$*+ P.I3*0 ,01223*%W ,',&$M &2#5+6 &1$ $%6 2) &1$ 35,& 0$%&.+' P5+&3' +$)3$0&$6 5 02%0$+% &15& $a*,&*%W 5%6 ).&.+$ $02%2M*0 5%6 ,20*53 01533$%W$, #$+$ %2& I$*%W 56$Y.5&$3' +$,P2%6$6 &2 I' &15& ,',&$M_ N+2M &1$ GRV], *& #5, I$3*$9$6 *% M.01 2) ;.+2P$ 5%6 <2+&1 DM$+*05 &15& ,32#62#%, *% $02%2M*0 W+2#&1 5%6 32,,$, *% *%&$+%5&*2%53 02MP$&*&*9$%$,, #$+$ P5+&3' &1$ +$,.3& 2) )5*3.+$, *% ,01223*%W ,',&$M,_U28 "1$,$ `)5*3.+$,U #$+$ 566+$,,$6\ *) %2& 0.+$6\ I' 35&$(&#$%&*$&1(0$%&.+' %$2( 3*I$+53 +$)2+M,_ A% #15& ,$$M, &2 159$ I$$% 5 ).+&1$+ $))2+& I2&1 &2 02%&+23 5%6 6$,&5I*3*,$ &1$ 02MP+$1$%,*9$ ,01223 ,',&$M\ ?+*&5*%U, GRVR(GRRV -2%,$+95&*9$ 56M*%*,&+5&*2% *%*&*5&$6 5 +$W*M$ c %2&$6 5I29$ c 2) &5+W$&, 5%6 &$,&,\ ,01223 3$5W.$ &5I3$,\ 5%6 `5,,*,&$6 P350$,U d*% )$$(015+W*%W ,01223,e )2+ P22+ I.& 5056$M*0 01*36+$%_ "12,$ M$5,.+$, 5+W.5I3' *MP+29$6 ,2M$ 5,P$0&, 2) *%6.,&+*533' 2+*$%&$6 ,01223*%W d%2&5I3' %.M$+50'(5%6(3*&$+50'e #1*3$ I$*%W *% M2,& 2&1$+ #5', +$&+2W+$,,*9$_ "1$ ,.I,$Y.$%&\ P2,&(GRRV\ @5I2.+ 56M*%*,&+5&*2% +$&5*%$6 M5%' 2)
OG
CHAPTER 4
these innovations, on the grounds that they ‘raised standards’, and, in some loosely defined way, improved comprehensive schooling. As of 2005, some school-system-defined standards have indeed been raised. More general educational improvement has not been demonstrated. At the same time, there has been growing (and so far justified) scepticism among some critics that ‘sustained economic growth’, even if achieved by educational and by other means, ‘would automatically generate sufficient “trickle-down” effects to promote 29 social inclusion and prevent widening income inequality’. So, returning to this chapter’s original question, what to do politicians think they are paying for when they allocate state funding for schools? In recent years the circumspect answer is likely to be ‘a good education for all young people’. The reality, of course, is more complex. Since the state first supported schools many politicians have seen one of their aims as civilising the young – particularly the young of poor families – and, more simply, keeping them off the streets; or, in depressed times, out of the labour market. For some, this is still one of schooling’s more useful functions. A second purpose has been, in sociological jargon, ‘reproducing society’ or, in Mr Churchill’s simpler and more limited view, renewal of the ruling class. In Britain a thriving group of fee-charging schools has, to great extent, taken care of the latter, though occasional muttering about inequity has led, in the last half century, to minor adjustments in the intake of public schools, or of the ‘good universities’ to which public schools have traditionally assured entry. A third end is to maintain schools as places for child-minding. Britain’s economy, at least since the 1940s, has depended on the labour of women, as well as men. With either one or two parents, this commonly means that no adult will be home during the day; the family will depend on school to keep children safe and, in the best of all worlds, to educate them. As noted, there are plans to increase the opening hours of schools to allow parents more time for paid work. A fourth – and arguably dominant – purpose has been the training of a national workforce; a training which assumes that most young people will, in future, work in industry. For at least the past half century this has been, for most politicians who could influence schooling, the principal return on the state’s now substantial investment. The aim was succinctly expressed in 1995 by the then Department for Education and Employment, which believed its mission was ‘to support economic growth and improve the nation’s competitiveness and quality of life by raising standards of educational achievement and by promoting an efficient and flexible 30 labour market.’ Quality of life was not the first of those desiderata. There are problems here. There is still considerable opposition to what is seen as a technicist training in schools. Those who are agnostic on this issue have other questions. They ask, are schools generally doing a good job of training, or educating, young people for life and work in the early years of the twenty-first century? Do politicians – or indeed teachers – have the expertise needed to get this right? How would we know whether or not they are getting it right? And – if they are not – what can be done? The following chapters of the book are concerned with those questions. 42
WHAT DO POLITICIANS PAY FOR? 1
Aldrich 1982 Lawson and Silver 1973 3 Carpentier 2003 4 The Economist 1848, quoted in Chancellor 1970 5 Booth 1858 6 Barnett 1988 7 Carpentier 2003 8 This figure was reduced in later years by the introduction of the Revised Code. 9 Steer (London, undated) 10 Simon 1974 11 Daily Mail 23.6.1927, quoted in Simon 1974 12 Simon 1974 13 Ibid 14 Quoted in Maclure 1973 15 Ibid 16 Ibid 17 Eaglesham 1956 18 Barnett 1988 19 Howard 1987 20 The McNair Report (London 1944) 21 Fyvel 1961 22 Crosland 1982 23 Kenneth Baker, quoted in Davies 2000 24 Fenwick and McBride 1981 25 Young 1998 26 The Guardian 20 October 2005 27 Philip Hunter, schools’ admission chief adjudicator, quoted in The Guardian 18 October 2005 28 Adnett and Davies 2000 29 Ibid 30 DFEE press release 2.10.95 2
43
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B"F &!B""C& $%@!B ‘There is really no learning without doing. There is the appearance of learning without doing when we ask children to memorise stuff. But adults know they learn best on the job, from experience, by trying things out, Children learn best that way too. If there is nothing actually to do in a subject area we want to teach children, it may be the case that there really isn’t anything children ought to learn.’ Roger Schank ‘I remembered only one thing from my schooldays: the implicit message that all problems in the world had already been solved; that the answers were to be found in the head of the teacher or, more likely, at the back of his textbook; my task being to transfer the answers to my head.’ Charles Handy H$ 159$ %2 +$02+6 2) &$501*%W M$&126, *% ?+*&5*%U, )*+,& +$02+6$6 ,01223,\ I.& #$ 05% M5J$ 5% $6.05&$6 W.$,, &15& &1$ 62M*%5%& #5' 2) #2+J*%W #5, 6*650&*0[ &1$+$ #2.36 159$ I$$% 5 &$501$+ &53J*%W &2 d2+ 5&e 5 W+2.P 2) P.P*3,_ H$ 05% M5J$ &15& W.$,, I$05.,$ &1*, *, &1$ #5' &15& M2,& ,01223, #2+J\ 5%6 159$ #2+J$6 )2+ 0$%&.+*$,\ *) %2& M*33$%%*5_ D%6 &15& M26., 2P$+5%6* M5J$, ,$%,$\ *) #$ 5,,.M$ &15& 2%$ P$+,2% 15, 5 ,&20J 2) J%2#3$6W$ &15& ,12.36 I$ &+5%,M*&&$6 &2 2&1$+, #12 62%U& 159$ *&_ "1., #$ 159$ 5 +$M5+J5I3' 32%W(,&5%6*%W &+56*&*2% *% ,01223*%W[ 5 &$501$+ #12 &+5%,)$+, d2+ &+*$, &2 &+5%,)$+e *%)2+M5&*2% &2 5 35+W$+ %.MI$+ 2) .,.533' '2.%W$+ P$2P3$ #12 5+$ &$+M$6 `P.P*3,U\ `,&.6$%&,U 2+ `3$5+%$+,U_ D, ,12+&15%6\ #$ 159$ 0533$6 &1*, &1$ 6*650&*0 P5+56*WM_ A&, 02MP2%$%&, c &$501$+,\ P.P*3,\ 035,,+22M,\ 015*+,\ &5I3$,\ 5%6 0153JI25+6, c M5J$ .P 5 &$01%232W' &15& 15, 015%W$6 +$M5+J5I3' 3*&&3$ 29$+ &*M$_ "1$ ,*W%*)*05%& ,01235,&*0 *%%295&*2%, c P+*%&$6 &$a&I22J, 5%6 02MP.&$+, c 159$ %2& M5+J$63' 53&$+$6 &1$ P5+56*WM_ B5&1$+\ &1$' 159$ I$$% 02(2P&$6 &2 I$02M$ 5 ).%0&*2%53 P5+& 2) *& d,$$ 015P&$+ L]e_ DW5*%,& &1*, P*0&.+$ 2) 5 &*M$3$,, #5' 2) #2+J*%W *, %2# ,$& 5% *M5W$ 2) 5 ?+*&*,1 ,01223 ,',&$M *% 0+$5&*9$ )3.a_ C9$+ &1$ P5,& 153)(0$%&.+' 2.+ ,01223, 159$ I$$% ,.Ib$0& &2 5 500$3$+5&*%W )32# 2) %$# d5%6 2)&$% ,12+&(3*9$6e *%*&*5&*9$,[ ,$3$0&*2%\ &$,&*%W 2) `W$%$+53 *%&$33*W$%0$U\ &+*P5+&*&$ ,01223 ,&+5&5\ 6.53 ,$02%65+' ,&+5&5 dW+5MM5+ 5%6 ,$02%65+' M26$+%e\ M*663$ ,01223,\ 02MP+$1$%,*9*,5&*2%\ I$502% ,01223,\ -"-,\ 5056$M*$,\ M*a$6(5I*3*&' &$501*%W\ &+50J*%W\ *%&+5(035,, ,&+$5M*%W\ %$#3' 6$9*,$6 &$,&, 5%6 $a5M*%5&*2%,\ &$501$+ 5,,$,,M$%&,\ `*%6$P$%6$%&U *%,P$0&*2%, 2) ,01223,\ 569*,$+,\ *%,P$0&2+,\ &$501*%W 5,,*,&5%&,\ P+*95&*,$6 ,01223 5,,$,,M$%&\ P+*95&*,$6 $6.05&*2% 5.&12+*&*$,\ 3*&$+50' 5%6
OS
CHAPTER )
numeracy hours, various vocational GNVBs, AVBs, ‘modern apprenticeships’G, school league tables, and so on. The Economist summarises this restless political reKorking o= the English school system over the past eight years as ‘eleven Khite and green papers Mlegislation or legislative proposalsN, serial changes to the national curriculum, re=orms o= old see chapter UG. The government’s initiatives have been typically haphazard in conception and, o=ten, at risk o= early eOtinction. Education Action Zones are a case in point. In XYYY they Kere Kelcomed into the Korld o= English education by Mr Blair, Kho predicted that they Kould ‘change attitudes and approaches in order to seek solutions to long standing problems, Korking Kith businesses and other partners’. They did none o= these things. Not long a=terKard, unmourned, they Kere o=ten =or the KorseG only by the Kell-meaning system-Kide directives o= central government. What is clear, through all this, is that the didactic paradigm remains dominant in most o= our schools. There are many eOceptions but research shoKs that, across the school system, in di==erent settings and Kith di==erent ^ob descriptions, teachers still spend most o= their time transmitting in=ormation ] or setting eOercises on that in=ormation ] in the hope that pupils Kill retain some o= it long enough to reproduce at eOamination time. It is Korth reminding ourselves hoK unusual our schools area hoK unusual it is to have a modus operandi Khich remains substantially unchanged over centuries. I= Ke accept the Kondratiev theory o= long cycles o= technological change, the didactic paradigm has lasted through >at leastG =ive Kondratievs: the Kater-poKered mechanisation o= industrya the steam-poKered mechanisation o= industry and transporta the electri=ication o= industry, transport and the homea the motorisation o= transport and the era o= mass productiona and the computerisation o= advanced economies.2 FeK other enterprises have remained essentially unchanged over a similar timespan. Such persistence demands both comparison and eOplanation. Why has schools’ Kay o= Korking outlasted those o= other institutionsd First, Ke need to see i= there are other modus operandi ] other technologies ] as persistent as the didactic paradigm in schooling. Agriculture is a possibility: it still goes through the same nominal cycles ] ploughing, soKing, harvesting, processing ] as it did in the siOth century Khen Britain’s schools Kere =irst recorded. But Kith poKered machinery, biologically modi=ied seeds, computerisation and =actory processing, agricultural technology has changed so radically that it is hard to argue =or unbroken continuity. The change in the percentage o= agricultural Korkers *+
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CHAPTER 5
doors to members of the new elite, but painstakingly avoided providing them with the kind of practical education that would enable them to threaten the technological status quo.’8 Mokyr further argues that some technologies have been buried by political change, and more by competition: someone has simply found a better way of doing things. There have been many suggestions as to why that has not happened with our schools. One is that most schools are, at least nominally, free at the point of use, which eliminates competition. There is no profit to be made by undercutting a free service. But there is – in England more than elsewhere in Europe – a feecharging school sector, equally wedded to the didactic paradigm. (There has also been a small number of fee-charging schools – Dartington, for instance – which rejected didactic teaching. Few of them have lasted and none has permanently altered the dominant instructional pattern within the British school system.) So the issue of cost seems not be explanatory here. Another possible explanation for schools’ stasis is clients’ lack of power. Schools’ clients are, by definition, of school age. They lack the authority, or financial leverage, which may come later. Often pupils do not even make decisions about which school they will attend; nor can they easily change schools if their parents’ first choice is not working well. There may be little incentive for change in an enterprise whose clients have no power to make their wishes felt. Many schools assume that their pupils are content, but are careful not to check by asking. There are other reasons for persistence of the didactic paradigm. The first is the hermetic and self-assessing nature of school systems, discussed more fully in chapter 7. Any organisation which is the sole arbiter of its own performance is unlikely to find compelling need for significant change. A second reason is convenience. From teachers’ – and schools’ – viewpoint, didactic teaching is the method of choice. It has generated a huge literature but, at its heart, it is an appealingly simple method, which teachers have been trained in. It works well, only if we assume that learning is a necessary consequence of teaching. Sadly, this is not the case. If the conditions are right, traditional teaching works for such basic skills as reading and simple numeracy. But real learning comes more from what learners do than what teachers do. If we want schools to educate, as well as train, we need to shift our focus from teaching to learning. We need to call into question schools’ time-honoured attachment to the didactic paradigm. We should not underestimate the difficulty of doing that. Even a limited shift of focus from teaching to learning means a fundamental change in the work of both teachers and students; in the notion of a one-size-fits-all curriculum; in the use of new technologies; and also in the hierarchical structure of schools. Then there are the pressure groups to deal with. Affluent parents, teachers, schools of education, conservative politicians and business groups are all, as groups, inclined to resist change in schools (see section V). That vested interest in stasis means that no real development in our school system is likely to come about unless changes in the national economy generate sufficient political pressure for a paradigm shift in schooling. 48
HOW SCHOOLS TEACH 1
Economist 22.10.05 Freeman and Louca 2001 3 Economist 18.12.04 4 De Geus 2002 5 Mokyr 1990 6 Barnett 1988 7 Timmins 1995 8 Ibid 2
49
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‘School hit me like a ton of bricks. I wasn’t prepared for gender obsession, race and class complexities, or the new-to-me notions of war, male leadership and a god who mysteriously resembled the ruling class.’ Gloria Steinem ‘Obviously, a power elite will not enjoy putting in place and practicing a pedagogical form or expression that adds to the social contradictions which reveal the power of the elite classes.’ Paulo Freire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`&1$ ,01223 65'U I$05M$ P+2I3$M5&*0\ &12.W1 %2& )2+ &1$ +$5,2%, #$ M*W1& $aP$0&_ "+5*%*%W *% #15& 5+$ %2# 0533$6 `I5,*0 ,J*33,U M5' 159$ ,5&*,)*$6 &1$ I.,*%$,, 02MM.%*&' I.&\ )2+ &1$ #*6$+ P.I3*0\ *& %2 32%W$+ ,$$M$6 $%2.W1 c $9$% )2+ M5,, ,01223*%W c &2 )*33 &1$ 65' #*&1 +$56*%W(#+*&*%W( 5+*&1M$&*0(+$3*W*2%(5%6(+$,P$0&_ /2M$ 2) &12,$ #12 +5% ,01223, 05M$ &2 I$3*$9$ &15& P22+ 01*36+$% ,12.36 I$ &5.W1& 2&1$+ .,$).3 2+ M2+53 5002MP3*,1M$%&,_ "1., #$+$ I2+% &1$ 5%0$,&2+, 2) #15& 5+$ %2# 0$%&+533' M5%65&$6 ,01223 0.++*0.35\ )*33$6 #*&1 ,.Ib$0&, #1*01 159$ &1$ ,5M$ %5M$, 5, 6*,0*P3*%$, *% &1$ #2+36 2.&,*6$ ,01223[ `1*,&2+'U\ `W$2W+5P1'U\ `I*232W'U\ `01$M*,&+'U\ `M5&1$M5&*0,U\ 5%6 ,2 2%_ ?.&\ 5, 4226,2% +$M5+J,\ #15& *, ,.+P+*,*%W *, %2& &1$ %29$3&' 2) 02%&$MP2+5+' 0.++*0.35\ I.& &1$*+ ,*M*35+*&' &2 &1$ 0.++*0.35 2) 1*W1$+ $3$M$%&5+' ,01223, 5 0$%&.+' $5+3*$+ d&1*, 6$,P*&$ &1$ +$923.&*2%5+' ,20*53 5%6 $02%2M*0 015%W$, 2) &1$ *%&$+9$%*%W '$5+,e_ A% GR]O &1$ ,&5&$U, `/$02%65+' B$W.35&*2%,U 35*6 62#% &15& `&1$ g,01223h 02.+,$ ,12.36 P+29*6$ )2+ *%,&+.0&*2% *% &1$ ;%W3*,1 @5%W.5W$ 5%6 @*&$+5&.+$Z 5& 3$5,& 2%$ @5%W.5W$\ 2&1$+ &15% ;%W3*,1Z 4$2W+5P1'Z :*,&2+'Z 75&1$M5&*0,Z /0*$%0$ 5%6 8+5#*%WZ #*&1 6.$ P+29*,*2% )2+ 75%.53 H2+J 5%6 =1',*053 ;a$+0*,$\ 5%6 *% 5 W*+3,U ,01223\ )2+ :2.,$#*)$+'U_1 "1$ *6$5 &15& &1$ ,01223 65' ,12.36 I$ 6*9*6$6 *%&2 ,$P5+5&$3' &5.W1& ,.Ib$0&, #5, #*6$3' 500$P&$6 5 0$%&.+' 5W2_ A& *, %2# &5J$% ,2 M.01 )2+ W+5%&$6 &15& #$ SG
C"APTER 6
find it hard to imagine a different organisation of secondary schooling – though for most of us what we need to do in life does not fit into subject divisions. But, once accepted as scholastically legitimate, school subjects rapidly establish their own culture, traditions, examination rituals and tenuous links with higher education (though school subjects have commonly been inward-looking and, intellectually, have drawn little from contemporary academia). This is confusing because, though subject names are the same as those in the world outside school, practice is often different. School biology is not what working biologists do. School mathematics is not what mathematicians do. In general, school subjects are in a category of Mschool knowledgeN which has only a distant and tangential relationship with knowledge in the world outside. Those who doubt this should ask a historian, a cook, a biologist, a carpenter, or a physicist, how their work relates to what is taught in school. As the physicist Richard Feynman said, of the school textbooks he was asked to review, Mhow anybody can 2 learn science from these books, I donNt know, because itNs not scienceN. A tenuous relationship with the world outside does not mean that school knowledge is simple, or unsophisticated. "uge amounts of time and effort have gone into refining it – into producing what has been called Mcurriculum as factN: a conception which Mwith its underlying view of knowledge as external to knowers, both teachers and students, and embodied in syllabi and textbooks, is widely held 3 and has profound implications for our conceptions of teaching and learning.N Curriculum as fact and Mcurriculum as central mandateN focus especially on what administrators call Mbasic educationN. As we have seen, particular stress is still laid on reading-and-writing – MliteracyN as it is now officially known. Some have high hopes of literacy. Among them was the late Walter Ong, who believed that reading, like writing, Mwas a consciousness-raising and humanising technologyN which can Menrich the human psyche, enlarge the human spirit, set it free, SandT intensify its interior lifeN.4 "ad Father Ong spent more time outside his library, or the printery in which he once worked, he might have qualified this view. Perfectly printed newspapers systematically spread mendacity, or act in America, it has been said, as the White "ouse stenography pool. Then there are books which numb the senses, and a press full of nicely printed advertisements designed to separate the credulous from their cash. As with other technologies, the value of reading and writing depends on who is using them for what. We have argued elsewhere that literacy is rarely neutral. Commonly it is related to power and influence: certain types of literacy confer status, and point to power. Others do not. In the early twenty-first century – in a time of constant propagandising and wellfunded policies of Minformation dominanceN – it seems that reading and writing subtract from the sum of human wisdom as often as they increase it. But, for our school system, basic literacy has the virtue of being easily testable. Either you can decipher printed symbols, or you cannot. MLiteracyN is not the only area of school life to suffer from the current British (and American) fashion for low-level testing and targeting, and national control. When school knowledge is reduced to easily measurable quanta, real knowledge 52
WHAT SCHOOLS TEACH AND WHAT THEY DON’T TEACH
suffers, as it does when its content is centrally prescribed by politicians. Local control of curricula may have been an imperfect system but it was, in many ways, preferable to control from Whitehall. Now, ‘if a group of teachers began to examine critically and reformulate their current practice, there would be two likely outcomes. Either they would immediately come up against external constraints from the Governing Body or Local Authority’ – or now of the central educational enforcement agencies like Ofsted – ‘or in their attempts to implement alternatives, they would in practice, be taken outside the context of the classroom and into 5 discussions with local employers and parents.’ Central control of knowledge – as practised in England and Wales over the past decades – has meant a general rationalisation and simplification of what is taught. Recent advances in science and mathematics, for instance, are not easily made accessible in the classroom (or easily examined) and so do not find their way into most schools. To take a an example from the natural sciences: in England, only a quarter of physics teachers have a degree in their subject, and many of those who have a qualification do not (perhaps cannot) help their students to learn about the discoveries and rethinking which revolutionised physics, and changed our lives, in the twentieth century. Nor do they teach about the effects of those changes – effects which continue to transform physical sciences in the twenty-first century. Few people become theoretical physicists: for the rest of us, the excitement of physics is its translation into new, sometimes transformational, technologies – most of which depend on the physical discoveries of the twentieth century. As Kaku6 says ‘the track record of physics has been formidable: we have been intimately involved with introducing a host of pivotal inventions (TV, radio, radar, X-rays, the transistor, the computer, the laser, the atomic bomb), decoding the DNA molecule, opening new dimensions in probing the human body with PET, MRI and CAT scans, and even designing the internet and the world wide web.’ Yet in most schools the timetable’s archaic subject divisions work against teachers’ transmitting the real excitement of physics, for physics ‘as a science subject’ is likely to be separated from design and technology classes, which might illuminate transitions from theory to practice. Given England’s system of streaming pupils it is, in many cases, unlikely that a pupil taking an ‘academic’ subject will also take a more ‘practical’ one. And, if both are available, they are likely to be taught at different times, in different places, by different people: all of which makes it hard to convey the continuing relevance of physics. Unsurprisingly, this branch of science is in quite rapid decline as a school subject. Much the same is true for the life sciences. Arguably these are now usurping the world-transformative role of physics – but, if they are, the news has not reached many schools. Today’s pupils will probably leave without understanding the potential, or threat, of post-genomic biology, biotechnology, transgenics, cloning, gene substitution, gender determination, and the wider field of genetic engineering. The science behind those changes, and their social and ethical implications, will not have been on the syllabus of most schools. Something similar is true of the
53
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CHAPTER 6
that you could “trust the government in Washington to do what is right all or most of the time”…Such views nowadays seem antiquated or naïve. In virtually every case the proportions agreeing or disagreeing with such ideas essentially have been reversed. In the 1990s roughly three in four Americans didn’t trust the government to do what is right most of the time.’48 More generally it can be said that ‘there is nothing in present proposals for education for the global economy that would provide the general population with the knowledge and skills to exercise political 49 power.’ The issue, in this country and others, is set where knowledge, truth and learning intersect. Why, we must ask, are honest answers to such questions seen as being outside the competence of school systems? The questions of contemporary life are surely more important than, say, the date Napoleon invaded Spain, or the temperature at which copper melts. We can look up the answers to those. But we cannot look up definitive answers to the questions which vitally affect us – those to which we urgently need answers, and which have no easy answers. Commonly we cannot even find the information on which to base answers – at least not in the places, like the mass media, where we might expect to look. Most of the mass media are uninterested in the non-celebrity world, or under political control, or are concerned with maximising profits while relaying the views of their corporate masters. For students an interesting task is to see whether they can publish, on the web, a blog, a news sheet, a forum or a journal more lively, honest and accurate than the media offered by our corporations. Given the chance, most can. As the media move away from critical reflection, education might be expected to take that role. But if contemporary and contentious themes are excluded from the classroom, that does not augur well for our common and precarious future.
