A Tajik Persian Reference Grammar

A TAJIK PERSIAN REFERENCE GRAMMAR BY

JOHN R. PERRY

BRILL LEIDEN-BOSTON 2005

CONTENTS Tables and Charts

Xlll

Preface

XV

Introduction CHAPTER ONE. Phonology and Orthography 1.1 Integration of Sound and Script PHONOLOGY 1.2 Vowels (1): Stable and Unstable 1.3 Vowels (2): Individual Qualities 1.4 Vowels (3): Lowering, Glides, Diphthongs 1.5 Consonants

1 13 13 15 15 17 20 22

MORPHOPHONOLOGY 1.6 Syllables and Stress 1.7 Phonotactics 1.8 Alternation and Suppletion

25 25 28 29

ORTHOGRAPHY 1.9 Writing Systems: Introduction 1.10 Cyrillic (1): General 1.11 Cyrillic (2): Consonants 1.12 Cyrillic (3): Vowels and Semi-vowels 1.13 Perso-Arabic (1): General 1.14 Perso-Arabic (2): Vowels 1.15 Morphographics 1.16 Segmentation and Punctuation

33 33 35 38 39 43 47 51 56

CHAPTER TWO. Morphology: Nominals 2.1 General Observations NOUNS 2.2 Gender 2.3 Gender and Age

61 61 61 61 62

VI

CONTENTS

2.4 2.5 2.6 2.7 2.8 2.9

Number (1) Number (2) Number (3) Definiteness and Specificity (1) Definiteness and Specificity (2) Definiteness and Specificity (3)

IZOFAT AND -RO 2.10 The izofat Constructions: Common Features 2.11 Adjectival izofat 2.12 Nominal izofat (1} 2.13 Nominal izofat (2) 2.14 Nominal izofat (3) 2.15 Nominal izofat (4) 2.16 Particular izofat. Structures 2.17 The Enclitic -ro 2.18 Other Uses of-ro

63 64 65 66 69 71 71 71 73 74 76 77 77 78 79 82

ADPOSITIONS 2.19 Prepositions: Simple 2.20 Prepositions: Derived 2.21 Prepositional Phrases (1) 2.22 Prepositional Phrases (2) 2.23 Postpositions 2.24 Postpositions of Opportunity 2.25 Circumpositions 2.26 The Vocative

84 84 91 93 99 101 103 105 106

PRONOMINALS 2.27 Personal Pronouns: Forms 2.28 Personal Pronouns: Functions 2.29 Pronominal Enclitics: Forms 2.30 Pronominal Enclitics: Functions 2.31 Demonstratives 2.32 Reflexive and Emphatic Pronouns 2.33 'Other', and Reciprocal Pronouns 2.34 Interrogatives 2.35 Interrrogative Phrases 2.36 Indefinite and Specific Pronouns: 'Some —'

107 107 110 112 113 117 119 121 123 126 127

CONTENTS

VII

2.37 Indefinite Pronouns and Adjectives 2.38 Universal Pronouns: 'Each, All, None; One'

129 130

ADJECTIVES 2.39 General Features 2.40 Attributive Functions 2.41 Predicative Functions 2.42 Comparison of Adjectives 2.43 The Superlative 2.44 Similes, Intensives, Attenuatives 2.45 Quantifiers: 'Much' and 'Little'

133 133 135 137 139 142 144 147

ADVERBS 2.46 Adverbs (1): General; Place and Time 2.47 Adverbs (2): Degree and Manner. 2.48 Adverbs (3): Compound and Phrasal

148 148 154 158

NUMERALS 2.49 Cardinal Numbers 2.50 Number Phrases (1) 2.51 Number Phrases (2) 2.52 Ordinal Numbers 2.53 Numerical Expressions 2.54 Days, Dates, Time 2.55 Everyday Mathematics

161 161 163 165 166 168 171 174

CHAPTER THREE. Morphology: Verbs

177

VERB STRUCTURE 3.1 Overview 3.2 Stem Classes (1) 3.3 Stem Classes (2) 3.4 Personal Inflections 3.5 Prefixes 3.6 TheVerb'ToBe'(l) 3.7 The Verb 'To Be' (2) 3.8 The Verb'To Have'

177 177 182 183 194 197 199 203 206

CONJUGATIONS: SIMPLE 3.9 Tenses from the Aorist

208 208

VIII

CONTENTS

3.10 3.11 3.12 3.13

Present Indicative: Forms Present Indicative: Functions Simple Past Imperfect

209 211 212 214

CONJUGATIONS: COMPOUND

216

3.14 3.15 3.16 3.17

216 217 219 221

Definite Future Perfect Indicative Pluperfect Indicative Stative Verbs

PROGRESSIVE TENSES

223

3.18 Present Progressive 3.19 Past Progressive 3.20 Other Progressive Constructions

223 225 226

NON-WITNESSED MODE 3.21 The Perfect as a Non-Witnessed Form 3.22 Non-Witnessed Durative 3.23 Non-Witnessed Past 3.24 Non-Witnessed Past Progressive

227 227 229 231 233

THE SUBJUNCTIVE

234

3.25 3.26 3.27 3.28 3.29

234 236 237 239 240

Present Subjunctive Past Subjunctive Durative Past Subjunctive Present Progressive Subjunctive Imperative and Optative

CONJECTURAL MOOD

243

3.30 3.31 3.32 3.33

243 244 245 246

The Conjectural Mood: Introduction Past Conjectural Present-Future Conjectural Present Progressive Conjectural

PASSIVE VOICE 3.34 Passive Voice: Forms 3.35 Passive Voice: Function (1) 3.36 Passive Voice: Function (2)

247 247 249 251

CONTENTS

IX

NON-FINITE FORMS

253

3.37 3.38 3.39 3.40 3.41 3.42 3.43 3.44 3.45 3.46

253 256 258 260 263 264 267 271 274 276

Infinitives Other Nouns of Action and Activity Verbal Adjectives and Adverbs Participles: General Present Participle [kunanda] Future Participle [kardarii] Past Participles I and II Past Participle II [kardagi] Present Progressive Participle [karda isiodal -gT] Present-Future Participle [mekardagT]

CHAPTER FOUR. Syntax

279

PHRASE AND SIMPLE SENTENCE

279

4.1 4.2 4.3 4.4 4.5 4.6 4.7 4.8 4.9 4.10

279 283 285 287 288 290 291 293 296 300

The Noun Phrase The Simple Sentence: Word Order Subject and Complement Object Marking Gapping and Ellipsis Verbal Agreement Questions (1): Word Order and Intonation Questions (2): Particles Responses and Exclamations Sentence Adverbs and Enclitics

THE COMPLEX SENTENCE

302

4.11 4.12 4.13 4.14 4.15 4.16 4.17 4.18 4.19

302 306 308 309 311 316 318 321 326

Coordinate Conjuncts: 'and' Disjunctive Conjuncts Parallel Conjuncts Adversative Conjuncts Sentential Complements (1): Ground Rules Sentential Complements (2): Particular Types Miscellaneous Sentential Complements Reporting Speech Serial Verb Coordination

MODAL CONSTRUCTIONS

330

4.20 Necessity and Obligation

330

X

CONTENTS

4.21 4.22 4.23 4.24 4.25

Presumption, Probability, Possibility Ability Volition The Verb Sudan Hortative, Inceptive, and Related Constructions

334 337 340 342 345

SUBORDINATE CLAUSES: PREPOSED

349

4.26 4.27 4.28 4.29 4.30 4.31 4.32 4.33 4.34

349 353 356 358 360 362 364 370 371

General Temporal Clauses (1) Temporal Clauses (2) The Conjunction to Circumstantial Clauses Substitution of ki in Preposed Clauses Adverbial Clauses of Place, Manner, Degree Miscellaneous Adverbial Clauses Concessive Clauses

CONDITIONAL SENTENCES

375

4.35 4.36 4.37 4.38

375 378 379 382

Conditionals Conditionals Conditionals Conditionals

(1): Basic Rules; Possible Conditions (2): Counterfactual (3): Actual Conditions (4): Variations and Idioms

CLAUSES USUALLY POSTPOSED

387

4.39 Temporal and Explanatory Clauses 4.40 Clauses of Result and Purpose 4.41 Postposed Clauses with to

387 389 392

RELATIVE CLAUSES

394

4.42 4.43 4.44 4.45 4.46 4.47

Relative Clauses Relative Clauses Relative Clauses Relative Clauses Relative Clauses Nominalizations

(1): Synopsis (2): Non-Restrictive (3): Restrictive (4): Anomalies (5): Specialized Types

CHAPTER FIVE. Lexis and Sociolinguistics NOMINALS: CONVERSION AND SUFFIXES 5.1 Homonymy and Conversion

394 398 402 405 407 411 415 415 415

CONTENTS

5.2 5.3 5.4 5.5

Suffixes Suffixes Suffixes Suffixes

X]

(1): Main Noun Formatives (2): Other Noun Formatives (3): Main Adjective and Adverb Formatives (4): Other Adjective and Adverb Formatives

418 422 425 429

NOMINALS: PREFIXES AND COMPOUNDS

431

5.6 5.7 5.8 5.9 5.10 5.11 5.12

431 435 436 437 440 441 444

Prefixes Compounds: Determinative Compounds: Possessive Verb-Stem Agentives Stem I Activity Nouns Coordinates and Phrases Reduplication and Expressives

v

VERBS: DERIVATION

446

5.13 Denominal, Factitive, and Transitivizing Verbs 5.14 Causative Verbs (1) 5.15 Causative Verbs (2)

446 448 450

VERBS: COMPOSITION

452

5.16 5.17 5.18 5.19 5.20 5.21

452 457 459 462 467 473

Complex Verbs (1) Complex Verbs (2) Composite Verbs (1) Composite Verbs (2) Conjunct Verbs (1) Conjunct Verbs (2)

SOCIAL AND HISTORICAL NOTES 5.22 Modes of Address 5.23 The Arabic Element 5.24 Lexical Distribution, Persian ~ Tajik 5.25 Uzbek and Turkic Influences 5.26 Russian Influences 5.27 Chronology of Tajik Persian Bibliography Grammatical Index Cyrillic Index Arabic Index

477 477 480 482 484 486 489 493 497 505 513

TABLES AND CHARTS Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig.

1.2 1.5 1.6 1.10 1.13

Tajik Vowels Consonants Statement Intonation Profiles The Tajik Alphabet: Cyrillic and Latin The Tajik Alphabet: Perso-Arabic

15 23 28 37 46

Fig. 2.7 Fig. 2.27 Fig. 2.29 Fig. 2.49a Fig. 2.49b Fig. 2.54

Definiteness and Specificity in Nouns Personal Pronouns Pronominal Enclitics Numbers 0-19 Numbers 20 - 1000 Months of the Tajik Year

68 108 113 161 162 173

Fig. 3.1 Fig. 3.3a

178

Fig. 3.4 Fig. 3.6a Fig. 3.6b Fig. 3.6c Fig. 3.7a Fig. 3.7b

Tentative Synopsis of the Tajik Tenses Irregular Verb Stems: Infinitive -> Stem I (Present Stem) Irregular Verb Stems: Stem I (Present Stem) -> Infinitive, Cyrillic Irregular Verb Stems: Stem I (Present Stem) —> Infinitive, Perso-Arabic Verb: Personal Endings 'To Be': Enclitic Forms (Present Indicative) 'To Be': Independent Forms (Present Indicative) 'To Be': Negative (Present Indicative) 'To Be': Aorist 'To Be': Simple Past Tense

Fig. 3.9a Fig. 3.9b Fig. 3.10a

Aorist: зистан/зи- -jjüXü"* JJ Aorist: гиристан/гиря- - ^ J S N ^ L L - J ^ S Present Indicative: кардан/ кун-

Fig. 3.10b Fig. 3.10c Fig. 3.12

~ 6 * \ о - О * Чd o > a m d o i n 8 ' Present Indicative: омадан/ о(й)- -(J)! \^±*1 Present Indicative, omadarr: Variants Simple Past: kardam 'I did, made'

Fig. 3.3b Fig. 3.3c

186 190 192 194 200 201 202 203 206 208 209 2 0 9

210 211 213

XIV

TABLES AND CHARTS

Fig. 3.13 Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig.

3.14 3.15 3.16 3.18 3.19

Fig. 3.22 Fig. 3.23 Fig. 3.24 Fig. 3.25 Fig. 3.26 Fig. 3.27 Fig. 3.28 Fig. 3.31 Fig. 3.32 Fig. 3.33 Fig. 3.40 Fig. 3.42

Fig. 4.7

Imperfect: mekardam 'I was doing, used to do; would do' 214 Definite Future: xoham kard 'I shall do' 216 Perfect Indicative: kardaam 'I have done' 217 Pluperfect Indicative: karda budam 'I had done' 219 Present Progressive: karda istodaam 'I am doing' 224 Past Progressive: karda istoda budam 'I was doing/ making' 225 Non-Witnessed Durative: mekardaast 'he is (evidently) doing/used to do/ will do' 229 Non-Witnessed Pluperfect: karda budaast 'he (evidently) had done' 231 Non-Witnessed Past Progressive: karda istoda budaast 'he was (evidently) doing/ making' 233 Present Subjunctive: kunam '(that) I do/ make' 234 Past Subjunctive: karda bosam 'I might have done' ....236 Durative Past Subjunctive: mekarda bosam 'I might have done/ be doing' 237 Present Progressive Subjunctive: karda istoda bosam 'I may be doing' 239 Past Conjectural: kardagist- l-gi- 'I suppose [he] did; [you] might have done', etc 244 Present-Future Conjectural: mekardagist-/ -gi'[he] might be doing/ about to do', etc 245 Present Progressive Conjectural: karda istodagist-/ -gi- '[he] might be doing', etc 246 Participles: Characteristic Features 261 Participial Quasi-Future Tense: kardaniam 'I am going to do, intend doing' 265 Question Intonation Profiles

293

PREFACE

This work aims to provide quick, easy, and comprehensive access to the grammatical structures of Tajik Persian of Central Asia, as used in writing and educated speech from the early years of the twentieth century onward. The detailed lists of contents and tables, plus three separate indexes, will enable users at any level of competence, whether familiar with the Cyrillic or the Perso-Arabic writing system, to find a particular paradigm or syntagm with illustrations of usage. The range and types of Tajik exemplified and the approach and procedures employed here are described in the first three sections of the Introduction; grammatical terms and abbreviations used are defined in the last three sections. Tajik Persian has been changing rapidly in the past three generations. This is partly a response to natural processes as its speakers come to grips with political and social upheavals; partly due to the influence of Uzbek, Russian and other foreign languages; and in particular the result of two waves of government-sponsored linguistic engineering. It is one of the objects of this grammar to note aspects of these changes, the better to meet the various needs of scholars and students as this remarkable language approaches its centenary (or, from a broader perspective, the fifth decade of its second millennium). My debt to the work of other scholars may be gauged from the Bibliography; Gilbert Lazard, Lutz Rzehak, and Gernot Windfuhr merit particular mention for personal help and encouragement beyond their publications. I am happy to acknowledge an award from the U.S. Department of Education under the Title VI International Research and Studies Program during 2002-03, which enabled me to undertake this project unencumbered by academic duties. Sincere thanks are due to several Tajik friends and colleagues for direct and indirect assistance with grammatical points, notably Gulnora Aminova, Azim Baizoyev, and especially HadiyaNazirova. I am particularly grateful to multiliterate metagrammarian Judith Wilks for her meticulous copy-editing and

XVI

PREFACE

proofing, and for applying a user's perspective to some potentially opaque passages. The expert advice of Brill's editor, and of the anonymous reader, provided a further safety net Any shortcomings in the final product are to be laid at my door alone. Chicago, September 2004

INTRODUCTION History and Actuality Tajik Persian, or Tajik for short {zaboni tojikT, zaboniforsii tojik), is the variety of New Persian used in Tajikistan and parts of Uzbekistan, including the cities of Bukhara and Samarkand. Since the 1920s it has been fostered as the national and literary language of the Soviet Socialist Republic (from 1991, the independent Republic) of Tajikistan. Other designations in English are the older 'Tadzhik" (through Russian, hence the unnecessary trigraph dzh) and the newer "Tajiki" or "Tojiki," which seem almost as un-English in a different way. The Tajik and Iranian Persian speech areas are not contiguous, but lie at opposite ends of a continuum with Persian dialects of Afghanistan in between, and interrupted by areas of Turkic (Turkmen and Uzbek) speech. Spoken Tajik has been evolving independently of Persian of Iran since at least the sixteenth century, but the written language (which functioned as the common language of high culture, government and diplomacy in Iran, Central Asia, and India) maintained a near-universal standard, based on Classical Persian, until the early decades of the twentieth century (see Chronology, 5.26). In the Soviet period, with the promotion of a more vernacular style and lexicon and the systematic introduction of Russian loanwords, language change was more rapid. The writing system was switched from Arabic to Latin (on regular phonemic principles) in 1928, then to Cyrillic (following Russian-specific rules) in 1939. The modern literary language {zaboni adabii hozirai tojik), as planned and exemplified by Soviet Tajik writers of the 1920s and 1930s, was based loosely on the style of the old cultural center, Bukhara; it contained many Uzbek loanwords and some syntactic structures calqued on Uzbek usage. In recent decades writers from different regions of Tajikistan, and some who have traveled abroad, have been introducing a more varied style, including features closer to Persian of Iran. Literacy is now defined not as the eradication of a previous script

2

INTRODUCTION

and its replacement by one more ideologically correct, but as education in the current revised Cyrillic, plus the Perso-Arabic of the Classics and the neighboring Persian-speaking states, plus the Latin of the Western world. Post-modern Tajik is still in transition. Apart from the vacillations in orthography and style which can be seen in literature and the press, there are undoubtedly shifts in pronunciation and idiom underway as demographic fluctuations change the composition of urban populations and the nature of interregional links. In the space of a mere two generations, Tajik has been one of the most consciously, intensively, and rapidly "planned" languages ever— both at the stage of Russianization (late 1920s to 1950s) and again during re-Persianization (late 1980s onward). It has three complementary identities: as a linear descendant of the conservative literary standard historically dominant in the region (Classical Persian); as a distinct modern written variety of international Persian, closely related to modern Persian of Iran (färsi) and of Afghanistan (dari)\ and as a cluster of regional dialects, of which the Northern group is strongly Turkicized (see 5.24). Given such a complex history and politico-cultural economy, and a future again on the drawing board, what should a comprehensive current grammar of this language aspire to be? There are available a number of Tajik grammars of limited scope for specialized readerships. Rastorgueva's "sketch" (1954) is an excellent short (Russian-style and Russocentric) linguistic description of Modern Literary Tajik (MLT) as conceived and nurtured up to its zenith. The three-volume grammar of Rustamov et al (in Tajik, completed in 1989, on the eve of the dissolution of the USSR) profits from six decades of Tajik writing to provide a wealth of examples of all stages of MLT, but like all committee products it is uneven in theory and exposition. Studies by foreign linguists from the perspective of Iranian or Afghan Persian (Birnbaum, Farhadi, Lazard, Raja'i) fill in some of the blanks in terms of historical and regional variations. A new generation of teaching manuals for the post-Soviet language, presuming no collateral language experience, is already in action (e.g., Rzehak 1999, Baizoyev and Hayward 2004). Each type may claim to be a grammar of Tajik to some extent, but none is truly comprehensive.

INTRODUCTION

3

Colloquial and Dialect Usage Tajik dialectology is too large (and incomplete) a topic to attempt to summarize in what is primarily a grammar of the written language. However, the written language as codified during the 1920s-1930s was explicitly based upon a particular dialect group, and socialist ideology consciously privileged vernacular usage in general over what was seen as emulation of calcified Classical models by a tiny literate elite. The following observations are confined to such aspects of regional dialect and spoken usage as have palpably affected the written language, and as such may be mentioned in passing in the Grammar. Tajik dialects may be divided broadly into two groups: Northwestern and Southeastern, corresponding in rough topographical terms to the lowlands and highlands respectively of the Oxus basin. Several refinements of this scheme have been proposed, and much fieldwork remains to be done. The scheme adopted here distinguishes four groups: (1) Northern, comprising Bukhara, Samarkand, and Derbend in Uzbekistan, the Ferghana Valley (including Khujand), and extending down the Varzob valley to the region of the capital, Dushanbe. (2) Central, comprising the upper Zarafshon valley. (3) Southern, stretching south and east of the capital, in Kulob and Qarotigin regions, including Gharm, as far as the Pamirs. (4) Southeastern, in Mountain Badakhshan and adjacent areas. Only the first three, which have been to an extent exemplified in literature, are referred to in the Grammar (chiefly in respect of variants in verb paradigms). Northern dialects have been influenced to varying degrees by Uzbek, with which there is widespread bilingualism (5.24). A distinctive subvariety of Northern Tajik speech, with its own literature, is the JudeoPersian of the Bukhara Jews, most of whom have emigrated. Some Southern and Southeastern dialects have strong affinities with those of the left bank of the upper Oxus in Afghanistan's province of Badakhshan. Tajik is also the contact vernacular (called forsT) of Mountain Badakhshan, extending into Afghanistan and Wakhan. In these regions the mother tongue of a majority of the population is one of the Eastern Iranian dialects of the Pamir group, related distantly to Tajik Persian

4

INTRODUCTION

but far from mutually comprehensible with it. The so-called Tajiks of southwest Xinjiang, in and around Tashqurghon, are speakers of the Pamir languages Sarikoli and Wakhi, not Persian. It was in fact a literary variety of Northern speech, not a transcription of the vernacular, that came to form the basis of modern Tajik Persian. This special language variety, devised for educational purposes, was an invention of the Jadids of the Bukhara emirate, reformists such as Abdulvohid Munzim, Abdurauf Fitrat, and Sadriddin Ayni (Aini). At the dawn of the twentieth century, these men founded modern schools for Persian-speaking youth and devised a practical form of Persian in which to teach a modern curriculum. From the outset, both script and style were a compromise: the Perso-Arabic of the primers varied the traditional spelling to accommodate local pronunciation, and madrasainspired catechisms were wrapped in the near-Uzbek syntax of village speech. But its origins in Perso-Arabic script ensured that, even in its later Latin and Cyrillic versions, this language could be read as a variety of literary Persian, and not as a transcription of one or the other local dialects: not as, e.g., /dassota ti:t/ for c give [me] your hands', but dast-ho-yat-ro

diked

,\\&j

\j C J J L A О • .»J.

Dushanbe was a small market town before its promotion to national capital in 1924 and the consequent influx of Tajiks from elsewhere in the region, of Russians and other Soviet nationalities, and above all of the Bukharan literary elite (since Bukhara and Samarkand were allotted to Uzbekistan). Though nominally included in the Northern dialect area, this instant metropolis for long lacked a stable demographic through which to exercise its linguistic status. Since independence it is again in a state of demographic fluctuation, the home of writers and speakers from other regions with other styles.

Purpose and Procedures The variety of Tajik described here is for the most part that of the bulk of the extant literature, Modern Literary Tajik (MLT) of the Soviet era, with the beginnings of lexical and stylistic reform as undertaken from the late 1980s. Quotations retain the original spelling, but most of the material follows the orthographic reforms of 1998. In order to

INTRODUCTION

5

balance the needs of various users—the historical and descriptive linguist, the reader of Soviet-era sources and literature, and the student and teacher of contemporary Tajik—the present work adopts the view that a historically-informed grammar of a language barely eighty years old can coexist with a grammar of the contemporary idiom as it evolves. This perspective is reinforced by the Iranist view that the language is not eighty, but actually over a thousand, years old, and is now renewing old family connections that were obscured, but not severed, during the past century. The Grammar thus aims to furnish a comprehensive reference to the structures of written Tajik Persian from the heady days of international socialist idealism in the 1920s, through the rise, stagnation, and fall of Russian communism, into the independence of the twenty-first century. It therefore includes a grammar of essential aspects of Persian at large, which remain at the core of Tajik, and an explanation of the Uzbek- and Russian-influenced aspects of the syntax and lexicon that contribute to the uniqueness of Tajik Persian. To serve readers of Persian who may not need to cope with the Cyrillic writing system, every literary example (and each index reference) is presented in Perso-Arabic script as well as Cyrillic; all but a few dialect citations in Roman transcription are also normalized in both Tajik scripts. The Perso-Arabic spelling of some Russian loanwords (since they have never been, and may never be, written in the Arabic alphabet) is arbitrary, and that of some recent foreign borrowings is not yet standardized; where necessary, examples are also given in transliteration and phonemic transcription. The system used is set out in Sections 1.9-10, where the writing systems of Tajik are explained. Transcription of Standard Persian, where used for comparison, differs from that used for Tajik in the representation of the vowels (see 1.10). To gloss the examples, I have chosen idiomatic rather than literal translation, which may be followed in parentheses by a closer gloss (see Conventional Signs, below). Primary stress (1.6) is indicated where necessary by an acute accent on the vowel of the stressed syllable, and secondary stress by a grave accent. These may appear in transcription, transliteration, or Cyrillic text; in the latter case, it should be remembered that they are not part of the original orthography. Italics are used in

6

INTRODUCTION

Latin script only, not in Cyrillic (see 1.10). Words in Cyrillic are presented with their morphemes separated by short hyphens whenever this is judged helpful. However, use of this device is kept to a minimum, since it obscures norms of Cyrillic orthography such as the dropping of the macron from final -й before an affix (1.12), and the general tendency to write words maximally defined (including affixes and auxiliaries) as a single unit (1.16). The reader should assume that hyphenated Cyrillic words are normally written as one, unless a longer hyphen, the n-dash, is used: this indicates that the word is normally so hyphenated in Cyrillic (or Perso-Arabic). Systematic morpheme-separation is not practicable in Perso-Arabic script. Grammatical and linguistic terms used are, so far as possible, limited to the conventional and generally known. Those which may have another or more general meaning are capitalized when used in their specialized sense. The Tajik grammatical terms are not used; significant ones will be noted in passing. Any terms not in common use, or used differently in the present work, will be glossed where introduced, or may be found below under Definitions. One distinction preserved here is that between form and function. It would be misleading, for example, to call the English verb form ending in -ing "the present participle" as a label of identity, since it functions not only as the present (or active) participle (we are going there), but also in a different nominal category as the gerund or activity noun (go while the going is good). Similarly there are identical verb forms in Tajik with more than one category and function. Thus the Imperfect tense (me-kard-am, etc.) will be described in a single paradigm, but contextually illustrated as a Durative Past or a Conditional (cf. the term Aorist below, under Definitions; this also may have three functions). Definitions Aorist. In Tajik, the finite verb form consisting of the (present) stem and personal endings, without any prefix; corresponds usually to the Present Subjunctive, but in some verbs to the Present Indicative, and in one an auxiliary. Aspect. A way of viewing an action or event, e.g., as being accomplished

INTRODUCTION

7

at once (punctual: the stone fell), as being in progress without regard to its completion (progressive: he is swimming), as happening habitually or repeatedly (habitual, iterative: we used to go swimming). Aspect is independent of the time at which a verb records the action as taking place (tense), but tense and aspect (as well as mood and voice, q.v.) combine to encode an action in a standard form, the "tense" in its everyday use and as presented in six-person paradigms. Classical Persian. The literary form of Persian exemplified in texts from the 11th century CE, and used in some contexts and genres until modern times. Complex, Composite, Compound. Complex verbs are those consisting of a simple verb and a preverbal particle (cf. English phrasal verbs; 5.15). Composite verbs are those comprising a simple verb plus a noun, adjective, or other lexical component (5.17). The term Compound is reserved for nominals and for tenses of verbs with more than one part. Enclitic. A grammatical unit attached to the end of a word, clarifying a syntactic relation; English possessive s in its, copulative s in it's (= it is) are (different) enclitics. In Tajik, enclitics do not carry stress (contrast Suffix). Explicit plural. A form of the verb ending or pronoun referring to an actual plurality of persons, as distinct from a plural form referring politely to a singular addressee. Formative. A morph (q.v.) which when added (typically as a prefix or suffix) to a word or a stem forms a new word of a particular class: -edin English is the usual Past Tense formative. Izofat, Split. An adjectival noun phrase in which the Indefinite/ NonSpecific enclitic -e is added to the head noun, as in kas-e digar 'someone else' (2.11). Izofat, Mute. A Nominal or Adjectival izofat in which the connecting enclitic -i is not pronounced or written, as in sohib-mansab 'officeholder' (5.10). Mirative. A function of the Non-Witnessed mode: the speaker is unexpectedly aware of a situation or suddenly appreciates its significance (3.21).

8

INTRODUCTION

Modern Literary Tajik (zaboni adabii hozirai tojik), MLT. Literary Tajik Persian as codified during and after the 1930s under Soviet direction, and exemplified in the works of such as Sadriddin Aini, Rahim Hoshim, Jalol Ikromi, and Sotim Ulughzoda. It is characterized by vernacular constructions, particularly of the Northern dialects, such as the idiomatic use of participles, and in later works by the incorporation of Russian vocabulary. MLT is described in the three-volume grammar by Rustamov et al., published by the Tajikistan Academy of Sciences in 1985-89. It began to give way during the Perestroika period of the late 1980s to a less regimented style open to influences from a broader dialect range and Persian of Iran. Mode. Applied here to the verbal category of Non-Witnessed action (Taj. siga-i naqti, 3.21-24; also called the evidential, or non-evident, mode or viewpoint). This is an epistemic set of the Indicative mood, indicating by tense form that the information conveyed was obtained not by direct observation but through collateral sources, as hearsay, inference, or sudden realization. The term 'mode' is also applied to verbal constructions and particular verbs (modal auxiliaries) expressing ability, obligation, potential, etc. Mood. In this grammar, applied to the traditional verbal categories of Indicative (the unmarked set of tenses expressing unqualified statements and questions); Subjunctive (the set expressing contingent or unreal actions), and its related or subsidiary modes of Prohibitive, Optative, Precative, and Imperative (though traditionally this last is classed as a separate mood); and the Tajik category of the Conjectural (3.30-33), a set of three tenses expressing an unsupported presumption of the action. Morph. A significant lexical or grammatical unit smaller than a word, which does not necessarily have an independent lexical meaning (lex, ic-al, and ing are morphs: one a nominal stem, one a complex adjectival formative, one a gerundial or participial suffix). Noun Phrase. Used here in its broadest sense, a nominal (noun or pronoun) together with its typical adjuncts, such as plural suffix, article, determiner, adjective or other modifiers (e.g., a bucket of

green paint; these strange men in the bedroom)—seen as a

INTRODUCTION

9

component of a sentence, usually as subject, object, or complement (cf. VP). Quasi-passive. In Tajik Persian, an intransitive composite verb form with an auxiliary such b&yoftan 'to receive' orxurdan 'to undergo', correlating with a transitive verb using an auxiliary such as dodan 'to provide' oizadan 'to inflict' (5.18). Quasi-tense. A verbal construction in which a participle and an auxiliary combine to express a particular aspect-time; it differs from a recognized tense in that the auxiliary may take different tenses, or other auxiliaries may be used (3.20, 3.42). Quotative Past, English. The past tense in English sentential complements of speech reported, and events perceived or experienced, as in she said that she was sick and would not come (actual words: "I am sick, and will not come"), or / realized they were coming to get me (actual perception: "they are coming to get me"). It arises from a sequence-of-tense rule that views the event from the time frame of the reporter, and copies the tense used to record it subsequent to the event (the past, or past future). This is at odds with Tajik usage, which usually views the event from the time frame of the participant and copies the tense used in the actual utterance, or which would have been used had the participant voiced the experience or commented on his or her perception at the time (the present, or present future). Since the present English glosses of Tajik sentences aim to be idiomatic, it will occasionally be necessary to draw attention to this idiosyncrasy of English in order not to confuse the discussion of Tajik tense use. Example: mardi hezumkas did ki dar yak jo hezumjam' suda xobida ast 'the woodcutter saw that the firewood had been gathered together and was lying in one place'. (The English "quotative past" disguises in translation the true present time of xobidaast 'is lying'.) Sentential pronoun. A Tajik demonstrative pronoun serving as a prop for a preposition or conjunction, and referring forward to the sentential complement; e.g., Zaynab sod budaz on, ki vay bo Muxtor sarik ast 'Zaynab was happy to be a partner of Mukhtor' ('...happy from the fact that she is a partner...').

10

Standard Persian. Iran.

INTRODUCTION

Modern literary and educated spoken Persian of

Speculative simile. Also called a 'comparative clause', this is a phrase or clause introduced by the expression 'as i f (Taj. гӯё L ^ guyd). Suffix. A formative, usually lexical or semantic (e.g., of the plural), added to the end of a word; in Tajik, a suffix is stressed (contrast Enclitic). Voice. Whether a verb is Active (John saw Mary) or Passive (Mary was seen [by John]). Verb Phrase. A phrase of which the head is a verb. In its broadest sense, the verb and all its adjuncts (preverbs, adverbs or adverbial phrases, and any object or complement), as a component of a sentence, distinct from any noun phrases constituting the subject. More narrowly, the verb alone, or the VP excluding the object or complement NP; thus, thought up a solution immediately, or thought up a solution, or thought up may each be treated as a VP, according to the kind of analysis required. Word order. The acceptable sequence of the constituents of a phrase or sentence. The main constituents are abbreviated as S (subject), О (object), V (verb), which include the extensions into NP and VP. Other constituents are Adv. (adverbial phrase) and Prep, (prepositional phrase). Conventional Signs Italics are used in Latin characters for transliteration from Cyrillic (obed 'lunch'), for transcription from Perso-Arabic or dialect (Taj. bosed, Per. bäsid), and to cite a word in any language as a linguistic example (Eng. doing). [ ] In Tajik paradigms, syntagms, or examples, brackets enclose variables of the same category, e.g., nouns, pronouns, or verb stems, any of which are subject to the same rule or structure; also used to cite paradigms in the Indexes. In English glosses they enclose literal versions (inside single quotes), or material that is useful for an idiomatic English translation, but which does not appear in the original.

INTRODUCTION

< >

In English glosses, parentheses enclose optional or supplementary words or phrases, or material that appears in the original, but may not be essential to the translation. Braces are used hierarchically (in Cyrillic and Perso-Arabic examples) to separate or enclose nested phrases or clauses, the better to illustrate sentence structure. A slash separates alternatives. In English glosses, alternative translations are divided by phrase or clause. Slant lines enclose phonemic transcription; e.g., /abyet/ 'lunch'. Precedes a normalization, in Cyrillic and Perso-Arabic, of a transcription of oral material in dialect or colloquial speech. (Derived) from, originating in Becomes, changes to, generates An asterisk preceding a word or phrase means it is not used, or is grammatically unacceptable in this form or context.

Abbreviations (Def. imeans See the Definition in the list above) adj. adv.

adjective

adverb Ar. Arabic colloq. colloquial cons. consonant

CP

Classical Persian (Def.)

Cyr. dial.

Cyrillic dialect

Eng.

English especially

esp.

11

Fr. French German Ger. Imper. Imperative intr. intransitive lit. literal(ly), before a gloss; literary (stylistic register)

MLT Modern Literary Tajik (Def.) nom.

NP obj.

Piprep. prov. Rus.

sg.

sov SP

Tab tr. Uz. var.

VP

nominal Noun Phrase (Def.) (direct) object plural preposition(al) proverb or catchphrase Russian singular see Word order (Def.) Standard Persian (Def.) Tajik transitive Uzbek variant Verb Phrase (Def.)

CHAPTER ONE PHONOLOGY AND ORTHOGRAPHY 1.1

Integration of Sound and Script

The fundamentals of the sound system of Tajik Persian (1.2-8) may in theory be appreciated without reference to either of the two principal writing systems, which are expounded in Sections 1.9-14. The three parts may be approached independently, hence examples will be provided in one or more forms (transcription and/ or transliteration, Cyrillic, Perso-Arabic) only to the extent necessary for the particular illustration. However, the beginner is advised to refer forward to Tables 1.10 and 1.13, the better to appreciate how the Cyrillic and the Perso-Arabic scripts interact. By way of preparation, these and the other writing systems of Tajik Persian may be characterized briefly as follows. Perso-Arabic script is superabundant in consonants, and deficient in vowels. It retains eight redundant Arabic-specific consonants, while neglecting to mark three short (or "unstable") vowels (except for occasional diacritics; see 1.13). In the case of short /i/ this deficiency obscures the presence or absence of the grammatical izofat (2.10). The system also fails to distinguish /u/ from /ü/ (writing either of these indiscriminately with j or with nothing) and /i:/ from Id (writing both with fj); this latter ambiguity also has morphemic importance wordfinally, where it involves three suffixes in -i and an enclitic in -e (1.13). The script tends to minimize ambiguity and homonymy in Arabic loanwords, while maximizing them for the Persian, Russian, and other vocabulary. Cyrillic has four redundant characters (the yotated vowels, which represent syllables rather than single phonemes; 1.12) and, unless one accepts the absence of long vowels (1.2), it fails to distinguish the two vowel pairs /i/ from /i:/ and /u/ from /u:/. It has two ambivalent semivowels, e and и (in addition to their post-consonantal values as Id and /i/, after vowels they represent /ye/ and /yi/). It tends to minimize

14

CHAPTER ONE

obscurity and homonymy in Persian, Russian, and other non-Arabic vocabulary, while maximizing them for Arabic loanwords. The modified Latin alphabet that was in use briefly during 1928-1940 proved capable of representing simply and unambiguously the sounds and structures of Tajik Persian (1.9). Even this was hobbled by a decision to ignore the distinction between the two pairs of long and short vowels and, like Cyrillic, it had to tolerate a high ratio of homonymy for Arabic loanwords. Hebrew script, used by the Jews of Bukhara and Samarkand, applied a more explicit vowel system than Arabic and was to an extent a fair compromise between phonographic and etymological spelling; however, as the system of a religious minority, it was impractical to extend its scope. Cyrillic, without the flexibility and precedent of Latin as a neutral system of notation, remains confusingly Russian-specific. Perso-Arabic, for all its etymological spelling and vowel deficiency (which can at a pinch be circumvented with diacritics), enjoys the cultural advantage of displaying in one and the same orthography the common vocabulary of its traditional kulturbund (as do, for example, English and French, with a comparable degree of disconnection between spelling and speech). There is no universally satisfactory solution; within its limitations, each of the systems displays considerable ingenuity in representing a language which defeats the scholar's best efforts to craft even a consistent transcription-cum-transliteration. Homonymy in Tajik, through phonetic and/ or orthographic coincidence of unrelated words, is more frequent than in SP, for two reasons: (1) The merging of former long and short vowel pairs in some dialects tended to remove a disambiguative contrast between, e.g., бино I ' ; ; /biino/ 'sighted, seeing' and бино Li_» /bino/ 'building' (see 1.2); with the change to Latin and then Cyrillic orthographies designed for Tajik on the basis of vernacular pronunciation, this vowel merger was generally fixed in the written form too. (2) Application of a phonographic script (Latin, Cyrillic) removed some distinctions afforded by different (Arabic) consonants for the same sounds in Tajik, as in j " ... 'concealment, veil'; j b ... 'line (of writing)' (bothcaTp /satr/), or ci>jLJ 'command, emirate'; c^jLo-c 'cultivation; building' (both иморат /imorat/). This involves mainly literary vocab-

PHONOLOGY AND ORTHOGRAPHY

15

ulary. Nevertheless, dictionaries of homonyms are quite useful in Cyrillic-script Tajik; a recent one (M. Назриева, Луғати омонимҳои забони тоҷикй, 1992) runs to 240 pages and some 2,000 entries.

PHONOLOGY 1.2

Vowels (J): Stable and Unstable

According to the canons of Modern Literary Tajik as established in the 1930s, there are six vowel phonemes in standard Tajik Persian, articulated as follows (those boxed are the so-called "unstable" vowels; see below). FIG. 1.2

TAJIK VOWELS

Front

Central

Back

Mid

e

ü

о

Low

Ia I

In both Standard Persian (SP) and Tajik the eight-vowel inventory of Middle and Early New Persian has been reduced to six, but in quite different ways. In Persian of Iran the two long mid vowels /e:7and /o/ (the so-called majhul 'unfamiliar', i.e., non-Arabic, vowels, as in CP ser j : - 'lion' and röz jjj 'day') collapsed with the long high vowels /i:7 and /u:/ (as in sir j j л. 'milk' and rud j j j 'river*); whereas in some varieties of Central Asian Persian, length was neutralized by the merger of the short and long high vowels and the rounding of long back /ä:/ in the direction of/o/, as in Fig. 1.1. Thus Tajik /e/ and /ii/ are the successors of the old majhul long vowels; /i/ and /u/ are the continuation of the Classical ma'ruf or Persian long vowels,but they additionally represent the corresponding short vowels (as indil J J 'heart, stomach' and but c^-> 'idol'); and /o/ is the continuation of the long back vowel /ä:/, as in CP and SP ^ b L 'almond' (bädäm in the usual transliteration). The asymmetrical position of /ü/ is due to its having merged with Uzbek /ii/ (orig. common Turkic vowels /ö/ and /ii/); thus the same vowel appears in Tajik borrowings from Uzbek, e.g., kwnak 'help',

16

CHAPTER ONE

kürpa 'quilt' (see also 1.14). The Classical opposition of long vs. short vowels has been preserved as the basis of the literary prosodic system (aruz\ see below), but is no longer fully applicable to the spoken varieties of either Iranian or Central Asian Persian. It has been argued that the phonemic contrast of length has been replaced in both dialects by a contrast between stable and unstable vowels.1 The stable vowels of Tajik, which are phonetically invariant, are the mid (half-close) vowels /e/, /ii/ and /o/ (unboxed in Fig. LI); these do not change appreciably in length or quality in any position. The unstable vowels, in which length and quality of articulation may vary according to the phonetic environment, are /i/, /u/ and /a/. Thus in stressed position and unstressed closed syllables (CVCC), the unstable vowels are equivalent in length to the three stable vowels: /panfr/ 'cheese', /mizgon/ 'eyelashes'; IA"mgl 'lie, untruth', /duxtar/ 'girl'; /d'gar/ 'other', /haätod/ 'eighty', as in the syllables underlined. In unstressed open syllables (seen also in three of the words above), they may be shortened and reduced to a schwa Ы or elided. Further examples: /did/ '(s)he saw', /d'mog/ 'nose'; /dud/ 'smoke', /gud6z/ 'melting'; /bad/ 'bad', /tfdän/ 'body'. "May be" does not mean "must be," and in fact lexis and morphology still trump phonology. Thus дидор J I J ^ J /diidor/ 'meeting, visit; countenance' retains a long (or "stable vowel equivalent") first syllable because it is a derivative of the verb Stem II did- 'see'. This is too significant a segment to be reduced simply because it happens to fall in an open syllable before a stressed stable vowel; unlike, e.g., бидон <jlju /bidon/ 'know!', where the first syllable is stressed, as befits an Imperative (3.29), but canonically short, to retain its identity as that particular prefix. Similarly, мушак , < • MJ-^O /muisäk/ 'rocket, missile' (a diminutive of mwS 'mouse, rat') contrasts, by virtue of the lexical stem, with мушир j _* •*. * /musiir/ or /mu§i:r/ 'counselor' (an unanalyzable Arabic participle). These contexts where /i/ and /u/ remain stable despite falling in an unstressed open syllable correspond, of course, to syllables where they are written with^ and j in Perso-Arabic script, in accordance with morphology and etymology. 1 See, for Persian, Lazard 1957/ 1992, § 7; for Tajik, Rastorgueva 1953, pp. 6768/ 1963, p. 4. For a dissenting view, see Mirzozoda 1994.

PHONOLOGY AND ORTHOGRAPHY

17

This ambiguity of /i/ and /u/ is resolved in speech. The contrast in quality is not as distinct as the corresponding contrasts in Standard Persian, but in general "long" /i/ and /u/ in stable position or stableequivalent context are perceived in Tajik as being higher, and tense, in comparison with the unstable or "short," generally lax, vowels—if not always longer in terms of milliseconds. The oversimplification implicit in the ostensibly phonemic Cyrillic writing system thus causes some confusion. In several (Cyrillic) homographs, this same contrast, of length in the older system, is shown in the Perso-Arabic orthography, though not in the Cyrillic: пул j l /pul/ 'bridge' vs. пул Jj_> /pu:l/ 'money' (similar to Eng. pull and pool); бино LLJ /bino/ 'building, basis' vs. бино Ц ш /bi:no/ 'sighted, able to see'; cf. [US] Eng. to debark (a ship), vs. to debark (a dog). It is also responsible for some common spelling errors in Cyrillic (see 1.12). The single concession made to this contrast in Cyrillic is between word-final short, unstressed /i/ and long, stressed /i:/ (cf. Eng. trusty and trustee). Since in (Tajik) Persian this contrast is grammatically significant, it is shown by means of a diacritic macron over the character: и/ ü(see 1.12). An unintended consequence of the dropping of vowel length as a feature of the written language was the obscuring of the traditional prosody (aruz ^ J J — c ) , which determines long and short syllables in traditional verse. Poets of the second and later generations of MLT (such as Mirzo Tursunzoda), who had not learned to read Perso-Arabic script, unwittingly composed verses that do not scan, and rhymes (such as чогир j ^ S L ^ /jogi:r/ with ҳозир j^»U. /hozir/) that do not work. 1.3

Vowels (2): Individual Qualities

The central and back vowels are rounded. /u/ (orthographically у j - ; unstable) is close to the cardinal vowel and Eng. pull or pool (cf. 1.1; and see Lowering, below). Long and short vowels, or unstressed open syllables (where the vowel is reduced in length and quality), can be distinguished by the PersoArabic spelling, but not by the Cyrillic: буд jj_> /bu:d/ 'was', шуд ^ll/sud/ 'became'; хунин ^J»j-^/xu:nin/ 'bloody', чунин

18

CHAPTER ONE

'such'; муздур j j j > /muzduir/ (<muzd-var) 'wageеатег',шутур j " 11t/sutur/ 'camel', сутур j j " ... /s^ur/ 'draught or riding animal'. /п/ (у j l ; stable), lies phonetically between [u] and [y], i.e. halfway to the Umlaut, a little lower than Eng. good as pronounced in lowland Scottish (imitated spelling, guid), but higher than French peu. It is less rounded and more lax than /u/. This vowel is phonemic only in Northern dialects; in Central and Southern speech it is generally replaced by (stable) /u/ (see also 1.11): кӯҳна * \ц < /kühna/ or /kuhna/ 'old' (see also Lowering, below). /о/ (о, alif in Perso-Arabic; stable) is lower (more open) than Russian o, somewhat as in Eng. awful, and uniform in quality throughout its length, without either the u- onset of Russian or the -w offglide of English in some environments. It is the most stable vowel, prosodically long, but of consistent and unique quality in any environment, so that length is irrelevant as a distinctive feature (unlike the other two stable vowels). It may be nasalized before syllable-final /n/: он ҷо I? \~\onjo /qjo/ 'there'. In some Southern dialects it may be less rounded and closer to SP /ä/ [a], to which it corresponds historically: обод J L J /obod/.../äbäd/ 'fertile, prosperous, inhabited'. The fact that this sound approximates Russian о more closely than it does any other Russian vowel, and is thus transcribed by о to and from Cyrillic, has three unfortunate consequences. It obscures the historical affinity between /o/ as ä and (unstable) /a/ (they were prosodic pairs, /a/ and /a:/, as were CP /i/ and /i:/, /u/ and /u:/—see 1.8); it disguises the morphological identity of Tajik words with cognates in other varieties of Persian, e.g., boridan 'to rain' with SPbäridan ü ^ j L » (not boridan o ^ j - e ' t o C U O ; and it prompts flagrant mispronunciation by non-Russian speakers learning Tajik. There is a prime analogy on all three counts with the 19th-century transcription of Indo-Persian short a (which is more close than in Persian) by English и (then pronounced [л] as in but or cup), which duly generated oddities like cummerbund for /kamarband/ J_1JJ_A£ 'waist sash' and Punjab for /panjäb/ ^ 1 ^ "ij (though without having these replace the Perso-Arabic represent-

PHONOLOGY AND ORTHOGRAPHY

19

ation for Indians). The front vowels form a more regular pattern in sound and transcription. Care should be taken not to confuse the values, or transcriptions, of /i/ and Id with their SP counterparts, which are in effect reversed; thus the pen-name of the Indo-Persian poet бедил J ^ /beidfl/ ('heartless'), as he is known in Central and South Asia, is pronounced by Iranians more like /birdel/. /i/ (и, й <_£ - , unstable) is close to the cardinal vowel and to the Eng. vowels in fit (when in unstressed position) and feet (when stressed, or word-final; for this orthography see 1.11; see also 1.4, Lowering). The vowel /i/ tends toward lower and more open articulation after velar consonants, as in /qiSloq/ 'village' or /xirs/ 'bear', and before /h/ or the glottal stop in a closed syllable it is lowered to /e/; this is reflected in the Cyrillic spelling (1.11). As an unstable vowel, it is reduced in length in an unstressed open syllable; but as with /u/, a historically long I'd in such a syllable is not so reduced, and can be distinguished only in the Perso-Arabic script: сир j «J /sir/ 'secret', сир J-J-^U/si:r/ 'garlic'; шинос <_^1_1^ /Sinos/ or /S'nos/ 'acquainted', Широз j ' j * •*• /§i:roz/ 'Shiraz'. Id (e, э <_£; stable) is a mid front vowel, slightly lower than [e]; it occurs frequently as the Indefinite/ Specific enclitic -e ^ - in an unstressed word ending: роҳе Lr -ftlj /rohe/ *a road', хонае ^1
20

CHAPTER ONE /ä:/, represented by alif\ see above).

1.4

Vowels (3): Lowering, Glides, Diphthongs

The articulation of unstable vowels may vary casually in different phonetic environments, or from speaker to speaker. In the following two cases there is a systematic lowering of the vowel, which is reflected in the Cyrillic spelling. Ill > /e/: The vowel /i/ is lowered to Id before /h/ or the glottal stop in a closed or word-final syllable: деҳ Ö J 'give!' (Imper. sg.; contrast диҳед J j ftj 'give!', Imper. pi., open syllable; cf. неҳ «LJ» /neh/ and ниҳед ,д j Q \ /nihed/ 'put!', Fig. З.За-с); Фотеҳ j ^ L i /foteh/ (man's name), but фотиха « ^"L_a/fotiha/ 'opening surah of the Koran'; тасҳеҳ £_J a u^ 'correction (of copy), proofing', but 2 тасҳиҳот ci»K j-ъ .r>-> 'corrections'. This shift is commonly seen in Arabic loanwords of particular morpholexical patterns: истеҳсол Jl .^ ^ " ...I /istehsol/ 'production'; эътироз ^ I j J L c l /e'tiroz/ or /e:tiroz/ 'objection' (contrast, e.g., истилоҳ ^ Ь <^l /istiloh/ 'idiom, term'); монеъ j-Ll о /mone'/ 'hindering'—and, exceptionally, its derivatives монеа oulL» /moneä/ 'barrier' and моней ^^JL^LO /monei/ 'hindrance, obstacle', despite the open syllable, in which the consonant *ayn is realized as a glide between vowels and hence not written in Cyrillic (see 1.5; cf., however, the Cyrillic spelling of фоҷиа O L ^ L * /fojiä/ 'tragedy' and its derivatives, also a case of 9ayn in an open syllable).3 Non-systematic lowering of both /i/ and I'd is encountered in some common (orformerly common) words, e.g. j l j l /ezor/ 'waistwrapper, drawers' (< Ar. izär\ also spelled j\±*\ in Tajik); /ejod/ 'creation, production' < Ar. ijäd (cf. 1.14). For 'heritage', both /meros/ and the canonical /miros/ are recorded (Суг.мерос, мирос). /u/ > /ü/: Similarly, /u/ is lowered to Ixxl (Cyrillic orthography, y) in the same environment: ӯҳда б ^ /iihda/ or /ii:da/ 'responsibility', шӯъла A \r ,7./stirla/ 'flame';мӯҳтарам f l j "i ^—о /mühtaram/ 2 3

Тасҳеҳот in Raximi & Uspenskaia 1954 stands in need of correction. Maniyozov & Mirzoev 1991.

PHONOLOGY AND ORTHOGRAPHY

21

'respected' (contrast, e.g., мустақил J« " -•• * /mustaqfl/ 'independent'). By the nature of Tajik phonotactics, it is predominantly Arabic loanwords that trigger this shift (but cf. Persian instances such as кӯҳна <* *^< /kuhna/ or /kiirna/ 'old'). A small number of Arabic past participles of the pattern maful (and their derivatives) have п as the second vowel, even when the following consonant is other than /7: маърӯза
22

CHAPTER ONE

the orthography, and is best treated as an ad hoc variant of particular affixes: e.g., дуюм/ дуйум ^ j j /duyum/ or дуввум * j j /duvvum/ 'second* (2.52); сию як /sfyu yak/ or сиву як /sivu yak/ ii_j j ^^ 4 thirty-one'(4.11). Diphthongs. Diphthongs are usually transparent couplings of vowel and glide, and are treated in both the Cyrillic and Perso-Arabic orthographies as a vowel preceding or following the (semi-)consonants v ~ w or y. Notable in literary Tajik is the preservation of the word-final sequences /oy/ and /uy/ in a number of common nouns and verb stems, e.g., /poy/ 'foot, leg', /ruy/ 'face' (in SP this final у has been dropped; it is absent in much spoken Tajik, and in most cases optional in written Tajik). Word-final /ow/ may be heard as an allomorph of /ov/ (bilabial or labio-dental v; see /v/ under Consonants, 1.5). In the case of the vowel /a/ there is no appreciable change in quality (unlike the disputed SP diphthongs): /vay/ 'he, she', /xayr/ 'well', /ayvon/ 'porch'; /raw/ (orthographically, rav) 'go', /qawm/ (qavm) 'clan', /dawlät/ (davlat) 'state'. The diphthong /aw/ is an allophone of the sequence /av/ (see /v/ under Consonants, 1.5). These are the only two regularly-occurring "rising" diphthongs in Tajik. "Falling" diphthongs beginning with the bilabial semi-vowel /w/ do not occur in the standard language, in which this is only an allophone of /v/: /ovoz/ 'voice, song' may be heard as /owoz/ (cf. 1.5), but in /ovez/ 'hang' and most other environments /v/ functions as a consonant. Consonant /y/ may regularly precede any vowel, as in English; these sequences are written with four separate characters and three other digraphs in Cyrillic, but this is merely the result of the Russianspecific nature of the orthography and represents no peculiarity of Tajik (see 1.11). 1.5

Consonants

The Tajik consonant inventory consists of twenty-four phonemes, distributed as in Fig. 1.5. The same characters will be used in both phonemic transcription, between slant lines, and transliteration, in italics (v~w is given as v and /v/ only). Phonetic symbols in Fig. 1.5 are provided for clarification where this transcription is other than standard.

PHONOLOGY AND ORTHOGRAPHY

23

The palatals /6/ and /j/ are phonetically affricates (as in Eng. church and George). Voiceless stops /p/, /t/, /k/ are slightly aspirated initially (as in English). Voiced stops /b/, /d/, /g/ tend to be devoiced finally in some dialects. FIG. 1.5

CONSONANTS

Labial

Alveolar

Palatal

Velar

Uvular

q

t

С

к

d n

j [«И

g

Nasals

P b m

Fricatives

f

s

v~w

z

Stops

Resonants

1, r

X

1

Glottal

'И h

g[y]

у Ш

Final /p/ in the word asp 'horse' and a few Iranian names originating in compounds with this (Tahmäsp, Gustäsp) is not aspirated, and in CP and SP is usually written with b\ <Ti ..•!; in Tajik these are generally written with/?: ,._.»,„I. /b/ is devoiced before a voiceless consonant: ибтидо 1л " J /iptido/ 'beginning', хубтар ^ « ^ ^ /xuptar/ 'better'. /d/ is devoiced before a voiceless consonant: бадтар J^J-J /battar/ 'worse', and may be devoiced intervocalically: медиҳам jJhj^-o mediham /met\y am/ 'I give'. /q/ is similar to the sound represented by the letter qof in Arabic and the Turkic languages of Central Asia. The velar fricative /g/ is strongly articulated, like the sound of Arabic gayn or the French r grasseye. These sounds are two quite distinct phonemes in Tajik (and Persian of Afghanistan; unlike in SP, where they form a single phoneme). /n/ is assimilated to a following labial as /m/, though the orthography takes no note of it: шанбе A \ \ .7. /Sambe/ 'Saturday', синф . a \.^/gimf/ 'class'. Conversely, /m/ may be assimilated to /n/ before an alveolar: /andivol/ 'neighbor' (dial., ham-divor, with

24

CHAPTER ONE

/7 the glottal stop (orthographically, the Russian hard sign ъ, in Taj. alomati sakta; Perso-Arabic * hamza or £ 'ayri) is heard automatically with any abrupt vowel onset. It occurs also in the articulation of Arabic loanwords containing 'ayn or hamza in certain environments (orthography, 1.10, 1.12,1.13). After a consonant (including word-finally, in izofai) it is heard as a slight hiatus: анъана 4 \ * \r /an'ana/ 'tradition', ду ҷамъ-и ду j j ш о ^ j j /du jam'i du/ 'two plus two'. Before a consonant it may be heard in careful or educated pronunciation as a slight hiatus, followed by a short continuation of the same vowel: маъно a e Lutlo /ma n6/ 'meaning', неъмат ^ n * \ /ne mat/ 'bounty'. In this y environment, however, ayn and hamza are more usually realized in casual speech as a prolongation of the vowel, and between 1 vowels as a glide; таълиф • &jlf" /ta:li:f/ 'composition, authorship , шӯъла <1л-А /su:Ia/ 'flame'. In Southern dialects, the quality of a preceding /a/ may also shift back: баъд J-*-J /bo:d/ or /ba:d/ 'after' (cf. /h/, below; and see Vowels, 1.2). /h/ tends to be dropped in all positions, particularly in southern dialects: /andivol/ 'neighbor' (ham-divor, cf. assimilation of /m/, above); моҳрӯ JJ-AI a /moiru/ 'female name'; пошшо 1 liL» /poSSo/ 'monarch; part of name' (<pod-soh, with additional assimilation of /d/). The frequently-occurring plural morpheme -ho is usually heard, after a consonant, as (stressed) /o/: шаҳрҳо U j д »о /Sa:ro/ 'cities'. Before a consonant, /h/ may be replaced by a lengthening of the preceding vowel, without change of quality (cf. glottal stop, above): эҳтимол JLoJLaJ /eitimol/ 'probably'. /r/ may be dropped in some dialects before /d/ in a few common words, esp. in the past stem of the common auxiliary kardan, as кардам f J_>£ /kadum/ 'I did', etc. /x/ is a strong fricative, pronounced farther back than its Russian counterpart, closer to the sound heard in Scottish loch or German Bach. It may occur in any position, including initially: хуб «_>j_^ /xu:b/ 'good'. /v/ is labiodental initially and between vowels: варақ £jj /varaq/ 'page', бева ÖJ-J-J /beva/ 'widow'; but in final position, between rounded vowels, and preconsonantally after /a/ it tends to be realized

PHONOLOGY AND ORTHOGRAPHY

25

as bilabial /w/: гов 3IS /gow/ 'cow', овоз jl jT /owoz/ 'voice', савол Jlj—^u/sawol/ 'question', гувоҳ ölj_k /guwoh/ 'witness', қавл J j 1 /qawl/ 'word, promise'; пайрав 3J ^ /payräw/ 'following, subordinate', butnaiipaBH ^jJ__I_»/payravi/ 'adherence, subordination'. /z/ is of limited distribution, occurring in a few Persian words such as жола <J\j 'hail(stones)', мижа 6J о /miza/ 'eyelash', and in Russian loans; in colloquial Tajik it is often replaced by /j/: инженер /injenyer/ 'engineer'. /y/ is an unremarkable consonant (or semivowel, since it is articulated in the same position as the vowel /\l). It occurs in syllable-initial and final positions, and is written with only one character in PersoArabic (see also 1.4, Glides, Diphthongs; 1.8, Terminal y). But in the Russian-specific Cyrillic orthography of Tajik, /y/ has to be written in seven different ways (1.12).

MORPHOPHONOLOGY 1.6

Syllables and Stress

Under the heading of Morphophonology are treated variations in sounds and sound patterns that occur in conjunction with particular forms of words (see also Lowering, Glides, and Diphthongs, 1.4). The following three sections describe Syllable structure and stress; Phonotactics; and Morphophonemic alternation and suppletion. Syllable structure is predictable and has followed the same historical development as in Persian: CV, CVC, CVCC. (These patterns include the three with a vowel onset, the latter counting as the glottal stop.) Thus in any sequence the consonant immediately preceding a vowel begins a new syllable; initial consonant clusters, and syllable-final clusters of more than two consonants, are not tolerated (see 1.7). In cases where a native phrase or compound creates a triple consonant cluster across a word or morpheme boundary (e.g., CVCC-CVC), the prosodic (literary) solution is to insert a prothetic /a/ before the third consonant of the cluster: nard-bon 'ladder' is read as a trisyllable,

26

CHAPTER ONE

/närdabon/. In colloquial usage, however, the middle consonant tends to be suppressed: nardbon> /noirbon/ (with compensatory lengthening and quality change in the preceding vowel; cf. /bo:d/, 1.5 under /7); similarly, шаст-сола dLucj-ui-ii sast-sola /Sassola/ 'sixty-year-old'; баланд-тар jl j-iL» baland-tar /balantar/ 'taller'. Stops following continuants are not strongly articulated, and may be suppressed finally in common words: хафт c i i a haft /haf/ 'seven', ҳашт «z.1 «* ft Atf& /has/ 'eight'. They are restored before a following vowel: /haftod/ 'seventeen' (but хафт нафар j_iJ> CJ-LA haft nafar /hafnafar/ 'seven people', хаштсад i «г. ~ Ал hastsad /haSsad/ 'eight hundred'). Stress. Tajik words shows a predictable stress, which may be perceived as more forceful articulation, or higher pitch, or a combination of these. Stress is word-final in nominals (inc. Infinitives, participles), and progresses to include plural and derivational suffixes: kitöb 'book', kitobhö 'books', fatoWliterary, bookish'. Enclitics are not stressed: kitobe 'a book', kitobhoe '(some) books'; kitobro 'the book', kitobhoro 'the books', kitobhöero 'some books' (obj.; 2.17); kitoobas, kitob-i vay 'his book', kitobhoyamon, kitobho-i mo 'our books'; raftdn 'to go, going, departure', raftdnaton 'your departure'; raftä 'gone', raftagon 'the departed (ones)'. Monosyllabic function words such as complementizerfa",emphatic ham, interrogative -ml (which are often enclitics, prosodically, if not orthographically) carry no stress in comparison with adjacent syllables. Transparent compounds may exhibit one or more secondary accents: kambagdl 'poor (person)' (kam 'little' + bagal 'armful'), /nötavönbiinf:/ 'envy' (no-tavon 'not-able' + bird 'seeing'); bärgardondä 'returned, given back' (preverb bar + causative participle gard-ond-a). A nominal used as a vocative generally takes initial stress: pddar! 'father!' (2.26). Conjunctions formed in combination with the complementizer ки <^ ki take penultimate stress: koski 'if only'. A number of common adverbials and interjections (mostly ending in a vowel) have initial or penultimate stress: bale, ore 'yes', ammo, lekin 'but', balki 'but (rather)', xele 'very, a lot', ammo, vale 'but', yä'ne (/yä:ne/or /yäane/) 'i.e., I mean', oyo (interrog.; see 4.8), euro 'why?', zero 'because', holo, hole 'now', hatto 'even', albdtta 'of course', kam

PHONOLOGY AND ORTHOGRAPHY

27

'well, then', obbo 'oh dear'. All these cases will be noted as they occur. Russian nominals, in which stress is unpredictable, and Russianmediated "international" vocabulary, are supposed to be pronounced as in Russian even when used as loanwords in Tajik: radio 'radio', dtomho 'atoms'. It is difficult to keep two incompatible stress-systems going in fluent or rapid speech, and this rule was frequently broken; it is no longer regarded as binding. When combined with Tajik morphology, Russian vocabulary is subject to Tajik stress rules: atomi 'atomic' (adj.; contrast Rus. атомный). Stress in verb forms is basically regressive, i.e., the first syllable of a finite, conjugated form carries the stress: gufted 'you said', omadem 'we came; here we are'; though a heavier final syllable in polysyllabic stems, i.e., one with a long vowel or a final consonant cluster, will assume primary stress if there are no prefixes: guzdst-and 'they passed'. Prefixes bi-, me-, na- are always stressed; if more than one occurs, the first (the negative na-) is stressed: mexonad 'she's reading', ndmeravam 'I won't go'. Prefixed forms may have secondary stress—finite forms on the final syllable: bt-gired 'take!', ndmeovardänd 'they did not bring', and participles (which are stressed as nominals) on the prefix: meomadagi. 'coming, on the way' (3.46). The personal endings do not take primary stress; nor do the personal enclitics of the verb 'to be', either as copulas or tense auxiliaries: korgdr-and 'they are workers' Q.6)9rqftd-ast 'he has gone'. Intonation. Stress and pitch patterns in Tajik phrases and sentences are naturally capable of considerable variation, especially in longer speech strings. In general, short declarative statements rise on the next stressed syllable, hold even or rise one more step, then drop on the final (generally unstressed) syllable to a step just below that of the initial syllable: cf. Fig. 1.6a (a simple intransitive sentence, meaning 'spring is over') and Fig. L.6b (a simple transitive sentence, meaning 'Grandfather has a grandfather'). Complex sentences will in general follow the same pattern, holding or repeating the tone of the penultimate syllable in place of the low terminal tone in all but the final syllable of the string.

28

CHAPTER ONE

FIG. 1.6

STATEMENT INTONATION PROFILES 4 3 2 1

(a) bahor guzdst 1.7

—

(b) bobö bobo dorad

Phonotactics.

Since initial consonant clusters are not tolerated in New Persian (1.6, Syllable structure), earlier words, including loans, of an aberrant structure were usually assimilated by the insertion of an epenthetic vowel (between the consonants): сипиҳр j q * --/qipibr/ 'sphere' (< Greek sphaira), and later borrowings with a prothetic (initial) vowel: истакон ^ К " I /istakon/ Чеа-glass' (< Rus. stakan). Russian borrowings in particular have added alien initial clusters to the corpus, such as zvenö 'team, unit', Stalin-obod (former name of Dushanbe). Such loanwords were at first assimilated to Tajik phonotactic norms, as in istakon above; in 1954, however, it was decreed that Russian and "international" vocabulary incorporated in the Cyrillicized languages was to be written exactly as in Russian, and most earlier loans were re-Russianized. This control did not necessarily extend to the spoken word; the degree to which Tajik speakers assimilated (and still assimilate) Russian words to native phonotactic and phonetic norms (e.g., /zvyen6/ > /z 3 ven6/, /stalinobod/ > /istalinobod/) depends partly on non-linguistic factors such as their level of education or cultural predilections (cf. also Stress, L.6). (Tajik) Persian allows a range of word-final two-consonant clusters, with some restrictions. Continuants (inc. resonants and fricatives) may combine fairly freely: -Д -xs, -rf, -rs, -rz, -rx, -rj, -he, -nj are among the most common combinations. However, resonants and nasals come first in combination and stops occur as the final consonant only when preceded by a continuant, in the combinations -st, -sU -sk, -ft, -xt, -rd, -rg, -Ix, -nd, -ng, -mb, -sp. The influx of Arabic vocabulary from at least the tenth century introduced a large number of final consonant clusters which contravened Persian phonotactics: e.g. .^.L aqutb 'pole',

PHONOLOGY AND ORTHOGRAPHY j

a

29

о majd 'glory', ^ l l i sukr 'thanks'. In many Arabic or Persian

collocations these can be redistributed between syllables, e.g., sukr-ulloh /Sukrullo/ 'thank God'; as final clusters, they have been "domesticated" (and native clusters further simplified) by one of three strategies: (1) Separation by means of an epenthetic vowel: sukr /§ukur/ 'thanks', atr /atr/ 'perfume'; сатил J > " ... \ J " ,..'bucket, pail' (Ar. j L l « satt) is one of the few such alterations to have been formalized in written Tajik (both Cyrillic and Perso-Arabic). (2) Changing a stop to the closest continuant, most commonly /q/ > /x/: I^J-SJ vaqt /vaxt/ 'time', j j .^ i" taqsir /taxsir/ 'fault', 4-Д_д1 naqsa /naxsa/ 'design, plan'; the result is to simulate a permissible Persian cluster (-xt, -xst -xs). Occasionally a continuant is changed to a related obstruent: hafi-dah, hafdah (as written in Perso-Arabic, 6.iiJb) > /havda/ > /habda/ (so written, with morphographic restoration of К in Cyrillic: хабдаҳ) 'seventeen'. (3)

Metathesis, i.e., switching the sequence of components of the cluster: қуфл JJL.S qufl> /qulf/ 'lock, bolt'; китф > 4 Л <, kitf> /kift/ 'shoulder' (both accepted in Cyrillic). This sometimes achieves a canonical native cluster, as in these two examples. In other cases (even in native words) it imitates more familiar sequences or patterns: афв j

\

r afv> /avf/ 'pardon'; ҳалво IjJL^ halvo>

/havlo/ 'halva'; сурфа 4_а^_^ surfa> /sufra/ 'cough'; tafsidan > /taspidan/ 'to glow' (these instances are not accepted in the written language). 1.8

Alternation and Suppletion

In the context of certain forms or categories of words, a phoneme may be inserted where it is otherwise absent in cognate forms. The following examples are regularly found in written Tajik. -a l-ag-, -JL- \ 6-. There is a switch between word-final -a and prevocalic -ag- before the stressed suffixes -on (human pi., 2.4), -T (noun formative, 5.2; adj. formative, 5.4) and -ona (adj. and adv. formative, 5.4): baca 'child', bacagon 'children', bacagi 'childhood', bacagona 'childish, children's'; karda and kardagi 'done' (Past participles I and II, 3.43). This historical echo recapitulates

30

CHAPTER ONE

the morphological sequence of Middle Persian, when this class of nouns ended in -ag, and regularly accepted vowel-initial suffixes; the terminal velar was subsequently lost, but evidently still underlies the stem form. This /g/ is now intuited as euphonic, and is sometimes supplied even for words in -a of non-Persian origin: Ar. * ;1 ^ talaba 'student' (actually a pi. in Arabic, of i_JLk), Tajik pi. K { L a : talabagon (also written ^\1 «LJ-L; cf. 1.15", 3.44-46). Terminal y. Tajik preserves, often optionally, the terminal у found on a number of nominals and verb Stems I in CP (but no longer in SP) after "long" vowels /o/ and /й/: пой ^ Ь роу 'foot, leg', ҷой ^L^joy 'place', сой- --Л-^soy- 'rub' (Stem I sudan); рӯй ^ J J ruy 'face', мӯй ^j—* may 'hair', ҷӯй (^j-^jiiy 'stream, canal'; ҷӯй- -_AJ a. juy 'seek'- (Stem ljustan), and the compound донишҷӯ(й) (cs)j ? >V»b 'student' (donis 'knowledge' + Stem I justan). In many cases this у may be dropped when the word is end-stopped {in jo 'this place, here'; bigu * say V\donifju 'student', a modern borrowing from SP). However, when the word is followed by an enclitic or suffix (inflectional or derivational), the 3; in most cases resurfaces: ба ҷои шумо I * .7. <^1А-> Ъа jo-i Sumo /ba joyi Äimo/'in your place, instead of you', ҷойхоб <->\j-L <^LÄ 'bed', гӯед ±±u% /guyed/ 'say!' (pi.)—even if disguised by the Cyrillic orthography (see 1.11). Intrusive n. In a number of Tajik nominals and one formative, a vowel is followed by n where no n is recorded lexically for CP or SP cognates. Since this occurs either word-finally or before g, the process seems to be one of nasalization of the vowel. Examples where this appears in the orthography include: қолин j^-JLS'rug' (SP qali ^L.5), кошин ^ j ^.L-^tile' (SP kasi ^ L S ) , лунча d ^ \j I lunca 'jowl' (SP luce «t^jJ), гӯштин(-гирӣ) ^j "\ *ijS (cgj J ^) 'wrestling' (SPkusti(giri), бозингар j X l ^ j L 'player; playful' (SP bdzigar)\ динангӣ и < \ <-Ц^А L r S_l-Ljj dinangT 'yesterday's' (see 5.4; considered a variant of the formative -гӣ Reduplicated r. Double consonants are rare in (Tajik) Persian, except across morpheme boundaries (ham-millat /hammillät/ 'of the same nationality', dar-rav /därraw/ 'at once'). The one word often written

PHONOLOGY AND ORTHOGRAPHY

31

with tasdid over cw does not in fact contain a geminate: the spelling is said to be a device to distinguish < у \ (4 \ Qfeadü'child, boy' from A Ä-J ba-ct 'to what'. Boca is properly pronounced with a single c, though as an affricate it may take longer to articulate than a simplex consonant. Medial m is sometimes doubled: umed or ummed (often in poetry) 'hope'; and geminate r occurs regularly in a few words: arra '(hand)saw', farrux 'happy'. The consonant r is also doubled in some occurrences of a morph, but not others—before a vowel-initial suffix, in some nominals and monosyllabic verb Stems I ending in -r. This may occur in conjugated forms of both the simple verb and its causative derivative (all forms of the latter), or the Present participle (-anda, 3.41), verbal adjective and adverb (-0, -on, 3.39), and/ or verbal noun (-is, 3.38,5.2). Affected are the verbsparidan 'to fly', buridan 'to cut', daridan 'to tear', caridan 'to graze'. The common verb xaridan 'to buy' is not affected. (In the case of buridan, at least, this feature occurs in CP.) There is little or no consistency in the forms affected, or their orthographic record (i.e., in Cyrillic; the Perso-Arabic diacritic for reduplication, tasdid, is rarely used; see 1-13). Examples: заррин a^jj zarrin 'gold(en)', Заррина (female name, < zar 'gold'); парранда (паранда) par(r)anda 'bird' (lit. 'flying [one]'), паррон jf^"*flyng, swift', парронча <* ^ '«IJJ 'fledgling' (diminutive -ca, 5.2), паррондан Л^О-j 'to launch, hurl, fly (tr.)' (but париш oi.j-1 'flight'); мебуррад/ мебурад J J - J ^ mebu(r)rad 'he cuts', буриш (бурриш) ^ J ^ J bur(r) is* cut(ting), section', бурро lj_> 'sharp, trenchant' (Ыибурида *J-JJ-J 'cut (off)]'); медаррад ^ J j L r - A medarrad 'he tears', дарранда ojjfjj 'predator(y), beast/ bird of prey', даррондан ^J-JJIJJ 4o tear to pieces, devour' (5.15); чарранда ьs^j^ 'grazing animal, [pi.] livestock' (but чарогоҳ 6 \SLI j ^ 'pasture'). Arabic geminates. A number of monosyllabic Arabic loanwords which terminate in a doubled consonant lose one of the consonants in Tajik when the word is end-stopped or followed by a consonant: ҷин ^ 'jinn, jinnee', ҷинҳо U ^ y m f t ö 'jinnees, genies'; саф

32

CHAPTER ONE

. saf'line of battle', сафдар j j_L^a safdar 'breaker of [enemy] ranks, valiant'. However, the extra consonant resurfaces before a vowel-initial suffix or enclitic (most commonly, the izofat): ҷиннӣ ^jl^jinm

'crazy, possessed'; саффи душман j т -У • д->* saff-i

dusman 'the enemy's ranks'. This alternation is always recorded in Cyrillic, and optionally in Perso-Arabic (seetasdid, 1.13). Exceptionally, the geminate form ҷинн is also found, perhaps in contradistinction to its homonym, the modern loanword ҷинуш '(cotton) gin'. The wordҳиc(c) ^ a > 'feeling, sense', too, is often found in geminate form. Other common examples are as follows (given in Perso-Arabic script only where they contain non-default characters; see 1.13): dur /dur/ 'pearl', durri noyob /durri noyob/ 'rare pearl'; kul 'all, whole', kulli mardum 'all the people'; sir '(the) secret', sirre 'a secret';xat .LA'line; writing', xatti arabi ^ j - ^

L

^ 'Arabic script';

hob c-A 'pill, tablet', habbi sulfa < 51 ,„ L^'cough tablet'; had j-a. 'limit, boundary', haddi aksar j - l ^ l J ^ . 'maximum'; haq j ^ 'truth, right', dar haqqi

J ^ j j 'concerning'; hal J ^ 'solution',

- < - *> ^j.1^ Jja. halkunii namak 'dissolving salt, salt solution', but ^1 «ü_l ^u о J^a. /гаШ mas'alae 'a solution to the problem';fan 'technique, science', fannl 'scientific', etc. Geminates are represented in Cyrillic, and optionally (with tasdid\ see 1.12) in Perso-Arabic. It is not incorrect to write tasdid over a singular or pre-consonantal form: ^->bL» ^j " * — , etc. A few such loanwords are assimilated to the extent that they have lost gemination entirely: kafi dost 'palm (of the hand)', kafi po 'sole (of the foot)'. The word қад j

2 'size, stature, height,

length' vacillates: qaddi rasol qadi raso 'full size', qad-u bar 'length and width'; in its use as a prepositional phrase it generally has a single IAI: qad(d)i кпЫ 'along the street' (2.21). In a particular idiom, the Persian noun худ JJ-L 'self (2.32), which does not end in a geminate, often has a reduplicated /d/ before izofat: худди ту барин /xuddi tu barin/ 'just like you' ('like you yourself; see term, 2.23). Prosodic pairs. In accordance with the older system of vowel opposition in Persian (1.2), the five long vowels were paired with three short

PHONOLOGY AND ORTHOGRAPHY

33

vowels, ä : a, lie : /, й/ö : и for purposes of contrasting long and short syllables in poetry. By poetic license, a short vowel might be substituted for its (canonical) long equivalent in some frequentlyoccurring words. The last two contrasts provide only ad hoc prosodic variants in verse, and cannot always be represented in Cyrillic, since it does not distinguish long and short vowels; e.g., niko : nikö (in Tajik, некӯ j < y - : накӯ ^£J») 'good'; büd : bud : jj_» (л-», both буд in Cyrillic). However, a for ä is still to be found in lexical forms such as names and compounds: раздор

JIJ-*J

rah-dor 'striped, streaky'

('having stripe(s)' < roh 'road, stripe'); a half-dozen other compounds have roh- by preference, rah- as variant, e.g., rohbarl rahbar 'leader', rohzan/ rahzan 'highway robber'; mahtob 'moonlight', mahtobi 'moonlit' (< moh 'moon' + Stem I toftan 'to shine'); sahnoy 'wind instrument' (<soh 'king'; an augmentive, 5.6; for noy, see next). The variation even provides a few lexical doublets: nay 'reed, cane, pipe, flute'; noy is the poetical variant in these senses, but cf. the diminutives noyca 'windpipe, bronchial tube; blowpipe; weaver's reed' vs. nayca 'sprout, shoot; reel, spool; (cartridge) case, shell'.

ORTHOGRAPHY 1.9

Writing Systems: Introduction

New Persian as a literary language evolved at the court of Bukhara more than a millennium ago, by adapting Arabic loanwords and the Arabic alphabet to spoken Middle Persian. Since then other literary centers, chiefly on the Iranian plateau, have dominated its development, with only grudging and belated regard to changes in the spoken idiom of the center and none for those of the periphery, as is the way of literary languages. The social and political upheavals of the early twentieth century prompted a revival of literary Persian at Bukhara and its cultural hinterland, again based on the spoken vernacular (by now

34

CHAPTER ONE

rather different from both its predecessor and that of its neighbors in Iran), and again adapting the lexicon and writing system of a new ideology to existing norms. Thus was born Tajik Persian (see Chronology, 5.27). Toward the end of the 20th century, the collapse of this ideology and its imperial network brought about a mixed reaction: a revulsion from a culturally invasive colonial tongue, balanced by a need to maintain the machinery of everyday administration; a reversion to classical ideals half-lost in the course of centuries, coupled with a resolve to participate in both the wider Persian-speaking (and -writing) world, and the world at large, that for so long had been closed to Tajikistan. In these deliberations, language and script have played an important role in both symbolic and practical areas. The pendulum is still in motion: the language hovers between Sovietized past and re-Persianizing future, the writing system shared unequally between an established (though reformed) Cyrillic, a re-emerging Perso-Arabic, and the universal auxiliary Latin alphabet. All these tendencies are of necessity reflected in the present Grammar. The Tajik Latin alphabet. Used briefly between 1928 and 1940, this was a highly successful adaptation of the Latin alphabet as a scientific, international system of transcription, applicable in principle to any language, with the aid of a few extra diacritics. It was in origin a by-product of the work of Turcophone intellectuals of Baku and Kazan, who hoped to develop a unified Turkic alphabet; this hope was frustrated by political more than linguistic obstacles, and the Latin alphabets as adopted in Turkey and in Turkestan in 1928 were slightly, and unnecessarily, different. The Tajik version was phonographically consistent (i.e., one character corresponded to one sound of the language, at least in the case of consonants), and betrayed its underlying Russian matrix only in the alphabetical order of the letters and the use of о for the "long a" represented by alif in Perso-Arabic script (1.3). As this system is listed here (see Fig. 1.10), the three digraphs and extra e in parentheses are merely to show the correspondence with later Cyrillic characters that are redundant in Tajik. The early drafts of the Latin alphabet contained only lower-case letters, the modernist argument being that capitals were superfluous; in this form a range of

PHONOLOGY AND ORTHOGRAPHY

35

Tajik publications was printed during 1926-29. Lower-case b took the form of a smaller upper-case В in the majority of charts and publications. Four diacritics were used (/-macron for terminal stressed /i/, later carried into Cyrillic; slashed z for /i/, cedillas under с for /j/ and under s for /S/), and one new character (q for /g/, as in the Turkic alphabets). The hiatus (for 'ayn or hamza) was represented by the apostrophe (apostrof). The remaining 31 letters are those commonly available and expected. Despite some inconsistencies in the earliest printed texts, the whole system can be very quickly learned by a reader with some experience of either the Perso-Arabic or the Cyrillic scripts of Tajik. However, in the spelling of words containing an original 'ayn or hamza, and its conflation of long and short vowels, it generated ambiguities that were compounded in the Cyrillic system (see 1.2-3, 1.11-12). The Jews of Central Asia (centered in Bukhara and Samarkand) developed a slightly different version of the Latin alphabet to replace their Hebrew system (see below), and used it until 1935, when they adopted the common Tajik Latin alphabet, replaced by a common Cyrillic alphabet in 1940. For the vowel 0 ö they used Ü u, for the apostrophe when representing £ (Hebrew 'ayiri), Э э, and for H h representing j- (Hebrew heth)9 Ц Ij, since these two sounds had phonemic value in Jewish Tajik dialects. The Hebrew alphabet. Pre-Soviet Judeo-Tajik script, like Arabic, was written from right to left, but differed from Arabic in a number of conventions. The "short" vowels omitted in Arabic were written in full, by means of wow and yod and often the Tiberian diacritics too. Gimel served for both /g/ and /g/ (Arab, gayri) and, with different diacritics, for /C/ and /j/; beth differentiated served for /b/ and /v/, pe differentiated for /p/ and /f/, zayin was both /z/ and /z7. The remaining consonants were as in Hebrew.4 1.10

Cyrillic (1): General

Whereas the Latin writing system was an honest (if flawed) scientific adaptation of an international, largely language-neutral, notation, the Cyrillic alphabets introduced for the Central Asian languages in 1939 4

For a full table and discussion, see Rzehak 1999, pp. 93-95; 2001, pp. 269-70.

36

CHAPTER ONE

(all different, by political intent as much as linguistic punctilio) were unabashedly Russian-specific. A few of the continuing problems will be addressed briefly in the next two sections.5 Italics. The second column of a Russian alphabet is usually devoted to the elaborate "copperplate" handwriting which, in most writers, soon devolves into a more practical hand. The difficulties, such as they are, lie in the ligatures rather than the isolated letters, so that the style is better learned by practice. It is replaced in Fig. 1.10 by the italic printed style based on it (called kursiv), which is widely used and demonstrates most of the same character deviations from the upright style, especially in lower case. The following are salient: г and ғ take on a reverse "s" shape; д becomes an uncial "d"; the three members of the и family are written like a Latin "u"; n comes to resemble a Latin "n", T a Latin "m", and ш a script "w" (additional differences in handwritten Cyrillic involve the letters б, в, and д). Because of the coincidences with Latin w, n, and m, added to the similarities of Cyrillic letters to Latin H, pt с, y, and JC, it is inadvisable to mix Cyrillic and Latin italics; Cyrillic italics will not be used in this book. Alphabetical order. The Soviet-era Tajik Cyrillic alphabet (19401990), in the original order of the 39 letters, is: абвгдеёжзийклмнопрсту фхцчшщъыьэюя *ғӣқӯҳҷ The four letters underlined are Russian-specific characters, introduced in 1953, and dropped from the Tajik alphabet by 1998. Their values are respectively /ts/, /§C/, /i/ (a close central vowel, called еры yery), and the Soft sign (see below). The last six letters, following the asterisk, are those specific to Tajik Persian, originally appended to the Russian alphabet; they comprise the base letters г, и, к, у, х, ч with additional diacritics. These were integrated into the revised alphabet, each after its corresponding base letter (cf. Fig. 1.10), officially in 1998. Revised spelling. Other differences from the Soviet-era alphabet are as follows. Russian ц /ts/ is replaced either by с /s/, even in some Russian names: симент 'cement', Елсин /yelsin/ 'Yel'tsin'; or, intervocalically, by тс/ts/: сотсиалистй 'socialist' (adj.). 5

For more detailed discussion, see Perry 1997; Rzehak 2001, pp. 329-33.

PHONOLOGY AND ORTHOGRAPHY FIG. 1.10

THE TAJIK ALPHABET: CYRILLIC AND LATIN

Cyrillic (1998)

Italic style

A Б В Г Ғ

a б в г ғ

Д Е Ё Ж 3 И

д е ё ж з и

А Б В Г F Д Е Ё Ж 3 И

ӣ Й й К к Қ Л М Н О П

Қ л м н о п

Р С Т У

Р с т у

Ӯ Ӯ ф ф X х

X ҳ Ч ч

Ҷ ҷ Ш ш

ъ Э э Ю ю Я я

37

а б в г г д е ё ж з и й Й й

К Қ Л М Н О

к ц л м н о

П п Р Р С с Т m У У Ф X

У у ф х

Ҳ ҳ Ч ч Я ҷ Ш ш ъ

9 э Юю Я

я

Letter name

Sound

Latin (1929)

а be ve

/a/ 1Ы /v/

8*

/g/ /g/ [Yl /d/ /ye/, Id /yo/ [jo]

A a В в V v Gg

Ее de ye yo

ze ze

/z/

i

/i/ /h/

W

i-izadanok

yot Ice qe le me ne о P re se te

и

п

fe xe he de je Se 'e e yu ya

I'd

D d E e Z z Z z I i I

/q/ /I/ /ml

Q q L 1 Mm N n О о P p R r S s T t U u Ü0

/t/

/u/ /u/[üj /f/ /x/ /h/ /6/

V

J

8 8 d

ye,e

- (S

aojo)

J j К k

/o/ /p/ /r/ /s/

a b

qq

/у/Ш

In/

Transcription

PersoArabic

yo

z j j 1

iS

z i T

(S

У

__j_C

к

о

Я

J

I

с

m n о

Ö

IUT

P r

I—> •г

j

o»

t ß

*

ß

ß

i 1

F f X x

Hh

с

С с

/7 И Id /yu/ [ju] /ya/ (ja]

и и

f X

h

ö

/j/fcfcJ /§/

s

j § § J

(E e) <Juju) (Ja ja)

си

С*

_c 1

s I

e yu ya

38

CHAPTER ONE

The Soft sign ь (in Tajik, аломат-и ҷудоӣ ^ I J ^ d^blü 'separation sign') was formerly placed either after a final consonant to "soften" it (a Russian requirement, irrelevant in Tajik) or between a consonant and one of the Russian yotated vowels to force a consonantal yonset (usually superfluous in Tajik; e.g., дарьё L J J J /daryo/ 'river'—see 1.11, under и). Before the vowel e, however, uncritical excision of the soft sign may have unwanted results in some cases. In Rus. Вьетнам 'Vietnam' it accentuates the /y/ after the initial consonant, but if it were dropped from the Tajik loanword the preceding consonant would prompt the erroneous pronunciation /vetnam/ (see the rules for e, 1.11; the Tajik spelling should remain unchanged or, if revised, would beВиетнам *J» '-yjj> Transcription. The last column of Fig. 1.10 shows transliteration values for (Cyrillic) Tajik. For comparison, words are occasionally transliterated or transcribed as from Standard Persian of Iran; "long" vowels are then written as ä, i9 u, and "short" vowels as a, e, o.

1.11

Cyrillic (2): Consonants

There is only one Cyrillic character used to represent a Tajik consonant which presents any inconsistencies (apart from the semi-vowel й /у/; see 1.13). This is the glottal stop sign (ъ, corresponding to the Russian Hard sign), called аломати сакта < "<... c-i-o}L-c 'sign of hiatus'. In spelling a word aloud, it may be named as %e Id without ambiguity, since it never occurs word-initially, whereas the other character also called fe (Cyrillic Э э ; see 1.12) occurs only word-initially.In Tajik this character continues the use of the apostrophe in the Latin system and corresponds to an instance of Arabic hamza or 'ayn, though it is not used initially. It is written where a hiatus is pronounced, before or after a consonant: таърих /ta'rix/, /taarix/ 'history, date' (^/G; contrast SP £-ejl^ tärix), Қуръон o~lj—s /qur'on/ 'Koran', and before a back vowel: фаъол JL*_ä /fa'ol/ 'active' (фаол is also found, emulating the pronunciation as a glide, /faöl/; strictly, this word is Jl \ \fa"ol, but the geminate glottal stop is not pronounced in Tajik). Before or after the front vowel и, the Hard sign is not written: Сайд j j « «.,/said/ 'the

PHONOLOGY AND ORTHOGRAPHY

39 L

y

name Sa'id', фоил J x Q /foil/, /fc^fl/ 'agent', табиат •-'- : ; /tabi at/ y 'nature' and табии ^ I J ^ /tabi'i/, /tabi i/ 'natural'. Word-finally, following either consonant or vowel, ъ is written (though not usually pronounced in isolation): ҷамъ /jam/ 'whole, all; plus', мавзӯъ /mawzti/ 'topic'. The post-consonantal ъ is retained in izofat (where it is pronounced as a slight hiatus), but is dropped following a vowel (since here it is not usually pronounced): ҷамъи шароитҳо j . JJLÄ /jam'i sare/ithö/ 'all of the conditions', but мавзӯи y баҳс -**^ ; ^j-ubj-o /mavzu i bahs/ 'topic of discussion'. It is dropped also before a vowel-initial suffix, disguising some derivatives: монеъ y g-^La /mone/, /moneV 'hindering', but монеӣ J^A-^LA /mone f/ 'obstacle, brake' andMOHea o ü L /moneä/ 'barrier'. After the front vowel e followed by final ъ, the latter is retained, but the coordinating enclitic -u 'and' takes the form ю appropriate to the glide following a y front vowel: васеъю равшан CJ^JJ J f-e-^J /vase u rawsan/ 'spacious and bright' ( see 4.11). LA.L-JJ

This selective use of ъ in Tajik (in attempts to emulate pronunciation) cannot help but be inconsistent in some cases, and illustrates the perils of mandating a phonographic writing system for a language in which the morphology of a written word may sometimes be more significant. Where it is selectively omitted, it tends to disguise the morphology or identity of a lexical word. Spelling errors, such as фаол (above) and навпарастӣ for навъпарастӣ 'altruism' (i.e., ^ — ^ ^ J ^ J J » nav'parastT 'care for the [human] species', not *nav-parasti 'worship of the new'!—both pronounced /nawparasti/) confirm that, caught between morphographic and phonographic norms, the regulators of Tajik orthography never came to grips with yayn (cf. 1.5).

1.12

Cyrillic (3): Vowels and Semi-vowels

A peculiarity of Russian phonology are the four "soft" or yotated vowels used after a consonant to indicate that it should be palatalized, and which at the beginning of a word are pronounced with a /y-/ onset: e 3 ё, я, ю (as counterparts to the "hard" vowels following regular consonants and having for onset a glottal plosive: э, о, у, a). The yotated vowels are used in Russian to assimilate foreign loans beginning

40

CHAPTER ONE

with /у/ (ярмарка 'fair' < Ger. Jahrmarkt), so it was natural for them to represent Tajik words (or syllables) beginning with /y/ plus the corresponding vowel: ертиш o t . \ "> j ^ /yertiS/ (Uz.) 'piece of cloth given to mourners as a memento', ёр j L /yor/ 'friend, comrade', яла «dl /yalä/ 'open', гӯяд s^jZ /guyad/ 'says', юндӣ /yundi/ 'dishwater'. y

In the sound sequence /io/, /i o/ the second vowel is usually written not as о but ё: сиёҳ 'black', арманиён 'Armenians' (sg. арманй + y y -он); similarly, /ia/, /i a/ is spelled with я, and /iu/, /i u/ with ю: Булғория 'Bulgaria', иқтисодию иҷтимой 'economic and social' (4.11; see also next paragraph, and below under И и). In Russian, when one of these vowels (or и; see below) begins a syllable following a consonant, it is buffered with ь the Soft sign; this practice was followed in Tajik until discontinued in 1998, e.g., дуньё > дунё L-iJij /dunyö/ 'the world', афьюн > афюн ^ j j a I /afyün/ 'opium'. Where prosodic and morphological boundaries do not coincide, a yotated vowel may disguise a Tajik stem and/ or suffix: cf. ояд JJT o-y-ad/oyad/ or биёяд ^ Ь - J bi-o-y-ad 1Ь\у6угй1 'let him come', where the prefixed variant forces the use of a different character (ё) to represent the same stem /o/, in addition to a character (я) that merges a facultative buffer with the standard suffix /ad/ (see 3.4—5). The use of yotated vowels had, and has, other repercussions for Tajik orthography: E e stands for Id after a consonant, but /ye/ word-initially or after a vowel: мебинем /mebinem/ 'we see'; мегӯем л i J J /megiiyem/ 'we say'; after a low vowel, the /y/ may be a less prominent glide: дароед! ^ Т j j /däro^d/ 'come in!'. (SP i, yi). Э э (transcribed xe) stands only for /e/, and must therefore begin a word or syllable with this initial value: элак lelak 'sieve', эҳтиёт /ehtiyot/'caution, prudence', боэҳтиёт JOLJ-JL^J LJ/böehtiyot/ 'cautious, prudent' (lit. 'with prudence'); эзсгиром 'respect', беэҳтиром f i j ~ ~i ^ /beehtirom/ 'disrespectful' ('without respect'). Compounds are written as one word in Cyrillic (1.15), so the juxtaposition of the two different e's is a natural consequence of the redundant Russian-specific feature. (SP i). Й й /у/, a consonant or semi-vowel, in addition to its Russian name yot, is known more formally in Tajik as и-и кӯтоҳ öLij £ ^1 'short i \ Thanks to the convention of yotated vowels, it is found

PHONOLOGY AND ORTHOGRAPHY

41

word- or syllable-initially only before the vowels и and ӯ, and exceptionally before о: йигит /yigft/ 'youth, young man, (daring) horseman'; йӯрға /yurgä/ 'trot'; район Irayonl 'region', майор /mayor/ 'major', йод /yod/ 'iodine' (the combination йо is found only in a few foreign loanwords in Russian carried over into Tajik; contrast the Persian word ёд JLJ /yod/ 'memory'). The combination -йӯм may be found as the ordinal number suffix in older texts, but was judged too pedantic and replaced by -юм /-yum/ (2.52). Geminate /yy/ is always written with a sequence of two distinct graphs, й plus the appropriate yotated vowel: тайёр /tayyör/ 'ready', айём /ayyöm/ 'days (of yore)', муайян /muayyän/ 'fixed, designated'. The vowel и also counts as yotated for this purpose (see below): мутаҳайир /mutahayyir/ 'astonished'; й is thus never written double. И и I'll is a hybrid, and a more subtle joker than e. Usually it represents Tajik /i/ initially or internally: ин зин ^ j ^ 1 /in zin/ 'this saddle'. It is followed by a yotated vowel in the sequences /io/ иё, /ia/ ия, /iu/ ию (see above; SP e, ye, i, yi). It is not classed as a yotated vowel, but does "soften" (palatalize) most preceding consonants (in Russian), while in Tajik it assimilates a preceding terminal /у/: наистон ^1 " ... /»/nayiston/ 'reed bed, cane brake' (nayiston, see 5.2). This use of и for /yi/ occurs most frequently in izofat phrases: рӯи зан ^ j ^ j j /riiyi zan/ 'the woman's face', бар рӯи миз у^ ^ j j j-> 'upon the table' (both <рӯй + и); ҷои нағз З-*-^ с$Ц* ФУ* n a g z / ' п * с е place' (< ҷой + и). Replacement of the string й-и in izofat by и is now an orthographic rule of Cyrillic, though some writers still favor the earlier option: ҷойи нағз. The ambiguity of и leads to common spelling errors in Cyrillic, such as маит /mayit/ 'dead' (properly, майит), and сайд j \ ... /sayid/ 'sayyid, descendant of the Prophet' (properly сайид), confusing this with сайд * _. * .../сяГ-Н/ 'fortunate; man's name, Sa'id' (see 1.11). The confusion here arises additionally from the disregard of vowel length and the reduction of geminate /yy/ to /y/ in Tajik speech; these words would be more clearly disambiguated

42

CHAPTER ONE

in the Tajik Latin alphabet, as majit, sajid and said respectively. To represent syllable-initial /yi-/ within a word, и is preceded not by й but by the Soft sign, к тағьир /tagyir/ 'change' (cf. 1.10, Soft sign)—except in three cases: (1) Before a personal ending on Stem I of giristanl giry- 'to weep': гирйем /giryem/ ~ » >j ^ 'let us weep', as distinct from гирем f->j \ ^ /girem/ 'let us get'; morphologically, the word is giry-em. (2) After the Hard sign, ъ, when и alone represents /yi/: таъин i>: : *'~Jt**y{nf 'designation, appointment' (cf. меъёр j L u L - e /me'yor/ 'standard, criterion'). (3) When geminate у is followed by i: мутаҳайир j j ^ ~ ~ /mutahayyir/ 'astonished' (и as /yi/; cf. yotated vowels providing the second /y/ in the sequence /yy/ in муайян, тайёр under й above). Word-initial и is found before a (yotated) vowel in a number of Russian loans that originated in Greek or Latin: июн(ь) /iyun/ 'June', июл(ь) /iyul/ 'July', иероглиф /iyeröglif/ 'hieroglyph'. It is followed by о in a few transferred loanwords such as радио 'radio' (Taj. /radio/ or /radio/). The letter ӣ (with macron; called и-и заданок i£L>6jj ^ - 'stressed V or и-и дароз j\jA{£~ c ' o n g О is a device to distinguish accented word-final -i from unstressed final -i, which occurs only (but frequently) as the syntactic izofat enclitic: e.g., дӯсти ман <J-Ö о-ujjj 'my friend' (2.10). Stressed final -7(SP 0 occurs under the following conditions: (1) As an integral part of a noun: моҳй LS-^\ о /mohi/ 'fish', таксй ^-»<~ /taksi/ 'taxi', Алӣ ^^Lc 'AH' (man's name). (2) As a derivational suffix, or part of one: дӯстӣ ^ «,jj 'friendship' (Quality noun, 5.2),тоҷикӣ o ^ j %U 'Tajik' (adj.; 5.4), рафтагй ^ ^ " ^j 'having gone' (Past Participle II, 3.44), and several others. (3) As the 2sg. personal inflectional suffix on a verb stem: (ту) омадй/ меоӣ o - ? T L 5 - 0 \ ^J-OT (^р) 'you came/ come' (3.4). (4) Any of several monosyllables: кӣ ^ ' w h o ? ' (as distinct from the unstressed subordinizer ки <S), чӣ ^ 'what?', ей Lf^u 'thir-

PHONOLOGY AND ORTHOGRAPHY

43

q

ty\ -ми? -Lr^- (interrogative enclitic; 4.8). The macron on final -й is dropped before a following affix of any kind. This includes: (1) Enclitics, such as pronominals: душманиашон <jLi.l ^ ** - л.l} (duSmanT-aSon) 'their enmity', 1суштиаш o * F ^ * •* < 'you killed him' (2.30); the Indefinite/ Specific marker -e, as in моҳие 'a fish' (2.7); the postposition -po, as in киро дидй? ^ ^ J ' J<_^ (ki-ro) 'whom did you see?' (2.17); and the -и of izofat. дӯстии халқҳо LA jLL ^"i ,ajj /dustiyi xalqho/ 'friendship of peoples' (2.10; note that the combination ии i-yi incorporates the glide /iyi/). (2) Suffixes, grammatical (esp. both plural markers) and derivational: nemry^o'predictions' (sg. пешгӯй ^ ^ j ^ i* j), эрониёх <jl J-^'J^I 'Iranians' (note the change to yotated ё); норозигӣ ^ ^ n h l j L (no-rozi-gi, 5.2) 'discontent, disagreement'. (3) Compounding elements: тараққй 'progress' + парвар 'nurturing, nurturer' (Stem I parvardan 'to foster, cultivate') gives тараққипарвар taraqqiparvar 'progressive' (noun, adj.). Ӯ ӯ Ixxl is the only letter that is here transcribed (fix/) and transliterated (w) using different characters; this is to avoid any confusion with the use of the macron (conventionally, and as with Cyrillic Й) to represent vowel length. It must be remembered that the diacritic on Cyrillic ӯ denotes a different vowel quality, a separate phoneme, fromy/u/(1.3;SP0, u). In Tajik-language publications printed in Uzbekistan, Ӯ ӯ often appears as Ӯ y, this being the equivalent Uzbek letter. 1.13

Per so-Ar able (1): General

Literary Persian has been written for more than a millennium in the Arabic alphabet, with the addition of four modified characters to represent Persian sounds not found in Arabic: ^ /p/, g /6/, j II/, £ /g/. Forms. The letters are essentially consonants, conventionally grouped by shape, those of similar shape being differentiated by the position and number of diacritic dots. The system is quite well adapted to all dialects of Persian, and there are no essential differences between the

44

CHAPTER ONE

orthographies of Iran, Afghanistan, and Central Asia (but see below, Choices). The chief calligraphic style in pre-modern Central Asia was nasta'liq, suited to handwriting and lithographic printing (since the ligatures are not necessarily on the base line); in the early twentieth century naskh (in which the ligatures lie on the base line) supplanted it for text printed in movable type, and is nowadays preferred for offset and computer-generated typeface. The script is semi-cursive: all characters may be joined to the preceding letter ("Final form" column, if applicable) and most to the following letter ("Initial form"); seven may not be joined to the following letter (blank in the "Medial form" column). All thus have at least two different forms according to whether they occur in word-initial, medial, or final form, and with or without ligatures. There is only one combination of letters that may not be immediately transparent, the lom-alif ligature: V (initial and independent form, as in j - c V logar 'thin, lean'), ^- (medial and final form, as in f }L^UJ salom 'greeting'). Names. Not all the names of the letters are given in Arabic script in Fig. 1.12; most of those where the spoken form ends in /-e/ have a classical written form ending in alif which may be found in older dictionaries (fe = Lb, ye = L, etc.), but this does not correspond to the spoken form, and in modern written usage the Perso-Arabic written name of a letter of this class is its independent form: l y ^ / J j ^ i V - j y » harf-i "pe"-ro navised! 'write the letter P . The two'lettersh are named for their respective positions in the abjad groups (the numerical sequence of the letters; see 2.55). Choices. A number of the Arabic consonants with phonetic values /t/, /s/, /z/, /h/ and / 7 are redundant (see the Perso-Arabic column in Fig. 1.10), since the phonemes they represented in Arabic were irrelevant to Persian. They continue in use to write words of Arabic origin; to write Persian and non-Arabic loanwords with these sounds, the default characters are ci» t, Uu s, j z, -A h. In the case of «= hamza, this sign may play a part in the orthography of glides (see 1.15; for the Cyrillic orthography of hamza and £ 'ayn, see 1.11). A few of these redundant characters are also found in words of Persian or Turkic origin, e.g. j .n sad 'hundred', f j — * ^ sum 'som' (a

PHONOLOGY AND ORTHOGRAPHY

45

currency unit of the Bukhara emirate), ^jJa tüy 'wedding; circumcision feast', and the verbs - j i J k \ j , " ЛЛ <, guzastanl guzar- 'to pass' and -jld_S \jZ—&\iJLguzostanl guzor- 'to place, let'. Others appear as variants in the representation of foreign geographical terms, esp. those mediated through Turkish and Russian: l_JLk-J or
In some words, especially those of Turkic provenance, the vowels may be written out fully (using j vov and ^ ye; cf. Hebrew alphabet, 1.10): j j "Ij о /miltiq/ 'rifle', ^-^jjl/Uzbek/ 'Uzbek' (cf. the more usual « i j j l 'v3-lLo). Two further consonantal conventions should be noted. In some Persian words, the (usually initial) digraph -j_jk JCV- (a relic of a phonetic combination no longer used) is pronounced /x/ followed by a vowel: «^l^k xob 'sleep', ^ JMJA xondan 'to read', y±A\j-±xohis

L

'request', <jtj 4 " ...I ustuxon 'bone',

Ju^^JLxef

'kin'. The Cyrillic spelling reflects the current pronunciation. In one case, this disguises a homophone which is disambiguated in Perso-Arabic: ^ " ,,.1^^'to wish' (Stem I хоҳ- - _ A I J _ ^ /xoh-/), i j l ...I Л'to rise' (Stem I хез- - j - ^ /xez-/); both Stems II are written as хост- in Cyrillic, and pronounced as /xost-/. tasdid 'emphasis': To indicate a reduplicated consonant, the sign 1 is optionally written above the single consonant: CL> J a muddat 'period, while'; a vowel diacritic may be written above it (or, in the case of zer, beneath it: ^^La л*ь ziddi milli 'anti-national'). Tasdid may sometimes be' needed to distinguish homographs: OJJ-S qut 'nourishment', CJJ—5 quvvat 'strength'. The consonant /y/ is often doubled, but this is not always predictable from the pattern: ^L-^bayon 'explanation', jl \ с ayyor 'bandit'; 4-J-J,P tarbiya 'upbringing',
46 FIG. 1.13

CHAPTER ONE THE TAJIK ALPHABET: PERSO-ARABIC

Cyrillic equivt. Initial vowel; о

Sound

Letter

FORMS OF ARABIC

name /о/

б

/b/

П T

/p/ IM

с

/si

Ҷ

1)1

alif be

Indept. 1 Final < Medial < Initial

JÜI

ч

III

ҳ х

/h/ /х/

Д

/d/

dol

Jb

з

/z/

zol

Jib

р

/г/

re

з ж с

/z/ /z/ /s/

ze

b)

ш

/§/

с з

/s/ /z/

T

/t/

з

/z/

zo

/7

ayn gayn

ғ Ф

/g/ /f/

Қ к

/q/ /k/

г л M

/g/ /1/ /m/

H

/П/

в, У, Ӯ ҳ, final a й, и, й, e

(ij)

с

^™ &

с с i j

i,

• * •

•*•

t

•*"

(li) <JL>

J

r

4

/v, u, u/ /h/ he (-i havvaz) /y, i, Г, e/ ye (b)

A mJ

- >

"? ->

JL

s

JL

>

j A

A

A

J A

A -•JW

c^a-

-a-

-o

Jo. Ja.

-i. Ja.

Jo

Ja.

t t

«J

<JIS"

^ ? ^

С:

Ji. Си*

A

J

J*

to

Л —

J1

zod

lorn mim nun vov

II

L

О

A

i£ sin Sin sod

fe qof kof gof

1

(L)

pe (b) te se (-1s*? nuqta) jim ce he (-i hutti) xe

Initial vowel; Ъ

CHARACTERS

J, Ji ^ -ft

J J

t^

J

J-

J-

f

r

•*•

J

0 J •

J. A.

er

^ -

Jb

PHONOLOGY AND ORTHOGRAPHY 1.14

47

Perso-Arabic (2): Vowels

There remain five vowel diacritics, and four consonants which, besides their consonantal roles, play a part in specifying the vowels of Tajik and otherwise regulating the orthography. Vowel diacritics: The three conventionally "short" vowels of Persian, corresponding to /a/, some of /i/ and /e/, and some of /u/ and /ü/ in Tajik (see 1.3), are not usually written except to disambiguate homographs and to specify vowels in dictionaries and grammars. For instance, the consonantal matrix j j - ^ may stand for any of the three words jjj? gard 'dust', jj_2 'round', and jj-S gurd 'hero', which may not be identifiable even in context without the diacritics. These will accordingly be written in this grammar to assist in word recognition and especially to make explicit the izofat and other grammatical relationships. Collectively called CL»\ £ j a> harakot, lit. 'movements', they are placed directly above or below any consonant except the terminal (but see zer): _ (called zabar 'above'), represents /a/: v-JJ* talab 'demand', u ,,1 Ui atlas 'satin'. It should not be confused with the longer, horizontal mad{d) placed over aft/(see below). It may also indicate /a/ as the first component of a diphthong, when followed by ^ or j : ьл j л mayda 'small', jjh savr /sawr/ 'third month of the Iranian solar year' (see 1.4, Diphthongs). | _ I (zer 'below'), shaped like zabar, represents short /i/, or Id as an allophone of this before /h/ or /7 (see 1.4, Lowering): ъ j j zireh 'armor', «.г.» \ *% о mehnat 'toil, labor', CL>JL*J ijozat 'permission', J*-&fe'l 'verb'. When used under the last consonant in a word, it indicates the izofat enclitic: <* " ^> •» J t \fe'l-isoxta 'Complex verb' (see 1.15, Izofat). — (pes 'before'), resembling a miniature vov, represents short /u/, or lul as an allophone of this before /h/ or ГI (1.3, Lowering): jl л ,„1 ustod 'professor', спЛ. л must 'fist', «Ll^S kuhna 'old', A I * Л, gffla 'flame'. E] (sukun 'quiescence') denotes the absence of a vowel following the consonant over which it appears: cn7, л must. It is not often used, and will not be written in what follows; unless a vowel can be

48

CHAPTER ONE deduced from the form of the word, the absence of one (i.e., the occurrence of a consonant cluster) should be presumed.

|_J (tanvin 'nunation'), a double zabar above (in some fonts, before) a final alif is pronounced /an/, and represents a class of Arabic adverb(2.46): \\j n ^" /taxmiinän/ 'approximately', V jl/avvalän/ 'first(ly)'. These may be written without the doubled zabar. V jl. If the final letter is alifmaqsura (see 1.15, Ye for alif)), the diacritic is placed over this: ^_1д-о /maanän/ 'in meaning, in content'. A few ending in -atan are properly written (in Arabic) without alif, the tanvin being placed over the Arabic feminine ending graph (two-dotted h: \ : ,,л /nisbatän/ 'relatively'. In (Tajik) Persian, however, they are more usually regularized, the feminine ending graph being changed to t and alif added: 1\н.Л. Consonants as vowels. The alphabet in most of its versions has always used certain signs to represent both consonants and vowels (cf. V for V and U, I for I and J, in Latin and its vernacular heirs up until recent centuries). In the Perso-Arabic pack, the two semi-vowels w and y, alif and he-i havvaz are the jokers. _A /h/ as a consonant may occur in any position. It is the character which most varies in shape in different positions, and in addition has alternate written styles for each of the printed standards illustrated here: j_a har 'each', j - ^ mehr 'affection', ъ\ t ,,,sipoh 'army'. It has an important and frequent secondary function, to denote a final vowel /a/ (chiefly in nominals; referred to here as "Vocalic A"): 6 j L com 'remedy', <_nb—n muallima '(female) teacher', О па 'no, not', <_» ba 'to, at' (separate form of the preposition, also written prefixed to its nominal, - _ J ) . In several monosyllabic words -h may denote other "short" or covert vowels: /i/ in ; beva 'widow', «LJI ^ soya 'shadow, shade'. It never follows alef which in this context can only signal the vowel /o/ (hence h would have to stand for consonantal h: , sipöh 'army'). Vocalic h is always written in final form,

PHONOLOGY AND ORTHOGRAPHY

49

never linking even to a plural suffix or enclitic: U ^ L L 'houses' (see also izofat below, and Morphographics, 1.15). Note that there are also a few words with these configurations where final
50

CHAPTER ONE

only two Tajik words ending in "short" /u/, here represented uniquely by v o v ) ; c 5 j J my 'face', j \ й 'he, she'. It also stands for the diphthong /aw/ (which is regarded as an allophone of the vowel-consonant combination /av/: 3 J rav /raw/ 'go!* (1.3. See

also \.\4,Hamza). The vowel 1Ы has different historical sources (see 1.2). When it comes from the majhul vowel o, it is written as у j j j /ruz/ 'day', 6j £ /küh/ 'mountain'. Likewise in an Uzbek or Turkic loanword: <->jjS /kurpa/ 'quilt', I-S-OJJS /kumak/ 'help' (contrast SP Л о <) —except initially, where spelling vacillates between the literary norm without vov and fuller vernacular variants: «^jjl ^jjjl/urdak/or/urdak/*duck'; L^-XJ^JI <•_£_! j j l *^j\ /Uzbek/. When it originates as a lowering of (short) /u/ before /h/ or /7 (see 1.4), it is not represented in the script (or, optionally, by pes): A 'ifl's/kühna/ 'old', 41 * ,7, /§u'la/ 'flame'—except when this effect coincides with a long й in Arabic: ^ ' m n /mamnii'/ 'prohibited'. When j represents the (short, unstressed) enclitic -u 'and' in lexical coordinate compounds (cf. 5.11), it is sometimes replaced (covertly or overtly) by the short vowel written optionally with pes. j < " &< ,jSL j c i ^ /guftugu/ 'conversation'. Conversely, in some early texts j may be found representing an allophone /u/ of the (stressed) verbal prefix bi- (3.5), in which this short vowel is not normally written: ^-шц-л /bubinem/ 'let's see', \ j . п ^ ;J-J /bubaxsed/ 'excuse [me]'. is similarly both a consonant in any position: j I j e ) ^ 4 ^ 'weapon', L j j doryo 'river', ^ U . coy 'tea'; and a carrier for the vowels /i/ (when "stable-equivalent") and /e/ (stable) and the diphthong /ay/: ^ 1 m 'this', * J < £//ai 'key', ^ 1 — t off 'superior'; ülj-^l eron 'Iran', ^1 j Л /xele/ 'much, very'; j—p ^z 'swift', ^ j L S Mre 'a deed' (Indefinite or Specific enclitic; see 2.7-9). Note that the final form of ye has no dots. In early texts, ^ may be dropped from some common words where (as long,/i:/) Persian orthography requires it: ÖJL^-J <Л± J ......I/rafts istodäast/ 'is going' (Present Progressive tense, 3.18); j j -:••••; I J J j . . . . . . ; /bistudu/ 'twenty-two' (for the missing vov, see also above, and 4.11).

PHONOLOGY AND ORTHOGRAPHY

51

The vowel Id has different sources, and may be found with or without ^ initially or medially. When written with ^ it cannot be simply equated with the Persianmajhul vowel Id (1.3): cf. ^ ' ^ /xele/ < Ar. J-JL xayl 'troop', J_J j /dalel/ 'evidence, proof < Ar. datil, jl ^-J /ejod/ 'creation, production' < Ar. ijäd (cf. 1.4, Lowering). Turkic loanwords beginning with alif ye are generally in Id: ^ ^ I J /el£i/ 'ambassador', and those in alif alone in III: JLJLJI /ilgor/ 'raid'. Conversely, <jl * j ,?,j /puSaj^mon/ 'sorry' corresponds to Middle and Early New Persian раЫтдп. Various phonetic rules have applied, but in the absence of regular orthographic correspondences each word should be checked in the dictionary, whatever its etymology. The vowel combination /io/, pronounced /iyo/, is written with у and alif. <jl j о miyon 'waist; between', 61 > lt,siyoh 'black'. The glide from /o/, /u/, or /ii/ to /i:/ is usually buffered by у before the second, vocalic, y: j^L/po^rn/ 'down'.^j-i-ijj/ru^in/ 'of brass, brazen', though in older usage the buffer was more commonly hamza over undottedy CJ^JJ «tj-ilL(see also 1.15, Suffixes). In a few Arabic words, final ^ represents the vowel /o/ (an allograph of a/j/known as alifmaqsura 'shortened a'): ^1 j \ avlo 'best', ^Lw hatto 'even' и±л1л ma'no 'meaning, content', ^ — j * iso 'Jesus', ^J^UJ-A muso 'Moses' are the most common. (See also 1.15, Hamza, hofat, Suffixes). 1.15

Morphographics

When semi-vowels ( j and fj) or consonants which may emulate vowels (aft/and -д) are adjacent, their respective functions (either as vowel or consonant) must be identified for the sequence to be intelligible. Problems arise in transition from one vowel to another, particularly at morphological junctions (words and their affixes and enclitics, notably izofat). The following combinations and conventions apply. _i_ «^ Л hamza: Primarily the sign of the glottal stop (graphically it is the head of the letter^), hamza has evolved some secondary functions in Perso-Arabic script.

52

CHAPTER ONE

Glottal stop: Here hamza shows some orthographic irregularities. For a vowel onset it belongs over or underneath aft/(depending on the vowel), but is not normally written (see examples, 1.13); inside a word, it is written over aft/after or before the vowel /a/: j ±h\l ta'sir 'effect', - • *••!" ta'assuf sorrow, regret'; over vov after /u/ 4

or /u/: ^JjJ , j j j j lu'lu реагГ (lit), 1-LJ3 * ти'allif 'author', J l j 1». sw'o/ 'question'; and over undotted ^after /i/, /e/, or /o/: 4 ». Lj-* tnvti'n 'extension, expansion' (lit; Суп TaBTHH),j_l_lj; te'atr 'theater', cjUj-äqiro'at 'reading'. Between vowels, the hiatus is usually realized as a glide: /tawtiya/, /teyatr/, /suwol (cf. 1.4). In a few common words the hamza may be omitted in writing, conforming with the pronunciation: JI j - ^ /suwol/ (Cyr. суол; this word is usually pronounced /savol/ or /sawol, which is reflected in the usual Cyrillic form савол). Before /i/ or /e/, hamza is written over undotted ^ after /a/: o- y*j ra'is 'chief, president'. It is also written so after /o/ (alif) in classical or literary usage: b^Hfo'ida 'profit', JLI ... о masa'il 'problems, matters', * / t 7 ^ - me'o'ed 'you come'. Modern usage prefers to substitute ye, which usually reflects the pronunciation: ÖJ-J I y /ft/ida/, J j i г * /maso^l/, * J J T ^ * /meo ed/ (see Suffixes below, and 3.4). After a consonant, Arabic orthography calls for hamza to be written over the carrier of the vowel which follows: 3 «_л Л. This is followed for the vowel /o/ (l): 0?J-* qur'ony tfi\ aVon 'now' (see 1.14), and for /a/ in a few words of (Tajik) Persian, e.g., v*am /taw'am/ 'twin', and occasionally in <J? ,,, .o mas'ala 'problem, matter' and ^j^jur'at 'audacity'; however, it is more usually placed over undotted medial ye, as _L or Ji. after a ligature, irrespective of the following vowel: * 1*-• - mas'ala, y^ JjljjUbJb mas'ul 'responsible'. Final hamza is written independently after a consonant or /u/: 'part*, Ji »• ~ I cj-uj su'iste'mol 'abuse' (Cyr. суиистеъмол, interpreting a Persianized i&?/ä/ conversion of the Arabic collocation); and over alif after /a/: 1 J—J—0 mabda' 'beginning'. It is omitted (reflecting the pronunciation) in cases where in Arabic it would be written after a final vowel other than /a/: I Ax. ulamo

PHONOLOGY AND ORTHOGRAPHY

53

'the clergy', ^JLJ—л mabodi 'beginnings, principia' (fnr^il , * J mabodi\ pi. of mabda ). Suffixes and enclitics. Suffixes beginning with a vowel when added to a word-final semi-vowel present few problems, since final j and ^ behave like any other consonant: nay + iston <jl ~> ... л 'reed bed' (cf. 1.11), rav + on <j'jj 'g°*ng» fluent'. Alif, vov, and he as vowels have special needs. Aliflol and vov /u/, /ü/: The buffer is ye: ^ Ь ы - э ^ baca-ho-e '(some) children', ^ 1 *.joe 'a place', oxjoye if the base is taken to be tjL^joy (1.8)—in either case the pronunciation is the same, /joe/ or /joye/; ^ j J T olue /olue/ 'plum'; ^ j .* #fe /gife/ 'a husband'. Formerly, the first of two such ye's was written with hamza: ^ j — & «L^J-IT « ^ L Ä , and this is still an option, provided it is done consistently. There is little point in trying to vary the buffer character to accord with the pronunciation, since this is not sufficiently distinctive. In any case, the majority of nouns and verb Stems I with these endings theoretically terminate in -y, hence ending in a consonant: ^j—£ /guy/ or >
54

CHAPTER ONE followed in SP for modern coinages ( ^ cj д a qahveyi 'coffeecolored', ^1 A 1 j j a 'tribal') is not used in Tajik (see 5.4, -f)Related to the buffer -g- above is the case of the nominal suffixes -on[a] and -i (1.8; 5.2, 5.4), where g replaces h\ e.g., from < " т . ; jcasra 'weary, sick', < "> «j ro/ito 'gone', <J»UL лчэиа

'house, home' come respectively o < л ^u 1 jcotfagi'fatigue', <jK" «j rafiagon 'the departed', ^-S^L^L 'domestic, household' (adj.). Such derivatives are usually written as a single word, but those in -gl in partcular may also be found as etc. (see 3.44-^6). The Indefinite-Specific enclitic -e, and its homograph the Relative enclitic -e, which have an unvarying vowel onset, are written with alif and ye. ^1 <^LL xona-e /xonäye/ 'a house' (2.7); ^ N .IJJhi_a ^ j j . 1 ^ Lr x L=^.T j j <£/madrasäeki dar onjo mexonem/ 'the school where we study' (4.42). Izofat (see 2.10): the enclitic /i/ linking head and modifier in this basic NP is not usually indicated in Perso-Arabic script, except (occasionally) to resolve an ambiguity. There are three ways in which it may be made explicit, depending on how the head word is terminated. Consonants: After a regular consonant, the izofat syllable may be indicated by means of the vowel diacritic zer: ^ j ш pisar-i man 'my son' ÖJJ»J aLii soh-i zinda 'the living king' (name of a shrine), ь\ j ... (jLbCoy-isiyoh 'blacktea', JJJJ-I-» jLS gov-ipirazan 'the old woman's cow'. This practice will be followed in this Grammar (but is not usual in ordinary texts). Ayn £: Despite its rarely being pronounced in final position (1.5) and the vagaries of Cyrillic orthography (1.11), £ is treated as a regular consonant in Perso-Arabic script. Izofat will be shown here by means of the diacritic zer: ,_,Li-iT £ji-l=> tulu'-i oftob /tuluyi oftob/ 'sunrise'. With ^ : When the head ends in alif as /o/, or vov as /u/ or /ii/, izofat is shown (indirectly) by means of independent^: j l ^LL» bobo-yi й chis grandfather', ^j ^ Л, *Jj ^ U ^ L l ^ kitobho-yi donisjuy 'the student's books', < \ AJ_J ^ J - ^ I j zonu-yi barahna 'bare knee', •\jflM. ^j-aтп-yi safed 'white hair'. Three important points should be noted:

PHONOLOGY AND ORTHOGRAPHY

55

(1) This ^ /y/ does not in itself represent the enclitic vowel /i/, but the consonant glide /y/ which precedes it. The full representation of izofat here requires the addition of the vowel diacritic zer (see below): jl ^ Ь Ь and A*\ . , . ^ J-A. However, the presence of the ^ where it is known not to be part of the nominal morphology (esp. after the plural suffix -ho) is sufficient to reveal an izofat. With the exception of the type L* j * -•• ^ J - A тп-y-i safed (see point 3), such phrases will be written without zer in this Grammar. (2) In nouns ending in ^ representing /i/, as the final morphological syllable, the glide is incorporated in this ^ , and zer may be added to explicitly mark izofat. j -> \ ^^-ÄI—A mohi-i bahr /mohPi bahr/ 'sea fish', jJJa-A ^ \\ neki-i mutlaq 'absolute good'. In older texts, izofat after final ^ may be written with a miniature ^ above it (or, if printed, a hamza): Jjlln n ^ j ' 1 (3) In many nouns ending in -o (e.g., L^yo 'place'), and most of those in -й (like J-A тй 'hair'), the canonical form actually ends in consonantal -y /y/: ^L^joy, ^j—А тпу (see 1.8). Accordingly the addition of zer to the semi-consonant in these cases is the same procedure as adding it to the final consonant of a regular noun, e.g., Л > Л JLJ 'cold wind'. It follows that an explicit zer can disambiguate an izofat phrase from a Possessive (exocentric) compound (5.8), where ^ alone would be insufficient to indicate the presence of izofat: j j \ ,., ^ J - A 'white hair', but л j a 'H^J-A тпу-safed 'old man' (lit. 'white-haired [one]'; cf. 2.3). Ye for aliflol: After a noun ending in alifmaqsura, i.e., ^ representing the vowel /o/ (1.13), the ye is changed into an alif and /zo/af is shown obligatorily by means of ^ , as above: ^ \% 0 ma'no gives a. ^ L U Ä о /ma^ö 5 ! jumlä/ 'the meaning of the sentence'; ^ . . i j r Ш? gives ^rjn, л ^ I M . J C /is^i masih/ 'Jesus the Messiah'. Hamza *: If ^ is written at the end of a word, it is treated as a consonant; either zer is added, or nothing: U^J^J *l »Л J *"mz
56

CHAPTER ONE

Vocalic h: The izofat syllable is denoted by a miniature^ placed over the -h: L> SLJ»U. xona-i mo /xonäyi mo/ 'our house', А " . Л . * Ö j ^ Auza-i sikasta 'broken pitcher'. This sign is often replaced in printing by a hamza sign. An alternative convention, used in Iranian printing for children's books and modern poetry, is a full-size independent ^ placed after the -h: J j l ^«-»-ij dafa-i avval 'the first time'. The first of these conventions will be used regularly in what follows. Note that these devices appear rarely in normal PersoArabic texts. 1.16

Segmentation and Punctuation

The Cyrillic and the Perso-Arabic writing systems use different conventions in the separation and conjunction of words and affixes, enclitics, etc., and in punctuation. Perso-Arabic conventions generally correspond to those of Iranian writers, but have never been standardized in Central Asia. Tajik Cyrillic orthography, including the rules of word division, was revised several times (1944, 1953, 1967, 1972, 1998), and inconsistencies will be found in literary examples from different periods. Particular points are treated more fully in pertinent sections of other chapters. Segmentation. In general, Cyrillic writes nominal compounds, and words with plural suffixes and grammatical enclitics, as one word; Perso-Arabic prefers, where the semi-cursive nature of the script permits, to juxtapose these components separately: душманиашон M,J (dusmarii-a&on) 'their enmity' (2.29), киро дидй? (kl-ro) 'whom did you see? (2.17); розиед? S Л-JIi_^\ j (rozi + -ed) 'are you content/ do you agree?' (3.6; for the Cyrillic spelling, cf. 1.12). The Perso-Arabic strategy helps to make larger or less familiar units more legible; however, the semicursive script ensures that (a) some components which end in a non-linking letter or vocalic h are always end-stopped in any case, e.g., пахтатозакунй ^^. &jLi4 " 4 j 'cotton cleaning'; and (b) characters of this class may occur anywhere in a word, tending to confuse the segmentation.

PHONOLOGY AND ORTHOGRAPHY

57

For finite verbs and infinitives, Cyrillic writes the nominal component of a Composite verb separately, but connects verbal prefixes; Perso-Arabic prefers to separate me-, but connects Ы- and na- to the stem: фаромӯшмекунанд УЛ^^ ^j^lj-л 'they forget'. In Cyrillic, the parts of most Complex verbs (those with preverbs; 5.16) are often written as one word even in finite verbs: бознадоштам - " -*-!-* '* jL> 'I did not stop (it)'; бармедоштем ^_j ü j , b Lj^a j_j 'we picked [it] up'; polysyllabic preverbs are usually written separate in Cyrillic: фаро гирифтанд Ij I j-Hij-S 'they enveloped' (for verb prefixes, see 3.5; for Complex verbs, 5.16-17). In nominal derivatives and compounds from Composite and Complex verbs, Cyrillic links all the components into one, whereas Perso-Arabic separates them (except prefixes and suffixes), e.g.: фаромӯшнашаванда t ^ j m "i ^j-Jj-a 'unforgettable' (5.9); ҳамоҳангсоз j L ^ ^ f t l *jb 'coordinator'; себғундорй L£JIAQ* '_'j -- 'apple gathering'; корфармудашавандагй ^A^J-JL 6jsj_*J_fl jLS 'commonness, conventionality'. Adverbial phrases are sometimes written as one word in Cyrillic: натанҳо Ip "Л <J» 'not only'. Notable exceptions, where Cyrillic writes compounds as separate words and Perso-Arabic usually combines them, are: ин ҷо I -y\j\ 'here' ('this place'), он ҷо La. ^Т 'there' ('that place'); and in use of the preposition ba 'to, at'. In Cyrillic this is always written separately; in Perso-Arabic it may always be written separately (with vocalic /г), but is usually joined to shorter and more common nominals (e.g., pronouns, or parts of a prepositional phrase): ба он ҷо L=>J»T <-» Л -у 'iU*(to) there'. Hyphens are used in both scripts mainly to link reduplicated expressions: милт-милт cJLo-i^Lo 'blinking, twinkling' (5.12), and enclitic exclamations: кайфи хуб дорад-куя! V-IJ-Ä .. 4 > < ! < _ j ^ - j j l j 'this is really fun!' (4.10). They also join suffixes and enclitics to numerals, which are frequently used (in Cyrillic) in connected prose: одами 100-сола [садсола] 'centenarian' (2.5152). In examples given here, they must be distinguished from the

58

CHAPTER ONE

shorter morpheme-dividers (e.g., одам-и 100-сол-а [сад-сола]), which are not part of the actual orthography. Arabicate names. Muslim personal names comprising an Arabic collocation (generally in an Arabic izofat construction; cf. 5.23) display the most discrepancy between Perso-Arabic and Cyrillic representation. Perso-Arabic reproduces the Arabic original, complete with alfor the definite article and, often, taMid over the following letter if it is assimilated in pronunciation (1.13). Cyrillic reproduces the vernacular pronunciation, with further elements of assimilation and elision, as a single word. The article al- (or its assimilated form) is written with initial A- at the beginning of a word or phrase, and with y- (after the prefix abd- or before the stem -Ho) or и- in other positions: Абдусаттор /abdusattor/ jLiJLjl * : <* 'abd us-sattor, Насрулло /nasrullö/ <Ш1 j Муҳиддин /muhiddi:n/ ^ J J I

O

^ ** nasr ul-loh,

^ n muhyi-d-din. Any assimilat-

ed geminate following abdu- is normally reduced to a single letter in Cyrillic. Compound names in Persianate forms, without the Arabic article, are also usually written as a single word in Cyrillic: Аҳмадмахдум f j j Ч л ±лл. I Ahmad Makhdum. Capitalization. Capital letters are used at the beginning of a sentence, and for personal and place names, but not for adjectives, etc., derived from them: Карл Маркс 'Karl Marx', марксист 'Marxist' (noun), марксиста 'Marxist' (adj.), etc.; Хучанд 'Khujand', хуҷандй 'of/ from Khujand'. An exception is made when the affiliative adjective has become an essential part of a person's name: Камоли Хуҷандй ^ : ' » ^ ^ J L ^ 'Kamal-i Khujandi'. Country names are capitalized, but terms for inhabitants, related languages, etc., are not: Тоҷикистон 'Tajikistan', but (як) тоҷик '(a)Tajik',(3a6oHH) тоҷикӣ 'Tajik (language)'. Names and epithets of God are capitalized (though not always in Soviet-era texts): Оллоҳ 'Allah', Парвардигор 'the Nurturer'. So are officers and offices of state: Раиси ҷумҳур 'the President of the Republic', Вазорати хориҷа 'the Foreign Ministry'. Months are not capitalized (2.54): июн 'June', рабеъ-ус-сонӣ 'Rabi' 1Г

PHONOLOGY AND ORTHOGRAPHY

59

(except, often, the holy month of Ramadan: Рамазон). The first drafts of the Tajik Latin alphabet were without capitals, and most examples of it before 1930 are entirely in lower case. Punctuation. Full stops (periods), ellipses, commas, colons, and semicolons are used in sentences much as in other languages; in older Perso-Arabic texts, these and other punctuation marks may appear less frequently, or less systematically, than in Latin or Cyrillic Tajik texts. For the comma as a decimal point, see 2.55. In Cyrillic, commas are used to set off all subordinate clauses (a rule imported from German via Polish). This usage is followed even for Restrictive relative clauses, where (if the comma is to be seen as marking a pause or change of intonation) it clashes with the prosody of the linkage /-e:ki-/ (see 4.44). It is less regularly used for this purpose in Perso-Arabic: < -* il .,. n c r Juu J J L j_Sl ^L

- ^ * JCL\ «"I бл-oTj-j L ^ J J J L^-jj-jLa agar bo rus-e

musofaha

kunad, riyo 'an li-n-nos dar nazar-i mardum dast-cä-ro bo sobune-ki azfobrik-i rusi bar-omada-ast, me-Sust 4f he shook hands with a Russian, in public view he would hypocritically wash his hands with soap that had come from the Russian factory': here there is no comma to interrupt the prosodic unit formed by the antecedent, enclitic -e, and complementizer ki that form the link with the Restrictive relative clause. (In examples below where a PersoArabic transcription of an original Cyrillic sentence is supplied, commas of the Russian sort will not necessarily be repeated.) The dash (m-dash) is used frequently (as in Russian) to set off a parenthesis (generally with spaces before and after it), but is usually not repeated to close it: ба маркази Тоҷикистон — Душанбе дар 4 соат расидем 'we reached the capital of Tajikistan—Dushanbe—in four hours'. It also serves to set off a word or phrase in apposition, a gloss or explanatory supplement, whether the copula is gapped or not: меҳмон... Шарифҷон махдум буда, мизбон — соҳиби хона Мулло Абдусалом... будааст 4he guest... was Sharifjon Makhdum, the host—(was) the proprietor, Mullo Abdusalom'. In the next example it is used to separate two names with different syntactic functions: падари

60

CHAPTER ONE

Гулнор — Рустам буд 'Gulnor's father was Rustam'. (See also Quotation, below). Quotation and dialogue. Citations of literary titles, ironic allusion, and quotations set in the text, are usually enclosed in double quotes (of the angular French kind, in Cyrillic): дар вақти «шамолхӯрй» аз барг ва гулаш чой дам мекунанд '\JJJ-L Jl n Л," c^Sj j j \ \ \^LSM ^ j ^ Ц . и т, I ^ j L^^-J j l 'when people "catch'a chill" they brew a tea from its leaves and flowers'. Dialogue beginning a new line is generally introduced by a dash, and sometimes included between dashes, in place of quotation marks, before the verb of saying; occasionally the verb of saying may be sandwiched between dashes: ман, — гуфт, — ба шахр намеравам ^ J J L 5 ^ J » J q ,т,<Цг- --•« <- « ^ *"I," she said, "am not going to town"'. (See further, 4.18.) Incorporation of foreign scripts and special characters. There are nowadays few typological impediments to mixing the full range of Cyrillic, Perso-Arabic or Latin characters and signs in a Tajik text; academic bibliographies are routinely listed in the script of the original language. The reader of Soviet-era publications will sometimes find unfamiliar bits of Russian-international usage, or adaptations of Russian to Tajik usage. The symbol № ('No., Number') is widely used before arabic serial numbers. In Perso-Arabic Tajik texts of the 1920s, Western arabic numerals were used more often than Oriental ones, e.g., 1917 Jl ^j\ Ju+>pesaz sol-i 1917 'before [the year]...' (see further, 2.49). Roman numerals (upper case) were frequently inserted into Cyrillic texts to denote chapter numbers, centuries, etc. Where these were not available (e.g., on cheap typewriters), similar-looking Cyrillic letters were substituted: қарни УШ-ум fr"i Л as o j - * * Л öj-* /qarni haStum/) 'the eighth [VIII] century', Боби ХЦ (NX uJb /bobi duwozdahum/) 'Chapter Х1Г. In older typescripts (such as university publications up until the 1980s) other makeshift devices can be found, notably half-spaced commas after the Russian letters к, х, and ч to simulate the hooks of Tajik қ, ҳ, and ҷ, since dedicated Tajik-alphabet typewriters were not readily available.

CHAPTER TWO MORPHOLOGY: NOMINALS

2.1

General Observations

Tajik Persian nouns, pronouns, adjectives, and numerals have no grammatical inflections. Their relation to each other and function in the sentence are indicated primarily by syntactic means such as word order, prepositions, postpositions, and connective particles, and additionally by intonation, punctuation, and lexical morphology. This description of their morphology will necessarily repeat or allude to certain points of phonology, syntax, and lexis; cross references will be given to the appropriate paragraphs in other parts of the grammar where these features are described more fully. The Noun Phrase (NP) and similar composite units described below adhere to a common principle, whether they are seen as syntactic, morphological, or lexical units: When determiners or specifiers precede a nominal, they are juxtaposed without any connector; when modifiers follow a nominal they are joined to it by a connective particle (see, e.g., the izofat, 2.10; Reflexive and Emphatic Pronouns, 2.32; the Comparative and Superlative, 2.42-43; Quantifiers, 2.45; various lexical compounds, 5.7-9). This is a universal Persian feature, but the incidence of any particular structure differs between Standard Persian and Tajik. The question is further complucated by the influence of Turkic NP structures, which are in many respects the converse of Persian ones.

NOUNS

2.2

Gender

There is no grammatical gender in Tajik, and natural gender is not marked in native nouns. They may designate persons or animals of

62

CHAPTER TWO

either sex: тоҷик . < i ^Li Ҷа/the) Tajik' (male or female; by default male); гов jLS 'bull, cow'. Sex (or its irrelevance) may be distinguished lexically: мурғ £j—о 'fowl', xypyc ^JJ—L 'rooster, cock', мокиён OL£LQ 'hen'; гӯсфанд •»'>« --.j< 'sheep',қӯчқор j l L ^ j ^ 'гат',миш оЦе-* 'ewe'. In the absence of specialized terms, male and female are distinguished by one of the modifiers нар jJ» 'male' or мода *JI л 'female', either preceding or following the noun: буз J-J 'goat', нарбуз 3-JJJ» 'billy goat', модабуз j_i UJLO 'nanny goat'; хар-и нар jJ» j_A 'male donkey', хар-и мода ÖJL> ^L 'female donkey'. These modifiers are in fairly free distribution, but with some animal names either the preposed or the postposed form is preferred: модагов jLS &JL> 'cow', шер-и мода ÖJL-O J J M, 'lioness', butHappa-шер j j n> 6^J» 'lion' (narra is a poetical variant of nar). If it follows the head noun, the modifier is in izofat construction (of Specification: 2.16). For humans, a neutral form that by default entails masculine reference (typically, ethnic and national names and traditional male occupations) may be feminized by preposing it to the words зан ^ j * woman' or духтар j " ^ J 'girl, young woman': деҳқонзан Ö J ü l - 2 - ^ 'peasant woman'; тоҷикдухтар j " ^j , < > ^ b 'Tajik girl' (see also 5.26). If necessary, a male of the class may be specified by preposing the noun мард in izofat мард-и рус ^ J J jj-o 'Russian (man)'. Truly neutral roles and occupations may be specified for sex by the addition (in izofat) of mard or zan: бемор-и мард jj_^ jl л > > 'male patient', харидор-и зан ^ j jl J J > ^ 'female purchaser, woman customer'. Borrowed Arabic and Russian feminine nouns are used in context: муаллим fi*_A 'teacher', муаллима A J * о 'female teacher', олима < J l с '(woman) scientist', раққоса < ^i—iij '(female) dancer', студентка '(female) student'. Note толиба А JLU 'schoolgirl, (female) student'; the male equivalent is талаба <-JJo, cognate but in the form of a "broken plural" (5.23), in which the Arabic feminine ending plays a grammatical role without any relation to natural gender. 2.3

Gender and Age

Gender in children is distinguished by preposing as specifiers pisar 'boy' or duxtar 'girl' to the noun бача A =^_. 'child': писарбача

MORPHOLOGY: NOMINALS

63

'(small) boy', духтарбача A ^ \j " -; J '(little) girl'. (Note that the simple noun pisar 'boy' contextually may mean 'son', and duxtar may also mean 'daughter' or 'older girl, maiden'.) Similarly, the young of animals may be specified by combining the generic noun with baca 'child': харбача A

^j

^ 'donkey foal',

шербача A ^ >j j •» 'lion cub'. A few animals have lexical terms for their young, e.g., чӯҷа 4-^>j-^ / ҷӯҷа 4-^>j-^ 'chick, nestling', гӯсола 'calf, ТОЙ < ^ p , тойча «Ц^^р 'foal',. For human seniors there are the special terms пирамард (пирмард) 'old man' and пиразан (пирзан) ^ J ^ termicaMirap j

'old woman'; the

J J о < also means 'old woman', and мӯйсафед

'old man' (lit. 'white-hair[ed]'; see 5.8).

