Yunnanese and Kunming Chinese

LINCOM Studies in Asian Linguist ics

LINCOM Studies in Asian Linguistics

Yunnanese and Kunming Chinese: A Study of the Language Communities, the Phonological Systems, and the Phonological Developments

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Abstract

This book is based on the author's doctoral dissertation with the same title completed at the University of Texas. It is an interdisciplinary study composed of extensive research and detailed analyses of Yunnanese, a Southwestern Mandarin language spoken in Yunnan province, China, and Kunming Chinese, one of its major varieties spoken in the city of Ku1uning, the capitol of Yunnan . The research work is conducted in three major areas: the language commumt1es, the phonological systems, and the phonological developments in the past seven decades. The language communities are discussed from the perspectives of ethnology, sociolinguistics, and dialectology. The discussion covers the following area~: 1) the history of the civilization of Yunnan and Kunming, 2) the ethnographical and ethnohistorical account for the twenty-four ethnic groups inhabiting in Yunnan province, 3) the demographic statistics of these groups, and 4) the dialect geography of Yunnanese and its varieties and the members of Southwestern Mandarin subgroup. A language survey has been conducted in some detail on the varieties of Yunnanese represented by one hundred and thirty-five locations with a comparative study of their segmental and suprasegmental features. A comparative study on the language data representing two different varieties of Kwuning Chinese spoken in two different periods of time, i.e. before and after 1950s, discloses the striking phonological changes undergone by this dialect. Analyses of the tone sandhi in autosegmental and metrical framework have revealed the edge sensitive characteristic of its tone system. The constraints of tone sandhi imposed by syntactic structure and lexical category are also discussed with ample examples. Computer aided acoustic experiments provide evidence in support of the arguments regarding the significant phonological changes undergone by both Ywmanese and Kunming Chinese in the past seven decades. Some major causes of the changes have been investigated from the historical and sociolinguistic perspectives. The author Ming Chao Gui is Assistant Professor of Chinese and Linguistics at the Department of Modern Languages, Literatures, and Linguistics of the University of Oklahoma, Norman He has regular publications on Chinese dialects, Chinese teaching campus, U.S.A .. methodology, and comparative studies in Chinese and English phonology and translation in the past ten years.

Table of Contents

Abbreviation 0. 0.1. 0.2. 0.3. 0.4.

0.5. I. 1.1. 1.1.1. 1.1.2. 1.2.

1.3. 1.4.

1.5. 1.6. 2. 2. 1. 2.1.1. 2.1.2. 2.2. 2.2.1. 2.3 . 2.3. 1. 2.3. 1.1. 2.3. 1.2. 2.3. 1.3. 2.3.1.4. 2.3.2. 2.3.2. \. 2.3.2.2. 2.3.2.3. 2.3.2.4. 2.3.3.

3. 3. 1. 3.1. \. 3.1.2. 3.2. 3.2.1. 3.2.2. 3.2.3. 3.2.4. 3.2.5. 3.3. 3.3. 1. 3.3.2.

Introduction Defining Yunnanese and Kuruning Chinese Changes ofYunnanese and Kunming Chinese The originality and significance of the study The major goal Organization Yunnan and Kunming as language communities Introduction Defining variation Parameters in language community division The geographic perspective Ethnological background of Yunnan and Kunming An ethnohistorical view of Yunnan people A brief review of language situation in Yunnan A brief view ofKuruning hinese Survey and analysis of the varieties of Yunnanese Introduction The mutual intelligibility ofYunnanesc and Mandarin The terminology ofYunnanese and Kunming Chinese Literature ofYunnancse Wu and Yan's work Classification and distribution of Yunnanese varieties Yang's classification The first type ofYunnanese The second type ofYunnanese The third type ofYunnanese The fourth type of Yunnanese Wu and Yan's classification Dianzhong region (Region I) Diannan region (Region 2) Dianxi region (Region 3) Diandongbei region (Region 4) Observations of the two systems The phonological system ofYunnensc Initials in Yunnancse The inventory ofYunnanese initial consonants The functions of the diagnostic initial consonants Rhymes in Yunnanese The structure ofYunnancse Rhymes Rhyme inventory in Yunnanese varieties The underlying vowels in Yunnanese rhymes Yunnanese phonological idiosyncrasy The changes of the rhymes Tones in Yunnanese Tone category and tone value Comparison of two different tonal systems

OS 05 05

OS 06 08 08 08 08

II II

13 16 19 20 21 21 21 22 22 24 24 24

25 25 25 25 27 28 28 29 29 30 31 31 32 34 38 38 43

45 47 49 51 51 51

3

2 3.3.3. 3.3.4. 3.3.4.1. 3.3.4.1.1. 3.3.4. 1.2. 3.3.4.1.3. 3.3 .4. 1.4. 3.3.4.2. 3.3.4.3 . 3.3.4.4. 4. 4.1. 4.1.1. 4.1.2. 4.1.2.1. 4 . 1.2.2. 4. 1.2.3. 4.2. 4.2. 1. 4.2.2. 4 .2.2. 1. 4.2.2.2. 4.2.3. 4.2.3.1. 4.2.4. 4 .2.5. 4.3. 4.3 . 1. 4.3.2. 4.3.2.1. 4.3.2.2. 4.3.2 .3 . 4.3.3. 4.3.3.1. 4.3.3 .2. 4.3 .3.3. 4.3.4. 4.3.4.1. 4 .3.4.2. 4.3.5. 4.3.6. 4.3 .7. 4.3. 8. 4.4. 4.4.1. 4.4.2. 4.4.2.1 . 4.4.2.2. 4.4.2.3. 4.4.3. 4.4.3.1.

A historical perspective of tonal systems Tone groups ofYunnanese varieties Four-tone group Tone I of Yunnanese varieties and the conditions Tone 2 and the modified conditions Tone 3 and the modified conditions Tone 4 and the modified conditions Five-tone group Three-tone group Seven-tone group The phonology of Kunming Chinese Introduction Chinese dialect classification An overview of Kuruning Chinese Population and current status Linguistic comparison with Mandarin Chinese A brief account on the changes and their causes Initials in Kunming Chinese Data source Controversy over initial [v] in KC Evidence of lwl as the underlying form of [ v] Rule I: the resegmentation rule Loss of the retroflex series Rule 2: the fronting mle Free variations: In!- Ill and l xl- lfl Summary of the initials in CKC Rhymes in KC Types and structures ofthe rhymes in KC The vowels of KC Three surface manifestations of Iii Rule 3: the backness rule Rule 4: vowel tensing rule Controversy over nasal rhymes Rule 5: the vowel fronting and nasal deletion rule Rule 6: the friction rule Rule 7: Further change of nasal rhyme [eiJ] Changes of the complex rhymes Rule 8: the nucleus rai sing rule Rule 9: the diphthongization rule Syllable fusion of the rhotacized words Desulcalizati on of the rhotacized words Vowel devo icing in emphatic mood Summary Tones in Kuruning Chinese Tone derivation of Kunming Chinese Difference in OKC and CKC tonal systems Difference in value of Tone 2 Difference in value of Tone 4 Summary Tone sa ndhi in Kumning Chinese The general tendency

53 54 54 55 56 57 58 60 61 63 65 65 65

68 68 68 68 69 69 69 70 71 72 72 73 73 74 75 76 79 81 81

82 82 87 87 88

88 89 89 91 92 92 95 95 97 97

98 99 100 100

4.4.3.2. 4.4.3.3 . 4.4.3 .3.1. 4.4.3.3.2. 4.4.3.3.3. 4.4 .3 .3 .4. 4.4.3.3 .5. 4.4.4. 5. 5.1. 5.2. 5.3. 5.4. 5.5 . 5.6. Appendix Appendix Appendix Appendix Appendix

A briefautosegm ental acount Tone sandhi Tone I sandhi Tone 2 sa ndhi Tone 3 sandhi Tone 4 sandhi Tone sandhi in three-syllable reduplicated structure Summary The causes of the phonological changes in OKC Introduction A multi-lingual and multi-dialectal community The role of political factors The influence of Sichuan lfua Influence from the Wu dialects Influence from minority languages A Administrativ e regions in Yunnan Province B Reduplicated Structure in Kunming Chinese C Tones ofYunnanese varieties D Wave forms and tone contours E Census of Kunming urban area (obtained in 1999)

100 104 104 106 109 110 Ill 115 115 115 115 115 116 117 117 118 122 130 134 139

4

LSASL28

Abbreviation Ant Asp

Bk CKC Cons Coni Cor Glot Grav

H KC

L MC Nas OKC Rd Retro Son Strid Syll Vd

LSASL28

5

0. lntrodction Anterior Aspirated

Back Contemporary Kunming Chinese Consonantal Continuent Coronal Glottal Grave High Kunming Chinese Low Mandarin Chinese Nasal Old Kunming Chinese Rounded Retroflex Sonorant Strident Syllabic Voiced

0.1. Defining Yunnanese and Kunming Chinese "Yunnanese" (-i;-~1-k), like Cantonese (f- ,y, it-) or Hubeinese (iJJJ~!:.it-), has been used and understood by scholars nationally and internationally as the lingua franca of the Province of Yunnan, a remote province in southwest China. In fact, Yunnanese is an allencompass ing name. It is a general yet loose lingui stic name representing all the Chinese dialectal variations in the area of Yunnan in different geographical areas and in different historical periods. Kunming Chinese (it fl}]it-), the variety of YUJmanese spoken in the city of Kunming, capital of Yunnnan Province, is considered the lingua franca because of its predominant position in politics, economy, and culture in the province. So in a very narrow se nse, Yunnanesc and Kunming Chinese arc referring to the same form of Chinese dialect.

0.2. Changes of Yunnanese and Kunming Chinese For various reasons, Yunnanese as well as Kunming Chinese, has not been as well stud ied as some other Chinese dialects such as Cantonese, Mandarin, and even some varieties of Min family dialects. However, due to many historical and political reasons, especially the practice of "open-door" policy in China since the early 80s, many areas of Yunnan especially Kumning city and its vicinities have undergone rapid developments in many aspects because of the influence from other more developed cities in China as well as from many western countries. Yunnanese and Kunming Chinese, exposed to the outside world and experiencing all types of influence, have also undergone many linguistic changes. Historically the province was isolated from the rest of the country due to its geographic location and physical characteristics. The area has been viewed as a closed, "static", and backward "alien" place. However, in 1981 while on a business trip to the world renown scenic spot: the Stone forest of Lunan (3tifJkA,f.) in Kunming's vicinity, the author was utterl y surpri sed by the fact that some obviously illiterate elderly peasant women could use simple English to bargain with western tourists when peddling their local goods. The area, full of peasant villages and inhabited by several different minority groups, used to be known for its poverty and high rate of illiteracy. However, due to the influence brought inevitably by the increasing number of tourists, profound changes have been found throughout the province. These changes in tum bring profound changes to the languages in these areas.

0.3. The originality and significance of the study As a result of various influences, Yunnanese and Kunming Chinese are inevitably undergoing changes. As the same time, their importance among the variations of Chinese is also changing. However, the available data so far show that the studies and analyses done in the past are limited and elementary, lacking both scope and depth . For thi s reason, Yunnanese and Kunming Chinese can be viewed as less-well-studied varieties in the I Ian language system. The research and analyses recorded in this book can thus, in some sense, be considered new because of its extensive research scope and detailed analysis. In addi tion. to the best of the author's knowledge, up till now, no studies have dealt with the changes of the phonological system of Kunming Chinese in the past several decades, nor have any analyses discussed the factors that have contributed to the changes.

6

LSASL28

With the aid of modern technology of analysis, especially the utilization of computer and acoustic experimental equipment, accurate results have been obtained. Some of them have helped explain some long time controversial problems. Some sentimental reasons have also become the source of the enthusiasm and courage for this vast task. Kunming is the place where both the author and his parents were born and grew up. It is the place that the author has strong emotional attachment to. Kunming Chinese is the author's first language and it is also the language that the author has been speaking most of his life even though he left his hometown at the age of three. The place reminds the author from time to time of a happy chi ldhood and keeps stirring up a neverceasing nostalgia in his mind for it. He always feels like he needs to do something for it.

0.4. The major goal The major goal of this book is to give a relatively complete description, discussion and ana lysis of 135 varieti es of Yunnanese and Kunming Chinese as separate speech communities, each with its own different phonological system. It is also the hope placed in this book to bring to the attention of scholars the rapid and extensive phonological changes and developments taken place in the past several decades in the language con tinuum in the southwestern part of China. Yunnanese, one of the major topics of this investigation, is a member of the Southwestern branch of the Northern Mandarin subfami ly U!:.~~-ik) known as Xinan Guanhua ( & r*J 'tit )- Southwestern Court Language, or Shangjiang Guanghua (..l.i.J..~-it)-Upper Yangtze River Court Language. Southwestern Mandarin includes the varieties in Sichuan, Yunnan , Guizhou, Guangxi, and some areas of Hunnan and Hubei. Northern Mandarin is one of the seven stocks of the Han language or Mandarin Chinese spoken in Mainland China. Mandarin Chinese has been further divided into four subgroups: Northern Mandarin, Northwestern Mandarin, Southwestern Mandarin, and Jianghuai Mandarin (i.J..)fi,~it) . The province of Yu1111an has a unique geographic location. It shares borders with three countries: Vietnam, Laos, and Burma and three provinces: Sichuan, Guizhou, and Guangxi. Yunnan has the richest ethnicity in China. It is the home of twenty-three out of China's fifty-six nationalities. The province also has been affected by the influence from many metropolitan cities such as Beijing, Shanghai, and Guangzhou because of the large scale of influx of people from those cities during several major political campaigns in the Chinese history. These factors contribute to the multicultural and intricate situation in the languages in Yunnan. Kunming Chinese is another major topic of this investigation. It is one of the major varieties of Yunnanese. Kunming Chinese as spoken in the urban area of the city of Kunming and its vicinities is regarded as the lingua franca of the province. The population of 111 urban Kunming and is not inconsiderable---over 1.6 millions according to the 4 National Census in 1994. But paradoxically, the number of Kunming Chinese speaker is only around 650,000 whi e other 950,000 are the so-called " floating population" who are not the regular residents of the city but they bring along their own languages. Kunming Chinese has a rather limited distribution because of its geographical isolation from the rest of the country. However, in the past several decades, Kunming Chinese has undergone extensive, systematic, and dramatic changes in almost all its linguistics aspects: phonology, grammar, semantics, and lexicon. As a result, The Old Kunming Chinese, the version spoken before the mid 1950s, from which the contemporary variety has derived , sounds archaic or even exotic to the ears of younger generations in Kunming.

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0.5. Organization

9

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variation "affects language in more fundamental ways" (Francis 1983: 19). Several domains of language can be affected by such variation, especially lexicon, phonology, and grammar.

Language does not exist in a cultural vacuum. This book is presenting an interdisciplinary rather than purely linguistic description and analysis of Yunnanese as well as Kunming Chinese. The first chapter is devoted to discussion, in ethnological and sociolinguistic perspective, of Yunnan and Kunming as language communities. In this chapter, the most sa lient parameters that have caused the subdivision of the language communities are discussed in detail. An ethnological background and an ethnohistorical view are also provided with respect to the origin, history, demography, cultural tradition , and religious beliefs of the minorities of Yunnan province as well as of the Han residents in Kunming city. ln an overview of the language situation in Yunnan and a brief introduction to Kunming Chinese, other factors that impose impact on the dialectal variations in these areas, such as political, social, and economic factors, are also reflected. The central part of this book is in the second, the third, and the fourth chapters. In the second chapter, a survey is conducted on the extra-linguistic complexity of 135 Yunnanese varieties. Information in this chapter is based on the research recently done by a number of Chinese scholars and language data provided by a large number of native speakers. Some observations have been made regarding the classification, distribution, phonological changes, and the internal as well as external motivations of the changes. Some phonological generalizations have been made on the assumption that common underlying forms can be found for the different subsystems of syllable initials consonants, rhymes, and tones of these 135 varieties of Yunnanese. The third and the fourth chapters, a key part in the book, contain a detailed discussion of the phonological system ofYunnanese as well as Kunming Chinese, which is based on the studies of six different sources including the Old Kunming Chinese (OKC) and the Contemporary Kunming Chinese (CKC). Variation and changes of language are often taken for granted by the speakers. Some even claim that language change cannot be observed. The discussions in this chapter show that these changes are rapid and dramatic in the past several decades. Some generalizations di scussed in this chapter suggest the changes in the phonological system of Kunming Chinese. More discussion, supported by first-hand language data, is also given on the changes in the tonal system ofKunming Chinese from the historical as well as autosegmental perspective. The fifth chapter includes the discussion on the assumed causes of the phonological changes undergone by the Old Kunming Chinese.

Map 0.2 The administrative regions of Yunnan province'

J. Yunnan and Kunming as language communities

1.1. Introduction

3. Zhaotong Region

I. Kunming City area

2. Dongchuan City area

4. Qujin Region

5. Chuxiong Yi Autonomous Region

6. Yuxi Region

7. 1-/ongh e 1/ani and Yi Autonomous Region

8. Wenshan Miao Autonomous Region

9. Simao Region

1.1.1. Defining variation I 0. Xishuangbanna Dai Autonomous Region Variation is a natural and normal produce of the social and linguistic complexity, of which every individual partakes. American linguist C-J Bailey says: "a language is a millipede not a monopod". (C-J Bailey 1973) Every individual, being multidialectal, knows and actively employs on varying degrees to different dialects of his or her language. Language variation can be incidental or systematic. Incidental variation affects only "the individual linguistic items without upsetting the whole system" whereas systematic

II . Dali Bai Autonomous Region 12. Baoshan Region

1

13. De hong Dai and Jingpo Autonomous Region

For the Chinese version of these regions, refer to Appendix A.

10

LSASL28 14. Lijiang Region

15 . Nujiang Lisu Autonomous Region

16. Diqing Tibet Autonomous Region

17. Lingcan Region

II

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Dialectal variation, functioning within certain parameters, causes the subdivision of a language community. According to Francis, "any community of speakers of a language, with the possible exception of very small ones, will be found to be subdivided into groups according to various parameters" (Francis 1983:42). The five general parameters cited by Francis are: geography, class, racial or ethnic identity, and sex and age. These parameters have varying degrees of importance and pertinence in different language communities. Moreover, in any given community they may function simultaneously to influence the development of linguistic subdivisions . The investigation of the language communities of Yunnan and its capital Kunming, located in an area of multi-nationality, shows that the parameters of geography, ethnicity, social class, and age are all of greatest importance in affecting language change.

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The parameter of geography in language community division includes the following aspects: place of abode, density of sparseness of population, and the population's degree of mobility (francis 1983). Yunnan province is situated on the Yunnan-Guizhou Plateau (-i:;-1J ,lij /!?..) in southwest China, with Guangxi province to the east, Laos and Vietnam to the south, Burma to the southwest and west, Sichuan (1!9JIJ) province to the north, and Guizhou to the northeast. Yunnan can be viewed as a smaller language community set apart from its neighboring provinces due to its location, different tradition and social status, which may have been originally based on ethnic affiliation and people's preference of grouping in the society. Apparently in this subdivision process the social parameter functioned simultaneously with the ethnic and geographic parameters. Within these locations, or language communities, clear variation exits. This diversity is true even though all the language varieties, or rather, dialects in these four communities belong to the same language stock (i.e. the Han language), and even the same regional variety: Southwestern Mandarin. According to geographic, ethnic, and social parameters, Yunnan bas been subdivided into seven regions and eight autonomous districts, which in turn have been further divided into four major dialect areas. The four major dialect areas will be discussed briefly in this chapter and in greater detail in next chapter. The city of Kunming is located in the geographic center of the province. It covers an area of 230 square kilometers (144 square miles), 1894.7 meters (6216.2 feet) above sea level, and is located at latitude 25° 02' Nand longitude 103° 43'E. Kunming counts as a medium-size city in China. It is isolated by mountains and is not near other large concentrations of population. In recent years, however, it has become more and more important nationally as well as internationally because of the rapid development of its economy, primarily based on three aspects: (I) rich sources of wide variety of minerals, (2) the export of a large variety of its world renowned special local products such as teas, tobacco, Yunnan ham , and rare valuable medicinal herbs, and (3) the

12

LSASL28

newly booming business of tourism , based on its natural attractions and the ethnic areas with the residents' unique traditional costumes and products. The city of Kunming has been known as the City of Eternal Spring (~Jh\) for its mild climate and comfortable spring-like weather all year round. Feng Shike (i~i.! "f), a writer in Ming dynasty, gave a precise and vivid description of the weather in Kw1ming in his poem carried in his article entitled A Travelogue of Yunnan (i./j..ft!C."'.&-). The poem goes: s-t-!o~'

El j;_ -!o J[ • ;f;!j rJJ-!o;fJ:.. ' -r.f.Ho}l-.• The free translation of it could be as follows: It is like spring in all four seasons, But it feels like in summer when the sun is hot. It becomes fall when it is slightly overcast, It turns to winter once it rains. The author's personal impression of the fact that four seasons can be experienced within a single day can be described as:

It could be roughly translated as: It is as warm as spring in early morning, And it is as hot as summer at noon. It becomes as cool as fall in the late afternoon, But it turns out to be as cold as winter at night. It is fascinating to watch the clothing of the residents to be changed throughout the day: long shirts in the morning, short sleeves at noon ; sweaters in the evening, and leather jackets at night. Kunming owes its fame as "the City of Eternal Spring" to its wonderful subtropical monsoon climate, which in turn is due to its fortunate location. Areas high above sea level and at low latitude normally are cold and dry. However, in Kunming, the cold air and chilly wind coming from the north and northwest are always diverted by the two mountains situated north and northwest to the city: Liang Wang Mountain Uit.l.J.,) and Wu Meng Mountain (~ t J.1). Warm and humid airflow comes in simultaneously from the Indian Ocean via the Bay of Bengel, which mitigates the coldness and dryness of the climate in the area. In addition, Dian Chi Lake (;:P,.itt), a large lake located to the southwest of Kunming, plays a crucial role as a "climate-conditioner" in harmonizing the climate there. As a result, the average annual temperature around the area is I 5.4° C (about 60° F) and the average annual rainfall is 1023.6 mm (about 4.01 inches). The improvement of transportation in the area of Yunnan -Guizhou Plateau plays a crucial role in the economic prosperity of Kunming and has brought more and more people into thi s bustling area. Political campaigns also have profound impact on the area. The most

13

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prominent one is knows as Support the Three Big Fronts (..~.At .:k..E. ~/ taken place in 1958 as part of the national-wide campaign Big Leap Forward (.:k.3*.i!), when tens of thousands of peopl e from the more ~eve loped cities .in the country were broughl to t1.1e area of Yunnan and Kunming to help with the economtc development. These tmmtgrants have brought tremendous impact on this area in many different aspects, including the substantial influence on the local dialects and languages. Most of these immigrants are from the more developed cilies in China, such as Beijing, Shanghai, Guangzhou, and Chengdu. They brought wilh them new technology and of course their languages and habits. In the society of Kunming, they have formed special groups. Within these groups, people keep their heritage, language, and daily habits. They enjoy a degree of "prestige" and are considered by the local people to be on a "higher" social stratum since lhe local people, especially among the younger generation, view their own city as a closed, isolated, and therefore backward place. These young people worship the new co mers because of all the perceived modernity of the metropolises they represent and of the higher standard of Jiving they have had. These special social groups have become an important factor in the language change in process in the community of Kunming.

1.3. Ethnological background of Yu nnan and Ku nmi ng Yunnan province, as well as Kunming city, cannot be fully discussed without mentioning its multinational character. As a matter of fact , twenty-four different ethnic groups can be identified in Yunnan , Kunming and its vicinity. According to the national census of 1990, Kunming has a population of over 4 millions including an urban population migrating population from other provinces-of of 650,000 and a "floating population 950.000. Of this population, 88.5% are Han Chinese and I I .5% arc made up of minority nationalities of more than twenty different ethic groups, such as Hui (@ ~i, ) , Yi (.fHi,), Bai ( {:] ~i. ) , Mongo l (t i- ~i, ) , Dai (1~~i,), Naxi ( tM!/ ~1:), Zhuang (~hi, ) , !!ani (•1;-f di, ), Achang (l''f @l~j,), etc. With respect to administrative and governmental divisions in Kunming, four regions and eight counties are under the municipal administration of Kunming (Wang et al , 1987: I 0). The four regions include: (I) two urban regions: Wuhua (li.~), Panlong (]tk.) and (2) two suburban regions: Xishan (I!§ J.,) and Guandu ('t ill). The eight counties are: Jinning ( 1\'- 'T), Anning (~'T}, Fzm1in ('&; ~}· Luquan (:i·i ~JJ), Songming (~ llJl), Lunan (3~m), Chenggong ( !t and Yiliang (:li: fl ) . The population of the minorities in Yunnan is I I ,741 , 180, about 32.93% of the total population of the province: 35 ,657,626. (1993 Yearbook of Yunnan). And 3,000,000 of these people Jive along the western, southwester, northwestern, and southern borders of the province. According to statistics collected at the end of 1984, forty -six of the nation's fiftysix officially identified minority nationalities are found in Kunming area. By the end of 1992 the population of the minorities in Kunming area is 456,263 , about I 2.55% of the total population of the area: 3,626,700. (The population of the urban area of Kunming is: 1,577,400.) ( 1993 Yearbook of Yunnan) The five major groups, each with a population of over I 0,000, include: Yi, Hui, Bai, Miao, and Lisu . Besides, there are seven groups, each with a population of over 1.000, thirteen groups, each with a population of over I 00, and

w)

2

The "Three Big Fronts" refers to industry, agriculture, and the frontier border areas, where resources are most needed in the economic development advocated by the Chinese fovernment during this political campaign. The complete list of the administrative regions of Yunnan province can be found in Appendix A at the end of this book.

14

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twenty groups, each with a population of under 100. This degree of diversity and ethnic heterogeneity cannot but have had a profound influence in the past, just as it continues to have even today. The following table shows the population of twenty-four minority nationalities in Yunnan province in comparison to their national population 4 • Nationalit:t

Yi Bai Hani Zhuang Dai Miao Lisu Hui Lahu Wa Naxi Yao Xizang Jingpo Bu/ang Achang Pumi Nu De 'ang Jino Menggu Buyi Dulong Shui

Character

4 E1

"'~:I:*'"'1t Gl ""' 1f1f. @)

4i. ~t 1li. !19.& J/t

/IX

'4>* !l'Yi li})

r-1 s

*'*'

.... ·~

~trr

~...i~

t.-t

4>1-i<. ~*k. Jj<.

National 6,570,000 1,600,000 I ,250,000 15,480,000 1,020,000 7,390,000 570,000 8,6 10,000 400,000 350,000 I ,250,000 2, 130,000 4,590,000 110,000 82,000 27,000 29,000 23,000 15,000 18,000 4,800,000 2,540,000 5,800 340,000

Yunnan 3,352,000 1,120,000 1,060,000 894,000 836,000 752,000 467,000 438,000 300,000 298,000 236,000 147,000 96,000 93,000 58,000 20,000 24,000 23,000 12,000 12,000 6,200 4,900 4,500 4,000

Percentage 51.02% 70.00% 84.80% 5.78% 81.96% 10. 18% 81.93% 5.09% 75.00% 85.14% 18.88% 6.90% 2.10% 84.55% 70.73% 74.07% 82.76% 100% 80% 66.67% 0. 13% 0.19% 77.59% 1.18%

Table 1. 1 Minority Population in Yunnan in Comparison with their National Population and Percentage In addition to the twenty-four nationalities listed in Table 1.1 , there are two more ethnic groups also inhabiting Yunnan area: the people (Kucong) with a population of 20,000 and the people (Kmur) with a population of I ,700. According to the record (Editorial Board, 1984 & Wang, 1987), Kucong, a Tibeto-Burman people, have agreed to be grouped with Lahu and therefore accepted Lahu as their official ethnic identity. Khmu of Mengla (iVJAII') and Jinghong (-;f.-i#c) counties in Xis/wang Banna ( .& 51ll..~&.tn) remain an individual and

4

The population information is based on the census conducted in 1994 and recorded in Yu Jianzhong's book .D..+7>1-~.:1j:.D..+7>,4\:,ft(Fifty-six nationalities are like fifty-six flowers) published by Yunnan Education Press in 1997 and the book -i:;-ifJ:Y'~l:.~:>itJ
15

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1

separate ethnicity. Th~y h~veThth': ir odwn dtradithion, c ulture, languages, and customs. Some of h Khmu people also hve m a1 an an per aps 8 urma. The Shui (7/<.) people, also found in Dahe (.k ;'of) and Long 'an (k-4:) of t c l'i/iang (:D: ~)co unty , had not been identified u?til 1982. They have been living for decades ' th other nationalities. The Shui people 111 Yunnan are the descendants of Sandu ~~:ui (3-;/I~Jj(.;1j:) of Guizhou province. After the long s~p~ration, they have developed the~r own culture, languages, and customs, wh1ch are qu1te Similar to those of Buy1 due to the1r close and frequent contact with these people. k,) nationality is not individually identified but under De 'ang The Benglong group. The change of ethnic identity of this group did not take place until May 1985 (Editorial Board, 1988). The Man (;'~)group with a population of 5,700 in Yunnan has not been identified until 1985. In addition to these, there are reports on other smaller groups currentl y being investigated. As indicated in Table 1.1, among the minority nationalities in Yunnan province, Yi has the largest population distributed in sixteen different areas. Bai is the second largest group mostly living in Dati Bai Nationality Autonomous Region (.k.J! E},:1j: It) ;·~·fli). Hani, the third largest group is scattered among five different autonomous regions. Next comes Zhuang, who shares the densely populated Wenshan Autonomous Region (::t J.J tJ i~#l) with the Miao people. The fifth largest group is Dai with a slightly smaller population than Zhuang but living in a larger area covering nine different autonomous regions. Among the twenty-four minority nationalities on Table 1. 1, fifteen of them live exclusively in Yunnan province. These groups include: A chang, Bai, /Julang, Dai, De 'ang, Dulong, Jingpo , Jinn, Lahu, Lisu, Naxi, Nu, Pumi, and Wa. The languages of these major minority communities have become strong breeding grounds for linguistic variations. In fact, through language contact they have considerable impact on Han dialects spoken in the same areas where these minorities inhabit. With respect to their mode of sustenance or tradition, most of these minority nationalities are agrarian with major crops like rice, millet corn, potato, cotton, hemp, tobacco, sugarcane, tea, beans, buck wheat, etc. Their products are basically for selfconsumption . Only the surplus is traded at the local markets or with other communities. The rural markets (simi lar to the fanner 's market in the U.S.) in the urban areas of Kunming arc favorite trading places for various groups of minority. During the dates for 'go ing to the market' (.1!:./!t-t), minority people in their colorful costumes can be seen trading a large variety of goods with the Han people at the rural market in downtown Kunming. Some of the minorities practice animal husbandry. Among these ethnic groups are: l'i, Lisu, Pumi, and Naxi. Yi and Jingpo are partly agrarian and partly pastoral. Lahu and Jino are agrarian but also involved in hunter-gatherer activities. As a result of the propaganda of the Han 's ideology of social morality, none of tile minority nationalities practice polygamy. Arranged marriages have also been abolished in most minority communities. For most minorities, children live separately from their parents after they are married . However, in some areas people are still in favor of extended families living in the same domicile. There is a significant multiplicity of religious beliefs among these twenty-four minority nationalities in Yunnan. These beliefs and the believing groups (Editorial Team I 988) can be summarized as follows : I . Polytheism: A chang, Bai, Buyi, Dulong, Hani, JinRpO, Lisu, Miao, Nu, Pumi, Shui, and Yi; 2. Protestantism : /Jai, Pulang, Jingpo, Lahu, Lisu, Miao, Naxi, Nu, Wa, and Yi; 3. Buddhism: A chang, Bai, Bulang, Dai, De 'ang, Lahu, l'i, Zang, and Zhuang; 4. Catholicism: Bai, Lahu. LiSII, Miao, Nu, and Yi; 5. Daoism: Buy i, Naxi, Yao, and Zhuang;

Urn

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16

Ancestor worship: Dulong, Hani, Jino, and Yao; Nature worship: Dulong, Wa, and Zhuang; Lamaism : Nu, Pumi, and Mongolian; Dongbaism : Naxi; Islam: Hui; and Shamanism: Mongolian. Interestingly enough, it can be seen from the list that the second largest religion among these Chinese minority nationalities is not the traditional Chinese Buddhism but Christianity, which has usually been considered by the Eastern World as "Western religion. " This fact indicates the missionary activities in these areas in the early days. In fact, as early as 1877, the British China Inland Mission was established in Yunnan. Then in the early twentieth century, the American China Inland, known as Neidi Hui (I*) Jt!!.-1;-), was also founded in Yunnan. The American YMCA, known as Qingnian 1-lui (-klf-4;-), started its mission in Kunming in 1911. By 1940, over a hundred and seventy churches were founded. Under the influence of these organizations and churches, about 14,000 Han or minority people had been converted (Ma 1983). Notice also that almost all the minority nationalities embrace more than one type of religion . Some of the religions have varieties, such as the Buddhism followed by people of 5 A chang, Dai, and De 'ang, which is called Ch'an Buddbism , and the variant among the Tibetans, i.e. Tibetan Buddhism 6 . Religion, as a social factor, also plays a role in the language variation in the Han communities as well as in the minority communities. The English night schools administered by the American YMCA, beneficial to a large number of Chinese students and citizens in Kunming, laid the foundation of English in this area. People over the age of fifty, even without much formal education at school, could use a number of English words in their vocabulary in their daily communication. The orthographies designed and literacy primers written by missionaries for the minority communities, as well as all kinds of influence and habits introduced by missionaries into those communities, also have profound impact on those people's language, writing system, ideology, religiou s beliefs, world view, and even life style. According to the information provided by Ma, the chief of Hong he(~ i"f) tribe in Cangyuan county had once given the order that young people in the tribe could not get married unless they believed in Christianity (Ma 1983:202.) 6. 7. 8. 9. I 0. II .

