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VOLUME
36
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PROGRESS PUBLISHERS MOSCOW
196 6
T R A N S L A T E D FROM T H E RUSSIAN BY A N D R E W ROTHSTEIN E D I T E D B Y Y U R I SDOBNIKOY
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CONTENTS Page
23
Preface 1900 Letters Addressed to: Y . M. STEKLOV. Not later than September 4
29
***. Between September 6 and 15 P. B . A X E L R O D .
OCTOBER 10
Q/
p . B. A X E L R O D . October 18
36
P. B. A X E L R O D . October 19
38
October 21
39
p. B. A X E L R O D .
V . P. NOGIN. November 2
^
P. B. A X E L R O D . November
43
P. B. A X E L R O D .
NOVEMBER 8
* G . V . P L E K H A N O V . NOVEMBER 9
45 48
p . B. A X E L R O D . November 16
53
P. B. A X E L R O D . November 19
55
P
B. A X E L R O D .
NOVEMBER 26
57
- B. A X E L R O D .
DECEMBER 11
58
p-
B. A X E L R O D .
p- B-
AXELROD.
December 14 December 24
.
S
CONTENTS
1901 Letters Addressed to: V. P. NOGIN.
January
V. P.
January 24 .
NOGIN.
3
THE BORBA GROUP.
February
THE BOBBA GROUP.
February 21
P. I*. AXELROD.
3
February 21
F. I. DAN. March 22 V. P. NOGIN. KARL
April 6
H. BRANTING.
April 19
G. V. PLEKIIANOV,
April 21
M. G. VECRESLOV.
April 25
S. I RADCHEJSKO.
End of April
P. N. LEPESHINSKY
. .
AND P. A. KRASIKOV.
June 1
m
June 1
P. B. AXELROD M. G. VECHESLOV. P. B. AXELROD.
June 17
July 9
G. V. PLEKHANOV.
July IS
p. B. AXELROD. July 21 P. B- AXELROD.
August 24
P. B. AXELROD.
August 30 November 3 , . .
E. L. GUREVICH.
LYUBOV AXELROD- November 27 G. V, PLEKHANOV.
December 1
G. Y. PLKKHANOY
December 19
L. I. GOLDMAN.
December
. . .
CONTENTS
9
1902 TO LYUBOV AXELROD. FEBRUARY 18
106
107
TO P B. AXELROD. MARCH 27
.
.
TO A A. BOGDANOV. BETWEEN MARCH 28 AND APRIL 19 , TO F V LENGN1K.
MAY 23
TO I LRADCHENKO.
.
. .
108 .
110
.
112
JUNE 22 .
.
.
.
.
113
TO G V. PLEKHANOV. JULY 2 TO NADEZHDA
KRUPSKAYA. JULY 16
117
JULY 16
119
'JO I. I. RADCHENKO. TO ALEXANDRA
115
KALMYKOVA. SEPTEMBER 27
122 *
*
*
PREFACE' TO THE SPEECHES OF NIZHNI-NOVGOROD WORKERS IN COURT TO G Y. PLEKHANOV.
124
DECEMBER 1
125
1903 TO F. V. LENGNIK. JANUARY 17 TO YKLENA STASOVA.
126
JANUARY 28
TO G M. KRZHIZHANOVSKY AND V A
127
NOSKOV. OCTOBER 5 . . .
TO P. I DAN. DECEMBER 2
128 130
1904 TO THK SOUTHERN BUREAU OF THE THE R.S.D.L.P. END OF MAY TO V. D. BONCH-BRUYEVICH.
JULY 26
CENTRAL .
.
COMMITTEE OF
.
TO
V D. BONCH-BRUYEVICH. BETWEEN AUGUST 18 AND 31
1 0
V. D. BONCH-BRUYEVICH.
T
°
TO
G
SEPTEMBER 13
D. LEITEISEN. SEPTEMBER 29
MAUIA GOLUBEVA
AFTER OCTOBER 6
131 133
.
,
.
135 137 138 139
CONTENTS
10
November d
TO E E. ESSEN
December
TO A I YERAMASOV.
1905 March 9
TO •
. /
TO THE SECRETARY OP THE TION COMMITTEE. March 23 TO P. A.
• BRITISH
LABOUR REPRESENTA-
April 5
KRASIKOV.
April-May
TO •
TO THE SECRETARY OP THE BRITISH LABOUR REPRESENTATION COMMITTEE. May 20
•
TO LYDIA
FOTIEVA.
June 1 or 2
TO THE CENTRAL COMMITTEE OF THE RS.D.L.P. TO M. A. REISNER.
September 15
October 4 m
TO THE CENTRAL COMMITTEE OF TIIE R.S.D.L.P.
October 25 . .
1907 TO M. S.
KEDROV.
End of November and beginning of December 1908
TO O. A. ALEXINS K Y
January 7
TO 0
Between January 7 and February 2 .
A
ALKXINSKY.
February 3
TO G A. ALEXINS K Y TO M A X I M GORKY,
First half of March
TO MARIA AN DREY EVA. TO TH. A ROTIIS TB IN. NOTE TO A. A
End of April
July 8 . .
BOGDANOV.
. . .
October 27 or 28 . . 1909
TO G. Y. ZI NOVIE V. August . TO G. Y .
ZINOVIEV.
. . .
September 7 or 14
.
.
\[)
CONTENTS
1910 MARCH 28
TO LEON TYSZKA
167
TO MARIA ZOLINA. APRIL 30 TO LEON TYSZKA. JULY 20
170 .
.
171
TO KARL RADEK.
SEPTEMBER 30
'10 K A R L
OCTOBER 9
RADEK.
.
172 .
174
1 0 CT. V. PLEKHANOV. NOVEMBER 22
176
1911 PLEKHANOV. FEBRUARY 3
TO G. V.
.
TO MAXIM GORKY. END OF APRIL
' .
.
.
.
177
.
178
THE STATE OF AFFAIRS IN THE PARTY
180
*
TO M A X I M GORKY. SEPTEMBER 15 TO G. L. SHKLOVSKY.
W
SEPTEMBER 25
185 187
TO G, L. SHKLOVSKY. BETWEEN SEPTEMBER 26 AND 28
188
1912 W H A T IS THE CADET ELECTION PLATFORM?
189
WORKERS'
191
UNITY
AND THE
TO V. A. KARPINSKY. TO THE
ELECTIONS
OCTOBER 8
EDITORIAL BOARD OF
PRAVDA.
193 FIRST HALF OF OCTO194
TO THE EDITOR
OF PRAVDA.
AFTER OCTOBER 3
TO THE
EDITOR
OF PRAVDA.
TO THE
EDITOR
OF " P R A V D A . AFTER NOVEMBER 2
TO
G
V
A *TKR
TV \
PLEKHANOV T H E
.
197
NOVEMBER 2
199 - .
,
.
.
NOVEMBER 17
202
ELECTIONS IN AMERICA
TLIE EDITORIAL
BOARD OF PRAVDA
200
204 BEFORE NOVEMBER 26
206
12
CONTENTS
MOKE ZEAL THAN SENSE THE QUESTRON OF PARTY MINDED STUDENTS
Before December 20
TO G. L. SHKLOVSKY. IN
AMERICA
.
.
AFFILIATION AMONG DEMOCRATIC-
.
.
~
THE WORKING CLASS A N D ITS "PARLIAMENTARY" REPRESENTATIVES. Article Three THE WORKING CLASS A N D SENTATIVES. Article Five
ITS
" P A R L I A M E N T A R Y " REPRE-
* . . . .
1913 EUGENE
POTTIER.
The 25th Anniversary of His Death . . .
THE DEVELOPMENT TO N . A.
RUBALVLN.
OF W O R K E R S ' CHOIRS I N GERMANY * • .
February 13
THE INTERNATIONAL POLICY OF THE BOURGEOISIE CAPITALISM
.
.
.
A N D FEMALE LABOUR m
LANDOWNERS'
CALL
FOR
"PACIFYING"
THE COUNTRYSIDE
LESSONS OF T H E BELGIAN STRIKE THE BUILDING AN
INDUSTRY
ASSESSMENT
THE HIGH COST CAPITALISTS
A N D BUILDING WORKERS
.
.
OF THE FOURTH DUMA OF LIVING A N D THE " H A R D "
THE GERMAN SOCIAL-DEMOCRATS
LIFE OF
AND ARMAMENTS
.
THE . . . . -
• •
ORGANISATION
OF T H E MASSES BY T H E GERMAN CATHOLICS
HOLIDAYS
WORKERS
THE FROM
FOR
MEANING OF A N WHOM
DOES
FROM FRANCE. DEPUTY
FRANK
"HISTORIC" FORMULA
SUPPORT COME?
From Our Correspondent . . . FAVOURS THE MASS
STRIKE
-
-
-
•
_» — — ,
"
INTERESTING TO V
M.
TO G . I .
CONTENTS
"
13
CONGRESS
258
KASPAROV. BETWEEN JUNE 18 AND 22 SAFAROV. JULY 20 .
TO O. N. LOLA. JULY 20
.
.
260
.
261
.
262
RO J. S.
HANECKI. SEPTEMBER 12
TO V. L
LEDER. OCTOBER 28 .
. .
.
.
. 2 6 4
TO M A X I M GORKY. BEGINNING OF NOVEMBER
.
.
TO MAXIM GORKY. MIDDLE OF NOVEMBER . TO N
I
263
265 266
BUKHARIN. DECEMBER .
. . .
267
1914 * TO THE 'EDITORS TO A
A.
OF PUT PRAVDY.
FEBRUARY 9
.
268
TROYANOVSICY. NOT EARLIER THAN FEBRUARY 11
TO ISAAC A. HOURWIOH. FEBRUARY 27 . THE EDITORS OF PUT PRAVDY
* 10
.
.
270
.
.
.
BEFORE MARCH 23
271 273
*
TO V
B
STANKEVICH. MARCH 24
276
* TO THE EDITORS OF PUT PRAVDY. ON THE QUESTION OF THE ARTICLES ABOUT IRELAND. BETWEEN APRIL 7 AND 23 . . TO G. L. SHKLOVSKY. END OF APRIL * OUR TO A
.
TROYANOVSKY.
'AO V. A. KARPINSKY. TO G. Y. ZINOVIKV. TO G
L. SHKLOVSKY.
*LO VIKTOR ADLER V
A
MAY
AFTER MAY
JULY 31
.
20
.
23
.
. .
.
281
.
286 287
. .
288 .
.
SEPTEMBER 5 SEPTEMBER 6
.
.
.
AUGUST 2
KARPINSKY.
.
285
BEFORE JULY 16 .
TO M. V. KOBETSKY.
TO
279
TASKS A
277
.
.
290 291
.
.
.
.
292
CONTENTS
14 TO V. A
KARPINSKY.
Before October 15.
. . .
SPEECH A T G V . PLEKHANOV'S LECTURE "ON THE ATTITUDE OF THE SOCIALISTS TO THE W A R " . SEPTEMBER 28 (OCTOBER 11),
1914. Brief Newspaper Report LECTURE
ON " T H E PROLETARIAT
1 (14). 1914 Newspaper Report
TO V
A . KARPINSKY.
TO V, A
KARPINSKY.
AND
THE
October 18 . . October 23
. . .
TO A . G. SHLYAPNIKOV.
November 14 . .
TO A. G SHLYAPNIKOV.
November 25 .
TO ALEXANDRA
ber 8
W A R " . OCTOBER
KOLLONTAI.
.
Between November 28 and Decem-
TO V. A.
KARPINSKY
Between December 5 and 12
TO V. A
KARPINSKY
December 9
TO A
SHLYAPNIKOV.
G
. .
After December 28 9
1915 TO V. A
KARPINSKY
TO THE
EDITORIAL
January 3 SECRETARY
January 4
OF GRANAT PUBLICATIONS
TO A . G. SHLYAPNIKOV.
Before January 17
TO A. G. SHLYAPNIKOV.
Between January 20 and February 1 .
TO A
January 30 or 31
G. SHLYAPNIKOV.
MAY DAY AND THE W A R TO KARL RADEK.
After June 19
TO KARL RADEK.
July 15
TO KARL RADEK.
Before August 4 .
TO V
A. KARPINSKY.
TO SOPHIA RAVICH.
Before August 11 .
August 16
\[)
CONTENTS
10 SOPHIA KAVICH. AFTER AUGUST 16 TO ALEXANDRA
339
KOLLONTAI. BEFORE AUGUST 19
341
KASPAROV. AUGUST 19
TO V. M TO J. A .
AUGUST 20
BERZIN.
TO ALEXANDRA
342 343
KOLLONTAI. AFTER AUGUST 19
344
TO YELIZAVETA RIVLINA. AFTER AUGUST 19 TO ALEXANDRA TO G Y .
KOLLONTAI
ZINOVIEV
BETWEEN SEPTEMBER 8 AND 13
KARPINSKY. SEPTEMBER 13
. .
RADEK.
BEFORE SEPTEMBER 18
TO K A R L
RADEK.
SEPTEMBER 19
TO M. M.
KHARITONOV.
TO K A R L
.
.
346
BETWEEN SEPTEMBER 11 AND 15
TO G. L. SHKLOVSKY. SEPTEMBER 1
345
.
348
. . .
.
.
.
349 350 351
»
.
.
.
SEPTEMBER 19 .
.
.
.
.
TO A
RADEK.
AFTER SEPTEMBER 21
G. SHLYAPNIKOV.
TO G L
.
354
. . . .
1
AFTER SEPTEMBER 26
356
357
SHKLOVSKY. END OF SEPTEMBER OR BEGINNING OF OCTOBER * OCTOBER 6
TO V . A . K A R P I N S K Y .
TO ALEXANDRA
359
KOLLONTAI. NOVEMBER 22
360
T O Y A KARPINSKY AND SOPHIA RAVLCH. END OF NOVEMBER OR BEGINNING OF DECEMBER 1 0
352 353
TO A. G. SHLYAPNIKOV. SEPTEMBER 19 TO K A R L
.
SOPHIA RAVICH.
BEFORE DECEMBER 16
361 362
1916 TO HENRUETTE R O L A N D - H O L S T .
TO MIV M
KHARITONOV.
TO KHARITONOV
AFTER JANUARY 21
.
.
.
363
JANUARY 27
365
JANUARY 29
366
358
CONTENTS
16
TO MAXIM GORKY.
Before February 8
TO SOPHIA RAV1CH.
February 13
TO SOPHIA RAVICH.
February 17
TO V . A . KARPINSKY-
February 27
TO SOPHIA RAVICH. TO Y . LARIN.
February 24
March 13 .
TO ALEXANDRA
KOLLONTAI.
March 19
TO ALEXANDRA
KOLLONTAI.
After
. .
. . . .
March 19
INITIAL V A R I A N T O F R . S . D . L . P . C.C. PROPOSALS TO THE SECOND SOCIALIST CONFERENCE. PROPOSALS BY THE C. C. OF THE R.S D L.P. TO THE SECOND SOCIALIST CONFERENCE CALLED BY THE I.S.C. (BERNE). (Theses on Items 5, 6, 7a, 7b and 8
of the Agenda)
TO ALEXANDRA
KOLLONTAI.
April 4
TO ALEXANDRA
KOLLONTAI.
Between April 19 and May 7 .
TO A
G
TO V . A.
Between May 0 and 13 . .
SHLYAPNIKOV. KARPINSKY
May
TO A G. SHLYAPNIKOV. TO ALEXANDRA
17
May
KOLLONTAI
. . . 23
.
. .
After May 28
TO A . G. SHLYAPNIKOV. LATE IN MAY
.
TO A. G. SHLYAPNIKOV. AFTER JUNE 4 TO A
G. SHLYAPNIKOV. JUNE 17
TO SOPHIA RAVICH. JUNE 27 TO ALEXANDRA TO ZINAIDA
.
. .
. . . .
.
.
KOLLONTAI. JULY 25
L I U N A . AFTER JULY 27
.
AUGUST 5 .
TO G L. SHKLOVSKY
LATE IN AUGUST . OCTOBER 20
.
.
.
.
.
TO G. L SHKLOVSKY.
TO G. Y. BELENKY.
.
.
.
. .
.
\[)
CONTENTS
, N THE AMENDMENT TO BEBEL'S RESOLUTION AT THE STUTT-
^
O'VKT CONGRESS V
1 0
A
KARPINSKY-
DECEMBER 20
416
1917 L L M DENTIFIED T,)V.
T O
JANUARY 11 OR 12
ADDRESSEE.
417 / IO
KARPINSKY- JANUARY 19
A
S O P H I A
TO V. A
AFTER FEBRUARY 12
RAVICH
KARPINSKY.
TELEGRAM TO J. S
4 1 9
AFTER MARCH 19
420
MARCH 23
HANECKI.
421
. PLAN FOR A LECTURE, "THE RUSSIAN NIFICANCR AND ITS TASKS", DELIVERED AT TELEGRAM TO J S. HANECKI TEL KGRAM TO J.
s. HANECKL
G R O U P
OF
427
March 31
April
TKI EG RAM TO-HEN HI GUILBEAUX PRELIMINARY
426
March SO
BOLSHEVIKS.
TELEGRAM TO J. S. HANECKL
425
March 28
TKLECUIAM TO ROBERT GRIMM TO 'J HE ZURICH
ITS SIGZURICH . . . .
April
428
2 or 3 . .
429
5 APRIL
430
6
DRAFT OF THE APRIL THESES.
Theses
431
. .
^PEISCH AT A MEETING OF THE PETROGRAD COMMITTEE ON APRIL 4 (17), 4017 ON THE QUESTION OF THE PASSAG\? ACROSS GERMANY.
Minutes
-
HBPORT AT A MEETING OF BOLSHEVIK DELEGATES TO TUB A U , RUSSIA CONFERENCE OF SOVIETS OF WORKERS' AND SOLDIERS' DEPUTIES
ON" THE
Jk*'*C8 PF 'AN
^
APRIL 4 (17),
TO J. S. JIAXECKI AND KARL RADEK. THIOL'S
^
PROVISIONAL
April
12
GOVERNMENT
444 DECLARATION.
FOR A REPORT OX THE SEVENTH (APRIL) ALL-RUSSIACONOF
THE R S D L.P.(B.) AT A MEETING OF THE PETRO-
VD ORRRANISATION. MAY 8
, 1017 FORTHR CONGRESS OF SOVIETS
^
21 CONTENTS
NOTE TO L. B KAMENEV.
Between July 5 (18) and 7 (20)
TO N. I. PODVOISKY OR V
ber 26
A. ANTONOV-OVSEYENKO.
. .
Novem. . .
SPEECHES AT A MEETNG OP THE C.C. OF THE R.S D L P ( I I ) VEMBER 29 (DECEMBER 12), 1917 Minutest
NO-
SESSION OF THE ALL-RUSSIA CENTRAL EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE.* DECEMBER 1 (14), 1917
!. Speech oil the Question of Setting up a Supremo Kconomjc Council. Newspaper Report TO A G. SHLYAPNIKOV AND F. E. DZERZHINSKY.
December
FROM A PUBLICIST'S DIARY-
Beginning of \
(Themes for Elaboration)
. . . .
DRAFT DECREE ON CONSUMERS' COMMUNES
1. Preliminary Theses
. . . . Between December
TELEGRAM TO V, A . ANTONOV-OVSEYENKO.
21 and 28, 1917 (January 3 and 10, 1918) 1918
SPEECHES ON W A R A N D PEACE A T A MEETING OF THE C C OF THE R.S.D.L.P.(B ). JANUARY 11 (24), 1918. Minutes . . . . TO THE N A V A L REVOLUTIONARY COMMITTEE. TELEGRAM TO V
A
TELEGRAM TO V, A
ANTONOV-OVSEYENKO ANTONOV-OVSEYENKO.
TO V . A . ANTONOV-OVSEYENKO.
January 15 . . .
January 17 (30)
Before January 21
January 21
SPEECHES A T A MEETING OF THE C. C. OF T1IE R S.L) L P JANUARY 24 (FEBRUARY 6), 19J8 Minutes TELEGRAM TO M A
MURAVYOV.
.
(B )
February 14
TO COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF M A MURAVYOV, TO THE SUPREME RUMANIAN BOARD, TO THE PEOPLE'S SECRETARIAT OF THE UKRAINIAN REPUBLIC, FOR V. A ANTON0\-OVSEYENKO.
February 17 SPEECHES AT A MEETING OF THE 0 C FEBRUARY 18, 19(8 Minutes
OF THE R S I> L IMP )
CONTENTS
M
I
K
11
\[)
AT A MEETING OK THE C C. OF THE R S . D L P
FL.BKUAIIV
23,
TIJJ..FII«UR
TO V
1918. MINUTES
479
A
ANTONOV-OVSEYENKO
FEBRUARY 23
'I M.KGKAM TO V. A
ANTONOV-OVSEYENKO
FEBRUARY 28
MATERIAL FOR THE FOURTH (EXTRAORDINARY) CN\CRHBSS OF SOVIETS
. .
. .
.
483
ALL-RUSSIA 484
1 NOTES FOR A SPEECH AT A MEETING OF THE COM MUNLST GR<>UP OF THE CONORKSS
484
2 NOTES FOR A REPORT ON THE RATIFICATION OF THK PEACE TREATY
485
TO THE TASHKENT CONGRESS OF SOVIETS OF THE TURKESTAN TERRITORY, TO THE COUNCIL OF PEOPLE'S COMMISSARS OF T1IE TURKESTAN TERRITORY* FOR IBRAHIMOV AND KLHVLKYEV. MAY 5 (APRIL 22) TO G Y . ZINOVIEY
486 JUNE 14
487
'IELLGRAM TO COMMISSAR IVANOV JULY 11 TELEGRAM TO YRVGENIA BOSCH AUGUST 9
488 489
T?:I KGRAM TO THE PENZA GUBERNIA EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE AUGUST 12
490
TI;LKGRAM T O M . S
KEDROV
TO N I MURALOV
AUGUST 29
AUGUST 12
491 492
DECISION OF THE COUNCIL OF PEOPLE'S COMMISSARS ON REPORTS BY THE PEOPLE'S COMMISSARIATS
493
TO M F. VLADIMIRSKY. OCTOBER 27
494
RADIOGRAM FROM MOSCOW TO ONE AND ALL •TO GIACINTO M. SERRATI
DECEMBER 4
NOVEMBER 10 .
. . . .
.
* * MEMORY OF COMRADE PROSHYAN
.
495 496 497
1919 '^H^JRVM TO THE 0 . .
J«NU«NF
K<)VLI*
2* '
KURSK
EXTRAORDINARY
COMMISSION
499
TO A PEASANTS QUESTION,
MO
ON THE QUESTION OF REORGANISING STATE CONTROL
50'I
CONTENTS
20
•DRAFT THIRD CLAUSE OF THE GENERAL POLITICAL SECTION OF THE PROGRAMME (FOR THE PROGRAMME COMMISSION OF THE EIGHTH PARTY CONGRESS) TO E
M SKIAANSKY
TO G
Y
•TELEGRAM
May 16 A
KAMENEV. May
A. GKTSOV,
A VANES OV. May
*TO BELA KUN TOE
B
TO BE LA IOJN. May
TELEGRAM TO S
*TO V
April SO
ZINOVIKV
TELEGRAM TO L
April 21
7
IS
KHARKOV CHIEF COAL
BOARD.
20
June 18
M. S K L Y A N S K Y .
September 4
FOREWORD TO G ZINOVIEV'S ARTICLE COMPOSITION OF OUR PARTY"
"ON THE NUMERICAL
TELEGRAM TO THE EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE OF THE PETROGRAD SOVIET ON YUDENICH'S OFFENSIVE OCTOBER 14, 1919 •TO A
S. YENUKIDZE, L
November 12
B. KAMENEV AND YELENA STASOVA
<
I. KURSKY-
Between December 17 and 23
. . . .
NOTE TO D, T KURSKY.
Between December 17 and 23
. . . .
NOTE TO I>
INTRODUCTION TO THE ROOK BY JOHN REED: TEN DAYS SHOOK THE WORLD
TIIAT
1920 SPEECH AT A MEETING OF THE COMMUNIST GROUP IN THE ALL-RUSSIA CENTRAL COUNCIL OF TRADE UNIONS.
March 15, 1920. Minutes T O Y . P. MILYUTIN,
. . . .
April 23
POSTSCRIPT TO A RADIO MESSAGE OF MAY 0, 1920 TO S
I. BOTIN
June 4
, , .
TO THE STATE PUBLISHING HOUSE AND TO V 'A ZIIE.VSKY AND N. I BUKHAH1N August 8
PKEOBRA-
CONTENTS
\[)
LATE SUMMER
I BUKHARIN
528
TO ANNA YELIZAROVA. AUTUMN
529
DECEMBER 5
TO M N POKUOVSKY
TELEGRAM TO FACTORIES
530
MAKING ELECTRIC
PLOUGHS.
DE-
CEMBER SI
531
ON POLYTECI1NIGAL EDUCATION, LLONSTANTINOVNA
NOTES ON THESES BY NADEZHDA 532
1921 NOTI;S FOR A SPEECH AT THE TENTH CONGRESS OF THE R (' P (B ) ON THE SUBSTITUTION OF FOOD REQUISITIONING
BY \ TAX, Notes
REQUISITIONING
for a Speech on the Substitution of Food
BY A TAX
535
ON 'J HE KRONSTADT REVOLT
538
TO N I BUKHARIN, MARCH-APRIL •TELEGRAM TO THE PETROCRAD REGIONAL ECONOMIC COUNCIL, TRADE UNION COUNCIL AND EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE. MAY 27 TO S G
SAID-GALIEV, JULY 20
•NOTE TO V
A. SMOLYANINOV.
AUGUST 5
P. GORBUNOV. SEPTEMBER 3
TO A
S
TO V
540 541
TO N
542 543 •
KISELYOV. SEPTEMBER 15
NOTE TO G
539
546
I. KRUMIN. OCTOBER 7
547
A AVANESOV. OCTOBER 15
548
NOTRS YON A REPOUT A T THE SECOND ALL-RUSSIA CONGRESS POLITICAL EDUCATION WORKERS THE NEW ECONOMIC POLICY AND THE TASKS OF POLITICAL EDUCATION WORKERS D 1 KURSKY ON THE QUESTION OF LEASES A N D CONCESSIONS IN AGRICULTURE. OCTOBER 25
549
T 0
* 0 T E S OX THE HISTORY OF THE R C P
551 552
LIST (CHRONOLOGICAL) OF SUBJECTS OF DISPUTE
552
STRUGGLE OF BOLSHEVIKS AND MENSHEVIKS: (ALTERNATION OF NUMERICAL DELATIONS) IA MEMBER P
A
AVA.YESOV, 13 BOGDANOV
D.
I.
KURSKY
DECEMBER 23
AND A
553 D
TSYURUPA
555 556
CONTENTS
22
1922 ON T H E QUESTION OP STRUGGLE AGAINST W A R ON THE TASKS OP THE PEOPLE'S COMMISSARIAT FOR JUSTICE UNDER THE N E W ECONOMIC POLICY. February 20
On the Subject of the Draft Directives to the Narrow Council of People's Commissars. February 21 . . TO A
D. TSYURUPA
•TO A
L SHEINMAN.
February 28 March 1
TO V
A
TIKHOJMIROV.
TO I
I-
SKVORTS0V-STEPANOV.
March 19
NOTES FOR A SPEKCH ON MARCH 27, 1922 T O D . I. KURSKY. *TO N. OSINSKY.
9
March 31
April 12
- . .
TO MEMBERS OF THE COLLEGIUM OF THE PEOPLE'S COMMISSARIAT FOR WORKERS' AND PEASANTS' INSPECTION
August 21 TO V
A
AVANESOV.
TO L. M. KHINCHUK. TO L. M
KHINCHUK
September 1 September 12 Not earlier than September 18
NOTES FOR A REPORT "FIVE YEARS OF THE RUSSIAN REVOLUTION A N D THE PROSPECTS OF THE WORLD REVOLUTION" AT „THE FOURTH CONGRESS OF THE COMINTERN OUTLINE OF SPEECH AT THE OF SOVIETS
TENTH ALL-RUSSIA
CONGRESS
1922-1923 •I. LETTER TO THE CONGRESS II.
•Addition to llio Letter of December 24, 1922
. . . .
IJI. IV.
GRANTING LKGISIATIVJS PLANNING COMMISSION
FUNCTIONS
TO THE
STATE
V. VI. •VII. (ADDITION TO THE SECTION ON INCREASING THE NUMBER OF C C MEMBERS) *THK •THE
QUESTION QUESTION
(Continued)
OF OF
NATIONALITIES NATION AT,I TIES
OR OR
"AUTHORISATION" "AUTO NTOMIS A.TJON"
^ *
Notes
Name Index
,
23
PREFACE Volume 36 contains some of Lenin's writings from 1900 to 3 A large part of the volume consists of his letters (lirectlv connected with the letters, telegrams and notes printed in volumes 34 and 35. The letters for 1900-03 to P. B. Axelrod, G. V. Plekhanov, V. P. Nogin S. I. Radchenko, P. N. Lepeshinsky and P. A. Krasikov, Yelena Slasova and others show Lenin's varied activity m creating the first all-Russia illegal Marxist paper, Iskra, and the journal Zarya, and throw light on his struggle against Le^al Marxism" and Economism. The letters for 1903-04 lo G. M Krzhizhanovsky, V. A. Noskov, V. D. BonchBruvevich, G. D. Leiteisen and others relate to Lenin s struggle against the disrupting and disorganising activities of the Mensheviks after the Second Congress of the Russian Social-Democratic Labour Party. . , T The correspondence for 1905-07 sheds light on Lenin s activity in connection with the calling of the Third Party Congress and the fulfilment of its decisions. The documents for the years of reaction show the measures taken by Lenin to resume publication of the newspaper Proletary in Geneva and improve the work of the Central Organ, and his struggle against open and undercover 'iquidationism and the attempts to distort the theoretical found a lions of the revolutionary Marxist party. A number of documents reflect Lenin's activity in the International Socialist Bureau. A large number of letters during the years of the i?irst World War addressed to V. A. Karpinsky, A. G. Shlyapmkov, Alexandra Kollontai and others deal with the resump-
PRE FACE
24
tion of publication of Soisial-Demokrat (the Central Organ of the Party), the rallying of internationalist elements, and the exposure of social-chauvinism and Centrism in Russian and international Social-Democracy. The question of calling the internationalists' conferences at Zimmerwald and Kienthal is a prominent one in these letters. A considerable part of the documents in the volume represent spadework done by Lenin—plans, summaries, outlines, theses. Among them are the "Preliminary Draft of the April Theses "Plan for a Report on the Seventh (April) All-Russia Conference of the R.S.D.L.P,(B.)", "Draft Decree on Consumers' Communes. Preliminary Theses", "Material for the Fourth (Extraordinary) All-Russia Congress of Soviets", "Notes on the Question of Reorganising State Control", "On Polytechnical Education. Notes on Theses by Nadezhda Konstantinovna*", "Notes for a Speech at the Tenth Congress of the R>C.P.(B.) on the Substitution of Food Requisitioning by a Tax", "Notes for a Report aj the Second All-Russia Congress of Political Education Workers", "Notes on the History of the R.C.P.", "Notes for a Speech on March 27, 1922", "Notes for a Report 'Five Years of the Russian Revolution and the Prospects of the World Revolution 7 ", and "Outline of Speech at the Tenth All-Russia Congress of Soviets". The volume includes 59 works (marked with an asterisk in the contents) which were first published in the Collected Works in the Fourth Russian Edition. Three letters to G- V. Plekhanov—November 9, 1900, July 13, 1901 and December 1, 1902—relate to the period when Plekhanov was a member of Iskra's editorial board. They draw attention to the need to repel the efforts of some members of the board to weaken Iskra's fight against opportunism and revisionism, and give details on the preparation of material for the various issues of the paper. In a letter to Karl H. Branting on April 19, 1901, Lenin invites the Swedish and Finnish Social-Democrats to establish closer relations through contributions to the newspaper Iskra and the journal Zarya. Lenin points out how important it would be for the Russian people, the Russian workers * N, K .
Krupskaya.—Ed.
PREFACE
25
in particular, to be informed about the political state of ihe people of Finland and their struggle against tsarism. The v o l u m e includes the "Preface to the Speeches of Nizhni-Novgorod Workers in Court", written before December 1 (14), 1902. In his letters to the secretary of the British Labour Representation Committee, dated March 23 and May 20, 1905, Lenin gives an account of the disbursement of the money sent in aid of the families who had suffered on "Bloody Sunday" (January 9 [22], 1905). In a letter to Lydia Fotieva on June 1 or 2, 1905, Lenin tells oE his intention to give a lecture in Paris on "The Third Congress and Its Decisions". The article, "The State of Affairs in the Party", written in July 1911 during the preparations for the Party Conference at Prague, deals with the struggle against the conciliators and their Menshcvik and Trotskyite allies, who were trying to prevent the calling of the Conference. Eight letters addressed to the editorial board of the Bolshevik paper Pravda (five in October and November 1912, and three between February and April 1914) show Lenin's guidance of Pravda, which brought up a whole generation of revolulionary Russian workers known as "Pravdists"; the letters deal at length with the work of the editorial board in connection with the Fourth Duma election campaign. The volume includes nine articles written for Pravda in 1912 and 1913 but not printed at the time, and 1(5 articles published in Pravda in 1913 and 1914, part of thern unsigned, part over various pen-names, and which were only established as belonging to Lenin on the strength of fresh archive documents. His articles "After ihe Elections in America", "More ^eal than Sense" and "In America" expose the deception masses by the bourgeois* parties, and the cynical and dirty trading in "party principles" during the elections 0 secure the fat jobs in the Administration. Lenin showed low iho American multimillionaires, under the pretext of ex ^ ejrna * defence for the slate, were in reality ex interests of the capitalist monopolies; he and a V K ^ ^ a t workers of all countries stood for peace, caD't^v * n i P o r i a ^st wars waged in the interests of the . PlTalists involved tremendous sacrifices.
PRE FACE
26
In a number of articles, Lenin analyses the workingclass movement in Germany. The proletariat's growing indignation against the imperialists and the plunder of the masses by a handful of capitalist arms manufacturers is described in "The German Social-Democrats and Armaments". In "Lessons of the Belgian Strike", he examines the general slrike by the Belgian proletariat in April 1913 to back up their demand for universal suffrage. "The High Cost of Living and the 'Hard' Life of the Capitalists" and "Capitalism and Female Labour" deal with the plight of the workers in tsarist Russia and give a vivid description of the enrichment of a handful of capitalists and the impoverishment and ruin of the masses of working people in capitalist conditions. Included for the first time in the Fourth Russian Edition of the Collected Works are the plan for a lecture on. "The Russian Revolution, Its Significance and Its Tasks", delivered at Zurich not later than March 27,1917; a letter to Giacinto M. Serrati of December 4,1918; "Draft Third Clause of the General Political Section of the Programme (for the Programme Commission of the Eighth Party Congress)", showing the essence of proletarian socialist democracy and its basic distinction from bourgeois democracy; a telegram to Bela Kun of May 13, 1919, with greetings for the Red Army of the Hungarian workers and peasants, and a letter to Bela Kun of June 18,1919, warning him not to trust the Entente,* which was only trying to gain time to crush the' revolution" i A group of documents (December 31, 1920August 5, 1921)1 deal with the manufacture of electric ploughs. j In a letter to the chairman of the State Bank, A. L. Shein-i man, on February 28, 1922, Lenin points to the defects j in the work of the State Bank and the need for a more; careful selection of personnel. In a letter to N. Osinsky on! April 12,1922, Lenin underlines the importance of studying! and broadly popularising advanced local experience. The volume includes documents dictated by Lenin in December 1922-January 1923: "Letter to the Congress", known as the "Testament", and letters "Granting Legis* Sco Note 200.—Ed.
PREFACE
27
lative Functions to the State Planning Commission" and i'Tho Question of Nationalities or 'Autonomisation' These works lead up to Lenin's last writings, which are of programme significance: "Pages from a Diary", "On Cooperation ", "Our Revolution (Apropos of N. Sukhanov's Notes)", "How We Should Reorganise the Workers' and Peasants' Inspection (Recommendation for the Twelfth Parly Congress)" and "Better Fewer, But Better" dictated in January and February 1923 and published at the time in Pravda (see present edition, Vol. 33). In his "Letter to the Congress" Lenin emphasises the need to preserve the Communist Party's unity, and proposes practical steps to ensure it, enhance the Central Committee's prestige and improve the Party machinery. Lenin proposes that the number of members of the Party's C.C. should be increased to between 50 and 100. He describes ihe personality of some Central Committee members, and points out Stalin's defects and suggests a discussion of the question of replacing him by another comrade as SecretaryGeneral. In his letter "Granting Legislative Functions to the State Planning Commission" Lenin points out the need to extend its terms of reference and tells of the political and business qualities its leaders should possess. Of great importance is Lenin's letter, "The Question of Nationalities or 'Autonomisation'", written before and during the First Congress of Soviets of the U.S.S.R. It v i v i d l y brings out Lenin's role as the true inspirer and creator of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, and his concern for a correct national policy and the strengthening of the U.S.S.R. He demands the application of the principles of proletarian internationalism and the strengthening of the friendship of all the peoples of the Soviet Union, Sreat and small. He condemns the Great-Power deviation in the national jl'ieMion as the principal danger at the time, points out the jlarmfulness of Great-Power and chauvinist distortion of u idea of unifying the Soviet republics, and denounces the excessive central ism and bureaucratic practices . in this - Pnere. H e stresses the need to ensure full and effective equality of nations, to exercise skill in conducting the
28
PRE FACE
national policy and take account of the particular features and interests of the various nations, and to strengthen the sovereignty of each republic as a necessary condition for the people's unily and fraternal friendship. *
* *
The works of Lenin included in Volume 36 are given in chronological order, with the documents sent from abroad! dated in the New Style. : The volume contains an index of names identifying the assumed names used in the text.
29
1900
TO Y. M. STEKLOV1 Letter to Nakhamkis 1. We shall carry it. 2. The plusses of the article. [Remarks about the mass and Social-Democratic mass movement—the impossibility for Social-Democrats to renounce their strict Social-Democratic principles even for a moment—about propaganda and agitation, and the relationship between political rights and political freedom. About not narrowing down the significance of May Day, etc. ] 3. The minus. Some minor alterations in the article are desirable, and we suggest what they might be, hoping that joint discussions of them will bring us to complete agreemonl. Firstly, there is need for a summing-up of what has been said, a resume, a conclusion, as you yourself have already pointed out. Secondly, in connection with this, a rewording of some passages and a shortening of the rest of the article (whose total length must not exceed 1 printed sheet) are desirable (for example, the following passages might be cut down: p. 3 [N.B. 2]; p. 39 IN.B. 161 and some others). It seems to us that the rewording should consist in the following: the whole form of the article has become something o f a challenge ("open letter", the official form of address, etc -)» and this is hardly desirable. You yourself pointed (>ut some of the extremes in the present polemics ("Mr. s stalwarts ", 2 and similar things) and you were quite but since these extremes were there, \ye should now ^ more careful—not in the sense of conceding one iota Principle, but in the sense of refraining from needlessly w?tl • t l e r i f l R t h o s o w h o a r e working for Social-Democracy ' u n the limits of their understanding. Perhaps a
30
V. 1. LliMlN
criticism of the Rabocheye Dyelo programme in the third person would be better in this respect? For the same reasons it would be appropriate to make some "allowance" for the formal side of the Rabocheye Dyelo programme. After all, it is not the programme of a party, nor even the draft programme of a party, so that it is incorrect to compare it with the programmes of the French and German Social-Democrats (at any rate, when such a comparison is made without reservations, as it is on your p. 42 IN.R. 17 ]). The criticism of the/ormaZ side of the programme could be abbreviated (you yourself expressed the desire, on p. 2, to "leave aside" the formal defects), reducing the formal shortcomings, as particular cases, to the general defect of the programme in principle. We think that such an alteration is desirable with respect to the critical remarks on pp. 45 (N.B. 20), 39 (N.B. lfi), 20 (N.B. 9) and 6 (N.B. 6). The brusque formulation of these remarks here and there might give the people occasion to speak (and not entirely without foundation) of faultfinding. The superfluous (from the strictly theoretical standpoint) reminder of the need to reckon with local conditions, etc., could be tlie result, not of the editorial board having failed to master scientific socialism, but of its wishing to emphasise this quite obvious point just at this moment, when it saw thei need to do so. And is there not sometimes a need to stress! even self-evident things? We do not deny at all that, in the: present case, 75 per cent—only 75 per cent—of the "need"! boiled down to the "need" of bowing and scraping before' Rabochaya My si. If we forget about the remaining 25 per* cent, we shall give the people a chance to accuse us of fault-, finding, whereas if we reduce these formal defects, as parties ular instances, to the general defect of principle, we shall' take the faultfinding edge off our remarks and reinforce] our line of argument. j Now a few more detailed remarks: i P. 17 (N.B. 8), footnote 1. The remark "What does this dream augur?" is obscure. P. 24 (N.B. 11). You cannot say that Social-Democracy "is little concerned about whether its demands are attainable". We understand your idea and accept it, but it should be expressed witb greater care and precision; "cannot make;
t o Y . M.STfcKLOV
31
ilio immediate possibility of attainment the supreme test" would indicate the road that needs to be taken, not the possibility of early practical success, or something of that f.orl. p. 32 (N.B. 13)—"to use its own expression": isn't that too strong? P. 33 (N.B. 14)—"to seize, etc.": an awkward, incaulious expression, because of the wTord "seize". P. 35 (footnote in fine*). (N.B. 15.) 'Gendarmes" and so forth. Would it not .be better to strike out or change this? P. 43 (N.B. 18). Too strong. "Peasantry" is a term we cannot eschew. P. 44 (N.B. 19). Too strong and blunt. The question of what the peasantry can provide is still far from settled by the Russian Social-Democrats (compare the footnote to the 1885 Programme of the Emancipation of Labour group 8 ), and is .hardly likely to be decided in the sense that the political role of the peasants is equal to zero (cf, Der 18. Brum aire*). I hope to have a letter from you in reply to this, and not a loiter alone, but the article as well (preferably not In I or llian in 2 weeks' time, 3 weeks at the outside). G. V. has looked through the article and has also decided in favour of it, noting only the passage on p. 24 (about the possibility of attainment). P.S. The "we" in this letter are those with whom you had a talk at Bellerive. 5 We do not undertake as yet to speak fur the whole editorial board with complete certainty, but hope this will not produce any unpleasant consequences either for you or for us. Wifttcn not later than September 4, SIR. + from Nuremberg to Paris ^uit ?>rst published in 1930 lri
*
U>iin Miscellany XII£
HJO end.-JM.
Printed from the original
32
rpQ Dear Comrade, We have received your letter, and hasten to reply. If you consider the passing on of my words to G. as "retribution", as an unpleasant duty, then of course I must withdraw my request. If you do not find it unpleasant, please pass on my words 011 some suitable occasion, in a conversation, not as a complaint but as a correction. At all events, please bear in mind that I do not insist. We are not displaying the "revolutionary SotsialDemokrat organisation" 7 signboard: when we wrote to you, we emphasised that we were an independent literary under-j taking. 8 Whether we shall have an "impossible" polemic is a question we dealt with in our previous letter. We have 110 intention whatever of forgoing personal acquaintance with this or that ally, but see no useful purpose in having special relations between the Literary Group1 and the Union10 at the present time, because the Union's distrust of us can be dissipated, I repeat, only by oui publications, and any preliminary conversations would be futile. There has not been, and cannot be any question of "considering the Literary Group's attitude to the Union binding upon you". If your refusal to participate is quite out of the question we are very glad not to have understood you quite correctly, and hasten to send you an address to which all ma< terial from Russia could be sent (the Rogner address giveit you can bo used only from abroad, and please don't pass i\ on to anyone else). Please inform us w7hat you might con<
TO
***
tribute to the journal and th wb*th* you have anything ready J t i f Z ? ^ or not J u 11 n could write. > °t, when you you thi think you Written in Munich between So member 6 a W 5 , i9QQ
Viist published in too,, m Lenin Miscellany I
Printed from the ortgtnal
34
TO P. B. AXELROD OCTOBER 10, DEAR P . B . ,'
190Q ! I
I HAVE RECEIVED YOUR LETTER WITH THE ENCLOSURES. THANKQ FOR THESE. J
About the English journal (there wore two messages in it] my sister11 says that she doesn't remember the title exactW —something like Family Pictures12—a yellow cover witq red drawings, an illustrated journal, somewhat larger thai Neue Zeitj13 about 40 sheets; she says she gave it to you in the presence of your wife, to pass on to me. Alexei is well, writing, busy organising contacts. H< will be free in six or eight weeks, hardly earlier. M j brother 14 is still here, keeps putting it off. The statement will be ready in a few days, and I shal of course send it on to you. 1 6 There is already plenty o copy for the paper; only a pity that it's mostly highl; specific workers' stuff, strikes and strikes, and description of the workers' condition. Nothing at all on internal ques tions. Dietz has undertaken to publish the journal for us. Thi type has been bought, but there is still no responsibli editor 16 : one arrangement has fallen through, but ther are others in view. If we fail to find a responsible editor we shall move the printing press elsewhere. How is your health? Do you manage to do any work I suppose Paris has completely worn you out? Let us kno^ about the article on Liebknecht17 for the journal and fd the paper—how do matters stand, and when can we expec to have it? \
35
1 shake you warmly by the hand, and wish you the best of h e a l t h and more free time. Yours, Petroff Here is the best address: Herrn Med. Carl Lehmann, Gahelsbergerstrasse 20a, Miinchen.
Inside, on the second envelope: (Excuse the scribble!)
for Petrov.
P.S. We have just had a letter from Nakhamkis, from which it appears that there has been a misunderstanding about the subject of the Paris congresses.18 You asked Gurevich to write, and of course this was very good. Koltsov wrote to tell us that he intended to deal with the same subject, and even4 informed Nakhamkis that we had "commissioned" him to write about it, which was not actually the case. Would you write to Koltsov suggesting that he should rather take up some other subject? Will you do this, please, since we don't know exactly where he is at present. We are writing to tell Nakhamkis that he and Gurevich should divide this work between them* Sent from Munich to Zurich First published in 1925
in Lenin Miscellany III
Printed from the original
tpmjC^fflfLM
WW
36
TO P. B. AXELROD October
18, 1900
Dear P. B., I received your long and kind letter of Oct. 15 yesterday. Many thanks for-it. We were very glad to learn that you are better, and that you can get on with your work. Your article for the paper is being copied already! You are outstripping us: we are still unable to get organised to have someone copy out all the things.that have to be sent off. Zagorskaya19 has still not arrived, while the stuff to be copied keeps piling up. Sometimes I feel quite exhausted and out of touch with my real work. I did not quite understand your hint about the impending "trouble" with the Parisians. 20 Of course it would be terribly difficult for you to write about everything; -but< perhaps you will pass on the substance of it to Vera Ivanovna, who, we hope, will soon be coming here? We still have no responsible editor.... The statement has been prepared and sent to Russia (I wi]l soon send you a copy), and before long it will be possible to begin setting up the paper. We intend to publish a lorg report, "May Day Demonstrations in Kharkov " (about 50,000 letters and spaces), as a separate pamphlet, 21 and to print only a very brief extract in the newspaper; after all, we cannot take up three-quarters of a sheet with a single article! (The newspaper will have 3 columns a page, approximately 6,000 letters each, or, to be more precise, "letters and spaces".) (We intend the first issue to have 2 sheets, 8 pages.) What do you think? Thanks for the advice on correspondents' reports. We shall certainly try to make use of it, because that would, of course, only improve the make-up of the paper. 22
w.wengewang.org TO P. B. AXELROD
I quite agree with your view of my brother's journey. What can one do with him? We are constantly receiving w a r n i n g s from every side—both from Paris (that people a r r i v i n g from Russia mention us all three by name), and from Russia (that I was traced on my way here, 23 and that in one provincial town they arrested a perfectly innocent man, a distant relative, who had never seen me in his life, and asked him what instructions I had given him!)—and I am doing my utmost to persuade my brother either not to go, or to go for a fortnight all told; I keep arguing with him, ridiculing him, abusing him (I have never abused him so violently)—but nothing seems to have any effect: he keeps saying he wants to go home! And now he has brought matters to the point of the statement being sent to Russia, which means (if the statement arrives, and that is certain) a direct indication of the new literary undertaking. After all, there's not much longer to wait before Alexei arrives, surely? My "opponent" is about to arrive, and I will give him this to read—let him "refute" it, if he can do so without a twinge of conscience! We are both quite well, but very edgy: the main thing is this agonising uncertainty 24 ; these German rascals keep putting us off daily with "tomorrows". What I could do to them! Yes, I quite forgot (please be so kind as to forgive the hasty tone of this letter!)—we have already had negotiations with Buchholtz but he refused, refused flatly. He !s pressing upon us a Vermittlerrolleand won't budge! My very best wishes, and greetings to all your family. Yours, ro ^ a S°rskaya
Sent from
has just arrived. I will be seeing her tomor-
Munich to Zurich
LISETR,?^BH®HED I N 1 9 25 enin Miscellany III
Tb
Petrou
e role
Qi
intermediary.—^.
Printed from the original
tp^jC^fflfLM
w w
38
TO P. B. AXELROD October 19
Dear P. B., A short P.S. to yesterday's letter, so as not to make you answer questions which have turned out to be erledigt.* We have just received the Parisians' letters, and at once understood what I wrote to you yesterday that I had not quite understood**: namely, your warning to be "wise as serpents" (easier said than done!) and- to keep away from the "emigres". The tone of the letters is such that it serves as an excellent commentary on your remark, which is now quite clear to me. Yours, Petrov Written on October 19,1900 Sent from Munich to Zurich First published in 1925 in Lenin Miscellany HI
* Settled.—Ed, ** See p. 36 of this volume.— Ed
Printed from the original
.wengewang.org 39
TO P. B. AXELROD October 21, 1900 Dear P. B., I saw Zagorskaya only yesterday; she passed on to me something from you. Please send us the article (on Liebknecht) as soon as it is copied out. From what Zagorskaya said I could not get an idea of the exact size of the article, but size is, after all, not the main consideration: we can always make room, and it will always be a pleasure to do so, for your 'article. As regards the lady from Paris who is going to South Russia in a month's time, and wants recommendations. I think the best thing to do is to introduce her to my sister, who is now in Paris and will be staying there another three weeks, if not more. If you agree with this plan," let us know this lady's name and address, and also write some little note to present to her on your behalf (if that should be necessary). Send it either to me, or to my sister (103 Rue de la Glaciere. M-lle Loukachevitsch, Paris. For Blank). I hear that you have sent a cushion and an English journal over here. To what address, and for whom, if it was parked post lager nd*? Zagorskaya could tell me nothing ^ o u t this. All the very best, Yours, * Poste restante.—Ed.
Petrov
^SzfcCTFftW 40
wv
V. I. LENIN
P.S. I enclose a copy of our statement for America. 25 We don't want to circulate it here—sX any rate, certainly not until it has appeared in Russia in sufficient quantities (and we have had no news yet from Russia about this). We have thought, therefore, of sending the statement at present only to you and to G. V., but if you think it essential to send it to America without waiting for news from Russia, then of course do so.
Sent from Munich to Zurich First published in 1925 in Lenin Miscellany III
Yours, Petrov Printed from the original
w.wengewang.org 41
TO V. P. NOGIN November 2, 1900 Please forgive me, dear Novosyolov, that I am so disgracefully late with my reply to your letter of October 17. I was constantly distracted by "petty" matters and chores here, and was also waiting for a reply from Alexei. It was essential to wait for a reply, in order to clear up the question of our editorial statement. Alexei has decided not to circulate it at present. Therefore, in sending you a copy, I beg you to keep it secret for the time being, and not to show it to anyone (apart perhaps from that close friend of yours who has authority from the St. Petersburg group, and about whom you write 26 ) and, in any case, not let it pass into anyone else's hands. In general, we have decided not to circulate this thing abroad until it has been distributed in Russia, and since Alexei is holding it back over there, it is particularly important for us to see that it does not spread out here. Counting on your close participation in our undertaking, I decided to make an exception and to acquaint you with the statement. When j?^ P^ase bear in mind that the intention is to publish both a paper and a journal (or a miscellany); but the statement says nothing about the latter for certain special ^ ^ ^ o n n e c t e d with the plan for publishing the jourbe " J^berefore, some passages of the statement should read as applying not only to the paper. w r i t e a n d tell me what impression the statement has l ^ a d e on you and your friend. Raboch? t y P e ° f " a S i t a t i o n journal" do the members of the Z n a m V a group propose to publish (it was about them to bp \ W r o t e ' wasn't it?)? What kind of journal is it u> and who is to work on it?
ww V. I. LENIN
42
As regards shipment across the frontier into Russia, I think this will always be easily done: we have connections with several groups who carry on such transport, and in addition a member of our group was recently given a promise (a solid one, judging by everything) that they would be able to take anyone across the frontier into Russia without a passport. This, I think, is easily arranged. The Russian passport business is much worse. So far there is nothing, and the "prospects" are still very indefinite. Perhaps this too will be arranged by the spring. I shall probably be staying on here for a fairly long time, and our correspondence can therefore continue without inconvenience. You ask what work we should like to request you to take on. I think that (by the spring or by the autumn, whenever you intend to move) the following work will be of especial importance for us: (1) transport of literature across the frontier; (2) delivery throughout Russia; (3) organisation of workers' groups to circulate the paper and collect information, etc., i.e., in general, organisation of the circulation of the paper and of close and proper connections between it and individual committees and groups. We pin great hopes on your co-operation, particularly' in the business of direct contacts with the workers in various places. Does such work appeal to you? Have you anything against travelling? It would probably require constant travels. Is the St. Petersburg group, from which your friend has authority, still in existence? If so, could he provide addresses for contacts in St. Petersburg and a password, in order to transmit our statement to them? Have they any connections with the workers in general, and the St. Petersburg Workers' Organisation in particular 28 ? All the best, and I wish you the speediest and easiest emergence from quarantine abroad. Yours, Petroff P.S. Have I written the address correctly? Please confirm receipt of this letter. Sent from Munich to London First published in 1928 in Lenin Miscellany VIII
Printed from the origin^
w.wengewang.org 43
TO P. B. AXELROD November 3 I received your letter yesterday, dear P. B., and have today already sent off the note to my sister. I have not passed on the letter to V. I. Before I forget: please, let me know to whom the cushion and the English book you sent here were addressed. / have not yet received them. If you sent them postlagernd, was it the ordinary postlagernd or Bahnhofpostlagernd* or some other way? V. I. could not tell me, and I have been waiting for your letter all this time, but there is no mention of this in it. Since I don't know'the name in the address, I cannot make inquiries. Please, ask Vera Pavlovna to drop me a line about this, and kindly forgive me for worrying you again and again with these trifles. ^ As regards the article on Liebknecht, truly we don t know what to do. Your article turned out to be long enough for the journal: 8 pages (according to V. I., similar to those in Nakanune29 in small type, i.e., about 8,000 letters per page)—this makes 64,000 letters, and even if we take Nakanune1 s larger type, it will come to about 50,000 lettersl Our paper will have the Vorwarts format, also in three columns. Each column of about 6,000 letters, which means that half your article will take up an entire page of the newspaper, plus another column! This is extremely inconvenient for the paper, apart from the inconvenience of dividing up such an article as yours about Liebknecht. 1 will calculate all this more precisely when your arJJcle arrives. We shall do our best to carry it, but if this P r o v e s j ^ b e impossible because of the size, will you be Railway^ posto restante.—Ed.
w i
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V. I. LENIN
so good as to allow us to publish it is a pamphlet supplement to the paper (if you are writng about Liebknecht separately for the journal)? We are new setting up the May Day Demonstrations in Kharkov pamohlet (50,000 letters); then will come the turn of the paper, aid then of your pamphlet about Liebknecht; if it proves iecessary, an obituary could be written for the paper, with 1 reference to the pamphlet. What do you think of that? I repeat that all this is mere supposition; it is essential to make an exact calculation, and when I do this, on receipt of your article, I will write to you at once. I wish you all the best, and particularly that you should get well again as soon as possible. Kindest regards to your family. Yours,
Petrov
Written on November 3,1900 Sent from Munich to Zurich First published in 1925 in Lenin Miscellany III
Printed from the original
w.wengewang.org 45
TO P. B. AXELROD November 8 D7have
received your letter of the 5th and the article. 30 Many thanks. The alterations probably involved a great deal of work and must have caused even more annoyance, •because condensing such a subject must be extremely uninteresting work. It is all the more valuable to us that you undertook to do it. Please excuse us for not sending you the articles: our "secretary" is, unfortunately, burdened with serious family duties, and therefore the copying proceeds very slowly. I enclose an article, "New Friends of the Russian Proletariat", which we want to publish in No. 1 as a feature. 31 Please let us know your opinion (you can pencil it on the article) and then be kind enough to send it onto G. V. As regards the Parisians, we decided on the very tactics you advised: on the one hand, "not to arm", and on the other, "to abstain". Of course, they are dissatisfied with our abstention, and we were recently obliged (of necessity) to give such a rebuff to their expression of dissatisfaction that we feared a "cooling-off" (feared is not quite the right word, because we decided to give this rebuff even if it should inevitably lead to a rupture). Yesterday, we received a reply from the "secretary" of the group they have formed m Paris 32 ; judging by the reply, our rebuff has had no harmful consequences, and "all is well". Let's-hope that this will continue to be so in the future. It is quite true tfa at later on we shall probabiy have to think of the "rules " a nd the other pleasant and interesting things you mention;
wv\ 46
V. I. LENIN
but it was a master-stroke on your part to have set approximately six months for this. It would be premature so long as the undertaking is not "in full working order"; we are completely in agreement with you in this respect. But I cannot agree with you about beginning to appear here openly. I cannot as yet think that "legality has already been lost". To my mind, it has not yet been lost, and this "yet" may last another few months, during which time much will be clarified. (My brother is already in Russia, and so far all is well. The traveller 33 is also wandering successfully, so far.) And even if there were a complete and final loss of legality, there might be weighty considerations against coming out openly (for example, considerations about journeys home). Therefore, until the first issues have appeared, and until all of us (including Alexei and my brother) get together, I shall, in any case, remain in hiding. If the undertaking is destined to be a success, this decision may soon change,, but my earlier "optimism" about this condition has been thoroughly shaken by "the humdrum of life". 3 4 As regards the journal, it will soon be clear, I suppose, whether we shall organise it here or seek refuge in other countries. As soon as this is cleared up, I shall let you know. I find it very inconvenient to write to America, for after all I know no one there, and no one there knows me, and all the same it will be necessary to use you as an intermediary. Would it not, therefore, be better for you to write direct, and to send the statement, informing them that it comes from a Russian group, stating your attitude to this group and saying that a pamphlet, May Day Demonstrations in Kharkov, is now being set at the same printing press, and that when it is finished the paper will be set; that the statement says nothing about a journal (or a miscellany) for technical reasons of secrecy, but that for No. 1 there are being written (or are ready) such-and-such articles by G. V., yourself and Kautsky (Erinnerungen*, an interesting piece which V. I. is already translating), and others. It seems to me that all the aims you mention will be attained much better and much more directly by your letter, * Reminiscences.—Ed.
w.wengewang.org TO P. B. AXELROD
47
while your dispatch of the statement to America no longer entails (I think) any undesirable publicity, particularly the sending of one copy for the secretary of the society there J to read out at its meeting. 36 All best wishes, Yours,
Petroff
P.S. I have received the cushion and the book. Written on November 8, 1900 Sent from Munich to Zurich First published in 1925 in Lenin Miscellany III
Printed from tho original
tpmjc^Mjm ww 48
TO G. V. PLEKHANOV November 9 I received your letter today, dear Georgi Valentinovich, and at once sent you by registered book-post (1) the article "What Has Happened?" by Puttman; (2) the article by Byvaly, and (3) the article by D. Koltsov about the Paris Congress.36 Vera Ivanovna found this last article quite unacceptable and I entirely agree with her. The article is uninteresting, quite unsuitable for the journal (especially since you will be writing about Millerand 37 ) and much too long for the paper. It contains 22,000-27,000 letters, whereas for the paper we need an item of 6,000-9,000 letters or only a little more. We would therefore like to ask Rakovsky to write an article of that size for the paper, and to reject Koltsov's article. We decided to send it on to you, all the more since you were going to reply to Rakovsky. So do as you find most appropriate—either reject Koltsov's article and order one from Rakovsky, or request Koltsov to rewrite and shorten the article, under your guidance. It seems to us more probable that you will choose the first alternative, and in that case you can of course refer to us when informing Koltsov, and we can write to him ourselves as soon as we get your reply. I am sending the article by Byvaly for polishing up and insertion of some corrections which you indicated. Of course you may make corrections: please do so with all the articles, either making them in pencil right in the manuscript or on separate sheets. I can, if you like, write to Byvaly afterwards about these corrections—he is not likely
w.wengewang.org TO
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V.
PLEKHANOV
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take a rigid stand, but if he does, we shall have to disss the matter and make a choice: whether or not to take the whole as it is. The only thing I cannot agree with you n at all is the suggestion to cut out the mention of Bakharev's pamphlet, 38 and this not so much because it would be extremely unpleasant for the author, as because I, too, consider Bakharev's pamphlet useful (in spite of its defects), for it raises a really important point and, on the whole, deals 'with it correctly. Byvaly writes not only about the old but also about the new; if serious revolutionaries had no need of such pamphlets in the 1870s, we nowadays certainly have need of them, and we had the firm intention to print a critical but approving note about it (possibly in the paper, but not in No. 1). The fact that quite young workers and intellectuals are being drawn into the mass movement, who have almost completely forgotten, or rather have no knowledge of what used to happen in the old days and how, and the absence of organisation of "experienced" revolutionaries—all this makes it necessary to publish pamphlets about rules of behaviour for socialists. The Poles have such a pamphlet, 39 which seems to give a great deal more than Bakharev's does. Vera Ivanovna agrees that the mention of Bakharev should not be cut out. In certain conditions, if you think it useful, a discussion in the journal on the question of the possible importance of such pamphlets might perhaps not be altogether irrelevant. We intend Byvaly's article for the journal and not the paper. Vera Ivanovna says that our paper turns out to be at a lower level, in terms of the readers for whom it is intended, than you probably imagine. Vera Ivanovna is on the whole rather dissatisfied with the paper: she says it J? of the Rabocheye Dyelo type, only somewhat more iterary, more brushed up. Ij have sent one article to avel Borisovich, asking him to send it on to you. It would e quite inconvenient to have the question of Kautsky's resoa r r f s ^ o r t e n e ( i an( * abridged to the size of a newspaper e . a n d that is why we should like the journal to carry int ar jj ic * e o r * t e m o n this question by you. Or perhaps you t 0 c o n f i n e yourself to something very small? Probabl Print ^ V e n a n i t e m o n ^ i s subject will require about 10 n t e d Pages, i.e., about 20,000 letters, if not more?
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I must say that I thought you would be willing to write an item about Solovyov. Puttman is hardly likely to take it on. I shall write to him, but I am not very hopeful. Vera Ivanovna is prepared to write about the Decembrists, 40 but what about the material? We shall write immediately to have them send us what they can. Perhaps you too will suggest what it would be particularly important to have for this work. I think the most important thing is the historical journals, which are not available here. Gurevich is writing a big article for the journal on French affairs, and for the newspaper on the national congress. Goldendakh or Nakhamkis was going to write about the International Congress, but did not. Please send us your article, "Socialism and the Political Struggle" (it can be sent by registered book-post to the same address of Lehmann); I doubt that Alexei would not like the article because of the comradely criticism, for I remember him telling me that he found the objections of Pavel Borisovich to be justified. We shall number the separate sheets (unless they have been numbered already) and I don't think the compositors will lose anything; after all, they always have to deal with separate sheets, and the same applies to our paper, and so far they have never lost anything. The question of "responsible editor" will evidently be settled favourably, I think, tomorrow or the day after (today I received news that two have agreed, and am expecting vital information tomorrow). We think that all the same we shall not manage (initially, at least) without the help of Blumenfeld, whom Dietz has agreed to take on as a compositor, and who would put the thing on its feet for us, train the Germans, etc. As soon as all this is finally cleared up, I shall write or telegraph to him at once. But I should very much like to have your article, "Once More", etc., 41 as soon as possible, because we might have to send it for setting immediately. Against Rabochaya My si—more precisely, only against the article "Our Reality" in the Separate Supplement— I had an article, "The Retrograde Movement in Russian Social-Democracy", 42 written as far back as a year ago. It has now been sent here to me, and I am thinking of rewriting
tfengewang.org TO G. V. PLEKHANOV
51
't for the journal, with additional material directed against t
0
w
h
i
c
h
"
l a t e s t
N
o
- "
o f
R
a
b
o
"
j va Mysl you refer. No. 8 was the last issue of the paper fa new editorial board "from page 5"), which, incidentally, rries a repudiation of the famous parallels at the end of the article on Chernyshevsky in the Separate Supplement. Is that what you have in mind? I would think the item, "To What Lengths They Have Gone", 43 a useful one, though now I doubt the "belligere n c y " o f Rabochaya Mysl: they nevertheless want to take a few steps "towards us" (passez moi le mot*), and we ought to try to consider them verbesserungsfahig.** But of course there should be an attack in any case: they won't change unless attacked. I have been corresponding lately with Vetrinskaya, an old comrade of mine in the League, 44 and told her that I supported Alexei's words: "We shall have to wrestle with you." Go ahead, if you are not ashamed, she told Alexei. I wrote to say that I was not in the least ashamed. I should also like to have a talk with you about the economic trend and Alexei's views, but it is already very late, and I will confine myself to a few words. The economic trend, of course, was always a mistake, but then it is very young, while there has been overemphasis of "economic" agitation {and there still is here and there) even without the trend, and it was the legitimate and inevitable companion of any step forward in the conditions of our movement which existed in Russia at the end of the 1880s the beginning of the 1890s. The situation then was so murderous that you cannot probably even imagine it, and ? n e should not censure people who stumbled as they clamored up out of that situation. For the purposes of this clamo r 1 1 T ° U t ' s o m e narrowness was essential and legitimate: r v ^ / a y > *or ^ i s t e n dency to blow it up into a theoU in with con Bernsteinism, the whole thing of n o ^? e ,fhanged radically. But that the overemphasis of "eco10 agitation and catering to the "mass" movement * * *
4*
Excuse the expression.—Ed. ^apable.of improvement, not entirely hopeless. -Ed.
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52
were natural, you too, unless I'm mistaken, recognised in "The New Campaign" written in 1896, when Viln a Economism 45 was already a Vordre du jour,* while St. Petersburg economism was emerging and taking shape. Every good wish, and please excuse the disorderly writing. Yours, Petroff Written on November 9, 1900 Sent from Munich to Geneva First published in 1956 in Kommunist No. 16
» On the agenda.—Ed.
Printed from the original
.wengewang.org 53
TO P. "B. AXELROD November 16 I have lust received, dear P. B., your remarks on the article The Urgent T a s k s " . " Many thanks What do you think about the unpopularity of this article? It won't sound di! Tenclose
t l preface to the pamphlet May Day Demonstrations in Kharkov (some, but very small, corrections were made in the manuscript you have). Please, let s hear what you think of it, and do not hesitate to make your remarks on it, in ink or in pencil. I am also sending you a document received from Russia about the amalgamation of the St. Petersburg Workers Organisation and the League of Struggle. 47 They say the St. Petersburg people are terribly proud of it, and *aev is said to have adopted the programme already. It must he written about. Would you like to do so? (After reading this "document"—this "specimen", as my brother calls it—please send it on to G. V., if you don't need it.) We have at last found a responsible editor. Ettmger has undertaken to sign two numbers in any case, giving up all claims about the "tone", etc., and reserving the right after these two issues to make a statement in the press about ner disagreement with the content, and so forth. Let us hope that she will keep to this condition (she only asks very earnestly that we should say nothing about it to anyone until publication), and* in the meantime we shall either "nd someone else, or make other arrangements.4 I petsonally negotiated with Ettinger with the aid of Buch&oltz, who resigned from the Union for the purpose of taking
54
V . I. LENIR*
some steps in the spirit of conciliation. I shall write in more detail about these steps later, considering that there is little of interest in them. We now hope to begin setting in a few days. With all good wishes,
Yours, Petroff
Written on November 16, 1900 Sent from Munich to Zurich First published in 1925 in Lenin Miscellany III
Printed from the original
w.wengewang.org 55
TO P. B. AXELROD November 19, 1900 Dear P. B., I have just received your letter of November 17, and read your remarks with great interest. Of course we shall try without fail to send you as many articles as possible, as this is valuable for the publications in all respects, quite apart from your natural interest in them. One thing we are sorry about is that our secretary is iiberarbeitet*; but this will change soon all the same, because serious reforms are afoot in the matter of Kinderpflege.**49 Danevich has sent in an item of about 12,000 letters for the paper, on the French national congress; I hesitate to say whether it is entirely suitable. Very possibly we shall manage without it if we have your chronicle of events, which we are awaiting impatiently. Danevich is writing a big article on French affairs for the journal. 50 The enclosed letter is for Rolau: my colleague is writing to him about our "tea" business, because we think that my correspondent Skubiks is not in town. 51 Please be good enough to pass this letter on to Rolau, and ask him to reply to us at once (forgive me for troubling you with such a request: I hope you can entrust, say, Gurevich with this). But if Rolau is not in town, would you be so kind as to ycad the letter addressed to him, and have a talk about l t s matter, if only with Skubiks's wife. The thing is that « * Overworked.—Ed. Child care.—Ed.
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we must have a definite reply as soort as possible, and if neither Rolau nor Skubiks is available?, this can't be done otherwise than by a personal talk between you and someone of their company. As regards the article by L. Axelrod, 52 I quite agree with you that it should first of all be sent to G. V. Every good wish, and excuse this too hasty letter. Yours,
Sent from Munich to Zurich First published in 1925 in Lenin Miscellany III
Petrov
Printed from the original
w.wengewang.org 57
TO P. B. AXELROD November 26, 1900 pear P. B., I have just received a letter from our mutual friend, w ho tells us that everything has been arranged. At last the business will go forward "steadily"! He begs you to send (nie), as quickly as possible, the Nusperli passport* (or Husperli? It is not clear, but you must know what is meant). 5 3
Tomorrow, November 27, he begins the setting, and consequently we may hope that in two weeks' time (or a liltle more) everything will be quite ready. It is therefore very important to have all the material available within a week, including your foreign chronicle. I hope that this date will not cause you to break off anything, for I suppose mj>st of it has been done. V. I. is writing to G. V. today, asking him to hurry up the person who is writing about th3 Paris congress. 54 It is, of course, quite possible to make references to his article (if you do make any) even before tha article arrives. Wishes of all the best and of good health. Yours,
Petro v
I am this very day sending Dietz the manuscript (by G. V.).55 j jjQpg there, too, things will go ahead deciS l v e l y-
High time!
Sen from Munich to Zurich ' i n 1 l t ^ U b l i 8 h e d in 1925 mn Miscellany III
16
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writes:
Printed from the original
"I will send it back as soon as I arrive here,"
58
TO P. B. AXELROD December 11
Dear P. B., Thank you very much for letting us have your remarks so speedily on the item about the split. 66 I have made the corrections you want, except that I could not cut out altogether the mention of the Rabocheye Dyelo's services: it seems to me that this would be unfair to an opponent with a record not only of offences against Social-Democracy. Poletayev told me a piece of news that has made me very glad, that you have to some extent got free of the yoghurt, and could pay us a short visit. Now this would be splendid! I think there will be no difficulty in finding accommodation, one can take a room by the week. After all you do have a Swiss citizen's passport. I am still waiting (still, because I have been waiting a long time already, and to no purpose) the early arrival of both friends. Alexei writes that he is "eager to come", but is being somewhat delayed by various circumstances. The other friend has not written for a long time, but I don't think this means that anything very bad has happened. By the time they arrive, both Iskra (in 1 or 2 weeks) and Zarya will probably have appeared (Dietz has hired another compositor and is driving ahead quickly, hurrying us up. By the way, will you have anything for this issue of the journal*?). By that time, something will also have been cleared up about the transport (what a difficult problem!) and about the * Perhaps you could put together something of what you wrote about Liebknecht and which did not go into the paper.
w.wengewang.org TO P. B. A X E L R O D
59
material, and then it would be extremely desirable to have a general meeting. I look forward to this very much. W h a t about young Adler's article 67 ? Is he writing it? When will it be ready? Please hurry him up in a letter and —if you find the correspondence too burdensome, or if the Umweg* via Munich—Zurich—Vienna entails long delay, then give him Lehmann's address (Herrn Dr. Med. Carl Lehmann, Gabelsbergerstrasse 20a. Miinchen. On the second envelope: fiir Meyer)—and give us his address, and we shall squeeze a reply out of him. We want to print 1,000 copies of Zarya for Russia and 500 for abroad. I am eagerly awaiting your chronicle, and then a meeting. Yours,
Petroff
For Gurevich: Please try and arrange the following: we need to have a good address in Zurich through which Yefimov (Dietz's compositor) could carry on correspondence with Geneva, i.e., an intermediary, transmitting address. If you can, please send it to me as soon as possible, and in any case drop me a line at least right away in reply. My best wishes, and regards to Vera Pavlovna. Yours,
Petroff
Written on December 11, 1900 Sent from Munich to Zurich First published in 1925 m Lenin Miscellany III
*
Roundabout way.—Ed.
Printed from the original
60
TO P. B. AXELROD Midnight, December 14, 1900
Dear P. B., Forgive me for having disturbed you unnecessarily with my telegram. Not having received the article in the morning, I inferred (after your telegram of yesterday) that something had happened, and decided to inquire by telegram, in particular under the influence of a desperate letter from the printers. And then your article arrived a few hours later! I hasten to inform you without delay of its arrival, as you asked, and, once again, please excuse the telegram. I am very, very glad that we shall soon see each other; my "brother" will, I think, also arrive in a few days, and Alexei too, possibly, in 2 or 3 weeks' time. There is still no article from Paris on the International Congress—I have sent a telegram today. I may have to go away for a short time before the paper appears, in order to sort out various small items (we are badly out in thousands of letters, and are now throwing out a good deal!), but this will take 3 or 4 days, no more. Let me know whether I should take a room for you, or just have a preliminary look for one. I will ask V. I. about your requirements, and will begin my search. Forgive the brevity—I am very tired and in a hurry. Very best regards, Yours, Petroff Sent from Munich to Zurich First published in 1925 in Lenin Miscellany III
Printed from the original
w.wengewang.org 61
TO P. B. AXELROD December 24, 1900 Dear P. B., I returned from my business trip only yesterday, 68 and found your letter. The paper should be ready today; as soon as I receive it I shall send it to you, unless you start out yourself. My brother arrives this evening. Alexei will not get rid of his obstacles and leave before Dec. 20 (O.S.). I was quite unable to send the proofs—I myself could not get them, and had to make the journey to sort things out on p. 8. However unpleasant it was, I had to divide your article, and hold up the second half for the next issue, 69 otherwise what was essential could not have gone in, on account of the setting'(for technical reasons) in bourgeois, instead of brevier. And so, from Vasilyev—? And from Adler—nothing? You say nothing of Adler in your letter. The journal is-going forward: G. V. has sent in an article on Struve 60 —6 articles have been sent j n all. All the best, and I heartily wish you speedy recovery from the influenza which is raging so everywhere this year. Yours,
Petroff
P-S. I have just learned from Gurevich's letter that you nave received the article on Austria. That's fine. Have
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you a really good translator? If not, send us the article, we shall translate it over here. To Gurevich Thanks for your information. Of course it would be desirable to have details about the Riga comrade: what kind of work would and could he take on? How free and financially well off is he, etc.? Please tell Skubiks that I got his letter, but did not reply because I was away—and now can only say that our man is already "there" and has an address, so that the matter I was corresponding with Skubiks about is settled. With best wishes, Petrov 0
Sent from Munich to Zurich First published in 1925 in Lenin Miscellany III
Printed from the original
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1901
TO V. P. NOGIN January 3, 1901 Dear Comrade, I have received Revolution and Counter-Revolution,61 and am very grateful to you for sending this booklet. As regards transport we cannot at this moment undertake any definite obligations. Our routes are just now being arranged and will evidently be arranged satisfactorily; but it remains to be seen how they will function. In all probability we shall be able to give you quite a definite reply in 2 or 3 weeks at the outside, and will be happy to undertake the shipment of your booklet, if we can. We know nothing of Max Menkus, and are not doing our business through him. Your letters and reports have been received. We have already used some of them for the paper. Incidentally, the first issue should be ready in a few days, and I shall then send you a copy. Wo expect our Poltava friend to arrive here in the very near future. All the best. Oh yes, there is also this. Having learned that we have completed a translation of Kautsky's book, Bernstein and the Social-Democratic Programme, a member of the Rabocheye Znamya group approached a member of our group in Russia offering to publish the translation. 63 But we should like to publish it ourselves, in our own name. Therefore would the persons who made the offer agree to give us the money for its publication, if only
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some of it? Please write to tell us whether you are able and willing to write to them about it. Yours
Petrov*
We propose to publish Hyndman's article in the near future with a footnote that "it has been sent to us in the author's MS. through the good offices of a member of the Rabocheye Znamya group in St. Petersburg".64 If you have anything to say about the underlined words, please inform us immediately. All the best
Petrov
Sent from Munich to London First published in 1928 in Lenin Miscellany VIII
Printed from the typescript text with corrections and postscript by Lenin
* Here is added, in an unknown hand: "Address: Herrn Philipp Rogner. Cigarrenhandlung. Neue Gasso. Niirnberg."—Ed.
rengewang.org 05
TO V. P. N0GIN January 24, 1901 Dear Comrade, I have received your letter about the passports, have written to my friend here who might be expected to help me in this respect, and am now awaiting a reply. I think it will be possible to get a foreign (Bulgarian or German) passport (for entering Russia), but I'm not hopeful about a Russian passport, or at least a blank passport, not tilled in. This may, of course, come off, but I should advise you to take steps right away to secure a foreign passport, at the risk of being left without any at all. But as regards a Russian passport, if we succeed in getting one, it will be more likely in Russia. _ . If there is to -be no mention of Rabocheye Znamya m the footnote, would you suggest another way of putting it? For example, from (through) a member of the Rabocheye Znamya group who -worked in St. Petersburg in 1897, or something like that. I think it would be better to say somehow through whom the article was received, but if you think otherwise, naturally we shall publish it without any indication of* how we received it. I have been told the name of the St. Petersburg man who made the proposal (in one of the provinces, and a fairly remote one) about publishing the translation of Kautsky. I am afraid to entrust the name to the post; however, I will let you have it in this form. Write down Alexei's name, Patronymic (in Russian style) and surname, and number all the 23 letters in their order. Then the surname of this St. Petersburg man will consist of the following letters: 6, 22, 11, 22 (for this substitute the next letter of the alphabet), 5, 10 and 13. 66 *
5-1652
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As to the sale of Revolution and Counter-Revolution, we shall inquire from those organisations abroad with whom we have contacts. Over here everything now depends on transport, which is eating up a lot of money because this is a new undertaking. I cannot therefore give you any definite reply as regards financial aid for fabricating passports, until it has become clear just how much money is needed for this, and what the chances are that all the other essentials (money apart) are available. Alexei paid out money to one influential organisation as long ago as last spring (sic!) for the purchase of blank passports (which they had promised), but so far has had nothing. Would you agree to take on yourself in the immediate future a permanent function in transportation—i.e., to live near the frontier-, travel around, communicate with the contrabandists, etc.? Do you know German, or any language other than Russian?* Every good wish, Yours, Petrov I enclose the paper 66 ; please show it to no one except your friend, and let me know your opinion. No. 2 is at the press. Write to me at the following address: Herrn Georg Rittmeyer, Kaiserstrasse 53 I. Munchen. (Without any enclosure, if the letter is in Russian.) Sent from Munich to London First published in 1928 in Lenin Miscellany Vm
Printed from the original
* Do you know of any comrade suitable for this work and who knows Yiddish? And also do you happen to know an absolutely reliable comrade who is a compositor?
vengewang.org 67
TO THE BORBA
GROUP67 February 3, 1901
Dear Comrades, We are deeply distressed over your letter of refusal to co-operate. Our letter to Nevzorov (a letter vith a special enclosure for you of the "statement," the No. 1 of Iskra, and a proof of Ryazanov's article) and your refusal letter must have crossed, having been sent, off at the same time. This alone will show you how far it was from us to keep you from taking part in our affairs. We ask you to excuse the delay—that is indeed our fault, but you must bear in mind that we suifer as much as you do from the "indefinite state of relations". We have strictly abided fcy our group's decision not to circulate the newspaper abroad before it is circulated in Russia, making an exception only for our closest associates, including your good selves. Until quite recently, we had been altogether uncertain is to whether the paper would circulate in Russia (even today we cannot vouch for it); we had our hands full in tais matter in connection with some fresh negotiations (with the liberal democrats—so far a big secret\),QS and this delayed fulfilment of the decision adopted a fortnight or so ago to send you the issue of Iskra. Our statement has not yet been circulated in Russia but has only been shown to several persons. We repeat that what has happened is the result not of any lack of concern but of the indefiniteness and bustle from which we ourselves have not yet emerged. We should « 5*
68
V. I. LENIN
be very happy to see the misunderstandings produced by this cleared up and find you taking your old attitude to our common cause. Comradely greetings, Petro v Sent from Munich to Paris . First published in 1930 in Lenin Miscellany XIII
Printed from the original
fengewang.org 69
TO THE BOBBA
GROUP February 21, 1901
Dear Comrades,
Your insistence on "defining relations" has surprised us but, to our deep regret, we cannot satisfy you in this respect. Our business is just being started, the wheels have only just been set in motion, and whether it will really get going depends on everyone vigorously co-operating —when suddenly, instead of doing the urgent work, we are asked to set about "defining relations" with some kind of particular exactness! We think that close and constant collaboration (which has already been expressed by your sending us two articles, and on which we were relying for the future) is a sufficiently definite relation, and that from it there clearly follows also the right of contributors to speak on behalf of the publication, enlist supporters, establish contacts, collect funds, order articles, etc. That this enlistment will naturally lead also to more intimate contacts between those enlisted and the editorial board, and that the establishment of final agreements (about any undertaking,-or about the management of this or that section, or this or that function) will require direct contacts between the editorial board and those who have been enlisted, all this likewise follows, as a matter of course, from the very nature of relations between close contributors and the editorial board. We hope that our relations could in the course of time develop from the form of simple collaboration to the kind of co-operation under which some departments would be allocated, and general editorial conferences would be held from time to time.