2.4

Number (1)

Nouns and pronouns have two numbers, singular and plural. So-called mass nouns, by their nature, refer to collective or abstract entities and do not normally form a plural; e.g., намак . <s л \ 'salt', эътимод jl

л " г I 'confidence' (but see 2.6). Singular nouns are marked with

zero, plurals by the (stressed) suffixes -ҳо LA- or -он ^ 1 - or, mostly in the case of Arabic loanwords, one of several Arabic forms. The suffix -ҳо LA- is invariable in form and applicable to any class of count noun: чиз-ҳо LA3_i^'things', писар-ҳо L&j.mj 'boys', acnҳо 1 ^ j •••!'horses', маъно-ҳо l&\\% о 'ideas', гуфта-ҳо La A ~ a ^ 'utterances, statements'. In Perso-Arabic script it may be written either joined to the final consonant of the singular noun (if applicable) or separately: LA ^ L J \ L ^ L J 'languages'; after final vocalic -h «_- it is always written separately. The suffix -он ^1— is more limited in application and less frequent, especially in the spoken language; it is stylistically marked as literary in register. It denotes, optionally, higher animals and humans: писар-он tjlj ,.,j 'boys', асп-он tjl \ ...1 'horses', муаллим-он ^1 oN n 'teachers'; paired parts of the body: лаб-он о Ц ^ 4ip s > . даст-он ^\ ~ ,.,j 'hands', чашм-он ^

- *•* 'eyes', etc. (a relic of the ancient Indo-

European dual number); and a few other inanimate referents in a poetical context: сухан-он ö 1 - 1 ^

« 'words', дарахт-он <jl—n_^Ljj'trees',

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CHAPTER TWO

кӯҳсор-он Ö ' J ' чи-Aj—S 'highlands', лолазор-он Ö ' J ' J < L J ^ 'tulip fields';ситора 6 j h м/star', ситора- гон p L S j h m 'stars' (see next). Variants of this suffix occur after vowels. After -a in an eligible Persian word, it usually assumes the form -gon (the -g- resurfacing from the Middle Persian ending of this form class; see 1.8): бачагон j K ^ i 'children' (sg. бача 4-^-J), гузаштагон ^ К " iV^ 'the departed'. Arabic loanwords in -a are often so pluralized: талабагон о i ^ 11 Ь 'students', муаллимагон j K J v o 'female teachers' (for the more usual муаллима-ҳо üb « L J I О). Russian loans are occasionally so pluralized in MLT: пионерка, -гон ^ I ^ J ^ J - L J t<Sj^j^^ 'girl Pioneers' (members of the Communist youth movement). Exceptionally, the plural of ниё L p 'forefather' is ниёкон (cf. SP niagän ^ L S L p ) , and that of мижа ь'у* 'eyelash' is мижгон oLS^e. After final -o, -w, or -й, a euphonic -у- often intervenes: по-ён j j L L 'feet', доно-ён ^ L L J j 'wise men', ростгӯ-ён <jbj_i^ ^1 j 'truthful persons' (there is a singular variant ростгӯй ^j<~. .Aj which already carries a buffer y. Cyrillic spelling treats nouns ending in -й similarly, after dropping the macron: эронй ^ I j - J 'Iranian', pi. эрониён (jLiJil^J, гумрукчиён д\ \ ^^J-J^S 'customs officers'; see 1.12). Exceptions, in -u and -м, are бозу j ^ L '(fore)arm', pi. бозувон ^Ij^L; оҳу J_ÄT 'gazelle', pi. охувон OI>ÄT; ҳинду jjJüb 'Indian', pl. ҳиндувон д\3\ \ »; and абрӯ JJ-JI '(eye)brow', pi. абрӯвон

2.5

Number {2)

A plural suffix -ино L_1J-, from the spoken language, is used with persons' names or kinship terms in referring to family groups: қобилино LLJ->LS 'the Qobils, the Qobil family', холам-ино \\ i л I <JL^ 'my aunt's family'—the suffix here being added to the pronominal enclitic on the NP холам f I «Jl

1, a contraction of хола-ам 'my

(maternal) aunt'. Some Arabicate plural forms survive in literary or archaic usage. (Feminine) suffixes in -от o J - (after a vowel, -ҷот ^ 1 ^ - ) are conventionally used for some inanimate and abstract words, including some of Persian origin: хаёл-от CL»VLI^ 'dreams, fantasies', интихоб-

MORPHOLOGY: NOMINALS

от cL»L»l_s^_u»l 'elections'; қалъа * ^ д

65

'fortress', pi. қалъаҷот

djl 7- «\\ деҳ 6j, деҳа 'written, script', pi. навиштаҷот o J •> " ijJ» 'writings, work(s)'. These connote collectives rather than individuated entities: иқдом-от CJLOI jjfll 'initiatives', боғ-от djLAL 'gardens, orchards', ҳайвон-от diLil^-i^ 'the animal world, fauna'. The (masculine) suffix 1 {S in -ин O- " occasionally found with Arabic participles denoting human males: муаллим-ин ^л Ал-с 'teachers'. Arabic "broken plurals," i.e., formed by an internal change to the singular, also designate collective or other specialized senses of the singular: олим fJLc '(religious) scholar', pi. уламо I n Ir 'the (Muslim) clergy' (in the sense 'scientists', olim adds the usual pi. suffix -on); хабар j ; ^ 'report, news (item)', pi. ахбор jL»^Ll 'news'. Like the latter (and its English equivalent), a number of broken plurals have been lexicalized with a singular meaning (see 5.23). The all-purpose suffix -ho is always available to make the distinction: тараф-ҳо L_d fljJo 'sides, directions', атроф cJlj-LI 'environs; district'. Note especially ҳ а р ф <^i _>_=>. '(spoken) word, utterance; letter (of the alphabet), written character'; ҳарф-ҳо Ц-i^-a. 'words, statements', ҳуруф c J j ^ a . 'written characters, script, alphabet'. An Arabic dual form -айн ^ few

is used in formal language for a

conventional pairs: в о л и д а й н J J — J J J I J 'parents', тарафайн

<2>-j-aj-U ҷонибайн a j / i U / b o t h sides, the two parties'.

2.6

Number (3)

Where there is a choice of plural forms, this may be determined by phonology, semantics, or social considerations, sometimes in combination. Thus the animate/ human suffix -он ^ 1 - may be preferred over the all-purpose -ҳо LA- in order to show respect or in a more formal context: ҳамватан-он-и азиз >jj-t ^LlLj a 'dear fellow-countrymen', падар-ону ниёкон-и мо b>^L£LjJ> J ( jljju 'our fathers and forefathers'. However, it cannot usually follow the vowel -a: ука-ҳо LA
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CHAPTER TWO

Especially with participles in -a used as nouns (3.41, 3.43), -ho and -on plurals may selectively imply inanimate or animate, or human, referents: оянда-ҳо LA Ъ J-1JT 'things to come; future events', ояндагон <jLS j-ЬТ 'newcomers, future visitors'; фиристода-ҳо La * л " ...j « 'things sent, dispatches', фиристодагон <jLSjl ~t ...j-a 'persons sent, envoys'. Plural forms (esp. in -ho) may be used to intensify a meaning, sometimes of a mass noun or an adverb: об-ҳо I $_J 'lots of water', хун-ҳо I о \j—L 'much blood'; аллакай ^_S<JI 'already, long ago', аллакай-ҳо LA ^ « ü l 'a long time ago'; фикр-ҳо мекард L Ä ^ Ü J^^^-J

о 'he thought hard' (cf. fikr mekard 'he thought'; and cf. the

Arabic plural afkor '[systematic] thought(s), ideas', as in афкори омма «L*LC j K i l 'public opinion'). Plurals in -ho or broken plurals may express approximation in time or space: соат-ҳо-и ҳафт c i U ^1 о л г L^u 'about seven o'clock' (соат ҳафт C J U dLJtl

ш 'seven o'clock', 2.54), баъдҳо LUJ »_» 'later,

afterwards' (баъд AJU 'after'), дар ин наздики-ҳо ' j ; < : *y» ^ 1 'shortly, any time now' (наздикй

^^y^

LS

jj

'nearness'; lit. 'in these

proximities'; see further, 2.48, under Manner), дар ин ҷо-ҳо Ö-JIJJ L Ä L ^ : 'hereabouts' (ин ҷо I ^ *» * I \( a. ^ 1 'this place, here'; see further, 2.46). A type or model is often pluralized in similes or expressions of emulation, even with a singular antecedent: як духтар-е ба зебои-и фириштагон (jK~ M.j-д ^ L i j ^ - e cgj" ^^ «-^ 'a girl as lovely as an angel' (lit., 'angels'), либос-и гадоён пӯшида буд ^ b l j - S

t^LJ

j^-» ^ t j .^.j * 'he was dressed in beggar's clothes' (pi., 'beggars''). In a collocation of related terms, the plural suffix is generally added only to the last term: корхона-ю завод-ҳо LAJJI j j o L L j L S 'factories and plants'. 2.7

Definiteness and Specificity (1)

Tajik has no definite or indefinite articles as such, but nouns and noun phrases do differ in sense between Definite (or defined: 'the boy, the boys') and Indefinite (undefined: 'a boy, (some) boys or other'). They may also be contrasted as either Specific ('a certain boy, certain boys')

MORPHOLOGY: NOMINALS

67

or Non-Specific (i.e., generic: '(a) boy, boys in general'). How these statuses are identified and marked in Tajik Persian depends on the semantics of the NP and on its function in the sentence. Function is expressed chiefly by syntactic means: word order, enclitics (mainly -e <^- and -po I j - ) , quasi-articles (як L^_J 'one'; ин ^ 1 'this', он ^Т 'that', ҳамин ü j * ft 'this (very)', etc.), and prepositions or postpositions. For a supplementary treatment of NP syntax, see 4.1. Fig. 2.7 illustrates the possible forms of Non-Specific, Indefinite, Specific, and Definite nouns, both singular and plural, as subjects or direct objects in a sentence. (Accented syllables are shown.) The stem form of a noun has two meanings, as shown in Rows 1 and 4. In Row 1, the Non-Specific sense, the speaker focuses on the concept or the generic referent, rather than a specific member of the class or number of items. Thus it is the form taken by the subject of an existential sentence: дар магазин газета ҳаст? — не, газета нест -"•• у« 4-^b,i-S ^

- S

CII.II

л <-^еj^ u-tj£~* j

J <are

there newspapers

in the store?— No, there are no newspapers'; and by the complement of an equational sentence: падар-ҳо-ямон деҳқон буданд J J _ J JJIJ^J ^LLAJ ^Lo-jU'our fathers were peasants' (lit. 'peasant'). As the direct object, a Non-Specific noun does not require the object marker-po I j — : китоб бихон öL-Ц» i_»l ~ < 'read a book' (any book, or books in general). It is the form used after numerals: се хона oLk «L^U 'three rooms' (without a plural marker: Numerical NP, 2.50). The plural occurs only to emphasize quantity or variety: мактуб-ҳо менависад *•• » j ^ ~ f fl j j "^ * 'he writes lots of/ all kinds of letters' (cf. фикр-ҳо мекард j j — S ^ Lbj£Ji 'he thought hard', 2.4); as a highly marked usage not quite analogous with the singular stem form, this is included parenthetically in Fig. 2.7. In Row 4, the Definite sense, the referent is "old information" to both speaker and listener. It may have already been mentioned: қишлоқ аз ин ҷо хеле роҳ нест -^ ••• у* öl j o l j ^ LA. ^ 1 j \ j ^ м> a 'the village isn't far from here', or it is conventionally defined, for instance as a proper noun or equivalent: бобо омад л_Л L»L 'grandfather has come'. A Definite count noun denoting a plural requires a plural marker and, usually, plural verb agreement: қишлоқ-ҳо хеле роҳ нест-анд • *.-*..-у. 61 j ^1 .^ LfS^LUa 'the villages are not far'.

CHAPTER TWO

68

MORPHOLOGY: NOMINALS

69

A Definite noun as the direct object requires the enclitic -ro as direct object marker: бобо-ро дидед? Sx^x^i ЬЦ»Ц» 'did you see grandfather?' (2.17). Definiteness may be overtly marked by the addition of a demonstrative determiner such as ин <j_J 'this, these', or the noun may be modified by another noun or pronoun in izofat (2.13,2.28). 2.8

Definiteness and Specificity (2)

Both the Indefinite noun or NP (Fig. 2.7, Row 2) and the Specific NP (Row 3) make use of the enclitic -e Lr and/ or the quasi-article як Л j , 'one; a/ an', and each introduces new information. The crucial difference is that the referent of the Indefinite NP is (ostensibly) new to both the speaker and the listener, whereas that of the Specific NP is signaled as being new information only to the listener. An Indefinite NP may be made explicitly so by preposing one of the indefinite determiners ягон uL£l o r кадом(як) (• < >) MJU£ 'some — or other' (2.36): ягон мард омад J - Л jj_* < j ^ ' s o m e m a n (° r other) came', кадом(як) зан(-е) дидам f JUJ ^ J \<JJ ( ^ ) f'^—^ *I saw some woman (or other)'. Otherwise, Indefinite NPs are distinguishable in form only as direct objects —because the Specific NP must take the object marker -ro. An Indefinite referent is introduced for the first time to the listener; it is not so much unknown to the speaker as unidentified or undefined within the context—in practice this means that, with this formulation, the speaker signals his inability or unwillingness to divulge more, except to specify whether there is one of these or more than one: кас-е омад J - Л < J ' - < 'someone came/ has come'; як одамон-е омаданд jjj oT ^ 1 oT «-£-^ 'some people came/ have come'. An Indefinite noun as direct object is not normally marked with -ro: ман но-эҳтиёти-е карда, ба даст-и душман афтодам <ц» &J>-£ <_$1 LrL\ j " -JL» ^ ^JLJLJI <j,.n M.J d i ^ j 'I was careless, and fell into enemy hands' (lit, 'having made a carelessness [i.e., some mistake or other], I fell...'; the speaker may be well aware what his mistake was, but judges it inappropriate or irrelevant to specify it—and conveys as much to his listener by the Indefinite form of the noun).

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CHAPTER TWO

The Indefinite form often occurs in negative sentences, where English uses 'any' or 'no': чиз-е нагуфтанд ГЛ а<*» ^ j j ^ 'they didn't say anything/ said nothing', ман кор-е надорам; ту магар як кор-ҳо-е дорй? S ^ J I J LrjLAjL^ 4.1-j ^L* jZ 'fjl±± c5jL^ a-» 'I have nothing to do; do you have some things to do?' (lit. 'one any tasks'). Note that the focus here is on the likelihood of the activity, not on the nature of the tasks; and that yak may qualify a plural NP (provided the items are countable). When a Non-Specific noun is modified by an adjective, it becomes in the first instance an Indefinite noun: (як) китоб-и хуб-е бихон <jl_L_» ^j-bj^» <-JLI£ <-£-i 'read a good book/ some good book or other'; as a complement, it may be pluralized: падар-ҳо-и мо деҳқон-ҳо-и кам-бағал-е буданд jJijj_» о U >t л< ^LpLlAj b» ^ L Ä J J - I 'our fathers were poor peasants' (cf. 2.11). A Specific NP constitutes information known to the speaker, but introduced for the first time to the listener; by using this form, the speaker signals his ability or willingness to give further information: (як) китоб-и хуб-е-ро хондам ^ l j _ ^ I j ^ j - ^ ^_JLL£ ( ^ ) 'I've read a good book (—which I might now identify or describe for you, if you show interest)'. It occupies a status between the Indefinite noun, the referent of which is known to neither speaker nor listerer (or at least is not their focus of concern), and that of the Definite noun, which is known to both (2.7). In the sentence (як) хона-е оташ заданд JJ»J j ^ ^ T ^ 1 «CiLL (u£_>) 'they set fire to a house', the focus is on the activity; whereas in (як) хона-е-ро оташ заданд (. < >) JL^JJ o ^ f I JC^I o l Л the actual object of the arson is equivalent to яке аз хона-ҳо-ро IJLA j \ L f i j 'one of the houses'; focus shifts from an activity to a Specific object. Once introduced, a Specific subject or object on subsequent mention changes into a Definite one; thus, at the beginning of a story: як кампир буд, ду писар дошт. Ана ҳамин кампир писар-и калонаш-ро пеш-и худ хонда... о-±л-А <-^J .C-UOJJ^J-*^ J J J^_» J J t л<\ « ^ ...öjJiIjA j j - i u *. * * I J(jL±y& j -"j j «j »< 'there was an old woman who had two sons. Now, this old woman summoned her elder son and... '.

MORPHOLOGY: NOMINALS

2.9

71

Definiteness and Specificity (3)

The four-way scheme as presented in Fig. 2.7 is not to be taken as completely transparent and absolutely binding. There are cases (particularly in the incidence of -ro with -e) where a context beyond the immediate sentence dictates whether an Indefinite, or a Specific, NP is intended. There is some leeway particularly in Numerical and Quantity NPs (which do not use yak or -e\ 2.45, 2.50): ман бисер китоб хондам f jJiLl ^ 1 л <ч jf * •••; jj-e 'I've read a lot of books' (NonSpecific: 'much of the class book') and ман бисёр китоб-ҳо-ро хондам fjJjU. I jLfl-jLiS JIJMIJ <>Ö T v e read lots of books' (Specific) are essentially synonymous—as are the English translations. In як тахта коғаз-и калон-ро пур карда... навиштам ±±\S i " ; i ^ p"i mjJ> ...6jj_£ ^ I j o^JLS 4 filled a large sheet of paper (with my writing)', either the sheet was one of a pile and the phrase is thus equivalent to a partitive phrase Cone of the sheets of paper', cf. 2.17), or the written page is to be the focus of further comment. The enclitic -ro has several other functions, besides that of direct object marker (see 2.18). There is also a general tendency, especially in spoken Tajik, for -ro to be attached as a direct object marker to other than strictly Definite and Specific NPs: see the following two sections.

IZOFATAND -RO 2.10

The izofat Constructions: Common Features

The two most frequent types of noun phrase in Tajik are usually both referred to by Western grammarians as the izofat construction (изофат izj-ftL-bl, SP
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ively, an adjective or a noun) to a preceding head noun, by means of an (unstressed) enclitic -/: духтар-и мард j j * j - ± \ 'the man's daughter' (Nominal),духтар-и зебо L X J J j л ^ j 'the beautiful girl' (Adjectival). They exhibit the same stress patterns, and the same orthographic peculiarities in Cyrillic and Perso-Arabic scripts, as follows. Orthography: Cyrillic. The enclitic izofat particle, in examples here shown (in Cyrillic) as hyphenated with the preceding head noun, is in practice always written as part of the head noun: духтари мард, духтари зебо. The simple -и is also added to words (inc. plurals in -ho) ending in a vowel: пахтай мо 'our cotton' (lit. 'cotton of us'; pronounced /paxtäyi mo/; Norn.), сӯи ғарбй /suyi garbf/ 'the western side' (Adj.), гапҳои бачаҳо /gaphöyi bacaho/ 'the children's conversations' (Nom.). When it is added to a noun ending in -ӣ, the accent (macron) is dropped: дӯстй 'friendship', but дӯстии халқҳо /düstiyi xalqhö/ 'the friendship of peoples' (Nom.)- After the semi-consonant й, the latter is normally replaced by и, pronounced /yi/, which serves for both the last consonant of the head noun and the izofat enclitic: ҷӯй /juy/ 'stream, channel, canal', ЬШҷӯи кӯхда /jüyi kühnä/ 'the old channel' (Adj.). Occasionally this final й is preserved: ҷуйи кӯҳна. Orthography: Arabic The izofat particle appears as ^ after the vowels /u/ and /ül (the letter j vov): JJJ ^ C5J-ÄT 'swift gazelle' /ohu-yi tezräw/ (Adj.) and /o/ (I alif): , < j ^ L ^1 : i II /alifbo-yi tojfk/ 'the Tajik alphabet' (lit. 'alphabet of the Tajik(s)'; Nom.), ^ fl '»- a,j .-•^ —j ••• 'fierce enemies' /dusmanhöyi sarsäxt/ (this sequence is most commonly seen after a plural headnoun in -ho). Strictly speaking, ^ is only the consonantal carrier of the izofat particle, so for extra clarity this may be written as the diacritic zer (see next); in older texts it may also be encountered as a miniature <_$ (or its printed substitute, a hamza *; see further, 1.15). After a consonant it is not usually written, but for clarity's sake it may be indicated as a short vowel sign (called zer) underneath the final consonant of the head noun: /jüyi kühnä/ A '^ «s (jj-^, /duxtäri märd/ jj^o j ~ ±\ /dehi näw/ J^ Ö J 'new village'; this practice is adopted in examples here. In the case of a final 4_- representing terminal -a, it may be shown

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73

either as an independent^: /xonäyi mo/ Lo 3J»L1 'our house', or as a miniature^ (in printer's practice, a hamza sign * above the letter): Lo 5GLL. The latter device is adopted here. (Note that neither this ^ n o r the hamza may be used for the -i of the izofat particle after final 4_representing the consonant /h/; in this case, the subscript sign zer may be used as illustrated above: /dehi näw/ jj» Ö J 'the new village'.) There are examples in both types of izofat where the connective particle is omitted in speech and writing (Mute izofat, 5.11). 2.11

Adjectival izofat

This construction, known to traditional Persian grammarians as sifat-u mawsuf adjective and term described', links an adjective (or adjective phrase, or participle, or adverb/ adverbial phrase) to the noun or NP that it modifies by means of an unstressed connective particle -i: духтар-и зебо L ^ j J ^ J '(the) beautiful girl', ҳаво-и нағз JAJ> 'nice weather', қишлоқҳо-и хароб шуда ÖJ-*I* <-J 'ruined villages', рӯз-и баъд J *_> JJJ 'the day after'. The two components refer to the same entity; they may be seen as the subject and complement of an underlying sentence involving the verb to be: 'the girl is beautiful', etc. As such it is quite different from a superficially similar construction, the true or Nominal izofat (2.12-15). Multiple adjectives of more or less equal weight may by joined by the enclitic -y j - 'and': хона-и бузург-у нав ^ j £JJ~? ^-LLL 'the big new house', or by a serial izofat. хона-и бузург-и нав SLJJ 1 jj» ^ J3-J. Multiple adversative modifiers may also be joined by the conjunction ё U 'or': ҳар зан-и рус ё тоҷик Ц* «_>UJJ OJ J - * •^j^1"* 'each Russian or Tajik woman'. The unmarked Adjectival izofat, by virtue of its being modified, is a Definite NP. It cannot be either Non-Specific or Indefinite. It may be made Specific by adding the enclitic -e to the end of the phrase, or the quasi-article як «-£_» to the beginning: ҷавон-и савор-е ^ J I J - L « Ö'J-^> як ҷавон-и савор J ' J ••• о ' ^ - ^ <-^ ' а y ° u t h o n horseback'. Yak is preferred if the modifier ends in -ӣ ^ - : як насос-и дастй *i-j ^ " ...t o - i •»' 'a hand pump'. Plurals may also be made specific in this way': (як) шаҳрҳо-и бузург-е ^ j j ^ LS^J d •" C1-^) '(some)

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large cities'. The Split izofat. In more literary usage, the Specific enclitic -e may be attached to the head noun or NP, in which case the izofat particle is not used: ҷавон-е савор j l j ... ^ I j . ^ 'a youth on horseback'; аз рӯи фармон- е таъҷилй ^ I j ^ *~ ^ L o j - i ^JJ j \ 'in response to an urgent command'. This formulation, which will here be termed a Split izofat, is preferred in a few common phrases, especially with the adjective дигар ^ ^ j 'other': чиз-е дигар ,>£-JJ ^ j j ^ 'another thing, something else' (2.33). The Split izofat is not used for a Nominal izofat—except for that of Specification, if the modifier is not a name (2.13). The modifier may consist of a prepositional phrase: чашмон-и пур аз ашк < -* I j l ^_» j> ~ — ^ 'eyes full of tears', кӯтал-и {байни Нораку Чормағзак} [Sj * n j L ^ ^ jL> O-J-J] J~ < 'the pass between Norak (Nurek) and Chormaghzak'. It may be a participial phrase that is in effect a reduced relative clause: мисли шахс-и {аз шароб сархуш гашта} [
Nominal izofat (1)

The true izofat construction consists of a head noun or NP followed by another noun or NP, or a pronoun, as modifier, joined by the unstressed enclitic -1: духтар-и мард jj-* j^L^ 'the man's daughter' (for orthography and pronunciation, see '2.9). In contrast with the adjectival izofat, the components refer to different entities (with the exception of an izofat of Specification: see 2.16). Thus they may often be seen as

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75

the subject (the modifier) and object (the head noun) of an underlying sentence involving the verb 'to have': 'the man has a daughter', etc.; the phrase expresses, e.g., the possession of the first referent by the second, its affiliation to it, or a range of other relationships (examples, 2.13-15). Multiple head nouns or modifiers, if jointly pertaining to their syntactic partner, may be joined by the enclitic ва/ -у j - 'and': мамлакат ва ҳукумат-и мову шумо 1 л Д j L* cu-aji^ j •-• 'a gold tooth'. There are semantic restrictions on each of these options. Thus yak (lit., 'one') may only be used for count nouns, not mass nouns—though it may readily apply to a plural, bundling the items into a class or collective: як шеър-и у j \ jJUii 4-S.j 'a poem of his', як шеърҳо-и Ҳофиз «i-j J Ü I Ä ^ U j t , n i 'some poems of Hafiz'. When the sense is that of possession or affiliation, and especially when the modifier is a pronoun, -e may not be used; indeed, the simple izofat formulation is normally replaced by a partitive construction: яке аз духтарҳо-и (он) мард jj_^ (<jT) ^L&j " >j jl LS^ 'one of the man's daughters' (see az, 2.19). This would also be a proper formulation of the last example but one: яке аз шеърҳо-и ӯ j \ ^LAj-x-i jl ^^ 'one of his poems'. To designate only the modifier as indefinite, it is preceded by yak and/ or followed by -e: ободи-и як мамлакат ^ J L T .-XI « » t i j 'the prosperity of a country', поки-и вичдон-и одаме 'the purity of a man's conscience'.

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2.13

CHAPTER TWO

Nominal izofat (2)

The structure of a Nominal izofat is invariable, but the meanings of the resulting phrases may vary considerably in accordance with the semantics of the head noun and/ or modifier. The following examples, using common nouns only, are typical, but do not exhaust the possibilities. Affiliation: аъзоҳо-и партия <^^

^ L A L - ^ I 'members of the party'

(cf. 5.23, Plurals). Possession, metaphorical: the head noun sohib 'possessor' is a quasiprefix indicating the possession of a quality or distinction: соҳиб-и эътибор-и хос аст c> ml ^j-aLL JLJ-J-^I ,_^\ .*> 'he enjoys an excellent reputation' (lit. '...is the possessor/ recipient of particular regard' (for sohib in true compounds, see 5.6). Quality: ободи-и мамлакат с ^ I n

о ^Ц>Т 'the prosperity of the

country', поки-и виҷдон fjiji ^ j ^ Ь

'purity of conscience'.

(The head is a predicative adjective in the underlying sentence, e.g., 'the country is prosperous'.) Agency (modifier is the subject of an underlying sentence): пурсиш-и пирамард j j

* *^

*j

хаёлот cuVL^L *j

?

- j ; 'the old man's inquiry', ҳуҷум-и

* 'assault by fantasies'.

Patient status (modifier is the object of an underlying sentence): ёд-и ватан o-Uj JLJ 'remembering the homeland', шикор-и оҳу jjbT jK,7. 'hunting gazelle, gazelle-hunt(ing)'. Location, direction: қишлоқ-и кӯҳистон ^ 1 " ... d^j-S JpLji-2 'mountain village', сафар-и Бухоро Ijl 4 i j-л-^и 'journey to Bukhara, the Bukhara trip'. Time, place: даъват-и пагоҳ ÖL£L> CJJ

CJ 'tomorrow's invitation',

аскар-и ақиб •>*<* j^.nr 'the troops in the rear'. Purpose, product: курта-и хоб ^\j

^ ^-3j—S 'nightshirt', завод-и

автомобил J_i-»LoLijl j j l j 'auto plant, car factory'. Material, source: соат-и тилло >LU c ^ L « 'gold watch' (lit., 'watch of gold'), шир-и гов j l S j-ьЛ 'cow's milk'. Specification: e.g., шаҳр-и Душанбе A \ \, 4, j J j ц .^. 'the city (of) Dushanbe'(see 2.16).

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2.14

77

Nominal izofat(3)

Besides common nouns, the following classes of substantives typically modify the head noun in the ways illustrated. Proper nouns. Affiliation, or appurtenance: писар-и Рустам j ...j 'son of Rustam, Rustam's son'; пойтахт-и Тоҷикистон i j L 'the capital of Tajikistan'. Specification (2.13, 2.16), when a title or generic noun is specified by name: ҷаноб-и Қосимй ^ п .„La ^L-Ц. 'Mr. Qosimi'. (For titles, etc., which use or do not use izofat, see 5.22.) Adjectives and Participles used as nouns. As broad a range as most common nouns; e.g., characteristics: далери-и ҷавон ^ j . J J ^Ij ^ 'the youngster's courage'; possession, attribution, or production: китобҳо-и нависанда 6j'i... j>l> ^l^-iLÜ 'the writer's books'. Infinitives and Action nouns. These are nominalizations of a broad range of VPs or subordinate sentences, expressing, e.g., time of activity: соат-и рафтан CA^J cjxLy/the hour of departure' (lit. '...of going'), or purpose: фурсат-и ran задан ва чойнӯши-ро надоштанд ,Г>" IMIJJ» I J ^ ^ L J J ^ U * J <jj j <-£ «-м^^-а 'they

had no chance to talk and drink tea' (lit. '...opportunity of talking and tea-drinking'). See also 2.22,4.15. Pronominals. Mainly possession and affiliation: ҳавли-и онҳо ^j-** I p \] 'their house' (lit. 'house of them'), дарс-и кӣ? S ^ ^^jj 'whose lesson?'. Other kinds of NP. E.g., Numerical (see 2.50-51): зӯри-и даҳ одам f JT 6j (SJJ'J 'Ле strength often men'. 2.15

Nominal izofat (4)

In a Nominal izofat, the same variety of substantives may occur as head nouns. Proper nouns. Personal names may have a following by-name, nickname, or epithet: Аҳмад-и калла
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Зол J\j -~ -j 'Rustam son of Zal'. Adjectives and Participles used as nouns. A broad range, including affiliation: нобиноён-и район оЦеJ о Ц е ' - Ц ^ ^ ' ^ blind (persons) of the region'. Active participles typically nominalize sentences of the type 'X does/ did Y', the modifier denoting the object: хонанда-и ашӯла <üj Д1 Ö . I V J J ^ 'the singer of the song'. Past participles may similarly nominalize a passive sentence, 'Y is/ was done by X', the modifier denoting the agent: навишта-ҳо-и ӯ j l ^ Ь ы л Д р 'his writings' (see 3.43). Infinitives and Action nouns. The infinitive or another verbal noun as head may represent a noun of instance or product: сад задан-и сӯзангар-у як задан-и оҳангар ^ j j JL* j J-£J»3J— Ш ^J j-i-a j < ' ^ Т 'a hundred stitches of the seamstress equals one'stroke of the smith' (prov., lit. 'a hundred strikings... and one striking...'). More typically, as an action noun, it nominalizes an adverbial clause of time or manner, or a sentential complement to the main clause (see 4.15): ҷуръат-и наздик шудан OJ-OJ ^ J > ^ ^ J ^ 'the daring/ audacity to get close'; {ба он ҷо рафтан}-и сайёҳон даркор j L £ j j Q b J j м« {u^-fij Ц. ^Т
Particular izofat Structures

Izofat NPs may by concatenated and/ or nested in various ways, most of which will be apparent from the meanings of individual words. Note the following examples and ways of conceptualizing their structures. An Adjectival izofat may constitute either the head or the modifier,

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or both, of a composite NP (typically, a possessive or affiliative izofat): 1 лаб-и {духтар-и ширин} {Q-?JJ •*• ^ ^ J } v-l'the sweet girl's lip(s) ; {лаб-и ширин-и} flyxTapj " ; j { ^ j j м. i_jJ} 'the girl's sweet lips'; {бозувон-и зӯрманд-и} {паҳлавон-и ҷавон} <jljjL_i} [a\j^ j ' j ' d j K *'' " J J J 'the young hero's strong arms'. An Adjectival izofat where the head noun is a verbal action or instance noun may represent an underlying adverb, in a nominalization of a sentence such as 'X does/ did Y in manner Z': мутолиа-и дақиқ-и матн tj" о j i j flj SL-JJIU О 'close study of the text'. The underlying object (here, the Definite noun motn 'the text') does not take -ro\ though if it is Indefinite or Specific, it may be preceded by yak and optionally take the enclitic -e\ мутолиа-и дақнқ-и як матн(-е) ^\"\ пҲ^^н^ ^ J ^ S J 3-*J LU-A 'close study of a/ any text'. In a serial Nominal izofat, the structure parallels that of a straightforward right-branching translation using the 'of'-genitive; using left-branching 's'-genitives reverses the analysis, and a mixture of both will complicate it: kitob-i {talaba-i {muallim}} 'the book {of the student {of the teacher}}', more idiomatically, '{{the teacher's} student}'s book'; xonandaho-i {kitob-i {talaba-i {muallim}}} 'the readers of the teacher's student's book'. The izofat of Specification is technically a Nominal izofat. However, the modifier denotes the same entity as the head noun, so the phrase may behave more like an Adjectival izofat. Thus мард-и деҳқон J ^ ^ÜLbj 'the (male) farmer, peasant' (cf. 2.3) may be made Indefinite or Specific either by preposingya/: or by a Split izofat (2.11): yak mard-i dehqon, mard-e dehqon 'a (male) peasant' (but not *mard-i dehqon-e). In the case of phrases like пешоянд-и аз j \ J A J Л, JJ 'the preposition at (i.e., a unique abstraction), and шаҳр-и Душанбе А У \ >7>jj j p ,7, 'the city (of) Dushanbe' (i.e., a name) the question does not normally arise, since these are categorically Definite. 2.17

The Enclitic-то

The (unstressed) enclitic -po I j - (which has also been called a postposition) is placed at the end of the NP, after any and all modifiers, plural suffixes, and the Specific marker -e if present: дастхат-ҳо-и

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камёб-е-ро дуздида бурданд jJijj-j 'they made off with some rare manuscripts'. Colloquial and dialect forms (often reproduced in literature) are /-ra/, /-a/, /-ya/ (this last after a vowel: куза-я овардам fjjjT «LJ * J J £ 'I brought the jug'). The overall function of -ro in Tajik (as that of -ra in SP) is to foreground a NP. In the modern language this function is manifested chiefly as a marker of the direct object where this is Definite or Specific (see Fig. 2.7). Certain substantives qualify semantically as Definite; i.e., as direct objects they always require-ro. Proper nouns: Ҳасан ва Аҳмаду Раҳим-ро мешиносам j j - » ^ ij'iitij < • > I jf^^j j SJ^I 'I know Hasan, Ahmad and Rahim'. Personal, reflexive, and demonstrative pronouns: онҳо-ро надидам I j LpT 'I didn't see those/ them', ӯ худ-ро намешиносад ^ ^ t I j ^ > ^ jfhe doesn't know himself (2.32). Numbers, as abstract entities: панҷоҳ-ро ба ду тақсим кунед *'•*< р JIMQ-I J J «u I J U U "IJ 'dividefifty by two' (2.51).

Action nouns: чойкаши-ро фаромӯш кард j^S 'he forgot to pour the tea' ('...the tea-pouring'). Infinitives (of composite verbs, or in the sense 'how to —'): чой кашидан-ро фаромӯш кард j j ^ ^pj-olj-i I J Q ^j . ^ ^ U . 'he forgot to pour the tea'; мард-и қадцароз на рафтан-ро медонист, на нишастан-ро о d m \\л ^ ' J 6 ^ *J ^ j ' J J J ^ J J * IJU" 1 > и '"'*'the ^11 man knew neither how to walk nor how'to sit/ could neither walk straight nor sit properly', хондан-ро сол-и гузашта тамом карда будам ^1..и~ < л м.'^ ^ JL«ilj <jjj»lj_^ ^jj-» 0 jjJS 'I had completed reading/ learning to read in the previous year'. However, infinitives that are the objects of common modal verbs (such asxostan, tavonistan, girifian: see 4.22-23,4.25) behave as Non-Specific nouns and do not take -ro: ӯ давидан гирифт d i i ^ S u*4 J J J ' 'h e began to run'. Other NPs are Definite by virtue of narrative context or speaker's intent. Thus the following NP types (if not containing yak or -e) are grammatically Definite, and require -ro if they are direct objects. Adjectival izofat: мошин-и нав-ро фурӯхт c i ^ j j - i I

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81

'he sold the new car'. Nominal izofat халта-и пирамард-ро кушод A£S Ijjj^j-j-» S~J^ 'he opened the old man's sack'. A noun modified by a pronoun (independent or enclitic): фарзанд-и худ-ро мезанад I jjj-L J - ^ J _ * 'he beats his child', пул-ат-ро гир j-£ Ijv^J^-j 'take your money'. A noun preceded by a determiner (demonstrative or pronominal adjective, superlative, ordinal number): ин ҳарфҳо-ро назан —Кадом ҳарфхо-ро? SI jU^J^-a* f\±£ - ^у* I j U ü ^ ^ J 'don't say that' (lit. 'these words') —'What?' ('which words?'), хубтарин тут-ро вай хурдааст Ö J J J ^ L ^ J ' J ^ J ^ ^ > i o > l 'he ate the best mulberries', ӯ аввалин рубои-ро гуфтааст J *~j< l J c r c L j or**jl jThe composed the first ruba'i'. The antecedent of a Restrictive Relative clause (see 4.44): зан-е-ро ки дар хона даромад намешиносам A-ijJ> 'I didn't see anyone'. A Specific NP, however ('a (certain) —, some —, any (of them)'), may be determined as such by a specifying phrase such as a Partitive (which selects an individual, even if unknown, from a specified group): ман {хеч як-е аз онхо}-ро надидм ^ *хл±^ [1 jLpT j \ fj^ g-^*} 'I didn't see any of them', {як ҳикоя-и ӯ}-ро хондаам f I ÖJ-1L^ \ J 3 \ L l i ^ ^ 'I have read a story of his', имрӯз ягон одам-атон-ро назд-и ман фиристонед О ^ JJJ-** x^ib-Mj^i ^ jjji I j JLLAJT 'Send one of your men to me today' (for yagon see 2J6). Otherwise the broader context or the speaker's intention may so determine it: e.g., не, кас-е-ро надидам ^л^х^ \jLf^S «^ 'No, I didn't see anyone', said in answer to a specific query such as шумо он ҷо ки-ро дидед? SJ-JJJJ ' J ^ Ц ^ L^l'whomdidyou see there?' Neither Non-Specific nor Definite nouns necessarily have a marker themselves. As direct object, a Definite noun, if so intended by the speaker, is distinguished from a Non-Specific noun by the enclitic -ro:

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об биёр j l js с-.! 'bring (some) water', but об-ро биёр 'bring the water' (i.e, that has already been mentioned, poured, etc.). 2.18

Other Uses of-ro

In addition to marking the Specific or Definite direct object of a verb, -ro has several other uses in elevated literary language and in colloquial and dialect usage. These may all be seen as directing focus on a particular constituent of a sentence, in which the grammar is otherwise clear. Thus -ro may even mark what is technically the subject of a passive sentence, since it is semantically the object and the focus of the activity postulated, whereas the agent is unimportant: офтоб-ро бо доман 0 пӯшида намешавад *j — * - ** JY.* J -• j > O- ^ Ц» *j' Л ~ ьТ 'the sun cannot be hidden by/ draped in a skirt' (prov.)Certain adjectives implying a relationship may trigger the enclitic -ro in lieu of another adposition. Thus the idiom пазмон шудан jj i ^1 a^l 'to miss, long for', despite its intransitive appearance (adjective and copula, lit. 'to become sad, regretful'), appears to treat the source of the emotion as a direct object: шумо-ро хеле пазмон шудам j> * •* ^ L O ^ J ^ * ^ I j L - j j 'I miss you a lot' (past tense of 'become', equivalent to present tense of the resulting state; see 4.24); ӯ рафиқон-аш-ро пазмон шуда буд jj-» oj^i а^У$ l J u i i ^ U j f l j j \ 'he missed his friends'. A more literary construction places the adjective in izofat with the object of affection: онҳо пазмон-и ватан шуда буданд ^jj_» ÖJ MI tj-Uj <jLQ3_» LpT 'they missed their homeland'. Similarly, the adjective омода Ö j L J 'ready, prepared' marks the event prepared for either with -ro or as the modifier of a nominal izofat: бало-и се-юм-ро омода бошем pj Л.Ь ÖJLOT I J ^ J M.^^LJ 'let US be prepared for a third catastrophe'; ӯ омода-и кор буд jL$ ÖJLJ jl JJ-» 'he was ready for work' (cf. tayyor, 2.41). The enclitic -ro may replace the usual preposition 6a - ^ ^ л*г* * ^ *jpj ^j j-iT^j 'they told Rahim to come out', хонаҳо-ро ҳарорат мебахшад 'it heats the houses' (lit. 'provides heat

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83

to/ for [-ro] the houses'). Even where directional prepositions are expected after intransitive verbs (see 2.19), -ro may appear in modern literature: даста-и кӯҳнавардон-и мо кӯҳ-ро ба осонй баромада... L> O ' ^ J J - I A ^

5

" • -м

... Ö J-OT^J ^ L u i U I j öj_S 'our team of climbers reached the summit easily...' (for ba or bar kuh, 'came up on(to) the mountain'); мо соат-и се-и шаб дарьё-ро гузашта

4JL£iS I j L j j

<Ti

,7, L^. C^XLMJ Lo

'we crossed the river at three o'clock in the morning, and...' (for az daryo 'passed across the river'). Colloquially, it may supplement other prepositional phrases: барои ки-ро? -Барои ман-а
о I j^s^^Xs*. j\) 'we died

laughing' (lit. '...from laughing', cf. az, 2.19). In elevated style, -ro may mark varieties of ethic dative: Лутфиев-ро аъзо-и бадан... ларза меояд tjjJ . . . ö ^ c ^ *-* с ' ' j 1 s l ^ * L j A J L - O 'Lutfiev's limbs... start to tremble' (lit. 'to L. the limbs of his body...(be)come a-tremble'), Ёдгор-ро умргузаронй сахт буд jj_» - - ^ ... ^ l j j - S j - o . r

I j J L S J L 'for Yodgor (getting through) life

was hard/ Y. had a hard life', Темурмалик-ро ақида-и он буд, ки... ...<£ JJ-I ^Т 1л j a r Ij^Loj^-oJS'Temurmalik thought that...' (lit. 'to T. was the belief that...'), касе-ро ёро-и наздик шудан набуд JJ_JJ» о ^ ^!*У> iS^j^ I j ^ ' " ^ 'nobody dared approach' (lit. 'to a person there was not the courage to go near', i.e., nobody had the courage...). In Northern dialects of Tajik, a construction using an attributive possessive -ro widely replaces the Persian type of izofat: ман-а писар-ам ?j

mi
о

" < 'the teacher's book', Зайдулло-ра палинко-ш пеш-и усто и*-;1 овардам J*JJJT I ^

- 1 pti j j ^Ь К M , j ÖJ«ÜJIJ-JJ '1 took Zaydullo's

shoes to the cobbler's'—here the definite direct object is not marked with -ro. (The model for this seems to be the equivalent Uzbek NP type, muallim-ning fcitob-i, lit. 'of-the-teacher his-book'.)

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ADPOSITIONS 2.19

Prepositions: Simple

The remaining spatial, temporal and modal relations of the NP are expressed by means of prepositions, prepositional phrases, and postpositions. There are some seven or eight morphological kinds of preposition and prepositional phrase, ranging from single words through reduplications and combinations with and without izofat; some are unique lexical items, others are also adverbs, nouns, or conjunctions, and many of them can be adapted as adverbial phrases (2.48) and subordinating conjunctions (4.28,4.33-34). The eight simple prepositions are monosyllables, unique lexical items that are placed before the NP without further modification. They are grammatically distinct in that they do not combine with the pronominal enclitics (2.28-29). аз jl 'from, through, across' (directional, locational), also 'than' in comparison (2.42): аз хона берун рафт c u i j ^JJ

*; «LLLA jl

'he left/ went out of the house', аз даре гузаштанд L»jj jl L

*'«-» jjj-S 'they crossed (over) the river'; паранда-е аз тиреза

парида даромад J_*TJJ Ь±Ц^ Ö ^ J J - ^ j l ^ Ö ^ in through the window', ҷудой аз дуст с - у

'a bird flew jl

'separation from one's friend', халосй аз марг 'rescue/ being saved from death'. Temporal: аз сол-и гузашта *~ л-'*< JLLU jl 'from/ since last year'. Az denotes the material or source of manufacture: аз чуб сохта шудааст ^- ...I »j Л d "-U .,. ^ ^ jl 'it is made of/ from wood'. After verbs expressing privations or emotions, az introduces the source or cause: аз гуруснагӣ (ташнагӣ) мурда истода будем ^»jj_j ftji " ... »I öjj-^a ( <j ^ > """)

o

< \ in^-S j l 'we were dying of

hunger (thirst)'; аз торикӣ метарсад J-^J^^^-O ^^jk is afraid of/ fears the dark'; аз ӯ хеле ранҷидем ^ 1 j

jl 'he -^ jl jl

^jj_»_aJjj'we were greatly offended by him/ took great offence at his actions'; аз хурсандӣ қариб девона шудам ^ J - I ^ J - A 5

jl

^j-j, <-1IJ-JJ v^ej- ^ nearly went crazy with joy'; аз ман хавотир нашавед л >j^'» J-UIJ^L ^

jl 'Don't worry about me'.

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85

Az helps to form Partitive phrases, inserted between a singular Specific noun or pronoun and the requisite plural: як-е аз он-ҳо -J 'one of them', баъз-е аз донишмандон мегӯянд... jl ^ . ö t i 'some scientists say...', рӯз-е аз рӯз-ҳо-и рамазон ^1 .Л *j ( ^ L A J J J JJ ^ J J J '(on) one of the days of Ramadan, one day during Ramadan'. A predicative Partitive phrase may begin with az, eliding the pronominal: вай аз дарвишон-и ҳақиқй аст CJ-CUI О Д ja-* O ^ - ^ J J J j ' LSJ 'he

is [one] of the true dervishes/ a true dervish' (cf. the predicative possessive construction az on-i, 2.28). It combines with ҷумла 4-Lil/whole, ensemble' in partitive idioms: аз ҷумла-и ҳозирон ҳамсар-и раис буд J J J u . . / i j J.,I л л ^ I j ^ U * ^ , ^ j l 'among those present was the chairman's spouse'; вай аз ҷумла-и шоирон-и анъанавй ба шумор меравад ^Ij^Li. U o ^ j l ^ j jj^-x-o j l ^ >7J J ^j'*» ir 'he counts as one of/ belongs in the ranks of the traditional poets'; and, in two different constructions, with қабил J j \ « 'sort, class, type': аз қабил-и он падарон мебошад, ки <и£ i j ^ i L ^ Ö ' J - ^ ö^ J..» > * j l 'he is one of those fathers who...'; аз ин қабил суханҳо-ро бисёр шунидам ^ ^ j >'« ^- j L m j tjt о •> ^ ••• J - a ^ 1 'I've heard a lot of this kind of talk'. After verbs meaning 'to hold, seize' an object, az means 'by' a part of the thing or person held: аз даст-ам/ аз даст-и ман гирифт CJ-ÄJ S <j-o -r.r -•-* j l \ ^ л ,.о j l 'he took hold of my hand', 60 як хез аз ду бозу-ям нигоҳ-дошт j^l j j ^ i j L .-»Л1,!*>!<-. ^ j j ^ L jj'with one bound he seized me by both (my) arms'; аз риш-и дароз-аш печонда гирифтам <_A-ej Jl ~\ а >J < ьл\\ ^ .. ^ р з ' j J 'I grabbed him by his long beard and twisted [it]'. Azmay combine with то L '(up) to' (see below) to compile an inclusive or contrastive list: аз бача-ҳо-и мактабхон то оқсақол дар ду тараф-и кӯчае... саф ороста ^\^^л<,л ^ U ^ ^ л "> ..Ajl <j*.j£ v-fl^-la J J j J u^l a MIflTJJ 'from children of school age to greybeards [were] lined up on both sides of the street'; the NP governed by az may be followed by a participial coordinate, either sar suda or girifia 'starting (from/ with)': аз муллоҳо-и

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кӯҳна гирифта/ cap шуда то машкобҳо ҳам ҳастанд ^i У'" ••• * ^ л Ц - J K . U О J J ö j b l J-LM\ <^*J%>

< *>o^ ^l-дЫ-л 'there are

[all sorts] from old mullahs to water-carriers'. Other idioms involving az are: пур аз jl ^ J 'full of, аз маҳрум будан/ шудан/ мондан \j, j_ii \j, JJ_> fjj ^ л - J>l ^jjil о 'to be deprived of, аз кор-е боздоштан ^jl £ jl ^- л.I ijl /rn stop doing s.t.', e.g., аз тамоку кашидан боздошт CJ-^.IJJL J \J .М^ ^LjJi jl'he stopped smoking', ин калима аз як исм-у як пешоянд иборат аст/ ...иборат аст аз як исм-у як пешоянд \\ J.jt. \ > и£_» с j ^ J «_£-J \l 4 оК л_»1 л ** * I ^jii—»_i 4_S_t ^

^ • • • i *^

« ^ I « - « • ••! »~ * j i

*^

у " * ' * ' " ' *** *^>

.* ^

this

word consists of/ comprises a noun and a prefix' (lit. 'is an expression of); аз ӯҳда-и кор-е/ вазифа-е баромадан V$jL£ ÖJ_$_C jl ^J-O7>J (^1 <-i_Jij 'to carry out a charge, fulfill a responsibility, rise to the occasion': мардум аз ӯхда-и корҳо-и бузург баромада т а в о н и с т а н д j'r^ <•• 'ttjü ÖJ-OTJ-J ^ J J - J ^ L Ä J L S U . ^ r j l ^ j j _ a

'the people were able to shoulder great responsibilities'. Variants to be encountered are, in poetry, зи 3; in Northern dialects, /a/; in Central and Southern dialects, /ay/: аи Душанбе умадум (Central) 'I've come from Dushanbe'. 6a <-» 'to' (direction, goal, usually with the presumption of arrival): 6a он ҷо Ц. CJI <-» 'to that place, there (thither)', 6a қишлоқ-и худ баргашта рафт cj-äj U A S ^ J JJJL j^Li-S <_» 'he went backte his own village'. Colloquially, ba may be omitted in common directional phrases: ӯ хона/ шаҳр/ пахтазор рафтааст jl cj-i-ul <-J-AJ j I j

d

" ^ * \j о • * \«LJLL 'he went home/ to town/ to

the cotton field'. 'To' (dative, indirect object): 6a мо на карфе гуфту на чизе дод JIJ ^ j j ^ о j i-,iu ^ ^ j - ^ - ^ Le <_» 'he neither spoke to us nor gave us anything'; also with the verbs (6a -) нигоҳ кардан O J J ^ ^ ^ (~ *Ч) < t o 1°°^ (at)', (ба - ) гӯш додан/ кардан <J J J-^ \ 6 J ' J o ^ 1 ^ (- *ЧО ' t o listen (to)'. 'In' (a medium): ба (забон-и) тоҷикй ran зан ^S ^^-i^Li (оЦ» j) <4? <jj 'speak (in) Tajik'; китоб-и ман ба чоп даромад ^ ^1л^ J-ÖI j j u U . <-» 'my book has been printed/ come out in print'. 'In, within' (time limit): роҳ-и дароз-ро ба чандин дақиқа зер кард J ^ J^J < a j flj t>j JLX^ <_» Ij j \ j j öl j 'he finished the

MORPHOLOGY: NOMINALS

87

long trip in a few minutes', ба як ҳафта « 2 LA LLJ <ц> 'in a week, in one week's time'. Ba introduces the cause of an emotional reaction: ман ба ин ҳол тааҷуб кардам , т . ^ *~ J L ^ j ^ L ^л jkjj-S 'I was surprised at this situation', and the activity or quality by which one is known, judged, etc.: ба нозиракӣ машҳур аст «-^>jj о "» * cj^je J ^ *Ч 'he is notorious for stupidity', вай-ро ба қатл айбдор карданд s^^jS

j \ , \ > j г J_I_S <_> I JL$3

'they

charged him with murder'. It denotes the underlying object in some nominalized VPs: муҳаббат ба ватан ^L3

<ц» •->; ^ ~

'love of/ for the homeland', шиносой ба шаҳр <ц> 'familiarity with the city'. Before a dependent infinitive, ba may denote the purpose of the action of the main verb (cf. baro-u 2.20): ба овардан-и ошно-яш рафта-аст с» ml A " QJ JU-Л \ с\л ^jjl

<ц» 'he has

gone to fetch his acquaintance'. It may replace az after a verb of apology: ба гуноҳ-и худ узр ме-хост j j — с J J — 1 0L1S <ц» ,»>. -lj^ ^ ^ 'he asked pardon for his sin'. In combination with abstract nouns of quality, ba forms adverbials: ба осонй ^ 1

иЛ <ц> \L5J»I JL* 'with ease, easily'

(2.48). Ba is frequently used to form complex prepositions and prepositional phrases (2.21-23). In Perso-Arabic script, ba may be joined to the word it precedes, unless this would entail ambiguity or difficulty in reading; then it is written separately as 4_»: thus • «j L ; ba taraf-i Howard', ^JIJ-JL ba Eran 'to Iran', ^ u ba on 'to it', but ^ j <ц> ba vay 'to him/ her' (cf. ^ J - I 'smell'), •---•• j ; <ц» ba bist 'to/ at twenty'. In current usage it is mostly written separately. бар j_» '(up)on, on top of, onto' (locative, directional): бар кӯх барф буд jj-i «-в^ Ö^-S j-» 'there was snow on the mountain', бар по истод *' " -j 1 L» j j

'she got to her feet, stood up(right)', он-ро

бар замин зад j j ^ j

oj j_> IjJiT 'he dashed it on the ground',

воиз бар минбар истода буд jj_» ajb...jl J-XJ-A J-> -Ь-CIJ 'the preacher stood on the rostrum'. Metaphorically and idiomatically: марг бар сӯдхӯр! j_»

£j-л

! JJ^LJJ-I-U'death to the usurer!', бар тан-и ман ҷома-и бухорӣ буд JJ-J ^jl—Ц» \ о Ц . ( >о j p j ^ 'I was wearing a Bukharan

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robe' (lit., 'on my body was...'). Bar is used (mainly in elevated style) after verbs expressing imposition, domination, munificence and the like: бар камбағалон ин ҳама озор намудан! J_J l^jjj-oJ» j l jT <_oJb j ^ l ^Л

J. r^'to injure the poor s o greatly!'; so

likewise after дастдарозӣ кардан ^jj A

£ ^ j l j j ^ ...j 'to op
press, bully', ғалаба кардан 0 J — ^ e^-t overcome', бахшудан/ бахшой- - ^ 1 Л, Ч Д j j j Л. Ч j 'to bestow, grant'. бе ^ 'without' is not restricted in Tajik, as it is in Standard Persian, to forming adjectives and adverbs (cf. 5.6): бе музд j j о ^ J

'without pay', бе парашют паридан-аш ^ L J I ^ J - » LZJJ-Л^

^

'his jumping without a parachute', бе вай бисёр гириҳ-ҳо-и ҳаёту зиндаги-ро кушодан амр-и муҳол аст jl j ,,. : ^ 3 ^ CJ-4-UI JLa—A j-*\

jj *' ' - < l j L f S j J » j j

•-'! j ^ ^ L Ä Ö J - S

'without

him, it is impossible to solve many of life's problems', бе ист ва бе дамгирй танбура-навозй мекард ^ j j< nj ^ j .zi.„jl ^ ^ ,^j< * л Lgj'j *'*JJ ;"'"' 'he played the tanbura without pause or break' (lit. 'without stopping and resting'). Such multiple objects of the preposition may also be joined after a single be: бе ҳеч гапу калоча <^-$Sj ^S g-хд ^ 'without any ado', бе падару модар мондам ^JJILO jjLa j j j j ^ 'I was left without father or [lit. 'and'l mother', (cf. bidun-i, 2.21). 6o L» 'with' (comitative, instrumental; cf. qati, 2.20; hamroh, 2.21): бо як рафиқ-и худ... рафтагор-и сайр гардида... Л j L« ...öj_jjj_^ j * »•• j l < " a j . . j j - i . (3-»-bj 'with a friend of his... he set out on a tour and...', бо шикам-и гурусна хоб рафт *£А L •cj-flj ^ I j - ^ «< > ' ...^-S 'he went to sleep hungry' (lit. 'with hungry stomach'). In мубориза бо [душман] [^j-e-^j] L Ö J j l _ ^ 'combat with the enemy, the fight against disease, etc' it means 'against'. Bo is generally used to introduce the indirect object with verbs of speaking: бо кас-е ran задан/ сӯҳбат кардан/ гуфтугӯй кардан OJj-S tjgj^" « ^ \0-Ъ-* ^: ^ ^ \ 0 J J V ^ LS^-^ ^ ' t o talk to/ speak to/ chat with s.o.' Instrumental: бо таъсир-и барфу борон j «_aj_. j i ..'G Ь ^ I J L J 'with/ under the effect of wind and rain', бо бодбезак худ-ро бод мекард J^5LJ—о JL» ljjj_^L ^З-е^Ц» Ц» 'he fanned himself with a fan', бо роҳ-и Самарқанд >ü^j л ... ö l j L 'via

MORPHOLOGY: NOMINALS

89

Samarkand', бо мактуб ба онҳо хабар дод ки... «^»j "<[ п L> ... J j i .т. о ^ j j j ^ L ^ ^ U p j .nl Q Ö " Л j ^ ' h e was mostly engaged in/ busy selling sewing machines' (lit. 'with the selling of...'). Followed by an infinitive (if not qualified by an adverb, like the previous example), bo expresses a simultaneous action or immediate result: бо гирифтан-и ин хат шод шудам L. j*j ii jl

«I la^L tj-J jj"

aj

^ 'as soon as I got this note, I was J

1

happy', бо хурдан-и ин об, касал шуд <_Л ^ 1 O J J ^Ц * л. J • < 'on drinking this water, he became sick' (cf. barobar, 2.24. For bo in Concessive constructions, see 2.22 and 4.34). дар j j (frequently /da/ in dialects) 'in, at' (locative, temporal): дар хона нест C^-UU-JJ» «J»LL j j 'he is not in the house/ at home', дар сол-и оянда Ö JJLJT JL^J j j 'in the coming year/ next year'. Like ba, it may be omitted in common adverbial phrases: (дар) сол-и гузашта (ба) Тошканд рафта будам (<_») А Л Гп1\ <[ J L « (jj) -*'»< -M* 'last year I went to Tashkent', is an all-purpose locative, which the translation 'in' does not always fit: дар харак нишаста буд JJ_» <">.., .Vi ^ ^ _^ 'she was sitting on the bench', дар cap тоқй дошт ва дар по к а ф ш ^-«

< L ^

j cu_jjlj ^ l - ^ j

•-• j j

'he had a skullcap on

his head and shoes on his feet', дар як тараф <-jj_L ^ j j 'on one side', дар xap ҷо L ^ A j j 'everywhere', дар шаб v . Л, j j 'at night'. Colloquially, it may express a personal, temporary locative of the type chez moi, bei uns: дар ман пул нест Jj-_> ^ jj - j'*'l have no money (on me)', дар мо ҳосилот нағз мешавад jj-^i-j-o JJL: tij^LuaL^ 1_л j j 'we'll have a good harvest' (lit., 'in us the harvest is becoming good'). Dar introduces the field of activity or aspect of an ensemble in focus: дар қолибофӣ машғул-анд J J J j . a r» л ^ b ^ L ä j j 'they engage in carpet-weaving' (also with fco, below), дар касбу кор бояд ҳамчун дар бузкашй кӯшиш кард jL£ j ^ . . . ^ j j 'in business one must

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CHAPTER TWO 1

strive as hard as in buzkashi', дар синну сол аз ҳама калонтар аст c i м.1 J-JLL^
то

< £ -^ -••! j ** *

Jbi


j j ...^jj^Lo ^ l

'in what does this similarity consist? It lies in the fact that...'. In similar metaphors, dar may follow appropriate verbal nouns: иштирок дар j j L £ I J _ S j,l 'participation in', мудохила дар j j 4_Шл-о 'interference in'. Li 'up to, as far as, until' (locative, temporal): мо ТО Норак пиёда рафтем онгоҳ дам гирифтем ^ j " *QJ O J L J i j L Ll L л j "\ aj—S ^ J ÖL^JJT 'we walked as far as Norak, then rested', аз тирамоҳ то баҳор кор мекард ^ jLS JL^-J b Ö L Q J « ^ j l j j _ S 'he worked from fall until spring', қишлоқҳо...қад-қади роҳ то хеле дуриҳо паҳн шудаанд Ь t\j J-SJJÄ ...L^ä^LiJfl jjjl 6 j - i <J4-J L-Ö-JJJJ ^ I > ^ 'the villages... stretched all along the road for miles and miles' (lit., '...up to very great distances'). To may cumulate with ba: кампир то 6a берун-и хона-аш ӯро гусел кард J ^ £ J j •- ^ I J J ' ^ ' ^ ^ U J J - ^ *Ч ^ j ^ j -^ 'the old woman saw him out' (lit. 'accompanied him as far as to the outside of her house'). Idiomatically: фарқ-и суф то шоҳи-ро намедонистам ^,и\\л^г^ l J c s _uLii b *-±j^> 3 ^ 'I couldn't tell wool from silk/ the difference between wool and silk'. To may also introduce the standard in comparative clauses (2.42; for to as a conjunction, see 4.29).

чун о ^ 'like, as' (comparative): чун ту кас-е нест ^ m ^ jJi ^^. ^ " " j ' * 'there is no one like you'; шаб кӯча-ҳо чун рӯз-и равшан дурахшон буд <jLi_Ajj ö - i j j JJJ Ö J ^ LA4-^J-£ v ^ i jj_j 'at night the streets were as bright as day' ('shining like bright day'); бачагон чун гурӯҳ-и гунҷишкон ки аз калхот мегурехта бошанд, якбора аз ҷо-яшон ҷаста ба тараф-и дар давиданд ^ U i £ j \ <£ j K . U ' ^ j \ ^ j ^ 6 ^ ^ ' O 1 ^ - ^ j _ j j _ i j j j j i_fljU \ Г и м ^

^jLii-jL^. j l

6JL_IS_J CJJLJUUL^

d

"** ^ *j

1%ж

'the children, like a flock of sparrows fleeing from a kite, immediately jumped up from their places and ran toward the door'. Сип is mainly literary in this usage; cf. monand-i and misl-i 1

A team game played on horseback, for the possession of a decapitated calf.

MORPHOLOGY: NOMINALS

91

(2.21), and barin (2.23). It has a poetical variant, чу j ^ . (Most traditional European and Tajik grammarians, following the model of Latin, German, or Russian, count сип not as a preposition, but only a conjunction; however, its distinct meaning and syntax as illustrated warrant its inclusion here. For the conjunction, see 4.26.) 2.20

Prepositions: Derived

The following prepositions are likewise simply juxtaposed to the NP, but are not unique, in that they derive from or combine other words: барои (^Ij^ 'for' (benefactive, purposive; cf. bahr-i, 2.21); in origin, ba-ro-i, connected with the dative function of -ro«(2.18) and still transparently in izofat: барои чй? S ^ ^ ^ I J J 'what for? why?', ин ҳадя-ро барои тағои-ам харида будам (^IJ-J lj«-jjJb ^ 1 ^ J J J ьл-ijJb ^_JULU 'I bought this present for my uncle'. A more formal variant is аз барои ^IJ-J jl Preceding an infinitive or other action noun, baroi forms a nominalized purpose clause (cf. ba-, 2.19): барои хӯрок хӯрдан ба чойхона рафтем ^\" QJ <с»1_Ц^ <ц» i>^j^

^ ' j > ^ LS^J-}

'we went to the teashop (in order) to eat', вай-ро барои овардан-и духтур фиристодам *л\ 1 MIJ—a J J " ^ J L P J J ^ LS^J-? ' J LSJ I

sent him to fetch the doctor', барои босмачи-ковӣ ба як деҳа мерафтанд ГЛ ij-f-a «-AJ US_J
Л

,,,L (^IJ-J 'they

were going to a village in order to root out basmachis' (for this type of action noun, see 5.10, Stem I Activity nouns), ҳамчун j j

^ ^ (initial stress) 'as, like; in the capacity of: ҳамчун

инсон бояд афв намуд JJ_QJ» JJLC Л-ЛЬ ^LUUJ»! QJ ^ * ft'as a

human being, one must be forgiving' (cf. ba sirat-i, 2.22). ҷуз ±J± 'except (for)' (from Ar. juz' 'part'); also, colloquially, ба ҷуз j ? \ and ба ҷуз аз jl J-^-J: ҷуз ман, ҳама омаданд ^ j _ ^ jjjj

оТ * * * 'except for me, they all came', ҷуз гиря ва зори

дигар чора-е надоштем j^JL^iljJ» c ^lujU. c ^ J lj j <-ej-S j - ^ 'We had no recourse but to weep and wail'. катй, қатӣ, кати, қати ^^LJ < c ^l£ (initial stress) 'with' (comitative, instrumental): ӯ кати мо омад J - Л L» ^ ^ jl 'he came (along) with us'; кати мо қаҳриянд (qahri and) JJ»I (^j-й ^ « ^ 'they

92

CHAPTER TWO

are annoyed with/ angry at us'; вай қатй як дасташ чашмон-и худ-ро молида пок кард IJ^J-L <jl * м.% и * ~ --* . < j ^^^Ja ^ j j j £ ^ L 6.A-JLO 'with one hand he wiped his eyes' (cf. bo, 2.19). In Cyrillic, the final vowel may be written either -Й or -и, and in Perso-Arabic the forms ^ ~ < and c i ^ are attested—i.e., it is sometimes treated as if in izofat, in current usage, катӣ ^ " < is the preferred form. It perhaps originated in Tk. qat 'layer, fold' (cf. Uz.), which in some dialects gives postpositional phrases meaning 'beside, near'. As a preposition, kati is typical of Southern dialects of Tajik and Persian of Afghanistan (as a postposition, see 2.24, as a circumposition, 2.25; not to be confused with қади Л 'along', 2.21). The following two should not be confused: бинобар ^ j l u ' i n view of, considering, because o f (often introducing a nominafized clause): бинобар бемори-аш, он сол пахта чидан натавонист j * »^ d -* ^ , Jl ... ^Т ^ J - J J 1 » j ; j-* 1-Ц» ._-.... \\j -»\ 'in view of his illness/ since he was ill, he could not pick cotton that year'; бинобар аз ҳад зиёд кал он будан-и сар-аш ӯро «Аҳмад-и Калла» мегуфтанд J L J J_=W j l J-J L»_» \\~*A<.^~

"«ü£ л ^^Г' I j j l tjii^-Loj <JJJ-J (jbl^ 'on account of his

head's being/ because his head was abnormally big, they called him "Bigheaded Ahmad'" (cf. ba sabab-i, etc., 2.22). Though based, like the next phrase, on the Arabic loanword bino[Jan] PLLJ 'based', plus the preposition bar^ in Cyrillic this is always written as one word. бино ба 4-j 1 \ \ 'according to': бино ба маълумот-и бюро-и статистик <у •-;"'" --Л ^JJJ^ i^L>jlt-.a
MORPHOLOGY: NOMINALS

с о л - и 1 9 2 0 , п е ш т а р а к а з р е в о л ю ц и я - и Б у х о р о . . . «N^Y» J l

93

и*

\ j „ . - » J ^ J J J J jl <j " A. JJ 'in 1920, shortly before the revolution in Bukhara...'. ...IJL^J

2.21

Prepositional Phrases (I)

Some nouns and adverbs regularly function, in what are technically izofat constructions, as prepositions: (дар) пеш-и хона • /• * » ( ,j) 4J»L^k '(in) the front of the house', i.e. 'in front of/ before the house'. These may also combine with simple prepositions (2.19) to refine vectors or change the meaning. This class has been expanding, as prepositional phrases followed by the preposition ba (2.22) have adopted a variant with izofat only (cf. nisbat, old). Those based on adverbs are usually transparently related to their base in meaning, whereas those built on nouns may have acquired a metaphorical sense. In complex prepositions expressing both location and direction, dar 'in, at' usually introduces the locational, and ba 'to', the directional sense (as, more specifically, does az 'from'); bar 'on(to)' may express either. Common examples of these are listed here, in Cyrillic alphabetical order, in the sequence: With izofat, with following preposition, with preceding preposition, reduplicated (hyphenated in Cyrillic. Base words are not glossed if they are no longer independent lexical items), ақиб J U 'back, rear': ӯ 6а ақиб-аш нигоҳ кард и * ; « ** *ц> jl jj £ ULSJ» 'he looked behind him,' дар ақиб-и мошинрон нишастаанд Д±\А " ... Л.'. Q I J Q J m L i T ii г jj'they're sitting behind the driver', писарча аз ақиб-и падараш мерафт cj-flj-j-o jjb jAj u i f j\ <^j^e **е little boy followed (after) his father'. байн-и (J_J-J мобайн-и ö - ^ l e 'between, among; during, within': байн-и ду кӯҳ й ^ j j ^±a 'between the two hills', дар байн-и худамон (jLojj-^L ^j-i-j j j 'between ourselves'; дар мобайн-и се моҳ чи-ҳо ёд гирифтам *~ ä j ^ J L LA<^. О(_Л <^и О-Ҷ»1-Л j j 'what a lot (of things) I learned in three months!', дар байн-и зимистон J L J ш oj (J_J-J j j 'in the course of the winter' (cf. miyon).

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CHAPTER TWO

баъд j-*_>'after(wards)': баъд-и/ баъд аз кор j\S

j

' after work' (cf. pas az). баҳр J4-I 'benefit, profit': баҳр-и J^-J 'for (the sake of)', often with a nominalized VP: баҳр-и зоҳир кардан-и ҳақиқат J-ÄI-Ь j J

д;

n

ci< JU"I u j ^ *' order to reveal the truth' (cf. baroi). The variant аз баҳр-и additionally means 'on account of. берун 6 J > ^ e 'outside': берун-и/ берун аз шаҳр <j j^_i_»\ J J J - J J j ^ .7, j I 'outside/ out of town'. бидун-и OJ^-> 'without' (more literary in style than be): бидун-и либос-и табобатхона 'without hospital clothing'; before a nominalized VP it means 'apart from, over and above': дар мактаб, бидун-и набудан-и асбоб-и аёнй, муаллимон-и соҳибмаълумот низ кам буданд J—LJ C^jLOJ-LJL—С U-J_^Lbd ^ j l Л I 1 О ^-jL_LX i^jl > nil ( j J J ^ >

_i 'in the school, apart from there not being any visual aids, there were few well-informed teachers' (cf. gayr az). боло VL 'top, upper part': бар боло-и оташдон ^ h .*t ->7 ^ V L ^-» 'on the stove(top)', бар боло-и дарахт баромад ^ V L J J_» j_«Tj-j c ^ j ^ 'he climbed (up) the tree', ҳавли-и мо дар боло-и роҳ аст -- -1 б1 j c^VL j j La ^j-a- 'our house is on the street'; metaphorically, он пулҳо-ро ба боло-и пул-и ҷарима зам

карда медиҳй tjjS ^ J ^

p~ja л

^JJ—^

Jj^

LS^LJ J <JT

'you will pay those sums (added) on top of the amount of

the fine'; дар боло-и як масъала ran задан Л j ^ У Ц j j <jj3 . *< d L u L ^ 'to talk about a matter', дар боло-и китоб-и тоза-е машғул аст --• •••! JjJLl-o ^1 Ö JLJ v_jLli c^VL j j 'he is busy (working) on a new book'. давр J J J 'circuit': (ба/ дар) давр-и боғ ^ L j j j

j j \ <ц» '(a)round

the garden' (cf. gird). дам f J 'edge, side': (дар) дам-и роҳ 61 j >л 'by the roadside', онҳо дар дам-и дар истоданд J^JLLUU-J j j *Л j j L^J>T 'they stopped/ stood by the door'. гирд jj-S 'surroundings': дар гирд-и стадион <JLJJ "> ,„ л^Л

jj

'around the stadium'; гирд-гирди хона
MORPHOLOGY: NOMINALS

95

'other than/ apart from/ except for Tajikistan'. дарун ojji

'interior': дарун-и хона 4J»U. j j j j 'inside the house'. n

зер j j j 'underneath': дар зер-и миз буд jj_» j j J^J j ^ 'it was under/ beneath the table', муш ба зер-и миг гурехта рафт cj-flj < "i ^ jjS 3-j_o J_Jj <ц» (jLj-o 'the mouse ran under(neath) the table'; дар зер-и зулму заҳмат cu> =*j j ^ I к j-*j ji 'under oppression and toil, laboring under oppression', дар зер-и роҳбари-и партия < j " j e <_gj ; ft I j J J J J J 'under the leadership of the party'. 1 канор j L l £ 'bank, shore, edge': дар канор-и майдон j **< j j a\±-LJu 'at the edge of the square' (cf. lab). қабл J > < (Ar.) 'before, previously': қабл аз ҷанг . < i-ч j l J ; * 'before the war'. қад ±1 (Ar.) 'length; beside, along' (cf. 1.8, Arabic geminates; in this usage, qad(d) generally retains the single consonant before izofat): қади/ қадди кӯча <-*.j_S .i_5\ л-l 'along the street'; боғот-и қади рӯд J J J ^л л ^и\ CLJ 'the gardens along the river'. It is often reduplicated for emphasis: ангурҳо-и қад-қади роҳ ulj ^л^-л! Lflbjj^l 'the vineyards all along the roadside'. This should not be confused with қати ^^, etc., 'with' (2.20). қафо I_Ä_5 'nape, back': кас-е дар қафо-и ӯ истода буд j j о . . . ^-* J О^ J J L-° cgi ^ Q 'the little girl set off after/ followed her mother' (cf. pay). лаб wJ 'lip, brink': лаб-и дарё b j j ^_J 'on the bank of the river'; лаб-лаби бом омад ӯ тозон ^1 j U jl J Л ^Ц. ^-JLJ 'he rushed up to the very edge of the roof (cf. kanor). мисл Jh Q 'the like(ness) o f : мисл-и мо I—о Jii о 'like us' (cf. monand-i; сип, 2.19; — barin, 2.23). миён о Ц ^ 'middle, waist': миён-и ману ту > l J t > jjLa 'between you and me', дар миён-и кӯҳҳо 'amid the mountains'; дар миён-и мардум ^j-* иЦе-0 J J 'among the people', аз миён-и мо La jjL-o j l 'from among us, from our midst'. монанд jJiJjLa 'resembling; likeness': (ба) монанд-и мо Lo 'like us' (cf. misl-i\ сип, 2.19; - barin, 2.23).

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назар j-tJ» 'look, view': назар 6a гуфта-и ӯ jl \ " 'according to his statement, going by what he said' (cf. bino ba, 2.20):назар ба сол-и гузашта ^ " --'*^ JI... > jU'* 'compared with last year'; ба назар-и ман 'in my view/ opinion'. назд-и JJJ» 'near, at, by (the side of), in the presence of: дар назд-и дарвоза 6^1 j j j .yp j j 'at/ by the gate', китоб дар назд-и вай (аст) (с» ml) Lfj jjJi j j V_JLJL-S 'he has the book' (temporary/ alienable possession); ӯ ҷаҳида хесту назд-и машина омада и с т о д J L L U A U I 6J-0T * "> * •*• * J j - j j •*•"• ' ^ 6 л \о •% j l

'he jumped

up and went and stood by the vehicle', аз назд-и хатт-и роҳ-и оҳан то Li t>ftT öl j icJb. jjJ> j l '(starting) from the (side of the) railroad track as'far'as...', дар назд-и бобо дастурхон-и пур аз ноз-у неъмат кушоданд ^ ^ L L J J л ...J L b jjj» j j j*Lt< A < .-. * *\ j j L 'they spread before grandfather a delightful banquet'. нисбат •_-•; -•>»' 'relation, connection': нисбат ба/ нисбат-и с м <>.'> , r . > ... \'\л : 'in connection with, regarding, with respect to, in comparison with, toward, vis-a-vis': нисбат ба ин масъала d l r n ^ ^ 1
MORPHOLOGY: NOMINALS

97

пахтачинй рафтааст 'he's gone off to pick cotton'. пас ^Д-J 'back, hindquarters'. Locational and directional: дар пас-и хона О Ы ^JJU-J j j 'behind/ in back of the house' (cf. aqib), (аз) C пас-и онҳо Давидам f J-JJJ 1 f\f ц-^> j l I ran after them' (cf. pay). Sequential: як-е пас аз дигар-е c^ji^J j l ^у^ L ^ 'one after another'. Temporal: пас аз мачдис u . . l ? о j\ ^и^ 'after the session', пас аз ду рӯз JJJ j j j l ^^ 'after two days, two days later' (cf. ba'd). паҳлӯ jl(3j 'side,flank': самовархона дар паҳлӯ-и масҷид будааст CJ-4-UI Ö^J-J •* 7 •••

л

^£j l o j j j « L J L A J J I Л i,rj ' t h e t e a s h o p i s s a i d t o

be next to the mosque', аз паҳлӯ-и рафиқ-аш нишаст j\ от • n'i ^iii—A—йj 45jIoj 'he sat (down) next to his friend', аз паҳлӯ-и ҳавлй гузаштанд \'Г\ .t»jS ^ ^ ^ сдд*д,' J ' ' * е у passed (by) the house'. пеш

7. j j 'front; before'. Location, direction and metaphors: дар пеш-и хона истод jh,,. J jj< j о *i öJJL-O^.^,'1 would not have embarrassed you in front of him'. Temporal: пеш аз зухр хобида рафт бл-xJj^ j4-b j l u t, ii CJ-Ь j 'he fell asleep before noon'. O

пушт гг- -• j 'back': (дар) пушт-и ин кӯҳ 6j *\ ^ 1 с^» м> j ( j j ) 'behind this hill', аз пушт-и девор JIJ^J CJMIJ j l 'from behind the wall'. роҷеъ ба <-J ^ 1 j 'about, concerning' (cf. old ba\ dar bora-i, etc., 2.22). рӯ(й) 'face, surface': рӯ-и девор j l j ^ (SJJ ' o n the wall', пиёла-ро аз рӯ-и лаълй бардошта ба рӯ-и мез ниҳод ^ 3 J j l I J<-ILLJ j L p j-f-o <s3j-td " -1 *j ; IJL*-! 'she took the cup off the tray and put it on the table'; дар рӯ ба рӯ-и мо нишаст ^ J J - J JJ J^ 'he sat (down) opposite us/ facing us'. Reduplicated:

98

CHAPTER TWO

ман рӯ-рӯи рельс-и ҷилодор давидан гирифтам fJLjj^ o^j^ jb^La. LJULJJ ^JJ 'I started to run right on top of the gleaming rail' (in 'Cyrillic the forms рӯи, рӯйи both occur, but the former is considered more correct; see 1.12.) Metaphorical: аз рӯ-и серкорй ^jl^jj ... ^ j j j l 'owing to too much work' (see ser-, 5.6); аз рӯ-и тақвим-и қадима j \ <

o_jj 2 *^j

12 ^JJ'according to the old calendar', аз рӯ-и

эътиқод-и мардум f Jj-* JI «~Г1 e £ j j j l 'going by what people think' (lit. 'from the appearance of people's belief); аз рӯ-и out an раҳму шафқат ^»5 а •» j P*=±J LSJJ J ' * °f pity d compassion'. cap j-uu 'head': дар сар-и роҳ истод .*<"*... л ö l j J^M j j 'he stopped on the way', ба сар-и полиз рафтанд J V I lj J_-JL» J •-, 4_» 'they went to (work in) the kitchen-garden', дар сар-и дастгоҳ 'at the workbench', дар сар-и дастархон j j 'at table, at dinner', аз сар-и миз хест j-«_u 3I Ъс left the table'. 'bottom' (var. так ti^, таҳ о ) : (дар) таг-и дарахт.-!^ '.Ü'^J^ 'under/ at the foot of the tree', дар таг-и замин > j l 'from the 1 3J—ej'under (the) ground'; аз таг-и дил J J X " bottom of [one's] heart'; таг-таги замин О-е-^З « ^ " «-^ 'deep underground'. тараф i-ij-ia 'side': (ба) тараф-и Хӯҷанд рафтааст e-äj-L (<ц») CJ-UUI <-Л-а j *'«^ ^ 'he went in the direction of/ toward Khujand'; аз тараф-и ҳукумат даъват шуд ±Л> C^J_CJ с^-в^1л. i-ij-U j l '[we] got an invitation on behalf of/ from the government'. тибқ-и конститутсия A j .,,-tj " \ "i .и'Л 3-Ja 'according to/ in accordance with the constitution' (cf. bino ba, nazar bay 2.20). фароз J\J—a 'height' (literary; not used as an independent nominal): (ба) фароз-и кӯҳ ь^ j\^± («LJ) 'up the mountain', бар фарози теппа <цр j l ^ J J-J 'on top of the hill; over the hill', аз роҳ-и фароз-и кӯҳ б ^ j l j ^ ь\ j j \ 'down/ across the mountain road'. шафат -г.- * - - 'vicinity; near': дар шафат-и ҳамдигар dJä i jj J < J , * ^ * 'close by each other, in the same vicinity'. ҳамроҳ ölj-лд '(traveling) companion; together': (60) ҳамроҳ-и онҳо омадам f J-Л L^T ь\j-^л (L) 'I came (along) with them'.

MORPHOLOGY: NOMINALS

2.22

99

Prepositional Phrases (2)

The following uniform type consists of a simple preposition followed by a noun in izofat; they are often metaphorical, but usually transparent in meaning (i.e., they correspond to similar metaphors in English and other languages). Unlike the preceding class of prepositional phrases, these do not omit the preposition. (The list is basically alphabetical, but synonyms and preposition variants are grouped together.) аз ҷиҳат-и c * f A j \ 'from the standpoint o f ; аз ҷониб-и 'on the part of, on behalf o f (cf. az taraf-i)\ аз тарс-и 'from fear o f ; аз вақт-и c u J j jl, аз ҳангом-и »i < ** * jl, аз ҳин-и < j _ ^ J l , аз аёом-и * LI j l 'from the time of, since', ба/дар бадал-и J J _ » J J \ 4 - J 'in exchange for'; ба баҳона-и <ц» frJil о j 'on the pretext o f ; ба восита-и \ U ..JJ,J 'by means o f ; ба замм-и j» , Л i, ба илова-и Ö J ^ L C U 'in addition to' (cf. ilova bar, 2.21); ба ниат-и q j ' i
100

CHAPTER TWO contrary to his wishes'.

бо вуҷуд-и JJA j L 'despite, in spite o f (lit. 'with the existence o f ) : 1

6 0 вуҷуд-и бемори-аш маро ҷеғ зад 1 ^ cft^J *J.« Л З - ^ J ^ j j ^ . 'despite his illness he called out to me'. дар айн-и j - j

с j j 'in the (very) act o f (with infinitive or action

noun): дар айин-и аспсаворй ^ j l j . . . ^ >nl ^JL. j j 'in the act of riding (a horse)'; дар арафа-и \

ij

с j j 'on the eve of, just

before'; дар баробар-и j->lj^ j j 'equal to, on a par with, level with' (cf. 2.46). дар бора-и 6JLJ jj, дар боб-и ^L» jj, дар/ аз хусус-и j l \ j j ^ÄJ—»п Л, дар ҳаққ-и J ^ j j 'about, concerning' (cf. oirf ba, roje' ba, 2.21). дар иваз-и ^ j

с j j 'in return for'; дар/ ба муқобил-и <-J\JJ

'opposite, facing' (cf. ru ba ru-iy 2.21); дар соя-и j j 'under the protection/ aegis of; дар сурат-и OJ jj-ыэ j j 'in case o f ; дар тул-и J ^ jj, дар давом-и ^Ijj j j 'during, in the course o f ; дар муддат-и OJJ

0 jj, '(with)in the space of,

during'. дар роҳ-и 61 j j j (lit. 'in the way of, a caique on an Ar. expression) 'for the sake of, in furtherance of, toward': дар роҳ-и тараққи-и хоҷаги-и ватан-и худ кор карда истода-анд ^j-äj^ *\j j j д^1 6jl л ,„jl 6 j ^ jLS J ^ j^laj

o

< ^ l ^ 'they are working to

improve the national economy' ('in the way of progress of...'). дар таҳт-и о

-% "> j j 'under' (mostly metaphorical): дар таҳт-и

роҳбари-и партия < - ^ ^ » <SJ :^j

«-»^" jJ 'underthe leader-

ship of the party' (cf. zer, 2.21). дар қабат-и ел у* j j 'in between (the layers of)': хат-ро дар қабат -и китоб монда буд J > J 6^lLo ^ L l ^ «^. j a j j I ji^L

'he had

put the letter between the pages of the book'; дар қатор-и

jj

jLU-5 'in the company of, along with, among'; дар хузур-и

jj

"JJ ~~ 'in the presence o f (not to be confused with the adjectiveadverbial 6a/ 60 ҳузур jj

-x ~ Ь \ j j . Л -* t 'at ease, comfort-

able, safe(ly)'). то вақт-и i^jJaj Ll, то ҳин-и QJ

~* Li 'until the time of, up to the

moment of. Several of these can be adapted as subordinating conjunctions (4.32-33).

MORPHOLOGY: NOMINALS

101

Some, formed mainly with dar 'in' and certain abstract nouns denoting a time, situation, or process, usually govern an action noun, activity noun or Infinitive (often with a possessive modifier) to generate adverbial phrases that are already nominalized temporal clauses, e.g.: аз аём-и дарсхони-и ман ^

^\3—LUUJj

^ l

3I 'from the time of my

schooldays ['learning']; since I was a student'; дар тул-и ҷанг

jj

Л \ -ъ JjJo 'throughout ['in the length o f ] the war'; дар ҳолат-и беҳуши-ям ji j M,J 0 j \ vzJU. j j 'in my state of unconsciousness; while I was unconscious'; дар ҷараён-и кор j\S о^>[>-*> j j 'in the course of the work; while the work was progressing'; то ҳин-и рафтан-и ӯ b'until the moment of his going; up until he left'. 2.23

Postpositions

The use of postpositions is a feature that distinguishes Tajik from Standard Persian. Of these, most are apparently adapted from existing prepositions. They are placed after the complete NP. Monosyllabic postpositions are not stressed; in other cases the stress will be noted. Exclusively used as postpositions are: -анда 6 JLL-, after a vowel -нда 'in, at'; characteristic of Ferghana, this (unstressed) postposition is perhaps related to the Classical Persian postposition andar j j J l 'in(side)'. When written, it is joined to the preceding word; e.g., бозоранда &JJ» ji jL?bozor-anda 'in the market', хонанда * JJ> <J»UL xond-nda 'in the house, at home', барин <j-f J-J 'like, resembling; as i f (cf. misl-i, monand-i): the only full-time postposition in literary Tajik: Аҳмад барин шатранҷбоз-ро ман то ҳол надидам I j j L ^ j U ,t» CHJ-? Л * -J ^J_I jJ» J L * Li jj-o 'I have never seen a chess player like Ahmad'. It may form a simile: шир барин сафед j j a •,. ^ j - e jr^

(as)

white as milk', духтар-и сурат барин хӯшрӯй ojjj-^-в J - ^ - ^ J (S3J L^J-^ U^J^ ' a g*r' l a s l prctty as a picture'. With NPs denoting a quantity or measure, -barin supplies an approximation: як коса барин ^ J J <ь-1£ JL^ 'about a cupful'. The NP that it forms may accept a plural suffix (and itself become the object of a preposition): ба {ман барин-ҳо} зан куҷо!

f|

- < CJJ { L A ^ J - J ^Л] <-» 'what's (the use of) a wife to

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the likes of me!'. It may take a diminutive suffix: агар хохй, ман баринак не, аз ман зиёд-тар бағайрат... шуда метавонй 'if you want, you can become not merely like me, but more ambitious'. After a verbal noun or participle, barin nominalizes a speculative simile: ногаҳон {ҷизе ба хотир-аш расидагй барин} бозистода... J L [сщ-i ^ \ \ ...j ^ j J o b L «_» <j;J-^} üUf-SLi ...jl ~ ,п J 'suddenly he stopped, as if something had occurred to him, and...' ('like something to his mind having arrived'; for the form rasidagi, see 3.44). Barin may be reinforced by xud 'self placed before the nominal (2.32), in which case the final d of this pronoun is often doubled before izofat enclitic: худци ту барин /xuddi tu barin/ 'just like уои';худди худ-аш барин гуфт ,HQ ^ O-JJ^» ^ J J - ^ JJ-^» 'he repeated it word for word' ('said it just as itself. The gemination may be a popular hypercorrection by analogy with a class of Arabic loanwords; see 1.8). боз jL. '(ever) since' (a point in time), 'for' (a period, continuing at the moment of speech), in present time, boz usually requires the resultative Perfect tense: ӯ шаб боз дуруст наёзидааст <Ti A j l CJ-UJ 6XJJ1

LJ» CJ-JUUJJ J L I 'he hasn't lain down properly the

whole night'; ҷанг cap шудан боз фаъолият-и бай дучанд зиёд шудааст J U J J'>-WJJ ^ j ^ j II ^ U ^ L ^ J . .И J •- < '»^ CJ-WI 6 J «i 'since the war began his activity has doubled/ he has been twice as active'; ду сол боз ягон одам саломат аз ҷанг баргашта наомадааст, ё хабар-и марг-аш меояд, ё аз даст-у по ҷудо шуда меояд А " '•> j l J-JT J^O 'for two years now/ for the past two years, no one has returned from the war [alive and] well; either there comes news of his death, or he comes minus an arm or a leg' (see 5.20, omadan). In past time, the simple past is used: барфе, ки ду рӯз боз пайваста борид, 'the snow that had been falling for two days...' (cf. az vaqt-U etc., 2.22, intaraf, 2.25; boz as an adverb, 2.46; the adjective boz

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103

2.39; the conjunction az boz-e ki, 4.27). 2.24

Postpositions of Opportunity

Nouns and adverbs of time or place such as help to form prepositions may be postposed, in a caique on Uzbek usage (esp. in Northern dialects and MLT). After an infinitive (cf. boz, above), they nominalize an underlying adverbial clause. The following are typical: замон(о) LLo j \ öL* J 'time'; generates a punctual time phrase: онҳо омадан замон телефон кун ^ O J ^ " Ö^*J о ^ LpT 'phone (me) when they come' ('their coming time...'); дарвоза кушода шудан замон як нафар савор ба сарой даромад &jljjj j_oTjj (^\j ... j JIJ-MJ j - i j *-£_» (jLöj о±£л 6JLJL£ 'when the gate was opened a horseman rode into the courtyard'; ба Душанбе расидан замоно LLo j j , * * -j <* ; '* -\y
I-- S ^ f J j j ^ O-dulj l j L f a.4.a .uL 'as (soon as) the young soldier approached the sentry he said, "I've captured a Basmachi"' ('...simultaneous with his coming near the sentry...'). This may be also used as a prepositional izofat phrase: баробар-и {ба охир расидан-и сухан-и Юнусбобо}... якчанд кас... «офарин» гӯён овоз бароварданд 4j_i ш ^—е ^J J — ^ Ч J-**J-> | е (soon as) Yunusbobo reached the end of his speech, several people... raised a cry of "bravo!"' (for güyon, see 4.18).

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интараф t-ijU'i jl, инҷониб I-JJJ ? \j\ ' for [an elapsed period])': чахор рӯз инҷониб ^ ~ * J J3J J ^ 'for (the past) four days': see 2.25. пас ^ j ^ 'after', an adverb which also forms prepositions (2.22), may similarly be postposed to an infinitive: омадан пас чй кор кардед? S ^ J > - S jL£ Lf*> ^ ^ ^а-Л 'after you came, what did you do?' ('after coming'). ном ^L» 'by name, called': Шоҳмирзо ном як тоҷик буд »I £ jj-j -< j ^1" < j ^L» I J ^ J n 'there was a Tajik, Shohmirzo by name', аз Дарвоз ном қишлоқ-е омадааст ^Ui j l j j j jl CJ-MJI 6J-OT ^$ iH a 'he comes from a village called Darvoz' (cf. ba-nom-U 2.22). пеш о Ц н 'before' (2.19; and its synonym qabt), it can be argued, is also a postposition in adverbial phrases of time such as ce моҳ пеш U 7.jj ÄLÖ <-L* 'three months ago' (as, indeed, is 'ago', which has no other function in English). The construction is common to Persian; however, in modern SP it is generally interpreted as an izofat(se mäh-epis), which makes/?//a modifier, not a postposition, катӣ, қатй, кати, қати ^ " «« u "i *s 'with' (comitative, instrumental; in current usage, кати ^2$ is the preferred form. As a preposition, see 2.20; as a circumposition, 2.25; cf. boy hamroh). As a postposition (typical of Northern dialects): ту қатй ^ л j ^ 'with you', писар-аш Рашид кати баробар ^ <\ j \ .MJ ^JJJ- »S ^ L « ^^iS о ? j * ^ c u t my nails with scissors'; ин роҳ қатй рафтан хавфнок аст j ^ l .-»^.1 ^LiijjL dAJa j ^ ^ б1 j 'it is scary to travel (by) this road'. Even the simple prepositions of Tajik Persian, ba, bo, and da (for dar\ may be postposed in Northern dialects, by structural analogy with Uzbek phrases: xond-ba *(in)to the house/ room', mdn-ba 'to me', dw-da raft (ob-dar) 'she went for/ to bring water'. They are usually hyphenated when reproduced in Cyrillic: ука-т куҷо-ба? oJ< £jl
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105 л

d

шикаста-бо, байт гӯям-мй? S^ f-*jS -г^; ; " • -< •* - Li j ^ 'me with my heart broken, compose verse?'. (For postposed participial phrases, e.g., ba - nigoh karda, az - diday see 2.42,4.41.) 2.25

Ambipositions

Strictly speaking, these comprise double case-markers that respectively precede and follow their NP, as in Classical Persian ba-sang bar <_» J-J ,<*>•„ 'upon the rock\ Phrases in which the object of a preposition is followed by an adjective or adverb are not usually true circumpositions, since the adjective or adverb is a constituent of the Verb Phrase, not the Prepositional Phrase: {ба шаҳр} {наздик аст} ( j д *• <ц»} {•-• \ .< JJJ-^} '{it is close} {to the town}', {аз хона} {берун баромаданд} {^jj—OTJ-J ^JJ-J-»} {«LlL-L jl} '{they exited} {from the house}'. In other such patterns, however, the postposed adjective-adverb is essential to the meaning of the prepositional phrase: {бо онҳо баробар} {нест} (см., j ' i ] [J-JI>J I д *J L»} '{he is not} {equal to them}'. The examples illustrated here also construct postpositions. аз — интараф i J j U \A -jl, аз — инҷонйб ^ ^ 1 ^-Ц1 - jl (lit. 'from — this side') 'since' (cf. boz, above). The formulation with az 'from' is used when the start of the elapsed period is mentioned: ӯ аз ибтидо-и пахтачинй интараф зиёд аз ёздаҳ тонна пахта чидааст jl J L j i^^U'ijl ^ » ^ 4 "> 4 j ^la-JUl ^\_ j \ •;. ••! 6JUA ^" ^ « 4J»b 6JjL 'since the start of cotton-picking, he has picked more than eleven tonnes'; аз аввал-и моҳ-и рамазон инҷониб рӯза медоштааст ^J>l ^ *tjl <jl—-i__oj 61—& J j l j \ ^. ...I d \ •*l-to, - ^ 3 J J 'he has been fasting since the first of Ramadan'.When the elapsed period, not its starting point, is the object of the adposition, az is excluded and the result is a postpositional phrase: чақц рӯз интараф аз хаёлу андеша cap на- мебардорй? J J J^M <-*i-ijJ»l j J L ^ j \ i_ij_LJi-J j 3 j J_1A ^ J ' ^ C T - 0 - * '(for) how many days now have you been downcast with anxieties and worry?'; чахор рӯз инҷониб J3J j \ — ^ •_.\\ ^ \ ,1 'for four days (now)'. Az may also be omitted when the starting point given is less precise: ҳар чй Фирӯзаҷон омадан

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инҷониб ин хона-и мо хеле... равшантар шуд 'ever since Firuzajon came, this house of ours has been much...brighter' (for har ci, see 2.42) бо — баробар 'equal to, level with': see first paragraph, and cf. 2.24. қатй, катй, қадй, кадй ^sS «^j-ä
means of financial influence'. Some circumpositioning is achieved by postposing the preposition in a prepositional phrase: ruy-i öil-и cor-ba sudem 'I'm forty-four' (lit., 'happened upon 44'), xona-mon {tag-i idora-i kolxoz-ba} 'our house is down from the kolkhoz office'; ne, {darun-i ow-ba} na-daromadam, {a[z\ ow berun) obbozi kardam 'no, I didn't go into the water, I splashed around outside (it)' (here the second circumposition is in Persian sequence). 2.26

The Vocative

In spoken Tajik a person or persons may be addressed, by name or epithet, or both, without any modification of or addition to the words or phrase; the utterance is frequently characterized as vocative by intonation—a high tone and/ or primary stress on the first syllable: Холида! !6jJLl 'Kholida!', ҷаноб-и муаллим! ^ U л ^ 1 ц . 'Sir!/ Teacher!', рафиқон-и азиз! i^jj-* pU \ «j 'Dear comrades!', бача, ин ҷо биё! !Laj La. ^ 1 << ^ \ 'boy, come here!'. The addition of the endearing suffix -jon (if it is not an established element of the name) may also serve to mark the utterance as vocative: писарҷон! !', Раҳим(ҷон)! . ' ( j ^ ^ j 'Rahim!', дӯгона-ҷон! (a girl to her best friend; for these and other modes of address, see 5.22). The vocative phrase usually comes first; however, if the utterance contains new or rhetorically important information, this may precede it: Шумо-ро оғуш мегирам,... ҳамкорон-и қарин ва арҷманд

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107

ii 'I embrace you,... close and honored colleagues'. In formal speech, or literature, the vocative may be introduced by a (stressed) particle эй ^ 1 . This combination is a prosodic unit; unlike most other cases of an exclamation followed by a term of address, ey is not followed by a pause or a comma: эй падар! J J J ^ 1 'о father!'. Two other archaic vocative particles occur in frozen phrases and poetry, the Arabic ё L and its augmentation аё LI: ё карим! \^j& L 4 o Noble One!' (invoking a name of God), ё бахт! '•-• ^ ; L* 'o (mis)fortune!';ae сайёд, раҳм-е кун, ма-ранҷон нимҷон-ам-ро! !l j ^ L ^ p j \ ^jLaJij-o ^

o

л -k j jl >.ir> L I ' o hunter, have mercy, do

not harm me, half dead as I am!' (verse). A few exclamations from the large repertory in Tajik (cf. 4.9) generally occur together with terms of address: Aaa, Рахдем, ин ту ҳастй? S^-y.ü й ^р ^ 1 в л \.-ь j <% ,*L_k_»l 'j < ( a. ^ j . n a 4Huh, so you're here too, are you?' (annoyance or remonstration);чу, паҳлавон-ам ^\j\^ j ^ *hey, big guy' ('oh, my hero'), чу, ҷон-и ширин, CHJJ •* иЧ- &*• *°h. sweetheart, would you...' (endearment, cajolery). The conventional response when initially addressed is лаббай! i^^lj 'yes?'. Läbbay serves also as an acknowledgment when picking up the telephone (as well as бале ^J-» 'yes'). To initiate a phone call, one uses the international ало >11 'hello' or the variant алё LJ I.

PRONOMINALS 2.27

Personal Pronouns: Forms

Personal pronouns are of two kinds, independent and enclitic. Each of these series maps onto the verb tense paradigms in person and number (see 3.4), and both function as possessive pronouns and determiners. This and the following section will treat the Independent pronouns.

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In Fig. 2.27, variants in parentheses are colloquial and dialect forms as reproduced in literature. The forms ин ^ 1 'this (one)', он <jT 'that (one)' and plurals ино (инҳо) 'these' and онҳо L^»T 'those' are borrowed from the demonstratives; вай ^ j 'he, she, it' may also function as a demonstrative adjective (2.31). Pronouns are not marked for gender, even in the 3rd person: вай ^ j , у jl, and ин ^ 1 each may mean 'he' or 'she', and their plural counterparts may designate inanimates or animates/ humans of either sex. The 3rd singular ӯ means only 'he' or 'she', whereas он <jT means only 'it' (as other than subject; see below). FIG. 2.27

PERSONAL PRONOUNS

lsg. ман

'Г

lpL MO (моён, моҳо, моҳон) 'we'

2sg. ту

'you'

2pl. шумо (шумоён, шумоҳо) 'you'

jl

(Lftbim ' j L L u . ) I ft Л,

3sg. вай, ӯ, (ин) 'he, she' о н (вай (jj)

<jT

3pL онҳо (ино, вайо)

'they'

'it'

1st Person: ман ^ T is valid in all literary and colloquial registers for a user of any class. In earlier times, when addressing superiors, it was routinely replaced by self-deprecatory nouns and adjectives such as банда * jul_» 'slave', фақир j jl д 'poor', ҳақир j * * ^ 'contemptible', камина * '»• -< 'inferior', тақсир J J -^«~ 'shortcoming'—this last originating in the obsequious formula ман дар хидмат-и шумо тақсир кардам j j «^ a" I * .*• cu>J-A. j j ^ fjjS 'I have fallen short in serving you'; it is not construed with a 1st Person verb, but in ways which make it appear almost a 2nd Person term of address (cf. SPqorban\ see the example in 3.39). Of these, banda may still be used in a stylized editorial context: ба гумон-и банда ъj-i_» <jLiS <_» 'in my humble opinion'. When marked with -ro, man takes the form маро I jl* /märo/; a common colloquial variant is /mäna/. Colloquially man may be substituted by the plural MO L* 'we', as a self-effacing strategy. Hence, if a true plural 'we' is intended, MO I о may be supplemented by one of three explicitly plural

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109

suffixes: мо-ён 0ЦеЬ> (with euphonic y-glide, cf. 2.4) and мо-ҳо are regular, моҳон JJLÄLÖ is a dialect blend. Mo can be used as an institutional or editorial 'we'; an inclusive 'we' is provided by the phrase мову шумо I n .7, j Ь> 'we/1 and you': ватан-и мову шумо 1 о ,7, j Lo ^JJÖj 'our common homeland'. 2nd Person: ту ^р 'you' ('thou'), is the form of familiar address, used to a friend or relative, child, animal, or God; in some milieus this may extend to social inferiors, while younger relatives may address elders by the respectful sumo. This person serves as a generalized mode of address, especially in proverbs and popular writing: хоҳ ба Москва равй, хоҳ ба Фарғона, хона-и худ-ат <ц» *lj ^ «cjjj-ä. Ъ-^LL ««LJ»LCJ-Ä «Ц> b\jJ» LSJJ 6 J ^ M I О 'whetheryou g o t o Moscow or to Ferghana, you'll feel at home' ('fit is] your own house'). In Perso-Arabic, the form with -ro may be written as one word I^J, though I jjl is preferable. A colloquial variant is /tura/. Шумо l *» •* 'you', as well as denoting the plural of tu, is the pronoun of formal address both singular and plural, used in speaking to a stranger or superior. In written address (letters, etc.) it is usually capitalized. Like its European counterparts, it is in effect the unmarked or neutral form of address, when relative status is uncertain or not an issue. (For other functions of the 2nd person, see 3.4.) If a markedly deferential stance is indicated, sumo may be supplemented by ҷаноб ^ 1 ц > 'sir, ma'am' (5.22). For explicit plural use, one of the standard plural suffixes may be added in spoken Tajik: шумоён ^ЬЬ-Д, шумоҳо LALo^L'you-all\ 3rd Person: As noted above, the three variants of 'he, she, it' are asymmetrically distributed. Stylistically, вай ^ j 'he, she' is in general literary and spoken use, ӯ jl 'he, she' is more literary or even archaic (the converse of the situation in SP); ин ^ 1 as 'he, she' and вай ^ j as 'it' are dialect. Variants of инро I J ( J-J! and вайро I JLSJ are ina and vdya\ a literary contraction варо I JJ is occasionally encountered. In speaking about someone in their presence, the polite ин кас ^ ^ 1 'this person' (pi. ин касон ,JLJS ^ J I 'these persons') is substituted for the pronoun. OH 'it', as distinct from emphatic 'that', occurs more usually in non-subject positions (on-ro,daron, etc.; cf. 2.28, under Subject).

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'They' for persons or things is онҳо L^Jj (colloquial /ino/, i.e., инҳо I (pjl). Less usual is the animate plural онон <jL»T 'they' (human). In premodern times the 3rd plural pronoun was эшон fj\ л, J 'they', which can still be found in elevated literary style: забон ва адабиёт-и эшон ҳам ривоҷ ёфта омада-аст < J L J cu^l 6 J-^»T 4 л *L ^1 jj

jUh <j\ .7. j> ojLijjl j 'their language and

literature have also come to prevail' (sc. the Tajiks). Eson became first a polite singular (but with plural verb agreement; cf. SP isari), and ultimately a noun referring to a religious notable. This left a truncated form шон j U a s the deferential pronoun, which may still be used in place of п or vay, but in an ironic sense: ана, халос, боз шон роҳбар-и сиёси-и колхоз... будаанд O I jullöjj--» ... j l Ч HS ^ M I I j и, _>-sJblj <jL*i jL» « ^ b L l

'Anyway,

Hizzoner was again (they say) the political leader of the collective farm' (note plural verb agreement, also ironically deferential). 2.28

Personal Pronouns: Functions

In a sentence, independent personal pronouns function much like nouns. Subject:

Since the verb endings identify the person, a pronominal

subject is usually redundant, and may be omitted in the literary language except for emphasis: (ман) ту-ро намешиносам (о-о) fi M.h м.^^Л I J v p ' I don't know you'. In the spoken register they appear more frequently; and are not necessarily emphatic (except for the demonstratives in and on, which are inherently emphatic, and thus occur less usually in subject position: cf. он намешавад j j Л j о 'i <jT 'that won't do', намешавад j j m j ^ V it won't do'. Direct object: Being semantically Definite (2.17), pronouns take the enclitic -ro. If there is more than one pronominal object (or a noun and a pronoun), they may be joined by means of -« or va before a single -ro: ман-у туро надиданд 'they didn't see you and me'. Indirect object: ин-ро ба шумо медиҳам I ~ л. Д1 * Л4 < f^Aj^

'I'll give this to you'. Indirect objects generally follow

definite direct objects, but may precede other types (4.2): ба ман (dialect, ман-ба) ҳеч нагуфт OAA£J> g-i-A ( ^ и ^ ) ^

<ц» 'he/ she

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111

told me nothing'. In dialect, -ro may indicate the indirect instead of the direct object: vaya guftam ki.^l told him that...' (2.10). Inanimate-agent idioms: A few idioms expressing likes and dislikes commonly involve the source of the feeling (even if inanimate) as subject, and a personal nominal or pronoun as indirect object: намоиш-нома ба мо писанд омад J_AT Л'^-J LOJ J' 'don't ask me'; мо кати биё! !LL_> ^ L> 'come with us!' (2.24). Modifiers: Pronouns form a limited range of izofat types: (1) Possession or affiliation (2.14): модар-и маро оварданд jjl » a^jjjT l^-o 'they brought my mother' (note that the combination of man plus -ro requires the same contraction as the object pronoun maro, even though this is a different structure); дарвоза-и он бисер калон аст «т.» .„I ^>1_£ j \ j ... \ J\ b j l j j j 'the gate is huge' ('its gate' would usually be unidiomatic in English, where the context once established presumes the relationship: note that (Tajik) Persian prefers to make it explicit with a "contextualizing" anaphoric pronoun—cf. 4.1(7)). Pronouns may modify a Specific NP (with yak, but not the enclitic -e\ see 2.12): як шеър-и ӯ-ро медонам Ijjl j * m c 'most of you', хубтарин-и онхо-ро дидам ^jjj I j L p f ^jl^^-L 'I saw the best of them'. (3) With an infinitive or action noun, subject or object of the underlying clause (2.15,4.15): аз он ҷо гузаштан-и вай даркор U>oT j ' jlSjj ^ j (j "i ,7,\ ^ 'he must pass through there' ('his passing... obligatory'); халос кардан-и онҳо чи фонда дорад? ^^o^L-^ v j j \j 6 h u U ^у^. L^»T j j j £ 'what use is it to release them?'. Head of a NP: The 1st person singular pronoun is the only one regularly to add the izofat particle: ман-и бечора tj\ ^ > \ c*-* 'poor me'.

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The 2nd person singular is sometimes so joined: ту-и деҳқон-и бесавод *ij — j ; <JULAJ ^ J - J 'you, an illiterate peasant'. The other pronouns may have a specifying adjective, noun, or NP juxtaposed: мо ТОЧИКОН-И имрӯз jjj-«J j K j ^ b L* 'we Tajiks of today \ ш у м о муллобача-ҳо U < ? jbLo ' - •*• 'you sons of mullas'. Predicative possessive pronouns: Possessive pronouns and pronominal phrases, such as the English 'mine, yours, his,' etc., or 'the owner's', 'the institute's,' are usually expressed in Tajik by means of the partitive phrase аз он-и ^Т jl, lit. 'from that of/ from among', with the appropriate modifier (pronoun or NP): ин тӯппй аз он-и вай аст CJ-^I ^ J ^Т jl ^ ^ 6 e l 'this hat is his/ hers', оё он бача аз он-и шумб-ст? So, .„I n ,7, ^Т jl «—^ ^\ Ы 'is that child yours?', китоб-ҳо-и рӯи мез аз он-и китобхона аст cu-iujl «LLU-JL^ fj\

jl

j _ ^ ^ J J ^ U C - J L I ^ 'the books on the

table are the library's/ belong to the library'. In subject position: аз он-и ман куҷо будааст? Scu-^l 6jj_i I ^ < , > j l jl 'where might mine Ье?';танҳо як коргар кор мекард, баркаши-и пунбадона аз он-и вай буд «jj<> о jLS jJLjLS ^ I о \л J J J UJ tji jl <-^Ь<-ш ^.7, ^J-J 'only one worker was working; his job was to extract the cotton-seeds' (lit. 'extracting the cottonseeds was his', since the context of kor 'work, job, task' has already been established). A shorter version of this construction is used colloquially: вай бача аз ман аст cuajl ^ jl <_^_» ^ j 'that child is mine,' аз ту кӯ? Sj£ jl j l 'where's yours?'. In more literary style, the word мол JLa 'property' replaces az on: ин пул мол-и шумо нест, мол-и мардум аст CL>-LJ f Jj-a JLO »cnu \\ 1..л-м< JLa J^_» ^ 1 'this money is not yours, it is the people's/ belongs to the people'. 2.29

Pronominal Enclitics: Forms

This unstressed and unemphatic series is used in both literary and colloquial Tajik; in contrast with SP, it is not more frequently used in spoken than in written Tajik, and probably less than the independent forms in all registers. The enclitics are added at the end of the NP,

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113

after any plural suffix but before -ro if applicable, and written as part of the word. FIG. 2.29

lsg. -ам/-ям

PkoNOMiNAL ENCLITICS

'my'

lpl

'your'

2pl. -атонЛятон-

f'-\r 2sg. -ат/-ят

-амонЛямон

'our'

иЫ-\иЬ-

3sg. -аш/-яш 'his, her, its; 3pl. -ашон/-яшон their' <jLil-\jLi-

'your' 'their; his, her'

A euphonic -y- is inserted after a word ending in a vowel other than -a\ this appears as the Cyrillic variants beginning with я- and in Perso-Arabic as <_£: поятон ö L - ^ ^ 'your foot/ leg' (based on either of the variants no or пой), гӯшҳоям j ^ l о IMJ-S 'my ears', зонуяш е>Ц^1 j 'his knee', рӯят c ^ j j (py j j or рӯй <JJJ) 'your face'; but хонаатон, etc., 'your house'. In Perso-Arabic script, the form with initial alif is written after a word ending in the vowels -F<_£ - or -a (vocalic h
Pronominal Enclitics: Functions

The main function of the enclitics is as NP modifiers, in much the same ways as the independent pronouns in izofat. (1) Possessive or affiliative: китоб-ам ^ L l ^ ' m y book', як мактабамон j l - * "< - .-£_* 'one of our schools'. The enclitics do not bear stress, therefore they cannot express emphasis or contrast;

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this is a function of the independent pronouns. Contrast the two sentences: падар-и ман омад, падар-и ту не , J

of ^

jj_>

e

er-* Jz± j^4> nj^ father came, yours didn't'; падар-ам омад, модар-ам не ^ ^ jjLa«j-J fj±> 'my father came, my mother didn't'. (2) Partitive: баъзе-амон ^1 nj.nt > \ ^ Ы О .A* i 'some of us', якеашон pi M' / Д ^ и ^ 'one of them' (persons). In the 3rd person, the plural enclitic is used only for rational beings (persons and, sometimes, horses or other higher animals); for most inanimate beings and abstracts, -am ^ l - i s used (with sg. verb agreement): ана рӯзномаҳо-ятон, бештар-аш тоза аст A aL»jjj <JJ си «»I öj[^ jbj'.M j \ ijjLLiLA 'here are your newspapers; most of them are new'. (3) After an infinitive or other action noun, as the underlying subject or object: Зайнаб, омадан-ат нағзу рафтан-ат бад-дия <_»j- J_J .Г'**"' ä j jj-»J» CJJ>J-QT -_•'»*j 'Zaynab, when you come

it's good, and when you leave (us) it's bad' (lit. 'your coming [is] good...'; for -diya, see4.10); чақц рӯз дар биёбон гаштан-ам-ро ҳикоя кардам f JJ-£ <е^=^ *jf " •* ^ бЦ»1-^ j J J J J ^ '»^ 'I told (the story) of how I wandered about the desert for several days' (lit. 'I narrated my several days' wandering...' (note -rd))\ ба ёфт шудан-аш умед нест --•-•• у» j j ol u *'ij .и CLX±L> «U 'there is no hope of its being found'; cf. 3.37). The enclitics also perform some other functions in common with the personal pronouns, and a few distinctive ones: Prepositional phrases. Pronominal enclitics are not attached to simple prepositions, but may be appended to some prepositional phrases that employ izofat (2.21; not, usually, the phrases listed in 2.22, but including baroi, 2.20)): таг-аш чиз-е набуд ^ j ^ u?- <"» jj

LJI 'there was nothing under it'; ин-ро бароят овардам

f jjjT C-UJ!^-J IJÜ-^^ 'I brought this for you'. Note that 'you' is unstressed, hence incidental; to express 'I brought this for you/ for you, I brought this', the appropriate formulation would be in-ro baroi tu ovardam or baroi tu inro ovardam. Direct object. Enclitics are usually attached to the end of a transitive verb, without the object marker -го: дидам-атон JJLI-A^J 'I saw

MORPHOLOGY: NOMINALS

you', ман ба касалхона овардам-аш 4_il

115

^ J -•• <ҷ .

^

J

cA-° j JT 'I brought him to the hospital'. In the case of a Complex or Composite verb (5.16-19) the enclitic may be attached to the non-verb component, or to any suitable constituent preceding the VP: аз пеш-и сарой берун-аш карданд / J , ^ и ь » * \1 jJ»jj£ (J^JJ^ 'they expelled him from the court'. Note that any emphasis is on the action ('I did see you') or the agent/ subject ('I was the one who brought him/ her/ it/ them (things)...'), not the patient/ object. In spoken Tajik these forms may further add - 'she felt sorry for him' ('for his state pity came to her'); хоб-ам меояд лЛ ^ £jl>^. 'I feel sleepy'; хоб-аш гурехт CLXJ^JS ^ L - J J ^ L 'he could not/ cannot sleep' ('sleep escaped him'), тоб-ам гурехт

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'-"•^JJ* {^ I couldn't/ can't stand it' ('endurance [has] escaped me'). In these last two, the enclitic is to be interpreted as 'from [me]', whereas in хоб-ам бурд jj.» £jlj-a. 'I fell asleep' ('sleep took me'; маро хоб бурд J^-> ^ J j 1 fj о is a variant), it is evidently a direct object. All these constructions are quasiimpersonal, since the abstract noun is technically the subject. Fully impersonal, and capable of expansion, is the construction with the adjective хуш ^j-± 'good, pleasant': имрӯз падарам J ба кор кардан хуш-аш на-меояд < j ^ J ^ *Ч» f->^e JJJ-** üJjft'^jb—iSi^ä» 4my father doesn't feel like working today' ('...by working it does not come pleasant to him'); ба ин хуш-атон меояд? S л-J j n ^ h »nj-^ J>JL» 'do you like it?' (cf. SP az — xos-[am] mi-ay ad). Not at all impersonal is (ба) хотир-ам/ -и ман омад/ расид • * ; --J \J_AT j - * ^ L ^ \ f j-^L-^ («Ч») 'I remember/ recall': the recollection, whether in the form of a nominal or a complement clause, is the subject, and the phrase ba xotir-am means simply 'to my memory'. (Cf. also the inanimate-agent idioms using personal pronouns as indirect objects, 2.28, and ma'qul, 2.41.) Possessive/ affiliative NP. In Northern dialects, the 3rd person enclitic (sg. or pi.) replaces izofat in a Turkic-type NP structure also involving a colloquial reflex of -го: ин мард-а китоб-аш ^ 1 jj- ;l "» < &jj_* 'this man's book' (for kitobi in mard)\ хона-ҳо-я соҳиб-он-аш U H \\ \ ~* Lua «u LA *LJ»LL 'the owners of the houses' (for sohibon-i xona-ho\ 2.18). Anaphoric pronoun. When the modifier of a possessive-type NP is preposed, as in a topicalized sentence (4.1(8)), or a Relative clause (4.45), a pronominal copy, or anaphor (most frequently the 3rd person pronominal enclitic) may interpret its grammatical function at the appropriate later point: духтар ном-аш Зебӣ бошад ҳам, худаш безеб буд ^jj-L *^л j _ ^ L ^J-^J «JL^Uj "i ^j J^-J i_-jj j ; 'though the girl's name was Zebi ['beautiful'], she herself was plain' ('the girl, her name...' for nom-i duxtar 'the girl's name'; this construction should not be confused with the similar one above, which adds -ro to the first element). In a Relative clause: онҳое, ки манфиат-ашон бо манфиат^и

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117

амир якест... j j J «zu t u L» 'those whose interest is one with the emir...' ('those that their interest./). Reduced relative clause. In a usage similar to the above, the 3rd person enclitic may serve to bind a more complex NP: зан-и мӯ-яш сафед л »* • >• <j^j-a и j 'the white-haired woman', марди дандон-аш тилло SLL ^J^\ J^J jj—о 'the man with the gold tooth'. (The equivalent construction in SP is the compound adjectival izofaU as zan-i mu-safed or mard-i tillo-dandan: see 5.8, and cf. 3.43, under NominalizationsJ Contextualization. An important idiomatic use of the 3rd person enclitic -am Jb- is to link an entity in focus to a recently established context, somewhat in the manner of a partitive construction. In the coordinate sentence sequence, Авозхоҷа ду писар-и хурд дошт, калон-аш Низомхоҷа ном дошт ^ - ^ j j 4-^J>A j l j l cü-uJj f L» 4-a.l j-a. f LLj JM^$S -•-' -*• * * JJ-JL 'Avozkhoja had two young sons; the elder (one) was called Nizomkhoja', a true partitive (for humans) is excluded since the pronominal enclitic is singular, not plural; it refers to the two sons as a collective, or rather to the general situation in the first clause that gave rise to the distinction in the second ('the elder in the context'). Similar are хуб-аш инаст, ки


that..', ин-аш пунбадонаҳо-ро ба замин меандохт, дигар-аш мола мекард « C I Ä I J ^ I ^ <J-J—oj <-J IJLÄOIJ«I—J-1.» ( j t ^ l ^JmSLJ^
Demonstratives

Literary Tajik has a binary deictic distinction, between ин ^ 1 'this', to indicate something near, and он ^Т 'that', indicating something distant Demonstrative pronouns and adjectives are identical in form. As adjectives they are preposed and invariable: ин шаҳр j g .o <j-J 'this town', ин шаҳрҳо U j ц Л, ^ 1 'these towns'; он зан ö J и^ 'that woman', он занон <JL»J ^Т 'those women'. As pronouns they

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may take plural suffixes: инҳо I $_lJ 'these (things, people)', онҳо tf^T 'those (things, people)'. The spoken language has a third term, вай ^j 'that*, identical in form with the 3rd person singular pronoun vay 'he, she, it' (2.27; note that both onho and vayho 'they' are also part of the personal pronouns paradigm). Vay is generally interchangeable with on: вай кор j l £ ^ j 'that matter',вай мардҳо LAJ^-O ^ 3 'those men', вайҳо L ^ j 'those (things, people)'. In some dialect contexts, however, it indicates an object or time closer at hand: қин будагист вай кор ^ j Q -J 'must be hard work/ a tough job, that' (i.e., the work just mentioned); вай ҳафта идора-и ҷамоа мерам [меравам] [f jj<_r°] f j-e- 0 4-EI и *> 6 j b l A " aft ^ j 'this week I'm going to the village soviet'. Figurative use. Referring metaphorically to points in time, ин <j_J usually indicates present or future, он J\ past time: ин тарҳ-и шумо I -л. Л, £ j-U <>J this plan of yours' is likely to designate a proposal for the future (or one being discussed at the time of speech), whereas он тарҳ-и шумо 1 n •* £_>ia <jT 'that plan of yours' would refer to a past idea, or one (even for the future) that was discussed in the past. Similarly, ин ^ 1 referring to a person tends to be specific and actual: ба ин кас,... ки ба ту ёрманди-и калон расонда-анд... «и . . . ^ Ü I Ö J J L ^ J <j$S (jA^-AjL* J-Ü<-J <S tL>uJI 'to this person, who has rendered you great assistance...' (polite plural; see 2.28,3.4); whereas он J\ tends toward the generic and universal, being used for the gnomic 'one who/ he who/ whoever' in general and hypothetical pronouncements: он, ки ба мо дастдарозӣ кунад... I *_>« £ ^Т *•»< ujij*x~ — J ' h e who/ anyone w h o oppresses us...'. C o m p o u n d s . И н ^ 1 and о н ^T are fairly weak demonstratives, and may function virtually as definite articles. T h e y are often intensified by prefixation of the emphatic particle ҳ а м - -pjh: ҳ а м и н р о ҳ дуруст а с т 1^.1 ml t=.i »njj 61 j ^^ oft *this road is [the] right [one]' (hamin as adjective);ҳамин роҳ-и дуруст а с т t-.^J c u . » j j ö l j j j ^ f t 'this is the right road' (hamin as pronoun). A dialect form ҳавай ^ J - Ä (ham+vay) 'that very [one]' also occurs; other colloquial variants include /i/, /ami/, /amu/ (for in, hamin, hamon). Ин <2>JI a n c * о н о* a n ( l 1 Ь е ' г intensified forms ҳамин ^ j oft 'this

MORPHOLOGY: NOMINALS

119

very/ same [one]' and ҳамон ^L^Jb 'that very/ same [one]' combine with qualifying and quantifying prefixes to form complex demonstratives and adverbs. From чун <jj^ 'as, like, similar to' (2.19) come (ҳам)чунин ^ \\ 2 **> \ j / ^ and инчунин J j * ^ *>;'* so, such; thus, likewise': вай ба чунин қарор омад, ки... J - Л jlj-S j ; ' ^ ; ^ j ...<£ 'he came to an arrangement whereby...' (lit. 'such an arrangement that...', an adjective); чунин аст фарқ-и ман-у фарқ-и ту j * я*~ j2 Jjj-a j ^J_A jj-i cu^J 'such is the difference between me and you' (a pronoun); инчунин касоне, ки ба cap буридан маҳкум шуда 'such persons as were condemned to be beheaded' (an adjective); амак-ам ба талвоса афтод, ман ҳам инчунин « ^ J > L 4_> -< - * оУ>? *»jl f-л ^ < JLL-ÄI 'my uncle fell into despondency, and I likewise' (an adverb; for the conjunction, see 4.12). Essentially synonymous, ончунон JJLLSJJT is found only in poetry. For quantifiers чандин ^ л ^ , чандон j i « ^ . ин қадар J-JI jdi, он қадар j jJä ^Т, see 2.47 and 2.52; for ин ҷо Ц ^ 1 , ин тавр J J U 'ijl, etc., see Adverbs (2.46). 2.32

Reflexive and Emphatic Pronouns

The only reflexive pronoun in common use today is худ jj-L '(one)self. This is used for all persons, but may be specified by the addition of the pronominal enclitics (2.29); it functions as a reflexive, a possessive, and an emphatic pronoun. Reflexive: Since the personal ending of the verb will usually identify the person, xud alone suffices. It accepts prepositions and, when taking the place of the direct object, the enclitic -го: ба худ биёед! !J J_J! JUJ j j ^ «_> 'pull yourself together!' ('come to [your]self); ин кор-ро барои худ кардааст 'he did this for himself ;худ-ро шустанд J \ " ... м, IJJJ-^. 'they washed (themselves)'. In everyday use, however, and especially in speech, xud is usually supplemented with one of the (unstressed) pronominal enclitics: худ-ам-ро наме-шиносам магар? ^^-^IjfJj ^ I \ л 'Don't (you think) I know myself?'; аз худ-ашон

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метарсанд л\ м ^ р ^ ^Lijj^L j l 'they fear themselves'. Possessive: A s the modifier in a possessive or affiliative izofat phrase, xud refers back to the subject; colloquially, this is usually supplemented with the corresponding enclitic: м о дафтар-и худ(амон)-ро ҳамроҳ дорем Ölw>_-Q-A l j ( < j L a ) j j _ i . J " OJ Lo j ^ j b ' w e have our notebook(s) with us'; ман хӯрок-и худ(ам)-ро овардам f J J J T I J ^ J J ^ ^ J J - ö-* 'I've brought my (own) food'. This need not be emphatic, unless the context suggests it: (ту) б о кор-и худат машғул б о ш J j * Л. n OJJJ^L J L S L (jl) <ji.L '(you) mind your own business'. When the possessor is not the subject of the sentence, possessive xud(-am, etc.) is emphatic: қалам-и худам шикает ,:п..^ .* ^j-L РЛ2 'my own pen broke' (not somebody else's; note that *qalam-i xud sikast is meaningless, since xud here is unidentifiable). Scope: If possessive xud attaches to a third argument in the sentence, e.g., a locative phrase, a personal enclitic is obligatory to avoid ambiguity: Лутфия-ро дар хона-и худ дидам j j Ij4 j «U I >J_,J JJ_JL LLLL means either 'I saw Lutfiya in my own house' or '...in her own house', whereas dar xona-i xudam or dar xona-i xudas is unambiguous. In the 3rd person, possessive худ j j a. and худаш <jii j j LI худашон ^Ljjjj^L may substitute unambiguously for enclitic -am <ji.- /-ашон Jjl—iii- to resolve a possible conflict of scope. Compare these sentences: (1) бародар-и ӯ-ро/ вай-ро кушт CL^—£ 'he (A) killed his (B's) brother'. (2) бародар-аш-ро кушт -^ -• < IJL^J^J-? (A's or B's) brother'.

I J L S J V J J 1 J^J-* 'he (A) killed his

(3) бародар-и худ(аш)-ро кушт с:» Л. К I ^ ^ L J J J - ^ JJIJ-J 'he

(A) killed his (A's) brother'. In this important disambiguative use, xud is not necessarily emphatic. Where the context is unambiguous, either pronominal may be used: онҳо б о меҳнат-и худ/ мехнат-ашон зиндагӣ мекунанд л v ^ j о ^ ^ j < j l ' " v ^ * V J ^ '•=•'"' ^ п ^ W^T 'they live by their labor'. Emphatic: There are two ways in which xud may emphasize the

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121

identity of a NP: either as the head, with a noun or pronoun specifier in izofat construction: худ-и муаллим ^\% n A±-L 'the teacher himself, худ-и ту j _ : j j :L 'you yourself for as the specifier, juxtaposed after the NP: муаллим худ(аш) ^ « ту худат OJJJ-^L ^ (with a pronoun in this position, the enclitic is usually added): шумо худатон кистед? I о Д S \Лхп\<, ^ L J J J L 'who are you, exactly?' This emphatic xud(as, etc.) may drop its noun or pronoun and itself become the subject, once its identity is contextually established: худ(аш) аз сохиб-аш ҳушёртар аст jl (<_>£«)JJ ^ •:• *j" JLLM.J-U j i u ^ L a '|the dog] itself is more intelligent than its master'. The identity of the possessor is emphasized when xud plus the corresponding enclitic, as the possessive pronoun, refers back not necessarily to the sentence subject but to its possessor: see қалам-и худам шикает с-м.ЛЛ, ^JJ^L ЛЗ 'my own pen broke', above. Idioms using xud include: аз сар-и худ jj_^ j _ ^ jl 'independently, of one's own volition': ӯ аз сар-и худ зиндагонӣ мекунад jl jl **'<j ~ ^ L S J J J j jj^L j_-^ 'he lives as he likes'; худ ба худ/ худ аз худ jj-L jl J J ^ L \ J J Ч \ jjJ» 'automatically, by [it]self; чизе-ро аз худ кардан < J J ^ J J ^ jl \JLs±-^ 'to adopt, assimilate, appropriate, make s.t. one's own': ин ҳунар-ро нағз аз худ кунед ljj-^-л Ü-JI »J''< JJ^. j \ ^iJ» 'learn this skill/ craft by heart'. The possessive reflexive хеш ^Ji^j^-L '(one's) own' appears only in elevated style: ӯ аз афъол-и хеш пушаймон шуд Jl t al j \ 3\ .ui, tjl njM.» о Ц е ^ 'he regretted his actions'. It survives in its nominal meaning, 'kinsfolk', in the collocation хешу таборон ^IjLG'kith and kin, one's family'. 2.33

'Other', and Reciprocal Pronouns

'Other' is the noun and adjective дигар ^ L J , occurring in a variety of constructions. As an adjective it follows the head noun in izofat. мардум-и дигар ^ - J J f Jj-* '(the) other people'. It may be followed by possessives and/ or the enclitic -ro: хона-и дигар-аш-ро фурӯхт I j-ui^_»j k^LL 'he sold his other house', or be Indefinite or

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Non-Specific (2.7): (як) мусофир-и дигар-е омад j J

** — * (*< Л

оТ ^j-S-jj 'another traveler came', (як) рӯзнома-и дигар-е-ро I J L $ J J L J J L - e L j j j («-^) ' I ' m reading another

мехонам ^Ij-L^

newspaper'. In these cases, 'other' means 'different'; 'another' in the sense 'one more' may be expressed as як рӯзнома-и илова бар ин ^j-jl j-j ÖJ}L-£ o b j j j S-i lit., 'extra to this'; cf. ilova, 2.22, or боз (ҳам) як рӯзнома «u»Ljjj «-SLJ (^иь) j L (see boz, 2.46). In certain common phrases, the Split izofat is preferred (2.11): як-е дигар j < j j

о

^ j 'another one, someone else', кас-е дигар

j£-iA ^ t.i^ 'someone other/ else', баъз-е дигар ^ J J ^ -x m; 'some other(s)', чанд-е дигар J-£-»J i£ ***ТГ 'several/ a few others'. In other phrases it is conventionally preposed: дигар хел J.j -ч j ^ J 'another sort [of]; another way' (also ба тавр-и дигар J - £ J J JJJO4_I), дигар бор jL» >S-iJ, as well as бор-и дигар J - ^ J JL» 'once more, again; next time'. As a pronoun, digar may take plural suffixes and join partitive constructions: дигарон/ дигархо гуфтанд ***~ ^ L A ^ 'the others said...'; баъзе мегӯянд.., дигархо-е мегӯянд... ...sl^jEi^

^ ^ L b j ^ j j « . . . Л ^ ^ ^ Л 'some say..., others say...'. In an

established context, 'the others' is likely to be contextualized as digarho-yas, i.e., 'the others of them', where -fy]a/refers to a non-human plurality (cf. 2.30, 2.39): як-е аз себҳо пӯсидааст, дигар-аш хуб аст dj-uul * >j ^ ^jiijijj " f • ^ öj—i_^-uj-» ^ о > * * • j l ^ ^ f 'one of the apples is rotten, the others are good'. In poetry, digar may be written j idiom рӯз-и дигар _>ÜJJ JJJ

S J in Perso-Arabic. Note the

'(the) next day'. Other uses of digar

can be found under Adjectives (2.40) and Adverbs (under Time, 2.46). Reciprocal pronouns.

Two reciprocal constructions use digar.

якдигар/ як [...] дигар 'one another/ one [...] another/ the other', and ...ҳамдигар 'each other' (often with a pronominal enclitic). The pronouns may function as direct or indirect object, prepositional object, or (possessive) modifier in a nominal izofat. пас-и якдигар саф кашидем - »L* * — < ^L^-a J < J > < « ^^U-J 'we lined up one behind the other'; ҳамдигар(-ашон)-ро мешиносанд ! j ( o ' x\ ...\\ л ^ ^ 'they know each other'.

&)J^-±*

*-*

The adverb ҳам JJA (2.47) may function alone as a reciprocal

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123

pronoun after a preposition: бо ҳам рафтем pj " \j ^Л L 'we went together', аз ҳам ҷудо шуданд д±±Л \±*> ^j* jl 'they parted'. 2.34

Interrogatives

There are seven basic Interrogative pronouns, three of which also precede the NP as determiners or specifiers; two of the latter combine with other words to form Interrogative phrases. (See also Questions, 4.7). кӣ J 'who is this man?' (for the verb contraction, see 3.7); 60 кй ҳарф зада будем? ö j j ^ J J ^ ^ L S^jjj-j 'whom did we speak with?'; ki may take plural suffixes (usually -ho): ки-ҳо буданд? S JJUJ_J La<_£ \1Ь^ 'who were they?' or 'who-all/ what persons were there?'; ки-хо-ро дидед? S.iJ^j I j b ^ 'who-all did you see?'. As a possessive: саг-и ки-ро тур гуфтем? jj^ I j ^ »-£—« q-_.-»•< 'whose dog did we shoo away?' (prov., i.e., 'whom have we/1 offended? I did nothing wrong'); ин либос аз он-и кист/ ки-ҳост? SC^UUL&^XCJ... J < ^Т jl L^LJJ ^ 1 'whose clothes

are these?' (depending on whether the clothing appears to belong to one person, or more than one). In Cyrillic, кй ^ - S is distinguished from its unstressed homophone ки A $ ('that', the subordinizer; 4.15) by a macron over the vowel; in Perso-Arabic script, it may also be written as <£ and disambiguated by the context. чй «L^ V r ^ 'what?', as a pronoun: чй шудааст? S c ^ J Ö J — £
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the challenge: ман чй-ро медонам? S^\,\ t л IJ S jLLeI jZ 'what disaster has befallen you?'. This same construction (with a noun or NP) is used for exclamations: чй офат-е бар сар-и ман афтод! J-J ^^-Л! ^ !jLJL-äl ^J-Л j ... 'what a disaster has befallen me!'; чй дӯст-и вафодор-е доштаед! ! ^ 1 4 " Л,Ь ^ j b L b j «-> "»j^ ^ 'what a loyal friend you have!'; with an adjective alone, there is no enclitic -e: бахор чй нағз аст! !«-. ,J j-JLJ» 'how lovely is the spring!', шумо чй меҳрубон ҳастед! \,\j">,,.& ^ L j . ^ *La. I л А 'how kind you are!' (also чй қадар...; for this and other combinations, see 2.35). кадом f IJ £ 'which (one)?' asks to specify a member of a limited class. As a pronoun, kadom therefore requires suppletion by a partitive izofat phrase or a pronominal enclitic: бо кадом-и инҳо L» 'with which of these/ them?'; кадом-ашон омад? 'which (one) of them came?' (pi. enclitic for humans, 2.28); кадом-аш-ро медиҳӣ? Ч^АЛ j л l J u iL-elj-S 'which (of them) will you give?' (sg. enclitic for non-humans). A partitive phrase with az is often linked to its antecendent with izofat. нигоҳ кунед,.. кадом-и аз инҳо зебо-тар-аст? ÖLSJ» S^JUUJ^LLJJ L^IJI j l ^ I J 5 ..*^JiS'take a look: which of these is more beautiful?'. To specify more than one person, kadom may take a plural suffix: кадом-ҳо-ямон?
MORPHOLOGY: NOMINALS

к а д о м як? Sc£_if I J £ tJl±j

125

^ I J S 'which girl, which one?'; ш у м о

ба к а д о м мамлакатҳо-е сафар кардед? ^ I J

£«_> I

~

A

S ^ J j - £ j а и, ^ ^ L U . Z . ^ I л л 'which countries have you traveled to?'. A poetical variant is к а д о м и н <J-J

оI j

£ . For kadom as an

indefinite determiner, see 2.36. чанд -* '»^ 'how much/ many?' as an adjective is juxtaposed to a singular noun: чанд б о р рафтед? SA J " ä j J L J - Ц . 'how many times did you g o ? ' ; чанд вақт дорем? SJUJJIJ CJ-SJ ^

'how

much time/ how long do w e have?' (see further, 2.36, 2.49). A s an adverb it follows the item questioned: равған ч а н д аст? < > c j j *?•-• ...1 j-l-a. 'how much is the o i l ? ' ; when asking a price, the compound adverb чандпулй ^ j

'^"'^ 'how much money?' may

be used: тарбуз-ҳо чандпулй шуд? S j

i ^ J ^ jA^

Lbj-jjJi

'how much do the watermelons cost?' куҷо I ^
< (an adverb) 'where, whither?': вай (дар) куҷост?

^j

I ^ < ( j j ) 'where is he/ she/ it?'; ба куҷо меравед? 1 ^ < «LJ

SA-JJJ J П 'where are you going?'; он-ро аз куҷо д о р е д , дар кучо ё ф т е д ? ЧлЛ flL I ^< J J . ^ J I J Ь ^ j l I J ^ T 'where did you get that (from), where did you find it?'. Colloquially, Icujo may be pronounced /gujo/. Kujo serves also in rhetorical questions that ironically contrast two incompatible situations: ту куҷо, инҷо куҷо? «I

^

<j ^

S I ^ < I ^ "*ji 'what are^юи doing here?!' (i.e., in such a place); ИбрОҲИМ КУҶО-ВУ ИСЛОМИЯТ КуҶО? ^ j ^

-Л j

1 ^ < ^LJ_ÄIJ_JI

S I ^ < 'Since when has Ibrohim been a [pious] Muslim?' ('where [is] Ibrohim and where being a Muslim?'; cf kay below). A literary and dialect variant is ку? S j_£, commonly used only for locational questions, without the copula: бибиотун Sj_£ wjj^e».'

ку?

' t 'vvhere's the schoolma'am?'. Colloquial канй

^jJ^, in addition to its function as a particle (see 4.7, 4.8), means 'where?; like ku, it does not require the copula: ҷӯра-ат канй? S^jJkS o l 6 JJJ2». 'where's your friend?'. кай ^

(an adverb) 'when?': кай расидед? то кай мемонед?

S * * '«I * * * ^

^

Ь S j_>J-LJ-Uj 'when did you arrive? till when/ how

long will you stay?'. Kay may be used ironically, as a general

126

CHAPTER TWO rhetorical interrogative: ту кай медонй, ки мӯҳтоҷй чй? S ^

^

^ п <£ ^ 1 \j л j£ 'since when do you have any idea Lf^^\

of what it means to be poor? ('when do you know what penury [is]?'). чаро l^k 'why?': чаро наомадй? S ^ j olJ» lj_a. 'why didn't you с о т е ? ' ; о н ҳ о чаро мемонанд? S j J ^ L e ^ I^A. LpT 'why are they staying?'. 2.35

Interrrogative Phrases

With чй ^л. \«La. are combined common nouns to form interrogative phrases: чй кас-е ^-•< <л, чй касон ^(.^«La. 'what person(s)', i.e., 'who?'; чй вақт CJ-AJ «La. '(at) what time?', i.e., 'when?'; чй қадар A «La. 'how much?', asking about mass nouns: чй қадар Jki_La\jj нон? S <jb j jJLa. 'how much bread?'; with a partitive phrase, in izofat. чй қадар-и онҳо ҳозир... кор мекунанд? ...j-JaU Ц-lT JJ-5 ^ S.} *» *»< j - jLS 'how many of them... are working at present?' (cf. the variant qadr, 2.45, under Little). Other phrases correspond to some of the prepositional phrases listed in 2.22: аз/ ба сабаб-и чй? <_i \jl : - 'for what reason/ why?' (cf. саго), дар бора-и чиТь j L j j 'what about?'. In combination with several words meaning 'sort, kind, manner', d forms adjectival-adverbial phrases, asking either 'what sort/ kind/ manner |ofl?' (preceding a noun) or 'in what manner/ way?', i.e., 'how?' (preceding a verb). These are чй гуна «dj-SL^., чй хел '< ^ ji< ^- I J L > ' ' I J t ^ J-j-i. <j ^ 'how do you repair this sort of car/ a car like this?' (adverbial); and, as a predicate, the polite formulas аҳвол-и шумо чй тавр аст? ^'.-__' • •! j j L - < - - Jl^-^l 'how are you?' (lit. 'how are your conditions?'), шумо чй хел (ҳастед)? S(^ j " n, д 'how are you?'.