1.4. An ethnohistorical view of Yunnan people It is traditionally believed that the ancestry of the Yunnan minorities can be traced back 1 to three ancient nationalities in the Shang dynasty, (17 h century B.C. to I th century B.C.): the ( 1i ) ,!! ~~) (Ma 1983). According to ( Yue Bai or Yue the and ). (iih~ Pu Qiang (.jf_A;), the historical documents, from two millennia ago, these three groups of minority people practiced a nomadic lifestyle migrating from one area in the southwestern frontier of China to another.

5

Ch'an or Xiaocheng Fojiao (•J 'Jfl 14!'>:ilt) is a Chinese school or Mahayana Buddhism. It arose in China in the sixth century, tak ing dhyana (from Sanskrit, meaning 'meditation') as its most essential feature. It reaches its culmination in the Zen school of Japan , known as Zen Buddhism. (Gwinn et al. 1988. The New Encyclopedia Britannica. 15'h ed. Chicago.) 6 It refers to Zangchuan Fojiao (~#1if\fi:), a distinctive form of Buddhism developed in Tibet, which "is a synthesis of Mahayana and Tantric thought, both of which were current in 1 north India during the main period of transmission to Tibet (7 h to 11 1h century)." (Ibid.)

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17

Those areas are identified as today' s Sichuan province, Yunnan province, and Guizhou province. Before the Qin (221 B.C. to 206 D.C.) and the Han dynasty (206 B.C. to A.D. 220), the major tribal people scattered around the area of Yunnan were: 1. flo( ~ ) in today ' s southern part of Sichuan and northeastern part ofYUJman; 2. Laojin (·}fi::=) and Mimo (}ft ~ ) intoday's Dongchuan, Songming, and Xundian of Yunnan; 3. Qiong (Jfl) in today ' s Xichuan area of Sichuan; 4. Ze ('f) in today's Yanyang of Sichuan and Ninglang of Yunnan; 5. Kunming (~ EIJJ) and Xi (1.f,) intoday's western area of Dianchi Lake, and 6. Yelang (-ltli~) and its related tribes in today's Guizhou, Sichuan, and the southeaster part of Yunnan (Ma 1983 :31 ). 7 Traditionall y they have been identified, in general , as the Southwest Yi (.&,!]~) . The the ShihuangQin of period the during start to believed is Yi" civili zation of the "Southwest first Emperor ofQin dyna sty . Through cultural and social contact, great changes among the ancient groups of minority nationalities resulted. The splits and combinations among these original groups resulted in smaller groups, which have developed into the contemporary nationalities. The languages of different minority communities have been traditionally used as criteria by Chinese scholars in the identification and classification of minority nationalities in China as well as in Yunnan area. Recorded be low are some conclusions on the ancestry of the minority nationalities in Yunnan according to their language families: I . the nationalities whose languages belong to the Yipho branch (4ik .t,) under the Tibetan- Yi (~tlii ~k ) or Tibeto-Burman (~4}~~ ) group are descended from the Qiang tribe; 2. the nationalities whose languages belong to the Wa-Beng or Mon Khmer branch (1li..f1Ji~· .t.) are descended from the Putribc, and 3. the nationalities whose languages belong to the Zhuang-Dai branch (~H~ik .t_) are descended from the Yue tribe. As discussed earlier, the earliest native Kunming people were not from the Han nationality but from these minorities. ln fact the Han people probably did not reach the area until the end of the Warring States Period (475 to 221 D.C.). Most of today's Han people inhabiting Kuruning area are descendants of immigrants from all over the country over a period of two millennia. The most significant historical periods of the Han migration can be summarized as follows : (Editorial Board 1987:164-165) I. At the end oft he Warring States Period (457-221 B.C.), one of the leaders of the peasant's 8 uprisings against Chu S101e (~ 00), General Zlwang Qiao (J13fl-) withdrew his army in 277 to prepare for further action but Jinning) s ' (today B.C. to the Dianchi Lake area of Kunming later was besieged by Qin army that had occupied the surrounding area (Ma 1983 :28). General Zhuang Qiao then crowned himse lf King of Dian (Ji..I. i.e. King of Yunnan.) All the soldiers in his army, mostly from Yingdu (1/1;:;\"~, in today 's Hubei province), also settled

The word Yi (~)has been used in ancient Chinese by the Han people to refer to the minority peoples. 8 Another perhaps less reliabl e source claims that Zhuang Qiao was sent by the Chu Emperor Qing Rang to conquer the northwest border area, where the Chu control was weak. Since the information cited in the text is based on the published academic articles of the history of Yunnan (Ma 1983). the information and the analysis in Ma' s book can be more reliable and accrurate. 7

18

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in there and became the earliest goupr of Han residents of Kunming9. The historical event has been known as Zhuang Qiao Kaidian (;1;fff7hJi., meaning "Zhuang Qiao civilizing Yunnan") or Zhuang Qiao Rudian (;ljfffA;A, Zhuang Qiao entering Yunnan). The even marks the earliest civilization ofYUiman area. 2. During Western Han dynasty (206 B.C. to AD 25), the system of prefecture and counties-a system of local administration-was established in the areas of Yunnan, Guizhou, and Sichuan. Four prefectures were formed, each composed of many counties: I) Qian Wei (4Jt ;/:)) prefecture composed of twelve counties located mainly in southern Sichuan and northeaster Yunnan; 2) Zang Ke (;lf,W) prefecture composed of seventeen counties located mainly in western Guizhou and southeastern Yunnan; 3) Yue Xi (M~) prefecture composed of fifteen counties located mainly in Xikang area of Sichuan, Liangshan Yi area, and northwestem border shared by Yunnan and Sichuan; 4) Yi Zhou (~:!+!)prefecture composed of twenty-four counties all located in Yunnan. The practice of the system of prefecture and counties immensely strengthened the control of the southwestern area by the central government of Western Han . In Eastern Han dynasty (AD 25 to 220) one more prefecture, Yongchang, was added to the system. This prefecture was composed of Dati region, Baoshan area, Dehong region, Lingcan, and Xis huang Bmma area. During this period an army led by General Guo Chang ( .f~ ,g) was sent to Kunming to help civilize the area. All his followers and soldiers, mostly from Qin ( ~. today' s Shaanxi province), Jin ('€f, today's Shanxi province), Yu (tf., today's Henan province), and Long (r£, today's Gansu province), settled in there. They became the second group of Han residents in Kunming. 3. In the Three Kingdom Period (AD 220 to 280) the five previously formed prefectures were further divided into smaller ones so that they could be controlled more effectively. Lu Kai ( g ltJL) and Li Hui ( ~t~), heads of two big and influential clans loyal to Shu State (1ii 00) were sent by Zhuge Liang (1! ij ~), the prime minister of Shu, to administer the Dian area. Most of the soldiers of the army, mostly from Chuan (Jtl, Sichuan province), Shan (rJt, Shaanxi), and Xiliang (lffl;:f., Gansu), stayed and became the third group of Han residents in Kunming. 4. In Tang dynasty (AD 618 to 907), after the Tang army was defeated in its expedition to the south, most of the soldiers came to Dian area and became the fourth group of Han residents in Kunming. Then in Song dynasty Dati was established as the center of administration. 5. In early Ming dynasty (1381) General Fu Youde (1!/i-~~t), Mu Ying (i-f.-9~:), and Lan Yu (~Ji..) led an army of 300,000 to conquer Yunnan. They operated on a strategy known as Diaobei liannan ( i]iJ;JI::.J./(.~, meaning "transferring people from the north to fill in the vacant areas in the south"). Their soldiers were from Jiangxi, Zhejiang, Hunan , and Henan . Most of them had thei r families with them. They were left in this area to become the fifth group of Han residents of Kunming . 6. In late Ming dynasty (before 1644), due to social upheavals, some high-ranking officials and wealthy families were forced to move to Dian area, where they became the sixth group of Han residents in Kunming. It is believed that many of the immigrants moved to Kunming during Ming dynasty were from Gao Shi Kan (;Wj..GJ.k. known as today's ..fr flJ.k.) and Liushu 9

Ma's book claims that the Chu are originally minority people, self designated as Manyi

LSASL28

W

(jip~J.t);f) located in the southeastern part of the city of Nanjing.

19 The migration

111 ~~ement then started from Jiangsu Province to Anhui, Huibei, Hunan, and through Guizhou before reached

Yunnan. (Jlao 1998) . .. . 7 . In the late Qing dynasty (before 1911) all ty~e s ofbusme.ss opport~mt1es m the southern border areas attracted numerous Han people, wh1ch resulted 111 a great mflux of people from the inland of the country into Dian area. These were the seventh group of Han res1dents of Kunming.

1.5. A brief review of language situation in Yunnan The language situation of the minority communities in Yunnan and Kuming is more intricate than their ethnic origins. The situation can be summarized as follows: 1. the languages spoken among the twenty-four minority groups inhabiting Yunnan province belong to two major language families: 1) Sino-Tibetan including the majority languages, with the following subgroups: a. Tibeto-Burman: Yi, Hani, Naxi, Lisu, Lahu, Tibetan, Jingpo , Nu, Dulong, A chang, and Pumi b. Miao-Yao: Miao and Yao, and c. Kam-Tai : Dai and Zhuang 2) Austro-Asiatic: Mon-Khmer: Wa, De 'ang, and Bulang. Almost all of the twenty-four minority nationalities in Yunnan have their own languages. Exceptions include the Mongolian, who speak the Yi language, and the Hui people, who use Chinese. 2. Some minority languages have a very long written history. The Tibetan language adopted Sanskrit in the 71h Century AD as an orthography in connection with their conversiOn to Buddhism. Naxi writing was created a millennium ago in two major forms: the earlier form known as Dongba (.f.. e,), a pictographic and ideographic script, and the later form known as Geha (-ilj"-e,), a phonetic script. Yi writing first appeared in the 13'11 Century and used to be known as the Lolo 10 script (-IJ 'ff-:i..) and also known as the Old Yi Script (;:t4j:.). 3. Orthographies were designed and introduced to some minority languages in the period of 1954 to 1957 by the Chinese government. These languages include: Usu, Ji_ngpo, ~uyi, Miao, Wa, Dai, and Zhuang. Most of these writing systems are taught at Kunmmg Institute for Nationalities. 4. Some of the minority communities have been so heavily acculturated by the Han through their frequent and close contact or through heavy borrowing from the Chinese language that they do not even retain or use their own languages but exclusively or larg~ly use the Han language. For instance, the Hui, the Zhuang, and the Shui people all u~ewnuen and _!pok_~, Chi nese. The Bai people have used a form of language called Hmz1 bc~1d11 (i)l i- El"IJl<, Chinese script read with Bai pronunciation). The Pumi people once used T1betan, and later switched to Chinese. These people have been described by Chinese linguists as being "more literate in Chinese' than in their own languages. 5. It is not surprising to find that some of the minority nationalities still do not have_their languages in written form. These include the Achang language, the Yao language, t~1e Jmgpo language, the Hani language, and the Nu language. The Chin.: ·e governmen_t ~as trted to use Pinyin system (.#f--l}, Chinese Romanization spelling system for the pronunc1at10n of Chmese

(m' ~.meaning " fierce Yi") (Ma 1983 :29). But this claim cannot deny the fact that the

soldiers in Zhuang Qiao's army can be considered the earliest Han residents ofKunn1ing since most of them were from Hubei and they could very likely be Han regardless of th e fact if Zhuang Qiao himself was a Han.

IO The Yi people used to be addressed as Lolo (1f-1!ft), meaning " naked", a humiliating name given to them by some Han people.

20

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characters) to create orthographies for the languages of these groups, but none of them have become popular among these native speakers. It is therefore not widely utilized. In several areas of Yunnan, the discovery of several private seals carved in Han script 11 had been used as the important clue for the initial utilization of the Han scripts in Yunnan area, that could be traced back to as early as Western Han dynasty (206 B.C. to AD 24) or even earlier. (Ma 1983:46) The introduction of the Han culture in the minoritl communities came with the gradual development of the system of prefectures and counties 1 • And the entry of the Han people from the central part of China into Yunnan mostly started from the northeastern and the eastern borders. (Ma 1983) The ethnohistorical background of Kunming shows tht the Han community in this area has had a multidialectal experience. It is probably correct to assume that all the dialects in the seven families of the Han language were at one time spoken in Kunming. However, after long evolution and standardization, the contemporary lingua franca of the city is Kwuning Chinese.

1.6. A briefview ofKunming Chinese Kunming Chinese is a major variety of Southwestern Mandarin. Because of great diversity of geography, social structure, and ethnicity, it is natural that Yunnan has a large number of linguistic varieties. These language varieties have been classified by Chinese linguists into four major branches according to their linguistic similarities and geographical distribution. These four branches are: (Wu et Ia 1985:80) l . Dian Zhong (;A 'f, Central Yunnan branch), with Kunming variety as representative; 2. Dian Nan (;Ji.~, Southern Yunnan branch), with Mengzi variety as representative; 3. Dian Xi (;./j.ll§, Western Yunnan branch), with Dali variety as representative; 4. Dian Dongbei (;Ji. .1- ~t., Northeastern Yunnan branch), with Zhaotong variety as representative. Kunming Chinese, a member of Central Yunnan branch, is the variety spoken in the urban area of the city of Kunming. The number of native speakers of Kunming Chinese is rather small- about 650,000 and the distribution of these speakers is rather limited. It lacks influence in the wider reaches of the province in general because of its isolation from the other areas of the country due to the mountainous and difficult terrain and inadequate transportation. However, in recent years, Kumning Chinese has undergone considerable and dramatic changes, especially in its phonology, vocabulary, and semantics. Consequently old Kunming Chinese, specifically the variety spoken before the mid 1950s from which the modern version is derived, has been left behind to such a degree that it is considered archaic or even exotic by the speakers of the modern variety of the same dialect. The causes for this rapid change can be hypothetically attributed to the same factors discussed above: influence from the dialects in neighboring provinces and the minority languages spoken in Yunnan and Kunming, more frequent contact with the outside world, and other social and political factors. The detailed discussion of Yunnanese, Kunming Chinese and the mechanism of the changes in Kunming Chinese will be provided in the following chapters.

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2. Survey and analysis of the varieties of Yunnanese 2.1. Introduction 2.1.1. The mutual intelligibility of Yunnanesc and Mandarin The varieties of Yunnanese are less well-studied in general and in detail in comparison to their northern cousins, Mandarin in par icular. The main reasons for this imbalance may have been pointed out by Y.R. Chao (Yang 1969). As he says, "because of the fact that Yunnanese can communicate with Nortern Mandarin, people usually do not feel the need to learn it (i.e. Yunnanese). Meanwhile, linguists have been concentrating more on the investigation of non-Chinese languages whi le the Chinese varieties in Yunnan are being ignored." 13 (By "-i:-ilrit" --Yunnanese in this context, Chao's reference should be limited to Kunmi ng Chinese, lingua franca of the province as defined in earlier section.) It is probably correct to say that for Northern Mandarin speakers, Yunnanese will be easier to understand than Cantonese since Y unnanese is a form of Mandarin whereas Cantonese is not. However, this genetic connection between Mandarin and Ytnmanese does not necessarily warrant the conclusion that " Yunnanese can communicate with Northern Mandarin." The author's wife, a native Cantonese, who had never been exposed to Yunnanese, thought she was listening to some type of foreign language when she first heard Yunnancsc spoken. Chao provided evidence to show the difference between Yunnanese and Mandarin. He claimed that he was once at a market in Yuxi, a town fo11y-five miles south of Kunming, where Yunnancse was spoken. He heard people start "coughing" whenever they bargained. For instance, the question in Ytmnanese "~*'~P 1 ? "(meaning "is that enough", or "are you satisfied"), phonetically transcribed as [ky3 kau4 la3), has the auditory value of J.?y3 ?au4 la?3J in the version of the dialect in that area. He observed this phenomenon and drew the subsequent genera li zation that in this variety of Yunnanese, the velar stop fkJ had been replaced by glottal stop [?] when followed by all vowels except the high vowels I i i and /ul.

This phonetic switching could be attributed to the fact that some prosod ic features ,

such as stress, had been imposed in the discourse of bargaining to show emphasis. Moreover, this example shows the diversity of dialectal variation as well as dialectal complexity in the speech community of Yunnan. In addition to the segmental diversity discussed so far, the ancient "Rusheng Tone" (Aj., meaning "entering tone") in Middle Chinese, which is considered to have been lost in Kunming Chinese, is well preserved in the varieties of Yunnanese in the area of Dali. This tonal diversity increases the difficulty in the mutual intelligibility among the varieties of Yunnanese. Based on the personal observation and available data of Kunming Chinese and many Yunnan dialects, it could be estimated that the mutual intelligibility of Yunnanese and Mandarin Chinese could be approximately less than 75%.

11

The "Seal of Yunnan King" was found in Shizhai Mountain (--G$-J.J) in the county of Jinning. Another three Han seals were found in Lijia Mountain (.!f.~ J.J) in the county of Jiangchuan. (Ma 1983:46) 12 The system of prefectures and counties is a form of local administration, which took shape during Spring and Autumn Period and Qin dynasty for the purpose of strengthening the overall control by the central ruling government.

21

13

The Chinese version of this quotation is quoted as follows:

l!];f.)NfUI:~'e-ik.:kJI"fv:l-iiWfij[ • $;b~.-,!(A.ilt-1'f
:t1 ~~ illi~~0i}.lJ~.1;J-i;-I*)00 )5(,:i~Ji.1ry~Jt.t';;jJL J •

22

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2.1.2. The terminology ofYunnanese and Kunming Chinese As mentioned briefly at the beginning of this book, Cantonese (or the older designation Yue Yu, ~;.g.), or rather, Guangdonghua ct· ,f, -if;, meaning "Guangdong Speech"), has been used by non-native speakers to refer solely to the variety used in the city of Guangzhou (i.e. Canton). In fact , it has a broader reference psychologically in the minds of native speakers. In other words, it could pertain to all the varieties in the Yue, or Guangdong area. By the same token, Yunnanese is not necessarily limited to the variety used in the city of Kunming as Chao employed it in his preface to Yang's book (Yang 1969). Instead, Kunming is considered the representative of Yunnanese. It is true that the name of province has been traditionally used by people to name the lingua franca of their own province. For instance, Guangdonghua refers to the language spoken in the city of Guangzhou; Yunnanhua (~rtJif;, meaning "Yunnan speech", also "Yunnanese") refers to Kunming Chinese, the variety spoken in the city of Kunming; Hunanhua (;".lJJrf)if;, meaning "Hunan speech") could refer to Chan gshahua ( ·I.E.i~·if;, meaning "Changsha speech"), the variety spoken in the city of Changsha. In reality, however, this type of designation is inaccurate, if not misleading, as far as the true variable situation is concerned. Therefore, in this book Kunming Chinese is used to refer to the particular variety spoken in Kunming to differentiate it from all the other varieties in the province of Yunnan. Based on the discussion given above, two major conclusions can be drawn: I) Kunming Chinese is quite different from its cousin, Northern Mandarin; 2) there exists significant diversity in the phonology among the local varieties of Y unnanese.

2.2. Literature ofYunnanese The last seven decades have seen some major contributions to the studies of the languages and language situation in Yunnan province. The most important ones are, without doubt, Yang Shih-feng's two-volume Report on a Surve of the Dialects of Yunnan 14 and the research of Wu Jicai and Yan Xiaoyun first appeared in the article entitled Yunnan Fangyan Gaishu ( ~~f)?f"t~llt.i!, An introduction to the Yunnan Dialects) collected in the anthology published by Yunnan Normal University and Yuxi Normal College in 1985. The essence of this same research was published in ~m .:~f.t: 4-li.+A i~i.g.?f"t ;t (Annals of Yurlllan Province: Vo1.58 : Annals of Han Dialects in Yunnan) by Yunnan People's Publishing Housein 1989 and then in ~m?f"tii.fiE.. (On the Sounds and Sound Systems of Yunnan Dialects) by Yunnan Education Publishing House in 1991.

2.2.1. Yang Shih-feng's work Based on the data elicited in early 1939 (from February to May) by Ding Shengshu and Dong Tonghe from 121 native speakers representing 101 regional dialects in Yunnan Province, Yang Shi-feng conducted the analyses following the samples provided by Y.R.

14 Yang' s book, with Y.R. Chao' s preface, was published in 1969 by the Institute of History and Philology of Academica Sinica in Taipei. It is understood that all the data cited in Yang's presentation were elicited by the late Ding Shengshu (T /> :j;J), a renowned Chinese linguist and the late Dong Tonghe (i"llililiof), except for the data from Yanfeng, Jinggu, and Longchuan, which were elicited by Zhang Kun (H<-1:1.).

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Chao in his book Hubei Fangyan Diaocha (;JJ) ~I:. ?f"t i}!] ! , An investigation of the Dialects of I Jubei) published in 1948. The survey is said to be the first one conducted throughout the whole province during the time of Sino-Japanese War when the Institution of History and Philology of Academica Sinica was moved to Kunming. It is also the seventh dialect survey conducted by the Institute in its history after the other six dialect surveys completed on the dialects in Guangdong, Southern Shanxi, Huizhou 15 of An.hui province, Jiangxi, Hunan and Hubei. Compared with the previous works, the seventh survey on Yunnanese covers more area by far. According to Yang' s report, most of the informants were college students with an average age of twenty. All of them were born and raised in the area where the vernacular under study was spoken. With few exceptions, none of them had been exposed to any other variety of the Han language, ei ther Mandarin or Kunming Chinese, at the time of the elicitation. Nor were they greatly influenced by the minority languages spoken around their areas. Therefore, the data can be considered accurate and reliable. As claimed by Yang, the survey is also rather complete in terms of area investigated. In other words, the survey covers almost all the representing counties, regions, or locations except the border areas or the counties where transportation was so inconvenient that no informant help was available, or where the local vernacular had undergone significant changes so that they could no longer be viewed as Yunnanese. Dased on the information of the minorities in the dialect regions in question, 61 out of I 01 regions (or 60%) were inhabited by the Han people as well as minorities. Following Chao's samples, the report on every individual dialect of its representing country or region consists of six major sections: I) a brief curriculum vitae of the helpers, 2) classification of syllable initials, syllable finals (rhymes), and tones, J) description of syllable initials, syllable finals, and tone, 4) comparison with the phonology of Middle Chinese, 5) homophones, and 6) summary of the idiosyncrasies of syllable initials, syllable finals, and tones. A series of ancient Chinese rhyming dictionaries such as: Qieyun ( l7J -61)), Guangyun (f"-ii!J), and Jiyun (!,-61)) have been traditionally employed by scholars at home and abroad as standard in the survey of dialects. Following the tradition, Yang has checked all the sounds and tones of every individual dialect against the inventory found in Qieyun. He claimed that "on the whole, the split and combination of the sounds of most characters can be traced back to the Qieyun system. Therefore, we still use this system as our starting point 16 ." (Yang 1969:6) A brief but comprehensive description of the phonological features of varieties of Yunnanese and a comparison of syllable segments of these varieties represented in two stories are given toward the end of Yang' s book. Sixty-four dialect maps were drawn by the authors. They provide the idiosyncratic features of the sound and tone system of each dialect. However, it is not surprising that the accuracy of the maps is quite problematic in terms of the accurate geographic locations of the dialects. The heavy overlapping of dialect distributions has caused problems in defining isoglosses. In reality, the isoglosses in the maps are, to some extent, quite arbitrary, and as Yang admitted, they were drawn by connecting the central points of the distance between every two representing counties of the vernacular in question. Therefore, "this way of mapdrawing is simply for visual convenience, but it is not meant to show that a given sound stops

15

The modern location ofHuizhou (.f.ft tH) is in the She county (fit .fl.) in Anhui Province. The Chinese version of the quote is " 1!!. :k.. i;l;.J:. :4<. i.iL ' } ~1:. :f -t- 6!; 1)\.-@- }(_ "f v:.
24

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exactly at a certain line, or a given sound starts precisely at a certain line 1969: 1835)

17

."

(Yang

2.2.2. Wu and Van's work A nation-wide survey of Chinese dialects was conducted in I 958 in compliance with the popularization of Putonghua ( .f i! if;, meaning "general speech" or "common speech") as a national "standard" language. Wu and Yan's contribution in this research is a new dialect survey conducted province-wide in Yunnan. Wu and Yan 's studies were based on the data collected from 135 locations in the area of all 129 cities and counties in Yunnan. Their studies produced findings in several aspects of the Chinese dialects spoken in Yunnnan. These findings can be summarized as follows :

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25

2.3.1.1. The first type ofYunnanese The First Type covers the larges area, which includes mostly the counties in the entral and eastern part of Yunnan plus two separate counties in the north central area: ~ongsheng County and Jluaping County, and one in the southwest: Liancang County. Fifty-eight counties are included in this region. They are: Kuruning, Fumin, Luoci, Songming, Atming, Yiliang, Chenggong, and others. This area also has wide connections with some other areas of provinces, such as Xikang (Sichuan), Guizhou, and Guangxi, as well as with other countries such as Annan (Y ictman) and Burma. This fact suggests that the varieties of Yunnanes spoken in the counties along the border areas should demonstrate, to a greater or lesser degree, some influence from other dialects or languages.

2.3.1.2. The second type ofYunnanese I. 2. 3. 4.

different tonal systems of Chinese dialects different initial systems different rhyme systems, and the classification and distribution of the Chinese dialects in Yunnan Wu and Yan provided several maps of isoglosses demonstrating the different sound systems and tonal systems. These maps are more accurate than those in Yang's book regarding the dialect continuums. However, as claimed b~ Wu and Yan, "at quite a few places it is quite difficult to draw an isogloss on the map" 1 due to the intricate network of language or dialect distribution. (Wu et a1 1985 : I) Compared with Yang 's work, different "standard" or reference has been used in the analyses in Wu and Yan's work. The concentration of perspectives is also different. The "ancient standard", such as Guangyun and Qieyun, has been used in Yang's analysis. His concentration is on historical or diachronic studies. In Wu and Yan's work, only synchronic studies are conducted with contemporary "standard" language, such as Guanhua or Putonghua as reference.

2.3. Classification and distribution of Yunnanese varieties Traditionally, the varieties of Yunnanese have been classified into four major regions. However, for various reasons, especially historical ones, t11e parameters of classification emp loyed differ from scholar to scholar. The areas covered also vary.

2.3.1. Yang's classification According to yang's classification, the varieties of Yunnanese have been classified into four groups: the First Type, the Second Type, the Third Type, and the Fourth Type.

The Chinese version of the quote is" ~:k:-1:-..Zi.l j ::.tr.tf;if<.~1ta~.iiliJ;. • fl-:::r:..Zi.ii.,¥":-t ·~~~~~-·,¥':-t-~.tf~~~-·" 18 The Chinese version of the quote is " :;r::j·J~~~tl>ii./iJ~I!LJ:..Iiill t!::- ~ Fl i;t~;if<. • " 17

The Second Type is located in three separate areas. Most of the dialects in this group share borders with those in the first region. It covers the second largest area and includes mostly the counties in the northwest of the province. The only exceptions are two separate ones: one in Weixi County in the northwestern corner of the province and another in the Shiping County in the south central area. Twenty-one counties have been classified and included in this region . The counties in this region area include: Dati, Yangbi, Eryuan, Dengchuan, Binchuan, Xiangyun, Fengyi, and others. Because of its close connection with the varieties of other two regions, there may exit many common characteristics in the dialects spoken along the border areas. The two separated counties, Weixi and Sshiping, can be expected to have influence from the languages in Tibet and Vietnam.

2.3.1.3. The third type ofYunnanese The Third Type, located in the western part of the province, covers the third largest geographical area. It is connected to both the First Region and the Second Region . The Third Type includes dialects in folllieen counties: Baoshan, Changning, Shunning, Yun, Zhenka ng, Longling, and others. The varieties in this region will demonstrate the influence from the languages in Burma since they share a long border.

2.3.1.4. The fourth type of Yunnanese The Fourth Type, located in the northeastern part of the province, has the smallest coverage among the four regions. It includes only six counties: Shatong, Zhenxiong, Yanjin, Tuojiang, Yongshan, and Daguan. This region is close to two other provinces: Xikang (Sichuan) and Guizhou. Therefore, the dialects in this area will have influence from the language in the neighboring provinces.

26

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27

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-_

·-. ...... ... .