1
Quoted in Goodson 1988 Feynman 1985 3 Young 1998 4 Ong 1982 5 Young 1998 6 Kaku 1998 7 The (few) teachers equipped to deal competently with the post-genomic biogenetics are, in most cases, unable to deal adequately with the social and ethical issues raised almost weekly by this scientific revolution 8 Margaret Hodge, reported in The Guardian, 14.1.2002 9 Reich 2000 10 Rethinking Schools 17(2) Winter 2002/2003 11 The Prime Minister’s speech to the tenth annual conference of the Technology Colleges Trust, 26 November 2002. www.pm.gov.uk/output.page 6678.asp 12 Wiener 1992 13 Ibid 14 Bruner 1963 15 Williams 1961 16 Ibid 17 Chancellor 1970 18 Ibid 19 Davys 1822 2
66
WHAT SCHOOLS TEACH AND WHAT THEY DON’T TEACH 20
Aldrich, R (1989) ‘Class and gender in the study and teaching of history in England in the twentieth century’ Historical Studies in Education, Vol. 1, No. 1, p. 121 21 USA Today 21.10.05. The French newspaper Liberation helpfully republished ‘drawings from France Overseas, an illustrated colonial Atlas of 1931 that showed "before" and "after" drawings, one a sketch of Africans cooking and eating another human being, the second a school house on a well-manicured street with a French flag flying overhead’. 22 Department for Education Press Release 70/94, 1994 23 John Patten, television broadcast, BBC1, 24 March 1994 24 Hargreaves, D (2001) Mosaic of Learning Demos 25 Cullingford 1992 26 The Crick Report p. 8 27 Jones 1989 28 Ibid 29 Ibid 30 The post-1997 Labour government opposed (and eventually repealed) Section 28, but its control of school knowledge is as tight as that of its predecessors 31 Jones 1989 32 Education for Citizenship and the Teaching of Democracy in Schools (henceforward ‘the Crick Report’) London: DfES 1998 33 Ibid 34 Personal communication from Professor Bernard Crick 35 The Crick Report 36 Ibid 37 Buckingham 1999 38 Independent 12.5.04 39 ‘Young People’s Attitudes to Politics’ Nestlé Family Monitor 16, July 2003 40 A young person’s agenda for democracy – one year on: a report from the Youth Voting Network Youth Voting Network 2003 41 www.dfes.gov.uk/citizenship/ 42 US teenager, quoted in Buckingham (2000) 43 Crick 1999 44 Selwyn 2004 45 Ibid 46 Ibid 47 Matthew Taylor, IPPR, quoted in The Guardian 29.8.02 48 Putnam 2000 49 Spring 1998
67
-:D=";B V
&!B""C& @& &%CDH@&&%&&(#E &,&$%A& ‘Whether they were used for placing people within the mass production systems of the industrial economy, or for certifying an apprentice’s competence within the craft system of the pre-industrial economy, or for unlocking access to university education, traditional forms of assessment were predicated on the assumption that the range of skills or competences that citizens or workers would need to demonstrate was narrow and durable.’ Paul Skidmore ‘Who, we may ask, has had the greatest impact on American education in this century? If you are thinking of John Dewey or any other education philosopher, I must say you are quite wrong. The greatest impact has been made by quiet men in grey suits in a suburb of New York City called Princeton, New Jersey. There, they developed and promoted the technology known as the standardized test, such as IQ tests, the SATs and the GREs. Their tests redefined what we mean by learning, and have resulted in our reorganizing the curriculum to accommodate the tests.’ Neil Postman /&5&$ ,01223, 5+$ .%.,.53 *% &15& 53M2,& $9$+' M$5,.+$ 2) &1$*+ $))$0&*9$%$,, 02M$, )+2M #*&1*% &1$ ,01223 ,',&$M\ 2+ )+2M &12,$ #12 02%&+23 *&_ "15& *, &2 ,5'\ 5,,$,,M$%& M$5,.+$, 5+$ 0+$5&$6 5%6 M5*%&5*%$6 I' P$2P3$ #12 +.% &1$ ,',&$M\ 5+$ P5*6 I' *&\ 2+ #12 6*+$0&3' 6$P$%6 2% *&_ ;))$0&*9$ *%6$P$%6$%& $953.5&*2% *, 53M2,& %2%($a*,&$%&\ #1*3$ $%62W$%2., &$,&*%W P+23*)$+5&$,_ dA& 15, I$$% $,&*M5&$6 &15&\ 50+2,, ?+*&5*%U, P+*M5+' 5%6 ,$02%65+' ,&5&$ ,01223,\ ,2M$ KS M*33*2% &$,& P5P$+, 5+$ %2# ,$& 5%6 M5+J$6 *% &1$ 02.+,$ 2) 5 ,01223 '$5+ c 5 )*W.+$ #1*01 &+5%,35&$6 *%&2 &$501$+,U 5%6 P.P*3,U &*M$\ W*9$, 5% *6$5 2) 12# M.01 2) &1$ ,01223 '$5+ *, %2& ,P$%& &$501*%W 2+ 3$5+%*%W_e ;a5M,\ &$,&,\ 3$5W.$ &5I3$, d*% ?+*&5*%e\ &$501$+ 5PP+5*,53,\ ,01223 5,,$,,M$%&, c 533 5+$ *%&$+%53 &2 &1$ ,',&$M_ "1$' +*,J 29$+#1$3M*%W *&[ ,2M$ $a5M P5P$+, 5+$ ,$%& &2 A%6*5 )2+ M5+J*%W\ 2&1$+, 159$ I$$% M5+J$6 I' &1$ ,$0+$&5+*53 ,&5)) 2) ;%W3*,1 $a5M I25+6,_ 8$0*,*2%, 2% #15& ,01223, ,12.36 &$501Z 2% &1$ M$5,.+$, #1*01 b.6W$ P.P*3,U P$+)2+M5%0$Z 2% &1$ 5,,$,,M$%& 2) &$501$+, 5%6 2) *%6*9*6.53 ,01223,Z 2% &1$ ,01223 ,',&$MU, 29$+533 P$+)2+M5%0$ c &1$,$ &22 5+$ P+$6*05&$6 2% 5,,.MP&*2%, )+2M #*&1*% $6.05&*2%U, 032,$6 02MM.%*&'_ "1$ ,',&$M 6$0*6$, %2& 2%3' #15& ,12.36 I$ &5.W1& I.& 53,2 6$0*6$, 2% 12# #$33 P.P*3, 159$ *%&$+%53*,$6 &15& 02%&$%&\ 5%6 12# #$33 d*% &1$ ,12+& &$+Me &1$' +$0533 *&_ A% &.+%\ ,01223, 5+$ b.6W$6 2% &1$*+ P.P*3,U ,.00$,, 2+ )5*3.+$ *% M$$&*%W &1$ ,',&$MU, 0+*&$+*5_ D& &1$ %$a& 3$9$3\ &$501$+, 5+$ b.6W$6 2% `12# #$33 &1$' &$501U c b.6W$6 %2& I' &12,$ #12 TR
CHAPTER 7
are taught, or by those who will live and work with the teachers’ pupils, but on how well the teachers themselves conform to the education system’s rules. The wider school system is judged principally on an amalgamation of league tables: on whether the annual percentage of examination passes is rising or falling. It is a system of accountability described by Baroness O’Neill as one that ‘can do two bad things: it can damage assessment and fundamentally damage education’.1 Independent assessment – whether by the market or by other means – encourages change. A business which sells unpopular products will be deserted by its customers: the market is an independent, often harsh, assessor. A hospital which kills more people than it cures will lack patients, if they have any choice in the matter. (Nor is it a consolation to tell suffering patients that there are good hospitals in other cities, though this technique is commonly used to excuse bad schools.) Schools can persistently offer bad education and still have a new cohort of clients each year, since there is no independent assessment of what constitutes a good or a bad education and since, for many people, there is no accessible alternative. Over the past decades in Britain (or parts of Britain) we have seen the creation of various quangos – quasi-governmental organisations – charged with regulating the school system: the Qualifications and Curriculum Authority, the Teacher Training Agency, the General Teaching Council, and others. None is independent of the education system and all – being unelected and having some power over schools, teachers and pupils – raise the question quis custodiet ipsos custodes? Who polices the police? If these official bodies get things wrong (as all organisations sometimes do) who will put them right? The most influential of these British quangos is the ostensibly independent Ofsted (Office for Standards in Education). Ofsted is charged with evaluation of British state schools and, though more moderate in recent years, it seems to have taken its original inspiration from that earlier Office which was charged with stamping out heresy. (Heresy for Ofsted is child-centred education.) Ofsted does not operate on behalf of schools’ staff and clients (pupils, ex-pupils, parents, teachers, employers and so on), but on behalf of its political paymasters – within limits set by them and (which may be the same thing) within taken-for-granted assumptions about teaching, curricula, and learning. Within these parameters Ofsted’s aspirations have ranged between the destructive aims of a chief inspector who did not believe in the comprehensive state schooling he was appointed to regulate2 and a liberal apologia for increasingly unequal educational opportunity, under the catch-all guise of ‘raising standards’. (Schools which are forcibly closed do not have low, or indeed any, standards.) If we seek independent assessment of schooling, we should not look to Ofsted. Politicians at times tell us that school systems’ self-assessment is standard practice. It is not. On the contrary, it is highly unusual for any commercial or social system to be self-assessing for so long a period and, hence, to have so little need to be dissatisfied with its performance, or so little incentive to improve its basic way of working. Over centuries, the didactic method has come to seem a fact of nature. Around it has developed what Davis calls a consensus trance. We take it as the way 70
SCHOOLS AS SELF-ASSESSING SYSTEMS
that schools must be, though of course that is not the case. Schools are human creations. However they are now, they might be otherwise. There are those, like Headley Beare,3 who argue that schools, despite their appearance of stasis, are in fact changing significantly. But the argument turns out not to be empirical, but rather a series of ways in which schools might change; the sort of idealistic wish list educators have been drawing up since education began. In reality it is hard to see significant alterations in schools’ way of working: the many scholastic changes are, almost invariably, at the periphery of schools’ practice, not at the centre. School systems, being self-assessing are, almost by definition, closed. Like other closed systems, they take little from the world outside, and are little influenced by it – which accounts for the oddly parochial nature of educational dialogue. At most times the only effective outside influence on school systems comes from the politicians who control them. As we have seen, most politicians have two main aims for schooling: civilising the young, and training them to be, in the near future, a productive workforce. But, whatever one thinks of these aims, there is a caveat. Politicians are not very good at putting them into effect. We now need workers trained (and educated) very differently from those of the industrial era, but politicians and educational administrators seem to have no clear idea of how that might be done. And this too is characteristic of closed systems: they respond lethargically, and often imprudently, to changes in the world around them. HOW MIGHT INDEPENDENT ASSESSMENT WORK?
So how might school systems be judged otherwise than by themselves? How might we go beyond self-auditing? In theory, there are several ways. Pupils, or ex-pupils, might be asked whether what they had learned was useful; or was what they wanted to learn. Employers – rather than business lobbyists – could be asked whether school had given their employees an ideal preparation for work they are doing, or might do. We have little information on what employers think of school qualifications. ‘Limited facility with calculus; the ability to analyse strains of irony in As You Like It; an excellent knowledge of riverine sedimentation; and a thoughtful analysis of the reasons for the Franco-Prussian war’… does this equip a school-leaver to join a team designing and marketing the next generation of mobile phones? Entrepreneurs too could be asked whether school leavers have the innovative and practical qualities enterprises need. Parents – notably those who were not pushing for ‘good universities’ – could be asked whether schools were serving their children as well as they might. Those who deal with coming economic change could be asked whether schools were now preparing pupils adequately for the next half century of their working lives. Indeed this type of assessment could be left entirely to those outside, rather than within, the school system. ‘Schools believe they have the job of assessment as part of their natural role [but] assessment is not the job of schools. Products ought to be assessed by the buyer of those products, not the producer. Let schools do the best job they can, and then let the buyer 71
CHAPTER 7
beware. Schools must concentrate on learning and teaching, not on testing and 4 comparing.’ That of course is unlikely to happen for, while schools assess their pupils, and themselves, there will be little pressure for radical change. Nor is there any real competitive pressure to find new and better ways of encouraging learning in schools. The post-1997 Labour government (and more specifically the Prime Minister’s office) has continued its predecessors’ policy of privatising the state system, under the flag of increased competition and parental choice, which is discussed more fully in chapter 8. Competition from private for-profits and non-profits sounds as if it might be what an ossified and monopolistic school system needs – and so it is, until we think through what it means in practice. Understandably any privatised part of the system (whether profit-making or not) will go for ‘good results’. That means, in effect, going for what politicians now demand of state schools: an emphasis on training; easily testable routines; concentration on students likely to deliver academic success; open or covert removal of pupils likely to lower the school’s examination success rate; easily marked tests; easily ranked school standings. We might like to believe that these privatised parts of the school system would innovate by concentrating on developing school-leavers who will be curious, critical and interested in learning. So far, that has been a vain hope – at least in the case of schooling for the majority. Of course there are differences from school to school but, in terms of teaching and learning, distinctions are likely to be superficial while most teaching remains didactic, subject-based and evaluated from within a closed school system. By continuing the principle of a self-assessing (though partially privatised) system, the British government is likely to get the worst of both worlds: widening the 80:20 divide, worsening schools in poor areas, and diverting to private hands funds which might have improved them.
