Wheeled vehicles and ridden animals in the ancient Near East

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WHEELED VEHICLES AND RIDDEN ANIMALS IN THE ANCIENT NEAR EAST BY

M. A. LITTAUER AND

J. H. CROUWEL

DRA~GSBYJ.MOREL

LEIDEN/K OLN

E.

J. BRILL 1979

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LIST OF ABBREVIAnONS AA AA AS AASOR AfO AHw A lA AMI ANET

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A rchdologischer A nseiger A n na les archeologi ques arabes sy riennes A nnual of the A m erican Sch ools of Orien tal Research A rchiu fiir Orientforschung Soden , \ V. v on . Akkadisches Handuiorterbuch , W ies baden 1963 A me ri can [ourna l of A rchaeology Archaologi sche Mi tteilungen au s I ran A n cient N ear Eastern T exts relating to the Old T estament (ed . ] . B . Prit ch a rd ) Prin ceton 1955 Ancient Near Eastern Supplementary Te xts and P ictures (ed . ] . B. Pritch a r d ). Prin cet on 196 9 ] . B. Pritchard , Ancient N ear E ast in P ictures R elating to the Old Testament , P r incet on 195 4. A lter Orient und A ltes T estam ent. N eukirchen 1969Archives royales de M ari iTextes trans crites et traduitesi , P a ris 1950A natolian S tudies A nnales du S ervice des A ntiquites de l'Eg y pte Bulletin of the A mer ican Sch ools of Oriental R esearch B iblioiheca Orient alis B erli Her I ahrbucb f iir V or- und F riihgeschichte Bulletin of the Metropoli tan Museum of Art. N ew York British Mu seum Qu arterly . London Chica go Ass yrian D iction ary . Chi cago a nd Glli ckstadt 1956Camb ridge A ncient H istory . 3rd ed. Cambrid ge 1970Cahi ers de la delegation archeologique francaise en Iran Encyclopedic pho togra-pbique d'art. L'art de la M esopotam ie an cien ne au J1fusee du L ouvre, fas c. 5, 6 . Paris 1936 H arvard S emit ic S eries . Cambridge (Mass.) I rani ca A ntiqua I srael Exploration f ou rn al Illu strated L on don Ne ws

I st111 l A OS I A R CE I CS I dI l EA IFA I HS I KAF I N ES K UB KBo

I stanbuler Mitteitungen [ournai of the A m eri can Orien tal S ociety [ournal of the A meri can R esearch Center in Egypt [ournal of Cune iform S tudies I ahrbucb des deutschen archiiologischen I nstituts , A bteilung A then [ourna l of E gyp ti an Archaeology [ournal of Field Archaeolog y [ournal of H ellen ic Studies I ahrbucb f iir k leinasiatis che F orschung [ournal of Near Eastern S tudies K eilschriftu rku nden au s Bo ghazk oi K eilschrifttexte aus B oghazkoi

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LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

Liverp ool Annals of Art and A rchaeology Manchester Cuneiform Series Mitteilungen des deut schen archdologischen Lnstituts, Abteilung Kairo .M itteilungen del' deut schen Orient-Geselischaft Memoires de la delegatior: e1J P erse (including volumes with slightly different titles but numbered in same sequ ence). P aris M itteilungen des I nstituts fiir Orientforschung Metrop olitan M'u seum J ourn al. New York Neu e Folge New Series Oxford Editions of Cuneiform T exts Orient al Institute Commun ication . Ch ica go Oriental I nstitute Publication. Chi cago Orienialische L iteratur Ze itung Proceedings of the Prehistoric S ociety Prdhistorische Ze itschrift R evu e d'assyriologie et d'archeologie orien tale R evue biblique R ep ort of the Department of A ntiquit ies, C yprus Thureau-Dangin, F . R ecueil des tablettes chaldeen nes , Paris 1903 S ovetskaja A rkh eologija St udien zu den Bogazkoy T este. Wi esbad en 1965L egr ai n, L. Le temps des rois d'Ur : R echerches sur la societe antique d'apres des test es nouveaux . P aris 1912 ] estin R., T'ablettes sumeriennes de $uruppak conseruees au » Mw see de Stamboul , Paris 1937 Ur E xcavation Reports. L ondon-Philadelphia Ur Excavation Texts V orlaiifiger Bericht iiber die A usg rabungen in Untk- WaI·ka. Berlin D ie Welt des Orients W issens chaft liche V erofferulicbun gen.del' deuischen Orient-Gesellschaft Z eitschrift fur A ssyriologie urul uorderasi atische A rchiiologie Z eitschrif t fiir iigyptische Sprach e und A ltertumskunde

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CHAPTER ONE

INTRODUCTION The present survey of the evid ence for transport by wheeled vehicle and on the ridden animal in the Near East covers Mesopotamia, Iran, the Levant, and Anatolia. Mat erial from Tran scaucasia , E gypt, and Cypru s is consid ered only when it compl ements or illuminates the ar eas of primar y interest . Chronologically, the study covers a period ranging from the later 4th millennium B.C., when wheeled vehicles are first attested in the Near East, to the time of the conquests of Alexander the Great, ca 330 B .C. This survey has profited gr eatly from work already done in t he field. The earliest still valuable studies were published mainly in Germany : Nu offer (1904), Studniczka (1907), Popplow (1934), H erm es (1936), P otratz (1938), Wiesner (1939). Des Noettes, in France, contributed the only attempt t o an alyse and evalua te ancient t echniques of driving and riding (1931). Aft er the Second World War, the work of Schachermeyr (1951) an d Childe (three important contributions: one in 1951 and t wo in 1954), as well as Hancar's comprehensive st udy (1955) appeared. Haudricourt made tw o attempts to trace the evolution of wh eeled vehicl es and harness (1948, 1955). The 1950'S also saw the publication of two books by A. Salonen on Near-Eastern t ex tual docu ment ation of vehicles and transpor t animal s (1951, 1955). Sinc e the beginning of the 1960'S, along with the discovery of much new ma terial, the literature has subs tantially increased . It includes a book by Kammenhuber on the Hittite t exts (1961) and relevant sections in work s by Yadin (1963), Hrouda (1965) and Madhloom (1970) that ar e devot ed primarily t o ot her subjects . A survey of chariots by Nagel (1966) and new studies by Potratz (1966-mainly on horse bits) and Wiesner (1968)-none of them confined strictly to the Near E ast-are also important. Piggott (1968a) has contributed a major st udy of wheeled vehicles in and around the Caucasus region. The most recent lit erature includes the exh austive work by Zarins (1976) on evidenc e for equids in Mesopotamia in the 3rd millennium B. C., a survey of t he ridden horse down to the Sarmatian period by Kovalevskaya (1977) and a n account by Spruytte of his experiments with types of anci ent vehicles and harnessing (1977). The present discussion is based primarily on archaeological evidence. As we are

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lNTRODUCTl ON

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not orientalists , text ual documentati on will be used sparingly end cautio usly . AlthoU«"h the ma terial is pr esented in chronological sequence, the- time divisions do not al ways correspond with clear ly defined ones in all parts of the Near East. The rela tive and absolute chronologies used Me based on t he revised C. mbriJge ArK u til H iUMy {197I'73~75} and on CM~ i,. Old WUTU A rcNuo! ogy (ed. R W. Ehrich . Chicago 1965), toge ther with refinements and corrections made in CItrOft.Okgie.s in Old Wor ld A rc!t&l)wg y , S Mnitl4r:s s:I Co/",mbia U ni t'nuty [ed. E. Porada in A/A 74. 1970 ; 75. 197I; 16, 1972; 77. 1973 ; 78. 1974 : So. I9i6 ; 81, ]9"77). The chronology of individual Assyri an kings follows tha t of Brin kma n (Il)64 : revisions 1976 ).

CHAPTER T\\'O

GLOSSAR Y N oU. For lack of precise equival ents, modem terms ar e often used here to designate ancient elements of harn ess or bridling . I t should be noted, however, that ancient and modern elements of similar functi on or appearan ce ar e seldom identical in every respect . and th at th e terms are somet imes used loosely.

A -fr<JmI cart, This cart has a tra pezoidal floor, tb e side timber s of which contin ue Iorward beyond th e floor unt il th ey meet . T his fonns a trian gular "draught pole" (q.v.), a t tbe ape x of which tho:yo ke is attached. the skelet on of th e whole resem bling a capitallette r A. A-P-Ok. A draught pole [q.v .] in th e Iorm of an elongat ed ca pital let ter A. tile yoke being attached at its apex. Axle. A rod passing underneat h th e vehicle floor. th e wheels revolving on it or it revolving ....-ith tbe wheel s ; in an tiqu ity, alway s of wood . B acki ng t lemeni . An d emen t of harnes s (q. v.) that tran smits backward (as cor npared to the usual forward) movement of th e dr a ught ani mals to th e vehicle• at th e same tim e preventing th em from backing out of ha rn ess. In antiquit y. this element is often lacking and. when present, is relati vely inefficient. In th e and millennium B. C. it is composed of a str ap runn ing either from lower yo ke-saddle [q.v.] end to lower yoke-sa ddle end or from lower outer end of yoke saddle to dr augh t pole {q.v.}- in eith er cas e passing beneath the belly . During the rst millenni um R C., thi s sys tem apparentl y changes to one th at combines a tru e girt h (q.v.) with a br eastb an d [q.v.} . B iJ. Bridle (q.v.) eleme nt for control of horse by th e mouth ; composed of mo uth piece {q.v .] and ch eekpieces (q .v.)- the latter often miscall ed pso2lia in th e literat ure. Primi tive bits ba d t hong. rope or gu t mouthpi eces and an tler or bone cheekpieces, t he latt er actin g as toggles to keep th e mouthpiece fro m slipping sideways out of th e mouth . ){et al bit s were compose d of single or compoun d (join ted) mouth pieces {s.v. can on) and a pair of cheekpieces. Th e latter were held in pla ce by di vi ded cbeekst ra ps (q.v.) and , on the earlier Near. Eas tern bits . th e ends of the mout hpieces passed t hrough the cheekpieces.

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Reins were attached either directly to the mouthpiece ends or t o some metal element connecting with th em. The action of these bits was closer to that of th e modem snaffl e than to an y oth er modern bit , since they exerted pressure GO t he corners of th e horses' mouth. Their cons rrucn on, however , was somewhat differen t, and those with jointed mouthpieces had an added action. unknown in modern bits. from the pressur e of th e cbeekpieces agaiMt the lower jaw . B JifJkM. An elemen t at tached t o th e cheekstrap (q.v.) of the headstall (q.v.), covering th e horse's eye and enabling him to see ahead but not to th e side. In an tiq uit y it pro bably served to pro tect t he eye in ba ttl e and/or to prevent harn essed st allions from bickering wit h th eir team ma tes or with oth er stallio ns ab reas t of th em . Boz . Used here to design a te the floor an d su pers truc t ur e of a vehi cle. B,.ustb4.nd. In antiquity, a stra p atta ched to th e front edges of a. saddl e cloth or pac k saddle and running across th e horse's chest. designed to hold these objects in position. Abo . on Assyri an chari ot horses of 8th and 7th cent. B.C., at tach ed to girt h (q.v .) a t sides . BmuJpl4k. In anti quity , prot ect ive or decorative element of metal and/or lea ther . hun g across horse's chest . Br udJi"f _ In an tiq uity, str ap attach ed to rear edge'S of saddle cloth or pack sad dle, run ning back alocg Ilanks of anim al and passin g aro und butt ocks , designed to hold cloth or saddle in position . Bridle . ),Iean s of coc trolllng horse by the head . Composed of headstall (q.v.) , with or without bit [q. v.], and reins (q. v.]. C03nMl. Youth piece of a metal bit , or each single element of a compound (" joint ed" or " broken" ) mouthpiece. Carl. Alwa ys two-wheeled, but with wheels of any const ruction (q. v.) : for carrying stabl e loads. i.e. goods or sea ted passe ngers . CiWalry . This term may only be properly app lied to moun ted troops when th ese are trained to th e degr ee where th ey can fun ctio n with precision as a unit--not only ad vancing on command bu t changing gaits, turning, d eployi ng an d reassemblin g in th eir proper positions in the ranks. During th e periods covered here they seldom, if eve r, fulfill th ese condi tio ns. Cat't1$OfS. Used here for a st rong , fitt ed headstall (q.v.}, to which reins (q.v.) were attached. CMm-fr()fJ. (see " frontlet " ). C~ . A light , fast , two-wheeled, usually horse-drawn, vehicl e with spo ked wheels ;

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GLOSSARY

CLOSS .-\RY

used for warfare , hunting. racing and ceremonial purposes. I ts crew usually st ood, C~'

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In antiquity, two pair ed elements of a. bit. in the fann of vari ously shaped pla ques or rods. Lying at the corners of th e hors e's lips. and a ttached to th e heads tall (q.v.) by :single or, more often , by multiple cheekstrape (q.v.), tb e cheekpieces held th e mouth piece in place, and might also exert pressur e on the outside of th e horse' , lower ja w. Chahtraps, Side straps of headstall (q.v. ), attached to the cheekpiecea (q.v.) of the bit and servin g to hold them in place. I n an tiquity commonly branched to tak e the cheekpiec e. Cruup. Tha.t part of the horse's bac k. lying over th e animal's loins and extending t o th e root of the tail . Crt:rrnlp-ieu. Part of headstall (q.v.} going from side to side over crown or poll (q.v .} of hOTSe '~ bead . C,...pper. In antiquity, strap attached to rear of saddle cloth or pack saddle and run ning back across cent re o( croup to pass Moun d root of tail : designed to help keep do th or saddle in place. DrrJ.uglsl pok. In antiqui ty, th e element that connected the vehicle to th e yoke (q. v.) of the dr aught anim als. There was normall y one pole, but during the r st millen nium B.C. two poles abo occu r, Fdktt . The rim of a wheel. int o which th e ou ter ends of th e spokes are mort iced. PrOttiJa (also nosepiece or chamfroo ). Pr otecti ve or decora tive element of metal or ivory and leather lyin g over Icrehea d and nasal bone 01 horse, sometim es cornbin ed wi th a poll crest (q.v.). Girlh. Ban d encircling the thorax of an animal or att a ched to lower edges of saddle cloth and passing und er belly . Goad. A long poin ted stic k, for proddi ng. Gqrgd . Smaller, higher-placed fonn of breastplate [q.v.], HQ/j1W !eband . See und er "n oseband." Halkr . Simple headstall (q.v.). used. for lea ding animal or for tying it up by the head . Harness. The aggregate of the various straps th at att ach an animal to the traction elements of a vehicle. In an tiquity specifically neckstrap (q.v.) and (ofte n) bailing elemen t (q.v.}, H~4dslall. Part of bridle (q .v.), made 01 stra ps or rope and designed to bold contr ollin g bit or noseband in place. Comprises crownpiece (q.v .) (going over

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GLOSSARY

GLOSSARY

crown of head behind ears); cheekstrap s (q.v.) running down from this to noseband and /or bit ; throatlash (q.v.) ru nning from side t o side under horse's throat ; sometimes a browband run ning across th e forehead ; and a noseban d encircling the nose or mu zzle, or half noseband (q.v.) running across the nose an d joining t he cheekstraps. H ogged mane. Man e cut short . Hu b. See " nave." Lincb pin. Toggle pin passing through axl e end to prevent the wheel from slipping off the axle. M outhpiec e. The part of th e bit lyin g mainly inside the horse's mouth. I n primitive bit s (q.v.) it is mad e of organic mat erials ; in other bit s, it is composed of one or more canons (q.v.) . It was, accordingly , single an d solid or " jointed." T he ca nons might be plain or twist ed. At th eir ends they had loops for attaching reins dir ectly or by means of a met al conn ectin g element. N ave or hu b. Th e inner cylindrical element of a wheel, in which th e inner ends of the spok es (q.v.) ar e secured and through which the axl e (q.v.) passes. Ne ckstrap, Strap passing around neck and attached at either end to lower ends of yoke saddles or to yoke it self. Its purpo se is to hold the yoke in place. Nos eband. One of the straps of the headstall. It usually encircles the nose and jaw but, in th e form of a half noseband, may merely run across th e nose from cheekst rap (q.v.) to cheekstrap . Outrigger. Also less accur ately called " t race horse." In teams of thr ee or four horses ab reast (trigae and qua drigae), a horse not directly under th e yoke, bu t connected more loosely with th e vehicle. Pole horse orpoter. In anti quity, one of th e two horses that flanked th e pole (q.v.). P oll. Crown of horse's head. Poll crest or poll plu me. Decorati ve and/or prot ectiv e element on poll (q.v.), consist ing of plu mes, tassels or helm et crest with horse hair. " Psalion," Greek word for metal elem ent of bridl e, separate from bit an d having the effect of a mu zzle or a rigid noseband . Term oft en misused for th e cheekpiece (q.v.) of a bit . Pulled mane. Mane thinned an d evened off by hand pulli ng. R ein s. Straps running back from th e bit (q.v.) or cavesson (q.v.) to th e dri ver's or rider's hands. S poke. Radial timber of a wheel, set into th e nave (q.v.) a t one end and th e felloe (q.v.) at the other.

T erret. Rings through which lines or reins pass ; in an tiquity fastened to poleor ,.: ' yoke, or to a draugh t or harn ess element on the an imal 's shoulder. T hroat/ash. Strap or thong passing under throat or rear of jaw from cheekstrap to cheekstrap (q.v.) an d securing headstall (q.v.). Tilt. A ca nvas , wicker or wooden can opy or hood for a vehicle. Trace horse. See " ou trigger." Trapp er, trapping or housing. A prot ective or decorative covering for th e body of a . horse. T'yre. An outer eleme nt of t he wheel, pr otectin g the tread of the felloe (q.v.); in antiquity, of metal, rawhide or wood. It also helped to consolida te the wheel. W agon . Always four-wh eeled, usually a relat ively heavy vehicle. Wh eel Crossbar wheel. Wheel with a diametric bar, t hrou gh which the axl e (q.v.) passes. Lighter "c rossbars " r un at right angles to the central bar , between it and th e felloe (q.v.). Disk wheel. Also called " block wheel." Wheel of solid appearance mad e of one piece of wood or of several- then called "co mposite disk." Spoked wheel . Wheel comp osed of nave (q.v.), spok es (q.v.) an d felloe (q.v.), oft en wit h a tyre (q.v. ). W ithers. Most prominent area of an equid 's or a bovid 's spine, form ed by the vertebral processes and locat ed between the shoulder blade s. Th e h eight of an equid is measur ed from the ground to the highest point of the wit hers. Y oke. The wooden elem ent runni ng across the necks of t wo or more draught animals and connecting them with the pole (q.v.). Yo ke saddle. An elemen t for adapting the yoke to th e conformatio n of equids. Of invert ed Y shape, it s " ha ndle" was lashed to th e yoke and it s " legs" lay along th e auima l's shoulders Y-p ole. Composi t e draught pole (q.v.). form ed of two poles , one corning from either side of the vehicle, bent inwards and br ought t ogether a short dist ance ahead of th e box (q.v.), to run contiguously out to th e yoke.

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SOME GE NERAL CONSIDERATI ONS

CHAPTER THREE

SOME GENERAL CONSIDERATIONS WHEELE D V EHICLES

Much has been written about the origin of wheeled vehicles, t he so-called " sledge" and the " travois/slide-car" theories bein g the two most frequently cite d. Or a dual origin may be posit ed, with the sledge being considered ancestral t o the four-wh eeler and th e travoisjslid e car ancestral t o the two-wheeler." E ach th eory must be examined for its in herent f easibilit y, as well as in the light of the knowtl chronologies of wheeled transport and of sy stems of draught. In all cases, a roller placed ben eath th e vehicle is consid ered eventually to have suggested the axle and wheels. Prerequisites for thi s would be : I) th e necessit y to tr an sport material too heavy or bul ky to be carrie d by men or packed by ani mal s, and 2) th e recognition that a rolling suppo rt beneath th e carrie r would be ad vantageous. Th e sledge is essentially a horizontal platform, with or witho ut runners. Rollers placed beneat h it facilitate it s movement (particula rly over level ground), a minimum of two rollers being required under it at anyone ti me in order to keep th e platform horizontal and to permit the successive reposit ioning under the front of the rollers released at th e rear as the vehicle moves forward. To obviate th e const ant switching of rollers, th ese may be mad e " captive" by, for instance, placing them betwe en shallow cleat s fast ened beneath the platform. An effort to reduce th e running surfa ce would result in reducing the diam eters of the rollers except at their ends , where they exte nded beyond the platform, and thus would form a prim itive single-unit axle and wheels. The traooislslide car essentially consists of two sloping poles crossed in front of th e withers (q.v.) of an anim al or carried along its sides . The ends of these drag on th e gro und and the load or carrier is lash ed across the m beh ind t he animal. I t would be a physical impo ssibility to keep a loose roller under these ends ; it would ha ve t o be " cap tive:' whi ch would im ply alrea dy a secondary stage of development, 1 R ecent disc ussio n in Piggott 1968a , 29 2, 309 ££.; 1968b, 436ft. ; previ ou sly a .o. Berg 1935 ; H audricourt 194 8, 54£!. with fig. 14 (chronology a nd , as result, proposed sequence ofte n inaccurate) ; Childe 1951, 177, 1931. ; 1954a, z f.: 1954b, 204ff.; Kothe 1953, 74ft. ; H au dricourt and D elamarre 1955. 155ft. ; H ancar 1956. 436ft.; Nee dham 1965, 243ft • 304ff .

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requiring a primary one under some other vehicle. Nor, since th e roller's prime , fun ct ion is to facilitat e the movement of a large, flat surface over the ground , would . : it have any purpose under pol e ends. The pr acti cal likelih ood of the wheel developing from a (hypothetical) roller in use with a tr avoisjslide car is thus infinitely less th an its evoluti on from rollers placed und er a platform or sledge. Moreover, while rollers under platform s ar e still in use tod ay in th e moving of heavy objects, there is no evidence anywhere, at any time of a travois/slide car used with rollers. Whil e the tra vois/slide ca r, as the simpl est of vehicles, is sur ely of grea t antiquity in certain ar eas, there is no evidence to connect it at all with any of the earliest known wheeled vehicles-either four-wh eelers or two-wheelers. Th ese ar e first att este d in earlier 3rd-millennium B. c. Mesopotamia by figur ed documents and act ual remains (d. Chap . V). preceded in the lat er 4th millenniu m by pictographic signs showi ng sledg es and sledges on two rollers or (more likely) already four wheels, which point clearl y to a sledge-wi th- rolle r origin (d . Chap. I V). There is no evidence of an y travois/slid e car in thi s region and th e geographically closest document is only fn znd-millennium Tr an scaucasia. In tracing origins, the relevance of the typ e of draught associated with the basic travois/slide car is oft en overlooked. Th e two poles of thi s vehicle are essentially shafts. E xcep t when the se are th e very long poles of th e American In dian tepee, 2 which ar e carrie d at a sharp slope and crossed ahead of the withers so th at they will not protrud e ahead of the horse at a level to int erfere with other ani mals or people, they are dropped to the side of th e animal to reduce the angle of inclina tion ; they are held up by a support across th e ba ck and kept forward by a strap in front of the chest, which also tak es the pull . Such a system would soon have deve loped into shaft -and-breastc ollar harness, i.e. economical, efficient single dra ught . Th e latter, however, is first atteste d in me with wheeled vehicles only in th e 3rd cent ury B. C., in early H an China , nearly 3000 years after th e first ap pea rance of wheeled vehicles.! On th e other hand, the pole-a nd-yoke draught system associated with all wheeled vehicles up to the 3rd century B.C., is docum ented already by th e earliest representations and material rem ain s in Mesopotamia. Th e single, central draught pole would have originated with bovids under yoke, one on either side of the plough I E wers 1955 . fig . 18 an d pI. 5 : b ; Grin nell 1923, fig . op p . p . 96 ; Gr aybill and Boesen 1976,275 . • D es Noettes 1931. 83ft., 109ft. ; Needham 1965, 247, 304ft.; Piggott 1968a. 267 . F or modem shaft and breast-collar harn ess. a .o . 'Walrond 1974. 33 with figs. 127. 129 . • A.o. Perkins. D . Jr. 1969 . 177ft. ; 1973. 280; Bokonyi 1973a . 74; 1976, 2If.

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SOME GENERAL CONSIDERATIONS

SOME GENERAL CONSIDERATIONS

beam that helped to k eep the share straight. Domest ic cattle had been known in Mesopotamia and other parts of the Near E ast for some 2 0 0 0 years," and the plough beam was there to be converted into the pole 'of a vehicle wh en the time carne." The pole could be attached asa separate element to the four-wh eeler, or it could be ~ raised over a single axle and given a saddle-like seat, as in the two-wheeled "straddle cars" (d. p . 21) that appear in the earl y 3rd millennium B.C., and that point unequivocally to the single pole. This paired draught traction system indeed had evidently become such a powerful tradition in the Near East that it was substituted for singl e draught with the travoisf slid e car when the latter was introduced into Transcaucasia (pr esum ably from the • north) apparently during the znd mill ennium B.C. The same may be said for the earliest slide cars in the Mediterranean region, whi ch ar e documented in the Ligurian Alps in the Early Bronze Age (ca 1800-1450 B.C.).6 In this respect it may be noted that the triangular, A-fr ame cart (q.v.), sometimes adduced as evidence of the derivation of the original two-wheeler from a tri an gular travoisfslide car to which rollers had be en added, is first firmly attested only in • later znd-millennium B.C. in Transcaucasia.' A triangular slid e car is indeed documented here possibly somewhat earlier, and the two converging arms of the triangular cart pole make a genetic connection between the two in this ar ea likely . But the cart uses the paired draught as well as the composite disk wheel that point t o Mesopotamian influence. Although its wide diffu sion t oday (from the I berian peninsula to India) has been taken as proof of its great antiquity," it is noteworthy that the A-frame is nowhere attested among the numerous early two-wheelers from Mesopotamia and the Levant, all of whi ch display the single central draught pol e, nor is it found among those of the Indus civilization, which show Mesopotamian derivation.P There are no known examples of Greek or Roman carts displaying this form. The dissemination appears to have been late. Childe postulated that the composite disk whe el was t oo complex a construction to have originated in more than one area.l" H e supported hi s contention that this 6 Cf . Smith. E . L . and Young. T . C. Jr. 1972, 47 ; F alkenstein 193 6, 56 with n o. 214 (Uruk IVa p ictographic sign); Sal onen 1968 (t extual a n d representational ev ide nce of pl ou ghing). 6 Karakhanian and Safian 1970, 44 with pls. 52. 96, 148 ; Bicknell 19 13, pI. III. 7 P iggott 1968a. 289 ff. with fig. 6 (d. also fig . 10 ) ; Littau er and Cr ou wel 197 6, 76ff . ; Littauer 1977. 260 with fig . 3 3· 6 Supra n . I; al so F enton 1973, 147ff. 9 Childe 1951 , 183; 1954 a, 10 . 10 Childe 1951, 193.

II

.area was Mesopotamia by a chronological chart of diffusion that has not, in its . ~a,sic lines, been refuted. This type of wheel was also accompanied by paired draught.
The muscles used and the muscular effort exerted in carrying a weight are quite different from those required to pull one . The draught animals harnessed to sledges or four-wh eelers carry only the weight of the pole or shafts; those hitched to two wh eelers may carry anything, from alm ost no weight to a certain portion of the vehicular load, depending on the position of the axle, the length of the pole or shafts, the gr adient of the t errain, et c., but the ridden animal bears the full weight of the load. Equids throughout antiquity, howe ver, were harnessed by pole and yok e-a syst em devised for the anatomy of bovids and inadequately adapted to that of equids. Although less inefficient than has som etimes b een claim ed, this method is uneconomical and far from perfect. Moreover, the ridden animal can function in ways and ov er t errain where a vehicle cannot , and may be ridden with a minimum of equipment. It is t herefore surprising that the horse was not more generally employed as a m ount from the beginning of his introduction into the Near East, and that his exte nsi ve use-particularly in warfare-had to wait for many centuries. The explanation sometimes offered-that the horse at that time was too small to carry a man-is invalid. Recent palaeontological research has shown that hors es of the 2nd and r st millenn ia B.C., although only large poni es by modern western European st anda rds, were as big and as capable of carrying riders as many horses ridden t oday in cer t ain parts of the world.P Apart from the fre qu ently cited factors of the prestige of seniority, the freedom of the chariot warrior t o devot e his ent ire att ention to fighting, and th e superior amount of materiel a chariot could carry, there ar e also others oft en insufficiently considered in attempting t o explain the long preval ence of the chariot t eam over the individual mount in military, hunting and parade use. Equids ar e herd animals; even today horses still have a st rong herd in st inct. The cavalry charge, horse racing, certain kinds of mounted hunting-circumstances in which horses are required t o act in .: 11

For brief, importantrev iew of h or se-back riding, Powell 1971.

~

12

SOME GENERAL CONSIDERATIONS

frightening, demanding and (for them), often unnatural ways,have been made possible by this instinct. Early domesticated equids must have had it more strongly than today's. This would have facilitated their' early use in herding, in the pack train, or in transhumance, but would have made their individual functioning, as D couriers' mounts, for instance, difficult. If we are to judge by the (much later) Assyrian evidence, it took over a century after horses began to be regularly mounted in warfare before they were functioning independently and not in close pairs. Another factor in the long prevalence of chariotry over mounted troops in the ancient Near East may have be en that the horse shoe had not yet been in vented. Asses and even mules, have harder hooves than horses, whose original habitat was ~ the grassy st eppe. Caravan animals, moreover, move at a steady but fairly slow pace along a regular cleared trail. Speed, however, and the ability to cross rough country when necessary was required of the war horse. If to this, one adds the weight of an armed rider, the horse's hooves would break down the sooner. It may have been only wh en horses became more plentifully available that commanders were B willing to expend them in large numbers under mounted troops. Civilian riding, however, is documented much earli er-by the 3rd millennium in the Near East. Mounted messengers and couriers may have sometimes even b een able to find for their use equids not prohibitively herdbound. Travel would have been possible-particularly in the company of other riders-and the scarcity of horses in the Near East prior to the znd mill ennium B.C. need not have precluded ~ riding for such purposes. Indeed, asses and hybrid equids have smooth gaits, are surer-footed in mountainous or rocky going, and have simpl er dietary requirements than horses. Moreover, the "donkey seat," far back on the loins, which is used by early horseback riders in this area, look s back to a long tradition of such riding.

-~

- ' .'-;"-.

CHAPTER FOUR

LATER FOURTH MILLENNIUM B.C. WHEELED VEHICLES

The first evidence for the use of wheeled vehicles comes from the site of Uruk in southern Mesopotamia. It consists of simple pictographic signs on inscribed clay tablets found in Uruk level IVa (ca 3200-3IOO B.C.). The signs represent sledges with runners in front , as well as similar sledges raised over what may be either two (captive) rollers or four disk wheels (f£g. I),1 which may be called "sledge cars".» Wheels seem already more lik ely here than rollers, as they are clearly represented early in the next millennium. These earliest vehicles are always shown with a roofed superstructure. That the latter may represent a covered litter is suggested by a very small unprovenanced steatite plaque of the same period, which shows an important personnage (or, conceivably, an effigy of a deit y) seated in a litter with an arched tilt, the legs of which ar e set on such a sledge (fig. 2).3 Th ere is no firm evidence of two-wheelers at this period.' DRAUGHT ANIMALS

The sledge seen on the st eatite plaque is drawn by one or two bovids. It may be sugg est ed that these were the regular drau ght animals of these vehicles. Domestic cattle, referred t o in the Uruk t exts, are ost eologically attested in the Near East long before this," whereas evidence of equid draught begins only in the earli er third mill ennium B.C.

-"

1 Falkenstein 1936, nos. 741-742 (sledge). 743-745 (wagon ) ; als o Langdon 1924. pI. XXXI : 1-2 (sledge on stone tablet from Kish). Falken stein (1936. 56. n . 5) rej ected the idea that signs n os. 592-593 (MAR ) indicate a vehi cle rather than a spade; mor e p ositive vi ews in Sal on en 1951,1 94 with pI. 1 :3 ; Zarins 1976, 413. 2 Discussion a .o. in F alkenst ein 1936, 56; Salon en 1951, 79f. ; Childe 1951, 178 ; 1954a, 3; Piggott 1968a . 271f.; Littau er and Crouwel 1974 . 28 . 3 H er zfeld 1934 , 203 with fig. p . 223. • 4 Impressions of a seal preserved on several fragmentary tablets from Uruk IVa (Lenzen ill UVB IV, 1932,28 with pl . 14:c-f; Schott in UVB V, 1934.44.46 with pI. 28: b-e) often said to show part of a driver in a (not preserved) wheeled ve hicle. d . F alkenstein 1936, 56 ; Nagel, 196 6, If. But analysis of relative p ositions of rem aining parts of scene m akes this very doubtful, d . for sceptical vie ws al so va n Buren 1939, 44 ; Amiet 1961, 95 . 6 F alkenstein 1936. 52f.; (Uruk texts); also supra p . 10 (bones).

LATER FOURTH MILLENNIUM B.C. TRACTION AND HARNESSING

The bovid on the steatite plaque at first sight appears to be harnessed between ropes or shafts attached to its horns. The former would give a driver little control of the animal and the latter-if it is what the artist really intended-must have proved abortive, since the harnessing of a single animal between shafts is not otherwise attested for another 3000 years. All ancient draught was provided by pole-andyoke harness, paired animals being yoked together and attached to the vehicle by the pole, which transmitted the pull. It is possible that this method of harnessing is implicit on the steatite plaque. The apparent shaft there would then represent the draught pole, which in reality would be hidden behind the nearer of the two animals, the artist having made no effort to show the yoke end. It may be noted that all vehicles already in the earlier 3rd millennium B.c. have a central pole, and that the pole-and-yoke hitch is attested on the actual bovid-drawn sledge of which remains were found in the ED lIla (ca 2600-2500 B.C.) tomb of a queen at Ur. 6 If the pole-and-yoke hitch is indicated on the plaque, the yoke would appear to be attached to the animals' horns.

CHAPTER FIVE

EARLIER THIRD MILLENNIUM (to ca 2375 B.C.) 1 WHEELED VEHICLES

Evidence for both four- and two-wheeled vehicles becomes quite plentiful during the Early-Dynastic (ED) period in Mesopotamia. Apart from two-dimensional representations and three-dimensional metal and terra-cotta models, we have actual remains of vehicles 'with their draught animals and harness elements, as well as textual material. Most of this derives from Mesopotamia-and not only from its southern part, as before-but there is also contemporary documentation from southwestern and west-central Iran (Elam and Luristan) and Syria. Four-wheelers

CONTROL

The bovid or bovids pulling the sledge were probably controlled by a line to a nose ring, the traditional manner of controlling bovids, and one also employed on equids throughout the next millennium.

M.ost of the representations, both two- and three-dimensional, are from Mesopotamia, and appear to show wagons of a single type that has sometimes been called a "battle car" because it is usually depicted in a military context.s The documents include inlays such as the "Standard" of Ur (fig. 3),3 a relief on the "Vulture stela" of Eannatum of Lagash.s a vase painting," and several cylinder seals" and terra-

USE

The pictographs, taken together with the plaque, suggest that sledges, with and without rollers or wheels, were used to convey important people or effigies of deities in litters or even merely under a tilt.? This, of course, does not mean that they may not also have been used simply as flat cars for the transport of bulky or heavy material over reasonably smooth terrain. Infra p. 25, n. 50. Amiet 1961, 92 with pl. 47:662 (plaque); Littauer and Crouwel 1974, 28. Interestingly, earliest representation of wheeled vehicle from Egypt (tomb of Sebeknekht at EI Kab, Dynasty XIII) also shows sledge, mounted on four disk wheels rather than rollers, a.o. Smith, W. S. 1965, 23.with fig. 34: c. 8

7

1 For comments upon different chronological terminology current in German archaeological literature for this period, a.o. Porada 1965a, 162; Moorey 197ob, 88; Hrouda 1971 r r rff. 2 Term and discussion in Littauer and Crouwel 1973a, esp. 122ff. ' .3 .Woolley. 1934, 266ff. with pI. 92 (tomb PG 779; ED IlIa). Fragmentary inlays from Mari (Similar .datmg), d. Parrot 1956, 136ff. with pIs. LVI-II; 1967, 224ff. with pI. LXV; 1969, 2.o2ff . With pI. XVI: 3; Calmeyer 1964, 73, 78£., nos. Q,R, with figs. 11-12; 1967, 161ff. with f Ig·3· 4 On its "historical" side, d. Strommenger and Hirmer 1964, pIs. 66, 68. 5 Delou~az 1952, 69ff. with pIs. 62, 138 (ED II "Scarlet ware"). Another Scarlet ware vase from Susa Illustrates a wagon apparently with high front screen but otherwise peculiar body cf Amiet 1966, fig. 106. ' . 8 Woolley 1934, p~. 196: no. 54 (ED IlIa sealing from Ur); Buchanan 1966, no. 255 (ED II or. r.Ila seal. from Kish}; Moortgat 1960b, 18 with fig. 23 (seal from Tell Chuera in Syria, its original dating to z nd mill.. B.C. corrected to ED II by Mrs. U. Moortgat-Correns, letter June 5, 19 69. For chronology of site d. now Kuhne, H. 1976, esp. table 2). Unprovenanced ED III seal.s, d. Porada 1948, nos. II8-II9; von der Osten 1934, no. 41. Unprovenanced, contemporary Synan seals, d. Porad a 1948, no. 1081; Amiet 1963, 70f., 78f. with pI. VI: 5.

17

EARLIER THIRD MILLENNIUM B.C .

EARLIER THIRD MILLENNIUM B.C.

cotta models (fig. 4), some of which may perhaps belong to the following period." Box. These wagons are narrow, rectangular vehicles, with a box only wide enough

the advantage of not requiring a naved wheel. Its characteristics are that it is round •in section where it revolves under the body and rectangular in section where the wheel is fixed on it. The second type permits differential rates of revolution of its two wheels, thus facilitating turning; naves may be greased internally as revolving axles cannot be, thus decreasing friction and noise, and individual wheels may be easily removed for repair or replacement. Some Near-Eastern wagons at least appear to have had fixed axles, to judge by observations made on vehicles in the Ur graves.P This supposition is supported by the fact that round axle ends appear consistently on those figured documents circumstantial enough to record this detail, and also by the occasional representation of what seems to be a linch pin (q.v .) which, thrust through the end of a fixed axle outside the nave of the revolving wheel, would have prevented the wheel from slipping off (fig . 3). Actual linch pins of wood were found in a grave at Kish.lNeither at Kish nor Dr was any evidence recorded of the horizontally articulating front axle that is essential for the efficient turning of four -wheelers. For a swivelling front axle to perform its function, the draught elements must be connected rigidly with it, not with the frame of the wagon, so that it turns with the draught animals. A pole that is connected with the axle must clear the floor as it swings, and for this the floor must be raised above the axle on an undercarriage, at least in front.P Another factor limiting the swivelling axle is that the edges of wheels set close to the box (unless the latter is raised sufficiently to clear them) will, in turning, run against its sides.l" The quite elaborate disk-wheeled wagons, preserved in a later, zndmillennium B.C. context on the shores of Lake Seven in Transcaucasia still did not know the swivelling front axle, and it would seem safe to infer that it was unknown in Mesopotamia at an earlier time.V This is also sugg ested by later metal wagon models

16

for one person abreast, and are mounted on four disk wheels set close together. The box has a high front, reinforced by diagonally crossed struts and topped by an op en handrail that is depressed in the centre, and it has low, panelled side screens. The floor projects at the rear. The wagon may carry one or, at most, two persons; in the latter case the passenger stands behind the driver on the projecting floor at the rear. That this vehicle could also have a seat for the driver is attested by terra-cotta models and some seals. On the latter, the driver appears alone and seated.f The absence of the usual side screens may reflect the seal-cutter's desire to show the driver completely, although a screenless processional vehicle cannot be entirely ruled out. Information on certain details of construction of these wagons is yielded by the remains of a few actual wagons found in graves at Kish 9 and Ur,IO and at Susa in Elam.P Unfortunately, it is not certain whether these actual wagons were of exactly the same type as that documented on representations. One of them at least, from Kish, seems to have had a different screening, with a low, semicircular railing at the sides, which suggests an open back and front .P Axles. The wooden axles ran under the floor near each end. They could either have revolved with the wheels or have be en fixed, with the wheels revolving on them. The first type is the more primitive and is suitable only for slow transport, but has 7 Littauer and Crouwel 1973a, 108 with pl s. XLIV: D (our f ig. 4; Kish, presumably ED III). and XLIV : C (Tell Chuera; this and other 'wagon model-Moortgat 1960 3., 44 with fig. 44dated to ED II by Mrs . Moortgat-Correns, letter Feb. 3, 1970). Dating uncertain of two unprovenanced exs., Littauer and Crouwel I973a, 109 with pl . XLV: B; Moor ey 1974-75. 14 with pl . III. S A.o . seal from Kish, supra n . 6. Seat possibly also in wagons on Dr "Standard" and Mari inlays (Parrot 1967, fig. 262 and pl . LXV) , to judge from what seems to be a cloth or pelt draped over a rear screen which recalls same on "straddle car", i nf ra p . 21. , From at least three tombs in "Y" cemetery (ED II). According to Moorey (personal communi cation), they were associated with human burials Y 322-24: 3 26, 3 29 (:,ehicle I), Y 357 (vehicle 2 = Gibson's Y 363; form erly Y 237) and Y 529 (vehicle 3) ; d . Gibson 197 2 , 83f~.; Fi eld 1929 , r Sff .: Watelin 1934, 30ff.; Moorey 1966, 4Iff. ; 197 0b , 103£. ; 1976, 65 (perhaps SIX such burials). 10 From at least two burials (ED IlIa) , d. Woolle y 1934, 64 (PG 789, "King's" tomb: two wagons). I08f. (pG 1232) , p erhaps also 48 (PG 580) . 11 From at least on e tomb (Donj on 280, presumably contemporary with ED III). d. de Mecquenem 1943, I03f. , 122ff. with fig . 89: 1-2 and pl . X : 2; also Amiet 19 66, fig . 1° 3 ; Moorey 1966, 43 . 12 Watelin 1934, 30ff. with fig . 3 and pl. XXIII: I (from Y 357, supra n . 9). . ~ ::"-' .:. .:.-..,

Woolley 1934, 64 (PG 789). Watelin 1934 , 30 . 15 One wagon at Dr that had rear wheels 0.80 m. in diam. and front whe els 0 .60 01., resulting in ca. 0.10 m . difference in axle level (Wool1ey 1934, 64; PG 789). might suggest such a possibility. But this clearance would hardly be enough to permit proper vertical articulation of a straight pole, and the more frequently seen high, arching pole would have been unsuitable for attachment to a swivelling axle. 18 At Dr there seems to have been little clearance between wheels and body, d. Woolley 1934, 64 (two wagons from PG 789) : width of body 0.50 m . and 0.56 m . respectively viz . length of axle I m . and 0.70 m . Cf. also wagon from Kish (Y 357 . supra n. 12) : width of body 0.4501 ., length of axle 0.90 m. 17 Piggott 196830, esp. 293ff. with figs. II-I2 and pls. XXI: lower-XXIII: upper; for swivelling axle, 297 . 300; Littauer and Crouwel 1973a, IId. with n . 30 . 13

14

I8

,,

EARLIER THIRD MILLENNIUM B .C.

EARLIER THIRD MILLENNIUM B.C .

(dating to the later 3rd or early znd millennium from Syria or southeast Anatolia, d. p. 38). Wh eels. The actual wh eels found in graves, and all those rendered in detail on the figured documents of the period appear to have been of tripartite-disk construction. They are made of three planks, the central one, through which the axle passes, being either lentoid in shape (Jig. 3) or straigh t -sided where the flanking planks join it (Jig. 5). The latter will, correspondingly, be crescents or demi-lunes in shape. Ancient and modern disk wheels alike are not made of cross sections of trunk but are of wood cut lengthwise of the grain, in order to avoid the weakness of the pithy heart wood.P The tripartite construction permitted use of timber of smaller girth than a single plank which, even if cut lengthwise, would be limited in diameter to som ething under the maximum girth of the trunk. It seems likely that the first experiments in making disk wheels wer e with the single plank, hence, in an area of small timber, the results would be strictly limited in size. Th e tripartite disk is already a fairly sophisticated solution to this problem and implies that the single-piece disk must have been in use long enough for greater size to be desired. The three sections of the wheel may be held together by internal dowelling (a method us ed in making later, znd mill ennium B. C. whe els in Transcaucasia and in recent onesj.l" or they may have had external bonding slats to bridge the joins, as had the 3rd millennium on es in our area, the latter method probably indicating a thinner fabric (Jig. 5). The fun ction of a na ve (q.v.) on disk wh eels, particularly those that revolve, is t o reinforce the area through which the axle passes, to keep t he wheel perpendicular to th e axle and prevent it from wobbling.w The naves of disk wheel s may be form ed in three different manners: by starting with a central plank as thick as the finished nave is long and trimming away both surfac es towards the edges, leaving th e central part on both faces standing out lik e a wid e-based , truncated cone , pierced for the axle; more drastically , by trimming away the surfaces so as to leave only a tubular projection in the centre of eithe r face; most efficiently, by ins erting a separate nave." The first method r esults in a very h eavy wh eel ; the second method, due t o the fact that the grain of the wood is at right angles to the axle, makes the nave vulnerable to breakage at it s extre mities ; both methods are wasteful of timber. A more economical and stronger nave is achieved by ins erting a separate tubular 18 19 20 21

F or co nstruction of (composite) disk wh eels cf. esp. Piggott 1968a, 268ff. Piggott 1968 a, 289 with figs . 7, 11-12 . For fun ction of nave cf . esp . van d er W aals 1964 , 127f. W oolley 1934,109 (PG 1232) a p pare ntly found evidence of tubular nave at Dr.

' element , the grain of the wood running lengthwise of the tube, hence parallel to . fhe axle. The external bonding slats on Near-Eastern wh eels at this period suggest 'a larger flat surface than would be found on wheels with naves of the first type. . Tyres also played an important rol e, not only in protecting the tread, but in . '. .consolidating the three parts of the wheel. While they are not always evidenced, a hide t yre was noted at Dr ; at Susa, a wooden tyre, 0.045 m . in depth, and flush with the faces of the wheel (cao.Sj m. in diameter), was pierced by "copper" hobnails (Jig. 5), and the hobnails on the treads of the wheels found at Kish may well have pierced a rawhide tyre. 22 Hobnails are often recorded in the figured evidence on both four- and two-wheeler s (Jig. 7).23 Stone reli efs of two-wheeled " straddle cars" from Dr (Jig. 8) and the Diyala region also show a narrow, rigid band that stands out around the tread, suggesting metal rather than rawhide, and actual metal tyres were found at Susa dating to approximately the end of the millennium (d. p. 39) . Such tyres, which must have been of copper or bronze, would not only have been much softer than iron, but could not have been " sweat ed on", as much later iron tyres were and, in the ab sence of hobnails, could have easily worked loose with the expansion and cont raction of the wood. Curiou sly , they are never shown with hobnails, although these are illu strated and materially documented with wood en and probably with rawhide tyres. Wh ere disk wh eels were found appare ntly without tyres, as in the later Caucasian tombs, the vehicl es were ox-drawn , indicating slow and less st re nuous dr au ght. With eq uid draught , tyres would have helped in large measure to reinforce the bonding action of the slat s and would have protect ed' the t reads which, because of variation in surface (from with the grain to across the gr ain), would have suffered differential as well as ordinary wear. The hobnails, wh en present, not only added depth to the protection, but in creased th e tracti on in certain t ypes of t errain . Draught P ole. Representations and actual remains alike d emonstrate that the wagons had a singl e pole. Unfortunately, details of const ruction and attachment were not preserved in graves, and we are forced to judge exclusively from figur ed evidence. Two types of pol e are shown as used with four-wheelers at this period: a straight pole that appears to ris e obliquely from the level of the vehicle floor to the yoke, as on the "Standard" of Ur (Jig. 3), and one that rises abruptly immediat ely in front of the vehicle to a level above the draught animals ' croups before curving 22

. " :" ;'. -:~ .

23

Supra nn . 10 (Dr), 9, 12 (Kish, Y 365), II (Susa). Khafaj ah vase, supra n . 5; goo d ex . on inla y from Mari, P arrot 1970, pI. XIV: 3.

EARLIER THIRD MILLENNIUM B.C.

EARLIER THIRD MILLENNIUM B.C.