70
V. I. LENIN
Furthermore, we do not deny of course that the business of organising things abroad will require (in 3 or 6 months1 time) the creation of new forms, organs and functions, and were relying on you in this respect, but we are unable to set about all this immediately, when Zarya and Iskra have still to be consolidated. We hope that you, too, will realise our position and will agree that any further "definition of relations" at the present time is impossible. All the best. Sent from Munich to Paris First published in 1030 in Lenin Miscellany XIII
Printed from the original
wengewang.org 71
TO P. B. AXELROD February 27, 1901 Dear P .
B.,
I have received both your letters, and have passed on the letter from Italy to V. I. I don't yet know the contents of that letter, because I transmitted it through Blumenfeld. He and I are setting out tomorrow: he is going on through Vienna, I am going via Vienna to Prague on my own business.69 Please excuse me for writing briefly, because of appointments and packing. A letter has come from Dietz to the effect that he is not printing the statement (about an alliance with the liberals), that this is dangerous ("amalgamation", groups, etc.) and that, altogether, would it not be better for us to have - a secret printing press?! We are very much astounded by this piece of news from the erratic idiot Dietz. We have decided {provisorisch*) for the time being to leave Zarya here (for the time being!) and print the rest in Geneva. I think that diplomatic relations with the Parisians have been resumed. Molotov ha§ already written his article on finance (for No. 3 of Iskra).70 He has promised a review of foreign affairs. There is still not quite enough material for No. 3 of Iskra. Judas (the calf) has not yet left. He is clearing out at Jast in a few days, .1 think—thank God. "All is well" with him. From home there is letter after letter about the student disorders. My brother writes that he will soon be coming. * Provisionally.—Ed'.
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Y . I. LENIN
No. 2 71 has not yet reached Russia. All the best. I will make certain to write a more sensible letter when I return (I shall be away for 4 or 7 days) and take up my usual routine. Yours,
Petro v
Sent from Munich to Zurich First published in 1925 in Lenin Miscellany III
Printed from the original
vengewang.org 73
TO F. I. DAN March 22, 1901 Many thanks for your letter of March 2 addressed to Rittmeyer. We are very glad that we have at last established correspondence with you (of which I wrote you as far back as July 15!). Please observe the rules so that we should always know in any important affair that the letter will reach us. The address you used last time is one of the best: make use of it. Collect cash. We have now been reduced almost to beggary, and it is a question of life or death for us to obtain a large sum. We shall send you Zarya in a few days. So do everything you can about finance.* How do matters stand with the doctor's group? 72 Last summer, their representative behaved in a way that was equivalent to abrupture (he made some idiotic demands on us)—but later a member of his group renewed contact with our representative in Berlin. 73 Get some sense out of them: are they willing to help us or not? Send us an address for delivering a suitcase, 74 and a more reliable, one for letters and books. Yours, Starik What about the Finnish routes75? We know nothing, and have not had a single letter from you about this. Please, repeat. * The money can be sent through a bank by cheque, in a registered letter addressed to Carl Lehmann (the third letter is a German h), M-D., Gabelsbergerstrasse 20a. Keep this address in mind: it is good * 0 r cash, and for letters and books.
t f i a ^ c W O T 74
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V. I. LENIN
If the bearers of a suitcase have no letter from the organisation, then you should not talk freely with them about anything at all. Sent from Munich to Berlin First published in 1928 in Lenin Miscellany VIII
Printed from the original
75
TO V. P. NOGIN April 6, 1901 Alexei and I have just received your letter about Zarya. Many thanks for your detailed and frank opinion; we find such comments all the more valuable because they are so rare. What you say about the inadequacy of the political reviews and articles in Zarya is perfectly justified. We fully realise this inadequacy, and will do everything to put it right. With best wishes, Yours .... Sent from Munich to London .First published in 1928 in Lenin Miscellany VIII
Printed from the originlal
^ i t f f ^ N
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76
TO KARL H. BRANTING
76
April 19, 1901
Dear Comrade, Our comrade in Berlin has already written you on our behalf that we should like to establish closer contacts with the Swedish and Finnish comrades. Allow me, at this time, to make the following request on behalf of the editorial board of the Russian Social-Democratic journal Zarya (J.H.W. Dietz Verlag. Stuttgart). We attach very great importance to informing the Russians in general, and the Russian workers in particular, of the political situation in Finland and the oppression of Finland, and also of the stubborn struggle waged by the Finns against despotism. We should therefore be most grateful to you if you transmitted to all the Finnish comrades you know our urgent request to support us in this undertaking. It would of course be particularly helpful for us if we could find a permanent Finnish contributor who would send us, firstly, monthly notes (4,000-8,000 letters), and, secondly, longer articles and reviews from time to time. We need the latter for Zarya and the former for the illegal Russian paper Iskra, whose editorial board has made this request of us. If you think it useful, I will send you Zarya and two issues of Iskra. The articles may be written also in Swedish or in Finnish; we shall find a translator ourselves.
engewang.org TO KARL II. BRANTING
77
I beg you to inform me whether you can comply with our request.
With Social-Democratic greetings, I.
Petrov
P.S. Please excuse my extremely bad German. My address is as follows: Herrn J. H. W. Dietz Verlag. Furthbachstr. 12. Stuttgart. On the inner envelope: An die Redaktion der Morgenrote—fiir Herrn Petroff. Sent from Munich to Stockholm First published in Swedish on March 8, 1955 in the newspaper Morgon-Tidningen No. 65
Printed from the original Translated from the German
TO G. V. PLEKHANOV April 21, 1901
Dear G. V., We are very glad that your adventure ended satisfactorily. 7 7 We are expecting you: we need to have a talk about a great deal, both on literary and on organisational subjects, and about Iskra (the third issue should be ready by May 1. Then we want straightaway to print No. 4), and about Zarya. You have the address for calling—Velika Dmitrievna's. Here is another (Alexei's) just in case: Occamstr. (in Schwabing) la, III, rechts bei Frau Kraft, and ask for Herrn Vernet; only it would be better, when using this address, to write beforehand about your callj as otherwise you may easily not find anyone at home. I send you Promyshlenny Mir Nos. 1-11. We have Frank— I will send it to you, if you need it before you come. 78 We have only one copy of Na Slavnom Postu79: we shall order another, because there is a big demand for it. We are in complete agreement with you about the priority of organisation over agitation at the present time. Listok "Iskry" is fairly cautious about any direct appeal—or do you consider even this dangerous80? Hoping to see you soon. Yours, Petrov Please bring or send Narodnoye
Khozyaistvo.61
Sent from Munich to Geneva First published in 1928 in the miscellany Gruppa Osvobozhdeniye Truda" No. 6
Printed from the original
TOM. G. VECHESLOV For Yuriev April 25 I have received your letter. Please send us as soon as you can an exact account of how many suitcases you have received and of what kind, how many have gone and how many remain. We need this to draw up our report and financial accounts. As regards the literature, I have also long been asking you to write how much you received, and what in particular, where you sent it and how it was used. We have not got the May Day leaflet (N.B.). The money (100 marks) has already been sent; I repeat my request that you make an extra effort to obtain money in Berlin and elsewhere for the suitcases; you will thereby be giving us the most serious and essential help. How much money of your own have you in hand? What is the average (and actual) monthly turnover? It would be very important to send Kharkov Days as soon as possible to the South, where they are pressing for it. I have not quite understood you about the bulletin. (1) Is it the Iskra Promotion Group or the Neutral Group that wants to publish it? 8 2 (2) Are the bulletins to be the same as before or different? We think that it would be extremely unwise t.o spend money on bulletins of the old type and, for our part, find it difficult to promise raw material, for the reason that we are working intensively at present on turning Iskra into a monthly paper, 83 and we have neither the time nor the money for copying and sending
80
V. I. LENIN
out material. What we have to think of is not dividing up the available material into bulletins, and weakening both its importance and impression by circulating it in a raw state abroad, but, on the contrary, concentrating all the material in Iskra and accelerating its publication with welledited and illuminated material. Any other tactics would mean not a struggle against, but a promotion of, the present ideological vacillation and confusion. It is not surprising that such bulletins were published by the Neutral Group, with its absurd composition and programme, but we should expect more co-operation and rational work from the Iskra Promotion Group. Try and pass on these views to your group (but do not read my letter in full, because I am writing to you personally) and persuade it. Let us know its decision. Bulletins reviewing the foreign press on Russia are a different matter. They are of course useful. Send us cuttings from the Russian papers. Would it also be possible to supply the Iskra editorial board with Russian journals, after they have been read in Berlin? If it would, let us know what journals we could count on (we have some, but not enough). Written on April 25, 1901 Sent from Munich to Berlin First published in 1928 in Lenin Miscellany VIII
Printed from the original
wengewang.org 81
TO S. I. RADCHENKO We have received your letter. We fully approve of your m e t h o d of distributing the literature, and advise you to keep strictly to it, without listening to anyone's advice or calumny. One thing that is desirable is that you should show some consideration for the Sotsialist group,84 and, in case of need, give them some privileges (for example, credit), because they are seeking to come closer to us, and promise to agitate for us. They have offered us a share of their income instead of payment for literature; we authorise you to accept this, at your discretion, if you find it not unprofitable financially. (Why do the Sotsialist group complain that you don't give them any literature?) In general, don't give away anything free, but distribute everything as quickly as possible for cash. Don't give any money to Grigoryev, send it all to us. Grigoryev should make money on his own literature, of which he has a lot. Number 3 is being printed, and the fourth is to follow immediately. A May Day leaflet and a special Iskra leaflet have appeared. 85 Do everything you can to have people sent to Berlin to collect the suitcases (the address is)* The password is: from Petro v. • If you still have some 100-200 of Kharkov Days, send them immediately by hand to.... Contact Pskov. We shall be sending the suitcases to Lepeshinsky, and you can collect them from him. Written at the end^of April 1901 Sent from Munich to St. Petersburg First published in 1928 in Lenin Miscellany VIII
* A blank space in the manuscript.—Ed. -6-1652
Printed from the original
82
TO P. N. LEPESHINSKY AND P. A. KRASIKOV 2a 3b—r
86
June 1, 1301 We should be very glad to work together with —r . He would be particularly useful at this time of wobbling among the public in general, and of all kinds of intrigues abroad in particular. Unfortunately, our financial position is very bad, and we are absolutely unable to allocate any money for his journey and his living expenses. It is also extremely difficult to find paid employment here (we say nothing of France and -French Switzerland, because we don't know them. —r himself is better informed about this than we are). Only in one case could we give some financial support: if —r were to undertake to go abroad, get a French passport here and use it to cross the frontier two or three times in various places, taking across a couple of suitcases each time. We have to pay for such transport anyway, and should of course pay him more willingly than some outsider. With his knowledge of the language and his resourcefulness, he would certainly be able to do it, and might find someone else on the way for the same purpose. If he is agreeable, let him write at once—you will read him the whole of this letter—and tell us his distinguishing features in as great detail as possible. On the strength of these features we shall then immediately apply for a French passport, and on receipt of it will let him know, so that he can start out. In general, our cause now hinges on transport, transport and transport. Whoever wants to help us should entirely concentrate on this.
7engewang.org TO T. N. LEPESHINSKY AND P. A. KRASIK0V
Now caught
ffiven
83
a b o u t the 125 rubles. We have been repeatedly o u t over advances to other organisations: we have
away a pile of money, and the result has been insign i f i c a n t , almost nil. Therefore we are very much afraid of paying in advance. Furthermore, it is more important for us to have swift delivery of a small quantity (if only half a pood a month) than of 10-20 poods over 3-4 months, because our first priority is Iskra's monthly publication and delivery. Up to now suitcases virtually alone have kept us going. So have as detailed a discussion as possible to find out whether the offer is reliable, which organisation is making it, the type of transport, and whether we could have our own man in there for supervision and participation, and then let us know. If they agree to have a trial run without payment in advance, take the decision yourselves. But if we are to hand over a sizable sum immediately, we shall have to consider and discuss all the particulars very thoroughly. Sent from Munich to Pskov First published in 1928 in Lenin Miscellany VIII
Printed from the original
tpWiX^ffiftW
WV
84
TO P. B. AXELROD June 1, 1901
Dear P. B., We have just received your letter with the materials and letters of Deb.*87 enclosed. Many thanks; we shall have to sort out the material. As regards Deb. 's proposal, we agree of course to let him have 300 offprints, and we hope that his reservations will not present the slightest obstacle to our printing his reminiscences. The deadline for No. 2 of Zarya is one month, i.e., July 1. The maximum length is 2 sheets, or 2V2 at the outside. We hope that he will divide up his 4-5 sheets into chapters, so that they will fit into No. 2 and No. 3 of Zarya. We know nothing as yet about the conference. 88 Please persuade Koltsov and someone else from Sotsial-Demokrat to agree. After all, this does not commit anyone to anything, but it removes from us the odium of being unwilling to stop the dissension. We really are not inclined to make any substantial concessions either to Borba or to Rabocheye Dyelo (how feeble No. 7 of its Listok is 89 ! We have already left it behind even technically, in speed of coverage). No. 5 of Iskra is at the press. The leading article is "About Vacuous Dreams" (by Starover). A feature article by G. V., "New Wine in Old Bottles", is about the manifesto of the Socialist-Revolutionaries and their turn towards the Social-Democrats. Then one (or even two) short articles on the massacre of May 4-7 in St. Petersburg (in Vyborgskaya Storona and at the Obukhov .Works). There is also some pretty good material for the social chronicle and the labour *
We shall, of course, preserve his letter.
€ngewang.org TO P. B. AXELROD
movement section, and also for the "May Day in Russia" section—for instance, a vivid letter from a St. Petersburg working woman about the killing on May 4 of a workman
(her relative) in the crowd marching to Nevsky Prospekt 90 There is a letter from our close friend,.a worker at IvanovoVoznesensk, 9 1 about the feeling there, the attempts to celebrate May Day and the success of Iskra Only the financial side is in a bad way;'all the rest is going well, with promise for the future How is your health? Is it easier for you now in your Erwerbsarbeit*? Do you get enough rest? How do you intend to ;spend the summer? Very best wishes to you and all your family. Yours,
Petro v
Sent from Munich to Zurich First published in 1925 in Lenin Miscellany III
* Work for a living.—
r,
2
* j *
ted
from
the
origin*l
wv 86
TO M. G. VECHESLOV June 17, 1901 We have received your letter asking us to send you 100 marks. Unfortunately, I cannot fulfil this request until I have received from you the "latest information" which you promised. I simply cannot take it on myself to decide to pay out this sum (both for formal reasons, because it depends on the board, and for the reasons I explained to you when we met), and I cannot get the board together at present because some people are absent. I ask you once again not to be sparing of reports to us of the latest and most detailed facts, otherwise our relations will never settle down to normal. Information of the kind that "so far everything is satisfactory" may produce, if anything, a negative impression on our board, which decides such matters. I understand very well that the most energetic efforts often prove fruitless for reasons beyond our control, and that it would be stupid to blame you for any failures. But you, too, must understand that unless we have the most circumstantial and exact information of what those efforts were, what exactly was successful (irespective* unsuccessful), why precisely and what the state of affairs and the plans at the present moment are, we cannot take any further steps and impose on our principals further sacrifices, for which we bear the responsibility. Sent from Munich to Berlin First published in 1928 in Lenin Miscellany VIII
* Or.— Ed.
'
Printed fi;om a copy written by N. K. Krupskaya
TO P. B. AXELROD July 9, 1901
Dear P. B., I enclose Nevzorov's article, which we have rejected. 92 Just have a look at this thing (I heard you were interested in it), and when you have read it, please send it on at once to G. V., who is also interested in the Parisians. We think it is essential to keep a copy, as a document. We are having No. 6 of Iskra set up—it will probably be 6 pages, because there is a good deal of material in the social chronicle and on the labour movement. For the second number of Zarya we have sent (1) G. V. 's leading article, "What Next?", and (2) L. I.'s article, "Why We Don't Want to Go.Backwards", signed Orthodox. Then Arsenyev and Yelika Dmitrievna are writing articles, and there's a paper by Alexei (what did you think of it? Velika D. was dissatisfied). I have written a little article on Witte's minute and the preface to it, and have of course damned Mr. R.N.S. 98 —Velika Dmitrievna is very much displeased, and I shall have to send the article to G. V., etc.: this Mr. R. N. S. is a sore point! How is your work going, and how is your health? Will you have a long holiday this year, and where do you intend to spend it? I should very, very much like you to look in here and have a talk about various things—but I am afraid of inviting you lest, instead of relaxing, you put more strain on your nerves. If this does not frighten you, do come. They have written to us from Russia that there is increasing talk of a congress. This once again impels us to think of a programme. The publication of a draft programme is extremely necessary, and would be of tremendous impor-
t i t f i ^ N 88
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V. I. LENIN
tance. 94 But apart from you and G. V. there is no one to take it on: it's a job that requires calm concentration and careful consideration. Please come to our help, provided your affairs and your health permit. Or perhaps you will see G. V. and spend some time with him—you could then take advantage of such a stay? Kautsky passed through here (on his way for a holiday in Tyrol), but we forgot to talk with him about the Erfurter Programm (which Alexei is now looking through). Has he promised a special introduction? What were the books about which you told Alexei's sister that they had been sent? We can't be too sure about the foreign affairs review for Zarya: Parvus wants to write only about organisation, Luxemburg and Danevich will (perhaps) give us something on France, and nothing else, neither on Germany nor Austria. That's bad! Well, until later. Forgive me for writing so rarely; I have very little time left in the local hurly-burly. The Londoners 95 are here at the moment; I like them. What do you think of them? Very best wishes to you and all your family. Yours.... Leiteisen's address is: 52, Taubourg du Temple. Mr. Gouman. Paris; on the inner envelope: pour Mr. Basile. [We shall have to wait a little with reprinting the first issue of Iskra: the matter of the one thousand copies that have been preserved, as it turns out, and of the attempt now being made to transport them will soon be cleared up. ] The note on Adler will still be in time for Iskra No. 6, 9 6 if it arrives not later than in a week. I write nothing about the draft agreement with the Union: there is nothing new, and you must know the old situation from Alexei's sister. Sent from Munich to Zurich First published in 1925 in Lenin Miscellany III
#
Printed from the original
mgewang.org 89
TO G. V. PLEKHANOV
July 13, 1901 Ihave received your letter of the 11th. As regards Orthodox 's P. Scriptum, 97 the majority opinion is being set forth to you today by Alexei. I disagree with this opinion, and I (personally) would like to know your view, both of this P.S. in particular, and of the opinion likewise that it could supposedly be rejected after the adoption of the whole article, owing to the "literary defects" in the P. Scriptum. The "rescue" of the P.S., about which you write, may be possible if there is a resolute vote by Pavel Borisovich for, and even then not for certain: the votes will be equally divided, for Alexei is now almost entirely against. Generally speaking, I think that on any matter in any way relating to "controversial" points, you ought to make a direct inquiry about the reasons for the opinions expressed by our Struvefreundliche9S: this could be done by letters addressed to Lehmann as before (altogether, letters should now be addressed through to Lehmann) with an addition "fiir Meyer" and "for Puttman". I'm afraid I simply cannot undertake to give an account of their views. This applies also, for instance, to my article against R. N. S. 9 9 Many thanks for the offer to send material against Chernov. I have just got on to him, and could probably find use for what bears on France and Belgium (Vandervelde et Destree, Le socialisme en Belgique,* quoted by Chernov, and also Vandervelde's latest work 100 ). But send it only if you don't need it, and if you can do without it for a few weeks. I very much need to have Liebknecht's Zur Grund* Socialism
in
Belgium.—Ed.
w
90
v
V. I. LENIN
und Bodenfrage,* which I have failed to find here, either among Parvus's books or at the library. If you do have it please send it along for a short time. Chernov quotes someone called Gerolamo Gatti, who is a downright opponent of the Marxists: Le nuove correnti deWeconomia agricola (Milano-Palermo, 1900).** Do you know what sort of bird this is? Is he worth reading? Is there a French translation? (I don't know Italian, though perhaps my sister could help.) Very best wishes. Write about my article. Yours,
Petrov
Sent from Munich to Geneva First published in in Kommunist No1956 16
T>„;MfA/i from , m the original Printed
* On the Agrarian Question.—Eds ** Gerolamo Gatti, Agricoltura e socialismo. Le nuove correnti delVeconomia agricola (The Agrarian Question and Socialism. New Trends in Agriculture).—
TO P. B. AXELROD July 21, 1901 Dear P. B., I was intending to reply to your letter, but kept putting it off until I received the article. Don't be in any particular hurry with it, if it is hard work, or even give up reading it altogether, to give yourself a rest and have some proper treatment. G. V. has already written to me in considerable detail where he sees changes desirable, and I shall of course try to make all these changes 101 (but as to changing the tone ... I really don't know whether I can do that. It is hardly likely that I can write in diplomatic tones about a gentleman who arouses such violent feelings in me. And I don't think G. V. is quite right when he says that my "hatred" will be incomprehensible for the reader: I will quote the example of'Parvus, who, without any knowledge of the author, after reading the introduction felt the same hostility to this "dolt", as he called him—but that is in parenthesis). I very much disapproved of our having imposed two jobs on you (reading my article and Orthodox's) just when you had gone away for treatment and a rest. Try rather to make r'eally good use of the period of your treatment, and do not by any means burden yourself with a close reading of the manuscripts. Please, write (and send manuscripts and everything else) only to the following address: Herrn Dr. Med. Carl Lehmann. Gabelsbergerstrasse 20 a/I I. Miinchen (inside: fiir Meyer). The Rittmeyer address is no longer good (but if you have
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V. I. LENIN
sent something to Rittmeyer before receiving this letter, we shall still get it). Do you happen to have Liebknecht's book Zur Grundund Bodenfrage (Leipzig 1876)? Or perhaps one of the Zurich comrades has it? I need it very much for an article against Chernov, and it is not available at the library here, nor has Parvus or Lehmann got it. Well, so long. I wish you the very best, and hope you have a good rest and are thoroughly fit again. Yours,
Petrov
P.S. Here's another request: do you (or Greulich) happen to have the minutes of the congresses of the International —or Vorbote102 (which, I believe, carried the full reports)? This Chernov fellow keeps worrying me: I do believe the scoundrel has distorted things in referring to the minutes of the congresses of the International, and putting down as "dogmatic Marxism" even the "solidarised communities" (of Rittinghausen). 103 If you could help me with this material, I should be very grateful. [But if you have to go to a lot of trouble to find these references, don't do it, please: I shall manage somehow.] Here's yet another request (I feel that I'm making a hog of myself—piling up request upon request—but it's hard to stop once you've started. But really, if you have to go to a lot of trouble, like travelling about in search of the books, etc., let it go, and "shelve" my applications. I'll manage somehow. I shall make mincemeat of Chernov in any case). The fact is that the swine Chernov quotes Engels's article, "The German Peasant" (in Russkoye Bogatstvo, 1900, No. 1). When I found the article I discovered that it was a translation of Engels's article "Die Mark" (Anhang* to the pamphlet, Die Entwicklung des Sozialismus von der Utopie zur Wissenschaft)104 (I've only got the 4th edition of the pamphlet, 1891), but at the end of the translated text there is an addition of two tirades in Russian which the original does not have and which contain highly dubious statements: "restore (sic!) the mark", etc. * Addendum.—Ed.
wengewang.org TO P.
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what that is: a distortion by Russkoye Bogatstvo? In which case they ought to be pilloried good and proper. But first we must look at this from every side: a f o o t n o t e to the Russian article says that Engels's article "appeared in one* of the German magazines in the 1880s, w i t h o u t his signature. But the offprint which Engels sent to one of his friends was signed with his initials". (1) Have you any idea which "German magazine" it is? Could it be Neue Zeit? (2) Do you happen to have an early edition of the pamphlet Die Entwicklung des Sozialismus von der Utopie, etc., with the "Die Mark" Anhang? It is necessary to m a k e a collation to find out whether the early editions contained the tirades the 4th edition does not have (although this is very unlikely). Then I need for the purposes of comparison the pamphlet: W. Wolff, Die schlesische Milliarde,105 which I was unable to find at the local library and which is not available at the Vorwarts Buchhandlung* either—it's been sold out. I wonder
Sent from Munich to Zurich First published in part in 1925 In Lenin Miscellany III First published in full m the Fifth Russian Edition of the Collected Works
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. * Bookshop.—Ed
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TO P. B. AXELROD August 24, 1901
Dear P. B., I enclose Nevzorov's article which he has rewritten. It has confronted us with this dilemma: either to publish it in Zarya, or to reject it altogether. The votes are divided equally (Alexei and Arsenyev, for; Velika Dmitrievna and I, against). Please cast your vote. I must say that I am particularly exasperated by the fact that everyone (even Arsenyev!) says the article is "vile", "treacherous" (as G. V. has also called it), but they keep talking of printing it! To my mind, this is the worst tactics of indulgence and connivance. They say in defence of the article: "It's a contributor's letter to the editorial board. It's awkward to reject it." In my opinion, once a contributor adopts that kind of attitude, we are in duty bound to put an ehd to it. Let him go to Rabocheye Dyelo and Godspeed (Nevzorov even wrote to ask us if we had any objections to it!? Sic!)— that will help us to "document" his figure much better, and take him to pieces much more freely than in our Zarya. (One of the arguments for was that it should be printed to provide the occasion for replying to the widespread arguments.) And so, it's up to you to decide the issue! And how about Finn's article? If it's a good one (as you wrote), shouldn't we publish it in Zarya? Will you send it to us? How is your health? I heard that you were not far from Thun, but I hope the letter will be readdressed.
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When do you expect to visit G. V.? Wo rely on you very m U ch as regards the programme. Well, so long. Hope you will be fit soon, and all the best. Yours,
Petro v
Number seven of Iskra will appear in a day or two. G. V. 's article (the second against Struve) has been sent to Zarya. Then there will be articles by Nevzorov, Alexei, Velika Dmitrievna and Arsenyev; one on the agrarian question (which I am writing) 106 and one by G. V. against Bernstein (a review of the Russian translation of his book). There is no review of foreign affairs. Perhaps Danevich will write one? He has already sent in a second letter for Iskra (it will go into No. 8). Sent from Munich to Hciligenschwende (near Thun, Switzerland) First published in 1925 in Lenin Miscellany III
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TO P. B. AXELROD August 30, 1901
Dear P. B., I received your letter today, and today also sent off the proofs of my article 107 to Dietz. I have made the change you suggested—at the end, separating the liberals from the revolutionaries who had been designated together as "we". But as regards the "providential slip", I could do nothing about it: alteration of this passage would have required much too extensive changes; besides, the spirit of the whole article makes it impossible to alter it in the sense of eliminating the "one-sidedness" (you are right, of course, that the presentation is "one-sided ": how could one observe a judicious balance in a polemical article devoted to an attack on one of the flanks of our opponents! What I mean is that it's not that I don't see the defect here but that it lies too deep to be eliminated by one particular alteration). We have beqn receiving all your letters. As regards my sister, I don't know how matters stand, because I haven't heard from her for quite a long time. You have, of course, received Alexei's letter describing the obstacle to the congress 108 ? We shall wait and see how you and Danevich decide this matter. The seventh issue 109 has appeared, and has of course been sent to you. In the eighth, there will be Ryazanov's article, "The Imperial Drink Shop" (on the vodka monopoly); then we anticipate an article on the new law (of June 8) on land grants to nobles in Siberia. 110 In the social chronicle, there are reports on the liberals' congress, the disgraceful treatment of exiles in Siberia, the deep unrest in
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out-of-the-way places like Kursk, and about the revolt of seminary and gymnasium students. We also have a very interesting article by a worker—a reply to Dadonov, who abused the Ivanovo-Voznesensk workers in Russkoye Bogatstvo.111 It's a very good article, they say (I haven't read.it yet), so that we don't know where it should be best printed, in Iskra or in Zarya. In No. 8 of Iskra, there is a letter by Danevich from France. We still have no foreign review for Zarya\ Nor are we likely to have one on home affairs either. 112 It's a misfortune! Meanwhile, Zarya is getting fatter and fatter We already have 6 sheets+4 (Plekhanov's "Critique")+2 (him again, against Bernstein)-f 2 (Nevzorov+Alexei)+2 or 3 (Velika Dmitrievna and Starover).... As for me, I'm bogged down in the agrarian question. Well, I hope we shall soon meet. All the best, Yours, Petro v Sent from Munich to Heiligenschwendc First published in 1925 in Lenin Miscellany III
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TO E. L. GUREVICH November 3, 1901
Dear Comrade, You told us, in our talk here before the departure, that however our relations developed—and even if we went our several ways—you would in any case remain a contributor to our publications. After that we repeated to each other, even after the sad outcome of our negotiations on organisation, 113 that we did not in any way "declare war on each other", and remained political allies albeit temporarily treading our different ways. We hope, therefore, that you will continue to send your letters from France to Iskra. To our regret, we have not been able to get a definite reply to this question from the member of your group here. Please, let us know whether or not you intend to co-operate with us in the future. You know, of course, how much we value your literary co-operation, and if today, after the formation of the League, the organisational relations between ourselves and your group have become more complicated, there are no obstacles to closer literary collaboration on our part, in any case. We should welcome it. With comradely greetings.... P.S. From what Ryazanov said I have drawn the conclusion that my words about the possible effect of our differences on the literary agreement were misunderstood. All I had in mind was the pamphlets agreement (the League has set up a special board of pamphlet editors); but the
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foundation of the League has not affected th* n„™i 7 7 relations between the editorial b7a r f J £ P d ° f Z a r i J a a n d Iskra and their contributors. Sent from Munich to Paris First published in 1930
in Lenin Miscellany XITT
Printed from a copy . written by N. k . Krupskaya
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TO LYUBOV AXELROD November 27, 1901
Dear L. I., Thank you for your book which V. Iv. has shown me. I very much regret that I have not yet been able to start reading it: first, I have lately been very busy with a pamphlet (against Rabocheye ZtyeZo),114 and, secondly, I am once again going down with some "undetermined" illness. The work is at a standstill, and I don't know how soon I shall be able to get down to it again! And it's urgent work. As regards a recommendation to Popova, to my deep regret I am quite unsuitable for this. I don't know and never have known Popova personally. I dealt with her only through Struve (and, you will understand, it's quite out of the question to ask him to recommend your book. Yet he is editorial manager of Popova's publications!). If I were to apply to Popova, therefore, the result would be sooner negative than otherwise. But even that is not all. I recently wrote (a month or six weeks ago) to Popova for the first time, asking her to send me a copy of the second volume of the Webbs, the translation of which I edited and which has only just been published. 115 Up to this day I have neither reply nor book! I once had what you might call a "friendly" correspondence with Vodovozova. But she has not replied at all to my last letter to her (a business one, written last spring!). As you see, there again I am no use at all. You will have either to look for someone with better connections in literary and publishing circles, or to apply directly to several publishers enclosing your book. [Per-
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haps Filippov could help you? After all, he has printed something of yours! My relations with him have been broken off.] Berg will write to you or have a personal talk with youyouhe wants to go soon. Best wishes, Yours, Frey Sent from Munich to Berne First published in 1929 in Lenin Miscellany XI
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TO G. V. PLEKHANOV December 1, 1901 I have read, dear G. V., your letter about Finn's article. You have proved much stricter. It seemed to me that the article was not a bad one. But your arguments have fully convinced me, and I agree to the amputation. I have already spoken to the author about the need for some changes and cuts. He did not resist absolutely, but expressed the "wish" that the cuts should not be too heavy, as otherwise, he said, he would find someone else to publish the article. We shall try to write to the author: we have the address, but it's not very convenient to write. However, I will not undertake to correct the article. That will have to be your job, if the decision is to carry it. *
m
Best wishes, Yours,
Frey
Your criticism of Finn's article has made me think again of how poor Iskra's economic section is, a fact you spoke of at Zurich. Why don't you send us anything for this section? It would be so important to have anything from notes of half a column (4,000 letters, 4-6 of your pages) about current events, like the co-operative congress, new data about syndicates, economic reviews in The Economist, major strikes, fresh statistical data, etc., etc., to articles of 17 2 -2 columns, or feature articles up to 20-25 thousand letters (up to 30 of your pages)! You seem to be more in touch with economic literature than anyone else, so it would
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for you to draw up such notes, even occasionally! Do try and help us, or Iskra will become monotonous. Of course I would not even dream of distracting you from your w o r k on the programme, which is- urgently needed and has first priority; but it would be possible to write small notes and little articles in between, about the new issues of e c o n o m i c journals, etc. Iskra's historical section is also weak: feature articles telling about the European revolutions, and so forth. I think that here we could even translate. Please send us s u i t a b l e material; you once said you had something in view. be easiest
Yours,
Frey
I am still unwell, and "struggling" with the pamphlet against Rabocheye Dyelo, which is advancing almost in crab-like fashion. Sent from Munich to Geneva First published in 1925 in Lenin Miscellany III
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TO G. V. PLEKHANOV December 19, 1901
Dear G. V., I have just received your letter of the 17th, and am replying at once. I replied to you over a week ago about the trip to Brussels,116 sending the long letter to P. B. (since it also included the plan for No. 4 of Zarya) with a request to send it on to you immediately. If the letter has not been lost, it is a scandal that he has delayed it! I am writing to him immediately. I support Alexei's opinion that you must go. Krichevsky can do us harm—-and now that the decisive struggle is beginning, we should keep an eye on him. We won't be able to get along with them. I am sending you 230 marks: 80 marks=100 francs for the International Bureau, and 150 marks for the trip. Will that be enough? Take a circular ticket (the period is 2 months) with a break at Munich (if it's imprudent to do so from Geneva, order it in Zurich). At Zurich persuade P. B. to come too. Then we shall all be together at the beginning of January, and shall have done both with the programme (this is important) and with No. 4 of Zarya, etc. I am expecting Zarya any day now. I already sent P. B. its contents in that letter. Write a little report or a note for Iskra on the sessions of the International Secretariat. Every good wish, Reply whether you will be here.
Yours, Frey
Sent from Munich to Geneva First published in 1925 in Lenin Miscellany III
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TO L. I. GOLDMAN ... I have always said that the distribution of functions tends to resolve of itself: over here, the literature is published, articles are written for the paper, etc. In Russia, the literature is distributed and contacts are established. Transport is handled by special persons, appointed by mutual agreement of those here and there, and connected with both sides. Such is the ideal.... ... We have long been concerned over the fact that organisation in Russia (a matter of first-rate importance) has been making such slow headway, and, you will recall, we even sent you a "plan" last summer117 (unfortunately we have not kept a copy of the letter elaborating the "plan"). But you replied: "We have no men." You now seem to have found it possible to get down to this, and we are all ready, of course, to help all of you, if it depends on us. But our role here is quite a subordinate one. You are connected with X . Y. Z. 1 1 8 ; consequently, all the "sources" of literature are within your reach. Establish contacts with one another, and turn these sources to use; if you find people who are suitable and have earned your complete confidence, make up a management committee from among them by joint agreement and we shall of course write to everyone we can to have them abide by the committee's instructions. What is essential though is that the management committee should without fail have in view the whole of Russia, and not by any means one district only, because Iskra's whole future depends oft whether it will be able to overcome local rule-of-thumb work and district separateness, and become an all-Russia paper in practice....
.
Written in December 1901 Sent from Munich to Kishinev First published in 1928 Doklad organizatsii 'Iskry* vtoromu syezdu R.S.D.R P." m the journal Proletarskaya Revoluisia No. 1
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1902
TO LYUBOV AXELROD February 18, 1902
Dear L. I., In reply to your letter, I hasten to tell you that the articles by Struve and Bulgakov appeared in the May 1897 issue of Novoye Slovo (No. 8, according to their special numbering). 119 We are very glad that you will be finishing the article soon—please send the articles of Struve and Bulgakov along with it. Have you made any use of the articles by VI. Chernov in the latest issues of Russkoye Bogatstvo on the subjective method, Berdayev, etc.? What a good thing it would be to devote even a few lines to giving this chatterbox a dressing down! In No. 2 (February) of Sozialistische Monatshefte120 someone called Lozinsky also tries to bury materialism and extols Berdayev. We hear from Vologda (where Berdayev and Bogdanov are doing time) that the exiles there engage in earnest discussions of philosophy, and that Berdayev, as the one who knows most about it, appears to be "winning". Every good wish, Yours.... Sent from Munich to Berne First published in 1929 in Lenin Miscellany XI
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TO P. B. AXELROD March 22, 1902 Dear P. B., How is your health after your journey? Have you recovered from the life of a wanderer, and from the "reaction" you expected when you were going away? Velika Dmitrievna sent you G. V.'s programme and our scheme for a "settlement in committee", 121 through a committee of arbitration sui generis. This scheme seems to be falling through because of G. V.'s unwillingness, but I don't yet know this for certain. I should like to know your impression of G. V. 's new draft and which of the two drafts you now favour. The copying of your pamphlet 122 has only just been started: up to now the copyist was busy with copying for Iskra (with Tsvetov away, Iskra has been making very slow headway: only one issue will appear in March). Evidently delay is inevitable if your pamphlet is to be published here; but if you are very much opposed to this, let me know, and we may then send it on to Geneva. If speed is not so important for you, then as soon as the copying is finished and Tsvetov returns, the pamphlet will be sent to the printers. A few more words about the programme. We consider it very undesirable to put it up for a vote by the whole League (instead of the editorial board alone), respective* have a discussion in the press among ourselves (although this will not be easy to avoid if the attempt to reach agreement fails). What is your opinion? All the very best wishes for your health. Yours.... Sent from Munich to Zurich First published in 1924 in Lenin Miscellany II . * Or.—Ed.
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TO P. B. AXELROD March 27, 1902
Dear P. B., I have just received your letter, and hasten to reply. I very much like your idea of printing the article in Zarya, instead of as a pamphlet (a supplement to Iskra), both in general and in particular, on account of our plans for moving to London (Yevgeny is writing to you about it). 1 2 3 About half of your article is already copied, and I shall send it to you directly it is finished: the work of copying is going ahead quickly now. It will be a fine thing to have a magazine-type article in Zarya. As for the changes that may be required on account of the letter being addressed "to Iskra", they will be insignificant. No one, so far as I am aware, has begun or intends to write any review on Kanun revolutsii.124 Therefore please do write it: what we are short of in Zarya is reviews. As for the programme, I will send you my comments on G. V.'s draft in a few days (my sick friend now has them) 125 ; I showed them to my friends here, and they persuaded me not to send them to G. V., in view of the proposals which had been made for an "arbitration or conciliation" committee. But I would be very happy to send them to you personally to show you my Bedenken* set forth therein systematically. As regards our meeting, 126 however, I don't think it could bring matters to a satisfactory conclusion just at present. I don't know what the whole board will decide (we shall be acquainting it with your plan this very day), but I personally very much fear that in the absence • Considerations.—Ed.
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of an already prepared third draft, in the absence of a new make-up of those voting, in the absence of any firm agreem e n t on how to vote, who is to vote and what significance is to be attached to the voting, our Zurich meeting would once again be inconclusive. And you are a thousand times right a b o u t the importance of issuing a programme. Have you seen Borba's Kalendar127? How did you like it? No. 4 of Revolutsionnaya Rossiya128 has appeared. That's hard work! Forgive me for the brevity and hastiness of this letter. I am in a great hurry. Yours.... Sent from Munich to Zurich First published in 1924 in Lenin Miscellany II
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TO A. A. BOGDANOV Dear Comrades, We are very glad about your proposal for the publication of pamphlets. There is, in fact, a certain lack of pamphlets, and we could easily publish them in any quantity. (As regards transport, we cannot at the moment guarantee regular delivery en masse, but we hope that this too will be constantly improving.) However we beg you not to insist on the stipulation that pamphlets should be accepted or rejected en bloc, without any partial changes at all. This stipulation is extremely inconvenient, and will hold up everything terribly. Take the very first article sent to us, about organisation (the technical problems oi organisation). In the general opinion of the editorial board, this article (interesting and valuable though it is) cannot appear in this shape, because it contains quite inappropriate and tactless remarks (like "one-man rule" and "dictatorship by one member of the committee", etc.); and there are also minor defects requiring correction. Yet an agreement about such changes, not particularly essential from the author's standpoint (but unquestionably necessary), could be reached without any difficulty at all. Think this over well, and don't hold up an important undertaking out of a desire to impose particularly restrictive conditions on us. We repeat that the article is, on the whole, practical and valuable; in general, we are even prepared to agree to the stipulation that articles should be accepted or rejected as a whole, without partial corrections. But, then, under this stipulation, we should be obliged to reject your very first article, and that would be harmful to the cause. After all, it would surely be possible to come to an agreement
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with the author about any partial corrections. Why don't you try and let us make these corrections by way of experiment? If you like we shall write to you in greater detail a b o u t what precisely should be changed. Written between March 28 and April 19, 1902 Sent from London to Vologda First published in 1930 in Lenin Miscellany XIII
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TO F. V. LENGNIK And so your task now is to turn yourself into a committee for preparing the congress, 129 to accept the Bundist into this committee (after assessing him from every angle— this N.B.!), and to push your own people through into the largest number of committees possible, safeguarding yourself and your people more than the apple of your eye, until the congress. Remember: all this is of the utmost importance! Be bolder, more pushy and more inventive in this respect, and in all others, as discreet and as careful as possible. Wise as serpents—and (with the committees: the Bund 130 and St. Petersburg) harmless as doves. Yours ever, Starik Written on May 23, 1902 Sent from London to Samara First published in 1928 in Lenin Miscellany VIII
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TO I. I. RADCHENKO We have just given the Bundist contact with you. This concerns the congress. You and he ( + a bureau or someone else) must form a Russian Committee for preparing the congress. Behave as impressively as you can and act with caution. Take on yourself the greatest possible number of districts in which you undertake to prepare for the congress, refer to the bureau (giving it some other name), in a word, make sure that the whole thing is entirely in your hands, leaving the Bund, for the time being, confined to the Bund. We shall begin negotiations here about a rapprochement over here, and will inform you immediately. And so, for the time being, have in mind the composition of a Russian Committee for Preparing the Congress which is most advantageous for us (you may find it convenient to say that you have already formed this committee, and are very glad to have the Bund participate or something like this). Take on yourself, without fail, to be secretary in this committee. These are the first steps. And then we shall see. I say have the composition "in mind" to have as free a hand as possible: don't commit yourself to the Bund right away (you can say, for example, that connections have been established with the Volga, the Caucasus, the centre—we have a man from over there—and the South—we're sending two down there), and make yourself master of the undertaking. But do all this most carefully, without rousing objections. Write whether your role is clear to you. Perhaps we shall yet have time to exchange letters. Make certain to send the weekly paper regularly to Rogner's address: we need the most regular correspondence. 8-1652
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And we should like to send a special weekly: let us have as quickly as possible the address of a doctor, a technician a cyclist, an artiste, and so on, and so forth. ' Yours ever.... Written on June 22, 1902 Sent from London to St. Petersburg First published in 1928 in Lenin Miscellany VIII
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TO G. V. PLEKHANOV July 2, 1902
Dear G. V., Excuse my writing in such a hurry. I have come here to Brittany for a rest (I am awaiting my family here as well), 131 but in Paris Berg gave me his item, and I have received the article over the signature of Veteran which you sent. I am completely in agreement with Veteran. On account of the note about Lekkert in Iskra I had a little battle with Berg and Velika Dmitrievna, who both, as usual, had an attack of nerves, and began to talk about the inevitability of terror, and the need for us to express this (in one way or another). The item in Iskra was thus a compromise: that was all I managed to secure.1*2 Now Berg himself has become more resolutely opposed to terror, even that of the Lekkerts. But the question is whether it is all right to insert your article with the Veteran signature. Of course, if you wish, it will certainly go in (and there is time for it to go into the next issue)—but wouldn't it be better for you to turn it into a leading article for No. 22, combining it, so to speak, with Berg's article "How to Fight"? I enclose this article which, in my opinion, contains passages requiring corrections, passages which are undesirably evasive on the question of Lekkert. I also enclose an item about the priest's letter. What is your opinion? And so please reply as soon as possible, dear G. V., and send all three articles straight back to London (J. Richter, 30. Hoi ford Sq. 30. Pentonville: London W. C.). Write to nie at the same address. 'a*
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I think a leader would be the best place to say what you do say: the substance of the matter will be brought out (the "objection" to Iskra will be smoothed out) and the integral impression will be made stronger. You will find it easy and natural to develop your article into a leader, thereby substituting it for the article "How to Fight". Such a substitution would, in my opinion, be the best result. All good wishes, Yours, Lenin Sent from Loguivy (Northern France) to Geneva First published in 1928 in the miscellany Gruppa "Osvobozhdeniye Truda" No. 6
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TO NADEZHDA KRUPSKAYA July 16, 1902 I enclose a letter to Arkady. I received today your letter, the proofs and the money. ^There is some damned muddle altogether about this "congress" in Switzerland. 133 Who was it (first of all) who thought of a "congress"? Not we. It was probably invented by B. N., who ought really to be given a good head-washing for irresponsible behaviour (his tour of Europe, his idle talk with Korenevsky about the congress, etc.); if you haven't done it already, please give him a thorough talking to. I was thinking of doing it myself, but I suppose you will do it better, because I am very angry. No one is arranging a "congress": a congress requires that everyone should be there (whereas we know nothing for sure about Arkady and Sonya 134 ). A "congress" requires some of those abroad (like Dimka, the old fellows, maybe Alexandrova and others), and that has not even been mentioned. No one has even been preparing a programme for a congress, and no one knows what to talk about at one: About the Iskra organisation in Russia? Without any delegates from that organisation itself? All of this is amazingly hasty and ill-considered! „ L. Gr. himself is now postponing it "until the autumn . Will you, too, help to "blast" this "congress" nonsense? It is essential right away to see Lapot: he will both see the Swiss and will himself come and see us. What else is there? Then there's Povar,rwho evidently still needs some training— so let him study at Zurich: that will be excellent. Maybe he, like B. N., will remain abroad for months^ Why hurry
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to see him, then? When he wants to go, he himself will have to come and see us, so there is no need to drag him over now. And what is this nonsense that B. N. and V. V. have been writing to Berg? "We can't talk except in the presence of P. B . " Talk with whom? Povar? He is at P. B.'s. With the three persons? They are at P. B.'s. With Lapot? He will be visiting P. B. Advise Berg to give V. V. and B. N. a thorough bawling-out for this nonsense, and write to me what Berg thinks about it, and whether there is any hope that he himself will reply to them in a way that will discourage them from talking nonsense. Besides, P. B. himself went to Munich, and will come to London as well. No one doubts that a visit from G. V. is {will be) necessary. I wrote to G. V. that I know nothing about a "congress", but that it is essential to have a business-like meeting (with Lapot and others) in London, where, of course, he also will be. If necessary, I will write to him again. Try pressing L. Gr. in every way in order to dissuade him: he has no clear idea of who is to attend this "congress", for what purpose it is to be held, and how it is to proceed. Yours.... I suppose it is not necessary to return the proofs, n'est-ce pas?*
And what about V. I.'s article, hasn't it been set? Please don't forget: there is a quotation from Bulgakov in my agrarian article: Vol.? p.? It should not be left in this form, and if I don't return earlier, and don't see the proofs again, cross out not the whole footnote, but only the words: "Vol.—p. — ". 1 3 6
Sent from Loguivy to London First published in 1928 in Lenin Miscellany VIII
* Isn't that so?—Ed.
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TO I. I. RADCHENKO A Letter to Arkady Dear Friend, I have read your long letter of June 6* over again, and want to add something to my previous letter. 1 3 6 1 was very glad indeed to have your report of a talk with the workers. Such letters are a great rarity for us, and they really invigorate us. Be sure to pass this on to your workers, with our request that they themselves should write to us not only for publication, but simply to exchange ideas and not to lose contact and mutual understanding. I personally am particularly interested, in this connection, in what the workers will think of What Is To Be Done?, because I have not yet had any views from workers. And so give us a direct contact with your group of workers, and also withManya 137 : this is very important, and will very much consolidate both their closer approach to Iskra and your own position among them. And then, if there are really capable people among Manya's leaders, it would be a good thing for one of them to come and see us: suggest this to them and find out what they think of it. Then there are three more points. (1) If Vanya 138 is with us, how are you to determine your relations with him? What is your opinion? Perhaps, if Vanya and Manya are entirely on our side (and if they issue the statement I wrote of—this is extremely important), they could include you in their Central Committee 139 and in addition formally confirm you in your function for the special work of unification on an all-Russia scale (i.e., "The Central Committee authorises N. N., who is one of its members and a member of the Iskra organisation in Russia, an organisation with which the C.C. is in complete * Juno 19, N.S.—Ed.
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solidarity, to be in charge of work in preparation for Party unity, in the Iskra spirit"). Perhaps it might be varied in this way (of course I am suggesting all this only tentatively, no more): "The C.C. of the St. Petersburg Committee, expressing its complete solidarity with the Iskra organisation in Russia, is happy to co-opt to the Committee, with its full consent, a group of persons belonging to that organisation and specially engaged in transporting Iskra and distributing it throughout Russia. The C.C. assigns such-and-such members to assist this group and allocates such-and-such funds, and one of the members of this group (Arkady) enters the C.C. of the St. Petersburg Committee, while remaining a member of the Iskra organisation in Russia, and takes special charge of preparations for all-Party unity in the Iskra spirit." By the group I mean the persons you sent for fish, 140 etc. I repeat that I am only suggesting various acceptable and possible propositions, in fulfilment of your request to suggest a "concrete draft of a plan", and leaving it to your discretion to make use of my suggestions in one form or another. Be sure to write how things stand at present, and in what direction you are moving them. Strike the iron while it is hot, and remember that we have to come to a mutual agreement in as detailed a form as possible about the plan for finally and irrevocably winning over the "tuning fork" (=the St. Petersburg Committee =Vanya). And you must be as wise as a serpent with your young friends! If this is possible, it would be best of all. Then you would be a delegate from Vanya in the Organising Committee (preparing for Sasha141), and one more of our people could be in it from Sonya. Write as soon as you can what you think of all this, and whether you have talked about it with Vanya and with Manya. (2) It is you who must without fail set up an Organising Committee in Russia, and take it into your own hands: you on behalf of Vanya, Claire on behalf of S o n y a + o n o more of our people from the South—that is the ideal. Be extremely careful and restrained with the Bund, without showing your hand, and letting it deal with Bundist'affairs but not allowing it to stick its nose into Russian affairs: remember that there you have an unreliable friend (and maybe even an enemy).
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(3) Explain to everyone everywhere that it is pure gossip that Iskra's editorial board itself wants to become the Russian Party's C.C. It is nonsense. The C.C. can exist only in the field of operations, and our hope is that it will develop out of the Organising Committee and revolutionary workers. The relationship between Iskra's editorial board and the C.C. would be determined by the division of functions principle (ideological leadership and practical direction), with regular congresses serving to ensure unity, or possibly the attachment of one of the five (as an assumption) members of the C.C. here as a permanent delegate. The gossip is being spread by Borba, and it must be exposed. We don't want to reply in print to .these rogues: the best way to punish them is for Iskra to be silent. Perhaps Vanya's doubts (about which you wrote) are also due to his vague idea of all this? Make sure that both Vanya and still more Manya are quite clear about it. All the very best, and hopes above all that you will manage to hold out. Yours, Lenin [P.S. If it should come into Vanya's head to demand a precise definition of relations between Manya and himself, between his members and the members of Manya who are in the St. Petersburg C.C., I think this would be best postponed until we meet here, and that Vanya should be told straight: "One of two things—either we really see eye to eye; and then a month of work together will see us working so smoothly that there will not remain the slightest shadow of misunderstanding between us, because we shall all be Iskrists. Or else we shall find ourselves in disagreement— in which case we shall part ways in a proper manner. But we don't want to look silly once again by drawing l,P agreements, etc.!" From your letter of June 6 I see that you replied to them at the outset in this sense, and °f course it was an excellent thing to do.] r r i t t e n 011 Spnf^ i6 f Petersburg 1902 from Loguivy to St.
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TO ALEXANDRA KALMYKOVA September 27, 1902 I have received your letter. Many thanks for your detailed reply. Until Viscount arrives I will not, as you wish, either raise the general question of finance or give any information about your letter, except in general terms, i.e., neither about how you define the body of "holders", nor about what amount you specify, nor about how soon you can provide it (the whole immediately, or in instal-. ments). We shall, in any case, have vertrauliche* talks with Viscount about all the most important questions; so it will be best for me first of all to show him your letter, and to decide jointly with him on the limits, so to speak, of any further information about its contents. I personally incline to the view that for the time being it would be best not to tell anyone about the whole amount (to keep it secret), nor to tell absolutely anyone about the possibility of obtaining it all at once, because at the present moment there's an infinity of "possible" expenditure on "possible" undertakings. The abundance of escapes is putting a mass of people at Iskra1 s "disposal", provided all of them are given maintenance, but if we start this on a grand scale, frivolously and in haste, we shall find ourselves "on the rocks" within six months or a year. On the other hand, if we are more "tight-fisted", a fairly large number of peripheral undertakings manage "to make do with their own resources". In view of this, it is best to arrange matters in the old way (i.e., to speak to all those who participate in this way): you can provide a good deal * Confidential.— Ed.
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y e t,
let us say, "over 10 thousand", but, first, not all at once, and second, you wish to provide only in extreme necessity, advising them to seek regular sources to cover current expenses themselves. I repeat that so far this is my personal opinion, and I don't yet know Viscount's opinion. We wanted to raise the question with him here about some "amicable", "friendly" division of functions, starting from the principle that after all it is better to take advantage of peace to bring about a stable modus vivendi than to postpone matters once more until some "accidental" c o n f l i c t . But whether this will succeed, whether we shall decide in this way, whether it will be convenient to raise the question—all this is still unknown. At present, we are very hard up for money, and there are some urgent expenses. Therefore, please send 2,000 marks immediately, if possible: what you can, of this amount, at once, and what you have to draw, as soon as possible (and let us know when it will arrive). But in my opinion you should already draw a larger amount: draw some 3,000 rubles and keep it at home, so that we could get it from you at short notice. Otherwise we literally don't know how to get out of it: we already owe 150 rubles, and are putting off a payment of 50 rubles next week. We need about 300 rubles for departures (quite essential), about 200 for the people here soon, etc. Write as soon as you can what arrangements you have made, when and how much you will be receiving. I shall pass on what you say to Brock. There is a crowd of people here, and altogether too much commotion. Yet many more are arriving in the next few days! You write nothing about your plans for coming here, and very vaguely about your health: only that you don't feel well, but what is the matter? I am also worried about the lack of news from home. Well, my best wishes,
Yours,
Lenin
Sent from London to Dresden in
First published in 1928 Lenin Miscellany VIII
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PREFACE TO THE SPEECHES OF NIZHNI-NOVGOROD WORKERS IN COURT142 NIZHNI-NOVGOROD W O R K E R S IN CCiURT
We reprint the speeches of the Nizhni-Novgorod workers from the lithographed leaflet issued by the Nizhni-Novgorod Committee of the Russian Social-Democratic Labour Party. To add anything to these speeches would only mean weakening the impression created by this ingenuous account of the workers' misery, of the growing indignation among them and of their readiness to fight. It is now our duty to make every effort to have these speeches read by tens of thousands of Russian workers. The example of Zalomov, Bykov, Samylin, Mikhailov and their comrades, who courageously stood up in court for their fighting call: "Down with the autocracy!", will inspire the whole working class of Russia to equally heroic and resolute struggle for the freedom of the whole people, and the freedom of steady working-class advance to the bright socialist future. Written
before December 1902
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TO G. V. PLEKHANOV December 1, 1902 Dear Georgi Valentinovich, I was already going to inquire why you were silent, when I received your letter. Your requests will be fulfilled. Why do you say nothing either (1) about a topic for Iskra or (2) about a feature article on Tarasov 143 ? Did you not get my letter from Berne? Please reply as soon as possible whether you intend to write a leading article for Iskra on this or some similar theme. [As soon as possible, because No. 28 is ready and the setting of No. 29 has begun. In No. 28, there is a leading article by Vera Ivanovna against the S.R.s to show that they are distorting history by their inventions that no politicians were insulted in the period of Narodnaya Volya, 1 4 4 etc. The heading is: "Le mort saisit le vif ".*] How are your polemics with "Vladimirov" going? What about your lecture? How are Lalayants's and the other study groups? What are the Zhizn people 145 up to? Best wishes, Yours, Yes, I almost forgot to say that Lev** Please forward the enclosed letter by local post.
Lenin
Sent from London to Geneva First
published in 1956
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Seizes
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TO F. V. LENGNIK To Kurtz January 17, 1903 Yesterday we received Kievski S.-D. Listok No, 1, dated November 30 (sic!), through an outsider. It is simply a scandal that our Iskrists always lag behind! Why didn't Zarin send us this leaflet in time? Why hasn't he written a single word about this undertaking? We implore Zarin to link us up directly with some member of the Committee, someone who is conscientious and mobile and who knows everything that is going on. Every leaflet (whoever issues it) must be sent immediately to two different addresses in two copies, one in an envelope, another wrapped up in a Russian newspaper. Then we must immediately be given contact with Vakar. We are very much afraid that the Kiev Iskrists, owing to their inactivity and onlooker attitude, will suffer the same fate as that of the St. Petersburg Iskrists. Not a word either about receipt and distribution (N.B.) of the literature! This is a desperate situation! Sent from London to Kiev First published in 1928 in Lenin Miscellany VIII
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TO YELENA STASOVA Why don't you reply to No. 16 of Rabochaya Mysl, published in Geneva, apparently by Nadezhdin? Are you really croing to let this pass too without a protest? What a scandal that leaflet No. 1 of Rabochaya Mysl was burned 146 : of course, there were some things in it that needed correcting, and drastically at that. But then why wasn't it done? It's quite incomprehensible what is going on at your end! Why has the printed leaflet on the 200th anniversary of the press been delayed 147 ? Send us immediately every leaflet, your own and other people's, workers' and students', all without exception, with a note saying whether they may be quoted and whether they were distributed—two copies of each to two addresses, either simply in envelopes or wrapped up inside a legal newspaper sent by book-post, only with a strong wrapper crosswise. Why don't you send to Iskra the St. Petersburg Committee reports of the money you collect? Be sure to do this. There is great need of workers' letters from St. Petersburg; please do your best to get some, especially about unemployment, and then about the impression created by our literature. Correct leaflet No. 1 of Rabochaya Mysl, rewriting it in a more restrained and more business-like tone, and be sure to publish the story of the split within the Committee. Nadezhdin's Rabochaya Mysl cannot, I emphasise, cannot he let off without a public protest. 1903 o Written on January 28, Sent from London to St. Petersburg .First published in 1928 in Lenin Miscellany VIII
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TO G. M. KRZHIZHANOVSKY AND V. A. NOSKOV To Claire and Boris from Starik Dear Friends, Kurtz is writing to you about yesterday's meeting. 148 There is no longer any hope, absolutely no hope of peace. You can't imagine even a tenth of the outrages to which the Martovites have sunk here, poisoning the whole atmosphere abroad with their spiteful gossip, encroaching on our contacts, money, literary material, etc. War has been declared, and they (Lyuba, Kostya, Yeryoma) are already on their way to fight in Russia. Get ready for the most legal but desperate struggle. We must by all means fill the places on all committees without exception with our own people. Special attention should be paid to Kharkov, Yekaterinoslav and Rostov. Is it true that the Kiev Committee has adopted a resolution backing the Minority? Is that possible? Why weren't we told earlier? I would very strongly advise you to co-opt Konyaga and Ignat. You will soon see and get to know the former. About the latter I will say this: in wartime he is, truly, useful and essential; he will be quite loyal; he can be kept away from functions for which he is not fit; there is much idle gossip about him; there is no need to fear that he will coopt God knows whom, because Kurtz will be staying here, and we shall take care of him. I repeat that I strongly advise you to take in Ignat, but, of course, it is entirely up to you; I have made Ignat give me a solemn promise that he would obey his chiefs in all things (and admitted to him that he should be prepared for not being co-opted). Please be sure to get the Bureau to function properly,
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SO that we should get weekly letters from you. I would ask you even more earnestly to have Brutus go underground: it's not worth while perishing cheaply. Let him travei all over the place in the next two or three months, and then come here to replace Kurtz. This step is really essential. We have seen Lebedev. Ruben is here also. Gurvich and Khinchuk are Martovites. Hurry up with your reply about the Council. You should at once make a formal appointment of one more member representing you, and he should transfer his vote to Kurtz. Please don't delay. Written on October 5, 1903 Sent from Geneva to Kiev First published in 1927 in Lenin Miscellany VI
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TO F. I. DAN I
Copy of a Reply Addressed to Potresov (for Dan) December 2, 1903
"Dear Comrade, "The elimination of the personal conflict between Martov and myself could be confirmed in- an annex to the minutes of the League's Congress.149 For my part, I should only welcome it. But no one has either the formal or the moral right to abbreviate anything in the minutes of the Congress, or to delete anything from the description of what took place." With comradely greetings, N. Lenin Written in Geneva (mailed locally) First published in 1929 m Lenin Miscellany X
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TO THE SOUTHERN BUREAU OF THE CENTRAL COMMITTEE OF THE R.S.D.L.P. • To Odessa From Lenin, C.C. member abroad and member of the Council Comrades, We have been informed privately that the majority of the Nikolayev Committee is accused of incorrect action. 150 I should very much like to be clear on what happened. Be so kind as to reply to me immediately yourselves (and ask for an immediate reply to me also from the comrades who are at present members of the Nikolayev Committee, passing this letter on to them) on the following questions: (1) Who were the members of the Nikolayev Committee before the raid of March 8-9? A full list of conspirative names is essential. How many members were there in all? How many supported the Minority and how many the Major-
%?
(2) Were all the members of the Nikolayev Committee arrested on March 8-9? If not, how many remain? How many belong to the Majority, and how many to the Minority? (3) Was or was there not a formal resolution of the NiKoi ayev Committee (before the raid of March 8-9) on the **°mination of candidates? If there was, when was it adopted, °w many candidates were nominated and who precisely w ere they? . (4) Have there been arrests in the Nikolayev Committee of*?!! 8-9? What changes in its composition did each 0 1 these arrests bring about? '
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(5) Were or were not Comrades S. and 0 . (members of the Minority with whom there was a dispute) members of the Nikolayev Committee before the raid? Did they or did they not work in Nikolayev earlier? If they did, when, how long, in what capacity, in which group, in which line, etc.? When precisely did S. and 0 . come to Nikolayev? (6) How many days after the wholesale arrests (March 8-9) did Comrade N. come to Nikolayev? (7) What right had Comrade N. to declare Comrades S. and 0 . members of the Nikolayev Committee, without consulting Comrades V. and A., members of the Nikolayev Committee, and without obtaining their consent? (8) Did Comrades S. and 0 . make any complaint about being members of the Nikolayev Committee without any appointment and without co-optation? If they did, please state in detail on what grounds. (9) What connections were Comrades S. and 0 . supposed to hand over to Comrades V., N. and A.? Where did Comrades S. and 0 . get these connections? Who gave these connections to them, and when? (10) Why did S. and 0 . not recognise Comrades V. and A. as the Committee? (11) What official organisations of the Nikolayev Committee existed at the time of the raid of March 8-9, i.e., what groups of agitators, of organisers, of propagandists, etc., and how many such groups? Please list all without fail, and state how many members there were in each, how many of the Minority and how many of the Majority? (12) When was the group of agitators whose meeting of 10 on April 20 adopted a resolution in favour of the Majority formed? Was it before the raid or after the raid? Was its composition changed after the raid, and how precisely? Did or did not this group (or some other groups) have a formal or tacit right to nominate candidates for membership of the local Committee? (13) Do you happen to know from where, and with whose help (in cash, etc.), S. and 0 . were sent? Written in Geneva at the end of May 1904 First published in 1930 in Lenin Miscellany XV
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TO V. D. BO NCH-BRU YEVICH July 26, 1904
Dear Vladimir Dmitrievicli, Thank you for your letter of 23.7.04 about our affairs. 161 I reply point by point. As regards general policy, I am still for an armed peace, for retreats with protests (as we said in our talk with Nina Lvovna in the presence of yourself and Martyn Nikolayevich), in short, for our old tactics. Protest against every infringement, publish, agitate,'without giving them any pretexts for the coup d'etat which they desire. As to the details of particular measures, you can judge better on the spot. That C.C. agents were not given any papers is the direct fault of Boris, who was the last to leave. 152 I have already written to Martyn Nikolayevich that I advise him to explain to the C.O. editorial board the absurdity of demanding the papers: tell them Boris has been written to twice, there is a report about his arrest, so must we really wait six months for a reply from Russia? Keep protesting—but de facto you will still be carrying on everything. As regards finance, I have the feeling that we were rash in taking on the library: it's not luxuries we need, it's sustenance. Do you remember my telling you this? And the 300 francs have been spent! Please, do be careful, don't let yourself be carried away by the library, 153 keep your mind on the cause as a whole. My best greetings to Ignat. How does he feel? 1 am terribly worried about Nina Lvovna. Write at once if you hear anything.
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To my mind, we must issue a reply to Plekhanov (i u pamphlet form, not as a leaflet, and with a short preface) if the C.O. fails to publish it despite all our protests. And don't be late with this, or it will lose its interest. 154 Every good wish, and greetings to Vera Mikhailovna and all our friends. Yours, N. Lenin Write to me (and send newspapers) to Meiringen, postlagernd. * Written in Switzerland, sent to Geneva First published in 1930 in Lenin Miscellany XV
* Poste restante.— Ed.
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TO V. D. BO NCH-BRU YEVICH Dear Vladimir Dmitrievich, I have received your letter and hasten to reply. I simply cannot understand why you fell out, and what the point is. 165 I don't see why not sell 20-30 copies of Zarya and why this should be "running ahead of things". I should think this was the kind of routine matter in forwarding that could be left entirely to the manager of the forwarding section, i.e., to you. I am writing this very day to Martyn Nikolayevich asking him to try and clear up the misunderstanding. You shouldn't be too. much upset about individual expressions, even sharp ones, even unfair ones. You see, surely, that we are all very edgy—the cause of it all is the rotten situation created by the new traitors in the C.C. Maybe we shall now soon put an end to all this, once and for all, and make a fresh start—then the basis for petty conflicts will disappear. In the meantime, we must try and see it through patiently, and I would reply to caustic remarks by jokes about "the deadly destroyer". 156 I quite understand your irritation, but joking seems to be the only answer. If a dispute arises, drag out its solution, write to us here, that's all you should do. Please take all possible steps to accelerate the appearance of (1) the pamphlet by Ryadovoi and Galyorka, (2) your statement with the documents, (3) Galyorka's pamphlet which was sent today. 157 How is'Ilya? He visited me yesterday, I told him what was in hand, 158 but he still can't make up his mind. Has ho been given my (1) letter on the subject of the agreement of 26.5.04159; (2) protest against the C.C. declaration, 160 and (3) letter about the protest 161 ? It is absolutely essential
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that he and all the compositors read this; don't delay with this. Have matters been arranged about the co-operative printing press162? Hurry, Ilya says there is a rumour that Glebov has a letter of resignation from Travinsky. We shall look into it and check. They're a nice lot, aren't they? Five and four are arguing; two of the five resign; two of the four are taken— then the three, instead of resigning, stage a coup d'6tat 163 ! Yours, N. Lenin Written
in Switzerland between August 18 and 31, 1904, sent to Geneva First published in 1930 in Lenin Miscellany XV
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TO V. D. BO NCH-BRU YEVICH September 13, 1904 Dear Vladimir Dmitrievich, I think you should not send any application, as we decided previously. 164 Stick a leaflet on the pamphlet, 165 printing on it (1) an advertisement about your publishing agency (and on the back); (2) Boris's statement on its prohibition (as already set); (3) the letter from Boris dated Sept. 12 (this one), 166 without the postscript; (4) a short additional remark, something to this effect: "Such is the policy of people who so magnificently carried on a war 'of principle' against formalism and bureaucracy I It would, however, be interesting to learn which clause of the Rules prohibits Party members from publishing Party literature? "V. Bonch-Bruyevich" Greetings to everybody. I shall be back on Thursday, the day after tomorrow. Yours, N. Lenin P.S. Inform Sergei Petrovich: (1) that on Thursday we shall evict him from his quarters and shall be spending the night there ourselves; (2) that Pan wrote about Samsonov four days ago. He should have been sent direct! Written in the neighbourhood of Geneva Sent to Geneva First published in 1930 Lenin Miscellany XV
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TO G. D. LEITEISEN September 29, 1904 Dear Comrade, I was very pleasantly surprised by reports from Sergei Petrovich and Martyn Nikolayevich about your political stand at the present time. I need not tell you how painful it has been for me, over the last twelve months, to see a break in the good relations which had previously always existed between us. In view of these reports, I think it would not be worth our while to look back to the past: we could probably resume our old relations exclusively on the basis of our common positive tasks of the present and the future. If I am mistaken in this, you will, of course, correct my error; but I feel it to be my duty, after my talk with Martyn Nikolayevich, to make a first attempt to clarify frankly and directly how we stand. Respectfully yours, N. Lenin #
My address is: ...* Sent from Geneva to Paris First published in 1930 in Lenin Miscellany XV
* No address is given in the MS.— Ed.
Printed from a copy written by P. N. Lepeshinsky
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TO MARIA GOLUBEVA Coded Personal from Lenin to Maria Petrovna Dear Comrade, r I was extremely glad to learn from our mutual friends (particularly from Zver—I don't know whether you knew her by the same nickname) that you are alive and have taken up a political stand in solidarity with us. We were acquainted and saw each other so long ago (at Samara in 1892-93) that it would be difficult for us to renew our friendship without the help of new friends. And I should very much like to renew it. For this purpose I am sending you, taking advantage of the address I have, a detailed letter about our affairs, and earnestly ask you to reply personally and as soon as you can. It is quite impossible to work together unless there is regular correspondence, but up to now Saratov has been in the habit of keeping a stubborn silence for months at a time. Please see that all this is changed now, and begin to write us yourself as circumstantially as possible. Without detailed letters from you personally it will be impossible to get a clear picture either of your personal activity in the cause or of Saratov conditions in general. Please make yourself spend 2 or 3 hours a week on this. I send* you very best greetings and good wishes. Written after October 5, 1904 &ent from Geneva to Saratov First published in 1930 in Lenin Miscellany XV
Lenin Printed from the original
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TO E. E. ESSEN To Baron from Lenin November 4, 1904
Dear Comrade, The many reports I have had about you oblige me to beg you to leave your work temporarily and come here for a month. I understand perfectly how carried away you are by your work, and how hard it is for you to tear yourself away from it, but, after all, we must think of deploying our forces from the standpoint of the general plan of the campaign. We need experienced workers, and you must find some young people to substitute for you temporarily, and come over here without fail to settle some common problems, to tell us about all your conclusions from your journeys, and to confer about the new steps we are taking. This is quite necessary, otherwise we shall be left without reserves in any serious contingency in the future. Please reply to me personally as soon as possible, and I entreat you not to postpone your journey even for as long as a week. You've been intending to come for a long time, but keep putting it off. It may end badly: I've seen it happen before. My best wishes, and hope to see you soon. Yours,
N. Lenin
Sent from Geneva to Odessa in
First published in 1924 the magazine Krasnaya Letopis No. 1
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TO A. I. YERAMASOV Dear Friend, Your help was extremely valuable to us in general and to me in particular. If I have not yet made any special request of you, it was because there has been no extremity, but I have been confident of the utmost possible support on your part. At the present time, a moment of extremity is approaching, a situation so serious that I could not even imagine anything of the kind before. Our undertaking is threatened with complete collapse, unless we manage to hold out for at least six months with the help of extraordinary resources. And to do that without folding up our activities we need a minimum of two thousand rubles a month: for editing, publishing, transport, and equipment of the most essential agents. That is why I now address this most urgent request to you to help us out and procure this support for us. Please let me know as soon as possible whether you are able to fulfil this request of ours. Written in December 1904 sent from Geneva to Russia First published in 1930 in Lenin Miscellany XV
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1905
rjtQ $$$167 March 9, 1905
Dear Friend, I am unable to answer most of your questions, because I myself know no more than you do. It looks as if Voinov is not in favour of a single centre. The Russians are. Whether or not it will go through, I don't know. I am more in favour of the old system, 168 but do not attach any particular importance to it. The crux of the problem is consultations between the Central Committee and the editorial board— and that in effect brings us back again to some sort of Council. "Then we shall see." I can't write about you to Moscow, because I have no personal friends there, and one has to be careful with such things. It is better to wait and see how they decide themselves. I will send you the outline of my report ("The Tasks of the Third Congress") if I find it*: it is very brief, almost what was said in "From the Editors", in Vperyod.169 I have not so far been able to find out what sort of consent there was on the part of the Central Committee to a congress. I myself was very much afraid of a skilful C.C. intrigue—you saw our attitude in Vperyod.170 Now the Minority C.C. have nearly all been arrested, only Fisher, * I have found it. I can't send it, because it is hieroglyphics on a scrap of paper. My advice is to concentrate on the experience of the Second Congress.
ft
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Nikitich and Karp remain. Stein and Povar 171 have also been arrested. This will probably weaken the Mensheviks for a long time. Over here, dear old Martov has a real fit at his club at any mention of the congress. Judging by this, they won't come. But who can know for certain? I am ready even for the worst: for a split on our part, but consider this improbable. Don't tell me you have not even managed to get a minute of Deutsch's most disgusting boasts. Why, that is unheard of I One couldn't even expect such impudence. You should have forced him up against the minutes, published a list of "their" groups or at least passed the minutes on for the congress, so as to show the Russians the boundless impudence of these gentlemen. All the best, N. Lenin
^ffs&ki8? Written in Geneva
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TO THE SECRETARY OF THE BRITISH LABOUR REPRESENTATION COMMITTEE172 March 23, 1905
Dear Sir, Thank you very much for your donation. I have received a cheque for £80 (francs 2,008) and directed £60 (frs 1,506) according to your prescriptions in St. Petersburg to our St. Petersburg Committee of the Russian Social-Democratic Labour Party. I have received also the second cheque for £90 (the sum not yet received here in francs). £50 will be also sent to aid the widows and orphans of the St. Petersburg (labourers) working men, killed on 9 (22) January. With kind regards. Yours very sincerely, VI. Oulianoff (Editor of the Vperiod) VI. Oulianoff, Editor of the "Vperiod", 3. Rue de la Colline. 3. Geneve. Switzerland. Sent to London First published on August 18, 1946 in the Journal British Ally No. 33
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TO P. A. KRASIKOV April 5, 1905 Dear Friend, So far I can say nothing definite about the date. 173 I think you will have time enough to go to Liege, if you can return on Sunday, or if you don't take a return ticket and don't go back to Paris (probably the best thing will be to take a 45-day circular ticket, Paris—Liege, etc.— Paris, right away). It's hardly possible before Monday, although, I repeat, I'm not sure. Today, April 5, was fixed as the latest date for departure from St. Petersburg—ergo it is hardly likely before Monday. So far no one has arrived. On Friday, two will be setting off from here—they may call at your town, but strictly incognito. Have you seen Plekhanov's Dnevnik 174 ? What a melancholy tone of utter resignation! I am sorry for the old man, he's angry for no good reason, but what a lovely brain.... Our line with the delegates must be strictly peaceable: we "have nothing to lose, but stand to win everything (if there's a victory)"; for our opponents it's the other way round. You will, of course, see this yourself from the B.M.C. and C.C. leaflet, 176 and also from No. 13 (Question of Organisation).176 Hurry, hurry, hurry with the report of the Committee of the Organisation Abroad, 177 the list of members and all the documents. Au revoir, Yours, • Greetings to Kiskal How is she getting on? r
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rjQ $$$178 I hasten to remind you about one thing which it is essential to translate and publish as soon as possible, and which I forgot to mention in my talk with you (although I have had this thing in mind for a very long time!). It is Friedrich Engels's Die Reichsverfassungskampagne, from the collection of the works of Marx and Engels published by Mehring (Marx, Nachlass, etc., Vol. III). This is quite a separate thing, which really must appear as a pamphlet. It is now of particularly great interest. 179 ^ Written in Geneva in AprilMay 1905 First published in 1931 In Lenin Miscellany XVI
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TO THE SECRETARY OF THE BRITISH LABOUR REPRESENTATION COMMITTEE May 20, 1905 Dear Sir, I acknowledge with thanks the receipt of £25, of which £5 will he subscribed, according Your condition, for relief work. Your subscriptions are all mentioned in our paper Vperiod (Forward), which we send to You. Now I send You again the issues of this paper, where the subscriptions are mentioned and I notice these mentions with blue pencil. We have written already to St. Petersburg Committee of the Russian Social-Democratic Labour Party that it is necessary to make a report before some working men meetings about the subscriptions from the L.R.C. All communications with the organisations of our party being secret it must take some time before an answer can be received. This week some Russian comrades go to St. Petersburg and I repeated to them my request. They promised to me to take all measures to accelerate this report in St. Petersburg and to send a notice to You. Your letter from 22.4.05 will also be sent to the St. Petersburg Committee. I hope, dear Sir, that you will soon receive a letter from our Petersburg comrades stating the report before working men meeting in the Russian capital. I beg to apologise for my bad English. With kindest thanks. Yours very sincerely, VI. Oulianoff (Editor of Vperiod) VI. Oulianoff, 3- Hue de 'la Colline. 3. Geneve. Switzerland. Sent to London Printed from the original in English
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TO LYDIA
FOTIEVA
My dear Kiska, I have just sent you a telegram. To be on the safe side, I will explain what it is about. I have been summoned to Paris on business. I want on no account to waste my time in travelling merely for this reason, but to give a lecture. The subject: "The Third Congress and Its Decisions". The contents: a parallel analysis of our decisions and those of the Mensheviks. They have just issued an announcement about their conference, and I will analyse it. I can speak only on Tuesday (I will be arriving on Monday, but my evening will be taken up) and must finish in one day. If you can, hire the biggest hall (where I spoke against Struve— Filatov and the others will know) and inform the maximum number of people. If you have not yet telegraphed a clear reply, do so tomorrow, so that I should know exactly whether a hall has been hired. Perhaps your will even have time to write to me by express (so that I should get it not later than Sunday morning), but if you have something important to report, be sure to cable. I am giving the same lecture here today. All the best,
Yours, Lenin
Tournez sHl vous plait?* If by any chance it turned out that I couldn't deliver the lecture, I might not come at all. Therefore be sure to reply. 180 Written on June i or 2, 1905 Sent from Geneva to Paris First published In 1931 in Lenin Miscellany XVI
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TO THE CENTRAL COMMITTEE OF THE R.S.D.L.P. September 15, 1905
Dear Comrades, I have received the money, 1,000 rubles—2,640 francs— and the first issue of Rabochy. It makes an excellent impression. Let us hope that it will largely solve the difficult problem of providing a popular exposition which is not boring. There is something fresh in the tone and character of the exposition. A splendid fighting spirit. In short, let me congratulate you on this success with all my heart, and wish for more. So far, I have the following minor remarks: (1) a little more should be said about socialism, in view of the "explanatory" nature of the organ, and (2) the fighting political slogans should be more closely and directly tied in with the resolutions of the Third Congress, and with the general spirit of our revolutionary Social-Democratic tactics. Now for your letter of Aug. 24, 1905,181 which simply amazed us all by its tone. I. About information. You "can do nothing more". That is not true, since we find that the Bund, and the Mensheviks, and a number of Bolsheviks °an do more, and. are doing it. It is a fact that the C.C. member abroad is not as well informed as the Bundists and Iskra. This should be put right, and maintained steadily through tireless effort. Here is the most recent example. We received* your active boycott resolution just the other day.18* People arriving from Russia have known about it since Junel And you tell us that you "can do nothing more"? ts late arrival caused discordance between us, through u<> fault of mine, for, not knowing how you were interpret-
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ing it, I gave a different interpretation of "active boycott" in Proletary. There you have another fact of the two-centre situation which you have restored. In substance, the discordance turned out not to be great, but still it is undesirable on a question concerning the course of action of the whole Party. I believe it to be (1) extremely important and the only correct approach, from the point of view of the decisions of the Third Congress, to put forward directly, as the central point in the agitation campaign, the slogan of insurrection and a provisional revolutionary government. (2) I think it is quite wrong to advise that meetings of the electors should be "dispersed by force". Such tactics would be fatal. One of the two things: either there are no conditions for using force on a sizable scale—in which case, we should confine ourselves to agitation, speeches, strikes and demonstrations, making an effort at persuading the electors and on no account "dispersing them". Or conditions do exist for the use of force on any considerable scale—in which case the force must be directed, not against the electors, but against the police and the government. In that case, undertake an insurrection. Otherwise you risk landing in a most absurd situation: the workers "use force to break up" meetings of electors; the government uses force to defend them! This in practice shows the harmfulness of not advancing the straightforward and resolute slogan of insurrection, as a centre of agitation against the Duma: prepare for an insurrection, try to persuade everybody (including the electors as well) to prepare for an insurrection, explain its objectives, forms, methods, conditions, organs and preliminaries. But don't use force to no purpose/before it has been accumulated, for if you haven't convinced the electors, it is plain madness and suicide for the Social-Democrats to scatter them by force. Furthermore. II. You write that you were not tricking the Organising Committee, but were doing the will of the Third Congress. I think that you are clearly wrong in this. I wrote to you as long ago as...* about the need to prepare * A space was left in the MS. after "as long ago as" for the date of the letter to the Central Committee—July 28 (see present edition, Vol.