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127

A phrase such as ин навъ/ хел паранда *s^j-л J j А\ ^у* ^ 1 'this species/ type of bird' almost always juxtaposes the nouns without izofat. It may occasionally be found with izofat: ин хел-и пур-кунанда 6 J - I ^ J J J-kjL ^ 1 'this type of complement'; in such cases, the category itself is emphasized rather than the member—'this complement type' as a grammatical category, not 'a complement such as this one'. Of the five, гуна <J»^S and зайл J_JJ are no longer used as regular nouns outside these idioms. Less frequently occurring synonyms are чӣ тариқа «LLJ^J* J ci.nl.ijj j »^ !oj k \ n 'how lovely this view is!', ин гул чй тавр хушбӯй аст! '•:• I ^j-j-iiij^L J J L ^ J £ ^ ! 'how sweet this flower smells!'. 2.36

Indefinite and Specific Pronouns: 'Some —'

Tajik has a large repertory of so-called indefinite and universal pronouns, specifiers and adjectives, produced from combinations of no more than a dozen elements. Those commonly translated as 'some; some —' may be divided loosely into (1) Those generally adhering to the NP syntactic category here called Specific (2.7), which take the Definite Object marker -ro, and may also be translated as 'a certain one; certain —'; and (2) Those in the category called Indefinite, which do not regularly take -ro, and translate also as 'some — or other'. "Indefinite" pronouns in the first category frequently accept the Indefinite-Specific enclitic -e and sometimes flout the rule about -ro, so that they are not to be classed exclusively as Specific in nature; these are the ones examined in the present section. There are, however, a number of pronouns that are explicitly Indefinite; these are illustrated in 2.37 below. The Indefinite (more often, Specific) enclitic -e appended to one of several basic substantives (in some cases with the optional juxtaposition of як < * 'one, a/ an') generates the series 'some —': як-е ^^iLj 'someone', кас-е ^^^> (як) шахс-е ^ .^ Ч ,?, ( ^ ) , 'somebody', (як) чиз-е ijj л-а. (-£-J) 'something', (як) ҷо-е L5_?l ^ (^) 'somewhere', гоҳ-е ^ L S 'some time, sometimes' (а^огоҳо U(_S,

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баъзе вақт «.iJaj ^ л * Q. In negative sentences, those with the enclitic, rather than those with yak, may be translated as 'not... any, no —': касе н а о м а д J—OIJ. О . . . <S 'no one came', чизе нагуфт-ам ^ j ^ ^

LlJ» 'I didn't say anything/ said nothing', (ба) ҷое н а р а ф т е м

^ j " Qj-^ ^ 1 А ( 4 _ . ) ' w e went nowhere/ didn't go anywhere' (як ҷо на-рафт-ем f_j-JL_fljJi L ^ US_J, for instance, could mean '(there was) one place w e did not go'). They may where appropriate take plural suffixes, prepositions, or, as objects, the enclitic -ro: (як) ҷо-ҳо-е с а ф а р м е к а р д а а н д (^-SL») jjj ö j ^ £ L r J 0 j \ ... ^ L Ä U . 'they traveled here and there', б о шахс-е ҳ а м р о ҳ рафт-ам ^" *j ÄIJ-O-Ä ^ , ^ 4 Л, L 'I went with someone', як чиз-е-ро б о ш у м о мегӯям ^ J < J о I о Л, Ь I J L ^ J _ J _ ^ c£_» 'I'll tell you something' (see bo, 2.19). Colloquially, чиз j »^ 'thing' may be reduced to чӣ ^^ in indefinite expressions: м е б а х ш е д , як чй пурсам, мумкин? S^u^u f-^^e L T ^ ^ * ^ j MI 4 j L f ^ 'excuse me, may I ask something?' (see also 2.37, under ҳ е ч @^-л). ' S o m e ' as a general-purpose pronoun and adjective is usually expressed by б а ъ з е (initial stress), an Arabic loanword supplied with the Specific enclitic ~e\ it has become a frozen form, and as a pronoun (referring to humans only) optionally takes the plural suffix -ho (stressed) on the end: баъзе/ б а ъ з е - ҳ б мегӯянд **'jj^j * * *^> Xm : V » • x * ; 'some (people) say'. This may It may be followed by az and a partitive phrase: б а ъ з е ( ҳ о ) аз аъзо-ён ^LL^L-cl j l ( L U ) ^ .Л ^ j 'some of the members'; or by a pronominal enclitic: баъзе-ашон, б а ъ з е ҳ о - я ш о н tjl . T . J L & ^ . A ^ j « ^ L i l ^ . o i i 'some of them'. A s an adjective, it is preposed to a plural noun: баъзе точикон ^ К * ^ l " ^ ^ * ; 'some Tajiks'. Ва'г^ may even be joined by izofat to a substantive or a prepositional phrase (see 2.11): ҳар вақт баъзе-и аз о н ҳ о - р о ба баъзе-и дигар-ашон д у ш м а н м е с о х т I j L p T j \ ^ ,Л i x c ^ S j J-Ä j j - ^ j ^ ^ ^ л Лид ^ L u i i ^ - j j ^ . Л j *ц» 'he was always inciting some of them against others'. A more literary alternative is бархе < ^ > J . These phrases are all Specific NPs, which require -ro as objects of the verb. A few nouns of category may be used in the Non-Specific sense of ' s o m e ' as distinct from 'others': гурӯҳ-е мегӯянд, ки... ^ , - Ä J J S ...«__£ .»'»;j < ^ - 'some say that...' (lit. 'a group...', though here no self-identified organization is implied); як х е л растани-ҳо и н ҷо

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129

намерӯянд J J L - J J J ^ ^ 1 % • \A LA^'»" ...j J j \ ._£_/[there are] some plants [that] do not grow here' (lit. 'a species, a sort'; a Numerical NP, xelfunctioning as a virtual classifier—see 2.50). Several terms related to the interrogative чанд п-ч (2.34) generate quasi-numerical determiners: чанд j-Ц. 4some, a little, a few', якчанд \\ £ ^ j ' a little, a few, one or two', and чандин j j-*"»^ 'several', precede a (usually) singular NP: the sentence чанд сол пеш J_LL о т. JJ JLyi 'a few years ago' duplicates, with different intonation, the question that it answers (чанд сол пеш? S o t. >j Jl ш л-lk 'how many years ago?', cf. 2.34). The answer can be semantically nuanced by the affix accorded to с and: якчанд об ҳаст •-• -•• * <S\ * *• ^< > 'there is a little water', якчанд нафар омаданд ^s^f j-aJ» . I ' I ^ J 'a few people came' are positive assessments of the situation; чандин бор j L о-е^-Ц- 'several times', чандин ҳазор jl jJb J>-jJ-le. 'several thousand' are more specific and positive (cf. 2.45, under 'Little'). If the dependent NP is felt to comprise individuals, cand, dandin, and yakcand may be followed by a plural: якчанд бачагон ба хона даромаданд д±J—OTJJ <^LL «Ц» Ö ^ ? : J"*?^j JJ-J ...^ЬИ^ ^ 4CLSH^ JJJJ_» ^JTJ J HI J L J ^ L U J д Л, j LA CJ-»VJ 'there were several fertile and populous provinces and towns like Banokat, Khatlon...'. With the enclitic -e, cand may form a partitive phrase with az: чанд-е аз рафиқон ^UL^-ij j \ ^ J - Ц . 'a few of [my] friends/ a few of the comrades'; чанд-е аз моён оЬЬ> jl <_£j-la.'a few of us'. 2.37

Indefinite Pronouns and Adjectives

The explicitly Indefinite pronominal adjectives ягон «jULe and кадом (як) ( « ^ ) ^1 J—^ 'some — or other, any — at all', qualify a referent unknown to the speaker (and usually, but not necessarily, to the listener); they are juxtaposed before the NP, which may also take the (Indefinite) -e: ягон рӯз ба хона-и м о марҳамат кунед L > * L I U . « U J J J ( J H J i j \< ..-.- ^ j о 'please come and visit us some day'; ягон роҳ-и халосй ҳаст ё не? S ^ L ,-м.. л LfJ^^^L о I j ^Ll-j 'is there some/ any way of escape (or not)?'; вай ба кадом сабаб-е ҷавоб надод

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jlju>«—»i>^ ^ ; ; ••• *\д£ <_J ^ j 'for some reason he didn't answer'; ин

овоза-ро кадом як пиразан паҳн кардааст ,-S-jf IA£ ' J Ö J ' J T ое' CJUUUI Ö J ^ iy^ и jj-^e '^is rumor was [no doubt] spread by some old woman* (see Non-Witnessed mode, 3.21). Common phrases formed on these are ягон/ кадом кас \<jL£_» ^ ^ f I j£ 'someone', ягон/ кадом ҷо Ц ^ 1 ^ \ ^ , И - А 'somewhere (or other)', (дар) ягон/ кадом вақт o - ä j f I J - £ \ Ü ^ ( J-0 '(at) some time (or other)'. (Cf. kadom 'which?', 2.34; this use of kadom is distinguished by its not being an interrogative). Yagon followed by a number expresses an approximation (see 2.49). These words are not generally used in negative sentences (зееҳеч g-хл., below), and do not require -ro in object position. Similar in application is a series of Turkic-Persian hybrids formed on Uz. kim 'who?' plus Tajik simple interrogatives (hyphens in Cyrillic are original): ким-кӣ ^ ^ 'someone (or other)', ким-чӣ ^ ^ . ^ 'something (or other)', кин-кадом f IJ S^-S 'some — (or other)', ким-куҷо I ^ <- <• 'somewhere (or other)', ким-кай ^ ^ 'some time (or other)': вай аз ким-чӣ норозӣ аст ^^\ j L ^^^ j l CSJ cu-uul 'she's unhappy about something', ким-чй хел доруҳо хуронид J-JÜI jj-L L Ä J J I J J-i-L ,^{£ 'he administered some kind of medication' (note that, as an Indefinite NP, the object here does not take -ro); ба ким-кадом маҷлис рафта буданд * " *j o - > ^ - ^1 j_^^£ А^ JJJJJ-I 'they had gone to some meeting or other'; ким-кадом аз тамошо-бинон <jl'*j.il «*l л"» j l ^ I J - ^ ^ 'some of the spectators' (with a partitive phrase). Note also the plurals, expressing even vaguer referents: ким-куҷоҳо L&I ^ <^£ 'somewhere or other, somewhere else': вай ба об нигоҳ мекард, вале фикр-аш дар ким-куҷо-ҳо буд &1 ^ \ ^»Ц» ^j jj-4 LAL^Sf£ j j ,JJ j i i ^ j « JJI-JLA 'he was looking at the water, but his thoughts were elsewhere'; ким-кайҳо Ц_^_£^£ *а long time ago, ages ago' (cf. 2.46, under Time). 2.38

Universal Pronouns: 'Each, All, None; One'

The largest class of indefinite-universal pronouns and adjectives comprises the trio, ҳар jj& 'each, every', ҳеч g-^Jh '(not) any, none'

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131

(in affirmative or negative sentences), and ҳама «LAJ& 'every, all'. ҳар jJb is an adjective, juxtaposed to a singular noun: ҳар рӯз J_A jjj 'every/ each day', ҳар гуна дарахт с д ^ j j
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не ^

V_J^ л-А-А 'no problem', вай хеч тасаввурот-е надорад

l 1 'he has no conception'. It forms combinations similar to har: ҳеч ҷо/ ҳеч куҷо I ^ < 'nowhere', ҳеч гох ь\Л ^_иь, ҳеч вақт c J a j g_jjb '(at) no time, never'; this may be abbreviated to hec. Москва хеч нарафтаам ^l* " «j i g-j-л ^ < . » ~ 'I've never gone/ been to Moscow'. In this adverbial function it can be a general negative intensifier: ҳеч мумкин нест сип j'i р £ л * g-хд 'it is not at all possible'. It may combine with kadom in a double determiner (i.e., without a following izo/of, unlike har): ҳеч кадом савол бе ҷавоб намонд j^LeJi v ' > ^ - crJ J ' J - ^ f ' ^ j ^ ' n o t a single question was left unanswered'; or in a partitive (with az or izofat, or both): ҳеч кадом-и онҳо L^T /* l>i-£ §->-& 'none/ neither of them'; ҳеч як-е аз шумо I л л. j IL J i j g-^-=^, ҳеч як-и шумо ^ g-jjb I о Л. 'none/ not one/ neither of you' (for 'neither — nor — \ see 4.13); бой ӯ-ро ба ҳеч кадом-и аз занҳо-и худ надод ^ L jl jj» ij-L (^U^l j j l ^ I j_S g> j д . I j jl 'the rich man gave her to none of his wives'. Ҳеч чиз у^ ^л 'nothing (at all)' is reduced in speech to ҳеч чӣ ^л. g j л, pronounced /hicä/, as ҳеч яке ^ j g-j-Ä 'nobody' may be pronounced /higki/. As a pronoun: ҳеч нагуфтам ^ " Q ^ *> g-л-д 'I didn't say anything'. As a negative reply, hec may be used alone: чӣ гуфтӣ?-ҳеч g_jjb-J 2U-A 'the whole world', ҳама-и зан-ҳо-и қишлоқ JpLUä (^Lp j ^л-д 'all the women of the village'. In this sense it may also take pronominal enclitics: ҳама-амон <JLJ<-A-A 'all of us', ҳама-аш-ро бигир ljox.l«-oj& j >< > 'take it all, take the lot'. Alone, it means 'all, everything' or

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133

'all, everybody' according to context: бай ҳама-ро медонад ^ j jJiljj^-o lj< л л 'he knows [it] all/ everything', бай ҳама-ро мешиносад J ujl \ ^Lr^ lj< *-* ^ j che knows [them) all/ everyone'. The Arabic borrowing тамом fl_*j finished, completed' is sometimes used as a pronoun synonymous with hama, in izofat. тамом-и рӯз i'all day, the whole day', тамом-и бошандагон-и қишлоқ ^< «'• л л : >Lo^'all (of) the inhabitants of the village'. Informal ways of expressing 'one', the universal human, are by the 3rd person plural, 'they' (3.4), or the 2nd person (2.27, 3.4). A more literary device is kas or odam '(the) person': дил-и кас зиқ намешуд J ' o n e w a s n e v e r bored', аз шунидан-и ҳама-и b i_«± L r ^ j J о ^ J ин сафсата одам девона шудан-аш мумкин ^Л р< лл> ^.\ у% Л, з ' ^<л о о ?, > ' j ,7, «CII^-JJ f JT " L'»* •" 'one could go crazy listening to all this twaddle' ('from hearing... a person, his becoming-crazy [is] possible'; see 4.1(8), Topicalization). There are two conventional pseudonyms, a noun фалонй ^^Jl I and a determiner фалон ^Ы-i, by which one may allude to the name or specifics of a person, place, time, etc., already mentioned or known, but which one does not wish to name or characterize again: фалони-ро тирборон карданд ^jj-S jjljL^-p I j ^ ^ L a 'they shot you-knowwho'; агар фарз кунем фалон мард ба фалон ҷой меомад... ... Л-AT^-J* ^ Ь ^ ^bL-fl <-. jj_^ ^^L-fl j^Jii ^ ^ - i ^-Sl 'supposing a

certain man were to come to such-and-such a place...'.

ADJECTIVES 2.39

General Features

Tajik adjectives have various sources, ranging from the long-established Persian and Iranian heritage through borrowings from Arabic, Russian and the international lexicon, to a continuing process of derivation and composition. There is consequently no morphological uniformity in the corpus, though several classes of adjectives (which may have additional functions) may be recognized by their form. Among them

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are those formed by suffixes such as -й ^ - and -нок £L>- (5.4), prefixes such as 60- - L or сер- - J J . . . (5.6), Arabic participles with a characteristic form, such as маълум ^j-Ь-о or муҷоҳид лл\-\ n. Tajik participles, easily recognizable, are all adjectives (though with several other functions). This leaves scores of others without a distinctive "adjectival" badge. An interesting lexical-semantic complex in Persian is that of the variants boz, voz, vo, the meanings of which range selectively, in different dialects and registers, through the adjective 'open' and the adverbs 'back, again, still' to a variety of idiomatic uses in Complex verbs (see Indexes). In Tajik, the adjectives боз J L and во I j 'open' are generally used predicatively: дар боз/ во шуд J-Д Iл\зЦ? j-> 'the door opened' ('became open'); воз j l j is additionally used attributively: 60 чашмҳо-и воз jl j ^L&f »7, ^ L 'with eyes open'. More frequent are forms of the verb кушодан <jjLii£ 'to open': дар-и кушод J Л.< j j 'the open door' (kusod also 'wide, broad, expansive' as in SP); як дар-и баста, сад дар-и кушода öjl_A£ j j A-^ << " ">.tj^ ^ *[asj one door closes, a hundred doors open' ('...closed... open', Past Participle I; kusoda also 'wide-ranging, clear', and as an adverb). Many adjectives and primitive nouns are identical: пир J_-A-J 'old; an elder, senior', чуққур j 5^ 'pit, hollow; deep', боло УЬ 'high; top' (also an adverb, 'up'). Derived adjectives may often function as nouns: бухороӣ ^ I j l ^ > 'Bukharan; the/ a Bukharan', ҳунарманд л\ oj-Ub 'skillful; artist'. Like nouns, adjectives (and adverbs) may be negated with the prefixes но- -L» *un-, non-' or ғайри- ^—^-i 'other than' (see 5.4): но-дуруст d tM jjL> 'untrue, wrong', но-мард jj—oLi 'scoundrel' ('non-man'), ғайри-инсонӣ ^ L u J l j - Ц 'inhuman'. Despite this lexical proximity, Tajik nouns behave grammatically like nouns, and adjectives like adjectives. Adjectives are invariable: they may not take a plural, or receive adpositions or markers of definiteness, specificity, or case, in their own right. If one happens to be at the end of a noun phrase, than such markers may coincidentally be attached to it: себҳо-и калон-е-ро хурд jjj-1 I J L ^ > L £ ^Л ^ . _.... 'he ate some big apples'; but they pertain to the noun, not the adjective. An adjective may be used as an attribute: гул-ҳо-и сафед c g l д К j * a ... 'white flowers'; as a predicate: ин гулҳо сафед аст

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135

J i .a ... 'these flowers are white'; and in some cases as an adverb: тез гузашт <-> Л,л ^ j

j ~ 'it passed quickly'. In no instance do they

vary for number, or show agreement with any other of the properties of the noun. By exception, when they are themselves substantivized, they stand for the deleted head noun as well as the attributes they bring, and assume all the grammatical properties of nouns: дигар-он-ро дид

Л-JJ I J ( JIJ-S-JJ 'he saw the others', ба камбағал-он диҳед <ц»

xjjbj ^ ^ и ^ 'give to the poor', сафед-ҳо-яш зебо-ст ^Ц^и.^а ... --- - < ; ; j 'the white ones are beautiful' (lit, 'the white [one|s of them': see 2.30, under Contextualization). 2.40

Attributive Functions

The principal matrix for an adjective used attributively is the Adjectival izofat (2.11). In this NP, the Indefinite or Specific enclitic - e <_$usually attaches to the terminal element, i.e., the adjective: хона-и калон-е ^ ^ — S 2LJ»L^ 'a big house'; but it may (in literary style, or selectively in colloquial usage) attach to the first element, the noun, in which case the izofat particle -i is omitted: кас-е дигар J-S-JJ ^ П ^ 'someone else'. This structure is here termed a Split izofat. A partial exception to the rule that adjectives do not agree in gender or number with their noun is to be seen occasionally in older literature, when an adjective modifying a plural noun or one that would be feminine in Arabic is supplied with final -a «-- (standing for the Arabic feminine ending in <_-). A few examples survive in frozen forms: забон-и адаби-и ҳозира-и тоҷик Л ^ Ь V>^U. ^ j l <jLj 'modern literary Tajik' (earlier, the Arabicate adjective hozir 'present(-day)' in similar collocations was made to agree with a feminine antecedent, such as lugat 'language'. Since in modern Tajik hozir has specialized as a predicative adjective 'ready' and an adverb 'now, presently' (see 2.46), the meaning 'present-day' is borne by this frozen form hozira; cf. адабиёт-и ҳоЗира ь^ьЬ^ cuLi_»jl 'contemporary literature'). When several adjectives' modify the same head noun, they may be joined to each other either by the izofat enclitic or the coordinating enclitic -у (-ю/ -ву) j - : аз зер-и абрувон-и борик-и ҳилолмонанд-аш ^tjJ^Lo J>LÄ «-SLJJL» O ' J ^ ' J^J J ' 'from beneath her

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fine, crescent-shaped eyebrows'; деҳқонон-и ҷафобин-у балокаш JuZyu j fj-i-xl S^ ^LLLAj'wretched, downtrodden peasants'. The latter strategy is always adopted for adjectives of equal weight: сиёсат-и иқтисоди-ю иҷтимоӣ ^ 1 о ~ «%! j ^ j l ,n~\ QI о . . . ! j .»• 'economic and social policy'. The order of multiple adjectives tends to be from general to particular (cf. the next preceding example), but is not rigid. Compound adjectives sharing the same structure may elide their common element if the meaning remains clear: Ғаво ҷо-е хуш-бод-у ҳаво буд j^-» IjJb j j L ^ j - ^ k

бас

_» <_$-?l-^ ' j — * 'Ghavo

L>u

was a place of abundant fresh air and pleasant breezes' (a Split izofat, lit. 'a place very pleasant-breezed and -aired'; two compound adjectives, xus-bod 'of pleasant breeze' and xus-havo 'of pleasant air' have collapsed after deletion of the common element xus). Compound adjectives in attributive izofat may be restructured as a reduced relative clause with a pronominal enclitic: солдат-и хуш-қад-у қомат-и чашмон-аш қаҳва-ранг CL^A\

2j J

*<J*j

^ culj-Lw

I-SJ»J AJ-H (jiiJ»! л »п^ 'a tall, handsome soldier with dark brown eyes'; here the first two of the three composite adjectives (xus-qad 'of pleasing stature\xus-qomat 'of pleasing figure') have collapsed as in the previous example, while the third {qahva-rang 'coffee-colored'), since it modifies a different noun ('eyes', not 'soldier'), is connected to the possessor of the eyes by the possessive enclitic -as 'his'. This construction, probably influenced by a Turkic model, is a feature of Northern dialects that has been adopted into literary Tajik (see 2.30). Other examples: корд-и ду-дама-и даста-аш садафин ^ j QJ .^ (jLh.v.-uj ^ I ^ L ^ J J J jjLS'a double-bladed knife with a mother-of-pearl handle'; як шахс-и овоз-аш хеле шинос-е ^ • «.I \ Л. ^\ \ Л Juj\3\

о

.^ Ч J. d_^ 'a

person with a very familiar voice/ whose voice was very familiar' (here the whole NP is marked as Specific, by initial yak and terminal -e)\ одамон-и ранг-и рӯ-яшон заб-зард <jl

&-?jj -^ '*j ol

ojT

J JJ C-J3 'people with very sallow complexions'. An adverb modifying an adjective precedes the adjective, in which case a Split izofat is often preferred: онҳо писарҳо-е бисёр ҷавон буданд J ^ J > J U ' J - ^ j l j Mi|t ^^и^-ых.» LpT 'they were very young boys'. For greater emphasis, the adverb may precede the noun: аҷаб одам-е сергап аст C J ^ J ' - ' ^ J J ••• ^f-*^ «T»^ r *he's an amazingly

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137

garrulous fellow'. (For more on adverbial modifiers of adjectives, see 2.47). Adjectives expressing sympathy, or a moral or aesthetic judgment in an affective context, may precede the noun in a NP. In this case they are juxtaposed without the izofat particle: бечора писар-ам Ö J U - U f j mj 'my poor boy'. Note that the adjective has been removed from the rest of the NP structure, so that in the event of a Specific NP, the quasi-article yak will precede the noun and any enclitic -e will follow it: алойҳида як писар дошт ки нобуд шуд j—*-*-> *-£_J »•* ^ л~ SJL J>-»L> <£ c-i-tilj 'she had a wonderful son, who died'. 2.41

Predicative Functions

An adjective that is the predicate of an ascriptive sentence requires no adjunct or agreement: занҳо меҳрубонанд * *» *»i ; j д * LA<JJ ' ^ e women are kind'. As shown here, in both Cyrillic and Perso-Arabic scripts the copula (the enclitic form of the verb 'to be' as used in such sentences: 3.6) is normally written as an extension of the NP (except 3rd sg. аст 'is' in Cyrillic). Adverbial arguments. There is a class of "active" adjectives (often originating in verbal participles) which express the subject's activity, stasis, or attitude relative to a vehicle, location, activity, etc.: one is boarding or mounting, riding in, heading for, busy with, ready for, pleased or displeased with, and so on. The associated preposition or other connective may vary with the idiom, and even within the idiom (and in Tajik it may differ from Standard Persian usage; noted here as *SP). Passive or impersonal constructions may be better understood as English active idioms. Here are a few of these "dynamic adjectives" with examples of their contextual grammar, гирифтор jLl^>5 'afflicted, troubled', with izofat or ba —: ба таънаву маломат-и шадид гирифтор шуд
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carpet-weaving';бо адабиёт машғул шуд j-iii 'he went in for literature'. маъқул J j Ь n 'reasonable, sensible, acceptable, pleasing': ба ман бисёр маъқул аст с ^ Л J j b ^ j \ j ..• \ <>о <_J 'I like it very much'; ба мо маъқул шуд/ афтид j n «I \J-*I. J J Q * n La^'we like(d) it'. Either the adjective or the verb (or both) may be rendered more tentative: ин-аш ба худам маъқул барин менамояд ^ L o J j ^ d^j-j J j a t л ^jj 4 >t О7, > ' J'this one seems like a good one to me' ('this-of-them', sing, personal enclitic for an inanimate plural; 2.30). Cf.pisand. мунтазир j k " \ о 'waiting, expecting': пагоҳ ту^ро мунтазир мешавем - J J л ,» - j k л '* n l^>i UL£_I 'we will expect you tomorrow' (*SP; with izofat). писанд j_i^_/'pleasing, worthy': ба ман писанд омад/ афтод/ шуд * л\*1 -» at \j_of '• -j ( j - ^ 'I Hke(d) it/ him, e t c ' (cf. ma'qul, and the verbal idiom ба ман мефорад j j ü ^ j^-o-j'it suits me, I like it'; the related adjective форам ^jl I 'pleasant, sweet, delightful' is mainly used attributively: овози форам f j U j l jT 'lovely voice'). nyp J J 'full': молхона бо гусфанд, сорбонхона бо шутур пур буд JJ-J ^ J-I ,7, L O L L ^ L J L * , <ЛУ* tnjZ L 4JiUJLo'the cattle shed was full of sheep, the stable [full] of camels'; чашмон-и модар-аш пур аз ашк буд jj_> i< ..т.! j | ^_» ^ L J J L O ^ » ^^ 'his mother's eyes were filled with tears'; хона-и пур аз меҳмонон ^ И по л j l ^ (jjl <-1»и. 'a room full of guests'. озим £j\ с 'setting off, heading (for)': озим-и Душанбе шудем jLjj_i, ц ; > ' ,7»jj ^ j L c 'we set off for/ headed for Dushanbe' (cf. next). рафтагор jLSJL__ij 'going, setting off: рафтагор^и сайр гардид ^jj—S ^ _ J ш j}*~* >aj 'he set off for a ride'; мо рафтагор-и бозор шудем {1*±& JIJLA jl^~\*j Lo'we set off for the market'; MO ба қушкоқ-и С. рафтагор будем . ^ j^Jl il 5 <^ I о ^jj_i j U l i j ' w e were on our way to the village of S.'. розй {J^b\j 'content, satisfied, pleased': аз додар-и худ рози аст CJ^-UI ^^^-Ь! J J>a. j j l j ^ 'he is pleased with his younger brother'; ба омадан рози аст -г> -••'^^^ь' j и^^Т 4_J 'he is willing/ agrees

MORPHOLOGY: NOMINALS

139

to come'. савор J\J-^- 'mounted, riding' (as a noun, 'rider, horseman'): 6a acn савор омадам f j Л j l j и*,._» ml <^ 'I came on horseback'; фойтун савор шуд J-^I» j l j - ^ OJ-IJLÄ 'he got into a carriage'; ба/ дар ароба савор мегарданд A i j / ^ j ' j - ^ ^ ' J - * J A * ^ 'they get into/ onto a carriage'; ба автобус савор шудам <_» ^±Ju jlj-^u ^ u ^ L j l 'I boarded a bus' (SP also with izofat). тайёр jl j U, ҳозир ^_^ь(_^ 'ready, prepared': ба ид тайёр-анд 4-J j ^ j L i i л \ г 'they are ready for the holiday'; ман ба имтиҳон ҳозир-ам ^^ubLa. ^1 ^ " nL <j-° 'I'm prepared for the examination' (cf. omoda, 2.18). For adjectives used as adverbs, see 2.46; for complex and composite adjectives, see 5.8,5.12. 2.42

Comparison of Adjectives

Tajik adjectives form a comparative and a superlative by means of suffixes; in addition, there are several ways of constructing similes and varying the intensity of adjectives. Comparative. Comparative adjectives are formed with the (stressed) suffix -тар j ^ - : калон-тар jJl^^S \jl ^^LS 'bigger, larger', тозатар jl03b 'fresher, newer'. In addition to хуб-тар ^ p ^ j - l 'better' (the regular comparative of хуб «_IJ i. 'good'), there exists беҳтар j " Q s 'better', though the absolute form беҳ «_> 'good' is no longer found outside poetry and compounds. Of зиёд J L J 'much, many' the comparative is зиёдтар _н-*Цо, also бештар j " Л i * (the base form беш O7. 1; occurs only as an adverb) and зиёда Ö j b у . зиёда аз даҳ нафар *more than ten people' (cf. 2.45). Бартар j-3^» 'superior' lacks an absolute adjective, being related to an older use of the adverb-preposition bar 'over, above'; the borrowed Arabic elative аъло Ы-ÜI 'superior, excellent, first class' lacks a comparative, whereas авлотар ^ H ^ J ! \ ^ J V J I 'preferable, excellent, best' is used as an adjective in preference to its base form avlo, which appears mostly in verbal phrases (e.g., авло донистан j " «.. 'Jj ^ j l 'to prefer'). Some adverbs also form comparatives (2.46). In some Northern dialects the Uzbek comparative suffix -год may

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be added after, or before, -tar: tez-tar-roq or tez-roq-tar 'quicker'. A comparative may be preceded by an adverbial qualifier: хеле пурзуртар jljjjj-л ^ I i ^ 'much more powerful'; аз барф ҳам сафедтар j " * * « •- ^л Jj-» j l 'even whiter than snow'; рухсора-и гулгун-и ӯ боз гулгун-тар шуд _p<j^£iS jL> j ' U J ^ - ^ bjLu^-Aj j-д! 'her rosy cheek(s) became still rosier' (boz expresses a progressive change; see 2.46). Like most adjectives, a comparative may be substantivized: пухта-тар-ҳо-яш-ро ғундошта гиред о Ц е ^ , Р А" ^ j dj^-iS d u i i l j ^ I j 'gather up the riper ones'. Standards and criteria. The standard of comparison is introduced by the preposition аз j l 'from': ин курта аз он хубтар аст/ хубтар аз он аст o ^ l <jT j l jJLijJ* \с^-»-1 J-JLJJ-^L <jT j \ Oj_£ ^ \ 'this tunic is better than that [one]'; the comparative may either precede or follow the standard. Colloquially, when the comparative follows the standard, the suffix may be omitted, even from an izofat NP: ин курта аз он хуб аст о. <J V j Л <jT Jl l JJJ 3 1 ^ J-Ä 3I J^^JT 'a man is stronger than anything'; эҳе, аз ин тӯҳфаи нағз намешавад '^jfti J ^ ^ ^ - Ä - 1 ул^ \ а-ч" j ^ l j f oh, there could be no better gift than this'/ In attributive position, the comparative is generally accompanied by a reference to the standard: беҳтар аз он ёфт намешавад j 1 д ^ j j ^ , о о *i c-uib jjT Jl'you won't find a better one' (lit. 'better than that will not be found'). Az may be expanded (esp. in colloq. speech) to аз - дида - j \ 6j_»j 'as compared with' (lit. 'seen from', i.e., with the standard in view): ин дарахт аз он дарахт дида баланд(тар) аст c u l j j ^\ <stMil(^p)j'il j ол-ij «-w^jj ^Т Jl 'this tree is bigger, compared to that tree'. The standard may also be introduced by a prepositional phrase, нисбат ба «_»•- •; ••»' 'in relation to', or назар ба <-» j-kJ» 'looking at', particularly if the standard is preposed or otherwise emphasized: нисбат ба ман, дугона-ҳо, шумо озод-тар-ед -o «ц> •-.; .»*» ^ j l jT Lo^i « LA oLS j j 'compared with me, friends, you are freer'; аммо шумо, дугона-ҳо, назар ба ман озодтаред , l _ a _ i i I l l dj^jl^T О-0 <Ч J ^ 1 ' L* O l ^ J J 'but you, friends, are freer than P. These last adpositions are used especially when the object of comparison is a phrase or a clause (which is nominalized as an Infinitive

141

MORPHOLOGY: NOMINALS

phrase): ман аз ТВ тамошо кардан дида бештар китоб хондан-ро дуст медорам «_»! ~\ < j " л, j \ 6 ^ J Ö J J - £ I Л.1 п " . j .^^[ <>» ^JIJ^J-O cu^-ujj I J «jjJJj^L 'I like reading a book more than watching T V ; барои ман дарс-ҳо-и хусусй доштан нисбат ба/ назар ба кор дардан дар донишгоҳ бештар маъқул аст O « J J <>* ^1 > J d. ^il J J Q ^ л j " " f j ; 'I prefer giving private lessons to working in the university' ('for me... is more pleasing'; see also 4.41). The criterion of the comparison is generally introduced by the preposition ба <_» 'by (reason of), in (terms of)': ман аз шумо ба сол канлонтар-ам ^у±±У& JL-u«_i I о Д j l o-o 'I am older than you' ('greater in year(s)/ by year'), the field of activity by дар ja: вай пахлавон дар гӯштингирй аз шумо хубтар аст j j ^ I J J L ^ C S J -г- • - j " L J ^ Lo^ii j I isj-ßb j j " -vj^ 'that athlete is better at wrestling than you'. Degrees of comparison may be inserted before the adjective: аз ман ду сол хурд(тар) аст о ^.1 ( ^ ) J J J ^ L JU« J J ^ jl 'she is two years younger than Г. Cumulative comparative. A progressive or cumulative change in degree, as in 'bigger and bigger', may be expressed with the aid of the adverb тбрафт CJ-SJL 'gradually, by degrees, progressively': қалб-ам торафт бештар шавқ меангихт •• » ^ j<^ 'my emotions were stirred more and more/1 became more and more excited' (adverbial comparative); об торафт поктар мешуд j> Л j о jZ SLJ CJJ j b C-JT 'the water became cleaner and cleaner'. On a larger time scale, adverbials such as рӯз ба рӯз J JJ-J J J J or рӯз то руз j j j Ь j j j 'day by day, from day to day' may be used with similar comparative VPs. They can also be found reinforcing a prepositional construction on the infinitive of a VP expressing change: ва ин дараҷа низ рӯз ба рӯз дар зиёда шудан аст < L ^ j j J ^ J 3 'and this amount too is increasing daily'; мактаб-у мадраса-ю ҷавомеъ-и мо туркистониён... рӯз ба рӯз-и дигар дар таданни-ю рӯй ба фасод-у харобӣ ниҳодан -J LA £_AIJ_^. J «LJ-UJJ-Л J

<Т

.Г|^ n

J 'the schools, colleges, and mosques of us Turkestanis are in decline and heading closer toward ruin and collapse from one day to the next'.

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The idiom ҳар чи -тар jJi- < A J_Ä (lit. 'all what [is] -er', i.e., the - e s t possible) may constitute subject, object, or prepositional NPs: ҳар чи бузург-тар беҳтар j " <j.» j " ^jj-e ^j-* 'Ле bigger, the better'; ҳар чи арзонтар-аш-ро бихар j Ч \ I J C £ . H U ' J J ' < ^ >>* 'buy the cheapest one possible/ you can'; мактуб-ро бо диққат-и ҳар чи тамом-тар мутолиа намоед
The Superlative

The superlative degree of comparison is formed with the suffix -тарин C^j^-' бузург-тарин CMJ^JJ-J 'the biggest, greatest', тоза-тарин ^ Ö j b 'the freshest, newest'. Attributive. As an attribute the superlative may precede the noun (as in SP): баландтарин кӯҳ-и дунё I >Уд ÄJ-S j ^ ^ n ' i l \ 'the highest mountain of [i.e., 'in'] the world', or it may follow it like a regular adjective, in izofat construction: кӯҳ-и баландтарин-и дунё 6j £ A common construction is to link the substantivized superlative with a partitive izofat phrase, or a pronominal enclitic, denoting the class of things being compared: баландтарин-и {кӯҳ-ҳо-и дунё} {LÜJ ^LA bj£) £щ1лщА\ 'the biggest (one) of the world's mountains', equivalent in meaning to the previous sentence. Care must be taken (particularly in Perso-Arabic script) to note the presence or absence of izofat after the superlative, since plural objects may also be judged superlative: баландтарин кӯҳ-ҳо-и {дунё} ^ L Ä Ö J £ ^j_s \\ 1 > {L_J»j} 'the highest mountains in the world' does not mean the same as the sentence before it. Examples of complete sentences: шаҳр-и калонтарин-и Тоҷикистан Душанбе аст o^-^l A ;\ t*JJ j l ' m ^ j ^ b ^ ^ ^ Ы ^ J-Q-JZ 'the largest city of Tajikistan is Dushanbe; Душанбе калонтарин-и

MORPHOLOGY: NOMINALS

143

шаҳр-ҳо-и Тоҷикистон аст ^ L A J — в £ C^^ o^—^ A j-l^iJJ CJ-«I <jl " «M^J ->b 'D. is the largest of the cities of TV; калонтаринаш Душанбе аст •-«-••! * ; '» A J * ^ . * ^ ~ <j}L£ 'the largest of them is D.' The claim may be restricted to 'one of the — est\ and the superlatives may be multiplied: колхоз-и ба ном-и Ленин яке аз беҳтарин ва давлатманд-тарин колхоз-ҳо-и район буд ^ ^ <>j-iJ f L»«LJ J Ü J L S jj_» JjLj (_^LA j L = J L £ U-JJJ JJLJÖ^-IJJJ J J "I (j > j l 'the Lenin Kolkhoz was one of the best and wealthiest collective farms in the raion'; яке аз ҷавонтарин-и онҳо ҳамин Файзибой буд jl u ^ j o n e j^_» ^ L ^ . Л j a ^ j л & L p ! О-А_Н и I J - ^ ' of the youngest of them was this same Faiziboy'. A common solecism in speech and utilitarian prose is the omission of a plural marker in the partitive phrase: ин дар замон-и ҳозира J яке аз паҳншуда-тарин ҷараён ба шумор меравад <jl-O j ^ JJJ-JUO j I л MI \ ^jLj-a. J>-ijj

6J>

* ' ~x&j j ' < j ^ 6j-i-bL^ ' t h i s i s t o b e s e e n

as one of the most widespread occurrence [sic] at the present time' (for the form hozira, see 2.40). Predicative. As a predicate, the superlative degree is expressed as a universal comparative, using the phraseаз ҳама <-*-A jl 'than all*: ин кӯх аз ҳамабаланд(-тар) аст >Lo_: (2.37): Парвиз аз ҳама-и талаба-ҳо бо-интизом(тар) аст •-..-\ (j^)^l h"i'il L LA<( A In L^I_A jl 3^j^» 'Parviz is the best behaved of all the students'; аз тамом-и касб-у хунар-ҳо авлотар ҳамин аст jJWjl Lbj_Ub j *^ш—£ М a-Ljl vz-L-uul^j-j—A-A'this is the most excellent of all the arts and crafts/ the supreme art'. The ordinal numeral 'first' (2.52) is a kind of superlative: якумин

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одаме, ки ба коинот баромад... Ю. А. Гагарин мебошад л Л1 j j о ö ^ ^ S . I. J J ... J-OTJ-» v^ülLS \d>b-,Li о <-£<^Л 'the first man to go up into space... was Yurii Gagarin' (lit., 'the first person who went... is'; note the Present tense in the main clause, focusing on the continuing validity of the achievement; for the Relative clause, see 4.42);аз ҳама аввал J j l «ьыь jl 'firstof alF (seefurther, 2.52). The superlative бештарин ^ ^ -» л *. 'most' qualifies only mass nouns or plurals: бештарин об »_Л ^ j " *• j % 'the most water', бештарин студент-ҳо LAC^JJJL^J ^ j " Л, > \ 'most students'. Note the adverbial phrases бештарин вақт CJ_5 j ^ j " •* j \ and аксар вақт cj-ij j \ *sl 'most of the time' (lit. 'the most time'; aksar is the Ar. synonym of bestarin 'most'). Not every occurrence of az near a comparative may be directly comparing the following NP: аз ҳар вақт зиёдтар .-* QJ J-A J\ JZJL^ 'more than (at) any time' (ЛОГ vaqt is an adverbial); ин кор-аш ҳам бештар {аз одат бирун} буд C ^ J U j l ] J " t* j ; jk-A ^ jLS ^ 1 J Jr? [ U J J -j.1 ' ^ i s action of his was even more extraordinary' (az odat birun, lit. 'out of custom', is a complex adjective). 2.44

Similes, Intensives, Attenuatives

Similes, i.e., comparative phrases in which one item is judged to be of the same, or similar, quality or degree as another, may be expressed through adpositions: веечун ^ ^ ( 2 . 1 9 ) , мисл-и JiLo and монанд-и jj»jil о (2.21), and барин O ^ J J (2.23), all meaning 'like, as, similar to'. These usually compare substantives: одам-е монанд-и вай ^ J ! IJJ j-llLo, вай барин одам-е ^ Л Ö^^-J <_SJ 'a man like him/ such as he'; кас-е вай барин бой ^ L Ü-JJ-J (jj ^J^ 'someone as rich as he'. An adjective or adverb may be intensified with the adverbs чунон JJLJL 'SO' or OH қадар j.iJL»T 'so (much)' and its effect illustrated in a result clause (cf. 4.40): духтар-аш чунон соҳиб-ҷамол буд, ки он ҶаВОН ба ВаЙ ОШИҚ ШУД ^Т 4-£ Jj_» JL^-a.«TurvL^a

lj-a. 'his daughter was so beautiful that the youth fell in love with her', ҳаво он қадар нағз буд, ки ӯ намехост ба хона

MORPHOLOGY: NOMINALS б а р г а р д а д J J ^ J S J - J
^ ^ ' '

jl

145

< _ £ « J J - J J J L J J J J L J T IJ_A

'the weather was so fine that he did not want to go home'; ӯ чунон тез пахта мечинад, ки ҳама ҳайрон мемонанд j j " j l **^ j l AI^LO^^Q (JIJ-^Ä ^bJb plus the quality noun, which is generally derived from the adjective by suffixing (stressed) -й ^- (5.2), with the standard of comparison in izofat: як духтар-е ба зебои-и фириштагон ба J a 1 хона даромад J^OTJJ О1_Ц» ^ К Л .MJJ ^ L L J ^ <SJ " ^ «-^ 8* *' as lovely as an angel came into the room' (lit. 'with the beauty of angels'; for the plural, cf. 2.6); гург ба бузурги-и шер нест £j—S о--i »' j j •* ^ j JJL^L^'this year's harvest won't be so good/ too good' ('of this goodness', i.e., as good as expected or hoped; cf. чандон/ он қадар хуб нест \ä{' ;~ "it 'it's not so good', and adverbials like ба зуди 2.46). Similes may also be constructed morphologically, with the adjectiveforming suffixes-вор j l j - , - o c o L^T-, -сон jjLai-'-like', and-тоб c ^ b - 'tending toward, -ish': ирода-и оҳан-вор сахт jlj_UbT IJI j l -ü'^ -•- 'iron-hard will/ will as hard as iron' ('iron-like hard'); дастe садаф-осо сафед ^> а ... L L J ^ J .^ ^^L^-ij 'a hand (as) white as mother-of-pearl' (the first NP is a regular Adjectival izofat, the second a Split izofat); дандонҳо-и марворидсон сафед-и ҷилодор-аш-ро н и ш о н д о д а 6 j l j (jLi-l» I j o ^ j b ^ L ^

j j S «•> ^ L - u d J j l j ^ - o

^LA^IJ^J

'showing her gleaming pearl-white teeth'; the preposed complex adjectives act as adverbs of manner to those following. Self-sufficient агесиёҳ-тоб ^ Ь » ! j ,.. 'blackish', and фиребгар-тоб -'" J<::J *fl 'wily, devious' ('tending toward deceptive'). The two common diminutive suffixes -ak (-yak after a back vowel)

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and -ca9 normally used for nouns (5.2), may also be added to adjectives to tone down their degree: сурх-ак < ^ j -•• or сурх-ча <* ^ ^ j ... 'reddish', зебояк SLL^j 'quite beautiful, not bad looking'. In the spoken language, some qualitative adjectives (esp. of color) form an intensive by addition of a stressed pre-echoic syllable or word, i.e., a duplicate of the adjective's first syllable plus a labial, voiced or unvoiced as appropriate: сап-сафед л—> a ^-^^u 'snow-white', сип-сиёҳ б! j .„-«.-.u^i 'jet black', топ-торик ^ j L i - ^ j b 'darkas dark (could be)', заб-зард J j J-C-JJ 'bright yellow'; with other than color adjectives, the pre-echoic word generally doubles its final consonant and adds a syllable: каппа-калон ^Ы£-<ЦА£ 'humongous', дуппа-дуруст Г-. ..mj %_d \y 'absolutely right, spot on', оппа-осон <jL-iT-
6jj_£ j j j j j j j j j

oVi

-Jj-^

jl JLJ-Ö 'his wound throbbed painfully' ('...hurting ziriq-ziriq^ tormented [him]'; see further, 5.12). A variation of this has an additional syllable -o- between the parts: гармогарм ^_>_SLoj_S 'hot as blazes' (garm 'hot, warm'), дуродур j j j l j j j 'very far (away)' [dm 'far, distant'). In simple reduplication, primary stress generally remains word-final, with a secondary accent on the initial syllable: кап-кабӯд j j > ^ ^ 'sky-blue'; in the longer form, the last syllable of each word tends to be accented equally, or the first of these may have the primary stress (gärm-o-gärm). Hyphens in the Cyrillic spelling are original. Apart from the usual adverbs бисёр j L u ^ апахеле ^fi-xL 'very' (see 2.46), a variety of stronger intensifiers may be preposed to raise the degree of a quality adjective: басо бад JJ Lu-/really bad', бағоят донишманд ,\а\л m'ilj dujL-Ц» 'extremely learned' (from an Arabic phrase, 'to the ultimum'), ниҳоят душвор j l j - ä j ^ f L p 'extremely difficult' (Ar. 'end point'), бе-ниҳоят зиқ ' j j CTJ^I ь-^^-} 'terribly annoyed' (Pers.-Ar. 'without end'), бе-ҳад золим i -^ j> \ j _ ^ L r J ^JLb 'extraordinarily tyrannical' (Pers.-Ar. 'without limit'), аз ҳад зиёд нодон o ' J ^ J LJJ j-a. j \ 'egregiously ignorant' (Pers.-Ar. 'more than the limit'); аз ҳад зиёд танг . < '* ~ j b j j_^x jl'too tight' (see

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also 2.46). 2.45

Quantifiers: 'Much' and 'Little9

Thee are a number of adjectives, with pronominal and adverbial sidelines, which participate in both izofat NPs (2.11) and numerical-type NPs (2.51). These wild cards may best be treated together as quantifiers. Much, many. The main noun-adjectives of plenty are бисер (earlier бисьёр) jl \ ... ц зиёд J L J and хёле o l j ^ 'much, many, a lot, too much' (as adverbs: see 2.47). Bisyor may either precede or follow the head noun, xele usually precedes it and ziyod usually follows it. When preposed, quantifiers adhere basically to the syntax of numerical NPs, i.e., they are juxtaposed without izofat to the noun, which is usually in the singular: бисёр/ хеле масофа роҳ 61 j * al... * ^JLLL \ J > 'a great distance/ long way'; вай аз бисёр ҷиҳат ҳақ аст j l ^ j CJ^JI J ^ о д -> jl j Щ j 'in many respects [sg.] he is right'. However, when the quantity of the head noun is emphasized or it is felt to be individuated rather than collective (especially in everyday speech, and in the case of humans), it often goes into the plural: то хеле дури-ҳо Lfl_»jjj ^ i * ^ Ь 'for miles and miles'; бисёр касон ^1_мЛ jl > ... ^ 'many people', хеле чизҳо LA j_^> ^ I j ^ *a lot of things'. When following the head noun, quantifiers adhere to the syntax of adjectival modifiers in an izofat NP; the noun may be singular or plural, according as it is a count noun or mass/ collective noun: китоб-ҳо-и бисёр/ зиёд J L J \jl » ,,. i ^ L a ^ l " < 'many books', миқдор-и зиёд J L J j l j l ^ 'a great amount'. In simple question's and existential statements, the quantifier alone may be the predicate, in which case the noun remains singular and Non-Specific: дар ин ҷо боғ бисёр-мй? - Ҳа, боғ зиёд ҳаст j j .-.••• * j b j

^ L » , Ь ъ - Sj^-« j>

j

•-; J^LJ I a. jj-jl ' A r e t h e r e m a n y

orchards here? —Yes, there are many orchards' (lit., 'here, are the orchards many? —Yes, the orchards are many'). Little, few. Balancing these are the noun-adverbs of paucity, андак uS^I and кам ^ 'little' (for mass nouns) and 'few' (for count nouns; i.e. less than expected or hoped, not enough; see also under adverbs of degree, 2.47). As nouns: андак-и дигар J-S-JJ £±L\ 'a little more ';

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кам-аш-ро гирифт cuij—S l j o t , л <s 'he took the minimum' ('the little of it'). Both words precede the noun in numerical NPs, but prefer plurals to singulars in the case of count nouns: андак нон ^L» £^\ 'little bread', бисер кам одамон <JLQJT ^ J L W J 'very few persons'. With the addition of the Specific enclitic -e, andak and кат are promoted to the more positive 'a little, a few' (i.e., sufficient): андак-е ғам ё хурсандӣ ^ J J L ^ U J ^ L ^1 ^ £ ^ 1 4a little sadness or happiness', кам-е об дод J J «_Л LS*£ 'he gave [us] a little water'; қадр-е <_$JJJ 'a [small] quantity/ amount' is used in the same way (qadr is a variant of qadar; cf. 2.35). Quasi-adverbially, the simple form may be used: ба шумо андак ran дорам ^ j l j ^S £±>l I л л,; 'I have (a little) something to say to you'. Related adverbials are кам ё беш u t , j x L» ^ 'more or less' ('less or more'), often meaning 'not a little': кам ё беш норозигй доштанд л\"\ .nlj ^ < j ^ I j L и *. j ; L *£ 'they were pretty annoyed' ('...had dissatisfaction'); and the double diminutive in, e.g., кам-акак шинетон (jhj'ij Л, ,4\<\ п^ 'sit down for a wee while' (see 5.2).

ADVERBS 2.46

Adverbs (1): General; Place and Time

Adverbs modify verb phrases, adjectives, other adverbs, or complete sentences. In each case they immediately precede the item to be modified: MO оҳиста роҳ мерафтем pj л fljL^T Ue 'we walked slowly' (roh raflan is a compound verb, i.e., an inseparable VP), ин бисёр нағз аст о>.^«1 jJL. ji j t,. s ^ 1 'this is very good', нисбатан зуд тамом мешавад j j Л. j о ^L«Ji j j j I -> j .»'i 'it will finish fairly soon', бадбахтона ман намедонам f^\jL^i ^ 4J»LJ Ц»л-1*ипfortunately, I don't know'. The usual sequence of adverbials within the sentence is Time, Manner, Place, e.g.: мо ҳар рӯз бо автобус (ба) мактаб меравем ^jj_j_a «^г^ о (<ц») C^J-JL^J! L J J J J_A Lo 'we go to school3 every dayt by bus2'. Within this scheme they are ordered from general to particular: ҳар ҳафта се бор шино мекунам ^л - \< > * I *> л. J L «L-LAj d~fl A *I swim three times2 each week,'. They may

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149

be reordered within the sentence to place the important one in emphatic position, immediately before the verb: писарҳо-ям он ҷо ҳеч гоҳ нарафта-анд л^1<Л-Ь^ ÖLS g-jJb UJ>T ^ L b j n . / m y sons have never been there' (time after place). Of the various adverbs and adverbial phrase types, many also occur in full or in part as nouns, adjectives, prepositions, or conjunctions: Noun-adverbs. Many adverbs of place and time are also nouns, or at least exhibit some of the properties of nouns: in the sentence замистон онҳо рӯз кор мекарданд ва шаб хона боз мегашта н д ^ ^ о JLA <J»Li. V-J-»1 j j J j j ^ j

л jL5k J j j

L f ^ T <jl " ...

nj

•ГГ| •*! ^ '[in] winter they worked [by] day and returned home [at] night', all the nouns are functioning as adverbs without prepositions. Conversely, even when nouns are primarily adverbs, they often accept demonstratives and prepositions (дар ҳамин боло j j VL» (j_4_A-Ä*right up here'), articles, and enclitics (як нафасак < •- iJi i-£_j '(for) one moment', рӯз-е <_$JJJ 'one day') and plural suffixes (шаб-ҳо кор мекунад **»<* - j L £ > д » *- 'he works nights'). Adjective-adverbs. Adverbs of manner and degree tend to be adjectives, which are much less variable (2.46): тез j - p 'swift; swiftly'; ypo сабук тела дод JIJ 'sometimes', manner: иттифоқан LäUbl 'by chance', degree: мутлақан \1LL-* (var. мутла-

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қо I ul U л, мутлақона <J»I al U n) 'absolutely', and as general or 1 sentential adverbs: воқеан t i l l j 'really, actually , ҳатман f* "^ 'definitely, certainly, for sure': ҳатман ба хона биё! I \ " % !(_IJ «LJII-Ц» 'by all means come to [our] home/ you must visit us'. Often they duplicate adverbs made of prepositional phrases or collocations: воқеан/ дар воқеъ ^Jalj j j \LLJÖIJ, хусусан/ ба ially'. They have even been imitated by Persian nouns: зӯран ' J J J 'by force', ҷонан l l u . 'cordially'. A smaller number of a related type of Arabic adverbial, beginning with the definite article al-, has also been copied into Tajik: албатта 4—Ь J l 'of course, certainly',: албатта ба ӯ хабар медиҳам j^jbj ^ j ; ^ j b
jj

л11 'here and there on the twigs [a fewj blossoms have opened'. (This use should not be confused with repetition in parallel clauses, asgoh... goh... 'at one time... at another'; see 4.12.) From verbal stems come forms such as давон-давон аз хона берун баромад J-*TJ-A djj-*-* <J»U. jl ^ I J J ^ I J J 'he rushed out of the room' ('came out running/ at a run'; see 3.39), вай зардолу-ро гиригта, хӯрда-хӯрда боз медавид lj>lbjjc5J j-ijj^j-o jL» ÖJJJ^I b^jj-*> -A " Ъ ^ 'he grabbed the apricot and ran back, eating (all the way)'. In a participle, sometimes only part of the verb (Stem I) is repeated: дав-давон рӯяш-ро пок карда 6j^£ ^ L I J ( J L-JJJ <JIJJJJ 'hurriedly mopping his face'. This class includes some onomatopoeic and sound-symbolic words that have no other lexical status: дар дигар дег зирбак-и палав билиқ-билиқ ҷушида меистод

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151

a. J-L ji_» ^ L 'in another pot the pilaf stew was boiling and bubbling'; дар шифт-и айвон чароғ-и хира милт-милт карда месӯхт -cJL> *j j ^ H J ^ üL*e' -~l* -* j J CJ^J—LUJ ^ Ö J J - S CJLO 'on the ceiling of the porch a dim lamp was winking' (also mil-mil kardan 'to blink, wink, twinkle, sparkle'; expressives such as these are inseparable from an appropriate verb, and are generally subsumed in serial verb conjuncts: see 4.19, and 5.12). Similar is the insertion of echoic words, either before or after the adverb: саҳл-паҳл савод-ам баромада истодааст Jo -.. CJ-CJ 6jl" ti
,7,j

£ 'with a little bit of effort', Амонбокй миён-и ба

шикастан наздик расида-и худро молида-мелида аз

ҷой

х е с т а . . . UA_JLO I j j j - ä * ЬЛ^ «MJ I_S_»JJ-J j l n ^ n i \ ^ 1 j о j^JoL^jLol

...спи j A ^ Ц . jl 6Л jlj л 'Amonboqi, rubbing his near-bursting midriff, got up and...' (cf. 5.12). Place. The main noun-adverbs of place, from most of which are formed common prepositional phrases (see 2.21) are: .пеш о Ц ^ ' i n front, ahead', ақиб -_• ° *> and пас (^^XJ-J 'behind, back', боло VL 'up, above' (ба боло VL
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the top of his boot'. In other place adverbs a preposition is usual (generally ba for direction and dar for location), though often omitted in speech: (ба) ин ҷо I -\\j\ («Ц») 'here/ hither', (дар) он ҷо I =^Т (jj) 'there' (note that in Cyrillic on jo is written as two words, in Perso-Arabic it is usually written as one); ба рост/ (ба) тараф-и рост «zinilj «-ij-L^) \OL-LJJ4_» 'to the right', дар чап/ (дар) тараф-и чап >ги.^ ^Jj-U ( j j ) V_i-a. j j

'on the left'; similarly

with шимол Jl о Л, 'north', etc. Байн j ^ and миён ^1 j л (cf. prepositions {mo)bayn-i and (dar) bayn-i, etc., 'between, among') illustrate the fluid boundaries between prepositions, adverbs and compound or phrasal verbs. The adverbials дар миён j>

» - j j and аз байн/ аз миён j \

( j l _ j _ * j l \U-J-J have no separate status outside paired verbal idioms such as дар миён омадан/ гузоштан \<jJ-*T иЦ^-° J J tj" ,7,ljS4o appear/ to present' and аз байн рафтан/ бурдан j \ ^jjj-л \i>^-fij <>^»'to disappear/ to eliminate' (518). They do furnish a time adverbial, дар ин миён <jL-o ^ 1 jj'meanwhile'. Time. The basic adverb-nouns of place provide, through metaphor, adverbs of time: пеш/ пештар J"I»HJJ \оЦ^> 'before, formerly', and (via the prepositional phrase) пас аз он <jT j l

л-> 'after

{тУ

that, then, next' (cf. баъд Д-Л-J); the simple word has progressed from an earlier temporal ('after, then, next') to a logical force, пас 'then, so': ту меой, пас ӯ ҳам меояд j l ^ ^ « ^ 1

> л jl

'(if) you come, then he will come too'; пас, у набояд он ҷо равад? S j j j

1 =kJ»T a_jl

JJ» j l ^^и-> 'so, he is not to go

there?'. The commonest time adverbs admit of limited qualification by prepositions or demonstratives: акнун о > ^ ' > ҳ о з и р VLa.

(colloq. and dial, ҳолй, hole) 'now'; т о акнун

то ҳ о л о VLa. L 'up till now, so far', аз ҳ о л о V U 3I 'from now [ o n | \ ҳ а м акнун o > ^ ' f-*» ҳамин ҳ о л о 'just now, right now'; барвақт oj-fljj-. 'early', бевақт cuJflj^^ 'late'; даррав J J J J , д а р ҳ о л J L a . j j 'immediately' (the first syllable is the preposition dar, but the words are now written as one); д е р ^ J J 'late; (for a) long [time]', д е р б о з j b J_JJ 'long since, for a long time' (for

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153

boz, see 2.46; and cf. kay, allakay, below); дер ё зуд j j j L ^_JJ 'sooner or later'; зуд j j j 'soon, quickly, early'. The Arabic prepositional phrase минбаъд лд_» ^ 'henceforth, from now on' has been borrowed whole. (For 'yesterday, today', etc., see 2.54.) Indefinite and universal time adverbs are: гоҳо LAL_S 'sometimes', ҳанӯз JJ-1A * still, yet': ҳанӯз ҷавон аст jj'j ^ JJ-^-A d^uul 'she is still young', ҳанӯз нарасид \ \ ., ( J ^ JJ-1A 'he has not yet arrived'; ҳамеша < Л. j л л 'always', доим p-Jj 'continually, always': доим пул надошт с ^ И л ! J^_» ^ Ь 'he was always without/ never had any money'; ҳаргиз 'ever' (literary style, interrogative and negative sentences; cf. the more common ҳеч (вақт), 2.37): оё ҳаргиз ҳақиқатан бовафо буд? —He, ҳаргиз (набуд) ( J > ^ ) J-5jJb « ^ - *? JJ-J LfljL I" i j««% J-S j-ft LT 'was he ever really faithful? No, [he] never [was]'. Similarly bipolar is digar: дигар чӣ? S ^ ^ \ J-S-JJ 'what else, what next?'; with a negated verb: ин дигар тоза нест ^ 1 LJJ 'this is no longer fresh'; дигар намеоям ^ ^ J not coming any more'. Place and time adverbials may take comparative and superlative suffixes (2.42-^ФЗ): андак-е дур-тар ^ н j J J ^ J - ^ I 'a little farther', ин тарафтар шинед .»J'»J - ^ ^ i j - U ^ 1 'sit more this way/ closer'; барвақттар ^cuäjj-»'earlier (in the morning)', бегоҳи-тар jl^iZ^-x 'later on', бештарин вақт CL>1J ^ j *i m j j 'most of the time'; баъд J^L.» and сони ^ l i 'after(wards), later' have баъдтар ^H^JL_I and сонитар üi with little change in meaning; пеш-тар (аз) ( j l ) j ^ *» j,» 'shortly before, earlier (than)' allows a point of reference instead of a standard of comparison: пеш-тар аз омадан-ам ^Ju_Л ^Ij "i •» >j 'earlier than my arrival, before I came'. When place adverbs take the plural suffix ho, it usually expresses approximation: боло-ҳо будааст CLI . » U J J ^ LAVLJ 'it must be somewhere up there', дар наздики-ҳо 1 о j< >JJJ> j j 'somewhere near'. With time adverbs, it expresses intensity or iteration: к и м - к а й ^ ^ , аллакай ^ ^ J l 'long ago'; ким-кайҳо Ь ь ^ - S ^ , аллакай-ҳо L Ä ^ I J I 'once on a time, ages ago' (cf. kim-ki, etc., 2.36); бор-ҳо ин кор-ро кардааст - -I tjjS I j jl^ j ^ l LA J L 'he has done this often/ many times'.

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Adding the suffix -она о I- to a temporal term (also adjectival; see 2.39) produces a temporal manner adverb: рӯз-она <J»I j j j 'daily, by the day', солиёна «U»LJL^ 'annually' (irregular): ба газета моҳона обуна шудам ^ j «т. Oj_J «LJILALO 4-Z^yS <ц» 'I subscribed) to the journal by the month/ took out a monthly subscription'. The suffix -Ӣ <_£- added to some numerical time phrases can generate 'habitual' adverbs: он ҷо-ҳо якшабй ё душабй монда... ба ҳавли-и худ бар мегашт J^L ^J-=» <Ц» ...ÖJJ»LO Lr*^ijj L ^ - u i l j LaLaJj --•^< j-> 'he would spend one or two nights in those places [or thereabouts] and return home'; cf. also the indefinite чандрӯз-а 6 j j j JJIA. 'for a few

2.47

days'.

Adverbs (2): Degree and Manner

The principal adverbs that intensify adjectives are бисёр (older spelling, бисьёр) j L u u j and хёле ^1 j Л 'very' (for these words as quantifiers of nouns, see 2.45). For unpleasant attributes, there are сахт с Л ... , lit. 'hard, tough', and маҳхам ^ ^ * 'strong, firm': сахт оташин гашта буд JJ-J < ~\«* ^ C^J^I C I 4 M. *he had grown mighty choleric', вай маҳкам касал шудагй ^ j - Л Jm ^ ^-% п ^ j 4 he has fallen very sick'. These likewise intensify the action when placed at the head of a VP: бисёр назд-и мо менишаст ва хеле чой менушид ,ij A j \ ^ л

^ Ц . ^JLLL

J CJI•• » т . \ ^ L» j^J» j l j . , . > ' h e u s e d t o v i s i t u s

often and drink a lot of tea', ба бозу-и модар сахт часбид «_J J >; - ^ -r.-^ -- JJLJ ^ j j L 'he clung tightly to his mother's arm'. With adjectives in attributive izofat, adverbs go between the izofat particle and the adjective: мард-и бисёр хуб-е ^ j - ^ jl j«".» Jj~* *a very good man'. In the case of a Split izofat, adverbs go after the Specific enclitic: мард-е бисёр хуб ^ > ^ jl j . o % ^Jj^a. For special emphasis, the adverb may precede the whole NP: як вақт ман ин-ро аз ғарқ шудан-и дар об халос карда будам, ки хеле ҳикоят-и аҷиб аст &jj—£ ^ А Ы - А С-Л j j ^JJ-^I» J ^ - C j l ljil>^ 6-° ^ * ^ J «-^* CJ-CJ - . ^ « ^ c-ujlia. ^ ' j - «L-S f^JJ-J 'once I saved this person from drowning, which is a very strange tale.' The phrase аз ҳад зиёд j b j j — ^ jl may mean 'too [much|', modifying either a NP or a VP: аз ҳад зиёд сергап аст/ ҳарф

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155

мезанад J-^J-J-* ^J-=± \ZJ-L*1 *_ISJ_J_JUJ J L J j-a. j l 'he is excessively

talkative/ talks too much' (see also 2.45). The main attenuative adverbs, which lessen the intensity or extent of a quality or action, are кам ^ , андак ^JJ»I 'not very, not much' апакам-е ^^^S, андак-е ^ л Д қадр-е ^SJSJA 'a little, somewhat' (for the corresponding quantifiers, see 2.45): ӯ кам ran мезанад jl >_>-S ^ 'he talks little' is equivalent to ӯ камгап аст j l 'he is not very talkative' ('little of speech', cf. 5.6); қадре қафо-тар нишастааст -••! *" ••• A '» ^ U J a ^j^-л 'he is sitting a bit farther back/ behind'. These too may qualify a modifier in izofat. гул-и садбарг-и андак шукуфта <* " «< • - L^JJJ -^J; L * ^ J S 'arose on the point of blooming'. Manner. Manner adverbs are often supplied by appropriate adjectives alone: аниқ медонам, ки £lS b ^ j 'her rosy cheek(s) became still rosier'; it may be reinforced by ham: ин

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CHAPTER TWO

ҳол ба асаб-и вай боз ҳам сахттар таъсир кард JI ^ ^ 1 jjS j Л " ^ " . ^ ^ • - ^ J L ^ j •.••^; 'this circumstance affected his nerves even more'. When adverbial to a NP or VP, rather than an adjective, boz (ham) means 'still, yet, [some] more, further, another': то рафтан-и мо боз се рӯз ҳаст «ь^ j L Ь» cA^j ^ --• - * JJJ 'there's still three days/ three days more till our departure'; илтимос, боз ҳам чой ризед ^ Ц . ^л j L . ^ L A J J I J-JJJ j 'please pour some more/ another tea' (cf. 2.33). Boz may also combine with pas (2.45). катй, қатй с г и& *L/^ 'together': онҳо кати кор ме-карданд LpT ^ j j £ ^ j l £ ^^1^ 'they worked together/ in concert'; биё кати меравем ^ j j ^ ^^1^ Li.» 'let's go together' (cf. hamroh, 2.21, bo ham, 2.33;tatfFand its variants also provide prepositions, postpositions and circumpositions: 2.20,2.24,2.25). маҳз j - 'merely, purely, only', juxtaposed before the word or phrase to be emphasized: маҳз ҳамин-ро донистан лозим аст -• ...I A jV c^LcuJ»lj I J(J-»-O-Ä u ^ ^ Snne has merely to know this, this is all one needs to know'; маҳз ба хотир-и шумо т у д а ба ин ҷо омадам J»J_OT 1 -> ' I J L *±-Л» LÖ-JJ j-ULk.» и л ^ n 'it was purely for your sake that I came here' (...it was done [that] 1 came...'); бадбахт-тарин-и одамон-и рӯи замин маҳз ӯ —Иброҳимҷон аст j l

и

л^

n U^-^J LSJJ

6 ^

J

^ I E ^ H « - 1 ^.>Л^

CJ-4^1 jjLa^a-jJbl J-J1 - 'the unluckiest man on earth is Ibrohimjon, that's who' ('the unluckiest of the persons on earth is solely...'). танҳо L^Jib 'only', also an adjective (ман худ-ро танҳо ҳис мекунам ~л< * - ^ н ^ 'fl"*~Ij J s5-^ <1н° 'I f e e l alone/ lonely'): танҳо ман омадам pj^T ^ Ҷ ^" 'only I came/1 alone came/1 was the sole one to come' (contrast ман танҳо омадам ^ J - J U ^ ^л 'I came alone', adverbial to the VP); танҳо аз шумо не, аз ҳама но-розй буд jj-j ^ J a l j U 4_^LA j l . ^ 1 > f i» j l I о '>"i 'he was displeased not only with you, but with everyone' (for the similar na tanho...balki, see 4.15; for the relative expressions, tanho kas-e fa'..., etc., see 4.44). фақат L. ? ^ 'only', qualifies NPs or VPs: фақат занҳо рафтанд **»" flj L p j iaJ_fl *only the women went', ӯ фақат нигоҳ мекунад, кор намекунад J ' I ^ J n*> jL^ « ^ \Ъ j о ÖLSJ» LJLJ j l 'he

MORPHOLOGY: NOMINALS

157

only watches, he doesn't work'. ҳам ^Jb 'also, even'; as an (unstressed) enclitic (though in both Cyrillic and Perso-Arabic written separately), ham focuses attention on the item that precedes it, in relation to the context at large (which might extend beyond the immediate sentence or utterance): ман ҳам меоям ^ Ц ^ ^л ^ 'I'm coming too'; ба мо нигоҳ ҳам накард J^£JI ^л öl\ öj—i—5_с j ' ~ * j j \\ i * -ufc ^ д 'I too am of the very same opinion' (see also 4.11 for ham as a substitute for a conjunction; 4.13 for ham... ham...; 4.32 for ham as a concessive adverbial). ҳатто ^ a. 'even' (for the Perso-Arabic orthography, see 1.14); emphasizes the constituent following it (often the complete VP): Раҳим ҳатто ба мо нигоҳ накард jjZ^ Ъ\£± LO_J ^j-^-a* ^ - ^ J 'Rahim didn't even look at us'; ...дар Боку, ҳатто дар Самарканд пайдо мешавад J J .7. j о I^X-A-J j j j j ä j ^ ^ j j (^1^ <>^Ь jj... 'it can be found in... Baku, even in Samarkand'. чандон/ он қадар jsL^l \ ö ^ J-^5- '(not) so, too, all that —'; preceding an adjective or adverb, serves to express disappointment at the degree: ин фикр-и шумо ба ман чандон/ он қадар маъқул нест --'••• у* J j Q * - jJ-^lT \jl* ;z u-^ * « '*• J£* ^ ' ' t h i s idea of yours doesn't seem all that good to me, I don't much like this idea of yours'; cf. ҳосилот-и имсол ба ин хубй намешавад !j л- j -'» ^ J J ^ L ^ L JLu-ol VTJ^LÄL^ 'this year's harvest won't be too good'(2.44, 2.47).

2.48

Adverbs (3): Compound and Phrasal

The versatile adjectival suffix -й ^ - (5.4) generates some adverbs: фаврй IJJJ^A 'immediate(ly), express, at once' is primarily an adjective, but doubles for the tanvin adverb фавран I jj-a: пинҳон

158

CHAPTER TWO

*hidden, secret' gives пинҳонй ^L—^JL-I'secretly'; from пушт-нок .j 'supine' comes, e.g.,вайро пушт-ноки ба замин хобонд J-ÖJ-J ^ i T t . T . j I j ^ j ' h e laid him down on his back'. (For numer-ical compounds such as [чор]-кас-й ^,,. < [ j L ] 'in [four]s, as a [four]some, quartet', see 2.53.) Manner. Manner adverbs may also be formed by a periphrasis, the derived quality noun with a preposition: ба зудй C^JJJ-J 'soon, quickly' (lit. 'with quickness'). Such phrases are synonymous with, or more emphatic than, a simple adjective used adverbially: ба хубй медонист ,-..,. I I J ^

Lr

Jj

Ц> 'well he knew' (cf. хуб

медонист о т i l j ^ c-jj ^ 'he well knew'; рост/ ба роста ^"i ..,1J-J \~- »j 'in fact, to be honest'; филм чандон шавқ1 овар/ ба ин шавқоварй набуд ^ Ь \jjT J j ,т, J *'^ ~ I > a jj_p (^j jT j j - Д 'the film wasn't all that interesting' (cf. candon, 1 2.47);ба якбора-гй мебаромаданд JJ»J-^TJ-JL5-O ^ J »<> «_» 'all of a sudden they burst out' (for the suffix, see 5.2); synonymous is (ба)ногоҳ ÖLSLLJ \aLSL» 'suddenly', lit. 'untimely'; optionally with the preposition ba9 but written as one word in Cyrillic. Ba nazdikl, lit., 'with proximity', may mean either 'recently' (past) or 'soon' (future), depending on the tense of the verb: ба наздикй расиданд »'»j --j ^^fLjjj^
MORPHOLOGY: NOMINALS

159

To emphasize shortness of duration, some temporal nouns take a diminutive suffix and introduce the adverbial phrase with yak: як нафасак Л ,.. äJ» ._£_J 'a mere instant', як дамакак ._£_J L Ü a j '(for) a fraction of a second' (a double diminutive: 5.2). Conversely, long duration or cumulation may be emphasized by repetition: сол аз/ ба/ то сол JL^u Li \«_> \jl JLL*, 'year after year, from one year to the next'; сол-ҳо-и сол J L ^ ^L^JL^ 'for years and years'. Suffixes. Like adjectives, adverbs may expand their meaning through suffixes, -акй ^ - and -нокй ^Ll»-: хар-акй ^j-^ 'on donkey-back'; дарун-акӣ/ дарун-нокӣ/ дарун-дарун хандид ^jj^k ^ j j j O J J A L ^ ^ Ö J J A L ^ J J J ' h e laughed inwardly/ to himself; поезд торафт ба туннел-и дароз даруннокй мерафт c-uij—J

о ^ j ^ L j j j j j j j ' j ^ J-JJ-J *Ц» >-LJJLJ JJ-JL» 'the

train grad- ually disappeared inside a long tunnel'; мо паснокӣ хеле масофа-ро тай карда... ^ Ij4-fll .,• л ^Jb-i. ^ 1 л ^ Lo ...ÖJ^S 'we went back/ backtracked a considerable distance...' (cf. -HOK^L-,5.4).

Periphrasis. The words for 'manner, sort, kind' that form interrogatives (2.35) also appear in manner adverbials. Thus ба тавр-и_ J j L /in a — way' provides a general matrix for nouns or adjectives to become adverbs: ба тавр-и хулоса « _ ^ } L l j > ^ 'in sum(mary), concisely' ба тавр-и умум fj о с j j U i 'in general', ба тавр-и ҳаҷвй ^ j ^ A JJ-Ц» 'humorously, satirically'. Other idioms are як навъ босавод шудам jlj_^ Ь pj д 'somehow (or other), I learned to read and write'; якзайл J_j^ и£_л (lit. 'one kind'; written in Cyrillic as one word) 'in one unchanging state', e.g.: модар-аш... карахт шуда монда, якзайл ба берун гуш меандохт J_jj«_£_i ,Ö^LO tjul CJA^S . . . ^ L JJLÖ m C J A I ^ I ^ J^jZt ^3JrH*4 ' ^ S °ther... had become paralyzed, and listened fixedly to [the noises| outside'. From it is derived the adjective якзайлй ^ I - '* < > 'one-dimensional, monotonous, uniform'. Як хел J j ^ S^ 'of one kind, homogeneous' is likewise an adjective, with a variant якхела 41 j \<* \\ it is also an indefinite adjective 'some' (see 2.36). Prepositions. With the addition of a demonstrative pronoun, many prepo-

160

CHAPTER TWO sitional phrases (2.21-22) become adverbials, e.g.: бар хилоф-и ин/ он <jT \<>^1 ctol—1 j-> 'by contrast, on the other hand', 6o вучуд-и ин/ он '<jT \ ö - J Jj—a.j Ь 'despite this, nevertheless', сарф-и/ қатъ-и назар аз ин ^ 1 j l ^JUJ» *U Q\I_S ^ - ^ 'regardless/ irrespective of this'. Others merely need to lose the izofat: бар акс о . . < г ^ 'on the contrary'. Participial phrases may also be adverbial: ба ин нигоҳ накарда &jj£J> ÖLSJI ^ Ь 'regardless of this' ('not having regarded this'). Such idioms (and most of those below) tend to function as sentence adverbs.

Other adverbial idioms involve prepositions, though they may not exist as prepositional phrases in the lexicon. A few examples: (аз) афт-аш o * " «I ( jl), аз афт-и кор: j l £ c^il j l 'from the look of it/ of the matter': аз афт-аш, пирамард нафақахур аст j l c-uiuil jj±

ААЛ\ jj^j^

u

* . ~ al ' t h e o l d man looks like/ seems to

be/ is likely a pensioner'; аз афт-и кор ӯ пагоҳ меояд j l j-iLi-A б1£-» j l jLS c^-flll 'he's probably/ it looks like he's coming tomorrow'. аз дусар ^ ^ j j j l (lit. 'from both ends') 'in any case, by any stretch; no way' (with neg. verb): аз дусар, ману шумо оқсақол барин бой намешавем ^ Ь C^J-! Jl * »•• ^ I * •* j ^ *j—^ji j \ f-ij £ICJ-AJ»< There's no way you or I will ever be as rich as the village headman*. аз ғайр-и чашмдошт-и [мо] L* си-^Ь лЛ^ j-^г. j l 'unexpectedly/ to [our] surprise' (lit. 'from other than what we foresaw'). аз нав j^i j l 'anew, again, from scratch': масҷид-ро аз нав сохтанд jjjULuu j-l j \ Ijd^Lu-e 'they rebuilt the mosque'. ба куллӣ ^ К \ and its Arabicate literary predecessor билкулл(й) ^ к <> ; \ J i J L i 'totally, completely': ба куллй зиққ шудам f ^ j j ^ K J Tm totally fed up'. бешубҳа «Ц-J-Ä ^ 'without doubt, doubtless': бешубҳа ӯ аз ӯхда-и ин кор мебарояд J^TJ-J^J-A JLS ^ 1 ij-^-x j l j l «< д j .7, ^_i 'no

doubt he will prove equal to this responsibility'. бо эҳтиёт -LLLIA.1 L» 'carefully, cautiously'; бо навбат CL^J^ L» 'in turn, by turns'; саридупо Ь j j j _ ^ 'squatting' ('on two feet'; one word in Cyrillic).

161

MORPHOLOGY: NOMINALS

Parenthetical circumstantial absolutes, familiar in English, are common in Tajik: ҷом ба каф * h< «_J ^ I a. 'glass in hand', қалам-у қоғаз дар даст O-^J j j i_tL£ j ^JLS 'pen and paper in hand'. Alternately, the locative phrase is preposed with a possessive: мард-и чапандоз, дар дасташ қамчин, ба майдон баромад и*-~ • -* j j ^ 1 4 < t jr Jj-* J_-OT^J fj\.\ j Q<J <(j i ^ ^ "5'thebuzkashi player, a horsewhip in his hand, came out into the field'.

NUMERALS 2.49

Cardinal Numbers

FIG. 2.49a

NUMBERS 0-19

0 сифр*

Ю даҳ

1 як

\

11 ёздаҳ

2 ду

X

12 дувоздаҳ

3 се

Г

13 сездаҳ*

4 чор*

f

14 чордаҳ

5 панҷ

6

15 понздаҳ 16 шонздаҳ

6 шаш* 7 ҳафт

V

17 хабдаҳ*

\v

8 ҳашт

Л

18 ҳаждаҳ*

NA

9 нӯҳ

19 нуздаҳ

* Variants: 0 нол(ь); 4 чахор jLfa. (literary, archaic); 6 шиш г. & (dialect); 13 сенздаҳ 6Jj'ij ... (colloquial, dialect); 17 ҳафдаҳ (former or competing standard); 18 ьл > & (earlier written form; pronounced /haidah/).

162 RG.

CHAPTER TWO 2.49b

NUMBERS

20 - 1000 70 ҳафтод

V«

80 ҳаштод

Л«

90 навад

V

100 сад*

\*

ЮООҳазор*

V

* Variants: 40 чиҳил J ^ (literary, archaic); 100 яксад S^J \ * ~< > ^ÜU; 1000 ЯК ҳазор JIJ-Ä •-£-» (usually in combinations). Combinations: 31 сию як L^J j L 5 _^, etc. (variant, сиву як, etc.); 101 саду як C
Numbers are construed in order from highest to lowest, with the connective enclitic-у/-ю j - 'and' after each range, e.g., 1,203,456,789: я к миллиард-у дусад-у се миллион-у чорсад-у панҷоҳ-у ш а ш ҳазору хафтсад-у ҳаштод-у нӯҳ j ü 1 - ^ 4-™ J J - ^ j ^ j J J 4 ^ ^a In Perso-Arabic texts of the earlier 20th century, bist 'twenty' is sometimes written o - u i - j ; in combinations of tens and units, j is sometimes omitted: « L ^ ^ I J .• \ # 'one * **

^

» **

„, 0

and a half, сею ним миллион (<jj_xL) оЦА- f^ J
MORPHOLOGY: NOMINALS

163

Eastern arabic numerals are written from left to right, just like the Western variety. In early Soviet Tajik texts, in the Perso-Arabic as well as the Latin alphabets, Western arabic numerals were usual. 2.50

Number Phrases (1)

The basic Numerical NP does not use the izofat structure. Numbers precede the numerand, which is normally in the singular: чор дарвеш (jLj J j j J U . 'four dervishes'. This rule applies also to the corresponding interrogative and quantifying adjectives: чанд китоб доред? -Чандин китоб i-J ~\<ь ^ л ^ - S J-JJIJ t j L l i л\-\ 'how many books do you have? —Several books' (see further 2 3 4 , 2.36). Classifiers. One of a small group of classifying nouns (also called numeratives or counters) may intervene between the number (or interrogative, etc.) and the numerand. In modern Tajik, the most usual are the (unstressed) enclitics -та/ -то b (the more vernacular ta is not usually written in Perso-Arabic): як-та зан ö j ^ «-^-e ' o n e [item] woman', сад-то курта o ^ k b л^ 'a hundred shirts', чанд-та анор? S jL.1 U УУ-S 'how many pomegranates?'. For persons, нафар j ъ'\ 'individual', and кас ^ ^ 'person' may be used: сию ҳашт нафар сайёҳ ^Г> .,i >aJi ,^iЛ й\ j J^UJ '38 tourists'. Animate numerands after a classifier may take a plural suffix: дар мактаб-и мо 122 нафар пионер-он ва пионерка-гон ҳастанд * *'"' -fr ^\KKj ' *'J ' ' J LJIJ 4"'j * * ^ ^ I—* • -• "^ * j

J

' * n °^r school

there are 122 pioneers, both boys and girls' (cf. 2.2). These classifiers formerly constituted an extensive series, some of which may still be heard in the market place and read in older texts: cap ^lu 'head', for animals: ду cap гов j l S yJ^u jj 'two cows', бех je-jj 'root', for trees: чор бех себ V_UJ ^ £-J-J J L 'four apple trees' (as distinct fromчбрта/ чор дона себ ^ j ... «cJj \ b j L 'four apples'). дона «Lilj 'grain', and адад j'x-1 'number', for smallish objects: даҳ дона бод(и)ринг диҳед j j a J ^J»jjL»
164

CHAPTER TWO

The last two shade into the category of conventional containers, weights, and measures, which employ the same grammar: ду пиёла чой j j ^ Ц . 4-1 LA-» 'two cups of tea', чору ним кило картошка ^JJ» J J L < ü L i j _ S j \ j < 'four and a half kg. of potatoes'. Note that partitive expressions, a quite different sort of numerical phrase, use a following izofat without a classifier: як-и онҳо I—pi S^ 'one of them', ду-и шумо 'two of you' (not 'the two of you' or 'you two', which is шумо ду нафар JSL^ j j I л Д), A classifier is obligatory only if the number (or the quantifier) is mentioned without the numerand, as in English T i l take three'. A number is an abstraction: one can no more say T i l take three' than one can say T i l take я'. In Tajik, the classifier becomes a kind of pronoun for the deleted referent шумо чанд (нафар) будед? -Чандин кас; ш а ш

н а ф а р jA±

<jL-ii \^Л

jj

*'»^- S J J J > J ( J - ^ > )

*'*~ I о • »

'how many were you? —Several people; six' (note that a classifier remains optional after interrogative cand). In fact, any numerand which can be interpreted as a category for the word that follows it puts that word in the singular, without izofat: хафт навъ паранда £jJ» •?_>* * bjJi^j 'seven species of bird', ce қатра хун O J - ^ ^ j - ^ <—"* 'three drops of blood'. A classifier that unifies a number of different but related objects is: (як) даста A " .,.j (^) 'a set, suit, suite, group, etc.': як даста либос ^ L J * ~< • -о «-S-J 'a suit (of clothes), outfit'; як даста созанда 6jJ»jl—ы* * " -м «-S-j 'a band (of musicians)'. More restricted is (як) ҷуфт •".»& ^ {^гд ЧЮ pair, couple': ду ҷуфт пойафзол .:. JljJl^L» 'two pairs of shoes\як ҷуфт барзагов 'a yoke of oxen'\jufi also means 'even', of numbers (рақам-и чуфт cjiua. jJa'j 'even number', рақам-и тоқ jLL ±2j 'odd number'). One item of a conventional pair (e.g., of shoes, saddlebags, gloves) is линг < '»I ('leg'): линг-аш-ро биёред b j L u I J u i ^ J j 'bring the other one' (sock, earring, etc.); a figurative idiom is линг ба линг меоянд * W ^ - < "^ ; .< '»I 'they go well together, suit each other, make a couple'.

MORPHOLOGY: NOMINALS

2.51

165

Number Phrases (2)

Numerical NPs may include demonstratives and other determiners: ҳамин панҷ кас ^ ^ g-lj ^ j л & 'these five people'; 'both' is ҳар ду j j J-Ä, likewise ҳар се нафар j i i 4_u J-Ä 'all three (persons)', etc. Numbers or classifiers that introduce a partitive may be joined to a pronominal enclitic: xap ду-яш нағз аст ^Л J-iJ» cAej-> j - * 'both of them are nice', якта-аш-ро парто U ^ l l J o i t j L i *^ 'throw one of them [away]'. The numerand may be an izofat or other kind of NP: даҳ ҷуфт мӯза-и чармин-и сиёҳ б! > ... < J - J - O ^ * J J - * <-'* ^ 6j'ten pairs of black leather boots'. These and other kinds of number phrases may be the objects of adpositions: бо ду кас шинос шудем ^j^ j j (_• ^ J - Л ^J'» ,7,'we got acquainted with two people'; овоз-и сад гурба li барин гӯшхарош буд JJ-J ^Ij-^L Juj-S <>JJ-J *~-?J-^ ^ - ^ J*J1 ' was as cacophonous as the yowling of a hundred cats'. As a direct object, the unqualified numerical NP is usually treated as Indefinite (cf. the archetype of the Indefinite NP, yak pisar% which is a number phrase; 2.7); thus it does not warrant the enclitic -ro: ce каштӣ дидам fdjj u i Л,<ч <-uu 'I saw three ships'. However, if the number phrase as object is intended as Definite (I saw the three ships), or qualified by a demonstrative or possessive pronoun or otherwise made definite (see 2.17), it will take -ro: ҳамон даҳ нафар-ро боздошт карданд j^»jj£ o j - i i l j j L I j ^JL» 6J (jLa-A 'they arrested those ten persons'. Exceptionally, the numerand may take a plural suffix when it denotes a conventionally or contextually defined group: аз ҳамин шашнафар-он фақат ба ду нафар... даст намерасонем ^ а-л j \ ^L^

J c r

A ^ OJ-UUJ ... jJJ» jj-j ia-Li (jlj-aJj^it-^'of these six (men) w e

will leave only two unharmed'. To refer to a number of conventionally related entities, a multiplicative adjective formed with the suffix -гона 4JiLS-(5.4) is occasionally used: мавсим-и чоргона o L S j L A-~JJ-O 'the four seasons' (lit., 'the fourfold season'). A prominent member of this class of -gona adjectives is that derived fi-отяк L^J: ягона «-J»H-A '(the) one, single, unique, only' (not to be confused withягoн <jt£j 'some (or other)'; see 2.36): писар-и ягона IJ '(an) only son', ирода-и ягона-и халқ jLL ^J»LSL» ÖJI j l

166

CHAPTER TWO

'the single will/ single-minded determination of the people'; like tanho 'only'

(2.47), it may precede the NP: ягона

орзу-и

ман

ö-° LSJJ J T ^ L ^ J 'my one/ only/ single desire', ягоня маслиҳате, ки 0

1

е

6а ту медиҳам f^^er- j - ^ ^ ^ " ^ " " ^ L l e ^ sole/only counsel that I give you...'. Numbers may be used abstractly, as in counting or arithmetical operations (see 2.55). In these cases they need no adjuncts of any kind: панҷ рақам-и тоқ аст tr_t —I jLL *Jäj ^Л-* 'five is an odd number'; ҳашт нависед » J - J J ' - с^Д-А 'write "eight"'. If they are specified as 'the number/ figure —', of course, the normal rules of izofat NPs apply: рақам-и ҳашт-ро нависед * j - j j r I J ^ . M . ft *Jäj 'write the number "eight"'. Telephone numbers are construed in pairs; if the number has seven digits, the first three are construed together: 345-24-01: sesad-u cil-u panj, bist-u cor nol-yak. 2.52

Ordinal Numbers

Ordinal adjectives are formed with the suffix -ум * - (-юм ^- after vowels; often -ӯм/ -йӯм in Cyrillic up until the 1980s: see 1.12): якум ~< * 'first', дуюм (earlier, дуйӯм; variants, дуйум, дуввум) ^j\ j 'second', сеюм (earlier, сейӯм; variants, сейум, севвум) \ ^ \ n, 'third', яксад-у сию нӯҳум ^ j ^^ j \ ,^<[j '139th', etc. (сиюм ^1^5-^ 'thirtieth' was earlier сийӯм in Cyrillic, and is usually written as two words in Perso-Arabic to distinguish it from j . . . 'third'). f Like regular adjectives, they follow the noun so qualified in izofat construction: синф-и сеюм A_J L* * &*<.* 'third grade'. The resulting NP is normally Definite, and may be the direct object or object of an adposition: китоб-и сеюм-ро диҳед j j AJ I J ^ J ... L J L I ^ 'give fme] the third book'; it may be made Specific by preposing the quasi-article yak. чӣ тавр аст як панҷум-ро илова кунем S^cu-^\ jjb ^ - j '< ÖJ^LC I j^aJi_» 'how about adding a fifth (one)?' (not 'one-fifth'; see Fractions, 2.53). Ordinals may be substantivized and constitute the head noun in an izofat phrase, e.g., in order to express a calendar date: якум-и май ^Io fi-j 'the first of May' (for ruz-i yakum-i may), and

MORPHOLOGY: NOMINALS

167

may be joined to a pronominal enclitic in a partitive phrase: чорумаш-ро надидам /*J-»JJ> I J . £ - O J U > 'I didn't see the fourth one (of them)'; дуюм-ашон расид л j ,,.j <jl Л o j j j 'the second one has arrived' (singular enclitic for things, plural for people; 2.30 (2)). Initial and cumulative ordinals. There is another series of ordinal adjectives, corresponding formally and semantically to the superlative, formed by the further addition of-ин ^ - to the ordinal: якум-ин/ аввал-ин ^-J j \ \ j j ^j дуюм-ин <>j_a-jj4 etc. (with the same variants as noted for the first series). This form typically denotes a prominent instance in a series, such as the first occasion, or the latest as a cumulation, e.g., an anniversary: cf. бор-и чорум j L c ^jLa. 'the fourth time', but аввалин бор J L J U-JJJI the first time' (2.51), бисту панҷумин солгардонй ü j * ? \\ j .-•••• :* ^Ij^fLlL*, '25th anniversary/ birthday'. The qualifier may either precede the head noun (without izofat) or follow it (with izofat): ин-ро аз аввалин устод-и худам дорам f j l j f Jj-i> al " ml t>fJjl jl bc>e'*' have this from my first teacher'; вазифа-и аввалин-и мо инаст, ки... *< ä _ j J i j ,1 J ^ I LO iy^j I' our first duty is to...'. In second position (frequently a semantically marked ordinal such as 'first'; see next), it may not differ in connotation from the unmarked form with -ум f_: ӯ савол-и аввалин-аш-ро бо оҳанг-и ҷиддӣ... такрор кардааст j\J^ • ч^^-е- ^иЛ L IJQH'I j l j l Jlj—*» j l i*~\ о а ^ 'he repeated his first question in a serious tone'. The form in -ин ^ - does not admit of adverbial use. 'First'. In addition to якум *<> i the Arabic loanword аввал J j l is used (though less than in SP): боб-и аввал-и роман J j l ^L» {j-&\ j'the first chapter of the novel'. It is also a noun meaning 'beginning': аз аввал-и сол JL^u J j l j \ 'from the beginning of the year' (not necessarily 'the first (day)'). In an adverbial phrase, it may employ the plural suffix to express approximation: аз аввал-ҳо-и аср-и XX X • j .^f <^Ц13\ j \ 'from the early (part of the) 20th century', or the'more literary Arabic plural: дар авоил J_Jjl j j 'in the beginning'. Rhetorical 'first of all, to begin' is даставвал J j l .-.^i (a mute izofat). An infrequent literary term for 'first' is нахуст/ нахустин

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'Last'. The last in a series is охир/ охирин ^j^-^T \j-^T, which in most uses follows the pattern of avval: охир-и кор jLS j ^ T 'the end of the job'; дар рӯз-ҳо-и охир ^-^Т L A J J J j J 'in/during the last [few] days'; охирин бор/ бор-и охирин \ j b ^j-^LT ^ ^ _ Ä . T j L 'the last time', сухан-и охирин ^j-a.T ^ Ч ... 'last words'. (For idiomatic adverbial use of oxir9 see 4.10.) Adverbs. The first three numbers have regular ordinal adverbials. The ordinal adjectives alone may be used: аввал J j l 'first(ly)' (but not yakurri), дуюм ^ - J J J 'second(ly)': аввал —хеш, дуввум —дарвеш ,J^jjAf j j < o t. j A - J j l 'first, one's own, second, the poor' (prov.; i.e., 'charity begins at home'); сеюм - j 'third(ly)'. The adverbial forms аввалан Vjl 'firstly, first of all' and сониян LJ»li 'secondly' are also used. Interrogative ordinals. The corresponding interrogative adjectives to these ordinals are чандум (earlier variant, чандӯм)/ чандумин (чандӯмин) f^-i^A'i^ X^J-Ц.'which (in order)?': қабат-и чандум? S f t'«^ ,z.t% "a 'which floor?' (of a building); ту дар синф-и чандум мехони? SLrilJ_A(^_Ä f ^ ^ ' * ' " " ^ ^ *which grade (at school) are you in?'. Pronouns. An ordinal pronoun, 'the first (one), second (one), etc' adds the suffix -й ^ - (5.2) to the basic ordinal: ман аввалй будам, шумо охирӣ ^ j - ä J I n m «^Jj-j f^i j l o-o 'I was (the) first, you were (the) last' (in line, series, ranked order, etc.). With siblings, it may be added to the adjectives of relative age: хурд-ӣ ^ J jj-L 'the younger/ youngest (one)', калонӣ ^ Ы - S 'the older/ oldest (one)'. 2.53

Numerical Expressions

The following methods of numerical organization are expressed morphologically and/ or syntactically in Tajik. Distributive adverbials may be formed in several ways. (1) By simple reduplication of the number, with or without the enclitic classifier-та/ -то Ь - : чор чордароед J j »Tjj J L J L 'come in four at a time, in fours'; дуга дута парвоз мекарданд b j J 'they flew off two by two, in pairs'.

MORPHOLOGY: NOMINALS

169

(2) By suffixing (stressed) -гӣ ^ - to (one instance of) the numberclassifier combination: шаш-та-гӣ/ шаш-то-гй ^ ^ 1 " — -*, etc., 'by sixes, six at a time'. This device may also be used for quantities by unit of measure (the unit replaces the classifier): се кило-гй тақсим кунед -*y*< f jm«" ^ J I J ^ ^ L ^ J 'share fit] out 3 kg. at a time/ in three-kilo lots'. (3) A variant of-гӣ ^ - , especially after nafar or other nouns, is -ӣ ^-: якто-ӣ ^ 1 -^j 'singly, one at a time'; мо шаш-нафар-й волей-болбозй мекунем ^ j ' ^ ^ c s j b J L L - J I J ^ j J L u i - ä Lo 'we play volleyball six a side/ six-a-side volleyball'. (4) With named or pronominal recipients, the possessive izofat may be used: ана чор-та-и Алиҷон <jl • % Л г ^ b j U . <J»I 'here's (the) four for Alijon', даҳ-и ман-у даҳи ту j-3 ÖJ j ^ 6J 'ten for you and ten for me'. (5) In the explicit context of a purchase, the noun байъ J_AI> 'bargain, deal' is added to form an adverbial compound, килобайъ f j * j l j < : шумо килобайъ мехаред, ё халта-ш-катй? * * — S^^^^Lh-tK L л-ij^^^a g--Aljlj<; 'will you buy it by the kilo or in ['with'] the bag?'. Cooperative adverbials are formed by adding -a 4-- to the numberclassifier combination (usually either kas or nafar\ for rational beings): мо ду-кас-а кор мекунем p j r t j л jL£ A M.^JJ LO 'we work in pairs/ twos'. Similar variable compounds may be expressed with the suffix -й (j-: [чор]-кас-й ^,,. ^ [ j L ] 'in [four]s, as a [four]some, quarter'. Added to these and other nouns, suffix -a also generates adjectives (and a few nouns) denoting multiple components or functions, duration, etc.: купе-и дукас-а < ..> ^jj ^ j - ^ 'two-seater sports саг',таътил-и се-моҳ-а <-AL>
170

CHAPTER TWO

noun denoting one of a pair of women friends); иттифоқ-и сегона J I J ^ 'level, equal, on a par' to the numeral (cf. 2.24): қувва-и шуришгарон 5-6 баробар афзуд i j

I

jjj el J-JI^>-J o t , Д ^l.» ( j l j ^ M»jj ^ 'the rebels' strength has increased five or six times, the rebels have become five or six times as powerful'; similar is the idiom як бар чанд зиёд шуд j - £ j L j Ух-* j-j t£Li 'it increased several times over' ('one upon several'). Frequency. The nouns бор jL, дафъа «L-A-AJ, карат/ карра \CJJS tjJZ, маротиба (мартаба) (4 J"J—*) < ; " l j - * all mean 'time, occasion' (the variants are more literary): се бор омад jL» Ä 'a thousand times better1 (see also 2.55, under Arithmetic). With the addition of the cooperative (etc.) suffix -a (see above), du bor 'twice* changes in meaning: дубора 6 JLJ^J, дуюмбора 6 JL^J^J'again, once again/ more'. Сафар j ^ -- ('journey, trip') is also used for 'time', but not generally with numbers: ин сафар ман хдм савор шавам j>J ^j-.ii jl>-^ f-A u-* У* '" this time, let me ride too'. Age. Шумо чанд сол доред? -Бист сол (дорам) JL^u л\-± 1 - *• (f J^) J l — «="" j r - ^ J ^ how old are you?—Twenty'; also, ман дарун-и бист ҳастам ^ ^-Ä <^и* ^ CJJJ* U-° *I a m twenty' (lit. 'inside twenty'): ҳозир ман ба як кам ей дараомадам ^j—oTjj Lf^ ^S ^i-» >! ^ *I am one year shy of thirty' (cf. Time of Day, 2.54); in Northern dialect, руй-и чил-у чор-ба шудем A_JJ i 4-JJL^ J J - ^ C ^ J J 4 I am/ have

MORPHOLOGY: NOMINALS

171

reached forty-four' (using a circumposition; 2.25). Speaking of a third party, one may use the adjective form with -а: писар-и шаш-сола 4JI mm .* j - » 'six-year-old boy'. Adding to this the Quality noun suffix -gl (5.2) helps to produce the common adverbial phrase дар -солагй ^^SJI •..- j j 'at the age of; aged —': ӯ дар шонздаҳсолаги-аш аввалин роман-и худ-ро навиштааст I jjj-^ O ^ J <>f-G' u t . j* 6j \\j r>V> 'about ten parasangs'. For expressions of time, indefinite quantifiers may also be used: як бист рӯз пеш o*- j * JJJ i^jL^u J-J i j 'some twenty days before; about twenty days ago';nroH се соат мунтазир будем ^jjj-j j ^ " ' ^ CUÄLUU «L-bu jjLSL 'we were waiting (for) some two hours/ about two hours'. For 'about one', yagon is enough: аз бозор ягон кило анор харида биёр j L I j i - i £ ^ L I J j l j L j l J L J b±>jL 'get ('buy-and-bring') about one kg. of pomegranates from the market' (foryagon 'some', see also 2.36). 2.54

Days, Dates, Time

Tajik Persian is heir to a long intellectual tradition, situated at a crossroads of cultural influences, and is today in a process of cultural transition. Only a brief sample can be given here of the many ways in which calendrical and other numerical systems are reflected in the grammar.

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CHAPTER TWO

Days and Dates. The names of days of the week and months of the year do not begin with a capital in Cyrillic. The names of days begin with numbers, except for Friday, and for Saturday, the base term: шанбе * ; '* -\ pronounced /Sambe/ (1.5).2The working week begins on Monday: Душанбе " у* л^'МппНау' # сешанбе <-J-LJI<_MJ 'Tuesday', чоршанбе A i-liljU.'Wednesday', панҷшанбе A *'»- - *« Thursday', ҷумъа 4 * л ^ 'Friday' (literary variant, одина <-1-JJT), шанбе л: \ л 'Saturday', якшанбе <* ; ' * A < j 'Sunday'. To ask 'what day is it?', an interrogative ordinal is used, either: имрӯз чандум аст? ScmJ f J-Ц. JJJ^\ огимрӯз чандшанбе аст? c f- Қабат-и чандум? q-?±^ •"•; « (2.50). 'On Saturday', etc., is дар (рӯз-и) шанбе Terms for adjacent days are: имрӯз jjj-*> I'today', дина, динарӯз, дирӯз 3 J J _ J J « 3 J J 4 _ 1 J J *<JLJJ 'yesterday', парер, парерӯз j j j - j j j 'the day before yesterday'; пагоҳ, фардо 'tomorrow', паспагоҳ, пасфардо ijj & —j * * ^ j jl ' 'the day after tomorrow'. As a date of the month, a day is expressed as an ordinal number in izofat with the name of the month (q.v., below). If the name of the day is stated, this does not take izofat (рӯз-и) сешанбе, чорум-и феврал J l jjl j» j L со^Дч^и (JJJ) 'Tuesday the fourth of February'. Calendars. Two civil calendars are currently in use: (1) The Iranian solar calendar, counting from the start of the Islamic Era in 622 CE. (ҳиҷри-и шамсй ... n Д ^^-aJb) and using the Arabic names of the Zodiacal signs for the corresponding months (as usual in Afghanistan); the year begins when the sun enters Aries oil or about 21 March (the holiday of Наврӯз j j j j i 'New [Year's] Day'). (2) The Gregorian calendar of the Common or Christian Era, using the Russian names of the months. Eras are designated МИЛОДЙ, баъд аз милод j^i j n j \ J-JL.» ujj$ j n 'CE, AD% or пеш аз милод 'BC(E)'.

2

The terminal e in sanbe and its compounds is a variant of the "short" vowel -a ö-, not the "long" vowel -e ^ - .

173

MORPHOLOGY: NOMINALS FIG. 2.54

MONTHS OF THE TAJIK YEAR

The first six months of the Iranian s;olar year (1st column) have 31 days, the next five have 30, and the last one (ҳут OJJ =»> 'Pisces') has 29, but 30 in every fourth year (a leap year, сол-i* vnftnra A ... i , < J l ...) Thp Ri|<:<:ian months are aligned with the Iraniani months to which their first three weeks correspond; Cyrillic letters in parentheses are longer used in Tajik (see 1.10). 1. ҳамал

JAA.

Aries

4. апрел(ь)

J-ij_»l

jjh

Taurus

5. май

сғ

л

May

3. ҷавзо

Ij^

Gemini

6. июн(ь)

^^-jl

June

4. саратон

o^j-^

Cancer

7. июл(ь)

J^l

July

5. асад

s^\

Leo

8. август

.^....<jl

August

6. сунбула А\/>.„

Virgo

9. сентябр(ь) j „у"'' •• September

7. мизон

о'3^-°

Libra

10. октябр(ь)

j ; j"
October

8. ақраб

cjjiü

Scorpio

П.ноябр(ь)

^L»

November

9. қавс

t^"^

Sagittarius

12. декабр(ь)

j;
December

2.

савр

April

10. ҷадӣ

^JA

Capricorn

1. януар(ь)

J^JLJ

January

П.далв

JJJ

Aquarius

2. феврал(ь)

Jjj_ä

February

Pisces

3. март

CL.^-O

March

12. ҳут

C^^Ä

Dates are expressed in concatenated izofat phrases as, e.g., (рӯз-и) ҳабдаҳум-и (моҳ-и) июн-и (сол-и) ҳазор-у нӯҳсад-у ҳаштод-у ҳафт-и (милоди) j J - ^ J JIJ-Ä (JL«*) ^ ^ (АЬ») j> дл j» ( j j j ) >Q ft j J L I A A '17. VI. 1987 AD'. Adjacent years are: имсол 'this year', порсол JLuujL 'last year', перорсол J L ^ J I J - J - . 'the year before last'; сол-и оянда t±*J\ J L ^ 'next year'. Time of Day. A period of 24 hours is (як) шабонарӯз (. < j) J J J O L L - Д 'a day-and-a-night'. This is divided roughly into the following periods: саҳар j ^ ... 'the small hours, predawn' (3-6 a.m.), пагоҳӣ ^ l ^ » 'early morning, the forenoon' (6-10 a.m.), рӯз, пешин Ы *• ,ц O J J ' m *dday and early afternoon' (10 a.m.~4 p.m.), бегоҳй ^^»< >; 'afternoon and early evening' (4-7 p.m.), шом ^Li 'evening' (7-10 p.m.), шаб ^Л* 'night' (10 p.m.-3 a.m.). The question соат чанд аст/ шуд? ^ J—ii\o*-uul J - Ц . CJ-CI—^ 'what time is it?' ('how much is the hour?') may be more politely

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phrased asuiyMO соат/ вақт надоред? 'do you have the time?' (lit, 'don't you...?', probably a caique on Russian usage). The 24-hour clock is in general use, counting time after and before the hour in minutes (цақиқа 4 « > aj) or fractions of an hour (чоряк L 'quarter', ним ^JJ. 'half'). Before the hour: (ҳозир) соат сездаҳ-у бист-у як дақиқа аст LL-L^J - ^ * j •-

j bjj—i-j-u dj_c(_uu (j^jaLa».) *it is (now) 1:21

p.m.', or аз сездаҳ 21 дақиқа/ бист-у як-та гузашт(ааст) jl г»

I* " • *••>^ \ г ' — **^ t*"*<j j o u u j \<JLJJBJ \Л 6jj_^-u 'it is twenty-

one minutes past one' (for -ta see 2.49); соат сездаҳ-у чоряк cu-cLu* 'a quarter past one', соат сездаҳ-у ним c u L 'half past one'. After the half-hour, the time remaining until the next hour is followed by кам f£ 'less (than), short of: (соат) ҳаждаҳ дақиқа/ ҳаждаҳ-та кам чордаҳ (шуд/ аст) 6jjU.^£ Lj 6JJ_Ä \
-> .-..I \л^1 'it is eighteen minutes till two' ftwo, less eighteen'), чоряк кам чордаҳ 6j j L JtL ti_i j L 'a quarter till two'. The 12-hour clock may also be used, with the traditional divisions of the day to specify a.m. or p.m.: соат нӯҳ-у ним пагоҳй <J» C ^ L « J ^ l ^ j ^

j9:30

a.m.'.

If clock time is in the form of an adverbial, 'at such o'clock', then the word соат CJ-CI ^ is no longer the subject of a sentence, but the head of a Specifying izofaU joined to the number by the izofat particle: самолёт paco дар соат-и понздаҳ парида рафт L ^ j d>LJI о .., Ü L J j j 'the plane took off at 3 p.m. precisely'. 2.55

Everyday Mathematics

The paralinguistic displays of numerical notation that one "reads" are to a great extent independent of language(s), and are nowadays seldom written in linguistic terms. There are nevertheless occasions when they need to be spoken and understood. Fractions are expressed by the collocation 'from three two (portions)', etc.: аз се ду (ҳисса) (< "<*> ->) j j < _ ^ j \ 'two-thirds', аз даҳ ҳдфт (ҳисса) (4—1а__=ь) c-1-fl-A 6j j \ 'seven tenths'; but if the numerator is

MORPHOLOGY: NOMINALS

175

'one' the preposition az is dropped, as well as the word hissa 'portion, part': сеяк «-SLJ«-^ 'one third', чоряк --SLJJL^ 'one quarter', панҷ як L£_J ^-1_J 'one fifth', даҳяк ^LJAJ 'one tenth, ten percent'. In Cyrillic this is usually written as one word (esp. with monosyllabic numbers). If the expression begins with an integer, this is often identified by juxtaposition of the Turkic loanword бутун o>pj-e 'whole': чор бутун-у аз чор се «_^ jU> j \ 3 оз->з-* J ^ 'four and three-quarters'. In a partitive phrase, the word қисм ^,« \ 'part' is added, followed by izofat: аз даҳ нӯҳ қисм-и ҳосил J ^ L ^ * ^ш 5 « Ü Ö J ^ I 'ninetenths of the harvest' ('from ten nine parts of...'), чоряк қисм-и талабон-и синф . Q'I.^ <jl< jl U Л... Q ^ jL^ 'a quarter of the (students of the) class'. Less formally, or as an approximation, this is omitted: дар шаш-як-и рӯй замин C^-^j (jjj * - ^ и " "• j j ' ( o v e r ) one-sixth of the earth's surface'. Percentage is expressed by postposing the word фоиз y^L.a 'gaining, profiting' after the number: бист фоиз ^La O M . J I '20%'. An earlier, informal, way is as a fraction: сад-як-и хонандагон Л j j ^ ^L 'one percent of readers'. Decimals. The decimal point is usually written as a comma (вергул J-S j j ) in Tajik: 2,251 is just over two-and-a-quarter units, not twoand-a-quarter thousand. In speech, decimals are normally construed like fractions, except that the integer, even if zero, begins the expression, and az is always retained: 0,1 нол-у аз даҳ як (ҳисса) *J jl 3 JL» (* V — ) L I J ; 2,5 дую аз даҳ панҷ g_b 6j 3I 3 j j ; 4,75 чор-у аз сад ҳафтод-у панҷ g-Ь JJLLLA j-^-a j \ 3 j L ; 3,0002 сею аз даҳ ҳазор ду J J jlj-A 6j 3lj*u^. The integer may again be specified by бутун ü ^ j - j 'whole': 27,85 бист-у ҳафт бутун-у аз сад ҳаштод-у п а н ҷ р-^л j jLLuiJb ,\i<~t j l j ^ J - J J - J
Arithmetic. The four basic operations are formally expressed by four (Arabic) action nouns joined to the second term by izofat. these are ҷамъ p - ^ 'addition', тарҳ £^-Ja 'subtraction', зарб I_JJ .;s 'multiplication', апатақсим ^j ,,. i"t 'division'. Informally, 'plus' and 'minus' are expressed by the Russian equivalents. 'Equals' is expressed by the adjective баробар J-JJ-J, in izofat with the resulting total ('[is] the equal of —'; see also 2.51, under Multiplicatives):

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2 + 4 = 6 ду ҷамъ-и чор баробар-и ш а ш ^L-o. >JIJ-» J U . ^ ~-^ j j (alternatively, плюус 'plus', without izofat. duplyus cor.'.) 10 - 3 = 7 д а ҳ тарҳ-и се баробар-и ҳафт C J - Ä J-JJ-J СШ ^ ^ L ÖJ (alternatively, минус 'minus', without fzo/af: dah minus se...). 2 x 2 = 4 ду зарб-и ду баробар-и чор jU» J-JIJ-J J J O J ^ JJ (alternatively, карат ii>^-£ 'times', without izofat: du karat du...\ cf. under Frequency, 2.51). 15 -5- 3 = 5 понздаҳ тақсим-и се баробар-и панҷ - « - * l Abjad. An old system of numerical notation uses the Arabic letters, in the ancient sequence of the Semitic alphabet, with the following values:

1 1 2v 3 j: 4 j 5 _A

6j 7j 8С 9 Ja 10

600^

60 ^

20 £ 30 J 40 Г 50 ö

70

200 j

700 j

80 vi

300 .jL

800^

90

^

400 с

900 Ji

100 j

500 д

1000^

t

The term abjad is taken from the sounds of the first four letters. In CP this system was used mostly in literary games, such as chronograms, where a memorable year would be encoded in a word or phrase the letters of which, when added together (or in other permutations), gave the matching number. Thus the date of the death of Tamerlane (Timur) is commemorated in the phrase ^ j L j - ^ i f l j j vido'-i sahryori 'farewell to royalty', i.e., year 807 of the Hijra (1404-5 CE). Nowadays it is used only as an alternative series to the arabic numerals, much as Roman numerals are used in the West in listing subheads or numbering the preliminary pages of a book. The letters are written together like words, from the higher to the lower ranges: thus £^o is 43.

CHAPTER THREE MORPHOLOGY: VERBS VERB STRUCTURE

3.1

Overview

The Tajik Persian verb system has evolved along independent lines in more complex patterns than that of Standard Persian. The traditional framework of Arabic-based Classical Persian grammar never came to grips with its newer manifestations. It was described and codified initially using the theoretical principles and terminology of Russian linguistics, somewhat different from those of the Western European and American descriptive linguists who studied Persian of Iran or Afghanistan. Persian verbs on both sides of the Oxus have proved equally subtle and resistant to a unified theory and terminology. The descriptive framework and terms used here are intended to be practical and comprehensible; where they differ significantly from those of existing Tajik grammars, this will be mentioned parenthetically. The basic forms of the Tajik verb are the same as in Standard Persian, and especially in their complete personal inflection offer striking analogies with other Indo-European verbal paradigms. However, Tajik has considerably expanded the Persian aspecto-temporal system, both in number of forms and range of functions. The system as described here comprises, in conventional parlance, two voices: Active and Passive; four moods: Indicative, Imperative, Subjunctive and Conjectural (cf. three in SP, lacking the Conjectural) and two epistemic modes or "viewpoints," which we will call "Witnessed" and "Non-Witnessed" (3.21; these are contrasted within both the Indicative and—in one tense only—the Subjunctive). These categories intersect with a total of 19 tense paradigms and 3 "quasi-tenses," i.e., non-grammaticalized future or progressive constructions (12 + 1 in SP). Each of the tenses has its parallel in the Passive.

178

CHAPTER THREE

>

> к

III!

II

i

s

!

8

i

-a

•8

1

oo

•8

I

I

•S3

Щ

is 2

I

ь

s

a

73

on

tu

I

si

•Й

-ъ

-

э S >

II

MORPHOLOGY: VERBS

179

The tense paradigms are presented and discussed in Sections 3.9-33, in approximate order of morphological complexity. Fig. 3.1 lists them under the 3sg. form (2sg. and pi. for the Imperative) of the verb кардан/ кун- -_ik \,jjj£ 'to do, make', in a display illustrating time reference as against mood (mode) and aspect. The number after each tense indicates the section of Chapter 3 under which it is described, with its standard designation and full paradigm in Cyrillic and Perso-Arabic; thus the Simple Past tense, кард[-ам] [ f ] j j £ , may be found at 3.12. The Passive voice tenses, not displayed here, are listed in 3.34; non-finite forms (infinitives and participles) are discussed under 3.37-46. Tajik verb forms in brackets in Fig. 3.1 are "quasi-tenses," i.e., constructions in which the auxiliary has not been grammaticalized into a fixed form in a compound tense (as has xoh- in the Definite Future, or istoda in the progressive tenses), but varies independently in tense, mood, etc. The groups of rows under the rubric "Mood," separated in the case of Indicative-Subjunctive-Conjectural by double lines, are not uniformly watertight compartments. The Imperative mood, conceptually and structurally affiliated with the Subjunctive, comprises a single, reduced paradigm, and is shown separated from the Subjunctive compartment by a single line. Similarly, a single line separates the Witnessed, or unmarked, viewpoint of the Indicative or common mood from the Non-Witnessed viewpoint (see 3.21-24). Here the Perfect tense form карда-аст •-• •' *3j-£ bleeds across the viewpoint boundary, since it functions both in the Resultative aspect of the unmarked Indicative ('has done'; 3.15) and as the Non-Witnessed counterpart of the Past Perfective ('[reportedly] did'; 3.21). The second occurrence of this bifunctional tense, below the broken modal boundary, is indicated by ditto marks; the parenthetical buda-ast in the adjacent Present time column indicates that the verb 'to be' in this form and function refers to present, not past, time ('[reportedly] is'). The same holds true of the corresponding tense of the Conjectural mood, буда-ги-ст .-• ...I ^ J J - J 'probably is/ must be' (3.31; the verb доштан jjJL-^iL'to have' likewise gives a present meaning in these tenses, though it does not occur as frequently as budan). Another tense form with three sufficiently separate functions (tern-

180

CHAPTER THREE

poral and aspectual) is the Present Indicative мекунад j i l ^ , on the first and second lines ('does'; 3.10). It also serves—like its English counterpart—as the habitual-iterative present (ditto marks) and also the general Future (the = sign under "Near Future"). A second case of cross-modal bleeding is that of the Non-Witnessed durative (imperfective aspect) ме-карда-аст ^ . м>1 ÖJ^S ^ '[reportedly] has been/ is/ will be doing'; 3.22), which has a corresponding Subjunctive тме-карда бошад J—Д1_» &JJ_£ ^^ (3.27). These two forms appear to be indifferent to tense, and are graphically represented as stretching across the three central, adjacent time columns, with the same aspectual value, and the second of them sharing both NonWitnessed and Subjunctive modalities. The three quasi-tenses represented in Fig. 3.1 (they are not the only ones available) all designate an action conceived, beginning, or already afoot, in present time, and continuing into the immediate future. This is clear in the case of the quasi-progressive (3.20), e.g., ош гарм ме-истад у л ...jl ^ ^j_S <_£! 'the food is heating up' (Indicative), ош гарм истад j " ... *> * j ^ ^ Т 'let the food heat up' (Subjunctive). The Imperative, e.g., ту хонда исто * " • ^ ÖJUIJ-^L J-J 'you go on reading', may refer to an action already occurring (Present time column), unlike the normal "punctual"- imperative (кип/ kuned), where the action commanded may only begin after the moment of speech (Near Future column). The quasi-future tense, using the Future Participle (карданӣ аст ci ml ^ ' « j < 'is going to do, supposed to do', 3.42), usually ex-presses an intention to act or a future act already determined; the Present future mekunad has only a formal connection with future time, and the Definite future хоҳад кард jj-S J - A I J ^ (3.14) ideally has no connection with the present. There are other asymmetries, such as the use of the imperfect past tense mekard as a (counterfactual) Conditional, and a preference in some tenses for certain verbs or persons over others, which cannot be represented here but will emerge from the illustrations and discussion of particular paradigms. Non-finite forms. Among a dozen verbal nouns and adjectives, there are two Infinitives, an active/ Present Participle, a Future Participle, a Present-Future Participle, and two passive/ Past Participles, each with

MORPHOLOGY: VERBS

181

a Progressive form (cf. two infinitives and three comparable participles in SP; see Fig. 3.40). Of these, all except the Present Participle participate in the construction of compound tenses. One of the past participles (strictly speaking, a gerund with the same form) participates in the construction of Conjunct (or serial) verbs, which are inseparable Aktionsart forms, i.e., verb-adverb composites (5.20-21). These are appropriately described, like the Complex and Composite verbs, under the lexicon (Chapter 5); indeed, the interaction of gerunds, participles and auxiliaries makes it advisable for any reader wishing to gain a fully synoptic view of the Tajik verb system to study Sections 5.13-21 in conjunction with Chapter 3. Stress (see also 1.6). Stress (properly, accent) is a combination of expiratory force and higher pitch, a full discussion of which is beyond the scope of this ready-reference work. In non-finite forms (participles and infinitives) it follows the rule for nominals, i.e., primary stress falls on the final syllable; this usually holds also when such a form is included in a finite composite: xaridd bud-am 'I had bought' (except in the Definite Future, where stress may fall on the personal ending of the auxiliary: xoham xarid). Of the tense formatives, the personal endings (3.4) are enclitics, not subject to stress, whereas the prefixes (3.5) are stressed. Prefix stress has priority, and in a form with more than one prefix, the stress moves recessively to the head of the verb: тё-xarid-am 'I would buy', nä-me-xarid-am-as 'I would not have bought it'. In polysyllabic steminitial forms, stress usually falls on the first syllable: xdrid-am 'I bought', pdrto 'throw!'. In Complex and Composite verbs, stress falls on the preverb or other non-verbal component: bdr-gardem 'let's go back', pur nakardand*they didn't fill [it]'. A consistent exception is that stress (high pitch) falls on the syllable before the Interrogative enclitic -мӣ ^^- (4.8), even when this is a personal ending: navisted-mil 'have you written [it]?'. There are many cases where sentence intonation interacts with the word-specific rules sketched here, or where, say, a negative prefix may be old information, or a bi- imperative prefix be part of a cliche (e.g., 3.29), and the normal rules are overridden. Particular points of intonation and orthography will be noted under individ-ual conjugations.

182

3.2

CHAPTER THREE

Stem Classes (1)

Every Tajik verb has two stems: Stem I (traditionally called the "present stem," from which are formed present tenses, and present and active participles) and Stem II (the "past stem," from which are formed past tenses, past and passive participles, and infinitives). Stem II always ends in a dental, -t or -d. On this are formed: (1) Two infinitives: the "long infinitive" (here, usually designated the Infinitive), by addition of-an: гирифт-ан <2н-*,>^ 'to take, (the) taking', шуд-ан ^±-& 'to become, (the) becoming' (primarily an action noun, which functions mainly as a nominal); and the "short infinitive," identical with Stem II itself (of limited application in the verbal system; for both infinitives, see 3.37) (2) Two past (active or passive) participles: Past Participle I by suffixation of-а «--: гирифта <-^i>S '(having [been]) taken', шуда ÖXJU '(having) become'. From this is derived Past Participle II, by addition of -гй ^ - t o the base, as гирифтагӣ ^^л^ шудагӣ ^Хл (see ЗЛЗ^Щ. Stem II can always be derived from the infinitive by deleting the final syllable -an. Verbs are divided morphologically into two form classes: Regular, in which Stem I is derived from Stem II by deletion of the final dental and sometimes the segment before it; and Irregular, in which the form of one stem is not infallibly predictable from that of the other. We may distinguish three categories of Regular verbs: (1) Stem II in -nd- > Stem I in -n-\ e.g., kand-an 'to dig; strip off, etc' > II kand- > I кап-; mondän 'to stay; put' > II mond- > I mon-. There are relatively few primitive verbs on this pattern, but it accounts for (optionally) all the denominal and Causative verbs (5.13-15; and see under (2) below), e.g., хобондан ^ J ^ L I J J . 'to lay down, put to bed': Stem I хобон- --JiLI^. (2) Stem II polysyllabic, in -Bid- > Stem I in -В: "В" stands for whatever consonant or vowel precedes the terminal segment -id(an) of the past stem/ infinitive: e.g., талабидан j , \ j /\ U 'to demand' talabid-an> II talabid- > I talab- ; расидан ^л j ...j 'to arrive' rasid-an > II rasid- > I ras-. This pattern accounts for the bulk of simplex verbs, including the denominals (5.13) and (optionally)

MORPHOLOGY: VERBS

183

all the derived Causative verbs (5.14). This claim does not contradict that made under (1), since Causatives are formed on Stem I with either -on-dan or -on-idan\ e.g., мукофотонидан ^^i-^LiLiLSLa 4o requite, reward': Stem Iмукофотон- -_^ЫЬКл. Stated in this way, to apply only to verbs with more than one syllable in Stem II, this rule admits of no exceptions. The category includes all the regular variants of irregular verbs listed in Figs. 3.3a-c, except чиндан/ чин- - *»j;>\ рл\ \>\ 'to pick; arrange' (because it is stem-monosyllabic; in any case, it falls under category 1). (3) Stem II in -onist- > Stem I in -on-, only three common verbs: тавонистан /тавон- --if>j VlA' .J \ Ij^ tavonist-an 'to be able' > II tavonist- > I tavon-\ on the same pattern, донистан/дон-Jilj \ ^ ~ ...\ivtn know', монистан /мон- - J L \^~i t l . < L 'to resemble'. (Note that monistan and mondän 'to stay; put, let' in Category 1 coincidentally have identical Present Stems.) It follows that Stem II (and hence the Infinitive) of a regular verb may be deduced from Stem I if the verb is known to be regular; if not, there is no way of knowing, e.g., that Stem I zan- is from zadan 'to strike', or that band- is from bastan 4to tie, close'. A number of irregular verbs in fact have an alternative regular Stem II, backformed from Stem I; these are noted in Figs. 3.3a-c.

3.3

Stem Classes (2)

Irregular verbs are those in which Stem I is not reliably predictable from Stem II, or vice versa. Within this class, Stem II may end in -od-, -ud, -id-, -ad-, -ist-, -rd-, -ft-, -st-, -xt-, or -st-. The corresponding Stem I may exhibit one of several recurring patterns, or none; hence the irregular verbs are listed completely in Fig. 3.3a-c below. Here some of the sound patterns perceptible in stem correspondence are summarized, with examples, in the order: Stem II/ Stem I. It will be seen that the patterns are of two kinds: consonantal and vocalic, often in combination; and that they are easily learned (and too easily over-generalized).

184

CHAPTER THREE -ud-l -o< осудан/ осо(й)- -(-i)L-^uT \ ^ j j ,^T 'to rest'; but gunudanl gunav- 'to snooze, nap', budanl bos- 'to be, stay'. -id-l -in:-: чидан/ чин- - \j-y \^,\ х-у 'to pick; arrange'; but sunidanl sunav- 'to hear', didanl bin- (see below). -od-l -ih-\ додан/ диҳ- - _ Ä J \ ö ^ b 'to give'; but istodanl ist'to stop, stand', aftodanl aft- 'to fall, drop'. -rd-l -г-: бурдан/ бар- -j_i VjJj-e 'to bear'; but murdanl mirormur- 'to die', supurdanlsupor- 'to entrust'. -ft~l -h-: ёфтан/ ёб- - J L V H - Ь Ь 'to find, receive'; but raftanl rav- 'to go', rufianl rub- 'to sweep', gufian/ gu- 'to speak'. -st-l -h-: костан/ коҳ- --&[£ \^~ •!< 'to decrease'; butw/Äw1?aw/ п ш - 'to sit', zistanlzi- 'to live', -jtf-/ -z-: рехтан/ р е з — J _ J J \ ü "* ^ j j 'to spill; pour'; but foruxt- an/ form- 'to sell', sinoxtanl sinos- 'to know, recognize'. -St-I -r-\ гумоштан/ гумор—jl л К \^"\ MIL.O ^ 'to appoint'; but gastanl gard- 'to turn, become'.

One verb employs two unrelated stems: дидан/ бин- - \\\ \ o ^ J 'to see'. There are a few pairs of verbs with both irregular and regularized Stem II forms, as хуфтан/ хоб- - - J I J ^ \0-^ » ^ a n d хобидан ^л-^-»1^Чо sleep, lie down' (the regular infinitive is formed by adding -idan to Stem I); in some cases, as in this, the irregular form is the more literary. A number of verbs have composite synonyms, made from a verbal noun based on Stem I plus an auxiliary verb, e.g., гиристан/ гиря--ijJL \tj" •- *j ^ and гиря кардан Ö J J - ^ *4e>-^ to weep' (for this Present stem see 3.9. Note that the auxiliary kardan is irregular); such composites are usually more common in speech and everyday usage than the simplex verbs. The terms "Regular" and "Irregular" refer only to stem relationships; except for the verb 'to be' (3.6-7), all conjugations and other verb forms are regularly derived from the stems. Any contextual and orthographic peculiarities are mentioned under Personal Inflections (3.4) and the various conjugations (3.8-33). Most of these minor adjustments

MORPHOLOGY: VERBS

185

involve Stems I of Irregular verbs which end in a vowel, followed by the (usually) optional semi-vowel /y/ (see 1.8, 1.11, 1.12, and Figs. 3.3); they are exemplified below by Present tense paradigms of the verbs guftan/ gu(y)- 'to say' (Fig. 3.4) and omadanl o(y)- 'to come' (Fig. 3.10b). The Irregular verbs are listed completely in Fig. 3.3a-c, in the conventional form: Infinitive/ Stem I, and Stem I/ Infinitive, as follows: Fig. 3.3a Infinitive [Stem II] -> Stem I, Cyrillic (alphabetical order) and Perso-Arabic (approximately alphabetical), with glosses; pp. 186-89. Fig. 3.3b: Stem I -» infinitive [Stem II], Cyrillic; pp. 190-91. Fig. 3.3c: Stem I -> infinitive [Stem II], Perso-Arabic; pp. 192-93. By means of the three lists, either stem may be looked up in either of the scripts. (The base count of 120 verbs varies slightly in the three lists because of variant stem forms and the features of the writing systems.) Common regularized forms of the Infinitive/ Stem II are noted in Figs. 3.3b and 3.3c. Complex verbs, consisting of a preverb and a simple verb (see 3.10, 5.16-17), are indented in the tables (only in Cyrillic in Fig. 33a).

186 FIG. 3.3a

CHAPTER THREE IRREGULAR VERB STEMS: INFINITIVE —> STEM I (PRESENT STEM)

Infinitves are listed in order of the Tajik Cyrillic alphabet. Common complex verbs (simple verbs with preverbs, normally written in Cyrillic as one word: see 5.15-16) are indented. Regular synonyms with the same Stem I (=) are not listed; irregular variants with the same Stem I (cf.) are listed alphabetically.

stir, arouse, excite, urge -jj<*J ангехтан/ ангезангоштан/ ангорconsider, think -jl^>l андохтан/ андозthrow, cast -JIJ-II афзудан/ афзо(й)add, increase (-e)lj-* афрохтан/ афрозraise - \ I *± афроштан/ афрозraise афрӯхтан/ афрӯзkindle, inflame афтодан/ афтfall (= aftidan) press, squeeze j I hi a I \ jjj^i-al афшурдан/ афшорбарангехтан/ барангез- urge, incite -jj<'J барафроштан/ барафрозhoist барафрӯхтан/ барафрӯзinflame баргаштан/ баргардturn back, return бардоштан/ бардорpick up, remove roll up, tuck up барзадан/ барзанbring out, produce баровардан/ барорбаромадан/ баро(й)- come out, emerge stand up, rise бархостан/ бархез_ • ч» close, tie бастан/ бандsieve бехтан/ безgo back, return бозгаштан/ бозгардrepeat бозгуфтан/ бозгӯ(й)detain, restrain — j 1J j LJ боздоштан/ боздор"' J lose, forfeit бохтан/ бозbe будан/ бошc

бурдан/ барbear, carry; win водоштан/ водор- compel, constrain, cause гаштан/ гардturn; stroll; become (= gardidan) гиристан/ гиря- * weep, cry * гирифтан/ гирtake, seize, get

\

"

187

MORPHOLOGY: VERBS FIG. 3.3a

IRREGULAR VERB STEMS: INFINITIVE—» STEM I

melt (tr.) гудохтан/ гудозpass, cross гузаштан/ гузарpass (tr.), let гузо1птан/ гузоргумоштан/ гуморappoint, commission flee, escape, avoid гурехтан/ гурезгусехтан/ гуселbreak off, detach гусистан/ гуселbreak off, detach гуфтан/ гу(й)say ғундоштан/ ғундорgather (tr.) ғунудан/ ғанавsnooze, nap даргиригтан/ даргирcatch fire дар(ь)ёфтан/ дар(ь)ёб discover, realize даровардан/ дарорbring in, introduce даромадан/ даро(й)come in, enter дидан/ бинsee give додан/ диҳ-, деҳ- * have, hold доштан/ дорsew дӯхтан/ дӯзfind, receive ёфтан/ ёбhit, strike задан/ занlive зистан/ зи(й)- * clean, scrub, polish зудудан/ зудо(й)stand, stop истодан/ истdo, make кардан/ кунsow, plant (cf. kostari) киштан /корdecrease, diminish костан/ коҳdig кофтан/ коб-, ковsow, plant (cf. kestari) коштан/ корopen, untie кушодан/ кушо(й)beat, thresh; mince (= kubidan) кӯфтан/ кубмурдан/ мур-, мирdie write навиштан/ нависplay (mus. instrument) навохтан/ навозappear, seem намудан/ намо(й)-

(CONTINUED)

* -_ÄJ

"•-^ J

*~

-.

\jjjlj

VJJ

j

188 FIG. 3.3a

CHAPTER THREE IRREGULAR VERB STEMS: INFINITIVE -> STEM I (CONTINUED)

нигаристан/ нигарlook, watch нигоштан/ нигорdepict, paint нишастан/ нишинsit (down), settle ниҳодан/ ниҳ-, неҳ- * put, place овардан/ овар-, орbring овехтан/ овезhang (up) озмӯдан/ озмо(й)test, try озурдан/ озорoffend, injure олудан/ оло(й)stain, soil, pollute омадан/ о(й)come омехтан/ омезmix, mingle омӯхтан/ омӯзlearn, teach оростан/ оройadorn, embellish осудан/ осо(й)rest офаридан/ офаринcreate ошуфтан/ ошӯбbe disturbed, alarmed пазируфтан/ пазирaccept, receive пайвастан/ пайвандjoin, limk, connect паймудан/ паймо(й)measure, traverse пардохтан/ пардозpay партофтан/ партобthrow (away) пиндоштан/ пиндорthink, suppose пухтан/ пазboil, cook; ripen рабудан/ рабоsnatch (away), steal рафтан/ равgo рехтан/ резspill; pour рӯфтан/ рӯбsweep сохтан/ созmake, build судан/ со(й)rub, wring -| супурдан/ супорentrust, deliver (=suporidan) -^ сурудан/ сароsing сутудан/ сито(й)praise -(_J суфтан/ сунбpolish; drill, bore сӯхтан/ сузburn (intr.) -

189

MORPHOLOGY: VERBS FIG. 3.3a.

IRREGULAR VERB STEMS: INFINITIVE —> STEM I (CONCLUDED)

тофтан/ тобтофтан/ тобтохтан/ тозфармудан/ фармо(й)-

shine twist, screw run, gallop, charge order

фаромадан descend, alight (cf. furomadari) -I jl \ £ фарсудан/ фарсо(й)wear out (tr., intr.) -(_»)Lojj-fl \ £ фирефтан/ фиребdeceive, trick, seduce -_L_Jj-a фиристодан/ фиристsend -Л фуромадан/ фуро(й)фурӯхтан/ фурӯш-

descend, alight sell

-( -_

rise, stand up wish, want, ask for sleep, lie down (= xobidan) pick, pluck; arrange (= cindari) jump, leap seek, search ҷустан/ ҷӯ(й)break шикастан/ шиканшинохтан/ шиносknow, recognize hurry, hasten шитофтан/ шитобsit (down) шиштан/ шин-

хестан/ хезхостан/ хоҳхуфтан/ хобчидан/ чинҷастан/ ҷаҳ-

шудан/ шавшумурдан/ шуморшунидан/ шунавшустан/ шӯ(й)-

become, happen count, reckon hear wash

—-4^. Xtj^nti^

/

Orthographic peculiarities of these verbs are described in 3.9.

\ л г. \ . -

л

190 RG. 3.3b

CHAPTER THREE IRREGULAR VERBS: STEM I (PRESENT) -» INFINITIVE: CYRILLIC

Complex verbs are indented. For meanings, see Fig. 3.3a. ангез- /ангехтан ангор- /ангоштан андоз- /андохтан афзо(й)- /афзудан афроз- /афрохтан; афроштан афрӯз- /афрӯхтан афт-/афтодан; афтидан афшор- /афшурдан банд- /бастан бар-/бурдан барангез- /-ангехтан барафроз- /-афроштан барафрӯз- /-афрӯхтан баргард- /-баргаштан бардор- /-бардоштан барзан- /-барзадан баро(й)- /баромадан барор- /баровардан бархез- /бархостан без- /бехтан бин-/дидан боз- /бохтан бозгард- /бозгаштан бозгӯ(й)- /бозгуфтан боздор- /боздоштан бош- /будан водор- /водоштан гард- /гаштан; гардидан гиря- /гиристан * гир- /гирифтан гудоз- /гудохтан гузар- /гузаштан гузор- /гузоштан гумор- /гумоштан

гурез- /гурехтан гусел- /гусехтан; гусастан гу(й)- /гуфтан ғанав- /ғунудан ғундор- /ғундоштан даргир- /даргирифтан дар(ь)ёб- /дар(ь)ёфтан даро(й)- /даромадан дарор- /даровардан деҳ /додан * диҳ- /додан * дор- /доштан дуз- /духтан ёб- /ёфтан зан- /задан зи(й)- /зистан * зудо(й)- /зудудан ист- /истодан коб- /кофтан ков- /кофтан кор-/коштан; киштан коҳ- /костан кун- /кардан кушо(й)- /кушодан кӯб- /кӯфтан; кӯбидан мир- /мурдан мур- /мурдан навис- /навиштан навоз- /навохтан намо(й)- /намудан неҳ /ниҳодан * нигар- /нигаристан нигор- /нигоштан нишин- /нишастан

MORPHOLOGY: VERBS FIG. 3.3b

191

STEM I (PRESENT STEM) -> INFINITIVE: CYRILLIC (CONCLUDED)

ниҳ- /ниҳодан * о(й)- /омадан овез- /овехтан озмо(й)- /озмӯдан озор- /озурдан оло(й)- /олудан омез- /омехтан омӯз- /омӯхтан ор- /оварданорой- /оростан осо(й)- /осудан офарин- /офаридан ошӯб- /ошуфтан паз- /пухтан пазир- /пазируфтан пайванд- /пайвастан паймо(й)- /паймудан пардоз- /пардохтан партоб- /партофтан пиндор- /пивдоштан рабо-/рабудан рав- /рафтан рез- /рехтан рӯб- /рӯфтан capo- /сурудан сито(й)- /сутудан со(й)- /судан соз - /сохтан

сунб- /суфтан супор-/супурдан; супоридан сӯз- /сӯхтан тоб- /тофтан тоз- /тохтан фармо(й)/фармудан фаро(и)- /фаромадан фарсо(й)- /фарсудан фиреб- /фирефтан фирист- /фиристодан фуро(й)- /фуромадан фурӯш- /фурӯхтан хез- /хестан хоб- /хуфтан; хобидан хоҳ- /хостан чин- /чидан; чиндан ҷаҳ- /ҷастан ҷӯ(й)- /ҷустан шав- /шудан шикан- /шикастан шин- /шиштан шинос- /шинохтан шитоб- /шитофтан шумор- /шумурдан шунав- /шунидан шӯ(й)- /шустан

* Orthographic peculiarities of these verbs are described in 3.9.

192 FIG. 3 . 3 C

CHAPTER THREE IRREGULAR VERBS: STEM I (PkEs.) -> INFINITIVE, PERSO-ARABIC

Complex verbs are indented. For meanings, see Fig. 3.3a.

MORPHOLOGY: FIG. 3 . 3 C

VERBS

193

STEM I (PRESENT) —> INFINITIVE, PERSO-ARABIC (CONCLUDED)

4j^Lfll "i MI \

* . "l «Ч^ I \ w l \

~^< "i HI

—

. ,f I \ w l

j j J-Д \ — j-£t

LJ

\ (_>^

\

J

— ^ 'J O ^

^j-üi-u-J^S \

* . *1 i^l

^ \

\

— —»ji

.I Л \

J^^^J^ X " j -

LJ**J-~ \ -JIT (_J 1 t il Ml t Ҳ— I I l l

6 ij \ -

* Orthographic peculiarities of these verbs are described in 3.9.

194

3.4

CHAPTER THREE

Personal Inflections

The person of the agent of the action denoted by a finite verb is identified unambiguously by one of six inflectional endings on Stem I or Stem II of the verb. In Fig. 3.4, full examples of the orthographic variants on a stem ending in a vowel (as of гуфтан/ гу(й)- \ j " & < - ( - J ) J - S 'to say') are given only for the Perso-Arabic forms, since the Cyrillic variants are limited to -a- (consonant stems) or -я- (vowel stems) in 1st singular and 3rd singular and plural. FIG. 3.4

VERB: PERSONAL ENDINGS

lsg. -ам/ -ям {*л-\{-

гӯям

2sg.

-й J^-.^-XurJ-jt Imperative [Stem 1+ zero] гӯ/ бигӯ 3sg. Pres. -ад/ -яд J 1 - \ J гӯяд Past [Stem 11+ zero] гуфт lpl. -ем 2pl. -ед -етон

3pl. -анд/ -янд ±±->- \ J - 1 -

гӯянд

These are all the personal endings in common use. They are unstressed, and may be subject to orthographic variants depending on the phonology of particular stems (for paradigms of Past and Present conjugations of the consonant-stem verb kardanl кип, see Fig. 3.10a and Fig. 3.12 respectively; for the Present of another vowel-final Stem I, omadanl o(y)-, see Fig. 3.10b). The endings are the same for tenses formed on Stem I (Present) as on Stem II (Past), with the sole exception of the 3rd person singular: in past tenses, this ending is zero, i.e. the finite form is the same as that of Stem II: гӯ-яд Л-JJ-S Met him say', гуфт c i ^ 'he said'. In the singular of the Imperative mood the base form ends in zero, i.e., it is identical with the bare stem; the plural adds the usual 2nd pi. ending -id (for further refinements, see 3.5, 3.7, 3.8, 3.20, 3.29).

MORPHOLOGY: VERBS

195

The orthographic variants in 1st and 3rd singular, and 3rd plural, with initial -я- - ^ - (separated by a slash /) indicate the insertion of a euphonic /y/ after a Stem I ending in a vowel (or elision with a stem-final /y/; see the examples above, and Figs. 3.6a and 3.10b). This distinction is obligatory in both scripts. The Perso-Arabic variants in 2nd singular and 1st and 2nd plural (separated by a comma) occur after stem vowels /o/ {alif L-), /u/ and /ü/ (vov j - ) , to mark the insertion of a glide before vocalic ^ and preserve its reading as a vowel (cf. Fig. 3.10a). Insertion of this buffer letter in Perso-Arabic script is obligatory, but it has one of two forms: hamza * (usual in earlier Central Asian and Indo-Persian texts) and yo ^ (usual in modern Iranian writing). The latter convention is adopted here. This variation does not affect the pronunciation, e.g., /guye/, /guyem/, /guyed/, /guyeton/ (initial stress). The /y/ sound of this glide is not as noticeable as that between the dissimilar vowels u-a or o-a\ the combination will be represented in transcription as /uye/, /uye/ or /o y e/. In colloquial and dialect pronunciation, 2nd pi. -erf may be realized as /-e/, and 3rd pi. -and as /-an/. Appropriate personal pronouns may precede the verb: ман гуфт-ам -" л < jj-л 'I said', etc. Pronominal enclitics are not used with finite verbs (though the 2nd pi. colloquial variant -eton is in origin a pronominal enclitic; see below). Since the person is identified by the verb form, it is not necessary to add personal pronouns. In the written language, once the identity of the agent is established, the verb alone suffices, unless particular emphasis or contrast (e.g., with a change of subject) requires the addition of a noun, name, or pronoun: Иброҳим ба хона даромад. (Вай) хеле монда шуда буд. Писар-аш он ҷо буд; ӯ хеста... .J>-» ÖJ ii 6j-jl

a ^ i * ^ {LSJ) •J

°f j

J

<-!»!_^ <_J *_jjblj_j!