Map 2. I Yang's classification of Yunnanese varieties Note: ... Map 2. I I = Region 1 I 2 = Region 2 I 3 = Region 3 I 4 = Region 4 I

the I ' 1 type of Yunnanese the 2"d type ofYunnanese the 3'd type ofYunnanese the 4 1h type ofYunnanese

Map 2.2 Wu and Yang's classification of Yunnancsc varieties Note: In Map 2.2 1 = Region 2 = Region 3 =Region 4 = Region

I I Central Yunnanese I Dianzhong varieties 2 I Southern Yunnanese I Diannan varieties 3 I Western Yunnanese I Dianxi varieties 4 1 Northeastern Yunnancse I Diandongbei varieties

2.3.2. Wu and Yan's classification Wu and Yan also classify the varieties ofYunnanese into four types as follows : I. Region I or Dianzhong Region (i$!.
28

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29

2.3.2.1. Dianzhong region (Region 1)

2.3.2.3. Dianxi region (Region 3)

Dianzhong Region has the largest area, slightly greater than that of the Western Yunnan Region. It covers all the counties and cities in the central and southern area of Yunnan. This region includes four Han districts and two minority autonomous regions. The four Han districts are: I. Kunming 2. Qujin (except Huize county, which has been classified as Diandongbei variety 3. Yuxi (except Yuanjiang county, which has been classified as Diannan variety), and 4. Simao (including Lingcan county and Shuangjiang county, bith located geographica ll y in the area of Dianxi Region.)

Dianxi Region is the second largest geographically. It covers all the counties in the western and northwestern part of Yunnan . This region includes two Han districts and live mi nority autonomous regions. The two Han districts are: 1. Lin gcan (excluding Lingcan County and Shuangjiang county, which have been classified has Dianzhong varieties). and 2. Baoshan. The fi ve minority autonomous regions are (from north to south) : 1. Dcqin g Tibetan Autonomous Region 2. Nujiang Li su Aitonomous Region 3. Lij iang Naxi Autonomous Region 4. Dali Bai Autonomous Region, and 5. Dehong Dai and Jingpo Autonomous Region . These are the areas not included in the previous survey presented in the annual report at the 20 198 I Yunnan Linguistic Conference . According to Wu and Van ' s analysis, Dianxi Region has been further divided into three smaller sub-groups: I. Dali sub-group, located in the central part of the region 2. Eryuan, Jiangchuan, and Yunlong sub-group, located in the nortlnvest ofDali, and 3. Baoshan, Fengqing and Luxi sub-group, located in the southwest ofDali . The first two sub-groups are located in the Dali Bai Autonomous Region, where the I ian language is widely used. But the Han languages, or rather the variety of Yunnanese, in thi s region ca n be assumed to have had the influence from the Bai language. The third subgroup is located in Baoshan disrict, which basically is a ll an area. These three sub-groups can actually be considered to function as the center of the whole dialectal region, meanwhile, impos ing their influences. including of course the linguistic prestige, on to the rest of the whole region .

The two minority autonomous regions are: 1. Chuxiong Yi Autonomous Region, and 2. Xishuang Sanna Dai Autonomous Region. Kunming has been considered the representing area of the region and it is also the political, economic, and cultural center of Yunnan Province. However, before the Yuan dynasty, the political and cu ltural center of Yunnan was Dali. During Yuan dynasty, in order to stabilize the situation in Yunnan and strengthen the emperor's control of the area, and in order to enact some other of their policies, the rulers switched the political center from Dali to Zhongqing (9> ;A), today's Kunming. (Ma 1983 :104) The origina l location of the capital can be taken as an evidence in support of the claim that Yunnan was first settled in by the Bai people, and therefore, the Han language, even in the contemporary varieties, cou ld have come 19 under the influence of the Bai language .

2.3.2.2. Diannan region (Region 2) Diannan Region occupies the third largest area geographically. It covers primarily the counties located in the southwestern part of Yunnan. This region includes two minority autonomous regions: I. Honghe Hani and Yi Autonomous Region (including Yuangjiang county located geographically in the Dianzhong Region), and 2. Wenshan Zhuang and Miao Autonomous Region . In Wenshan Region , there are two specia l areas, where the dialects are quite different from the other Yunnan varieties. One is Hekou County (;'of o .£!.), where speech strongly resembles the phonological system of Guangdong and Guangxi because most of the residents there were formerly immigrants from these two provinces. They have forn1ed a community among themselves, independent from all the other Yunnan dialect areas. Therefore, 11ekou has been treated by the Chinese scholars as a Yue linguistic island (!iJ.7r't Sh) within the southern Yunnan region . The other area includes the counties of Guangnan and Fum in, both located right on the border of Yunnan and Guangxi . The varieties of Yunnancse in this area are close to the Guangxi variety of the Southwestern Mandarin. These two counties have been traditionally treated as a small sub-region of the greater Southern Yunnan Region.

19 Based on personal conversation with Jerold Edmondson at the University of Texas (Arlington) in 1989.

2.3.2.4. Diandongbei region (Region 4) Diandongbei Region has the smallest geographic coverage. In includes only: I. one city: Dongchuan 2. one district: Zhaotong, and 3. one county: lluize, geographically located in Central Yunnan Region. This region has undergone the smallest changes in the past several decades in terms of geographic expansion. However, the relative stability of this area does not imply the fact that the varieties in this region have not experienced much change in all these years. As a matter of fact , this region used to be placed under the administration of Sichuan Province during the Ming dynasty. It was later included in Yunnan Province in the succeeding Qing dymasty . Therefore, the varieties in thi s region are very similar to those in southern Sichuan and have 20

Before the publication of Wu and Van ' s artic le, another paper on Yunnan dialects entitled Yunnan Fangyan Shcngyudiao Biao (~rfJ 7.rt' p -ffiJiJ.Ilf'-. Tables of the Initials, Finals, and Tones ofYunnanese) was presented at the First Annual Conference of the Linguistic Association of Yunnan Province on the occasion of the founding of the Association in 198 I. According to Wu and Yan, the survey had been limited to the regions inhabited by the Han people. It did not include all the Han dialects spoken in the minority areas. Therefore, the survey was considered to be incomplete with respect to dialectal regions and varieties.

30

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been jokingly called "San Chuan Ban" (-=:.Jil-f, Three-and-a Half River) in opposition to the name of Sichuan, which literally means "Four Rivers".

2.3.3. Observations of the two systems By comparing the two systems of classification, some observations can be made as follows: I. The preferred parameter to be employed in the classification of dialect variety regions should be lin guistic instead of political factors seemingly involved in Wu and Yan 's system. In fact, their classification largely corresponds to the administrative areas. .However, by saying this, it does not deny the fact that in China, in addition to other historical traditions, the administrative division of the regions, cities, and provinces also reflects the original linguistic differences, or rather, the similarities or diversities of the dialects in different regions . Therefore, in the final analysis, linguistic sim ilarities and diversities may prove to be the ultimate parameter of classification for these systems. 2. According to the two different classifications of the varieties of Yunnanese, the only dialectal region that has remained stable in terms of linguistic changes in the past several decades is Diandongbei Region. The only change in this area is that three more counties and one more city have been added to this region. They are: Ludian county (which was not established as an independent county in the 40s), Qiaojia county, Huize county, and Dongchuan city (which did not exist as a city in the 40s.) The relative stability of this region could indi cate that some geographic factors, such as being remote from metropolitan areas as Kunming city, or inefficient lines of transportation and communication, have hindered, or at least slowed down, the process of assimilation of these northeastern varieties to the central varieties. Consequently, the northeaster varieties remain quite distinct and unique. There could be some other factor in keeping the varieties in this region distinct: the influence from the neighboring province Sichuan. Sichuan, being the largest province in the country, has undergone much more rapid economic development in many ways than Yunnan in the past several decades. Those developments have inevitably had all sort of impact, including of course linguistic impact, on the bordering counties in Yunnan. This assumption, supported by some historical facts, also implies that the varieties in Diandongbei Region may have been assimilated more to the dialects in Sichuan than to those in Yunnan. If these counties had not been incorporated into the area of Yunnan during the Qing dynasty, the dialect varieties in these counties could have been classified as more resembling the dialects of Sichuan than those of Yunnan. 3. Dianzhong Region has undergone the process of split and combination in the past several decades in terms of its region coverage. Meanwhile, it has expanded toward both the central and the southwestern areas of Yunnan, incorporating several counties into its variety boundaries. For instance, according to Yang's analysis, Wuding, Luquan, and Xundian counties in the central area used to be classified as Diannan Region varieties. Jingdong, Zhenyuna, and Jinggu counties in the southwestern area used to be treated as Dianxi Region varieties. These six counties have now been grouped into Dianzhong Region. Meanwhile Dianzhong Region has been politically split. Some areas in the southeastern patt of the region have been separated from it. Historically, after the establishment of the two autonomous regions in 1957 and 1958 respectively: Honghe Hani and Yi Autonomous Region and Wenshan Zhuang and Miao Autonomous Region, they have been separated from Dianzhong Region. The separation has inevitably created impediments to contact and communication between the Han speakers in the Han areas and the Han speakers in these minority areas. This separation eventually resulted in a diversity of the

31

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varieties in these two regions. This fact could probably contribute to the existence of Diannan Region in contemporary Yunnanesc. It did not emerge during the time of Yang's analysis. There could be another possi bility for the absence of Diannan Region in Yang's map: the local varieties of Yunnanese spoken in these minority areas had not been investigated yet or simply had not been included in his report. 4. Historically, Dali was the political and cultural center of Yunnan. It still retains its status as the center of Dianxi Region. It would also retain its status and prestige in the province even after the administrative center had been shifted from Dali to Kunming. In Wu and Yan's work, the division of varieties of Yunnanese and the similar geographic coverage of Dianzhong Region and Dianxi Region further confirms the assumption: under the influence of Dali, Dianxi Region has gradually taken shape with Dali as its center and the Dali vareity has been regarded as the region 's representing variety. In fact, in opposition to Kunming, Dali has become another social center, as well as a location that people like to be associated with. 5. During the past several decades, there has existed a tendency toward the integration in every region of Yunnanese. Some "clear-cut" boundaries of the four major regions have been gradually established surrounding the four centers: Kunming, Gejou, Dali, and Zhaotong. This reshaping after sixty years of changes indicates that the degree of similarity of the varieties within each region has been increasing. Meanwhile, the status of the four centers has also been strengthened. In other words, they now may have a stronger impact on all the rest varieties in their own regions.

3. The phonological system of Yunnense 3.1. Initials in Yunnanese Traditionally, the stntcture of a Chinese syllable has been analyzed as composed of three major parts: initial , rhyme, and tone. In prosodic theory, initial has been analyzed as onset. Rhyme will consist of two further parts on the lower level in the hierarchical structure of a syllable: the nucleus (or peak) and coda. A complete syllable structure is demonstrated in the figure below: /lcr Onset

1 Initial

Rhyme

r-----__ Nucleus

~

~ Vowel Figure I .

Coda

Final

Syllable Structure

Note: Greek letter "cr" is used for the symbol of syllable. Onset slot is always filled by sy llable initial consonant (including "zero consonant" 'fF. ;t-It and glottal stop). Nucleus slot is filled by vowel and coda slot is filled by a limited number of syllable final consonants.

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Initial (known as Shengmu P, -It in Chinese) or onset, refers to the initial consonant of a syllable. Initial is always a consonant including "zero consonant" and glottal stop.

3.1.1. The inventory of Yunnanese initial consonants Based on the available data of the modern varieties of Yunnanese spoken in 135 counties and cities in Yunnan province, a complete inventory of the initial consonants has been worked out. The inventory is presented in the following tables of distinctive feature matrix. The symbol placed in parentheses indicates the restricted occurrence of the consonant in certain Yunnanese varieties.

p Cons Syll Son H L Bk Ant Cor Vd Cont Nas Asp Retro Strid Glot De!R Rd Grav

+

+

m

f

(v)

t

+

+

+

+

+

+

+

+

+

+

+

+

+ +

+

+ +

+ +

(n)

(1)

+

+

+

+

+ + +

+ + + +

+

+

+

.+

+

+

+

t~

+

+

+

+

+

Table 3.JA Distinctive Feature Matrix ofYunnanese Initial Consonants

Cons Syll So n H L Bk Ant Cor Vd Cont Nas Asp Retro Strid Glot Del D Rd Grav

+

t~h

+

~

~

ts

tsh

s

(z)

w

+

+

+

+

+

+

+

-

+ + + +

-

-

-

-

-

+

-

+

-

-

-

-

+

+

+

+

-

-

-

+ +

-

+

-

+ +

-

+

-

+

+

-

+

-

-

-

-

-

-

+ +

+ +

+ +

-

+

+

+

+ + +

-

-

+ +

+ +

-

-

+

-

+

-

-

+

+

+

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

+

-

-

-

+

-

+ -

-

-

-

-

+ +

-

+

-

+ +

-

-

-

-

-

-

+ + +

-

+ -

-

-

"'

+

Table 3.1C Distinctive Feature Matrix ofYunnanese Initial Consonants (Continued)

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Tables 3. J A, 8, and C reveal that most initials are shared by all varieties of Yunnanese. However, a number of initial consonants, such as l v /, l rj l , l z!, /tf>/, /tf>hl , If> /,

lz.,l , are restricted to a few varieties. These consonants, used as primary and distinctive criteria, play a crucial role in the classification of the variety regions. In other words, the presence or absence of these consonants help divide all the varieties of Yunnanese into four major regions, which could be termed as "diagnostic consonants" as opposed to those "nondiagnostic consonants" that do not possess this function.

Region 3A

+ l rjl

- ITJI Region 38

+ l rjl

- ITJ I

3.1.2. The functions of the diagnostic initial consonants + I 'fJ tr;; tf>h f>z..i The following charts show how these diagnostic consonants function as the distinctive feature in the differentiation of the different dialect regions in Yunnan province.

Chart 3 .I D Region 2 distinguished from Region 3

Chart 3.1A Region I distinguished from Region 2

Chart 3. 1E Region 2 distinguished from Region 4 Region I

+ l rj tf> tf>h f> z..l Region I

+ l zl Region I

+ lz v/

Region 3A

- I 'fJ tf> tf>h

[?

z..l

Region 38

- l zl Region 3C

Region 3A

Region 38

+ l rjl

- l rj l

Region 3A

Region 3C

+ lvl

- /v /

- l z vi

Chart 3.18 Region I distinguished from Region 3

Chart 3 .IF Region 3A distinguished Region 3 B & 3C Chart 3 . I C Region I distinguished from Region 4

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36

Region 3B

Region 3C

+lv /

-/vi

37

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ln I 0 I locations

/zl

/vi

/rj/

Yang (1938)

34.65%

55 .45%

11.88%

Wu & Yan (1985)

49.60%

86%

7.78%

Chart 3. 1G Region 3B distinguished from Region 3C

Initial /n / and Ill have also been used by Wu and Yan as diagnostic consonants in the

Chart 3.2A Diachronic changes of initial consonants /z v rj/

variety classification . But in most cases with these two consonants, it is more a matter of free variation of In! and Ill than of presence or absence of these two consonants. Therefore, it would be better not to use them for classification purposes. The occurrence of the consonants I'll, J'lhJ, and /h/ is very limited, or rather, they are

Data in Chart 3.2A can be demonstrated in the following chart, which gives a clearer picture of the increasing and decreasing of these three initial consonants in the past four decades.

idiosyncratic to the vernacular ofYuxi county. In fact, in this variety, these three consonants correspond to the consonants /k/, /kh /, and /x/ respectively in other varieties. As mentioned earlier, it is unlikely that "sharp" isogloss can be provided for Yunnanese varieties due to the fact that there is always overlapping of the varieties across the geographical borders of different dialectal regions. Therefore, it is understood that the divisions are only based on a general tendency regarding the presence or absence of certain linguistic characteristics. Among these characteristics, some phonological features are more salient than lexical or semantic ones. For instance, by checking the available data, it can be noticed that it is generally true that the retroflex series of consonants /t~ t~h ~ z./ are in

100 80 Q)

Ol

g

complementary distribution with voiced alveolar fricative /z / in many areas. But this fact is

cQ)

not absolute. In some varieties of Yunnanese, such as the varieties in Muojian, Pu ' er, Quxi, Xinping, Eshan , and Yimen, both the retroflex series and the voiced alveolar fricative /z/ are

Cl_

~

Q)

present. However, the occurrence of /z/ in syllables is under certain type of constraint: it

consonants. However, in Wu and Yan's data published in 1985 , 49.60% had /z/, 85% had /v /

40 20

onl y precedes high front vowel /i / while the occurrence of the retroflex series is not restricted to this phonetic environment. The isoglosses presented at the end of this section show the overlap of the diagnostic consonants in the four regions. They can also be used as further evidence for the relative, rather than absolute, division of the variety regions. Analysis of the changes of the varieties in the past seven decades or so reveals a general tendency towards trans-regional uniformity, or rather, assimilation among these varieties. This tendency is manifested in two major forms of sound change: I . some diagnostic consonants have spread to an increasing number of varieties, while 2. some diagnostic consonants have been lost in a n increasing number of varieties. Statistics of the occurrence of the diagnostic consonants show that these consonant segments can be found in an increasing number of locations. According to Yang ' s data in 1939, only 34.65% of I 0 I locations had /z/, 55.45% had /v / and 11.88% had /rj / as initial

60

~

10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 Years Chart 3.2B Diachronic changes of initial consonants /z v rj/ The loss of initial consonants is also reflected in the loss of some consonants that are in general rarely found in modern Chinese. f-or instance, according to Yang' s data, the initial consonant /rj / is present in Huaping, Menghua (in today ' s Wenshan area) , and Yongren at least until 1939. In Yang's system, Huaping and Yongren were classified to Region I and Region 2 respectively. These areas are located next to each other and on the border of Yunnan and Sichuan provinces. By checking the segmental inventory of Chengdu 21 , it is

and 7. 78% had /rj/. The figures below show that the occurrence of /v i and /z / has increased, whereas the occurrence of /rj/ has decreased slightly during U1e four decades .

21

See the section of Chengduhua shengyundiao ( r.\:t]\i-5 ;t -.i!Ji)1] [The Initials, finals , and to nes ofChengdu speech]) in the book 1/anyufangyan cihui (i:l.. i;t~i;iOJ i [ [Vocabulary of Chinese dialects]) edited by the Language Teaching and Research Group of the Departmeni of the Chinese Language and Literature of Beijing University in 1964.

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38

obvious that this consonant is present in Chengdu. Therefore, it is reasonable to assume that ITJI sound in the varieties of Huaping and Yongren could be the result of dialect borrowing or

at least could have arisen under the inOuence of Sichuan dialects. Since this consonant is present in the Yi language (Chen et al 1985), it is also reasonable to assume that it has found its way into the varieties of Menghua from the Yi language. The assimilation of the varieties of Yunnanese has resulted in the increasing mutual intelligibility and greater phonological similarity and a loss of previous diversity. This fact is also evident in Wu and Yan's map of variety of divisions, where the four regions appear more uniform than the four in Yang's map. Interestingly enough, according to Wu and Yan's data and the table of initials, rhymes, and tones presented in Hanyu fangyan cihui (Vocabulary of Chinese Dialects), /v/

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39

3) a rhyme consists ofyuanyin + yunwei: /an (4;-), l aTJP (.!!!.),or /au/ (W:) (which can be phonetically transcribed as [a w)), and 4) a rhyme consists ofyuntou + yuanyin + yunwei: !"an!(~), or l jOTJI (Jilt).

and /z/ are not present in modem Kunming Chinese but the retroOex series (i.e. /tg:; tg:;h g:; z../) are. However, the author' s research and analysis based on data collected in

1987 show the opposite fact. In other words, the two voiced fricatives /v/ and lzl are present in modern Kunming Chinese while the retroOex series has been lost, or rather, they have been replaced by the "alveolar series": /ts ts h s z/. In the following pages are the isoglosses of the initial consonants /z/, /vi, ITJI, and /tg:; tg:;h g:;

z../.

3.2. Rhymes in Yunnanese 3.2.1. The structure ofYunnanese Rhymes Rhyme ( -«!}-/ij:') refers to the part of a syllable excluding the initial consonants. Traditionally, rhymes can be further divided into three smaller parts: I. yzmlou ({~-!},),which is usually an on-glide type vowel, 2. yuanyin (J(,..g-), which is a full vowel functioning as the nucleus of the syllable, and 3. yunwei ( fh/t), which may be a consonant or an off-glide type vowel. Yuntou and yunwei can be optional. The structure of a rhyme can be represented in the following formula:

(yuntou I ih-!J,) + [yuanyin I J(,..g- + (yunwei I -«Jilt)]

Map 3.1 The isogloss of the initial /z /

[I]]

D?.

In Yunnanese, yuntou and yuanyin of a rhyme are always vocalic while yunwei could be either a vowel or one of the three nasals: In/, IT]/, or /m/, for example (assuming all the examples are with Tone 1), I) a rhyme consists of yuanyin only: I ii(:{-<..) , lui(~) , or /r./ ($..)

Note:

2) a rhyme consists of yunlou + yuanyin: l ial ('() , l ual (!!!l.), or liol (•It), which can be transcribed as [Ja] , [wa], or [Jo] respectively.

According to the result of the author's research based on computer aided acoustic experiments, in Old Kw1ming Chinese (OKC), these two rhymes in fact have been manifested as "fronted rhymes" stead of the traditionally claimed "nasal rhymes". Meanwhile, the final nasal has lost its identity. Therefore they are actually pronounced as [a]

I

=

+ /zl

(The regions where the initial /z / is present.)

22

instead of [an] and [ay] instead of [aTJ]. sections.

More detail discussion can be found in later

40 2 = - /zl

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LSASL2 8

41

(The regions where the initial /z/ is absent.)

3 = + /zl preceding /1/ only (The regions where the initial /z/ is present only before Ill.)

Map 3.3 The isogloss of the initial /'fJ/ No te :

0

=- lr:J/ 2 = + /fJ/

(The regions where the initial /r:J/ is absent.)

Map 3.2 The isogloss of the initial /v/ Note:

1 = - /v / 2 = + /v/

02 (The regions where the initial /v/ is absent .) (The regions where the initial /v/ is present.)

3 = + /v / preceding / u/ only (The regions where the initial /v / is present only before /u/ .)

I

(The regions where the initial /rj/ is present.)

43

LSA SL28

3 the yunwei is one of the two nasal consonants (In! or lrjP ), the rhyme is known as biyunmu (.$1-i!rJJJ:. nasal rhyme). Some varieties of Chinese including several varieties of Yunnanese, keeping the characteristics of Middle Chinese, have bilabial nasal /m/ in nasal rhyme. 1Iowever, it is not very common and the cases are limited. Among the Chinese varieties in which rusheng (}.._f>, entering tone) has been well preserved from Middle Chinese, such as Cantonese and Hekou speech (;"f o if;) in Yunnan, the yumvei in a rhyme can take one of the three glottalized stops /p'l t '1 k'l/ or simply a

glottal stop I'll . The different structures of a rhyme in Yunnanese can be summaJized and represented in the following diagran1.

Yunmu (rhyme)

Danyunmu (simple rhyme)

Fuyunmu (complex rhyme)

Biyunmu (nasal rhyme)

2 or 3 vowels

vowel + nasal

Diagram 3.1 The structure of Yunnanese rhyme

3.2.2. Rhyme inventory in Yunnanese varieties Map 3.4 The isogloss of the initials /t~ t~ h ~ Z./

Note:

~

I = - /t~ t~h

~

2 =+/t~ t~h ~

D

2

'2;.1

(The regions where the initials /t ~ t~h

'Z;.I

(The regions where the initials /t~ t~h

~

'Z,.I are absent.)

~

'Z,.I are present.)

Traditionally, a rhyme consisting of on ly one vowel, i.e., the nucleus, is known as danyunmu ( iji .ff~ -JJJ:, simple/single rhyme). Rhymes consisting of more than two components are termed asfuyunmu (,i ~~.complex rhyme) providing all the components are vowels. If

A big difference can be found in the numbers of rhymes present in different varieties of Yunnanese. The stat istics presented in Wu and Van's work show that the numbers range fro m 24 to 50. And of course it is understandable that the "extreme number", that is the smallest or the largest number, is rare. For as shown in the following table, only one variety can be found each having either 24, 25, 37 or 50 rhymes. The majority has rhymes ranging fro m 28 to 35. The average number is 31 .

23

In OKC (m) is used as a substitute for l r:jl in some limited cases, for examples: /t UIJ4/ (if') ,

cave) has been pronounced as [tum4), whereas /t hu!J4/ (1ffl, hurt) as [t hum4) .

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44

45

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3.2.3. The underlying vowels in Yunnanese rhymes Number of rhyme

Variety

9.77%

Grouo I I I

24 25 26 27

lAJ

in simple rhyme, but as a low fronted vowel [a] in complex rhyme such as [ai]

5

vowlc

and in nasal rhyme such as [a]. It is then transcribed as a low back vowel [a] in complex 87.97%

5 12 13 20 18 16 15 8

28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35

To work out an inventory of the lexical forms of the vowels in Yunnanese is not as easy as it may seem to be. By looking at Wu and Yan ' s work, some problems of symbol representation can be found in three major areas: 1. Simple vowels tend to have a different surface manifestation in the complex rhymes . For instance, in Dongchuan variety, low back vowel /a/ has been transcribed as a low central

6

Group ll

Group lii 36 37 38

Percentage

2.26% I I I

rhy me followed by a back vowel , for example, [a:J ]. 2. A ll the available data are in surface forms instead of underlying forms . 3. The inventory of the rhymes differs from source to source. Five varieties of Yunnanese have been chosen as the representing forms of the four ma jor dialect regions in an attempt to work out the underlying inventory of the single vowels us~d in the rhymes of Y unnanese varieties. 1. Kunming variety, representing the capital of the province, also considered to be the lingua franca of Yunnanese. 2. Yuxi. representing Central Yunnan Region. 3. Gejiu, representing Southern Yunnan Region. 4. Dati, representing Western Yunnan Region, and 5. Zhaotong, representing Northeastern Yunnan Region. Based on at least three ditierent sources available, a comparative inventory of the underlying forms of the simple vowels found in the rhymes of theses five chosen varieties has been worked out and presented in the following table.

v

i

y

e

!;

al

a

a-

y

u

0

:J

a

K

+

-

+

+

-

+

-

-

+

+

+

+

y

+

-

-

-

-

+

+

-

+

+

+

a/A

G

+

-

-

-

+

+

-

-

+

-

-

a

D

+

+

e/ c

-

-

-

-

-

+

+

-

A/a

z

+

-

+

+

-

+

+

-

+

+

-

A

Table 3. 1 Rhyme inventory difference in Yunnanese varieities According to the author 's observation and analysis, it can be assumed that this wide range of rhyme inventory diversity indicates the great diversity in mutual intelligibility of three groups of varieties: I. Group I of those with the smallest number of rhymes, such as Lijiang variety, which has 24 rhymes, 2. Group II of those with the average number of rhymes, such as Kunming variety, which has 29 rhymes, and 3. Group Ill of those with the largest number of rhymes, such as Hekou variety, which has 50 rhymes. It seems that the number of rhymes may be associated with the number of tones in some way. In other words, whichever variety has a smaller number of tones, it will have a smaller number of rhymes. For instance, Lijiang variety has only three tones-the smallest number of tone category, therefore, it has the smallest number of rhymes. Meanwhile, Hekou variety has seven tones. Therefore, it has the largest number of rhymes. However, this apparent regularity is not valid. It will be argued in the later sections that the change of the number of tone category in contemporary Yunnanese varieties is the result of the merging of tone categories due to some historical reasons, which need further investigation.

Table 3.2 Comparative inventory of underlying vowels No te: V = Vowel

K = Kunming

G = Gejiu

D=Dali

Z = Zhaotong

In the table , the minus signs indicate the absence of the vowels in the applicable variety. However, very often these absent vowels may be found in the complex rhyme or in the surface form with some special constraints. For instance, in Dali variety, there is no central vowel /e /, but it occurs in the nasali zed form (9] . In other words, it can only occur in

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46

47

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nasal rhyme. Again, the single form of the mid-front vowel fool cannot be found in Da/i

J.2.4. Yunnancsc phonological idiosyncrasy

However, it is present in complex rhyme such as [ire) and (uoo). regardless of whatever surface forms may be used in these varieties, a common inventory of the underlying vowels can still be found in the rhymes of these five chosen representing varieties of Yunnanese. The following is a distinctive feature matrix of the underlying vowels in the rhymes of Yunnanese varieties.

Analysis made by comparing Yunnanese with the modern Chinese "standard language"; Mandarin Chinese, reveals the fact that some of the phonological phenomena are idiosyncratic to Yunnanese. These unique features are summarized as follows: 1. In some varieties of Yunnanese where there is no rounded high front vowel /y/, it is

variety.

always substituted by the unroundcd high front vowel /i/. For instance, the word ,i! (fish)

2

3

e

v

i

(y

1-1

+

+

4

5

6

a

8

9

10

12

y

u

0

a)

+ +

L Bk Rd

7

+

+

+

+

+

+ +

+

+

+

+

+

+

Table 3.3 Distinctive feature matrix of Yunnanese underlying vowels Note: H = High

L = Low

Bk = Back

Rd = Round

R = Retroflex

The segments in parenthese indicate that the occurrence of these vowels are restricted to some but not all the varieties, or rather, they may appear in a different surface form in different varieties. For instance, Vowel #8 occurs only in a small number of varieties: 9 varieties in Region I 4 varieties in Region 2 7 varieties in Region 3. In some varieties, Vowel #8 does not contrast with Vowel #6 under some constraints. For instance, In Mengla, Reili and Fugong varieties, /y/ will appear in the form of (a) when in nasal rhyme (a).

2. Nasal rhymes in Mandarin Chinese, either with alveolar nasal In! or velar nasal /TJ/ as coda (or yunwei), tend to be pronounced as nasalized vowels in varieties in Yunnanese. For instance, the word -'k (peaceful) is pronounced as /an II with a distinctive alveolar nasal at the end of the syllable in Mandarin Chinese whereas is pronounced as [a 1) in Kunming Chi nese, without any syllable final nasal but a nasalized vowel. The word A:- (hurt) is pronounced as It haTJ2/ in Mandarin Chinese while in Kunming Chinese it is pronounced as [t ha2). The syllable final velar nasal has been totally missing while the vowel is nasalized.

3. Three complex rhymes are idiosyncratic to the varieties of Yunnaese: lio/, /ur./, and lio/. Research of 135 locations shows that complex rhyme / io I is present in 128 locations, co mplex rhyme / io/ is present in 86 locations, and complex rhyme /ur. I is present in 36 locations . The following are some examples of the words with these complex rhymes.

+

R

pronounced as /y2/ in Mandarin Chinese is pronounced as / i2/ in Kunming Chinese.

The low back vowel Ia/ has three different phonetic manifestations in

different environments and different varieties: (a) , (A), and (a). All the 12 vowels can occur as simple rhyme but with restrictions. In other words, some of these vowels can only occur as simple rhyme in certain varieties. While in other varieties, they can only occur as the component of complex rhymes. For instance, vowel fool can occur as simple rhyme in only 16 out of 56 varieties where this vowel is present. In the other 46 varieties this vowel can occur only as a component of complex rhyme.