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the conditions for unification, and two congresses to give it effect (in the same place and at the same time, with an oblig a t i o n on the part of each organisation to accept the decisions of its own congress). So there is no difference of opinion there. But it is a fact that you have forgotten about the secret resolution (I append it below) concerning the obligatory endorsement of the conditions of fusion by the F o u r t h Congress. That is what I have been insisting on. Two clauses of the Organising Committee's statement—Clauses 2 and 3—{Letuchy Listok TsKls3 No. 3, p. 5) speak out directly against unification through a congress. This cannot be denied. But you, in your reply, say nothing at all of y o u r disagreement! So the result is that you have set aside the resolution. That this is a mistake, and that it must be corrected, is beyond doubt. Then there is another unquestionable mistake: the absence of any direct reply to the Organising Committee. You write that "it was a question of fusion on the basis of the Third Congress". Have a heart, gentlemen! Why deceive yourselves? Why weaken your correct position by obvious hypocrisy? Fusion on the basis of the Third Congress was rejected. It was offered here both by Vinter and by Vadim directly both to Plekhanov and to the Organising Committee. Given such a unification, there would have been a single C.O. (through his agents, Plekhanov even suggested a "trio" for it). Given such a unification, there would have been a single C.C., formed out of both halves as an essential condition, i.e., the "co-optation" would not have been co-optation but a real fusion. But this was rejected. Consequently, there remains agreement up to the Fourth Congress, and fusion "on the hasis of the Fourth Congress ". Instead of giving such a direct and clear reply and statement for all to hear, you evade the substance of the question by withholding your opinion from our people (for while the O.C. is patently proposing fusion not on the basis of the Third Congress,'you reply: this is on the whole acceptable, good, let's have another q/
P p * 320-22). N. K . Krupskaya crossed out "as long ago as" and *rote "earlier" over it .—Ed.
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talk about it!). Meanwhile you write to me: "Our ultimatum was the Rules of the Third Congress." And you don't Call that self-deception? Why, if you say it in public, in the first place, all the Bolsheviks will laugh you out of court, and, in the second place, the Mensheviks will] reply to you in such fashion that all your good intentions about fusion will go to the devil! In my opinion, it is better to tell the Party frankly: to our regret, they have rejected unification on the basis of the Third Congress. Let's set about preparing for the Fourth Congress in such a way as to have two congresses assemble at the same time and in* the same place. Let's work out a plan of unification. Let's say, in all parallel organisations everywhere there are equal numbers of both groups (a la Nikolayev 184 ). If so, draw up a list of parallel organisations, a complete list, and poll all of them. Then there is a Central Committee, shall we say, also half-andhalf, i.e., in equal numbers. With complete unification, there can be no objection in principle to "co-optation" of that kind (though in practice the question is more complicated and one must know how many parallel organisations there are, etc). (In parenthesis: it's a great pity that in No. 1 of Letuchy Listok you boasted that 2/3 of the Party are on our side. Thereby you prejudiced any future acceptance of the "half-and-half" principle on your part. And were you really telling the truth about the 2/3?) Furthermore, the C.O. With fusion it would be absurd, in my opinion, to have two Central Organs and I believe it possible that the Bolsheviks will prefer, rather than have this absurd situation, to have their own organ issued by several committees, in accordance with the Party Rules. If there are two rival Central Organs, unification will be a dead letter. In that event, it is better to have "agreement", on a basis similar to that at Nikolayev, i.e., everywhere unification or conciliation commissions, with equal numbers from both sides. ; III. About money. We were all thunderstruck by your statement that the C.O. must be published "on resources from abroad", and that the bankruptcy of the C.C. must begin with the C.O. You write that this is not irritation and not a rebuke. Give me leave not to believe you. To say this
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coolly and in all seriousness is to proclaim a rupture between the C.O. and the Party, and this is something you could not wish. It is something unheard of to have the Party's C.O. published not with the Party's resources, but on funds abroad, and to decide that the bankruptcy of the. Party must begin (rather than end) with the C.O. If we were to take this seriously, instead of regarding it merely as a sign of nervousness on account of temporary difficulties (for in general your turnover is a "fat" one, and your prospects both of the 60,000 and the "undertaking" are three times "fatter"), we should have to take immediate steps to start publication "on resources from abroad " of an organ of the Committee of the Organisation Abroad. But, I repeat, I regard this monstrous outburst on your part only as a state of nerves, and will await our personal meeting, since, in my opinion, it is not the beginning of a break, but a misunderstanding. calmly,
Best wishes, N. Lenin Written in Geneva
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TO M. A. REISNER October 4, 1905
Dear Mikhail Andreyevich, I am very grateful to you for your letter, which gives me even more information than Felix Alexandrovich did in his report of a talk with you, as to the plans and tactics of our so-called Cadets. 185 It was extremely valuable to have your communication that the liberals, Witte, etc., are in deadly fear of an active boycott. I have just received news from Russia that an inter-Party conference of SocialDemocrats (both sections of the R.S.D.L.P., the Bund, probably the Letts, etc.)186 has been held. The active boycott tactics have been finally adopted. Your plan is not clear to me: (1) Do you really think there is the slightest hope that the Cadets will refuse to participate in an election to the Duma? I think there is none. (2) Don't you think it better for us, if we are to conclude an agreement with the radicals, to demand a million or so from them for the purpose of arming the Petersburg workers, than to have an election to a Constituent Assembly right now? What point will there be in holding an election before or without a fight against Trepov? Of course, this needs to be discussed in greater detail. I pin my hopes, first, on the meeting you will be having in Berlin over the next few days with one of my friends, 187 and, second, on our meeting here with you about which Felix wrote to us. Wishing you success in the struggle for an active boycott. Yours faithfully.... Sent from Geneva to Berlin First published in 1926 in Lenin Miscellany V
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TO THE CENTRAL COMMITTEE OF THE
R.S.D.L.P.
October 25, 1905
Dear Friends, I have just received your letter about my appointment to the International Bureau 188 (it is a pity that you did not appoint Orlovsky, but we can discuss that when we meet) and about a meeting at Odessa (Berlin). It is essential to have a meeting as soon as possible. Instead of Odessa, I can suggest Warsaw (Konigsberg)189—-all the conditions are the same, but it's nearer and more unexpected for the police. In the latter place all could be ready for you in four days, given the best possible conditions (a legal passport), on which I advise you to begin working energetically at once. Given worse conditions, the period is still very short, and it would be a good thing, if possible, to increase the number of participants. If you decide on an unfamiliar pity (Konigsberg is 22 hours from St. Petersburg) the meeting could be appointed in a cafe, hotel, or tavern, with the aid of a guide-book. I am writing this very day to the I. Bureau for information about the conference and its date; directly I receive the reply, I will forward it to you. Please hurry with our meeting, regardless even of the conference with the I. Bureau. Were minutes taken at the inter-Party conference? If they w ere, send them to us without fail. 0
Written in Geneva First published in 1926 Lenm Miscellany V
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1907
TO M. S. KEDROV Dear Comrade, According to our agreement, the material for Vol. II should have been delivered by Oct. 1, and for Vol. I l l , by Oct. 10. 190 The first volume has been delayed. I have already handed in 12 sheets for Volume II, another 7 are ready, and I can hand in the remainder (about 5 or 7) very soon. But I should like to know whether you really require all this material so quickly. Will you be setting it at once? Have you already sent the 12 sheets of Volume II for setting? Will publication be delayed if I send you the end of Volume II later? If it will, I can let you have the end of Volume II immediately, if you want it. But I have a plan to write, for the end of Volume II, a large work about the distribution of land in Russia (using the new statistical data of 1905) and about municipalisation (taking into account Volume IV of Capital, or Theorien iiber den Mehrwertj which also appeared in 1905). I think it would be of great interest for the public, and would be very timely. I have already collected nearly all the material for the work and processed part of it. I need a few weeks to finish it; I hope to be able to write the work in a few weeks. Please, let me know, therefore, whether you want Vol. II to be delivered immediately without this new article, or to have it handed in with the new article in about a month or six weeks. Written at the end of November and the beginning of December 1907 Sent from Finland to St. Petersburg First published in 1930 in Lenin Miscellany XIII
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1908
TO G. A. ALEXINSKY January 7, 1908 Dear Pyotr, Nadezhda Konstantinovna and I arrived at Geneva today. 191 We haven't decided finally where to stay: Alexander Alexandrovich is very much against Geneva, and we are reconnoitring in other places. But we have to find out just what the situation here is as well. Please write immediately (1) whether you know of a suitable person to manage the printing press and the forwarding section 192 ; (2) what you think of the doc [tor]* as such; (3) what particularly should be borne in mind about the printing press; [does it need ] an owner in view of the fact that it [belongs] to the C.O. of the Bolshevik [group] of the Stockholm Congress? Why do you consider only the Menshevik printing press to be the property of the C.C.? (4) Do you think that a weekly paper is possible, and what approximate sale could it count on? 300-500-1,000? We received your letter in Berlin amidst the panic caused by the arrest of the 17, 193 and therefore destroyed it without a sufficiently attentive reading. Reply to the address.... How is your health? When [approximately will [you ] be able to come back here? Has your health [at a l l ] improved during this period? All the best.... Sent from Geneva to Vienna First publishe'd in 1930 Lenin Miscellany XIII
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TO G. A. ALEXINSKY Dear Pyotr, I have the following request. I have written a big work on the subject of the agrarian programme, in which, among other things, I deal in detail with the debate in the Second Duma. 194 I lack some of the documents introduced in the Second Duma. More precisely: Mushenko introduced a draft of the 104 or 105, not the "well-known" Trudovik 195 draft of the First Duma, which was repeated in the Second as well, but the new, S.R. draft.196 It was reprinted in French in Rapport du parti S.R. au congres de Stuttgart. Do you happen to have the Russian text? Can you get it? I will be very much obliged if you can help. Has it appeared in a separate edition? Where and when? Yours, V. U lyano v Written between January 7 and February 2, 1908 Sent from Geneva to Vienna First published in 1930 in Lenin Miscellany XI IT
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TO G. A. ALEXINSKY February 3, 1908 Well, that's what I call a "good" turn! Giving the address and connections to the Menshevik Mandelberg. That was really naive. On no account let Mandelberg come anywhere near us; but now that you have committed this piece of stupidity, get the address back from him and cheat him. We wrote to you yesterday about Proletary. There is a tremendous and inevitable sharpening of the factional struggle everywhere. Details when we meet. V. Ulyanov Sent from Geneva to Vienna . First published in 1930 in Lenin Miscellany XIII
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TO MAXIM GORKY Dear A. M., It's a long time since I wrote to you. Our trip is being constantly put off: the main obstacle at present is the lack of news from Brussels. My friends wrote to me from there that I am expected at a meeting of the Bureau (International Socialist). I asked the secretary when I should come (because, I said, I had to go to Italy). Therms still no reply. But I mustn't miss Brussels. Have you received Proletary? What are your intentions about it, then? And what about An. Vas.? It was with regret that I got his refusal to write about the Commune. Innokenty is our third editor. Drop me a line about what plans you and An. Vas. have for Proletary. All the best, Yours, Lenin Written in the first half of March 1908 Sent from Geneva to Capri First published in 1924 in Lenin Miscellany I
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TO MARIA ANDREYEVA Dear Maria Fyodorovna, I enclose a letter from our librarian to A. M. The thing is this. I want very much A. M. to write a legal open letter to the Russian papers, asking assistance for the Kuklin Library in Geneva by the dispatch to it of newspapers of the period of the revolution and material on its history. A very short letter explaining to the general public why assistance to the library is also important for the work both of Gorky himself and of many other literary men he knows.107 I would ask you to arrange to have the letter hectographed (I hope Zinovy Alexeyevich will not refuse to help in this) and sent to all Russian newspapers and journals of a more or less decent trend. Please organise all this! I would ask Zinovy Alexeyevich to send me by slow delivery the books which Victor did not take, unless Natalia Bogdatiovna takes them. All good wishes, Yours, Lenin May Day greetings! Written at the end of April 1908 kent from Geneva to Capri .First published in 1930 in Lenin Miscellany XIII
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TO Th. A- ROTHSTEIN July 8, 1908
Dear Comrade, As regards the creditor, I have decided to postpone the letter until a plenary meeting of the Central Committee, which is. to take place in the very near future.198 I find it inconvenient to butt in with the meeting of the authorised Party collegium about to take place. I shall be very glad to see you here. I can say little that is definite about the neighbourhood of Geneva: I have been ill all the time since my return from London, and am sitting at home, without seeing anyone who lives in the country. I know that in France, but quite close to Geneva, there are many good and hardly expensive places. For example, there is Mornex on the slopes of the Sal eve, which means that it is fairly high up. A friend of mine lived there in 1904, and I believe one can stay there on one's own quite cheaply, and at slightly higher cost at the pensions, but for 4-4V2 francs for sure, because that is the usual price. One can also find a place a little farther away from Geneva (Mornex is about 7 versts away, I should think, and there is an electric tram up to Sal eve)—.within 10 versts and more, on the slopes of the Jura, but I don't know what the place is like over there. I will try and find out something more definite, and will write to you directly I discover anything. Every good wish, Yours, Lenin
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NOTE TO A. A. BOGDANOV Dear A. A., Here is Steklov's letter. Reply to him yourself. I replied that I was agreeable, provided the subjects were changed round—philosophy for me, the peasant question for Bazarov. 199 All the best, Lenin P.S. Return the letter. on
Written in Geneva October 27 or 28, (mailed locally)
1908
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1909
TO G. Y. ZINOVIEV The last two-thirds of Kamenev's article are quite bad, and can hardly be edited. I straightened out the first third (p. 1 to end of p. 5) but am not able to make any further alteration, because I see that what it needs is not editing but complete rewriting. In this part of the article, Kamenev gives an incredibly woolly and confused expression, with thousands of frills, to his idea (that the Octobrists 200 and the Rightists are fighting over minor matters, that their struggles, dissensions, fights are inevitable in bourgeoisifying the monarchy and that from this fighting the revolution follows only indirectly, i.e., provided the proletariat enters the arena, and not directly, not by the bourgeoisie itself "going left"). To my mind, we cannot publish it in this form. Either persuade the author to rewrite the last two-thirds— and we shall then "edit" the article, or have a hand yourself at rewriting the last two-thirds almost completely.^ I enclose (pp. 1-3 in ink) an approximate plan for its rewriting. Written at Bombon (Seine-et-Marn e . France) in August 1909 First published in 1930 ^ Lenin Miscellany XIII
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TO G. Y. ZINOVIEV Tuesday
Dear Grigory, I have received the article about the Swedish strike. 201 It's a very good one. I have sent it to Paris together with the end of my article on Bogdanov 202 (which came to 100 lines — 2 pages of Proletary in the supplement). I don't know now whether you will approve it all. I leave it entirely to your judgement: I am so sick of writing this article that now I don't know whether it wouldn't be better to scrap the whole, and reply to Bogdanov literally in a couple of words about his scandal-mongering regarding the "property of the whole group". It's up to you! I shall write about Plekhanov. The Swedish strike article should go in as the leader. Best wishes, Lenin Written at Bombon (Scine-et-Marne, France) on September 7 or 14, 1909 First published in 1930 in Lenin Miscellany XIII
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1910
TO LEON TYSZKA For T. March 28, 1910 Dear Comrade, Thank you for sending me Rosa Luxemburg's articles. 203 I must protest in the strongest possible terms on the main question-regarding the replacement of Warski by Leder 2 0 4 Why, you put us in the most impossible situation! I will not say anything of Leder's personal qualities (as they caught the eye in work together at congresses and conferences: these impressions of him did not at all testify to any knowledge, capacities, literary taste, understanding of the business, and often bore witness to petty faultfinding, etc., e t c . - y o u will appreciate that I am writing to you, too, privatissime*). I won't enlarge on the fact that it is not right to substitute an inexperienced and scarcely suitable person for an experienced writer, a sensible Marxist and an excellent comrade. But I will speak about the position of the C.O. editorial board and about the crisis in the Party. You surely cannot have failed to notice the critical situation. Warski and I write to the Central Committee] about a change in the composition of the C.O. (Dan is clearly disrupting it). The liquidators 205 are disrupting the C.C. And in these circumstances, just when there is unquestionable need of * Strictly confidentially.—Ed.
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a man who was at the plenum, who has been tested in the work, who is working nicely with the board, who has begun a serious war with a serious enemy—just at that moment he is being replaced by a new man! Where's your fear of God? Don't you see it means paralysing the C.O.? After all, the C.O. is now the only organ of leadership for the whole Party (until the C.C. gets together again after its disruption by the liquidators). It is terribly important to have the C.O. in working trim—and this is surely no time "to begin all over again", to "initiate" a newcomer, to argue instead of getting on with the job. Please do try to understand that, in Order to find loopholes, the Mensheviks, relying on the plenum (and formally they have an unquestionable right to rely on it), argue about every single word in the resolution, its every omission, every incident at the plenum (even the tiniest). Now, is it conceivable, in the situation, to have a man play the part of pendulum when he was not present at the plenum and has not worked with us in the central bodies of the R.S.D.L.P. for years and years? Why, this is absolutely impossible! It means blocking the whole business—and that at a time when highly important questions come up for decision at every meeting. Why, Leder will be obliged to say "I don't know" to the thousands of arguments and the cavilling of the Mensheviks (who, as you know very well, are devilishly skilful at making use of every fraktioneller Dreck*). Now, I ask you, can we have such a man at such a time? No. No. We are not demanding anything excessive of the P.S.D.** We know their forces, and their needs, and the conditions of work in Poland. We are not overburdening Warski, and are not preventing him from doing Polish literary work. But you must let us have him in the C.O., as we agreed during the plenum. Without Warski, we are absolutely not in a position to "tide over" the period of crisis, i.e., to secure a change in the composition of the C.O. Now, when the crisis is over, when the composition of the C.O. is altered, then ... but even then, let's not have Leder,
* Factional piece of dirt.—Ed. ** Polish Social-Democrats.—Ed.
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for the love of God. In that case, let's have Karski, if we can t have Warski even then. But at present Warski is absolutely, absolutely essential. All good wishes. Greetings to Rosa. Yours,
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Lenin
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TO MARIA ZOLINA For M.
M. April 30, 1910
Dear Comrade, Thank you for letting me know" about Mikhail's condition. I took steps at once to get a grant for him. As matters stand, it is hopeless to try and get it through the Central Committee's Bureau Abroad, because there we are now in a minority. There was an opportunity to write to Russia, and I asked the Russian Central Committee to take a decision on a grant for Mikhail. I hope to have a favourable reply in two weeks' time. In any case, it would be essential to ensure that Mikhail should continue the treatment and stay at Davos for the time being, until a complete cure. All the best, My address is: Mr. VI. Oulianoff. 4. Rue Marie Rose. 4. Paris. X I V .
Yours, N. Lenin
Sent from Paris to Davos (Switzerland) First published in 1930 in Lenin Miscellany XIII
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TO LEON TYSZKA July 20
Werter Genosse,* I have just learned from Warski that two of the Golos people (who were at the plenum) are already in Russia. The situation is critical. Since the plenum, we have lost three Bolsheviks. 2 0 6 We can't afford any more. It's all up, unless the Poles come to our rescue. It's all over, unless you get a second Polish C.C. man, and send him along with Hanecki for 2-3 weeks, in order to convoke the collegium at all costs only to carry through the "measures" and for co-opting purposes. 2 0 7 It depends on you. We have done everything possible, lost three, can't afford any more. Write to me as follows: Mr. Oulianoff. Rue Mon Desir. Villa les Roses. Pornic (Loire-Inferieure). France. I shall be there until August 23—then at Copenhagen. 208 Warm greetings to Rosa. Yours, N. Lenin •Written on July 20, 1910 >ent from Paris to Berlin First published in 1925 ln L*nin Miscellany III
• * Dear Comrade.—Ed. »
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TO KARL RADEK September 30, 1910
Werter Genosse, Excuse me for this delay in replying to your two letters. I returned to Paris only the other day,209 and was unable to reply earlier. As regards an article for the C.O. on the disarmament resolution of the Copenhagen Congress, it was ordered (back in Copenhagen) and written by another contributor. Unfortunately, your proposal came too late. As to inserting your article in the next issue, I must have a talk with Warski and another member of the editorial board. I shall do this. Concerning your leading articles in Leipziger Volkszeitung, I must say that the question is very interesting, but I have not studied it at length, and it seems to me that theoretically you are not quite right. The criterion of what is "impracticable within the framework of capitalism" should not be taken in the sense that the bourgeoisie will not allow it, that it cannot be achieved, etc. In that sense, very many demands in our minimum programme are "impracticable", but are none the less obligatory. Then, when mentioning the Inaugural Address of the International, you omit from your quotation Marx's words about the principles of relations between states. 210 Is not that a "minimum programme" in foreign policy? And finally, why do you say nothing about Engels's "Kann Europa abrlisten?"*? * "Can Europe Disarm?"—
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You are quite right, in my opinion (all this is my personal opinion, of course), that it is impossible to leave out the demand to arm the people. Wouldn't it be more correct to concentrate your fire not on the fact that Abrustung* is written into the resolution, but that Volkswekn** is not? I want to reply to Martov and Trotsky in Neue Zeit. I have already written to Kautsky and asked him whether they would carry it and how long it could be. It is also necessary of course to reply in Leipziger VolkszeitUng. Best wishes, Yours, Lenin Sent from Paris to Leipzig First published in 1930 in Lenin Miscellany XIII
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Arming the people.—Ed.
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TO KARL RADEK To Comrade Karl Radek October 9, 1910
Dear Comrade, I intended to reply to the articles by Martov and Trotsky in a long article on the substance of the matter in Neue Zeit• But things turned out otherwise. You published a very good statement, while Comrade Karski, even before I had written to Kautsky and Wurm of my intention, had sent Neue Zeit an article against Martov. 211 Wurm sent me Karski's article, and I agreed that that was enough. But I cannot, however, leave unanswered Martov and Trotsky's most incredible absurdities and distortions. About a third or a half of my article is now ready. Its subject is: "The Historical Meaning of the Inner-Party Struggle in Russia".212 Please give me your advice: is it possible and will it be useful to publish this article in Leipziger Volkszeitung? If the answer depends on whether or not the editorial board likes my article, I am of course prepared to send it to you without laying down any conditions. I should be very grateful to you if you could tell me anything about this right away. For instance, I should like to know whether you could publish a few feature articles on the subject in Leipziger Volkszeitung. What is the maximum length of an article to be? And one other thing: I do not write German, but Russian. Can you have a translation made in Leipzig—or do you find this, inconvenient or difficult, and prefer that I should find a translator over here (which of
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course, in all probability, I can do)? Or finallv I write in my bad German (of which t h i s f f i ^ s S c i m e n ) , and you can then have my bad German translated into good German m Leipzig? ( A friend once told me that it was easier to translate into German from good Russian than from bad German.) * Russian With best wishes, Yours, JV. Lenin
My address is: Mr. VI. Oulianoff. 4. Rue Marie Rose. 4, Paris. X I V . Sent from Paris to Leipzig . First published in 1930 in Lenin Miscellany XIII
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TO G. V. PLEKHANOV November 22, 1910 Dear G. V., Comrade Grigory has just given me your letter. I have had only one paper from the International Socialist Bureau, exclusively about money, i.e., about our Party's contribution for the maintenance of the International Socialist Bureau. I passed it on to the treasurer of the C.C. 's Bureau Abroad, and replied to Huysmans that I had informed the C.C. about the contribution. I shall, of course, send on to you every "non-financial" paper from the International Socialist Bureau. What did you think of Rabochaya Gazeta? People are saying here that Martov and Co., when resuming the publication of Golos, invited] the pro-Party Mensheviks "to clear out" of "their" group. Best wishes, Yours, N. Lenin Sent from Paris to Geneva First published in 1930 in Lenin Miscellany XIII
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1911
. TO G. V. PLEKHANOV February 3, 1911 Dear Comrade, I received your letter about Singer today, and passed it on to a comrade who promised to send a telegram (I myself have a touch of the flu). By the way, on December 18, I sent you a letter from Huysmans and my draft reply. 2 1 3 Your reply seems to be such a long time in arriving! Send me back Huysmans's letter, at least. The Duma group informs us that the liquidators made a new attack after Jordanslcy's note in No. 4 of Zvezda. The liquidators were backed by Smirnov, Martov's brother, Cherevanin and others. Veselovsky, Chernyshov, Lositsky were against. Poletayev (who wrote to me about it) says that there is no doubt that they have won, i.e., that the liquidators' attack has been beaten off. Best wishes,
Yours,
Lenin
Sent from Paris to San Remo (Italy) First published in 1930 Lenin Miscellany XIII
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TO MAXIM GORKY Dear A. M., How is your health? M. F. wrote that you had returned with a cough, etc. I hope you are better. We've had some bad luck with Mysl.21* You probably know what has happened from Rech and other papers. We have to transfer the whole business to St. Petersburg, and begin all over again. But we have no legal and reliable people. Could you help us, if you sympathise with Mysl? Or perhaps Pyatnitsky could help? As things are, we still have enough money to publish such a small journal (provided, of course, that we all work for nothing and pay outsiders 20 rubles a sheet! Not so generous, you see). So at present it is only technical help that is needed: to find a publisher who, without spending a kopek of his own, would bring out the journal (and we so strongly recognise the strictest legality, that we give the right both to the publisher and to the secretary of the editorial board+a lawyer to hold up anything in the least dangerous; we brought out four issues without the slightest faultfinding from the court. No. 5 was confiscated on account of Kautsky 215 ! That was obviously a mere pretext. There was nothing illegal in K a u t sky). Why should not Pyatnitsky or someone else help us m such a safe business? If it is impossible to find a publisher, what about a secretary, a legal person whom we would pay 50 rubles a month for worrying about the printing press and forwarding. All we want is an honest and thoughtful person. The trouble is that we have no legal people, except w o r k men (and they won't do).
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The second question. We have a translation of Kautsky's latest articles against Maslov, which has already been paid for.216 quite legal. It's an essential thing, because Maslov has written a lot of nonsense and has also lied to kis Russian readers. It's 3-5 printed sheets. Could it be published—without author's fees (for our translation has already been paid for) at cost price? Is Pyatnitsky (or someone else) suitable for anything like this or not? The third question. Y. M. Nakhamkis, deported here from St. Petersburg for his connections with the SocialDemocratic Duma group (he is Nevzorov or Steklov, author of a good book about Chernyshevsky217), is badly in need of work and asks me to inquire whether it would be possible to publish Peary: A Journey to the North Pole. He thinks it will have a good sale. What news is there of the "plans"? Please write. And do reply to the workers at our school. They are good fellows. One of them is a poet, and keeps writing verses, but the poor chap has no guide, helper, instructor or adviser. Best wishes, Yours, Lenin Robert E. Peary: La decouverte du pole nord. Paris—magnificent illustrations. The blocks can be bought here cheaply. About 15 Printed sheets, each of 40,000 letters and spaces. (I have Just seen Steklov, who gave me these details.) Written a t the end of April 1911 sent from Paris to Capri ?irst published in lr*
Lenin
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Miscellany I
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THE STATE OF AFFAIRS IN THE PARTY Our Party has undoubtedly arrived at one of the critical points of its development. All Bolsheviks must do their utmost to fully clarify their principles, to unite, and once again lead the Party out on to the high road. The events that have just taken place abroad (June and July 1911) are a sign of crisis in the Party centres. These events, described and commented upon in a number of leaflets of nearly all groups and trends, amount to this, that the liquidators (through the Central Committee Bureau Abroad 218 —C.C.B. A.) have finally prevented the convocation of a plenum. The Bolsheviks have broken with this G.C.B.A., which has outlawed itself, and jointly with the "conciliators" and the Poles have set up a Technical Commission and an Organising Commission210 for the convocation of a conference. What are the principles involved in these events? The break with the liquidators, who had broken with the R.S.D.L.P., but continued to obstruct all its work from inside the centres (like the C.C.B.A.), means the elimination of this obstruction and the possibility of unanimously setting about the restoration of the illegal and really revolutionary Social-Democratic Party. That is the first and main thing. The second is that the break with the C.C.B. A., which had violated all Party laws (and the consequent resignation from the C.O. editorial board of Martov and Dan, who since February 1910 had taken no part in the C.O.)t means putting right the mistake of the plenum (in January 1910) owing to which it was not the pro-Party Mensheviks but the Golosists220 (i.e., liquidators) who turned out to be in the central bodies. The principle laid down by the plenum
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the workers' party of the bourgeois trends of liguidationism and otzovism 221 ) has now been divested 0 f the liquidationist centres concealing it. Fortunately, a court of arbitration has now assessed the hypocritical outcries of the Golos people and Trotsky in defence of the C.C.B.A. Three German Social-Democrats (Mehring, Kautsky and Clara Zetkin) were to decide the q u e s t i o n of the Bolshevik funds conditionally handed over to the C.C., and they decided provisionally, pending the c o n f e r e n c e , to give the money to the Technical Commission and not to the C.C.B.A. This decision is tantamount to the court of arbitration's recognition that the C.C.B.A. was in the wrong. What is the attitude of the other factions abroad? Trotsky, of course, is solidly behind the liquidators, the VperyOdists 222 also (they have not yet said as much in the press, but it is known from their official negotiations with the Organising Commission). Plekhanov is "on the fence", while preaching agreement with the C.C.B.A. (see Plekhanovites' resolution). The C.C.B.A. is itself trying to set about the calling of a conference, with the help of Trotsky, Vperyod and Co. Whether anything will come of such an "alliance", no one knows. A collapse of principle is there inevitable. Nothing even resembling Party work can result from this bloc. The "bloc" which is being organised by the former C.C.B.A. means nothing but intrigue to cover up the anti-Party and anti-Social-Democratic activity of the group of Messrs. Potresov, Mikhail, Yuri, Roman and Co. The Bolsheviks' task now is to unite, beat off the attack °f all the enemies of Social-Democracy, give a lead to all who are wavering, and help the illegal R.S.D.L.P. to get its feet. Some say this is a split. The hypocrisy of these outcries from the gentry in the C.C.B.A. has been recognised even Jy Germans, who are not familiar with Russian affairs. Martov's pamphlet in German, delivered to the holders the funds, caused Clara Zetkin to make this comment: A disgusting production." Russia, there is no split among the illegal organisa10ns > there are no parallel Social-Democratic organisations. (cleansing
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There are Party people, and liquidators who have broken away and set up a separate group. Groups abroad, like those of Golos, Trotsky, the Bund, and Vperyod, want to cover up the break-away of the liquidators, help them to hide under the banner of the R.S.D.L.P., and help them to thwart the rebuilding of the R.S.D.L.P. It is our task at all costs to rebuff the liquidators and, despite their opposition, recreate the R.S.D.L.P. To say that rebuilding and reinforcing the illegal party, despite the opposition of the breakaway legalists, is "a split" means to make a mockery of the truth and (unconsciously or hypocritically) stretch out a hand to the liquidators. There are some who say that the Bolsheviks want a faction of their own. On this point the "conciliators" (in Paris) have now separated into a faction of their own. Without desiring "factionalism", they have set up a new faction (with representatives of its own in the Technical Commission and the Organising Commission—and that is the basic symptom of a faction, the "conciliators'" internal discipline among themselves). How does the question of factionalism stand? In January 1910 the Bolsheviks dissolved their group on condition that all the other factions would also be dissolved. This condition has not been carried out, as everyone knows. Golos, Vperyod, and Trotsky and Co. have intensified their factional activity. And on December 5, 1910, we Bolsheviks publicly declared that the stipulation had been violated and that our agreement on the dissolution of all factions had been broken, and demanded a return of our group's funds. Not only the anti-Party trends, but also the Plekhanovites have remained a separate faction: they have their own organ (Dnevnik), their own platform, their factional nominees to the central bodies, their internal faction discipline. In these circumstances, the shouts against "factionalism" are so empty, especially when coming from those who have just formed their own faction. Surely it is time to understand that shouts against factionalism are meant to distract attention from the really important question, that of the Party or anti-Party content of the activity of the various factions. We Bolsheviks set up the T.C. and the O.C. in a bloc with the factions of the "conciliators" and the Poles.
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The Poles are for the "conciliators"; we are in the minority, w e are not responsible for the conciliatory errors of the T.C. and the O.C. The whole history of "conciliationism" (which W e shall recount in the press, directly the conciliators force uS to do it) is crying evidence of its erroneous nature. The Bolsheviks must understand this, so as not to repeat these errors.
The "conciliators" have not understood the ideological roots of what keeps us apart from the liquidators, and have therefore left them a number of loopholes and have frequently been (involuntarily) a plaything in the hands of the liquidators. At the January 1910 plenum, the "conciliators" (together with the Poles) got through an idiotic clause in the resolution: "For the first time", etc. (see Lenin's article in Diskussionny Listok No. 2,223 or Plekhanov's Dnevniky which admitted that the clause was blown up, integralist, i.e., nonsensical). The conciliators put their trust in the Golos people; in return, Golos publicly disgraced the conciliators with its greasy kisses. The conciliators put their trust in Trotsky, who has clearly executed a full turn towards the liquidators. The conciliators in Russia (having had control of the C.C. Bureau, i.e., all the authority and all the money, for more than a year) haggled with the liquidators, invited them, "awaited" them and, for that reason, have done nothing. Now, by entering the T.C. and the O.C., the conciliators have reached the parting of the ways. On the one hand, the fact of the break with the C.C.B.A. is recognition and correction of conciliationist errors. On the other, the formation a separate faction against the Bolsheviks, and the alliance with the least steady Poles, is a step in continuation their old errors. It is our duty to warn all Bolsheviks of this peril, and t o call on them to unite all their forces and to fight for the conference. One and all must be mobilised for this struggle, the Bolsheviks must win, in order to take the Party on to the high road. oince the revolution, the Bolsheviks, as a trend, have (2\ ^rough two errors—(1) otzovism-Vperyodism and \ \ c °nciliationism (wobbling in the direction of the liquidators). It is time to get rid of both.
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We Bolsheviks have resolved on no account to repeat (and not to allow a repetition of) the error of conciliationism today. This would mean slowing down the rebuilding 0 f the R.S.D.L.P., and entangling it in a new game with the Golos people (or their lackeys, like Trotsky), the Vperyodists and so forth. But this is a critical time, and there can be no delay. All Bolsheviks must unite, organise the conference speedily and at all costs, win a victory at it or go over to open and straightforward opposition based on principle. Only Bolshevism, which is alien to waverings either to the left or to the right, can bring the Party out on to the high road. Written in July 1911 in
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TO MAXIM GORKY September 15, 1911
t
Dear A. M., It must have been two months ago that I wrote to you last—at the beginning of the school 224 (it is now over, and the students have gone away). There was no reply, and I was wondering whether the "negotiations" had become protracted, or whether anything had radically changed. Leshchenko was here the other day and told me about Capri, and I was very glad to learn that the whole trouble was the postponement of the meetings you had had in mind until "after the fair". 2 2 5 But the plans at Capri, Leshchenko said, were unchanged: a literary monthly, a full-sized paper and also, I understand, a tabloid. Yes, all this would be very welcome indeed just now. The liquidators are buying Kievskaya Kopeika (so they say in St. Petersburg, whence we had a letter today), and are transferring it to St. Petersburg. It would be extremely important fro organise a counter-attack. So far we have been able only to collect our last cash for reviving Zvezda. I very much count on your help: send us an article. Help is particularly important at the beginn i n g , because it won't be easy to resume an interrupted Publication. Have you received the pamphlet by Kamenev, and have you read it? I cherish the hope that it must dissipate some °f the prejudices you seem to have against its author. Our Party affairs are in a pretty mess, but still things are coming to a head. Plekhanov is hedging, he always acts a t way—it's like a disease—before things break. Martov e n t Kautsky; and Zetkin the translation (in typescript)
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of his pamphlet, and this was a great help to us: both Kautsky and Clara Zetkin said some pretty harsh things about the pamphlet: the former called it "disgusting", the latter "dirty". Well, all the best. Do write for Zvezda. Drop me a line, if you feel equal to the effort. Warm greetings to Maria Fyodorovna. Yours, Lenin Sent from Paris to Capri First published in 1925 in Lenin Miscellany III
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TO G. L. SHKLOVSKY Dear Comrade, On the way from here to Geneva (I am giving a lecture here tomorrow on the subject of "Stolypin and the Revolution") I shall be in Berne and would like to see the Bolsheviks there. Drop me a line immediately (to the address on the back*—for N.N.), to say whether I can find you on Wednesday or Thursday, and whether there are any other Bolsheviks in town. All the best, Lenin P.S. There may be letters for me at your address. If you have moved, notify the Post Office. Written on September 25, 1911 Sent from Zurich to Berne . First published in 1930 in Lenin Miscellany XIII
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TO G. L. SHKLOVSKY Dear Comrade, I have received your letter and replied by telegram. To avoid any misunderstandings, here are a few more details. What I meant was a public lecture ("Stolypin and the Revolution"), with the admission fees to go for the benefit of Rabochaya Gazeta (of course there is no need, or at any rate it's not obligatory, to say in the advertisement for whose benefit it is). 2 2 6 The presiding committee (or the chairman) at the meeting must be from among local Bolsheviks, and by no means "elected" (to avoid intrigues and scandals, to which the liquidators are very prone). I am willing to have a talk with pro-Party people (Plekhanovites), but not with Golosists. It would be best of all to confine the audience to Bolsheviks. I hope to arrive on Thursday; I will send you a telegram about the time of arrival, if I can manage it. Please be kind enough to send this letter at once to Gorin [M. Gorine. Rue du Pont Neuf. 2. (Chez M-me Vire) Geneve], to enable him to take steps to organise a similar lecture at Geneva on Saturday, and to reply to me through you by Thursday. All the best, Lenin As regards literature for the lecture, please get together for me (a) a file of the C.O., ((}) Two Parties, (7) Dnevnik, (8) Arkomed. 227 Written between September 26 and 28, 1911 Sent from Zurich to Berne First published in 1930 in Lenin Miscellany XIII
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1912
WHAT IS THE CADET ELECTION PLATFORM? Saturday's editorial in Reck, September 15, is a virtual exposition of the basic political principles of the Constitutional-Democratic Party. What do these principles of the main party of the liberal-monarchist bourgeoisie amount to now? They amount to three points: (1) "extension of the franchise"; (2) "radical reform of the Council of State" 2 2 8 ; and, (3) "responsibility of the Ministry to the people's representatives". It goes without saying that to this are added freedom of association (coalitions) and all the other freedoms, equality of nationalities, "restraint and slowing down" of differentiation in the countryside, and so on and so forth. Readers should compare these "three points" of the liberals with the "three points" of working-class democrats, who have given an effective reply to the political question, the labour question and the peasant question alike. The actual source of all the evils and misfortunes, their real "focus", and the way out are indicated clearly and explicitly by the "three points" of the working-class democrats. But the liberal platform—for, not nominally but in substance, it is an election platform—of the Cadets is only a wish for modest constitutional reforms. It differs very little from the wishes of the Octobrists. The main thing has been obscured; on the main thing the liberal-monarchist bourgeois party has nothing to say. The Cadets want "to win by modesty", but then let us re-
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call that Messrs. Guchkovs have already tried modesty practice. And what was the result? The result was nil! We want very little, the Cadets boast. But, gentlemen, that "trump" has already been played by the Octobrists. In all three Dumas, the Cadets and the Octobrists vied with each other in assuring the "government" and the "publ i c " that they want very little, a modest minimum on the European standard. The result is nil! No, gentlemen, whether you list constitutional reforms in three points or in twenty, your platform will be a dead one. You can talk about constitutional reforms, without appearing ridiculous, only where and when the foundations and pillars of political liberty already exist, where and when they are established, assured and stable. You yourselves know that that is not yet the case in Russia, and therefore your pious wishes do not show the people a way out but mislead them with illusory hopes! Written between September 15 and 20 (September 28 and October 3), 1912 First published in 1954 in the journal Kommunist No. 6
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WORKERS 7
UNITY AND THE ELECTIONS
The issue of Luck, the liquidators' newspaper, put out (as a Pravda correspondent rightly points out) on polling day to disrupt unity, is filled to overflowing with talk of "unity". The decisive moment in the elections to the workers' curia 229 in St. Petersburg Gubernia will arrive in a few days, on Friday, October 5. On that day, the representatives of the workers will elect 6 electors. 230 It is these elections that are of decisive importance, because unless all the electors are steadfast, consistent working-class democrats and opponents of liquidationism, there will be no serious guarantee that the deputy elected to the Duma will be one the majority of class-conscious workers want. In order not to fail at the crucial moment, one must have a clear understanding of the tasks of working-class democrats and the situation in which the representatives are acting. The essence of the problem today is that under cover of shouts about unity, the liquidators are flouting the will of the majority of class-conscious workers in St. Petersburg, and are foisting on the majority of the workers the splinter candidates of the minority intelligentsia, namely, the liquidationist intelligentsia. All elections in a bourgeois country are accompanied by rampant phrase-mongering and licentious promises. The main principle of Social-Democrats is not to trust words b u t go to the heart of the matter. The liquidators' phrases about unity in their newspaper ^uch are a pack of lies. In reality, unity has already been rought about in St. Petersburg by the majority of classconscious workers against the liquidators', it was established
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by the May Day demonstration, and by the support given to Pravda by 550 groups of workers against the 16 groups of liquidators. Now that is action, not talk. When 550 groups unite against 16, it is unity. When 16 foist "their" candidate on 550, it is a split. The liquidators are carrying out a split, while shouting about unity on the "Stop thief!" principle. Class-conscious workers should not let themselves be deceived by empty shouts and phrases. Don't trust words, take a sober look at the state of affairs. The vast majority of Marxist workers are opponents of liquidationism. An insignificant minority of workers favour the liquidators, and the "strength" of the liquidators lies in the bourgeois intelligentsia, which is in a position to put out a journal, found a new paper on polling day, get hold of "contacts", people for intellectuals' election committees, and so forth. Every Social-Democrat in St. Petersburg knows these facts. This clarifies the significance of the liquidators' shouts about unity. Under cover of these shouts, the bourgeois intelligentsia, which sympathises with the liquidators, wants to destroy the unity of the workers by foisting on them the liquidators' candidate. That is the heart of the matter. That is the "crafty design" of the liquidator Luch. Whoever wants the genuine unity of Marxist workers must help to elect all the anti-liquidator electors. Whoever wants genuine unity will help to give effect to the will of the majority of the class-conscious workers. Whoever helps the minority to flout their will is a most malicious disruptor, however loud his shouts of unity! Written not later than September 18 (October 1), 1912 First published in 1954 in the journal Kommunist No. 6
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TO V. A. KARPINSKY Dear K . ,
I have not been following the recent peace congresses. I know about the participation of the socialists—and about its opportunist character—but only from hearsay.231 I will not undertake to express myself definitely on this question before I have read the reports of at least one congress. The question is a complicated one. The general growth of opportunism, and the "balancing" of its forces with those of revolutionary Social-Democracy in the big countries of the labour movement (Germany), must surely tell in this sphere too. Let Bebel play the diplomatist with the opportunists—if this is essential (?)—but it does not befit us to do so. That's all I can say just now. Greetings to Comrade Olga and all our friends, including Gorin. How is he getting on? What news have you? What are your relations with Plekhanov? Do you have any talks? Kamenev, on his way to Paris, will go to Switzerland to lecture in the autumn (he is now here). Perhaps I, too, shall manage to come in the winter. Greetings, Yours, Lenin ^rittcn 011 October 8, 1912 *>ent from Cracow to Geneva .First published In 1930 Lenin Miscellany XIII
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TO THE EDITORIAL BOARD OF
PRAVDA
Letter to the Editors The undersigned, now in the capacity of a permanent political contributor to Pravda and Nevskaya Zvezda, considers it his duty to express his protest against the behaviour of the colleagues in charge of these newspapers at a critical time. The elections in St. Petersburg, both in the workers' curia and in the 2nd urban curia, are a critical moment, a moment for realising the results of five years of work, a moment for determining, in many respects, the direction of work for the next five years. At such a moment, the leading organ of working-class democrats must follow a clear, firm, and precisely defined policy. But Pravda, which is in many respects effectively the leading organ, is not conducting such a policy. Luch and Metallist,232 with their desperate shouts about "unity", are carrying on under that "popular" flag the worst policy of the liquidators, namely, insubordination of an insignificant minority to the vast majority of Marxist workers in St. Petersburg, imposition of the candidate of some three, five or ten tiny groups of intellectuals and a handful of workers on hundreds of consistent working-class democratic groups. During the few days remaining before the election of workers' electors, during the few weeks remaining before elections in St. Petersburg in the 2nd curia, it is Pravda1 s undoubted duty to carry on a' merciless fight against this deception of the mass of workers, behind the barrage of pious and popular phrases. Its bounden duty is in the
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jjjost detailed fashion to explain, demonstrate, chew up for a ll and sundry, 1st, that liquidationism is a non-Marxist, liberal trend; 2nd, that unity requires the subordination of the minority to the majority, whereas the liquidators are beyond doubt, as the experience of eight months' work shows, an insignificant minority; 3rd, that those who want to support the working-class democracy must know where the mass of workers stand, and where the philistine intelligentsia, which is playing at Marxism; 4th, that the conference which the liquidators and Luch are fussing about has been denounced and exposed both by the neutral Plekhanov (he said straight out that "non-Party and anti-Party elements" took part in their conference) and even by Alexinsky, who is hostile to the anti-liquidators. And so on, and so forth. Unless Pravda explains all this in good time, it will be responsible for the confusion and the disruption, since, having the vast majority of the workers behind it and having explained matters in good time, Pravda would most certainly have ensured unity, because the liquidators are past masters at boasting and threats, but would never dare act against Pravda. Pravda itself has admitted that there are two clearly formalised lines, platforms, collective wills (the August, liquidators', line and the January line). Yet Pravda creates the opinion that it is carrying on some third line "of its own", invented only yesterday by someone and amounting (as we have learned from St. Petersburg through other channels, since Pravda's editorial board has stubbornly refused to favour us with a reply) either to letting j'he liquidators, have one of the three candidates, or handing over to them the whole of the 2nd curia "in exchange for the workers' curia". If these rumours are untrue, ^ravda bears the entire responsibility for them, because you cannot sow such uncertainty among Marxists that ^questionable friends, Marxists, believe these rumours, an<j pass them on. At this hot time, Nevskaya Zvezda is closed down, with13*
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out a single letter or explanation, collective exchange of opinion is completely interrupted, and political contributors are left in the dark, not knowing whom they are helping after all to get elected; may it not be a liquidator? I am obliged hotly to protest against this, and to decline any responsibility for this abnormal situation, which i s pregnant with drawn-out conflicts. Please communicate this letter to the "boss" of Pravda and Nevskaya Zvezda, to the whole editorial board of both papers and all contributors who are consistent workingclass democrats. Greetings, V. Ilyin Written in the first half of October 1912 Sent from Cracow to St. Petersburg First published in 1956 in the Journal Kommunist No. 5
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TO THE EDITOR OF
PRAVDA
Friend, Don't you find it strange that we have had an active and extremely lively correspondence on one particular theoretical question, one particular book, one particular theory, and that we have never had any correspondence on the vitally urgent questions of that sphere of Russian journalism in which both of us have had to take some considerable part in recent times? I personally find it strange. I think there can absolutely be no circumstances—and there are none—which could serve as any kind of justification for the absence of such correspondence, since you yourself once pointed out, and quite rightly, that we all feel the harmfulness of detachment, isolation, a certain solitude, etc. I hope, therefore, that I will meet with your support if I start right out with correspondence No. 2 (for No. 1, about the book and the theory, is proceeding on its own and will continue to do so). You were acquainted, I think, though distantly, with Pokrovsky 2nd? What do you think of the latest explanation by the Senate? I mean the one under which the tenant qualification requires actual occupation of the premises? Alter all. it looks as though this explanation, made just before the elections in the 2nd curia, is specifically aimed a t Pokrovsky 2nd, Predkaln, etc.! Can they have any other qualification in their own localities except that of tenant? n h o w could they, being members of the Duma, "actually occupy" their apartments in their localities for, say, a £ear? And if they are being "explained", should not Pok°vsky 2nd be invited to stand in St. Petersburg, where Dear
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he probably has a qualification that is much more reliable i.e., one less subject to "explanation"? I personally would very much sympathise with such a candidature in St. Petersburg (alongside the two evidently indisputable candidates who caused the stupid and brazen Luch to come out with its stupid and brazenly cowardly repudiation). I shall be most grateful if you summon the effort to drop me a line or two (in reply to my 200) on your views of this matter. Furthermore, I should like to discuss the two workers' papers at St. Petersburg. Luch is base and unprincipled: it's not a paper, but a "leaflet for subverting" the SocialDemocratic candidate. But they know how to fight, they are lively and glib. Meanwhile Pravda is carrying on now, at election time, like a sleepy old maid. Pravda doesn't know how to fight. It does not attack, it does not persecute either the Cadet or the liquidator. But can an organ of forward-looking democrats not be a fighting organ at a hot time like this? Let's give it the benefit of the doubt: let's assume that Pravda is sure that the anti-liquidators will win. All the same it should fight to let the country know what is involved, who is disrupting the election campaign, and what ideas are at stake in the struggle. Luch is fighting furiously, hysterically, abandoning its principles in the most shameless fashion. Pravda—to spite it—puts on a "serious mien", affects various airs and graces, and fails to fight at all! Does that look like Marxism? After all, didn't Marx know how to combine war, the most passionate, whole-hearted and merciless war, with complete loyalty to principle? Not to fight at election time is suicide. Look at what Luch's "Cadet-eating" has come to! And the Pravda people were afraid that we might be overdoing the Cadet-eating! Best wishes,
Yours,
V. Ilyin
Written after October 3, 1912 Sent from Cracow to St. Petersburg First published in 1956 in the journal Kommunist No. 5
Printed from the origina1
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TO THE EDITOR OF
PRAVDA
Dear Friend, We learned only today of the liquidators' victory in St. Petersburg. An analysis of the figures makes it clear that they were got through by non-Social-Democrats, namely, the 11 "non-Party" men who voted for the non-Party Stepanov. But the figures are incomplete. It is extremely, extremely important to have the complete figures, i.e., (1) the number of votes for and against all 13 candidates; the newspapers give only the figures for 9 candidates (3 liquidators and 6 of ours); those for 3 liquidators and 1 nonParty candidate are missing. Make every effort to collect these data. Let several representatives write to the editors of the papers to establish this fact, if the minutes cannot be found. The importance of these figures is extremely great. Spare no effort to discover them. (2) There should be a poll of the representatives on who voted how. This is of particular importance with respect to "our" 7 Putilov workers+2 of ours from the Semyannikov Works. Collect the information as speedily, as fully and as precisely as possible. It is extremely important to learn from the representatives how the 11 non-Party men voted (apparently they all voted steadily for the liquidators, but it is desirable to collect direct evidence). . W r i t t e n on November 2, 1912 from Cracow to St. Petersburg .
m
First published in 1956 the journal Kommunist No. 5
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TO THE EDITOR OF
PRAVDA
Dear Colleague, I wrote to Gorky as you requested, and received a reply from him today. He writes: "Send the enclosed note to Pravda. There is no question of fee, that is nonsense. I will work for the paper, and will soon begin sending it manuscripts. I couldn't do it up to now only because I have been desperately busy, putting in about 12 hours a day; it's back-breaking work." As you see, Gorky's attitude is very friendly.* I hope you will reciprocate, and see that Pravda is sent to him regularly. The forwarding department sometimes slips up, so that from time to time you must check and check again. If you want to retain his friendly interest, send him (through me) any new publication which might be of interest to him, and also any particular manuscripts. I would very much ask you to send me Pravda Nos. 146, 147, 148 and Nevskaya Zvezda Nos. 26 and 27, at least two copies of each. Are you thinking of replying to Luch's maliciously vicious attacks? These rascals first broke away, and are now shouting about a split! Their list did get less {the total vote for the whole list, all 6 candidates} both on Oct. 17 and on Oct. 18! Get hold without fail of the exact figures of the polling for all the liquidator candidates, from Z a i t s e v or some other of the electors. This is terribly i m p o r t a n t ! And buy the printed list of representatives at the office * I enclose Gorky's letter to Sovremenny
Mir
233
requesting them
to hand his Tale over to you. Get it as soon as possible.
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201
0f
the St. Petersburg city authorities, as I asked! Make sUre to do this without fail! All the best, Yours.... Congratulations and good wishes to all the staff, editors a n d friends of Pravda on the occasion of the victory of its supporters in St. Petersburg, Kharkov and elsewhere! p.S. Be sure to write now about the circulation of Pravda and Luch\ Have you enough material? Written after November 2, 1912 Sent from Cracow to St. Petersburg First published in 1956 in the Journal Kommunist No. 5
printed from the original
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TO G. V. PLEKHANOV November 17, 1912
Dear Comrade, I have just sent you a telegram about our agreement to the combination which you decided upon with Rubanovich. We ask you to lay before the commission, 234 by way of information, our shade of opinion, too, if we happen to differ with you on the following point. Kautsky's article in No. 6 of Neue Zeit, after the October session of the I.S.B., 2 3 5 is obviously the official opinion of the Germans, the Austrians and others. We do not accept the main point of the article (S. 191-92, from the words "Dabei miissen"* to uheischenden Massen"** in particular).236 With Kautsky it turns out to be a pledge against a revolutionary mass strike. This is inadmissible both from the Russian standpoint (there are 100,000 political strikers now in St. Petersburg, with revolutionary meetings and sympathies for the sailors' mutiny!) and from the general European standpoint. However, you know our point of view from our writings, and I hope you will not object to having a talk with Comrade Kamenev. Comrade Kamenev is our delegate to the I.S.B. (M. Rosenfeld, 11. Rue Roli. 11. Paris XIV). Please cable him if you are not going, and if you are,
* In this connection, must.—Ed ** Clamouring masses.—Ed.
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TO O. V. PLEKHANOV
see him before the commission at Basle (M. Rosenfeld- Poste Restante, Bale). If you don't go for some reason, please send your vote in writing for the election (of Rubanovich or Kamenev) to the commission. please
Respectfully yours, N. Lenin Wl. Uljanow. 47. Lubomirskiego. Autriche. Krakau. Sent from Cracow to San Remo First published in 1930 in Lenin Miscellany XIII
Printed from the original
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«
AFTER THE ELECTIONS IN AMERICA We have already pointed out in Pravda237 the great importance of the Republican Party split in America and the formation of Roosevelt's Progressive Party. 238 Now the elections are over. The Democrats have won, and at once the consequences predicted by the socialists are beginning to tell. Roosevelt's Progressive Party, with its 4.5 million votes, is a specimen of the broad bourgeoisreformist trend which has come on the scene in sweeping American fashion. What happens to this trend is of general interest because, in one form or another, it exists in all capitalist countries. In any bourgeois-reformist trend there are two main streams: the bourgeois bigwigs and politicians, who deceive the masses with promises of reform, and the cheated masses, who feel that they cannot go on living in the old way, and follow the quack with the loudest promises. And so we find the brand-new Progressive Party in America splitting at the seams right after the elections. The bourgeois politicians who made use of Roosevelt's quackery to dupe the masses are already yelling about a merger with the Republican Party. What's the idea? It is simply this: the politicians want the cushy jobs which the victorious party in America hands out to its supporters with especial brazenness. The Republican split gave the victory to the Democrats. These are now ecstatically sharing out the luscious public pie. Is it surprising that their rivals are prepared to renounce the Progressive Party and return to the consolidated Republican Party, which has every chance of defeating the Democrats? Indeed, this looks very much like a cynical cheap sale
engewang.org AFTER THE ELECTIONS IN
AMERICA
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of "party loyalties". But we see exactly the same thing in all capitalist countries; and the less freedom there is in a country, the dirtier and fouler is this sale of party loyalties among the bourgeois sharks, and the greater is the importance of backstairs intrigues and private connections in procuring concessions, subsidies, bonanza legal cases (for the lawyers), etc. • The other wing of any bourgeois-reformist trend—the cheated masses—has now also revealed itself in the highly original, free and lucid American style. "Scores who had voted for the Progressive Party," writes Appeal to Reason,239 the New York workers' paper, "now come to socialist editorial offices and bureaux for all kinds of information. They are mostly young people, trusting, inexperienced. They are the sheep shorn by Roosevelt, without any knowledge of politics or economics. They instinctively feel that the Socialist Party, with its one million votes, is a more serious proposition than Roosevelt's 4.5 million, and what they want to know most is whether the minimum reforms promised by Roosevelt can be implemented." "Needless to say," the paper adds, "we are glad to give every one of these 'progressives' any information, and never let any of them leave without socialist literature." The lot of capitalism is such that its sharpest operators . cannot help "working"—for socialism! Written before November (December 8), 1912
25
First published in 1954 the journal ICommunist No. 6
Printed from the original
TO THE EDITORIAL BOARD OF
PRAVDA
Dear Colleagues, I am in urgent need of No. 8 of Pravda. You wrote that you hadn't got it. Please insert the following advertisement in Pravda—I write Nos. 5-10, instead of No. 8, to be on the safe side. This is often done. I particularly ask you to do this. Yours,
V. Ilyin
What's the matter with Olminsky? Is it true that he is ill? Pravda To complete our file, we are in need of 1 copy each of Nos. 5-10. Readers are earnestly requested to send in their spare copies. Editorial Board and Management Written before November 26, 1912 Sent from Cracow to St. Petersburg First published in 1956 in the Journal Kommunist No. 5
Printed from the original
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MORE ZEAL THAN SENSE Each has his own preoccupations: the .proletariat sees the need for peace, and the capitalists look to the "patriotic" examples provided by the Balkan War. To each his own. The workers insist that in terms of human life a Balkan revolution would have cost a hundred times less than the Balkan War, and would have produced democratic results a thousand times broader and more stable. The capitalists—both the "Right" and the liberals, all the way up to our Progressists and Cadets—are straining to prove that whereas the banded capitalists in the Balkans have pocketed so much, the banded capitalists of Britain, France and Russia, as an "entente", couldf have made off with ever so much more. One American "patriot", a patriot of the money-bag, managed to find out that some ships in the Greek navy had been built by Greek millionaire magnates at their own expense. This American Guchkov or Maklakov hastened to advertise and play up the grand patriotic example in every way. He wrote: "Now if only our country's shores and all our overseas trade were protected by giant dreadnoughts called Morgan, AstorVanderbilt and Rockefeller\ With such ari example before them, the people would grumble less about the concentration of capital in the hands of billionaires and about the unequal distribution of wealth!" Patriotic, but impractical, say the American workers iaughing. Gentlemen, go ahead with your splendid scheme, ^e're all for it. Until now, the Rockefellers, Morgans, etc M over here in America have been hiring private detachments of armed men to protect their property and fight
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strikers. Let the billionaires now give the people a clear picture showing that the "external" defence of the "state" is defence of the monopolies and the profits of the owners of our trusts! Let's see what lesson the American workers will learn as they contemplate these super-dreadnoughts named Morgan, Rockefeller, etc.: will it be patriotic emotion or socialist convictions? Will they become more servile to the capitalists, or will they demand with greater firmness that all trusts (manufacturers' associations), all the property of the trusts, should be handed over to the workers, to society as a whole? ...The American "patriot" has overdone it.... Written before November (December 9), 1912
26
First published in 1954 in the Journal Kommunist No. 6
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THE QUESTION OF PARTY AFFILIATION AMONG DEMOCRATIC-MINDED STUDENTS We noted in Pravda the other day (see No. ) 2 4 0 the article by the student M. which provides remarkably valuable material about "student moods". On students party affiliation, the writer says: "Of course, a comparatively limited section of the students are members of Left-wing organisations. In existing conditions, it could not be otherwise, and in general the strength of organisations is determined not by the number of their members, but by their influence on the masses. It is hard to make a guess about the future, but it should be pointed out that today the Left-wing o r g a n i s a t i o n s are marching in step with the mass of the students" (Zaprosy Zhizm™1 No. 47).
The author is quite right when he says that with us in Russia, particularly in the current political conditions, "the strength of organisations is determined not by the number of their members, but by their influence on the masses". This would not hold true for Europe; nor would it hold true for Russia in the autumn of 1905; but for presentday Russia it is so true that one might even venture what looks like a paradox: the number of members of an organisation should not exceed a definite minimum, if its influence on the masses is to be broad and stable! But what is the party attitude of these "Left-wing" organisations among the students? Student M. writes: "It should be particularly noted that one does not feel any dissension among the individual Left-wing organisations. Such dissension w as particularly strong three or so years ago, during the period ol lull a n d inaction. There were cases when elections to canteen commissions and the like were held according to party lists. Now t h e s e divisions f ave almost disappeared, partly because everyone has realised the need 1 0 join forces for common action, partly because the old party
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positions have been unsettled and the new ones have yet to he consolidated."
, There can be no doubt that in this respect, as well, the students provide a reflection of an all-Russia phenomenon. Everywhere, throughout the democratic movement, and also among the workers, "the old party positions have been unsettled and the new ones have yet to be consolidated". What is liquidationism? It is either a pusillanimous concession to the spirit of the times, to the atmosphere of "unsettlement" of the old party positions, or the malicious utilisation of this unsettlement by the liberals. The task of the whole democratic movement is to fight with all its strength against this "unsettlement", and to achieve a precise, clear, definite, thoughtful "consolidation" of the "new positions". It would be a great mistake to confuse the arguments and discussions on party (and inner-party) platforms with "dissensions". It is absolutely necessary "to join forces for common action", including, for instance, those of Marxists and Narodniks. This does not obviate a definite party stand, but, on the contrary, demands it. It is possible to combine action only when there is real unity of conviction as to whether the particular action is necessary. That is as clear as daylight. Russian democracy has been the worse for trying to "join forces" for democratic action with nondemocrats, with the liberals! Try and "join the forces" of the supporters, shall we say, of political strikes with the "forces" of their adversaries: there will obviously be harm for the "action". Hence, the first thing to do is to achieve a clear, definite, precise, well-thought-out delimitation of "positions", platforms and programmes—and then to combine the forces that can march together by conviction and social nature; c o m b i n e them only for the action on which unanimity can be expected. Then, and only then, will any good come of the undertaking. V. /. Written between November 24 and 29 (December 7 and 12), 1912 First published in 1954 in the journal Kommunist No. 6
Printed from the original
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TO G. L. SHKLOVSKY Your letter is the first, I believe, to offer a "report" on Basle! 242 It's rather late.... Evidently something was lacking (or in excess?) at Basle.... I believe that what the delegates lacked was organisation. And that is extremely sad. Kamenev, of course, was run off his feet, but what about the other five? Was it really not clear that it was necessary to write to Pravda daily? Was it really so difficult to assign the various duties? We've not had a single letter in Pravda from the spot, while the liquidators had several in Luch. Isn't it a shame? Of course, so long as we sleep and the liquidators work, they will make more headway. Is anything being done to collect money for Pravda? It doesn't look like it, while the liquidators have reports in Luch of collections abroad. Yet Pravda is very, very, very much in need. Not a single one of the delegates (except Kamenev) has written here about Basle. It was essential to get organised and write twice a day. But all kept silent. Evidently there is some dissatisfaction. What with? God only knows! I am tremendously satisfied with the results of Basle, because the liquidator idiots let themselves be caught out on the question of the initiating group! 243 You couldn't have Pinned down the riffraff better. But I ' m worried by the inactivity of our delegates, and a sort of "in-the-pouts" behaviour on their part, for no apparent reason. Did they talk with the German delegates? (After all, 4 or 5 did know German!) Who? With whom? How? What about? There's £ot a word, except from Kamenev. Agitation among the Germans is very important. 14*
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You write that "with us things are not too good in the press and in the Duma group". They are not too good with Prosveshcheniye.244 There is no money. It's a serious crisis. It should be given help to enable it to pull through. Pravda's circulation is about 23,000. Luch has 8,0009,000. It would be sinful to complain thus far. But in April and May Pravda had 60,000, and in the summer dropped to 20,000. It's rising very slowly. Without help it won't pull through. In the Duma group things are better than ever before. All the six seats in the workers' curia are ours.245 That's something we've never had. For the first time, we have taken the South. Six and six out of 12. Mankov is a Menshevik. Rusanov is a question mark. We can fight. Here are precise data on our progress. Deputies in the workers' curia: II Duma—12 Mensheviks, 11 Bolsheviks ( = 4 7 % ) ("Minutes of III Duma— 4 " 4 " ( = 5 0 % ) London Congress", IV Duma— 3 6 ( = 6 7 % ) p. 451). 246
If you have anyone anywhere who is losing heart, let him think over these figures and be ashamed of his faintheartedness. For the first time we have among our people in the Duma an outstanding workers' leader (Malinovsky). He will read the declaration. There's no comparing him with Alexinsky. And the results—maybe not at once— will be great. In the III Duma we started out with 0! In the sphere of illegal work, thanks to the Bureau's moving here, more has been done than before. We are moving ahead, even if slowly. We are publishing illegally more than others. But we have no money. If we get help, we shall also publish Rabochaya Gazeta, etc. Illegal work can be helped from abroad only by visits. Then help is very important in the form of new connections (1) letters; (2) chance visits; (3) passports; (4) etc., etc. What is being done in this respect is not enough. Only one per cent is being done in the localities abroad of what could be done. The most important thing right now is to help Pravda to pull through. And it is getting poor help. One man in Vienna (Bukharin) is making an effort. But nothing is being done in the other cities! No one writes regular reports. No one makes collections. No one collects interest-
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213
local books and pamphlets for dispatch here ...* material for interesting articles. Comrades, we must give more thought to these things! For example, who among the Social-Democrats at Neuenburg in Switzerland ... has done anything? What has been done about it? All the best.... P.S. Please send this letter to Yuri, for him to pass on to Antonov in Paris, and from there on to Vienna. To this day, we have not yet found out whether Plekhanov had spoken at the October meeting of the Bureau on unity with the S.R.s (cf. Martov in No. 37 of Luch.247) Didn't anyone make inquiries about this with Rubanovich, or Nemec, or Huysmans, or anyone else? Written before December 20, 1912 Sent from Cracow to Berne # First published in 1930 in Lenin Miscellany XIII
Printed from a copy of the original
* An illegible word in the copy at this point looks like "as".—Ed.
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IN AMERICA The 32nd Annual Convention of the American Federation of Labour, as the association of trade unions is called, has come to a close in Rochester. Alongside the rapidly growing Socialist Party, this association is a living relic of the past: of the old craft-union, liberal-bourgeois traditions that hang full weight over America's workingclass aristocracy. On August 31, 1911, the Federation had 1,841,268 members. Samuel Gompers, a strong opponent of socialism, was re-elected President. But Max Hayes, the socialist workers' candidate, received 5,074 votes against Gompers's 11,974, whereas previously Gompers used to be elected unanimously. The struggle of the socialists against the "trade unionists " in the American trade union movement is slowly but surely leading to the victory of the former over the latter. Gompers not only fully accepts the bourgeois myth of "harmony between labour and capital", but carries on a downright bourgeois policy in the Federation against the socialist one, although he professes to stand for the complete political "neutrality" of the trade unions! During the recent presidential elections in America, Gompers reprinted in the Federation's official publication the programmes and platforms of all three bourgeois parties (Democrats, Republicans and Progressists) but did not reprint the programme of the Socialist Party! Protests against this mode.of action were voiced at the Rochester Convention even by Gompers's own followers. The state of affairs in the American labour m o v e m e n t shows us, as it does in Britain, the remarkably clear-cut
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between purely trade unionist and socialist strivings* between bourgeois labour policy and socialist labour policy. For, strange as it may seem, in capitalist society even the working class can carry on a bourgeois policy, if it forgets about its emancipatory aims, puts up with wage-slavery and confines itself to seeking alliances n ow with one bourgeois party, now with another, for the sake of imaginary "improvements" in its indentured division
condition.
The principal historical cause of the particular prominence and (temporary) strength of bourgeois labour policy in Britain and America is the long-standing political liberty and the exceptionally favourable conditions, in comparison with other countries, for the deep-going and widespread development of capitalism. These conditions have tended to produce within the working class an aristocracy that has trailed behind the bourgeoisie, betraying its own class. In the twentieth century, this peculiar situation in Britain and America is rapidly disappearing. Other countries are catching up with Anglo-Saxon capitalism, and the mass of workers are learning about socialism at first hand. The faster the growth of world capitalism, the sooner will socialism triumph in America and Britain. Written
before December 7 1912
(20).
First published- In 1954 in the Journal Kommunist No. 6
Printed from the original
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THE WORKING CLASS AND ITS "PARLIAMENTARY" REPRESENTATIVES ARTICLE THREE
248
The Social-Democratic group in the Third Duma was the first Social-Democratic parliamentary group in Russia to manage to exist for several years and to stand a long "test" of working jointly with the party of the working class. For obvious reasons we cannot here tell the story of this work. We can and must point out only the most important feature: what was the impact of the Party's development on the Duma group, and how did relations between the group and the Party change? First of all, we have to establish the fact that the early steps in the activity of the Social-Democratic group in the Third Duma aroused the strong dissatisfaction and sharp disapproval of the Majority of the Party. The group was largely dominated by the Mensheviks, who were in opposition to the Party's 1907 decisions, 249 and the SocialDemocratic group in the Third Duma continued or took over this "opposition". A kind of struggle began between the Party and the group. The group's declaration was attacked—and quite rightly—for its opportunism. The periodicals which represented the opinion of the Majority of the Party, or of the Party as a whole, repeatedly criticised the group's opportunist steps, and noted that on a number of questions the group had either failed to set forth the Party's views in full, or had expressed them wrongly. A long list of the mistakes and erroneous actions of the Third Duma group subject to correction was officially
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in December 1908. 250 Naturally, it was clearly the time that the responsibility fell not only on the group, but also on the whole Party, which ought to pay more attention to its Duma group and work more closely with it. The results of that work are there for all to see. Between 1908 and 1912, the. Right wing of Menshevism in the Party developed into liquidationism. The four-year struggle of both Bolsheviks and pro-Party Mensheviks251 against liquidationism cannot be excised from history, however much Luch would like to do so. During these four years, the Social-Democratic Duma group, from being in opposition to the Party, from being a group criticised by the Party and defended (and sometimes directly encouraged in its opportunism) by the Mensheviks, became an anti-liquidationist group. The group's connections with the various newspapers by 1912 have provided documentary evidence of this. Astrakhantsev and Kuznetsov contributed to the liquidationist Zhivoye Dyelo. Belousov did too, but he soon left the group altogether, sending it an extremely liquidationist message with sympathetic references to Martov and Nasha Zarya252 (Mr. Belousov's historic message will probably soon appear in the press). Furthermore, Shurkanov wrote both for the liquidationist and for the anti-liquidationist newspapers. Gegechkori and Chkheidze wrote for neither. The other 8 members of the group (Voronin, Voiloshnikov, Yegorov, Zakharov, Pokrovsky, Predkaln, Poletayev and Surkov) contributed to the anti-liquidationist publications. In 1911-12 Nasha Zarya repeatedly expressed its dissatisfaction with the Social-Democratic Duma group: the liquidators could not be pleased at the Menshevik group's siding with the anti-liquidators. The experience of work in the Black-Hundred Duma, and the experience of struggle against the Right wing of Menshevism, which has sunk into the swamp of liquidationism, all tended to push the Social-Democratic group in the Third Duma to the left, towards the Party, and away from opportunism. Very many, especially those who find it unpleasant,
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are wont to forget this remarkable story of the four-ye ar struggle of the Party for a Party attitude in the group (which only means, of course, its ideological orientation, its line). But the story is a fact. It should be remembered. It should be the point of departure in assessing the work of the group in the Fourth Duma. Of this, more in the next article. y ^ Written in the first half of December 1912 First published in 1954 in the Journal Kommunist No. 6
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THE WORKING CLASS AND ITS "PARLIAMENTARY" REPRESENTATIVES ARTICLE FIVE
The resolution on the Jagiello issue 253 was the first step of the Social-Democratic group in the Fourth Duma which gave an idea of its composition and direction of activity. We learn from the newspapers that it was adopted by 7 Menshevik votes against 6 Bolsheviks. Consequently, it is clear that we have here a decision adopted contrary to the opinion of the majority of the Party, since the 6 worker deputies from the six chief industrial gubernias represent, as we have seen, the vast majority of the working-class party. But, perhaps, the content of the resolution shows it to be correct? Let us turn to the content. Clause 1 refers to "the lack of precise data for establishing whether the larger or the smaller part of the Warsaw proletariat gave their votes" for Jagiello as an "elector". So, in the opinion of 7 Social-Democratic deputies, the question is not clear. Yet they speak quite definitely of the Warsaw, and not of the Polish, proletariat, as the liquidators and the Bund do (see Luch and Nasha Zarya). But we know for sure that the "Warsaw proletariat" "has chosen as electors" two Social-Democrats and one P.S.P. 2 6 4 «ian (Jagiello). Two are a majority as against one. So that there are very precise data to the effect that Jagiello was voted in by a Minority. What is more, the majority of the worker electors (both Social-Democrats) werQ against the election of Jagiello,
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and made a formal declaration to that effect. The liquidators referred to Jagiello's larger vote, but this does not eliminate the fact that two Social-Democrats and one P.S.p member were chosen as electors. In any case, by ignoring in its resolution the protest of the two Social-Democratic electors, who represented all the Polish Social-Democrats in Warsaw, the Seven acted in an anti-Party way, because until now only the Polish Social-Democrats have been affiliated to the Russian Social-Democratic Party. But the 2nd clause of the resolution is even worse. The election of Jagiello "by Jewish bourgeois electors", we are told, "marks the growth of awareness even in bourgeois circles" (!? in Jewish bourgeois circles?) "of the fact that only socialists can be real fighters for the just (?!) interests of oppressed nationalities". Everyone knows that the Jewish bourgeois have not shown the least sign of any such "awareness". They preferred a Polish bourgeois, but were obliged to elect a socialist for lack of any other supporter of equality. It was not "the growth of awareness", but the growth of difficulties caused by the national struggle among the bourgeois, that has given deputy Jagiello his seat! A worker elector can (and should) utilise the "difficulties" of two thieves who have fallen out to get an honest man into the Duma. That is unquestionable. The opposite view held by a section of the Polish Social-Democrats (the socalled chief executive which has lost the chief city, Warsaw) does not hold good. But when an honest man has entered the Duma because two thieves fell out, it is ridiculous and absurd to say that one of the thieves displayed a "growth of awareness". It is this lauding of Jewish bourgeois electors—not at all necessary even to justify Jagiello's mandate—that proves the opportunism of the seven members of the group, and shows their non-proletarian attitude on the national question. The Seven in their resolution should have condemned and branded national animosity in general, and the Polish bourgeois for their anti-Semitism in particular—that would have been something. But to attribute a "growth of aware-
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ness" to Jewish bourgeois is merely to display one's own lack of awareness. Clause 3 undertakes to prove that Jagiello is a SocialDemocrat. How is this proved? (1) "By his statement." That is no proof. Party people reckon with the organisation of which X is a member, and not with any "statement" by X. Only the liquidators can forget this ABC.* (2) "The support of Jagiello's candidature by the Bund and P.S.P. bloc." But where, in that case, are the Polish Social-Democrats? A bloc without them and against them (the withdrawal of Warsaw's two Social-Democratic electors) is proof of the anti-Party attitude 'of the Bund, as was recognised even by the conciliation-minded Plekhanov! In Clause 4 we read: "The P.S.P. is not yet united with the Russian Social-Democratic Party." That is a halftruth! Why have the Seven said nothing of the fact that a Party resolution (December 1908) had rejected unity with the P.S.P.? Was it only to please those who would liquidate the Party? The conclusion from the whole of this lame and miserable resolution is separation of "questions of the internal life of the Russian Social-Democratic Party" from "questions of political activity in the Duma". This is a thoroughly bad separation. Party people cannot separate these questions. To separate them is to separate the Duma group from the Party. It is the worst kind of opportunism and the introduction of great confusion. Tactics are determined by the Party's "internal" decisions. Is it these tactics or some other, "non-Party", tactics that should be applied "political activity in the Duma"? A candidate of the Bund, which wants to be considered a section of the Social-Democratic Party, is deprived of j* decisive vote on "questions of the internal life of the ^ocial-Democratic Party". This is the only positive point the muddled resolution of the seven deputies, who have ^ e n confused by the liquidators. ^lass-conscious workers should do their utmost to help n em sort things out, to explain to them the mistake they * The sentence is crossed out in the MS.—Ed.
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have made, and to work hard (in the Fourth Duma as they did in the Third) to straighten out the Duma group. A mistake at the outset is not so terrible in itself—this was rightly pointed out by K. Stalin 255 ; what alone is important is that the working-class democrats should openly and frankly recognise the mistake and secure its recognition. Then the continuation will be better than the beginning, V. I. Be sure to notify me of the receipt of this article, and should you, by any chance, decide not to carry it, return it without delay, for I shall then have it published elsewhere. Written in the first half of December 1912 First published in 1954 in the Journal Kommunist No. 6
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1913
EUGENE POTTIER THE 25TH ANNIVERSARY OF HIS DEATH
In November of last year—1912—it was twenty-five years since the death of the French worker-poet, Eugene Pottier, author of the famous proletarian song, the Internationale ("Arise ye starvelings from your slumbers", etc.). This song has been translated into all European and other languages. In whatever country a class-conscious worker finds himself, wherever fate may cast him, however much he may feel himself a stranger, without language, without friends, far from his native country—he can find himself comrades and friends by the familiar refrain of the Internationale. The workers of all countries have adopted the song of their foremost fighter, the proletarian poet, and have made it the world-wide song of the proletariat. And so the workers of all countries now honour the memory of Eugene Pottier. His wife and daughter are still alive and living in poverty, as the author of the Internationale lived all his life. He was born in Paris on October 4, 1816. He was 14 when he composed his first song, and it was called: Long Live Liberty! In 1848 he was a fighter on the barricades in the workers' great battle against the bourgeoisie. . Pottier was born into a poor family, and all his life remained a poor man, a proletarian, earning his bread as a packer and later by tracing patterns on fabrics. From 1840 onwards, he responded to all great events in l be life of France with militant songs, awakening the consciousness of the backward, calling on the workers to
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unite, castigating the bourgeoisie and the bourgeois governments of France. In the days of the great Paris Commune (1871), Pottier was elected a member. Of the 3,600 votes cast, he received 3,352. He took part in all the activities of the Commune, that first proletarian government. The fall of the Commune forced Pottier to flee to England, and then to America. His famous song, the Internationale, was written in June 1871—you might say, the day after the bloody defeat in May. The Commune was crushed—but Cottier's Internationale spread its ideas throughout the world, and it is now more alive than ever before. In 1876, in exile, Pottier wrote a poem, The Workingmen of America fp the Workingmen of France. In it he described the life of workers under the yoke of capitalism, their poverty, their back-breaking toil, their exploitation, and their firm confidence in the coming victory of their cause. It was only nine years after the Commune that Pottier returned to France, where he at once joined the Workers' Party. The first volume of his verse was published in 1884, the second volume, entitled Revolutionary Songs, came out in 1887. A number of other songs by the worker-poet were published after his death. On November 8, 1887, the workers of Paris carried the remains of Eugene Pottier to the Pere Lachaise cemetery, where the executed Communards are buried. The police savagely attacked the crowd in an effort to snatch the red banner. A vast crowd took part in the civic funeral. On all sides there were shouts of "Long live Pottier!" Pottier died in poverty. But he left a memorial which is truly more enduring than the handiwork of man. He was one of the greatest propagandists by song. When he was composing his first song, the number of worker socialists ran to tens, at most. Eugene Pottier's historic song is now known to tens of millions of proletarians. Pravda No. 2, January 3, 1913 Signed: N. L.