...4 "... j A j l \jj_» La^iT Jaj-^'Ibrohim came home. [He] was very tired. His son was there; he got up and../. The use of pronouns is more common in the spoken language (and overall more frequent than in SP). The semantics of the person corresponds to that of the personal pronouns (see 2.27). In sum: 1st Person ('I, we'). Inclusive and exclusive "we" both employ 1st plural: ман-у шумо ме-дон-ем ^^\^LrA La^i j ^ 'you and I

196

CHAPTER THREE

know', ман ва/ бо онҳо ҳамроҳ омад-ем ^а—оТ b\j п л 'They and I came together' (lit. 'I and they' or 'I with them'; note that first person pronouns usually precede other persons in coordinates). 2nd Person ('you'). 2nd singular is the familiar or informal mode of address, and 2nd plural is the polite or formal mode, both singular and plural, as well as being the informal plural: (ту) ме-о-й, ука-ҷон? JjS 'you did'. It is used (colloquially) to specify plural addressees (formal or informal), as distinct from a polite plural actually designating a single person: шинетон, рафиқон <jLä_j_Äj « ^ h / i 1.7, 'sit down, friends'. This form is most commonly found in the Imperative (3.29), but may also occur in the Indicative and other moods, especially in questions: шумоён пул-и нақд на-дор-етон? J 5J> Jj_» <jLJ о «i SJJLLJ j l JJI 'Don't you people have any cash?' The 2nd person (sg. or pi., according to the stylistic register; without pronoun) may be used for the universal 'you' of proverbs or editorial comment: хоҳ ба Москва равӣ, хоҳ ба Фарғона, хона-и худ-ат 2 G L ^ «4J>Lcj_fl *ц» ölj-1 <_^JJ 6j^.n * «ц> t>\j-L OJJJ ^. 'whether you go to Moscow or to Ferghana, you'll find hospitality' (*fmy] house is yours'); шабона ин ҷо о-ед, боз зиёдтар дар ҳайрат ме-афт-ед ^HJLJJ 3 Ц ? t S ^ ^ Ч ^ е ' ^ Ц ^ л t •; «I л OJJ_L-Ä j j 'come here at night, and you will be even more amazed'. 3rd Person. Like the pronouns, the 3rd person verb may refer to male, female, or inanimate agents. The 3rd plural -and, without a pronoun, is used to denote an indefinite 'they' or 'one': оҳан-ро дар гарми-аш ме-кӯб-анд J J L J J ^ S ^ и *Л ~J < j j I JU-AT 'one strikes iron while it is hot' (prov., lit, 'they strike... in its heat'). This is much used in sentences

MORPHOLOGY: VERBS

197

where focus is on the recipient of the action rather than the agent, where English tends to use the passive voice: ӯро дар сол-и 1934 кушта-анд J J J < _ 1 A £ WTf

JLL« ^ J I J J I 'he was killed in

1934' ('they killed him...', i.e., persons unknown, or known but irrelevant); cf. 3.35). The plural -and may refer in respectful usage to a singular subject: падар-атон омаданд-мй? S ^ JJ»J-*T U I ^ J J J 'has your father come?' (for the Interrogative enclitic, see 4.8). Dialect and vernacular variants of these endings include 3sg. /-a/ and /-at/ in present tenses: merawa, merawat '(he, etc.) goes'; 2pl. /-et/ and l-d: rafiet, rafie 'you went'; 3pl. /-an/: merawan 'they go'. An apparent reflex of the (nominal) diminutive affix -ак S- (5.2) occurs in some dialect forms, e.g. 3sg. past tenses in Varzobi: in-as rafi-ak, dil-am suxt 'she left, and I was devastated' ('my heart burned'). 3.5

Prefixes

There are three current verbal prefixes (and two archaic ones), which determine the modalities of negation, imperfectivity (durative-habitualconditional), and irrealis (Subjunctive-Imperative-Optative). Prefixes carry primary stress (1.6, 3.4). на- - . ! : The negative prefix na- precedes any other prefixes: на-ме-гӯям A_»j_SLfjoJi' I won't say', на-омад O-OLJ 'she didn't come', наме-би-ёрем ^ JL-OJ^^JI 'we won't bring (it)' (for the role of Ыhere, see under (2) below). Na- may be prefixed to any tense and mood (see individual paradigms, 3.6-33), including the Passive auxiliary sudan, the Imperative, the Infinitive, and participles. It is nearly always written as part of the verb in both Cyrillic and Perso-Arabic scripts, even before the stem-initial alif of istodan: il-»...jl*. 'it did not stop' (na-istod, not *noyistod). Before a stem beginning with /o/ (o T) or /a/ (a I), na- is often buffered by /y/ in speech (as in SP), but this is not usually represented in Cyrillic, and in Perso-Arabic (with _J_) only where the minimal Stem I forms of omadan or ovardan would make for ambiguity: нао (наё) LJJI /näyo/ 'don't come!' (sg.); наоед л - ^ Ц ^ XJ-J-Л-^ /näyoyed/ (pi.); наоред ^ Ь : \ ^ j ^ 'don't bring'. Before alif

198

CHAPTER THREE

standing for a short vowel (i.e., followed by a regular consonant), it may either take the buffer у or be written separately, with terminal h: наарзанда 6jJ»jjl<J» \ÖA±JJ-I± \ 6 J J > J J L » 'worthless'; if у is supplied, the now redundant alif is dropped (cf. also наафтод ti-a/. \JLLAL» 'it did not fall'). Na may be separated from the verb to emphasize the subject: на ҳар кас медонад л^Ь ^-л ^ ^ j-д о 'not everyone knows' (see 4.2,4.12). An archaic prohibitive (i.e., negative Imperative/ optative) prefix, ма- --^о, may be found in frozen forms and occasionally in poetry: макун! I^J-S-Ö 'do (it) not!', бар магард! !jjj£-* J_» 'do not return!', мабод J L O 'may it not be'. ме- - - - \ - ^ »' Derived from Middle and Early New Persian hame(which may still be seen in poetry), this prefix has an imperfective value. When attached to Stem I, it forms the present-future indicative: мё-рав-ам ^3jLf^ 'I go, am going, will go'. Attached to Stem II, it forms the past imperfect, which functions as a narrative past and habitual past, and as the (counterfactual) Conditional tense: мё-рафт-ам ^LAJ(^M (3.13) 'I went, used to go, would go, would have gone'. It may occur in poetry with the Imperative: гӯш ме-дор jl^jue i£j£ 'Give ear!' (i.e., to a lengthy oration). It may also be prefixed to composite tenses: the Perfect, to form the Non-Witnessed Durative tense мё-рафта-ам " " «j ^ f I (3.22); to the past subjunctive, forming a Past Progressive Subjunctive мё-рафта бошам f-iL» «-Ü JLS^ (3.27), and to the Past Conjectural, to form the Present-Future Conjectural мё-рафтагистам p"iMi j < " a J ( / 6 (and its short form; 3.32). Me- is written as one with the verb in Cyrillic; it may be joined to the verb in Perso-Arabic, but is mostly written separately (esp. with longer forms). би- -_^: At earlier stages of the language, bi- had a perfective sense and application in both stems, as the counterpart of the imperfective (ha)me-. In current Tajik Persian it occurs only before Stem I, as follows. (1) In polite spoken Tajik, it may be prefixed optionally to the Imperative of common stem-monosyllabic verbs: бй-шинед

MORPHOLOGY: VERBS

199

'have a seat', бй-хон(ед) л-^lj 4 t \ J ' J ^ > 'read', бйхӯр(ед) (XJ) J J — Ц » 'eat'. Before a stem beginning with /b/ the gpp>

vowel is modified to /u/: бӯ-бинед * * '* * ; / -'*, likewise fcrfbar(ed) 'take (it) away' bu-bdxsed 'pardon/ excuse (me)' (note that in this last, very common, expression the stress usually falls on the second (the stem) syllable). In elevated written style or poetry it is sometimes prefixed to the Present Subjunctive or Optative: агар би-гӯяд s^^S^ j-SI 'if he says...', бй-рав-ад Sjj-i 'let him go' (see 3.9). (2) In colloquial variants of two common verbs (омадан/ о(й)-(_j)T\<jj

Л 'to come' and овардан/ op- - J T \ < J J J J T 'to

bring') it has always been prefixed to the Imperative to reinforce the minimal forms o- and or-; hence it became incorporated as an integral part of Stem I of these verbs in all Aorist-based tenses: бйё(ед) JLJ-JL^J \L^J 'come!', мё-би-ёяд J ^ L ^ J ^ 'he'll come', на-ме-биёрам f jl

j i LJu^ 'I'm not bringing (it)'. It is always

written as one word with the verb stem, and before stem-initial /o/ it requires buffering with /y/(see Fig. 3.9c).

3.6

TheVerb'ToBe'(l)

The forms of the verb будан/ бош- -_*iL»\ o J J-e < t 0 ^ e ' exhibit a mixture of conjugations and some exceptions to the general rules. The Present Indicative has two series not formed on Stem I, one independent and the other enclitic, except that they partly share an enclitic form for 3rd singular. Five conjugations of 'to be'—the enclitic series, a reduced form of the independent series, the subjunctive on Stem I, and the Past and Perfect tenses on Stem II, all participate in forming complex tenses of other verbs (for forms built on Stem I бош- ~_JbL and Stem II буд-j^,

see 3.7).

Enclitic. The (unstressed) enclitic forms (except -аст CJ-LJ-; see below) are added to the last word of the complement: онҳо коргаранд ^j-5 jLS L^M 'they are workers', мо дар дарёем p-^Ljj j j L» 'we are in the river'. Cyrillic and Perso-Arabic variants of 1st sg. and 3rd pi. (but not 3rd sg.) include a buffer /y/ (optional) after the back vowels, /o/ -o, /u/ -y, and /ü/ -ӯ: ман Зебоям ^ Ц ^ З ( > ' I a m Zebo'—but

200

CHAPTER THREE

cf. «Раҳмат, додар», «Артист» намуна-и чунин ҳикоя-ҳоанд aJ»l LA«LJ11Ä j ; 1 ' ^ ^ J - < ^ " о т J " J ! " ' J J ' J «~Iл -v j""'Thanks, Brother" and "The Performer" are examples of such stories' (ҳикояқоянд t\ л^

к . would also be acceptable); онҳо ҳамеша дар орзу-и

сӯҳбатҳо-и нав ба нав-и ӯянд ^Lftct .^"-»isjjjf j ^ ^ • * j »л 1*JT jJ»l j l X^-l-jjl j-i_j jJ» 'they are always eager for his latest words'; in Cyrillic, -a also changes to -я after final -и: эрониям 'I am Iranian'. Гю. 3.6a

lsg.

'To B E ' : ENCLITIC FORMS (PRESENT INDICATIVE)

-амЛям

r'V-V-

'Iam'

2sg. -ӣ

'you are'

3sg. (-)аст/-ст

'he, she, it is'

lpl. -ем

'we are'

2pl. -ед

'you are'

3pl. -анд/-янд

'they are'

In Perso-Arabic after final ^ - the enclitic is mostly written separately, starting with alif (as always after final /a/, written with vocalic -h 4_-): ^ 1 ^ 1 j ^ l 'I am Iranian', S J - J I ^ ^ I J J J \ л ҳанӯз розйед? 'are you still content?'; c.^,1 <J»UL хона аст 'it is a house', f-J 6JJ»I_O мондаем 'we are tired'. All but the 1st pi. and 2nd sg. and pi. may be joined to a final <_$- : x\rAj;{

эронианд 'they are Iranians',

but it is usually preferable to write the enclitics separately: J J I I ^ I J J . Perso-Arabic orthographic variants in ^ - Х ^ - , etc., in 2nd singular and 1st and 2nd plural, follow rules given for personal inflections (3.4). In Cyrillic, the 3rd person sg. аст, though an enclitic (without stress), is usually written separately when functioning as the copula, 'A is B': e.g., у дар хона аст .-»^.l <^LL j j j l 'he is at home'. Only as part of a complex tense is it written as one with the phrase: омадааст .»>.<.\ 6 j-eT 'he has come'. In both orthographies, the initial vowel of 3rd sg. ast may be elided after a final vowel other than /a/ -a <_-: ин чист? -Ҳавлйст <j-J --

f

j - - Sси in >^ 'what is this? —It is a house', ӯ куҷбст? J

Squill -> < 'where is he?', хамин орзӯст c m i j j j T p j дft'it is this very desire', падари ӯст •-• j ' jj_» 'it is his father'; note that the

201

MORPHOLOGY: VERBS

vowel of the final syllable of the nominal continues to bear the stress when elided with the unstressed enclitic ast. However, when elision involves the Specific enclitic -e or the Relative connective -e (see 4.42), the amalgamation of two unstressed enclitics remains unstressed: куҳи баландест cmij.rti > \ c . t J ^a-ib 6 ^ 'it is a high mountain'; ҷбест, ки онро намешиносам p ,<.h ,ъ LSJ^ I^:T «L£ d n J ^ U / i t ' s a place that I don't know*. This elision is in most cases literary in style; everyday speech and writing prefer, e.g., ҳамин ҳавлӣ аст .-«^•1 L^-IJ^ t^jjjb 'this is the house', вай куҷо аст? SciutJ LsS

^j

'where is he?'. The enclitic series of 'to be' follows the past participle of other verbs as an auxiliary verb to form the Perfect tense: рафтаам f I
3.6b

'To B E ' : INDEPENDENT FORMS (PRESENT INDICATIVE)

'you are'

lpl. ҳ а с т е м -*"-•-.л 'we are' 2pl. ҳастед JJ"MI д 'you are' 3pl. ҳастанд л п шJb 'they are;

'there is/ he, she, it is'

there are'

lsg. ҳастам 2sg. ҳастй

^ L ^L

3sg. ҳаст/аст

> 'I am'

t

Independent In principle, the independent forms (stressed on the initial syllable) are those of the existential verb 'to be': ҳастам, яъне вуҷуд дорам /*jlj j j a.j ^ '** * -*" ••• * *I ani, that is, I exist' (lit. 'have existence'; cf. 3.8); котиб қаст? SCLU-O-A С-Д^1^ 'is the secretary in/ there/ available?' (more politely: ҷаноб-и котиб ҳастанд? v-jl-Ц. ...A c^LS; cf. 3.4. Despite the English idioms, the focus here is on the person's existence, for practical purposes, not on his location). Nevertheless, these forms are also used as copulas in equational and locative sentences, parallel to the enclitic series: ҳануз розй ҳастам f h j cr*^»l j j>l-A 'I am still content', онҳо куҷо ҳастанд? 'where are they?'. In this case, the two conjugations are amalgamated in 3rd singular - only ast is used as a copula (and only hast as the existential verb): (ман) коргар ҳастам/ коргар-ам \ ^ — U U _ j\S 'I am a worker'; вай дар боғ аст си ...I j^L j j ^ j 'he is in the garden'. An emphatic or asseverative use, however, requires the

202

CHAPTER THREE

independent form: вай тоҷик нест-ку -Ҳа, ҳаст - < >

- >~ ^ j

c-u-aJb « LA - o£ о т . >'i 'he's no Tajik —Yes, he is'. The existential 3rd singular hast occurs impersonally as the idiom 'there is/ are' (things): дар боғ-и ту дарахт ҳаст? c ^ j j jl } L j j 'are there (any) trees in your garden?'; илоҷ-аш ҳаст ^i-a-iLc 'there is a solution (to it)' (cf. 2.30). The plural hastand is similarly used of persons: баъзе қастанд, ки


'there are some who...'. In the literary language, the interrogative pronouns кй ^

'who?'

and чй (<-a.) ^ Л . 'what?' may be elided with a reduced form of the independent series: кистам? s ^

ш

^ £ 'who am I?', чистанд

S **'"•— 'what are they?' (cf. cist 'what is it?' above, under Enclitic, and kist 'who is it/ he/ she?', which could equally be interpreted as elisions with the enclitic -asi). The same short form of hastam, etc., -стам - " -•-, is suffixed to Past Participle II to form three tenses of the Conjectural mood: рафтаги-стам -*..._*<- *j 'I suppose I did', etc. (3.31-33). Negative. Built with Stem П-type suffixes on the stem nest-, with initial stress, this independent form negates both of the present indicative series of 'to be', and either the existential or the copula: дар ин хона тиреза нест «^... j't ÄJ-JJ-J <^L-L ^ J j j 'there are no windows in this room'; котиб нест(анд) ( ' ' " - ; • ) c n n j i «_^1£ 'the secretary is not in/ not here'; мо коргар нестем jujJLi.^-AJj j_S j\S Us 'we are not workers1. This form does not function as an auxiliary. FIG. 3.6C

'TO B E ' : NEGATIVE (PRESENT INDICATIVE)

lsg. нестам ^"nnj'i

'I am not'

2sg. нести

^M./I

'you are not'

3sg. нест

r.n.ji

'he, she, it is not; there is/ are no - '

lpl. нестем

^j".,.yi

'weare not'

2pl. нестед

JJ'MIJ'I

'you are not'

3pl. нестанд

Г>~.,,/|

'they are not; he, she is not; there are no - '

A colloquial variant не ^ • г---

commonly replaces 3rd singular нест

у* (and in dialect, other persons), particularly in a contrastive

sentence: вай бемор не, тандуруст аст i^j-^j J-1^ « ^ j

MORPHOLOGY: VERBS

203

I 'he's not sick, he's well' (cf. the particle не ^ J , 4.9). 3.7

The Verb To Be9 (2)

The Aorist is constructed on the Stem I б о ш — ^ L L » (regarded as being Stem I of будан ^J>-» < t o be'), using the regular personal endings of the 'present' series (3.4). The stem has an imperfective or durative sense: 'stay, be habitually', which may be seen in the meanings of some of its functions. FIG. 3.7a

'To BE': AORIST

lsg. бошам f-^Ц» 2sg. бошй (j-^Ц» 3sg. бошад j ^ i L

lpl. бошем f-^Ц» 2pl. бошед ^ - ^ Ь 3pl. бошанд

Present Subjunctive: The Aorist form constitutes the Present Subjunctive of 'to be'. The most frequent use of this tense is in subordinate clauses, to express an action or state not actually in force except as contingent on the action or state pertaining in the main clause; e.g., мехоҳам озод бошам л JJLJ jl^T f-fclj a. ^^ 'I want to be free' (4.23). It may be negated with the (stressed) prefix н а — ^ : кӯшиш кунед, ки аз камбағалон набошед ^ * \ п < j l 4-£ л j ' ^ <ji^i>£ j j АЛ/* 'try not to be (one of the) poor'. The Subjunctive may function independently in a main clause. One such use is in questions with an affective nuance—asked not simply for information, but to voice the speaker's suspicion or presumption: аэроплан чӣ хел парранда бошад? ÄJ^J-> J J ^ ^ ( >bjj—e- 1 ' ? л *l; 'what kind of bird might an "aeroplane" be?' (cf. the Perfect Subjunctive, 3.26). Bosad also serves after an introductory clause to focus a NP or part of one just mentioned for individual treatment: вай се писар дошт, калон-ашон бошад, аз хона баромада рафт... j Q.J 4 — ^ ( ^ j ...cj-bj 6J-*TJ-J
«di-iilj 'he had three sons; as

for the eldest, he left home...'. Another independent function is as the Optative mood, i.e. expressing

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CHAPTER THREE

a wish or hope for oneself or others (for other verbs, see 3.29): зӯд б о ш е м f_i j.L> j j j 'let's be quick, let's hurry'; бемалол бошад a-^5.L> J^L-ö^-i 'please' ('may it be without trouble'); б о ш а д * л-\ * '(so) be it, very well, OK' (colloquially, /bo§a/). In the negative: кор-ат(он) набошад J-^LJJI <^Li J L £ \ C ^ J L £ 'never mind' ('let it not be your concern'). A s a main clause introducing a dependent clause (verb in the Present Subjunctive) nabosad is the Precative, praying for a negative outcome: набошад ман касал шавам J • < ^ * AI Л p - u i 'I hope I don't fall ill' ('let it not be (that) I...'). The 3rd singular in particular has several other idioms and stock phrases, e.g.: насиб бошад, соли дигар б о з меравам jL> J £ - » J J l u* < J ДЦ» •_• > ...'» ^ J J _ J о 'if I get the chance, I'll go again next year ('[if] it be [my] destiny'); зинда/мурда бошад Б. .^ .i-_iL 6jj—о \ * J ^ J 'long live/ down with B.!' Bosad plays special syntactic roles in Adversative (4.14,) Concessive (4.34), and Conditional clauses (4.35-38). Bosam, etc., functions as an auxiliary verb to form three compound tenses in the Subjunctive: the Perfect, Durative Perfect, and Perfect Progressive (3.26-28). An archaic form of the Optative, бод/ бодо Ы-» \JL» occurs in this and other frozen forms: ҳар чи бодо бод j b IJLJ <^J-A 'come what may', зинда бод J L *±SJ 'long may [he] live' (replacing bosad in similar phrases above); нест бод(о) Г. .£ (')^Ц» сч-i ^ 'down with G.' ('may G. be nothing'). In longer phrases the verb may be elided: Хизру Илёс ёр-атон (бод) ( j b ) o'^j'-e о"'—f-" J 'Khizr-IIyos [be] your companion'; худо нигохдор (бод) L (JLJ) J> * ^i < \ 'good-bye' (God [be your] keeper'). An archaic Prohibitive, мабодо Ijl J о 'may it not be' (no longer transparent) functions as a conjunction, 'lest' (4.17, 4.38). Imperative: The Imperative is formed regularly, with the stem alone for the singular (Stem I plus zero) and the stem plus -ed7 the 2nd plural suffix, for the plural (or formal) form: бош, бошед ±>-&L> « ^ L 'be'. The plural or polite Imperative is thus indistinguishable from the 2nd plural Subjunctive. To distinguish a real plural from a polite singular, the colloquial language adds the Explicit Plural suffix -етон (from the pronominal enclitic; see 2.29): саломат бошетон CLJ \\ - . AI . 'be well, farewell (to all)'. The Prohibitive is formed by

MORPHOLOGY: VERBS

205

prefixing на- -J» (see further, 3.29). There are two interpretations of the Imperative built on this stem—'be', and 'stay': зуд бош ^ L J j j j 'be quick/ hurry up', монда набошед л \ АЛ /\ 6 ^ L a 'take it easy' (lit. 'don't be tired'; perhaps a Precative, 'may you not...'); ман равам, шумо бошед <>* j j M.L> I n ,7, ifjj 'I'll go/ let me go, you stay'; ҳамон ҷо бошед \ * •* I • I ^ *>l..aJb 'stay right there'; ту дар пеш-и меҳмонон бош ^ jjbL jjLI n о л ОЦА-J J J 'you stay with the guests'. Insofar as injunctions using this form generally advise one to adopt, continue, or discontinue a state, the imperfect or durative mode is constant, and the distinction is essentially an effect of translation; cf. саломат бошед JH MIL CJ-O^LOJ 'be well, stay well'. Present Indicative: As with most verbs, prefixing ме— L r ^> to the Aorist generates a Present Indicative: мебошам p ,7.1 t i * 'I am', etc. (3.5). The more usual forms of this tense of 'to be' are the enclitic series (Fig. 3.6a) and the form built on hast- (Fig. 3.6b). However, mebosam, etc., may substitute for these forms of the copula under certain conditions, e.g., to lend weight to a statement, or when the verb is widely separated from its antecedent: салим, ки ҳама-и шумо мешиносед, аъзо-и комсомол мебошад L o Д \ о-д 4_£ <р Л ... j А> *« * J1 * --, л<< ^ L - Ä ^ I -} - •• I '> •* ^ ^ 'Salim, whom you all know, is a member of the Komsomol'. Nevertheless, in keeping with the stem's durative meaning, it cannot have a punctual sense: имрӯз ҳаво гарм аст/*мебошад IJ-A J J J - * I . u i L ^ *V-' -Л fjS. 'the weather is warm today' (though a habitual reading is acceptable: дар ин ҷо ҳдво гарм мебошад 1>А I ^ *>J j j j ДЬ^^-Ä ^ j - Л 'the weather is [generally] warm here'). Nor does it have a future sense, like the Present Indicative of most verbs (3.10). Past Indicative: From Stem II is formed a regular Past Indicative будам f J>J, etc., 'I was', which also acts as an auxiliary to the past participle of other verbs in forming the Pluperfect indicative (3.16). This past tense is by nature durative and does not take me-', however, мебудам ^ ^ - х , etc., may be used as a counterfactual conditional (4.36; cf. dostan, 3.8).

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CHAPTER THREE

Ғю. 3.7b lsg. будам 2sg. будӣ 3sg. буд

'To BE': SIMPLE PAST TENSE

lpl. будем 2pl. будед

{LJJ^J

'we were'

J-JJ^J

'you were'

3pl. буданд

J-JJJ-J

'they were; there were'

fJ

> e

J

c£ >e J^J

'I was' ои

' У were' 'he, she, it was; there was'

A regular past participle буда 6j^-» 'been', together with the personal enclitics of 'to be' (3.4), forms the perfect tense: будаам {UJJ-Л 'I have been', etc. (as a Resultative, 3.15; as a Non-Witnessed tense, 3.21). As an auxiliary, this tense helps to form the Perfect and Progressive Perfect of the Non-Witnessed mode of verbs (3.21-24). The Pluperfect *буда будам f J J J AJ>J* does not occur. The Definite Future tense: хохам буд J^-J ^-Ä'J—^ 'I will be', is formed regularly (3.14). The infinitive будан <JJ>J is much used as a verbal noun in nominalizations of clauses (see esp. 3.37,4.15-17). For the participles, see 3.41, 3.43--44, 3.46. 3.8

The Verb To Have'

The verb доштан/ дор- - j l j Vn-iilj'to have, (be) hold(ing), possess' does not participate as a grammatical auxiliary in tense formation, though it does accept preverbs and substantives to form lexical Complex and Composite verbs (5.16,5.18). It has a few peculiarities of conjugation in its basic form and meaning. Since it expresses intrinsically a durative and incomplete state ('being in possession o f ) , dostan does not take the prefix м е — ^ on tenses formed from either stem. Thus the present tense is дор-ам f JIJ 'I have', etc. (identical with the Aorist); the past tense (whether simple or imperfect) is дошт-ам -" Alt 'I had', etc.: мо парирӯз пул доштем, ҳоло дигар пул надорем Jj-i^iLjj 1L*> *?J " ,7,1 J J ^ J J ^ J J L* j^jjld^ 'the day before yesterday we had money; now we no longer have money'. Exceptionally, in a counterfactual conditional sentence, the Imper-

MORPHOLOGY: VERBS

207

feet/ Conditional tense may take me- in either or both clauses: агар зудтар ме-рафтед, ҳамин фурсат-ро на-ме-доштед J-SJJ3 J—SI ,n"i ,7.IJL5^J> Ijcuua^i и+^ ^y^j^s^

'if У

ои

had gone earlier, you

wouldn't have had this opportunity'; ҳуқуқ-и намояндагӣ медоштам, таклифҳо-и амалй пешниҳод ме-кардам j j ^jj^j

*

n j l ^ "пп J Jo l ft г <_$LÄ < Q jI<1 Л ^Л IHIA-A^ ^SLjjLjLeJi'had

Ithe

rights of a representative, I would offer/ have offered practical suggestions' (here, in the absence of the conjunction агар jSL\ 'if, the usual sign of the conditional, the addition of me- immediately signals a conditional). Dostan does not take the prefix би- -«Ц», and since the Aorist dor-am, etc., is preempted for the Indicative, for the Present Subjunctive the composite form дошта бошам ^ L 4" • MIJ is used (equivalent to the Past Subjunctive of other verbs): бояд ягон рафиқ дошта бошед л j ЛЬ < ~\ .* IJ j) J flj (jLS-j J-JL 'you have to have some companion'. The Imperative, however, uses the regular Stem I forms: шарм доред! ! j-jjlj ^j-ji'shame on you!' ('have shame'). These irregularities apply only to the simple verb in its original sense of 'to have', and to VPs such as ном доштан ^ " AI I *L, 'to be called' ('have the name') or фарқ доштан ^

ilJ jj

a 'to differ'

('have difference'), in which the verb still bears its literal meaning: вай дар он вақт Юсупов ном дошт f L> ^\^^j^

c^j

Ö ^ J J LSJ

о M,1J 'at that time he was called Yusupov', чй фарқ дорад? <_а. S j j l j j j - a 'what difference does it make?'. When dostan is part of a complex or compound idiom such that the literal meaning is lost in the metaphor, it takes me- like any ordinary verb: ӯро дӯст ме-дорам 'j»i Ijjl

'I '

o v e

her', хӯк нигоҳ ме-доштанд Sj

^

JI 'they used to keep pigs'; and it uses the simple present subjunctive: бояд ин-ро ҳам бардорем ^jljj-j ^Л I J(^\

J_JL 'we

must remove this as well'. Colloquially, the 3rd person singular may be used impersonally to express 'there is/ is not': дар хона нигоҳубин мекардагй одам ҳам на-дорад JJIJ-^ ^Л ЛJTL^^^{^

gj jftL^-l> OLL jj'there isn't

even anyone at home to look after (them)'. (This idiom is not as common in Tajik as in SP. For the participle, see 3.44, 3.46.)

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CHAPTER THREE

CONJUGATIONS: SIMPLE 3.9

Tenses from the Aorist

The Aorist form (i.e., that of Stem I without prefix) as illustrated for будан/ бош- --^.Ь \ J J J J (Fig. 3.7a) is standard for all other verbs. The Aorist form itself constitutes the Present Subjunctive (for unreal actions in certain dependent clauses: 3.25, 4.20-23), and the Optative and Precative (all persons); in occasional combination with the prefix би- -
a-jj, зиетон

«<JLLI-AJ 'live!'. Although the former two are used in earlier

literature, they have been replaced in the modern language (as also the Optative forms, and in most contexts the verb in general) by appropriate forms of the compound derivatives зицда будан/ бош- \ Ö J > - > ÄJJ>J - - l i b (lit. 'be alive') and зиндагй кардан < j J > ^ ^A^J life'): зинда бош(ед) ,ii Л,Ь V j i L *^j

№*• ' t 0

d o

'live (long), bravo!', зинда

бош- ад jL^iiL» 6jJ»j 'long live/ viva — ! ' (also зинда бод JL» 6j^j, using the archaic optative of 'to be' (3.7); муттафиқона зиндагй кунем - j**< iJL j-l»3 * \\\v~s * 'let us live in harmony'. RG. 3.9a

AORIST: зистан/зи- - -

lsg. зиям A_»3

lpl. з и е м

2sg. зиӣ

jj

2pl. з и е д

j-i-jj

^j

3pl. ЗИЯНД

jJi^J

3sg. ЗИЯД

Lr

jk-i-j^

Stem I of giristan ends (uniquely) in consonantal /y/; technically the form is /giry/ гирй—_Jj—^, but this does not exist as a word and is usually cited, in Cyrillic at least, as гиря (earlier written гирья), the

MORPHOLOGY: VERBS

209

same as the activity noun. The Aorist paradigm is as follows. FIG. 3.9b

AORIST: гиристан/гиря- - _

lsg. гирям ^JL 2sg. гирйй ^jZ 3sg. гиряд s^jS.

lpl. гирйе'м 2pl. гирйед 3pl. гирянд

Finite forms of giristan have been largely replaced by its composite derivative гиря кардан <jJ>-£ J<^ J\J J\J 'may they weep bitterly!'. The verbs додан <jjlj 'to give' and ниҳодан 'to put, place' have two forms of Stem I (discernible only in Cyrillic): in all tense forms but one, the stem vowel is /i/: диҳед J J_ÄJ 'give', 2pl. Imperative; ме-ниҳам ^ ^ 'I place', etc. However, before the zero ending of the Imperative singular, the stem vowel is raised to Id: (би)деҳ \ Ö J 6J-» 'give', (би)неҳ 4_Ц» \4_1 'put' (see 1.4, Lowering). For other anomalies of Aorist-based tenses, see under the Present Indicative (3.10) and Subjunctive (3.25). 3.10

Present Indicative: Forms

The (stressed) prefix ме- - ^ is added to the Aorist, comprising Stem I with the "present" series of personal endings. Fig. 3.10a illustrates the standard orthography, using the irregular verb (and common lexical auxiliary) кардан/ кун- --J£ \o*j£ 'to do, make'. RG. 3.10a

PRESENT INDICATIVE: кардан/ кун-

-_j£ V \ j SI do, am doing' Sg.

PI.

1. мекунам мекунем 2. мекунй мекунед 3. мекунад мекунанд

PI.

^А^^ J-^£ ^ sl^ ^-o

Sg.

{ ^ ^ -^ ^^ ^ .Y aik ^ .X

The negative is prefixed before me-, and usually assumes primary

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CHAPTER THREE

stress: на-ме-равам ^ J J L $ ^ 'I am not going', etc. The verb рафтан/ рав- - j j \ CA* jhas the regular Present Indicative меравам fjj^, etc.; in colloquial and dialect pronunciation this may be shortened to meram, etc., by a regular elision of -av-, and with variants in 3rd sg. such as merawa, meruwat, mera. The Aorist равам ravam, and other Aorist-based forms, are not so affected. Fig. 3.10b illustrates the alternative orthographies for verb stems ending in a vowel (or in -й <_$- after a vowel), as in the verb омадан/ о(й)- -(-J)T \<jj Л Чо come' (cf. the same rules of suffix variation exemplified using гуфтан/ гӯ(й)- - ( - J ) ^ \ j " i a ^ 'to say1, 3.4). The change affects only 1st sg. and 3rd sg. and pi. in the Cyrillic script (as underlined). In Perso-Arabic, all persons are affected: in the traditional orthography, personal suffixes starting with a mid or high vowel (2 sg. /meo-i/, 1st pi. /me-o-em/ and 2nd pi. /me-o-ed/) are buffered with hamza *, reflecting the careful pronunciation of this glide with a glottal stop; the other personal suffixes, beginning with a low vowel (corresponding to the persons affected in Cyrillic, and for the same reason), are buffered with у <_$, reflecting the actual pronunciation of the glide as /me-o-yam/, /me-o-yad/, /me-o-yand/. In the alternate PersoArabic orthography (that of modern SP), <_$ is used as the buffer in all persons; since this orthography is adopted here, the variant with hamza will not be shown in paradigms after this. FIG.

3.10b PRESENT INDICATIVE: омадан/ 6(й)- -(-»)Т \ ö ^ T

Sg. 1. меоям

Pl.

Pl.

2. меоӣ

меоем ^Т-\^_А-Л LS^ меоед ±-х1*\-\±->-л'\

3. меояд

меоянд

Sg. f-e^^ Л

The few regular verbs that follow this paradigm include хоидан/ хой- J U \ jja-i-iU. 'to chew'; about twenty irregular verbs with Stem I in -о(й)- -(-J)T, -у(й)- and -ӯ(й)- - ( - J ) j - are affected (cf. Figs. З.За-с). In colloquial usage, omadan has an alternative Stem I биё- -LJ-J, incorporating the prefix Ы- (3.5), which conjugates as shown in Fig. 3.10c. There are no departures from the orthography of Stem I -o Tother than the realization of Cyrillic -o- as -ё- and the similar buffering

MORPHOLOGY: VERBS

211

with <_£ in Perso-Arabic after the erstwhile prefix. FIG. 3. 10C

PRESENT INDICATIVE, omadan: VARIANTS

lsg. мебиёям

^Lb-b^jj*

lpl.

мебиёем

2sg. мебиёӣ

i^A-jL-i^pA

2pl. мебиёед

3sg. мебиёяд

XiLi-»^^

3pl. мебиёянд

The Explicit plural form (3.4) is биёетон ( The prefix Ы- may similarly be incorporated in Stem I of овардан/ op- -jT V>JjJJ < t o bring': об биёр(ед) ( J J ) J L U ^_Л 'bring water', намебиёранд s± ji^ ^ ^ 'they won't bring (it)'. Three preverbs (see 5.16), which as a class normally precede the finite verb separated from it and its prefixes, are likewise incorporated into Stem I of omadan and causative partner ovardan as lexical parts of the Complex verb. These are bar 'on, up, over', as in намебарояд .ijTj-j^^jöJi'will not come out'; dar 'in', as in медарорам f J T J J ^ 'I'll bring fit] in'; and furü 'down', the final syllable of which is elided, as in мефуроям ^ I j lLS^ 'I'm coming down/ getting off' (variant, mefaroyam). A fourth formative, gun 'gathering, collection', may optionally combine with dostanl dor- 'to have1, giving either меғундорад jjljj>x ^ or ғун медорад JJIJ ^ ^1 'he gathers'. In all other cases in Complex and Composite verbs, the verbal prefixes (W-, na-, and me-) are joined to the verb stem; any preverbs or nominal compounding elements precede them. 3.11

Present Indicative: Functions

The Present Indicative expresses an action or state in progress at the time of speech; one that habitually or repeatedly or invariably happens; or one that is due to take place in the foreseeable future. Thus, e.g., ман хона меравам f j j L r * o L L <>* may mean 'I'm on my way home' (at the moment), or 'I go home' (every evening, after work), or 'I'm going home' (soon), depending on the context. If the listener is unaware of the context, adverbial cues may clarify the time reference. Habitual: ҳар рӯз сар-и вақт меояд х Л ^ cu^j ^-^ JJJ >A 'he comes on time every day'.

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Future: пагоҳ дар Душанбе мемонем *-^L^. -* 'tomorrow we're staying/we'll be staying in Dushanbe'. Genera] validity: баҳор баъд аз замистон меояд j \ л 0

^ с*^ и^^-*-* j 'spring comes after winter'. This includes commentary and instruction: асп-и худро ба пеш медавонад I л^1 j ^ L S ^ (JL-J-J «ц» I jjj-^ 'he urges his horse into the lead', аввал об-ро дар дег ме-резонед J ^j-?j ^ --^-^ jJ ' j v ^ J J ' 1 'first you pour the water into the pot . Aspects of general validity may also be expressed by the Aorist (3.9; see 4.32, Manners and Comparison) or the Non-Witnessed Durative (3.22). When it is necessary to emphasize either progressivity or futurity, this may be done independently of adverbial cues by using either the Present Progressive tense (3.18) or the Definite Future tense (3.14). There is no dedicated habitual present tense; consequently the primary reading of the Present Indicative in the absence of overt cues will be as habitual: мегӯянд, ки <1 jJi-jj^j п 'they say that...'. As a "historical present," this tense may also be used to narrate past or fictional events. Adverbial cues here may refer to past time: динарӯз бародарам ба ман телефон карда мегӯяд ки... j j j * "> >j ...4-_S *'j<> ~ 6jj_£ t j i h JJ-A-J f JJIJ-J 'yesterday my brother phones me, he says...' (a Serial verb coordinate; see 4.19). In narrating past events, one uses this tense to report an action or state perceived at the time: шунидам ки ягон кас меояд
that his wife was at home (and was) laughing' ('...is at home and is laughing1; this is the converse of the use of the quotative past in English. See under Concomitant complements, 4.16). 3.12

Simple Past

The Simple Past of the Indicative (also called the preteritfe]) is formed on Stem II with the past series of endings. There are no orthographic variants. If the verb stem begins with a vowel (a or o), the negative

MORPHOLOGY: VERBS

213

form may be pronounced with a -y- glide between prefix and stem, as /näyomadam/; however, this is not reflected in Cyrillic or in current Perso-Arabic orthography (unlike SP). A n archaic form of 3rd sg. in -o may be found in poetry: (би)гуфто \~A<* \\~&< 'quoth he/ she'. Dialect variations include alteration of quality in unstressed vowels and suppression of final dental consonants: 2pl. karde,

3pl.

kdrdan,

kärden (see also 3.15). FIG. 3.12

SIMPLE PAST: kardam 'I did, made'

Sg-

1.кардам 2. кардӣ 3. кард

PI.

PI-

Sg.

кардем кардед карданд

Л

т

This tense is perfective in aspect, and states that an action was performed and (by implication) completed in the past. It is the usual tense of narrative: мо

хеле дур

пиёда рафтем ва

истироҳат к а р д е м , т ч7. * /> .-S-iJJJ» j p j "

наздик-и нимшаб

QJ 6JL_I^ J J J ^^i-^L La

'—•* {j~ - I ' W P - walked a l o n g way and rested towards midnight'.

f-ijj£

Even if the action was by nature durative or repeated, the Simple Past is generally used if a time limit is mentioned: д у с о л о н

ҷо

х о н д а м f j J J j ^ . U J J JL-i J J 'I studied there [for] two years' (but cf. 3.13). It may also designate an action that at the moment of speech is still in the future, but will necessarily have been completed by the time the action proposed in the main clause is undertaken: ҳаво ки шуд, л и б о с и гарм мепӯшем Lf^ J^J

ijj

f j - ^ o^l—^ «^—** ' ^ ^

<

хунук -^ 'J-*

'when the weather turns flit, 'turned'] cold, we will put on

warm clothes'. Some verbs are semantically durative rather than punctual; if the action began some time ago but is accomplished only in present time, the Simple Past may compete with the Perfect (resultative, 3.15): аз ин воқеа хеле вақт гузашт/ гузаштааст c u l j CJ-^J «* " •*•** ^ \ZJ-£J±S

i-^

LS

<-»^1 j ^ 1

jl

'a long time has passed since this event/ this

happened long ago'. S o m e verbs may have a punctual, an inceptive, or a durative

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interpretation, depending on the context and/ or the adverbial cues: ман зуд хобидам fs^l^L J j j <1н> means *I quickly lay down/ went to bed early/ soon went to sleep'; ман ҳашт соат хобидам ^ ^л-i-jl^-a. d^L-u ci A ft means 'I slept (for) eight hours'. Nevertheless, the Simple Past in all cases expresses the accomplishment of the particular action or change of state envisaged in the idiom. Speech acts, etc. This is also the tense used to express an action accomplished by the very act of stating it (a performative): туро бахшидам (»л j Л» 4 \ \jl 'I forgive you'. It is also used to express an action undertaken in immediate response to a request and the like, and thus ideally accomplished: ҳа, натарс! ман рафтам <>а ! c h u J JU ««LA {Л—bj 'Don't be afraid, I'm on my way' (lit. 'I went', though the speaker is just beginning to move). By the same logic, verbs of present perception and intellection often use the Simple Past, where the English translation prefers the Present: туро дидам! !f J-U I J J ^ 'I see ['saw'] you!', фаҳмидам f.ij ло fl 'I understand' (lit., 'understood'). The Simple Past of verbs expressing a change of state is often used where English prefers to report the state being experienced, and thus uses the Present: ман дар тааҷҷиб мондам ^JJ»LÄ «_/% *" j j ^ 'I am surprised' (lit., 'was [just now] left in surprise' (cf. 3.16,4.24). 3.13

Imperfect

The prefix м е — ^ is added to the Simple Past. The Imperfect form provides two different tenses with a related range of uses. 3.13

IMPERFECT: mekardam 'I was doing, used to do; would do' Sg. PI. PI. Sg. 1. мекардам мекардем J L J J ^ ^ rjjZ^ .\ 2. мекардӣ мекардед ^Л>^ t^° c£ J ^cr° •* 3. мекард мекарданд s^jZ^* J^£ ^* .X RG.

(1) Durative Past An Indicative past tense that describes the progress of an action in the past, without stating that it was completed. Thus it may refer to a habitual or repeated action, even if performed punctually

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215

at intervals: вақте ман дар донишгоҳ будам, бисёр мактуб мен а в и ш т а м ^**« *• ^ *

* .. ^ ~^ *
i j /*_«

*» ^а ^

'when I was at university, I wrote a lot of letters'. Adverbials that typically accompany the Imperfect as a Durative Past are гоҳо LaLS 'sometimes', гоҳ... гоҳ ъ1£. ...6lS 'atone time... at another... \мураттаб b-^j-й 'regularly', торафт cj-bjb 'gradually, progressively'. If the focus is on the duration, it may be used in preference to the Simple Past even when a time adverbial implies that the action eventually stopped: ду сол-и paco интизор ме-кард jl hTJ I - j Jl ^ jj jj^j n 'she waited two whole years/ a full two years' (cf. ду сол он ҷо хондам ^jJilj-Jb L^JiT J L ^ jj'I studied there for two years' in 3.12). Similarly: дар он зиёфат ошро ман ме-пухтам, ва дигар хизматҳоро ҳам ман ме-кардам <J-A IJ ал ^ ^ 1 * ^ 6^ j J ^ л ^-Ä IJLA^I.1 n\ A J£±J j if^LL^LrA 'at that dinner I (was the one who) cooked the pilav and did the other chores as well'. Here, emphasis is placed on the sustained activity; it would be preferable to substitute Simple Past forms (puxtam... kardam) if one wished to stress the accomplishment instead. The Imperfect may be used for the durative past even of stative verbs (3.17): дар кабинаи автомолбили бор-каш ду кас ме-нишаст lit in "»'»ig-* <_у£ JJ^JIL^JL J^l—*bjl*4 \ t t <s j j ' i n the cab of the truck sat two people' (note the singular verb, agreeing with a not yet individuated subject); menisast is here equivalent to нишаста буд jj-» <"n..Vi 'were seated'. Similarly, вай ним соат он ҷо ме-истод ,»{ - ... , 1 ^ ^ I ^ '*Т CJ-CLLU A_IJ» (_^j'he stood there for half an hour' is synonymous with ...istoda bud 'was standing'. (2) Counterfactual Conditional: An irreal is tense used in both clauses of a conditional sentence expressing an unfulfilled condition: агар ме-омад, мо хурсанд ме-шудем.. ^ \& m лХ^ >± U «j-oT^-^ &\ 'if he came, we would be happy/ if he had come, we would have been happy' (4.36). The same tense follows forms of the modal auxiliary бояд J_JL» 'must' in conditional mode (i.e., expressing an unfulfilled obligation): бояд дар рӯзҳои тақдирсоз... ба заҳмати шахсиятҳои фарҳангӣ баҳо ме-додем с-»-« ^ j - ^ --«j' ^J-ü^ * х LS^JJJ J ^Ц jk_jJI J L ^ Ц«» . u ^ ' ' * j * ^ 1 ҷ - ; - ^ ^-'wp ought to have appreciated J

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the efforts of (our) cultural personalities... in those fateful days' (4.20). It also provides an Optative or volitional tense, likewise in the context of an unrealized condition: кошки наме-рафтанд * < AI £ ju^—bj^^-L 4 would that / if only they had not left!' (4.38). In these related functions, the Imperfect forms of the verbs budan 'to be' (3.7) and dostan 'to have' (3.8) may also acquire the prefix me-y which they dispense with in the Past Durative function.

CONJUGATIONS: COMPOUND 3.14

Definite Future

The Definite Future (also called the periphrastic, or literary, or absolute, future) is formed by preposing an auxiliary verb, the Aorist of хостан/ хоҳ- - _ A I ^ 1 \tj~i MIIJ-^, to the Short Infinitive of the main verb (Stem II + zero). FIG. 3.14

DEFINITE FUTURE: xoham kard 'I shall do'

Sg.

PI.

PI.

1. хоҳам кард

хоҳем кард

jj& ^A\^L

2. хоҳӣ кард

хоҳед кард

J^£ s^l^L

3. хоҳад кард

хоҳанд кард

J ^

л!л1^

Sg. J^£ f-Al>ä> . N

jj£ ^ I J - ^ . T J ^ J-ÄIJ^

.X

The negative prefix is attached to the auxiliary: на-хохам омад j oT - fr'j ^ '«'I shall not come', etc. This word order is fixed, and nothing may intervene between the auxiliary and the main verb; consequently, in a Complex or Composite verb the non-verbal element must precede the auxiliary: бар нахоҳанд гашт сч* ^ .rtftlj Ч \ J J 'they will not return', ҳукумат ин қонунро риоя хоҳад кард j ^ £ J_ÄIJ^. «ULA J I J OJ-^I^ j>f I C J - O > ^ 'the government will uphold this law'. The tense is little used in everyday speech and writing, for which the Present Indicative is preferred. It is regarded as literary in style, and generally has a rhetorical or asseverative nuance, as in the examples above. However, in the absence or imprecision of adverbial cues, it

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217

may serve to specify a future reference by avoiding an ambiguous Present Indicative: ҳеч(вақт) ба он ҷо нахоҳам рафт (^2j) g-j-л iz*±j fJb\j-L^ LaJib'I will never go there' (...nameravam could mean 'I never (do) go there'). There is a colloquial stratagem to designate an intended future act. A participle, formed from the Infinitive by suffixing -ӣ <_$-, may be used predicatively in combination with tenses of 'to be' and шудан/ ш а в — j — J , \<jj—Д 'to become': ман рафтани-ам/ ҳастам Г ^ " flj 'I'm going, I'm off'; рафтанй шудем i were all set to go'. (This construction is more versatile and more extensively used than in SP: see 3.42.) 3.15

Perfect Indicative

The Perfect tense (also called the present perfect) is formed from the past participle of the desired verb plus the enclitic present of 'to be' (Fig. 3.6a). The past participle of a verb (Past Participle I) is formed by suffixing -a <_- to Stem II (3.43). FIG. 3.15

PERFECT INDICATIVE: kardaam 'I have done'

Sg. PI. кардаам кардаем 1. 2.кардай кардаед 3. кардааст кардаанд

PI.

Sg.

In Cyrillic all the persons are written as one word; in Perso-Arabic, the enclitics each start a new word with alif. Note that primary stress falls on the last syllable of the past participle (kardd-am, etc.). The negative is formed by prefixing (stressed) на- -_i: наомадаам ^16 J-OLL 'I have not come', etc. There are no orthographic variants. As in the Simple Past (see 3.12), if the verb stem begins with a vowel (a or o), the negative form may be pronounced with a -y- glide between prefix and stem, as /nayomada-am/; however, this is not reflected in Cyrillic or current Perso-Arabic orthography (unlike SP). Dialect variants involve some assimilation of the final (stressed) vowel of the participle with the initial vowel of the auxiliary. In the persons affected, the stress pattern tends to distinguish between this

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CHAPTER THREE

and the similar person of the Simple Past: e.g., 3sg. rafids 'he has gone'; lsg. and pi. kardem (cf. Simple Past kdrdem); 2sg. kardT (cf. Simple Past kardi)\ 2pl. karde (cf. Simple Past kärde)\ 3sg. kardäy; 3pl. karden (cf. Simple Past kärdari). In dialect and colloquial usage, the usual past participle may be replaced by Past Participle II (кардагй ^ J ^ £ , рафтагӣ ^Л ly. see 3.44), and the personal ending omitted: акнун ман чала-чулла саводнок шудагӣ, ман ҳам камтар доно шудагӣ -гуфт Ö J - £ I '"now I've learned to read and write somewhat, I've gotten a bit more savvy," he said' (for sudagT-am = suda-am. Here kamtar is not comparative 'less', but absolute 'a little'; see 2.47). In this example the mode is evidently the unmarked Indicative (first-person experience), not the Non-Witnessed Indicative, so the Perfect is exercising its primary function as a resultative (see next); nor does the ending -gl denote a conjectural (cf. 3.31). In other persons these distinctions may not be so obvious, but in fact the sense of \kardagT\ as a short form of the Perfect tense is invariably that of a resultative: шарикҳо-ямон рафт-и кор-ро гирифта мондагӣ , ^JJILQ * " ьj < I j j\S c ^ i j jjl -j 1 J<JJ .*''niir mates have gotten the

hang of the work' (i.e., mondagi-and, a Conjunct verb form that is explicitly resultative; see 5.20). The Perfect has two principal functions. (1) Resultative aspect: In its "traditional" function as a resultative, the Tajik Perfect designates an action viewed as having been completed, and its consequences still in force, at the time of speaking: он чиз ба модарам аз модаркалонам мерос монда-аст j l f J J L * «-J у^ j j CJ-UUI 6JJJLÖ cijlj-u-a f±$SjjLo 'that object has been handed down to my mother from my grandmother'. The negative correspondingly denies that the act took place at any time: ин касро ҳеч бақт надида-ам f 16 JLJAL djlj g-хд I J a u £ j j J 'I have never seen this person'. Often the Tajik Perfect corresponds in reference, and in translation, to the (British) English Perfect, but the scope of each does not always match: the Tajik sentence, for instance, may include a specific time adverbial: ман дирӯз ба рафиқам хат навиштаам 4_i JJJ-*J о-* f I «CLijJ. L-L >fljflj 'yesterday I wrote ['have written'] to my friend';

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219

онҳо имрӯз ба хона-и наве, ки дар се моҳ-и охир сохта-анд, мекӯчанд «JJJ< " ^Lm

j-Ll

б!_а 4_^ j j


'today they are moving to a new house that they have built in the last three months.' For Stative verbs, see 3.17. (2) Non-Witnessed Perfect. The Perfect has an additional function which will be more fully illustrated under the rubric of the Non-Witnessed mode (3.21). It joins a group of tenses, together with three others dedicated to the purpose, designating an occurrence known to the speaker not by direct observation but from collateral sources —hearsay or logical inference; or a fact unexpectedly discovered or newly appreciated as relevant. In this mode, the Perfect of most verbs refers of either past or present time; that of 'to be' and 'to have' generally refers to present time: мегӯянд, ки вай одами мехрубон буда-аст ^ j
3.16

Pluperfect Indicative

The Pluperfect, or distant past (also called the past perfect) is formed from the Past Participle plus the Simple Past of будан ÖJJ-J 'to be' (3.7). Stress is not very noticeable, other than a higher pitch on the last syllable of the participle. The negative is formed as for the Perfect: нахурда будам J*JJ_J6JJJ kJ» 'I had not eaten', etc., with stronger stress on the initial na-. FIG.

3.16 PLUPERFECT INDICATIVE: karda budam 'I had done' Sg. PI. PI. Sg.

lsg. карда будам 2sg. карда буди 3sg. карда буд

карда будем карда будед карда буданд

J-^Jj-e *>^j£ Лз-е

There is a Northern dialect form substituting Past Participle II for I: кардагӣ будам fjj_i ^ j j — S , e.g., ман, ки ҳисоби абҷадро ёд гирифтагӣ будам, ин гапҳои падарамро ба зудӣ ва осонӣ фахдоидам

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p.i j п о « ^LuuT j (^JJJ-J I j ^ j J J 'I, who had learned how to count using the letters of the alphabet, quickly and easily understood what my father was saying' (see also the last paragraph below). The Pluperfect is primarily a retrospective, not a narrative, tense—the past counterpart of the Present Perfect. It refers to an action or state in the past already completed by a certain time in the past, often that of the start of another past action immediately preceding the present situation: китоб-е-ро, ки ба ман дода будед, хонда тамом кардам f j^-£ ^L-A^ 6JJ»IJ_Ä ±->AJ~* 6jlj (>O-J £ d i j U I л Л ; 'We are used to you' (lit., 'we had gotten used to you' —which explains our action, or reaction, just completed, though not mentioned); or the time frame locates the action as definitively prior to any subsequent discussion: ӯ порсол омада буд J L U J J L jl JJ_J 6j—oT 'he came last year' ('...had come', with the implication that this year he either returned, or did not). This tense may also be used to underline the remoteness or historical significance of an action: дусад сол пеш аз ин бобоёни мо ба ин ҷо кӯчида омада буданд I о ^LJLJLJ ^ 1 jl с£-ь-л Jl ^ j__*-ejj J-LJJ-J бл_Л frL» *^j< LaJ»-jL 'two hundred years ago our forefathers [had] migrated here' (...and much has happened since). In these cases where the Tajik Persian Pluperfect has a broader scope than its English counterpart, it generally corresponds to SP usage.

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221

The Pluperfect of verbs expressing a change of state is often used where English prefers to report the state being experienced, and thus uses the Simple Past: ман монда шуда будам ^jj_> 6j-*i 6i^L> <>* 'I was tired' (lit., 'had [just then] become tired' (see also 3.12,4.24). The Pluperfect may also express an unfulfilled past condition in either clause, or both clauses, of a counterfactual conditional sentence. In this function (at least in the form using Past Participle II) it may even add the prefix me-: агар чашм-и Ёдгор-ро андеша-и оянда-и сиёҳ торик на-кардагй мебуд... ьл^\ *< ЛIJJJ I j j l l j L - л.^ jSL\ ^ , Jjjj£± ^-ejf-^ Ö L J ^ 'if Yodgor's vision had not been clouded by the prospect of a black future...' (see 4.36). ...J^J,

3.17

Stative Verbs

Stative verbs are those such as (in English) be, stay, live* have, wear, which express a state of rest or a continuing situation rather than a punctual action. Included here are also dynamic-stative verbs, which may express either an action or a state, depending on tense and context: in Tajik the main such verbs are истодан/ ист- - "mijl \ j *l~ ji 'to stop, stand', нишастан/ нишин- - \ j Д *i \ j " —'» and шиштан/ c шин- - *»» л- \ j " A .^ tn s it', хобидан ^л j ; l j ^ 'to lie (down), sleep', пӯшидан ^л / . ^ 'to put on (clothing), to wear', ҷой гирифтан/ гир- -j-*Z XtlH-a^S ^ Ц . 'to be located'. Though the punctual tenses (Present, Simple Past) report an action (to stop, sit down, etc.), the Perfect and Pluperfect tenses of these verbs usually bear the stative sense. This designates durative time without reference to prior action or remoteness: present for the Perfect, immediate past for the Pluperfect. In some cases the durative past sense of the Imperfect may substitute (3.13). Consider the following pairs of sentences: (1) асп дар пеши дарвоза истод ** " • J 6 jl j j j o t t j i j j ._. ...I 'the horse stopped in front of the gate'; асп дар пеши дарвоза истода буд/ меистод ' ^ е borse stood/ was standing in front of the gate'. (2) Афандй ба хона даромада ба руи қолин нишаст •г * ' u-f-4-ä LSJJ-? ft^-öTjj OLL-j'Afandi came into the room and sat (down) on the rug'; Афандй дар болохонааш нишаста

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буд/ менишаст CJ 'Afandi was sitting/ seated in the upper story of his house'. (3) соҳиба-и хона тӯшш-ашро пӯшид Ij Л J I J J ^I .>. djuij.. 'the mistress of the house put on her cap'; соҳиба-и хона, ки туппи-и мудаввари зардӯзи-ашро то ба сари абрувонаш фароварда пӯшида буд jj±—о ^jl <_£ ,4J»L_J1 a ; ~i . jj-j 6.1-IJUI^J ÖJjjlj-Ь ,j£^l J J - J J-U*J Li I J - ^ J J j j j 3 'the mistress

of the house, who wore/ was wearing her round, embroidered cap pulled down to the tops of her eyebrows'. (4) Онҳо дар Афғонистон ҷо гирифтанд U. ^1 " .„'iliLbl j j LpT ,\V\ \jSL 'they settled (down) in Afghanistan'; Ш а ҳ р и Ф а й з о б о д дар А ф ғ о н и с т о н ҷой

гирифтааст j j J L J T ^ ^ - J

Ьj

д

Л,

.iiMil «CLÄJJ; ^ Ц . ^jl^.H'vlJLfll 'the city of Faizabad is (located) in Afghanistan'.

(5) ӯ ба рӯи кӯрпа хобид-у ба зудӣ хоб рафт <_• KZ±AJ L-JI>1 (JAJJ-I J J-J-JIJ^. 'he lay down on the quilt and soon

fell asleep'; марди ҳезумкаш дид, ки дар як ҷо ҳезум ҷамъ шуда хобидааст ^ л % ^ у ^ л

Ц. ,_£_* j j <S Л-JJ ^JS*^J-J_U

jj-в

^i «..I бл-j-jlj—1 бл in 'the woodcutter saw that the firewood had been gathered together and lay/ was lying in one place'. (The English "quotative past" disguises in translation the true present time of xobidaast 4s lying/ laid'; the inanimate 'firewood', incidentally, would not be a possible subject of the Simple Past xobid 'lay down'.) Some at least of these structures are actually not examples of the Perfect/ Pluperfect tense, but of predicative adjectives (the Past Participles) as complements of appropriate copula forms of the verb 'to be'. They are not found in the negative; and in Cyrillic the participle and verbal enclitic are sometimes written separately: хобида аст). Two common verbs of perception and intellection—донистан/ дон'*!•* 'to know' (facts) and шинохтан/ шинос- \ ^ 1 ЛI \ A A 'to know' (people, places)—are also dynamic-static, though their tense-differential is confined to a contrast of Simple Past and durative past (Imperfect): тафсилот-ашро медонист l J u i*^^ > ini" •z. — *Алц * 'he knew the details (of it)', ногоҳ донист/ фаҳмид, ки дӯсти худ хиёнат кардааст ^ L J ^ L jj-i. сд-uujj <£ «-»>..*»Ь 6LSL

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223

cu-bul 6 j j - j £ 'suddenly he knew/ realized that his friend had betrayed [him]'; вайро солҳо м е ш и н о х т а м ^~^\\ м > с г * l^JLu« I J L S J *I knew him for years', динарӯз дар кӯча маро н а ш и н о х т j j

jjj
CLL^LUUI IJ_Ö *LA.J-^ 'yesterday in the street he didn't recognize me'. These verbs do not have progressive tenses; the Present Indicative normally has the stative reading, 'I know', etc. Stative verb phrases may also be distinguished from Perfect and Pluperfect tenses in the passive (3.36, last paragraph). The stative Perfect and Pluperfect (or predicative participial) forms истода-ам/-будам f jj_.-\f 16jl~ti.ijl 'I am/ was standing', etc., have evolved into formal progressive tense auxiliaries (see next, 3.18-19).

PROGRESSIVE TENSES 3.18

Present

Progressive

Progressivity is an aspect of the verb where the act is described in progress, at some point before its completion. This is one of the senses of the Present Indicative (in both present and future time) and the Imperfect (in past time), but not the only one; dedicated progressive tenses make it possible to avoid ambiguity if appropriate adverbial cues are not available. Stative verbs (budan, dostari) and dynamic-stative verbs (donistan, sinoxtan, nisastan, sistan, xobidan, püsidan, jo(y) girifian and istodan itself: see 3.17) do not have progressive tenses. Two progressive tenses correspond respectively to the Present ('I am doing', etc.) and Past ('I was doing'); a third corresponds to the Non-Witnessed Pluperfect ('he had evidently been doing'; this will be treated under 3.24). The Present Progressive tense is formed from the past participle plus the perfect tense of the auxiliary истодан ^jl л ««. J 'to stand, be standing' (also written in Perso-Arabic without^, as

224 FIG. 3.18

CHAPTER THREE PRESENT PROGRESSIVE: karda istodaam'l am doing"

lsg. карда истодаам

f I 6jb...jl 6j

2sg. карда исто дай 3sg. карда истодааст lpl. карда истодаем 2pl. карда истодаед 3pl. карда истодаанд

^ л-J JJ>I 6jl"nnjl 6j^£

Dialect variants (of рафта истодаам f I 6jl" ...jl < " «j 'I am going', etc.) include, in Northern dialects: lsg. rqfsoddm, rqftosiam; 3sg. räfiodäy, räfsodäs, rafsös\ kärdasodäy, kärsoddy\ Central and Southern: lsg. raftestäm. The tense designates an action in progress at the moment of speech: бачаҳо бозй карда истодаанд JJ»I &jl" <<,jl 6jj-S ^ j L LA«L^-J 'the children are playing*. This usually includes reported speech about past events, and experiences or perceptions recorded as in progress in the past: дид, ки ҳамшира дар паҳлӯяш хандида истодааст
6 j j Л1 л ft 'he saw that (his) sister

was laughing by his side' (recorded from the viewpoint of the participant at the time it happened; however, see 3.19). It may be combined with a serial verb (as here, with raftan in the sense of progressive change: 5.20,5.21): ҳавлй ва рӯйдарича... хароб шуда рафта истодаанд А " i j ÖXJ^ v_jlj_i. ...«L-a^jj^jj j ^ j - ^ . jj»l ft.*> " —ji 'the house, and the porch, are going/ have been going to rack and ruin' (note the plural agreement in the verb, for individuated subjects). The Present Progressive may sometimes stand for the habitual aspect: MO дар институт фанҳо-и гуногун-ро омӯхта истодаем j j I в A_jl 6JLLLU_»I * "^j лГ \J(jj£Lij£ ^1^ \\ cj>l-i^ui-jI 'we are learning/ learn various subjects at the institute' (if the speaker is not at the moment in class—and even if she is, since she cannot be learning 'various subjects' at one moment—this is not a literal use of the progressive; as in English, the focus is on a limited current experience within the larger frame of the habitual or iterated past-present-future).

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225

Colloquially, the past participle of гаштан ^ " Л. ^'to become, go on' may replace istodan, usually with this additional Perfect Progressive sense: ҳамсояи мо дар Душанбе кор карда гаштааст U 5 *1 ••• ~* CJ-LJ O-Ji-5 6jj-S j l £ A > "t.nJJ j j 'our neighbor has been working in Dushanbe (and still is)'. The Imperative of the Progressive is not used; the negative, though not frequent, does occur to contradict an assertion (the stressed prefix na- is added to the main verb): одамон ҳоло нарафта истодаанд JJJI 6jl "I M. JI «LJL_fljj» VLa. ^LOJT 'the people are not going now'; вай

нанавишта истодааст CJ-LJ 6JLL-O_JI *"• »j'«'* ^ j 'he is not writing'. This tense has a corresponding Subjunctive (3.28), and participle (3.45).

3.19

Past Progressive

The tense is formed on the Past Participle of the verb, plus the Pluperfect of istodan Dialect variants include: 3sg. karsodä bud, rafsodd bud. This tense designates an action as being in progress in the past: рӯзи серкор ва пур аз ташвиш ба охир расида истода буд j j j jj^>

6jl " in jl

ъл

\ 4ij

J-^.LJ tjii-jj Л|"> j\

j_» j

jl<j

«

г 'the busy and

anxious day was drawing to an end'; ман аввалин бор буд, ки... ин гуна одамони зиндадил ва адабиётчи-ро дида истода будам 6JLLLU_JI 6 J^J 'it was the first time I had seen lively and literatureloving people like this' (lit., 'was seeing'; the English quotative past disguises the time-frame). FIG. 3.19

PAST PROGRESSIVE: karda istoda budam

'I was doing/ making' lsg. карда истода будам 2sg. карда истода буди 3sg. карда истода буд lpl. карда истода будем 2pl. карда истода будед 3pl. карда истода буданд

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Most frequently the Past Progressive occurs in complex sentences (in either clause) t o denote an activity that w a s in progress at the start of a second action: Н у р а л й а с п а ш р о б а м е х баста и с т о д а б у д , ки Ҳоҷиумар н а м о ё н ш у д &jl ~ ,„jl < ~ ,., j ^ j

l п t

jj>^

-1 ^ ^ J L H

л.,! o b L a J i ^-A-C ^ L ^ 4-^JJ-I 'Nurali was tethering his horse to the stake when Hojiumar appeared' ( s e e ki, 4.39); вақте м а н б а хона о м а д а м , з а н а м хӯрок-и ш о м пухта и с т о д а б у д «ц» <j_o ^ "

«j

JJ-J 6jl л . . . J А ~ Ч ^ * L i L £ I J J - 1 j»Jij <* d-Л o L k ' w h e n I got home, my wife w a s cooking dinner'. Sometimes the subsequent action may be elided, though implied by the context: дуруст аст, к и м а н и н ҷо бисьёр чиз ё д гирифта истода будам I ^ *« «1 ^

^

•"-• • •* •-' i j ' j J

^jj-> 6jl".njl О - Ь ^ j b ^ . i ^ j l j u i j 'it's true that I was learning a lot of things here (—before my studies were interrupted)'. Where the semantic load o f the auxiliary in a composite verb is negligible (as with the "dummy" kardan: s e e 5.18), its past participle may be deleted: д а р кӯча р а ф и қ а м р о сӯҳбат [карда] и с т о д а б у д ^JJU^A

д и д а м , к и б о духтаре

L <S ^ ^ J I J ^ O J \J «L^J-S

jj

J J J 6jl "inijl [ftJ>^] *->; -^ <^i 'In the street I saw my friend ( w h o was) talking to a girl'. This same example also appears to contravene the usual sequence of tenses in a report o f a past experience or perception, namely that the time frame is that o f the participant at the time o f the event, not of the narrator at a later point in time (cf. 3.18, second example). In the case of a relative clause, however, either time frame may be chosen, depending on the narrative focus (4.42).

3.20

Other Progressive

Present tenses of istodanl

Constructions ist- may be used as serial auxiliaries, to

indicate that an action once begun will continue: т о омадан-и шумо ман к о р карда м е и с т а м ~~

- j 1 ^ - *^>-£ j L ^ ^

I * .<. <jj_Л Ь

'until your arrival/ until y o u get here, I'll carry on/ keep o n working' (Present Indicative); ш у м о рафта и с т е д , м а н а з п а я т о н расида меравам * j j j - * * »--• j ц 1 " j * j l dn» * ^ j " «•• А А л Ij I л Л, 'you get going/ g o on ahead, I'll follow on/ catch up with you'; ту и н чизҳоро д о ш т а исто, м а н х о з и р м е о я м

^

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a.'you hold these things, I'll be right back' (Imperatives; the sg. form of istodan is irregular, see 3.29); ош гарм шуда истад \ "i M.JI 6j—i f j _ 5 ^ T 'let the food warm up' (Aorist as Optative). Here the time reference extends from the present into the future. Since the finite forms are still independently tensed verbs, this useful "quasitense" (3.1) belongs technically among the lexicalized adverbials of the Conjunct verb construction (5.20). Other tenses of istodan/ ist- may be used serially to refine the nuances of progressivity. Thus the Simple Past characterizes an ongoing activity that stopped (typically, was interrupted by) a new occurrence: то омадан-и ман Раҳим рӯзнома хонда истод - »^ j <>* ^л-Л Li jl "i MIJI 6jJ»lj-^ <UsL j j j

'until my arrival, Rahim was reading the

paper'; то cap шудан-и борон мо пахтаро об дода истодем Li f-^jl" M.JI 6jlj c_J IJ4JLL_I L» 4jljL> fj^^u j^u'until it started to rain,

we were watering the cotton' (see further under то Li, 4.28). Sometimes the Imperfect (past durative tense) of istodan is used with the past participle of a Stative verb, instead of the more usual Pluperfect (3.17): мӯҳо-и абрувон-аш чашмон-ашро пӯшонда меи с т о д а н д j-jjl ~\ .м jl ^-JÖ 6j-jl MIJ,» \j tjiiJil л Л. ^ ^SI-JIJJ-JI ^LAJ—O

'the hair of his eyebrows covered/ concealed his eyes' ('the hairs... were-standing-having-covered...'). Other stative verbs, especially nisastan and sistan 'to sit', may be used serially in several tenses to express progressive activity: китоб хонда менишинам ^\\ил^

6jJ»l^k <_»1^'I'm ('sitting') reading';

мо тамоми пешгоҳ ran зада шиштем were ['sat'] chatting the whole morning'.

NON-WITNESSED MODE 3.21

The Perfect as a Non-Witnessed Form

The compound tense forms described below belong to a category of the verb which is not modal in the established sense, being rather a "viewpoint" within the Indicative or common mode. It has also been called noncommittal, non-evident, evidential, narrative, and auditive.

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The category exists also in Standard Persian, but is more highly 1 systematized in Tajik. Such verbs denote an action or occurrence known to the speaker not by direct observation but from collateral sources—hearsay or logical inference (quotative, inferential); or they acknowledge a situation unexpectedly discovered, or a fact only just appreciated as relevant (mirative). The indirect nature of the experience may (or may not) be signaled by an epistemic verb such as шунидан/ шунав- - j \ .n\(j,i j \ Л 'to hear' or хабаргирифтан/ -rap- j ; ^ - j j K- \<j_a-flj_S 'to be informed', or a phrase such as маълум шуд л .о {jL*—* 'it became known'. Sentences without such cues are often glossed in English, Russian, etc. using adverbials such as 'evidently' or 'it seems', though these insertions are sometimes too heavy-handed for the nuance encoded in the Tajik verb form. In the nature of things, one is unlikely not to have first-hand information about one's own actions (except when reporting, usually ironically, what others have said about them); hence these tenses occur less frequently in the 1st person than in the others. Non-Witnessed Perfect The Perfect Indicative tense, apart from its role as a resultative (3.15), also functions as a Non-Witnessed past or present: мегӯянд, ки куллиёт-и ин нависанда баромадааст CJ-4-UI 6 J _ J J - > *•»''••• J J * ' J>JI аЛ j K <£ J - L J J < > n 'they say that this writer's collected works has appeared/ is out'; саёҳат-ба рафта-аст CJ-LJ O - i j «LJ-CLLSJ j ..t 'he went on a trip (so I hear)' (quotative; for the postposition -ba, see 2.24); рӯзи рафтанаш касал шуда бошй, Душанбе рафта-й 1рафта-аст] j j j ^1 « Q i j *L_»Ji_iiijj *Lr^\-* 6j-Ji J..n*s jjti-Hij 'if you fell ill on the day of his departure, then it was Monday that he left' (inference). 'Be' and 'Have'. The Perfect of the stative verbs budan 'to be' and dostan 'to have' always refer to present time, or general truths, when used in Non-Witnessed contexts. The Non-Witnessed mode is a more frequent function of the Perfect forms будаам ^I *JJ-J 'I am', etc., and доштаам f I «Lloilj 'I have', etc. than the resultative. They are often found in miratives and gnomic statements: одаме хуб будааст --- -< &jj-» «—jj-a. ^М 'He's a good man (as it turns out)'; раиси собиқ даромада гуфт -Ӯ-ӯ, ту бало 1

See Lazard, 2000; Perry, 2000; Windfuhr, 1982

MORPHOLOGY: VERBS будай, гапдон будай! ьЦ» j ^

229

!jl-j

!^l 6jj_i tjlj—JL-S «^1 6JJ_J 'the former director came in and said, "Oho! So (I hear) you're a troublemaker, a tattle-tale!'; гуфтанӣ набудааст •-• •< *-*j ;"» ^^-ll-LS 'it seems she's not about to tell' (for the Future Participle in -anT, see 3.42); ин навозандагй худци муллогй барин будааст ^ S l — о J > - ^ ^ J - ^ I J J » t>J CJ-UUI 6JJ-J ^ J - J 'playing a musical instrument is just like reading and writing' (seejcwAfi, 1.8, 2.23); чй зан-и хубе доштаед! <л. ! ^ 1 «CLilj ^ ^ oj 'what a good wife you have!'. These examples, moreover, suggest a connection with the resultative sense of the Perfect, in that behavior observed in the past has been assessed for the present judgment. 3.22

Non- Witnessed

Durative

In addition to the Perfect, there are three dedicated Non-Witnessed tenses, all structured on the form of the Perfect, and covering present, future, past and remote past time. The Durative (present) is formed by prefixing ме-

-Lr^

to the Perfect tense of the verb; the (stressed)

negative is prefixed to the beginning of the form. It is written as one word in Cyrillic; in Perso-Arabic script me- is usually written separately. KG. 3.22

NON-WITNESSED DURATIVE:

mekardaast

'he is (evidently) doing/ used to do/ will be doing' Sg.

PL

PL

Sg.

1. мекардаам

мекардаем

^1 a j ^ ^

fl a j ^ ^ Л

2. мекардай

мекардаед

^1 & л ^ £ ^

^1 a j ^ ^ .X

3. мекардааст

мекардаанд

JJ»I & Л ^ £ ^

CJ-LJ U J ^ ^ .V

Dialect variants include: 3sg. merafias 'he is evidently going'. This 'tense' is apparently indifferent to time: it may designate habitual or iterative actions in present, past or future time, or acts of general validity. It is frequently found in reportage, where the writer wishes routinely to distance himself from second-hand information. Present time: ҳозир дар кадом колхоз деҳқонй мекардааст 'now (I gather)

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he's working as a peasant on some collective farm'; Шӯро-ҳукумат ба ятимон ғалла медодааст f JT -:•< - ^ «-£ о~^ ой, J *-* А ^ ~ J-ilj-o *In short, a person's character (eventually) comes to terms with his heart'; худатон фикр кунед, умри одамизод мисли оби ҷӯй гузашта рафтан мегирифтааст-у аммо худи одам бехабар мемондааст < ^ ; ^^J ^ Л JJ-JL 'just think about it: a person's life is flowing by like a river, but the person himself/ herself is unaware of it'; ин навозандагӣ худди муллогӣ барин будааст-у нанавозед, аз хотир мебаромадааст ei» inl 6j—OTJ-J^^^Ö J - L L J » . j l < j - j j l j - j J » j d i ml

'playing a musical instrument is like reading-and-writing: if you don't play, you forget how to'. Here the first verb (budan 'to be') is in the Non-Witnessed Perfect (3.21), the second in the NonWitnessed Durative, suggesting that the two are equivalent in designating present or universal time. Future time: маълум аст ки ӯ пагоҳ мерафтааст <_£ oi .J f ji*-«> с,- J л " * f l j^ « Ö L ^ j l 'it's known that he is going tomorrow'; одамон мегӯянд, ки Оқподшоҳ бачаҳои моро ба ҷанг мефиристодааст IJLÖ р К ^ \ ö L i j L j T
MORPHOLOGY: VERBS

231

returned every year in summer to our village'; нақл мекунанд, ки боре Аҳмадбек дар... Сафедкӯҳ... ҷуфт мерондааст 'they do say that Ahmadbek was once a plowman in Safedkuh' ('used to drive a team [of oxen]'). Past future: This tense may replace the Imperfect in both clauses of a counterfactual Conditional (4.36) if the conjecture is reported or inferred indirectly: ба қавл-и худаш ба хона даромада ин китобча-ро дар даст-и бача-и дусола-аш дидааст, андак дер мешудааст, китобчаро медаррондааст ^ i o j i. Jj S_»

'in her own words, she came into the room and saw the booklet in the hands of her two-year-old boy; had she been a little later, he would have torn it' (the verbs leading up to the conditional construction are in the Non-Witnessed Perfect of reported past narrative). The Non-Witnessed durative has a Subjunctive counterpart which replaces it in a construction requiring the (Present) Subjunctive (3.27). 3.23

Non-Witnessed Past

This tense is constructed on the Past Participle of the verb plus the Perfect of budan\ the negative is prefixed to the head of the tense, na-karda buda-am. It is written as two words in Cyrillic. Dialect variants include 3sg. rafta budds. RG. 3.23

NON-WITNESSED PLUPERFECT: karda

budaast 'he (evidently) had done' lsg. карда будаам ^I 2sg. карда будаӣ ^1 3sg. карда будааст lpl. карда будаем 2pl. карда будаед 3pl. карда будаанд

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This form corresponds in functions of tense to the regular Pluperfect Indicative, i.e., to denote an action completed before a more recent one mentioned, or implied, in the same context, while connoting quotation, inference or sudden realization. Because of the wider scope of the Pluperfect in Tajik Persian, an English translation may sometimes use a different past tense (cf. 3.16): лоиҳаи он пеш аз чднг тайёр шуда будааст о » . J 6jj-i Ь±~& j l - e ^ ^ J L ^ J\ ^ i ^ ^Т 3 -%jV 'the 1 project was (evidently) ready [lit. 'had been prepared'] before the war ('the draft of it...'; cf. 4.1(7). For the Non-Witnessed Perfect tense, see 3.21); падарам хату савод дошта, дар вақтҳои чдвониаш чанд сол дар мадрасаҳои Бухоро истиқомат карда будааст Je-1 . l u J 6jj_i 6jj_S cj^ol fl " .„I ' m y father knew how to read and write;

during his youth he had spent some years at the madrasas of Bukhara' (the son reporting his father's statement); аз суханон-и модар-аш мо фаҳмидем ки ӯ кайҳо ба шаҳр кӯчида будааст <jLü> ш jl CJUUUI 6jj_j öjj-yjZ j q - • ; lo Л j l <£ - ' %j " ^ ^ L° jjLjjLo'from what his mother said, we gathered that he had moved to the city a long time ago' (quotative or inferential). When used in historical narrative or commentary, the implication is that later events will in due course be mentioned: аз ин чанд сад сол пеш сайёҳе аз Шаҳртуз ба Кободиён... гузашта ба кадом тарафе рафта будааст j l « ^ L - l

UM^J^^ JL_WJ J — ^ ^ i ^ <J_JI 3I

• -»"•I 6jj_i «Llij ^-ij-U ^IJ^UI А Л . ni£ . . . ^ J L J L L ^ *L-I j ^ j ^ - i i 'afew

hundred years ago a traveler passed through Shahrtuz and Kobodion on his way to somewhere or other' ('had gone... passing through...'). In the case of a mirative use (i.e., sudden appreciation of a fact hitherto unknown, even if discovered by personal experience), the focus is on the inferred action(s) that had led to the result perceived: ош омад, дар ҳақиқат ҳам нағзакак, хушгӯшт, хушравған пухта б у д а а н д £yLjj^h*j-L A

«CJ MIJ^-IMJÄ ^Л С^З J a ^ j j . J-AT ^1

jj»l 6Jj_» " ^ * 'the food arrived. And in fact it was quite well prepared, with lots of meat and fat' ('they had cooked it quite nicely...'). Sometimes the Non-Witnessed tense can carry over from the inferential or mirative clause(s) into the actual narrative as witnessed: аммо баъд фаҳмид, ки ин чиз-и сиёҳ зоғ будааст, ки бо наз-

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233

дик омадани у ба ҳаво парвоз кардааст ^ 1
L 'but then he realized that this black thing (as it turned out) was a crow, which at his approach flew into the air'. (At whatever point he identified the creature, it actually took flight in the subject's presence; nevertheless, this act is also described in the Non-Witnessed Perfect, its epistemic status subsumed under zog budaast 'it turned out to be a crow'; cf. 3.24, last example). 3.24

Non- Witnessed Past Progressive

This Non-Witnessed counterpart of the Past and Present Progressive tenses is formed on the Past Participle of the verb plus the Pluperfect of the verb 'to be'. Dialect variants include: 3sg. karsodä buddy. FIG. 3.24

NON-WITNESSED PAST PROGRESSIVE: karda istoda budaast 'he was (evidently) doing/ making' lsg. карда истода будаам ^ 2sg. карда истода будай ^ 3sg. карда истода будааст •-_• •< ÖJ>J ÖJLL-U_»I

lpl. карда истода будаем 2pl. карда истода будаед 3pl. карда истода будаанд

^ ^ 1 ÖJ>J JJJ ÖJ>J

Like the Past Progressive (3.19), this tense is often used in complex sentences to designate an activity in progress in the past at the point when another action began—but not witnessed by the speaker: вай китоб хонда истода будааст, ки ман дарро тақ-тақ кардам ^ j ^1 6jj-£ <5-А о н

' J J J сн» ^

<~> "J ÖJJ-J 6jl л in jl ÖJJIIJ^. L J L I S 'he

was (evidently) reading a book when I knocked at the door'. As a mirative: шумо як асари нав навишта истода будаед I-S-J I л •* J-JI ÖJJ-J 6jl_l^u-jl ^ "> '.'j'* JJI J!J\ '(I see) you've been writing a new opus'. In the following example, the tense takes its cue from actions inferred in the more distant past (the wolf's attack on the sheep) rather than what the observer is currently witnessing (the wolf's meal): Мурод

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сабаб-и ин безобитаги-и гӯсфандон-ро ёфтанй шуда, диққат карда дид, ки дар найзор ба о н ҳ о гург вохурда яке аз ҳамчинсон-ашон-ро кафонда хӯрда истода будааст - -; .
6jj-j 'Murod, wanting to ascertain the reason for the sheep's skittishness, looked closely and saw that a wolf had attacked them in the reed thicket, had killed one of them, and was eating it'. (Though he had not seen the wolf attack the sheep, presumably Murod witnessed it eating; nevertheless the Non-Witnessed tense xurda istoda buda-ast 'is (presumably) eating' is carried over from the inferential clauses—where it is not even actualized, the clauses being reduced to past participles—to appear where we might have expected the "witnessed" tense, xurda istoda-ast 4s eating1.)

THE SUBJUNCTIVE 3.25

Present

Subjunctive

The Subjunctive mood performs much the same functions as in Standard Persian, i.e., to designate potential or otherwise unreal actions, usually in subordinate clauses introduced by an appropriate conjunction or Modal auxiliary, and in exclamations of desire, exhortation, imprecation, etc. (see below). It occurs in four tenses, that of widest range and most frequent use being the Present (also called the aorist subjunctive or the present-future subjunctive). It corresponds to the Aorist form. 3.25 Sg. 1. кунам 2. кунӣ 3. кунад RG.

PRESENT SUBJUNCTIVE:

PI. кунем кунед кунанд

kunam "(that) I do/ make' PI. Sg. * ; '< fl^ A »ljVs ^^ V л V>< a l £ .V

The negative is formed by prefixing (stressed) на- --i: накунам prt'i, etc. Some common verbs may regularly prefix (stressed) б и — _ J to

MORPHOLOGY: VERBS

235

the subjunctive in spoken usage, and others in literary Tajik (3.5, 3.9). This rarely applies to /cardan, even when used independently, since it is always to some degree auxiliary to the meaning and keeps a low profile prosodically: ҳамин тавр (бй)кунад (,*'*<;) \ j i £ jj-L j ^ ^ Met him do so'. Especially is this so when kardan functions as a lexical auxiliary: бояд инро мутолиа кунед ш\у& o J l U л l J t >jl л^Ь 'you must study this'; stress in such cases falls on the final syllable of the nominal constituent. This tense operates in the realm of the potential, with reference mainly to future time. Examples of its forms and functions are given elsewhere for the verbs будан/ бош- -—j>L \o*j-> 'to be' (3.7), доштан/ дор- - j l j \ ^ l i b 'to have' (3.8), and some verbs with orthographic anomalies (3.9). Here are some illustrations of its range of use with ordinary verbs. Future possibility: шояд бо онҳо вохурем ^jj-L\3 L^l L j j L i 'perhaps we will meet them, we might run into them' (for soyad, see 4.21); эҳтимол ӯ ҳамин рӯз биёяд 'he might come today/ this very day' ('probably...'). Suggestion, exhortation: хезед, хона равем! !A-JJJ 4J>LL *-* »j ^ 'get up, let's go home!' (often linked with a related form, the Imperative: see 3.29); чой хӯрй-чӣ? S«L^ L$JJ-=>> <_$1^ 'won't you have some tea?' (for the particle чй <^ \<>^ in questions, see 4.8). канӣ, газета хонам ^j-^ 4 "jj-S L*-^'! think/ maybe I'll read the paper' (forkam; see 4.8); шу кардан гирад, равад j j j * J > ^ 'let her/ she should get married and leave'. Seeking advice or approval: мо ЧӢ кор кунем? S^ j'>^ jL_£ 'what shall/ should we do?'; ман ҳам равам? S ^ J J ^ 'shall I go too?'. Protest and disbelief: ман чӣ тавр фаромӯш кунам? j ^ < A <j_a 'how could I forget?'; нахот ran назада раванд? j_alj ^ \ 'would they really leave without saying anything?' (naxodl naxot 'God forbid' may take all tenses of the Subjunctive: see also 3.26-28). Hoping against hope: кошки аз ин ҷо баромада равад jl < L Ü ( _ S JJJ ÖJ^OT^-J l ^ '»jl 'if only he would leave/ would that...' (koski also takes the Conditional: see 4.38).

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Note that independent use of the Present Subjunctive (and with adverbs of potential such as soyad) appears always to have future time reference; its use with other conjunctions may include present or general reference too. Syntactic constructions involving the Present Subjunctive are illustrated in the following sections: Modal constructions, 4.20-23; Concessional clauses, 4.34; Conditional sentences, 4.35; Purpose clauses, 4.40; indefinite Relative clauses, 4.45. 3.26

Past Subjunctive

This tense is constructed with the Past Participle of the verb and the Aorist (simple subjunctive) of budan 'to be*. FIG. 3.26

PAST SUBJUNCTIVE: karda boSam 'I might have done' Sg. PI. PI. Sg.

1. карда бошам

карда бошем

f-^Ч»

2. карда бошӣ

карда бошед

n .nL 6j^£ с у Ц

3. карда бошад

карда бошанд

а Д ^ Ь tjj$

6J

-£ J-JILJ 6J^£ Т

It is structurally the Subjunctive counterpart of the Perfect Indicative (3.15), though its scope extends over past time in general. It most commonly occurs in doubting, questioning, or supposing, a past action or the resulting situation, and may also speculate about an eventuality stretching into the future. Doubt, surprise: аҷаб... на инки Қароев ба ҳамин дараҷа расида бошад?

S j - i i L fr,*j - " j «-a. j j j j n j i

u - L J j J a < - £ - 1 J I <^

-_»^ *

'Amazing!... Is this what Qaroev has come to/ could Q. have come to this?'; наход шумо гапи маро ҷиддӣ фаҳмида бошед? S л-L-iiiL» ьл * -р * (j±=* 'j-л ' ^ I n ,ъ лA I J ^ *> 'did y o u really take

me ['my words'] seriously?' (for nwcod, see 4.17); мабодо маро нашинохта бошад? <• J-ДЦ» <m^LuiJ Ij_o I J L ^ 'did he really not recognize me/ could he really not have..?' (see 4.17); ҳанӯз бовар намекард, ки ду гӯсфанд гум шуда бошад J>-1-Ä J_iiL fr.« - fS

г** - j ^ J J <-S «jj-S^^oJ» j j L 'he still didn't

believe that two sheep were/ had been/ could have been lost'.

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237

Presumption, apprehension: эҳтимол шумо хато карда бошед J-J-^L» öjj-S LL^L La-ui Jl Q - ^ I 'you're probably mistaken' ('... have probably made a mistake'); especially after the modal boyad 'must' in its presumptive sense: ман бояд шашсола т у д а бошам ки маро падарам ба мактаб... бурда монд * II,.. А A J_JL <j-e jJ»Lo ÖJJ-J ...i_jJiiA_j f j ^ Ij-o «-£ ^ » L J ÖJ-L^'I must have been six years old when my father took me to school...'; илоҳй ба ягон фалокат гирифтор нашуда бошад! j l < ^ ; ^ *yi ! j^iiL ÖJJ^ j L l ^ j ^ C J £ } U 'My God, (I hope) he hasn't met with an accident!'. Regret, reproach: кошки ман ягон кило барзиёд ба хона оварда бошам f-^L ÖJJJT О(_Ц» j L j ^ e ^^JL^ ^[£-> ^ <К,т,1£ 'if only I had taken home one more kilo'. Constructions using the Past Subjunctive may be found under Modals (presumption), 4.21; clauses of Speculative Simile, 4.32; of Concession, 4.34, and Conditionals, 4.37. 3.27

Durative Past Subjunctive

This tense is constructed like the Perfect Subjunctive, with the imperfective prefix ме- ^-о added before the participle. RG. 3.27

DURATI VE PAST SUBJUNCTIVE: mekarda

bosam 'I might have done/ be doing' lsg. мекарда бошам 2sg. мекарда бошӣ 3sg. мекарда бошад lpl. мекарда бошем 2pl. мекарда бошед Зр1. мекарда бошанд

_* > -.< \ s '* AI >

In the first instance, this form is of course the Subjunctive of a NonWitnessed tense, and therefore automatically replaces its Indicative counterpart, the Non-Witnessed Durative me-karda-am (3.22), in a construction requiring the Subjunctive. Such is the case in an Actual conditional clause: хуб, шумо намехӯрда бошед, ман хӯрам

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f 6-* *^v^L> Qjj^A, 4T^I ^ "» « v > ^ 'well, if (as it seems) you're not going to eat, ГН eat/ let me eat' (see 4.37, Actual conditions in the future). It also occurs independently, and (like its Indicative counterpart) is seemingly indifferent to tense. It expresses conjecture, doubt, surprise, apprehension, regret, etc. in relation not only to progressive, habitual or iterated actions in the past, but current or potential actions of a durative nature: Present (speculative): ҳой, духтарҳо! Дар паровоз Вера - ба куҷо мерафта бошад? I ^ » - Ö^J j l j l ^ » J J I L Ä J J ^ J ^LA S j A b А ~\ JJLT* 'Hey, girls! Vera is on the locomotive—where might she be going?'; ҳеч гумон накардам ки палав ҳамин хел бомаза мешуда бошад ^ J J I J «L£ ^ jj-^^^J» <jl^ ^-л j Ab бл Л. j о бj—ab J-J-^ 'I had no idea that pilaf could be so delicious' (lit. 'might have become...'; this is a standard locution of the type introduced by gumon kardan 'to think, be of the opinion', or a synonym). See also Speculative similes, 4.32. Future (speculative): ин чй хушбахтй! Наход ки Бароат ба ман зан мешуда бошад? CJPI^J < S j ^ u b 6 ^ i a - e о j Cy^i What good fortune! Would Baroat really marry me?'; мана мешинохта боша? 'would he recognize me/ know me?'; очаҷон, ман памадура хола-м-ба барам, мегирифта боша ё не? ^ ' б ' ^ 'Ч^ S^ L «uiiL O-flj^^^o «^^-J «ujkl4JU. 6 j j j л i 'Mom, if I take/ took some tomatoes to my aunt, will/ would she accept them (or not)?' (with future reference, the durative aspect is sometimes lost). Past (speculative, presumptive), бояд Шодй ҳам аз ин корҳои модари меҳрубонаш завқ мегирифта бошад, ки қақарросзанон механдид ^LJIL^^O jjL» ^ L Ä J I ^ <>J jl ^иь j e^G 5 - 5 ^ ^1-LJ «LLflj^^^-o J j j *Shodi too must have derived enjoyment from the things his dear mother did, that he laughed so loud' (for expressive adjectives like qaqar-r-os, see 5.12).

MORPHOLOGY: VERBS 3.28

239

Present Progressive Subjunctive

This tense, formed with the Past Participle of the verb and the Perfect Subjunctive of истодан <jjl " м. J, is a feature of Northern dialects assimilated in MLT. Dialect variants include 3sg. rafsoda bosa(d). Used independently, this subjunctive expresses conjecture, doubt, or surprise, about an ongoing action in present or future time: Гулрӯ чиҳо гуфта истодааст? -Кор-ат набошад, духтари бечора эҳтимол хоб дида истода бошад - ?.-..„! »,%!" ...J * * ** is Gulru saying? — Never mind, the poor girl is probably dreaming'; наход ӯ ба назди мо омада истода бошад? Lo JJJI_> j \ jjblj-iJ» 'is he really coming/ on his way'to see us?'. FIG. 3.28

PRESENT PROGRESSIVE SUBJUNCTIVE:

karda istoda boSam 'I may be doing' lsg. карда истода бошам 2sg. карда истода бошй 3sg. карда истода бошад

с^Ц? öjl"t*,ijl А Л Ь ftjl"n..jl

lpl. карда истода бошем

f

2pl. карда истода бошед 3pl. карда истода бошанд

*> л | : * J " [

:{

It also occurs in Concessive clauses (4.34): онҳо аз машина хеле дур кор карда истода бошанд ҳам, шавқун-и хомушнашаванда-и он намемонад ки овоз-и ҳамсоя-и худро шунаванд j ! j i m I jjj_=k. Q U ^ U L ^ although they are working quite far from the machine, its constant noise does not allow them to hear what the person next to them is saying' (the final clause of the three in this sentence also illustrates use of the Present Subjunctive); in Conditionals (Actual, with present reference, 4.37): агар дарсҳои хондаги-ро хонда истода бошад, халал нарасон! JLk <j_Jt
240

3.29

CHAPTER THREE

Imperative and Optative

The special case of budanl bos--to be' as an independent verb is described in 3.7, and the orthography of zistan and giristan, nihodan and dodan in 3.9. The Imperative mood is a specialized form of the subjunctive, by which the speaker commands someone to perform an action. It exists only in the Aorist-based form and applies only to the 2nd person (sg. and pi.)- It is formed on Stem I by suffixing zero for the singular and the 2nd pi. personal suffixes for the plural: кун, кунед/ кунетон <<jk do, make';ry, гӯед/ гӯетон An exception to the bare Stem I singular imperative is isto\ 'stop!', from истодан/ ист- - "» ... A \^jl л ,,, J 'to stop, stand': исто, исто! ман ба ту чиз-и ғалатй сохта диҳам jl «ц» ^ п " -J л " • ji jUbj «L-l^LL-i о И г j j ^ 'stop, stop! I've made something interesting for you' ('having made... let me give you'). This applies to complex derivatives of istodan: боз исто! !l"n«jl j L 'halt!' (5.16). Since the nominal plural in -ed might refer politely to a single person, the form in -eton provides an explicit plural (cf. 3.4): шумо ran зада шинетон, ҳолпурсй кунетон «pi ~ j л\\ • ^ 'you [people can] sit and chat, pass the time of day'. Exceptionally, this may be used for emphasis in a (familiar) singular: далер-у нотарс бошетон, писар-ам! ^-ujJiL» j j JJJ !^j M.^I <(jl Л j Л.Ь 'be bold and fearless, my son!'. Stress is placed on the initial syllable. Under some circumstances, the (stressed) prefix би—_J may be added to these forms (see below). In a military context, stylized imperatives for parade commands may consist of nominals or other shortened forms without a verbal ending or even stem: ист! !cn,. A 'halt!' (to more than one person); марш! !^j-° 'march!'; оташ! l^i^T 'fire!'. Addressed to categorical subordinates (e.g., in the army) or children and other close acquaintances who are one's social equals or inferiors, the bare imperative is acceptable. In most other circumstances it may be felt as too peremptory, and a variety of stratagems has evolved to tone down or otherwise vary the force of this shortest and most functional

241

MORPHOLOGY: VERBS

of verb forms (for word order, see 4.2). Prefix Ы- adds a tone of pleading or cajolery: марҳамат, бйёед J—AJLJLJ i,z\ * -*,>-д 'please come, do come', бйшин(ед) \<j * •*• » •lj'ijinj 'do sit down', бифармоед ^(-в^Ц» 'please...'; this last is a general-purpose polite imperative (lit. 'command!', turning the concept of the imperative back on itself) which, accompanied by a gesture, invites a guest to take appropriate action (come in, sit down, eat, etc.); it is not so commonly used as in SP. Other common imperatives so treated are бйпурс(ед) «j - -j »; X^^l-i 'ask', бйрав J ^ J 'go', бйгӯ j i L 'say, tell' (usually only in the singular). Note that bi- is not attached to the auxiliary kardan (3.25): марҳамат кунед j / Л .m n ^j-o 'please.., be so good as to...' (lit. 'do kindness'; equivalent to bifarmoed). Particles канй ^ '*< or ку j

£ placed before or after the imperative

phrase add a conversational buffer: канй, ба ман бигуед L 5 _ ^ j

OJJ S <>*_>'so, tell me...'; ин ҷумларо хонед, канй ^ 1 \j<\ n ^ 'OK, read this sentence'; ку бигу, ту чй

ГуфТИЮ ВаЙ ЧЙ Гуфт

.-.&<
J

'well, tell me what you said and what he said'. These particles are also used in questions (4.8). Enclitic -a 6- adds a tone of surprise, astonishment, or urgency to an imperative: ин мардак-а [-ро] бинёд-а! [I j - ] A S j j

о^1

Ul-Jj'ij.i 'just look at that guy!'. Precative adverbs: зинҳор jl p \j (orig. 'mercy, quarter') introduces an urgent plea: зинҳор касал нашавед! ±->j A'i JJ-U_S J\ $ \j 'please/ for goodness' sake, don't get sick'. Words and phrases for 'please', generally placed first, vary perceptibly in tone and intent, the most neutral being лутфан I \ U I. илтимос ^ !

о " II (lit.

'petition, beseeching') and бемалол бошад J M.L J^L^ ^

'(if)

it be without trouble' ask for assistance or a favor: илтимос, бо овоз-и баланд ran назанед J-^J^» * ^ J^J-e j^J^^i

*Q^I л "Л

'please keep your voice down/ speak quietly'; марҳамат (кунед) (л

*"'<) -г» - - j

w

о 'be kind (enough) to...' more often issues an

invitation (see above, under Ы-). Marhmat also acts as a deprecating rejoinder to a thankyou. 'Thank you' is ташаккур ^ А з or рахмат

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Substituting the Optative or Indicative: нағалтй ^ L I a \ 'don't fall' (not the Imperative, which has a zero ending, but the Optative: 'may you not fall', esp. since this potential action is involuntary); (маро) ме-бахшед л j Л. Ч s ^ (Ij—о) '(you will) excuse me' (Indicative); more formally, (маро) афв ме-фармоед j-Lr. (Ij-*) ^OJLQJJI^^O. In earlier times, the 3rd pi. Optative was used instead of a 2nd person Imperative as a specially deferential form: канй, марҳамат кунанд, аз боло гузаранд... бифармоянд... пурсидан айб надорад, тақсир-амон аз кадом кишлоқ мешававд? now, [let them] kindly proceed... if you ['they'] please... (if) it's not presumptuous to ask, from which estate might their Worthies be?' (for taqsir[-amon\ see 2.27). Intensification: Conversely, an Imperative may be intensified by insertion of a particle -ho between repetitions of the imperative: хӯр-ҳо хӯр! ! j j ^ L&JJ ^ 'eat up!'; қароргоҳ-и босмачиён ба ғулғула даромад, аммо ин дафъа «Гирдо-гир! Занҳо-зан! Кушҳо-куш!» намегуфтанд, балки «Гурезҳо-гурез! Гурезҳо-гурез!» гӯён фарьёд мекашиданд ^ 1 Lai «а-oTjj <JJLLC 1 , 1 ' t " Q ^ .t't.t i л <

^\

i j i i i S » | _ д — i y ^ ! лj

^ jL»^-i JJLJJ-S

LA—_J\

! \_i_Sk L A — ) * ^

!J_»J_S LA—J_»J_S ! J_IJ_S LA—J_IJ^[

4 < Q,\ 'the

Basmachi base erupted in cries, but this time they were not cries of "Get them! Beat them! Kill them!" but rather "Run for your lives!"'. This infix is a copy of a Turkic form of intensive imperative; not to be confused with the plural suffix -ho. The Optative takes the usual inflected forms of the Subjunctive. Besides overlapping with the Imperative, it covers many of the functions of the Subjunctive in a main clause, independent of other verbal governance (cf. 3.25). It is usually translated by 'let [me].../ may [you]...', etc.: шу кардан гирад, равад AJJ « J J _ J _ § U^J-Z J—& 'let her get married and leave/ she should...' (N. dialect). In this sense—announcing one's personal intention, one's suggestion for the company, or wishes for a third person, while leaving listeners the chance to object or advise—Tajik also allows for the idiomatic use of verbs meaning 'to let, allow'(see 4.25).

MORPHOLOGY: VERBS

243

The Optative may also be buffered or polished by some of the same adverbs and enclitic particles as are used for the Imperative: кадуи обро ман барорам-чй ^^ f JTJ_J

O-O I J «^Т

<_£jj—£ 'let me

get the watermelon/ why don't I...'; илоҳй, асло касал нашавед! !ijj,Vi J^S ^L-al '^H

'heavens, don't ever fall sick!'.

The (negative) Optative may invoke a curse: асло рӯзи нек набинӣ ^'tj /i .^j'i j j j ^L-4-ol 'may you never see good fortune'. Other examples of parenthetical or stock phrases are: рост-ашро гӯям/ ҳаққ-и гапро гӯям fjj-5 IJC-AS J^. \f-jj-S I J O 7,* .„Ij'to tell the truth (of к)';сухан дар байни мо монад jJl

о I о <J_J_J j j ^

«, 'just

between the two of us' ('let the word stay between us').

CONJECTURAL MOOD 3.30

The Conjectural Mood: Introduction

This peculiarity of Northern dialects has been assimilated into MLT. Also called the presumptive, and in Tajik the 'probabilitive mood' (siga-i ehtimolf),

it expresses an unsubstantiated conjecture or

assumption. It is constructed upon the suppleted form of the past participle (Past Participle II), which is Stem II plus the suffix -agT, in three tenses: Past, Present, and Present Progressive. In contrast with the Perfect Subjunctive, the (Past) Conjectural incorporates within itself the sense of boyad'musV

(which externally

signals the Past Subjunctive of supposition, 'have done'). In contrast with the Non-Witnessed tenses, though it usually is inferential by implication (one supposes a scenario on the basis of contextual clues), the evidence is not usually presented or even alluded to in the Conjectural sentence. Since the speaker does not usually conjecture about his own actions in past or present, the 1st Person is not often encountered in practice, and will not be the one translated in the paradigms below.

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3.31

Past Conjectural

Constructed on Past Participle II in -agiy this tense takes two forms: (1) Personal endings resembling an elided form of the Independent Present of 'to be', hastam, etc., giving karda-gi-st-am, etc., the "Standard Form"; (2) Personal endings the same as the personal enclitic Present of 'to be', giving karda-gi-am, etc., the "Short Form". The 3rd person singular karda-gi-st is common to both forms. FIG. 3.31

PAST CONJECTURAL: kardagist- /-gi- 'I suppose

[he] did; [you] might have done', etc. lsg. кардагистам/-гиям 2sg. кардагистй/-гий 3sg. кардагист lpl. кардагистемЛгием

^ 1 ^ - \^ л,,. J^^JS

2pl. кардагистед/-гиед

d_j| _ S — \J_LIU-U-XS J^>S

3pl. кардагистанд/-гиянд Dialect variants include, in the Standard Form: raftagisam, etc. (assimilation of -t-)\ in the Short Form: lsg., pi. rafiagem,

raftagfm; lsg.

rafiagiyam, lpl. rafiagiyim\ 2pl. raftagU rafiagiyi, raftaged/ -get/ -getonl -git/ -giton; 3sg. raflagi/ -ge, 3pl. rafiagin/ -gen/ -gian. The same variants may be expected for analogous segments in other tenses of the Conjectural. The standard tense formative is evidently a fused form of the independent copula hastam, etc. (< kardagl hastam, etc.: 3.6). The short form, as listed also in Fig. 3.31 (felt as colloquial, but reproduced in MLT), uses the enclitic copula (kardagi^am, kardagi-1, etc.: 3.6), with phonetic variants kardagem, [kardagisti, kardagist],

kardagem,

kardaged, kardagem e.g.faromufkardaged 'you've probably forgotten'. Both forms also admit the 2nd person Explicit Plural form, кардагистетон (jl"i rn.ij^jj^,кардаги-етон < J L L I S J ^ (3.4). The tense connotes various degrees of supposition or conjecture, and may be translated with the help of an adverb such as 'probably' or the modal idioms 'may have, might have, must have' (cf. 4.20): ӯ аз шаҳр омадагист ^- — » ^ * *Т j Q •* j l j l 'he may/ must have come

MORPHOLOGY: VERBS

245

from the city'; о н ҳ о кайҳо рафтагистанд *'*" • •• »<" « j I д »< L^T 'they might have gone long ago/ must be long gone'; ягон кор-и ганда кардагист .:п,. j ^ J ^ J S * * "^ j l _ £ Ö ^ - J 'he must have done something bad'. This tense of the verb 'to be' invariably has present reference (cf. the particles буда öjj_» and будагй ^ . S J J - I , 3.43): агар ҳ а м о н фаранҷидор Пӯлод набошад, миёнараваш будагист ^1 *Aj_Sl CJJLU-J-SJJ-J ^jtijj^Jil i л «j-jiLi-j jVj-jjlj^^-aJjj^'if that veiled figure

is not Pulod, it must be his go-between'. 3.32

Present-Future Conjectural

The tense is constructed as the Past Conjectural with the addition of the imperfective prefix, м е — ^ (3.5). Fig. 3.32

PRESENT-FUTURE CONJECTURAL:

mekardagistaml

-giam '[he] might be doing/ about to do', etc. lsg. мекардагистам/-гиям 2sg. мекардагистй/-гий 3sg. мекардагист lpl. мекардагистем/-гием 2pl. мекардагистед/-гиед 3pl. мекардагистанд/-гиянд This tense appears to be the most frequently-used of the Conjectural series in Tajik literature. It expresses a conjecture about a potential or current (habitual or iterated) action: балки дар оянда ҳамроҳи ӯ... зиндагй ба cap мебурдагем ^^SJ-^J ... j l o\j * , < Ltj ,^л j

* а> ал > ' ß j j *<\ *

... * 'maybe in the future he and I will live our lives

together' (dialect reflex of the short form); сипас «даст-у-рӯ мешустагистед» гуфта... камера-и кӯҳна-и резини-и пуроб-ро бардошта омад . . Ij V T ^

( j ^ e j j * 'ҷ^ ftj-«^ 'then, saying "(I expect)

you'll want to wash your hands and face," he brought out an old rubber inner tube full of water'; «Газетаи муаллимонро» ӯ ҳар рӯз

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CHAPTER THREE

мехондагист .-...._»< *'*ij ^ ^ - J3J

^ д j l 1у^1..Лл-п SLJLJJ-S" 'I'll

bet he reads the Teachers' Gazette every day'. The tense may be adopted by the auxiliary verb in a Conjunct verb construction: то баҳор сохта тамом мекардагистем-а? j \ ^ L:
^

flubl < " ^Lxu 'will we be like(ly) to finish

building (it) by spring, d'you think?' (the main verb is soxtanl soz- 'to build', conjoined with tamom kardan 'to complete': see 5.20; for the particle -a, see 3.29 and 4.8). 3.33

Present Progressive Conjectural

This tense is constructed as the Past Participle of the verb plus the Past Conjectural of the progressive auxiliary, istodan (3.18). Dialect reflexes of these forms are subject to various contractions, e.g. karsoddy < karda istoda astt rafsodagem
PRESENT PROGRESSIVE CONJECTURAL:

karda istodagist- l-gi- '[he] might be doing' lsg. карда истодагистам/-гиям 2sg. карда истодагистй/-гий 3sg. карда истодагист lpl. карда истодагистем/-гием

^ I ^ - \ ^ j^»»• j^jl"ч.» >I

2pl. карда истодагистед/-гиед 3pl. к. истодагистанд/-гиянд Since this is a form of the Perfect tense of a stative verb (Past Participle II plus a Present tense of the copula, cf. 3.17), the time reference is to a present state or ongoing activity: ба гумони онки дӯсти мӯҳтарами вай ҳоло аз хоб бархоста ва чой нӯшида истодагист, дарро тақ-тақ зад «CL^LLJJ ^ - J J ^ . j l VU. ^ J fj"*% о d ^ j j fr

«LSJJ obJLj

J

j ^ 3 ^ »3-^ IJJ** "— ^^ " •" ^ - ' ^J '* с^Ц- J 'presuming that his good friend had already risen and would be drinking tea, he tapped at the door' (the first verb, barxostan, is also in the Present Progressive Conjectural, though the auxiliary is elided; as a reported observation, these actions are in the same tense—present—as the speaker would have used; see 4.16); балки вай... дар ягон чариш ба хун-у

MORPHOLOGY: VERBS

247

х о к - а ш о ғ у ш т а ш у д а , ҷ о н к а н д а и с т о д а г и с т <JL£-J j j -(jj d < l ; c>ui j ^ l " "i J 6J-Ii£ oLa. «6j^iii
PASSIVE VOICE

3.34

Passive Voice: Forms

The passive of any transitive verb, in any tense, may be formed with Past Participle I of the verb and the auxiliary шудан/ шав- \ j * • ' *• -j-2u 'to become' in the appropriate tense. Stress in affirmative VPs is not intrusive, and tends to be distributed between the final syllable of the participle and that of the VP: харида шуда истодагйст tx^j—L d m j ^jl Л tn\\ бл-^i 'it is probably being bought'. (Note that in the passive of progressive tenses, the auxiliary istoda- comes last, carrying the tense and personal inflections.) The negative suffix на- -4_I> is added to Sudan, assuming the primary stress: шояд харида нашуда бошад J-J»L 6JIU'I od-i^L ^ b i 'perhaps it has not been bought'. The following lists examples of the passive voice of simplex verbs (including some Conjunct verbs) for each of the 19 tense forms described above (two of which each have two separate functions), in order of semantic relatedness rather than structural complexity (cross-references are to the Active tense equivalents). Present Indicative: карда мешавад jj ,ъ j n ÖJ^JS 'it is being done, is (habitually) done, will be done' (3.10-11). Present Subjunctive and Optative: бояд кушта шаванд А ~ Л, *s j ^ L JJIJ £ 'they must be killed'; ин баста ба хона оварда дода шавад? S j ^ i . ÖJIJ ÖJJJT «Uili^ A~\tu\ ^ 1 'should this package be delivered to the house/ home?' (with a Conjunct verb; this entails two serial past participles. 3.9). Imperative: фарифта нашавед! !s^j Л| л < " ъц-л 'do not be deceived!' (3.29). Present Progressive: дода шуда истодааст о 4t is being given' (3.18).

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Past Conjectural: духта шудагист o ^ ^ < - ^ j J 'it has probably been sewn'(3.31). Present-Future Conjectural: бурда мешудагистанд L5_^a **j-^ л\~\ ... j ^л-^i 'they are probably being taken/will be taken away' (3.32)." Present Progressive Conjectural: хонда т у д а истодагист 6 J-LIJ i. cj-uul^^jl^.njl 6j-ii'it is probably being read' (3.33). d л Non- Witnessed Durative: навохта мешудааст .-...»I * * A J - " ' j • ' 'it is reportedly being performed/ regularly performed' (3.22). Definite Future: дида хоҳем шуд х Д p i ftljjL & J_JJ 'we will be seen' (3.14);гуфта на-хоҳад шуд л-Л jJblj Ч '* «« " a < *it will not be said'. Simple Past: шикаста шуд д Л Г и Л . и 'it was/ got broken'; фарифта шудетон <JLLJJ-J, 4-ÜLJJJI 'you (pi.) were deceived' (3.12). Imperfect: нигошта мешуд L*-* ^ ^ л-\ л.\<\ 4t was (being) described/ used to be depicted' (Durative Past, 3.13); кошки аз даст дода намешуд * •* j -'> ÖJIJ CJ-^J J\ ^< -•> < 'if only it hadn't been lost' (Conditional, 4.36). Past Progressive: пӯшида т у д а истода буд &jl Лщ J ÖJ-^I. бл J Л>^ J J J 'it was being covered/ concealed' (3.19). Perfect: баста шудааст о >••! 6j Д < ^ ^-. 'it has been closed' (resultative; 3.15, Non-Witnessed, 3.21). Past Subjunctive: наход гирифта т у д а бошад 6j^i 4-lij5 JJÖI^^J» j - i L Ч hope it has not been seized' (3.26). Present Progressive Subjunctive: мабодо пухта шуда истода бошад A-JiiL &jLJL-iaj_»l 6 j - i d " ^ * IJL_»_A 'I hope it isn't being cooked' (3.28). Durative Past Subjunctive: наход ҳануз омӯзонда мешуда бошад? S j - i L U I A J - O 6 J - ^ 3 J - J jj-lA JJblj 4 ~\ 'don't tell me it is still being taught!' (3.27). Pluperfect: партофта шуда буд JJ_J ÖJ i 4_^ fll^^ 'it had been thrown away' (3.16). Non-Witnessed Pluperfect: даравида шуда будааст 6 j — ä Ь^-JJJJ CJ-UUI ÖJ>J 'it had evidently been harvested' (3.23) Non-Witnessed Pluperfect Progressive: сохта шуда истода будааст JL^.Lu/it had evidently been under

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249

construction' ('been being built') (3.24). Passivization of Complex, Composite, and Conjunct verbs, as may be seen from some of the examples, operates on the verbal component only; this is turned into the past participle, and followed by the tense of Sudan corresponding to that of the active verb: бардошта на-шудааст CJ^UJ

ö.bVi <JL^.Ijj_j 'it was (apparently) not removed', ҳеч ёд дода

нахоҳад шуд ±Ä jJblj4 \ 6jlj J L Q-J-Ь 'it will never be taught'. 3.35

Passive Voice: Function (1)

The passive is more frequently seen in some styles of literary Tajik (esp. journalese) than in Standard Persian. Nevertheless, it is often avoided if possible, especially when the agent is mentioned. Alternative devices are available, chiefly by manipulation of the active sentence: Word order. Preposing the object of the active sentence will switch focus, which is a major purpose of passivization: вай-ро дӯстҳо-яш наҷот додаанд j-ll ÖJIJ С^Ь^» ^XLJL^LUUJJ I J{S j 'he was saved by his friends' (lit. 'him, his friends [apparently] saved'; instead of the passive вай ба туфайли-и дӯстҳояш наҷот дода шудааст CJ-UJI ftd-Д 6 j l j cuLaJ» (jii-jl(j "i MIJJ ^ I j \ U % fjj

or even the quasi-

passive, -наҷот ёфтааст .-..-»I <-^-flL CJL^J» -);бом-ро болорҳои ғафс нигох медоранд б! < \ ^^uJ C ^ L Ä J V L » IJ Ö LJ JJ» jlj^o'the roof is held up by stout beams'. Suppressed subject. When human agency is involved, but the identity of the agent(s) is either unknown or known but irrelevant, an action may be expressed in the Active voice using the 3rd person plural of the verb without an explicit subject: ӯро ним соат боздоштанд j-lL—*ilj jL. C ^ L W A_^» I j jl 'he was detained for half an hour' ('"they" [unknown, or perhaps well known] detained him...'). Ba - raftan. An idiom of limited range uses raftan 'to go' with a verbal noun (Stem I converted as a noun) of the underlying active verb to form a passive periphrasis: ӯ шоир-и хуб-е ба шумор ме-равад ^jjLf^ jl / А ^ ,_^>^ J ^ L I . jl 'he is reckoned (to be) a good poet' ('...goes by the reckoning of, the equivalent of: ӯро шоири хубе ме-шуморанд ^ j L ^ ^ Lrij^ >cbi, I J 3 \ 'they

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reckon him (to be) a good poet'); китоб-и тоза-и ӯ ҳоло ба фурӯш ме-равад J J

J L

^ L^JJ-Ч

^ ^ J1 ' 6 J ^ V 1 - 1 ^ '

h i sn e w

book is now on sale/ being sold/ on the market' (= kitob-i toza-i й-ro holo mefurmand 'they are now selling...'). When a passive sentence is unavoidable or preferable to an active one, it may have one of the following variant types: Impersonal passive. A passive (or quasi-passive; see below, 3.36) sentence may be impersonal, i.e., the subject of a 3rd singular form of Sudan after a Past Participle may be a situational "it", not explicitly mentioned: қарор дода шуд j-^i UJIJ jl^-S or қарор шуд/ т у д а буд, ки «L£ «jj_» ба_Д\ ±Л jlj-S 'it was decided that...'. The ultimate subject of a passive sentence may be a sentential complement already mentioned or yet to be expressed: беҳтарин мукофоте-ст, ки ба вай аз тарафи халқ изҳор карда мешавад... jjK «-Jj-A* Jl <_£J4-J «—£ о ...1^1 bl£La ^ j j " д; ...jj .7, j о jl /hl 'the best recompense is that it is expressed to him by the people...' (i.e., that he is appreciated for whatever the context may reveal). Participle in -agL Colloquially (esp. in Northern dialects), Past Participle II (type kardagi\ see 3.44) may replace the usual Past Participle I, especially if a stative verb is involved: дар як тараф гахрора монда шудагӣ буд... дар гаҳвора бачаи 9-10 моҳа баста шудагй буд j j

.-Jj-л ^j^ \ MI öbi-jl

о J ' J ti £ •—sj-k» i - ^ j 6

J

J ^ J ^ ^ - ^ « i m ,i J>J Ö J_OI O < " A,JJ J( Л J I
y>

or(

a j

^Ь

±*jjZ u:: ~ CJ-A^1^ u"j j ^ ^ j - > / b y ler of the President, the leader of the government was appointed'.

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251

Gapping. Two coordinated VPs may share a single instance of the passive auxiliary: тамоми кӯчаҳои шаҳр асфальт ва атрофи он кабудизор кунонда шуд •:•
*LoJi

lj 'all the streets of the town were resurfaced and the edges planted with greenery' (the Causative verbs asfaVt kunondan 'to have s.t. asphalted' and kabudi-zor kunondan 'to have s.t. made into a lawn/ shrubbery' have both their lexical and grammatical auxiliaries collapse into a single passive verb; for Causatives, see 5.14—15). 3.36

Passive Voice: Function (2)

The agent of a passive sentence is introduced, where necessary, by one of several adverbial /zcj/otf-phrases: ба восита-и L L ^ J ^ , тавассут-и l a l u ^ , ба васила-и 3 I J ^ J - J 'by means of, ба туфаили-и ^ I j a*L ; ''thanks to, by the intervention of, аз тараф-и ^JjJa ^1 'on the part of (lit. 'from the side of; more literary in style than the others): пахта тавассути талабаҳою студентҳо чида мешавад 1 д.-. vtj -1 ... j Ud ,IL 'the cotton will be picked/ is being picked by school and university students'; қарор аз тарафи маҷлис қабул шуд j _ i JJ-L-Д O . . I ^ л *-ijJa jl jl^-5 'the resolution was accepted by the assembly' (a "short passive"; see below). Long and Short Passive. In contrast with Standard Persian, which usually prefers the "short passive" of composite verbs (i.e., replacement of transitive kardan by intransitive sudan, in the manner of a quasi-passive; see below), Tajik tends to favor the "long passive" (explicit passivization of kardan by addition of sudan): cf. SP zamin taqsim sod, Tajik замин тақсим карда шуд (J_J

oj,

'the land was divided up' (for the passive of Composite verbs, see further 5.19). There appears to be no strict pattern determining the incidence of each construction, and each is equally well-formed: қарор аз тарафи маҷлис қабул шуд/ қабул карда шуд i-ijJ* j \ jlj-5 j ^ i bjj£ JJ-AJ \ j ^ i Jj-^ä и- 1 ? - 'the resolution was adopted by the assembly'. However, in the case of well-established Short Passive phrases, such as маълум шуд J — £ ^j±*

о 'it became

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known, was clear', explicit passivization makes a clear semantic distinction: маълум карда шуд j • * bj^S ^jl* ..a 'it was made known, divulged (by someone)'. Other impersonal verbs of intellegation and emotion occur especially frequently with sudan: эҳсос мешавад j j - ^ * ^ ^jJ.n-J '[it] is felt'; these are not put into the Long Passive. Quasi-passive. A number of Composite verbs occur in pairs, a transitive one with an auxiliary other than kardan (e.g., табдил додан j j j ü J^^-iü 'to change', tr.) and an intransitive correlative with an auxiliary other than Sudan (табдил ёфтан j " *i « J-JJ .LL 'to change', intr.). Since the auxiliaries correlate semantically (in this case, 'to give change' ~ 'to receive change'), the passive is logically formed simply by substituting the intransitive for the transitive auxiliary: ном-и шаб-ро табдил додем J_JJ л~> l J < r < Д * L» Ajjlj'we changed the password', ном-и шаб табдил ёфт * U» c u i L Jj,* у • ^ - -*• 'the password was changed'. This substitution may be termed the quasi-passive voice (see also 5.18, 5.19). Some such verb pairs in dodan ~ yoftan may also be passivized fully, if agency is to be emphasized without being identified: ин картотека ҳеч тартиб дода нашудааст ^лл 4 < s j \ P j - g ^ 1 ir.1 ..»I 6J ш 6JIJ i-j j " j Z 'this card file has not been put in any order' (see further, 5.19). Not passive. Not every occurrence of a past participle followed by a form of sudan is an instance of the passive voice. As an Active voice Conjunct verb auxiliary, sudan adds the nuance 'to finish (doing), do completely' to the main verb, which precedes it in the form of Past Participle I (5.20): Зулайхо шартнома-ро навишта шуд-у ба ман нигоҳ кард j ,* — < " mjJ^ lj
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253

sequence [soxta] -am, -i, -ast, etc., that is, a transitive past participle and the enclitic forms of 'to be', nearly always denotes a Perfect Active tense, not an adjectival participle as the complement of the copula—'he/ she/ it has made/ spilled/ closed/ broken', not 'it is made/ spilled/ closed/ broken', etc; the latter sense is achieved in Tajik by means of a Perfect resultative (or other past) Passive tense using sudan: сохта шудааст C J ^ J ÖJJL « O i L 'it has been made/ is made', об рехта шудааст ^MJ ЬJ-^1 4 " \\j ^ T 'the water has been spilled/ is spilled'; similarly with the Pluperfect, оина шикаста туда буд j^-» ы Л, А " ,,Л Л, 4 l u | 'the mirror had been broken/ was broken', дар баста шуда буд * " -i, \ j j j ^ ь±А 'the door had been closed/ was closed' (rather than basta bud, which may be interpretable as '[he] had closed [it] '). Past Participle II, however, plus the copula, does usually bear the stative, adjectival sense: баъзе рақамҳо бо сурхӣ навиштагӣ буда, дар болояшон бо сиёҳӣ хат кашидагӣ буд \ .м< 'some figures were written in red, and overlined in black' (describing the appearance of a manuscript; cf. 3.40). JJ^I t JLJI

NON-FINITE FORMS 3.37

Infinitives

The Infinitive is the principal verbal noun denoting the action of the verb (nomen actionisy action noun; in English it corresponds most closely to the gerund in -ing, as in running is good for you) without reference to time, agency or other grammatical arguments. Tajik Persian has two infinitives, the "long" and the "short" infinitive. Long Infinitive. The long, or standard, Infinitive is the form ending in -danor -tan (Stem II plus -an: as кардан a^j^ which normally serves as the citation form of a particular verb. It has all the properties of a regular noun. Thus, it may take the general plural suffix: боло хазидан-у поён хамидан-ҳо вакилон ба кӯчагардӣ одат карда-и моро хеле монда карданд

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j^jj-S 6jJiLa o l jA 'all this crawling up and clambering down greatly fatigued our agents, accustomed as they were to walking through streets' (lit. 'the crawlings-up and clamberings-down'; the plural is intended for both infinitives, but elided from the first). As exemplified in Chapter 2, the Infinitive (and other action nouns) may take the quasi-articley
to work' (2.24). As the subjects and objects of sentences, infinitives nominalize complete underlying sentences of the main clause (see Sentential Complements, 4.15) . Any modifiers of the Infinitive's clause, such as adverbials, prepositional phrases, indirect objects, precede it just as in a finite VP, while the subject or direct object of the Infinitive follow it as the modifier of a nominal izofat. The Infinitive and its own (nested) object and/ or modifiers) thus becomes a single NP, which may function as the subject, complement, or object of a single VP, or as a prepositional or other adverbial phrase. Examples: As subject: акнун {чора-и ин-ро андишидан-амон} даркор аст . r . •••JKJ•» fei * V ь '*' *,Г*1 IJÜ-Л' i j y 6 > ^ l 'now we have to find a way to solve this' ('...our devising a solution-for-this is

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255

necessary'); баъд аз он { б о ҳам паст-паст ҳарф задан-и ду кас} маълум гардид ^ j j «-Jj_a> .-...._. "• -v- ^л L} ^Т Jl J-*_» jjj^S fjlt-o { ^ ^ j j 'then two people talking in low tones could be heard/ it was clear that two people were...' ('the talking of... became known'). As subject, and in a purpose phrase: {ба пеш-и ту омадан-ам} ҳам барои {дар ин бора бо ту машварат кардан} буд J - j * <Ц»} came here to see you precisely in order to consult you on this matter' ('my coming... was for...'). As object, and embedded in an infinitive phrase subject: албатта {{кӣ будан-и ин духтар-ро} гуфтан} дар кор нест ^ ] } А "" 111 iz.1.11 j*i jl^ j j ( o " ^ [I J ^ S A J j ^ l jjj^-i'of course, one need not

tell (anyone) who this girl is' (lit., '...to tell the being-who of this girl is not necessary'). As the object of a preposition, and embedded in an infinitive phrase object: {фурсат^и {бо вай гуфтугузор кардан} на-ёфтанам-о} мухтасаран ҳикоя кардам {^jj-f* J l \ < " a < ^ 3 L ] -r."^j ^] ^ j ^ <->\£^ Ij ш п д [I j^JLLfiL^» 'I recounted the gist of my not having found an opportunity of talking things over with him'. As object of a preposition (with two subordinate participles): ин гандум-и зиёдатй ба {боз гашта гирифта бурдан} намеарзад jjjl^pj^i

jl

e

{o^j-e ^-^j-S < " • * ^ jLe} *Ч c P e j j * ' ^ ^ 4>JI this

extra wheat isn't worth taking back'. Infinitives of Compound forms (e.g., passives, quasi-passives, and Progressives) and Composite or Conjunct verbs perform the same functions: ба ёфт шудан-аш умед нест J _ J ^ _ J ^ I ^ J i c-uaL» «LJ •-•-•- j'> 'there is no hope of its being found'; ин воқеа дар вақти гӯронида истодан-и Мирзо Назрулло рӯй дод j j 4—*—Slj j ^ l J I J ^ J J <jLjI j l L IJJ-J-Ö öjl^iinjl uj-^lljj-S K=^kj 'this incident took place during the actual burial of Mirzo Nazrullo/ while they were in the process of burying M.'); {ба ҳамин тартиб танзим ёфтан-и тамом-и мактабҳо-и мусулмон}-ро лозим медонам 'I consider it necessary to organize all the Muslim schools along these lines' ('the being-organized...'; the whole phrase is the object of lozim

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me-donam). If the whole of the semantic load lies with the nominal component, the auxiliary infinitive kardan may be elided: дар маврид-и баён-и қоидаҳо LA 6 J-CL5 о Ц ^ J J - ^ J ' o n Ле occasion of explaining the rules/ while explaining the rules' (bayon kardan 'to explain'). Nouns or pronouns attached to a transitive verb Infinitive by izofat may be either the subject or the object, which the context usually makes clear: куштан-е ӯ полисчи-ро I j p ? | м jly J ' J~ •* O h i c killing the policeman' is unambiguous, as isKynrra шудан-и ӯ г . , ^ jl ^±JL 'his being killed'; куштан-и ӯ j \ ^Л.п^ in the absence of an explicit object, has to mean 'killing him/ his killing, i.e., being killed' (note again that the pronoun does not take -ro). The Short Infinitive. The so-called "Short" Infinitive is identical with Stem И: кард j j £ 'do, make', рафт CL^J 'go'. Unlike the regular (or long) Infinitive, it is a part of the verbal rather than the nominal system, and has a limited range of use. It occurs after modal and other grammatical auxiliaries in impersonal idioms, in place of a personally inflected subjunctive: ин кор-ро метавон кард <J-JI jj_S jjl^^^-o I j jL£ 'one can do this/ this can be done'; намешавад ба он ҷо рафт CJJJ j Ц^»Ц» j j ^ l ^ ^ j i t is impossible to go there, one cannot go there' (see 4.24); бояд гуфт, ки
3.38

J

Other Nouns of Action and Activity

All verbs have long and short infinitives. Not all verbs have one or more of the other Action Noun types available; these, too, vary in range of functions, and are never simply Action Nouns or gerunds. The most frequently occurring Action Noun type (there are at least 70 exemplars in use), and the closest to the (long) Infinitive in some functions, is that formed on Stem I by suffixing -иш ^-: навозит ^jL j l ^ l 'kind treatment, caress; playing (a musical instrument)', бошиш J?. •*•!; 'presence, stay' (budan, 'to be'), хокиш iJj-blj—L 'wish, request', пурсиш U 7., „ ^ 'question', бориш ^jL* 'rain(fall), shower'

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257

(boridan 'to rain'). All are additionally instance nouns; some have specialized in only one meaning of the verb, or have evolved metaphorical senses: созиш ^ j U 'accord, agreement' (bo — soxtan 'to get along with'), равиш ^ 3 J 'method, procedure' (rafian 'to go'). They have all the properties of nouns, and may substitute for infinitives in many cases (with a shift in meaning toward nouns of instance), but usually retaining some of the dynamic force of the verb: пурсишҳо-и ӯ меҳмонҳо-ро хеле монда карданд IJLA^I Л J о j l ^ Ц ь ^ , lttJ^ jj»j^_£ 6 J-JI о ^ i * ^ 'his questions made the guests very tired' (cf. pursidanA u... 'his questioning...'). An important role of this verbal noun is as the nominal component of verbal idioms and Composite verbs: xohis kardan 'to request', bo 4 — sozis kardan to come to terms with, put up with, make do with' (see 5.18). Forms identical with Stem I or Stem II, functioning as action or instance nouns (or even product nouns) are occasionally found: фурӯш-и хона
258

3.39

CHAPTER THREE

Verbal Adjectives and Adverbs

Verbal adjectives, as such and when functioning as adverbs, may be distinguished from participles proper in that they lack an indication of tense. Like the verbal nouns other than infinitives, verbal adjectives vary in their lexical characteristics and syntactic properties, even within the same form class. These variations are generally the direct result of the semantic and grammatical peculiarities of the source verb. Two suffixes on Stem I form "active" adjectives transparently related to the activity or state expressed by the verb. Verbal adjective in -o L- : applied generally to a verb of perception, intellection, ability or moral quality. Many of these are active in sense, both attributive and predicative in function, and may be substantivized: доно Lib 'wise, sapient', тавоно LJJjJi 'strong, powerful, able', бино I'IJJ 'sighted, able to see': mard-i dono-e 'a wise man,' binoyon 'those who can see'. Others are mainly or exclusively predicative: раво нест d m yi \3J 'it is not permissible' (rafian 'to go'). Several derived from transitive verbs have a passive sense: хоно L»lj-^ 'legible', фаҳмо 1 о p a 'intelligible, comprehensible'. They are usually negatable with the nominal prefix но- -L» (no-bino 'blind'); note the irregular no-don 'ignorant' and no-tavon 'weak, powerless'. Two are of note syntactically: доро I J I J 'possessing, endowed with' is used as an attribute, and predicatively with the verb 'to be' in a periphrasis of its source verb dostan 'to have', generally with the object in izofat; мутахассисон-и доро-и маълумот-и о ли <_$! j b ^1 .r/.r» ^ л п 'specialists with ['having'] higher education'; масдар доро-и категория-и тарз аст tUjj^jS (^Ijb jj-ua-* Cüj.jjJa 'the Infinitive has/ is endowed with the category of voice'; exceptionally, in predicative use, doro may occur immediately before the verb without izofat: ин забон-е, ки имрӯз матбуот-и тоҷик доро мебошанд, махсус-и забони форсист 1^ ...j\ i иЦ»3 *the language (that is) employed in Tajik publications today is primarily Persian' ('...which Tajik publications are in possession of...').

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259

гӯё L j ^ 'saying; as if (to say)' functions like a conjunction, introducing a speculative simile: танбалон-и нобакор чунон оҳиста роҳ мераванд, ки гӯё қадамашонро мешуморанд 'the good-for-nothing slackers walk as slowly as if they are counting their steps' (4.32; for cunon, see 2.47). Verbal adverb in -он ^ 1 - : also built on Stem I, this "circumstantial verb" (fe'l-i hoi in Tajik) is frequent in occurrence and always active in sense (it is in fact the original Present Participle, since superseded by the agentive in -ander. 3.40): давон <jljj 'running', хамёза-кунон ^Li£ tj\m\ oA 'yawning'. A few function as attributive adjectives, mainly in stock phrases such as об-и равон ^JJ

^

'running water',

ашк-и сӯзон ^jl jj-Lu i_S-jjl 'burning tears'. Its principal function, however, is adverbial, to denote an action carried on simultaneously with that of the main verb: модар табассумкунон ба бачааш нигоҳ-мекард UL£J> ^\<^


j j < j о 'smiling, the mother looked at her child.' That of simplex verbs may be duplicated for emphasis: бачаҳо давон-давон баромаданд . Ü J - J J - J j j l j j ^jljj LA«L^-J 'the children ran out/ came running up'.

It is most frequently, and productively, derived from Composite verbs and complex VPs: ханда-кунон <JLI£UJ-1J1 'laughing', ranзанон O^J '-^> сӯҳбат-кунон ,jL& -^ * * -~ 'talking, conversing'. It may feature as the verb of a quite long and complex adverbial phrase: ба мард-и кулохдӯш ишора-кунон ба мо -Ана ҳаминаст ing to the man wearing the hat, he told us, "that's him'". It may supply a manner adverbial, in a similar way to the Conjunct verb construction (5.20): ӯ дарро тараққос-занон пӯшид j L j ^ l * j

5 ^ I j j j 3\

.^.j «'he slammed the door (shut)/ closed the door with a bang'

(faraqqos-zada could be substituted). It may connote an instrumental or other mode of action, other than simply comitative: Носир-и Хисрав соз-аш-ро озмоиш-кунон аз он торафт овозҳо-и нав мебарорад 'Nasir Khusrow, (by) experimenting with his instrument, produces more and more new melodies' ('...testing his instrument, continually brings out of it...').

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Once again, the verb guftan 'to say' generates an important member of the form class: гӯён оЦ?>^ 'saying' (or the form gufta\ see 3.40) is conventionally supplied between the speech string and the verb of utterance (or thought) when discourse is reported: «хуб шуд» гӯён фикр мекард вай, осудатар шуда jj<s j л ^ ü o^s>-^ ^-^ v > ^ 6 J-£ j2 6JJ^UT HJJ '"that's all right," he thought, feeling relieved' (for this construction and associated idioms, see 4.18). 3.40

Participles: General

Participles are verbal adjectives which retain some of the properties of verbs, such as voice (Active or Passive), aspect (punctual, durative, resultative), and tense (time reference). They are not conjugated for person, but interact with nominals (e.g., pronouns and personal enclitics) to nominalize various kinds of verb phrase or clause. Eight forms are recognized in Tajik, covering six aspecto-temporal slots: Past, Past Progressive, Present, Present Progressive, Present-future, and Future. Three participles are shared in common with SP; those in -дагй/ -таги J L r S i i - V*-^ - (3.43-46) are peculiar to Tajik. The participles have properties and functions characteristic either of nouns or verbs to different degrees, as summarized in Fig. 3.40. The features identified in Fig. 3.40 may be spelled out as follows. Lex./Subs. 'Lexical noun or Substantivization': In the case of participles used as nouns, it is useful to distinguish those forms which may produce lexical nouns (L) such as may be found in a dictionary (e.g., хонанда 6 J J ^ I J - A 'reader'), and those which may only be substantivized (S) for grammatical purposes (e.g., гуфтани-ҳо b o 'i"ifl^ 'things about to be said/ worth saying'. Adjective: Not all participles function as full attributive and predicative adjectives; e.g., they may not take the comparative or superlative suffixes -тар(ин) ( ^ ) ^ - . Past Participle II may be a predicative adjective in some idioms: баъзе рақамҳо... дар боло-яшон бо сиёҳй хат кашидагй буд L> <jl £ ^ Ь ^j . . . L A ^ J ,A % \ j ^ , Д »_• ' *•< -LA ^*l ' •- 'some letters... were overlined in black' (in the absence of a form of Sudan this cannot be a passive tense). O

261

MORPHOLOGY: VERBS FIG. 3.40

PARTICIPLES: CHARACTERISTIC FEATURES

Present

кунанда

Past I карда

Pastil кардагӣ

мекардагй

Pres.-Future

Future карданй

S

S

У

A* Noun: Lex./Subs.

L

L

Adjective

J

•

s (/)

Nom. sent. сотр.

У

У

Progr.+ istoda(gl)

У

У

Forms tense

У

У

У

(У)

Tensed: P Pr F

Pr

P (Pr)

р

Р Pr F

ғ

Indie. / Modal

(I)

I

1,М

1,М

1,М

Active / Passive

A

A,P

А,Р

А,Р

А,(Р)

(У)

The future participle in its active function is a predicative adjective only (мо рафтанӣ шудем ^-*±£* Q " »j L » ' w e g o t ready to go'), and only when used passively from a transitive verb does it appear attributively (як филм-и диданӣ ^ ^ J л I j « ^ 'a film worth seeing'). Nom. sent, сотр.: Does the participle nominalize sentential complements? That is, can it encapsulate, for instance, a relative clause in a noun phrase, as об-и аз ҳавз оварда-амон ^ j a. 3I ±JJ jjLo 16j jjT 'the water we had brought from the pool' (see 3.43)? Progr. + istodagi: Does a particular participle correspond to a morphologically distinct Progressive version? Only the two past participles, in forms such as хонда истода ÖJI " «.ijl OJJ»IJ-^L and хонда истодагӣ ^ j l i m j l 6 ^ l j ^ '(busy) reading; being read' (3.45). Does it combine with an auxiliary to form a tense, or not? The check in parentheses (/) for the Future Participle, карданй ^ J j £, acknowledges a "quasi-future tense," a construction in which the tense of the auxiliary varies (3.42). Is the participle itself "tensed," i.e., must it be interpreted as P(ast), Present), or F(uture) in its non-finite functions? The Present-Future participle mekardagi appears to be indifferent to tense, and may be read as Past, Present or Future according to context (3.46).

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Is it generally to be seen as expressing a real occurrence (Indicative), or may it express a modal nuance such as potentiality, intention, conjecture? Is it active and/or passive in voice? All the participles are minimally both active and passive in that those derived from a transitive verb may be passivized, e.g., дода шаванда бA^JJL ÖJI J 'being given'; the more versatile ones are either active or passive in their simple form, in accordance with their syntactic function. The future participle earns half marks here, because from some transitive verbs it may have a passive sense, e.g., хурданй ^ J j J J L 'edible'; the primary reading, however, remains active (3.42). A glance over Fig. 3.40 shows that Past Participle I [karda] has all the pertinent features, functioning equally as part of the nominal and part of the verbal system. It is closely followed by Past Participle II \kardagT], which lacks only adjectival status, and the Present-Future mekardagi, which further lacks a progressive form (though it may itself express the progressive); these two are marginally more verbal than nominal. The Future Participle [kardani] lacks a progressive form and the capacity to nominalize clauses; it is marginally more nominal than verbal. The Present Participle [kunanda] is the least versatile, most constrained, and most nominal of the set. Negation: An important variable not shown in Fig. 3.40 is the form of the negative prefix (no- or na-) that a participle may accept. Essentially, this is indicative of its functioning (in that context only) in a nominal (HO- - L ) or verbal capacity (на- -_i ). All the participles may accept na-, and the Present Partciple [kunanda], Past Participle I \karda], and Future Participle [kardani] may additionally accept no- to negate forms established as attributive adjectives: но-арзанда t^j j \ L'negligible, worthless' (alsoнаарзанда © J J I ^ J I O ) , но-кишта «dA^Li 'unsown, fallow', но-гуфтанӣ Lr^l a—SL» 'not to be divulged'; cf. себи норасида/ но-пухта 4 " ^ j l A * \ j ">jL> «T»j m 'unripe apple', but меҳмон-и на-расида * * j • -j '« pi * а л 'guest who has not arrived, a no-show' (a reduced relative clause, the participle being used with verbal force); гӯшти но-пухта 4 ~ ^L» ^,iii>S 'uncooked meat' (i.e., 'raw', an adjective), but гӯшти пухта-на-шуда ь j-*ä^ r > \ j ^ Д ^ 'meat not (fully, properly) cooked' (the result of an unfinished action).