(I) words with rhyme li of: 'brief

(in Lucan)

JJi.r

'foot'

(in }inning)

,>!!. :.r

'learn'

(in Kunming)

/nio2/

•.}

l t
I
(2) words with rhyme /io/: lt
~

' bureau'

(in Zhenyuan)

/t
1lb

'melody'

(in Dengchuan)

/ iu2/

~k

'desire'

(in Yongslteng)

'country'

(in Weixin)

(3) words with rhyme /ur. /: /kur.2/

00

/ur.2/

J.Jt

'to play '

(in Luxi)

/xur.2/

A.

'or'

(in Chuxiong)

4. In these varieties, all these words are pronounced with the Entering Tone (Rusheng), which has merged with the Lower Even Tone (Yangping) in the Contemorary Yunnanese. This fact shows that the idiosyncrasy of these three rhymes in Yunnanese is associated with the characteristics of the Entering Tone in Middle Chinese. In reality, all the words listed above are derived from the words of the Entering Tone in Middle Chinese (Wu et at 1985:39).

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49

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5. The rhotacization of words has been lost in some contemporary varieties of Yunnanese. For instance, in Kunming Chinese, the word itJL (plate) used to be pronounced as [phar2]

3.2.5. The changes of the rhymes

in Old Kunming Chinese (OKC) is now pronounced as [ph a: 2] in Contemporary Kunming

Diachronic studies of the five representing varieties reveal some interesting facts regarding the changes of rhymes in the past several decades. 1. The number of the rhymes in the five varieties has not changed much. 2. In the older varieties of Yunnanese before the mid 1950s, there was a tendency toward syllable reduction, or rather, syllable fusion. This phonological change can be found in OKC. Many disyllabic nouns in which the second syllable ended with a retroflex alveolar fricative !r l are pronounced in OKC as monosyllabic rhotacized words (JL1-t). In other words, the vowel or vowels in the first syllable have been merged into the second syllable. As a result,

Chinese (CKC) without the rhotic feature. The word #JL (pear) pronounced as [liar2] in OKC is now pronounced as [lia2] in CKC without the final rhotic element. As a matter of fact, these idiosyncrasies of Yunnanese varieties have been employed as some of the primary criteria in the distinction of the variety regions of Yunnan province. The occurrence of rhyme /y / is only relevant to Western Yunnan Region (Region 3) and Sortheastern Yunnan Region (Region 4). In other words, this diagnostic rhyme is not present in the other two regions. Meanwhile, complex rhyme / ie/ only occurs in Central Yunnan Region (Region I) but it is completely absent in Southern Yunnan Region (Region 2). In Western Yunnan Region, velar nasal /rj/ cannot be combined with any vowel to form nasal

Variety

rhyme whereas it exists in nasal rhymes in Northeaster Yunnan Region. The following charts show how the four variety regions of Yunnanese are distinguished from one another by the diagnostic rhymes.

1&2

3&4

- /y /

+ /y/

Rhyme number change 1939

1958

Kunming

29

29

Yuxi

29

29

Gejiu

25

26

Dali

34

33

Zhaotong

30

32

Chart 3.2A Region I & 2 distinguished from Region 3 & 4

Table 3.4 Rhyme number change in years

2

+ /ie/

- l ie/

Chart 3.28 Region I distinguished from Region 2

the disyllabic nouns have become monosyllabic. For instance, in the variety of Kunming Chinese before the mid 1950s, the following disyllabic words are pronounced as monosyllabic words, for example, (I)

(2)

3

4 + /rj/

(3)

kual er2

----~

kwarl

kua2 ar2

----~

kwar2

't JL "t JL

li2 ar2

----~

ljar2

#JL

t i£3 ar2

----~

tjar2/tjar3}U L

'officer' ' straw (for drinking)' ' pear' ' bit/hint'

pha2 er2

----~

phar2

it JL

'plate'

kha3 ar2

----~ khar2

J.i;:JL

'staircase step'

~8.4 er2

----~

~ar4

JllJJL

'fan'

f84 er2

--- - ~

fer4

1'.1- JL

' share '

Chart 3.2C Region 3 distinguished from Region 4 (4)

Notice that the syllable fusion process is realized in several steps: I) vowel in the rhymes in the first syllable merges with the vowel in the second syllable.

so

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2) The on-glide type vowels in yuntou, i.e., lui and / i /, are manifested as on-glid es, i.e., [w] and [j] respectively in the merged vowel. 3) The rho tic feature of the second element in the original structure has been preserved in the merged structure, i.e. , (ar]. 4) The tone on the first element in the original structure has been preserved in the merged structure. In contemporary KC, the variety after the mid 1950s, the rhotacized feature is lost. As a result of this phonological change, only a regular low central vowel [a] is left, for examples, (1)

kual ar2 kua2 ar2

(2)

li2 ar2 ti£3 ar2

(3)

pha2 ar2 khaJ ar2

(4)

g:;ii4 ar2 f84 ar2

-----7 kwal -----7 kwa2 -----7 lja2 -----7 tja2/tja3 -----7 pha2 -----7 kha2 -----7 g:;a4 -----7 fa4

'& JL ff JL

'officer'

(2)

(3)

51

Notice that in the third group of the examples, in contemporary Dali, in the nasal rhyme with a ve lar nasal /IJ/, both the nucleus vowel and the velar nasal have gone tlu·o ugh the same phonological change: the nucleus vowel has been fronted from /a / to [a] and the velar nasal /rjl has been changed to an alveolar nasal [n], which causes the preceding vowel to become a nasalized vowel. Meanwhile, the identity of the final nasal is lost. As discussed in earlier sections, in Yunnanese varieties, the low back vowel /aJ has three different manifestations in different environments as well as in different varieties: (a) (low back vowel), [A) (low mid vowel), and (a] (low front vowel). By checking Wu and Yan's data, it can be concluded that in all Yunnanese varieties, this low back vowel is manifested as a low back vowel (a) in simple rhyme, whereas in nasal rhyme, it takes the

'straw (for drinking)'

form of a low front vowel. However, a velar nasal /IJ/ will remain a velar nasal if it is

~JL

'pear'

.~.JL

' bit/hint'

preceded by a back vowel such as l ol or /a / since in this case, there is no motivation for the vowel fi·o nting assimilation process. In some varieties, (A) is a replacement of the low back vowe l /a / .

.iJL

' plate'

HUL

'staircase step '

JiJJJL

' fan'

1~JL

'share'

3.3. Tones in Yunnanese 3.3.1. Tone category and tone value

3. In Dali, with few exceptions, all the nasa l rhymes in the older varieties before the mid 1950s have changed to nasalized vowels (-1!-1-t.Jt-if). For instance, data in Yang's report (Yang 1969) show that the rhymes in the following words were pronounced as typical rhymes. However, in Wu and Yan's work, the vowels in the rhymes are found transcribed as nasalized vowels: Wu and Yan

Gloss

ei

*

'grace '

~

'spring'

tg:;huel

LSAS L28

ticn4

ti£4

>t

' electricity'

t~ycnl

t~yci

4~

'donate '

phin2

phi2

t1

'poor'

phaiJ4

pha4

H;f

'long for'

nial)2

nia2 kual

'*~

' mother'

kua!Jl

Jt

' light'

Tone is one of the indispensable components of a Chinese syllable. Traditionally tones are categorized and described in two major aspects: 1) tone category and 2) tone value. Tone category is denoted by numbers or Chinese terms, which reflect the ancient tone categorization. For instance, the four different tones in Mandarin Chinese are known as Tone I, Tone2, Tone3, and Tone 4 in numbers or Yinping Wl -t upper level tone), Yangping (rEl-t lower level tone), Shangsheng (J:..}t rising tone), and Qusheng ( -i:; ;t departing tone) respectively in Chinese terms. Tone value, the actual pitch height or phonetic shape (Edmondson et al 1988) of a particular tone, is represented and demonstrated by a device (or a tone marking chart) invented by Y.R. Chao in 1930s (Chao 1968) known as Wuduzhi Shengdiao Biaoyil!{a (k.Jt ;fi•! ;t if!]ff.-if;'J;. Five-level-scale pitch marking method). The pitch height has been divided evenly into five levels, 5 being the highest while I the lowest. Short lines with arrows have been utilized to mark the actual phonetic shapes (contour or level) of the tones. Based on the lines and contours in the chart, some "tone graphs" have been further developed for convenience in use.

3.3.2. Comparison of two different tonal systems Presented below are the tone charts representing the tonal system of Kunming Chinese in comparison to that of Mandarin Chinese.

52

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3.3.3. A historical perspective of tonal syste 1s

5

T3

5

4

Tl

4

3

T2

3

2

T4

2

Mandarin Chinese

53

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Kunming Chinese

The studies of tones in Chinese can be traced back to about fourteen hundred years ago to the reign of Qi (1\~) and Liang ( ~ ). two ruling periods in China's history. Four different types of tone were identified in Middle Chinese. Four common characters carrying fo ur different tones, i.e., ping (f), shang (J:.), qu (1:;), and ru (.A.) (literall y translated as ·'level" "rising' , 'departing' , and 'entering' respectively) have been utilized to name the four tone categories. The four tone categories were further split into eight according to different initials: all with voiceless obstruents as initials in Middle Chinese had Yin (rtl upper) syllables the register reflexes while all the syllables with voiced obstruents as initials had Yang (fa lower) register reflexes. The splitting is known in hinese as: -f- J:.-1:; .A. • ~n rnra .

Chart 3.3 Tone chart of Kunn1ing Chinese in comparison to Mandarin Chinese In the charts the vertical line on the right side indicates pitch height, which is divided into live equal levels, 5 representing the highest level of pitch whi le I the lowest. The chart representing the tones in Mandarin Chinese shows that Tone I has the value of 1551 indicating a high level tone, Tone 2 has the value of 1351 indicating a mid-high rising tone, Tone 3 has the value of /214/ indicating a low-high dipping tone, and Tone 4 has the value of 1511 indicating a high falling tone. In Kunming Chinese, all the tones have a different value than its corresponding one in Mandarin Chinese. Tone I in Kunming Chinese has the value of 1441 indicating a high level tone lower than Mandarin Tone I. Tone 2 has the value of /311 indicating a mid-low falling tone. Tone 2 has the value of /53/ indicating a high-mid falling tone. Tone 4 has the value of /212/ indicating a low dipping tone. The two tonal systems can be summarized in the following table.

4- (L) rn

rn+

(U p)

(Up Level)

Name

Value

I

FJJ+

MC: 55

l

high level

KC: 44

1

high level

MC: 35

1

mid-high rising

KC: 31

~

mid-low falling

MC: 214

j

mid-low-high dipping

KC: 53

~

high-mid falling

MC: 51

~

high-low falling

KC : 212

J

2

3

4

ra+

J:.j;

*"

Tone Graph

Table 3.5 Two tonal systems

Description

mid-low-mid dipping

1:; (D)

.A. (E)

r}]J:.

1'}]-t; (Up Departing)

(Up Entering)

(Up Rising)

r}].A.

ra

ra+

raJ:.

ra-i;-

ra.A.

(Lo)

(Lo Level)

(Lo Rising)

(Lo Departing)

(Lo Entering)

Table 3.6 Tone categories of Middle Chi nese Note : L = Level Up = Upper

Category

J:. (R)

R = Rising Lo =Lower

D = Departing E = Entering

Unlike some forms of Chinese, such as Cantonese in which all the tones in Middle Chinese have been well preserved, the tonal system of Yunnanese and its varieties have undergone significant simplification process. In other words, most of them have only a total of four tones preserved in their modern forn1s. The tendency of tone category combination or merger in most of Yunnanese varieties can be summarized as follows : I. The Level category (4'- ji pingsheng) preserves its upper ( rn yin) and lower (fEl yang) reflections. In other word , the Upper Level tone (f}] yinping) and the Lower Level tone (ra+ yangping) have been preserved in the modern forms of Yunnanese. 2. In the Rising category (J:.p shangsheng), the upper reflection is preserved and becomes the modern Rising tones (J:.j; shangsheng), whereas the lower reflection ha~ merged with the Departing category (1:; j qusheng) and becomes part of the modem Departmg tone ( 1:; Ji . qusheng). 3. In the Departing category (-i;- ./> quslumg), the distinction of upper and lower reflecll~ns has been lost and they have merged (or perhaps never split) to become the modern Departmg tone ( -i;- P, qusheng). 4. The Entering category (.A.P, rusheng) has been merged with the Lower Level tone. Consequently, the Entering category has been completely lost in most of Yunnnanese varieties. This is also true in most Chinese dialects. With Kunming Chinese as an example, the discussion on tone derivation from Middle Chinese into modern Yunnanese can be summarized and presented in Table 3.7 on the fo llowing page.

+

54

LSASL28

3.3.4. Tone groups of Yunnanese val'ieties

3.3.4.1. Four-tone group Four-tone Group includes most of the Yunnanese varieties. According to Wu and Yan, 125 out of 135 Yunn~ese varieties, or 92.59% of Yunnanese dialects belong to this group. The fo~r. tones of th1s group are: l'inping (Upper Level), Yangping (Lower Level, Sh~ngsheng (R1smg), and Qusheng (Depruting). The tonal development from Middle Chmese to the modern forms fo ll ows the same developmental patterns presented in Table 3.6. The vernaculars of 133 counties, or 98.52% of the varieties of Yunnanese have the tone value of 1441 as Yinping tone. However, among the I 33 counties in 49 counties the tone va lue is slightly different. It is 1551 instead of /44/. The only ~xceptions from ' this general tendency include the followings: Yinping tone in the variety of Boashan has the tone value of(42] Yinping tone in the variety of Lijiang has the tone value of (31] Yinp~ng tone ~n the var~ety of Yongping has the tone value of (434], and Ympmg tone 111 the vanety of Lanping has the tone value of (45].

Level

Rising

Departing

Entering

Voicing

Tones ofKC

Tone Category

Tone Value

Upper Level

vi

Upper Level

44

Lower Level

com . vd part. vd

Lower Level .._ (Entering)

31

Upper Rising

vi

Upper Rising

53

Level Rising

com. vd part. vd

(Lower Rising)

Upper Departing

vi

Lower Departing

com. vd part. vd

Upper Entering

vi

Lower Entering

com. vd part. vd

55

3 .3.4. 1.1. Tone 1 of Yunnanese varieties and the conditions

According to the different tone categories, Yunnanese varieties can be classified into four major groups.

Tone Category of Middle Chines

LSAS L28

~

Departing

212

(Lower Level)_

(31)

Table 3.7 Tone derivation of Kunming

hinese

By studying the majority of Yunnanese varieties, the predominant tendency in the overall total system can be observed: only one tone is a level tone, that is the Yinping tone whereas the other three have contour features. Moreover, as stated above, 98% of the varieties in the 135 counties have the same tone value: /44/ of the Yinping tone. This fact may indicate that contrast does not exist among the Yinping tone in most forms of Yunnanese. In other words, the contrast on ly exists between level tone category and contour tone category. However, level tone category can be found of different tone values in differen t locations. TI1is fact creates some problems for the assumption stated above: there is no contrast among Yinping tone in different varieties. Some questions may arise: Question I: ru·e the level tones with different tone values in contrast as different underl ying tones. or Question 2: are they simply of the same underlying level tone but with different manifestations as the surface forms? It cou ld be argued that with regard to the varieties of YUimanese, the answer to the first question is negative. TI1erefore, the answer to the second question is positive. To be more specific, regarding the tonal system of Yunnanese, all the varieties can be reduced to a si ngle underlying system. Under this assumption, it could be further assumed that if the difference between the level tones of different varieties is no greater than one level when presented on the tone chart, such as the different tone value of yinping tone (Upper Level Tone) discussed earlier, that is 44 - 55, then the two level tones would not behave as two different underlying tones but as different surface manifestations of the same underlying level tone. The assumption made here needs to be placed under some constraints to warrant the valid generalization: Condition I : there is only one level tone in the same tonal system of the same variety. Condition 2: the level tones in comparison across varieties should be found in the same category. Condition 3: the geometric shapes of the tones in comparison should be parallel in the tone-marking chart, and the difference in the level of tone value cannot be more than one. Based on these assumptions, it could be argued that the tone value [55] of the level tone in some varieties is actually the surface manifestation of the underlying tone value /44/ of the level tone in a greater number of the varieties of Yunnanese. Based on the same assumption, it can also be anticipated that the four varieties as exception mentioned above could be qlllte different from the majority of the Yunnanese varieties. It is understood that the assumptions are supposed to be valid only in the majority forms ofYunnanese. Whether the validity of the assumptions can stand across the dialects in different families needs further investigation and evidence. After checking a great number of words with Yinping tones in both Mandarin Chinese and Kunming Chinese, it can be concluded that the assumption is also valid for the dialects across the boundary of the two cousi n dialects of Northern Mandarin and Southwestern Mandarin. For instance, the followi ng list of words with Yinping tone, the only level tone in both systems, sele_cted fro~n both dialects shows no interference in communication although the tone value IS d1fferent m the two systems.

56 LSASL28 Kunming Chinese pa44

ph ass

Chinese ~

pha44

L\

mass

lie down

pa44

~!;

Mom

kua44

xua55

xua44

Gloss Dad

~

melon

.jt,

flower

...

surfa~e ~?orTohf:~~~~~~!~~lgyl;:ar:ples from some representing varieties show that the .

Mandarin pass

kua55

57

LSASL28

ti rm /J I/ since they meet two of the three conditions

to be .. . assumpllon the the of answer to this question IS pos111ve: Pronunciation jiQ31

Variety

Chinese

Krmming

4tl

ji42

Gejiu

wa55

wa44

ji55

*l

frog

ji44

meJI

Dali

wu55

..f<-

clothes

wu44

mc42

Gejiu

t h i55

thi44

~ 4-f,

ladder

t han31

Kunming

{~

low

tha42

Gejiu

ti44

t(;;ia55

t(;;ia44

t(;lhiaQ55

if:

home

t(;;hiaQ44

~~

gun

XiOQ44

:t.

wheat

black

ti55

XiOQ55

Gloss silver

vicious

All the three conditions are also met by the properties of both tonal systems: I) there is only one level tone; 2) both tones in comparison are of the same tone category: Yinping tone; and 3) the different tone value of these two level tones is not greater than one level and the two varieties appear parallel when presented on the tone chart. Therefore, the difference in tone value does not create any interference in communication.

3.3.4.1.2. Tone 2 and the modified condi tions The tone value of yangping tone is [31] in the vernaculars of 112 counties (i.e. 82.35% of all the investigated locations in the province) but the exceptions are more than those of yinping tone in terms of I) the number of counties ( 17.03% of all the investigated locations in the province) amd 2) different tone values: (42] in the varieties of II counties [53] in the varieties of 5 counties (54] in the varieties of2 counties [52] in the varieties of I county (43] in the varieties of I county and [21] in the varieties of I county. Based on the above assumption, the tone with the value of (42) found in the vernaculars of I I counties could be considered to be the surface form of the underlying form /3 II because they meet two of the three conditions discussed above, that is the second and the third conditions: I) they are of the same tone category: yangping tone, which agrees with the statement of Condition 2); 2) their geometric shapes are parallel on the tone chart and their difference in tone value is not greater than one level, which agrees with the statement of ondition 3). But they are not level tones . Can tones with contour features also be included in the same assumption and put under the same constraints? In other words, can (42] also be considered

khuJI

Zhaotong

khu42

Gejiu

2{.931

Kunming

2{.9

Gejiu

miJI

Dali

mi42

Gejiu

hall

weep

hot

tomorrow

different tone values, i.e., [31) and t ·1 1 Notice that the same tone category wlltl:r~:~: i:~rference in communication. ince 142] are not in contrast? therefore they do lno f [31] for ycmgping tone, it could be a sumed about 82% of the vaneues have th7 tone va~~ o fact brings the number of the varieties of IS ft •angping tone to a total of 123 (instead of that . (42) be the surface form ?f IJ I/. Yunnanes with the same underlymg tone va 1ue . o_r) 112), 91.11% (instead of 82.35%) of a lithe vaneti~S ~f ~~:~a~~~:· of their geometric shapes With ~cgard to the other differen:h~~eo~~~~~r,difference in tone value is greater th~n . h' /J I/ It would increase the interference Ill are parallel w1th that of /31 / ~n the tone · tl y could be 111 contrast w1t d . I ma· orit varieties of Yunnanese. . . one eg~ee.. le yd bo e and the three conditions should be com munrcatron of these vanetles Wll~l t Jed " ~ Up to this stage, the assumptions ISCusse a v rev ised to be applicable to contour tones: Condition I : the dialects in comparison should have the same number of tones and h ame tone category. . the same tone categories. Condition 2: the tones in companson should be o:t e s a ·son should be parallel in t ·c shapes of the tones 111 comp n h .. . the tone value cannot be more than one. n the d I"fr,erencc rn geomeand 3: t e chart, ConditiOn the tone-marking

3.3.4.1.3. Tone 3 and the modified conditions · [S3] 1·n the varieties of 98 counties (72.59% of 15 . t"ons show greater diversity than the The tone va lue of shangsheng_ tone d h the locations investigated in the provrnce) an t e excep J

58 LSASL28 two type~ of tone discussed above in terms of the nu b . locatiOns 111vestigated in the province) and the d"fti m er of counttes (28.15% of the 1 erent tone values: (33] in the varieties of I 0 counties (42] in the varieties of 8 counties (52] in the varieties of 6 cowlties (44] in the varieties of] counties (31 J in the varieties of 3 counties (21 J in the varieties of 2 counties (332] in the variety of 1 county (212~ 111 the variety of I county [41] ~n the variety of 1 county (54] 1~1 tbe variety of 1 county (55] , ~n the variety of I county, and [32] m the variety of 1 county.

pa::>213

j i213 ji213 t~hau2J2 t~hau213 t~hau213

khu212 khu213 khu213

Kunming

~-IJ

Gloss leopard

[211] in the varieties of 12 counties

Gloss one

malodorous

Zlraotong Dati Kunming Dali Zhaotong

Chinese

Kunming Dali Yuxi

[45] in the varieties of 5 counties, and

The tone value of qusheng tone is f213] . I . . total varieties of the 123 locations with a sr htl~~~;;, vanetles of66 counties, 48.89% of the of 45 counties, 33 33% of the (otal 123 llg Yt. I erent tone value of [21 2] in the varieties . . · . · oca 10ns Examples ti vanel!e~ provided below show that these two tone v ·, rom severa 1 representll1g a ues of the same qusheng tone category are not 111 contrast: Variety

Variety

Since a greater number of varieties have the tone value of [213], it could be assumed that (212] is the surface manifestation of the underlying form of the tone value of /213/. This fac t brings the total number of tl1e varieties with a underlying tone value of /213/ for qusheng tone category to Ill, 82% of the varieties of Yunnanese, with only a few exceptions, which comprises only 18% of the total Yunnanese varieties. The exceptions are as follows :

3.3.4.1.4. Tone 4 and the modified conditions

Kunming Yuxi Dati

Pronunciation p::>212 pao213

· . . Based on the revised conditions of tJJe as llla.Jonty varieties (72 59%) h tl sumphon, and also on the fact that the · o ave 1e tone value of [53] for h . h s angs11eng tone, 11 could be assumed tl1at the tone value [421 of sl considered to be the surface form of th 1atngs engl to/ne of another eight varieties can also be th . . e one va ue 53/ This fact bring th t 1 e vanet1es ofYunnanese with the und 1 . · s e ota number of the Yunnanese varieties. Meanwhile ~~;/~~;tone value of /52/ to I 06 •.that is 78.52% of all tone value since they do not meet mos't of tho er dt~J~e values should be In contrast with /53/ e con 1t1ons.

Pronunciation ji212

59

LSASL28

trousers

[325] in the varieties of 1 county [323] in the varieties of I county f24) in the varieties of 1 county f21) in the varieties of I county [44] in the varieties of I county, and [55] in the varieties of I county. Some exceptions show that [211) is also the surface form of /213/. It could be assumed that [21) could also be a different manifestation of /213/ in cettain types of varieties. With regard to the conditions, the geometric shapes of qusheng tone with these two different values are not perfectly parallel, but they have been proved not to be in contrast. Therefore it could be understood that it is necessary to revise the third condition discussed above so that the assumption can include the case of qusheng tone. Condition 3 can be revised as follows : Condition 3 : the geometric shapes of the tones in comparison should be parallel on the tone chart, and the difference in the tone value cannot be greater than one level. If the geometric shapes of the two comparable tones of the same category are slightly unparalleled on either left end or right end, the difference in tone value cannot be greater than one level at either end. The discussion of the tone value of qusheng tone so far on the varietie of Yunnanese shows that the majority of Yunnanese varieties have the same tone value for qusheng tone. The discussion also shows that most of the varieties have the same tone value for the four categories of tones. Therefore, it seems correct to assume that the percentage of mutual intelligibility in communication is high among the majority of Yunnanese varieties. A diachronic study of these four categories of tones shows that in the past seven decades: I) the tone categories have remained unchanged and 2) the tone value of the four tone categories have primarily remained the same. To be more specific, yinping tone has the tone value of /44/, yangping tone has the tone value of /31/, shangsheng tone has the tone value of /53/, except qusheng tone, which has the tone value of /13/. This tone value takes the phonetic shape of a simple contour tone instead of a complex contour tone with the value of /2 13/. The cause of the diachronic change of the value will be discussed in later section.

60

LSASL28

the preservation of rusheng tone in Luliang is surprising since the county has been under which leads to the loss of rusheng tone. To be prec1se, th1s county. IS ~urr~unded by all the ~ounties where ruslzeng tone has been merged into other tone catego~·1es and eventually lost its identity eitbe~ long t1me ago..or 111 the past sever~! ~ecades. In recent cars, even in the neighboring counties such as Qu;m (lib .i~') and Zhany1 (;.!;ji), rusheng has ~een lost. More investigation and information arc needed to solve the mystery of the tone retention in Luliang area. 4. the tone value of most of these seven varieties remains the same or alm.ost the same. The variety of Shuifu is not included in Yang's book. Therefore, no. companson can be .made. The tone value of rusheng tone in the varieties of Yunlong and Jtanchuan have exp~nenced some great changes: a rising phonetic tone shape in 1939 ha~ been re~lac~d by a falling tone in 1985. The cause of the change from a rising tone to a falling tone IS shll un~lear. It needs further investigation. The comparison of rusheng tone's value of the vanct.les of these counties in the past several decades can be summarized in the chart on the followmg page.

3.3.4.2. Five-tone group

3

j1 k' nds of influence

The Five-Tone Group includes the varieties in only 7 counties. The five tones of this groups are yingping tone, yangping tone, shangsheng tone, qusheng tone, and rusheng tone. The historical development of the first four tone categories in the varieties of Yunnanese from Middle Chinese to their contemporary versions follows the same evolutionary patterns presented in Table 3.6 of tone development of Middle Chinese. The fifth tone, rusheng tone, has also been preserved except that the distinction of yinru (rj)A., Upper Entering Tone) and yangru (rElA., Lower Entering Tone) has been lost. In other words, the ancient yinru tone and yangru tone have been merged to become one rusheng tone in the contemporary varieties ofYunnanese in this category.

f (L)

_t

(Up)

rJ]-'f (Up Level)

(Rising)

rEl (Lo)

rEl+ (Lo Level)

rn

61

LSASL28

(R)

_t,;t;

1;- (D)

A. (E)

1;-p (Departing)

(Entering)

A.}

3.3.4.3. Three-tone group The Three-Tone Group includes the varieties in only two c.ounties: Lijiang (iili i:r..) an~ Shidian (~~~). both classified as the varieties in Dianxi Reg10n . . The three tones are. yinping, yangping, and qusheng. The yinshang (rtl..t '!pper R1smg tone) tone and t~: rusheng tone have been merged with yangping tone wh1le the yangshang (rEl..t Low Rising tone) tone has been merged with qusheng tone.

Table 3.8 Tone categories of Modern Yunnanese Five-Tone Group The tone values of the first four categories are the same as those in the Four-Tone Group. The tone value of rusheng tone varies from variety to variety. It can be put into three major groups:

1939 I. [33) in the varieties ofTuojiang (..f<:i:r..) and Shuifu (1)<.$') 2. [314] in the varieties of Luliang Ud'r R), and 3. [21] with a slightly different variety of [212] in the varieties of Yun/ong (-i::' ~). Eryuan (4~). Dengchuan (Jlll Jll ), and Jiangchuan (i.1..JI)).

These three groups belong to three different dialectal regions: the first group belongs to the Northeastern Yunnanese Region, the second group belongs to the Central Yunnanese Region, and the third group belongs to the Western Yunnanese Group. Moreover, they do not conform to the three conditions discussed earlier. Therefore, rusheng tones with these different tone values are in contrast. A synchronic study shows that: I. the number of the counties where rusheng tone is preserved has been reduced from 13 counties in 1939 to 7 in 1985. The reduction is 53.85%. This fact provides further evidence for the tendency toward trans-regional uniformity of the varieties of Yunnanese. 2. in spite of the fact that over 50% of the varieties of Yunnanese varieties lost their rusheng tone that they used to possess, rusheng tone has been preserved in the seven counties in the past several decades. The stable status of this tone in these varieties can probably be attributed to the unique geographic location of these varieties. All of these varieties except Luliang Udi- R) are in the areas located either in the border area or in the minority areas. They might not be receiving sufficient influence from the majority varieties of the inland area of the province to have subsequent changes. However, they could have been under the influence of the features of minority languages. In these minority languages rusheng tone is commonly used.

1985

Tone Value Change

County

Tuojiang

33

33

Luliang

312

314

E1yiW17

31

21

Dengchuan

II

21

l'rmlong

13

21

Jianchuan

13

21

Table 3.9 Diachronic change of tone value The tone category and tone value of the varieties in these two counties categorized as Three-Tone Group are presented in the following table. .'

62

LSASL28

Tone Category

Upper Level

Lower Level

Departing

Tone Value

Lijiang

31

Shidian

55

3.3.4.4. Seven-tone group

Lijiang

53

Shidain

42

Lijiang

313

Shidian

212

Seven-Tone Group includes the varie ties in only one county: Heko u. As ment ioned earlier, Hekou has become a special speech community since most of the residents are originally from Guangdong Province and Guangxi Province. Thes e immi grants preserve their own traditions and languages. Therefore, Cantonese is the common language in this area. However, not all the tones of Cantonese had been prese rved in this variety of Yunnanese since it has inevitably under gone many changes due to all the inOue nce from other Yunnanese varieties and probably Vietnamese spoken in the surroundin g areas . The seven tones are: the Upper Level Tone with value of 1551, the Lower Level Tone with value of /31 /, the rising Tone with value of /2 12/, the Departing Tone with value of /44/, the Upper Entering Tone with value of /33/, the Mid Entering Tone with value of /211 and the Lower Entering Tone with value of 1541. In Wu & Yan's 1991 new book on Yunn anese varieties entitled -i:ll115""tfit.JL (On the sounds and sound systems of Yunn an dialects) , Hekou variety has been categ orized as a four-tone dialect . However, in their 1985 article -i:1~15""t1t!t.i&:. (A surve y of Yurman dialects), it was treated as a seven -tone dialect. The similar data presented in -i: ~.:li.t: ,tli. +;\. ;"9,.ig.J5" 1;.t (Annals of Yurman province: Vol.58 : annal s of Han dialects in Yunnan) include data for both varieties of the same Hekou dialect: the seven-tone version is based on the Cantonese varie ty, classified as Old Heko u, and the fourtone version is based on tl1e Yunnanese variety, classi fied as New lleko u. The table on the following page show s the difference between the tone syste ms of Cantonese and Jleko u. The table also shows that in Hekou : I . the distinction between the Uppe r and the Lower reOexive in Cantonese has been lost in lleko u in the Rising and Departing tone categ 2. the Level and Entering tone categories ories . in Cantonese are well preserved in Heko u but the tone values have undergone significant 3. the characteristics of the Entering changes. tones are very different in Cantonese from those in Hekou as well as the other varieties of Yunn anese . The differences lie in three majo r aspects: \) sy llable ending: all the words with the Entering Tone in Cantonese end with one of the three glottalized stops, i.e. [p? t? k?] , whereas the words with the Enter ing Tone in Hekuu end simply with a glottal stop[ ?]. This is also true in some varieties of Yunnanesc, where the Entering Tone has been prese rved. For instance, in antonese, the word s :11;: (box), :f.(pe n), and ~!f(to gain) are pronounced as [xAp ?9 pAt? 7 tAk ?7] respective ly (the number indicates tone category), wher eas in Kunming Chinese, they are pronounced as [xo n pin tan ] respectively (the number indiates tone category), or with tone value in OKC as [xo? 3 pi ?3 ta?J ] (the numb er indicates tone value ).