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THE DEVELOPMENT OF WORKERS' CHOIRS IN GERMANY The workers' choral societies of Germany recently celebrated a kind of jubilee: the number of worker-singers reached 100,000, with a total membership of 165,000 in these societies. The number of women workers in them is 11,000. The workers' choirs have their own periodical, Arbeiter-Sanger Zeitung, which began to appear regularly only in 1907. The beginnings of the workers' choral societies date back to the 1860s. A choral section was founded in the Leipzig Artisans' Educational Society, and one of its members was August Bebel. Ferdinand Lassalle attached great importance to the organising of workers' choirs. At his insistence, members of the General Association of German Workers266 founded, at Frankfurt am Main in 1863, a workers' society called ' the Choral Union. This Union held its meetings in the dark and smoky back room of a Frankfurt tavern. The room was lit with tallow candles. There were 12 members of the Union. Once, when Lassalle, on one of his speaking tours, stayed overnight at Frankfurt, these 12 worker-singers sang him a song by the well-known poet Herwegh, whom Lassalle had long been urging to write the words for a workers' chorus. In 1892, after the repeal of the Anti-Socialist Law, 257 there were 180 workers' choral societies in Germany with 4,300 members. In 1901, the membership reached 39,717, j* 1907, 93,000, and by 1912, 165,000. Berlin is said to ; a v e 5,352 members of workers' choral societies; Hamburg, '"28; Leipzig, 4,051; Dresden, 4,700, etc. 15-1652
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We recently reported how the workers of France and other Romance countries had marked the 25th anniversary of the death of Eugene Pottier (1816-1887), the author of the famous Internationale * In Germany, the propaganda of socialism by workers' songs is much more recent, and the "Junker" (landowners', Black-Hundred) government of Germany has been throwing up many more foul police obstacles to such propaganda. But no amount of police harassment can prevent the singing of the hearty proletarian song about mankind's coming emancipation from wage-slavery in all the great cities of the world, in all the factory neighbourhoods, and more and more frequently in the huts of village labourers. Written after January 3 (16), 1913 First published in 1954 in the Journal Kommunist No. 6 Signed: T.
* See pp. 223-24 of this volume.—Ed.
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TO N. A. RUBAKIN February 13, 1913 Dear Comrade, I cannot agree to your alterations. The book Twelve Years258 has been confiscated, and it is hardly likely that a copy can be found. However, I shall try and make some inquiries, and if I have any luck I shall send you one. Nadezhda Konstantinovna sends her greetings. Absender: Wl. Uljanow. 47. Lubomirskiego. Krakau. With all respect, Lenin Sent from Cracow to Clarens .(Switzerland) ln
First published in 1930 Lenin Miscellany XIII
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THE INTERNATIONAL POLICY OF THE BOURGEOISIE Government newspapers and liberal newspapers are full of news, rumours, speculations and calculations about "Balkan" policy. What a mess! Sensation follows upon sensation, each report is more spectacular than the last. Yesterday, it was said that war was about to break out between Austria and Montenegro, between Bulgaria and Serbia. Today there is a spate of denials of yesterday's news, and assurances that "peace has been secured". Yesterday there were piquant stories about Essad pasha, his secret treaty with the King of Montenegro, and his insidious plans for seizing power in Albania. Today comes denial of these stories, and more piquant reports about agreements between Austria and Essad. The man in the street, swallowing everything he is told, listens to these fables, taking them at their face value, and blindly following the swindlers who try to divert "public" attention with exactly the kind of thing that serves their interest. The man in the street does not suspect that he is being led by the nose, and that the ringing phrases about "patriotism", "the country's honour and prestige" and "the Concert of Great Powers" are a deliberate attempt to cover up the machinations of financial swindlers and all sorts of capitalist adventurers. The sensational reports cooked up daily by the big bourgeois newspapers, whose occupation it is to sell the "latest" and the "most exciting" news at a profit, are designed specifically to distract the attention of the crowd from the really important questions and the real background of "high" politics. The conservative newspapers in Europe, the Black-
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and Octobrist, and also non-party, papers in o u r own country, are playing this game crudely and in p r i m i t i v e fashion. In Russia, for example, they carry daily incitements against Austria, and depict Russia as the "prot e c t o r " of the Slavs. The liberal press, like Rech and similar other papers, is carrying on the very same game, only in more subtle fashion, concealing it more skilfully, making its "digs" at Austria with greater caution, assuming the air of statesmen discussing the issues confronting the Concert of Europe. In reality, all this quarrelling between Austria and Russia, between the Triple Alliance and the Triple Entente, 260 all these subtle approaches, are nothing but disputes between capitalist profiteers and capitalist governments over the division of the spoils. They are trying to drag the man in the street into the issue of how "we" can tear off a bigger slice, and how to let "them" have a smaller one; they are trying to get the man in the street to take an interest and show concern in the squabbling. Nothing is being written or said about the number of skins to be taken off the backs of the peasant and the worker i n Serbia, Bulgaria, and Greece to cover the expenses of war, or in Austria to cover the expenses of mobilisation, or in Russia for the same purpose and for her imperialist policy; or whether, and how, democratic institutions are to be ensured in the "new" states of the Balkans, or in . Armenia, or in Mongolia. That is not news. The profits of the international sharks do not depend on that. Democratic institutions even tend to hamper "steady" profitmaking. Instead of exposing the policy of the Great Powers, the newspapers—both conservative and liberal—are engaged discussing how best to help the sharks have their fill through this policy. Hundred269
Written on April 26 (May 9), 1913 Published on May 4,1913 in Pravda No. 101
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CAPITALISM AND FEMALE LABOUR Present-day capitalist society conceals within itself numerous cases of poverty and oppression which do not immediately strike the eye. At the best of times, the scattered families of poor townspeople, artisans, workers, employees and petty officials live in incredible difficulties, barely managing to make both ends meet. Millions upon millions of women in such families live (or, rather, exist) as "domestic slaves", striving to feed and clothe their family on pennies, at the cost of desperate daily effort and "saving " on everything—except their own labour. It is these women that the capitalists most willingly employ as home-workers, who are prepared for a monstrously low wage to "earn a little extra" for themselves and their family, for the sake of a crust of bread. It is from among these women, too, that the capitalists of all countries recruit for themselves (like the ancient slave-owners and the medieval feudal lords) any number of concubines at a most "reasonable" price. And no amount of "moral indignation" (hypocritical in 99 cases out of. 100) about prostitution can do anything against this trade in female flesh; so long as wage-slavery exists, inevitably prostitution too will exist. All the oppressed and exploited classes throughout the history of human societies have always been forced (and it is in this that their exploitation consists) to give up to their oppressors, first, their unpaid labour and, second, their women as concubines for the "masters". Slavery, feudalism and capitalism are identical in this respect. It is only the form of exploitation that changes; the exploitation itself remains.
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An exhibition of the work of "women exploited at home" has opened in Paris, the "capital of the world", and the centre of civilisation. Each exhibit has a little tag showing how much the woman working at home receives for making it, and how much she can make per day and per hour on this basis. And what do we find? Not on a single article can a woman working at home earn more than 1.25 francs, i.e., 50 kopeks, whereas the earnings on the vast majority of jobs are very much smaller. Take lampshades. The pay is 4 kopeks per dozen. Or paper bags: 15 kopeks per thousand, with earnings at six kopeks an hour. Here are little toys with ribbons, etc.: 2.5 kopeks an hour. Artificial flowers: two or three kopeks an hour. Ladies' and gentlemen's underwear: from two to six kopeks an hour. And so on, without end. Our workers' associations and trade unions, too, ought to organise an "exhibition" of this kind. It will not yield the colossal profits brought in by the exhibitions of the bourgeoisie. A display of proletarian women's poverty and indigence will bring a different benefit: it will help wage-slaves, both men and women, to understand their condition, look back over their "life", ponder the conditions for emancipation from this perpetual yoke of want, poverty, prostitution and every kind of outrage against the have-nots. Written on April 27 (May 10). 1913 Published on May 5, 1913 in Pravda No. 102
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LANDOWNERS' CALL FOR "PACIFYING" THE COUNTRYSIDE If the newspaper Novoye Vremya is quite deservedly "famed" for being one of the most dishonest newspapers, which adapts itself to profitable business interests, to the government, and to the ruling class of landowners, its correspondent Menshikov is doubly famed, and with even better reason. Menshikov's articles frequently allow readers to make a sure guess as to which "circles" in official, capitalist, or aristocratic St. Petersburg had ordered this or that statement by him. Not very long ago, this Menshikov was ordered an article in defence of the "aristocratic" Council of State against the plans for its supposedly democratic reform. The article had clearly been ordered by highranking official landowner circles. All the more instructive is it then to hear what the landowners have to say about the notorious "pacification" of the countryside. "I have fairly frequent calls from provincials visiting St. Petersburg, landowners and public men," says Menshikov. Whether the landowners call on him, or whether he calls at the front halls of distinguished landowners, is another matter. In any case he sings to the landowners' tune, and his article has value only in that it gives one an idea of what the landowners frankly say. "If they are to be believed—and why shouldn't they be believed," the landowners' mouthpiece goes on, "the Pugachov movement 261 of 1905-06 has not at all ended. It has subsided, it has assumed other, less boisterous forms, but it continues its work of destruction. True, the peasants no longer march, as they used to do, in great crowds, with caravans of horse-drawn carts, to plunder and burn the country estates of the landowners. But arson continues all the
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without cease: now it's a house they set on fire, now a threshing shed, now a hayloft, now a barn, now a stack of corn or straw. The most outrageous, the most stupid illegal cattle-grazing continues.... During the seven years of our parliamentary era, no headway at all has been made in the fight against village anarchy." Thus writes Menshikov in Novoye Vremya. The order e v i d e n t l y was t o prepare "public opinion" for fresh measures of persecution and punishment of "hooligans", to use the expression current in the Black-Hundred and Octobrist camp. But, in carrying out his orders, the landowners' lackey blurts out the landowners' true state of mind and the true causes of their alarm. Let us note and remember that the landowning gentry intend to have new punitive laws and regulations to fight the "Pugachov movement" of 1905-06, which has not at all ended, but has assumed new forms. Only one thing is somewhat strange. In 1905 and 1906, the government and the Council of the United Nobility 2 6 2 assured themselves and others that the "Pugachov movement " was the result of communal landownership and the embryonic state of the institution of private, property in land among the peasantry. Now all the agents of the government, all the government parties and newspapers are dinning into our ears that the village commune has collapsed and has been destroyed, and that the new system of land tenure and the establishment of private property in land among the peasantry have been a "tremendous" success. If that were so, the "Pugachov movement" allegedly caused by the village commune should surely have stopped! And if it "has not at all ended", as the landowners assure us through Menshikov, their mouthpiece, it follows that the village commune has nothing to do with it. Consequently, the famous successes of the "new system of la nd tenure" are a myth. At any rate, the policy of which the landowners have ^en boasting is a patent flop.
Written on April 28 (May 11), 1913 Published on May 4, 1913 in Pravda No. 101 Signed: M.P.
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LESSONS OF THE BELGIAN STRIKE The general strike of the Belgian workers has ended, as readers will know, in a half-victory. 263 So far the workers have secured only a promise by the clerical government to appoint a commission to examine the question, not only of the local but also of the national franchise. The other day, the Belgian Prime Minister promised in the Chamber of Deputies that the commission would be appointed in May. Of course, a ministerial promise (like any other promise "from above") is something that can by no means be taken seriously. One could not even speak of a partial victory, if the general political situation did not bear witness to a certain breach made by the general strike in the old, die-hard, unyielding and stubborn clerical (i.e., reactionary and obscurantist) "order". The achievement of the strike is not so much this fragment of a victory over the government as the success of the organisation, discipline, fighting spirit and enthusiasm for the struggle displayed by the mass of the Belgian working class. The working class of Belgium has proved that it is capable of steadfast struggle at the call of its Socialist Party. "We shall repeat the strike once again, if necessary!" This was said by a workers' leader during the strike and is an expression of the fact that the masses are aware of holding their weapons firmly in their hands, and of being ready to make use of them once again. The strike proved to the Belgian capitalists that it inflicts vast losses on them, and that concessions are essential, if Belgian capital is not to fall hopelessly behind German capital, etc.
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In Belgium, stable constitutional practices have long since been established, and political liberty is an old achievement of the people. Given political liberty, the workers have a broad and open road before them. Why, in that case, has the strike had such little success? There are two main reasons. The first is the domination of opportunism and reformism in a section of the Belgian Socialists, especially those in parliament. Being accustomed to move in alliance with the Liberals, these members of parliament feel themselves dependent on the Liberals in all their activity. As a result, there was hesitation in calling the strike, and hesitation could not but limit the success, strength and scope of the whole proletarian struggle. The first lesson of the Belgian strike is: look less to the Liberals, trust them less, and have more confidence in the independent and whole-hearted struggle of the proletariat. The second cause of its partial failure is the weakness of the workers' organisations and the weakness of the party in Belgium. The Workers' Party in Belgium is an alliance of politically organised workers with politically unorganised workers, "pure and simple" co-operators, trade unionists, etc. This is a big drawback of Belgium's labour movement, which Mr. Yegorov in Kievskaya Mysl and the liquidators in Luch have done wrong to ignore. The second lesson of the Belgian strike is: pay more attention to socialist propaganda, work more to build up a strong, highly principled and strictly party organisation which is true to socialism. Written on May 2 (15), 1913 Published on May 8, 1913 in Pravda No. 104 Signed: K. 0 .
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THE BUILDING INDUSTRY AND BUILDING WORKERS Russia's industrial boom over the last few years has been accompanied by the usual rapid development of the building industry. Vestnik Finansov264 recently carried out a poll among the municipal authorities in 158 towns of Russia on this question. Mr. Veselovsky in Russkoye Slovo gives the following data from the poll: annual construction and remodelling of houses: in " " "
1907 1908 1909 1910
11,961 13,709 15,093 16,674
In some three years, the building industry has expanded nearly 50 per cent! That the capitalists are making vast profits on this industrial boom can be seen from the prices of bricks. The prices reach 33 rubles per thousand in St. Petersburg, and 36 rubles in the more industrialised Moscow. Municipal brickworks exist in only 50 or 60 towns, so that the possibility of combating the insatiable appetites of the building capitalists is insignificant. And, for that matter, our towns, as a result of the property franchise, the complete absence of free elections, etc., have been completely handed over to a handful of money-bags, who take municipal interests to be those of their own pockets. The series of notorious collapses of houses under construction shows the incredibly scandalous practices in building, the carelessness and the total disregard for human life. Intensified building activity, with thousands and thousands of rubles passing into the pockets of con-
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tractors, engineers, capitalists, and the mass of sacrifices jfered up by the workers on the altar of capital—that ?fl w bat the industrial "boom" means. 1 And what of the position of the hundreds of thousands 0f building workers? We learn the following about their wages from the poll. The day's wage of a building worker varies with the size 0f the town as follows: Population
Under 5,000 5,000-10,000 10,000-25,000 25,000-50,000 50,000-75,000 75,000-100,000 100,000 and over
Day's wage of a building worker
1 ruble 33 kopeks 1 » 36 » 1 » 41 " 1 » 53 1 " 56 1 » 87 " 1 " 80 "
Even in the biggest cities, the worker's wage does not reach 2 rubles a day! One can imagine what these workers suffer with the present high cost of living, when very often they have to maintain a family in another town or in the country. Moreover, building work is seasonal, it does not continue the year round. During the few months of employment, the worker must earn enough to maintain himself and his family throughout the year. These figures are evidence of the workers' poverty and utter insecurity. It is more difficult for building workers to unite and get organised than for workers in factories. All the more insistently should workers in the van campaign for the education and organisation of building workers, who can seek help nowhere but from their own workers' paper, their °wn workers' trade union, and their own more developed Proletarian comrades. Written on May 4 (17), 1913 Published on May 9, 1913 in Pravda No. 105 Signed: F.
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AN ASSESSMENT OF THE FOURTH DUMA What the Social-Democrats, representing the working class, think of the Fourth Duma is well known. Their assessment is based on the class character of the landowner and landowner-bourgeois Duma, and also on the character of the government which is trying to make some kind of deal with the ruling classes in this Duma. But it is instructive also to look at how this Duma is assessed by the Right itself, and particularly by the landowners. In this respect, it is interesting to read an interview carried by southern papers with Mr. Sinadino, mayor of Kishinev, and a landowner who was a Nationalist in the Third Duma, and in the Fourth is considered a member of the "Centre" party, that is, to the right of the Octobrists. There seems to be no point in looking around for a more reliable pillar of the Establishment! And here is his assessment: "The Fourth Duma is a mere fiction. The men on the Council of State have no consideration at all for the representatives of the people, and act, we should say, against their will. I repeat, the Duma is a mere fiction, and in such conditions can give the country nothing. I can find no expression in Russian to describe the activities of the Council of State. It is what the French call 'sabotage'...."
This offended landowner is telling such truths a b o u t the Duma and about our government that the w o r k e r s ought to look at them closely. In general, as readers know, the democrats have a chance to hear a truthful o p i n i o n about the system and "order" of dominant reaction from the reactionary gentlemen only when these reactionaries fall out. One landowner (or several landowners) feels o f f e n d e d —
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you get such a description of the landowners' "system" 0 f state administration and state structure that you might think the description had been taken from a SocialDemocratic leaflet! B o t h the Fourth and the Third Duma, Mr. Offended R i g h t - w i n g Landowner, are not fictions, because they provide the government, for example, with approval for its budget. But the point is that in spite of the whole landowning class and all the top bourgeoisie helping the government, it is not able to make any headway! The possibility for an alliance between the government and the landowners and the bourgeoisie has been created. The Duma is doing all it can to bring about such an alliance. And yet nothing even remotely resembling a constitution has been produced. The old state system is still there. The Ministers likewise are people who "tremble" (to use Sinadino's words) "for their own future", evidently not knowing what will happen to them tomorrow, what their orders will be tomorrow. All the "activity" of the Duma with the Council of State, all the liberal wailing about the hopelessness of reforms, even the most modest, the most Octobrist, the most insignificant—and, finally, the frank admissions of the offended landowner-"legislator"—all show that constitutional illusions and reformist aspirations in presentday Russia are quite groundless. Written on May 5 (18), 1913 Published on May 15, 1913 in Pravda No. 110
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THE HIGH COST OF LIVING AND THE "HARD" LIFE OF THE CAPITALISTS The cost of' living is rising higher and higher. Associations of capitalists are steadily raising prices, raking in millions and tens of millions, while the mass of the peasantry fall into greater and greater ruin and workers' families find it ever more difficult to make both ends meet, and have to go hungry and deny themselves the barest necessities. The organ of our industrial millionaires, Promyshlennost i Torgovlya,265 gives the following data about the rising cost of living. The so-called price index, which is obtained by combining the prices of a specified number of major foodstuffs, has been rising steadily over the past few years. Here are the figures for April: Year
1908 • 1909 191 0 191 1 191 2 191 3
Price Index
2,195 2,197 2,416 2,554 2,693 2,729
In the last six years, prices have risen from 2,195 to 2,729, i.e., by fully 24 per cent! There is remarkable "progress" in the fleecing of the mass of the working people, and particularly of the workers, by the capitalist combines. But the capitalists—both in the journal quoted and in their innumerable societies and associations, graciously authorised by the government—continue to complain of the "unfair" taxation of trade and industry!
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This would be funny, only the workers are not inclined to laugh. The poor and unfortunate industrial millionaires publish the following data given in a ministerial document 0 n the taxation of urban real estate. In 1910, the income from such property was assessed at 239 million rubles (of course, it was assessed bureaucratically, by officials, and one can imagine how many tens of millions were concealed by the oh-so-poor merchant class). In 1912, i.e., only two years later, the income on urban real estate was assessed at 500 million rubles (counting only Russia, without the Kingdom of Poland). And so, in two years, the net income on urban real estate rose by more than 250 million rubles! This gives an idea of the stream of gold pouring into the pockets of the capitalists, coming in millions of trickles from incredible want, poverty and hunger among the peasants and workers. "The high cost of living today" is nothing but the presentday (capitalist) form of impoverishment, ruin and plunder of the working people alongside the unprecedented enrichment of a handful of capitalists. Pity the poor capitalists who complain of patently "unfair" taxation. Just think: they have to give up 6 per cent of their net income. In 1910, they had to give up (in Russia without Poland) 14 million rubles, and in 1912, 29.8 million rubles. And so in two years the increase in tax on the robbed ' millionaires amounted to nearly 16 million rubles. What do you think, worker comrades: when net income goes up from 240 to 500 millions, i.e., by 260 million rubles in two years, should not a tax of a hundred or two hundred million rubles have been collected? Should they not have taken from the additional profit of 260 million rubles, made on the workers and poor peasants, two hundred millions, at a modest valuation, for schools and hospitals, to aid the hungry and provide for workers1 insurance? Written on May 17 (30), 1913 Published on May 22, 1913 in Pravda No. 116
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TIIE GERMAN SOCIAL-DEMOCRATS AND ARMAMENTS The Budget Commission of the German Reichstag has passed the first reading of the Arms Bill. There is no doubt that its adoption is assured. The government of the Junkers—those brothers of our Purishkevich and Markov—is "working" hand in hand with the German bourgeoisie on new methods of oppressing the people, while increasing the profits of the capitalist manufacturers of the weapons of destruction. The manufacturers of war supplies and equipment are doing good business. The young hopefuls of the Prussian nobility are anticipating the pleasure of getting "additional" appointments as officers. All the ruling classes are satisfied—and what are modern parliaments but instruments for doing the will of the ruling classes. In order to justify the new armaments, there are the usual efforts to paint a picture of the perils threatening the "fatherland". To scare the German philistine, the German Chancellor has raised, among other things, the bogey of the Slav peril. The Balkan victories, you see, have strengthened "Slavdom", which is hostile to the whole "German world"! Pan-Slavism, the idea of uniting all the Slavs against the Germans—there lies the peril, the Junkers' Chancellor assures them. The German Social-Democrats have exposed, and continue steadfastly to expose in their press, their parliamentary speeches and at meetings, these hypocritical, chauvinist outbursts. There is a state, the Social-Democrats have said, the majority of whose population is Slav and which has long enjoyed political liberty and constitutional order. It is Austria. It is quite absurd to fear military designs on the part of that state.
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pinned down by the Social-Democrats, the German Chancellor referred to the noisy Pan-Slavist manifestations in St. Petersburg. That's a wonderful argument! The manufacturers of guns, armour, gunpowder and other "cultural" requirements wish to enrich themselves both in Germany and in Russia, and in order to fool the public each refers to the other. Russian chauvinists are being used to scare the Germans, and German chauvinists, the Russians! Both play a miserable role in the hands of the capitalists, who know perfectly well that the very idea of a war by Russia against Germany is ridiculous. We repeat that the German chauvinists are assured of a majority vote in the Reichstag. But among the German workers there is growing indignation and demand for more than purely parliamentary means of struggle against the shameless plundering of the people's money by the chauvinists. It is interesting to note that a general meeting of the Social-Democrats of the 1st Wiirttemberg constituency (Stuttgart) adopted the following resolution: "This general meeting expresses its regret at the fact that the struggle against the Arms Bill in parliament is not being waged with sufficient vigour. The meeting considers that the furious drive into the people's pocket by the arms manufacturers should be resisted by all possible means. This meeting, therefore, expects the Social-Democratic group in the Reichstag to take up the struggle when the Bill conies out of committee for discussion by the Reichstag as a whole, in the most energetic fashion, without hesitating to adopt even obstructionist tactics. The meeting considers insufficient the extraparliattentary struggle the Party has carried on until now. This meeting demands that the Party executive should begin organising action to involve the whole working population, including mass strikes."
There is slow but steady growth of awareness among German Social-Democrats that more resolute, active, mass struggle by the workers is necessary. If the opportunists, whom there are many in the parliamentary group and among the officials of the labour movement, are opposed t o such a struggle, the masses of workers accept it with Sweater and greater sympathy. Written on May 17 (30), 1913
Published on May 22, 1913 m Pravda No. 116
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ORGANISATION OF THE MASSES B Y THE GERMAN CATHOLICS
In backward states, where the mass of the people have no rights, where there is no political liberty, where the authorities have arbitrary powers, political organisations on any broad scale are non-existent. Only tiny groups of landowners or millionaire industrialists enjoy "the right of association"; but they turn all their attention to high quarters, to "the spheres", to the authorities, and not only shun but dread any massive organisation of the people. In states with assured constitutional foundations and the people's right to take part in government, it is not only the socialists who strive to organise the masses (their only strength lies in educating and organising the masses), but also the reactionary parties. If the state system has been made democratic, the capitalists must seek support among the masses, and for this the latter must be organised around the watchwords of clericalism (Black-Hundredism and religion), of nationalism and chauvinism, etc. Political liberty does not eliminate the class struggle but, on the contrary, makes it broader and more conscious, drawing into it the most backward sections of the people, and teaching them politics and defence of their views and interests. It is instructive to see how, for example, the German reactionary party of the "Centre", i.e., the Catholics, organises masses of the people. They strive to get the masses to defend capitalism around the watchwords of religion and "patriotism". And the Catholics in Germany have succeeded in playing up the people's prejudices and igno\
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partly owing to the fact that the Catholics in Germany are a minority of the population, which at one time w a S subjected to persecution by the state. And the masses toilers and exploited always instinctively tend to 0f sympathise with those who are persecuted. The Catholic reactionaries have made skilful use of this sentiment. The Catholics have created a mass organisation, the so-called People's Union for Catholic Germany. The Union has three-quarters of a million members. The organisation is strictly centralised. Its aim is to safeguard the "christian " (in practice, capitalist) system, and fight "destructive" (i.e., socialist) tendencies. The Union is headed by a 24-man board. Of them, 9 handle the board's business correspondence, and the rest are representatives of different regions, large cities, etc. There is one "agent" for every 20-40 Catholic families. All the agents act on instructions from the board. The Catholics, when attacking the Social-Democrats, usually accuse the Social-Democratic agitators of living on the workers' coppers. But in their own organisation the Catholics themselves act in precisely the same way: in every place of any importance they have paid agitators. Work at the party executive is organised on strictly factory lines. Twenty special officials are in charge of "literature": one handles theology, another, the agrarian question, a third, the Social-Democratic movement, a fourth, the artisans, etc. They make cuttings and extracts from newspapers and journals, and keep a card index. They have a staff of stenographers. A special library has 40,000 volumes. They draw up letters to the press—"reports"— which are published by dozens of Catholic papers. Special branches of this correspondence deal with "social and political questions" and "apologetics" (i.e., defence of ^ligion and Christianity). Series of booklets are published on all questions. As many as 5,000 sets of speakers' notes on various subjects are sent out every year. A special department deals with propaganda by films. An information bureau answers queries of every kind free of charge: 1912 it answered over 18,000,000. Catholic students are regularly recruited for propaganda and agitation, particularly during vacations. The
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agents (of whom there are several tens of thousands) attend special "social courses". There are special two-month courses at the party executive for "training" to fight the Social-Democrats. There are special fortnightly courses for peasants, teachers, shop assistants, etc. The reactionary German Catholics are rather well organised. But all their work is a feeble imitation of the work of the German Social-Democrats. Written on May 20 (June 2), 1913 Published on May 26, 1913 in Pravda No. 120
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HOLIDAYS FOR WORKERS The metalworkers in Germany, as in other countries, are in the van of class-conscious and organised proletarians. They have raised the question, among other things, of regular annual holidays for workers. The manufacturers resist this measure with all their strength, pleading the "heavy burden" of the cost involved. But the German metalworkers, in a special pamphlet published by their union, have given exact- figures to refute these selfish and hypocritical evasions. The workers have proved that between 1905 and 1910 the net profit in 93 joint-stock companies in the German metallurgical industry averaged 13.4 per cent! It would be sufficient to reduce this profit by no more than 2 per cent to give all workers regular holidays. But at the present time the system of holidays is still quite. inadequately developed, and for the most part is being applied by the capitalists to further indenture the workers. The German metalworkers have taken two polls on the question of holidays, in 1908 and 1912. In 1908, workers had holidays at 138 factories. Of the 75,591 workers engaged in these factories, 13,579, i.e., 17.9 per cent, had holidays. In 1912, workers had holidays at 389 factories. Of the 233,927 workers employed there, 34,257, i.e., 14 per cent, nad holidays. % In all, only three factories in a thousand in the metallurgical industry had a system of holidays! Of the total number of metalworkers only 1.8 per cent, i.e., less than ^-fiftieth, had holidays.
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Most factories allowing holidays—namely, more than nine-tenths of them—grant holidays only to workers who have been employed a fairly long time at the works. Of the 389 factories (with 233,927 workers), 84 factories employing 140,209 workers require a length of service from five to ten years (!) before a worker gets the right to a holiday. Such holidays are obviously a ridiculously small improvement for the workers, and are mainly a bait to keep the workers in the factory and a means of combating strikes! In most cases (for 72 per cent of the workers in the factories mentioned) the length of the holiday does not exceed one week. For 10 per cent, the period is less than a week, and only for 16 per cent is it more than a week (up to two weeks). In most factories allowing holidays (97 per cent), workers going on holiday are paid their previous wages, or an average weekly wage. We find, therefore, that even in the leading industry of an advanced country the system of holidays for workers is disgracefully inadequate. But the workers are coming to realise the need for regular and adequate rest and by their insistence the organised workers will be able to achieve success in this sphere too. Written on May 20 (June 2), 1913 Published on May 31, 1913 in Pravda No. 124 'p; Signed: JV. N.
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THE MEANING OF AN "HISTORIC" FORMULA The press is still exercised over the adoption of the socalled lack-of-confidence-in-the-government formula by the Fourth Duma (on the Ministry of the Interior estimates), by the votes of the Octobrists and the Cadets. Indeed, the formula, like the comments on it in the liberal press, deserves serious consideration. This has really raised questions of principle: it is essential to return to them again and again. The leader-writer in Rech solemnly declared (No. 137) that May 21, the day this formula was adopted, "will go down as a date of historic significance". Our liberals are past masters at uttering loud and ringing phrases of this kind; but the very first attempt at a serious analysis of the meaning of the Duma's decision betrays their astounding shallowness and helplessness. The liberals ignore the most fundamental and indubitable facts which reveal the meaning of the Duma formula. Firstly, of the parties which adopted the formula, neither the Octobrists nor the Progressists266 (with whom the Cadets are in practice indissolubly tied up!) proposed rejection of the estimates. The rejection of the estimates on the part of the Cadets was only a theatrical gesture to catch the democrats, since all knew perfectly well that the Cadets would in practice support the Octobrists. The "historic" formula is a phrase, since the majority of the bourgeois parties did not even venture to use their unquestionable "parliamentary" right to reject the budget. And without the support of both the Octobrists and the Progressists the Cadets are nil in the Duma and in the country. Secondly, what does the ideological and political content of the formula amount to? "We insist on the earliest
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implementation of extensive reforms," says the formula adopted by the Octobrists. That is what the Progressists also said. The same was demanded, in even stronger terms--, "radical reforms"\—by the "Centre" (i.e., the semi-Octobrists and semi-nationalists). The same reformist attitude is fully adopted by the Cadet formula: their wording i s somewhat sharper, but the ideas are exclusively reformist. Thirdly, all the formulas, from that of the Cadets to that of the Octobrists, give a clear expression of the reactionary standpoint. In this respect, contrary to the lying assurances of Rech, the Octobrist formula is not to the right but to the left of the Progressist, and even of the Cadet, formulas. See and judge for yourselves: (1) The Progressists: (the Ministry) "is sowing in the country the seeds of trouble, threatening the security of the state"; (2) The Cadets: "such a situation is a serious threat to state and public security"; (3) The Octobrists: "the Ministry is destroying respect for the law and the authorities among the people, thereby strengthening the mood of opposition."
Translated from the language of "official policy" into ordinary human terms, this means one thing: the Cadets, the Octobrists and the Progressists all promise to provide better protection for the landowners, not as individuals but as a class, of course, than the present system does. Fourthly, all these three parties start from nationalism and chauvinism. The Ministry, they allege, "weakens the power of Russia" (say the Octobrists and the Progressists) or "the external might of the state" (say the Cadets, even more clearly!). Such are the facts hushed up and distorted by the liberals. The "historic" formula of the Fourth Duma is a compact between the Cadets and the Octobrists, with the help of the Progressists, on censuring the government and expressing the wish for "radical reforms", provided the budget is voted and the standpoint of reactionary n a t i o n a l ism and chauvinism is clearly expressed. Written
on May 27 (June 9), 1913
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FROM WHOM DOES SUPPORT COME? Our liberal press has taken the notorious Fourth Duma formula on the Ministry of the Interior estimates to mean that "the government is acting in something of a vacuum.... The government has no friends in the country with the exception of the subsidised newspapers, and the handfuls of politicians who are also subsidised and are loyal only so long as the subsidy lasts." That is the opinion of the "serious", professorial Russkiye Vedomosti, and that's no joke! "The government is completely isolated, and finds no support even in the political groups it set up itself." That is the opinion of Rech. It would probably be hard to match the puerility displayed in these observations by the professors, lawyers, writers and deputies of the liberal camp. Theirs is a truly incurable parliamentary cretinism, in a country where "there is, thank God, no parliament"! 267 In a vacuum, you say? But haven't you heard, Messrs. professors and deputies, of the Council of the United Nobility, and of its support of the government's policy; of the hundred million or so of dessiatines of the best land in the best parts of Russia belonging to the landowning class; of all the key civil and military posts held by the same class; of the sugar and other finance barons among the same class? You haven't heard of all that? Oh, ye wise statesmen of liberalism! The government, you say, is completely isolated, it has n o friends in the country? But what are you there for, gentlemen? Wasn't it you, together Tfrith the Progressists and the Octobrists, who voted the estimates of the Ministry of the Interior?
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Imagine the existence of millionaire acquaintances who easily give you as much money as you want, while expres. sing "wishes" which are not binding on anybody. Don't you think, gentlemen, that we should be entitled to call these millionaires our friends, and that we should not feel ourselves "isolated" (among the millionaires)? But by your formula you have extended to the government not only material but also great ideological support. This is very important, and you must not think that we shall allow you to dodge this ticklish question before the public. What was the argument about in the Duma? To vote the funds, but to express a wish for—the reform of the police and for "normal limits of the legal system", said the nationalists. To vote the funds, but to express a desire for radical or broad reforms, said the Octobrists, adding that their unequivocal stand is counter-revolutionary nationalism and chauvinism. And now all the liberals perform this trick: they keep silent about the addition, but express delight over the demand for "radical reforms"! All that is lacking is an addendum to their list, on the suggestion of some clever liquidator, on "freedom of association and review of agrarian legislation".... The feudal landowners are backing the old system. The bourgeoisie is in favour of reform. By its "formula" it inflicted a moral blow on the government. But at the same time that bourgeoisie gave moral support to the government by emphasising its counter-revolutionary attitude! And such support is a hundred times more effective and weighty than dozens of "moral" blows. The "historic" Duma formula provides fresh confirmation that the June Third system 268 has entered a blind alley. And the bourgeoisie, maintaining the position described, cannot get out of that blind alley. The experience of history teaches us that the bourgeoisie may daydream about reforms, stagnate in a blind alley and bear the yoke of the Purishkeviches for decades, unless the crisis is resolved the way the liberals dread and hope to exorcise. Written
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FROM FRANCE FROM OUR CORRESPONDENT * .
This paper has already reported the remarkable act of spinelessness on the part of Gustave Herve. This smart journalist and agitator, a man without socialist training or socialist education, went over (from the ranks of the professors) to the workers' party, with all the habits and practices of a bourgeois intellectual. He began as an opportunist. Then he swung over to the "extreme Left", and for a long time preached semi-anarchist ideas, "terrifying" the bourgeoisie with noisy outcries in an anti-militarist spirit. Lately he has tended to turn away from the anarchists and to make his way back to the party, and towards recognition of the parliamentary struggle and of educational and organisational work. But there again, this intellectual smarty wobbled, and swung back to the opportunists. Being an impressionist, too much swayed by the last impression and prone to spineless vacillation, he has been so "scared" by the present reactionary wave of chauvinism, nationalism and imperialism in France that he has begun preaching a return to the "bloc" policy, i.e., an alliance with the bourgeois Radicals. In order to save the Republic in France it is essential, he asserts, to have a bloc with the Radicals; otherwise the reactionaries in France will once again restore the monarchy or the Empire! It is hardly necessary to say that, apart from extreme opportunists, the French Socialists ridicule the spineless Herve, and energetically protest against the bloc. Recently one of the organs of the workers' party published in the
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South of France carried a number of statements by leading Socialists against the bloc. It is the Socialists who began and are carrying on the campaign against reaction, these leading workers rightly say; it is the Socialists who campaigned among the masses with their protest against the law for a return to three years' military service (i.e., a return to the reactionary, barrack-room and absolutely undemocratic army). It is the Socialists who are working for a proletarian bloc, i.e., the alliance of socialist workers and syndicalist workers. Among the Radicals and "Radical-Socialists" (a pettybourgeois party resembling our Narodniks) only a tiny section supports this truly democratic campaign of the Socialists, and then with many waverings. Why then have a bloc? Alliance with those who waver will weaken the pressure of the masses and increase the vacillation! Meanwhile, the Socialists have never refused to support the Radicals to the extent that they oppose the reactionaries. Here, for example, are Messrs. Charles Dumont and Alfred Masse, true-blue "Radical-Socialists", writes one Socialist, who are backing the three-year service law in the expectation of securing a ministerial post. Here is Clemenceau "himself", the leader of the Radicals, carrying on a campaign for this law. Here is another prominent leader of the Radicals, Leon Bourgeois, who has also declared in favour of the law. Lastly, in the Military Commission of the Chamber of Deputies, the law was adopted by 17 votes to 4, the latter exclusively socialist. How can there be a bloc, then, with this shameless bourgeois party of Radicals and "Radical-Socialists"? Only by agitating against it among the masses can the French Socialists detach all democratic elements from that party, thereby obliging some part of it to go left, towards democracy. Being completely dependent on the masses at the elections (since France, of course, has universal suffrage and parliamentary government), many Radicals will think again and again before finally voting for a reactionary law well known to be unpopular among the masses. The only serious support for democracy and the Republic in France (as everywhere else) is the masses, the masses
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workers and with them also the small peasants, and not the parliamentary politicians, buffoons, careerists and adventurers of the bourgeois parties, who declare themselves "Radical-Socialists" one day, only to sell out democracy an d country the next day (for the sake of some ministerial job or profitable deal, in the form of some concession or post in a millionaire syndicate, etc.)—(as the French bourgeois sold France to Bismarck in 1871, out of fear of the Paris workers' uprising against wage-slavery). . The French Socialists, who are fighting the idea of a bloc and are extending their socialist work and agitation among the masses, deserve the warmest greetings. Written on May 30 (June 12). 1913 Published on June in Pravda No. 5, 1271913 Signed; F,
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DEPUTY FRANK FAVOURS THE MASS STRIKE The speech of the well-known Baden Social-Democrat Frank, a most prominent representative of the opportunist wing, in favour of the mass strike as a means of struggle for electoral reform in Prussia, is something of an event in the German Socialist Party. The Social-Democratic Party organisation in Wilmersdorf, a suburb of Berlin, invited Frank to give a lecture on the subject. The bourgeois press, expecting peaceable and tranquillising words to come "out of Baden", loudly advertised the meeting. The free publicity was magnificent. The meeting turned out to be a huge and most impressive one. But whether because he was addressing the militant Berlin workers or because as a southerner, accustomed to the freer atmosphere of Southern Germany, he was outraged at the shameless domination of the "Junkers" (the German Black-Hundred gentry) whom he saw at closer quarters in Berlin, Frank made a fiery speech in favour of the mass strike. The speaker began by outlining internal politics in Prussia. Frank castigated the domination of the Junkers, the reactionary electoral law for the Prussian Landtag (a law rather like our own Third Duma law) and the absence of elementary democratic guarantees. When he noted that under the Prussian electoral law the keeper of a brothel had first-class electoral rights, and the Prime Minister, only third-class rights, and that this was characteristic of the Prussian "way of life", the audience roared with laughter in approval of his assessment. The Berlin workers—Frank said with a smile—have proved by their struggle against Jagow (the mayor who
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vainly tried to prohibit demonstrations in 1910) that they have talents in the sphere of street manoeuvres. The speaker recalled the examples of mass strikes in history: by the Chartists in England; the Belgians in 1893, 1902 and 1912; the Swedes in 1903; the Italians in 1904, and the Russians in 1905; he dwelt in greater detail on the last example, stressing the help which the Russian workers then gave their neighbours and brothers, the Austrian workers. The mere threat of a political strike then proved sufficient to win adult suffrage for the Austrians. In Prussia and in Germany, exclaimed Frank, we have the best labour movement in the world and the most extensive working-class press. Let us then learn mass struggle from the proletariat of the whole world! (Enthusiastic approval and applause of the audience.) Naturally, this new form of struggle involves sacrifice and danger, Frank continued; but when have political battles not entailed danger and sacrifice? Once we have realised the necessity of struggle, we must carry it on to the end, we must pilot our ship forward despite the possible reefs ahead. Those who fear them and remain in port will certainly be safe, but they will never get to the other shore—the objective for which we are striving. Enthusiastically received by the meeting, Frank's speech showed once again the great indignation the reactionaries have aroused in the German workers. A mighty protest is maturing in the German proletariat slowly but surely. Written on June 5 (18), 1913 Published on June 11, 1913 in Pravda No. 132 Signed: Karich
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A N INTERESTING CONGRESS
An interesting congress opened at Kharkov yesterday, June 12. It is interesting in two respects. For one thing, it is the first general Zemstvo congress on the statistics of public education. And then it has been honoured by particular attention on the part of the authorities. The chairman of the congress has been appointed by the authorities, and the specialists have been "screened", as B. Veselovsky puts it in Russkoye Slovo, also by the authorities. No representatives of the press have been allowed to attend the congress. These measures—which even from the "Russian" point of view seem to be unduly, let us say, prudent—can hardly be explained by the fact that the congress meets in one of the Ukrainian centres. This Zemstvo congress will be attended not only by Ukrainian statisticians and Zemstvo officials, 2 6 9 but also by men in this field who come from all the nationalities of Russia. The subject of the congress is apparently not to the liking of the authorities, although the only item on the agenda will be the organisation of statistics, what has been done, why too little has been done, while more should be done, and better. Public education lags more in Russia than anywhere else in the world. Duma deputy Badayev pointed out in his speech that even among the American Negroes there are only 44 per cent illiterates—in Europe it is 1 or 2 per cent—whereas in Russia 79 per cent are illiterate! However, despite a thousand obstacles, public education has lately been growing and developing faster than before. To know the truth about the state of education is the direct
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and
most vital interest of the masses of the people in general, and the workers in particular. It would not be at all difficult to organise the public education statistics on European lines. Every teacher could easily report every year the required information about every pupil (age, nationality, family conditions, economic condition of parents, etc.) and about every teacher (education, salary, working day, nationality and so forth). A small number of statisticians, annually processing such data, could provide the state with most abundant and valuable material, both on the conditions in which the young generation is being brought up and educated, and on a number of aspects of popular life, ... if ... if .... But representatives of the press have not been admitted to the Kharkov congress, its chairman has been appointed, its specialists, as B. Veselovsky tells us in Russkoye Slovo, have been screened by the authorities. I'm afraid we've been a trifle silly with this talk of European-style statistics of education. Europe is something we can only dream of! We would do well to keep silent. Written on June 8 (21), 1913 Published on June 13,1913 in Pravda No. 134 Signed: N,
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TO V. M. KASPAROV Dear Comrade, I have received and read your article, I think the subject was well chosen and has been correctly elaborated, but the article will need some polishing up. There is far too much—how shall I put it?—"agitation", which is out of place in an article on a theoretical subject. Either you yourself, I think, ought to work it over, or we could do it. Many thanks for your news of Kostrov. Please ask Avel to write and inform us more frequently. This is important, because we know nothing. Could you obtain and translate Kostrov's Georgian articles (a) against the liquidators, (b) on the national question, for cultural-national autonomy, (c) the most important, against Plekhanov's preface to Arkomed, 270 against Plekhanov's defence of hegemony? I am going away to Berne for a few weeks. On my return, I hope, we shall discuss things again in our letters. Best wishes,
P.S. Thanks for the issue of
Pravda.211
Yours,
Lenin
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TO G. I. SAFAROV Dear Georgi, I don't know anything about the conference. 272 Decide for yourselves. N. K.'s treatment is dragging out, and I shall be staying here another fortnight, or maybe longer. I don't know exactly. The Ukrainian's article is very good. 2 7 3 The main thing is that he is a centralist. This is so rare and so valuable in our rotten times that you and Yuri 2 7 4 must without fail get to know him closer, get to know the man. The article requires not so much corrections of style (that's nothing) as explanations by the author. He must write one more article. I am writing about this on the next page*; you and Yuri read it, and decide for yourselves whether to let the Ukrainian read it, or whether it is better for you to tell him what it says. Beste Griisse,** N. Lenin Written on July 20, 1913 Sent from Berne to Zurich . First published in 1930 in Lenin Miscellany XIII
* See p. 262 of this volume.—Ed. ** Best greetings.—Ed.
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TO 0 . N. LOLA
Dear Comrade, I very much enjoyed your article, as the article of a centralist fighting the Dontsovs and Co. It is extremely important to fight nationalists of this brand (and the Ukrainian Social-Democrats), who are more subtle! I will insist that the editorial board of Pravda insert your article. But in my view the readers—40,000 Russian (and for the most part Great-Russian) workers—will not understand it. My advice, if you don't mind my giving it, is that you should write one more article, which is to go in first. An introduction, a brief general sketch of the question of "centralism" and "separatism" (you have chosen the terms very well and correctly) among Social-Democrats of the Ukraine. Give the reader an introduction to the question. Describe the general trends, what they are and what their history is (briefly). Then there is one more question: Basok, it is said, has turned towards nationalism and separatism. That's what I have heard; is it true? Could you get me his "famous" article (1910 or 1911 or 1912) with the turn in question? 276 Then recently, they say, someone or other "united" at a conference in Lvov: the Spilka 276 group with the Ukrainian Social-Democrats, or with the Dontsovs? I was promised the joint resolutions from Lvov, but haven't had them yet. What do you know about this? 277 Should not a couple of lines be added to say that even among the Spilka group there are some who are, unfortunately, sliding down to nationalism and separatism? Greetings and best wishes, N. Lenin
Written on July 20, 1913 Sent from Berne to Zurich First published in in Lenin Miscellany
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TO J- S. IIANECKI Dear Comrade, If you happen to be in Jena, be sure to make the acquaintance of our representative (send him a letter postlagernd Herrn Bekzadian, Jena—if you do not manage to meet him otherwise). 278 Have a talk with him about all our affairs. He should be given the facts against Tyszka.279 Greetings, Yours,
Lenin
Acquaint him with Pannekoek, Mehring and others of the Left, if he does not get to know them himself. Drop me a line whether you are going to Jena (when you have quite decided on this). Absender: Ulianow. Poronin. Written on September 12, 1913 Sent from Poronin to Cracow First published in m Lenin Miscellany
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TO V. L. LEDER 280 October 28, 1913 Cracow, Ul. Lubomirskiego. 51 Dear Comrade, I quite understand your indignation against the scoundrels in the so-called Chief Executive, but would advise the commission 281 first of all, nevertheless, to secure a formal refusal from the Chief Executive. You can after all secure this (the address of Rosa Luxemburg, as a member of the International Socialist Bureau, etc.), for without it the I.S.B. will probably not interfere, and inclusion of the question will be rejected on formal grounds. You should not improve the position of Tyszka and Co. by any step on your part which may call forth an I.S.B. refusal of your request. I advise you to write a careful information letter on behalf of the commission to Huysmans {mainly pressing the point that the Zarz^d Gl6wny* refuses to have its "judgement" reviewed by a panel of I.S.B. affiliated parties active in Russia) asking him to help you to bring moral pressure to bear on the Chief Executive. This would be better than a premature formal appeal, entailing the risk of failure. I hope you will inform me, if Plekhanov replies to you. With Social-Democratic
greetings, N. Lenin Ulianow. Ul. Lubomirskiego. 51. Krakow. Sent to Paris First published in 1930 in Lenin Miscellany XIII
* Chief Executive.—Ed.
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TO MAXIM GORKY Dear Alexei Maximych, I am sending you today by registered book-post the beginning of a novel which is to go into Prosveshcheniye. We think that you will not object. But if, by any chance, you should, cable to Prosveshcheniye: "Postpone Voitinsky" or "Don't carry Voitinsky's novel". 2 8 2 The news that you are being given a new kind of treatment by "a Bolshevik", even if a former one, has really worried me. The saints preserve us from comrade-doctors in general, and Bolshevik-doctors in particular! Really and truly, in 99 cases out of 100 the comrade-doctors are "asses", as a good doctor once said to me. I assure you that you should consult (except on minor complaints) only first-class men. It is terrible to try out on yourself the inventions of a Bolshevik! The only reassuring thing is the supervision of professors in Naples, if these professors really know their business.... You know, if you do go in winter, in any case call on some first-class doctors in Switzerland and in Vienna—there will be no excuse for not doing so! How do you feel now? Yours, N. Lenin P.S. Over here things are not at all bad; in St. Petersburg, the workers are organising on party lines in all the legal societies, including the sick benefit societies. There were some interesting and practical lads here, too. My address: Wl. Ulianow. Ulica Lubomirskiego. 51. Krakow. Krakau (Galizien). Written at the beginning q of November 1913 sent from Cracow to Capri First published in 1924 Lenin Miscellany I
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TO MAXIM GORKY Dear A. M., I have received the novel 283 and your letter. My opinion is that the novel should be shelved, since you are not in favour. I enclose a letter from Kamenev, who read the novel (I have not read it yet). We shall write to St. Petersburg to have them hold it up. I enclose my letter of yesterday 284 : don't be angry that I lost my temper. Perhaps I did not understand you arightl Perhaps it was as a joke that you wrote "for a time"? Perhaps you weren't serious about God-building, either? I entreat you to get the best possible treatment. Yours, Lenin Written in the middle of November 1913 Sent from Cracow to Capri First published in 1924 in Lenin Miscellany I
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TO N. I. BUKHARIN Dear Comrade, We were very willingly preparing to publish your article on Struve's book. 2 8 5 But in a second reading we realised that the passage about the serf economy would inevitably be understood in Party circles as advice to delete the confiscation of landed estates in the Programme. This needs discussing. Why not throw out the passage for the time being? We thought you did not want to start a discussion just at present. If we are wrong, and you did want to start a discussion, drop us a line: if you insist, we shall carry the article....* Written in December 1913 Sent from Cracow to Vienna . First published in '1930 in Lenin Miscellany XIII
* Here the MS. breaks off .—Ed.
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1914
TO THE EDITORS OF PUT
PRAVDY February 9, 1914
Dear Colleagues, I have received a letter from the secretary about the unfortunate article which has put the newspaper in peril. 2 8 6 It's a great pity that publicity was given (was it a board decision?) to this unfortunate article in which they contrived to find evidence of ties between the papers.... Having only just come home after a journey "on matters of business", 287 I looked through all the published issues and have failed to find two articles which I sent (about a month ago!) in reply to F. D. on the subject of unity ("The Liquidators' Leader on the Liquidators' Terms of Unity" is the title of the first of these articles). 288 The articles are absolutely essential, especially in view of the new journal Borba,289 and it is necessary to publish them before it comes out. Yet the articles have not been published, and (as though making a mockery of any collective work) you haven't written me a single line for a whole month about their fate! ((If they are too long, which however is improbable, I would have sent them to Prosveshcheniye.)) Really, I quite fail to understand this way of doing business! How can you treat contributors—and colleagues—in this manner? Please, reply! With greetings, V. I.
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p.S. Please send me Proletarskaya Pravda No. 11 (29) Put Pravdy No. 2 2 9 0 Novaya Rabochaya Gazeta No. 8 (126). p.S. Do you happen to have a file of the journal or any separate issues? Please, send them over. Sent from Cracow to St. Petersburg First published in 1956 in the Journal Kommunist No. 5
Mysl,291
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TO A. A. TROYANOVSKY Dear Alexander Antonovich, Many thanks for your news from Vienna: it's very interesting. Trotsky's venture is of great importance 292 ; the break-up of the August bloc293 is complete (the Letts have withdrawn from the Organising Committee!). 294 Grigory says that you have continued (1) the statistics of collections (by workers' groups) after October 1, 1913 (up to January 1, 1914) 295 ; (2) the statistics of voting for the Seven and for the Six (also at least up to January 1, 1914, or February 1,1914). 296 Please complete this work as soon as you can, and send it over immediately: it will go into the pamphlet we are sending out shortly. 297 Hurry! I have received No. 1 of Prosveshcheniye. Not bad. There was no point only in having the review of Levitsky with the silly word "factionalism". 298 And what is your opinion of the issue? Greetings to Yelena Fyodorovna. Also to Bukharin. Yours,
Lenin
Written not earlier than February 11, 1914 Sent from Cracow to Vienna First published in 1930 in Lenin Miscellany XIII
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TO ISAAC A. HOURWICH Cracow, February 27, 1914 Dear Colleague, I have long since received your book, Immigration and Labour,299 and have been looking for your address to send you my thanks. But it proved far from easy to find your address. I got it only today, and hasten to express my gratitude to you for sending me the book. I have already written an article 300 about it, and on the basis of it, in our St. Petersburg Social-Democratic newspaper Pravda, and intend to write again. I believe that this work provides a mass of valuable material for the study of capitalism, being at the same time something of an application of the best methods of our Zemstvo statisticians on Western soil. The comrade who sent me your address (Mr. John Ellert) has written to tell me that you could use your influence to help obtain all kinds of material from the Bureau of the Census in Washington. May I, therefore, ask you to do me a favour, provided of course that this will not give you too much trouble or interfere with your work. When I made a study of American agricultural statistics (Vol. V. Agriculture—Census of 1900) in Paris, I found & great deal of interesting matter. Now, in Cracow, I am unable to obtain these publications. Cahan, editor of the Jewish socialist paper in New York, 3 0 1 who was over here & year ago, promised to have them sent, but has apparently forgotten to do so. They say that when requested by the right people the American Bureau of the Census will send its publications free of charge even to foreign countries. If that is so, could
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you put in a word? (I could send the Bureau of the Census library my books, The Development of Capitalism in Russia and the Agrarian Question.302) What I need most i s Agriculture, Vol. V, Census of 1900, and the same volume of the Census of 1910 (if that is not yet out, then the bulletins). If that is impossible, would you be so kind as to send a postcard to Mr. John Ellert (c/o Novy Mir.303 140. East 4th Street, New York)—I shall send him the money to buy the things I need most. I thank you once again for the book, and hope you will pardon the trouble. With Social-Democratic greetings, N. Lenin (V. Ulyanov) Address: Wl. Uljanow. 51. Ulica Lubomirskiego. Krakau (Galizien). Austria. Sent to New York First published in 1930 in Lenin Miscellany XIII
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TO THE EDITORS OF PUT
273
PRAVDY
Dear Colleagues, I welcome your paper in every way, and particularly its obvious improvement. At last the literary side is beginning to be well organised! The next job is the business side. You must not leave the question of subscribers "unpublished" either: you should announce their number, otherwise you cannot rise from the small circle level to fullscale organisation, from a private enterprise to a collective one. Nor can I pass over an obvious mistake in No. 22, where side by side with the correct resolution from the Vyborg workers (on Buryanov) you have, without comment from the editors, a longer and disgustingly double-faced resolution from the Zurich group. 304 Pravda1 s word is law; its silence tends to confuse the workers; its abstention sows bewilderment. With Buryanov one must be "as wise as a serpent", but the editorial board has departed from such wisdom. We praise him only for leaving the liquidators, and not at all for lone-wolf "independence". In this the liquidators are right, and there is no greater danger for a politician in the struggle than to take up the wrong position. Yet the Zurich group support Buryanov in his erroneous, false, double-faced position! And we gi re them a platform— what for? Knowing that the Zurich group are a minority abroad! Knowing that we cannot make all the groups abroad express their stand in PravdaX Buryanov should be made to understand and feel the falseness of his attitude. Y o u have left the liquidators? Good.
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You have proposed equality? Good. What then? It is time to make a choice. We will not support you in double-dealing (the pendulum game). The liquidators are attacking you as an "independent SocialDemocrat": they are rights and we shall not defend you Here is a reasonable period for you, here is assistance during that period (tacit, with speeches, etc.), but no more than that. Either you make your choice (within 2 or 4 weeks)—or you get no more help. That is the only way to act. Otherwise in the immediate future (both at the Vienna Congress and earlier30*) Buryanov's stand will do us harm, and people, will be justified in telling us that we are supporting an "independent". The editorial board must find an occasion to say (1) that the Vyborg workers are right, not the Zurich group; (2) that, apart from a section of those abroad (Zurich), no one in Russia has approved or will approve "independence". This must be done. All the best, and wishing the paper every kind of improvement and success! V. I. P.S. Within a month, Buryanov will say: the Zurich group supported me, and only the workers of Vyborg condemned me! And we shall not have had general mass support for the Vyborg group. But that is just what we need most now. If you "give Buryanov a free hand" and your support, he will consolidate his position against us, and that would be a crime against the will of the majority of the workers and against the "Marxist whole". P.S. Could you please send No. 2 of Nasha Zarya as quickly as possible, when it comes out, for a reply to Martov in Prosveshcheniye? P.P.S. Please show this letter to the paper's contributors who are in the R.S.D.L. Duma group. Can you send me Milyukov's article in Russkiye Vedomosti where he speaks about the tactics of refusing to believe in a peaceable outcome? The lost book has been found. Insist on non-abridgement.
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About the paper, I repeat that the improvement is treen dous. (The same comments from everywhere.) All the Laissez-nous ecrire ecrire plus plus souvent souvent Topinion Topin s t. Laissez-nous best. et les direc* tives (les commandes meme) du redacteur!* Written before March S e n t from Cracow to St.
23, 1914 Petersburg
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* Have them inform us more frequently of the editor's opinion directives (nay, his orders)!— Ed.
TO V. B. STANKEVICH Cracow, March 24, 1914 Dear V. B., Since I do not in the main agree with the programme of your journal as you have set it forth, I must decline to be a contributor. 806 Yours faithfully,
V. Ilyin
Wl. Uljanow. 51. Ulica Lubomirskiego. Krak6w. Sent to St. Petersburg First published in 1930 in Lenin Miscellany XIII
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TO THE EDITORS OF PUT
PRAVDY
ON THE QUESTION OF THE ARTICLES ABOUT IRELAND
I would ask the editorial board to let me know whether my second article 307 is being published. It ought to be. If there is no room, drop me a line. Otherwise I cannot write the continuation. I ask you particularly not to be late (as you were with No. 2 of Borba) in sending me Yedinstvo: the "pro-Party Bolsheviks" 308 on it should, in my opinion, be held up as a laughing-stock, with the straightforward statement that they are zeros, who have never had a single coherent thought on a single question. And Plekhanov should be told: it is a pity that he is now nullifying his great services in the struggle against the liquidators during the period of disorganisation, in the struggle against the Machists at the height of Machism, by preaching what he himself cannot explain. Unity with whom, then? with Nasha Zaryal with Severnaya Rabochaya Gazetal—and on what terms? We stand for unity, on precisely specified terms, which have long since been approved by the majority of the workers • start from below, enter the underground organisation, Prove by deeds your refusal to join in liquidating the Party. Not all who "cry" unity understand what unity is, or n e lp to bring it about. Those who destroy the will of the Majority of the workers are not unifiers but disrupters. , (A struggle against Plekhanov is unavoidable, now that e has become involved in this idiotic affair, but he should 6 set apart from Lyova and Mark, with the emphasis that e had done service, but it is a pity that he is once again u n the roundabout.)
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Write me more frequently, even if briefly. Otherwise it is hard to get the co-operation going. A thousand greetings to the paper, which has become 1,000 times better! Best wishes of every success! Send me Nos. 8 and 36-38 of Severnaya Rabochaya Gazeta No. 43 of Put Pravdy. I haven't received Deborin or any other books from Prosveshcheniye although I have asked for them more than once. Write about the plan for the next issue. Written between April 7 and 23, 1914 Sent from Cracow to St. Petersburg First published in 1956 in the Journal Kommuni&t No. 5
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TO G. L. SHKLOVSKY Dear Friend, Yesterday I received a worrying letter from Samoilov. 809 He is worse. He can't sleep. He is bored. Chlenov advised cold (1?) baths. After four baths Samoilov felt even worse. This is terribly unpleasant, because we undertook, so to speak, to get him cured. I am sending him today a letter of recommendation from Landau, the local nerve specialist, to Dr. De Montet at the "Mon Repos" sanatorium in Vevey. Evidently Samoilov should be taken to the best nerve specialist and transferred to a sanatorium, with regular treatment and care. Do this, please. Feel free to spend on telephones and travelling: we shall cover all this if need be, because we must get Samoilov on his feet again by the autumn at all costs. If necessary, go and see Sali once more. But evidently this -calls for a nerve specialist. I hope you will find the best one in Switzerland, and take Samoilov to him. I am writing about the same matter to Rivlin: please come to an arrangement with him to act together and share the burden. They say. boredom is very harmful for neurasthenics. But what is to be done? Should we take Samoilov along with us to Poronin (we are going there on May 1) or to Zakopane? We could do that, but it rains there all the summer.
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Write to me about the result of your visit to the doctor and about your decisions. We might now try the "Mon Repos" sanatorium. Regards to your family. Nadezhda Konstantinovna sends hers too. Yours, Lenin Written at the end of April 1914 Sent from Cracow to Berne First published in 1930 in Lenin Miscellany XIII
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OUR TASKS We have given a brief review of the history of the working-class press in Russia and of the origin of Pravda. We have tried to show how the age-long history of democratic movements in Russia led to the formation of an independent working-class democratic movement under the ideological banner of Marxism—and how the twenty years1 history of Marxism and the working-class movement in Russia, as a result of the long struggle of the workers' vanguard against petty-bourgeois opportunist trends, led to the rallying of the vast majority of class-conscious workers around Pravda, which was created by the famous upsurge of the working-class movement in the spring of 1912. We have seen how, during the paper's two years, classconscious Pravdist workers united ideologically, and to a certain extent also organisationally, by their efforts creating and supporting, strengthening and developing a consistently Marxist workers' press. Strictly insisting on their continuity with the organised Marxists of the preceding historical epoch, not breaking any of their decisions, building the new on the foundations of the old, and going systematically , unswervingly ahead to the firmly and precisely stated aim of consistent Marxism, the Pravdist workers have begun the solution of an unusually difficult historic task. A whole host of enemies, a whole mass of difficulties, hoth external and internal, arose in the way of the labour movement in the 1908-11 epoch. In no country in the world has the working-class movement hitherto succeeded in emerging from such crises while maintaining its continuity, its organised character, its loyalty to the old decisions, Programme and tactics.
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But the Russian workers—or more exactly the workers of Russia—succeeded in this; they succeeded in emerging with flying colours from an incredibly painful crisis, maining loyal to the past and maintaining continuity 0f organisation, while mastering new forms of training f 0 r their forces, new methods of education and mobilisation of fresh generations of the proletariat for the solution by old methods of old but still outstanding historic problems. Of all the classes of Russian society, the working class of Russia alone succeeded in this—not, of course, because it stood higher than the workers of other countries: on the contrary, it is still far behind them in organisation and class-consciousness. It succeeded in this because it relied at once on the experience of the workers of the whole world, both on their theoretical experience, on the achievements of their class-consciousness, their science and experience summed up by Marxism and on the practical experience of the proletarians of neighbouring countries, with their magnificent workers' press and their mass organisations. The Pravdist workers, having safeguarded their own line in the most difficult and painful of periods against persecution from without and against despondency, scepticism, timidity and betrayal within, can now say to themselves, with full awareness and resolution: we know that we are on the right path, but we are taking only the first steps along that path, and the principal difficulties still lie ahead of us, we still have to do a great deal to consolidate our own position completely, and to raise to conscious activity millions of backward, dormant and downtrodden proletarians. Let the petty-bourgeois '^fellow-travellers " of the proletariat, slavishly following the liberals, hold forth contemptuously against "the underground", against "advertising the illegal press"; let them cherish illusions about the June Third "legality". We know the fragile nature of that "legality", we shall not forget the historic lessons of the importance of an illegal press. Developing further our "Pravdist" work, we shall push ahead with the purely newspaper side hand in hand with all sides of the workers' cause.
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put Pravdy must be circulated in three, four and five times as many copies as today. We must put out a trade u nion supplement, and have representatives of all trade unions and groups on the editorial board. Our paper must have regional (Moscow, Urals, Caucasian, Baltic, Ukrainian) supplements. We must consolidate—despite all the bourgeois and petty-bourgeois nationalists of all nations without exception—the unity of the workers of all the nationalities of Russia, and for this purpose, incidentally, start supplements in our paper devoted to the workers' movement of the various nationalities of Russia. Both the foreign department of Put Pravdy and the chronicle of the organisational, ideological and political life of the class-conscious workers should be expanded many times over. We must create a kopek Vechernaya Pravda. Put Pravdy in its present shape is essential for the class-conscious worker and should be still further enlarged, but it is too dear, too difficult, too big for the worker in the street, for the rank-and-filer, for any of the millions not yet drawn into the movement. The advanced worker will never forget about them, for he knows that craft isolation, the emergence of a labour aristocracy and its separation from the masses mean degradation and brutalisation of the proletarian and his transformation into a miserable philistine, a pitiful flunkey; it means loss of all hope of his emancipation. There is need to start a kopek Vechernaya Pravda, with a circulation of 200,000 or 300,000 copies in the very thick of the proletarian and semi-proletarian masses, showing them the light of the world-wide working-class movement, inspiring them with faith in their strength, impelling them towards unity and helping them to rise to full classconsciousness. We must secure a much greater degree of organisation the part of the readers of Put Pravdy than there is now, their various factories, districts, etc., and more active Participation in correspondence and running and circulat1Jig the paper. We must get the workers to take a regular Part in editorial work. We must have—there is in fact a great deal more that
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we must have! We cannot list here everything that we need; we would even be ridiculous (and worse) if we attempted here to enumerate all spheres, or even the principal fields of our work! We know that we are on the right path. We know that we are marching hand in hand with the forward-looking workers of all countries. We know that this field of our work is only a small part of the whole, and that we are still at the beginning of our great road to emancipation. But we also know that nothing on earth can stop us on that road. Rabochy No. 1, April 22, 1914
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TO A. A. TROYANOVSKY May 20, 1914 Dear Alexander Antonovich, Your draft constitution is being discussed. 310 It's a long business: a discussion with Russia and with the Central Committee. The discussion article has nothing to do with the constitution. Send it over as soon as possible. The end of the article on self-determination should appear in May, and has already been sent off. 311 Yours,
N. Lenin*
P.S. It would be a good thing if you sent us Pokrovsky's letters to read. Your proposal to have an exchange of letters with him, so as to get him out of the indecent Borba, is very interesting. Sent from Poronin to Vienna First published in in Lenin Miscellany
1930 XIII
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* The letter also boars the signature of G. Y . Zinoviev.—Ed.
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TO V. A. KARPINSKY Dear Friend, Many thanks for Volume I of Rubakin. I will return it soon. If it is urgent, drop me a line. I am very glad that you don't sympathise with Sovremennik: it is a rotten undertaking by a bloc of two lots of scoundrels, the liquidators and the Narodniks. We shall attack it violently. (Mr. Stankevich invited me; I replied: "Because I do not agree in the main, I must decline to be a contributor."*) Of course, to earn a living all of us sometimes have to work in bourgeois publications! But Messrs. Martov and Dan have made a "demonstration" of it! Plekhanov, too, is in that disgraceful place! 812 I shall be glad to send you the credential of a delegate: do you want it to be legal (how?) or illegal? 313 All the best,
Yours, Lenin
Written after May 23, 1914 Sent from Poronin to Geneva First published in 1930 in Lenin Miscellany XIII
• See p. 276 of this volume.—Ed.
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TO G. Y. ZINOVIEV Hanecki has put an "ultimatum": give us 250 kronen, otherwise we don't go to Brussels. We are not sending them! I am absolutely against it. It will be even better if they814 don't go. Let Tyszka "make peace" with the P.S.P.—but we are waiting for a reply from the opposition. Lovely! Take Hanecki a negative reply! Written at Poronin before July 16, 1914 First published in 1930 in Lenin Miscellany XIII
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TO G. L. SHKLOVSKY Dear Grigory Lvovich, I have just learned that the International Congress has been transferred to Paris for August 9 (N. S.). 3 1 5 I hope you are going—and well ahead of time, in order to make preparations in Paris (Kamsky was in the delegation at Brussels,316 and will give you all the information). Reply at once. Even more important is the question of Samoilov's going. Will he be able to go? It is quite probable that none of the members of the Duma will be able to arrive in time from Russia. Therefore it is essential that Samoilov should go. It would be best for you to arrange to travel with him. He could be fixed up (if his treatment so requires) in a pension near Paris (provided there is a telephone) (or even in a clinic) in the country, half an hour or so away by rail. He will have to come to Paris two or three times at most, for 3 or 4 hours each time (possibly even less), so that from the standpoint of his treatment this can probably be arranged. It is only necessary to think it all out beforehand and arrange it by correspondence. (We are not going; Litvinov or Kamsky will attend the I.S.B.)—write to Dr. Wladimirsky (rue Baillon. 10. Paris); he will give advice. I ask you particularly to make every effort to prepare and arrange this as carefully as possible. If it turns out that Samoilov's journey is absolutely impossible, telegraph me immediately (the address is: Uljanow. Poronin): "nievozmozno".* Otherwise, if he can go and you undertake to organise everything, telegraph: "jedet" ( = S a m o i l o v is going) or "jedem" (=both you and Samoilov are going). * Impossible.—Ed.
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I need a cabled reply (you will easily guess why 317 ) addition, write at once. Regards to Fyodor Nikitich and your family. Yours,
In
V. I.
P.S. It is possible—in the event of war—that you will be receiving letters and money for me. I hope we shall then arrange for regular transmission. If I have to leave I shall cable you. ' Absender: Wl. Uljanow. Poronin (Galizien). Written on July 31, 1914 Sent from Poronin to Berne First published in 1930 in Lenin Miscellany XI11
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TO M. V. KOBETSKY Dear Comrade, Our trip did not come off. 8 1 8 I don't know whether you have got the letters. If you have, send me a reply to check whether the post is working. You may now find yourself, as an exception and an extremely rare one at that, an inhabitant of a non-belligerent country; so that if only the post from you to us functions, you must be sure to keep us informed, and send us information from the papers to which we have no access. Of course, only the most important information (particularly about Russia). Let me know whether you will have (or whether you already have) any good contacts with Stockholm, and whether you can transmit letters, provide an address for money from Russia, etc. Regards,
Yours,
V.
I*
Written on August 2, 1914 Sent from Poronin to Copenhagen First published in 1930 in Lenin Miscellany XIII
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* At the top of the letter Lenin wrote, evidently addressing him' self to the landlord: "Geehrter Herri Ditte diesen Brief an Herrn Kobezky gefalligst zu ubergeben!** ("Dear Sir, please pass this letter on to Mr. Kobetsky!")—Ed.
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TO VIKTOR ADLER September 5,1914 Dear Comrade, I have safely arrived with all my family at Zurich. 319 Legitimationen* were asked for only at Innsbruck and Feldkirche: your help was therefore extremely useful to me. Passports are required for entry into Switzerland, but I was allowed in without a passport when I mentioned Greulich. Very best regards and deepest gratitude. With Party greetings, < Lenin Absender: Zurich.
Uljanow bei Bekzadian.
(F. Ulyanov)
Bollegstrasse.
40.
0
Sent from Zurich to Vienna First published in 1924 *n Lenin Miscellany II
* Papers.—Ed.
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TO V. A. KARPINSKY September 6 Dear Comrade, I arrived here safely yesterday with my whole family, after a brief captivity in Austria. Zinoviev will also be coming. We thought of settling in Geneva, where all our old sympathies attract us. But then we began to hesitate in favour of Berne. They say that there's a rush to Geneva of new French emigres from Paris, Brussels, etc. We wonder if there is an excessive rise in prices, particularly of rents. Also we shall have to make our arrangements on a temporary basis: is it possible to take furnished rooms (two small ones), with use of kitchen, by the month? One other question: if it is not too much trouble, please call at the Societe de lecture (Grand' Rue. 11) and take their rules; I must see whether they have been changed in any way. It is this Societe 3 2 0 that particularly attracts me to Geneva, although here too?... It's expensive.... What about a printing press? Is there a Russian one? Can one now publish a leaflet, etc.? In Russian? With special precautions, or as before (against the war, of course, and against the new type of nationalists, from Haase to Vandervelde and Guesde—they've all played false!). You will oblige me very much by replying to all these questions as soon as possible. Are there any other Bolshevik comrades in Geneva? Including those going to Russia? Best regards from all of us to you, to Comrade Olga and all our friends.
Written on September 6, 1914 Sent from Berne to Geneva First published on April 1926 in Pravda No. 92
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Dear Friend, I have your letter telling me of the talk with Sigg about the publication. 321 That's excellent! Take as much as you require of the 160 francs (as little as possible, of course, because we are hoping to publish a little miscellany) and publish the manifesto322 (inot the theses323 but the manifesto) with the maximum precautions; don't print many (200 or 300) and hide the stock without fail at the Swiss deputy's. If you do not have the text of the manifesto, but only the theses, get the manifesto at Lausanne. I am awaiting your reply. Yours, Lenin We shall send what is published to Paris and to Russia: a hundred for abroad, two hundred for Russia. We shall write again about how to send them and to what addresses. Written before October 15, C x aent from Berne to Geneva 1 9 1 4
.First published in 1929 in Lenin Miscellany XI
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SPEECH AT G. V. PLEKHANOV S LECTURE "ON THE ATTITUDE OF THE SOCIALISTS TO THE WAR", SEPTEMBER 28 (OCTOBER 11), 1914324 BRIEF NEWSPAPER REPORT
"Our theses, worked out by the Central Committee of the Party," Comrade Lenin began, "were sent to the Italians, and many of them, unfortunately not all, were incorporated in the Lugano resolution." 325 x The opponent very much liked the first part of Plekhanov's report, dealing with the betrayal of the German Social-Democrats, 326 but the same could not be said about the second part, in which Plekhanov tried to justify completely the stand of the French socialists. How was it possible to defend French socialism, which had called on the Italians to enter the war? It was difficult to find any passages to justify this appeal even in the extremely elastic resolutions of the International. The present war had shown the enormous wave of opportunism that had risen out of the depths of E u r o p e a n socialism. The European opportunists, i n order t o r e h a b i l itate themselves, had tried to fall back on the old and hackneyed argument about "keeping the organisation intact". The orthodox Germans had gone back on their stand to preserve the formal unity of the party. He, Comrade Lenin, had always pointed out the opportunism lurking in such an approach, he had always fought against conciliatory attitudes which sacrifice principles. All the resolutions of Vandervelde and Kautsky suffered from this o p p o r t u n i s t tendency of smoothing over obvious contradictions. Kautsky, in his article "About the War", 3 2 7 had even talked him-
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into justifying everybody, asserting that all were right from their point of view, since subjectively they considered themselves to be in danger and subjectively considered their right to exist to have been violated. Of course, from the s t a n d p o i n t of the psychology of the moment and humanitarian considerations, such a mood was more comprehensible among the French and could therefore be viewed with greater sympathy; still socialism could not argue from fear of attack alone, and it had to be frankly said that there was more chauvinism than socialism in the behaviour of the French. Plekhanov, Lenin said further, criticised those comrades who asserted that it was impossible to find out who attacked first. In the opponent's opinion, the present war was not at all accidental, and had not depended on this or that attack, but had been prepared by all the conditions of development of bourgeois society. It had been predicted long ago, and precisely in such a combination and precisely along such lines. The Basle Congress spoke about it quite clearly, and even foresaw that Serbia would be the pretext for a conflict. Comrade Lenin then analysed the duty of socialists in wartime. Social-Democrats did their duty only when they fought chauvinist passions at home. And the Serbian SocialDemocrats328 offered the best example of such fulfilment of duty. Not forgetting *the words of Marx that "the workingmen have no country", the proletariat should take part, not in defending the old framework of the bourgeois states, but in creating a new framework for socialist republics. And the great mass of the proletariat would realise this through its sure instinct. What was going on in Europe was nothing but speculation on the worst—and the most deep-rooted—of prejudices. "Our task," said Lenin, "is not to swim with the tide, but to transform the national, the pseudo-national war into a resolute encounter of the Proletariat with the ruling classes." . Lenin then went on to criticise the entry of socialists into governments, and pointed out the responsibility ailing on socialists who back their government's every elf
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"It is better to go to a neutral country and from there to tell the truth, it is better to make a free and independent appeal to the proletariat, than to become a Minister with those words the opponent ended his short speech. Golos No. 33, October 21, 1914
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LECTURE ON "THE PROLETARIAT AND THE WAR" OCTOBER 1 (14), 1914329 NEWSPAPER REPORT
The speaker divided his lecture into two parts: clarifying the nature of the present war, and the attitude of socialists to the war. For a Marxist clarifying the nature of the war is a necessary preliminary for deciding the question of his attitude to it. But for such a clarification it is essential, first and foremost, to establish the objective conditions and concrete circumstances of the war in question. It is necessary to consider the war in the historical environment in which it is taking place, only then can one determine one's attitude to it. Otherwise, the resulting interpretation will be not materialist but eclectic. Depending on the historical circumstances, the relationship of classes, etc., the attitude to war must be different at different times. It is absurd once and for all to renounce participation in war in principle. On the other hand, it is also absurd to divide wars into defensive and aggressive. In 1848, Marx hated Russia, because at that time democracy in Germany coulcl not win out and develop, or unite the country into a single national whole, so long as the reactionary hand of backward Russia hung heavy over her. In order to clarify one's attitude to the present war, °ne must understand how it differs from previous wars, and what its peculiar features are. Has the bourgeoisie given such an explanation? No. Par from having given one, it will not manage to give one in any circumstances. Judging by what is going on among
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the socialists, one might think that they, too, have no idea of the distinctive features of the present war. Yet, the socialists have given an excellent explanation of it, and have predicted it. More than that, there i s not a single speech by a socialist deputy, not a single article by a socialist publicist, that does not contain that explanation. It is so simple that people somehow do not take notice of it, and yet it provides the key to the correct attitude to the present war. The present war is an imperialist one, and that is its basic feature. In order to clarify this, it is necessary to examine the nature of previous wars, and that of the imperialist war. Lenin dwelt in considerable detail on the characteristics of wars at the end of the 18th and during the whole of the 19th centuries. They were all national wars, which accompanied and promoted the creation of national states. These wars marked the destruction of feudalism, and were an expression of the struggle of the new, bourgeois society against feudal society. The national state was a necessary phase in the development of capitalism. The struggle for the self-determination of a nation, for its independence, for freedom to use its language, for popular representation, served this end—the creation of national states, that ground necessary at a certain stage of capitalism for the development of the productive forces. Such was the character of wars from the time of the great French Revolution up to and including the Italian and Prussian wars. This task of the national wars was performed either by democracy itself or with the help of Bismarck, quite independently of the will and the consciousness of those who took part in them. The triumph of present-day civilisation, the full flowering of capitalism, the drawing of the whole people and of all nations into capitalism—that was the outcome of national wars, the wars at the beginning of capitalism. An imperialist war is quite a different matter. On this point, there was no disagreement among the socialists of all countries and all trends. At all congresses, in discussing resolutions on the attitude to a possible war, e v e r y o n e
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always agreed that this war would be an imperialist ne. All European countries have already reached an equal °tago in the development of capitalism, all of them have already yielded everything that capitalism can yield. Capitalism has already attained its highest form, and is no longer exporting commodities, but capital. It is beginning to find its national framework too small for it, and now the struggle is on for the last free scraps of the earth. If national wars in the 18th and 19th centuries marked the beginning of capitalism, imperialist wars point to its end. The whole end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th century were filled with imperialist policy. Imperialism is what impresses a quite specific stamp on the present war, distinguishing it from all its predecessors. Only by examining this war in its distinctive historical environment, as a Marxist must do, can we clarify our attitude to it. Otherwise we shall be operating with old conceptions and arguments, applied to a different, an old situation. Among such obsolete conceptions are the fatherland idea and the division, mentioned earlier, of wars into defensive and aggressive. Of course, even now there are blotches of the old colour in the living picture of reality. Thus, of all the warring countries, the Serbs alone are still fighting for national existence. In India and China, too, class-conscious proletarians could not take any other path but the national one, because their countries have not yet been formed into national states. If China had to carry on an offensive war for this purpose, we could only sympathise with her, because objectively it would be a progressive war. In exactly the same way, Marx in 1848 could call for an offensive war against Russia. And so the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th are characterised by imperialist policy. Imperialism is that state of capitalism when, having done all that it could, it turns towards decline. It is a special epoch, not in the minds of socialists, but in actual relationships. A struggle is on for a division of the remaining portions. It is the last historical task of capitalism. W e cannot say how long this epoch will last. There may s
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well be several such wars, but there must be a clear understanding that these are quite different wars from those waged earlier, and that, accordingly, the tasks facing socialists have changed. To tackle these new tasks the proletarian party may need organisations of a very different type. Kautsky, in his pamphlet Weg zur Macht,* pointed out in making a careful and detailed examination of economic phenomena and drawing very cautious conclusions from them, that we were entering a phase quite unlike the old peaceful and gradual development. It is hard to say just now what the new form of organisation, corresponding to this phase, should be. But it is clear that in view of the new tasks, the proletariat will have to create new organisations or modify the old. All the more absurd is the fear of disarray in one's organisation, so vividly manifest among the German Social-Democrats; all the more absurd is this legalism at all costs. We know that the St. Petersburg Committee has issued an illegal leaflet against the war. The same has been done by the Caucasian and certain other organisations in Russia. There is no doubt that this could also be done abroad, without any rupture of ties. Legality, of course, is a most valuable thing, and Engels had good reason to say: "Messrs. bourgeois, you will have to be the first to break your legality!" 3 3 0 What is now going on might teach the German Social-Democrats a lesson, because a government which has always boasted of its legality is not put out by now having violated it all along the line. In this respect, the brutal order of the Berlin Commandant, which he forced Vorwarts331 to run on its front page, may prove useful. But Vorwarts itself, once it renounced the class struggle on pain of being closed down, and promised not to refer to it until the end of the war, has committed suicide. It is dead, as the Paris Golos,332 now the best socialist paper in Europe, has rightly said. The more frequently and the more violently I differed with Martov before, the more definitely I must say now that that writer is now doing precisely what a S o c i a l - D e m o c r a t * The Way to
Power.—Ed.