1
Onora O’Neill, principal of Newnham College, Cambridge, quoted in The Guardian 25.10.05 Chris Woodhead, the first head of Ofsted, opened his incumbency by announcing that 15,000 teachers in England and Wales were incompetent. Like the late Senator McCarthy speaking of Communists in the US State Department, Mr Woodhead was unable to say who the culprits were, or how he assessed their competence. Mr Woodhead is also on record as wanting ‘pragmatic education policies, implemented with crisp Arthur Andersen efficiency’. To be fair, the comment was made before Arthur Andersen was found guilty of illegally shredding incriminating documents related to its highly dubious accounting practices. Though later cleared, the firm collapsed in a notably un-crisp welter of lawsuits and recrimination 3 Beare 2001 4 Schank 2004 2
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VS
CHAPTER 8
changing their place of residence. For the rest they can express their views only 10 through cumbrous political channels.’ Education vouchers introduce a market mechanism to schooling. For neoliberals it is axiomatic that the market will cure most problems, in school systems and elsewhere. The market was, and for them is, the optimal and preferred mechanism for all resource allocation. In an educational context, these economists and their political associates advocated market transactions in which parents freely chose the state-subsidised (public or private) schooling they wished their children to have. In some cases, parents might choose not to school their children: in a libertarian state the buyer, after all, will decide; or will decide for his or her children. However, some neo-liberals, and most conservatives, additionally believed that the state has an economic need for an educated or trained workforce with habits of industry. Therefore provision and quality of mass schooling could not be left entirely to market forces. The most common way of squaring this theoretical circle has been to propose school systems partly run by, or partly financed and quality-assessed by, the state, but open to the competition of private enterprise. Parents might be given the ‘schooling vouchers’ noted above and could then choose freely among state-supported or privately provided scholastic offerings. Others would do as some have always done, paying to buy a more prestigious class of schooling for their children than that offered by the state. Now these wealthier parents would have additional financial assistance, to the value of their vouchers (and of course would continue to benefit from the tax breaks which fee-charging schools in Britain have come to expect11). Those arguments appealed to the British administrations led by Mrs Thatcher and Mr Major between 1979 and 1997. The seventeen Education Acts passed under these administrations ‘fundamentally changed the way in which education is provided. What was a service largely based on co-operation and broad consensus [was] changed to one based upon individualistic striving and competition between schools. The keyword used to justify these changes has been “choice”.’12 Policies descended from neo-liberal theories were advertised as increasing parental choice and, in ways which were not closely defined, as improving standards of schooling. The motivation for most of these reforms to state school systems ‘was ideological rather than evidential’.13 No hard evidence was presented to support the choiceand-standards platform. No serious international comparative studies were undertaken, though visits were made to then-radical-right administrations, like that of the 1980s New Zealand Labour party and General Pinochet’s military government in Chile. On the theoretical side British neo-liberals argued vociferously against compatriots like R H Tawney who had earlier ‘theorised a 14 new positive connection between economic efficiency and equality’ Given that state school systems are closed, technologically ossified and monopolistic, introducing a market and competition seems entirely desirable. Since 1987 market elements have been introduced to British schooling, usually under the guise of parental choice. Markets were, as noted, then taken to be a desirable innovation in this and almost any other state-financed setting, with the partial exceptions of the armed forces and the police, neither of which are usually free to 76
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the benefits of schooling, either social or economic. Again, in technical terms, ‘the estimation of expected investment benefits is particularly problematic for parents and students.’ Parents have difficulty in predicting ‘what kind of schooling and the mix of investment outcomes will best suit their child. This will be particularly so where, say, the impact of the “new economy” is rapidly changing the structure of 18 educational premiums’ (emphasis added). Given these factors, it is not a simple matter for those purchasing or selecting schooling to choose which is right for their children, even if market principles obtain, and there are several schools available and accessible. Most of the valuable qualities of schools are not easily measurable, and may not be obvious to a briefly visiting parent. To make parental choice simpler, ‘official school league tables’ were introduced in England during the Thatcher years. Since these ranked schools primarily on pupils’ success, mainly in written examinations, they favoured academic advantage groups, as schools have always done. (If word-based examinations were replaced with tests of accomplishment in singing, let us say, or speed of sprinting, we would of course have quite different advantage groups. Doubtless we would also have vigorous protests from obese and tone-deaf youngsters, and from their parents.) B5%J*%W I' 5056$M*0 3$5W.$ &5I3$, %5&.+533' 6*+$0&, P5+$%&,U 5&&$%&*2% &2 &1$ 5056$M*0 6*M$%,*2% 2) ,01223*%W[ &15& *,\ &1$ 6*M$%,*2% M$5,.+5I3$ I' ,&5%65+6 &$,&,_ "1*, *W%2+$, #15& M5' I$ 5 ,01223U, M2,& 953.5I3$ Y.53*&*$, c 05+$ )2+ '2.%W P$2P3$Z 5 6$W+$$ 2) M.&.53 +$,P$0& I$&#$$% P.P*3, 5%6 ,&5))Z &1$ )2,&$+*%W 2) *6$53*,MZ *%&$+%5&*2%53*,MZ &23$+5%0$Z #*6&1 2) ,.Ib$0& 012*0$Z 05P50*&' &2 6$53 #*&1 02%&$MP2+5+' 3*)$Z 5 +5%W$ 2) 3$5+%*%W ,&'3$,_ @$5W.$ &5I3$, 53,2 ,$& P.P*3, 5W5*%,& &$501$+, d5, 6*6 &1$ %*%$&$$%&1(0$%&.+' ,',&$M 2) P5'M$%& I' +$,.3&,e 5%6 ,01223 5W5*%,& ,01223_ H1*3$ &15& M5' I$ &1$ *%&$%&*2% c &1*, *,\ 5)&$+ 533\ #15& M5+J$&, 62 c *& 03$5+3' 62$, %2&1*%W &2 *MP+29$ 3$5+%*%W_ 8$,P*&$ 5 W$%$+53 +1$&2+*0 2) 2P$% 500$,, &2 ?+*&*,1 ,&5&$ ,01223,\ &1$+$ 15, I$$% 5 ,&$56' *%0+$5,$\ 29$+ &1$ P5,& &1+$$ 6$056$,\ *% ,$3$0&*2% 2) P.P*3,_ D& &1$ &*M$ 2) #+*&*%W )5*&1 ,01223, M5' ,$3$0& 2% +$3*W*2., 5))*3*5&*2% d.,*%W 01.+01 5&&$%65%0$ +$02+6,\ +$02MM$%65&*2%, )+2M P+*$,&,\ M.3351,\ 2+ P+*M5+' 1$56 &$501$+,e 5%6 2% P5+$%&53 *%&$+9*$#,_ N2.%65&*2% 5%6 923.%&5+' 5*6$6 ,01223, 5+$ )+$$ &2 ,$& ,$3$0&*2% 0+*&$+*5 5, 32%W 5, &1$' 02MP3' #*&1 ,01223,U 56M*,,*2% 026$ 2) P+50&*0$Z 5056$M*$, M5' ,$& &1$*+ 2#% 56M*,,*2%, 0+*&$+*5 `*% 3*%$ #*&1 &1$ 500$P&$6 026$ 2) P+50&*0$U\ 5%6 05% ,$3$0& G]p 2) P.P*3, 2% `5P&*&.6$UZ ,P$0*53*,& ,01223, 05% ,$3$0& G]p 2) P.P*3, 2% 5P&*&.6$ *% &1$ ,01223U, 012,$% ,P$0*53*,MZ W+5MM5+ ,01223, 05% ,$3$0& 2% 5056$M*0 5I*3*&' )+2M 50+2,, 32053 5.&12+*&' 5+$5, d5%6 M5' 3$W533' 500$,, P+2,P$0&*9$ P.P*3,U $a5M*%5&*2% +$,.3&, 51$56 2) %$*W1I2.+*%W 02MP+$1$%,*9$,eZ 5%6 M2,& P.I3*0 g)$$(015+W*%Wh ,01223, ,$3$0& *% 5%' #5' &1$' #*,1\ *%03.6*%W 19 P5+$%&,U 5I*3*&' &2 P5' &1$ ,01223U, )$$,_ `=5+$%&53 012*0$U M$5%, *% P+50&*0$ &15& M*663$(035,, P5+$%&, #12 05%%2& 5))2+6 P.I3*0 ,01223, #*33 )*%6 #5', d.P &2\ 5%6 *%03.6*%W\ M29*%W 12.,$e &2 ,$%6 &1$*+ 01*36+$% &2 ,&5&$ ,01223, #1*01 W$& W226 +$,.3&, *% P.I3*0 $a5M*%5&*2%,_ "1$,$ ,&+5&$W*$, 5+$ %2&\ 2) 02.+,$\ %$#_ `"1$ ?+*&*,1 $6.05&*2%53 ,',&$M\U H53)2+6 %2&$,\ `15, 53#5', I$$% *%$Y.*&5I3$_ "12,$ #*&1 ,.))*0*$%& )*%5%0*53 05P*&53 159$ 53#5', I$$% 5I3$ &2 P.+015,$ $3*&$ $6.05&*2% )2+ &1$*+ 01*36+$% *% &1$ P+*95&$ ,$0&2+ 2+ I' VX
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term, hard-to-measure but real benefits of greater equity.’31 Among those benefits *, &1$ P2,,*I*3*&' 2) 2P$%*%W .P 5 1*&1$+&2 .%&5PP$6 P223 2) *%9$%&*9$%$,, 5%6 *%%295&*2% 5M2%W &1$ 01*36+$% 2) &1$ P22+\ #1*3$ 50J%2#3$6W*%W &15& `W+$5&$+ $Y.*&' *MP3*$, M2+$ $))*0*$%& $02%2M*0 ).%0&*2%*%W\ +$6.0$6 02%)3*0&\ W+$5&$+ &+.,&\ 5%6 I$&&$+ *%,&*&.&*2%,\ #*&1 6'%5M*0 I$%$)*&, )2+ *%9$,&M$%& 5%6 W+2#&1_ "2 &1$ $a&$%& &15& ,.01 I$%$)*&, 5+$ *W%2+$6\ P23*0'M5J$+, M5' $%6 .P 0122,*%W &22 3*&&3$ 32 $Y.*&'_U A PRIVATISED FUTURE
Late in 2005 the UK government published a White Paper (foreshadowing legislation) with the beguiling title ‘Higher Standards, Better Schools for All’. This paper – manifestly the Prime Minister’s, though channelled through his current Secretary for Education and Skills – proposes that ‘schools will have greater independence and freedoms to innovate and run their own affairs through bodies such as a self governing trust’.33 That, in itself, sounds like a valuable advance; but the small print suggests a different agenda. Assuming that Mr Blair’s motivation is primarily political, rather than educational, we must ask, first, who benefits and, secondly, what is in it for the Prime Minister? The answer to the first question is, of course, that group of ambitious middle-class parents profiled in chapter 17. The answer to the second question is – a further move toward academic selection of school pupils and, thus, regress toward traditional teaching and a grammar school ethos for schools, at least in more affluent areas. Mr Blair has said that he wishes to be ‘more radical’ and, in these measures, he is likely to be supported by the Conservative opposition, who see his proposals as a logical extension of those put forward by Mrs Thatcher. The Prime Minister may need opposition assistance to force legislation, in its present form, through the House of Commons. D, #*&1 $5+3*$+ ,',&$M*0 015%W$,\ &1$ L]]S +$)2+M, 159$ I$$% *%&+26.0$6 .%6$+ &1$ I5%%$+ 2) P5+$%& P2#$+ c *% &1*, 05,$\ &1$ 5.&12+*&' &2 02%&+23 ,01223, 5%6 &2 +$P350$ &12,$ #12 0.++$%&3' 159$ &15& &5,J_ "1*, *MM$6*5&$3' +5*,$, Y.$,&*2%,\ ,*%0$ P5+$%&,\ 0233$0&*9$3'\ 159$ %$9$+ 6$M5%6$6 ,.01 P2#$+_ -2%&$MP2+5+' P233, ,.WW$,& &15& `)$#$+ &15% 2%$ *% &1+$$ P$2P3$ &1*%J ,01223, 159$ *MP+29$6 ,*%0$ @5I2.+ 05M$ &2 P2#$+ 6$,P*&$ +$02+6 *%9$,&M$%& &2&533*%W lKRI% ,*%0$ GRRVU\34 I.& &15& 9$+' )$# P5+$%&, Y.$,&*2%$6 I$3*$9$ &15& `012*0$U d5, &1$ W29$+%M$%& %2# .,$, &1$ #2+6e *, &1$ 0$%&+53 *,,.$_ ;9$+' #*6$(,5MP3$ ,.+9$' 2) P5+$%&, ,.WW$,&, &15&\ )2+ M2,&\ &1$*+ P+*2+*&' *, 5 W226 ,01223 #*&1*% 5 +$5,2%5I3$ 6*,&5%0$ 2) &1$ )5M*3' 12M$_ `=5+$%&53 012*0$U 15, I$$%\ )2+ 6$056$,\ 5 .,$).3 )*W 3$5) )2+ 5% *%0+$5,*%W3' ,$3$0&*9$ 5%6 .%$Y.53 ,01223 ,',&$M\ 5%6 *% L]]S(T\ &15& ,$$M, 5W5*% &2 I$ &1$ 05,$_ 8$M20+5&*0533' $3$0&$6 32053 $6.05&*2% 5.&12+*&*$, *% ;%W35%6 5+$\ .%6$+ 0.++$%& P+2P2,53,\ &2 32,$ 02%&+23 2) ,01223*%W\ 015%W*%W +23$ )+2M `P+29*6$+,U &2 `02MM*,,*2%$+,U_ "1$' #*33 I$ $aP$0&$6 &2 02MM*,,*2% ,01223*%W )+2M I.,*%$,,$,\ *%&$+$,& 5%6 )5*&1 W+2.P, d#1*01 M$5%, &15& 01.+01$, #*33 2%0$ M2+$ $aP5%6 &1$*+ *%)3.$%0$ 29$+ &1$ ,01223 ,',&$Me_ A% P+50&*0$\ &1$ =+*M$ 7*%*,&$+ *, P+2P2,*%W &2 P+*95&*,$ c 2+ 35+W$3' P+*95&*,$ c &1$ %5&*2%U, ,&5&$ ,01223 ,',&$M_
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this is that when [school] children move, they take the funding with them. The successful school becomes richer; the struggling school becomes poorer… The market has one more weapon with which to bludgeon the weak and wounded – academic cleansing. Some head teachers are so anxious for their schools to shine in the league tables that they get rid of students who are likely to perform badly in exams… On the other end of the cleansing is a struggling school which has vacancies, and cannot refuse to take a displaced child.’ Further, management is a weak point of almost all school systems – though of course worse in some than in others. But enlarging even well-managed schools risks threatening the ‘quality’ which made them popular in the first place. A great deal of evidence suggests that, on almost every indicator, large schools perform 39 worse than smaller schools. Therefore, provision should be made for the painful process of shrinking enlarged schools. The initially appealing idea of ‘rewarding the best’ – or most popular – works well in a free market, where firms make packaged items: after all, we can order goods as easily from Boulder as from Birmingham. But children are not packaged goods, easily dispatched to distant places. It’s difficult for politicians to admit, and even more difficult to achieve, but families need local schools – good local schools. There is an unlikely, but interesting, comparison to be made with Britain’s rail network which, rather like the nation’s school system, is meant to offer equal treatment to clients in any part of the country: that is, from any station you should be able to get to any other, at a cost per mile roughly comparable with costs elsewhere. The railways, ‘the most important invention of the industrial revolution’, were, in Victorian times, the country’s largest industry,40 employing 648,000 people. By the end of the twentieth century, however, the rail network was nationalised, widely criticised, run-down, undercapitalised, and unreliable. The Conservative government of the 1990s (and its committed civil servants) believed that ‘improvement in customer service could only come about if there were competition’.41 As a result the then-nationalised British Rail was fattened for sale, and in 1995 pieces of the network began to be sold, rather hastily, to different bidders. Ministers ‘were too concerned with ensuring that the whole edifice was broken up and sold in time for the 1997 election to bother much about the shortterm financial effects or the long-term robustness of the structure they were 42 creating’. The stated targets for the late-twentieth-century rail structure were rather similar to the targets for the school system under the 2005 reforms. The railways would offer improved customer service and – since the competition of private rail companies would drive down costs – the network would be cheaper to run, and no longer a significant cost to the state. In practice customer service and train punctuality deteriorated sharply, due to the difficulties of running a previously unified rail system which had been suddenly fragmented into a hundred entities, and to the fact that most British Rail employees who knew how to run a railway were replaced by staff of the new owners, who did not. A decade later customer service and punctuality have improved, largely due to unpublicised efforts to re-unify vital parts of the rail network. What has not 85
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improved is cost. The state subsidy to rail – which was meant to dwindle to insignificance – is, a decade after privatisation, in real terms a good deal higher than it was to the state-owned network. (It is hard to find exact subsidy figures since a somewhat embarrassed Treasury disguises them in various ways.) Further, the companies which run bits of the railway tend to behave not like competitive capitalists, but more like parts of government, assuming that, in the last resort, they will be saved from any threatening bankruptcy, or unmanageable debt. In this reassuring position, the rail companies have steadily raised fares by amounts above the rate of inflation, making Britain’s rail network one of the world’s most expensive. As a monopoly-breaker, rail privatisation signally failed. A passenger might hear that there was a marginally more efficient rail company two hundred miles away; and its trains might even go where she wanted to go. But, since it would not start from her local station, that would be no help; indeed might add to her discontent. It is very unlikely that perfect competition will obtain: that two competing trains will leave at the same time, for the same destination, from the same station. Similarly with schools. If we built a free-enterprise school next door to every state school this (though extravagant in land use and, except in the Highlands, difficult to do) might offer genuine competition. But not even the most convinced free-marketeer thinks that likely to happen. Competition in a school system is not strictly analogous with the disastrous privatisation of the British rail network, but (if we have any belief in learning from history) we need to be sure that we are indeed moving toward a brighter scholastic tomorrow. Fragmenting the English school system will, it is promised, give the yetto-be-established ‘trust schools’ freedom over their running and over curricula, which (as noted) seems undeniably to be an advance. But we must ask whether this freedom is real and, if so, what are its limits? We are told that the proposed trust schools will not be free to select all their pupils. What of school knowledge? We know that Mr Blair has no objection to schools’ teaching creationism or intelligent design; but could they decide, let us say, that numeracy was no longer necessary in an age of electronic calculation? Could evangelical schools denounce religions they disapprove of (in other words, most of them; but, problematically, involving an area of formerly free speech which Mr Blair’s government proposes to legislate against)? Could they critique government policies like this legislation against ‘religious hatred’, or the blanket prohibition against ‘glorifying terrorism’ – or even the starting of illegal wars and the use therein of chemical weapons? If a schools trust is run by, for example, Microsoft, will the pupils be encouraged to discuss the disbenefits of monopoly? The issue of equality of opportunity raises other questions. A network – whether in transport or education – which aims to offer equal service to all clients must be centrally planned. This certainly does not mean that it should be centrally micromanaged; nor does it preclude a high degree of autonomy for parts of the network and a high degree of trust in those who work within the network. But absence of any central control means that not all clients will receive equal service; and, as with
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railways, it may mean that – by any independent measure – the entire network functions badly. At the heart of the matter is the question of whether or not competition will improve a national school system. Since we have argued that the English state school system is now over-regulated and backward looking, offering schools to businesses and other groups – priests and imams, for instance – might appear to be positive and liberating. But what does competition mean in the context of compulsory education? What will the foreshadowed trusts compete for? Almost certainly – even with non-profits – the answer is ‘the easiest and least expensive results’: in management jargon, low-hanging fruit. Which means achievement in standardised tests, and a focus on training tasks, while finding ways of making redundant those pupils who do not fit the standard achievement pattern, and who will therefore look bad on the school’s balance sheet. In fact, this is not so different from the ways in which most schools are now directed to operate. Unfortunately, though, it is a method which benefits neither the majority of learners, nor the country. The result, as Wolmar said of rail privatisation, is likely to be an unsympathetic amalgam of ideology and avarice. Britain’s Deputy Prime Minister has said that his party’s currently proposed 43 reforms ‘will create a two-tier school system’, but this is not the case. England has always had a two-tier school system. The foreshadowed reforms will do no more than widen and consolidate it. For a system which does not work well, we are proposing a remedy which, while superficially attractive, will probably make matters worse. The legislation proposed in 2005-2006 seems likely, if put into effect, to increase parental choice by reducing the number of available and accessible local school places, since, according to government announcements, ‘failing schools’ (which are many people’s local schools) will ‘be ruthlessly closed’. Even Mr Blair seems to sense that this is an idiosyncratic definition of choice. He has therefore suggested compensating families who lose places at their local school (or lose the school altogether) by offering subsidised transport to school ‘so that poorer parents 44 who choose to send their children to distant schools will be eligible’. Ministerial briefings have suggested a system in England like the American yellow school buses, to take young people (or some young people) to schools far from home. Leaving aside educational considerations, this is an odd proposal when oil supplies are rapidly declining, and Britain is, once again, becoming an oil importer. As Kunstler says of America’s school buses ‘think of a school bus fleet as a mass transportation system that runs only twice a day for people under 45 eighteen, and you may grasp the profligacy of the system’. That is a difficult proposal to defend at a time of increasing fuel scarcity and cost. For the UK, as for other countries, there are contentious policy decisions ahead. For many of the reasons noted above (among them the inevitable sclerosis of closed, self-assessing institutions) state school systems are not working well. Yet the easy answers – hand schooling over to private enterprise, to religious organisations and to charities while the government culls what it labels ‘failing’ comprehensives – is not a solution. At least it will not be a solution until we find a 87
CHAPTER 8
way of persuading businesses and evangelicals to offer, to all pupils, across the country, schools which dwell in the present century, and which foster a wish and an ability to learn and innovate. That is something we have not yet learned to do.