A study shows interesting facts : I. The Lijiang ~arieties used to have .four tones : the Upper Level Tone , the Lower Level Tone, the Dep~m? T?ne ~nd the Enten ng Tone . The first three tones remain the same in the cotem.porary vanet les 111 ti11S area while the Enter Tone has been lost completely 1 /W~hl resr;~t to t~e value of the Upper Leveling Tone , /42/ of the I 939 variety is. simil o t1e ar to 5 vane ty. However, the values of the Lower Level Tone and the De art" have changed considerably. Therefore, the two varieties of the same dialect cou sound very d1fferent Table 3 I I Tone de nva · t"10n o fThr ee-T one Group

73

To~ed

ov~r ti:~

Level

Upper Level

vi

Lower Level

com. vd part. vd

t Ri sing

Departing

Entering

Voicing

(Upper Rising)

vi

(Lower Rising)

com. vd part. vd

(Upper Departing)

vi

(Lower Departing

com . vd part. vd

(Upper Entering)

vi

(Lower Entering)

com. vd part. vd

63

County

Table 3.10 Three-tone group

Tone Category of Middle Chines

LSA L28

Note: The tone value shown on the left side of the slash "f' is of the tone in the variety of Lijian g, whereas the one on the right side is of the tone in the variety of Shidian. The merged (or lost) tone categories have been place d in parentheses. The arrows indicate the derivation direction.

Tone Category of3-T one Group Tone Category

Tone Value

Upper Level

31 I 55

Lower Level~

53/4 2

Departing

313/ 212

(Entering) -

64

LSASL28

Tone Category Upper Level

Lower Level

Upper Rising

Lower Rising

Upper Departing

Version

Tone Value

Cantonese

55

Hekou

55

Cantonese

22

Hekou

31

Cantonese

35

Hekou

(212)

Cantonese

24

Hekou

(212)

Cantonese

Hekou Lower Departing

y .., ;,

65

LSAS L28

2) tone duration: in Cantonese, the duration oftonc in all the words with the Entering Tone has been reduced to approximately ha lf of the duration of a regular tone. This is caused by the effect of the final glottal stop and the unreleased stops. In the varieties of Yunnanese, however, the duration of the Entering Tones is almost the same as that of the other tones . For instance, in Cantonese, the values of the Entering tones are /51, 141, and /3/. The single digit number for tone value indicates that these tones have only half of the duration as other regular tones . However in Hekou, the values of the Entering tones are /33/, /2 1/, and /54/ respectively. The two-digit number for the tone value indicates that the duration of these tones is the same as other regular tones. 3) tone shape: as a result of what has been discussed in 2), Cantonese Entering tons take the shape of level tones since they are too sort in duration to take the shape of contour tones. However, in Hekou, the Entering Tones take the shape of level tones as well as contour tones. For instance, /33/ is a level tone with the duration of a full tone; /21/ and /54/ are falling tones. The map on the following page shows the distribution of the different tone groups in Yunnan Province.

4. The phonology of Kunming Chin ese

(44)y 44

Cantonese

33

Hekou

(44)

Hi gh Upper Entering

Cantonese

5

*Upper Entering

Hekou

33

Mid Upper Entering

Cantonese

4

*Mid Entering

Hekou

21

Lower entering

Cantonese

3

Hekou

54

4. 1. Introdu ction *Departing

Table 3.12 Comparison of two tonal systems Note: The asterisk "*" placed in front of the tone categories in 1-!ekou dialect to indicate the difference from those in Cantonese. The table shows that in Hekou variety, the two ren~xives of the Rising tone and the reflexives of the Departing have been merged into R1smg Tone and Departing Tone respectively. The High Upper Entering Tone in Cantonese has been replaced by an Upper Entering Tone in Hekou, whereas the Mid Upper Entering Tone in Cantonese has been replaced by an Mid Entering Tone in Hekou. However, the Lower Entering Tone category rema ins the same in both dialects.

4.1.1. Chin ese dialect classifica tion

*),

Traditionall y all the varieties of Chi nese have been class ified into seven (or eight) big families : Mandarin (~it" .i\), Yue (-Of. .0. Wu ( ~ .~. ), Xiang (;1a .~ ), Gan (~t Hakka (:t ~ .~ ), and Min (I~ .~ ). Some systems count the two branches of the Min family, the Southern Min (I~ r*J) and the Northern Min (lji} ~I:.), as two families therefore the varieties of Chinese will be classified into eight instead of seven families . Mandarin covers a large area of China: along the northern end of Changjiang River (the Long River or the Yangtze River) all the way to the southern bank of the same river; from the area east to liujiang River to the area along the western bank of Chenjing Ri ver. Its coverage also includes the following pro vinces and areas: Hubei (iAJJ~I:.), Sichuan (1!!1 Jti), Yunnan (-i; 1*1), Guizhou ('t·il"i), the northwestern part of Guangxi (f"§), and the northwestern corner offfunan (iAJJ r*J ).

66

LSASL28

67

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Northeastern Yunnan Region CiA .1 dt Iii.). Kunming Chinese is a member of the Central Yunnan Region. The following diagram is a summery of the classification of the Chinese dialects and their varieties.

Min

Northwestern Mandarin

Sichuan

Guizhou

Guangxi (N.W.)

Southern

Western

Hunan (N.W.)

Henan (part)

Map 3.5 Distribution of the tone groups

D

4-tone group

[ill]

3-tone group

~

5-tone group

~

7-tone group

Mandarin, the largest dialect family of Chinese, consists of 75% of Chinese dialects and is spoken by 70% of the Chinese population. It has been further divided into four subgroups: I. Northern Mandarin (~t :;5-'t +5), 2. Northwestern Mandarin ( 6 ~t 't if;), 3. Southwestern Mandarin ( 6 rtJ 't15), and 4. Jianghuai Mandarin (i.:z..ifl 't 15). Southwestern Mandarin covers the following provinces and areas: Yunnan, Sichuan, Guizhou, northwest of Guangxi, northwestern corner of Hunan, part of Henan, and part of Hubei. Yunnanese varieties are classified into four major branches primarily according to their geographical locations. The four branches are: the Central Yunnan Region (i/!.1' Iii.), the Southern Yunnan Region (;Ji.rtJIK), the Western Yunnan Region (;J!.61K), and the

I Central I

Northeastern

Kunrning Chinese

Chart 4.1 Classification of Chinese dialects and their branches

!-lubei (part)

68

LSASL28

4.1.2. An overview of Kunming Chinese 4.1.2.1. Population and current status Kunming Chinese is a variety of Central Yunnanese. It has been considered the lingua franca of Yt.mnan Province. The version spoken by the people living in the urban area of .Kunmmg c1ty IS regarded as the "standard" of Kunming Chinese. According to the Chmese census of 1985, the population of the city of Kunming and its vicinities, including two urban reg1?:s: Wuhua .Cli.:!fl) an~ Panlo~g (1.1: k,), two suburban reions: Xi shan ( .!§ ..t.,) and ?ua~du ( g iii ), and ~1ght counlies: Punmg ( "'t'T), Anning ( ~'T), Chenggong (_¥_ -w), Fumm (& ~), Luqu~ (~-~ ...IJ). S~ngming (,t IIJJ), Lunan (iltrf.J), and Yiliang (:D: &_), is 3.210,000: The urbamzed segment IS 650,000 and there is a constant " floating population" of 950,0~0: 11~1m1grants from other areas and provinces moving in and out of the area of 24 Kunmmg city .. However, according to. the data collected in 1999 , the current population of the urban area IS around I ,600,000, an mcrease of almost 250% from 1985. Kunm.ing ~hines~ is one of the ~ess well-studied varieties of Yunnanese, probably for the reasons g1ven m seclion 2.1 .2.. Th1s language status of Kunming Chi nese remains until t?da~ rc:ga~dless of the significant growth of the city's population and economy. Available lmglllst1c hte~ature ofKunmin~ Chinese. lacks in both scope and analytical depth. The major pu~pose of th1s book IS to prov1de a detailed analysis of the phonological system of Kunming Chmese based on the data co llected by the author in the past seven decades.

4.1.2.2. Linguistic comparison with Mandarin Chinese . The initials of KC are quite similar to those of Mandarin Chinese. The rhymes of KC, espec1ally some ?f the c~mplex finals,. are quite complex. The analyses and descriptions of those rhymes slill remam controversial. The tonal system of KC is simi lar to that of Mandarin Chinese, but these two systems differ in the tone values.

4.1.2.3. A brief account on the changes and their causes For political as well as ethnological reasons, KC has undergone significant changes . durmg th.e past sc:ven deca?es. However, nothing has yet been written on this topic, or at le~st no mformalion IS avm lable. The changes were so significant and profound that after bemg away . from Ku~ing for thirty years, when the author went to the city in 1979 for pers?nal VISit, t~e vers1on ofKC spoken by the author sounded very different from that of his relalives, espec1ally those under the age of twenty. The author's version had been identified and described as some t~pe of "Grandpa accent". It sounded archaic therefore funny to Psychologically, to the younger generation, to speak KC with a "Grandpa young e~rs. ~cc~nt•: ~~ awkward and. embarrassing, if not humiliating. They emulate and adopt rather mdisC~Immately e~erythmg brought in by the "outsiders", the immigrants who moved into Kunmmg largely m the late 1950s when the political campaign of "Supporting the Three ~reat Fro.nts" was in progress. At that time, hundreds of thousands of people came to work m Kunmmg from the more developed cities, such as Beijing, Shanghai, Sichuan, and Gua~gdong a~d some other cities in the country. Among these people, the Shanghainese rece1ved the h1ghest respect from the local Kunming people. Therefore, to speak KC with a 24

Refer to Appendix E for the complete data.

69

LSASL28

Shanghai accent would be considered "superior" to or more "prestigious" than to speak it with the rustic "Grandpa accent." The most significant aspect of all the consequences of this influx is all the linguistic changes in KC in the past seven decades brought about by the "outsiders". They brought with them not only their families and personal belongings, but also their different habits and languages. The linguistic changes will be discussed in detail , and some hypotheses accounting for the causes of the changes will be conducted in the following sections.

4.2. Initials in Kunming Chinese 4.2.1. Data source Six different sources are avai lable and have been cited in the discussion of the initials in KC . These sources are listed below: I. a personal computer project of Group Dialects based on the data on the six-hour audio tapes prepared by some native speakers of the contemporary and the old KC sent from Kunming in 1988; 2. Yang's book (Yang 1969); 3. Wu and Van ' s airticle in -i::"IV:J~'t~lll.it(An Introduction to the Dialects in Yurman) (Wu et al 1985); 4. Zhang Fu 's article -i.;- 1!)ill i~~i;iOJi[iflL.it (An Introduction to the Vocabulary of the Chinese Dialects in Yunnan) (Wu et al 1985); 5. ill i..} -;5-i;iO] i[ (Vocabulary of Chinese Dialects) by Beijing University, and 6. Kathy Sands' Language Survey Project (1989) based on the data elicited from the author of this book.

4.2.2. Controversy over initial [v) in KC The six sources cited above show a similarity in the inventory of initials in both the Contemporar y KC (the version after 1950s) and the Old KC (the version before 1950s). TI1ey al so reveal the fact that the differences between the two versions do not indicate different systems of analysis but instead the changes that KC has undergone in the past seven decades. Some discrepancies have also been found among different sources. One of the most prominent examples is the fact that different sources do not agree on the presence and absence of the voiced labio-dental fricative [v] used as initial in KC . The table on the following page indicates that (v] has been completely excluded from the initial inventory in the sources of Zhang, Beijing, Wu and Yan. This fact may indicate that [v] does not occur as initial in a syllable in KC . However, Yang ' s data show clearly that [v] exists in KC as the initial in the syllable. The author' s data supports Yang' s analysis in terms of the existence of [v] in KC as an initial. The initial in the following examples is [v] . to make sure :f!.%1 vay3 (ta4) I wey3 (ta4) vay2 I way2 van4

(t~i4)

I wan4

(t~i4)

14]

to smell

.tic.

to forget

vay4 l way4

to ask

vanJ (eavl) I wan3 (eayl)

evening

70

LSASL28

. Ho:-vever, it is the autho r's argument that [v] in KC only appears as a surfac e mamfestat10n of anoth er segment: labiovelar approximent /w/. Gui 1988

Sands 1989

+ +

m

+ + +

+

+ + +

f

+

+

v

v/w

t th

p ph

Zhan g 1985

+ +

Beijing 1964

+

~t

a

tile

+

deep dent

+

+

+

wei

$_

slanting

v/w

+

-

strain

+

-

$_

+

-

wc3

+

+

+

wc4

ti·

outside

+

+

+

+

+

+

wil

If~

power

+

+

+

nil

wi2

j€_

dangerous

+

1.f,

great

n/1

+

k kh

+

+

+

+

X

x/f

+

+

+

t~

+

+

+

+

+ +

+ +

+ +

+

+

+

+

+

+

+

+

+

+

+ +

+ +

t:;; tg;h g;

-

w

wa2

;l.

+

+

frog to dig

wa4

l

+

:t1

+ +

n

ts tsh s z

wal wa3

+ n/1

2;.

should be considered to be the only cases where [w] has been replaced by [v] amon g certain speakers of modern KC. In the following examples the initial conso nant can only be (w) but never [v] .

+ +

t~h

j

Wu& Yan 1985

71

+ +

~

0

Yang 1939

LSASL28

+

+

+

wi3

+

+

+

+

wi4

·~

to feed

+

+

+

wan!

~

crooked

x/f

wan I

~

lukew ann

+

+

+

+

+

+

+

+

+

+

+

+

+

+

+ + +

+

+

+

+

+

+ +

+

+

+

+ +

+

+

+

-

-

+

-

-

-

-

-

+

-

-

-

([w] preceding mid front vowel [cj)

([w] preceding high front vowel [i])

(lw] preceding nasal rhym e (an)) ([w] preceding nasal rhyme (an))

+

+

+ + +

([w] preceding low back vowel [a))

4.2.2.2. Rule 1: the resegmentation rule In mode rn KC, the initial /w/ can only be followed by vowe ls /a/,/c /, /i/ with all tone categories. llowe ver, when followed by nasal rhymes /an/ and /a n/, only yinpi ng tone is possible to maintain the status of /w/ or the initial consonant has to switch to [v] for all the other tone categories. In other words , when preceding the two nasal rhymes with any other tones other than yinping, the surface fonn (v) has to be used. Based on these const raints , a rule can be formulated: lnitial /w/ will switch to [v] when follow ed by nasal rhymes with any tone categ ory excep tyinp ing.

-

-

Table 4.1 Initial inventory in six sources

4.2.2.1. Evidence of /w/ as the underlyin g form of tv] Other evidence for /w/ being the underlying form of [v] in the word initial position is that /w/ can precede more vowels than [v) . ln other words, the exam ples provi ded above

The rule can be designated as the Rescg mentation Rule, which applies to both CKC and OKC. Howe ver, as it is always true to all the rules, this rule has exceptions. In fact, people in Kunm ing pronounce the follow ing words with a [w) instead of [v) even with yangping, shangsheng and qusheng tone categories. However, the exception is restric ted to a very limited lexicon items. wan2

king

wan3

bowl

wan4

prosperous

72

LSASL28

4.2.3. Loss of the retroflex series Another interesting fact found in the author' s data of CKC is the total absence of all the retroflex affricates and fricatives: /t'[;>/, /t'[;>hf, 1'{;>1, and /z;_/. However, all the sources show the presence of thi s series in OKC. According to lhe author's analysis, what actually happened in CKC is that the series has been replaced by the alveolar series: Its/, /tsh/, /s/, and /z/. Consider the following words in two different vers ions of KC: CKC

OKC

tsh12

t'{;> h12

•t

z12 ts13

z;_t2 tS]3

pu4 zan2

pu4 z;_a2

not so

zan4

z;_a4

El-t ::f- l!\ J!l

zan3

z;_a3

pa2 tsh11

Chinese

73

LSASL28

stated here are, in some sense, relative instead of absolute. However, what has been stated by the rule indicates the obvious and significant tendency found in almost all forms of contemporary Chinese.

4.2.4. Free variations: /n/- Ill and /x/- If/ Besides the changes discussed so far, the author' s data show that initial consonant /n/ will fluctuate with /1/ while /xi with / f / as free variations. Consider the following examples:

Gloss

Gloss

In! - Il l

Chinese

to eat

nian2 - lian2

-ki<.

mother

day; life

nan! nanl - lanl lanl

*~

aunt

niu3 t'{;>uan3 - liu3 t'{;>uan3

~IL#

turn around

to permit

niu3 nie2 - liu3 lie2

~IL4~

shy

~

to dye

nic2 - nic2

-+

year

pa2 t'{;> h ll

E) ;rt,

idiot

niu2 nc3 - liu2 lc3

4- -kli

milk

tsul

t'{;>ul

.ffl'

pig

zau4 /zu2

z;_au4 l z;_u2

,q

meat

/xi - If f

Chinese

Gloss

to touch

mi3 xu2 - mi3 fu2

.ttJJl ,f.!;•t

sti cky

~~"t

warm

Group I

tsu2

t'[;>U2

~

Group 2

s12 wu2

t;H2 wu2

1\-4h

food

nic2 xu! - lic2 ful

tsa2

t'{;>a2

4L

to tie

z;_a2 xul - z;_e2 ful

tsalkui4

t'[;>al kui4

;:fi: ~e

trash can

tb4 tsha2

tio4 t'{;>ha2

i)!]-!

investigation

san2 t hau2 ta4

'{;>ay2 t hau2 ta4

iii' -k k

smart; capable

tshau4

t'[;>hau4

J!:.

malodorous

4.2.5. Summary of the initials in CKC Presented below is a matrix of the distinctive features of a ll the underlying forms of the consonants that can occur as initials in CKC.

4.2.3.1. Rule 2: the fronting rule The loss of the retroflex series in CKC can be generalized in the following formu la: Retroflex initials in OKC have become alveolar in CKC.

The rule can be designated as the Fronting Rule. The "backness" feature of the retroflexion has been replaced by the "frontness" feature of the alveolar initial series in CKC. The two rules discussed so far suggest that physiologically, lhe initials in CKC tend to be pronounced with greater cease. As a result, the CKC sounds somewhat "sloppy" to the ears of the OKC speakers. Due to the complex language situation Yunnan as well as in Kunn1ing, it is understood that it is impossible to draw a clear-cut line between the speakers of lhe CKC and those of the OKC. In other words, it is difficult, if not impossible, to find out how many of the people in Kunming speak the CKC without any interference ofOKC. Therefore, the rules

rice porridge

cons syll high back ant cor vd coni nasal asp del rei

p

ph

m

f

t

th

+

+

+

+

+

+

-

+

-

-

-

-

+

-

+

-

-

+

-

-

-

-

+

+ +

~

+ + +

-

+

-

-

+

-

-

-

+

-

-

-

+

-

-

n

-

-

-

+

-

+

-

-

+

-

l

k

kh

+

X

+

+

+

-

-

-

-

-

+ +

+ +

+

-

+ + + +

-

-

-

Table 4.2 Matrix of distinctive features of CKC initials

-

+

-

1-

+

-

-

74

LSASL28

t~h

t~

cons + syll high + back ant cor + vd cont nasal asp del + rei

+

+

-

-

+

+

+

-

-

-

+

+

+ +

-

-

+

-

-

+ +

tsh

ts

~

-

+

s

+

+

-

-

+ +

+ +

-

-

-

+

-

+ +

Yang (1939)

+ +

+

+

UE

+

+

ua

+

-

-

-

-

-

ua/ua-

uo

-

-

+ +

ua

ua

+

+

+

+ +

au

-

AU

+

-

-

-

au

au

AU

-

+

+

iau

-

-

-

-

+

+

+

j

+

-

-

ue

+

+ +

-

+ + + +

+ +

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

4.3. Rhymes in KC Presented below is a table of different inventories of the rhymes in Kunming Chinese.

i

+ +

Sands (1989)

+

Yang (1939)

Wu& Yan (1985)

0

+

+

a

a

a

+ + + + + + +

ie

+

+

+

+

ic

+

-

+

e

-

E

+

a•

-

0

+

+ + +

ia-

-

+ +

iu io

+ +

+ +

+ +

io

+

+

+

ia

ia

ia

+

Zhang (1985)

Beijing (1964)

+

+

+

+

+

+

+ +

-

-

-

+

+

+

-

-

+

+

+

+ +

+ +

-

-

-

+ +

+ +

+ +

+ +

-

-

+

+

hinese rhymes

r

il)

a

ay

a

a

+

ia

ia

if ua

Zhang ( 1985)

Beijing (1964)

uai

+

+

+

+ +

+

+

+

+

+

+

+

+ +

+

+ +

+ +

+

-

+

+

+

+ +

+ +

ua

+

+

+

+

+ +

+

ue

uay

+

+

ue

-

-

-

ue

-

+

-

OIJ

+

UIJ

+

+

+

+

iul)

ioiJ

+

iOIJ

-

iol)

iOIJ

+

+

Table 4.3 Different inventories ofKunming

Wu& Yan (1985)

Sands ( 1989)

w

-

75

Gui ( 1988)

z

Table 4.2 Matrix of distinctive features of CKC initials (continued)

Gui (1988)

LSASL28

Table 4.3 Different inventories ofKunming Chinese rhymes (continued)

4.3.1. Types and structures of the rhymes in KC As discussed in section 3.1. the rhyme of a Yunnanesc syllable is composed of two parts: the nucleus and the coda. The coda could be optional. The coda is either a vowel or one of the three nasals: In/, 11)1, and /m/. In Kunming Chinese, only vowels I i i , Ia/, and lui can occur in the position of onset of a complex rhyme. Not every vowel can be the component of a nasal rhyme. The following tables show the possible structures of the complex rhymes and the nasal rhymes in KC .

76

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a

e

£

0

0

u

'iJ'/e

i

+

+

+

+

+

+

+

u

+

+

+

+

-

+

a

-

-

-

-

-

+

77

LSASL28

Syllable

Vowel

Fl

F2

F2 - Fl

+

mi53

i

385

2462

2077

-

t:;q53

1

385

1730

1345

tsl53

I

385

1269

884

khu53

u

385

769

384

X£53

£

692

2000

1308

Table 4.4 Possible complex rhyme structure in KC

rna 53

a

769

I !54

384

n

1)

(m)

ma53

a

1000

1615

615

+

-

-

ka53

a

615

1385

770

a

-

423

-

0

654

+

kho53

1077

e

-

-

kho53

0

385

769

384

+

615

1385

-

(+)

e

2000

u

me 53

-

(a)y

654

+

-

1269

i

615

ia

+

-

-

iu

-

+

(+)

ua

+

-

-

£

Table 4.5 Possible nasal rhyme structure in KC Table 4.5 calls for some explanations. The structures of the nasal rhymes presented in this table are the underlying forms, whereas those presented in Table 4.3 , as in most of the data, are the surface manifestations. For instance, nasal rhymes [a], [a], and [i] are the surface forms of /an/, /at)/, and /it)/ respectively. The nasal rhymes ending in [m] are actually the

ley53

Table 4.6 Vowel fom1ant measurements By using the measurements, a logaritlunical plotting of the vowels is done on two cy~le semilogarithmic graphic paper to get the vowel formant chart as presented on the followmg page. Based on this vowel formant chart, it has been assumed that 111 KC, there are _three vowel heights. The distinction of tense and Ia~ also plays an Important role 111 phoneme differentiation. The KC vowels are presented m the followmg chart.

Back

Front

variant forms of the ones ended in /1)/.

1 )

u

High

e

0

Mid

Tense

i

Tense

(e)

Lax

£

0

Tense

(a)

a

( I

4.3.2. The vowels of KC It is not surprising that the six sources cited above differ with respect to the inventory of the rhymes in KC since their data were elicited from speakers representing different versions of the language spoken in different time spans. In fact , a scientific and accurate way in describing vowels is to study the sound spectrograms of the vowels. Twelve words of CV syllable structure in OKC were recorded by the author on a sound spectrograph, and then on the sound spectrograms, format frequencies of Formant I and Formant 2 of every vowel were measured and the difference between the two formant frequencies were calculated. The measurement and the result of calculation are given in the following table.

Chart 4.2 Kunming Chinese vowels

Low

'N' -::z::

,..••

.•

0

.:

••

. I 0

0

!

..,

• !

0

·~ HS

.., 'N'

.,

[;!

_,•••

ju

0

•

t:l

§ §

"

<2

In Chart 4.2 the vowels in parentheses are either allopho nes or occur in limited or conditioned structure, occurri ng either under certain phonological environment in OKC or only in CKC . For instance, vowels [t] and [1] are two surface manifes tations of the underlying high front vowel /i/. Vowel [1) can only be found followi ng the retroflex initial conson ants /t:;; t:;;h :;; ~/ whi le [1) can only be found followin g alveolar initial consonants /ts ts h s zJ. Finally, vowel [a] is the fronted manifes tation, found in OKC, of the low back vowel/ a/ when in nasal rhyme /anl or /a/. It is assumed that there are seven underlying vowels in KC. The features of the vowels can be summa rized in the following chart.

" ~

0

HL

::s

79

LSASL28

u..~

"'

<0

;>

Q)

i

E:

a

u

0

0

a

High

+

-

-

+

-

-

-

Back

-

-

-

+

+

+

+

M

Tense

+

-

+

+

+

-

+

1a

Round

-

-

-

+

+

+

-

VI Q)

•

] C) Oil

.,

..,

<=

-~

"

::.0:::

-.i ..<:

C)

"""' •H(~--------------------------------------__j

Chart 4.4 Matrix ofKC vowel features

4.3.2.1. Three surface manifestations of /i/ Traditionally, it is claimed that in the dialects of Norther n Mandar in the high front vowel /i / has three surface manifestations according to different phonetic environment. When this vowel is preceded by the "alveolar series", it takes the fonn of[tj; when this vowel is preceded by the "retroflex series", it will take the form of [11· It will take the form [i) elsewhere. Consid er the following examples. 1. /i / takes the form of[t) when preceded by Its tsh s zJ tstl

w

tshtJ

~~i

female

sll

.JJ\1-

to tear

tst4

:f 'f.:.

character

tsht2 St4

1!9

four

tst3

.::r

son

tsht3

,!I:.

here

Zt2

8

day (in CKC)

capital

china

80

LSASL28

2. Iii takes the form of [1] when preceded by It~ t~h ~ ?,1 t~11

.f.-a

to know

t~h12

•t it

to eat

~11

poetry

81

LSASL28

changing from Middle Chinese to contemporary Chinese, the two surface forms derived from high front vowel Iii emerge in two different phonetic environments.

4.3.2.2. Rule 3: the backness rule

day

t~l2

El tR

t~13

h\

paper

t~h11

idiot

~12

It JlJl. iXf

wet

~13

:):

history

High front vowel I i i takes the back version [1] when preceded by

~14

i!t'

the world

alveolar initials Its tsh s zl in CKC.

?,12

t~hl3

to weave

shame

3. I i i takes the form of [ i] when elsewhere ~i2

~

thi2

ff;

to kick

phi2

Jt

skin

li3

mile

t~i4

.£ iii iC.

to memorize

t~hi3

k.

up

pi3

H:,

to compare

til

1~

low

mi4

tin

mystery

For the first form, the tongue takes the shape of a wide groove while for the second form , it takes a narrow groove. Howie 's discussion of these high front vowels provides an opposite solution (Howie 1976): all these three high front vowels are underlying forms, except that vowel ltl only occurs after the alveolar series, vowel 1]1 only after the retroflex series, and Iii elsewhere. Meanwhile, the two series of consonant obtain their alveolar feature and the retroflex feature respectively from their following vowels. Theoretically, this argument sounds plausible. In reality, however, this is not the case. The words for "to know" and "day" are pronounced as [t~il] and [z,il] respectively in Middle Chinese as presented in Peking Opera. In this case, there is no change of vowel I ii to [t] , therefore, the preceding consonant could not possibly obtain any retroflex feature from the following vowel [t]. In other words, on the one hand, the high front vowel following the retroflex series remains its features of being an Iii (instead of changing to [t) by being

As concluded in section 4.2.3, the retroflex series has been "lost" in CKC, therefore, theoretically the manifestation [t] of vowel I ii docs not exist in CKC. Consequently, the change of vowel Ii i in CKC is limited to [1] only. Based on this discussion, the change stated above can be formulated as follows:

This rule can be designated as the Backness Rule . It is understood that this rule is only valid in CKC in which the retroflex series has been replaced by the surface manifestation of the alveolar series.

4.3.2.3. Rule 4: vowel tensing rule Consider the following data: Gloss to come

CKC le2

OKC lc2

Chinese

e2

c2

;jt

kue4

kuc4

•t&

strange

kuel

kucl

3ft

docile

xue4

xuc4

J;r:

bad

khue3

k"uc3

J}t

piece

*

to suffer

jel

jcI

~!!l

smoke

khet

khcJ

7f

to open

me3

mc3

to buy

se4

~c4

tsel

t~cl

* * n~

to dry (in sun) studio

The change taken place in this case can be formulated as:

assimilated by its preceding retroflex consonant It~/); on the other hand, the retroflex feature

Non-high front lax vowel lei in OK

of the initial consonant is possessed by nature by the consonant lt~l instead of as the result of the assimilation with its following vowel [t] as argued by llowie. Then during the process of

Ji·ont tense vowel [e] in CKC.

takes the manifestation of a non-high

This rule can be designated as the Vowel Tensing Rule and it is only valid in CKC.

LSASL28

82

83

LSASL28

4.3.3. Controversy over nasal rhymes

The phonological change can be formulated as:

By observing the nasal rhymes in some other varieties of Mandarin, such as Wuchang (Hubei), Chengdu (Sichuan), and Kunming, it is noticed that the nasal identification has experienced a gradual disappearance with the increase of the geographical distance between Beijing and the areas where varieties of Northern Mandarin are spoken. Taken for example (peace), in Wuchang (#.., S, a variety of Hubei dialects) the word is pronounced the word as [ani]. which can fluctuate with (IJanl]. It can be easily noticed that the nasal

Stage One

*

Low back vowel is fronted while followed by an alveolar nasal.