MORPHOLOGY: VERBS

3.41

263

Present Participle [kunanda]

Formed by suffixing -anda to Stem I, this participle is also known as the agent noun or agentive, which expresses its primary function: нависанда 6j \... JJJ> 'writing; writer'; ронанда ъл \ \\j 'driving; driver'. It is active only, and refers to habitual or general activity. As an adjective it may modify other nouns: 6JJLJI *<.%.* у 'the coming/ next Friday', and may form a comparative and superlative: гудозанда-тар аз оташ Juli

j \ j _ : OJJIJIJ

S 'more melting than fire'; даванда-

тарин-и аспон ^1 j .„I < ^ j J i 6 ^ j j 'the swiftest ['most running'] of the horses'. The Present Participle has only the one form, but may be derived from passivized, Complex, Composite, and Conjunct verbs, as well as many verb phrases: гирифта шаванда & jJij-i «Lli jj£ 'being seized', ҷудо(на)шаванда

**'»j .*• v- \6jJ»j

Л, '* ^ '(in)separable' ('(not)

coming apart'), ҳал кунанда *н '» '»< J-a. 'decisive', хонда диҳанда A t\ А t 6jj,I^L 'performing (songs)'. Substantivization. As a noun it may take plural suffixes and all other appropriate lexical and grammatical adjuncts; a number of such nouns are fully lexicalized: хонандагон-и мӯҳтарам-и мо j l

<л \-л3

^

'our respected readers', нависандаги-ро меомӯзонанд JJJI 4hey teach writing' (noun of profession, from нависанда ь.\ HMJ^J 'writer'; cf. 5.2. This suffix -^У is not the same as that of Past Participle II and the Present-Future Participle). The verb 'to be' forms a present participle regularly on Stem I, which functions only as an agent noun, бошанда ö^i-l^b 'resident, inhabitant': бошандагон-и ин дара о j j <>J ^\S j-laib 'the inhabitants of this valley'. The place of the copular present participle 'being' is taken by the past participles, буда 6j^_» and будагй ^ J ^ - J (3.43). The verb 'to have' likewise forms an agent noun доранда 'holder, keeper, owner, bearer': доранда-и ин мактуб •_-j

^\

- ' < - 'the bearer of this letter'. This is negated irregularly, by

means of the composite form дошта-на-шаванда ьл^^Л^ «LULL (lit. 'not becoming owner'). Cf. also the verbal adjectivedoro (3.39). Direct objects of a substantivized Present Participle normally follow it as modifiers mizofat construction: кушанда-и хеш-и мир б \ '\ *• <

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j—j a ^fu-jj—ä. 'the killer of the Mir's kin', нависанда-и ин китоб кист? Senn Л v_jLl£ JJ-JI 6J'>... jjJt 'who is the writer of this book?'. If the object is that of an adjectival participle used attributively (in a nominalized relative clause), it will precede the participle, together with any indirect object and adverbial adjuncts, and the antecedent as the head of an izofat phrase: ғурриши гӯшро кар-кунанда-е кард j ^ £ ^ 1 ь JJL1£ J£> I J J U J - S oiij-c 'it let out a deafening roar' ('...a roar deafening the ear'; more usual are phrases with Non-Specific objects, asmaÖH нафас-танг-кунанда-е ^ и . Г Г Л ^ ^ ! ^ . . ^ ^ о , 'a stifling night'); киштибон... ба одам-и гупсар-ро дар об фароранда... л< е гуфт с » К ... 6J.J J T J J с-Л j j I jjuui-j£ ^ J U Q* :^~* ^ boatman said to the man (who was) launching the inflated goatskin raft...'. Negation The Present Participle is negated with the verbal negative prefix na- (directly preceding the verbal component in composites): дар ин кор ҳам ба мо ягонаги-и вайрон-на-шаванда-и халқҳо-и сокин-и Тоҷикистон ёрй мерасонад ^ ^ l i - j Ь> «u ^л jl£ ^ 1 j j i : L u J c r Ä ^ j L ^1 -> ,„< i ^13 o-SLuu <j\ о i K ^ J ^ J ^ I ^ Q I ^ H J 'in this task, too, the indestructible unity of the peoples inhabiting Tajikistan comes to our aid' ('not-being-ruined'; this use of the Present Participle of Sudan in a potential sense is quite productive in modern prose; cf. those formed on the Future Participle, 3.42). Passivization. The participle may also have a (progressive or habitual) passive sense: Сиддиқ хон... маоши аз подшоҳй ба худаш додашаванда-ро ба китобхарй сарф кард jl ^aL» о ...^L^L J ^ J - Ь О jj-S ^-Sj-ua ^£j ^ _'l "»< «LJ I j 6j-jj MI 6jlj ^j- *j ^ ; ^J-ÄLJIJL 'Siddiq Khan spent the stipend that was given him by the court on (buying) books' (i.e., his regular stipend, that 'being [habitually] given'). 3.42

Future Participle [kardant]

Stressed -7 is suffixed to the infinitive: рафтанӣ u ' t " \j 'about to go', диданӣ ^ i j j 'about to see; that should be seen'. This common Persian gerundive has expanded its use in Tajik far beyond that encountered in SP. It may be derived from either an intransitive or a transitive verb (simplex or composite), function as either attribute or predicate, and be either active or passive in voice; these three alternatives

MORPHOLOGY: VERBS

265

combine to determine its precise meaning in a given context. With a human subject there is always, more or less, a connotation of volition or intention: хохарам ба мактаб омаданй буд £JA\J-± JJ-J ^ J—лТ u u l w ' m y sister was all for attending school/ wanted to goto school';писарам духтур шуданй (аст) ^ ^ J J J L A J ^ J •... (cu-—I) 'my son wants to be(come) a doctor'; Мурод сабаб-и ин безобитаги-и гӯсфандон-ро ёфтанй шуда,.. ^ 1 v ; ... ,jlj Q ...6j_uOi ^ ' i "

a b Ijplrtft

..i^-S o < U iLua^yj 'Murod, wanting to

ascertain/ resolving to find out the reason for the sheep's unease,..'. In some dialect idioms it may approximate a reduced purpose clause: vay sahr xondani raft 'he went to the city to study', man Alxitoy ravam apa-m didarii 'I'm going to Alkhitoy to see my sister'. Quasi-Future tense. In its everyday manifestation, the Future Participle combines with a tense of the verb 'to be', most frequently the (Present) enclitic series (Fig. 3.6a) in a quasi-future tense (Fig. 3.42; note the orthographic reflexes of the y-glide after the vowel -7; either spelling is acceptable). FIG. 3.42

PARTICIPIAL QUASI-FUTURE TENSE: kardaniam 'I am going to do, intend doing'

lsg. карданиамЛям 2sg. карданий 3sg. карданистЛй аст .lpl. карданием 2р1. карданиед Зр1. карданианд/-янд The Independent series of 'to be' may also be used, as also its negative (Fig. 3.6b-c): кай омаданй ҳастед? y у j " ... ж ^ j ^ J ^ 'when are you/will you be coming?';ҳеч ҳуҷум карданй нестанд fj у ь ^л 'they're not going to attack'. Colloquially, the copula may be omitted: шумо озмоиш карданй-мй? ^ j ^ S <j^La j \ 1 > •% S^ 'are you going to try it out?'. Other tenses, aspects (a prospective aspect) and semantic nuances may be obtained by changing the auxiliary: боз чизе гуфтанй буд jj_» ^ " *^ iSj^*> j ^ 'she was about to say something more'; мо рафтанй мешавем *-*j ,n л л LS^LAJ Le'we're

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getting ready to go'; агар рафтанй бошам, телефон мекунам j-SI J^-1^-J—о tj-LLi <j^iiL» L ^ Ь j 'if I'm going to go/ decide to go, I'll phone' (subjunctive in a clause of possible condition; see 4.35); маро ба душман доданӣ шуда истодаанд 6J Д ^ J L ^ ~ - *; Ij о л^1 6JLLUUJI 'they're getting ready to give me to the enemy'. Dynamic adjectives. Verbs of motion, and particularly рафтан <>Ü-Ä j 'to go', are the most commonly formulated in terms of the Future Participle. Other adjectival forms may replace the participle, e.g., равона d j j (see 2.39, 5.4) from Stem I of raftanl rav~ 'to go': ман Исталинобод равона будам ки нашуд 4-lljj J L J ^ J " *J ^ л .7. "i 4—£ ^JJ-J 'I was about to/ supposed to go to Stalinabad, but it didn't work out' (contrasting with its meaning in SP, 'on one's way, heading (for)'; cf. also рафтагор j i < " «j 'heading for', 2.41; 5.2). The versatile adjective formative -7 may generate an epithet of destination, given the right noun: ҷаннатӣ ^ "> \ \ 'bound for heaven, saved' (of a person; of a place, 'heavenly'); дузахй ^ j J J 'condemned to hell, damned; hellish, infernal'. Voice. The Future Participle of a transitive verb may be either active ('about to do'), or passive, typically with a connotation of potential, validity, or obligation ('feasible, worth doing, a must-do'). Unlike SP usage, Tajik generally requires the active reading; but the context is decisive. An animate (esp. human) subject argues an active reading, an inanimate subject (or head noun) a passive sense: гуфтанй набудааст .^. ...l 6jj_-i-l ^*»" * < 'it seems she's not about to tell', but ҷоҳо-и ногуфтанй ^JJIILJL-SL» ^LAI—a. 'places unmentionable/ not to be divulged'; ман ӯро диданй набудам f J ^ J - L ^ J J J ' J J ' U-° '' had no intention of seeing him', but филм-и диданист ,^ . „ I ^ J - A J ^J_J Ь 'it's a film worth seeing'. Definitively, the complex participle from the "long passive" can generally be used: шабона... дарсҳо-и хонда шудани-ро тайёр мекардам I j ^ j - ^ i ÖJ-LIJ-JL ^ L ^ - ^ J J ...*GL_L-JI ß- *J<J ~ j L L 'at night... I prepared the lessons that were to be done'. The passive sense of the participle is available only from a limited range of transitive verbs, е.^,хӯрданй ^ j j j i . 'edible', нӯшиданй ^ • » * j •-j '* 'drinkable, potable', хонданӣ ^^Ij-L 'worth reading, to be read'. These are occasionally substantivized: хондани-ҳои он тамом шуд j^ii ^La^ jjT ^Ub^jJJj^L'that's all we need to read/ the

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267

part worth reading is finished'. Negatives. The Future Participial takes the verbal prefix na-, or the nominal prefix ио-, according to its function. Thus a VP (in which the participle is the predicate) is negated with wa-, usually attached to the copula or other verbal component: омаданӣ набуда-аст ^ J Л CJ ml 6jj x± '(I hear) he won't be coming', or the negative copula: даромаданй нест dim у% ^ j - ^ T j j 'she does not intend to enroll'. More emphatically, it maybe prefixed to the participle: Муҳаррам пулро на-гирифтанй буд J>J О \"\ äjÜL I j Jj_» ^ j ^ * 'Muharram simply wouldn't take the money'. In a participial NP, in which the participle is an attribute, no- is prefixed to the participial itself (jo-ho-i no-guftant). Composite negative idioms, however, are frequently negated with the verbal prefix: тамомна-шуданӣ ^±£^ ^L^'interminable, endless' ('not about to finish'; cf. those formed on the Present Participle, 3.41). 3.43

Past Participles I and II

Tajik has two past participles: the common Persian one, formed on Stem II with the suffix -a 4_-: карда * J ^ £ , рафта U i j (Past Participle I), and one peculiar to Tajik, which adds -гй JL— to the former: кардагй ^ J ^ , рафтагй Lf!LnJ (Past Participle II). Both of these help to form complex tenses (karda makes as many as ten, and kardagi the three Conjectural tenses); both may combine with other auxiliaries to form passive and progressive participles (3.45). The primary distinction between them is said to be one of stylistic register: kardagi is more colloquial. However, the latter occurs frequently in the writings of the founders of MLT, not only in representations of dialogue but in discursive prose. Moreover, it does show some functional differences and is syntactically more versatile than karda. The two are here compared and contrasted in the main functions of Tajik participles: as attributive and predicative adjectives, as nouns, in their capacity to nominalize VPs, and in their verbal nuances (tense, aspect, and voice; cf. Fig. 3.40). This section will treat the two participles in their shared functions; 3.43 deals with features special to Participle II.

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As adjectives. Past Participle I may be linked to a head noun attributively in izofat; that of transitive verbs is passive in meaning: сухан-и санҷида ьл \ / i n , CJJ^LJ» 'measured speech'; that of intransitive verbs refers to an action completed in the past: солҳо-и гузашта " ~ •*•»' * ^ L + J L u 'past years'. Past Participle I may form comparatives and superlatives: боз ҳам шикаста-тар накунед > у*<л* j ~ * " ••< *• ^ А ^Ц» 'don't break it any further' ('...make it more broken'); як писари дуст-дошта-тарин-аш jb-LijJH

m

\ IMJCI^IIJJ j

I«IJ 4^-J 'the best-loved b o y ' ('a boy most-

loved-of-them'). In keeping with Tajik's preference for the "long passive" (3.36), transitive participles that express the result of a cumulating process, or form part of a phrase emphasizing the action that was performed, are supplemented by шуда 6 j-ш 'having been/ become': мива-и пӯсида туда 6 j ^ 6^-^UUJJ *j-±* 'rotted fruit'; байт-и як бор хонда-шударо дубора хондан дуруст нест IJÖJ £ 6jJ»lj ^ j b ,£-* .;•/» —1 6 J L » J J 4t is not fair to recite again a verse (that has been) recited once'. (Cf. the Present Progressive participle, used when an action is observed in progress: 3.43). Archaic forms with a prefixed perfective Ы- and elision of the first vowel may be found in poetry: гул-и бишкуфта < Л а^Л j J ^ gul-i biskufta 'blooming rose' (sukuftan 'to blossom'). As nouns. Both past participles may be substantivized. Past Participle I makes passive nouns (patient nouns) from transitive verbs, active (agent nouns) from intransitive, and a number of both kinds are lexical items: вай ба шунида бовар намекард jjL» ы \ \ M.4-J ^3 did not believe what he heard'; навишта-ҳо-и матбуот Ji 'the writings of the press', гуфта-ҳо-и радио 'radio announcements' (respectively, 'what has been/ is written', '...said'); дар роҳ афтода-мондагон 6jl—2—1\ *\j j j ^LS^l—a 'those (who have) fallen exhausted by the wayside' (from intr. mondän 'to stay', as a Conjunct auxiliary—see 5.20; with human plural, 2.6). Lexical nouns include: мурда ьл^ 'corpse', гумошта А "\ Л.1 Л 'appointee, agent', гузашта A 2 £ J — ^ 'the past', гузаштагон лк 'the departed, our predecessors'. Past Participle I is also the

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269

base form on which composite adjectives and nouns may be built: нав-расида ьд-ь-^j ^ 'newcomer', ҷаҳон-дида бл-jj^L^ 'widelytraveled, experienced' (5.8). Past Participle II generates ad hoc substantivizations (see next). Nominalizations. In participial phrases derived from clauses (of which this was an example in English), adverbials and other grammatical arguments generally precede the attributive participle, though an agent may follow it in izofat: унвон-и... қабул ёфта-и ӯ J j ; д и^з1^ j \ a -> ilj 'the title... received by him/ that he received'. This is one of two main types of nominalization of a relative clause. (1) Object type, in which the antecedent was the object of the relative clause. Transitive past participles of both types are extensively so used, with a possessive pronoun or pronominal enclitic representing the agent. The NP so formed may be the subject or object of the main sentence, or the object of an adposition: мо маҷбур будем, ки {об-и аз ҳавз оварда-амон}-ро зуд кор фармуда бақияаш-ро резонем ^ j a. j\,_J] < £ f-^j-e J3 : г * ' ° obliged to use the water that we had brought from the pool quickly and pour the rest (of it) away' ('...the water brought by us from the роо1...');ҳамон чизҳо-и ба чашм-и худ дида-ат-ро гуфта деҳ! !6J * "« a < I ^ C ^ U ^ J J J - 1 Л .n ^ \ ^LAJ-AA <JL-O-A 'tell [us] what you saw with your own eyes!' ('saying-give the very things seen by you with...'; for the Conjunct construction, see 5.20). With Past Participle II: ана китоб-и овардаги-ам *_,Lil о I f I ^JL J j jT 'here's the book that I brought'; мазмун-и мактуб-ҳо-и нависондаги-атон-ро ба ӯ нақл кардам ^L^jJ^-o оз « ** * ^ j j £ J.5J» j L I j <jLJ ^ JJILU*_JJJ» 'I repeated to him the contents of the letters you had dictated' (navisondan, causative of navistan 'to write'); рӯ-и ту сиёҳ бо кор-и кардаги-ат катӣ! ^р (S3 J ! о "\ <\ c ^ l ^ j j - ^ jLS L б! j «и 'shame on you for the deed you did!' (lit, 'your face [is] black with the deed done by you'; a circumpositional phrase, see 2.25). Past Participle II has a broader range of structures for this type; see 3.44. (2) Subject type. A more colloquial type of nominalized relative clause is that in which the antecedent appertained to the subject of the

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main clause, and is linked to it (in the nominalization, as in the original), by an anaphoric pronominal enclitic: як заминкан-и ним-аш аз снаряд фурӯ-рафта ^ у » - j \и*'* у* ^ ^ ^ J - O J ^ «JÜ J J J j_b 4a dugout, half-demolished/ half of it de- molished by shells'; замин-и гандум-аш дарав карда-шуда ^JI^OJJLS Ö-J-AJ 6j-Ji bjj& jjj *a field with its wheat harvested' (a "long passive" participle). With Past Participle II: замин-и ғалладона-аш даравидагӣ cf^ j L fJj J (J^i^Kll <1н О ' а ^ е ' ^ w ^ h * t s 8 r a * n harvested', курта-и парчагул-и ранг-аш аз офтоб паридагй k-lj £ ^ X J ^ J ^ L U T j l u t,<* tJ L r l£ «Ц.jb 'a flowered dress, its color faded from the sun'; бемор-и ду даст-аш тахтача-банд кардагӣ ^ j ^ S ' ' ; " : " ^ - ^ " -»t j j j l ^ > > 'a patient with both arms in splints'. Both participles participate in this construction, which is a reduced relative clause of Persian type (not too different from its English counterpart), the relative link -e ki and the copula in the clause having been reduced to an izofat particle: bemor[e ki —»-i] du dast-aS taxtaca-band [bud] 'a patient [who had —> with] both his arms in splints'. Ordinary adjectives may expand their scope by a similar device: мард-и дандон-аш тилло }LL ^^iJj^j jj^» 4 the man with the gold tooth' (2.40). Adverbials. Both forms (though esp. Past Participle I) frequently appear in absolute adverbial phrases (cf. 2.48): офтоб набаромада ^L_1-ÄT 6J—QTJ ;'t 'before sunrise' ('the sun not having risen'), ана-мана нагуфта ^ " а < *' «d-o «LJI 'before you could say "knife"' (for ana and mana as particles, see 4.8), ба ин нигоҳ накарда 6j^£l ÖLSJ» ^ L 'regardless/ irrespective of this'. Adverbial phrases and idioms include: гуфтагй барин ^ J - JO < - I Q^ 'by the way,../tell me,..' ('as Щ told', with postposition barin\ 2.23). Serial verb coordinates. Past Participle I plays an important part in the syntax of complex sentences: it may often replace a finite verb (or verbs) except the last, whether of the same or different subjects, giving rise to various senses. This construction will be discussed under Syntax (4.19); here two aspects of it may usefully be noted. (1) Both participial forms of the verb 'to be', буда &jj-i and будагӣ

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are indifferent to tense and aspect: they adopt the tense established by the main verb, and may be translated in English as 'being' rather than 'having been': дар пешгох-и ин хона.., ҷо-и мактабдор-нишин буда, охурча-и пеши дар-и даромад кафшкан буд <6JJ-J ^ л - , у . ^ - . < - ^ Ц <..<J»U> <^1 * Ю . *> Jkj jj-j ^ О м l <^ j oTjj j j и Ц ^ L Ä J - Ä T 'in the anteroom of this building... was ['being'] the schoolmaster's place; the section by the entrance was the place where one left one's shoes'; дар хона будаги-ҳо L Ä ^ J ^ J 4J»U> j j 'those who are/ were in the house'. Similarly, дошта A " Л.Ь and доштагй o < " M,1J usually mean 'having, who has/ have' (see 3.44, first parag.). (2) Depending on contextual cues, a subordinate participle may have an instrumental or causal, rather than a merely temporal, sense: дар остона пой кӯфта ё нидо-е бароварда ӯро аз омадани худ огоҳ мекарданд 6jjjTj-» ^l^-l» L» О _ Ь ^ £ ^L»
Past Participle II [kardagl]

This and its two derivatives of the type karda istodagi and mekardagl are formed by adding the suffix -gi to the appropriate Past Participle I. In Perso-Arabic these forms have also been written as ^
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one a participle (i.e., an adjective, as in c a running sore' or 'he is running for mayor'), the other a gerund (a noun of activity, as in 'running a mile is exhausting'). The confusion makes for syntactic blends in both languages: in English, the "fused participle" (frowned on by careful writers, but widely used in speech) treats a gerund like a participle: we should not tolerate them making people into slaves (cf. ...their making people into slaves)', in Tajik, conversely, examples may be found of Past Participle II forms being construed more like gerunds: мои ки он урф-у одатҳо-и занро каниз, мардро ғулом мекардагй аз миён бардошта шавад <j/*< IJ-^J ^ L p j U j ^ i j i j,f <_£ ^ Ь jj_j. A ~ .nljj.4 <jL_a j \

<

t c

^ J j . ; - fbLc IJJJ-A 'let those traditions of

making girls into household slaves and men into slave soldiers be abolished* (the "participle" in ...mardro gulom mekardagi '...making men slaves' — since the presence of the object marker -ro precludes a true passive—could more logically be replaced by an infinitive: ...mardro gulom kardan 'the making (of) men (into) slaves'). In neither language do speakers seem unduly inconvenienced by this homomorphy. Like Past Participle I, transitive instances of II may be either active or passive. Whereas Participle I focuses more on the action than the result, Participle II appears to be somewhat more stative or static, as in its combining with auxiliaries other than the tense-formative 'to be' (see below). Participle II is negated with the verbal prefix na-\ it may also be substantivized: мол на-доштаги-ҳо чи мекунанд? Jl о я i\\<> л 4ta. LA ^jÜJL^il JJ» 'what will those do who don't have livestock?' (present tense and active voice for dostan and budan, see 3.43); баъзе дидаги-ҳо-яш-ро ҳикоя мекард I L_JLA ^ J ^ J ^ ,Л * \ j j < i * «ülia, 'he told (us) some of the things he had seen' (past and passive). A predicative participle in -gT may be introduced by a copula other than the enclitic series of 'to be' (often it must, if it is to be a participle and not an integral part of a tense). These forms of budan 'to be' or Sudan 'to become' add their own nuances of tense and aspect: печаҳо-яш на-шинондагӣ буд jj_> ^ j J i l 'IJ.VI JLAJ^A ^ \\ 'the screws [sc. of the doorl were not fixed properly' (see next; and cf. 3.46). Indicative or Conjectural? As a passive predicative adjective, Past Participle II may be the complement of an appropriate part of the verb J(J

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'to be' (unlike Past Participle I): печаҳо-яш на-шинондагӣ буд jj_» ^g-S^Iihj m *> ^ J L U * 2- у 'the screws [sc. of the door] were not/ had not been fixed properly'. On the face of it, this statement (though not couched in an actual Conjectural tense) seems likely to be an inference (drawn, perhaps, when the door unexpectedly fell off) rather than a statement of fact. Indeed this participle, in its role as a formative of the three Conjectural tenses, may have either a Conjectural or an Indicative sense. Thus вай эҳтимол аз шаҳр омадагӣ JLo_l_aJ ^ j J^SJ-^QT J О . M J\ 'he has probably come from the city', in view of the adverb, is unequivocally a short form of omadagist, the Past Conjectural (3.31); but MO ҳоло аз шаҳр омадагӣ ^ J - Л j p Л j \ VL^ Lo 'we have just come from the city' must be presumed a true statement of personal experience, a short form of the (resultative) Perfect Indicative omada-em. Depending on the context, a transitive Past Participle II such as хондагӣ ^ j J i l ^ 'having (been) read' may have any of four readings: Active (human) and Indicative, 'having read'; Passive (inanimate) and Indicative, 'having been read'; Active (human) and Conjectural, 'having probably read'; Passive (inanimate) and Conjectural, 'having probably been read'. However, in the context of the constructions illustrated below, not only is the Indicative the default reading, but the past tense may also be neutralized in favor of that of the main verb. The active voice will likewise be the default reading; as with Past Participle I, a passive sense may be made explicit by insertion of the corresponding past participle of the passive auxiliary sudan: хона-и тоза сохта шудагй ^ j-ii -o ^ j Ji UJ J_J j 'I myself was born here' (for zoida suda-am). Colloquially, Past Participle II is often preferred as an attributive adjective, especially in the kind of adjectival phrase linked to the antecedent by a pronominal enclitic or pronoun. As noted in 3.43, these are of two types: (1) Object type: The anaphoric pronominal enclitic (or independent pronoun), representing the agent (the subject of the relative clause), is attached to the participle modifying the patient (underlying object

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of the relative clause). The formulation of this that is common to both participles was illustrated in 3.43: китоб-и овардаги-ам/ овардаги-и ман ^ ^ j j j T \ f J ^ J J J T <_>Ll£ 'the book (that) I brought' (lit, 'the book brought of me'). However, a simple phrase of this type, with the same meaning, may be formulated in two other ways, which are available to Participle II, but not I: китов-и ман овардагй (j_a _»l ~ < T, and овардаги-ам китоб i^LiZ f I ^ J j jT. The first of these appears to be a reduced relative clause, with the relative link -e ki replaced by an izofat particle and the finite verb deleted (cf. Type 2, as analyzed in 3.43). The second, a reversal of the common type, is probably a caique on the equivalent Turkic (Uzbek) phrase, which it resembles in structure (modifier before head). This type also occurs without the pronominal enclitic, and with all varieties of Past Participle II: дар хона нигоҳубин мекардагй одам ҳам

на-дорад JJIJ^L ^Л ^JT J ^ J J - J S ^ . ^ d ^

J ÖLS-J o l

:L

jj

'there isn't even anyone at home to look after (them)' ('a watchand-see-doing person': the Present-Future Participle, 3.46). (2) Subject type: The enclitic referencing the subject of the main clause is joined by izofat to the subject of the underlying relative clause: курта-и парчагул-и рангаш аз офтоб паридагй 2и ^£ ^ J - J ^ J ^LLbT j \ u ?.<*ij ^K<-a.jLi 'a flowered dress, its color faded from the sun'. This type is illustrated for both participles in 3.43. Not every occurrence of -dagi/ -tag! is an instance of Past Participle II. As noted in 3.43, the quality noun formative -й ^ - (5.2) when suffixed to adjectives and participles ending in -a 4-- usually inserts -g-: мондагй ^ j^b> 'tiredness' (from monda 'tired', orig. Past Participle I 'left behind'); кӯфтаги-и роҳи дур ғалаба мекард ^ ^ l i ^ S _*j< > ~ <_ilc J J J 61 j 'the exhaustion of the long journey was taking its toll' (from kufia, Past Participle I of küftanl küb- 'to pound, mash'). 3.45

Present Progressive Participle [karda istoda/ -gl]

An action described while it is in progress uses the participle corresponding to the Present Progressive tense (3.18), or, more colloquially,

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275

that corresponding in form to the Progressive Conjectural (3.32); the form, however, does not entail the function, and both varieties of the Present Progressive are Indicative in mood and in every respect interchangeable. They have the same properties as the past participles, except that of lexical nouns (the prerogative only of Past Participle I). In Perso-Arabic they have also been written in the form 6 j j

£

^ u j l i n i j l , etc.

Progressive participles may be either active or passive as appropriate: одам-и хандида истода &jl " ...jl ь±л,\'\^ *JT 'the man laughing', қозиҳо {пойҳо-и ба таҳти шикам кашида-истода-ашон}-ро ҳам ба кор дароварда дупоя гурехтанд с>^ " \ ^ L ^ J L } I д _» . U ? 'even the qadis brought their legs, (that were) sprawled out beneath their bellies, into action, and fled hot-foot' ('two-legged'); садо-и рабоб-и навохта-шуда- истода 6jj i A L Hj^ o L j ^ I J ^ 6JI"MIJI 'the sound of a rabob being played'. As nouns, they may appear in any sentence slot: гурехта-истодаги-ҳо... бе тартиб тир ходи мекарданд . . . L a ^ j l " ... А А^\ \JSL JJIJj ^ Lr> 'those fleeing... fired at random' (subject); тамом-и воқеаҳо-и ҳозир дар рӯи олам шуда истодаги-ро як ба як гуфта додан гирифт j j j_-ubL_^ ^La «L-JUJSIJ ^(—А^ CLXAJS.

jjjlj

A

ла^ «< j > L£->

IJ^JI^MIJI

fij^ii

JJLC

^ j j 'he began to

report one by one all the events currently happening on earth' (object); раис бо кор карда истода-ҳо савол-у ҷавоб карда гузашта 'the boss made the rounds, questioning those who were working' (as a prepositional phrase; for the conjunct auxiliary guzastan, see 5.20). Such noun phrases may have a number of adjuncts (subject, adverbials) preceding them in nominalizations of relative or other clauses: агар чиз-и вай ёд дода истода-ро дуруст гуфта натавонад,.. ..* JJJJ^Ü» «cüS CJ-^JJ I J ojlinijl UJIJ JLJ ^J y^ j£.\ 'if he cannot correctly repeat something that he is being taught,..'. The origin of the progressive use of the past participle of istodan 'to stand' lies in the Stative sense of the Perfect tense of this and other verbs of "arrested motion": истода-ам f I &jl " ...jl 'I have stopped,

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i.e., am standing still' (see 3.17). In fact, Past Participle I or II of istodan may be used as a stative adverbial to a simple adjective, as well as a verbal participle: барои чй шумо гӯсола-и ором истодаги-ро мезанед? Ij, JLJ " -I fljf kJL^jS I л л, « L ^ ^ I J J Я i ^ j ^ o 'why are you hitting a calf that is standing quietly?' Colloquially, istodagi may be replaced by other stative participles: гаштагй ^Л л К 'having become, being', нишастагй ^ < " -.t •*.». 'sitting', огхобидагй ^ J — L J J - J ! 'lying': ҳо-о, ҳамон мардак-и дар миёна-и замин каланд зада гаштагй j j ^jj—* <jLoJb J - U ц <"пп^ 6Jj .Ü'IK j>j-o j SL»L-e'Yeah, that guy hoeing in the field'. Истодагй ^ j l * ...jl is also a quality noun, 'firmness, perseverance' (cf. 3.43, 3.44). 3.46

Present-Future Participle [mekardagl]

This corresponds formally to the Present Conjectural tense (3.32), and in some instances (e.g., the first example below) this mood is clearly intended. In most cases, however, it denotes an actual present, habitual, or intended action, and appears to be simply a variant of me- (the imperfective prefix; 3.5) plus Past Participle I, as in the Non-Witnessed Durative (3.22), which is likewise indifferent to tense. In Perso-Arabic these forms are written either as ^ j j - S ^ or ^л ^ б а ^ etc. The main function of this participle is in extended NPs that nominalize relative clauses or other sentential complements, mostly of Type (2) as noted for Past Participle II (3.43-44): духтар курта-и медӯхтаги-аш-ро ба модар-аш нишон дод 3L_SJ—£ j — л i.j j b <JLIJ> fju JJLA-» ' J J - ^ ^ J ' ^ ~ ' t h p girl showed the dress she was

sewing to her mother' ('the dress (being) sewn by her'); дору-и ман мехӯрдагй бисер талх аст £-L jl j ... \ L ^ j j 4 5 _ j L c r * <>* ^jjli CJ-WI 'the medicine I am taking is very bitter'; бой {як бурда нон-и қоқ-и ҳар-рӯза ба ятим медодаги-аш}-ро ҳарчй барзиёд донист ,->...\\л 'the rich man considered the single loaf of dry bread per day that he gave to the day-laborer to be far too much' ('...being given by him'). In each of these cases, a passive participle present, modifying

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the object, is in turn modified by an anaphoric personal enclitic referring to the agent. When specific agency is not claimed (e.g., the action is hypothetical, or impersonal), the same construction does without an anaphoric pronominal: ман зан-и cap медодагӣ надорам j "" UJ ^ £ j \ ^ ^jlA-i-a 'I'm not about to divorce my wife' (lit. 'I don't have a wife to divorce', passive participle of sar dodan 'to set free'); лои хишт-и имрӯз мешудаги-ро як рӯз пеш хобондан даркор ^ jLSjj

^JJ.LLL^L^

j

3

j

«_£_, I j ^ j ^ i ^ Jjj-ol ci

IT, Л

'the clay

for the bricks to be made today should be mixed ['laid down'] one day ahead' (future or general truth reference). As in the last two examples, the participle often bears a modal nuance of potential or obligation: мард-ро мард мекардагӣ ҳам зан, номард мекардагй ҳам зан <<jj ^л ^ j j ^ j о jj__o ljij-^> oj ^л ^ ^ <J<J * jj^oL 'a wife can make a good man or a bad man of her husband' (prov., lit. 'the one (capable of) making a man into either a man... is the woman'; an active participle). These participles may nominalize quite complex and embedded sentential complements, in the following case two coordinate clauses specifying the object, 'those traditions': мон ки он урф-у одатҳо-и занро каниз, мардро гулом мекардагӣ аз миён бардошта шавад \ <>L> tjLil^J-i .MJJ 'the letter you are sending to Bukhara', it refers most probably to the near future (since if the letter has already been sent on its way, the past participle/?mto
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negative adjectives of potential: рӯз-и ҳеч вақт аз ёд-и кас намебаромадагй LS^^^lJ^Lfj^ ^уЛ J L jl CJ-SJ g-i-л JJJ 'a day that no one will ever forget' ('...never to depart from one's memory'). Even more readily than the Future Participle and Past Participle II, the Present-Future Participle as an adjective may occur as the complement of the verb Sudan 'to become, reach a state of being/ doing s.t.' (3.42,3.44,4.24; cf. also 3.36): акнун маро мардум... «ҷӯрабой саркор» ва ҳатто «раис» мегуфтагй шуда буданд \j n 'now people had taken to addressing me as "dear friend" or even "chief"; аз рӯз-и расидан-и мактуб cap шуда ҳар ду ба хона-и ҳамдигар омадурафт намуда, даҳон-ашонро пур карда «Қудоҷон!» мегуфтагй ва якдигар-ро аз ҳад зиёд иззат-у ҳурмат мекардагй шуданд *
that the letter arrived, each of them started visiting the other; they would overwhelm each other with compliments and treat each other with excessive deference'; аввал занҳо-и амир ва баъд модар-и амир ба вай рашк бурданд ва ӯро дида на-ме-тавонистагй шуданд I JJ\ j ^ J J - J »-1-Jij (^J-J ^J-AI JJLA лл_» j j - ^ l (^L^J Jjl

-*\.\ л. ^ < ~ . •'«tj-«^ ^'« 6JJJ 'first the emir's wives, then the mother of

the emir, grew jealous of her, and could not bear the sight of her' ('...became unable to see her'). In the last example, sudand expresses the cumulative change from one state to another ('...finished by not being able...'; cf. the terminative sense of Sudan in Conjunct verb constructions, 5.20). Similarly, in the present tense: бисьёр касон... ҳатто ба газета хондан хуш-ашон на-ме-омадагй мешавад ^ J J J ^ <-^j% <4 LT^- • о^^ jh •".' -*'«j -^j - ^ J-AT ^j^i fj\ i у injÄ 'many people... reach the point of not even liking to read the newspaper' ('...become it-not-coming-pleasingto-them by the reading of newspapers]'; cf. 2.30).

CHAPTER FOUR SYNTAX PHRASE AND SIMPLE SENTENCE 4.1

The Noun Phrase

The principal forms of NP have been described ad hoc under the appropriate sections of Chapter 2, as a necessary matrix to the morphology. They are not exclusive structures, but overlap and incorporate parts and rules one of another. Here they are summarized as eight types, in approximate order of complexity or inclusiveness, in subject position where accompanied by a VP. (1) The noun alone. The Tajik NP may consist minimally of a single nominal, which may be a noun, a personal or other kinds of pronoun, or an infinitive: хондан осон аст iz.i ..J <jl ^T <jjJ»lj_jk 'reading is easy.' The noun alone (or with a plural suffix), without any determiner, modifier, or enclitic, is either Non-Specific or Definite: китоб - «I " < 'books (in general)' or 'the book'; китобҳо L$_»Li£ '(lots of/ all kinds of) books' or 4he books' (2.7). Singular or plural nouns may acquire the enclitic -e, which designates them as either Indefinite or Specific: ҳафтанома(-ҳо)-е ^ ( Ь ь ) ^ U C I L Ä 'some weekly magazine(s) or other' or *a certain weekly/ certain weeklies' (2.8). Alternately, the noun may be preceded by the numeral yak 'one' in its role as a quasi-indefinite article: як пиёла « и j_» •< » 'a cup', як пиёла-ҳо Lb<JI_juj ^ 'some cups'. The article and noun may further add the indefinite enclitic: як пиёла-ко-е . ^ Ь ы Л L_» ._£_» (2.7-9; Fig. 2.7). This construction distinguishes the quasi-articleya/; from its role as a numeral, where the noun it determines cannot bear either a plural suffix or an indefinite enclitic (see next). (2) Numerical NP. A numeral precedes the noun, which is not modified for plural: сад рӯз J j j J иэ 'one hundred days'. A classifier may intervene between number and numerand: чор-та дарахт Li jLa.

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^>A.jj 'four trees* (2.50). A numerical NP is usually considered an Indefinite NP; it may not take the enclitic -e, but it may be made Definite by a determiner (see below). Basic question and answer words having to do with quantity behave syntactically in the same way (2.45, 2.53): чанд(-та) дарахт? - « ^ S C J - ^ J J ( L ^ ) 'how many trees'? —чандин дарахт, чандин то Li (j-jj-Ji-a. « o ^ j j <J_JJ \ ^ 'several trees; several'; бисер дарахт cujkjj jl j mj 'many trees'; чй қадар нон? S<jL» j j _ л «ц. 'how much bread? —аз ҳад зиёд нон <jL» J L J j_a. jl 'too much bread'; ҳар дарахт с ^ . j J J_Ä 'each/ every tree', ҳама шаб . ^. .*. <ииь 'every night' (2.37). The negative ҳеч 'no, none' is self-sufficient as a reply, but requires a negative prefix on any associated verb: ҳеч нон (надорем) g_j_A (jk-jjljj») <jL»'(we have) no bread', ҳеч дарахт (нест) c>A.jj ^ л (cinij'i) '(there is/ are) no tree, no trees'. (3) Preposed determiner: As these interrogatives and determiners change from quantity to quality, plurals optionally appear: баъзе дарахт(ҳо) (LA)CJA j j Ь . А | > 'some trees'. The adjective digar 'other' (normally Type 5) is attracted by its semantic proximity to 'some' into the same pattern of preposed juxtaposition, but requires a marked plural for a plural referent: дигар кас-он < j L ^ ^ e J 'other persons' (2.33). Determiners of Definite NPs (notably interrogatives and demonstratives) precede the noun, which may be singular or plural: кадом шахе? -ин шахе о ^ Ч Л, ^ 1 - S o ^ Л f I J£ 'which person? —this person', чй ҷо-ҳо-е? -ҳамон ҷо-ҳо IAL-Л. J,I сиД- S ^ ^ J L A L ^ «La. 'what places? —those (same/ very) places' (2.31, 2.34-35). This type is perhaps the most stable and inclusive; determiners may introduce an extended NP of all types except No. 4: кадом се нафар? -ҳамин се нафар j «' 4— ш j j » * - ^ i i «i ь« ^ I ±S 'which three people? —these (same) three people', ҳамон гӯсфанд-и чарб-кунондаги-и мо U ^ J J I L I ^ *-^>^ «"»* j ^ oL^^ 'that fattened sheep of ours/ that sheep we fattened up' (3.43(1)). Superlatives (2.43) and ordinal adjectives ending in -in (2.52) canonically precede the noun: беҳтарин китоб-ҳо 'the best books', аввалин рӯз-и тобистон first day of summer'; in Tajik, however (though not in SP) they may

SYNTAX

281

optionally follow the noun in izofat (Type 5), and might therefore be classified under the next heading. (4) Contextually preposed adjectives: Certain classes of adjective may optionally be preposed, such as: Adjectives in affective or evaluative NPs, especially exclamations: бечора дӯст-и ман! \^ о ^»JJ tj\ ^ j > 'my poor friend!', хуб писар (буда-аст) (CL>^\ 6JJ-J) J

M.J L_»>-^ '(he seems to be a)

good boy'. Ordinal adjectives ending in -urn (2.52): дуйум поезд J ^ J L ^ J J 'the second train' (contrary to SP usage, also followed in Tajik, with this ordinal following in izofat; cf. the formulations with the ordinal in -(wm)m, under Type 3). Adjectives in -ngi: дина-нгӣ рӯзнома 4-ÖL»J 3 J ^ V I J J 'yesterday's paper' (these are adjectives of relation to time or space: 5.4). Participles in -gi (Past Participle II, 3.43-46), in one formulation of a nominalized relative clause: омадагй одам ^ JT ^ j-oT 'the person who came'. This may include the underlying agent, as a personal enclitic on the participle: овараги-ам китоб • »I " < ^ l ^ ^ j j j T 'the book that I brought' (3.43(1); a form of izofat construction is also an alternative to this: kitob-i man ovardagi (3.44). Adjective phrases with the postposition barin 'like' (2.23) may either precede or follow the head: ман барин шахе о<~* Ч м. ^ J - J t>o'a person like me' (also as an izofatNP, Type 5: шахс-и ман барин The four last cases under this category are all characteristic of Northern dialect usage, and have probably been influenced by typically Turkic structures of Uzbek, in which the modifier precedes the head noun. (5) Adjectival izofat. This is the "standard" Persian formulation of an adjectival NP: духтар-и ҷавон ö l j - ^ j"> ^ J '(the) young girl'. It is subject to modification by a terminal Indefinite enclitic and/ or an initial quasi-articleya/: (cf. Type 1), and may be nested within a Nominal izofat (Type 7). The modifier may be quite complex, such as a prepositional-participial phrase representing a reduced relative clause: донишҷӯён-и аз Аврупо бозгаштагӣ ^ Ь b j j j l j l p b j ? . V J J 'students returned from Europe'. The construction has a variant in the Split izofat, where the Indefinite

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CHAPTER FOUR

enclitic is added to the headnoun, and the connecting izofat particle -/ J a is deleted: духтар-е ҷавон oL*e- c 5 J ^ ' young girl' (2.11). (6) Partitive NP: This frequent NP type designates the head as a part of a larger nominal referent. The two are linked either by izofat (a Type 7 construction) or by the preposition az 'from' (2.19). Partitive phrases involve most kinds of nominals, particularly pronouns (see 2.31-37, passim), e.g.: ҳеч як-е аз шумо I г> Л j l < _ ^ g_j_a 'none of you', ким-кадом аз тамошобинон ^ L l ^ l AI *" jl ^ I j j S ^ 'some of the spectators'. The predicative possessive pronouns, 'mine', 'yours', etc. (2.28) are a "headless" partitive phrase, i.e., beginning with the preposition: аз он-и мо куҷо? ^ ^ < I о ^Т jl 'where is ours?' ('from that of us'). Number phrases also make use of partitives, e.g., in fractions, where they are reversed: аз даҳ нӯҳ қисм - -r Q «d 6j 3I 'nine tenths'(2.55). Partitive NPs often additionally link head to modifier with izofat: ҳеч кадом-и аз занҳо-и худ jj-L L$^f*j j ' f ' ^ ^e-* 'none of his wives' (which gives them a space in the next category). (7) Nominal izofat: This is the most inclusive NP type (2.12-16), which may incorporate or link with any of the others. It consists of a nominal joined to another modifying nominal (noun, pronoun, prepositional phrase, virtually any NP) with the izofat particle: ҳамон се нафар-и тоза-и ман ^ 6 j U j_aJ» <-ш <jLoJb 'those three new men of mine' (Types 2, 3, 5, 7); таъсир-и {расидан-и {ким-кадом аз {мо барин занҳо-и саводнок}}} L*} j l ^IJS ^] ^л 1 ...j] j-^it: {{{L£L»JIJ ...I (jL*>oj CHJ-I 'the effect of the arrival of some literate women like us' (Types 1, 4, 5, 6, and 7 twice; for the postposition barin, see 2.23). Under pronominal modifiers should be included the personal enclitics, as in даст-ам ^ uuj 'my hand' (2.29-30). This construction performs the same functions as an izofat in virtually every case. A common idiom, which may be dubbed the "contextualizing pronominal," uses the 3rd sg. demonstrative pronoun он ^Т 'it', or the pronominal enclitic -аш <_£-, anaphorically, to refer its head noun back to a related item (often in a separate sentence): дарвоза-и он бисер калон аст cu-^J o > ^ J j "•} a* *jhjJ ' t h e g a t e IS huge' ('its gate is very big'—referring to an edifice just mentioned); чойхона

SYNTAX рафта будем. (Он ҷо) хӯрок-аш бисер нағз 4_JL_ij «dl

283 Ц^Ц.

j \ j п. j ^jii^l jj-i. Ls^iT .jSLjjj-j'we went to the teashop. The food (there) is very good' ('its food'; cf. 2.28, Modifiers). (8) Topicalization: A variant sub-variety of type (7) is the Topicalized NP, in which a possessive or partitive Nominal izofat is re-arranged, with the modifier as head, followed by the erstwhile head in izofat with an anaphoric pronominal enclitic: духтар ном-аш ^ii-oL» j " ~ * 'the girl's name' (lit., 'the girl her-name', corresponding to nom-i duxtar\ cf. 2.30). This construction is mainly colloquial, but may be used in written Tajik to avoid a multiple izofat phrase: лампа-и овеза шиша-аш-ро тоза кард j j _ £ б ^ Ь I ^ ^ L N Л i Гч Ö^JJT 3 \ ol'he cleaned the glass of the hanging lamp' ('the hanging lamp its-glass'); or when the original head, as antecedent, would be widely separated from its relative clause: муборизае, ки м а н д а р давом-и с е с о л бурда о м а д а м , натиҷа-аш фақат ҳ а м и н рӯз м а ъ л у м ш у д J j j tjjnft 'the result of the struggle I have waged for three years became known only today' (for natija-i muboriza-e, ki...\ cf. 4.45. For omadan as a Conjunct Verb auxiliary, see 5.20). 4.2

The Simple Sentence: Word Order

Since the person of the agent is incorporated in the verb, the simplest sentence comprises a single finite verb (either intransitive, or with the object elided): омадам f д_1Л T v e come/ here I am' (lit, 'I came'); дуздиданд J J I ^ J ^ J 'they stole [it]'. This occurs most frequently in the case of the Imperative: истед! \л г>,,. J 'stop!/ wait!'. The complement or object of the verb, when mentioned, usually precedes it: монда нашавед ±>jj*± 6 ^ L * 'take it easy (lit. 'don't get tired'), ӯ-ро назадам f J3J» I J J I

'I did not hit him' (for the grammatical status and

treatment o f subject and object NPs, see 2.7-9, 2.17). Normal sentence word order is (S)OV in main, coordinate and dependent clauses (where Complement may substitute for Object): холида тут мехӯрд j j j . ^ ^ CDJZ O J J L L 'Kholida ate mulberries', пиразан камбағал аст ^- - I JJL-»^£ <J3J—JU_I 'the old woman is poor'. Since the person is expressed in the verb ending, there may be

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CHAPTER FOUR

no overt subject NP: себ мехарам {JJL^ _•» •• 'I'll buy (some) apples'. In peremptory imperatives, the verb often comes first; the stress and high tone fall on the initial syllable and move progressively down with subsequent constituents: биё ин ҷо! !l—^JuJ I ** 'come here!', гйред ӯ-ро! !ljjl J J J ,\ К 'seize him!', хбнед мактуб-ро! л y*lj ^ Ij-^j^n 'read the letter!'. To foreground the subject in a negative sentence, the negative prefix на- --i may be detached from the verb and preposed before the subject NP: на хама мард-и харидор сазовор-и зан аст < <иь «и» с» ...I <JJ j l j l j -* JIJL-JJ—^ j j о 'not every suitor is deserving of a wife' (see'further, 4.12). The emphatic locus of a sentence is immediately before the verb; in order to foreground the subject or agent, OSV may occur: мор-ро ман куштам ^UiS ^ I j jL* 'I (was the one who) killed the snake'; шӯхи-бардор одам ман гуцам f jj_» ^ ^Л jljj-j^^j-^i 'I used to be the one who could take a joke* (here the NP complement also shows anomalous word order, a preposed modifier in Turkic style; cf. 3.44). To emphasize the patient, or the activity (i.e., the VP as a whole), OVS may be preferred: себ-ро на-мехаред шумо? 'aren't you going to buy (any) apples?'. Direct object NPs, with or without the postposition -ro, normally precede indirect objects (introduced by the preposition ba, 2.19): ман қалам-ро ба ӯ додам f JIJ JLJ I j^J-ä a-^ 'I gave him the pen'. Weightier indirect objects, or benefactive or privative phrases, may precede a direct object (especially if Non-Specific or Indefinite): муаллим az тамом-и синф имтиҳон гирифт . h\t* *\ *л j \ ^Лл о o i ^ - 5 tjl -ч " ol 'the teacher gave the whole class'a test'. The indirect object may be omitted if it is known from the context: аҳмад тарбуз-ро дод JIJ I jj->jl a ^ l 'Ahmad gave (me, us...) the watermelon'. Adjectival phrases may be detached from their NP and appended after the following VP, for rhetorical effect: дар пеш сафар истода-аст, басо пур хатар j J a i ^-» > -•; <^ -> ^ *** -^ j а ...и н ij j j 'before [them] lay a journey, very dangerous' (for safar-i baso pur-xatar...). Nouns and NPs may be appended to a sentence, as specific examples following a cover term, introduced by an adverbial such as хусусан

SYNTAX

285

Luaj«nЛ/махсусан L
Subject and Complement

In a sentence involving a nominal complement, whether noun or adjective, of the type A is X от В was Қ complement is linked to subject by a copular form of 'to be'. In the present tense this may be either enclitic or derived from the stems hast-, bos- or nest- (3.6-7):

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CHAPTER FOUR

ман тоҷик-ам ^\ ^ Ь ^ 'I am (a) Tajik', ситора-гон аз мо хеле дур-анд/ дур ҳастанд УГ\ ..• A JJ*\^JJ* ^ L* jl j l <ji * o l j та 'the stars are very far from us', зинда бошад J-^,LJ 6 jj»3 'long У he/ she live' ('be he/ she alive'), шумо монанд-и дигарон нестед J \l~tit J'I ( j ' ^ e J-HLÄ L»-i 'you are not like others'. For a past tense, the copula is based on Stem II, bud- (3.7): ҳаво бад набуда-аст IJ-Ä CJ-^I ojj-i^ J-J 'the weather evidently is not bad'. In colloquial usage present tense forms of 'to be' may be omitted, especially in questions: ман тоник Л j • % Li ^ 'I'm a Tajik', Нодир куҷо? S L*£ j j L 'where's Nodir?'. The negative copula nest- is often replaced by ne: онҳо ба мо ошно не ^ L»-a,T U-J L^T 'they are not known to us'. When the complement is a Non-Specific (generic) noun, even an ordinary count noun, it does not take any indefinite or plural marker: падарон-и мо подабон буданд s^^j-* оЦ^Це ' ° j l j i u 'our (forefathers were shepherds' (lit. 'shepherd'; cf. 2.7). When modified in an adjectival izofat, it accepts the Specific enclitic -e, and a plural marker if appropriate: падарон-и мо подабон-ҳо-е кӯҳистонй буданд j-^jj-j ^ 1 " к. bjS ^ ^ L Ä ^ L J L LO O^J^ 'our (fore)fathers were hill shepherds' (a Split izofat, 2.11); ҳавли-ҳо-и к^мат-е ҳастанд *'»"» -A ^"^;» ^LA ^\ jU. 'they are expensive houses'. The complement of an impersonal verb or expression is also either Non-Specific or (if modified) Specific: дар ин ҷо бача нест ^ J ...... «*« * ? ; L^J»_il 'there is no child/ are no children here'; гул-ҳо-и хушбу-е куҷо ҳаст? ^.^.... A I ^< ^ j j ; •* j - 1 c^Le-LS 'where are there (some/ any) fragrant flowers?' The same rules for generic and Specific complements are required after verbs expressing persistence or change of state (мондан <j jJ»Le 'to remain' шудан/ шав- -j-*i \ j j - i and гаштан/ гард- \jj 1 Л. 5 -jj_S or the more literary гардидан ^s^^j-S, 'to become'): ин духтар-ҳо ба мо дугона шуданд д±д-£> <^\£ j j U_» LÄJ-IJLJ J ^ I 'these girls became our best friends' ('to us best-friend'); мехоҳӣ бесавод монӣ? S ^ L c jlj_^uL5-» t_rJblj-jkLfÄ bdo you want to stay illiterate?'. Similarly construed, with subject and complement simply juxtaposed, are verbs or expressions that acknowledge the subject's being classed or evaluated as of a certain quality or state: муаллим-и мо доно,

SYNTAX

287

ҳатто доно-и бузург-е, ҳисоб ме-ёбад ^ Ь Ь ^\ -ч « Ü b L* J i * AJLJ^J-O C-J П, ^


S J3_J 'our teacher is reckoned (to be) a scholar—

even a great scholar'; ин шаҳр як-е аз кӯҳна-тарин шаҳрҳо-и мамлакат ба шумор меравад j j j " * ' д < 3* cr^f J

0

л

о- 5 '

j j J c r c j l л м, > ,^i<:i л л ^ U j о ,7,'this town ranks as one of the oldest in the country'. 4.4

Object Marking

The selective use of -po I j - to mark a NP as the object is treated under Morphology (2.1-9). A sentence designating a persistence or change of state, or the acknowledgment of a quality (4.3), may be transformed into one denoting the alteration of a state (causative) or the active recognition of a quality (declarative). This requires a transitive verb expressing evaluation, identification, appointment, or the like, and -ro to mark the first constituent as object (the second NP remains the unmarked complement): Аҳмадҷон-ро раис интихоб карданд

-1 ^ "»"«I U H / I J I J ^ L ^ J л-J

jj»jj—S 'they elected Ahmadjon chairman', вай-ро душман ҳисоб мекунанд »'»'»<_* * i_J ... -v ^ л M.J IJJJ 'they reckon him (to be) an enemy'; ӯ-ро Мирзо-и қорй ҳам мегуфтанд ^ j L S ^ I j j j л l^jl j n i ^

^»Jb 'they called him Mirzo-i Qori too'; (ном- и) ин пахта-

ро «Лентир» мегуянд t\

tJ

< > л "j j " * t Г IJOL-Ц» j-jl (^L») 'they

call this cotton "Lentir"' ('they say the name of..'; пот is optional). The complement may be any kind of nominal, including an adjective or a partitive phrase, and either Non-Specific or Specific (e.g., modified): худ-ро хаста ва беҳол ҳис кард J ^ S [^^

Jl ^ j> j <" м. •; I

jjj±

'he felt [himself] tired and dispirited'; ин 'шаҳр-ро як-е аз кӯҳнатарин шаҳрҳо-и мамлакат ме-шуморанд jl ^ ^ J jlj—t

^о-е'

j^jl л j > L r c -"
288

CHAPTER FOUR

transitive, the external object is treated like any other direct object (i.e., it will take -ro if Specific or Definite) but the verb's nominal remains unmarked: бемор-ҳо-ро муолиҷа мекард I JLÄJI * _»; e treated the patients'. However, many such nominals are amenable to semantic and grammatical expansion (they may be questioned, qualified, or specified), in which case they are treated as an external object: cf. чӣ ҳарф-ҳо-е мезанед! ^ L Ä I ^ 'what are you saying!' (Indefinite); даре мехонам i 'I'm studying', ЫЛкадом дарс-ҳо-е-ро мехонед? J IJJJ-^^J-Ö Ijcre* 0 ' " j 'which lessons are you studying?' (Specific); кор кардем ^j£ jl£ 'we worked', butKop-и нағз-е-ро кардем f-jJ^S I j(jj±± jlS'we did a good job' (Specific). NPs may be concatenated by adding the enclitic -у/ -ю/ -ву or the conjunction ва 'and' (all j in Arabic script) to each one except the last, or to the penultimate one alone, or without addition (see further, 4.11). When such a series is the direct object, -ro is normally added only to the last of several closely coordinated nominals: {вай-у мо-ву шумо}-ро таъин карданд ^ J J - £ ^Л J *~ lj{< * >u j L j ^$ 'they designated him, us and уои';китоб, дафтар ва қалам-ро рӯи мез мондам ^ AJLO 3_i-A (jjj I j fJ-5 j j-l-flj <,_>Ll£'I laid the book, notebook and pencil on the table'. The other coordinating NP conjunctions, similarly treated, are ё Ь and ваё L»j 'or': додар ё хоҳар-ат-ро рафта биёр j L u A ~ i j I J ^ J - Ä I J — I L j j l j 'go and fetch your brother or sister' (cf. 4.5,4.11). 4.5

Gapping and Ellipsis

When a sentence pattern has to be repeated, a desire for economy or rhetorical effect may cause one or more of the repeated constituents to be omitted. Mostly these stratagems correspond closely to their counterparts in English. Ellipsis of nominal elements. As well as the object enclitic -ro (4.4), plural suffixes, personal enclitics, and some lexical affixes may be omitted from the first of closely coordinated nouns: оянда-ву равандагон-ро намедид s^jLyj^i b ^ L - S ^ j j j ^^ч^ ' h e did not see the people (who were) coming and going/ arriving and leaving'

SYNTAX

289

(only the second participle carries the animate plural and direct object markers); наю сурнаяш-ро навохтан гирифт (i.e., nay-u surnay-as...) c^»-flj_$ t^JLAl ^ l j L j i , I ^»JJ—MJ j ^ 'he began to play his bamboo flute and double-reed flute1 (see also 4.10); хат-у савод-нок j LJ* L^LJIJ.^« 'capable of reading and [capable of] writing' (for the suffix -nok, see 5.4). Gapping of the verb. Абр сиёҳ, офтоб пинҳон, рӯз торик, ҳаво вайрон, замин лағжонак ва осмон резанда-и борон-у барф буд и-^—о j ' ö ^ J

' J - * " - ^ J L ^ J J J ' Ü L - ^ ^ L H - i T ib\ j

>n j j l

jj-> i-ij-j j ö l j b 6JJ»^JJ j l ~ —T j i-SJiljJJ 'the clouds were black, the sun hidden, the day dark, the air dank, the earth slick, and the sky pouring rain and snow' (subject and complement are reproduced without a copula until the final instance); ҳама-и маъмурон... маро хуб мешиносанд, ман ҳам — онҳоро i—>j-± Ij—a Ö'JJ—°—*— a 'all the employees know me well, and I them' (gapping of a different person of the same verb—mesinosam—in a reciprocal clause, final position; the dash—as in the next example, placed after the subject and not in the actual missing verb slot—is modeled on Russian usage); деҳқонон имрӯз ба сар-и замин нарафта-анд ва косибон-ба сар-и дастгоҳ j m » j j j - a l ÖLLLLAJ » К " •••! JUUU_J - j l ; ...К j jj»l «CLbjJj u-f* J 'farmers today have never

worked on the land, nor artisans at the loom' (gapping an identical negative verb and its adverb); абдулло аз корҳо-и матбаа ran мезанад-у ман аз корҳо-и газета-амон « i t j U ^ L A J I ^ jl «till J_I_C ^jLel^CLj^S ^Lbjl^ jl jj-o j ±^j i
at the press, and I about our newspaper' (gapping of a different person of the same verb—gap mezanam—'m a parallel clause). Less frequently, the first of two identical verbs is gapped: дар даст-и яке аз онҳо шафтолу [—] ва дар даст-и дигар-аш зардолу буд

Jbj<^i cii^uj jj

j [-] j-ll "i fl .n L^T

jl ^ ^

OJ^UJ

jj

±£± jJ I j j j 'one of them was holding a peach, and the other an apricot' (sic; dar dast-i digar-as means 'in the other one's hand'). With multiple subjects or complements, some form of gapping is in fact more usual than not. Sometimes, however, rhetorical effect may require a pleonastic repetition of the verb: Фозилҷон падар дорад, модар дорад, аз ин рӯ ғам на-дорад j j L * « J J I J j i j Ö

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jjljj» f± JJ <j_J ji ijjb

'Foziljon has a father, he has a mother, so

he has no (cause for) sadness'. Tajik may juxtapose parallel clauses, both with verbs, where English usage requires either gapping or a stop or semi-colon between two sentences: Петка дар дам-и дар бо лаб-у лунч-и овезон ме-истод, чашмон-и базеб-и каб-кабуд-аш маҳзун ва омода-и гирья буданд gJJ j c-J L» j j * j <-^j-5 'Petka stood by the door with his tongue hanging out, his beautiful dark blue eyes [were] mournful and on the verge of tears'. JJIJJ-J

4.6

Verbal Agreement

The CP norm for 3rd person verbal concord was that singular nouns of all classes took singular verb agreement, that humans and other reasoning beings (inc. the higher animals, notably horses) in the plural took a plural verb, and inanimate plurals took a singular verb. This system is still often applied, but in modern varieties of Persian, including Tajik, every other permutation may also occur. This is frequently a purely stylistic choice; the principal criterion is the extent to which the antecedent of the verb is felt to be individuated. A collective noun denoting humans may agree with either a singular or a plural verb: гурӯҳ-е аз босмачи-ён бар қишлоқ тохт оварда-аст . - . . . J A . I J J T d i i . b J>LIULJ tjl j ^ A ...L J\ ^ J ^ S 'a band of basmachis raided the village' (sg., acting as a unit); гурӯҳ-е мерафт-анд„ гурӯҳ-е меомад-анд J J U - Л , ^ ^ j j - S < t ü l i J < f x ^JJ^ 'some came and some/ others left' (various individuals; cf. 2.36); халқ-и ба ҳаяҷон-омада ба кӯча... баромада буд <_» .4-Ä.J-S 'the excited people came out into the street'(sg., en masse)\ мардум/ туда даромаданд ^ J J eTjj ÖJ^J \ ^ j j _ o 'the people/ the crowd came [pi.] in' (individually, or in smaller groups). A singular pronominal, if its referent is one of many, often shows logical rather than grammatical agreement with a plural verb: ҳар кадом-е аз онҳо... гуфтанд ^ " а^ ...LpT j \ ^ l ^ J-A 'each one of them... said [р1.]';ҳама ӯ-ро ме-шиносад/-шиносанд 4—иь * \. J '. .?. \.t ..I \ л ^ ^ I J J | 'all know him/ everyone knows him' (hama as a pronoun has a plural referent, 'all'—see 2.37; singular

SYNTAX

291

agreement is perhaps a case of hypercorrection). Conversely, a couple or several persons, if not identified or provided with an active role, may take singular agreement: дар кабинам автомолбил-и боркаш ду кас менишаст o ^ j l - e J-A-»Labjl s \ > X ^j с« i и m i ^ f^S j j 'in the cab of the truck sat two people' (the subject kas is grammatically singular because it follows a numeral; 2.50). Inanimate objects may likewise be regarded either as a collective group or as individuated entities: шох-ҳо-и дарахтон меҷунбид » * -'"^ ^ * fji "\^jj ^1 д -VLJ. 'the boughs of the trees shook' (sg., all together); себҳо як як аз дарахт меафтоданд j l ^ ^ ' * ^ • jJ»jLl—Ы Lrja cj-ä. j j 'the apples fell one by one from the tree' (pi.). Abstract action nouns, even when pluralized to indicate repetition, generally take singular agreement: чапак-зани-ҳо, ҳуштак-кашиҳо... cap шуд jui JULU . . . и ^ Л Л -<" - * il&^j,^^ 'the clapping, the whistling... began'. When different persons of the verb make up a single subject, the aggregate of 1st and 2nd, or 1st and 3rd, is normally 1st plural: мо-ву шумо медонем ^i\x^ L ^ j L» 'you and we know [lpl.]\ ман-у Ҳайрат... равона гардидем ^ ^ j j - S <-^ljj ...cuj-j-a. j ^ ' H a y r a t and I (we) set out'; of 2nd and 3rd, it is 2nd plural: ваю ту асло аз қавл-атон нагаштед ij-.A<\ <jLJ^i j \ ^L-al jl j ^ j 'he and you have never gone back on your word'. By social convention, an individual spoken of with respect (esp. in his hearing; 3rd person), or an individual addressed politely (2nd), takes a plural verb: устод шахс-и бузург буданд ar> \ Л, jl Л ,„1 J-> 'the professor was a great man'; илтимос дароед, ҷаноб j ^^LQJJI 'please come in, sir'. Conversely, an individual may refer to himself in a self-deprecating way as 'we': мо ЧЙ медонем Lo 'what do I know?' (cf. 2.28, 3.4). 4.7

Questions (J): Word Order and Intonation

Word order in questions is usually the same as for statements. Question mode is marked either by interrogative pronouns or adjectives (2.34-35), or in yes-no questions by means of interrogative particles (4.8) or intonation alone: шумо аз ман калонтар буда-ед? <>-о j l I—о—Д

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S jul 6J^-J ^н-^Ы£ 'are you older than I (am)?' (Non-Witnessed perfect, with present time reference, 3.21; the question is prompted by an inference). An interrogative NP normally occurs at the same place in a sentence as would the corresponding answer: он мард кй аст? - ( О н мард) J раис аст о ^.1 O - ^ J ( j—• еД)~ *-^*Л ^ Jj—* и ' 'who is that man? —(That man is) the boss'; (вай) чй гуфт? -(Вай) ҳеч нагуфт я Гл - £ ^ ' 6 J J — ^ ' where's your friend?'. Two interrogative adverbs, кай ^ 'when?' and куҷо I ^ < 'where?', serve for general rhetorical questions, in which their literal meaning is less important than the expression of disbelief: ту кай медонй, ки мӯҳгоҷй чӣ? <• ^ ^ 1 " ^ о <J£ ^l^-i-л ^ ^ ' [ s i n c e ] when do you have any idea what poverty [is]?'. Kujo9 repeated in each phrase questioned, contrasts ironically two situations seen as incompatible: ту куҷо, ин ҷо куҷо? S L*S U. ^ I < Ц-^ jl 'what is someone like you doing in a place like this?' (see 2.34). Yes-no questions may assume the same form as statements, relying on intonation alone: шумо ҳозир [ба] шахр меравед? j - ^ L * I л Л, S A-JJJ^J-* j — e ^ [*ч] 'are you going to town now?'; маҷлис cap шуд? S * л ^ - ^ u - < r ~~ 'has the meeting started?' (Fig. 4.7b). This formulation questions the action in general; if the subject or other topic nominal can be assumed as common knowledge, then the VP being questioned may be preposed: cap шуд маҷлис? J — Д j—ш
293

SYNTAX

answer to this question), and has an emphatic intonation on the initial syllable. Intonation varies considerably between different interrogative sentences, depending on structure and content. The intonation profiles sketched in Fig. 4.7 are not the only ones possible for these sentences, but illustrate salient differences between basic statement and question types as described above. In written Tajik the question mark performs the function of intonation. RG. 4.7 4 3 2 1

QUESTION INTONATION PROFILES -

-

-

-

(a) majlis sar sud.

'the meeting has started1

4 3

(c)

—

4 3 2 1

— -

(b) majlis sar sud? 'has the meeting started?1 4 3 2 1

-

sar sud majlis?

-

-

-

-

-

(d) majlis kay bud?

'has it started, the meeting?1

'when was the meeting?1

Most intonation patterns, whether of statements as in Fig. 4.7(a) or questions with and without interrogative words as in (b) and (d), exhibit in general a rise followed by a fall in tone. The exception is (c), which is also syntactically unique (though it closely matches the sense, syntax, and intonation of Eng. 'started, has it?'). For the structure of indirect questions introduced by the verb пурсидан QJJIM^-I 'to ask', see4.17 and 4.18(5). 4.8

Questions (2): Particles

A polite request for information often couches the question (of the 2nd person epistemic verb) in the negative: на-медонед наздиктарин ошхона куҷост? Sciml ? ^
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Apart from intonation and negation, there are three principal particles which signal a yes-no question (note intial stress in 6yoy mdgar). 6ё Ы occurs in initial position (occasionally, following the subject) in the literary language: оё ӯро мешиносед? Ijjl L_J S ,\ \ ...U MI^^Q 'do you know him?'; this is also used to introduce indirect questions: ман намедонам, оё ҳеч роҳ-и халосӣ ҳаст •г.. ...ft t^a^-L Ö\J g-A-Ä LiUfJilj^^joJ» <>* 'I don't know whether there is any way of escape'. магар JJLU'. In questions connoting surprise or indignation (including rhetorical questions) this particle may precede or follow the subject: магар он-ҳо-ро мешиносад? S \ . J \ .7i Lr^ IJL^»T jlL* 'does he know them, then?', ту магар Ҷамоихоҷа на-й? j < t j _ : S^I^J» 4_a.lj_^ L 5 ^Lo—^ 'aren't you Jamoikhoja?', сохтмон-и ҷамъият-и нав магар қавл аз ҳама ба дигаргунсози-и аъзоён-и он вобаста нест? j l J ^ j ^ - * jJ» o j * *? ^LaJüL* ^ O U L X I A " .и i l j

<jT j j L l .Л rl ^ J L L U J J J J £ J - S J < U ц-e-Ä 'doesn't

building a new society depend upon everyone's promising to transform its members?'. (For magar as 'perhaps', see 4.21.) Sometimes magar can be a neutral question marker, like oyo: магар ту ҳам меравй? s^jj—* о ^л jl ^ 1 « 'are you going too?'; and oyo may sometimes introduce a loaded or rhetorical question: оё ту дӯст-и ман нести? S o "*.../\ ^ C^UJJJ JZ LT 'aren't you my friend?'. -ми ^ - (enclitic); borrowed from Uzbek, this is the most common yes-no question marker in colloquial Tajik (and representations of this in MLT). It is usually attached (with a hyphen, in Cyrillic) to the VP; stress (as a high tone) falls on the preceding syllable: зардолу намехарёд-мй? s ^ AJJ ^Lf-^i j J l j j j ' w o n ' t you buy some apricots?'. For emphasis, the enclitic may be added to the nominal questioned, even if there is an interrogative pronoun or adjective in the sentence: чист ин, газета-мй? <>J ,-H,. J ? ^ co-ij-^ (sic) 'what's this, a newspaper?'; э! чашмдард-мй чанд рӯз боз? S j L JJJ « ^ ^^JO J J X A A A !^1 'Oh! how many days has your eye been hurting?' A yes-no question may also be followed by a tag question phrase, ё не ^ L» 'or not?', especially in indirect questions in the spoken

SYNTAX

295

language, and often in addition to 6yo or mi:: оё ягон роҳ-и халосй ҳаст ё не? < ? ^ Ь о , , , л ( _ ^ } U L б1 j ^liLj LT 4 S there any way of escape (or not)?'. This 'or not' may sometimes be expressed as a complete finite verb: {tu-ba mezibad-mi, na-mezibad} tamoso karsod-as [karda istoda-ast] vay 'he's looking to see whether it suits you or not' (ба кас-е зебидан ^л * ; j j ^..1< <ц» Но suit s.o.', with ba as a postposition; Northern dialect). It may also be Turkicized, with mi substituting foryo in both clauses: хоб меравад-мй, не мй? .-Jj-i. 1

J

w

t o s

ee

or

^сг^ LT 'LT* JJ-±* ' * " ^e 8 ° ' P > won't he?' Several other particles are available to refine the question phrase. -a 61- (terminal enclitic; sometimes also initially) may act as a ruminative interjection: инҳо кӣ бошанд-а? -•*'« ^ ; ^ S I д \Л Sь1 'hmm, who might these people be?'; а, ин кист-а? ^ 1 <б1 < 'hey, who's this then?'; or like a tag question, as a suggestion or a request for confirmation: ғубор-и дилҳоро барорем-а,чй гуфтӣ? S ^ i S ^ «La. « Ö I - ^ J T J - J I JL$JJ JLLC 'let's blow the cobwebs away, what d'you say?' (lit, '...remove the hearts' dust'); дар так-и коса нимкоса ҳаст-а? А •«,! ^ «-ib j j ..» * 4 ...I <^ ,\ 'there's a half-cup left in the bottom, isn't there?'; чӣ хел рӯзҳо-и нағз буданд-а? jJJ» (jLAjjj J ^ ^ SÖI-JJ»JJ-J 'what good times they were, eh?'; connoting surprise or shock: наход ягон тир холӣ накарда таслим шуданд-а? qjj-tVt *.~л...\ Ö J ^ ^ J L L j _ p ^ L S J jjbl^^i 'don't tell me they surrendered without firing a shot?' (for naxod, cf. 4.9,4.17). чӣ < ^ 'what?': The interrogative (2.34) is used initially as an exclamation of surprise: чй, хунук хӯрдӣ? S^jjj—L Л ^ «<А 'what, have you caught cold?'. As a terminal enclitic it has various connotations. Like -a, but more forceful, it may be a request for confirmation of a suspicion: о падар-лаънат-ҳо-е! Бӯи мо расида-аст-чй? Т S«La.-cj-uJ 6j—A—i-uj L o ^ J - J I ^ ^ J L A C - I - I Ä J j j j ' A h , the bastards!

Have they gotten wind of us, d'you think?'; a plea for guidance or confirmation of a suggestion: мо ҳар рӯз телефон кунем-чй? g ^ - - * ^ j ^ " J J J >-A I о 'should we phone every day (or what)?'; a polite suggestion: ҳамин вақт ба кӯча баромада, як давр зада оем-чй? JJJ .-SLJ <ÖJ_«TJ_I ^ j i j o ^ j ö j ^ л j 'since we're out in the street already, let's take a

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stroll, shall we?'; or a polite request: чой хӯрй-чӣ? s L r a. 'will you have tea?' (the 2sg. verbs in the last two examples are in the Present Subjunctive, as optatives; cf. 3.29). канй ^j-lS: A polite request, tantamount to a subdued imperative, often includes this particle at the beginning or end; it may supplement, or substitute for, a question word: канй, бачаҳо, кй ба даре тайёр? s J L I J U » u ^ «LA<—*-e * c ^ 'well, children, who is ready for class?';додо, савғоти-и ба ман овардаги-атон канй? Sf^Z t j b l ^ j j j T Су-? ^ L i ^ l ^ J J I J 'Daddy, [may I have] the present you brought back for me?' (cf. 3.29; and for the participle, 3.44). L>

4.9

Jt

Responses and Exclamations

A fair number of particles classed as interjections or expletives (i.e., they are mostly independent of the syntax of a sentence into which they are inserted) are semantically linked to a response to an utterance, action, or situation. They cannot readily be understood not merely without the immediate sentence, but even without the preceding dialogue (cf. Sentence adverbs, 4.10; exclamations making use of interrogatives are exemplified under 2.35). Polysyllabic exclamations are stressed on the initial syllable. Affirmative replies. The commonest word for 'yes' (among other meanings: see below) is ҳа <иь. More specific is the affirmative бре 'yes, indeed': ope, ҳар ончи шумо гуфтед рост аст J-A t{jj\ I .-• ...<j * - " « < I n _* 'here (it is), here you are': мана савғотй ^ 1 — c j — 1 - O-o 'here's (your) present' (cf. ана «UJ, listed below). Other affirmative replies are, for example: боло-и чашм ^VL ~ ^ 'willingly, for sure' (lit. 'upon [my] eye', a caique on an Ar. idiom; in response to a request); ҷанҷол басанда шуд? -Набошад-чй!

SYNTAX

297

! t f a . ,\ M,1 \\- s jt-ii 6J-LUU-J JLaJi^ 'was that enough ruckus (for you)? —And how!' (lit. 'should it not be, what!'). Negative replies: The usual word for 'no' is не ^ : ҳанӯз нарасид? -Не ^ -

<• j j , „jJi 3JJLÄ 'hasn't she arrived yet? —No'. It may also

be used as a copula for any person (c. 3.6): ман/ мо (etc.) тоҷик не ^

< <j

^ Li (etc.) 1 о <<j-o 'I/ we (etc.) are not a Tajik/ not Tajiks';

корҳо-ям бад не ^

^ ^_JLA J L £ 'things are not bad (for me)'. The

more formal interjection на 4_i> (identical with the verbal prefix) is stylistically marked as archaic or theatrical. More emphatic are асло }L^I 'absolutely (not)':Ty ҳамроҳ меоӣ? -Асло $

uol- s ^ - Л ^

6Jj

о ft jJi 'are you coming along? —No

way', or the contextually more restricted ҳеч g-j-ft, lit. 'nothing': чй гуфт? -Ҳеч g-^-л- ?--•«< «-*,'what did she say? —Nothing'. Other responses. These interjections and enclitics occur in response, not necessarily to a question or even an utterance, but to an action or situation in the context. Polysyllables are stressed on the initial syllable. (Synonyms are grouped.) ана «dl 'here (it) is/ here you have..', when showing s.t. to s.o.: ана ин хона-и мо; ҳо ана боғ

£L» «Ul LA :\—a LLL^L J ^ I <J»I

'this is our house; and here's the garden...'; ана ин саволнома-ро пур кунед л jVs ^ J lj
<-^l 'that's more

like it/ so you've changed your tune!' ('here [is] another statement'); ана халос! 1^-аЫА о ! 'that's enough!'. (Cf. ho below, and mono above, Affirmative replies.) афсӯс ^yjj

... Ы 'alas, woe!'; also вой ^ I j , дареғ J _ J J J , ҳайҳот

аҳсант .^'м.. ^1 (An, 'you did well'), colloq. аҳсан ^J^—^1:

'well

said/ well done/ bravo!'; а^оофарин i>-*jX\* ӯҳху ^д!. аҷаб c-Ja

1, lit. 'wonder', expresses surprise: аҷаб, ту ин ҷо чӣ

кор? S J K A La. j ^ l jJi - -^ '* 'hey, what are you doing here?'; also, оҳ бТ,даҳшат о •» ft J ('вифйве'). аҷабо i/^^ '(that's) odd': аҷабо, ман шунидам, ки вай рафта-аст .-..,.1 ^ "» aj ^ j «L5 р * '"» ^- ^j-o < ; r " 'funny! I heard that he'd gone' (see alsovo). бале L r L i , exhortation, encouragement, or praise: бале, писарам,

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бале! I^^JLJ ^J_I^_» «^1-» 'bravo, son, well done!' (also 'yes'; see 4.8). баҳ(-баҳ) <—»-«L—I or ваҳ(-ваҳ) bj-*'j expresses enjoyment or appreciation (of a performance, a meal, etc.): ваҳ, ин хел хӯрок-и бомаза! iöJ-aL S\ J J A J-uL ^ 1 <6j 'ah, such delicious food!'. во I j expresses surprise or delight, often in combination with ojab(o): во аҷаб(о)! \\\-?r \. T >^r Ij 'amazing! How wonderful!'. майлаш J?-1 j - 'as lyouj like': final consent: майлаш, ҳар кор хоҳй, кун ^ < c r Ä l j _ ^ j L £ j_A < u t,lj о 'OK, do whatever you wish'; майл-аш, мон гирифта барад j ^ l 4 " flj-S <jb> -^-ij 'fine, let him take [it]'. муборак (шавад) (JJ-JSI) i j L u « , colloq. морак SjLo, lit., '(may the event be) blessed': 'congratulations!' мужда! !ÖJJ_O 'good news! Eureka!' (orig., the gratuity given to the bringer of good news). наход? S J-ÄIJ^J» (colloq. and dial, naxo), surprise or disbelief: 'really? You don't say!' (from 3sg. Aorist of xostan, lit., 'may [God] not wish'; also as a precative auxiliary with a dependent subjunctive, see 3.26-28,4.17). оббо LiT, expression of sympathy (for the addressee): оббо, ин китоб-ро муфт аз даст додй! ---»i j \ ^ i л Ij^-jLl^ ^\ ^ ) Ü ^ J — J V = J J — Ü , u e , lit 'may I be the alms of your head', i.e., I would go bail/ sacrifice myself for you: expression of gratitude or appreciation. More emphatic variants include садқа-и хок-и по-(я)т! ч ^ Ь !cuL\ '...of the dust of your foot'.

SYNTAX

299

L and тфу jJ£ simulate spitting, and express disgust or scorn, туф «_-Li 'ughiyuk!'. уф uil 'phew!', expresses effort or discomfort, or relief after this, ӯҳ öl expresses scorn or satisfaction at another's discomfiture: ӯҳ, домулло-и содда! ltd -u^S* olj <öl 'serves you right, you simpleton of a mullo!'; it may also express surprise or fright, хайр J-J-A, lit. 'well' (Ar.): хайр, чӣ ran шуда-аст? ^Ё, ^j « c ^ ^ L 'yessir!' ('[at your! service...'), хуб ujji. 'good, well': agreement, sometimes provisional with a nudge to continue: хуб, баъд чӣ мешавад? S j j Д j * ^ j_«_» «I_J>^. 'fine, what happens next?', ҳа <иь (cf. above, Affirmative replies): sudden recollection: ҳа, қариб буд, аз ёд-ам барорам f JTJ-J f J L J\ JJ_» *_j-ij_S <<иь 'oh, I nearly forgot'; excitement or anger: ҳа, но-аҳл, но-асил! <«иь !jj.r>IL «J-ÄIL» 'ah, you bastard, you scum!' ҳалол-ат(он) бод! ! J L ^ииЫ-^. \ C J J ^ L ^ , lit. 'may it be lawful for you', praise or congratulations: 'bravo, good for you, well done!', ҳай-ҳай! I^^-A Lr_A 'oh dear!', a mild remonstration, chiding and fingerwagging in tone (serious or ironic): ҳай-ҳай! Ин кор-ат нагз не, Талабшоҳ &I Л, A U *^ j_iJj ^ j L i ^ l l ^ ^ 'Tsk-tsk/ tut-tut, that wasn't a nice thing to do, Talabshoh!'. эх £_e I expresses disgust or disappointment: эх, одамон чиқадар тез аз худ мераванд J^JJ-J^» J > ^ J\ j _ p j j i ^ jjLojT * ^ 1 'huh, how quickly people change!', э ^ 1 expresses frustration or annoyance: э, чоғ-ам дар гӯр! Ман чӣ гуфта истода-ам ^I *>-*> "* ' - j l d "* * ^ <-^ ^ • J J - ^ j ^ f-^Ц- ч^' 'oh, damn this jaw of mine! What am I saying?' (lit. 'my jaw in the grave'). Other short, non-lexical interjections (such as o, oh, e, and ey) have a variety of meanings, and may be reduplicated or cumulated with others for different effects.

300

4.10

CHAPTER FOUR

Sentence Adverbs and Enclitics

The following adverbials have much in common with the interjections noted above. However, they may be distinguished in that they are not necessarily exclamatory in nature (and are therefore not usually stressed on the first syllable), and may be placed in other than initial position. инак L^i-iI (orig. 'behold'): introduces a logical inference or summing up of what preceded,'hence, thus': инак, аз фуровард-и аср-и X моликият-и Сомониён фақат Мовароунаҳр монда буд-у бас

Ьа а jjLj-jLöLiaj CJI^JLO J\ \* j

<п г

J j j ' j - i j i -^'*J

^У^ j J J J 6 j^.L-0 j (fill J jjl—л 'hence, by the latter part of the tenth century, of the patrimony of the Samanids there remained only the Oxus Basin'. охир j~L\, lit. '(at) last, final(ly)': objection or protest: охир, шумо ҳама ҳамкорон, ман бегона ^л «pljK п a < L a I л л , j^L\ O l i i - i 'but you are all colleagues, I'm an outsider'; охир, бача-и бечора чй кор кунад? j» 3 ^ ;tJ-L\ 'anyway, what can the poor child do?'. Combined for greater emphasis with an enclitic (see below): охир намебидед, ҳозир обрӯ-и шумо аз обрӯ-и ман баландтар-ку! j .ь! ^ « \ J\J\ ^^jJ^] S^S-J-^OAL» ^J-Л <JJJ-?1 j l I n in <^J>e^ ' ^ u t don't you see, your

status is now greater than mine!'; шумо, охир, гӯш намекардед s^jjJ^Lyj^ c£>-S * j-L\ Л о ... 'but you weren't listening, were you!'. ҳай ^JA as an initial interjection, either before a pause or as a prosodic (and thus a syntactic) unit with what follows, voices approval: ҳай(,) иморат-и хуб сохта-анд! «LIL^L^J ^J-L

CJJL^C

(I)^

! J^I 'wow, they've put up a good building/ what a good building they've put up!'; before a VP it is an intensive adverb, 'well and truly, thoroughly': ҳай шух-у дилрабо менавохтӣ! j ^j^i ^ | ^ ~ ^ ' j * 1 ^ " ^^J bow merrily and delightfully you played!'; Раҳим-и Қанд-и бечора-ро ҳай пахш мекарданд, ҳай мекӯфранд! Lr^ ^JJUJ^J лo t i 4 j ^^-д ijujt ^ j% ±Ш f-^-^j ' «**" 'aj< ^ ^ 'they laid into poor Rahim Qand with gusto and gave him a thorough beating/ oh, how they laid into...!' Hay also functions as an initial interjection to alert or summon

SYNTAX

301

someone: 'hey! listen!'; and, in conjunction with such as дареғ i_jjj (4.9, see afsüs)y as an exclamation of woe (cf. hay-hay! 4.9). Adverbial enclitics. Apart from -a, kani, and ct (3.29, 4.8), there are other particles, attached to the VP or another sentence constituent, which modify the tone of the utterance. These are written with a hyphen in Cyrillic. -да ÖJ- adds a note of amazement or admiration, genuine or ironic: рақс-аш-ро бинед-да! \ы-,\ J\ J \ I J U T , ,* QJ 'wow, look at him dance!'; духтарҳо-и калон-да! ҳазор-та ашула медонед j

iJilj^^jo <üj—jjjl iz JIJ-Ä löj-^bL-S ^ L Ä J - J L - ^ J 'big girls like

you—you know a thousand songs!' (mock-reproachful, in order to elicit a performance). After an imperative, it palliates a blunt request: ин кор-ро худатон кунед-да о^Лз ^ U J ' ^ 6-^' 6 j - \j\^ 'couldn't you do it yourself?'. -дия < ujj- is an emphatic enclitic with a range of connotations, expressing either solidarity with the listener or, conversely, a note of irony or challenge: дил-и одам ҳамин хел-дия! ^JT J J !
^ O^-A-& 'isn't that just the way of the human heart!';

инҳо ҳам дев ё аҷина буда-анд-дия &jl Л. < jJ»- !l Л. < I j ^ T 'turn on the water! — But I just did, didn't I?'; маҷлис як-у-ним соат пештар тамом шуда буд-ку? ^La^ > "i .п > i cucLoi ^^J» j ь£_» o ..l -k л 4 J_S-JJ_» Ö j—ii, 'what! (you mean) the meeting finished an hour and a half ago?'. Usually -ku modifies the whole sentence, but may attach to a particular constituent to contrast it with another: ҷадидҳо-ро-ку кофир мегӯянд, шумо-ро чӣ шуд, ки бо онҳо ҳамроҳ шудед? LpT L AS *j-i 'they call the/adids1 unbelievers; 1

The liberal reformists of the pre-revolutionary Bukhara emirate.

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how come you joined them?' ('what happened to you that..?'), -куя « L J J _ £ - expresses confirmation or reassurance: ҳоло ин қадар бевақт не-куя « u ^ S - ^ J oJa J c 5 -i jd-S <j-J V U 'it really isn't too late'; кайф-и хуб дорад-куя! » « u ^ - j j b C - J ^ • */< 'this is really fun!'. It may imply mutual trust, or signal an attempt at persuasion: шумо ба одамон-и амир бисьёр душман туда мондед-куя 6j £ j ~ V у * - ; j j ** j,l оЛ_» I ~ •?. <-J^S-J_J j-jLa 'now, you turned against the emir's minions, didn't you?'.

THE COMPLEX SENTENCE 4.11

Coordinate Conjuncts: 'and'

The principal conjunctions used to coordinate words, phrases (NPs, both izqfat and numerical; VPs, and others), and sentences, with the basic meaning 'and', are the independent ва j and the enclitic -y j . After a vowel, the enclitic has the variants -ю/ -ву in Cyrillic; in Perso-Arabic script, the independent va and the enclitic, however pronounced, are invariable in written form. The two variants of the enclitic, -yu and -vw, which in Cyrillic (and before it in Latin) orthography represent two different pronunciations after a vowel, are not in totally free distribution. If a word ends definitively, or optionally, in the semi-vowel /y/ (as with чой ^ Ц . 'tea', бӯй ^ J - J 'odor, fragrance', по(й) (^)L> 'foot', донишҷӯ(й) (ig)j ? ~'тЛл * student'), the linked form is y+u, which is written in Cyrillic with the single character ю (replacing й) and in Perso-Arabic with final ^ and j . чою қанд *'** j ^Ц* 'tea and (lump) sugar', бӯю ранг «< "ij j<_gj—^ 'fragrance and color', донишҷӯю устод jLL-uui J ^ J ^ *••»! * 'student and professor'. After words ending in a front vowel /i/ or /e/, the principle of least effort in pronunciation favors the linking form -yu, and after back vowels /u/ or /o/ and the low front vowel /a/, the form -vw. This is not necessarily followed in Cyrillic: both forms do occur after any final vowel, as the following examples attest.

SYNTAX

303

High and mid front vowels: се-ю н и м ^ j \ j A h a l f ; си-ю

як/

си-ву як

- < ^

и

ш

'three and a

•-• 'thirty-one', иқтисоди-ю

иҷти-мой ^ 1 о Л^ 1 j ^ J L ^ I S I 'economic and social', чй гуфти-ю вай чй г у ф т с»« ^ «La.^j j ^\ said', шармандаги-ю расвой

cr

a < «L^ 'what you said and what he jlj

-j

j ^ . Г ) nj

.n 'shame and

disgrace'; бозсози-ву фошофошгӯй L f j j - S ^ i L i L i L i J ^ J L W J J L 'reconstruction and openness' (i.e., perestroika and glasnost'), дурӯяга-ву дурӯғгӯй ^J^IJJJJ j L f l l J J j j 'two-facedness and ne er lying', на ту мемурди-ву на ман <з-° ^ j ^ J - ^ C T ^ >•* ^ ' *th you nor I would die'. Back vowels: зардолу-ю ангур j j - ^ l j j - l b j j 'apricots and grapes', ду-ю аз даҳ панч ^Л-> ÖJ j l J J J 'two point five'; мо-ву шумо I n Л, j La 'we and you', бобо-ву падар j±-> j L L 'grandfather and father', ту куҷо-ву ин ҷо куҷо? s I ^ *s LaJi-jl j I ^ <: jZ 'what are you doing here?' (see 4.7); талабаҳо-ю студентҳо LA .*, tj -, ... j 'schoolchildren and university students'; лола-ву райҳон (jLa^-j j j 4JV 'tulip(s) and sweet basil'. Low front vowel: хонанда-ву нависанда б . Г ч ч ^ j Ö J - Ü I J _ 1 'reader and writer', хона-ву ҷо L ^ j 4J»LJ^ 'house and home'; корхона-ю завод jjl J J <-ll Ijl S 'factory and plant', Ануша-ю дoдapҳoяш 0 ЦiLÄJJlJ j «L^ijjl 'Anusha and her brothers'. The mid central vowel /ii/ (written y; see 1.3) is confined to Northern dialects, and the MLT written form seldom occurs in final position before -w; oral evidence suggests that the usual combining form is /uyu/. If a stylistic generalization can be made, it is that -yu was favored in the earlier period of MLT (-vw is not officially recognized in the Tajik-Russian dictionary of 1954), but -vu has since increased in frequency and is now considered the more "correct" form after a back or low front vowel (а, о, и). Certain conjoined expressions have come to use one or the other exclusively, and different writers have their own preferences. Words closely conjoined to form lexical items may be written in Cyrillic as a single word, and in Perso-Arabic without vov 3: гуфтугӯ(й) (с;)з<Л~ l ß< 'conversation' (the latter practice was followed even in compound numerals in some early Soviet-period writing: \ j j ,-n.i \\

304

CHAPTER FOUR

и du 'twenty-two' (see 1.14, 2.49-50). As noted above, when the Perso-Arabic script does show this syllable it uses the same character in every case (see 1.14: Arabic orthography is underdetermined, Cyrillic overdetermined). Tajik (or other Persianspeaking) readers of a Perso-Arabic text must therefore choose which of several interpretations to enunciate (though the phonetic criteria and results will not always be the same in SP and Tajik); and their choices might not coincide with that of the writer or editor of a Cyrillic text. Syntactically, va and -u (etc.) are in fairly free distribution. Va does not form a prosodic unit with either of its conjuncts, thus affording punctuation between distinct elements whether sentences, phrases, or words. The enclitic joins elements that are thought of as a single idea: this may include adjacent sentences, as well as subordinate phrases within them. Conversely, va may conjoin words or phrases, in order to give each a separate importance, even when -u is also used to join superordinate sentences. Examples: Sentences: va, etc., signal a second action contemporaneous with or closely following the first, or a consequence of it: ҳаво абрнок шуд ва борон cap шуд ±Ju j-u* ^1 j L ^ л-j, ^ L ^ l l^a 'the sky clouded over and the rain started'; ин сухан-и талх-аш-ро гуфт ва аз хона баромада рафт j <^i_S l J u t . Ч 1л ^\ ... ^\ cij-bj ÖJ J J - J 4J»I i. j \ 'he said these bitter words and left the room'; «киш» гуфтам^у чумчуқ ба ҳаво парвоз карда рафт dj-flj öj_>£ J I J ^ J IJ^-J J j - - j - *1?~** с н ^ 'I shouted "kish" and the sparrow flew up into the air' (an immediate consequence); {аввал чанд рӯз ҳаво гарм шуд}^у {шамол-и сахт ва хунук чанг-и кӯча-ҳо-ро ба осмон бардошт} ^ J J S -i 'for the first few days the weather turned warm and a brisk, [and] cool wind blew the dust of the streets high into the air' (sentences joined with -«, adjectives with va); {аз ғалаба-и инқилоб-и Бухоро {ҳафта^ю моҳ-ҳо} гузашта-анд}^у {вай ҳанӯз {ягон ҳавли^ю хона-и дуруст} надорад} \ Л± j\) (jjljJ» {C-LJUUJJ kllL j ^ jU. 'since the triumph of the revolution in Bukhara weeks and months have passed, and he still has no

SYNTAX

305

proper house or lodging' (sentences, and both embedded phrases, are joined with -w). Verb Phrases: мо меҳнат мекардем^у ним-гурусна будем I о j^jjj-j A \ 'HJ-S A_^J j ^ j . t j < j * .^. \ ^ ~ ' w e did the labor and were

on half-rations' (conjoined VPs after the same subject). NPs andWords: {ҳама дар андеша} ва {ҳама дар {фикр ва МуЛОҲИЗа}} {{«ÜLa^Le j j&i) j j 4_-
(deep) in contemplation, all (sunk) in thought and reflection' (va joins both superordinate and subordinate phrases); зиёфат-и марди деҳқон {харбуза, тарбуз ва {сабзи^к) пиёз}} аст .^»-Ы * ^ о> .1»! JLJLJ j ^J-LJ-U J jj-*jli «0 jj-j^ä. ^Lä-Aj jj-л *the peasant's banquet is melon, watermelon, and greens and onions' (superordinate phrases joined with va, subordinate phrases with -w); рафт^у-омад-и Самарканд L**»*j » •- j_^T j c u i j 'the round trip to Samarkand'; хуб, олам^у одам-и бисьёр-ро дида омаде т о н - м й ? S^^JO jjLij-j.i-oT ОЛ-JJ I j j l j in j > ^ J T J ^ J L C «C-JJ-^

'Well, have you seen a lot of the world (and its people)?' (conjoined words, each originally the head of a separate izofat NP, forming virtually a new lexical unit). Phrases and, especially, sentences may follow one another (especially in description or narrative) without a conjunction: вақт саҳаргоҳон буд, тамом-и биёбон-ро хомӯшй фаро гирифта буд .-* «j jj_» 4 " flj-S I j - i j ^ i j ^ o L A

I J ( J L L J _ J ^LoJi cjj_» (jL&LSj ^ . . ' i t w a s

morning; silence encompassed the whole steppe'. Even consequential clauses, which in English demand at least 'and', may follow without a conjunction: дар ин ҷо қариб борон наборид, замин замин тез хушк шудан гирифт J J"I ^\ oj «^_JJLJJ» ÖIJLJ t-^^-ä L^ Ü-JI J J cj-a^-S (jj—i - < • - -^ 'here it hardly rained at all, (and) the earth soon started to dry up'. Such paratactic linkage may be reinforced by adverbs, in particular ҳам pjb 'also; reciprocally' (cf. 2.47) and инчунин л Г ^ \ J'likewise' (cf. 2.31): бачагон омаданд, бедонабозӣ ҳам cap шуд ^ К ^ : .ui j-^u jUb LfjLi^l ±->-л i jJij-лТ 'the boys came, and the quail-fighting began' (ham as second constituent of the clause); ғайр аз ҷанговарон, ба ин ҷо инчунин занон-у мардон, пир-у ҷавонон, бача-ю кача-ҳо омаданд j

306

CHAPTER FOUR

j-a-» «^bj-o 'apartfrom warriors, here came likewise women and men, old and young, children and youngsters' (note, too, the ellipsis of the plural suffix in the last two conjuncts). As a "conjunction-substitute," ҳам J^-Ä is often reciprocal or contrastive in sense—it marks an extra point of focus: дарбон ғур-ғуркунон аз ҷо бархоста дарвоза- ро кушод, ман ҳам як оҳ-е сабук кашидцам-у ба кӯча тохтам Ц. j l 'the porter got up grumbling from his seat and opened the gate, and I (for my part) heaved a gentle sigh and dashed into the street'. 4.12

Disjunctive Conjuncts

Coordinate phrases and sentences expressing alternatives ('or') are conjoined in ways similar to those linked with 'and'. There are, however, some differences of usage among the conjunctions ё L, ваё L j , ё худ JJJL L, ё ки <£ L, and ё и н к и d < ' t j l Ь. ё U 'or' is the most widely applicable, usually denoting a pair (or more) of variants rather than clear-cut alternatives: имрӯз ё пагоҳ бошад, парво надорад JJIJ-^ IJJ_» « J - Д Ь ÖH_» L J J J - Ö I '[be

it] today or tomorrow, it doesn't matter' (alternate NPs); ки-ҳо ба он ҷой-ҳо рафта-анд ё... онҳо-ро ном ба ном медонанд? 'who [pi.] have been to those places or know them all by name?' (alternative VPs); аз Ҷомӣ, ё аз Ҳофиз, ё аз Саъдй гуфта ҷавоб медодам WJJJÄ. O A S ^j.t-.-u j l L «Ji_bLx j l L «j^^La. j l f jb^^o 'I replied with quotations from Jami, (from) Hafiz or (from) Sa'di (as appropriate)' (alternative prepositional phrases). ваё b j 'or rather' offers a clear alternative: ман ҳамин китоб-ро биёрам, ваё он як-е-ро? ^\ b j ^JL_J_» lj*_»LJL-£ j j j ft» ^л S I J ( J 1 J 'shall I bring this book, or that one?'; it is often used in parallel with initial yo (see below). ё худ j ^ L Ь 'or indeed' punctuates the alternatives if they are lengthy, or marks the second one as an afterthought or a new idea: маълум набуд, ки ӯ фикрҳо-и Алиҷон-ро маъқул ёфта cap ме-

SYNTAX ҷунбонед,

l

307

ё х у д ба ягон андеша-и дигар банд аст ^ji«

'

J

I

L

L

L

jl

«LS

п

P

CLX-UJ\ j-Ц» ^ I J J SL-JL-JJJ»I (jI^ J ; J J - ^ L 'it was not clear whether

he was nodding his head because he approved of Alijon's ideas or if his thoughts were somewhere else entirely'. ё ки 4_£ Ь introduces only a VP or clause (as does its extension, yo in-ki), and generally expresses a clear-cut alternative: ман ба назд-и шумо равам, ё ки шумо ба назд-и ман биёед-у як квартира-ро холи диҳем jj-Ц» I о .7. AS L «^JJ I * .7, jj_l_» ^ 0 j^j-AJ CJ-"^ Ijbj-^jlj^ ^^ J J jjlf^ u- *I should go and stay with you, or else you can come to stay with me and we will provide a room'. ё ин ки d < J M 1 * *t < L £ J - J LJ « C > «4.1 JJLJJ ^

I л ,7, <._» .„I ' ( e i t h e r ) y o u r

horse has lost a shoe, or (else) its shoe [is] old' ('...or [it is] this, that...'; the impersonal demonstrative is a Sentential pronoun, anticipating the sentence to come; cf. 4.15, Complementizer/:/). In some weakly contrasted phrases, English 'or' is equivalent to Tajik ва/ -у j 'and': оянда-ву раванда-гон-ро намедид j ьл \ jT Л-JJ^ л-! I j fj\ SJJIJJ 'he did not see those (who were) coming or leaving'; аз он ҷо баромадан ва на-баромадан-ашон ба ихтиёр-и шумо мешавад 1 л м> jl j "i AL ^1 м.*tj—OTJ--L1 J jx-oTj_» LaJ>T jl jj—ji_»_^o 'whether they get out of there or not will be up to you' (a Turkic-style sentential complement nominalized with infinitives; 4.15). Two restricted conditional idioms introduce a potential or counterfactual alternative, 'otherwise, or else': ман пир шудам, вагарна худам ҳам мекӯчидам ^AJ^JZ^ ^А f^j-^ 4-o-Sj
308

4.13

CHAPTER FOUR

Parallel Conjuncts

The following conjunctions (strictly, adverbs) are used in pairs to coordinate homogeneous NPs, VPs, or sentences. ҳам... [ва]ҳам

f-*(j)

••$-* 'both... and...': ҳам шофёр буд-у

ҳам қаровул J j\j-Z ^л j jj_» jl j a .7, ^л 'there was both a driver and an escort' (note enclitic -y j ; the second verb is gapped); MO ин-ро нағз медидем ва дар ҳама ҷо: дар кӯча ҳам, дар хобгоҳ ҳам, дар маҷлис ҳам месурӯдем ^ j_*J> I j ^ l Lo 'we enjoyed this, and so we would sing everywhere—alike in the street, in the dormitory, at meetings' (ham is here in its usual adverbial position, after the phrase on which focus is to be directed; cf. 2.47). чи... чи «La. -..4-^. 'both... and..., whether... or...': ҳама ӯро мешиносанд, чи калон-у чи хурд <-^ <ы\\ ,J > ' ,7, ^ \J3\ A ojb jj i.
SYNTAX

309

you'll find hospitality' Ofmy] house is yours'). гоҳ(оЛе)... гоҳ(о/-е) ^ - \ L - \ Ö L S : ...^-\Ь-\ОИ 'now... now..., sometimes... sometimes, at one time... at another...': ӯ сар-ашро ҷунбонида, гоҳо ба ин тараф менигарист-у гоҳо ба он тараф j .г..njjiLt ^.JjJa ^ L » ^ I S <6j_j^l

\ \*> Ij o ^ j — j '

^.JjJa ^ u ^ H 'he nodded his head, looking now this way, now that' {gohy goho, or gohe is repeated in the same form). на... на... *; ...dj 'neither... nor...': ба ин коғаз на даст-и ту расад, на даст-и ман <j-o o i »<»J 4J» -л -j jJi CL^J «LJ Ü L £ <J-»L» 'let

neither my hand nor yours touch this paper' (conjoined NPs); на хӯрок мепазам, на хона-ро мерӯбам
f-ej J <_*-* '^ -J' ^ *I neither cook the meals nor (do I) sweep the house' (conjoined VPs). 4.14

Adversative Conjuncts

The conjunctions аммо Lai, лёкин j < j i , and the more literary вале ^J j , 'but' introduce the second of two contrasted VPs or clauses: хеле Давидам, лекин ба мардак нарасидам C^J «f JLJJJ ^ : ~ £Aj м.^р ^jj-a-Л ran hard, but didn't catch up with the guy' (conjoined VPs with the same subject); ҳаво абр шуд, аммо борон на-борид ^ J L J J I J,I J L Lol j-^ii j_»l 1 ^ 'it became cloudy, but it didn't rain'; ман-ку боз гурехта халос мешавам, лекин ту дар ҳабсхона-ҳо пӯсида меравй j j jZ j/sjl «^j .7, > л ^^^Ll <~\ \ ^jSL j L j-S-^-o ijjj j n <»j j M.^J U < ü U •>, > ^ 'As for me, I'll escape again and get away, but you will rot in prison' (for -ku, see 4.10). Except for vale (which begins with va, being a shortened form of va-lekin), these conjunctions may be prefaced with val -u 'and', esp. before a change of subject: Самимбой аз ҷо-яш хестанӣ шуда ҳаракат кард^у аммо Пӯлод на-монд OJ^J-Ä ÖJ-Ö, ^ Tun j А оЦ?Ц J ' cg*-J(^J лi r > jjL-o.^ JV>J Lai J J^S 'Samim-boy made to get up, but Pulod had already gone'. Poetical variants of these words are лек i_£_J and валек .-£_J j . A frequently-used idiom with the Subjunctive бошад J—*iL» '[if/ let] it be' (see 3.7) contrasts two NP subjects by briefly isolating that of the second sentence in an embedded conditional clause of the form:

310

(va) NP2 bos[ad],

CHAPTER FOUR

lit. '[if] it be N P 2 [we are talking about]', i.e., 'as for

NP 2 ': ҳ а м а б а к и н о рафтанд; ӯ б о ш а д , д а р х о н а м о н д <

о_д

J ' I J ^ J 'everyone went to the movies; as for him, he stayed home'; м о меҳнат мекардем.., б о й ҳ о бошанд, п о й д а р о з н и ш а с т а батрак кор м е ф а р м у д а н д cij-l_a^—о I

о

JJIJJ-OJJ^^JD ' w e toiled... whereas the rich men sprawled there ordering us around'; з а н ҳ о аз гирья х у д д о р ӣ н а т а в о н и с т а н д , мардон б о ш а н д , мушт-ашон-ро г и р е ҳ карда... базӯр рост м е и с т о д а н д 'the women could not help weeping, while the men clenched their fists... and could hardly stand still'. The same sense is expressed by the conjunction (ва) ҳ о л онки <ÜT J L ^ ( j ) 'while, whereas', which can also contrast t w o different actions of the same agent: аз писарон-аш хабар-е нашуд, (ва) ҳол онки... б о я д ҳафта-и гузашта м е о м а д а н д ^ j ; ^ u *. '»ij .»j j l jjij-öl_i-o 4" м|Д^ \~ii д J-JL ...*L£LT JUk ( j ) < j.V> 'there was no news of his sons, where- as they should have come the week before' (properly a subordinating conjunction; cf. 4.32). A strong contrast between the actions in two VPs is expressed by negating the first, and introducing the second with балки «Kl \ 'but rather': Бекназар духтар-аш-ро ба ҷавон-и дилбаста-и ӯ не, балки ба кас-и дигар ба шавҳар додан мехоста-аст j L '»< j ; jj

jj"^

' <Sl

\ t( ^-J j l

^ " in i J J <jl^5_^ «LJ

i 'Beknazar, it seems, wanted to give his marriage not to the youth who had set his heart on her, but else'; Аҳмад-Махдум ба нуҷум... на ба сифат-и балки ба сифат-и астролог машғул шуда буда-аст

I J ^jtij "

%j

daughter in to someone астроном, * - ^i

•-»^1 6jj_j 6j-ui JjJLjii-o 'Ahmad Makhdum concerned himself with the stars... not as an astronomer, but as an astrologer'. In shorter sentences, the contrast may be obtained without balki: марҳамат, як пиёла не, як коса об нӯшед 4—^L£ ^ <^ <JLx-» ^ uz\n ^ j _ * 'please, drink a (whole) bowl of water, not (j u s t ) a cup'. The addition in the first phrase or clause of танҳо L$J£ or фақат _Ь 'only' (2.47), often reinforced by ^л 'also', generates a cumulat-

SYNTAX

311

ive contrast: на танҳо ман, балки духтар-ам ҳам ӯро дид j J I J C J Jbjs.* l^JG 4J» dljjj-jL L>uj^u^\ fjb ^ L L Ä J ^ J Ü L S j^LoJl <£JLinot only did his father beat (him) and [not only did] his family get upset, but all the collective farmworkers were sorry too'. 4.15

Sentential Complements (1): Ground Rules

Actions, states, and scenarios, whether actual or potential, are routinely perceived, experienced, reported, evaluated, or imagined, by sentient beings. There are two principal strategies for expressing the grammatical relationship between the observer, or reporter, and the activity or experience in question. One is to nominalize the activity, etc. (which in its 'raw' or unreported state would be depicted largely through finite verbs), whereupon it becomes the NP complement in a single sentence centered on the observer-reporter: 'I reported my stay in the hospital' or 'the boy was afraid of going/ to go home' (object complement), 'the damage caused by the storm was evident' or 'to bell/ belling the cat proved impossible' (subject complement). The other strategy is to leave the scene or experience in finite verbal form, signaling its status as a separate, dependent, sentence by a complementizer: 'I told them (that) I had been in the hospital', 'it was evident that the storm had caused some damage', etc. Like English, most major languages can do both, within limits, but tend to favor one stratagem over the other for everyday communication. Tajik is capable of both, and employs both stratagems in different stylistic registers with equal facility and complexity. The single-sentence approach is often illustrated incidentally in Chapters 2 and 3 of this work, since it is an immediate vehicle of much nominal and verbal morphology. The dependent-sentence (two-clause) stratagem will be exemplified at several points in the present chapter, as an aspect of Tajik sentence syntax. However, the single-sentence semantic equivalent of such constructions will be noted where available, here under the

312

CHAPTER FOUR

rubric of Sentential Complements and at other pertinent sections, such as Reporting Speech and Relative Clauses. The single-sentence stratagem will be referred to in shorthand as "Turkic style," and the two-clause stratagem as "Persian style." Persian Style: Complementizer ки <£ This unstressed monosyllable has the sole purpose of marking the onset of a subordinate clause, usually at the beginning, but sometimes as the second constituent (4.39-40). The purport of the clause emerges from other factors: the form or sense of the main clause, the tense and mood of the subordinate verb, the presence of question particles, anaphoric pronouns (in a Relative clause), or specific prepositions and conjunctions. Ki may be omitted if the context is clear (e.g., the subject of both clauses is the same): мехоҳам (ки) ҳамроҳ равам f j j ь\^л-ь (<£) p j b l j - ^ . ^ 'I want to come along' (4.23); хайрият, (ки) омади ^ j Л (<—£) nzZ>j \ A '(it's) a good thing (that) you came'. "Sentential" pronouns. Certain verbs and expressions likely to appear in the main clause, especially those followed by a preposition ('to talk about/ complain of/ boast about the fact that...', etc.), require a "Sentential pronoun," (ҳам)ин ^ \ л д\ ^\ or (ҳам)он ^Lo a\ <jT, as a prop for the preposition and/ or an immediate complement of the main clause, referring forward to the sentential complement (cf. yo in ki, 4.12): Зайнаб... шод буд аз он, ки вай бо Мухтор дар як кор... шарик аст jL£ < i j j j jl "> Ч n L

•! ti-ij £ 'Zaynab was happy to be a partner in an activity with Mukhtor' ('...happy from that [i.e., the fact] that she is a partner...'). This antecedent offa*may follow the main verb, as here, or remain embedded in the main clause: аз хислат-ҳо-яш ин аст, ки... jl ... 4-£ -• » ^-J ^ . .1 ь.-л •- ~ 'one of his /among his good points is [this,] йш...';хулоса-и хабар... иборат аз ин буд, ки амир... аз [консул-и Россия] маслиҳат пурсида-аст djjL±^. . . . J - J ^ . ^ь^аЫА •"• • »I

fct

' - - j j .««. ^ 1 . ^ ^ ^4 j i o ^ j J j i a \\\ j l . . . j j л I <S «Jj—» tj-J>l j l

'the gist of the matter was [as follows,] that the emir... had asked the Russian consul's advice' (...consisted of this, that...'); this word order, too, may vary: баён-и воқеа аз ин иборат буда-аст, ки... О*—^» ...4-S
SYNTAX

313

in this, that...'; for iborat az, see 2.19). Sentential pronouns with ki-complements are frequently found after prepositions or prepositional phrases meaning 'about, concerning', when the topic is too long and grammatically involved simply to embed as an Infinitive phrase (see below): Сафар... дар бора-и ин ки {пас аз ҳамин қадар моҳ-у сол ба Зебй дил бастан} оқибат имрӯз фиреб хӯрда-аст... фикр мекард j l ^^} <S ^ 1 6 j L 'Safar... thought about how, after so many months and years of wooing Zebi, today he had been deceived' (the complement even includes an embedded Infinitive phrase). This device is particularly frequent in complements of reason, result, purpose, and quality (see below). If the antecedent does not involve a preposition, the Sentential pronoun may be omitted: ҷолиб-и диққат (ин) аст, ки дар чунин *

ҷумлаҳо

и»

LA 'it is

noteworthy that in sentences such as this...'. Turkic-style: Complement nominalization. In this formulation, the finite VP expressing the action becomes a NP in the form of the corresponding Infinitive, together with its attendant subject and object, prepositional phrases, and other adverbials, to the extent needed: ӯ аз қаҳр чӣ гуфтан-аш-ро намедонад Ij ц" '*" * ^ <-*. j д Q j l j l jj»ljcroj»'she is speechless with indignation/ so furious that she does not know what to say' ('from indignation she does not know hersaying-what'). As a noun in other than subject or object position this whole phrase is linked to its antecedent by a preposition or izofat: ман {барои {ба даст даровардан-и касе}} омада будам ^ I J - J ] Ü-* f JJ-J 6J—oT [{^'" < ö^jjijJ •"- "•';} 'I came in order to catch somebody' ('...for [the purpose of] to-hand-bringing...'; the juxtaposition of two prepositions here is coincidental, owing to the use of a prepositional phrase in the VP. Cf. Purpose clauses, 4.40). In a multi-clause sentence, such nominalization may be combined with Persian-style &/-complementizing: боис^и {ин қадар дур-у дароз чэвоб кофтан-и ӯ} ҳамин буда-аст, ки {фамилия-и зан-у шавҳар дигар-дигар буд} {j\ <>л__а(—£ ^j-=^ jbJ
лL a ]


«<^.i m l

314

CHAPTER FOUR

reason why {he went into such an involved rigmarole of an answer} turned out to be that {husband and wife had different surnames}'. Adverbial adjuncts and components of the verb, if Complex or Composite, precede the Infinitive (see foregoing examples); a noun or pronoun designating subject and/ or object follow it: «валй» набудани падари худ-ро ме-донистам ^л m ' J j ^ IJJJ-JL J±> < j J j - ^ "cpj" 'I knew that my father was not a saint' ('...my father's not-being a saint') ; Ҳасан барои зада натавонистан-аш он мурғ-и шум-ро афсӯс хӯрда... I^pj-Jb £^-* ^\ Jb Tt »•• "Jj-JU 6 j j ^ 1 ^ ^ . i , ^ ...b^jj-L LjuJ ... QI 'Hasan regretted (his) not having been able to hit that ill-omened bird, and...'. (Note that only the sense of the main verb determines that of baroi, as between 'with the purpose of and 'for the sake of.) Such embedded NPs, which may be quite long, constitute a syntactic and prosodic unit; they are usually delivered without internal pause and with an even intonation, the voice rising only on the last (stressed) syllable of the unit. Persian style: Subordinate verbs, Subjunctives. Sentential complements of verbs of intellection and perception (to know/ be known, see, remember...), confirming (or denying) an actual event or state in the past or present, generally have their verb in the Indicative: дуруст аст, ки ту ҳанӯз ҷавон ҳастй <jlj ^ JJ-^-A J^ «—^ о ".I ,_, ,„jj ^ " .-* 'it's true that you are still young' (Turkic style: ҳанӯз ҷавон будан-и ту дуруст аст сч,.1 c ^ j j jl oJJ-e <J'J-^ J J - ^ ) - "Indicative" may of course include a Non-Witnessed tense, if the information is gained by hearsay or inference: маълум шуд, ки ҳавли-и ӯ нисбат ба ҳавли-и ман аз туйхона дуртар буда-аст J_cu f ,ji*—« CIJ-4-JI 6JJ-J jZ J J J « L J L L ^ ^ J J\ {J-A ^ j - a b j t.r.1 i . .i \ j l ^ J jLa. «L-S

'it

turned out that his house was farther from the banqueting hall than mine (was)'. Denial where there is still room for doubt may prompt a Subjunctive: лекин ҳеч гоҳ надидам, ки у бо он чуб кас-е-ро зада бошад ÖJJ \JLF^S <_>>*• сД Ц1 J ' <-^ 'f ^ ^ б 1 -^ g-f-4 й^ a-iiL 'but I never saw him hit anyone with that stick' ('...that he might have...'). When a past event or experience is reported, it is usually done in the same tense that the experiencer would have used in speaking or

SYNTAX

315

thinking at the time; thus the past tense of the introductory verb of communication is followed by a present or a future tense, corresponding to the English quotative past or past future: отряд худ-ро тавр-е во-намуд мекард, ки аз ният-и душман ҳеч воқиф нест J L > 3 I '-"" J ** *—S-^J g^?-* ü * ' " J ^ 1 j ' 1 j ' ^ •J J^cf j e J J - ^ ' j c£JJ-'a 'j J J-^ 'the detachment pretended that it was totally unaware of the enemy's intentions' ('pretended in a way... that it is...'); маълум мешуд, ки ӯ... дар хӯрдан а с т о ^ ! < J ^ J J - ^ J ^ ---J' «—* J - ^ « ^ fjl«—о 4t became clear that... he was ['is'] at table/ eating'; Аҳмадҷон ҳатто хурсанд буд, ки бо раис дар кабинет-и ӯ гуфтугӯ хоҳад кард j_S

j

(lift S

jl

dx-j—i-jLS

j j

^j11 \%j

L J « L £ *^J-?

^ i - J - ^ j - = ^ 1^*1 «k ^ j

. "-* * "^

j^£ J-ÄIJÄ 'Ahmadjon was even happy that he would be talking to the boss in his office' ('will talk...'). Complements of verbs conveying desire, obligation, potential (as in modal constructions, 4.20-23), command, refusal, doubt, expectation, or any other unreal event or state, will generally have their verb in the Subjunctive: шумо ҳақ доред, ки ҳамин тавр фикр кунед I п .7, л >*><s J£-Ä j^Ja Ü-J-Л-А 5-^ ' J J J ^ б..\ j .//« L T ^ ^ lt w a s decreed that first Kotibi should recite his poem'; вай ба чунин қарор омад, ки ҳавли-и худ-ро фурӯшад sJ^jj-л I jjj^L cr'j-^ <-£ <Л-°Т jlj-5 (>JA^ <J c^j'he came to the decision to sell his house'. Confident expectation of a future eventuality will often generate an Indicative: ҳар нафас интизор буд ки Боровиков ӯро ҷеғ мезанад JJJJJ^^O ^j -> Ijjl c-sl^S-ijI^ «L^ JJ-J jlh^'il Onft*i jJb 'at any moment he expected Borovikov to summon him' (...that B. will summon him'); дигар Мухтор шубҳа намекард, ки масъала дар бора-и духтар-и директор меравад «I*«.. ft 1 ^ . J 6 j L j j 'Mukhtor was no longer in any doubt that the problem with the director's daughter would go away'. 4.16

Sentential Complements (2): Particular Types

The following survey does not include direct and reported speech (see 4.18), or the complements of modal verbs (4.20-25).

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Indirect questions (embedded questions) often retain ki9 even in the presence of an interrogative or the particle oyo (4,7-8): мо медонем (ки)куж;о меравем J*-JJJ_A-O 1? < (ljLrx I jjj—ä. tin—äj I ^ *9; пурсид, ки оё омадани-анд ё не ^ L jj»l ^ J - O T LT
L JL-JJ»!^^^ bjj& ^ l ^ j J i j j-Ja ^ I j ^ a 'we are not sure whether

(or not) we can live comfortably over there*. The verb пурсидан <jj J « ^ 'to ask' may take as its object complement a NP that implies a more complete question phrase: Шодй тафсил-и воқеа-ро пурсид <\j ..»^ I J«L*-2IJ J J .^flb ^ j L i 'Shodi asked [about/ for] the details of the occurrence'; аскар-и сурх падар-и моро пурсид j j ...^.J I j L J J J ^>-*- j i ^ - t 'the Red Army soldier asked [about/ the whereabouts of] our father' (see also 4.18). When indirect question complements (Persian style) are introduced without ki, they usually come before the main clause: {ran аз чй cap шуда ба куҷо мерафт}, ҳоло касе аҳамият намедод «^ j l <-&) J I J ^ ^ Q J » - - - J "bl ^ М . ^ V U .

« { с д - e j ^ ^ ö l ^ < ; Ä J - i^ - ^ ' { h o w t h e d i s c u s -

sion started and where it led}, no one now cared' (a paratactic construction; the full idiom is ba — ahamiyat dodan 'to attribute importance to s.t.', and would require a "Sentential pronoun" before ki: see below); {ypo дар куҷо дидам}, ба ёд оварда наметавонистам ~\ ...\1^-.^ ~\6 jjjT JLJ-J <{(*^J ' - < j j IjjIJ'I could not recall

{where I had seen him}'. Question complements following the main clause without ki are often treated (and punctuated) as direct questions: надонам, чаро наомад? s J — o L I j ^ ->! бЛ*-е сг^}} ^ 1 е-" •z '» J L ^ J J {tlH-fl-S {Ij^JL-^j'of course one needn't tell (anyone) who this girl is' (lit.'... telling the being-who of this girl is not necessary'; Persian style, in three clauses: албатта лозим нест, ки бигӯем, ки

SYNTAX

317

ин духтар кист -Concomitant complements. The simultaneous perception of an action in progress (a type of object complement) may be expressed by means of a fa-clause (usually with the Present or Present Progressive tense; see under Subordinate verbs, 4.15): вай шунид, ки як мошин меояд j-J^j-o JJ « -I ~ •< * <_£ ' * »•' л- ^ j 'he heard a car coming', вай... аз дур дид, ки Мунира аз баландй фуромада истода-аст • -* • •' 6JLILLXI—»I 6J_AIJ—fl ^ J J L L i j l 6j_i_j_o < L S J _ J J J J ^ j l - - C 5 J ' f r o m а

distance he saw Munira descending from the height' ('...that she is descending...'). Complements of purpose, reason, result, etc. Main clauses which announce the nature of their complement ('the goal:., is to...', 'the fault... lay in...' and the like) usually require a Sentential pronoun before ki (see 4.15). Purpose: NP complements of purpose are illustrated in 2.20 (see baro-i) and 4.17 (see Pseudo-reported speech), and purpose clauses of other kinds in 4.40. Like the latter, purpose complements of the type discussed here have their verb in the Present Subjunctive: орзу-и ягона-и мо ин аст, ки фарзандон-амон хушбахт б о ш а н д ^ . ^ ^ ^.j ^ J J L Q J J I J J I j j - i

«L£ - ^ ••• I ^j-J Lo ^ L ^ J <JJJ

j \

л \ л1 . 'our one desire is that our children (should) be happy'; омадан-и Мӯҳсин маҳз барои ҳамин буд, ки падар-и худ-ро бинад

I jjj-^L jj-j

4—$ «JJ-J j

*

л

А

LS^J-* о ^ "ь

п

о '" ^

п

о**-^^

-* *> ' ; 'Muhsin's sole purpose in coming was to see his father'; шаб-у рӯз дар паи [пай-и] ин буд, ки бой шавад j ^ . м j^5—Д с^Ь
a way to study in Bukhara'; сабаб-и «обхона» номидан-и ин ҳабсхона ин буд, ки... об-и мурдор ба дараж,а-и ҷорй шудан расида, ба таҳ-и банди-ҳо шорид "<J»bL ^Т" ...^ ... ^i 'the reason why this prison was called "the Waterhouse" was that... the sewage overflowed and

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washed over the feet of the prisoners'. Result (or Manner): this type of clause may be indistinguishable from a complement of purpose, except that, since the result is reported as being achieved, the verb is in the Indicative: тартиб-и дарун-и он чунон буд, ки дил-и кас зиқ намешуд j j о J J J y j \ P j-jj^j^Ji 3 3 ^ ^ JJ <£ JJ-J o^^ 'the interior [of it] was arranged in such a way that no one was ever bored' (cf. 4.40). Quality: a complement expressing a judgment often has recourse to the pronominal formula: ...дар (ҳам)ин [аст] [ c ^ l ] ^j n A \ 6^' j J '...[lies] in this, namely, that...': айб-и тарҳ-и чадид-ашон дар ҳамин буд, ки харҷ-и он аз ҳад зиёд шуд 1 JLj

^

j\ <jT j:jJ± <£ «JJ-J u^-oJb j j jjLijLjj^'the trouble

with their new plan was/ lay in the fact that it cost too much'; аммо тааҷуб дар ин ҷост, ки ӯ хануз бача-и чавон-ест LJ -*. * 2 : J J ' A j l <-S «d^ujLaJi_jl j j «_v^ •* *but the

amazing thing is that he is still a young boy' ('...the surprise is in here, that...');Ta(J)OByT дар ин буд, ки... *JJ-J ^ 1 j j KZJJJ U" ...*L£ 'the difference was in the fact that...', etc. A frequent general formula for foregrounding a statement is: ran дар ин ҷо, ки... ...<£ «U. J^JI JJ <-& 'the point/ thing is, that...' The choice of demonstrative may be semantically significant, with ин <j_J pointing to a present situation or anticipating a future event, and он ^Т referring to a past state or one more remote from personal experience: бади-и кор дар ин аст, ки <£ --».J ^\ j j jl£ ^.ij 'the drawback is/ will be that...', ақида-и ман он буд, ки <S «jj_» ^Т ^ ь\ j a r 'I used to think that...'(cf. 2.31). 4.17

Miscellaneous Sentential Complements

Some main clause antecedents of sentential complements are frozen forms, i.e. stylized remnants of one-word sentences introducing a hope or fear: such агемабодо Ц t о andHäxoÄ (j-&lj \\) JLJ^» 'God forbid (that)...; I hope (that)... not...', and the colloquial раваду /рафту JCLSJ \ j J J J 'I hope (that)...'. The first two are old precatives, lit. 'may it not be' and 'may (God) not wish' (see examples, 3.26-28);

SYNTAX

319

they also occur as particles introducing questions (4.8-9) and Conditional clauses (4.38). Ravad-ul raft-u is literally 'let it go, and...', i.e., may all go/ have gone well (cf. the archaic phrase раво бошад * •-I; I jj 'it is/ may it be lawful/ harmless'). To the extent that they are no longer transparent or analyzable, these may also be categorized as sentence adverbs, like the Arabic collocation иншооллоҳ/ иншаллоҳ «JLJI PI £ <jl and its Persian translation худо хоҳад J_ÄIJ ^ IJ 1'God willing;'I hope (that)...'; these are parenthetical, and normally followed by a verb in the Indicative: худо хоҳад, пас аз даҳ дақиқа мерасем 6j j l <_>«-» IJ-ÄIJ-^L 1л-А f^uu^^A Л . М > j L Ijl t о ±^j± 'may he avoid misfortune' (lit. 'may it [not] be that the evil eye not reach him'); наход ӯ... ба назди мо омада истода бошад? S j-jiL 6jl"nnjl 6J-0T Lo JJ-1J J\ jJblj-äJ» 'is he really coming/ on his way to see us?' (Present Progressive Subjunctive, for a surmise about a simultaneous activity); cf. English 'don't tell me..!', a stylized expression of surprise; see also 4.8, 4.9); раваду ин одам ба мо некй карданй бошад j-uib ^ J J ^ ^ ^ Н ^Ч ^ б е ' J J J J ' ^ ^оре this person means us well/ is going to do us a good turn' (Subjunctive of the Quasi-Future tense, 3.42);рафту Равшан... дар хона ба-ҳузур нишаста бошад j _ i L A "... iVt j j . Л -^ \ <J»U. j j ...^J^jj

j - ü j 'I

hope Ravshan is (sitting) comfortably at home'. 'Remember' and 'forget'. A variety of idioms express conscious or unconscious recall (and the converse) of items, facts, and obligations, some of which involve sentential complements. The principal words concerned are the nouns ёд J L 'memorial, reminder, recall' (essentially, the external token of remembrance) and хотир jJel ^ 'mind, consciousness, memory' (the mental capacity).

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CHAPTER FOUR

C o n s c i o u s recall is expressed with a personal verb: гуфта-и падар-ам-ро ё д овардам/ ба хотир овардам I j f J X J а -. а С C ^ j j j T JJQI ^ A ^ J J T j b I remembered my father's words' ('I brought... (to) memory/ to mind'). 'I remind s.o. of s.t.' is чизе-ро ба хотир-и касе расонидам ^s^L^j ^,-•< ^ 1 - Ц » ' j c £ j - ^ > or mobilizing the personal causative of rasidan 'to arrive, come', which is used impersonally to express unconscious recall (see below): Conscious storage or repeated recall: маро ё д кунед * y*< JL» I j_^a 'remember m e ' ; ту хурд будӣ, ӯро дар ё д надорӣ j j j A j_n ^ J I J - J J L J j j I J J I «(^JJ-J 'you were little, y o u don't/ won't remember him'; и н маълумот-ро д а р х о т и р мегузаронам/ нигоҳ медорам * 1 £ Д ^IjlS^ j - L L i j j l j d » L » j U л ^\ £ jl.A-1-o 'I'll remember/keep in mind these facts'. Unconscious (unbidden) recall is best expressed by means of impersonal verbs: ба /бо хотир-ам расид/ омад ки кор дорам Ь \4_» /»jlj jLS «L£ J_^T\ J J MIJ /»jJaLL 'I remember/just remembered that I have work to do' ('it came to my mind (just now, hence I am mindful) that...'); the past tense, as bearer of the Perfective aspect, expresses the punctual event that triggered the present conscious state. A past case of unbidden recall might be expressed by the Pluperfect or the Durative Past (Imperfect) of the impersonal verb: аммо ин хато-и ман ба хотир-и ака-ам на-мерасид j j ,,. j L r *Ji /* I«L£I JJOU^J <>Q ^LLJL ^ 1 Lo I'but my elder brother did not remember this mistake of mine'. Forgetting may be expressed by impersonal or personal verbs: агар аз ёд-ам на-баромада бошад \ .мЬ öa-^Tj—л± ^jb 3 ' j - S ' 'unless it has slipped my mind/ if I have not forgotten...'; аз ёд-аш рафт, ки бояд соат-и шаш ин ҷо биёяд jjijl-j J\ JJL_»_» I ^ > ' »I tjii-jj o x L u i J J L j L 'he no longer remembered/ thought about Bukhara' (negation of 'conscious storage', see above); чойкаши-ро фаромӯш кард jj_S ^J-AIJ-A l j L > . n ^<j^- 'he forgot to pour the tea' ('...the tea-pouring'; an Action noun as nominalized sentential object complement). This construction (or that with an

SYNTAX

321 т а

оп

Infinitive phrase, чой кашидан-ро I j ö - i j m ^ LS^) У 1у be used for the forgetting of an obligation; if he forgot the fact that he had poured tea, a fa-complement clause with a past tense would serve: фаромӯш кард, ки чой кашида буд <£ «j^S I Most of the idioms using personal verbs may use fa- complements with appropriate finite verb forms to express *[I] remembered/ forgot that...'; most of the impersonal constructions may introduce a NP sentential subject or object (an infinitive or Action noun phrase), e.g., {OH қадар солхӯрда будан-и ӯ} комилан ёд-ам рафта буд <jT} JJ-J aJLaj J^JII had completely forgotten that he was so old' ('his being so old... slipped my mind'). 4.18

Reporting

Speech

Reporting what people say (or think) is a special case of the sentential complement. To reproduce someone's actual words (or thoughts), there is a Persian style, generally using the complementizer ки <£ (cf. 4.15), and a variety of Turkic-influenced variations in word order, without fa", more frequently seen in MLT. To report indirect speech, the facomplement clause is again available, as also is the Turkic-style Infinitive-nominalization as an object complement (for both, cf. 4.15). Seven distinct types may be identified, the most characteristic of Tajik, Type 7, being the Turkic-style "pseudo-direct speech" construction. In this a loose participial Conjunct structure introduces an idealized quotation as a complement with a variety of meanings (purpose, circumstance, cause). These styles are described here under two main rubrics, 'Two-Clause" and "One-Clause" constructions; the tags "direct" and "indirect" refer only to whether the speaker's actual words are reproduced or not. Punctuation (in Cyrillic, and often in Perso-Arabic) uses variants of the Russian style of dashes with or without commas. In current usage there is a tendency to standardize it: French-style quotation marks are used to enclose a speech string that is introduced in the course of the narrative, but dialogue is introduced by an em-dash, each new speaker beginning a new line (1.16).

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(1) Two-Clause, direct: In the Persian type, the actual speech string follows the verb of saying, usually introduced by ki 'that': муаллим гуфт (ки): «акнун дафдтарҳо-ятон-ро гиред» --•* < -<« 1 : t h e t e a c h e r said "±>j^ I j jjLLiU^p-flj U J ^ (^) > "Now take your notebooks'". Any kind of verb conveying speech or thought may be used, and quotation marks, dashes, or other punctuation are not always provided: пурсид ки [чаро... / оё...] <£ ,* > - j [...ЦТ VJ^] 'he asked [why.../ whether...]' (see Questions, 4.8); амр дод, ки <S , jlj j_^l 'he ordered' (Imperative, 3.29); фикр мекардам, ки ман танҳо ҳастам l_$-i^ ^ «_£ j j - S ^ J$JI ji"i«.,ft *I thought, "I am alone'". (2) Two-Clause, direct: In the Turkic-style variant, the VP of saying may follow the speech string, verb first: ука, бисьёр калонгирй накунед! -гуфт Шокир ба Аҳмад (jj-^ikS j l > m» «4-£jl j - o ^ L ^ILii o 8 ^ - i.ij'i^'t '"little brother, don't be so high-andmighty," said Shokir to Ahmad'; or it may be incorporated parenthetically between narrative and discourse, or within the speech string: ман бе-сабрй кардам, равам гуфта, кампир намонд J-^LA^ J ^ I Q ^

«ftitK fjj


tj-e 'I grew

impatient and said I wanted to go ('saying "let me go'"), but the old woman wouldn't let me'; ман, -гуфт, - б а шахр намеравам f JJ^^JOJJ j q ^ч ; - ----* ^- «Ü-Ö '"I," she said, "am not going to town'" (or simply '"I'm not going to town," she said'; this word order is not necessarily emphatic). In MLT, only gufian is commonly used as a finite verb in this formulation (see below under (5)). In current Tajik, however, any verb of communication may appear, and the speech string may follow the speech verb: чаро ба кор наомадй? -фарёд зад раис jj",**^ J j J ^ J — * ~ q-<JJ ° ^ J ^ ' J ^ '"why didn't you come to work?" shouted the manager'; вай маро дида пурсид: -Намедонй, имрӯз Жола ба Хорӯғ меравад ё не? I j _ * ^ j 'Seeing me, he asked: "do you know whether Zhola is going to Khorugh today?'" (a negative question is often more polite; cf. Eng. 'you don't happen to know...?'). (3) Two-Clause, indirect: T and 'you' and their plurals are relative

SYNTAX

323

terms; when speech is reported, there may be a systematic deictic shift in these and their corresponding markers, in Tajik as in English. In the traditional Persian-style Jfc/-complement, there may be no overt distinction, in some persons of the verb, between direct and indirect speech: фикр мекардам, ки ман танҳо ҳастам ^ ü f 1.«» ft Lpü <>» УмлЛ I j j l <£ 'Jahonoro shouted that they should kill him' (orig., 'shouted, "kill me!'"); ба писар-аш амр дод, ки вай олу-и ба замин рехта-ро... чида, ба қуттй андохтан гирад . - - L J J L J 6 J_A_2b. ... I j A "i 4 j j (j-*-°3"? (_£3-м (_£J 4-^ jl*3 J - ^ ' O**J ' " J,'

tj j < ^" д1%\1 'he told his son to pick up the plums that had spilled onto the ground and start putting them into a box'. (4) One-Clause, indirect: The speech string may also be reported indirectly as an Infinitive phrase object of the verb of saying: вай ба қишлоқ рафтан-аш-ро гуфт ^Л^, I J ( J T. TI QJ jbLiSJL» ^ 3 'she said that she was going to the village' (lit, 'told her going...'); ман пул ёфта натавонистан-ам-ро гуфтам А " aL J j ^ ^ *JLL5 ij-V. .-\\j -w *i said that I could not get (any) money' (cf. 4.16, Indirect questions, under Turkic style). (5) Two- or One-Clause, direct: If the verb of saying in a sentence of Type 2 is anything other than gufian 'to say', it is replaced (in MLT) by a serial verb construction which places the non-finite гуфта А " a*s immediately after the speech string, followed (after the subject and any other constituents) by an inflected form of the specific speech verb: худ-и ӯ кист? -гуфта ман аз Раҳим Қанд пурсидам

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pijHijj "'who is he, exactly?" I asked Rahim Qand' ('... saying... I asked'); дав, ба амир-и қушбегй «Эшон-и қозикалон ва Эшон-и раискалон омаданд» гуфта хабар деҳ! j—J—OL» « " a ^ 'run, inform the lord Chief Minister that Their Honors the Chief Qadi and the Morals and Market Inspector have come!'. Participial gufta may be replaced by the verbal adjective-adverb гӯён fjLjj S 'saying' (3.39): «хуб шуд» гӯён фикр мекард вай осудатар шуда ^ j J^£-J о _>£* Q L J К "j Ju ^j i" 6j^ii jl 6jj-«iT '"good," he thought, (feeling) relieved'. (6) One-Clause, embedded, direct: A speaker relaying someone else's words to a third party may end with a quotative буда-аст «•iw.,1 6JJ-», with or without a verb of saying ('[the word] apparently is'; see 3.21): Пӯлод ако, модар-ам хӯрок тайёр карданд, рошед буда-аст л^ .nlj « ^ J ^ £ jl J U £\JJJ>. fjjL» «l£l J V ^ .-» M,1 6J>-« 'Pulod, (I'm to tell you) my mother has cooked a meal, and to hurry up'? Рафиқ Николай, муовин-и раис телефон карданд, гуфтанд, ки то омадан-и он кас дар ҳамин ҷо сабр карда шинетон буда-аст 4 j J ft ft

CJ-UUI 6JJ-J (jLi i J'IJ .7, 6J^£ j ; . n Ц 'Comrade Nikolai, the vice

chairman phoned, he said (and I quote) you are to wait right there until the visitor arrives' (sistan functioning as a progressive auxiliary; see 3.20). This idiom, found in MLT, originates in the Northern dialects. (7) Pseudo-direct speech: An idealized quotation, purportedly revealing what was in the agent's mind to explain the cause or purpose of the action in the main clause, forms a sentential complement; this may be a single word, a phrase, or a whole sentence, and is usually embedded in a serial coordinate construction (4.19), using a non-finite form of guflan (either gufta or guyori): аз ҳамон рӯз ҳар отиш-ро аҷина гуфта метарсидам j-д jjj <jl—о-д jt * i . ...j"^ ~ л\1< «CuJ I jJ^A 'from that day forth, I regarded every fire as a jinn, and was afraid (of it)' ('calling [itl "jinn"'; 2

rosedXcolloq.) is a contraction of roh saved 'hit the road, get a move on'.

SYNTAX

325

cause); хурҷин-ро ҳам ба шумо мукофот гӯён диҳад J-AJ j j L j ^ cL»ü>l£la Lo^ii_» *jb 1 j fj^jujA 'he should give you the saddlebag too, as a reward' ('calling (it) "reward"'; cause); як духтарак «аз ин наҳр об мегирам» гуфта ғарқ шуда буда-аст >z.t .„I 6JJ_J 'a little girl is said to have drowned while trying to draw water from this canaF ('saying 'TU get water from this canal'"; cause); нафақа-и аҳл-и аёл гӯён ин 5-6 пул-ро захира карда будем I j Jj-д Я- ö ^ 1 Q L J - S JL^c J-AI SULLi A j j j - i 6j j Aj'we saved these five or six small coins to help support our wives and children' ('calling [them] "expenses for our family"'; purpose). The complement clause may be postposed: on[h\o grupa kar[d]an[d], 4hami[n] rais-a namexo\h\emy gufta 'they organized (a group) to protest [the appointment of] this chairman' ('"we don't want this chairman" saying'; purpose); or it may be introduced by a finite form of gufian, or an infinitive phrase: нақш-и по-е ҳам наменамуд, то ки «дузд омадааст ва гурехтааст» гуявд 'there was not even any sign of footprints which might have indicated that a thief had been and [then] escaped' ('so that [people] might say...'; to... hi... is a purpose clause conjunction; see 4.40); ин иморатҳо бо гуфтани-и «тахминан чор таноб, тахминан даҳ ман» бино шуда-анд (j_J Д 'these buildings were evidently constructed on the principle 'a yard or so here, a pound or so there' ('by saying...'; i.e., they were shoddily built; cause). The verb guftan or a synonym might even be omitted: ин-ро ҳукумат барои он ҷорӣ карда-аст, ки нишон диҳад: дар ин ҷо... ҳама-и шумо якранг ва баробар ҳастед Ij-^l j 'the government set this up in order to show that everyone is equal' ('...to show: "here... you are all... equal"; purpose, though in this case there is an explicit conjunction of purpose to introduce the pseudo-direct speech).

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Other idioms ^кЬгуфтан &~ l * The verb guftan 'to say, tell' also means 'to call', i.e., to name s.t. or s.o.: ӯ-ро Аббос мегуфтанд IJ3\ УЛ л^^ с ^ Ц ^ '*Ьеу called him/ used to call him Abbos' (cf. 4.4). As such, it may still participate in a participial Conjunct of reported speech: Тоторҳо бошанд, ҷадидон-и худ-ро «ёшлар» гуфта ran мезаданд, маъни-и ин ҳам «ҷавонон» аст .-.,,^1 'As for the'Tatars, they called their Jadids "Yoshlar," which means "young men'". The participle гуфта G i £ , or the verbal adverb гӯён o^jS (cf. Type 5 above), may function independently in a sentence or a serial coordinate (4.19) to introduce direct speech, with no other than its literal meaning: ана каду-и об! -гуфта духтар каду-ро нишон дод

jlj <JL£IJI IJJJ-S j л ^j A -i а Ъ- iv-^T (jj^S

O l '"that's a 'water

pumpkin', said the girl, pointing to the pumpkin'; дароед! -гуён аввал маро аз дар дароварда, баъд аз он худ даромад \л jjTjj < 6 J J - A T J J JJ-L oi J *-*-* j j b J J J •>-- SJ U ^ > - S - 'saying "come in!" he first ushered me inside, then came in himself. Structurally such a sentence may resemble Type 7, but the sense of the discourse will preclude a more elaborate interpretation (cf. also гӯё L j S under Speculative simile, 4.32). 1

4.19

J

1

1

Serial Verb Coordination

There are three progressively tighter levels of syntactic connection between the non-finite Past Participle I form, or gerund, and the finite verb following it: (1) Loosest of all is that of a Serial verb coordinate, in which any appropriate verbs in a series of coordinate clauses may form a complex sentence such that all verbs except the last assume the non-finite form, this being interpreted as an earlier tense than, or the same tense as, the terminal, finite verb: бобо дар-и кӯча-ро кушода ба хона даромад J-OT^J O L J 6jLl£ I j <^j^ ^ J LL 'Dad opened the street door and came into the house'. This semantically autonomous, and syntactically quasi-independent, level is the one discussed in this section.