1
Booth 1858 Reich 1992 Ibid 4 Economist 9.6.2005 5 Ibid 6 Reich 1992 7 Economist 9.6.2005 8 Friedman 1953 9 Hirschman 1977 10 Friedman 1962 11 Britain’s fee-charging schools have recently wanted more than tax breaks. It was reported in 2005 that fifty of the nation’s leading public schools have not only year on year increased their fees above the rate of inflation, but have also allegedly breached competition law by forming a cartel – which, according to Britain’s competition regulator, has resulted in parents ‘being charged higher fees than would otherwise have been the case’. The public schools, in an understandably affronted response, have replied that they never realised laws applied to them. (Reported in The Economist 12.11.2005) 12 Walford 1994 13 Adnett and Davies (2002) 14 Aldrich, Crook and Watson 2000 15 Ibid 16 Adnett and Davies 2002 17 There are, of course, parents who pay attention to their children’s school preference. But the proportion of young people who choose their own school, from among several possibilities, is small. 18 Adnett and Davies 2002 19 See Taylor, M, The Guardian 10.10.05 20 Walford 1994 21 Davies 2000 22 ‘Rates of eligibility for free school meals at the top State Schools’ The Sutton Trust 2005 [since only children of poorer families are eligible for free school meals this is commonly used as one indicator of a school’s social intake] 23 There may have been a cooling of this relationship from the late 1990s, but it will doubtless be repaired. 24 Aldrich, Crook and Watson 2000 25 David Bell, the chief inspector of schools [in England and Wales], said: "Since 1996, the socioeconomic attainment gap has widened in secondary schools. We must look again, urgently, at how to close the gap in achievement between youngsters in the most deprived areas and elsewhere." ePolitix.com 21.11.2003 26 Ball 1993 27 Adnett and Davies 2000 28 Ibid 29 Economist 14.7.2005 30 Ibid 31 2006 World development report, World Bank, Washington 2006 32 Ibid 33 DfES Schools white paper’ http://www.dfes.gov.uk/highlights/article06.shtml 34 Guardian/ICM poll, The Guardian, 25.10.05 35 Gavyn Davies in The Guardian 10.11.05 36 Alice Thomas The Times 29.10.05 37 Economist 22.10.05 2 3
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Davies 2000 For a passionate and practical exposition of this view, see Littky 2004 40 Wolmar 2005 41 Ibid 42 Ibid 43 Yorkshire Post 26.10.05 44 Economist 22.10.05 45 Kunstler 2005 39
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%*+!@$("# @& @ !"#$%&$%* $%))@(#K $B% )%C@$("#&B(? L%$F%%# %*+!@$("#, F")N @#* $B% &$@$% The history of primary and secondary education in the US has many parallels with that of England and Wales, from the expansion of public (state) schooling throughout the twentieth century, to increasing regimentation during the last decade. In this chapter I will first situate the last century of education reform in US within the context of the contested and changing economic system and the debates over the purpose of schooling. After providing a historical overview, I will argue that the shift from Keynesian economic policies to neoliberal policies is resulting in increasing educational inequality and preparing fewer students than before with the ability to think critically. In particular, I will focus on the possibilities and problems in developing schools for the twenty-first century where students can think beyond congealed curriculum categories and learn from all the resources available to them both in and outside the classroom and from persons directly and via technology. I will describe how New York state education policy makers have continually undermined efforts by educators to implement innovative curriculum and pedagogy, including the efforts of a small group of public schools that have proven successful. In the following two chapters I will examine the education policies of the city of Chicago and of the federal government and show how these policies undermine the kind of innovations we are calling for. However, in examining the difficulties educators continue to face, I will describe some of the innovations carried out by educators in schools with which I have worked. H1*3$ ,2M$ M$MI$+, 2) &1$ P.I3*0 M5' 6$,*+$ 5% $6.05&*2% )2+ &1$ &#$%&'()*+,& 0$%&.+'\ ,.01 *%%295&*2%, 159$ 53#5', I$$% 02%&$,&$6_ D, A #*33 ,12#\ &1$ >/ 15, 156\ 5%6 02%&*%.$, &2 159$\ 5 (&*$+ ,',&$M *% #1*01 H1*&$ ,&.6$%&, 02M*%W )+2M $02%2M*0533' P+*9*3$W$6 )5M*3*$, 5+$ M.01 M2+$ 3*J$3' &2 $aP$+*$%0$ 5 01533$%W*%W 5%6 &12.W1&).3 0.++*0.3.M 5%6 #2+J*%W 035,, ,&.6$%&, 5%6 ,&.6$%&, 2) 0232.+ +$0$*9$ 5% $6.05&*2% &15& P+$P5+$, &1$M )2+\ *% &1$ P5,&\ M5%.53 b2I, 5%6\ 0.++$%&3'\ +$&5*3 5%6 ,$+9*0$ b2I,_ H1*3$ &1$ P5,,5W$ 2) ?+2#% 9_ ?25+6 2) ;6.05&*2% *% GRSO 1 +$,.3&$6 *% ,01223, I$02M*%W 3$,, ,$W+$W5&$6 I$W*%%*%W *% GRRG &1$ /.P+$M$ -2.+& I$W5% .%6$+M*%*%W 6$,$W+$W5&*2% $))2+&,\ +$,&2+*%W #15& f2j23 0533, m5P5+&1$*6 ,01223*%W_n2 <2& 2%3' 5+$ ,01223, I$02M*%W *%0+$5,*%W3' ,$W+$W5&$6\ I.& f2j23 53,2 6$,0+*I$, 12# &1$ P+2W+5M, *% .+I5% ,01223, 5+$ I$02M*%W 1*W13' +$W*M$%&$6 5%6 ,&5%65+6*j$6_ f2j23 )20.,$,\ *% P5+&*0.35+\ 2% m/.00$,, )2+ D33\n #1*01\ 5 0$%&.+' 35&$+\ I.*36, 2% &1$ M5%5W$+*53 $))*0*$%0' M29$M$%& *%*&*5&$6 I' N+$6$+*0J H*%,32# "5'32+ *% &1$ $5+3' GR]],_ f2j23 +*W1&3' P2*%&, 2.& &15& &1$ J*%6 2) RK
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CHAPTER 9 14
Party continued to appeal to the American workers.” When programs such as the G.I. Bill and social security could not be blocked, they were amended or implemented in a way which disproportionately benefited Whites over people of colour. For example, a disproportionate number of Black and Latino soldiers were not able to take advantage of funding for a university education under the G.I. Bill because they were more likely to have dropped out of secondary school or been dishonourably discharged from the military. Home mortgages were unavailable to people of colour because suburban housing tracts were often legally segregated and banks engaged in red-lining, designating whole areas off-limits to people of colour.15 And, finally, Southern politicians demanded that social security (pension) laws exclude those employed as agricultural or domestic household workers, jobs typically filled by African-Americans.16 While citizens in England and other European countries experienced an expanded welfare state, corporate and political leaders in the US aimed to limit social benefits as much as possible. When the US emerged from World War II as a world leader relatively unscathed by the war, reformers increasingly tied education and worker productivity not only to corporate efficiency but also to economic and military competition with other countries. When the Soviet Union launched Sputnik in 1957, political leaders feared that the US was falling behind the Soviet Union both militarily and educationally, particularly in math and science. Sputnik spurred the federal government to pass the National Defense Education Act, which began: The Congress hereby finds and declares that the security of the nation requires the fullest development of the mental resources and technical skills of its young men and women…The defense of this Nation depends upon the mastery of 17 modern techniques developed from complex scientific principles. The act focused on curriculum reform in math, science and foreign languages. As Kliebard notes, most of the funding was funnelled through the National Science Foundation, established in 1950 as part of the executive branch of government, and funding went to university researchers. The Act marked the beginning of federal efforts to influence the curriculum, a development that has become more pronounced over time. The mid 1950s were also the coming of age of the civil rights movement, with most notably, the 1954 Supreme Court Decision Brown v. Board of Education outlawing school segregation as separate and unequal, and the 1955 Montgomery Bus Boycott, precipitated by Rosa Parks, ending segregated buses. While the 50s are often described as quiescent, they, in fact, marked the beginning of not only the civil rights but other movements for economic and social equality, including gender and welfare rights. Moreover, even within the constraints of restrictive laws, such as the Taft-Hartley Act, workers gained strength and increasingly fought for and achieved better working conditions. While desegregation was fiercely resisted, many schools and school districts and some residential areas became integrated. Integration contributed to increasing educational achievement by Hispanic and Black students from the 1960s until the 96
EDUCATION AS A CONTESTED TERRAIN
1990s. For example, the National Assessment of Education Progress (NAEP), conducted by the National Center for Educational Statistics and the best, if still flawed, assessment of student learning in the US, shows that from the 1970s into the 1990s, Black and Hispanics substantially reduced the achievement gap with White students.18 While over the last two decades many on the political right have criticized the educational structures that existed previous to the recent accountability reforms, the data show that under the old reforms the achievement gap was closing. It is only under the current reforms, that ostensibly aim to close the gap, to “leave no child behind,” that the gap is widening. In 1983, the Reagan administration sponsored and released the report A Nation at Risk, which was highly critical of American public education. The report claimed, without providing evidence, that the “average achievement of high school students on most standardized tests is now lower than 26 years ago when Sputnik was launched.”19 Moreover, education was blamed for the Reagan induced economic recession and the nation’s supposed failure to compete economically with other countries. A Nation at Risk began: Our Nation is at risk. Our once unchallenged preeminence in commerce, industry, science and technological innovation is being overtaken by competitors throughout the world…The educational foundations of our society are presently being eroded by a rising tide of mediocrity that threatens our very future as an Nation and a people.20 Since A Nation at Risk, schooling in the US has undergone numerous reform waves, most led not by educators but by corporate executives and governmental leaders. Initial reforms focused on developing and implementing standards but these soon transformed into efforts to hold schools, teachers, and students accountable through high-stakes testing. Some states, such as Texas, Florida and New York, imposed requirements that students pass several standardized tests in order to graduate from high school. However, it was the No Child Left Behind 21 Act, passed in 2001, in which the federal government imposed high-stakes testing on students throughout the country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idened. m"1$+$ #5, 5 &+$M$%62., 5M2.%& 2) W5P %5++2#*%W *% &1$ `V], 5%6 `X], Iut som$#1$+$ 5+2.%6 GRR]\ &1$ W5P(%5++2#*%W ,&2PP$6\Un 5002+6*%W &2 -+5*W o$+536 2) &1$ ;6.05&*2% 23 "+.,&_
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EDUCATION AS A CONTESTED TERRAIN
liberalization, the dismantling of the public sector [such as education, health, and social welfare], and the predominance of the financial sector of the economy over production and commerce.”29 Tabb wrote that neo-liberalism stresses the privatization of the public provision of goods and services—moving their provision from the public sector to the private—along with deregulating how private producers can behave, giving greater scope to the single-minded pursuit of profit and showing significantly less regard for the need to limit social costs or for redistribution based on nonmarket criteria. The aim of neoliberalism is to put into question all collective structures capable of obstructing the logic of the pure market.30 For neo-liberals, the market is both a democratic and efficient solution. Whitty, Power and Halpin,31 Robertson,32 and others33 have described how the US, Great Britain and its former colonies have embraced markets and choice as a means of improving education. Whitty et al analyzed the changing educational system in five countries and concluded, ‘within the range of political rationales, it is the neoliberal alternative which dominates, as does a particular emphasis on market mechanisms.’34 They describe how proponents of market reforms argue that they will lead to more efficient and effective schools. Similarly, Robertson notes, ‘Much of the choice/markets agenda has been shaped by the criticism of schools as inefficient bureaucracies that are unresponsive either to community or individual interests.’ Schools, and particularly teachers, are unresponsive, write the critics, because they know parents cannot take their children elsewhere. Therefore, proponents of choice and markets argue, ‘efficiency and equity in education could only be addressed through “choice” and where family or individuals were 35 constructed as the customers of educational services.’ Increasing the range of parents’ choice over their children’s schools and funding schools based on the number of students that they attract introduces a competitive market approach to the allocation of resources. Thrupp and Willmott note that by ‘the mid-1990s, Gewirtz and colleagues wrote that the market solution (to just about everything) currently holds politicians around the world in its thrall…Schools in England are now set within the whole 36 paraphernalia of a market system.’ Market promoters decry ‘state intervention because it is held that administrative and bureaucratic structures are inherently inferior to markets as a means of allocating resources.’ Instead, resources are allocated through ‘spontaneous exchanges between individuals.’37 Markets, they assume, permit individuals choice based on the available data and to choose well. However, as Thrupp and Willmott point out, all markets, ranging from international trade, to local farmers’ markets, to school choice depend on the state 38 for regulation. In education, such regulation exists in the form of the standardized testing and reporting (whether as “school report cards” in New York or “league tables” in England) and bureaucratic structures in which preferences are recorded and selections made.
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Furthermore, the shift towards promoting corporate over social welfare redefines the relationship between the individual and society. Under Keynesian welfare policies, social justice required decreasing inequality through social programs and 39 a redistribution of resources and power. Under neoliberal post-welfare policies, inequality is a result of individuals’ inadequacy, which is to be remedied not by increasing dependency through social welfare but by requiring that individuals strive to become productive members of the workforce. Neo-liberal governments take less responsibility for the welfare of the individual; the individual becomes responsible for him or herself. The goal for neo-liberal societies is to create the competitive, instrumentally rational individual who can compete in the marketplace.40 Because employability and economic productivity becomes central, education becomes less concerned with developing the well-rounded liberally educated person and more concerned with developing the skills required to become an economically productive member of society. Robertson describes the changing mandate as requiring “educational systems, through creating appropriately skilled and entrepreneurial citizens and workers able to generate new and added economic values, will enable nations to be responsive to changing conditions within the international marketplace.”41 Neo-liberal governments, therefore, desire to reduce funding for education while at the same time reorganizing education to fit the needs of the economy. Because the public might object to cuts in social spending and increasing economic inequality, neo-liberal policy makers have skilfully packaged the reforms to make it appear that they are promoting equality. As I will describe, they use discourses emphasizing increasing education fairness, such as “requiring all students to achieve high standards as measured by objective tests,” and opportunity, such as “leaving no child behind.” Another way in which neo-liberal governments are able to retain their legitimacy is by blaming schools for the essential injustices and contradictions of capitalism, while they preserve inequalities through other policies (such as taxation and social spending reductions).42 For example, in the UK, Prime Minister Callaghan, in his 1976 speech at Ruskin College, laid out the framework for the debates that were to follow. One of his fundamental themes ‘was the notion that the education system was not providing industry and the economy with what it required in terms of a 43 skilled and well-educated workforce.’ Similarly, as stated earlier, in the US the authors of A Nation at Risk (1983) connected education to the economy by explicitly blaming schools for the Reagan- induced economic recession of the early 1980s44 and for the US falling behind other countries economically.45 These reports shift the blame for increasing economic inequality away from the decisions made by corporations and politicians and on to the educational system, what Apple calls “exporting the blame.” Moreover, because they have framed schools as the root of the problem, by proposing reforms they appear to be doing something about the social problems. To cite Apple again, ‘governments must be seen to be doing something…Reforming education is not only widely acceptable and relatively
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unthreatening, but just as crucially, its success or failure will not be obvious in the 46 short term.’ Focusing on educational reform not only diverts attention away from the negative implications of other policies, but also transforms the way in which we understand the relationship between the individual and society. The individual becomes central, with society and the community less important. Consequently, by shifting responsibility for individual welfare away from society as a whole to the individual, fewer expect society to provide an adequate education. This individualism is also reflected in the way in which education is organized. In the past, when students attended the schools in their own community, they and their parents had a common stake with other parents over the quality of the school, including, in the US, voting on local school taxes. Schools in the US have had a long history of local control, with families committed to making schools work because the school was the community school. Children would attend the same schools as their siblings and their families would become involved in the welfare of the school. Parents were likely to come to know other parents in their neighbourhood and discuss curricular and pedagogical concerns. However, with school choice, as promoted in the US by the No Child Left Behind Act (NCLB) (2001) and in England with open enrolments, parents are encouraged to transfer their children from school to school, therefore undermining their allegiance to the local school and the incentive to engage in public discourse regarding the nature and purpose of schooling. Because, as I will describe, the reforms focus on turning schools into competitive markets in which students apply to the school they want to attend, children and their parents no longer have shared interests with other students and families and, instead, become competitors for the available openings. Lastly, not only have governments blamed schools for economic inequality, they propose that a system of standards, testing, and choice will increase educational efficiency and improve education for all. Moreover, because neo-liberal doctrine aims to reduce the size of the state and conservative doctrine claims to desire to intervene less in individual’s private lives, they have been careful not to directly intervene in the everyday practices of schools. Consequently, the state has devised a system in which they can govern schools from afar through policies promoting testing, accountability and choice, what Ball describes as ‘steering from a distance.’47 As I will describe, rather than moving education in the direction of the reforms advocated in this book, the emphasis on high-stakes standardized testing, competition, and markets is more likely to drive all but the wealthiest schools to focus on teaching the basic skills rather than complex, interdisciplinary learning.
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EDUCATION FOR THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY: THE RISE OF HIGH-STAKES TESTING AND THE ATTACK ON NEW YORK’S PERFORMANCE STANDARDS CONSORTIUM SCHOOLS
Over the last decade, the relationships between local schools, state governments (i.e. New York, California, etc.) and the federal government have been radically transformed. As I described above, until recently the federal government has had little influence over curriculum and pedagogy, with school districts free to adopt or reject curriculum reforms such as those created under the National Defense Education Act after the launching of Sputnik. Unlike England, which has a national curriculum, no national curriculum formally exists in the US and school districts determine what curriculum will be instituted in their schools. (However, a few publishers produce the majority of textbooks and because publishers want to sell as many texts possible, they are, not surprisingly, uniform, inoffensive and bland.) Since there is no national curriculum, with authority for developing curricula and tests restricted to individual states, states, previous to the passage of NCLB, varied in developing mandated curricula and standardized tests. Most states had no statewide-standardized exams while others, such as Texas, New York, and Florida, began using, within the last two decades, standardized exams as a graduation requirement. However, under NCLB all states are now required to develop standards and to give annual standardized tests in math, reading, and science over a span of seven grades. In states such as New York, the combination of federal and state testing requirements results in students facing a minimum of thirty-three standardized exams during their school career. Moreover, while states such as New York have no de jure state curricula, the standardized testing requirements result in a de facto state curriculum as teachers prepare students for the tests by focusing on what they think will be tested. In the remainder of this chapter I will describe how high-stakes standardized testing in New York has harmed innovative successful schools like those that composed the Performance Standards Consortium (hereafter the ‘Consortium schools’) and lowered rather than raised standards for students. I will begin by describing some of the characteristics of the Consortium schools and the efforts by the State Education Department to restrain innovation in the schools. I will also show how efforts to implement innovative, interdisciplinary curriculum are undermined and made almost impossible by the rigid state requirements. In New York, the Commissioner of Education and the New York State Regents, who are appointed by the State Assembly, govern all the state’s education institutions: whether private or public, from birth through adulthood. The Chancellor is appointed as Chair of the Regents. For most of the last century, the Regents have permitted secondary schools to award students either the Regents diploma, achieved by passing a set minimum number of Regents subject area exams and courses, or a local diploma, determined by local school districts’ governing boards. Consequently, during that time, New York public schools, like most schools in the US, offered different curricula for different students and track or stream students depending on their “probable
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futures.” Typically, university bound students enrolled in the ostensibly more difficult Regents courses, and students not planning on attending university enrolled in the easier local courses. In urban districts, from 30-70 percent of student graduated and a majority of them received local diplomas. However, some urban schools decided against the two-track system and, instead, developed an innovative, rigorous non-Regents program for all students. These schools often developed an innovative integrated curriculum, like that advocated by the authors of this book, in which students were not assessed through standardized exams but by exhibits, portfolios, and performances. In the 1990s, twenty-eight of the schools formed the Performance Standards Consortium. I have served on the board that oversees the schools and on the community board for School Without Walls, the Consortium School in Rochester. As I will describe, the New York State Education Department explicitly required that they eliminate their innovative curriculum and, instead, focus on preparing students for the statewide standardized Regents exams. Examining this conflict reveals how little the state values innovative challenging interdisciplinary curriculum, particularly for its urban students. The most well known of the Consortium schools is Central Park East in New York City, founded in 1974 as a primary school, later becoming a secondary school with its first graduating class in 1991. Its founder, principal, and best known 48 advocate has been Deborah Meier, author of The power of their ideas: Lessons for America from a small school in Harlem (1995), which describes many of the underlying principles of not only Central Park East but other Consortium Schools. Central Park East and the other Consortium Schools have been, by any measure, inordinately successful. While the characteristics of their student population has been roughly equivalent to other schools in New York City, the percentage of students graduating from high school and later university has been much higher. About 90 percent of ninth-grade students graduate four years later and about 90 percent of those continue on to university. In comparison, approximately 35 percent of NYC ninth-grade students graduate from high school. While each of the Consortium Schools is unique, they share certain characteristics. They are all small compared to the typical urban secondary school. Most have a few hundred students, while many secondary schools in the US have several thousand students. The Consortium Schools also endorse the view that most urban schools, in trying to ensure that students pass the Regents exams, focus on “covering’ the material that is likely to be on the test, therefore sacrificing depth and complexity for breadth. Instead, schools like Central Park East offer primarily two courses – one on the humanities and one on sciences and math – each lasting about two hours and co-taught by two teachers. The structure makes its possible for the teachers to teach 40 students during a day, rather than the 150 students per day in the typical secondary school. Not surprisingly, the teachers and students come to know one another well. At the Urban Academy (also in New York City), rather than providing every teacher with a separate office, the office is a classroom where the dozen teachers each have a desk and the students have their lockers. What the teachers lose in 103
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privacy, they gain by having multiple opportunities to informally meet with students, and to check with other teachers about a student’s progress or collaborate with teachers and students on a project. The courses themselves typically focus on one or more “essential questions,” that is, questions to which there is not an agreed upon answer and requires students to use a variety of resources. For example, in the first year that I became acquainted with Central Park East, the question for the year was: What is a revolution? This led students to analyze political, industrial, and cultural revolutions and to ask open-ended questions, such as, “was either Malcolm X or Martin Luther King a revolutionary?” By focusing on one question for an extended period of time, students are pushed to develop what the school calls five major “intellectual habits”: Concern for evidence (how do you know that?), viewpoint (who said that and why?), cause and effect (what led to it and what else happened?), hypothesizing (what if, supposing that) and, most importantly, who 49 cares? Some of the Consortium Schools require students to carry out a year-long senior project. At Rochester’s School Without Walls, seniors are required to propose a project, carry it out, and then defend their project in a committee meeting in much the same way that doctoral students carry out and defend dissertations. One student, for whom I served as the “community representative” on his committee, developed a video documentary on Hilton, a rural community near Rochester. He began by taking courses on documentary film-making at local universities and then researched the history of Hilton, focusing in part on the 1970s fire that destroyed the village centre. He interviewed some of the residents involved in fighting the fire and collected film and photos from those at the fire, including video taken by television reporters. He then edited his film, provided the narrative, and composed and played the background music. Many residents attended the premier of his 90minute video, which he subsequently donated to the town historian. The film enabled him to obtain a position with Ken Burns, one of the best known documentary film-makers in the US. The student decided that the best path to a career in film was not through a university but by producing independent films: he is currently an independent film-maker in New York City. While his project is obviously atypical, it points out the possibility of what secondary students can do if given the time and the resources to pursue an in-depth, sophisticated project. While neither Central Park East, the Urban Academy, nor School Without Walls have a particular academic theme (other than strong academic preparation), several other schools in New York City have specific themes and partner with various institutions to achieve them. One school I visited, The School for the Physical City, aims to “prepare and empower city youth to take care of and take charge of the city.” The school collaborates with several other organizations, including “Cooper Union, a private, tuition-free arts, architecture and engineering college geared toward the children of working people,” and Outward Bound, which has an 50 expeditionary character-building program. Mike Rose, in Possible lives: The promise of public education in America (1995), interviewed the principal of the School for the Physical City, who 104
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described how a small school with an innovative, integrated curriculum allowed him to think differently about learning. The principal describes the transition from focusing on exams to focusing on learning. He stated that he did not think he had “ever thought as clearly about what learning is. The big leap is between teachers learning in order to teach and then teachers knowing enough about learning in order to teach what they know.51 Yet, in 1996 the newly appointed New York Commissioner of Education, Richard Mills, began implementing a requirement that every student in the state would only graduate from secondary school if they passed five Regents exams: in math, science, English, US history and global studies. While on the surface this might seem reasonable ! in fact, the Commissioner repeatedly asserted just how reasonable it was ! for innovative schools like the Consortium Schools, the requirement would severely undermine their ability to engage students in in-depth, interdisciplinary projects. Furthermore, the testing requirement undermined student academic success at all schools and increased the achievement gap between wealthier and poor students. RAISING OR LOWERING STANDARDS? NEW YORK’S HIGH-STAKES TESTING
As with all the reforms initiated by either states or the federal government since A Nation at Risk, New York State education officials promoted testing, accountability, markets, and choice by arguing that within an increasingly competitive global economy, such reforms were necessary to ensure that all students and the nation succeed. Moreover, they linked the discourse of the necessity of increasing educational and economic productivity with the discourses of decreasing educational inequality and improving assessment objectivity, a strategy also used by the proponents of No Child Left Behind. Beginning in the 1990s the New York State Board of Regents and the Commissioner of Education radically overhauled the education system by implementing standards and standardized testing, making graduation contingent on passing five statewide standardized exams, and requiring secondary students to enrol in only the state-regulated Regents courses, therefore eliminating locally developed courses as a route to graduation. The reforms have substantially narrowed the curriculum and reduced innovation, including temporarily eliminating the successful programs at the Consortium Schools. While new testing requirements were being developed, the state also passed legislation promoting the establishment of up to 100 charter schools, schools usually administered by for-profit educational corporations, which would take students and funds from the public schools. The state’s educational policy makers, including the past Chancellor of Education Carl Hayden and the present Commissioner of Education Richard Mills, justify the testing and accountability regime on the grounds that standards and standardized testing are the only way to ensure that all students, including students of colour and those living in poverty, have an opportunity to learn. They argue that
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it is these same students who, because of the end of industrialization and the rise of globalization, can no longer be permitted to fail. All students must succeed educationally to ensure that the individual and the nation succeed economically. Carl Hayden, the New York Chancellor of Education from 1996-2002, reflects these views in a letter: The requirement that every child be brought to a Regents level of performance is revolutionary. It is a powerful lever for education equity. It is changing for the better the life prospects of millions of young people, particularly poor and minority children who in the past would have been relegated to a low standards path. Too often, these children emerged from school without the skills and .52 knowledge needed for success in an increasingly complex economy Furthermore, Chancellor Hayden and Commissioner Mills argue that the curriculum standards were objectively determined and that standardized tests provide a valid and reliable means of assessing student learning. Such objective methods are required, they state, because teachers and administrators cannot be trusted to assess student learning objectively and accurately. Therefore, teachergenerated assessment protocols and instruments, such as those used by the Consortium Schools, are dismissed within this discourse as subjective and unreliable. Testing proponents imply that to adopt other means of assessment results automatically in a lowering of standards, as can be seen in Chancellor Hayden’s response to the possibility of retaining the kinds of performance assessments used by the Consortium Schools: There is an even greater danger. The least rigorous, the least valid, the least reliable approved alternative [assessment] is then available to any school. Which schools will be first in the race to the lowest common denominator? Those having the most trouble bringing all children to a Regents level of performance. Those keen to reacquire the low standard option lost when the RCT [Regents Competency Test for the previously existing non-Regents track] and the local diploma were abolished. Those that never believed that all children can reach high standards. Were this to occur, it is all too apparent that poor and minority children would disproportionately bear the burden of diminished expectations.53 However, the reforms have not resulted in more objective assessments. Almost every recent standardized exam given in New York State has been criticized for having poorly constructed, misleading, or erroneous questions, or for using a grading scale that either overstates or understates students’ learning. Critics argue that an exam’s degree of difficulty has varied depending on whether the State Education Department wants to increase the graduation rate, and therefore makes the exam easier, or wants to appear rigorous and tough, and therefore makes the exam more difficult. The pass rate for the exam can be increased or decreased simply by adjusting the cut score, turning a low percentage of correct answers into a pass or a high percentage of correct answers into a failure. In exams that students 106
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are likely to take as part of their graduation requirement, the State Education Department makes it easier for students to pass by lowering the cut score. This occurred, for example, in a recent ‘Living Environments’ exam, where students only needed to answer 39% of the questions correctly to earn a passing grade of 55%.54 Conversely, the exams for the advanced, non-required courses, such as Physics and Chemistry, have been made more difficult. In a recent Physics exam, 39% of students failed, in order, critics charge, to make Regents testing appear more rigorous. However, because primarily academically successful middle-class students take Physics, the students and their parents were able to politically pressure the State Education Department to change the scoring.55 Furthermore, sometimes an unusually low or high failure rate may not be intentional but the result of incompetence. The June 2003 Regents Math A exam (the test students are most likely to take to meet the Regents’ math requirement) was so poorly constructed that the test scores had to be discarded. Only 37% of the 56 students passed statewide. At Rochester’s Wilson Magnet High School, a school ranked forty-ninth in the nation by Newsweek, all 300 students who took the exam 57 failed. The State Education Department has also been criticized for how it constructs the test questions. For example, a recent English exam received national censure for removing from literary passages references “to race, religion, ethnicity, sex, nudity, alcohol, even the mildest profanity and just about anything that might offend someone for some reason.”58 Examples of changes included deleting all references to Judaism in an excerpt from a work by Isaac Singer, and the racial references in Anne Dillard’s description of the insights she gained when, as a child, she visited a library in the Black section of town. Many of the authors whose passages were changed were outraged that such changes occurred without their permission and substantially changed the meaning of the texts. Others pointed out the absurdity of having students answer questions that often referred to deleted portions of the text and objected that students might become confused if they were already familiar with the passage and were now confronted with the passage in which the meaning had been changed. Moreover, educational inequality has increased as a result of the reforms. Quantitative evidence from New York State suggests that high stakes testing has harmed educational achievement. First, fewer students, especially students of colour and students with disabilities, are completing high school. From 1998 to 2000, the number of students dropping out increased by 17%. A recent report for the Harvard Center for Civil Rights concluded that New York State now has the lowest graduation rate of any state for African-American (35%) and Latino/a 59 (31%) students. In New York City only 38% of all students graduate on time, the fifth worst of the 100 largest cities in the nation.60 According to another recent 61 study, New York’s graduation rate ranks forty-fifth in the nation. The tests have also negatively affected English language learners, who were the highest diplomaearning minority in 1996 and the highest dropout minority in 2002.62 Lastly,
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dropouts among students with disabilities have increased from 7200 in 1996 to 9200 in 2001. In addition, while one of the State Department of Education’s rationales for requiring Regents exams—eliminating the dual system where some students were tracked into courses with lower expectations—made sense, tracking has reemerged through other means. In the past, students advantaged by class or race were more likely to be in the Regents track while students of colour and/or living in poverty were more likely to enrol in the typically less challenging local diploma. However, in most schools unequal tracking continued as those who had taken Regents courses in the past now enrol in Honors and Advanced Placement courses and the Regents courses were made easier so that the students now enrolled in them would be able to pass. The Consortium Schools, which neither tracked students nor had low expectations, would have to enrol students in the lesschallenging Regents courses. In June 2005, the New York State legislature, in response to demands from parents and educators, pressured the Regents and Commissioner to lower the number of Regents exams Consortium School students would need to pass to graduate from five to two (one each in math and English). However, students in all the remaining schools in the state must still pass five Regents exams in order to graduate. New York State’s high stakes testing has resulted in increasing inequality between advantaged and disadvantaged students. Similar high-stakes testing “reforms” have been implemented in some dozen other states and, complemented by the requirements of No Child Left Behind, result in simplified curriculum taught via teacher-directed pedagogy.63 High-stakes testing and accountability has lowered standards.