Stage Two

identification of the alveolar nasal /n/ is well preserved when preceded by a mid-back vowel /a/.

In Chengdu (~i'~. a variety of Sichuan dialects), the word is pronow1ced as [en 1],

which can ,fluctuate with [IJCn 1]. It is obvious that the vowel has been nasali zed and also fronted, but the nasal following the vowel can still be clearly heard. In Kunming Chinese, however, the word is pronounced as [a I]. What happens to the pronunciation of the word is that after the vowel Ia! has been fronted by the following alveolar nasal while the nasal is completely deleted. The three nasal rhymes in Kunming Chinese, /an /, /a iJ/, and /i iJ/ have traditionally

Alveolar nasal is deleted while preceded by a fronted low back vowel.

Condition: Stage One+ Stage Two The rule can be designated as Back Vowel Fronting Rule and Nasal Deletion Rule. They are valid in both CKC and OKC.

been analyzed as nasali zed vowels [ii.], [8] , and [i] respectively. However, based on the result of computer aided phonetic experiments, it is believed that the actua l auditory value of the so-called nasalized high front vowel [i] still keeps the identity of the high front vowel [i] and its following velar nasal [IJ]. But the velar nasal is not as back as that in Mandarin. Therefore, for the velar nasal [IJ] in Kunming Chinese, the highest point of the tongue is not the back but between the back and the center of the tongue. In the last two nasal rhymes, the nasals have lost their identity.

4.3.3.1. Rule 5: the vowel fronting and nasal deletion rule The results of the experiments show that the alveolar nasal in nasal rhyme /an / has been lost. Meanwhile, the low back vowel/a/ has been fronted . The vowel formant chart on the following page shows the relative positions of the two "extreme" high vowels /i/ and /u/. has been fronted, i.e. the The more important fact it reveals is that the vowel in the word low back vowel Ia! has been fronted to a mid low vowel [a]. At the same time, the

*

spectrograms of the two versions of the word ;;14 show that the first one is in the pronunciation of Kunming Chinese while the second one with a syllable final alveolar nasal intentionally added. It is obvious that the Kunming Chinese version does not have the nasal part in the spectrogram while the second one shows the clear trail of nasal. In fact , the phonological changes involved in the Kunming Chinese version of the word include two ordered rules: I) the low back vowel/a/ has been fronted by the front feature of the following alveolar nasal /n /: Vowel Fronting Rule; 2) the alveolar nasal /n/ is then deleted: Nasal Deletion Rule. As a result, only a fronted vowel is left. In the changing process, the two rules have to follow the order: Vowel Fronting Rule + Nasal Deletion Rule, or the desired result cannot be obtained. The whole process has proved the claims made by John Ohala that "V preceding a C may 'take over' the distinctive feature of the C so that the Cis eliminated" (Ohala 1984).

( I ) [ma3] "full" (KC)

(2) [man3] " full"

Figure 4.1 Sound spectrograms of the word)~ (full) (1) [ma3] is in the pronunciation of Kunming Chinese. No syllable final nasal can be ob ervcd. No nasalization of the vowel can be observed, either. (2) [man3] is recorded with a syllable final alveolar nasal intentionally added to be shown on the spectrogram. Nasalization of the vowel can be observed.

84

LSASL28

85

LSASL28

Fl-Fl Hz

10000

1000

*

(j

400

600

M

...= r..

800 1000 .·illllliliii!H/))!111)1111!1 1:

13» (5) [t ga3] "paper" (OKC)

(6) [ts13] "son" (KC)

Chart 4.5 Vowel formant chart of three Kunming Chinese vowels Figure 4.3 Sound spectrograms of the words: if;. [t gll3] and

'I

'

i ~' :. I

(7) [kh::J3] "exam" (KC) (3) [mi3] "rice" (KC)

(8) [kho3] "can" (KC)

(4) [k hu3) "bitter" (KC)

Figure 4 .2 Sound spectrograms of the words: .ij(. [mi3] and 'i5' [k hu3)

Figure 4.4 Sound spectrograms of the words: ,if [kh::J3] and or [kho3]

-t [ts13]

LSASL28

86

LSASL28

87

4.3.3.2. Rule 6: the friction rule It could also be argued that what happened acoustically in the Kunming Chinese pronunciation of the word ,(£: ([ al) I] , blessing) is that in OKC the velar nasal /IJ/ has been also lost its nasal identity and changed in a voiced fricative (y]. As a result, the auditory value of the word is [ay I) instead of /a I) 1/. This change can be formulated as follows:

Velar nasal [IJ) when preceded by a mid-central vowel /a / changes to a voiced velar fricative in OKC.

The rule can be designated as Friction Rule and is only valid in OKC.

4.3.3.3. Rule 7: Further change of nasal rhyme [eiJ] Another interesting change in nasal rhyme /aiJ/ can be found in CKC. As concluded in previous section that the OKC pronunciation of this nasal rhyme is (ay]. However, it is (9) [mc3l "to buy" (KC)

(10) rma31 (KC)

(II) rxc3l "sea" (KC)

Figure 4.5 Sound spectrograms of the words: ~ [m£3] , (ma3], and ;:,t [xc3]

found that it has been changed to [ai] in CKC. Consider the following data: OKC

CKC

Chinese

Gloss

paylthaul

pailthaul

41>*

forehead lamp

tayl

tail

:IT

say3

sai3

~·

province

kway4

kwai4

itt.

stick

lay3

lai3

It

cold

way2 I vay2

wai2 /wai2

I~

to smell

phay4 thi4

phai4 thi4

•$t·.t

sneeze

The change can be formulated as follows:

In CKC, voiced velar fricative [y] has been vocalized to be a high front vowel [i) when preceded by a mid-central vowel (a).

This rule can be designated as the Vocalization Rule. The fronting tendency of the vowel is consistent with the conclusion stated in Rule 5. {1 2) [g>a3) "to give up"

(13) [lay3) "cold"

Figure 4.5 Sound spectrograms of the words: ~t [:;;a3] and 14' (lay3]

Among some KC speakers, bilabial nasal [m) has been used as allophonic form of velar nasal [IJ) when preceded by high back vowel lui in nasal rhyme /uiJ/. Consider the following data.

88

LSASL28

LSASL28

89

4.3.4.2. Rule 9: the diphthongization rule xuo2/xum2

red

tuo4 I tuo4

hole

Another change found in CKC is the diphthongization of simple rhyme /o/ into [ao). Consider the following data.

thu!Jl / thu!Jl

through

kuo4 I kuo4

common

OKC

CKC

Chinese

Gloss

pain

to!

tao!

7)

knife

insect

mol

maol

~

cat

(insect in CKC)

tho2

thao2

~It

peach

jo2

jao2

~£

to shake

phio2

ph iao2

ft;.

ladle

mo2

mao2

.{,

hair

t~hio2

t~hiao2

~*

bridge

pho3

phao3

ff(!.

to run

lo3

lao3

:t

old

thuiJ4/thum4

t~huiJ2/t~hum2

~

*

(tshuiJ2) I (tshum2)

4.3.4. Changes of the complex rhymes The changes undergone in OKC are found in diphthongs or diphthongized syllables. The changes are captured in the two rules stated as follows.

4.3.4.1. Rule 8: the nucleus raising rule Consider the following data. OKC

CKC

Chinese

Gloss

~au!

saul

~t

to collect

thaul

thaul

1~

to steal

lau2

lau2

~

building

thau2

thau2

fau3

fau3

*

head

~

to negate

kau3

kau3

~~

dog

tau4

tau4

to fight

sau4

+

sau4

;t

sao3

:Y

little/few

pao3

1'1?.

full (from eating)

A rule can be formulated for the change :

In CKC simple nucleus in rhyme /o/ has been diphthongized to be [ao) by gaining a low back vowel [a).

The rule can be designated as the Oiphthongization Rule. The nine rules discussed so far indicate the phonological changes within the boundaries of the formative morphemes. The following discussion will involve the phonological changes across the boundaries of formative morphemes.

thin

The data show that when preceding tense high back vowel /u/, the nucleus low back vowel [a) in OKC has changed to a non-back and non-low vowel [a). formulated as follows:

~03

po3

4.3.5. Syllable fusion of the rhotacizcd words

The change can be

Low back vowel [a) in the nucleus [au) is raised to a non-back and non-low vowel [a) in CKC.

The syllable fusion, or syneresis process in the rhotacized words is typical in OKC. This phonological change takes place basically in disyllabic words (mostly nouns) whose second syllable is a diminutive particle er2 (JL, pronounced as [ar2l). The particle is typically found with nouns to indicate the "smallness" or " insignificant" implication of the meaning expressed by the nouns. For instance, [pha2) (jt, plate) when used with this particle, it merges with the particle to become another word [phar2j (it JL, small plate). During this process, the vowels in the first syllable will be dropped , or rather, replaced by the vowel in the particle resulting in a monosyllabic word with the rhotic ending "~r". Meanwhile. the tone on the noun remains whi le the tone of the particle is dropped. Constder the following data.

90

LSASL28 Disyllabic Word

(I)

(2)

(3)

Rhotacized Word

Chinese

Gloss

thc2ar2

thar2

~ JL

stem (of vegetable)

pa4 ar2

par4

iq;L

clove

~a4

ar2

~ar4

wal ar2

war!

AlJ JL 'li,' JL

curve (of road)

kua4 ar2

kwar4

.t(f.JL

jar

kual ar2

kwarl

~ JL

officer (low ranking)

khuc4 ar2

khwar4

.f,k JL

chopsticks

t~hui2 ar2

t~hwar2

.f4JL

hammer

t~ual

ar2

t~warl

llJ;L

circle

phic4ar2

ph jar4

Ji JL

piece

li2 ar2

ljar2

~JL

pear

tic3 ar2

tjar3

.f!.JL

bit

t~hic2 ar2

t~hjar2

itJL

money

t~icl

t~jarl

~JL

tip

ar2

LSASL28

91

3. if the rhyme or the complex rhyme in the first syllable consists of high front vowel / i f, the vowel will reduced and the palatalization feature will be added to the vowel in the merged syllable as exemplified by the data in Group (3). This change can be formulated as in the following rule:

fan High back vowel / i f in the rhyme of the first syllable be reduced in the merged syllab le and a palatalization feature will be added to the vowel in the merger sy ll able.

The rule can be designated as Syllable Fusion Rule 3: the Vowel Reduction and Palatalization Rule. In all cases, the tone on the original first syllable remains. Also notice that the rules are not simply phonologically conditioned by morphophonemically conditioned. During the process of syllable fusion , the two segments in the diminutive particle replace the vowel in the tirst syllable (i.e. the noun). The tone on this particle is dropped and replaced by the tone of the first syllable. The change can be formulated as fo llows:

Tone of I" Syllable ..___

Null

/ Notice that syllable fusion process is realized in three major ways: I. if the rhyme of the first syllable consists of a simple vowel (except /uJ and / i/), the vowel will simply be replaced by the vowel in the particle er2. This can be formulated as in the following rule:

In OKC the non-high vowel in the rhyme of the first sy llable will become null when merged with the following diminutive particle er2.

a

____. ar Tone

._

r

This rule can be designated as Syllable Fusion Rule 4: the Tone Merger Rule. The syllable fusion process wi ll have a further treatment and analysis in metrical phonology framework in later sections. The motivation of the merger is more lexical and semantic than simply phonological since there is no strict rule regulating the use of the diminutive partic le er2. In other words, the affected vocabulary is lexically governed. Therefore, no satisfactory rule can be formu lated to indicate which noun may undergo this change. The rules discussed above can on ly be appli ed to the nouns which are traditionally rhotacized.

The rule can be designated as Syll able Fusion Rule I : the Nucleus Vowel Deletion Rule. 2. if the rhyme or the complex rhyme in the first syllable consists of high back vowel /uJ, the vowel will be reduced and the labial ization feature wi ll be addede to the vowel in the merged syllable as exemplified by the data in Group (2). This change can be formulated as in the following rule:

High back vowel /u / in the rhyme of the first syllable will be reduced in the merged syllable and a labialization feature will be added to the vowel in the merger syllable.

The rule can be designated as Syllable Fusion Rule 2: the Vowel Reduction and Labialization Rule .

4.3.6. Desulcalization of the rhotacized words In CKC the feature of rhotacization is lost, or rather, it has undergone a desulcalization process and the vowe l has resumed to a regular non-high , non-back vowel l a]. Consider the following data.

(I)

~;L'

Gloss stem (of vegetable)

pa4

/l.t JL

clove

~a4

Jt1JL

fan

wal

'li,' JL

curve (of road)

Disyllabic Word thar2

Rhotacized Word tha2

par4 ~ar4

war!

Chinese

92

(2)

(3)

LSASL28 Disyllabic Word kwer4

Rhotacized Word kwa4

Chinese .tfi.JL..

Gloss jar

kwarl

kwal

't Jl..

officer (low ranking)

khwer4

khwa4

.f~JL..

chopsticks

t~hwer2

t~hwa2

#Jl..

hammer

t~wer

I

t~wal

00 Jl..

circle

phjar4

ph ja4

il Jl..

piece

ljar2

lja2

~Jl..

pear

tjar3

tja3

.~,)l..

bit

t~hjar2

t~hja2

i~JL..

money

t~jarl

t~jal

~.Jl..

tip

Interestingly, these two characteristics, also with the absence of retroflex series in CKC, are very obvious features in the Wu family of dialects. Therefore, it will be argued in later sections on the causes of sound change that one of the major external motivations attributed to the sound changes discussed in the above sections is from the influence from the Wu family dialects brought to KC during the political campaign in late 1950s. However, the changes in diphthongs may be related to the external influence brought to KC before the Wu dialects did. I3ased on the discussion on sound systems of CKC, an inventory of the underlying forms of the rhymes of CKC can be constructed and is presented in the tables below with the possible combinations of initials and rhymes in CKC.

w j

The process can be formulated as follows:

The rule can be designated as Rule I 0: the Desulcalization Rule.

4.3.7. Vowel devoicing in emphatic mood It has been observed that in some situation, especially in private conversation with emphatic mood, the vowels may be completely devoiced. Consider the following data. Utterance

Normal S12eech

(I ' m) NOT GOING!

pu4 kha4

(He)

pu4

(It)

IS NOT! DOESN'T LOOK

pu4

~t4 ~ia4

S12eech with EmJ2hatic Mood

1?\1 ~h~ : 1?\1 fi.t: 1?\1 ~t·r

~*

+

+

f

-

-

t th

+

+

+

+ +

+

n

+ +

1

+

+ +

+ + +

+ + +

+ +

+ +

+ +

+

+

+

-

-

-

~Jt

-

-

~1t

+ + + +

+ + + +

LIKE THAT!

+

t~h

+ +

~

s

I

+ + +

z

+

-

ts tsh

The vowel devoicing process happens mostly to the monosyllabic words with Tone 4 in negative sentences in both OKC and CKC. In the devoiced speech, the tone distinction was lost and the meaning can be understood in the context. The function of emphasis is carried out by the lengthened vowel in the negated word.

4.3.8. Summary The changes undergone by the rhymes in KC indicate that: I. the simple rhymes of the vowels in the nasal rhymes in CKC have the potential of being changed to be tenser and higher than those in OKC, and 2. the identification of the nasal element of the nasal rhymes is lost in OKC.

+ +

-

-

-

-

-

+

I

+

+

-

-

-

-

-

+

+

+

+

+

I

+ + +

+

I

-

+

I

-

+ +

+ +

+ +

+ +

+

-

-

-

-

-

+

t~

-

+ +

+ + + +

+

X

&

&

+ +

+ +

-

-

&

+ +

+ + +

-

-

&

-

+ + +

u

m

k kh

-

+ +

a

+ +

ia

ie

e

ia

iu

-

-

&

&

+ +

-

+

+

I

+ +

0

+ + + + +

ue

io

a

i

+ +

p ph In CKC rhotacized vowel in syllable fusion structure becomes desulca lized.

93

LSASL28

I

-

-

I

-

+

-

-

-

-

+ +

-

+

+ + +

+ +

-

-

+

-

-

+ + +

-

-

I

+ +

+ + +

+ + +

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

+ + +

Table 4.7A Inventory of rhymes and possible combinations in CKC

-

-

94

LSASL28

ua

uo

ua

w

&

&

&

-

-

-

-

-

&

&

-

-

j

-

-

-

-

-

+

&

+

&

-

-

I

+

+

-

-

-

+

-

+

+

+

+ +

-

+

-

-

-

-

p ph

+ +

-

m

f

t th

-

-

n

-

-

I

1

-

-

k kh

+ I

-

X

I

+

t~

-

t~h

-

-

~

ts tsh s z

-

-

-

+ + + -

I

il)

au

8!)

a!J

ian

-

uan

U8!J

U!J

iUIJ

-

-

+ +

-

-

+

-

+

+

+

-

+

-

+

+

+

+

+

+

+

+

+

+

-

I

+

+

-

-

+

+

+

+

I

I

+

-

+

+

+

+

1/n

+

+

+

-

+ +

+ +

+ + + +

-

-

-

+

-

+ + -

+

-

-

+

-

-

+ + + + + + + + +

-

+

-

-

+ + + +

+ + + +

+ + +

-

+ +

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

+ + +

+ + +

I

I

+ + + -

-

+ + +

-

95

LSASL28

Rhymes

Initials / i / & I i-I

lui & lu-I

Others

+

+ 1-

+

-

+ 1-

+

+

+

+

-

+

+

+

-

-

-

+ 1-

+

w

+

+I&

+

j

+I &

-

+

p

ph

m

f

t

th

n

k

kh

X

1

t~

t~h

~

ts

tsh

s

Table 4.8 Possible combinations in CKC

-

-

Table 4.78 Inventory of rhymes and possible combinations in CKC (continued) Note: I. Numberal " I" indicates that the combination can make only one meaningful word in CKC lexicon. 2. "1/n" indicates the fluctuation of Ill and In/ as free variation in certain environment. For instance, [nian2] (*R, Mom) fluctuates with (lian2] as free variation.

z

Note: I. The signs "

+ I - " indicate that the initials can only occur as onset with simple rhyme lui

but not the complex rhymes with lu-I. 2. The signs " + I & " indicate that the initials can occur as onset with simple rhymes ; when they occur with complex rhymes and the !irst vowel in the complex rhymes is the same as the initial such as lwl or I j l , the initials will replace the !irst vowel to become the onset.

4.4. Tones in Kunming Chinese

3. Sign "&" indicates that traditionally, initials /j / or /w/ are written as the onset of the complex rhymes in the combination, for example, [j] + [i£2] as (je2) (~,salt) and (w]

+ (ui4] as (wi4] (f.J , for) . Some generalizations regarding the possible combinations of initials and rhymes in CKC are presented in the following table.

4.4.1. Tone derivation of Kunming Chinese As discussed earlier, the four tones in KC arc derived fro m the classical tonal sys t~m in Middle Chinese. During the derivation process, the classical Level Tone preserved 1ts " upper" and " lower" register reflexes. In other words, the classical Upper Level Tone a~d the classical Lower Level Tone have become the modern Upper Level Tone (or Tone I w1th tone value of 1441) and Lower Level Tone (or Tone 2 with tone value of 131/) respectively.

96

LSASL28

25 T~e Upper reflex of the Rising Tone has developed into the modem Ri sing Tone (or Tone 3

with tone value of 1531). The Lower reflccx of the Rising Tone has combined with the Departmg Tone. During this developmental process, then Departing Tone lost the distinction of the " upper" and the "lower" reflexes. The combination of these has resulted in the modem Departing T.one (or Tone 4 with tone value of 12121). The Entering Tone category has combmed wrth the Lower Level Tone, resulting in the complete loss of the Entering Tone as a separate category in the tonal system of KC.

_s-

Upper Level

Lower Level Upper Rising

Rising (3)

Rising -[ Lower Rising

Lower Level (2)

_r

- [ Upper D e p a r t i n 0 Departing (4

.

._

Departmg

Lower Departing Upper Entering Entering -[ Lower Entering

Direction of Tone Derivation: Middle Chinese ___...

Contemporary Kunming Chinese

Diagram 4. 1 Tone Derivation in Kunming Chinese In summary, traditionally, the tonal system of KC is described as follows :

25

4.4.2. Difference in OKC and CKC tonal systems By analyzing the data of OKC and CKC, it can be observed that this inventory of tones mostly shows the characteristics of that of CKC but not that of OKC. In other words, differences have been found in the tone value of Tone 2 and Tone 4 bct1veen OKC and CKC.

4.4.2.1. Difference in value of Tone 2

Upper Level (I)

L

Level

97

LSASL28

In OKC, words with Tone 2 generally show more characteristics of the Entering Tone (merged with the Lower Level Tone category and hence lost) than those of the regular Lower Level Tone, for instance, shorter duration than the regular tone . The Entering Tone has only half the duration of that of the Lower Level Tone. Therefore, it could be argued that the actual tone value of Tone in OKC should be [3) instead of [31 J, with only half of the duration of Tone 2 in CKC. According to Wu and Yan (Wu et al 1985 : 16), all the 600 commonly used words with the classical Entering Tone listed in Xinhua Zidian are pronounced with the Lower Level Tone in KC, whereas in Mandarin Chinese, only 180 of them are pronounced with Lower Level Tone. The others have merged with the other three tones: 128 or them are pronounced with Upper Level Tone, 46 of them are with Rising tone, and 246 with Departing Tone. Ilowever. none of these words have been found pronounced with the value of (31) of the Lower Level Tone in OKC in the author' s research. Instead, after checking all these words, they all are pronounced with an actual tone value of [3). Therefore, it can be concluded that the traditional assignment of [31) as tone value of Tone 2 is only on the basis of traditional tone derivation analysis theory. In other words, since the traditional theory of tone derivation claims that the Entering Tone category has merged with the Lower Level Tone category, it should possess, or at least share the prominent features of that of Lower Level Tone. For instance, it should have the duration of a regular tone. Therefore, all the words formerly with Entering Tone should now have the tone value of (31) after the merger. But the actual situation is not showing the same fact. In reality, the merger of tone categories does not necessarily eliminate all the original characteristics possessed by each tone category respectively. Therefore, it is not surprising to find that in OKC most of the words with Lower Level Tone are still pronounced with short duration as Entering Tone and with a glottal stop at the end of the syllable as well. This fact indicates that Wu's claim that the 600 words with classical Entering tone are pronounced with Lower Level Tone in KC today need not be accurate. The fact shows that the original tone category of these words, after merger, remains its original features with Entering Tone. Interestingly, in CKC the tone value of Lower Level Tone has resumed its value from [3] in OKC to [31). The impact of this change makes the vowels in the rhymes sound like longer than usual. Consider the following data.

Tone Category

Tone Value

OKC thuiJ3

CKC (thu:Q3l) l thuiJ31

~

Gloss copper

Tone I I Upper Level Tone Tone 2 1 Lower Level Tone Tone 3 1 Rising Tone Tone 4 1 Departing Tone

44 31 53 212

fa3

(fa :n31) I fan31

$;

house

t<::hia3

(t<::hia:n31) I t<::h ian31

wall

" Ri sing" and " Level " are traditional names employed in Middle Chinese. At that time the phonetic realization remains in dispute. They are not intended to be descriptive for contemporary KC but rather reflection of the historical source.

Chinese

t;;;hua3

(tshua :n31) I t;;;huan31

J!l .fJ[;

ma3

(ma :n31) I man31

•ti:

busy

xa3

(xa:n31) I xan31

phiiJ3

(phi:IJ31) I ph iiJ31

*

chill

ill\.

boat

bottle

98

LSASL28

In the data, double dots have been added to the pronunciation of the vowel in CKC to indicate the longer duration, which is regular for the vowel with Tone 2. ll is also reflecting the feature of that of a Lower Level Tone.

99

LSASL28 Stage Two Departing Tone with the value of [II J resumed its value to [212] in CKC.

The back-and-forth change of tone value of Lower Level Tone, showing the nature of reintroduction of the former tone value, has taken place in two stages: I) the tone value of Lower Leve l Tone first changed from traditional [31) to [3] in OKC keeping the major characteristics of Entering Tone, 2) it then resumed the value of [31) as a regular Lower Level Tone in CKC. These changes can be formulated as follows :

4.4.2.3. Summary Based on the discussion so far, the tonal system in the two different varieties of KC can be presented in the following chart with their distinctive features.

Stage One

Lower Level Tone with the value of (31] has changed to Entering Tone with the value of [3] in OKC.

Stage Two

Entering Tone with the value of (3] resumed to Lower Level Tone with the value of (31] in CKC.

4.4.2.2. Difference in value of Tone 4

CKC

OKC Tone Category

I

2

3

4

1

2

3

4

Tone Value

44

3

53

11

44

31

53

212

High

+

-

+

-

+

-

+

-

Fall

-

-

+

-

-

+

+

+

Rise

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

+

Short

-

+

-

-

-

-

-

-

Another interesting change found in the analysis conducted by the author is that the actual auditory tone value of Departing Tone in OKC is [I 1], a low level tone instead of a low dipping tone [212] as ana lyzed traditionally by Chinese scho lars. Consider the following data.

Table 4.9 Tone features and difference in OKC and CKC

tuoll I tum! I

tuo212

iF)

hole

kueyll

kuen212

~It

stick

In autosegmental phonology framework, the notion of feature in the analysis of tone bas stopped being favored . Instead, the tonal feature [+1-!J for high level tone and [-1-1] for non-high level tone have been employed. In addition, contour tones have been viewed as combination of level tones and also the level is viewed in a relative concept. The following is the chart representing the tonal systems of these two varieties.

r;;ui I I

sui212

g~

to sleep

T3

kol1

ko212

i±

to pass

ph all

phan212

ll'f'

fat

OKC

CKC

Chinese

Gloss

As the changes discussed in previous section on the reintroduction of the original tone value back to CKC from that in OKC, the explanation of the process is also applicable to what happened in Departing Tone in CKC. It also has gone through two stages. Stage One

Departing Tone with the value of[212) changed its value to [I I] in OKC.

5

T3

Tl

4

Tl

T2

3

T2

2

T4

T4 OKC

~

~

5 4 3

2

CKC Chart 4.6 Tone system comparison between OKC and CKC

100

LSASL28

4.4.3. Tone sandhi in Kunming Chinese 4.4.3.1. The general tendency The general tendency of tone sandhi in Kunming Chinese can be summarized as follows: I. the Level Tones (both the Upper and the Lower Level Tones) are less stable than the other two categories in the tonal system; 2. more cases of tone sandhi are found in the structures of morpheme reduplication than in different morpheme sequences; 3. tone sandhi in two consecutive tones is phonologically oriented, whereas it is semantically oriented in three consecutive tones; 4. if the two consecutive tones are of the same category (except the Upper Level Tone category), the second on in the sequence tends to change to the Upper Level tone; 5. most of the changes in three consecutive tone sequences occur in the structure of adjective reduplication, which tends to have the negative implication. The change tends to occur to the tone on the first component of the reduplication, i.e. the tone on the second component in the whole sequence; 6. tone sandhi rules apply in the same way in both OKC and CKC. Therefore, no distinction needs to be made for these two different varieties of KC.

LSASL28

101

The presentations show that the tone assigned to the first syllable can be shifted to the second syllable when the nucleus vowel ofthc first syllable is deleted. They also show, as analyzed in autosegmental framework , that tone and segment need independent representations. In other words, they are on two different tiers and connected by links in some patterns. This case is different from the case in Guangzhou Hua (f"•riHf>. Cantonese) as discussed in Gui (1985). In Kunming Chinese, as shown in the above examples, the nucleus vowel of the second syllable will drop its own tone before it receives the tone shifted from its left neighboring syllable caused by the nucleus vowel deletion. Therefore, in KC, there does not exist the tendency that two tones from two neighboring syllables are combined and then shifted to the Ictl or the right syllable. In Guangzhou Hua, however, once the nucleus vowel is deleted, its tone will be shifted to and then combine with the tone on its left neighboring syllable (whereas in KC, the shift will be to the right.) The tone on the left neighboring syllable will not drop because of the shift and combination of the tones. The tone shift and reassignment in a Guangzhou Hua phrase (jA'i'tl thiu4-l thiu4) (-~~.piece by piece) derived from the original expression [jA'i't I t h iu4 jA'i't I t h iu4) (-~-~)can represented as follows :

v

v

v

v

v

v

I

I

I

I

I

I·

H

L

II

L

H

L

~v

(3)

I H

L

4.4.3.2. A brief autosegmental acount The autosegmental phonology developed by John Goldsmith (1976) based on generative phonology proposes the need of a multilinear phonological analysis of segments and prosodic elements. The discussion of the syllable fusion in earlier sections provides evidence for this proposal. For instance, the impact of the fusion of syllable [kua44] and syllable [ar31] imposed on tone can be presented as follows: kua44 + ar3l _____..,

c v

v

I

I

1-1

L

_____..,

kwar/

c~

(I)

v

: / I

(!)