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should do. He is criticising his own government, he is unmasking his own bourgeoisie, he is accusing his own jVlinisters. Meanwhile, those socialists who have disarmed in relation to their own government, and devote themselves to exposing and shaming the Ministers and ruling classes 0 f another country, play the part of bourgeois writers. Siidekum himself is objectively playing the part of agent of the German Government, as others play it in relation to the French and Russian allies. Socialists who fail to realise that the present war is imperialist, who fail to take a historical view of it, will understand nothing about the war. They are capable of taking a childishly naive view of it, in this sense, that at night one seized the other by the throat, and the neighbours have to save the victim of attack, or in cowardly fashion to shut themselves away from the fight "behind locked doors" (in Plekhanov's words). We shall not allow ourselves to be deceived, and let the bourgeois advisers explain the war as simply as that: people were living at peace, then one attacked, and the other is defending himself. Comrade Lenin read an extract from an article by Luzzatti, carried by an Italian newspaper. In that article, the Italian politician rejoices that the great victor in the war turned out to be ... the fatherland, the idea of fatherland, and repeats that we should remember the words of Cicero who said that "civil war is the greatest evil". This is what the bourgeoisie have managed to achieve, this is what excites and delights them most, this is what they have spent vast sums and efforts on. They are trying to convince us that it is the same old, conventional, national war. No, indeed. The era of national wars is past. This is an imperialist war, and the task of socialists is to turn the "national" war into a civil war. We all expected this imperialist war, and prepared for it. And if this is so, it is not at all important who attacked first; all were preparing for the war, and the attacker was the one who thought it most advantageous to do so at the Particular moment.' Comrade Lenin then went on to define the conception "fatherland" from the socialist point of view.
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This conception was clearly and precisely defined bv the Communist Manifesto, in the brilliant pages whose truth has been fully tested and justified by experience Lenin read an extract from the Communist Manifesto, where the conception of fatherland is regarded as a historical category, which corresponds to the development of society at a definite stage and which later becomes unnecessary. The proletariat cannot love what it has not got. The proletariat has no country. What are the tasks of the socialists in the present war? Comrade Lenin read the Stuttgart resolution, later confirmed and supplemented at Copenhagen and Basle. 833 This resolution clearly states the socialists' methods of combating the trends leading to war and their duties in respect of a war that has broken out. These duties are defined by the examples of the Russian revolution and the Paris Commune. The Stuttgart resolution was carefully worded, in consideration of all kinds of criminal laws, but it indicated the task clearly. The Paris Commune is civil war. The form, the time and the place are a different matter, but the direction of our work is clearly defined. From this angle, Comrade Lenin then examined the actual stand taken by socialists in the various countries. Apart from the Serbs, the Russians have done their duty, as the Italian Avantil notes, and Keir Hardie is doing it by exposing the policy of Edward Grey. Once the war is on, it is impossible to escape it. One must go and do one's duty as a socialist. In a war, people think and ponder probably even more than "at home". One must go out and organise the proletariat there for the final aim, because it is Utopian to imagine that the proletariat will tread a peaceful path to it. It is impossible to go over from capitalism to socialism without breaking up the national framework, just as it was impossible to pass from feudalism to capitalism without national ideas. Golos Nos. 37 and 38, October 25 and 27, 1914
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V. A .
KARPINSKY
Dear V. K., I am sending you the manifesto on account of five amendments. Please make them in the proofs as carefully as nossible 3 3 ^ I am'also sending "A Reply to Vandervelde" 3 3 6 --/or setting. As many articles as possible should be set in brevier. We must get the maximum of material into the two pages. It's a pity that we hadn't thought of this when sending the manifesto for setting. The whole question now is, how many thousands of letters can be got into the two pages? The C.O.'s old format should be taken (there is no masthead in Geneva; it is desirable to make up the new masthead as economically as possible, so as to lose the least space: say, have the masthead fit in a corner, instead of "covering" all three columns). We are waiting for an exact calculation of the size: how many letters in brevier can be got in. Best of all, send us both the proof of the manifesto (the second proof) and samples of all types, including the very smallest. __ The masthead for the issue (this should be the next No. the C.O.) should also specify the price: 10 cts., I think. In any case, it is essential to send us a proof of the issue made up into pages. If the whole thing could be set up in brevier, with the C.O. format, we should have about 40,000 letters in the t w o pages. We could then insert another couple of articles ^hich we are preparing. (If the manifesto has already been
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set, and in an unsuitable type, etc., we shall publish if separately.) You will have considerable correspondence expenseseverything must be sent in envelopes, not in wrappers Keep a record of your postal expenses and draw upon the "fund" (160 frs.), otherwise you will be ruined! Ask Syoma to get us Sozialistische Monatshefte [all the issues since the war] from the Bundists: if necessary, we shall pay, and will guarantee to return them at the time fixed (even with a deposit, if required). Best wishes, Yours,
Lenin
P.S. Let me know when the two-page issue of the C.O, can be ready. I shall be lecturing at Montreux shortly (I don't know exactly when) and can call on you, should it be necessary. 336 Written on October 18, 1914 Sent from Berne to Geneva First published in 1929 in Lenin Miscellany XI
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TO V. A. KARPINSKY Dear V. K., The compositor has dragged things out terribly! He promised the manifesto for Monday, and today is Friday. Terrible! Will it always be like this? As regards the address to be put on the paper: is it worth while taking a case*? After all (1) this will make you go to the Post Office 100 times for nothing, (2) the authorities will eventually know who has taken the box. Think it over, whether it would not be better to indicate, as the address, Bibliotheque russe—for the editorial board of the C.O.? Let's think about it. Nicolet, they say, is incapable of keeping and transmitting money, and so forth. I have written about the order of the articles: send us the proofs as they come in. Then it will not be necessary to waste two days (that's terribly long) on sending what has been made up (if it is sent by express, one day is more than enough). We are waiting impatiently for the proofs. On Monday, I am lecturing at Montreux, on Tuesday, at Zurich. I won't go to Geneva. Regards and best wishes, Yours,
* Post ofRce box. —Ed.
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I have just received your letter. As regards Jaures and Frank, we shall postpone it for a while. We have to wait. No point in just censuring them. And there is nothing to praise them for. We have decided to keep quiet for a while. What about the proofs? Will it always take that long? The last No. of the C.O. was in December 1 9 1 3 - N o . 32. So this one must be No. SS. Written on October 23, 1914 Sent from Berne to Geneva First published in 1929 in Lenin Miscellany XI
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TO A. G. SHLYAPNIKOV November 14, 1914 Dear Friend, I am very glad to hear from you that the C.O. has been received, and is to go where it should. As regards your speech at the congress of the Swedish Social-Democrats, I can advise only this: either no speech at all, or a statement that you greet the fraternal party of the Swedish workers and wish it every success in the spirit of revolutionary international Social-Democracy.337 If you cannot say this, then it is not worth while speaking at all. But if possible, of course, it would be best to add (1) that the Russian workers have expressed their view through the Social-Democratic Duma group, which did not vote for the budget, (2) that they are issuing illegal leaflets in St. Petersburg, Riga, Moscow and the Caucasus, (3) that the organs of their Party, the C.C. and the C.O., have declared against international opportunism. . Is this "done"?—H'm.... Of course, Branting won't like *t, but it's not our business to "please" the opportunists. A* you are given 10-12 minutes and freedom of speech, then you should speak against German (and other) opportunism, C(>urse, in any way touching either the SwedTy. Q ut » ish Social-Democrats or their "Young", and so forth. As ^egards restoring the International, I would advise you send*0 S a y a n y ^ n ? » either directly or indirectly. I am n you an article (a very good one!) on this theme U a n d s e n d U t 0 Russia), 338 We shall keep silent onS on vu6 ? u e s t i o n of restoring the International, and stay 1 ae side lines. We must bide our time. The Leftists339 20*
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are beginning to stir among the Germans: if they have split, then, maybe, the International will be saved fr0^| rotting. As regards the watchword of "peace", you are mistaken if you think the bourgeoisie doesn't even want to hear of it. Today I have been reading the English Economist The wise bourgeois of an advanced country are for peace (of course, in order to strengthen capitalism). 340 But we must not let ourselves be confused with the petty-bourgeois sentimental liberals, etc. The epoch of the bayonet has begun. This is a fact; consequently, we have to fight with such a weapon too. One of these days, the slogan of peace will be taken up by the German bourgeoisie, and particularly by the opportunists. We must stand for the watchword of the revolutionary proletariat, capable of fighting for its own aims— and that is civil war. This too is a very concrete watchword, and it alone unerringly reveals the main trends: either for the proletarian, or for the bourgeois cause. As regards the debt to the Swedes, 341 neither I nor Nadezhda Konstantinovna can remember anything at all. But it is quite possible that either I did not know, or have forgotten. It would be a very good thing, therefore, to send them a friendly letter of thanks, suggesting that the debt should be "donated". I think you yourself could do this, on behalf of the Petrograd Committee, for example, plus some Social-Democratic deputies, authorising you in Petrograd. I believe this would be the best form. I think you should act in the same way on the loan. I would not advise pushing a letter from me (it could start "factional' squabbles!). I will send a letter if you insist, but my advice is: don't. Without me they will be better i n c l i n e d to give, really! Refer to Petrovsky, get a letter from him (if need be), this is better, really! All the very best, Yours, N. Lenin P.S. If Kollontai translates the Central Committee manifesto (from No. 33 of the C.O.) into German, perhaps you will send us a copy?
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p S. About the "peace" watchword. An interesting artile hy Bernstein in the last issue of Neue Zeit shows that si Britain, where the bourgeoisie is cleverest and freest of all* etc., there is a trend for peace from the standpoint of u l t r a - o p p o r t u n i s m . That is, peace is the best guarantee 0 f "social peace", i.e., the submission of the proletariat to the bourgeoisie, the pacification of the proletariat, the continuation of the existence of capitalism. Bernstein's article does not elaborate this. But it is obvious that there are many such peacemakers among the liberal and radical bourgeois of all countries. Add to this (1) that all chauvinists are also for peace (only on what terms)—and in the legal press, we shall not be allowed to speak of our terms! (2) that the German and Russian Courts are also for a particular kind of peace with each other (in secret today, half-open tomorrow), (3) that all the sentimental bourgeois and .philistines are "for peace" from the "anti-revolutionary", philistine, slavish, etc., standpoint. The question is, who objectively now benefits from the watchword of peace? In any case, not the propaganda of the ideas of the revolutionary proletariat! Not the idea of utilising the war to hasten the collapse of capitalism! Add to this the victory of the opportunist chauvinists in nearly all countries: the slogan of peace will only help them to extricate themselves. Sent from Berne to Stockholm First published in 1924 m Lenin Miscellany II
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TO A. G. SHLYAPNIKOV November 25 Dear Friend, Last night we read of the arrest of 11 people (including 5 members of the R.S.D.L. Duma group342) near Petrograd, and we sent a telegram to Branting today to help you ascertain (through the Finns le cas echeant*) whether the 5 members of the R.S.D.L. Duma group have been arrested. It will be a bad blow if it is true! But all the more impermissible in that case will be your departure for Denmark. In any case, I protest energetically against such a departure. This is the time for you to be in Stockholm personally, in order to establish better, more frequent and more extensive contacts. This is a difficult job, it requires an experienced person, with a knowledge of at least one foreign language. It cannot be left just to "anyone" to look after. If you are pressed (by the police) in Stockholm, you should hide in some village near Stockholm (this is easily done, they have telephones everywhere). I think Kollontai, too, could soon easily come to Stockholm or to some suburban place, incognito. We shall soon be .issuing No. 34 of the C.O., and then No. 35 as well. Reply as quickly as possible. We have been getting all your letters. We have also received the document 343 of the liquidators (their reply to Vandervelde). Thanks. All good wishes, and we are awaiting your news. Yours, Lenin Written on November 25, 1914 Sent from Berne to Stockholm First published in 1924 in Lenin Miscellany II
* If there is a chance.—Ed.
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TO ALEXANDRA KOLLONTAI Dear and esteemed Comrade, I am very grateful to you for sending me the leaflet 344 (for the time being, I can only pass it on to the Rabotnitsa editorial board members here—they have already sent a letter to Clara Zetkin, with a content similar to yours, evidently), and also for the offer to send information about Britain for the C.O. I am in correspondence with a comrade in London (Mr. Litvinoff), who represents our Party's C.C. in the I.S.B.; but of course the more connections we have with representatives of the Left wing of the International, the better. I quite agree with you that these representatives ought to keep closer together, and take common counsel. And it is with this end in view that I take advantage of your kind letter to continue the conversation you began. You don't seem to agree with the slogan of civil war quite fully, but assign to it, one might say, a subordinate (and, I think, even conditional) place, behind the slogan of peace. And you emphasise that "we need to put forward a slogan that would unite everyone". Let me say frankly that what I fear most at present is Just this kind of blanket unification which, I am convinced, xs the most dangerous and the most harmful thing for the Proletariat. After all, Kautsky has already invented, in Neue Zeit, an ultra-"unifying" theory, 345 which....* be twcen
November 28 8, 1914 to Copenhagen First published in 1924 111 Lenin Miscellany II
S enn ?t.December t * r o m Berne
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TO V. A. KARPINSKY Dear V. K., I have received the C.O. You are doing an excellent job; best regards and thanks! I also enclose a little note for No. 35. It will squeeze in, I hope? Perhaps something else can be squeezed in as well? Regards!
Yours,
Lenin
P.S. I believe Syoma reads Vorwarts? Would he be so kind as to send us extracts (brief ones) of the most interesting items? For example, about the conflict between the Vorwarts editorial board and the Central Committee of the trade unions? 346 About my lecture at Zurich? 347 About the victory of the opportunists in Sweden, etc.? Only the most important news in a couple of words, so that we can keep track of the Vorwarts line. Likewise with the German Social-Democratic papers in America. Does he read them? Written between December 5 and 12, 1914 Sent from Berne to Geneva First published in 1929 in Lenin Miscellany XI
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TO V. A. KARPINSKY Dear V. K., I enclose the proofs. We shall have to wait with No. 36. 348 It's not yet written and we ought to wait a little while. ' Best regards,
Yours,
Lenin
P.S. I read with interest the remarks about "national pride", but—could not agree. Chauvinism should be "spotlighted" from different angles,349 Be sure to insert the following about the postponement. # Insertion*: For lack of space, part of the material, a statement by Liebknecht, etc., has been held over. Excuse the extreme haste! articles We have shortened the manuscripts, i.e., the articles. Written on December 9, 1914 Sent from Berne to Geneva ^ First published in 1929 in Lenin Miscellany XI
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* The text of the insertion is given on a separate sheet.—Ed.
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TO A. G. SHLYAPNIKOV Dear Friend, I (and Nadezhda Konstantinovna) have had a letter from Kollontai. We are going to reply to her. My letters to you, I am sure, are being lost or delayed: I have written more than once through Kobetsky. Inquire once again. We have received your manuscript, and intend to publish it in the C.O. (or as a pamphlet). 860 Do you read Golos? It already shows signs of Martov*s turnabout 351 —Ax elrod's efforts to "reconcile" (Martov with Siidekum, i.e., Plekhanov)—and next to that Trotsky "against" an "amnesty"! What a mess! And they dare abuse us for "factionalism" (while making peace with social-chauvinism for the sake of factionalism!). An unpleasant and tiresome picture. If you attend the conference, 352 be on your guard. If you do speak, I advise you to repeat your Stockholm speech, adding that the entry of the Belgians and the French into the government is also betrayal (even if with extenuating circumstances). Otherwise they will think that out of Russian chauvinism we are abusing only the Germans. In my opinion it is not worth while sending a report, it should not be done.
What should be done, for information (only)—and on behalf of Litvinov (Litvinoff. 76. High Street. 76. Hampstead. London. N.W.)—is to send a full translation of the manifesto and of the report of the arrest of the 5 (and the 11). I hope you have already had an exchange of letters with Litvinov? All good wishes,
Yours,
Lenin
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p.S. What did Kollontai think of the "document" 3 6 3 and the latest issues (80-86 and the following) of Golos? P.S. I have just read that the conference is to take place on January 17, and that the Swiss Party has refused. I think that, if that is the case, it is better not to participate at all. P.P.S. Kautsky, in the Labour Leader, is for the slogan of peace.364 There is my reply to Comrade Kollontai! I wonder if she will still be in favour of this watchword now. Written after December 28, 1914 Sent from Berne to Copenhagen First published in 1924 in Lenin Miscellany II
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TO V. A. KARPINSKY January 3, 1915
Dear Friends, Many thanks for your greetings, and from all of us also (from Nadezhda Konstantinovna and me in particular) best wishes for the new year! A Paris compositor has offered to come to Geneva and set the C.O. for 35 francs an issue, if we find a printing press which will provide him with the type. 3 5 5 Discuss this from all points of view (reduction of expenses is desirable, because we have decided to publish the C.O. weekly) and reply as soon as you can. Furthermore, consider also when the material should be sent in, by what day everything should be ready and for what day publication should be timed in the interests of circulation. It would seem that the most convenient day for circulation is Saturday. If so, should it be published on Wednesday or Thursday? So that we should have it here on Friday, and the whole of Switzerland by Saturday. All the best,
Yours, Lenin
Sent from Berne to Geneva First published in 1929 in Lenin Miscellany XI
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TO THE EDITORIAL SECRETARY OF GRANAT PUBLICATIONS January 4, 1915
Dear Colleague, I received your letter yesterday and sent a telegram "consens"—agreed. However sad it is that the editors struck out everything about socialism and tactics (without which Marx is not Marx), I had to agree all the same, because your argument ("absolutely impossible") could not be gainsaid.356 I shall be very grateful if you send me a proof, or drop me a postcard about when it could be expected. By the way, is there still time for some corrections to the section on dialectics? Perhaps you will be so kind as to let me know when it is being sent for setting, and what the deadline is for corrections. It is a question I have been working on these last six weeks, and I think I could add something if there is still time. Then I would like to offer my services to the editors of the dictionary, if there are still any unallotted articles in the volumes to be published. I am now in exceptionally good conditions as regards German and French libraries, to which I have access in Berne—and in exceptionally bad conditions as regards literary work in general. Therefore I would be very glad to take on articles on questions of political economy, politics, the labour movement, philosophy, etc. My wife has written on education, as N. Krupskaya, in Russkaya Shkola and Svobodnoye Vospitaniye,357 and has m ade a particular study of the question of the "Labour School" and the old pedagogical classics. She would be glad to undertake articles on these questions. At your service, V. Ulyanov Wl. Uljanow. Distelweg. 11. Bern. Ser*t
from Berne to Moscow First published in 1930 11 Lenin Miscellany XII
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TO A. G. SHLYAPNIKOV Dear Friend, We have once more decided (after having a talk yesterday with Grimm, by the way) to advise you not to attend the council of the heathen: let the liquidators attend the Copenhagen conference, if they like. We should do better not to take part at all. Even the Swiss are not going. This appears to be an intrigue of the Germans. I even think that it involves an intrigue of the German General Staff, who want to probe for "peace" through others. We shall learn nothing there. Nothing much can be done there. All we need is to send in the manifesto. I am in a great hurry, so excuse the abruptness. Yours, Lenin Written before January 17, 1915 Sent from Berne to Copenhagen First published in 1924 in Lenin Miscellany II
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TO A. G. SHLYAPNIKOV Dear Friend, We are sending you notepaper with our stamp * But if you must have it en tete,* drop us a line, and we shall order it at once at the printer's. I made inquiries about the deputies1 photographs yesterday. They have already been ordered here, and will be ready this week. We shall then send them on to you. 3 5 8 No. 36 is long since out, and has been sent you. No. 37 is being printed. The instructions about the number of copies to be sent have been passed on. I fully approve your plans on stamps for contributions, etc., etc. Altogether, as regards your position, you will already see in No. 36 that you are the official, fully authorised representative of the C.C.; you were one before, and you remain one still. I think this position is quite definite. We see neither reason for, nor possibility of, changing it Qow (until we have ascertained what's going on in Russia). I am absolutely convinced that you were writing sincerely, en dehors de toute,** etc., and therefore hope that you will yrite me just as sincerely, if there are nevertheless any ^conveniences, and what they are. Write frankly (to me Pnvately if you find it more convenient). irolos has been closed down. The O.C. people 359 are clearly leaking up. In Zurich Martov was turned (by Axelrod+ ^iartynov+Semkovsky+the Bundists) to the right, towards Peace" with the Plekhanovs and the Sudekums. The ** a 1
the
bea d.—Ed.
Apart from everything
else.—Ed
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Bundists have issued No. 7 of their Information Bulletin; it is colourless, totally for peace with the Siidekums (includ. ing Kautsky; in what way is he better than the Siidekums?) With all my heart I wish you success in your difficult work, and am very thankful for your news. We have received the Copenhagen resolutions. Yours, Lenin Written between January 20 and February 1, 1915 Sent from Berne to Copenhagen First published in 1924 in Lenin Miscellany II
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TO A. G. SHLYAPNIKOV Dear Friend, Your plan for a trip in April and preparations for it seems to be completely correct. 3 6 0 You are right: that is the plan to adopt and prepare as systematically and in as much detail as possible. Thank you for your letters. We have written to you several times. We have also sent notepaper with our stamp. I hope you have received all this. Today we received an issue of Nashe Slouo, which has begun to appear in Paris instead of Golos, which was closed down. The issue of Nashe Slovo contains a statement by Martov (and Dan) on their differences with Nasha Zarya. Evidently, there is a big cleavage among them (the liquidators), and no one can say what will happen. Axelrod is clearly trying to "reconcile" the German (and Bundist) chauvinists with the Francophiles (and Plekhanov). After Zurich, Martov sang to Axelrod's tune, but whether he is now "gone left" for long, we don't know. In a few days we shall be issuing No. 37 of SotsialDemokrat. All the best, and I wish you every success. Yours, Lenin Before April, we shall try (together with you) to organise correspondence, and establish some contacts. You, too, should make arrangements in good time. Written on January 30 or 31, Sent1 9 *915
from Berne to Copenhagen
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MAY DAY AND THE WAR 381 INTRODUCTION
1. This year, the demonstration of the international proletarian movement takes place during the greatest European war. 2. Perhaps nothing can be done in 1915 for "a review of forces"? for comparing "successes and defeats"? for contrasting the bourgeois world and the proletarian world?— since the appearance = a 11 has collapsed. 3. But this is not so. War = the greatest possible crisis. Every crisis means (with the possibility of temporary retardation and regress) (a) acceleration of development (y) (P) sharpening of contradictions (P) (7) their exposure (o) collapse of all that is rotten, etc. That is the standpoint from which to consider the crisis (on May Day): does it have any of the progressive, useful features of any crisis?
COLLAPSE OF BOURGEOIS-NATIONAL
FATHERLANDS
4. "Defence of fatherlands" and the actual nature of the war. What is the essence? Nationalism versus imperialism. 5. 1789-1871 (about 100 years)... and 1905-? 6. "Defence of fatherlands" (Belgium? Galicia? Over the division of the slaveowners' spoils) versus "away with frontiers". Collapse of n a t i o n a l fatherlands? Good riddance!
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7. Imperialism old and new—Rome and Britain versus Germany.
Seizure of territories Colonies Division of the world Export of capital 8. Maturity of the objective conditions for socialism. 9. How to defend the status quo? How to carry on the revolutionary struggle for socialism? 10. National freedom versus imperialism. The proletariat of oppressor and oppressed nations. 11. "Internationalism" in the attitude to wars. (("Which bourgeoisie is better"? or independent action by the proletariat?)) E= 12. Back (to the national fatherland) or the collapse forward (to the socialist revolution)? of national narrowness.
COLLAPSE OF OFFICIAL SOCIAL-DEMOCRATIC PARTIES 13. Everyone feels (if ho does not realise) the turningpoint in the history of the working-class movement. The cr isis and the collapse of the International. What is the cause? Was the International united, or were there two trends? 14. A review of attitudes to the war within the workingclass movement of the major countries: 'Germany: August 4 versus Borchardt and Die Interna^ tionale862 Britain:
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Prance: (Guesde + Sembat versus Merrheim) Russia:
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r Italy ^ | Switzerland | practice, two parties everywhere I Sweden J ' 15. What is the point? Compare the British and the German labour movement — Bourgeois tendencies and influence in the labour movement. 16. Fifteen years of struggle against opportunism, and its growth in Western Europe. The collapse of opportunism benefits the working-class movement. ((Guesde-Hyndman-Kautsky-Plekhanov.)) 17. The crisis of official Marxism (1895-1915). Not to resurrect the corpse, but to develop revolutionary Marxism against opportunist "would-be Marxism". 18. Marxism versus Struvism.... Dialectics versus eclecticism.... 19. Torn banner? Stuttgart 1907 (disillusionment)
JJJ®
20. "All possibilities" excepJjrevolutionary action. 21. Anarchism o p p o r t u n i s m "(petty-bourgeois). La Batattle Syndicaliste [Cornelissen] Grave Kropotkine *
22. Abdankung der deutschen Sozialdemokratie.** Ineffectual organisations have broken up or, rather, perished—to clear the ground for better ones. "Over-ripening" (not that the proletariat has not matured): compare 1907.
COLLAPSE OF PETTY-BOURGEOIS ILLUSIONS ABOUT CAPITALISM
23. The war is seen, on the one hand, as a single n a t i o n a l cause, and on the other, as an abnormality, a d i s r u p t i o n of "peaceful" capitalism, etc. • Evidently meaning the Copenhagen Congress.—Ed. ** The recantation of German Social-Democrats.—Ed.
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Both illusions are harmful. And the war tends to destroy both illusions. 24. "Burgfrieden",* the "national bloc", "Vunion sacre'e"** during the war? 25. War is a "terrible" thing? Yes. But it is a terribly vrofitable thing. F 160,000 millions >60,000 million rubles. Mehrwert*** =10,000-20,000 million rubles. 26. "Adaptation" of industry to war conditions. (Buin. Bapid concentration.) 27. War and the pillars of capitalism. "Peaceful democracy", "culture", "the rule of law", etc., versus the horrors of war? Untrue. Private property and exchange. The guarantee of ruin for some, the guarantee and basis of violence. 28. Colonics and concessions. "Honest concessionaire"? "Humane" colonialist? 29. W a r = a terribly profitable thing = the direct and inevitable product of capitalism. 30. Harmful illusions can only hinder the struggle against capitalism. COLLAPSE OF PACIFIST DREAMS
31. Capitalism without imperialism? (Shall we look back?) 32. Theoretically (in the abstract) it is possible even without colonies, etc. 33. Just as with a 4-hour working day, 3,000 workers Minimum.... "Capitalism can develop without imperialism, without wars, without colonies, with full freedom of trade." As that true? Capitalism can provide thousands of millions not for ^ e P a u P e r s a n ( l the workers, thereby l ^ ^ a t i n g the domination of the capitalist class! ** u v1il Peace.—Ed.
AlHance.-Ed
Surplus value.—Ed.
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Theoretically identical propositions. "Compelling pressure of the working class and humanitarian measures of the bourgeoisie." The whole point is that such things can be compelled not by pressure in general; what is needed is pressure with the force of a real revolution. And the revolution and counter-revolution will sharpen the struggle to something more essential. The question boils down to a struggle for reforms. This struggle is legitimate and necessary within definite limits, viz.: (1) absence of a revolutionary situation; (2) partial character of the reforms, not to sharpen the struggle of classes to the point of revolution. 34. On account of what? On account of the horrors of war? (And what about the terrible profits?) On account of pressure from the proletariat? (And what about the opportunists' betrayal?) 35. Peace without annexations, "Abolition of secret disarmament, etc., etc. diplomacy"? Objective meaning: clerical conso- "Utopia or Hell"? lations ((Feuorbach: religion consoles. N.B. [The review Is it useful?)) of Forel in Das Volksrecht] 36. The struggle for reforms? Yes.—Its limits. Particulars. An epoch of reforms, the absence of a revolutionary situation. This is the crux.
RESULTS OF THE COLLAPSE OF ILLUSIONS
37. Bevolutionary situations (a) the lower orders won't, the upper classes can't (P) growth of misery (?) extraordinary activity. 38. Slow and tortuous development. Compare 1900 versus 1905.
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39. Plunder by the capitalists "Kriegssklaverei"* and deception by the governments? 40. The war and the marvels of technique? 41. The war and regrouping, (workers versus peasants) 42. Three mental attitudes (a) despair and religion ([5) hatred of the enemy (Y) hatred of capitalism, not only in general, but of one's own government and bourgeoisie. 43. The "Gaponade". 363 44. Letter: "Mundspitzen"** ("Kamarades") 45. Every crisis breaks some EE = and hardens others. Collapse of what is 46. Hardens—for the socialist harmful, rotten in the revolution (EE). labour movement= elimination of the obstacles to revolutionary battles. PROFITS OF THE CAPITALISTS By the way. The 10,000 million loan in Germany. The loan will yield 5 per cent. The government has so arranged things that the savings banks (for subscription to the loan) receive funds from the loan offices (Darlehenskassen), paying them 5.25 per cent. The loan offices get the money from the government! A swindle. Das Volksrecht (Zurich), of April 27, 1915.*364 The absurdity of "amiable" Utopias: without secret diplomacy—we proclaim the aims of the war—peace without annexations, etc., etc. Sentimental and reactionary rubbish. The old nations (Jrespective,*** the bourgeois states) versus "away with frontiers"!
; War slavery.—Ed. *** £ e t r e a d y t 0 whistle.—Ed. * Correspondingly.—Ed.
WW V. I. LENIN
The experience of Russia: 1900 versus 1905. Down with the autocracy (1900) and the "people".... Revolutionary slogans and the growth of the revolutionary movement.... Written in the last days of April 1915 First published in January 1929 in the Journal Proletarskaya Revolutsia No. 1
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TO KARL RADEK Werter Genosse* Our letters evidently crossed. At the same time that you were writing to me, I was writing (a postcard) to you and sending you the Miscellany.365 1 hope you have received it. About a conference of the Left: I have not been a member of the International Socialist Bureau since 1912 (since 1912 Maximovich, in London, has been the C.C.'s member of the I.S.B.). But, of course, Grigory and I here will do everything necessary on behalf of the C.C. You write that "Grimm macht das [behind the backs of the C.C.?] ohne Absicht"**3*6.... I wonder! Es scheint mir wenig glaubhaft zu sein. 1st Grimm wirklich ein Kind? Nach zwei Konferenzen in 367 But you in Berne, of course, can see it more clearly, and I should be glad if it turned out that I was wrong and you were right. .
if Grimm macht das ohne Absicht, then the thing l s simple: Grimm must write to the C.C. (the official address J Printed in our C.O.—Bibliotheque russe. 7. Rue Hugo ( O f n g e r ' 7 ' GerCeve • F i i r d a s K o m - Central****), c °urse, it is also possible to write to my address; tudirect.) more ** *** After ****
so >
p e . a r Comrade.—Ed. j ! l n m is not doing this d e l i b e r a t e l y . — ^ . t\ l n k t h i s i s highly unlikely. Is Grimm really a child? p V0 conferences in Berne?— Ed. 0 r the Central Committee.—Ed.
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Unless he does this, Grimm will be acting dishonestly (for to write to Maximovich in London means losing time and risking the letter falling into the wrong hands: the police will intercept it!). It is unbecoming for us to ask for an invitation: we don't want to force ourselves on them. We cannot do this! . Now on the substance of the question. You write: "D a wird Grimm und vielleicht [??sicker meines Erachtensl] audi andere die Sache so abwechseln [nur? richtiger: zertreten und verraten!] wo lien, dass nur ein Aktionsprogramm [soil heissen: Ermattungsprogramm, a programme of abandoning the struggle, a programme of discouraging the workers from revolution, a programme of pacifying the workers with Leftist phrases] fur die Stunde kommt."* My opinion is that the "swing" by Kautsky+Bernstein + C o . ( + 5 0 0 + 1 , 0 0 0 + ? ? ) is a swing of shit (=Dreck), who have sensed that the masses won't stand for it any longer, that it's "necessary" to make a turn to the left, in order to continue swindling the masses. 368 This is clear. Renaudel in VHumanite is also "going left"! These shit-heads will get together and say that they are "against the August 4 policy", that they are "for peace", "against annexations" and... and ... thereby will help the bourgeoisie to damp down the incipient revolutionary mood. I conclude from your letter that you share my views. Ergo**, our programme should be: (1) to go if invited; (2) to bring together beforehand the "Left", i.e., the supporters of revolutionary action against their own governments; (3) to put before'the Kautskian shit-heads our draft resolution (the Dutch 3 6 9 +ourselves+the Left Germans + 0 , and that won't be too bad, for later it will be not zero, but everyone!); * In that case, Grimm and possibly (I think, surely) others as well will want to try and turn things in such a way (only? likely: to suppress and betray!) that now only one programme oi action (rather: a programme of exhaustion...) will be put for ward.—Ed. ** Hence.—Ed.
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/4) to put forward 2 or 3 speakers at the conference (if v ou manage to get there, this will be possible). Would it be possible to get together a few German Leftwingers against Kautsky and Co., for a programme of this kind? Write what you think of this programme. Its essence = against the stupid and treacherous slogan of peace. Come and see us! Yours, Lenin Is it not clear that the O.C. will side with Drehscheibe*Kautsky and Co.? Eh? And aro you sure that Grey+Bethmann-Hollweg have not "tipped the wink" to Siidekum+Vandervelder time to speak up for peace, chaps, or else there will be a revolution? P.S. In our hotel (Hotel Marienthal) we have a telephone (No. U l ) . If you have anything urgent, ring up—at 8.30 a.m. we aro always at home. P.P.S. Please read the enclosed and send it on. Written after June 19, 1915 Sent from Sorenberg to Berne First published in 1930 m Lenin Miscellany XIV
* Turntable.—
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TO KARL RADEK Werter Genosse, I enclose a letter about the Vorkonferenz.*zl0 Take a copy for Lichtstrahlen311—or get Wijnkoop (if you are sure that he is punctual) to send it on to them. All this is vertraulich.** Promise not to speak about it, N.B. either to Grimm or to Balabanova or to Trotsky or to anyone else! Read my letter to Wijnkoop and send it off. 3 7 2 I hope you have sent off the previous one! Let me know about this. Either the German Left will now unite (if only for a statement of principles on behalf of an anonymous Stern373 group, or whatever you like: the workers will later join this group), or we shall have to dismiss them from our minds. (I understand that Lichtstrahlen cannot act directly. But why should not a Stern group, consisting of X + Y + Z , come forward with resolutions or a manifesto? And then privately and secretly distribute them?) I don't understand how you missed the Vorkonferenz in Berne!? And you were the one who was exhorting me!? Yours,
Lenin
P.S. Do you find reading Russian difficult? Do you understand everything?
* Preliminary conference.—Ed. «* Confidentially.—Ed.
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- ? \ E w - \ S e i l d , S e B < ? n e s o l u t i o n s (the translation) direct to Wijnkoop (if you have a copy), or send them here w e shall make a copy. 3 7 4 It would be extremely important for us to have a private consultation w i t h some of the German Left. Gould you organise this? By the way, why not come over here? P
Written on July 15, 1915 Sent from Sdrenberg to Berne First published in 1930 in Lenin Miscellany XIV
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TO KARL RADEK Dear Comrade Radek, I have received your letter to Wijnkoop, and am sending it off by the first post. I am adding that work should be started right away, if the idea is to prepare a declaration (to say nothing of another Communist Manifesto). We have provided (1) a manifesto; (2) resolutions; (3) a draft declaration. 376 So let us have your amendments or counterdrafts as soon as possible. Hurry! Or we shall be late! I personally am against Nashe Slovo participating, but would not make this an ultimatum. Why am I against? (1) It is corruption, because Nashe Slovo has not itself declared that it is an independent or third (apart from the C.C. and O.C.) party or group for work in Russia; (2) There are 0-C. supporters in Nashe Slovo in numbers unknown to the public. This is dual representation! (O.C.+ Nashe Slovo). (3) Nashe Slovo is for the Chkheidze faction in the Duma (and the O.C. and Plekhanov+Alexinsky are also for it). Isn't that corruption? Taking Lichtstrahlen as a group, and considering it more important than Zetkin's, is not funny. This group includes Borchardt+Radok+contributors to Lichtstrahlen. That is enough. This group has a little journal (while Zetkin and Co. haven't got one). Borchardt was the first to say publicly: Die Sozialdertiokratie abgedankt.*31* That was not propaganda but a most important political act. It was action, and not p r o m i s e . • The Social-Democrats
recanted.—Ed
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The most important thing for us (i.e., all the Left) is clear, complete, precise Prinzipienerklarung.* Without ^ s 0 " c a ^ e d programmes of action are nothing this but talk and deception. What did the Zetkin "resolution 0 f a c t i o n " in Berne come to? Nothing in terms of action! Nothing in terms of principle! 377 The Borchardt group, if it comes forward (together with us or separately) as an anonymous group (Stern, or Pfeil, or whatever) with a clear-cut Prinzipienerklarung+a call to revolutionary action, will play an outstanding part in world history. Meanwhile, Zetkin and Co., having everything in their hands (newspapers, journals, connections with Berner Tagwacht, the opportunity of visiting Switzerland, etc.), have done nothing in 10 months to unite the international Left. This is a disgrace. All the best, Yours, Lenin P.S. I advise you not to enlist. It's stupid to help the enemy. You will be doing a service to the Scheidemanns. Better emigrate. Really, that will be better. There is now a desperate need of Left-wing workers. "The opposition in Germany is the product of ferment ^ among the masses, whereas the Bolsheviks represent the orientation of a little group of revolutionaries." That is not the Marxist approach. It is Kautskianism—or a dodge. What was the 1847 Communist Manifesto and its group? \he product of ferment among the masses? Or the orienta- • xon of a little group of revolutionaries? Or both the one a nd the other? are we' th^p* Central Committee? Or hasn't th° Duma group proved that there are links with Gol *? asse . s? A n d w l l at about the Petrograd Proletarsky os. Or is there no "ferment among the masses" in Russia? on tt Germany will make a historic mistake if, _ the pretext that they (they =Zetkin, Laufenberg, Statement of principles.—/^.
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Borchardt, Thalheimer, Duncker! Ha, ha!) are "the product of ferment among the masses", they refuse to come forward with a Prinzipienerklarung (anonymously, on behalf of a Stern group, etc. Later the workers will support it and think about it). There is need for a Left statement and programme so as to develop the "ferment among the masses". It is necessary because of such ferment. It is necessary so as to transform the "ferment" into a "movement". It is necessary so as to develop "ferment" in the rotten International. And immediately! You are quite, quite wrongl P.S. You didn't say clearly in your letter to Wijnkoop whether it was set or proposed for August 20. Drop me and Grigory a line about this (if it is urgent). Rakovsky (see his pamphlet) 378 is for defence of the fatherland. To my mind, we should part company with such people. Written before August 4, 1915 Sent from SOrenberg to Berne First published in 1930 in Lenin Miscellany XIV
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TO V. A. KARPINSKY Dear V. K . , I enclose the sheets of the pamphlet which were accidentally overlooked. Please check whether you have everything now. I wrote to you yesterday about the reprints coming up for the pamphlet. What about No. 44? Regards, Yours, Lenin P.S. The attached footnote to the manifesto should go into the pamphlet. Insert it, please. Footnote. The demand for a United States of Europe, as put forward in the manifesto of the G.C., which supplemented it with a call for the overthrow of the monarchies of Russia, Austria and Germany, differs from the pacifist reading of this slogan by Kautsky and others. [To the paragraph in the manifesto of the C.C. (No. 33 of SotsiabDemokrat) containing a reference to the United States of Europe.] There is an editorial in No. 44 of our Party's Central Organ, SotsiabDemokrat, which shows that the "United States of Europe" slogan is economically wrong. Either this is an impossible slogan under capitalism, one signifying not 'only the giving up of colonies, but also the establishment of a balanced world economy, with the colonies, spheres of influence, etc., divided among the several countries. Or else it is a reactionary slogan, signifying a temporary alliance between the Great Powers of Europe to f e n d e r the more rapidly developing Japan and America. UNote by the editorial board of SotsiabDemokrat.) Return the material as soon as possible! ttfcttr p.Irom
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Sorenberg to Geneva 8 p in r 2 uWl *hed in 1929 u L*nin Miscellany XI
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TO SOPHIA RAVICH Dear Comrade Olga, I am afraid to write to V. K., because "hurry-up" letters make his nervous illness even worse. But what is happening to No. 44? Or has the Kuzmikha woman turned definitely against us? I was in a terrible hurry to get No. 44 finished, had no time to correct the articles, didn't see the proofs— and there it is—-stuck. And Kuzma was demanding the pamphlet by the week before last\379 Drop me a line, please, whether there is any hope of issuing both 44 and the pamphlet. When will the one and the. other be ready? There's need to add to and amend a few things in the pamphlet. It's essential to have proofs. Greetings to V. K. Yours, V. Ulyanov P.S. How do you like Peuple? Solid for Vandervelde! Written on August 16, 1915 Sent from Stfrenberg to Geneva First published in 1929 in Lenin Miscellany XI
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TO SOPHIA RAVICH Dear Comrade Olga, Hurrah! You've beaten Kuzmikha herself! Well, you're really a heroine! I enclose the proofs and two insertions for the pamphlet. Please make sure that they are inserted in the right place. (If there is any delay, don't send me the proofs of these insertions, but handle them yourself.) I am writing to Grigory that I am publishing the pamphlet (he can phone me if there are any differences). There should be three supplements at the end of the pamphlet: I. The manifesto of the C.C. of the R.S.D.L.P. on the war (from No. 33. I am enclosing it). Insert footnote (on the United States slogan) which I sent you (and did you send a copy to Lyalin?). II. The resolution from No. 40 which I am sending.380 III. The 1913 resolution (the conference of the C.C. with Party workers) on the national question.381 I haven't got Jt. I ,am asking them to send it to you from Berne. (But there must be one at your library.) .Print the pamphlet in 2,000 copies on the cheapest paper y* you have thin paper, then 1,000 copies on that), in the cheapest possible format, convenient for envelopes. Salut* Yours, Lenin
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P.S. If you can do this without delay, send me a second copy of all proofs of the pamphlet (to send to a comrade who is leaving for Russia). Written after August 16, 1915 Sent from SOrenberg to Geneva First published in 1929 in Lenin Miscellany XI
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TO ALEXANDRA KOLLONTAI Dear A. M., The Vorkonferenz (II) has been postponed until Sept. 5. 3 8 2 Hoglund and the Left Norwegians (and what about the Danes?) must procure an invitation themselves. They should send their statements, requests and declarations to us (for the C.C.) in writing, signed and stamped, in one of the three international languages. Very warm regards to Alexander (why is he only criticising my draft? 383 Let's have your amendments, sHl vous plaltX)—and to you for your successful work among the Left in Scandinavia. Yours, Lenin I think it is hardly likely that the conference will materialise soon, if at all. However, let Hoglund prepare, seriously and urgently. But are they willing to have a joint manifesto with us on behalf of the Left in the various countries (independently of the conference)? » Written before August 19, 1915 Sent from SOrenberg to Christiania (Oslo) First published in 1924 n Lenin Miscellany II
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TO V. M. KASPAROV Dear Kasparov, There is to be a conference of the Left in Berne on Sept. 5 . m It would be extremely important to have our pamphlet in German appear before that date.385 Can you help in this? —first, by calling on Radek, helping him to read the manuscript and inciting him to sit down and do the translation (unfortunately, we shall not manage to have the Russian proofs before then); — second, by seeing to the contract with the German printing house (Radek knows what this is about); — third, by calling on Kink el, showing him this letter and asking him to help with the translation (to take on part of it). I know that Kinkel almost hates me for my translation requests. But this is an emergency, the matter is important, we need urgent help, and maybe he won't be too angry. Drop me a reply by postcard as quickly as you can. All kinds of regards, Yours, Lenin Written on August 19, 1915 Sent from SOrenberg to Berne First published in 1930 in Lenin Miscellany XIV
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TO J. A. BERZIN Dear Berzin, Many thanks for the credential received.386 Please, if you don't mind, send me immediately the same in French or in German, with a stamp on it, etc., in due form, and particularly with an addition in the text of the credential to the effect that not only has your party always been (and is) affiliated to the International Socialist Bureau (but has a delegate on it with a consultative vote). This is very urgent. Best regards, Yours, V. Ulyanou . P.S. If you have received from us a manuscript draft of a brief declaration in Russian, 387 please pass it on to Litvinov as soon as you can, with a request to translate it into English and send it to me as soon as possible. Please send m e a reply by postcard, so that I should know you have received this letter. %
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TO ALEXANDRA KOLLONTAI
Dear A. M., It turns out that it is not the Vorkonferenz but the conference itself that is to take place on Sept. 5. So there is no time to lose. You should strain every effort to try and send Hoglund here, or the most Leftist and most reliable Norwegian, so that they should be here for certain not later than Sept. 3. (They should telephone me from Berne at Sorenberg, Hotel Marienthal (Kanton Luzern), telephone 1.11—(1.11)). If it is absolutely impossible for any of them to come, let them at once (so that I should have it for certain on Sept. 2 or 3) send by registered letter either a transfer of credential to our C.C. (a formal credential, in German or French)—or (if they are not agreeable to handing over their credential) their statement that they are in solidarity with the C.C. + their Prinzipienerklarung + (without fail) a letter to the conference authorising our C.C. to read it out (irespective* put it to the vote, if possible). The crux of the struggle will be, whether to proclaim, in the Prinzipienerklarung, a ruthless struggle (up to and including a split) against opportunism = social-chauvinism. Secure the maximum possible clarity and firmness of formulation on this very point. Write me a postcard at once whether you have received this letter, and whether you hope (or are sure?) that suchand-such will be done. (Regards to Alexander!) Salut, Yours, Lenin Written after August 19, 1915 Sent from SOrenberg to Christiania First published in 1924 in Lenin Miscellany II
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TO YELIZAVETA RIVLINA 3 8 8 Dear Comrade, I wrote to you the other day about Golay. Things are now going forward from the other side, so to speak. It is not a preliminary conference, but an international conference of the Left that has been set for Sept. 5. Merrheim will be there from Paris (all this is entre nous, of course). The Nashe Slovo people will attend. Why should not Golay and Naine be there as representatives of Left-wing socialism in French Switzerland (since Grimm, who is much more half-and-half than Naine and Golay, will be attending)? 389 Please, try and see both as soon as possible, have a good heart-to-heart talk with them, and drop me a line in reply, as soon as you can, about the frame of mind of both these Leftist Frenchmen. You realise, of course, that it is antichauvinist Frenchmen who would just now—especially in the presence of Merrheim—be of particular importance at the conference. So, hurry with your reply! Regards to Rivlin. Yours, Lenin Written after August 19, 1915 sent from SOrenberg to Lausanne First published in 1930 Lenin Miscellany XIV
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TO ALEXANDRA KOLLONTAI Dear Alexandra Mikhailovna, It will be a great pity if your trip to America finally falls through. We pinned many hopes on this visit: for the publication in the U.S.A. of our booklet (Socialism and War, which you will receive in a few days), for connections with the publisher Charles H. Kerr 3 9 0 in Chicago in general, for mobilising the internationalists and lastly for the financial help which we so badly need for all those vital affairs in Russia of which you write (and justly emphasise their urgency, in view of the desirability of our coming closer to Russia. The obstacles there are chiefly financial, and also of a police nature; can one get there safely?). If the question of a trip has been finally decided in the negative sense, try and think over whether you could (through connections with Charles H. Kerr, etc.) help us to publish our booklet in English? This can be done only in America. We are sending you the German edition of our booklet. Do everything you can for its sale in the Scandinavian countries (it is terribly important for us to cover some of the expenses at least, otherwise we cannot publish it in French!). Write in greater detail, more concretely and more frequently (if you are not going to America) about the practical questions arising in Russia, who is raising them, how, on what occasions and in what circumstances. All this is of extreme importance for the publication of leaflets—a vital question, as you rightly say. About the conference of the Left (where we rallied well as an opposition, although we did sign the manifesto) you will be partly informed by the
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delegate you sent, 391 and partly we shall later tell you in writing. (We are very short of cash! That is the main trouble!) Best regards,
Yours,
Lenin
Written between September 8 and 13, 1915 . Sent from Sflrenberg to Christiania First published in 1924 in Lenin Miscellany II
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TO G, Y. ZINOVIEV I enclose Radek's letter. (I have sent him a sympathetic reply.) Let me have it back. I shall be writing a report on the conference: please send me all your materials. 892 Was it at your place that I left my C.O. file? Regards,
Yours,
Lenin
It would be a good thing to have Inessa get down to translating the booklet into French. 393 Written between September 11 and 15, 1915 Sent from S&renberg to Hertenstein (Switzerland) First published in 1930 in Lenin Miscellany XIV
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TO G. L. SHKLOVSKY Dear G. L., Please send me as soon as you can three copies each of the German booklet 3 9 4 and the French resolutions. 396 (What is the bill? And is there any hope of cutting it down? Are you concluding a contract for the sale of the German booklet in Switzerland? Drop me a line.) Please, send 10 copies of the German booklet and 2 sets of the French resolutions to the following address: Fru A. Kollontay. Turisthotel. Holmenkollen. Kristiania. Norwegen. (Let me know when they have been sent.) Please hurry up Radek to send me a copy of the officially adopted manifesto. 396 It is very urgent. Call on Radek once or twice and get it done, please. You should also have a talk with him (and not only have a talk, but go about it in a business-like way, worry him, have it done, check it up) about the sale of the German booklet in Switzerland. You should get hold of the addresses of German workers' societies and clubs in various towns (including Geneva), find contacts, write and make sure something has been done. All that%is your job. Please, go about it as vigorously as you can. Regards, Yours, Lenin ^ritten on September 13, 1915 oei *t from SBrenberg to Berne .First published in 1929 Lenin Miscellany XI
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TO V. A. KARPINSKY Dear V. K., I was away on business for a few days (and only for that period did I ask that everything should be sent to Geneva; now please send everything again—including the booklet-to Sorenberg). On my arrival I found your letter about Rolland's articles. 397 I am terribly worried about your not having received them. I sent them to you by letter post two weeks ago, if not more. I have not had any cases before this of unregistered letters being lost in Switzerland. Could there be some mistake? Perhaps someone has received these articles in your absence? Write about this, please. If the answer is that there was not, and could not have been any mistake, and if you do not have the articles, I will naturally do everything possible to get them for you (if I have lost them). I shall either buy this issue, or (if it has been sold out) get it from the library and make a complete copy for you. I am very sorry, and please write to me as soon as possible how matters stand. If you require a copy, how soon? Write frankly. Regards, Yours, Lenin For some reason I have stopped receiving Zhizn. Is there no exchange? Would you make an inquiry? And what about Vperyod398? What news is there of the O.C. miscellany 89 and the Bund publications? Kommunist No. 1-2 has appeared.400 This is a fact. Written on September 13, 1915 Sent from Sflrenberg to Geneva First published in 1929 in Lenin Miscellany XI
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TO KARL RADEK Dear Radek, The letter to Wijnkoop has been sent. Also the report with your letter to Grigory. You probably have no copy of our statement (that we are dissatisfied with the manifesto, that it does not go far enough, etc.)? We handed it in to the Bureau, and Grimm read it out. We must absolutely have a copy of this statement. Would Grimm let you make a copy? If not, we're stuck! P.S. And Grimm's "conspirative methods" too! The whole world already knows everything! And these stupid Italians in AvantiL What a shame! 401 Yours, Lenin Written before September 18, ' . 1915 kent from SBrenberg to Berne .First published In 1930 in Lenin Miscellany XIV
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TO KARL RADEK Dear Radek, Many thanks for the manifesto and report, 402 (1) Could we have gratis 20 copies of this issue of Berner Tagwacht, to send to our Party groups? (2) In the manifesto, the words "revolutionary proletarian class struggle" have been replaced by the word "irreconcilable". Is that loyal on Grimm's part? (3) The report does not say that a part (one-tenth) of the German delegation (and one-third of the Swiss) signed our draft resolution. Is that loyal on Grimm's part? Your opinion, please: ought we not officially to write to Grimm about this? (4) Does Grimm guarantee that in the detailed report (the minutes of the sessions) our draft and our statement will be included in full? Yes or no? (5) There are many inaccuracies in the report, and not a word about the voting (on our draft)! The question of a split and of the dissolution of this Bureau (Grimm and Co.) was not voted on. 4 0 3 We must do something. Yours, Lenin P.S. Please, send me our draft and our statement. 404 • Grimm does not say a word about our booklet 405 ( r e port)! What a rogue! Written on September 19, 1915 Sent from SOrenberg to Berne First published in 1930 in Lenin Miscellany XIV
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TO M. M. KHARITONOV September 19, 1915 Dear Comrade, I should like to give a lecture in Zurich about the middle of October on "The International Conference of September 5-8, 1915". 406 If the subject is suitable, and can yield even a small return, let me know. (I am also writing to Geneva about this; we -must agree beforehand about the dates. I am asking them in Geneva to have posters printed for both occasions, leaving out the town and the date.) Let me know your opinion as soon as you can. By the way. Will you send me Axelrod's German pamphlet on the tasks of international Social-Democracy, 407 which appeared in Zurich recently? I am curious to have a look at it. (We shall publish a report on the conference in the C.O.— and then Nashe Slovo and the Socialist-Revolutionaries, etc., etc., will follow. But I shall deal with it in greater detail than in the press, and shall make an assessment and draw the »conclusions.) Best regards, Yours, Lenin Se
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TO A. G. SHLYAPNIKOV
September 19
Dear Alexander, We have received your letters telling us about the good working of the transport arrangements, and were extremely gladi of them. As regards the literature at Vardo, try to get hold of and save everything: send us the files of Proletary and Vperyod; we can also make use of the pamphlets (the old ones, of 1905); it will be worth while sending them to Russia, now that there is a possibility of transport in general. 408 Yesterday I read in the foreign press the news of the "dispersal" of the Duma. It is clear that the reactionaries are either frightened by the bloc of the Left, or are banking on some "military" chances (perhaps a separate peace?). Our attitude to the chauvinist revolutionaries (like Kerensky and part of the Social-Democrat liquidators or patriots) cannot, in my opinion, be expressed by the formula of "support". The gulf between the chauvinist revolutionaries (revolution for victory over Germany) and the proletarian internationalist revolutionaries (revolution to awaken the proletariat of other countries, to unite it in a general proletarian revolution) is too wide for there to be any question of support. We must utilise every protest (even a timid and muddled one, a la Gorky), we shall utilise the revolutionary work of the chauvinists too, and depending on the circumstances shall not reject "joint action" (in keeping with our Party's resolutions adopted in 1907, at the London Congress, and in 1913, at our conference), 409 but nothing beyond that. At the moment, in practice: we shall not issue joint appeals and manifestos with the revolutionary
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atriots, wo shall avoid Duma "blocs" with them, avoid ?< u n ity" with them when speaking at congresses, during demonstrations and the like. But technical mutual services,
if the patriots go along, will probably be possible (as with the liberals before 1905), and we shall not reject them. Our relations must be straightforward and clear-cut: you want to overthrow tsarism for victory over Germany, we want to do so for the international revolution of the proletariat. We have incredibly little information from Russia. It is simply a shame that such a comparatively simple business as conspirative correspondence with Russia {fully possible even in wartime) turns out to be so very badly organised. This is one of the most essential things. (I hope you have had a detailed discussion of this with Nadezhda Konstantinoma in your letters, and will do so yet as circumstantially as possible.) The most vital thing is to establish regular contact, to bring over from Russia at least two or three leading workers, if only to Sweden, for the most detailed talks and correspondence, in order to reach complete "harmony". I hope Belenin's visit will bring a marked improvement in this sphere. To do the round trip fast, to establish new connections, to collect the news—that is now the key to the whole of our work, and without it it's no use even looking to the future. 410 We are thinking over a plan to publish manifestos and leaflets for transportation to Russia. We have not yet decided where they are to be published, here or in the Scandinavian countries. We should select the cheapest alternative, because the distance does not matter.* With all my best wishes, Yours,
Lenin
S ^ ^ e n on September 19, 1915 from Sorenberg to Stockholm First published in 1924 ^ Lenin Miscellany II
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TO KARL RADEK Dear Radek, Thanks for the bulletin. 411 We shall discuss the money question with Grigory. We're hard up just now! But the most important thing is: why are you silent about our (your final) draft resolution412? I must have it at once (and our statement on the voting for the manifesto)! You should have a copy! Why don't you send it to me? Or Grimm? Can he really be refusing to let you make a copy? Please reply. Grimm's "loyalty" is only so much talk. He has deliberately failed to mention Borchardt—it's a disgrace.413 Regards,
Yours,
Lenin
Written after September 21, 1915 Sent from Sorenberg to Berne First published in 1930 in Lenin Miscellany XIV
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Dear Alexander, It is a very good thing that you are undertaking to handle the leaflets. 414 We are drawing up a detailed plan for them, and will soon be sending it to you and to N. I. But you know it is still most desirable that N . I . should write the leaflets in two copies simultaneously (with a copying-pencil over carbon paper), and that you (or he himself) should send us the second copy at once. For leaflets are a very responsible thing, and the most difficult of all forms of literature. It is essential therefore to give them most careful thought, and to have collective consultations. In view of the slowness of setting up, printing and transport, the time lost on dispatch here will be relatively small, and, in any case, does not matter in comparison with the importance of well-thought-out appeals. How do you plan to sign the leaflets? You have forgotten to write about this. Kollontai's pamphlet has a good underlying idea. But the subject is exceptionally difficult; it is extremely hard to present it on this popular level. I think it needs correctl n g. I have already written to her about this, asking her to agree to these corrections. 415 If she does, things will go ahead very quickly, for I have already prepared a draft 9f the corrections. As regards a visit to your country, 416 there is a hitch, Urst> because of lack of finance (the fare is high, and the cost of living there) and, second, because of the dubious Police situation. We shall rather await Belenin's return a n d his news of home. Every good wish, Yours, Writto Lenin i e n af ter^ September Sent from SSrenberg ^ Stockholm
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TO G. L. SHKLOVSKY Dear G. L., I simply cannot understand what's happening to Radek. I have asked him repeatedly for: (1) a copy of our (i.e., the C.C.+Letts+P.S.D.+Swedes+ Norwegians+Borchardt+Platten) draft resolution (in German) 417 ; (2) a copy of our (the same groups') statement at the conference on the voting (why we, though not in agreement with the manifesto, vote for); (3) a copy of our (the same groups+Roland-Holst) statement of protest against Ledebour's ultimatum. 418 Radek does not reply! And I must have them for the Central Organ. Please, do call on him and find out what's wrong. (If Radek hasn't got them, can Grimm really be refusing to have a copy made? That would be the height of impudence!) Regards, Yours,
Lenin
Written at the end of September or the beginning of October 1915 Sent from SCrenberg to Berne First published in 1929 in Lenin Miscellany XI
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TO V. A. KARPINSKY Dear Comrade, I received the proofs today (the last ones, I think), and we are sending them off this very day. The instruction on the order of the articles has already been sent, so that I hope the double issue (price 20 centimes) will soon be out. Let me know when exactly. I am sending this express for the following urgent reason: very important (and favourable) news has been received from Russia. We want to publish another (two-page) issue of the C.O. right away, to appear really at once. If, contrary to all expectations, it is possible to guarantee this time that Kuzma and Kuzmikha will honour their promise (i.e., will set about it at once, and bring it out without the least delay), telegraph: " g a r a n t i I f not (which is of course much more probable, because we know how unreliable Kuzma is in spite of your efforts), then telegraph (Seidenweg. 4a) "mm". 4 1 9 I shall write tomorrow about the lecture. Salut,
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TO ALEXANDRA KOLLONTAI November 22, 1915
Dear Alexandra Mikhailovna, I failed to finish the letter I sent you today out of sheer absent-mindedness. This is the address: Mr. C. W. Fitzgerald, Secretary of the Socialist Propaganda League*. 20. Baker Street. Beverly. Mass. I was mistaken, therefore, when I said that he lives in Boston. But his sheet contains the addresses of all 18 members of the League, and among them some living in Boston. I hope you will make every effort to find out everything you can about them, and will try to build up out of them (either including them, or out of some of them) one of the rallying-points for the Zimmerwald Left in America. Every good wish, Yours,
Lenin
Sent from Berne to New York First published in 1924 in Lenin Miscellany II
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TO V. A. KARPINSKY AND SOPHIA RAVICH Dear Friends, I am sending you leaflet No. I . 4 2 0 Help us to distribute it. The address of the publisher is on the leaflet (rub it off after making a copy). Tell the Frenchmen, Guilbeaux and others, about it. How is the Swiss referendum going? Is there any response (in Geneva) to the struggle between the opponents and supporters of "defence of the fatherland"? 421 Best regards and wishes,
Yours,
Lenin'
Written at the end of November of .the beginning of December 1915 Sent from Berne to Geneva First published in 1929 in Lenin Miscellany XI
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TO SOPHIA RAVICH Dear Comrade Olga, Forgive me for writing on this scrap of paper. It seems to me that you acted correctly. Indeed, unless there is a break with Nashe Dyelo, all the rest is deception. This is clearer than ever, now that the O.C. informers, in alliance with the reactionaries, have "won" in Petrograd (by rigging the election). 422 Add to the resolution condemnation of the rigged second election. 423 And to the preamble, the impermissibility of taking part in "defence", once the war is of an imperialist, i.e., annexationist, i.e., plundering, i.e., oppressive, nature (in general, I advise drawing up the preamble as carefully as possible, on the basis of SotsiabDemokrat, selecting the arguments from the relevant articles and resolutions of the Petrograd workers). We shall pass on the letter to Inessa. All the best, and regards to everyone. Yours,
Lenin
P.S. One request: Inessa tells us that there is a girl in Geneva who used to live in Arras.* You know her. We are told that she has a good command of French. Will she undertake to translate from German into French (for Roland-Hoist's magazine, published here with our participation 424 )? Free of charge or for a fee? How much? Find out, please. Written before December 16, 1915 Sent from Berne to Geneva First published In 1929 in Lenin Miscellany XI
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1916
TO HENRIETTE ROLAND-HOLST Dear Comrade, Comrade Radek has just shown us Comrade Pannekoek's letter and the "Introduction". This letter and the "Introduction" substantially change the previously adopted constitution of Vorbote.425 It had been agreed that Vorbote would appear as the organ of two groups, namely, (1) the Roland-Hoist and Trotsky group (or Roland-Hoist and her friends without Trotsky, if Trotsky is unwilling to join); (2) the Zimmerwald Left group (whose bureau consists of three comrades: Radek, Lenin and Zinoviev). Comrade Pannekoek was appointed representative of the latter group. Now the above-mentioned documents (the letter and the "Introduction") change the constitution: Vorbote appears as the organ of two comrades, Pannekoek and RolandHoist. If Comrades Pannekoek and Roland-Hoist have decided to make this change, we take note of it. The owner of Vorbote had the full right to do so. We do not refuse to co-operate in these new conditions, out must require certain guarantees. Vorbote appears for the first time as the organ of the Zimmerwald Left or "on the platform of the Zimmerwald Left". We were elected representatives of that Left by all the members of the ^immerwald Left attending at Zimmerwald (except Plat-, ten). We think therefore—and in this respect we have all three come to a unanimous decision—that this guarantee l s selt-evident, and will undoubtedly be given by you.
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The guarantee consists in this, that if there are any differences of principle among us, the article which ... by the Central Committee of the R.S.D.L.P. (representative the editorial board * Written after January 21, 1916 Sent from Berne to Laren (Holland) First published in 1924 in Lenin Miscellany II
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TO M. M. KHARITONOV pear Comrade, I should very much like to go to Zurich for two or three weeks to work in the libraries on a piece of research. 426 My wife also. So far we have no papers, but hope soon to get them. The question is whether we shall be able to overcome the financial difficulties. I would very much ask you to reply frankly and without exaggeration to the following questions: (1) What net income can there be (i.e., for me) from a lecture? Minimum and maximum? The subject: "Two Internationals": the growing division and rupture with the social-chauvinists throughout the world. Is it possible to increase the income by giving two lectures, and by how much?427 (2) Will the local comrades help the two of us to get cheap accommodation? (3) How much will it cost to have a room (for two, even if with a single bed) per week? The cheapest, preferably in a worker's family? (4) Dinner in a canteen, if there is one (here we pay 65 centimes in a students' canteen)? (5) Morgenkafee and coffee in the evening, because, of course, we cannot do our own housekeeping in Zurich? The cost of the journey will be 7 x 4 = 2 8 francs; extra expenditure on living in another town? That is the question. The room situation here is bad. Do you happen to know a worker's family which could reliably promise to put us up cheap? I shall be very grateful for a frank reply, but without any wild promises. Beste Griisse, Yours, Lenin P.S. Are there any cheap self-service food counters o r the like, and what are the prices? on January 27, 1916 fcent from Berne to Zurich First published in 1929 in Lenin Miscellany XI
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TO M. M. KHARITONOV Dear Comrade, I am very grateful for your speedy and detailed reply. We shall be there on February 4. If you can, find us a room for two, by the week, not dearer than 1 franc a day; preferably in an ordinary working-class family (with a stove; it may still be cold). If this is impossible, perhaps you will recommend a cheap hotel (1 franc a day, or even cheaper), where we could stay until we found a room ourselves. We shall agree on the date of the lecture, etc. I hope to have a money order from you on Monday morning (keep a special account of the expenses: the express and the like, and postal expenses generally, etc., because we shall cover them ourselves). Beste Griisse,
Written on January 29, 1916 Sent from Berne to Zurich First published in 1929 in Lenin Miscellany XI
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TO MAXIM GORKY For A. M. Gorky Dear Alexei Maximovich, I am sending you under registered cover my wife's booklet, Public Education and Democracy.428 The author has long been studying educational questions, over twenty years. The booklet is based both on her personal observations and on material about new educational developments in Europe and America. From the contents you will see that the first half also contains a sketch of the history of democratic views. This is also very important, because the views of the great democrats of the past are usually set forth wrongly, or from the wrong standpoint. I don't know whether you are able yourself to take time off to read it, or whether you are interested; §§ 2 and 12 could serve as an example. Changes in education in the latest, imperialist, epoch are sketched out on the basis of material of recent years, and shed some very interesting light on the question for the democrats in Russia. You will do me a great favour by helping—directly or indirectly—to publish this booklet. The demand in Russia for literature in this sphere has now probably greatly increased. Best regards and wishes, V. Ulyanov Wl. Uljanow. Seidenweg. 4a. Bern. V w t e * n b e f o r e February 8, 1916 o t n t from Berne to Petrograd
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TO SOPHIA RAVICH Dear Comrade, Here is our new address. 429 Send everything to it, please. We have taken the premises for a month. On Thursday (Feb. 17) I am giving the first lecture here ("Two Internationals"), and after a while, the second ("Conditions of Peace and the National Question", or something of that kind). Please write and tell me when it will be possible to give a lecture (the first, or both?) in Geneva, and whether the cost can be covered. How much will it yield net, as a minimum? I have to know this, because I am very short of money, and I must calculate as carefully as possible whether I should travel from here (at greater expense) or later on from Berne (I can stay more than a month here, if I like it). I shall await detailed and authoritative instructions from you. Perhaps you would drop a line to Lausanne, too, to find out whether it is worth while going there for an evening? Best wishes, and regards to V. K. and all our friends. Yours, V. U. Nadya sends warm greetings. Written on February 13, 1916 Sent from Zurich to Geneva First published in 1929 in Lenin Miscellany XI
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TO SOPHIA RAVICH Dear Comrade, Many thanks for the detailed information. I am busy here on February 25 and 26. So will you please fix the day for the lecture yourself, either before the 25th or after the 26th, and let me know beforehand?430 I would also ask you very much to write to Lausanne, so that I could have done with the lot in 2 days, i.e., lecture in Lausanne either on the evening before Geneva, or on the day after Geneva. I accept the subject: '"Conditions of Peace1 (in quotation marks) and the National Question". So this is the agreed subject. All the best. Regards to V. K. and all our friends. Yours,
Lenin
There is a convenient train: it arrives in Geneva at p.m. Is it all right if I come by this train? If not, then can I>lecture in Lausanne the evening before? Please! Written on February 17, 1916 sent from Zurich to Geneva irS r t .,S Ubl if l . ied ,, in 1 9 £ t hi 111 i-emn Miscellany XI
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TO V. A. KARPINSKY Dear V. K., May I trouble you with the following request? I should like to have for my lecture the issue of the Paris Golos (Nashe Slovo1 s predecessor) in which Semkovsky replied to me on the question of the self-determination of nations, and in one footnote (I remember that it was a footnote) dealt particularly with the comparison between the right of nations to secede and the right of divorce. I would return the issue as soon as you required it. If it is impossible to send it, could the footnote be copied out (it is not very long)? Perhaps you have in your library, or someone else in Geneva has, a file of Golosl I am lecturing here the day after tomorrow, Saturday. Consequently, if it cannot be sent so as to reach me on Saturday morning, it is not worth while sending it at all. Regards and au re voir, Yours, Lenin Written on February 24, 1916 Sent from Zurich to Geneva First published in in Lenin Miscellany
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TO SOPHIA RAVICH Dear Comrade,
It is impossible to lecture at the club about the conference which took place, because this will mean publicity, something the organisers of the conference fear more than anything, and specially asked to avoid in every possible way. 431 Consequently, the subject must be changed. I haven't a clear idea of who will be present at the internationalist club, 4 3 2 and therefore find it difficult to choose a subject. I suggest the following: if it is essential to name the subject beforehand, choose some vague title ("Current Affairs" or "Urgent Problems of the Working-Class Movement", etc.), so that everything could be brought under it. Meanwhile I shall take advice in Geneva, and will prepare for the morning of the 2nd a small report or opening to a discussion. Au re voir,
Yours,
Lenin
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For Y. Larin Dear Comrade, To my regret, the list of contributors, the indefinite nature of the miscellany, the restrictions imposed on the contributors, and the lack of information about some of them—all of this obliges me to decline to participate. 433 With Social-Democratic greetings, Lenin Written on March 13, 1916 Sent from Zurich to Stockholm First published in 1930 in Lenin Miscellany XIII
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TO ALEXANDRA KOLLONTAI March 19, 1916 Dear A. M., We have received your letter, and once again congratulate you on your success. I was terribly irritated by the fact that "noble" France had (actually!) confiscated some of my registered letters to you in America. Well, we can't help that, can we? Now you must do your very best about contacts with America. You did write me that while in America you received Internationale Flugblatter No. 1 in German, and that you would try to publish it in English! 434 And now there's not a word about it? What does it mean?! Is that to say that no sympathisers are to be found in America and that Internationale Flugblatter cannot be published in English? This is incredible! But if that is so, it should be published in Norway (in English). Would you undertake to translate it, and how ttuch will it cost to publish it? I also wrote to you in America that I had received a Socialist Propaganda League 435 leaflet from Boston, Mass. (signed by 20 Socialists with addresses, mostly in Massachusetts). This league is internationalist, with a programme clearly tending to the left. I sent them the longest letter 436 in English (and InterRationale Flugblatter in German). There has been no reply. A wonder if "noble" France has confiscated the lot. j you received nothing and know nothing about them, shall send you their address and a copy of my letter, you* undertake to send it on to America?
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And what of the Socialist Labour Party? After all, they are internationalists (even if there is something narrowly sectarian about them). Have they got their copy of Internationale Flugblatter? Have you any contacts with them? Furthermore, you also wrote that you had started negotiations with Charles H. Kerr. What's the result? He did promise to publish a part of our pamphlet (by Lenin and Zinoviev). Now you say nothing more about it.... How are we to understand this? 437 Internationale Korrespondenz438 reported that the New Review in America' had undertaken to publish articles by the Zimmerwald Left. Is that true? Do you know the New Review? Reply as soon and as circumstantially as you can. You will, of course, find out everything in great detail about direct mail steamers from Norway to America. As for Hoglund and the Norwegians, I am still unable to find out whether or not they have received Internationale Flugblatter, whether or not they have published it in Swedish and Norwegian, whether or not they have officially affiliated to the Zimmerwald Left (like the Rev. Soc. Verband of Roland-Hoist). Please take the trouble to find out, get things done, give them a piece of your mind, make them do it, follow it through! Let Bukharin inform you of the contents of our special letter to him about the Zimmerwald people, and please see that this is done. Regards,
Yours, Lenin
My address is: Herrn Uljanow (Schuhladen Spiegelgasse. 12. Zurich. I. P.S. What interesting books and pamphlets have you brought along? Schliiter's history of Chartism? What else? P.S. Am sending you our "theses" (from Vorbote No. 2). Drive this home to the Scandinavians. K
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TO ALEXANDRA KOLLONTAI Dear A. M., Thank you very much for your letter. I shall send you the address of the Socialist Propaganda League, unless I have left it behind in Berne: in that case I shall send it over from Berne (i.e., in 2 or 3 weeks' time). Do you think Appeal to Reason would refuse to reprint Internationale Flugblatter No. 1? Is it worth trying? Will the Socialist Labour Party agree to publish, if we pay the costs? Are these people hopeless sectarians or not? Have you any connections with them? Why don't they send us copies of their papers in the Internationale Sozialistische Kommissiorit (I saw some quite by chance.) Or are they maniacs with an idee fixe about a special "economic" organisation of workers? You ask how desirable it is that the Norwegian party should send its official representative to the conference. Of course; it is 1,000 times better to have a class-conscious and intelligent Left-winger from among the youth, than a Right-winger or a V 2 -Kautskyite from the party. That is clear. Use your influence on these lines, if you can. ^ I am very much distressed that we do not see eye to eye self-determination. Let's try to argue this out in detail Without a squabble (which someone is trying very hard to s t ir up for us on this score) 439 .... Entre nous, perhaps Alexander will show you my reply to N. I. Bukharin's remarks being this discord must remain strictly conu dential, but I trust to your discretion).
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This question ("self-determination") is of the utmost importance. Besides, it is organically bound up with the question of annexations. The best of everything,
Yours, Lenin
P.S. I sent Alexander a great big letter a few days ago. Has he got it? Written after March 19, 1916 Sent from Zurich to Christiania First published in 1924 in Lenin Miscellany II
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INITIAL VARIANT OF R.S.D.L.P. C.C. PROPOSALS TO THE SECOND SOCIALIST CONFERENCE PROPOSALS BY THE C.C. OF THE R.S.D.L.P, TO THE SECOND SOCIALIST CONFERENCE CALLED BY THE I.S.C. (BERNE)4 4 0 THESES ON ITEMS 5, 6, 7a, 7b AND 8 OF THE AGENDA
In announcing the convocation of the Second International Socialist Conference, the I.S.C. published the following major items of the agenda: 5. "The struggle to end the war" 6. "Problems of peace" 7a. Parliamentary "action"^ "agitation and 7b. Mass " J propaganda" JJ 8. International Socialist Bureau. The I.S.C. has invited organisations to discuss these questions and send in their propositions. Here is the response of our Party's C.C. to the invitation: 1. In the same way as any war is only the continuation by means of force of the policy which the belligerent powers and the ruling classes in them carried on for long years decades before the war, so peace ending any war can be nothing but an account and a record of the actual changes ^ strength achieved as a result of that war. Hence, any talk of assessing a given war on the strength the "simple" concepts of defence and attack, and of assessing the coming peace on the strength of "simple" ^gh-minded wishes for a stable, democratic, honourable, st° 'ri p c . a c e ' •raost absurd and thick-witted, from the andpoint of theory, from the standpoint of socialist ctrine, and is the greatest deception of the working c l a s s in practice.