1
Orfield, G. and Eaton, S. (1996) Kozol, J. (2005) 3 Berliner and Biddle (1995), p. 89 4 Fones-Wolf (1994) p. 190 5 Kliebard (1986) 6 See, for example, F.W. Taylor (1911) 7 Dewey (May 5, 1915) 8 Counts, G. (1932) 9 Rugg (1923). See also the inaugural issue of The Social Frontier: A Journal of Educational Criticism and Reconstruction, Oct. 1934, with George Counts as editor. 10 Counts (1932) 11 Rugg (1929-1932) 12 Fones-Wolfe (1994), pp 190-191 13 Ibid., p. 7, quoting businessman J.C. Yeomans. 14 Ibid, p. 7 15 Brodkin (1995) 16 Katznelson (2005) 17 National Defense Act of 1958, cited in Kliebard, p. 266 18 Berliner and Biddle (1995) 19 A Nation at Risk (1983), p 8 2
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EDUCATION AS A CONTESTED TERRAIN 20
Ibid, p. 5. No Child Left Behind (2001) 22 Kozol, p. 8-9 23 Cited in Kozol, p. 381 24 Gerwitz (2002) 25 Ibid, p. 10-11 26 Bowles and Gintis (1986) pp. 57-59 27 Parenti (1999) p. 118 28 Bowles and Gintis, p. 60 29 Vilas (1996) 30 Tabb (2002), p. 7 31 Whitty, Power and Halpin (1998) 32 Robertson (2000) 33 Hatcher (2003) 34 Whitty, Power and Halpin (1998) 35 Robertson (2000) p. 174 36 Thrupp & Willmott (2003) p. 13 37 Ibid, p 18 38 Sayer (1995) p. 87 39 Levitas (1998) p. 14 40 Peters (1994) 41 Robertson (2000) p. 187 42 Dale (1989) 43 Phillips and Furlong (2001) p. 6 44 Parenti (1999) 45 Hursh and Apple (June 1983) 46 Apple (1988) 47 Ball (1994) 48 See Meier (2005) 49 Meier (1995) p. 41 50 Rose (1995) p. 211. 51 Ibid, p 213. 52 Hayden (2001), p. 1, original emphasis 53 Ibid. p. 2 54 Cala (September 24, 2001) 55 Winerip (2003) 56 Arenson (2003) 57 Rivera (June 19, 2003) 58 Kleinfield (2002) 59 Orfield et al, (2004) 60 Winter (2004) 61 Haney (2003) 62 Monk et al, (2001) 63 Amrein and Berliner (2002) 21
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CHAPTER 10 5
neighbourhoods. While downtown composed only 15% of the city, it received 6 85% of the economic development funds from the city’s capital budget. Transforming Chicago into a global city has transformed the labour force. The skilled labouring middle class was replaced by highly paid professionals – lawyers, finance analysts, corporate directors – and low-wage workers – immigrants, women, people of colour – to service the corporate and financial centres and the leisure and personal needs of highly paid professionals and tourists.7 To attract and keep the new professional class, the city government not only 8 funded upscale housing, restaurants, and other amenities, but also policies that provided a quality education to the children of the new professionals. For example, the CPS, in alliance with the city, provided additional funding so that schools located in the gentrified professional areas could offer enhanced programs, such as the International Baccalaureate (IB). While additional public funds have transformed areas along Lake Michigan and within the Inner Loop, areas in which the poor and people of colour live face reductions in expenditures. Lipman describes how Chicago is becoming “a dual 9 city spatially as well as socially and economically.” Lipman describes how the CPS, under the mayoral-appointed head of trustees Gery Chico and his budget director Paul Vallas as chief executive officer, “installed a corporate, regulatory regime centred on high-stakes tests, standards and remediation.”10 Since 1995, she writes, “the CPS has initiated a variety of differentiated programs, schools and instructional approaches with significant 11 implications in Chicago’s current economic context.” One group of programs and schools prepares students for university. This includes elementary schools with programs for gifted students, secondary schools with IB programs, and secondary College Prep Regional Magnet High Schools. In contrast, another group of schools focuses on “vocational education, restricted (basic skills) curricula, and intensified regimentation of instruction and/or control of students.”12 This includes vocational high schools and elementary schools that use scripted direct instruction, “which employs teacher-read scripts and mastery of 13 a fixed sequence of skills.” Direct instruction is a behaviourist approach based on a deficit model of “economically disadvantaged” students. Education-to-Career Academies, where academic courses serve vocational goals, have been started as well as highly regimented military high schools. Lipman maps out where the different programs have been started, showing how those that are more academically rigorous tend to be situated in, or draw students from, upper-income and/or gentrifying neighbourhoods, and those using direct instruction or preparing students for vocations or the military are situated in lowincome African-American and/or Latina/o neighbourhoods. Even when programs are dispersed among neighbourhoods, such as the IB program, they serve only 30 students per high-school grade, with access to the program skewed in favour of White students. Lipman concludes that the programs that prepare students for university serve a dual purpose:
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First, they are an incentive for professional and middle-class families to live in the city, especially in areas of budding gentrification, where they provide access to a separate high-status-knowledge program ... Yet, politically, big city mayors ... cannot ignore economically and racially marginalized populations. Hence a second purpose – small, highly publicized college-prep programs and magnet high schools paint a veneer of equity and opportunity on a vastly unequal system.14 B5&1$+ &15% 6$0+$5,*%W *%$Y.53*&'\ &1$ %$# P+2W+5M, 5%6 ,01223, $a50$+I5&$ $6.05&*2%53 *%$Y.53*&' 5%6 1$*W1&$% $02%2M*0 5%6 ,20*53 6.53*&*$,_ @*PM5% %2& 2%3' $a5M*%$, &1$ 6*))$+$%& P+2W+5M, 5%6 ,01223, &15& 159$ I$$% 0+$5&$6\ I.& ,1$ 53,2 P+29*6$, 5% *%(6$P&1 5%53',*, 2) )2.+ $3$M$%&5+' ,01223, &2 ,12# 12# &1$ &$,&*%W 5%6 5002.%&5I*3*&' +$W*M$ 5))$0&, &1$ $9$+'65' 3*)$ 2) &$501$+, 5%6 ,&.6$%&,_ A% &1$ GRR], &1$ -=/ *%&+26.0$6\ 5, 5 M$5%, 2) 5002.%&5I*3*&'\ ,&5%65+6*j$6 &$,&*%W #*&1 &1$ P.I3*05&*2% 2) +$,.3&, I' ,01223_ "1$ &$,& ,02+$, #$+$ .,$6 &2 +$#5+6 5%6 P.%*,1 ,01223,\ I.& 53,2 &2 3$W*&*M5&$ 5332#*%W &12,$ ,01223, #*&1 1*W1 &$,& ,02+$, &2 +$&5*% )3$a*I*3*&' *% 501*$9*%W &1$*+ W253,\ #1*3$ &12,$ ,01223, #*&1 32# &$,& ,02+$, dP+*%0*P533' &12,$ P+*M5+*3' 02MP2,$6 2) ,&.6$%&, 2) 0232.+ 5%6 ,&.6$%&, 3*9*%W *% P29$+&'e #$+$ +$Y.*+$6 &2 .,$ +$W*M$%&$6 M$&126, 2) *%,&+.0&*2%_ /01223, &15& )5*3$6 &2 P$+)2+M 5& M*%*M.M 3$9$3, 2% &1$ +$Y.*+$6 &$,&,\ #+*&$, @*PM5%[ were put on a warning list, on probation, or their leadership and staff were reconstituted by the central office. Low-test scores also carried severe consequences for students, including retention at benchmark grades three, six, and eight and mandatory summer school ... Accountability measures were backed up by new after-school and summer remedial programs ... In 1997, it Cthe CPSG established academic standards and curriculum frameworks to standardiHe 15 the knowledge and skills to be taught in each grade. @*PM5% 02%03.6$, 1$+ 5%53',*, I' ,&5&*%W[ "1$ P23*0' +$W*M$ &15& A 159$ 6$,0+*I$6 *, P+26.0*%W ,&+5&*)*$6 J%2#3$6W$\ ,J*33,\ 6*,P2,*&*2%,\ 5%6 *6$%&*&*$, )2+ 5 6$$P3' ,&+5&*)*$6 ,20*$&'_ >%6$+ &1$ +.I+*0 2) ,&5%65+6,\ &1$ P23*0*$, *MP2,$ ,&5%65+6*j5&*2% 5%6 $%)2+0$ 35%W.5W$ 5%6 0.3&.+53 5,,*M*35&*2% &2 M2.36 &1$ 01*36+$% 2) &1$ *%0+$5,*%W3' 3*%W.*,&*0533' 5%6 0.3&.+533' 6*9$+,$ #2+J)2+0$ *%&2 5 M2,& M533$5I3$ 5%6 W29$+%5I3$ ,2.+0$ 2) ).&.+$ 35I2.+_ "1*, *, 5 ,',&$M &15& &+$5&, P$2P3$ 5, 5 M$5%, &2 5% $%6_ "1$ `$02%2M*j*%W 2) $6.05&*2%U 5%6 &1$ 6*,02.+,$ 2) 5002.%&*%W +$6.0$ P$2P3$ &2 P2&$%&*53 ,2.+0$, 2) 05P*&53 500.M.35&*2%\ M5%*P.35&2+, 2) J%2#3$6W$ )2+ W32I53 $02%2M*0 $aP5%,*2%\ 2+ P+29*6$+, 2) &1$ ,$+9*0$, 5%6 500$,,2+*$, 2) 3$*,.+$ 5%6 P3$5,.+$ )2+ &1$ +*01_ /&.6$%&, 5+$ +$6.0$6 &2 &$,& ,02+$,\ ).&.+$ ,32&, *% &1$ 35I2.+ M5+J$&\ P+*,2% %.MI$+,\ 5%6 P2,,*I3$ 05%%2% )266$+ *% M*3*&5+' 02%Y.$,&,_ "$501$+, 5+$ +$6.0$6 &2 &$01%*0*5%, 5%6 ,.P$+9*,2+, *% &1$ $6.05&*2% 5,,$MI3' 3*%$ c `2Ib$0&,U +5&1$+ &15% `,.Ib$0&,U 2) 1*,&2+'_ "1*, ,',&$M *, ).%65M$%&533' GGK
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about the negation of human agency, despite the good intentions of individuals at 16 all levels. Lipman’s analysis shows how corporate and political interests transformed Chicago into a global city catering to the financial, real estate and tourist industries, and multinational corporations, with Eurban development and gentrification, and an urban geography of centrality and marginality along lines of race, ethnicity and 17 social class.F However, her study ends just before NCLB was implemented, a reform, as I will show, which is only likely to exacerbate the problems. THE BUSH ADMINISTRATION: NCLB, MARKETS, CHOICE, AND PRIVATIZATION
President George W Bush signed into law the No Child Left Behind Act on 8 January 2002. Most of the Act’s re[uirements immediately went into effect, including re[uiring states to develop standardi\ed tests and assessment systems in order to determine whether schools are making ]ade[uate yearly progress’ (AYP). NCLB became law because it, like the standards, testing, and accountability movement on which it builds, ostensibly aims to improve education, especially for those students who have historically been disadvantaged, including students of colour and students living in poverty. I will argue, however, that NCLB undermines efforts to decrease educational ine[uality, introduces neo-liberal solutions such as markets and ]choice’ to education, and increases the degree to which government authorities seek to control education from a distance through increased regulation and auditing.18 President Bush promoted NCLB as a means of replicating at the federal level the ]success’ achieved in Texas. In addition, as in New York State, the proponents of NCLB have argued that it will improve educational opportunities for all students. Rodney Paige, Secretary of Education, has described NCLB as an extension of the civil rights movement of the 1960s, building on the legacy of Martin Luther King, Jr. Paige recently stated: Forty-four years ago, Dr Martin Luther King, Jr. said, ]The great challenge facing the nation today is to solve segregation and discrimination and bring into full reali\ation the ideas and dreams of our democracy’. The No Child Left Behind Act does that. The law creates the conditions of e[uitable access to education for all children. It brings us a step closer to the promise of our constitution. It fulfils the mandate in Brown v. Board of Education. It honours the trust parents place in our schools and teachers, with a [uality education for 19 all children, every single one. Paige, who is Black, therefore aims to position opponents to NCLB as anti-civil rights. To this discourse of e[uality Paige adds two other discourses, which are also prominent in the reform argument elsewhere, such as in New York State and Chicago: testing provides more objective assessments and global economic 114
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competition re[uires reform. What to know and where to go: A parents’ guide to 20 No Child Left Behind conveys to the public the benefits of NCLB. Paige informs the reader that standardi\ed tests provide a valid and reliable means of assessing student learning, and this approach improves on teacher-generated assessments. It informs parents that NCLB Ewill give them objective dataF through standardi\ed testing.21 Further, objective data from tests are necessary because in the past Emany parents have children who are getting straight As, but find out too late that their child is not prepared for college. That’s just one reason why NCLB gives parents 22 objective data about how their children are doing.F Teachers, it implies, have neither rigorously enforced standards nor accurately assessed students, thereby covering up their own and their students’ failures. Further, test scores will be useful to parents because Eparents will know how well learning is occurring in their child’s class. They will know information on how their child is progressing compared to other children.F23 Because teachers, The NCLB Guide claims, have relied too often on their own assessments, test scores will also benefit them. NCLB Eprovides teachers with independent information about each child’s strengths and weaknesses. With this knowledge, teachers can craft lessons to make sure each student meets or exceeds the standards.F24 Under NCLB, schools must not only develop and assess students, but they must also make public the aggregated test scores for groups of students delineated by gender, race, and ethnic group, and with or without disability. Because schools may have several ethnic and racial groups, all of whom must be represented by gender and ability status, they typically have to generate and report the scores for do\ens of subgroups. The test scores for each group are then compared to the state’s testing re[uirements to determine whether the group is making AYP. If any one group fails to make AYP, the entire school is designated as failing. Sometimes, shifting one child’s score from one group to another (for example, by changing a student’s disability status) can mean the difference between a school’s failing and passing. Schools that fail to make AYP face significant sanctions. If schools do not make AYP for two consecutive years, they must be identified as Ein need of improvement.F Students in those Eschools must be given the option to transfer to another public school that has not been identified for improvementF25 with transportation provided by the failing school. By adding the option of transferring to another school, NCLB introduces markets and competition into public education. Additional re[uirements are put in place for each successive year that a school fails to meet AYP goals. Schools failing for a third year must provide students with the option of obtaining Esupplemental services in the community such as tutoring, after-school programs, remedial classes or summer school.F26 Tutoring and afterschool programs must be provided by non- or for-profit agencies funded by the student’s school. Schools failing for a fourth year must take corrective action that includes one of the following: replacing the school staff, implementing a new curriculum, Edecreasing management authority at the school level, appointing an
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outside expert to advise the school, extending the school day or year, or 27 reorgani\ing the school internally.F School districts failing for a fifth year must engage in: deferring programmatic funds or reducing administrative fundsf implementing a new curriculum (with professional development)f replacing personnelf establishing alternative governance arrangementsf appointing a receiver or trustee to administer the district in place of the superintendent or school boardf or 28 abolishing or restructuring the school district. Further, if a school fails to make progress for five years: The school district must initiate plans to fundamentally restructure the school. This restructuring may include reopening the school as a charter school, replacing all or most of the school staff who are relevant to the failure to make ade[uate progress, or turning over the operations either to the state or to a private company with a demonstrated record of effectiveness.29 States paved the way for NCLB by establishing the standardi\ed testing re[uirements and accountability systems that made it acceptable to deny graduation to students who failed a test and to punish schools for low test scores. NCLB increases the penalties on schools with low-test scores by decreasing the amount of funds they have available for their students as they pay for transporting former students to other schools, for private agencies to tutor their students, and for interventions in the school, such as additional administrators and professional development. Moreover, NCLB introduces markets and privati\ation into schools by introducing school choice, charter schools, and voucher programs. Determining whether schools are making AYP is based on the tests that states already usef tests, if New York State is representative, that are poorly constructed and subjectively graded. However, even if the tests were well constructed and valid, the yardstick by which schools are measured – AYP – often discriminates against schools serving students of colour and students living in poverty. The determination of whether a school is making AYP tells us little about whether a school is improving. Under NCLB, every state, with the approval of the federal Department of Education, determines, for every test, what knowledge and skills students need to demonstrate proficiency. States can, therefore, make achieving proficiency more or less difficult. However, for all states and every school, all students (regardless of ability or proficiency in the English language) are to achieve proficiency by the year 2014. Contrary to a common-sense interpretation of AYP, schools are not evaluated on whether their test scores are improving but on whether the aggregated and disaggregated test scores exceed a minimum yearly threshold that will gradually increase over the next decade. Conse[uently, schools are considered to be passing as long as their scores exceed the threshold, even if their scores fall.