20

forward to run out the the yoke. 24 The latter fonn may have been achieved by heat bending, as were the curves of chariot poles in the later znd millennium B.C. How the straight, obliquely running pole was attached we cannot tell. Since the poles of four-wheelers have no supportive function, they need not be attached rigidly, and a rigid attachment would even be disadvantageous. By extending the length of the already long, rigid body, it would produce a rigid unit too long to adapt itself, to unevennesses in the terrain, with consequent stress on the vehicle, the pole, and the animals under yoke. Later metal wagon models (d. p. 38), which still show the influence of this design of wagon, in some cases have such a pole attached in a manner to pennit it to articulate vertically. This would reduce the strain on team and wagon. The high, arching type of pole, which occurs also on contemporary two-wheelers (d. p. 22) might, due to its curves, have had a limberness that also permitted some give and take. Sometimes it appears to have been composite (fig. 6), which might have increased its flexibility.P The play of the pole, however, would be limited by the brace that is sometimes seen running out to it from the breastwork just before it curves forward . On several representations we have evidence of bindings encircling the pole at regular intervals throughout its length (fig. 6).26 While the straight pole was easier to make than the arched one, and perhaps stronger, its disadvantage was that it did not clear the teams' hind quarters, as did the latter, and that it might be kicked to pieces by the animals, which judging by the most explicit representations, were unaltered males. Two-wheelers

Most of the representations, two- and three dimensional, appear to show carts that fall into one of two categories, which we shall call "straddle cars" and "platform cars." Straddle car

27

This type is documented by figures in the round, including a copper model from For these types of poles d. Littauer and Crouwel 1973a, 116f. On two inlays (uncertain whether showing p art of four- or two-wheelers), d. Littauer and Cr ouwel 1973b. 327 with fig . 4 (our jig. 6; Nippur); Watelin 1934. 32 with pl . XXIV : 3 (lush) . 26 Supra nn. 4 (pole brace and binding) and 25 (pole binding). Webbing of thongs covering lower part of pole near body, such as seen with two-wheelers (fig. 8), has been reconstructed on Khafajah vase. sup ra n . 5. It has nothing to do with an attempt to permit the pole to swivel, as suggested by Nagel 1964. 6 with n. 8a. 27 Term and discussion in Littauer and Crouwel 1973b, 324ff. (d. types I, 3. 4 in Nagel 1966. 5). 24

26

21

Tell Agrab (fig. 7),28 one stone and several terra-cotta examples; 29 models, 'also ,probably of straddle cars, decorate a few metal objects said to come from Luristan ~)west-central Iran.P'' Among the linear representations are stone reliefs (fig . 8), uicluding one on the "Vulture stela",31 a sealing, and several cylinder seals.P The Tell Agrab model yields the most explicit information about this vehicle. It consists of a thick pole raised over the axle to yoke height and within a casing that rest s on the axle. There is no siding, but a rectangular railing, composed of a horizontal cross bar and two uprights, inclined slightly forward, rises to waist height directly in front of the single occupant. He may sit or stand astride the pole casing, with his feet on the axle or on ledges just in front of the axle. This places his weight, when . sitting, directly over the axle, where it would be in balance and would least load "t he necks of the team. In fast going he could stand, stabilizing the vehicle with his weight just ahead of the axle fulcrum and using the hinges of his ankle, knee, and hip joints as springs to absorb the jolting. He could also grip the sides of the pole casing between his thighs and calves for greater security wh en necessary. Representations of similar cars on stone reliefs from Ur (jig. 8) and Khafajah show a saddle seat with a high cantle behind and draped with an animal skin, as does one on a sealing from Ur. 33 A saddle seat is an individual seat, and there is only place for one pair of feet in these cars. That they are for single occupancy is only emphasized by the sole example showing two men jammed behind each other, the one behind clutching the waist of the one in front, on an incomplete stone model from Khafajah. 34 There are numerous rather crude t erra-cotta models of the same type of car from Kish and elsewhere. Frankfort 1943. 12f. with pis. 58-60 (ED II) . Stone model. d . Frankfort 1939b, 32, 66f. with pl. 69: no. 91 (Khafaj ah, ED III). T erracottas, d. Mackay 1925 . pl . XLVI (Kish, presumably ED III); Moortgat 196 2, I I with fig. 8 (Tell Chuera ; d ating here -Akkadian- may b e t oo low, d . su pra n . 6). 30 Calmeyer 1969. zoff. with fig. 20 (mace h ead; group 7, no . C = Amiet 1976, no. 6). IIf. with pl. I: 3 (axe; group 3, no . A); also Moorey 197 ra, 96. 31 On stela's "mythological" side, d . Barrelet 1970. with figs. 2: F, 13 and pi. XVI; Littauer and Crouwel 1973b, 324ff. On pl aques (ED II-III). cf. W oolley r934. pi. r8r:b (our j ig. 8 ; Ur) ; Frankfort r939b, pi. r0 9: n o. r 92 (Khaf ajah) ; 1943 , pi. 65 : n o. 318 (T ell Agrab) ; Zarins 1976, 246; no . f with fig . 96 (Nippur, not yet full y published ). Vehicl e b odies lost on other plaques, d . Frankfort 1939b. 14 with nos. 187, 188 (Khafaj ah); 1943 . pi. 67 : no . 327 (Tell Agrab). 32 Littauer and Crouwel 1973b, 325f. with figs. 2-3 (Ur sealing. presumably ED II); Strommenger and Hirmer 1964, pi. 64: 3rd row from top (unprovenanced se al, presumably ED III); d . also D elaporte 1920, pI. 32 : 8 and 9 (from Susa; d ating information in letters from Moorey and Amiet, Sept. 14. 1976). . . 33 Supra nn. 31. 32. 8« Supra n . 29 . 28

29

;-',

EARLIER THIRD MILLENNIUM B.C.

EARLIER THIRD MILLENNIUM B.C.

Axle. While there ar e no identifi ed remains of straddle cars t o yield information on their axles, the round axle ends and the linch pins sometimes shown on representations may be interpreted as indicating fixed, axl es and revolving wh eels (fig. 8). W heels. The same as on four-wheelers. Drau ght pole. With the except ion of the Tell Agrab model (fig. 7), which has a st raigh t , thick, horizontal pole, the straddle cars all have the high arched pole descri bed ab ove as in use on some four-wheelers (fig. 8). The pol es of straddle cars may either b e bound 'with webbing dir ectly in front of the breastwork, or b e bound throughout with metal bands, as were the poles of som e of the battle wagons. A short brace may also ext end from the front breastwork to the pole near wh ere the latter bends forward (fig. 8).

ep r es.,ent ationally .38 Once equids had been put to harness, the slowness of bovids ~ou1d preclude their use except for agriculture and heavier transport and perhaps, as tra:~tional draught animals, in cult.

22

Platform car35 E vid ence for this typ e of t wo-whe eler definitely da ting t o this, rather than t o the next, period is scanty, an d consists exclusively of t err a-cotta mod els from Mesopotamia (fig. 9).36 It appear s to be a t wo-wheeled variant of the four-wheeler describ ed above , with simil ar high front, low siding, floor extending at rear, and cross-wise sea t- the latter sometimes covered with a pelt. A xle. Cf. " Straddle Car " s.v . axl e. Wheels. Cf. " St raddle car" s.v . wheels. Draught pole. Cf. "Straddle car" s.v. pole. T wo-wheelers of uncertain type. There are several docum ent s, particularly t err a-cotta models and cylinder sea ls, where it is difficult t o determine what kin d of two-wheeler-or indeed of vehicle in genera l-was intend ed, as they ar e either t oo badly pr eserved or in explicit. s? D RAU GHT AN I MALS

Bovid dr au ght continues and is docum ented osteologically, althoug h only once T erm a nd some d iscussion in Littauer a nd Cr ou wel 1973b , 326f.; 1974, 29f. L angdon 1924, pI. VII: 3 (our fig. 4 ; K ish, dated t o late E D III or ear ly Akka di an by Moorey , letter Nov . 12, 1976); H einrich 1931 , pI. 34 : a -b (Fara ; possibl y E D IlIa). 37 W atelin 1934, 1Of., 33 wi t h pI. XIV (t erra-cotta fro m Kis h; presumab ly ED II, Moor ey 19 66 , 37); D elou ga z a nd Lloyd 1952, 69 with fig. 63 (fragm . of ED II stone relief vase fr om Khafa ja h; d . for this a nd K ish mo de l also Li ttauer and Cro uw el 1973b, 326£.). Seals, d . Moortgat 1940, pl . 17: 100 ; Fra nkfort 1955, no . 546 (Tell Asmar) ; Woolley 1934. pl . 200: no. 96 (Ur; four- or two-wheeler ?).

·t ,' - '

'. .

.

23

Equids, osteological evidence

Faunal remains have only recently been systematically collected from archaeologi~a.l sites in this area with an y thoroughness and published by exp erts. In the past, bones ~ere oft en hastily and incorrectly attributed on the spot by non-specialists, so that the ost eological record in no way corresponds to the ar chaeol ogical one. To t his must be added the fact that only certain parts of the skeleton are diagnostic for species identification , and that these may be shattered or wholly missin g, as well as that, even when they are present, all experts may not agree on the species. The n ati ve equid of Mesopotamia and Syria in this period was Equus hemionus hemippus, th e smallest and lightest of all t he equids. Th ere is some evidence, however, that E quus hemionus onager, a somewhat larger subspe cies, usu ally classified as native to Iran, also occurred in the area. There is also evidence for two ot her sp ecies, Equus asinus africanus, the true ass, an d Equus caballus caballus, the domestic horse, which ci.p pear to have been introduced from outside. All of these equids may be crossed Wit h each ot her, alt hough .t he offspring is sterile.s? Hence, in interpreting documents in all cat egories-ost eological, art istic, te xtual-nine possibilities must be considered : hemiones, asses, and horses, and any of the six possible crosses between them, This mak es identificati on difficult, and ofte n impossible. F or all practical pur poses we may ign ore t he distinction bet ween t he two subspecies of hemion e (hemippus and onager) that coul d have been pr esent. Most of the bone material of .the earlier 3rd millennium B.C., as of earlier and later periods, comes from settlement refuse, composed prim arily of meat animals . Thi s may dist ort the picture, since ass and hors e were appa rently not eate n in the Near E ast, and their paucity in the record may not reflect reality. Nor is the distinction between bones of wild and of domesticate d equids always clear. . ;::E quus hemionus. Th e great maj ority of equid bones from this period and earlier

35 36

. 3 8 Bovids associated wit h veh icle bu rials at K ish (d . Gibs on 1972, 85; also Field 1929 , 19 ; Zarins 1976, 114££.) and Ur (infra no. 50; cf. also skulls of four "oxen" reported from PG 580, W oolley 1934, 48). Bovine drau ght on Su sa vase, supra n . 5. · 3 9 For equid nomen clature and identification as well as comprehe nsive study of materi al fr;O}l1 ancie nt Ne ar E ast a nd adjacent a reas d . Zarins 1976. Other st ud ies in clu d e Zeuner 1963; Hancar 1956 ; Nobis 1971 (standard wo rk for early eqult s caballus'[. Con venient, brief a ccount of d istinctions be tween different equids , Bokonyi 1972a.

3

24

EARLIER TffiRD MILLENNIUM B.C.

have been attributed to hemiones, although Ducos believes he has found a NearEastern subspecies of asinus among them (d. below). Of two recent import~n~ ED III finds of complete skeletons in southern Mesopotamia, one has bee~ defImt.ely, the other provisionally, identified as hemionus onager. One: from Al Hiba (ancient Lagash) was buried in a tomb directly above a man and his grave goods, and sug• gests some sort of close association-perhaps riding.v' The other, from a refuse heap , at Tell Abu Salabikh, had clearly not been eaten-at hemiones often were 4l-~nd presumably served some other purpose.v The first of these finds is stated as sh~wmg no signs of domestication, but taming may not be ruled out. ~ragmentaryre:nams of five equids at Tell Asmar, also in Mesopotamia, were attnbuted to hemion us by • Hilzheimer.P although the identification has recently been challenged by Ducos. Equus asinus. Ducos b elieved that he found tn:e ass. among bone refuse a~ early as the Neolithic at Mureybit in Syria (Sth-yth millenma B.C.), and he reattnbuted the Tell Asmar equids to the same sp ecies. His conclusions, however, wh!ch are.based on his postulated identification of a separate ~ear-Eastern sUbs~ecles whic~ .he calls Equus hemionus palestinae, have not been umversally accept~d. The pre~alling • view is that true ass was restricted to Africa in the Holocene, that It was domesticated there in the 4 t h millennium B.C., and was introduced thence in its domestic form into the Near East where it indeed appears at that time in the Levant.s" Equus caballus, Remains are reported from recent excavations at Tal-i Iblis in south-central Iran. They belong to two individuals, one from level I (ca 35 0 0 B .C.)' the other from level IV (ca 3000 B.C.).46 This site is far removed from eastern Ana'0 Hansen 1973 , 70f. with fig . 26; since identified by ~. Turnbull as wild, mature male, hemi onus onager (letter from B. Biggs, Dec. 19, 1972 ; also Zarins 1976, 14~) ' . . U Cf. e.g. large quantities of b on es of hemionus onager fr om 6t~ Illlll~nmu~ SIte of Um~ Dabaghiyah in N. Iraq (B okonyi 1973?' 9fLl, and from St h-yt h millennium SIte of Mureybit in Syria (assuming these belong to hemi ones, mira n. 44) · . . . . . . U Postgate and Moorey 1976, 156 with n . 40 and pI. XXIV: a (proVIsIonal identification by J. Clutton-Brock) . ' '3 Hilzheim er 194 1, 2££., 46ff. ; Zarins 1976, 135££. (fr~m ED IIIb cont~xts) . u Ducos 1970, 273 ff. ; a lso 1968, 26ff. for subspecies. ? ontra : Zanns 1976,. 63 ff. (68, n . ~ , iti by hIS CI Ing P . Turnbull, J . Boesneck , S . B okonyi and D. Perkins Jr. ; the . latter still stands ) original id entification of hemione at Mureybit apud van Lo on and Skinner 1968, 279 . 45 Esp. Zarins 197 6 , I55f£. (ass bones), 229ff. (representations and texts}, ~lso 17 6ff. (bon es from Levant ; d. also Boessneck 1976 , 24 for bones in Early Bronze Age P alestine) ; Zeuner 19 63, 374 ff. ; Bokonyi 1974 , 297ff. Earliest Mesopotamian evi dence for ass may now come from Abu Salabikh (ED IlIa), S~lpra n . 42 . '0 B okonyi 19 67, 30 9, 3II (identified as wild) ; Zarins 1976, 185££., d. 1II, n. I, I97f. , 5.19. for dates us ed here (bas ed on work by A . Zagar ell, correcti ng dates given by excavato~: penod I, ca. 4400-4100; period IV, from ca 3600 B .C.; d . also Dyson 1968 , 3 II). Early eviden ce :0: '.

EARLIER THIRD MILLENNIUM B.C.

:. ..

25

tolia, which has also produced bones of true horse. The latter material, most of which com es from Norsuntepe, was found in contexts dating to the Late O:a1eolithic (3500-3000 B.C.) and to Early Bronze I (ca 3000-2600 B.c.) . These ren:Wns have b een attributed to native wild animals.f? This is somewhat surprisag, as true horse has not hitherto generally been considered to have survived the Plei.wxene in southwest Asia , but to have been brought in as an already dome;ticatt:d import from the steppe regions at a later date. The earliest indisputable eridence of horse domestication is from the Neolithic Sredni Stog culture in the D:rieper and Don basins where, already in the second half of the 4th millennium B.C.•n playtl.l a large rol e in the economy as a meat (and perhaps milk) animal. It may also Lave been ridden-for herding at least, a supposition strengthened by the prssence of antler objects res embling later ones positively identified as cheekpieces (q.v.] of bits (q.V.).48 Uncertain equids. The four equid skeletons in a burial at Kish w-e:e d~.Tibed as having been found with a wagon. R eexamination of the field reprrts reveals that these cannot have actually pulled the vehicle, whi ch was som ewhat below them; but their number does suggest the usual team of the time.s" It see::s unlikely that equids were buried with the vehicles at Dr. 50 Representational evidence The three sep arate sp ecies and six possible crosses perhaps present in the Near East at this time make interpretation of figured documents extrenely difficult, hor se in Iran may be forthcoming from p eriod IV at Godin Tep e in centra, Zagr os (per sonal communication A . G. Gilbert; for dating of I V, ca 2900- 2400 B.C. , d . Y=g, T . C. Jr. and W eiss 1974, 208f. ). 47 Boessn eck and von den Driesch 1976, 8 If f. ; Boessneck 1978, 258. E qci ;:,ones from Early Bronze contexts at Demirci Hiiyiik in west An atolia have been repone; as thoae of wild horses, d. Mellink 1978, 320. 48 Bibikova 1967; 1969 ; Tringbam 1969, 388, 391; Kuzmina 1971; Nobis I;.:-r, 60f.; Bokonyi 1974, 238f.; Zarins 1976 . 93££·, I95f. F or "chee kp ieces", Telegin 1971, with fig-; 1973 ; Kovalevskaya 1977, 2If. . 4 9 Gibs on 1972, 85 with n . 160 (his Y 363 ; fig. 63 shows onl y three anl mas. : also liicld 19 29, 20 with pl. 5 ; W a te lin 1934, 30 with pl . XXIII: 1; Moorey 1976, 65. Zarins (15'-;-0. IIGH ., 189f£.), after studying the preserved equid bones from Kish, t entatively concluded raat thote was no evi dence of horse but only of hemione or ass , conceivably in cluding their hybrifs, 60 Animals in " K ing 's" t omb unquestionably b ovids, d . \Voolley 1934, 6f- -=rose from Queen Pu-Abi's t omb wit h sledge (PG 800), first state d t o be asses or " Asia ti c half 2555", i.e, herniones (Woolley 1934, 78, 272 ), since id entified as bo vids, d. D yson 1960. Two badlypeserved animals fr om PG 1232, fir st described as oxen a nd later as asses (\Voolley 19 29. 317; 1934. 109). were probably bovids t oo, d. Zarins 1976, 134f.

'26

EARLIER THIRD MILLENNIUM B.C.

although much has been written in the literature about the means of distinguishing between some of them.s! Domestic horse has a falling mane (when it has not been trimmed), short ears, and a rather full tail with long hairs beginning at its root. I The ass has long ears, the hemione somewhat shorter ones, and both they and all hybrids have a short, erect mane. Ass and hemione have tails tassell ed only at the end, and hybrids have somewhat fuller ones. A specialist might be able to distinguish further differences between the crosses in the live animal, e.g. the mule (offspring of a jackass and a mare) and the hinny (offspring of a stallion and a sh e-ass), but any attempts to do so in the representations of the time would be futile. Only the horse's , different mane and tail and his considerably shorter ea rs, when these are clearly shown, may make him easier to identify. Equids are frequently represented, mostly in association with wh eeled vehicl es, but also anthropomorphized in mythological contexts. They are rendered in a variety of media: cylinder seals, inlays, stone reliefs, and va se paintings, as well as metal and terra-cotta models, mo stly from Mesopotamia, but with some from Iran. 52 The I renderings are often too imprecise, schematic or crude to permit id entification, and not even all experts interpret alike the quite carefully modelled equid on the terret ring of Pu-Abi's sledge from Ur (fig. 10) .53 One terret, however, from Til Barsib in Syria shows equids the manes and tails of which seem to identify them as true horse,54 and horse may be identified with certainty in a bone inl ay from Susa (fig. I H).55

Equids, textual evid ence

I

Equids are quite frequently mentioned on the clay tablets from southern Mesopotamia, from the Jamdat Nasr period onwards. 56 Th ere are also important but still enigmatic documents of the very early 3rd or even late 4th mill ennium B. C. from Susa. These Proto-Elamite tablets show number ed groups of equids in three cateCf. recently Moorey 1970a, 37f. Comprehen sive survey in Zarins 1976 , 20 2ff.; al so a .o. H ancar 1976, 404ff. 53 Woolley 1934 . 78 with pI. 166. Discussion of proposed ide nti ficati ons in Zarins 1976. 282 ff. 54 Thureau-Dangin and Dunand 1936 , no . 32 with pI. XXXI; Calmeyer 1964. 74. no. v , and 8of.; for dating of find context (ED III rather t han Akkadian), d . esp . Kuhne, H . 1974 ,67,7°. II4 with t able 2. H or se canno t be excl ude d on a t erret from K ish (associated with vehicle burial in Y 322-24, 326, 329. supra n . 9). Watelin 1934 , 33f. with pI. XXV : I; Calmeyer 1964. 70, no. H; Za rins 1976, 252££. with fig. 97 . . 55 Amiet 1966 . fig. 143; Moorey 1967 . 1°7; 1970, 38; Zarins 1976, 280ff. 66 This brief sect ion relies heavil y on comprehensive study b y Zarins 1976, 313££. (with App. A: translations of selected texts); also Sal onen 1956. . . >, 51

52

i

EARLIER THIRD MILLENNIUM B.C.

27

gories, distinguished by falling mane, upright mane or no mane. 57 Whether the . distinctions indicate age, sex, or function is not clear, and even the species is/are disputed. The texts are plainly inventories, but whether for purposes of selling, breeding, or mere recording is uncertain. They do, however, document record-keeping in connection with equids-a potentially important factor in selective breeding. The rel evant Sumerian texts are primarily concerned with breeding, feeding, and utilization-mostly in the sphere of agriculture. During this period (i.e. down to Akkadian), as well as later, several different terms are used to denote equids. Unfortunately, many problems surround their translation as referring to specific kinds of equids, assuming that th ey attempt to do so at all. A major problem is whether the va rious composite forms of the basic Sumerian term ANSE refer to different species of ANSE or to different functions of ANSE. Another is whether these t erms had the same meaning in all localities and throughout the whole period consid ered . Unfortunately, almost none of the Sumerian terms for equids is explicitly associated with wh eeled vehicles, but reference is made quite often to "teams" of such animals-particularly in connection with agriculture. The "teams" may be used in ploughing-well documented with both bo vids and equids-as well as with vehicles. The term ANSE, used by itself, appears already in the Jamdat Nasr period and clearly denotes a dom estic equid. Its transl ation remains disputed, som e regarding it as a generic term for "equid, " oth ers preferring a more specific meaning-usually " ass" or, more rarely, "hemione't.v In the ED p eriod ANSE is often referred to in connection with agriculture, particularly ploughing. In one case, a connection with wheeled vehicl es may be assum ed.P The composit e term, ANSE.BAR.AN also clearly r efers to a dom estic equidpossibly a hybrid.w The use of this animal in agriculture, including ploughing, is well documented.s! 57 Publi~hed by Sc~eil, a .o. 1923, t exts 31, 124. 145. 392 and esp. 105 (= Amiet 1966. fig . 50: A-B ). F or interpretation, a. o. Amschler 1935 ; Zarins 1976 , 322ff. For dating of Proto-Elamite t ablets cf. recently Ie Brun 1971, 20 9££. 66 Zarins 1976, .343f. (domesticated as s) ; Sal onen 1956 , 47ff. (ass as well as equid) ; Nagel 1959. III (domesticated hemion e, a t least in this period). 69 Zarins 1976, 399ff., cf. 413f . and 538 (whe eled vehicles in text TSS 2); Salonen 1956, 49f.; 1968,396. 60 Zarins 1976, 361ff. (hybrid : "mule"; t erm first in ED lIla); Salonen 195 6, 50f. (draught as s). 61 Zarins 1976, 399f£., 45of£. (ass ociation with vehicles a ssumed for certain ED lIlb texts fr om T ello ).

II I·

28

EARLIER THIRD MILLENNIUM B.C.

Textual evidence is also claimed for true hors e under the term AN~E.SDL.GI.62 It is hard to reconcile the evidence in some texts for the animal being rare and valu-

able with that in others for its use in agriculture: While the first might apply to the horse, the latter would be surprising since, even when horses became more plentiful in this area, they were rarely, if ever, used for ploughing.63 . Th e term AN~E.EDIN.NA has generally been interpreted as hemione. The' relatively few texts record only small numbers of these animals as being either foaled in captivity or captured or purchased when very young; and then associated with larger domestic equid h erds.s! There are no references to any specific use of this equid. All this combined evid ence still leaves us with the question of exactly which equids were used with the "battle cars" and other vehicl es. While they were appar ently seldom , if ever, horses, it is impossible t o t ell whether dom estic ass, t amed native h emione or any of the possible crosses were favoured, or whether all of these may not have been experimented with, depending perhaps upon individual circumstances." HARNESSING

Animals appl y tractive power by pushing again st an element of harness, which then transmits the force of the pressure to th e vehicle in the form of traction.s" Ancient draught was by paired animals under a yoke, the yoke attached to a pole that transmitted the pull to the vehicl e. Such a system must have been first designed for bovids drawing a plou gh. Bovids may be harnessed either under a yoke attached to the horns, or under a yoke laid on th e neck in front of the withers (q.v .) which pushed against the neck yoke t o produce the tractive power. A very simple yok e beam may be used, with rods or straps to keep it in position. Wh en equids first began to be used in draught, apparently early in the 3rd millennium, they seem 62 Zarins 1976, 345f£. (horse ; term first in ED l /ll ). One ear lier, ] amdat Nasr t ext refers to a "team of AN5E.KUR", d . ibid ., 373£., 423 (text OE eT 7,73, obv . ll6; a lso sign list, no. 129). Whether this t erm already refers t o horse as does AN5E . K UR . RA t hat a ppe ars in t exts of the Isin-Larsa and later p eri ods , rather than to a no t he r equid is un certa in , d . infra p p. 43, 58, 43 Zarins 1976, 434f£. Note that Salonen (1968, 398) cites only one (Neo-Babylonian) text where horses, together with oxen, seem to be mention ed in connecti on with pl oughing. 6~ Zarins 1976, 369f. (hemion e ; t erm first in ED IlIa), 465ff .; Salon en 1956, 45£. (same interpretation) . 65 C£. esp. Zarins 1976, 529ff . Cf. the burial of a pair of hemi on es (?) in an Ak kadian t omb, infra p. 41. 68 F or basic principles of draught d . Hayes, H. M. 1904 ,~25ff.

EARLIER THIRD MILLENNIUM B.C .

29

to have been harnessed by the same system, which is less suitable for equine anatomy than for bovine. Equids have longer , slenderer necks; asses, hemiones, and many horses, especially small ones, have low withers, and horses in particular have often a high er head carriage. Thes e reduce the pushing power of the withers and permit the yoke, unl ess it is held firmly forward, to ride back over the low withers, bruising and chafing them, especially in fast going . The strap holding the yoke forward went around the neck and, in many instances, equids would find themselves pushing by their throats rather than by their withers. (Modern equid harness permits th e pre ssure to be taken by the shoulders or breast, the most suitable areas.) Yet th e method cannot have been quite as inefficient as it has often been made out to be, or modifications would have taken plac e sooner.s? Whil e the yoke permitted forward movement, there is no provision at this period for backing, and we may also assume from the type of control described below that no effort was made to obtain it. Harnessing is well illustrated by the straddle-car mod el from Tell Agrab (fig. 7). Here, the two inn er equids of four carry a yoke slightly shaped to fit their necks and attached on top of the pole near its end . All four animals wear thick (padded?) neck straps, those of the two inn er animals being fastened directly to the yoke, those of the outer ones being attached to the yoke on one side only and with a little play. Braid ed rope neckstraps appear, at least on the outriggers, on the "Standard " of Dr and on a shell inlay from Mari (fig s. 3, I 2a). Th e tracti ve power of these outer animals was proportionately reduced. Such outer animals-and a team of four is by far the most frequently represented at this period-eould have other functions as well. In a military cont ext they would have added a mor e formidable appear ance to the equipage and, in a civil context , an element of pre sti ge may have been attached to the larg er team. Equids are also herd animals and, as such, are both mor e willing to go in company than alon e, and are competitive at speed . The outer animals, feeling less pr essure against their throats and less yok e pressure on their necks than th e inn er ones, would be inclined to set a faster pac e, which would then st imulat e the yoke animals, and so help to increase the speed. They also could serve as reserve animals. 8 7 Des Noet tes (1931, 5, rzff ., 162) maintained that su ch a strap would rise against the horse's t rach ea, impairing br eathing and grea tly reducing tractive power. Hi s exp eriments were mad e with modem vehi cles and were illustrated only b y drawings. R ecent exp eriment in England, with reproduction of Sumerian " ba ttle car " a nd harness, seem s to show that this effect of a neckstrap was clearly not as sev ere as des Noettes suggest ed, letter from D. Noble, Feb . 5, 1978.

3°

EARLIER TIDRD MILLENNIUM B.C.

EARLIER THIRD MILLENNIUM B.C.

Harness accessories

types of muzzle (basket, strap), as is seen on inlays where this detail might be more easily depicted than elsewhere (figs. 3, 6, I2a-b).72 These may have served one or more purposes: to discourage the animals (in more explicit renderings shown as ungelded males) from bickering among themselves; to protect the groom when harnessing them or the footman when leading the equipage, as he would particularly need to do when turning it about. These muzzles form parts of headstalls, and occasionally we see the latter without baskets, but with the noseband low and tight (fig. 3)· These headstalls and the lines may be shown as braided (like neckstraps, d. p. 29) or twisted, indicating different types of rope. 73

Harnessed equids are regularly shown with fringe over the breast and shoulder region and sometimes hanging down over the front, legs (figs . 3,6,8). This is held on by a neck strap, which should not be confused with the toggled neck strap lying above it that attaches the animals to the yoke (fig. rza-b). While perhaps purely decorative, it is more likely that this fringe was also functional, serving to keep the flies off the parts it touches, as similar fringed collars do today. CONTROL

As evidenced on the Tell Agrab model and elsewhere, equids were controlled by single lines to nose rings, a circumstance that also points to original bovid draught I (d. p. 28). The suggestion, several times made, that th e rings were lip rings, disregards the fact that equids use their upper lips in eating, rather as proboscises." The lines passed through a double t erret ring set , on the Tell Agrab model, at the centre of the yoke, but often shown in representation as placed farther back, on the pole (figs. 3, 7-8). The form of the bases of actual surviving t errets also indicate that . they were set on the pole, a more suitable place. These t errets wer e of metal, and might be decorated with figures in the round (fig. 10) .69 The nose rings of the outer equids at Tell Agrab were each connected by a line only to the yok e, so that when the driver pulled on the lines of the central animals and these slowed the equipage down , the yoke itself would check the outer ones . The lines did not pass through the apertures between handrail and top of breastwork of the vehicle, as has been sug.gest ed, since this would considerably hinder the driver in his handling of them. At moments when they wer e not in active use , however, the lines might lie in the depression present at the centre of the majority of handrails.70 This is the basic method of control attested for two- and four-wheelers alik e. It limited actual control to braking; directional control, if attempted, must have been by voice, goad, or whip, or combinations thereof-as oxen may still be directed. Goads (q.v.) are indeed shown in us e, while whips also appear.P The nose ring might be worn by harnessed equids in combination with different I

Discussion in Littauer and Crouwel 1973a, II8f.; also Antonius 1938, 478 . Material collected by Calrneyer 1964 , 68ff. (additions in Seidl 1966, 195ff.); for exs. from Iran. Calmeyer 1969. group I ; Moorey 197Ia, I IS. . 70 Littauer and Crouwel 1973a, II4. 71 Whip carried in quivers attached t o both " b attle" and "straddle car" on "Vulture stela", supra nn . 4. 31. 88 89

31

USE

Four-wheelers, bovid-drawn

That bovid-drawn wagons were used in burials at this time is shown by finds from Kish and Ur; although equid remains were also found in Kish tombs, they were apparently not dir ectly associated with vehicles . What little remains of one wagon at Kish suggests perhaps a carrier used as a hearse.v On other vehicles the type of super-structure is uncertain, as it had completely disappeared, although it is possible that one of the two wagons from the " King's grave" at Dr was a "battle car".75 This and the other wagons in the graves may have been drawn down the sloping dromoi by bovids because the latter were mor e manageable than equids, or perhaps because they were th e more traditional draught animals, as horse-drawn hearses long survived the advent of the gasoline engine. Certainly. in such lavish burials as those at Ur, it would not have been for reasons of economy. The only representation of a bovid-drawn four-wh eeler in this period, on a vase from Susa, may indeed show some sort of cult scene." Bovid-drawn vehicles must also have been used to transport agricultural and other material too heavy or bulky for human porters or pack animals to carry. And the sledge of Queen Pu-Abi at Ur was bovid-drawn."? 7 2 Cf. inlays from Mari, P arrot 1956. no . 451 (our fig. 12a) ; 1967 , nos. 2468 (our fig. 12b), 24 67, 3°7 2 . Recent discussion in Littauer 1969a, 296. 73 Later. Ur III texts refer to "reins" of goat h air, and pl aited wool and hair rop e is still used in Near East. Salonen 1956. II 9; Moorey 197oa. 41. 74 Supra nn. 38, 49 . 50 , and 12 (possible hearse) . 76 Supra n . 10; A dagger and whetstone found in smaller of two wagons, Wooll ey 1934, 64. B oth wag ons would h ardly ha ve been he arses, sin ce there was no ev ide nce that more than one important personage was buried there, ibid., 71. 76 Supra nn . 5. 38 . 77 Supra n . 50 .

32

EARLIER THIRD MILLENNIUM B.C.

EARLIER THIRD MILLENNIUM B.C.

Four-wheelers, equid-drawn

of the teams." Although the appearance of the "battle car" in warfare may at first have had as daunting a psychological effect on 3rd millennium B .C. foot soldiers as had that of the tank on those of the First World War, this comparison, so often drawn, is fallacious. The tank afforded maximum protection to its crew and was manoeuvrable and capable of negotiating very varied and rough terrain. The Sumerian wagon, however, afforded hardly any protection; not only its crew, but its motive power were highly vulnerable, and its field of operation was strictly limited to level and open ground. In addition, without a swivelling front axle, it could only be turned in a wide arc or by manual lifting or levering of its rear wheels. This limitation and that caused by the very elem entary control over the team, greatly restricted its manoeuvrability. These wagons could ha ve functioned as mobile arsenals and firing platforms from which javelins, carried in sheaths attached to the right front corner of the breastwork, could have be en thrown most effectively when moving alon g the front or flanks of massed infantry.s? (fig. 3). Indeed, recent experim ents have shown that an exp ert javelin thrower can throw 30 javelins a minute a distance of up to 60 m. from a reconstruction of such a wagon moving at a sp eed of 10-12 miles an hour.s! Th e vehicl es could also have been used t o convey the king and important officers to the field of battle. Th e ax e seen in one warrior's hand on the "Standard" of Ur and the position on the rear platform, conv enient for mounting and dismounting, also suggests fighting from the ground (or from the vehicle in defens e, if it or its te am broke down) . Th e sam e is true for the " Vult ur e stela" of Eannatum, where not only javelins but close-range weapons-axe and sickl e sword-are carried on the battle wagon.P

One marked difference between the wagons in later 4th-millennium pictograms and those illustrated in the 3rd millennium is 'at the front, where there is now a fairly high screen. This new construction may have been stimulated by the introduction of equids as draught animals. It would serve as protection against flying stones and gravel flung up by the hooves of a team moving faster than bovids, and the handrail at the top would serve for steadying oneself in a springless vehicle moving rapidly over un even terrain and during abrupt stops and starts. Note that the men standing on the rear platforms on the "Standard" of Ur are shown as steadying themselves on the shoulders of the ones in front (fig. 3). It has be en suggested that this breastwork, with its two ap ertures near the top, was a military expedient, that it was a protection behind which a warrior could shield himself and from which he could spy the enemy. The breastwork, however, is narrow and only chest-high, and a standing man would have to squat to use the ap ertures. More explicit rendering s of later date also show that these are not peep hol es, but simply the spaces between the handrail and the top edge of the breastwork. Neither would the low side screens afford much protection against the enemy. Yet this type of wagon is very oft en depicted with a sh eath of throwing spears attached to the front edg e of the breastwork and in a military conte xt , so it must have been used in warf are at this period. The most graphic illustration of this is a scene on the " St anda rd" or Ur, showing a row of four wagons , manned by helmeted drivers and warriors, the latter standing at the rear and carrying sp ears or an axe.78 The first three teams gallop and the fourth moves more sedately across a battlefield, the latter symbolized by the stripped and bleeding bodi es of the enemy. Indeed , the us e of these wagons in a charge against each other or against closely ranked infantry seems extremely doubtful. Equids are reluctant to step on yieldi ng bodies, because th ey instinctively know that the restricted articulation of their limbs, evolve d for fast forward movement on the level st epp e, makes them vulnerable to joint injuries. Moreover, attempts on their part to avoid the bodies by leaping ov er them could result in damage to their necks as well as to parts of the draught syste m . H ence the motif of the prostrate enemy "beneath the hooves" (which here makes its first appearance, to return early in the next millennium with other types of vehicle) must be interpreted as merely symbolic of victory, while in reality such bodies would be lying on the hither or further sid e 78 Interpretation of this scene as representing the same vehicle at succe ssive mom ents of a charge (P erkins, A . 1957, 56£.) is untenable, as the warriors on the rear platform are not all identically armed.

33

T wo-wheelers, equid-drawn Straddle car

As probably the lightest and best balanced of the vehicles discussed, and the one that gave the greatest security in fast going, this would have been particularl y useful where sp eed was required. 79 Scen es of humans trampling foe are often eq ually symbolic, e.g. ranked in fa nt ry marching on t op of dead b odies on "Vulture" stela, supra n . 4; a lso Moorey 1975a, 93. 80 In the " Ki ng's t omb" at Dr Wo olley (1934 , 69, 303£.) found three sets of spears, som e with notched ends for throwing, andprobably all originally carried in quivers. 81 Inform ation fr om D. Noble, letter F eb. 5, 1978. F or dis cu ssion of use of Sumer ian " battle car", als o Yadin 1963 , 37££.; Gar elli 1968, 291f£. 82 Supra n . 4; here the king is shown standing ahead of his driver, probably becau se of his rank (as also on Khafajah v ase, supra n. 5); for weapons carried in his wa gon, Salonen , E . 1965, 173, also 8Iff. (for Sumerian thrusting and throwing spears) .

34

EARLIER THIRD MILLENNIUM B.C.

EARLIER THIRD MILLENNIUM B.C.

Although, unlike the "battle car," never shown in an explicitly military context, the straddle car usually has a sheath of javelins attached at the front, which might suggest a role in warfare (fig. 8). The ability, however, of a single individual to control a team of four in the heat of battle and use his weapons effectively at the same time would seem quite restricted. On the other hand, two cases where dogs are shown with it might suggest hunting." and the driver might have functioned quite . efficiently under the conditions of a prepared hunt or battue, where game would be driven across the prearranged path of the vehicle over appropriate terrain and perhaps even in a confined area. The scenes on the sealing and seal in question differ from military ones with battle wagons in three repects: r) dogs are present; 2) there is no prostrate enemy in the field; 3) driver and attendants on foot, although carrying arms, wear no protective armour. In addition, the straddle car may have served as a fast courier's transport,as is perhaps illustrated by the unarmed copper model from Tell Agrab (fig. 7)· Platform car The evidence (terra-cotta models) (fig . 9) yields no information on the use of this vehicle, which appears to be really a two-wheeled version of the battle wagon . Like the straddle car, it carried a single rider, who could stand or sit at will, although more precariously and less comfortably at speed.

ED III grave at Al Hiba (ancient Lagash) was possibly that of a riding animal.s? The first crude representation of riding on an equid seems to occur on an ED III or early Akkadian sealing from Kish. 88 SUMMARY

Wheeled vehicles

This peri od sees the development of a four -wheeled wagon, probably begun in the later 4th millennium, out of a sledge with rollers. The type illustrated may be called "battle car" since it appears primarily in military contexts, but wagons of other types must have existed also . The "battle car" is narrow, '.'lith room for a complement of two--a driver and a passenger standing behind him . The high front breastwork is topped by an open rail by which the driver may steady himself . The sides are low. Two types of two-wheelers, each carrying only a single person, also appear. One, in which the occupant sits or stands astride the draught pol e, may be called "straddle car"; the other, really a two-wheeled version of the "battle car" in which the driver sits on a benchlike seat, may be called " platform car". All these vehicles have composite (tripartite) disk wheels, apparently revolving on fixed axles. The single draught pole may be straight, running obliquely to the yoke, as in the case of some wagon s; it may also rise sharply in front of the vehicle to a level above the draught t eam's hindquarters, before bending over to run forward to the yoke, as it does on some other wagons and on most carts. Equids now first appear in draught. The available equids would have been chiefly the Asiatic " half ass" (Equus hemionus) , but may already have included the true African ass (Equus asinus) and the horse (Equus caballus) in small numbers-both introduced from outside as domesticants. If present, they could have been used not only in draught themselves, but for crossing, thus increasing the potential number of different equids in draught use. All draught is paired, with an animal on either side of the pole and under a yoke held on by neck straps. Teams are usuall y of four, with two polers and two outriggers (q.v.). Control is by single lines from the driver to rings in the animals' noses. This method of harnessing and control, basically suited to bovine, not equine conformation, points to an already established tradition of draught by bovids. The four-wheeled "battle cars" are probably used as mobile firing platforms from which javelins, carried in a sheath attached to the high front breastwork, could be cast. The axe that is present also suggests fighting at a standstill or dismounted. These wagons can have turned at speed only in a wide arc since their front axles do not articulate horizon-

Wheeled vehicles ,' textual evidence i

35

Relatively few cuneiform documents contain explicit references to wheeled vehicles, usually written as GISGIGIR. This term, possibly attested as early as, continues in use for more than 2000 years.P! The tablets shed little light on types of draught animals and use. Once the vehicle may be associated with ANSE (d. p. 27). Of especial interest is a text from Fara (ED IIIa) ,85 where vehicles are assigned to individuals who are described as "going into battle" or "leaving battle," thus confirming the military use of vehicl es that is illustrated in contemporary figured documents. Other texts refer to the vehicle of the god Ningirsu and its "carriage house" .86 Riding

The intact skeleton of a hemione, buried directly beneath a human male, in an 83

Supra n. 32: Dr sealing and unprovenanced seal.

8t

Zarins 1976, 413 (text W . 2I208. 43); for term, also Salonen 195I, 40ff. Zarins I976, 413f. (text TSS 782); cf, also Jacobsen 1957, 121. Civil 1968, 3; also Salonen I95 1, 73·

85 86

Supra n. 40. Buchanan 1966, no. 290b; Moorey I97oa, 45, no. I; Zarins 1976, 26of. Engraved bones from Susa showing ridden equids cannot belong to this period, as often claimed, but are of much later, perhaps even modern , manufacture, cf. de Mecquenem 1934, 198 with fig. 38: nos. 24-25; for dating, Moorey, 47; Zarins, 2I9ff. 87

8~

I.

EARLIER THIRD MILLENNIUM B.C.

• tally. This fact and the position of the javelin thrower behind the driver would have .. .. considerably limited their field of action. . The two-wheeled "straddle car" also carries javelins but IS never shown in an indubitably military context. The necessity for the driver to' control the team CJ?d to use weapons at the same time would have limited its usefulness in battle, although It could have been driven at speed in prepared hunts and as a courier's transport. The two-wheeled "plat• form car" would have served where less speed was required.

CHAPTER SIX

LATER THIRD MILLENNIUM B.C. (ca 2375-2000 B.C.) \VHEELED VEHICLES

Riding That riding is practiced ~t this period is indirectly su?g~ted only by the skeleto? of an Equus hemionus found buned beneath a human at al Hiba ill southern Mesopotanua.

Evidence for both four- and two-wheeled vehicles continues through the Akkadian and Dr III periods. As before, it consists of two-and three- dimensional representations (but in much smaller quantity) and of textual references from Mesopotamia. Contemporary material is also known from Syria, southeast Anatolia, and tombs at Susa in Elam that have yielded remains of actual vehicles. In some cases, it is not absolutely clear whether the material belongs to this period rather than to the preceding one or, more rarely, to the following one. The earliest evidence of wheeled vehicles from outside the Near East is possibly contemporary, if not earlier, including particularly the remains of actual vehicles or wheels from the Caucasian and the Caspian- and Pontic-steppe regions.

F our-ioheelers Most of the representations show wagons that closely resemble the "battle car" of the previous period. They include a sealing and cylinder seals (fig. 13),1 two metal models from Syria (Jig. 14) and sev eral others that ar e probably from southeast An atolia (fig. 15).2 Box. All share the typical high front . The cylinder seals show platforms with very low side screens or none at all (Jig. 13). More explicit information comes from the metal models, which reveal a rather narrow wagon bed with screens at sides and rear, as well as the high front one. Th e two Syrian models recall the earlier wagons on the "Standard" of Ur (Jig. 3) in that the sides seem to consist of panels framed by vertical struts. On these models the rear scr een is set som ewhat forward, the platform behind it being still within the side screens. That this platform could 1 Akkadian seals, d . Boehmer 1965a, nos. 940 (= Porada 1948, no. 220; our j ig. 13), 932, 941. Another Akkadian seal was recently ex cavated at Umrn al-Hafriyat near Nippur, personal communication MeG. Gibson. Sealing from Tell Brak in N . Syria, Bu chanan 1966, no . 292 (early Akkadian or late ED). 2 Discussion in Littauer and Crouwel 1973a, I03ff. with pl s. XXXII (our j ig, 14)-III (Syria), pIs . XXXIV (our fig . IS)-XLIV: A (Anatolia). -

~ -

• • -, '>

LATER THIRD MILLENNIUM B.C.

LATER THIRD MILLENNIUM B.C.

accommodate a passenger-such as is seen at the rear of the wagons ~n the Dr "Standard"-is indicated by a floor-level opening in the rear wall, whic? wo~d have given him a "toe hold." Neither these model~ nor those fr?m A.natolia-WIth one possible exception-show a seat. The An~tolian models differ in apparently having removable side screens supported by railwork, and one model has only the . . . railings. 3 Some terra-cotta models illustrate wagons fitted WIth a (probably) removable tilt (q.v.). They come from as far apart as Elam, northern Mesopotamia and Syria (fig. 16).4 . Axles. These were probably fixed rigidly to the wagon bed and neither revolved nor swivelled. This is suggested by the rather detailed construction of some of the metal models (figs. 14, IS) and by their similarity to earlier wagons that seem to have had such an axle system (d. p. 16f.). Wheels. These are of disk type. On the seals, tyres of some kind appear, but without hobnails, and a tripartite construction is shown only once (fig: 13). ~he .wheels on metal models are rendered as plain disks, without tyres, but WIth projecting naves. It is impossible to tell whether these were act~ally ~ingle-~iece, or merely pr~sent this 'appearance due to summariness of execution, Smgle-p:ece wheels ~re rehably documented only on the Pontic and Caspian steppes and in Holland, m contexts attributed to the late 3rd millennium B.C.5 Draught pole. Both types documented in the preceding period continue. Th~ high, arching pole is shown on some cylinder seals, in one case probably ?ound (ftg'. ~3), as were some earlier poles (d. p. 20). The other type of pole-s-straight and nsmg obliquely to the yoke-is associated with the m~tal ~odels from S~a and southeast Anatolia, which give details of its construction (ftgs. 14, 15).6 This pole forke.d just before reaching the point of its attachment to the front of the wagon bed. ThIS not only strengthened the connection but, by hooking the prongs of the fork over a transverse bar here or by permitting the latter to pass through the ends of the prongs, the very desirable vertical articulation of the pole was achieved (d. p. 20).

Anatolia, and Iran appear to show two types already familiar in the previous period: straddle and platform cars. There are also some terra-cotta models and cylinder seals that are not explicit enough or are too fragmentary to be classified with certainty.

Two-wheelers The majority of representations that derive from Mesopotamia, Syria, southeast 3 Idem, 107, no. b with pl. XL: A-B (seat ?), 105££., no. 4 with pl. XXXVII (railings only). • Discussion in Littauer and Crouwel 1974 (ourftg. 16, from Tepe Gawra). 6 CI. van der Waals 1964. 106fI.; Piggott 1968a, 301. 6 Littauer and Crouwel 1973a, II6ff. CI. also the vertically articulatin? A~pole (q.v.) of actual wagons of later znd mill. B.C. from Transcaucasia, Piggott 1968a, 293I. WIth fig. 12. _.

39

Straddle car Explicit documents are rare and include an Akkadian cylinder seal (fig. 17),7 and an unprovenanced fragmentary stone relief of Dr III date (fig. 18a-b)8-in both cases with a single rider. Axle. This was probably fixed, as on earlier straddle cars, an assumption supported by the round axle end on both seal and relief. The latter also shows a linch pin, of which a pair of "bronze" examples was found at Susa.? Wheels. The wheel on the stone relief is rendered in detail. It seems to be of small diameter, which may account for its being a single-piece disk; it shows axle end, nave, linch pin and a tyre (almost certainly of metal) made in two segments with clamps at either end. The tread is hobnailed. The tyre is very reminiscent of actual "bronze" tyres from Susa, from a two-wheeler of uncertain type, found in the same tomb as the linch pins, and possibly contemporary with the relief (fig. 19).10 These were made in six segments, with clamps similar to those on the relief at the end of each segment, and one clamp in between. The wheel was 1.05 m. in diameter and had no hobnails. The construction of the tyre indicates a disk wheel, but of surprising thinness, being only 0.03 m. thick at 0.095 m. from the edge, at the ends of the clamps. These tyres would represent an improvement on plain metal hoop tyres, sometimes apparently illustrated in the previous period (d. p. 19; fig. 8), which would have easily worked loose. Draught pole. Both seal and relief show the high, arched type of pole (figs. 17, I8a, b). On the relief it appears to be double, of two parallel parts bound together with metal bands. 7 Boehmer 1965a, no. 939 (= Legrain 1951, no. 92; our fig. 17). s Moortgat 1967, 72 with pls. 192-193. 9 De Mecquenem 1922, 138 with fig. 16 (Apadana tomb K). 10 Donjon tomb 89b and Apadana tomb K, d. de Mecquenem 1922, 137I. with fig, 14; 19 24, lIII.; 1943, 89f. with fig, 74: 1-3 and pl. X: 1 (our fig. 19; dating information from Moorey and Amiet, letters of Sept. 14, 197 6). Similar tyre indicated on terra-cotta model wheel from Susa, de Mecquenem 1943, 125 with fig. 91: aa. For refs. in Ur III texts to copper tyres, d. CAD 6,239 S.v. !Juppu D; Limet 1960,213, no. 52.

4-

LATER THIRD MILLENNIUM B.C.

LATER THIRD MILLENNIUM B.C.

Platform car This type is well documented by several terra-cotta models of varying provenance (fig. 20a, b).n All terra-cottas have the typical high front. Some display side screens that may be combined with a seat, the platform continuing behind it. Others, which show either very low or no side screens, occur with (fig. 20a, b) and, apparently sometimes, without a seat. Axle. No reliable information; the terra-cottas show the axle in various positions. Wheels. No reliable information, but presumably of disk type. Draught pole. As in the previous period, the terra-cotta models are uninformative. It is quite possible that the poles were of the high arched type associated with contemporary straddle cars.

DRAUGHT ANIMALS

Two-wheelers of uncertain classification Among the figured documents are several terra-cotta models and cylinder seals where the exact type of two-wheeler is unc ertain.P One cylinder, from Tepe Hissar, in northeastern Iran, should be noted here for the wheel depicted with the vehicle (fig.2I).13 This wheel has been interpreted as a clumsy attempt to render either a spoked or a tripartite disk wheel. But the central piece here would be too narrow to be part of the latter and there are no flanking planks; in a true spoked wheel the spokes radiate. We most likely see here an attempt to lighten the tripartite-disk wheel by narrowing the central plank, reducing the flanking pieces to sections of felloe, increasing the thickness of the dowels or slats and extending them to form braces between the central bar and the felloe. A felloe might also have been suggested by the wooden tyre of which we had evidence at Susa in the preceding period (d. p. 19). This seal is the earliest evidence for a type of wheel known as the crossbar wheel, which is documented again early in the next period in Anatolia, and which has remained in use in different parts of the world up to the present.P, 11 A .o. Andrae 1922, 105 with pI. 61: c-d (our fig. 20: a-b), e (Ashur); Pragg 197 0, 89f ., nos. 79- 81 (frags. from H arran, S. E . Anatolia; these help t o date related model from Asharah, Syria, d. du Mesnil du Buisson 1947, 25f. with fig. 15 and pls. XII-III . Also stratified, unpublished exs. from Selenkahiyeh in Syria (personal communication M. N. van Loon) . U Cf. esp. two "post Akkadian" seals, Parrot 1954, no . 250 (Larsa); Buchanan 197 1, 3 with pI. I: c. 13 Schmidt 1937, 199 "lith fig . 1I8; Moorey 1968, 430ff. with fig . c; Littauer and Crouwel 1977b,99f. 14 Atkinson and Ward 1965; Lucas A. T. 1972; Fenton 1973, 160ff. ; Littauer a nd Crouwel 1977b,99f.