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3. The present war is an imperialist war, i.e., a war born of contradictions on the basis of highly developed monopoly capitalism, which is ripe for transition to sociall ism. This war is being waged for world hegemony, i. e . for fresh oppression of the weak nations, for another division of the world, the division of colonies, spheres of influence etc.—a division in which the old robber powers, Britain,' France and Russia, would give up a share of their booty to Germany, a younger and stronger robber power. 4. Consequently, unless a revolution of the proletariat overthrows the present governments and present ruling classes of the belligerent "Great" Powers, there is absolutely no possibility of any other kind of peace, except a more or less brief armistice between the imperialist powers, a peace accompanied by a strengthening of reactionary forces within the states, an intensification of the national oppression and greater enslavement of the weak nations, a growth in the inflammable material preparing the way for new wars, etc., etc. For from the objective content of the policy engendered by the whole epoch of imperialism, the policy carried on by the bourgeoisie of all the warring "Great" Powers both before this war and during it, inevitably flows a peace based on a fresh and worse oppression of nations, etc. 5. To spread among the masses of the people ideas or hopes of the possibility of a stable or democratic, etc., peace between the present governments and the ruling classes (i.e., the bourgeoisie in alliance with the landowners), as most of the official socialist parties are doing, is not only shamelessly to deceive the people, but also to blunt their vigilance and to distract them from the revolutionary struggle, which is already in effect beginning as a movement of strikes and demonstrations. 6. That is just the kind of deception of the people and distraction of the proletariat from the revolutionary struggle that is inherent in the "peace programme" now being "unanimously" put forward both by Huysmans, the Second International's official representative at the congress of the Sozialdemokratische Arbeiter Partei of Holland i#n Arnhem, 441 and by Kautsky, the most influential cian of the Second International and the most influentiai p
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of the social-patriots and social-chauvinists of Their programme is nothing but verbal and a ll recognition of a few democratic pious hopes: rejection of annexations and indemnities, self-determination of nations, democratisation of foreign policy, courts of to examine disputes between states, disarmaUnited States of Europe, etc., etc. 7. The most obvious confirmation of the fact that this "peace programme" is sheer hypocrisy is, on the one hand, its verbal acceptance by a number of bourgeois pacifists and ministerial demagogues of the warring countries, and on the other, its repetition by notorious (notorisch) chauvinists at the conferences of the "socialists", first of one group of warring powers in London (February 1915) and then of the other in Vienna (April 1915). 442 It is the "socialists" who join bourgeois governments engaged in the predatory war, who voted the war credits and assisted the war by taking part in various organisations and institutions, etc., who in practice pursue a policy of defending old and new annexations, colonial oppression, etc., that now proclaim before the whole world their "peace programme", consisting of rejection of annexations and so forth. 8. The highest authority in the Second International, Kautsky, proclaimed to the whole world on May 21, 1915 {Neue Zeit) that the agreement and "unanimity" of "socialists" in London* and in Vienna, on the principle of the "independence" or self-determination of nations, proves the Second International's "unanimity" on, and "viability" in, its "peace programme". 443 This defence and sanction of the most crying and most brazen hypocrisy and deception of the workers is by no means an accident, but a systematic policy pursued in a number of countries by men who pretend to be "internationalists", but actually whitewash the imperialist war by applying to it the idea of "defence of the fatherland", and strengthen the domination of the labour movement by social-chauvinists, who have betrayed socialism, by preaching "unity" with them. *his policy, which is most harmful and dangerous for the defender c
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working class, is being carried on by Kautsky, Haase and others in Germany, Longuet, Pressemane and others France, most of the leaders in Britain, Axelrod, Martov and Chkheidze and Co. in Russia, Treves and others in Italy (see the threat of Avanti!, the Central Organ of the Italian Party, issued on March 5, 1916, to expose Treves and other "reformist-possibilists" as having "set in motion every possible means to obstruct the action of the party leadership and Oddino Morgari towards the Zimmerwald organisation and the new International itself" 444 ). This world-wide policy, which is most dangerous for the working class, may be called a Kautskian policy, after its most authoritative representative. 9. Socialists cannot renounce the struggle for reforms. They must vote, incidentally in parliaments as well, for any, even minor, improvements in the condition of the masses, such as higher aids to the inhabitants of devastated areas, relaxation of national oppression, etc. But on the basis of the present war and the peace which follows from it, such reformist activity for the improvement of the people's condition is obviously possible only in miniature proportions. It would be a crying deception of the masses to suggest to them, directly or indirectly, that a reformist solution of the problems raised by the present war is possible. For this war has brought about a revolutionary situation in Europe by making an issue of the most fundamental problems of imperialism, which must needs be solved the imperialist way unless the governments and ruling classes of Europe happen to be overthrown the revolutionary way. Therefore, the main and basic task in the struggle for a stable and peace on the part of socialists should be: first, to the masses of the need of revolutionary mass struggle, systematic propaganda of such struggle and the of an appropriate organisation; second, exposure of the lies and hypocrisy both of bourgeois-pacifist and particularly Kautskian, talk about peace and the of the Second International on the "peace Such phrases are doubly hypocritical when from "socialists" who echo the bourgeoisie in denying any possibility of transforming the present imperialist war p
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for socialism, and who oppose any revoluin this direction. 10. The central point of the prevailing hypocrisy about accepta "peace programme" is the allegedly unanimous ance of struggle against old and new annexations. But those who talk about annexations and the struggle against them are unable, or for the most part unwilling, to think about the meaning of annexation. It is clear that not every attachment of "foreign" territory can be called annexation, since socialists, generally speaking, are in favour of eliminating frontiers between nations, the coming together and integration of nations, and the formation of larger states. It is clear that not every infringement of the status quo can be considered annexation: this would be a most reactionary attitude, and a mockery of the fundamental conceptions of historical science. It is clear that not every attachment by force, that is, war, can be considered annexation, since socialists cannot object to force' if it is applied in the interests of the mass of the population and the interests of mankind's progress. It is clear that only the attachment of territory against the will of its population can and must be tleemed annexation. In other words, the concept of annexation is organically bound up with the concept of self-determination of nations. 11. It is precisely on the basis of the present war, because of the fact that it is imperialist on the part of both groups of warring "Great" Powers, that there was bound to develop, and actually did develop, the phenomenon of the bourgeoisie and social-chauvinists intensively "fighting" against "annexations", if they have* been carried out, or are being carried out, by an enemy state. Siidekum and his A u s t r o - G e r m a n friends and defenders, including Haase and Kautsky, are silent about the annexations carried out 7 Germany in respect of Alsace-Lorraine, Denmark, Poland, etc -» but very often "fight against annexations" carried out by Russia in respect of Finland, Poland, Ukraine, the ^aucasus, etc., by Britain in respect of India, and so forth. S^d v o t ' l e r the British, French, Italian and Russian uciekums, i.e., Hyndman, Guesde, Vandervelde, Renaudel, ab eVGS ' ^ e khanov, Axelrod, Chkheidze and Co., are silent 0 u t Britain's annexations in respect of India, France's
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in respect of Nice or Morocco, Italy's in respect of Tripoli or Albania, Russia's in respect of Poland, Ukraine, etc. but then largely "fight against annexations" carried out by Germany. It is clear that such "struggle against annexations" on the part of the social-chauvinists and Kautskyites ig hypocritical through and through, and the bourgeoisie is assisting such struggle directly, by allocating millions upon millions for chauvinist propaganda, and indirectly, by granting a monopoly of legality only to the socialchauvinists and the Kautskyites. It is clear that both the French "socialists" who justify a war for Alsace-Lorraine, and the German "socialists" who refuse to demand freedom for Alsace-Lorraine to secede from Germany, are equally annexationists, for all their swearing to the contrary. It is clear that Russian "socialists" who speak or write against the "break-up of Russia", or, behind the "peace without annexations "slogan, justify, directly or indirectly, the present war over who is to enslave Poland, are just as much annexationists, and so on and so forth. 12. If socialists are not to transform "the struggle against annexations" into an empty phrase or into revolting hypocrisy, they should, first, explain to the masses the need for revolutionary struggle for the conquest of political power by the proletariat and a socialist revolution which springs from all the conditions of the imperialist epoch and the present imperialist war, and which alone can firmly and everywhere ensure the self-determination of nations, i.e., liberate oppressed nations and effect the coming together and integration of nations, not on the basis of force but on the basis of the equal rights and consent of the proletariat and working people of all nations; secondly> immediately mount the widest propaganda and agitation against the veiled chauvinism and annexationism of the official socialist parties, especially in the "Great" PowersSocialists should explain to the masses that the English socialist who does not struggle now for freedom of for Ireland, India, etc., is a socialist and only in words, and a chauvinist and annexationist in practice. The same applies to the French socialist who does not fight for the freedom of the French colonies, i
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the war to annex Alsace-Lorraine, etc.; the German social•st who does not fight for freedom of secession for AlsaceLorraine, the Danes, the Poles, the Belgians, the Serbs and others; the Russian socialist who does not fight for freedom of secession for the Ukraine, Finland, etc., and against war over Poland; the Italian socialist who does not fight for freedom of secession for Tripoli, Albania, etc.; the Dutch socialist who does not fight for freedom of secession and independence for the Dutch East Indies; the Polish socialist who does not fight for full freedom and equality for the Jews and the Ukrainians oppressed by the Poles, and so on. 13. It inevitably follows from the Zimmerwald manifesto and the I.S.C. circular of Feb. 10, 1916 (Bulletin No. 3) 4 4 6 that all "war on war" and "struggle for peace" are hypocrisy unless they are indissolubly bound up with immediate revolutionary mass struggle, and with its propaganda and preparation. But this conclusion must be set forth straightforwardly and definitely. There is need, first, to explain to the masses what the development of the revolutionary mass struggle in the conditions of a European war can and must (muss) lead to. It leads inevitably to the transformation of the imperialist war into a civil war for socialism. This is hinted at by all the speeches about it being better for the workers to die for their own causes, rather than for someone else's. But a hint is insufficient. The masses should have clearly put before them the great, even though maybe not very immediate, aim. They should know what direction to take and why. Second, jf we call on. the masses to fight their governments "regardless of the military position of a given country", we thereby not only reject in principle the admissibility of defence of the fatherland" in the present war, but recognise the desirability of defeat of any bourgeois government, in 0r der to transform the defeat into a revolution. And this m ust be said straightforwardly: revolutionary mass struggle cannot become international unless its class-conscious repa r a t i v e s openly, unite for the purpose of defeating and . verthrowing all bourgeois governments. Third—and this ! *ost important—it is impossible to carry on a revoionary mass struggle without creating everywhere, not
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only at the top but also in the midst of the masses, a n illegal organisation for its propaganda, preparation and discussion of its course and conditions. If there have been street demonstrations in Germany, if there have been many letters from the front calling on the people not to subscribe to the war loan in France, if there have been mass strikes in Britain, to say nothing of Russia, then in order to aid this struggle, to unify it on an international scale, it i s unquestionably necessary to report every step along this road in a free, i.e., illegal, press, analysing the successes, assessing their conditions, and building up and developing the struggle. Without an illegal organisation and an illegal press the acceptance of "mass action" will remain an empty phrase (as is the case in Switzerland).* 14. On the question of the socialists' parliamentary struggle (Aktion), it should be borne in mind that the Zimmerwald resolution not only expresses its sympathy with the five Social-Democratic deputies of the Duma, who belong to our Party, and who have been sentenced to exile in Siberia, but also proclaims its solidarity with their tactics. It is impossible to recognise the revolutionary struggle of the masses and put up with the purely legal, purely reformist activity of socialists in parliaments; this leads only to legitimate dissatisfaction among the workers, and their leaving the S.D. ranks for anti-parliamentary anarchism or syndicalism. It is essential to say clearly and publicly that Social-Democrats in parliaments must use their position not only to make parliamentary speeches, but also to give all-round extra-parliamentary assistance to the illegal organisation and revolutionary struggle of the workers, and that the masses themselves must, through their illegal organisation, check up on such activity by their leaders. 15. The question of convening the International Socialist Bureau, included in the agenda of the coming Second International Socialist Conference, unavoidably raises the more fundamental question of principle, namely, whether the unity of the old parties and of the Second International is possible. The wider the sympathy among the masses * Paragraphs 12 and 13 are crossed out in the MS.—Ed.
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for the Zimmerwald organisation, the less understandable j o r the masses and the more harmful for the development of their struggle is the inconsistency and timidity of the attitude which in essence identifies the old parties and the Second International with bourgeois policy in the w o r k i n g - c l a s s movement (see the Zimmerwald manifesto and I.S.C. circular of Feb. 10, 1916), while fearing a split with them, and promising to dissolve the I.S.C. directly the old International Socialist Bureau reassembles. This promise was not voted upon, and was not even discussed at Zimmerwald. During the six months since Zimmerwald, it has become even clearer that a split is inevitable, that the work recommended by the Zimmerwald manifesto cannot be carried on in unity with the old parties, and that the fear of a split hampers every step on that way. In Germany it is not only the Internationale Sozia listen Deutschlands group that has condemned the fear of a split, and has openly come out against the hypocrisy of those who preach unity; Otto Riihle, a member of the Reichstagsfraktion and a close associate of Karl Liebknecht, has openly declared for a split. And Vorwarts has failed to End a single serious or honest argument against Riihle. In France, Bourderon, a member of the Socialist Party, is against a split in words, but has actually tabled in the Congress a resolution which directly "dSsapprouve [disapproves ] of the C.A.P. [Comite Administratif Permanent—Party Executive] and the G . P . " (Groupe Parlementaire=pdLv\i3iment8ivy group). The adoption of such a resolution would clearly mean an immediate and unquestionable split in the party. In Britain, T. Russel Williams, even writing in the moderate Labour Leader, has openly and repeatedly declared the inevitability of a s Plit, and has met wifh support from some members of his party. In America, with formal unity in the Socialist Party, some of its members declare for militarism and ^ar (so-called preparedness), and others, among them Eugene Debs, the one-time Socialist candidate for the Pres, openly preach civil war for socialism in connection W l th the looming war. There is already an actual split throughout the world, and closing their eyes to this only tends to harm the 25-1652 i
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Zimmerwaldists, making them ridiculous in the eyes of the masses, who know perfectly well that each step in their work in the spirit of Zimmerwald means a continuation and widening of the split. It takes courage openly to recognise what is inevitable and what has taken place, to abandon the harmful illusions about unity being possible with the "defenders of the fatherland" in the present war, to help the masses to be rid of the influence of those leaders who are "misleading them" (see the I.S.C. circular of Feb. 10, 1916) or paving the way for a plot (Pakt) against socialism via an "amnesty". That is our proposal on the item of the agenda for the calling of the International Socialist Bureau at The Hague. *
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Reformist talk is the main means for deceiving the people at a time when the objective situation has placed on the agenda of history the greatest world crisis, which, regardless of the will of the several parties, can be either evaded or put off until the next imperialist war, or resolved through a socialist revolution. It is neither an accident nor the ill will of the several governments or capitalists of some country but the whole evolution of bourgeois relations that has led to imperialism and the present imperialist war. Nor is it an accident or the result of some demagogy or agitation but the objective conditions of the wartime crisis and the aggravation of class contradictions that are now giving rise to the strikes, demonstrations and similar other manifestations of mass revolutionary struggle in a number of belligerent countries. Objectively the question appears in this way—and in no other: either to help this still weak but internally powerful and deep ferment and movement of the masses, which is potentially capable of developing into a socialist revolution; or to conduct a policy of assisting the bourgeois governments (Durchhaltspolitik, politique jusquauboutiste*). The real meaning of the sugary talk about a democratic peace is nothing but assistance to the governments through the hypocritical dulling and duping of the masses. * Carrying on the war to a victorious end.—Ed.
zengewang.org PROPOSALS BY R.S.D.L.P. C.C. TO 2ND SOCIALIST CONFERENCE *
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This war has raised the fundamental questions of imperialist1* that is, the questions of the very existence of capitalist society, and it would he quackery to suggest to the people—directly or indirectly—that any reformist solution of these problems is possible. What is involved here is a fresh division of the world in accordance with the new balance of forces between the capitalist states, which over the last few decades have been developing not only at exceptional speed but—and this is especially important—extremely unevenly. On the basis of capitalist social relations this redivision of the world is inconceivable except through force and war. The objective state of things rules out any reformist solution for the mature contradictions; it rules out any other way out except a series of imperialist wars or a socialist revolution of the proletariat, for whose success the imperialist epoch itself has already created the conditions. Real political activity in these conditions is possible only as one of two things: assistance to "one's own" national bourgeoisie in plundering other countries, or assistance to the incipient....* Written in late February and March 1916 First published in Pravda No. 255, November 6-7, 1927
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TO ALEXANDRA KOLLONTAI Dear A. M., I have only just learned from Alexander's letter to Grigory of the sad fate of our friends in the town from which Alexander has come. 4 4 6 I hope you will make use of all your connections, and do everything possible and impossible to extricate them and help them in every way. I have decided not to write to Branting, because my recommendation at present in all respects—you will appreciate—may do harm. Probably it will be best of all for you to get things moving through your Norwegian friends. Gable, if you need anything else. (In case of necessity, perhaps the appeal could go through Denmark? It would also be valid through the German SocialDemocratic deputies but for the fact that the Right-wingers are very angry with you. Now if you could try through the wow-Rightist German Social-Democrats....) I am surprised that Alexander has received only one letter from me. I sent three: the second to the town from which Alexander has come (addressed to the "Secretary of the Party" at the People's House—telephone there, if possible); the third went to his present address. I hope he's got the third letter by now. I am expecting him to write, for he has been somewhat niggardly about writing. Best regards to him from me and N. K. To you too. Yours,
Lenin
Written on April 4 , 1916 Sent from Zurich to Christiania First published in 1924 in Lenin Miscellany II
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TO ALEXANDRA KOLLONTAI Dear A. M., You know, of course, that Huysmans is calling the neutrals together for June 26. 447 We must try to have one of "our men" attend from the Scandinavian countries, and we ought to think out his line thoroughly. Please, write as soon as you can whether there is any hope of this (so that we should have time to exchange letters). Do you read the German Social-Democratic papers? The Braunschweig Volksfreund gave a good answer to Huysmans,448 while the Chemnitz Volksstimme, which is an organ of the Right, said it was in complete agreement with Huysmans 's criticism of the Zimmerwaldists. 449 Is there any hope of the sentence on Hoglund being quashed? This is unheard-of, incredible ferocity! 450 All the best, Yours,
Lenin
Best regards to Nik. Ivanovich, from whom there was a telegram but no letter. I wish him with all my heart an early rest and quick recovery. How are his finances? P.S. Isn't 75 kronen too much for the pamphlet in English? 461 Perhaps we should wait? Written between April
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TO A. G. SHLYAPNIKOV Dear Alexander, The conference is over, its manifesto has been published (May l ) . 4 5 2 I hope you receive Berner Tagwacht—or some other Swiss paper? If not, drop us a line, and we shall send you the French text. Grigory is preparing a circumstantial letter about the conference, and this will be sent to you. After all, a manifesto was adopted: that is a step forward, because it was accepted by the French deputies (three, one of them the semi-chauvinist Brizon). 453 A resolution criticising pacifism, and a resolution on the International Socialist Bureau, sharply criticising it, were adopted. On the whole, this is none the less, despite the mass of defects, a step towards a break with the social-patriots. This time the Left was stronger: a Serb, three Swiss and a Frenchman (not a deputy; not from any group, but on his own) reinforced our Left. Then there were two (from the Internationale group) 454 who supported us on the main questions. Have you seen the Huysmans manifesto? It an unmistakable malicious "hint" about us! The schweig Volksfreund gave him a good answer. As regards the Japanese, 455 we have decided to another, and, I hope, final, attempt to reach a g r e e m e n t : (1) all the old agreements (verbal) are cancelled; (2) an agreement between the Central Organ's editorial which edits the issue, and the publishers to be c o n c l u d e d from issue to issue, i.e., for each issue separately; (3) No. ^ to be published at Berne (clearly it is impossible at Stock' holm). G
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Try and see whether it will come off or not. If not, we shall publish Sbornik Sotsial-Demokrata. We can't wait. 4 5 6 Here is the plan for No. 3: 1) Material from Russia (up to 3 sheets). 2) Theses of the Central Organ's editorial board on gelf-determination. 3) Lenin's article on the same subject.
4) The 2nd Zimmerwald Conference. Grigory Zinoviev
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5) Bukharin: an economic subject.
6) Lyalin on the high cost of living. 7) Alexander—from Russia. 8) A Serb and an Italian have promised articles. 9) Russian themes—Grigory Zinoviev. 10) Radek—continuation (? hardly worth while. In my opinion, no).* 10) Kollontai—from America. 11) A Lett. 12) Varin. 13) The women's labour movement. 14) Book reviews. 15) About Trotsky, Martov and the Chkheidze group.... Think it over, probe the ground, get the facts, as tactfully as possible, and reply as soon as you can. 4 5 7 All the best, and wishes for every success. Yours, Lenin PiS. As Nadya has already written, I agree with you on the Jewish miscellany. 458 Nadya has repeatedly written to Berne for the material. Regards to Alexandra Mikhailovna! Yours, Lenin Written between May 6 and 13,1916 sent from Zurich to Christiania First published in 1924 in Lenin Miscellany II
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^his point is crossed out in the MS. Lenin had in view a continuation of the Radek article, "A Quarter of a Century of Development UI imperialism", carried in No. 1-2 of Kommunist.—Ed.
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TO V. A. KARPINSKY Dear V- K . , As we agreed, I intend to visit Geneva and Lausanne for a lecture, "Two Streams in the International Labour Movement" (you said that this title was better than "Two Internationals", which I used here). If conditions have not changed, and my trip will pay for itself, please fix the date for a fortnight ahead (at Lausanne the day after).459 I shall be awaiting your reply. I need to work a day or so at the Geneva Public Library. Could you find out whether by any chance it will be closed on any day, apart from the holidays? Salutations,
Yours,
Lenin
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Written on May 17, 1916 Sent from Zurich to Geneva First published in 1929 in Lenin Miscellany XI
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TO A. G. SHLYAPNIKOV For Alexander May 23, 1916
Dear Friend, I have only just received from Grigory your letter to him of May 19. You write that "the correspondence and negotiations with Kommunist have become a terrible bore". I quite understand you, but do have patience! You can't, after all, once you have set about negotiating, have attacks of nerves and fall into despair. That's not the proletarian way, really and truly. You put two questions: (1) to co-opt two more (C.O. supporters) to the editorial board; (2) to start a Discussion Section in Kommunist. On the first point you write: "From conversations with them. I realise that they have nothing against it, though °f course it grieves them." I began thinking about your plan. I think that to take on non-writers (particularly after all our sad experiments) yould be an absolute iniquity, something we could not justify before the Party. We could, perhaps, find one writer U nave one in my mind; I must find out more about him, a n d think it over again and again, before saying yes or n o ) . It's much harder getting another one. t ^ o u l d you modify your plan, to make it workable, in ^nis way: either the C.O. editorial board co-opts two Party a r e a v a ^ a ^ e (^en there will be seven); or^T^ ^ > x* ft manages to find, only one, the publishers (the Kievys> he and she) delegate one of their number to the
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editorial board (then there will publisher+three here)?
be
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(I personally would find the latter particularly suitable because (a) it would obviate the need to invent editors(b) it would not reduce the "rights" of the publishers' because it is all the same to have one to one or two to two(c) it would create an editorial board of writers, which is extremely important in a Party sense, to combat the striving abroad for editorial positions.) Think it over and reply (if not inconvenient, probe the ground among the publishers). As regards the Discussion Section, your plan is debatable, if it is implemented in a practical way and if one little thing, which you could not have known of, is eliminated. In a practical way means laying down precisely who has the right to have a discussion article inserted. All members of the editorial board. That is unquestionable. Is it sufficient? I think it is. The editorial board will consist of five or seven persons. The "one little thing" is this. A discussion within the Party. Undoubtedly. Well, but what about inflaming differences or opening doors for groups abroad which are not in the Party? This is the point. The publishers made Kommunist impossible, because they did not want any discussion, they did not write or prepare anything at all for discussion—but played on Radek's striving to through the cracks of our Party from outside. Radek and the Nashe Slovo people, and many others among the abroad, are simply straining, in the guise of to bring about divisions amongst us, to blow up discontents, and hamper our work (an old game of exiles abroad!). You may not know that Radek pushed us out of the Vorbote editorial board. It was initially agreed that there would be a joint editorial board composed of two (1) the Dutch (maybe-fTrotsky) and (2) us (i.e., Radek, Grigory and me). This condition gave us equal rights on the editorial board. „ Radek intrigued for months, and got the (Roland-Hoist) to cancel this plan. We were to the position of contributors. It's a fact! g
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0vengewang.org TO A. G. SHLYAPNIKOV
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Is it proper to reward Radek for this feat by giving him the right to "discuss", and the publishers, the right to hide behind Radek? That will be not discussion, but dissension and intrigue. (1) Gazeta Robotnicza (February 1916), in which Radek participates, carried some purely factional attacks on us, and a resolution on Nashe Slovo lines. (2) Now on the question of assessing the Irish insurrection (a most important question, is it not? Not abstract "theory"!) both Radek 4 6 0 and Kulisher (the Cadet in Rech)461 are in full agreement, stupidly calling it a "putsch ". This is incredible, but it's a fact! If, in the guise of "discussion", the publishers want to provide a platform for all the groups abroad wishing to fight our Party without joining it, that is not discussion, it is a game. X If they don't want this, why not lay down precisely, for example, that the right to open discussions is restricted (1) to members of the editorial board; (2) to the Party organisations in Russia; (3) to the C.O.A., 4 6 2 being the X organisation of the Party outside Russia? Kommunist was an alliance with the Dutch and Radek. This alliance has been changed by the fact that we were downgraded in the Dutch-Radek journal from editors to contributors. So don't cherish any harmful illusions about the alliance remaining the same! These are harmful illusions! We have to go forward ourselves, not allowing our hands to be tied. Not in any way. The practical conclusion: think over (and I will think it over and write to Grigory about it) the following §§: 1) the composition of the editorial board is changed: ^ or 7 (see above); 2) another title is chosen (Sbornik or the like); X\ 3) explicit rules of discussion (e.g., in the spirit of | J;
X' 4) Switzerland to be the place of publication (for some reason you don't mention this point. Why?); 5) the income is divided in such-and-such a way. Will the publishers agree to provide V2 for the cost of transport
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and of maintenance for the organiser of contacts, etc., i . e t > yourself? Reply! Yours, V. Ulyanov Thousands of best wishes, and don't let your nerves go> Chiefs have no right to have fits of nerves! Sent from Zurich to Christiania First published in 1929 in the Journal Proletarskaya Revolutsia No. 7
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TO ALEXANDRA KOLLONTAI Dear A . M . ,
I was very glad to have your news and information. 463 We shall have to be patient about America: it's worth while publishing only over there. I hope you will do everything possible to consolidate matters as regards the Left Swedes and Norwegians. So far nothing has yet been fixed. Not a thing! There is only talk. There is neither formal affiliation with the Left, nor proper relations with us, not a single thing. And this after the Hoglund affair! I can't understand these people! As regards the meeting of the neutrals at The Hague on June 26, I have this plan: it is clear that the phlegmatic Norwegians will be unable to do a thing without a knowledge of foreign languages. Why don't you go as weZZ?464 Why could not the C.C. of the Norwegian Party appoint X plus you? X is essential, as a local man, while you are & plus. Even if as an interpreter. You would be exceptionally useful, because then you would get to know everything. I am certain that, otherwise, we won't even get a full, precise, clear and accurate report of what has taken place (and the workers of the whole world will not get °ne either). Think about this. And do everything possible for it. All the best,
Yours,
Lenin
P.S. I haven't read the Rybalka pamphlet 465 : too busy. A e ll me: did the stupid S.R. pamphlets weaken the significance of the revolutionary struggle of the S.R. peasants?
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Did the provocateur Gapon weaken the significance 0 f the revolutionary struggle of the Gapon workers? They call the Irish insurrection a "putsch" (have you seen K . Radek in Berner Tagwacht?)—and you put up with this!? I don't understand you. I absolutely do not understand. If anything, this in particular has proved the indecent pedantry and stupid doctrinaire approach of K. Radek in Berner Tagwacht and those "of like mind with him". If your journey is impossible, could you, at any rate, get the C.C. of the Norwegian Party to pass a decision to the effect that the delegate should carefully and on the spot make a note of everything that takes place? Written after May 28, 1916 Sent from Zurich to Christiania First published in 1924 in Lenin Miscellany II
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TO A. G. SHLYAPNIKOV For Comrade Alexander Dear Alexander,
Of course we shall give Belenin 300 kronen, if he has already so firmly decided on his plan for a trip. It will be a pity if he goes. In any case, you must do everything to ensure his return in a few months. As regards the "Japanese", you shouldn't think that they have made "considerable concessions" in the draft you have sent on. They haven't made any at all! On the contrary, the demand that the two should have the right to haul in dissenting contributors is an innovation, an addition, a surenchere. And this innovation clearly exposes their "policy" in the worst sense of the word. If the founders, the publishers, the young contributors want freedom of opinion for themselves—freedom of discussion—that is legitimate. But if people, behind this legitimate desire, try to smuggle "discussion" which is not their own, but that of "contributors", isn't it clear that this is a game? Never has there been anything like this anywhere. If the two want publicity for all kinds of intrigues abroad—let them go ahead, and let them be responsible for it. I cannot Participate in this either directly or indirectly. You will ask, perhaps, where is the proof that it is a Question of intrigues abroad? I wrote to you about this °ng ago, and you have not replied a single time. The proof Gazeta wv,- i6 issue of Robotnicza (February 1916), from wnich we have Radek and Bronski as "contributors". *hat is a fact.
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These gentlemen were the first in the Zimmerwald Left to start an intrigue—and at what a time! They want tn 0 "play off" Chkheidze and Trotsky. At such a moment the two publishers do not blush to propose to us that we should give them "freedom and ^ guarantee" of discussion for such contributors! This is either madness, or the height of impudence. And equal representation with them ( 6 = 3 + 3 ) , is that not the same thing? Why, they once gave you to understand (and you wrote this yourself) that they would accept the co-opting of two, supporters of the C.O. But when it came to having a written agreement, they beat a retreat. Isn't that the game of petty hucksters? If people are in agreement, sincerely and in principle, to have a journal or a miscellany support the Programme of the Party, then the majority must be for it. Otherwise there is no sincerity, no principle, only "the purse strings". My view is, explain all this to them clearly, in popular language, if necessary in writing, and give them an ultimatum: either this way ( 7 = 4 + 3 ) , or you send in your conclusion about their "game" to the Bureau. 466 That will be the correct Party reply. All the best,
Yours,
Lenin
Written late in May 1916 Sent from Zurich to Christiania in
First published in 1929 the journal Proletarskaya Revolutsia No. 7
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TO A. G. SHLYAPNIKOV Dear Alexander,
I wrote to you briefly yesterday. Today I want to have a further talk. I am revolted by the "conditions" laid down by the Japanese. That two editors should have the right to decide on inserting an article written for discussion purposes by a contributor! Not even three, but only two: in other words, the publishers "depend" on no one but themselves. 467 The meaning of this clause is clear: they want to hide behind Radek and inflame our differences with him and with the P.S.D. 4 6 8 This is not discussion, but the height of intrigue, the utmost cravenness. It's just as it was in Paris in 1911, when we were "dragged" into a discussion with Rappoport, or Lyova, or Viktoryonok, or Bogdanov! I have written to you that the Polish Gazeta Robotnicza (February 1916) is attacking us just like those Parisians did then. In no circumstances will I join an editorial board which is intriguing in this way, under the guise of discussion. If you, Japanese, want to help to disorganise our Party, do it on y°ur own responsibility. Your purse is full. Go ahead and Publish the "discussion" by Radek or Gazeta Robotnicza: then the Russian workers will see at once that you are inriguers, and will kick you out. But you want to play this ^ a n trick under cover of a "collective board". Sorry, but I v °n't accept this and will expose you. That is my reply ^ a P a n e s e 011 ^ i s question. the same goes for "equal rights" (the elimination of the ^venth member, or voting on him). 4 6 9 This is a continuatn°? ° f t i l e "gauae". What has Party membership got ° a<> with it? The point is that we are to give "equal rights" 2 6 -l652
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to people who have shown themselves in the negative\ Why should we? Equal rights=the right to spoil the work! I n the name of what? For what purpose? To make dissension permanent? No. If they want to make a new experiment, we shall take a new journal, or more precisely} miscellany, and try (the old confidence has been undermined) to issue one with an editorial board of seven. We shall make the experiment: this is the maximum concession which I can conscientiously allow. If the experiment fails, the intriguers and the capitalists lose nothing, because the "purse " can always be withdrawn. And we shall then issue our own miscellany. One that is simple, clear and without intrigue. I wish you all the best, and ask you to be patient. Yours,
Lenin
Written after June 4, 1916 Sent from Zurich to Christiania First published in 1929 in the Journal Proletarshaya Revolutsia No. 7
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TO A. G. SHLYAPNIKOV June 17, 1916
Dear Friend, Nadezhda Konstantinovna is writing to you about other matters, but I will reply to your P.S. to me. You write that "our people have no evil intentions , and you add that for the Kievskys "it's a matter of the national question alone, and that they write the articles themselves". If that were the case, why then have a paragraph in the Rules about the right of discussion for contributors on the demand of two (note: not even three, but two, i.e., distrust of Bukharin on the part of the Japanese)? In that event, this paragraph would have no meaning. And it is a thing without precedent for two editors out of six or seven to demand "freedom" of discussion (alleged discussion) not for themselves, but for contributors. No. The Japanese woman cannot insert meaningless Paragraphs into the Rules. The meaning of this paragraph is just this, and only this, that our hands are being tied, and we find ourselves helpless against the striving of the 1 oles t o start an intrigue. . . You write that you have not seen Gazeta Robotnicza {you should have been sent it, and also the C.0.A. resolution adopted with the participation of Grigory: I am writing to him a nd Zina at once, to have them send it to you immediately). You say, moreover, that for this reason "you don't know w h at it's all about". But you add there and then, for some reason: "I know, 1 f eel, that you have cooled off towards Radek and Lo. Y o u will agree that this is somewhat strange. Atter an,
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my apprehension about intrigue on the part of Radek and Co., my conviction that this is so, springs directly from the facts concerning Vorbote (I wrote to you about it).470 That is the first point. And the second, and most important 1 is that it springs from Gazeta Robotnicza. It is in that paper that Radek and Go. began an intrigUe against us, when we had nowhere written a single li n e against them! 471 After all, this is a fact. You can't brush facts aside. The old "game" (the word used in the C.O.A. resolution) of playing up our split with Ghkheidze and Co! began in Gazeta Robotnicza, and is Tyszka's old, long familiar game. 472 So what are we to do? Either we allow this game not only to grow unhindered, but to seep through to our journal This is what the paragraph in the Japanese woman's draft Rules leads to! And it would mean a hopeless and final war against Radek and Co. You write, as though against me, that "it is not to our advantage to quarrel with the Zimmerwald Left". I reply: if we are not to have a final quarrel with Radek and Co. (and through them with others as well, should things go badly), we must, for that very purpose, make this kind of "game" and intrigue impossible in our journal. That is just why I refuse to go along with the discussing "contributors", and refuse to join Kommunist. It's one of two things: if we agree to restore Kommunist, it would mean opening the door to the development of that intrigue; it would mean us opening the door to it. This would be mad p o l i c y , ! am sure. Does the Japanese understand all its implications? I don't know, but that isn't very important: the "mechanics" of relations abroad itself lead to such a result, regardless of the malice or goodness and purity of the Japanese woman's The other prospect: not to revive Kommunist. To issue another miscellany. Give the editors the right Analyse the national question. Beat off Gazeta Robotnicza s game and intrigue. Radek or his friends attacked us in Gazeta Robotnicza* We replied in our miscellany, 473 only in ours, please not in one published in common with the Zimmerwald Left oj other countries. a
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That's where it ends. The Zimmerwald Left, whom Radek tried without success
drag into a quarrel with us at Kienthal (in talks with platten and others, he wanted to deprive us of equality in the main commission of the Left but the Left wouldn't let
him do it)—these Zimmerwald Left have nothing to do with the struggle between Gazeta Robotnicza and Sbornik SotsialDemokrata.
The Zimmerwald Left cannot intervene in this struggle, they cannot take offence and complain: Radek and Co. were the first to attack in Gazeta Robotnicza, and they have had their reply in Sbornik Sotsial-Demokrata (or in some other miscellany). In such a situation, no efforts by Radek and Co. can conceivably bring about a quarrel between ourselves and the Zimmerwald Left (just as at Kienthal Radek failed to set us at loggerheads, either with Platten or with the German Left, though he did try to). While Radek and Co. reply to us in the next issue of Gazeta Robotnicza, and we to them in another miscellany (I insist absolutely on agreements from miscellany to miscellany), quite a lot of time will go by. And during all that time, if that is the approach,Radek and Co.'s dirty trick in Gazeta Robotnicza will not be able to set us at loggerheads with the Left. That is why I have said, and still say, that I will not on any account now either join Kommunist, or accept equal rights with the Japanese woman, or membership at all jointly with Radek in our own miscellany, because I am convinced that this will make inevitable a quarrel with the Left. If we issue Kommunist No. 3, then Radek and Bronski and Pannekoek (and the general public) will have the right to e *pect, and will expect, a continuation of the same thing; will have the right to expect, and will expect, all possible guarantees for contributors; they will have the right, hnally (and this is particularly important), to take offence ^ d intervene if we reply there to Gazeta Robotnicza's dirty tr*cks. This throws the gates wide open to intrigue. that event, Radek and Co. will surely bring about a Quarrel between us and the Left, because even Pannekoek have the most sacred right to say: it wasn't that md of Kommunist that I agreed to join, I don't want t
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"attacks" on Gazeta Robotnicza (he will depict defence a s attack: you know how that's done). In that case, Radek and Go. will have the right to issue any letter to the general public, both in Russian and in German; they will have the right to say: Kommunist was in practice (this is a fact) the common organ of yourselves+ Pannekoek+Radek+Bronski, while you use it to "offend" Gazeta Robotnicza, you are beginning to split the Left, and so on and so forth (as he had already been saying at Kienthal, note that: he had already used this strategy at Kienthal). And in the eyes of the whole Left, the blame falls on us! We allowed ourselves to be drawn into a quarrel with the Left, we fell into the Tyszka trap. That is where continuing the Kommunist leads to; that is why I refuse to go in. Whereas on the contrary, I repeat, if—in a separate, new miscellany, without Pannekoek, Radek, Bronski—we reply to Gazeta Robotnicza, reply to Bukharin and anyone else, this is absolutely no concern of the Zimmerwald Left, and they cannot either interfere or take offence. Radek cannot "complain" either to Pannekoek or to the Germans that Sbornik Sotsial-Demokrata has replied to Gazeta Robotnicza. And then, in addition, there is also the question of defeatism. The same applies. And then there is also the question of the Chkheidze group. The same applies. For that is what Gazeta Robotnicza was playing on. If the Japanese woman has no "evil intentions", she cannot reject an agreement on one miscellany (without Radek and the others), when we provide for a discussion with the Japanese and Bukharin. We are agreeable likewise to have it in a separate pamphlet (if Bukharin wants it, for he will then be able in advance to look at my "tone", about which he has expressed fears). It will then be possible to separate the arguments with Bukharin from the joint work with Bukharin. My articles and Grigory's about defeatism, self-determination, Gazeta Robotnicza's dirty tricks, Chkheidze, "selfdefence", etc., your articles about tjhe "War Industries Committees", etc., Varin's and Safarov's (we mustn't have foreigners in this miscellany), etc., and whatever they please from Bukharin and the Japanese.
rigewang.org TO A. G. SHLYAPNIKOV
407
There is the plan for an agreement on one miscellany. The Japanese woman cannot refuse, unless she has evil
intentions.
One cannot insist on Kommunist, if it has fallen to pieces; it is absurd and ridiculous to drag me by force into Kommunist; they won't succeed.
But if the Japanese woman won't have an agreement on a separate miscellany, that means she has evil intentions or (which is all the same for the cause) her policy leads to an evil intrigue. And then we publish Sbornik Sotsial-Demokrata alone. *
All the best, '
Yours,
Sent from Zurich to Christiania
in F r ^ V U l Z y a Revolutsia No. 7
MntCd fr0m the
Lenin
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TO SOPHIA RAVICH Dear Comrade Olga, Inessa very badly needs a passport.4 74 We beg you to take the enclosed letter to Guilbeaux (directeur de Demain, 28 rue du Marche, visitors on Fridays 2-4; perhaps it would be better to ask him for an interview by postcard). Of course don't tell either him, or anyone else, who the passport is for. It is better to see Guilbeaux personally: we have thought it over from every angle, and have decided that it would be better than writing to him.- I hope this request will not give you or V. K. too much trouble. Have you at your library the book by Yu. Delevsky (I think that's his name?): Class Contradictions within the Modern Proletariat, or something like that?475 If it's not at your library, perhaps you know someone who has it (and, by the way, do you happen to know the exact title of the book?). Best greetings to you both,
Yours,
Lenin
Nadya sends her regards. Written on June 27, 1916 Sent from Zurich to Geneva First published in 1930 in Lenin Miscellany XIII
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TO ALEXANDRA KOLLONTAI July 25, 1916 Dear A. M.,
I was long in answering your letter because, owing to Nadya's illness, we'd had to move into the mountains. I quite agree with you that the role of Left-winger at the conference with Huysmans will, in the main, be one of collecting information.476 This is more important than anything else. The most important thing is to make notes on the spot, and about everything. Collect each and every kind of document; and do not forget for a single minute the need for full information. The only way is to write down everything (even if briefly) at once, on the spot, in a special notebook. Grimm is not going: they didn't give him a passport. That means there is to be only one Left-winger. This makes his responsibility all the greater. It will take great resolution and full political clarity to carry on the line alone: you are the best Judge of whether these qualities are there. If they are, it would be a good thing to "put" a couple of questions to the vote: approve Zimmerwald; ditto Kienthal; condemn the social-patriots, Hyndman and Co., Sembat and Co., Legien and Co., Plekhanov and Co. The same thing can also he done in the form of questions. It'll be up to you to decide whether this can be done. Please drop me a couple of words about the receipt of l t l l s postcard. Alexander must have taken all the addresses with him,
flu will try and find out whether anything has been printed fl America about the Zimmerwald Left and get it, and La*haCt Socialist Propaganda League, the Socialist 0 u r Party, International Socialist Review and Appeal to
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Reason. If you get this postcard and reply, we may perhan have time to write each other about what precisely it j s convenient to ask him to do there. One personal request: have you any publishing connec* tions? I have none. By way of earnings, I should like to have either a translation, or an article on education for Nadya (her illness requires a prolonged stay in the mountains, and that is expensive). Best greetings and good wishes. Nadya sends her regards. Yours,
V.
Ulyanov
Sent from Flums (Switzerland) to Christiania First published in 1924 in Lenin Miscellany II
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TO ZINAIDA LILINA Dear Zina,
I read in Berner Tagwacht and heard that your lecture at Olten was a great success. Ich gratulierel* Perhaps you could write a brief summary of the main points for our Sbornik Sotsial-Demokrata, if you were going to write on the same subject? We are in a terribly difficult situation: we failed to calculate beforehand the exact size of the articles, we have "swollen up" out of all proportion, we have not been able to "unload", and are now faced with the prospect of a great big volume, which is least convenient for propaganda from "abroad. Drop me a few words about your subject, and about whether you could, without detriment to the subject, confine yourself to 4-5 pages of our large size (you have it in the proofs, and you will probably] not find it too hard to calculate precisely). Write. Beste Griisse, especially to Styopka, who must have grown so that I won't be able to toss him up to the ceiling! Written after July 27, 1916 TT S e n t f r o m Zurich 1 0 Hertenstein (Switzerland) First published in 1929 m the journal Krasnaya Letopis No. 4
Congratulations.—Ed.
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TO G. L. SHKLOVSKY Dear G. L., I don't know whether you are in Berne. Please let me know directly you get this letter. 1) I have a request to you: I need to dispatch a manuscript in bindings: 100 sheets (not pages but sheets) just like this one (destination, same as Grigory's). 477 Please order two books of suitable format: you will get the manuscript in 5-6 days. I am in a terrible hurry with the dispatch (I have lost my own copy!) and therefore would very much ask you to hurry, and if you can't do it, to reply as soon as possible, so that I could look for someone else through whom to arrange it. 2) Why do you say nothing about my papers? If you can't manage anything (or if it's inconvenient), do not hesitate to let me know. It isn't worth while going to a lot of trouble over it! 3) Did you get a printed copy of the "paper" on the Ts. case 478 from Moor? This is essential. Don't forget! We must get hold of it at all costs, or he may lose it, the scoundrel! 4) Why has there not been a money report for a long time? Or has there been such a windfall that you can't add it up? Greetings to all, from Lyuda on. Yours,
Lenin
P.S. Please send us the POW letters, 47 9 after you are through. we must keep track of their state of mind, demands, opinions, etc. Written on August 5, 1916 Sent from Flums to Berne First published in 1929 in Lenin Miscellany XI
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TO G. L. SHKLOVSKY Dear G. L., I was very glad to have news from you. And thank you for the POW letters. Your work is a success, congratulations! Please send the cash to Tribune, and ask them not to send the paper any more! It's of no use! Besides, I never ordered it. Regards to the whole family,
Yours,
Lenin
Written late in August 1916 Sent from Flums to Berne First published in 1929 in Lenin Miscellany XI
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TO G. Y. BELENKY Dear Grisha, And so the misunderstanding has been cleared up. It's not worth talking about it any more. It isn't worth while publishing in Paris under the censorship. If the possibility of publishing without censorship definitely arises, then write, in as much detail as you can. We agree to a (provisional) editorial board for publishing leaflets in Paris: Varin+Domov+1 from the Paris group. 480 The papers say that there is to be a conference of the Entente socialists at the Palais Bourbon on Dec. 24, 1916. Find out whether this is so. We shall send a leaflet from the Central Committee, and you make as thorough preparations as possible for publishing and distributing it in that event. Many thanks for all you are sending us. Send and write as much as you can. Yours,
Lenin
Written on October 26, 1916 Sent from Zurich to Paris First published in 1930 in Lenin Miscellany XIII
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ON THE AMENDMENT TO BEBEL'S RESOLUTION AT THE STUTTGART CONGRESS481 I remember very well that the final drafting of this amendment was preceded by prolonged negotiations directly between ourselves and Bebel. The first draft made a much more straightforward statement about revolutionary agitation* and revolutionary action. We showed it to Bebel; he replied: I don't accept it, because then the Public Prosecutor will dissolve our party organisations, and we can't have that, as there are no serious developments as yet. After consultation with legal specialists and numerous redraftings of the text in order to give legal expression to the same idea, a final formula was found which Bebel agreed to accept. N.
Lenin
•Written in December 1916 Published in December 1916 in Sbornik Sotsial-Demohrata No. 2 Signed: N. Lenin
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TO V, A. KARPINSKY Dear Comrades, I have to give a lecture here on the Ninth of January 1905, but I have no material. 4 8 2 Please help me to find1) Mysl for 1910 (?)-1911 V. Ilyin's articles on strikes in Russia. 483 2) Diskussionny Listok of the C.O. of the R.S.D.L.P. for 1910-1911 (?), my article on revolution and counterrevolution in Russia, with a summary of strike statistics. 484 3) Trotzky: Russland in der Revolution. 4) Gorn, Mech, Cherevanin and others, collections (legal) for 1906-07 (?). The social movement in Russia, or something like that . One issue about the peasantry.48B (Agrarian question) 5) Maslov, Vol. II. The peasant movement in 1905-06.488 6) The Social Movement in Russia. The five-volume collection of Potresov and Co. 7) Moscow in 1905487 and other 1905-06 pamphlets. Anything you have. Please send what you have, or mark off on this note w h a t there is and what can be sent over. Regards,
Yours,
Lenin
P.S. I sent Guilbeaux my theses on work among the Left in the Swiss Social-Democratic Party, ^nd asked hiia to send them on to you. 4 8 8 Pass them on also to Noah and Stepko. Written on December 20, 1916 Sent from Zurich to Geneva First published in 1929 in Lenin Miscellany XI
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1917
UNIDENTIFIED ADDRESSEE Today, Nobs and Munzenberg told me the following facts are not without significance. On Jan. 7, Munzenberg proposed that the congress should be postponed to March (clearly wishing by this proposition to expose the hypocrisy of the arguments used by Grimm+ the social-patriots). It was defeated, 489 Greulich proposed postponement until May. Nobs stated that he was in favour (once again choosing the lesser evil and exposing the same crowd). When'Nobs said that he was /or, Greulich (what a character!) immediately withdrew his proposition (having seen his mistake). Then Naine declared that he was moving Greulich's proposal. It was defeated. Munzenberg proposed that the cantonal committees (to whom the matter has now been referred) should be allowed time until July. It was defeated! These facts show up Grimm's unprecedented impudence, when he says in his article (Berner Tagwacht of Jan. 8 or 9, Parteibeschlusse)*90 that the Left wing, too, were "in Principle" not against postponement! Munzenberg has written an article for Volksrecht (Nobs has Promised to insert it tomorrow or the day after) against the decision of the P ar tei-Vorstand .*491 After reading this, send it on to Olga, for her to send w
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TO V. A. KARPINSKY Dear Friend, I enclose a resolution. Please read it and pass it on to Guilbeaux and to the German group. This resolution (it was voted here by a meeting of the Left) 4 9 2 must be got through all possible organisations; and, if it is adopted even by a small party organisation, it should be sent officially both to the local party committee and to the Central Executive (Geschaftsleitung der sozialistischen Partei. Zurich. Volkshaus), with a demand that it be published. I am terribly angry with Guilbeaux—tell him this—for failing to return to me the draft statement against Grimm 493 (has he shown it to you? He must!). If he doesn't want to sign it, let him send it backaf once. Best regards, Yours,
Lenin
Written on January 19, 1917 Sent from Zurich to Geneva First published in 1929 in Lenin Miscellany XI
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TO SOPHIA RAVICH p e a r Comrade Olga, Many thanks for your letter on affairs in your local party. You are not alone, to tell the truth, in having bouts of " p e s s i m i s m " . 4 9 4 The party here is opportunist through and through, a benevolent society for petty-bourgeois officials. Even the alleged Left leaders (like Nobs and Platten) are no use at all: the said two in particular. 495 You can't do anything without access to the masses. But while taking care not to entertain excessive hopes, we should not fall into pessimism either: this is an important moment, and if we helped ever so little (a couple of leaflets or the like), that would also be something. Even that will not be lost quite without trace. I am very glad that you have the intention to help in every possible way in the distribution of the leaflet. 496 Please, don't forget to destroy all our correspondence. When is your cantonal congress of the Socialist Party? I sent a draft resolution to Abramovich. Has he sent it on to you? Do you know anything (apart from what was in Volksrecht) about the congress of the Zurich party at Toss? 497 Who reported on the Olten meeting on Feb. I ? 4 9 8 Only Guilbeaux and Co.? They got the jitters, you know! They tailed to understand the task, and got scared!
I cannot lecture in French. Every good wish of success. Regards to Vyacheslav Alexeyevich. Yours, Lenin And how are things with the referendum? How many signatures? Are they still collecting them? 499 Written after February 12, 1917 sent from Zurich to Geneva First published in 1929 in Lenin Miscellany XI 27*
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TO V. A. KARPINSKY Martov's plan is a good one 500 : it's necessary to work for it, but we (and you) cannot do this directly. We shall be open to suspicion. It's necessary that, in addition to Martov, non-Party Russians and patriotic Russians should approach Swiss Ministers (and influential people, lawyers, etc., something that can be done in Geneva as well) requesting them to have a talk about it with the German Government's Ambassador at Berne. We cannot take part, either directly or indirectly; our participation will spoil it all. But the plan, in itself, is a very good one and is very right. Written after March 19, 1917 Sent from Zurich to Geneva First published in 1930 in Lenin Miscellany XIII
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TELEGRAM TO J. S. HANECKI Fiirstenberg, Boulevard-Hotel, Christiania
Cable to Pravda, appending return address. Have just read extracts from the Central Committee manifesto. 501 Very best wishes! Long live the proletarian militia paving the way for peace and socialism! Ulyanov Written on March 23, Sent from Zurich to Christiania
1917
. First published in 1930 in Lenin Miscellany XIII
Printed from the original in German
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PLAN FOR A LECTURE, "THE RUSSIAN REVOLUTION, ITS SIGNIFICANCE AND ITS TASKS", DELIVERED AT ZURICH602 1. Die erste Etappe der ersten Revolution. 2. Nicht die letzte Revolution, nicht die letzte Etappe. 3. In drei Tagen Sturz der monarchischen Regierung, die Jahrhunderte gedauert und schwere Kampfe 1905-07 erlebt hat? 4. Wunder.* PART I
1. "The world has changed in three days." 2. "A miracle." 3. How could it be overthrown in 8 days? Four main conditions: 4. —(I) The revolution of 1905-07. (((Ploughed up the soil; showed up all classes and parties; stripped and isolated Nicholas II and Co. (Rasputin). 5. (II) Collaboration of three forces in this revo-
lution: (a) Anglo-French finance capital. 6. (fj) the whole bourgeoisie and the capitalist landowning class of Russia (and the top sections oi the army). 7. (y) the revolutionary proletariat and the revolutionary section of the army, of the soldiers. * 1. The first stage of the first revolution. 2. Not the last revolution, not the last stage. t v e r n '3. The overthrow, in three days, of the monarchist g ° ^.e which had been in power for centuries, and had survived the ue battles of 1905-07. 4. A miracle.—Ed.
engewang.org PLAN FOR LECTURE " T H E RUSSIAN REVOLUTION"
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g# Three forces now:
—(aa) the tsarist monarchy; relics of the dynasty (counter-revolution in the South). n e w government and the bourgeoisie. 9. —-(PP) |0. — (77) The Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies. Peace, bread, liberty= 1 1 . = T h e three main demands 12. 13. The new government cannot meet them.... 14. Three lines in the Soviet of Workers' Deputies: 15. The resolution on Kerensky,603 etc. 16. Chkheidze's waverings. 17. The R.S.D.L.P. G. G. line. The C. C. manifesto PART II
18. What is to be done? Which way do we go, and how? Towards the Commune? Demonstrate this. 19. Analysis of the situation. Rapid change of situations (the day before yesterday—the greatest illegality. The call to revolutionary struggle. The struggle against socia l-chau vinism; (yesterday—the maximum of revolutionary heroism in combat; (today—transition, organisation.... (tomorrow—combat again. "20. Organisation—the main issue of the day. Which? The Party? The trade unions? etc. 21. The Soviet of Workers' Deputies. Quid est* Thesis No. 4. 5 0 4 22. Our "state". 23. The Paris Commune.... Its essence. 24. The teachings of Marx and Engels on the transitional type of state 505 : 25. Proletarian militia. What kind.... 26. —They need it 27.
and we do
* What is.—Ed.
"Don't let them revive the police"
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28. Revolutionary-democratic dictatorship of the prole, tariat and the peasantry.... 29. Peace? How (Gorky?) 30. —Our conditions of peace (Thesis No. 11 in No. 47). 5 0 6 31. A step (transition) to socialism. 32. Long live the Russian, long live the incipient worldwide proletarian revolution! Written not later than March 27. 1917 First published in 1955 in the Journal Istorichesky Arkhiv No. 2
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TELEGRAM TO J. S. HANECKI Berlin variant is unacceptable to me. Either the Swiss Government obtains a carriage up to Copenhagen,* or the Russian Government reaches agreement on the exchange of
all emigres for interned Germans. Written on March 28, 1917 Sent from Zurich to Stockholm in
First published in 1930 Lenin Miscellany XIII
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* "Up to Copenhagen" inserted by N. K. Krupskaya.—Ed.
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TELEGRAM TO J. S. HANECKI Your plan is unacceptable. Britain will never let me through, more likely to intern me. Milyukov will swindle us. The only hope—send someone to Petrograd and secure through the Soviet of Workers' Deputies exchange for interned Germans. Cable. Ulyanov Written on March 30, 1917 Sent from Zurich to Stockholm First published in 1924 in Lenin Miscellany II
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TELEGRAM TO ROBERT GRIMM National Councillor Grimm 507
Our Party has decided to accept without reservations the proposal that the Russian emigres should travel through Germany, and to organise this journey at once. 508 We already expect to have more than ten participants in the journey. We absolutely decline responsibility for any further delay, resolutely protest against it and are going alone. We earnestly request you to make the arrangements immediately and, if possible, let us know the decision tomorrow. 4
With gratitude,
Lenin,
Zinoviev,
Ulyanova
Written on March 31, 1917 Sent from Zurich to Berne First published in 1924 m Lenin Miscellany II
Printed from a copy in an unknown hand Translated from the German
TO THE ZURICH GROUP OF BOLSHEVIKS Dear Friends, I attach the decision of our Party's Central Committee 509 (the Karpinskys, after taking 2 copies, must immediately return this decision to me). Immediately take a copy (for yourselves) and send it to the Karpinskys express by the first train (take it to the station), enclosing also this letter of mine. Inform Lausanne (Goberman) 510 specially. I will add for myself that I consider the Mensheviks who have wrecked the common enterprise scoundrels of the first water who are "afraid" of what "public opinion", i.e., the social-patriots, will say! 511 I am going (and Zinoviev) in any case. Find out exactly (1) who is going and (2) how much money they have. Write about this at once to Radomyslsky, Neufeldstr. 27. Bern. We already have a fund of over 1,000 francs for the journey. We are thinking of fixing Wednesday, April 4, as the day of departure. All should immediately take passports from the Consul at their place of residence. Regards, Yours, Lenin R
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Send copies at once to Abram and his wife. P.S. I enclose the 100 francs which you asked Grigory to lend you. Written on April 2 or 3, 1917 First published in 1930 in Lenin Miscellany XIII
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TELEGRAM TO J. S. HANECKI We have an unaccountable delay. The Mensheviks demand the sanction of the Soviet of Workers' Deputies. Send someone to Finland or Petrograd at once to settle the matter with Chkheidze as far as possible. Belenin's opinion is desirable. Cable Volkshaus, Berne. Ulyanov Written on April 5, 1917 Sent from Berne to Stockholm First published in 1924 in the journal Proletarskaya Revolutsia No. 1 (24)
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TELEGRAM TO HENRI GUILBEAUX Leaving tomorrow midday for Germany.512 Platten accompanying train, please come immediately, shall cover expenses. Bring Romain Rolland, if he agrees in principle. Do everything possible to bring Naine or Graber with you. Cable Ulyanov, Volkshaus. Ulyanov Written on April 6, 1917 Sent from Berne to Geneva First published in 1923 in French in the book by Henri Guilbeaux, Wladimir Iljitsch Lenin, Berlin
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PRELIMINARY DRAFT OF THE APRIL THESES613 TIIESES:
1) Attitude to the war. No concessions to "revolutionary defencism". 2) "The demand that the Provisional Government" should "renounce conquests". (a) Attitude to the Provisional Government. (P) Attitude to the Soviets of Workers' Deputies. 2 bis) Criticism of the Soviets of Workers' Deputies. 3) Not a parliamentary republic, but a republic of Soviets of Workers', Agricultural Labourers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Deputies. (a) Abolition of the army, the bureaucracy and the police. (P) Salaries to officials. 4) Specifics of propaganda, agitation and organisation in the period of transition from the first stage of the revolution to the second. Maximum of legally recognised rights. Supporters, honest, but duped by the bourgeoisie, of only "war through necessity", "war not for conquest", and their deception by the bourgeoisie. 5) The agrarian programme. (a) Nationalisation. (Confiscation of all landed estates.) (f5) Each large-scale estate to be turned into a "model farm" under the control of a Soviet of Agricultural Labourers' Deputies. + ( t ) Soviets of Agricultural Labourers' Deputies to be pivotal.
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6) A single bank under the control of the Soviets 0f Workers' Deputies. 6 bis) Not introduction of socialism at once, but the immediate, systematic and gradual transition of the Soviets of Workers' Deputies to control over social production and distribution of products. 7) Congress. Change of programme and name. A new International. Creation of a revolutionary international....* Written on April 3 (16), 1917 First published in 1928 in Lenin Miscellany VII
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SPEECH AT A MEETING OF THE PETROGRAD SOVIET EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE ON APRIL 4 (17), 1917 ON THE QUESTION OF THE PASSAGE ACROSS GERMANY MINUTES
In order to put an end to the lies being spread by the bour* geois press, it is essential to adopt the resolution proposed by Comrade Zinoviev, He proposes a statement that emigres of all trends should be allowed through. We undertook no obligations at all. We only promised that on our return we would appeal to the workers to help the exchange. If you recognise that exchange is right, you will thereby refute all the lies. Otherwise you will give food for insinuation and slander.... First published in 1925 in the book: Petrogradsky Sovet rabochihh i soldatskikh depuiatov. Protoholy (The Petrograd Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies. Minutes), State Publishing House
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REPORT AT A MEETING OF BOLSHEVIK DELEGATES TO THE ALL-RUSSIA CONFERENCE OF SOVIETS OF WORKERS' AND SOLDIERS' DEPUTIES APRIL 4 (17), 1917614 I have put down a few theses on which I will make some comments. For lack of time I was unable to present a circumstantial and systematic report. The basic question is the attitude to the war. The main thing that comes to the fore, when you read about Russia and see what goes on here, is the victory of defencism, the victory of the traitors to socialism, the deception of the masses by the bourgeoisie. What strikes one is that here in Russia the socialist movement is in the same state as in other countries: defencism, "defence of the fatherland". The difference is that nowhere is there such freedom as here, and therefore we have a special responsibility to the whole international proletariat. The new government is as imperialist as the previous one; it is imperialist through and through, despite its promise of a republic. "I. In our attitude towards the war, which under the new government of Lvov and Co. unquestionably remains on Russia's part a predatory imperialist war owing to the capitalist nature of that government, not the slightest concession to Revolutionary defencism' is permissible. "The class-conscious proletariat can give its consent to a revolutionary war, which would really justify revolutionary defencism, only on condition: a) that power passes to the proletariat and the poorest sections of the peasants with the proletariat; b) that all annexations are renounced in deed and not in word; c) that a complete break is in actual fact with all capitalist interests. a
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"In view of the undoubted honesty of those broad sections j the mass believers in revolutionary defencism who the war only as a necessity, and not as a means of c o n q u e s t , in view of the fact that they are being deceived by the bourgeoisie, it is necessary with particular thoroughness, and patience to explain their error to them, to the inseparable connection existing between capital and the imperialist war, and to prove that without overthrowing capital it is impossible to end the war by a truly democratic peace, a peace not imposed by violence. "The most widespread campaign for this view must be in the army at the front. "Fraternisation." We cannot allow the slightest concession to defencism in our attitude to the war even under the new government, which remains imperialist. The masses take a practical and not a theoretical view of things. They say: "I want to defend the fatherland, not to seize other peoples' lands." When can a war be considered your own? When annexations s are completely renounced. The masses take a practical and not a theoretical approach to the question. We make the mistake of taking the theoretical approach. A class-conscious proletarian can agree to a revolutionary war, which really does justify revolutionary defencism. The practical approach is the only possible one with representatives of the mass of the soldiers. We are not pacifists in any sense. But the main question is: which class is carrying on the war? The class of capitalists, linked with the banks, cannot wage any kind of war except an imperialist one. The working class can. Steklov and Chkheidze have forgotten everything. When you read the resolution of the Soviet of Workers' Deputies, you are amazed that people calling themselves socialists could adopt such a resolution. 615 What is specific in Russia is the extremely rapid transition from savage violence to the most subtle deception. The ^ain condition is renunciation of annexations not in words, ^ut in deeds. Rech howls at Sotsial-Demokrat's statement that the integration of Courland with Russia is annexation. But annexation is the integration of any country with distinct national peculiarities; it is any integration of a nation against its will, irrespective of whether it differs in language,
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W W V
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if it feels itself to be another people. This is a prejudice of the Great Russians which has been fostered for centuries. The war can be ended only by a clean break with international capital. The war was engendered not by individuals but by international finance capital. It is no easy thing to break with international capital, but neither is it an easy thing to end the war. It is childishness and naivete to expect one side alone to end the war.... Zimmerwald, Kienthal 5 1 6 .... We have a greater obligation than anyone else to safeguard the honour of international socialism. The difficulty of approach.... In view of the undoubted existence of a defencist mood among the masses, who recognise the war only of necessity and not for the sake of conquest, we must explain to them most circumstantially, persistently and patiently that the war cannot be ended in a non-rapacious peace unless capital is overthrown. This idea must be spread far and wide. The soldiers want a concrete answer: how to end the war. But it is political fraud to promise the people that we can end the war only by the goodwill of individual persons. The masses must be forewarned. A revolution is a difficult thing. It is impossible to avoid mistakes. Our mistake is that we (have not exposed?) revolutionary defencism to the full. Revolutionary defencism is betrayal of socialism. We cannot confine ourselves.... We must admit our mistake. What is to be done? To explain. How to present... who doesn't know what socialism is..*. We are not charlatans. We must base ourselves only on the political consciousness of the masses. Even if we have to remain in a minority—l et it be so. It is worth while giving up our leading position for a time; we should not be afraid of remaining in a minority. When the masses say they don't want I believe them. When Guchkov and Lvov say they don t want conquest, they are swindlers. When the worker says that he wants to defend the country, he voices the man's instinct. "II. The specific feature of the present situation in Ru^sia is that the country is passing from the first stage of tft® revolution—which, owing to the insufficient ness and organisation of the proletariat, placed P ? ^ . in the hands of the bourgeoisie—to the second stage, whic c
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jnust place power in the hands of the proletariat and the sections of the peasants. transition is characterised, on the one hand, by a maximum of legally recognised rights (Russia is now the of all the belligerent countries in the world); on the by the absence of violence towards the masses, and, finally, by their unreasoning trust in the government of those worst enemies of peace and socialism. "This peculiar situation demands of us an ability to adapt to the special conditions of Party work among unprecedentedly large masses of proletarians who have awakened to political life." Why didn't they take power? Steklov says: for this reason and that. This is nonsense. The fact is that the proletariat is not organised and class-conscious enough. This must be admitted; material strength is in the hands of the proletariat, but the bourgeoisie turned out to be prepared and class-conscious. This is a monstrous fact, but it should be frankly and openly admitted, and the people should be told that they didn't take power because they were unorganised and not conscious enough.... The ruin of millions, the death of millions. The most advanced countries are on the brink of disaster, and they will therefore be faced with the question.... The transition from the first stage to the second—the transfer of power to the proletariat and the peasantry—is characterised, on the one hand, by the maximum of legality (Russia today is the freest and most progressive country in the world) and, on the other, by an attitude of blind trust on the part of the masses in the government. Even our Bolsheviks show some trust in the government. This can be explained only by the intoxication of the revolution. It is the death of socialism. You comrades have a trusting attitude to the government. If that is so, our Paths diverge. I prefer to remain in a minority. One Liebp^fcht is worth more than 110 defencists of the Steklov and Chkheidze type. If you sympathise with Liebknecht and stretch out even a finger (to the defencists), it will be ber ayal of international socialism. If we break away from those £ uPAe ... everyone who is oppressed will come to us, bea,*se the war will lead him to us; he has no other way out. p
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The people should be spoken to without Latin words in clear and simple terms. They have the right ^ must adapt ourselves ... make the change, but it is essential. Our line will prove to be the correct one. "III. No support for the Provisional Government; the utter falsity of all its promises should be made clear particularly of those relating to the renunciation of annexations. Exposure in place of the impermissible, illusionbreeding 'demand* that this government, a government of capitalists, should cease to be an imperialist government. " Pravda demands of the go vernment that it should renounce annexations. To demand of a government of capitalists that it should renounce annexations is nonsense, a crying mockery of.... From the scientific standpoint this is such gross deception which all the international proletariat, all.... It is time to admit our mistake. We've had enough of greetings and resolutions, it is time to act. We must get down to a sober, business-like.... "IV. Recognition of the fact that in most of the Soviets of Workers' Deputies our Party is in a minority, so far a small minority, as against a bloc of all the petty-bourgeois opportunist elements, from the Popular Socialists 517 and the Socialist-Revolutionaries down to the Organising Committee (Chkheidze, Tsereteli, etc.), Steklov, etc., etc., who have yielded to the influence of the bourgeoisie and that influence among the proletariat. "The masses must be made to see that the Soviets of Workers' Deputies are the only possible form of ary government, and that therefore our task is, as long as this government yields to the influence of the sie, to present a patient, systematic, and persistent explanation of the errors of their tactics, an explanation cially adapted to the practical needs of the masses. "As long as we are in the minority we carry on the of criticising and exposing errors and at the same time we preach the necessity of transferring the entire state power to the Soviets of Workers' Deputies, so that the may overcome their mistakes by experience." We Bolsheviks are in the habit of taking the line of maxis
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jpum revolutionism. But that is not enough. We must sort things out. The Soviet of Workers' Deputies is the real government. To think otherwise is to fall into anarchism. It is a recogfact that in the Soviet of Workers' Deputies our is in a minority. We must explain to the masses the Soviet of Workers' Deputies is the only possible government, a government without parallel in the world, for the Commune. if a majority of the Soviet of Workers' Deputies takes the defencist stand? That be helped. remains for us to explain, patiently, persistently, systematically, the erroneous nature of their tactics. So long as we are in a minority, we carry on the work of criticism, in order to open the people's eyes to the deception. We don't want the masses to take our word for it. We are not charlatans. We want the masses to overcome their mistakes through experience. The manifesto of the Soviet of Workers' Deputies contains not a word imbued with class-consciousness. It's all talk! Talk, flattery of the revolutionary people, is the only thing that has ruined all revolutions. The whole of Marxism teaches us not to succumb to revolutionary phrases, particularly at a time when they have the greatest currency. "V. Not a parliamentary republic—to return to a parliamentary republic from the Soviets of Workers' Deputies would be a retrograde step—but a republic of Soviets of Workers', Agricultural Labourers' and Peasants' Deputies throughout the country, from top to bottom. "Abolition of the police, the army and the bureaucracy.* "The salaries of all officials, all of whom are elective and displaceable at any time, not to exceed the average Wage of a competent worker." This is the lesson of the French Commune, which Kautsky forgot and which the workers teach us in 1905 and 1917. The experience of these years teaches us that we must not allow the police and the old army to be restored. n
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V . I. LENIN
The programme should be changed, it is out of date The Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies is a step to socialism. There must be no police, no army, no officialdom. The convocation of the Constituent Assembly—but by whom? Resolutions are written only to be shelved or sat on. I should be glad to have the Constituent Assembly convened tomorrow, but it is naive to believe that Guchkov will call it. All the chatter about forcing the Provisional Government to call the Constituent Assembly is empty talk, a pack of lies. Revolutions were made, but the police stayed on, revolutions were made, but all the officials, etc., stayed on. That was why the revolutions foundered. The Soviet of Workers' Deputies is the only government which can call that assembly. We all seized upon the Soviets of Workers' Deputies, but have failed to understand them. From this form we are dragging back to the International, which is trailing behind the bourgeoisie. A bourgeois republic cannot solve the problem (of the war), because it can be solved only on an international scale. We don't promise liberation ... but we say that it is possible only in this form (Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies). No government except the Soviet of Workers' and Agricultural Labourers' Deputies. If you talk about the Commune, they won't understand. But if you say, there is the Soviet of Workers' and Agricultural Labourers' Deputies instead of the police, learn to govern— no one can interfere with us—(that they will understand). No books will ever teach you the art of government. Learning to govern is a matter of trial and error. "VI. The weight of emphasis in the agrarian programme to be shifted to the Soviets of Agricultural Labourers' Deputies. "Confiscation of all landed estates. "Nationalisation of all lands in the country, the land to be disposed of by the local Soviets of Agricultural Labourers' and Peasants' Deputies. The organisation of separate Soviets of Deputies of Poor Peasants. The setting up of a model farm on each of the large estates (ranging in size from 100 to 300 dessiatines, according to local and other conditions and to the decisions of the local bodies) the control of the Soviets of Agricultural Labourers' Deputies and for the public accouilt." u
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What is the peasantry? We don't know, there are no statistics, but we do know that it is a force. If they take the land, you can be sure that they won't back to you, they won't ask us. The pivot, the of gravity of the programme has shifted, and is the Soviets of Agricultural Labourers' Deputies. If the Russian peasant doesn't settle the revolution, the worker will. The Tambov muzhik.... The first dessiatine cost free, the second, for 1 ruble, the third, for 2 rubles. We shall take over the land, and the landowner will never be able to take it back. Communal farming. It is necessary to organise separate Soviets of Deputies from the poor peasants. There is the rich muzhik, and there is the labourer. Even if you give him land, he won't set up a farm. The large estates should be turned into model farms run on social lines, with management by the Soviets of Agricultural Labourers' Deputies. There are large estates. "VII. The immediate amalgamation of all banks in the country into a single national bank, and the institution of control over it by the Soviet of Workers' Deputies." The bank is "a fofm of social book-keeping" (Marx). War teaches economy; everyone knows that the banks sap the strength of the people. The banks are the n erve, the focus of the national economy. We cannot take hold of the banks, but we advocate their amalgamation under the control of the Soviet of Workers' Deputies. "VIII. It is not our immediate task to 'introduce' socialism, but only to bring social production and the distribution of products at once under the control of the Soviets °f Workers' Deputies." Practice and the revolution tend to push the Constituent ^ssembly into the background. The important thing about aws is not that they are put down on paper, but who caries them out. The dictatorship of'the proletariat is there, ut people don't know how to work it. Capitalism has veloped into state capitalism.... Marx ... only that which matured in practice.... g
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V . I. LENIN
"IX. Party tasks: (a) Immediate convocation of a Party congress (b) Amendment of the Party Programme, mainly' 1) On the question of imperialism and the imperialist war; 2) On our attitude towards the state and our demand for a "commune state"*; 3) Amendment of our out-of-date minimum programme. (c) Change of the Party's name.** " X . A new International. "We must take the initiative in creating a revolutionary International, an International against the social-chauvinists and against the 4 Centre'.***" General conclusion. The Soviet of Workers' Deputies has been created, it enjoys vast influence. All instinctively sympathise with it. This institution combines far more revolutionary thought than all the revolutionary phrases. If the Soviet of Workers' Deputies succeeds in taking government into its own hands, the cause of liberty is assured. You may write the most ideal laws, but who will put them into effect? The same officials, but they are tied up with the bourgeoisie. It is not "introduce socialism" that we ought to tell the masses, but put it into effect (?). Capitalism has gone ahead, war capitalism is different from that which before the war. On the basis of our tactical conclusions, we must go on to practical steps. A Party congress must be called at once and the Programme revised. A great deal in it is out of date. The minimum programme must be changed. e
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443
I personally propose that we change the name of our party and call it the Communist Party. The people will the name of "Communist". Most of the official Social-Democrats have committed treason, they have socialism.... Liebknecht is the one Social-DemoYou are afraid of betraying old recollections. But if you want to change your underwear you must take off dirty shirt and put on a clean one. Why throw out the experience of world-wide struggle? Most of the Socialthroughout the world have betrayed socialism, and have sided with their governments (Scheidemann, Plekhanov, Guesde). What is to be done to make Scheidemann This point of view spells ruin for socialism. It would be deception to send a radio telegram to Scheidemann about ending the war.... The term "Social-Democracy" is inexact. Don't cling to an old word which has become rotten through and through. If you want to build a new party ... and all the oppressed will come to you. The Centre prevailed at Zimmerwald and Kienthal..., Rabochaya Gazeta. We shall prove to you that the whole of experience has shown.... We declare that we have formed a Left wing and have broken with the Centre. Either you speak about the International, then carry out..., or you.... The Left Zimmerwald trend exists in all the countries of. the world. The masses must realise that socialism has split throughout the world. The defencists have renounced socialism. Liebknecht alone.... The future is with him. I have heard that there is a tendency in Russia towards unification, towards unity with the defencists. This is betrayal of socialism. I think it is better to remain alone, like Liebknecht: one against 110. u
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First published on November 7, 1924 in Pravda No. 255
Printed from the Pravda text
wv 444*
TO J. S. HANECKI AND KARL RADEK Comrades Hanecki and Radek: Herrn Fiirstenberg 8. Birgerjarlsgatan. 8. Stockholm April 12, 1917
Dear Friends, Up to now we have received nothing, absolutely nothing from you—no letters, no packets, no money. 518 Only two telegrams from Hanecki. We are sending you two files of Pravda: one for you, the other for Karpinsky (Mr. Karpinsky. Bibliotheque russe. 7. rue Hugo de Senger. 7. Geneve. (Genf) Suisse), and two sets of cuttings: one for you, the other for Karpinsky. Notify us by postcard (M. T. Yelizarov for V. I. Shirokaya Ul., 48, kv. 24. Petrograd) or by telegram that you have received this letter and the papers. Steinberg 519 has arrived, and promises to get hold of the packets which were sent. We shall see whether he succeeds. If you get the newspapers, they will give you an idea of the whole situation. In case the papers don't reach you, let me describe it in brief. The bourgeoisie (+Plekhanov) are furiously attacking us for travelling through Germany. They are trying to incite the soldiers against us. So far it isn't coming off: there are supporters, and loyal ones, among them. the S.R.s and the Social-Democrats there is the most desperate chauvinist excitement, which has taken the form 01 "revolutionary defencism" (now, they allege, there is something to defend, namely, the republic against W i l h e l m ; A
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wengewang.org TO J. S. HANECKI AND KARL R A D E K
445*
^ e are being furiously attacked for opposing "unity", w hile the masses are for the unity of all Social-Democrats. We are against. has sunk completely into "revolutionary deIn a bloc with Potresov. All are for the Liberty It is opposed only by us+the Nashe Slovo group+ and a handful of Martov's friends. We are calling an all-Russia conference of Bolsheviks on April 22, 1917. 521 We hope completely to straighten out the line of Pravda, has wobbled towards "Kautskyism". 522 Write articles for Pravda on foreign affairs—very short and in the Pravda spirit (it's so small! There is so little space! We are working to enlarge it). Also, most briefly, about the German revolutionary movement and the Leftist press. Write us a letter about the doings among the Swedish Left. 523 We have heard that the chauvinist Branting is attacking Radek. At the beginning of the revolution, the Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies concluded an agreement with the Provisional Government for support of the latter. 524 There is a "Contact Commission": the Soviet "supervises" the Provisional Government. The position is extremely complex and exceptionally Interesting. We are publishing pamphlets on tactics. 525 The Soviet wants a general, international socialist congress. We want only a congress of the Left, against the socialchauvinists and against the "Centre". I shake your hands, and wish you all the best. Write as °ften as you can and be very regular and careful in your contacts. C
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^ m ^ c M ^ N
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THESES ON THE PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT DECLARATION
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PLAN FOR A REPORT ON THE SEVENTH (APRIL) ALL-RUSSIA CONFERENCE OF THE R.S.D.L.p.(B.) AT A MEETING OF THE PETROGRAD ORGANISATION MAY 8 (21), 1917 I "all like children" "Victory"! Hence ... = (Zemlya i Volya No. 36) chaos of phrases, moods, (May 6, 1917) "exaltations" ... "revolu- _ tionary democracy " ^reactionary democracy.... (a) Ministry (support of Verses "From Springtime Moods" by Ilya Ilyin the capitalists).... ((J) for the offensive.... "All like children! The day is so rosy! No night! There'll be no (Y) against taking the land.... slumber! (8) against fraternisa- As though there were no frosts, tion. ,.. As though spring reigns eternal!" Separation of the proletarian class line=formation of a mass proletarian party .... Reorganisation of all parties.•. • ||Capitalists.... (Trudoviks)Narodniks and Mensheviks |||Proletarian party s No. 47 of Sotsial-Demokrat, October 13, 1915. Thes^ Nos. S-2i. 6 2 6
.wengewang.org PLAN FOR REPORT ON SEVENTH (APRIL) CONFERENCE
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Wavering of the petty bourgeoisie=the essence. But the etty bourgeoisie=tens and tens of millions, "a host of a multitude of groups and strata, subgroups and etc., etc. A supremely protracted process.... o
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(8) Alliance with the internationalists against the petty-bourgeois defencist bloc.... 29-1652
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(9) The present moment: attitude to socialism (a) capitalists (8) Mensheviks and Narodniks (not OVJ«. • 1• \ cialism) (7) proletarians. (10) Party Programme. EE about imperialism about the state about the International. N.B.(II) Advance to socialism. (12) The Soviets /development in the localities, ^ \a brake in the centre j EE=new
elections....
((V.O.!)) 629 Ill
New conditions: (a) Unprecedented legality.... (P) Tens of millions before us.... M Eve of unprecedented collapse (war—and famine) (main thing). Inde*: Be as firm as a rock in maintaining the proletarian line against petty-bourgeois waverings — — influence the masses by persuasion, "explanation"— prepare for a collapse and a revolution 1,000 times more powerful than the February one. Waverings of the petty bourgeoisie:/Trotsky.... Larin andBinshtok j Martov \Novaya Zhizn The masses: (Peasant Congress530) The old personnel of agitators+propagandists+organis^ -{-etc.* New forces (shortage of people). (a) Big meetings of Party members (like this one)* ((J) Tenfold multiplication . of groups of agitators-r prop agandists+organisers. *
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gow? I don't know. But I know for certain that without this it's no use even talking about a revolution by the p
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* Transition of one into the other.—Ed. 29*
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NOTE TO L. B. KAMENEV Comrade Kamenev Entre nous: if they do me in, I ask you to publish my notebook: "Marxism on the State" (it got left behind in Stockholm). 5 3 5 It's bound in a blue cover. It contains a collection of all the quotations from Marx and Engels, likewise from Kautsky against Pannekoek. There are a number of remarks and notes, and formulations. I think it could be published after a week's work. I believe it to be important, because not only Plekhanov but also Kautsky have bungled things. The condition: all this is absolutely entre nous! Written between July 5 (18) and 7 (20), 1917 First published in 1924 in the publishers' preface to N. Lenin, The State and Revolution. The Marxist Theory of the State and the Tasks of the Proletariat in. the Revolution. Moscow, Krasnaya Nov Publishers
Printed from the book text
engewang.org 455*
TO N. I. PODVOISKY OR V. A. ANTONOV-OVSEYENKO November 26, 1917 To the Staff (for Podvoisky or Antonov) The
bearers are railwaymen comrades from Orenburg. Urgent military aid against Dutov is required. Please discuss and decide on practical steps as soon as possible. Write to me what you have decided. Lenin First published on February 23, 1927 in Pravda No. 44
Printed from the original
SPEECHES AT A) MEETING OF THE C.C. OF THE R.S.D.L.P.(B.) NOVEMBER 29 (DECEMBER 12), 1917 MINUTES8*0
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engewang.org SPEECHES AT A MEETING OP THE C.C.