SYNTAX

327

(2) Conjunct verbs (5.20-21), in which a restricted repertoire of verbs as the finite terminal verb act as adverbial auxiliaries, in close conjunction (i.e, juxtaposition in the same clause) with the non-finite form of a broader range of verbs, together signifying a single 6 е complex action: парранда парида рафт c a j *±>^л ^ j e * * bird flew away'. (3) The level of grammaticalization, at which a particular verb (истодан (JJLJL^LU-J 'to stand') in certain compound tenses combines with another semantically appropriate verb, in the non-finite form, to create an aspectually Progressive tense: хонда истода-аст ел»1 6jl "wnjl 6 ^ I J A 'she is reading' ('reading she is standing'; 3.18-19). In a narrative sequence, several participial phrases may follow one after the other, each moving the story a step farther: ояндагон ба дар-и ҳуҷра қаровул монда, аз тараф-и кӯча ба пеш-и тиреза омада, тиреза-ро шикаста маро кашола карда ба кӯча фароварданд Jo j l < UJ-ILO J J I J _ 5 6 J ^ & JJ-J ^LSJJLJT Ь 'the newcomers posted a look- out at the door of the cell, approached the window from the street side, broke the window, and pulled me out into the street'. In a descriptive or descriptive-narrative sequence, the action of the finite verb takes place immediately after, or at the same time as, and/ or in consequence of, the action of the participial form: офтоб торафт балақдтар баромада, ҳаво тадриҷан гарм мешуд Jni > о ?JL U ^ j ^ 1>л «6j^>I^>-> ^н^-^Ь o i j b ^LliT 'as the sun rose higher, the air gradually grew warm' (subsequent, simultaneous, and consequent; different subjects); устоҳо-и гулдаст деворҳо-и чортараф- и меҳмонхона-ро кошинкорй карда, ҳар гуна гулҳо партофта буданд ^ L Ä J I J - J J СИ ...ЛIS ^ L A I — 1

\

ш

'skilled craftsmen had tiled the walls all around the guestroom, decorating them with all kinds of flowers' (consequent; same subject). The participial form of the verb 'to be', буда *JJ-J, is indifferent to tense; it is to be interpreted as 'being', or 4s', etc., in present sequence (when the finite verb is Present, Future, or Present Perfect) and 'was, were' in past sequence (when the finite verb is in a past tense); the

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logical sequence is thus either simultaneous or consequent: ӯ шахс-и бомаърифат буда, вазифа-и худ-ро бо ҳисс-и масъулиятшиноси-и баланд иҷро мекунад «&jj-> -r-*j * * L» и~ ^ -• jl ^Vsj n I j ^ J л ^ Ь d ^ J j

i... n ^

L» I jj>-^ 3 « j h j 'he'is a man of

sensitivity, who carries out/ will carry out his duty with a sense of lofty responsibility' (present sequence); забон-и тоҷикй як-е аз қадимтарин забонҳо-и дуньё буда, бо ин забон асарҳо-и оламшумул-и илмй ва адабй офарида шуда-анд ^ . jJ»l 6 j—ji 6O-JJ—at Lr-»al 'the Tajik language is one of the oldest languages in the world, and universal works of scholarship and literature have been created in it' (present sequence); ӯ одам-и қадпаст, ришкалон буда, тахминан чихилсола менамуд «.-»..Ли a^JT jl «UI i n l o I'^i о 4"t 6j^> J ^ K I H J J 'he was a man of small stature with a long beard, and/ who appeared to be about forty' (past sequence). A serial verb may be used in the first sentence of an adversative conjunct (4.14): занҷир-и ин ишкел ҳам монанд-и ишкелҳо-и муқаррарй набуда, балки дарози-и ӯ ба дараҷа-е буд, ки қадкашак-и одам то ба гардан-и ӯ мерасид J*s ,7.1 f J ' , < Л < t "a 'the chain on these fetters, too, was not like the regulation fetters, but of [such] a length that it reached right up to a man's neck' (past sequence). A non-finite serial form may be part of a progressive tense, or a passive sentence: духтарон, пахта чида истода, ашула мехонданд j-ijJjj-A.^^x «üj-jiil «6jl "\ MI Л ьл i-> 4 "\ Ч j

< ( JIJJLÄ.J

'while picking

cotton, the girls were singing songs' (simultaneous, same subject); дар ин дам дар берун овоз-и ran шунида шуда, баъд аз қадр-е ба хона Дилбар ва Латофат даромада омаданд ^ J J j ; f J d^' J J JJJ-AT 6J-ÖTJJ dj^LLJ j j_jJj^jj-S j \ ^JLJ 16j-iii 6J i*t in C-AS J ' J T 'at that moment the sound of talking was heard outside, and after a short while Dilbar and Latofat came in' (subsequent, different subject; the last instance, daromada, is a constituent of a standard Conjunct verb idiom, lit. 'enter-come'). A participial conjunct may also be followed by (hence, stand for) a

SYNTAX

329

clause in which the VP is an Imperative or an Infinitive: бур-ро гирифта ин ҷумла-ро нависед! \л i M»JJ-^ I J ^ L J . ^ J A " U^S ijjj^

'take

the chalk and write this sentence!'; аз борон гурехта ба барф афтодан (jjLiil ^i^j«Lj А Л ^ \JL <jl j L 3I 'to run from the rain only to be caught in the snow' (prov., i.e., 'out of the frying pan into the fire'). In a negative sentence where the coordinated acts form a closelyconnected logical sequence, the negative prefix may attach only to the finite verb (though its scope includes the non-finite phrase): хайрият... ки ман таклифи Қозизода-ҳо-ро қабул намуда, замини Соктаре-ро гарав на-мондам (_г«-ь1 л > 4 j K " ^

A £

.-.JJ j

^

AjjLa_j jjSL I j^j-H^Luu Cjjnj J6JJ л1> JJ-J-S I JLA 6JI3 'a good thing that I didn't accept the Qozizodas' offer and mortgage the Soktare property' ('...accepting the Q.'s offer I did not...')When a Past Participle II forms part of a non-finite conjunct, it is likely to be functioning as an adjective rather than a verbal participle: баъзе рақамҳо бо сурхй навиштагӣ буда, дар боло-яшон бо сиёҳӣ хат кашидагӣ буд <6jj-» u < " , \ р ^ J - ^ Ь L A ^ J ^ . M I JJ_I ^ л JMI^ Ja^L ^ 1 j n, L ^jl mjVL j j 'some figures were written in red, and overlined in black' (not the Pluperfect Passive navista suda [buda] 'had been written'; cf. 3.36, Not Passive). The logical link may in some scenarios approach an explanatory, instrumental or causal connection: ин таклиф даҳанакӣ буда, сабаб-и даъват ҳам маълум карда намешуд «6j>-i ^ < \ ы « i > 1
330 j

CHAPTER FOUR <J»U. ^ 1 -л "..- j ^ 'rtiftti we (up and) moved to this house'. The

simple act of coming to a (new) house (omadem) is qualified as a change of residence by a temporal and logical link to xesta 'arisen', i.e., packed up, moved out. The two VPs are still separated by the ad hoc adverbial фа) in xona, and therefore do not technically make a Conjunct verb construction (5.20). Also close to the Conjunct verb is the following type of construction, in which an adverbial is verbalized by the dummy kardan and juxtaposed to the main verb: дар шифт-и айвон чароғ-и хира милт-милт карда месӯхт о ' > е ' «-* * •*• jJ o n e ciAj,** , <-* 6J>S clfl-->< * * > ^ } l>^ ' *h ceiling of'the porch a dim lamp was winking' ('burned blink-blink'). In other cases, two or even three verbs may be concatenated (in the following example, as part of a Turkic-style nominalized sentential complement), without belonging to the established repertoire of Conjunct verb auxiliaries: ин гандум-и зиёдатӣ ба боз гашта гирифта бурдан намеарзад <jjj-» < " Q^-S A I Л, ^ j L
MODAL CONSTRUCTIONS 4.20

Necessity and Obligation

'Must' has its counterpart in the impersonal defective verb бояд .AIL 'it is necessary (that)' (neg. на-бояд л->\ \ \). This is invariably 3rd singular, the agent being identified by the NP or pronominal subject of the complement clause and/ or the personal ending of its verb, which is in the Present Subjunctive of potential action: (ман) бояд равам *JJ J-JLJ (Ü-Ö) 'I must go/ have to go'; коргарон бояд барвақт сар-и кор оянд JLIJT J\S J-U* KZ^IJ^

d-jL ^ I J ^ J L S '(the) workers

must come to work early/ on time'. The complement clause may govern further complements: рафиқон бояд дар назар дошта бошанд ки мо ҳануз касал ҳастем L* <-£ SULL* «CL^IJ j-LJ» jj A J L jjlij-bj ^ » •; ... A J,. f < j j ',* '(our) friends must/ should bear in mind that we

SYNTAX

331

are still sick'. For impersonal expressions the Short Infinitive replaces the Subjunctive in an Active sentence: бояд кор кард jj_£ jl_S J_»LJ 'one must work, [we/ you/ people] have to work'; бояд ин-ро дар хотир нигоҳ дошт.п.пЬ öl^Ji ^j-LL^ j j I j ^ l ^ L 'one must keep this in mind', бояд дар хотир нигоҳ дошт ки аз ин ҷо хеле роҳ аст CJULJ ÖIJ O I J A I ^ 'ijl j l 4_£ c j u i l j &L£J> jJaLi. j j Л-JL 'one must keep in mind/ it must be kept in mind that it is a long way from here'. In a conditional context, the Imperfect prefix me- is added: мебоист гуфт, ки «L£ «CJS^ d i » u j h j о 'it ought to be said, that..'. A simple negation of boyad may be ambiguous between obligation and necessity: набояд ин китоб-ро хонанд Ij<-J " «s ^ 1 *-* ;*JA^IJ-^ either 'they must not read this book' or 'they need not/ do not have to...' (the default reading). This may be disambiguated as follows. (1) Shifting the negative prefix to the dependent verb specifies obligation (not to, i.e., prohibition): бояд ин китоб-ро на-хонанд ^L» x i l l j Ч \ lji_J " *s ^ 1 'they must not...'; замин-ро бояд нафурӯхт cjAjj_iJi d^b I J O J nj'one must not sell one's land; land must/ should/ may not be sold' (набояд... фурӯхт ...Л-JL-LL c ^ j ^ i 'one need not...'). (2) A periphrasis using an adjective such as лозим ^yi даркор jL£ j j , or зарур j J > 1 Ö 'necessary' (modifying the activity; see below) often implies self-assessed need as distinct from imposed obligation: лозим нест ки имруз кор кунам -'»< jiS JJJ—о I or имрӯз кор кардан-ам даркор не ^ jL_Sjj J^»JJ—£ J L J £ 'I don't have to/ need to work today'; рубоиҳо-ро ҷудо кардани мо зарур Ь» O J J ^ ' ^ 'j' Jb Lf Ä '-ej j j j _ u a 'we must separate the ruba'is' ('our separating., [is] necessary'); мо пеш аз он ки чй гуна барпо карда шудан-и дар-и регхона-ро тасвир намоем, лозим аст, ки хонандагон-ро ба худ-и регхона шинос кунем «L£J»T Jl ^ .'>< UM \ A, « Ü U I J J * j ^ ; Ij^LSjLliljjk «LS CJ—JI 'before we describe how the door of the Regkhona was installed, we must first acquaint readers with the Regkhona itself. (3) The adjective маҷбур j j j ? ^ 'obliged, forced' (modifying the

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agent) implies imposed obligation: онҳо маҷбур нестанд ки ин китоб-ро хонанд Iji-jLli ^ 1 «L£ л\~ ... л J J j ? n LpT or ба хондан-и ин китоб-ро маҷбур нестанд 'they don't have to/ are not obliged to read this book'; имрӯз маҷбур-ам сар-и кор равам f J J jlS j-« f j j ; ? - j j j ^ l 'today I have to/ am obliged to go to work'. Obligation in the past may be expressed by the same Present tense бояд J J L J , or the Simple Past боист C U - J L , or the Durative Past ме-боист o n . j L ^ 'it was necessary', followed by the Imperfect tense of the dependent verb: вай бояд/ боист/ мебоист хона мерафт c j j j c ^ a «LJILL ......ji;j - \ I^,JI«IJL\ J J L ^ J 'he had to go home'.

The last two versions of this could, however, be ambiguous with the formally identical counterfactual conditional structure: вай боист/ мебоист хона мерафт SZ±& -A OLL o m j l \ j n\ Q M . J L ^ j 'he should /ought to go home; he should have gone/ ought to have gone home'. A time adverb may distinguish the tense (meboist diruz xona meraft 'yesterday he had to... / should have...'), but without other contextual information the ambiguity between actual and virtual action remains. The same circumlocutions may help: (1) Маҷбур шуд ки хона равад J J J <ü>LL <S j_o, JJ \ ? л or ба хона рафтан маҷбур шуд j - i J J . J ^ л L P - ^ J <-^Lk «u'he had to/ was obliged to go home' (and did); ба хона рафтан-аш лозим/ даркор буд jj-» j l £ j j \j»jV {JJ^LUJ О!_Ц> 'he had to/ needed to go home' ('his going home was necessary'; cf. 4.15, Complement nominalization). This last formulation does not state categorically (even in English) that he did go home; further contextual information may be needed. (2) Such periphrases confirm the actuality of the event; the sentence with meboist... will be read as virtual (unreal, conditional) by default, and this in turn may be confirmed by an Indicative tense tag, as in: (ме)боист хона мерафт, аммо на-рафт/ на-шуд JLS

j A %. \.~^j

% Lol 'CLUij^j-A «JiLL -.Г"" »I ; ( ^ *) 'he ought to have

gone home, but didn't/ it didn't happen', (ме)боист хона мерафт, лекин ҳатман намеравад/ дил-аш на-мехоҳад с м м ^ ^ ) <-jLL'he should

SYNTAX

333

go home, but of course he won't/ he doesn't want to'. Future necessity or obligation is expressed by means of the Imperfect мебоист c n n j L ^ in its role as the Conditional tense (past future) 'it would be/ would have been necessary'. For a possibility as viewed from the present, the dependent verb is in the Present Subjunctive: семент-и ба канал даркорй мебоист дар як мураббаъ сентиметр 140 кило фишор-ро бардорад o u u L ^ LSJ^J* J l % < ; •-- - j ••• jjljj-»

Ijjl

m i j \ j « s \f • j l j o

i " '>,.1 ^ e j - o « - I J j j ' t h e c e m e n t

necessary for the canal will have to/ must/ should/ bear a pressure of 140 kg. per square cm.'. For a future eventuality as reported from a past situation, the tense of the dependent verb will be the Conditional (past future): як одам-и хат-у саводнок-ро ёфтан даркор буд, ки вай мебоист гуфтаҳо-и Нарзи-ро ба рӯи коғаз менавишт IjtiLijlj **, j LJ» 'JL^JJ-J i^LftA " i ^ cmijl j j д ^ j <£ «JJ-J

'we had to find someone who knew how to read and write, to/ who could write down on paper what Narzi said* (note the ellipsis of the suffix -nok in xat[-nok]-u savod-nok 'capable of reading and [capable of] writing'). Adjectives and adverbs. Majbur, lozim, zarur, and darkor as illustrated above may function in any tense, affirmative or negative. Darkor is especially frequent in spoken and informal styles; in the Present, the copula is often omitted: хами(н) гаҳвора-пӯш-а шустан даркор, чиркин шудас Ou^Ju J^£J*. <jl^j^ 6*^.. Л \J(J^^ÖJIJ^S ^-«üb 'this cradle-cover needs to be washed, it's gotten dirty' ('to wash this cradle-cover [is] necessary', with object-marker -ro)\ дар хусус-и он чиз маълумот-и кӯтоҳ-е додан-ам даркор (аст) j,T ^ j .^ A j j must (V^ULJ) J L £ J J {^>JIJ ^-Äbj-S djLo^^Lsu-o j - e ^ ' I Provide a few particulars about that matter' ('my giving... [is] necessary'). Modal Adverbiale: Several adverbs and adverbial phrases express necessity, obligation, or more accurately force majeure, qualifying any appropriate VP: ман ночор сабр кардам f Jj-£ J * *<* j l ^ £y* 'I had to wait' ('I waited without recourse'); бой но-илоҷ як асп-и нағз-и худ-ро пешкаш дода-аст \jjj-L JJU» ,.,+J ^ yr^LcL^L cuxul 6jlj иь<л- J J 'the rich man was obliged to give one of his good horses as tribute' ('without cure, gave...'); ароба-каш чор-ночор

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розӣ шуда-аст CJ^J öj-ä* ^ ^ I J J U . L > - J U . o i i £ « Ч ' ^ 'the coachman was forced to accept/ agreed perforce'; ҳунарманд-е... хоҳ-у нохоҳ ба тасвир-и замон ва ҳамзамонҳо-и худ мепардозад j j I J^J Lr A 'an artist... whether he likes it or not/ willy-nilly sets himself to depict his own time and his contemporaries' (Stem I of xostan, cf. 4.23); ӯ маҷбуран ҳалок шудааст ^ . .»I 6 j - i IÜLA I J J *r - 3\ 'he must (surely) have perished' ('...of necessity has perished'). 4.21

Presumption, Probability,

Possibility

There is an imprecise sliding scale between the poles of confident assertion about the status of an action one cannot perceive, or have perceived, through reasonable prediction to tentative speculation. At right angles to this, the poles of affirmation and negation do not correspond across the scale: 'impossible' is stronger than 'improbable', while 'possible' is weaker then 'probable'. Tajik has an array of devices to match these variations, which are remarkably analogous to those of English. 'Must be': The presumption of probability about a state or a completed past action is regularly expressed by the defective impersonal verb бояд ^iL, followed by the Present or Perfect Subjunctive as appropriate: модар бояд дар хона бошад «LjLä.jjd-jLjjLo j-uiL 'mother must be at home'; бояд то ҳоло расида бошанд JJL-OJLJ *Л ) —j VL^> LJ J-»L» 'they must have arrived by now'. Colloquially, даркор j l £ j J (4.20) may substitute for boyad, after the VP: онҳо дар роҳ бошанд даркор jJ»_aiLi *\j j j I pT j l £ j j 'they must be on the way'; рафта бошанд даркор i l i j j l £ j j ,ri M.L 'they must have gone'. The present tense of the dependent verb may only be Stative or progressive. Apart from the verb 'to be' (especially frequent are prepositional phrases with copula, as illustrated above), only the Present Progressive (Subjunctive) tense is usual: онҳо бояд хеле ran зада истода бошанд 6jl " ... jl ÖJJ ^S ^\\ \ Л-JL L$J»! J "i. nL 'they must be talking a lot'. 'Will be': A presumption of identity, concerning a person or place just

SYNTAX

335

perceived through indirect evidence, or an inference of location, may be expressed with the Definite Future tense of the verb 'to be': ҳа, ин Аҳмадҷон хоҳад буд jj_» Л-ÄI^L < J U > J ^ J ^ J .LA 'ah, this/ that will be Ahmadjon' (on hearing an expected knock at the door, or the telephone ring); ин ҷо Калоновод хоҳад буд jj-j *A-AIJ-Ä. J L T ^ ^ L S 1 ^ \A 'this will be Kalonobod' (on seeing signs of settlement over a rise in the road); агар хона нарафта бошад, дар китобхона хоҳад буд j j < j-iiL LUjj» <±LL j_Sl JJ_J .iJblj^L <и»1_Ц»1_1£ 'if she hasn't gone home, she will be in the library' (i.e., I presume she is there now; cf. 4.35, Actual conditions). 'Should be; probably': The preceding constructions cover an action just accomplished (Perfect) and a present-future state of affairs. The remaining parts of the aspecto-temporal continuum (present, future, and past punctual or habitual) are partially covered, for present and future, by one of the three tenses of the Conjectural Mood (3.30-33, in Tajik siga-i ehtimoli 'mood of probability'): ӯ ҳар рӯз газета-ро ме-хондагист \j<

l^j

S

m J3J

j_a 3\

'I'll bet he reads the paper every day'; то баҳор сохта тамом мекардагистем ~ I-...J jLS oLS_i and бояд ягон кор-и ганда карда бошад 6j^—£ tj^S j l _ £ О ^ ^еЦ^ J_*XIL 'he must have done something bad'. Modal idioms and adverbials: The remaining possibilities are covered by the idiom эҳтимол дорад (ки) (4-£) J j b J U - l ^ l 'there is the probability that' and the modal adverbial (ба) эҳтимол ( j sx.j JLoJLa.1 j ^ i 'there'll likely be thunder and lightning'; ба эҳтимол дар ҳайрат ҳам монда бошанд, ки... чаро амир, ба сифат-и CJM.J^O^I^^

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елчи-и давлат чунин як шахс-...po интихоб намуда-аст cii ml 6JJJ-AJI ^ 1 Ч VJ I j..LyaJub-iut «-SLJ j ; j \ ^ CLJ j j ^j-aJ-j Г probably they wondered... w h y the emir had chosen such a... person to

be the state ambassador'. Another pertinent sentence adverbial is аз афт-и кор/ (аз) афт-аш 'probably, by the look of things' (2.46): афт-аш имрӯз намебиёяд Л-АЦА-»^^^ JJ^>-OI ^ I " оI'he probably isn't coming

today'. Possibility: 'Perhaps, maybe' is rendered most commonly by шояд like boy ad a defective impersonal verb (from шоистан /to be fitting, right'; the past tense is no longer used). It generally takes the Present (Progressive) Subjunctive with present or present-future reference, the Past Subjunctive with past or pastfuture reference; the negative prefix is attached to the dependent verb: шояд душ қабул карда истода бошад ^ ^ Л-JI

i

j-iiL 6jl ~'"jl b*j£ J j - e ^ 'perhaps he's taking a shower'; шояд ин ҷо наёяд J^LJJ» L^JUJI ±->LJU 'maybe she won't come here'; ҳамсояҳо шояд ин кор-ро карда бошанд J^Lii» U<_>!,,. »л j-LiiL o j j ^ I j j l l j ^ l 'perhaps the neighbors did this'; шояд то ҳоло хоб рафта бошад J_J,L < d i j « - J ^ VLa. b AJLÖ. 'maybe he will have fallen asleep by now'. Often, with present-future reference, the dependent verb is in the Present Indicative (as is usual in SP): шояд баъд аз ин... аҷина барин аз чашм ғайб мезанад <-1^1 ...о-Л j \ ОД-J ^ L i j l j ^ ^ y j " A f A ^ j l L>ej-e 'perhaps from now on... the jinn-like creature will be invisible'; шояд як сабаб-и маҳрумият-и мо а з о н а с т , к и . . . <с^,.»1 ^ Т j l L A t c i j .*JJ % л <.ri j ..i . i - j J-JL^I

...4_£ 'perhaps one cause of our deprivation is that...' (Sentential pronoun; see 4.15). The adverb магар j ü (4.8) may translate as 'perhaps' in some affirmative questions and statements: магар ту ҳам медонӣ? S ^ l j ^ fjb j ^ J-SLÄ 'maybe you know too?'; as also rye Lj_S 'one might say, conceivably': боз як хонача-е буд, ки гуё барои ошхона, ҳезумхона ва анбор сохта шуда буд jL*

SYNTAX

337

-IALL-J 'there was another small room, which had perhaps been built as a kitchen and store for firewood and things'. The adjective м у м к и н j^-oJa 'possible' and the cognate noun имкон

<jl_S_J

'possibility'

(also its e x t e n s i o n имконият

xz.\\ 'iK-J) are used to introduce sentential complements: мумкин аст ки б о р о н б о р а д j j L ^1 j L <S I^J-LJ j^-a-o'it may rain' ('it is possible that...'; Persian style, with dependent Subjunctive, cf. 4.15); барвақт-тар ба он ҷо расидан м у м к и н нест/ на/ не ^ \

<J»\ CIMIJ'I и^л^

u^^J

Ц^Ч» - H ^ J j - ? i t

IS n o t

possible

to get there earlier' (Turkic style; cf. 4.15). Similarly, имкон/ имконият

н а - д о р а д (ки) и н ҳ о д и с а - р о н а в и ш т а

гирам

1 1 1 fj^S A ", ,\р I J Ö J L ^ ^ l (<_£) j j l ^ c i l ^ ^ \ o ^» 'it's impossible for me to write down this episode' ('there is not the possibility that...'); ин ҳодиса-ро навишта гирифтан-ам имкон/ имконият надорад -'»" *j * " " --j '- Ij^JijL^ j ^ l jjljjj ^i j \\ 's nl \ ^l < ^l 'ditto' ('my writing down... has no possibility'; Turkic style).

For emphasis, these constructions may support a negative in each clause: на-рафтан-атон мумкин не! ^<о,,.о <jl Vi" Q ^ ! ^ 'it's impossible for you not to go!'. 4.22

Ability

'Can', etc., is expressed by the fully inflected verb тавонистан/ тавон- o ' ^ A ö""i"*l>i'to be able' (orig. 'to be strong, mighty'); colloquially, the present stem may be reduced to -ton-, e.g., na-me-ton-ad 'he can't'. Three personal constructions are available. (1) The ^/-complement clause (4.15; usually omitting ki), with the dependent verb in the Present Subjunctive: (ман) метавонам ба он ҷо равам f J J L ^ u ^\^сгл ( ^ ) 'I can go there', etc.; Id is often retained if there is intervening material before the dependent verb: на-тавонистем ки баъд аз тамом шудан-и тамошо ба хона-и рафиқон-и худ расем ^J^OJ pLoJi jl ад_« j .»j jj^L ^LLj_flj ^1_Ц» LiLoü'we weren't able to get to (our) friends' house after the show'. (2) The nominalization of the dependent clause as an Infinitive (phrase):

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(ман) ба он ҷо рафтан метавонам ^ I j J i ^ ^ o . This is not Turkic-style (4.15), except perhaps in its word order; it corresponds in essence to early CP constructions using the Short or Long Infinitives. (3) The preferred Tajik idiom preposes the Past Participle I/ gerund form of the dependent verb in a Conjunct construction: (ман) ба он ҷо рафта метавонам ^ 1 > р с г л " ~ *j LaJiLj ( ^ ) . These last two are very similar, and indeed this conjunct form may have derived from the Infinitive construction. The complement clause or phrase is thus quite standardized, and its components appear in the same relative order in all three variants: the Subjunctive verb comes at the end, after any objects, prepositional phrases or adverbials; the Infinitive or participle/ gerund preposes all its adjuncts, and immediately precedes the finite form of tavonistan: 'you can't pick this vegetable by hand' becomes (1) ту наметавонӣ {ин сабзи-ро ба даст чини} .-».-t
}j-^

The predicate may be extended by inserting one or more serial participle-gerunds before the finite form of tavonistan: ӯ кор-ро монда рафта на-метавонист ^ — * ^ j ~ ^ - '»* " 'а j 6jJ»Lo I^JL^ j Г he could not go away leaving/ and leave the job unfinished'. The modal auxiliary may assume virtually any active tense or mood; some examples: Present and Future: As with most verbs, the Present tense of tavonistan generally serves for the future too. However, if a distinction needs to be made, there is nothing to preclude use of the Definite Future tense (3.14): ҳоло пул-аш-ро дода наметавонам, пагоҳ ҳдтман хоҳам тавонист I » м» ^ *1-^ ^lj-^^^л \ 6jlj IJL£JJ-* VLA •:•••• **ij" fJblj.^. 'I can't pay for it now, (but) I definitely will be able to tomorrow' (note gapping of the dependent verb). Past tenses: The Simple Past usually expresses ability, or inability, to perform a punctual past action : оё шумо соат-и 5 омада на-тавонистед? S j j " , » ' i l ^ u ÖJ^T Ö C^CLUU L ^ l LT 'wereyou not able to come at five o'clock?' This distinguishes clearly between a past reality and a future possibility, as expressed by the Conditional tense: оё шумо соат-и 5 омада наме-тавонистед? La-^» LT

SYNTAX

339

J—oT ö o c L u , 'couldn't you come at five o'clock?' (which, like its English equivalent, is likely to be taken for a suggestion referring to the future, not a question about the past). For, as in the case of meboist (4.20), the Imperfect has the functions both of a Durative Past (3.13) and a Conditional (4.36), and may be used in its Durative Past aspect to emphasize a prolonged state of being able or unable to do something: албатта ҳеч кор кардан наме-тавонистам, ва чй будан-и дард-и ӯро намедонистам j j j ö J j-e ^ э 'f" »"'»LH ^J-^-J 6 > ^ J L ^ £ j f t
jj-j 4 ~ -~ '>lj ^'* ÖJ^JS l^-a. j*s MjL^ '...besides one lodger, whom Kovalenko had so far not been able to place as either a Tatar or an Armenian...' ('...to distinguish his being neither Tatar nor Armenian'). Non-Witnessed mode: вай тоҷикй ran зада натавониста-аст ^ j CJ^LU! * -»... ~«lj-»'» 6 j j

^ _ ^ ^ < j ^ l " ' h e c o u l d n ' t s p e a k Tajik ( s o f a r

as I know/ so I am told)' (Perfect, 3.21). Progressive tenses: аз кор даст кашида на-тавониста истода-анд л!1 frjl ">'- >l ^—о jjT 'Hasan regretted (his) not having been able to hit that bird of ill omen, and...' (4.15). Past Participle I appears in serial coordinates (4.19): ман дар он ҷо кас-е ёфта на-тавониста хона баргашта омадам j j О-0 fj_oT * -A.<J*
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CHAPTER FOUR

Like boyad, the auxiliary tavonistan supports impersonal expressions (strictly, universal expressions, since it is not an impersonal verb to start with). In these (judged as literary in register) the stem forms are used without personal ending, ме-тавон ^ I j ^ ^ for present sequence and (ме)тавонист t^i »<. \\j^ (ur^) for past sequence, with negative prefix if appropriate; the Short Infinitive replaces the Subjunctive, in a modified Active voice two-sentence formulation: метавон ба осонй ин кор-ро иҷро намуд JJ-OJ» l^aJ I j jL£ ^ 1 ^ L - u (jlj'i j «/this task can easily be carried out' ('one can...';); онгоҳ на-метавонист гап-и мо-ро фаҳмид \ j о $ \ IjLa ^S ciin*il4p(aJ^aJi ul^T'then it would not be possible to understand what we said/ we would not be intelligible'. The Passive is hardly ever used in the complement of tavonistan. The impersonal construction above, though grammatically Active, is semantically the equivalent of a Passive. In some cases the Passive alone is equivalent to an English rendition using 'can': ҳамин тавр шумо дида (на-)мешавед XAJ-JU Lrt^ ÄJ-JJ LQ .M jjJa j j n л*like this, you can(not) be seen' (lit. 'are (not) seen/ visible'). Moreover, compound adjectives meaning 'capable of being [done]' may readily be found or coined: хӯрданй ^ ^ j j ^ 'edible' (3.42), шикаст(но-)паззир J_J1-I(LJI) • -• -~< A. '(un)conquerable' (5.6), вайронна-шаванда 6JJJIVI и^з 'indestructible' (3.41), etc. As an Active voice periphrasis, the adjective қодир j j l _ ä 'able, capable' may be used, in more formal style: ӯ ба иҷро-и ин кор қодир аст iz* ml jjLä jL$ ^ 1 ^ I j - ^ L j l 'he is capable of carrying out this task'. 4.23

Volition

The inflected modal auxiliary хостан/ хоҳ- -_AIJ-^L\ ^yL^jlj-^'to wish, want, request' (negated with the prefix на- -_i) may be construed in one of two ways. (1) With a ^-complement clause (4.15), the dependent verb in the Present Subjunctive; the complementizer ki is usually omitted unless there is a change of subject: (ман) мехоҳам ӯро бинам/ бу-бинам I j jl ^jblj^_Lx (б-°) ^w a n t to see him'; мехостем

SYNTAX

341 1

ки онҳо меҳмон бошанд У* - ' > ^ - д - L^T <£ - . ~ . . J j ^ *'we wanted them to be (our) guests' ('that they be...'). The Imperfect tense may function not only as a general past, but as a Conditional; this mostly occurs in the context of a polite request, which is further marked by the retention of ki: пеш аз cap шудан-и маҷлис мехостем, ки як чиз-ро пурсида 'before the meeting starts we'd like to request something'. The Simple Past xost-am, etc., is not used in either of these senses (see below). (2)

A preposed Infinitive (phrase) as NP object complement (not Turkic-style, since it lacks a subject pronominal and object marker; as in the case of boyad and tavonistan, the Long or Short Infinitive, postposed, expressed the complement VP of modal auxiliaries in early CP): (ман) ӯро дидан мехоҳам <JJL_JJ I J J I (<J—*) fjblj Ч j n 'I want to see him'; бачаҳо бозй кардан на-мехостанд j*r* ln\j-LLyA^ ö^j^ u&jLi i-A^-^-j'the children did not want to play'. However, if the subject in the complement is different, this formulation has to be "Turkic-style" (though the NP syntax is still irreproachably Persian, with izofat and Definite direct object enclitic): меҳмон шудан-и онҳо-ро мехостем <jj-^i 6* * 0 n pj "i ,JJ-L^A I jLfiT 'we wanted them to be (our) guests' ('we wanted their being guests'). A depersonalized idiom may be summoned in order to express an affective nuance: дил-ам мехоҳад як бор-и дигар ӯ-ро бинам AJJ ^ 'I long to see her once more' ('my heart wishes...'); бо ҳдма-и ин дил-ам на-мехост аз шносо шудан бо ин одам... ӯмед-ам-ро тамоман канам £ - b u - J \ о-А LJ ~ »< LOLO-J I J ^ J - J _ A I . . . ^ J T ^J-AI LJ (jj-*i t »nl *i MI j l i z i K I I J A J g^o-j'all t h i s

notwithstanding, I was reluctant totally to give up hope of getting to know this person1 ('my heart did not wish...'); ӯ ба ҳар хонна-е ки дил-аш мехост, бе-бок-она медаромад QSJJ
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s.o.'); 'to call, summon, invite' (s.o., trans.). This is so whether they govern a NP object or a VP complement: (аз шумо) узр мехоҳам jkjblj Ч \ n ji-c (I n A jl) 'I beg (your) pardon', бояд аввал иҷозат хост vr^Jj-^ v^j^LaJ J j l ^JLI 'one must first ask permission', маро ба меҳмонӣ на-хостанд ,*%'~ -lj^ '» ^*»' «д »; l ^ ' t h e y didn't invite me to the party'; бачаҳо хостанд ки бозӣ кунанд LA« ^_» * '»'•< ^jL» 4_£ j-H-uulj-A 'the children asked to play/ if they could play' (not me-xostand ki... 'wanted to...'). Only the Simple Past is overtly and unambiguously punctual; for the Present and other multiaspectual forms, this distinction is clarified by grammatical and lexical context. From a derived action поип,хоҳиш <jLJbl^ 'wish, request' (3.38) is made an unambiguous Composite verb, хоҳиш кардан J^- *»j ^ <jjj_£ 'to ask, request': (аз шумо) хоҳиш мекунаем, ки папирос накашед JMMI^'» ил^::ш: *-£ «f *^j л <_А-*1>^ (I ^ .7. jl) '1 ask you/ I'm asking you/ not to smoke (cigarettes)'. The verb пурсидан ^ * > --j »'to ask (a question/ for information)' may also connote 'to request' (unlike its use in SP): мард аз ӯ гугард пурсид J_»_UUJ_» J ^ S J - S j l j l J^-O 'the man asked him for a light' (lit. 'sulfur', i.e., a match; az governs the indirect object, as with xostan). 4.24

The Verb Sudan

The fully inflected уегЬшудан/ ш а в — > - £ \ ü^^i. 'to happen, come into being, become' presents no morphological or orthographic problems. Its most salient grammatical function is as the Passive Voice auxiliary verb (3.34). It also has a number of other roles, as a modal verb and in a variety of aspectually marked idioms, which it will be useful to examine in one place. Modal: The 3rd person singular of Sudan is used impersonally in any of its four simple tenses (3.9-13), to mean 'it [is] possible, one can/ might', etc. As with the modals boyad and tavonistan, the dependent verb takes the form of the Short Infinitive, and the sentence is Active in voice: ме-шавад ин кор-ро кард jj_S I j jlS <>J JJ-JS,^ 'one can do this [work]/ this can/ may be done/ is feasible'. However, Sudan is formally and semantically distinct from tavonistan, in that (1)

SYNTAX T h e s u p p r e s s e d subject in metavon mesavad

343

' o n e c a n ' is p e r s o n a l , w h e r e a s

is strictly i m p e r s o n a l ; t h e s e n t e n c e given a b o v e m e a n s ' i t

c o m e s a b o u t [for o n e ] to d o t h i s ' , and (2) T h e ability expressed by tavonistan

is that proper to living creatures (tavon- still retains a sense

of its primitive m e a n i n g ' b e s t r o n g ' ) ; Sudan (in origin m e a n i n g ' t o go, proceed') implies n o t so m u c h physical as logistical or moral feasibility.

Examples: на-ме-шавад ба он ҷо рафт CL^J L*J»L_» j ^ ^ ^ l ' i t is impossible to go there, one cannot go there'; ме-шуд гуфт, ки... ...
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event, or a natural phenomenon, Sudan means 'to happen, to take place': чй шуд? S j .7, 'what happened? What's the matter?'; ҳеч нашуд/ насудааст CJ^J 6 J . V I \ J A J ^Л 'nothing happened/ nothing is amiss (so far as I know [Non-Witnessed])'; баъд чй мешавад? S JJ m j n j .iL.; 'what happens/ will happen next?'; маҷлис пагоҳ мешавад JJ-JL^ бИ_>O . . K о 'the meeting takes place/ will take place tomorrow'; шом шуд ±Ju ^ Lö, 'evening fell'; эҳтимол раъд-у барқ шавад jj-ä ,з>е j i ^ j JI о " -J 'there will likely be thunder 1

and lightning'; сахт борон мешавад j j Л ^ о ' J ^ ^^ « 'there will be heavy rain'. If the verb 'to rain' were used here, the Present Indicative (boron) me-borad would have the default reading 'it is raining'; only me-savad automatically denotes the future. Of a known entity that has disappeared or changed: Аҳмад чй шуд(а-аст)? л n-J ^(.л> «и! 6 ) J £ «La. 'what happened/ has happened to Ahmad? What became of Ahmad?' (the longer variant is the Non-Witnessed Perfect, which would be used, e.g., with the implication 'I know you haven't seen him either, but...'; see 3.21). In describing or evaluating a situation, (Tajik) Persian prefers to focus where possible on the act or change of state that brought the situation into being, whereas English prefers to focus on the resulting state (hence the literal mismatch between Tajik 'happen, become' and English 'be'): тақдир-и онҳо ба ихтиёр-и шумо мешавад ^JJ-Д^ ,.!J ^ * * I ~ % j l j "* ^ I * 1 д \J 'their fate will be in your hands' (i.e., through a certain development, the addressee will become the master of these people's fate; to affirm that he 'is' so thereafter misses a logical step). The same preferences are evident in everyday idioms: ман монда шудам ^ j^i. a^L* ^ 'I am tired' (lit. 'I became tired'), маълум мешавад/ шуд j-*i\ J j Л j о fjL*-* 'it is/ was obvious' (lit. 'it becomes [habitual] known/ became known'); hence ман монда шуда будам ^JJ_» &л-о> ьд1Ь> <>* 'I was tired' ('had become...'), etc.; cf. also 3.12, 3.16, 3.46. For sudan as an auxiliary with Composite verbs, see 5.18.

SYNTAX 4.25

345

Hortative, Inceptive, and Related Constructions

Hortatives enjoin action by a group including the speaker, and usually involve the Imperative or optative (Subjunctive) moods. Inceptive (or inchoative) idioms, denoting the start of an action, are aspectual rather than modal in nature, though in Tajik one of them involves a modal auxiliary. Continuing to perform, and ceasing to perform, an action also involve particular types of sentential complement. This section will survey a modal-aspectual continuum that may be characterized as 'let's do it—nearly did it—barely did it—started to do it—went on doing it—stopped doing it'. 'Let's': The simple optative or hortative form (1st person Present Subjunctive, e.g. хӯрем f^jj± 'let's eat') is illustrated in 3.29. In colloquial speech this is often emphasized by preposing certain frozen Imperative forms, which may then be followed by the 1st person hortative (sometimes the Indicative) of the main verb: биёед, бо ҳам рақс мекунем! !р j \<\ ^ j ^ J i j ^J* L <j JJLA-J 'come, we'll/ let's dance' (Imper. of omadan, 3.5); биёед, ки дар ҳамин харак шинам р '»j Л £jJ± Q J oft j j «-£ «J jjL^Met me sit on this bench'; рош/ рошед, хӯрок тайёр шуда-аст ^ L I J •Г"»! 6 j u l j i j L. SljjJb

,jj

M.IJ\ 'hurry up/ get a m o v e on, the

meal is ready' (from фа) roh savl saved 'get on the road'). Мон/ монед, (ки) (<_£) л j ' i L a \ ^1—° a n d би-гузор JIJ£-» 'let' are used chiefly with reference to a 3rd person: бигузор худаш санҷида бинед J Л\\ 6j j ^ 'чч ^ J J ^ jlJ^-J 'let him find out for himself (see didan, 5.20). Both these verbs (more frequently, mondän) mean 'to let, allow, permit' with a following Subjunctive or preceding Infinitive: кӯдакон-ро наздик шудан на-мемонданд j^jJ»L>L5_eJ> ^±JL ^ J J - ^ l J ( j l ^ j j £ 4 h e y did not let the children approach'. 'Nearly' ~ 'hardly': An action that might well have taken place, but does not, may be expressed through the idiom кам монда буд ки <£ JJ-J 6 J^LA ^ 'little remained (but) that...', followed by the Subjunctive: кам монда буд ки автомобиль чаппа шавад SjJu
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қариб c-AJ^-S 'near, close': аз хурсандӣ қариб девона шудам ^d^S, O l ^ j j v ^ J - * ^ J J — > i jl 'I nearly went crazy with joy'; миён-и ӯ ба шикастан наздик шуда-аст j n , ^ ^ ^ - j ^ j ^ 'his middle is ['has become'] near to bursting'. More colloquially, a combination of affirmative and negative verbs may be used: ба хона-и кампир... расам-нарасам, муйсафед... асо-занон аз пеш мебарояд <^jji-*^j ...j л j n' 'just as I reached the old woman's house, the old man [' white-haired'] came up, tapping his stick' (i.e., between not reaching and reaching the house; subjunctive). The converse, when an action that might not have happened at all does, if only in small measure, is expressed similarly, with a negated verb: қариб борон на-борид Л-JJI t \ ^1 j L *—«^j-ä 'it barely/ hardly rained' ('nearly did not rain'); or, through an adverb and affirmative verb: ин хона чандон васеъ нест, худамон ба-зур мегунчднд/ -ғунҷанд «о.., /i j-^-^j p b ' ^ LL ^ l У\*\ '\r1_гл \jJ»_aJiS ^ JJ!H О LA JJJ* 'this room is not so spacious; it barely accommodates us' (lit. '...we ourselves hardly ['by force'] fit': gunjidan, var. gunjidan, is intrans. 'to fit, be accommodated/ contained (in)'). 'Start, try': A conscious decision or movement toward initiating an action, which is immediately cancelled, forestalled, or interrupted, is expressed by means of the Simple Past of xostanl xoh- 'to want' with either of the constructions used for volitional complements (4.23): Собир каланд ва чорчуб гирифта, хост ки биравад jjj-» <£ CJ »MIJA ««LLa^S ^ - J J - ^ J U . J J ' I K ^ j L a 'Sobir

picked up the mattock and frame and made to go'; ба тараф-и роҳрав-и ҳавли-и дарун нигоҳ карда рафтан хост wijJcL-i 'he glanced at the inner corridor of the house and made to leave'; курта-ро Нодир аз ҷӯй гирифта, хост шуста тоза кунад, аммо об-и лой он-ро бадтар кард c^uilj-ä. *<_Ubj-^ c 5 j - ^ j \ JJL^ IJOj_k jj_S jjij-j I J Ö T ^ V v i L J t^k 6jLi А "i ... ,7. 'Nodir took the shirt from the ditch and started/ tried to wash it clean, but the muddy water made it worse' (the serial participle шуста A ~ ... Д

SYNTAX

347

stands for Present Subjunctive шӯяд J-J^^-JI '[that] he might wash [it]', parallel to toza kunad '...clean [it]'). 'Begin': The most general idiom to denote the actual beginning of an action (not necessarily intentional, or of an animate agent) uses гирифтан tlA-fl^ 'to take, seize' as auxiliary, with the main verb preposed as an Infinitive: сароянда сурӯд-ро хондан гирифт iij-flj-S jjjJjl^-ä. I jjj^-iuj ÖJJLJj-iuj 'the singer began to sing the

song'; аз чашмон-аш ашкҳо рехтан гирифтанд JL^\ л.»и^ j \ | < л | У*л fl^ ü " > x j j д 'tears started to flow from her eyes'; шумо кор-и худатон-ро кардан гиред Ö J J - S ' J Ö ^ J > - ^ J ^ I п •» ,*jj » ^ 'you get on with your own work'. (This should not be confused with Conjunct verb idioms using giriftan and a participlegerund, such as навишта гирифтан ^ " \^JL A ~ .7,jJ»'to write down, copy'; 5.20). Of similarly broad application is the Composite verb шурӯъ кардан о-О^ £ JJ^ 1 t o ^ e ^ n » w hich either preposes, or embeds, an Infinitive or action noun plus the preposition ba: Мунаввиршоҳ ба навиштан шурӯъ кард j^-£ f j j — ^ ^" MIJJ» <_J ÖLJLJJA^ 'Munavvir-shoh began writing/ to write'; насим-и субҳи-дам шурӯъ ба вазидан намуд J J ^ O ^ J J J «Ц g JJ-*^ ^J-^ ^ и,.! 'the early morning breeze began to blow'. Denoting intentional actions and construed similarly with ba are даромадан/ дарой- -^Тjj\ <jj oTjj 'to enter (upon)' and cap кардан O-O—^ J "• ( 5ö[r 'head, beginning): ҳозир ба ran (задан) ме-дарояд XJTJJ^^O ( ö J J ) Sr^ *-? j «^ ^ 'now he'll start talking/ launch into a speech'; ба даре (хондан) cap карданд jJ»jj_£ j --• (^j-llj-^L) ^XJ j j <_» 'they began the lesson/ started class'. These tend to be used in standard locutions. Of broader application are: даст ба [кор-е] задан J , J J [ ^ J L S ] \ < J - ^ — ^ I J > J (likewise with the prepositional phrase, ba and an Infinitive or action noun) in the sense 'to undertake, engage in, g o in for, take up, pursue' a regular or long-term activity: ба пажуҳиш-и илмӣ пардохт <ц» c^j-äJj VJ , * I + , у- ^ е й 'he commenced/ undertook scientific research'.

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'Continue, last': As a transitive verb, again with ba and Infinitive or action noun as the complement, is давом кардан <j*O^ f ' J J »'**• 'make continuity': ӯ ба гап-аш давом кард ^IJJ ит/1 ^<-ejl jj-£ 'he went on with his talk'; the same verb (or a variant with the auxiliary доштан ^ ЛЬ'to have') may be used intransitively, the activity or state being the subject: борон давом кард j j й f I j j o'jL» 'the rain continued', маҷлис як соат давом дошт c ^ i l j ^IJJ c^cLu ci-j и . . К о 'the meeting went on for/ lasted one hour'. 'Stop' (intr.): For an activity to cease isтамом шудан j « л fl л" 'become complete(d)'; this has a transitive correlative in тамом кардан o*j-£ fl—oJi: дарс-ро тамом карданд f(—oJi ho»j* d^jj-£ 'they finished the lesson/ class'. 'To reach a conclusion, come to an end' is, quite literally, ба поён расидан оЦ^Ц1 *Ч» j> j -j^ with a transitive correlative in [кор-е-]ро ба поён расондан <j JJ»L^J ö b L t c*xLg j j jl J_*_» l J ( J t il^ о d^^L-u j 'they brought the meeting to an end after two hours'. 'Stop' (tr.): To stop performing a habitual or repeated act: фиребгари-ро/ фиребидан-ро бас мекунад V J L S J ^ .* JJ Ь 1 jJi^ ^-o ^^U-J I J O ' j .* j ^ * 'be will stop deceiving [us]/ leave off his tricks* (bas 'enough'; as an interjection, 'enough, stop!'); or, using a prepositional phrase with аз jl 'from': агқисса гуфтан/ киссагӯӣ даст кашид л j - - ^ o ^ j ^ ^ ^ ^ ,r> a\ J>J-LS «».% Lo jl'he won't leave us alone/ stop bothering us'. For a machine, etc., to stop (working) is аз кор мондан <j jJiLo j\S j \ (also for a person); to break down (machines and systems) is вайрон шудан <jj-^i ёИ>ел (c^- ^Р xaräb Sudan). The main transitive verb 4o stop, keep, prevent, prohibit' s.o. from doing s.t. is нигоҳ доштан ^ £JJ 6L£ji(see 3.8): ҷӯраҳояш-ро аз рафтори бад нигоҳ медорад lj ( ji-jU6j N> ^ j \ 'he stops his friends misbehaving';

SYNTAX

349

more forceful, 'to prohibit, forbid', with a following Subjunctive: манъ карданд ки равад JJJ <£ J J U J ^ £_l* 'they stopped him going'; монеъ шудан ^±Л ^J»Lo 'to stop, prevent' (lit. 'become a hindrance') is similarly used of non-human obstacles. In spoken Tajik such phrases may be used paratactically: ino-ya man kunit, na-ravan, to rais omadan-as istan (= инхо-ро манъ кунед, нараванд, то раис омадан-аш истанд ^JL* Ijl ^\Л J sto >rrnnjl <ji^j_aT Q " / ' J l^ *^з^н ' J '^) ' P these men leaving till the boss gets here' (lit. 'prevent them, let them not leave, let them stay until the boss's arrival'; the last NP is topicalized, cf. 2.30,4.1). 'Not to let' (cf. 'let', above) may be construed with a following subordinate clause, usually introduced by ki (a purpose clause; see 4.40): (ба ӯ) роҳ/ рухсат надоданд ки равад *\j (jL_») jbjj J ^ J L J ^ 3 'he no longer comes here'.

SUBORDINATE CLAUSES: PREPOSED 4.26

General

A complex sentence may consist of one main and one subordinate clause, or more than one of either or each, e.g.: дар канор-и ҷӯйҳо ниҳолҳо-и навхез сабзида бошанд ҳам ; 1 аз-бас-ки ҳанӯз паҳлу кушода бисьёр соя-дор нашуда буданд,2 аз тобиш-и офтоб... тофтан-и об-и равон-ро монеъ намешуданДд L A ^ J а. jl_l£ j j t j-jjj_j

6 J I*I 'i jlj<_iLiuj j l j in >

'although the newly-sprung saplings along the banks of the channels were already in leafM since with their bare trunks they were not yet very shady2 they did not prevent the running water from growing hot from the heat of the sun'3. This sentence consists of a main clause (Subscript No. 3), two subordinate clauses with finite

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CHAPTER FOUR

verbs (Nos. 1 and 2), and an embedded subordinate clause with a non-finite verb ('from growing hot...'; since this translates as a non-finite verb phrase in English, we will ignore it). Clause No. 1 is identified not by a conjunction, but by a Concessive form of the verb phrase at its end (see 4.34); Clause No. 2 is identified by an initial conjunction; and the main clause by its final position. Word order within subordinate clauses is fundamentally the same as that of main clauses (4.2); a change of subject will be signaled by a new NP or pronoun and, if appropriate, a change in the personal ending of the verb. The sequence of clauses themselves is quite flexible. Coordinate sentences in sequence express as the first clause the event or state that occurs first in point of time, or as a cause or other logical prelude to the second clause (4.11); in a complex sentence combining a main and a subordinate clause, this is frequently, but not necessarily, the case. Subordinate clauses are to the main sentence as adverbs are to verbs; just as adverbs may vary their position in the sentence according to their semantic category (2.46), so different kinds of subordinate clause may typically occur before, after, or embedded within, the main clause. Conjunction formation: The key to understanding subordinate clauses, and in particular their relation to the main clause, is the subordinating conjunction (or phrase). These words and collocations are to clauses as prepositions and postpositions are to NPs; a few conjunctions are even identical with prepositions, more are formed directly from prepositions, and others from prepositional phrases. From a formal and lexical standpoint, there are four types of conjunction: Primitive conjunctions. These are few, and some are formally identical with prepositions: то b 'until, while' (prepn. 4 up to, until'), чун ^j-a/as, when' (prepn. 'like, as'), агар J$>\ 'if. Preposition with Sentential pronoun and ki The preposition precedes, or joins in izofat with, ин ^ 1 'this' or он <jT 'that', or their emphatic forms ҳамин ^\ nftor ҳамон ^LaJb, followed by the all-purpose complementizer ки А £ (cf. sentential complements, 4.15): бо он ки <S^1 L 'for all that..., although', бидун-и ин ки < ü J UJ±i 'without [doing]' (Fr. sans que, Ger. ohne daß; cf. bidun, 2.21).

SYNTAX

351

Sometimes what looks like a complex conjunction of this type is quite a different formulation: {бо ҳамин} ки шод бошанд, машташ, ман ҳам мепӯшам <(Jv.lj n «.rimLjLyu <S {O-J-*-A L ^ ^ ^ ^л <j-* }'if they are pleased with this, fine, I'll wear (it) too'—here ki as the second constituent of the sentence independently stands in for agar 'if (see 4.30, 4.37); the first constituent (which might just as well have been onho 'they') is fortuitously the prepositional phrase bo hamin 'with this'. Prepositional phrase with sentential pronoun and ki. If the phrase ends with the preposition, this directly governs the pronoun: назар ба ин ки « K ' I J L j-laJ» 'in view of the fact that'; if it ends with the noun, this is linked to the pronoun by izofat: 60 вуҷуд-и ин ки «K'ijl J J - ^ J L 'despite the fact that, although' (2.22). This is the most numerous type of conjunction in Tajik, though not the most frequently used. Relative conjunct. In this type, an adverbial phrase—or a reduced form of it, e.g. (дар) вақт-и c J j ( j j ) '(at) the time of —is joined directly to ki with the relative enclitic -e, so that the conjunction appears to be the antecedent of a restrictive relative clause: вақт-е ки «_£ ^ ü j 'the time that...,' i.e., 'when' (4.27). However, it differs from a true relative clause construction in that this "antecedent" is never the subject or object, or any other argument, of the "relative" clause; it is an abstract adverbial conjunct (cf. the relative clause in the sentence vaqt-e, ki guzasi, bar namegardad '(the) time that has passed will not return', and the relative conjunct clause in vaqt-e ki (mo) javon budem, monda namesudem 'when we were young, we didn't get tired'). Relative conjuncts are used especially to introduce adverbial clauses of time and place, but may form other kinds of subordinate conjunction; as between Relative conjunct and Prepositional phrase types, Tajik usage does not always correspond to that of Standard Persian. Indefinite Relative conjuncts (ҳар куҷо I -> 's J_A 'wherever', etc.) bear a similar relation to the antecedents of indefinite Relative clauses; see 4.46. Syntactic alternatives. Many types of finite subordinate clause may be transformed into some kind of non-finite nominalized sentential

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complement (and vice versa); this will be noted where pertinent. For instance, if the subordinate verb is intransitive (even if Composite or Conjunct), it may be reduced to a simple embedded NP of a kind usual also in Persian or English, in two steps: (1) The subordinate VP becomes an Infinitive phrase; (2) The conjunction, if derived from a prepositional phrase, reverts to the prepositional phrase. ғаир а з и н к и шаб-у рӯз ба ҳокимони золим хушомадгуй карда мегардй, дигар корро намедонй. ғаир аз шаб-у рӯз ба ҳокимони

jJLJi ^

золим хушомадгуй карда гаштан

JJJ

j

дигар корро намедонй. 'except for going around day and night saying nice things to oppressive rulers, you know no other trade'. Embedding.

For convenience, finite subordinate clauses are here

arranged under three types: those usually preceding the main clause, those usually following it, and relative clauses, which either follow or are embedded in the main clause. These distinctions are far from absolute: clauses of a type normally preposed may be postposed, and vice versa, in order to redirect the focus of the sentence. Both preposed and postposed subordinate clauses may be embedded (i.e., between a NP and the terminal VP), e.g.: базм-и доираги-ро, {ба сабаб-и он ки овоз-и дойра монанд-и шикастан-и сафолҳо ба гӯш мерасид,} дар Бухоро сафолак ҳам мегуфтанд


-_-; •-;] «Ij^^-S bjl*\j ^J-J

»J^ >L^ Jl \ MI (j * MIS I7I , \ \ \ La 6j_ilj j l j l

,п 'In Bukhara, {since the sound of a tambourine sounds like dinner plates being smashed,} a tambourine party was also called a "crockery"'; ӯро ҳам халифа, ба дараҷа-е {ки каф-и пой-ҳо-яш хуншор шавад,} зад
too, so hard {that the soles of his feet ran with blood}' (Subjunctive).

SYNTAX

4.27

353

Temporal Clauses (1)

The primitive conjunction чун ,jj^ locates a punctual, or habitual, action in past time: чун ӯро дида мондам, суханон-аш ба ёд-ам омад J—Л f jL_f_» ^ii^Lü* ^ ,*jJiLa Ö^JJ IJJI Ö J ^ 'when I caught sight of him, I recalled his words' (сип is literary in register; see also under Circumstantial clauses, 4.30, and 2.19). Most other conjunctions that introduce adverbial clauses of time are of the Relative conjunct type (4.26); punctual actions in the temporal clause are denoted by the Simple Past, habitual or iterative ones by the Durative Past. 'When' (punctual, inc. habitual or iterative action, just before or at the same time as the action of the main clause): вақт-е ки бузғола ба пеш-и модар-аш расид,... тумшуқ-и дароз-и худ-ро ба сина-и ӯ мебурд ... « J - ^ U J ^ J J L - O a t , j

t t

«JLcjj AS

"

lm

*j

JJ_L-A-A j \ \ \\ ...
» ^ 'when the hero flung off the cloak and arose, the sun was spreading his rose-tinted carpet over the eastern rim of the heavens'. Derived from the interrogative kay 'when?' (2.34), кай ки j£ «L£ is used in the spoken language, usually referring to future time quasi-conditionally, 'if and when': кай ки ту пул-ро ёфта додй, озод мешавй ^j«*• j о jl^T <^jb O - Ä L IJ J ^ J ^ <£ ^ 'when you come up with the money, you're free' ('...find and pay'); кай ки биёяд, гӯед, ки ба назд-и ман дарояд <S ^ XJTJJ ^J-O JJJLJ *U$ * >JJ < «Д-JI J\ 'when he comes, tell him to

come and see me' (the tenses of the temporal clause—Simple Past or Present Subjunctive—are the same as would follow agar 'if; cf. Conditionals, 4.35). Word order: In this and most other kinds of temporal clause, the

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subject (whether or not it is the same in both clauses) may precede the conjunction: Абдунабӣ вақто ки бемор шуд, падар-ам ӯро нафоронид Ijjl f jj_» <j_ji jl л j \ aj j^^UI л \ г Л-JJ»! j l i ^ 'when Abdunabi fell ill, my father took a dislike to him' ('caused him not to please him'\foron(i)dan is the causative of foridan 'to please': 5.15, and cf. foram 'pleasing',). (Dar) vaqt-e ki and synonyms may insert the main verb before ki9 producing a kind of pseudo-cleft sentence more closely resembling a relative clause: вақт-е мо ба боло-и кӯпрӯк расидем, ки пароход ба соҳил наздик шуда буд L&1щ~ «j J <we JJ-J 6*i-iii I-S-JJJ-J JÄL^J-J J L Ü ^ J <£ Y-'*-* " ^^Ji^ (J^^-i arrived on the bridge (just) as the steamer neared the bank' ; ҷавон... фақат замон-е аз хоб бедор шуд, ки раҳнамо-и корвон ӯро такон дода... <£ < j_*i, JIA-J-» l < r jLQ U* a ...^Ij-a. ...ÖJIJ fji^> I j j l tjijjlS ^LoJubj 'the youth awoke only when the caravan guide shook him and...'. This device shifts the focus from the main to the subordinate temporal clause (following Щ, cf. temporalfc*introducing a postposed clause, 4.39. Fine-tuning: The point of time may be specified by more precise vocabulary: дам-е ки дӯстон-и сержант Одинаев ба рафиқ-и қаҳрамон-и худ видоъ мекарданд, офтоб-и бегоҳӣ уфуқ-и мағриб-ро шуълавар мекард ^-^jj >- ^LJ^ WJJ <—^ j j 'as Sergeant Odinaev's friends took leave of their heroic companion, a late sun set the western horizon ablaze' (or 'while... were taking leave... was setting'; simultaneous durative actions emphasized by use of dam 'moment' and the Durative Past in both clauses); гаҳ-е, ки кас мусиқи-и дӯстдошта-аш-ро мешунавад, гумон мекунад, КИ... <Jj '\ Mt^-a I j (jbN I MJJ ill injj ^ f l j K I ^ O ,j*i£
... <£ . „r^j л uL°^ 'when a person hears a favorite piece of music, he thinks that..' (gah is a variant of гоҳ 6LS 'time, occasion', and recalls ҳар гоҳ ÖLS jjb 'whenever'; cf. 4.35). A terminus ante quern or post quem may be established with the aid of prepositions: мардумон-аш-ро қатлиом мекунам, то дам-е ки хок ғарқ-и хун шавад (*Lc J^-S I

SYNTAX

355 w

' " rnassacre its populace until the earth is drowned in blood ('until the moment...'; Subjunctive, for an unrealized action). This temporal clause is postposed for emphasis; cf. то Li as a purpose clause conjunction, 4.40; аз дам-е ки асп ба даст-и Шодй ва падар-и вай гузашт,... рӯз аз рӯз фарбеҳ шудан гриифт ^>-и.1 <£ , ^ J ^l 1

CLX&JZ 'from the moment that the horse passed into the possession

of Shodi and his father,... it started to get sleeker by the day'. Az vaqt-e ki, etc., and especially az boz-e ki (cf. 2.23) 'from the time that, since', when referring to a period continuing to the present, require the Present Indicative: аз боз-е ки дар диёр-и Мовароуннаҳр як қавм-и муаззам ба ном-и тоник... истиқомат доранд,... забои ва адабиёт-и Эшон ҳам ривоҷ ёфта омада-аст -k« * *j_s j q \11 P I J J L O J L J j j <_S ^ J L 3I ^л

jjL-ш!

c^.Li-jjl

j

(JLJJ

. . . . J J J I J CL^QI

Q \ Mil . . . ,<\ j

-y Lü ^ L J - J

•z.1^11 UJ-QT 4 " ab j: I j j 'ever since a mighty people called Tajiks have been resident ['are resident'] in the lands of Transoxiana... their language and literature have ['has'] likewise taken a hold (there)'. 'Now that': Present resultative time is expressed using one of two adverbs for 'now', with the Simple Past in the subordinate clause: акнун ки маро боло-и ин кор дастгир кардӣ, май ҳама-аш-ро бояд ба ту ҳикоят карда диҳам j l that you have caught me in the act, I should tell you everything'; ҳоло ки аз най-навозӣ ва нақл-гӯӣ дилгир шуда ба замин ёзида чашм-и худ-ро пӯшид, ин хаёлот аз пештара зиёдтар сар-аш-ро фаро гирифт ^^j-S £i± j ^ j l j ^ ^ j l <_£ VL^ c j - b ^ lj_b I j ^iij-i-u jJijL^ 6JJ1-I1_LJ 'now that, having had his fill of flute-playing and story-telling, he stretched out on the ground and closed his eyes, these fancies took hold of his brain more than before'.

356

4.28

CHAPTER FOUR

Temporal Clauses (2)

Conjunctions specifying a time explicitly simultaneous with, or before or after, the action of the main clause, are mostly built on prepositional phrases and a Sentential pronoun (4.26). Simultaneity: Allowing for rhetoric, punctual actions perceived as happening at the same time as another punctual event are handled similarly to those that happen immediately after another, whether as cause and effect or independently; the examples below all show the Simple Past tense in both clauses: баробар-и ин ки гӯянда сухан-и худ-ро ба поён расонид, аз ҳар тараф-и майдон садо баромад ^ Ц ^ — ^ Ijjj—^. <jJ>—^ bXi^jS A*\\ J _>J1J--> J-ATJJ 1Л*-О u'^-° «-äj-k j ~ * j l '^LUJJ 'at the same time as/ as soon as the speaker ended his address, a shout went up from all sides of the field' ('equal with', etc.; see 2.22, 2.24); ҳамин ки аз театр баромадем, борон cap шуд jJil 1^ 3 ' А ^ *' J * А Li ijx-jj оТ^-» 'as soon as we exited the theater, it started to rain'; то аз роҳрав гузашта, ба миён-и рӯ-и ҳавлй расидам f±±-^j L^J-^ <S3J О^Ч tA "* ""'* ^ JJ-* 1 J J 1 ^ < a s soon as I went through the passageway, I came out (directly) into the courtyard' (i.e., 'the passageway led (me) straight into the courtyard'; the participle stands for a Simple Past, guzaStam\ for то Li see further, 4.29). The Present Indicative is also used: ҳамин ки аз ин рахна дарунтар меравед, фиреб хӯрдан-и худатон-ро мефаҳмед I j jj Ь jj-Ä. 'as (soon as) you go farther into this cleft, you will understand that you have been deceived' ('your being deceived'). 'While' (for present or future time, see то Ь, 4.29). In past time, the Durative Past (in the case of budan 'to be', the Simple Past) after a conjunction meaning 'when' often has the sense 'while': вақт-е ки Copo ин ашӯла-ро дар ҳаво-и рез-и уфар мехонд, Шодӣ ҳам... бо чустй ва чобуки-и гирдбод-монанд дар ҷо-и нишастаги-и худ ҳаракат мекард <j-J I jL^

SYNTAX

357

'while Soro sang this song to the lively rhythm of the air called Ufar, Shodi too... shimmied on the spot with whirlwind-like grace and agility'. A conjunction such as vaqt-e ki may also combine with то b, followed by the Durative past, to mean 'while, all the time that': то вақт-е ки Бибидаҳбошй зинда буд, калонон аз он куча намегузаштанд o^^LS «jj_> ъл±^ о .7>1 х &J ^^-A-J-J <-£ Lf^ij j ^ j' c as long as/ while Bibi Daboshi was alive, the grown-ups never used to go through that street'. To emphasize the simultaneity of durative actions in the past, there is дар ҳолат-е ки 4-S ^JLS^. j j 'while, during the time that, at the same time as' (lit. 'in the situation that...'): дар ҳолат-е ки оташ-и ин тарф ғуррос зада мебаромад ва тахта ба даст-амон буд, монанд-и аспон-и ҳарос чарх мезадем j j LS

j

^

'at the same time as this firework was blazing, (still) holding the platform we were wheeling around like startled horses' ('while the firework was... and the platform was in our hands,...'). It may also take a negated verb, in which case it has a concessive nuance: дар ҳолат-е ки худаш даст-аш-ро ба об-и сард намезад,... чорьяккорон-аш-ро бар ин кор фармуд IJ not putting his own hands into the cold water, he had his... sharecroppers do the work'. 'Before': The conjunction пеш аз он ки «ulJ»7 jl о Ц ^ 'before', since it necessarily denotes an action unrealized at the time of the main clause (even in past time), requires the Subjunctive: Петр пеш аз он ки равад, хотир-и ҳануз дуруст осуда-нагирифта-и ятими-и бе-кас-у кӯй-ро ҷамъ карданӣ шуд j \ * before he left, Petr set about reassuring the homeless waif, who was not yet entirely free of anxiety'; пеш аз он ки хӯрок хӯрӣ, дастҳо-ят-ро шӯ £\jj-L
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more literary synonym is the Arabic borrowing қабл аз он ки <1Л j \ J-J* (for both, cf. 2.21). 'After': The most common equivalent, баъд аз он(-е) ки j \ J *1 4_£ ^ Т ^1 j_Ä_i\ 3J>LL j j

e i l J j J7ij l A j ' u n S J-J j $ MI »
returned to the city, Rashidov moved in with us'; баъд-е ки овоз-ам-ро баланд кардам, баргашта омаданд А £ ^ j *_» JJU—Л 4 Л MI ^j-> «f^^-S лМ j I j f ^IjT 'after I raised my voice, they turned back'. The more literary synonym is пас аз он ки
\

t j

< , 9jK"i

^JLIO!

4 t Ijjl ^5-lj-^ 'after/ when the boy

had loaded the sacks onto the cart, the proprietor invited him into his house'. Either Simple Past or Pluperfect may follow these conjunctions in past time. In present sequence, the tense is Indicative and according to sense: баъд-е ки чашм-и писарак пӯшида мешавад, духтар аз ҷо-яш хеста, гул-и пажмурд-ро аз таг-и сар-аш гирифта м е п а р т о я д ^yii-jL^. j \ j " ^ л - j j — » ^ *-•* * -*«j * <-^j щ л л *t ^
<-Sii 3I IJUJJ-^O^J J £
boy's eyes close, the girl gets up, takes the wilted rose from his brow and throws it away'.

4.29

The Conjunction to

A semantic extension of the preposition то Li 'up to, as far as, until' (2.19), this conjunction (also то ин/ он ки
SYNTAX

359

are clarified by means of the tenses and aspects of verbs in each clause, and whether they are affirmative or negative. The sense 'until', denoting the culmination of a process or the result of a repeated action, is expressed in a postposed clause introduced by то (он КИ) (<^T) Li: see 4.41. The four functions in which то Li introduces a preposed clause are as follows. 'By the time...': The overtaking of one act or process by another involves то Li in a preposed clause with either a Simple or a Durative past: ин ним санг роҳ-ро то гузашта омадам, ки вақт ним-и шаб шуд л j \ CJ-SJ «LS <^J-*I * ~ "j_S Ь I j b l j •<**•-* у» ^ 1 ±JL> -_' - - 'by the time I (had) covered this four-kilometer distance, 3 it was midnight' (a Conjunct verb in the temporal clause, lit. 'having passed, came'; note that a subject or object NP may precede то Li; ki is redundant, presumably emphatic); то он ки вай аз даҳлез-и хона-и калон ва худ-и хона мегузашт, ман ба модар-ам на-фаҳмонида, оҳиста ба мадон-и торик даромада руст шудам 4J»Ll ,*j ^ j a'^S ^J»L_a. J__J_AJ j l <_£j <£JT Li Q?JJ

^ j i ^ , ,,,j 'by the time he had passed through the vestibule of the house and the inner room, I had—without letting on to my mother—quietly made my way to the dark pantry and hidden there' (Simple Past in both clauses). 'So long as... not': то вазифа-и худат-ро тайёр на-кунй, берун на-равӣ csjjJ» uJj^i 'LT^L J C ^ ' J ^ » J J ^ ^LUUJ Li 'so long as you don't do your homework, you don't go out/ you don't (get to) go outside until you've done your homework'. This use of то Li with a negated dependent verb, referring to an unfulfilled condition, is very common. The time index is that of a period during which an action is not accomplished; idiomatic English usually prefers 'not... until', transforming it into the corresponding frame of a terminal point at which the action is accomplished. The sequence Present Subjunctive—Present Indicative is that of a Possible Condition; see 4.35. Further examples: то ки Восеъ-ро ба даст на-афтонед..., фатҳнома навиштан-и шумо барвақт аст I J ^ - L J J А—£ Li 3

Sang is short fox far sang, a measure of distance, approx. 7 km.

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you have Vose' in your grasp, your victory proclamation is premature' ('so long as you do not cause V. to fall into your hands...'); то бисер такрор на-кунӣ, забон-и тоҷики-ро ёд намегирй <_£j_A_£LJ^U^

J

Lj I j j ^ i j - ^ Ь JJLJJ t^\^%> j l j i j JLJ-JUU-J ^ *until/

unless you practice a lot, you won't learn Tajik'; то амир-ро зада нест на-кунем, ман яроқ-ро аз даст намепартоям U 'until we destroy the emir, I shall not lay down my arms' (nest kardan 'to annihilate'). 'While' (see also 4.28): Simultaneity of actions or states is expressed by a preposed clause introduced by то (вақт-е ки) (<£ ^^ j ) b with а durative tense in the Indicative: то зинда-ам нон-ам-ро < 6 ёфта мехӯрам fjj-*> ^ -^^ b f ^ ^ * f ' ^ j Ls'so long as I live I will earn my bread' ('find and eat'); то реша дар об аст, умед-и самар аст ^ ...I j^h L*j ^< ^-> ••! C-JT J J <( .^»j Ь 'while the root is wet, there's fruit there yet' (prov.); то вақт-е ки ӯ саволнома-ро пур мекард, мо ran мезадем jl <_S ^ " «j Li f j j j ^ ^_^ Lo «JJ^^^Q J J lj«L-J-Ulj-^'while he filled out the form, we chatted/...was filling out...were chatting'. 'As far/ much as, to the extent...': In literary style, with the Present Subjunctive of modal verbs or idioms: то тавонй, дониш омӯз <J£IJIIJ «^jJJ^ Ь 'as far as you can, learn knowledge'. 4.30

Circumstantial Clauses

Adverbial clauses which elucidate the background to an action ('since/ as...'), or cite the cause, usually precede the main clause. (For postposed clauses of Explanation, see 4.39.) The temporal conjunction чун <J^A 'when' (4.27) may also mean 'since': чун омадан-и шумо ба ман маълум набуд, наомадам ^a_oLj <jj i l *jL*

a ^j-ft-» Lo-iii (jjL-oT jj^a/since I was not aware that

you were coming/ had come, I did not come'. More literary is азбаски 4_£ U>M1 J\ 'forasmuch as, since, as' (unusually, this transparent compound is written as one word in Cyrillic, as is its counterpart in English; whereas the preference in Perso-Arabic is for three separate words):

SYNTAX

361

азбаски шумо телеграмма надодед, мо аз омадан-атон хабар надоштем j ; ^ <j\ Ты Л j \ L* *J-JJIJJ» 'as you didn't send a telegram, we had no notice of your arrival'; азбаски кор-и бисер доштам, ба хона-и падар-ам рафта натавонистам 4-U>j ^jj.» ^JiL-Ц» --" •*.! у J ^"

« -- * j L £ <S ^и^ з '

in'ilj—lj 'since 1 had a lot of work (to do), I could not go to my

father's house'. The prepositions барои 'for' and бинобар j_i Ll.» 'on account o f (2.20) also form circumstantial conjunctions with a Sentential pronoun and ki: барои он ки Зайнаб ба ҳадд-и балоғат расидагӣ буд, нафақа-и муайяншуда чандон калон набуд ^ \*j «L_£ <JT ^^Н JJ-J-J ^Ы^ (jljJtÄ. 6j-*i j n o *< \ \ \ «JJ-J ^ ^ j j mj о-»-с>Ц Ы\ -\ I 'since

Zaynab had reached maturity, the subsidy allotted was not all that much'. In most conjunctions of this structure, if the main clause is shorter (and less important) than the subordinate clause it may be preposed, and the meaningful component of the conjunction embedded before the verb (i.e., as an adverbial part of the VP), which is followed by ki: ман ба назд-и падарам бинобар он на-даромадам, ки дар он ҷо одамон-и но-шинос ҳам буданд ^Т j->l *i > f j ^ ^3-Ц> с*-* JJIJJ_J fjb ^ h

.7.L> ^LQJT 1 ?*iT j j

<S *^л-оТ j ^ 'I did not join my

father because there were also people I did not know with him/ the reason I did not join my father was that...' (cf. Word order, 4.27). Conversely, if the subordinate clause is not too long and complex, it may be nominalized as an Infinitive (phrase) and attached by izofat to the base preposition: бинобар аз ҳад зиёд калон будан-и сар-аш... ...^j

.>. (jjj-i J L J J ^ j \ J_J LL_» 'on account of his head being

inordinately large/ because his head was...' (cf. Syntactic alternatives, 4.26). Acceptance of, or accommodation to, a circumstance is expressed by a conjunction built on a borrowed Arabic VP (in a Relative conjunct; 4.27): модом-е ки вай омад, ман мемонам *,±-Л 'so long as he's come/ seeing that he's here, I'll stay'. Note that (1) though the sense of the temporal clause is resultative ('since it has happened, as a result...'), the tense is usually Simple Past, not Perfect; (2) modom-e ki does not bear the literal sense of 'as

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long as, all the time that'; this is rendered by дар ҳолат-е ки j j <£ ^ U (4.28) or то Li (4.29). More explicit are various conjunctions built on prepositional phrases incorporating a word for 'cause' or 'reason' or a specific intellectual or emotional impetus (cf. 2.22): аз сабаб-и о н ки боришот хеле зиёд шуд, киштзорҳо зарар-и калон диданд ri ^ ..» j l >LiijL 'because there were very heavy rains, the fields suffered great damage' (lit. 'from reason of the fact that...'); ман ба гумон-и ин ки борон cap шуда-аст, або пӯшидам «си-uJ ьл •* ^ - ^ <jl j L <Ъ\Л р\ ^<> j ^ »л j tnj,j I /г 'thinking that it had started to rain, I put on a raincoat' ('with the notion that...'). Similar are: аз тарс-и/ хавф-и он ки <_S <jT ^Jj A\ o - j ^ j ' 'out of fear that', ба умед-и ин/ он ки <£ <jT \ j ^ l a-^L 'in hopes that', ба хаёл-и ин/ он ки <_S <jT \ u-J Jl j X \ 'imagining that' ('with the fancy that...'), дар орзу-и OH'ICH <S^1 (jjjjl j j , ба майл-и он ки a "n 'with the intention/ purpose of...'; since these express unrealized or speculative occurrences, they are followed by the Present or Past Subjunctive (3.25-26): ба умеди ин ки зудтар расам, ба асп

савор шудам г л — j l j

•» •__* • •!; >~ -j > J J J J <S-AJI •* j

^ 1 <ь

'hoping to arrive sooner, I went on horseback'; ба хаёли о н ки офтоб баромада бошад, либос пӯшида аз хона берун рафтам АЛ_Ь j 'imagining that the sun would/ must have risen, I dressed and went outside'. 4.31

Substitution of ki in Preposed

Clauses

Temporal and circumstantial conjunctions, and occasionally other adverbial conjunctions (see Conditionals, 4.37), if the meaning is clear from the context, may be replaced simply by ки < £ 'that' as the second constituent of the preposed subordinate clause: моҳ-и май ки ба Душанбе омадам, ҳаво гарм буд <^J-Л < \ \ .*• J J «Ц <£ , ^ бЬ> JJ_I AJ S IJ-Ä 'In May when I came to Dushanbe, the weather was warm' (temporal); ин ҷо ки ҳаво гарм аст, харбуз-у тарбуза ҳам

SYNTAX М е р ӯ Я Н Д J - J - j j j ^ j - o льА 6 j j _ j j j j

j j _ j j - a . *•-< -^ Pj-^

363 I j - Л 4-

'since the weather is warm here, even melons and watermelons grow' (circumstantial; this might also be stated just as indirectly in English: 'here, where the weather is warm,...'). Sometimes ki appears as the third constituent (e.g., after both subject and object of the subordinate clause): усто гӯшаш-ро ки тобид, фиребгариро бас мекунад j - ä ^ ^ ^ o ^^U-J I j (_gj s 11 j

s « J L->LJ 4_£ I J ^ J M «^13—S I _ J (UJ! 'once the

watchmaker twists its ear, it will stop its tricks' (lit. 'twisted', Simple Past, as in a possible Conditional; cf. 4.35. For ustoy see 5.22). The first constituent of the sentence forms a prosodic unit with ki and the rest of the clause; there is no pause between them when spoken and, properly, no comma when written. In Cyrillic, however, such clauses are often punctuated like Relative clauses (even though Tajik grammarians distinguish between the two), with a comma following the initial constituent (see 4.42): ман[,] ки на ҷо-и рафтанӣ доштам, на раҳои-ро, ҳайрон монда будам *-" —I *^'»" ' a j <_$Ц> <^ <-£ о-« *jj_j 6jJ»L_e tjlj « ^ J J c r j l j b j О 'since I had nowhere to go and no

means of escape, I was bewildered'. The word or phrase preceding ki may be almost any sentence constituent except the VP, whether NP subject or object, or an adverbial phrase (see the first examples above); the stratagem is valid for any time frame and for sentences with the same or different subjects: онҳо ки хобиданд, омада, ба ман гуфта медиҳӣ <JJJJ_A_JJ-JL д * <£ l J U LJ»j_cT'when w e learned of

his arrival/ realized he had arrived, we all got up'; бой ки ба Қаршӣ сафар карда буд, ҳавли-и берун хомӯш ва ором меистод ^ L J 4

as the rich man had gone on a trip to Qarshi, the outer area of the mansion was ['stood'] quiet and peaceful'. In same-subject sentences it may be hard to gauge whether a given ki clause of this type is primarily temporal or circumstantial in sense, or even whether it is not structurally a Non-restrictive Relative clause

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(4.43): духтарча, ки дар гирд-у пеш-и худ модар-и худ-ро наёфт, ба гирья даромад jjL* jj_jk o t . 1 ^» j jj_S j j «_£ <
. . . « i l j i^tJ ^ j l a S j j j \ < S L J T j l JJJU-J

(jj

'after he passed [the village of] Two Forges,... he took the Isfara road' (cf. 4.29). 4.32

Adverbial Clauses of Place, Manner, Degree

Also using ki in some form of Relative conjunct or with a Sentential pronoun are clauses of place, manner (including comparison and Speculative simile), and degree. Place: The classic formulation is as a Relative clause containing an anaphoric pronominal phrase such as Id (dar) on jo 'in which place': баъд мода-саг бар хоста, оҳиста-оҳиста пеш-и дарвоза рафт, ки дар он ҷо як охур-и кӯҳна буд J %-* t j l j j 4-S *•" »-ftj b j ' j j ^ ( j " ' i < 4-.Г< «ii AI A "imtf>T* A ~\ MI LL t S i n6jLo

J^-J < \Q <> j-Ll i-l-i L k 'then the bitch got up and very slowly went over to the gate, where there was an old stable'. The clause in this case is postposed (as here) or embedded (see 4.42). 'Where, somewhere' without an antecedent, as a preposed adverbial clause, is rendered by ҷо-е K H ^ ^ U , generally with

SYNTAX

365

a locative or directional preposition, '(at/ to/ from) the place which': дар ҷо-е ки о б ҳаст, дар он ҷо ҳам ҳаёт мебошад ^ Ц . j j J-^LJ^

ciiL^k jbA LaJiT j j «irj-buJb t_jT «i^'where there is water,

there too is life'; то ҷо-е ки тасма-и узангу мерасид, худ-ро пас кашидам СУ±-л I J J > 1 <Л \ " « j ^ ju^jjl s *--~ <£ ^ Ц L f.i j Л.^ 'I pulled myself back to where the saddle-strap reached'; аз ҷо-е ки омадй, ба ҳамон ҷо бар гард <^л^1 <S ^ L ^ j \ j^Sj-i Ц. OLA^-» 'go back to where you came from' (lit. 'from the place that you came, go back to the same place'; the first preposition is attached to the main clause NP antecedent instead of a subordinate clause copy, but the sense remains clear). This type of clause may also be embedded parenthetically: дар рӯ ба рӯ-и қалъа..., ҷо-е ки ин об ба Сурхоб мерезад,... j j 'opposite the fortress..., where this stream flows into the Surkhob,...'; or postposed, if it is lengthy or requires emphasis: вай дар ҷо-е пинҳон шуда-аст, ки сарбозон чил сол кобанд ҳам, ёфта наметавонанд * < ^ » > •! 6j Д d "* *а| ' *j»Jb j-l-»L£ J L U J ^ (j\ jLjj-L^'he hid somewhere (that) the soldiers, though they searched for forty years, would not be able to find (him)' (cf. 4.26, Word order; for Concessive ham, see 4.34). Manner and comparison: Clauses describing the manner in which an action is performed bear affinities, on the one hand, to comparisons ('in the manner of, like') and on the other, result clauses ('so... that' and 'so that'). This section deals with the former, in which the content or basis of the comparison is stated, and which are normally preposed and have their verb in the Indicative. These include the parenthetical introductory reference of the type: тавр-е ки дар пешгуфтор-и китоб ёд-овар мешавад, ӯ аз байн-и солҳо-и с и ю м ба гирд-овари-и ин афсонаҳо машғул буда-аст j l j b b ^jl ~ <, 6jj_j JJJLA_Ö U o L J l 'as is mentioned in the preface to the book, he undertook the collection of these folk tales during the thirties', чунон ки аз гуфта-и бузург-солон шунидем,...

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fji\ MI<J3-J SLLLS j l «t^Lla/as we have heard from the accounts given by older people,...', чунон-е ки ҳангом-и барраси-и лоиҳа...узв-и ҳаиат-и корй... иброз дошт the member of the working committee... observed during study of the bill' (the enclitic -e on cunon, by analogy with vaqt-e, tavr-e, etc., is redundant; cf. candon-e below). Clauses that compare the activity of the main clause to another typical, real-world activity often have their verb in the Aorist of general validity (3.9): чунон ки мурғҳо-и хонагй хокбозй кунанд, онҳо ба сар-и сина-ашон ба барф хобида,... барфҳо-ро ба зер-и болҳо-шон пош медоданд Ijl

о flj-j ...46J—J_JIJ_Ä 'just as

domestic fowl take dust-baths, so these [birds] lay down on their breasts in the snow... and scattered the snow beneath their wings' (cf. cunon as an adverb, 2.47); хар-он ҳам шӯра-ҳо-и биёбон-ро, ба тарз-е ки бачагон қанд-ро маканд, бо шавқ-у завқ мехоиданд <jj—^ Ь «J^-f I ja-15 'the donkeys chewed the desert bracken with abandon, as children lick candy'. If the main clause is appreciably shorter than the subordinate clause, it may be preposed, with the VP embedded between the parts of the conjunction: ӯ ин кор-ро тавр-е мекард, ки одамон-и ҷавон дар кӯча ва боғҳо... мекунанд I j j l £ j ^ l j l did this in the way that/ just like young people do it in the streets and parks'. Clauses which make a speculative or counterfactual comparison often put the verb in the Present or Past Subjunctive or the Conditional: худ, ба тарз-е ки ягон хидмат-и муҳим-ро бо муваффақият адо карда омада бошад, қамчин-аш-ро бозй дошта ба сарой даромад I j l f » CJ-«JL^ ^ K J AS ^J^JLJ

JJJL

'he himself, with the air of one who had successfully carried out some important assignment, entered the courtyard

SYNTAX

367

flourishing his horsewhip' ('in the manner that... he might have...'); мисл-и он ки пешакӣ маслиҳат карда бошем,... <£^1 JIL-e ... n ^^ni J J 'as if we had consulted in advance'; якчанд нафар, ба тарз-е ки бинанда онҳо-ро мурда гумон мекард, хобида буданд <£ ^jjJa-j< jjj» t ' t ; < j 1 1 j_jjj_j 6,\ >Jj-A. <jj-S^_ö <jLo_S 6jj-^o I jL^JiT у ' " * 'one or two persons were sleeping so [soundly] that an onlooker would think them dead'. Speculative similes: A frequent rhetorical device in Tajik is an extension of the speculative clause of manner as illustrated above, introduced mostly by the verbal adjective гӯё L j

S'as if (to say)' (3.39),

before or after ки «_£, and usually followed by a Present or Past Subjunctive: Хадиҷа, гӯё ки ҳодиса-е руй на-дода бошад, ба гапҳо-и ӯ гӯш накард ^JJ

^ I O J L ^ J-S -* ^ j j ^

' (_gl о \^\ t j-JiL 6JIJ-IJ 'Khadija, as though nothing had happened, did not listen to what he said'; рақс-и ин духтар-и симбар чунин аст, ки гӯё товус мехиромида бошад 'this lovely girl dances like a peacock sauntering' ('the dance of... is such, that one might say a peacock had sauntered'). Since the simile is usually the center of focus, that clause is frequently postposed. The clause may also be treated as a sentential complement, with the verb in the Present (Progressive) Indicative (as the tense used by the observer; see 4.15): қушбегӣ худ-ро чунон нишон медод, ки гӯё ин аҳвол-ро дар умр-и худ нахустин бор шунида истода-аст <£ < J I J ^ О^*-^ ö j - ^ ' J^J^ с ^ ^ LA$-* 'the chief minister pretended he was hearing about all this for the first time in his life' ('showed himself such, that one might say he is hearing...'); Бибиоиша худ-ро ба Ибод чунон намуд, ки гӯё... Одина-ро ба хона-и хӯҷайн-аш рафта мепиндошт .^. .7.1 л\ >^ ^ 4 J ü j u r. \ ' ^ j ^ LLL1«LJIJ4JL_JJT 'Bibioisha appeared to Ibod to think that Odina had gone to his master's house' (Past Durative, 'seemed such that she was thinking...').

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A colloquial alternative to guyo ki is xud{d)-i ki: ӯ, худ(д)-и ки маро намешиносад, аз назд-ам нигоҳ накарда гузашта 4 "i MI Л ^ 6 J ^ - J öLS-I» (*Jj-J j l ' * '"1 *' '"

'he went past me without a glance, as if he didn't know me* (lit. 'the selfsame as if; for xud, see 2.32; for the double d, see 1.8, Arabic geminates). Other conjunctions and verbal formulas are: мисл-и ин ки он бозича каждум... бошад 4_£ ^ f .4 ? j j L ^T 'as if the toy were a scorpion' (misl-i, 2.21); борон чунон ки аз чандон ҳазор сатил ба якбора об мерехта бошад, бо шиддат меборид jl * < ^1 'i ^ ö^L* ILJ ^ **» "^ ' j ^ " I^JT 6 J L > I \

\ <-_i J*** "•

'it rained hard, as if a thousand buckets of water had suddenly been emptied'; фақат сарди-и оҳан «ман дар даст-ат, ҳушъёр бош!» гуфтагӣ барин ӯ-ро хабардор кард jj-S jlj^_i-i 'only the coldness of the iron alerted him, as though saying "I am in your hand, be vigilant!"' (the simile nominalized; cf. Pseudo-direct speech, 4.18). Märap jJL_o, lit. Mf not', is used to introduce a speculation ('perhaps, as it were'): падар вақт-и гуфтан-и ин суханон-и афсӯс-хӯрона ангушт-он-аш-ро хам-у рост мекард, магар ӯ дар моҳ ба ҳар сад танга чанд танга афтодан-и он фоида-и сангин-ро ҳисоб карда медид ^\ ^ " Q < OJ-5

/as he spoke these woeful words, [his] father kept crooking and straightening his fingers, perhaps trying to count the number of tangas lost on every hunrdred tangas per month of that hefty profit1. Degree and Reciprocal clauses: Reciprocal increase is expressed by чӣ қадар/ ҳар қадар ки
SYNTAX

369

JL 'It seemed to me fin my view'], the more guests arrived and the later they stayed, and the more food was on the table, the happier [the hostess] w a s ' ^ a p қадар ки ресмон тоб хӯрда, дароз мешуд, ҳамон қадар ҳам Шодӣ паснокӣ аз пеш-и модар-аш дуртар мерафт J

л

c u i j ^ J - ^ J J J o*"j ' 'Ле more the cord unwound and lengthened, the farther behind his mother Shodi was left'. 'So (much)... that...' is чандон/ он қадар... ки \ ^ Ь \ ^ <£ ... j aiJiT; it generates a variety of result clause, which is usually postposed (see further, 2.47, 4.40): ҷанг чандон кун, ки ба сулҳ ҷой бошад J-J.L ^ Ц . ^ J I A J <_$ ,<^£ ^< г ^ . < ^ 'make war (in) such (a way) that there is room for peace' (Subjunctive, so arguably a purpose clause); домулло... чандон-е хандид, ки ҲИҚИЧОК ГИрифта... «^1

а

AJb 4—S - * j i'» ^

f

,-jl.ri^ ...S^

ob

...<^-fl^S 'the learned cleric... laughed so hard that he got hiccups, and...' (candon appears to have accrued a redundant Relative enclitic; cf. cunon-e under Manner, above); Давлат чандон ғамгин буд, ки намегирист-у халос 4—$ «jj«. ^ j < о c ^ l . r ^ CLJJJ ^^ü—L j о < i> j j - S ^^oJt*Davlat was so miserable that she didn't even cry'. Other conjunctions of degree are prepositional phrases using андоза ö j l ^ l 'extent', дараҷа A ^jj 'degree', or хад(д) "*» 'limit' (for the orthography of the latter, see 1.8, Arabic geminates): ӯро ба андоза-е чӯб заданд, ки тоқат-и он надошт Ijjl .-*.*.!.%', <jT cüJalis 4^ i ^ j j ^ > ^ ^ U ^ l ^ L 'they beat him until/ so hard that he could not bear it'; фарбеҳи-аш ба дараҷа-е буд, ки... худ вазн-и худ-ро бардошта баромада наметавонист ^ - ' ^ l j " u ~'>'big obesity was such ['to a degree'] that... he could not manage to lift his own weight'; ман хеле монда шудам, ба хадд-е ки аз ҷой ҷумбида наметавонам 6jJil—a u i j ^ ^ f^lj^^yj^i * ^у^ ( ^ Ц 3' ^ t/ 1 " : »f «ьЙГт so very tired, that I can't move from the spot'; alternately, ман ба ҳадд-е монда

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шудам, ки 'As much as, to the extent that' with a VP is formulated as follows: чй қадар ки (ме)хоҳй, ҳамон кадар гир «_£ J-A-LA, j-.л К JSJA <jl—O_Ä «^^-AI^-^^-A) 'take as much as you want'; чй қадар ки хизмат кунед/ кардед, ба ҳамон андоза мукофот м е д и ҳ а н д б \lj-ll л ! < • > д J * J_»J >-£ \ Л i "Л «.г.* д j А» «_£ jj_Ja <л.

j-Ubj^-A I^UIS-Ä 'you will be recompensed to the extent that you serve/ have served'. 4.33

Miscellaneous Adverbial Clauses

The following conjunctions of the Prepositional Phrase type are uniformly preposed (or embedded), and put the subordinate verb in the Indicative for a real action and in the Subjunctive for a speculative or non-accomplished action. Equivalent English idioms frequently use the gerundial '-ing'. Care must be taken in some cases not to be misled by a literal gloss. These conjunctions are considered stylistically literary, and are not frequently used. Equivalent expressions may usually be obtained by linking the corresponding preposition or prepositional phrase to an Infinitive or action noun phrase: ба ҷо-и шикор рафтан, вай китоб мехонд J ^ I J - ^ . ^ ^ 1 " < fj3

«(iH-flj J K M . ^ I ? /instead of going

hunting, he read (a book)'. 'Without-ing': Бибиоиша то як ҳафта, бе он ки овоз-е баланд кунад, чун мӯ-и оташдида ба худ мепичид b ^ л-Л * ^ ^ 'for a whole week Bibioisha, without raising a cry, writhed about like a hair recoiling from a flame'. 'Instead of-ing': ба ҷо-и он ки дар киштзор буда, ба кор-и ҳосилғундорӣ машғул бошанд, дар пеш-и ҳавли-и Арбобрӯзй гирд омада буданд jJij^j 6j—ÄTJJ-S ^ J J J WJLJJI 'instead of working in the fields, busily gathering in the harvest, they had flocked round to Arbobruzi's house' (the participle-gerund buda anticipates the finite, Subjunctive, verb bosand).

SYNTAX

371

'Other than, except for, apart from -ing': ғаир аз ин ки шаб-у рӯз ба ҳокимон-и золим хушомадгӯӣ карда мегардй, дигар корро намедонй ^JLU j ' ~
3

ч

. A *<\;1 j l j _«

Л

т

L ^ Lf^ hj& Ä f J c k A i ^ ± 6 J ^ с л ^ ^ - ° u ^ J ^ 'except for going around day and night saying nice things to oppressive rulers, you know no other trade' (this sentence is contrasted with a nominalized version in 4.26). Variants of the conjunction are ba gayr az in/ on ki. 'In addition to, as well as -ing': илова бар он ки забон-и араби-ро комилан медонад, шеър ҳам мегӯяд ^ L j «LSJT ^-> &j^ * J L J J - S ^ ^ ^jfc j-a-Ä* « J J J J ^ }JLoL£ l j L r j j _ c 'as well as knowing Arabic perfectly, he composes poetry too'. 'Apart from [hisj -ing, disregarding the fact that...; although...': сарф-и/ қатъ^и назар аз он ки деҳқонони тоҷик хуб меҳнат карданд, нақшаи истеҳсоли пахта иҷро нагардид Л ^ 'despite the fact that the Tajik farmers worked with a will, the cotton harvest quota was not attained'. 4.34

Concessive Clauses

Clauses of Concession may be introduced by any of three conjunctions, and their variants, meaning '(al)though, despite the fact that': агар чй I, ҳар чанд л\ъ. J-A, бо (вуҷуд-и) ин/ он ки <>J (jj-^j) L - They may also be signaled at the end of the clause by an idiom using the adverb ҳам р-ъ and the Subjunctive; and by a combination of the two. The verb is usually in the Present or Past Subjunctive, according to time reference; though if it refers to a real event in the past, it can take an Indicative tense (see individual notes). The concessive clause may be embedded after an initial constituent of the main clause, as in several examples below. Examples: агар чй пештар шумо-ро на-дида бошам, ном-и шумо ба ман маълум буд/>L» * ^ L ъд-л^ ljL*_ii, j ~\ .7, JJ «La^f J^J fjbLjb t^j^ I o .7,'even though I hadn't seen you before, your name was familiar to me' (Subjunctive, since it remains true that a previous sighting did not take place; cf. the next example but one). This

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conjunction has the poetical variants rap чй 4-^j—S and ар чй «L^JI (cf.arap ^ I'if, 4.35). Ҳарчанд J-I^J-Л 'however (much)' is one of a class of indefinite Relative terms (ҳар кузқо ' ~ < J_Ä 'wherever', etc.; see 4.46), which are often concessive in sense: гурба ҳарчанд кӯшиш карда бошад, муш-ро дошта натавонист < j — i b 6jj_£ o t . ,T,J_S Л 'i^jJb <-jj-k (.г-н., 'ilj-1^ «LJL^IL I j ^iij-e 'however (hard) the cat tried, it could not catch the mouse' (indefinite Relatives, being mostly speculative, tend to take the Subjunctive). Despite its literal meaning, harcand is used for 'although' in general: ман ҳарчанд Бухоро на-рафта бошам, ва ба корҳо-и Ҳукумат-и Халқи-и Шурои-и Бухоро бевосита иштироқ на-карда бошам ҳам, тамоман аз вай дур будан-ро На-ХОСТаМ iCi-д j i l a . ^gL&jK \ j <^iiLj 4 J fljJ I L

I j o^j-t 'although I had never been to Bukhara, and had not directly participated in the affairs of the People's (Soviet) Republic of Bukhara, I did not want to be completely aloof from it' (Subjunctive; a negative fact, still valid at the time of speech). Similar are the variants (а)гар-чанд-е (ки) ^..r^j-S \ ^ J ' I ^ J J S I (<£): агарчанд-е ки дар очерк-нависй чандон маҳорат надошта бошам ҳам, ман ин хоҳиш-ро бо хурсандй қабул кардам f J j-^ J j ; д ^.Г> ...j-^ L I J O L _ A I J ^ <jjl 'although I didn't have that much skill in writing essays, I gladly accepted this request' (Subjunctive; the lack of skill presumably remains in force. For ham, see below); гарчанд-е

ки ӯ-ро даҳ сол надида будам, зуд шинохтам

Р" ^ I \ м, J J J \ Ч > I J L > J jl

LS^'^J-^

^ J-^J-^ «J-^l 6J-^ 'though they are/have

been cast of clay and concrete, they remind one of real marble' (Indicative Non-Witnessed Perfect, an actual fact). Built on a prepositional phrase (2.22), bo vujud-i in/ on ki is literally 'with the existence of this, that...', i.e., 'for all [its] being...': бо вуҷуд-и

SYNTAX

373

он ки Шарофатхола қариб 60 зимистон-у тобистон-ро аз cap гузаронида-аст, вай одам-е хеле камгап буд < ^ рТ JJ - J ' * 'despite having put behind her nearly sixty winters and summers, Sharofatkhola was a very taciturn person' (Non-Witnessed Perfect Indicative in the Concessive clause; Simple Past of direct experience in the main clause). Reduced to its prepositional phrase, this concessive may govern a nominalized clause with an Infinitive: б о вуҷуд-и аҳамият на-додан-аш... JJ a.j L» ...(jLJ»jl jJ» d i j nftl 'despite her not paying attention (to it)...' (cf. also ham below). This conjunction has several shortened variants: бо он ки вай-ро шахсан хабар карда будам, ба меҳмонй наомад I J L ^ 4 J S J > I L J-OLJI ^ l . f t j n\ <^J>J 6 j ^ l j n

1 1 ^\ in* although I told him personal-

ly, he did not come to the reception'; б о ҳама-и ин ки ман ҳам хеле гурусна будам, нисф-и наҳори-ро хурда на-тавонистам J^ ;\ 'for all that I was very hungry too, I couldn't eat half of the breakfast'. Occasionally a concessive sense emerges sufficiently from two juxtaposed clauses without a conjunction, the verb of the first being in the subjunctive: сад азм-у ахд кунӣ, аз таг-и ин дела-ҳо даромада на-метавонй Ö J ^ - J J J LA4-LJ ^ l L^

J\ « ^ - ^ л <j r j f j — ^ J - - Ö

^Jil^j^^-oJi'leven if] you make a hundred promises and protestations, you can never get out from under this red tape' (cf. Conditionals without 'if, 4.38). In order to focus attention on the concessive clause, it may be postposed: Маҷнун ба Лайлй айб-и но-ҳақ мегузорад, бо вуҷуд-и он ки Лайлй Маҷнун-ро тарк на-карда-аст ^,-LJ L» ouuul 'Majnun unfairly blames Layli, even though Layli did not desert Majnun [—it was M. who deserted L.]\ A weaker concessive clause (already illustrated under Disjunctive conjuncts, 4.14) that is usually postposed is obtained with hoi on ki 'whereas (in fact)' (lit. 'the state [being] that...'): модар писар-аш-ро сарзаниш кард, ҳол он ки писар дар ин ҳодиса айбдор набуд

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J» 4he mother scolded her son, whereas in fact he was not to blame in this incident'. The relative conjunct дар сурат-е ки ^ " j j •- j j A £, lit. 'in the case/ situation where',when postposed, may have the same sense (for this conjunction in a Conditional sentence, see 4.38). Frequent and peculiar to Tajik is the concessive use of the adverb ҳам fj& 'also, even' following a clause-final Subjunctive: ҳаво хунук на-бошад ҳам, барф ба донаҳо-и калон-калон-и лаклакй меборид ^£KJ <j}L£ fj^iS ^1_л<и»Ь L» LJJ_J I^A Л ,7,1 л ,< i A IJ_Ä л-ijLjj^o 'although the weather was not cold, the snow was falling in large, fluffy flakes'; одамон хомӯш истода бошанд ҳам, аз нигоҳ-ашон аломат-и но-розигй пайдо буд ^ j J^J

\±-1-л ^

i . ^ l j L i iZ+A&c

^LAAI^J»

j \ i^jb

»I ^ ^ 1

a-l^iiL 6jl"i..ijl

OJT

'though

the people were silent, signs of displeasure were apparent from their looks' (Present Progressive Subjunctive, 3.28); сол-и ӯ ба чил наздик расида бошад ҳам, то он вақт ӯ зан на-гирифтагй буд jl 'despite having almost reached the age of forty, so far he had never married' (Past Subjunctive, 3.26); Ҷӯра пиразан-ро бор-и аввал дида истода бошад ҳам, ӯ-ро ҳамон дам шинохт 6 J (^.l^l *l MI ^ J ^jl Q-Д I j j l t**Jb \ I ^ I L 6 j l "\ MI j l 6J-JJ J j l

'even though Jura was seeing the old woman for the first time, he recognized her instantly' (Present Progressive Subjunctive of didan). Clause-final ham may also be used after an Infinitive phrase: дар ҳолат-и мурда будан-аш ҳам, ба қотилон лаънат ва нафрат-ҳо МеХОНД

I A.~»j

a "' j

.^,\т

I JJ^LJI

2_> tf^-й (jL-I»Jj_J 6 J j - a O J J I

a. j J

jJilj^Lj^^o 'Despite his being dead, he invoked curses and invective on the killers' ('even in the state of being dead', i.e., 'even in death...'; this formulation shows how this use of ham is consistent with its adverbial use in a simple NP, e.g., аз барф ҳам сафедтар ^л^ j \ jl*\y* "i j»Jb 'even whiter than snow' (2.47). Despite the frequent appearance of bosad in this structure (as either copula or auxiliary), it works with the Subjunctive of other verbs: ҷавон забон-и тож,ики-ро на-донад ҳам, гап-и маро фаҳмид •JJ од \ Ij-o <_л£ <:ajb JJJJJ I j ^ j ^ l : fjLij ol>a. 'although the youngster doesn't know Tajik, he understood me'; xap Макка равад ҳам,

SYNTAX

375

боз ҳамон хар аст о> ц>1 j A <jLaJb j L <^jb j j j SI jkjjj ^ 6j-l£ IJJ j ? 'tj £Ä 'though they bind us even with chains, we will break the chains and go'; ин сухан гарчанд-е бо оҳанг-и навозиш гуфта шуда бошад ҳам, дар дил-и ман хавф-е падид овард j j

А

i^Jb л "JL> 6 j-iii * ~ д ^ ^ji jlj-j - ^ *» Т IJ ^gj " ^ j^> ^j ^ • - ^j-»^

jjjT J-JJJ ^^Jj—ä. tj_o J j 'these words, even though spoken in a tone of blandishment, brought fear to my heart'. Concessive conjunctions are sometimes reinforced by commencing the second (main) clause with a disjunctive conjunction such as аммо Ы, лекин jjSLJ , or вале ^ j 'but, yet, nevertheless' (see 4.12): дар кор фармудан агар чй у-ро аз одамон-и калон фарқ намекарданд, аммо дар музд додан ба қатор-и бачагон-аш мешумурданд j ^ - i o^S ^Ь»Л jl I J 3 l <^^S\ Ö ^ J - * ^ j L S j j J\}j * •% ^ ^iiJ^K^ \ jUai_» ^jjlj jj-a J^^i *^^^L^-0^'though in putting [him] to work they did not distinguish him from the adults, (yet) when it came to paying [him| they counted him as a child' ('in exploiting... in giving wages'; Durative Past tenses refer to actual practice. Note that the personal enclitic -as represents the direct object; see 2.30); замистон-и он сер-бориш бошад ҳам, вале баҳор-аш тароват-афзо-ст ^ J L ^ - J , ^ j oJb j - i l L j i j L j - j - w {ß ^1 ~ <•. n j

CJL^UIJ filiCjjl^Je 'however wet the winter there might be, (still) the spring is fresh and lush'.

CONDITIONAL SENTENCES 4.35

Conditionals (1): Basic Rules; Possible Conditions

The primary conjunction denoting a condition is агар j—SI 'if, less commonly ҳар гоҳ aLSjjb *if (lit. 'any time, whenever'; sometimes written in Cyrillic as one word, ҳаргоҳ); before a negated verb, 'if not, unless'. There are three basic modes in Tajik Persian within which the

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proposition/f.., then... may be realized: (1) Possible conditions, as in If you work, you will be paid; (2) Counterfactual conditions, as in If you worked/ had worked, you would be/ would have been paid; and (3) Actual conditions, as in If you are/ were working, why aren't/ weren't you being paid?. These will each be exemplified in this and the next two sections. Apart from use of the conjunctions at the beginning of a preposed Conditional clause (the protasis), there are other ways of expressing these basic modes, and certain idioms of a conditional nature; these will be presented mostly under 4.38. Possible conditions. When a condition is proposed as the potential basis for a present situation or a future act or state, the verb of the protasis is in the Present Subjunctive; that of the apodosis (the clause of consequence; not necessarily the main clause in a complex sentence), when it refers to present time, is in the Present Indicative (or, if appropriate, the Imperative or Optative): агар хато накунам, шумо-ро мешиносам ^\\

м . ^ I j L ^ i , «prt't I U^ j*L\ 'if I'm not mistaken,

I know you'. If the verb of the apodosis refers to future time, it is in either the Present or the Definite Future (or the Imperative): абр агар аз қибла хезад, сахт борон мешавад <J\JL> с, Ч ,,. «JJ-J^. «LLJ-Д J\ ^£1

jj

Д ^ 'if clouds come from the south, there will be heavy rain1

jj

(prov.; note that agar may follow the subject NP); агар ба он ҷо рафтан хоҳетон, ман роҳбарй мекунам ^

bj I — ^ Ц « j

SI

~ \< j ~ ^^.JLAI J ^Л «<jLLjJblj-^ 'if you want to go there, I will guide you'; агар он ҷо-ро то ба зер-и об ҳам кованд, аз инҳо асар-е на-хоҳанд ёфт ^^\ CJ-ÄLJ

L$JiJ j l « J-^JL£ ^ * <-Л ^JJ-» l^ I jLa. <jT j£\

j^Jblj—kJj 'even if they search there underwater, they will not

find a trace of them' (as here, the condition may be reinforced by the adverb ҳам ^л, placed after the verb of the protasis; cf. 4.34, last paragraphs). If the condition is a punctual act, to be completed before the action of the main clause can take place, the Simple Past may substitute for the Subjunctive: агар омад, гӯед ки назд-и ман дарояд <^-Л jS\ d - j j j ^л JJ-^» «-S * J J J < 'if (and when) he comes [lit. 'came'], tell him to come and see me'; ҳар гоҳ ӯ-ро пайдо кардам, мекушам -А <

л

t£jj-Z

•.* . . I j j l blSjA

'if/ when/ once I find him, I'll kill

SYNTAX

377

[him]'. In either clause, any finite verb before the last might be replaced by a Past Participle I form, either as a serial verb coordinate or part of a Conjunct Verb: агар мо ба вай ёрй на-диҳем, {ба зуди монда шуда} аз кор баромада ме-монад ^ j b ^ ^ I о j SI j - I i L o ^ 6J-QT>-I j l £ j \ [ь±±и 6jJ»Lo ^ J J J - J } «j^j-AjJ» 'unless w e help

him, he will {soon tire and} stop working altogether' ('...having tired, will leave-and-stay-put from work'). Here the first participle suda is part of a serial verb coordinate (4.19), in which monda is an adjective; for the second, a Conjunct verb, see 5.20, under mondän. In a past narrative, the action of the apodosis may be embedded (as a nominalized sentential complement) in an expression, couched in a past tense, of its perception in the past time of the narrative (here, as a foregone conclusion), which is technically the main clause: агар дар роҳ ба даст наафтам ҳам, {дар худ-и он ҷо дастгир шуда кушта гардидан-ам}... муқаррар буд ^ »i QL> ^- • - *; t\j j j j-Sl jj_j j j f l л . . . { ^ л - j j j - S 4 л i n ^ t±jhi j j^**> i.ij LaJ>T J J J L j j } / e v e n if I

were not captured on the way, it was certain that I would be seized and killed at the place itself (i.e., the hero thought then: 'it is certain that, even if I am not captured on the way, I will be seized...'; the rules of the English quotative past couch the translation in a past conditional, whereas those of Persian preserve the tense sequence of immediate discourse—see 4.15, under Persian style: Subordinate verbs). Depending on the extent of nominalization, it is possible for the main clause to be without any finite verb: Карим фикр кард, ки агар Мирак ба Тошканд рафта, дуруст хонад, дар байн-и се-чор сол одам-и даркорй ва давлатй шуда баргаштан-аш МУМКИН С

j J i< Л flj л\<ь ,7,Li
JVI *i**> <7i ^ j - J 6J-JÜU ^jJlJ j j j L$J

J^ Г

£>£-ö-a'Karim thought that if Mirak went to Tashkent and studied properly, in three or four years he might return as a person of consequence, a government official' ('if he studies... having become... his return [is] possible'; the copula ast 'is' is omitted after the nominalized Infinitive complement). Further illustrations of possible conditions are in 4.38.

378

4.36

CHAPTER FOUR

Conditionals (2): Counter/actual

To express a hypothesis which is not being, or is unlikely to be, realized—or which in the past was not realized—the Imperfect form (3.13) is used in both clauses (in this function, this form will be called the Conditional tense): агар ин гуна кор-ҳо нодуруст мебуд, муллоҳо... ӯ-ро манъ мекарданд CJ-—JJL» jl_£ <±JS <J-J J _ S I S <jj-äl* j—SI ,ГГ| « j - S ^ j^<* ^ » j LÄJI^ «f J j * б « ^ < ^ j *if I had understood in time, events would have taken a different turn'. In the preceding example, the adverbial in the protasis is sufficient to indicate that the condition was not realized in the past. In many cases, such contextual cues within the sentence or in the broader context suffice to disambiguate these two distinct aspects of the counterfactual. If not, the Pluperfect may be used in one of the clauses (usually the protasis), to fix the time frame in the past: агар ҳамроҳ-и ман рафта будед, ӯ-ро медидед Ijjl «J-JJJ-> 4-JL-ij <>> б 1 ^ < ^ ^S\ j_»J-IJ^^JO 'if you had gone along with me, you would have seen him'. The Northern dialect form of the Pluperfect using Past Participle II (see 3.16) is also found: агар чашм-и Ёдгор-ро андеша-и оянда-и сиёҳ торик на-кардагй мебуд, ӯ ин ҳолат-и Гулнор-ро дида аз аввал ҳам зиёдтар вола-ву шайдо-и вай мегардид л Л* ^ j SI

Yodgor's vision had not been clouded by the prospect of a black future, he would have seen this feature of Gulnor's and been even more infatuated with her from the start' ('if the prospect... had not clouded...'; exceptionally, a suppletive conditional me- is prefixed to the auxiliary bud in this variant of the Pluperfect). Two parallel or serial conditions may be joined by ва j 'and', with agar normally repeated: агар ҳунарманд-ро аз бе хунар фарқ мекарданд, ва агар қадр-и ҳунармандон-ро медонистанд,...

SYNTAX <-

379 -

-

.

. i i

•

-'

e\

... л TH .I'I I J ^ ' if they distinguished between the artist and the unartistic, and if they appreciated the value of artists,...'. In a protasis featuring a subject X and a negated Conditional of budan without an apparent complement, the sense is 'if X were not / had not been there, had it not been for X': агар ҳамқишлоқ-ам Али-и кал намебуд, эҳтимол орзуҳо-и чанд-моҳа-и ман ба cj-flj ^pjb J L <Ц» (j-° ^LALeJAÄ 'had it not been for my fellow-villager Bald AH, my hopes of several months past would probably have gone with the wind'. Either clause of a Conditional sentence may embed a complement or adverbial clause independent of the conditional construction: агар ман медонистам, {ки ту ҳамин хел буздил будаӣ,} {ба худо лЛ 1 I tl л ки,} ту-ро... намеовардам J - ^ С>1 J^ ^ ly" " ' ^ i>° j - ^ ' ^j J jT Lr «J» \jjl {<-S \л Ч t) [t{j\ 6jj_» Jjj-j'if I had known that you were this cowardly, I swear I wouldn't have brought you' (the protasis embeds a sentential complement (4.15) with its verb in the NonWitnessed Perfect; the apodosis includes an expletive lacking an original VP, '[I swear] by God that...'). Nominalized clauses may also be embedded: агар вай зинда мебуд {имрӯз ба амал баромадан-и суханҳо-и худаш-ро дида} чй қадар-ҳо хурсанд мешуд ^ j jSL I Jä 'if he were alive today, how very happy he would be to see his words realized' ('having seen the putting-intopractice of his words'; a serial coordinate with an Infinitive phrase object). 4.37

Conditionals (3): Actual Conditions

These have also been called logical, or real, conditions. In this mode, the condition is neither potential nor contrary to fact, but is accepted as being currently in force (if he is sleeping, don't wake him or if they have arrived, they should phone) or intended and imminent (if you're going to drink it, hurry up) or having been in force in the past (if he was sleeping, I wasn't aware of it). The sentence has more in common

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with a circumstantial than with a conditional sentence, and is preeminently Non-Witnessed (inferential, quotative, presumptive) in mode: if you are/ have been working too hard, take a break implies 'since, as you claim (or as I infer from your appearance), you are/ have been working too hard,...'. Except for Stative verbs (if you know/ knew, why don't/ didn't you say?) it is formally distinct in English, marked by the Present Progressive, Present Perfect or Perfect Progressive, or quasifuture tenses, whereas punctual and past-future tenses mark the possible and counterfactual conditionals (if you work/ worked, you will/ would tire yourself). By its nature, the apodosis often comprises a question, an imperative or an optative; the tense of the protasis is therefore the chief diagnostic. In Tajik, too, this kind of conditional construction occurs in four time frames, and is distinguished from both possible and counterfactual conditionals by the tenses of, primarily, the protasis. Present: If the condition is presumed to be continuing at the moment (or to be universally valid), the verb in the protasis is in the Present Indicative or Present Progressive Subjunctive, and that of the apodosis in some appropriate primary tense (which may be the Imperative or Optative): агар ҳоло кор мекунй, халал нарасонам ^ Ь - j ^ JLL <, ^ , ^ j\S VU> jSl

'if you're working

now, let me not disturb you'; агар зиндагй ҳамин аст, бояд ба сол-е намонда мемурд л-iL «o+^J <>J—а-Д ^ ^ j

j—-Si

j j - ^ a ^ UJJJ. ^ ^Jl IM/if this is life, one/ we should die before reaching one year old' (in the apodosis, an impersonal modal construction; see 4.20); агар дарсҳои хондаги-ро хонда истода бошад, халал нарасон! 6-illj-A I J ^ ^ I J - ^ ^ L A ^ J J J _ S I JJJL^JJJ JLL «J-JIL 6jl "

• »I 'if he is/ has been keeping up with

the lessons taught, then don't spoil it!'. Future: If the condition is inferred as intended or imminent, the Durative Past Subjunctive (3.27; the only Non-Witnessed subjunctive tense) is used in the protasis: хуб, шумо намехӯрда бошед, ман хӯрам fjj-^

о-° « » ц н ^ 6jj>aw j ^ L a - i i i ч—»>^ 'well, if (as it

seems) you're not going to eat, I'll eat'; xamir mekara bosit, tez kunit (= хамир мекарда бошед, тез кунед b*_>£t<-o j j о Л t *'*< у-у «,у» -I ) 'if you're going to make dough, hurry up' (the

SYNTAX

381

former examples are from MLT, the latter from spoken Northern dialect; for the omission of agar, see 4.38). This tense apparently may also replace the Perfect Subjunctive in present reference: агар ҳамдигар-ашон-ро дӯст ме-дошта бошанд, дигар чй? S
j ^ l 'if they

love each other, so what?' (lit. '...what else (is needed)?'; the Indicative in this case would be dust me-dorand\ see 3.8). Present resultative: If the condition is presumed to have just been accomplished, the verb of the protasis is in the Past Subjunctive: ин китоб-ро хонда бошед агар, чаро наовардед? ^^, »' S j_jjjjL» l ^ <j£\ ,i ; .^L 6JJ»IJ-JL Ijv^Li^ 'if you've read this book, why didn't you bring it?' (for postposed agar, see further 4.38); агар расида бошад, чаро телефон намекунад? j SI S.ilS^^oJ» jjAln 1 ^ «j-iL ÖJM ...j'if he has arrived, why doesn't he telephone?'; агар дар шаҳр нарафта бошад, ҳатман дар хона хоҳад буд
t

g-a jjL jLc j i j j a . V^V < Л-^L v-j^ä. lj_Ä jSi I j A-i-b\jJbl

^

'if the weather was bad he went/ would go to the upper room and sleep, and if it was good he went/ would go down to the Ghozion pool'; савдогарон Маскав-рав бошанд, бо ТИЛЛО бозй мекарданд ^ j ^ £ , ^ ^ j L SU.L «JJL^IL J J / П , Л ^l^bj-^u 'merchants, if they were heading for Moscow, were playing with gold'; агар вай хартозй карда, нохост афтад, Бибираҷаб мехрубонй карда, сар-у рӯи ӯ-ро аз гард-у хок тоза мекард

382

CHAPTER TOUR

'if he was donkey-racing and happened to fall, Bibi Rajab would fuss over him and clean his head and face' (the instances of karda in each clause, as serial coordinates, respectively anticipate the Present Subjunctive and the Past Durative). 4.38

Conditionals (4): Variations and Idioms

Three morphological variants of the conjunction agar may occur in poetry: rap ^ , вар j j and ap jl. Syntactic variations are as follows. Agar postposed: The conjunction агар j-Sl 'if may appear at the end of the protasis (a feature of Northern dialects): ягон чил-та каду гирад агар, нагз ±JL± < j ^ ' Jj-e-^ J^ ^ Je- о ^ 'if he gets forty or so pumpkins, that's fine' (note also that the copula may be omitted from the apodosis in speech, as from most main clauses); vayo ravan agar, a i-su meguzaran (= вай-ҳо раванд агар, аз ин су мегузаранд . u j i - S ^ j ... \А jl tJJL\ A^JJ L ^ J ) 'if they go, they'll pass by this way' (see also 4.37, under Present resultative). In shorter propositions, agar may even follow the complete sentence: na-merum guya ci agar? (= «на-меравам» гӯяд агар, чӣ [мешавад]? sfjj^i^] <^*jZ\ ^ ^ "fjj ^ ^ ) 'what if he won't go?' ('...says "I'm not going"...'). Clause inversion: If the protasis is felt to be more important than the apodosis, they may be inverted: ҳата-и ин масъалаҳо-ро ҳал кардан мумкин мешуд, агар ин суханон-и мо-ро идораҳо-и дахлдор мешуниданд j< л л u^j^ J ^ ljl*4l*i »» ^ <±>l ^»_А 'all these problems could be solved, if the competent authorities would only listen to what we say' (Counterfactual, 'it would be possible to solve...'). This is more often done when the conjunction is other than the usual agar (see also examples below): ман ин кор-ро мекунам, ба шарт-е ки музд-и нагз медиҳанд ^ JJUÄJ^^O jJLl jj_o <S j^Jaj-Oi-j,p *i*s ^ I J J L £ fj^l 'I'll do this job, on condition that I'm well paid' (Indicative in the protasis, even though this is a Possible condition, which gives additional

SYNTAX

383

weight to the demand). Omission of cigar, etc.: If the meaning is clear, the conjunction may be omitted from any type of conditional sentence. This occurs most often in colloquial speech and proverbial sayings, but may also be found in the written language: ба о н ҷо нигарй,... тоқи-ат меафтад-е! ! ^ 1 - л " il ^ с м "QLU ...t(^j£^ LaJ»u'(just you) look there, and your hat will fall off!'; я к е омада монад, чй кор мекунем? Ч^-^&^ J I £ < L ^ , J J > L O 6 J - O T ^^SLJ '[if] somebody turns up, what d o w e do?' (omada mondän 'to come-and-stay', i.e. arrive unexpectedly; see 5.20); ягон панчоҳ қадам-и дигар м е т о х т а м , ба о н ҷо м е р а с и д а м ^^

J£->A

J*J_J Ö L ^ J U <JL£->

f J j '4jLr* I r '»T » , - - .UV [if] I had galloped about fifty paces farther, I would have made it';apo6a мебуд, б о з хубтар мешуд J—iii^j-о j ~;j ^ j L «JJ-J^^O <4>Jj—с 'if there had been a cart, it would have been better' (see also 4.37, under Future). Substitution of ki: Like temporal and circumstantial clauses, conditional clauses in which the sense is evident may replace the explicit conjunction with the all-purpose complementizer ки
384

CHAPTER FOUR

extracted from the bolls... and prepared, one person within twentyfour hours... can put one pud [36 Ib.] of cotton through the spinning process' ('on condition that... causes one pud... to pass'; Actual condition); ман ин кор-ро мекунам, ба шарт-е ки шумо РОЗЙ боШеД L ^ a l j I ft m <-£ ^jJaj м. J . ^ J L S ^ I J J L £ ^ 1

^л

j j ЛЬ 'I will do this, provided you agree' (Possible condition, the protasis postposed for emphasis). When the protasis is postposed, relative conjuncts like ba sart-e ki may insert the main verb before Id, producing a kind of pseudocleft sentence resembling a relative clause (cf. Word order, 4.27): ман ба ин савол-ат ба шарт-е ҷавоб медиҳам, к]и ҳар чи тӯям, не намегӯй <£ i j U b j ^ v ' > ^ ^ «Л_н^ CJIJ-X*J j ^ L ^ ^ j - S ^^L ^ «^j-^ <-a. jJbTll answer this question of yours on condition that you won't say no to whatever I say' (Possible condition). Дар сурат-е ки « L ^ ^ J J ^ - Ö J J (as a Concessive conjunction 'whereas [in reality]', see 4.34), when preposed, has a Conditional sense which applies to two distinct modes: (1) 'In the event that, in case...', postulating a future eventuality (a Possible Condition): дар сурат-е ки шумо ба хона-и ман рафта натавонед, ба ман хабар расонед Lo-Oi ^» j j d-^Luuj j ^ ^з-a-j *л_^1>1^ * ^(-Ц»Чп the event that/ if by some chance you cannot come [lit. 'go'] to my house, let me know'; дар сурат-е ки ҳамин об ба гӯшт-и бадан паҳн шавад, азоб-и тоқат-нопазир медиҳад j j ^
event that this water spreads/ should this water spread to the flesh of the body, it produces an unbearable pain' (Present Subjunctive in the protasis in both cases). 'In case..., to stop...' in a postposed purpose clause is mabodo: see 4.40. (2) 'Assuming that, so long as, if (in fact)', accepting an existing condition (an Actual condition): дар сурат-е ки масъала равшан аст, баҳс лозим нест Aj j «I * щ о 4_£ ^ J J — ^ j j • г--- j"» f jV >- - ; 'if indeed/ seeing that the matter is clear, there is no need for discussion' (Present Indicative in both clauses); ба эҳтимол дар ҳайрат ҳам монда бошанд, ки {дар сурат-е

SYNTAX

385

ки инхел одамон оқил-у бо тадбир ҳастанд}, чаро амир, ба сифат-и елчи-и давлат чунин як шахс-и нодон-и аз сиёсат дур-ро интихоб намуда-аст ^л c-ij J ^ j j JLo-lL^L L j J-SLc JJL-АЛ J-±-=b j ^ l <£ t C^JJ-LA j j ) <S 4 J*i .MJL 6jJ»Le « ^\ t f *j * * *•>. < ^ j j ö j .

^4- ' * I '**« Д • >** * * j

*

* I I % j ^ << ,^ ****> ' • • А > i i j "

c n 4 i l Ö J J J - A - J v_>LiblLjl I J J J J <^.» >MIj <M j l

( J I J L J ^J^> 4

I7I'probab-

ly, too, they wondered—assuming that men of this kind are intelligent and sensible—why the emir had chosen such an ignorant and politically naive ['far from policy'] person to be the state ambassador'. The conditional clause here is a parenthesis (bracketed; the verb hastand is Indicative) between the main clause and its sentential complement (the indirect question даго amir...). The verb of the main clause is in the Past Subjunctive only because it is dependent on the modal adverbial ba ehtimol 'probably' (4.21), so it does not contravene the rule for an Actual condition. мабодо I J L U 'may it not be', a frozen precative (see 3.7), is followed by the (negated) Present Subjunctive, and has ki to introduce the apodosis: мабодо падар-ам на^фаҳмад, ки ҷанг мекунад! \j^SLrA < ^ <-£ - * - fl bJ; f j^e bL_L_o 'if my father finds out, he'll be mad!'; мабодо шӯрбо на-бошад, ки ман намехӯрам f j j ^ o ^ j 6-° ^ * A-iiLxj L jjJu LL»-a 'if it's soup, I won't eat it'. (In each example, the literal sense is 'let X not be so, for in that case...'.) кошки «LiuiiLS 'would that, if only' (see also 3.13, 3.25, 3.26, 3.34), expressing a wish for an unlikely future eventuality or regret for an unrealized past act or state, usually takes the Conditional tense: кошки имрӯз ҳаво хуб мешуд, ба лаб-и дарьё мерафтем а

*• * "** j

л I—)j*S * •' * ' A •"•._ "i ^ J J - Л 's5~A 3.3 J""

0

^ S i7tLS I I Only

the weather were nice today, we could go to the river bank'. Like mabodo, koski more often expresses only the protasis of a contextually established regret: кошки ба мо мегуфт! A *S .7,1 < icjiS ^ LLj'if only he had told us!'. Single Conditional clause: Similarly to the unfulfilled wish of koski, an injunction or remonstration may take the form of a solitary conditional clause: ақаллан бор-ат-ро ба замин мемондй $—21 I j c j j L j ' y o u might at least (have) put your

386

CHAPTER FOUR

baggage down'; фошофош мегуфтед 'you should have said so straight out'. вагарна <^^JL j , набошад л АЛ \\: A hybrid construction joins an expository clause (declarative or imperative) to the apodosis of a conditional (alluding to the exposition as its protasis) by means of the disjunctive adverbials вагарна «J>j

S j (lit. 'and if not') or

набошад д-ДЦ^ (lit. 'let it not be'), i.e., 'otherwise, or else': ман пир шудам, вагарна худам ҳам мекӯчидам ^ ^л 1^^{_гл fjb fij-*

•*• j

* • <j_o

«t-o-^j 'I have grown old, or else I myself

would move on'; на-диҳед, барҳам дода фиристонед он хат-ро, вагарна ҳар сол ҳамин хат-ро бароварда хдмин тавр ҷанҷол cap мекунад -J -

'don't pay, tear up that edict and send it back, otherwise every year he'll bring out this edict and start the quarrel all over again'; ӯро ба ягон чиз хӯрдан маҷбур кун, набошад беҳол шуда, як дард-аш сад дард мешавад 'get him to eat something, or else he'll fall sick and become a hundred times worse' ('his one pain will become a hundred'). These disjunctives are frozen forms, and their negative na extends its scope over the entire proposition of the preceding clause: ҳайф ки дар ҷавонӣ шумо барин устод надоштам, набошад, дар пиронсолагй хеле ақл-ам даромада мемонд ^»L-л ^^e 6 j^oT j j |Л5_с ^ l j ^ 'a pity I didn't have a teacher like you when I was young, or in my old age my mind would have stayed pretty sharp' (nabosad means 'had such not been the case', i.e., 'if I had'). For vagarna and nabosad as disjunctive conjunctions, see 4.12. чй мешуд ^»j - \sJ^Lf^ 4-a., etc. 'what if...': These idioms proposes or justify an action by asking in a rhetorical apodosis чй мешавад/ мешуд «**• * » \ y'j-j - <e» <w hat could happen [if]...', or asserting ҳеч набошад * •*•! ;'« g-i-л 'nothing would happen [if]...', i.e., 'why should [I] not...?': чй мешавад, агар ки ман ҳам аз пас-и Зулайхо пахта-чинй равам?

SYNTAX

387

3I jUb 'why shouldn't I follow behind Zulaikho as we pick cotton?'; ҳ е ч н а б о ш а д к и , ҳафта-е я к б о р ба чойхона барои ба ҳ а м и н хел сӯҳбат кунем g-jj* С» i D t r% iSz^

о \ л 0 j (^1 j - ^ ^ ^ - ^ ^ *4* J 4 * * - ^ <J>' 4JLLA
jk i "Л 'so what if once a week we go to the teashop to chat like this'.

CLAUSES USUALLY POSTPOSED 4.39

Temporal and Explanatory Clauses

Many of the clause types described in the sections above, though usually placed first in a sentence, may be postposed if focus is to be switched to them. In the case of clauses that generally follow the main clause, either they are introduced by different conjunctions from those associated with preposed clauses or, if the conjunctions are the same (notably ки <£ and то b), they have different functions. Temporal clauses: A punctual act occurring while a durative act is still in progress, and perhaps interrupting it, is introduced by ki in a postposed clause: ӯ дар фикр-и худ банд буд, ки як нафар дар-и хона-аш-ро тақ-тақ кард L£-J «-£ * jj_» sX^ ^j-L ^ - Ä J J jl jj£ j p J p I j ^i.1 <JiU. j j j-LL 'he was immersed in his own thoughts when someone knocked at the door of his room'; Нуралй аспашро ба мех баста истода буд, ки Ҳоҷиумар намоён шуд ^^Lc j ^ д - Д J J L L Ö J » j - A - c ^ ^ A U . ^ r j л j I J U L - J - U U Г N u r a l i

was tethering his horse to the stake when Hojiumar appeared'. The verb of the first clause (technically the main clause, but rhetorically the less important) is usually in a durative or progressive tense, that of the second in a punctual tense (though a punctual tense is not excluded for the main clause: see 4.45, under Not a relative). If the first action was almost, but not quite, completed before the second one intervened, the tense of the former is Pluperfect: мо дуруст ба дар-и идорахона на-расида будем, ки борон cap шуд I—о -t ^- j ••• fjl J L J
quite/ barely reached the office door when the rain started'.

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Explanatory clauses: These clauses offer a reason for the operation of the first (main) clause—they state the cause, or the basis for the inference, or warn of an alternative; if the information was obtained by inference or hearsay, the verb will be in the Non-Wintessed mode. They are here treated alike under the rubric "explanatory" because their coming after the clause of action (out of logical or narrative sequence) seems often to endow them with an editorial rather than a narrative or participatory nuance—the speaker is explaining the action as an adjunct or afterthought. Those conjunctions meaning 'because, since' which exclusively postpose their clause are зеро (ки) (<S) \^j, colloquial чаро ки <

чунки <^j^,

and the

£ I J-A. In addition, those mainly preposing

conjunctions of cause or circumstance (4.30) which sometimes head a postposed clause are чун < J J A 'since, as', барои он к и Li£ 'I didn't give him your book, because I didn't see him'; ман тарсида қадам-ам-ро тез-тез мондам, зеро ки онҳо-ро оворагард ва дузд гумон карда будам

^

^jj_» 6J^_^ <j' a—S 'I was scared and quickened my pace, because I thought they were vagabonds and thieves'; деҳқонон аз ҳукмрони-и заминдорон озод карда мешаванд, чунки замин акнун мол-и заминдор нест & J ^ _ £ jljT <j'j'^-^e °3 L T ^ ' J ' ^ - ^ 3 ' ü ^ ' S - A J C I . H J I fj\jlj-1-L-oj JLo o j - ^ l or^*j ^^&^ 'A^j-^^^o'the peasants are being liberated from the rule of the landowners, because now the land does not belong to the landowners' (cunki is more common than сип in the second clause; cunki is not used in the first clause. For сип 'since, as' in a preposed clause, see 4.28); ман дер мондам, чаро ки ука-ам касал шуд J_-1 J... <^ ^l4-£jl «_£ I j ^ . «^^Lo J-*J ^

'I

was late because my little brother got sick'. Baroi on ki may embed the preposition and Sentential pronoun in a leading main clause, following with ki and the explanatory clause: ман ин амал-ро барои он тарк накарда гашта-ам, ки писар-ам асп-ро дуст медорад

SYNTAX

389

I jv-^-"! f j ».ij <-£ «f I '(the reason) I haven't stopped doing this (is) because my son loves the horse'. Note that the same conjunction in the same structure may have an entirely different purport, that o f a Purpose clause, if the dependent verb is in the Present Subjunctive: м а н шумо-ро барои и н ҷеғ задам, ки ба ман ёрй диҳед J-J-ÄJ c £ j b б-ь-е ^ «f J J t ^ сн* cgl^H Ijl л "» 6-° *I called you so that you might help me'. (For an example of postposed binobaron ki, see 4.30; for baroi in/ on ki before a Purpose clause, see 4.40). Apart from these, the all-purpose ki may introduce a broader range of explanations: бояд Шодй ҳам аз ин корҳои модари меҳрубонаш завқ мегирифта бошад, ки қақаррос-занон механдид I^JLä 'Shodi must have derived enjoyment from the things his dear mother did, that he laughed so loud' (witnessed reason); эҳгимол ба як сайрусиёҳат-и калон рафта бошад, ки зан-аш-ро ҳам даъват карда буда-аст <j>L£ .-^1 j ..« j j-a-lu.< j ^ Jl л " -J dj-i-ul 6J^-J 6jjjS o j j - t j *J& lj ( J L-jj 4_S «j-iiiL
gone on a major tour, since he seems to have invited his wife along too' (Non-Witnessed Past; ki introduces the basis for the inference); ин гап-ро б а падар-ам нагӯй, ки ту-ро ҷанг мекунад Ij*—^ C^l j J i S ^ <\~ \jj^ «L_S * ^ > S J » ^ J * ^ ; 'don't tell my father, or (else) he'll yell at you' (i.e., 'because if you do...'). 4.40

Clauses of Result and Purpose

The complementizer ки <£ may introduce both clauses of Result (also called consecutive clauses) and of Purpose (also called final clauses). Verbs announcing the achievement of results take the Indicative, while those expressing a purpose (a potential result) take the Present Subjunctive: дар вақт-и поин омадан-аш Шоҳқосим аз миён-ам дошт, ки по-яш ба замин бархӯрда лат на-ёфт <j \ J L J j j cu-flL^i 'while coming down, Shohqosim held me round the waist, s o that he did not stumble' (Result; 'so as not to stumble' would be ...ки по-яш...лат на-ёбад J - J >'t aJ ...«JL-AL <_£...); омадам, ки ӯ-ро бинам -*»j; I j j l <£ ^j-oT 'I came to see him' (Purpose).

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Result and Purpose clauses introduced by ki are frequently preceded by an adverb of manner or degree: аз таре чунон дод зад, ки ҳама ба сӯй-и ӯ давидем f-j^jj jl с £ > ^ <-^ь<^ <*j JIJ <jl^> WJ^

jl

1

'he yelled so [loudly] from fear that we all ran up to him (Result); Амон... маро чунон фушурд, ки қариб миён-ам шиканад •iVs.n^L^o v^^-

5

^ <jjuU о'-Ц- 'j-* - <jLJ'Amon hugged me so

tightly that my waist nearly broke' (Result; but Subjunctive because the action was 'nearly', not actually, accomplished); Дарья ба ӯ тарз-е нигоҳ кард, ки ба шунидан-и ҳикоя-аш тайёр будан-и худ-ро фаҳмонд ^ J — j '* . * * <—£ <Jj—£ б К ^ LSJJ-Ь j b

«t-^j

J

jJiLa^-i I J J - ^ 6 J-e jl j U^I^L-JIIA 'Darya looked at him in a way J

that conveyed her readiness to hear his story' (Result—technically, because fahmond is Indicative; the success of the signal, however, is incidental to the intention behind it); ҷанг чандон кун, ки ба сулҳ ҷой бошад j_*SiL> ^ Ц . ^\irx\ 4-£ ,^S QIJ-Ц» «JS-Ц. 'make war (only) to the degree that there may be room for peace' (Purpose). Similar clauses where focus is on the manner of action are illustrated in 4.32. Purpose:

AH the constructions illustrated below support Purpose

complements with the same or a different subject from the main clause. If the context is clear, a purpose clause may by postposed without fa* or any other conjunction (esp. in colloquial usage): пеш-и меҳмон-ат рав, аз ту хафа нашавад j j ,ъ*> «ULL ^

jl * 3 J ciM о о nu ? . i > 'go

over to your guest, so he won't be offended'; ба Фазилат-хола ҳам... барг зада оварда диҳед, кирмакҳо-яш аз гушнагӣ намуранд j \ 'cut and fetch some [mulberry] leaves for Fazilatkhola as well, so that her [silk]worms don't starve to death'. Complementizer ki may be supplemented by mabodo 'lest; so that... not', before a negated Subjunctive, for the meaning 'in case..., to stop...': Шодй... дар канор-и ба киштзор пайваста-и ҷарй мегашт, ки мабодо бузҳо ба кишт-и мардум надароянд J» 'Shodi... patrolled the ditch that ran alongside the fields, in case the goats should get in among the people's plants'. A more explicit and versatile purpose clause may be introduced by (az) baroi on ki 'for the purpose of -ing' (see 4.15, esp. under Turkic-

SYNTAX

391

style: Complement nominalization): ин хона аз барои он буд, ки меҳмонон-и аз дур омада бемалол хобида раванд j l «LJLL ^ 1 JJJJJ öjL-L-ilj^ J^Lo ^ * J - Л J J J j l ^LJLL^-O <£ <jj-i j j <j\j-i 'this room was for the convenience of overnight guests from distant parts' ('was for that [purpose], that guests coming from afar might sleep without trouble'); ин-ро ҳукумат барои он ҷорӣ карда-аст, ки нишон диҳад: дар ин ҷо... ҳама-и шумо якранг ва баробар ҳастед j j : J-ÄJ jjLiiJ»
...I ^ 'ijl

'the government has

[presumably] instituted this in order to show that here everyone is equal' ('...to show: "...you are all of one kind and equal"; cf. 4.18, Pseudo-direct speech). This conjunction may also introduce an initial Purpose clause: барои он ки кор-и хуб-е ёбй, бояд нағз хонӣ ^ j — i » jl—£ 4_£Л (^IJ-J ^ I J — 1 j-JLL i j L «^^»L 'in order to get a good job, you must study hard'. Nominalization: Quite complex purpose complements are often expressed as NPs after the preposition baroi: барои {бе гуфтугӯ ва бе ҷанг-у хунрезӣ таслим кунондан-и душманҳо-и ҳукумат-и шурой} як муроҷиатнома аз ном-и модар-и амир тартиб додем j

j j j - L L i i ^ j l i и " ^ 3 - j j J i j — i . j it\~*

i J J^LJÖ ^ L Jj l

d

L5

_»

A I * . . " . < < v l j * <^ \ ! ( -

• _ ' j " j " 'in order {to persuade the enemies of the Soviet government to surrender without argument or fighting and bloodshed}, we arranged a letter of appeal from the emir's mother'. Similarly, a stated purpose may be nominalized: мақсади ман адреси хонаи Қорӣ ишкамба-ро ёфтан буд Ij4 ; Л ml <^jL5 SGLk ^ujjl ^ J •«-> a n jj_» ^"i ftL'my intention was to find out the address of Qori Ishkamba's house'. A-JJIJ

Note that the Definite direct object NPs of the infinitival purpose phrases in these sentences are construed differently: in the first, the object of taslim kunondan 'to persuade to surrender' is postposed, without -ro\ in the second, that of yoftan is preposed, with -ro. Conversely, the VP of the main clause may be nominalized as the subject (infinitive) NP of the purpose clause: {дар вақт-и чинак-и пахта тӯй кардан-и бойҳо} на аз барои ин аст, ки шикам-и

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ту ва дигарон-ро сер кунад, балки барои ин аст, ки меҳнаткашон-ро аз кор моноида ба чинак-и пахта халал расонад jj} . л MI
iS*j-*

j ' ^>-> ( L A ^ L »

u ^ j - ^ iS^^

d

** ^

**

*' *t^ *** ^ j

JLk « "i 4 j I ^ ' I J ;> j 6J-LL»Lo J\S J\ 'the reason that the rich

give feasts during cotton-picking is not in order to fill your belly and that of others, but in order to stop the field workers from working and ruin the cotton harvest' (lit. 'the feast-making of the rich...'). 4.41

Postposed Clauses with to

Preposed clauses introduced by то Ь in four distinct senses are illustrated in 4.29. Below are exemplified the two functions in which this conjunction, or extensions of it, appear in a postposed subordinate clause. 'Until': To express the culmination of a process, or the result of a prolonged or repeated action, то (он ки) (<-^»T) L^ is used with a postposed clause and a verb in a punctual Indicative tense: рафт-у рафт то ба ҷангал-е расид \ \ ..._> о К \ ? \ Li CLX±J J CJ-ЙJ 'on (and on) he went until he reached a forest'; мардак даст-у по занон бо дод-у фарьёд-и ҷигар-харош месӯхт, то он ки кам-кам фаръёд-аш-ро ҳам аланга-и оташ фуру бурд Ь j с» • »J ^JJ-—в j ^ a jj_b tJiiJiJ Ъ < MI fJb I j (jLjL^-i 'arms and legs flailing, the poor fellow burned with heart-rending screams, until gradually the flames swallowed up his cries' (Durative Past in the main clause, but Simple Past in the temporal clause). Purpose clauses: In a more literary register, the conjunction то (ки) (
i ^ LJ «J—OTJJ L f j T J ^ - ^ U ^ - ^

'grandmother came over to tell them that the procession was close to the village'; ба тараф-и у давид, то ки бо дуст-и дирина-и худ мулоқот-и гарм-у ҷӯшон кунад C J - ^ J J L 4—£ Li «Л-JJJ j l ^J^JÖ-J j i S ^ L i j A j ^ j £ c^LSbb» J j ^ ^ ^ f J 'he ran toward him, so as to enjoy a warm reunion with his old friend'; намад-ро... чаппа карда

SYNTAX

паҳн кард, то ки доғҳо-яш ба назар на-намояд 4—la.

393

i j л '* '*

±*\ п v> J-U-1J JJILJL^XIJ <S Ь * jj-S <>$_> 6Jj-S 'he turned the felt rug

over and spread it out, so that its blemishes would not show'. If a purpose clause is embedded in a longer sentence, its verb may be converted from a finite Subjunctive into a serial verb coordinate in the form of Past Participle I: бояд... nein аз баромадани офтоб дар дарвозаи имоми шаҳри Бухоро ҳозир мешудем, то ки он ҷо аз ҳамаи равандагон пештар харҳо-и хуб-и киро-ашон арзонро ба даст дароварда, пеш аз гарм шудани рӯз ба Вобканд расида гирем j о »» ^LJ ^jljjj j j i_>Lli7

4-J 'we would have to be present before sunrise at the Imom Gate of Bukhara city, in order to secure all the good asses that could be hired cheap, before everyone else, and manage to reach Vobkand before the heat of day set in'. Other variants occasionally encountered are то ин ки A ^\J\ Li and, mainly in poetry, ки то Ь <£. Note that то Ь is not used in Tajik to compare clauses or phrases, as it is in SP (e.g., bistar mixäbad tä kär mikonad 'he sleeps more than he works'); this is accomplished by means of the preposition аз j l or the circumpositional phrase аз - дида 6 ^ J ~ 3I with an Infinitive phrase: ӯ аз кор кардан дида бештар хоб меравад jl—й j j j l ^j-^ (2-42); or, in more literary style, one of the prepositional phrases нисбат ба «LJ CU—L^J» / назар ба «u j U \ 4n relation to, in comparison with', and one or more Infinitive phrases: назар ба ТВ тамошо кардан китоб хондан-ро бештар дуст медорам j " Л. j \ I j jjjüljÄ u-.Ll^ u J j ^ Li.La^ . j .d, 'rather than watch TV I prefer to read a book'.