41

Bovids . R:p:-esentations include metal models from southeast Anatolia (fig. IS) and, Im?licItly, . the terra:cotta model wagons with tilts (d. p. 38). A seal showing a deity driving a bovid-drawn "battle car" may indicate its use also in cultic ceremonies.P . Bovids were certainly used in agriculture and elsewhere where speed and supenor endurance were not required.

Mythical animals ~Vinged felids are shown on some Akkadian cylinder seals drawing battle or straddle cars that carry a divine driver (figs. 13, 17).

Equids Osteological evidence Well-researched.a.nd w:ll-published faunal remains are still rare. The picture may modified WIth the full publication of the material from Selenkahiyeh III Syria. Apart from hemione or ass, there is apparently some evidence for true hors~-theI60rig~nal id~ntification of which was first retracted but subsequently conflr~ed. ThIS species may also have been present at this time and earlier (d. p. 25) m easte rn Anatolia, to judge by a first phalanx identified at Norsuntepe in a context apparently of EB III (ca 2300-2000 B.C.).J7 Very recently (1978) a pair of equids laid out as a team in a tomb of the Akkadian ~eriod, which also contained a human burial and perhaps metal elements from a vehicle, h~ve been exc~vat ed at Tell Madhur in the Hamrin salvage area in east ern MesopotamIa: The remains have been tentatively identified by the archaeologists as those of h emiones, but certain identification must await thorough examination by a palaeozoologist.P ~e so~ewhat

From Umm al-Hafryat, supra n. I. Ducos has apparently retra cted his ~entative, preliminary identification (1968; d . Zarins 19.76, 1~8, n. 2). Horse and .horse-ass hybn~s, however, identified by IJzereef 1976, 31f. (manuscript kindly lent to us). SIte apparently inhabited 24th-20th cent . B .C. d. van Loon esp ' ,. 1969b and 1975. 17 Boessneck and .von ~~n Driesch 1976, 82, 86 (this bone "ganz vereinzelt;" in EB III cont ext) . .p: horse t ooth identified by G. M. Allen at Nuzi (Gazur) in E . Mesopotamia, apparently in Akkadian context, d. Starr 1937-39, 25, 492f. 18 Young, T. C.Jr. 1978; also letters of Aug. 15 and Sept. 15, 1978. IS

16

42

LATER THIRD MILLENNIUM B.C.

LATER THIRD MILLENNIUM B.C.

Representational evidence

43

h~mio?e, a hybrid, or a particular type of ass. 24 It is explicitly associated with vehicles m only a few texts. Others mention its use in agriculture, including ploughing. ~he latter use would be surprising in the case of horse (d. p. 28). The Drehem texts list regular numbers of the animal from various sources.w Another term, AN~E. 21. 21, very possibly denotes true horse. It appears in Dr III texts and possibly slightly earlier, as well as in a few literary ones, the extant versions of which date to the next period.w Among these are versions of the famous ~ymn A .of Shulgi, King or Ur, where it is a synonym for AN~E. KUR. RA, which IS f~und in the standard version of the hymn and denotes horse (see below). In the earlier texts AN~E. 21.21 occurs in very small numbers by comparison with other equids with which it is listed, and seems to have been highly prized. The harness elements mentioned with it on one tablet may suggest driving or riding or even breeding.F ,

Equids are represented in a variety of media, where they appear as draught or riding animals, isolated, or in mythological contexts. Despite frequent attempts to do so, it has rarely been possible to determine with certainty the exact equid intended.P

Textual evidence Equids are often mentioned in texts from southern Mesopotamia and Elam. For the Dr III period the increased volume of administrative texts, particularly from Drehem near Nippur, gives extensive information on breeding, feeding and use, and mentions personnel associated with these activities. Several different terms are used, some appearing for the first time and, as before, their translations as referring to specific kinds of equids or their functions are problematical. They ar e rarely associated with vehicles, but the mention of teams may imply harness use as well as ploughing.t" The term AN~E, which has either a gen eric meaning, "equid," or a more specific one (possibly "true ass" d. p. 27), is again the most common. As before, several texts document the use of this animal in agriculture, including ploughing.v Only occasionally is it connected with wh eeled vehicles, and texts of Gudea of Lagash associate it specifically with sacred ones.P The composite t erm, AN~E.BAR.AN, us ed already in the ED III period and possibly denoting a hybrid, continues, with reference, as before, to its use in agriculture, and an occasional direct reference to draught.P AN~E. LIBIR, a new term, appears in Akkadian texts, whil e the earlier AN~E. ~UL. GI is no longer attested. The former is variously interpret ed as denoting horse,

The term ~N~E. KUR. RA is the common one for horse from the beginning of the next penod onward. Whether it was already used in the later 3rd millennium B.C. is not known for certain, because of the later dating of all extant versions of the Shulgi ~~n an~ other literary texts in which it occurs-although they may well have originated in the Dr III period. Independent evidence for use of the term ANSE. KUR. RA in the jrd millennium B.C. is presently confined to a single text of the J amdat Nasr period, referring to a "team of ANSE . KUR". 28 The t erm AN SE .EDIN . NA, probably denoting hemione, continues to be used. As earlier, the animal appea rs to be herded with animals that are definitely domestic. Apart from its possible use in producing hybrids, no role is assigned to it. 29 HARNESSING

T~is is illustrated only by metal models from southeast Anatolia, where paired bOVlds. may be under both neck and horn yokes (fig. IS). Indisputable representations of equid draught are rare and uninformative.

Cf. terra-cottas said to show horses, van Loon 1968, 29; 1969a, 68 with fig. (our fig. 22 ; from Selenkahiyeh); Bokonyi 1972 , 37f. with fig. (Tell Taya in N . Iraq) . An ex ception is a horse clearly engraved on the famous silver vessel from Maikop in Kuban area of Ciscaucasia, a .o. Hancar 1956, 126f .; Frankfort 1970 , figs . 24°-243; this thick- set animal recalls that on an inla y from Susa (our f ig. II ) and has been liken ed to Przewalski's horse. 20 Basic work is again Zarins 1976: also Salonen 1956 . For " te a ms" of different equid s d. a .o . well-known text (TRU 43), discussed by L egrain 1946, 27; Sal on en 1956, 190f. ; Zarins 1976, 460, 574 (transl. text 81). 21 Zarins 1976, 407ff.; Salonen 1956 , 48f.; 1968 , 396f. 22 Zarins 1976, 415ff.For sacred vehicles, al so Salonen 1951, 69f.; Civil 1968 , 3; Falkenstein and von Soden 1953, 143ff ., 173ff . (transl. Gudea cyls. A and B ). 23 Zarins 1976, 448f. (agriculture), 458ff . (association with gendarmes or m essenger s may imply draught or riding, a .o . text MCS 9 :260) . 19

2~ Z,~r~ns. 1976, 349ff. (hor se); ?elb 1956, 245ff. (type of horse); Salonen 1956, 7 lff. (hybrid: mule ): LIeb ermann 196 9 (hemione}; CAD I , 141 s.v , agalu (hybrid or spe cial breed of ass) . 25. Zanns 1976, 437 (with vehi cles in. t exts HSS 10, 202 and 206) , 435; Salonen 1968 , 39 8 (agr~cu ltu re) . For Dreher:r texts d . Zarins 1976 , 436 , 443ff; Liebermann 1969 (sources include Man ~nd land o~ Martu. In west as well as Mesopotamian frontier city of Der in east). Animal sometimes associated WIth gendarmes or messengers, suggesting draught or riding, d . Zarins 19 76 , 436f. 26 Civil 19 66, I21f. ; Zarins 1976 , 356ff. , 396, 436, 527 (356, n. I and 445: term first in time range of Gudea of Lagash) ; also H eimpel 1968 , 275 , 27 8f. :: Civil 1966, 122; Zarins 1976, 436 , 568 (transl. text 65 = UET 3,153 1). Supra p. 28, n. 62. "

;:.':',:. ;?~:

.

.~;: .

44

LATER THIRD MILLENNIUM B.C. LATER THIRD MILLENNIUM B.C. CONTROL

The bovids of the Anatolian metal models are controlled by single lines to nose rings. Two lines passing through an undecorated terret ring on the pole are shown on the stone relief (fig. I8a) and suggest the same nose-ring control as in the previous period (d. p. 30), although apparently with two, rather than four, animals." Fragmentary terra-cotta figurines of equids-whether harness or riding animals is uncertain-wear headstalls rendered by applied clay strips. The most informative example is from Selenkahiyeh in Syria, dating to this period or the beginning of the following one( jig. 22).31 Here the headstall comprises cheekstraps, noseband and browband. A nose ring would have been impossible for the coroplast to render, hence its absence cannot be interpreted as obsolescence-particularly as other documents show nose rings still in use on equids at the beginning of the following period. USE

Four-wheelers There is no longer evidence for the use of these in warfare. Indeed, the various disadvantages noted above (d. p. 33) may have led to their abandonment for this purpose. Although the two Syrian metal models( jig. 14), which lack draught teams, give no indication of military use, the similar examples from southeast Anatolia (fig. 15), being drawn by bovids, suggest only civil use. The same is true, with one exception, for cylinder seals, where the vehicles are driven by deities and pulled by winged monsters. It may be that the "battle wagon" was now no more than a traditional vehicle to be used primarily in cult. A civil use is clear also in the case of wagons with tilts (fig. 16), terra-cotta models of which have been widely but sparsely found. They were presumably bovid-drawn, like the actual wagons, with or without tilts, from Transcaucasia and the Caspian steppe of possibly contemporary as well as later date.32

Zarins 1976, 468ff. Also Calmeyer 1964, 74, no. z (our fig. 18: a); two terrets from Anatolia of this time or later, infra pp. 58, 60. 31 Van Loon 1969a, 68 with fig. (our fig. 22) ; also ex. from Tell Taya, Reade 1971, 99 with pl. XXV: e; Bokonyi 1972, 37f. with fig . (hole, drilled through mouth, need not imply use of bit but may simply have taken cord to pull original model) . 32 Littauer and Crouwel 1974. For Russian material d. Piggott 1968a, esp. 286, 293ff. with figs . I1-12 and pIs . XXI-XXIII. 29

30

45

Two-wheelers Straddle and platform cars

c.

Whatever little figured evidence there is for these indicates civil use, as in the case ~f contemporary wagons. A cult role is suggested by several cylinder seals, one of which clearly shows a straddle car (Jig. 17). Here the deity is the same as the one on. seals showing "battle wagons," and similarly drives a winged monster. A divine driver may also be intended on the relief of a straddle car (fig. I8b) . A concern, however, with a more strenuous use of two-wheelers now seems indica:ed both by the bronze tyre from Susa (d. above) and by the Tepe Hissar cylinder (ftg: 21). Th~se sho.w that attempts were being made to reduce the weight of faster vehicles by lighterung their wheels. Wheeled vehicles; textual evidence Some cuneiform documents contain references to wheeled vehicles, which are usually d~noted by the term G~GIGIR, already used in earlier texts (d. p. 34). We ~ow fI~d the term in connection with the transport of people aud goods, including agncultural produce, but never in a military context.w It also occurs in texts ment~oning cult v~hicles belonging to specific gods, suggesting the divine drivers seen m representations of four-and two-wheelers.sA connectio~ both wi~h cult and burial practices is indicated in a literary text, the extant version of which dates to the succeeding Isin-Larsa period, "The Descent of Ur~ammu t~ the N~thenvorld." This describes the king arriving in the underworl~ m a ve~cle, equids (ANSE) being buried beside him (recalling actual burial practices at KISh and Susa) and his offering of a vehicle pulled by a team of ANSE to a deity.35 RIDING

Ridi~g is docu~ented by several representations from Mesopotamia and Syria. These ~nclude cylinder seals of Akkadian and Ur III date and a gold fillet from an Akkadian tomb at Ur. A fra~en~a~y terra-cotta plaque from Tell Asmar may be of Ur III date or may belong with similar scenes of ridden equids from the earlier znd ~3 Zarins 1976, 437 (hay and onions in texts HSS 10: 203; RTC I19; A 7839 in Oriental Inst Chicago}; Salonen 1951, 41 (vehicle, written GISMAR, carrying reeds) . For people d. Zarins 1976 , ~3.7 (text HSS 10: 203); Salonen 1951, 43 (a.o. important persons and a mes senger) 34 CIVIl 1968, 3; Salonen 1961, 69f. . 35 Kramer 1967, 1I8 (transl. lines 74-75, 71, 1I3-II5) and 121, n. 57; Zarins 1976, 4 16 f.

46

LATER THIRD MILLENNIUM B.C.

LATER THIRD MILLENNIUM B.C.

47

!l)

millennium B.C. (d. p. 65).36 The representations, with the possible exception of the gold fillet, all show equids of some kind, but sp ecific id entification is impossible. The riders all seem to be male, riding bareback and astride. Little indication is given of the purpose of such riding. In only one case is a possible military context suggested. This is on an Akkadian seal, wh ere the ridden animal is trampling a t prostrate man who se ems to be begging for mercy.t? (It may be noted here th at an active role of riding in warfare is indubitably documented only in the earlier rst millennium B.C.). A few Dr III texts possibly refer to mounted officials or couriers. 3s We should also include a peculiar form of transport on animal back, illustrated • by several t erra-cotta figurines from Selenkahiyeh, mostly incomplete, of this time or of the very early znd millennium B.G. On e of these appears to show a deit y (fig. 23) sitting sideways on the back of an equid." This seat is mor e precarious than a seat ast ri de and gives the rider very poor control of the animal. Such a n arrangement, which is not for fast riding, could have developed out of the pack saddle (already attested in a wall painting of the Middl e Kin gdom in E gypt) and have i' been us ed for the transport of the elderly or infirm or for females.t'' In the case of important p ersonnages, their long garments might have precluded their mounting in any other fashion but sideways.

Draught is again by paired animals under yoke, still controlled by lines to nose rings. The "battle car" seems to have been relegated to cult use and the same may have been true of the "straddle car" . The " platform car" may have served both as a utilitarian and as a ceremonial vehicle. Riding Eq~d ri~~, when .ill~str~ted , is bareba<:k ~d usually astride. Control is by line and nose ~g ..~ding at this time IS probably pnmarily a means of transport, certainly in cases where individuals are shown seated sideways on the animal .

SUMMARY

Wheeled vehicles

""iii The four-wheeled "battle car" and both types of two-wheelers-"straddle" and "platform cars"-of the earlier 3rd millennium continue through thi s period. The vehicles mostly have disk wheels. A metal tyre, with integral clamps t o hold it on, and th e first appearance of th e cross-bar wheel (q.v.) testify to efforts to improve wheel construct ion. The draught pole remains either of the straight or th e high, arching type. As in the previous period, the equids available for draught would have been the hemione, ~ass and-probably still in very limited numbers-horse, and the various crosses between these. 38 Material collected b y Moorey 1970a, d . 45f., nos. 2-8 (seals; no. 1 may be late ED, supra p. 35), 46 (fillet) 40f. , no. 3 (plaque). 37 Moorey 1970a, 45 , no. 2 ; Boehmer 1965a, no. 820. Motif of pr ostrate enemy attest ed with wheeled vehicles already in previous period, supra p . 32 and fi g. 3. ~ 38 Zarins 1976 , 419f.; Moorey 197oa, 48 with n . 2 ; cf. als o supra nn . 22, 24, 26 . 39 Van Lo on 1975, 24 with fig . 8 (our fig. 23 ; other exs . t oo, pers on al communication ). 40 For earl y ill. of rigid-framed pack saddles, Mich alowski 1969, fig. 295 (Egypt, Dynasty XI: t omb of Zar, Thebes) .

-

- '~ ;" ',

-..

EARLIER SECOND MILLENNIUM B.C.

CHAPTER SEVEN:

EARLIER SECOND MILLENNIUM B.C. (ca 2000-1600 B.C.)

is also attested by the fragmentary remains of a large, four-wheeled metal model, which was found in level III at Acemhiiyiik in central Anatolia (dated to the rothr Sth centuries B.C.).3 Here the four spokes of the cast-metal wheels widen slightly as they approach the felloes. This is important as the first material evidence for spoked wheels . Draught pole. Where the pole is rendered at all, it appears to be of the straight type associated with several earlier "battle cars" (d. p . I9f.).

'WHEELED VEHICLES

Evidence from different parts of the Near East, consisting of figured and textual documents, increases at this time (in Mesopotamia, represented by the Isin-Larsa pand Old Babylonian periods), particularly that relating to two-wheelers. Four-wheelers

Several sealings and cylinder seals document the continued existence of the traditional "battle wagon" (figs. 24-25).1 This material derives from Anatolia, where many seatings in the same distinct style have been excavated in level II of the ~Assyrian merchant colony (the Karum) at Killtepe (usually dated to the later zoth and roth centuries B.C.).2 . . Box. Wagons have the characteristic high front, topped by a handrail depressed III the centre. They commonly carry a singl e occupant on a seat placed at th e re.ar. Rider and seat are shown entirely above what at first sight appears to be a thick flooring but which may represent rather a solid or open siding supported by numer~ous vertical struts, as documented on wagons of the previous period (d. p. 37f.; jigs. 3, 14, IS)· . Axles. There is no reason to suppose that these differ ed from the axles of earlier "battle cars" (d. p. 38). Wheels. Some of the glyptic material documents the presence of both the cross-bar .wheel (fig. 24), already attested once in the previous period (d. p. 40 ; jig. 21), and of a new type of wheel with four spokes (fig. 25). Other scenes show garbled attempts to render what may be either of these whe els. The use of spoked wheels Only one is well provenanced: OzgiiC;, N . 1965, no. 9 (Kiiltepe, Karum II) . Others: Littauer and Crouwel I 977b, pI. X: a (our fig. 24; also Frankfort I93 9a, pI. XL : n; former~y. de Clercq no . 28 4) ; Porada 1948, no . 893 (our fig . 25) ; Frankfort I93 9a, pI. XL: m (the o~vnal is eal of this impression in Smith, S. 1928, pI. VII : b) ; von der Osten 1934, no s. 2-2, 28 4 ; ::'1Oches 19 08, pI. XVII : 7-12; Tosun 1965, pI. X: 18-19. One impression on tablet was found 10 later cont ext at Nuzi in eastern Mesopotamia, Porada 1947, no . 977· 2 For this style, esp . Ozgiic;, N . 19 65. 1

49

Two-wheelers Straddle car

This traditional vehicle is documented by a single, incomplete metal model from Susa.! It has a high front of peculiar construction, compos ed of two dissimilar elements, and carries a single, seated occupant. His feet rest on treads just in front of the axle, and there is a high support at his back. Axle. Presumably like that of earlier straddle cars. Wheels . Not preserved on model. Draught pole. Although also missing, this was probably of the high, arched type associated with the majority ofstraddle cars in the 3rd millennium B.C. (d. pp . 22, 39; jigs. 8, 17, r Sa-b) since the pole casing, being imm ediately on top of the axle, would have been too low for the pole to have run out horizontally as did th e rais ed pole, for instance, of the copper model from Tell Agrab. Platform car

This other traditional two-wheeler continues to be documented by t erra-cotta models." All of these have the small platform, affording room for only a single person, and the characteristic high front. Side screens are lacking, as they often were on earlier mod els (d. p. 40; jig. zoa-b) . Th e t erra-cottas, including the manyprimarily from l\Iesopotamia-with representations of a religious nature moulded on 3 Mellink I 97Ia, 165; Littauer and Crouwel I973a, 122, n . 88 (inform ation from Mrs. OzgiiC;, Jetter June 17, 1971; also p ers onal examination, Sept. 1971). 4 Good ills. in Contenau 1931, figs. 609-610 ; Amiet 1966, fig. 238 (in letter of Sept. 14, 1976 he dated mod el t o 17th cent. B .C.). 6 Also unprovenanced metal models from Iran of this p eriod or later, Schl ossman 1968, no. 34 ; Calmeyer 1972, no . II. Metal model, formerly colI. Brockelschen (Calmeyer I964a; no. I I Christie's, London. Sale Cat., April 30, 1975 . lot 244) is pastiche or fake according to Moorey (letter Nov. 12, 1976).

50

EARLIER SECOND MILLENNIUM B.C .

EARLIER SECOND MILLENNIUM B.C.

& the inside face of their front screens, ha ve a seat at the rear, behind which the floor often projects." A few examples from Syria have a high back support (fig. 26).7

~

of another Anatolian seal (fig. 29),12 on a terra-cotta from Uruk (fig. 3 0 ),13 and on numerous Syrian cylinder seals and one sealing dating to the r Sth-ryth centuries B.C.14 In considering these documents, we must remember that their small scale, the varying degrees of accuracy and artistic liberty that they display, and the fact that they are two-dimension al necessarily limit the amount of information to .be derived from them. The picture is further complicated by the fact that this is obviously a period of innovation and experiment in carriage making and, as such, full of variety. Box. The Anatolian sealings (figs. 28, 29) illustrate a low open railing at front and rear. At first sight this suggests th at the vehicles were still mounted from the side, as mu st have been many of the two-wheelers of the precedin g p eriod. A different kind of superstructure, however , with a railing exte ndi ng along front and sides but leaving the back open for quick mounting is suggested by what may be the indication of a horizontal side rail, interrupted by the body of the single driver. Since he is a deity, the artist may have been reluctant to allow the rail to cut across his bod y. Th e likelihood that we have here a railing extending along the front and sides is strengt he ned by a t erra-cotta from Uruk (fig. 30) which is contemporary or slightly later. Here, a similar open railing is allowed to rise waist-high and cut across the body of the single rider. H e is shown with one foot on the pole, his leg apparently passing under the railing: Thi s stance, which would h elp to keep the weight ah ead of the axle if the latter were centrally locat ed, would also put the rider in a better position to counter the shock of a sudden stop.P Although Anatolia provides the earliest firmly dated evidence for the spoked wheel, it is on Syrian cylinder seal s that we can most clearly follow th e de velopment of the true chariot out of th e platform car. A sealing (fig. 31) of th e rath year of Hammurabi of Babylon (1779 B.C. by the Middle Chr onology) shows a modified platform car with a traditionally shaped but lowered front , very low side screens that seem to cover the feet of the single rider, and a floor projecting behind a seat

One Syrian model is provided with an arched tilt: 8 Axle. The terra-cottas, as usual, shed no light on this. Wheels. As before, most terra-cotta wheels show plain disks with raised naves, but may perhaps be summary renderings of more complicated construction." Draught pole. The model s, as befor e. shed no light on the type or attachment of the pole. Other two-wheelers

,

A bovid-drawn two-wheeler , a part of which is seen on a sherd of a relief vase from Bogazk6y (dated to the 17th-16th century B .C. ; fig. 27) is of sp ecial interest .J" Its entirely open platform, tilting upwards towards the front, suggests the A-frame cart (q.v.) materially attested in the followin g period in Transcaucasia. Th e axle is central, and the wheel appears to be a variant of the cross-bar type (d. pp. 40, 48; figs. 21, 24)

~j

I

51

~.:.~

#._-

~

Chariot Side by side with these two-wheelers , 't here begins to appear a new type, which may be call ed the true chariot. While it seems to have developed from the platform ca r, it lacks the usual high front, as well as the seat t ypical of the latter. It has , spoked wheels, is drawn by horses, and carries on e or more occupants. Various two-wheelers, contributing diff erent elements t o the eventual chariot, are illustrated on an Anatolian sealing from Karum level II at Ktiltepe (fig. 28),11 on impressions

6 Many ills . in van Buren 1930; Opificius 1961 ; Barrelet 1968 (d. esp . fig. 16, a mould of • high front screen, for which also Littauer and Crouwel 1973 a , II3f.). Others, a .o . Cumont 1926, pI. LXXVIII : 1-2 (Dura Europos) ; R eade 1973 .171 with pl . LXX : d (without moulded fr ont; Tell Taya, level III). 7 Ingholt 1940, 57 with pl . XVII: I (our fig. 26 ; t omb a t Mourek); Fugmann 1958, esp. fig . 139 : no. 5A 60 2 (H ama, level H ) ; als o Littauer and Crouwel 1974 , 25. 30. 8 Baramki 1967, pI. II; for tilt cart models, Littauer and Crouwel 1974, zeff.. 29ff . 8 Cf. also Moorey 1968, 43 2. ~ 10 Bittel 197oa, with fig. I and pI. I; also Littauer a nd Crouwel 1977b, 100f. 11 Ozgiit;. N . 1965 . no. 24 : a- b : type of veh icl e not clear on another sealing of same prov o (no . 51), and on unprovenanced boot-shaped t erra-cotta vessel of this time from Anatolia, a. o. Azarpay 1964 . 69 with fig. 9.

1 2 T~ese imp ressions occ ur on three t ablets: unpu blished t ablet in New York (ou r f ig . 29) ; t ablet III L ondon (BM I 13583A , d . Garelli and Collon 1975. pI. 53 : no. 46) ; tablet in Paris (Louvre AO 839 6, d. Amiet 1969. zf. with figs. 1-2). 13 Ziegler 1962 , no. 289 (Isin-Larsa or Old Babylonian date) . H For style and dating, Buchanan 1971, 16 (also 1966 , 165ff ., where still call ed " Old Syrian" ) ; Porada 1970 a, 13, Both sc hola rs ha ve discussed d ating of Syrian and ot he r chariot seals with us . 15 Same pose appears in Egyptian art of later z nd mill. B.C. H er e leg of the driver, alwa ys pharaoh, passes over fr ont railing, d . Littauer 1968b , 150ff. 'wit h pI. 62 (mo t if returns again later, on Attic Bla ck -figured vases ).

/

EARLIER SECOND MILLENNIUM B.C.

~

•

~

, v

•

with low "arms'U" The wheel is four-spoked and the draught team presumably consists of a pair of horses (d. p. 57), harnessed and controlled in a new manner. A seal (fig. 32) shows another transitional vehicle, with modified traditional front screen, very low side screens or none, and seat at rear." While it has spoked wheels and seems to be drawn by horses, the high, arching and banded pole and the apparently archaic harnessing, without indication of yoke saddles (d. p. 60), point to its . connection with the preceding period. With improved directional control (d. p. 6r) and the consequent possibility of making rapid turns, the low side screens (or absence of them) on the traditional platform car would become inadequate-particularly when a second crew member was added. The seals in figures 33-34 illustrate two different answers to this problem, which may already be called "chariots." Figure 33 shows a chariot of apparently rectangular floor plan, with hip-high screens of equal height and probably extending around front and sides, leaving the rear open to permit quick mounting." It carries a crew of two, depicted as standing one close behind the other, but probably actually standing abreast, as did the crews of many later chariots shown in this convention or in modifications of it. This is, in fact, our first evidence for a two-wheeler made to carry two people. The rapid turns permitted by the improved method of control would require increased lateral stability, which would be achieved by lengthening the wheel base. The consequently lengthened axle would, in turn, permit a wider box, with room for two people abreast. Figure 34 shows a chariot with an open, hoop-like railing with centre vertical.P This may stand for the curved open rail or fenestrated screening, extending across the front and along the sides and sloping towards the rear that is attested on chariots of the later znd millennium B.C . with a D-shaped floor plan. The floor here, too, seems to have been wide enough to p ermit a second person to stand beside the driver and, indeed, on this seal and on another example showing the same type of vehicle, we see him in the act of mounting.w Figulla 1967, pI. 14 : no. 22 ; Buchanan 1971 , I4ff. v....ith pI. II : c. 17 Porada 1948, no . 971; d. als o " t ra ns it ion al" vehicle. von der Osten 1934, no. 341. 18 Von der Osten 1934. no . 343 . 19 Delaporte 1910, no. 480. 20 Ward 1910, 312f. with fig. 981 (also Amiet 1969, 6 with n . 16). Although the mounting man on these seals has a weapon in his raised hands, it would be inconsistent with such scenes as depicted throughout Antiquity, for a charioteer to be attacked by a foot soldier, let alone from the rear, ex cept when in general battle scene. The charioteer here too appears unarmed and unapprehensive. Same theme appears on seal of the later and mill. B.C . from Alalakh, d . Woolley 1955.263: no. 44 with pI. LXII (photograph supplied by D. Collon) . 18

J

EARLIER SECOND MILLENNIUM B.C.

53

Other Syrian seals show boxes similar to that in figure 33, or what appear to be variations of it. 21 One of these (fig. 35),22 with solid sides and rolled top edges, may have been of basketry, a light, resilient material of which there is evidence again at a later date, and which has in fact been used until recently in coach work. Axle. The axle was undoubtedly fixed, since spoked wheels require a nave (q.v.), and a nave usually means a revolving wheel. On most seal representations the axle is shown as placed centrally beneath the floor, but whether this is realistic or a convention of the seal-cutter it is impossible to tell. The wheel might have been centered beneath the chariot in order to make a more compact composition, or for economy of space, the latter reason also possibly applying to the Uruk terra-cotta.P Axle positions on chariots on figured documents have often been read as realistic either for dating an object or for tracing the development of draught. An axle: however, is a fulcrum and, to people who for millennia had used the simple lever, it would have presented no mystery.w A central axl e, for instance, is typical of carts that carry a stable load, either of goods or of seated passengers. If properly balanced, the minimum of weight is born by the draught animals and the load may be shifted to advantage for uphill or downhill going. On the other hand, an unstable load, such as standing occupants switching their weight rapidly in fighting or even in hunting would make a central axle impractical, as would fast movement over rough terrain, or rapid turns. As the load or the angle of the ground shifted, the vehicle would rock backwards and forwards, suffering stress, straining the draught system and disturbing or bruising the animals; and, in swift turning, centrifugal force would act on any object or person behind the axle. Therefore, if the representations of this period are realistic, the axle position would imply a restricted use of the chariot. If, on the other hand, the chariot played the active role suggested by some of the Syrian glyptic material, the central axle position is likely to have been inaccurate. While there is no direct documentation at this time of axle length, one may sup21 S.irnilar: Buchanan 1966, nos. 892, 893; 1971, IS with pI. II: d and e (also Smith 1939-4 0 • 29ffwlthpI. IX : a); Speleers 1917, no. 489; Woolley 1955 ,266: no . 136 with pI. LXVI (from a dump at Alalakh; photograph supplied by D . Collen} . 2 2 Buchanan 1966, no. 8.94 (our fig . 35) . Similar: Amiet 1969. 4f. with fig. 4 (formerly de Clercq no . 287). and 5 WIth fig. 5 and 6 (also Delaporte 1910, no. 479). Boxes of uncertain type: Buchanan 1966, no. 895 ; Amiet 1969. 3f. , with fig. 3. and 7 with fig. 9 (ourfig. 3 6). 23 In la~er znd mill. B.C. the first places where rear axles consistently appear are on Egyptian walls, which offered plenty of space, while contemporary Egyptian scarabs and ostraca with limited field may show similar chariots with central axles . U For general discussion of axle positions, Paterson 1915. lOS£.; Powell 1963. 15 Sf f. ; Littauer 1972. 1541.

EARLIER SECO ND MILLENNIUM B.C.

EARLIER SECOND MILLENNIUM B.C.

pose that it was increased to me et. new c~ndition~. The ~pparentl.Y improved ~~ec­ tional control, which permitted rapid turmng, required an increase m lateral stability, and it seems likely that the very wide wheel base, with its correspondingly long axle, which is materially attested later in the millennium, was already present by some time earlier in the millennium. Wheels . The Anatolian sealings, the Uruk terra-cotta and most of the Syrian glyptic show four-spoked wheels. Sinc e a few exceptions show more (six, eight and once, apparently, nine (fig. 36),25 we may wonder whether the number ~ways reflects reality, or whether the seal cutter did not often reduce them for h~s convenience. Actual wheels with four spokes (as well as with six) , however, are indeed attested from Egypt in the later part of the millennium. IO and 12 spokes are docum ented in the central Urals area,26 and 28 in Transcaucasia (d. p. 79) already by the middle of the millennium or later, so that a wide range of spoke numbers are . also materially documented. Nave construction is not clea r on figured documents, although two alternatives seem possible: the composite nave found in Egypt in the later znd mill ennium,. of which the spokes themselves form integral parts (d. p . 79), or the barrel nave With sockets for the spoke ends. The numerous spokes of the wh eels from the Urals and Transcaucasia would have required the latter construction, sinc e the other type could not accomodate such a number. On a few seals the spokes appear to widen or splay as they approach the f.elloe (fig. 33),27 This is probably to b e interpreted as ~vedges or s~ruts plac ed ~n :lth~r side of the spoke wh ere it me ets the felloe, a practice attested into later antIqUl~y in the Aegean. This strengthens the junction and distributes the pressure more Widely on the felloe. 28 The wheels of chariots on a few other Syrian seals seem to differ in having short, shaped spokes, thickening near the felloe (fig. 35).29 These do not sugg:st bracing, but rather a decorative purpose, since the artists apparently took pams even on such small obj ects to show this widening as separated from the felloe. This feature

distinguishes these wheels from contemporary or lat er ones in the Near East of which we have knowledge, but are curiously reminiscent of some actual Late-Bronze-Age (early rst mill ennium B.C.) wheels in western Europe." The latter were made by casting in one piece of bronze the hollow nave, the hollow, tubular spokes, and a felloe deeply channelled in its outer face to receive a wooden tyre. The bronze element was 0.50 m. or under in diameter, and the wooden tyre extended beyond the groove in which it was seated for an unknown distance. The spokes were often cast with raised ridges encircling them, and the general appearance and proportions remind one of the wh eels just discussed on Syrian seals. Judging from other objects, such an achievement would not have been b eyond the abilities of bronze casters of the period.sDraught pole. The poles of the two-wheelers on Anatolian sealings are shown as running straight out from floor level without bending upwards, but whether this is r ealistic or for the convenience of the seal-cutter it is impossible to tell (figs. 27-28 ; d . also fig. 34). The pole on most Syrian cylinder seals is shown as curving slightly upward ju st in front of the chariot box b efore running forward to the yoke (fig s. 33, 35-36). Its modified double curve (probably produced by h eat bending) may be seen as perhaps a development out of the old high, arched pol e (apparently still shown in f ig. 32). It is less drastically bent than the old pole and its lower pull is more efficient . Because of its shallow double curve, it appears already to approach in form the poles of later znd millennium chariots. It probably ran all the way under the floor, as the pol es of earli er platform cars seem to have done, and as those of later znd millennium chariots certainly did. This curve was necessary to compensate for the difference between the height of the pol e where it was set directly over the axle and under the floor, and its height at the yoke , chariot floors being kept as low as possible in order to keep the centre of gravity low and to facilitate mounting. Some Syrian seals seem to show a breastwork brace and/or pol e support dropping from the top of the scree n to the pole a short distance in front of the box (figs. 33, 34). This essential element may have been of leather or of wood, since it is attested in both materials in the following period."

54

Six spokes : Speleers 1917, no . 487: Eight sp ?kes: Bu chanan 1966, no. 895; 'Wa rd 19 10, fig . 981. Nine (?) spok es : Amiet 1969, fig . 9 (our fig, 36) ~ . 26 Piggott 1975 (ten sp okes ; diam . wheels 0.90-1 m. }; Kovalevskaya 1975, 3 8 (t welve spokes), Gening and Ashichmina 1975 · .. .. 27 Same feature can be ob served on cas t- me tal, four-spoked wh eels of Acemhuyuk model, supra n . 3. 28 Cf. Littauer 1972 , 155. 29 Also Amiet 1969, figs. 4 and 5·

r

~, .

;.--

7"

55

25

30 Cf. K ossack 1971, 147 with n. 14 and fig. 30: 1-2; Dechelette 1910, 290ff, with figs. IIlr r rbis. 31 Cf. a .o. a wagon mo del, cas t in one pi ece, probably from Anatolia a nd dating to the later 3rd m illennium , su pra p. 38, n. 3. Con centric circles of felloes on our f ig. 35 may conceivably indicate tyres, whether wheels were of bronz e or wood ; they als o appear on a seal where there is nothing unusual about the four spokes, Delaporte 1910, no. 479. 32 Cf. Paterson 1915, 108f.

5

EARLIER SECOND MILLENNIUM B.C.

EARLIER SECOND MILLENNIUM B.C.

DRAUGHT ANIMALS

size. While both these animals would be small by today's western standards (a height of 1.47 m. at the withers is the official limit in the "large pony" category), they are rather big by ancient criteria (d. p. 82). Skulls and leg bones of seven 6-to-8-year-old male asses, standing ca 1.12 m.1.22 m., were also buried at Osmankayasi.w Several burials of complete ass skeletons standing something under 1.20 m. at the withers were also found at Tell el-Dab'a which produced the evidence for horse cited above.w ' Assfhorse hybrids ("mules") have been tentatively identified among bone refuse from Korucutepe in eastern Anatolia; this seems quite likely, since both horse and ass were present.v

Bovids

Bovid draught is rarely depicted (fig. 27),33 but documented in texts (d. p. 64). Equids Osteological evidence

True hors e is now firmly documented in several parts of the Near East, including northwest, central and eastern Anatolia and southwest Iran. 34 Details are furnished by the remains of a single, fragmentary skeleton found among numerous other animal offerings in a cemetery as Osmankayasi near Bogazkoy (dated to the 17th/ rfith cent. B.C.). This was a mature stallion of rather slender, "oriental" type, standing ca 1.40-1.45 m. at the withers.i" Of great importance is a horse skeleton from Buhen in Nubia, deposited on the brick pavement of a rampart of the Middle-Kingdom fortress destroyed ca 16801640 B.C. A healthy male (possibly a gelding), ca 19 years old, it stood ca 1.50 m. at the withers. It has been suggested that the wear on one tooth was caused by a bit, indicating driving or riding use.36 Other evidence from Egypt consists of two horse teeth from Tell el-Dab'a in the eastern Delta, which was probably an Asiatic community, in a context dated to ca 1650-1600 B.C.37 Equus caballus is not native to Egypt and is generally considered to have been introduced from southwest Asia via the Levant;" The Buhen horse is describ ed as resembling the Osmankayasi animal in type and 33 Divine driver and his team may here well be Weather God and his sac red bulls, known from later Hittite texts, d. p. 74, n . 9. The bulls may be represented during Old Hittite K ingdom by pair of terra-cotta rhyta fr om Bogazko y in form of bovids wearin~ nose rings and lines, d. Bittel 1970 a, 72f.; 1970b, 72f. with pls , 15-16. 3( Cf. Blegen 1953, 10 (in all strata of Troy VI but not before, horses of "oriental" type, according to Gejvall 1946); Boessneck and von den Driesch 1975, 27, 29ff. with table 4 (Korucutepe in E. Anatolia, level H) . Nearby Norsuntepe has produced earlier horse bones, supra pp. 25, 41 ; Zarins 1976, 192f. (F arukhabad in S.W. Iran; remains of three-year-old mal e of r Sth17th cent. B.C., according to forthcoming report by P . Redding) . 36 Herre and Rohrs 1958, 63ff. Original measurements (ca 1.50 m. at withers) correct ed by Boessneck 1970, 47. For cemetery and its chronology, B ittel 1958, Iff. 36 Clutton-Brock 1974. For dating, also Emery 1960, 8f. and esp. Smith 1976, Soff , (also letter of May 19, 1969). There appears to be no evidence to support New Kingdom date of horse, as suggested by Helck 1971, 102 with n . 56, and Bietak 1968 , 92 . 37 Boessneck 1976, 25 (from levels E/2 and E/l); for site d . B ietak 1968; 1970. 38 So a .o. Clutton-Brock 1974 , 89 ; Powell 1971, II. This is also apparent from t erms used later by Egyptians to denote horse, a.o. Donner 1955; Decker 1971, 123 with n . 799 .

_.'-: . .: ~ -,

57

Representational evidence

Equids are represented in various media. It is often impossible to identify with certainty the kind intended, as, for instance, that of animals pulling four- and two-wheelers in Anatolian glyptics. Of the wagon teams it may only be said that they do not seem to be horses. One of the sealings showing two-wheelers (fig. 28), where the animals have been called "boars" may in fact represent an effort to depict an animal unfamiliar to th e artist and to distinguish it from previously depicted equids.w The carvers of Syrian seals certainly seem to emphasize caballine characteristics-small ears on short heads with bulbous foreheads, long necks and highheld (and docked?) tails-on their rather peculiar-looking animals to distinguish them as horses rather than asses or hemiones.v' Horse is more realistically depicted in the case of some of the ridden animals on terra-cotta plaques. (d. p. 66; fig. 37) . Terra-cotta vase attachments in the form of equine figurines from Anatolia (including Kiiltepe, Karum II and Ib) may suggest horses; more explicit are the figurines 39 H erre a~? Rohr~ 1958, 64ff ., 71. ~o zool ogi cal rep orts exist on most of skulls and leg bones of ~acnfIed equids from several Middle Bronze tombs in P alestine, d. esp. Stiebing 197 1, I 14ff.; Bietak 1968, 90ff. Exceptions are remains from Jericho, very tentatively identified as " onager " , d. Grosvenor Ellis 1960, 535f. (t omb J 3). (0 Boessneck 1976, 19, 2 Iff. Such burials, possibly of similar date, also at Inchas, another site in Delta, d. Bietak 1968, 108. n Boessneck and von den Driesch 1975, 27f., 35ff. with table 5 (level H): mule and ass ; for horse, supra n. 34. (2 Ozguc, N. 1965, 67ff. An ass may be intended on a mould fr om Karum Ib, ibid., pI. XXXIII :106 . 43 Cf. Littauer 1971, 25 with n. 9 . On e of these seals appears t o illustrate lions, d . Delaporte 19 10, no . 479 (also Amiet 1969, 5).

EARLIER SECOND MILLENNIUM B.C.

decorating two metal terrets, also from Anatolia, which may b e of this time or of the later 3rd millennium B.C.« Textual evidence Equids, including the horse, are frequently mentioned in cuneiform docurr:ents. The terms used, in Sumerograms or in syllabic writing, pos e fewer problems of I~ter­ pretation than before, due to the ample lexical material now available. Horse. The term most frequently denoting this animal is the Sumerogram AN~~. KUR .RA, occurring in Isin-Larsa and Old-Babylonian texts from MesopotamIa and Elam Old-Babylonian documents from Syria (Mari, Chagar Bazar and Alalakh), and in aid-Hittite ones from Bogazkoy. This term, which may be literally translated as "equid (or ass?) from the mountains/foreign lands" and is first used in a single text of the much earlier Jamdat Nasr period, must originally have referr~d to an equid unfamiliar to the Sumerians, quite possibly from the Zagros mountain area to the east." The various texts in which it now occurs amply attest the pre sence of domestic horse at this time. They include several categories: literary wor~s, such as hymns (including the Shulgi A hymn), and animal proverbs, many of w~ch ' may have antecedents in the preceding period; 46 practical t exts on care and feeding, and "diplomatic" correspondence, particularly to do with the exchange of horses and their role as valued gifts among royalty." The texts yield som e information on the prices of animals, their c~at colours (white being apparently particularly desirable) and on the pers?nnel taking car e of them.v Harsamna, a site somewhere in southeastern Anatolia, .appears to have 6 U For terra-cottas, Ozgi.i~. T. 1959, I04£' with pl . XXXIII: 1-2 (Karum I~); O~gli~, N. 19 5, 68, 86 with pls. XXXIII: 102 and XXXV (K arum II); Alkim 1968, 277 :vlth fig . 83 (K arum II ; rim attachments) . Also material from Alishar, von der Os~en 10 37, fl.g. 162, ~os. d29~6, c888, fig . 235 : no. C216, and fig . 157: no . d18 96 (fr~gment of relief vessel, Iik e our f ig. 27, with he ads of pair of equids wearing he adstalls). Equine v ase attachments als o at Troy, Bl egen 1953 . 75£. with fig. 332. For m etal t errets, Rostovtzeff 193 1, 4 8f£. with pl s. XX-XXI : Calmeyer 19 64, 74 , nos. a-b, and 76 ; for dating, also Orthmann 1967, 4 2f.; Moore~. letter Nov. 20, 1976. 61. '6 For interpretati on, a .o. Zarins 1976. 358 , 373f. ; Salon en 1956, 18f.. Kammenhuber 19

u ) I H ' I For reference in Shulgi hymn A, Falkenstein 1952, 77 (comments on I~e 17 ; a so eimpe 1968, 275 ff . (text 32.2) ; Kramer in A NET Suppl . 584-5 86 (?,ansl.). F or animal proverbs. mfra nn. 76 , 84. For other literary t exts, H eimpel 1968, 275 ff .; Zarins 1976,.4~6. 17 These texts have been dis cussed by Salonen 1956. F or Old HIttite d ocs. , Ka~menhuber 19 6 1, 27 ff. Absence of horse from Cod e of Hammurabi remains an enigma, d. Meek m A NET, 163f£. (transl.; ass mentioned in pars. 224- 225 , 244) ' '8 Weidner 195 2 (colours); Gadd 1940, 33 (grooms and trainer in Chagar Bazar, tablets 94 6 and 968). 10£. U

EARLIER SECOND MILLENNIUM B.C.

59

been a noted source of horses. The animals were associated with urban communities-particularly under palace administration-but not exclusively, as is indicated by documents from Marl which refer io the Haneans, a pastoral people, as using horses." In some literary texts of Isin-Larsa date, but quite possibly of earlier origin, we find the term AN~E. ZI. ZI , which is also documented in the later 3rd millennium B.C . At least in the Shulgi A hymn it denotes horse, being a synonym for AN~E . KUR.RA.50 Old Assyrian texts from the merchant colonies in Anatolia use the syllabic sisum, written there si-sl-e, as an equivalent for AN~E. KUR.RA.51 In these documents the horse is usually associated with some official. While there is no explicit reference to its use in draught, the mention of transport of metal by horse would suggest draught or-more likely-pack; a similar use of AN~E.KUR.RA. is suggested in a text, from Rimaah in northern Mesopotamia.P Other equids. Equids other than horses are also denoted by Sumerograms or in syllabic writing. There is t extual evidence that both ass and hybrids-the latter being now presumably horse/ass crosses-were used to pull two-wheelers-probably carts, since the lighter and more elegant chariots would , as horses became more plentiful, have been horse-drawn. Asses and hybrids are ridden too (d. p. 66). Ass, undoubtedly also used in agriculture, appears to have been primarily a pack animal and, in this capacity, to have played a central role in the caravan trade.P

'9 F or location of Harsamna, a .o. Balkan 1957, 57. For H aneans, a.o. Kupper 1957, 37; Gelb 1961. 36f. ; Klengel 1972 , 49ff. 60 Civil 1966 , 121f. ; H eimpel 1968, 278f£. ; Zarins 1976, 357. 51 For these t exts, Salonen 1956, 13, 22; Kammenhuber 1961, 13. The word appears to be for eign in Semitic but its prop osed Indo-European origin (d. Goetz e 1962, 34f.) is not generally accep te d, d . Mayrhofer 1966, 27 with n . 4; 1967, 269f .; Kammenhuber 1961.13. n. 45 . 6 2 Lewy 1950, 396, n . ISO; Karnmenhuber 1961, 13. Dalley in Dalley, Walker and Hawkins 1976, t ext 85 (Rimaah, Old B abylonian). Cf. als o refs. to AN~E.KUR.KUR.RA as pack a nimal in epos "Enrnerkar a nd the Lord of Aratta", lin es 127 and 200; Kramer's translation (1952, 19) "mountain ass es" was supported by Salonen (1965, 19f.) on assumption that horses would not be us ed as pack animals . Howev er, "horse". already suggested by Sollberger (1952-53, 326). ca nnot b e exclude d in vi ew of Old Assyrian m aterial and new text from Rimaah; cf. also Coh en 1973 , 192. 63 F or ass , CAD 7, III S.V. i msr u ; AHw 375, s.v .; Salonen 1956, 56ff . F or caravan trade as do cumented p articul arly by Old Assyrian texts, esp . L arsen 1967; Veenhof 1972; also a.o. Albright 1961 (other areas ). F or hybrids, CAD 3. 64 s.v. damdammu ("mule") ; AHw 157. s.v., also 498£., s.v. kudanu(m); Salonen 1956, 73f£. Herniones are mentioned in literary texts, d. Salonen 1956, 45; Heimpel 1968, 269ff.; Zarins 1976, 470ff.

60

EARLIER SECOND MILLENNIUM B.C. HARNESSING

Draught continued to be by pole and yoke. The shape of a yoke is illustrated very cursorily on only one document, an Anatolian sealing of a two-wheeler, where it appears as a straight bar across the pole end, in what may be a schematized rendering (Jig. 28). The Syrian sealing and most cylinder seals with modified platform cars or chariots illustrate rods with curved ends rising, usually in pairs, over the yoke area above the animals' necks (Jigs. 31,35). In some cases, they seem to be bound with cords or tapes, the ends of which stream backwards in the breeze. They may perhaps be interpreted as (exaggeratedly long) finials of yoke saddles (q.V.),M a means of adapting the yoke to equine anatomy that is well documented in the later znd millennium B.C. (d. p. 85). The scale of the seals precludes much detail, but one seal appears to show a vertical line on the animal's side in the area just behind the shoulder (fig. 33). This may well be the backing element (q.v.) that we shall find attested in the later znd millennium B.C. (d. p. 86). The draught teams of the Anatolian wagons are composed of four animals (figs . 2'4-25) and those of the two-wheelers illustrated in Anatolian and Syrian glyptic usually of two. 56 CONTROL

The Anatolian teams of the beginning of the millennium were still controlled by lines and nose rings, as is documented by seals and sealings (figs. 24-25, 28-29). A drawing on an r Sth century B.C. potsherd from Haftavan Tepe in Iranian Azerbaijan shows a yoked equid team. 66 There appear to be two pairs of reins, and the area in which they cross the pole suggests a redistributing terret (q.v.) here, i.e. one that sorts out right and left reins, but its location is much too far forward to be realistic. Our only other possible evidence for such a thing consists of two actual metal terret rings from Anatolia that may belong either to this period or to the preceding one. 57 64 Interpretation independently suggested by Amiet 1969 , 3. Tall bronze yoke saddle finials were found in Shang-period tombs in China, von Dewall 1964, pl. 7 : 1-2. 66 From amounts of feed designed for "teams" in some texts from Chagar Bazar, it may be inferred that these here consisted of three animals; since there is no evidence for a triga at this time, these may represent teams of two harnessed horses and a reserve one, d. Gadd 1940, 31; Salonen 1956, 22; Zarins 1956, 438, n. 2, 486. 66 Burney 1975, 161 with pl. III: d (level VIB). 67 Supra n . 44. Though related, these differ somewhat in form from terrets that definitely belong to 3rd mill. B .C., d. p . 30.

EARLIER SECOND MILLENNIUM B.C.