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Similarly, schools that begin with initially low test scores may be considered failing even if they significantly improve their test scores, as long as those scores remain below the threshold. Therefore, achieving AYP may have little to do with whether a school’s test scores rise or fallf achieving AYP depends only on exceeding the minimum threshold. Because test scores strongly correlate with a student’s family income, a school’s score is more likely to reflect its students’ average family income rather than teaching or the curriculum. Conse[uently, the largest percentage of failing schools in New York State is found in poor urban school districts. Almost all (83j) of the failing schools are located in the big five urban districts: New York City, Buffalo, Rochester, Syracuse, and Yonkers.30 Most of the remaining failing schools are in smaller urban districts. The failure rate of schools in the urban districts is high, particularly at the middle-school level. In Rochester, for example, all the middle schools failed. To NCLB’s testing re[uirement that schools demonstrate improvement for all disaggregated groups of students on all the tests, Florida added the further draconian stipulation that no school that had been assigned a grade of a D or F by the state (per the annual rating of A through F) could meet AYP. Not surprisingly, 90j of Florida’s public schools were designated as failing to meet AYP, and 100j 31 of districts failed. That NCLB mislabels thousands of schools as failing, restricts what schools may do to improve student learning, including which curricula may be implemented, and reduces funding to so-called failing schools may indicate that the federal government is interested in replacing rather than improving public schools. In fact, influential socially conservative and neo-liberal organi\ations, which regularly meet with the Bush administration, aim to transform education radically through 32 market competition, choice, and privati\ation. Markets and privati\ation are supported by conservative organi\ations such as the Manhattan Institute for Public Policy Research, The Heritage Foundation, The Fordham Foundation, The Hoover Institution, The Education Leaders Council, and the Milton & Rose D. Friedman Foundation, which are all funded by a core group of interlocking conservative foundations, primarily the Bradley, Olin, Scaife and Castle Rock (Coors) Foundations. These organi\ations are dedicated to attacking public schools and teachers with the goal of replacing public with private education. For many of them, vouchers and charter schools are the first step toward privati\ing schools. For example, Milton Friedman, in Public schools: Make them private, advocates vouchers as a way Eto transition from a government lused pejoratively by neo-liberalsm to a market system,F Friedman states: Our elementary and secondary educational system needs to be radically restructured. Such a reconstruction can be achieved only by privati\ing a major segment of the educational system – i.e., by enabling a private, for-profit industry to develop that will provide a wide variety of learning opportunities and 33 offer effective competition to public schools. 117
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Others call for the immediate elimination of public education. Richard Ebeling, president of the Foundation for Economic Education, writes: It’s time, therefore, to rethink the entire idea of public schooling in America. It’s time to consider whether it would be better to completely privati\e the entire educational process from kindergarten through the PhDn. The tax dollars left in the hands of the citi\enry would then be available for families to use directly to pay for their child’s education. The free market would supply an infinitely diverse range of educational vehicles for everyone.34 Some privati\ation advocates specifically anticipate that the high number of schools designated as failing to make AYP will lead to calls for privati\ing schools. Howard Fuller, founder of the pro-voucher organi\ation Black Alliance for Educational Options (BAEO), in a 2002 interview with the National Governors Association, said: EHopefully, in years to come the lNCLBm law will be amended to allow families to choose private schools as well as public schools.F35 The Bush administration has provided both policy and monetary support to efforts to privati\e public education. The Bush administration imposed a o50 million experimental voucher program on Washington, DC over objections of residents and the US Congress, and granted o77.6 million to groups dedicated to privati\ation through voucher programs.36 Members of the Department of Education, from Secretary Paige down, fre[uently use public appearances to promote charter schools as the solution to public-school problems. In press conferences where Paige defended NCLB, he also 37 speaks out for the largely unpopular charter schools. At a conference I attended in spring 2004 on teaching about the relationship between the environment and health, the Department of Education’s Director of Interagency Affairs began with the unexpected claim that he Eknew nothing about education or scienceF and then devoted his talk to the virtues of charter schools. SIMPLIFYING THE CURRICULUM, INCREASING INEQUALITY
Up until recently schools in the US were local institutions governed by a community school board overseen by the state. Over the last decade, teachers, students, and those in the local neighbourhoods have lost control over teaching and learning to corporate and political leaders in their city, in the case of Chicago, their state, and their country. Those in power have asserted that the increasingly globalised economy re[uires education reforms in which schools more efficiently produce productive workers. Such efficiency can only be achieved, they argue, through curriculum standards, standardi\ed tests, sanctions for low-scoring schools, and the introduction of competitive markets and privati\ation. 38 In Chicago, as Lipman shows, such reforms have resulted in the creation of a dual city, both spatially and economically, where the already advantaged White and middle-class students are prepared for university through an academically challenging curriculum and the disadvantaged Black, Latino/a, and working-class 118
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students are prepared for positions in the service sector and the military through vocational and military programs. The introduction of high stakes standardi\ed testing in New York State has resulted in a decline in assessment validity, the manipulation of test scores for political purposes, and an increased achievement gap between White students and students of colour, students with disabilities, and students for whom English is a second language. Further, for many students the curriculum has been narrowed and simplified as teachers increasingly teach toward the test.39 The Bush administration has inserted the federal government into elementary and secondary education to a degree previously inconceivable. The federal government mandates the subjects that are to be assessed through standardi\ed exams and how often, how schools and districts are to be evaluated, what kinds of curriculum can be federally funded, how literacy can be taught, and what kinds of community groups can and cannot meet in schools. Furthermore, NCLB may be intended as the way to portray public schools as failing so that schools can be gradually privati\ed, initially through voucher systems and charter schools, and then by scrapping public schools altogether. These reforms are presented as being re[uired by the global economy and the dominance of neo-liberal policies. Such global changes, proponents argue, re[uire reductions in public spending and the introduction of markets and privati\ation as means of increasing efficiency. The reforms are presented, writes Bourdieu,40 as if there is no alternative. Dean observes that such a rationale portrays those in power as powerless to choose any other path. He writes: Those who use the discourse of economic globali\ation can simultaneously hold ]there is little (or, at least, less) ltheym can do to exercise national sovereignty’ and ]it is imperative to engage in comprehensive reforms of the public sector, 41 welfare, higher land lowerm education, finance and labour market control. Together, globali\ation and neo-liberalism have transformed government’s relationship with civil society: The task of the national government ... is no longer to engage in the prudential management of a self-regulating economy so as to fund benefits such as social welfare, education, national defense, etc. Rather ... the promotion of economic efficiency and competitiveness becomes the paramount goal in what amounts to a new liberal problematic of security. All other activities of government, such as those of the welfare state, higher education, or migration, must be assessed first in terms of the availability of resources and second as to whether they contribute to or inhibit economic efficiency.42 In the next chapter I will address two last issues that arise from educational reforms that I have analyzed in this and the previous chapter. First, I will present research that shows how the rise of high-stakes testing and accountability have narrowed and simplified the teaching and learning in the primary and secondary
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schools in which I and others have tried to institute an integrated, challenging curriculum focusing on the relationship between the environment and human health. Second, I will conclude by arguing that not only do we need to devise educational structures that support innovative curricula, such as those created at the Consortium Schools, but that we also need to develop schools and workplaces that promote democratic participation in a complex society.
1
See Lipman (2004, 2005) Castells (1989, 1998) Sassen (1994) 4 Lipman (2004), p. 7 5 Ibid, p. 28 6 Ibid p. 9 7 Ibid, p. 7 8 Ibid, p. 25 9 Ibid, p. 28 10 Ibid, p. 36 11 Ibid, p. 48 12 Ibid, p. 49 13 Ibid 14 Ibid, p. 56, original emphasis 15 Ibid. p 36 16 Ibid, p. 179 17 Ibid, p. 4 18 See Ball (1994), Rose (1999) 19 Paige and Jackson (November 8, 2004) 20 US Department of Education (April 2002) 21 US Department of Education (April 2002), p. 12 22 Ibid, p. 12 23 Ibid, p. 9 24 Ibid, p. 9 25 US Department of Education (September 2002) p. 6 26 US Department of Education (April 2002) p. 8 27 US Department of Education (September 2002) p. 6 28 US Department of Education (September 2002) pp. 6-7 29 Ibid, p. 7, emphasis added 30 New York State School Boards Association 2002 31 Pin\ur (2003) 32 Johnson and Salle (2004) 33 Freidman (1995), cited in Johnson & Salle (2004) p. 8 34 Ebeling (2000), cited in Johnson & Salle (2004) p. 8 35 Fuller, cited in Miner (2004) p. 11 36 Bracey (2004) 37 Shaw (2004) 38 (2004) 39 Martina et al, (2003) 40 (1998) 41 Dean (2002) p. 55 42 Ibid, p. 54 2 3
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DEVELOPING SCHOOLS AND WORKPLACES FOR THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY
We have argued that schools need to be transformed, particularly within the changing global economy. It is no longer acceptable, as in Chicago, to prepare one group of students for the university and leadership positions and another for semiskilled positions in the service and retail industry. Furthermore, the nature of knowledge and how we access knowledge has changed. The classical subject areas of English, science, math, history, civics/social studies, and the arts no longer make sense. Outside of schools most research and thinking crosses the “subject interstices,” such as biogenetics, astrophysics, and world literature. Textbooks are inadequate as a knowledge resource. What is known is quickly changing and other resources— particularly via the internet—are more current and relevant. In teaching my graduate school course on current educational issues, students read articles, many of which are online along with other resources, and use books only as an optional resource. In this chapter, then, I will turn to describing some of my own efforts to develop curriculum in which students become democratic participants in the creation of knowledge and, therefore, develop their ability to become life-long learners. Furthermore, if we are to succeed in creating students who are motivated, critical thinkers and creators of knowledge, we need to create workplaces that also promote critical thinking and decision making… Therefore, I will conclude by suggesting that we not only need substantially to rethink the nature of schooling but also the nature of work. We cannot be satisfied with creating jobs in which employees are merely carrying out tasks designed by someone else but must rethink workplaces so that, as Dewey stated almost a century ago, workers are able to use their intelligence and ingenuity so as to be always learning. TEACHING ABOUT THE RELATIONSHIPS BETWEEN THE ENVIRONMENTAL AND HUMAN HEALTH: PUSHING THE BOUNDARIES For the last five years a team of scientists and teacher educators, including myself, have been working with elementary and secondary teachers to develop and implement curricula on the relationship between the environment and human health. Funded by a grant from the National Institute of Environmental Health Sciences, our goal has been to develop an interdisciplinary curriculum in which students use technology to learn about the world beyond the classroom and to teach others about what they have learned.
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Our project does not easily fit existing schools. Educators often assume that because Environmental Health has to do with the environment, it is a science course that should be taught by a science teacher. However, while assessing and understanding the risks posed by toxins in our environment requires some scientific understanding, Environmental Health includes other disciplines. Why different environmental toxins have been created and persist and pose problems primarily for impoverished communities of colour requires an historical, political, and economic analysis. Developing materials ! either videos, pamphlets, and power point presentations ! requires students develop skills in media technologies, writing, and, often, performance arts. Crossing interdisciplinary boundaries has been only one of the issues undermining interdisciplinary curriculum. In addition, in the US our large secondary schools (unlike the Consortium Schools) are not structured to promote collaboration. Teachers are not provided with common planning periods, nor are they likely to teach many of the same students. Nor is there a supportive school culture in which teachers are encouraged or rewarded for working with other teachers.1 One of the secondary social studies teachers with whom we were working stated: “We don’t have time to meet with one another so we just do our own thing.” Another teacher added that not only is there not time during the school day, but “there is not time after school which is limited to coaching, after-school programs, department and school meetings.” 2 As Apple observes, teachers’ work is increasingly intensified, and this project becomes just one more thing they have to fit in their school day. In one school, because of budget cuts, the teaching load increased from five to six courses. A teacher in the school exclaimed: “I would always like MORE TIME! Time is a real issue.” Teaching has historically been a profession in which teachers work isolated from other teachers. Most schools are designed with classrooms that accommodate one teacher working with a class of students. Classroom are arranged in an egg carton layout, thus making it possible for teachers to close the classroom door behind them so that they can teach their lessons free from observation. Ruddick notes “education is among the last vocations where it is still legitimate to work by 3 yourself in a space that is secure against invaders. The culture of schools promotes individualism rather than cooperation. As one teacher noted: “We don’t work with other teachers very often. We don’t work outside our curriculum groups.” In addition to the historical constraints of school size and isolation, teachers face the more recent constraint of standardized testing. Because Environmental Health will not be assessed through any of the various standardized exams, teachers are reluctant to introduce it into any courses in which there is a standardized exam (which is almost every secondary course) out of the fear that any time devoted to Environmental Health reduces the amount of time they have to prepare students for the exam. One science teacher shared that “the Regents [statewide] exams influence which course environmental health goes into…with pressures being what they are to pass these exams and kids having as much trouble as they are passing the upper-level exams, it would be very difficult to do this in a Regents course.” The difficulty comes, he notes, because “the Regents has a prescribed curricula…It 122
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makes it very difficult. You have to teach some studies in a different way if you’re going to take the time to do a project like this.” Another teacher added: High school is more constraining [than in the past] because the stakes are high. Testing is so high. No teacher likes to give up any of their time. You know [teachers do not release students] for band lessons and music lessons. Five years ago, we use to have field trip after field trip. We had kids leaving this building all the time. No more. While we have been able to introduce Environmental Health into a few local high schools, the other eight sites located around the US have all but given up on implementing Environmental Health in secondary schools. Instead, they have focused on the elementary grades in which, until NCLB, fewer standardized tests were given. But, in states like New York, state and federal testing requirements currently require 17 standardized tests between grades three and eight, which will increase to 21 in 2008. Teachers are pressured to raise students’ test scores on whatever state standardized exams are required and now the yearly exams in math, reading, and science that begin in third grade. One teacher noted that “standardized testing…[is] a problem [for a particular grade] because we…teach toward the test…[we] spent three weeks cramming for the test.” Likewise, because many states’ and No Child Left Behind’s regulations focus on raising math and language arts scores, many states have reduced their elementary curriculum to reading, writing, and math. One Texas educator added: “They are wiping out science for kindergarten through second grade with ‘Fundamentals First’ There is no place for anything except reading, writing, arithmetic.” If we are to implement innovative, critical curricula in which students and teachers together create knowledge, then we need to develop school structures and cultures that promote interdisciplinary collaboration with authentic assessments. The Consortium Schools provide a model for what schools can be because at their best they encourage teacher collaboration, teachers and students learning together, and accountability toward the community through local boards composed of parents, educators, and community members. We also need to develop structures and professional development that will support teachers to transform their pedagogical approach. In traditional classrooms, teachers can avoid making explicit the course goals and learning process because they rely on the textbook to provide that information to students. Students “know” what they are expected to learn by what is in the textbook, supplemented by teachers’ lectures. The teacher checks for student understanding by asking questions in which the student is expected to respond with the “one right answer” provided by the textbook and the teacher’s lectures. Since the teacher is the only one who knows the “right answer” they are seeking, I describe this pedagogical approach as “guess what the teacher is thinking.” With this approach neither the students nor the teachers create new knowledge but rather reproduce the knowledge encased in the textbook and lectures.
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In my own work with teachers, many find it difficult to teach in a way in which knowledge is jointly created in the classroom. Such an approach requires that teachers spend less time telling students what they should know and more time structuring learning so that they can create original knowledge with students. For example, a teacher might begin a course by developing questions with students, ideally questions with no clear answer. Grant Wiggins4 proposes that teachers pose an “essential question,” a question that is complex and for which there is no one agreed upon answer. Avram Barlowe and Herb Mack, two social studies teachers at the Urban Academy in New York City, suggest the following topics among many: “What does the Diallo verdict tell us about our society? [Diallo was a recent immigrant to the US who was shot by the New York City police when he reached into his pocket for his wallet for identification]” “Should there be laws about who can be a parent?” “Should religion and religious belief play a central role in American life?” “Is there something wrong with smoking marijuana?5 Students then proceed to conduct research and develop an essay that they present to the class. In developing curriculum on the relationship between the environment and human health we have used problem-based learning as an approach that encourages complex analysis and understanding. For example, one could begin by asking what policies should be developed in response to the toxic dangers posed by Hurricane Katrina striking New Orleans. The floodwaters contained toxins from industrial waste sites, household chemicals, oil refineries and, after receding, resulted in mould growth in homes. In order to answer the question of what policies should be implemented, students would need to investigate real questions such as determining how dangerous the toxins are and what, if anything, can be done about them. Students would contact local and other scientists in environmental health and use on-line resources to come up with their answers. The students would quickly gain expertise in an area that would be valuable to the community. Given the emphasis over the last two decades on standards, high-stakes testing and accountability, and in places like Chicago, on developing a dual education system, it seems doubtful that corporate and political leaders really desire that all students engage in the twenty-first century schooling that we advocate. In fact, recent research by Moss and Tilly6 confirms that employers desire not the “hard skills” (literacy, numeracy, computer familiarity, cognitive abilities) that they claim are missing from workers but rather soft skills, which include the ability to interact with customers, coworkers, and supervisors, ability to fit in, enthusiasm, positive work attitudes, commitment, dependability, integrity, willingness to learn, and motivation. The Moss and Tilly interviews of managers in various economic sectors revealed that except for computer literacy managers more often demanded soft skills over hard skills. Employer surveys confirm these findings. In a Rochester City School District survey, area employers revealed that they considered the five most important attributes for employment to include: doesn’t abuse substances, follows directions, reads instructions, follows safety rules, and respects others. The five least 124
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important attributes for employment included: natural sciences, calculus, 7 computers, art, and foreign language. The desire for soft skills is also trumpeted by leading education officials. New York’s current Chancellor of Education, Robert Bennett, who oversees all the state’s educational institutions from birth to death, argued recently,8 that schools need not prepare students with hard skills—they can be provided by the students’ employers—but schools should develop students’ soft skills. Some of the skills he cited include: “showing up on time,” “working in a team with others not like you,” “understanding directions and carrying them out,” and “having a customer orientation.” Furthermore, the current faith in neoliberalism does not, for this author, bode well for achieving the reforms we desire. Under neoliberalism, markets guide social, economic, and educational decisions. I have criticized at length elsewhere the neoliberal faith in markets as a way to improve education.9 The desire to transform education into a market-based system has led to the current emphasis on standardized testing and reporting, which is meant to serve as the way in which families, as education consumers, can choose their educational service. However, such an approach, as Young10 has detailed, undermines any effort for individuals to engage in public discussions regarding their preferences with schools assessed by so-called objective test scores and not by in-depth descriptions of the kind of learning that actually occurs. Instead, preferences remain individualistic. Each individual may “engage in instrumental or strategic reasoning about the best means of realizing their preferences, but the aggregate outcome has no necessary rationality and itself has not been arrived at by a process of reasoning.”11 There is no account for the origins of the preferences and, indeed, it is unnecessary to provide a normative basis for a preference. In contrast, Young argues for deliberative democracy, in which: participants in the democratic process offer proposals for how best to solve problems or meet legitimate needs, and so on, and they present arguments through which they aim to persuade others to accept their proposals. Democratic process is primarily a discussion of problems, conflicts and claims of need or interest. Through dialogue others test and challenge these proposals and arguments. Because they have not stood up to a dialogic examination, the deliberative public rejects or refines some proposals. Participants arrive at a decision not by determining what preferences have the greatest numerical support, but by determining which proposals the collective agrees are supported by the best reasons.12 Young’s model of deliberative democracy echoes that of Dewey, who described democracy as more than a form of government, as “primarily a mode of associated 13 living, of conjoint communicated experience.” For Dewey, not only schools but also all institutions—including places of employment—should be places that promote individual and social growth.
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The vision we are offering is of a learning society, in which schools and other social institutions promote continuous learning. Olssen, Codd and O’Neill, in Education policy: Globalization, citizenship and democracy14 build on normative ideals expressed in Dewey and Foucault to call for an “education state.” They argue ”democracy is embedded in the values of mutual equal respect and survival, and includes norms and practices of reciprocity, of deliberation, of dialogue, and of fair treatment of due process”15 and that education, both in schools and the workplace, is central to achieving and maintaining democracy. Over the past several decades we have developed models for what critical, interdisciplinary learning that examines real world issues might look like. Not only have the Consortium Schools provided insights into the direction we might move but so have other innovative programs such as the classrooms funded by the National Institute of Environmental Health Sciences and the schools that form the Coalition of Essential Schools. However, in the US, these models have been undermined by the implementation of accountability systems that include highstakes standardized testing. Whether the US continues in the direction of highstakes testing or attempts to build on some of the recent successful programs such as the Consortium Schools, will continue to be contested.