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RELATIVE CLAUSES 4.42

Relative Clauses (1): Synopsis

There are no dedicated Relative pronouns in Tajik Persian. The relative clause is joined onto the NP in the main clause to which it relates by means of the complementizer Л/: бой, ки... ба болишт такья карда ёзида буд, ба Набй Полвон, ки дар рӯ ба рӯи ӯ... менишаст, 6J 6 нигоҳ кард L r ^ «J>e ^J*-e *О-^ * J^~ c u ^ U b <_,... «zu«

•* ' » ^ . . . j l c£jj-e J J j * <-£ 'the rich man,

who was lying sprawled against a pillow, looked at Nabi Polvon, who was sitting facing him'. The relative clause is usually set off by paired commas. If the head noun of the relative clause (the one preceding ki) becomes an object or part of a possessive or prepositional phrase in the relative clause, then he, she, or it (the antecedent, from the perspective of the relative clause) is copied or "referred back to" if necessary by an anaphoric pronoun in the appropriate grammatical construct (usually a 3rd person Personal pronoun or the demonstrative он ^Т): як одам, {ки ӯ-ро на-мешинохтам,} дар хона даромад l^jl <S] .^Л ^ Л_АТjj o L l j j [ Y ~ ^l*' -* ^ "*»'a person {whom I didn't know} came into the room' (lit, 4 a person that I didn't know him/ her...'. A relative clause is usually embedded, as here, in the main clause, i.e., after the antecedent is mentioned but before the final VP; however, a shorter main clause may be completed before the relative clause, which is then postposed: як одам даромад, ки ӯ-ро на-мешинохтам ~~^i\ л.^ ,ч\ |jj\ <£ «j_cljj ^JI ^S-j'aperson came in whom I didn't know'. As in other types of subordinate clause, the verb of a relative clause is in the Indicative mood when it denotes an actual event, and in the (Present) Subjunctive when indicating a speculation, expectation, or other unrealized action; this is particularly frequent after Selective, Non-referential, and Indefinite heads (4.46). Within this basic pattern, the most important variation is a conceptual and structural distinction between Non-restrictive and Restrictive relative clauses, in principle quite similar to that of English. A Non-restrictive (also called descriptive, or non-defining) relative clause is a descriptive

SYNTAX

395

unit in apposition to the head, often to the extent of being an incidental parenthesis not essential to the information carried in the main clause. In English it is usually set off from the main clause by a pause in speech and paired commas in writing: Our school, which is near here, is very nice. These features are generally paralleled in Tajik: мактаби MO, ки ба ин ҷо наздик аст, бисёр нағз аст U ^ L <S «U ^л<\п On the other hand, a Restrictive (also called defining) relative clause is essential to the identification of the head, and contrasts this, implicitly or explicitly, with members of the same class not so characterized: The school where we study is very nice мактаб-е ки мо дар он мехонем бесёр нағз аст с» • »! J-*-j j 1 j «u > ^liij-L^^

^jT j j LA <S o \"^ n

('...that we study in it...')—i.e., not some other school; The school where we study is as narrowly defined a unit as Our school in the preceding sentence. The Tajik Restrictive relative clause is linked to the head by means of an (unstressed) enclitic -e ^ - , and cannot normally be separated from the head, its antecedent. It is, moreover, pronounced as a prosodic unit with its antecedent (like its counterpart in English); and in particular the head and relative connector, whether it is the school where we.,, or maktab-e ki mo..., are enunciated as a unit. The same example includes a typical anaphor, here a prepositional phrase dar on 'in it'; this may be extended to дар он ҷо I—a^.T JA matching the translation '[in] where'. Informal English in Restrictive relative sentences is closer to Tajik usage than formal English: The school that we go to/ The school we study at employ a similar invariable complementizer and anaphoric prepositional phrases (though with the pronoun it deleted, which cannot be done in Tajik). It will be noticed that the Relative enclitic -e is formally identical with the Indefinite/ Specific enclitic -e, as in (як) мактаб-е (*-£_д) ^;~<» 'a school' (2.7-8). This kind of (Specific) NP can in fact be the head of a Relative clause (see Semi-restrictive relative, 4.44), but should not be confused with the Definite NP plus -e that is the usual head of a standard Restrictive Relative clause.4 4

34.

Some scholars have argued that they are a single morpheme: see Jahani 2000, p.

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Initially confusing is the Tajik requirement (at least in Cyrillic of MLT), that any subordinate clause be set off from the main clause by means of commas; this applies not only to Non-restrictive relative clauses, where the practice (as it does in English) would correspond to and cue the enunciation, but also to Restrictive relatives, where it often runs counter to the rhythms of speech. The last sentence example should correctly be written as: мактаб-е, ки мо дар он мехонем, бесёр нағз аст. This rule (which is copied from Russian usage; see also 1.16) is not always followed, and even less strictly in Perso-Arabic script. In most cases it does not in itself cause confusion (in the example, the reading 'a school, where we [happen to] study, is very nice' is nonsensical, and 'the school, where we [happen to] study, is very nice' is at the least humorously pleonastic). However, a Relative head NP such as табассуми латиф-е, ки Q J U I A*,, \~% is at first glance ambiguous between 'the sweet smile that...' and 'a sweet smile, which...'. This mechanical punctuation will be reproduced here in examples where it occurs in the original Cyrillic, but dispensed with in some Perso-Arabic versions where it appears to be unnecessary. The two types, Non-restrictive and Restrictive, are always distinct when the head is plainly Definite: in odam, ki raflqi man ast,.. 'this man, who [incidentally] is my friend,...; in adame[f] ki ham aknun daromad 'this/ the man who just came in'. A proper noun or equivalent (say, a title) is categorically Definite, and invariably heads a Nonrestrictive relative clause (as in the first example: Nabi Polvon, ki... 'N. P., who [as it happens]...'). When an antecedent is plainly Indefinite, its lack of definition makes automatically for a Non-restrictive relative: Someone or other, whom I didn't see,... ягон одам(-е), ки ӯро надидам, *^±*±* I j j l 4^ «^-»ТХ f JT О ^ . A Specific antecedent however, which by definition is already known to the speaker and reserves the potential of being further defined for the listener (2.8), may lean toward either one. A (certain) sweet smile, which faded abruptly (Non-restrictive?) and A sweet smile that I recognized (Restrictive) could begin in the same way in written Tajik: табассуми латиф-е, ки
SYNTAX

397

as the imprecision in comma punctuation makes plain. More will be said on these "Semi-Restrictive" relative clauses with Specific NP heads in 4.44; their enclitic -e, meaning 'a(n)', will be written in Cyrillic without a morpheme boundary hyphen, to distinguish it from the Relative enclitic that attaches to a Definite head noun, 'the — that...' (in the original orthography they are, of course, written as one word with the head, without distinction). In addition to the contextual meaning of the sentence, a syntactic rule often distinguishes Restrictive from Non-restrictive relatives. A Restrictive (Definite) antecedent may not usually be separated from its connective -e ki (for qualifications, see 4.44), i.e., the clause is embedded, followed by the VP of the main clause. Consider the following two sentences: (1) дар рӯз-е, {ки дар шаби гузаштаи он куьлтиватор гум шудааст,} ҷӯй вайрон шудааст 'on the day {after the night that the cultivator went missing}, the channel stopped working'. Despite the first comma, the sentence head and its connectives -e and ki are juxtaposed in what reads naturally as a prosodic unit, giving the Restrictive sense (lit.) 'on the day that on the night previous to it...'; the relative clause is embedded. (2) дар ҳамин вақт чашми ӯ ба пирамарде афтод, {ки ба тарафи вай меомад} ,jLL_al ^ J J ^ ^ X J
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4.43

Relative Clauses (2): Non-Restrictive

The head NP of a Tajik Non-restrictive relative clause may be either Definite or Specific (but non-defined; see 2.7). A Definite noun is often preceded by a Demonstrative adjective (ин ^-J 'this' or, more commonly, он ^Т 'that'): он хона, ки гуё барои азоби бачагон сохта бошанд,... <* " ^1 ... ...tA9\ Л.Ь 'that house, which might have been built in order to torture children,...' (Past Subjunctive, since the proposition is fanciful; see Speculative simile, 4.32, and cf. this similar relative clause with guyo, where the more realistic speculation is put into the Indicative: боз як хоначае буд, ки гӯё барои ошхона... сохта шуда буд L£-J J L jj_» b±Ju 4 "IAUU ...4J»K 'nT^lj-e LJJ_S
?**LL 'there was

another small room, which had perhaps been built as a kitchen'). If the head is a Specific NP, it may be preceded by the Quasi-article як •< j or take the Specific enclitic -e ^ - : як табассуми латиф, бачагона ва маъсумона дар рӯи ӯ шукуфт, ки ӯро боз ҳам зеботар гардонд 'a gentle, childlike, innocent smile blossomed on her face, which made her even more beautiful'; худ-ро дар самолёт-е XJHC кардам, ки ба чуқурии-и ҳаво ба суръат ғалтида меравад

c

*I felt that I was in an airplane (which was) plunging

out of the sky at high speed'. In both these sentences the Relative clause is postposed, in part because it is longer than the VP of the main clause (especially so in the second sentence); to embed it would be to unbalance the sentence: *xudro dar samolyot-e {ki ba cuqurii havo galtida meravad} his kardam. Another reason for the postposing of this and other Non-restrictive relative clauses is the often looser and more polyvalent nature of the "relative" relation. A variant interpretation of this same sentence might be '...an airplane plunging...' or 'an airplane as it plunged...', i.e., as the equivalent of a Concomitant complement (4.45, and cf. 4.16). Other apparent Non-restrictive relative clauses may translate equally well as temporal or circumstantial clauses: духтарча, ки дар гирд-у пеш-и худ модар-и худ-ро наёфт, ба гирья даромад j j %j I j j ^ - i j j L o Jj-L (j^-^j j

J

j - ^ 'the little girl,

SYNTAX

399

who did not find her mother anywhere near, began to cry' (or '...when/ since she did not find...' (4.31). The antecedent may be any type of NP, such as a Partitive phrase: як-е аз ҷавонон, ки аз ҳама поёнтар нишаста буд, аз чояш ҷаста хест j Ц*Ц* 'one of the youths, who was sitting right at the back, jumped up from his seat'; or an extended Infinitive phrase: ин гуна бе-асос аз марг тарсида гурехтан, ки рӯзе чанд бор воқеъ мешавад,... «^^Lk-jj-S * * * -.-у* Sj^ . . . « j j - ^ i ^ ^Jfllj j b

»'^ cjjjj

j \ ^ L - J ^ 4-iij-S <j_J

<—^ 'this sort of groundless fear of

and flight from death, which happens several times a day,...'. The antecedent may be any nominal constituent, such as the Direct or Indirect or Prepositional object, of the main clause, and become a different one in the Relative clause: якчанд хонаҳои сиёҳро қатор барпо карда буданд, ки дар пеши онҳо бачагони хурдсол... ресмон мериштанд \~\

"i

few black huts had been set up in a row, in front of which some young children... were spinning thread' ('they had set up...'; object of the main clause, prepositional object in the subordinate); ба ин кас раҳмат гӯй, ки ба ту дар вақт-аш ёрмандии калон расондааст 'thank this gentleman, who has rendered you great and timely assistance' (Indirect object of the main clause, subject of the subordinate; interpretable also as an explanatory clause, 'because/ since he...' ). The whole of the main clause, or a large part of it, may be the antecedent (a sentential relative clause): як вақт ман ин-ро аз ғарқ шудан-и дар об халос карда будам, ки хеле ҳикоят-и аҷиб аст «L£ £ cyalLL v-»T j j j . b i j j - c j l I j u ^ ' 6-* ^ з

-. ..A _.j

r

^

^ C U J K ^ ^ I J ^ 'once I saved him from drowning, which

is a very strange tale'. Anaphoric pronouns and NPs: The basic principles of the use of anaphoric elements is the same for both Non-restrictive and Restrictive clauses; the following illustrations are therefore complemented and supplemented in 4.44. By the nature of a Relative construction, the antecedent in the

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main clause is always referred to in some capacity in the relative clause; if that capacity is the default status of Subject (as in all the preceding examples but one), then, as in any other same-subject subordinate clause, it is not usually repeated or copied pronominally. However, an antecedent may be copied as Subject of the subordinate clause (for the sake of clarity or for rhetorical effect), in one of four ways: repetition of the same (or a shortened form of the same) NP; a synonymous NP; a personal pronoun for humans and higher animals (ӯ jl, вай ^jy онҳо I a-Jj); or a pronoun for lower animals and inanimates (он/ онҳо U^T\ <jT), e.g.: баъд онҳо ба бозори китоб рафтанд, ки он назди хонаи маданияти шаҳр кушода шуд öjLiu^ j Q - • CJ-LJJ-O 2LJ*LÄ. j j - j tjT <Si ij-HLflj

c_jLl£ J I J L J 4-J l$J>T JJU»

j li, 'next they went to the book market, which [hadl opened next to the municipal House of Culture' ('that it was opened...'). When the antecedent is anything other than the subject of the subordinate (relative) clause, an anaphoric pronoun or NP is normally necessary to mark its grammatical relation to the NP which is the focus of the relative clause. Thus a possessive or partitive relation ('of which') construes the focussed NP as the head of a nominal izofat with the anaphoric element: як ҳикояти аввалинам дар Тошкент чоп шуда буд, ки мусаввадаи он ҳам дар дастам намондааст 1^- • •* 6 JJILQJ» ~~ ...t'nnp. of my very first stories, of which I no longer possess the rough draft, was printed in Tashkent' ('that the rough draft of it...'). A prepositional relationship ('to which, for which', etc.) requires a pronominal or NP copy as the object of the preposition: ӯ дар фикри чӣ гуна пойдор кардани мансаби қӯшбегигӣ буд, ки дувоздаҳ рӯз пеш аз он ба он мансаб расида буд < U 'he was thinking how to make permanent (his tenure of) the office of Qushbegi [Chief Minister], to which office he had succeeded twelve days ago'; рӯзе... сӯҳбати дурудароз рост омад, ки бо он мусоҳиба ҳақиқати аҳволи он оиларо тамоман ф а ҳ м и д а м ^>Т Ь
jljj

^ I J « L L U <J\ Jlj^.1 о < j f l ^ < ^L^D-fl 'one day... we **

у

*

**

"

SYNTAX

401

managed to have an extensive conversation, through which interview I came fully to understand that family's situation' (in both examples, anaphoric synonyms); cf.xonaho-i siyohro... ki darpesi onho... '...huts... in front of which...' (anaphoric pronoun), under the preceding subhead. If the antecedent becomes the direct object of the relative clause, the anaphoric element (Definite by virtue of previous reference) takes the enclitic -ro (2.17): лампаи овеза, ки онро худи Алй соз карда, ...<öjj_£ j l _ ^ ^Lc JJ-^. \jp\ 4-£ «Ö^JJT ^ i_<Jthe hanging lamp, which Ali had trimmed himself,...'; як одам, ки ӯ-ро намешинохтам, дар хона даромад j j -~"П*> ,7,^^-^ljjl 4_£ <^м ^ J_-ÖTJJ o L i 'a person (whom) I didn't know came into the room' ('a person that I didn't know him/ her...'). As with an antecedent as subject, the anaphoric object copy may often be omitted, provided the meaning remains clear: ин китоб, ки (онро) аз Манижа гирифтам, бисер ғалатӣ аст ^j-LLc jl j .,t j «^" Q^S 6j j 'i» j l ( I j u O <-£
sorts of events took place, all of which I'm not going to tell you at length' (anaphoric pronoun object; for the progressive Conjunct construction, see 3.20 and 5.20, nisastan)\ тағои-ям... ба бозор баромаду ҷомадонча-и фанери-яшро, ки ин гунаҷомадончаҳоро одатан коргарони оҳан гирифта мегарданд, пур карда баромад

j о Т ^ 'my uncle... went off to the market with his goods packed inside his plywood suitcase, the kind of suitcase[s] that ironworkers usually carry' ('that this kind of suitcases...'; a modified NP object copy). There are several other possible formulations of the Non-restrictive relative clause, but these are essentially the same as those available to the Restrictive relative, and are covered in 4.44.

402

4.44

CHAPTER FOUR

Relative Clauses (3): Restrictive

The head of a Restrictive relative clause is linked to ki by the enclitic -e in a prosodic unit which (despite any intervening comma) may not usually be interrupted by another sentence constituent (see below): яке аз он даюсҳо-е, ки ман гуфтам, ту ҳастй ^Т j ' ^ < • o n e ^*! м,л j_3 ҷ~\ а ^ ij-a <-S i J ^ C j j «CJ-MJI öjjü'now he can put into practice those theories that he has mastered' (Definite NP); рубоиҳо-е-ро, ки масъалаи муносибатро ба ёр дахл мекунанд, ҷудо кардани мо зарур €А\\<Ь ^

J-i.j j b

*L_» I J Q J <MLL^ S l*i MI о <<. • b c ^ ^ c r ^ ' - ^ J

jjj-Lb Le ^Jj-S Ij-^ 'we must separate the ruba'is which include the question of the relationship with the friend' ('...our separating the ruba'is which... [is] necessary'; the relative clause is typically Persian in style, whereas the main clause is structurally Turkic; cf. 4.20, under Adjectives and adverbs). The VP of the main clause may be inserted between a Definite head (plus -e and possible -ro) and its relative clause beginning with ki, if that VP is a copula or a similarly short and unobtrusive form: ин ҳамон об-е^ст, ки аз баҳр ба воситаи насосҳо кашида мешавад 'this is the same water that is pumped from the lake'; ин муаммо-ест, ки ҳалл-аш шаб-у рӯз моро азоб медиҳад
SYNTAX

403

children's education will put up with any sort of hardship' (the singular pronominal enclitic -as in the relative clause—despite the plural verb—has presumably been attracted by the singular subject of the main clause). Note that in the preceding example, the relative enclitic -e is omitted. This is a tendency of antecedents that are, or are qualified by, qualifiers or quantifiers with meanings such as 'the kind of — who.../to...', 'the only — who.../to...': вале ҳамин се нафар аз он қабил буданд, ки... зинда ва саломат баргаштанд ^Т j l j_JJi А «* ^ j «ь ^ 3 .rriiM^j-j CJ-ОЫ-^ j *±>j

... AS « ^ J J - J J-L-iJfl 'but these three people

are among those... who returned alive and well'; дар ин ҷо танҳо он воқеаҳоро ёд мекунам, ки дар он асар баён наёфтаанд j j L^j jh\ tjl

jj

<£ «j^S^u J L l

'here I shall mention only those events which were not described in that work'. When qualifying a noun, these terms do not take izofat ([az] on qabil odam 'that type/ category of person'; see 2.19). This is not, however, a binding rule; cf. ягона маслиҳат ва насиҳат-е, ки ба ту медиҳам, ин аст, ки ҳаргиз ноумед мабош 'the sole advice and counsel that I give you is this: "never despair"'. Note also the two conjoined head nouns, but a single relative enclitic. Semi-restrictive relatives. Where the head is a Specific NP, the Restrictive force of the relative clause is not as binding (see 4.42); -ro still attaches when necessary to the enclitic -e (which is in this case the Specific enclitic 'a(n)', not the Relative link), but this may be followed by the VP of the main clause even if it is a Complex or Composite verb, and the Relative clause, beginning with ki, may be postposed: ман ба Шумо барои хондан як китобе-ро тавсия мекунам, ки худам хондам A I «^^ I J c r jl_^_£ *-£_л < J ^ I _ 1 c^'j-e * ° '".' O-* f jjjjib fJj-^ «^ «fJi£ /f ^ 'I'll recommend a book to you (to read) that I [havej read myself (not 'that book, and only that, which...' but 'one of a number of books that..'). It is not obligatory to postpose the relative clause; in the following example it is embedded, probably to avoid a dysphonic clash with the following hi clause: Маҳмуд ба ҷавоне ки дар наздикй кор ме4>

404

CHAPTER FOUR

кард, фармон дод, ки... ^ jL£ ^^LJJJJI Jhs *j ^ ^ ^ ...
^JU. ^^L» ._£_> £_>.&
'he does things that no Begi Jan5 (ever) did'; ин ҳолати бой ба зоғе монандӣ дошт, ки як чашмашро ба устухон... дӯзад, чашми дигарашро аз сайёд намеканад , \ | ^ AJ» jL_j_i-o'this attitude of the rich man's resembled (that of) a crow which has one eye fixed on the bone and cannot tear the other one away from the hunter' (Subjunctive because speculative; cf. also Non-referential relatives, 4.45). Anaphoric pronouns and NPs. Note that in a number of the preceding examples, the antecedent is also the direct object of the relative clause (the agent has mastered the theories in question; gives advice; has read the book he recommends; has done things). In none of them is there an anaphoric object pronoun, since the structure of the clause with its transitive verb makes the meaning sufficiently clear without one. An expected anaphoric prepositional phrase (commonly of place or time) may also be omitted: дар хона-е, ки мо [дар он (ҷо)] кор мекардем, ҳеч кас бе иҷозат намебаромад [(L^.)j,T j j ] 1_л «L_£ . ^ I O L ^ L Jhs j-aTj-i^^oJj ^jL-a-l <_j-e o - ^ g^-* 'f-^j-^L*-* J ^ ' ' п * е S^°P where we worked, nobody went out without permission' (cf. colloq. Eng. 'the place that we worked'); ин сузани-ро дар ҳамон сол-е, ки [дар он] Ленин аз дуньё чашм пӯшид cap карда будам ^ 1 -^u 'I started this piece of needlepoint in the same year (that) Lenin passed away'. Even when the anaphora would be part of an izofat phrase it is sometimes omitted: ҳар ҳарф-е-ро, ки ӯ ҷавоб[и онро] дода наметавонист, падарам аз ман пурсид л j . . . ^ о- 0 J ' f j ^ e «=i'"'il>jLfja-j ÖJIJ [ I J Ü ^ ] V ' J - ^

ques- tion that he could not answer, my father asked me'. When the noun or pronoun focus of the sentence is stated once as the direct object, it is sometimes omitted later (by attraction) even 5

A shrewd and powerful Uzbek ruler of the late 18th century.

SYNTAX

405

where it is not anaphoric, but an independent object in the clause: ӯро ман дар вақте дидам, ки ба госпидаль мебурданд J J ö-a I j j l j^jj-j^j-^o J L \ \ J . M ^ <_> <£ *f ^ - J LT*-*J

^s a v v h * m ( a t

a

t ' m e ) when

they were taking [him] to the hospital' (yaqt 'time1 is the antecedent, not u-ro\ cf. 4.27). If the antecedent becomes part of an expanded NP with new information, the anaphor cannot be omitted: дар тани ман чунон либосҳо-е буд, ки ман пеш аз он монанди онҳоро напӯшида будам ЬА j inj-^» bU-^i 'I was wearing clothes the like of which I had never worn before' ('such clothes that the like of them...'). Anaphoric copies of more complex or less predictable prepositional relations are not omitted: рӯйхати фанҳо-е, ки аз рӯи о н ҳ о и м т и ҳ о н гирифта м е ш а в а д , бетағир м е м о н а д

I <j '>Т ^ j j

jl 4_£ ^»1

j '» « Je^k ^ J J

JJJLO^-A J-J-XJLS ^J-J jj^i^j^o < "i aj-S ^ I ^ " л I 'the list of subjects on

which the examinations are given remains unchanged'. In possessive or partitive anaphors such as these, either independent pronouns (as above) or pronominal clitics may modify the inserted nominal: Одина дар завод-е, ки шумо дар фасли боло дарун ва берун-ашро тамошо кардед, кор мекунад J-uö-a j j I о Л, <£ i^j\j j j «-IJJT J LJJJ^ ^Ь 'Odina works in the plant which you have seen, inside and outside, in the paragraph above' ('that the inside and outside of it...'). 4.45

Relative Clauses (4): Anomalies

The following examples represent unusual forms of the types described above, and in the last case a deceptively similar construction which is not actually a relative sentence. Topicalization: Relative clauses occur in which the usually direct relation between the head and the antecedent is dislocated or elided. This may happen through topicalization (see 4.1(8)): лампаи овеза, ки онро худи Алй соз карда, шишаашро ҳар шаб... тоза карда мемонд «öjj-£ j U - J^J-C JJ_^ I J C J7 <£ «Ö^JJT 3-^ÖJ j^La^A ÖJJ-£ öjLi ...,•_! Л, JA l^^jiiN ,7. _\ ,7. 'Every night Ali used to clean the glass of the hanging lamp, which he trimmed

406

CHAPTER FOUR

himself ('the hanging lamp.... he cleaned its glass'). The relative clause refers as expected to the lamp, but the object of the main clause is actually its glass (the head of the underlying izofat NP sisa-i lampa-i oveza); to simplify the syntax, the immediate object NP, lampa-i oveza, remains as the Topic of the main clause, where it is related to sisa by means of an anaphoric pronominal enclitic. Similarly, in a Restrictive relative clause: муборизае, ки ман дар давом-и се сол бурда омадам, натиҷа-аш фақат ҳамин рӯз маълум шуд <^ *\3± Jhj ^ <£ t{S\ Ö J J L I ^ j_jj fj\

* n jjj jj

лй U1 ä (jii14 ^ jV< «^J—aT ujj-j JLi-u 'the

result of the struggle (that) I have waged for three years became known only today' ('the struggle that.., its result...'). The opposite stratagem, a refusal to topicalize, may obscure the subject in one of the clauses (especially if, as here, there are two subordinate clauses): бо дидани нони гарм оби даҳони Шокир, {ки хеле гурусна буд,} чакида омада бошад ҳам, ба нон даст дароз накард <JL^ <£} <^£Li ö ^ ^ ?ß* и^ u ^ J L j^£j» j l j j CJUUUJ а^ч *{** ±-Ы-* ÖX-ÖT бл-jS-a. {«JJ-J 4Ji_uuj^ 'at the sight of the warm bread Shokir's mouth began to water, since he was very hungry, yet he did not reach for the bread' (lit. '...although the saliva of Shokir, who was very hungry, began to drip, he did not reach...'). Shokir is the subject of both the main clause and the relative, though not of the concessive clause; nevertheless the sentence as a whole is well-formed. Clauses without ки 4 £ In the following Semi-Restrictive relative sentence, ki is omitted from each of the coordinate relative clauses, though their verbs are finite: барои ran зада додани онҳо шаб-е даркор, субҳ надошта бошад, ё рӯзе даркор аст, офтобаш фурӯ наравад < j L £ j j ^ , - ^ Ц-^Т ö J ' J 6 J J 'in order to have them talk, one needs a night that has no morning, or a day when the sun never sets' ('...a day, its sun would not set'). Attraction: When the relative clause closely follows the head, the head may attract an adposition which properly belongs to an anaphoric element (now omitted) in the relative clause: аз ҷо-е ки омадй,

SYNTAX

407

ба ҳамон ҷо бар гард J^SJ-J Ц> a^H 'с**3-** ^ <_л?Ц j 1 'g° back to where you came from' (lit. 'from the place that you came, go back to the same place'; the preposition az is attached to the main clause NP antecedent instead of a subordinate clause copy, bajo-e, ki az onjo omadi\ cf. 4.32). Not relative-and-anaphor:

Sometimes what may look at first like a

relative construction followed by an anaphoric pronoun or NP turns out, when more of the sentence is revealed, to be an unrelated construction: ба миёни рӯи ҳавлӣ расвдам, ки аз меҳмонхонаи он ҳавлӣ Ҳамидҷон Давида баромад-у маро дида... 4 [had] reached the yard of the house, when Hamidjon ran out from the guestroom (of that house), saw me, and...'. The sentence is a sequence of actions, including the ki clause, which is thus less likely to be a relative clause (descriptive in purpose) than a postposed temporal clause introducing a new action (4.39, Temporal clauses). 4.46

Relative Clauses (5): Specialized Types

The following four categories represent particular uses of the Relative construction for specialized purposes. Non-referential heads. When the antecedent designates an undefined, as yet unidentified, entity (e.g., a postulated X, such as would do Қ not a known A who/ which actually does ß), the verb in the relative clause which specifies the quality postulated is in the Subjunctive: каманд-е, ки бо дасти устози камандандоз партофта шавад, ҳаргиз хато намекунад d j ^ j L» L\'i.ft/s j L i l u l *the/ a bow (that

is) shot by a master bowman never misses'; ба забон-е, ки мо ҳам (онро) бифаҳмем, ran занед! (I J ( jT) ^л Lo «LS « ^ L J <_» * * y*j V-AS Y J " и & ; 'speak the/ a language that we (can) understand too!' (though translatable in English by either a definite or an indefinite article, these heads are most likely Definite in conception, and certainly in their direct juxtaposition to the relative clause seem to be Restrictive relative heads); шоире/ ҳеч шоир

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нест, ки дар васфи баҳор... шеър на-нависад £-л.д\ ^j-cLj, л т \j) *>"« j

* MI . . . j L ^ - j

• Q' ^ j

jj

« L $ «.,-.«.. »'« j _ c l _ i 5 i ' t h e r e i s n o

poet who does not write poetry about the spring'; одаме ба мо лозим аст, ки аз ҳеч чиз натарсад
t.tj

"I'I j — J ^ ^ j ft jl 'we need a person who is not afraid of

anything'; ман... дар паи ёфтани тахаллусе афтодам, ки маъниҳои бисьёре дошта бошад ü i n U ' i О-^Цл ^ j j . . . ^ jJLL jl 'he, she', инҳо I ^-^1 'they'), even if a following relative clause is semantically Semi-restrictive, they do not take the relative -e: ман, ки ҳисоби абҷадро ёд гирифтагӣ будам,... 4_£ « ^ ...,f jj_» ^<Л fl^S j L Ijj ^ J u^l in ^ 'I, who had learned how to count using the letters of the alphabet,...'; вай, ки коргар аст ва ту, ки деҳқон ҳастӣ, бояд бештар ошно шавед « £ tL^j j _ j j _ i i j I '\ Mil j " '"• * * J _ I L J 'i4** "> ft ( j L ä - f t j
'he, who is a worker, and you, who are a farmer, must get better acquainted'. Selective relatives. By contrast, the demonstrative pronouns он <jT 'that one, that person' and онҳо/ онон ^LiT \l д *»7 'those ones, those people', which act as the selective pronouns 'he (who...'), 'those (who...'), in this function demand a Restrictive relative clause. In the singular, they mostly stand without the linking -e: он, ки ба мо даст дарозӣ кунад, бо сараш, албатта, бозӣ кунад JM< t £ j b «< л \ II .(jLj-^. L «JJI^ c^jijJ cu-^ij LQ-J 4-l^T 'he who raises his hand against us surely risks his head'; одами хуб он аст, ки аз кори бад рӯ метобад .«^-*J £>\ ^j-^ J*JT j-jLi^^e J J J_I j L i j \ <_£ 'the good man is he who turns away from evil deeds'. In the plural, demonstrative heads usually add the enclitic: ононe, ки дар шаҳрҳо истиқомат мекунанд, аз меҳнати мо

SYNTAX д е ҳ қ о н о н бехабар-анд ^ ^ 1 a "

409 ..A I * j

J-^J-I^^J-J ^L»LS_AJ L» .^•'»•v * j \ *.\\\<^

^ л j j «L_£ /«-JL^T

* 'those who live in the

cities know nothing of the drudgery of us farmers'; онҳо-е, {ки лаб-лаби ҷӯй мерафтанд,} ба ҷое рост омаданд, {ки об аз ду ҷой роши ҷӯйро бардошта, тамоман ба тарафи киштзор гузаштааст} {* *'*" « j ^ - L£J-^ v - ' v - ' ^ } #u> *' ü ^ lj-i ,7.< «-fljia-j LöLoJi'those who went right to the channel's edge came up against a spot where the water had swept away the retaining dike in two places and completely invaded the fields' (a Semi-Restrictive relative clause follows the Non-restrictive one). Note that the equivalent demonstrative adjective phrases are usually Non-restrictive: ин кас..., ки ба ту ёрмандии калон дх 1 расондааст -^ --А UJJ>L_«_UJ ^>L£ LZ** ' "J 1 * j "; ^ '•••и ^ О- ' 'this person, who has rendered you great assistance'. With чи «La. (a particle related to the interrogative чӣ «La. 'what?'), the demonstrative pronoun forms он чи (ки) ( J '"- «i—^ л ^ "*T 'what you heard was (evidently) the song of a nightingale'. On ci does not normally prompt an anaphoric pronoun object {on ci ki [onro] sunided..). In elevated literary style, it may take -ro when it is itself the direct object: on ci(-ro) ki medoned, bigu 'tell me what you know'; онҳо он чи-ро ки дар «Китоб- уш-шифо» фунун-и само-и табий ном дорад, мухтасаран дар бар мегирад * j j < ^ ^ J-J 'they [sc. 'these treatises'] comprise in summary form that which in the Kitäb al-shifä is called the branches of natural celestial science'. Questioning the head and relative. To question the identity of someone or something defined by means of a pronoun and a relative clause, the interrogative complement (question word and VP) is usually embedded: ту кисти, ки аз ман савол кунй? ч ь " ... > <, ^ Jlj-ьи j>o j \ <_$ 'who are you, to question me?' ('that you should...', subjunctive); он кй буда-аст, ки дами дар истода-

410

CHAPTER FOUR аст? So-u^ul 6jl

" .r.jl jj/>j <_S «iz.t.M.1 6jj->, ^

<ji ' w h o is that

(who is) standing by the door?'; ин чист, ки аз гор баромада меояд? ? х Л ^ бл-oTj-i j L c jl «_£ ,«-•-•- ^ ^ 1 'what is this (that is) coming out of the cave?'. In questions, plural demonstratives as heads of Selective Relative clauses do not usually add the Relative enclitic -e: онҳо кӣ бошанд, ки бо мо саломалейк накарданд? Чл'\~ К"»,< А с fbL^u Lo L <-£ .j-laiL ^ Lfxl 'who are those people, who didn't greet us?' (subjunctive in main clause; i.e. 'who might they be?/ who do they think they are!'). In archaic style, as in poetry or riddles, the interrogative complement may come first: чист он, ки мил надорад-у ҳдмчун соат тиқ-тиқ мекунад? -Дил j jjljJ» Je—* <-£ '<1>Т«""" j ? J j - S A±& с г л ^ ^ c-t*Luu öj^ ** ' w hat is it that has no hand, but goes tick-tock like a clock? —The heart' (hence the word for 'riddle': чистон £jl"... »^ 'what-is-it') Indefinite relatives. Like Selective relative clauses, those beginning with the distributive pronoun ҳдр J-Ä 'each, every' (2.38) designate a restricted class of entity, defined only by the clause itself: ҳар (он) ки А £ (^TJJ-JU 'anyone who, whoever', ҳар (он) чи (<JT)J_Ä 'everything that, whatever', and ҳар (ку)ҷо J_Ä ju\L_a. 'everywhere that, wherever', have several variants each, and all in some uses function as Relative Conjuncts (cf. har vaqt 'whenever', which is exclusively a Relative Conjunct; 4.26). Examples: ҳар (кас-е) ки расид дарояд <—S (, 4 щ <) ^л J_IT j j tj у —j 'whoever arrives, let them come in' (for the tense of the subordinate verb, see 4.35); ҳар он чи гуфтед дуруст аст .-..»I -"'--J -* %У'** 6 - ^Т j A 'all that you have said is true'; ҳар чи бодо бод JLJ I J L «L^jjb 'whatever will be, will be' (lit. 'let be whatever is to be'; see 3.7); ҳар чи ки шумо ба ман гуфтед, ман

фаҳмидам ^

< .\ • " я A

^ J ^ j & 'everything you have told me I have understood'. More than one such phrase may appear in the same clause: ҳар кас ҳар чи хоҳад: нон, пул, харбуза, тарбуз, ғӯлунг, мавиз оварда диҳад O J ^ P ^jJ-bj—*-«J>^

'б1^

;

J - A I J — ^ <-* J-A с н ^

J^

jjbj 6Jjjl J-*J о «*-S-lJj—с 'anyone may contribute anything he wants [to]—bread, money, watermelons, melons, dried apricots,

SYNTAX

411

raisins'. 'Wherever' appears to have the most variants: ҳар куҷо санг ояд бар пои ланг ояд ^.Л JSJJ ^L» ^ J Л-Л .<**.•• \ r< j * 'the sore foot always catches the stone' (prov., 'wherever a stone might come, it comes against the lame foot'); ҳар куҷой ки равй, фаҳмон, ки мо кистем L« <_S ^1 п д \ t(SJj <S ^ ^ < ^л ^ j " IMJ^ 'wherever you go, tell (people) who we are'; ҳар куҷо-е равй, танҳо нести ^ " ••• у* I д'»" « ^ J J l C ji ^ < ^ a 'wherever you go, you are not alone'; ҳар ҷо ки равй, ман ҳам аз ақиб-ат меравам ^JjLf^ •;•; • - j l ^л ^л <(jjj <-£ La> ^л 'wherever you go, I will follow you'. 'However/ in whatever way': ҳар гуна/ тарз/ хел ки бошад, хуб мешавад j j Л j n «—»j^ • J - Д Ь 4-S J J ^ \jj^ \<^J^J-& 'however it is/ whatever it is like, it will turn out all right' (for ҳар чанд J '»>jJb 'however (much), notwithstanding, although', see 4.34; for ҳар гоҳ 'if (ever)', see 4.35). 4.47

Nominalizations

A salient function of three of the Tajik participles (types karda, kardagi, mekardagt), as has been noted incidentally (3.43—44, 3.46), is to anchor extended adjectival phrases that are the semantic equivalent of several kinds of Relative clause, thus reducing to a morphological feature what in common Persian is generally a syntactic one. Here further examples of all three participles in these Turkish-style constructions will be related systematically to the typology of Relative clauses as described in the preceding five sections. Not examined below are those with only one argument in excess of the participle (typically an adverbial or a pronominal enclitic), which are close to Persian-style (and English) reduced relative clauses: ман ҷанҷол-и { б о имом шуда-ро} нақл кардам f L J L»} Jl ^ '*-% <j-o fjj£ J i ^ [ I j Ä J - ^ ' I described the altercation with the imam'; харҳо-и {борҳо-шон фуровардашуда} дар кӯча истода буданд ^ L Ä J — ^ ^JJ-J öjh.njl 4-*.j£ jJ öjJti 6Jjjlj-fl o ^ ^ JIJ 'donkeys with their burdens unloaded stood in the street' (see 3.43(2)); {аз фронт омадагиҳо} ҳар кадомаш аллакай соҳиби идора шуд, раис

412

CHAPTER FOUR

шуд-ку! 'each one of those who have come from the front have already been made heads of departments, chairmen even!' (cf. Selective relatives, below). Restrictive relative (Definite head; 4.44): тарси {дар димоғи ту чандин сол ғуншударо} якбора баровардам £ Laj jj] ^ ^ ^JJJTJ_J 6jl ^ i {IJÄJU-^IHJ-^ Jl—<- бе^-Ц^ >^ I removed once and for all the fear that had been stored in your brain for so many years'; Мамараҷаб... дасти {гарната доштаашро} ба ҳаво л бардошт lj_4-i [ljLß\ < " M.IJ « ü L j J } OJ-*-J V T J * * ^ cj-ibj-» 'Mamarajab [Muhammad-rajab]... raised his hand, in which he held a grenade, into the air' (not Non-restrictive, despite the pauses in English; cf. '...the hand in which he held...'); колхозчиён меваи {ба бозор оварда мешудагиро} ба сабадҳо ҷо карданд { I J ^ J ^ ^ 6jjjT J I J L <_.} ÖJ-^O ^ L i ^ ^ U J L ^ ±^jj£ Ц LA J-UJXJ 'the collective farmworkers packed into baskets the fruit that they were (going) to take to the market'. With a partitive phrase as head: яке аз самовархонаҳои {сохиб-аш гурехтарафта} и 7, j•%L^a} ^ L A O L L J J I Л lti jl ^ I J {<-JL-i j A m\ \ jjS 'one of the teahouses the proprietors of which have/ had fled'; ман аз он табибони {шумо мегуфтагй} нестам р~ ... j \ [^т\ i ^ ^ I ^ *Ц pi \ j \ U 0^ j ' ü- 0 'I a m n o t one of those doctors you spoke o f ('spoken of by you'). Semi-restrictive relative (Specific head; 4.44): The head comes before the relative phrase if this contains a possessive anaphor, and after the relative phrase if this contains a prepositional phrase: чун тудаи коҳи ба зер-аш ахгар гузоштаистода *L£ 6 j ^ о&^ *JLLX4I_J * ~ Al*t< j<~ I ^L^J^JI Mike a pile of straw underneath which hot ashes have been placed'; maxce салла-аш бо гарданаш печон-да(шуда) (ОХШ) *-«'*! ^ j * JuliAjSL L ^I (jiiJijj-S L» ( J L M M. * L ^ ^ 1 ^ 4 .7. ' . . . w h o s e

turban was wrapped around his neck'; {ба қуръон амал

SYNTAX

намудаги} кас, муъмину мусалмон аст J CLX^UUI p i

413

^Tj

&
Л1М, Л J О-Л$-*в « О ^ { ^ J J n Va person w h o acts in

accordance with the Koran is a believer and a Muslim'. Selective relative (4.46): The participle alone replaces both the pronoun(s) он(ҳо) (LA)<JT and the VP of the Relative clause, and stands at the end of the Relative phrase: {дар хона будагиҳо} ҳеч надида буданд JJ»JJ^ Ъ±-Л±± Q-±J* { L A ^ J ^ J «LJ»I ^ jj} 'those who are/ were in the room saw nothing'; {бадкирдорй ва ёғигй мекардагиҳоро} мо ана ҳамин тавр сазой мекунем (i i Vs i о £ ^-il j-^uu 'this is how we requite those who commit mischief and rebellion'; {қаламу коғази шарикашро бе ҷавоб наме- гирифтагй,} {ба шарики {қаламу коғаз надоштаги}-аш қаламу коғази зиёдии худро медодагй}... нағзтар мебошад ju» ...{ L r §jlj L ^ ö 'he who does not take his classmate's pen and paper without permission, who gives his own surplus pen and paper to his classmate who doesn't have any... is the better [student |'.6 Of the two serial Relative phrases, the second contains a third, nested, Relative phrase.

6 From pre-Soviet examples cited in Rzehak 2001, pp. 53, 55 (as also the 'Koran' and 'doctors' sentences); Arabic orthography has been slightly modified, and Cyrillic transcription supplied.

CHAPTER FIVE LEXIS AND SOCIOLINGUISTICS NOMINALS: CONVERSION AND SUFFIXES 5.1

Homonymy and Conversion

Like English, Tajik tolerates a fair amount of derivational homonymy, which is disambiguated syntactically. Unlike radical homonymy (the coincidence of unrelated words), which is a mild nuisance and tends to restrict the lexicon, derivational homonymy is a source of creative word building and hence lexical expansion. The noun ором *l j Г 'quiet, calm, tranquility' is also the adjective (both predicative and attributive) 'quiet, calm, tranquil'. A word such as хоб ^ - J j ^ may be a noun with two distinct meanings, 'sleep' (a mass noun) and 'dream' (a count noun, xob-ho 'dreams'); it may additionally function as a predicative adjective: хоб аст OJ <M1 C_JJ ä. 'he is asleep' (presumably derived from a prepositional phrase, darI ba xob 'in/ at sleep'). Conversion is the use of a word of one lexical category in another category, without morphological change. In Tajik it occurs most readily from adjective to noun status, but also from noun to adjective and adverb, and from verb stem to nominal. Words that are substantivized (used as nouns) may usually take on all the grammatical functions of nouns, though (like the adjectival and adverbial migrants from other categories) they may in practice be confined to certain idioms. Adjective to noun: In being substantivized, the meaning of an adjective is generalized: марди ҷавон Ü ' J - ^ J J - ° 'young man'; як ҷавон ^ ^jij ^ 'a youth', ҷавонон <JLJIJ ^ 'young people, the young'. So likewise калон ^У£> 'big, great, adult'; калонҳо LA ^у£ 'grown-ups, elders', калону хурд J ^ L j ö ^ '°ld a °d young, children and adults'; нобино 1 "> i;L> 'blind; blind person', pi. нобиноён ^Ь1_ЦА_»Ц> 'the blind'. Often an adjective may be more readily substantivized in the plural than the singular: камбағал JJL_» ^ 'poor, indigent'; одам-е

416

CHAPTER HVE

камбағал J-Ц»^ ^Sl

c

a poor person', камбағалон jjbLJL»^ 'the

poor'. Some substantives (notably those of impermanent state or status) are indifferently nouns or adjectives according to context: савор ш 'mounted, on board, riding': фойтун савор шуд ^

J\J

" Л ь

j_^ii jlj—MI 'he got into a carriage' (and other constructions; see 2.41); як савори қазоқ J l j

& J\J

ш

L£LJ 'a Kazakh horseman'; пиёда

6 J L J 'on foot, walking': кӯшуни пиёда * J L ^ uJ^*

'infantry* (lit

'troops of foot', adj.; also пиёдақӯшун p j , n a 6 jLi^ as a Determinative compound, 5.7); as a noun, 'infantryman, pedestrian': саворон-ро чй парво-и пиёда? S ÖJI_I_» <_$IJ^J «-a. I j o ' J ' J

"• 'what does the

cavalry care for the foot soldier?' (dative use of -ro\ see 2.18). Noun to Adjective: A noun becomes an adjective by specialization of its meaning. Often the noun is an abstract of quality or state (cf. xob above), and the adjective then designates the person or thing of that quality or in that state; such adjectives are often limited to (or more common in) predicate use: зӯр

j

J3

'force, strength'; одами зӯр *Л

J J J 'strong person'; ҷӯр jj-a. 'harmony, concord; matching, a pair': ин дуто (бо ҳам) ҷӯр нест .-..-у» JJ^ (*jb L>) Lijj j ^ l 'these two don't match/ fit/ go together'. Arabic borrowings are prominent in this category: хилват CJJ-LI 'seclusion, private place'; кӯчаи хилват v^>LL ^ j — S 'quiet street' (cf, SPxalvat). A few such nouns appear as adverbs rather than adjectives: роҳат c t a J j 'comfort, ease'; роҳат хоб кунед! !.^ J'I< «—»Ij-l CLA\J 'sleep comfortably / easy / well' (cf. rähat as an adjective in SP). A few Arabic loans have been totally redefined as adjectives in modern Tajik; their original quality noun sense is met only in older literature, and they form new quality nouns by suffixation: саломат CL* 'healthy, well', саломатй ^р-оЫ-^и 'health, soundness'; зарур 'necessary' (often predicative; the attributive synonym is зарурӣ an adjectival suffix, see 5.4; 'necessity' is зарур-ият ) Arabic nouns used in Composite verbs are sometimes found as

^JJJ

adjectives: қуфл аст с» ml J i

5, colloq. qulfast 'it is locked' {qufl

'lock', qufl/ qulfkardan 'to lock'; cf. 5.18); дил-и сиҳат ,, t % . ^ J j 'a healthy heart' (cf. sihat yoftanl sudan 'get well', 5.19).

LEXIS AND SOCIOLINGUISTICS

417

Verb to substantive: Stem I or Stem II forms of some verbs (3.2-3) may occur without modification as nouns, adjectives, or adverbs (as also in combination or with affixes: see 5.9-10). Stem I (the base for active voice and present tense) tends to provide mostly adjectives, Stem II (the base for passive voice and past tenses) mostly nouns. From bastanl band- 'to close, block, tie': роҳ банд аст c ^ . l J-Ц» *l J 'the road is closed'; бо кори худ банд буд JJ-J JJLJ JJ^L J L £ L 'he was tied up/ busy with his work' (predic. adjs.); as a noun, Stem I band has a variety of meanings, e.g., 'bond, link; barrier, dam; joint; bundle, bunch' (the last often as a numerator, 2.50). Stem II occurs also in the sense 'bunch, bundle, pack' (a doublet of basta, 5.2), and thus as a numerator: ду бает ҳезум ^ j j a ,ZJ.M \ J J 'two bundles of firewood'; and as a manner nominal in phrases such as қад-у бает jJa с ч и ! j 'height and build', баст-и салла «LLU ,:MMJ 'style [i.e., way of tying] of turban'. From soxtanl soz- 'to construct, arrange; suit, conform', Stem I: co3 jL-u (predic. adj., adv.) 'suitable, in harmony, apt(ly)': ана ҳамин ҷо-и дарё барои гузаргоҳ соз аст ^ I J - J b j j ^ l *. J_J—O_A «UJ •г'^"1 jLuu ÖL£ j I S 'this spot on the river is suitable for a ford'; шумо хеле соз ran задед д-jjj ^ J L U J ^ I J ^ I о £ 'you spoke very articulately/to the point'; оркестр бисер соз менавохт j " ... \ *sjl J 'the orchestra played very harmoniously/ were very together'. Stem II: сохт c ^ L ^ 'structure, construction, artefact' (noun, as head of izofat): сохти бадан <JJ_J CU-^I ш 'anatomy, constitution' ('structure of the body'); сохти Тоҷикистон c»Al ш ^ | - . . . < ^ ^ | - 'made in Tajikistan' (lit. 'artefact of T.'). Similarly, from boftan 'to weave': бофти хонагӣ '(of) domestic weave, woven at home'; from raftanl rav- 'to go': рафти об с_Л duäj 'current, flow (of water)'; рафти кор jLS cj-bj 'tempo, pace, system (of work, activity)'; from the Complex verb daromadanldaro(y) 'to come in': даромад а-Л j j 'income'. A few Imperative forms may be converted to adjectives: бидав JJ_J 'swift' (of a horse; davidan 'to run'), аспи бидав J J - J ^.J-^I 'racehorse'; бизан öj-e 'bold, daring" (zadan/ zan- 'to strike').

418

CHAPTER FIVE

5.2

Suffixes. (1): Main Noun Formatives

Suffixation is the principal means of lexical derivation; more than forty nominal suffixes have been claimed for Tajik. Several of the most common ones are homonymous, the same final syllable serving two or more quite different functions; care must therefore be taken to identify the category of the base word, and the sense of the syntactic matrix. Some of the following (and others not listed here) have already been illustrated under Adjectives (2.39), Adverbs (2.46,2.48), Numbers (2.52, 2.53), and Verbs (3.38). Suffixes carry final stress and are an integral part of the noun or adjective they form. Those beginning with consonants may occur in pairs, with the initial consonant voiced or unvoiced depending on the final consonant of the base word. Those beginning with vowels may acquire an initial buffer of various sorts. The first of the two lists of noun formatives is limited to eight suffixes that are fully productive, with a large number of derivatives, -a 4_-, after a vowel -я <_»-, a nominal suffix from several ultimate sources, with several functions, in some of which it is still productive (see also the adjectival formative -a, 5.4). From concrete nouns and adjectives it produces particular instances or metaphorical specializations: зарда ÖJJJ 'bile, gall' (zard 'yellow'), даст-а 4 Л . oj 'handle, haft; handful, bunch, group, set' (dast 'hand'); e.g., арра-и ду-даста < " mjjj Vjl 'two-handled saw', derivationally distinct from the adjective-adverb дудаст-а «LLujjjj 'two-handed; with both hands' (cf. 2.53, under Cooperative adverbials). From numerals are produced metaphorical collectives: ҳафта 4—:LJLÄ 'week' {haft 'seven'), панҷа A ? II 'claw, (grasping) hand' (panj 'five'). From Stem I of a few verbs it generates nouns of activity, of single instance, or product: ханда * JJIA 'laugh(ter)' (xandidan 'to laugh'), гиря 4 - J J - S 'weeping' (giristan 'to weep'), ларза б JjJ 'trembling, shiver(ing)' (larzidan 'to tremble'), -ак £-, after a vowel -як *S^-: (a) Added to entity nouns, NPs, and personal names, it forms diminutives, usually endearing, but sometimes contemptuous in connotation: мурғак « ü j - * 'birdie', писарак Sj^u^ 'laddie, kid' (pisar 'boy'), Амонак tiJLol 'dear

LEXIS AND SOCIOLINGUISTICS

Amon\ набераяк-ам ^

xtj

J

419

^ 'my dear granddaughter';

модар-и меҳрубонак «-l^L>j д о j j L * 'mommy dear' (modari mehrubon, 'kind mother', the scope of the diminutive embracing the whole izofat phrase). (b) Added to verbal agentives or suitable nouns, it forms concrete instrumentives: обпошак . ^ , ; . L u i 'watering can' (ob 'water' and Stem I of posidan 'to spray'); бандак £д \ % 'pin, clasp' (Stem I of bastan 'to fasten'), гӯшак i_£lij-5 '(telephone) receiver, handset' (gu& 'ear'). It also forms a few instance nouns from verb stems: чинаки дуйюми пахта «—J Ц» ^ j j Л ' ^ п 'the second cotton harvest' (cidan 'to pick, gather'), идгардак ^ j j ^ j \r 'holiday visiting of relatives by children' (id 'holiday', gastan 'to tour, make the rounds'). For adverbial uses, see 5.5. -акак -<<-, an intensive form of the above, gives, e.g., кам-акак 'а pinch, spot' (kam 'little [in quantity]'), хурдакак tSSi^L 'a bit,' (xurd 'small'); чанд рӯзакак ^S 4J3J j_La> 'a few (short) days' (diminution or approximation); and some endearing adverbs: 6a шарте ки ту дасту рӯятро нағзакак бишӯй jJl 4_£ ^^Joj Л,; ^ j ,7J JI «.S-SjiJi I j o j j j j CJ-LUJJ 'provided you wash your hands and face nicely' (nagz 'good, nice, well'). -rap j £ - , -кор j l £ - form agent nouns and agentive adjectives from nouns of entity or activity (occasionally, from adjectives; but not directly from verb stems): коргар jS, jLS '(manual) worker', (kor 'work'); хиёнат-кор j L ^ d ^ l i A 'traitor; treacherous' (xiyonat 'betrayal'); ҳила-гар jS A I j ^ 'deceitful, cunning' (hila 'trick, deception'); варзиш-гар j < ^JJJ 'athlete, sportsman' (varzis 'sport'; cf. SPvarzef-kar). A third variant, -gor, evidently a voiced version of -kor, is no longer productive: ситамгор j \ ^ n "\ ,., 'tyrant, oppressor' (sitam 'misrule, oppression');гунаҳгор j\K<\ \Ъ 'sinner' (gunohl gunah 'sin'); рафтагор jl^Lä j 'headed for, on the way to' (with izofat; 2.41). This also occurs in senses other than agentive: рӯзгор J^JJJ 'time, era; domesticity, household' (ruz 'day'). An earlier form ёдгор j \ SJLJ 'memento, keepsake; relic, legacy' is now usually ёдгорӣ ^ J I I J L (a substantivized adjectival -~i, see 5.4).

420

CHAPTER FIVE

-гари ^ j S - : in addition to being the noun of occupation derived from existing nouns ending in the agentive -gar (+ noun formative -Й <^- below; e.g., дуредгарй (jj%±± j * 'carpentry'), this composite suffix functions in its own right even when there exists no actual or plausible agentive in -gar (a "leapfrogging" suffix; cf. Stem I + -7, 5.9). Mainly it replaces noun formative -7 when the base noun already ends in -и ^ - : босмачи-гарй ^JL ^ 4 «.„L 'state of being a counter-revolutionary guerrilla, basmachism', сӯфи-гарй ^ j ^ ^ j - ^ a ' S i i f i c m ' y L g J < ^ JJ . ... 'soldiering, military status'. It is limited to forming nouns of activity or institution, when the base noun is a human agent, and does not attach to adjectives such азхолй ^ 1 ^ 'empty' ('emptiness, vacuum' is холигй ^ ^ j H i , cf. rozigi 'satisfaction'; and 'basmachism' is also босмачигй ^ < j ^ * * ..1 t using the phonetic variant -gl). Tajik usage does not correspond fully with that of SP; e.g. Taj. дин-и буддой ^ I J U J ^ j 'Buddhism' (SP budmgari). In Tajik, the suffix is also attached to some nouns ending in a consonant: одамгарй ^ j < * *T 'humanity, humanitarianism' (odam 'human being'). Nouns in -gari may evolve concrete senses: боигарй ^ J ^ J J 1 ; 'wealth, riches', i.e., not only the status of a rich person, but the material possessions, as in боигариҳои табий ^ L A ^ J ^ % jL> ^^JLJL-LL 'natural resources'. (Note also the orthographic peculiarity in Cyrillic: the base noun бой ^ Ь 'rich man' loses its final semi-consonant у before quasi-yotated i, the string й-и merging into и—see 1.12. In Perso-Arabic this word may also be written -истой fj\ " ...-: forms locative nouns, esp. names of countries, on the names of the inhabitants: қиргиз-истон 'Kirghizia, Kirgizstan' (Qirgiz). -иш ^jS.- : from Stem I of verbs, forms nouns of activity and/ or instance: дониш ^L-lb 'knowledge' (donistan 4o know', etc.); numerous and still productive: густариш ^ j \ <•• ^ 'expansion, development' (gustardan 'to spread'). This may be applied to several Complex verbs: во-хӯр-иш ^ J v ^Ü j 'encounter, meeting' (vo-xurdan 'to encounter'), but not normally to Composite verbs

LEXIS AND SOCIOLINGUISTICS

421

(cf. -1, 5.9. For -iS, see further, 3.38). -Ӣ ij— (-ГӢ i^-) forms abstract nouns of quality from adjectives and type nouns, of activity from agentives, of state from participles, оип etc.: ҷавонй ^ I j - ^ 'youth' (ҷавон ü ' j - ^ 'У 8> young man'); ақибмонй ^ L o « ifl г 'backwardness' (aqib-mondan 'to stay/ be left behind'. After the vowel -a (-a 4_-) and sometimes after -ӣ ^ - this suffix usually takes the form -гй ^ - (see 1.8): гуруснагй ^ < *i, HJ-JL (literary), гушнагӣ ^ < *> - S (colloquial) 'hunger' (gurusna/ gusna 'hungry'); зиндагӣ ^s^j 'life' (зинда OJJJJ 'alive, living'; orig. active participle of zistanl zl- 'to live'); норози-гӣ u ^ j >>>1JLJ 'dissatisfaction' (розӣ Lr^*\j 'content, satisfied' with neg. prefix; 5.6);ҳамвазифагй LJ£JLJJ^J^A 'identity of function' (ham-vazifa 'having the same duty/ function', see 5.6). In Perso-Arabic, especially after -i ^ , this variant may be written separately: ^ <^ .~\j 'satisfaction, consent', қозигӣ ^^^üaLS 'qozi-ship, status of judge'. Such nouns readily evolve concrete senses, as ширинӣ f^^j j M. 'sweets, candy' (lit. 'sweetness', <sirin 'sweet'; itself orig. < sir 'milk' + adj. suffix of material, see 5.5); сиёҳй ^ I j • •• 'ink' (lit. 'blackness', <siyoh 'black'). From agentive nouns (see -gar and -a, and 5.9) are produced nouns of occupation: мошинсозӣ ^ J L L U ^ J J .ol n 'car manufacture' (soxtan 'to construct'; cf. 5.1), хилагарӣ ^JL 'deceitfulness, cunning' and, where appropriate, location: бензинфурӯшӣ f^ijj ъ^у^-л 'filling station' (benzin 'gaso\mt\ furuxtan 'to sell'). This suffix's continued productivity is seen in nouns of activity formed on Stem I of the central verb of quite complex idioms: аз-назар-гузаронй ^ 1 jj_S j-kJi j \ 'consideration, review' (az nazar guzarondan, lit. 'to pass by [one's) view');a3-xyfl-Kymi jl i^k jj i. 'diligence, self-motivation' (az xud kardan 'to do by oneself). If intransitive, these are construed in izofat with the subject: azxudkunii korgaron 'the workers' dedication'; if transitive, with the object: баъд аз ба-хдсоб-гири-и фаъолиятҳои ҷосусони хориҷӣ ^LAVTJL-JL-*—a UJ

j

^ц!

in

^ \ j\ J—Ä-J

-a. 'after (a) taking into account (of) the activities

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CHAPTER FIVE

of foreign spies'. (For adverbials formed with this suffix, see 2.46, 2.48; for compounds, see further 5.9.) -ча 4-а,- forms diminutives from nouns and adjectives (neutral, endearing, jocular, or contemptuous): дегча 'small cooking pot' (deg 'cauldron, pan'), духтарча «La. JJLIJ'dear daughter' (dwxtar'girl, daughter'; cf. duxtar-ak 'little girl', 5.2); дарёча-и Варзоб-и мо I—о «_>l j j j «Ц.Ь j j 'our dear old Varzob river'; with colors, it denotes approximation or lack of saturation: сафедча «^-> * * • • 'whitish' (safed 'white'), кабуд-ча <-a.jj-i£ 'pale blue'. With terms that already connote positive values, it may constitute contempt or ridicule: шоирчаҳо Ul ... ^ 'accountant' Qiisob 'calculation'); аълочй L ^ ^ I 'honor student' (a'lo 'superior, excellent'). The animate plural is written -чиён ^ Ц ^ . - , but the plural in -ho (written separately in Perso-Arabic: L A ^ . ^ - ) is more usual. The activity noun adds -ги JL-. стахановчигй ^ j ^ ^ 1 ^LlLL-ш 'stakhanovism' (staxanovci 'stakhanovite, over-achiever'). 5.3

Suffixes. (2): Other Noun Formatives

The following eleven suffixes are minimally, or no longer, productive, while remaining recognizable in some commonly-occurring Tajik words. Not included are formatives (such as the locative гоҳ öl 5 'place, time', and хона <J»L^ 'house, building, room') which are transparent lexical nouns, or verb stems; these may be found among compounding elements (5.7). -бон оЦ?~ (°ng- 4° r d, guardian*), characterizes a person entrusted with charge or operation of something, and forms a few instru-

LEXIS AND SOCIOLINGUISTICS

423

mentives: пода-бон ^ L J Ö J L 'herdsman' (poda 'herd'), боғ-бон ^ | — j — c b 'gardener' (bog 'garden'), дарвозабон ö'-e^ 'goalkeeper' (orig. 'gatekeeper,'); бод-бон <JLJJLJ 'sail' (bod 'wind', lit. 'wind-warden'), соя-бон ^ L ^ U u 'sunshade, parasol' (soya 'shade'). -вар j j - and -yp j j - : these variants denote persons characterized by the entity or activity of the base referent (cf. -ci): сухан-вар j j "> ^ uu 'wordsmith, poet' (suxan 'word'), шино-вар j 'swimmer' (Sino 'swimfming]'), музд-вар, музд-ур JJJJ-* 'wageearner, day worker'. -вор(ӣ) ((^)jij-: probably a nominalization of adjectival -vor 'like' (5.5), these variants form collectives, 'X and the like': озуқа-ворӣ ^ j l j t ^ * i j •• 'inkwell' (сиёҳӣ ^ * ' j •• 'ink', orig. 'blackness'; see -1, 5.2). This should not be confused with the agentive suffix -don which is Stem I of донистан <j" m'Jj'to know'(5.9). -ича * 2JT- Perhaps a variant of -ca (5.2): the ending of several diminutives, as дарича 4-_=^_»jj 'trapdoor, wicket-gate' (dar 'door'); f.

** **

бузича 4-ajjj 'kid, baby goat' (buz 'goat'). -ият CL^- and -ия -: no longer productive, these typical Arabic(ate) endings are lexical parts of many loanwords (e.g., ахамият •^•j - *1 'importance'), but have also been used in Tajik Persian to create new nouns both from Arabic loanwords and stems and from Russian and native adjectives and nouns. The more frequent -iyyat characterizes an abstract quality or activity: партиявият ^ j - p ^ - > 'party loyalty', coined as a translation of Russian партийность on the adjective партиявӣ L£J J " J ; 'pertaining to the (Communist) party' (see -I, 5.4); интенсивият ^ »j >...'»->'.! 'intensivity' (well-motivated, since the derivative with -i on the borrowed stem intensiv- is adjectival, i.e., intensivl 'intensive'), роҳбар-ият CLUJJ—JJ&I j 'leadership'

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CHAPTER FIVE

(unmotivated, merely doubling the more usual роҳбар-ӣ ^J-J-A! J\ see -I, 5.2). Some such coinages may be further utilized as a compound adjective or adverb: бо-муваффақ-ият • -- j * \j

J .

'successful(ly)' {muvaffaq 'successful' + bo 'with', cf. 5.6). The ending -iyya characterizes institutions, collectives, or instrumentives: Нақшбандия * j.w .*. *\ 'the Naqshbandi Sufi order'; назария «Uj-UJ» 'theory' (pi. nazariya-ho\ derived adj. назариявй ^ j j j J L i 'theoretical'; < nazar 'view, opinion'). The similarity of Rus. partiya to this class is coincidental. -o L- forms a few quality nouns from Persian adjectives of dimension and temperature: паҳно I \ p j 'breadth' (pahn 'broad, wide'), жарфо I—bjj 'depth' (zar/'deep'), гармо I 'hot, warm'), сармо

L_OJ_«J

Ö J _S

'heat', {garm

'cold' (sic, from сард j j

^ 'cold,

chilly'; хунук Л *>^ and хунукӣ ^ ^ ' Л (-Г, 5.2) are more common in Tajik). -OK S\- , added to verb Stem I, characterizes a collective product noun (a mass noun): хӯрок £\jj eat'), пӯшок £\

A 'food, victuals' {xurdan 'to

äj-л 'clothing' (pusidan 'to wear'); хошок

JJLiLL 'short grass, chaff, rubbish', from a noun stem, is probably not an original member of this (non-productive) class. -она

«LJJ- forms nouns denoting the monetary reward or traditional gift associated with a service or occasion: идона O l j j r 'holiday gift' {id 'holiday'), хизматона * • ' > " -A ^ 'gratuity, tip' {xizmat 'service'), моҳона
-op j I-(non-productive) on selected Stems II generates a verbal noun of activity: кирдор j b j - £ 'deed(s), action; behavior' {kardan 'to do'), рафтор jl

Л QJ 'manner, conduct' {raftan 'to go'), didor

'visit' {didanl bin- 'to see'); from xaridan 'to buy', however, is made an agentive: харидор JIJ-»J-J^ 'purchaser, customer'; from girifian/ gir- 'to grasp', a patient noun-adjective:

гирифтор

jLlij-S 'entangled, afflicted' (for idioms, see 2.41); from murdan 'to die', an adjective and composite verb: мурдор J\^J^ 'impure, nasty, base' (orig. 'carrion'); murdor kardan 'to sully, desecrate, violate'.

LEXIS AND SOCIOLINGUISTICS

425

-он j l - (productive, within its limits) added to Stem I of a (usually composite) verb, this generates a class of nouns denoting ritual and life-cycle celebrations: додо-бинон/ оча-бинон <jLi_i-jljb <jh i .1<-аЛ\ 'visit of the father/ mother (to the new bride's home)' (-didan 'to see, visit'); бӯрё-кӯбон ^L^-SLj-» 'housewarming' (Ъпгуо 'reed mat', kufian 'to beat'), гаҳвора-бандон *jij

д <

^IJJI-J 'ceremony when a newborn is first tied into the cradle' (gahvora 'cradle', bastanl band- 'to bind'). Sometimes the noun formative -T (5.2) is added: рӯбинонй ^ L l ^ j j 'raising of the bride's veil'. -cop JLLU- /-зор J\J- 'place abounding in': чашма-сор

jL-uA^

'land rich in springs', дарахтзор j l j c ^ l j j 'woodland' (daraxt 'tree'). 5.4

Suffixes (3): Main Adjective and Adverb Formatives

Below are listed the principal productive adjective and adverb suffixes. Some of these formatives have already been mentioned in Chapter 2. -a 4_~ makes numerical or quantitative expressions into adjectives or adverbs: дурӯя «UjJ s 5 j 'two-faceted, two-faced, hypocritical' {du 'two', ru~(y) 'face'), панҷсол-а d l n, ^ \ t 'of five years (adj.); a five-year-old, five year plan' (pan/ 'five', sol 'year'), ҳафтодҳаштод-қадама < ^ A J ^ J L L A A - J L L L Ä 'of 70-80 paces', ҳарҷоя «LjLa.jjb 'ubiquitous' (har 'every', jo(y) 'place'). Expressions of time become relative adjectives: адабиёти имрӯза c J

t ul

'today's/ contemporary literature', меҳмонии дишаба 'last night's party'. For -a as a distributive suffix (du-nafar-a 'two-person', etc.) see 2.53. -акй ^ - 'characteristic of, produced/ conveyed by', esp. in relation to communication: ханда-и дурӯғакӣ

o

^ ^JJ^ bj \ \ 'false/

hypocritical laugh(ter)' (durug 'lie, falsehood'), фармон-и даҳанакй ^ < > A * 6*-*>•* 'oral/ verbal command' (dahanl dahon 'mouth'); раҳакй/ роҳакӣ шудан ^ ^ L ^ * ' А сУ^4 J ' t o

start

off, get underway' (roh 'road'). As adverbs, such forms have a broad application: даҳонакӣ L5SLLLAJ 'by word of mouth'; дастакй -t 'by hand', аспакӣ ^^

...I 'on horseback'; зӯр ба зӯраҷ

426

CHAPTER FIVE

табассум кард j j _ £ f"... л ^JJ}-* JJJ *he forced a smile, smiled with an effort' (zwr 'force'). See also 2.48. -вй ^ j - -гй ^ : see -й <_$-. -ӣ <_$- (after a vowel, -гй ^ or -вй ^j-): forms relative adjectives from nouns. This is the most general and neutral adjectival suffix, originating in both Middle Persian -Tk and Arabic -iyy\ thus, of the synonymous variants изофӣ ^ 1 глА and изофагй Ҳ ^ Л ,я>1 ^ «LflLial 'additional', the former can be seen as a complete Arabic loanword in itself, since it is formed directly on the (Arabic) stem, while the latter is formed with the Persian suffix on the borrowed form of the word, izofa 'addition' (izofi additionally means 'pertaining to izofat'). In Perso-Arabic, for common derivatives of words in final -a (vocalic h), the h may be deleted and -gi joined directly to the stem: хонагй ^^^ ^ 'domestic, household —' (xona 'house'); but for new or less common derivatives, it is usual to write the suffix separately: утопиягӣ ^ « L j - i b j l 'utopian', афсонагй ^<С»1... «I 'legendary, fairytale — \ The same procedure is usual in the case of the variant -vl (generally for Ar. loans): аньанавй ^ j n W 'traditional*, but оммавӣ ^j^tloU 'popular, mass —'. Examples: хатмй ^ ~ ~ ^ 'definit(iv)e, conclusive; obligatory, required' (xatm 'conclusion'); раҳматй ^ ч л ^ j 'deceased, late' (rahmat '[divine] mercy'); европагй, аврупой ^^—JL»JJJI 'European' (respectively MLT and current forms); партиявӣ Lf^fbjJiof the) Party', as in biletipartiyavT 'Party card'. The morphophonological variants -gi (Persian) and -vl (Arabic) are not used with etymological consistency: қабилавй ^jI j ;^or қабилагй ^^^ЬоЗ 'tribal' (An qabila 'tribe'). The suffix is never attached directly to a word ending in -a/ -e, as it may be in SP. This suffix is frequently used to form compound adjectives based on numerical NPs or izofat NPs of quantity or quality (cf. -a above): хона-и ёздаҳ-болор-ӣ <_$jtfL * J j b S L ^ L ^ 'an elevenbeam house' (yozdah 'eleven', bolor 'shaped log for construction', a traditional measure of length); хӯрок-и нисфирӯзӣ S\ JJ—1 4 (jsjjj • * "**' a half-day's food ration' (xur-ok 'food' [see 5.3] + nisf-i ruz 'half [of] a day'); мадраса-и хишт-и-пухта-гй

LEXIS AND SOCIOLINGUISTICS

427

- ^ j j - e 'college (built) of baked bricks' {xiSt 'brick', puxtan 'to cook, bake', Past Participle II). It may also be applied, attributively, to casual or alienable referents, often formed from an izofat or prepositional phrase: суфача-и берунидӯккони-и ҳар сартарош j-л ^ L S J Cjjj-^i

a

rd

* ^

^iil^^-cu 'the bench outside any barber's shop' (birunidukkom is an ad-hoc relative adjective, not lexicalized); similarly, одам-и рӯйҳавлигй o < j l j - ^ ^j j *Л 'the man at the front door' (ruy-i havU 'at the face of the [walledl house; porch'), сангҳои тагидаштӣ u

"t .nj S^ ^ LA ,<*>,,, 'the stones at the bottom of the field' ([dar]

tag-i dast\ for the preposition, see 2.21). The suffix may replace foreign adjectival suffixes on a noun or stem which itself is hardly or not at all used in Tajik: аграрӣ 'agrarian', демократ-ӣ ^ ^ S L o 'democratic', генерал-ӣ 'general'. Adjectives in -Tare readily substantivized: эронӣ ^jJilj-Л 'Iranian, an Iranian', дубайтӣ ^ " > »j * '(verse) couplet' (du 'two', bayt 'verse, line'). Adjectives of material are now mostly coined with this suffix (cf. -ш, below): абрешимӣ ^ ^ L A J J J I 'silk(en)',KypTan пахтагӣ ^ < " ^j ^ j - S 'cotton shirt' (paxta 'cotton'), карбосӣ

^^L^jS

'(of) canvas'. This suffix is of course homomorphous with the Quality Noun formative -Г (5.2). However, derivation is generally transparent, and syntactic distribution of the two is usually complementary, so that ambiguity is rare. For exclusively adverbs in -I, see 5.5. -ин ^ - forms adjectives of material: пӯст-ин ^ j " ...j-i '(made of) hide, leather; pelt, fleece coat' (post 'skin, hide'); оҳан-ин ^>^^1дТ '(of) iron'; санг-ин ^ j < *i... '(of) stone' (not 'heavy', as in SP; this is вазн-ин

CJ^JJ

^- 'weighty' or гарон Ö ' J - ^ ) - After the

vowel -a, this takes the form -gin: пул-и тахта-гин pj^~s ^ " J^ 'wooden (plank) bridge' (taxta 'wooden board, plank'). See afso -T, above. -ина OL-J- coins various relative adjectives: пурсупоси баъдина ^ *т «,i * *u-,i * ...j * 'subsequent inquiries' (&я' j •- - '(of) copper', пашм-ина <'\j n M.J 'cashmere'

428

CHAPTER FIVE

(materials; cf. -in, -I). From numerical expressions, it makes a relative or evaluative adjective: ҳафтаина 'worth five rubles' (сӯм ^j-ьо, a monetary unit of the Bukhara emirate, later equated with the Russian ruble). -НГӢ LJS^i- (after a consonant, -angT): a dialect and colloquial variation of the -gi variant of the suffix -T; forms a few relative adjectives of time and place: динангй ^ T i j j 'yesterday's' {dina 'yesterday'); қадим-ангй ^<*\ «jj Void, former, ancient'; болонгӣ ^^.WL 'upper' (adv. bolo 'above, up'). Such adjectives may optionally precede the noun modified: дина-нгӣ рӯзнома u < * ' j» 'yesterday's paper' (4.1; for the intrusive n see 1.8). -HOK *£Li- 'possessing the quality of —', a very productive suffix, generating adjectives or nouns, especially from intangibles (not necessarily abstracts): характернок SLtj-i^j-L 'characteristic, specific* (xarakter 'characteristic)'; буйнок SL^jj-л 'smelly, odorous', садонок *£U»lj ^ 'vowel' {sado 'sound, voice'); фоиданок I^LJOJ-JI ä'useful, advantageous' {foida 'benefit'), самаранок ^L>6j-o^ 'fruitful, profitable' (samara 'fruit' [metaphorical]), зарарнок i l i j j - ^ 'harmful, deleterious', даромадHOK «£L»j_oTjj 'income-producing, profitable'. It may also be applied to tangible and alienable characteristics: ош-и чурғотнок I£L>CJI c^L Ju\ 'pilaf with yoghurt', зан-и паранҷинок .<\\^^\j^ ^j'the woman wearing a veil'. -она 4-JI- (after a vowel, -gona): 'characteristic of —'; from nouns, and adjectives applied to humans, it forms adjectives applied to non-humans, also used as adverbs: оқилона ^ ^jKjl^i. 'Chingiz-like devastation' (Cingiz 'Genghis Khan', with adjectival -i). This redundant element perhaps reflects the influence of more frequent formations from nisbat (affiliative) names, such as фирдавси-ёна васфи далерон баён кунам - '»< ö^rH 6'>T?J J ' & *^J 4~л J S'J * 'Firdawsi-wise, I sing the deeds of heroes' (i.e., in epic style; an adverb). This suffix is

LEXIS AND SOCIOLINGUISTICS

429

essentially the same as -ona which forms noun-adjectives such as моҳона «cULo 'monthly; salary' (see 5.3); and cf. adverbial -ona (5.5). -чак *SA- is added to the verbal adjective in -on (which expresses a current state: гӯён ö^J-^ 'talking, saying'; 3.39) to form adjectives of characteristic, tendency, or habit: мард-и хандончак jj_« Л ^ *>b \ -4 'man who is always laughing; a smiler', кудак-и гирёнчак . < ^ **bj^ £jj£L 'whining child, crybaby'. Adjectival suffixes beginning with a consonant may be "gapped," i.e., the first instance of the suffix in two coordinated adjectives may be omitted: сухани ӯ фасоҳат ва балоғатнок буд 3 CU^LAÄ J\ ^^ ... jj_j i£L»cjiibL» 'his speech was pure and eloquent' (i.t.,fasohat-nok va balogat-nok; cf. 4.5). 5.5

Suffixes (4): Other Adjective and Adverb Formatives

The following adjective-forming suffixes are no longer, or only marginally, productive. -ам ^- added to Stem I of a few verbs (all ending in -or) denotes the capacity to act or be acted upon in the manner of the verb: одамҳои дор-ам 'rich people, the "haves"' {dostanl dor- 'to have, possess'); оҳанги фор-ам ^ jl д < *"Ч 'delightful melody' (foridan 'to please, delight, suit'); заминҳои кор-ам ^ j l i ^IA^^J-A j 'arable fields, cultivated lands' (kostanl kor- 'to sow, plant'). -вор j l j - 'like, characteristic of: гургвор j\jZj£ 'wolflike, lupine', бузургвор jfj-Sjj-j 'majestic' (buzurg 'great'); ҷаҳиши гурбавор J I J « L J ^ ot,fl^ 'catlike spring'. -гин о^-forms adjectives of emotion: хашм-гин ^ j ^ о м. ^ 'angry, furious'; андӯҳгин ^j< Aj^l'sad', -гун o j - S - 'like' (cf. guna 'sort, kind'): гулгун ^ j ^ K 'rosy, pink' (gul 'rose'); дигаргун ^ ^ S J U J J 'different, changed' (digar 'other, else'; digargun kardan 'to change'—see 5.18). -(у)манд j \ -(j)- 'possessed of, endowed with': makes approbatory adjectives (sometimes substantivized) from nouns: тануманд j-b>j_i3 'tough, mighty' {tan 'body'); донишманд j-i-*—Д-^lj 'learned, scholarly; scholar, scientist' (dom'j'knowledge'; see 3.38).

430

CHAPTER FIVE

An occasional modern coinage has expanded its scope: нашъаманд ±±jbA'\ut\ 'drug addict' (nas'a 'intoxication, a "high"'). -oco LMJT- (often written as two words in Perso-Arabic): 'like, resembling': ҳамлаи барқосо LuJ JJ-J KLAA. 'lightning-fast assault'. -тарош ^LIJJI-: Stem I tarosidan 'to trim, fashion, sculpt', denotes the artificial display of a type or quality (the underlying object ; cf. 5.9), 'seeming, pretended, pseudo-' (adj. and nouns): диқдортарош ^LIJ-SJIJ-L-U 'sanctimonious' (din-dor 'pious, righteous' (cf. dör-, 5.9); пахлавон-тарош о ^ ' . Р о Ы * : 1 'tough guy, macho'. Adverbs. A few suffixes produce adverbs only; some others already mentioned above give several words that are exclusively adverbial. -ак S- (cf. 5.2): colloquially, added to expressions of time, this diminutive formative expresses the (surprisingly) short duration or recency of an event: ду рӯзак пеш-и мо буд Loи * « > £ 3 J J J J JJ-J 'he stayed with us just/ barely two days', дина-як/ дина-ҳак омадед-ку! !j

й л-ij

Л S\ <-1JJ 'you mean you came only

yesterday?!'. -й {j- : Adverbs in this ending may be derived from either the noun or the adjective formative: пагоҳӣ ^^-ALS-I 'early (in the morning)' (pagoh 'morning, (to)morrow'), пинҳонӣ ^ L ^ 'secretly, surreptitiously' (pinhon 'hidden'); мо Москва-ро серй тамошо кардем f^Aj-£

I Л.! л-> ^j j ••• 1JJ£M.

Л

La'we saw our fill of

Moscow' (ser 'full, sated'; perhaps an abbreviation of a prepositional phrase such as to (ba) ser-i 'to satiety'). For numerical phrases, see 2.53 (3). -Н0КӢ ^ L j - produces adverbs of direction or location: пуштнокй афтод jL_l_il ^ < l *.- л_. 'he fell backward/ on his back' (puä 'Ьаск');дарун-нокӣ ^ L ^ j j j -она

'inside, inwardly' (2.48).

4-11- (see 5.4) forms adverbs freely from compound adjectives and complex phrases: беҳудона <J»ljj

о J-> 'in vain' (behuda

'unavailing', also used adverbially); худбоварона 'self-confidently' (bovar 'true; belief); хунсардона 'sanguinely' (xun 'blood' + sard 'cold', already an adjective; 5.8); бетакаллуфона ^ *>»

a1<- LJ^ 'informally, offhandedly' (be

'without' л-takalluf 'ceremony, formality', an adjective; 5.6); 6eшафақона * M * * л. ^

'pitilessly, ruthlessly' (be-safaqat 'ruth-

LEXIS AND SOCIOLINGUISTICS

431

less',
d

°л%^

»j

л

'shyly,

shamefacedly' {sarm 'modesty, shame'), and to Stem I of composite verbs: авд-шиканона <и1'Лп,^г 'perversely, treacherously' (ahd sikastan 4o break one's promise').

NOMINALS: PREFIXES AND COMPOUNDS 5.6

Prefixes

Productive nominal prefixes which form adjectives and related nouns are mostly identical with prepositions; these form Determinative compounds, the basic meaning of which is 'being what is expressed by the preposition-plus-base noun X' (with-X, without-X, etc.). The nominal prefixes tend to generate Possessive compounds, with the sense 'having the quality expressed by base noun Y-plus-modifier' ('having much Y, having good Y', etc.; see further, 5.8). These compounds may be divided in two categories: those accomplished by direct juxtaposition, and those few where the prefix joins by means of the izofat enclitic. Juxtaposed are: 6 a — 4 - J and 6o- L>- '(endowed) with': these two prefixes produce synonymous variants of several common adjectives, though bocompounds are in the overall majority: боистеъдод jl.\ * ~\ ...1 L 'talented' (iste'dod 'talent'), босавод J j 'literacy'), бовафо I

^L> 'literate' (savod

д^Ь 'loyal, faithful' fyafo 'loyalty'); 6o-

/ба-одоб U-JIJUJ \^ЬТЦ» 'courteous' (odob 'manners'), 6o-/ ба-ақл J* «.:\ JJL^CL 'intelligent' (aql 'intellect'); ба-/ бо-маза öj-aL \bj-cLj tasty, delicious; tasteful, witty' {тага 'taste'), бе- ^ - 'without' (forms some antonyms of bo- compounds): бетартиб -j 'disorderly, rowdy' (tartib 'orderliness]'), бемаҳал _J 'untimely, inappropriate, premature; [colloq.] early' (mahal 'place'); бемаза 6j бебориш Jfci j L ^

a^

'tasteless, insipid, boring';

'without rain, dry, fine' (of day, weather;

boridan 'to rain'); беист cm.ijl ^ ^ 'continuous, non-stop' (also

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adverbially; Stem I of istodan 'to stop'). кам- {£- 'little' (in quantity); forms Possessive compounds, sometimes the antonym of ser< камзӯр 'weak' (zur 'strength'), камгап 'taciturn' (gap 'speech'), камодам fjT^S, камаҳолй {£ 'sparsely populated, small' (of a settlement; odam 'person', ahoh 'population'); кам-аҳамият C J J O-ÄI ^S 'unimportant, insignificant' (ahamiyat 'importance'); камбудй ^ j j ^ Л 'scarcity, lack' (bud 'existence', conversion of Stem II budan 'to be'; quality noun, with -T nominal suffix only; cf. 5.9, Stem I activity nouns). н о — L » 'not, un-', added to substantives and verb stems, produces negative adjectives and adverbs (Determinative). This prefix is in theory indefinitely productive; it may negate most adjectives, including the suffix-formed adjectives listed above, but is not usually prefixed to an adjective already formed with a prefix (except for ham-: но-ҳамвор j l j n ftL» 'uneven'). Straightforward examples are: ноором *l jTL» 'unquiet, uneasy', нотамом f I o^L»'incomplete', номавҷуд j j a*j в Li 'nonexistent' (mavjud 'existing, extant'). With verbal Stem I, нодон 'ignorant, ignoramus' (donistan 'to know'; the antonym is доно LJJ, see 3.39), носоз j l ,-uL» 'discordant, disordered, unsuited' (soxtan 'to make; fit, suit'); with Stem И: нобуд (шудан/ кардан) (<jjj_£\ jj_*i) Jj->L» 'extinct; to disappear, perish/ annihilate, eliminate' (budan 'to be'); (6a) HoxocT c m i l j j L b («ц») 'unexpectedly, suddenly' (adv. only). Participles (Present, Future, Past Participle I) may be negated with no- unless they retain verbal force (see 3.40): нокушода 6jl,ü
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433

by the noun'): ноумед л^\ L» 'desperate, despairing, pessimistic' (umed 'hope'), ноҳақ J^L» 'unjust, unfair' (haq(q) 'right, truth'), ноулфат ,^.i Q 11 LJ> 'unsociable, uncivil' (ulfat 'sociability, friendliness'), ноилоҷ £^UL» 'of necessity' (iloj 'remedy', adv.). Negated compound adjectives (esp. Arabicate coinages) and their derivatives tend to have variants and to be less meticulous in distinguishing Possessive and Determinative types, e.g.: номувофиқй ^Ъ al^^^oLt or номувофиқат d i

alj

e>L» or но-

мувофиқатӣ L$-^—a alj—*L» 'disagreement, contrariety, refusal' (muvofiq 'in agreement, favorable'); норизо I jL» огнорозй ^ ^ 1 jL» 'dissatisfied, displeased', норизой ^ jl ^j Li or норизогӣ ^ L b j L or норозигй о < > >^»ljL^ 'dissatisfaction, displeasure' (rizo 'satisfaction, acceptance; rozi 'satisfied, pleased'). nyp- -j-j 'full o f (more literary than ser, q.v.): пурвоҳима 'dreadful, terrifying' (vohima 'dread'); пурғулғула 'booming, resounding' (gw/gula 'roar'; also figurative, шӯҳрати пурғулғула U i i i ^ j о j д .т, 'resounding fame'). сер- -j\ at 'full, sated with' (a peculiarly Tajik prefix; cf. pur): серкор J L 5 J j ,,, 'busy,' (of a person; kor 'work'), серодам ^м^ j ... 'crowded, populous, busy' (of a place; odam 'person'); сермасраф u i j mn j j MI 'frequently used, in demand, popular' (masraf'consumption, utilization'; серфарзанд J J » J J ^ J j .„ 'who has many children, with a large family' (farzand 'child, offspring'). соҳиб- - ^ L u a 'possessor o f (Ar.): originally the head noun of an izofat (cf. the prepositions below, and Mute izofat phrases, 5.10) and still so used in ad hoc NPs (see 2.15). It has dropped the izofat enclitic and forms some fifty (literary) compound nouns and adjectives describing a person or thing distinguished by a relation to the modifier: соҳиб-хона O U ^ L a 'householder, landlord' (xona 'house'), соҳиб-мансаб ^ U A L U ^ A U 'man of rank, officer' (mansab 'rank, position'), соҳиб-фаросат с и - ^ ^ Ь л 'perspicacious, shrewd' (farosat 'perspicacity'); (парранда-и) соҳиб-чангол J K '»^ ^ J . 1 ^ {IS^JJ) 'raptor, (bird) of prey' ('possessor of talon|s]'). то- -Ln 'up to, until' (prefixed to a ready-formed adjective, normally one with the relative -T): томактабй 'pre-schooF (maktab 'school');

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тоинқилобй ^bUaJ»! b 'pre-revolutionary' {inqilob 'revolution'). This use of tä is unknown in SP, and was perhaps suggested by identical Russian use of do- 'up to, until'; cf. 5.26. худ- - J > ^ L 'self, auto-' (Determinative; see 2.32): худкор JL£JJ_JL 'automatic' (kor 'work'), худсар jlujjj^L

'wilful, obstinate' (sar

'head'); худомӯз JJ^QTJJ-^. 'teach-yourself (book, course)'(Stem I of omuxtan 'to learn, teach'); худпараст .-»...jl.tj^ 'conceited, narcissist(ic)' (Stem I of parastidan 'to worship'). A number of xud- compounds are of the Composite verb agentive type (5.18); худтанқидкунй

о

\<\л \ \ *>"J>^L 'self-criticism' (activity noun,

from the Composite verb tanqidkardan 4o criticize'; see -I, 5.2). хуш- -Jbj-L

'good, fine' (as a combining and idiomatic form, rather

than a free adjective): хушгап ^S ^j-^

'well-spoken, eloquent'

(gap 'speech'); хушманзар j ^ ' - J?-j ± 'picturesque' (manzar 'view'). In a coordinate phrase of two xus- adjectives, the second occurrence may be elided (хушбод-у ҳаво l^-л j j L ^ i j - ^ . 4of fresh breezes and [fresh] air; salubrious', 2.40). ҳ а м — ^ л 'together, со-' (Possessive), a particle connoting sharing, reciprocity or cooperation (see 2.31, 2.47): ҳамроҳ *'j

-*

'companion, fellow-traveler' (roh 'road, journey'; also in a prepositional phrase, 'with': 2.21); ҳамдевор J I > J J

«^ and ҳамсоя

«L-JI ... о ^ 'neighbor' (devor 'wall', soya 'shade'); ҳамоҳанг

^

, < \ ftT 'harmonious, in tune' (ohang 'melody'); ҳамшаҳр(й) {{j)j

о М« » ft 'fellow townsman' (sahr 'town, city'; with variant

addition of adjectival -7, as in SP). ш о ҳ — б ы 'king', juxtaposed as an augmentative modifier, denotes a large or important variety of the base noun: шоҳкоса < M.KJULLL 'large two-handled cup' (kosa 'cup'), шоҳроҳ ÖI^ALJ. 'highway' (roh 'road'), шоҳкор J K A L I 'masterpiece' (kor 'work'). Another augmentative, no longer productive, is xap j

i. (not

the homonymous поиплш* 'ass, donkey'): харчанг »-£д^>^ 'crab' (cang 'claw'), хармагас o , , < n j 'fly'), харгӯш JbjZjL

A 'bluefly, horsefly' (magas

'hare' (gas 'ear').

Prepositions with izofat The following three are all Arabic loanwords, and combine chiefly with ready-made adjectives; as ordinary prepositions, the first two may alternately combine with the preposition аз

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435

j \ (2.21). In Cyrillic these compounds are usually written as one word, баъд-и- J_Ä_J 'after' (temporal): баъдиҷангй ^ < ^

* « » 'postwar'

(jang 'war'), ғайр-и- ^-x-c 'other than, non-' (cf. no-): 'illegal' (qonun Maw'), ғайричашмдошт o 'unexpected' {casm dostan Ho expect', Stem II). ЗИДДИ- ^.i-b 'against, anti-, counter-': зиддихавой ^ I J - A J <Л 'antiaircraft' (havo 'air'); зиддидинй ^^^л

«>> 'anti-religious' {din

'religion'). If used by itself, as a predicative adjective, zid(d) loses gemination: ӯ зид буд jj_» J-ЬЬ jl 'he was against (it)/ opposed' (see 1.8). Prepositional phrases may sometimes be seen as prefixes on adjectives: хабарҳо-и пеш аз интихоб-и , «—J ^ VJ ^1 u * ^» ^ LA J—J-^ 'preelection news' (cf. to- 'pre-'; whereas to- designates a situation lasting up to a terminus ad quern, pes az- pinpoints any position before an event). 5.7

Compounds: Determinative

Compounding is most frequently effected by simple juxtaposition of nominals, or a nominal and a verbal stem. Whereas in syntactic constructs, such as the izofat, the modifier follows the head, in morphological compounds it normally precedes the head: thus дарди cap

jjj

j-^and сар-дард J jjj-^u both mean 'headache' (respectively 'pain of the head' and 'head pain'). Such nominal compounds are of two kinds, Determinative (illustrated in this section) and Possessive (see 5.8). A Determinative (or endocentric) compound is of the same lexical category as the head (a noun or adjective), and designates a variety of the head referent: gulu-dard 'sore throat' (lit. 'throat pain' is a kind of pain, like sar-dard 'headache'. Examples: сар-мақола «dLJa

oj

ш

'leading article' (sar 'head, beginning', maqola 'essay, article'); моҳнома «L-OLIAL» 'monthly (periodical)' (mah 'month', пота 'document'); хар-бача 4

?

x j-A 'donkey foal' {pear 'donkey', baca 'child,

young one'). They are usually nouns in primary function. Certain frequent heads of compounds may be regarded as virtual suffixes. The locative-formative nouns goh 'place' and xona 'house,

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building' denote buildings or other compact sites characterized by the modifier: хоб-гоҳ * L < L J I J _ ^ . 'dormitory* (xob 'sleep'), ош-хона * м ^ •*•? 'kitchen' (ö/'cooked meal'); the adjective obod 'settled, cultivated, prosperous' is a frequent ending for names of settlements and towns, typically on a word of good omen or a personal name: файзобод JLIQAIJ a, (fayz 'superabundance'), Ленинобод JLT«J y J (the components are usually written separately in Perso-Arabic script). Some compound nouns of this type are derived from pre-existing Complex or Composite verbs, or underlying sentences. Their components may correspond independently to lexical items, as in пеш-рафт 'progress' (pes 'forward' + raft 'course,' a conversion of Stem II of raftan 'to go'; ёд-дошт C J - ^ I J J L 'memorandum, note' (yod-dostan 'to remember'), but often the underlying idiom demands a subtler analysis: ном-зад J>—oLi 'candidate, fiance(e)' (пот 'name', zadanl zan- 'to strike; utter'), бод-овар(д) ( J ) J J T J L 'windfall' ('brought by the wind', Stem I or II of ovardan); даст-навис ,_>«_* J_J»OJ-CUJ 'manuscript' (adj. and noun, dart 'hand', i.e. 'by hand', + navis, Stem I of navistan 'to write'). Stem I product nouns such as the last two are counterintuitive (since Stem I is usually active in voice, and generates possessive compound adjectives—cf. 5Л, 5.8,5.9). 5.8

Compounds: Possessive

Possessive (or exocentric) compounds generally involve an adjective or adverb as the modifier; the resulting compound is an adjective or type-noun referring to a third entity possessing, or characterized by, the compound quality (e.g., 'black-eyed'). These compounds are mostly adjectives, though often substantivized: сиёҳ-чашм ^ ^ ÖL-UU 'blackeyed' (siyoh 'black' + casm *eye'), бад-бахт «и.Ч ^ 'unlucky' (bad 'bad' + baxt 'luck, fortune'; forms the adverb bad-baxt-ona 'unfortunately', cf. 5.4); чор-по Ц о Ц 'quadruped, (riding) animal' (cor 'four' +po 'foot, leg'); чор-поя ^ L j L '(four-legged) stool, cot, charpoy' (differentiated from the former by addition of the metaphorizing suffix -a; see 5.2). Some heads of these compounds (e.g., sifat 'character, quality'; tabiat 'nature') occur frequently enough to count as suffixes: дузд-сифат

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437

i 'larcenous, thieving' ('[of the] character of a thief), мардона-сифат c^-ä

u a O b j .._O 'manly; courageously' (on the adj.-adv.

mard-ona 'male, masculine' <mard 'man'); ҳайвон-табиат j i j en

»^

\\ Ь 'brutish' (hayvon 'animal'). The Arabic loan-formative -maob

'refuge, home' (it has no separate lexical status) forms a few literary compound adjectives: саодат-маоб i_>Lar-jl« ••• 'fortunate, felicitous' (saodat 'felicity, good fortune'). Modifier and head are sometimes reversed (i.e., the head is preposed, often when the head noun is one that combines frequently, such as a part of the body): дил-сахт 'cruel' (dil 'heart' + saxt 'hard'), сар-сахт .--^ --j ••• 'unlucky, wretched', сар-баланд -*'»l ;j • •• 'high; dignified, proud', муй-сафед J J a « I ^ J о 'white-haired; old man, elder'. Compounds using the head noun qad(d) 'stature' prepose this in Tajik: қад-баланд j'th.ii 'tall', қад-паст CLU..JJJ 'short (in stature)'. Reversal of components is also usual when the modifier is a participle: рӯ-тофта 'disobedient' (ril 'face' + Past Participle of toftan 'to turn (away)'. However, the regularly-construed шикаста-пора A "% ...^Л, 6 j L means 'fragment', lit. 'broken-bit' (a Determinative compound). Participles used as verbs, i.e., part of an underlying sentence, are Determinative ('one who has done/ has been —'): ҷаҳон-дида <JL+A 6j_jj 'widely-traveled, experienced' {jahon 'world' [obj.J + didanl bin- 'to see'); шоҳ-зода 6jlj_al

i 'prince' (soh 'king' [source] +

zodan 'to be born'), кирм-хӯрда 6 j j j

^.(*j—^ 'worm-eaten' (kirm

'worm' [subj.] +xurdan 'to eat'). 5.9

Verb-Stem Agentives

In dast-navis 'manuscript' (5.7), the modifier is instrumental, and the resulting compound a product noun (the underlying sentence being 's.o. wrote it by hand'). In the more common structure of this type, the noun is the object, more rarely the subject or a (locative) adverb of the underlying sentence, and the resulting compound is an agentive (a live agent) or instrumentive (a tool or device) referencing the underlying subject: китов-фурӯш ^ijj-flc.jLl^ 'bookseller' (Stem \fumxtan 'to sell'), муза-дӯз JJJÖ^J—О 'cobbler' (muza 'boot' + Stem I of duxtan 'to sew', i.e., 'one who sews boots'); шаҳр-нишин ^\ ЛЛ j+Jb 'city-

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CHAPTER FIVE

dweller; urban' ([dar] sahr '[in the] city', locative; nisastan 'to settle'); пахта-чин ü-fe-*1 " ^/cotton-picker' (cidan 'to gather'), арақ-чин jj-i^ Jj-t'skullcap' (lit. 'sweat-gatherer', as protector of the turban); 1 r a n au e борон-санҷ ^ \ ... о Ь Ц ' g e ' (boron 'rain', sanjidan 'to measure'); (роҳ-и) машина-гард jj_S 4 "> j Л. л (ölj) 'motor(able) (road)' (masina [later, mo§m] 'motor vehicle', subject; gastan 'to tour, go about'). This is an especially productive combination (as also in SP), which may exploit Compound nouns and adjectives, and Complex and Composite verbs: шаш-мақом-хон £ 1 ^ pi « . л л 'singer of traditional music' ( m f 'six', maqom 'musical mode', xondan 'to recite, sing'); ҳам-оҳанг-соз JI^L^IAI^A 'coordinator' (ham-, see 5.6; soxtan 'to make'); ӯхда-бар-о T^J *> * j - 'responsible, reliable' (az uhda baromadan 'to measure up to a task, shoulder a responsibility'); об-бар-дор jlj^-i C_JT 'absorbent' (ob 'water, liquid', bar-dostan 'to pick up, remove'); даст-пок-кун ^<.<1_..^. ...j 'hand towel, napkin' (рокkardan 'to [make] clean'). Several of these Stems I occur frequently and with a consistent semantic, so as to constitute virtual suffixes. Four of the most common are: -бахш tj*• ^ ; - 'bestowing, furnishing' (baxsidan 'to grant, bestow'; forms adjectives only): файз-бахш J?- ^ ; o ^ j Q 'beneficent; abundant, profuse' (fayz 'superabundance'); натиҷа-бахш баромадан ^ J—OTJ-J o - ^ ; «» ^ > ~'> 'to turn out successful(ly), give (good) results' (natija 'result'). -дон ^ Ь - 'knowing, skilled in' (donistan 'to know [how to]'; nouns and agentives): ҳисоб-дон ^ Ь ^ ! м, -^ 'mathematician; good at reckoning'; забондон o ' j o 4 » j 'polyglot' (zabon 'language'). This should not be confused with the suffix -don 'container' (5.3). -дор j L - 'holding; keeper' (dostan 'to have, hold, keep'; nouns and adjectives): ҳисоб-дор ji *;l •- ^ 'accountant' (hisob 'reckoning, account'); замин-дор JIJ-^J cj 'landowner' (zamin 'land); обдор JI^JT 'juicy; lustrous, brilliant' (ob 'water, liquid'), -шинос j - l '* •*— 'knowing, familiar with' (sinoxtan 'to know, be acquainted with'): as in SP, forms agentives of (scholarly) profession: забон-шинос ^ I ' L V I L J 'linguist'; мусиқи-шинос

LEXIS AND SOCIOUNGUISTICS

439

'musician, musicologist' (musiqi 'music'). Stems I and (in one case) II of four verbs beginning with a vowel (alif) have created an even more closely-defined class of virtual suffixes, all forming instrumental adjectives: -ангез j—JL^J»I- 'provoking, inciting' (Stem I, angextan, combines with an underlying object): нафрат-ангез j _»<•*! c-.j-fti 'repugnant, detestable' (nafrat 'aversion, loathing'), -овар J J T - 'bringing' (Stem I ovardan, with an underlying object): хавф-овар j j T ^ i j A 'dreadful, perilous' (jcav/'fear, terror'), -олуд J J J T - 'soiled, impregnated (with)' (Stem II, oludan 'to pollute, soil'): хоб-олуд jjJT ^\j—^ 'sleepy, bleary'; хун-олуд Ö J - ^ jjJT 'bloody, covered in gore' (an underlying concomitant phrase, like the next). This alone of the four may combine with a concrete noun). -омез j J Л - 'mixed (with)' (Stem I, omextan, intr.): масхара-/ тамасхур-омез j j of j \ ... n~\-6j 4 ..• n'mocking, derisive' (masxara, tamasxur 'ridicule, mockery'); бо оҳанги ранҷишомез j j nf o t . ? •> j , < '^T L'in a hurt tone of voice, sounding offended' (ranjidan 'to be offended'; for -is see 5.2). This is the most productive of these quasi-suffixes. Present participle in -anda. To form agentives or instrumentives (either nouns or adjectives) from a Composite verb formed with the semantically empty auxiliary /cardan 'to do', when the underlying object (or other argument) is not included, or from its intransitive correlative sudan 'to become', the Present Participle in -anda is used instead of the simple Stem I (3.41). Thus даст-пок-кун ^ ^ L n - i ,„j 'hand towel, napkin' (lit. 'hand cleanser', see above) includes the external object, dast (cf. kitob-furus 'bookseller'), whereas the factitive *pok-kun 'cleanser' does not, and must be reconstructed as пок-кунанда L£L» *,*"< (lit. 'making clean'). The activity noun 'cleansing, sanitation', however, would be formed as пок-кунй L r i£ c£L (see 5.10). Examples: об-кунанда ьл \ ' ^ ^ T 'solvent' (ob kardan 'to dissolve', lit. 'make into water'; ob is an internal object, part of the Compound verb); тасдиқ-кунанда 6 \я\ ' ^ J ^ J -&^ 'confirmatory; witness (to a document)' (tasdiq kardan 'to confirm, corroborate'); бози-и ҳал-кунандна ьл\ "^ J-a. ^ ^ Ь 'decisive match' (hal kardan

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Чо (re)solve, decide'); дастомӯз-кунанда *.i v»<^j -f.-. ...» 'tamer, trainer' (dast-omuz 'hand-reared, tame'; Stem I in a Passive sense, dast adverbial, 'by hand'; cf. dast-navis above); таслим-шавақца-ҳо La 6jJ»j-i pjlm" 'those surrendering, the capitulating (troops)'. This construction holds often for other verb-forming auxiliaries with a weak semantic: [аломати] фарқ-диҳанда [CJ-O^ с] 6j'i ftj Jj-e 'distinguishing [mark]', since /an? dodan and/Ö/Ч? kardan 'make a difference' are virtual synonyms; but фармон-деҳ 6jJ>l_aj_fl 'commander' (dodan here bears its literal meaning, 'to give', hence farmon 'command' is an external object). Negation. Negative compounds originating in a verbal construction place the negative prefix on the verbal component: гард-но-гузар J J S L J J J ^ 'dustproof' (lit, 'dust not passing' [intr. |; gard 'dust' is the underlying subject), назар-но-гир j j ^ '»jU \ 'unattractive' (nazar 'gaze', the underlying object; giriftan 'to seize*), ҳақ-но-шинос j-a. ^uLl-iiil J 'ungrateful; ingrate' (lit. 'not acknowledging right'; haq 'right' is the underlying object), фаромӯш-на-шаванда <jij Jj I 6 J J > A I J 'unforgettable' (lit. 'not being forgotten'); for the two prefixes, see 5.6 under no-). 5.10

Stem I Activity Nouns

A further stage of compounding this type adds the nominal suffix -?, to designate the activity or product: забон-шинос-й ^ .J \ .*• 'ILJJ 'linguistics' (zabon-sinos 'linguist', see above); ком-ёб-й ^ ^ j 'success, achievement' (кот 'desire', yoftan 'to find, attain')—from the agentive komyob 'successful', which indeed exists. By a process of "leapfrogging," i.e., bypassing the formation of a plausible agentive (cf. -garl, 5.2), some activity and product nouns are coined directly on Stem I: боз-дорй c £ j b j L j 'detention, arrest' (boz-dostan 'to hold back, detain'; there is no agentive *boz-dor). Occasionally the VP or Composite verb itself is not a plausible source of an activity noun (cf. roh-barl 5.19). With this, copywriters in the heyday of MLT generated neologisms of almost Russian length and complexity, a development that was encouraged in the Soviet period; e.g., маблағ-ҷудо-кун-и fJ_» о

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'appropriation, allocation, disbursement of funds' ('sumg');6a^HpKa-Aap-o-ii ^ T j j \ \ \ ^ J-^ 'decisive, tie-breaking', but ҳал-кунй 'decision, resolution', not *ҳал-кунандагй 5.11

Coordinates and Phrases

Coordinate (also called copulative) compounds, where two substantives or verb stems are joined by addition of (usually) enclitic -u 'and' to the first element, may be intangible entities or abstracts with complex semantics ("Concept nouns"), activity nouns, or adjectives. Structurally, the elements are of equal status. The second component is written separately, except (often) in the case of two verb stems (Activity nouns). Concept nouns: об-у ҳаво 1>д j ^ T 'weather' (lit. 'water-and-air'), хеш-у табор j \ i" м. j ^ 'kith and kin, (blood) relatives, family'

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Qces and tabor are synonyms for 'family, etc.'; neither is now used alone); хона-ву ҷой ^ U . j «J»U. 'shelter, a roof over one's head; home, family' {xona 'house', joy 'place'); афт-у андом j cu-al J»IjJ»l 'looks, appearance' {aft 'aspect', andom 'limb, figure'), қад-у қомат di-oLJä j jJä 'height and build' (qad and qomat are synonyms for 'height, stature'); e.g., вай дар афту андом/ қаду қомат мисли шумо будааст CJ-ALJÖ JJL-5\ ^IJJJ J c-usl J J ^ J --«...I 6JJ-J I o m J!LA 'he looks just like you (in height and build)' (i.e., 'so they say' or 'so I discovered', the Non-Witnessed Perfect of budan; 3.21). Activity nouns: These may combine verb Stems I or II in any way, or a noun (usually an Arabic action noun which is part of a Composite verb) and a verb stem, and often themselves form Composite verbs (q.v., 5.18). They are usually written as one word in Cyrillic; in Perso-Arabic script they are often written without -u j , and hence joined (characters permitting) into a single word; pronunciation of medial -(v)u is unaffected: Рафт-у-о(й) (^Tjcu-flj, рав-у ой (jljjj, д_Л

рафт-у-омад

jcii-flj, омад-у-рафт cj-flj (j) J—Л '(social, commercial)

intercourse, visit(ing), traffic' (various combinations of Stems I and II of verbs raftan 'to go', omadan 'to come'); сайр-у-гашт .-..*. < ( j ) j j "... 'stroll, tour' (sayr 'recreational walk, stroll', a noun, + Stem II of gastanl gard- 'to turn, go round, stroll'); nypcy-пос ^ L j c>uj-» 'inquiry' (Stem I pursidan 'to ask* + pos 'attention'), ғун-у-чин(-и себ) (< T .j •«.) j>-^ j ^ ' ( a p p l e ) picking, gathering, harvest' {gun 'collecting' [5.16] + Stem I cidan 'to pick'); дод-у-гирифт (кардан) (u^j-S) ^*j^> J j l j '(to) trade, exchange' (Stem II, dodan 'to give', giriftan 'to take'); харид-уфурӯш ^Lj^Jj-ij^. 'trade, commerce' (Stem llxaridan 'to buy' + Stem Ifuruxtan 'to sell'); кофт-у-ков jl^Lbll 'search, inquiry, investigation' {koftan 'to dig', Stems II and I), — карда ёфтан ^j^-äL 6jj_£ - 'to discover, unearth' (Conjunct verb, 'to dig-andfmd'\yoftan 'to find'). Occasionally the constituents are joined without -u\ даро баро/ даробаро кардан/ доштан ^LJ^\S\ ^ J J - ^ I^JI j j ' t o go to and fro/ back and forth/ in and out, bustle about' (Stem I, Complex

LEXIS AND SOCIOLINGUISTICS

443

verbsdaromadan 'to enter', bar-omadan 'to exit'). Adjectives and adverbs: The simple adjectives joined by -u may be either synonymous or complementary; the combination usually has an intensive function: ҷоҳил-у нодон ^ I J L J J J - * L ^ 'dead ignorant' (synonyms), дур-у-дароз J>l J J J J J J 'lengthy' {dm 'far', daroz 'long'), сабз-у-хуррам f^_L 3 j \ ... 'delightful, idyllic' (lit. 'green and pleasant'; of land, place). See also Quasi-coordinates, below. Prefixes may also be added to coordinated nouns to form adjectives (cf. 5.6): бе-чиз-у-чора ajL^jj j ^ Lr> 'indigent, helpless' ('without thing[sj-and-recourse'), сер-чиз-у-чора " j 1 ; j j ; - J J -•- 'well-to-do, affluent' ('sated with — ' ) . Prepositional phrases: These constitute Possessive compounds (cf. 5.8, and under Reduplication, 5.12): хона-бар-дӯш ^ J J j-> O l 1 'nomadic, vagrant' ('whose house is on his back'); хона-бар-бод j b ^_, O l £> 'homeless, indigent' ('whose house is [gone] upon the wind', cf. bar bodraftan 'to be lost, wasted; perish'). In the adverbial compound cap-o-no LJj—uu 'entirely, completely' (lit. 'head-to-foot') the coordinating syllable -o- replaces what is conceptually the preposition to 'up to, as far as' (cf. sarosar, 5.12). This type of compound may also form a quality noun: хонабардӯш-й ^^jj^.»
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CHAPTER FIVE

A productive head noun of this kind is ahl-i 'people o f , which designates human collectives characterized by the modifying noun: ахл-и оила «JLI

с J_AI 'family (members)', аҳл-и санъат Jjbl

с и *\ 'artists, the art world', аҳл-и бозор j \ j L Jjbl 'tradespeople, the merchant class', etc. Some lexicalized izofat compounds omit the izofat enclitic, both in speech and writing (Mute izofat, see 2.10): най-шакар j < ^ _

Я *•*

ß.

'sugarcane; cane sugar'; мурғ-обй ^ U j . « 'duck' ('water bird'; obi already has the adjectival suffix -f, see 5.4). In some of this type, the same head noun is found in more than one such phrase and becomes virtually a formative (typically in locatives, kinship terms and professions): ҷой-намоз jl

<^ ^La/prayer rug' ('place of prayer'),

ҷой-хоб v l ^ - ^ ( ^ Ц . 'bed(ding)' ('place of sleep'); падар-арӯс cyjjjjc

jj-»

'(husband's) father-in-law' ('father-of-wife'), модар-шӯ jjL»

>-Д '(wife's) mother-in-law' ('mother-of-husband'); мир-об • ij j 'official in charge of (irrigation) water distribution' (mir 'commander', ob 'water'), мир-охур ^JkT j i * '(head) groom' ('master of the stable'). The formative sohib- 'possessor' is of this type (5.3; designated a prefix because of its frequent occurrence). Many compounds beginning with sar 'head' in its figurative sense 'beginning/ top/ end o f are semantically nominal izofat phrases: capлавҳа <

*bjJ j

'title, heading, headline' (lavha 'board, writing

surface'), сар-сухан ^J-^-UJ-^ 'preface, foreword' ('start-of-speech'), сар-ангушт c w ^ ' J j ^ 'fingertip' (angust 'finger'). Note that these are structurally different from Determinative compounds where the metaphor is 'chief, prime, leading', as in сарвазир ^J^JJ-WJ'chief minister', сармақола «JLL^J-J-U 'leading article' (5.7, 5.26); from Possessive compounds of the type сарбаланд ,rJ

>tJ

,,.

'lofty, proud, haughty' ('high-headed'; see 5.8); and from compounds with a verb stem, as in сар-навишт c ^ i j - i j — - ^ 'fate, destiny' (an underlying locative, 'written on one's head'; 5.9). 5.12

Reduplication and Expressives

There are several kinds of lexical reduplication in Tajik, usually of adjectives and adverbs. Some have been mentioned in other sections,

LEXIS AND SOaOLINGUISTICS

445

such as juxtaposition for emphasis: тез-тез J-JL3 J_L3 '(very) rapidly', давон-давон <jljj j l j j 'at a run' (2.46). Among the kinds listed below, Echoic and Pre-echoic words are also common in Uzbek and other Turkic dialects. Quasi-coordinates: These adjectives and adverbs combine a copy with the head word by means of a preposition or another syllable (usually -о-), in the manner of a Coordinate compound (cf. 5.11). In the case of adjectives, the effect is usually intensifying: гарм-о-гарм 'extremely hot' (garm 'warm, hot'), фош-о-фош Lfl 'manifest, blatant' (fos 'plain, evident'); дар-ба-дар j j -J 'homeless' ('door-to-door'), пай дар пай 'continuous(ly)' (pay 'track, (in) pursuit, after'); навишта-ҳо-и нав ба нав JL л jijj» 'the newest/ latest writings'; cap-o-cap 'entirely, end-to-end' (cf. saropo, 5.11); also in the sense 'casually, incidentally': sarosar omada raft lie stopped by, called in passing'. Some adverbs, notably гирд-о-гирд jj_SLj_£ 'all around, on all sides', давр-о-давр(-и) J J J I J J J 'all around, surrounding —', may also function as prepositions (both are intensives of the simple adverbs/ prepositions, see 2.21). Linked apparently by the archaic negative prefix ma- (3.5) is the noun каш-ма-каш J>-<~- •- < 'struggle, scuffle, conflict' (kasidan 'to pull, tug', Stem I); perhaps imitated from this is хелма-хел хӯрок(ҳо) ( U ) ^ l jj_l J \ \ л J^L 'various/ all sorts of food1 (xel 'sort, kind'; preposed in the manner of a numerator, see 2.50). Echoic words: Some common words may be repeated with a change of initial consonant, producing a nonsense word; the whole implies a collective generalization: ош-пош 'food and fixings' (oS 'cooked food');KHTo6-MHTo6 'books and papers' (kitob 'book'); майдаҷуйда 'odds and ends' (mayda 'small'); juyda, mitob, etc. have no independent meanings. Sometimes the coordinating enclitic -u, and/ or a final plural suffix, may be added: мева-ву чева j 6j-i-e 6j_j^ 'fruit and vegetables'; инчунин занон-у мардон, пир-у ҷавонон, бача-ю кача-ҳо омаданд <(jljj—л j j ^ j и У* ? *'j* 1 ** ~ < j <* ^ * «^jL»!^-^ j ^-A-I 'men and women, young

446

CHAPTER FIVE

and old, children and babes came too'. Pre-echoic words: To enhance the quality expressed by an adjective (particularly of color or size), an assonant syllable prefiguring the first syllable of the adjective, but ending with a different (usually labial) consonant, is preposed: каб-кабуд j j »< <_*£ 'bright blue/ green' (kabud 'blue, green'), наппа-нав jJ» A 1J> 'brand new' (see further, 2.44). Expressives. A few characteristic endings, without being productive suffixes, qualify a noun as expressing a kind of sound or tone of voice, often associated with an attitude or emotion. The base words are themselves onomatopoeic, often beginning with g and including r and s (cf. Eng. growl, grumble, hiss). Such words (colloquial, and with considerable variation as between endings), are used adverbially or as a verb component: -Инг . < '»-• ғинг-ғинг (задан) ( 6 J J ) ^ ' л ^ ' A '(to) hum, buzz, murmur'; ғиринг-ғиринг • ^ '*j ^ - ^ '*j A 'grumbling, whining; querulous, petulant'; пичинг .< \ * j 'caustic/ biting/ sarcastic remark'; — задан/ зан- - - ^ 3 \ <jjj> or паррондан ^ J J J ^ 'to make/ let fly a caustic comment, say sarcastically'. -oc ^ 1 - and -ac ^ - i ғуррос (задан) ( 6 J j ) C ^ ' J * '(to) growl' (gurridan 'ditto'); ғиззас/ ғиззос (задан) ^у^ ( o J j ) 4 t o ) whistle' (of wind, arrow, etc.); ғингос ^ . K ir, and ғирингос j u K ' i j c, see ging-ging and giring-giring above; J пичиррос (задан) (0 j) c^Q ^ j '(to) whisper'; чингирос (задан) ( j j j ) ^UIJL^ '(to) ring'.

VERBS: DERIVATION 5.13

Denominal, Factitive, and Transitivizing Verbs

Historically, a small number of Persian verbs have been formed by suffixing -idan to the noun or nominal stem: ном-идан J J - J - O L . 'to name' {пот 'name'), дузд-идан Ö^-JJ^J 'to steal' (duzd 'thief'); the noun stem thereby becomes Stem I of the verb, which is regular (3.2). Many of these originate in borrowed Arabic action nouns: фахмидан

LEXIS AND SOCIOLINGUISTICS

447

fl 'to understand', талабидан jJU_LLU 'to demand, seek'; some are found in Tajik that are not in SP, such as ҳаросидан (аз - ) (- j \ ) <jj

J

UJJ-Ä

'to fear, be afraid o f (haros 'fear'), фавтидан

(j \ л ~j_a 'to pass away' (favt 'decease'). A few adjectives have also been verbed in this way: хушк-идан j « j < - ^ 'to dry' (intr., from xusk 'dry'). This procedure is no longer very productive. A currently productive means of forming transitive denominal and deadjectival verbs is to suffix -on to the base, forming Stem I, and -id-an as the regular Stem II and Infinitive supplements: хушк-он-идан j< У ' | < л

A

'to dry' {xusk 'dry'), гӯр-он-идан ^л j ' ^ j j

* 'to bury,

inter' (gur 'grave, tomb'), мукофот-он-идан ^j-^LiUH-o 'to reward, requite' (mukofot 'reward'), электр-он-идан 'to electrify, power' (elektr[iki] 'electric'). The derived sense is factitive, i.e., to produce the result that the object is (in the cases illustrated) dry, buried, rewarded, or electric-powered. The base words are, respectively, a Persian adjective, a Persian noun, a borrowed Arabic noun, and a borrowed Russian nominal stem (the closest Tajik lexeme here is elektrikT 'electric', but the stimulus probably came directly from Russian электрифицировать 'to electrify', earlier copied from German). A similar example is коллектив-онидан ^ J ^ I J J ' ^ J K 'to collectivize'. The same device is used to specify the transitive option in that handful of Tajik verbs which may be either transitive or intransitive: рехтан/ рез- -Уи\

ji

^ j j ' t o spill, pour' (intr. or tr., e.g., чой ба

рӯи миз рехт _ ' ^ J J j j - (jjj-? с$4> 'the tea spilled onto the table'; чойро дар истакон рехт с ^ Ц ^ ^ Қ " ..,1 j j I j ^ U . 'he poured the tea into the glass'. Ambiguities may be resolved by using rezondan, which is exclusively transitive: чой рӯи миз резонд j_j_* ^ j j ^ Ц . JJ»I3-J j 'he spilled (some) tea on the table'. Similarly, сӯхтан/ сӯз-JJ^JJ\ jpA^juu'to burn' (be on fire; set on fire); сӯзондан

fj^jj^u

'to burn' (set on fire). The base verbs rextan and suxtan are by default intransitive. The verb омӯхтан/ омӯз—j^_*T\ < > ^ k j _ Л 'to learn; teach' is by default transitive; омузон(и)дан o ^ » l J J - * T \

U^JJ-^I

'to teach' is found in Persian, but is not currently used in Tajik. The formation of factitive and transitive verbs is closely related to that of Causative verbs, and the suffix used is fundamentally the same. There is, however, a strong tendency for factitives to end only in

448

CHAPTER FIVE

-onidan, and transitivized verbs to end only in -ondan; whereas Causatives vacillate fairly freely between -ondan and -onidan (5.14).

5.14

Causative Verbs (1)

The full range of Causative verb formation is well established and fully productive in Tajik. Both intransitive and transitive verbs may be made causative by suffixation of -on to Stem I. Among common intransitive verbs, sistan /Sin- 'to sit' (intr.) gives sin-on-dan 'to set, seat, plant' (trans.): ду дона каду шин-онд-ам ^JJJ \\ .*> j±S <ülj j j 'I planted two pumpkins'; rustanl ru(y) 'to grow' (intr.) gives ruyondan 'to grow' (tr.): пахта меруяд ^jjLr^

A " 4 j 'cotton grows', пахта

меруёнад 'he grows cotton'; rastanl rah- 'to escape, get away' gives раҳондан OJJJLAJ 'to rescue, save'. The infinitive of a causative verb may be formed by adding either -dan or -idan\ in forms derived from Stem I this makes no difference, but the past participles and Stem H-derived tenses may have either -ond- or -onid- as their stem ending. The shorter form -ond- is more frequent, but there is nothing to stop any causative verb from appearing in either or even both forms. Thus rasidan 'to arrive, reach' gives rasondan, rasonidan 'to convey, deliver, take, send, transmit, give, effect': ҳамин троллейбус шуморо ба шаҳр мерасонад ^ J I L L U J ^ J Д •?, \ I j l л ,7, u ' - j ; :uj~

<иь

'this trolley b u s will get y o u t o

the city'; аз номи мо салом расонед J - ^ L ^ J ^bL^ Lo f Цо' 'pass on our greetings, give [theml our regards'; онҳо ҳосили пахтаро аз ҳар гектар ба сад центнер расонда-анд j \ lj4_JL_k_» J.r>l ^ LpT jul 6jJiL-j j \~\\... ,i ,rtj > ^ ^ S j-л 'they boosted the cotton yield to 100 c w t per hectare'; гирдбоди ғайри-чашмдошт хеле зарар расонид j ^ ^ ^

ба кулба-ҳо

^ üb A VK <Ц» .-. .^.1 % ^л^. ^_^л J L J ^ S

JUJJUUJ 'the unexpected tornado caused great damage to the huts'. The causative suffix is regularly applied to Complex and Compound verbs: папирос дар ме-гиронад JJJJ j ^ ^ J J J - ' J J ^J 'she lights a cigarette', ронанда мотор-и мошин-ро дар-гиронд

6j-lJ»lj

jJtlj j ^ j j l J ( j j Л.Ь> jjJL-o'the driver started the vehiclefs engine]' (dargirifian/ dargir- 'to catch fire'; the causative dargirondan bears the direct, primitive sense 'to light, kindle, set on fire', which is

LEXIS AND SOCIOLINGUISTICS

449

metaphorically expanded to cover all cases of switching on an electrically powered device); чингирос занондам f J ^ ^ O q * l j ^ ? 'I rang (the bell)' (cingiros zadanl zan- 'to ring' [intr.]); вай чӣ тавр кард, L

накард, курта-ашро аз китф-аш фуроваронд <jj й j j ^ ^j л^1 jjlj-i JM Q -i ^ j \ I j (jt.1 < ü j i < J ^ » 'somehow or other ['however he did or did not'], he got/ managed to get his shirt pulled down from off his shoulder' (a "double causative" from furovardan, which as a derivative of ovardan 'to bring' is already a lexical causative (see 5.16); the implication is of indirect or unintentional causation). An activity noun may readily be derived from a Causative (esp. as a Composite verb with object nominal) by suffixing -I (5.2): дарахтшинонй ^ 1 \j MHII^JJ 'tree-planting, afforestation'; гап-парронй ^ f ^ j v - i Ü 'repartee, gibe, joshing' ('letting fly chat'; for parrondan see also 5.15). These may often be expanded into the next stage of verbal compounding by addition of the auxiliary /cardan: гап-парронӣ кардан j j ^ ^ij-it^S 'to trade gibes, banter'. A causative verb may afford various interpretations in different contexts. If the base verb is transitive and requires a human or animal agent, the causative will mean 'to cause s.o./s.t. to do this/ have this done by someone else'; the object of the Causative verb remains the same as that of the base verb, and the secondary object, the agent prevailed upon to act, is introduced by the preposition ba: ин ош-ро ба вай хӯронед J _ ^ I JJ-L ^^ I j j i i J J I 'feed him/ get him to eat this food' {xurdan 'to eat'); дӯзондан j ^ l j j j 'to have (s.t.) sewn/ tailored (for one)' (düxtan!duz- 'to sew'): як курта ба Карим-усто медӯзонам pJ»l jj^LrA I " •<•! ^ - J J ^ <Ц» <-^J-£ *-£-JTil have Karim the tailor make me a shirt'; соатро ба усто ремонт кунонидам C-U:L-KU >L* > *л \< c^»Lo j I" •-! <_j I j 'I had the watch repaired by the watchmaker' (remont kardan 'to repair'; for ustoy see 5.22). The causative auxiliary kunon(i)dan is so used only when its base verb is transitive and denotes physical action or perception: ман кӯшиш менамудам набудан-и акаам-ро ба онҳо ҳис накунонам ^ k I j fl
450

CHAPTER FIVE

continue' or bovar kardan 'to believe', the agent of the base verb becomes the direct object of the Causative verb: ӯро дар боғ сайр J кунонидам f J \ *>Ll£ j - ••• £,Ц» -> '->-*' " showed him around the garden, took him for a stroll in the park'; Рафиқон! —гуфт Сафарғулом сухани худро давом кунонда j»>Lcj i,r> •-.« < - 'ü 1s j *J ö^Lki j»ljj I jjj-L p\ <•> '"Comrades!" said Safarghulom, resuming his speech'; ба ин гапҳо... духтар-ро ҳам бовар кунонда ӯро оромонидааст Ijjl ÖJJILIS JJLJ *^А l j j _ ^ _ a . j Л дҷ_^< ^ 1 «_» сч.п1 6j—iIiLol jT 'he convinced the girl too with these arguments and reassured her' (prom 'calm, tranquil' > oromidan 'to calm down, rest'). 5.15

Causative Verbs (2)

Some Causative verbs may have several quite different meanings, stemming from the polysemy of the base verb. From хобидан ^л j JJ-JI 'to sleep; go to bed, lie down' comes хобондан <j jJLIj_i 'to put to bed/ sleep; lay down (inanimate as well as animate object); throw (in wrestling)'; from хондан ^J-LIJ-JL 'to read, study; recite, sing' comes xonondan: ӯро хононданд J J ^ L J J ^ \JJ\ may mean 'they asked him to read, to recite, to sing; taught, educated him', according to context From навиштан ^ " лу/tn write', navisondan may mean 'to dictate to s.o.' (have them write); more frequent is the idiom (номи) худро нависондан ^ J J I L ^ J J » I jjj—^ (fL-j) 'to subscribe, enroll, register' ('have one's name/ oneself written down'): худро ба руйхат нависон(и)данд J^J-^L^JJJ» U Ч \ 3 J *L_» IJJJ^. 'they put themselves on the list/ signed up'. Common figurative or idiomatic uses of some Causative verbs are as follows. Damidan 'to blow' (wind) > дам-ондан ^J^LOJ 'to inflate'. Gardidan 'to turn, revolve; become' (intr.) > gardon(i)dan 'to turn (round, over, aside, away, into)' (tr.): варақи китобро гардонед jjj'turn over the page', аз ман рӯй гардонд j \ 'she broke off (relations) with me' ('turned her face from me'), дами бало-ро гардонданд I jbL_> ^J ^ J - H J ^ S 'they averted disaster' ('turned [aside] the blade of...');

ин қиссаро аз тоҷикй ба англисй гардонида истодаам ^ 1

LEXIS AND SOCIOLINGUISTICS > | ujl

~ i
\ *>ljj—S

in

il S 'ILJ

^ * ^ l~ j l

451 I j d .^ *fl ' I ' m

translating this story from Tajik to English'. Guzastanl guzar- 'to pass' (intr.) > guzaron(i)dan 'to pass, spend' a space of time (direct object) at a place or in an activity: ӯ шаб-ро дар фикр-у хаёл гузаронид JI л ^ 3 J&JA J J l J V А 3\ j-ijJil j l S 'he spent the night in thought and speculation'. Mondän 'to stay, be left' (intr.) > monondan 'to put, place, keep, leave' (tr.): маро дар ҳайрат/ тааҷҷуб монондед j j Ij о j-idlLlLo <._А * "\ CL>j j \ 'you amaze(d) /surprise(d) me'; this is the transitive correlative of the idiom darhayrat/ taajjub mondän 'to be amazed/ surprised' (lit. 'be left in amazement, surprise'; the default reading is that the amazing, etc., action [past tense] has just occurred and the speaker is reporting the resulting state in present time; see 3,12, 3.16,4.24, last paragraphs). Boz mondän 'to stay/ be left behind' > boz monondan 'to leave behind, relegate, discontinue': маҷбур шудааст, ки писар-ашро хонадор карда аз хондан боз мононад «L_£ <>Z.. ^.1 ьл .п J J > ^ о alLLo j L j j a l l ^ j\ 6 J ^ JIJ4J»U. IJ^LJ^-OJ 'he was forced to

get his son married and take him out of school/ discontinue his education' ('stop having him educated'). Paridan 'to fly' (intr.) > паррондан ^ J J I ^ - J 'to fly, let fly, launch, shoot'. Note the doubled r in Stem I as applied to the Causative, as also in darrondan 'to tear' below (see 1.8). Foridan 'to please, be acceptable' (intr.) > foron(i)dan (tr.) 'to like, approve o f ; thus, either вай ба духтарон намефорид 4_> ^ 3 ^и^ ^j'j i ^ 1 or духтарон вай-ро намефоронданд l jib Lfj0^ IJLSJ (jl^^LLjmeans 'the girls did not like him'. A few causative-type derivatives of transitive verbs appear to be redundant, and are commonly used with little modification of the meaning of the basic verb, other than intensive: фиристондан <j^l Л ...jJ 'to send' fromfiristodan 'ditto', даррондан j,J^TJJ 'to tear (up), tear to pieces', from daridan 'ditto' (for the doubled r, cf. parrondan above); others represent a different specialization of the base verb: кашондан j,«'*i - < 'to take away, remove, carry off (usually кашонда баровардан oJjji J-J ÖJJ>L1£), cf. kasidan 'to pull, draw, stretch'. Causatives in dialect are sometimes made from Stem II: podavon

452

CHAPTER FIVE

vay-a na-gurextond-as (= на-гурехтонда-аст n - -I * *'l"^ jj^*) 'the shepherd didn't drive him away' (gurextan/ gurez- 'to flee'). Several common primitive verbs never form Causatives in this way, since they already have causative correlatives either in a different verb (lexical causatives) or in a causative form that is no longer transparent. These are raftanl rav- 'to go (away)' (correlative, burdanl bar- 'to take (away)', Causative, rondan 'to drive'); omadan! o(y) 'to come' (correl. ovardan/ o[va]r- 'to bring'); budanl bos- 'to be' and Sudani sav- 'to become' (correl. kardanl кип- 'to make, render'); zistanl 4 zi- to live' (Causative zoidan 'to give birth'). Another "irregular" Causative is гузоштан /гузор- -j\±Л\ ^ " rJ±S 'to put, place, let (past), allow' (4.25; from гузаштан/ гузар- - j ü £ \ u~ ЛД^ 'to pass, go through'; cf. the regular derivative, guzarondan, above).

VERBS: COMPOSITION 5.16

Complex Verbs (1)

A Complex verb (Taj. феъл-и сохта * " «U .... J* .1) is a simple verb preceded by an adverbial particle, the Preverb; unlike other adverbs, preverbs may not be separated from their host verb except by grammatical prefixes (me-, bi-, na-) or the Future tense auxiliary xoh[am]. Tajik has seven preverbs (discounting variants): бар J-J, дар jj, фур- (фар-, etc.), фаро I j _ а , боз ^L», во I j and ғун t>c. They are no longer productive, but are components of some common and important verbs. Only faro and vo behave consistently like true preverbs (as in CP and SP); boz also has a lexical status as an adjective and adverb; and gun has no lexical existence outside its verb structures (one of which is more like a Composite than a Complex verb). Nevertheless it is convenient to treat these versatile elements together. As has been noted (3.10), the three most frequently occurring preverbs have become inseparably attached to the stem of the most common verbs of motion, so that verbal prefixes (na)me- precede forms such as baroyad, daromad, m&furovard instead of following bar-, etc. In all other Complex verbs with these preverbs, e.g., bar-gastan 'to

LEXIS AND SOCIOLINGUISTICS

453

return' and dar-giriftan *to catch fire', the preverb remains separated from the stem: бар на-ме-гаштанд ' ' " •*- < ^j^ return', оташ дар на-ме-гирад J j

j

jj'they did not


catching'. The preverb gun- may either combine or stay separate (see below). In either case, in Cyrillic the verb is usually written as one word, and in Perso-Arabic the prefix, preverb, and stem + personal suffix are generally written separately. бар J_J 'on, up, over': with omadanl o- 'to come' and ovardan/ o(va)r'to bring' (see above): баромадан/ баро(й)- ~(-J)TJ-Д <JJ-JJ-J 'to come/ go up, out; ascend, emerge': аз ин кор ҳеч чиз наме-барояд j^\J^Lfu^

j ^ g-д-л jl^ <>JI J I'nothing will come

of this [matter]'; баровардан/ барор- -JL>->\ o^jj^Ji

'tobring

up/ out, produce': он қонунро наме-бароранд lJ(jj^\

л J\

aJ» jTjj^j-oJi'they won't pass that law'. With other verbs: бар-ме-хостанд jTunlA ^

j_» 'they arose'

(xostan/ xez- 'to rise, stand up'); дарахтро аз бех бар-на-канд * *><%- j-» je-xj 3 ' I J C U ^ J J 'it did not uproot the tree' (kandan 'to take/ break off, dig up', bex 'root'); ба хона-и худ бармегардад J J ^ ^ ^ - Ä J_J J ^ SGLLJ

*he'll return home' (cf. bozgastan below);

сангҳоро бар-медоштем ^j " Л,Ь ^

^

Ijl ^<'i ,„ 'we picked

up the stones' (dostanl dor- 'to have, hold'); in this verb the preverb may also be treated as inseparable: намебардоштанд ,Г>" IMIJJ-J j^^i'they did not pick [it] up'. дар jj

'in': with omadanl o- 'to come' and ovardan/ o(va)r- 'to

bring' (see above): даромадан/ д а р о — T j j \ <jJ_OTjj 'to come/ go in, enter': ту ба шакли хар ме-дарой j

i> J < ** \ jJi

^J—JTJJ^J-^Q 'you'll turn into an ass'; даровардан/ дарор- j f j j \ < j j j j l j j 'to bring in, take in, import, introduce*: ман як кӯза об ба даҳлиз ме-дарорам j

j l f t ^ »-Л &3J

^ 4-^-e u-°

J

f jT j <_r* '!'!' bring a pitcher of water into the lobby'. With other verbs: az — dar-guzastanl-guzar- 'to pass by, bypass, renounce, overlook': худо аз гуноҳ-и ту дармегузарад з ' ' ^ j j,iS

^ jj ^

Lf

ÖLIS 'God will overlook/ forgive your sin' {guzast-

an 'to pass'); dar-mondan 'to be stuck, in a fix/ jam': вай ҳамеша дар-ме-монад JL>LÖ J^^ j j < Л. j

ft

trouble' {mondän 'to remain, be left').

& ^ j 'he's always in some

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ФУРӮ(Д) (^)JJ-* 'below, down': with omadanl o- 'to come' and ovardanl o(va)r- 'to bring' (see above), the preverb blends into the stem and its final syllable is elided: фуромадан/ фуро- \ <jj alj_i -I j j 'to come/ go down(stairs), descend, alight, land': аз автобус ме-фуроям j^-Jj—&Lf^ j^j-iLijl j \ 'I'm getting off the bus'; фуровардан/ фурор- -jlj_fl\ CJ^JJIJ-^ ' t o bring down, lower, unload': нархҳоро ме-фуроранд A ^ J I J J ^ IJU^JJ»'they will bring down prices/ rates'. There are variants of these combining forms, фаро- -I jJ (probably through confusion with the different preverb/aro, q.v. below). Other verbs combine with фурӯ j j J regularly, i.e., the preverb precedes verb and prefix, and is written separately: офтоб фурӯ меравад JjjLr* jj-я ^L^-iT 'the sun is setting' (rafian/ rav- 'to go'); оташ ба зудй фурӯ менишинад Lf^ j ^ — * ^JJ-? J^i j *> j HI > ' 'the fire will soon subside' (nisastanl nisin- 'to sit, settle' [нПг.1);даворо фурӯ наме-барад jj_» Lfs^ jj± Ijljj'she won't swallow the medicine' (burdan/ bar- 'to take, carry'). The variant фурӯд Jj^-Ь is more literary, and generally found only with omadan: аз кӯҳ фурӯд омад j—Л AJJ-& ÖJ_S J\ 'he descended from the mountain'. There is a nominal compound фурӯд-гоҳ/ фуруд-гоҳ ÖLSJJ^-Ь 'airport, airfield' (goh 'place', cf. 5,7), which is a recent borrowing from SP. фаро Ij-Jfl 'forward, across' (related to the noun-adverb faroz, 2.21); written separately, this literary preverb is ordinarily found only with girtftan/ gir- 'to take, seize' in several idiomatic senses: райони саноатй қисми ҷанубии шаҳрро фаро ме-гирад o ^ j лм. Q ^JLCLLUO 'the industrial district occupies/ covers/ encompasses the southern part of the city'; имрӯз абрҳо рӯи осмонро саросар фаро гирифтанд LÄJ^I JJJ—Л\ «'*" jj < \j-& J^-U\J^U l J ( jl л ,„T LSJJ 'today clouds have totally covered/ enveloped [the face of] the sky'. The element faro- was a Middle Persian formative, and still occurs in a number of Tajik nouns, adjectives and verbs; however, it is no longer productive, nor sufficiently transparent to be considered a prefix. боз зЦ» (1) 'open', (2) 'back, again' (cf. 2.47). The two meanings are

LEXIS AND SOCIOLINGUISTICS

455

related, and boz is related to vo (q.v., below), but in combination with particular host verbs these three preverbs produce different idioms: (1)дарро боз кунед! \,\ / Л ^L» Ijjj 'open the door!', дар боз ме-шавад JJ-J£ 3L j j 'the door opens'; in this use, the phrases are really Composite verbs, and the adjective boz is accordingly written separately even in Cyrillic. (2) bozdostanl-dor'to stop, hold back, detain': ронанда мошин-ро боздошт/ бозна-дошт c^j-iljJ» j L \ с^ AbjL I J Ö J "'* ° a-^'j'the driver stopped/ did not stop the car' (as a Complex verb, the parts are written as one word, even when a grammatical prefix intervenes; cf. also bozdor-i9 5.10). Other verbs incorporating this adverbial sense are боз мондан <jj^L* j L (1) 'to be left/ remain open' (a literal verb phrase), (2) 'to be left behind; stop (working)' (see 3.25); бозмонда-и хӯрок ^1 J J 1 6 JJJ о j b 'the leftovers' (substantivized Participle I); бозгуфтан <>ь & 5 j b ' t o repeat' (guftanl gu- 'to say'), бозхостанЛхоҳ- -_AI4^JL-\ <J"I ...Ij-^^L 'to call back, summon, demand', and бозгаштан/ бозгард- -Jj-S JL»\ J " -• ^ jL'to go/ come back, return' (for idioms and derivatives from these last three, see 5.17). Other verbs (esp. of motion) may be used in conjunction with boz 'back, again' as an adverb, in which case it need not immediately precede the verb but may occupy another slot in the VP: боз ба Душанбе рафт ^^j ^ у* *j* <ц» j L 'he went back/ returned to Dushanbe' (Time adverbial before Place, cf. 2.46). во I j (1) 'open', (2) 'back'. This near-synonym of boz (voz) is not used independently as an adjective or adverb: vo kardan 'to open', vo mondän 'to be left/ remain open', are synonyms of boz kardan and boz mondän (1) above; vo-dostanl-dor- is similar to boz-dostan 'to detain'; but вомондан <j JJJ о Ij (2) 'to be stuck/ in a fix/ helpless' is closer in meaning to dar-mondan (q.v., above). Other verbs: во-ме-раҳад J-AJcr-o Ь 'he will get away' (rastanl-rah*to escape'); ба якдигар во-ме-хӯранд ^^ I j j < \,\<\ j <—* 'they encounter/ meet each other' (ba — xurdan 'to bump against, collide with'; see 5.17).

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Two common idioms use a Composite form (yo + Stem I nominal): J

| j

Во-дор кардан < j ^ j b 'to compel, force, oblige, persuade': ин хабар ӯро водор кард, ки зуд баргашта оад j ; ^ ^ 1 j-Л А Л in ^J-J j j j 4_S jj-S jljlj I J J ! 'this news forced him to return quickly', and the intransitive correlative: водор шуд, ки равад J J J <& j^l J ' J I J 'he was obliged to go' (Stem I of vo-dostan). Во-намуд кардан о*Ъ-^ j j - ^ l j ' t o pretend, feign': вай худ-ро (тавр-е) вонамуд мекард, ки б о ман шинос нест ^ j с»i.1 j*t ^ L i ^ i ^ L ->\ 'they linked/ twinned this school with our factory', ғун <JJL 'gathering, harvest' (not an independent nominal): in combination with dostanl-dor- 'to have, hold', ғун-доштан ^к j - A-i * 'to gather (up), pick up, collect, harvest' may either combine with the verb stem or remain separate: ғалла-ро ғунмедоранд/ меғундоранд jJxjh^JL LS^ \±lJ\jiJ-u> ^-L lj<JLc 'they are harvesting the grain'. With kardan ~ sudan, the result ғун кардан <jjj£ f^l 'to collect, hoard, concentrate' behaves like a Composite verb, i.e., gun is separated from the inflected auxiliary and written as a separate word: хеле пул ғун мекард J j£ ^ ^ Jj-л ^^Ц^ 'he collected/ amassed a lot of money', қӯшун-ҳо ғун мешуданд у*,\ л. ^ ^ LA j j ^ «'the troops gathered/ massed/ were concentrated'.