6r

A more r:fined meth?d of control is illustrated on the Syrian sealing (fig. 3 1 ) and several ~ynan seals (ftgs. 33-34, 36). Here the four lines going from the driver's hands directly to the heads of the two draught animals, without passing through tez:rets" must be called "reins" (q.v.). Pairs of reins, attached to either side of each animal s head, would hav~ given. the driver not only braking power, but directional control,. thereby greatly mcreasmg the manoeuvrability, hence the usefulness of the vehicle. The seals are t~o s~~ in scale to shed light on the type of headstall, but several terra-cotta equid fIgunnes-often incomplete-may be able to do so. Examples from Anatolia. and. Syria ~ust~ate a noseband (q.v.) held in place by cheekstraps (q.v.), sometimes m combination with a browband (q.v.) and a throatlash (q.V.).58 It cannot, however, be excluded that these terra-cottas are intended to represent strap muzzles accompanying nose rings-the latter impossible for the co:oplast to reproduce (d. p. 44; fig. 22). In the later znd millennium B.C. we have evidence that draught te~ms wer~ m~naged by reins attached either to a nosebandj cavesson (q.v.) or to a ?It. At .thlS time the first method perhaps may be deduced from the p.resence of reins depicted on Syrian seals and nosebands shown on terracottas, .whil~ th~ ~econd method is suggested only by evidence from outside our area. BIts Wlt~ rigid cheekpieces and soft mouthpieces are documented north of the Caucasus considerably before this time,69 and a tooth of the horse found at Buh . N b' . en In u ia may possibly show wear from a bit (d. p. 56). Since there is no direct evidence for bits in our area, however, before the 15th century B.C., this suggestion should be taken with caution . USE

Four-wheelers rd As in the l~ter 3 .millennium B.C., there is no evidence to suggest that wagons played an active role ill warfare. The traditional "battle car," with high front and a seat, re~resented on Anatolian glyptic material, drawn by a team of four, is driven by a deity ~nd se.ems to ~e employed in processions. That this type of vehicle actually survived-c-i] only in cult use-is suggested by the new types of wheels68 For Anatolia, supra n. 44 (several of these figurines do not wear headstalls) For Syria esp MBallowaln 1194)7, 217f., no. I I with pl. LV; 1937, 130, nos. 22-24 with fig. 10 (~ll from Chaga; azar, eve I . 59 Pai f . arrs.o metal loops, presumably cheekpieces, some with traces of leather on them from sites of Maikop culture of later.3rd mill. B.C., d. Munchaev 1973, 7 Iff. with figs. 1-2; Kovalevskaya 1977, 22f . Antler cheekpiecs reported from the name site of Usatovo culture in Ukr . d. Hancar 1956, 72, 74. arne ,

EARLIER SECOND MILLENNIUM B.C.

EARLIER SECOND MILLENNIUM B.C.

crossbar and spoked-with which it is sometimes clearly associated (figs. 24- 2 5). The metal, spoked-wheeled model from Acemhuyuk probably also had a cultic

It is difficult to sort out truth from fiction here and to determine the actual role

62

function. Two-wheelers Straddle car The sale evidence for this traditional vehicle, the incomplete metal model from Susa that is driven by a deity, may suggest that it too survived-again possibly

in cult. Platform car This other type of two-wheeler may also have been used in cult, to judge from the numerous terra-cottas with representations of a religious nature moulded on the inner face of their high front screens. Whereas the few Syrian terra-cottas with high backs are uninformative (fig. 26), one of them, which has an arched tilt, suggests

an adaptation for travelling." . Modified platform cars, like that seen on the Syrian sealing (f~g'. 31) ay possl~ly have had a military use. This is suggested not so much by the divine driver holding four reins in one hand and a sickle sword in the other, or even by the file of unarmed marchers accompanying him, as by the human body "beneath the team's hooves."

n:

Chariots The Anatolian seatings, Uruk terra-cotta and the Syrian sealing and seals i~us­ trate, with the few exceptions noted above (d. p. 52), single drivers in the chanots. Whether this number is realistic or whether it is dictated by the difficulty of showing more than one person in scenes of such small scale, or by the seal owner's desire to figure alone, it is impossible to tell. Many of these scenes also show files of (up to five) armed or unarmed attendants on foot, and sometimes a human body "bene~th the team's hooves" (figs . 31, 33).61 These accessory motifs have been taken to mdicate a military context or "war games"-in the latter case the prone body (already · )b . " b t" 62 encountered in the earlier 3rd millennium B.C., d. p. 32; f tg·3 emg an aero a . Supra n. 8.

. . Prone bodies, sometimes including one above draught team, also III Buchanan. 1966, ~o . 893; 197 1, pI. II: d and e (also Smith 1939-40, pl . IX : d) . Prone body also associated WIth Anatolian two-wheeler in our fig. 29 · 82 Buchanan 197 1, IS£. In one case where a crobats may well be intended, they were added later to the original engraving, Buchanan 196 6, no . 89 2. 80

81

of the chariot and the significance of the accessory motifs. While the file on foot might represent infantry, they might equally represent the "running footmen" for the chariot (attested in later periods) or the beaters of a hunt, or they might simply be a "filling motif" here, as they are in other scenes with very different subjects.P The prone body almost certainly goes back to much earlier scenes, such as that on the Dr "Standard," where it indicated "victory," and it will continue into the rst millennium B.C. One Syrian seal explicitly illustrates another context in which a driver might function alone in the chariot-that of hunting (fig. 36). Here the driver is using the b~w, ~s quiver hanging at his back, while at the same time he controls his team by rems tIed around his hips. This is the first known appearance of this theme, which is to become popular in the Near East , and particularly in Egypt, in the following period-of a royal of high-ranking personnage alone in his chariot, attacking the enemy or game, usually using the bow, the reins tied around his hips. This ostentatious feat was indeed performed by Etruscan and Roman racing charioteers.54 While it might have been practical with the hunting chariot in battues where game was driven across the hunter's chosen path, it would have been both too dangerous and too uncontrolled for a head of state to have taken such a risk under the uncertainty of battle conditions.sThis seal provides the earliest evidence for the use of the bow from a wheeled vehicle, implicit also in some other Syrian seals where the single driver carries a quiver on his back (fig. 35).66 The use of a bow in warfare would be most efficient when the archer did not need to concern himself with driving, but had a charioteer. Thi~ is precisely th e practice illustrated in many battle scenes of the two following penods. Appropriate conditions might already have existed by the earlier znd millennium, with the chariots presumably wide enough to permit a second person abreast of the driver and the new low front screen not interfering with the use of the Unarmed marchers also accompany An atolian four-wheelers, supr a n. I . For Syrian and glyptic material showing them without vehicles. Porada 1947. II6ff.; Collon 1975. 140£. WIth pl. XXXIV: For later "runners", Yadin 1963, 284f. (Biblical texts and reliefs from Tell el Amarna, for which s~e also Davies, de G. 1903 , pls. Xif. ; 1905 , pls. XIIIff.); Schulman 1963. 89£.; 1964. 38f. (Egyptian army) . 64 For this motif, a.o . Littauer 1968b. lSI, n . 23. For Etruscan and Roman practices d. Bronson 1965, 97ff. 66 For battues, Littauer and Crouwel 1973c. 29ff. 66 Buchanan 1966. no . 895. Bowcase, or rather quiver, also probably in our fig. 34. 63

o~er

EARLIER SECOND MILLENNIUM B.C.

EARLIER SECOND MILLENNIUM B.C .

bow as the old high one would have done. Improved manoeuvrability (d. p. 52) would also have increased the suitability of the vehicles for warfare.67

the Old-Hittite kings , Hattusilis I (ca 1650 B.C.) and Mursilis I (ca 1600 B.C.) and that of the king of Aleppo included chariotry, and that Anittas, an Anatolian king of the earlier period of the Assyrian merchant colonies, faced an army of 1400 infantry and 40 chariots belonging to a rebellious city state." None of these texts indicates how the chariotry was used, but a hint of the latter comes from the time of Hattusilis I in reference to the Hittite siege of Urshu, a city apparently in southeastern Anatolia. To isolate it, the Hittites surrounded the city with "80 chariots and eight armies" (i.e. infantry). The sam e text refers also to the 30 chariots of a city-its name meaning "the Hurrian"-in the same region. 72 Clearly, significant numbers of chariots formed part of the armies of the time. Some other, non-Hittite, t exts document the continued use of wheeled vehicles (GISGIGIR) in cult. They include one from Mari mentioning horse- and "mule"drawn vehicles as taking part in a religious festival in Ashur, and a hymn of King Ishme-Dagan of the Isin-Larsa period. The latter describes an equid-drawn vehicle belonging to a deity, recalling the sacred vehicles referred to in texts of the 3rd millennium B.C. (ct. p . 000).73 While such t exts refer to the peaceful use of vehicles , the Old Hittite examples considered above clearly indicate the military role of horse-drawn vehicles in Anatolia and Syria. Other contemporary documents from Mesopotamia, Syria and Anatolia, add very little to this picture, apart from stressing the close association of horses and horse-drawn vehicles with royalty and pal aces."

Wheeled vehicles; textual evidence

Cuneiform documents of this period, from various parts of the Near East, including Syria and Anatolia, refer to wheeled vehicles either directly or implicitly by mentioning their draught teams.s" . The most common terms used are the Sumerogram, GISMAR.GID.DA, also written syllabically as ereqqu, and the Sumerogram, GISGIGIR usually having the syllabic equivalent narkabtu. The first t erm(s) clearly indicates vehicles for the transport of loads rather than people, their te ams being sometimes explicitly identified as bovids. Although often regarded as four-wheelers, both wagons and carts may be meant, since the number of wheels is never stated.s'' The second term(s) appears to denote vehicles intended primarily for carrying people, their draught animals being sometimes specified as equids-usually horses. 70 Horse draught and the contemporary pictorial record make the translation "chariot," often proposed, a plausible one at this time, although GISGIGIR does not by itself necessarily imply the new chariot, being alr eady used in the 3rd millennium B.C. (d. pp . 34, 45)· Chariots may well be intended in certain texts of the Hittite Old Kingdom, which refer to the use of GISGIGIR in warfare. The se t exts inform us that the armies of 87 That chariotry already pl ayed an important role in warfare in the earlier and millennium has been claimed on the basis of the glacis then appearing in Levant and of the open spaces within som e fortified areas. The glacis, however. was a defense, not against chariotry but against the battering ram, and at the same time it exposed attackers to defenders' fire , while open spaces need not have be en designed as ch ariot camps. For dis cussion. esp. Yadin 1955 . 23ff .; 1963 , 66ff.; van Seters 1967, 27ff .• 36f.; de Vaux 19 67. 494f. 88 Cf. CAD 16, 198 s.v. simittu "team"; AHw 1103. s.v, 89 Cf. CAD 4. 296f . s.v . eriqqu ; AHw 238, s .v. ereqqu (m ); Salonen 1951, zSff ; Meek in ANET, 177, p ars. 271, 272 (Code of H ammurabi) . For Mari t exts, also AR.i\lIT 15. 187, s.v. eriqqum ; Sasson 1969. 31 with n. 169. For Old Assyrian and Old Hittite texts, Kammenhuber 1961, 9, 13, 28, 30 with n . 12I. Add Dalley in Dalley. Walker and Hawkins 1976, texts 37, 137 from Rimaah. References to b agg ag e vehicles are always few in number as compared to those to pack asses . 70 Cf. AHw 747. s .v . narkabtu(m); Salonen 1951, 45f. For Old Hittite texts, Karnmenhuber 1961. 10, 28ff. (only one Old Assyrian text, p . 10; d. 10. n . 29 and 28 for other vehicle names in Old Hittite t exts, including GISbttlukannu which also appears in later Hittite t exts, infra p . 95)· For Mari texts, ARMT IS, 200. S.V. GIGIR; Sasson 1969, 31f. with n . 170 (here GISGIGIR apparently t o be read nubiilum, d. also AHw 799, s.v.) . . :"~- ... ' " ." .

RIDING Riding is well attest ed in several texts and quite a few representations. The latter include terra-cotta plaques from Mesopotamia (fig. 37), cylinder seals, a sealing from Kiiltepe (Karum level II; jig. 38) in Anatolia, a gold dagger sheath 71 H attusilis I and Mursilis I. d. Laroche 1971, nos . 5. 12, 13 ; d . Kammenhuber 1961, 28f. ; for historical contexts. esp. Otten 1966, 112ff . ; Gurney 1973. 253ff. Anittas, d . Laroche 1971, no. I; N eu 1974 (d. 35. comments on lin e 71); for historic al context, also Otten 1966. 102ff . 72 Laroche 1971, no . 7 ; d . Girterbock 1938, II3ff., esp . 133 (Rs line 26, cf. also R s lin es 5, II). F or historical context, Otten and Gurney, supra n. 71. 73 ARMT I, t ext 50; d . transl . Oppenheim 1967. t ext 55 . Civil 1968. F or deities in equiddrawn four- and two-wh eelers at this time. our f igs. 24-25. 28-29. 74 Kammenhuber 1961, 12 is incorrect in interpreting line s 75-80 of Shulgi hym n A as implying use of light, hors e-drawn vehicle; Shulgi is here simply boasting hyperbolically of swiftness of his own feet; d. also Kuhne, C. 1973. II3. n . 554 .

66

EARLIER SECOND MILLENNIUM B.C.

EARLIER SECOND MILLENNIUM B.C.

from Byblos, some crude terra-cotta figurines from Syria, as well as graffiti from Serabit el-Khadim in Sinai.P The animals shown ridden are mostly equids, although bovids and even an elephant may appear in the role of mount.?" Precise determination of the kind of equid is often problematical, but on several of the terra-cotta plaques a horse, clearly of small size, may be recognized by its short ears pricked forward, its hanging mane and full, flowing tail (fig. 37).77 Asses appear on the explicit Sinai petroglyphs. Texts also refer to ridden equids-ehiefly to asses, but occasionally to horses and a hybrid (considered to be a mule) ;" The riders are always male, often either naked or lightly clad, riding astride and bareback. On the Killtepe sealing, however, the transported figure is seated sideways, on what seems to be a rigid-framed pack saddle to which a low backrest and a footrest have been attached (fig. 38).79 He is probably a deity, and recalls the earlier or even contemporary terra-cotta figurine from Selenkahiyeh d . p. 46; (fig. 23). In the Sinai graffiti the riders-Asiatic chiefs-also wear long robes and are apparently seated sideways, their asses being led (by a line attached to a nose ring) by attendants on foot . On the rather explicit terra-cotta plaques from Mesopotamia, the rider is usually shown seated well back, sometimes with his knees sharply drawn up (as already seen on some representations of riding of the previous periodj.s" This position re-

fleets .original ri~ng on ass, mule, or possibly hemione. These animals have very low Withers, straight shoulders and a low head-and-neck carriage, so that the rider sit~ back.t~ av?id the sensation of going off over his mount's head, or even actually doing so If It tnes to toss him . Such a seat is fairly comfortable at the easy travelling gaits of the ass or mule, which are usually all that is demanded of them. Horses, however, which are clearly shown on several plaques, have more prominent withers and a higher head carriage, which permit a proper position of the rider. A rider seated on the loins or croup receives the maximum shocks of locomotion at fast gaits from the then very active hindquarters and, by his .pounding, abuses the animal's kidneys with his weight. It seems clear that other equids served as mounts before horses in the Near East and that a seat more appropriate to them was the f~st u~ed on horseback also. In several cases the animal on the plaques wears a WIde girth that seems to be of webbing (fig. 37). This may have been for the rider to hold onto in case of necessity, but we sometimes see him wedging his knees under it, which might account for the often almost horizontal position of the thigh and the lower leg drawn sharply back.s- These mounts often also wear a strap with a tassel (or bell ?) around the throat.

7~ Most material collected by Moorey 1970a (our fig. 37 = pl. XIII: a, reportedly from Larsa, S. Mesopotamia) . Ktiltepe sealing, also Ozguc, N . 1965 . no . 77. Byblos dagger, a .o. Smith, W . S. 1965, 13. 24 with fig . 16. Syrian terra-cottas, a .o. Ingholt 1940, 58 with pl. XVIII: 2; Fugmann 1958. fig . 122 : 5A 484 (Hama, level H) . Sinai graffiti, also Gardiner, Peet and Cerny 1952, pls. XXXVII, XXXIX, XLIV, LXXXV. 76 Opificius 1961, no. 633 (zebu); Legrain 1946, 33. fig . 5 (elephant) ; also Moore y 1970a, 42. Add seal from Tello (bovid), d. Parrot 1954, no. 50 (Ur III dating corrected to Isin-Larsa by Porada 1956, I48f.) . 77 Pro horse also Moorey 1970a, 38ff. (in some cases hemione may be intended); Zarins 197 6 , 3 07f. 78 Ass: d . CAD 7,113 s.v . imeru ; AHw 375 , s.v .: Salonen 1956, 56f . Add Dalley in Dalley, Walker and Hawkins 1976, text 66 from Rimaah ; also infra n. 84. Horse: Gordon 1958, 19 (written anle-kur ; animal proverb 5.38); Salonen 1956. 42 (Old Assyrian). For horse and mule riding in Mari text, infra n. 85. 79 Another sealing with same provo as well as a mould from Karum Ib illustrate a deity standing on an equid, Ozgu9 . N . 1965 , no. I and pl. XXXIII : 106. This is in fact a formal iconographic device, common at Ktiltepe and elsewhere with various animals, and not relevant to the history of riding, d . Moorey 1970a, 47; good exs .• a .o. Boehmer 1965a, nos. 1309-1311 (Akkadian seals: deity seated on chair carried by a dragon) . 80 Cf. Akkadian seal where ridden animal is trampling a foe, supra p . 46 .

..

. -.::'.:_~~ ..... ,:

Wh~re the ma~ner of control is explicit, as on several plaques, the Sinai graffiti, the Killtepe sealing and a cylinder seal of the Isin-Larsa period.w it is consistently by the old nose-ring-and-line, which had also been used for draught. In addition, on at least one plaque, the nose ring is clearly used with two lines, rather than one (fig. 37)· The rider often carries a stick, as already seen in the preceding period. 83 Representations and texts both suggest that whatever riding was practiced was g.enerall~ ~f a peaceful nature. Only once, on the dagger sheath from Byblos, is the nde~ definitely armed. In the case of the Isin-Larsa cylinder, a military contest is possibly suggested by the presence of three riders and a man on foot, who is armed with a spear and shield. On the other hand, weapons need not rule out peaceful use, as travellers may well have gone armed or had armed attendants. Although representations rarely provide more precise information on the uses of riding, certain texts from Mari refer to m essengers mounted on asses. 84 In another well-known text, the king of Mari is advised not to ride on a horse, but to ride a mule

:::.-.

81 Syste~ is :-ery similar to that used by American plains Indians in breaking ponies, Ewers 1955 . 63 WIth fig. 7. 82 Del aporte 1920, pl. 94 : 15 = Moorey 1970a, 46, no. 9. 83 Cf. Akkadian seal, supra p . 46 . 84 Cf. Salonen 1956, 222f. In one Marl text (ARMT 2, text 72, line 6) ass riders accompany envoys.

EARLIER SECOND MILLENNIUM B.C.

EARLIER SECOND MILLENNIUM B.C .

68

or to drive in a vehicle, as the first would apparently be beneath his royal dignity. Although this indicates that kings sometimes now rode horses, texts and representations suggest that the proper and usual conveyance for them was the light, horsedrawn vehicle." That their riding, when practiced, was recommended on muleback may be due to the fact that this animal is surer-footed and has smoother travelling gaits and is less apt to sweat than the horse (a northern animalj.P" This may have rendered physical contact with it unacceptable to a fastidious upper class. 'The Sinai graffiti also indicate that people of importance (perhaps chiefly among pastoralists) rode asses. Asses may also have been ridden by the Asiatics buried in late 17th-century built tombs at Tell ed Dab'a in the eastern Nile Delta, with whom asses were buried, both singly and in pairs." Despite the obvious practical advantages of riding-particularly once the horse had become common in the Near East-it took long for it to supersede the wheeled vehicle. The latter was the traditional prestige conveyance-and one susceptible of lavish decoration/" Perhaps also the traditional but unsuitable donkey seatevidently still used with horses for a long time in the Near East-may have dis couraged horseback riding. It may be significant that it is only when campaigns into the mountainous north and east apparently force Assyrian troops onto the backs of their horses and they at the same time come into contact in Transcaucasia with peoples with a tradition of horseback riding that this use of the horse in warfare becomes important (d. p. 139)· Note on origin of chariot

The material considered in this and the preceding and subsequent chaptersparticularly the figured documents-strongly suggests the possibility of a local evolution of the light, spoked-wh eeled, horse-drawn chariot in the Near East itself, in contrast to the long-held theory that this was introduced from outside in an already evolved form by Indo-European-spea ki ng steppe trib n es.89 Kupper in ARMT 6, text 76, lines 19-25; d iscussion, pp. 106ff . ; als o 1957, 35 ; Moor ey 1970a, 48f.; Zarins 197 6 , 439, 4 60. . , 88 Cf. statement "you sweat like a horse" in animal proverb on a tablet of this time, Gordon 85

1958, 18£. (no. 5·37). 87 Swpra n. 40. 88 C£. also P owell 1971, zf . 69 , 29 2££ .; 89 Pro this theory, a.o. Meyer; E. 1928, 44ff. ; Lechler 1933 ; recently Heick 19 Piggott, "Chinese chariotry, an outs ide r 's vie w" (pap er read in London, 1977; copy provided by author) . Contra, already Clarke 1941. .

::" :'"- -:.: -,

69

!he earliest wheeled vehicles (both four- and two-wheelers) of which 'we have evidence c~me from Mesopotamia. They function already on the principle of the yoke and single, central draught pole that is to dominate draught for roughly the next 2000 years and, in many areas, is to remain the only one. Some of these composi.te-disk-w?eele~ vehicles, drawn by equids, were in military use here by the earlier 3rd millennium B.C. By the 3rd quarter of the millennium, there is evidence of efforts to improve the construction of wheels . Wooden tyres-lighter and less costly than copper or bronze ones and pointing the way towards the later felloe-are n~w documented (fig'. 5). Somewhat later there appears a new type of metal tyre WIth clamps to hold It more securely than the plain metal hoops apparently illustrated earlier in the millennium (fig. 8), which might easily have work ed loose. The dimensions of an example found at Susa (fig. 19) show a large wheel (diam. 1.05 m.) of relatively thin fabric (0.03 m .), indicating increased interest in speed and lightness. What appears t o be the next step in this direction is the cross-bar wheel first atte~te~ also in thela:e~ 3rdmillennium (fig. 21), which could have be en form~d by modifymg already exist ing parts of the composite disk wheel. The cross-bar whe el itself could then be converted into a spoked wheel by changing the cross-bars to radial ones and morticing their inner ends into a separate cylindrical nave. Figured evidence of both cross-bar and spoked wheel is found in Anatolia at the : ery beginning of the znd millennium B.C. (figs. 24-25, 28-29) and the spoked wh eel IS .documented at the same time or soon after at Uruk, in southern Mesopotamia (fzg. 30), and then on r Sth-and 17th-century Syrian seals (figs. 31-36) . The wheels on some of the seals showing eight and nine spokes may indicate that they were made with a separate, cylindrical nave (fig. 36). A different wheel construc~ion, with the ~pokes forming part of the nave, which is documented materiall y only I~ later. znd-millennium B.C. Egypt, might also have existed at an early date and might first have been suggested by naturally forking wood." The number of s~okes possibl~ with such a construction would be limited, but it was correspon~ng~y econ~mlcal an~ was capable of producing a large wh eel, light and strong for Its SIze, :mmently SUIted to chariot warfare in arid regions. Some I8-I7th-century B.c. S~an seal.s may illustrate a still different (primarily metal) wh eel (fig. 35). Experim entation also appears at this time in chariot box es which, while they seem to have developed out of the old one-man platform car, show a variety of 90

Cf. Spruytte 1977, pl. 31:2,

7°

EARLIER SECOND MILLENNIUM B.C. EARLIER SECOND MILLENNIUM B.C.

forms, some of them indicating the use of bent wood to achieve lightness and strength. The pole as well oft en appears to be a modified version of the old high-arching, heat-bent pole of the previous millennium (figs. 32, 33, 3S, 36). All this experimentation would indicate a lively local development rather than introduction from outside of a fully formulated type. The earliest evidence of spoked wheels north of the Caucasus comes only from mid-znd-millennium burials of two-wheelers at Sintashta, on the eastern flanks of the central Urals. To this may now be added a decorated pot from a Timber-Grave burial near Saratov on the lower Volga.P! All that remained of the actual two wheelers was the impressions left in the soil by the lower parts of ten- or twelvespoked wheels, but the number of spokes probably indicates that they were made with a separate-not an integral-nave. Horse remains and antler ch eekpi eces, found with them, show that these vehicles were horse-drawn. The crude incision on the pot shows a two-wheeler with four-spoked wheels. Its floor plan is a wide oblong and the front rail (rendered in primitive perspective as lying over the pole) is reminiscent of the traditional high front with d epressed centre of the old "battle" and "platform cars". The one animal of its incomplete team is a bovid. , Although in central and eastern Europe bits of organic materials seem to antedate by a considerable time any type of bit known from the Near East, the earliest allmetal bits in the form er area are first attested only in the early rst millennium B.C.92 In contrast, metal bits (based indeed on the same principles as the northern organic ones and probably inspired by some acquaintance with them) appear in the Near East by the lSth century B.C. and indicate the necessity for effective control of the chariot horse in warfare there (d. p. 91). Horseback riding throws an indirect light on the early history of horse-drawn chariotry. The use of nose-ring control (stemming from driving practice in the earlier 3rd mill. B.C.) on th e mounted horse in the ea rly znd mill. B.C. in the Near East (fig. 37) and the prevalence of the "donkey seat" there even into the next millennium (d. p. 13S), seem to point to the dominance of local tradition and to horses gradually introduced. They certainly do not support the idea of an invasion from the north of a chariotry manned by a people long familiar with the horse (and certainly riding him-even if not for military purposes) and not with the ass. Sintashta burials. supra n . 26. For pot, Galkin 1977. with ill. opp. p . 129. Supra p. 25 (antler "cheekpieces", D ereivka), and p . 61 (metal " cheekpieces", Maikop culture). For organic cheekpieces in 2nd mill. Timber-Gr ave a nd Andranovo cultures of S. Russia and S:W. Siberia. (apart from those from Sintashta burials), a.o. Smirnov 1961 ; Piggott 1975. 289 . All-metal bits, Jessen 1953· 91

92

An argument often adduced in support of a northern ori in of

71 .