H

The impact of the fusion of syllable [l i31] and syllable (ar31] imposed on tone can be presented as follows: li31 + ar31

c v

v

I

I

L

L

_____.., _____..,

ljar/

c~ . v I

L

if

(2)

The theory of autosegmental phonology also claims that the number of tonal specifications on a given form is not necessarily equal to the number of vowels. In other words, a single tonal specification could spread over several syllables in the same structure. However, in KC, normally a tone is linked only to one nucleus vowel. This is also the usual case in the Han languages. In addition, as discussed earlier, before a vowel can receive a tone shifted from its neighboring vowel that has been deleted, the tone on this vowel normally needs to be dropped. Therefore, in KC, a single tonal specification docs not tend to spread over several neighboring syllables either to its left or to its right. The theory of autoscgmental phonology also claims that contour tones can be analyzed as a combination of level tones. In that case, only " H" (High) and "L" (Low) need to be specified. However, for the tones in KC, the applicable capacity of this design of tonal specification is doubtful. The examples given above already create a problem : how to differentiate mid-low falling tone from high-mid falling tone by the sole features of (+H) and [-II] if these two contour tones are analyzed as a combination of a high level tone and a low level tone. It seems that a "M'' (Mid) specification is needed in KC to account for a mid-low falling tone with the value of /311. It could be viewed as a combination of a mid-level tone and a low-level tone . In this way, it can be distinguished from a high-mid falling tone with the value of /511, which could be analyzed as a combination of a high-level tone and a midlevel tone. One of the latest developments of autosegmental phonology with regard to the structure of contour tones is based analogously on the branching characteristic of affricates and prenasalized stops. This characteristic can be attributed to the "edge effects associated with such segments" (Yip 1989: 149). Meanwhile, by extending McCarthy's argument (McCarthy 1988), it is claimed that "all and only binary features directly dominated by root nodes may branch" (Yip 1989: 149). Persuasive evidences in support of this argument also suggest that a distinction should be made between the different structural patterns of Afircantype contour tones and Asian-type of contour tones (Sagey 1986, Yip 1989, Edmondson et al

102

LSASL28

1989). The structure of the fanner is constructed to tone cluster, "resulting from associating two tonal root nodes (each dominating one level tone) with one sy ll ab le" (Yip 1989: 149150); whereas the structure of the latter is described as a branching tone or melodic unit. A distinction has been made between register and melody. For instance, the two different tonal structures can be represented respectively as follows (Yip 1989: 150):

103

LSASL28

Tone 3 (or .J:..,it , with tone value of /5 1/)

cr

I . Branching tone I single melodic unit

A

cr

l

H

1\

L

t L

Tone 4 ( -i: fo or, with tone value of / II/)

H

cr

cr

I

2. Tone cluster

L

I L

Or in CKC (with tone value of /2 12/)

H

L

cr

The Obligatory Contour Principle (OCP) has been made to apply to the melodies: when two identical melodies occur under the same register, one of them is to be deleted. In the autosegmentaJ phonology framework , the four tones in OKC, in comparison with the tones in CKC, can be represented as follows:

A

H

L

Tone I (or rJ] -f, with tone value of /44/)

cr

H

OCP

01-1 Tone 2 (or

1-1

cr

H

The three examp les of tone shift given above can be represented in thi s framework as follows :

H

rEJ -t, with tone value of /3/), or in CKC (with tone value of/31/)

cr

kual

+

ar2

cr

+

cr

L

I

H

H

L

kwarl ~

I

I

L

0

L

1-1

L

H

A

L

cr

+ +

(Ia)

0

0

I

r

I

I

H

0

0

cr

I ~

0

III

104

LSASL28

li2

+

a

+

ar2

------. ------.

ljar2

+

0

+

a

I0

r 0

0

I

r

IL

I

I L

I 0

L

0

(2a)

r

a

10

a

a~

l

10

a

l

10

a

a

10

I

I

I

I

I

I

H

L

H

L

H

L

10

I H

Original fuiJ44 wo44

Changed fuiJ44 wo44

Chinese *f.'~

Gloss bee hive

t~DhiiJ4410iiJ44

t\0 h iiJ44 !OiiJ44

i1riffr

fresh

Group 2

IL

jA2tl + t hi u4 + jA?tl + thiu4 _.jA?tl + thiu4 - l +0+thi u4

a

L

Original tUIJ44miE31

Chan ged tuiJ3 5 mic31

Chinese }!-.OR.

Gloss hibernation

1?a44 t10h ic31

1?a35 t!Ohic31

J.J /[<..

stream

kuiJ44 wayJI

kuiJ35 way31

/~j:_

document

xua44 jiiJ31

xuaJS j i!J3I

#:.i!r..

welcome

xua44 jc 3 1

xua35 j c31

./t@

garden

SU!J44 liiJ3l

SU!J35 li!J3I

t~~.f.

1?a44 t h au31

1?a35 t h au31

J.J

a

r 0

r

IH

IH

IL

I

0

L

H

pine forest

+-

hill top

The examples in Group 2 indi cate that when Tone I is fo llowed by Tone 2, its value changes to (35]. The change is represented in the following geometric diagram .

+

OCP ___.

105

The examples in Group I indicate that when Tone l is followed by another Tone I, it retains its value of (44].

0

~

LSASL28

H

+

Ia

~

Ia

L

L

l-1

+

Ia

___.

L

.. ~ (9

L

H

H

A

L

J'

4.4.3.3. Tone sandhi

Gro up 3

4.4.3.3.1. Tone 1 sandhi

Original kuiJ44 kua53

Changed kuiJ35 kua53

Chinese ;~1."&

Gloss mansio n

Tone I wi ll change it va lue from /44/ to (35) when followed by the tones of any categories except the same Tone I. Consider the following data.

kuo44 xc53

kuo35 xc53

I~

open sea

xua44 to53

xua35 to53

Jt~

t1ower clear I clean

Group I Original tUIJ44 fa44

;:f}

t10 h iiJ44 1?Ua53

t10 h i!J35 1?Ua53

i1r~

khua44 t1?ha53

khua35 t1?ha53

it~\:

specious

.');~

Gloss east

SUIJ44 pa53

SU!J35 pa53

t~t}fl

to untie

t1?hUIJ44 t1?ha53

t1?hUIJ35 t1?ha53

;~· li:\l

brave

Changed tuiJ44 fa44

Chinese

kuiJ44 S144

kuiJ44 S144

~~~

company

xua44 kc44

x ua44 kc44

.;t1lr

flower market

kua44 xiiJ44

kua44 xiiJ44

*-•!..'

concern

t!OiiJ44 t h iE44

t!Oii]44 t h iE44

4-:f..

today

The examples in Groups 3 show that Tone I changes its va lue to [35] when it is fo ll owed by Tone 3. This change can be represented in the following geometric diagram.

106

LSASL28

+

cr

----+

r

I H

+ lcr

H

IH

H

cr

l-1

L

~

·~ (9

L

H

H

A

L

/' Original t UI]44 t(Oi212

Changed tui)35 t(Oi212

Chinese

kuiJ44 kuiJ212

kuiJ35 kuiJ212

~~*'

public

t~huiJ44 pho212

t~huiJ35 pho212

i'I';Jt

break through

~.$-

Gloss winter season

LSASL28

107 Changed pho31 pho44

(C)

pho?J pho?3

pho?J pho44

(0)

jie31 jie31

jie31 jie44

(C)

j ie'l3 j ie'l3

jie'l3 jie44

(0)

su'l31 su'l31

su31 su44

(C)

~u'l3 ~u'l3

su'l3

~u44

(0)

khao31kho31

khao31 kho44

(C)

kho?J kho?3

kho?J kho44

(0)

Note: C = CKC

0 = OKC

t(Ohii]44 (Oii]212

t(O h ii]35 (Oii]212

~~ 1i

credulous

kuiJ35 to212

J);:.i!t

fair

pha44 (Oia212

phaJ5 (Oia212

3A T

to lie down

tu31 thaJI

(C)

~a44

~a35

J.i)j.i) ·

cave

tu'l3 tha?J

(0)

phuJI kha31

(C)

phu?3 kha?J

(0)

t UIJ212

The examples in Group 4 show that Tone I changes its value to [35] when it is followed by Tone 4. This change can be represented in geometric diagram as follows:

cr

+

cr

A II

I

r H

+

H

cr

L L

L

H

L

H

L

H

Notice that examples in Groups 2 to 4 all show that the affected part of Tone 1 is always on the lower left edge as indicated by an arrow and a circled letter " L" . The change can be captured by a rule designated as: the Lower-Left Edge Effect Rule.

4.4.3.3.2. Tone 2 sandhi . In the structure of noun or verb reduplication, Tone 2 on the second element changes 1ts value from /31 / to (44]. Consider the following data. Original lo31lo31

Changed lo31 lo44

(C)

lo'l3 lo'l3

lo'l3 lo44

(0)

kua31 kua31

kua31 kua44

(C)

kua?J kua'l3

kua?J kua44

(0)

Chinese

~ ~

Gloss basket

#d~

to scrub

m. = maternal

44

Gloss (m.) Grandma

i'i-i'i-

(p.) Grandpa

~~

uncle

.ft:.?t:.

shell

p. = paternal

Disyllabic words, when being assigned Tone 2, may have the same structure on the surface as that of the original reduplicated nouns or verbs as listed in the above examples. However, in the structure of a regular disyllabic word , the tone on the second element may not change its value, e.g.

kuiJ44 to212 tui]212

Chinese

Original phoJI phoJI

po31 (Oio31

(C)

po'l3 10io?J

(0)

ji31 lil)JI

(C)

ji'l3lil)'l3

(0)

phiiJ3l (Oi!J3l

(C)

ph il)'l3 (Oi!J'l3

(0)

tsh1JI t(Ohian31

(C)

tsh1?J t(Ohia3

(0)

~!h~t

unique

~I· .it

card game

~J;ijl)

to exploit

~ t4

scale (of fish)

-f-.ft

parallel

f!Jf

kind

In order to distinguish disyllabic word from the reduplicated structure of nouns and adjectives, two different types of apparatus have been designed to show the difference. In the following diagrams: the capital sigma M represents word , the small sigma represents the regular syllable; and the small sigma prime represents the reduplicated syllable, which dominates the two regular syllables. Type I: regular disyllabic word

Type 2: reduplicated structure :E

:E

1\

cr

cr

I.

A

cr

cr

108

LSASL28

By using this apparatus, the tone sandhi in the examples of reduplicated structure given above can be represented in the diagram on the following page. Notice that in this tone sandhi process, the affected part is on the right edge. The rule can be designated as the Raise Right Edge Rule. Tone 2 will change its value not only in the environment as stated above but also can change its value when it is in a sequence of two tones of different categories. This fact provides further evidence to support the claim made earlier in this section that the Level Tones are active in terms of tone sandhi. However, this change is restricted to lexicon and style of speech. To be more precise, this will only occur on the morpheme t h au31 (~head) when it is functioning as a noun suffix in colloquial Kunming Chinese. Therefore, it is morphophonemically conditioned. However, it retains its original tone value of /31/, or rather, its original tone value will remain when preceded by a high falling tone with a different tone value, i.e. Tone 3 with the value of (53]. Tone change in reduplicated structure: !:

0'

!:

Icr'

Icr'

~ +

~ +

0'

0'

I

I

I

1\ 1\

H

L

H

L

A

H

L

Changed xan44 t hau44

(C)

xa44 thau23

xa44 thau44

(0)

pan44 t h au44

(C)

pay44 t hau23

pay44 t hau44

(0)

sa31 thau31

sa31 t hau44

(C)

sa'?3 thau'?3

sa'?3 thau44

(0)

t~hie31 thau31

t~hie31 thau44

(C)

t~hie'?3 thau'?3

t~hie'?3 thau44

(0)

we212 thau31

we:212 thau44

(C)

w£212 t hau'?3

we212 thau44

(0)

xau212 thau3l

xau212 thau44

(C)

xau212 thau'?3

xau212 thau44

(0)

Gloss orally

Chinese

Retained Tone khau53 thau31

(C)

khau53 thau'?3

(0)

sau53 t hau31

(C)

g;au53 thau'?3

(0)

khu53 thau31

(C)

k hu53 t h au'?3

(0)

kau53 t hau31

(C)

khau53 thau'?3

(0)

tsan53 thau31

(C)

tg;ay53 thau'?3

(0)

0~

+if-

at hand

-iS' if-

suffering

~~*

dog's head

~tik

pillow

The same type of tond sandhi occurred to the reduplicated noun or verb discussed in previous sections also occurs to Tone 3 when two words with Tone 3 are adjacent to each other. The tone on the second word tends to change its value from /53/ to Tone I with a value of (44]. However, this change is not restricted to the reduplicated noun or verb. Moreover, the second word is usually a noun suffix ts153 ("f). Consider the following data.

0'

1 H

Chinese

pan44 t h au31

However, in the following examples the tone of this suffix will retain its original tone value /31 / when preceded by Tone 3 with a value of /53/.

4.4.3.3.3. Tone 3 sandhi

The original tone on the noun suffix t h au3 I is Tone 2 with a value of/31 / (or (3] in OKC). When attached to a head noun, the tone on this suffix changes to Tone I with a value of /44/. Consider the following data. Original xan44 t h au31

109

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M~

Gloss fool

#}-~

forehead

Chinese

Changed ar53 to44

Original ar53 to53

.If-~

Gloss ear

t~hi53 ts153

t~h53 ts144

~"f

screwdriver

j i53 ts1SJ

ji53 ts144

~4-"f

chair

so53 ts153

so53 ts144

1t "f

brother's wife

t~im53

t~ien53

~"f

scissors

ts153

ts144

The change can be represented in the geometric diagram as follows:

+

0'

-{;~

1/:-~

I

I

I

A

)\

H

tongue fist

H fl-~

!6~

outside behind

L

+

0'

H

L

0'

1-1

1\ ~c/

H

L

Interestingly, for the reduplicated structure of noun, Tone 3 on the second word will change to Tone 2. Consider the following data.

110

LSASL28 Original nc53 nc53

Changed nc53 nc31

Chinese ~1}-v}

Gloss milk

ka53 ka53

ka53 ka31

·J:·l

meat

pa53 pa53

pa53 pa31

•e.•e.

feces

khua53 khua53

k hua53 k hua31

ntnt

thigh

tu53 tu53

tu53 tu31

~~

horse

Ill

LSASL28

This type of change can also occur to the reduplicated structure of noun and ve.rb. The affected part is also on the right edge and it is also raised. This tone sandhi can be represented in the geometric diagram as follows. :E

The tone change process can be represented in the geometric diagram as follows: :E

:E

I

I

cr'

(J

cr'

A +

(J

(J

A +

(J

H

I

I

I

I

H

H

H

l\

1\ (\/\

11

L

Icr'

cr'

L H

H

L

H

L

HH

L

H

H

H H

L

However in the non-reduplicated structures, or rather, the regular disyllabic words, the tone on the se~nd word remains unchanged. Consider the following data.

L

These words can mostly be found in children' s language. Notice that the affected part is also on the right edge. Therefore, It can be assumed that this type of noun and verb reduplicated structure may have some grammatical as well as lexical constrain on the tone sandhi pattern.

wan212lu212

fol3~

to ask for the direction

sui212 t~a:J212

11Ui:

to sleep

khan212 ~i212

~~~

to go see opera

mc212 fan212

*'1:Ji

to sell meal

su212 san212

i~t J:..

on the tree

ti212 micn212

Jt!!.di:J

on the ground

4.4.3.3.4. Tone 4 sandhi The same type of tone sandhi discussed earlier on the reduplicated structure of noun and vern may also happen to Tone 4. In this process of tone change, the tone on the second element in the reduplicated structure wi ll change to Tone I. Consider the following data. Original tau212 tau212

Changed tau212 tau44

kuan2l2 kuan212 khan212 khan212

Chinese

Gloss peas I beans

4.4.3.3.5. Tone sandhi in three-syllable reduplicated structure Tone sandhi in three-syllable reduplicated structure occurs mostly to ~dje~tives an.d the tone sandhi will affect the semantic implication. In most cases, .the implicali.on IS negative. During the tone change process, the tone on the first and the tlmd syllables m t~e structure remains unchanged whereas the tone on the second syllable always changes Its value to that of Tone 3. Consider the following data.

kuan212 kuan44

Jl .:ff. J.fl.i.fi

container

khan212 khan44

='r~-

to take a look

Group I

Tone change pattern: 2 + 2 + 2

suan212 suaan212 suan212 suan44

~·~~~

to rinse

pu212 pu212

pu212pu44

~~

notebook

Original pa3 I wa31 wa31

ji2l2 ji212

ji212 ji44

iC.iC.

to memorize

kuan212 kuan212 ti212 ti212

kuan212 kuan44 ti212 ti44

~IWi.

*'*'

stick younger brother

_.

2+3+2

Changed pa31 wa53 wa31

Chinese EJ ~U:.

Gloss pale

lu31 xia31 xia31

lu31 xia53 xia31

~-r·r-

green

pa31 tsa31 tsa31

pa31 tsa53 tsa31

EJ

wu31 ti53 ti31

fr.J (!1]69

wu31 ti31 ti31

**,j*

pale hastily

112

LSASL28

Group 2

Tone change pattern : 2 + 4 + 4

2+3+4

2.

Original lu31 kuan212kuan212

Changed 1 u31 kuan53 kuan212

Chinese ~w-11

Gloss green

lan31 wu212 wu212

lan31 wu53 wu212

.1[~~

blue

xa31 tuo53 tuo212

.W.iJO)iPJ

dark

man31 kan53 kan212

ll!:-t-t

careless

xa31 tuo212 tuo212 man3 I kan2 I2 kan212 Group 3

Tone change pattern : 4 + 4 + 4

LSASL28

3.

4.

4 +3+4

Original muo212 kuo212 kuo2 12

Changed mu1J2l 2 kul)53 kul)212

4.i#.#.

Gloss careless

xe:212 pha212 pha212

xe:212 pha53 pha212

t·ta·ta

scary

Chinese

5.

6. Gr·oup 4

Tone change pattern: 4 + 2 + 2

Original pan21 2 tsho31 tsho31 ~i212

jio31 jio31

wo212lo31 lo31 GroupS

4 + 3+2 Chinese

~i212

tm{i!:{k.

thin

M~~

staved

jio53 jio31

Tone change pattern : I + 4 + 4

Gloss clumsy

41:\'f~\'l\

Gr·oup 6

Tone change pattern : I + 2 + 2

-+

Jtifi.ifi.

Changed

Chinese

t~i£44 tshoJJ53 tsho3131

:K i'l\fl\ fn..JP•J.JH -t'lt!t

ts hu44 sua53 sua31 kan44 pei53 pei3 I

kanl san! san!

-t.1..1. f {H't

properl y dried

(positive)

kant jao3 jao2

overly dried

(negative)

xa2 jaul jaul

.'f..'fi/J'!J}J

healthy-looking tanned (positive)

xal t~hi3 t~hi4

.W.i}i}

dark and dirty

lu2 jinl jinl

t.'Hfiiiii

green (as the lawn)

(positive)

lu2 kuan3 kuan4

~4~491

sickening greenish

(negative)

~ian!

-tf~t~l7i}

pleasantly fragrant

(positive)

tt·t·t

suffocating fragrant

(negative)

lui lui

(negative)

Type 4: three-syllable reduplicated word

careless baggy

Gloss sharp rough dry & flat

Interestingly, many pairs of word describing some types of things with contrast of positive I negative meanings can be found with tone change on the second syllable, or rather th~ first syllable in the reduplicated structure. The reduplicated structure with tone chang~ wrll carry the negative or derogatory implication. Consider the following data. I.

(negative)

z

t~i£44 tshoJJ tshoJJ

ts h u44 sua3 I sua31

(positive)

tough

Gloss deep

1+ 3 + 2

Ori·ginal

kan44 pie31 pie31

solid

Jtf{~\1~

Type 3: trisyllabic word

Chinese Changed ifi(~~ san44 ku1J53 ku1J2l2 khuan44 khuan212 khuan212 k huan44 k huan53 khuan212 '{,tt,tt khan44lan53lan212

JHHt

an4 tsho3 tsho2

It has been discussed earlier that the two-syllable reduplicated structure should be distinguished from di syllabic structure. By the same token, the three-syllable reduplicated structure should also be separated from trisyllabic words. The difference of these two types of structure can be demonstrated in the following diagrams.

1 +3+4

Original san44 kuo2 I 2 ku1J2 I 2

khuan44lan212lan21 2

an4 tsan I tsan I

~ian! phan3 ph an

Changed pan2 12 tsho53 tshoJI wo212lo53 lo31

I 13

pa2 sen 1 san I

good-looking white

(positive)

pa2 tsa3 tsa2

sick-looking pale

(negative)

z

In the diagram for Type 3, small sigma represents the syllable in the trisyllabic word. They are parallel as well as independent from one another on the same level underneath the word represented by capital sigma M ":E". In the diagram for Tye 4, the capital sigma M ":E" represents word. Small sigma prime "cr' " represents the reduplicated structure, which cannot exist without the first element represented by small sigma "cr". Capital letter "Z'' represents the constiuents in the reduplicated structure. They are parallel but underneath the second component represented by small sigma prime "cr' ". This reduplicated structure, termed as 4.t i~ (adverbial word) by some Chinese scholars, functions as the modifier of the first component in the three-syllable reduplicated word. The tone sandhi patterns taken place on the three-syllable reduplicated words discussed earlier can be summarized and represented in a geometric diagram as follows.

114

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115

4.4.4. Summary

L

(J

LSASL28

A +

To sum up, the rules governing the tone sandhi in KC show that this language is edge sensitive. Tone sandhi on the reduplicated structures is constrained by syntactic structure and lexical category.

cr'

5. The causes of the phonological changes in OKC

I

(J

5.1. introduction

(\ z T: [-3]

I

T: [2/4]

Ferdinand de Saussure claims that "the search of the causes of phonetic changes is one of the most difficult problems of lin guistics"26 . His comments on the seven different explanations of these causes seem to suggest that these causes are impossible to find . This section is not intended to challenge de Saussure' s claims but to provide some evidence to support the assumptions that the influence from some dialects or languages has served as external and socio linguistic motivation of the striking phonological changes in OKC in the past seven decades.

z

I

T : [2/4]

l

5.2. A multi-lingual and multi-dialectal community

[3]

In this diagram, T: [-3] indicates that every category of tone except Tone 3 can occur in the non-reduplicated syllalbe. T: [2/4] indicates that only Tone 2 and Tone 4, or rather all low tones, can occur in either of the two reduplicated syllables. The arrow shows the fact the tone on the first element in the reduplicated structure always changes to Tone 3. This type of tone sandhi process, the affected part is the left edge instead of the right edge as in the case of the reduplication of noun or verb. It also shows the fact that tone sandhi of this type is under the constraint of its syntactic structure as well as the lexical category. The constraint can also attributed to some prosodic features rather then the adjacent tones such as the impact of stress. In this language, the employment of stress can intensify the degree of negative implication. For instance, in the following trisyllabic reduplicated adjective structure with positive connotation, no stress has been employed so that no tone sandhi will take place. Meanwhile, some length has been added to the final syllable: pa3 I san44 sa:n44

10.1..1.

white (color of complexion)

l u3 I j iiJ44 j i :1)44

~ itiiti

green (color of lawn)

lan31 wan44 wa:n44

.i.i.I.~

blue (color of sea)

xa31 jiu44 jiu:44

.W.'tl'!i'ft/J

black (color of fur)

XUIJ3 l t hul)44 t hu:l)44

h.f!HH

red (color of apple)

ta212lu44lu: 44

:k. %%

large (size of eye)

huan3 I suan53 sua :n53

-:lit~ ~

yellow (color of cake)

Historically, the Han language had not been brought in to Kunming until about the period of Western Han dynasty (206 B.C.). The earliest occupants of the area of Kunming were minority people. The earliest Han residents of Kunming were immigrants from various parts of the country. Therefore, it cou ld be correct to assume that Kunming, as a speech community, used to be a multilingual and multiethnic com~lllnity. Howc~cr, fu.rther investigation is needed to find out the exact or close to exact penod when Kunmmg Clunese had taken shape and established its identity as an independent variety of Yunnanese.

5.3. The role of political factors In their evolution, the changes in the speech communities of Yunnan in general and Kunming in particular are subject to two factors: I) the Yin factor: the system's internal or connatural change (Bailey 1982), motivated by purely linguistic features or motivations, and 2) the Yang factor: the system' s external or abnatural change, motivated by the contact of speakers from different language communities. The second factor has been found to be the motivation over the centuries in some of the idiosyncratic traits of Yunnanese. The idiosyncrasy could be summarized as follows: l) the fusion of Han and the languages of adjacent Tibcto-Burman peoples such as Yi and Bai ; 2) the migration of outsiders from the northern, central , and southern parts of the country to the area of Yunnan, and 3) the contact with the languages spoken in its neighboring areas such as Guangxi, Guizhou, and Sichuan. The change of initials and the tone sandhi phenomenon found in the development of the

26

Refer to his article Phonetic Changes translated by Wade Baskin and published in A Course in General Linguistics. 1959. New York. The article is reprinted in Readings in Historical Phonology: Chapters in the Theory of Sound Change, edited Philip Baldi and Ronald Werth.

116

LSASL28

phonological systems of Yunnanese and Kunming Chinese are evidence as the system internal factors for changes. In general, it can be assumed that OKC has preserved many major features of Middle Chinese. The preservation of the retroflex series, Rusheng tone, and the syllable final nasals including the bilabial nasal /m/, which is relatively rare in many forms of modern Chinese, can be viewed as the trace. However, due to the frequent language contact with many varieties of the Han language as well as a large number of minority languages in the same speech community, significant changes can also be found in OKC such as the deletion of nasal at the end of some syllables while fronting the necleus vowel. With regard to the changes in CKC, many of the changes can be attributed to the influence of Mandarin Chinese, the national language being introduced as a mandatory language to Jearn at school. Causes can also be traced to the influences from some major dialects spoken in the neighboring provinces such as Sichuan. However, these external causes are largely attributed to some political factors. It is obvious that with 1950s as the landmark, political factors play a crucial role in the phonological changes in OKC. In the early 1950s, the nation wide campaign of popularization and entrenchment of Putonghua ( -if ilfi.1! "Common Speech") as the national language had undoubtedly imposed significant impact on Kunming Chinese. The promulgation of Putonghua reinforced the prestige of certain characteristics in the sound system shared both by Putonghua and its cousin variety Kunming Chinese, for instance, the existence of the retroflex series in both systems. ln the past seventy years or so, language contact has become has an increasingly important factor in the language changes in Yunnan as well as Kunming areas. The indirect contact was no match for the direct contact with new immigrants especially those from the better developed cities or provinces such as Beijing, Shanghai, Guangdong, and Sichuan. In the late 1950s, the political campaign "Supporting the Three Great Fronts" caused a significant influx of outsiders into Yunnan and Kunming. These outsiders brought their own languages with them . They enjoyed the great prestige from the local people. The admiration of the local people for these newcomers in many aspects including the newcomer's language had tremendous impact on Kunming people in different aspects such as their ideology, life style, and language. In Kunming just as elsewhere, the old adage applies. What is in the heart find its way into the mouths. As discussed in earlier sections, immigrants from Shanghai have been listed by the local Kunming people on the top of the social strata of their speech community. Therefore, with respect to the linguistic influence, the Wu dialects, Shanghainese 27 in parcular, imposed the most salient impact on the local language Ku1uning Chinese.

5.4. The influence of Sichuan Hua The second most prominent impact on the changes of Kunming Chinese can be the influence from the immigrants from Chengdu and the Chengdu people, the neighbors of Kunming people for centuries. However, the most predominant impacet is from the varieties of the Wu dialect family.

27

The representative of the Wu dialects used to be the variety of Suzhou. However, with the developmental changes in the areas of politics, economy, and culture, Shanghai has confirmed its leading position in the whole area. As a result, Shanghainese has replaced Suzhou variety to become the representative of the Wu dialects.

LSASL28

117

5.5. Influence from the Wu dialects Summarized below are the most obvious changes undergone by CKC in the past seven decades: l. the total disappearance of the retroflex series /t1;l t1;lh 1? z..! from OKC. 2. the desulcalization of the rhotacized words. 3. the emergence of the voiced labiodental fricative (v) and the voiced alveolar fricative [z). 4. the Joss of nasal identity in some nasal rhymes 5. the increased tenseness and fronted ness of some simple vowels, and 6. the total loss of Rusheng tone. It is doubtless no accident that none of the sound systems of major varieties of the Wu dialects such as Shanghainese, Suzhou dialect, Ningbo dialect, Shaoxing dialect, and Wenzlwu dialect (Zhu et al 1986) have the retroflex series. However, all of them have the initials /v / and /z/. In Wu, there exists no rhotacization either. These facts help to explain

the phonological changes undergone by CKC since the influx of immigrants from Shanghai area.

5.6. Innuencc from minority languages By looking closely at the sound systems of the most populous minority languages in Kunming area, some similar facts regarding contact influence that caused the changes in OKC can also be found: in Yi (Chen et al 1985) there exist initial /v/ and /z/. In Bai (Xu et al 1984), Dai (Yu et al 1980) , Miao (Wang 1985) and Zhuang (Wei et al 1980), there is initial /v / but no retroflexion. These languages inevitably have imposed their influence on Yunnanese and Kunming Chinese through the long time contact over the centuries. However, their influence could be less profound than that of the varieties of Han languages. This is not incidental since as is a well-known fact, daily contact and considerable bilingualism is often less a factor in externally motivated sound change (fusion) if there remains a strong negative prestige gradient between the languages (Labov 1972). The current status of the language situation in modern Kunming provides evidence to exhibit the changes whose sociolinguistic motivations seem very much similar to those found throughout the world: a rejection of an agrarian rusticism for urban sophistication. It is noteworthy that while initials have changed to resemble the speech of newcomer's, the tones seemed to have not accommodated to the more complex system of the new arrivals.

118

LSASL28

11 9

LSASL28

Appendix A Administrative regions in Yunnan Province 28 ~t A{t 4~~ [1 ;E; :1+1 (Chuxiong Yi Autonomous Region: I city and 9 counti es)

£1lJJrr (Kunming City: 4 regions and 8 counties)

(Total population : 2,369, 100; minority population: 710,050) (Total population : 3,626,7000; minority popul ation: 456,263)

.1\..~JI!!.!R

(Yuxi Region: I city and 8 counties)

.1',Jijrp (Dongchuan City: I city)

.f, Jil rp

i.l-Jil-!\-

(Total population : 280,000; minority population : 20,000) (Total population: I ,852,400; minority population : 580,300) D{!.ijiJI!!.(R

(Zhaotong Region: I city and 10 co unti es)

h;'of~fd~4-~~ ~ iE;t~

(Honghe Hani-Yi Autonomous Region: 2 cities and II counties)

7ti&rr Jt7]<.-!\(Total population: 4,406,334: minorit y population: 439,740)

1lb .ilf JI!!.!R (Qujing Region: I city and 8 counties)

~~ -!l-

(Total population : 3, 7 I 2,900; minority population: 2,003,700)

,u.,~hHi ~a :E~ ~ (Wenshan Zhuang-Miao Autonomous Region: 8 counties)

(Total popu lation: 5,381 ,900; minority population : 4 I 0,590) (Total population: 3,009,309; minority population : 1,679,983)

28

The data are based on -1tdt....=...tr ~m-+t: (Yunnan Yearbook 1993). The popu lation is based on the local census compl eted in the end of 1992.)

120

LSASL28

121

LSASL28

.~:fJI!!.[R

fifi j;t_ ii!!.!R

(Simao Region: I 0 counties)

(Lijiang Region: 4 counties)

(Total population: I ,035,500; minority population: 583,600)

1Ji;t_1t 1h* m;~:~+1 (Nujiang Lisu Autonomous Region: 4 counties) (Total population: 2,280,000; minority population: I ,398, I 00) (Total population: 443 , 134; minority population: 408,832)

& ~ll~.&. tf1 1~-iHl i~'!+l (Xishuang Sanna Dai Autonomous Region: 3 counties)

il!! J.H~.;i.\t

m;·~:~+1

(Diqing Zang Autonomous Region: 3 counties) (Total population: 788, 748; minority population: 588,460) (Total population: 283,535; minority population : 268,648)

;j*

kJ<£ E1 m;~·}1·1 (Dali Bai Autonomous Region: I city and II counties)

il!;;)tii!!.!R (Lincang Region : 8 counties)

:i.f-i:;-.£!;

ilf- ;lf?-.£!;

~~IJ II$

i~;lf?- 1K~j:

(Total population: 3,085,500; minority population: I ,508,800) {;f;:J., !l!!.lR

(Baoshan Region: I city and 4 counties)

(Total population: 2, 166,322; minority population: I ,941 , I 70)

~.t.:t1~;jj:-:f. ~;jt

m;~·J+I

(Dehong Dai-Jingpo Autonomous Region: 2 cities and 4 counties)

(Total population: 931 ,355; minority population : 481 ,937)

m;~.£!c

(Total population : 2,027,400; minority population : 765,400)

122

LSASL28

32.

Character ;t_;t_ (n.)

33.

XX

Appendix B Redup licated Structure in Ku nming Chi nese Note: n. = noun

v. =verb

adj. = adjective

neg. = negative connotation

I. Two-syllable (AA Type) reduplicated nouns and verbs:

I.