LEXIS AND SOCIOLINGUISTICS

5.17

457

Complex Verbs (2)

The structural difference between separable and inseparable Complex verbs, or between Complex verbs and other VPs involving adverbial particles, cannot generally be determined from the spelling (cf. 1.16). Cyrillic in principle prefers to write verb and preverb/ preverbal nominal as a single word, but this rule is not always followed: e.g., бознагардонидаш and боз нагардонидаш 'he did not return it'. In Perso-Arabic, each unit (preverb, prefix me-, verb stem + personal ending) is usually written separately (i.e., at least with terminal forms of the letters, if appropriate, though not necessarily with extra space between non-linking letters); baro- and daw- are usually written with alif-madda following the preverb, as two words: d - J j - » ^ 'he comes out', JJLJT J JJ» 'let them not enter'; whereas^ro- is written with alif, as one word: ^ I j - b ^ 'I'll get off. In dialect usage, other Complex and Composite verbs may occasionally be treated as inseparable: me-xoravam 'I'll go to bed/ lie down' (= хоб ме-равам fj j ^ v'>-^> c ^ xorafian under Conjunct verbs, 5.20). Other pre-verbal particles. Other adverbs (besides boz; see 5.16, 2.47) may function in juxtaposition to a simple verb in a way similar to a preverb. The most common of these are пас ^^ 'after, behind, back' and пеш o t , j > 'before, in front, forward'; the resulting sense does not usually go beyond a transparent combination of the components: пас додан <jjlj L>U^ 'to give back, return' (tr.), пеш рафтан ' t o S° forward, advance'. Less transparent is пеш кардан 'to drive away/ out, expel'. In the case of пеш-и ин кор гирифтанд *"»"' äj< j\S ^ 1 o*. *j 'this action was blocked/ prevented' ('they took [thej front of this action') the particle functions as a noun in iwfat or a preposition (2.22) in a figurative sense. Action and Activity nouns. Verbal nouns of action or activity may be made from Complex verbs, and from verbs with other pre-verbal particles, in several ways: as a conversion of Stem II, or with the nominal suffix -7 added to Stem I (occasionally, Stem II). Thus вохӯрӣ L S J J - ^ ' J '(chance) meeting, encounter'; бозгашт c x A ^ j L 'return'. The converted Stem II фаровард j j 3\ j J (offawvardan, sc.furovard-

458

CHAPTER FIVE

an) means 'concluding/ conclusive part, the upshot, the essential': дар фаровард-и сухан/ ran ±-£\ ^у^^ *jjtj-* j * 'when all's said and done/ what it boils down to is...' Many of these nouns may then be reverbalized by combining with the dummy auxiliary kardan (or its literary synonym, namudanl namo(y)-; see Composite verbs, 5.18). The resulting sense may be virtually synonymous with the base verb, or a figurative extension of the meaning. Thus бозхостанЛхоҳ- - _ Ä I j - ^ - \ j j i ,Jj-AjL'to call back, summon, demand' is more often seen in the form бозхост кардан tjjj-S ,-и M.IJ-JLJL; from voxurdan 'to encounter, come across, meet (by chance)' are derived вохӯрдй ^ * J J -^j (from Stem II) and вохӯрй (Stem I) 'meeting, greeting, welcome': бо ман вохӯрдй намуданд JJ»JJ-AJ> L ^ J J J - ^ ' J U-° b'they welcomed/ greeted me'; MO даст дода бо якдигар вохӯрй кардем j ^ jj ÖJIJ O-UJJ I a ^4j£ c^Js>^'j < w e shook hands' ('giving hands we met each other'). From verbs with preverbal particles are derived, e.g., пешрафт (кардан) (o**j£) o^ij .* JJ '(to make) progress'; пасандоз (кардан) (öJj—^) j l J-JI ил4 'savings; to save' (pas andoxtanl-andoz- 'to toss back', not used); пешгирй ^j-iJLjb^ 'prevention': аз омадан-аш пешгирӣ карданд J-^J>£ ^J-S^JJ ^p^j-J j l 'they prevented his coming, stopped him from coming'; пешгӯӣ (кардан) '(to) foretell, forecast, prophesy' (pes guftan/ gu(y)- 'to tell in advance'). Conjunct Participles. Common Complex verbs are frequently used in the form of Conjunct Participles, which express their adverbial meaning, followed by an explicit verb of motion in finite form. Thus baromada and daromada express the directions 'up/ out' and 'in(side)' with a finite verb, which may even be omadan: ба пеш-и мо баромада давид J-JJJ бл-öTj-» LÖ o * j j «и 'he ran up to us', аз хона баромада омаданд л± J_Л о J—OTJ-J o L i » j \ 'they came out of the room'; дар ғор даромада рафтем A.J" QJ e> J-OTJJ JLC j j 'we entered the cave'. Similarly, bargasta and bozgasta may connote a return or repetition: китоб-ро бозгашта дод J I J A " Л. ^ ^ L Ij^L^-S 'he returned/ gave back the book' (dodan/dih- 'to give'); баргашта омад J-^T 4 л. и К j ^ , or simply гашта омад J-Л 4-1А£ 'she came back, returned' (see also 5.21).

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459

The finite verb following a conjunct participle may take the form of the verbal adjective-adverb in-on: баромада-равон CJ^JJ *J-OTJ-J 'going up/ out' (see 3.39). 5.18

Composite Verbs (1)

The term Composite verbs (also called compound verbs; Taj. феъл-и таркибӣ i^-x-Sjl JjL_b) covers a variety of verbal phrases, all comprising a simple verb (the auxiliary) preceded by a basically nominal component (other than a preverb or a participle). Together they form a semantic and lexical unit. The simple verb may be a semantically empty dummy, functioning as a carrier of the markers of person, tense, and transitivity (as kardanl кип- Чо do'), or a full lexical verb such as girifian/ gir- 'to seize, grasp, take' or yoftanl yob- 'to find, receive', which contributes its meaning to the resulting sense of the Composite. The nominal component may be a concrete noun, a noun of action, quality, or instance, an adjective, adverb, or prepositional or coordinate phrase. Since Tajik has comparatively few Simple and Complex verbs, the Composite verbs comprise the bulk and the most productive sector of the verbal lexicon; they are transitive and intransitive, stative, factitive, Causative, and participate in Conjunct verb constructions. Regardless of whether the auxiliary is lexically transitive or intransitive, the whole Composite verb can be externally transitive: [касе-ро] пешвоз гирифтан {j~\ ij-S j i j •*• «j [ i j ^ ... <]'to welcome, go out to meet s.o.'; хатой худ-ро эътироф кард J^_S ^sljJL-cl I j j j - ^ ^U^JL 'he admitted his mistake' ('made-acknowledgment his mistake'); вай-ро интизор шудам ^ j-£ j l k v J I J L S 3 'I waited for him' ('became-wait him'; Ar. action noun), and the alternative construction вайро мунтазир шудам fjJtt .>ЬЛ1* l^^jCbecame-awaiting him'; Ar. participle). Denominal and Factitive verbs with kardan and Sudan. Just as the synthetic factitive verb (e.g., xusk-onidan 'to dry', 5.2) suffixes a verb stem to the adjective, so the analytic factitive provides the adjective with a separate verb stem in the dummy auxiliary: хушк кардан 'to dry' (tr., 'make dry'): либоси худро хушк кардам I JJJ-L ^XJLJ 'I dried my clothes'. So, too, the inchoative

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or change-of-state verbs: the deadjectival xusk-idan is matched by the intransitive correlative ofkardan in хушк шудан <j J-Д •< •*.^ 'to dry* (intr., 'become dry*): либос-ам хушк шуд j .и • < .*• ^ ^ L J 'my clothes (have) dried'. In some cases the intransitive verb is semantically primary, and the transitive factitive or causative is secondary and of less frequent occurrence: савор ш. .<jZ. j l j ш 'to mount, board, get on' (a steed, vehicle); савор к. .£ jlj—ш 'to mount [intr.], load, put on board' (savor 'riding', etc.; see 2.41). This stratagem has produced many more deadjectival and factitive verbs than the synthetic: тайёр к. .£ jl j U 'to prepare, make ready', тайёр ш. . <_£ j \ j Ь 'to be(come) ready/ prepared'; кутоҳ к./ш. 'to shorten, abbreviate/ become short(er)/ brief. When a nominal component may be either a noun or an adjective (as, e.g., in the case of some converted verb stems), the sense with kardanf Sudan is generally adjectival: банд к. . £ j_l_» 'to tie up [lit. or fig.], put away, imprison'. The auxiliary kardan may be replaced by намудан /намо(й)-(-i)L-rt't\ ^jj-n л lit. 'to show', and Sudan by гардидан <j J->JJS 'to turn into, become', in a more formal or literary context: ӯро ҳабс намуданд jJijj-^J» a - : - I jjl'they imprisoned him', ӯ ҳабс гардид j-ijj-^ ^ - ; - jl 'he was imprisoned' (habs 'detention, incarceration; prison'). Nouns, including loanwords, may be turned into Composite factitives: ремонт к. .£ cuJil e j 'to repair' (Rus. remont 'repair'; Ar. таъмир j j - * -• 'repair' + kardan is also available; both the nominals are action nouns); қуфл (қулф) к. .£ (< i I fl) J i 2 'to lock, bolt' (qufl, colloq. qulf 'lock, bolt'; the underlying instrument); hence the change of state: қуфл мешавад jj_«i(_r-c» J i J 'it locks/ bolts' (i.e., is/ can be closed with a lock or bolt), and the state: дар қуфл аст J i l j J CJ-CUI 'the door is locked/ bolted' (cf. xusk ast 'it is dry'; for the explicit Passive voice of Composite verbs, see 5.19). Other composites with kardan ~ Sudan. Both concrete and abstract nouns, simple and compound, generate denominal verbs of various kinds: (ба кас-е) гӯш к. .£ ^j^ (<_г^ *Ч) ' t o l i s t e n ( t o s-°-)' (gus 'ear'); ноз к. .£ jL» 'to flirt, tease' (intr.; noz 'hauteur, coquetry'); лабханд к. .£ x '* - ; f 'to smile' (lab 'lip' + Stem I xandidan 'to laugh'), лабрез ш. .^S, J_JJ J 'to overflow' (lab 'brim' + Stem I

LEXIS AND SOCIOLINGUISTICS

461

rextanl rez- 'to pour'); дигаргун к. .£ ^JJ-SJ-SJX ^JJ^^S-JJ 'to alter, change' (tr.) -дигаргун ш. < o b ^ J - ^ ^ A Ü > ^ A ? J ' t o change, alter' (intr.; digar 'other, else' + gun Mike', a non-productive suffix cognate with guna 'sort, type'; 5.5). Persian action and activity nouns derived from simple, Complex and other Composite verbs (3.39, 5.2, 5.17) are often reverbalized with kardan and/ or Sudan', кӯшиш к. .£ u ti . 7 , ^ 'to strive, try'. Likewise verb stems as nominals (esp. coordinates, 5.11) and some nouns of quality or state: нест-у нобуд к./ ш. .J^\ .£ JJ-JLL J «"•» m -^ 'to liquidate, annihilate/ perish, be wiped out' (Present and Past Negative Stems of budan 'to be'); ҷусту-ҷу к. .£ j ^ " .., ^ 'to seek, look for' (tr.), кофтуков к. .£ ji^j oj-flL^ 'to search (for), ferret out', гуфтугӯй .£ L£J<~ * < 'to converse, chat'; бардошт к. .£ ^ л.г^ . 'to hold out, be patient, wait' (5.16): кам-е бардош(т) кун! !<^£ u^bj-j \ - > .M-tj ; 'hold on a while, wait a bit'; водор к. .L£ 'to persuade, force' (5.17); зиндагӣ к. .£ ^ ^ j 'to live' (zinda 'alive' + g l , see 5.2). Some Composites of this kind are derived indirectly (cf. "leapfrogging," 5.10): роҳбарӣ к. .£ ^ j J-ÄIJ 'to lead' (from roh-bar 'leader' is a regular agentive from roh burdan\ however, this does not exist as a "primitive" Composite verb, the nearest source being the idiom ин роҳ ба - ме-барад J ^ - J ^ «ц> 61 j i^\ 'this road leads to — ' (i.e., an inanimate agent 'carries [one]...'). Arabic action nouns (masdar) and instance nouns are an important source (probably the most numerous source) of denominal Composite verbs: рақс к. .£ U^J ' t o dance' (a synthetic denominative рақсидан ^JA-J-XÄJÄJ also exists); сабр к. .£ j » m 'to be patient, endure, wait': андак-е сабр кунед j >m& J - L ^ ^ ^ 1 'wait a little'; вазифа-ашонpo ичро намуда-анд ^ 1 tjj-^i Ij-^l I J Q L J I U a j k j 'they have carried out their duty' (ijro 'fulfillment, execution'); (ба - ) тааҷҷуб к. .£ c-Ja я-Л (-<-e) 'to be surprised (at -—)' (taajjub 'surprise'); истифода к./ш. . ^ \ .£ ÖJLLL^I 'to use/ be used' {istifoda 'utilization, use'; this may also combine with burdanl bar- 'to carry'). In literary style the object is governed by the preposition az, but in colloquial (and most written Tajik) it may take a direct object (unlike its counterpart in SP): ин луғат-ро истифода мебарам 6jl—в—^1 I

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f J J ^ 'I use this dictionary'; nominalized, it uses the izofat: истифода намудан-и қироат-хона Д ^ j k V u TU wait for you'. Syntax. A semantically empty auxiliary may be omitted if the nominal component is a verbal noun, especially in a subordinate construction: шуруъ кард ба гиря (кардан) (б*Ъ-^) ^ J - ^ <Ч J > - ^ £ J J - ^ < s h e began to weep'; and sometimes even in a main clause: дил-ам ба себҳо кашол (шуд) (а-Д) JI Д^ 1 д ; j . •• <-» jJ J 'I had my eye on the apples' ('my heart [was] drawn to...'; kasol sudan 'to be drawn, attracted'). Note that the nominal component of a Composite verb does not usually take any grammatical adjunct, such as a modifier, plural suffix or the object marker -ro (for exceptions, see 5.19, Syntax). If it does, it is no longer a Composite verb but a Verb Phrase, and the meaning changes accordingly: кор мекунад J - ^ ^ J L £ 'he/ she/ it works/ is working' (Composite verb); ин кор-ро мекунад ILSL^ I J J L S 0-*! 'he/ she/ it does/ is doing this job, performing this task' (VP). 5.19

Composite Verbs (2)

Besides the dummies kardan (namudan) and sudan (gardidan), the following simple verbs are used to form Composite verbs: афтодан ^jLlil 'to fall', бурдан/ бар- -j-Д O^j-e 'to carry, take', гирифтан/ rap- - j j ^ \ J^H—flj-S 'to take, seize', додан/ диҳ- -_AJ\ ^ J I J 'to give', доштан/ д о р — j b \ ^л .ob 'to have', ёфран/ ёб- t>^—«Ь - _ J L \ 'to find', задан/ зан- --^»j\ u J j < t o strike', кашидан/ каш- Гп<\ ^.^ип^ 'to draw, pull', омадан/ о(й)- - ( - J ) T \ Ö^-^T 'to come', овардан/ op- - j T \ a^jjl 'to bring', хӯрдан/ хӯр- 'to eat; be struck, afflicted'. Adjectival Composites in common use are нағз дидан ~ \ * \ 'to like, approve': инро нағз ме-бинам ^ *i j ; ^ ^ 'I like this', similarly бад дидан ^ O J J Л_»ЧО dislike'; and дуст доштан/

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д о р — j b \ <j3—j.lj dt-u-jj'to like, love': вайро дӯст ме-дорам/ наме-дорам ^J\jLrj^\ ^ j ü ^ о P,JJ I ^ J ' I like him/ don't like him' (note that the prefix me- is used in the Present and Imperfect; see 3.8. This is "adjectival" in that dust is originally the complement, a type-noun: 'I hold him as a friend'). In two other verbal expressions involving dostan, the verb does not take me< у Карим ном дорад j j b f L ^ ^ j l 'he is called Karim' ('has the name...'); фарқ дорад/ на-дорад jjlaJ. \ J J I J j ^ 'there is/ is no difference' ('it has...'; 3.8). In these, the verb is used in its literal sense, 'to have', and the nouns are direct objects (3.8). Zadan is often combined with a nominal of oral communication: ҳарф 3. . j ^-i^-л 'to speak' {harf 'word(s), utterance'), ҷеғ з. . j ^ j ~ 'to shout, call out, yell', шилдирос/ шилдирас з. ^ j ^ U u \ U\ A\ •* .j 'to babble, mumble, mutter', телефон з. . j t>fl-Li 'to phone' (ba kas-e 'to s.o.', indirect obj.). Didan and xürdan tend to denote an unpleasant or harmful experience: зарар дидан ^л^л JJ-^ ' t o be damaged, come to harm' (for xürdan see below, under zadan). In combination with an activity noun, тайёрй дидан ^J-JJ ^ j L J ä 'to prepare, get ready' (intr), didan has the sense 'try out, test' that it shows in Conjunct verbs (5.20). Choice of auxiliary. The same nominal component may take different auxiliaries, resulting in different constructions and semantics: буй додан (jjlj ^j-» 'to smell, emit an odor', буй кардан/ кашидан oJj^ с$л p j j m ^ \ 'to smell, sniff (at)', буй гирифтан СА^^ c£j-e ' t o g° bad, spoil, rot' ('take [on] a smell'); cap к. .£ j u« 'to begin' (tr.; sar Sudan, intr.; see 4.25), cap додан ^jl J j-c« 'to let go, launch; divorce' (sar 'head, start'); қарор кардан/ додан <jjlj\ О«Ъ-^ J*J^* 'to decide', қарор гирифтан/ ёфтан ^ L a L \ < ^ L i ^ jlj-5'to come to rest, subside, calm down' (see also next paragraph). Aspect The auxiliary chosen may correspond to the aspect, as between kardan, giriftan or yoftan for inceptive action vs. dostan for the resulting state: истиқомат/ иқомат к. .£ cu-oLSl \C^QU" M.I 'to settle (down), take up residence', истиқомат/ иқомат д. . J cj-oLäl \CJ-Q! a" ...I Чо reside, stay, dwell, live' ('have residence'); дил-ам қарор гирифт cj-flj_£ j l j_S J J J 4 calmed down' ('my heart took rest'), шаб-у рӯз қарор надорам ^j\^ j\jl jjj j V u ^ 'day or night 1 have no rest'. L>

J

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CHAPTER FIVE

Correlative auxiliaries. Just as the dummies kardan and Sudan generate transitive and intransitive correlatives, so certain semantically loaded auxiliaries form Composite verbs in pairs. The intransitive correlatives may be called "quasi-passives" (see 3.36). Omadan ~ ovardan: гирд омадан <j J_Л Jj-S 'to gather round, congregate* ('come round') ~ гирд овардан <jjJJT jj_2 'to amass, convene' ('bring round'). Rafian~ burdan: аз байн рафтан j l a j ^^ jl'to disappear, perish' ('go from among') - аз байн бурдан о*л j^ 'to beat, cane' ~ чуб хӯрдан jjjjj :L v > ^ t o ^ e beaten, caned' (cub 'wood, stick, cane'); xurdan is in this context 'to suffer, undergo'; cf. гам x. .r * i 'to grieve, be sad', хунук x. .£ . s\\ 'to catch cold'.

Dodan^yoftan (an especially productive pair): ёд додан ^ J I J J L 'to teach' (s.t, obj., to s.o.) ~ ёд гирифтан O - ^ - J J S J L 'to learn' (yod 'memory'); саранҷом додан ^ J I J ^L^l^^uj'to carry out, perform, complete' — ёфтан CA±L* -*to be carried out, concluded' (sar-anjom 'culmination, conclusion'; also — kardan ~ Sudan). Kardan may sometimes correlate with yofian: таълиф к. .£ UJ_JLJ 'to compose, write' — ёфтан <>ÜLJ - ' t o be composed, written'; and Sudan may replace the more literary yofian: сиҳат ёфтан/ шудан üJ-*i\ <1н-аЬ e n .n'to be cured, get well' (sihat 'health'). Often the Simple and the Causative form of a verb produce such correlatives: боло гирифтан ^ bj—5 Vb 'to rise, increase, grow, peak' (intr., despite the transitive auxiliary) ~ боло гирондан VL» jj^lj-^S 'to raise, bolster, strengthen, increase (tr.)\ If human agency is necessary, the putative intransitive correlative is not used, but rather a regular passive with Sudan: об cap дода шуд л-i 6jlJ J-U* ^J\ 4he water was released [into the field]' (not *saryoft). Prepositional phrases. Some of these are transparent adverbial phrases: сар-и ду зону нишастан ^~ >•• .n \ j-^lj J J J - ^ Ч О kneel' ('sit on

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465

two knees'), and are thus in the same category as, e.g., рӯи замин нишастан <j" ..i ЛЛ ^ j <_$jj4to sit on the floor' or бирун рафтан ^—aj ^jj__A_j'to go out'—verb phrases in which the adverbial and verbal components are variable, and do not constitute a Composite verb. Others, however, are used figuratively, and combine with a particular semantically loaded auxiliary to form generally opaque idioms (see also above, Correlative pairs): аз бар к. . i ^ j j l 'to learn by heart', дар бар гирифтан ^j^i^Sjj j j ' t o embrace' (bar 'bosom', not used independently); [умр-и худ-ро] ба cap бурдан/ бар- [ I j j ^ j - ^ 1 -^_»\ OJj-e J -"-e t o s P e n ( l , pass fa long period of time, e.g., one's life]' ('carry to the end'); [мақсад-ро] ба ҷо овардан/ ор-jT\ o^jjl LÄ-J [ I J A ^ L O ] 'to accomplish, achieve [one's objective]' ('bring to place'); [фурсат-ро] аз даст додан о ...J Jl I J ^ H ^ ^ — Ь ] ^ J I J 'to lose, forfeit [the chance]' ('give out of hand'; not of tangible objects, or direction, which is гум к. £ ^ ; гум ш. . <_£ ^S 'to be lost, go astray'). Direct objects. Verbs governing a Non-Specific noun object may likewise constitute a verb phrase (a syntactic unit) rather than a Composite verb (a lexical unit): e.g., in the transparent маъзарат хостан iji iiilj-1 O J I J L J » 'to apologize ('beg pardon'), either or both of the components may be replaced by synonyms: узр пурсидан j j с 'to ask forgiveness'; whereas in a phrase such as ҷон кандан 'to be dying/ in agony/ at one's last gasp; [fig.] to slave, live a life of drudgery' (lit., 'slough off [one's] life'), neither component could be replaced without rendering the idiom meaningless. The distinction is not always clear-cut, but in any case it makes no difference to the syntax of these units as verb phrases, and each forms its activity noun in the same way: узрпурсй Lf^J^J±^, узрхоҳй маъзаратхоҳй 'apologizing, offering excuses'; ҷонканй ^ '»< 'agony; drudgery'. Syntax and derivation. In a coordinate VP, one of the identical auxiliaries may be gapped (4.5), if the coordinates are in all respects parallel: тавба ва қасам додам ^ J I J ^ л j <_^>Л 'I vowed and swore [not to do it again]' ('gave repentance and oath'). A noun participating in a Composite verb is Non-Specific, and

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may not normally take a grammatical adjunct (but see izofat under Other composites, 5.18). However, it may take the plural suffix -ho for emphasis (2.7): азоб-ҳо кашиданд JÜ,I j мЛ LA^IJ-C 'they suffered (considerable/ all kinds of) torment'. The verbal Activity nouns may be derived from many Composite verbs by adding the nominal suffix -I to Stem I: шамшер-зан-й л enc n I A J J J"' " ' 'f i g» swordplay' (samsir 'sword'); саранҷом-диҳӣ ^ j f L=>J»I j-uu'completion, fulfilment'. The object of a transitive verb may be juxtaposed to the Activity noun (in Cyrillic, written as one word): дарс-тайёр-куни-и ман бо ӯ j \ L» ^ ^ ^ J L L U ^ - J J 'my preparation of lessons with him'. The adjective-adverb in -on is frequently formed from Composite verbs: хамёза-кунон ^ L ^ b j l j ^ 'yawning',муй-канон ^LS^^J* 'tearing [her] hair'. It may be used in quite long circumstantial phrases: ба ҷанг-овар-он бо чашм-и пур меҳр ва ифтихор-и падарона НИГОҲ-КУНОН... < J l j d - 4 j l Ч " fll j j

(| л ^ j л Л, ^ L j l j j T . < " > ^ 4_»

&I < 'i 'watching the warriors with eyes full of affection and fatherly pride...' (see 3.39). Normally a Composite verb with Sudan 'to become' (and its Stative equivalent, budan 'to be') is intransitive. In colloquial usage, some common denominal Composites do take a direct object: вай мошин-ро мунтазир/ интизор шуд л Л, j i b v J \j U" \ л I J Ö J .*! о <^j 'he waited for the car'; маро интизор-анд ^ j l k ^ r J I j-л 'they are waiting for/ expecting me'. A modifier or a direct object is sometimes incorporated in the Composite as the second term of an izofat: либос-и ту {буя бензин} медиҳад . I A J ^ {Ö-JJ-IJ i£j->} j ^ a-'-e-' ' y ° u r clothes smell of gasoline/ petrol' (buy dodan 'to smell'); на {парво-и ҷаҳон} доранд-у на {парво-и оянда-и худ} ^jj-*} <± j J ^ J I J {^1 о ^ ^JJi) ^ [jj—^ I J^-AT 'they care neither for the world nor for their own future' (parvo dostan 'to have concern'; the second occurrence of the verb is gapped, cf. 4.5); ман {интизор-и мурдан-ро} кашида нишастам ~" ... ^ •' * * j л- < [ I J < J J — ° jLUJLjl} ^J-Ä 'I settled in to await death/ simply waited to die' (the Composite verb is intizor kasidan 'to draw out expectation'; since the Infinitive object of this is joined as modifier to the external object intizor, the whole becomes a Definite direct J

LEXIS AND SOCIOLINGUISTICS

467

object and takes -ro\ see 2.7). This example also shows how a Composite verb may become part of a Conjunct verb or a Serial verb coordinate, where the auxiliary becomes a Participle I (kasida; see 5.20); similarly, онҳоро хеле ҷусту-ҷӯ/ кофтуков карда ёфтем jliLalS \ j 7" ~-\ ^,{:^

I jLpf

f\ "\ bL 6jj-S 'we searched everywhere until we found them' (a Serial verb coordinate; see 4.19). 5.20

Conjunct Verbs (1)

This construction joins an inflected form of one of a class of lexical auxiliaries to the non-finite Past Participle I form of what is semantical 1 у the main verb: парранда парида рафт oj-i j * ^ > J *>^J^ 'die bird flew away' (lit. '...having flown went'). The auxiliary (which is grammatically the main verb of the sentence) provides an adverbial and/ or aspectual nuance, in this case that of direction (away from the speaker) coupled with completion of the act (perfectivity). Also known as serial verbs, explicator-compound verbs, gerundcompound verbs, participle complex verbs, and converb(ial) constructions (in Tajik, fe'lho-i tarkibi-i fe'l, fefl-i payvast), these are a salient feature of Tajik, especially in the literary language and the Northern dialects, where they seem to have originated as caiques on Uzbek usage. The category may still be evolving and expanding; the progressive tenses karda istodaam, etc. (3.18-19) are grammaticalized instances of the type. There are at least eighteen lexically established conjunct auxiliaries: Баромадан/ баро- -Tj-Д <j J-OTJJ 4o come up/ out, exit' (completion of an uninterrupted action): мақола-ро хонда баромадам f j-Л^-» 6a^lj-^ I j d L l x 'I read/ have read (through) the article' (thoroughly); чанд моҳ дар табобатхона хоб карда баромад X-ATJ-4 6 J J _ £ V ' J - ^

Л

Л

~ ":

|

;

L

J

J 6

Лх

'—• ~> ^

е s

P

e n t a

f

ew

months lying in the hospital (i.e., confined to bed the whole time). Cf. tamom k.., Sudan. Бурдан/ бар- -j^\ Ö^Jt ' t o carry, take away' (transportation away from the speaker; removal): ҳама-ро гирифта бурданд I j<-Q-A dJ»j^-j * -' j j < 'they took away/ removed everything'; китоб-

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митоб харида мебарад J ^ ^ ts^j^L ,_iLL-a u_J " «ч 'he buys books and stationery' (and takes them away with him). This verb is parallel to the intransitive rqftan and the antonym ovardan. t Гаштан/ гард—<*jS\ 4 ^ L i - S t o turn; move around, frequent' (nongoal-directed motion). This auxiliary has two applications: (1) It indicates a durative, but intermittent or varied, activity: дар 1 боғ-и шахр мардум саёҳат карда мегарданд j q -f ; j ^ л ^ а ^ ^ bjj$ O A L U « ^jj-л 'in the city park people stroll about/ wander at leisure' (sayohat k.. 'to tour, engage in recreation'); ана гугирд! ман кофта гаштам р"ЛЛ «LLalS ^ \jjEij£ «J»l 'Here are the matches! And I was looking (all over) for them'; курта-и нав-амро пӯшида мегардам ^ J ^ S ^ бл-j-A^ Ь { \ Р *<^j^ 'I shall wear my new shirt' (i.e., go out and about in it); реш монда мегардад J J J — S ^ Ь±^\ о ( j ^ j 'he has grown a beard' (i.e., having let [monda] his beard grow, he goes around with it). (2) In the Perfect tense, instead of istoda ast (in colloquial usage) as a general Present Progressive tense: Шариф... диравгирӣ карда гашта-аст ~»•»! <ИЛ£ ÄJ^S C$J^JJJ ••• *—Ц?-^ 'Sharif is busy with the harvest/ in the middle of harvesting' (note the Composite verbal activity noun, dirav-gir-i, reverbalized with kardan, then merged into a Conjunct verb); ҳамсоя-и м о дар Душанбе кор карда гашта-аст «и ,.,1 « J ü S 6 J ^ J L $ ^ j'i.MJJ J J L» Sul... а 'our neighbor is working/ has been working in Dushanbe' (see 3.18). Гирифтан/ гир- - j j ^ \ <>^ij-S 'to take' (self-benefactive): дарс-и навро навишта гирифтам ^ j ^ i ^ S <_l^»jJ» I j > i ^>и j j 'I copied down the new lesson'; мавҷ-и кутоҳро дошта мегирифтем A-jJLflj^ ^ ^ G ^ i l j I j б Ь ^ £jL 'we used to get the short wave* (dostan 'to have, hold'). Cf. the antonym, dodan\ and see 5.21. Гузаштан/ гузар- -JiSL\ ^\ Л,:^ 'to pass (through)' (completion of a prolonged action, but not a thorough or intensive one): газета-ро дида гузаштам -~ ^У < 6XJJ ijd \^ < 'I've looked/ glanced through the newspaper'; дар ин ҷо маҷлис-и... беморхонаҳо-и район шуда гузашт ^ L j ^ L A O L I J I О J\ . . . О 1 1 К Л I ^ \j\ j j CJ-J.1S 6 j - i 'this is where the meeting of the... regional hospitals took place'. This does not occur frequently.

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Дидан/ бин- - 'i j Д od-u 'to see' (tentative): нон-ро хӯрда дид XJJ 6 j j j — ^ I j o ^ 'he tasted the bread' (xurdan 'to eat'); ин курта-ро пӯшида бин ^^ ьл j .У^ I J O J - S <j_J 'try on this tunic'; MO натиҷа-и кор-и ҳар касро санҷида мебинем I о f-^i-jLj ^

6.1 j ?*>.«. I j t > ^

jjb j l i

^

j "1 *i 'we will sample the

results of each person's work' (sanjidan 'to weigh, measure, test'). By its nature, this combines with a limited class of main verbs. Додан/ диҳ- -._AJ\ ^jlj 'to give' (other-benefactive): падар-ам ин мошинро ба ман харида дод <>-о <-J IJ<>J «I о <>f 'my father bought me this car'; номи худро навишта медиҳам {*AJ ^ 4 " .T.J^ I j j > ^ f L* 'I'll write down my name (for уои)';духтарҳо ашула хонда доданд «Jj £,1 I ^j " ^ * dJ»jlj ftallj—i. 'the girls performed songs/ sang for [us]' (xondan 'to sing', with appropriate object); Раҳим мазмун-и коғазро ба мо ҳикоя карда дод J Ü &J^£ « Ч ^ L^-e I j Ü l i ^ л . А ^ f-e^j 'Rahim recounted for us the contents/ purport of the letter' (hikoya L. 'to tell, narrate'). Cf. the antonym, giriftan. Истодан/ ист- - ~i".jl\ UJ!~M. A 'to stand' (durative, progressive action): шумо то омадан-и ман нигоҳ-карда ме-истед? Lo-i S л j "> <
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any notion of 'standing' or have a human or animate subject: рафта истода-ем *-J *,*t " - J * ~ «j 'we are going', об шуда истода-аст CJ-^I 6jl " .,, J ьл .* «_>T 'it is melting'. Cf. gastan, nisastan, sistan. Мондан ^alL» 'to stay; to let, put' has two distinct meanings: (1) Sudden action, followed by a continuing state (reflecting the intransitive sense, 'to stay'): бурида мондан ^±±\ о ьа-j^l 'to cut off/ out'; зан-аш касал шуда монд ±LL* t±Ju Ji„ < ^J^j 'his wife fell ill'; шарикҳоямон рафт-и кор-ро гирифта мондагӣ ^^SJJILO 4 _ Ü J ^ I J J L ^ cj-ij IJLA-JLA ii-jj-Д'our mates have gotten the hang of the work' (colloquial for mondagi-and, see 3.15);ғелида афтод ва аз ҷо на-ҷунбида монд ** >> > ^ ^ L ö 6 д j i 'i ^ \ Ц . jl j j L ü l ' h e slipped and fell, and didn't get up/ stayed down' (junbidon 'to move'); note that, exceptionally, the Negative prefix attaches to the participle, not the finite auxiliary, since here mondän does not reinforce the sense of the main verb, but contradicts it: 'move'/'stay still'. Arguably this is a Serial verb coordinate (4.19), not a Conjunct verb construction. (2) Non-completion or forestalling of an action (esp. with verbs of perception): дирӯз дар куча ошно-и дирина-ам-ро дида мондам ^jJ>Lo бд-ij Ij^l^LLjjjj^LljiiT <-^$£ j j JJ^^ 'yesterday in the street I caught sight of my old acquaintance' (the transitive sense of mondän, *to let, put', i.e., 'I clapped eyes on...'; see also 5.21). Нишастан/ нишин- - 'IJIVI\ ö"n» «Vs and шиштан/ шин- ^чл, ,т, —-j-A_ii\ 4 to sit' (durative, progressive). Unlike the desemanticized istodan, these auxiliaries still require a human subject and some notion of 'sitting' as a basis for the continuing activity: бачаҳо тамошо карда ме-шиштанд уг% Л Л> ^ 6jj_S bi.La^ U ^и^ 'the children sat/ were watching'. However, as a stative verb (3.17) its Perfect tense expresses progressivity in present time: MO ran зада нишаста-ем ^ ! <". n Л'» *jj i_*S U 'we're sitting chatting/ having a conversation'. As with most Conjunct verbs (but see mondän), the finite auxiliary, not the participle, is negated: ман тамом-и ҳикоя-ро ба шумо нақл карда на-мешинам I n . м > I J«LJL1A. /»

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471

6 J ^ £ JU> 'I'm not going to (sit and) tell you the whole story' (naqlk. 'to relate, narrate'). Cf. istodan, gastan. The verb xobidan 'to lie (down), sleep' and its Northern dialect form xorafian (= хоб рафтан o-l—* j i_Jj %) may be used in a similar progressive sense if the semantic is appropriate: вай дар яке аз ғорҳо-и кӯҳ... бо йигитҳо-и худ «дам» гирифта J мехобид Y jj—^ (^LACJJLJ Lt ...6j-£ ^ L A J L C j l ^ ^ ^ J J ^ J J - ^ I J ^ L ^ ^ 4-lij-S 'he was "taking a breather" together with his men in some mountain cave' ('...taking a breath, was lying...').
Овардан/ op- - j T \ CJ^JJ* bring' (transportation to the speaker): аз бозор мева харида овард jjjT Ь±Ц-^ *J J Л JIJL» j l 'she fetched fruit from the market' ('bought-and-brought'); хабар гифифта биёр! ! JL_L_» A " i j - S j \ A 'go and find out what's 1 happening' ('having gotten news, bring fit] ). Cf. the parallel intransitive omadan, and the antonym burdan. Омадан/ о- -T\ <jj-J 'to come' has two main fields of function: (1) With verbs of motion, it expresses motion toward the speaker: давида омад д-*1 ÖJ-JJJ 'he ran up (to us)'; ҳавопаймо парида омада-аст •:• ^ бо-^Т ÖJ-JJ-» l ^ j j i j ^ 'the plane (reportedly) flew in/ (has) arrived' (cf. the parallel transitive verb, ovardan, and the antonym, raflan). (2) With a range of other verbs, it denotes the successful completion of an action or the culmination of a process: муборизае, ки ман дар давом-и се сол бурда омадам, натиҷа-аш фақат ҳамин рӯз маълум шуд 6jj_» JL^u4—L^^IJJ J J ^ - 0 <-^ 'С£' 6 ^Ц»—• д_Д (\>Ь-А 3 J J Ü J J*5-* i£l< ? j "'*» ^J-oT'the result of the struggle I have waged for three whole years became known only today' (the head noun is topicalized; see 4.1(8)); аз бозе ки воқеа-ро таърих қайд мекунад, то имрӯз... забон ва адабиёти эшон ҳам ривоҷ ёфта омада-аст \ j Ъ J ^ J L : ±S ( ^ j b j l П Л

l 'for as long as recorded history, up until today, their language and literature too have been current' (lit. 'ever since history records the event... has gained-and-maintained currency'; rivojyoftan 'to gain currency, become widely used'; omada-ast is a Non-Witnessed Perfect, see 3.21). This completion may be anticipated in the Present

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tense: онҳо супоришҳо-и худро... 160-фоизӣ иҷро карда %

м е о я н д ^^JO 6Jj-S lj-^.1 ^ 3 - j L i >Я

I j j j - ä . ^ L A J^ji

» r I о '»Т

JAJT 'they are fulfilling their quotas 160 percent'. Партофтан/ парто b j - Д v>^_flL^j'to throw away, abandon' (complete removal, expulsion, clearing out, etc.; with a semantically limited class of verbs): ҷоруб-а гирифта, берунҳо-я тоза карда A рӯфта парто, ҷон-ам a j b ijl j j j j ; *4_Ji_ij_£ Ij ^ j j j L a . ^ L Ä
LEXIS AND SOCIOLINGUISTICS

473

Cap додан/ диҳ- - _ Ä J \ <jjlj J ш 'to let go, launch, start' (sudden inception; cf. firistodan): Ойиша тоқат карда натавониста, якбора гирья карда cap дод -* ~ *''j "'* 6JJ-S djJaLla * •*• >l «» jlj j-wj ÖJJ-S ^ j - S ^jl ;< * 'Oisha could not bear it and suddenly burst into tears' (girya k., now spelled гиря, 'to weep'). Cf. ba — sar kardan 'to begin to —', 4.25. Тамом кардан/ кун- --A£\ ^JJ-S ^L^'to finish' (completion of an action or process; less frequent than Sudan): мактубро навишта тамом кардам ^ J ^ S ^ Ь ^ «LJL^JJ. < J ^ J ~\<*«I finished writing the letter'. Фиристодан/ фирист- -_^_cuj_fl\ ^JLL-^J-S 'to send' (sudden, violent action; generally with intransitive verbs meaning 'to laugh1, 'to weep'; cf. sar dodan): Зебинисо қоҳ-қоҳ зада хандида ф и р и с т о д jl ~\ M,j-fl Ö ^ J - I J L 6 j j

Ь

^ Ь^-* I ••• '* v ^ J ' Z e b i n i s o

suddenly laughed out loud/ burst into guffaws' (a Serial verb coordinate, qoh-qoh zctda +xandida 'guffawing, laughing' merging with a Conjunct verb,xandidafiristod). Шудан/ шав- -j i \ <jj i 'to become, happen' (completion of an action; in early New Persian, sudan meant 'to go (away)', which may explain this idiom): хӯрда шудам ^j-i ajjj^. 'I've finished eating/ had enough to eat'; китобро хонда шудам lj _l " < /»j Д 6jJ»lj—1 'I finished (reading) the book'; Зулайхо шартнома-ро навишта шуд-у ба ман нигоҳ кард Jaj—i I Ч j \j jj-S öl^Ji ^л^ j ,* л- л - .* j -, I J 4_в(_1 'Zulaikha wrote up the contract and looked at me'. This combines with a wide range of verbs, usually with a human subject. Cf. tamom k.., baromadan. Note that a Past Participle I followed by a form of Sudan may signal the Passive voice (3.34-36). Conjunct verb sentences using sudan therefore tend to be explicitly transitive, as in the last example with its direct object, or otherwise semantically incompatible with a Passive interpretation, as in the first (not *'I have been eaten'!). 5.21

Conjunct Verbs (2)

The system of eighteen auxiliaries described above is, historically, a distillation of a longer-established and freer use of Serial verb coord-

474

CHAPTER FIVE

inates, which has infiltrated the aspecto-temporal system (with istodan) and the modal auxiliary constructions {tavonistan, 4.22). In the form of Serial verb coordinates, it continues more or less independently of the Conjunct verb subset, and creates some interference for the latter: semantic paradigms are unevenly matched, meanings of finite "auxiliaries" may vary unexpectedly, or Conjunct verb phrases may seem to be reversed, with a lexical auxiliary as the participle and a finite main verb. Added to this are socio-stylistic contrasts between written and spoken Tajik, different dialects, and between MLT and other written styles. The following notes are arranged under the head of the lexical auxiliaries identified as in 5.20. Barovardan. The Soviet-era activity noun кор-карда-барорй jl й ^ J T J - J 6jj £ '(end) production', as in кор-карда-барори-и молҳо-и чарм-вор J I J - O J ^ ^ L Ä JL» ^ j l j-> ÖJJ£ j l £ 'production of leather goods' (cf. also Complex verbs, 5.17) appears to derive from a Conjunct verb kor-karda barovardan/ baror- (lit. 'having worked, bring out)'; however, the phrase does not seem to be attested in a finite form. Girifian: The Conjunct verb navista girifian 'to copy, jot down' sometimes appears as if reversed: бачаҳо, a [аз] даҳан-и ман гирифта нависит [нависед] J j " i j > j <-^-i J-S <>* <>* J J I« LA A ^ ; 'children, write down at my dictation'. After the adverbial afz] dahan-i man 'from my mouth', the verb 'to take' follows more logically than 'to write'; technically, the phrase may be seen either as a Serial verb coordinate, 'take-and-write' (4.19), or as use of a Conjunct participle, in which the participial verb is the adverbial (cf. baromada 'out', 5.17). Verbs of perception and intellection, which are by nature selfbenefactive, often acquire girifian as a redundant auxiliary: омӯхта гирифтан (lAi^S
LEXIS AND SOCIOLINGUISTICS

475

j j ^ «LL I j J-CLS j c-Lij-S 6JjjTj-e 'Muhabbat peered at the envelope, took out the letter and unfolded it' ('opened the paper'). This is not the "self-benefactive" adverbial sense of girift as an auxiliary (5.20), but literally 'took hold o f ; the participle bar-ovarda is the adverbial element, as a Conjunct participle '[bringing] out' (see 5.17). Similar are гӯрзод-ро... морҳо печонида гирифтанд S 6JL^I ^ \\ LAJLO ...IjJjjjZ 'the snakes coiled around Gurzod/ seized G. in their coils', and аз риш-и дароз-аш печонда гирифтам fHj£ öjJtU^.» ^i, j \ j j ^ Ц ^ Jl 'I seized him by his long beard and twisted it' [pec-on{i)dan 'to twist, coil', tr., a Causative). Guzastan: A sentence such as the following, where the participial verb is explicitly a mode of action and the finite verb may be interpreted literally, is likely to be a Serial verb coordinate: луқма-ҳо-и нон гулӯяш-ро харошида гузаштанд I J U L_JJJL£ <JL» ^ U ^ — O - J L J

\ \~\ ЛЛ S 6j j »MIJ-Ä 'the bits of bread scraped his throat as he swallowed them' ('...scraped-and-passed through'). Didan. Similar to the foregoing is ҳамон коғаз-ро хонда бинед! * y»j ; ÄJLIIJ-1 I ja_cLS j l a 'take a look at that note!' (i.e. a Serial verb coordinate, 'read-and-react to', probably not 'try to read'). Istodan. As noted above (5.20), the Stative tenses of this verb (Perfect and Pluperfect) have been grammaticalized as auxiliaries in the compound Progressive tenses, while other tenses still express nuances of the progressive aspect within a Conjunct verb matrix. One of the tokens of a shift from VP to tense has been the attachment of the negative prefix to the first component of the phrase, i.e., the Past Participle of the main verb: na-rafta istoda-and 'they are not leaving'; this contrasts with the usual placement of the prefix on the finite verb in a Conjunct verb construction: ош хунук шуда на-истад j л ...jL &j Д . *s ' ^ ^ Т 'don't let the food get cold'. However, the negative may also be found prefixed to the participial verb in other than the Progressive tenses: ҳозир на-гуфта истем? SJLJJLUJJI ^ -' л<\ j .^l ^ 'Aren't we going to tell now?/ Are we going to stand here without saying anything?'; this separates the conjoined verbs into their semantic spheres and places the negative

476

CHAPTER FIVE

where it belongs—the telling is negated, the 'standing' or progressivity is not Mondän, This polysemous verb is involved in several distinct idioms, and will not always reflect either of its established senses as an apparent Conjunct auxiliary (Sudden action followed by stasis; Forestalling of an action): агар одамро газад, на-кушта намемонда-аст •-• *»1 б ^ Ь » ^ - ^ «* ".*•<•> <JJ-S I j f Л j-Sl'if it bites a person, he inevitably dies/ never survives' ('...he/ she does not stay un-killed'). The double negative (for rhetorical emphasis) tends to disguise the fact that [na]kusta is Passive, and therefore the complement of the sentence, not a component of an active verb whether Conjunct or of any other kind; and that the forms and meanings of this and of me-monda-ast are separate (the tense of mondän is the Non-Witnessed durative; 3.22). Some writers have occasionally split Conjunct verb pairs into Simple Past tenses, joined with the coordinate conjunction -y j (esp. where the auxiliary is an aspect marker such as mondän or rafian, and the sentence appears to mean much the same): писар дар ҷавоб-и ин суханҳо-и модар-аш фақат хандид-у монд ^ 1 ^J^j-^ j j ^ _ ^ JJ»LA J J *V*^ lajL-л j t j j L e jjLla^iuj 'in reply to these words of his mother, the boy just laughed' ('laughed-and-stayed', for xandida mond)\ ҳама-и ин гузашт-у фаромӯш шуд-у рафт j .-i Лп ^ ^ 'all this passed and was gradually forgotten' ('was-forgotten-and-went'); нисбат ба ман шакк-у шубҳа-и ӯ барф-и мавсим-и баҳор барин об шуд-у рафт j -* 'her doubt and suspicion of me melted away like lik snow in spring' ('became-waterand-went'). Syntax. In colloquial and dialect usage, the participial component may be postposed: корд биёр рафта
LEXIS AND SOCIOLINGUISTICS

477

по-ҳо-шонро ба per ғӯтида ё лағжида мерафтанд Ij i^-ä J c f jo ОД-JJJLJ L öj-Ja^c «-S-jj «LJ 'on they went, their feet sinking or sliding in the sand' (a Serial verb coordinate; the object marker -ro is unnecessary, since the verbs are intransitive; it is perhaps in unconscious imitation of a phrase such as пиёла-ро ба-дасташ бардошта «LL*iljj-j fJii^^u^A I j <JL_» 'picking up the glass in his hand'). Two Composite verbs (even if both use the dummies kardan or sudan) may be conjoined serially, the first (participial) one functioning as the adverbial, to form a single idea: ғарқ шуда талаф шуд jj-Ь л м, u-Lb 6j_^i 'he drowned/ perished by drowning' (talaf sudan 'to perish'). Conjunct verbs may be combined with or embedded in other participial constructions: ҳавлӣ ва рӯйдарича... {{{хароб шуда} рафта} истода} анд [UJI^... J {«LlLfij {aj-ä, ^ I ^ J L } } } . . . < U J J J ^ J J J ^J-** JJ»I 'the house and the porch... are going to rack and ruin'. Here the first (or innermost) Past Participle I is that of the main verb xarob Sudan 'to become ruined', conjoined with the Conjunct auxiliary raftan in the sense 'to change progressively'; the second is that of the same raftan as the main component—and the third is the required form of the grammatical auxiliary, istodan—of the compound Progressive tense of the whole verbal complex.

SOCIAL AND HISTORICAL NOTES 5.22

Modes of Address

Between members of the same peer and solidary groups (age, sex, occupation) address is essentially informal, though the sumo form of the second person is more usual than the tu form (2.28, 3.4) except among children and adolescents. When written, the formal pronoun шумо I o .7>, if it refers to one person, is capitalized in Cyrillic: Шумо. Given names are widely used, often with the endearing suffix -ҷон <jLa. for those of the same age or younger (lit. 'soul, life'; in Cyrillic, written as one word): Аҳмадҷон ^1 ^j * -Д Зар[р]инаҷон <^JJ Sometimes this suffix becomes an official part of a man's given

478

CHAPTER FIVE

name; women's names may also be suffixed (informally, in the spoken language) with -хоп: Олима-хон <jLL «uJU. A man will refer to and address a good male friend а8ҷӯра(-ҷон) (<jl_a.-) 6jj-a>, a woman a female friend as дугона(-ҷон) ( ^ Ц . - ) o L S J J ; дӯст CJ-UUJJ 'friend' is used for a member of the opposite sex, or is neutral and more formal. The term рафиқ Jjj \j 'companion' corresponds generally to the loosely-used English 'friend' (rafiq-i sumo kujo raft? 'where did your friend get to?'), and was also used as the communist term for 'comrade'. Family members traditionally address one another by kinship term rather than given name, again often adding -jon\ the numerous terms (some of Uzbek origin) include бобо L L 'grandfather', бибӣ ^ ; j ; '(paternal) grandmother', падар jJ_», дада/ додо IJÜ \ * J J 'father', модар j JLА, оча «_aj 'mother', тағоӣ ^ L J U , амак <~ * 'uncle', хола «ULä., амма < л с 'aunt', янга *LS-1J 'aunt (uncle's wife), sisterin-law', биродар J J I > J 'brother', ако/ ака «_SI \\S\ 'elder brother', додар jjlj, уко/ ука 4_£jl \ L £ j l '(younger) brother', ana
LEXIS AND SOCIOLINGUISTICS

including рафиқ JJ_J

479

Ь j 'comrade' preceding the surname, and the

Russian-style name and patronymic, as in Турсун Иброҳим-ович Ö—jjblj_»l <jj ^jj^- Russian-style surnames were also widely adopted (Юсупов u i l i . 4 . , ^ , Назирова 6 j l j jh'Q, Since the 1980s many Tajiks have re-Persianized their surnames by means of relative or patronymic suffixes (e.g., Юсуф-зода 6 j l > Q M.J-^, Юсуфӣ ^*

,njL; the substitution of /for p further represents re-Persianization

of an Uzbek reflex of the Perso-Arabic Yusttj). In referring to or addressing someone formally by surname or profession, the epithets janob 'Mr.' oxxonum 'Mrs., Miss, Ms.' precede the name in izofat: ҷаноб-и Олимпур JJ_I*JLC C-JLI^ 'Mr. Olimpur', хонум-и Каримдухт C-^J^-JJ-S *J»LL 'Mrs. Karimdukht'; ҷаноб-и устод »[ "

*' v ' - ^ 'Professor*. These words may also be used ref-

erentially, as 'gentleman' and 'lady'. Other epithets (including the historical and archaic) are met with in literature or journalism; the main grammatical distinction lies between those which combine using izofat and those which combine without. Thus there are three structures. (1) As the head of an izofat NP: Common nouns used as generic or categorial terms: кампир-и Маҳрам ^j ^ ~ J : ; j^A

лЛ...^»

л <

'Old Mahram' (female), мӯйсафед-и Кабир

'Old Kabir' (male; cf. 2.3).

Kinship terms of Persian (or Perso-Arabic) origin: хола-и Зубайдо lAalj KILL 'AuntZubaydo',aivraK-H Равшан C^jj

Л »г 'Unc-

le Ravshan*. (2) As modifiers of an izofat NP: Occupational terms: Муҳаммад-и пайғамбар J I M J ^ J О -> n 'the Prophet Muhammad', Ҳоди-и муаллим ^ U n ^ J U 'the teacher Hodi'; but, if further modified: Ҳодй, муаллим-и таърих < ^ J U £ - J j b Л* л 'Hodi the history teacher'. (3) Juxtaposed without izofat: An epithet which follows the name or other variable (inc. many of the kinship terms noted above, but excluding occupational terms) does not take izofat. This configuration is a Turkic structure in which the head of the phrase, not the modifier, comes second: Алй бобо L»L ^^Lc, Далер-ака <£\ ^ J J , Нур-ато bl j ^ 'Father Nur' (a Sufi saint); Аҳмад махдум fjs-^ь-* J - * ^ J 'Master Ahmad' (lit.

480

CHAPTER FIVE

'waited on', an epithet for the sons of clerics); Иброҳим-хӯҷа 4-^.j^ jk-LAlj_J (the vernacular reflex of хоҷа 4 - ^ J ^ below, which precedes the name). When preposed, these epithets may sometimes take izofat. бобо Тоҳир jjbLJä LL, but махдум-и Ҳайрат O J ^ I J > J J 4 n. Social and professional titles (both historical and contemporary): амир Олимхон ^Lk^JLc j j

л I, хоҷа Ҳофиз i ü L a . «L^IJ-^; SO also

мирзо Ijj—^-ö, мулло ^L_o, профессор j j

... aj-> 'Professor',

духтур J J - 1 ^ J 'Dr.', рафиқ J - t i j 'Comrade'. If used as common nouns, these accept modifiers in izofat: рафиқ-и мӯҳтарам f j " - * n J-»-fl j 'the respected comrade'. The doublets устод J "> ...I (variant, устоз '*' "

Q and усто

I—L—Ы1 'master' refer to, and are titles of, two social degrees of professional. Ustod is a (secular) teacher, scholar, or writer, or an accomplished artist or musician: устод Айнӣ ^ *• j - JLLUJ (scholar and writer). Usto (the vernacular form, cf. хщъ) is any qualified craftsman or artisan, such as a carpenter, watchmaker, or confectioner; as a mode of address or reference it may be pre- or post-posed: Салим усто I -' -••! ~ A ... /усто Салим - *i ••• I ~ .»I Used as common nouns, both these forms may be modified in izofat: устод-и санъат »r»* "^^ ^ "» --I 'the artist', усто-и соат-соз ^ i

" •••!

JLMJCLI-CLMJ 'watchmaker' (using the Stem I agentive; 5.9), усто-и электрик-гузаронӣ

^\jl^S^J

Lf

" ^ j 4 ^:1 "

A

'electrician'

('master of electrical installation', using the'Stem I activity noun; 5.10). The respective quality/ activity nouns are устоц-ӣ ^«1 ~ • < 'skill, proficiency, art(istry), musicianship; professorship', and усто-гӣ ^ L L U U I 'craft(smanship), mastery; trade, craft' (5.2). 5.23

The Arabic Element

Arabic vocabulary is the oldest and still the largest foreign element in the Tajik Persian lexicon, though it is no longer a productive source. It was arguably not as dominant as in SP during premodern times, even in the literary language of the madrasas: the overall literacy rate in Central Asia was lower, and among Tajik Persian speech communities, both rural and urban, native morphology and vocabulary (supplemented

LEXIS AND SOCIOLINGUISTICS

481

by borrowing from Uzbek) appear to have remained vigorously productive. Soviet-period language reform specifically targeted the "archaic" Arabic lexical stratum for replacement by native vocabulary. However, the presence of many everyday Arabic words for which there is no ready Persian equivalent (e.g., китоб ц ! л < 'book', ҳаво IJ-A 'air, weather') has mitigated the effects of purification. Plurals. Some specialized uses of Arabic and Arabicate plural forms (see 2.5) have survived the general Soviet condemnation of archaisms, since they have been lexicalized and fill a useful niche. Words with the suffixes -ot, -jot, -vot denote collectives: хдйвонот г» 1 *'^^ 'animals, fauna, livestock',меваҷот O L ^ J J J » 'fruit', сабзавот -r-ljj * • 'vegetables, greens' (cf. Pers. sabzijät; the last two are Arabicate plurals of the Persian words meva and sabza). Others have developed a singular meaning: коинот CZJLHI £ 'cosmos' (Ar. 'entities', in Taj. a mass noun), ташкилот OJ^J^.V» 'organization', ҳашарот OJIJ^,-» 'insect' (with regular plurals taskilot-ho and hasarot-hd). Several Arabic "broken plurals" have been lexicalized with specialized collective or singular meanings: атроф u-äljJal 'environs, neighborhood' (cf. тараф u-e^IU 'side, direction'); талаба < »t U 'student' (pi. талабагон pK.il k the original singular толиб «_JLL has specialized in the sense 'madrasa student'; see also 2.2); аъзо I .Л rl 'member' (of an institution, pi. аъзоён <jLI .Л rl; but аъзои бадан <j д.» ^LAcI 'parts/ limbs/ members of the body', also узв-ҳо-и бадан tj^j ^ L Ä J ^ A C , using the original singular in its literal meaning). In маротиба <_^f j_e 'time, occasion' (sg. martaba, used in SP), and шароит JU_»IJ I±J 'condition, stipulation'; pi. saroit-ho (the cognate singular word шарт L J ,?. is also used), the original singular has simply been replaced. Collocations. Arabic phrases incorporated as a lexical unit are generally in the form of construct state NPs (analogous to, and sometimes replaced by, the Tajik Nominal izofat) or prepositional phrases. Though often integrated into verbal or adverbial idioms, they are nowadays rarely encountered outside highly literary prose. They are written as one word in Cyrillic: қасабуссабақ бурдан <jJ >e o/»^ I«." ^ • < t o t a ^e the lead, lead the field' ('take the leader's baton', from a practice in Arab horse racing); the definite article al- (seen initially in adverbial

482

CHAPTER FIVE

loans, e.g., албатта
Lexical Distribution, Persian ~ Tajik

In the everyday Persian and Perso-Arabic vocabulary, even frequentlyused words have been differentially distributed between Iran and Central Asia. Some Tajik words and expressions are either completely foreign to Iranians, or perceived as archaic or literary; the meanings of some common words have shifted enough to constitute "false friends," looking deceptively identical but in fact with misleadingly different meanings in the different varieties of Persian (for differences of pronunciation, obviously an important factor, see 1.2-5). The following selection, arranged by lexical category and topic, makes no claims to completeness. It excludes borrowings from Russian, but includes some Arabic and other words of non-Persian origin that are part of the everyday lexicon in one or the other dialect. Words in parentheses are Standard Persian equivalents, which sometimes coexist as variants in Tajik.1 Nouns: алов, алав, олав J J T . J V I <jJ\ (ätas) 'fire', баҳр j a^j (daryä) 'sea', дарё Ljj(rad, rudxäne) 'river', пахта 4-1^Ц» {panbe) 'cotton' (but Taj. пунба-дона «LLIJ ^ П 'cottonseed'), (гул-и) садбарг ^ . u a j S ) (gol-e sorx) 'rose', шулгор jL£Li (soxm) 'plowed 1апа',кабудӣ ^ j ; < (sabzi) 'greens, greenery', сабзӣ 1

For a similar list, see Lazard 1956, p. 180.

LEXIS AND SOCIOLINGUISTICS

483

(havij) 'carrot(s)\ шӯрбо L»j4>_ii (sup) 'soup', тиреза (panjare) 'window', ҷевон g l j

j ? (qafase) 'cupboard,

bookcase', сандалӣ ^ j-i-ua (korsi) 'wooden frame with brazier underneath and quilts attached', чоряк u i l j L ^ (rob') 'quarter', хел J e - ^ {jur) 'sort, kind', майна A \ j n (magi) 'brain', пишак (gorbe) 'cat', кампир j j ^ о «s (pir-e zari) 'old woman', сағир >oi^a (yatim) 'orphan'. Adjectives, adverbs, time words: вазнин fj^jj

(sangin) 'heavy',

сангин ^ j<*»... (sangi) '(of) stone', салқин

Г

'cool', хунук 'cold' (sard), қимат .-• - j « (gerän) 'expensive', калон tj^LS (bozorg) 'big, great, оШ',майда 6j \*n (xord) 'tiny; small change', хурд j j o

1 (kucek) 'small, little, young', ғафс

.i а г (koloft) ''Xhick, stoutъ нағз J—*A нек i < j *i Ocwfe, qasang)

'good, nice', ганда 6 JJIS (xaräb) 'bad', касал jlu-JS (mariz, bimär) 'sick', монда 6 JJ»L» (дсаӯГе) 'tired', пок ^ L (tamiz) 'clean', ифлос ^ь*

Ы (kasif) 'dirty', қулай ^ j

i (rahat) 'easy,

comfortable*, тайёр j L J e (häzer) 'ready', ҳозир j .hi -> (hala) 'now', дина <-l_jj (diruz) 'yesterday', пагоҳ б(-1_» (sobh\ farda) 'morning; tomorrow', бегоҳ б! < > i (*ОУГ) 'evening; yesterday', тирамоҳ öLo^-^O^a/z) 'autumn'. Verbs: афтидан ^ J j " Q! (ofiddan) 'to fall' ғалтидан ^ \ jU I f ( j j j i l f \ (zaminxordari) 'tofall down, tumble',шиштан ^Л.п .т, (nesastan) 'to sit', мондан ^ JJ»L» (gozäStan) 'to let, put', кушодан o j l A l , яла к. .&
k.) 'to look for', ёфтан

al :(реуНл k.yto find', ғундоштан ^

c^^^Lijam* k.) 'to

gather, pick', пешвоз гирифтан ^^A-flj-S j l j Д JJ (esteqbäl L) 'to meet, greet', гусел к. .L£ J » < (mosäye'at k.) 'to see off. Such differences are seen even in more recent neologisms and literary words: Taj. маданият c o ^ j

o, SPfarhang 'culture'; Taj. иттифоқ

j U b l , SPettehäd '(labor) union'; Taj. зиоӣ

^LA..,^,

Pers. rowsanfekr

'(liberal) intellectual', in which the underlying idea of 'enlightened thinker' is expressed respectively in an Arabic-Persian derivative and a Persian-Arabic compound; Taj. (MLT) байналхалқӣ ^yaÜJI ^^ SP baynolmelati 'international', where the difference lies only in the

484

CHAPTER FIVE

selection of the central (Arabic) lexeme (currently, байналмилалй u l l о 11 C^JL^ts replacing the former word in Tajik). Many of the Tajik variants are also common to Persian of Afghanistan (Kaboli, Dari). Apart from individual words, there are systematic differences in lexical morphology and syntactic strategies between Tajik and SP, many of which have been pointed out above. A fair number of common nouns and verb Stems I (and hence the Imperative sg.) are differentiated by the frequent preservation in Tajik of CP final -у (-й <_$-) after the vowels о T and ӯ j , where SP has dropped it: пой ^L» 'foot', рӯй (jjj 'face', фурой! l^ijb 'come down!', гӯй! \^^1 'say!' (1.8). The variety of nominal compounds, the productivity of adjectival formatives such as -nok and -gf, and of causative verbs, and innovations such as Conjunct verbs, constitute other large areas of lexical difference with Standard Persian (see also 5.25). 5.25

Uzbek and Turkic Influences

The Northern dialects are replete with pre-Uzbek Turkic and Uzbek vocabulary, even at the level of function words. As a result of the choice of the dialect of Bukhara as the vernacular base for written Tajik of the Soviet period, several hundreds of common Uzbek loans have entered the literary language. Uzbek vocabulary is widespread even in Southern speech, though the grammar is hardly affected. Examples of familiar Uzbek words in Tajik are: бой ^ L 'rich', қулай ^ j - ä 'easy, comfortable', қишлоқ JpL13 'village', тӯй 'wedding, circumcision feast', яроқ j l > e 'weapon', ёрдам 'help', and a number of kinship terms (see 5.22). Uzbek vocabulary is completely assimilated to Tajik morphology, and participates in word-building of the same kind; thus ёрдам к. .£ fJjL» (and — dodanl rasondan) 'to help', бои-гарӣ ^£J ^ J J : 'wealth, riches' (5.2), яроқ-партой ^ ^ ^ < i ' ^ ( c f - SPxa/'-e selah) 'disarmament', where the Uzbek-Tajik compound is a modern caique on the Arabicate compound (lit. 'casting off arms') still current in Standard Persian. However, the peculiar contribution of Uzbek (and its Turkic prede-

LEXIS AND SOCIOLINGUISTICS

485

cessors in the region) goes beyond individual lexical handouts, and thus beyond that of either Arabic or Russian: it has influenced the syntactic structure of Tajik Persian in a number of specific ways. The background to this development stretches back at least thirteen centuries, before Persian as such appeared in Central Asia. The Sogdians of Samarkand and its region, speakers of an Iranian language, were already hosts to an increasing number of Turks when the Muslim armies of Arabs and Persians rapidly subjected them to caliphal rule. Thenceforth the Tajik realms (after Persian ousted Sogdian as the elite language) were constantly in contact with speakers of one or another Turkic dialect, as slaves, immigrants, or conquerors. This resulted, by the time an Uzbek elite came to rule the region, in a considerable convergence of the varieties of Persian and Turkish used in the Oxus basin. The sound systems of the two languages, in the cities and environs, became virtually identical. Uzbek speakers tended to lose their distinctive vowel harmony and copied the vocabulary and style (including some syntactic structures) of the prestigious literary Persian that was practiced by their own literati. Tajik Persian speakers tended to adopt the language of an expanding population of Uzbeks, and copied the vocabulary and style of the soldiers and bureaucrats of the emir and of their neighbors and competitors in business, administration, and agriculture. Thus, when the speakers of Uzbekized Tajik of Bukhara and other Northern dialects took on the task of planning a national Tajik Persian language and its literature in the 1930s, the grammar included a number of features strongly reminiscent of common Turkic and/ or Uzbek. These have been alluded to above: Possessive NPs with -ro (2.18), post- and circum-positions (2.23-25), Indefinite pronouns in kim- (2.37), Progressive tenses that evolved from Conjunct verbs (3.18-20, 3.24), an evidential mode, the Non-Witnessed (3.21-24, 3.27), the Conjectural mood (3.30-33), an expanded range and use of participles (3.43-46), the Turkic interrogative particle (4.8), extensive nominalization of sentential complements through infinitives (4.15-16), Turkic styles of reporting speech (4.18), Serial verb coordinates (4.19), the conjunct dependent verb of tavonistan 'to be able' (4.22), nominalization of relative clauses by means of participles (4.47), similar patterns of reduplicated and expressive words (5.12), an expanded repertoire of Causative

486

CHAPTER FIVE 2

verbs (5.14), and calqued Conjunct verb constructions (5.20- 21). While many of these features are a fully-assimilated part of Tajik grammar, others (e.g., in reporting speech, 4.18, and the style of dialogue itself), are probably ephemeral They were imitated in representations of dialogue in the fiction produced in the heyday of MLT, but have been diminishing in the works of a younger generation of writers from regions other than the north. 5.26

Russian Influences

In contrast to the slow but steady Turkic infiltration, the large Russian component flooded into Tajik Persian in a matter of decades, essentially in some fifty years between the 1920s and the 1970s. Although imperial Russia imposed a protectorate on Bukhara in 1868, not much Russian vocabulary seems to have entered Tajik before the Revolution, apart from a few assimilated loans and blends such as хӯҷ&йн JJ-I!»* -^j ^ '(land)lord, master' and its derivativeхӯҷайнӣ к. .£ ^\Л4^^ 'to manage, be a householder; make oneself at home' (apparently a blend of Rus. xozyäyn and Taj. xuja, both aristocratic epithets; the Russian had probably been copied earlier from the Tajik Persian, which was also widespread among Turkic-speakers in Central Asia); чойник • <•>'!- 'teapot' (Rus. чайник; the Taj. blend has reverted to the Persian form of the common loanword for 'tea' and has final stress); духтур JJJIAJ 'doctor' (Rus. doktor—the informal, international "field" term, not the formal medical \rac)\ газета 4-1^ j-S 'newspaper', in its earlier written form c i ^ ^ S /gazyet/. With the creation of the Tajik SSR Russian permeated the speech of the cities, especially Dushanbe, reinforced by code-switching and official communication, the media, and ultimately as a bilingual norm when the children of upwardly-mobile Tajiks graduated from Russian schools. "Enrichment" of the language with Russian loanwords was an expressed goal of the engineering of Modern Literary Tajik. Stalin ruled that Russian words incorporated into the newly Cyrillicized languages should retain their Russian spelling, and many earlier assimilated loans were re-Russianized (e.g., istansa 'station' became станция; the 1

See, regarding the verb systems of the two languages, Soper 1987,19%.

LEXIS AND SOCIOLINGUISTICS

487

borrowed Rus. кровать 'bed', however, retains its assimilated pseudoArabic plural formicapaBOT ^\JJ& '(raised) Western-style bed'. Tajik derivational morphology replaced the corresponding Russian formatives, retaining only the Russian nominal stem: Rus. большевистский > Taj. болшевик-й/ -она л Taj.механик-онидан ^ *ул<^\ ~ ^ ~ 'to mechanize' (cf. 5.13). Sometimes the dictates of Russian gender and/ or socialist labor innovations expanded Tajik derivational morphology: Rus. трактор-ист-ка 'female tractor driver' > Taj. трактор-чи-зан j , j ^ J L L ^ ^ (see 2.2; Tajik could refine this new distinction even more than Russian, substituting -духтар J J Ä J - if the driver was young). The ubiquitous Russian noun delo 'matter, affair, business' was adopted in its plural form delay and is repluralized in Tajik as necessary: ин дела-ҳо-ро ба тартиб дарор! ! jTjj < T ij V, Х^ IJLA
488

CHAPTER FIVE

There is little point listing a sample of the ca. 3,000 Russian loanwords in Tajik; they can be recognized on almost any page of any dictionary, or of this grammar. Some have struck roots and shifted or expanded in meaning: кино > 1 ^ 'cinema, movie theater' also means 'film, movie'; Russian хлеб 'bread' is used only as a modifier of Tajik ^ L '(unleavened) bread' in the phrase нон-и хлеб «T»jK <jL» 'Russian (leavened) bread'. Russian vocabulary provided some nominal components for Composite verbs (5.18), though many were lazy short-cuts in translation, confined to journalese (e.g., диверсия кардан Ö J J - S «i j ...JJ .L* *to create a diversion'). Tajik NPs might sometimes consist entirely of Russian loanwords, but the syntax itself was not affected: комитет-и партиави-и район ^,L j ^j^^ -•;" j »< 'regional party committee'. Stylistic caiques are frequent; one instance is the bureaucratic use of the prepositional phrase оид ба/ оид-и ^*-*\ *Ч ^ ^ < с о п ~ cerning, about' to connect an abstract or collective entity to its raison d'etre, in the manner of the Russian preposition o(b)\ комиссия-и шаҳрй оид ба корҳо-и HaBpacoH^Ujl^j J-JU ^ J Q M. 3 j . , , j n\S <jt ujjj^i 'the Municipal Commission for Juvenile Affairs' (2.21). A postpositional phrase such as Рустам ном як тоҷик I Ü J ^ L» ^*\ mj -< j^i"» 'aTajik called/ by the name of Rustam' is probably an imitation of Russian imeni 'by the name o f (2.24). Others have been noted where they occurred in sample sentences. Abbreviations and acronyms are a feature of Soviet Russian bureaucratic language that has readily been adopted (in Russian) and adapted (to Tajik), e.g., вуз /vuz/ (from Rus. высшее учебное заведение 'institute of higher education'; in Tajik Persian, мактаби олй .ГГ>< л ^ L x 'college'); ВАБК, for Вилояти автономи БадахшониКӯҳӣ 'the Gorno-Badakhshan Autonomous Region' (now Persianized as Вилояти мухтори Кӯҳистони Бадахшон ^h... *>j£ jl">4 о ^ - ^ j ^IAJLJJ). Hyphenated adjectives, juxtaposed'without izofat, are another (perhaps ephemeral) innovation of Soviet bureaucracy: кадрҳо-и ташкилй-партиявй с $ ч ^1л^ - ^Ij^.n" ^ U jJS 'party-organizational staff (such pairs are in theory not hierarchized, unlike two adjectives in an izofat NP; cf. Eng. Anglo-Russian, Turco-Persian). Foreign geographical names were of course introduced into Tajik

LEXIS AND SOCIOUNGUISTICS

489

in their Russianized forms, and are still in a process of transition to Iranized, Anglicized, Gallicized, or native forms more in keeping with post-Soviet orientations. Several have not yet stabilized as between Russianate and Persianate guises, e.g., Италия <_J_l-J and Итолиё 3 LJlk-il 'Italy' (see also 1.13, Choices). The language reform movement of the 1980s in Tajikistan, which culminated in the language laws of 1989 and 1992, had as an important part of its agenda the elimination of superfluous Russian vocabulary and the measured replacement of even useful Russian loans by Persian neologisms, many of them suggested by those already in the lexicon of SP as used in Iran. At the height of the movement, conservatives complained that unbridled substitution of Persianisms for established Russian loans (донишгоҳ ÖLIA^IJ for университет «Jit J " J m j ^ ^ j l 'university', ҳавопаймо 1 * * J j &fnr самолёт O J L J I a. «•» 'airplane', etc.) was making the language incomprehensible to the man in the street. Both of these Persianisms, and many others, are now firmly established in the written language and increasingly heard in spoken Tajik. It is as if the Russian language, having flooded in with stakhanovite zeal, soon overfulfilled its quota, and is now ebbing, taking with it the flotsam of superfluous loans. It has undoubtedly left an abundant sediment, but one which will stick only to the extent that it proves its continuing utility. 5.27

Chronology of Tajik Persian

The following is a brief listing of salient events in the linguistic and socio-linguistic history of Persian of Central Asia. All dates arecE. 712Muslim conquest of Bukhara and Samarkand; Sogdian rulers deposed. Persian gradually replaces spoken Sogdian. 875-999 Samanid dynasty, patrons of New Persian literature, at Bukhara. Written Persian spreads south and west across the Iranian plateau. 1040-1400 Successive waves of invasion (Seljuks, Mongols, Timur) bring more Turkish-speaking settlers to the Oxus basin and Pamirs. * For current geographical names, see Baizoyev and Hay ward 2004, pp. 75- 76.

490

1500-

CHAPTER FIVE

Uzbeks conquer Bukhara. Southward migration of Uzbeks and Turkmens disrupts the Persian dialect continuum between Iran and the Oxus-Pamirs region; establishment of Timurid (Mughal) empire in India increases some cultural contacts between India and Central Asia.

1501-

Safavid dynasty establishes Shi'ism in Iran; continuing enmity between Safavids and Uzbeks (later, Qajars and Turkmens) restricts cultural contact between Iran and Central Asia. Two sound shifts neutralize distinctive majhul vowels in Persian of Iran, but not in Persian of Central Asia.

1868

Russians conquer Bukhara. Anglo-Russian imperial rivalry leads to definition and militarization of the frontiers between Iran, Afghanistan, India, and Central Asia, further restricting cultural contacts.

1907-14

Tajik Jadids (Ayni, Munzim) teach reformed curriculum in Persian. First Tajik Persian newspaper in Bukhara (1912-13).

1920

Bolshevik-assisted revolution in Bukhara. Emirate abolished.

1924

Establishment of Uzbek SSR, containing autonomous Tajik SSR.

1928-30

Three language conferences establish the basis of Modern Literary Tajik in a Latin alphabet. Tajikistan becomes a separate SSR (1929).

1930s

Conflict, collectivization, famine; tens of thousands of Tajik refugees (esp. Jews) flee Soviet Central Asia.

1938

Communist party conferences define grammar of Modern Literary Tajik. Sadriddin Ayni completes first modern Tajik Persian dictionary (in Perso-Arabic script; not published until 1976, in Cyrillic).

1940

Tajik switches to Cyrillic alphabet.

1940-60

World War II, the Cold War. Restricted cultural contact with Iran, Afghanistan, indeed most places outside the USSR.

1952-53

Russian loanwords to be spelled as in Russian; letters щ

LEXIS AND SOCIOLINGUISTICS

491

and ы introduced into Tajik alphabet. Death of Stalin. 1954

Tajik-Russian Dictionary of RahimI and Uspenskaia; includes Short Sketch of Tajik Grammar; by Rastorgueva. Death of Sadriddin Ayni.

1970s

Some increase in cultural contacts, notably with communist Afghanistan. Extensive emigration of Tajik-speaking Bukharan Jews to Israel and USA.

1979

Soviet invasion of Afghanistan and war of resistance. Tajik

1988

Gorbachev's perestroika

troops and journalists visit Afghanistan. and glasnost'. Aitmatov and

Shukurov call for mobilization of speakers of Central Asian languages against absorption by Russian. 1989

Tajik language movement leads to Language Status Law and start of relexification.

1991-92

Breakup of USSR and independence of Tajikistan. Thousands of Russian speakers leave. New draft of Language Law. Increased publication and importation of Persian materials in Perso-Arabic script.

1998

Spelling reform streamlines Cyrillic orthography.

BIBLIOGRAPHY Asimov/ OsimI , M. S., ed. 1985. Russko-tadzikskii slovar'/Lugati rusT-tojikl. Moscow: Russkiiiazyk. Aynl, Sadriddin. 1976. Lugati nimtafsilii tojikl baroi zaboni adabii tojik (Kulliyot Vol. 12). Dushanbe: Won. Baizoyev, A[zim] M. 1996. Muskiloti ta'lim va отйгш alifboi niyogon (dasturi ilml-metodi). Dushanbe: Matbaai avvalin. and John Hay ward. 2004. A Beginner's Guide to Tajiki. London: RoutledgeCurzon. Barakaeva, G. B. 1968. Lugati muxtasari tojiki-anglisi. Dushanbe. Bashiri, Iraj. 1994. 'Russian Loanwords in Persian and Tajiki Languages', in Persian Studies in North America: Studies in Honor of Mohammad AH Jazayery, ed. Mehdi Marashi. Bethesda MD: Iranbooks, 109-39. Birnbaum, S. A. 1950. The Verb in the Bukharic Language of Samarkand', Archivum Linguisticum 211:60-73,2/2:158-76. Borjiän, Habib. 1998/ 1377. 'Säxtemän-e xatt-e tajiki', Ndme-ye Farhangestdn 4/1: 103-16. Cejpek, J. 1956. 4Die verbale Periphrase als ein wichtiges Unterscheidungsmerkmal zwischen Neupersisch und Tagikisch', Archiv Orientälni 42/ 2:171-82. Doerfer, Gerhard. 1967. Türkische Lehnwörter im Tadschikischen', Abhandlungenfür die Kunde des Morgenlandes 37/3.Wiesbaden. 1992. 'Central Asia XIV. Turkish-Iranian Language Contacts', in Encyclopaedia Iranica V: 231-33. Farhädi, Ravän. 1981/1360. Zabän-e tdjiki-ye Mävaräol-nahr. Kabul. Jahani, Carina. 2000. 'Restrictive Relative Clauses in Classical and Modern New Persian and the Marking of the Antecedent', Orientalia Suecana XLIX: 33-56. Kalontarov, la. I. 1974. Lugati imloi zaboni adabii tojik. Dushanbe: Irfon. Karimov, H., et al. 1970. Zaboni adabii hozirai tojik: sintaksis. Dushanbe. Lazard, Gilbert. 1956. 'Caracteres distinctifs de la langue tadjik', Bulletin de la Societe de Lingui'stique de Paris 52/1:117-86. 1957. Grammaire du person contemporain. Paris: Klincksieck. 1992. A Grammar of Contemporary Persian, trans. Shirley A. Lyon. Costa Mesa, Cal.: Mazda

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2000. 4Le mediatif: considerations theoriques et application ä Firanien', in Evidentials: Turkic, Iranian and Neighboring Languages, ed. Lars Johanson and Bo Utas. Berlin, New York: Mouton de Gruyter, 209-28. Lorentz, Manfred. 1964. 'Die partizipialen Wendungen—ein Unterscheidungsmerkmal des Tagikischen gegenüber dem Persischen', Mitteilungen des Instituts für Orientforschung 10:133-39. Maniyozov, A. and A. Mirzoyev. 1991. Lugati imlo. Dushanbe: Maorif. Mirzozoda, Abdusattor. 1994. 'Imloi I -i darozu i-i kütoh', Adab (Dushanbe) 5-6-94:9-11. Perry, John R. 1979. 'Uzbek Influence on Tajik Syntax: The Converb Constructions', in The Elements: A Parasession on Linguistic Units and Levels, including Papers from the Conference on Non-Slavic Languages of the USSR, Chicago Linguistic Society: The University of Chicago, 448-61. 1996. 'From Persian to Tajik to Persian: Culture, politics and law reshape a Central Asian language', in NSL.8. Linguistic Studies in the Non-Slavic Languages of the Commonwealth of Independent States and the Baltic Republics, ed. Howard I. Aronson. Chicago Linguistics Society, The University of Chicago, 279-305. 1997. 'Script and Scripture: The Three Alphabets of Tajik Persian, 19271997', Journal of Central Asian Studies 2/1:2-18. 2000. 'Epistemic verb forms in Pfersian of Iran, Afghanistan and Tajikistan', in Evidentials: Turkic, Iranian and Neighboring Languages, ed. Lars Johanson and Bo Utas. Berlin, New York: Mouton de Gruyter, 229-57. Forthcoming. 'Tajiki', in The Iranian Languages, ed. Gernot Windfuhr. London and New York: RoutledgeCurzon. Rajä'i, Ahmad 'AH. 1964/1343. Ydddästi dar bdreye lahje-ye Boxärä'i (Fr. title page: Remarques sur le dialecte de Bukhara). Mashhad. Rastorgueva, V|era] S[emenovaJ. 1954. Kratkiio&rk grammatiki tadäkskogo iazyka [A short sketch of Tajik grammar]. In Raximi and Uspenskaia, Tadziksko-russkiislovar', 529-70. 1963. A Short Sketch of Tajik Grammar, trans, and ed. Herbert H. Paper. Bloomington, Ind. and The Hague. 1964. Opyt sravniteVnogo izuceniia tadzlkskix govorov [Tentative comparative study of the Tajik dialects]. Moscow. and A. A. Kerimova. 1964. Sistema tadäkskogo glagola [The Tajik verbal system]. Moscow. Raximi (RahimI), M. V. and L. V. Uspenskaia, ed. 1954. Tadzibko-russkil

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slovarV Lugati tojikl-rüsi. Moscow. Rustamov, Sh., R. Ghafforov, and B. Kamoliddinov. 1985-89. Grammatikai zaboni adabii hozirai tojik. Dushanbe: Donish, 3 vols. Rzehak, Lutz. 1999. Tadschikische Studiengrammatik. Wiesbaden: Reichert. 2001. Vom Persischen zum Tadschikischen. Sprachliches Handeln und Sprachplanung in Transoxanien zwischen Tradition, Moderne und Sowjetmacht (1900-1956). Wiesbaden: Reichert. Soper, John D. 1987. Loan Syntax in Turkic and Iranian: The Verb Systems of Tajik, Uzbek and Qashqay. PhD. dissertation, UCLA: University Microfilms International, Ann Arbor. Revised and edited by A. J. E. Bodrogligeti, 1996 (Eurasian Language Archives 2), Bloomington, Indiana: Eurolingua. Windfuhr, Gernot. 1982. 'The verbal category of inference in Persian', in Monumentum Georg Morgensierne, II (Acta Iranica 22), 263-87.

GRAMMATICAL INDEX Contains grammatical terms, English keywords, some Tajik keywords in transliteration or transcription. Numbers refer to chapter sections, and may include a chart or table; those in bold face are the principal references. abbreviations in Tajik 5.26 abjad 1.13,2.55 '-able, -ible' 3.41,3.42,4.22 /abyet/ 5.26 accent, see stress acronyms 5.26 action noun 2.14,2.15,2.17,2.30, 3.39,5.17 activity noun 3.9, 3.39, 5.2, 5.3, 5.9,5.10,5.17,5.19,5.21 adjective 2.39-41, 3.39, 3.40, 3.43,3.46,4.1,4.20,5.1,5.10; "active" 2.41; as adverb 2.46; as noun (see also Substantivization) 2.14, 2.15, 2.39, 3.43, 5.1; affiliative 1.16,5.4; attenuative 2.44; compound 2.40, 5.8; "dynamic" 3.42; hyphenated 5.26; intensive 2.44; predicative 2.41,5.1; relative 5.3,5.26 adpositions 2.19-25,2.28 adverb 2.40, 2.46-8, 3.39, 4.10, 4.13,4.20,5.5,5.17 adverbial phrase 2.19, 2.48, 3.43 'after' 2.20,4.28 age 2.53 agent of Passive verb 3.36 agentive 5.2, 5.3, 5.6, 5.8, 5.9 alif 1.14, 1.15; maqsura 1.15 'all' 2.38 'although' 4.34 ambiposition, see circumposition anaphora 2.28, 2.30, 4.1, 4.15, 4.42-45

animacy 2.27 approximation 2.6, 2.37, 2.46, 2.53,2.55 Aorist 3.7,3.25 Arabic alphabet, see Perso-Arabic Arabic loanwords 1.7, 1.8, 5.1, 5.4,5.5,5.10,5.14,5.18,5.23, 5.24 Arabicate forms 1.13, 1.16, 2.5, 5.3, 5.23, 5.25 arithmetic 2.55 aruz 1.2 (see also prosody) 'as. like'(conj.) 4.32 'as if/though' 4.32 'as [much] as' 4.32 aspect 3.1,3.43,3.45,4.24,5.19 attraction 4.44,4.45 augment!ve 5.6 auxiliary verb (lexical) 5.18-20 l ayn 1.5, 1.11,1.15 'be' 3.6-7,3.15,3.21,3.41,4.24 'because' 4.30,4.39 'before' 2.25,4.28 'begin' 2.25 'but' 4.14 calendar 2.54 calligraphy 1.13 'can' 4.22 capital letters 1.9, 1.16, 5.22 category noun 2.36, 2.49 Causative verbs 3.2, 5.12, 5.1415,5.19,5.24,5.25,5.26 circumpositions 2.25, 2.53,5.25 circumstantial phrase 2.48 circumstantial clause 4.43 classifier 2.50,2.51,2.53,2.59 collectives 5.3

498

GRAMMATICAL INDEX

colors 2.44 comma 1.16,4.42 Comparative of adj., adv. 2.20, 2.42,2.43,2.46,3.41; cumulative 2.42, 2.47, 2.48 comparison (clauses) 4.32, comparative phrase 2.19,4.43 complement 4.3, 4.4 complementizer (ki) 1.6, 4.15, 4.26,4.31,4.40,4.42 Complex verb 1.16, 3.10, 3.14, 3.41,4.15,5.7,5.9,5.10,5.14, 5.16-17 Composite verb 1.16, 3.14, 3.38, 3.39, 3.41, 4.4,4.15, 5.6, 5.7, 5.10,5.14,5.16,5.18-19 Compound nominal 1.16,5.7-11; Coordinate 5.10; Determinative 5.1,5.7,5.9; Possessive 5.6, 5.8; reversal of components 5.8 Concept nouns 5.10 Concomitant complement 3.11, 4.16,4.43,4.45 Conditional (tense) 3.7, 3.8,3.13, 3.16, 3.22, 3.27, 4.12, 4.20, 4.36, 4.38 Conjectural mood 3.1, 3.30-33, 3.44,3.46,4.21,5.25 Conjunct verb 4.19, 4.35, 5.10, 5.19,5.20-21,5.24,5.25 Conjunct participle 5.17, 5.21 conjunctions: coordinating 4.4, 4.11; subordinating 4.26-34 consonants, Arabic 1.1, 1.13 consonant clusters 1.6, 1.7 converb, see conjunct conversion 5.1 coordinate nouns 5.10, 5.18 copula 1.6, 3.6, 3.17, 3.36, 3.44, 4.3, 4.44 correlative auxiliaries 5.19 count noun 2.6, 2.7 Cyrillic alphabet 1.1, 1.10-12, 1.16 da (dar, prep.) 2.24

dash 1.16,4.18 dates 2.52 dative 2.18 days 2.54 decimals 2.55 Definite NP 2.7-9, 2.12, 2.16, 2.17,2.51,2.52,4.42,4.44 degree (clause of) 4.32 demonstratives 2.31, 4.1,4.17 denominal verb 5.13, 5.18 'despite' 2.22, 2.48, 4.34 determiner 2.17,4.1 dialect 3.4,3.12,3.15.3.19,3.22, 3.23, 3.24, 3.33; 5.4, 5.15, 5.17,

5.21,5.27; of Bukhara 5.25; Central 2.19,3.18; Northern 2.18,2.23,2.24,2.53, 3.16.3.18,3.28,3.30,3.31, 4.1,4.8,4.11,4.15,4.36,4.37, 4.38,5.19,5.25; Southern 1.3, 1.5,2.20,3.18, 5.25 dialogue, see speech diminutive 2.20,2.23,2.44,2.48, 3.4, 5.2, 5.3, 5.5 disjunctive conj. 4.12,4.34 dummy verb 5.18,5.19,5.21 durative aspect/ tenses 3.11, 3.13, 3.17, 3.20, 3.22, 3.27, 3.34,

3.40,4.17,4.20,5.19 'each' 2.38 'each other' 2.33 ellipsis: in compounds 2.40, 5.4; in verbs (gapping) 1.16, 4.5, 5.19,5.21 embedded clauses 4.26,4.35,4.42, 5.21 emphatic pronoun 2.32 epistemic verb 3.21 equational sentence 2.7 evidential, see Non-Witnessed exclamation 1.16, 2.34, 4.9 existential sentence 2.7 explanatory clause 4.39,4.43 expressives 2.44, 5.12

GRAMMATICAL INDEX

factitive verb 5.13,5.19 'fact/ idea that..., the' {see also Sentential pronoun) 4.15 feminine (Ar. or Rus.) 2.2,2.40 'few' 2.44 'first' 2.43,2.52 focus 2.7,2.8,2.18,2.47,4.11, 4.13,4.24 'forget' 4.17 fractions 2.55,4.1 future (tense, time) 3.11, 3.14, 3.22, 3.25, 3.27, 3.28, 3.40, 3.42,3.46,4.20,4.21,4.37 gapping, see ellipsis gemination of consonants 1.8, 1.12,1.16,2.23,5.6 gender 2.2,2.40 general validity, tenses of 3.9, 3.22,4.32 generic, see Non-Specific gerund 3.38 gerundive 3.42 glottal stop 1.5, 1.11,1.15 {see also Hard sign) habitual aspect 3.1, 3.5, 3.6, 3.7, 3.11, 3.13, 3.18, 3.22, 3.27, 3.32, 3.34, 3.41, 3.45, 4.21, 4.24,4.25,4.27,4.37 hamza

1.5,1.11,1.15,3.4

harakot, see Vowel diacritics Hard sign 1.11, 1.12 {see also glottal stop) 'hardly' 4.25 'have' 3.8,3.21,3.41 Hebrew alphabet (Tajik) 1.1, 1.9, 2.54 /hictt/, ,/hiSki/ 2.37 homographs, homonyms 1.1,1.2, 1.9,1.12,5.1,5.2 hyphen 1.16,2.20,4.9 'if 4.35-38 Imperative 3.5, 3.7, 3.8, 3.20, 3.29,4.2,4.18,5.1,5.24 Imperfect tense 3.13, 3.17, 3.18, 3.20, 3.22, 3.34, 4.17, 4.20,

499

4.22,4.23, 4.36 imperfective aspect/ prefix 3.1, 3.5, 3.32, 3.40 impersonal idioms 2.30,4.3,4.20, 4.22,4.23,4.24 inamimate agent idioms 2.28 im 2.27 Inceptive (Inchoative) 4.25, 5.19 Indefinite NP 2.7-9,2.17,2.33, 2.36,2.37,2.51,4.1,4.42,5.25 Indefinite/ Specific enclitic -e 2.79,4.42 indefinite pronouns 2.36, 2.37, 2.38 Indefinite relative pronoun 2.38, 4.46

India, Indo-Persian 1.3,5.27 Indicative mood 3.1, 3.21, 3.40, 3.44,4.42 individuation 2.5, 2.17, 2.36,2.45, 4.6 Infinitive ("long"; see also nominalization) 2.14,2.15,2.17,2.30, 3.2,3.37,4.15,4.22,4.40, 5.25; "short" 3.2,3.14,3.37,4.29 -ing (Eng.) 3.44 instance noun 2.16, 5.2, 5.18 instrumental 3.43 instrumentive 5.2 intensifier 2.44,5.12 interjections 4.9 interrogatives 2.34,2.50,4.1,4.7, 4.16,4.46,5.25 intonation 1.6,2.1,4.2,4.7 Irregular verbs 3.2,3.3 istansa 5.26 izofat 1.1, 1.12, 1.15, 1.16, 2.2, 2.10- 16, 2.19, 2.45, 2.48, 2.51, 2.52, 2.55, 5.6; Adjectival 2.10,2.11,2.16, 2.17,2.40,4.1; compounds 5.10; Mute 2.10, 2.52, 5.6, 5.10; Nominal 2.10,2.12-14,2.16, 2.17,4.1; orthography 2.10; partitive 2.43,4.1;

500

GRAMMATICAL INDEX

with prep, phrase 2.11,2.36; of Specification 2.11, 2.13, 2.16, 2.54; Split 2.11,2.13,2.33,2.40,4.1

4.12,4.15,4.16-19,4.22, 4.26,4.30,4.34-36,4.40, 4.47; with Participle 2.15,2.23,3.40, 3.41,3.43-46,4.1 nominal compound, see Com'kind of, the' 2.19,4.44 pound nominal kinship terms 5.22 Non-restrictive, see Relative cl. 'last, the' 2.52 'none' 2.38 non-referential NP 4.46 'last, to' 4.25 Latin alphabet (Tajik) 1.9,1.10, Non-Specific NP 2.7-9, 2.12, 2.17,2.33 5.27 Non-Witnessed mode 3.1, 3.15, "leapfrogging" 5.2,5.9,5.18 3.21- 24, 3.30, 3.46,4.15,4.22, 'let's' 4.25 4.37, 4.39, 5.25 lexical morphology 2.1 'like, as' 1.7, 2.19, 2.20. 2.21, Noun Phrase (NP) 2.1,4.1,4.11 number, see plural; singular 2.23 numbers 2.9, 2.17,2.49-53; locative noun 5.7 cooperative 2.53; distributive 2.53; m-dash 1.16 mad(d) 1.14 of frequency 2.53; multiplicative 2.53; 'many' 2.44 ordinal 2.52,4.1 mass noun 2.4, 2.6 numerals: arabic 1.16, 2.49; metathesis 1.7 roman 1.16 mirative 3.21,3.23 MLT 1.2, 2.4, 2.21, 3.28, 3.30, Numerical NP 2.7,2.9,2.14,2.36, 2.45,2.50-51,4.1 3.31,3.43,4.8,4.11,4.18,4.37, 4.42,5.9,5.21,5.24,5.25 modal auxiliaries 3.37,4.20-23, object, direct 2.7, 2.8, 2.30, 4.2; indirect 2.30,4.2,4.4 5.21 modal idioms & adverbials 4.21, obligation 3.13, 3.46,4. 20 'one' (pronoun) 2.38 4.24 'one another' 2.33 months 1.16,2.54 Optative 3.7,3.9,3.13,4.25 'must' 4.20,4.21 'or' 4.12 'other' 2.33 names, personal 1.16, 5.22; 'ought' 4.20 geographical 1.16,5.26; of letters 1.13 'nearly' 4.25 participial phrase 2.11 negative 1.6, 2.8, 2.38, 2.46, 3.5, participle 1.6,2.14,2.15, 3.40-46, 3.6, 3.40, 3.42, 4.2, 4.8, 4.9, 5.6,5.9,5.25 Partitive NP 2.12,2.15,2.17,2.30, 4.25, 5.6, 5.9, 5.21 'neither' 4.13 2.33, 2.43, 2.51, 2.52, 2.55,4.1, 4.43 nisbat forms, see adj., affiliative nominalization (of VP) 2.15,2.19, Passive voice 3.1,3.ЗФ-36, 3.40, 3.41, 3.44, 3.45, 4.19, 4.22, 2.20,2.22,4.15,4.32,5.25; 5.19,5.19; with action noun 2.16,4.17; Long passive 3.36, 3.43,4.19; with Infinitive 2.14,2.24,3.37,

GRAMMATICAL INDEX

Short passive, 3.36 Past Participle I 3.2, 3.15, 3.40, 3.43, 4.22, 4.35, 4.47, 5.19, 5.19,5.21 Past Participle II 3.2, 3.15, 3.16, 3.35,3.36,3.40,3.43,3.44,4.1, 4.19,4.22,4.36,4.47 percentage 2.55 Perfecttense 3.15,3.21,5.19 performative 3.12 Persian, of Afghanistan 1.5, 1.13, 2.20,3.1,5.24; of Iran 1.1,1.3,1.5,1.13,3.1, 5.24, 5.26, 5.27 "Persian style" complements 4.15, 4.22 Perso-Arabic alphabet 1.1, 1..2, 1.9,1.13-15,1.16 person (of verb) 3.4,4.6 Pluperfect tense 3.16,3.23,4.36, 4.39,5.19 plural 1.5,2.4-6,2.30,2.43,2.46, 4.6,4.11,5.1,5.2,5.19,5.22; agreement, adj. 2.40; of Definite/Specific nouns 2.7; Explicit pi. of verb 2.27,3.4, 3.7,3.10,3.31; with numbers 2.49,2.50,2.51; of type or model 2.6; of verb 4.6 possessive NP 2.18,4.42,5.25 possessive pronouns 2.28, 2.30 postpositions 2.1, 2.23-5, 5.24, 5.25 precision 2.53 pre-echoic words 2.44, 5.12 prefix 1.6,1.16,3.5,5.6,5.10 Precative 3.7 prepositional phrase 1.16, 2.11, 2.21- 22, 2.30, 2.36, 2.42, 2.48, 4.26, 4.28, 4.42, 5.6, 5.9, 5.10, 5.19; as modifier in izofat 2.11, 2.36 preposition 2.1, 2.19-22, 2.46, 4.26, 5.6 Present tense 3.10-11,3.12 preverb {see also Complex verb) 1.16,3.1,5.16,5.17

501

product noun 5.9 Progressive tenses 3.18-20, 3.24, 3.33, 3.37, 3.40, 3.45, 4.19, 4.22,5.19,5.21,5.25 Prohibitive 3.7 pronominals 2.14, 2.15, 2.17; contextualizing 2.28, 4.1(7); demonstrative 2.17; enclitic 2.19,2.30,5.22 Pronouns 1.16; anaphoric, see anaphora; demonstrative 2.31; emphatic 2.32; indefinite 2.36; personal 2.17,2.27,2.28,3.4, 4.46; reciprocal 2.33; reflexive 2.32; scope of 2.32; Sentential 4.12,4.15,4.26, 4.28,4.32, 4.39; universal 2.36 proper nouns 2.14, 2.15, 2.17 prosody 1.1, 1.2, 1.8 prospective aspect 3.42 pseudo-direct speech 4.18, 4.40 punctual aspect 3.1, 3.11, 3.12, 3.13,3.17,3.40,4.24 punctuation 1.16, 2.1, 4.18 purpose clause 2.20, 4.16, 4.18, 4.40, 4.41 quality noun 2.19, 2.44, 5.1, 5.2, 5.3, 5.6 quantifier 2.15,2.45,2.50,4.44 Quantity NP 2.9, 2.15, 2.45,4.1 quasi-articled 2.7,2.12,2.36, 2.52,4.43 quasi-coordinate 5.12 Quasi-future tense 3.42 quasi-passive 3.36, 5.19 quasi-tense 3.1,3.14,3.42 questions {see also interrogatives) 4.7-8,4.18,4.46; indirect 4.16; rhetorical 2.34,4.7,4.8 quotative past (Eng.) 4.15

502

GRAMMATICAL INDEX

're-' 5.9 reciprocal clause 4.32 reduplication 2.44, 2.46, 2.53, 3.39,5.10,5.25 ReflexivePronouns 2.32 Regular verbs 3.2 Relative clause 1.16, 2.17, 3.46, 4.26,4.31,4.42-47,5.25; reduced 2.30,2.40, 3.43,3.44, 2.42-^7; Selective 4.46, 4.47; Semi-restrictive 4.42,4.44, 4.46,4.47; sentential 4.43 Relative conjunct 4.26 Relative phrase 4.47 Relative pronoun 2.38,4.42 relative enclitic -e 4.42 'remember' 4.17 result clause 4.16,4.40 resultative aspect 3.1,3.15,3.2124,4.27,4.37 reverbalization 5.9 rhyme 1.2 -roq 2.42 Russian 1.5, 1.6, 1.7, 1.10, 1.16, 2.2, 2.6,2.21,4.42,5.3,5.6,5.9, 5.14,5.18,5.22, 5.24,5.26, 5.27

2.36, 2.52, 4.1, 4.3, 4.42, 4.43, 4.44 speculative simile ('as if) 2.23, 4.32 speech 1.16,4.18,5.25 speech acts 3.12 'start' 4.25 stative verbs 3.13,3.17,5.21 'stay' 3.7 'stop' 4.25 stress 1.4,1.6,3.1,3.5 Subjunctive mood 3.9, 3.25-29, 3.30, 4.14, 4.15, 4.16, 4.17, 4.18,4.32,4.34,4.40,4.42; with modals 4.20,4.21,4.22, 4.23 subordinate verbs 4.15 substantivization {see also adjectives as nouns) 2.15,2.41, 2.52, 3.41,3.43,3.44,3.45,5.1 suffix 1.12, 1.15, 1.16,5.1-5, 5.7, 5.8, 5.9 sukun 1.14 Superlative of adj. and adv. 2.15, 2.17,2.42, 2.43,2.46, 3.41,4.1 -ta 2.30 tanvin 1.14,2.46,2.53 tasdid 1.13, 1.16 telephone calls 2.26 telephone numbers 2.51 tenses 3.1 time of day 2.53,2.54 'too (much)' 2.44 Topicalization. 2.30,4.1,4.45 Transcription, -literation 1.10 Transitivizing verbs 5.13 'try' 4.25 Turkic {see also Uzbek) 2.20,2.40, 2.55,3.44,4.44,5.12,5.25 'Turkish style" NPs 4.15, 4.22, 4.47,5.25

-& 2.30 sentential complements 3.37, 4.15-17,4.18 {see also nominalization) Serial verb coordinate 3.43,4.18, 4.19,5.19,5.19,5.21 simile 2.23,2.44 Simple Past tense 3.12,4.22,4.24, 4.35,4.39,5.21 simultaneity 4.28 'since' 4.29,4.30 singular 2.4-6, 2.30, 2.49, 2.50, 2.52,4.6 'so [much] that' 4.32 'until' 4.41 Soft sign 1.10,1.11,1.12 Uzbek {see also Turkic) 1.2,1.12, Sogdian 5.25,5.27 1.14,2.6,2.18,2.20,2.24,3.44, 'some' 2.36,2.37,4.1 5.12,5.19,5.22,5.25,5.27 'sort of, the' 2.19,4.44 Specific NP 2.7-9, 2.17, 2.34,

GRAMMATICAL INDEX

väya (vay-ro) 2.27. 2.28 verb stems 3.2-3, 5.1, 5.7, 5.9, 5.10,5.17,5.24 vocalic -h <-- 1.14, 1.15, 1.16, 2.4 vocative 1.6,2.26 volitional 3.13,4.23 vowel diacritics 1.14 vowels, long 1.1, 1.2, 1.3, 1.14; majhul 1.2, 5.26; ma'ruf 1.2; short 1.1, 1.2; stable 1.2, 1.3; Turkic 1.2; unstable 1.1,1.2, 1.3; yotated 1.1, 1.4,1.12

503

'want' 4.23 'whatever,' etc. 2.38,4.46 'where' (conj.) 4.32 'whereas' 4.14 'whether' 4.13,4.16 'while' 4.28,4.29 word order 2.1, 2.40, 2.46, 3.35, 4.2,4.7,4.26 jcv- 1.13 1-yL-y 1.4,1.8,1-11,1.12,1.15, 3.3 'yes' 4.9 /yy/ 1.12

CYRILLIC INDEX Numbers refer to chapter sections. Brackets enclose paradigms or models. -a (-po) 2.30 -a (adj., adv. formative) 2.53,5.4 -a (noun formative) 2.53, 5.2, 5.8 -a (Past Participle I) 3.2, 3.40, 3.43 a, -a (particle, enclitic) 3.39,

4.8,4.10 aaa 2.26 аввал 2.43,2.52 аввалан 2.52 аввалин 2.52 аввалй 2.52 агар 4.35-7 агар чй 4.34 -ад 3.4 адад 2.50 аё 2.26 аз 2.18, 2.19, 2.22, 2.42, 2.43, 2.48, 5.6 аз барои 2.20,4.40 аз вақг-и 2.22 аз - дида 2.42, 4.41 аз [ман] 2.28 аз он-и 2.28 аз тараф-и 3.36 аз ҳад зиёд 2.44 -айн 2.5 айн-и 2.22 айнан 2.47 ало 2.26 -ак 2.48,3.4,5.2,5.5 ака, ако 5.22 -акак 2.45,2.48,5.2 -акй 2.48,5.4 ақиб-и 2.21 аллакай 2.46 -ам 2.29,2.30,3.34,3.6 [-ам] омад 2.30 -ам (adj. formative) 5.5

аммо 1.6,4.12,4.34 -амон 2.29,2.30 -ан 2.46,3.1 ана 4.9 -ангез 5.9 -анд 3.4,3.6 -анда 2.23,3.40,3.41,5.9,5.10 андак 2.45, 2.47 [андак-мундак] 2.46 андоза 4.32 -анй 3.40,3.42 апа 5.22 асло 4.9 аст 3.6 -ат 2.29,2.30 -атон 2.29,2.30 афтодан 5.19 аҳл-и 5.10 -аш 2.28,2.29,2.30,2.40,4.1, 5.22 -ашон 2.29,2.30 1.16, 2.18, 2.19, 2.22, 2.25, 2.42,2.48,5.6,5.10 -ба 2.24 ба васила-и, ба восита-и 3.36 ба 1зуд]-й 2.44,2.46, 2.48 ба наздики 2.48 ба ном-и 2.22 ба тавр-и 2.48 байн 2.21,2.46 -байъ 2.53 бале 1.6,4.9 балки 1.6,4.14 банд 2.50 банда 2.27 бандча 2.50 бар (noun) 5.19 бар 2.18,2.19,2.48,2.53,3.10, 5.15,5.16 ба

506

CYRILLIC INDEX

барин 2.23,2.44,4.1 баробар 2.24, 2.25, 2.53, 2.55 баровардан 5.19

барои 2.20, 2.30,4.30,4.39 баромадан 5.19, 5.20 бархе 2.36 басо 2.44 -бахш 5.9 бача 1.8,2.3 баъд-и/ аз 2.20, 5.6 баъд аз он ки 4.28 баъзе 2.36 бағоят 2.44 баҳр-и 2.20,2.21 берун 2.21,2.46 бех 2.50 беш 2.45 би- 1.6, 1.16,3.1,3.4,3.5,3.8, 3.10,3.25,3.29 биё- 3.5,3.10 биёр- 3.5,3.10 бин- 3.3 бино ба 2.20 бинобар 2.20,4.30,4.39 бирун 2.46,2.48 бис(ь)ёр 2.44, 2.45, 2.47 бо 2.19, 2.22,2.24, 2.48, 5.6 бо вуҷуд-и (ин) 2.22, 2.48, 4.34 бо (вуҷуд-и) ин ки 4.34 бод(о) 3.7 боз 2.23, 2.33, 2.39, 2.46, 2.47, 4.27,5.15,5.16 бозпас 2.46 боист 4.20 боло 2.46 -бон 5.3 бор 2.46,2.53 -бора 2.53 бош- 3.7,3.9 бошад 3.7,4.14 бош[ад] ҳам 4.34,4.35, бояд 4.20 буд-ан 3.7,5.14,5.18 буда 3.7,3.21 бурдан/ бар- 5.18,5.19 бутун 2.55

ва (see also -ву, -у. -ю) 2.27, 4.11 вагарна 4.38 -вар 5.3 ваё 4.12,4.13 вай 2.27,2.28,2.31 вайо, вайҳо 2.27, 2.31 вақте ки 4.27 вале 1.6,4.12,4.34 варо 2.27 -вй 1.15,5.4 во- 2.39,5.16 во 4.9 воз 2.39,5.16 -вор 2.44,5.5 -вор(й) 5.3 вохӯрд, вохӯрӣ 5.17 -ву (see also -у, -ю, ва) 2.40, 4.11 -г- 1.8,1.15,2.4,5.2 -гар 5.2 гардидан 5.18 -гари 5.2 гаштан/ гард- 3.35,5.19 гаҳе (гоҳе) ки 4.27 -гин 5.4, 5.5 гирифтан/гир- 4.25,5.19,5.19, 5.21 гиристан/ гиря- 1.12, 3.3, 3.9 -ги (adj., adv. formative) 1.8, 1.15,2.53,3.44,4.1,5.4 -гӣ (noun formative) 1.8,1.15, 2.53,3.44,5.10 -гӣ (Past Participle II) 1.8, 3.2, 3.35, 3.36, 3.40, 3.43, 3.44,4.1 -гор 3.42,5.2 -гон 1.8,2.4 -гона 2.51,2.53 гоҳ... гоҳ... 4.13 гоҳо, гоҳ-е 2.36, 2.46, 3.13 гузаштан/ гузар- 5.19,5.21 гузоштан/ гузор- 4.25,5.15 -гун 5.5 гурӯҳ-е 2.36 гуфтан/ гӯ- 3.4 гӯё 3.39,4.21,4.32,4.43 гӯён 3.39

CYRILLIC INDEX

ғайр 2.48,5.6 ғун- 3.10,5.16 -да 4.10 дар 2.19,2.24,3.10,5.15 дар бора-и 2.21 дар қабат-и 2.2 даркор 4.20,4.21 дар сурат-е ки 4.34,4.38 дарун 2.46,2.48,2.53 даста 2.50 дафъа 2.53 дигар 2.33, 2.40, 2.46,4.1,4.25 дела 5.25 дидан/ бин- 3.3,5.19,5.20 -дия 4.10 додан/ диҳ-, деҳ- 3.9, 5.18, 5.19 -дон 5.2,5.9 дона 2.50 -дор 5.9 доштан /дор- 2.53, 3,8, 3.21, 5.18 дошта бош- 3.8 ду 1.14,2.49 дугона 5.21 -духт 5.21 -духтар 2.2,5.25 духтур 5.21,5.25 дуст 5.21 е, э 1.3, 1.12 -е 2.8,2.17,2.34,2.40,2.48 -е 4.10 -ед 3.4,3.6 -ем 3.4, 3.6 -етон 3.4,3.10,3.29 ё (vocative) 2.26 ё('ог') 2.12,4.11,4.13 -ён 2.4 ёфтан/ ёб- 5.19 задан/ зан- 5.19 3aMOH(postpn.) 2.24 зарур 4.20 -зан 2.2,5.25 зер-и 2.21

507

зарб 2.55 зеро 1.6,4.39 зидци- 5.6 зиёд 2.45 зистан/ зи- 3.9, 5.14 -зода 5.21 и 1.4, 1.12 -ид-ан 3.2,3.37,5.14 имкон, имконият 4.21 имсол 2.54 ин 2.27,2.31,2.42 -ин 2.5 ин кас 2.27 -ина 5.4 -инг 5.12 ино (инҳо) 2.27, 2.28 -ино 2.5 интараф 2.24,2.25 инчунин 2.31, 4.11 инҷониб 2.25 имрӯз 2.54 истодан 3.17,3.18-20,5.19,5.21 -истон 5.2 -иш 3.38,5.2 ӣ 1.2,1.12 -и (noun formative) 1.12, 2.44, 3.42,5.2,5.9,5.13 -ӣ (adj., adv. formative) 1.12, 2.46, 2.48, 2.52, 3.42, 5.4, 5.5, 5.21,5.25 -ӣ (personal ending) 1.12, 3.4, 3.6 -й (on Stem I, etc.) 1.8, 1.11, 1.12, 1.15,3.3,3.4,5.24 кадом(як) 2.8, 2.34, 2.37 кай 2.34,4.7 кай ки 4.27 кам 2.45,2.47,2.54,5.6 камина 2.27 канй 1.6, 2.34, 3.39,4.8 карат 2.53,2.55 [кардаам] 3.15 [карда бошам] 3.26 [карда будаам] 3.23 [карда будам] 3.16

508

CYRILLIC INDEX

[кардагистамЛгиям] 3.31 [карда истодаам] 3.18 [карда истода бошам] 3.28 [карда истода будаам] 3.24 [карда истода будам] 3.19 [карда истода-гистамЛгиям] 3.33 [кардам] 3.12 кардан/ кун- 5.15, 5.18 [карданиам/-ям] 3.42 карра 2.53 кас 2.50,2.53 кас-е 2.36 кати, кати (see also қати) 2.20, 2.24, 2.25, 2.47 ки 1.6, 4.15, 4.16, 4.31, 4.39, 4.40,4.42, 4.45 кй 2.34,4.7 ким-кадом 2.37 ким-кай 2.37, 2.46 кин-кй 2.37 ким-куҷо 2.37 ким-чӣ 2.37 -кор 5.2 кошки 1.6,3.13,3.25,3.26,4.38 ку ('where') 2.34, 4.7 -ку, ку (particle) 3.39,4.8,4.10 -куя 4.10 куҷо 2.34,4.7 [кунам] 3.25 -кунон 3.39 кунон(и)дан 5.14 қабил 2.19,4.44 қадр-е 2.45 қад-и, қад-қади 1.8,2.21 қати, катӣ (see also кати) 2.20, 2.24, 2.25, 2.47 қафо-и 2.21 кашидан 5.18 қисм 2.55 қодир 4.22

ма- 3.5 мабодо 4.17,4.40 магар 4.8,4.21,4.32 майлаш 4.9 ман 2.27, 2.28, 3.4 мана 4.9 -манд 5.5 -маоб 5.8 мард 2.2 ма-ро 2.27,2.28 маротиба 2.53 махдум 5.22 маҳз 2.47 махкам 2.47 маҷбур 4.20 ме- 1.6,1.16,3.1,3.5,3.13,3.22, 3.27, 3.32, 3.46, 4.20, 4.36, 5.18 мебаро-, -барор- 3.10 мебиё-, -биёр- 3.5, 3.10 мебоист 4.20 мебошам... 3.7 медаро-, -дарор- 3.10 [мекардаам] 3.22 [мекарда бошам] 3.27 [мекарда-гистам/-гиям] 3.32 [мекардам] 3.13 [мекунам] 3.10 мефаро-, -фуро- 3.10 мефарор-, -фурор- 3.10 -мӣ 1.6,3.1 миён 2.46 мисл-и 2.44,4.32 мо 2.27, 2.28, 3.4 мода 2.2 моён 2.27 мол-и 2.28 монанд-и 2.21, 2.44 мондан 4.25,5.15,5.19,5.21 моҳо 2.27 моҳон 2.27 мумкин 2.41

лаббай 2.26 лаб-и 2.21 лекин 1.6,4.12,4.34 линг 2.50 лозим 4.20

-н- 1.8 на, не 4.2,4.3,4.9 на... на... 4.13 на- 1.6,1.16,3.1,3.5,3.25,3.40, 3.41,4.2

CYRILLIC INDEX

назар ба 2.21,2.42,4.41 назд-и 2.21 намекардагӣ буд 4.36 намудан/ намо(й)- 5.18 нар 2.2 нарра 2.2 нафар 2.50,2.53 наход 3.26-28,4.9,4.17 нахуст, -ин 2.52 -нгй 4.1,5.4 нест- 3.6 нисбат-и/ ба 2.21,2.42 ниҳодан/ ниҳ-, неҳ- 3.9 нишастан/ нишин- 3.20,5.19 но- 3.40,5.6 но-илоҷ 4.20 -нок 5.4 -нокй 2.48, 5.5 ном (postpn.) 2.24, 5.25 ночор 4.20 -о (noun formative) 5.3 -о (adj. formative) 3.39 -о- 2.44,5.12 -обод 5.7 -ов 5.21 -ова 5.21 -овар 5.9 овардан/ ор- 5.18,5.19 -ович 5.21 одам 2.38 оё 1.6,4.8,4.16 оид-и/ ба 2.21,5.25 -ок 5.3 -олуд 5.9 омадан/ о(й)- 3.5, 3.10, 5.14, 5.18,5.19 -омез 5.9 он 2.27, 2.28, 2.31, 2.42,4.43 -он (noun formative) 5.3 -он (adv. formative) 2.46, 3.39, 5.19

-она 2.46, 5.3, 5.4, 5.5, 5.8, 5.26 он ки 4.46 онон 2.27 он чй 2.34, 4.46 ончунон 2.31 он қадар 2.44, 2.47

509

он-ҳо 2.27 -он 2.4,2.6 -он(и)дан 5.12,5.13,5.25 -ор 5.3 оре 1.6,4.9 -ос 5.12 -осо 2.44,5.5 -от 2.5,5.22 охир 2.52,4.10 охирин 2.52 охирй 2.52 пай 2.21 партофтан 5.19 пас(-и) 2.21, 2.24, 2.46, 4.28, 5.16 пеш(-и) 2.21, 2.24, 2.46, 5.6, 5.16 п е ш аз он ки 4.28 поён 2.46 пур- 5.6 -пур 5.21 пурсидан 4.23 расо 2.47 раваду, рафту 4.17 рафиқ 5.22 рафтан/ рав- 3.10, 3.35, 5.19, 5.19 [раҳ~ pox] 1.8 -ро 2.7-9,2.12,2.17-18,2.51 -рр- 1.8 рӯ-и 2.21,2.53 cap 2.50,5.10,5.19,5.25 сар-и 2.21 сафар 2.53 сахт 2.47 сер- 5.6 сип-сиёх« etc. 2.44 -сифат 5.8 соат 2.54 -солагй 2.53 -сон 2.44 -сор 5.3 соҳиб- 5.6,5.10 -ст[ам] 3.6,3.30-33

510

CYRILLIC INDEX

-та (classifier) 2.50,2.53 -табиат 5.8 тавассут-и 3.36 тавонистан 4.22,5.24 тавре ки 4.32 таг-и 2.21 тамом 2.37 танҳо 2.47,4.14 -тар 2.42,2.43,2.46 -тарин 2.43,2.46,4.1 -тарош 5.5 тарҳ 2.55 тақсим 2.55 тақсир 2.27 тамом 2.38,5.19 то (prep., pref.) 2.19, 5.6, 5.25 To(conj.) 2.42,4.27,4.29,4.41 то (classifier) 2.50, 2.53 то ин ки 4.41 -тоб 2.44 торафт 2.42 тоқ 2.50 ту 1.14,2.27,3.4 -у (see also -ву, -ю, ва) 2.27, 2.40,2.49,2.54,5.10,5.20 ука, уко 5.21 -ум 2.52,4.1 -уманд see-маял -умин 2.52,4.1 усто, устод 5.21 Ӯӯ 1.12 ӯ 1.12, 2.27 -ӯм, -ӯмин 2.52 фалон, фалонй 2.38 фақат 2.47,4.14 фақир 2.27 фаро 3.10,5.15 фароз 2.21,5.15 фиристодан 5.14, 5.19 фоиз 2.55 ФУРӮ(Д), ФУРО- 3.10,5.15 хар- 5.6 хеш 2.32 хеле 1.6,2.44,2.45,2.47

хобидан 5.19 хоб рафтан, хорафтан 5.16, 5.19 -хон 5.21 хонум 5.21 хостан/ хоҳ- 3.14, 4.23, 4.25, 5.18 хоҳ... хоҳ... 4.13 [хоҳам кард] 3.14 хоҷа, хӯҷа 5.21, 5.25 худ 2.32,4.32,5.6 худди 1.8,2.23,4.32 хуш 2.30,5.6 хӯрдан 5.18 ҳа 4.9 ҳабдаҳ 1.7,2.49 [ҳад, ҳадди] 1.7 ҳавай 2.31 ҳам 2.33,2.47,4.11,4.13,4.14, 4.34,4.35,5.6 ҳама 2.38 ҳамдигар 2.33 ҳамин 2.31,2.44 ҳамон 2.31,4.32 ҳамроҳ 2.46 ҳамчун 2.20 ҳамчунин 2.31 ҳануз 2.46 ҳар 2.38,4.46 ҳар (ку)ҷо 2.38, 4.46 ҳар хел 2.38,4.46 ҳар чанд 4.34 ҳар чй 2.42 ҳаргиз 2.46 ҳаргоҳ 4.35,4.38 ҳаст- 3.6 ҳатто 1.6,2.47 ҳақир 2.27 ҳеч 2.38,4.9 ҳеч вақт 2.38 ҳеч набошад 4.38 ҳеч чӣз, ҳеч чӣ 2.38 ҳеч як-е 2.38 ҳисса 2.55 -ҳо 1.5,2.4,2.6,2.46,2.48,5.18 ҳозир 2.46 ҳой 2.26

CYRILLIC INDEX

ҳол он ки 4.14 ҳоло, ҳолй 1.6, 2.46 -ча 2.44,5.2 -чак 5.4 чанд 2.34,2.50,2.53 чандин 2.15, 219, 2.31, 2.36, 2.50 чандон 2.31, 2.44, 2.47, 4.32, 4.40

чандшанбе 2.54 чандум 2.52,2.54 чандумин 2.52 чаро 1.6,2.34 чаро ки 4.39 чи 4.13,4.46 чиз-е 2.36 чӣ 2.34,2.35,4.8,4.13 -чи, чи (particle) 4.8 чй гуна 2.35 чйнавъ 2.35 чй тавр 4.15 чй тариқа 2.35 чй хел 2.35 чй қадар 2.35,4.8,4.32 -чй (noun formative) 5.2, 5.25 чу 2.26 чун (prep.) 2.19, 2.44 (conj.) 4.27,4.30,4.39 чунин 2.31 чунки 4.39 чунон 4.32,4.40 ҷамъ 2.55 ҷаноб 2.27,5.21 ҷилд 2.50 ҷо-е 2.36 -ҷон 2.26,5.22 -ҷот 2.5 ҷудо 2.46 ҷуз 2.20 ҷуфт 2.50 чӯра 5.21 шанбе 1.5,2.54, 2.54п. шафат-и 2.21

511

шахс-е 2.36 -шинос 5.9 шиштан/ шин- 3.20 шон 2.27 шоҳ- 5.6 шояд 4.21 шудан/ шав- 3.34, 3.35, 3.37, 3.44, 3.46, 4.24, 5.14, 5.17, 5.19 шумо 2.27,2.28,3.4 шумоён 2.27, 3.4 шумоҳо 2.27, 2.28 ъ 1.5,1.11 ь 1.11 э, е 1.3, 1.12 эй 2.26 эха 2.26 эшон 2.27 -ю (see also -у, -ву, ва) 2.40, 4.11 -я (-а) 5.2 -я (-ро) 2.30 ягон 2.8,2.17,2.36 ягона 2.51 -яд 3.4 -як 5.2 як 2.8, 2.12, 2.17, 2.28, 2.40, 2.49,4-1 як-е 2.36 якдигар 2.33 якнавъ 2.48 якхел, як хел 2.36, 2.48 якчанд 2.36 якум 2.52 якумин 2.52 -ям 2.29,2.30,3.4,3.6 -ямон 2.29,2.30 -янд 3.4,3.6 -ят 2.29,2.30 -ятон 2.29,2.30 -яш 2.29,2.30 -яшон 2.29,2.30

PERSO-ARABIC INDEX Numbers refer to chapter sections. Brackets enclose paradigms or models. * 1.5,1.11,1.15 - J , 3.4 . J . - 3.4,3.6 • 1 - . *

• I-

*

Q Л

j_^,-~ 3.4, 3.6~

(Ji- 3.4,3.6 I.T 1.14,1.15,2.26 L- (noun formative) 5.3 L- (adj. formative) 3.39 _ l - 3.44,5.12 ^L-(Ar. pi.) 2.5,5.22 > T 2.52,4.10 ^y^jjLl 2.52

f Л '2.37 jL- 5.3 ^jT 1.6,4.9 ^ L - 5.12 L^T- 2.44,5.5 i £ l - 5.3 jjJT- 5.9 -(_j)TV,a—«I 3.5,3.10,5.14, 5.18,5.19 3^T- 5.9 £T 2.27,2.31, 2.42,4.43 <jL- (noun formative) 5.3 ,jL- (adv. formative) 2.46,3.39, 5.18 ^LLaJ>T 2.31 o^,T 2.34,4.46 j x ^ l - , 0 - ^ 1 — 5.12,5.13,5.25

jjilT 2.44,2.47 <ÜT 4.46 4J.L- 2.46,5.3,5.4,5.5,5.8 l^.T 2.27,2.31 J J T - 5.9 - J T \ Ü J J J T 5.18,5.19 LT 1.6,4.8,4.16 L- 2.46 <^l 5.21 ^ ' l - 2.29,2.30 ^ Ы - 2.29,2.30 j ) l

•••• •!

J . I /

J1 2.18, 2.19, 2.22, 2.42, 2.43, 2.48,5.6 öl j \ 2.28 'u;!^ Jl 2.20,4.40 JLJJ, al. jl 2.44 » L J - jl 2.42,4.41 [<>] jl 2.28 ui'jijl 3.36 'v^ijjl 2.22

.ji'l- 2.29,2.30 Я-ol 4.9 cj'l- 5.22 j,jLij1 5.19 <£I.KI 5.22 ^Sl 4.35-7 4^>SI 4.34 ^ - U l 2.46

514

PERSO-ARABIC INDEX

{I- 2.29,2.30,3.6 ill 1.6,4.12,4.34 j j j - l 2.54 JL^'l 2.54 , - . .•,!<:.1 , ^ l £ _ e l

4.21

^ 1 - 2.4,2.6 AJ 3.6 *jl.iil 4.32 \ 2.45,2.47

[S^S^i]

2.46

У^\5.9 j ^ 2.27 6j'l- 5.21 <£jl,l£jl 5.21 J j l 2.43,2.52 Vjl 2.52 i/jl 2.52 ö^jl 2.52 б1-.б1 4.8 J*l 5.10

'J\ 2.26 4,1 3.6 LI 2.26
-_. (verb prefix) 1.6, 3.1, 3.4, '3.5,3.8,3.10,3.25,3.29 L 2.19, 2.22, 2.24, 2.48, 5.6, 5.15 (<>J) J ^ . J L 2.22, 2.48, 4.34 "<'• •<( «j~ j ) L 4.34 (I),L '3.7 j L 2.46,2.53 6 j L - 2.53 J,L.' 2.23, 2.33, 2.39, 2.46, 2.47, 4.27,5.15,5.16 o " ^ J L 2.46

-_i,L' 3.7, 3.9

j-iL 3.7,4.14 ^ [ j ^ L ] 4.34,4.35 *L 2.46 J,L- 5.3 j l L 4.20 c"..'. .1 • 4.20 <_=>_>" 1.8, 2 . 3 ь •

^ Q

jl(noun) 5.18 ^1 2.18,2.19,2.48,2.53,3.10, ' 5.15,5.16 ^l_>_, 2.24,2.25,2.53,2.55 JJIOTJJ 5.19,5.20 J^jj^l^-j 5.1У ^ l _ ^ , 2.20,2.30,4.30,4.39 Lr^J-e 2 - 3 6 - ^ X ' ^ j j l 5.18,5.19 ^ j l 2.23,2.44,4.1 LL.2.44 jt •• ' • . 2.44,2.45,2.47 ^L_, 2.48 j4 ' j l X ^ 2.21,5.6 <^f^l\w_. 4.28 j. |Л» t 2.36

^ U L 2.44

PERSO-ARABIC INDEX

<1L. 1.6,4.14 ' 1.6,4.9 _> 2.20,4.30,4.39 L 2.20 2.22 2..50 2.50 2.27 Ц ^ ^ « i l ^ l ^ 3.36 2.55 3.7,5.14,5.18 3.7,3.21 ь (prep.) 1.16,2.18,2.19,2.22, ' 2.25,2.42,2.48,5.6,5.10 _r- 2.24 i 2.44,2.46,2.48 * 2.48 2.20," 2.21 2.19, 5.6 , 3.5 ^ 3.5 "*2.50 2.46,2.48 2.53 OJJ^ 2.21,2.46 / 2.45* 2.21,2.46 .3.3 2.46 м'5.6

о - 2.29,2.30 H (prep., pref.) 2.19,5.6,5.25 Ll (conj.) 2.42,4.27,4.29,4.41 1Л (classifier) 2.50,2.53 <£±,\ b 4.41 v b - 2.44 i ^ i j b 2.42 «jU- 2.29,2.30 iji 2.27,2.29 j i - 2.42,2.43,2.46 о^-Ы- 5.5 «>^H- 2.43,2.46,4.1 J.,.j-. 2.55 f j\"*~*" 2.27 j£b 2.21 '^UJ 2.38,5.19 L^i 2.47,4.14 jZ 1.14,2.27,2.28,3.4 < У ^ Ь ^ 4.22, 5.24 bL,jZ 3.36 (с^)Ч- 2 - 3 6 O.U-' 2.5 0 ^ - 2.26,5.21 Ijl! 2.46 3I" 2.20 cJäl 2.50 лЦ 2.50

ti

2.55

^ d l 2.27,5.21 б , ^ 5.21 5.19

4.23 2.21,2.24,2.46,4.28,5.16 ,- 5.21 2.21 2.21,2.24,2.46,5.6,5.16 4ÜT jl « j ^ 4.28

515

l^k 1.6,2.34 «us'ljl 4.39 ^1-^5.4 ^ J ^ 2.35 j ^ k i 2.35 ^L,! 4 4.32,4.40

516

PERSO-ARABIC INDEX

о^. 2.34,2.50,2.53 ö l l ^ . 2.31,2.44,2.47,4.32, 4.40
4.25,5.18' ...б1^...б1^ 4.13 [j^jUbl^] 3.14 j ^ 2.32,4.32,5.6 j ^ 1.8,2.23,4.32 •

2.15,2.19,2.31,2.36, 2.50 <>-н1 2.31 0 ^ (prep.) 2.19, 2.44; (conj.) 4.27,4.39 4 f i ^ 4.39 <1- (suffix) 2.44,5.2 <JL- (particle) 4.8 2.34,2.35,4.8,4.13 2.35 а. 2.35

С 1О

J b ^ 2.30,5.6 ^ 2 - 3 2 J L i 1.6,2.44,2.45,2.47 J- 3.4 -_Aj\0Jb 3.9,5.18,5.19 j l ^ 5.9 - j ' A ü " •"'•' 2.53,3.8,3.21, 5.18 -_^Ь <А^Ь 3.8 ^ Ь - 5.2,5.9 «U.Ü 2.50

2.35,4.8,4.32 2.35 ^- 5.2,5.25 2.36

5.21 j l k j - 2.2,5.25 5.21,5.25 J ; ^ j j j 2.19,3.10,5.15 CL^LJ

6jL» j j

2.46 4.14 1.6,2.46 1.6,2.47 fj^] 1.7 2.55 i£» 2.27 Lir- 5.21 J. 5.19 - j l 5.6 - ^ A - 1.13

_ , l ^ 5.16,5.19 * 5.21,5.24 >^ 3.14,4.23,

2.21

4^ ( ^ ' J J ^ jJ 4.34,4.38 ^4^ JJ 2-22 j l i j j 4.20,4.21 OJ/-» 2.46,2.48,2.53 «Cl^j 2.50 _^j 2.33 «uüu 2.53 j j 1.14,2.49 c i ^ j j 5.21 4-llSjj 5.21 6 ' j - 4.10 - . J ^ X ^ j 3.3,5.19,5.20 ^ J J 2.33*. 2.40,2.46,4.1,4.25 -LLJ 5.25 4_LJ- 4.10

PERSO-ARABIC INDEX uLä-

~"j~

1-^

2.29,2.30

j-jL*i» 4 2 1

I J 7 2.7-9,2.12,2.17-18,2.51 2 47 И» 3 - J J \ o^—*j 3.10, -35, 5.14, 5.18,5.19 jc^ij 4.17 5

517

J . — 'л 2.36 -j_li\ o j_li 3.34,3.35,3.37, 3. 4 6 > 4.24, 5.14, 5.17, 3-44f 5 1 9

- -.:л\^-.л л Ч?П

21

2-21,2.53

.-Л%. 2.21 ' ' L ^ 2.27,2.28,3.4

»Ij-ftj 1.8

и

1

_ ^ 2.27,2.28

ObL^li 2.27,3.4 у . Ь д - 5.9 ^ .••*•*- 1.5,2.54,254n.

6jlj- 5.21 --^j\ü«JJ 5 1 8 ö U j (postpn.) 2.24 ÖJ- 2.2,5.25 •»Lfj 2 4 5 3 2.21 J 4.39 eJ 3.9,5.14

. . ^ L e 5.6,5.10 0 1 — 5.8 ' ^ ^

5.6 25 5

5.3 254

-

j l L 2.50 ...: . и - 5.8

2

-53

2 М 2

М

*~] ,— 3.6 Ol^-r- 5.2 ...jJLuu- 3.6,3.30-33

tf^

.-• ^ i.. 2 . 4 7

2.50,5.10,5.18,5.19,5.25 2 2 1

2-53 5.6 o i - 2.28,2.29,2.30,2.40,4.1, 5.21 ob- 3.38,5.2 -_iLb 5.6 л L i 2.27

С>"2 - 5 5 4.32 ^ 1.5,1-11,1.15 S'X^ 1 ^ 2.21,5.25 - " о o\

-j^ 2.50 i^t. 2.22 y.".', 2.47 ~oi 3.10,5.15 ^ 248 ^ u 2.55 _'\\ 3.10,5.15

518

PERSO-ARABIC INDEX

>J 2.21,5.15 j j j b ^ j j 5.14,5.19 (j)j_>if'3.10,5.15 .kii 2.47,4.14 ^ i i 2.27 Li 2.38

bj> 2.53 ^Л 2.50,2.53 ^ 2.36 j . . A< 5.18 ^ - 2.45,2.48,5.2 £ 2.44,2.47,2.54,5.6 U^-j^ 2.37 f i j £ - £ 2.37 u f - j ^ 2.37,2.46

U 4.22 i i 2.19,4.44

^ . ^

2.20,2.24,2.25, 2.47

i.di 1.8,2.21 j i 2.45

J^-fc 2-37 cr?--^ 2.37 < •,jn< 2.27

2.55

^ d k - 3.39

A s a 2.21

^j^'ti %x «Aj^LjLjiS

<- 2.44,2.48,3.4,5.2,5.5 j l ^ - 5.2 |<Л,1 < 1.6, 3.13, 3.25, 3.26, 4.38 2.20,2.24,2.25,2.47 2.34,4.7 2.8,2.34,2.37 2.34 2.53,2.55 -\.-....Xtj<] 3.31 3.12 ijZ 5.14,5.17 3.42 3.15

^ 1.6,2.34,3.39,4.8 ^ - 2.48,5.4 jZ ('where') 2.34,4.7 jZ . j £ - (particle) 3.39,4.8,4.10 < u ^ - 4.10 J s \ < i ('who') 2.34,4.7 4_£ 1.6,4.15,4.16,4.31,4.39, 4.40,4.42, 4.45 ^ 2.34,4.7 < ^ ^ 4.27

5.14

[ ^ ] 3.25"

3.33 3.18 3.28 3.19 I e j j - j * «l" ••• •! 6 j ^ l

3.26 3.16 3.23

3.24

-£1.8,1.15,2.4,5.2 jil- 3.42,5.2 ^ I S - 1.8,2.4 - 2.51,2.53 ...б1£...б1£ 4.13, ^JblS.UlS 2.36,2.46,3.13 - j l i S X.yLiliS 4.25,5.14 - j ' i S X ^ A ^ ^ 5.19,5.20 jjj-ijj^

5.17

-JL£\C>HJ£

5.20 ,гЬч& 2.36

4.25,5.18,5.19,

PERSO-ARABIC INDEX

-iS-pAo"""'-^ 1-12,3.3,3.9

JJZ- 5-2 " '

- j j £ У,-|Л,5 3.35,5.19 - ^ V ^ i i 3.4,3.39,4.18 6 J S - 5.5
OLL. 2.27 j£o 2.44,4.32 'bile 4.17,4.40 >

jj;r

4.20

o -'^'-

2.47 <~'2.47 r Ij-«, 2.27 «L-^IJ^

2.53

j j ^ 2.2 J^ 4.8,4.21,4.32 a<^ 4.21 <> 2.27,3.4 4J« 4.9 ^ - o - 1.6,3.1 -Lr» 1.6, 3.1, 3.4, 3.5, 3.13, 3.22, 3.27, 3.32, 3.46, 4.20, 4.36,5.18 C)LL*

f jV 4.20 ^ J 2.21 '[^A 2.26 ^ j j 2.50 ^Л 4.12,4.34

519

1Г '

2.46 л

*L> 1

CJ-^OJL^

4.20

- J L J ^ . - L J ^ 3.5,3.10 -jlj^^j-л «-Ij-b^-o 3.10

f- 2.29,2.30,3.4,3.6 1

2

•^Чг ] -

1^ ' i f - —

\л *' "

L

^ J-^

A

l

J.JZ

30

f- (adj. formative) 5.5 2.52,4.1 r '--о 3.5 v b > - 5.8 п 2.27,2.28,3.4 6JÜ, 2.21 JL« 2.28 O U - 2.29,2.30 O^L, 4.25,5.14,5.19,5.20 . i ^ U 2.21,2.44 ' U L 2.27 /,UL« 2.27

[ f l 6 j ^ ^ ] 3.22 Г fc 1 ^* 1 1 ••> i ill—I b J j ^ > | _ o J

[f^

LT*]

3 -

*3 *^T J.Z/

^

^ ' / - 4.9 f j j l l ' 5.21 , > ^ - 2.52,4.1 -_1

1.6, 3.1, 3.5, 3.25, 3,40, 3.41,4.2

±- 3.2

--^- 1.8 - L 3.40

PERSOARABIC INDEX

УЛ)

jLL 4.20

IJ'J 2.27

jr!>L:L 4.20


£L>- 5.4 ^ L - 2.48,5.5 ^L (postpn.) 2.25,5.25 x^Lj» 4.12,4.38

«U^j 4.38 ^ j 4.12,4.34 Ail- :il-j- 5ee t«j 2.27 ^ 1.15,5.4 Lj 4.12,4.13 (I^j) Lj 2.27 &eS- 5".2i

»1 ~ '• - » * l j

~ ••

3.26-28,4.9,

4.17 ^ 3.4,3.6 6^.- 2.23,3.40,3.41,5.9,5.10 ,н 2.2 6jb 2.2 JJH 2.21 4-. \,i,;...•, 2.21,2.42

...
( l j - ) 6 - 2.30 «_- (vocalic, -0) 1.14, 1.15, 1.16 «t_- (adj., adv. formative) 2.53, 5.4 <S- (noun formative) 2.53, 5.2, 5.8 «_- (Past Participle I) 3.2,3.40, 3.43 6- (enclitic) 3.39, 4.8 U - 1.5, 2.4, 2.6, 2.46, 2.48, 5.18 ^ U 2.26 jjb 2.38,4.46

jjjL^i

ii^jj,

—_\_ili_!i\ **.**! ..^. \ 3 20 5 19

< u ^ 2.21,2.42,4.41 ^ 2.50,2.53 ^J,- 5.12

J^- 4.1,5.4, -(_,)LJ,\ Ö J > ^ 5.17 'J." u>g 'J < -' - ' ' 4 -

^".O

3 6

4.2"4.3,4.9 3.9

4.34

,-..1д-, 2.44

<JjA 2.42

^ i - 3.40, 3.42

U^\LJ.JJ» 2.38,4.46 J ^ jjb 2.38,4.46 b&jA 4.35,4.38 jSjJb 2.46

j (vov) 1.14, 1.15 j (-M, -VM, -JM; va) 2.40, 2.49,

2.54,4.11,5.10,5.20 Ij 4.9 -Ij 2.39,5.15 j l j - 2.44,5.5

6^ij> 1.7,2.49 fj> 2.33, 2.47, 4.11, 4.13, 4.14, 4.34,4.35, 5.6 OUU 2.31,4.32

(CS)J'J 5.3

6lj-c^A 2.46

Jlj 2.39,5.15 ,'r- 5.3

,>L4

«-CLA

2.38

2.31,2.44

PERSO-ARABIC INDEX

521

al- 3.4,3.6

4-

4.38 '£*•* 2 - 3 8 2.38 1.4, 1.5, 1.8, 1.14, 1.15 (enclitic -e) 2.8,2.17,2.34, 2.40,2.48 <^- (noun formative) 2.44, 3.43, 5.2,5.9,5.13 <_$- (adj., adv. formative) 2.46, 2.48,2.52,2.53,3.42,5.4,5.5, 5.21,5.25 <_£- (personal ending) 3.4, 3.6 t^r- (on Stem I, etc.) 1.8,1.11, 1.12,1.15,3.3,3.4,5.23 L (vocative) 2.26 L('or') 2.12,4.12,4.13 j t a , LJ 4 . 1 2 ——aLj\ ^j-LflL» 5.18 «jL»- 2.4 " ciil- 5.3 j j - 3.4,3.10,3.29 5.3

3.4,3.6

3.2,3.37,5.14 2.8,2.12,2.17,2.28,2.40, 2.49,4.1 4 - 5.2 2.36 J e ^ ^ 2.36,2.48 " 2.33 f ^ 2.52 о:*'*: 2.43,2.52 ^ y . < : 2.48 ^ 2.36 ,jlfl 2.8,2.17,2.36 <_Ll£i 2.51 fi- 2.29, 3.4 ^r- 3.4,3.6 ö^zT 2 -29 ^ - 2.5 ^ - 2.5 Liu- 2.5 JJ>1- 3.4,3.6
HANDBUCH DER ORIENTALISTIK Abt 8: CENTRAL ASIA ISSN 0169-8524

1. D. Sinor (ed.)- The Uralte Languages. 1988. ISBN 90 04 07741 3 2. E. Jacobson. The Art of the Seythians. The Interpenetration of Cultures at the Edge of the Hellenic World. 1995. ISBN 90 04 09856 9 3. M. Erdal. Old Turkic Grammar. 2000. ISBN 90 04 10294 9 4. P.B. Golden (ed.). The King's Dictionary. The Rasülid Hexaglot: Fourteenth Century Vocabularies in Arabic, Persian, Turkic, Greek, Armenian and Mongol. 2000. ISBN 90 04 i 1769 5 5. A. Alemany. Sources on the Alans. A Critical Compilation. 2000. ISBN 90 04 11442 4 6. N. di Cosmo. Inner Asian Warfare (500-1800). 2002. ISBN 90 04 11949 3 7. Iiliya M. Gorelova. Manchu Grammar. 2002. ISBN 90 04 12307 5 8. Sergei Starostin, Anna Dybo and Oleg Mudrak. Etymological Dictionary of the Altaic Languages. 2003. ISBN 90 04 13153 1 9. Bregel, Yuri. An Historical Atlas of Central Asia. 2003. ISBN 90 04 12321 0 10. Ё. de la Vaissiere. Sogdian Traders. 2005. ISBN 90 04 14252 5 11. J R . Perry. A Tajik Persian Reference Grammar. 2005. ISBN 90 04 14323 8