.

~~~:~::;:~~ ~::~in ~e~r-Eastern texts. of linguistic e.le~ents ~~~~~~~~:o~~:

t

. . f . y 0 anguages-partIcularly techrucal terms relating to th ra~rung 0 chanot horses occurring in the famous Kikkuli t ti f .. e This text itt . H' . rea rse rom Bogazkoy , wn en in ittite by a horse trainer named Kikkuli 'b 1 . ~4ft~ c edntury-som~ 400/s00 years after the spoked-wheeled hor~e_;~:s thO ~hte IS Irs t ocumented m the Near East a d ' c ana there. That the Kikkuli 1. • n . too .late to be relevant to its early history 1 I manua IS not umque IS shown b th 1 horse-training t exts of the later znd mill . . I dina er, ess well-preserved, an Assyrian one. enmum, me u g one purely Hittite and . The rathe~ few ge.nerally accepted Indo-Iranian names and words a . h ppear chieflyIf not exclusively-s-in connection with th H ' d . e urnans, w 0 seem to ha h d h th ve . a muc to o WIth the exploitation of the horse-drawn chariot 93 B t ' almost entirely from texts dating to the second half :~:ce 'lle e~de:nce comes what role these people played in the origin of the v hi I ' rm e~mum, exactly earlier, ~ittite text, describing the siege of Urshu a~e ~~::l:tv~~tam. In only one war chanots) explicitly associated with th H ' . c!es (presumably themselves (d. p. 6S). e urnans as well as WIth the Hittites

:i

dr~~:a~~:~o~het~~~: o:pppaeratrictuloabrePneoPles intthe 0hrigin o~ the spoked-wheeled, horse, a cogen

arc aeologi I li " againstys d:velopment in the Near East itself. The co~:e:~onn~~tIcar~me~ts woods Identified in the construction of rsth and r4 th t ha .some oreign Egypt (d. p. 8r) indicate an origin outside the Near -ce~ ury c a:lOts . found in woods are indeed found within its c f ' . ~ast IS not valid, since these on mes or on ItS penmeter (d. also p. 8r). Wheeled vehicles

SUMMARY

The old four-wheeled " batt le car" is onI ill . " now be mounted on cross-bar or the new: k u~tra~edl ill An~toha, ill cult scenes. It may equids, which are still controlled b lines and n w .ee s and IS dra~. by a team of four wheelers, the "platform car" is still ~ell attested ~~e~r'd~: the .~raditlOnal types of twoThis period sees the evolution and general ~doPtionr~ t~ec~e:~aErcaseltY aft all : ht o a lig ,two93 H tr . . . orse- ammg texts, infra pp 83f For re cent di Hurrian connection. esp. Kamme~hub~r 1 61 IScussl~n of Indo-Iranian elements and the and das Proble~ der (Indo-) Ari er" (pap;r r~ae~p~t6~, 1;)f£. 1968; 1977 ; als~ "D~e Hurriter 1977; copy provided by author) ; Mayrhofer 1966' 196 .XIVe. RD:ncontre Assyriologiqus, Paris 1969. 473; 1973. 4 19f. • 7, 1974. iakonov 1972; ct . also Drower,

-,

:,,~ :,~ . ' ~.

6

72

EARLIER SECOND MILLENNIUM B.C.

wheeled, horse-drawn vehicle with spoked wheels: the chariot. It appears either as a flat cart with open railing (in Anatolia and southern Mesopotamia), or (in Syria) as a gradual modication of the "platform car": disk wheels are replaced by spoked ones, the high front screen by a low one of equal height at front and sides; the seat is removed, permitting rapid access from the rear, and the high, arching pole is reduced to a lower, more mildly curving one. Evidence points to a lengthened axle, providing a wider wheel base, which increased stability and eventually permitted a crew of two to stand abreast . (an important improvement for military use). The earliest spoked wheels are mostly shown as four-spoked but, in Syria, examples of six-, eight- and even nine-spoked ones are also illustrated. It is possible that the representations of four spokes, particularly on very small surfaces such as seals, may have been a symbolic way of indicating any spoked wheel-no matter what the actual number of spokes. While the axle is usually represented as centrally located beneath the box, it is impossible to tell whether this is realistic or a convention resulting from the very small size of the figured documents (mostly seals), where such a disposition produces a neater composition and economizes space. Axle location is a simple lever-and-fulcrum problem and would not have been a great "discovery". It would be dictated by the use to which the chariot was put. Draught animals appear to have been almost exclusively horses, in teams of two under yoke. Yoke saddles (q.v.) may already be in use. In the early Anatolian material the animals are still controlled by single lines to nose rings, but in Syria we find two reins, one on each side of the horse's head, going to what must be either a cavesson (q.v.) or a bit (q.v.), although there is as yet no evidence of the latter from this area at this time. A Syrian seal provides the earliest evidence of the use of the bow from a vehicle (a chariot in a hunting scene). The chariot also plays a (possibly still limited) role in warfare, in cult and, probably, as a parade and a status vehicle. Riding Representations and texts document horses and other equids as mounts. Riding is mostly bareback and astride, often with a "donkey seat", i.e. seated far back on the animal's croup or loins. Riders seated sideways are also illustrated. Control is still by line and nose ring (in one case two lines are shown). As before, riding is probably chiefly a means of transport, there being no evidence of a military function.

CHAPTER EIGHT

LATER SECOND MILLENNIUM B.C. (ca I600-IOOO B.C.) 1 WHEELED VEHICLES

Evidence becomes extensive--especiall relatin . . much .from fi~~d documents and texts f~m the Je:~ ~::~i~~:ifT:sfcom~s not. so matenal, which mcludes not onI actual ch . .' rom gyptian anots, but detailed representations on temple and tomb walls, as well a:texts. Four-wheelers

Documentation of wagons, apart from ossibl . . . few representations, none of which Sho~s the \~:~~.al r~f:;ences, IS li~ted to a ~ona ti battl: car. Baggage wagons of the Hittites and their allies illustrated II's battle at Kadesh, are small fl t on . gyp Ian reliefs of Ramesses by pairs of oxen or mules.s a cars, mounted on sIx-spoked wheels, and drawn

Ass~ian wagons are depicted on the "White Obelisk" from N" h for dating). These short wagons have six-s ok d nuvs (d. p. 75 high cases, with just enough room for the d~ver: t w~~e!s :nd carry what look like by pairs of horses.3 a SI m rant, and they are pulled . From outside our primary area, from tombs at L c h ' ~schen m TranscaucasIa, there are remains of actual wagons both with d ith h d tri . . , an WI out tilts (q v.) Th disk wheels and were pulled by b .d k d . : " ese a tripartite OVl s yo e on either SIde of an A-pole (g.V.).4 1 In this and succeeding chapters the sections on ferently organized than hitherto W d wheeled vehicles will be somewhat dif. agons an carts and thei d h . . fl' b ne y con.slde~ed and then, in greater detail chariots hi err raug t arumals will first be 2 Wreszinsk] 1935, pIs. 22-23. ' ,w ch are now well documented. : U.nger 193 2, 38, 40f. with pI. IV (reliefs ~-5). PIggott 1968a, 293ff. with figs. I I -2 and Is XXI' I nology, 27 8££., 285f. with table 1'1974 16ff I~ Itt' ower-XXIII: upper; for tombs and chrocarbon date (GIN 2) quoted by 'Chard' C . d Pc er Oct. 12, 1977, Piggott refers to a radio. Anthropolouy V ' no I (r9 , . an owers . t R a diio-carbon Dates III" A rctic . ' R ., "5OVIe 68) 224-33 obtained o ,. f hi ' L chaschen, of 1200 ± roo b.c. This could be' calibrated ~om a ve cle (of unspecified type) at calendar years. Tombs belong to so-called Central T y dendr~JChIonology to ca 1500 B.C. in 197 1, 104££. ranscaucaslan culture, Burney and Lang

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74

Two-wheelers Carts These are documented, apart from possibl,e textual r~ferenc~s, by a few repres~n. F" d evidence from the Near East itself IS ambiguous. The Assynan ~;tS~ O~~~" shows a single, horse-drawn two-wheeler that carries a large ob~eet identical to that transported by the wagons depicted on that monument: a ~ver . d in at the front. Its six-spoked wheels are set at the rear, ~hich wo~d agam Squ~~~r a true cart, and we may conceivably have here to do ~Vlth a chanot ~r::~~ch the screens have been removed." Egyptian b~ggage carts m tlhe K;d~sh . . h drawn b oxen are very small, have six -spoked whee s an so ~eli~f~k~~~~:~ts from w~ch th~ screens have been removed. A rare representation o~oan Egyptian agricultural cart shows four-spoked wheels and a longer, more cart-

like su erstructure-" . ,, ' " p. li f f the land battle of Ramesses III against the Sea Peoples EgyptIan re e so . 11 I d eli k ( 8 B C) show that the latter travelled in carts WIth centra y pace s c~e~~s ~nd 'high screens of wood or wicker work. The draught teams are composed of four bovids abreast, which is almost unparalleled and s~ggests that, as these ~eoples were on migration with their families, th~ outer ammals may have been d I as a way of bringing them along. ha~e:::m:~::ractual A-frarne carts (q.v.) have been found in tombs ~ t L~haschen i~ . These were flat cars without screens and with pentepartIte disk wh eels. ' . . f . ds T ranscaucaSla. Several contemporary texts refer to vehi~les used primarily 9 or carrying goo , and sometimes characterized as bovid-drawn. i.e. wagons or carts. Chariots . le evid There IS now amp e evi ence drawn chariots.

0

f all kinds for the wide-spread use of fast, horse-

ith I VIII (relief B6) d . 34 with pl . IX (relief C2) for another cart ( ?) 6 Unger 1932, 42 W1 p. ' carrying vessels . (K d es h) Aldred 19-6' ef . als o Save-SOderbergh 169-70 Thab 2 t ' mb no 17:>' this and other non-royal 6 Wreszinski 1935. pls. 81-82: 9 -93. 1957, 26f. with pl. XXIII (Synan ox-carts III e an 0 • . • be d after Porter and Moss 1960) . b to~ ~e~:o~ 1;;0, pi. 32 (det~ils i~ pls. 49 :C-D, 50 :A); Wreszinski 1935. pls. 113- 14.

Pigg~t~ 1968a, 289ff. With ~~~~R GID.DA is again term mostly us ed. d. CAD 4. 296 e Trad1tional Sumerog ram . off In some Hittite texts it m ay denote a s.v. eriqqu; A .Hw 23 8, s.v: ereq(qoU(tm}; sal~nen3 I59g/' ~9} ~r a vehicle driven by gods (Kammenhearse used 10 royal bunals t en 195 • I. ., huber 1961. 30, n. 121: Kumarbi epos) . 8

75

From different parts of the Near East itself, apart from plentiful textu~ documentation, we have two-dimensional representations on cylinder seals (such as fig. 39 from Anatolial.!" sealings (such as fig. 40 from Nuzi in Mesopotamiaj.P ivories and metalwork from the Levant I2_all in profile view. The much-discussed Assyrian "White Obelisk" (fig. 41) from Niniveh is possibly to be put in this period rather than in the next. If only because of the design of chariot depicted on it , a dating prior to Ashurnasirpal II (883-859 B.C.) and quite possibly in the reign of the earlier Ashurnasirpal I (1049-1031 B.C.), would be defensible.P A related chariot is seen on a seal of which impressions have been found at Ashur, on tablets dating to Tukulti-Ninurta Ashur (ca II34-II33 B.C.).14 Comparative material is supplied by figured documents from Cyprus." also by three metal chariot models and the material remains of two light, spoked-wheeled vehicles from the burials at Lchaschen.P Actual chariots found in Egyptian tombs of the later 15th and the 14th centuries B.C. (fig. 42) 17 and figured documents from Egypt, beginning in the later roth 10 Stamp cylinder, usually dated ca 1500 B.C., Parrot 1951 ; Littauer and Crouwel I973a, 125 with n . 108 (further refs) . Other seals, also a .o. Frankfort I939a, pl . XLV: m (Ugarit); Woolley 1955, 263. no . 44 with pi. LXII (Alalakh); Amiet 1969. 6f. with fig . 8; Beran 1957-58, 277f. with figs . 33-34 (Kassite : fig . 34 is possibly Elamite, according to Porada 1970b, 7f. with pl. XIII: 2). 11 On inscribed tablets of late 16th-15th cent. B .C. (ef. Brinkman 1972. 279), Porada 1947, no. 9IO, also nos. 9II-913. wh ere type of vehicle is uncertain. 12 Ivories fr om Megiddo (ca r jth cent. B .C.). Loud 1939, nos . 2, 36, 159, 161 (reconstructions of badly preserved nos. 159, 161 must be treated with caution). Gold patera from Ugarit (ca 1400 B .C.), Schaeffer 1949. Iff. with pls. I. VII . For gold bowl from Hasanlu d. s.v, Earlier rst mill. B.C. 13 Original publication by Unger 1932. Recent, important discussions include Moortgat 1967, I26ff.; Madhloom 1970. I07f.; Sollberger 1974 (with new ills) ; von Soden 1975; Reade 1975 (ef. 144ff. for chari ots ). Good ill . in Orthmann 1975. pl. 206 (relief D8: our jig. 41). 14 Opitz 1935-36, 48ff. with figs. 1-4 (from Ashur) . Cf. fragmentary Middle Assyrian sealing from Rimaah, Parker 1977. no . 26; also fragmentary stone lid from Ashur dating to Tukulti Ninurta I (1243-1207 B.C.), Opitz 1939-41; Orthmann 1975. pI. 255: a . 16 Material collected by Vandenabeele 1977. 16 Models mounted on rods which were apparently attached at junction of pole and yoke of actual vehicles, Piggott 1974, 16 with pi. V: a (barrow I); Mnatsakanian 1960, 139ff. with figs. 5. 7 (barrows 9. 10); also Calm eyer 1964. 73. 76f.; Orthmann 1967. 45ff. , nos. I, 4. 5. Actual two-wheelers, esp . Piggott 1974, with fig . I and pls. III-IV; Mnatsakanian 1960 (barrows 9. I I and frag. from 10). 17 Remains of eleven chariots from Thebes, all. with one possible exception (no. I in Florence) from royal or para-royal (no . 4) tombs (no. 5 in Oxford, others in Cairo): 1. Tomb unknown, cf. Rossellini 1836, 263ff.; Nuoffer 1904. rzff. : Botti 1951 (our jig . 42). 2. Tomb of Amenophis II (no. 35; royal tombs numbered after Porter and Moss 1964), d . Daressy 1902, esp. no . 24675

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LATER SECOND MILLENNIUM B.C . .

century B.C., give the most information. This is supplemente~ by textual sources. _ The most detailed of the representations are on murals and reliefs; they show b~th Egyptian and Asiatic chariots, which appear to resemble each other cl.osely (ftgs. 43-45).18 Indeed, the various sources demonstrate clearly that the chanot was not developed independently in Egypt, but was intro~uced there, as was the horse (~f. p. 56), from the Levant, possibly in the 17th/earlier rfith c~ntury B.~:, w~en ASIatics under the leadership of the so-called Hyksos held a dominant position m a large.

,

part of the country." In addition, we have actual harness and bridle parts from our primary as well as peripheral areas, including Egypt and Transcaucasia. (d. below). . Box. Detailed information is supplied by the chanots actually preserved m Egyptian tombs.t" The boxes are shallow from back to front (ca 0.50 m.) and just wide enough (ca 1.00 m.) for two men to stand abreast. The floor plans are ro~ghly in th~ shape of a capital D, with the exception of the chariot in Fl~rence (ftg. 4 2 ) , which narro~s rapidly towards the front and was probably for a single person. One ~r yvo artificially bent timbers form the front and sides of the floor frame and .are joined ac:oss the rear by a straight bar. The floor itself is made of a mesh of rawhide thongs which, laced through the floor frame and rear floor bar, hold these parts together, as well as providing a resilient platform. . . The draught pole runs all the way under the centre of the floor but IS m contact with the frame in only two places: at the front, where it is lashed to it by thongs, and at the rear, where its flattened end is lodged in a horizontal V-shaped mortice with pl . XXXVII (only a pair of linch pins and possible bridle ornaments remain). 3· Tomb ?f Tuthmosis IV (no . 43) . d . Carter and Newberry 1904. 24ff. .with pl. IX etc. ~. Tomb of Yuia and Thuiu parents-in-law of Amenophis III (no. 46), d. Quibell 1908, 65 ff . WIth pls . LI-~ . 5 · Tomb of A~enophis III (no. 22) , d . esp. Western 1973, with figs . : -2 and pl. XXXIV (remains of wheel; our fig. 4 6). 6-11. Tomb of Tut'ankhamun (no . 62; chanots 120- I2 161,33 2-333). d. esp. Carter and Mace 1923. pls. XIX-XX, XXVI; Carter 192.7' 54 ff . with ple . XVII-XXI, XXXVII-XLIV (chariots 120-122); Ramses le Grand, no . LI (chanot 120). . . . 18 Comprehensive coverage, Wreszinski 1923 and 1935 ; useful sele ction of Ills:, Yadm .1 96~, list of representations in Theban private tombs, We~er 1.933. Boff, Important information In workshop scenes in Theban private tombs, e~p. Wreszinski 1923, pls. 17, 4 1, 69 (tomb 86), 15 2 (tomb 39). 227 (tomb 66).307, (tomb 9S); d . Iist, Wegner, 66. . 19 Discussion, a .o. von Beckerath 1964 , r r rf., 120, 207; van Seters 19 66 , 183ff. , de Vaux 19 67, 488f ., 493f .; Decker 1971. 122ff. 20 Description based on personal examina~o~ of chariots I: 4. S-Il. (st,pra n. :7), and. on H. Carter's drawings of nos. 6-1 I in Oxford, Griffith Inst. (to be included m forthcoming publication in Tut'ankhamun's Tomb Series).

,

s,

.z ,

~,:--

77

between the rear floor bar and the axle. Two small blocks of the same thickness as the pole end, placed between the ends of the rear floor bar and the axle, constitute the other supports of the floor frame, which is thus supported at only four pointsone in front, three at rear. The superstructure of the chariot is formed basically by a light framework of artificially bent rails, about hip height or under, supported by a vertical centre post in front and running down in a curve at the rear to be anchored in the rear floor bar. When viewed from the side, the rear of the body has a rounded profile, the actual curve of the rail as it drops varying to some extent. On one extant chariot the top railing is entirely horizontal and is morticed into two uprights, one at each rear corner, forming 90° angles." The result is a chariot box that appears rectangular when seen in strict profile. Extant chariot sidings may be entirely open (fig. 42), completely filled in, or fenestrated, with large openings at the upper front corners and at the rear of the sides. Filling material may be of canvas or of very thin sheet wood, sometimes highly decorated. Most chariots represented in strict profile view during this period-Egyptian and Asiatic-appear to agree closely with the various extant ones from Egypt (figs. 43-44)· The chariots of the Hittites and their allies appearing on Egyptian reliefs of Ramesses II's battle at Kadesh have both rounded and rectangular profiles; their sidings are shown as filled in (fig . 45).22 Bodies with rectangular profiles are also seen , with more or less certainty, on documents from the Near East itself, including Assyrian seal impressions and the "White Obelisk" (fig. 41).23 Chariots of this time-Egyptian and Asiatic-are normally shown with crews of no more than two men. Exceptions are the three-man complements of the chariots of the Hittites and their allies at Kadesh (fig. 45). These chariots must have had enough floor space to permit a third man to stand behind the other two. The only other material remains of light, two-wheeled vehicles comes from another peripheral area: Transcaucasia. Although similar in all dimensions except pole length to Egyptian chariots, and with a flooring of interwoven leather straps, 21 Supra n. 17. no. 4. This small vehicle is ideosyncratic not only in shape of its superstructure, including a p artial closing screen at rear, but also in relatively small diameter of its wheels, short wheel base and pole, and a yoke unadapted to animals. Its almost normal-sized box and the solidity of its construction, suggest that it was man-pulled, d. later Assyrian "rickshaws", infra p. 134 . 22 Wreszinski 1935. esp. pls. 21-23 . 96 -97. 169-174. 23 Also Ugarit seal, supra n. 10. In many instances exact shape of body cannot be made out.

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the two vehicles from Lchaschen show some striking differences in the construction of the multi-spoked wheels (ct. p. 7gf.) and in the dispositionsof pole and axle-at least as reconstructed. The axle is centrally located beneath the body and the latter is wholly open in front instead of at the rear; the back and side screens are formed by horizontal railings supported on numerous slend,er uprights. In contrast: the. thr~e bronze model chariots found in these tombs are rear-axled and open behind, III this respect resembling, rather, Near-Eastern and Egyptian chariots, and o.ne of them even has a high, arching pole somewhat reminiscent of poles prevalent III th e Near East in the 3rd millennium B.C. . Axle. On all extant Egyptian chariots (late 15th and rath cent.), the axle IS located directly beneath the rear floor bar. In representations such as Egyptian w~ll paintings and reliefs, the axles of Egyptian and Asiatic chariots are also sh?Wll III a rear, or near-rear position-roughly up to the later 15th century B.C. (ftg. 43) and, :rom then on, in a fully rear one (figs. 41, 44-45). ~n centain smaller-s~ale representations, where the axle is shown as further forward, this may have been dictated-as beforeby the limitations of space or other factors (e.g. fig. 39). 24 The somewhat anomalous two-wheelers buried at Lchaschen have been reconstructed with their axles in a central position.s" Extant Egyptian axl es are form ed of single pieces of wood, roughly elliptical in section where they are fixed beneath the chariot box, and round wher e th ey pass through the naves. The y vary in length from Lg8 m. to 2.36 m., in diameter at th e outer ends from 0.04 m . to 0.052 m., and they provide wide wheel bas es of from 1.54 m. to 1.80 m. Vertical slots near the axle en ~s receive~ linch ~ins (q.v.) of metal, wood, or boiled leather, which are also som ehmes seen III Egyptian repr esentations." Wheels. Detailed information about chariot wh eels is again furnished by sur vivin g specimens. The wheels of one chariot found in E gypt had four spokes ~fig .. 42); all others found there had six (figs. 46-47). These wheels, 0.88 m.-LO m . III diam eter, reveal a very sophisticated construction-particularly in the composition of spok es 2' Cf. Powell 1963, 158ff. Littauer 1977, z51: varying axle posi~ons a .o. on painted box of Tut'ankhamun (Yadin 1963, Z15) an d on reliefs of battle at Kadesh iinfra n. 79). 26 Actual chariots from Shang and Western Chou burials in China (r ath cent.-771 B .C.) also had central axles, von D ewall 1964, pls. 5, 19, zo. 28 These dims. do not apply to hand-drawn chariot, supra nn. ~ z and I?, no ",4. The :wooden linch pins of Florence chariot (our fig. 4Z) are modern; representations of lm ch pIllS, E llis 1966, 4lff. with figs. 1-4 Jand pI. VII:_Z-4. .

.:

;::: -:''...-:' ::'- .

79

and nave. To form the spoke, a single piece of wood, somewhat more th~n twice t~e length of each spoke and half its thickness, was bent sharply at the nave, turnmg back at a goOangle (on four-spoked wheels) or a 60° angle (on six-spoked ones) to form the complementary halves of sister spokes, these sections being glued back to back the length of the spok e (jig. 46). The angle area of this piece of wood also forms a section of the nave its elf. In order to keep a wood-naved wheel from wobbling on a .wooden axl e (thes e elements not being abl e to fit together as tightly as corresponding ones of metal) on which it revolved, the naves were considerably extended by the addition of cylindrical flanges at either end. These parts were held t?gether by glue and by rawhide put on wet and allowed to shrink on, forming a tight, strong, binding material. The hide extended for only a short distance along each spoke and, on some chariots found, was covered with birch bark (which has wat er-proofing properties) or, on elaborate royal chariots, with gilded gesso. While details. of. this construction might vary between wheels that were some years apart, the principle seems to have remained the sam e. Th e felloe consists of two (often unequal) lengths of wood, heat-bent, and bevelled and overlapping at their joints, the overlaps bound by rawhide. One pair of heavier wheels has a wooden tyre composed of four butt-ended bent lengths of wood of th e sam e depth and thickness as the felloe (jig. 47)·28 Thes e were attached to th e felloe by lashings of thick bronz e wire situated at th e' ends of th e tyre sections and holding these together also. In most cases there is evidence th at a rawhide tyre was shrunk on, which not only pro tect ed the running surface of th e wheel, but helped consolidate its parts. That such wheels were employed in the Near East as well as in Egypt is ind eed supported by pictorial evidence from Egyptian walls, most of the Asiatic wheels there corresponding closely in design and proportions to th e actual ones found in 29 Egypt. Neither is th ere an y evidence an y mor e from Egypt or from the Near East for wheels with braces at th e joints between spok es and felloes, or for the possible cast bronze wheels illustrated in the earlier znd millennium (d. p. 54f.; f igs. 33, 35). Th ese appear to have been abandoned in favour of the sup erior construction with 27

27 Th.is construction is clearest on fr agmentary wheel of Amen ophis III (our fig. 4 6; length of nave exi st , 0.Z9 rn.) and on wh eels of one unassembled chariot (33z ) of Tut'ankhamun. 28 Tomb of Tut'ankhamun, obj ect nos. 144-145, belonging t o ch ariot 161 (diam . whe el ca . 0·97 m .; length nave 0.4 0 m . ; depth felloe 0.083 m.; ditto wood en tyre 0 . 085 m.). 29 Royal Egyptian chariots, always shown on reliefs as much larger and with more detail than ot her ones, usually show some sort of tyre. Egyptian workshop Scen es (supra n . '18) illu strate wh eels with felloes in process of beingbound ,

80

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LATER SECOND MILLENNIUM B.C.

composite nave and spokes, which was resilient, its tightness and tension permitting as few as four or six spokes to carry a large wheel. The 28-spoked wheels of the two-wheelers buried at Lchaschen were made in part on a different principle, with the spokes morticed into a barrel nave, a fact suggesting the possibility of two different wheelwright traditions.s" While figured documents from Egypt and the Near East suggest that four-spoked wheels predominated into the later 15th century B.C., after which six spokes became standard, they rarely show wheels with as many spokes as the eight or nine seen on some Syrian seals of the previous period (d. p. 54).31 Exceptions are a few eight-spoked wheels appearing in Egyptian scenes, chiefly of the later 15th century B.c., but these do not seem to have established themselves successfully at the time. 32 The cross-bar wheel is clearly documented at this time in Anatolia by a scene on a stamp cylinder.P The cross-bar wheels of the deity-driven, ox-drawn twowheeler contrast strikingly in this respect with the four-spoked wheels of the human driven, horse-drawn chariot (fig. 39). Draught pole. This seems to have been universally of one type, running all the way back under the floor, describing a mild S-curve where it emerged in front of the chariot body, and then running forward at an oblique angle to the yoke. Actual chariots found in Egypt show that these poles (which varied in length from 2.43 m. to 2.60 m.) were heat-bent and were only lashed to the floor frame at the front, their rear ends lying in horizontal U-shaped mortices between the axle and the rear floor bar. 30 These wheels (ca I m. in diam.), like Egyptian ones, had two-piece felloes of heat-bent wood overlapping at the ends, and may also have carried rawhi~e tyre. N?te that wheels of two metal models from Lchaschen had eight-spoked wheels, a third had six-spoked ones, supra n.16. 31 Cf. Hoffmeier 1976 (for Egypt). Six spokes are standard on reliefs of battle at Kadesh and on Assyrian "White Obelisk", where chariot floors have sometimes mistakenly been regarded as indicating 7th and 8th spoke, d. recently Hoffmeier, 44; von Soden 1975, 180£. (corrected by Reade 1975, 150). . 32 Possibly because of difficulties posed by need to compress each half spoke into angle of 45°. Royal chariots with eight spokes depicted on chariot box .of .TuthmOSlS IV. (supra: n. 17, no. 3; ills. of decoration, a.o. Yadin 1963, 192-193), where AStatIC enemy chanots still have four-spoked wheels. Eight spoked-Wheeled also, Davies, de G. 1923, pl. XXIV (Theban t?mb 90); presumably Smith, R. W. and Redford 1976, pl. 12 and cover ~Tell el Amarna relie~). C£. Bruyere 1952, 40ff. with pIs. II-IV (chariots with four, six and eight spokes together m very fragmentary battle scene). . . 33 Supra n. 10; also Littauer and Crouwel 19?7b, 100 Wlt~ pl. X: b. Ty'pe of whee~ unce~~am in similar scene of bovid-drawn two-wheeler, driven by a deity, on Anatolian rock relief, Wafler 1975 (Imamkulu). Cross-bar wheel on scarab inscribed with name of Tuthmosis III, Hayes, W. C. 1959, fig. 66: centre row, l e f t . _ >

--';':.-",,>.

81

Cha.riot represe~tations consistently show breastwork braces/pole supports droppmg at an oblique angle from the top of the front railing, as already noted on some Syrian seals (d. p. 55; fig. 33). These consisted of leather thongs or slender wooden rods. When rigid, they provided a support for the breastwork and, of either material, reinforced the connection between pole and front floor frame and reduced the stress of separation between the two parts. The chariot seen on Assyrian documents (fig. 4 1 ) illustrates not only this type of pole brace, but a second element that ac~s as a reinforcement for the pole. This is a wooden rod or a thong running out honzontally from the top front rail of the chariot to the pole end.34 Elm, tamarisk and birch (bark) and, with less certainty, other woods, have been identified in the construction of various parts of chariots found in Egypt. 35 The fact. that neither elm nor bi~ch are native to Egypt has sometimes led to the suggestion that the type of chanot used by Egypt and her enemies did not originate in the Near East but further north-s-even north of the Caucasus, and that the use of bark from a tree found no further south than southern Armenia even indicated the route by which the "invaders" who brought the chariot came. Elm, however, ~ows in n?rthern Palestine and Anatolia and birch bark (the waterproofing properties of which must have been early recognized) is light and easily transportabls.es A development nearer to the centres of power and military activity in the Near East may be postulated for the war chariot. And indeed, what material evidence we have from Transcaucasia does not point to that area. Although the proportions of the two-wheelers buried at Lchaschen in the later znd mill. B.C. are, in many respects, similar to those of chariots from Egypt and (apparently) the Levant, the Lchaschen ones are not only much less sophisticated in their use of bent wood to achieve lightness and strength in box and wheels but-at least as reconstructedwould be impractical as fighting vehicles. 34 Also on .Ashur sealings, supra n. 14. A more complicated system seen on ivory gaming box from Eukomi (a.o. Vandenabeele 1977, pI. XXIV: 1-4; Orthrnann et al. 1975, pl. 47 2) where uPFser of two braces, instead of n;nning out horizontally, drops to pole shortly ahead of first. Western 1973, for Amenophis III wheel (our fig, 46: elm, tamarisk) and Tut'ankhamun whee~s and ~ther chariot par~s (fo~ latter also Lucas 1942, 144; Lucas and Harris 1962, 43 6, 454 f .. elm, birch bark) ~nd discussion of sources. Woods of Florence chariot (our fig. 4 2) have been analysed several times, the results never completely agreeing, but elm and birch bark were 1?rese.nt, Rossellini 18 36, 265 ; Schuchardt 1912; Schafer 1931; Dittmann 1934; Botti 195 1, 197 WIth fig. 2.

36 "Northern" theory, a.o. Lechler 1933; Wiesner 1939, 33; d. criticism, Clark 194 1, 5 0ff. For sources of elm, Western 1973, 93; Lucas and Harris 1962, 436.

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82

DRAUGHT ANIMALS

Horse The sources indicate that chariot teams , were composed almost exclusively of horses. Valuable osteological information comes from Anatolia a~d Egypt. T~e ins (skull and leg bones) of an adult male buried at Osrnankayasi near Bogazkoy remai hi h . h t in central Anatolia yield a withers height of 1.40 m·-1.45 m., w c IS ~omew a smaller than the horse of similar type from Buhen in Nub.ia (d. p. 56~ estimated to stand 1.50 m. 37 It compares closely in size and type With the earb.er hors.e from the . from Egypt, buned beSIde . Osmank ayasl. (cf. P . 56) and with another horse Theban tomb of Senmut, an official of the earlier 15th centu.ry B.c., WhICh may have been a riding animal, since a saddle cloth was found on ItS back (d. p. 97)· This was identified as a 5/6-year-old mare or gelding." An incomplete skeleton of a ro-year-old male buried in an r Sth-Dynasty necr~polis at .Soleb in Upper Egypt stood 1.34 m.-1.38 m., and its size agrees better With the SIze calculated from the 39 yoke heights of extant Egyptian chariots, i.e. ca 1.35 m. These animals, as well as those identified among settlement refuse from Korucutepe in eastern Anatolia, all fall within the "larg e pony" or small"ho.rse r~?ge of today, and the majority have been attributed to the sam e so-called onental type. The same type of horse has been identified among settlement refu.se from. Tro y VI and VII, thus suggesting the prevalence of such a type over quite a Widespread . ' area during the znd millennium B.C.40 Unfortunately little is known about the horse skeleton buned at Godin Tepe and the horse re~ains recovered from the cemetery at .Marlik, in :vest-cent:al an~ northwest Iran respectively, as they either did not survive or remain unpublished.

31

Herre and R ohrs 1958 . 63££.; height corrected by Boessneck 197 0• 47 · F ind context~. Bittel

195 8. 3 8 Chard 1937' rec ently studied b y Boessn eck 197 0. 3a Ducos 197 1: Yoke height derived by us from Florence chariot and from reassembled ones of Tut'ankhamun . . d J/K) BI • 0 Bo essneck and von d en Driesch 1975 . 27, 29ff. WIth table 4 (levels I/J an . egen 1953 10 ' also Gejvall 1946 (Troy VI and VII) . . . u 'Y' T C Jr 19 19f.· also p ers onal com munication . Date of three t ombs at Marlik m oung, . . ' 69 , • . N hb 6 f . 196 - 3 10 :>' . ' N WIn each with horse t eeth and bit (no . ill) unce rtain, ega a n ~ 9 4. 14 . • P~ndi'ngr~i~al publication, the Marlik cem etery seem s to b elong primanly to later ~nd mill .• with som e continuity into ea rly r st mill ., d . N egahban 1965 , 326; 1977, esp. 102 . Moorey 197 1a• 23f.; also oral com m unica t ions Moorey and van Loon .

Most of the relatively few representations of equids from the Near East itself at this time depict horses.P Since we know from contemporary texts and figured documents that Egypt obtained horses from southwest Asia, we are justified in using the many detailed profile views of horses in Egyptian art to form a picture of these horses.v Indeed, a good number of those depicted are either being brought from the north as tribute or gifts or are seen pulling the chariots of Asiatic enemies. The animals-foreign and Egyptian alike-are characterized by small, fine heads that are carried high, by little or no withers, very little depth of girth, long bodies, slender legs, a high tail carriage and (probably) a fine, smooth coat. They are clearly the products of slective breeding intended to produce elegant as well as useful-for-the-purpose animals. Whether Egyptian or Asiatic, they often appear distinctly small by modern standards, and this is supported by the size calcul ated from osteological remains and from the extant chariots (d. p. 82). Egyptian representations show Egyptian hors es as well as tho se of their Asiatic enemies with roached manes (q.v.). An Assyrian fragm entary representation of this period, however, shows horses with pulled manes (q.V.) .44 Some of the more detailed Egyptian reliefs show Egyptian horses with slit nostrils (d. p. 000). Horses are frequ ently mentioned in cuneiform tablets from many parts of the Near East and from Amarna in Egypt.v These documents, whether explicitly or implicitly, often refer to hors es-denoted by the same terms as in the pr evious period-(d. p. 58£.) as chariot animals. While riding is-if only rarely-suggested (d. p. 96), the use of horses to pull goods vehicles or for pack is never mentioned. Horses were evidently too valuable and too prestigious for these purposes. This is illustrated, for instance, by the good wishes for their welfar e expressed in royal letters directly after references to the royal family.v' Selective breeding is indicated by lists of horses according to their sires. There are texts on horse husbandry and some, from Ugarit, on veterinary care." Surviving manuals from the Hittite capital at Bogazkoy and from Ashur are of great importance. Those from the former site 42 Unharnessed horses were p opular in Middle As syrian glyptics, a.o. Parker 1977, nos . 4 and 41 (Rimaah) . .3 Cf. Clutton-Brock 1974, 9 7 for some discussion of pictorial as well as osteological material. 44 Stone lid, supra n . 14. E sp. Salonen 1956 . For Hittite Empire t exts. Kammenhuber 1961, 29ff. 48 Cf. a .o. Kammenhuber 1961 , 8 with n . 15 (Tell el Amarna and Hittite letters) . A .o. Balkan 1954. I Iff. (Kassite texts from Nippur), 33f. (Nuzi texts); Wisem an 1953. 94f. (te xts 329-331 from Alalakh); Gordon 1942 (Ugarit).

.5 .1

LATER SECOND MILLENNIUM B.C. LATER SECOND MILLENNIUM B.C.

include the famous Kikkuli text of the 14th century B.C. as well as a more fragmentary purely Hittite text; that from the latter-a Middle-Assyrian text-describes similar procedures. 48 The type of conditioning described is for endurance rather than speed, and implies use with the war chariot. The movement of horses over a wide area at this time, whether as royal gifts, loot, or in exchange, may be responsible for the similarities noted in the osteological as well as the representational

material."

.

Other animals Although there is osteological and other evidence for other equids-ass, mule and hemione-there is little that points to their use as chariot teams.50 Exceptions are two Egyptian representations of mule-drawn chariots-both in civilian con-

texts.P Mules, as well as bovids are shown drawing both the chariot-like baggage carts of the Egyptians and the commissary wagons of the Hittites and their allies at the battle of Kadesh (d. p. 73£.)· HARNESSING

Information is again furnished primarily by actual chariots and representations from Egypt. The slender two-horse yoke, with depressed center and sharply recurved ends, 8) and 48 Kikkuli text partially published by Hrozny (1931), completely by Potratz (193 Kammenhuber (196 1). For purely Hittite training text, Kammenhuber. esp. 47ff. . 263ff. (d. 186f. with n. 40b for single direct ref. to GISGIGIR in these texts). Important discussions, ~lso Sommer 1939 ; Guterbock 1964b; Kuhne. C. 1973 , II5 ff; Kovalevskaya 1977. 5 1ff. Assynan text. Ebeling 1951; d . Kammenhuber, a .o. 35, 37f. 49 Cf. request of H ittite king Hattusilis III to Kadasman Enlil II of B abylon for young stallions, to replace those sent by the latter's father which had become decrepit, esp ".Sommer 1939, 625ff.; Herre and R ohrs 1958. 61; Kammenhuber 1961 , 37f.; transl ., Oppenheim 19 67 , text 60 84· Cf. Herre and Rohrs 1958, 64ff. (ass skeletons from Osmankayasi; for earlier ass burials there, supra p. 57; Boessneck and von den Driesch 1975. 27. 35 ff. (ass and mules bones at Korucutepe); AI-Khalesi 1977. 14 with fig. 1I (hemione skeleton from sounding pit at Tell Fakhtar in E. Mesopotamia. possibly of this p eriod) . 51 Wreszinski 19 23, pls. 192 (Theban tomb 57; Khaemhet), 424 (unnumbered tomb; Porter and Moss 19 60, 4 65. n. I)' d. pls . 158, 160 (Nubian princess in bullock-drawn chariot, tomb 4 Huy). There is Hittite textual evidence for mules. possibly also mule and horse together, 0; pulling royal vehicles, Otten 195 8 , 13 8f.

85

was .set on the pole near the latter's end and held in place by lashings and perhaps a vertical yoke peg. 52 Scenes of unharnessed chariots, Egyptian and Asiatic (fig. 43) show yoke braces. These two leather thongs, branching out from the pole midway, or more or less, be~wee? box and yoke, ran to either arm of the yoke, to prevent the yoke from swivelling on the pole, thus helping to keep the animals in step, as well as distributing the areas of tractive stress on both yoke and pole.P The use of yoke saddles, post.ulated for the previous period, is now materially do~umented, as well as dearly illustrated on Egyptian walls (figs. 43-44). These objects have roughly the form of an inverted letter Y. The "stems" of the Y's are lashed at the front of each yoke arm, and the "legs" lie along the horse's shoulders. This "s~em" is not so tall as those assumed for the chariots of the earlier period (d. p. 6? ;fzgs. 31, 35) and terminates in a reel-shaped finial. Surviving finials are of calcite, as are some of the differently shaped finials that decorated the yoke ends. 54 The yoke saddles were kept in place on the horse by means of a crescentic band that lay acr~ss the front of the horse's neck and joined the ends of the two "legs ." Saddle pads WIth rectangular or rounded ends protected the neck from bruising and chafing (figs. 44-45). The saddles were a means of adapting the yoke (primarily designed for bovine anatomy, where the animal's withers rise prominently behind it) to equine anat amy. 55 Equid . qui s-e-particularly asses and mules and many small horses-have relatively. low withers unsuited to pushing against a yoke, and the higher head and neck carnage of the horse, especially when excited, would tend to throw the yoke back. The yoke-saddle legs, by lying along the animal's shoulders, transferred at least part of the pressure to this area, where the modern horse collar puts it. The chief d~fect of the saddle when compared to the modern collar was the fact that the pull still came from the top, which could tend to raise the neck band to an uncomfortably high position, while the lower pull on either side of the modern collar keeps it down in position. 52 .Cf. James 1974, 34, fi~. I (Carter's drawing of yoke and yoke saddles of Tut'ankhamun chanot 333. here. shown upside down). Yoke saddles in earlier ills . of Florence chariot (our j ig. 42) attached upside down. :: For~unc~o~ofyokebraces,Spruytte 1977, 25 with n . 3; Littauer 1977, 254 with pls. 18, 19. 65 P~SSIbl~ finials of yoke and yoke saddles from Palestine, James 1974; 197 8. DISCUSSIOn of yoke saddles and saddle pads, Littauer 1968 ; Spruytte 1977. 28ff .• 41 with esp. pl. 6: 10. 6S Experiments by Spruytte 1977, 18, 41; discussion, Littauer 1968a. 29f . with pl . V: a-b.

86

LATER SECOND MILLENNIUM B.C. LATER SECOND MILLENNIUM B.C.

We now also have evid ence of a backing element (figs. 4I, 44-45). This is a strap, attached to the lower end of the outer leg of the yoke saddle and runni~g u~der the ith r to the lower end of the inner yoke-saddle leg or to the pole Just m front b 11 e y, ei e if th . al b k d of the yoke, where there is a small hole. Without such a strap, I. e arum s ac . e , there would be no way of transmitting the backing to the vehicle, t~e team m~ght back partly or all the way out of their yoke saddles and neck s~ra~s (since the thic~­ ness of an equid's neck diminishes towards the head) and their hind legs would hit the chariot. A backing strap that ran from yoke-saddle end to yoke-saddl: end uld prevent the team from backing out of its harness and would transmit the wo ent backward via the saddles and yok es to the pole. A backing strap that movem ff ti . k . th ran from the outer saddle legs to the pole end would be as e ec rve ill eepI?g e . al . their harness and would transmit the backward movement more directly ammsm . There i and efficiently to the pole, as has been established by practical expenment. ere IS no proof that the latter method was that actually ~mployed, but the fac~ that there is a difference in shape and angle between the mn er and outer holes in the saddle legs may be due to the fact that one of them gave passage to only one stra~, the other to two. Since the saddle legs run obliquely forward along the horse s shoulders, the strap, which runs from their ends back and down under the belty. would, were it tight, cut the horse under the elbows. Egyptian representations indeed often show it as very slack.56 . Chariot t eams normally consist of two animals. In certain texts, t eam s of three may be implied, the third horse being presumably a reserve animal. 57 CONTROL

Surviving complete bits from various parts of the Near East as well as Egypt and Transcaucasia are of bronze, although antler or bone cheekpieces that must originally have had organic mouthpieces also Occur in Anatolia. None of these with certainty antedate the middle of the millennium.se

~~

0:

Horses wer e controlled by a bridle, composed of reins (q.v.): a bit (q.v.) a cavesson (q.v.) and a h eadstall (q.v.). Cheekstraps (q.v.) depicted on Egyptian monuments are shown as dividing at the horse's t emple into two or-less frequently -three strands to hold the bit or cavesson. Th ere might also be a browband (q.v.) and (seemingly rarely) a throatlash (q.v.). . . Bits. Bits are depicted in Egyptian representations, where they may be recogmz.ed by their long flat cheekpieces that appear to be set into the noseband, t~~y ar e mentioned in certain texts, 58 and are most reliably documented by actual survlVmg examples. 67 Yadin (Sukenik) 1948; 1963 . 88f. ; Rainey 1965. 22. Possible t eams of thre~ a lso i,~ te~ts of earlier znd mill., supra p . 60, n . 55 . Note occasion al six rather than four rerns on White Obelisk", infra p. 113· . 8 68 Salonen 1956, II Sf!. ; for Hittite texts, Kammenhuber 1961, 155. n. e ; BIttel 1975. 30 , n. 21.

87

.~

. ..-

While the bits are, all of them, variations of the snaffle (q.v.), they may be classified according to the specific action primarily of their mouthpieces, but also of their mouthpieces in conjunction with the cheekpieces (q.V.).60 r. Bits with bar canon (q. v.) and discoid cheekpieces. Documented in the Levant (fig. 4 8), eastern Anatolia and Egypt, these have a single canon, the ends of which pass through holes in the centres of the cheekpieces and which t erminate in loops (som etimes in the form of clenched fists) or knobs for the attachment of rein s, either directly or by means of wire IOOpS.61 The cheekpieces are discoid, usually of pierced design, sometimes resembling a spoked wheel. They were h eld in place by cheekstraps fastened to a metal loop or loops on or near their edges or around the "felloe" (q.v .) of the " wheels." This is a relatively mild bit, but the severity of its directional control could be (and often was) increased by the leverage of a very long canon (corresponding somewhat to that of today 's "run-out bit") or by studs on the inner faces of the cheekpiec es (corresponding to today's "bit burr"). 2. Bits with smooth, jointed canons (q.v.) and discoid cheekpieces. Documented only in Transcaucasia, these have two canons linked in the middle, the ends of which pass through holes in the centres of discoid cheekpieces of pierced design.62 Th e canon ends are pierced or have D-shaped terminals to t ak e a rein attachment. Th e canons are relatively short, the cheekpieces lack studs, and the discoid form is less effective in combination with the jointed canons than the long, flat che ekpi eces (d. below). Both braking and directional control effect ed by these bits is relatively mild.

!;If

JJ

58 Bits from Tell el Ajjul (an cient Gaza) have often been dated as early as 17 th cent ., cf. recently Pi ggott 1974. 18. H owever , what is known of their find contexts need not point to a date prior to r yth cent., Stewart 1974 , 58; Moorey 1971a, 108 (also letter May 8, 197 8). W ear on tooth of -earlier- Buhen horse has been interpreted as po ssibly due to a bit, supra p . 56 . Probable metal chee kpieces from Ciscau casi a of later 3rd mill . are unique and unrelated t o earliest metal bits from Near East and were used with "soft", not metal, mouthpieces, su pra p . 61. 80 Most of material collecte d by P otratz 1941-44 and 1966. Important additions from eastern Anatolia. Bittel 1975. 66, figs . 46: a (Ugarit) and b (Tell el Ajjul; our fig. 48), pl . II5 (Tell el Amarna). 61 P otratz 19 Add Petrie 1933, 10 with pls . XVII, XXV: 221 (pair of cheekpieces, Tell el Ajjul); Bittel 03f. 1975. 3 , type B. A ver y few "Luristan" bits may date to later z nd r ather than t o earlier rst mill ., Moorey 1971a. s.v, nos. IIO -II 1; Potratz 1966, pls . II 8, II9. 62 From several sites. including Lch asch en tombs with ve hicles, Potratz 19 66, fig . 4 6 : d-f ; Martirosijan 1969 . pl. IX: 1-5 ; Piggott 1974 . 18 with pI. V : b (Lchaschen).

7

88

LATER SECOND MILLENNIUM B.C. LATER SECOND MILLENNIUM B.C.

, in throu h one of the piercings in the disk. They were attached ~~ a cheekstrap p;~ g flat cZekpieces. Documented in western 3 Bits with smooth, jointed canons an g, J' link d in the middle.s" . d E t these have two canons e Anatolia, the Levant an gyp .eh 11 ed holes in the centres of the cheekpieces g The ends of the canons pass throu ct10 ar. attachments The studded cheekpieces . . . h dt .nals to tak e Ie rem and have D-s ape errm . b divided cheekstrap. The mouthpiece IS have slots at either end for suspension y a fbI) . milder, b~t t~e .action i: essentially t~el::mf::tt~:~~~~~.4go~U:~:t~d in eastern 4· Bits wtth [oinied unre canons a~ g d resumably also in Assyria, these have tg Anatolia, the Levant and Egypt (ff . ~9),. atn lPckI'ng in the middle and returning on strands 0 wire m er 0 d ft oilared holes in the centres of the cheekpieces.ss The canons compose 0 wo themselves to pass through c d t . als to take the rein attachments; on 1 h ve D-shape ermm . bettermade .ex~mp ~s a . a 100 for this purpose. The majority of cheekpieces others the WIre Itself IS r~lled mt~ and :100 on the upper edge at the centre to take a have an aperture near either en t bp tudded on their inner faces. The canons triple cheekstrap. They may or ~ay no he Sth r the edge of the wire is sharp or not. . re depending on wee are milder or more seve 1 rt d by the canon ends presses the long . ff t When both reins are pulled the everage. exe e . h 1 .awbones m a nutcracker e ec . t. e ower. J t d nl in Anatolia (fig. 50), no earlier . cheekpieces . ad agamst ,I' '(lame materials. Documen e 0 y 5· Bits m e OJ orb th . of rope thong sinew or gut, and also than 1450 B.C., ~hese had soft ~ou p~~~~ taperin~ towa:ds one end. 65 They were crescentic cheekpIec~s .of antler k~~;aor and ;he mouthpiece ends passed through or suspended from a divided c~ee e cheek ieces at right angles to the holes for the were attached to apertures m t~ ild P uld have been similar to that of types cheekstraps. The act~on, alt~o~gh m b e:~ :~orded from central and eastern Europe Bits e . B .C. and after,66 but also, it is claimed, 3asan d 4·dating of not orgaruc well, onlymatena to the zns dav~ m enruum 63

. '. . Potratz 1966, pI. 110 (Miletus), fig 45. f. (Egyp t) . Petrie et aI. 195z, 15, z8 with pI. XVII:

(Tell el Ajjul). 66 fi 5' e [Gezer ; d . fig . 45 : c-d from Tell el 02f u Bittel 1975, 3 ., type. AI~z; Pot;:t~ )19pls' I!; ~~r f ig. 49; Tell el Amarna), 108 (Egypt) , Ajjul, where type of mouthpiece ISunce am , to these other bits suggests dating in later znd possibly also 106 (Ashu~; close resem blance . z09-ZIO

rather than earlier fi I 0 Mozolics 1960, 127ff . with fig. I , paIr from 67, 1St mil!.). . 65 Foltiny 19 16ff. WIth fig. 5 (ou~ ~g. 5~~ ~th fig. 6 (fragms.; Alaca Hiiyiik); Boehmer 0- 1300 . B' .J, k" B " iikkale level IVb); von der Osten 1937, Beycesultan, level III, ~a 145 1972, nos. 2114-2II6 (parr and fr~gn:" ogaz oy, uyu , 2: fig . 27 1960; d 1580Smirnov (f:agm.,1961, AhS~~\ti 67 22ff.', Kozin 1970; Littauer and Crouwel 24366 with Cf. Mozolics 0 ny 19, 1973d (discoid exs.); also supra p. 70, n. 92 .

89

as early as the 4th millennium (material from Russia, d. p. 25). It seems very likely that these inspired the all-metal bits that first appeared in the Near East in the 15th century B.C. "

~. '

Some Egyptian representations suggest that the cheekpieces of bits were incorporated into the noseband, while others may point to the use of bitless bridles, or cavessons (q.v.) 67. In the latter case, the reins would have been attached to either side of the noseband. For such a bridle to have optimum effect, the noseband should be placed low enough to press on the soft and sensitive tissues below the ends of the nasal bones, and this is indeed where we most frequently see it at this period. The position, in fact, corresponds to that of the strap muzzles shown with equid draught in the 3 rd millennium, and may have ultimately derived from them (cf. 1 p. 3 ) . Such a cavesson-particularly if the noseband is rigid and/or reinforced by studs on the under surface, has considerable braking effect but, when strongly applied, interferes with the animal's breathing (the slit nostrils shown on some Egyptian reliefs may well indicate futile attempts ro remedy this defect). Its directional control is also weak. That it was eventually generally replaced by the bit is understandable.

'I

I,.'

I ..

~.

Ancient cheekpieces were essentially toggles to keep the canons from slipping too far through the mouth when a single rein was pulled. At the same time, they also served the important function of enforcing directional control. When a single rein was pulled, the opposite canon end pressed the far cheekpiece against the horse's jaw on that side. This effect might be (and often was) reinforced by the presence of stUds-sometimes quite sharp-on the inner faces of the cheekpieces, as noted above.

:

Reins (q.v.). These were attached either to the canon ends (directly, or indirectly by means of wire loops) or to th e noseband, and were carried back through leather loops or terrets (q.v.) on the horse's shoulders near the yoke-saddle ends. This not only helped to keep slack reins from dangling, but may have had a certain pulley effect, since it broke the straight line of action to the driver's hands-and in his favour. Few representations are explicit enough to indicate the disposition of the reins. The decoration on the chariot box of Tutmosis IV is a notable exception. 68 Here the four reins clearly cross before being tied around the pharaoh's hips-both right reins going to one side, both left reins going to the other. For efficient direc67 For wh at follows, Littauer 1969a , 291ff. with pI. XLI: b (Tell el Amarna relief, showing slit nostrils, for which see also Littauer Ig6gb); also Anderson 1961, 45, 4 . 8 68 Supra n . 17, no . 3; ills ., Yadin 1963,192-193. For reining of bigae, Spruytte 1977, 19ff., 4 1.

90

LATER SECOND MILLENNIUM B.C .

tional control, a similar disposition would be desirable also when they went to the driver's hands. Possible exceptions to four-rein control are suggested by five extant bits of type I, one from Ras Shamra (Ugarit), two from eastern Anatolia, and a pair from Tell el Amarna.P On these, the two canon ends differ, one end terminating in a loop and the other in a flattish knob. A possible explanation for this would be that the inner canon ends that faced each other were joined by rods or straps-a practice documented in 7th-6th century B.C . Cyprus (d. p. 125;fig. 59). This halves the number of reins and may help to keep the animals in step. . ~ridle

accessories Blinkers (q.v.) are oft en represented in Egypt with Egyptian and Asiatic chariots, and also shown on figured documents from elsewhere, including Assyria and Cyprus. In addition, Egyptian tombs have produced several actual blinkers of thin wood, covered with gesso and gold leaf. The decoration of some of these imitates scale armour and, indeed, it is probable that blinkers were originally devised to protect the horse's eyes. A second function may have been to help prevent stallions harnessed together from bickering with each other or with those of other teams running abreast of them;" Other bridle accessories include a possible strap divider of bone from central Anatolia, with European parallels." and the "brow cushion" and poll decoration illustrated on the " Whit e Obelisk" (d. p . 126f. ; fig. 41). Chariot use Military Figured and textual documents-particularly those of the 15th century B.c. and later-from both our primary area and Egypt, point to the active role of chariots (in addition to infantry) in warfare in the Near East. The vehicles beSupra n. 61. Frequently sh own in Egypt from time of Tell el Amarna r eliefs onwards, a. o. Littauer 1969a, pI. XLI : b; Yadin 1963, 214-21 7 (p ainted b ox of Tut'ankhamun} , 231 (hor ses below). Als o seen on Assyri an ston e lid and Enkomi gaming box, su pra nn . 14, 34 . Blinkers p erhaps already in Mari t ext of ea rlier znd mill., a.o . Sasson 1969, 32. Actual exs., Carter 1927, 60, 63 with pI. XLIII : A (tomb of Tut'ankhamun ; those of scale design, object nos. 122 : j-k, not illustrated); po ssibly als o Daressy 1902, nos. 24124-27, 24144 (tomb of Amenophis II). 71 Bandi 1973. 46ff. (55 with fig . 16 : ex. from Alaca Hiiyiik). Autopsy of sever al exs. in Budapest (courtesy of J. Stanczik) shows that areas of wear on these obj ects do not co nfirm their role as strapdividers. 89

70

LATER SECOND MILLENNIUM B.C.

91 come increasingly effective, combining a hi h de e .. . The strong and light construction of both ~ ~ e of mobility WIth fire power. t ibi an spoked wheels, the wide wheel base, and the rear or near rear axle all Cont.rol-both braking and directi;nal--:~:t~t~~to the m~bility of the chariot. chanots were now put to was . db ' portance III the strenuous use met~l ones with studded ~heek~:~:~~e y the Illtroduction of bits, particularly of FIrepower, as before, was primarily su lied b 72 now attached to the outside of the h ~Pt b Y th~ ~ow, bowcases and quivers c ano ox providing th h . arms, and the location of th e axl e off' hi e arc er WIth reserve ducins rm a more stable platform from which to shoot, while at the same tim turns (fig s. 4 1, 43-44). e re UCIllg the effects of centrifugal force on fast Besides the bow, offensive weapons . for thrusting-fixed near the rear of th:~~O\: also l~~lude a s.ingle sp:ar-probably from the time of Seti I onw d . (f: 4 1).. EgyptIan chariots, however, ar s, carry pairs of Javelin xili ~he thrusting spear appears to have been the . s as au ary arm~ (fig. 44). their Anatolian and Levantine alii t th b main weapon of the Hittites and es a e attle of K d h ( th II), as there is no indication of q . b a es 5 year of Ramesses . mvers or owcases on thei hari (fi' chanots are also exceptional in that th err c anots zg. 45). Thes e more usually seen two-man crew' a h .eYldcbarrya comp!ement of three instead of the . . . s ie earer standing b id th dri WIth the spearman behind them.teSI e ever III front, all . . Sn: shields of. varying shape, but always with a sin le han ned III the EgyptIan chariots hi h h g d gnp, are seen car. , w c ave a two-man cr f d . and also III some Asiatic chariots Th E . . . ew 0 river and archer, and some other battles is seen h ld ~ gyptian shi eld III the chariots at Kadesh into battle but, during the actua7fi ~f. III t~~ hand of the inactive archer advancing teer (fig . 44). Th e latter th en wi& ~~g, I hIS transferred to the hand of the charioreins, which are ti ed around the arch I~ ~ er hand, a?pears ~erely to guide the er s ps , and against which the archer leans.

g:

72. Cf. a ctual. composit e bows of this time f E rom. i5Y?t, McL eod 1970. Su ch a bo w already d epi cted at Mari in ea rlier 3rd mill Y di 73 Spear, also seen on Ashur sea li a III 197 2, WIth fig. I and pl . 17. and Megiddo ivory (Loud 1939 no )'gs (s~tpra ~. 14), a Kassite or Elamite seal (supra n 10) U Ramesses II's acces sion d~te I'S'2 es on.m to ea rlier rst mill., infra p . 128. " st"llcam 6 6 . h I uncertam cf rec tl B' b' 197 . WIt n. I. Single spear (not two to f .' en y ier ner 1975, 109££. ; Brinkman 147f. with nn, 24-25 ) clearly marked b . . ~ur jave ins as often stated, d . a.o. Littauer 197 2 Y m ClSlOn on sev eral li f W . . , 8 8 6 3- 4, 9 -9 6a , 100-101 169 170' cf R . re e s, reszmskI1935 pls 20-21a " . " . . t f ' " . amey 1965 22 ("I III ext rom Uga ri t) . Three-m an crew at K ad nfa?ce CIted among chario t equipment 19 63 , 90 with n. 112 . es IS co mned by Egyptian texts, Schulman

i.

h'

LATER SECOND MILLENNIUM B.C.

LATER SECOND MILLENNIUM B.C.

Thus, both crew members are able to use the reins to prevent them from falling out of the rear of the backless chariot. 75 The purpose of these shields seems to have been to protect the face, since helmets were apparently not regularly worn in chariots and, when they were, were open-

moving chariot since. apart from the difficulty of taking aim, there would have been no time to withdraw it once it had struck home, and the user would have lost his weapon. Thus, if the thrusting spear was the only weapon, as seems to have been the case with the chariotry of the Hittites and their allies at the battle of Kadesh, the vehicles would seem to have been used rather as transports for spearmen than as firing platforms, although unfortunately neither the texts nor the illustrations make their role clear.79 . The battle of Kadesh on the Orontes, between Ramesses II and the Hittite king, Muwatallish, and his various allies, is of great interest to the history of chariotry. It is the only battle of this time in which the tactical handling of chariots is documented in some detail, thanks to Egyptian texts and reliefs, despite the fact that these present only the Egyptian side and are biassed.P" At Kadesh, Muwatallish launched a large chariot force, said to number 2500, across a river ford in a direct attack on an Egyptian division made up of infantry and chariotry. The attack, however, was not against a well-prepared enemy, drawn up in battle ord er, but against the unprotected flank of an enemy on th e march, who was taken completely by surprise. Later in the battle, the sam e Hittite chariots, having broken through th e Eg yptian division and pursued its remnants into their camp, proved helplesseven when reinforced by an additional 1000 chariots-against a counterattacking, freshly arrived Egyptian chariotry. The reason for this failure, to judge from the vivid scenes on temple walls, seems to have been th e difference in armament (i.e. the Hittite thrusting spear vs. the Egyptian bow), with the Egyptian chariotry, drawn up in battle ord er, forcing the advancing Hittite one to an abrupt halt with volleys of arrows, and driving them back into the Orontes river. Several qu estions remain unanswered, such as why the Hittite infantry-said to comprise 37.000 men 81-was not brought into battle, why their chariotry did not use th e bow, in what manner it crossed the Orontes before attacking and exactly how it manoeuvered, which would have required not only extensive open ground. but also consid erable skill, in view of the large numbers.

92

visaged.i" Besides shields and helmets, chariot crews might be protected by long corselets of leather or metal scales. Such armour is well documented in the Near East and Egypt, not only in texts and representations, but also by surviving meta~ scal.es: . Similar sources incidate that horse trappers and even chanot SIdings might be armoured with scales." Horses might also wear head protection, including blinkers, . although the latter appear to have been worn also in non-mili~ary con:e.xts. Although concern for protection indicates that the chanots antlCI~ated commg within reach of enemy fire, they remained too vulnerable and too fragile to be used in the manner of modem tanks, i.e. as a shock force against a well-prepared, unbroken enemy line. How then would these vehicles, which were limited in their field of action to reasonably level and open t errain, have been used in warfare? \Vherev~r they. carried the bow as did several of the Near-Eastern and all of the Egyptlan military chariots illustrated, they must have been essent ially elevated mobile firing .platforms, playing a fast, flanking and pursuing role, provided the t errain ,:as smta~le and allowed sufficient space in which to manoeuvre.I" Where the chanots carried both bow and thrusting spear, the latter would have been h eld in readiness should it be necessary to fight either from a standing vehicle or dismounted. Indeed such a spear-in contrast to javelins-would have been impossible to use from a fast76 Littauer 197 2, 146f . with nn . 13-14 . Egyptian t exts also su ggest that ch~ote:r .and shi eld bearer could be the same p erson, Schulman 1963, 88f.; 1964. 67f. A defect of this reinmg .s~stem is that it was bound ultimately to harden the hors es' mouths a nd make the~ less sensltt:re to control. Asiatic two-man chariots with shield shown on cha riot box of Tuthrnosis IV and painted box of Tut'ankhamun, supra nn. 68. 70 . 76 Helmets worn by Asiatics on ch ariot box of Tuthmosis IV. 1, ~30f. 77 Scales in texts, esp . Speiser 1950. 47ff.; Oppenheim 195 0• 19 1ff.; Salonen 195 (chariot box) ; 195 6. 139££.; Salonen E . 1965. 100ff . Scales shown on chariot box of Tuthmosis IV (with chariot boxes, crew and horses) , on Enkomi gaming box (with crew and hors es', swpra n 34) and apparently also on Kadesh reliefs (with crew and horses; only traces of p aint are n~w l~ft, Wreszinski 1935, a .o. pIs. 100-101 , 169-17°) . F or . actual scales, esp. Boehmer 197 2 ; K arageorghis and Masson 1975. Discussion and ills .. also Yadin 1,963. 8{f ., I 9~f. 8f.. 2 78 So als o Powell 1963. 159. 165f.; Schulman 1963. 85f. WIth n . 69; Littauer 197 • 14 I.nf. "Shock force" interpretation has been repeated time and time again, d. a .o. Goetze 1963 , 125 ; Macqueen 1975, 9 8f.

/-

93

~.

c.

!

79 For us e of sp ear, Littau er 1972, q 8f. Cf. Yadin 1963. 109, 250 for possibl e use of threem an ch ariots as transports of infantry sp earmen in Hittite and Philistine armies. the first illustrated in battle at Kadesh , the latter in Ramesses Ill's battle against Sea Peoples (Yadin 1963 . 336-337) . 80 Texts, esp. Kuentz 1928; Gardiner 1960 . Representations, Wreszinski 1935. pls . 16-25 (Abydos), 63-64. 81-8 9 (Luxor). 69- 70 (K arnak) . 92-106 (Ramesseum) , 169-178 (Abu Simbel). Re cent dis cussions of battle. esp . Yeivin 1953; Faulkner 1958; Yadin 1963, I03ff.; Helck 1971. 194 ff. 81 Gardiner 1960, 41f. (18,000 and 19,000 men); these numbers accepted by Helck 1971, 205 .

LATER SECOND MILLENNIUM B.C. LATER SECOND MILLENNIUM B.C.

94

teer-a much more practical arrangement althou b exneri ' a harness team can be controlled by reins ;ied aro~ expe~me~t has proven that degree-particularly in guiding th . al B d the hips, If only to a limited e amm s. ut even with t dri could devote his entire attention to the team h ti f a separ~ e nver, who been possible only on chosen level terrain .' un mg r?n: a chanot would have

th Surprisingly large numbers of chariots appear as early as the first half of the 15 century B.C., 894 chariots being taken by Tuthmosis III after the battle of Megiddo against a Levantine coalition, and Anienophis II bringing back to Egypt, from two campaigns in the Levant, chariots numberi'ng 730 and 1092 respectively.82 While stressing the importance of chariotry in warfare, texts, lik e representations, yield little other information on actual military use, an exception being a document from Ugarit which refers to chariots employed in patrolling and blockading the

~:~hP~~~:~l;h::::\:~~;t~~~::~,:~::o1~~;E;~~:~.:n:r:;:;~;::~~:;;.;~; lin:e;~~~::~:~~~~~;n~~~s:~;:r:)u~;~~ :~~i.~;e~h~~pt~·e~r~~ab~y

:h;riots, .fo.r travelthe tomb of Tut'ankhamun in E t' . c ano s surviving from looked lik e.88 Hittite texts refer t~ffgIvetuts some l~:a of. what royal vehicles 1 . eren ype s of chanots" sometimes a

access routes of enemy forces." Chariotry probably also played the important psychological rol e of an elite corps, functioning at a different level from the ordinary infantry rank and file and adding

~~~~:~e;':h ~e;~:r;:~:able) throne, used byroyaltyduring culti~ activities. Oth~~

fanfare and colour to the armies of the time." Near-Eastern texts, augmented by Egyptian texts and representations, yield some information on the highly complex organization of the chariotry, the training of the horses, construction and maintenance of the veh icles, and the personnel involved in these activities. 85 Civil. The use of the chariot in hunting, already attested in the preceding period (d. p. 63), continues to be documented in the Near East and now also appears in .Egypt. As before, we sometimes see a hunter alone in his chariot , the reins tied around his hips . In addition, we have several repr esentations from the Near East (figs. 39, 41)-although not from Egypt-where the hunter is driven by a chario-

' f th g .roya~ f~nerary ntes, mention effigies of the dead in " chaone 0 ese vehicles IS Illustrated 89 Still th . with cult, horse racing-probably with Chariots ratOh etrhtexts mhenhon, in connection E " er an on orseback 90 riots" N .

suite at Amarna use chariots in

;roc:::ion:~ta:~~eTh~~h:he r~yal family

A~hEgypti~n ov.erseers visitedthefieldsunder thei~ ~are i:;h~~O~~ ~ther

and ~heir occasions ,

e peculiar light two-wh eelers from Lake S . T . . between the categories of chariot an e:,an m ranscaucasia seem to fall op en front seem to point to th . d cart, their shallow depth. closed rear and err use as passenger carts, in which people sat with 86 Cf. Littau er and Crouwel 1973c with chariot s in Egypt. Deck er I I ' par. 45 (Tigl ath-Pileser I ). 97 ,

1965, 73 (800 of Kaska). 83 Ugari t t ext, N ougayrol 1968. 69ff. (RS 20 .33); Rainey 197 2. Importance of chariotry well illustrated by Tell el Am arna letters mentioning urgent requests by Levantine v ass al states for 63. specified numbers of them (running into tens) as well as inf antry, d. Schulman 19 83 with nn . 45-47 . Standard expression for Near Eastern a nd Egyptian armies of this time was simply " infa ntry and ch ariotry" , cf. K ammenhuber 1961 , 33 with n . 13 1; Schulman 19 63 . 84£'; Rainey

.~.

1

may~~~:nb::~ P;~::~:~e~si~vi:~ s~nes ~ chariots in other peaceful co~texts which

8Z Wilson in ANET 237 (Megiddo). 246, 247 . Hittite t exts some t imes refer to sizea ble numbers of chariots in armies of An atolian p eoples. H elck 197 1• 20 5 Cloo of Azzi-Hayas a) ; von Schuler

1965. 17 · raises matter of maryannu, a n important class at this time in various N ear E astern 84 This 0; kingdoms, frequently but not always associated with ch ariots, d . esp. O'Callaghan 195 Rainey 2 81ff.; 1, 1965. 19; de Vaux 19 67, 485. 488; Di etrich and Loretz 1969; H elck 197 4 R evi v 19 7 . Indo-European origin of word has re cently b een questioned , d. Kammenhuber 1968. 222f.; Diakonov 1972• I 14f . with n . 9 1; cautiou sly. Mayerhofer 1974, 16 with n . 24· 6 85 Training and hippiatric texts. supra nn . 47-48 . Organization, esp . Salon en 195 ; also 63 Rainey 1965. 17 ff. (Ugarit) . Egyptian t exts, esp . von Deines 1953 , 6££.; Schulman 19 and 19 D ecker 1971. 127ff. Important are also Egyptian reliefs of army camp at Kadesh (con 64; veniently. Yadin 1963 . 10 7- 109). Remains of actual stables are claimed to h ave b een identified , 1 ff but this interpretation is som etimes op en to question, cf . Sch aeffer 193 8, 3 3 . (Ugarit) ; 2££. 1 Lloyd 197 2 , 15f£. (Beycesultan) ; P endlebury et al . 195 , 13 (Tell el Amarna).

95

.3 of · R ep resent a!lOns, . .W reszinski 193 2 . Ro yal hunting 3 8f£. (texts and ills. }: in Assyrian t exts. Grayson 1976 .

87 Travelling, Kuhne C 1973 ff ( . 477f. (Pap. Anastasi I ; ~ls~ Yadi~a;963 u;~~)~ngers lTIhT.ell ~l Am arna letters ) ; Wils on in A NET, f of ;;lalakh). Cult, Salonen 195 1, 70 f. ; La~bert 19~~e~ e;;u m ANET Sup-p], 557 . (King Idrimi .Supra n . 17. nos. 6-7. d . also highl decor t ~5and-d . . chanots were ex changed between kings ycf K a rawn chanot, no . 4 a nd n. 21. Such esp. 22). ' . nu tz on 19 15 (Tell el Amarna letters 14, 16 and

Jd

89 Esp. Otten 1971. 20f£. GlShulttka n ntt hi I .. . Assyrian texts. d . also Kamme~huber I (, a ve rc e to Sit m , already m earlier Hittite and Old 9 3 10 , 3 £.; Kuhne, C. 1973, Ill , n. 54 (otlhe~Ot n . 2 ), ~~1- ~upra p. 64, n . ~o);.Guterbock 1974, 12 0 1 9~o8, e:p. 129; Gurney 1977, 6If. erms . 19Ies of the dead m chario ts " , Otten

-~

23; 1f.; Guterbock 1964a 63£" Kuhne C I 6 3 . F or probl em of interpretation ' 'n'+'r·a 973. 10 , n . 5 Otten 1974, esp. 14 Gurney 1977 691 F ' ' :1' n. 9 2 . ' 05 or processions D avies de G I X etc .; 19 , pl . XIII etc .; Smith, R. W . and R edford 197 pl . 12' a nd co~er . vo·n1~0~, p . 6, 57). 4 (no tomb no. ). eme s 1953. 14 (texts) . For ove rseers, Wreszin ski 19 23, pis. 192 (tomb 24

96

LATER SECOND MILLENNIUM B.C.