1
Little and McLaughlin (1993) (1982) Ruddick (1991) p. 31 4 Wiggins and McTighe (1998) 5 Barlowe & Mack (2002) 6 Moss & Tilly (2001) 7 Cited in Berliner & Biddle (1995) p. 89 8 Speech given at First International Symposium on Urban Education and Intercultural Learning, D’Youville College, Buffalo, NY, (April 30, 2005) 9 See Hursh (2004, 2005a, 2005b) 10 (2000) 11 Young (2000) p. 20-21 12 Ibid. p. 22-23 13 Dewey (1916) p. 87 14 (2004) 15 Ibid, p. 276 2 3
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Scholarly activity, if viewed dispassionately, consists primarily of three elements: to create knowledge and evaluate its validity; to preserve information; and to pass it to others. Accomplishing each of these functions is based on a set of technology and economics. Together with history and politics, they lead to a set of institutions. Change the technology and economics, and the institutions must change, eventually. Eli Noam
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!B@#E(#E C@#*&!@?%& !The effect of Gutenberg0s letters would be to change the map of Europe, considerably reduce the power of the Catholic Church, and alter the very nature of the knowledge on which political and religious control was based. The printing press would also help to stimulate nascent forms of capitalism and provide the economic underpinning for a new kind of community0. Burke and Ornstein !A technological revolution centred around informationCis transformingD the way we think, we produce, we consume, we trade, we manage, we communicate, we live, we die, we make war, and we make love.0 Manuel Castells !The developed world will begin to suffer long before oil and gas actually run out. The American way of life – which is now virtually synonymous with suburbia – can run only on reliable supplies of dependably cheap oil and gas. Even mild to moderate deviations in either price of supply will crush our economy and make the logistics of daily life impossible.0 James Howard Iunstler !I am the pure product of an advanced, industrialised, post-imperialist country in decline.0 Angela Carter A% &1$ %5&.+$ 2) &1*%W, ,01223*%W M.,& 6$53 #*&1 &1$ ).&.+$\ )2+ ,01223, 5+$\ 2+ ,12.36 I$\ P+$P5+*%W '2.%W P$2P3$ )2+ #15& 3*$, 51$56_ /*%0$ P+$6*0&*2%, 5+$ 15+6\ $,P$0*533' 5I2.& &1$ ).&.+$ d5, <*$3, ?21+ M5' 159$ ,5*6e &1$ I$,& P+$P5+5&*2% '2.%W P$2P3$ 05% 159$ *, 5 %*MI3$ 5I*3*&' &2 5,,$,, &1$ *MP3*05&*2%, 2) $9$%&, 5, &1$' 15PP$%_ ?.&\ &15& ,5*6\ *& 1$3P, &2 159$ ,2M$ ,$%,$ 2) &1$ ).&.+$ #$ 5+$ M29*%W &2#5+6_ "2 W$%$+53*,$\ &1$+$ 5+$ #5', 2) 9*$#*%W &15& ).&.+$_ C%$ P+$6*0&, ,2M$ ,2+& 2) 02%&*%.*&'[ &15& #$ ,1533 c 62.I&3$,, *% .%$aP$0&$6 #5', c I.*36 2% #15& #$ 159$ %2#_ "1$ 02%&+5+' 9*$# *, 5P2053'P&*0\ P+$6*0&*%W d5& &1$ 3$5,&e 2%$ 2) &1+$$ &'P$, 2) 6*,02%&*%.*&'_ "1$ )*+,& 5P2053'P&*0 6*,02%&*%.*&' *, %.03$5+ #5+_ /*%0$ &1$ 02335P,$ 2) ,&5&$ 02MM.%*,M #$ 159$ 156 &1$ 02M)2+&*%W ,$%,$ &15& &1$ %.03$5+ &1+$5& 15, 6*,5PP$5+$6_ A& 15, %2&_ A& 15, 015%W$6\ I.& &1$+$ 5+$ ,&*33 1.%6+$6, 2) %.03$5+ #$5P2%, *% &1$ #2+36\ ,2M$ P22+3' M5*%&5*%$6 5%6 W.5+6$6_ <.03$5+ &$01%232W' 15, I$$% ,236 2% I' +2W.$ ,0*$%&*,&, 5%6 +2W.$ ,&5&$,\ 2) #1*01 =5J*,&5% *, &1$ I$,& GLR
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-:D<4A<4 @D<8/-D=;/
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GKG
CHAPTER 12
[and still partial] economic unification of Europe, the emergence of a North American regional economy, the diversification, then disintegration, of the former Third World, the gradual transformation of Russia and the ex-Soviet areas of influence in market economies, the incorporation of valuable segments of economies throughout the world into an interdependent system working unit in real time’.6 Then there are population issues. In most countries (except those at the heart of the AIDS pandemic) men and women are living longer. The post-genomic revolution in medicine means that we will live longer still – certainly in some parts of the world and eventually in most of it. That affects world population which (though not growing at the alarming rate predicted some decades ago) has increased by about half in the last twenty-five years, and will be significantly larger in years to come. The planet can probably accommodate and feed nine billion people (if that proves to be where the growth curve flattens) but not if we live as we are living now. In some parts of the world populations are growing fast; in others they are not. Growing populations mean that large numbers of young people will need health care, schooling and employment. Where populations are not growing significantly (as in many European countries) there is a contrary problem: a cohort of aging people with dwindling numbers in the workforce, and hence dwindling means of support. An unpredictable factor is large-scale migration, which will happen despite all the attempts of richer countries to close their borders to the poor; but which will vary from country to country (for example, the US has much higher rates of immigration – and may thus be more dynamic – than most Western European countries.) The world-transforming aftershock of the end to Soviet-style command economies brought with it the end of the twentieth century’s ‘long war’, leaving the United States as not just the only superpower, but one understandably, and sometimes capriciously, determined to order the rest of the world for its own security and benefit.7 We are still feeling the effects of the rapid collapse of what was recently ‘the eastern bloc’; though we are not feeling it with the pain felt by those of its inhabitants who have recently been assigned to the lower ranks of capitalism. Since the bloc’s collapse, the international hegemony of democracies and quasi-democracies has enabled them to impose what is known as ‘global free trade’. (As noted, we now have a trading system largely made by Americans for Americans, just as its nineteenth-century precursor was, quite understandably, designed by Britain’s ruling classes for their own benefit.) The United States has been prepared to use a range of means – up to and including armed force – to ensure that its markets are unconstrained. But this is only one current form of violence. The Cold War threat of nuclear conflict has been replaced by smaller-scale international clashes, by internal uprisings, and by attacks on the dominant power, while western ideologies are challenged by other creeds, radical Islam among them. But the shifts which, in the coming decade, are likely to have the most immediate effect on us – and on our schools – are the contest for raw materials and energy, clashes of religion and ideology, the industrialisation of Asia, the 132
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GKK
C"APTER 12
says, 1human beings will no longer be the most intelligent or capable type of entity 11 on the planetB. Others argue that the revolutionary phase of information technology is now past, and that the next discontinuity will come in the arena of the life sciencesH that 1biotechnology will the next great waveB which will 1ultimately spread through every economic sector, just as computers did before itB.12 In some parts of the world both information technologies and biotechnologies are already changing what it means to be human. 1"ybrids of living tissue and metal, we increasingly incorporate machinery, synthetic chemicals, inorganic materials, and electronic information into our bodies and environment, and an endless stream of electronically mediated sounds and images into our sensibilities. We have intense personal relationships with electronic and digital devices. We share our world with entities that may be intelligent yet are unconscious, not exactly alive yet not actually dead, quasi-organic and quasi-inorganic. We live with robots, cyborgs, 13 clones, genetically modified animals and plants, and proliferating mutations.B Such human and non-human transformations will doubtless have extensive consequences: how extensive we canBt yet tell. As we see in the following chapter, some natural and social scientists believe there is unlimited scope for new scientific discoveries, and that these may lead to sustainable and equitable economic growth across the world. On that large claim, the jury is out. Taken together, these changes, present and foretold, lead us into an unfamiliar landscape. There is no doubt that we shall work in different ways as the drivers of our economy change (see chapter 14) and we may view the world very differently. 1There is a growing agreement that many developed countries are undergoing a major transformation of world view, to rival what occurred when the industrial economy replaced the agrarian, rural, pre-industrial economy. Accompanying that shift is a major change to the explanatory pattern. It has been described as the transition to the post-industrial economy, or to the post-modern state, to the communication age, to the global societyB.14 We do not have a global society in any real sense, but 1this new world view, and its allied explanations, are likely to be widespread across the planet SinT the early years of the new centuryB.15 Writing of these changes, Uoung remarks that, in education, 1how they are responded to, and their implications for educational policy, will depend on decisions made by governments and others which will reflect (a) the position of a country in the world economic orderH (b) the national tradition of the country in questionH and (c) the policy choices of specific governmentsB.16 The conservative position is that there may have been intellectual and epistemological shifts in our society, but that these have not been fundamental, and do not warrant radical revision of that long-standing body of school knowledge and subject structure which, together, are central to scholastic practice. This is, in itself, a fundamental misconception. Though they may later be falsified or superseded, the theories of general relativity, of quantum mechanics, of sub-atomic physics and of strings have radically changed our view of the physical universe. Space exploration, manned or otherwise, has changed our view of our place in the cosmos. Sub-atomic physics and nanotechnologies are changing the way we 134
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Schools are not doing well in finding answers. Instead they tend to rely on an unspoken transnational consensus shaped by the governments and agencies which dominate the current process of globalisation – notably the United States, the EU, China and transnational organisations like the World Bank, WIPO, WTO and OECD. Those in the West have developed what is taken to be a universally applicable model of education and training, which nominally leads national educational policies toward ‘lifelong learningN international and national accreditation of work skills, multiculturalism, international and national academic standards and tests [and] school choice N [while] adherence to free market ideologies has resulted in a reliance on the methods of human capital accounting and government intervention to influence student decisions in the education market’.18 In this widely-promoted model, little attention is paid to what students learn, how they learn, or where they learn. Such imposed models, though often misconceived, have led in some countries to systemic changes in schooling. They are a part of the slow transformation of the developing world’s way of schooling. If we question the international consensus, what else is on offer? The conventional answer would be that schools should shift at least some of their teaching toward what is now happening in the world, and – learning from that – what might happen in years to come. That is unlikely to work, for several reasons. One is that (as we have seen) it is hard for schools, insulated as they are from the
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CHAPTER 12
world, to teach well when it comes to contemporary issues, much less those in the future. Another is that such teaching, when schools try it, may not work well with young people.19 In any case, teaching is not what is needed here. What we do need – what we all need – is an ability to investigate what may lie ahead; what may be coming down the road. We can learn to how to use the vast repository of webaccessed data for indicators of the future in any area of interest – work, money, sport, terrorism, health, sex, science – whatever concerns us (and whatever should concern us) at the time. Such investigations offer an entry to cultures of coming economies: cultures likely to be very different from those that have gone before. If all goes well (and it may not) we shall move into an economy based on ‘the culture of innovation, on the culture of risk, on the culture of expectations, and, ultimately, on the culture of hope in the future. Only if this culture survives the nay-sayers of the old economy of the industrial era may the new economy prosper.’20
1
‘Meeting the Climate Challenge: Recommendations of the International Climate Change Taskforce’ Center for American Progress 25.1.2005 (http://www.americanprogress.org/site/pp.asp?c=biJRJ8OVF&b=306503) 2 Ibid 3 Kunstler 2005 4 Ibid 5 Freeman and Louca 2001 6 Castells 2000 7 It is not yet clear whether the post-2001 ‘war on terror’ promoted by President Bush and the Pentagon will become – from a US perspective – a satisfactory functional alternative to the twentieth century’s long war; or whether it will be, for America, as economically debilitating as that long war was for the Soviet Union. 8 Kaku 1998 9 Schwartz 2003 10 Castells 2000 11 Kurzweil 1999 12 Davis 2001 13 Marcia Tanner, PARC forum, 18.8.2005; openparcforumdparc.com 14 Beare 2001 15 Ibid 16 Young 1998 17 The term is taken from Peter Schwartz’s eponymous book (Schwartz 2003) 18 Spring 1998 19 See, for example, ‘Young people’s attitudes to politics’ MORI 2003; http://www.e-democracy.gov.uk/knowledgepool/default.htm?mode=1&pkfdocument=59 20 Castells 2003
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CHAPTER 13
office. They did not mean to reduce political campaigning to a 30-second TV commercial. All they were trying to do was to make television into a vast and unsleeping money machine. That they destroyed substantive political discourse in 26 the process does not concern them.’ The digital universe has its limits. Despite the claims of technological evangelists, new ways of knowing and interacting are not ubiquitous. Parts of the world are excluded from the new episteme. In our culture too, there are epistemic islands, insulated from ambient change. School systems are such islands. Locked in the age of print, only superficially affected by their expensive experiments with industrial computing, schools are cut off from the digital culture around them. For some commentators, this is entirely to the good. Postman repeatedly and vociferously argued that new technologies will destroy all that is best in civilisation. Following Aldous Huxley, he worried particularly about the media we like best; those which entertain us, and turn us away from the puritanism of print (and, perhaps, away from schooling). ‘What Huxley feared was that there would be no reason to ban a book, for there would be no one who wanted to read one. Orwell feared those who would deprive us of information. Huxley feared those who would give us so much that we would be reduced to passivity and egoism. Orwell feared that the truth would be concealed from us. Huxley feared the truth would be drowned in a sea of irrelevance. Orwell feared we would become a captive culture. Huxley feared we would become a trivial culture, preoccupied with some equivalent of the feelies, orgy porgy, and centrifugal bumblepuppy. As Huxley remarked in Brave New World Revisited, the civil libertarians and rationalists who are ever on the alert to oppose tyranny “failed to take into account man’s almost infinite appetite for distractions”. In 1984, Huxley added, people are controlled by inflicting pain. In Brave New World, they are controlled by inflicting pleasure. In short, Orwell feared that what we hate will ruin us. Huxley feared that what we love will ruin us.’27 Postman may have been right when he predicted that new technologies would devalue some of what was best in the culture of literacy. But his solution – that we must somehow find a way back to the alphabetic garden – is an unattainable wish. As he knew, and we know, technologies are genies which cannot be forced back into bottles. Expelled from that garden, we have no way back. Instead, we need to apply all we have learned to be politically and morally valuable to an age of new technologies, new economies, and new literacies. ‘In the decade ahead we need to rebuild the culture around information technology. In that new sociotechnical culture, assumptions about mastery would be less absolute. The new culture would make it easier, not more difficult, to consider life in shades of grey; to see moral dilemmas in terms other than a battle between good and evil. For never has our world been more complex, hybridised, and global. Never have we needed to have so many contradictory thoughts and feelings at the same time. Our tools must help us to accomplish that, not fight against us’ for ‘if we take the computer as a carrier of a way of knowing, a way of seeing the world and our place in it, we are all computer people now.’28
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Horgan, J 8Come on, use your common sense’ The Guardian 18.8.2005 Feynman 1997 3 Ibid 4 www.guardian.co.uk/science 26.8.05 5 Feynman 1960 6 Fukuyama 2003 7 Ibid 8 Barrow 1999 9 Baltimore, D in Denning (ed) 2001 10 Barrow 1999 11 Turing 1950 12 KurVweil 1999 13 Turkle 2004 14 Kaku 1998 15 Randall, L 2005 16 Turkle 2004 17 Postman 1998 18 Young 1998 19 Ibid 20 Turkle 2004 21 Shirky 2005 22 Ibid 23 Ibid 24 Ibid 25 Postman 1998 26 Ibid 27 Ibid 28 Turkle 2004 2
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B"F F(CC F% F")NG ‘For a nation, the choices that determine whether income doubles with every generation, or instead with every other generation, dwarf all other policy concerns’. Paul Romer ‘The shift to a knowledge-based economy demands that traditional relationships between education, learning and work are fundamentally reappraised. The longrunning debate over whether, and to what extent, education should be a preparation for work, as well as life, is being overtaken by events.’ Alan Burton-Jones I got a job working construction For the Johnstown Company But lately there ain’t been much work On account of the economy. Bruce Springsteen A) 5 M5*% ).%0&*2% 2) ,01223*%W *, &2 ,.PP2+& 2.+ %5&*2%53 $02%2M'\ #$ %$$6 &2 322J 51$56 &2 &1$ J*%6 2) $02%2M' #$ ,1533 159$ #1$% &12,$ %2# '2.%W 5+$ 56.3&_ "1$+$ *, 566$6 .+W$%0' ,*%0$\ 322J*%W I50J\ #$ ,$$ &15& ,01223*%W 15, +5+$3' I$$% 5% 2P&*M53 P+$P5+5&*2% )2+ 3*)$ I$'2%6 ,01223_ D, #$ 159$ ,$$%\ &1$+$ 5+$ M5%' ).&.+$ ,0$%5+*2,_ "1$' %2# +5%W$ I$&#$$% P23$,\ 2%$ M2+$ 2P&*M*,&*0 &15% &1$ 2&1$+_ "1$ 65+J$+ ,0$%5+*2, *%03.6$ %.03$5+ #5+\ *++$9$+,*I3$ 03*M5&$ 015%W$ 5%6 5 02335P,$ 2) 0*9*3*,5&*2% #*&1 &1$ $%6*%W 2) 2.+ &*M$ 2) 01$5P 2*3 d,$$ 015P&$+ GLe_ "1$ M2+$ 2P&*M*,&*0 ).&.+$\ 02%,*6$+$6 I$32#\ 1236, &15& &1$+$ *, %2 3*M*& &2 1.M5% *%9$%&*9$%$,,\ 2+ &2 &1$ &1*%W, &15& 05% I$ *%9$%&$6_ H$ 05% *%9$%& 2.+ #5' 2.& 2) 5%' 6*))*0.3&' *) #$ c 5%6 2&1$+ %5&*2%, c )+$$ 2.+,$39$, )+2M &1$ #$*W1& 2) 2.+ P5,&_ A% ?+*&5*%U, 05,$\ 2.+ *%6.,&+*53 ,&2+' 15, 5 I$W*%%*%W\ 5 M*663$ 5%6 5% $%6\ 5, W226 ,&2+*$, ,12.36_ "1$ >fU, 32%W 6$,0$%& )+2M &1$ #2+36U, 3$56*%W *%6.,&+*53 P2#$+ &2 2%$ 2) &1$ 53,2(+5%, #5, 6.$ *% P5+& &2 #15& -2++$33* ?5+%$&& 0533, &1$ 02.%&+'U, `$6.05&*2% )2+ *%6.,&+*53 6$03*%$U_ A% &1$ 35,& '$5+, 2) &1$ &#$%&*$&1 0$%&.+' &15& ,32# *MP29$+*,1M$%& #5, +$9$+,$6 I' ?+*&5*%U, %$# +23$ 5, 5 +$35&*9$3' 32#(#5W$ 5%6 32#(,J*33 5%6 M5*%3' ,$+9*0$ $02%2M'_ >%*2%, #$+$ #$5J$%$6 *% &1$ GRX], 5%6 GRR],\ M5J*%W *& $5,*$+ &2 1*+$ 5%6 )*+$Z I$%$)*&, #$+$ +$02%)*W.+$6 &2 P.,1 &1$ P22+ *%&2 #2+J 5& 32#$+ +$53 #5W$, &15% &1$' M*W1& 159$ $aP$0&$6 5 6$056$ $5+3*$+_ A% &5%6$M\ )+2M &1$ M*6(GRR],\ $5,*$+ I2++2#*%W\ 32# *%)35&*2% 5%6 +$35&*9$3' 32# *%&$+$,& +5&$, $%02.+5W$6 $02%2M*0 $aP5%,*2%\ GOV
CHAPTER 14 1
consumer spending and personal indebtedness. The result was a British economy, at the beginning of the twenty-first century, with higher employment and marginally higher growth than some of the country’s European competitors, giving our politicians a soapbox from which to lecture the rest of the European Union. Even if we ignore the dark scenarios of climate change and oil depletion, our economic hubris may be premature. The Economist has described services as anything sold in trade that can’t be dropped on your foot. But many of the services which can’t be dropped on your foot can be outsourced across digital networks, to places where they can be completed more cheaply than here. Though Britain has, since the mid-eighties, benefited from being a relatively low-wage economy with low job security, globalisation has brought – and will increasingly bring – competition from many countries where wages are even lower and job security is largely absent. China and India are most often cited in this context, but there are low-wage countries much closer: among them Albania, Moldova, Ukraine, Bulgaria, Lithuania, the Czech Republic, Belarus, Latvia, Estonia, Hungary, Poland, Romania, Slovakia and Slovenia. Further, a service economy is still a large consumer of energy and other natural resources. Britain, as elsewhere, is affected by the increasing cost and declining availability of raw materials (gas, oil, iron ore and so on). If economic growth relies on steadily increasing inputs of these materials it is likely to be unsustainable, as primary resources become less plentiful, less accessible and more expensive and as the G8 countries compete for them with newly industrialising countries, notably in Asia. Beside the cost of raw materials there are the less visible costs of current economies. Economists and environmentalists agree that both industrial and service economies generate unwished-for side effects (notably pollution, environmental degradation and accelerated climate change) and these negative externalities may increase faster than the production of goods. Here too, there are limits to growth. Ricardo and Keynes – dominating figures in economic thought in successive centuries – both believed that wealth creation must decline; and that this decline, combined with population growth, would impoverish us all. But, as sometimes happens, the world – or most of the world – is not (or not yet) behaving as theory said it should. Growth has continued longer, and more steadily, than economic pessimists believed possible, even in countries where industrial production is declining. And, though many of us live in poverty, the world supports more people than Malthus, or Ehrlich, thought possible. The question for Britain in the twentyfirst century is how to manage the future: absent an apocalyptic discontinuity, how do we combine sustainable economic growth with social justice? The question for this book is how education might help do that. In the first years of the twenty-first century there is growing (but by no means universal) consensus that Britain is moving toward a knowledge-based economy. At first take, this is an odd notion. It is hard to think of any product or service which does not already have some knowledge component. Some thinking must have gone into whatever it is, as well as materials and human labour. But 148
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knowledge economies differ from what went before in the proportion of knowledge to materials and labour in any given enterprise. In ‘new growth theories’ we can say that knowledge is used to reduce the proportion of materials and labour, and to find innovative and sustainable ways of using both. One set of growth theories is exemplified by the work of Paul Romer, ‘according to which aggregate productivity is a function of the degree of product variety. Innovation causes productivity growth in the product-variety paradigm by creating new, but not necessarily improved, varieties of products. This paradigm grew out of the new theory of international trade, and emphasized the technology spillovers according to which the productivity of resources devoted to developing new product varieties was greater the greater the variety of products that have already 2 been developed’. Romer argues that this way of thinking overturns the long tradition of decreasing or diminishing returns, the cornerstone of traditional economic models. If we are thinking of economies dependent on capital, land and labour, a model of diminishing returns makes sense. But, Romer argues, what classical economists overlooked is that economic growth does not depend simply on producing ‘more of the same’ things, from expendable resources. ‘Economic growth occurs whenever people take resources and rearrange them in ways that are more valuable. A useful metaphor for production in an economy comes from the kitchen. To create valuable final products, we mix inexpensive ingredients together according to a recipe. The cooking one can do is limited by the supply of ingredients, and most cooking in the economy produces undesirable side effects. If economic growth could be achieved only by doing more and more of the same kind of cooking, we would eventually run out of raw materials and suffer from unacceptable levels of pollution and nuisance. Human history teaches us, however, that economic growth springs from better recipes, not just from more cooking. New recipes generally produce fewer unpleasant side effects and generate more economic value per unit of raw material.’3 Ideas, it seems – certain sorts of ideas in certain institutional contexts – are a principal engine of economic growth. Growth can be driven by inventing or discovering new things (some of which may be non-material) or by making things, which people continue to want, in new ways. The dynamic of such growth (and of the new economics which tries to explain it) is new knowledge. Creating and using knowledge was of course involved, but was not seen as central, in industrial economies. It is now. The ways in which knowledge will be created, and the ways it will be applied, distinguish the post-industrial age from the industrial. In an economic context, knowledge is characterised in particular ways. ‘Because ideas can be infinitely shared and reused, we can accumulate them 4 without limit.’ Ideas are neither finite nor expendable. ‘Knowledge has different properties from other economic goods... the ability to grow the economy by increasing knowledge, rather than labour or capital, creates opportunities for nearly boundless growth.’5 Of course this does not mean that we will have boundless growth. We have noted (chapter 12) scenarios which predict the opposite: global chaos and misery. History
149
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TEACHERS
NOF programme of 2000–2002) teachers were expected to turn up, in their own time, to be lectured on computers and computing. Very few people become experts in new technologies – or anything else – through short courses of lectures supported by printed notes. In this case, very few teachers did become expert. Several obvious but apparently elusive conclusions follow. First, if we want effective change in schools, teachers need to be treated as partners in formulating and implementing those changes – not as workers whose task is to obey orders from above. Secondly, the changes should make teaching easier and more effective, in the sense of helping students to learn. Third, schools need to be in closer touch with the social, economic and technological changes happening around them. Finally, we need research on the effects of systemic change; proper programmes of change management; time for teachers to acclimatise to new techniques; and adequate training in any innovation. These are not quick or inexpensive processes, which might persuade those advocating scholastic novelties to consider them more thoughtfully.