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shows clearly their complete disagreement with us, since they consider that the C.C. has made concessions. He makes the concrete proposal that the four should be required to in writing where they want their letter to go i e whether they want it printed in the press. For our part we do not intend to send it to the press, but reply to them in writing that we are not taking them back. s
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458*
SESSION OF THE ALL-RUSSIA CENTRAL EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE DECEMBER 1 (14), 1917 )
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Lenin speaks in defence of the Soviet draft, pointing out that the Supreme Economic Council cannot be reduced to a parliament, but must be the same kind of fighting organ for combating the capitalists and landowners in the economy as the Council of People's Commissars is in politics. Published on December 3 (16), 1917 in the newspaper Novaya Zhizn No. 192
Printed from the newspaper text
engewang.org 459*
TO A. G. SHLYAPNIKOV AND F. E. DZERZHINSKY Comrade Shlyapnikov and Comrade Dzerzhinsky The bearer, Comrade Vorobyov, a delegate from the Urals, has excellent references from his local organisation. In the Urals, there is a most acute problem. The boards of the Urals works here (with offices in Petrograd) should be arrested immediately, threatened with (revolutionary) court proceedings for bringing about a crisis in the Urals, while all the works in the Urals should be confiscated. Draw up a draft decree as soon as possible. 541 Lenin Written at the beginning of December 1917 First published on April 22, 1920 in the newspaper Uralsky Rabochy No. 95
Printed from the original
^IS^cWf^N
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FROM A PUBLICIST'S DIARY Themes for Elaboration542 1. "The man with the gun need no longer be feared." 1 bis*: Living quarters and food for the poor. 1 ter**: The weak spots of the Soviet power, which is just starting out. 2. "Propaganda by deed." 3. Agitator or prosedutor? 4. Practicalism and "positive work". 5. Organisational work and organisers from among the people. 5 bis: cf. Pravda until April 4 on miracles of organisation. 5 4 3 6. Our attitude to the anarchists. 6 bis: Anarchists by mistake—through impatience—in mood—by instinct. 7. Discontented among the workers. 8. The intelligentsia's red tape and slovenliness. 9. Has the resistance of the capitalists been down? (Historic phrase of the good Peshekhonov. 544 ) 9 bis: Civil war, its significance, its burdens (deserters), its inevitability in 1917-18. 10. National chauvinism in the oppressor and in the oppressed nations. 10 bis: The parasitism of the petty bourgeoisie and the Finnish Social-Democrats' betrayal. 11. How to "win over" to the side of the Russian Socialist Republic of Soviets other nations, in general, and b
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nations formerly oppressed by the Great Russians, in particular? 12. Suppression of the exploiters. 13. How to organise emulation? 14. Accounting and control, as the essence of socialism. 14 bis: Mobile groups of controllers. 14 ter: Rogues in revolutions. 15. To manage factories or to argue about socialism? 16. Workers' discipline and the habits of tramps. 16a. The death sentence and shootings of thieves by the Red Guards. 17. What do tramps and intellectuals have in common? 17 bis: "Right-wing Bolshevism"; is there room for it in our Party? 18. The Constituent Assembly and the Socialist Republic of Soviets. The waves of revolution follow one upon the other not smoothly, not evenly, not all in the same way. 18 bis: The formal democracy of the bourgeoisie and (versus) the machinery of the proletariat for drawing the people into the war against the bourgeoisie. 18 ter: Democracy and (versus) the dictatorship of the proletariat. 19. Quotation from Plekhanov's 1903 speech. 545 In what does "their" complete ideological |
\ collapse lie (of the petty-bourgeois, op-
cf. 18 ter
j portunist socialists, Mensheviks,
Right-
wing and Chernov S.R.s, theNovaya Zhizn group and Co.)? 20. A "separate peace", its dangers and its possible significance. Is a separate peace an "understanding" ("compromise") with the imperialists? 20 bis: A separate peace and our duty to the international proletariat. "Die Deutschen brauchen eine Niederlage."*5 46 21. Steps or stages in the revolution. Taking account °f class forces and allies. Peace and land—in Russia. *
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22. Imperialists' provocation: Republic of Soviets, gi Ve us a convenient pretext for throttling you as soon as possible! 22 bis: Pravda of Dec. 24: "Their plan." Lloyd George's historic words. "About Russia." 547 23. Revolutionary internationalists going over to "de~ fencism". 24. The foreign policy of the Socialist Republic of Soviets. 25. Revolutionary phrases and revolutionary duty in the matter of revolutionary war. 26. How to "prepare" a revolutionary war? 27. The revolutionary war of a proletariat in power can only be a war for consolidated socialism. 28. First defeat the bourgeoisie in Russia, then fight the foreign, alien bourgeoisie. 29. The difficulties of revolution in the West-European "parasitic" countries. 31.* Revolutions—locomotives of history. Put the locomotive into top gear and keep it on the rails. 32. To raise the very lowest strata to making history: Mit dem Umfang der geschichtlichen Action wird auch der Umfang der Masse zunehmen, deren Action sie ist. "With the thoroughness of the historical action the size of the mass whose action it is will therefore increase." 548 Already gained: (a) Maximum democracy 33. KT7)|A<X ec ast.** ' (P) Concretisation of the first steps to socialism (Y) Peace and land 34. Finances and food. Centre and localities. 35. "Harassment" of profiteers and saboteurs. 36. Money. Its role. Its attraction into the "Treasury"37. Nationalisation of industry and the workers' "duty at work. 38. State monopoly of foreign trade.
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39. The fisc ("Treasury") and the transformation of this concept in a socialist revolution. 40. Banks as a form of accounting. (Pyatakov's article in Pravda.549) 41. "Gaining t i m e " = a separate peace (until a Europewide revolution). 42. [Three "dates ".| The "defeats" of Apr. 20 and July 3 victory of Oct. 25. 43. Comparison of this "defeat" with a separate peace. 44. Distribution of labour and distribution of products v
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DRAFT DECREE ON CONSUMERS' COMMUNES550 1 P
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The drafts put forward by the Commissariat for Food for "supply boards", "delegate committees", etc., and similarly the draft of the Supreme Economic Council for "district economic councils" 551 suggest the need to amalgamate such bodies. Preliminary theses: marketing committees? The basic unit should be consumer and producer (better than purchasing and trading, etc.) volost societies, playing the part both of supply committees and marketing agencies. In case of need, volost boundaries could be made alterable. In the towns a similar place could perhaps be taken by block committees or committees for sections of blocks. If we manage to set up such committees, basic units, in the localities, the amalgamation of these would provide a network capable of properly the supply of the whole population with all essentials, and of organising production on a national scale. Possibly instead of "societies" these could be of Workers' and Peasants' Deputies, with the of commercial employees, etc., etc. Every such society or committee or Soviet (or supply and marketing committee) would be divided up into sections or departments, according to goods marketed and types of products supplied, for the general regulation of production and consumption (a department for finance, or for cash c
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and disbursements, should be attached to every supply and marketing committee). With the right of levying income tax and granting interest-free credits to the poor, and also universal labour service, this might be the basic unit of socialist society. The volost banks would then have to be amalgamated with the state savings banks, being transformed into a state-wide accounting department, aggregate of the state's receipts and disbursements accounts. The transportation of products, and likewise their purchase and sale, would then be permitted only from one supply and marketing committee to another, all individual marketing being prohibited. On certificates issued by volost (or generally the "basic", lowest) supply and market-. ing committees, products could be sold also to individuals from central stores, provided that these transactions are recorded in the books of the volost or other supply and marketing committees (except within small units, or for trifles). No transportation of products would be permitted without certificates from the supply and marketing committee. r
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This would be the unification of the Commissariats for Agriculture, Trade and Industry, Labour, and Food, and the Supreme Economic Council, and the Commissariats for Finance and Communications. N.B.: "Supply and marketing committees": volost, uyezd, gubernia and district. (EE=the S.E.C.) Their departments: Central Textile Board, Central Sugar Board, Central Coal Board, etc. (EE=the S.E.C), Central Bank, etc. N.B.: Representatives of the Soviets of Workers', Soldiers' and Peasants' Deputies should superintend the well-to-do quarters in towns (or well-to-do countryhouse settlements, etc.), i.e., those quarters, etc., where the percentage of workers and peasants is lower than, _jsay, 60 per cent. Written on December 24-27, 1917 (January 6-9, 1918) ^irst published on January 22, 1929 in Izvestia No. 18
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TELEGRAM TO V. A. ANTONOV-OVSEYENKO Antonov, at His Staff. Kharkov I welcome whole-heartedly your energetic activity and ruthless struggle against the Kaledinites. I entirely approve of your refusal to make concessions to the local conciliators, who, it seems, have led astray a section of the Bolsheviks. I particularly approve of and welcome the arrest of the millionaire saboteurs in the first- and second-class railway carriage. 552 I advise you to send them for six months to do forced labour in the mines. Once again I greet you for your resolution, and condemn the waverers. Lenin Written between December 21 and 28, 1917 (January 3 and 10, 1918) Published on January 12, 1918 (December 30, 1917) in Pravda No. 226
Printed from the telegraph form text
engewang.org 467*
1918
SPEECHES ON W A R AND PEACE AT A MEETING OF THE C.C- OF THE R.S.D.L.P.(B.) JANUARY 11 (24), 1918 MINUTES
1 Comrade Lenin speaks first and points out that at the meeting on January 8 (21) three standpoints were brought out on this question, and asks whether the question should be discussed point by point on the theses he put forward, or whether a general discussion should be opened. The second alternative is adopted, and Comrade Lenin has the floor. He begins by setting forth the three standpoints brought out at the previous meeting (1) signing a separate annexationist peace, (2) waging a revolutionary war, and (3) proclaiming the war ended, demobilising the army, but not signing a peace treaty. At the previous meeting, the first standpoint received 15 votes, the second 32 and the third 16. Comrade Lenin points out that the Bolsheviks have never renounced defence, but this defence and protection °f the fatherland must have a definite, concrete context, which exists at the present time, namely, defence of the Socialist Republic against an extremely strong international imperialism. The question is only one of how we should defend our fatherland, the Socialist Republic. The army l s excessively fatigued by the war; the horses are in such event a n offensive we shall not be *nle to move the artillery; the Germans are holding such favourable positions on the islands in the Baltic that if l hey start an offensive they could take Reval and Petrograd 30*
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with their bare hands. By continuing the war in such conditions, we shall greatly strengthen German imperialism peace will have to be concluded just the same, but then the peace will be still worse because it is not we who will be concluding it. The peace we are now forced to conclude is undoubtedly an ignominious one, but if war begins, our government will be swept away and peace will be concluded by a different government. At present, we are relying not only on the proletariat but also on the poor peasantry, which will abandon us if the war continues. Drawing out the war is in the interest of French, British and American imperialism, and proof of this, for example, is the offer made at Krylenko's headquarters by the Americans to pay 100 rubles for every Russian soldier. Those who take the standpoint of revolutionary war stress that we shall then be engaged in a civil war with German imperialism, and shall thereby awaken revolution in Germany. But Germany, after all, is still only pregnant with revolution, whereas we have already given birth to a quite healthy infant, the Socialist Republic, which we may kill if we start the war. We are in possession of a circular letter of the German SocialDemocrats, there is information about the attitude to us of two trends in the Centre, of which one considers that we have been bought, and that the current events in Brest are a farce, with the actors playing out their parts. This section is attacking us for the armistice. The other section of the Kautskyites says that the personal honesty of the leaders of the Bolsheviks is beyond all doubt, but that the behaviour is a psychological riddle. 563 We don't know the opinion of the Left-wing Social-Democrats. The British workers are supporting our efforts for peace. Of course, the peace we conclude will be an ignominious one, but we need a breathing space in order to carry out reforms (take transport alone); we need to consolidate ourselves, and this takes time. We need to complete the ing of the bourgeoisie, but for this we need to have both our hands free. Once we have done this, we shall free both our hands, and then we should be able to carry on a tionary war against international imperialism. The of the revolutionary volunteer army which have now been formed are the officers of our future army. B
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What Comrade Trotsky is proposing—an end to the war, refusal to sign a peace treaty and demobilisation of the army— is a n international political demonstration. The only thing we achieve by withdrawing our troops is handing the Estonian Socialist Republic to the Germans. It that by concluding peace we are giving a free hand to the Japanese and Americans, who will immediately occupy Vladivostok. By the time they have even reached we shall have been able to strengthen our Socialist By signing a peace treaty we of course betray self-determined Poland, but we retain the Estonian Socialist Republic and win a chance to consolidate our gains. Of course, we make a turn to the right, which leads through a very dirty stable, but we must do it. If the Germans start an offensive, we shall be forced to sign any peace treaty, and then, of course, it will be worse. An indemnity of three thousand million is not too high a price for saving the Socialist Republic. By signing peace now, we give the broad masses a visual demonstration that the imperialists (of Germany, Britain and France), having taken Riga and Baghdad, are continuing to fight, whereas we are developing, the Socialist Republic is developing. o
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Comrade Lenin points out that he is not :in ^ e m e n t on some points with his supporters StalinandZinoviev Of course, there is a mass movement in the West, but the revolution there has not yet begun. B u t x f w e w e r e t o a t e r our tactics because of that, we should b e t r a i t o r s t o i n t e r national socialism. He does not agree with Zinoviev that the conclusion of peace will for a time weaken the movement in the West. If we believe that the German movement can develop immediately, in the event of an interruption of the peace negotiations, then we must sacrifice ourselves, for the German revolution will have a force much greater than ours. But the whole point is that the movement there has not yet begun, but over here it already has a newborn and loudly shouting infant, and unless we now say clearly that we agree to peace, we shall perish. It is important for
470
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us to hold out until the general socialist revolution gets under way, but this we can only achieve by concluding peace. 3
Comrade Lenin motions a vote on the proposition that we drag out the signing of a peace treaty in every possible way. First published in 1922 in N. Lenin (V. Ulyanov), Sobraniye Sochinenii (Collected Works), Vol. X V
Printed from the manuscript minutes
engewang.org 471*
TO THE NAVAL REVOLUTIONARY COMMITTEE January 15, 1918 Please take urgent measures to provide Comrade TerArutyunyants immediately with 2,000 sailors for operations against the bourgeois Rada. 5 5 5 Lenin First published in 1924 in the book Lenin i Krasny Flot (Lenin and the Red Navy)
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TELEGRAM TO V. A. ANTONOV-OVSEYENKO People's Commissar Antonov, Kharkov Your telegram received, I welcome the adherence of the Cossacks, 556 whose delegates are already here and have joined the Congress of Soviets. As regards Mogilev, I have just informed Podvoisky and shall also inform Krylenko; as for the land question on the Don, I advise you to bear in mind the text of the resolution adopted the day before yesterday at the Congress of Soviets on the federation of the Soviet Republics. 557 This resolution should fully reassure the Cossacks. Please inform the Secretariat that Zatonsky has left for Kharkov; and that, when leaving, he asked Comrade Artyom to be appointed his deputy. Reply immediately. Lenin Written on January 17 (30), 1918 Sent from Petrograd to Kharkov First published in part in 1924 in the book by V. A . AntonovOvseyenko, Zapiski o grazhdanskoi voine (Notes on the Civil War), Vol. I, Moscow Published in full in 1932 in V. I. Lenin, Sobraniye Sochinenii (Collected Works), Second and Third editions, Vol. X X I X
Printed from the telegraph form text
wengewang.org 473*
TELEGRAM TO
V. A, ANTONOV-OVSEYENKO
People's Commissar Antonov, Kharkov In view of complaints by the People's Secretariat of friction which has arisen between you and the Central Executive Committee of the Ukraine, 558 I request you to inform me of your side of the matter. Naturally our interference in the internal affairs of the Ukraine, unless required by military necessity, is undesirable. It is more proper to have, the various measures adopted through the local authorities, and in general it is best to settle all misunderstandings on the spot. Lenin Written before January 21, 1918 Sent from Petrograd to Kharkov First published in 1924 in the hook by V. A. Antonov-Ovseyenko, Zapiski o grazhdanskoi voine (Notes on the Civil War), Vol. I
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TO V. A, ANTONOV-OVSEYENKO January 21, 1918
Comrade Antonov, I have received a complaint against you from the Central Executive Committee (at Kharkov). I very much regret that my request to you to come to an understanding did not reach you. Please, contact me as soon as you can (by direct line, single or double, through Kharkov) so that we can talk the thing out and get a really good understanding between ourselves. It is my earnest request that you make every effort to eliminate all friction with the (Kharkov) C.E.C. This is of the utmost importance to the state. I beg you to make peace with them, and recognise their sovereignty in every possible form. I earnestly ask you to recall the commissars you have appointed. I very much hope that you will fulfil this request, and reach absolute peace with the Kharkov C.E.C. This calls for super-tact on a national plane. As regards the victories over Kaledin and Co., I send you warmest greetings, good wishes and congratulations. Hurrah and hurrah! I warmly shake your hand. Yours, Lenin First published in 1924 in the book by V. A. Antonov-Ovseyenko, Zapishi o grazhdanskoi voine (Notes on the Civil War), Vol. I
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engewang.org 475*
SPEECHES AT A MEETING OF THE C.C. OF THE R.S.D.L.P.(B.) JANUARY 24 (FEBRUARY 6), 1918559 MINUTES
1 Comrade Lenin believes that the agenda of the Congress should consist of the Party Programme, the question of peace, and tactical questions. 2 N
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Comrade Lenin agrees with all the previous speakers, but he is worried J)y the vast number of October Bolsheviks in the Party, a fact which may hinder the Congress in working out a consistent programme. 3
Comrade Lenin considers it essential that in admitting members a mandatory inscription be made concerning the date of joining the Party: before Oct..25 or after; and that it is essential that new members recognise the mandatory nature of the tactics which the Party found correct in relation to the October Revolution. published in 1929 in the book: Protoholy TsK B.S.D.R.P. Avgust l?i7-fevral 1V18 (Minutes of the of the R.S.D.L.P. August 1917-February 1918)
Printed from the manuscript minutes
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476*
TELEGRAM TO M. A. MURAVYOV Commander-in-Chief Muravyov, Kiev February 14, 1918 In the absence of orders from Antonov to the contrary, act as energetically as possible on the Rumanian front, by agreement with Rakovsky and his commission. Lenin Sent from Petrograd to Kiev First published in 1924 in the book by V. A. Antonov-Ovseyenko, Zapiski o grazhdanskoi voine (Notes on the Civil War), Vol. I
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rigewang.org 477*
TO COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF M. A. MURAVYOV, TO THE SUPREME RUMANIAN BOARD, TO THE PEOPLE'S SECRETARIAT OF THE UKRAINIAN REPUBLIC, FOR V. A. ANTONOV-OVSEYENKO To Yudovsky, Commander-in-Chief Chief Muravyov, to People's Secretariat
Rumcherod, 660 for transmission to Muravyov, Odessa, for Commander-inthe Supreme Rumanian Board, to the of the Ukrainian Republic for Antonov
In view of the serious situation on the Russo-Rumanian front and the need for urgent support of the revolutionary detachments in Bessarabia, Commander-in-Chief Muravyov and his northern army are seconded to the Supreme Rumanian Board. We do not doubt for a moment that the valiant heroes of the liberation of Kiev will do their revolutionary duty without delay. Lenin Chairman, Council of People's Commissars Written on February 17, 1918 First published in 1924 in the book fjy v. A. Antonov-Ovseyenko, ZaVishi o grazhdanskoi voine (Notes on the Civil War), Vol. I
Printed from the telegraph form text
478*
SPEECHES AT A MEETING OF THE C.C. OF THE R.S.D.L.P.(B.) FEBRUARY 18, 1918561 MINUTES
1 We cannot postpone discussion of the question, because if the Germans do not accept our offers of peace, we carry on a revolutionary war. 2
There is one point for achieving united tactics. If the offensive becomes a fact, then we sign peace. It is possible that the Germans have done a deal with the French, and this is a question not of Poland but of overthrowing the Soviet Government. Indefinite tactics now are out of place. We have to act. If the Germans carry on a war by agreement with the French, then we carry on a revolutionary war. We have to demonstrate this clearly to the people. That is why we need either an armistice or a peace. We may muddle people's understanding. We shall be unable to hold the masses. There is no reply to the radio message. Everyone will have to fight. It will be a different grouping. To drag on means to obscure the understanding of the masses. They are losing their land. We shall have concluded peace with the people, not with imperialism. 3
We must send prepare.
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First published in 1929 in the book: Protokoly TsK R.S.D.R.P. Avgust 1917-fevral 1918 (Minutes, of the C.C. of the R.S.D.L.P. August 1917February 1918)
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Printed from the manuscript minutes
.wengewang.org 479*
SPEECHES AT A MEETING OF THE C.C. OF THE R.S.D.L.P.(B.) FEBRUARY 23, 1918®6 2 MINUTES
1 Comrade Lenin believes that the policy of revolutionary phrases is at an end. If this policy is continued, he will resign both frohi the government and from the Central Committee. An army is needed for a revolutionary war, and it does not exist. That means the terms must be accepted. 2
Comrade Lenin. Some have reproached me for coming out with an ultimatum. I put it as a last resort. It is a mockery for our Central Committee members to talk of an international civil war. There is a civil war in Russia, but not in Germany. Our agitation remains. We are agitating not by words, but by the revolution. That too remains. Stalin is wrong when he says that we need not sign. These terms must be signed. If you don t sign them, you will sign the Soviet power's death warrant within three weeks. These terms do not infringe on the Soviet power. I have not the slightest hesitation. I put the ultimatum not in order to withdraw it. I don't want revolutionary phrases. The German revolution has not yet matured. This will take months. The terms must be accepted. If there is an6ther ultimatum later, it will be in a new situation.
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Comrade Lenin. I also consider it essential to prepare for a revolutionary war. The treaty can be interpreted and we shall interpret it. The demobilisation there is a purely military sense. Before the war, we also had an army. A revolutionary war needs serious preparation. I do not doubt for a second that the masses stand for peace.
4
Lenin proposes the following for voting: (1) Are the German proposals to be accepted immediately? (2) Is a revolutionary war to be prepared for immediately? (3) Is a poll of Soviet electors in Petrograd and Moscow to be taken immediately?
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Comrade Lenin is in favour of discussing the raised by Sverdlov as, first, there are three days to go before the signing and, second, twelve days for Consequently, it will be possible to canvass the Party and, if it comes out against signing, ratification will not follow; but as time is short today, he suggests postponing the question until tomorrow. r
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wengewang.org SPEECHES A T A MEETING- OF THE C.C.
481*
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Comrade Lenin points out that resignation from the C.C. does not mean withdrawal from the Party. 8 Comrade Lenin suggests that the comrades should leave the sessions during the voting and should not sign any documents, so as not to bear any responsibility, but should not give up their work in the Council. First published in 1922 in N. Lenin (V. Ulyanov), Sobraniye Sochinenii (Collected Works), Vol. X V
Printed from the manuscript minutes
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482*
TELEGRAM TO
V. A. ANTONOV-OVSEYENKO
Urgent. To People's Commissar Antonov, wherever he may be Take Rostov today at all costs. Lenin Written on February 23, 1918 First published in 1924 in the book by V. A . Antonov-Ovseyenko, Zapishi o grazhdanskoi voine (Notes on the Civil War), Vol. I
Printed from the telegraph form text
engewang.org 483*
TELEGRAM TO
V. A. ANTONOV-OVSEYENKO
Antonov, Rostov-on-Don, wherever he may be Our warmest greetings to all the dedicated fighters for socialism, and greetings to the revolutionary Cossacks. In reply to your telegram from Novocherkassk563 we inform you: let a plenipotentiary congress of urban and rural Soviets of the whole Don Region work out its own draft land law, and submit it to the Council of People's Commissars for endorsement. That will be better. I have nothing against the autonomy of the Don Region. The geographical boundaries of this autonomous region must be fixed by agreement with the population of the neighbouring zone and the autonomous republic of the Donets Basin. We cannot send you a delegate, everyone here has his hands full. We ask you to represent the Council of People's Commissars, or to appoint someone at your discretion. Lenin, Stalin Written on February 28, 1918 Published on March ^20 (7), 1918 in the newspaper Donskiye Izve8tia No. 1
Printed from the. telegraph form text
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MATERIAL FOR THE FOURTH (EXTRAORDINARY) ALL-RUSSIA CONGRESS OF SOVIETS564 1 N
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1. The turning-point: Oct. 25, 1917-Feb. 17, 1918 and later. 2. Peace at Brest-Litovsk and now ... (Trotsky versus the supporters of revolutionary war).... 3. "Breathing space." 4. Economic burdens ... but what about Belgium? 5. "Betrayal." A phrase. 2versus 10 and 200,000 versus 1,000,000. 588 6. The Ukraine and Finland. 7. The standpoint of the peasant masses, the petty bourgeoisie, the declassed soldier.... 8. Class forces and the "obnoxious peace". What about the Russian bourgeoisie? 9. The "leftism" of the Left Socialist-Revolutionaries. 10. Even "despair"? 11. Using the "crack", "contradictions", the strategic deployment of forces: Germany—Britain—Japan—America.... N.B.: 11 bis : Tilsit. Peace and war, t h e i r i n t e r c o n n e c t i o n . 12. Biding time, retreating and waiting. What for? Who for? The international revolution. n 13. Building up forces. For "defence of t h e f a t h e r l a n d ' . Discipline and discipline (up t o and including d r a c o n i c measures). Written on March 12-13, 1918 First published in 1929 in Lenin Miscellany XI
Printed from the origin* 1
wengewang.org MATERIAL FOR 4TH CONGRESS OF SOVIETS
485*
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1. Understand the turning-point in history, the shift in the balance of classes and social forces. 2. The "independence" of the Russian revolution, Feb. 23 (1917)-Feb. 11 (1918). (The causes.) 3. Triumphal advance: Oct. 25 (1917)-Feb. 11 (1918). 4. Imperialism: an epoch of heavy defeats, retreats. Not the same enemy. No army. 5. An "extra-historical" statement of the question. The bourgeoisie and its yes-men. 6. Who disorganised the army? 7. The Vinnichenkos =the Kerenskys+the Tseretelis+ the Chernovs. 8. Provocation and trap. "Glad of the Germans".... 9. Despair and phrase-mongering. Phrase-mongering and bragging: among the Left Socialist-Revolutionaries [in our ranks<1/1 Oth (453 and 36 and 8=497) ]5 6 6 .... (The demoralised army....) 10. Compare 1907 and 1918. 11. The peasantry and phrase-mongering. 12. "Breathing space." Defence of the fatherland. 13. 2 and 10; 200,000 and 1,000,000. 14. The Tilsit peace and a weak German people (only weak and backward). Peace and war in their interconnection. 15. We are waiting, while retreating, for a different a l l y : the international socialist proletariat. Written on March 13 or 14, 1918 First published in 1929 •n Lenin Miscellany XI
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TO THE TASHKENT CONGRESS OF SOVIETS OF THE TURKESTAN TERRITORY, TO THE COUNCIL OF PEOPLE'S COMMISSARS OF THE TURKESTAN TERRITORY, FOR IBRAHIMOV AND KLEVLEYEV 6 6 7 You can rest assured, comrades, that the Council of People's Commissars will support autonomy for your territory on Soviet principles; we welcome your initiatives, and are deeply convinced that you will cover the whole territory with a network of Soviets, and will act in close contact with the Soviets already in existence. We ask you to send the commission for the calling of a Constituent Congress of Soviets, which you have undertaken to organise, to us here in Moscow, in order to work out together the question of defining the relations between the plenipotentiary organ of your territory and the Council of People's Commissars. In greeting your Congress, we hope that you will be equal to the tasks imposed on it by history. Moscow, April 22, 1918 Lenin and Stalin Published on May 5 (April 22), 1918 in the newspaper Shchit Naroda No. 85
Printed from a typescript copy
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TO
G. Y. ZINOVIEV June 14, 1918
Comrade Zinoviev, Every effort must be made to send hundreds of agitators to the countryside from Petrograd immediately. This is particularly important now, on the eve of the Congress of Soviets, 568 and the whole military and food situation demands it even more insistently. We shall find the money, don't spare the cost. We have talked about this in detail with Svidersky (and Tsyurupa). Concentrate on this. Greetings, Lenin Sent from Moscow to Petrograd First published in part on January 21, 1925 in Pravda No. 17 Published in full in 1931 in Lenin Miscellany XVIII
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488*
TELEGRAM TO COMMISSAR IVAN0V Commissar Ivanov, Voronezh i
The Left S.R. revolt and Muravyov's betrayal have been completely liquidated. Strong aid to the Czechoslovak front is needed. 569 All efforts on the Kuban front should be concentrated on full and reliable protection of the line from Tikhoretskaya to Tsaritsyn and from Tsaritsyn to the north, not on further advance. 5 7 0 Mekhonoshin, Kobozev and Blagonravov are temporarily in command on the Czechoslovak front. Lenin Chairman, Council of People's Commissars Written on July 11, 1918 Sent from Moscow to Voronezh First published in 1927 in the Journal Krasnoarmeyets No. 21 (114)
Printed from the original
rigewang.org 489*
TELEGRAM TO YEVGENIA BOSCH To the Gubernia Executive Committee, Penza A copy for Yevgenia Bogdanovna Bosch Your telegram received. 571 Essential to organise a reinforced guard of selected and reliable people, to carry out a campaign of ruthless mass terror against the kulaks, priests and whiteguards; suspects to be shut up in a detention camp outside the city* Get the office working. 572 Telegraph fulfilment. Chairman, Council of People's
Lenin Commissars
Written on August 9, 1918 Sent from Moscow to Penza First published in 1924 in the Journal Proletarskaya Revolutsia No. 3 (26)
Printed from the original
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TELEGRAM TO THE PENZA GUBERNIA EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE August 12/1918 Bosch, Gubernia Executive Committee, Penza Your telegram received. Extremely surprised at the absence of information on the course and outcome of the suppression of the kulak rising in the five volosts. I ' d o not want to think that you have displayed tardiness or weakness in crushing it, and in the model confiscation of all property, particularly grain, of the rebel kulaks. Lenin Chairman, Council of People's Commissars Sent from Moscow to Penza First published in 1924 in the journal Proletarskaya Revolutsia No. 3 (26)
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engewang.org 491*
TELEGRAM TO M. S. KEDROV Secret Kedrov, Gubernia Executive Committee, Vologda The harmfulness of your departure has been shown by the absence of any leader when the British began their advance up the Dvina. Now you must intensively make up for lost ground, contact Kotlas, send aviators there immediately and organise the defence of Kotlas at all costs. 573 Lenin Chairman, Council of People's Commissars Written on August 12, 1918' Sent from Moscow to Vologda First published in 1926 in the journal Bolshevistskaya Mysl No. 11 (13)
Printed from the original
WWW 492*
TO
N. I. MURALOV August 29, 1918
Comrade Muralov, Please give your assistance to the bearer, Comrade Malyshev, who is organising supplies of explosives for the group going to Kotlas. The matter is supremely urgent. It is necessary that explosives should be got without loss of time from Vyazma (Malyshev will leave for Vyazma this very day, with a warrant from you). You must also send a telegram to Kursk summoning Comrade Sobolev, a demolition instructor. The demolition group require one carriage (fast) to Kotlas. Lenin Chairman, Council of People's Commissars First published in 1926 in the Journal Sputnik Politrabotnika No. 15 (45)
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DECISION OF THE COUNCIL OF PEOPLE'S COMMISSARS ON REPORTS BY THE PEOPLE'S COMMISSARIATS574 That all Commissariats be instructed to draw up within one week a brief report, from two to five printed pages, on their work from Oct. 25, 1917. That these reports be drawn up in the most popular language, with special attention to facts on the role of workers' organisations and representatives of the proletariat in government, to large-scale measures of a socialist nature and the struggle to break the resistance of the bourgeoisie. That the same instruction be given to the All-Russia Extraordinary Commission. That the Presidium of the Central Executive Committee be requested to take the same decision as regards its activity (with special emphasis on the Constitution and the results of the congresses of Soviets). Written on August 29, 1918 s '
. First published in 1928
in Lenin Miscellany
VIII
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494*
TO M. F. VLADIMIR SKY October 27, 1918 Comrade Vladimirsky (or any other member of the Presidium of the Moscow Soviet) The bearers are comrades from Vyborg. Please receive them immediately. Moreover, they point out the excessively formalistic procedures for admission to the Soviet building, the incredible captiousness of the guard, and the writing of absolutely unnecessary special passes. Can't this business be simplified? Greetings, Lenin First published in 1924 in the book: Ob Ilyiche. Sbornik statei, vospominany, dokumentov i nekotorykh materialov (About Ilyich. A Collection of Articles, Reminiscences, Documents, and Some Material), Priboi Publishers
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RADIOGRAM FROM MOSCOW TO ONE AND ALL To all frontier Soviets According to the latest information, German soldiers have arrested a delegation of German generals on their way to negotiate an armistice. German soldiers have entered into direct negotiations with French soldiers. Kaiser Wilhelm has abdicated. Chancellor Prince of Baden has resigned. The new Chancellor is to be the government SocialDemocrat Ebert. General strike has swept all major cities of Southern Germany. The whole German navy is on the side of the revolution. All German ports in the North Sea and the Baltic are in the hands of the revolutionary navy. W e - h a v e received from the Kiel Council of Soldiers' Deputies a radio message, addressed to the international proletariat, to the effect that the German navy is flying the red flag and that funeral services for those who fell for liberty are to be held today. All this will very probably be concealed from the German soldiers on the Eastern Front and in the Ukraine. By all the means at your disposal bring these facts to the knowledge of the German soldiers. Chicherin People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs Lenin Chairman, Council of People's Commissars Moscow By radio Written on November 10, 1918 Fi rst
published in Izvestia No. 256, November 6-7, 1927
Printed from the Izvestia text, collated with a typescript copy
TO GIACINTO M. SERRATI December 4, 1918
Dear Comrade Serrati, My best wishes to you and to Comrade Lazzari. We all hope that a proletarian revolution will soon begin in Italy, and other Entente countries. Most cordial greetings. Regards to Italian comrades. Yours ever, First published in 1920 in Almanacco socialista italiano, Milan
Lenin
Printed from the miscellany text Translated from the Italian
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IN MEMORY OF COMRADE PROSHYAN I became acquainted with Comrade Proshyan and learned to value his co-operation during our work together in the Council of People's Commissars, at the end of last year and the beginning of the present year, when the Left S.R.s were in alliance with us. Proshyan stood out for his deep devotion to the revolution and to socialism. It could not be said of all the Left S.R.s that they were socialists, and this could even hardly be said of most of them. But this had to be said about Proshyan, because, in spite of his loyalty to the ideology of the Russian Narodniks, a non-socialist ideology, you saw in Proshyan a deeply convinced socialist. In his own way, not through Marxism, not starting with the idea of the class struggle of the proletariat, did this man become a socialist; and I was able to observe more than once, when working together with him in the Council of People's Commissars, how Comrade Proshyan would resolutely side with the Bolsheviks, the Communists, against his fellow Left Socialist-Revolutionaries, when they expressed the standpoint of the petty proprietors and took a negative attitude to communist measures .in the sphere of agriculture. I particularly recall a conversation with Comrade Proshyan not long before the Brest peace. It seemed then that there no longer remained any substantial differences between us. Proshyan began speaking to me about the need our parties to amalgamate, saying that the Left S.R.s m<>st remote from communism (at that time, the word Was not yet commonly used) had noticeably, and very strongly* drawn closer to it during the period of our work together in the Council of People's Commissars. I was reserved 32-l652
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as regards Proshyan's proposal, and called it premature but did not at all deny that we had come closer in our pracI tical work. The Brest peace brought about a complete divergence and from divergence, given Proshyan's revolutionary consistency and convictions, there could not but develop direct even armed struggle. I must admit I did not in any way expect matters to go as far as an insurrection, or such facts as the betrayal of Commander-in-Chief Muravyov, a Left S.R. But the example of Proshyan revealed how deep the roots of patriotism were even in the most sincere and convinced socialists from among the Left S.R.s, how differences in the general principles underlying men's world views had inevitably shown themselves at a difficult turningpoint in history. The subjectivism of the Narodniks led to a fatal error on the part of even the best of them, who let themselves be blinded by the spectre of monstrous strength, that of German imperialism. Any other struggle against that imperialism except an insurrectionary one, and moreover immediately, that very minute, without any consideration of the objective conditions of the international situation and our own, seemed in the light of a revolutionary's duty absolutely intolerable. It was the effect of the very same mistake which in 1907 made the SocialistRevolutionaries unconditionally "boycott" the Stolypin Duma. But in the circumstances of hot revolutionary battles the error took a more cruel revenge, and pushed Proshyan on to the path of armed struggle against the power. Nevertheless up to July 1918 Proshyan succeeded ifl doing more to strengthen the Soviet power than he did after July 1918 to undermine it. And in the international situation created after the German revolution, a new approach by Proshyan to communism—a firmer one than before—would have been inevitable but for his untimely death. S
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1919
TELEGRAM TO THE KURSK EXTRAORDINARY COMMISSION January 6, 1919
Kursk Cheka
Copy to the Gubernia Executive Committee Immediately arrest Kogan, a member of the Kursk Central Purchasing Board, for refusing to help 120 starving workers from Moscow and sending them away emptyhanded. This to be published in the newspapers and by leaflet, so that all employees of the central purchasing boards and food organisations should know that formal and bureaucratic attitudes to work and incapacity to help starving workers will earn severe reprisals, up to and including shooting. Lenin Chairman, Council of People's Commissars Sent from Moscow to Kursk %
Published on January 11, 1910 in the newspaper Volna (Kursk) No. 5
Printed from the original
REPLY TO A PEASANT'S QUESTION575 Izvestia of February 2 carried a letter from a peasant, G. Gulov, who asks a question about the attitude of our Workers' and Peasants' Government to the middle peasantry, and tells of rumours that Lenin and Trotsky are not getting on together, and that there are big differences between them on this very question of the middle peasant. Comrade Trotsky has already replied to that in his "Letter to the Middle Peasants", which appeared in Izvestia of February 7. In this letter Comrade Trotsky says that the rumours of differences between him and myself are the most monstrous and shameless lie, spread by the landowners and capitalists, or by their witting and unwitting accomplices. For my part, I entirely confirm Comrade Trotsky's statement. There are no differences between us, and as regards the middle peasants there are no differences either between Trotsky and myself, or in general in the Communist Party, of which we are both members. In his letter Comrade Trotsky has explained clearly and in detail why the Communist Party and present Workers' and Peasants' Government, elected by the Soviets and belonging to that Party, do not consider the middle peasants to be their enemies. I fully subscribe to what Comrade Trotsky has said.576 There is not a single decree (law) or decision of the Soviet government which fails to draw a distinction between the three main groups of peasants. The first group is the poor peasants (proletarians and semi-proletarians, as they are usually called in economic science). They are very numerous. When the landowners and capitalists were power, the brunt of their yoke fell on the poor peasants. In all the countries of the world, the workers and the rural poor supporting them are the firmest basis for the true
engewang.org REPLY TO A PEASANT'S QUESTION
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movement. The second group is the kulaks, that is, the rich peasants who exploit the labour of others, either them for work, or lending money at interest, and 5 o forth. This group supports the landowners and capitalthe enemies of the Soviet power. The third group is the middle peasants. They are not enemies of the Soviet They can be its friends; we are working for this, and will bring it about. All the'teachers of socialism have recognised that the workers will have to overthrow the landowners and the capitalists in order to build socialism, but that with the middle peasants an agreement is and essential. Under the landowners and capitalists, only very few of the middle peasants, perhaps one in a hundred, managed to secure a stable welfare, and then only by becoming kulaks, and saddling the poor peasants, whereas the vast majority of the middle peasants inevitably must suffer from poverty and ill-treatment by the rich. That is the case in all capitalist countries. Under socialism, all workers and all middle peasants to a man can have full and stable welfare, without robbing someone else's labour. No Bolshevik, no Communist, no intelligent, socialist has ever entertained the idea of violence against the middle peasants. All socialists have always spoken of agreement with them and of their gradual and voluntary transition to socialism. Our country has been ruined more than other countries by the criminal four-year war of the capitalists. Everywhere there is ruin and dislocation, lack of goods for sale, and a terrible and tormenting famine in the towns and nonagricultural gubernias. We have to strain every effort to overcome the breakdown, to overcome the famine, to overcome the troops of the landowners and capitalists, who are trying to restore to power the tsar and the rich, the exploit' s . In the South, on the Don and in the Ukraine, the whiteguards have been beaten, and the road to fuel (coal) and grain is being opened up. A few final efforts, and we shall saved from the famine. But the destruction left behind hy the war is great, and only long and self-sacrificing work all toiling people can bring our country out on to the r °ad to sustained prosperity. socialist
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Two kinds of complaints must be noted among those being voiced by middle peasants. First, there are complaints at the excessively "bossy", undemocratic, and sometimes absolutely disgraceful behaviour of the local authorities especially in the backwoods. Surely it is more difficult to organise proper control and supervision of the local authorities' work in the countryside, and the worst elements and dishonest people sometimes worm their way into the ranks of the Communists. Those who, contrary to the laws of the Soviet power, treat the peasants unjustly must be ruthlessly fought, immediately removed and most severely prosecuted. All the efforts of honest workers and peasants are being directed to purging Russia of these "relics" of the landowners' and capitalists' system who allow themselves to behave like "bosses" when, under the laws of our Workers' and Peasants' Republic, they should behave like men elected by the Soviets and set an example of conscientiousness and strict observance of the laws. The Soviet power has already shot quite a few such officials caught, for example, taking bribes, and the struggle against such scoundrels will be carried on to the end. Another kind of complaint is made against the requisitioning of grain and the strict prohibition of free sale of grain. Our government is fighting inexorably against arbitrary action and breaches of the law. But can we allow free sale of grain? In our ruined country, there^is not enough, or barely enough, grain, and in addition* the railways have been so spoiled by the war that supplies are going very badly. When there is not enough grain, the free sale of it means terrific profiteering and inflation of prices up to hundreds of rubles per pood, because a hungry man will give anything for a piece of bread. The free sale of grain in a hungry country means frenzied profiteering by the kulaks, the shameless rich peasants who fill their money-bags out of the people's need and the hunger. The free sale of grain in a hungry country means a victory of the rich over the poor, because the rich will buy grain even at a mad, fantastic price, while the poor will have nothing. The free sale of grain is freedom for the rich to make profits, and freedom for the poor to die. The free sale of grain means a return
/engewang.org REPLY TO A PEASANT'S QUESTION
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to the domination and unbridled power of the capitalists. No. We don't want to go back, and will not go back, to the restoration of the rule of the capitalists, the rule of money, and freedom to profiteer. We want to go forward to socialism, to the proper distribution of grain among all the working people. All grain surpluses must be handed over to the Soviet state at a fair price, and the state must distribute them equally among the working people. This be achieved all at once, it is not easy to establish a fair socialist system. It will take a great deal of work and effort, and strict comradely discipline among the workers and peasants, to root out the old, capitalist, freedom to trade, freedom to make profits, freedom to fight, freedom to oppress—a freedom that has covered the whole world with blood. But this difficult work has now been taken up by millions, and millions of workers and peasants. Every honest peasant and worker has realised the importance of socialism, and is persistently fighting for it. The socialist revolution is growing throughout the world. The power of the capitalists, "freedom to trade", will not return. Socialism will win. N. Lenin c
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NOTES ON THE QUESTION OF REORGANISING STATE CONTROL 577 1) A workers' organ, or an organ enlisting workers' participation, at the centre and in the localities. 2) Voluntary inspectors as a system. 2 bis: Two-thirds women mandatory. 3) Immediate practical tasks: (a) inspection raids, on citizens' complaints (ji) fight against red tape (y) revolutionary measures of struggle against abuses and red tape (8) transport (e) raising labour productivity (C) increasing food output. Written on March 8, 1919 First published in 1928 in Lenin Miscellany VIII
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DRAFT THIRD CLAUSE OF THE GENERAL POLITICAL SECTION OF THE PROGRAMME (FOR THE PROGRAMME COMMISSION OF THE EIGHTH PARTY CONGRESS) Bourgeois democracy confined itself to proclaiming formal rights equally applicable to all citizens, e.g., the right of assembly, of association, of the press. At best all legislative restrictions on these points were abolished in the most democratic bourgeois republics. But, in reality, both administrative practices and particularly the economic bondage of the working people always made it impossible for them, under bourgeois democracy, to make any wide use of these rights and liberties. By contrast, proletarian or Soviet democracy, instead of the formal proclamation of rights and liberties, guarantees them in practice first and foremost to those classes of the population who were oppressed by capitalism, i.e., the proletariat and the peasantry. For this purpose, the Soviet power expropriates from the bourgeoisie premises, printing presses and stocks of paper, and places them at the entire disposal of the working people and their organisations. The task of the Russian Communist Party is to draw ever wider masses of working people into the exercise of their democratic rights and liberties, and to extend the Material possibilities for this. Written not later than March 20, 1919 First published on April 22, 1956 in Pravda No. 113
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TO E. M. SKLYANSKY A fierce telegram must be sent off today, over your signature and mine, both to the General Staff and to the Commander-in-Chief of the Western Front binding them to develop the maximum energy and speed in capturing Vilna. Written on April 24, 1919 First published on September 23, 1925 in Pravda No. 217
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TO
G. Y. ZINOVIEV April 30, 1919
Zinoviev, Talking with Comrade Yemelyanov, I was particularly struck by the fact that such best and most reliable Petrograd workers are wasting themselves on technical work like road transport. This is unforgivable! For technical work we can hire and take ninth-rate men and strangers, i.e., those whose honesty is not known. But men like Yemelyanov should be sent into the countryside, into the administration, into management, into the uyezd executive committees, where honest men are few and far between, where the need for honest men is desperate. Could we form a sponsoring group of workers in Petrograd, consisting of Comrade Yemelyanov and 5 or 10 of his friends, to select 300-600 Petrograd workers, with the most solid references from the Party and the trade unions, for dispatch, singly or in pairs, to uyezd executive committees throughout Russia? I should support this plan in every possible way. All such men. (too old to go to the front) should be taken off technical work and posts where they can be replaced, and transferred to administrative work in the countryside. With°ut a group of such absolutely reliable and experienced Petrograd workers we shall not be able to bring about any big improvement in the villages. Comrade
Greetings, Lenin First published in 1924 the Journal Krasnaya Letojiis No. 2 (11)
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TELEGRAM TO
L. B. KAMENEV 678
Rakovsky, Chairman, Council of People's Commissars Kiev, for Kamenev Absolutely essential that you personally, taking along Joffe, if necessary, to help you, should not only verify and expedite but personally bring up the reinforcements to Lugansk and the Donets Basin generally, as otherwise the disaster will undoubtedly be tremendous and scarcely remediable. If you need one, take a mandate from the Kiev Council of Defence. We shall undoubtedly perish unless we clear the Donets Basin completely in a short time. Provisionally, until Rostov has been taken, we must be diplomatic with Makhno's troops, sending Antonov there in person, and making him personally responsible for Makhno's troops. Telegraph detailed reply. Lenin Written on May 7, 1919 First published in 1925 in the journal Proletarskaya Revolutsia No. 6 (41)
Printed from the decoded text on the telegraph tape
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TELEGRAM TO BELA KUN Bela Kun, Budapest Received your letter of April 22 only on May 13. I am sure that in spite of the vast difficulties the proletarians of Hungary will retain power and consolidate it. Greetings to the growing Red Army of the Hungarian workers and peasants. The Entente's ferocious peace will everywhere strengthen sympathy with the Soviet power. Yesterday the Ukrainian forces defeated the Rumanians and crossed the Dniester. I send best greetings to you and to all Hungarian comrades. Lenin Written on May 13, 1919 Published in part on May 16, 1919 in Hungarian in the newspaper Vdros Ujsdg No. 83, Budapest Published in full in Hungarian in 1954 in the book Lenin, "Magyarorszdgrol. SzemelvSnyek Lenin MilvelboV't Budapest
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TELEGRAM TO S. A. GETSOV, KHARKOV CHIEF COAL BOARD To Getsov, Chief Coal Board, Kharkov; copy to Bazhanov; copy to Bogdatyan, Chairman of the Extraordinary Committee for Supplies, or Serebrovsky, Kharkov; copy to Bogdatyan, Chairman of the Extraordinary Committee for Supplies, Kiev; copy to Podvoisky, People's Commissar for the Army; copy to Trotsky, Kiev; to Kamenev wherever he may be General cancellation of mobilisation of workers of the Donets Basin, with the present situation at the front, is absolutely impermissible.579 The Council of Defence realises the exceptional importance of the Donets Basin, and has therefore decided to defer mobilisation for hewers only, even in those enterprises which for one reason or another are not producing coal at the present time. Retaining the hewers, at any rate, safeguards the coal industry against disaster, and will permit the resumption of coal-getting directly the emergency is over. No other deferments are permissible. Lenin Chairman, Council of Defence Written on May 16, 1910 First published in 1925 in the journal Prolelarskaya Revolyulsia No. 6 (41)
Printed from the telegraph form text
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TO V. A. AVANESOV 580 Avanesov, at the State Control Commission, to arrest the official who replied in this way. Lenin May 20 Written on May 20, 1919 First published in 1956 in the journal Istorichesky Arkhiv No. 2
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TO BELA KUN Bela Kun, Budapest
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We have had a special discussion at the Central Committee of the Party, as a separate item on the agenda, of the question you raised about sending you the comrade you named. We found it impossible to send him, and have sent another who has already left, and is being delayed only for technical reasons; he should soon reach you. By the way, let me add for myself that you are, of course, right in beginning negotiations with the Entente. They should be begun and carried on; it is necessary to make the fullest possible use of every opportunity to obtain a temporary armistice or peace, in order to give the people a breathing space. But do not trust the Entente powers for a moment. They are deceiving you, and are only attempting to gain time in order to be able to crush you and us. Try and organise postal communications with us by air. Best regards, Lenin Comrade Chicherin, please have this translated and sent to Bela Kun. Lenin June 18 Written on June 18, 1919 First published in English In 1946 in the book Papers Relating to the Foreign Relations of the United States, Vol. 7, Washington
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TO E. M. SKLYANSKY September 4, 1919 (iCavalry is helpless against low-flying planes.) Comrade Sklyansky, Could you get some learned military X . Y . Z . ... to reply (fast) to the following question: aeroplanes against cavalry? Examples. Flying quite low. Examples. So as to issue instructions on the basis of "science" (I read something about •9this once, but one "practitioner", I. N. Smirnov, ridicules •it, and says it's nonsense). Lenin First published on February 23,1927 in Pravda No. 44
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FOREWORD TO G. ZINOVIEV'S ARTICLE "ON THE NUMERICAL COMPOSITION OF OUR PARTY" Comrade Zinoviev lias sent me this article, with the request that I send it on to the Moscow press. I fulfil his request with great pleasure. The article, in my opinion, deserves to be reprinted in all the newspapers. All Party comrades ought to read it, and should everywhere, following the example of Petrograd, start simultaneously both purging the Party of "hangers-on" and intensively recruiting to the Party all the best elements among the mass of workers and peasants. N. Lenin Pravda No. 210, September 21, 1919
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TELEGRAM TO THE EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE OF THE PETROGRAD SOVIET ON YUDENICH'S OFFENSIVE OCTOBER 14, 1919 The whiteguard offensive is clearly a manoeuvre to reduce our pressure in the South. Beat off the enemy, strike at Yamburg and Gdov. Mobilise office staff for the front. Close down nine-tenths of the departments. Mobilisation of all our forces for the front has never yet been carried out anywhere, although much has been written about it, and there are circular letters and a resolution of the Central Committee. 581 You must drive them off in time so as to resume your help to the South. Published on October 21. 1924 in Krasnaya Gazeta No. 241
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TO A. S. YENUKIDZE, L. B. KAMENEV AND YELENA STASOVA Comrades Yenukidze, L. B. Kamenev and Yelena Stasova I beg you to provide assistance, clothing, accommodation and food for the bearer Comrade Pyotr Okhrimenko.582 If there are any difficulties involved, please ring me up. November 12, 1919 V. Ulyanov (Lenin) First published in 1956 in the Journal Smena No. 7
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NOTE TO D. I. KURSKY Kurskym In my opinion, this should be added: 1) drawing up a protocol is not as yet a "complaint", but only an exact record of the beginning of the dispute. The best way to avoid a complaint is to secure an exact reply or immediate performance; . 2) by this means we can and should secure rapid decisions in substance, without red tape, namely: by proposing a short method of solution on the spot, proposing it officially ("collect the material in such-and-such a place, I suggest that an order be placed at such-and-such an office, I request that such-and-such be done to avoid bureaucratic delay"); such a statement or request will greatly assist the centre in combating red tape; 3) against the Council of People's Commissars and the Council of Defence 584 to go to the All-Russia Central Executive Committee; 4) after endorsement by the C.P.C., publish an article (with examples; chew it up) in Bednota. Lenin Written between December 17 and 23, 1919 .First published in 1928 in Lenin Miscellany VIII
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NOTE
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Kursky: (the evil of red tape) 1) Should be written in more popular language. 2) The text of the law to bo reproduced in its entirety. 3) Give 3-4 concrete examples t why? how? this ^ \ facilitates the struggle I I against red tape 4) Require every gubernia Executive Committee to reprint. 5) Explain that we shall punish both for ignorance of and for failure to apply this law. Written between December 17 and 23, 1919 First published in 1928 in Lenin Miscellany VIII
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INTRODUCTION TO THE BOOK BY JOHN REED:
TEN DAYS THAT SHOOK THE
WORLD
INTRODUCTION TO THE AMERICAN EDITION
With the greatest interest and with never slackening attention I read John Reed's book, Ten Days That Shook the World. Unreservedly do I recommend it to the workers of the world. Here is a book which I should like to see published in millions of copies and translated into all languages. It gives a truthful and most vivid exposition of the events so significant to the comprehension of what really is the Proletarian Revolution and the Dictatorship of the Proletariat. These problems are widely discussed, but before one can accept or reject these ideas, he must understand the full significance of his decision. John Reed's book will undoubtedly help to clear this question, which is the fundamental problem of the international labor movement. Nikolai
Lenin
Written at the end of 1919 First published in Russian in 1923 the book: Dzhon Rid, 10 dnei kotoriye potryhsli mir, Moscow
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SPEECH AT A MEETING OF THE COMMUNIST GROUP IN THE ALL-RUSSIA CENTRAL COUNCIL OF TRADE UNIONS MARCH 15, 1920588 MINUTES
Comrades, Comrade Lozovsky said that Comrade Bukharin and I will be partly in agreement with him. That is true. You have written the theses, but what are you defending? Then you must strike out your theses, because they say: "as a basic principle", but we do not take practice as our point of departure. So write that down, then. What in that case remains of your theses? Today I had occasion to be at a meeting of the water transport workers, and to argue there, and Comrade Ishchenko said: "In any case, there is a guarantee that we shall put the question as practical men." All right then, put that down; but what you have written is something different. You have written: "as a basic principle". Where is your justification, who is defending it? No one. They edge away. Write that down, and then half our differences will disappear. And after all, what you have written is untrue: where do you answer the argument which is put forward against collective management; where is the participation of the broad masses, with three, five or seven workers taking part in the collegiums? Do you want participation by the broad masses or don't you? Of course, those who don't want it are to be thrown out, but that is no argument. You say, the "broad non-Party masses of workers". There are no such masses in a single col-
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it's not true, and that's no way to reason. That is not the system you need to draw in the broad non-Party masses: you have to train, to promote, to enliven. How many workers have the Central Committee of the textile workers and others put forward? How many of them have been promoted and how many demoted during the last three months? Give me figures, and then I will say: there are the people. It's childish to write "principles": after studying it for two years, all you have written are principles—people will laugh. Here your argument does not correspond to your conclusion: participation of the broad masses is assured by a collegium of seven, or of three, persons. People will laugh at it. That is my first objection. Secondly, I refer you to the bourgeoisie. Whom shall we learn from, if not the bourgeoisie? How did they manage? They managed as a class when it was the ruler, but didn't it appoint managers? We haven't yet caught up with them in their degree of development. They knew how to rule as a class, and to manage through anyone you please individually, entirely in their own interests; at the top they had a small collegium and they didn't discuss basic principles and didn't write such resolutions. They had all power in their hands, and regarded as competent the one who knew his job. The workers have not yet reached that point, and in order to win we must give up our old prejudices. The rule of the working class is reflected in the constitution, the ownership and in the fact that it is we who are running things, while management is quite another matter, it is a question of skill, a question of experience. The bourgeoisie understood this perfectly, but we have not yet realised it. Let's get down to learning. We have already said here that we must hold power firmly in our hands, but we haven't yet learned how to manage; we have to do a great deal to learn the business of management. My third argument: competence. How can you show that it is possible to manage without being competent, to manage without full knowledge, without knowledge of the science of management? It is ridiculous! What sort of system is it? Why all the words that you have spoken here? In order to manage, one must know the job and be a l
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splendid administrator. Where does it say that for this reason we need collective management? The fact that we have few experienced workers proves the contrary; what follows is that collective management is intolerable. In that case adopt theses in which you say: keep a commissar or a commission, etc., attached to every expert. So long as we lack the principle of competence and respect for the expert wo remain at the primitive level. In that way we shall never create any industrial front. Unity of will! Without this there is no dictatorship at the front, but dawdling. You know it is a typical result, that there is friction there, not management. Appoint an expert with experience; but we know by now that when we combing a competent person with an incompetent one in a collegium, we create a multitude of wills and complete confusion. That is my fifth argument.* Everyone is writing resolutions about each person being answerable for his own job. But where is this being carried out? Let them say: where did we divide responsibility according to that principle? We have been learning for two years how to run the state, and still write: "the basic principle. " This is ridiculous, this is on the second-form level; but let's have your experience, and we shall see from it to what extent you are competent people and where the lack of competence tells. They say that under the artillery department the works managements were poor. That is the example Lozovsky and Tomsky have quoted. When was this? Comrade Lozovsky, -we have to reckon with the condition of the Soviet Republic. What did we begin with, who was at the head? Krylenko, Dybenko and Podvoisky, before we had Trotsky—and that was our collective management. And if Kolchak and Denikin lambasted us, why did they? Because while we had seven men in charge, we had to learn for two years, and after that we went over to one-man management. Do we have to reckon with this, or not? Of course, it's only a trifle, you've just taken the two years' history of the Republic and crossed it out. Whyr You don't like it, do you? Do it all over again. And what about Rykov: he was appointed Extraordinary Plenipoten-
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vengewang.org SPEECH AT MEETING OF COMMUNIST GROUP
523
tiary f ° r Soviet Defence, and Rykov began dragging things
oU t
of the mess by himself. You don't know your own history, the history of your Supreme Economic Council and of the Soviet Republic. History tells us that from collective management by the workers we went over to management by tens, we broke our necks, and Kolchak lambasted us, and it was a good thing he did, because we learned something thereby, we learned that collective management must be held in a tight grip. We have described four systems: accept these four systems, 587 accept the C.C. theses. Then you will be taking your stand on the groundwork of the two years' history of the Soviet power, of its experience, and not on arguments which are primitive, which will muddle you ...* for an adult worker, who is not afraid of any expert and says, "if you put experienced people in charge, our machinery will run". That is how an adult workman reasons, while the timid ones say: "I'm afraid that I shall be left without an expert." That is a sign of weakness. Stop whining, and be your age. First published in 1924 in the book: N. Lenin (V. I. Ulyanov), Statyi i rechi po voprosam professionalnogo dvizheniya (Articles and Speeches on Questions of the Trade Union Movement), issued by the All-Russia Central Council of Trade Unions
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524*
TO V. P. MILYUTIN We cannot tolerate this indefiniteness for a single day. If anyone lodges a protest, raise it immediately in the C.P.C. (otherwise you will be to blame). Have the German delegates signed a paper that we have informed them that we do not guarantee food, clothing or housing better than for the other and rank-and-file workers of Russia? Written on April 23, 1920 First published in 1924 in the journal Prozhekior No. 4 (26)
Printed from the original
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POSTSCRIPT TO A RADIO MESSAGE OF MAY 6, 1920588 Entirely supporting this statement, and the radio message of March 16, 1920, sent by Comrade Milyutin, I request that instructions be given that any delegation from foreign workers coming to Russia should, without fail, sign a statement that the content of these radio messages and my present postscript for the information of the workers abroad has been brought to their knowledge. The foreign workers must know the truth, that in settling here they are accepting privation. May 6, 1920
Lenin Chairman, Council of People's Commissars
Published in 1933 in the Second and Third editions of V. I. Lenin, Sobraniya Sochineny (Collected Works), Vol. X X I X
Printed from the original
526*
TO
S. I. BOTIN589 11.30 p.m. June 4
Comrade Botin, When you called on me today I had only two minutes because I had to go back to an important meeting. Now I have a quarter of an hour free, and therefore can (and must) tell you in more detail and more clearly that mistakes have obviously been made, and that you should frankly, honestly and resolutely repudiate these mistakes. Otherwise a most important undertaking will be ruined. The mistake was, firstly, that there was distrust of the "expert", which prevented his being told everything at once and speedy organisation of the experiment secondly, that the "spade" or preparatory work was done by you personally, which distracted you from the real work, when the whole mass of the "spade", i.e., preparatory, work must be passed on to the mechanics, assembly-men, electricians, etc., of whom we can find a dozen. And to separate your real work from the preparatory or auxiliary jobs, the constant advice of an "expert" is necessary. Now you have promised me to have full trust in the "expert", and I believe that you have been entirely convinced of his Party attitude and his absolute loyalty to the revolution. So I must ask you to fulfil your promise to me in its entirety (otherwise the mistakes will be inevitably repeated). Tomorrow morning, therefore, show everything to the "expert" and tell him how matters stand (while your assistants are bringing up the cars and doing the preparatory work). Then, together With the "expert", the experiments will be carried through without further delays. Please reply to me that you promise to do this. Best wishes, Lenin Written on June 4, 1920 First published on January 21, 1927 in Krasnaya Gazeta No. 17
Printed from the original
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TO THE STATE PUBLISHING HOUSE AND TO Y. A. PREOBRAZHENSKY AND N. I. BUKHARIN A vast amount of material, particularly on the foreign policy of the Entente, is published every week in our newspapers and in foreign ones (not only communist, but also bourgeois papers of various countries). This material (see also the Bulletin of the People's Commissariat for Foreign Affairs) is lost for international communist agitation; yet it is extremely valuable. I suggest that a committee be set up to summarise this material and publish monthly booklets. The content: the facts of the foreign policy of the Entente (plunder; wars; insurrections; financial strangulation). The number of copies: as small as possible, since the main aim is translation into other languages. A subcommittee of a few professors should (under strict control) collect all that is valuable, particularly from the bourgeois newspapers (which best of all expose their "rivals "). , A committee of Party comrades will read the professors' manuscripts to correct them, and make the professors do that. Newspapers get lost; booklets will remain, and will help the foreign comrades. Your opinion, please. August 8, 1920 published in 1924 . m the Journal ^niga o Knigahh No. 3
Lenin
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TO
N. I. BUKHARIN
Comrade Bukharin, I think we should publish in Russian De Leon's Two Pages, etc., with Fraina's foreword and notes590. I shall also write a few words. If you agree, will you give the word through the State Publishing House. If you don't, let's discuss it. Lenin Written in the late summer of 1920 First published in 1924 in the Journal Zhizn No. 1
Printed from the original
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529*
TO ANNA YELIZAROVA 591 The main principle of administration, in the spirit of all the decisions of the R.C.P. and the central Soviet institutions, is the following: —a definite person is fully responsible for some specified work. I have been doing something (for such-and-such a time), and I am responsible for it. I am hindered by X , who is not the responsible person, who is not in charge. This means squabbling. This means chaos. This means interference by a person unsuitable for responsible work. I demand his removal. Written in the autumn of 1920 First published in 1929 in the Journal Proletarskaya Revolutsia No. 11 (94)
Printed from the original
TO M. N. POKROVSKY Comrade M. N. Pokrovsky Comrade M. N., I congratulate you very much on your success. I was extremely pleased with your new book, Russian History in Brief Outline. The presentation and approach are original. It reads with tremendous interest. I think it ought to be translated into the European languages. Let me make a small remark. To turn it into a textbook (and it should become one), it needs to be supplemented with a chronological index. This is what I mean: do it approximately in this way (1) a column of dates; (2) a column of bourgeois assessments (briefly); (3) a column of your, Marxist assessment, with references to the pages of your book. Pupils should know both your book and the index, so that there should be no superficiality, so that they should know the facts, so that they should learn to compare the old science and the new. What's your opinion about this supplement? December 5 With communist greetings, Yours, Lenin Written on December 5, 1920 First published in 1928 in the Journal Arhhivnoye Dyelo No. IV (17)
Printed from the original
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531*
TELEGRAM TO FACTORIES MAKING ELECTRIC PLOUGHS 692 I request that every effort be made to fulfil the order of the People's Commissariat for Agriculture for 22 electric ploughs with spare parts not later than April 1, 1921. Telegraph weekly on the state of fulfilment of the order to Gorbunov, Council of People's Commissars. Lenin Chairman, Council of People's Commissars Written on December 31, 1920 First published in 1956 in the journal Istorichesky Arkhiv No. 4
Printed from the journal text
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ON POLYTECHNICAL EDUCATION N O T E S O N T H E S E S B Y N A D E Z H D A K O N S T A N T I N O V N A ••»
(Private. Rough draft. Not to be made public. I will think this over once again.) That is not the way to write about poly technical education: it sounds abstract, for the remote future; current, present-day, deplorable reality is not taken into account. It is necessary (1) to add one or two theses about the importance of polytechnical education in principle ( according to Marx \ \ according to our R.C.P. Programme ) (2) to say clearly that on no account can we renounce the principle and the putting into effect immediately, so far as is possible, of education specifically on polytechnical lines. 17th thesis out. On secondary education (12-17) to say: The Republic's extremely difficult economic situation requires at the present time, unquestionably and immediately, the fusion* of secondary schools and technical schools, transformation* of secondary schools into technical schools, but at the same time, to avoid transformation into trade schools, the following exact rules should be laid down: 1) Early specialisation to be avoided; an instruction to be worked out on this. 2) General educational subjects to be enlarged in all technical schools. *
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-wengewang.org ON POLYTECHNICAL EDUCATION
533
Annual programmes to be drawn up: Communism Geography /jf there are no History in general Literature such programmes „ of revolutions etc. yet, Lunacharsky „ of the 1917 be hanged) t0 revolution (3) A binding task to be the immediate transition to polytechnical education or, more accurately, immediate a number steps to polytechnical education, at present, such as: a) visit to a power station, the nearest Jointly one, and a number of lectures with exwith Goelro periments there; a number of practical jobs, any that are possible with electricity; work out at once detailed programmes (for 1 visit; for a course of 5, 10 lectures; of 1, 2 months, etc.); b) the same to every decently organised state farm; c) the same to every decently organised works', d) mobilisation (for lectures on electricity Jointly and polytechnical education, taking charge with Goelro of the practical work, excursions, etc.) of all engineers, agronomists, all graduates from university physics and mathematics faculties; e) organisation of small museums on polytechnical education, mobile exhibitions on trains, steamers, etc. This is of supreme importance. We are beggars. We need joiners, 'fitters immediately. Unquestionably. All must become joiners, fitters, etc., but with such-and-such an addition of general educational and polytechnical minimum knowledge. The task of the secondary school (more accurately: of the upper classes of the secondary school, 12-17 age group) l s to turn out a joiner, a carpenter, a turner, and so forth, r
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V. I. LENIN
who knows his job thoroughly, who is fully capable of becoming a skilled man and has been trained for this i n practice, but with this addition, however, that this "craftsman " should have a broad general education (should have a minimum grounding in such-and-such sciences: which exactly to be indicated); should be a Communist (indicate exactly what he should know); should have a polytechnical outlook and the foundations (beginnings) of polytechnical education, (Grinko has evid- namely: ently overdone it (aa) fundamental conceptions of electricity (define precisely which), to the point of (bb) the application of electricity to the stupidity, rejectengineering industry, ing polytechnical (cc) ditto the chemical industry, education [may- (dd) basic idea of the plan for electrificabe, partly, 0 . Y . tion of the R.S.F.S.R. Schmidt t o o ] . 5 9 4 (ee)a visit to a power station, a works, a This to be corstate farm not less than 1-3 times, rected.) (ff) such-and-such foundations of agricultural science, etc. The minimum of knowledge to be worked out in detail. Written at the end of 1920 First published in 1929 in the journal Na Putyakh k Novoi Shkole (Towards a New School) No. 2
Printed from the original
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1921
NOTES FOR A SPEECH AT THE TENTH CONGRESS OF THE R.C.P.(B.) ON THE SUBSTITUTION OF FOOD REQUISITIONING BY A T A X 6 9 5 NOTES FOR A SPEECH ON THE SUBSTITUTION OF FOOD REQUISITIONING BY A TAX
1. General political significance of this in the press question: = the question of peasant (petty- smooth out bourgeois) counter-revolution. "inter-relations Such counter-revolution is already fac- between the proing us. letariat and the 2. Theoretical excursion peasantry " (a) bourgeois or socialist revolution? smooth out in the press The struggle will decide. (p) The Renegade Kautsky (p. 102, 1918 edition 5 9 6 ).... 3. Who will overcome whom? 2 different classes. The lesson of "Kronstadt" 597 in politics: more unity (and discipline) within the Party, more struggle against the Mensheviks and Socialist-Revolutionaries; in the economy: to satisfy the middle peasantry as fully as possible. All the peasantry (almost) has become middle. "Poor Peasants' Committees."598 5. What economic satisfaction can we give the middle peasantry? The petty commodity producer? (a) to give freedom of turnover, freedom to N. B. trade (=freedom of capitalism); (P) to obtain commodities for this purpose.
536
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6. "Freedom of turnover "=freedom to trade=freedom 0 f capitalism. Back to capitalism? Our too hasty, rigid, unprepared "communism" necessitated by the war and the impossibility of either obtaining commodities or setting the factories going. There are also a number of other possible transitions. The "rope" can be given more slack, without allowing any break in it; it can beCancella"slackened", "eased out". 7. ||N.B. Co-operation. Co-operation= Socialisttion of the resolution of the Revolutionaries and Ninth Congress. Draft of anew Mensheviks politically resolution 699 (to manoeuvre economically the best more freely) form of free turnover 8. How to get the commodities? (a) A loan (100 millions in gold) (2 proposals). (P) Trade agreement with Britain, America, (y) Concessions. 9. State capitalism, a bloc with it, on top; freedom of turnover for the peasants, etc., below. Crutches and a bandage? Beaten almost to death. 10. Over-fatigue, exhaustion among the workers too. A "breathing space" like that of Brest, an economic breathing space. To improve the position of the workers (10 millions in gold and a special resolution).600 To improve the position of the peasants and promote turno ver. 11. Individual exchange of commodities? Yes! We shall intensify production, get turnover going, provide a breathing space, strengthen the petty bourgeoisie, but even more so large-scale production and the proletariat. The one is bound up with the other. 12. It is impossible to consolidate large-scale production, the factories and the proletariat, without to some extent reviving the petty bourgeoisie and its turnover.
wengewang.org NOTES FOR SPEECH AT TENTH PARTY CONGRESS
537*
13. A tax in kind. Legislative history (briefly) Oct. 30, 1918. 601 A different way of putting it now. Its economic significance: (1) An incentive to the petty producer: raise production. Most important of all. (2) State monopoly not essential now. (Not all surpluses.) (3) Precise obligations to the state. Weakening of bureaucracy. (4) All "turnover" to be more free, and it is possible to rid them of some of the food "detachments". Crop failure r Popov and his* Announce beand | "reference forehand? Alter a good crop t notes" 6 0 2 after ascertain- N.B. ing the harvest 14. Firmness of the "apparatus" to be preserved. But an apparatus for policy (=reviewing and correcting relations between classes), and not a policy for the apparatus! (A good) bureaucracy in the service of policy, and not a policy in the service of (a good) bureaucracy. The maximum elasticity is now needed, and for this purpose, for flexible manoeuvring, the greatest firmness of the apparatus. Written in the first half of March 1921 First published on March 21, 1931 in Pravda No. 79
Printed from the original
538*
ON THE KRONSTADT REVOLT S U M M A R Y OP A T A L K
WITH A
CORRESPONDENT
of THE NEW YORK HERALD
I believe that there are only two kinds of government possible in Russia—a Government by the Soviets or a Government headed by a tsar. Some fools or traitors in Kronstadt talked of a Constituent Assembly, but does any man in his senses believe for a moment that a Constituent Assembly at this critical abnormal stage would be anything but a bear garden. This Kronstadt affair in itself is a very petty incident. It no more threatens to break up the Soviet state than the Irish disorders are threatening to break up the British Empire. Some people in America have come to think of the Bolsheviks as a small clique of very bad men who are tyrannizing over a vast number of highly intellectual people who would form an admirable Government among themselves the moment the Bolshevik regime was overthrown. This is a mistake, for there is nobody to take our place save butcher Generals and helpless bureaucrats who have already displayed their total incapacity for rule. If people abroad exaggerate the importance of the rising in Kronstadt and give it support, it is because the world has broken up into two camps: capitalism abroad and Communist Russia. Published in English on March 15, 1921 in The New York Herald Tribune No. 197 Published in Russian on March 26, 1921 in Petrogradshaya Pravda No. 67
. . _ Printed from the Petrogradshay* Pravda text
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TO
N. I. BUKHARIN
The question is of theoretical interest too: the proletarian state power factories holds railways a material base > foreign trade. Consequence: in its hands is a commodity stock and its wholesale (railway) transport. What is the proletarian state power doing with this stock? Selling it: (a) to the workers by hand and brain for money, or for their labour without money; (p) to the peasants for grain. How does it sell? Through whom? Through a commission agent ( = a trader) for his percentage on commission. It gives preference to the co-operatives (trying to organise the entire population in them). Why is this impossible? Yet this is capitalism+sociaMsm. -
Written in March-April 1921 First published in 1925 in Lenin Miscellany IV
Printed from the original
tpmx^Qtftw 540*
TELEGRAM TO THE PETROGRAD REGIONAL ECONOMIC COUNCIL, TRADE UNION COUNCIL AND EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE To three addresses
1) Regional Economic Council, Petrograd 2) Avdeyev and Uglanov, Petrograd Trade Union Council 3) Mikhailov, Executive Committee, Petrograd Soviet In view of Comrade Mikhailov's complaints about food bonuses not being issued to workmen on electric ploughs, 603 I request that, considering the importance of manufacturing twenty electric ploughs for the autumn ploughing, the question be settled urgently and agreed. May 27. Let me have an exact reply. Lenin Chairman, Council of Labour and Defence Written on May 27, 1921 First published in 1956 in the Journal l&toricheshy Arkhiv No. 4
Printed from a telegram copy
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TO
S. G. SAID-GALIEV 6 0 4
To the first question—yes. To the second—for a long time yet. To the third—not "pedagogues and nurse-maids", but helpers. To the fourth—please let me have exact, brief, clear information on the "two tendencies". Written on July 20, 1921 First published in 1923 in the book: Chetvyortoye soveshchaniye TsK R.K.P. s otvetstvennymi robotnikami natsionalnykh respublik i oblastei (Stenografichesky otchot) (Fourth Conference of the C.C. of the R.C.P. with Responsible Workers of the National Republics and Regions [Stenographic Report]), Moscow
Printed from the original
NOTE
TO V. A. SMOLYANINOV
Comrade Smolyaninov, This matter should be followed up 6 0 5 (especially from the point of view of (1) who is responsible? (2) has it been properly organised as an independent undertaking?) If necessary, consult Korostelyov. Make a note of this business, and follow it up. August 5
Lenin
Written on August 5, 1921 First published in 1956 in the Journal Istorichesky Arkhiv No. 4
Printed from the original
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543*
TO N. P. GORBUNOV September
3
Comrade Gorbunov, I have just signed credentials for the chairman and members of the Extraordinary Commission for Exports of the Council of Labour and Defence 606 (Rykunov, Pyatigorsky, Valayev and Vladimir Spiridonovich Yermakov). It will be your task to study the membership of this Commission and its terms of reference, then systematically to review its activity and its reports, and to inform me. I take advantage of this opportunity to point out to you the need for a proper division of labour between you and Smolyaninov (and Boris Volin, if we succeed in getting him), and proper organisation of the whole work of the office of the Council of People's Commissars and the Council of Labour and Defence. The functions should be clearly demarcated between yourself and Smolyaninov. Each must "carry on supervision" of specified undertakings (electric ploughs; Hydropeat Board; collective supply; wage rates, etc., etc.). For each subject, both "old" and newly arising, there must be systematic filing of all papers and reference notes, so that it should always be easy to find what is required. In addition to the distribution between you of the business of the "economic front", the most important front at the present time, there should also be a division between you (or, you should take them all on yourself) of the noneconomic People's Commissariats, "following up" their work on the basis of the reports of the gubernia and uyezd economic conferences and otherwise.
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On each "subject" it is necessary from time to time (once a week, once a month or every two months, according to the nature and importance of the business—and then also suddenly) to carry out a check on actual fulfilment. This is most important and most essential. A record should be made of the results of each check-up. I think that when there are three of you (you+Smolyaninov+B. Volin or someone else, if we can't have Volin) this will be enough (with a few office assistants) to carry on the whole work, of course on condition of absolute efficiency, on the one hand, and of referring everything that can and should be referred to Ekonomicheskaya Zhizn, to the State Planning Commission and other appropriate institutions, on the other. To read the uyezd reports it will be necessary to recruit a number of other people, each being obliged to sign that he has read it, on a sheet attached to each report: we shall draw in both writers and some of the oldest members of the Party, as well as some "experts". When the number of reports arriving begins to grow, you will draw up a list of "helpers in the reading of reports" and establish a strict procedure for returning what has been read. Take a typed copy of this letter, and send it to me, together with your reply about a plan for distributing and carrying on all the work of the Executive Secretary of the C.P.G. and the Council of Labour and Defence. In particular, it is necessary to follow up with special attention the work of the Hydropeat Board, both in connection with the orders for peat pumps already placed abroad for the 1922 season, and in connection with the recent communication from R. E. Klasson that he has solved the problem of dehydration. 607 Then I ask you to investigate the affair of the idleness of the Swedish works, Nydqvist och Holms (Ekonomicheskaya Zhizn No. 194, p. 4). 6 0 8 "They were slow in getting out" the order for water-driven turbines! Of which we have a terrible lack! This is the height of disgrace and shamelessness! Make sure to find out who is to b l a m e s o that we can send these scoundrels to rot in prison; Find out who precisely is personally responsible for the work of this factory, and for the orders placed with it.
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TO N. P. G0RBUN0V
545*
Altogether, the estahlishment
of specified personal res p o n s i b i l i t y is the most important job for the Executive Secretary of the C.P.C. and the Council of Labour and Defence. I will require this more strictly than anything else. If it proves necessary, call in immediately for this purpose the People's Commissariat for Justice, and the Workers' and Peasants' Inspection, or an "expert" from them. One more thing. It seems to me that the Scientific and Technical Department of the Supreme Economic Council has fallen asleep altogether. It is essential either to wake it up, or really to set going a drive to disperse these scientific loafers, and establish precisely and without fail who will be responsible for keeping us abreast of European and American techniques sensibly, in good time, practically, not bureaucratically. In particular, Moscow should have one specimen of all the most important latest machines: to learn and to teach. (Two engineers have told me that in America they make roads with a machine which transforms a dirt road into a hard road simply by the force of its own pressure; how important this would be for our roadless semi-civilised country!) We must see that the Scientific and Technical Department of the Supreme Economic Council, and its numerous idlers abroad, should stop idling, or that we should replace them by others. V. Ulyanov (Lenin) Chairman, Council of People's Commissars Written on September 3, 1921 * First published in 1928 in Lenin Miscellany VIII
Printed from the original
546*
TO
A. S. KISELYOV
Comrade Kiselyov, Chairman of the Narrow Council Copies to Comrades Bogdanov, Unshlikht, Avanesov and Kursky I draw your attention to the note by Mikhels in Izvestia No. 203 of Sept. 13. 6 0 9 The author writes that since 1918, 2.5 million poods of most valuable metal cargoes have been lying in store, almost in a swamp, unregistered and unguarded, and are being pilfered and ruined. I ask you urgently to check up if that is true. If it is, take all the necessary steps immediately to register, preserve, etc., this property, and to bring those guilty most strictly to book. Give me a detailed written report, pointing out the names and posts of the persons guilty of this scandal, and make a communication to the Council of Labour and Defence. I ask you to do all this with the utmost urgency. V. Ulyanov (Lenin) Chairman, Council of People's Commissars Written on September 15, 1921 First published in 1928 in Lenin Miscellany VIII
Printed from the origin*1 signed by Lenin
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NOTE TO G. I. KRUMIN610 Discuss the following, and let's make a final draft: That it should be recognised as absolutely necessary to pay particularly great attention to collecting information (both through special correspondents, without however appointing them only for this purpose, and through all the special representatives of the Council of Labour and Defence and the People's Commissariats; and likewise—most important of all—from the regular local reports to the appropriate bodies), information coming directly from local bodies (works, mines, separate log camps, etc.). The collection and analysis of information coming, not only from the Chief Boards, but from these organs operating on the spot, must become one of the most important tasks of Ekonomicheskaya Zhizn. V. Ulyanov (Lenin) Written on October 7, 1921 First published on January 26, 1924 in the newspaper Ehonomicheshay a Zhizn No. 96
Printed from the newspaper text
548*
TO V- A. AVANESOV October 15
Comrade Avanesov, Should not part of the shock transport works be handed over by the Supreme Economic Council to the People's Commissariat for Communications (in connection with yesterday's question)?611 The consumer must be given an incentive. Think it over. With communist greetings,
Lenin
As regards storage. Let's decree: Workers in stores receive a bonus for clearing 1/8, 1/4, 1/2 of the store if they dispatch (deliver) its contents directly to state productive enterprises (factories, state farms, and the like). The same bonus is given to those drawing these materials from the stores for delivery to the same factories, etc. Unless there is personal interest, no damned thing will come of it. We must find a way to produce incentives. But Troyanovsky is not clever. You will answer for such a "chairman", you personally. Bear that in mind. You need a clever man on this job. Lenin Written on October 15, 1921 First published in part on January 21, 1927 in Komsomol shay a Pravda No. 17 Published in full in 1928 in Lenin Miscellany VIII
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NOTES FOR A REPORT AT THE SECOND ALL-RUSSIA CONGRESS OF POLITICAL EDUCATION WORKERS612 THE NEW ECONOMIC POLICY AND THE TASKS OF POLITICAL EDUCATION WORKERS
1. Not in the straightforward communist fashion, but "by outflanking and with a special approach". 2. Defeat and retreat—for a new advance. 3. Who will be able to take advantage sooner, the capitalists or ourselves? 4. "Personal incentives",... Peasants, workers, experts, a mass of stupidities in our attitude to the latter. 5. To learn from capitalists and lessees. A serious and harsh schooling. 6. Increase in production at all costs. You are outside the institutions? It is even better that you are outside. 7. Literacy.1 Liquidation of illiteracy, and not in the clouds+and liquidating the Commission for Liquidation. July 19, 1920. 613 . . J A disgraceful list of gubernias and uyezds lagging in respect of literacy. 8. Raising of cultural level (after every great political upheaval, a long time goes itito "digestion"/ "assimilation", training to make use, finishing the rougli-liewn work of initial construction). 9. Improvement of legality ... teach people to struggle in a civilised way for legality, without at all forgetting
550
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the limits of legality in a revolution. That's not the evil now, it's the multitude of illegalities. 10. In particular, graft. Who has done what to fight graft. 10 bis. Bureaucracy and red tape. 11. Production propaganda, bringing to the fore economic successes possible here and now for the peasant, ability to single out, use for propaganda, follow up success. 12. Practical successes in the building of the economy— that is the point. The touchstone of everything. Three enemies: 13. EE Four commandments: ((1) Don't split hairs, don't be pompous in your commuCommunist conceit—this nism, don't use great words is the enemy to cover up your slackness, idleness, apathy, backwardness; { (2) Wipe out illiteracy; Illiteracy { (3) Fight graft; Graft ™ (4) Check all your work, so that words should not remain EE \ words, by practical successes in economic construction. Written before October 17, 1921 First published in 1924 in the journal Mo today a Gvardiya No. 2-3
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TO D. I. KURSKY ON THE QUESTION OF LEASES AND CONCESSIONS IN AGRICULTURE014 Comrade Kursky, You should go deeply into the question of leases and concessions in agriculture. You have not gone into it sufficiently. Prohibition of leasing in principle is of vast importance. He who works the land has possession of it. There must be no leasing. But leasing of a state farm or "uncultivated land"? This must be separated out. This is a special type. Whoever works has possession here too. The state is the owner, the tenant of the state farm cultivates. This is, strictly speaking, not a tenant, nor is it a lease in the ordinary sense. Rather it is transfer of management. It is essential to make a moie detailed and circumstantial study of the matter. Lenin
1921 Written on October 25, 1921 First published in ^ t ^ ^ p l m by D. I. Kursky to the book pyatv Vserossiishy syezd deyatelei sovel skoi yustitsii. Stenografichesky otcnoi (Fifth All-Russia Congress of Soviet Juridical' PubUshUigPHouse i People's Commissariat for Justice !oi P the R.S.F.S.R., Moscow
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NOTES ON THE HISTORY OF THE R.C.P. 6 1 5 NOTE TO N. I. BUKHARIN
Comrade Bukharin, I enclose my notes in connection with the theme assigned to you by the Central Committee today. I have been thinking about this theme, and planned: (a) setting out the subjects of dispute, difference and split; (P) alternation of periods of split and periods of unity; (7) alternation of periods of a majority for the Mensheviks and for the Bolsheviks (maybe it could be represented in a diagram?). Drop me a line about your opinion. Lenin December 1 Should not this be taken as a canvas for your article? Or something of this kind?