LATER SECOND MILLENNIUM B.C.

their feet hanging over the front edge, a practice seen on many light Elamite carts of the following period (d. p. 101). . RIDING

Information from the primary area is limited to rare repres:~t~ti?ns and relatively few texts, most of which refer to horses or asses as mounts.. RIding on do~eys . also mentioned in an Egyptian t ext d escribing how, after their defeat at ~IegIddo in Palestine, the local rulers rode away on asses, their chariot horses having been • 93 taken by the Egyptians. . .. Egypt furnishes most of the figured evidence for the penod. ASIattcs. ~n horseback in r Sth-Dynasty battle sc enes, with rare exceptions appear only a.s fugitive m.embers long, . t cre ws , mounted on horses cut loose from o f c h ano . .their chariots, . . as their 0 . I mailed charioteers' tunics, which require them to SIt SIdeways, mdicate. ccasl~na Egyptian military personnel, wearing short kilts, mounted bareback. and astride, . a w hip and sometimes a bow , are clearly not fugitives, but couners carrymg . . or scouts. h From Egypt we also have several r epresentations of apparently ~~n-ml1it~ry ~rse­ back riding, which suggest that it was not uncommo~ ther e: Egy,ptt~n :lders continue to use the "donkey seat," common in the precedmg period, WhICh mdicates . . . . a still primitive stage of equitat ion . . I I cases the rider in Egyptian representations IS the West Semitic godd:ss, . ittina SI sideways b ~ t f aCI ng n severa Astarte. She is sometimes shown ast ride and somettmes sitting forwards m ounted bareback or (once) on a saddle cloth. She may carry slu el.d. and bow or s~ear; these reflect h er own martial nature, however, rather than military Re resentations, Parker 1977. no. 23 (sealing; Rimaah); Lecl~~t 1960. 6~~f. ~ith pI. I: B p . iddl Ass ian text referring to "master of the riding horses, King 1912, 33 (seal no 59) prov .). Mi 19.:> e -6. yr ' w 8-.:>, 8 s.. v pethalltt (lin s; 58 ' Salonen 226 ,' AH .· Hittite t ext with messenger H ' . t ontshorse. ittrte ex may I 8 2I),. K"I U me. C. 1973. 107, n . 526 . A few other b ek H I k.1963 89 (1111es r:f~r' to ~~g him~elf on horseback during cUI~ic activi~e~; here, as i: passag~st~he~~:~~::,a~~ mentioned (supra n. 89). interpretation -riding ~: driving- depen s on \~n e O:rhors~back in "horses" [st and for a (draught) t eam or not, c~. G~terb~ck ~ 9 74 . 3 II (pro ki Iff a du licat e KUB VII 25 I 6ff.; Otten 1971,21. n. II (pro king III vehicle III KBG VIII II9 ., P of KUB X 3 I II); also oral communicati on J. de Roos. 93 Wilson in ANET, 238; also a.o. Leclant 1960, I, n: 2. ". rs": Wreszinski n f. 9t Material collected by Schulman 1957, d. ::67 Wlth(E . 3~ (ene7t!taryn~i~ers'. Wreszinski I 6 - 6 57 107 and 1°9, 169), 267 WIth n. 27 gyp an m . ~ . 1935, P s. 3 ,45 94,172'6a '11' li f of battle at Kadesh; captions sometimes describe riders as 1935. pis. Schulman, 64, 16 In I re e63.4 s 8 .. Gardiner 1960" 38} 263ff.. (non-military riders; good ex. "scouts", 2 7;asoI9 Yadin 1963, 220f.). 92

f

97

riding or any participation of mounted troops in battle.v In fact, neither in Egypt nor in the Near East is there any conclusive evidence of any kind for riders taking part in combat, individually or in special mounted units at this time. 96 The cloth on which Astarte is sometimes seated would protect the rider from the animal's sweat, and might give a more secure seat. A probable saddle cloth was found on the back of a single horse buried near the 15th-cent. B.C. tomb of Sen Mut at Thebes in Egypt. 97 SUMMARY

Wheeled vehicles

Wagons and carts, when pictorially documented, are small and light, with spoked wheels. They are mule or bovid-drawn and mostly belong to the commissariat. This period witnesses the supremacy of the light, fast , horse-drawn chariot, which is best documented by surviving examples from Egyptian tombs and by detailed representations, also from Egypt. The vehicle is characterized by a very wide wheel base (providing stability at fast turns) and by a low-sided box, open at the rear and wide enough for two men to stand abreast. In Egypt it is very shallow from front to rear. The chariots of the Hittites and their Asiatic allies depicted in the famous Battle of Kadesh were sufficiently deep to permit a third man to stand behind the others. The floor often has aD-shaped frame and a flooring of interwoven thongs. The framework of th e box is of bent wood, the siding may be solid, partly open or entirely open. Wh eels revol ve on a fixed axl e, located usually at th e rear of th e box, immediately beneath the floor. The usual number of spokes is initially four, then six, while eight or mor e spokes are exceptional. Two types of wheel construction are materially documented at this period. In one type (attested in Egypt), th e spokes are composite and also form part of a composite nave ; in the other (attested in Transcaucasia), the spokes are single and the nave is a simple one-piece cylinder of wood. Both types of wheel have felloes compo sed of overlapping sections of bent wood. Rawhide tyr es are often indi cated. 95 Material collected by Leclant 1960. d . doc. 7f. with fig. 22 (saddle cloth); identification of rider sometimes debatabl e, ct . a .o. doc. 8bis (pharaoh, possibly Tuthmosis III, according to Schulman 1957. 264). ct . Decker 1971, 135ff. Connection of deities, particularly Pirva, with horses also in Hittite t exts, Otten 1952-53; Kammenhuber 1961. 36, n. 142; Gurney 1977, 13. 9B Despite repeated stat ements t o the contrary. Examples: Decker's "cavalry" in Egypt (197 1, 136 with n. 912) is unsubst anti ated (d. Schulman 1963, 84 with n. 57), and so is Melchert 's in a Hittite text (1 978, 17, s.v, KBG III 4 II 43; instead of "cavalry " should be read "chariotry"; d. Kammenhuber 1961. 33, n. 131 for term ANSE.KUR.RAMES; also personal communication Ph. Houwink ten Cat e). Salonen's translation in another Hittite text of "100 (military) riders" (1956, 226, s.v. simdi sist in KBG 15 IV 21) should be corrected to "100 t eams (of chariot horses)" (cf. CAD 16, S.v. simdu A2; AHw II02, S .V. $imdu(m); also personal communication on W. van Soldt} . 97 Horse, supra n. 38; cloth made of linen and sheepskin with t apes for neck strap and girth, Chard 1937, 317; also personal communication V. Burton.

98

LATER SECOND MILLENNIUM B.C.

The draught pole passes directly beneath the floor of the chariot, its rear end fixed under the rear edge of the floor. The pole is lashed to the vehicle at the front edge of the floor frame where, as it emerges from under the floor, it describes a shallow, double curve. The area of attachment of pole to chariot box is strengthened by leather thongs or wooden rods that run from the top of the front railing to the pole a short distance in front of the box. When of wood these elements also serve to brace the front of the box. Draught is by two horses under a slender yoke, the latter being adapted to equine anatomy by the use of yoke saddles (q.v.). Yoke braces keep the yoke at right angles to the pole, so that the horses pull evenly, while also helping to distribute the pull on the pole and yoke. There is a backing element (q.v.) passing beneath each horse's belly. Although the chariot horses may sometimes have been controlled merely by a cavesson (q.v.), there is now material evidence of bits (q.v.) of bronze or organic materials, both with snaffle action. The metal bits have a bar or jointed mouthpiece, passing through holes in the cheekpieces which act as toggles across the comers of the horse's mouth and are often studded on the inner surface. The reins are attached to the ends of the mouthpiece. Chariots play an important role in warfare at this period. Although concern for protection-shields, helmets and scale corselets for the crew and trappers for the draught teamindicate that the chariots anticipated coming within range of enemy fire, they remained too vulnerable and too fragile to be used in the manner of modem tanks, i.e. as a shock force against a well-prepared, unbroken enemy line. (This is true for all military wheeled vehicles in the ancient Near East, with the exception of the scythed chariots of the later rst millennium B.C.). Two-man Asiatic and Egyptian chariots, carrying an archer, are used chiefly as mobile firing platforms and playa fast, flanking and pursuing role. The threeman chariots of the Hittites and their allies in the Battle of Kadesh, with spearmen, must have served chiefly as transports. Chariots are also used for non-military purposes, including prepared hunts and ceremonies.

CHAPTER NINE

EARLIER FIRST MILLENNIUM B.C. (ca 1000-600 B.C.) WHEELED VEHICLES

Evidence ~s extens.ive-particularly for chariots-in the period down to the fall of t~e Assyrian ~mplre (612 B.C.). The detailed and reliably dated Assyrian reliefs (which are essentIally .contemporary chronicles) are of primary importance. Besides other v~uable Assynan material, including texts, we have figured documents from vanous parts of the Near East, including Transcaucasia. The remains of actual vehicles from Cypriot tombs (dating from the mid-8th to the 7 t h cent. B.C.) ~nd terra-c.otta mo~els (from the 7th and 6th cent. B.C.) from Cyprus also furnish Important information Four-wheelers

~vidence of these is very rare, and true wagons are never depicted. Assyrian reliefs show a few flat cars for heavy transport, mounted on spoked or disk h 1 Th I '11 w ee s. . ey a so I ustrate battering rams mounted on low trolleys that may have u to SIX, spoked wheels. I p

Riding

Horses are mostly ridden astride and bareback, though there is now some evidence of saddle cloths. Most horseback riders are still shown using the "donkey seat", which points to a widespread, if largely undocumented, practice of riding asses and mules for travel and other purposes. Horseback riding in military contexts is confined to couriers or scouts, or to members of defeated chariot crews fleeing on animals cut loose from harness. These horses are bridled in the same fashion as chariot ones.

Two-wheelers

Carts

~thou~h the humble cart is seldom represented elsewhere, Assyrian reliefs offer a fairly nch documentatio~, chiefly of the carts of conquered peoples, including Chaldeans from Mesopotamia, Levantines from the city of Lachish and Elamit )21 .. , rtes r: (Jzgs. 51-52. n addition, what seem essentially to have been carts have been 1 Flat ca:s, Barnett n.d., pI. 1~7 (Shalmaneser III); Botta and Flandin 18 49-5 , pI. I 0, 0 (Sargon II), ~Iso van Loon 1966, fig. 18: E2-3 (Urartian sealings). Battering rams Madhlo~m 1970, 33ff. WIth pIs. XVI-XVII. ' 2 Fr~gmentary obelisk of Ashurnasirpal II (Nimrod; London, BM 118800' this relief unpubi othe.rs m Gadd 1936, 128f. with pI: 6); Barnett and Falkner 19 63, pIs. V ~VI (Tiglath-Piles;; III), Paters~n 191~, pIs. 7 1-73 and mfra n. 4 (Sennacherib); Barnett 197 6, pI. XXIX and infra n. 7· Add NImrod IVOry, Mallowan and Davies 1970, pI. XXX: no. 106.

EARLIER FIRST MILLENNIUM B.C. EARLIER FIRST MILLENNIUM B.C.

100

identified among the remains of actual vehicles buried at Salamis in Cyprus, and there are terra-cotta cart models from the island (possibly of the 7th-6th cent. B .C.}.3 In general, the carts in Assyrian reliefs' have central or nearly central axles, suitable for stable loads; the floors, probably of planks to support heavy weights, are set low over the axles. They may have low side rails, but are open back and front, where they often extend beyond the wheels. Traction is provided mostly by bovids or mules under yoke or, in the case of Assyrian carts, by men. The wheels are usually spoked, with six, eight, twelve or even sixteen spokes (the latter on the Elamite carts), and very rarely discoid. In addition, several of the Assyrian handdrawn carts and some of the ordinary carts shown with Chaldean captives have heavy wheels with very deep felloes and, in lieu of spokes, two wide planks crossing each other at right angles. This type of wheel, requiring no nave, would have been fixed on a revolving axle, and the rectangular axle end sometimes clearly shown confirms this.' Such an axle is held in position beneath the floor by a pair of blocks, concave on their under-faces, one just inside either wheel. They may be protected against wear by a IT-shaped iron liner. Such a bearing shoe for the axle is apparently depicted in a badly effaced wall painting from Til Barsib, showing a hand-pulled cart. This bearing shoe resembles actual IT-shaped iron axle bearings found with the remains of several carts buried in Cyprus.! Since the bearing is open, the cart floor and pole (usually inseparable) may be lifted off the axle at any time for convenience. The iron shoe is an improvement designed to protect the corresponding wooden fixture from wear by the turning axle. The Til Barsib painting and the Cypriot remains are our earliest evidence of this feature, still in use today on many carts with revolving axl es. Although Cypriot carts with revolving axles-like those illustrated in Greek and Etruscan art 6 usually had the floors raised on blocks over the axle bearing and a pole running out horizontally from the floor, oriental carts show a pole that curves or slants upwards from a low-set floor. 3 Actual carts, Karageorghis 1967 , esp . 1I8f.; 1973 a, esp . 75 ff. Terra-c~ttas, Karageor~his 19 figs . 21-22 (used as hearses); 1973a, fig. 17 (tilt cart) ; also Karageorghie and des Gagmers 67, 1974, no . II. 4 (vase painting; cross-bar wheels) . 28; Sen4 Paterson 19 15 , pls. 25, 29, 31 (hand-drawn; d. multi-spoked ones, pls. 25, 27nacherib) : Solid-disk wheels on Ashurnasirpal II ob elisk, swpra n . 2. . . 5 Karageorghis supra n. 3 ; for bearing shoes from three different vehicles, 1967, 35 WIth pIs . XLIX, (no . II; tomb 3) ; 1973a, 34£., 44f.. 61, 67 with pls. CIX, CX, CCLX (nos . 221/,p, 7 and pls . LXXIII, CCLII (nos. 416/25, 42) (tomb 79). Til Barsib, Thureau-Dangin and Dunand 6) 193 6, pl. XLIX; Parrot 1961, pl. 1I7· 6 Lorimer 1903 , esp. figs . 4-6, 8 .

cxxn

. ;:-"""--:.-''''

101

The Elamite carts depicted under Ashurbanipal differ from the others in several res?ects and are ~ore ~laborate (figs. 51-52). Open back and front, they often show a single, arched sI~e rail. The wheels, although with twelve to sixteen spokes, are of the same construction as contemporary eight-spoked Assyrian wheels and, like them, ~ay show decorate~ axle ends. The poles assume an upward slant or curve directly m front of the vehicle, and may be sheathed in metal, like Assyrian chariot poles. These carts are usually drawn by mules-exceptionally by bovids or horses . U~arnes~ed carts usually show a straight, two-animal yoke with neck pegs prima~y SUItable for bovids, and such is illustrated on harnessed ones. Harnessed equids, however, show a wide neckstrap holding a possibly padded yoke in place, and battle scenes show a few four-horse fitted yokes, like contemporary Assyrian chariot yokes (fig. 52).7 These eq~ds are us~ally c~ntrolled without reins, the driver using a long stick and the ammals weanng a SImple headstall, composed of single cheekstrap and n~s~ban~. Some of the mules and horses, however, wear a complete bridle, indistinguishable from those of contemporary Assyrian horses. In Assyria~ reliefs, b~vid-drawn carts of conquered peoples are shown carrying booty or captives and their goods. 8 The hand-drawn Assyrian carts appear exclusively in scenes of .t he erection of monuments; they carry ropes and stakes. The equiddrawn Elamite .carts are shown chiefly in the role of troop transports, moving at speed and ~arrymg four men. ~hese often sit on thick quilted mattresses, fringed at the ends (fIg. 51). It seems possible that these fast carts were designed for passengers rather than goods even in peacetime. Chariots

The widespread use of these is amply documented. Assyrian fieured evidence apart from palace reliefs," includes a provincial relief, wall painti;gs, glazed tile~ t·

7 El~mite carts, Barnett 1?76, pls. XVII, XX, XXV, LXVII-IX (yoke with p egs; boviddra:vnl. 1975, ~ls . 137 (our fzg. 51), 147, 149 , 151, 155, 160 (our jig. 52; cart flo ating in river UI:I) , 1~4 (equid-drawn), d . 139 (collapsing t eam of four horses, bridled as Assyrian ones). . Vehicles (carts or wagons) carrying goods also in Neo-Assyrian texts CAD 4 296f s erzqqu; AHw 23 8, s.v, ereqqu(m). ' , . .v . 9 Basic editions of reliefs in Budge 1914 (Ashurnasirpal II, Nimrud; add Barnett and Falkner 1962, pIs . CXVI-II ; also Canby 1971, for chariots among cloth patterns); King 1915 (Shalmaneser I~I, Balawat bronze gates); Barnett and Falkner 1962 (Tiglath-Pileser III); Botta and .Fl ar:? I ~ 1849-50 (Sargon II, Khorsabad; add Loud 1936, fig . 79); Paterson 1915 (Sennachenb, NlI~lVeh ; ~o~ comp:ehen.sive and including several exs, of Ashurbanipal) ; Barnett 1976 (Ashurbanipal, Niniveh ; his reliefs from Sennacherib's palace are not included). Useful selec-

102

EARLIER FIRST MILLENNIUM B.C.

and cylinder seals.P Chariots appear on Neo-Hittite reliefs (figs. 57-58),11 and on Levantine ivories and metalwork, which had a wide distribution.P Figured ivories and metal objects also come from Iran 13 and metal ones from Urartu as well.14 Cyprus yields the remains of actual chariots as well as representations, including terra-cotta models (fig. 59),16 a few of them found in the Levant (fig. 60).16 tions of ills., esp. Barnett n.d ; 1975; also Encyclopedic 5 and 6; Yadin 1963; Strommenger and Hirmer 1964; Orthmann 1975. Discussion of chariots, esp. Yadin 1963; Hrouda 1963; 1965; Nagel 1966; Madhloom 1970. 10 Provincial relief from Arslan Tash, S. E. Anatolia, Thureau Dangin et al. 1931, pl. VIII (time of Tiglath-Pileser III). Wall paintings from Til Barsib, Thureau Dangin and Dunand 1936, pls. XLIX, LI-III; Parrot 1961, ill. p. XV, pIs. 128, 345 (dating disputed). Glazed tiles from Ashur, Andrae 1925, pls. 7 (recent ill., Orthmann 1975, pl. 196) and 9: h (Tukulti-Ninurta II, 888-884 B.C.), pl. 6 (presumably Tiglath-Pileser III, d. Fridman 1969). Seals, a.o. Porada 1948, nos. 659-663; Wiseman n.d., no. 84; Legrain 1951, no. 6II (Ur; shield at rear of body; not Middle-Assyrian as stated by Nagel 1966, caption to fig. 37, but Neo-Assyrian or rather Neo-Elamite, according to E. Porada, oral communication). 11 Comprehensive coverage, Orthmann 1971; chariots in pIs. 9: a, II: bod (Halaf), 25: a, c-f, 37: a-b (Carchemish), 41: a-b (Malatya; b = our fig. 57), 51: c (Sakcagozu: our fig. 58), 52: f (Tainat), 57: a (Zinjirli). 12 Ivories, Barnett 1957a, nos. SI, 29: a-c, 50; Mallowan and Davies 1970, pls. XVI-XX (many exs.); Mallowan and Herrmann 1974, no. I, panel 9 (all Nimrod); Andrae 1943, pls. 71-72 (several exs.; Zinjirli). So-called Phoenician metal bowls, a.o. Studniczka 1907, 175ff. 13 Ivories, said to be from Ziwiyeh, N. W. Iran (better "Ziwiyeh", d. discussion of their pedigree in Muscarella 1977), Godard 1950, figs. 83-85; Wilkinson, C. K. 1975, figs. 15-16. Metal objects, Porada 1965b, 96ft with figs. 63-64 and pl. 23 (famous gold bowl; Hasanlu IV, destroyed ca 800 B.C.), II3f. with pl. 28 (silver vessel; same prov.); Amiet 1965, with fig. 2 and pIs. XVI-II (vessel; no provo but presumably N.W. Iran); Calmeyer 1974, 65 with pl. 15: I (fragm. quiver; "Luristan"), Chariots on these metal objects, except for Hasanlu silver vessel, closely similar, possibly indicating contemporaneity; an early rst millennium date is quite possible in all cases, although Porada attributed Hasanlu gold bowl to later znd millennium, d. Muscarella 197Ia, 264f.; 1974a, 210. 14 Listed by Calmeyer 1975, 12f. with nn. 19-21; add Tasyiirek 1977, figs. 13-16. Cf. also van Loon 1966, fig. 18: E5 (sealing); Calmeyer 1974, 55££. with pls. 10-12 (stone relief). 16 At least six chariots were buried at Salamis: Dikaios 1963, 152££. (tomb I); Karageorghis 1967, 49ff. (tomb 3),77££. (tomb 47); 1973a, esp. 78ff., 86 (tomb 79; 2 exs.). Terra-cottas, Gjerstad 1935, pls. CCXXXIV (no. 3 = our fig. 59)-CCXXXV; 1963, 3££. with figs. 9-15 (all Ayia Irini); Young and Young 1955, esp. 228f. with figs. 15-17 (Kourion; also later exs.). Many other models and profile representations discussed by Wilson 1972. Vase paintings, Karageorghis and des Gagniers 1974, 15ff. and nos. II 1-3, 5-6 (no. 5 also in Karageorghis 1973b). 16 Our fig. 60 from necropolis at Marathus (modern Amrit) in Phoenicia, d. Heuzey 1923, no. 187 (Louvre S 7); Studniczka 1907, 168, no. 17. Two others of exactly same type were said to come from Phoenicia, de Ridder 1909, no. 187, and Catling 1971, no. 99 (now Oxford, Ashm 1974-349); Poulsen 1912, 62f. with figs. 60-61 (Paris, Bibl. Nationale 5912). Cypriot manufacture is suggested by exs. of similar style found there, a.o. Ohnefalsch-Richter 1915, 54ff. with pl. IX (Frangissa near Tamassos); Littauer and Crouwel 1977a, 7f. with figs. 3-6 (Ovgoros).

EARLIER FIRST MILLENNIUM B.C.

103 Chariots under Ashurnas' al II (88 8 . B.C.) ~ppear to be identical (fi;: 53-54). ?~19 ~~C.~and Shalma?eser III (858-824 box WIth a solid siding that dips somewhat to~ards~hown as haVl~g a low, shallow top rear corner thus differing fr th e front and IS rounded at the , om e rectangular fil f . chariots. The rounded front corners and th . pro es o earlier Assyrian e manner m which th e crosse d quiver oui bowcase are shown in this and area suggest that these h . t h d . c hari: saD-shaped floor plans, so well documented on later znd ill -m enmum c anots (cf 6) T no~ally carry a crew of two abreast; sometimes a third . p. 7· hey behind these, occasionally clearly shown h ldin b crew member stands forward. 17 0 g on y a loop handgrip placed well

Box.

. Lion-head-bossed or toothed shields are often seen in of these chariots (jig 53) but it l' t 1 profile as hung at the rear . ., s no c ear on what they h . .are ung and, If hung against the rear edge of the thin-walled sidin the to this problem is probably furnished b d g, Y would SWIVel loosely. An answer Th . . Y ocuments from Cyprus d th L ese, consIstmg of actual chariot remains from Salami . an e evant. and numerous terra-cotta models from C s (mid 8th-7 th cent. B.C.) nd cent. B.C.), show that chariots in those : : sh: a f~w from :~e Levant (7th-6th front to back down the middle of th b I d upnght partifiong running from hoop 0.50 m. high was fixed at thee re~:' o~ ::e case .o~ one actual chariot, a metal show the central partition with ahoo I'de pa~tItIOn. The terra-cotta models models from the Levant shows a li -h or so 1 upn~ht at its rear, and one of the at its rear (fig. 60). We may ventu~:t eadt-bosseld shield hung across this partition ate backwards and t th e 9th-century Assyrian chariots with 0hiexldrapo h 0 suggest that A Cypriot terra-cotta shows the hoop s e sl ung at rear also had such a partition. . . use d a so as a handgn' . . partition would provide a wall against hi h th P III mountmg. 1S The w IC e crew could br their i on turns; it would prevent them from' tli ace err InsIde legs ened the fabric of the box. JOS mg each other, and it may have strengthActual Cypriot chariots show continued use of h flooring of interwoven thongs materially attested in ~he D-sh~ped fl~or plan and the e suppose that the Assyrian chariot also had th 19 A prevIOUS pe~IOd, and we may em. spear, slantmgbackwards is UFloor plan, Littauer and Crouwel 197 c, 28' I ' . 6 f. 14, 25;. Barnett and Falkner 1962, pIs. CX~I- VIi. , ;4 Loop handgnp, Barnett n.d., pls.

91

Gjerstad 1935, pl. CCXXXV' 3 DI's . 'fa so . ~rrot 19 61, pl. 345 (Til Barsip mural) 6' '. CUSSlOn 0 partition 10 d hi I ' . 147, 197 , 221 WIth figs. 18-19 20 (our jig 6 ). Lrrta ' op an s re d, Llttauer 1972 Act~a.l loop, Karageorghis 1;73 a, 73 willi °pis I C ue~ a~CdXCrouwel 1977c, 69 with pI. XXV: partition here too). . an LVIII (tomb 79, chariot beta' UKarageorghis 1967, 49££. (tomb 3, chariot B). ' 18

.

8

EARLIER FIRST MILLENNIUM B.C.

EARLIER FIRST MILLENNIUM B .C.

104

tt hed outside towards the rear on the right-hand side of the chariot box, as on :ar~~r Assyrian chariots (d. p. 91 ; jig. 41). A tassel, depending from the floor at the rear, suggests the presence of a carpet. 20 • ., When, after an interval during which we -have no cha~ot repr~entatIons III the major art of Assyria, they reappear on palace walls under Tlglath-Pileser III (745-727 B.c.), there is considerable change (fig. 55). A rectangular, rath~r than aD-shaped, floor plan is suggested by the profiles of these and, although a shield (or a rear h?op) appears to be shown at least once, the humps at the upper rear con:er, sometimes augmented by handgrip tassels here, may represent substitutes .for, onmp.rovements on, the central standing handgrip. Quivers, now placed vertically at. either f:ont corner, indicate a higher siding. A spear fixed aslant towards the rear IS som etimes still shown. The continued us e of a carpet is suggested by tassels at the rear of the floor. 21 . 68.1 Chariot boxes depicted under Sargon II (721-705 B.C.) Sennachenb, (704B.C.) and Ashurbanipal (668-630 B.C.), do. not see.m to depart greatly from this formula except that they appear to become, If anythmg, larger-probably to accom modate a complement of four men, first shown under Sargon II, an~ more ~ften under Ashurbanipal (fig . 56) 22. The size of royal chariots, :lOwever, IS sometimes dearly exaggerated. Even those not exaggerated may-to Judge by the. men a~d horses-have had wheels as large as ca 1.40 m-1.50 m. in diameter'23whi~h ar~ in fact the estimated dimensions of som e actual wheels from Cyprus. ThIS height might require a step at the rear and perhaps the carpet tas~els there conceal one from view. On royal chariots of Ashurbanipal, a strap crossing the upper p~rt of the siding from the rear and fastened by a toggle , sug~ests a means of closing a rear door, such as is also documented in the succeeding penod (d. p. I~6) . . Enemy chariots shown under Ashurnasirpal II, except f~r their wh eels being eight - rather than six-spoked, appear to be identical to Assyrian ones. In the later

20

Su ch as was found in chariot no. 120 of Tut'ankhamun, d. H . Carter's notes, on file in

Oxford Griffith Inst. . ' B tt 21 Floor plan, Littauer and Crouwel, supra n . 17. Sp ear and possibly shi eld at rear, arne and F alkner 1962, pl. IX. I IV ' 22 Sargon II, d . Botta a nd Flandin 1849-50, pl. 58 (= Madhloom 1970, p . .

infra n . 109·

I

).

,

I

a so

. B tt pls 65 ISennaDikaios 19 63 , 159 (Sal amis, tomb I) . Royal chariots, a . ~ . arne 1975 , . : \ ib 1°3- 109 II6-II 8 168 (Ashurbanipal). One chanot of Sennach enb is clearly ar~h:Zi~g ?:'sev eral d~tai1s of tr'action and h arnessing, Paterson 19 15. pls , 74-7 6; W olff 193 6-37. 23

h

105

8th and 7th century reliefs, Levantine and some Elamite chariots are indistinguishable from those of their conquerors.P Of chariots appearing in profile view on non-Assyrian documents, only a few on Neo-Hittite reliefs and Urartian bronzes seem to be identical to their Assyrian contemporaries. Others, depicted on similar objects, on ivory plaques and metal bowls and on Iranian ivories, while generally resembling Assyrian chariots, often display features of the latter from different periods. This could be due to regional differences. But whether these representations always show the actual chariots of a particular time and place is doubtful; they may simply depict fictive chariots that combine elements of different date and provenance. Features unknown on Assyrian chariots may also appear. Thus, documents in different media, including Neo-Hittite reliefs (fig. 57) and a silver vessel from Hasanlu, may show the side screens of chariots with an entirely horizontal upper edge, unlike the Assyrian screens of the 9th-7th cent. B.C., while a box of this type belongs to one Elamite chariot shown on a relief of Ashurbanipal. 25 Other chariots, unlike Assyrian ones, have an open handgrip at the rear upper corner. Sometimes this is reserved in a raised corner (fig. 58), or in screens with horizontal upper edges.!" As in Assyria, chariot crews normally consist of two or no more than three men, one st anding behind the other two. The few terra-cotta models from the Levant including that with lion-headed shi eld at rear (fig. 60), and one north Syrian iva; from Nimrud, show a crew of four, as seen on reliefs of Sargon II and Ashurbanipal. 27 Axle. The location is usually fully to the rear, as predominant in the previous period. In a minority of non-A ssyrian representations, where the axle appears to be central or nearly central (fig. 57), the location may have been dictated by limitations of space (d. p . 78).28 Chariot axles were fixed and carried revolving wheels. From 24 A .o . Barnett n.d. , pis . 24, 25 ; Barnett and Falkner 1962, pl. CXVI (Ashurnasirpal II); Pater son 19 15, pi s . 71-73 (Sennach erib ; captured ex . fr om Lachi sh, Pal estine) ; Barnett 1976, pl. XXXV (Ashurbanip al; Elamite exs .). 25 Also Orthrnann 1971, pls. 24 : a , c-f , 37 : a-b, 42 : a-c 57 : a ; P or ada 1965b, pI. 28 ; Barnett 19 76, pl. LXVI. • 26 Supra n: 13 (H as anl.u gold bowl a nd unprov. metal vase); Barnett 1957a, no. S 50 (Nimrud iv ory) . Urartian stone relief (supra n . 14) m ay show stand ing loop at re ar. documented in Cyprus. 27 Supra n. 16; Mallowan and H errmann 19 74, pI. III (Nimrud ivory no . I, panel 9; d . al so Li;;auer a nd Cro u wel 1 ? 7~ C ; da~ed t o time of Tiglath-Pileser III by Winter 19 76,52 wit h n . 108). A.a . other Neo-Hittite reliefs, Orthrnann 1971, pIs . 42: a, 57 : a ; silver vessel, H asanlu, supra n. 13.

106

EARLIER FIRST MILLENNIUM B.C.

EARLIER FIRST MILLENNIUM B.C.

the time of Sennacherib on, the axle ends on royal chariots are shown as decorated with a rosette, which suggests a metal axle cap. Even ends that appear plain and show no linch pin may have worn undecorated caps, like an actual bronze cap, extending back over part of the nave and inscribed with the name of the Urartian king, Sarduri II (764-735 B.C.). This cap is very similar to ones used with Iron-age (late Hallstatt) European wheels, where they frequently conceal.a~ inconspic~~us linch-pin head.F' This may explain why linch pins are so seldom VISIble on Assynan reliefs. That they were in use in Assyria is documented by a 0.135 m-long bronze example from Nimrud. Extremely long (0.56 m.) and elaborate linch pins, piercing ornate bronze axle caps, were found with a buried chariot in Cyprus.P? Wheels. Ninth-century reliefs of Assyrian chariots show the six-spoked wheels predominant in the previous period (figs . 53, 54): while ~ few e~emy chariots appearing on them show eight-spoked ones." By the tIm~ of Tiglath-Pileser III ~744.-727 B.C.), the Assyrians themselves have adopted the eight-spoked wheel, WhICh IS to remain standard on all subsequent Assyrian wheels (figs. 55, 56).32 Elsewhere, the number of spokes appears to vary from six to ten, with a tendency to become fixed at eight (figs. 57, 58). On those actual Cypriot chariot wheels where the number of spokes could be calculated, it was eight or ten. 33 Direct information for the size of chariot wheels is furnished by some Cypriot wheels, which are estimated to have measured ca 0.85 m., 0.90 m., 1.05 m. and 1.40 m./L5o m. in diameter. Assyrian reliefs show wheels of native ~hariots of the 8th and 7th centuries as distinctly larger than 9th century ones, WIth some royal chariots having the largest of all. We may, however, somewhat discount the size of some of the latter wheels, since the king and even the horses here are over-sized. We have seen that four- and six-spoked wheels of the preceding period in Egypt 29 Barnett 1975, pls. 65, 92, 103ff., n6ff., 168. Tasyiirek 1975, 154 with pis. XXXII: d and XXXV: a-b (Urartian cap) . Drack 1958, f~g. 29 (Europ:an ca?s). . . . 30 Mallowan 1966,208f. with fig . 142 [Nimrud ex.); Linch pm VISible on relief, Barnett 1976, pI. V [Ashurbanipal, royal chariot). Karageorghis 1973a, esp. 80f. with pis. CI-V, CCLVI-II (tomb 79, chariot beta). . . . 31 Barnett n.d ., pis. 24, 25; ten-spoked wheel shown in Layard's drawing of a lost relief IS doubtful, Barnett and Falkner 1962, pI. CXVII. Suggestion of eight spokes in case of our fig. 54 (Assyrian chariot in boat) is due to co~f.usion of .artist. . 32 Exception : six-spoked wheels on archaizing chanot of ~ennachenb, supra n. 23. . 33 Karageorghis 1967, 49f. with pI. CXXI (tomb 3, chan ot B: 8 spokes); 1973a, 68 WIth n. I and figs. 10-II (tomb 79, chariot beta: 10 spokes). Four-spoked wheels on a .few small-~cale ills . may not be realistic, Moorey 1971a, 104 with n . 4 ; Muscarella 1971a, 264 WIth pI. 63 : fig . I (fragm. ivory; Hasanlu) .

. . _-- -:.:. ,

';;'

.~

:;.-. ,',

.

107

were of a peculiar construction, unlikely to be suitable for wheels with a larger numbe.r of sp?kes (d: p. 79). The latter would have had independent cylindrical naves into which th~ inner ends ~f the spokes were morticed, and soil impressions of such naves. were mdeed found m Cyprus. According to this reasoning, Assyrian 9th-century six-spoked w~eels ~ight also have been made in the "Egyptian" manner. In this case,. the slight thickening of the spokes for a short distance beyond the n~ve c~ul.d be mterpreted as indicating the rawhide binding material that o~cuples a similar area on Egyptian wheels. This feature is found, however, on later eIght-spoked Assyrian wheels (d. fig. 55) and even on Elamite cart wheels, where the number of spoke~ would certainly preclude such a construction. It appears too on several non-AssyrIan ~oc~ments, e.g. on the six-spoked wheels of a fragmentary bronze model.f~~m Gordion m. central Anatolia (find context dated ca 700 B.C.).34 Another possibility presents Itself: that this was a cylindrical nave but metalsheathed, with short metal sockets through which the spoke ends passed before being morticed into the wooden core of the nave. Such a construction is in fact attested in Iron-age (late Hallstatt) Europe.3s The felloes (q.v.) of Assyrian wheels are depicted as if composed of two concentric elements-a beaded inner one and a wider, flat outer one. (Whether the outer one ~s technically a felloe or a tyre would depend on whether the spoke ends penetrate It or not.) A few reliefs of Ashurnasirpal II reveal that the outer element is not single, but composite. Sometimes it is shown as made up of six butt-ended segments, and at le~st ~nce as of t~r~e bevelled and overlapping ones (fig. 53, d. 54).36 This cons~ructlOn IS not surpnsmg wherever we find a heavy wheel. There is a direct relation between the dimensions of the cross-section of a piece of wood and the degre: to which it may be heat-bent to form a felloe or wooden tyre: the thicker the piece, the less the degree to which it can be bent. Hence, to achieve depth, the deep felloe must be made in two parts-inner and outer-or there must be a felloe and a \:o~den tyre. Even then, these elements are often made in segments. While the majority of. extan~ EgyPtian wheels of the preceding period (15t h and 14th cent. B.C.) are light, WIth smgle-Iayered felloes, we have one heavier pair from th e rath cent. B.C. (d. p. 79; fig . 47) and a single, also six-spoked, heavier wheel proba-

3~ ~lso a.o.Barnatr n.d., pI. 121 (re-spoked Elamite-cart). Gordion model Littauer 1976 223 WIth fig . 24. ' , 35 Decheletts 1913, 750ff.; Drack 1958, fig . 33. . 38 AI.so a . o. Barnett n.d., 17. Cf. Spruytte 1977, pI. 33 : 3-4 (reconstructions). Important diSCUSSIOn of European, Cypnot and Assyrian wh eels, in Kossack 1971.

P:.

108

EARLIER FIRST MILLENNIUM B.C.

EARLIER FIRST MILLENNIUM B.C.

bly from the 1St millennium B.C.37 These had felloes made of overlapping segments, with wooden tyres in butt-ended segments, flush with the felloes and lashed to them. It would be very difficult, however, to hold a flush tyre firmly in place merely with bindings-particularly in rough going . One solution to this problem might be a tongue-and-groove construction, in which a tongue on the inner surface of the outer felloe or tyre lies in a groove in the perimeter of the inner felloe. Such a construction has been suggested for wheels from Salamis in Cyprus.i" A very few wheels under Ashurnasirpal II show faint traces of binding on the inner part of the felloe in areas flanking the outer ends of two opposite spokes (fig. 53)· The only conceivable purpose of such bindings may have been to secure the mitred overlaps of two sections of heat-bent felloe. It may be relevant that in the later Egyptian wheel, which has an inner felloe in overlapping sections, the overlaps lie across the spoke ends, and the latter may have been supposed to have had the effect of pins in holding the two sections together. Bindings on either side of the spoke ends further secured the spoke ends. The problem of the 9th-century Assyrian wheels lies in how the outer felloe or wooden tyre was secured in the absence of any clamps or bindings shown crossing it. vVe know from actual remains that the Egyptians used rawhide tyres (d. p. 79). These are put on wet and, in shrinking, consolidate the whole construction. In Assyria such a tyre would have helped to hold the parts of the composite felloe together. By the time of Tiglath-Pileser III two pairs of large metal clamps are shown joining both parts of the felloe and confirming the tongue- and groove construction (figs . 55-56). The wh eels of royal chariots from the time of Sennacherib on are shown as studded with hobnails." The only wheel-base dimensions obtained from actual remains are those of chariot beta from tomb 79 at Salamis. Here the track was ca 1.68 m., which falls within Egyptian track dimensions. Naves must have been long, as were all wooden ones (d. p. 79), but the only dimensions obtained from actual remains are from two tombs at Salamis. Thes e at 0.68 m. and 0.70 m., fall far outside any other known lengths for antiquity, with Egyptian naves varying from 0.31 m . to 0-44 m. (d. p. 79) and Hallstatt ones 31 Wilkinson 18 78 , 234f. with figs . 66-67; Littauer and Crouwel 1979 (in press; this wheel. ca 0.9 6 m . in diam ., presently in Brooklyn Museum) . 88 Kossack 197 1, 155ff. with fig . 34; also Karageorghis 1967. 49f . with pl . CXX . 39 A.o. Barnett 1975 . pIs . 65. 92, rojff., 168. A metal tyre, such as was used on Halstatt wheels (Kossack 1971, 157, 159), is possibly indicated beneath hobnails on an Assyrian mural from Til Barsib, Parrot 19 61, pI. 345 · ; "- ". . -e-,

,-

rog

from 0.39 m. to 0.44 m. 40 The latter may offer the safest parallels for Assyrian wheels. Draught pole. In contrast to the preceding period, when a single pole and a twohorse team were standard, we now find three different types of poles, as well as teams of two, three and four animals. Remains of vehicles buried in Cyprus and Cypriot terra-cotta models furnish the most explicit information. Buried bigae had single poles running back under the box, while quadrigae had two poles, each pole running out from the side of the box to a reportedly single, four-horse yoke. The terra-cotta model quadrigae, including those found in the Levant, show two poles too, but more often with two two-horse yokes (figs. 59-60).41 A Cypriot model biga and some other models in other materials from the island and from the Levant that probably date to the next period (d. p. 147; jig. 83) document a different type of pole. 42 This is the so-called Y-pole (q.v.), formed by bending the two side poles inwards in front of the box-not to merge, but to run contiguously out to the yoke. Something similar is suggested by the profile views of chariots on Assyrian 9th-century reliefs (figs. 53-54). Here, the pole, as it rises from the chariot floor, impinges on the lower side of the box nearest the viewer, as a central pole never would. Moreover, on several reliefs, the outline of a second pole appears ben eath the first (fig. 53), indicating the presence of a comparable element coming from the other side of the box, the two joining to run forward as a Y-pole. This type of pole is shown as rising abruptly before curving forward, which suggests that it did not continue back along the sides of the box or beneath it, but rose from what look like metal sockets at the front. 43 The same pole appears to continue through the reign of Tiglath-Pileser III and into that of Sargon II, although with a differently shaped chariot box (fig. 55) . 40 K.arage orghis 1967. 50 (tomb 3. chariot B); 1973a. 68. 70 (tomb 79. chariot beta); Drack 1958, fig , 26 . n Definite bigae .(not to be confused with single-poled carts, supra n. 3), Karageorghis 1967, 49f~. ~tomb 3. ~hanot. B): 77££. (tomb 47, rst burial) ; 1973a. 74f.• 86 (tomb 79. chariot delta). Definite qu.adngae. Dikaios 1963. 156ff. {tomb I, znd burial); Karageorghis 1967, 77ff. (tomb 47, z nd bunal); 1973a. 78ff. (tomb 79, chariot beta). Terra-co ttas, infra n . 62. :: For.Y-pole, Littaue: and Crouwel 1976, 76ff:; 1977a. Iff. with figs. 3-6 (Ovgoros model). While those ~ew r~lIefs of unharnassed ch ariots of Ashurnasirpal II (our f ig. 54) do not show a pole of this design but what appears to be a single one. the foreshortening needed to render su ch may have been beyond capacity of artistes) . and deductions cannot be safely made. Independently, Spruytte has also come to conclusion that these Assyrian chariots had a Y-pole ' cf. Littauer and Crouwel 1977a, 5f.

110

EARLIER FIRST MILLENNIUM B.C. EARLIER FIRST MILLENNIUM B.C .

In the 7th-century. Assyrian reliefs suggest a return of the single, central ~ole, as. in the znd millennium, and this is supported by views of unharnessed chanots ifig«. 56, 61). This pole runs forward from floor le~el in a mild upward curve towards the new, four-horse yoke. . . Assyrian reliefs show poles rectangular in section and usually remforced WIth patterned metal sheathing (figs. 53, 55-56, 61). .. . , . A pole supportfbreastwork brace is a constant on AssYJ?an r eliefs. Unlike earlier examples (d. p.8I), it appears to be a metal rod that nses close .t o the box a 44at nearly vertical angle, and forks near its attachment to the pole ifig«. 53-55). On 9th-century and som etimes on 8th-century reliefs a pea-pod-shaped elem~nt, often decorated is seen running forw ard from the top of the front breastwork (ftgs . 53-55) as did therod or thong pole-end brace on earlier Assyrian chariots (d. p. 81; fig. 41). One purpose of this new element, which may still have conc ealed a pole-end brace, may have been to carry a bow, as its shape suggests.v Non-Assyrian documents also frequently illustrate the vertical p~le. supp.ort/ breastwork brace, as well as the " p ea-pod" brace (fig. 58). Some Neo-Hittite relie.fs, however, instead of the latter, show the simple rod or . thong like that of earlier Assyrian chariots (fig . 57}.46 DRAUGHT ANIMALS (AND MOUNTS)

Horses Horses continue to b e used extensively in harness, and there is increasing evidence of their use as mounts. The fullest osteological information comes from eastern Anatolia, where earlier evidence was also found (d. p . 41). Two stallions and a mare were buried in a chamber tomb at Norsuntep e (7th cent. B.C.)-all between 5! and 6 years old.t? The males stood 1.40 m.-1.45 m . at the withers, one of them being slightly bigger and heavier than the other. The mare, at 1.25 m ., was the smallest , but the most thick-set. Paterson 1915, 108f.; Littauer and Crouwel 1977c, 70f. . . "Pea p od" later shown on arch aizing chariot of Sennach erib, supra n ', 23. Bo,,:case interpretation supported by Neo-Assyrian bronze bucket in Teheran (unpubI.; mfor:nahon U . Calm eyer-Seidl letter Feb. 15 , 1977) , where a "pea pod" is seen lying on ground in battle scene involving chariot (with "pea p od") and horsemen. For other interpretations, a.o. Nagel 1966, 5d. with n . 156; Madhloom 1970, 16f . (stressing function as pole support). 46 Also Orthmannrozr , pls. 9: a , II: b-d, 42: a. . 41 B oessneck and von den Driesch (report forthcoming ; copy provided b~ B~essneck) . Find circumstances, Hauptmann 1972 , royf. with pl. 59 : 1-2; also per sonal commu ni cati on , u

45

III

Regrettably, very little is known about other skel etons reported from the Near These include the burial of several horses at Gordion (7th cent. B.C.) and of smgle horses at Baba Jan (Sth-zth cent. B.C .) and War Kabud (both in Luristan) 48 ~t Hasanlu in northwest Iran, four skeletons were excavated by Iranian archaeologists, apparently in connection with a tomb; four other skeletons were found on a floor of Building V and a skeleton and skull found in Building VI of period IV (destroyed ca 800 B.C.). From nearby Dinkha Tepe comes a fragmentary skeleton of an animal that stood ca 1.50 m .49

~ast.

M~~an levels at Nush-i Jan near Hamadan gave a wid e range of sizes, from

ponies

o~ mImat~re horses ~h~t stood 1.05-1.10 m. to horses standing over 1.50 m. at the WIthers, WIth the rnajorrtv standing 1.35-1.37 m ., and variations from light to heavy Comparative dimensions furnished by the skeletons of harness horses from ~y~not tombs also show a wide range, from 1.32 m. t o 1.53 m. 51 Such variations III SIZe and type may well indicate selective breeding. Horses are very frequently depicted-primarily in harness, but increasingly as mounts. !he r~lative. size of Assyrian horses may be deduced from the very circumstantIal reliefs (ftg. 53, 55-56, 62, 76-78). Ninth-century horses appear smaller than 7th-century ones, when larger, heavier chariots a nd the increased use of mounted troops . probably cr eated a demand for bigger horses. Assyrian horses under Ashurbampal are shown as strong, well-built, well-muscled animals, with lon~ canon bones, large hooves and "breedy " heads. Som e 8th-century reliefs seem to illustrate the small pony cit ed above.52

type~. 50

6 48 Yo~.ng, R. S. 195 , 266 with pI. 96: figs . 56-57; 1964a, 55 ff. with pl. XV: I (Cordionj , :.lso Ozgu~, T. and Akok 1947, 80 (hor se burial, tumulus n ear Ankara); Goff 19 69, 123ff . with Ig·. 7 (Baba Jan) ; V~nden Berghe 1968, 120 (War Kabud) ; al so Moorey 197 1a , 103 (hor se t eeth st~~ned ? y bronze bits reported fr om ot he r t ombs in Luristanj , Ghlrshman 19 64a , 24ff . with fig . 131 ; D yson 1965 , 208ff . (Hasanlu tomb)' 1973 195 ' f 19 75, 1.81 (Has~nlu bUildings) ; Mu scarella 1974b, 67, 78f . with n . 16 (Dinkha T~pe) ' ~Iso i~~ formation provI.ded by Bok onyi, letter March 2, 1974. Horse burials fr om Kalouras d ear S.w. corner of CaspIa? (unpubl. d. H akemi 1968, 67), and p ossibly also horse teeth from n earby cemetery at Marlik (suPra p . 000), may d ate to early rst millennium . 50 B OOk " . c o onyi 1973 : 13?f.; .1 97 8 , ~sp. 28; also letter, March 2, 1974 . Horse remains, from 7th cent. levels at Urartian SItes in Iranian Azerbaijan, belong t o a nimals standing at ca 1.34-1.45 m ., Boessneck a~d ~auss ~973, 128 (Bastan;. earlier horse .m a t erial t oo); also Boessneck 1973, 98 5~Zendam-I-Sulelman), for Skeletal matenal from Kanmr Blur (early 6th cent.), infra p. q8 . 67, J?ucos 19 esp. 157 . (table) . Cf. .also. three ~orses, including a ca 18-year-old stallion standing at ~a 1-48 m., buned a t some time m 1St mill. B .C. in m astaba near pyramid of Un as Saqqara, QUlbelland Olver I 916 ; Vitt 195 2, 201ff. ' 52 Good ills. of horses, Barnett n .d . ; 1975; 1976. For sm all ponies Littauer 197 26f with pis. VII : a-b. ' . 1,

IIZ

EARLIER FIRST MILLENNIUM B.C.

EARLIER FIRST MILLENNIUM B.C.

Treatment of mane and tail . This is primarily elucidated by Assyrian reliefs. . . Manes. No distinction seems to be made throughout between th: manes of nding or harness horses. Up to the time of Ashurbanipal, manes are consistently left long . Only enemy chariot horses under Ashurnasirpal II sho",: manes hogged (q.v.) or perhaps pulled (q.v.) and braided into knots. The forelock IS left long but evened ~ff, until the time of Tiglath-Pileser III, when it is largely supplanted by a brow c~shlOn (d. p. 1z7). Under Ashurbanipal, the mane is sometimes hogged, b~t agam ~he forelock is occasionally left long. Under Sennacherib we first see a peculiar ~endenng of the mane, which is to continue under Ashurbanipal.P This shows a hangmg ma~e but, above it, what looks like the centre of the mane which had been. hogged. (fzg. 6z). More likely, it is a wa y of indicating a thick mane that was parted m the middle and fell on both sides. Tails. Throughout the period, tails may be left long, merely evened off at the ends and tied by a cord at the middle (figs. 53, 55, 78). On mounts ~nder Ashurnasirpal II (fig . 76) and Shalmaneser III, they may als o b e shown WIth the lower half looped back in a "mud knot. " This fa shi on appears ~nly on mounts u~~er Tiglath-Pileser III (fig. 77), but the paucity of document~tlOn m~kes gen eralities impossible. Under Ashurbanipal, the lower hal~es of the tails of dnve~ ho~s es may be braided before being ti ed up, and the nbbons of royal horses tails have "streamers'I." Horses are frequently m entioned in the voluminous Neo-Assyrian t ex~ s : administrative documents, letters and reports of military expeditions . They ar e hst edoften in large numbers-among booty collected or tribute receiv ed . The demand for horses to replenish the chariot a nd mounted corps may even have acted as an inc entive for the Assyrians to undertak e military expeditions ~o the north, whe~e the rich pastures of Azerbaij an and Urartu were noted for their hors es.P There IS no r eference to them as pack animals or in .slow dr aught. T ••• As previously, classific~tion of horses IS. by se~, a~~ ~~lour. No sp ecific SIzes are given, but horses are occasionally ch aractenzed as big". Barnett n .d .• pls. 24. 25 (Ashurnasirpal II) ; 1975. pI. 65 (Sennach erib);, . Discussion, Madhloom 1970, 22 f.; h e did not r ecognize "mud k nots on Ashurnasirpal II's mounts. Barnett n .d. , pls, 57-59 (braiding). 55 A .o . Salonen 1956, 31ff .; J ankowska 1969 , 266 with fig. 5; Moor ey 1971a, II5££. Lo cal texts confirm importance of horse breeding in Urartu, a .o. Hancar 1956. 185.££. . 56 Sal on en 1956, 34 . White horses ap pare ntly especially priz ~ d , a~ i.n e~rher te x ~s , d . W eidner 195 2 159 R emains of actual stables are claimed to have b een Identified III Palestine•. d . La~J.On and Shipton 1939, 32ff. ; Y adin 1976 ; d . al so J;reu sser 1954. 5?f. (AshurZ' But, as III ?reVIOUS p eriod (supra p . 94. n. 85), this in t erpretation IS op en t o question. cf. Pritchard 1970 , H erz og 53

54

Im ·

=~

II3

Other animals Although there is osteological and other evidence of asses, mules and hemiones, their appearance with chariots seems confined, like that of bovids, to mythological scenes, involving divine drivers.f? Ordinary carts, however, are usually shown as drawn by mules or bovids (d. p . IOO). HARNESSING

Traction in Assyria through the 9th cent. B.C. continues to be by a pole attached to a two-horse yoke similar in sh ape to the ones known from Egypt in the preceding period. Similar Y-shaped yoke saddles are in use, and som ewhat shorter yoke braces (d. p. 85; fig. 43)· This is clearly illustrated on r eliefs sh owing unharnessed chariots of Ashurnasirpal II (fig . 54). Similar harnessing may be assumed for the chariots of Shalmaneser III, although it is less explicitly shown. In profile views one or both yoke-saddle finials may sometimes be seen and also, in distorted p erspective, the sharply r ecurved yoke end id entified by its animal-h eaded t erminals (fig. 53).58 Although only two horses were under yoke befor e the 8th century, and no more than three horses are ever shown , there are indications of two-, three- and four-horse teams, the latter t aking over completely towards the end of the 8th century. That bigae and trigae existe d side by side already at the time of the "White Obelisk" is su gg ested by the rendering of both four (fig. 41) and six rein s on it. While til es of Tukulti-Ninurta II (888-884 B. C.) sh ow two pairs of reins, the consiste nt , careful r endering of six (fig. 53), and occasionally of eight reins under Ashurnasirpal II indicates both trigae and quadrigae. A fragmentary bronze model from Gordion illustrates a quadriga composed of two yoke horses and two outriggers (q.v .), as in Greec e." 57 Ass . cf. esp. sk eletons found with and without vehicle burials in Cyprus, Ducos 19 67 (standing at 1. 05-1.32 m.; d . 18I: "horses" from tombs 2 and 31 are in fa ct asses). Mule, d. esp . its u se as p ack animal, inf ra n. 142 . Hemione, d . esp. famous hunting reliefs of Ashurbanip al; since these show foal being cap t u re d alive. a nimals m ay al so h av e been used t o get hybrids, a .o. B arnett n .d ., pI s. 103-104 . Mythological scenes, supra n. 13 (H asanlu gold b owl, related m etal v essel wit hout prov ., fr agm. "Luristan" quiver ). B ovids a lso on an Neo-Hittite reli ef sh owing a rc haic type of t wo-wheeler with p entepartite disk wheels, driven by d eity, Orthrnann 197 1, pI. 4 1: f (Malatya). These scenes recall ea rlier on es and texts from Anatolia, su pra pp. 56, n . 33, 74 , n. 9, 80; discussion, also Mellink 1966 . 58 Di scu ssion, Littauer 197 6a , 21 7ff. Sg Gordian m odel, supra n . 34 . Six re in s seem rarely in d icated on "Whit s Obelisk", U nger 193 2, pI. VIII (reliefs B6-7); Madhloom 1970, 10. F or tiles, Andrae 1925 , pI. 7. Eight reins on Ashurnasirpal II's reliefs, Barnett n .d .; pis. 24-25 ; 1975, pI. 37 ; quadrigae m ay also be

EARLIER FIRST MILLENNIUM B.C.