1
Capital Strategies 2000 Papert 1992 3 Ibid 2
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PARENTS
Melanie Phillips, who has made a profitable middle-aged journey from the left of the political spectrum to the right. Commenting on (ultimately discarded) proposals to reduce the distorting influence of ‘academic’ schooling, Ms Phillips asks, is there ‘a decline in academic rigour? Solved – by stamping out academic rigour altogether. Too many exams burdening pupils? Solved – by destroying the very meaning of exams’.8 With such influential and well publicised advocates of traditional schooling, affluent parents have little to fear. Hoping that ambitious parents will behave altruistically is like expecting the lion to lie down with lamb. As the saying goes, only one gets up in the morning. In unequal class-stratified societies – that is, in most societies – schools will cease to be competitive cockpits only when they no longer promise access to scarce goods. To start that process, we need to detach schooling from university entrance. Universities will have to find their own ways of selecting entrants, rather than freeriding on school assessment and, in the process, distorting compulsory education. Poorer parents often have more urgent issues than pushing their children through school: they worry about staying in work, paying the bills and the rent. They are inclined to trust, or hope, that teachers know what they are doing. Ambitious, affluent parents – outside the fee-charging sector – have no such faith. Doing their best for their children, they help to shape state school systems, and make them resistant to change. That is entirely understandable, but it does mean, in England, that we have a school system adapted to some century other than this. Affluent parents’ influence on our schools might seem to breach the system’s closure, but it does not. This group of parents is happy to accept the system’s own assessments – and self-assessment – since their aim is to have their offspring do well within the education system, as judged by the system’s criteria. A school whose pupils do well in university entrance examinations is thought, by both administrators and parents, to be a successful school. At the time of writing, judgment by league tables appears to satisfy everyone, except perhaps the majority of pupils, and, of course, those who are trying to build a new and more innovative national economy.
1
Margaret Hodge, reported in The Guardian, 14.1.2002 Mulgan 2005 London Evening Standard 4.9.03 4 Ibid 5 Bedell 2002 6 Ms Millar was thereafter accused by the English Sunday Times of ‘spelling doom’ for middle-class parents 7 Bedell 2002 8 Melanie Phillips, ‘The immolation of British education’ Daily Mail 18.10.2004 2 3
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L+&(#%&& ‘The consequences of technological change are always vast, often unpredictable and largely irreversible. That is also why we must be suspicious of capitalists. Capitalists are by definition not only personal risk takers but, more to the point, cultural risk takers. The most creative and daring of them hope to exploit new technologies to the fullest, and do not much care what traditions are overthrown in the process or whether or not a culture is prepared to function without such traditions. Capitalists are, in a word, radicals. In America, our most significant radicals have always been capitalists – men like Bell, Edison, Ford, Carnegie, Sarnoff, Goldwyn. These men obliterated the 19th century, and created the 20th, which is why it is a mystery to me that capitalists are thought to be conservative. Perhaps it is because they are inclined to wear dark suits and grey ties.’ Neil Postman A) I.,*%$,, P$2P3$ 5+$ *%6$$6 +56*053,\ *& *, 15+6 &2 ,$$ #1' &1$' 02%&*%.$ &2 )592.+ 5 ,&'3$ 2) ,01223*%W #1*01\ ,2M$ &*M$ 35,& 0$%&.+'\ 156 2.&3*9$6 *&, $02%2M*0 953.$_ ?.,*%$,,\ #$ M*W1& &1*%J\ *, 2%$ P+$,,.+$ W+2.P #1*01 #2.36 #5%& &2 M29$ #*&1 &1$ &*M$,\ 2+ $9$% I$ 5 3*&&3$ 51$56 2) &1$ 0.+9$_ D, =$5+% ,5', `&1$ P+$,,.+$ 2) 015%W$ *% &1$ $a&$+%53 $%9*+2%M$%&, 2) 2+W5%*,5&*2%,\ #1$&1$+ M5%.)50&.+*%W 2+ ,$+9*0$ P+29*6$+,\ #1$&1$+ P.I3*0\ P+*95&$ 2+ 923.%&5+'\ *, ,.01 &15& &1$' %$$6 &2 3$5+% M2+$ 02%,0*2.,3'\ M2+$ ,',&$M5&*0533'\ 5%6 M2+$ Y.*0J3' &15% &1$' 6*6 *% &1$ P5,&___ &1$' M.,& 3$5+% %2& 2%3' *% 2+6$+ &2 ,.+9*9$ I.& 53,2 &2 &1+*9$ *% 5 #2+36 2) $9$+ *%0+$5,*%W 015%W$ 5%6 $9$+ ,12+&$%*%W P+$6*0&5I*3*&' 12+*j2%,\ #1$&1$+ &1$,$ 5+$ ,20*53\ &$01%232W*053\ P23*&*053\ 32053 2+ W32I53_U1 A% ,12+&\ *) &1$' 5+$ &2 02P$ #*&1 015%W$ *% &1$ &#$%&'()*+,& 0$%&.+'\ I.,*%$,,$, %$$6 &2 I$02M$ 3$5+%*%W 2+W5%*,5&*2%,_ D%6 *) ,01223, 5+$ &2 M$$& &1$ %$$6, 2) I.,*%$,,\ ,01223, &22 %$$6 &2 I$02M$ 3$5+%*%W 2+W5%*,5&*2%,\ ,&5))$6 I' P$2P3$ #12 #*,1 &2 3$5+%\ 5%6 #12 159$ 3$5+%$6 &2 3$5+%_ H$ M*W1& $aP$0& I.,*%$,, &2 5+W.$ )2+ &1*,_ A, &15& 5+W.M$%& 15PP$%*%WQ A& *, %2&_ A% &1$ )*+,& '$5+, 2) &1$ &#$%&'()*+,& 0$%&.+'\ M2,& I.,*%$,, 3$56$+, ,&*33 $012 &1$ 02%9$%&*2%53 #*,62M, 5+2.%6 ,01223*%W_ ?.,*%$,, M5%5W$+, 0533 )2+ M2+$ $6.05&*2%53 &5+W$&, dI.& %2& )2+ I$&&$+ 6$)*%*&*2% 2) &12,$ &5+W$&,eZ )2+ M5*%&5*%*%W ,&5%65+6, d#*&12.& 6$)*%*%W &12,$ ,&5%65+6,\ 2+ $953.5&*%W &1$*+ .,$).3%$,, *% &1$ #2+36 2.&,*6$ $6.05&*2%eZ 5%6 )2+ M2+$ &$,&*%W d#*&12.& Y.$,&*2%*%W #15& *, &$,&$6e_ D002+6*%W &2 &1$ -2%)$6$+5&*2% )2+ ?+*&*,1 A%6.,&+'\ ,01223,U &5,J *, &2 &$501 P.P*3, +$56*%W\ #+*&*%W 5%6 )*W.+*%W_ `"1$ -?A ,5*6 *&, L]]O ,.+9$' )*W.+$, )2.%6 XKp 2) I.,*%$,,$, &12.W1& &1$ $6.05&*2% ,',&$MU, )*+,& P+*2+*&' ,12.36 I$ *MP+29*%W 3*&$+50' 5%6 %.M$+50' 3$9$3,_U2 A% 2&1$+ #2+6,\ ,01223, ,12.36 62 %2 M2+$ &15% &1$' 159$ I$$% 62*%W c 2+ &+'*%W &2 62 c )2+ &1$ P5,& 0$%&.+*$,_ 82.I&3$,, #$ ,12.36 533 I$ 3*&$+5&$ 5%6 GVS
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$B% *(&)+?$(O% $%!B#"C"E, $B@$ *(*#>$ ‘Take this very important art and turn it into something as convenient as the pencil.’ George Eastman ‘The network is the computer.’ Sun Microsystems ‘In their capacity as a tool, computers will be but a ripple on the surface of our culture. In their capacity as intellectual challenge, they are without precedent in the cultural history of mankind.’ Esdger Dijkstra Some technologies are sustaining: they encourage you to do today (hopefully better) what you did yesterday. Some technologies – the disruptive ones – do not. They undermine, and eventually transform, an earlier way of working. Almost everywhere, computers and networks are disruptive technologies: they change the way organisations, and people, work. They are changing the way we live. Except in schools. In schools, computing has become a sustaining technology. Schools have tamed digital networks: drawn their teeth. As Papert has said of school computing ‘what had started as a subversive instrument of change was neutralised by the system and converted into an instrument of consolidation’.1 To take just one example, electronic whiteboards – a widely acclaimed twenty-first century innovation in British schools – are so clearly digital cousins of the traditional chalkboard that they have hardly ruffled the surface of the didactic paradigm. "1$+$ 5+$ ,$9$+53 +$5,2%, )2+ &1*, %$W5&*2% 2) 02MP.&*%WU, P2&$%&*53_ C%$\ %2&$6 $5+3*$+\ *, &1$ 02%).,*2% 5%6 *%$))*0*$%0' 2) &1$ P23*&*053 P+20$,, *% &1$ 02MM*,,*2%*%W 2) *%)2+M5&*2% &$01%232W'_ C9$+ P5,& 6$056$, 35+W$ 5M2.%&, 2) M2%$' 159$ I$$% ,P$%& 2% A" c M.01 2) *& %2& ,P$%& #$33_ `"1$ g?+*&*,1h W29$+%M$%& 53+$56' ,P$%6, lGOI% 5 '$5+ 2% 02MP.&$+ ,',&$M, 5%6 ,$+9*0$,\ &1$ 1*W1$,& )*W.+$ *% ;.+2P$\ 5%6 62.I3$ &1$ ,.M ,P$%& *% GRRR_ "1$ P.I3*0 ,$0&2+ 2 5002.%&, )2+ SS P$+ 0$%& 2) &1$ #123$ >f M5+J$& )2+ A"_U 82$, &1$ 02.%&+' W$& 953.$ )2+ &1*, ,*W%*)*05%& ,.M 2) M2%$'Q `"1$ W29$+%M$%&U, 02%)*6$%0$ *% A" &2 6+*9$ %$# P23*0*$, *, +$M5+J5I3$\ W*9$% &1$ +$P.&5&*2% )2+ )5*3.+$ 2) P.I3*0 ,$0&2+ 02MP.&$+ P+2b$0&,_U3 "1$+$ 5+$ W226 +$5,2%, )2+ &1$,$ )5*3.+$,_ C%$ *, `*%$aP$+*$%0$ 5M2%W 0*9*3 ,$+95%&, 5%6 &1$ )+$Y.$%& 350J 2) 5 ,$%*2+ )*W.+$ 05P5I3$ 2) W$&&*%W 5 4 W+*P 2% 5 P+2b$0& &15& *, W2*%W 5#+'U_ D, 2) L]]S `,$9$%&' +*,J' H1*&$1533 02MP.&$+ P+2b$0&, 159$ +$0$*9$6 ,$0+$& m+$6 #5+%*%W,n &15& &1$' #*33 )5*3 &2 6$3*9$+ .%3$,, *MM$6*5&$ 50&*2% *, &5J$% &2 +$0&*)' P+2I3$M,U_5 /2M$ 2) &1$,$ P+2b$0&, M5' GXS
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CHAPTER 20
There is a wider issue, beyond putting right past mistakes. It is a commonplace, but true, that there are rapid – and sometimes radical – changes in the networked world. Significant decisions in the education system are at the opposite pole: they are, as a rule, made and implemented very slowly. It follows that we should, now, occupy ourselves in assessing where electronic networks will be in five years time. We should be preparing schools, and educating teachers, for that future. To date, education’s generals have been resolutely fighting the last digital war. In a fastmoving field, they might now turn their attention the next.
1
Papert 1992 Cross, M, Prospect October 2005 Ibid 4 Ibid 5 Hencke, D, The Guardian 5.7.05 6 By 2002 the Parliamentary Select Committee on Information reported that still ‘few Members have effective systems for dealing with the host of e-mails which come into their offices each day’, noting too that email is one of the simplest computer-assisted applications. http://www.publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm200102/cmselect/cminform/1065/106505.htmVa9 7 Schneiderman 2002 8 Adams 1995 9 Ibid 2 3
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!What kind of education will best prepare students for life in a knowledge society? Typical answers to this :uestion list characteristics that such education should foster: flexibility, creativity, problem-solving ability, technological literacy, information-finding skills, and above all a lifelong readiness to learnA But there is another way of approaching the :uestion. It is to consider what kind of experience offers the best preparation for life in a knowledge society. The obvious answer is experience in a learning organiEation. The implications of this disarming answer are :uite radical, however. For if schools are to constitute the learning organiEations in which students gain experience, the role of students must change from that of clients to that of members, workers. This means changing the function of the school from that of service provider to that of a productive enterprise to which the students are contributors. But what is that productive enterprise? What are the students contributors to?’ Marlene Scardamalia and Carl Bereiter ‘As perceptions change regarding the economic necessity to improve basic skill levels and provide access to learning for all on a lifetime basis, technologically assisted methods of teaching and other “learning technologies” must move centre stage.’ Alan Burton-Jones ‘The economic product of the United States has become predominantly conceptual.’ Alan Greenspan D,,.M$ &15& P23*&*0*5%, #*33 d5& ,2M$ P2*%&e 6$0*6$ &15& &1$ %5&*2% %$$6, *% *&, #2+J)2+0$ M2+$ P$2P3$ #12 5+$ *%%295&*9$\ *%9$%&*9$\ 0.+*2., 5%6 0+*&*053 c 5%6 &15& #*33 *MP3'\ 5M2%W 2&1$+ &1*%W,\ 5 +$,15P*%W 2) 2.+ ,01223 ,',&$M_ 4*9$% 02%&$MP2+5+' $02%2M*0 &+$%6,\ &1$ $5+3' &#$%&'()*+,& 0$%&.+' M*W1& I$ 5 W226 &*M$ &2 .%6$+&5J$ &15& +$,15P*%W_ "1$+$ 5+$ %2& M5%' )2+&.%5&$ b.%0&.+$, *% &1$ 1*,&2+' 2) ,01223*%W\ I.& &1*, M5' I$ 2%$ 2) &1$M_ =$+15P, )2+ &1$ )*+,& &*M$ *% 1*,&2+'\ &1$ %$$6, 2) %5&*2%53 $02%2M*$, 5+$ 02%9$+W*%W #*&1 &1$ %$$6, 2) 3$5+%$+,_ H$ 5+$ M29*%W &2#5+6 5 %$# &'P$ 2) $02%2M*0 ,&+.0&.+$ d,$$ 015P&$+ GOe #1*01 #*33 M5J$ %$# 6$M5%6, 2) 2.+ ,01223 ,',&$M\ 5%6 2P$% %$# 622+, )2+ P.P*3,_ D002+6*%W &2 ?+*&5*%U, -15%0$332+ 2) &1$ ;a01$Y.$+\ ,P$5J*%W *% L]]S\ `*) -1*%5 5%6 A%6*5 5+$ &.+%*%W 2.& O M*33*2% W+56.5&$, 5 '$5+\ &1$% #$ 05%%2& 5))2+6 &2 #5,&$ &1$ &53$%& 2) 5%' 01*36\ #+*&$ 2)) GRS
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CHAPTER 21
technologies to their successors. That shift, when it happens, will not be about doing better today what we did yesterday: technological transformation is worthwhile only if it is linked with radical improvements in teaching and learning; a rethinking of what is to be learned, and how it might be learned. The socioeconomic opening to new scholastic structures has come at an historic moment when new technologies make its implementation more possible. Inevitably we will at some stage move to the provision of a personal networked device for each learner (chapter 20). Well used, these will open new avenues for individual learning. As schools change, teaching practice must change. Learning in school is a concomitant – but not a necessary consequence – of good teaching. In a reorganised school system, teachers will be more important, and more autonomous, than they are today; but they will work in a digital and networked, rather than print-based, system. Teachers will no longer be students’ principal source of information. That will be the internet, or some other searchable data network. Teaching will move toward a tutorial model; and, within appropriate intellectual structures, learning will be more a matter of students’ active research rather than passive absorption of information. Some of the likely changes have been noted earlier, and are here only briefly recalled: Rethinking memorisation. We have seen that memorisation of facts still takes up much of the time pupils spend at school but, when most of the facts we might need can be drawn instantly from ambient data networks, why would we continue to memorise them? David and Foray note that ‘new technologies, which first emerged in the 1950s and then really took off with the advent of the internet, have breathtaking potential. They enable remote access to information and the means of acquiring knowledge. In addition to transmitting written texts and other digitizable items (music, pictures), they also allow users to access and work upon knowledge systems from a distance (e.g. remote experimentation), to take distance-learning courses within the framework of interactive teacher-student relations (teleeducation) and to have unbelievable quantities of information – a sort of universal library – available on their desktops.’3 Knowledge context. The ambient availability of information does not mean there is nothing we need to remember. We cannot find what information we want – nor can we convert it into knowledge – unless we know where and how to look for it. Nor will information be useful, once found, until we know how to assess it, and have the intellectual structures that will set it in context. Learners need teachers’ help in knowing not only what information to find, but also how to assess its provenance, validity and its truth value. Cultivating such critical awareness is (or should be) schooling’s province. Simulation. Information technologies have another powerful, and so far underexploited, use in schools. With exponential growth in computing power we can 198
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,*M.35&$\ )2+ 3$5+%$+,\ *%0+$5,*%W3' 02MP3$a $%9*+2%M$%&, 5%6 P+20$,,$,_ "1$,$ M5' I$ P+20$,,$, 2+ ,$&&*%W, #1*01 5+$ &22 65%W$+2., )2+ ,&.6$%&, d3*J$ 01$M*053 P35%&,eZ P350$, #1$+$ ,&.6$%&, 5+$ .%3*J$3' &2 I$ 5332#$6 d3*J$ 02+P2+5&$ P35%%*%W M$$&*%W, )2+ %$# P+2b$0&,eZ 2+ 5+$5, #1$+$ 500$,, )2+ 2.&,*6$+, *, .%3*J$3' d3*J$ 1*W1(&$01%232W' 35I2+5&2+*$, 2+ 6$)$%0$ *%,&5335&*2%,e_ "1$+$ 5+$ 2) 02.+,$ M5%' 2&1$+ P2,,*I*3*&*$, )2+ #$33(P+2W+5MM$6 ,*M.35&*2%[ 02%)*W.+5I3$ ,0*$%0$ 35I,\ )2+ *%,&5%0$_ C%0$ I.*3&\ &1$,$ ,*M.35&*2%, #2.36 5332# ,&.6$%&, &2 &5J$ P5+& 9*+&.533' *% P+20$,,$,\ 5%6 9*+&.533' &2 9*,*& P350$,\ &15& #2.36 2&1$+#*,$ I$ 032,$6 &2 &1$M_ Digital gaming. Most teachers shun digital games – either because they fail to understand them, or because they are labelled violent and destructive. As indeed many are. But computer gaming, whether single-player or massively multiplayer, opens immense possibilities for education. Inspired by games like Sims, MIT’s Games-to-Teach Project ‘hopes to offer students a chance to explore the worlds of math, science, and engineering through new and exciting game models. A major challenge will be how to create a next-generation games that allow students to engage in critical problem solving, creative expression, and rich social relationships – [games] that appeal to a broad audience.’4 Individuation. A networked terminal for each student (see chapter 20) will allow schools to move toward individualised curricula. This will solve one of the perceived problems of comprehensive education: it is socially desirable for all young people in a neighbourhood to attend local inclusive schools – but of course students learn in different ways, at different speeds, and want to learn different things. Taking this further, we can imagine schools which could, virtually, cater for students who want to take subjects – philosophy, say, or microbiology – for which it would be impracticable to hire specialist teachers. Such virtual teaching and learning would need to revisit the work of earlier curriculum reform movements, rather than that of current British providers, led by the BBC’s soi disant ‘bite-size curricula’. When it comes to learning, one size does not fit all. Curriculum and learning materials_ "1$,$ 5+$ 53,2 J%2#% 5, &$a&I22J, d5%6\ M2+$ 500.+5&$3'\ 5, &$501*%W M5&$+*53,e &12.W1 M5%' %2# 02M$ *% 6*W*&53 )2+M_ ?.& &1$ M$6*.M *, %2& &1$ M$,,5W$[ M$6*5 159$ 3*&&3$ I$5+*%W 2% 2)&$% Y.$,&*2%5I3$ Y.53*&'_ k.53*&' *, W29$+%$6 I' M5%' &1*%W,\ 5M2%W &1$M &1$ 1*,&2+' 2) &$a&I22J P+26.0&*2%_ :*,&2+*0533'\ $6.05&*2%53 P.I3*,1$+, 156 5% *6$53 I.,*%$,, M26$3_ "$501$+,\ #12 12P$6 )2+ M2%$'\ 2+ 5% $,05P$ )+2M &1$ 035,,+22M\ #2.36 35I2.+ .%P5*6 2% ,01223I22J M5%.,0+*P&,_ =.I3*,1$+,\ #12 156 *%9$,&$6 53M2,& %2&1*%W *% 6$9$32P*%W &1$ #2+J\ #2.36 0122,$ 5M2%W #+*&$+,U 2))$+*%W,\ #2.36 P.I3*,1 &1$ I$,& d2+ M2,& M5+J$&5I3$e\ 5%6 #2.36 *% 6.$ 02.+,$ P5' &1$ 5.&12+ 5 ,M533 P$+0$%&5W$ 2) 5%' %$& P+2)*& 2% &1$ I22J_ @*)$ *, %2# M2+$ 6*))*0.3&[ P.I3*,1$+, M5' 159$ &2 *%9$,& ,*W%*)*05%& ,.M, *% &1$ 6$9$32PM$%& 2) &$501*%W 5%6 3$5+%*%W M5&$+*53,_ H15& 15, 015%W$6 3$,, *, &1$ Y.53*&' 2) &1$ P.I3*,1$6 2))$+*%W,_ N2+&' '$5+, 5W2 &1$ P1',*0*,& B*015+6 N$'%M5% #5, 5,J$6 &2 +$9*$# &1$ &$a&I22J, 5I2.& &2 I$ *MP2,$6 2% -53*)2+%*5% ,01223,_ :$ GRR
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Gordon Brown, quoted in The Guardian 14 September 2005 Scardamalia 2002 David and Foray 2003 4 Games-to-Teach http://www.educationarcade.org/gtt/vision5.html . In England, Nesta Futurelab is doing interesting work in the same field. 5 Bruner 1963 6 Britain’s Teaching and Learning Technology Programme (to take just one example) was a classic case of well-intentioned mismanagement. 7 Gordon Brown, quoted in The Guardian 14 September 2005 8 Statement from the Rt Hon Gordon Brown MP to the IMFC on Sunday 29 April 2001 9 Mr Blair, speaking at the ‘Knowledge 2000’ conference: London: DTI 2000 10 Ibid 11 The Independent 24.1.2005 12 Kunstler 2005 2 3
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