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1906. April-May. Attitude to the First Duma. 1906. July. Attitude to the armed uprising. " Sept. " " the underground struggle. 1907. Jan.-Feb. Elections to the Second Duma: Left Bloc, or with the Cadets? 1907. April. Second Duma. 1909-10. Liquidationism. 1911. Plenum of the Central Committee. Unity or split? 1912. The split (liquidationism). 1913. "Strike fever", etc. 1913. Attitude to the Third Duma. 616 1914. Attitude to the imperialist war. 1917. Feb.-Mar. Attitude to the February revolution. 1917. May. The Coalition Ministry. 1917. July. The First Congress of Soviets. 617 1917. Sept. The Kornilov revolt and the Democratic Conference. 1917. Oct. Soviet power; terror; Brest Peace Treaty; conspiracies and civil war. 1918. Civil war. Attitude of the Mensheviks. 1919 " " " " " " 1920.' 1921. S
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1905. Two congresses. Za (Zirka=approximately) (two parties). 619 1906. Stockholm Congress. Exactly (number of votes) one Party. # 1907. London Congress. Exactly (number of votes) 620 one party. (Groups in the Dumas.)
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LENIN
1911-12. Collections by workers (from the miscellany on liquidationism) 621 (one and two parties). 1917. June. First All-Russia Congress of Soviets. 1917 Nov millions. Elections to the Constituent \9 millions. 622 Assembly. 1 . 5 millions 9 millions Written on December 1, 1921 First published in 1924 n the journal Bolshevik No. 7-8
Printed from the original
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TO V. A. AVANESOV, D. I. KURSKY AND A. D. TSYURUPA Very urgent Avanesov, Kursky and Tsyurupa I suspect a small military stratagem on the part of Osinsky and Bogdanov, who today, in my absence, are raising the question of reversing the decision of the Council of Labour and Defence about the prosecution of persons guilty of bureaucratic delays in the manufacture of the Fowler ploughs. 623 Please give attention to this matter, and use your influence against reversing the decision. There is no doubt that in this affair there are people guilty of red tape, and from the standpoint of principle it is essential not to leave such matters within the confines of bureaucratic institutions, but to bring them out into the public court—not so much for the sake of inflicting strict punishment (perhaps a reprimand will suffice), but for the sake of publicity and for dispelling the universal conviction that guilty persons are not punished. December 13, 1921
Lenin
Dictated by telephone First published in 1928 Lenin Miscellany VIII
Printed from a typescript copy
556*
TO
P. A. BOGDANOV December 23, 1921
Comrade Bogdanov, I consider all your arguments about the Fowler ploughs affair to be completely wrong in principle. True, your error is not so indecent (excuse my strong language) as that of Osinsky, who has frankly become a defender of the worst kind of bureaucracy; nevertheless what you say does not look good either. We must not be afraid of the courts (our courts are proletarian) or of publicity, but must drag bureaucratic delays out into daylight for the people's judgement: only in this way shall we manage to really cure this disease. Your argument is that the people involved are exceptionally good, devoted and valuable workers. Let's suppose that this is true, that you are not a victim of "departmental bias". What follows from this? Only this, that the court—if it agrees with you in this respect (and you, probably, since you firmly believe it, will present a number of most serious witnesses to prove it)—will bring in a verdict that: they are guilty of failing to eliminate delays and of mismanagement; but, taking into account their exceptional loyalty to the Soviet power, completely proved by a number of their outstanding conscientiousness and zeal, completely proved, taking into account the defects in the machinery of the Supreme Council, partly due to the change of Presidium, etc. b
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.wengewang.org TO P. A. BOGDANOV
557*
... decides not to inflict any punishment, in the belief that the accused will take this seriously to heart, as will the entire Presidium of the Supreme Economic Council. Well, if approximately such a decision were taken, can you deny its usefulness—its social significance, 1,000 times greater than a secret-Party-Central-Committee-idiotic hushing up of a rotten case about rotten bureaucracy and avoiding publicity? You are absolutely wrong in principle. We don't know how to conduct a public trial for rotten bureaucracy: for this all of us, and particularly the People's Commissariat for Justice, should be hung on stinking ropes. And I have not yet lost all hope that one day we shall be hung for this, and deservedly so. If you think that in the R.S.F.S.R. we cannot find a single sensible prosecutor and three sensible judges, really sensible (not over-hasty, not shouters, not phrase-mongers), then I accuse you also of pessimism about the Soviet power. I am sending a copy of this letter (together with your letter) to Comrade Kursky, with a special request that he read it himself and let it be read by as many jurists as possible, and that he, Kursky, should consider himself specifically responsible for selecting an unquestionably sensible prosecutor and sensible judges for this trial. And that Kursky should be personally responsible for (1) the maximum acceleration of the proceedings and (2) letting me have a stenographic report of this trial (to draw the conclusion as to whether at last our very feeble People's Commissariat for Justice is learning to organise and carry through public trials of bureaucracy). It is time we began to learn. I don't understand why a sensible prosecutor should not in face of the whole public completely shatter, ridicule and disgrace a "Bogdanovist" and "Osinskyist" defence of bureaucratic red tape, and at the same time draw up a wise, correct and balanced charge. Why should not a sentence be possible approximately on the 'following lines: Attaching exceptional importance to the public trial of cases of bureaucratic delay, we hand down in this case a very lenient sentence, in view of the
V. I. LENltf
558
exceptionally rare conscientiousness of the accused* at the same time giving a warning that in future we shall punish for such delays the most saintly, but negligent dunderheads (the court perhaps will express itself more politely), because we, the R.S.F.S.R., do not need saintliness, but efficient management. And, therefore, if we inflict no penalty on this occasion on Lomov and Styunkel 624 on account of their "saintliness", we sentence Unksov 625 (I think that's the name?), whose duty it was to submit reports to the Council of Labour and Defence and who failed to do so, to a week's arrest; we proclaim Ilyin 626 (director of the former Ilyin factory?) and the entire works committee of this factory, and the entire executive of the (corresponding) trade union, and the entire membership of the communist group of such-and-such a factory, or such-and-such factories, guilty of red tape, negligence and connivance at bureaucracy, and inflict on them a severe reprimand and public censure, with a warning that it is only for this first time that we are inflicting such mild penalties, but in future will for such behaviour send all such trade union and communist scoundrels (the court, perhaps, will express itself more mildly) mercilessly to jail. With
communist
greetings, V. Ulyanov (Lenin)
First published in 1928 in Lenin Miscellany VIII
Printed from the original
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1922
ON THE QUESTION OF STRUGGLE AGAINST WAR TO C O M R A D E S B U K H A R I N ,
ZINOVIEV A N D
(FOR MEMBERS OF THE POLITICAL
M0L0T0V
BUREAU)
On the subject of yesterday's report from Hanover that the International Federation of Metalworkers is raiding the question of struggle against war and has adopted a resolution to respond to war with a strike, 627 I suggest the following: 1. That a number of articles be printed in Pravda and Izvestia, giving a reminder of the fate of the Basle Manifesto and a detailed explanation of all the childishness or all the social-treachery, now being repeated by the metalworkers. 2. That at the next enlarged meeting of the Executive Committee of the Comintern there be put on the agenda the question of struggle against war, and that circumstantial resolutions be adopted explaining that only a ready and experienced revolutionary party, with a good illegal machinery, can successfully wage a struggle against war, and that the means of struggle is not a strike against war, but the formation of revolutionary groups in the warring armies and their preparation for the carrying out of a revolution. February 4, 1922
Lenin
Received by telephone by L. A. Fotieva
First published on ^n n Prarda°No 19 i7
Printed from a typescript copy
5G0
ON THE TASKS OF THE PEOPLE'S COMMISSARIAT FOR JUSTICE UNDER THE NEW ECONOMIC POLICY Letter to D. I. Kursky Copies to: l)Molotov for members .of the Political Bureau • 2) A. D. Tsyurupa 3) Rykov (when he returns) 4) Comrade Yenukidze for members of the Presidium of the All-Russia Central Executive Committee Special request: Please, do not duplicate; let read and sign; prevent divulging; prevent blabbing out to enemies. FebrUary 20' 1922 Comrade Kursky, The activity of the People's Commissariat for Justice is apparently not yet at all adapted to the New Economic Policy. Previously, the militant organs of the Soviet power were chieMy the People's Commissariat for the Army and the AH-Russia Extraordinary Commission. An especially militant ro e now falls to the People's Commissariat for Justice (r.O.J.); unfortunately, there is no evidence of any understanding of this on the part of the leadership and the senior members of the P.C.J. Intensification of reprisals against the political enemies oi the soviet power and the agents of the bourgeoisie (specifically the Mensheviks and S.R.s); mounting of these reprisals by revolutionary tribunals and people's courts in the swiftest, most revolutionary and expedient manner;
.wengewang.org ON TASKS
OF COMMISSARIAT FOR JUSTICE UNDER NEP
561
compulsory staging of a number of model (as regards speed and force of repression, and explanation of their significance lo the masses of people through the courts and the press) trials in Moscow, Petrograd, Kharkov and several other key centres; influence on the people's judges and members of revolutionary tribunals through the Party in the sense of improving the activity of the courts and intensifying the reprisals—all of this must be conducted systematically, persistently, with doggedness and mandatory reports (in the most concise, telegraphic style but business-like and exact, with obligatory statistics of how the P.C.J, chastises and learns to chastise the "communist" scoundrels who predominate among us and who know how. to chatter and put on airs, but not how to work). The fighting role of the P.C.J, is equally important in the sphere of NEP, and here the P.C.J.'s weakness and apathy is even more outrageous. There is no evidence of any understanding of the fact that we recognise and will continue to recognise only state capitalism, and it is we— we conscious workers, we Communists—who are the state. That is why we should brand as good-for-nothing Communists those who have failed to understand their task of restricting, curbing, checking and catching red-handed and inflicting exemplary chastisement on any kind of capitalism that goes beyond the framework of state capitalism in our meaning of the concept and tasks of the state. It is the P.C.J., it is the people's courts that are here faced with an especially militant and especially responsible task. There is no sign that it has been grasped. The Papers make noises about the abuse of NEP. These abuses are innumerable. But where is the noise about model trials of the scoundrels abusing the New Economic Policy? There is no such n °ise, because there are no such trials. The P.C.J, has "forgotten" that that is its business, that it is its duty to Pull up, shake up and rouse the people's courts and teach them to be ruthless and swift in chastising—with every rneansincluding the firing squad—for abuse of the New Economic Policy. 1 M s responsible for this. There is no evidence of any vibrant activity in this sphere on the part the P.C.J., bacause there is no such activity. 36-1652
562
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The educational role of the courts is tremendous. How do we show concern for this? How do we take account of the real results? There is nothing of the sort, but that happens to be the ABC of juridical wrork. It is just as elementary that triple penalties should be inflicted on Communists, as compared with non-Party people There again the P.C.J, has shown little concern. Under the tsar, the procurators were sacked or promoted on the strength of the percentage of cases they won. We managed to adopt the worst of tsarist Russia—red tape and sluggishness—and this is virtually stifling us, but we failed to adopt its good practices. Every member of the P.C.J. Collegium, every worker of this Commissariat should be assessed according to his record, on the strength of the fob lowing figures: how many. Communists have you jailed with triple sentences, as compared with non-Party people, for the same offences? How many bureaucrats have you jailed for red tape and procrastination? How many merchants caught abusing NEP have you sentenced to be shot or to some other no-joke penalty (for ridiculous penalties are frequently imposed in Moscow, under the very nose of the P.C.J.)? You can't answer the question? This means that you are an idler who should be expelled from the Party for "communist chatter" and for "communist conceit". The new civil legislation is being drafted. I find that the P.C.J, is "swimming with the tide". But its task is to swim against the tide. Its task is to create a new civil law, and not to adopt (rather, not to allow itself to be duped by the old and stupid bourgeois lawyers who adopt) the old, bourgeois concept of civil law. It should not give in to the People s Commissariat for Foreign Affairs, which "ex officio" conducts tho line of "adaptation to Europe", but combat this line and work out a new civil lawr, a new attitude to "private" contracts, etc. We do not recognise anything "private", and regard everything in the economic sphere as falling under public and not private law. We allow only state capitalism, and as has been said, it is we who are the state. Hence, the task is to extend the application of state intervention i n "private legal" relations; to extend the right of the state to annul "private" contracts; to apply to "civil legal relations
.wengewang.org ON TASKS OF COMMISSARIAT FOR JUSTICE UNDER NEP
563
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the corpus juris romani but our revolutionary concept of laiv\ t 0 s ^ o w systematically, persistently, with determination, through a series of model trials, how this should be done wisely and vigorously; to brand through the Party and expel those members of revolutionary tribunals and people's judges who fail to learn this or refuse to understand it. Unless the P.C.J, rouses itself at once and vigorously starts working in a new, militant way, along new lines, it will be disgraced before Genoa (and the whole world). I propose to you that 1) you read my letter to all members of the P.C.J. Col2)
legium;
ditto—at a meeting of 100-200 Communists exclusively, who practise in the sphere of civil, criminal and constitutional law; 3) prohibit, on pain of Party responsibility, to chatter about it (about this letter), for it is stupid to disclose our strategy to the enemy; 4) get a number of Communists, working in the courts and in the P.C.J., who are quite agreed with the spirit of this letter, to publish some articles in the press and give a number of public lectures on these topics; 5) allocate responsibility between all members of the Collegium (and if possible between other prominent Communists working in the P.C.J.): a) for the sections in charge of the new civil legislation (specifically and highly important); b) ditto criminal legislation; c) ditto constitutional \ less and political legislation J urgent d) for staging and conducting model, widely publicised and educational trials in the said centres; o) for the business-like—and not just for the record— control over people's courts and revolutionary tribunals, to see that they manage in fact to inten- sify reprisals also against the political enemies of the Soviet power (the P.C.J, will be the first to blame if these reprisals are not also intensified) and against NEP abuses. 36*
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We allow you to trade and make money, but insist that you be thrice as honest, that you submit truthful and exact accounts, that you abide not only by the letter but also by the spirit of our, communist legislation, that you do not allow the slightest departure from our laws—that is what the P.C.J, should adopt as its main commandment in respect of NEP. If the P.C.J, fails to make our capitalism "disciplined" and "decent"; if the P.C.J, fails to prove by a series of model trials that it knows how to trap offenders against this rule and chastise, not with the disgracefully stupid fine of 100 or 200 millions—which is shortsighted from the communist standpoint—but with shooting, then the P.C.J, is good for nothing and I shall deem it my duty to get the Central Committee to agree to a total replacement of all senior workers of the P.C.J. Please inform me as soon as possible of the allocation of the said work between all members of the P.G.J. Collegium to show me, with the utmost precision, who specifically (with the exception of the People's Commissar, who is responsible for everything) is responsible for which departments of civil law (and then also of criminal law, etc.), and for the staging of model trials (each member of the Collegium must show his mettle in staging and conducting several model trials) and for the business-like control over revolutionary tribunals and people's courts, judicial investigators, etc., in such-and-such a gubernia or such-and-such a district of Moscow. What we need is not a division of "departments" and bureaucratic slumber on that, but personal responsibility on the part of every Communist on the Collegium for a specific area of live revolutionary work. That is what the People's Commissar must achieve and prove that he is capable of achieving it. V. Ulyanov (Lenin) Chairman, Council of People's Commissars
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COMMISSARIAT POR JUSTICE UNDER NEP
5 6 5
P.S. There must not be the slightest mention of my letter in the press. Let anyone, who so wishes, write in his own name, without any mention of mine, and provide as many concrete data as possible. first published in part in 1924 in the book: Pyaty Vserossiisky syezd deyatelei sovetskoi yusiitsii. Stenografichesky otchot (Fifth All-Russia Congress of Soviet Judiciary. Stenographic Report), Juridical publishing House of the People's Commissariat for Justice of the e t? s v a t? m®" R.S.F.S.R., Moscow First published in full in V. I. Lenin, Sobraniye Sochineny (Collected Works), Fifth Edition
* Printed from the original
TO A. D. TSYURUPA ON THE SUBJECT OF THE DRAFT DIRECTIVES TO THE NARROW COUNCIL OF PEOPLE'S COMMISSARS62*
Comrade Tsyurupa, I think we are still radically at odds. The main thing, in my opinion, is to shift the centre of gravity from writing decrees and orders (our stupidities in this respect verge on idiocy) to selection of people and checking fulfilment. This is the essential point. Is the Narrow Council unsuitable for this? Let's assume that. Then you and Rykov must devote 9/10ths of your time to it (it is ridiculous to expect the Workers' and Peasants' Inspection and the Executive Secretary to do more than fulfil simple instructions). All of us are sunk in the rotten bureaucratic swamp of "departments". Great authority, common sense and strong will are necessary for the everyday struggle against this. The departments are shit; decrees are shit. To find men and check up on their work— that is the whole point. If you+Rykov set about this for 9/10ths of your time, and make the Executive Secretary (and sometimes also members of the Narrow Council of People's Commissars) your assistants, then perhaps we can get by. Send me once again your draft about the Narrow Council of People's Commissars. Lenin Written on February 21, 1922 First published in 1928 in Lenin Miscellany VIII
Printed from the original
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TO A, L. SHEINMAN February 28
Comrade Sheinman, Your words that the State Bank is now a "powerful apparatus" (Feb. 22) made me laugh. Let me say in confidence: this is the height of childishness, the height of Communistmandarin childishness. A "powerful apparatus"! The "powerful apparatus"= transferring from one state pocket into another such remarkable "real values" as Soviet rubles.... Current accounts expressed in gold rubles (and even that falsely, not at the real parity) 2.8-7.9-10.3 million rubles (on Dec. 16, Jan. 16, and Feb. 1). Ha-ha! And how are they made up? 90-98 per cent are revenues from our state trusts, i.e., the same official bits of paper from the same bureaucrats! At present the State Bank=a bureaucratic paper game. There is the truth for you, if you want to hear not the sweet communist-official lies (with which everyone feeds you as a high mandarin), but the truth. And if you don't want to look at this truth with open eyes, through all the communist lying, you are a man who has perished in the prime of life in a swamp of official lying. Now that is an unpleasant truth, but it is the truth. Either to seek and gradually to find (testing and checking one hundred times) people capable of organising trade on behalf of the State Bank, checking on trade, encouraging business-like traders, closing down allegedly commercial, but in 'reality communist-bureaucratic trading and factory "Potemkin villages" 629 —or the entire State Bank and all its work is zero, worse than zero, self-deception with a new bureaucratic rattle.
568
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And until you prove to me by acts, backed up by expe-. rience, that the State Bank has begun to find such men" inspectors, agents, etc., until then there is nothing to talk about: I won't believe a word you say. Please don't be angry for this frankness. Yours, Lenin Written on February 28, 1922 First published in 1949 in the journal Bolshevik No. 1
Printed from the original
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TO V. A. TIKHOMIROV6 3 0 Copies to Comrades Molotov and Tsyurupa Comrade Tikhomirov, In my opinion, no alterations are needed. It is not the co-operative movement that should be adapted to the New Economic Policy, but the New Economic Policy to the co-operative movement. The parallel with the trade unions is incorrect, a parallel with the Soviets would be nearer the truth. The old structure should be retained. All attention and all effort should be concentrated on selecting people (this is our weak spot), and getting the better of private trade. Everything towards this end. No reorganisations. Are there any practical successes? I am afraid, not. Turnover Sept.—1 . Oct.—3 Nov.—6 Dec.—10 million pre-war rubles? and Jan.—1922? What is the percentage of expenses? Are the local cooperatives growing weaker or stronger? With communist greetings, Lenin Written
on March 1, 1922
First published in the newspaper Kooperativnaya ^ Zhizn No. 255, November 6-7, 1927
. . , Printed from the original
TO I. I. SKVORTSOV-STEPANOV March 19
Comrade Stepanov, I have just finished looking through 160 pages of your book. 631 Just as I was furious in cursing you (up to and including bad language) for being able at such a time to spend months over refuting Cunow, 632 so I am delighted with this book. Now this is a real achievement! Now this is a model of how one should teach the Russian savage from the ABC onwards, and to teach him not a "half-science" but the whole of science. Write (after you have had a proper rest) another such little book on the history of religion and against all religion (including the Kantian and other subtly idealistic or subtly agnostic religion), with a survey of material on the history of atheism and on the links between the church and the bourgeoisie. Once more: greetings and congratulations on a splendid success. Yours,
Lenin
P.S. There is something wrong on page 97. Respondek has muddled matters. 633 I advise you to take the original source and have a check made. I enclose a letter to Popov (you can send it through my secretary). 634 P.P.S. I am sending my preface to the secretary. Written on March 19, 1922 First published in 1929 in the Journal Proletarshaya Revolutsia No. 10 (93)
. Printed from the origin*1
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NOTES FOR A SPEECH ON MARCH 27, 1922635 1. On Genoa briefly to repeat what was said on Mar. 6, 1922.636
2. NEP. The main points of this "question ": (a) Testing the "link" with the peasant economy. 3. (b) The test by competition between state and capitalist enterprises (both commercial and industrial; both Russian and foreign). 4. (c) "State capitalism." Scholastic versus revolutionary and practical meaning of this term. 5. (d) Halting the retreat. Not in the sense: "We've already learned", but in the sense: don't have nerves, don't invent, but learn on the present ground; "regrouping of forces and preparation " = the watchword of the day. Preparation for the offensive against private capital=the watchword. "Evolution or tactics?" Ustryalov in Smena Vekh637: more useful than "sweet-sounding communist lies".
(-(-delegation composed. — Directives carefully discussed more than once.—"We are ready.")
((iState capitalism. "We" are the state.)) The scouting sortie has been made. Mixed companies.
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7. Which side will win? What do we lack? Cultured methods, ability to administer (including ability to carry on state trade). 8. Todorsky, p. 62, to underline.638 Already in Oct. 1918!
(Cf. conqueror and conquered: who is more cultured? 4,700 responsible Communists
of Moscow and Moscow bureaucracy.)
Two typical examples: 9. Example No. 1: Moscow Consumers1 Co-operative Society fights the red tape of the People's Commissariat for Foreign Trade.*™ "Copy of the white cow." 6 4 0 What did "they" (without Krasin and Kamenev) lack? Culture. (Material of the "case" of the M.C.C.S. versus the P.C.F.T.) 10. Example No. 2: How "he" (and (In this case there was "they") overdid the administer- insufficient ability to manage+a certain ing (in the Donets Basin). political mistake.) 11. "State trusts." An example (Role of the Commufor next year! nists: they're bad\) 12. Summing up: we have quite enough resources to win in NEP: both political and economic. The question is "only" one of cultured methods! 13. The whiteguards (including the Mensheviks and S.R.s and Co.) see in this something in their favour! Vain hope! A review of what has been completed and not completed is very valuable:
.. •
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FOR A SPEECH ON MARCH 27, 1922
573
/ a ) A bourgeois-democratic revolution, "they" say! Against thein (400 years' worth of dung cleaned out in 4 years!), /g) Exit from the war: a revolutionary exit from a reactionary war. And what about them? (y) The Soviet state. The first in the world. A new epoch: worse than the first locomotive! The three are inseparable. The fourth, and main one, is not finished: laying the foundations of a socialist economy. To be redone again and again.
14. What "link in the chain" must we get hold of now? 1917—withdrawal from the war. 1918—Soviet state versus Constituent Assembly. 1919 and 1920—repelling invasion. 1921: economic approach to the peasantry. The search for an economic policy. 1922: The essential is not in institutions, not in reorganisations, not in new decrees, but in the selection of personnel and in checking performance. Selection of personnel and checking performance. On three (3) conditions: (a) Absence of intervention. With Mensheviks and S.R.s: shooting for political abetting. ([}) The financial crisis not to be excessively severe. (Not very severe? Purging the state trusts.) (7) Making no political mistakes.
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V. I. LENltf
15. "The key feature of the moment " (the link in the chain) = the gap between the grandeur of the tasks imposed and our poverty, hot only material but also cultural. 16. We must be at the head of the masses, otherwise we are a drop in the ocean. "The phase of propaganda by decrees" is over. The masses will understand and appreciate only business-like practical work, practical success in economic and cultural work. EE = Selection of people and checking of performance!
Additions: 1. The Party versus the Soviet bodies. (Don't bother it with petty jobs. Raise the responsibility of personnel in Soviet bodies.) 2. All-Russia Central Executive Committee? Longer sessions. More careful discussion. More circumstantial checking. 3. Council of People's Commissars and Council of Labour and Defence. My deputies (Rykov and the usefulness of Wilhelm II). Correspondence since Jan. 1922. Checking performance, pulling up, purging from above. 4. C.P.C. Raise its prestige, free it from minor tasks.
Cvengewang.org NOTES FOR A SPEECH ON MARCH
27, 1922
5. C.L.D. Develop and expand the activities of the regional economic conferences. 6. Narrow Council of People's Commissars. Free it also from minor tasks. Draft directives (on the
instruction of the Central Committee) will be submitted. *
Written on March 25-26, 1922 First published In 1926 in the journal Bolshevik No. 4
Printed from the
^Sifc^flfftW
www
576*
TO D. I. KURSKY Top Secret Comrade Kursky, People's Commissariat for Justice Copy to Comrade Krylenko On my instructions, the former Moscow Extraordinary Commission began an investigation into the criminal negligence, red tape and inactivity displayed by the Scientific and Technical Department and the Inventions Committee. The results of the investigation were put before the Moscow Revolutionary Tribunal which, instead of examining the case in substance, discovering and punishing the guilty (and that in these institutions there are a sufficient number of learned wastrels, loafers and other scoundrels, has been noted more than once in the press, in the articles by Comrade Sosnovsky and others), adopted an extremely patronising attitude to the accused, tried them without a prosecutor, and in the end found the charge not proven and acquitted all the accused. At the present time I have been informed that the Moscow Gubernia Branch of the State Political Department has appealed against the decision of the Moscow Revolutionary Tribunal to the Judiciary Supervision Section of the People's Commissariat for Justice. I ask you to study this case personally, pay particular attention to it, try together with the Workers' and Peasants' Inspection to collect supplementary material on the activity of these institutions, if necessary appoint an investigating committee by a g r e e m e n t with .Comrade Avanesov—not composed of officials and drivellers, but of people who really know how to investigate properly, to procure the material required and find
rigewang.org TO D. I. KURSKY
577
the culprits. A political trial should be mounted in the Revolutionary Tribunal (making use of Comrade Sosnovsky for the press) to really shake up this "scientific" swamp. I suggest that the Moscow Revolutionary Tribunal be severely reprimanded for its indulgence and formal bureaucratic handling of the case. F. Ulyanov (Lenin) Chairman, Council of People's Commissars Written on March 31, 1922 First published on January 21, 1931 in Pravda No. 21
Printed from a typescript copy
TO N. OSINSKY 1) The Editorial Board of Pravda Copies to 2) Comrade Steklov 3) Rykov and Tsyurupa April 12, 1922
Comrade Osinsky, I very much welcome your article in today's Pravda: "New Data from Local Experience". It is just such articles that we need most of all, and I think that every People's Commissariat ought to "provide itself" with a publicist (very closely connected with the work of the People's Commissariat and the People's Commissar) to make such reviews. The worst of our features is an excess of general disquisitions in the press, and political prattle with an extreme lack of study of local experience. Both in the provinces and in the centre, powerful tendencies resist its truthful publicity and truthful evaluation. They are afraid of washing dirty linen in public, afraid of the naked truth, and brush it aside with a meaningful glance, taking a superficial attitude, as Comrade Trotsky correctly said. We need more and more concreteness in studying local experience, details, the little things, practice, businesslike experience, going deeply into real life—uyezd, volost and village; examination of what, where, by whom and why (by what means) success is achieved, in spite of the abyss of poverty and ruin, in reaching genuine improvement, even if on a small scale, and courage to unmask mistakes and incapacity, popularising and advertising with all our strength every local worker who is in any way out-
engewang.org TO N. OSINSKY
579
standing, and making him a model. The more such work i s done, the deeper we go into living practice, distracting the attention of both ourselves and our readers from the stinking bureaucratic and stinking intellectual Moscow (and, in general, Soviet bourgeois) atmosphere, the greater will be our success in improving both our press and all our constructive work. Once again I welcome your initiative, and very much wish that you should continue it further, on a wider scale and more deeply in the same direction.
With communist greetings,
Lenin
First published in part on February 17, 1956 in Pravda No. 48
oPnUAprild22? i956
in Pravda No. 113
Printed from the
TO MEMBERS OF THE COLLEGIUM OF THE PEOPLE'S COMMISSARIAT FOR WORKERS' AND PEASANTS' INSPECTION August 21 Svidersky, Reske, Rozmirovich, Ruzer and other members of the Collegium of the W.P.I. I very much regret that Tsyurupa did not manage to do any work in the Workers' and Peasants' Inspection,641 I am afraid that the work is not quite rightly organised. The type of work is individual investigations and reports. This is old hat. But there is no reorganisation of the machinery or its improvement. There are no model staffs composed entirely of Communists, or entirely of students of Schools of Soviet and Party Work; there are no systematically worked-out rates of work, which might be applied to other departments; there are no systematic statistical studies of what Soviet employees can do in this or that branch of government in the course of a week, and so forth. I had constantly hoped that the influx of new people into the Collegium of the W.P.I, would liven up the work, but from my questioning of Stalin I have not been able to see this. Please write to me, and then we shall organise a meeting, if necessary. You have a staff of 8,000 instead of 9,000. Would it not be possible to cut it down to 2,000, with salaries for 6,000 (i.e., to treble the payment) and improve their qualifications? If Avanesov arrives soon, show this to him too. With communist greetings, Lenin
Written on August 21, 1922 First published in 1928 in Lenin Miscellany VIII
Printed from the original
wengewang.org 581*
TO V. A. AVANESOV September 1, 1922
Comrade Avanesov, Yesterday I talked it over with Comrade Svidersky, and convinced myself that he too attaches the greatest importance to the "department of normalisation". He has given the job of collecting the literature to Yermansky. I am somewhat doubtful whether Yermansky will do this successfully. He is a Menshevik, and his book shows a certain maliciousness (although the book is nevertheless a good one).642 Please either check up on his performance of the assignment, or take steps yourself to have it carried out. Both German and American literature should be obtained. Everything more or less valuable should be collected, especially as regards normalising bureaucratic work (procedure for dispatch of business; forms; control; typing of copies; inquiries and replies, etc., etc.). In my opinion, the most necessary thing for us now is to learn from Europe and America. If I am not mistaken, I have heard that you have an excellent knowledge of German. If not, find a translator. Maybe something useful will be found in the Scandinavian countries also. Everything must be got together, and don't rely on Yermansky without a special check-up. Maybe through Krestinsky613 you will be able to get hold of some unpublished material? Or through the ambassador in Norway? I think that we must work out normalisation of paper w °rk, and then apply it everywhere. This is most important. If they allowed you to look at one of the best institutions in Germany or Norway* it would be worth staying over there for a week.
582
V . I. LENltf
The main thing is norms (i.e., how many people for suchand-such a sum total of work). After that we shall make our own Central Statistical Board work as well. Please, after making use of this letter, send it on to A. D. Tsyurupa. So long as he is ill, I don't want to worry him! Best regards,
Yours,
Lenin
Sent to Berlin First published in part on January 21, 1927 in Komsomolskaya Pravda No. Published in full in 1928 in Lenin Miscellany VIII
17
Printed from the original
wengewang.org 583*
TO L. M. KHINCHUK Comrade Khinchuk, Please send me the proofs (first proofs, even if uncorrected) of your new book. 6 4 4 Would it be possible (provided this does not delay publication: there should be no delay in any circumstances) to add tables showing the growth of turnover by quarters, the number of selling-points in the villages (and by districts), volume of sales in the villages, percentage of expenditure (to turnover), number of employees, and so forth. Generally speaking, I think it essential to have precise data to show how deeply commercial turnover has penetrated the countryside, how widespread it is, and fust how the process works. If for some reason it cannot be printed, please send it to me. With communist greetings, Lenin Written on September 12, 1922 First published in 1924 in the journal Soyuz Potrebitelei No. 5
Printed from the original
TO L. M. KHINCHUK Comrade Khinchuk, I decided to send you the pamphlet, in order not to delay it. Please send it to me again in page. Could you add 1) Details on reduction of staff? By departments? 2) The same, about normalisation? (They say you have a department.) 3) The same, comparing data (all the data) by quarters? 4) The same, showing in how many volosts (and per cent) and in how many villages (and per cent of all villages) there are selling-points? 5) Price of tea? Is it not too low? Do. you realise that this is an article of luxury? How do you determine the allowable maximum price of tea? 6) A division of products into necessities and luxuries. 7) Sales of agricultural implements, including improved ones? Propaganda measures about them? With communist greetings, ^ Lenin P.S. The pamphlet is a very good one. Written not earlier than September 18, 1922 First published in 1924 in the- Journal Soyuz Potrebitelei No. 5
Printed from the original
/-wengewang.org 585*
NOTES FOR A REPORT "FIVE YEARS OF THE RUSSIAN REVOLUTION AND THE PROSPECTS OF THE WORLD REVOLUTION" AT THE FOURTH CONGRESS OF THE COMINTERN645 1. Not a reporter, but only a brief introduction to the debate (illness, etc.). 646 2. The theme: has NEP been tested by experience? (The experience) for or against? 3. The question of. "state capitalism" was touched on already in 1918. 4. Quotation from pamphlet. 647 Seite 5. "State capitalism
would be progress."
5. Quotation: "5 elements" of the economy of Russia. 6. Quotation: which element predominates?648 7. What is the plan or idea or essence of NEP? (a) Retention of the land in the hands of the state; (P) the same for all commanding heights in the sphere °f means of production (transport, etc.); (7) freedom of trade in the sphere of petty production; (0) state capitalism in the sense of attracting private capital (both concessions and mixed companies). 8. The result follows: in 1918 retreat was assured. 9. We have been alone for 5 years; there is as yet no Evolution in any other countries; war and hunger. Shall perish? 10. To retreat a little. We retreated. Results? 11. Spring of 1921*—to autumn of 1922. What results? * The MS. erroneously says. 1911.—Ed.
t ^ g ^ c ^ f f f t r a 586
W W
V. I. LENIN
12. The ruble. Its stabilisation
3 months 1921 > 5 months 1922 We are getting back on our feet alone, without help (Quadrillion? Yes, but it won't take long to strike out.) 13. The peasantry? The tax in kind (successful collection* hundreds of millions). 14. Light industry? General revival. 15. Heavy industry? Very grave situation. A turn for the better 1921-22, but very slight. (.Revenue of the State Bank: 20 mln. in gold, possibility of helping.) 16. Summing up: this means success is possible, there is in fact success. A system which is not arbitrary, not muddled, practically tested. We are getting back on our feet alone, without outside help. 17. The difficulties are very great and will continue to be for another few years. Mass of stupidities. Yes. Untrodden path. No help, on the contrary. An alien machinery. Our stupidities 2 x 2 = 5 . "Their" stupidities 2 x 2 = a tallow candle. 1) Kolchak \\ 2) Peace of J j Versailles. 18. Therefore the prospects are excellent. And will be even better if both we use the next five-year period mainly for study and the Communist International, since the resolution on organisational structure of the parties (1921) has not been carried out.6*9 Prospects /— ...will be even better.
zengewang.org NOTES FOR REPORT A T FOURTH CONGRESS OF COMINTERN
587
The title: "on the organisational structure of the Communist Parties" "on methods and content of their work " Organisatorischer Aufbau der kommunistischen Parteien, Methoden und Inhalt ihrer Arbeit. Speech at Comintern on Nov. 13, 1922 Written before November 13, 1922 First
published - on January 1926 in Pravda No. 17
21,
Printed from the original
588*
OUTLINE OF SPEECH AT THE TENTH ALL-RUSSIA CONGRESS OF SOVIETS 650 1. Fifth anniversary (Vladivostok). 2. Civil war united working class and peasantry, and this is a guarantee of invincible strength. 3. Civil war trained and tempered (Denikin and others were good teachers; taught seriously; all our best Party workers were in the army). 3 bis: ... 3 bis: Diplomacy (N.B.). Apparatus is easier to build. 4. We have overcome last year's famine too. 5. Now concentrate on economics: how (N.B.) to approach socialism? 6. Not otherwise than through NEP. 7. A year's testing? 8. Finances. A small step forward. 9. Kritsman, 1920—16%, 21—50%, 22—60%. 651 10. Growth of trade, both internal 11 . and external. 12. —Mixed companies: learning. 13. Industry: light industry has improved, 14 . heavy difficult, but not hopeless: there is a small step forward. 15. Central Council of Co-operative Societies: its special significance. • 16. The state apparatus in general: bad beyond description; lower than the bourgeois level of culture. ("frightened" in November 1917); it is a question of culture in general, and it will take years to raise it.
.wengewang.org OUTLINE OF SPEECH AT TENTH
CONGRESS OF SOVIETS
589
17. Hundreds of thousands of employees in the state apparatus. Increase. 18. Census of 1922 (Oct.-Nov.). 19. Its results. 20. Article by Kin,652 21. Not alterations, but redistribution and reduction. 22. A job for many years: (we are alone, it is we who are carrying, and we should be the ones who are being carried). 23. More rapidly (1917-22) more slowly (1922-27?) ("watchword"). 24. Patronage of town Party cells over village cells and vice versa. Often: this apparatus does not belong to us, we belong to it! Supply of raw materials and other things for the next year\ NS. (danger). Written in the first half of December 1922 First published on September 27, 1925 in Pravda No. 221
Printed from the original
D Pul Komi
igewang.org 1922-1923
LETTER TO THE CONGRESS683 GRANTING LEGISLATIVE FUNCTIONS TO THE STATE PLANNING COMMISSION THE QUESTION OF NATIONALITIES OR "AUTONOMISATION"
Ictated in December 1922January 1923 >llshed in 1956 in the journal nunist No. 9 and as a pamphlet
Printed from the shorthand notes
wengewang.org
LETTER TO THE CONGRESS >
I would urge strongly that at this Congress a number of changes be made in our political structure. I want to tell you of the considerations to which I attach most importance. , At the head of the list I set an increase in the number of Central Committee members to a few dozen or even a hundred. It is my'opinion that without this reform our Central Committee would be in great danger if the course of events were not quite favourable for us (and that is something we cannot' count on). Then, I intend to propose that the Congress should on certain conditions invest the decisions of the State Planning Commission with legislative force, meeting, in this respect, the wishes of Comrade Trotsky—to a certain extent and on certain conditions. As for the first point, i.e., increasing the number of C.C. members, I think it must be done in order to raise the prestige of the Central Committee, to do a thorough job of improving our administrative machinery and to prevent conflicts between small sections of the C.C. from acquiring excessive importance for the future of the Party. tt seems to me that our Party has every right to demand J,rQ01?,the working class 50 to 100 C.C. members, and that it uid get them from it without unduly taxing the resources o f that class. of u £ reform would considerably increase the stability t y an( * e a s e host*ir struggle in the encirclement of becom S t a t e s ' w h i c l l > in my opinion, is likely to, and must, m e much more acute in the next few years. I think 38 ~1652
tpmx^ffiftm 594
V. I. LENltf
that the stability of our Party would gain a thousandfold by such a measure. Lenin December 23, 1922 Taken down by M. V.
II
Continuation of the notes. December 24, 1922 By stability of the Central Committee, of which I spoke above, I mean measures against a split, as far as such measures can at all be taken. For, of course, the whiteguard in Russkaya Mysl (it seems to have been S. S. Oldenburg) was right when, first, in the whiteguards* game against Soviet Russia he banked on a split in our Party, and when, secondly, he banked on grave differences in our Party to cause that split. Our Party relies on two classes and therefore its instability would be possible and its downfall inevitable if there were no agreement between those two classes. In that event this or that measure, and generally all talk about the stability of our C.C., would be futile. No measures of any kind could prevent a split in such a case. But I hope that this is too remote a future and too improbable an event to talk about. I have in mind stability as a guarantee against a split in the immediate future, and I intend to deal here with a few ideas concerning personal qualities. I think that from this standpoint the prime factors in the question of stability are such members of the C.C. as Stalin and Trotsky. I think relations between them make up the greater part of the danger of a split, which could be avoided, and this purpose, in my opinion, would be served, among other things, by increasing the number of C.C. members to 50 or 100. Comrade Stalin, having become Secretary-General, has unlimited authority concentrated in his hands, and I am not sure
ww.wengewang.org LETTER
TO THE CONGRESS
595
whether he will always be capable of using that authority with sufficient caution. Comrade Trotsky, on the other hand, as his struggle against the C.C. on the question of the People's Commissariat for Communications has already proved, is distinguished not only by outstanding ability. He is personally perhaps the most capable man in the present C.C., but he has displayed excessive self-assurance and shown excessive preoccupation with the purely administrative side of the work. These two qualities of the two outstanding leaders of the present C.C. can inadvertently lead to a split, and if our Party does not take steps to avert this, the split may come unexpectedly. I shall not give any further appraisals of the personal qualities of other members of the C.C. I shall just recall that the October episode with Zinoviev and Kamenev 654 was, of. course, no accident, but neither can the blame for it be laid upon them personally, any more than nonBolshevism can upon Trotsky. Speaking of the young C.C. members, I wish to say a few words about Bukharin and Pyatakov. They are, in my opinion, the most outstanding figures (among the youngest ones), and the following must be borne in mind about them: Bukharin is not only a most valuable and major theorist of the Party; he is also rightly considered the favourite of the whole Party, but his theoretical views can be classified as fully Marxist only with great reserve, for there is something scholastic about him (he has never made a study of dialectics, and, I think, never fully understood it). December 25. As for Pyatakov, he is unquestionably a man of outstanding will and outstanding ability, but shows too much zeal for administrating and the administrative side of the work to be relied upon in a serious political matter. Both of these remarks, of course, are made only for the present, on the assumption that both these outstanding and devoted Party workers fail to find an occasion to enhance their knowledge and amend their one-sidedness. Lenin December 25, 1922 Taken down by M. V. 36*
•
596
V. I. LENltf
ADDITION TO THE LETTER OF DECEMBER 24, 1922
Stalin is too rude and this defect, although quite tolerable in our midst and in dealings among us Communists, becomes intolerable in a Secretary-General. That is why I suggest that the comrades think about a way of removing Stalin from that post and appointing another man in his stead who in all other respects differs from Comrade Stalin in having only one advantage, namely, that of being more tolerant, more loyal, more polite and more considerate to the comrades, less capricious, etc. This circumstance may appear to be a negligible detail. But I think that from the standpoint of safeguards against a split and from the standpoint of what I wrote above about the relationship between Stalin and Trotsky it is not a detail, or it is a detail which can assume decisive importance. Lenin
Taken down by L. F. January 4, 1923
III
Continuation of the notes. December 26, 1922 The increase in the number of C.C. members to 50 or even 100 must, in my opinion, serve a double or even a treble purpose: the more members there are in the C.C., the more men will be trained in C.C. work and the less danger there will be of a split due to some indiscretion. The enlistment of many workers to the C.C. will help the workers to improve our administrative machinery, which is pretty bad. We inherited it, in.effect, from the old regime, for it was absolutely impossible to reorganise it in such a short time, especially in conditions of war, famine, etc. That is why those "critics" who point to the defects of our administrative machinery out of mockery or malice may be calmly answered that they do not in the least understand the conditions of the revolution today. It is altogether impossible
wengewang.org LETTER TO THE CONGRESS
597*
in five years to reorganise the machinery adequately, especially in the conditions in which our revolution took place. It is enough that in five years we have created a new type of state in which the workers are leading the peasants against the bourgeoisie; and in a hostile international environment this in itself is a gigantic achievement. But knowledge of this must on no account blind us to the fact that, in effect, we took over the old machinery of state from the tsar and the bourgeoisie and that now, with the onset of peace and the satisfaction of the minimum requirements against famine, all our work must be directed towards improving the administrative machinery. I think that a few dozen workers, being members of the G.C., can deal better than anybody else with checking, improving and remodelling our state apparatus. The Workers' and Peasants' Inspection on whom this function devolved at the beginning proved unable to cope with it and can be used only as an "appendage" or, on certain conditions, as an assistant to these members of the C.C. In my opinion, the workers admitted to the Central Committee should come preferably not from among those who have had long service in Soviet bodies (in this part of my letter the term workers everywhere includes peasants), because those workers have already acquired the very traditions and the very prejudices which it is desirable to combat. The working-class members of the C.C. must be mainly workers of a lower stratum than those promoted in the last five years to work in Soviet bodies; they must be people closer to being rank-and-file workers and peasants, who, however, do not fall into the category of direct or indirect exploiters. I think that by attending all sittings of the C.C. and all sittings of the Political Bureau, and by reading all the documents of the C.C., such workers can form a staff of devoted supporters of the Soviet system, able, first, to give stability to the C.C. itself, and second, to work effectively on the renewal and improvement of the state apparatus. Lenin Taken down by L. F. December 26, 1922
^ S l f c ^ f l f f t W
vi
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IV
Continuation of the notes. December 27, 1922
GRANTING LEGISLATIVE FUNCTIONS TO THE STATE PLANNING COMMISSION This idea was suggested by Comrade Trotsky, it seems, quite a long time ago. I was against it at the time, because I thought that there would then be a fundamental lack of co-ordination in the system of our legislative institutions. But after closer consideration of the matter I find that in substance there is a sound idea in it, namely: the State Planning Commission stands somewhat apart from our legislative institutions, although, as a body of experienced people, experts, representatives of science and technology, it is actually in a better position to form a correct judgement of affairs. However, we have so far proceeded from the principle that the State Planning Commission must provide the state with critically analysed material and the state institutions must decide state matters. I think that in the present situation, when affairs of state have become unusually complicated, when it is necessary time and again to settle questions of which some require, the expert opinion of the members of the State Planning Commission and some do not, and, what is more, to settle matters which need the expert opinion of the State Planning Commission on some points but not on others—I think that we must now take a step towards extending the competence of the State Planning Commission. I imagine that step to be such that the decisions of the State Planning Commission could not be rejected by ordinary procedure in Soviet bodies, but would need a special procedure to be reconsidered. For example, the question should be submitted to a session of the All-Russia Central
-wengewang.org GRANTING LEGISLATIVE FUNCTIONS TO S.P.C.
599
Executive Committee, prepared for reconsideration according to a special instruction, involving the drawing up, under special rules, of memoranda to examine whether the State Planning Commission decision is subject to reversal. Lastly, special time-limits should be set for the reconsideration of State Planning Commission decisions, etc.
In this respect I think we can and must accede to the wishes of Comrade Trotsky, but not in the sense that specifically any one of our political leaders, or the Chairman of the Supreme Economic Council, etc., should be Chairman of the State Planning Commission. I think that personal matters are at present too closely interwoven with the question of principle. I think that the attacks which are now made against the Chairman of the State Planning Commission, Comrade Krzhizhanovsky, and Comrade Pyatakov, his deputy, and which proceed along two lines, so that, on the one hand, we hear charges of extreme leniency, lack of independent judgement and lack of backbone, and, on the other, charges of excessive coarseness, drill-sergeant methods, lack of solid scientific background, etc.—I think these attacks express two sides of the question, exaggerating them to the extreme, and that in actual fact we need a skilful combination in the State Planning Commission of two types of character, of which one may be exemplified by Comrade Pyatakov and the other by Comrade Krzhizhanovsky. I think that the State Planning Commission must be headed by a man who, on the one hand, has scientific education, namely, either technical or agronomic, with decades of experience in practical work in the field of technology or of agronomics. I think this man must possess not so much the qualities of an administrator as broad experience and the ability to enlist the services of other men. Lenin December 27, 1922 Taken down by M. V.
^mx^mftm 600
V. I. LENltf
V
Continuation of the letter on the legislative nature of State Planning Commission decisions. December 28, 1922 I have noticed that some of our comrades who are able to exercise a decisive influence on the direction of state affairs, exaggerate the administrative side, which, of course, is necessary in its time and place, but which should not be confused with the scientific side, with a grasp of the broad facts, the ability to recruit men, etc. In every state institution, especially in the State Planning Commission, the combination of these two qualities is essential; and when Comrade Krzhizhanovsky told me that he had enlisted the services of Comrade Pyatakov for the Commission and had come to terms with him about the work, I, in consenting to this, on the one hand, entertained certain doubts and, on the other, sometimes hoped that we would thus get the combination of the two types of statesmen. To see whether those hopes are justified, we must now wait and consider the matter on the strength of somewhat longer experience, but in principle, I think, there can be no doubt that such a combination of temperaments and types (of men and qualities) is absolutely necessary for the correct functioning of state institutions. I think that here it is just as harmful to exaggerate "administrating" as it is to exaggerate anything at all. The chief of a state institution must possess a high degree of personal appeal and sufficiently solid scientific and technical knowledge to be able to check people's work. That much is basic. Without it the work cannot be done properly. On the other hand, it is very important that he should be capable of administering and should have a worthy assistant, or assistants, in the matter. The combination of these two qualities in one person will hardly be found, and it is hardly necessary. Lenin Taken down by L. F. December 28, 1922
-wengewang.org GRANTING LEGISLATIVE FUNCTIONS TO S.P.C.
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VI Continuation of the notes
on the State Planning Commission. December 29, 1922
*
'
The State Planning Commission is apparently developing in all respects into a commission of experts. Such an institution cannot be headed by anybody except a man with great experience and an all-round scientific education in technology. The administrative element must in essence be subsidiary. A certain independence and autonomy of the State Planning Commission is essential for the prestige of this scientific institution and depends on one thing, namely, the conscientiousness of its workers and their conscientious desire to turn our plan of economic and social development into reality. This last quality may, of course, be found now only as an exception, for the overwhelming majority of scientists, who naturally make up the Commission, are inevitably infected with bourgeois ideas and bourgeois prejudices. The check on them from this standpoint must be the job of several persons who can form the Presidium of the Commission. These must be Communists to keep a day-to-day check on the extent of the bourgeois scientists' devotion to our cause displayed in the whole course of the work and see that they abandon bourgeois prejudices and gradually adopt the socialist standpoint. This work along the twin lines of scientific checking and pure administration should be the ideal of those who run the State Planning Commission in our Republic. Lenin Taken down by M. V. December 29, 1922
Is it rational to divide the work of the State Planning Commission into separate jobs? Should we not, on the contrary, try to build up a group of permanent specialists
602'
V. I. LENIN
who would be systematically checked by the Presidium of the Commission and could solve the whole range of problems within its ambit? I think that the latter would be the more reasonable and that we must try to cut down the number of temporary and urgent tasks. Lenin December 29, 1922 Taken down by M. V.
gewang.org 603*
VII
Continuation of the notes. December 29, 1922
(ADDITION TO THE SECTION ON INCREASING THE NUMBER OF C.C. MEMBERS) In increasing the number of its members, the C.C., I think, must also, and perhaps mainly, devote attention to checking and improving our administrative machinery, which is no good at all. For this we must enlist the services of highly qualified specialists, and the task of supplying those specialists must devolve upon the Workers' and Peasants' Inspection, How are we to combine these checking specialists, people with adequate knowledge, and the new members of the C.C.? This problem must be resolved in practice. It seems to me that the Workers' and Peasants' Inspection (as a result of its development and of our perplexity about its development) has led all in all to what we now observe, namely, to an intermediate position between a special People's Commissariat and a special function of the members of the C.C.; between an institution that inspects anything and everything and an aggregate of not very numerous but first-class inspectors, who must be well paid (this is especially indispensable in our age when everything must be paid for and inspectors are directly employed by the institutions that pay them better). If the number^of C.C. members is increased in the appropriate way, and they go through a course of state management year after year with the help of highly qualified specialists and of members of the Workers' and Peasants Inspection who are highly authoritative in every branch— then, I think, we shall successfully solve this problem which we have not managed to do for such a long time.
604
V. I. LENltf
To sum up, 100 members of the C.C. at the most and not more than 400-500 assistants, members of the Workers* and Peasants' Inspection, engaged in inspecting under their direction. Lenin December 29, 1922 Taken down by M. V.
.wengewang.org 605*
Continuation of the notes.
December 30, 1922 THE QUESTION OF NATIONALITIES OR "AUTONOMISATION" I suppose I have been very remiss with respect to the workers of Russia for not having intervened energetically and decisively enough in the notorious question of autonomisation,656 which, it appears, is officially called the question of the union of Soviet socialist,republics. When this question arose last summer, I was ill; and then in autumn I relied too much on my recovery and on the October and December plenary meetings656 giving me an opportunity of intervening in this question. However, I did not manage to attend the October Plenary Meeting (when this question came up) or the one in December, and so the question passed me by almost completely. I have only had time for a talk with Comrade Dzerzhinsky, who came from the Caucasus and told me how this matter stood in Georgia. I have also managed to exchange a few words with Comrade Zinoviev and express my apprehensions on this matter. From, what I was told by Comrade Dzerzhinsky, who was at the head of the commission sent by the C.C. to "investigate" the Georgian incident, I could only draw the greatest apprehensions. If matters had come to such a pass that Orjonikidze could go to the extreme of applying physical violence, as Comrade Dzerzhinsky informed me, we can imagine what a mess we have got ourselves into. Obviously the whole business of "autonomisation" was radically wrong and badly timed. It is said that a united apparatus was needed. Where did that assurance come from? Did it not come from that same Russian apparatus which, as I pointed out in one of the preceding sections of my diary, we took over from tsarism and slightly anointed with Soviet oil?
606
V . I. LENltf
There is no doubt that that measure should have been delayed somewhat until we could say that we vouched for our apparatus as our own. But now, we must, in all conscience, admit the contrary; the apparatus we call ours is, in fact, still quite alien to us; it is a bourgeois and tsarist hotch-potch and there has been no possibility of getting rid of it in the course of the past five years without the help of other countries and because we have been "busy" most of the time with military engagements and the fight against famine. It is quite natural that in such circumstances the "freedom to secede from the union" by which we justify ourselves will be a mere scrap of paper, unable to defend the non-Russians from the onslaught of that really Russian man, the Great-Russian chauvinist, in substance a rascal and a tyrant, such as the typical Russian bureaucrat is. There is no doubt that the infinitesimal percentage of Soviet and sovietised workers will drown in that tide of chauvinistic Great-Russian riffraff like a fly in milk. It is said in defence of this measure that the People's Commissariats directly concerned with national psychology and national education were set up as separate bodies. But there the question arises: can these People's Commissariats be made quite independent? and secondly: were we careful enough to take measures to provide the non-Russians with a real safeguard against the truly Russian bully? I do not think we took such measures although we could and should have done so. I think that Stalin's haste and his infatuation with pure administration, together with his spite against the notorious "nationalist-socialism", played a fatal role here. In politics spite generally plays the basest of roles. I also fear that Comrade Dzerzhinsky, who went to the Caucasus to investigate the "crime" of those "nationalistsocialists", distinguished himself there by his truly Russian frame of mind (it is common knowledge that people of other nationalities who have become Russified overdo this Russian frame of mind) and that the impartiality of his whole commission was typified well enough by Orjonikidze's "manhandling". I think that no provocation or even insult can justify such Russian manhandling and that
w.wengewang.org QUESTION OP NATIONALITIES OR "AUTONOMISATION"
607
Dzerzhinsky was inexcusably guilty in adopting a light-hearted attitude towards it. For all the citizens in the Caucasus Orjonikidze was the authority. Orjonikidze had no right to display that irritability to which he and Dzerzhinsky referred. On the contrary, Orjonikidze should have behaved with a restraint which cannot be demanded of any ordinary citizen, still less of a man accused of a "political" crime. And, to tell the truth, those nationalist-socialists were citizens who were accused of a political crime, and the terms of the accusation were such that it could not be described otherwise. Here we have an important question of principle: how is internationalism to be understood?* Comrade
Lenin December 30, 1922 Taken down by M. V.
Continuation of the notes. December 31, 1922 THE QUESTION OF NATIONALITIES OR "AUTONOMISATION"
(Continued) In my writings on the national question I have already said that an abstract presentation of the question of nationalism in general is of no use at all. A distinction must necessarily be made between the nationalism of an oppressor nation and that of an oppressed nation, the nationalism of a big nation and that of a small nation. In respect of the second kind of nationalism we, nationals of a big nation, have nearly always been guilty, in historic practice, of an infinite number of cases of violence; furthermore, we commit violence and insult an infinite * After this the following phrase was crossed out in the shorthand text: "It seems to m6 that our comrades have not studied this important question of principle sufficiently."—Ed.
^ m X ^ M f t M 608'
V.
W
I. LENIN
number of times without noticing it. It is sufficient.to recall my Volga reminiscences of how non-Russians are treated; how the Poles are not called by any other name than Polyachishka, how the Tatar is nicknamed Prince how the Ukrainians are always Khokhols and the Georgil ans and other Caucasian nationals always Kapkasians. That is why internationalism on the part of oppressors or "great" nations, as they are called (though they are great only in their violence, only great as bullies), must consist not only in the observance of the formal equality of nations but even in an inequality of the oppressor nation, the great nation, that must make up for the inequality which obtains in actual practice. Anybody who does not understand this has not grasped the real proletarian attitude to the national question, he is still essentially petty bourgeois in his point of view and is, therefore, sure to descend to the bourgeois point of view. What is important for the proletarian? For the proletarian it is not only important, it is absolutely essential that he should be assured that the non-Russians place the greatest possible trust in the proletarian class struggle. What is needed to ensure this? Not merely formal equality. In one way or another, by one's attitude or by concessions, it is necessary to compensate the non-Russians for the lack of trust, for the suspicion and the insults to which the government of the "dominant" nation subjected them in the past. I think it is unnecessary to explain this to Bolsheviks, to Communists, in greater detail. And I think that in the present instance, as far as the Georgian nation is concerned, we have a typical case in which a genuinely proletarian attitude makes profound caution, thoughtfulness and a readiness to compromise a matter of necessity for us. The Georgian who is neglectful of this aspect of the question, or who carelessly flings about accusations of "nationalist-socialism " (whereas he himself is a real and true "nationalist-socialist", and even a vulgar Great-Russian bully) > violates, in substance, the interests of proletarian class solidarity, for nothing holds up the development and s t r e n g t h ening of proletarian class solidarity so much as national injustice; "offended " nationals are riot sensitive to anything
/.wengewang.org QUESTION OF NATIONALITIES OR "AUTONOMISATION"
609
so
much as to the feeling of equality and the violation of this equality, if only through negligence or jest—to the v i o l a t i o n of that equality by their proletarian comrades. T h a t is why in this case it is better to overdo rather than underdo the concessions and leniency towards the national minorities. That is why, in this case, the fundamental interest of proletarian solidarity, and consequently of the proletarian class struggle, requires that we never adopt a formal attitude to the national question, but always take into account the specific attitude of the proletarian of the oppressed (or small) nation towards the oppressor (or great) nation. Lenin Taken down by M. V. December 31, 1922
Continuation of the notes. December 31, 1922 What practical measures must be taken in the present situation? Firstly, we must maintain and strengthen the union of socialist republics. Of this there can be no doubt. This measure is necessary for us and it is necessary for the world communist proletariat in its struggle against the world bourgeoisie and its defence against bourgeois intrigues. Secondly, the union of socialist republics must be retained for its diplomatic apparatus. By the way, this apparatus is an exceptional component of our state apparatus. We have not allowed a single influential person from the pld tsarist apparatus into it. All sections with any authority are composed of Communists. That is why it has already won for itself (this may be said boldly) the name of a reliable communist apparatus purged to an incomparably greater extent of the old tsarist, bourgeois and pettybourgeois elements than that which we have had to make d o with in other People's Commissariats. 3 *M652
610'
V.
I. LENIN
Thirdly, exemplary punishment must be inflicted
0n
Comrade Orjonikidze (I say this all the more regretfully as I am one of his personal friends and have worked with him abroad) and the investigation of all the material which Dzerzhinsky's commission has collected must be completed or started over again to correct the enormous mass of wrongs and biased judgements which it doubtlessly contains. The political responsibility for all this truly Great-Russian nationalist campaign must, of course, be laid on Stalin and Dzerzhinsky.
Fourthly, the strictest rules must be introduced on the use of the national language in the non-Russian republics of our union, and these rules must be checked with special care. There is no doubt that our apparatus being what it is, there is bound to be, on the pretext of unity in the railway service, unity in the fiscal service and so on, a mass of truly Russian abuses. Special ingenuity is necessary for the struggle against these abuses, not to mention special sincerity on the part of those who undertake this struggle. A detailed code will be required, and only the nationals living in the republic in question can draw it up at all successfully. And then we cannot be sure in advance that as a result of this work we shall not take a step backward at our next Congress of Soviets, i.e., retain the union of Soviet socialist republics only for military and diplomatic affairs, and in all other respects restore full independence to the individual People's Commissariats. It must be borne in mind that the decentralisation of the People's Commissariats and the lack of co-ordination in their work as far as Moscow and other centres are concerned can be compensated sufficiently by Party authority, if it is exercised with sufficient prudence and impartiality; the harm that can result to our state from a lack of unification between the national apparatuses and the R u s s i a n apparatus is infinitely less than that which will be done not only to us, but to the whole International, and to the hundreds of millions of the peoples of Asia, which is destined to follow us on to the stage of history in the near future. It would be unpardonable opportunism if, on the eve of the debut of the East, just as it is awakening, we undermined our prestige with its peoples, even if only by
/•wengewang.org QUESTION OP NATIONALITIES OR "AUTONOMISATION"
611
the slightest crudity or injustice towards our own nonRussian nationalities. The need to rally against the imperialists of the West, who are defending the capitalist world, is one thing. There can be no doubt about that and it would be superfluous for me to speak about my unconditional approval of it. It is another thing when we ourselves lapse, even if only in trifles, into imperialist attitudes towards oppressed nationalities, thus undermining all our principled sincerity, all our principled defence of the struggle against imperialism. But the morrow of world history will be a day when the awakening peoples oppressed by imperialism are finally aroused and the decisive long and hard struggle for their liberation begins. Lenin December 31, 1922 Taken down by M. V.
wengewang.org
NOTES
wengewang.org 615*
1
A review of D. B. Ryazanov's article, "Remarks on the Rabocheye Dyelo Programme", sent in by Steklov. The article was published in the journal Zarya (Dawn) No. 1, April 1901. "The Rabocheye Dyelo Programme" ("Editorial Note") was issued in Rabocheye Dyelo No. 1 in April 1899 and published separately that same year under the title "Programme of Rabocheye Dyelo, a periodical organ of the Union of Russian SocialDemocrats ". Rabocheye Dyelo (The Workers' Cause)—a magazine of the Economists, and an organ of the Union of Russian Social-Democrats Abroad, published in Geneva from April 1899 to February 1902 and edited by B. N. Krichevsky, A. S. Martynov and V. P. Ivanshin. A criticism of the views of Rabocheye Dyelo group is given in Lenin's What Is To Be Done? (See present edition, Vol. 5, pp. 347-529.) p. 29
2
Mr. Grishiris stalwarts—an expression used by Plekhanov in a postscriptum to his publication, Iz zapisnoi knizhki SotsialDemokrata (From a Social-Democrat's Notebook), Sheet 1, Geneva, 1900, p. 6. Grishin—the party name of T. M. Kopelsohn, the Bund's representative abroad and a member of the Union of Russian SocialDemocrats Abroad. p. 29
3
A reference to the concluding paragraph of the first draft programme of the Emancipation of Labour group, published in 1884 (not as erroneously stated in the letter). In the second draft programme (1888) it was altered into a special note appended to the draft. p. 31
4
Karl Marx, Der achtzehnte Brumaire des Louis Bonaparte (The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte, Moscow, 1960). p. 31
5
A conference held at Bellerive near Geneva in August 1900 and attended by V. I. Lenin, N. E. Bauman, V. I. Zasulich, G. V. Plekhanov, A. N. Potresov and Y . M. Steklov. It discussed a programme for Iskra and Zarya. p. 31
8
The addressee is unknown.
p. 32
616 7
8 9
10
11
NOTES
Revolutionary Sotsial-Demokrat organisation was formed by tha members of the Emancipation of Labour group and their supporters in May 1900, following the split of the Union of Russian Social-Democrats Abroad at its Second Congress. In October 1901, on Lenin's proposal, the revolutionary Sotsial-Demokrat organisation united with the Iskra organisation abroad into the League of Russian Revolutionary Social-Democracy Abroad, p. 32 A reference to the newspaper Iskra.
p. 32
The Literary Group, consisting of Lenin, L. Martov and A. N. Potresov, was set up on Lenin's initiative after his return from exile in early 1900. Its main task and programme of action were to organise an all-Russia political newspaper and unite the best Social-Democratic forces around it. p. 32 Union of Russian
Social-Democrats
Abroad
was set up in Geneva in 1894 on the initiative of the Emancipation of Labour group. It had its own printing press for issuing revolutionary literature, and published the journal Rabotnik (Worker). Initially, the Emancipation of Labour group directed the Union and edited its publications. But afterwards opportunist elements ("the young" or Economists) gained the upper hand within the Union. At the Union's first congress in November 1898, the Emancipation of Labour group announced that it would no longer edit the Union's publications. The final break and the group's withdrawal from the Union took place at the Union's second congress in April 1900; the Emancipation of Labour group and its followers walked out of the congress and set up an independent organisation, Sotsial-Demokrat. p. 32 A reference to A. I. Yelizarova. p. 34
13
Family Pictures— a journal which was used for the secret transmission of reports or articles for Iskra. p. 34
18
Die Neue Zeit—a theoretical journal of the German SocialDemocratic Party, published in Stuttgart from 1883 to 1923. Up to October 1917, it was edited by K. Kautsky and then by Heinrich Cunow. p. 34
14
A reference to A. N. Potresov.
15
A reference to the draft declaration of the Editorial Board of Iskra on the publication of a newspaper. It was drawn up by Lenin in late March and early April 1900 (see present edition, Vol. 4, pp. 320-30). The draft was rewritten by Lenin when he arrived abroad, after the August 1900 conference with members of the Emancipation of Labour group (G. V. Plekhanov, P. B. Axelrod, and V. I. Zasulich). In the first half of October, the declaration was published as a leaflet (ibid., pp. 351-56).
d. 34
ww.wengewang.org NOTES
617
In contrast to the original draft, which set forth a programme for the two organs—newspaper and journal—the declaration issued by the Iskra editors concerned only the newspaper, it having been decided that the tasks of the journal Zarya would be dealt with separately, in its first issue. For reasons of secrecy it was decided not to circulate the declaration abroad until it reached Russia. p. 34 i6 A reference to the Marxist scientific and political journal Zarya and its "responsible editor" as required by German press laws. p. 34 l? A reference to P. B. Axelrod's article, "Wilhelm Liebknecht", carried in Iskra No. 1. Apart from this short article on the death of the prominent leader of the German and international workingclass movement, Axelrod was also writing a long article for Zarya, which, however, was not published. p. 34 i® A reference to the congress of the Second International and the congress of the French Socialist Party held in Paris in September 1900. Neither Iskra nor Zarya carried E. L. Gurevich's or Y . M. Steklov's article on the subject. p. 35 19
Zagorskaya (I. G. Smidovich-Lehmann) was the secretary of Iskra1 s editorial office until the arrival of N. K . Krupskaya in April 1901. p. 36
20
The Parisians (D. B. Ryazanov, Y . M. Steklov, E. L. Gurevich)— representatives of the Borba literary group abroad. Lenin called them "Parisians" because they then lived in that city. In his letter to Axelrod Lenin apparently refers to the difficulties in the talks with them concerning their work on Iskra on a permanent basis, in view of their claims for a say in editorial policy (see pp. 67-68, 69-70). p. 36
21
The pamphlet was compiled by the Kharkov Committee of the R.S.D.L.P. and published in January 1901 by Iskra. It described the first mass demonstration by Kharkov workers on May Day in 1900. It appeared abroad with a preface by Lenin (see present edition, Vol. 4, pp. 357-65). p. 36
22
Axelrod's advice in his letter to Lenin of October 15, 1900, dealt with the editing of letters from Russia for Iskra. His idea was to make use of some letters together with other material for domestic reviews or editorials (see Lenin Miscellany III, p. 66). p. 37
23
The police were very eager to know the whereabouts of Lenin, and, in general, of the whole group which subsequently constituted Iskra* s Editorial Board. Obzor zhandarmskikh doznany za 1901 god (Review of Gendarme Investigations for 1901) stated that Lenin was living in Munich and working for Iskra. The police also knew that A. N. Potresov was in Munich. In the circum0
618
NOTES
stances, Potresov's trip to Russia mentioned in the letter was a hazardous undertaking. p. 37 24
A reference to a delay in the printing of Iskra and Zarya.
25
The statement on Iskra's publication whose draft and final text were written by Lenin (see present edition, Vol. 4, pp. 320-30,
p. 37
351-56). The idea was to send it to the Russian Social-Democratic Society in New York of which S. M. Ingerman was secretary (see p. 46). p. 40 26
St. Petersburg group—the Rabocheye Znamya group emerged in the second half of 1897. It took a negative attitude to Economism. It set itself the aim of conducting political propaganda among the workers and published the newspaper Rabocheye Znamy a (Workers' Banner), of which three issues appeared. It also published several pamphlets and proclamations. Among its leaders were S. V. Andropov, V. P. Nogin and M. B. Smirnov. In January 1901, the St. Petersburg Rabocheye Znamya group merged with the Sotsialist group, but from January to April those leaders of the united group who were in Russia were arrested. Most of the members of the St. Petersburg Rabocheye Znamya group joined the Iskra organisation. Lenin refers to S. V. Andropov, a Social-Democrat and an active member of the Rabocheye Znamya group, subsequently one of Iskra1 s first agents. p. 41
27
The "special reasons" meaning the need for secrecy. J. H. W. Dietz, at whose printing press in Stuttgart the journal Zarya was printed, feared harassment by the police in the event they founa out that the journal was in some way connected with the illegal Iskra. Iskra was then printed in Leipzig. p. 41
28
St. Petersburg Workers1 Organisation—an Economist organisation set up in the summer of 1900. Its appeal "To the Workers of All Factories", published in its newspaper Rabochaya Mysl (Workers' Thought) No. 9, September 1900, called on the workers to organise circles for the working out of a programme of struggle and for mutual assistance. In the autumn of 1900, the Workers' Organisation merged with the St. Petersburg League of Struggle for the Emancipation of the Working Class. The programme and charter of this united organisation were carried in Rabochaya Mysl No. 11 in April 1901. Following the victory of the Iskra trend within the St. Petersburg Committee and its recognition of the newspaper Iskra and the journal Zarya as the leading Social-Democratic organs, a section of the St. Petersburg organisation under the influence and leadership of the proponents of Economism split off from the St. Petersburg Committee in September 1902 and once again formed a separate organisation called the Committee for Workers
w.wengewang.org NOTES
619
Organisation, which rejoined the Party organisation after the Second Congress of the Party in early 1904. p. 42 29 Nakanune (On the Eve)—a Narodnik monthly published in Russian in London from January 1899 to February 1902, under the editorship of Y . A. Serebryakov. There were a total of 37 issues. p. 43 30 A reference to Axelrod's article, "Wilhelm Liebknecht".
p. 45
31 L. Martov's article, "New Friends of the Russian Proletariat", appeared in No. 1 of Iskra in December 1900. p. 45 32
A reference to the Borba group (D. B. Ryazanov, Y . M. Steklov and E. L. Gurevich), which emerged in Paris in the summer of 1900 and was formed into a separate group in 1901, following the "unity" conference. The group's publications distorted Marxist theory, rejected Iskra's revolutionary tactics and took a hostile attitude to Lenin's organisational principles of party building. In view of these departures from Social-Democratic views and tactics, its splitting activities and lack of contact with Social-Democratic organisations in Russia, the group was not allowed to attend the Second Congress of the R.S.D.L.P. and was dissolved by its decision. p. 45
33
A reference to L. Martov.
34>
During preparations for the publication of Iskra, differences on the place of publication arose between Lenin and A. N. Potresov, on the one hand, and G. V. Plekhanov and P. B. Axelrod, on the other. The latter opposed Iskra1 s publication in Germany and wanted to have it issued in Switzerland, under their immediate direction. Lenin and Potresov opposed this. Following the conference in Corsier (near Geneva) in August 1900 with members of the Emancipation of Labour group, Lenin and Potresov decided that in the interest of the cause Iskra and Zarya should be published in Germany. The essence of these differences of principle was described by Lenin in "How the 'Spark' Was Nearly Extinguished " (see present edition, Vol. 4, pp. 333-49). Lenin and Potresov won out and the publication of Iskra was started in Germany, initially in Leipzig and then in Munich. Zarya was published legally in p. 46 Stuttgart.
35
See pp. 39-40
36
The article by Puttman (the pen-name of A. N. Potresov), "What Has Happened?", and the article by Byvaly (the pen-name of Bogucharsky [V. Y . Yakovlev]), "About the Old and the New", to which the reference is made in the letter, were carried in Zarya No. 1 in April 1901. The article by D. Koltsov (B. A. Ginzburg) on the international congress in Paris did not appear in Zarya. p. 48
p. 46
p. 47
620
NOTES
87
A reference to G. V. Plekhanov's article, ttA Few Words about the Latest International Socialist Congress in Paris (An Open Letter to the Comrades Who Have Authorised Me as Their Delegate)", which was carried in Zarya No. 1 in April 1901. p. 4g
88
Bakhareu—the pen-name of V. P. Makhnovets. The reference is to his pamphlet, "How to Behave at Interrogations", Geneva, 1900, issued by the Union of Russian Social-Democrats Abroad.
p. 49 89
The name of the pamphlet is unknown.
40
V. I. Zasulich's article on the Decembrists did not appear in the press. On December 14 (27), 1900, Plekhanov spoke at a meeting of Russian political emigres in Geneva on "The 14th of December, 1825". This speech was published in Zarya No. 1 in April 1901. p. 50
41
A reference to G. V. Plekhanov's article, "Once More on Socialism and the Political Struggle", carried in Zarya No. 1 in April 1901. p. 50
42
See present edition, Vol. 4, pp. 255-85.
48
G. V. Plekhanov did not write the item because he included the gist of it in his article, "Once More on Socialism and the Political Struggle". p. 51
44
A reference to the St. Petersburg League of Struggle for the Emancipation of the Working Class founded by Lenin in the autumn of 1895. p. 51
45
A reference to the Economist trend, which emerged in Vilna in the mid-1890s. It was led by A. I. Kremer, who issued a pamphlet in 1896, entitled "On Agitation". The St. Petersburg trend, which arose later, was led by Takhtarev and others. p. 52
46
Lenin's article, "The Urgent Tasks of Our Movement", was published as an editorial in Iskra No. 1, in December 1900 (see present edition, Vol. 4, pp. 366-71). p. 53
47
A reference to the Programme of the St. Petersburg League of Struggle for the Emancipation of the Working Class and the Charter of the Allied Workers' Organisation. The propositions set out in the documents served as a basis for agreement on the merger of these organisations in the autumn of 1900. p. 53
48
On the reverse of the title page of Zarya's first issue was the following inscription: "Verantwortlich far die Redaktion: K. Fentz in Stuttgart" (Responsible Editor: K . Fentz in Stuttgart). K. Fentz—Y. S. Ettinger, a Social-Democrat, who joined Iskra in 1900, a member of the League of Russian Revolutionary
p. 49
p. 50
wengewang.org NOTES
Social-Democracy Mensheviks.
Abroad;
she
621
subsequently
sided with the p. 53
40 a reference to the fact that I. G. Smidovich-Lehmann was expectingachild. p. 55 so There was no article in Iskra No. 1 on French affairs by Danevich (E. L. Gurevich). His first article, "Letters from France. Letter One", appeared in Iskra No. 6 in July 1901. No articles by Danevich on the subject were carried by Zarya. p. 55 si A reference to the transportation of Iskra literature to Russia via the Baltic provinces, which was undertaken by Latvian students, Ernests Rolau and Eduards Skubiks, who were then resident in Zurich. It later turned out that the police had been aware of the existence of this transportation group; both consignments of Iskra publications organised by Rolau ana Skubiks in December 1900 ana June 1901 had been confiscated. Transportation was finally organised in mid-1901. p. 55 62
A reference to the article by Lubov Axelrod (Orthodox), " W h y We Don't Want to Go Back?" (on the book written.by the liberal,' subsequently a reactionary, N. A. Berdayev, Subjectivism and Individualism in Social Philosophy) carried in Zarya*s double issue No. 2-3 in December 1901. p. 56
63
A reference to I. S. Blumenfeld, then an Iskra compositor in Leipzig. Preparations for publishing Iskra and Zarya abroad were assigned to A. N. Potresov, who went abroad for that purpose in April 1900. With the assistance of German Social-Democrats, the setting of Iskra was arranged in German Social-Democratic printing, presses first in Leipzig and then in Munich. Zarya was published legally in Stuttgart by Dietz. Blumenfeld apparently needed the Nusperli passport for registration in Leipzig. p. 57
54
The article, "The International Socialist Congress in Paris", by Kh. G. Rakovsky, was published in Iskra No. 1 in December 1900. p. 57
65
A reference to one of G. V. Plekhanov's articles which appeared in Zarya No. 1 in April 1901. p. 57
56
A reference to the amendments to Lenin's article, "The Split in the Union of Russian Social-Democrats Abroad" (see present edition, Vol. 4, pp. 378-79) on which G. V. Plekhanov insisted in his letter to Lenin on December 8, 1900 (see Lenin Miscellany III, p. 116). p. 58
67
A reference to F. Adler's article on Austrian affairs which he was to write for Iskra. The article did not appear in the paper, p. 59
620
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