The 8th century seems to be a period of transition and experiment-both artistic and technical in Assyria. Chariots under Tiglath-Pileser III may show six or eight reins with two horses (fig. 55). Artists, who had tried to show all three horses of a triga under Ashurnasirpal II, but had baulked at a fourth, were now experimenting with reducing the number until, by the 7th cent. B.C., we shall find a single horse representing a team of four (fig . 56). While a provincial relief of the time of Tiglath-Pileser III , from Arslan Tash, depicting a triga, still shows the yoke saddle and the pad beneath is, the terrets 60 (q.v.) are no longer situated on the horse's shoulder, but on the yoke itself. The reliefs of this king from Nimrud, however, seem to indicate another technical change -a new type of yoke that is explicitly illustrated only with unharnessed chariots (Assyrian, Levantine and Chaldean) under Sargon II, Sennacherib (fig. 61) and Ashurbanipal." This new, long yoke, which is shaped into bays-clearly paddedfor the horses ' necks , instead of fitted with yok e saddles, is only shown on these reliefs as a four -hors e yoke. But some reliefs of Tiglath-Pileser III, suggest that a two-horse form of it was used in triga hitch with an outrigger (fi g. 55). This new yoke was still sharply recurved at the ends. The terret rings-eight to a four-horse yokeinstead of being fixed on the shoulder, as earlier in Egypt and in oth-century Assyria, were now fixed on the yoke in the indentations between the .bays and near the still sharply recurved end s of the yoke (figs. 61, 62). Their higher position helps explain the very garbled rendering of the yok e under Tiglath-Pileser III as an unsuccessful attempt to depict this new, fitted yoke from the side, and the absence of yoke-saddle finials on these reliefs confirms this interpretation. Yoke braces, an important harness element used with earli er yokes (cf. p. II3; jigs. 43, 54), may well have continued with the new fitted type. Although not illustrated with the unharnessed chariots under Sargon II, Senn acherib and Ashurbanipal, they do appear with the long, four-bayed yokes of Elamite carts shown floating down the river Ulai (fig. 52). deduced from two p airs of horses being swum aft er single chario t transported by boat. Barnett n .d .• pIs. 18-20; 1975. pIs. 25-26 . Presen ce of trigae much debated : pr o. esp . Hrouda 1~63. 156; 1965, 9 6, 15 1 ; Littauer 1976a. 219, 222ff. (referring t o trigae in Gr eece a nd Etruria}; contra , esp. Na gel 1966. 53££. ; Madhloom 197 0. 15H . . . . 80 Thureau-Dangin et al. 1931. pI. VIII; Littauer 1976a, 218f. WIth fig. 17 (detail) . 81 Littauer 1976a • figs. 21 (Sargon II) , 22 (our f ig . 61 ; Sennach erib) ; P ater son 19 15. pIs. 7 1-73 (same king ; chariot cap t ure d at Lachish, !,ale:~n~); Barne~t 197 6, pI. XXXV (~hu~­ banipal ; captured Elamite ex s.). Four-h orse yok e implicit in harnessing scen e of Ashurbampal s royal quadriga (our f ig. 63 ; Barnett n.d ., pI. 59 ; 1975, pI. 9 2; 197 6, pis. V and A). . :"" ";':"'-: :: ..

EARLIER FIRST MILLENNIUM B.C.

lI5

The existence, from the 8th cent. B.C. on, of quadrigae with all four horse~ under .yoke, and not only the two pole horses, is confirmed by Cypriot chariot remains and t erra-cotta models from Cyprus and the Levant, although the latter do not date before the 7th-6th cent. B.c. But in contrast to Assyrian documents, these always show two poles, with either a single four-horse yoke (fig. 60) or two two-horse yokes (fig. 59)·62 Bigae seem to be indicated on several Neo-Hittite reliefs, where no more than four reins are illustrated (fig. 57) and where a yok e saddle is still sometimes shown, and on some other documents.P A fan-shaped object appears in the yok e area on several Assyrian reliefs, sometimes seeming to project across two horses' necks (fig. 53). To judge from unharnessed chariots depicted und er Ashurnasirpal II (fig. 54), there was one such object fixed to the centre of the yok e (possibly as finial to the yoke peg) and facing forward. These objects were restricted under Ashurnasirpal II and Sargon II to royal chariots or to those of officers, and under Sennacherib and Ashurbanipal to certain royal chariots only. They might have figured decoration, as did two actual bronze examples found at Zinjirli.v' On a few royal chariots under Ashurnasirpal II, the fan-shaped object is shown as surmounted by a decorated disk, which may represent a sun disk, as did similar objects on earlier Egyptian pharaohs' chariot poles ." The exact manner in which the three- and four-horse teams were harnessed is difficult to reconstruct from the strictly profile views on Assyrian reliefs. The numerous and complicated straps under Ashurnasirpal II (fig. 53) and the summary execution of the Balawat Gat es of Shalmaneser III make the 9th century especially hard to interpret . So long as yok e saddles were in use they must have been held on by neck straps attached to the ends of their legs and crossing the horse's neck in • 82 Four-horse y~ ke apparentl~ pn~sent on two buried quadrigae, Dikaios 1963, 159f. with fig . 4; Karageorghis 1973a, 79 WIth figs. IO-II (tomb 79, cha rio t beta); details of reconstruction of yoke, poles and body of latter may be questioned. Littauer 1976b. Terra-cottas with fourhorse yoke, a .o. Littau er a nd Crouwel 1977 c, 71 with pI. XXV; others with two two-horse yokes, a.o. Gjerstad 1935, pI. CCXXXIV: 5 (good ill ., Karageorghis 1967, fig . 5) ; Young and Young 1955. 216f. with figs. 15-17 . 83 Orthmann 1971, pI. 24: a, c-f (yoke saddles). Actual bigae and t erra-cottas from Cyprus, supra nn. 41-42 . 64 Andrae 1943. 79ff. with figs. 90-91 and pI. 40 : cod (Zinjirli exs ., ca 0.68 and 0.803 m . in width); Botta and Fl andin 1849-50. pis . 56-57) (Sargon II) ; Barnett 1975. pIs . 65, 168 (Sen na ch erib and Ashurbanipal); discus sion, also H rouda 1965. 96 ; Madhloom 1970 , 14. 16. 66 Barnett n .d ., pIs . 26, 27. Cf. Carter 1927, 60. 62f. with pI. XLIV (actual exs .; tomb of Tut'ankhamun) ; Yadin 1963, 192-193 , 213-217, 333-337 (Egyptian ills .) ; discussion. Littauer 1976a, 219 .

II6

EARLIER FIRST MILLENNIUM B.C.

front, as they did earlier in Egypt (d. p. 85). The horses nearest the viewer on Ashurnasirpal II's reliefs are presumably outriggers, as no saddle legs are visible on them." The neck strap, which widens to spread the pressure on the front of the neck, runs back to an open, thumbnail-shaped element, of the same form as the saddle pad, and obviously deriving from it, and which must be connected in some wayan the far side with a yoke horse. The terret ring is placed on the horse's shoulder in a position similar to that which it occupied in Egypt, but since there would beno yoke saddle on an outrigger, there is no saddle end to which to attach it and it is perhaps held down by one of the straps that passes under the horse's belly. A second strap that passes under the belly just in front of the first forks as it goes up over the shoulder and its ends connect with a strap encircling the horse's neck above the saddle-pad strap. This may be a backing element (q.v.), although an outrigger would not seem to need one. It also might represent a second, more secure means of attaching an outrigger to a yoke horse. This is suggested by the fact that no traces are shown running to the chariot box on these very detailed reliefs, although traces are consistently depicted in the much less realistic Greek vase painting of quadrigae, where only two horses are under yoke." The conclusion is that the outriggers must have been conn ect ed 0I11y to the pole horses or to the ends of the yoke, although not being under it. With this type of harness, a horizontal strap is worn across the chest below the neck strap. The fringe that hangs from it, besides being ornamental, probably also serves to keep off flies (already seen on the "White Obelisk," fig. 41, and even in th e 3rd millennium, d. p. 30; figs. 3. 6, 8). Harnessing of later Assyrian chariots. from Tiglath-Pileser IlIon, when the fitted yoke had come into use, appears to have been simpler, involving fewer straps (figs . 55-56). The neckstrap, now attached to the yoke itself because the yoke saddles have disappeared, is still a constant and essential feature. The other strap, placed below it and crossing the chest, continues to be shown-often still with a hanging fly fringe. Only one strap that apparently passes under the belly is shown . Under Tiglath-Pileser III (fig. 55), this single strap seems to be attached to the end of the yok e. In the absence of any other visible backing element, it probably fills this role. Whether there was any connection between it and a possible similar strap on the next horse (not marked on the chariot models), is unascertainable. Sometimes under Sennacherib and consistently under Ashurbanipal (figs . 56, 62), th e single 88 87

Littauer 1976 a, 218£. For harnessing, also Hrouda 1965, 98f .; Nagel 1966 , 58. A.o . Simon and Hirmer 1976, pIs . XIII, 55-56, 94; discussion, Littauer 1976a, 223.

EARLIER FIRST MILLENNIUM B.C.

II7

belly strap, instead of being attached to the yoke (i.e. infrant of the withers) appears to cross the back (behind the withers like a true girth, q .v.) and widens in its upper half. Its only visible connection is with the horizontal band that goes around the chest and that, since under Ashurbanipal it no longer carries a fly fringe, seems to have little practical purpose except to keep the "girth" in place. Neither of these straps seems elaborate enough to be purely decorative. Two practical roles may be postulated for this girth: 1. a connection might exist between it and a similar girth on the next (pole) horse, helpful in keeping the four horses properly aligned under o?: yo~e; 2. i! co~nected by a strap running from beneath the horse's belly (in:,sIble In profile VIew) and up between its forelegs to the n eckstrap of the yoke, It would help to ~eep the yoke from riding forward over th e horse's head in backing. It would be an Improvement over the earlier form of backing elem ent, one of th e defects of which was that, unless slack, it could cut the animal under the elbows (d. p. 86). In the absence of any other visible backing element, it is difficult not t o interpret this girth as such. Another harness element is a discoid shoulder ornament that is standard in Assyria from Tukulti-Ninurta II to Sargon II (figs . 53, 55). It appears later only sometimes on Assyrian royal chariots, but is still used by the Elamites with cart harness (fig. 51). Actual examples have been found vvith Cypriot vehicle burials-two to a team. Of repousse bronze, and hinged to bronze tongues with suspension loops at the top, these disks are clearly too small to have afforded protection. They may perhaps have served to weigh something down, their fringes also helping to keep the flies away. 68 Assyrian reliefs throughout indicate that harness straps were often decorated with appliques of discoid, banjo, or other shapes, which also decorated the breastbands (q.v.) of ridden horses (fig s. 53, 55, 62). Numerous bronze examples, particularly from outside Assyria proper, suggest a wide distribution of such obj ects." Non-Assyrian chariot representations, when showing harness in any detail, 88 Something similar is already shown with some royal Egyptian cha riots , Yadin 1963, 334, 337 (Ramesses III) . Madhloom (1970, II) suggests presence also on "White Obelisk" . Actual e::-:s . from Cyp~s, Karageorghis 1967, 49 (tomb 3, nos. 23 . 114 ; t otal length 0.52 m . ; diam. dIsk. 0 .2~ m.) .wlth.pl.. CXXVIII; 1973a, 76, n£., 83££., 86 with esp. pIs. CCLXXII-VI (tomb 79). Their weight indicates that they could not have be en suspended fr om ou tside r ein as su gg ested by Karageor ghis (1967, 49) a nd Madhloorn (1970, 12, 17 with n . 5) ; d . Littauer I97 6a, 220f. 89 A.o. Boehmer 1965. 802f£. (material esp . from cemetery B, t omb 15 at Sialk on Iranian plateau); Calmeyer 1969, group 48; Moorey I97Ia, 128 and s.v. nos. I5 I- I52a.

EARLIER FIRST MILLENNIUM B.C.

EARLIER FIRST MILLENNIUM B.C.

lI8

are bent in opposite directions. The canons are occasionally so long that the bits are the extra length protruding gives added leverage to a directional pull. Directional control is also emphasized by the studs on the inner faces of the cheekpieces, as on many earlier examples (d. p. 89). . The cheekpie~es are sometimes still discoid, but are usually in the form .of pierced plaques of varymg shape-frequently zoomorphic-and have loops to take a twopart cheekstrap.:" T~at t~e.bit.s were actually used-the most elaborate ones perhaps only in ceremonies-c-is mdicated ~y the w~ar on some of them-in one case even to the breaking through of the cheekpiece hole in the area where it was reinforced." . ~he emphasis on directional control implied by the studded cheekpieces probably mdicates that these were primarily driving bits. 2 . Bits u:ithjrn,nted wire c~nons. Firmly documented at Ashur (fig. 66) and in Cyprus, these bits basically continue a type established in the preceding period (d. p. 88; type 4).74 The canons are composed of two strands of heavy metal wire, looped through ea:h other in th: middle and twisted back on themselves to pass through the cheekpieces and end m loops to take the reins or a rein attachment. The cheekpieces are long and roughly rectangular and carry two or three loops for attaching the che:kstraps. Studs are lacking on the majority of them, including the rather narro~ Iron ones found with vehicle burials in Cyprus (mid 8th to 7th cent. B.C.). The WIre canons are more severe than the plain bars, and the joint in the centre produces a "nutcracker" effect on the corners of the horse's mouth when both reins ar: pulled. I~ the canons are very long-as they often are-this joint could press pamfully against the roof of the horse's mouth." In the case of one such bit found on Samos, the cheekpieces were in the form of galloping horses and clearly influenced

depict it as resembling that seen on Assyrian r~liefs: A good example is. a NeoHittite relief from Sak<;agozii, where the harnessmg IS of 9t h cent. Assynan type

essent~ally. "run-out" ~its, ~here

(fig. 58). CONTROL

Harness and riding horses were controlled by apparently. similar (usually ?itted) bridles. These might vary (according to their usage) only in some of the bits employed and in some accessory elements. Led horses were often controlled by other means. . I d Headstall. On Assyrian reliefs the cheekstraps (q.v.) divide near their ower en s into two or three branches for attachment of the bit's cheekpieces (q.v.): and are secured by a throatlash (q.v.) that crosses the upper cheek, rather than going under the throat proper, as do modern ones. A browband (q.v.) is usually pr~ent (fig~. 53, 56, 7 77). A half-noseband (q.v.) of special design appears un~er Tlglath-Pileser 6, III to become standard from Sargon II onward. Its straps run diagonally upwards acr~ss the nose from the point of cheekstrap division (figs . 55, 56, 76 , 78 and esp. 79). The position of these straps acr.oss the nose a~d o:-er the brow is i1lustra~ed on a stone head from Zinjirli (where their area of crossmg IS covered by a decorative .' plaque) and on a Cypriot terra-cotta modelYigs. 63, 59)·70 Bits. Surviving bits, as before, have basically snaffle (q.v.) combmed WIth.cheekpiece action, but are more varied. Still mainly of bronze, the~ now ar~ sometimes of iron, or combine both metals. Rarely, bone or antler cheekpieces. which must have had either " soft " organic or jointed metal canons, are found. Actual bits fall into a variety of categories, depending upon the type of canon, it connection with the cheekpieces, and whether the latter are studded or not. ~.sBits with bar canons. Widely used in the previous period with discoid cheekpieces (d. p. 87; type I), these (of bronze) are now limited to Luristan in :vest-central Iran (fig. 65).71 The single canons, round or roughly rec~an~ar in section, 'pass through holes in the centres of the cheekpieces, and almost invariably have theIr ends roll ed back on themselves to form loops that would have held rings for the attachment of the reins. No satisfactory explanation has yet been found for the fact that these loops 2ff. 6, Von Luschan 19 II , 335f. with figs . 245-247; also Wolff and Opitz 1935-3 33 wi~h figs . 8-10 (d. 326 for half-noseband on Assyrian reliefs); Gjerstad 1935, pl . CCXXXIV: 3 (Ayia lrini model). . 6 f ( 71 Only on e Luristan bit of type I comes from known fin~,conte~\Thrane .19 4, ig . 5 our fig . 65; shrine, Tang-i-Hamamlan); for similar openwork bow-tie cheekpIeces, Calmeyer 19 69, group 38; Moorey 1971a, s.v. nos . 108-109· . 10

II9

Discoid cheekpieces, Moorey 1971a, S .V. nos. IIO-III ; 197rb, rz r f .: two complete bits pls. 118, II9) may date to later znd mill. , supra p . 87, n. 61; other individual CIrcular objects are. too weak in fabric to have been cheekpieces, Moorey I971a, s.v, no . 141; 1971b, 122. ~heekpl~ces of o~her sh.apes (they derive, like those cited supra n . 71, from rectangular cheekpieces which were III use III the previous period with jointed, not bar canons, d . p. 88, tYPffe 3), Potratz 1966, 107, 138ff .; Moorey 1971a, S .V. nos. II5-130 ; 1971b, I23f.; Amiet 1976, 55 . 13 Moorey I971a, 107; 1971b, 124f.; Amiet 1976, 56. 74 Ashur exs., Po~ratz 1966, pI. 105 (our f ig. 66); 1941-44, 5 with fig. 4 (cheekpiece only); add Preusser 19.54, 59 W1t~ n : 131 and l?I. 27: c ~ another ex. may date to later znd mill ., supra p. 88, n. 64 . Cypnot exs ., Dikaios 1963, fig. 21; Karageorghis 1967, 21,49,86, 105 with esp. pI. CXLI; 1973a, 76, 82, 86 with esp. pI. CCLXIII. 75 Littauer 1969a, 295; d . length of canons of our fig. 66 (Ashur): 0.26 m ., of Cypriot exs. from tomb 79: 0.184-0.304 m . (compared with max. length today of 0.153 m .). 72

(~otratz I ~66,

>.

f

9

EARLIER FIRST MILLENNIUM B.C.

120

EARLIER FIRST MILLENNIUM B.C.

. al h gh ot identical with it. The mouthpieces by the traditional Lunstan .type, f tthi?U ~ found at Nimrud and on Samos and . g other cheekpieces 0 s t yp accompanym hi h t that they like the first Samos example, may Rhodes had perished, :'. c s~gges s. 76 The iack of studs on Cypriot bits that h h d canons of jointed Iron WITe. dir . al ave a . . .. g mi ht be due to the decreased need for ection were associated WIth drivm gh iots with four-horse teams all under yoke that control on the less manoeuvrabl e c an , come into use in the late 8th cent. B.C.

.

al Anatolia in different

3· Bits with joi~ted sm~~~ :~;:~~~~~:e~::: a: ~;n~;onze or iro~. 77 Their two parts of Iran and separately, their inner ends passed through canons are. rounholes and interlocked at the centre. The outer ends of. th: canons the thick rings or in clenched fists to take a separate rem nng. The may em. which are unsuitable for studs, may be short or long, t to a wide angle; they may be pierced to take the cheeknew. rod-like straight, crescentic, or en f thi u ose and their ends may be decorated. strap ends or may hav.e loops or s pfrp ~ type 2 except that their smooth y These bits have eslsentiall thTehSeaymmeaaych~;e been used: as at least some of those of make them ess severe. . . diffi canons .. b u t al so for riding , where directional control is not so 1type 2 were, for driving,

(fz~. i~~ection cheek~le~e. tenn~a

cas~

che~kPIeC~S,

cult. Wh .ously the ou t er en ds of the canons of all Near Eastern metal bits . ereasd, tPhreVlgh had passe rou the' cheekpieces , we now also find other methods of connectmg

loops i: '7s ~~oi:~t~~:o:d~:~~~

:.r;,~:~it~:~';~;:;s

passing through latter Documented in different parts of Iran (f g.) I f " oft" thes~ bits have jointed canons of bronze or iron, and apparent y some imes s 2, (with remains of jointed wire canons), B508, B756, Samos exs., Jantzen 197 nos. BI215 f ith fg 7 ("bronze", but said to be "elec0 12 7 . WI no I6~ with pl. 25. For relationship with B895 with pl. 61. Nimrud, Mal.lowan 1966, trum" by Moorey). Rhodes, 6Blinkenberg 193:: ~~~re . 19~Ia, II5; 197 123f.; 1974, 194; 1b, Luristan bits, Calmeyer 19 ?, s.v f5JouP,+;5, 88 lmos also presents parallels for two Dsimilar cheekpieces on Assynan ..re ie s'] n. 7' nos B33 15 with pl. 4 (here regarded shaped ckeekpieces from Bogazkoy, cf. an ~en 19 2, . 2, 19 8 76

i.

znfa

as parts of belts); Boehmer 1972V~OS'a~~t~:V: no. S. 9 24 (our fig. 67; pair from Sialk B, 77 Ghirshman 1?3?, pIs. XX . 1 from Luristan, Potratz 19 66, 135 ff; Moorer 197 s.v. tomb 74);II4; many SImilar ~~iure~~~~dI964a, fig. 339 (Hasanlu); Negahban 1964, fig. 134Ia,(M~r­ 1b, nos. II2197 122, rs no 13 2' and others from Transcaucasia, lik; d. parallel from "N.W. Iran", ~~rey 19JI~ 1962 166ff. with pl. 4 fig. 26 (Gordian); 8: 8 6: Potratz 1966, fig. 7 and pl. 17 a-b), ~ung, U· artu Ghirshman 1966, ZI9£. with figs. 1-3; exs some inscribed with royal name~, rom r , . r Azarpay 1968,50 (Altintepe); Piotrovski 1969, pl. 77 [Karmir Blu )' . . ---.-"'--',::-'.

,

I

121

ones, the metal canons being usually wire, but sometimes plain. The cheekpieces, of bronze, iron, bone or antler are rod-like, of varying design, sometimes with deco7s rated ends. Where the loops of the canon ends were large enough, the cheekpieces may have passed through these loops (the principle of Scythian bits) and the reins (as before) have been attached to the latter. 79 But where the canon-end loops were too small for this they must have been attached to the central cheekpiece hole by thongs or wire. In this case the reins would have been attached to the canon ends inside the cheekpiece. This last variant would have been milder, because no leverage would have been exerted on the cheekpiece. 5· Bits with jointed canons linked directly to cheekpieces. Documented by only a few examples from central Anatolia (fig. 69) and north-west Iran, of bronze or iron, these bits seem only to be structurally improved versions of type 3, in that the outer ends are linked more securely to loops in the cheekpieces by means of of the canons so heavy rings. The reins are also attached to these rings (hence to the cheekpieces) or to metal extensions of this loop, as in Anatolia (fig. 69). The canons, sometimes of wire, may be composed of two to five links. The cheekpieces are rod-like, of varying design, and may be pierced or have two loops for cheekstraps. This bit, like type 4, would have a relatively mild action-particularly where there were multiple links. 6. Bits with jointed canons cast in one piece with their respective cheekpieces. Among the few examples safely dated to this period, are one from Nimrud (fig. 7 ) and some 0 from UrartU-all of bronze.st The canons may be linked directly together in the centre or have an extra link between them; in cases they are roughened by being wrapped with fine wire. The cheekpieces are rod-like, of varying design; they may 80 78 Ghirshman 1, 1939, pl. LVI: no. S. 835 (our fig. 68; Sialk B, tomb 15), also nos. S. 5 3 : a-b, 84 and 79I: a-b with pI. LVII (bone); Contenau and Ghirshman 1935, pl. V:88,6 (Giyan in Luristan); Goff 19 69, fig. 7: 5 (Baba Jan, horse burial, supra n. 4 Dyson 19 2, 8); 64, 37 fig. 3 (bone; Hasanlu III, not IV, d. Muscarella 1974 b, 79, n. 16; unpubI. bone/antler exs. as well as all-metal bits from Hasanlu IV in Philadelphia, University Museum); Porada 65b, 19 fig. 73 (bone ex.; "Ziwiyeh"; d. bronze ex., Godard 1950, fig. 4 6); others without provo from Iran, Potratz 1966, 125f£.; Moorey 1971a, S.V. no. 131. Boehmer 197 nos. 2II7-2II8 2, (antler; Bogazkoy); Hauptmann 1972, I05ff. with pI. 69:2 (mouthpiece only; Nor§untepe, horses' burial, supra n. 47); Barnett and Watson 1952, 143 with fig. 22 (bone; Karmir Blur). 7P Scythian bits, a.o. Potratz 19 63, 6lff. 2, 80 Boehmer 197 no. 694 with pl. LVIII (our fig. 69; Bogazkoy, "Unterstadt"), and p. 192, n. 156b. (unpubI. ex.; Gordion); unpubI. ex. from Iran (call. M. A. Littauer). 81 Potratz 1966, pI. 122 (our jig. 70; Nimrud) , fig. 47: a (reportedly Assyrian; no prov.). For Urartian exs., some inscribed with royal names, Azarpay 19 68, 43, 50 with pI. 22 (Altin2 tepe), 4 (Karmir BIur); Tasyiirek 1975, 153 with pIs. XXXII: c, XXXIV: a-b; d. also two exs. from "N.W. Iran", Moorey 1971a, nos. 133- 134.

122

EA.RLIERFIRST MILLENNIUM B.C. EARLIER FIRST MILLENNIUM B.C.

have decorated ends, and they carry two loops for the cheekstraps. Reins were attached to an external loop cast solid with the cheekpiece and its canon. This bit, which is to become the prevailing one in the next period (d. p. 150; jig. 85a-b), would have had a strong compressing action on the corners of ' the horse's mouth because of the rigid connection between canons and cheekpieces. It is primarily a braking bit, hence suitable for a chariot that does not require much manoeuvering, or for riding. It has certain practical advantages over earlier bits, since it eliminates wear caused by friction between canons and cheekpieces and, being in large part cast, it involves fewer stages of manufacture. It is usually very difficult to identify these actual bits on horses in figured documents. As is amply apparent from the above descriptions, similarly shaped cheekpieces-plaques as well as rods-might be used with different types of canons. The latter, being largely in the mouth, are hard to indicate in two-dimensional art. This is true even of the detailed Assyrian reliefs. These do, however, illustrate some development-at least in the design of the cheekpieces.sBits of both driven and ridden horses under Ashurnasirpal II (figs. 53, 76) have long, roughly rectangular, plaque cheekpieces with canons passing through holes in the centre, which strongly recall type 2. The ends of what seem to be jointed canons pass through the centres of the cheekpieces and appear to be very long. 83 Under Tiglath-Pileser III (figs . 55, 77) and Sargon II, dri ven and ridden horses alike wear distinctly narrower cheekpieces-straight or slightly curved. Both of these may be rod-like, as many actual cheekpieces, but the straight ones may suggest flatter pieces, like some of type 2. The reliefs suggest that the outer ends of the canons no longer always passed through the cheekpieces and that the reins were attached inside the latter.f" Whether this is realistic, or simply a convention to avoid the reins obscuring part of the cheekpiece, it is impossible to tell. The latter seems more likely, as on most of the actual bits the reins are attached on the outside. Under Sennacherib and Ashurbanipal (figs . 71, 78, 79) the great majority of bits shown on both driven and ridden horses have crescentic cheekpieces, often tapering towards the upper end. These resemble in shape actual cheekpieces of antler tine known from the Near East at this time and before (d. p. 88f.; jig. 50), as well as 82 For bits on Assyrian reliefs, esp. Anderson 1961, 67ff .; Hrouda 1965, 97ff. with pl. 29; Madhloom 1970, pl. VIII; Moorey I 97Ia, 108, 112. 83 Also on tiles of Tukulti-Ninurta II, Andrae 1915. pl. 7. 84 Clearest on Sargon I'I's horses. a .o. Encyclopedic 6, 317. 319. 320 (= Yadin 1963. 427); ANET, pl . 27; Barnett 1975, pl . 61.

123

from Europe and Central Asia. Although almost certai '. . form, the cheekpieces on the Assyria li f ainly inspired by the antler the fact that no actual close parallels~~~:t:~~ ~suallY ~ave been of metal, despite metal would have been preferable, both for stren ~own. ormally, where available, gtd and ~or elegan~e.85 In one case, however, showing a mounted Ashurb . 1 tion of the accompanying canon, the :~d~f:~:te hunt~ng, there IS a clear indicathe cheeckpiece (jig . 7 1). It is twisted, as if of cord p;sses tIght~y ~round the centre of hi h . he other SImilarly shaped cheekpieces do not show the ends of the can as prevalent for the time. In some ca~~si;i c m.~ ~~ve been of metal and jointed, having each canon and its cheek . t s pOSSI e at they resembled type 6 in by the rein being sometimes seen r~:~:n~~s totoaglether, athsugghestio~ perhaps supported A h . oop on e c eekplece 86 not er design of cheekpiece shown onl on h . . and Ashurbanipal (jigs. 56, 62) is matchedYb arness amm:us under Sennacherib rather thick bars, sometimes apparently of ~;~t:~tualt~eClII~ns. Th~e a~e long, terminating in loops. To judge b one exam 1 . me or ound WIth It, and through the cheekpiece was of WI! . t p e (fzg. 62), the canon, which passed . , r e , as m ype 2 . 87 Fmally, cheekpieces in the form of all . h . . actual metal ones f N' d g opmg orses, identical in appearance with rom imruo, Samos and Rhod (f Sennacherib--sometimes on the 1h . es c . p. r rof.) , are shown under of the pole of his "rickshaw" (c;oya orses (fzg. 7 2) and on the .horse-head finial restricted use of bits with h I~4). These few representation, confirm the Assyrian bits.88 SUC c ee pieces, which fall outside the mainstream of

hPk

Non-Assyrian documents tell little about bit A that appear to show "bitless bridl " s. nd several Neo-Hittite reliefs n es are so summary that th d . such a necessary element of the head t 11 h . ey even 0 not depict literally (fig. 57). s a as t e headpiece, hence cannot be read

Reins. As in the previous p . d . . head of each horse . throu a parr of r.ems ran from the driver's hands to the ,passmg rough terret nngs on the way. Under Ashurnasirpal 85 Cf, esp. details, Albenda 197 6-77 fi 8 . 1961. 68f., 72 with pI S' a-b: Moorey' gS·3 -4 I 43-4S, For mfluence of antler tine Anderson Ia, 104 86 B ", I97 ' f, . arnett n.d., pI. 89 (our jig 71) F I caption to pl. 6: b. ' . or oop, a.o. Barnett n .d .• pIs. 83-84; Anderson 1961 87 C ' f. esp. details Albenda 1976 fi nacherib) . ' -77, IgS. 4 2 (our jig. 62), 46 (= Barnett I97S, pI. 6S; Sen-

88 Porada I96Sb. pl. 2I (our jig. 72 ; attributed th . pls . 74-76 (two chariots, inclUding archaizing pere to AShurbarupaI); Paterson I9 IS, Azarpay 1968, pI. 29) ; discussion Calmeyer andoMneo'oSU ra ::,; 23); Gadd 1936, pl. 23 (detail, , rey suI" a n . 76 .

124

EARLIER FIRST MILLENNIUM B.C.

EARLIER FIRST MILLENNIUM B.C .

II, Assyrian triga drivers are clearly shown with reins held individually, separated by the fingers of each hand (fig. 53). The whip is then held between the thumb a.nd forefinger, and one hand can be used-if rat~er awkwardly-to shorten the ~ems in the other. When the same m ethod is used with four reins, however, as we see It on the occasional quadrigae of Ashurnasirpal II, it becomes very cumbersome i~deed, because the seventh and eighth reins must be held between thumbs and forefingers, and the driver has no liberty to adjust them. It never seems to have occurred to the Assyrians to group the right and left reins into bundles by knotting them over the horses' backs as we see Greek drivers doing from the 6th cent. B.C. on. Even a distribution ;f the reins into right and left is shown only once (on a quadriga of Ashurnasirpal II), although this absence of evidence may be due to difficulty in rendering this arrangement.s" . . An attempt to ameliorate this situation is first noted under Tiglath-Pileser III, where three pairs of reins som etimes go back to the driver's hands and the two outside reins appear to be attached instead by a slip knot to a fixture at ~he front of the box.P'' As evidenc e of yoke-saddle finials is lacking on these chanots, and terret rings appear as attached to a clumsily rendered yoke, instead of on the shoulder as .b efore, these are probably already fitted yok es, with individual bays for the horses' necks and terrets set in the depressions between them, as illustrated on unharnessed four-horse yokes with eight t errets under Sargon II, and Sennacherib (d. p. II4; fig. 61, d. 62). . This new method of reining, st andard from Sargon II onwards, leaves the driver of a quadriga with the original three r eins in each hand and permits him quickly to loosen on e of the outside reins. That these reins were attached, not at the front comers of the box, but closer to the centre, is shown by a lion-hunting mural from Til Barsib where there is evidently room for the trophy's body between comer post and rein fixture. It has been suggested that this extra line was not a rein but a fonn of yoke brace from the ends of the yoke to the box ~nd that the rei~s ~ad been reduced by some means to six; this, however, seems disp~oven by the indisputable occurrence of eight terrets on the yokes, and by some slight evidence of the continuation of the traditional form of yoke brace (d. p . II4).91 Barnett 1975, pI. 37. Gr eek drivers, a.o. Simon and Hirmer 1976, pIs. XIII, 94. . 80 On those chariots where traditional "pea p od" is missing. That there were two straps. IS suggested by their once b ein g shown as double, B arnett an d Falkner 1962, pIs . XV-I; ot herwi se nearer rein may .be assumed to mask further on e. d . pIs . XLIII-IV, LXXX! (below)-~II. 81 P arrot 1961, pI. 345 . Dis cussion , Littauer 1976a. 225f.• wh ere y oke-brace interpretation was still supported. 89

. --:.... . . ... , _

-'

92 Littauer 19~6a, ~25. Somewhat similar arrangement suggested for Assyrian qu adrigae by Nagel 1966, 55 WIth figs , 73, 75. 93 C~riot burials, Dik~ios 1963, 160 with figs. 21, 31; Karageorghis 19 67 , 21 (tomb 2), 48 (tomb 3 , no. 115 = our i tg. 73), 87 (tomb 47 ; d . nos. 72, 88 of ivory); 1973a, 7 6f., 81. 86 with ~.sP: pls. CCLXVII-III (tomb 79). Other bronze exs., a .o, Andrae 1943, fig. 152 and pl. 54 (Zinjirli}: ~ufnell 1953, P~: 4 1:5 (La chish) . :t.Jrartian exs. , Ghirshman 1964b; Piotrovski 1969, pI. 79 (Karmrr Blur); TC\9yu rek 1975, 153 WIth pIs . XXXII: a, XXXIII : a-b. I vory ex s. Orchard 67. 19 pl.s. I-XI [shield-shapsdj, XII-XXV (spade-shaped, all Nimrud) ; Young, S. 1962 pI. 47: fig . 25 [Gordion) . • 6f. • 94 Von L?s.~ h~n 1911, 33 with figs. 248~249; also Wolff and Opitz 1935-36, 332ff. with figs. ?-7 (ZlUJIrh head). Terra-cottas, a .o, LIttauer and Karageorghis 1969, 153 with fig. 5 (Cypnot horse head); supra nn . 42 (Ovgoros) and 16 (Levant) . ory 95 I.v e.xs., Orchard 196 7, pIs. XXVIIff. (Nimrod); Young, RS. 1962, pI. 46: fig. 24 (Gordion) , Silver exs., Godard 195 0, figs. 96-100 ("Ziwiy eh"). Discussion. esp. Barnett 19 64, z rff . ; Kantor 1962, 93 ff .

R.

EARLIER FIRST MILLENNIUM B.C.

EARLIER FIRST MILLENNIUM B.C.

shape, a basic distinction may be made between frontlets suspended from ~ browband, as were finds from Luristan and Urartu, and those attached by a hmge to the poll decoration or to a metal plate covering the poll, as were metal exampl~s found on buried harness horses in Cyprus (fig. 74) .96 Frontlets are frequently illustrated on figured documents. In Assyria, they appear under Ashurnasirpal II, where their form is not clear, and again under Sennacherib and Ashurbanipal (jigs. 62, 7 1, 7 2) . The headstall of Ashurbanipal's m~unt, shown. lying on a table, indicates that its frontlet hung from a browband (jtg. 79). It differs from actual known examples in having a knob-like projection at the top. Outside Assyria, a hing eless frontlet is clearly shown on the stone horse head from Zinjirli (jig . 64), while the hinged type appears on many Cypriot t erra-cotta models." . 3. Poll decoration. Already seen on the " Whit e Obelisk" (jig. 41), this consists, in qth-cent. Assyria, of three tufts of feathers or a fan-presumably of horse hair-set in an arched metal fixture that usually appears to run from back to front across the poll (q.v.). Under Tiglath-Pileser III (figs . 55, 77) all horses wear a poll decoration in the form of one or more tassels stacked on a vertical rod topped by a finial. Various forms of arching metal crests, holding fans of hair and similar to helmet crests, appear from Sargon II on-at first only on riding horses, but, under Ashurbanipal, also on harness horses (jigs. 56, 62, 78, 79).98 One variant is paralleled by metal cr ests found on buried harness horses in Cyprus. These have a channel to take the horse-hair fan; they must have been attached to the headpiece (q.v.) of the bridle, and a frontl et d epended from them by a hinged connection (jig. 74)·99 Eighth- and 7th-cent. Assyrian reli efs, however, show no connection between poll decoration and frontlet (d. esp . fig. 79). Figured documents from other areas also illustrate the use of similar forms of poll decoration (e.g. fig. 60).

4· Brow cushion. This is a quilted or padded object that lies across the brow, attached at either end to the browband at or near the latter's junction with the cheekstraps. First seen in Assyria on the "White Obelisk" (fig . 41), it is not depicted there again until the reign of Tiglath-Pileser III (figs. 55, 77) and then continues to be shown on harness and saddle horses with shaven forelocks, where it could have served to shade the brow and to protect it from flies (figs. 71, 72, esp. 79). Cypriot terra-cotta models, where it is shown as lying beneath what is probably a hinged metal frontlet, may suggest its origin as a cushion between the parietal bones and the frontlet and an insulation against sun-heated metal.t?? Such a use in Assyria, how ever, is nowhere illu strated on the reliefs. 5· Appliques. Headstall straps, like harness straps (d. p. II7), were often decorated with m etal, ivory or bone appliques in the form of rosettes, disks, banjos, etc ., usually with matching strap crossings (figs. 55, 71, 7 2, 77, 79). 6. Nape strap. Assyrian reliefs show a wide, curving, som etimes decorated strap going around the upper part of the neck of harness and saddle horses, crossing the poll just behind the headpiece of the bridle (figs. 53, 55, 56, 62, 72, 76-7 8). In the 8th century (figs. 55, 77), a ti er of tassels usually hangs from it and, under Ashurbanipal, one or more bells (figs. 62, 78) , many actual examples of which have been found in Assyria and elsewhere.P! (Note. On royal harness horses under Ashurbanipal, a single narrow thong or cord encircles the throat below this strap (fig. 62)A necklace of beads (perhaps apotropaic) is worn about halfway up the neck by both harness and riding horses under Ashurnasirpal II (figs . 53, 76) . (Control of the led horse). Bridled horses in Assyrian reli efs are led by a lead line attached apparently to the bit inside the che ekpiece. Curiously, there are no representations of horses wearing ordinary halters. H orses are shown being swu m across a river or led on land by a rop e tied around the lower jaw, American-Indian fashion. Under Sargon II and later kings (fig. 62) what must be a met al ring around the lower jaw, with a strap running up the cheek and over the poll, and a lead line that appears to be a continuation of the latter is sometimes illu strated.w-

126

e6 Luristan exs., Goff 1969 , 123 with fig . 7: 3 (Baba J an, horse burial, supra n . 48 ) ; Moorey 197 Ia , s .v . nos. 159-160. Urartian ex s., B a:nett 1959, IS with fig . 13 ; Piotrovski 1969, pI. ,79 (both Karmir Blur); Tasytirek 1975 , 153 With pIs. XXXII: b , XXXI.II : c. Exs . from Cypn~t burials, supra n . 93 (s.v. blinkers ; our f ig. 74 = tomb 3, no . I I 6) ; also L ittauer and K arageorghis

1969· . ' e7 Barnett n.d., pls . 24-25 (Ashurnasirpal II); Albenda 1977, figs . 38-40 , 45-4 6 (details ; 6-77, Sennacherib and Ashurbanipal). H eadstall on table, Mey er 1965 , pI. 160; Albenda 197 ." . figs. 7, 10 and pl. I . T erra-cottas, d . su pra n . 94· . e8 Discussion, Madhloom 1970 , 1I (crest ap pare ntly set in rosette-shaped fixture on White Obelisk"), 14, 20, 22 with pl. VIII, d . pI. XVIII (helmet cre sts; a ctual metal crest found at Lachish, Tufnell 1953 . 387 with pl . 39 : 1-2). . . ee Most actual Cypriot frontlets have crest ; excep tions, Karageorghis 1967, pl . CXIV : nos, 4 8,5 1 (tomb 2) ; crests also on some t erra-cottas, a .o. our f ig. 60 .

100

127

Discu ssion, Littauer a nd Karageorghis 1969, 154ff. with fig. 6 (terra-cotta ).

~:~ A:tu~l b.ells, Calmeyer 1969, gr oup 51 ; Moor ey 197Ia, S .V . nos. 153-158. . , Lme inside che~kple.ce, a .o. some of Sargon II 's horses, supra n . 84. Rope around lower

jaw, SHfra n . 59 (swmlII~mg horses) ; StrOl,?menger and Hirmer 1964. pl . 231 (Sennacherib) . Metal nng,. Loud 1936, fig. 32; Encyclopedic 6. 14-15 (Sargon II) ; Madhloom 1970, pl . VI : 1 (Sennach enb) ; Barnett n.d ., pls . 57-58; 1975 , pI. 93 (AshurbanipaJ). An a ctual metal ring ' reportedly fr om Iran, is Oxford, Ashrn a ce. no. 1969.759 (unpubl .),

Chariot use Military . That chariots continue to be used extensively in warfare is amply documented by representations-particularly the Assyrian-palace reliefs-and cuneiform texts. The reliefs, moreover, illustrate a development in the chariots that reflects modifications in their military role. The relatively small-wheeled, low-sided, basically two-man chariots depicted on 9th-century Assyrian reliefs (figs. 53-54), and the relative scarcity of the mounted troops that now begin to appear and their awkward hors emanship suggest that at least part of the chariotry is still a fast, flanking and pursuing arm, as in the preceding period (d. p. 92). Such a role would require considerable manoeuvrability, still possible, as the one or two extra horses that are now often driven with the t eam are attached only by traces and are not under the yoke (d. p. II4)· Manoeuvrability is confirmed by the continued use into the 9th-century of metal "run-out" bits, sometimes still with studded cheekpieces, implying an emphasis on directional

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128

control. The purpose in warfare of such a three- or four-horse hitch, where the extra animal added little or no pulling power, is not altogether clear. We may have here to do with reserve horses that were driven with the t eam. Considering the fragility of horses' limbs and digestive tracts under stress, even without the factor of battle wounds, and what must have been the frequent difficulty of replacing such specially trained animals locally when on campaign, it seems only natural that reserve hors es would accompany the chariotry. There is little evidence, however, before the 9th century, with the possible exception of the "White Obelisk" (d. p. II3), of their having been driven with the t eam. And although they would indeed have been more vulnerable if attached when in action, that is also when they would be most needed.P" For the king's chariot and those of a few important individuals, such as those shown in chariots with standards, two spare horses , rather than one, might have b een added, and it is on just such chariots that we see the eight reins, rather than the usual six, meticulously depicted. As before , 9th-century Assyrian chariots were primarily mobile platforms for an archer standing beside the driver, the rear axl e position providing him with a st able firing base. In addition, chariots carried weapons designed for close-range combat, a thrusting spear stuck at the rear-a weapon already associated with earlier Assyrian and oth er Near East ern chariots (d. p. 91 ;jig. 4 1 ) , and axes. The latter were 108

Discussion, Littauer I976a, 223f.; also Yadin 19 63, 298.

12 9

kept, toge~er ~th arrows and sometimes a spare bow, in pairs of crossed quivers hung on either SIde of the box (figs. 53-54). The spears, the axes, and the swords often shown worn by the chariot crew were for use should it be necessary to fight fr~m a slow-moving or immobilized chariot or from the ground (d. p . 92). The shield, when ~ung across the ~ear of two-man chariots, was for the same purpose. For protection, the crew might wear scale armour, as in the preceding period. Helmets appear rarely under Ashurnasirpal II, but commonly under Shalmaneser III. In royal chariots and very rarely in others, a third crew member, a shieldbearer, appears, squeezed in at the rear. 1M Ninth-century Assyrian chariot horses may also wear protective armour in the form of trappers and gorgets (q.v.). The gorgets, more frequently shown on ridden h~rses (d. p. 137), ar: bib-shaped, with tassels along the bottom edge. lOS They might have been of boiled leather, or of metal, like actual examples of similar form found at Hasanlu in northwest Iran (no later than ca. 800 B.C.) or associated with vehicle .burial.s at Salamis in Cyprus (mid-8th to 7th cent. B.C.) (fig. 75),106 Further protection might be afforded by metal blinkers and frontlets or chamfrons (q.v. d. p. 125) although these may sometimes, like gorgets, have been worn mainly as ornaments. Although all these defensive devices inclicate that chariots came within reach of enemy missiles, they remained too vulnerable to be used as tanks. Indeed like the .earlier chariots, they were certainly not used as a shock force in a frontal charge ag~mst ~ well-prepared enemy line (d. p. 92). Unfortunately, 9th-century Assynan ~eliefs and t exts do not elucidate the tactical role of chariots in actual battle. The r:hefs of. battle scenes offer no more than a generalized picture of victorious Assynan chanots at speed, hunting down already defeated enemies fleeing in chariots on foot, or on horseback. ' One text of Shalmaneser Ill's, however, is of particular interest, as it records the 104 Barnett and F alkner 1962, pIs. CXVI-II; Barnett n.d ., pIs . 25 (shield bearer' probably same attendant holds parasol over king Ashurnasirpal II on campai gn, d . 1975. pl . '37; Budge 19I4, pl . XVII : I ), pIs. 142 : t op reg., also 148 169 172 (Shalman eser III) 105 And ' gorget); , . rae 1925, pI. 7 (Tukulti-Ninurta II; B arnett and Falkner 1962 pIs. CXVI-II (trapper). ?orget st~l seen ?n provincial relief fr om Arslan Tash, Thureau-D angin et al. 1931, pI. VIII (time of ~lglath-~ileser III) , and on archaizing chariot of Sennacherib, supra n. 23. H~~;e armour also 1~ Assynan t exts, Oppenheim 1950, 194 , n . 27; Salonen 1956, 142f. D yson and PIgott 1975,183; Dyson 1975 (ill. on cover); 1977,552 (Hasanlu IV, d . Littauer 1976a, 220: unpubI., ~ess orn ate exs . of same prov ., in Philadelphia, Uni versity Museum). Ka~ageorghis 1967, 49 WIth pI. CXXVIII (Salamis tomb 3 ; no . 22 = our fig . 75); 1973a, 76, 84ff. WIth pIs. CCLXXV-III (tomb 79).