Character Jf\Jf\ (n.)

tgma3t~ua2

2.

~a~a

khau4khaul

3.

?1:.-k. 't 't

KunmingHua

(n.)

Gloss claw

123

LSASL28 Kunming Ilua pho4pho1

Gloss bubble

(n.)

phie4phie1

thin , nat piece maternal grandma

34.

J~~

(n.)

pho2phoJ

35.

~~

(n.)

pa2pal

daddy

36.

if, tf, (n.)

ti4til

younger brother

37.

ilft.ifft. (n.)

phiiJ2phil)1

bottle shed; cover

~~nJ~n (n.)

p hul)2phu!JI

hook; button

39.

~~ (n.)

t(;;hi4t(;;hiJ

breath

JJ

(n.)

t(;;hil)4t(;;hil)l

valley

(n.)

sa2tsal

cork; shutter

(n.)

tha2thaJ

pond

38.

(n.)

kho2khoJ

shell

40.

(n.)

so2sol

rope

41.

5.

;ub;ubJL (n.)

t(;;hi2t(;;hirl

cricket

42.

.l..l. !JHi

6.

xay4xeyl

mark

43 .

J,];JJ (n.)

tha2tha1

big jar

7.

fr<.'lil 41Wt.

kuay4kuayl

stick

44.

~ ~

(n.)

t hc2t he I

stage

8.

{e{e (n.)

kui4kui1

dresser

45 .

~!- (n.)

tho4thol

loop vine

4.

(n.) (n.)

9.

J.fl.if!

10.

**- (n.)

II.

ill ill

(n.)

kuar4kuarl ko2kol ko2kol

(n.)

jar; can

46.

tR,.NJ,. (n.)

thay2thayl

small fruit

47.

r.; ill

(n.)

t hul)2t hu!J I

can; pipe

corner

48 .

mm

(n.)

thul)Jthu!J2

altogether; all core; stone meat (child language)

12.

~~ (n.)

khu4khuJ

pants

49.

\ \ (n.)

xu2xu1 I fu2ful

13 .

JU_ (n.)

tau4taul

bean

50.

•{•l

(n.)

ka3ka2

14.

iF] iF] (n.)

tuiJ4tUIJ1

hole

51.

•1\.0J\.

(n.)

pa3pa2

feces; stool (child language)

tu3tu2

horse (child language)

t~huo2t~hu!JI

insect: bug

15.

Htnt

khua3khua2

thigh

52.

(QJ).i& !&

16.

)i )i (n.)

luo2luiJI

cage

53 .

17.

.{,-f., (n.)

mo2mol

small hair

54.

thc4thcl

Mrs.; Madam

shade of the hat

55.

!k !1'. (n.) kk (n.) f81"il (n.)

mo4mol

hat; cap

~~ (n.)

t hu4t hu I

rabbit

18. 19. 20.

&.Jil (n.) tfu tfu (n.) J!J~

22.

**-

24.

tsho2tsh ol mic4mic1

i}. i}. (n.)

21. 23.

(n.)

thio2thiol

(n.)

to4tol mo2mol

(n.)

4~~~ (n.)

kau3keu2

~ft~ft (n.)

(4- ~) #.#.

26.

-il}-il}

(n.)

~Ht (n.)

mei4mei I

heap

11[1-ifl (n.)

pu4pu1

notebook

fine powder

59.

~~~~ (n.)

phc2phcl

badge

60.

.i:!.i:!

to4tol

way; method

doggie

(n.)

square

61.

kuo3ku!J2

dung beetle

t.i!ti (n.) MAt (v.)

fuo4fuiJ1

62.

xo4xo1

to stir; to mi x

nc3nc2

milk; breast

63.

3~1~

(v.)

to4tol

to stomp

(v.)

thi2thil

to carry; to lift

pha2pheJ

racket; to pat

64.

~~t

phi 2phiJ

skin; peel

65.

fiJ, fij, (v.)

ka2kal

to separate; to block

ka4kal

big pole

66.

'£'£

khuiJ4khu!JI

to empty; to dry

pig-tail

67.

41t4ti- (v.)

ta2tal

to build

'i~~

tu2tu1

to read (a little)

29.

l-"~-" (n.)

3 I.

57. 58.

(n./v.)

4il4il JtJt

30.

stripe

younger sister

(n.)

28 .

27.

(n.)

56.

crack; slot

ka2kel

25.

line powder

(n.)

ffl JL!tt JL f. it (n.)

(n.)

pir3pir2 la2la1

basket

68.

(v.) (v.)

124

LSASL28

70.

Character •t•t (v.) loth(. (v.)

71.

!J') J;.] (v.)

72.

~~ (v.)

73 .

#4-f

69.

(v.)

KunmingHua t:;;hr2t:;;hrl

125

LSASL28

Gloss to eat (a little)

Character ;fft;fi't (v.)

KunmingHua

106.

t~Qhio4t~Dhiol

Gloss to pry

wa2wal

to play

107.

.t!.t! (v.)

fu1)2fu!Jl

to sew

po2pol

to peel

108.

1212

(v.)

mo4mol

to grind

tu2tul

to taste

109.

ll} /1!' (v.)

mo2mol

to rub against

pa4pal

to stir; to mix

110.

~~p~§p

lio2liol

to chat

Ill.

il} tl} (v .)

t~Qhie2t~Qhiel

to cut; to slice

(v.)

74.

JP'),Ip•) (v.)

:;;ua2:;;ual

to brush

75.

~~ (v.)

t~Qhi2t~hil

to pqint

76.

1t 1( (v.) ;t;t (v.)

~:.>4~:.>1

to smile

77.

nic4nicl

to read

78.

IPJ IPJ (v.)

vay4vayl /way4wayl

to ask

I.

Character E1 ~H't: (adj ./neg.)

Kunming Hua pa2t:;;a3t:;;a2

Gloss pale (unhealthy)

to smell

2.

.¥-~t~~ (adj./neg.)

pay4t:;; h o3t:;; h o2

clumsy flat; thin

11. Three-syllable (ABB Type) reduplicated adjective, nouns, and verbs

79.

lli] lli] (v.)

vay2vayl

80.

!< !<

(v.)

mc4mcl

to sell

3.

~J,~J,jjj

(adj ./neg.)

pie2t ha3t ha2

81.

W~.t~

(v.)

kua4kual

to hang

4.

(adj./neg.)

pia2~ia3~ia2

nat; thin

82.

i;\ i;\ (v.)

:;;t2:;;t!

to try

5.

it "'f"Tf.J.JC.Ji:.

(adj ./neg.)

piiJ2kho3kho2

ill

to bump

6.

#1 Et~t (adj ./neg.)

piiJ2tho3tho2

very ill

83 .

;jk;jf< (v.)

phu!J4phu!Jl

84.

49<49< (v.)

xua4xual

to change; to exchange

7.

i1i-#JL~JL (adj./neg.)po2far3far2

very thin (material)

85 .

•S•S (v.)

t:;;ha4t:;;hal

to sing

8.

·~e:.,e:.,

tsha3palpal

very sad

to look; to see

9.

ll;f## (adj./neg.)

tshc2t:;;ua4t:;;ua1

obsessed with wealth

10.

tsho2nc3nc4

disgusting

t~ha2:;;uc3:;;uc3

excessively long

t:;; h c2khua3k hua3

tough (meat)

(adj./neg.)

86.

if ;fr

(v.)

kha4khal

87.

iC. iC. (v.)

t~i4t~i1

88.

.§ .§ (v.)

xua4xual

to draw

II.

1\'..lif..lif (adj./neg.) -KJlLil!. (adj ./neg.)

89.

t hu2t hul

to scribble

12.

~14j-{4j-

90.

;'.t,;:t, (v.) ~ _qc, (v.)

phic4phicl

to cheat

13.

~.Ji:..Ji:. (adj./neg.)

t:;;hc2kho3kho2

hard and dry (food)

91.

il,itf_ (v.)

wet; soggy

92.

rough (material)

to write down

(adj ./neg.)

to see off

14.

~JJi:hk (adj ./neg.)

t:;;ho2phaJphaJ

ll!t!fit (v.)

SU!J4SU!Jl t hio4t h io 1

to jump

15.

;l:n.~t~t

(adj ./neg.)

tshulkay3kay2

93.

;;t;;t (v.)

fa4fal

to release

16.

;!:n.·.n~·J

(adj ./neg.)

tshul:;;ua3:;;ua2

rough (surface)

94.

i~ i~

tha2thal

to talk

17.

(adj ./neg.)

ta4te2tal

arrogant

95 .

:;;o2:;;o 1

to say

18.

(adj ./neg.)

ta4xua2xua 1

widely open

96.

i.iL iJL (v.) •!! •!Ji: (v.)

:k.. ~1-~~ :k..".!/'•1/'

tsa2tsal

to suck

19.

iJl.W.4ilt (adj./neg.)

ta4ph ie3ph ie2

tasteless

97.

~') ~') (v.)

to4tol

to chop

20.

f.ii.~~ (adj ./neg.)

tua3t~a2t~Qal

too short

98.

itlt

(v.)

to2tol

to poke

21.

Jt;j))-il} (adj ./neg.)

ay4kuc3kuc2

too hard

99.

Gt~

(v.)

:;;ui4:g;ui I

to nap

22.

Jt iii! (adj ./neg.)

ey4xt~ia3t~Qia3

stiff

100.

~Iff:

(v.)

pha2phal

to crawl

23.

Jt3A:.3Jf. (adj./neg.)

ay4t~hiolt~hio1

tough-hard

101.

l)J:.!j(: (v.)

~ie2~iel

to rest; to break

24.

1/i..Y...'Jl... (adj ./neg.)

fu!J 1t:;; halt:;; hal

insane; crazy

102.

kh

(v.)

til)4til)l

to hammer the nail

25.

kalpie3pie2

dry and flat

103.

1-hf

(v.)

thil)2thil)l

to stop

26.

f1t1t (adj ./neg.) f 4.;4,~; (adj ./neg.)

kaltho3tho2

dry and hard

104.

## (v.) 4-ldt (v.)

a4al

to press

27.

f;{*.~.

kalt~Qiolt~iol

dry (from over-done)

kua2kual

to scrub

28.

f iiUII: (adj ./neg.)

kaljo3jo2

dried-up

105.

(v.)

(adj./neg.)

126

LSASL28

29.

Character .lj ~~~f (adj ./neg.)

Kunming Hua kollio3lio4

30.

.tk.~A;fA

(adj./neg.)

31.

1'i~6:!-

32.

ft,·~·~

33 .

LSASL28

Gloss tall and thin

66.

<;,uaJphalphaJ

too soft

67.

(adj./neg.)

sau4khuJkhu2

skinny

68.

(adj./neg.)

t hu2t~ua3t~ua2

bald

69.

l1, .¥::.¥:: (adj ./neg.)

wu I tso3tso4

dark (dirty)

70.

34.

:k fi'Ui~ (adj ./neg.)

t(;;ielt~ho3t~ho2

sharp; pointed

71.

35.

~41T 41i

lu2kua3kua4

green (ugly-looking)

72.

127

Character l. aWJ (adj .)

Kunming Hua tg;haJtiltil

Gloss almost; close

Jlt.1..1. (adj.) i;t.1..1. (adj.) :kA..Ut (adj.)

tshui4seylsayl

crispy

tshui4seylsayl

green (beautiful color)

ta4lulul

large (eyes)

ta4walwal

large (eyes)

36.

~·Jl•Jl (adj ./neg.)

(;;iaJphay3phey4

fragrant (too strong)

73 .

:k.i.I-i.I- (adj.) ft•"f•"f (adj .) } :k.:k. (adj .) J:tf11t (adj .)

37.

~.lfk.lfk

xalkay3ay4

stupid; foolish

74.

fif~~

38.

!o •jtj•Jii (adj./neg.)

wu2ti3ti2

hastily; rushing

75 .

-t ·~·~

39.

- TT (adj./neg.)

ji4xa4xal / j i4xia4xial instantly

76.

40.

;f~JtJt

suoJkhua3khua2

loose and wide

77.

41.

#iJ~i}lt (adj ./neg.)

(;;ilthaJthaJ

thin and watery

42.

•H?a? (adj ./neg.)

(;;io3tiltil

tiny

43 .

id:!M\M\

(adj ./neg.)

jiu2ni3ni4

greasy

44.

(adj ./neg.)

xc4pha3pha4

47.

t•tMll ,1., !¢!If:: :kif.f if.f ·t:f..tt.tt

48. 49.

45 .

(adj./neg.) (adj ./neg.)

(adj ./neg.)

g;a3xolxol

foolish (but honest)

tolta4ta4

large (and lovely)

ay4tsayltsayl

firm ; solid

(adj.)

fayJtUIJ 1t UIJ l

freshly pinkish

(adj .)

kaltUI]3tUI]3

dry

-t .1..1. (adj.)

ka 1say! say!

nice and dry

.t..t ;fo :fa (adj.)

<;,ualxolxol

nice and soft

78.

a;Uo>fo (adj .)

nua3xolxol

nice and warm

79.

tifo. iifi

lu.2j iiJ I j iiJ I

green (pleasant-looking color)

80.

~·~·~ (adj.)

(;;iallullul

fragrant

scary

81.

;f~~~

suiJllollol

empty (pocket)

sui4tso I tso I

scattered tough; hard

iti (adj .) (adj.)

(adj./neg.)

xa2SUIJ)SUIJ2

dark and shadowy

82.

4ft~!t (adj.)

(adj./neg.)

t(;;ie lliu3liu4

sharp; pointed

83 .

ttHt11 (adj .)

t h ie2ta3l ta3

(adj ./neg.)

t(;;iiJilu3lu2

apprehended

84 .

lil4f.4N( (adj.)

thua2lollol

round

6:l-1f; ifj (adj ./neg.)

khu2(;;iiJ3(;;iiJ2

thin and bony

85 .

~:'3

way3taltal

steady

way3t hoJt ho3

stable

51.

K •-4; •,f. 4HJifj :t>RJlt

52.

46.

:'3 (adj.)

khu2(;;ilc;oil

crying and miserable

86.

;(~~~(adj . )

(adj ./neg.)

khulc;oio3ciiJ2

very skinny

87.

;(~

way3to2to2

stable; steady

(adj ./neg.)

khaJla3la4

too wide; baggy

88 .

lirr .t!r .t!r (adj .)

c;oiiJltg;ha3t~haJ

brand new

]i :t~ (adj ./neg.)

la2wu3wu4

blue (ugly color)

89.

iffd+·~ (adj.)

c;oii]llullul

new

53 .

#J)t.J,.t (adj./neg.)

c;oilnia3nia3

soggy; too watery

90.

•:IH'Ii ot'll (adj.)

ja3tc;o ho 1tc;o hoI

quiet as mute

54.

~ ;fs 45

(adj ./neg.)

la4c;oiu3c;oiu3

in bad shape; worn-out

91.

~11:11: (adj.)

kolSUI]3SUQ3

high (like mountain)

55.

mo4tg;a3t ~ a3

careless

92.

,Sj Ji:j Ji:j (adj .)

kol~a3~a3

tall (and slender)

56.

'll ~L~L (adj ./neg.) :t- \1U1\ (adj ./neg.)

mai2t~hoJt~ho2

in bad luck

93.

JtRPJRR (adj .)

kua It UIJ3t UIJ3

naked

57.

JJ;.f.f

(adj ./neg.)

nia2to3to2

sticky

94.

Jt•l} ·~

kuallullul

naked (and smooth) scared

50.

(adj ./neg.)

..f .t,> (adj .)

(adj .)

58.

~;~;~

(adj ./neg.)

o4lo3lo2

starved

95 .

J.!:I:H;f. (adj.)

kui3tc;oio ltc;oiiJ 1

59.

~ifl.i.fi.

(adj ./neg.)

lu2kua3kua4

greenish (ugly color)

96.

~s~-e.te.

(adj .)

xalpalpal

foolish (and dumb)

60.

i-~4-4- (adj ./neg.)

ts3tu2tu2

purple (ugly color)

97.

M tl:: tL:

(adj .)

xal t~hul t~hul

dumb (but honest)

61.

E1 .it..it (adj.)

pe2xua Ixua I

whitish

98.

xa4t(;;i I tc;oi I

very sweaty

xa4tc;oiiJ l tc;oi!J l

sweaty

xo3lulul

in good condition

62.

El~.i~i.

pa2lallal

in vain

99.

:'t illill (adj.) it if if (adj.)

63 .

pa2saylsayl

white

100.

tNr·~

64.

E1 .1..1. (adj.) E1 **(adj .)

pe2phu3phuJ

pale

101.

'*f.1..i. (adj .)

xo3saylsayl

in good shape

65 .

J(.,JI!-JI! (adj .)

pi2t h ii]3t h ii]3

straight

102.

.'fJt.i} (adj .)

xa2lullul

black (pleasant-looking)

(adj.)

(adj .)

128

103.

LSASL28 Character .'l.1J"JJ"ftll (adj.)

LSASL28 Kunming Hua ta3t!
Gloss to draw circles

rr## (v.)

ta3~ua4~ua I

to hover

~~~(v.)

to3molmol

to play hide and seek

3~JiUft.. (v.)

tuaylkhaylkhay l

to squat over a hole

~"'=*' =*' (v./neg.)

t1?ha3to3to3

to avoid

KunmingHua xe2jiuljiul

Gloss black (and shiny)

140 .

Character hIll JL 00 JL (v.)

xo2lullul

alive (and active)

141.

xo2t ho2t ho2

loose and shaky

142.

104.

;"f;Jfi:.J.~

105.

;1; M.JJL (adj .)

106.

;}(_:!~*(adj.)

xo3lio2lio2

burning feeling

143 .

107.

h-1.-l. (adj.)

xul)2tiultiul

red and lovely

144.

(adj.)

129

108.

4l'3:i'3 (adj.)

xeu4ta3ta3

thick and clumsy

145.

•tl~ /~

t1? h t2t1? h a3t1? h a3

to eat lousy food

109.

Al~r~l·

(adj .)

xuilphu2phu2

gray, faded color

146.

ta3tsau4tsaul

to develop wrinkles

110.

:Itt~~~

(adj.)

khaJSUI)ISUI)I

wide; spacious

147.

h!lJI:§.t (v./neg.) rrt})..i'JA (v./neg.)

ta3tul)4tul)3

to develop wrinkles

Ill.

]HH'i

148.

1; iHl. (v./neg.)

xc4wa2wal

to be pregnant

XUI)IXUI)3XUI)4

to food around

khualkhua3khua 4

to lie

(adj.)

la2jil)lljil)l

blue (lovely color)

(v./neg.)

112.

$•\}•\} (adj.)

kucllullul

docile

149.

~~~

113.

Af1 ~;} (n.)

pu4t h io2t h io I

cloth stripe

150.

ill ill ill(v./neg.)

114.

:PHJ!!.Ht (n.)

tsh4khoJkhoJ

thorny bush

115.

;k.iP)if'] (n.)

ta4tul)4t hu!JI

big hole

116.

Jdt# (n.)

~ay2ja4jal

appearance; the look

117.

1iJa I t
mountain peak

118.

J.J ;k ;k (n.) J.J it} it} (n.)

1iJalkeulkeul

valley

119.

.l.JTT (n.)

1iJalkhaJkhal

valley

120.

J.J;%;% (n.)

1?alwolwol

mountainous area

121.

idl '\ '\ (n.)

j io2t
smell of(cooking) oil

122.

~~fi.~fi. (n.)

ku2tuiltuil

pile of rice

123.

;;(,** (n.)

kualt
empty rack , shelf empty shelf

124.

~** (n.)

khul)lt
125.

k

ta4t hau2t haul

gang leader

126.

~!1:-!H:!

tu2wa2wal

only child (lonely)

127.

idlll1JJ1 (n./neg.) idlJJ!rJJ!r (n./neg.)

jio2tu4tul

potbelly

128.

jio2jio2jiol

thick grease (at the bottom)

129.

•.kAt~

t1?hiulsolsol

*-** (n./neg.)

a way of doping

130.

ta4t heu2t haul

gang leader

J.J .f.¥.- (n./neg.) J.J ;l:;l: (n./neg.)

1iJa I t
mountainous area

132.

1iJalwa4wal

mountainous area

133 .

.tat~l

(n./neg.)

tso3phie2phiel

Jelly

134.

~'ljB<;Ji(.

(n./neg.)

xo4tho2thoJ

trouble maker

135.

138.

~*iii iit (v.) h 5l5l (v.) h f:J f:J (v.) h&& (v.)

139.

AT~~

131.

136. 137.

** (n./neg.) (n./neg.)

(n./neg.)

(v.)

tsh c lmi4mi I

to work on a riddle

ta3t1iJhaJ t1?haJ

to draw a cross

ta3keulkaul

to draw a tick

ta3ku2kul

to bear seeds

ta3phioJphiol

to wobble

(v./ncg.)

130

LSASL28

Location

Appendix C Tones of Yunnanese varieties Note: UL =Upper Level (yinping, rJJ-'f) R = Rising (shangsheng, J:. ji)

LL = Lower Level (yangping, rEl-'f) D = Departing (qusheng, 4; ji)

E =Entering (rushing, Aj.) UE =Upper Entering (yinru, rJ]A) ME = Mid Entering (zhongru,
Location

Tone category and tone value

Region UL

LL

R

D

Kunming Chenggong Arming Fum in Luchuan Songming Yiliang Lunan/Yi Dongchuan

I I I I I I I I I

44 44 44 44 44 44 44 44 44

31 31 31 31 31 31 31 31 31

53 53 53 53 53 53 53 53 53

212 212 211 213 213 213 212 213 212

Zhao tong Ludian Qiaojia Yanjin Daguan Yongshan Zhenxiong

4 4 4 4 4 4 4

55 44 55 44 55 55 55

31 3I 31 31 31 31 3I

53 53 53 53 53 53 53

212 213 212 212 213 212 213

Yiliang Wuixin Qujin Malong Xuanwei Fuyuan Luoping Shizong Huize Xundian!Hui Zhanyi Chuxiong Shuangpuo Muding Nanhua Yiao'an

I 4 I I I I

55 55 44 44 44 44 44 44 44 44 44 44 55 44 44 44

31 31 31 31 3I 31 31 3I 31 31 42 42 43 31 31 31

53 53 53 53 53 53 53 53 53 53 53 53 21 53 53 53

213 212 213 313 213 213 213 2 13 214 213 213 213 213 212 213 213

I

I 4 I I

4 I I I I

131

LSASL28 Tone category and tone value

Region UL

LL

R

D

Dayao Yongrcn Yuanmou Wuding Lufeng Yipinglang Yanfeng Yanxing Guangtong Yuxi Jiangchuan Chengjiang Tonghai Huaning Yimen Eshan/ Yi Xinping/Yi I &Di 2 Yuanjiang/ Hani&Yi&Di 1-lexi

44 55 44 44 44 44 44 55 44 44 44 44 55 55 44 44

31 31 31 31 31 31 31 42 31 31 31 31 31 31 31 31

53 53 53 53 53 53 53 332 52 52 21 52 44 42 52 53

212 213 213 213 212 212 213 213 212 212 325 213 212 213 213 212

55 55

31 31

53 41

213 213

44

31

53

213

2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2

55 55 55 44 55 44 44 55 55 55 55 55 55 55 55 55 55 44 44 44 55

42 42 52 53 41 31 31 42 53 31 31 53 42 42 42 42 42 31 31 31 31

33 53 33 33 33 53 53 33 33 33 33 33 33 53 53 44 44 53 53 53 53

211 212 211 212 212 212 213 211 211 213 213 21 I 212 21 I 211 211 3 II 212 212 212 211

44 55 55

31 31 31

53 42 53

323 212 213

Gejiu Kaiyuan Mengzi Jianshui Shiping Mile Luxi Yuanyang Ilonghe Jinping Luchun Pinbian!Mi Quxi Wcnshan Yanshan Xichou Maguan Qiubei Guangnan Funing Malipuo Simao Pu'er Jingdong

132

LSASL28

Location

Region

Dati Yangbi Xiangyun Binchuan Midu Yongping Heqing Nanjian/Yi Wenshan/Yi &Hui Xiaguan Fengyi Baoshan Tengchong Lungling Changning Luxi Lianghe Yinjiang Longchuan Ruili Wanding Yongsheng Huaping Ninglang!Yi Lushui Bijiang Fugong Lanping Gongshan/ Dulong&Nu Zhongdian Deqin Weixi

Location

Tone category and tone value UL

LL

R

D

55 44 55

31 31 31

53 53 42

213 213 213

44 55 44

31 31 31

54 53 53

212 212 213

55 44 44 55

31 31 31 31

42 53 53 53

323 212 212 323

3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3

44 44 44 44 44 44 44 55

31 31 31 31 31 31 31 21

53 53 53 53 53 53 53 42

212 212 212 2 12 212 212 212 24

3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3

44 44 44 42 55 44 44 44 55 44 44 44 44 434 55 44 44 44 55 45

31 31 31 31 31 31 31 31 31 31 31 31 31 31 31 31 31 31 31 31

53 53 53 55 42 53 53 53 53 53 53 53 53 42 53 53 53 53 52 53

213 212 212 213 213 212 213 211 213 212 213 21 212 45 213 212 213 213 213 213

3 3 3 3

55 44 44 44

31 31 31 31

53 53 53 53

213 213 213 213

Jinggu Zhenyuan Muojiang/hani I Menglian/Lahu Di&Lahu?Wa I Lancang' Lahu I Ximeng/Wa I Jiangchen/Hani &Yi I .Jinghong I Menghai I Mengla I

LSASL28

Lingcang Fengqing Yongde Shuangjiang Gengma!Di &Wa Zhenkang Yunxian Cangyuan/ Wa

133 Region

Tone category and tone value UL

LL

R

D

I 3 3 I

44 55 44 55

31 31 31 31

53 53 52 53

213 45 55 213

3 3 3 3

44 44 55 44

31 31 31 31

53 53 53 53

45 45 213 213

II. Five-tone group Location

Shuijiang Shuifu Liliang Yunlong Eryuan Dengchuan Jianchuan

Tone category and tone value

Region

4 4 I 3 3 3 3

UL

LL

R

D

E

55 45 44 44 44 44 55

31 31 54 52 54 53 42

53 53 42 31 31 32 31

312 213 213 45 213 213 313

33 33 314 2 12 21 21 21

Ill. Three-tone group Location

Shidian Lijiang/Naxi

Tone category and tone va lue

Region

3 3

UL

LL

D

55 31

42 53

212 313

IV . Seven-tone group Location

Tone category and tone value

Region UL

Hekou

2/ 1

55

LL

31

R

2 12

E

D

44

UE

ME

LE

33

21

54

134

LSASL28

Appendix D Wave forms and tone contours

LSASL28

135

II. Wave form of syllable [ma2] and contour of Tone 2 (with tone value /31/)

I. Wave form of syllable [mal] and contour of Tone I (with tone value /441)

l28 228

lllllfz/Lg Z:A/Act lue/fs1'10othl3. 333secs I

2:A/Act Iue1Fs1100tl113. 333secs) I sees I

(sees]

136

LSASL28

LSASL28

IV. Wave form of syllable [ma53] and contour of Tone 4 (with tone value /2lf) Ill. Wave form of sy ll able (ma3) and contour of Tone 3 (with tone value /53!)

ZZ8

\ \ \

(sees)

__, 8lllfz/Lg Z:tVAct i ve1Fs1100th<J .333secs)

137

138

LSASL28

139

LSASL28 Appendix E Census of Kunming urban area (obtained in 1999)

V. Comparison of contours of Tone I and Tone 2 male: 851,266

Total population: 1,611 ,969

4

Population 91186 17775 19437 18977 18648 16349

5-9 5 6 7 8 9

82290 14864 15852 18544 19010 14020

10 - 14 10 12 13 14

111646 15669 21349 25418 24983 24227

15 - 19 15 16 17 18 19

187310 25070 30910 39127 44096 48107

20-24 20 21 22 23 24

203073 46460 51076 40417 30777 34343

25-29 25 26 27 28 29

170493 36482 42074 43375 28214 20348

Group 0- 4 0

Age

228

I

2 3

r ·/

\

v ·" ~

~J

\

\_-J··

\

1811WL,

II (sees)

VI.

Comparison of contours of Tone 3 and Tone 4

220

female: 760,703

140

LSASL28

141

LSASL28

Age Group 30-34 30 31 32 33 34

Population 135113 24928 22398 29767 27970 30050

Age Group 65 - 69 65 66 67 68 69

Population 38734 8538 7882 7711 7760 6843

35-39 35 36 37 38 39

144192 32228 32352 30132 27599 21881

70-74 70 71 72 73 74

26173 6012 5453 5118 4896 4694

40 - 44 40 41 42 43 44

107966 25771 21957 20744 21598 17896

75 - 79 75 76 77 78 79

16258 4122 3900 3084 2722 2430

45-49 45 46 47 48 49

83717 16893 17055 17117 16274 16378

80-84 81 82 83 84 85

7343 2196 1745 1433 1060 909

50-54 50 51 52 53 54

80459 1574 1 16028 16815 16060 15815

85-89 85 86 87 88 89

2501 757 566 491 393 294

55 - 59 55 56 57 58 59

68788 13954 13889 14555 13147 13243

90-94 90 91 92 93 94

503 191 123 84 61 44

60-64 60 61 62 63 64

54128 12692 11303 11799 9975 8359

95-99 95 96 97 98 99

84 35 20 15 9 5

I 00 and above

12

142

LSASL28

LSASL28 Editorial

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Kunming Chinese MING CHAO GUI

University of Oklahoma

Kunming Chinese, commonly regarded as lingua franca of Yunnan province, is a major variety of Yunnanese, a member of Southwestern Mandarin. Based primarily on the linguistic typology and geographic distribution, Kunming Chinese has been further classified In one of the four major subgroups of Yunnanese: Central Yunnan group. Kunming Chinese, as well as all the dialects In Yunnan province, has a long history of The development, which can probably be traced back to Qin and Han dynasties. languages of twenty-four ethnic groups Inhabiting in the same speech community also play a very important role in the development of Kunming Chinese. Until now Kunming Chinese remains a less studied dialect and no complete work has been done on Its major grammatical aspects, especially morphology and syntax.

This book is intended to provide a descriptive account for the grammar of Kunming Chinese as spoken in Kunming city and its vlcinHies. The major topics discussed are: phonetics and phonology; the phonological developments in the past sixty years; morpheme categories and word formation ; grammatical categories, syntactic categories; sentence types and structures. Special discussions are given to the idiosyncratic features of the dialect: fronting and deletion of nasal In nasal rhymes, loss of rhotic initial series, breathy phonation; infix, the function and loss of • -er" suffix, word blending, reduplication and Hs Interaction with tone change ; question words and question formation . The book also features an interlinear text with transcription and translation demonstrating the major features discussed. The author Ming Chao Gui teaches Chinese and linguistics at the Department of Modem Languages, Literatures and Linguistics of the University of Oklahoma, Norman campus, USA. He has regular publication on this dialect in the past ten years.

ISBN 3 89588 634 2. Languages ofthe World/Materials 340 . Ca. 80 pp. USO 34.50 I OM 64/£ 24.