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size and composition of a force assembled against him by a coalition of Levantine enemies at the battle of Qarqar (853 B.C.). This force includes the figure of 3940 chariots, of which widely different numbers (2000, 1200,7°0, 30 and 10) were supplied by five different kingdoms. Foot soldiers ' were in the thousands, and the contingents of 1200 and 700 chariots were matched by an equal number of mounted troops from the same sources (d. p. 138). Other texts of Shalmaneser report the formation of his own armies, which included around 2000 chariots.l'" Texts as well as representations stress the importance the Assyrians still attached to chariots, recording how the armies on campaign were prepared to surmount considerable natural obstacles with their chariotry in order to keep it with them. Vehicles were ferried across rivers (fig. 54) or crossed smaller streams on pontoon bridges and, in mountainous terrain, a crew member might dismount to ease the team.l'" The fast, basically two-man chariots appear to have gone out of use in Assyria by the mid-8th century B.C. when, after a considerable lapse of time, palace reliefs reappear under Tiglath-Pileser III . The bigger, heavier and higher-sided chariots that now become standard are clearly designed to accommodate, with their larger, rectangular box, a crew of three or four men, i.e. a driver and archer in front and one or two shield bearers behind them (figs. 55, 56) .109 The resulting increase in weight on the animals' necks probably required placing four horses under a single fitted yoke so as better to distribute it-although at the cost of manoeuvrability. Indeed, the yoking of four horses meant the end of the traditional role of chariotry as a fast, flanking ann, since the more rigid equipage thus produced was much more awkward to turn than the earlier ones, where only two horses were under yoke and the vehicles were smaller and lighter. The changes observed in design, size of crew and draught team, and method of harnessing of Assyrian chariots certainly reflect modifications in their military role. In fact, the changes may be explained as a reaction to the development and growing importance -of mounted troops that is illustrated in palace reliefs and

confirmed by texts. Mounted troops, first introduced into Near-Eastern warfare in the 9th cent. B.C., had, by the mid 8th and particularly by the late 8th and the 7th cent. B.C., improved their horsemanship to a degree that enabled them to make more effective use of their weapons (bow and spear) and thus exploit more fully their advantages over chariotry in mobility and in economy of materiel (d. p. 139). Where mounted troops took over their traditional, fast, flanking role, the newer, heavier chariots remained primarily firing platforms for archers, although much less mobile than before. The bigger wheels raised the chariot floor and gave the bowmen the advantage of extra height. Of the close-range weapons that were associated with the smaller 9th-century chariots, the spear goes out of use under TiglathPileser III and axes (and shields), if they are still carried, are now inside the box. 'While thrusting spears do appear under Ashurbanipal, it is only in hunting scenes, where they are used from the chariot (as, in rare cases, are swords or daggers) to dispatch lions. no With reduced manoeuvrability and potential harassment from increasingly important mounted troops, there was greater concern for protection, evidenced by the constant presence of one or two shield-bearers and by the higher siding. Helmets continue to be worn and scale corselets appear under Ashurbanipal (fig. 56). The draught team wears protection also: an armoured trapper under Tiglath-Pileser III and, under Ashurbanipal, an ox-hide trapper which may extend all the way up the neck and which is fastened by toggles (fig. 56).111 How would this heavier chariot have been used in battle? Most Assyrian reliefs are uninformative, battle scenes of Sargon II traditionally showing the vehicles at speed, their archers harassing already defeated enemies. Similar scenes appear on reliefs depicting Ashurbanipal's victory over the Arabs, the four-man chariots being shown together with mounted archers and spearmen on foot. 1l2 Other reliefs of this king, however, no longer show chariots, but only mounted troops and infantry, in the thick of battle. Archers are now for the first time shown shooting from a

Oppenheim in A NET, 278f. (Qarqar); Elat 1975 · A.o. Yadin 1963 , 304, 4541. Chariot in mountains already on " W h it e Obelisk", Unger 193 2, 32f. with pI. XIII (relief Dr). For texts, Grayson 1976, a .o . p ars. 565, 57 1, 635 (Ashurnasirpal II), also 14, 16, 21, 25 (same already under Tiglath-Pileser I). . 0 109 R eliefs of Sargon III at least once show two shield bearers (Botta and Flandin 18 49-5 , pI. 58 = Madhloom 1970, pI. IV: I) and probably more often, where dra\~ngs i~ Bott~ and Flandin (pIs. 76, 92 ; d. Reade 19]2, 103) implausibly suggest one man holding up two shi elds . A crew of four is standard on Ashurbanipal's war and hunting chariots. 107 108

uo Spear shown twice under Tiglath-Pileser III, Barnett and Falkner 1962, pIs . XLIII-IV and IX (shield here t oo ?); spear and shield on contemporary relief from Arslan Tash, supra n. 105 . For Ashurbanipal, a.o. Barnett 1975, pls, 102f£., 115f£., 123; 1976 , esp . pIs . A, E. 111 Barnett and Falkner 1962, pIs . IX, XV-I, LXXXI (above). Some bronze armour plates from Nimrud may have been attached to trappers or to chariot boxes as shown on these reliefs, d. Stronach 1958, 172f. with pI. XXXIV; Mall owan 1966, fig . 336 : b-e, 112 Only one relief of Tiglath-Pileser III shows chariot actively engaged in battle, Barnett and Falkner 1962 , pls , XV-I. Sargon II's war chariots, supra n. 109; also Loud 1936, fig. 79. There are no chariots in battle reliefs of Sennacherib . Barnett 1975, pl . 174; 1976, pIs. XXXII-III (Ashurbanipal's Arab war) .

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standing chariot, side by side with mounted archers and slingmen on foot, all components of the long-range fighting force. Such scenes suggest that Assyrian chariots were now little more than convenient firing platforms for archers, higher, and better protected than before, but of more limited mobility (fig. 56).113 Assyrian texts of the 8th and 7th centuries B.C. contribute little to this picture except to confirm the use of military chariots by Assyria and her enemies.Pf Judging from representations, Assyrian and non-Assyrian, and texts, other nations do not appear to have used chariots in a manner significantly different from the Assyrians. In the one instance where vehicles do not serve as mobile firing platforms, but as transports for archers to the battlefield, they are not true chariots but the carts of the Elamites at the battle of the river Ulai (d. p. 101; jig. 51). While the bow is the chief weapon, several Neo-Hittite reliefs and Urartian bronzes show a spear (as well as a shield) at the rear, as on 8th century Assyrian chariots (figs. 57-58). These and other features, such as the helmets and corselets, gorgets and armoured trappers, may not always be realistic, but may be due to iconographical influences from Assyria, a consideration that may also apply to the chariots themselves (d. p. 105).115 Most important information on the military use of chariots outside Assyria is furnished by actual remains from Cyprus and by terra-cotta models from that island and from the Levant. These document the use of chariots even less manoeuvrable than the late Assyrian ones with single pole and four-horse yoke. Equipped with twin draught poles and drawn by four horses which were under either a single four-horse yoke or two two-horse yokes, they could have moved swiftly only in a straight line. The terra-cotta models demonstrate that these vehicles, the two poles of which offered a stronger construction than the single pole of contemporary Assyrian quadrigae and distributed the weight more evenly on the team's necks, were also platforms for archers to shoot from, with the driver standing beside him and one or two shield-bearers at the rear (figs. 59-60). Like the chariots depicted on

Assyrian reliefs, the draught team may wear protective armour, including trappers and gorgets of different design (fig. 59), as well as blinkers and frontlets (d. p. 125).116 Reliefs of Sennacherib and Ashurbanipal show-peculiarly, only in military scenes, although it may have been used in other contexts also-what is an apparently extra-large (?) and elaborate royal chariot, sometimes incorporating archaizing elements. This vehicle accompanies the king on campaign (although not used in actual battle) and from it, shaded by a parasol, he may inspect his troops, direct the siege of a city, receive a surrendering enemy or review prisoners of war.ll7 Civil. The use of chariots for hunting continues to be documented by Assyrian and non-Assyrian representations and texts. The royal or aristocratic hunter is always accompanied by his charioteer and sometimes by one or two hunt attendants~the latter number seen on reliefs of Ashurbanipal and on an ivory plaque from Nimrud.P" The hunting chariots of Ashurbanipal seem to differ little from the four-man military ones of his time. The chariot may be employed not only by the kin~ as a mobile platform from which to use bow, spear or short sword/dagger against the game but, as shown on a wall painting from Til Barsib, by attendants for carrying home the latter (lions) slung over the front of the box. Interestingly, a Neo-Hittite relief from Charchemish indicates that chariots, when used in lion hunting, might be protected by high wicker-work screens attached to their sides.P" Texts indicate that; as before, chariots were used for cultic and other peaceful purposes, as is suggested by certain representations.tw

132

113 Barnett 1976, pls. XVI, XXI, LXVII, LXIX (also Yadin 1963 , 452), LXX: a (our fig . 57), c and pl. F . 11' Manitius 1910, esp . JI9£" 135ff.; Salonen 1956, a .o, 227f.; von Soden 1963; Saggs 1963 ; Reade 1972. Military chariots also in Biblical texts, de Vaux 1960, e rff.; Yadin 1963, 284££., 300f£. 116 Orthmann 1971. 398f£. (Neo-Hittite reliefs; d. pl. 24: a, c-f for armoured chariot box) . Ills. of Urartian bronzes, a.o. Azarpay 1968, pls. 13, 21. Trappers and gorgets on Nimrod ivories, Barnett 1957a, nos. SI, 29: a-c, 50; Mallowan and Davies 1970, no. 67 ; Mallowan and Herrmann 1974, no. I, panel 9 (pi. III); also Andrae 1953, pls. 71: ak and 72: 0 (Zinjirli).

I33

116 Discussion: Li~~er and Cr~uwel I 977c, 73 s.v. model from Meniko (pl. XXV). C£. also ~odels from A;:a Irini (always ~th thre.e-man crew) , G:ierstadt 1935 , pls. CCXXXIV : 3 (our ftg. 59), 5 (good m;;., Karageorghis 1967, fig. 5; here warnor carries spear; bow-case and quivers attached to both sl~es of box), CCXXXV: 3-6; 1963, figs. 9-12, 14-15. Gorget also on models from Levant (our ft g. 60, and supra n. 16) which carry crew of four, including two shield bearers at rear. Armament, including spear, shield and quiver, was associated with remains of chariot B in Salamis tomb 3, Karageorghis 1967, 33, 46 . 117 Paterson 1915, pls. 40-42, 46-47, 74-76, 79 etc. (Sennacherib), 65-66 (Ashurbanipal) . C£. textual refs. to vehicles with parasols, Salonen 195 1,64. 118 ~Hpra n. JIO (Ashurbanipal); Mallowan and Herrmann 1974, pi. III (Nimrod ivory) . Other ~s., a.o. Barnett n.d ., pls . 26-27; Meyer 1965, pls . 109 (our f ig. 53), I JI (Ashurnasirpal II); Guralrnck 1976 (Safl~on II); Orthmann 1971, 418ff. (Neo-Hittite reliefs, including our figs. 57, 58); Godard 1950, figs , 83- 85 ("Ziwiyeh" ivories); Burney 1966, 77f. with fig . 10 (Urartian bronze frag.). Cf. Assyrian texts, Salonen 1951, 5If.; Grayson 1976, pars. 600, 681. 119 Parrot 1961, pi. 345; Orthmann 1971, pl. 26: c. I~O .Texts, ~alonen 1~51, 59, 7off. ; Millard 1964, 20f£. Cultic connection is suggested by archalz~ng chanot on reli ef of Sennacherib (supra n . 23). and perhaps by others of same king, carrying a standard, d . Calmeyer 1974, 59f£. with fig. 2, also 75£. for standards, which are first shown in an Assyrian chariot on "White Obelisk", Unger 1932, 43 with pl. V (relief A6).

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Note on man-powered royal conveyances

Assyrian reliefs and a wall painting from Til Barsib sometimes illustrate a twowheel ed platform, bearing either a throne or a chariot box. 121 This vehicl e has a pole curving sharply upwards just in front of its human team; a short straight rod (a "yoke") is set across the pole at breast height. Straps, running over the shoulders of the two-man team, support and pull the " rickshaw" , and it is directed by pressure against the "yoke." The pole has a decorative finial, sometimes clearly in the form of a bridled horse's head (d. p. 123). RIDING

From the 9th century BiC. on, evidence, both figured and textual, increases very substantially. Most informative are Assyrian reliefs, but representations from other ar eas also document riding, primarily on horseback. Mounted troops first appear in Assyrian reliefs under Ashurnasirpal II (fig. 76), followed by Shalmaneser III. The horses seem id entical to those pulling chariots, and are similarly bridled, with the same form of bit,but without frontlet or poll decoration.P" Riding is astride, usually bareback, sometimes, under Shalmaneser III, on a saddle cloth held in place by a girth, breastband, and bre eching (q.v.). On campaign or in the hunt Ashurnasirpal II's own mount (on which he is never shown riding) is led behind the royal chariot by a man mounted beside it; it wears an elaborate fringed saddle cloth held on only by breastband and breeching, both fringed also.123 A similar fringed saddle cloth appears on a led horse on Shalmaneser Ill's "Black Obelisk". This king himself appears astride a horse in a campaign scene on the Gat es of Balawat, sitting on such a cloth and with his foot supported on a sort of shelf hung along the horse's side, which gives his leg a very different inclination from those of the mounted troops; his horse is led by an attendant on foot. 124 In 9th-century battle scenes, Assyrian mounted troops operate in pairs, at a 121 Encyclopedic 5, 3 16 (Sargon II); Paterson 1915. pIs . 29. 32-33; Gadd 1936 . pl. 23 (all Sennacherib); Barnett 1976, pl. A (Ashurbanipal); also Thureau-D angin and Dunand 1936, pl. LI (Til Barsip mural ). Some dis cussion. 'We id ne r 1939. 88ff. ;Calme yer 1974. 51; d . also references in Assyrian texts, Salonen 1951, 64ff. 122 Yadin 1963. 382-385 (includes our fig . 76; Ashurnasirpal); Barnett n .d., pIs. 14off. (Shalmaneser III; good ills ., als o Strommenger and Hirmer 1964, pIs . 209 : abo ve. 2L~) . 123 Barnett 1975. pl . 38 (campaign) ; n .d. , pl. 27 ; d. Barnett and Falkner 1962, pl. CXV (hunt) . 124 ANEP, pl . 352 (Obelisk; tribute from GiIzan). Barnett n.d., pl. 144 (middle reg.). "

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~allop, sid~ by side ; each pair consists of a warrior and a squire, the squire controlling the reins of both horses. ~hese scenes show military riding in Assyria growing 0.u t of the use of the war chanot. The chariot complement-warrior and driver-is SImply transferred to the backs of its team, the men's respective functions remaining the same. They are still often seated far back on the hors e's loins in the manne of donke~ riders (d. p. 67)·125 Moreover, two mounted enem y arch~rs on a relief o~ Ashurnasirpal II, although they ride a more horsemanlike seat, and one of them is even able to. e~plo~ the so-called " P ar thian shot" (i.e. shooting backward at his pursuers while I~ flight}, also ride in pairs, lik e their Assyrian contemporaries. 126 Such a syst:m did not yet fully exploit the advantages of riding Over driving, since the exp:n~ture of manpower was the same and mobility in difficult t errain still p~rt~y limited, although the number of horses might be reduced and the vehicle eliminated, By mid-Sth cent. B.c. , under Tiglath-Pileser III, rid ers are at their eas e on horseback, comfortably seated bareback just behind the withers (q.v .), their legs hangin naturally (fig. 77)· 127 Th eir horses are bridled like contemporary chariot horse~ and,. alth~ugh mounted troops still operate in pairs, each rider appear s to be controlling hIS own horse. Und.er ~argo~ II, military rid ers sit on saddle cloths and, while still sometimes operating m pairs, are also shown functioning independently.128 Mou~t ed troops under Sennacherib are seated on what is either a trimmed fleece or a quilted saddle cloth, and under Ashurbanipal on an intact fleece or pelt . These a:e held on by a bre astband and som etimes a girth as well, which may often be hI~den by. t~e rid er's leg .,In batt~e ~ontexts under the latter king, these are placed 0\ er an oxhide trapper (ftg. 78) similar to that worn by chariot horses (fig. 5 ).129 6 Th e royal mounts of both kings wear quilted saddle cloths with small tassels along the bottom edge and bigger ones at the corners, held on by a multiple-tasselled ::: ~f. d es No ett os 1931, 19:f. ; SUI.i mirski 195 2. 451; Anderson 1961, 12. udge :9 14, pI. XX~\> good 111., Jettmar 1967, pI. 44 ; also Sulimirski 195 2 .45 2 . Import ant recent dlsc~sslOn of .n dmg in Kovalevska ya 1977. esp. 86-87 (chronolocrical t able of ridin and hor se gea r III Assyna. b i g ::: Barnett and Fal~ner 1962. pIs. XIII-IV, LXIV-V, LXVI -II (ou r f ig. 77). Botta ~nd Flandin 1~49-50, p Is. 64, 66, 67. 87, 88, 99 (military) , 108, II2 (hunt ; cf. also L oud 1936, fig . 87; Guralnick 1976. pIs . I, V) . 129 Senn ach erib, d . mounted riders (infra n. 138), a nd di smounted rider s, P aterson 19 15, a. o. pIs . 5 ~-5 8, 60-61. 74-76, 96 -97 ; P orada 1945. 154 ; cf. R eade 1972. III£. with pl . XL:b (~ounted nders ; E sarhaddon ?). AshurbanipaI, d. a.o. Barnett n.d., pls. 118-120 122 (Ulai river battle; other battle contexts . infra nn . 133, 138).85. 90,95 (hunting). '

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136

Horseback riders of the steppes, as well as the Arabian dromedary riders, probably descended from a primary riding, rather than a driving tradition.P"

breastband and perhaps by a girth (d. fig. 79; saddle cloth and bridle of Ashurbanipal's mountj.P" . ' . Control evolved along with the seat. As noted above, m the 9t h century, paired military horses were controlled by the squire who, at the times when he ca~ed a shield in his left hand, must have held all four reins in his right one. The reliefs of Tiglath-Pileser III do not clearly elucid~te ~he method of ~eining in his time but, under Sargon II a new system is seen, which IS most clearly illustrated under Ashurbanipal (fig. 78). A very short single rein, reaching no /further back than to the horse's throat, joins both ends of the bit. A secon~ one-piece "rein:" a~parent1y of rope knotted at intervals, encircles the neck, reaching back to the nder s hands a~d passing through the front rein just in front of the throat. In the area where the reins are looped through each other, a tassel that conceals a weight (or a h.eavy be.ll ?) is hung. l3l This system provides a constant steadying pressure on the bit and gives the horse the illusion of still being controlled, even when the archer drops th e second "rein" to shoot. The latter being in one piece, short and weighted, will stay in place even when dropped. Th e disadvantage of this method would be a decrease in directional control, which might, however, be supplemented by hand or leg pressure or switching of the rider's weight. . Although this reining is different from tha: of conte:npor~ry chanot hors es, headstalls and bits resemble theirs and the bndle sometimes mcluded a frontlet (fig . 79). On royal (and perhaps on some other) mounts .the decorated nape strap (d. p. 127) ha s a special elliptical shape, and appears to be tied at the top. A derivation of military riding from chariotry may be assumed for other parts of the Near East also, although these are far less :vell documented than As.syria, a~~ it seems possible that other (northern steppe) mfluences were at work m Iran. Sennacherib, d . Paterson 1915 , a .o. pIs. 40-41, 48, 79 (king ne ver sho\~n moun~ed) . Ashurbanipal, d . a .o. Barnett n .d ., pIs. 83-85 , 87, 89, 90,99; 1975, pIs . 12 7- 129 (king hunting) : also Moortgat 1967, pl , 280. Discu ssion, W olff and Opitz 1935-3 6, 3 24ff .; Albenda 1976-77, 38ff . (saddle clot h . our f ig . 79, mistaken~y sai~ t o b~ wo ,:en from reeds) . . 131 Cf. Anderson 1961 , 12. Inter esting dISCUSSIOn m Wolff and Opitz 1935-3 6, ~27f. , but ti that ends of "front reins" are somet imes attach ed to lower end of cheekp iece seems su gges IOn . ' ide j hi dd b due t o misinterpretation of figured evide nc e, where rem end on oppo site Sl e IS 1 en y cheekp iece on vi ewer's side; suggestion of "doubling" "front rein" is also doubtful. 13 2 F or ste ppe in fluences, Sulimirski 1952; Hancar 1.956, 55If~.; Jettmar 1?67, ?IIff. Ills . from Iran, Ghirshman 1939. pI. LVI: no. S. 810 (seal ; Sialk}: Ami et 197 6 , 55 WIth fig . 37 (P.ottery ve ssel ; " L urist an "} : 1973 , nos. 16, 2Z, 28, 51-5 9 (Elami~e s~alin?s and rel ated seals .d~tmg to 7t h and/or 6th cent. B .C. ; d. Elamite riders on Ashurbampal s rehef~ of battle ~t Ulai river, a .o. Barnett n .d. , pIs . 133 , 136). Horseback riding played important role in mountainous Urartu, ...."_. . -. -:-.: ".

USE

Military. Unfortunately, neither the Assyrian reliefs nor textual accounts of military campaigns are sufficiently explicit for us to deduce the tactics used in actual battles, particularly those in which mounted troops accompanied chariotry and infantry. Thus it is difficult to assess the relative importance of these three arms at any given time, except to note that the importance of mounted troops increased as that of light chariots declined, the former taking over the role of fast, flanking and pursuing arm that the latter once performed. The earliest , 9th-cent. B.C. Assyrian representations of mounted troops fighting from horseback, as said above, show them riding in pairs, both helmeted but with only one effective warrior, who wears a sword and uses th e bow, the other rider controlling both horses and (under Shalmaneser III) protecting the archer with a shield (fig. 76). In scenes of the Assyrian army en route, particularly in mountainous terrain, we see a single man carrying the arms and managing both horses, his companion evidently going on foot. 134 A short spear is also sometimes carried, as well as the bow. In a few instances, under Shalmanes er III, the second rid er no longer protects the archer , but takes an active part in the fighting, using a spear.P" Th e mounts wear bib-shaped metal gorgets, like those occasionally seen on chariot horses (d. p. 129). Mounted troops are mentioned in 9th-cent. B.C. t exts from Tukulti-Ninurta II onwards, where they appear beside chariotry as a regular compon ent of Near-Eastern d . a .o. Saggs 1963 , 153 (text of Sargon II) ; Azarpay 1968, pIs . 12: b,

130

"

137

"

"

ZI, 23 (ills. on Urartian bronzes) ; skilful riding here seem s indicated by remarkable broad jump of horse of King Menua (ca 810-786 B.C .) : 11.22 or 11.44 m ., cf. a .o. Hancar 1956,181; K ovalevskaya 1977, 22. 133 D om estication and herding of a fast a nima l lik e the horse would ine vitably entail some k ind of primitive and casual riding. The ea rly cheekpieces from Russia are co nside red as evidence of su ch (d. su pra p . 25). This does not me an that the first formal and organized us e of the horse was not in the Near E ast and as harness a ni ma l rather than as a m ount. There is no evidence that the dromedary was put to draught before being ridden. For dromedary riders, d. Barnett and F alkner 196z, pIs. XIII-VII (Tiglath-Pileser Ill's Arab war); Barnett n.d ., pIs. IIO-II3, II5-II6; 1976, pIs . XXXII-III (Ashurbanipal's Ar ab war) ; d. als o Neo-Hitfite reliefs , a.o . Orthmann 1971, pI. 8: e ; Assyrian t exts, Salonen 1956, 85ff . m A.a . Yadin 1963, 40zf., 456 ; Barnett n .d ., pI. 161. 13 6 Barnett n.d., pIs. 147, 167 (middle reg. ; in lower reg. -as elsewhere- squire protects warrior with shield).

EARLIER FIRST MILLENNIUM B.C.

armies.P" The force assembled against Shalmaneser III by a coalition of Levantine kingdoms at the battle of Qarqar (853 B.C.) included Igoo "cavalry" horses, the numbers corresponding to the numbers of ch?-riots supplied by the same kingdoms (d. p. 130). If, however, mounted troops at this time rode in pairs outside Assyria too the effective numbers would be reduced by half.P? Texts and representations of the gth cent. B.C. make it clear that chariots s~ill played an important role in warfare. Indeed, they held distinct advantages over the mounted troops, whose effectiveness at this time was limited by deficiencies in riding technique. In the chariot, the archer had both hands free to operate and the driver could concentrate on control of the draught team. The driver, moreover, had a finn footing under him and a breastwork against which to brace his feet when pulling up his team, features lacking on a stirrupless horse. By the mid-8th cent. B.C., mounted troops under Tiglath-Pileser III, although still paired, effectively control their own mounts and use the spear at the same time (fig. 77). There is no indication of the bow, and they are shown only attacking the fleeing enemy-although it must be noted that a resisting enemy is seldom, if ever, depicted. The riders wear helmets and scale corselets. Under Sargon II mounted troops may function individually but, although they carry a bow, are never shown using anything but a spear while moving at fast gaits. Under Sennacherib and Ashurbanipal, probably thanks to the new system of reining (d. p. 136), we at last see mounted troops functioning individually. They wear helmets and scale corselets as before, but leg protection is now added. They carry a bow and/or spear and wear a short sword; a short stabbing spear may be carried in the arrow quiver (fig. 78). Reliefs of Ashurbanipal illustrate horsemen operating side by side with chariot-mounted archers and with infantrymen, including archers and slingmen. Mounted troops, however, are never shown operating in formation; the closest thing to a unit is a seri es of horsemen depicted on reliefs of Sennacherib pursuing the enemy single-file through wooded, hilly country.P" Grayson 1976, pars. 468 (Tukulti-Ninurta II) 560, 563 , 571, 584, 638 (A~hurnasirpal II). Elat's refs. (1975, 27 with n . 13) to earlier Assyrian texts seem to concern driven rather than ridden horses . 137 Supra n . 107. Use of term pitballu (d. Salonen 1956, 46f .; AHw 858 , s.v. petballu; also personal communication W. van Soldt) rules out Yadin's interpretation (1963, 298) as "outriggers" of chariots that also took part in this battle. Ot~er te.xts refer to Shalmaneser Ill's own mounted troops, a .o. Elat 1975, 27. Ills. of horseback nders ill Levant, a .o . Meyer 1965, pl . 102; Orthmann 1971, pls . 55: b, 66: e (Neo-Hittite reliefs). . 138 Barnett 1976, pls. XXXIV, LCIX (= Yadin 1963, 458, 452; Ashurbanipal) . Pater son 1915, pls, 16 (= Yadin, 459; Sennacherib), cf. also pls, 12: below, 17-18, 19-20, and 92 (swamp). 138

EARLIER FIRST MILLENNIUM B.C.

139

Officers, sometimes mentioned in texts, may also be made out on some reliefs of Ashurbanipal, where they are seen shouting orders.P" The evidence demonstrates that by the late 8th and 7th cent. B.C., when practice had not only given the riders a more secure seat, but bits with greater braking powers (d. p. 122) pennitted them to pull up their horses, and a special reining syst.em freed both h~nd~, mounted troops had become more effective. Their supenonty over the chanot III economy of materiel, in mobility in all types of terrain, and as a flanking and pursuing .a rrn, their suitability for protecting infantry on the march and for continued use as scouts and messengers (already documented in the later znd millennium B.C. d. p. 96) would have made them invaluable. Riding proved itself superior to driving particularly on campaign in difficult, mountainous terrain. It is here too that Assyrian kings may have become familiar with riding as an alternative to their traditional conveyance, the chariot.tw This situation is undoubtedly indirectly reflected in the Assyrian reliefs, where the light chariot of the 9th century, which had performed some of these (same) tasks, is (gradually) seen turning into the bigger, less manoeuvrable vehicle, carrying as many as four men, of. t?e late .8th and 7th centuries, with its restricted field of operation (d. p . 130 ) . Civil. Vanous representations, Assyrian and non-Assyrian, show that riding, like the chariot, now played an important role in hunting. The reliefs of Ashurbanipal are :he ~ost explicit, depicting the king himself mounted, using bow or spear, leading his own reserve horse, or having it brought up by a mounted attendant.w RIDING ON OTHER ANIMALS

Some Assyrian reliefs show captive women and children riding on mules. They are seated on what is clearly a rigid pack saddle such as is depicted in other reliefs on mules carrying enemy spoil or hunting gear. Its construction is best illustrated in a relief of Ashurbanipal, where it is seen hanging from a tent pole in the Assyrian 139 Barnett 197 6, pl . XXXIV (= Yadin 1963, 458). Texts, Manitius 1910, 217f. (d. also 120ff., 135 ff. for mounted troops); Salonen 1956, 227f.; Saggs 1963, 145. 140 Cf. reliefs of Ashurnasir:Pal II (Barnett 1975, pl . 38), Sennacherib (Paterson 19 15, a.o . pIs. 4 0-4 1, 79), and Ashurb~lllpal (Barnett 1976, pl . XVI) where royal cha riot is a ccompanied by led mount(s) on campaIgn. Cf. also textual evidence for kings on horseback, Luckenbill 19 27 , par. 21 3 (Sargon II on campaign); supra n. 132 (Urartian king Menua). For mounted messengers, Salonen 1956, 221f. IU Cf. reliefs of Ashurnasirpal II, Sargon II and Ashurbanipal, supra nn. 123, 128, 13 0; also a.? gar~ent patterns on Ashurnasirpal II's reliefs, Canby 197 1, pIs. XIII: b- e and XV : a-b; TIl Barsip mu~als. Parrot 1961, pI. 345. d. Thureau-Dangin and Dunand 1936, pl. LIII: no. XXVIIc (Assynan king); "Ziwiyeh" ivories, Godard 1950, figs . 86- 87.

EARLIER FIRST MILLENNIUM B .C.

EARLIER FIRST MILLENNIUM B.C.

camp.142 It is composed of two parallel boards.that lie on eit~er side of the animal's spin e, joined by cross pieces. A wooden loop fits over the POIll:S of the haunch~s to help keep the saddle from slipping sideways: It may be held III plac~ by a paIr of girths or a forking girth, and either it or the saddle cloth beneath It secur ed by breastband and breeching (q.v.). Occasionally it shows a bow at the front. The captives shown riding on such sa ddle s sit on what loo~ like cushions or bun?-!es placed on top of it. A bronze model group from Kalo~ras III northwe~t. Iran, possibl y of this time, shows a hors e, carrying a man seated sideways on a TIgId pack saddle with high bows at front and back. 143 • Dromedaries now appear for the first time-in represent ations and te xts-as pack and riding animals. Assyrian reliefs illustrate their use as ~ounts in wa~are by desert peoples, their rid ers armed with the bow. These ammals are pa rticularl y suite d t o desert areas, as they can go with little food and wate r for long periods.w'

sharply to the metal-sheathed pole, and a " pea-pod"-shaped connect ion extends from the top of the front breastwork topole end. Draught is mostly by three, sometim es four horses, the latter number particularly wit h royal chariots. Only two horses are under yoke. Yoke saddles, yoke braces, and a backing element continue to be used. When , after an interval, chariots reappear on Assyrian palace walls in the znd half of the 8t h century under Tiglath-Pileser III and Sargon II, there is consid erabl e cha nge. The chariot s now hav e a rectangular floor plan and higher sides. Wh eels are larg er and become eight-spoked, the comp osite felloes held t ogether by t wo pairs of large metal clamps. Whi le the Y-pole seems t o conti nue, the " pea-pod" element between box and pole end disappears. The draught t eam becomes fixed at four , with all horses under yoke-cert ainly by the time of Sargon II. This long, four-horse yoke is not fitted with yoke saddles bu t is shaped into bays for the horses' necks. .Th e 7t h century reliefs of Sennac herib and Ashurba nipal illustrate t his same chariot which, if an ything. has become larger-probably to accommodat e a crew of four (two abreas t), first shown und er Sar gon II and then often under Ashurbanipal . Wheels of royal chariots are now hobnail ed. The pole is no longer of the Y-p ole type but single and central . It is shown with the metal pole supportfbreast work brace. Throughout, Assyrian cha riot (and riding) horses a re cont rolled by bitted bridles, the bit s st ill fun cti oning on the snaffle principle. Surviving bits ar e of metal (bronze or iron) or organi c materials. and occur in several t yp es. Bridle accessories include blinkers (q.v.), frontlet s (q.v.) and poll decorations . As far as we know, the chariots employed by other peoples in the Near East ofte n corres pon d closely with th e Assyri an ones. Differences can, however, also be not ed-for inst ance in Cyprus , where we find a two-poled chariot with either a single four-horse yoke or t wo t wo-horse yo kes. In the 9th century, Assyrian cha riots appear t o cont inue the traditional milit ary role as a fast, flanking and pursuing arm . Despit e the addition of one or two horses t o the dr aught team, they remain manoeuvrable since these are outriggers and not und er yoke. Such t eam s may have begun wit h th e incorporation of reserve horses that accompanied the vehicles on campaign. Chariots ar e st ill pri maril y mobile firing platfo rms for an ar cher st an ding beside the dri ver, bu t they are also equipped with close-range weapon s, including a thrusting spear (alr eady associate d with Asiatic cha riots in the previous period), an d wit h a shield hung across th e part it ion at the rear. This indicat es pr eparedness for fighting at a sta ndst ill or on foot , if necessary. F or defense t he crew may wear helmets and scale arm our. Royalt y or important officers are prot ect ed also by a third crew memb er, a shield bear er squeezed in at the rear. Th e hor ses may wear, for protecti on or decorat ion, trapp ers, gorge ts, blinkers or frontlet s (q.v.). The trend t oward s a bigger, heavier and higher-sided cha riot that can be observed in the Assyrian reliefs of the lat er 8t h and 7th centuries must reflect a modification in the vehicle' s milit ary role. The t eam of four horses, all under yoke, first definitely documented un der Sargon II, points t o a decrease in man oeuvrability. The increased concern for pr ot ecti on, particularly appar ent in the introdu cti on of two shield bear ers, indicates that the cha riot is now more vulnerable-probably especially to attacks of increasingly imp ortant mounted

14°

S UMMARY

Whe eled vehicles Assyri an palace reliefs, our most important source of inform ation at this period, illustrate carts and chariots , but hardly an y vehicles with more tha~ two w~eels. Th e carts ha.v e wheels of va rying cons truction and are usually pull ed by p.aIred bo vids or mul es. E~amite carts are exceptional in several resp ects ; they have wheels WIth as many as twelve t o SIxt een spokes and their use in cludes militar y t ransport , in w~ch case th ey are drawn by mul e.s or horses. Cypru s yields the remain s of actual carts, their revo lvmg axles pr ot ect ed by iron . . ' bearing shoes. The ch ariots shown in 9th cen tury Assynan rehefs of Ashurnasirpal II and Shalmaneser III have a D-shap ed floor plan and a low, solid breastw~rk . They carry a ::rew of t '":o abreas t, a third man sometimes st an ding behind them. To Judge .by comparat~ve mat e,nal from Cyprus- terr a-cotta models and th: :ema~s of ~ctual cha nots- , Assyn~n cha.not s were divided down the middl e by a partition , SIX or (m the case of.enemy chanots) eight spoked wheels revolve on an axl e fixed at the rear of the floor . Th eir outer felloes (or wooden tyr es ?) ar e deep and made of t hr ee to six segments of wood. The draught pole seems t o be of the Y-Pole t ype (q .v.). A presum abl y metal pole suppo rt/breastwork br ace drops HZ Discuss ion, esp . W eidner 1939. 84ff. with figs. 72-73; good ills ., also Strommenge~ and Hirmer 19 64 , pl. 212 (empty saddl e ; Shalman eser III) ; Bamett 1976, pIs. XIX (captives). X X XIX-XLI (hunti ng gea r ; Ashurbanipal). For saddle in te nt, Meye r 19 65, pl. 159 ; Bamett 1976 , pl. LXVI (above righ t ). . . 143 H akem i 19 68 , 66 with p l. XXXVII: 81. It r ecall s bronze figurine from Sames, Jantz en 1972 , no . B 452 with pl . 81 (said t o be Caucasian). . . ' 144 Supra n . 133. Di scu ssion of d romedaries a nd t wo-humped, Bactna n camel. B ulliet 1975. ch . 3 a nd 7·

EARLIER FIRST MILLENNIUM B.C.

EARLIER FIRST MILLENNIUM B.C.

troops (d. below). Chariots, though much less mobile than before, still remain primarily elevated firing platforms for archers. Though still shown traditionally launched at speed against a fleeing enemy, we now for the first time see archers shooting from stationary chariots, among archers on horseback and sling-men on foot-all components of the longrange fighting force. As far as we know, other peoples do not appear to have used their military chariots in a manner significantly different from the Assyrians. The two-poled chariots documented in Cyprus, with all four horses under yoke, would have been even less manoeuvrable than the Assyrian four-horse chariots with a single pole. Like the Assyrian ones, they are shown carrying a driver, archer and one or two shield bearers.

headstalls and bits appear to be similar, often even to the inclusion of a frontlet. A trimmed fleece or quilted saddle cloth is used by military riders under Sennacherib; under Ashurbanipal they sit on a? intact fleece or pelt which is placed over an ox-hide trapper, similar to that seen on chanot horses. Royal mounts wear elaborate, quilted and fringed saddle cloths. In the 7t~ century, no doubt as a result of the new reining system, Assyrian mounted troops, weanng helmets and scale corselets, function individually, using bow or spear. That they have largely taken over the former role of the chariot as a fast , flanking and pursuing arm is implied by the changes in type of chariot-to a bigger, heavier and less manoeuvrable one (d. above). These mounted troops are never seen, however, operating in formation and they cannot properly be called cavalry (q.v.) . At this time the ridden horse also plays an important role in hunting. Outside Assyria, horseback riding is less well documented. However, a similar origin and development of military riding may be assumed for some other parts of the Near East.

Riding The earliest documentation of mounted troops in the Near East is in 9th-century B.C. Assyrian reliefs of Ashurnasirpal II and Shalmaneser III . The horses appear identical to those pulling chariots and they wear similar bitted bridles. Riding is astride, usually bareback but sometimes on a saddle cloth, the riders still often employing the "donkey seat". The royal mount (only shown being led) wears an elaborate, fringed saddle cloth. Ninth-century Assyrian mounted troops operate in pairs, at a gallop, side by side; each pair consists of an archer and a squire who controls both horses and also protects the warrior with a shield. Both riders are helmeted and may also sometimes use a short spear. Their mounts wear gorgets (q.v.). 'The reliefs clearly show military riding in Assyria growing out of the use of the war chariot, the chariot complement being simply transferred to the back of the team, their respective functions remaining the same. These horsemen do not yet fully exploit the advantages of riding over driving, since the expenditure of manpower remains unchanged and mobility in difficult terrain is still limited, although the number of horses may be reduced and the vehicle eliminated. By the mid 8th century the relatively scanty figured evidence under Tiglath-Pileser III shows mounted troops, wearing helmets and scale corselets, pursuing the enemy with spears. Riders still ride bareback and operate in pairs, but they apparently control their horses individually and sit more securely. . . Under Sargon II mounted troops ride comfortably on saddle cloths and, although still sometimes shown in pairs, also function independently. While carrying a bow as well as a spear, they are never illustrated using anything but the latter when moving at a fast gait. A new method of control begins at this time, though it is most clearly illustrated in the 7th century reliefs of Sennacherib and Ashurbanipal. A short, one-piece "rein" reaching no further back than to the horse's throat joins both ends of the bit beneath the jaw. A second short, one-piece "rein" encircles the neck, being looped through the first "rein" in front. In the area where the one is looped through the other, a weighted tassel is hung. This method prevents the reins from slipping off over the horse's head when the rider drops them to use the bow and provides a constant steadying pressure on the horse's mouth, so that the animal has the sensation of being controlled at the same time. Despite the difference in reining between 7th-century mount and chariot horse, their

143

160

LATER FIRST MILLENNIUM B.C.

of Persians but also of subject or allied peoples. These riders use both spe~ and bow ~r?m horseback, employing the "Parthian shot" techniqu: with the. latter, Wlth~ut.requmng the special reining system of the 7th-century Assynans. ~lasslcal authors mdicate that elite Persian riders and their mounts may wear defensive armour of metal. Mounted troops mainly playa flanking, pursuing and harassing ~ole, exploiting their superior spe~d and manoeuvrability. The same classical authors make It clear, however, that these taches were not successful in certain kinds of terrain and against disciplined, heavy infantry OJ," against cavalry (q.v .), such as that of the Macedonians, which was trained for hand-to-hand fighting. . . . Horses are also ridden in the hunt and in the famous messenger service maugurated by Darius 1.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

i.i .---

;" . ~--

- " .'";

- -~

:

Adcock, F . E. 1957. The Greek and Macedonian Art of War. Berkeley and Los Angeles. Albenda, P. 1976-77. "Landscape and Bas-Reliefs in the Bit-Hilani of Ashurbanipal", BASOR 224 , 49-72; 225, 29-48 . Albright, W. F. 1961. "Abram the Hebrew. A New Archaeological Interpretation", BASOR 16 3, 36-54. Aldred, A. 1956 . "An Unusual Fragment of a New Kingdom Relief", JNES 15, 150-2. Al-Khalesi, Y. M . 1977. "Tell Al-Fakhtar (KURRUljANNI), a dimtu-settlement", Assur I : 6, 1-42. Alkim, U. B . 1968 . Anatolie, 1. Geneve, Amadasi, M. G. 1965. L'iconografia del carro da guerra in Siria e Palestina, Roma. Amiet, P. 1961. La glyptique mesopotamienne archaique, Paris. 1963. "La glyptique syrienne archaique ... ", Syria 40, 57-83. 1965 . "Un vase rituel iranien", Syria 42, 235-51. 1966. Elam. Auvers-sur-Oise, 1969. "Quelques ancetres du chasseur royal d'Ugarit" . In Ugaritica, VI. Paris, I -S. 1973 . "La glyptique de la fin de I'Elarri", Arts asiatiques 28, 4-32. 1976. Collection David-Weill. Les antiquitts du Luristan, Paris. AmschIer, W . 1935 . "The Oldest Pedigree Chart", Journal of Heredity 26,233-8. Anderson, J. K. 1961. Ancient Greek Horsemanship. Berkeley and Los Angeles. 1965 . "Homeric, British and Cyrenaic Chariots", AJA 69,349-52. 1970 . Military Theory and Practice in the Age of Xenophon, Berkeley and Los Angeles. Andrae, W. 1922. Die archaisohe Ishtar Tempel in Assur, Leipzig. 1925. Coloured Ceramics from Assur, London . 1943. Ausgrabungen in Sendschirli, V. Die Kleinfunde . Berlin. Andreae, B. 1977. Das Alexandermosaik aus Pompeji, Recklinghausen. Antonius, O. 1938. "Zur Frage der Zahmung des Onager bei den alten Sumerern", Bijdragen tot de dierkunde II, 477-84. Leiden. Arakelian, B . N. 1971. "A Hoard of Silver Objects from Erebuni", SA 1971 (I) 143-58 (Russian with French summary) . Arrian, Anabasis ofAlexander. Atkinson, F . and Ward, A. 1965. "A Pair of "Clog" Wheels from Northern England", Transactions of the Y orkshire Dialect Society II, part 64, 33-40 . Azarpay, G. 1964 . "Two Urartian Boot-shaped Vessels", Artibus Asiae 27, 61-71. 1968 . Urartian Art and Artifacts. A Chronological Study . Berkeley and Los Angeles. Balkan, K. 1954. Kassitenstudien, 1. Die Sprache der Kassiten , New Haven. 1957 . Letter from King Anum-Hirbi of Mama to K ing Warshama of Kanish . Ankara. Bandi, G. 1963. "Die Frage der Riementeiler des Mittelbronzezeitlichen Pferdegeschirrs des Karpathenbecken", Archaeologiai Ertesito 90, 46-60 (Hungarian with German summary) .

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LIST OF FIGURES Abbreviation Berlin, VA London, BM New York, MMA Nicosia, CM Oxford, Ashm.

Vorderasiatisches Museum British Museum Metropolitan Museum of Art Cyprus Museum Ashmolean Museum

Pictographs on clay tablets, Uruk (after Falkenstein 1936, nos. 741, 745, 744) 2. Stone plaque. London, BM 128858 (after museum photograph) 3. Detail of "Standard", Ur. London, BM 121201 (after Strommenger and Hirmer 1964, pl. XI). 4. Terra-cotta model, Kish. Oxford, Ashm. 1925. 291 (after museum photograph) 5. Wheel, Susa (after de Mecquenem 1943, fig. 89: 1-2 and pl. X: 2) 6. Shell inlay, Nippur (no. 6N-169) (after Littauer and Crouwel 1973b, fig. 4) 7. Copper model, Tell Agrab. Bagdad, Iraq Museum 31389 (after Frankfort 1943, pIs. 58-60) 8. Detail of stone plaque, Ur. Philadelphia, University Museum CBS 17086 (after Woolley 1934, pl. 181: b) 9. Terra-cotta model, Kish. Chicago, Field Museum of Natural History Fl\I 229170 (after Langdon 1924, pl. VII: 3) 10. Silver and electrum terret, Ur. London, B:;\iI 121438 (after Woolley 1934, pl. 66) II. Shell inlay, Susa . Paris, Louvre Sb S631 (after Amiet 1966, fig. 143). 12 a-b. Two shell inlays, Mari. Paris, Louvre (after Parrot 1967, pl. LXV: no. 2468; 1956, pl. LVII: no. 451) 13. Detail of cylinder seal. New York , Morgan coll. 220 (after Porada 1948, pl. XXXIV) 14. Three views of copper model. Paris, Louvre AO 2773 (after museum photographs) IS. Copper model. New York, MMA ace. no. 66.1S (after museum photograph) 16. Terra-cotta model, Tepe Gawra. Philadelphia, Dropsie College (after Speiser 1934, pl. XXXV: az) 17. Detail of cylinder seal. Philadelphia, University Museum CBS S028 (after museum photograph) 1.

182

LIST OF FIGURES

18 a-b. Fragments of stone relief. Berlin, VA 2904 (after Moortgat 1967, pls, 19 2193) 19. "Bronze" tyre, Susa. Teheran, Iran Bastan ~luseum (after de Mecquenem r943, pl . X:r) . 20. Two views of terra-cotta model, Ashur (after Andrae 1922, pl. 61: c-d) 21. Detail of cylinder seal, Tepe Hissar. Teheran, Iran Bastan Museum (after photograph, Philadelphia, University Museum) 22. Fragmentary terra-cotta figurine, Selenkahiyeh (after photograph, M. N. van Loon) 23. Fragmentary terra-cotta figurine, Selenkahiyeh (after van Loon 1975, pI. VI:8) 24. Detail of seal impression. Paris, Louvre (de Clerq coll. 284) (after mu seum photograph) 25. Cylinder seal . New York, Morgan coll. 893 (after Porada 1948, pl. CXXXIV) 26. Terra-cotta model, Mourek. Copenhagen, National Museum (after Ingholt 1940, pl. XVII: I) . 27. Fragm ent of pottery relief ve ssel , Bogazkoy Museum (after BIttel 1970, pl. I) 28. Detail of seal impression, Kultepe, Karum II (after l>ZgU9 N. 1965, pl. VIII: no. 24) 29. Detail of seal impression. New York, MMA ace. no. 66.245 .17b (after museum photograph) . 30. Mould-made decoration of front screen of fragmentary t erra-cotta vehicle model, Uruk Berlin, VA n576 (after Ziegler 1962, pl. 8:137) 31. D etail of seal impression. London, BM 16815a (after Figulla 1967, pl. 14: no. 22; Bu chanan 1971, pl . II :c) 3 2 . Detail of cylinder seal. New York, Morgan coll. 971 (after photograph, E. Porada) 33. Detail of cylinder seal. Yale, Babylonian coll. (Newell coll. 343) (after photogra ph , W. W . Hallo). 34. Detail of cylinder seal. Paris, Bibliotheque nationale 480 (after Delaporte 1910, pl . XXXII) 35. Detail of cylinder seal. Oxford, Ashm. 1920 .25 (after museum photograph) 36. Detail of cylinder seal (after Amiet 1969 , fig. 9) 37. Terra-cotta plaque. England, private coll. (after p~otograph Oxford, Ashm.) 38 . Detail of seal impression , Kiiltepe, Karum II (after l>zgU9, N. 1965, pl. XXVI: no. 77) 39. Detail of cylinder seal. Paris, Louvre AO 20.138 (after museum photograph) . . _....:::.....-:

LIST OF FIGURES

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40. Detail of seal impression, Nuzi (after photograph, E. Porada) 41. Detail of "White Obelisk". Niniveh. London, BM n8807 (after Orthmann 1975, pl . 206). 42. Chariot, Thebes, tomb. Florence, Museo Archeologico 2678 (aft er museum photograph) . 43. D etail of wall painting, Theb es, tomb of Rekhmire (after photograph of copy in New York, MMA ace . no.'31.6 .34). 44. Detail of stone relief of Ramesses III, Medinet Habu (after Nelson 1930, pl. 71) 45. Detail of stone reli ef of Ramesses II, Abydos (after Treue 1965. p. 1°4; Wreszinski 1935, pl . 21: a) 46. Fragmentary wheel , Th ebes, tomb of Am enophis III. Oxford, Ashm.1923.663 (after Western 1973, fig. I; museum photograph) 47. Wh eel, Th ebes, tomb of Tut'ankhamun. Cairo, Archaeological Museum Journal d'entreeorqqj (aft er drawing H. Carter, obj ect no. 144 of chariot no. 161; photograph, Oxford, Griffith Inst.) 48. Bronze horse bit, Tell el Ajjul. Jerusalem, Rockefeller Museum 37.3271 (aft er mus eum photograph) 49. Bronze horse bit, Tell el Amarna. Oxford, Ashm. 1933.1209 (after museum photograph) 50. Two views of antler ch eekpiece of horse bit, Beycesultan (aft er Foltiny 1967, fig. 5) 51. Detail of stone relief of Ashurbanipal, Niniveh. London, BM 124939 (aft er Barnett 1975, pl. 137) 52. Detail of stone relief of Ashurbanipal, Niniveh, London, BM 124802 (after Barnett 1975, pl. 160) 53. Detail of stone relief of Ashurnasirpal II, Nimrud, Berlin, VA 959 (after Meyer 1965, pl . 109) 54. Detail of reli ef of Ashurnasirpal II, Nimrud. London, BM 124543 (after Barnett n .d., pls. 18-19) 55. Detail of stone relief of Tiglath-Pileser III, Nirrirud. London, BM n8908 (after Barnett and Falkner 1963, pl. LXXI). 56. Detail of stone relief of Ashurbanipal, Niniveh. Berlin, VA 961 (after Mey er 1965, pl . 161) 57. Detail of stone relief, Malatya. Paris, Louvre AO 255 (after Encyclopedic 5, P·29 1 ) 58. Detail of stone relief, Sakcagozu. Berlin, VA 971 (after Mey er 1965, pl . 90).

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80. Detail of stone relief, Persepolis (after Hinz 1969, pls. 38: a, 24) 81. Detail of cylinder seal. London, BM 89132 (after museum photograph) 82. Gold model, " Oxus Treasure". London, BM 123908 (after museum photograph). 83. Two views of bronze model. Paris, Louvre 22265 (after museum photograph) . 84 a-b . Two bronze horse bits, Persepolis (after Schmidt 1957, pls. 78-79) 85. Fragmentary cylind er seal. London, BM 89816 (after Wiseman n.d., no. II5; Boardman 1970, pl. 904)

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